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14291 ---- [Illustration: Arms granted to SEBASTIAN DEL CANO, Captain of the _Victoria_, the first vessel that circumnavigated the Globe [_For a description, see pp._ 129-30]] The Story of Geographical Discovery How the World Became Known By Joseph Jacobs With Twenty-four Maps, &c. PREFACE In attempting to get what is little less than a history of the world, from a special point of view, into a couple of hundred duodecimo pages, I have had to make three bites at my very big cherry. In the Appendix I have given in chronological order, and for the first time on such a scale in English, the chief voyages and explorations by which our knowledge of the world has been increased, and the chief works in which that knowledge has been recorded. In the body of the work I have then attempted to connect together these facts in their more general aspects. In particular I have grouped the great voyages of 1492-1521 round the search for the Spice Islands as a central motive. It is possible that in tracing the Portuguese and Spanish discoveries to the need of titillating the parched palates of the mediævals, who lived on salt meat during winter and salt fish during Lent, I may have unduly simplified the problem. But there can be no doubt of the paramount importance attached to the spices of the East in the earlier stages. The search for the El Dorado came afterwards, and is still urging men north to the Yukon, south to the Cape, and in a south-easterly direction to "Westralia." Besides the general treatment in the text and the special details in the Appendix, I have also attempted to tell the story once more in a series of maps showing the gradual increase of men's knowledge of the globe. It would have been impossible to have included all these in a book of this size and price but for the complaisance of several publishing firms, who have given permission for the reproduction on a reduced scale of maps that have already been prepared for special purposes. I have specially to thank Messrs. Macmillan for the two dealing with the Portuguese discoveries, and derived from Mr. Payne's excellent little work on European Colonies; Messrs. Houghton, Mifflin, & Co., of Boston, for several illustrating the discovery of America, from Mr. J. Fiske's "School History of the United States;" and Messrs. Phillips for the arms of Del Cano, so clearly displaying the "spicy" motive of the first circumnavigation of the globe. I have besides to thank the officials of the Royal Geographical Society, especially Mr. Scott Keltie and Dr. H. R. Mill, for the readiness with which they have placed the magnificent resources of the library and map-room of that national institution at my disposal, and the kindness with which they have answered my queries and indicated new sources of information. J. J. CONTENTS CHAP. PREFACE LIST OF MAPS AND ILLUSTRATIONS INTRODUCTION I. THE WORLD AS KNOWN TO THE ANCIENTS II. THE SPREAD OF CONQUEST IN THE ANCIENT WORLD III. GEOGRAPHY IN THE DARK AGES IV. MEDIÆVAL TRAVELS--MARCO POLO, IBN BATUTA V. ROADS AND COMMERCE VI. TO THE INDIES EASTWARD--PORTUGUESE ROUTE--PRINCE HENRY AND VASCO DA GAMA VII. TO THE INDIES WESTWARD--SPANISH ROUTE--COLUMBUS AND MAGELLAN VIII. TO THE INDIES NORTHWARD--ENGLISH, FRENCH, DUTCH, AND RUSSIAN ROUTES IX. PARTITION OF AMERICA X. AUSTRALIA AND THE SOUTH SEAS--TASMAN AND COOK XI. EXPLORATION AND PARTITION OF AFRICA--PARK, LIVINGSTON, AND STANLEY XII. THE POLES--FRANKLIN, ROSS, NORDENSKIOLD, AND NANSEN ANNALS OF DISCOVERY LIST OF MAPS AND ILLUSTRATIONS COAT-OF-ARMS OF DEL CANO (from Guillemard, _Magellan_. By kind permission of Messrs. Phillips).--It illustrates the importance attributed to the Spice Islands as the main object of Magellan's voyage. For the blazon, see pp. 129-30. THE EARLIEST MAP OF THE WORLD (from the Rev. C. J. Ball's _Bible Illustrations_, 1898).--This is probably of the eighth century B.C., and indicates the Babylonian view of the world surrounded by the ocean, which is indicated by the parallel circles, and traversed by the Euphrates, which is seen meandering through the middle, with Babylon, the great city, crossing it at the top. Beyond the ocean are seven successive projections of land, possibly indicating the Babylonian knowledge of surrounding countries beyond the Euxine and the Red Sea. THE WORLD ACCORDING TO PTOLEMY.--It will be observed that the Greek geographer regarded the Indian Ocean as a landlocked body of water, while he appears to have some knowledge of the so ces of the Nile. The general tendency of the map is to extend Asia very much to the east, which led to the miscalculation encouraging Columbus to discover America. THE ROMAN ROADS OF EUROPE (drawn specially for this work).--These give roughly the limits within which the inland geographical knowledge of the ancients reach some degrees of accuracy. GEOGRAPHICAL MONSTERS (from an early edition of Mandeville's _Travels_).--Most of the mediæval maps were dotted over with similar monstrosities. THE HEREFORD MAP.--This, one of the best known of mediæval maps, was drawn by Richard of Aldingham about 1307. Like most of these maps, it has the East with the terrestrial paradise at the top, and Jerusalem is represented as the centre. PEUTINGER TABLE, WESTERN PART.--This is the only Roman map extant; it gives lines of roads from the eastern shores of Britain to the Adriatic Sea. It is really a kind of bird's-eye view taken from the African coast. The Mediterranean runs as a thin strip through the lower part of the map. The lower section joins on to the upper. THE WORLD ACCORDING TO IBN HAUKAL (from Lelewel, _Géographie du mon age_).--This map, like most of the Arabian maps, has the south at the top. It is practically only a diagram, and is thus similar to the Hereford Map in general form.--Misr=Egypt, Fars=Persia, Andalus=Spain. COAST-LINE OF THE MEDITERRANEAN (from the _Portulano_ of Dulcert, 1339, given in Nordenskiold's _Facsimile Atlas_).--To illustrate the accuracy with which mariners' charts gave the coast-lines as contrasted with the merely symbolical representation of other mediæval maps. FRA MAURO MAP, 1457 (from Lelewel, _loc. Cit._).--Here, as usual, the south is placed at the top of the map. Besides the ordinary mediæval conceptions, Fra Mauro included the Portuguese discoveries along the coast of Africa up to his time, 1457. PORTUGUESE DISCOVERIES IN AFRICA (from E. J. Payne, _European Colonies_, 1877).--Giving the successive points reached by the Portuguese navigators during the fifteenth century. PORTUGUESE INDIES (from Payne, _loc. Cit._).--All the ports mentioned in ordinary type were held by the Portuguese in the sixteenth century. THE TOSCANELLI MAP (from Kretschmer, _Entdeckung Amerikas_, 1892).--This is a reconstruction of the map which Columbus got from the Italian astronomer and cartographer Toscanelli and used to guide him in his voyage across the Atlantic. Its general resemblance to the Behaim Globe will be remarked. THE BEHAIM GLOBE.--This gives the information about the world possessed in 1492, just as Columbus was starting, and is mainly based upon the map of Toscanelli, which served as his guide. It will be observed that there is no other continent between Spain and Zipangu or Japan, while the fabled islands of St. Brandan and Antilia are represented bridging the expanse between the Azores and Japan. AMERIGO VESPUCCI (from Fiske's _School History of the United States_, by kind permission of Messrs. Houghton, Mifflin, & Co.) FERDINAND MAGELLAN (from Fiske's _School History of the United States_, by kind permission of Messrs. Houghton, Mifflin, & Co.) MAP OF THE WORLD, from the Ptolemy Edition of 1548 (after Kretschmer's _Entdeckungsgeschichte Amerikas_).--It will be observed that Mexico is supposed to be joined on to Asia, and that the North Pacific was not even known to exist. RUSSIAN ASIA (after the Atlas published by the Russian Academy of Sciences in 1737, by kind permission of Messrs. Hachette). Japan is represented as a peninsula. AUSTRALIA AS KNOWN IN 1745 (from D'Anville's _Atlas_, by kind permission of Messrs. Hachette).--It will be seen that the Northern and Western coasts were even by this time tolerably well mapped out, leaving only the eastern coast to be explored by Cook. AUSTRALIA, showing routes of explorations (prepared specially for the present volume). The names of the chief explorers are given at the top of the map. AFRICA AS KNOWN IN 1676 (from Dapper's _Atlas_).--This includes a knowledge of most of the African river sand lakes due to the explorations of the Portuguese. AFRICA (made specially for this volume, to show chief explorations and partition).--The names of the explorers are given at the foot of the map itself. NORTH POLAR REGIONS, WESTERN HALF (prepared specially for the present volume from the _Citizen's Atlas_, by kind permission of Messrs. Bartholomew).--This gives the results of the discoveries due to Franklin expeditions and most of the searchers after the North-West Passage. NORTH POLAR REGIONS, EASTERN HALF.--This gives the Siberian coast investigated by the Russians and Nordenskiold, as well as Nansen's _Farthest North_. CLIMBING THE NORTH POLE (prepared specially for this volume). Giving in graphic form the names of the chief Arctic travellers and the latitude N. reached from John Davis (1587) to Nansen (1895). THE STORY OF GEOGRAPHICAL DISCOVERY INTRODUCTION How was the world discovered? That is to say, how did a certain set of men who lived round the Mediterranean Sea, and had acquired the art of recording what each generation had learned, become successively aware of the other parts of the globe? Every part of the earth, so far as we know, has been inhabited by man during the five or six thousand years in which Europeans have been storing up their knowledge, and all that time the inhabitants of each part, of course, were acquainted with that particular part: the Kamtschatkans knew Kamtschatka, the Greenlanders, Greenland; the various tribes of North American Indians knew, at any rate, that part of America over which they wandered, long before Columbus, as we say, "discovered" it. Very often these savages not only know their own country, but can express their knowledge in maps of very remarkable accuracy. Cortes traversed over 1000 miles through Central America, guided only by a calico map of a local cacique. An Eskimo named Kalliherey drew out, from his own knowledge of the coast between Smith Channel and Cape York, a map of it, varying only in minute details from the Admiralty chart. A native of Tahiti, named Tupaia, drew out for Cook a map of the Pacific, extending over forty-five degrees of longitude (nearly 3000 miles), giving the relative size and position of the main islands over that huge tract of ocean. Almost all geographical discoveries by Europeans have, in like manner, been brought about by means of guides, who necessarily knew the country which their European masters wished to "discover." What, therefore, we mean by the history of geographical discovery is the gradual bringing to the knowledge of the nations of civilisation surrounding the Mediterranean Sea the vast tracts of land extending in all directions from it. There are mainly two divisions of this history--the discovery of the Old World and that of the New, including Australia under the latter term. Though we speak of geographical discovery, it is really the discovery of new tribes of men that we are thinking of. It is only quite recently that men have sought for knowledge about lands, apart from the men who inhabit them. One might almost say that the history of geographical discovery, properly so called, begins with Captain Cook, the motive of whose voyages was purely scientific curiosity. But before his time men wanted to know one another for two chief reasons: they wanted to conquer, or they wanted to trade; or perhaps we could reduce the motives to one--they wanted to conquer, because they wanted to trade. In our own day we have seen a remarkable mixture of all three motives, resulting in the European partition of Africa--perhaps the most remarkable event of the latter end of the nineteenth century. Speke and Burton, Livingstone and Stanley, investigated the interior from love of adventure and of knowledge; then came the great chartered trading companies; and, finally, the governments to which these belong have assumed responsibility for the territories thus made known to the civilised world. Within forty years the map of Africa, which was practically a blank in the interior, and, as will be shown, was better known in 1680 than in 1850, has been filled up almost completely by researches due to motives of conquest, of trade, or of scientific curiosity. In its earlier stages, then, the history of geographical discovery is mainly a history of conquest, and what we shall have to do will be to give a short history of the ancient world, from the point of view of how that world became known. "Became known to whom?" you may ask; and we must determine that question first. We might, of course, take the earliest geographical work known to us--the tenth chapter of Genesis--and work out how the rest of the world became known to the Israelites when they became part of the Roman Empire; but in history all roads lead to Rome or away from it, and it is more useful for every purpose to take Rome as our centre-point. Yet Rome only came in as the heir of earlier empires that spread the knowledge of the earth and man by conquest long before Rome was of importance; and even when the Romans were the masters of all this vast inheritance, they had not themselves the ability to record the geographical knowledge thus acquired, and it is to a Greek named Ptolemy, a professor of the great university of Alexandria, to whom we owe our knowledge of how much the ancient world knew of the earth. It will be convenient to determine this first, and afterwards to sketch rapidly the course of historical events which led to the knowledge which Ptolemy records. In the Middle Ages, much of this knowledge, like all other, was lost, and we shall have to record how knowledge was replaced by imagination and theory. The true inheritors of Greek science during that period were the Arabs, and the few additions to real geographical knowledge at that time were due to them, except in so far as commercial travellers and pilgrims brought a more intimate knowledge of Asia to the West. The discovery of America forms the beginning of a new period, both in modern history and in modern geography. In the four hundred years that have elapsed since then, more than twice as much of the inhabited globe has become known to civilised man than in the preceding four thousand years. The result is that, except for a few patches of Africa, South America, and round the Poles, man knows roughly what are the physical resources of the world he inhabits, and, except for minor details, the history of geographical discovery is practically at an end. Besides its interest as a record of war and adventure, this history gives the successive stages by which modern men have been made what they are. The longest known countries and peoples have, on the whole, had the deepest influence in the forming of the civilised character. Nor is the practical utility of this study less important. The way in which the world has been discovered determines now-a-days the world's history. The great problems of the twentieth century will have immediate relation to the discoveries of America, of Africa, and of Australia. In all these problems, Englishmen will have most to say and to do, and the history of geographical discovery is, therefore, of immediate and immense interest to Englishmen. [_Authorities:_ Cooley, _History of Maritime and Inland Discoveries_, 3 vols., 1831; Vivien de Saint Martin, _Histoire de la Géographie_, 1873.] CHAPTER I THE WORLD AS KNOWN TO THE ANCIENTS Before telling how the ancients got to know that part of the world with which they finally became acquainted when the Roman Empire was at its greatest extent, it is as well to get some idea of the successive stages of their knowledge, leaving for the next chapter the story of how that knowledge was obtained. As in most branches of organised knowledge, it is to the Greeks that we owe our acquaintance with ancient views of this subject. In the early stages they possibly learned something from the Phoenicians, who were the great traders and sailors of antiquity, and who coasted along the Mediterranean, ventured through the Straits of Gibraltar, and traded with the British Isles, which they visited for the tin found in Cornwall. It is even said that one of their admirals, at the command of Necho, king of Egypt, circumnavigated Africa, for Herodotus reports that on the homeward voyage the sun set in the sea on the right hand. But the Phoenicians kept their geographical knowledge to themselves as a trade secret, and the Greeks learned but little from them. The first glimpse that we have of the notions which the Greeks possessed of the shape and the inhabitants of the earth is afforded by the poems passing under the name of HOMER. These poems show an intimate knowledge of Northern Greece and of the western coasts of Asia Minor, some acquaintance with Egypt, Cyprus, and Sicily; but all the rest, even of the Eastern Mediterranean, is only vaguely conceived by their author. Where he does not know he imagines, and some of his imaginings have had a most important influence upon the progress of geographical knowledge. Thus he conceives of the world as being a sort of flat shield, with an extremely wide river surrounding it, known as Ocean. The centre of this shield was at Delphi, which was regarded as the "navel" of the inhabited world. According to Hesiod, who is but little later than Homer, up in the far north were placed a people known as the _Hyperboreani_, or those who dwelt at the back of the north wind; whilst a corresponding place in the south was taken by the Abyssinians. All these four conceptions had an important influence upon the views that men had of the world up to times comparatively recent. Homer also mentioned the pigmies as living in Africa. These were regarded as fabulous, till they were re-discovered by Dr. Schweinfurth and Mr. Stanley in our own time. It is probably from the Babylonians that the Greeks obtained the idea of an all-encircling ocean. Inhabitants of Mesopotamia would find themselves reaching the ocean in almost any direction in which they travelled, either the Caspian, the Black Sea, the Mediterranean, or the Persian Gulf. Accordingly, the oldest map of the world which has been found is one accompanying a cuneiform inscription, and representing the plain of Mesopotamia with the Euphrates flowing through it, and the whole surrounded by two concentric circles, which are named briny waters. Outside these, however, are seven detached islets, possibly representing the seven zones or climates into which the world was divided according to the ideas of the Babylonians, though afterwards they resorted to the ordinary four cardinal points. What was roughly true of Babylonia did not in any way answer to the geographical position of Greece, and it is therefore probable that in the first place they obtained their ideas of the surrounding ocean from the Babylonians. [Illustration: THE EARLIEST MAP OF THE WORLD] It was after the period of Homer and Hesiod that the first great expansion of Greek knowledge about the world began, through the extensive colonisation which was carried on by the Greeks around the Eastern Mediterranean. Even to this day the natives of the southern part of Italy speak a Greek dialect, owing to the wide extent of Greek colonies in that country, which used to be called "Magna Grecia," or "Great Greece." Marseilles also one of the Greek colonies (600 B.C.), which, in its turn, sent out other colonies along the Gulf of Lyons. In the East, too, Greek cities were dotted along the coast of the Black Sea, one of which, Byzantium, was destined to be of world-historic importance. So, too, in North Africa, and among the islands of the Ægean Sea, the Greeks colonised throughout the sixth and fifth centuries B.C., and in almost every case communication was kept up between the colonies and the mother-country. Now, the one quality which has made the Greeks so distinguished in the world's history was their curiosity; and it was natural that they should desire to know, and to put on record, the large amount of information brought to the mainland of Greece from the innumerable Greek colonies. But to record geographical knowledge, the first thing that is necessary is a map, and accordingly it is a Greek philosopher named ANAXIMANDER of Miletus, of the sixth century B.C., to whom we owe the invention of map-drawing. Now, in order to make a map of one's own country, little astronomical knowledge is required. As we have seen, savages are able to draw such maps; but when it comes to describing the relative positions of countries divided from one another by seas, the problem is not so easy. An Athenian would know roughly that Byzantium (now called Constantinople) was somewhat to the east and to the north of him, because in sailing thither he would have to sail towards the rising sun, and would find the climate getting colder as he approached Byzantium. So, too, he might roughly guess that Marseilles was somewhere to the west and north of him; but how was he to fix the relative position of Marseilles and Byzantium to one another? Was Marseilles more northerly than Byzantium? Was it very far away from that city? For though it took longer to get to Marseilles, the voyage was winding, and might possibly bring the vessel comparatively near to Byzantium, though there might be no direct road between the two cities. There was one rough way of determining how far north a place stood: the very slightest observation of the starry heavens would show a traveller that as he moved towards the north, the pole-star rose higher up in the heavens. How much higher, could be determined by the angle formed by a stick pointing to the pole-star, in relation to one held horizontally. If, instead of two sticks, we cut out a piece of metal or wood to fill up the enclosed angle, we get the earliest form of the sun-dial, known as the _gnomon_, and according to the shape of the gnomon the latitude of a place is determined. Accordingly, it is not surprising to find that the invention of the gnomon is also attributed to Anaximander, for without some such instrument it would have been impossible for him to have made any map worthy of the name. But it is probable that Anaximander did not so much invent as introduce the gnomon, and, indeed, Herodotus, expressly states that this instrument was derived from the Babylonians, who were the earliest astronomers, so far as we know. A curious point confirms this, for the measurement of angles is by degrees, and degrees are divided into sixty seconds, just as minutes are. Now this division into sixty is certainly derived from Babylonia in the case of time measurement, and is therefore of the same origin as regards the measurement of angles. We have no longer any copy of this first map of the world drawn up by Anaximander, but there is little doubt that it formed the foundation of a similar map drawn by a fellow-townsman of Anaximander, HECATÆUS of Miletus, who seems to have written the first formal geography. Only fragments of this are extant, but from them we are able to see that it was of the nature of a _periplus_, or seaman's guide, telling how many days' sail it was from one point to another, and in what direction. We know also that he arranged his whole subject into two books, dealing respectively with Europe and Asia, under which latter term he included part of what we now know as Africa. From the fragments scholars have been able to reproduce the rough outlines of the map of the world as it presented itself to Hecatæus. From this it can be seen that the Homeric conception of the surrounding ocean formed a chief determining feature in Hecatæus's map. For the rest, he was acquainted with the Mediterranean, Red, and Black Seas, and with the great rivers Danube, Nile, Euphrates, Tigris, and Indus. The next great name in the history of Greek geography is that of HERODOTUS of Halicarnassus, who might indeed be equally well called the Father of Geography as the Father of History. He travelled much in Egypt, Babylonia, Persia, and on the shores of the Black Sea, while he was acquainted with Greece, and passed the latter years of his life in South Italy. On all these countries he gave his fellow-citizens accurate and tolerably full information, and he had diligently collected knowledge about countries in their neighbourhood. In particular he gives full details of Scythia (or Southern Russia), and of the satrapies and royal roads of Persia. As a rule, his information is as accurate as could be expected at such an early date, and he rarely tells marvellous stories, or if he does, he points out himself their untrustworthiness. Almost the only traveller's yarn which Herodotus reports without due scepticism is that of the ants of India that were bigger than foxes and burrowed out gold dust for their ant-hills. One of the stories he relates is of interest, as seeming to show an anticipation of one of Mr. Stanley's journeys. Five young men of the Nasamonians started from Southern Libya, W. of the Soudan, and journeyed for many days west till they came to a grove of trees, when they were seized by a number of men of very small stature, and conducted through marshes to a great city of black men of the same size, through which a large river flowed. This Herodotus identifies with the Nile, but, from the indication of the journey given by him, it would seem more probable that it was the Niger, and that the Nasamonians had visited Timbuctoo! Owing to this statement of Herodotus, it was for long thought that the Upper Nile flowed east and west. After Herodotus, the date of whose history may be fixed at the easily remembered number of 444 B.C., a large increase of knowledge was obtained of the western part of Asia by the two expeditions of Xenophon and of Alexander, which brought the familiar knowledge of the Greeks as far as India. But besides these military expeditions we have still extant several log-books of mariners, which might have added considerably to Greek geography. One of these tells the tale of an expedition of the Carthaginian admiral named Hanno, down the western coast of Africa, as far as Sierra Leone, a voyage which was not afterwards undertaken for sixteen hundred years. Hanno brought back from this voyage hairy skins, which, he stated, belonged to men and women whom he had captured, and who were known to the natives by the name of Gorillas. Another log-book is that of a Greek named Scylax, who gives the sailing distances between nearly all ports on the Mediterranean and Black Seas, and the number of days required to pass from one to another. From this it would seem that a Greek merchant vessel could manage on the average fifty miles a day. Besides this, one of Alexander's admirals, named Nearchus, learned to carry his ships from the mouth of the Indus to the Arabian Gulf. Later on, a Greek sailor, Hippalus, found out that by using the monsoons at the appropriate times, he could sail direct from Arabia to India without laboriously coasting along the shores of Persia and Beluchistan, and in consequence the Greeks gave his name to the monsoon. For information about India itself, the Greeks were, for a long time, dependent upon the account of Megasthenes, an ambassador sent by Seleucus, one of Alexander's generals, to the Indian king of the Punjab. While knowledge was thus gained of the East, additional information was obtained about the north of Europe by the travels of one PYTHEAS, a native of Marseilles, who flourished about the time of Alexander the Great (333 B.C.), and he is especially interesting to us as having been the first civilised person who can be identified as having visited Britain. He seems to have coasted along the Bay of Biscay, to have spent some time in England,--which he reckoned as 40,000 stadia (4000 miles) in circumference,--and he appears also to have coasted along Belgium and Holland, as far as the mouth of the Elbe. Pytheas is, however, chiefly known in the history of geography as having referred to the island of Thule, which he described as the most northerly point of the inhabited earth, beyond which the sea became thickened, and of a jelly-like consistency. He does not profess to have visited Thule, and his account probably refers to the existence of drift ice near the Shetlands. All this new information was gathered together, and made accessible to the Greek reading world, by ERATOSTHENES, librarian of Alexandria (240-196 B.C.), who was practically the founder of scientific geography. He was the first to attempt any accurate measurement of the size of the earth, and of its inhabited portion. By his time the scientific men of Greece had become quite aware of the fact that the earth was a globe, though they considered that it was fixed in space at the centre of the universe. Guesses had even been made at the size of this globe, Aristotle fixing its circumference at 400,000 stadia (or 40,000 miles), but Eratosthenes attempted a more accurate measurement. He compared the length of the shadow thrown by the sun at Alexandria and at Syene, near the first cataract of the Nile, which he assumed to be on the same meridian of longitude, and to be at about 5000 stadia (500 miles) distance. From the difference in the length of the shadows he deduced that this distance represented one-fiftieth of the circumference of the earth, which would accordingly be about 250,000 stadia, or 25,000 geographical miles. As the actual circumference is 24,899 English miles, this was a very near approximation, considering the rough means Eratosthenes had at his disposal. Having thus estimated the size of the earth, Eratosthenes then went on to determine the size of that portion which the ancients considered to be habitable. North and south of the lands known to him, Eratosthenes and all the ancients considered to be either too cold or too hot to be habitable; this portion he reckoned to extend to 38,000 stadia, or 3800 miles. In reckoning the extent of the habitable portion from east to west, Eratosthenes came to the conclusion that from the Straits of Gibraltar to the east of India was about 80,000 stadia, or, roughly speaking, one-third of the earth's surface. The remaining two-thirds were supposed to be covered by the ocean, and Eratosthenes prophetically remarked that "if it were not that the vast extent of the Atlantic Sea rendered it impossible, one might almost sail from the coast of Spain to that of India along the same parallel." Sixteen hundred years later, as we shall see, Columbus tried to carry out this idea. Eratosthenes based his calculations on two fundamental lines, corresponding in a way to our equator and meridian of Greenwich: the first stretched, according to him, from Cape St. Vincent, through the Straits of Messina and the island of Rhodes, to Issus (Gulf of Iskanderun); for his starting-line in reckoning north and south he used a meridian passing through the First Cataract, Alexandria, Rhodes, and Byzantium. The next two hundred years after Eratosthenes' death was filled up by the spread of the Roman Empire, by the taking over by the Romans of the vast possessions previously held by Alexander and his successors and by the Carthaginians, and by their spread into Gaul, Britain, and Germany. Much of the increased knowledge thus obtained was summed up in the geographical work of STRABO, who wrote in Greek about 20 B.C. He introduced from the extra knowledge thus obtained many modifications of the system of Eratosthenes, but, on the whole, kept to his general conception of the world. He rejected, however, the existence of Thule, and thus made the world narrower; while he recognised the existence of Ierne, or Ireland; which he regarded as the most northerly part of the habitable world, lying, as he thought, north of Britain. Between the time of Strabo and that of Ptolemy, who sums up all the knowledge of the ancients about the habitable earth, there was only one considerable addition to men's acquaintance with their neighbours, contained in a seaman's manual for the navigation of the Indian Ocean, known as the _Periplus_ of the Erythræan Sea. This gave very full and tolerably accurate accounts of the coasts from Aden to the mouth of the Ganges, though it regarded Ceylon as much greater, and more to the south, than it really is; but it also contains an account of the more easterly parts of Asia, Indo-China, and China itself, "where the silk comes from." This had an important influence on the views of Ptolemy, as we shall see, and indirectly helped long afterwards to the discovery of America. [Illustration: PTOLEMAEI ORBIS] It was left to PTOLEMY of Alexandria to sum up for the ancient world all the knowledge that had been accumulating from the time of Eratosthenes to his own day, which we may fix at about 150 A.D. He took all the information he could find in the writings of the preceding four hundred years, and reduced it all to one uniform scale; for it is to him that we owe the invention of the method and the names of latitude and longitude. Previous writers had been content to say that the distance between one point and another was so many stadia, but he reduced all this rough reckoning to so many degrees of latitude and longitude, from fixed lines as starting-points. But, unfortunately, all these reckonings were rough calculations, which are almost invariably beyond the truth; and Ptolemy, though the greatest of ancient astronomers, still further distorted his results by assuming that a degree was 500 stadia, or 50 geographical miles. Thus when he found in any of his authorities that the distance between one port and another was 500 stadia, he assumed, in the first place, that this was accurate, and, in the second, that the distance between the two places was equal to a degree of latitude or longitude, as the case might be. Accordingly he arrived at the result that the breadth of the habitable globe was, as he put it, twelve hours of longitude (corresponding to 180°)--nearly one-third as much again as the real dimensions from Spain to China. The consequence of this was that the distance from Spain to China _westward_ was correspondingly diminished by sixty degrees (or nearly 4000 miles), and it was this error that ultimately encouraged Columbus to attempt his epoch-making voyage. Ptolemy's errors of calculation would not have been so extensive but that he adopted a method of measurement which made them accumulative. If he had chosen Alexandria for the point of departure in measuring longitude, the errors he made when reckoning westward would have been counterbalanced by those reckoning eastward, and would not have resulted in any serious distortion of the truth; but instead of this, he adopted as his point of departure the Fortunatæ Insulæ, or Canary Islands, and every degree measured to the east of these was one-fifth too great, since he assumed that it was only fifty miles in length. I may mention that so great has been the influence of Ptolemy on geography, that, up to the middle of the last century, Ferro, in the Canary Islands, was still retained as the zero-point of the meridians of longitude. Another point in which Ptolemy's system strongly influenced modern opinion was his departure from the previous assumption that the world was surrounded by the ocean, derived from Homer. Instead of Africa being thus cut through the middle by the ocean, Ptolemy assumed, possibly from vague traditional knowledge, that Africa extended an unknown length to the south, and joined on to an equally unknown continent far to the east, which, in the Latinised versions of his astronomical work, was termed "terra australis incognita," or "the unknown south land." As, by his error with regard to the breadth of the earth, Ptolemy led to Columbus; so, by his mistaken notions as to the "great south land," he prepared the way for the discoveries of Captain Cook. But notwithstanding these errors, which were due partly to the roughness of the materials which he had to deal with, and partly to scientific caution, Ptolemy's work is one of the great monuments of human industry and knowledge. For the Old World it remained the basis of all geographical knowledge up to the beginning of the last century, just as his astronomical work was only finally abolished by the work of Newton. Ptolemy has thus the rare distinction of being the greatest authority on two important departments of human knowledge--astronomy and geography--for over fifteen hundred years. Into the details of his description of the world it is unnecessary to go. The map will indicate how near he came to the main outlines of the Mediterranean, of Northwest Europe, of Arabia, and of the Black Sea. Beyond these regions he could only depend upon the rough indications and guesses of untutored merchants. But it is worth while referring to his method of determining latitude, as it was followed up by most succeeding geographers. Between the equator and the most northerly point known to him, he divides up the earth into horizontal strips, called by him "climates," and determined by the average length of the longest day in each. This is a very rough method of determining latitude, but it was probably, in most cases, all that Ptolemy had to depend upon, since the measurement of angles would be a rare accomplishment even in modern times, and would only exist among a few mathematicians and astronomers in Ptolemy's days. With him the history of geographical knowledge and discovery in the ancient world closes. In this chapter I have roughly given the names and exploits of the Greek men of science, who summed up in a series of systematic records the knowledge obtained by merchants, by soldiers, and by travellers of the extent of the world known to the ancients. Of this knowledge, by far the largest amount was gained, not by systematic investigation for the purpose of geography, but by military expeditions for the purpose of conquest. We must now retrace our steps, and give a rough review of the various stages of conquest. We must now retrace our steps, and give a rough review of the various stages of conquest by which the different regions of the Old World became known to the Greeks and the Roman Empire, whose knowledge Ptolemy summarises. [_Authorities:_ Bunbury, _History of Ancient Geography,_ 2 vols., 1879; Tozer, _History of Ancient Geography,_ 1897.] CHAPTER II THE SPREAD OF CONQUEST IN THE ANCIENT WORLD In a companion volume of this series, "The Story of Extinct Civilisations in the East," will be found an account of the rise and development of the various nations who held sway over the west of Asia at the dawn of history. Modern discoveries of remarkable interest have enabled us to learn the condition of men in Asia Minor as early as 4000 B.C. All these early civilisations existed on the banks of great rivers, which rendered the land fertile through which they passed. We first find man conscious of himself, and putting his knowledge on record, along the banks of the great rivers Nile, Euphrates, and Tigris, Ganges and Yang-tse-Kiang. But for our purposes we are not concerned with these very early stages of history. The Egyptians got to know something of the nations that surrounded them, and so did the Assyrians. A summary of similar knowledge is contained in the list of tribes given in the tenth chapter of Genesis, which divides all mankind, as then known to the Hebrews, into descendants of Shem, Ham, and Japhet--corresponding, roughly, to Asia, Europe, and Africa. But in order to ascertain how the Romans obtained the mass of information which was summarised for them by Ptolemy in his great work, we have merely to concentrate our attention on the remarkable process of continuous expansion which ultimately led to the existence of the Roman Empire. All early histories of kingdoms are practically of the same type. A certain tract of country is divided up among a certain number of tribes speaking a common language, and each of these tribes ruled by a separate chieftain. One of these tribes then becomes predominant over the rest, through the skill in war or diplomacy of one of its chiefs, and the whole of the tract of country is thus organised into one kingdom. Thus the history of England relates how the kingdom of Wessex grew into predominance over the whole of the country; that of France tells how the kings who ruled over the Isle of France spread their rule over the rest of the land; the history of Israel is mainly an account of how the tribe of Judah obtained the hegemony of the rest of the tribes; and Roman history, as its name implies, informs us how the inhabitants of a single city grew to be the masters of the whole known world. But their empire had been prepared for them by a long series of similar expansions, which might be described as the successive swallowing up of empire after empire, each becoming overgrown in the process, till at last the series was concluded by the Romans swallowing up the whole. It was this gradual spread of dominion which, at each stage, increased men's knowledge of surrounding nations, and it therefore comes within our province to roughly sum up these stages, as part of the story of geographical discovery. Regarded from the point of view of geography, this spread of man's knowledge might be compared to the growth of a huge oyster-shell, and, from that point of view, we have to take the north of the Persian Gulf as the apex of the shell, and begin with the Babylonian Empire. We first have the kingdom of Babylon--which, in the early stages, might be best termed Chaldæa--in the south of Mesopotamia (or the valley between the two rivers, Tigris and Euphrates), which, during the third and second millennia before our era, spread along the valley of the Tigris. But in the fourteenth century B.C., the Assyrians to the north of it, though previously dependent upon Babylon, conquered it, and, after various vicissitudes, established themselves throughout the whole of Mesopotamia and much of the surrounding lands. In 604 B.C. the capital of this great empire was moved once more to Babylon, so that in the last stage, as well as in the first, it may be called Babylonia. For purposes of distinction, however, it will be as well to call these three successive stages Chaldæa, Assyria, and Babylonia. Meanwhile, immediately to the east, a somewhat similar process had been gone through, though here the development was from north to south, the Medes of the north developing a powerful empire in the north of Persia, which ultimately fell into the hands of Cyrus the Great in 546 B.C. He then proceeded to conquer the kingdom of Lydia, in the northwest part of Asia Minor, which had previously inherited the dominions of the Hittites. Finally he proceeded to seize the empire of Babylonia, by his successful attack on the capital, 538 B.C. He extended his rule nearly as far as India on one side, and, as we know from the Bible, to the borders of Egypt on the other. His son Cambyses even succeeded in adding Egypt for a time to the Persian Empire. The oyster-shell of history had accordingly expanded to include almost the whole of Western Asia. The next two centuries are taken up in universal history by the magnificent struggle of the Greeks against the Persian Empire--the most decisive conflict in all history, for it determined whether Europe or Asia should conquer the world. Hitherto the course of conquest had been from east to west, and if Xerxes' invasion had been successful, there is little doubt that the westward tendency would have continued. But the larger the tract of country which an empire covers--especially when different tribes and nations are included in it--the weaker and less organised it becomes. Within little more than a century of the death of Cyrus the Great the Greeks discovered the vulnerable point in the Persian Empire, owing to an expedition of ten thousand Greek mercenaries under Xenophon, who had been engaged by Cyrus the younger in an attempt to capture the Persian Empire from his brother. Cyrus was slain, 401 B.C., but the ten thousand, under the leadership of Xenophon, were enabled, to hold their own against all the attempts of the Persians to destroy them, and found their way back to Greece. Meanwhile the usual process had been going on in Greece by which a country becomes consolidated. From time to time one of the tribes into which that mountainous country was divided obtained supremacy over the rest: at first the Athenians, owing to the prominent part they had taken in repelling the Persians; then the Spartans, and finally the Thebans. But on the northern frontiers a race of hardy mountaineers, the Macedonians, had consolidated their power, and, under Philip of Macedon, became masters of all Greece. Philip had learned the lesson taught by the successful retreat of the ten thousand, and, just before his death, was preparing to attack the Great King (of Persia) with all the forces which his supremacy in Greece put at his disposal. His son Alexander the Great carried out Philip's intentions. Within twelve years (334-323 B.C.) he had conquered Persia, Parthia, India (in the strict sense, _i.e._ the valley of the Indus), and Egypt. After his death his huge empire was divided up among his generals, but, except in the extreme east, the whole of it was administered on Greek methods. A Greek-speaking person could pass from one end to the other without difficulty, and we can understand how a knowledge of the whole tract of country between the Adriatic and the Indus could be obtained by Greek scholars. Alexander founded a large number of cities, all bearing his name, at various points of his itinerary; but of these the most important was that at the mouth of the Nile, known to this day as Alexandria. Here was the intellectual centre of the whole Hellenic world, and accordingly it was here, as we have seen, that Eratosthenes first wrote down in a systematic manner all the knowledge about the habitable earth which had been gained mainly by Alexander's conquests. Important as was the triumphant march of Alexander through Western Asia, both in history and in geography, it cannot be said to have added so very much to geographical knowledge, for Herodotus was roughly acquainted with most of the country thus traversed, except towards the east of Persia and the north-west of India. But the itineraries of Alexander and his generals must have contributed more exact knowledge of the distances between the various important centres of population, and enabled Eratosthenes and his successors to give them a definite position on their maps of the world. What they chiefly learned from Alexander and his immediate successors was a more accurate knowledge of North-West India. Even as late as Strabo, the sole knowledge possessed at Alexandria of Indian places was that given by Megasthenes, the ambassador to India in the third century B.C. Meanwhile, in the western portion of the civilised world a similar process had gone on. In the Italian peninsula the usual struggle had gone on between the various tribes inhabiting it. The fertile plain of Lombardy was not in those days regarded as belonging to Italy, but was known as Cisalpine Gaul. The south of Italy, as we have seen, was mainly inhabited by Greek colonists, and was called Great Greece. Between these tracts of country the Italian territory was inhabited by three sets of federate tribes--the Etrurians, the Samnites, and the Latins. During the 230 years between 510 B.C. and 280 B.C. Rome was occupied in obtaining the supremacy among these three sets of tribes, and by the latter date may be regarded as having consolidated Central Italy into an Italian federation, centralised at Rome. At the latter date, the Greek king Pyrrhus of Epirus, attempted to arouse the Greek colonies in Southern Italy against the growing power of Rome; but his interference only resulted in extending the Roman dominion down to the heel and big toe of Italy. If Rome was to advance farther, Sicily would be the next step, and just at that moment Sicily was being threatened by the other great power of the West--Carthage. Carthage was the most important of the colonies founded by the Phoenicians (probably in the ninth century B.C.), and pursued in the Western Mediterranean the policy of establishing trading stations along the coast, which had distinguished the Phoenicians from their first appearance in history. They seized all the islands in that division of the sea, or at any rate prevented any other nation from settling in Corsica, Sardinia, and the Balearic Isles. In particular Carthage took possession of the western part of Sicily, which had been settled by sister Phoenician colonies. While Rome did everything in its power to consolidate its conquests by admitting the other Italians to some share in the central government, Carthage only regarded its foreign possessions as so many openings for trade. In fact, it dealt with the western littoral of the Mediterranean something like the East India Company treated the coast of Hindostan: it established factories at convenient spots. But just as the East India Company found it necessary to conquer the neighbouring territory in order to secure peaceful trade, so Carthage extended its conquests all down the western coast of Africa and the south-east part of Spain, while Rome was extending into Italy. To continue our conchological analogy, by the time of the first Punic War Rome and Carthage had each expanded into a shell, and between the two intervened the eastern section of the island of Sicily. As the result of this, Rome became master of Sicily, and then the final struggle took place with Hannibal in the second Punic War, which resulted in Rome becoming possessed of Spain and Carthage. By the year 200 B.C. Rome was practically master of the Western Mediterranean, though it took another century to consolidate its heritage from Carthage in Spain and Mauritania. During that century--the second before our era--Rome also extended its Italian boundaries to the Alps by the conquest of Cisalpine Gaul, which, however, was considered outside Italy, from which it was separated by the river Rubicon. In that same century the Romans had begun to interfere in the affairs of Greece, which easily fell into their hands, and thus prepared the way for their inheritance of Alexander's empire. This, in the main, was the work of the first century before our era, when the expansion of Rome became practically concluded. This was mainly the work of two men, Cæsar and Pompey. Following the example of his uncle, Marius, Cæsar extended the Roman dominions beyond the Alps to Gaul, Western Germany, and Britain; but from our present standpoint it was Pompey who prepared the way for Rome to carry on the succession of empire in the more civilised portions of the world, and thereby merited his title of "Great." He pounded up, as it were, the various states into which Asia Minor was divided, and thus prepared the way for Roman dominion over Western Asia and Egypt. By the time of Ptolemy the empire was thoroughly consolidated, and his map and geographical notices are only tolerably accurate within the confines of the empire. [Illustration: EUROPE. Showing the principal Roman Roads.] One of the means by which the Romans were enabled to consolidate their dominion must be here shortly referred to. In order that their legions might easily pass from one portion of this huge empire to another, they built roads, generally in straight lines, and so solidly constructed that in many places throughout Europe they can be traced even to the present day, after the lapse of fifteen hundred years. Owing to them, in a large measure, Rome was enabled to preserve its empire intact for nearly five hundred years, and even to this day one can trace a difference in the civilisation of those countries over which Rome once ruled, except where the devastating influence of Islam has passed like a sponge over the old Roman provinces. Civilisation, or the art of living together in society, is practically the result of Roman law, and this sense all roads in history lead to Rome. The work of Claudius Ptolemy sums up to us the knowledge that the Romans had gained by their inheritance, on the western side, of the Carthaginian empire, and, on the eastern, of the remains of Alexander's empire, to which must be added the conquests of Cæsar in North-West Europe. Cæsar is, indeed, the connecting link between the two shells that had been growing throughout ancient history. He added Gaul, Germany, and Britain to geographical knowledge, and, by his struggle with Pompey, connected the Levant with his northerly conquests. One result of his imperial work must be here referred to. By bringing all civilised men under one rule, he prepared them for the worship of one God. This was not without its influence on travel and geographical discovery, for the great barrier between mankind had always been the difference of religion, and Rome, by breaking down the exclusiveness of local religions, and substituting for them a general worship of the majesty of the Emperor, enabled all the inhabitants of this vast empire to feel a certain communion with one another, which ultimately, as we know, took on a religious form. The Roman Empire will henceforth form the centre from which to regard any additions to geographical knowledge. As we shall see, part of the knowledge acquired by the Romans was lost in the Dark Ages succeeding the break-up of the empire; but for our purposes this may be neglected and geographical discovery in the succeeding chapters may be roughly taken to be additions and corrections of the knowledge summed up by Claudius Ptolemy. CHAPTER III GEOGRAPHY IN THE DARK AGES We have seen how, by a slow process of conquest and expansion, the ancient world got to know a large part of the Eastern Hemisphere, and how this knowledge was summed up in the great work of Claudius Ptolemy. We have now to learn how much of this knowledge was lost or perverted--how geography, for a time, lost the character of a science, and became once more the subject of mythical fancies similar to those which we found in its earliest stages. Instead of knowledge which, if not quite exact, was at any rate approximately measured, the mediæval teachers who concerned themselves with the configuration of the inhabited world substituted their own ideas of what ought to be.[1] This is a process which applies not alone to geography, but to all branches of knowledge, which, after the fall of the Roman Empire, ceased to expand or progress, became mixed up with fanciful notions, and only recovered when a knowledge of ancient science and thought was restored in the fifteenth century. But in geography we can more easily see than in other sciences the exact nature of the disturbing influence which prevented the acquisition of new knowledge. [Footnote 1: It is fair to add that Professor Miller's researches have shown that some of the "unscientific" qualities of the mediæval _mappoe mundi_ were due to Roman models.] Briefly put, that disturbing influence was religion, or rather theology; not, of course, religion in the proper sense of the word, or theology based on critical principles, but theological conceptions deduced from a slavish adherence to texts of Scripture, very often seriously misunderstood. To quote a single example: when it is said in Ezekiel v. S, "This is Jerusalem: I have set it in the midst of the nations... round about her," this was not taken by the mediæval monks, who were the chief geographers of the period, as a poetical statement, but as an exact mathematical law, which determined the form which all mediæval maps took. Roughly speaking, of course, there was a certain amount of truth in the statement, since Jerusalem would be about the centre of the world as known to the ancients--at least, measured from east to west; but, at the same time, the mediæval geographers adopted the old Homeric idea of the ocean surrounding the habitable world, though at times there was a tendency to keep more closely to the words of Scripture about the four corners of the earth. Still, as a rule, the orthodox conception of the world was that of a circle enclosing a sort of T square, the east being placed at the top, Jerusalem in the centre; the Mediterranean Sea naturally divided the lower half of the circle, while the Ægean and Red Seas were regarded as spreading out right and left perpendicularly, thus dividing the top part of the world, or Asia, from the lower part, divided equally between Europe on the left and Africa on the right. The size of the Mediterranean Sea, it will be seen, thus determined the dimensions of the three continents. One of the chief errors to which this led was to cut off the whole of the south of Africa, which rendered it seemingly a short voyage round that continent on the way to India. As we shall see, this error had important and favourable results on geographical discovery. [Illustration: GEOGRAPHICAL MONSTERS] Another result of this conception of the world as a T within an O, was to expand Asia to an enormous extent; and as this was a part of the world which was less known to the monkish map-makers of the Middle Ages, they were obliged to fill out their ignorance by their imagination. Hence they located in Asia all the legends which they had derived either from Biblical or classical sources. Thus there was a conception, for which very little basis is to be found in the Bible, of two fierce nations named Gog and Magog, who would one day bring about the destruction of the civilised world. These were located in what would have been Siberia, and it was thought that Alexander the Great had penned them in behind the Iron Mountains. When the great Tartar invasion came in the thirteenth century, it was natural to suppose that these were no less than the Gog and Magog of legend. So, too, the position of Paradise was fixed in the extreme east, or, in other words, at the top of mediæval maps. Then, again, some of the classical authorities, as Pliny and Solinus, had admitted into their geographical accounts legends of strange tribes of monstrous men, strangely different from normal humanity. Among these may be mentioned the Sciapodes, or men whose feet were so large that when it was hot they could rest on their backs and lie in the shade. There is a dim remembrance of these monstrosities in Shakespeare's reference to "The Anthropophagi, and men whose heads Do grow beneath their shoulders." In the mythical travels of Sir John Maundeville there are illustrations of these curious beings, one of which is here reproduced. Other tracts of country were supposed to be inhabited by equally monstrous animals. Illustrations of most of these were utilised to fill up the many vacant spaces in the mediæval maps of Asia. One author, indeed, in his theological zeal, went much further in modifying the conceptions of the habitable world. A Christian merchant named Cosmas, who had journeyed to India, and was accordingly known as COSMAS INDICOPLEUSTES, wrote, about 540 A.D., a work entitled "Christian Topography," to confound what he thought to be the erroneous views of Pagan authorities about the configuration of the world. What especially roused his ire was the conception of the spherical form of the earth, and of the Antipodes, or men who could stand upside down. He drew a picture of a round ball, with four men standing upon it, with their feet on opposite sides, and asked triumphantly how it was possible that all four could stand upright? In answer to those who asked him to explain how he could account for day and night if the sun did not go round the earth, he supposed that there was a huge mountain in the extreme north, round which the sun moved once in every twenty-four hours. Night was when the sun was going round the other side of the mountain. He also proved, entirely to his own satisfaction, that the sun, instead of being greater, was very much smaller than the earth. The earth was, according to him, a moderately sized plane, the inhabited parts of which were separated from the antediluvian world by the ocean, and at the four corners of the whole were the pillars which supported the heavens, so that the whole universe was something like a big glass exhibition case, on the top of which was the firmament, dividing the waters above and below it, according to the first chapter of Genesis. [Illustration: THE HEREFORD MAP.] Cosmas' views, however interesting and amusing they are, were too extreme to gain much credence or attention even from the mediæval monks, and we find no reference to them in the various _mappoe mundi_ which sum up their knowledge, or rather ignorance, about the world. One of the most remarkable of these maps exists in England at Hereford, and the plan of it given on p. 53 will convey as much information as to early mediæval geography as the ordinary reader will require. In the extreme east, _i.e._ at the top, is represented the Terrestrial Paradise; in the centre is Jerusalem; beneath this, the Mediterranean extends to the lower edge of the map, with its islands very carefully particularised. Much attention is given to the rivers throughout, but very little to the mountains. The only real increase of actual knowledge represented in the map is that of the north-east of Europe, which had I naturally become better known by the invasion of the Norsemen. But how little real knowledge was possessed of this portion of Europe is proved by the fact that the mapmaker placed near Norway the Cynocephali, or dog-headed men, probably derived from some confused accounts of Indian monkeys. Near them are placed the Gryphons, "men most wicked, for among their misdeeds they also make garments for themselves and their horses out of the skins of their enemies." Here, too, is placed the home of the Seven Sleepers, who lived for ever as a standing miracle to convert the heathen. The shape given to the British Islands will be observed as due to the necessity of keeping the circular form of the inhabited world. Other details about England we may leave for the present. It is obvious that maps such as the Hereford one would be of no practical utility to travellers who desired to pass from one country to another; indeed, they were not intended for any such purpose. Geography had ceased to be in any sense a practical science; it only ministered to men's sense of wonder, and men studied it mainly in order to learn about the marvels of the world. When William of Wykeham drew up his rules for the Fellows and Scholars of New College, Oxford, he directed them in the long winter evenings to occupy themselves with "singing, or reciting poetry, or with the chronicles of the different kingdoms, or with the _wonders of the world_." Hence almost all mediæval maps are filled up with pictures of these wonders, which were the more necessary as so few people could read. A curious survival of this custom lasted on in map-drawing almost to the beginning of this century, when the spare places in the ocean were adorned with pictures of sailing ships or spouting sea monsters. When men desired to travel, they did not use such maps as these, but rather itineraries, or road-books, which did not profess to give the shape of the countries through which a traveller would pass, but only indicated the chief towns on the most-frequented roads. This information was really derived from classical times, for the Roman emperors from time to time directed such road-books to be drawn up, and there still remains an almost complete itinerary of the Empire, known as the Peutinger Table, from the name of the German merchant who first drew the attention of the learned world to it. A condensed reproduction is given on the following page, from which it will be seen that no attempt is made to give anything more than the roads and towns. Unfortunately, the first section of the table, which started from Britain, has been mutilated, and we only get the Kentish coast. These itineraries were specially useful, as the chief journeys of men were in the nature of pilgrimages; but these often included a sort of commercial travelling, pilgrims often combining business and religion on their journeys. The chief information about Eastern Europe which reached the West was given by the succession of pilgrims who visited Palestine up to the time of the Crusades. Our chief knowledge of the geography of Europe daring the five centuries between 500 and 1000 A.D. is given in the reports of successive pilgrims. [Illustration: THE PEUTINGER TABLE--WESTERN PART.] This period may be regarded as the Dark Age of geographical knowledge, during which wild conceptions like those contained in the Hereford map were substituted for the more accurate measurements of the ancients. Curiously enough, almost down to the time of Columbus the learned kept to these conceptions, instead of modifying them by the extra knowledge gained during the second period of the Middle Ages, when travellers of all kinds obtained much fuller information of Asia, North Europe, and even, as, we shall see, of some parts of America. It is not altogether surprising that this period should have been so backward in geographical knowledge, since the map of Europe itself, in its political divisions, was entirely readjusted during this period. The thousand years of history which elapsed between 450 and 1450 were practically taken up by successive waves of invasion from the centre of Asia, which almost entirely broke up the older divisions of the world. In the fifth century three wandering tribes, invaded the Empire, from the banks of the Vistula, the Dnieper, and the Volga respectively. The Huns came from the Volga, in the extreme east, and under Attila, "the Hammer of God," wrought consternation in the Empire; the Visigoths, from the Dnieper, attacked the Eastern Empire; while the Vandals, from the Vistula, took a triumphant course through Gaul and Spain, and founded for a time a Vandal empire in North Africa. One of the consequences of this movement was to drive several of the German tribes into France, Italy, and Spain, and even over into Britain; for it is from this stage in the world's history that we can trace the beginning of England, properly so called, just as the invasion of Gaul by the Franks at this time means the beginning of French history. By the eighth century the kingdom of the Franks extended all over France, and included most of Central Germany; while on Christmas Day, 800, Charles the Great was crowned at Rome, by the Pope, Emperor of the Holy Roman Empire, which professed to revive the glories of the old empire, but made a division between the temporal power held by the Emperor and the spiritual power held by the Pope. One of the divisions of the Frankish Empire deserves attention, because upon its fate rested the destinies of most of the nations of Western Europe. The kingdom of Burgundy, the buffer state between France and Germany, has now entirely disappeared, except as the name of a wine; but having no natural boundaries, it was disputed between France and Germany for a long period, and it may be fairly said that the Franco-Prussian War was the last stage in its history up to the present. A similar state existed in the east of Europe, viz. the kingdom of Poland, which was equally indefinite in shape, and has equally formed a subject of dispute between the nations of Eastern Europe. This, as is well known, only disappeared as an independent state in 1795, when it finally ceased to act as a buffer between Russia and the rest of Europe. Roughly speaking, after the settlement of the Germanic tribes within the confines of the Empire, the history of Europe, and therefore its historical geography, may be summed up as a struggle for the possession of Burgundy and Poland. But there was an important interlude in the south-west of Europe, which must engage our attention as a symptom of a world-historic change in the condition of civilisation. During the course of the seventh and eighth centuries (roughly, between 622 and 750) the inhabitants of the Arabian peninsula burst the seclusion which they had held since the beginning, almost, of history, and, inspired by the zeal of the newly-founded religion of Islam, spread their influence from India to Spain, along the southern littoral of the Mediterranean. When they had once settled down, they began to recover the remnants of Græco-Roman science that had been lost on the north shores of the Mediterranean. The Christians of Syria used Greek for their sacred language, and accordingly when the Sultans of Bagdad desired to know something of the wisdom of the Greeks, they got Syriac-speaking Christians to translate some of the scientific works of the Greeks, first into Syriac, and thence into Arabic. In this way they obtained a knowledge of the great works of Ptolemy, both in astronomy--which they regarded as the more important, and therefore the greatest, Almagest--and also in geography, though one can easily understand the great modifications which the strange names of Ptolemy must have undergone in being transcribed, first into Syriac and then into Arabic. We shall see later on some of the results of the Arabic Ptolemy. The conquests of the Arabs affected the knowledge of geography in a twofold way: by bringing about the Crusades, and by renewing the acquaintance of the west with the east of Asia. The Arabs were acquainted with South-Eastern Africa as far south as Zanzibar and Sofala, though, following the views of Ptolemy as to the Great Unknown South Land, they imagined that these spread out into the Indian Ocean towards India. They seem even to have had some vague knowledge of the sources of the Nile. They were also acquainted with Ceylon, Java, and Sumatra, and they were the first people to learn the various uses to which the cocoa-nut can be put. Their merchants, too, visited China as early as the ninth century, and we have from their accounts some of the earliest descriptions of the Chinese, who were described by them as a handsome people, superior in beauty to the Indians, with fine dark hair, regular features, and very like the Arabs. We shall see later on how comparatively easy it was for a Mohammedan to travel from one end of the known world to the other, owing to the community of religion throughout such a vast area. Some words should perhaps be said on the geographical works of the Arabs. One of the most important of these, by Yacut, is in the form of a huge Gazetteer, arranged in alphabetical order; but the greatest geographical work of the Arabs is by EDRISI, geographer to King Roger of Sicily, 1154, who describes the world somewhat after the manner of Ptolemy, but with modifications of some interest. He divides the world into seven horizontal strips, known as "climates," and ranging from the equator to the British Isles. These strips are subdivided into eleven sections, so that the world, in Edrisi's conception, is like a chess-board, divided into seventy-seven squares, and his work consists of an elaborate description of each of these squares taken one by one, each climate being worked through regularly, so that you might get parts of France in the eighth and ninth squares, and other parts in the sixteenth and seventeenth. Such a method was not adapted to give a clear conception of separate countries, but this was scarcely Edrisi's object. When the Arabs--or, indeed, any of the ancient or mediæval writers--wanted wanted to describe a land, they wrote about the tribe or nation inhabiting it, and not about the position of the towns in it; in other words, they drew a marked distinction between ethnology and geography. [Illustration: THE WORLD ACCORDING TO IBN HAUKAL.] But the geography of the Arabs had little or no influence upon that of Europe, which, so far as maps went, continued to be based on fancy instead of fact almost up to the time of Columbus. Meanwhile another movement had been going on during the eighth and ninth centuries, which helped to make Europe what it is, and extended considerably the common knowledge of the northern European peoples. For the first time since the disappearance of the Phoenicians, a great naval power came into existence in Norway, and within a couple of centuries it had influenced almost the whole sea-coast of Europe. The Vikings, or Sea-Rovers, who kept their long ships in the _viks_, or fjords, of Norway, made vigorous attacks all along the coast of Europe, and in several cases formed stable governments, and so made, in a way, a sort of crust for Europe, preventing any further shaking of its human contents. In Iceland, in England, in Ireland, in Normandy, in Sicily, and at Constantinople (where they formed the _Varangi_, or body-guard of the Emperor), as well as in Russia, and for a time in the Holy Land, Vikings or Normans founded kingdoms between which there was a lively interchange of visits and knowledge. They certainly extended their voyages to Greenland, and there is a good deal of evidence for believing that they travelled from Greenland to Labrador and Newfoundland. In the year 1001, an Icelander named Biorn, sailing to Greenland to visit his father, was driven to the south-west, and came to a country which they called Vinland, inhabited by dwarfs, and having a shortest day of eight hours, which would correspond roughly to 50° north latitude. The Norsemen settled there, and as late as 1121 the Bishop of Greenland visited them, in order to convert them to Christianity. There is little reason to doubt that this Vinland was on the mainland of North America, and the Norsemen were therefore the first Europeans to discover America. As late as 1380, two Venetians, named Zeno, visited Iceland, and reported that there was a tradition there of a land named Estotiland, a thousand miles west of the Faroe Islands, and south of Greenland. The people were reported to be civilised and good seamen, though unacquainted with the use of the compass, while south of them were savage cannibals, and still more to the south-west another civilised people, who built large cities and temples, but offered up human victims in them. There seems to be here a dim knowledge of the Mexicans. The great difficulty in maritime discovery, both for the ancients and the men of the Middle Ages, was the necessity of keeping close to the shore. It is true they might guide themselves by the sun during the day, and by the pole-star at night, but if once the sky was overcast, they would become entirely at a loss for their bearings. Hence the discovery of the polar tendency of the magnetic needle was a necessary prelude to any extended voyages away from land. This appears to have been known to the Chinese from quite ancient times, and utilised on their junks as early as the eleventh century. The Arabs, who voyaged to Ceylon and Java, appear to have learnt its use from the Chinese, and it is probably from them that the mariners of Barcelona first introduced its use into Europe. The first mention of it is given in a treatise on Natural History by Alexander Neckam, foster-brother of Richard, Coeur de Lion. Another reference, in a satirical poem of the troubadour, Guyot of Provence (1190), states that mariners can steer to the north star without seeing it, by following the direction of a needle floating in a straw in a basin of water, after it had been touched by a magnet. But little use, however, seems to have been made of this, for Brunetto Latini, Dante's tutor, when on a visit to Roger Bacon in 1258, states that the friar had shown him the magnet and its properties, but adds that, however useful the discovery, "no master mariner would dare to use it, lest he should be thought to be a magician." Indeed, in the form in which it was first used it would be of little practical utility, and it was not till the method was found of balancing it on a pivot and fixing it on a card, as at present used, that it became a necessary part of a sailor's outfit. This practical improvement is attributed to one Flavio Gioja, of Amalfi, in the beginning of the fourteenth century. [Illustration: THE MEDITERRANEAN COAST IN THE PORTULANI.] When once the mariner's compass had come into general use, and its indications observed by master mariners in their voyages, a much more practical method was at hand for determining the relative positions of the different lands. Hitherto geographers (_i.e._, mainly the Greeks and Arabs) had had to depend for fixing relative positions on the vague statements in the itineraries of merchants and soldiers; but now, with the aid of the compass, it was not difficult to determine the relative position of one point to another, while all the windings of a road could be fixed down on paper without much difficulty. Consequently, while the learned monks were content with the mixture of myth and fable which we have seen to have formed the basis of their maps of the world, the seamen of the Mediterranean were gradually building up charts of that sea and the neighbouring lands which varied but little from the true position. A chart of this kind was called a Portulano, as giving information of the best routes from port to port, and Baron Nordenskiold has recently shown how all these _portulani_ are derived from a single Catalan map which has been lost, but must have been compiled between 1266 and 1291. And yet there were some of the learned who were not above taking instruction from the practical knowledge of the seamen. In 1339, one Angelico Dulcert, of Majorca, made an elaborate map of the world on the principle of the portulano, giving the coast line--at least of the Mediterranean--with remarkable accuracy. A little later, in 1375, a Jew of the same island, named Cresquez, made an improvement on this by introducing into the eastern parts of the map the recently acquired knowledge of Cathay, or China, due to the great traveller Marco Polo. His map (generally known as the Catalan Map, from the language of the inscriptions plentifully scattered over it) is divided into eight horizontal strips, and on the preceding page will be found a reduced reproduction, showing how very accurately the coast line of the Mediterranean was reproduced in these portulanos. With the portulanos, geographical knowledge once more came back to the lines of progress, by reverting to the representation of fact, and, by giving an accurate representation of the coast line, enabled mariners to adventure more fearlessly and to return more safely, while they gave the means for recording any further knowledge. As we shall see, they aided Prince Henry the Navigator to start that series of geographical investigation which led to the discoveries that close the Middle Ages. With them we may fairly close the history of mediæval geography, so far as it professed to be a systematic branch of knowledge. We must now turn back and briefly sum up the additions to knowledge made by travellers, pilgrims, and merchants, and recorded in literary shape in the form of travels. [_Authorities:_ Lelewel, _Géographie du Moyen Age_, 4 vols. and atlas, 1852; C. R. Beazley, _Dawn of Geography_, 1897, and Introduction to _Prince Henry the Navigator_, 1895; Nordenskiold, _Periplus_, 1897.] CHAPTER IV MEDIÆVAL TRAVELS In the Middle Ages--that is, in the thousand years between the irruption of the barbarians into the Roman Empire in the fifth century and the discovery of the New World in the fifteenth--the chief stages of history which affect the extension of men's knowledge of the world were: the voyages of the Vikings in the eighth and ninth centuries, to which we have already referred; the Crusades, in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries; and the growth of the Mongol Empire in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. The extra knowledge obtained by the Vikings did not penetrate to the rest of Europe; that brought by the Crusades, and their predecessors, the many pilgrimages to the Holy Land, only restored to Western Europe the knowledge already stored up in classical antiquity; but the effect of the extension of the Mongol Empire was of more wide-reaching importance, and resulted in the addition of knowledge about Eastern Asia which was not possessed by the Romans, and has only been surpassed in modern times during the present century. Towards the beginning of the thirteenth century, Chinchiz Khan, leader of a small Tatar tribe, conquered most of Central and Eastern Asia, including China. Under his son, Okkodai, these Mongol Tatars turned from China to the West, conquered Armenia, and one of the Mongol generals, named Batu, ravaged South Russia and Poland, and captured Buda-Pest, 1241. It seemed as if the prophesied end of the world had come, and the mighty nations Gog and Magog had at last burst forth to fulfil the prophetic words. But Okkodai died suddenly, and these armies were recalled. Universal terror seized Europe, and the Pope, as the head of Christendom, determined to send ambassadors to the Great Khan, to ascertain his real intentions. He sent a friar named John of Planocarpini, from Lyons, in 1245, to the camp of Batu (on the Volga), who passed him on to the court of the Great Khan at Karakorum, the capital of his empire, of which only the slightest trace is now left on the left bank of the Orkhon, some hundred miles south of Lake Baikal. Here, for the first time, they heard of a kingdom on the east coast of Asia which was not yet conquered by the Mongols, and which was known by the name of Cathay. Fuller information was obtained by another friar, named WILLIAM RUYSBROEK, or Rubruquis, a Fleming, who also visited Karakorum as an ambassador from St. Louis, and got back to Europe in 1255, and communicated some of his information to Roger Bacon. He says: "These Cathayans are little fellows, speaking much through the nose, and, as is general with all those Eastern people, their eyes are very narrow.... The common money of Cathay consists of pieces of cotton paper; about a palm in length and breadth, upon which certain lines are printed, resembling the seal of Mangou Khan. They do their writing with a pencil such as painters paint with, and a single character of theirs comprehends several letters, so as to form a whole word." He also identifies these Cathayans with the Seres of the ancients. Ptolemy knew of these as possessing the land where the silk comes from, but he had also heard of the Sinæ, and failed to identify the two. It has been conjectured that the name of China came to the West by the sea voyage, and is a Malay modification, while the names Seres and Cathayans came overland, and thus caused confusion. Other Franciscans followed these, and one of them, John of Montecorvino, settled at Khanbalig (imperial city), or Pekin, as Archbishop (ob. 1358); while Friar Odoric of Pordenone, near Friuli, travelled in India and China between 1316 and 1330, and brought back an account of his voyage, filled with most marvellous mendacities, most of which were taken over bodily into the work attributed to Sir John Maundeville. The information brought back by these wandering friars fades, however, into insignificance before the extensive and accurate knowledge of almost the whole of Eastern Asia brought back to Europe by Marco Polo, a Venetian, who spent eighteen years of his life in the East. His travels form an epoch in the history of geographical discovery only second to the voyages of Columbus. In 1260, two of his uncles, named Nicolo and Maffeo Polo, started from Constaninople on a trading venture to the Crimea, after which they were led to visit Bokhara, and thence on to the court of the Great Khan, Kublai, who received them very graciously, and being impressed with the desirability of introducing Western civilisation into the new Mongolian empire, he entrusted them with a message to the Pope, demanding one hundred wise men of the West to teach the Mongolians the Christian religion and Western arts. The two brothers returned to their native place, Venice, in 1269, but found no Pope to comply with the Great Khan's request; for Clement IV. had died the year before, and his successor had not yet been appointed. They waited about for a couple of years till Gregory X. was elected, but he only meagrely responded to the Great Khan's demands, and instructed two Dominicans to accompany the Polos, who on this occasion took with them their young nephew Marco, a lad of seventeen. They started in November 1271, but soon lost the company of the Dominicans, who lost heart and went back. They went first to Ormuz, at the mouth of the Persian Gulf, then struck northward through Khorasan Balkh to the Oxus, and thence on to the Plateau of Pomir. Thence they passed the Great Desert of Gobi, and at last reached Kublai in May 1275, at his summer residence in Kaipingfu. Notwithstanding that they had not carried out his request, the Khan received them in a friendly manner, and was especially taken by Marco, whom he took into his own service; and quite recently a record has been found in the Chinese annals, stating that in the year 1277 a certain Polo was nominated a Second-Class Commissioner of the PrivyCouncil. His duty was to travel on various missions to Eastern Tibet, to Cochin China, and even to India. The Polos amassed much wealth owing to the Khan's favour, but found him very unwilling to let them return to Europe. Marco Polo held several important posts; for three years he was Governor of the great city of Yanchau, and it seemed likely that he would die in the service of Kublai Khan. But, owing to a fortunate chance, they were at last enabled to get back to Europe. The Khan of Persia desired to marry a princess of the Great Khan's family, to whom he was related, and as the young lady upon whom the choice fell could not be expected to undergo the hardships of the overland journey from China to Persia, it was decided to send her by sea round the coast of Asia. The Tatars were riot good navigators, and the Polos at last obtained permission to escort the young princess on the rather perilous voyage. They started in 1292, from Zayton, a port in Fokien, and after a voyage of over two years round the South coast of Asia, successfully carried the lady to her destined home, though she ultimately had to marry the son instead of the father, who had died in the interim. They took leave of her, and travelled through Persia to their own place, which they reached in 1295. When they arrived at the ancestral mansion of the Polos, in their coarse dress of Tatar cut, their relatives for some time refused to believe that they were really the long-lost merchants. But the Polos invited them to a banquet, in which they dressed themselves all in their best, and put on new suits for every course, giving the clothes they had taken off to the servants. At the conclusion of the banquet they brought forth the shabby dresses in which they had first arrived, and taking sharp knives, began to rip up the seams, from which they took vast quantities of rubies, sapphires, carbuncles, diamonds, and emeralds, into which form they had converted most of their property. This exhibition naturally changed the character of the welcome they received from their relatives, who were then eager to learn how they had come by such riches. In describing the wealth of the Great Khan, Marco Polo, who was the chief spokesman of the party, was obliged to use the numeral "million" to express the amount of his wealth and the number of the population over whom he ruled. This was regarded as part of the usual travellers' tales, and Marco Polo was generally known by his friends as "Messer Marco Millione." Such a reception of his stories was no great encouragement to Marco to tell the tale of his remarkable travels, but in the year of his arrival at Venice a war broke out between Genoa and the Queen of the Adriatic, in which Marco Polo was captured and cast into prison at Genoa. There he found as a fellow-prisoner one Rusticano of Pisa, a man of some learning and a sort of predecessor of Sir Thomas Malory, since he had devoted much time to re-writing, in prose, abstracts of the many romances relating to the Round Table. These he wrote, not in Italian (which can scarcely be said to have existed for literary purposes in those days), but in French, the common language of chivalry throughout Western Europe. While in prison with Marco Polo, he took down in French the narrative of the great traveller, and thus preserved it for all time. Marco Polo was released in 1299, and returned to Venice, where he died some time after 9th January 1334, the date of his will. Of the travels thus detailed in Marco Polo's book, and of their importance and significance in the history of geographical discovery, it is impossible to give any adequate account in this place. It will, perhaps, suffice if we give the summary of his claims made out by Colonel Sir Henry Yule, whose edition of his travels is one of the great monuments of English learning:-- "He was the first traveller to trace a route across the whole longitude of Asia, naming and describing kingdom after kingdom which he had seen with his own eyes: the deserts of Persia, the flowering plateaux and wild gorges of Badakhshan, the jade-bearing rivers of Khotan, the Mongolian Steppes, cradle of the power that had so lately threatened to swallow up Christendom, the new and brilliant court that had been established by Cambaluc; the first traveller to reveal China in all its wealth and vastness, its mighty rivers, its huge cities, its rich manufactures, its swarming population, the inconceivably vast fleets that quickened its seas and its inland waters; to tell us of the nations on its borders, with all their eccentricities of manners and worship; of Tibet, with its sordid devotees; of Burma, with its golden pagodas and their tinkling crowns; of Laos, of Siam, of Cochin China, of Japan, the Eastern Thule, with its rosy pearls and golden-roofed palaces; the first to speak of that museum of beauty and wonder, still so imperfectly ransacked, the Indian Archipelago, source of those aromatics then so highly prized, and whose origin was so dark; of Java, the pearl of islands; of Sumatra, with its many kings, its strange costly products, and its cannibal races; of the naked savages of Nicobar and Andaman; of Ceylon, the island of gems, with its sacred mountain, and its tomb of Adam; of India the Great, not as a dreamland of Alexandrian fables, but as a country seen and personally explored, with its virtuous Brahmans, its obscene ascetics, its diamonds, and the strange tales of their acquisition, its sea-beds of pearl, and its powerful sun: the first in mediæval times to give any distinct account of the secluded Christian empire of Abyssinia, and the semi-Christian island of Socotra; to speak, though indeed dimly, of Zanzibar, with its negroes and its ivory, and of the vast and distant Madagascar, bordering on the dark ocean of the South, with its Ruc and other monstrosities, and, in a remotely opposite region, of Siberia and the Arctic Ocean, of dog-sledges, white bears, and reindeer-riding Tunguses." [Illustration: FRA MAURO'S MAP, 1457.] Marco Polo's is thus one of the greatest names in the history of geography; it may, indeed, be doubted whether any other traveller has ever added so extensively to our detailed knowledge of the earth's surface. Certainly up to the time of Mr. Stanley no man had on land visited so many places previously unknown to civilised Europe. But the lands he discovered, though already fully populated, were soon to fall into disorder, and to be closed to any civilising influences. Nothing for a long time followed from these discoveries, and indeed almost up to the present day his accounts were received with incredulity, and he himself was regarded more as "Marco Millione" than as Marco Polo. Extensive as were Marco Polo's travels, they were yet exceeded in extent, though not in variety, by those of the greatest of Arabian travellers, Mohammed Ibn Batuta, a native of Tangier, who began his travels in 1334, as part of the ordinary duty of a good Mohammedan to visit the holy city of Mecca. While at Alexandria he met a learned sage named Borhan Eddin, to whom he expressed his desire to travel. Borhan said to him, "You must then visit my brother Farid Iddin and my brother Rokn Eddin in Scindia, and my brother Borhan Eddin in China. When you see them, present my compliments to them." Owing mainly to the fact that the Tatar princes had adopted Islamism instead of Christianity, after the failure of Gregory X. to send Christian teachers to China, Ibn Batuta was ultimately enabled to greet all three brothers of Borhan Eddin. Indeed, he performed a more extraordinary exploit, for he was enabled to convey the greetings of the Sheikh Kawan Eddin, whom he met in China, to a relative of his residing in the Soudan. During the thirty years of his travels he visited the Holy Land, Armenia, the Crimea, Constantinople (which he visited in company with a Greek princess, who married one of the Tatar Khans), Bokhara, Afghanistan, and Delhi. Here he found favour with the emperor Mohammed Inghlak, who appointed him a judge, and sent him on an embassy to China, at first overland, but, as this was found too dangerous a route, he went ultimately from Calicut, via Ceylon, the Maldives, and Sumatra, to Zaitun, then the great port of China. Civil war having broken out, he returned by the same route to Calicut, but dared not face the emperor, and went on to Ormuz and Mecca, and returned to Tangier in 1349. But even then his taste for travel had not been exhausted. He soon set out for Spain, and worked his way through Morocco, across the Sahara, to the Soudan. He travelled along the Niger (which he took for the Nile), and visited Timbuctoo. He ultimately returned to Fez in 1353, twenty-eight years after he had set out on his travels. Their chief interest is in showing the wide extent of Islam in his day, and the facilities which a common creed gave for extensive travel. But the account of his journeys was written in Arabic, and had no influence on European knowledge, which, indeed, had little to learn from him after Marco Polo, except with regard to the Soudan. With him the history of mediæval geography may be fairly said to end, for within eighty years of his death began the activity of Prince Henry the Navigator, with whom the modern epoch begins. Meanwhile India had become somewhat better known, chiefly by the travels of wandering friars, who visited it mainly for the sake of the shrine of St. Thomas, who was supposed to have been martyred in India. Mention should also be made of the early spread of the Nestorian Church throughout Central Asia. As early as the seventh century the Syrian Christians who followed the views of Nestorius began spreading them eastward, founding sees in Persia and Turkestan, and ultimately spreading as far as Pekin. There was a certain revival of their missionary activity under the Mongol Khans, but the restricted nature of the language in which their reports were written prevented them from having any effect upon geographical knowledge, except in one particular, which is of some interest. The fate of the Lost Ten Tribes of Israel has always excited interest, and a legend arose that they had been converted to Christianity, and existed somewhere in the East under a king who was also a priest, and known as Prester John. Now, in the reports brought by some of the Nestorian priests westward, it was stated that one of the Mongol princes named Ung Khan had adopted Christianity, and as this in Syriac sounded something like "John the Cohen," or "Priest," he was identified with the Prester John of legend, and for a long time one of the objects of travel in the East was to discover this Christian kingdom. It was, however, later ascertained that there did exist such a Christian kingdom in Abyssinia, and as owing to the erroneous views of Ptolemy, followed by the Arabs, Abyssinia was considered to spread towards Farther India, the land of Prester John was identified in Abyssinia. We shall see later on how this error helped the progress of geographical discovery. The total addition of these mediæval travels to geographical knowledge consisted mainly in the addition of a wider extent of land in China, and the archipelago of Japan, or Cipangu, to the map of the world. The accompanying map displays the various travels and voyages of importance, and will enable the reader to understand how students of geography, who added on to Ptolemy's estimate of the extent of the world east and west the new knowledge acquired by Marco Polo, would still further decrease the distance westward between Europe and Cipangu, and thus prepare men for the voyage of Columbus. [_Authorities:_ Sir Henry Yule, _Cathay and the Way Thither_, 1865; _The Book of Ser Marco Polo_, 1875.] CHAPTER V ROADS AND COMMERCE We have now conducted the course of our inquiries through ancient times and the Middle Ages up to the very eve of the great discoveries of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, and we have roughly indicated what men had learned about the earth during that long period, and, how they learned it. But it still remains to consider by what means they arrived at their knowledge, and why they sought for it. To some extent we may have answered the latter question when dealing with the progress of conquest, but men did not conquer merely for the sake of conquest. We have still to consider the material advantages attaching to warfare. Again when men go on their wars of discovery, they have to progress, for the most part, along paths already beaten for them by the natives of the country they intend to conquer; and often when they have succeeded in warfare, they have to consolidate their rule by creating new and more appropriate means of communication. To put it shortly, we have still to discuss the roads of the ancient and mediæval worlds, and the commerce for which those roads were mainly used. A road may be, for our purposes, most readily defined as the most convenient means of communication between two towns; and this logically implies that the towns existed before the roads were made; and in a fuller investigation of any particular roads, it will be necessary to start by investigating why men collect their dwellings at certain definite spots. In the beginning, assemblies of men were made chiefly or altogether for defensive purposes, and the earliest towns were those which, from their natural position, like Athens or Jerusalem, could be most easily defended. Then, again, religious motives often had their influence in early times, and towns would grow round temples or cloisters. But soon considerations of easy accessibility rule in the choice of settlements, and for that purpose towns on rivers, especially at fords of rivers, as Westminster, or in well-protected harbours like Naples, or in the centre of a district, as Nuremberg or Vienna, would form the most convenient places of meeting for exchange of goods. Both on a river, or on the sea-shore, the best means of communication would be by ships or boats; but once such towns had been established, it would be necessary to connect them with one another by land routes, and these would be determined chiefly by the lie of the land. Where mountains interfered, a large detour would have to be made--as, for example, round the Pyrenees; if rivers intervened, fords would have to be sought for, and a new town probably built at the most convenient place of passage. When once a recognised way had been found between any two places, the conservative instincts of man would keep it in existence, even though a better route were afterwards found. The influence of water communication is of paramount importance in determining the situation of towns in early times. Towns in the corners of bays, like Archangel, Riga, Venice, Genoa, Naples, Tunis, Bassorah, Calcutta, would naturally be the centre-points of the trade of the bay. On rivers a suitable spot would be where the tides ended, like London, or at conspicuous bends of a stream, or at junctures with affluents, as Coblentz or Khartoum. One nearly always finds important towns at the two ends of a peninsula, like Hamburg and Lubeck, Venice and Genoa; though for naval purposes it is desirable to have a station at the head of the peninsula, to command both arms of the sea, as at Cherbourg, Sevastopol, or Gibraltar. Roads would then easily be formed across the base of the peninsula, and to its extreme point. At first the inhabitants of any single town would regard those of all others as their enemies, but after a time they would find it convenient to exchange some of their superfluities for those of their neighbours, and in this way trade would begin. Markets would become neutral ground, in which mutual animosities would be, for a time, laid aside for the common advantage; and it would often happen that localities on the border line of two states would be chosen as places for the exchange of goods, ultimately giving rise to the existence of a fresh town. As commercial intercourse increased, the very inaccessibility of fortress towns on the heights would cause them to be neglected for settlements in the valleys or by the river sides, and, as a rule, roads pick out valleys or level ground for their natural course. For military purposes, however, it would sometimes be necessary to depart from the valley routes, and, as we shall see, the Roman roads paid no regard to these requirements. The earliest communication between nations, as we have seen, was that of the Phoenicians by sea. They founded factories, or neutral grounds for trade, at appropriate spots all along the Mediterranean coasts, and the Greeks soon followed their example in the Ægean and Black Seas. But at an early date, as we know from the Bible, caravan routes were established between Egypt, Syria, and Mesopotamia, and later on these were extended into Farther Asia. But in Europe the great road-builders were the Romans. Rome owed its importance in the ancient world to its central position, at first in Italy, and then in the whole of the Mediterranean. It combined almost all the advantages necessary for a town: it was in the bend of a river, yet accessible from the sea; its natural hills made it easily defensible, as Hannibal found to his cost; while its central position in the Latian Plain made it the natural resort of all the Latin traders. The Romans soon found it necessary to utilise their central position by rendering themselves accessible to the rest of Italy, and they commenced building those marvellous roads, which in most cases have remained, owing to their solid construction. "Building" is the proper word to use, for a Roman road is really a broad wall built in a deep ditch so as to come up above the level of the surface. Scarcely any amount of traffic could wear this solid substructure away, and to this day throughout Europe traces can be found of the Roman roads built nearly two thousand years ago. As the Roman Empire extended, these roads formed one of the chief means by which the lords of the world were enabled to preserve their conquests. By placing a legion in a central spot, where many of these roads converged, they were enabled to strike quickly in any direction and overawe the country. Stations were naturally built along these roads, and to the present day many of the chief highways of Europe follow the course of the old Roman roads. Our modern civilisation is in a large measure the outcome of this network of roads, and we can distinctly trace a difference in the culture of a nation where such roads never existed--as in Russia and Hungary, as contrasted with the west of Europe, where they formed the best means of communication. It was only in the neighbourhood of these highways that the fullest information was obtained of the position of towns, and the divisions of peoples; and a sketch map like the one already given, of the chief Roman roads of antiquity, gives also, as it were, a skeleton of the geographical knowledge summed up in the great work of Ptolemy. But of more importance for the future development of geographical knowledge were the great caravan routes of Asia, to which we must now turn our attention. Asia is the continent of plateaux which culminate in the Steppes of the Pamirs, appropriately called by their inhabitants "the Roof of the World." To the east of these, four great mountain ranges run, roughly, along the parallels of latitude--the Himalayas to the south, the Kuen-Iun, Thian Shan, and Altai to the north. Between the Himalayas and the Kuen-lun is the great Plateau of Tibet, which runs into a sort of cul-de-sac at its western end in Kashmir. Between the Kuen-lun and the Thian Shan we have the Gobi Steppe of Mongolia, running west of Kashgar and Yarkand; while between the Thian Shan and the Altai we have the great Kirghiz Steppe. It is clear that only two routes are possible between Eastern and Western Asia: that between the Kuen-lun and the Thian Shan via Kashgar and Bokhara, and that south of the Altai, skirting the north of the great lakes Balkash, Aral, and Caspian, to the south of Russia. The former would lead to Bassorah or Ormuz, and thence by sea, or overland, round Arabia to Alexandria; the latter and longer route would reach Europe via Constantinople. Communication between Southern Asia and Europe would mainly be by sea, along the coast of the Indies, taking advantage of the monsoons from Ceylon to Aden, and then by the Red Sea. Alexandria, Bassorah, and Ormuz would thus naturally be the chief centres of Eastern trade, while communication with the Mongols or with China would go along the two routes above mentioned, which appear to have existed during all historic time. It was by these latter routes that the Polos and the other mediæval travellers to Cathay reached that far-distant country. But, as we know from Marco Polo's travels, China could also be reached by the sea voyage; and for all practical purposes, in the late Middle Ages, when the Mongol empire broke up, and traffic through mid Asia was not secure, communication with the East was via Alexandria. Now it is important for our present inquiry to realise how largely Europe after the Crusades was dependent on the East for most of the luxuries of life. Nothing produced by the looms of Europe could equal the silk of China, the calico of India, the muslin of Mussul. The chief gems which decorated the crowns of kings and nobles, the emerald, the topaz, the ruby, the diamond, all came from the East--mainly from India. The whole of mediæval medical science was derived from the Arabs, who sought most of their drugs from Arabia or India. Even for the incense which burned upon the innumerable altars of Roman Catholic Europe, merchants had to seek the materials in the Levant. For many of the more refined handicrafts, artists had to seek their best material from Eastern traders: such as shellac for varnish, or mastic for artists' colours (gamboge from Cambodia, ultramarine from lapis lazuli); while it was often necessary, under mediæval circumstances, to have resort to the musk or opopanax of the East to counteract the odours resulting from the bad sanitary habits of the West. But above all, for the condiments which were almost necessary for health, and certainly desirable for seasoning the salted food of winter and the salted fish of Lent. Europeans were dependent upon the spices of the Asiatic islands. In Hakluyt's great work on "English Voyages and Navigations," he gives in his second volume a list, written out by an Aleppo merchant, William Barrett, in 1584, of the places whence the chief staples of the Eastern trade came, and it will be interesting to give a selection from his long account. Cloves from Maluco, Tarenate, Amboyna, by way of Java. Nutmegs from Banda. Maces from Banda, Java, and Malacca. Pepper Common from Malabar. Sinnamon from Seilan (Ceylon). Spicknard from Zindi (Scinde) and Lahor. Ginger Sorattin from Sorat (Surat) within Cambaia (Bay of Bengal). Corall of Levant from Malabar. Sal Ammoniacke from Zindi and Cambaia. Camphora from Brimeo (Borneo) near to China. Myrrha from Arabia Felix. Borazo (Borax) from Cambaia and Lahor. Ruvia to die withall, from Chalangi. Allumme di Rocca (Rock Alum) from China and Constantinople. Oppopanax from Persia. Lignum Aloes from Cochin, China, and Malacca. Laccha (Shell-lac) from Pegu and Balaguate. Agaricum from Alemannia. Bdellium from Arabia Felix. Tamarinda from Balsara (Bassorah). Safran (Saffron) from Balsara and Persia. Thus from Secutra (Socotra). Nux Vomica from Malabar. Sanguis Draconis (Dragon's Blood) from Secutra. Musk from Tartarie by way of China. Indico (Indigo) from Zindi and Cambaia. Silkes Fine from China. Castorium (Castor Oil) from Almania. Masticke from Sio. Oppium from Pugia (Pegu) and Cambaia. Dates from Arabia Felix and Alexandria. Sena from Mecca. Gumme Arabicke from Zaffo (Jaffa). Ladanum (Laudanum) from Cyprus and Candia. Lapis Lazzudis from Persia. Auripigmentum (Gold Paint) from many places of Turkey. Rubarbe from Persia and China. These are only a few selections from Barrett's list, but will sufficiently indicate what a large number of household luxuries, and even necessities, were derived from Asia in the Middle Ages. The Arabs had practically the monopoly of this trade, and as Europe had scarcely anything to offer in exchange except its gold and silver coins, there was a continuous drain of the precious metals from West to East, rendering the Sultans and Caliphs continuously richer, and culminating in the splendours of Solomon the Magnificent. Alexandria was practically the centre of all this trade, and most of the nations of Europe found it necessary to establish factories in that city, to safeguard the interests of their merchants, who all sought for Eastern luxuries in its port Benjamin of Tudela, a Jew, who visited it about 1172, gives the following description of it:-- "The city is very mercantile, and affords an excellent market to all nations. People from all Christian kingdoms resort to Alexandria, from Valencia, Tuscany, Lombardy, Apulia, Amalfi, Sicilia, Raguvia, Catalonia, Spain, Roussillon, Germany, Saxony, Denmark, England, Flandres, Hainault, Normandy, France, Poitou, Anjou, Burgundy, Mediana, Provence, Genoa, Pisa, Gascony, Arragon, and Navarre. From the West you meet Mohammedans from Andalusia, Algarve, Africa, and Arabia, as well as from the countries towards India, Savila, Abyssinia, Nubia, Yemen, Mesopotamia, and Syria, besides Greeks and Turks. From India they import all sorts of spices, which are bought by Christian merchants. The city is full of bustle, and every nation has its own fonteccho (or hostelry) there." Of all these nations, the Italians had the shortest voyage to make before reaching Alexandria, and the Eastern trade practically fell into their hands before the end of the thirteenth century. At first Amalfi and Pisa were the chief ports, and, as we have seen, it was at Amalfi that the mariner's compass was perfected; but soon the two maritime towns at the heads of the two seas surrounding Italy came to the front, owing to the advantages of their natural position. Genoa and Venice for a long time competed with one another for the monopoly of this trade, but the voyage from Venice was more direct, and after a time Genoa had to content itself with the trade with Constantinople and the northern overland route from China. From Venice the spices, the jewels, the perfumes, and stuffs of the East were transmitted north through Augsburg and Nürnberg to Antwerp and Bruges and the Hanse Towns, receiving from them the gold they had gained by their fisheries and textile goods. England sent her wool to Italy, in order to tickle her palate and her nose with the condiments and perfumes of the East. The wealth and importance of Venice were due almost entirely to this monopoly of the lucrative Eastern trade. By the fifteenth century she had extended her dominions all along the lower valley of the Po, into Dalmatia, parts of the Morea, and in Crete, till at last, in 1489, she obtained possession of Cyprus, and thus had stations all the way from Aleppo or Alexandria to the north of the Adriatic. But just as she seemed to have reached the height of her prosperity--when the Aldi were the chief printers in Europe, and the Bellini were starting the great Venetian school of painting--a formidable rival came to the front, who had been slowly preparing a novel method of competition in the Eastern trade for nearly the whole of the fifteenth century. With that method begins the great epoch of modern geographical discovery. [_Authorities:_ Heyd, _Commerce du Levant_, 2 vols., 1878.] CHAPTER VI TO THE INDIES EASTWARD--PRINCE HENRY AND VASCO DA GAMA Up to the fifteenth century the inhabitants of the Iberian Peninsula were chiefly occupied in slowly moving back the tide of Mohammedan conquest, which had spread nearly throughout the country from 711 onwards. The last sigh of the Moor in Spain was to be uttered in 1492--an epoch-making year, both in history and in geography. But Portugal, the western side of the peninsula, had got rid of her Moors at a much earlier date--more that 200 years before--though she found it difficult to preserve her independence from the neighbouring kingdom of Castile. The attempt of King Juan of Castile to conquer the country was repelled by João, a natural son of the preceding king of Portugal, and in 1385 he became king, and freed Portugal from any danger on the side of Castile by his victory at Aljubarrota. He married Philippa, daughter of John of Gaunt; and his third son, Henry, was destined to be the means of revolutionising men's views of the inhabited globe. He first showed his mettle in the capture of Ceuta, opposite Gibraltar, at the time of the battle of Agincourt, 1415, and by this means he first planted the Portuguese banner on the Moorish coast. This contact with the Moors may possibly have first suggested to Prince Henry the idea of planting similar factory-fortresses among the Mussulmans of India; but, whatever the cause, he began, from about the year 1418, to devote all his thoughts and attention to the possibility of reaching India otherwise than through the known routes, and for that purpose established himself on the rocky promontory of Sagres, almost the most western spot on the continent of Europe. Here he established an observatory, and a seminary for the training of theoretical and practical navigators. He summoned thither astronomers and cartographers and skilled seamen, while he caused stouter and larger vessels to be built for the express purpose of exploration. He perfected the astrolabe (the clumsy predecessor of the modern sextant) by which the latitude could be with some accuracy determined; and he equipped all his ships with the compass, by which their steering was entirely determined. He brought from Majorca (which, as we have seen, was the centre of practical map-making in the fourteenth century) one Mestre Jacme, "a man very skilful in the art of navigation, and in the making of maps and instruments." With his aid, and doubtless that of others, he set himself to study the problem of the possibility of a sea voyage to India round the coast of Africa. [Illustration: PROGRESS OF PORTUGUESE DISCOVERY] We have seen that Ptolemy, with true scientific caution, had left undefined the extent of Africa to the south; but Eratosthenes and many of the Roman geographers, even after Ptolemy, were not content with this agnosticism, but boldly assumed that the coast of Africa made a semicircular sweep from the right horn of Africa, just south of the Red Sea, with which they were acquainted, round to the north-western shore, near what we now term Morocco. If this were the fact, the voyage by the ocean along this sweep of shore would be even shorter than the voyage through the Mediterranean and Red Seas, while of course there would be no need for disembarking at the Isthmus of Suez. The writers who thus curtailed Africa of its true proportions assumed another continent south of it, which, however, was in the torrid zone, and completely uninhabitable. Now the north-west coast of Africa was known in Prince Henry's days as far as Cape Bojador. It would appear that Norman sailors had already advanced beyond Cape Non, or Nun, which was so called because it was supposed that nothing existed beyond it. Consequently the problems that Prince Henry had to solve were whether the coast of Africa trended sharply to the east after Cape Bojador, and whether the ideas of the ancients about the uninhabitability of the torrid zone were justified by fact. He attempted to solve these problems by sending out, year after year, expeditions down the north-west coast of Africa, each of which penetrated farther than its predecessor. Almost at the beginning he was rewarded by the discovery, or re-discovery, of Madeira in 1420, by João Gonsalvez Zarco, one of the squires of his household. For some time he was content with occupying this and the neighbouring island of Porto Santo, which, however, was ruined by the rabbits let loose upon it. On Madeira vines from Burgundy were planted, and to this day form the chief industry of the island. In 1435 Cape Bojador was passed, and in 1441 Cape Branco discovered. Two years later Cape Verde was reached and passed by Nuno Tristão, and for the first time there were signs that the African coast trended eastward. By this time Prince Henry's men had become familiar with the natives along the shore and no less than one thousand of them had been brought back and distributed among the Portuguese nobles as pages and attendants. In 1455 a Venetian, named Alvez Cadamosto, undertook a voyage still farther south for purposes of trade, the Prince supplying the capital, and covenanting for half profits on results. They reached the mouth of the Gambia, but found the natives hostile. Here for the first time European navigators lost sight of the pole-star and saw the brilliant constellation of the Southern Cross. The last discovery made during Prince Henry's life was that of the Cape Verde Islands, by one of his captains, Diogo Gomez, in 1460--the very year of his death. As the successive discoveries were made, they were jotted down by the Prince's cartographers on portulanos, and just before his death the King of Portugal sent to a Venetian monk, Fra Mauro, details of all discoveries up to that time, to be recorded on a _mappa mundi_, a copy of which still exists (p. 77). The impulse thus given by Prince Henry's patient investigation of the African coast continued long after his death. In 1471 Fernando de Poo discovered the island which now bears his name, while in the same year Pedro d'Escobar crossed the equator. Wherever the Portuguese investigators landed they left marks of their presence, at first by erecting crosses, then by carving on trees Prince Henry's motto, "Talent de bien faire," and finally they adopted the method of erecting stone pillars, surmounted by a cross, and inscribed with the king's arms and name. These pillars were called _padraos_. In 1484, Diego Cam, a knight of the king's household, set up one of these pillars at the mouth of a large river, which he therefore called the Rio do Padrao; it was called by the natives the Zaire, and is now known as the River Congo. Diego Cam was, on this expedition, accompanied by Martin Behaim of Nürnberg, whose globe is celebrated in geographical history as the last record of the older views (p. 115). Meanwhile, from one of the envoys of the native kings who visited the Portuguese Court, information was received that far to the east of the countries hitherto discovered there was a great Christian king. This brought to mind the mediæval tradition of Prester John, and accordingly the Portuguese determined to make a double attempt, both by sea and by land, to reach this monarch. By sea the king sent two vessels under the command of Bartholomew Diaz, while by land he despatched, in the following year, two men acquainted with Arabic, Pedro di Covilham and Affonso de Payba. Covilham reached Aden, and there took ship for Calicut, being the first Portuguese to sail the Indian Ocean. He then returned to Sofala, and obtained news of the Island of the Moon, now known as Madagascar. With this information he returned to Cairo, where he found ambassadors from João, two Jews, Abraham of Beja and Joseph of Lamejo. These he sent back with the information that ships that sailed down the coast of Guinea would surely reach the end of Africa, and when they arrived in the Eastern Ocean they should ask for Sofala and the Island of the Moon. Meanwhile Covilham returned to the Red Sea, and made his way into Abyssinia, where he married and settled down, transmitting from time to time information to Portugal which gave Europeans their first notions of Abyssinia. The voyage by land in search of Prester John had thus been completely successful, while, at the same time, information had been obtained giving certain hopes of the voyage by sea. This had, in its way, been almost as successful, for Diaz had rounded the cape now known as the Cape of Good Hope, but to which he proposed giving the title of Cabo Tormentoso, or "Stormy Cape." King João, however, recognising that Diaz's voyage had put the seal upon the expectations with which Prince Henry had, seventy years before, started his series of explorations, gave it the more auspicious name by which it is now known. For some reason which has not been adequately explained, no further attempt was made for nearly ten years to carry out the final consummation of Prince Henry's plan by sending out another expedition. In the meantime, as we shall see, Columbus had left Portugal, after a mean attempt had been made by the king to carry out his novel plan of reaching India without his aid; and, as a just result, the discovery of a western voyage to the Indies (as it was then thought) had been successfully accomplished by Columbus, in the service of the Catholic monarchs of Spain, in 1492. This would naturally give pause to any attempt at reaching India by the more cumbersome route of coasting along Africa, which had turned out to be a longer process than Prince Henry had thought. Three years after Columbus's discovery King João died, and his son and successor Emmanuel did not take up the traditional Portuguese method of reaching India till the third year of his reign. By this time it had become clear, from Columbus's second voyage, that there were more difficulties in the way of reaching the Indies by his method than had been thought; and the year after his return from his second voyage in 1496, King Emmanuel determined on once more taking up the older method. He commissioned Vasco da Gama, a gentleman of his court, to attempt the eastward route to India with three vessels, carrying in all about sixty men. Already by this time Columbus's bold venture into the unknown seas had encouraged similar boldness in others, and instead of coasting down the whole extent of the western coast of Africa, Da Gama steered direct for Cape Verde Islands, and thence out into the ocean, till he reached the Bay of St. Helena, a little to the north of the Cape of Good Hope. For a time he was baffled in his attempt to round the Cape by the strong south-easterly winds, which blow there continually during the summer season; but at last he commenced coasting along the eastern shores of Africa, and at every suitable spot he landed some of his sailors to make inquiries about Covilham and the court of Prester John. But in every case he found the ports inhabited by fanatical Moors, who, as soon as they discovered that their visitors were Christians, attempted to destroy them, and refused to supply them with pilots for the further voyage to India. This happened at Mozambique, at Quiloa, and at Mombasa, and it was not till he arrived at Melinda that he was enabled to obtain provisions and a pilot, Malemo Cana, an Indian of Guzerat, who was quite familiar with the voyage to Calicut. Under his guidance Gama's fleet went from Melinda to Calicut in twenty-three days. Here the Zamorin, or sea-king, displayed the same antipathy to his Christian visitors. The Mohammedan traders of the place recognised at once the dangerous rivalry which the visit of the Portuguese implied, with their monopoly of the Eastern trade, and represented Gama and his followers as merely pirates. Vasco, however, by his firm behaviour, managed to evade the machinations of his trade rivals, and induced the Zamorin to regard favourably an alliance with the Portuguese king. Contenting himself with this result, he embarked again, and after visiting Melinda, the only friendly spot he had found on the east coast of Africa, he returned to Lisbon in September 1499, having spent no less than two years on the voyage. King Emmanuel received him with great favour, and appointed him Admiral of the Indies. The significance of Vasco da Gama's voyage was at once seen by the persons whose trade monopoly it threatened--the Venetians, and the Sultan of Egypt. Priuli, the Venetian chronicler, reports: "When this news reached Venice the whole city felt it greatly, and remained stupefied, and the wisest held it as the worst news that had ever arrived"--as indeed they might, for it prophesied the downfall of the Venetian Empire. The Sultan of Egypt was equally moved, for the greatest source of his riches was derived from the duty of five per cent. which he levied on all merchandise entering his dominions, and ten per cent. upon all goods exported from them. Hitherto there had been all manner of bickerings between Venice and Egypt, but this common danger brought them together. The Sultan represented to Venice the need of common action in order to drive away the new commerce; but Egypt was without a navy, and had indeed no wood suitable for shipbuilding. The Venetians took the trouble to transmit wood to Cairo, which was then carried by camels to Suez, where a small fleet was prepared to attack the Portuguese on their next visit to the Indian Ocean. The Portuguese had in the meantime followed up Vasco da Gama's voyage with another attempt, which was, in its way, even more important. In 1500 the king sent no less than thirteen ships under the command of Pedro Alvarez Cabral, with Franciscans to convert, and twelve hundred fighting men to overawe, the Moslems of the Indian Ocean. He determined on steering even a more westerly course than Vasco da Gama, and when he arrived in 17° south of the line, he discovered land which he took possession of in the name of Portugal, and named Santa Cruz. The actual cross which he erected on this occasion is still preserved in Brazil, for Cabral had touched upon the land now known by that name. It is true that one of Columbus's companions, Pinzon, had already touched upon the coast of Brazil before Cabral, but it is evident from his experience that, even apart from Columbus, the Portuguese would have discovered the New World sooner or later. It is, however, to be observed that in stating this, as all historians do, they leave out of account the fact that, but for Columbus, sailors would still have continued the old course of coasting along the shore, by which they would never have left the Old World. Cabral lost several of his ships and many of his men, and, though he brought home a rich cargo, was not regarded as successful, and Vasco da Gama was again sent out with a large fleet in 1502, with which he conquered the Zamorin of Calicut and obtained rich treasures. In subsidiary voyages the Portuguese navigators discovered the islands of St. Helena, Ascension, the Seychelles, Socotra, Tristan da Cunha, the Maldives, and Madagascar. Meanwhile King Emmanuel was adopting the Venetian method of colonisation, which consisted in sending a Vice-Doge to each of its colonies for a term of two years, during which his duty was to encourage trade and to collect tribute. In a similar way, Emmanuel appointed a Viceroy for his Eastern trade, and in 1505 Almeida had settled in Ceylon, with a view to monopolising the cinnamon trade of that place. [Illustration: PORTUGUESE INDIES] But the greatest of the Portuguese viceroys was Affonso de Albuquerque, who captured the important post of Goa, on the mainland of India, which still belongs to Portugal, and the port of Ormuz, which, we have seen, was one of the centres of the Eastern trade. Even more important was the capture of the Moluccas, or Spice Islands, which were discovered in 1511, after the Portuguese had seized Malacca. By 1521 the Portuguese had full possession of the Spice Islands, and thus held the trade of condiments entirely in their own hands. The result was seen soon in the rise of prices in the European markets. Whereas at the end of the fifteenth century pepper, for instance, was about 17s. a pound, from 1521 and onwards its average price grew to be 25s., and so with almost all the ingredients by which food could be made more tasty. One of the circumstances, however, which threw the monopoly into the hands of the Portuguese was the seizure of Egypt in 1521 by the Turks under Selim I., which would naturally derange the course of trade from its old route through Alexandria. From the Moluccas easy access was found to China, and ultimately to Japan, so that the Portuguese for a time held in their hands the whole of the Eastern trade, on which Europe depended for most of its luxuries. As we shall see, the Portuguese only won by a neck--if we may use a sporting expression--in the race for the possession of the Spice Islands. In the very year they obtained possession of them, Magellan, on his way round the world, had reached the Philippines, within a few hundred miles of them, and his ship, the _Victoria_, actually sailed through them that year. In fact, 1521 is a critical year in the discovery of the world, for both the Spanish and Portuguese (the two nations who had attempted to reach the Indies eastward and westward) arrived at the goal of their desires, the Spice Islands, in that same year, while the closure of Egypt to commerce occurred opportunely to divert the trade into the hands of the Portuguese. Finally, the year 1521 was signalised by the death of King Emmanuel of Portugal, under whose auspices the work of Prince Henry the Navigator was completed. It must here be observed that we are again anticipating matters. As soon as the discovery of the New World was announced, the Pope was appealed to, to determine the relative shares of Spain and Portugal in the discoveries which would clearly follow upon Columbus's voyage. By his Bull, dated 4th May 1493, Alexander VI. granted all discoveries to the west to Spain, leaving it to be understood that all to the east belonged to Portugal. The line of demarcation was an imaginary one drawn from pole to pole, and passing one hundred leagues west of the Azores and Cape Verde Islands, which were supposed, in the inaccurate geography of the time, to be in the same meridian. In the following year the Portuguese monarch applied for a revision of the _raya_, as this would keep him out of all discovered in the New World altogether; and the line of demarcation was then shifted 270 leagues westward, or altogether 1110 miles west of the Cape Verdes. By a curious coincidence, within six years Cabral had discovered Brazil, which fell within the angle thus cut off by the _raya_ from South America. Or was it entirely a coincidence? May not Cabral have been directed to take this unusually westward course in order to ascertain if any land fell within the Portuguese claims? When, however, the Spice Islands were discovered, it remained to be discussed whether the line of demarcation, when continued on the other side of the globe, brought them within the Spanish or Portuguese "sphere of influence," as we should say nowadays. By a curious chance they happened to be very near the line, and, with the inaccurate maps of the period, a pretty subject of quarrel was afforded between the Portuguese and Spanish commissioners who met at Badajos to determine the question. This was left undecided by the Junta, but by a family compact, in 1529, Charles V. ceded to his brother-in-law, the King of Portugal, any rights he might have to the Moluccas, for the sum of 350,000 gold ducats, while he himself retained the Philippines, which have been Spanish ever since. By this means the Indian Ocean became, for all trade purposes, a Portuguese lake throughout the sixteenth century, as will be seen from the preceding map, showing the trading stations of the Portuguese all along the shores of the ocean. But they only possessed their monopoly for fifty years, for in 1580 the Spanish and Portuguese crowns became united on the head of Philip II., and by the time Portugal recovered its independence, in 1640, serious rivals had arisen to compete with her and Spain for the monopoly of the Eastern trade. [_Authorities_: Major, _Prince Henry the Navigator_, 1869; Beazeley, _Prince Henry the Navigator_, 1895; F. Hummerich, _Vasco da Gama_, 1896.] CHAPTER VII TO THE INDIES WESTWARD--THE SPANISH ROUTE--COLUMBUS AND MAGELLAN While the Portuguese had, with slow persistency, devoted nearly a century to carrying out Prince Henry's idea of reaching the Indies by the eastward route, a bold yet simple idea had seized upon a Genoese sailor, which was intended to achieve the same purpose by sailing westward. The ancients, as we have seen, had recognised the rotundity of the earth, and Eratosthenes had even recognised the possibility of reaching India by sailing westward. Certain traditions of the Greeks and the Irish had placed mysterious islands far out to the west in the Atlantic, and the great philosopher Plato had imagined a country named Atlantis, far out in the Indian Ocean, where men were provided with all the gifts of nature. These views of the ancients came once more to the attention of the learned, owing to the invention of printing and the revival of learning, when the Greek masterpieces began to be made accessible in Latin, chiefly by fugitive Greeks from Constantinople, which had been taken by the Turks in 1453. Ptolemy's geography was printed at Rome in 1462, and with maps in 1478. But even without the maps the calculation which he had made of the length of the known world tended to shorten the distance between Portugal and Farther India by 2500 miles. Since his time the travels of Marco Polo had added to the knowledge of Europe the vast extent of Cathay and the distant islands of Zipangu (Japan), which would again reduce the distance by another 1500 miles. As the Greek geographers had somewhat under-estimated the whole circuit of the globe, it would thus seem that Zipangu was not more than 4000 miles to the west of Portugal. As the Azores were considered to be much farther off from the coast than they really were, it might easily seem, to an enthusiastic mind, that Farther India might be reached when 3000 miles of the ocean had been traversed. [Illustration: TOSCANELLI'S MAP (_restored_)] This was the notion that seized the mind of Christopher Columbus, born at Genoa in 1446, of humble parentage, his father being a weaver. He seems to have obtained sufficient knowledge to enable him to study the works of the learned, and of the ancients in Latin translations. But in his early years he devoted his attention to obtaining a practical acquaintance with seamanship. In his day, as we have seen, Portugal was the centre of geographical knowledge, and he and his brother Bartolomeo, after many voyages north and south, settled at last in Lisbon--his brother as a map-maker, and himself as a practical seaman. This was about the year 1473, and shortly afterwards he married Felipa Moñiz, daughter of Bartolomeo Perestrello, an Italian in the service of the King of Portugal, and for some time Governor of Madeira. Now it chanced just at this time that there was a rumour in Portugal that a certain Italian philosopher, named Toscanelli, had put forth views as to the possibility of a westward voyage to Cathay, or China, and the Portuguese king had, through a monk named Martinez, applied to Toscanelli to know his views, which were given in a letter dated 25th June 1474. It would appear that, quite independently, Columbus had heard the rumour, and applied to Toscanelli, for in the latter's reply he, like a good business man, shortened his answer by giving a copy of the letter he had recently written to Martinez. What was more important and more useful, Toscanelli sent a map showing in hours (or degrees) the probable distance between Spain and Cathay westward. By adding the information given by Marco Polo to the incorrect views of Ptolemy about the breadth of the inhabited world, Toscanelli reduced the distance from the Azores to 52°, or 3120 miles. Columbus always expressed his indebtedness to Toscanelli's map for his guidance, and, as we shall see, depended upon it very closely, both in steering, and in estimating the distance to be traversed. Unfortunately this map has been lost, but from a list of geographical positions, with latitude and longitude, founded upon it, modern geographers have been able to restore it in some detail, and a simplified sketch of it may be here inserted, as perhaps the most important document in Columbus's career. Certainly, whether he had the idea of reaching the Indies by a westward voyage before or not, he adopted Toscanelli's views with enthusiasm, and devoted his whole life henceforth to trying to carry them into operation. He gathered together all the information he could get about the fabled islands of the Atlantic--the Island of St. Brandan, where that Irish saint found happy mortals; and the Island of Antilla, imagined by others, with its seven cities. He gathered together all the gossip he could hear--of mysterious corpses cast ashore on the Canaries, and resembling no race of men known to Europe; of huge canes, found on the shores of the same islands, evidently carved by man's skill. Curiously enough, these pieces of evidence were logically rather against the existence of a westward route to the Indies than not, since they indicated an unknown race, but, to an enthusiastic mind like Columbus's, anything helped to confirm him in his fixed idea, and besides, he could always reply that these material signs were from the unknown island of Zipangu, which Marco Polo had described as at some distance from the shores of Cathay. He first approached, as was natural, the King of Portugal, in whose land he was living, and whose traditional policy was directed to maritime exploration. But the Portuguese had for half a century been pursuing another method of reaching India, and were not inclined to take up the novel idea of a stranger, which would traverse their long-continued policy of coasting down Africa. A hearing, however, was given to him, but the report was unfavourable, and Columbus had to turn his eyes elsewhere. There is a tradition that the Portuguese monarch and his advisers thought rather more of Columbus's ideas at first; and attempted secretly to put them into execution; but the pilot to whom they entrusted the proposed voyage lost heart as soon as he lost sight of land, and returned with an adverse verdict on the scheme. It is not known whether Columbus heard of this mean attempt to forestall him, but we find him in 1487 being assisted by the Spanish Court, and from that time for the next five years he was occupied in attempting to induce the Catholic monarchs of Spain, Ferdinand and Isabella, to allow him to try his novel plan of reaching the Indies. The final operations in expelling the Moors from Spain just then engrossed all their attention and all their capital, and Columbus was reduced to despair, and was about to give up all hopes of succeeding in Spain, when one of the great financiers, a converted Jew named Luis de Santaguel, offered to find means for the voyage, and Columbus was recalled. [Illustration: BEHAIM'S GLOBE. 1492.] On the 19th April 1492 articles were signed, by which Columbus received from the Spanish monarchs the titles of Admiral and Viceroy of all the lands he might discover, as well as one-tenth of all the tribute to be derived from them; and on Friday the 3rd August, of the same year, he set sail in three vessels, entitled the _Santa Maria_ (the flagship), the _Pinta_, and the _Nina_. He started from the port of Palos, first for the Canary Islands. These he left on the 6th September, and steered due west. On the 13th of that month, Columbus observed that the needle of the compass pointed due north, and thus drew attention to the variability of the compass. By the 21st September his men became mutinous and tried to force him to return. He induced them to continue, and four days afterwards the cry of "Land! land!" was heard, which kept up their spirits for several days, till, on the 1st October, large numbers of birds were seen. By that time Columbus had reckoned that he had gone some 710 leagues from the Canaries, and if Zipangu were in the position that Tostanelli's map gave it, he ought to have been in its neighbourhood. It was reckoned in those days that a ship on an average could make four knots an hour, dead reckoning, which would give about 100 miles a day, so that Columbus might reckon on passing over the 3100 miles which he thought intervened between the Azores and Japan in about thirty-three days. All through the early days of October his courage was kept up by various signs of the nearness of land--birds and branches--while on the 11th October, at sunset, they sounded, and found bottom; and at ten o'clock, Columbus, sitting in the stern of his vessel, saw a light, the first sure sign of land after thirty-five days, and in near enough approximation to Columbus's reckoning to confirm him in the impression that he was approaching the mysterious land of Zipangu. Next morning they landed on an island, called by the natives Guanahain, and by Columbus San Salvador. This has been identified as Watling Island. His first inquiry was as to the origin of the little plates of gold which he saw in the ears of the natives. They replied that they came from the West--another confirmation of his impression. Steering westward, they arrived at Cuba, and afterwards at Hayti (St. Domingo). Here, however, the _Santa Maria_ sank, and Columbus determined to return, to bring the good news, after leaving some of his men in a fort at Hayti. The return journey was made in the _Nina_ in even shorter time to the Azores, but afterwards severe storms arose, and it was not till the 15th March 1493 that he reached Palos, after an absence of seven and a half months, during which everybody thought that he and his ships had disappeared. He was naturally received with great enthusiasm by the Spaniards, and after a solemn entry at Barcelona he presented to Ferdinand and Isabella the store of gold and curiosities carried by some of the natives of the islands he had visited. They immediately set about fitting out a much larger fleet of seven vessels, which started from Cadiz, 25th September 1493. He took a more southerly course, but again reached the islands now known as the West Indies. On visiting Hayti he found the fort destroyed, and no traces of the men he had left there. It is needless for our purposes to go through the miserable squabbles which occurred on this and his subsequent voyages, which resulted in Columbus's return to Spain in chains and disgrace. It is only necessary for us to say that in his third voyage, in 1498, he touched on Trinidad, and saw the coast of South America, which he supposed to be the region of the Terrestrial Paradise. This was placed by the mediæval maps at the extreme east of the Old World. Only on his fourth voyage, in 1502, did he actually touch the mainland, coasting along the shores of Central America in the neighbourhood of Panama. After many disappointments, he died, 20th May 1506, at Valladolid, believing, as far as we can judge, to the day of his death, that what he had discovered was what he set out to seek--a westward route to the Indies, though his proud epitaph indicates the contrary:-- A Castilla y á Leon | To Castille and to Leon Nuevo mondo dió Colon. | A NEW WORLD gave Colon.[1] [Footnote 1: Columbus's Spanish name was Cristoval Colon.] To this day his error is enshrined in the name we give to the Windward and Antilles Islands--West Indies: in other words, the Indies reached by the westward route. If they had been the Indies at all, they would have been the most easterly of them. Even if Columbus had discovered a new route to Farther India, he could not, as we have seen, claim the merit of having originated the idea, which, even in detail, he had taken from Toscanelli. But his claim is even a greater one. He it was who first dared to traverse unknown seas without coasting along the land, and his example was the immediate cause of all the remarkable discoveries that followed his earlier voyages. As we have seen, both Vasco da Gama and Cabral immediately after departed from the slow coasting route, and were by that means enabled to carry out to the full the ideas of Prince Henry; but whereas, by the Portuguese method of coasting, it had taken nearly a century to reach the Cape of Good Hope, within thirty years of Columbus's first venture the whole globe had been circumnavigated. The first aim of his successors was to ascertain more clearly what it was that Columbus had discovered. Immediately after Columbus's third, voyage, in 1498, and after the news of Vasco da Gama's successful passage to the Indies had made it necessary to discover some strait leading from the "West Indies" to India itself, a Spanish gentleman, named Hojeda, fitted out an expedition at his own expense, with an Italian pilot on board, named Amerigo Vespucci, and tried once more to find a strait to India near Trinidad. They were, of course, unsuccessful, but they coasted along and landed on the north coast of South America, which, from certain resemblances, they termed Little Venice (Venezuela). Next year, as we have seen, Cabral, in following Vasco da Gama, hit upon Brazil, which turned out to be within the Portuguese "sphere of influence," as determined by the line of demarcation. But, three months previous to Cabral's touching upon Brazil, one of Columbus's companions on his first voyage, Vincenta Yanez Pinzon, had touched on the coast of Brazil, eight degrees south of the line, and from there had worked northward, seeking for a passage which would lead west to the Indies. He discovered the mouth of the Amazon, but, losing two of his vessels, returned to Palos, which he reached in September 1500. This discovery of an unknown and unsuspected continent so far south of the line created great interest, and shortly after Cabral's return Amerigo Vespucci was sent out in 1501 by the King of Portugal as pilot of a fleet which should explore the new land discovered by Cabral and claim it for the Crown of Portugal. His instructions were to ascertain how much of it was within the line of demarcation. Vespucci reached the Brazilian coast at Cape St. Roque, and then explored it very thoroughly right down to the river La Plata, which was too far west to come within the Portuguese sphere. Amerigo and his companions struck out south-eastward till they reached the island of St. Georgia, 1200 miles east of Cape Horn, where the cold and the floating ice drove them back, and they returned to Lisbon, after having gone farthest south up to their time. [Illustration: AMERIGO VESPUCCI.] This voyage of Amerigo threw a new light upon the nature of the discovery made by Columbus. Whereas he had thought he had discovered a route to India and had touched upon Farther India, Amerigo and his companions had shown that there was a hitherto unsuspected land intervening between Columbus's discoveries and the long-desired Spice Islands of Farther India. Amerigo, in describing his discoveries, ventured so far as to suggest that they constituted a New World; and a German professor, named Martin Waldseemüller, who wrote an introduction to Cosmography in 1506, which included an account of Amerigo's discoveries, suggested that this New World should be called after him, AMERICA, after the analogy of Asia, Africa, and Europe. For a long time the continent which we now know as South America was called simply the New World, and was supposed to be joined on to the east coast of Asia. The name America was sometimes applied to it--not altogether inappropriately, since it was Amerigo's voyage which definitely settled that really new lands had been discovered by the western route; and when it was further ascertained that this new land was joined, not to Asia, but to another continent as large as itself, the two new lands were distinguished as North and South America. It was, at any rate, clear from Amerigo's discovery that the westward route to the Spice Islands would have to be through or round this New World discovered by him, and a Portuguese noble, named Fernao Magelhaens, was destined to discover the practicability of this route. He had served his native country under Almeida and Albuquerque in the East Indies, and was present at the capture of Malacca in 1511, and from that port was despatched by Albuquerque with three ships to visit the far-famed Spice Islands. They visited Amboyna and Banda, and learned enough of the abundance and cheapness of the spices of the islands to recognise their importance; but under the direction of Albuquerque, who only sent them out on an exploring expedition, they returned to him, leaving behind them, however, one of Magelhaens' greatest friends, Francisco Serrao, who settled in Ternate and from time to time sent glowing accounts of the Moluccas to his friend Magelhaens. He in the meantime returned to Portugal, and was employed on an expedition to Morocco. He was not, however, well treated by the Portuguese monarch, and determined to leave his service for that of Charles V., though he made it a condition of his entering his service that he should make no discoveries within the boundaries of the King of Portugal, and do nothing prejudicial to his interests. [Illustration: FERDINAND MAGELLAN.] This was in the year 1517, and two years elapsed before Magelhaens started on his celebrated voyage. He had represented to the Emperor that he was convinced that a strait existed which would lead into the Indian Ocean, past the New World of Amerigo, and that the Spice Islands were beyond the line of demarcation and within the Spanish sphere of influence. There is some evidence that Spanish merchant vessels, trading secretly to obtain Brazil wood, had already caught sight of the strait afterwards named after Magelhaens, and certainly such a strait is represented upon Schoner's globes dated 1515 and 1520--earlier than Magelhaens' discovery. The Portuguese were fully aware of the dangers threatened to their monopoly of the spice trade--which by this time had been firmly established--owing to the presence of Serrao in Ternate, and did all in their power to dissuade Charles from sending out the threatened expedition, pointing out that they would consider it an unfriendly act if such an expedition were permitted to start. Notwithstanding this the Emperor persisted in the project, and on Tuesday, 20th September 1519, a fleet of five vessels, the _Trinidad, St. Antonio, Concepcion, Victoria_, and _St. Jago_, manned by a heterogeneous collection of Spaniards, Portuguese, Basques, Genoese, Sicilians, French, Flemings, Germans, Greeks, Neapolitans, Corfiotes, Negroes, Malays, and a single Englishman (Master Andrew of Bristol), started from Seville upon perhaps the most important voyage of discovery ever made. So great was the antipathy between Spanish and Portuguese that disaffection broke out almost from the start, and after the mouth of the La Plata had been carefully explored, to ascertain whether this was not really the beginning of a passage through the New World, a mutiny broke out on the 2nd April 1520, in Port St. Julian, where it had been determined to winter; for of course by this time the sailors had become aware that the time of the seasons was reversed in the Southern Hemisphere. Magelhaens showed great firmness and skill in dealing with the mutiny; its chief leaders were either executed or marooned, and on the 18th October he resumed his voyage. Meanwhile the habits and customs of the natives had been observed--their huge height and uncouth foot-coverings, for which Magelhaens gave them the name of Patagonians. Within three days they had arrived at the entrance of the passage which still bears Magelhaens' name. By this time one of the ships, the _St Jago_, had been lost, and it was with only four of his vessels--the _Trinidad_, the _Victoria_, the _Concepcion_. and the _St. Antonio_--that, Magelhaens began his passage. There are many twists and divisions in the strait, and on arriving at one of the partings, Magelhaens despatched the _St. Antonio_ to explore it, while he proceeded with the other three ships along the more direct route. The pilot of the _St. Antonio_ had been one of the mutineers, and persuaded the crew to seize this opportunity to turn back altogether; so that when Magelhaens arrived at the appointed place of junction, no news could be ascertained of the missing vessel; it went straight back to Portugal. Magelhaens determined to continue his search, even, he said, if it came to eating the leather thongs of the sails. It had taken him thirty-eight days to get through the Straits, and for four months afterwards Magelhaens continued his course through the ocean, which, from its calmness, he called Pacific; taking a north-westerly course, and thus, by a curious chance, only hitting upon a couple of small uninhabited islands throughout their whole voyage, through a sea which we now know to be dotted by innumerable inhabited islands. On the 6th March 1520 they had sighted the Ladrones, and obtained much-needed provisions. Scurvy had broken out in its severest form, and the only Englishman on the ships died at the Ladrones. From there they went on to the islands now known as the Philippines, one of the kings of which greeted them very favourably. As a reward Magelhaens undertook one of his local quarrels, and fell in an unequal fight at Mactan, 27th April 1521. The three vessels continued their course for the Moluccas, but the _Concepcion_ proved so unseaworthy that they had to beach and burn her. They reached Borneo, and here Juan Sebastian del Cano was appointed captain of the _Victoria_. At last, on the 6th November 1521, they reached the goal of their journey, and anchored at Tidor, one of the Moluccas. They traded on very advantageous terms with the natives, and filled their holds with the spices and nutmegs for which they had journeyed so far; but when they attempted to resume their journey homeward, it was found that the _Trinidad_ was too unseaworthy to proceed at once, and it was decided that the _Victoria_ should start so as to get the east monsoon. This she did, and after the usual journey round the Cape of Good Hope, arrived off the Mole of Seville on Monday the 8th September 1522--three years all but twelve days from the date of their departure from Spain. Of the two hundred and seventy men who had started with the fleet, only eighteen returned in the _Victoria_. According to the ship's reckoning they had arrived on Sunday the 7th, and for some time it was a puzzle to account for the day thus lost. Meanwhile the _Trinidad_, which had been left behind at the Moluccas, had attempted to sail back to Panama, and reached as far north as 43°, somewhere about longitude 175° W. Here provisions failed them, and they had to return to the Moluccas, where they were seized, practically as pirates, by a fleet of Portuguese vessels sent specially to prevent interference by the Spaniards with the Portuguese monopoly of the spice trade. The crew of the _Trinidad_ were seized and made prisoners, and ultimately only four of them reached Spain again, after many adventures. Thirteen others, who had landed at the Cape de Verde Islands from the _Victoria_, may also be included among the survivors of the fleet, so that a total number of thirty-five out of two hundred and seventy sums up the number of the first circumnavigators of the globe. The importance of this voyage was unique when regarded from the point of view of geographical discovery. It decisively clinched the matter with regard to the existence of an entirely New World independent from Asia. In particular, the backward voyage of the _Trinidad_ (which has rarely been noticed) had shown that there was a wide expanse of ocean north of the line and east of Asia, whilst the previous voyage had shown the enormous extent of sea south of the line. After the circumnavigation of the _Victoria_ it was clear to cosmographers that the world was much larger than had been imagined by the ancients; or rather, perhaps one may say that Asia was smaller than had been thought by the mediæval writers. The dogged persistence shown by Magelhaens in carrying out his idea, which turned out to be a perfectly justifiable one, raises him from this point of view to a greater height than Columbus, whose month's voyage brought him exactly where he thought he would find land according to Toscanelli's map. After Magelhaens, as will be seen, the whole coast lines of the world were roughly known, except for the Arctic Circle and for Australia. [Illustration: THE WORLD ACCORDING TO PTOLEMY OF 1548.] The Emperor was naturally delighted with the result of the voyage. He granted Del Cano a pension, and a coat of arms commemorating his services. The terms of the grant are very significant: _or_, two cinnamon sticks _saltire proper_, three nutmegs and twelve cloves, a chief _gules_, a castle _or; crest_, a globe, bearing the motto, "Primus circumdedisti me" (thou wert the first to go round me); _supporters_, two Malay kings crowned, holding in the exterior hand a spice branch proper. The castle, of course, refers to Castile, but the rest of the blazon indicates the importance attributed to the voyage as resting mainly upon the visit to the Spice Islands. As we have already seen, however, the Portuguese recovered their position in the Moluccas immediately after the departure of the _Victoria_, and seven years later Charles V. gave up any claims he might possess through Magelhaens' visit. But for a long time afterwards the Spaniards still cast longing eyes upon the Spice Islands, and the Fuggers, the great bankers of Augsburg, who financed the Spanish monarch, for a long time attempted to get possession of Peru, with the scarcely disguised object of making it a "jumping-place" from which to make a fresh attempt at obtaining possession of the Moluccas. A modern parallel will doubtless occur to the reader. There are thus three stages to be distinguished in the successive discovery and delimitation of the New World:-- (i.) At first Columbus imagined that he had actually reached Zipangu or Japan, and achieved the object of his voyage. (ii.) Then Amerigo Vespucci, by coasting down South America, ascertained that there was a huge unknown land intervening even between Columbus' discoveries and the long-desired Spice Islands. (iii.) Magelhaens clinches this view by traversing the Southern Pacific for thousands of miles before reaching the Moluccas. There is still a fourth stage by which it was gradually discovered that the North-west of America was not joined on to Asia, but this stage was only gradually reached and finally determined by the voyages of Behring and Cook. [_Authorities:_ Justin Winsor, _Christopher Columbus_, 1894; Guillemard, _Ferdinand Magellan_, 1894.] CHAPTER VIII TO THE INDIES NORTHWARD--ENGLISH, FRENCH, DUTCH, AND RUSSIAN ROUTES The discovery of the New World had the most important consequences on the relative importance of the different nations of Europe. Hitherto the chief centres for over two thousand years had been round the shores of the Mediterranean, and, as we have seen, Venice, by her central position and extensive trade to the East, had become a world-centre during the latter Middle Ages. But after Columbus, and still more after Magelhaens, the European nations on the Atlantic were found to be closer to the New World, and, in a measure, closer to the Spice Islands, which they could reach all the way by ship, instead of having to pay expensive land freights. The trade routes through Germany became at once neglected, and it is only in the present century that she has at all recovered from the blow given to her by the discovery of the new sea routes in which she could not join. But to England, France, and the Low Countries the new outlook promised a share in the world's trade and affairs generally, which they had never hitherto possessed while the Mediterranean was the centre of commerce. If the Indies could be reached by sea, they were almost in as fortunate a position as Portugal or Spain. Almost as soon as the new routes were discovered the Northern nations attempted to utilise them, notwithstanding the Bull of Partition, which the French king laughed at, and the Protestant English and Dutch had no reason to respect. Within three years of the return of Columbus from his first voyage, Henry VII. employed John Cabot, a Venetian settled in Bristol, with his three sons, to attempt the voyage to the Indies by the North-West Passage. He appears to have re-discovered Newfoundland in 1497, and then in the following year, failing to find a passage there, coasted down North America nearly as far as Florida. In 1534 Jacques Cartier examined the river St. Lawrence, and his discoveries were later followed up by Samuel de Champlain, who explored some of the great lakes near the St. Lawrence, and established the French rule in Canada, or Acadie, as it was then called. Meanwhile the English had made an attempt to reach the Indies, still by a northern passage, but this time in an easterly direction. Sebastian Cabot, who had been appointed Grand Pilot of England by Edward VI., directed a voyage of exploration in 1553, under Sir Hugh Willoughby. Only one of these ships, with the pilot (Richard Chancellor) on board, survived the voyage, reaching Archangel, and then going overland to Moscow, where he was favourably received by the Czar of Russia, Ivan the Terrible. He was, however, drowned on his return, and no further attempt to reach Cathay by sea was attempted. The North-West Passage seemed thus to promise better than that by the North-East, and in 1576 Martin Frobisher started on an exploring voyage, after having had the honour of a wave of Elizabeth's hand as he passed Greenwich. He reached Greenland, and then Labrador, and, in a subsequent voyage next year, discovered the strait named after him. His project was taken up by Sir Humphrey Gilbert, on whom, with his brother Adrian, Elizabeth conferred the privilege of making the passage to China and the Moluccas by the north-westward, north-eastward, or northward route. At the same time a patent was granted him for discovering any lands unsettled by Christian princes. A settlement was made in St. John's, Newfoundland, but on the return voyage, near the Azores, Sir Humphrey's "frigate" (a small boat of ten men), disappeared, after he had been heard to call out, "Courage, my lads; we are as near heaven by sea as by land!" This happened in 1583. Two years after, another expedition was sent out by the merchants of London, under John Davis, who, on this and two subsequent voyages, discovered several passages trending westward, which warranted the hope of finding a northwest passage. Beside the strait named after him, it is probable that on his third voyage, in 1587, he passed through the passage now named after Hudson. His discoveries were not followed up for some twenty years, when Henry Hudson was despatched in 1607 with a crew of ten men and a boy. He reached Spitzbergen, and reached 80° N., and in the following year reached the North (Magnetic) Pole, which was then situated at 75.22° N. Two of his men were also fortunate enough to see a mermaid--probably an Eskimo woman in her _kayak_. In a third voyage, in 1609, he discovered the strait and bay which now bear his name, but was marooned by his crew, and never heard of further. He had previously, for a time, passed into the service of the Dutch, and had guided them to the river named after him, on which New York now stands. The course of English discovery in the north was for a time concluded by the voyage of William Baffin in 1615, which resulted in the discovery of the land named after him, as well as many of the islands to the north of America. Meanwhile the Dutch had taken part in the work of discovery towards the north. They had revolted against the despotism of Philip II., who was now monarch of both Spain and Portugal. At first they attempted to adopt a route which would not bring them into collision with their old masters; and in three voyages, between 1594 and 1597, William Barentz attempted the North-East Passage, under the auspices of the States-General. He discovered Cherry Island, and touched on Spitzbergen, but failed in the main object of his search; and the attention of the Dutch was henceforth directed to seizing the Portuguese route, rather than finding a new one for themselves. The reason they were able to do this is a curious instance of Nemesis in history. Owing to the careful series of intermarriages planned out by Ferdinand of Arragon, the Portuguese Crown and all its possessions became joined to Spain in 1580 under Philip II., just a year after the northern provinces of the Netherlands had renounced allegiance to Spain. Consequently they were free to attack not alone Spanish vessels and colonies, but also those previously belonging to Portugal. As early as 1596 Cornelius Houtman rounded the Cape and visited Sumatra and Bantam, and within fifty, years the Dutch had replaced the Portuguese in many of their Eastern possessions. In 1614 they took Malacca, and with it the command of the Spice Islands; by 1658 they had secured full possession of Ceylon. Much earlier, in 1619, they had founded Batavia in Java, which they made the centre of their East Indian possessions, as it still remains. The English at first attempted to imitate the Dutch in their East Indian policy. The English East India Company was founded by Elizabeth in 1600, and as early as 1619 had forced the Dutch to allow them to take a third share of the profits of the Spice Islands. In order to do this several English planters settled at Amboyna, but within four years trade rivalries had reached such a pitch that the Dutch murdered some of these merchants and drove the rest from the islands. As a consequence the English Company devoted its attention to the mainland of India itself, where they soon obtained possession of Madras and Bombay, and left the islands of the Indian Ocean mainly in possession of the Dutch. We shall see later the effect of this upon the history of geography, for it was owing to their possession of the East India Islands that the Dutch were practically the discoverers of Australia. One result of the Dutch East India policy has left its traces even to the present day. In 1651 they established a colony at the Cape of Good Hope, which only fell into English hands during the Napoleonic wars, when Napoleon held Holland. Meanwhile the English had not lost sight of the possibilities of the North-East Passage, if not for reaching the Spice Islands, at any rate as a means of tapping the overland route to China, hitherto monopolised by the Genoese. In 1558 an English gentleman, named Anthony Jenkinson, was sent as ambassador to the Czar of Muscovy, and travelled from Moscow as far as Bokhara; but he was not very fortunate in his venture, and England had to be content for some time to receive her Indian and Chinese goods from the Venetian argosies as before. But at last they saw no reason why they should not attempt direct relations with the East. A company of Levant merchants was formed in 1583 to open out direct communications with Aleppo, Bagdad, Ormuz, and Goa. They were unsuccessful at the two latter places owing to the jealousy of the Portuguese, but they made arrangements for cheaper transit of Eastern goods to England, and in 1587 the last of the Venetian argosies, a great vessel of eleven hundred tons, was wrecked off the Isle of Wight. Henceforth the English conducted their own business with the East, and Venetian and Portuguese monopoly was at an end. [Illustration: RUSSIAN MAP OF ASIA, 1737.] But the journeys of Chancellor and Jenkinson to the Court of Moscow had more far-reaching effects; the Russians themselves were thereby led to contemplate utilising their proximity to one of the best known routes to the Far East. Shortly after Jenkinson's visit, the Czar, Ivan the Terrible, began extending his dominions eastward, sending at first a number of troops to accompany the Russian merchant Strogonof as far as the Obi in search of sables. Among the troops were a corps of six thousand Cossacks commanded by one named Vassili Yermak, who, finding the Tartars an easy prey, determined at first to set up a new kingdom for himself. In 1579 he was successful in overcoming the Tartars and their chief town Sibir, near Tobolsk; but, finding it difficult to retain his position, determined to return to his allegiance to the Czar on condition of being supported. This was readily granted, and from that time onward the Russians steadily pushed on through to the unknown country of the north of Asia, since named after the little town conquered by Yermak, of which scarcely any traces now remain. As early as 1639 they had reached the Pacific under Kupilof. A force was sent out from Yakutz, on the Lena, in 1643, which reached the Amur, and thus Russians came for the first time in contact with the Chinese, and a new method of reaching Cathay was thus obtained, while geography gained the knowledge of the extent of Northern Asia. For, about the same time (in 1648), the Arctic Ocean was reached on the north shores of Siberia, and a fleet under the Cossack Dishinef sailed from Kolyma and reached as far as the straits known by the name of Behring. It was not, however, till fifty years afterwards, in 1696, that the Russians reached Kamtschatka. Notwithstanding the access of knowledge which had been gained by these successive bold pushes towards north and east, it still remained uncertain whether Siberia did not join on to the northern part of the New World discovered by Columbus and Amerigo, and in 1728 Peter the Great sent out an expedition under VITUS BEHRING, a Dane in the Russian service, with the express aim of ascertaining this point. He reached Kamtschatka, and there built two vessels as directed by the Czar, and started on his voyage northward, coasting along the land. When he reached a little beyond 67° N., he found no land to the north or east, and conceived he had reached the end of the continent. As a matter of fact, he was within thirty miles of the west coast of America; but of this he does not seem to have been aware, being content with solving the special problem put before him by the Czar. The strait thus discovered by Behring, though not known by him to be a strait, has ever since been known by his name. In 1741, however, Behring again set out on a voyage of discovery to ascertain how far to the east America was, and within a fortnight had come within sight of the lofty mountain named by him Mount St. Elias. Behring himself died upon this voyage, on an island also named after him; he had at last solved the relation between the Old and the New Worlds. These voyages of Behring, however, belong to a much later stage of discovery than those we have hitherto been treating for the last three chapters. His explorations were undertaken mainly for scientific purposes, and to solve a scientific problem, whereas all the other researches of Spanish, Portuguese, English, and Dutch were directed to one end, that of reaching the Spice Islands and Cathay. The Portuguese at first started out on the search by the slow method of creeping down the coast of Africa; the Spanish, by adopting Columbus's bold idea, had attempted it by the western route, and under Magellan's still bolder conception had equally succeeded in reaching it in that way; the English and French sought for a north-west passage to the Moluccas; while the English and Dutch attempted a northeasterly route. In both directions the icy barrier of the north prevented success. It was reserved, as we shall see, for the present century to complete the North-West Passage under Maclure, and the North-East by Nordenskiold, sailing with quite different motives to those which first brought the mariners of England, France, and Holland within the Arctic Circle. The net result of all these attempts by the nations of Europe to wrest from the Venetians the monopoly of the Eastern trade was to add to geography the knowledge of the existence of a New World intervening between the western shores of Europe and the eastern shores of Asia. We have yet to learn the means by which the New World thus discovered became explored and possessed by the European nations. [_Authorities:_ Cooley and Beazeley, _John and Sebastian Cabot_, 1898.] CHAPTER IX THE PARTITION OF AMERICA We have hitherto been dealing with the discoveries made by Spanish and Portuguese along the coast of the New World, but early in the sixteenth century they began to put foot on _terra firma_ and explore the interior. As early as 1513 Vasco Nunez de Balboa ascended the highest peak in the range running from the Isthmus of Panama, and saw for the first time by European eyes the great ocean afterwards to be named by Magellan the Pacific. He there heard that the country to the south extended without end, and was inhabited by great nations, with an abundance of gold. Among his companions who heard of this golden country, or El Dorado, was one Francisco Pizarro, who was destined to test the report. But a similar report had reached the ears of Diego Velasquez, governor of Cuba, as to a great nation possessed of much gold to the north of Darien. He accordingly despatched his lieutenant Hernando Cortes in 1519 to investigate, with ten ships, six hundred and fifty men, and some eighteen horses. When he landed at the port named by him Vera Cruz, the appearance of his men, and more especially of his horses, astonished and alarmed the natives of Mexico, then a large and semi-civilised state under the rule of Montezuma, the last representative of the Aztecs, who in the twelfth century had succeeded the Toltecs, a people that had settled on the Mexican tableland as early probably as the seventh century, introducing the use of metals and roads and many of the elements of civilisation. Montezuma is reported to have been able to range no less than two hundred thousand men under his banners, but he showed his opinion of the Spaniards by sending them costly presents, gold and silver and costly stuffs. This only aroused the cupidity of Cortes, who determined to make a bold stroke for the conquest of such a rich prize. He burnt his ships and advanced into the interior of the country, conquering on his way the tribe of the Tlascalans, who had been at war with the Mexicans, but, when conquered, were ready to assist him against them. With their aid he succeeded in seizing the Mexican king, who was forced to yield a huge tribute. After many struggles Cortes found himself master of the capital, and of all the resources of the Mexican Empire (1521). These he hastened to place at the feet of the Emperor Charles V., who appointed him Governor and Captain-General of Mexico. It is characteristic throughout the history of the New World, that none of the soldiers of fortune who found it such an easy prey ever thought of setting up an empire for himself. This is a testimony to the influence national feeling had upon the minds even of the most lawless, and the result was that Europe and European ideas were brought over into America, or rather the New World became tributary to Europe. As soon as Cortes had established himself he fitted out expeditions to explore the country, and himself reached Honduras after a remarkable journey for over 1000 miles, in which he was only guided by a map on cotton cloth, on which the Cacique of Tabasco had painted all the towns, rivers, and mountains of the country as far as Nicaragua. He also despatched a small fleet under Alvarro de Saavedra to support a Spanish expedition which had been sent to the Moluccas under Sebastian del Cano, and which arrived at Tidor in 1527, to the astonishment of Spanish and Portuguese alike when they heard he had started from New Castile. In 1536, Cortes, who had been in the meantime shorn of much of his power, conducted an expedition by sea along the north-west coast of Mexico, and reached what he considered to be a great island. He identified this with an imaginary island in the Far East, near the terrestrial paradise to which the name of California had been given in a contemporary romance. Thus, owing to Cortes, almost the whole of Central America had become known before his death in 1540. Similarly, at a much earlier period, Ponce de Leon had thought he had discovered another great island in Florida in 1512, whither he had gone in search of Bayuca, a fabled island of the Indians, in which they stated was a fountain of eternal youth. At the time of Cortes' first attempt on Mexico, Pineda had coasted round Florida, and connected it with the rest of the coast of Mexico, which he traversed as far as Vera Cruz. The exploits of Cortes were all important in their effects. He had proved with what ease a handful of men might overcome an empire and gain unparalleled riches. Francisco Pizarro was encouraged by the success of Cortes to attempt the discovery of the El Dorado he had heard of when on Balboa's expedition. With a companion named Diego de Almegro he made several coasting expeditions down the northwest coast of South America, during which they heard of the empire of the Incas on the plateau of Peru. They also obtained sufficient gold and silver to raise their hopes of the riches of the country, and returned to Spain to report to the Emperor. Pizarro obtained permission from Charles V. to attempt the conquest of Peru, of which he was named Governor and Captain-General, on condition of paying a tribute of one-fifth of the treasure he might obtain. He started in February 1531 with a small force of 180 men, of whom thirty-six were horsemen. Adopting the policy of Cortes, he pushed directly for the capital Cuzco, where they managed to seize Atahualpa, the Inca of the time. He attempted to ransom himself by agreeing to fill the room in which he was confined, twenty-two feet long by sixteen wide, with bars of gold as high as the hand could reach. He carried out this prodigious promise, and Pizarro's companions found themselves in possession of booty equal to three millions sterling. Atahualpa was, however, not released, but condemned to death on a frivolous pretext, while Pizarro dismissed his followers, fully confident that the wealth they carried off would attract as many men as he could desire to El Dorado. He settled himself at Lima, near the coast, in 1534. Meanwhile Almegro had been despatched south, and made himself master of Chili. Another expedition in 1539 was conducted by Pizarro's brother Gonzales across the Andes, and reached the sources of the Amazon, which one of his companions, Francisco de Orellana, traversed as far as the mouth. This he reached in August 1541, after a voyage of one thousand leagues. The river was named after Orellana, but, from reports he made of the existence of a tribe of female warriors, was afterwards known as the river of the Amazons. The author spread reports of another El Dorado to the north, in which the roofs of the temples were covered with gold. This report afterwards led to the disastrous expedition of Sir Walter Raleigh to Guiana. By his voyage Orellana connected the Spanish and Portuguese "spheres of influence" in the New World of Amerigo. By the year 1540 the main outlines of Central and South America and something of the interior had been made known by the Spanish adventurers within half a century of Columbus' first voyage. Owing to the papal bull Portugal possessed Brazil, but all the rest of the huge stretch of country was claimed for Spain. The Portuguese wisely treated Brazil as an outlet for their overflowing population, which settled there in large numbers and established plantations. The Spaniards, on the other hand, only regarded their huge possessions as exclusive markets to be merely visited by them. Rich mines of gold, silver, and mercury were discovered in Mexico and Peru, especially in the far-famed mines of Potosi, and these were exploited entirely in the interests of Spain, which acted as a sieve by which the precious metals were poured into Europe, raising prices throughout the Old World. In return European merchandise was sent in the return voyages of the Spanish galleons to New Spain, which could only buy Flemish cloth, for example, through Spanish intermediaries, who raised its price to three times the original cost. This short-sighted policy on the part of Spain naturally encouraged smuggling, and attracted the ships of all nations towards that pursuit. We have already seen the first attempts of the French and English in the exploration of the north-east coast of North America; but during the sixteenth century very little was done to settle on such inhospitable shores, which did not offer anything like the rich prizes that Tropical America afforded. Neither the exploration of Cartier in 1534, or that of the Cabots much earlier, was followed by any attempt to possess the land. Breton fishermen visited the fisheries off Newfoundland, and various explorers attempted to find openings which would give them a north-west passage, but otherwise the more northerly part of the continent was left unoccupied till the beginning of the seventeenth century. The first town founded was that of St. Augustine, in Florida, in 1565, but this was destroyed three years later by a French expedition. Sir Walter Raleigh attempted to found a colony in 1584 near where Virginia now stands, but it failed after three years, and it was not till the reign of James I. that an organised attempt was made by England to establish plantations, as they were then called, on the North American coast. Two Chartered Companies, the one to the north named the Plymouth Company, and the one to the south named the London Company (both founded in 1606), nominally divided between them all the coast from Nova Scotia to Florida. These large tracts of country were during the seventeenth century slowly parcelled out into smaller states, mainly Puritan in the north (New England), High Church and Catholic in the south (Virginia and Maryland). But between the two, and on the banks of the Hudson and the Delaware, two other European nations had also formed plantations--the Dutch along the Hudson from 1609 forming the New Netherlands, and the Swedes from 1636 along the Delaware forming New Sweden. The latter, however, lasted only a few years, and was absorbed by the Dutch in 1655. The capital of New Netherlands was established on Manhattan Island, to the south of the palisade still known as Wall Street, and the city was named New Amsterdam. The Hudson is such an important artery of commerce between the Atlantic and the great lakes, that this wedge between the two sets of English colonies would have been a bar to any future progress. This was recognised by Charles II., who in 1664 despatched an expedition to demand its surrender, even though England and Holland were at that time at peace. New Amsterdam was taken, and named New York, after the king's brother, the Duke of York, afterwards James II. New Sweden, which at the same time fell into the English hands, was sold as a proprietary plantation to a Jersey man, Sir George Carteret, and to a Quaker, William Penn. By this somewhat high-handed procedure the whole coast-line down to Florida was in English hands. Both the London and Plymouth Companies had started to form plantations in 1607, and in that very year the French made their first effective settlements in America, at Port Royal and at Nova Scotia, then called Arcadie; while, the following year, Samuel de Champlain made settlements at Quebec, and founded French Canada. He explored the lake country, and established settlements down the banks of the St. Lawrence, along which French activity for a long time confined itself. Between the French and the English settlements roved the warlike Five Nations of the Iroquois Indians, and Champlain, whose settlements were in the country of the Algonquins, was obliged to take their part and make the Iroquois the enemies of France, which had important effects upon the final struggle between England and France in the eighteenth century. The French continued their exploration of the interior of the continent. In 1673 Marquette discovered the Mississippi (Missi Sepe, "the great water"), and descended it as far as the mouth of the Arkansas, but the work of exploring the Mississippi valley was undertaken by Robert de la Salle. He had already discovered the Ohio and Illinois rivers, and in three expeditions, between 1680 and 1682, succeeded in working his way right down to the mouth of the Mississippi, giving to the huge tract of country which he had thus traversed the name of Louisiana, after Louis XIV. France thenceforth claimed the whole _hinterland_, as we should now call it, of North America, the English being confined to the comparatively narrow strip of country east of the Alleghanies. New Orleans was founded at the mouth of the Mississippi in 1716, and named after the Prince Regent; and French activity ranged between Quebec and New Orleans, leaving many traces even to the present day, in French names like Mobile, Detroit, and the like, through the intervening country. The situation at the commencement of the eighteenth century was remarkably similar to that of the Gold Coast in Africa at the end of the nineteenth. The French persistently attempted to encroach upon the English sphere of influence, and it was in attempting to define the two spheres that George Washington learned his first lesson in diplomacy and strategy. The French and English American colonies were almost perpetually at war with one another, the objective being the spot where Pittsburg now stands, which was regarded as the gate of the west, overlooking as it did the valley of the Ohio. Here Duquesne founded the fort named after himself, and it was not till 1758 that this was finally wrested from French hands; while, in the following year, Wolfe, by his capture of Quebec, overthrew the whole French power in North America. Throughout the long fight the English had been much assisted by the guerilla warfare of the Iroquois against the French. By the Treaty of Paris in 1763 the whole of French America was ceded to England, which also obtained possession of Florida from Spain, in exchange for the Philippines, captured during the war. As a compensation all the country west of the Mississippi became joined on to the Spanish possessions in Mexico. These of course became, nominally French when Napoleon's brother Joseph was placed on the Spanish throne, but Napoleon sold them to the United States in 1803, so that no barrier existed to the westward spread of the States. Long previously to this, a Chartered Company had been formed in 1670, with Prince Rupert at its head, to trade with the Indians for furs in Hudson's Bay, then and for some time afterwards called Rupertsland. The Hudson Bay Company gradually extended its knowledge of the northerly parts of America towards the Rocky Mountains, but it was not till 1740 that Varenne de la Varanderye discovered their extent. In 1769-71 a fur trader named Hearne traced the river Coppermine to the sea, while it was not till 1793 that Mr. (after Sir A.) Mackenzie discovered the river now named after him, and crossed the continent of North America from Atlantic to Pacific. One of the reasons for this late exploration of the north-west of North America was a geographical myth started by a Spanish voyager named Juan de Fuca as early as 1592. Coasting as far as Vancouver Island, he entered the inlet to the south of it, and not being able to see land to the north, brought back a report of a huge sea spreading over all that part of the country, which most geographers assumed to pass over into Hudson Bay or the neighbourhood. It was this report as much as anything which encouraged hopes of finding the north-west passage in a latitude low enough to be free from ice. As soon as the United States got possession of the land west of the Mississippi they began to explore it, and between 1804 and 1807 Lewis and Clarke had explored the whole basin of the Missouri, while Pike had investigated the country between the sources of the Mississippi and the Red River. We have already seen that Behring had carried over Russian investigation and dominion into Alaska, and it was in order to avoid her encroachments down towards the Californian coast that President Monroe put forth in 1823 the doctrine that no further colonisation of the Americas would be permitted by the United States. In this year Russia agreed to limit her claims to the country north of 54.40°. The States subsequently acquired California and other adjoining states during their war with Mexico in 1848, just before gold was discovered in the Sacramento valley. The land between California and Alaska was held in joint possession between Great Britain and the States, and was known as the Oregon Territory. Lewis and Clarke had explored the Columbia River, while Vancouver had much earlier examined the island which now bears his name, so that both countries appear to have some rights of discovery to the district. At one time the inhabitants of the States were inclined to claim all the country as far as the Russian boundary 54.40°, and a war-cry arose "54.40° or fight;" but in 1846 the territory was divided by the 49th parallel, and at this date we may say the partition of America was complete, and all that remained to be known of it was the ice-bound northern coast, over which so much heroic enterprise has been displayed. The history of geographical discovery in America is thus in large measure a history of conquest. Men got to know both coast-line and interior while endeavouring either to trade or to settle where nature was propitious, or the country afforded mineral or vegetable wealth that could be easily transported. Of the coast early knowledge was acquired for geography; but where the continent broadens out either north or south, making the interior inaccessible for trade purposes with the coasts, ignorance remained even down to the present century. Even to the present day the country south of the valley of the Amazon is perhaps as little known as any portion of the earth's surface, while, as we have seen, it was not till the early years of this century that any knowledge was acquired of the huge tract of country between the Mississippi and the Rocky Mountains. It was the natural expansion of the United States, rendered possible by the cession of this tract to the States by Napoleon in 1803, that brought it within the knowledge of all. That expansion was chiefly due to the improved methods of communication which steam has given to mankind only within this century. But for this the region east of the Rocky Mountains would possibly be as little known to Europeans, even at the present day, as the Soudan or Somaliland. It is owing to this natural expansion of the States, and in minor measure of Canada, that few great names of geographical explorers are connected with our knowledge of the interior of North America. Unknown settlers have been the pioneers of geography, and not as elsewhere has the reverse been the case. In the two other continents whose geographical history we have still to trace, Australia and Africa, explorers have preceded settlers or conquerors, and we can generally follow the course of geographical discovery in their case without the necessity of discussing their political history. [_Authorities:_ Winsor, _From Cartier to Frontenac_; Gelcich, in _Mittheilungen_ of Geographical Society of Vienna, 1892.] CHAPTER X AUSTRALIA AND THE SOUTH SEAS--TASMAN AND COOK If one looks at the west coast of Australia one is struck by the large number of Dutch names which are jotted down the coast. There is Hoog Island, Diemen's Bay, Houtman's Abrolhos, De Wit land, and the Archipelago of Nuyts, besides Dirk Hartog's Island and Cape Leeuwin. To the extreme north we find the Gulf of Carpentaria, and to the extreme south the island which used to be called Van Diemen's Land. It is not altogether to be wondered at that almost to the middle of this century the land we now call Australia was tolerably well known as New Holland. If the Dutch had struck the more fertile eastern shores of the Australian continent, it might have been called with reason New Holland to the present day; but there is scarcely any long coast-line of the world so inhospitable and so little promising as that of Western Australia, and one can easily understand how the Dutch, though they explored it, did not care to take possession of it. [Illustration: TERRES AUSTRALES. d'après d'Anville. 1746.] But though the Dutch were the first to explore any considerable stretch of Australian coast, they were by no means the first to sight it. As early as 1542 a Spanish expedition under Luis Lopez de Villalobos, was despatched to follow up the discoveries of Magellan in the Pacific Ocean within the Spanish sphere of influence. He discovered several of the islands of Polynesia, and attempted to seize the Philippines, but his fleet had to return to New Spain. One of the ships coasted along an island to which was given the name of New Guinea, and was thought to be part of the great unknown southern land which Ptolemy had imagined to exist in the south of the Indian Ocean, and to be connected in some way with Tierra del Fuego. Curiosity was thus aroused, and in 1606 Pedro de Quiros was despatched on a voyage to the South Seas with three ships. He discovered the New Hebrides, and believed it formed part of the southern continent, and he therefore named it Australia del Espiritu Santo, and hastened home to obtain the viceroyalty of this new possession. One of his ships got separated from him, and the commander, Luys Vaz de Torres, sailed farther to the south-west, and thereby learned that the New Australia was not a continent but an island. He proceeded farther till he came to New Guinea, which he coasted along the south coast, and seeing land to the south of him, he thus passed through the straits since named after him, and was probably the first European to see the continent of Australia. In the very same year (1606) the Dutch yacht named the _Duyfken_ is said to have coasted along the south and west coasts of New Guinea nearly a thousand miles, till they reached Cape Keerweer, or "turn again." This was probably the north-west coast of Australia. In the first thirty years of the seventeenth century the Dutch followed the west coast of Australia with as much industry as the Portuguese had done with the west coast of Africa, leaving up to the present day signs of their explorations in the names of islands, bays, and capes. Dirk Hartog, in the _Endraaght_, discovered that Land which is named after his ship, and the cape and roadstead named after himself, in 1616. Jan Edels left his name upon the western coast in 1619; while, three years later, a ship named the _Lioness_ or _Leeuwin_ reached the most western point of the continent, to which its name is still attached. Five years later, in 1627, De Nuyts coasted round the south coast of Australia; while in the same year a Dutch commander named Carpenter discovered and gave his name to the immense indentation still known as the Gulf of Carpentaria. But still more important discoveries were made in 1642 by an expedition sent out from Batavia under ABEL JANSSEN TASMAN to investigate the real extent of the southern land. After the voyages of the _Leeuwin_ and De Nuyts it was seen that the southern coast of the new land trended to the east, instead of working round to the west, as would have been the case if Ptolemy's views had been correct. Tasman's problem was to discover whether it was connected with the great southern land assumed to lie to the south of South America. Tasman first sailed from Mauritius, and then directing his course to the south-east, going much more south than Cape Leeuwin, at last reached land in latitude 43.30° and longitude 163.50°. This he called Van Diemen's Land, after the name of the Governor-General of Batavia, and it was assumed that this joined on to the land already discovered by De Nuyts. Sailing farther to the eastward, Tasman came out into the open sea again, and thus appeared to prove that the newly discovered land was not connected with the great unknown continent round the south pole. But he soon came across land which might possibly answer to that description, and he called it Staaten Land, in honour of the States-General of the Netherlands. This was undoubtedly some part of New Zealand. Still steering eastward, but with a more northerly trend, Tasman discovered several islands in the Pacific, and ultimately reached Batavia after touching on New Guinea. His discoveries were a great advance on previous knowledge; he had at any rate reduced the possible dimensions of the unknown continent of the south within narrow limits, and his discoveries were justly inscribed upon the map of the world cut in stone upon the new Staathaus in Amsterdam, in which the name New Holland was given by order of the States-General to the western part of the "terra Australis." When England for a time became joined on to Holland under the rule of William III., William Dampier was despatched to New Holland to make further discoveries. He retraced the explorations of the Dutch from Dirk Hartog's Bay to New Guinea, and appears to have been the first European to have noticed the habits of the kangaroo; otherwise his voyage did not add much to geographical knowledge, though when he left the coasts of New Guinea he steered between New England and New Ireland. As a result of these Dutch voyages the existence of a great land somewhere to the south-east of Asia became common property to all civilised men. As an instance of this familiarity many years before Cook's epoch-making voyages, it may be mentioned that in 1699 Captain Lemuel Gulliver (in Swift's celebrated romance) arrived at the kingdom of Lilliput by steering north-west from Van Diemen's Land, which he mentions by name. Lilliput, it would thus appear, was situated somewhere in the neighbourhood of the great Bight of Australia. This curious mixture of definite knowledge and vague ignorance on the part of Swift exactly corresponds to the state of geographical knowledge about Australia in his days, as is shown in the preceding map of those parts of the world, as given by the great French cartographer D'Anville in 1745 (p. 157). These discoveries of the Spanish and Dutch were direct results and corollaries of the great search for the Spice Islands, which has formed the main subject of our inquiries. The discoveries were mostly made by ships fitted out in the Malay archipelago, if not from the Spice Islands themselves. But at the beginning of the eighteenth century new motives came into play in the search for new lands; by that time almost the whole coast-line of the world was roughly known. The Portuguese had coasted Africa, the Spanish South America, the English most of the east of North America, while Central America was known through the Spaniards. Many of the islands of the Pacific Ocean had been touched upon, though not accurately surveyed, and there remained only the north-west coast of America and the north-east coast of Asia to be explored, while the great remaining problem of geography was to discover if the great southern continent assumed by Ptolemy existed, and, if so, what were its dimensions. It happened that all these problems of coastline geography, if we may so call it, were destined to be solved by one man, an Englishman named JAMES COOK, who, with Prince Henry, Magellan, and Tasman, may be said to have determined the limits of the habitable land. His voyages were made in the interests, not of trade or conquest, but of scientific curiosity; and they were, appropriately enough, begun in the interests of quite a different science than that of geography. The English astronomer Halley had left as a sort of legacy the task of examining the transit of Venus, which he predicted for the year 1769, pointing out its paramount importance for determining the distance of the sun from the earth. This transit could only be observed in the southern hemisphere, and it was in order to observe it that Cook made his first voyage of exploration. There was a double suitability in the motive of Cook's first voyage. The work of his life could only have been carried out owing to the improvement in nautical instruments which had been made during the early part of the eighteenth century. Hadley had invented the sextant, by which the sun's elevation could be taken with much more ease and accuracy than with the old cross-staff, the very rough gnomon which the earlier navigators had to use. Still more important for scientific geography was the improvement that had taken place in accurate chronometry. To find the latitude of a place is not so difficult--the length of the day at different times of the year will by itself be almost enough to determine this, as we have seen in the very earliest history of Greek geography--but to determine the longitude was a much more difficult task, which in the earlier stages could only be formed by guesswork and dead reckonings. But when clocks had been brought to such a pitch of accuracy that they would not lose but a few seconds or minutes during the whole voyage, they could be used to determine the difference of local time between any spot on the earth's surface and that of the port from which the ship sailed, or from some fixed place where the clock could be timed. The English government, seeing the importance of this, proposed the very large reward of £10,000 for the invention of a chronometer which would not lose more than a stated number of minutes during a year. This prize was won by John Harrison, and from this time onward a sea-captain with a minimum of astronomical knowledge was enabled to know his longitude within a few minutes. Hadley's sextant and Harrison's chronometer were the necessary implements to enable James Cook to do his work, which was thus, both in aim and method, in every way English. James Cook was a practical sailor, who had shown considerable intelligence in sounding the St. Lawrence on Wolfe's expedition, and had afterwards been appointed marine surveyor of Newfoundland. When the Royal Society determined to send out an expedition to observe the transit of Venus, according to Halley's prediction, they were deterred from entrusting the expedition to a scientific man by the example of Halley himself, who had failed to obtain obedience from sailors on being entrusted with the command. Dalrymple, the chief hydrographer of the Admiralty, who had chief claims to the command, was also somewhat of a faddist, and Cook was selected almost as a _dernier ressort_. The choice proved an excellent one. He selected a coasting coaler named the _Endeavour_, of 360 tons, because her breadth of beam would enable her to carry more stores and to run near coasts. Just before they started Captain Wallis returned from a voyage round the world upon which he had discovered or re-discovered Tahiti, and he recommended this as a suitable place for observing the transit. Cook duly arrived there, and on the 3rd of June 1769 the main object of the expedition was fulfilled by a successful observation. But he then proceeded farther, and arrived soon at a land which he saw reason to identify with the Staaten Land of Tasman; but on coasting along this, Cook found that, so far from belonging to a great southern continent, it was composed of two islands, between which he sailed, giving his name to the strait separating them. Leaving New Zealand on the 31st of March 1770, on the 20th of the next month he came across another land to the westward, hitherto unknown to mariners. Entering an inlet, he explored the neighbourhood with the aid of Mr. Joseph Banks, the naturalist of the expedition. He found so many plants new to him, that the bay was termed Botany Bay. He then coasted northward, and nearly lost his ship upon the great reef running down the eastern coast; but by keeping within it he managed to reach the extreme end of the land in this direction, and proved that it was distinct from New Guinea. In other words, he had reached the southern point of the strait named after Torres. To this immense line of coast Cook gave the name of New South Wales, from some resemblance that he saw to the coast about Swansea. By this first voyage Cook had proved that neither New Holland nor Staaten Land belonged to the great Antarctic continent, which remained the sole myth bequeathed by the ancients which had not yet been definitely removed from the maps. In his second voyage, starting in 1772, he was directed to settle finally this problem. He went at once to the Cape of Good Hope, and from there started out on a zigzag journey round the Southern Pole, poking the nose of his vessel in all directions as far south as he could reach, only pulling up when he touched ice. In whatever direction he advanced he failed to find any trace of extensive land corresponding to the supposed Antarctic continent, which he thus definitely proved to be non-existent. He spent the remainder of this voyage in rediscovering various sets of archipelagos which preceding Spanish, Dutch, and English navigators had touched, but had never accurately surveyed. Later on Cook made a run across the Pacific from New Zealand to Cape Horn without discovering any extensive land, thus clinching the matter after three years' careful inquiry. It is worthy of remark that during that long time he lost but four out of 118 men, and only one of them by sickness. Only one great problem to maritime geography still remained to be solved, that of the north-west passage, which, as we have seen, had so frequently been tried by English navigators, working from the east through Hudson's Bay. In 1776 Cook was deputed by George III. to attempt the solution of this problem by a new method. He was directed to endeavour to find an opening on the north-west coast of America which would lead into Hudson's Bay. The old legend of Juan de Fuca's great bay still misled geographers as to this coast. Cook not alone settled this problem, but, by advancing through Behring Strait and examining both sides of it, determined that the two continents of Asia and America approached one another as near as thirty-six miles. On his return voyage he landed at Owhyee (Hawaii), where he was slain in 1777, and his ships returned to England without adding anything further to geographical knowledge. Cook's voyages had aroused the generous emulation of the French, who, to their eternal honour, had given directions to their fleet to respect his vessels wherever found, though France was at that time at war with England. In 1783 an expedition was sent, under François de la Pérouse, to complete Cook's work. He explored the north-east coast of Asia, examined the island of Saghalien, and passed through the strait between it and Japan, often called by his name. In Kamtschatka La Pérouse landed Monsieur Lesseps, who had accompanied the expedition as Russian interpreter, and sent home by him his journals and surveys. Lesseps made a careful examination of Kamtschatka himself, and succeeded in passing overland thence to Paris, being the first European to journey completely across the Old World from the Pacific to the Atlantic Ocean. La Pérouse then proceeded to follow Cook by examining the coast of New South Wales, and to his surprise, when entering a fine harbour in the middle of the coast, found there English ships engaged in settling the first Australian colony in 1787. After again delivering his surveys to be forwarded by the Englishmen, he started to survey the coast of New Holland, but his expedition was never heard of afterwards. As late as 1826 it was discovered that they had been wrecked on Vanikoro, an island near the Fijis. We have seen that Cook's exploration of the eastern coast of Australia was soon followed up by a settlement. A number of convicts were sent out under Captain Philips to Botany Bay, and from that time onward English explorers gradually determined with accuracy both the coast-line and the interior of the huge stretch of land known to us as Australia. One of the ships that had accompanied Cook on his second voyage had made a rough survey of Van Diemen's Land, and had come to the conclusion that it joined on to the mainland. But in 1797, Bass, a surgeon in the navy, coasted down from Port Jackson to the south in a fine whale boat with a crew of six men, and discovered open sea running between the southernmost point and Van Diemen's Land; this is still known as Bass' Strait. A companion of his, named Flinders, coasted, in 1799, along the south coast from Cape Leeuwin eastward, and on this voyage met a French ship at Encounter Bay, so named from the _rencontre_. Proceeding farther, he discovered Port Philip; and the coast-line of Australia was approximately settled after Captain P. P. King in four voyages, between 1817 and 1822, had investigated the river mouths. [Illustration: THE EXPLORATION OF AUSTRALIA.] The interior now remained to be investigated. On the east coast this was rendered difficult by the range of the Blue Mountains, honeycombed throughout with huge gullies, which led investigators time after time into a cul-de-sac; but in 1813 Philip Wentworth managed to cross them, and found a fertile plateau to the westward. Next year Evans discovered the Lachlan and Macquarie rivers, and penetrated farther into the Bathurst plains. In 1828-29 Captain Sturt increased the knowledge of the interior by tracing the course of the two great rivers Darling and Murray. In 1848 the German explorer Leichhardt lost his life in an attempt to penetrate the interior northward; but in 1860 two explorers, named Burke and Wills, managed to pass from south to north along the east coast; while, in the four years 1858 to 1862, John M'Dowall Stuart performed the still more difficult feat of crossing the centre of the continent from south to north, in order to trace a course for the telegraphic line which was shortly afterwards erected. By this time settlements had sprung up throughout the whole coast of Eastern Australia, and there only remained the western desert to be explored. This was effected in two journeys of John Forrest, between 1868 and 1874, who penetrated from Western Australia as far as the central telegraphic line; while, between 1872 and 1876, Ernest Giles performed the same feat to the north. Quite recently, in 1897, these two routes were joined by the journey of the Honourable Daniel Carnegie from the Coolgardie gold fields in the south to those of Kimberley in the north. These explorations, while adding to our knowledge of the interior of Australia, have only confirmed the impression that it was not worth knowing. [_Authorities:_ Rev. G. Grimm, _Discovsry and Exploration of Australia_ (Melbourne, 1888); A. F. Calvert, _Discovery of Australia_, 1893; _Exploration of Australia_, 1895; _Early Voyages to Australia_, Hakluyt Society.] CHAPTER XI EXPLORATION AND PARTITION OF AFRICA: PARK--LIVINGSTONE--STANLEY We have seen how the Portuguese had slowly coasted along the shore of Africa during the fifteeenth century in search of a way to the Indies. By the end of the century mariners _portulanos_ gave a rude yet effective account of the littoral of Africa, both on the west and the eastern side. Not alone did they explore the coast, but they settled upon it. At Amina on the Guinea coast, at Loando near the Congo, and at Benguela on the western coast, they established stations whence to despatch the gold and ivory, and, above all, the slaves, which turned out to be the chief African products of use to Europeans. On the east coast they settled at Sofala, a port of Mozambique; and in Zanzibar they possessed no less than three ports, those first visited by Vasco da Gama and afterwards celebrated by Milton in the sonorous line contained in the gorgeous geographical excursus in the Eleventh Book-- "Mombaza and Quiloa and Melind." --_Paradise Lost_, xi. 339. It is probable that, besides settling on the coast, the Portuguese from time to time made explorations into the interior. At any rate, in some maps of the sixteenth and seventeenth century there is shown a remarkable knowledge of the course of the Nile. We get it terminated in three large lakes, which can be scarcely other than the Victoria and Albert Nyanza, and Tanganyika. The Mountains of the Moon also figure prominently, and it was only almost the other day that Mr. Stanley re-discovered them. It is difficult, however, to determine how far these entries on the Portuguese maps were due to actual knowledge or report, or to the traditions of a still earlier knowledge of these lakes and mountains; for in the maps accompanying the early editions of Ptolemy we likewise obtain the same information, which is repeated by the Arabic geographers, obviously from Ptolemy, and not from actual observation. When the two great French cartographers Delisle and D'Anville determined not to insert anything on their maps for which they had not some evidence, these lakes and mountains disappeared, and thus it has come about that maps of the seventeenth century often appear to display more knowledge of the interior of Africa than those of the beginning of the nineteenth, at least with regard to the sources of the Nile. [Illustration: DAPPER'S MAP OF AFRICA, 1676.] African exploration of the interior begins with the search for the sources of the Nile, and has been mainly concluded by the determination of the course of the three other great rivers, the Niger, the Zambesi, and the Congo. It is remarkable that all four rivers have had their course determined by persons of British nationality. The names of Bruce and Grant will always be associated with the Nile, that of Mungo Park with the Niger, Dr. Livingstone with the Zambesi, and Mr. Stanley with the Congo. It is not inappropriate that, except in the case of the Congo, England should control the course of the rivers which her sons first made accessible to civilisation. We have seen that there was an ancient tradition reported by Herodotus, that the Nile trended off to the west and became there the river Niger; while still earlier there was an impression that part of it at any rate wandered eastward, and some way joined on to the same source as the Tigris and Euphrates--at least that seems to be the suggestion in the biblical account of Paradise. Whatever the reason, the greatest uncertainty existed as to the actual course of the river, and to discover the source of the Nile was for many centuries the standing expression for performing the impossible. In 1768, James Bruce, a Scottish gentleman of position, set out with the determination of solving this mystery--a determination which he had made in early youth, and carried out with characteristic pertinacity. He had acquired a certain amount of knowledge of Arabic and acquaintance with African customs as Consul at Algiers. He went up the Nile as far as Farsunt, and then crossed the desert to the Red Sea, went over to Jedda, from which he took ship for Massowah, and began his search for the sources of the Nile in Abyssinia. He visited the ruins of Axum, the former capital, and in the neighbourhood of that place saw the incident with which his travels have always been associated, in which a couple of rump-steaks were extracted from a cow while alive, the wound sewn up, and the animal driven on farther. Here, guided by some Gallas, he worked his way up the Blue Nile to the three fountains, which he declared to be the true sources of the Nile, and identified with the three mysterious lakes in the old maps. From there he worked his way down the Nile, reaching Cairo in 1773. Of course what he had discovered was merely the source of the Blue Nile, and even this had been previously visited by a Portuguese traveller named Payz. But the interesting adventures which he experienced, and the interesting style in which he told them, aroused universal attention, which was perhaps increased by the fact that his journey was undertaken purely from love of adventure and discovery. The year 1768 is distinguished by the two journeys of James Cook and James Bruce, both of them expressly for purposes of geographical discovery, and thus inaugurating the era of what may be called scientific exploration. Ten years later an association was formed named the African Association, expressly intended to explore the unknown parts of Africa, and the first geographical society called into existence. In 1795 MUNGO PARK was despatched by the Association to the west coast. He started from the Gambia, and after many adventures, in which he was captured by the Moors, arrived at the banks of the Niger, which he traced along its middle course, but failed to reach as far as Timbuctoo. He made a second attempt in 1805, hoping by sailing down the Niger to prove its identity with the river known at its mouth as the Congo; but he was forced to return, and died at Boussa, without having determined the remaining course of the Niger. Attention was thus drawn to the existence of the mysterious city of Timbuctoo, of which Mungo Park had brought back curious rumours on his return from his first journey. This was visited in 1811 by a British seaman named Adams, who had been wrecked on the Moorish coast, and taken as a slave by the Moors across to Timbuctoo. He was ultimately ransomed by the British consul at Mogador, and his account revived interest in West African exploration. Attempts were made to penetrate the secret of the Niger, both from Senegambia and from the Congo, but both were failures, and a fresh method was adopted, possibly owing to Adams' experience in the attempt to reach the Niger by the caravan routes across the Sahara. In 1822 Major Denham and Lieutenant Clapperton left Murzouk, the capital of Fezzan, and made their way to Lake Chad and thence to Bornu. Clapperton, later on, again visited the Niger from Benin. Altogether these two travellers added some two thousand miles of route to our knowledge of, West Africa. In 1826-27 Timbuctoo was at last visited by two Europeans--Major Laing in the former year, who was murdered there; and a young Frenchman, Réné Caillié, in the latter. His account aroused great interest, and Tennyson began his poetic career by a prize-poem on the subject of the mysterious African capital. It was not till 1850 that the work of Denham and Clapperton was again taken up by Barth, who for five years explored the whole country to the west of Lake Chad, visiting Timbuctoo, and connecting the lines of route of Clapperton and Caillié. What he did for the west of Lake Chad was accomplished by Nachtigall east of that lake in Darfur and Wadai, in a journey which likewise took five years (1869-74). Of recent years political interests have caused numerous expeditions, especially by the French to connect their possessions in Algeria and Tunis with those on the Gold Coast and on the Senegal. The next stage in African exploration is connected with the name of the man to whom can be traced practically the whole of recent discoveries. By his tact in dealing with the natives, by his calm pertinacity and dauntless courage, DAVID LIVINGSTONE succeeded in opening up the entirely unknown districts of Central Africa. Starting from the Cape in 1849, he worked his way northward to the Zambesi, and then to Lake Dilolo, and after five years' wandering reached the western coast of Africa at Loanda. Then retracing his steps to the Zambesi again, he followed its course to its mouth on the east coast, thus for the first time crossing Africa from west to east. In a second journey, on which he started in 1858, he commenced tracing the course of the river Shiré, the most important affluent of the Zambesi, and in so doing arrived on the shores of Lake Nyassa in September 1859. Meanwhile two explorers, Captain (afterwards Sir Richard) Burton and Captain Speke, had started from Zanzibar to discover a lake of which rumours had for a long time been heard, and in the following year succeeded in reaching Lake Tanganyika. On their return Speke parted from Burton and took a route more to the north, from which he saw another great lake, which afterwards turned out to be the Victoria Nyanza. In 1860, with another companion (Captain Grant), Speke returned to the Victoria Nyanza, and traced out its course. On the north of it they found a great river trending to the north, which they followed as far as Gondokoro. Here they found Mr. (afterwards Sir Samuel) Baker, who had travelled up the White Nile to investigate its source, which they thus proved to be in the Lake Victoria Nyanza. Baker continued his search, and succeeded in showing that another source of the Nile was to be found in a smaller lake to the west, which he named Albert Nyanza. Thus these three Englishmen had combined to solve the long-sought problem of the sources of the Nile. The discoveries of the Englishmen were soon followed up by important political action by the Khedive of Egypt, Ismail Pasha, who claimed the whole course of the Nile as part of his dominions, and established stations all along it. This, of course, led to full information about the basin of the Nile being acquired for geographical purposes, and, under Sir Samuel Baker and Colonel Gordon, civilisation was for a time in possession of the Nile from its source to its mouth. Meanwhile Livingstone had set himself to solve the problem of the great Lake Tanganyika, and started on his last journey in 1865 for that purpose. He discovered Lakes Moero and Bangweolo, and the river Nyangoue, also known as Lualaba. So much interest had been aroused by Livingstone's previous exploits of discovery, that when nothing had been heard of him for some time, in 1869 Mr. H. M. Stanley was sent by the proprietors of the _New York Herald_, for whom he had previously acted as war-correspondent, to find Livingstone. He started in 1871 from Zanzibar, and before the end of the year had come across a white man in the heart of the Dark Continent, and greeted him with the historic query, "Dr. Livingstone, I presume?" Two years later Livingstone died, a martyr to geographical and missionary enthusiasm. His work was taken up by Mr. Stanley, who in 1876 was again despatched to continue Livingstone's work, and succeeded in crossing the Dark Continent from Zanzibar to the mouth of the Congo, the whole course of which he traced, proving that the Lualaba or Nyangoue were merely different names or affluents of this mighty stream. Stanley's remarkable journey completed the rough outline of African geography by defining the course of the fourth great river of the continent. But Stanley's journey across the Dark Continent was destined to be the starting-point of an entirely new development of the African problem. Even while Stanley was on his journey a conference had been assembled at Brussels by King Leopold, in which an international committee was formed representing all the nations of Europe, nominally for the exploration of Africa, but, as it turned out, really for its partition among the European powers. Within fifteen years of the assembly of the conference the interior of Africa had been parcelled out, mainly among the five powers, England, France, Germany, Portugal, and Belgium. As in the case of America, geographical discovery was soon followed by political division. [Illustration: EXPLORATION AND PARTITION OF AFRICA.] The process began by the carving out of a state covering the whole of the newly-discovered Congo, nominally independent, but really forming a colony of Belgium, King Leopold supplying the funds for that purpose. Mr. Stanley was despatched in 1879 to establish stations along the lower course of the river, but, to his surprise, he found that he had been anticipated by M. de Brazza, a Portuguese in the service of France, who had been despatched on a secret mission to anticipate the King of the Belgians in seizing the important river mouth. At the same time Portugal put in claims for possession of the Congo mouth, and it became clear that international rivalries would interfere with the foundation of any state on the Congo unless some definite international arrangement was arrived at. Almost about the same time, in 1880, Germany began to enter the field as a colonising power in Africa. In South-West Africa and in the Cameroons, and somewhat later in Zanzibar, claims were set up on behalf of Germany by Prince Bismarck which conflicted with English interests in those districts, and under his presidency a Congress was held at Berlin in the winter of 1884-85 to determine the rules of the claims by which Africa could be partitioned. The old historic claims of Portugal to the coast of Africa, on which she had established stations both on the west and eastern side, were swept away by the principle that only effective occupation could furnish a claim of sovereignty. This great principle will rule henceforth the whole course of African history; in other words, the good old Border rule-- "That they should take who have the power. And they should keep who can." Almost immediately after the sitting of the Berlin Congress, and indeed during it, arrangements were come to by which the respective claims of England and Germany in South-West Africa were definitely determined. Almost immediately afterwards a similar process had to be gone through in order to determine the limits of the respective "spheres of influence," as they began to be called, of Germany and England in East Africa. A Chartered Company, called the British East Africa Association, was to administer the land north of Victoria Nyanza bounded on the west by the Congo Free State, while to the north it extended till it touched the revolted provinces of Egypt, of which we shall soon speak. In South Africa a similar Chartered Company, under the influence of Mr. Cecil Rhodes, practically controlled the whole country from Cape Colony up to German East Africa and the Congo Free State. The winter of 1890-91 was especially productive of agreements of demarcation. After a considerable amount of friction owing to the encroachments of Major Serpa Pinto, the limits of Portuguese Angola on the west coast were then determined, being bounded on the east by the Congo Free State and British Central Africa; and at the same time Portuguese East Africa was settled in its relation both to British Central Africa on the west and German East Africa on the north. Meanwhile Italy had put in its claims for a share in the spoil, and the eastern horn of Africa, together with Abyssinia, fell to its share, though it soon had to drop it, owing to the unexpected vitality shown by the Abyssinians. In the same year (1890) agreements between Germany and England settled the line of demarcation between the Cameroons and Togoland, with the adjoining British territories; while in August of the same year an attempt was made to limit the abnormal pretensions of the French along the Niger, and as far as Lake Chad. Here the British interests were represented by another Chartered Company, the Royal Niger Company. Unfortunately the delimitation was not very definite, not being by river courses or meridians as in other cases, but merely by territories ruled over by native chiefs, whose boundaries were not then particularly distinct. This has led to considerable friction, lasting even up to the present day; and it is only with reference to the demarcation between England and France in Africa that any doubt still remains with regard to the western and central portions of the continent. Towards the north-east the problem of delimitation had been complicated by political events, which ultimately led to another great exploring expedition by Mr. Stanley. The extension of Egypt into the Equatorial Provinces under Ismail Pasha, due in large measure to the geographical discoveries of Grant, Speke, and Baker, led to an enormous accumulation of debt, which caused the country to become bankrupt, Ismail Pasha to be deposed, and Egypt to be administered jointly by France and England on behalf of the European bondholders. This caused much dissatisfaction on the part of the Egyptian officials and army officers, who were displaced by French and English officials; and a rebellion broke out under Arabi Pasha. This led to the armed intervention of England, France having refused to co-operate, and Egypt was occupied by British troops. The Soudan and Equatorial Provinces had independently revolted under Mohammedan fanaticism, and it was determined to relinquish those Egyptian possessions, which had originally led to bankruptcy. General Gordon was despatched to relieve the various Egyptian garrisons in the south, but being without support, ultimately failed, and was killed in 1885. One of Gordon's lieutenants, a German named Schnitzler, who appears to have adopted Mohammedanism, and was known as Emin Pasha, was thus isolated in the midst of Africa near the Albert Nyanza, and Mr. Stanley was commissioned to attempt his rescue in 1887. He started to march through the Congo State, and succeeded in traversing a huge tract of forest country inhabited by diminutive savages, who probably represented the Pigmies of the ancients. He succeeded in reaching Emin Pasha, and after much persuasion induced him to accompany him to Zanzibar, only, however, to return as a German agent to the Albert Nyanza. Mr. Stanley's journey on this occasion was not without its political aspects, since he made arrangements during the eastern part of his journey for securing British influence for the lands afterwards handed over to the British East Africa Company. All these political delimitations were naturally accompanied by explorations, partly scientific, but mainly political. Major Serpa Pinto twice crossed Africa in an attempt to connect the Portuguese settlements on the two coasts. Similarly, Lieutenant Wissmann also crossed Africa twice, between 1881 and 1887, in the interests of the Congo State, though he ultimately became an official of his native country, Germany. Captain Lugard had investigated the region between the three Lakes Nyanza, and secured it for Great Britain. In South Africa British claims were successfully and successively advanced to Bechuana-land, Mashona-land, and Matabele-land, and, under the leadership of Mr. Cecil Rhodes, a railway and telegraph were rapidly pushed forward towards the north. Owing to the enterprise of Mr. (now Sir H. H.) Johnstone, the British possessions were in 1891 pushed up as far as Nyassa-land. By that date, as we have seen, various treaties with Germany and Portugal had definitely fixed the contour lines of the different possessions of the three countries in South Africa. By 1891 the interior of Africa, which had up to 1880 been practically a blank, could be mapped out almost with as much accuracy as, at any rate, South America. Europe had taken possession of Africa. One of the chief results of this, and formally one of its main motives, was the abolition of the slave trade. North Africa has been Mohammedan since the eighth century, and Islam has always recognised slavery, consequently the Arabs of the north have continued to make raids upon the negroes of Central Africa, to supply the Mohammedan countries of West Asia and North Africa with slaves. The Mahdist rebellion was in part at least a reaction against the abolition of slavery by Egypt, and the interest of the next few years will consist in the last stand of the slave merchants in the Soudan, in Darfur, and in Wadai, east of Lake Chad, where the only powerful independent Mohammedan Sultanate still exists. England is closely pressing upon the revolted provinces, along the upper course of the Nile; while France is attempting, by expeditions from the French Congo and through Abyssinia, to take possession of the Upper Nile before England conquers it. The race for the Upper Nile is at present one of the sources of danger of European war. While exploration and conquest have either gone hand in hand, or succeeded one another very closely, there has been a third motive that has often led to interesting discoveries, to be followed by annexation. The mighty hunters of Africa have often brought back, not alone ivory and skins, but also interesting information of the interior. The gorgeous narratives of Gordon Cumming in the "fifties" were one of the causes which led to an interest in African exploration. Many a lad has had his imagination fired and his career determined by the exploits of Gordon Cumming, which are now, however, almost forgotten. Mr. F. C. Selous has in our time surpassed even Gordon Cumming's exploits, and has besides done excellent work as guide for the successive expeditions into South Africa. Thus, practically within our own time, the interior of Africa, where once geographers, as the poet Butler puts it, "placed elephants instead of towns," has become known, in its main outlines, by successive series of intrepid explorers, who have often had to be warriors as well as scientific men. Whatever the motives that have led the white man into the centre of the Dark Continent--love of adventure, scientific curiosity, big game, or patriotism--the result has been that the continent has become known instead of merely its coast-line. On the whole, English exploration has been the main means by which our knowledge of the interior of Africa has been obtained, and England has been richly rewarded by coming into possession of the most promising parts of the continent--the Nile valley and temperate South Africa. But France has also gained a huge extent of country covering almost the whole of North-West Africa. While much of this is merely desert, there are caravan routes which tap the basin of the Niger and conduct its products to Algeria, conquered by France early in the century, and to Tunis, more recently appropriated. The West African provinces of France have, at any rate, this advantage, that they are nearer to the mother-country than any other colony of a European power; and the result may be that African soldiers may one of these days fight for France on European soil, just as the Indian soldiers were imported to Cyprus by Lord Beaconsfield in 1876. Meanwhile, the result of all this international ambition has been that Africa in its entirety is now known and accessible to European civilisation. [_Authorities:_ Kiepert, _Beiträge zur Entdeckungsgeschichte Afrikas_, 1873; Brown, _The Story of Africa_, 4 vols., 1894; Scott Keltie, _The Partition of Africa_, 1896.] CHAPTER XII THE POLES--FRANKLIN--ROSS--NORDENSKIOLD--NANSEN Almost the whole of the explorations which we have hitherto described or referred to had for their motive some practical purpose, whether to reach the Spice Islands or to hunt big game. Even the excursions of Davis, Frobisher, Hudson, and Baffin in pursuit of the north-west passage, and of Barentz and Chancellor in search of the north-east passage, were really in pursuit of mercantile ends. It is only with James Cook that the era of purely scientific exploration begins, though it is fair to qualify this statement by observing that the Russian expedition under Behring, already referred to, was ordered by Peter the Great to determine a strictly geographical problem, though doubtless it had its bearings on Russian ambitions. Behring and Cook between them, as we have seen, settled the problem of the relations existing between the ends of the two continents Asia and America, but what remained still to the north of _terra firma_ within the Arctic Circle? That was the problem which the nineteenth century set itself to solve, and has very nearly succeeded in the solution. For the Arctic Circle we now possess maps that only show blanks over a few thousand square miles. This knowledge has been gained by slow degrees, and by the exercise of the most heroic courage and endurance. It is a heroic tate, in which love of adventure and zeal for science have combated with and conquered the horrors of an Arctic winter, the six months' darkness in silence and desolation, the excessive cold, and the dangers of starvation. It is impossible here to go into any of the details which rendered the tale of Arctic voyages one of the most stirring in human history. All we are concerned with here is the amount of new knowledge brought back by successive expeditions within the Arctic Circle. This region of the earth's surface is distinguished by a number of large islands in the eastern hemisphere, most of which were discovered at an early date. We have seen how the Norsemen landed and settled upon Greenland as early as the tenth century. Burrough sighted Nova Zembla in 1556; in one of the voyages in search of the north-east passage, though the very name (Russian for Newfoundland) implies that it had previously been sighted and named by Russian seamen. Barentz is credited with having sighted Spitzbergen. The numerous islands to the north of Siberia became known through the Russian investigations of Discheneff, Behring, and their followers; while the intricate network of islands to the north of the continent of North America had been slowly worked out during the search for the north-west passage. It was indeed in pursuit of this will-of-the-wisp that most of the discoveries in the Arctic Circle were made, and a general impetus given to Arctic exploration. It is with a renewed attempt after this search that the modern history of Arctic exploration begins. In 1818 two expeditions were sent under the influence of Sir Joseph Banks to search the north-west passage, and to attempt to reach the Pole. The former was the objective of John Ross in the _Isabella_ and W. E. Parry in the _Alexander_, while in the Polar exploration John Franklin sailed in the _Trent_. Both expeditions were unsuccessful, though Ross and Parry confirmed Baffin's discoveries. Notwithstanding this, two expeditions were sent two years later to attempt the north-west passage, one by land under Franklin, and the other by sea under Parry. Parry managed to get half-way across the top of North America, discovered the archipelago named after him, and reached 114° West longitude, thereby gaining the prize of £5000 given by the British Parliament for the first seaman that sailed west of the 110th meridian. He was brought up, however, by Banks Land, while the strait which, if he had known it, would have enabled him to complete the north-west passage, was at that time closed by ice. In two successive voyages, in 1822 and 1824, Parry increased the detailed knowledge of the coasts he had already discovered, but failed to reach even as far westward as he had done on his first voyage. This somewhat discouraged Government attempts at exploration, and the next expedition, in 1829, was fitted out by Mr. Felix Booth, sheriff of London, who despatched the paddle steamer _Victory_, commanded by John Ross. He discovered the land known as Boothia Felix, and his nephew, James C. Ross, proved that it belonged to the mainland of America, which he coasted along by land to Cape Franklin, besides determining the exact position of the North Magnetic Pole at Cape Adelaide, on Boothia Felix. After passing five years within the Arctic Circle, Ross and his companions, who had been compelled to abandon the _Victory_, fell in with a whaler, which brought them home. We must now revert to Franklin, who, as we have seen, had been despatched by the Admiralty to outline the north coast of America, only two points of which had been determined, the embouchures of the Coppermine and the Mackenzie, discovered respectively by Hearne and Mackenzie. It was not till 1821 that Franklin was able to start out from the mouth of the Coppermine eastward in two canoes, by which he coasted along till he came to the point named by him Point Turn-again. By that time only three days' stores of pemmican remained, and it was only with the greatest difficulty, and by subsisting on lichens and scraps of roasted leather, that they managed to return to their base of operations at Fort Enterprise. Four years later, in 1825, Franklin set out on another exploring expedition with the same object, starting this time from the mouth of the Mackenzie river, and despatching one of his companions, Richardson, to connect the coast between the Mackenzie and the Coppermine; while he himself proceeded westward to meet the Blossom, which, under Captain Beechey, had been despatched to Behring Strait to bring his party back. Richardson was entirely successful in examining the coast-line between the Mackenzie and the Coppermine; but Beechey, though he succeeded in rounding Icy Cape and tracing the coast as far as Point Barrow, did not come up to Franklin, who had only got within 160 miles at Return Reef. These 160 miles, as well as the 222 miles intervening between Cape Turn-again, Franklin's easternmost point by land, and Cape Franklin, J. C. Ross's most westerly point, were afterwards filled in by T. Simpson in 1837, after a coasting voyage in boats of 1408 miles, which stands as a record even to this day. Meanwhile the Great Fish River had been discovered and followed to its mouth by C. J. Back in 1833. During the voyage down the river, an oar broke while the boat was shooting a rapid, and one of the party commenced praying in a loud voice; whereupon the leader called out: "Is this a time for praying? Pull your starboard oar!" Meanwhile, interest had been excited rather more towards the South Pole, and the land of which Cook had found traces in his search for the fabled Australian continent surrounding it. He had reached as far south as 71.10°, when he was brought up by the great ice barrier. In 1820-23 Weddell visited the South Shetlands, south of Cape Horn, and found an active volcano, even amidst the extreme cold of that district. He reached as far south as 74°, but failed to come across land in that district. In 1839 Bellany discovered the islands named after him, with a volcano twelve thousand feet high, and another still active on Buckle Island. In 1839 a French expedition under Dumont d'Urville again visited and explored the South Shetlands; while, in the following year, Captain Wilkes, of the United States navy, discovered the land named after him. But the most remarkable discovery made in Antarctica was that of Sir J. C. Ross, who had been sent by the Admiralty in 1840 to identify the South Magnetic Pole, as we have seen he had discovered that of the north. With the two ships _Erebus_ and _Terror_ he discovered Victoria Land and the two active volcanoes named after his ships, and pouring forth flaming lava, amidst the snow. In January 1842 he reached farthest south, 76°. Since his time little has been attempted in the south, though in the winter of 1894-95 C. E. Borchgrevink again visited Victoria Land. [Illustration: NORTH POLAR REGION--WESTERN HALF.] On the return of the _Erebus_ and _Terror_ from the South Seas the government placed these two vessels at the disposal of Franklin (who had been knighted for his previous discoveries), and on the 26th of May 1845 he started with one hundred and twenty-nine souls on board the two vessels, which were provisioned up to July 1848. They were last seen by a whaler on the 26th July of the former year waiting to pass into Lancaster Sound. After penetrating as far north as 77°, through Wellington Channel, Franklin was obliged to winter upon Beechey Island, and in the following year (September 1846) his two ships were beset in Victoria Strait, about twelve miles from King William Land. Curiously enough, in the following year (1847) J. Rae had been despatched by land from Cape Repulse in Hudson's Bay, and had coasted along the east coast of Boothia, thus connecting Ross's and Franklin's coast journeys with Hudson's Bay. On 18th April 1847 Rae had reached a point on Boothia less than 150 miles from Franklin on the other side of it. Less than two months later, on the 11th June, Franklin died on the _Erebus_. His ships were only provisioned to July 1848, and remained still beset throughout the whole of 1847. Crozier, upon whom the command devolved, left the ship with one hundred and five survivors to try and reach Back's Fish River. They struggled along the west coast of King William Land, but failed to reach their destination; disease, and even starvation, gradually lessened their numbers. An old Eskimo woman, who had watched the melancholy procession, afterwards told M'Clintock they fell down and died as they walked. By this time considerable anxiety had been roused by the absence of any news from Franklin's party. Richardson and Rae were despatched by land in 1848, while two ships were sent on the attempt to reach Franklin through Behring Strait, and two others, the _Investigator_ and the _Enterprise_, under J. C. Ross, through Baffin Bay. Rae reached the east coast of Victoria Land, and arrived within fifty miles of the spot where Franklin's two ships had been abandoned; but it was not till his second expedition by land, which started in 1853, that he obtained any news. After wintering at Lady Pelly Bay, on the 20th April 1854 Rae met a young Eskimo, who told him that four years previously forty white men had been seen dragging a boat to the south on the west shore of King William Land, and a few months later the bodies of thirty of these men had been found by the Eskimo, who produced silver with the Franklin crest to confirm the truth of their statement. Further searches by land were continued up to as late as 1879, when Lieutenant F. Schwatka, of the United States army, discovered several of the graves and skeletons of the Franklin expedition. Neither of the two attempts by sea from the Atlantic or from the Pacific base, in 1848, having succeeded in gaining any news, the _Enterprise_ and the _Investigator_, which had previously attempted to reach Franklin from the east, were despatched in 1850, under Captain R. Collinson and Captain M'Clure; to attempt the search from the west through Behring Strait. M'Clure, in the _Investigator_, did not wait for Collinson, as he had been directed, but pushed on and discovered Banks Land, and became beset in the ice in Prince of Wales Strait. In the winter of 1850-51 he endeavoured unsuccessfully to work his way from this strait into Parry Sound, but in August and September 1851 managed to coast round Banks Land to its most north-westerly point, and then succeeded in passing through the strait named after M'Clure, and reached Barrow Strait, thus performing for the first time the north-west passage, though it was not till 1853 that the _Investigator_ was abandoned. Collinson, in the _Enterprise_, followed M'Clure closely, though never reaching him, and attempting to round Prince Albert Land by the south through Dolphin Strait, reached Cambridge Bay at the nearest point by ship of all the Franklin expeditions. He had to return westward, and only reached England in 1855, after an absence of five years and four months. From the east no less than ten vessels had attempted the Franklin sea search in 1851, comprising two Admiralty expeditions, one private English one, an American combined government and private party, together with a ship put in commission by the wifely devotion of Lady Franklin. These all attempted the search of Lancaster Sound, where Franklin had last been seen, and they only succeeded in finding three graves of men who had died at an early stage, and had been buried on Beechey Island. Another set of four vessels were despatched under Sir Edward Belcher in 1852, who were fortunate enough to reach M'Clure in the _Investigator_ in the following year, and enabled him to complete the north-west passage, for which he gained the reward of £10,000 offered by Parliament in 1763. But Belcher was obliged to abandon most of his vessels, one of which, the _Resolute_, drifted over a thousand miles, and having been recovered by an American whaler, was refitted by the United States and presented to the queen and people of Great Britain. Notwithstanding all these efforts, the Franklin remains have not yet been discovered, though Dr. Rae, as we have seen, had practically ascertained their terrible fate. Lady Franklin, however, was not satisfied with this vague information. She was determined to fit out still another expedition, though already over £35,000 had been spent by private means, mostly from her own personal fortune; and in 1857 the steam yacht _Fox_ was despatched under M'Clintock, who had already shown himself the most capable master of sledge work. He erected a monument to the Franklin expedition on Beechey Island in 1858, and then following Peel Sound, he made inquiries of the natives throughout the winter of 1858-59. This led him to search King William Land, where, on the 25th May, he came across a bleached human skeleton lying on its face, showing that the man had died as he walked. Meanwhile, Hobson, one of his companions, discovered a record of the Franklin expedition, stating briefly its history between 1845 and 1848; and with this definite information of the fate of the Franklin expedition M'Clintock returned to England in 1859, having succeeded in solving the problem of Franklin's fate, while exploring over 800 miles of coast-line in the neighbourhood of King William Land. The result of the various Franklin expeditions had thus been to map out the intricate network of islands dotted over the north of North America. None of these, however, reached much farther north than 75°. Only Smith Sound promised to lead north of the 80th parallel. This had been discovered as early as 1616 by Baffin, whose farthest north was only exceeded by forty miles, in 1852, by Inglefield in the _Isabel_, one of the ships despatched in search of Franklin. He was followed up by Kane in the _Advance_, fitted out in 1853 by the munificence of two American citizens, Grinnell and Peabody. Kane worked his way right through Smith Sound and Robeson Channel into the sea named after him. For two years he continued investigating Grinnell Land and the adjacent shores of Greenland. Subsequent investigations by Hayes in 1860, and Hall ten years later, kept alive the interest in Smith Sound and its neighbourhood; and in 1873 three ships were despatched under Captain (afterwards Sir George) Nares, who nearly completed the survey of Grinnell Land, and one of his lieutenants, Pelham Aldrich, succeeded in reaching 82.48° N. About the same time, an Austrian expedition under Payer and Weyprecht explored the highest known land, much to the east, named by them Franz Josef Land, after the Austrian Emperor. [Illustration: NORTH POLAR REGION--EASTERN HALF.] Simultaneously interest in the northern regions was aroused by the successful exploit of the north-east passage by Professor (afterwards Baron) Nordenskiold, who had made seven or eight voyages in Arctic regions between 1858 and 1870. He first established the possibility of passing from Norway to the mouth of the Yenesei in the summer, making two journeys in 1875-76. These have since been followed up for commercial purposes by Captain Wiggins, who has frequently passed from England to the mouth of the Yenesei in a merchant vessel. As Siberia develops there can be little doubt that this route will become of increasing commercial importance. Professor Nordenskiold, however, encouraged by his easy passage to the Yenesei, determined to try to get round into Behring Strait from that point, and in 1878 he started in the _Vega_, accompanied by the _Lena_, and a collier to supply them with coal. On the 19th August they passed Cape Chelyuskin, the most northerly point of the Old World. From here the _Lena_ appropriately turned its course to the mouth of its namesake, while the _Vega_ proceeded on her course, reaching on the 12th September Cape North, within 120 miles of Behring Strait; this cape Cook had reached from the east in 1778. Unfortunately the ice became packed so closely that they could not proceed farther, and they had to remain in this tantalising condition for no less than ten months. On the 18th July 1879 the ice broke up, and two days later the _Vega_ rounded East Cape with flying colours, saluting the easternmost coast of Asia in honour of the completion of the north-east passage. Baron Nordenskiold has since enjoyed a well-earned leisure from his arduous labours in the north by studying and publishing the history of early cartography, on which he has issued two valuable atlases, containing fac-similes of the maps and charts of the Middle Ages. General interest thus re-aroused in Arctic exploration brought about a united effort of all the civilised nations to investigate the conditions of the Polar regions. An international Polar Conference was held at Hamburg in 1879, at which it was determined to surround the North Pole for the years 1882-83 by stations of scientific observation, intended to study the conditions of the Polar Ocean. No less than fifteen expeditions were sent forth; some to the Antarctic regions, but most of them round the North Pole. Their object was more to subserve the interest of physical geography than to promote the interest of geographical discovery; but one of the expeditions, that of the United States under Lieutenant A. W. Greely, again took up the study of Smith Sound and its outlets, and one of his men, Lieutenant Lockwood, succeeded in reaching 83.24° N., within 450 miles of the Pole, and up to that time the farthest north reached by any human being. The Greely expedition also succeeded in showing that Greenland was not so much ice-capped as ice-surrounded. Hitherto the universal method by which discoveries had been made in the Polar regions was to establish a base at which sufficient food was cached, then to push in any required direction as far as possible, leaving successive caches to be returned to when provisions fell short on the forward journey. But in 1888, Dr. Fridjof Nansen determined on a bolder method of investigating the interior of Greenland. He was deposited upon the east coast, where there were no inhabitants, and started to cross Greenland, his life depending upon the success of his journey, since he left no reserves in the rear and it would be useless to return. He succeeded brilliantly in his attempt, and his exploit was followed up by two successive attempts of Lieutenant Peary in 1892-95, who succeeded in crossing Greenland at much higher latitude even than Nansen. [Illustration: CLIMBING THE NORTH POLE] The success of his bold plan encouraged Dr. Nansen to attempt an even bolder one. He had become convinced, from the investigations conducted by the international Polar observations of 1882-83, that there was a continuous drift of the ice across the Arctic Ocean from the north-east shore of Siberia. He was confirmed in this opinion, by the fact that debris from the _Jeannette_, a ship abandoned in 1881 off the Siberian coast, drifted across to the east coast of Greenland by 1884. He had a vessel built for him, the now-renowned _Fram_, especially intended to resist the pressure of the ice. Hitherto it had been the chief aim of Arctic explorations to avoid besetment, and to try and creep round the land shores. Dr. Nansen was convinced that he could best attain his ends by boldly disregarding these canons and trusting to the drift of the ice to carry him near to the Pole. He reckoned that the drift would take some three years, and provisioned the _Fram_ for five. The results of his venturous voyage confirmed in almost every particular his remarkable plan, though it was much scouted in many quarters when first announced. The drift of the ice carried him across the Polar Sea within the three years he had fixed upon for the probable duration of his journey; but finding that the drift would not carry him far enough north, he left the _Fram_ with a companion, and advanced straight towards the Pole, reaching in April 1895 farthest north, 86.14°, within nearly 200 miles of the Pole. On his return journey he was lucky enough to come across Mr. F. Jackson, who in the _Windward_ had established himself in 1894 in Franz Josef Land. The rencontre of the two intrepid explorers forms an apt parallel of the celebrated encounter of Stanley and Livingstone, amidst entirely opposite conditions of climate. Nansen's voyage is for the present the final achievement of Arctic exploration, but his Greenland method of deserting his base has been followed by Andrée, who in the autumn of 1897 started in a balloon for the Pole, provisioned for a long stay in the Arctic regions. Nothing has been heard of him for the last twelve months, but after the example of Dr. Nansen there is no reason to fear just at present for his safety, and the present year may possibly see his return after a successful carrying out of one of the great aims of geographical discovery. It is curious that the attention of the world should be at the present moment directed to the Arctic regions for the two most opposite motives that can be named, lust for gold and the thirst for knowledge and honour. [_Authorities:_ Greely, _Handbook of Arctic Discoveries_, 1896.] ANNALS OF DISCOVERY B.C. _cir._ 600. Marseilles founded. 570. Anaximander of Miletus invents maps and the gnomon. 501. Hecatæus of Miletus writes the first geography. 450. Himilco the Carthaginian said to have visited Britain. 446. Herodotus describes Egypt and Scythia. _cir._ 450. Hanno the Carthaginian sails down the west coast of Africa as far as Sierra Leone. _cir._ 333. Pytheas visits Britain and the Low Countries. 332. Alexander conquers Persia and visits India. 330. Nearchus sails from the Indus to the Arabian Gulf. _cir._ 300. Megasthenes describes the Punjab. _cir._ 200. Eratosthenes founds scientific geography. 100. Marinus of Tyre, founder of mathematical geography. 60-54. Cæsar conquers Gaul; visits Britain, Switzerland, and Germany. 20. Strabo describes the Roman Empire. First mention of Thule and Ireland. _bef._ 12. Agrippa compiles a _Mappa Mundi_, the foundation of all succeeding ones. A.D. 150. Ptolemy publishes his geography. 230. The Peutinger Table pictures the Roman roads. 400-14. Fa-hien travels through and describes Afghanistan and India. 499. Hoei-Sin said to have visited the kingdom of Fu-sang, 20,000 furlongs east of China (identified by some with California). 518-21. Hoei-Sing and Sung-Yun visit and describe the Pamirs and the Punjab. 540. Cosmas Indicopleustes visits India, and combats the sphericity of the globe. 629-46. Hiouen-Tshang travels through Turkestan, Afghanistan, India, and the Pamirs. 671-95. I-tsing travels through and describes Java, Sumatra, and India. 776. The _Mappa Mundi_ of Beatus. 851-916. Suláimán and Abu Zaid visit China. 861. Naddod discovers Iceland. 884. Ibn Khordadbeh describes the trade routes between Europe and Asia. _cir._ 890. Wulfstan and athere sail to the Baltic and the North Cape. _cir._ 900. Gunbiörn discovers Greenland. 912-30. The geographer Mas'udi describes the lands of Islam, from Spain to Further India, in his "Meadows of Gold." 921. Ahmed Ibn Fozlan describes the Russians. 969. Ibn Haukal composes his book on Ways. 985. Eric the Red colonises Greenland. _cir._1000. Lyef, son of Eric the Red, discovers Newfoundland (Helluland), Nova Scotia (Markland), and the mainland of North America (Vinland). 1111. Earliest use of the water-compass by Chinese. 1154. Edrisi, geographer to King Roger of Sicily, produces his geography. 1159-73. Rabbi Benjamin of Tudela visited the Persian Gulf; reported on India. _cir._1180. The compass first mentioned by Alexander Neckam. 1255. William Ruysbroek (Rubruquis), a Fleming, visits Karakorum. 1260-71. The brothers Nicolo and Maffeo Polo, father and uncle of Marco Polo, make their first trading venture through Central Asia. 1271-95. They make their second journey, accompanied by Marco Polo; and about 1275 arrived at the Court of Kublai Khan in Shangfu, whence Marco Polo was entrusted with several missions to Cochin China, Khanbalig (Pekin), and the Indian Seas. 1280. Hereford map of Richard of Haldingham. 1284. The Ebstorf _Mappa Mundi_. _bef._1290. The normal Portulano compiled in Barcelona. 1292. Friar John of Monte Corvino, travels in India, and afterwards becomes Archbishop of Pekin. 1325-78. Ibn Batuta, an Arab of Tangier, after performing the Mecca pilgrimage through N. Africa, visits Syria, Quiloa (E. Africa), Ormuz, S. Russia, Bulgaria, Khiva, Candahar, and attached himself to the Court of Delhi, 1334-42, whence he was despatched on an embassy to China. After his return he visited Timbuctoo. 1316-30. Odorico di Pordenone, a Minorite friar, travelled through India, by way of Persia, Bombay, and Surat, to Malabar, the Coromandel coast, and thence to China and Tibet. 1320. Flavio Gioja of Amalfi invents the compass box and card. 1312-31. Abulfeda composes his geography. 1327-72. Sir John Mandeville said to have written his travels in India. 1328. Friar Jordanus of Severac. Bishop of Quilon. 1328-49. John de Marignolli, a Franciscan friar, made a mission to China, visited Quilon in 1347, and made a pilgrimage to the shrine of St. Thomas in India in 1349. 1339. Angelico Dulcert of Majorca draws a Portulano. 1351. The Medicean Portulano compiled. 1375. Cresquez, the Jew, of Majorca, improves Dulcert's Portulano (Catalan map). _cir._1400. Jehan Bethencourt re-discovers the Canaries. 1419. Prince Henry the Navigator establishes a geographical seminary at Sagres (died 1460). 1419-40. Nicolo Conti, a noble Venetian, travelled throughout Southern India and along the Bombay coast. 1420. Zarco discovers Madeira. 1432. Gonsalo Cabral re-discovers the Azores. 1442. Nuño Tristão reaches Cape de Verde. 1442-44. Abd-ur-Razzak, during an embassy to India, visited Calicut, Mangalore, and Vijayanagar. 1457. Fra Mauro's map. 1462. Pedro de Cintra reaches Sierra Leone. 1468-74. Athanasius Nikitin, a Russian, travelled from the Volga, through Central Asia and Persia, to Gujerat, Cambay, and Chaul, whence he proceeded inland to Bidar and Golconda. 1471. Fernando Poo discovers his island. 1471. Pedro d'Escobar crosses the line. 1474. Toscanelli's map (foundation of Behaim globe and Columbus' guide). 1478. Second printed edition of Ptolemy, with twenty-seven maps--practically the first atlas. 1484. Diego Cam discovers the Congo. 1486. Bartholomew Diaz rounds the Cape of Good Hope. 1487. Pedro de Covilham visits Ormuz, Goa, and Malabar, and afterwards settled in Abyssinia. 1492. Martin Behaim makes his globe. 1492. 6th September. Columbus starts from the Canaries. 1492. 12th October. Columbus lands at San Salvador (Watling Island). 1493. 3rd May. Bull of partition between Spain and Portugal issued by Pope Alexander VI. 1493. September. Columbus on his second voyage discovers Jamaica. 1494-99. Hieronimo di Santo Stefano, a Genoese, visited Malabar and the Coromandel coast, Ceylon and Pegu. 1497. Vasco da Gama rounds the Cape, sees Natal (Christmas Day) and Mozambique, lands at Zanzibar, and crosses to Calicut. 1497. John Cabot re-discovers Newfoundland. 1498. Columbus on his third voyage discovers Trinidad and the Orinoco. 1499. Amerigo Vespucci discovers Venezuela. 1499. Pinzon discovers mouth of Amazon, and doubles Cape St. Roque. 1500. Pedro Cabral discovers Brazil on his way to Calicut. 1500. First map of the New World, by Juan de la Cosa. 1500. Corte Real lands at mouth of St. Lawrence, and re-discovers Labrador. 1501. Vespucci coasts down S. America and proves that it is a New World. 1501. Tristan d'Acunha discovers his island. 1501. Juan di Nova discovers the island of Ascension. 1502. Bermudez discovers his islands. 1502-4. Columbus on his fourth voyage explores Honduras. 1503-8. Travels of Ludovico di Varthema in Further India. 1505. Mascarenhas discovers the islands of Bourbon and Mauritius. 1507. Martin Waldseemüller proposes to call the New World America in his _Cosmographia_. 1509. Malacca visited by Lopes di Sequira. 1512. Molucca, or Spice Islands, visited by Francisco Serrão. 1513. Strasburg Ptolemy contains twenty new maps by Waldseemüller, forming the first modern atlas. 1513. Ponce de Leon discovers Florida. 1513. Vasco Nuñez de Balbao crosses the Isthmus of Panama, and sees the Pacific. 1517. Sebastian Cabot said to have discovered Hudson's Bay. 1517. Juan Diaz de Solis discovers the Rio de la Plata, and is murdered on the island of Martin Garcia. 1518. Grijalva discovers Mexico. 1519. Fernando Cortez conquers Mexico. 1519. Fernando Magellan starts on the circumnavigation of the globe. 1519. Guray explores north coast of Gulf of Mexico. 1520. Schoner's second globe. 1520. Magellan sees Monte Video, discovers Patagonia and Tierra del Fuego, and traverses the Pacific. 1520-26. Alvarez explores the Soudan. 1521. Magellan discovers the Ladrones (Marianas), and is killed on the Philippines. 1522. Magellan's ship _Victoria_, under Sebastian del Cano, reaches Spain, having circumnavigated the globe in three years. 1524. Verazzano, on behalf of the French King, coasts from Cape Fear to New Hampshire. 1527. Saavedra sails from west coast of Mexico to the Moluccas. 1529. Line of demarcation between Spanish and Portuguese fixed at 17° east of Moluccas. 1531. Francisco Pizarro conquers Peru. 1532. Cortez visits California. 1534. Jacques Cartier explores the gull and river of St. Lawrence. 1535. Diego d'Almagro conquers Chili. 1536. Gonsalo Pizarro passes the Andes. 1537-58. Ferdinand Mendez Pinto travels to Abyssinia, India, the Malay Archipelago, China, and Japan. 1538. Gerhardt Mercator begins his career as geographer. (Globe, 1541; projection, 1569; died 1594; atlas, 1595). 1539. Francesco de Ulloa explores the Gulf of California. 1541. Orellana sails down the Amazon. 1542. Ruy Lopez de Villalobos discovers New Philippines, Garden Islands, and Pelew Islands, and takes possession of the Philippines for Spain. 1542. Cabrillo advances as far as Cape Mendocino. 1542. Japan first visited by Antonio de Mota. 1542. Gaetano sees the Sandwich Islands. 1543. Ortez de Retis discovers New Guinea. 1544. Sebastian Munster's _Cosmographia_. 1549. Bareto and Homera explore the lower Zambesi. 1553. Sir Hugh Willoughby attempts the North-East Passage past North Cape, and sights Novaya Zemlya. 1554. Richard Chancellor, Willoughby's pilot, reaches Archangel, and travels overland to Moscow. 1556-72. Antonio Laperis' atlas published at Rome. 1558. Anthony Jenkinson travels from Moscow to Bokhara. 1567. Alvaro Mendaña discovers Solomon Islands. 1572. Juan Fernandez discovers his island, and St. Felix and St. Ambrose Islands. 1573. Abraham Ortelius' _Teatrum Orbis Terrarum_. 1576. Martin Frobisher discovers his bay. 1577-79. Francis Drake circumnavigates the globe, and explores the west coast of North America. 1579. Yermak Timovief seizes Sibir on the Irtish. 1580. Dutch settle in Guiana. 1586. John Davis sails through his strait, and reaches lat. 72° N. 1590. Battel visits the lower Congo. 1592. The Molyneux globe. 1592. Juan de Fuca imagines he has discovered an immense sea in the north-west of North America. 1596. William Barentz discovers Spitzbergen, and reaches lat. 80° N. 1596. Payz traverses the Horn of Africa, and visits the source of the Blue Nile. 1598. Mendaña discovers Marquesas Islands. 1598. Hakluyt publishes his _Principal Navigations_. 1599. Houtman reaches Achin, in Sumatra. 1603. Stephen Bennett re-discovers Cherry Island, 74.13° N. 1605. Louis Vaes de Torres discovers his strait. 1606. Quiros discovers Tahiti and north-east coast of Australia. 1608. Champlain discovers Lake Ontario. 1609. Henry Hudson discovers his river. 1610. Hudson passes through his strait into his bay. 1611. Jan Mayen discovers his island. 1615. Lemaire rounds Cape Horn (Hoorn), and sees New Britain. 1616. Dirk Hartog coasts West Australia to 27° S. 1616. Baffin discovers his bay. 1618. George Thompson, a Barbary merchant, sails up the Gambia. 1619. Edel and Houtman coast Western Australia to 32-1/2° S. (Edel's Land). 1622. Dutch ship _Leeuwin_ reaches south-west cape of Australia. 1623. Lobo explores Abyssinia. 1627. Peter Nuyts discovers his archipelago. 1630. First meridian of longitude fixed at Ferro, in the Canary Islands. 1631. Fox explores Hudson's Bay. 1638. W. J. Blaeu's _Atlas_. 1639. Kupiloff crosses Siberia to the east coast. 1642. Abel Jansen Tasman discovers Van Diemen's Land (Tasmania) and Staaten Land (New Zealand). 1642. Wasilei Pojarkof traces the course of the Amur. 1643. Hendrik Brouwer identifies New Zealand. 1643. Tasman discovers Fiji. 1645. Michael Staduchin reaches the Kolima. 1645. Nicolas Sanson's atlas. 1645. Italian Capuchin Mission explores the lower Congo. 1648. The Cossack Dishinef sails between Asia and America. 1650. Staduchin reaches the Anadir, and meets Dishinef. 1682. La Salle descends the Mississippi. 1696. Russians reach Kamtschatka. 1699. Dampier discovers his strait. 1700. Delisle's maps. 1701. Sinpopoff describes the land of the Tschutkis. 1718. Jesuit map of China and East Asia published by the Emperor Kang-hi. 1721. Hans Egédé re-settles Greenland. 1731. Hadley invented the sextant. 1731. Krupishef sails round Kamtschatka. 1731. Paulutski travels round the north-east corner of Siberia. 1735-37. Maupertuis measures an arc of the meridian. 1739-44. Lord George Anson circumnavigates the globe. 1740. Varenne de la Véranderye discovers the Rocky Mountains. 1741. Behring discovers his strait. 1742. Chelyuskin discovers his cape. 1743-44. La Condamine explores the Amazon. 1745-61. Bourguignon d'Anville produces his maps. 1761-67. Carsten Niebuhr surveys Arabia. 1764. John Byron surveys the Falkland Islands. 1765. Harrison perfects the chronometer. 1767. First appearance of the _Nautical Almanac_. 1768. Carteret discovers Pitcairn Island, and sails through St. George's Channel, between New Britain and New Ireland. 1768-71. Cook's first voyage; discovers New Zealand and east coast of Australia; passes through Torres Strait. 1769-71. Hearne traces river Coppermine. 1769-71. James Bruce re-discovers the source of the Blue Nile in Abyssinia. 1770. Liakhoff discovers the New Siberian Islands. 1771-72. Pallas surveys West and South Siberia. 1776-79. Cook's third voyage; surveys North-West Passage; discovers Owhyhee (Hawaii), where he was killed. 1785-88. La Pérouse surveys north-east coast of Asia and Japan, discovers Saghalien, and completes delimitation of the ocean. 1785-94. Billings surveys East Siberia. 1787-88. Lesseps surveys Kamtschatka and crosses the Old World from east to west. 1788. The African Association founded. 1789-93. Mackenzie discovers his river, and first crosses North America. 1792. Vancouver explores his island. 1793. Browne reaches Darfur, and reports the existence of the White Nile. 1796. Mungo Park reaches the Niger. 1796. Lacerda explores Mozambique. 1797. Bass discovers his strait. 1799-1804. Alexander von Humboldt explores South America. 1800-4. Lewis and Clarke explore the basin of the Missouri. 1801-4. Flinders coasts south coast of Australia. 1805-7. Pike explores the country between the sources of the Mississippi and the Red River. 1810-29. Malte-Brun publishes his _Géographic Universelle_. 1814. Evans discovers Lachlan and Macquarie rivers. 1816. Captain Smith discovers South Shetland Isles. 1817-20. Spix and Martius explore Brazil. 1817. First edition of Stieler's atlas. 1817-22. Captain King maps the coast-line of Australia. 1819-22. Franklin, Back, and Richardson attempt the North-West Passage by land. 1819. Parry discovers Lancaster Strait and reaches 114° W. 1820-23. Wrangel discovers his land. 1821. Bellinghausen discovers Peter Island, the most southerly land then known. 1822. Denham and Clapperton discover Lake Tchad, and visit Sokoto. 1822-23. Scoresby explores the coast of East Greenland. 1823. Weddell reaches 74.15° S. 1826. Major Laing is murdered at Timbuctoo. 1827. Parry reaches 82.45° N. 1827. Réné Caillié visits Timbuctoo. 1828-31. Captain Sturt traces the Darling and the Murray. 1829-33. Ross attempts the North-West Passage; discovers Boothia Felix. 1830. Royal Geographical Society founded, and next year united with the African Association. 1831-35. Schomburgk explores Guiana. 1831. Captain Biscoe discovers Enderby Land. 1833. Back discovers Great Fish River. 1835-49. Junghuhn explores Java. 1837. T. Simpson coasts along the north mainland of North America 1277 miles. 1838-40. Wood explores the sources of the Oxus. 1838-40. Dumont d'Urvilie discovers Louis-Philippe Land and Adélie Land. 1839. Balleny discovers his island. 1839. Count Strzelecki discovers Gipps' Land. 1840. Captain Sturt travels in Central Australia. 1840-42. James Ross reaches 78.10° S.; discovers Victoria Land, and the volcanoes Erebus and Terror. 1841. Eyre traverses south of Western Australia. 1842-62. E. F. Jomard's _Monuments de la Géographie_ published. 1843-47. Count Castelnau traces the source of the Paraguay. 1844. Leichhardt explores Southern Australia. 1845. Huc explores Tibet. 1845. Petermann's _Mittheilungen_ first published. 1845-47. Franklin's last voyage. 1846. First edition of K. v. Spruner's _Historische Handatlas_. 1847. J. Rae connects Hudson's Bay with east coast of Boothia. 1848. Leichhardt attempts to traverse Australia, and disappears. 1849-56. Livingstone traces the Zambesi and crosses South Africa. 1850-54. M'Clure succeeds in the North-West Passage. 1850-55. Barth explores the Soudan. 1853. Dr. Kane explores Smith's Sound. 1854. Rae hears news of the Franklin expedition from the Eskimo. 1854-65. Faidherbe explores Senegambia. 1856-57. The brothers Schlagintweit cross the Himalayas, Tibet, and Kuen Lun. 1856-59. Du Chaillu travels in Central Africa. 1857-59. M'Clintock discovers remains of the Franklin expedition, and explores King William Land. 1858. Burton and Speke discover Lake Tanganyika, and Speke sees Lake Victoria Nyanza. 1858-64. Livingstone traces Lake Nyassa. 1859. Valikhanoft reaches Kashgar. 1860. Burke travels from Victoria to Carpentaria. 1860. Grant and Speke, returning from Lake Victoria Nyanza, meet Baker coming up the Nile. 1861-62. M'Douall Stuart traverses Australia from south to north. 1863. W. G. Palgrave explores Central and Eastern Arabia. 1864. Baker discovers Lake Albert Nyanza. 1868. Nordenskiold reaches his highest point in Greenland, 81.42°. 1868-71. Ney Elias traverses Mid-China. 1868-74. John Forrest penetrates from Western to Central Australia. 1869-71. Schweinfurth explores the Southern Soudan. 1869-74. Nachtigall explores east of Tchad. 1870. Fedchenko discovers Transalai, north of Pamir. 1870. Douglas Forsyth reaches Yarkand. 1871-88. The four explorations of Western China by Prjevalsky. 1872-73. Payer and Weiprecht discover Franz Josef Land. 1872-76. H.M.S. _Challenger_ examines the bed of the ocean. 1872-76. Ernest Giles traverses North-West Australia. 1873. Colonel Warburton traverses Australia from east to west. 1873. Livingstone discovers Lake Moero. 1874-75. Lieut. Cameron crosses equatorial Africa. 1875-94. Élisée Reclus publishes his _Géographie Universelle._ 1876. Albert Markham reaches 83.20° N. on the Nares expedition. 1876-77. Stanley traces the course of the Congo. 1878-82. The Pundit Krishna traces the course of the Yangtse, Pekong, and Brahmaputra. 1878-79. Nordenskiold solves the North-East Passage along the north coast of Siberia. 1878-84. Joseph Thomson explores East-Central Africa. 1878-85. Serpa Pinto twice crosses Africa. 1879-82. The _Jeannette_ passes through Behring Strait to the mouth of the Lena. 1880. Leigh Smith surveys south coast of Franz Josef Land. 1880-82. Bonvalot traverses the Pamirs. 1881-87. Wissmann twice crosses Africa, and discovers the left affluents of the Congo. 1883. Lockwood, on the Greely Mission, reaches 83.23° N., north cape of Greenland. 1886. Francis Garnier explores the course of the Mekong. 1887. Younghusband travels from Pekin to Kashmir. 1887-89. Stanley conducts the Emin Pasha Relief Expedition across Africa, and discovers the Pigmies, and the Mountains of the Moon. 1888. F. Nansen crosses Greenland from east to west. 1888-89. Captain Binger traces the bend of the Niger. 1889. The brothers Grjmailo explore Chinese Turkestan. 1889-90. Bonvalot and Prince Henri d'Orléans traverse Tibet. 1890. Selous and Jameson explore Mashonaland. 1890. Sir W. Macgregor crosses New Guinea. 1891-92. Monteil crosses from Senegal to Tripoli. 1892. Peary proves Greenland an island. 1893. Mr. and Mrs. Littledale travel across Central Asia. 1893-97. Dr. Sven Hedin explores Chinese Turkestan, Tibet, and Mongolia. 1893-97. Dr. Nansen is carried across the Arctic Ocean in the _Fram_, and advances farthest north (86.14° N.). 1894-95. C. E. Borchgrevink visits Antarctica. 1894-96. Jackson-Harmsworth expedition in Arctic lands. 1896. Captain Bottego explores Somaliland. 1896. Donaldson Smith traces Lake Rudolph. 1896. Prince Henri D'Orleans travels from Tonkin to Moru. 1897. Captain Foa traverses South Africa from S. to N. 1897. D. Carnegie crosses W. Australia from S. to N. EUROPE. GREAT BRITAIN.--B.C. 450. Himilco. _Circa_ 333. Pytheas. 60-54. Cæsar. FRANCE.--B.C. _circa_ 600. Marseilles founded. 57. Cæsar. RUSSIA.--A.D. 1554. Richard Chancellor. BALTIC.--A.D. 890. Wulfstan and Othere. ICELAND.--A.D. 861. Naddod. ASIA. INDIA.--B.C. 332. Alexander. 330. Nearchus. _Circa_ 300. Megasthenes. A.D. 400-14. Fa-hien. 518-21. Hoei-Sing and Sung-Yun. 540. Cosmas Indicopleustes. 629-46. Hiouen-Tshang. 671-95. I-tsing. 1159-73. Benjamin of Tudela. 1304-78. Ibn Batuta. 1327-72. Mandeville. 1328. Jordanus of Severac. 1328-49. John de Marignolli. 1419-40. Nicolo Conti. 1442-44. Abd-ur-Razzak. 1468-74. Athanasius Nikitin. 1487. Pedro de Covilham. 1494-99. Hieronimo di Santo Stefano. 1503-8. Ludovico di Varthema. FARTHER INDIA.--A.D. 1503. Ludovico di Varthema. 1509. Lopes di Sequira. 1886. Francis Garnier. CHINA.--A.D. 851-916. Suláimán and Abu Zaid. 1292. John of Monte Corvino. 1316-30. Odorico di Pordenone. 1328-49. John de Marignolli. 1537-58. Ferdinand Mendez Pinto. 1868-71. Ney Elias. 1871-88. Prjevalsky. 1878-82. Pundit Krishna. 1889. Grjmailo brothers. 1896. Prince Henri d'Orléans. JAPAN.--A.D. 1542. Antonio de Mota. 1785-88. La Pérouse. ARABIA.--A.D. 1761-67. Carsten Niebuhr. 1863. Palgrave. PERSIA.--B.C. 332. Alexander. A.D. 1468-74. Athanasius Nikitin. MONGOLIA.--A.D. 1255. Ruysbroek (Rubruquis). 1260-71. Nicolo and Maffeo Polo. 1271. Marco Polo. 1893-97. Dr. Sven Hedin. TIBET.--A.D. 1845. Huc. 1856-7. Schlagintweit. 1878. Pundit Krishna. 1887. Younghusband. 1889-90. Bonvalot and Prince Henri d'Orléans. 1893-97. Dr. Sven Hedin. CENTRAL ASIA.--A.D. 1558. Anthony Jenkinson. 1642. Wasilei Pojarkof. 1838-40. Wood. 1859. Valikhanoff. 1870. Douglas Forsyth. 1870. Fedchenko. 1880. Bonvalot. 1893. Littledale. SIBERIA.--A.D. 1579. Timovief. 1639. Kupiloff. 1644-50. Staduchin. 1648. Dshineif. 1701. Sinpopoff. 1731. Paulutski. 1742. Chelyuskin. 1771-72. Pallas. 1785-94. Billings. KAMTSCHATKA.--A.D. 1696. Russians. 1731. Kru pishef. 1787-88. Lesseps. AFRICA. A.D. _circa_ 450. Hanno. 1420. Zarco. 1462. Pedro de Cintra. 1484. Diego Cam. 1486. Bartholomew Diaz. 1497. Vasco da Gama. 1520. Alvarez. 1549. Bareto and Homera. 1590. Battel. 1596. Payz. 1618. Thompson. 1623. Lobo. 1645. Italian Capuchins. 1769-71. Bruce. 1793. Browne. 1796. Mungo Park. 1796. Lacerda. 1822. Denham and Clapperton. 1826. Laing. 1827. Réné Caillié. 1849-73. Livingstone. 1850-55. Barth. 1854-65. Faidherbe. 1856-59. Du Chaillu. 1858. Burton and Speke. 1860. Grant and Speke. 1864. Baker. 1869-71. Schweinfurth. 1869-74. Nachtigall. 1874-75. Cameron. 1876-89. Stanley. 1878-84. Thomson. 1878-85. Serpa Pinto. 1881-87. Wissmann. 1888-89. Binger. 1890. Selous and Jameson. 1891-92. Monteil. 1896. Bottego. 1896. Donaldson Smith. 1897. Foa. NORTH AMERICA. A.D. 499. Hoei-Sin. _Circa_ 1000. Lyef. 1497, 1517. John and Sebastian Cabot. 1500. Corte Real. 1513. Ponce de Leon. 1524. Verazzano. 1532. Cortez. 1534. Cartier. 1539. Ulloa. 1542. Cabrillo. 1516. Frobisher. 1586. Davis. 1592. Juan de Fuca. 1608. Champlain. 1609, 10. Hudson. 1631. Fox. 1682. La Salle. 1740. Varenne de la Véranderye 1741. Behring. 1789-93. Mackenzie. 1792. Vancouver. 1800-4. Lewis and Clarke. 1805-7. Pike. 1837. Simpson. SOUTH AMERICA. A.D. 1498. Columbus. 1499-1501. Amerigo Vespucci. 1499. Pinzon. 1500. Pedro Cabral. 1517. Juan Diaz de Solis. 1519-20. Magellan. 1531. Francisco Pizarro. 1535. D'Almagro. 1536. Gonsalo Pizarro. 1541. Orellana. 1572. Juan Fernandez. 1580. Dutch in Guiana. 1615. Lemaire. 1743-44. La Condamine. 1764. John Byron. 1799-1804. Humboldt. 1817-20. Spix and Martius. 1831-35. Schomburgk. 1843-47. Castelnau. CENTRAL AMERICA. A.D. 1502. Columbus. 1513. Vasco Nuñez de Balbao. 1518. Grijalva. 1519. Fernando Cortez. 1519. Guray. AUSTRALIA. A.D. 1605. Torres. 1606. Quiros. 1616. Hartog. 1619. Edel and Houtman. 1622. The _Leeuwin_. 1627. Nuyts. 1699. Dampier. 1770. Cook. 1797. Bass. 1801-4. Flinders. 1814. Evans. 1817-22. King. 1828-40. Sturt. 1839. Strzelecki. 1841. Eyre. 1844-48. Leichhardt. 1860. Burke. 1861-62. MacDouall Stuart. 1868-74. Forrest. 1872-76. Giles. 1873. Warburton. 1897. Carnegie. NEW ZEALAND. A.D. 1642. Tasman. 1643. Brouwer. 1768-79. Cook. POLYNESIA. A.D. 1512. Francisco Serrão. 1520, 21. Magellan. 1527. Saavedra. 1542. Gaetano 1542. Ruy Lopez de Villalobos. 1543. Ortez de Retis. 1567-98. Alvaro Mendaña. 1599. Houtman. 1643. Tasman. 1768. Carteret. 1776-79. Cook. 1835-49. Junghuhn. 1890. Macgregor. NORTH POLE. A.D. _circa_ 900. Gunbiörn. 985. Eric the Red. 1553. Willoughby. 1596. Barentz. 1603. Bennett. 1611. Jan Mayen. 1616. Baffin. 1721. Egédé. 1769-71. Hearne. 1819-22. Franklin, Back, and Richardson. 1819-27. Parry. 1820-23. Wrangel. 1822-23. Scoresby. 1829-33. Ross. 1833. Back. 1845-47. Franklin. 1847-54. Rae. 1850-54. M'Clure. 1853. Kane. 1857-59. M'Clintock. 1868-79. Nordenskiöld. 1872-73. Payer and Weiprecht. 1876. Markham. 1879-82. The _Jeannette_. 1880. Leigh Smith. 1883. Lockwood. 1888-97. Nansen. 1892. Peary. 1894-96. Jackson-Harmsworth expedition. SOUTH POLE. A.D. 1816. Capt. Smith. 1821. Bellinghausen. 1823. Weddell. 1831. Biscoe. 1838-40. Dumont d'Urville. 1839. Balleny. 1840-42. James Ross. 1894-95. Borchgrevink. CIRCUMNAVIGATORS. A.D. 1522. Sebastian del Cano. 1577-79. Drake. 1739-44. Lord George Anson. ATLANTIC OCEAN. A.D. 1400. Jehan Bethencourt. 1432. Cabral. 1442. Nuño Tristão. 1471. Pedro d'Escobar. 1471. Fernando Po. 1492-93. Columbus. 1501. Juan di Nova. 1501. Tristan d'Acunha. 1502. Bermudez. INDIAN OCEAN. A.D. 1505. Mascarenhas. PROGRESS OF GEOGRAPHICAL SCIENCE. B.C. 570. Anaximander of Miletus. 501. Hecatæus of Miletus. 446. Herodotus. _Circa_ 200. Eratosthenes. 100. Marinus of Tyre. 20. Strabo. Before 12. Agrippa. A.D. 150. Ptolemy. 230. Peutinger Table. 776. Beatus. 884. Ibn Khordadbeh. 912-30. Mas'udi. 921. Ahmed Ibn Fozlan. 969. Ibn Haukal. 1111. Water-compass. 1154. Edrisi. _Circa_ 1180. Alexander Neckam. 1280. Hereford map. 1284. Ebstorf map. 1290. The normal Portulano. 1320. Flavio Gioja. 1339. Dulcert. 1351. Medicean Portulano. 1375. Cresquez. 1419. Prince Henry the Navigator. 1457. Fra Mauro. 1474. Toscanelli. 1478. 2nd ed. Ptolemy. 1492. Behaim. 1500. Juan de la Cosa. 1507-13. Waldseemüller. 1520. Schoner. 1538. Mercator. 1544. Munster. 1556-72. Laperis. 1573. Ortelius. 1592. Molyneux globe. 1598. Hakluyt. 1630. Ferro meridian fixed. 1638. Blaeu. 1645. Sanson. 1700. Delisle. 1718. Jesuit map of China. 1731. Hadley. 1735-37. Maupertuis. 1745-61. Bourguiguon d'Anville. 1765. Harrison. 1767. Nautical Almanac. 1788. African Association. 1810-29. Malte-Brun. 1817. Stieler. 1830. Royal Geographical Society founded. 1842. Jomard 1845. Petermann. 1846. Spruner. 1875-94. Élisée Reclus. 1872-76. The _Challenger_.
22116 ---- DISCOVERERS AND EXPLORERS BY EDWARD R. SHAW _Dean of the School of Pedagogy_ _New York University_ NEW YORK :: CINCINNATI :: CHICAGO AMERICAN BOOK COMPANY Copyright 1900 By EDWARD R. SHAW. PREFACE. The practice of beginning the study of geography with the locality in which the pupil lives, in order that his first ideas of geographical conceptions may be gained from observation directed upon the real conditions existing about him, has been steadily gaining adherence during the past few years as a rational method of entering upon the study of geography. After the pupil has finished an elementary study of the locality, he is ready to pass to an elementary consideration of the world as a whole, to get his first conception of the planet on which he lives. His knowledge of the forms of land and water, his knowledge of rain and wind, of heat and cold, as agents, and of the easily traced effects resulting from the interaction of these agents, have been acquired by observation and inference upon conditions actually at hand; in other words, his knowledge has been gained in a presentative manner. His study of the world, however, must differ largely from this, and must be effected principally by representation. The globe in relief, therefore, presents to him his basic idea, and all his future study of the world will but expand and modify this idea, until at length, if the study is properly continued, the idea becomes exceedingly complex. In passing from the geography of the locality to that of the world as a whole, the pupil is to deal broadly with the land masses and their general characteristics. The continents and oceans, their relative situations, form, and size, are then to be treated, but the treatment is always to be kept easily within the pupil's capabilities--the end being merely an elementary world-view. During the time the pupil is acquiring this elementary knowledge of the world as a whole, certain facts of history may be interrelated with the geographical study. According to the plan already suggested, it will be seen that the pupil is carried out from a study of the limited area of land and water about him to an idea of the world as a sphere, with its great distribution of land and water. In this transference he soon comes to perceive how small a part his hitherto known world forms of the great earth-sphere itself. Something analogous to this transition on the part of the pupil to a larger view seems to be found in the history of the western nations of Europe. It is the gradual change in the conception of the world held during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries to the enlarged conception of the world as a sphere which the remarkable discoveries and explorations of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries brought about. The analogy serves pedagogically to point out an interesting and valuable _interrelation_ of certain facts of history with certain phases of geographical study. This book has been prepared for the purpose of affording material for such an interrelation. The plan of interrelation is simple. As the study of the world as a whole, in the manner already sketched, progresses, the appropriate chapters are read, discussed, and reproduced, and the routes of the various discoverers and explorers traced. No further word seems to the writer necessary in regard to the interrelation. DRESDEN, July 15, 1899. CONTENTS. PAGE BELIEFS AS TO THE WORLD FOUR HUNDRED YEARS AGO . . 9 MARCO POLO . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16 COLUMBUS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24 VASCO DA GAMA . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 40 JOHN AND SEBASTIAN CABOT'S VOYAGES . . . . . . . . 44 AMERIGO VESPUCCI . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 48 PONCE DE LEON . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 54 BALBOA . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 56 MAGELLAN . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 62 HERNANDO CORTES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 68 FRANCISCO PIZARRO . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 78 FERDINAND DE SOTO . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 84 THE GREAT RIVER AMAZON, AND EL DORADO . . . . . . 92 VERRAZZANO . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 102 THE FAMOUS VOYAGE OF SIR FRANCIS DRAKE--1577 . . . 108 HENRY HUDSON . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 114 DISCOVERERS AND EXPLORERS. BELIEFS AS TO THE WORLD FOUR HUNDRED YEARS AGO. Four hundred years ago most of the people who lived in Europe thought that the earth was flat. They knew only the land that was near them. They knew the continent of Europe, a small part of Asia, and a strip along the northern shore of Africa. [Illustration: The World as Known Four Hundred Years ago.] They thought this known land was surrounded by a vast body of water that was like a broad river. Sailors were afraid to venture far upon this water, for they feared they would fall over the edge of the earth. Other seafaring men believed that if they should sail too far out upon this water their vessels would be lost in a fog, or that they would suddenly begin to slide downhill, and would never be able to return. Wind gods and storm gods, too, were supposed to dwell upon this mysterious sea. Men believed that these wind and storm gods would be very angry with any one who dared to enter their domain, and that in their wrath they would hurl the ships over the edge of the earth, or keep them wandering round and round in a circle, in the mist and fog. It is no wonder that the name "Sea of Darkness" was given to this great body of water, which we now know to be the Atlantic Ocean; nor is it surprising that the sailors feared to venture far out upon it. These sailors had no dread at all of a sea called the Mediterranean, upon which they made voyages without fear of danger. This sea was named the Mediterranean because it was supposed to be in the middle of the land that was then known. On this body of water the sailors were very bold, fighting, robbing, and plundering strangers and foes, without any thought of fear. They sailed through this sea eastward to Constantinople, their ships being loaded with metals, woods, and pitch. These they traded for silks, cashmeres, dyewoods, spices, perfumes, precious stones, ivory, and pearls. All of these things were brought by caravan from the far Eastern countries, as India, China, and Japan, to the cities on the east coast of the Mediterranean. This caravan journey was a very long and tiresome one. Worse than this, the Turks, through whose country the caravans passed, began to see how valuable this trade was, and they sent bands of robbers to prevent the caravans from reaching the coast. [Illustration: A Caravan.] As time went on, these land journeys grew more difficult and more dangerous, until the traders saw that the day would soon come when they would be entirely cut off from traffic with India and the rich Eastern countries. The Turks would secure all their profitable business. So the men of that time tried to think of some other way of reaching the East. Among those who wished to find a short route to India was Prince Henry of Portugal, a bold navigator as well as a studious and thoughtful man. He was desirous of securing the rich Indian trade for his own country. So he established a school for navigators at Lisbon, and gathered around him many men who wanted to study about the sea. Here they made maps and charts, and talked with one another about the strange lands which they thought might be found far out in that mysterious body of water which they so dreaded and feared. It is probable that they had heard some accounts of the voyages of other navigators on this wonderful sea, and the beliefs about land beyond. There was Eric the Red, a bold navigator of Iceland, who had sailed west to Greenland, and planted there a colony that grew and thrived. There was also Eric's son Leif, a venturesome young viking who had made a voyage south from Greenland, and reached a strange country with wooded shores and fragrant vines. This country he called Vinland because of the abundance of wild grapes. When he returned to Greenland, he took a load of timber back with him. [Illustration: Eric the Red in Vinland.] Some of the people of Greenland had tried to make a settlement along this shore which Leif discovered, but it is thought that the Indians drove them away. It may now be said of this settlement that no trace of it has ever been found, although the report that the Norsemen paid many visits to the shore of North America is undoubtedly true. Another bold sea rover of Portugal sailed four hundred miles from land, where he picked up a strangely carved paddle and several pieces of wood of a sort not to be found in Europe. St. Brandon, an Irish priest, was driven in a storm far, far to the west, and landed upon the shore of a strange country, inhabited by a race of people different from any he had ever seen. All this time the bold Portuguese sailors were venturing farther and farther down the coast of Africa. They hoped to be able to sail around that continent and up the other side to India. But they dared not go beyond the equator, because they did not know the stars in the southern hemisphere and therefore had no guide. They also believed that beyond the equator there was a frightful region of intense heat, where the sun scorched the earth and where the waters boiled. Many marvelous stories were told about the islands which the sailors said they saw in the distance. Scarcely a vessel returned from a voyage without some new story of signs of land seen by the crew. The people who lived on the Canary Islands said that an island with high mountains on it could be seen to the west on clear days, but no one ever found it. Some thought these islands existed only in the imagination of the sailors. Others thought they were floating islands, as they were seen in many different places. Every one was anxious to find them, for they were said to be rich in gold and spices. You can easily understand how excited many people were in regard to new lands, and how they wished to find out whether the earth was round or not. There was but one way to find out, and that was to try to sail around it. For a long time no one was brave enough to venture to do so. To start out and sail away from land on this unknown water was to the people of that day as dangerous and foolhardy a journey as to try to cross the ocean in a balloon is to us at the present time. MARCO POLO. In the middle of the thirteenth century, about two hundred years before the time of Columbus, a boy named Marco Polo lived in the city of Venice. [Illustration: Marco Polo.] Marco Polo belonged to a rich and noble family, and had all the advantages of study that the city afforded. He studied at one of the finest schools in the city of Venice. This city was then famous for its schools, and was the seat of culture and learning for the known world. When Marco Polo started for school in the morning, he did not step out into a street, as you do. Instead, he stepped from his front doorstep into a boat called a gondola; for Venice is built upon a cluster of small islands, and the streets are water ways and are called canals. The gondolier, as the man who rows the gondola is called, took Marco wherever he wished to go. Sometimes, as they glided along, the gondolier would sing old Venetian songs; and as Marco Polo lay back against the soft cushions and listened and looked about him, he wondered if anywhere else on earth there was so beautiful a city as Venice. For the sky was very blue, and often its color was reflected in the water; the buildings were graceful and beautiful, the sun was warm and bright, and the air was balmy. [Illustration: A Scene in Venice.] In this delightful city Marco Polo lived until he was seventeen years of age. About this time, his father, who owned a large commercial house in Constantinople, told Marco that he might go with him on a long journey to Eastern countries. The boy was very glad to go, and set out with his father and his uncle, who were anxious to trade and gain more wealth in the East. This was in the year 1271. The three Polos traveled across Persia into China, and across the Desert of Gobi to the northwest, where they found the great ruler, Kublai Khan. This monarch was a kind-hearted and able man. He wanted to help his subjects to become civilized and learned, as the Europeans were. So Kublai Khan assisted the two elder Polos in their business of trading, and took Marco into his service. Soon Marco learned the languages of Asia, and then he was sent by the khan on errands of state to different parts of the country. He visited all the great cities in China, and traveled into the interior of Asia to places almost unknown at the present time. At length the three Polos expressed a desire to return to Venice. The great khan did not wish to part with them, but he at last consented; for he found that by going they could do him a service. The service required was their escort for a beautiful young princess who was to be taken from Peking to Tabriz, where she was to marry the Khan of Persia. It was difficult to find any one trustworthy enough to take charge of so important a person on so long and dangerous a journey. But Kublai Khan had faith in the Polos. They had traveled more than any one else he knew, and were cautious and brave. So he gave them permission to return to their home, and requested them to take the princess to Tabriz on the way. It was decided that the journey should be made by sea, as the land route was so beset by robbers as to be unsafe. Besides, the Polos were fine sailors. They started from the eastern coast of China, and continued their voyage for three years, around the peninsula of Cochin China, and through the Indian Ocean to the Persian Gulf. Here they went ashore, and then proceeded by land across Persia to Tabriz. They left the princess in that city, and resumed their journey by way of the Bosporus to Venice. When they reached Venice they found that they had been forgotten by their friends. They had been away twenty-four years, and in that time everything had changed very much. They themselves had grown older, and their clothes differed from those worn by the Venetians; for fashions changed even in the thirteenth century, although not so often as they change at the present time. It is no wonder that the Polos were not known until they recalled themselves to the memory of their friends. One evening they invited a few of their old friends to dinner, and during the evening they brought out three old coats. These coats they proceeded to rip apart, and out from the linings dropped all kinds of precious stones--diamonds, sapphires, emeralds, and rubies. In this way these wary travelers had hidden their wealth and treasure while on their perilous journey. The visitors were astonished at the sight of so great riches, and listened eagerly to the accounts of the countries from which they came. Soon after the return of Marco Polo to Venice, he took part with his countrymen in a battle against the Genoese. The city of Genoa, like the city of Venice, had a large trade with the East. These two cities were rivals in trade, and were very jealous of each other. Whenever Venetian ships and those of the Genoese met on the Mediterranean Sea, the sailors found some way of starting a quarrel. The quarrel quickly led to a sea fight, and it was in one of these combats that Marco Polo engaged. The Venetians were defeated, and Marco Polo was taken prisoner and cast into a dungeon. Here he spent his time in writing the wonderful book in which he described his travels. [Illustration: A Sea Fight.] The descriptions Polo gave of the East were as wonderful as fairy tales. He told of countries rich in gold, silver, and precious stones, and of islands where diamonds sparkled on the shore. The rulers of these countries wore garments of rich silk covered with glittering gems, and dwelt in palaces, the roofs of which were made of gold. He described golden Cathay, with its vast cities rich in manufactures, and also Cipango, Hindustan, and Indo-China. He knew of the Indies Islands, rich in spices, and he described Siberia, and told of the sledges drawn by dogs, and of the polar bears. The fact that an ocean washed the eastern coast of Asia was proved by him, and this put at rest forever the theory that there was an impassable swamp east of Asia. This book by Marco Polo was eagerly read, and the facts that it stated were so remarkable that many people refused to believe them. It stirred others with a desire to travel and see those lands for themselves. Traveling by land, however, was very dangerous, because of the bands of robbers by which the country was occupied. These outlaws robbed every one whom they suspected of having any money, and often murdered travelers in order to gain their possessions. Sea travel, too, was just as dangerous, but in a different way. You will remember why sailors dared not venture far out upon the ocean and search for a water route to the Eastern countries and islands. The time was soon coming, however, when they would dare to do so, and two wonderful inventions helped navigators very much. One came from the finding of the loadstone, or natural magnet. This is a stone which has the power of attracting iron. A steel needle rubbed on it becomes magnetized, as we say, and, when suspended by the center and allowed to move freely, always swings around until it points north and south. Hung on a pivot and inclosed in a box, this instrument is called the mariners' compass. It was of great importance to sailors, because it always told them which way was north. On cloudy days, and during dark, stormy nights, when the sun and stars could not be seen, the sailors could now keep on their way, far from land, and still know in which direction they were going. [Illustration: Mariners' Compass.] The other invention was that of the astrolabe. This was an instrument by means of which sailors measured the height of the sun above the horizon at noon, and could thus tell the distance of the ship from the equator. It is in use on all the ships at the present time, but it has been greatly improved, and is now called the quadrant. The compass and the astrolabe, together with improved maps and charts, made it possible for navigators to tell where their ship was when out of sight of land or in the midst of storm and darkness. This made them more courageous, and they ventured a little farther from the coast, but still no one dared to sail far out upon the Sea of Darkness. COLUMBUS. One day a man appeared in Portugal, who said he was certain that the earth was round, and that he could reach India by sailing westward. Every one laughed at him and asked him how he would like to try. He answered that he would sail round the earth, if any one would provide him with ships. [Illustration: Christopher Columbus.] People jeered and scoffed. "If the earth is a sphere," they said, "in order to sail round it you must sail uphill! Who ever heard of a ship sailing uphill?" But this man, whose name was Christopher Columbus, remained firm in his belief. When a boy, Columbus had listened eagerly to the stories the sailors told about strange lands and wonderful islands beyond the water. He was in the habit of sitting on the wharves and watching the ships. Often he would say, "I wish, oh, how I wish I could be a sailor!" At last his father, who was a wool comber, said to him, "My son, if you really wish to become a sailor, I will send you to a school where you will be taught navigation." Columbus was delighted at this, and told his father that he would study diligently. He was sent to the University of Pavia, where he learned all the geography that was then known, as well as how to draw maps and charts. He became a skillful penman, and also studied astronomy, geometry, and Latin. But he did not spend a long time at his studies, for at the age of fourteen he went to sea. What he had learned, however, gave him an excellent groundwork, and from this time forward he made use of every opportunity to inform himself and to become a scholarly man. His first voyage was made with a distant relative, who was an adventurous and daring man, and who was ever ready to fight with any one with whom he could pick a quarrel. In course of time Columbus commanded a ship of his own, and became known as a bold and daring navigator. He made a voyage along the coast of Africa as far south as Guinea, and afterwards sailed northward to Iceland. At an early day he became familiar with the wildest kind of adventure, for at this time sea life on the Mediterranean was little more than a series of fights with pirates. Some say that during one of these conflicts Columbus's ship caught fire. In order to save his life, he jumped into the water and swam six miles to shore, reaching the coast of Portugal. Others say that he was attracted to that country by the great school of navigation which Prince Henry had established. However that may be, he appeared at Lisbon at the age of thirty-five, filled with the idea of sailing westward to reach those rich Eastern countries in which every one was so much interested. He was laughed at for expressing such an idea. It is not pleasant to be laughed at, but Columbus was courageous and never wavered in his belief. "The earth is a sphere," he said; "those foolish stories of its being flat and supported on a turtle's back cannot be true." But those persons to whom he talked only laughed the more. "Is there anything more foolish," they asked, "than to believe that there are people who walk with their heels up and with their heads hanging down?" "Think of a place where the trees grow with their branches down, and where it snows, hails, and rains upward!" Everybody thought him an idle dreamer. Columbus tried to persuade King John to furnish him with ships and allow him to test his belief. But King John cruelly deceived Columbus; for, after obtaining his maps and charts, he sent off an expedition of his own. He hoped in this way to gain the glory of the discovery. The sailors whom he sent, however, were not brave enough to continue the voyage, and returned, frightened by a severe storm. Columbus was so disgusted by the treachery of King John that he made up his mind to leave Portugal and go to Spain. So, taking his little son, Diego, with him, he started on his journey. He traveled from place to place, trying to find some person who would help him make his ideas known to King Ferdinand and Queen Isabella. He thought that if he could talk with them he could persuade them to furnish him with ships. [Illustration: Convent of La Rabida.] One day he came to a convent called La Rabida. Here Diego, who was weary and thirsty, begged his father to stop and ask for a drink of water. Columbus knocked at the big iron gate, and while he was conversing with the attendant a priest approached. This priest was attracted by the noble bearing and refined speech of Columbus, and saw at once that he was not a beggar. He asked him what he wished, and Columbus related his story. The good priest believed in him and said he would try to influence the king and queen to furnish him with ships. The priest brought the matter before the king; but at this time Spain was at war with the Moors, and King Ferdinand had no time to attend to anything else. Columbus was patient and waited. But as year after year passed and brought no prospect of obtaining the ships he wished, his hopes fell. After seven long, weary years of waiting, he was about to leave Spain in despair. Just as he was leaving, however, a message was brought to him from the queen, asking him to explain his plans to her once more. Columbus did so, and the queen was so fully convinced that she exclaimed: "I will provide ships and men for you, if I have to pledge my jewels in order to do so!" [Illustration: Columbus before Ferdinand and Isabella.] Three ships were fitted out for the voyage. These ships were very different from those we see to-day. They were light, frail barks called caravels, and two of them, the _Pinta_ and _Nina_, had no decks. The third, the _Santa Maria_, had a deck. It was upon this largest caravel that Columbus placed his flag. On the 3d of August, 1492, the little fleet set sail from Palos, entering upon the most daring expedition ever undertaken by man. The people of the town gathered on the wharf to see the departure of the vessels. Many of them had friends or relatives on board whom they expected never to look upon again. Sad indeed was the sight as the little caravels sailed out of the harbor and faded from view. After sailing a few days, the _Pinta_ broke her rudder. This accident the sailors took to be a sign of misfortune. They tried to persuade Columbus to put back to Palos, but he would not listen to such a suggestion. Instead of sailing back, he pushed on to the Canary Islands. Here his ships were delayed three weeks, after which they continued the voyage into unknown waters. After they had sailed westward for many days, the sailors began to show signs of alarm, and they implored Columbus to return. He tried to calm their fears. He described the rich lands he hoped to find, and reminded them of the wealth and fame this voyage would bring to them. So they agreed to venture a little farther. [Illustration: The Pinta.] At last the compass began to point in a different direction, and the sailors became almost panic-stricken. They thought they were sailing straight to destruction, and when they found that Columbus would not listen to their entreaties they planned a mutiny. Though Columbus knew what the sailors were plotting, he kept steadily on his course. Fortunately, signs of land soon began to appear. A branch with berries on it floated past, a rudely carved paddle was picked up, and land birds were seen flying over the ships. A prize had been offered to the sailor who first saw land, and all eagerly watched for it night and day. At last, early one morning, a gun was fired from the _Pinta_, and all knew that land had been sighted. The sailors were filled with the wildest joy, and crowded around Columbus with expressions of gratitude and admiration, in great contrast to the distrustful manner in which they had treated him a few days before. The land they were approaching was very beautiful. It was a green, sunny island with pleasant groves in which birds were singing. Beautiful flowers were blooming all around and the trees were laden with fruit. The island was inhabited, too, for groups of strange-looking men were seen running to the shore. At length the ships cast anchor, the boats were lowered, and Columbus, clad in rich scarlet and carrying in his hand the royal banner of Spain, was taken ashore. As soon as he stepped on the beach, Columbus knelt down and gave thanks to God. He then planted the banner of Spain in the ground and took possession of the country in the name of Ferdinand and Isabella. [Illustration: The Landing of Columbus.] This island he called San Salvador, because he and his crew had been saved from a watery grave, and also because October 12 was so named in the Spanish calendar. Columbus supposed San Salvador to be one of the islands near the coast of Asia, but it is one of the Bahamas. Thus was America discovered on the 12th of October, 1492. The natives of this island were different from any people the Spaniards had ever seen. They were of a reddish-brown color, and had high cheek bones, small black eyes, and straight black hair. They were entirely naked, and their bodies were greased and painted. Their hair was decorated with feathers, and many of them were adorned with curious ornaments. They were at first very much afraid of the white men and kept far away. But gradually they lost their fear and brought the Spaniards presents of bananas and oranges. Some of them gathered courage enough to touch the Spaniards and pass their hands over them, as if to make certain that they were real beings. These men, whose skin was so white, they thought to be gods who had come down from the sky. When Columbus asked them where they found the gold of which many of their ornaments were made, they pointed toward the south. Then Columbus took some of them with him to search for the land of gold. The next land he reached was the island of Cuba. Thinking that this was a part of India, he called the natives Indians. He then sailed to Haiti, which he called Hispaniola, or "Little Spain." For more than three months Columbus cruised among these islands, where the air was always balmy, the sky clear, and the land beautiful. The sailors believed these new lands were Paradise, and wanted to live there always. At length, however, they thought of returning to their home and friends. So, taking several Indians with them, and many curious baskets and ornaments, they set out on their return voyage. This voyage proved to be very stormy, and at one time it seemed certain that the ships would go down; but after a time the sea grew quiet, and on the 15th of March they sailed again into the little harbor of Palos. You can imagine the excitement. "What! has Columbus returned?" asked the people. "Has he really found the East by sailing westward?" "Yes, he has," was the answer. "He has found India." Columbus was given a royal welcome. The king and queen held a great celebration in his honor at Barcelona; and when the Indians marched into court the astonishment of every person was great. The Indians were half naked; their dark bodies were painted, and their heads were adorned with feathers. They carried baskets of seed pearls, and wore strange ornaments of gold. Some carried the skins of wild animals, and others carried beautiful birds of brilliant plumage. Every inhabitant of Barcelona rejoiced, and the bells were rung in honor of the great discoverer. It was a happy time for Columbus. He felt repaid for all his suffering and trouble. [Illustration: The Return of Columbus.] King Ferdinand and Queen Isabella now wished Columbus to go again to these newly discovered islands and search for the gold that was thought to be there. You may be sure Columbus was willing to go. So they fitted out seventeen vessels, manned by fifteen hundred men, and placed Columbus in command of this fleet. It was no trouble to find men who were willing to go on this voyage. All wanted to see the new world that had been found. During this second voyage, which was made in 1493, Columbus discovered Jamaica, Puerto Rico, and some small islands in the Caribbean Sea. On the island of Jamaica the Spaniards came upon the footprints of some strange animal which they thought to be a dragon. This dragon they believed was guarding the gold which they supposed was on the island. So they ran back to their ships in fear. Later on they became used to seeing these footprints, and found that they were those of alligators. At Puerto Rico they suffered from a savage attack made by the natives, who shot poisoned arrows and threw javelins at them. But in most other places the natives were very friendly. Columbus thought this land was a part of the east coast of Asia, and he could not understand why he did not find cities such as Marco Polo had described. Columbus then sailed to Hispaniola, where he planted a colony, of which he was made governor. It was not an easy matter to govern this island, because of the jealousies and quarrels of the Spaniards. At length Columbus returned to Spain, ill and discouraged. Columbus made a third voyage in 1498, during which he sailed along the coast of Brazil, and discovered Trinidad Island. Here his ships encountered currents of fresh water which flowed with great force into the ocean. This led Columbus to think that so large a river must flow across a great continent, and strengthened his opinion that the land was a part of the great continent of Asia. [Illustration: Map Showing how Columbus Discovered America.] After sailing farther north along the Pearl Coast, which was so called because of the pearls found there, he returned to Hispaniola. Here he found the Spaniards engaged in an Indian war, and quarreling among themselves. Some officials became jealous of him, bound him with chains, and sent him back to Spain a prisoner. Ferdinand and Isabella were much displeased at this treatment of Columbus, and set him free. A fourth voyage was made by Columbus in 1502, during which he explored the coast of Honduras in search of a strait leading to the Indian Ocean. In this venture he was unsuccessful. On his return to Spain he found his friend Queen Isabella very ill, and nineteen days after his arrival she died. After Isabella's death the king treated Columbus cruelly and ungratefully. The people had become jealous of him, and his last days were spent in poverty and distress. He never knew that he had discovered a new continent, but supposed that he had found India. Seven years after his death the king repented of his ingratitude, and caused the remains of Columbus to be removed from the little monastery in Valladolid to a monastery in Seville, where a magnificent monument was erected to his memory. In 1536 his bones were removed to the Cathedral of San Domingo in Hispaniola, and later they were taken to the cathedral in Havana. When the United States took possession of Cuba, the Spanish disinterred the bones of Columbus again and carried them to Spain, placing them in the cathedral of Seville, where they now are. VASCO DA GAMA. Both the Spaniards and the Portuguese were cut off from trade with the East, because the Turks had taken possession of Constantinople. In consequence of this, the navigators of both countries were making earnest efforts to find a water route to India. [Illustration: Vasco da Gama.] Spain, as you know, had faith in Columbus, and helped him in his plan of trying to reach India by sailing westward. But the Portuguese had a different idea. They spent their time and money in trying to sail round the African coast, in the belief that India could be reached by means of a southeast passage. This southeast passage could be found only by crossing the "burning zone," as the part of the earth near the equator was called; and all sailors feared to make the attempt. It was thought almost impossible to cross this burning zone, and the few navigators who had ventured as far as the equator had turned back in fear of steaming whirlpools and of fiery belts of heat. In 1486, six years before Columbus discovered America, the King of Portugal sent Bartholomew Diaz, a bold and daring navigator, to find the end of the African coast. Bartholomew Diaz sailed through the fiery zone without meeting any of the dreadful misfortunes which the sailors so feared. When he had sailed beyond the tropic of Capricorn, a severe storm arose. The wind blew his three vessels directly south for thirteen days, during which time he lost sight of land. When the sun shone again, Diaz headed his vessels eastward, but as no land appeared, he again changed the direction, this time heading them toward the north. After sailing northward a short time, land was reached about two hundred miles east of the Cape of Good Hope. Diaz now pushed on four hundred miles farther along the coast of Africa, and saw the wide expanse of the Indian Ocean before him. Here the sailors refused to go any farther, and Diaz, although he wanted very much to go ahead and try to reach India, was obliged to return. On the way home, the vessels passed close to the cape which projects from the south coast of Africa, and Diaz named it Stormy Cape, in memory of the frightful storm which hid it from view on the way down. When they reached Lisbon, however, King John said that it should be called the Cape of Good Hope, because they now had hope that the southern route to India was found. Diaz won much praise for his bravery and patience in making this voyage. He had proved that the stories about the fiery zone were false, and that the African coast had an end. [Illustration: Spanish and Portuguese Vessels.] It remained, however, for Vasco da Gama, then a young man of about twenty years of age, to prove that India could be reached in this way. In 1497 Da Gama sailed from Lisbon to the Cape of Good Hope, doubled the cape, and proceeded across the Indian Ocean to Hindustan. He returned to Lisbon in 1499, his ships loaded with the rich products of the East, including cloves, spices, pepper, ginger, and nutmeg. He also brought with him rich robes of silk and satin, costly gems, and many articles made of carved ivory, or of gold and of silver. The King of Portugal was greatly pleased with what Da Gama had accomplished, and his successful voyage was the wonder of the day. [Illustration: Costume of Explorers.] The same year that Da Gama returned from India by a route around the south end of Africa, with his ships loaded with rich produce, Sebastian Cabot returned from a fruitless voyage to the strange, barren coast of North America. It was no wonder that the voyages of Columbus and the Cabots were thought unsuccessful as compared with the voyage Da Gama had just finished. No one then dreamed of a New World; all were searching for the Orient--for golden Cathay. JOHN AND SEBASTIAN CABOT'S VOYAGES. John Cabot was a Venetian merchant, and a bold seafaring man. For purposes of trade he had taken up his home in Bristol, England. Bristol at that time was the most important seaport of England, and carried on a large fishing trade with Iceland. [Illustration: Sebastian Cabot.] When the news of the voyage of Columbus reached Bristol, Cabot begged the English king, Henry VII., to let him go and see if he could find a shorter route to the Indies. The king gave his consent, and told Cabot to take possession of any land he might discover for England. Cabot fitted out his vessel and, taking his son Sebastian and a crew of eighteen men with him, set sail in 1497. He headed his ship westward, hoping to reach the Spice Islands and that part of Asia which was so rich in gold, and which Columbus had failed to find. At last, one sunny morning in June, land was sighted in the distance. This land, which was probably a part of Nova Scotia, proved to be a lonely shore with dense forests. Cabot called it "Land First Seen." It was entirely deserted, not a human being nor a hut of any kind being in sight. Here Cabot and his son Sebastian and some of his crew went ashore, and were the first white men, excepting the Norsemen, to step upon the mainland of America. Up to this time, Columbus had discovered only islands of the West Indies. A year later than this he discovered the continent of South America. Cabot and his companions erected a large cross on the shore, and planted two flagpoles in the ground, from which they unfurled the English and Venetian flags. Then they returned to their ships, and, after sailing about the Gulf of St. Lawrence, went back to England. King Henry and the people received John Cabot with great honor. Everybody thought that Cabot had reached Asia, and he also believed that he had. He was called the "Great Admiral," and the people of Bristol ran after him on the street, shouting his name and trying in every way to show him how much they admired and honored him. The king gave him fifty dollars in money, which seems to us in these days a small sum for so long and dangerous a voyage. Besides this, the king urged him to undertake another voyage. About a year later Sebastian Cabot made the second voyage, and this time the gloomy shore of Labrador was reached. Sebastian on his voyage sailed far north, passing many icebergs, and seeing many strange and wonderful sights. On great blocks of ice that floated past the ship he saw immense white bears. These bears were fine swimmers, and would often leap into the water and bring out fish, which they would devour greedily. The waters were filled with fish, and, as the ship neared the shore, they grew so numerous as almost to retard the sailing of the vessel. "Now," said Cabot, "the English will not have to go to Iceland any more for fish." But Cabot knew that the lands he was seeking were warm lands. So he turned his vessel south, hoping to reach some opening which would lead to them. To his great surprise, he found the coast very long and without any opening, and he sailed on and on as far as Maryland, taking possession of the land for England. At places along this shore were seen Indians, clad in skins and furs of wild animals, fishing from little canoes. Stags much larger than any in England were seen in great numbers, and wild turkeys and game of all sorts abounded. Then Sebastian Cabot began to think that this was a part of Asia never known before, and he set sail for home to tell the wonderful news. When he reached Bristol he found everybody still interested in India. It was a water route to India that was wanted, and not a new country. People cared more about reaching golden Cathay than about finding new, barren lands. So, although King Henry was proud to know that the new land belonged to England, it was eleven years before he made any further attempt to send ships there to take possession. AMERIGO VESPUCCI. Amerigo Vespucci was a native of Florence, Italy, and a friend of Columbus. He was an educated man and very fond of study. [Illustration: Amerigo Vespucci.] At the time in which he lived it was difficult to find the latitude and longitude of places, and few people were able to calculate either correctly. Vespucci was skillful in the work of computing longitude, and he was also well versed in the history of all the voyages that had been made. He was familiar with the facts of astronomy and geography then known, and was well able to conduct the sailing of a ship into strange waters. It is believed that Vespucci made six voyages. He did not command his own vessels, as Columbus did, but he went with the expedition as assistant or adviser to the captain, keeping records of the voyage and making maps and charts. In his first voyage, made in 1497, Vespucci reached the coast of Honduras, and sailed into the Gulf of Mexico. Here he found, probably on the coast of Yucatan, a queer little sea village which reminded him of the great city of Venice near his home. [Illustration: A Queer Little Sea Village.] The houses in this village were made of wood, and were built on piles running out into the water. These houses were connected with the shore by bridges, which were constructed in such a manner that they could be drawn up, thus cutting off all connection with the land. In one house Vespucci found six hundred people. A very large family, was it not? Continuing the voyage around the Gulf of Mexico, Vespucci saw many strange and wonderful things. The natives roasted and ate frightful animals, which from the description given us we now know to have been alligators. They also made cakes, or patties, out of fish, and baked them on red-hot coals. The Spaniards were invited to taste these dainties, and those of the sailors who did so found the strange food very palatable. After sailing round the coast of Florida, the ships headed northeast, landing every now and then for the purpose of trading with the Indians. The Spaniards, finding but little gold and none of the rich spices for which they were looking, at last decided to return home. Just before sailing, some friendly Indians helped the Spaniards to make an attack upon a cannibal island. The attack was successful, and about two hundred cannibals were taken prisoners and carried to Spain, where they were sold as slaves. Vespucci made a second voyage in 1499, in which he sailed down the African coast to the Cape Verde Islands, and then headed his ship almost directly west. He sighted land at Cape St. Roque, and then sailed northwest, exploring the north coast of South America, then called the Pearl Coast. After this he returned to Spain. Shortly after the return of Vespucci to Spain, he accepted an offer to take service under the Portuguese flag. In 1501 he set sail from Lisbon with three caravels, under this flag. He reached the coast of South America near Cape St. Roque, and sailed south as far as the South Georgia Islands. As he proceeded southward, he found the country was inhabited by fierce Indians, who ate their fellow-creatures. He did not like the natives, as you may suppose; but he thought the country was beautiful, with the wonderful verdure and foliage of the tropics, and the queer animals and bright-colored birds. Great was the joy of Vespucci when he discovered in the forests large quantities of a sort of red dyewood which was prized very highly by Europeans. This wood, which had hitherto been found only in Eastern countries, was called brazil wood; and because of its abundance there, he gave the name Brazil to that part of the country. The expedition sailed slowly on and at length lost sight of land. It is thought that Vespucci headed the ships southeast because he wished to find out whether there was land or not in the Antarctic Ocean. As they sailed farther and farther south, the climate became very disagreeable. The winds grew cold and forbidding, fields of floating ice hindered the progress of the vessel, and the nights became very long. The sailors grew frightened, fearing that they were entering a land of constant darkness. Their fear became greater when a terrific storm arose. The sea grew rough, and the fog and sleet prevented the sailors from seeing whether land was near or not. The land which they had hoped to find now became an added danger. One day, through the sleet and snow, the sailors saw with terror a rocky, jagged coast in front of them. This land proved to be the South Georgia Islands, and was a wretched and forlorn country composed of rocks and glaciers, and entirely deserted. For a day and a half they sailed in sight of this frightful shore, fearing each moment that their ship would be cast on the rocks and that they would all perish. As soon as the weather permitted, therefore, Vespucci signaled his fleet, and the ships were headed for home, reaching Portugal in 1502. This voyage secured Brazil for Portugal, and added greatly to the geographical knowledge of the day. The ancients had said that no continent existed south of the equator. But the great length of coast along which Vespucci had sailed proved that the land was not an island. It was plainly a continent, and south of the equator. Vespucci called the land he found the New World. For a time it was also called the Fourth Part of the Earth, the other three parts being Europe, Asia, and Africa. In 1507 a German writer published an account of the discovery, in which he called the new country America, in honor of Americus Vespucius,[1] the discoverer. [Footnote 1: Americus Vespucius is the Latin form of Amerigo Vespucci.] This land was not connected in any way with the discovery of Columbus, for he was supposed to have found Asia. The name America was at first applied only to that part of the country which we now call Brazil, but little by little the name was extended until it included the whole of the Western Continent. You will be glad to know that Vespucci, in the time of his success, did not forget his old friend Columbus, who was then poor and in disgrace. Vespucci visited him and did all he could to assist him. After Vespucci had made three other voyages to the New World, he was given an important government position in Spain, which he held during the remainder of his life. PONCE DE LEON. You have heard many surprising things which the people of the fifteenth century believed. It seems almost impossible for us to think that those people really had faith in a Fountain of Youth; yet such is the case. [Illustration: Ponce de Leon.] This fountain was supposed to exist somewhere in the New World, and it was thought that if any one should bathe in its waters, he would become young and would never grow old again. In 1513 Ponce de Leon, who was then governor of Puerto Rico, sailed from that island in search of this Fountain of Youth. De Leon was an old man, and he felt that his life was nearly over, unless he should succeed in finding this fountain. At the same time De Leon wished to gain gold, for, though he had already made a fortune in Puerto Rico, he was still very greedy. The expedition under his guidance sailed among the Bahamas and other islands near them, and at length reached a land beautiful with flowers, balmy with warm breezes, and cheerful with the song of birds. Partly because this discovery was made on Easter Sunday, which the Spaniards called Pascua Florida, and partly because of the abundance of flowers, De Leon called the land Florida. He took possession of this delightful country for Spain, and then spent many weeks exploring its coast. After sailing north as far as St. Augustine, and finding neither gold nor the fabled Fountain of Youth, De Leon turned his vessels and proceeded south, doubling the Florida Cape. Shortly afterwards he became discouraged and returned to Puerto Rico. In 1521 De Leon went again to Florida, this time for the purpose of planting a colony. The Indians were very angry that the white men should try to take their land, and they made a fierce attack upon De Leon and his party. In this attack De Leon received a severe wound, which compelled him to go to Cuba for care and rest. There he died after much suffering. De Leon never found the Fountain of Youth, nor were the fabled waters discovered afterwards. BALBOA. The Spanish colonists on the island of Hispaniola made frequent visits to the mainland, searching for the rich cities of which Marco Polo had written. Word reached the colonists that some of these gold hunters were starving at a place called Darien, and a ship was immediately sent to their relief. The cargo of the ship consisted of barrels of provisions and ammunition. Imagine, if you can, the amazement of the commander of the expedition when, after his ships were under sail, a young and handsome man stepped out of one of the barrels. The young man was Vasco Nunez Balboa. He had chosen this way to escape from Cuba, where he owed large sums of money which he could not pay. The commander was angry, and threatened to leave Balboa on a desert island; but at length he took pity on the young man, and allowed him to remain on board the ship. When the mainland was reached, the Spaniards who were already there, having heard of the cruelty of the commander, refused to let him land. He therefore put off to sea, and was never heard of again. Balboa then took command of the men and began immediately to explore the country. He made a friendly alliance with an Indian chief, who presented him with gold and slaves. The Spaniards were delighted at the sight of so much riches. They began to melt and weigh the gold, and at last fell to quarreling desperately about the division of it. This the Indians could not understand. They knew nothing of money, and valued the metal only because it could be made into beautiful ornaments. An Indian boy who had heard the dispute told the Spaniards that if they cared so much about that yellow stuff, it would be wise for them to go to a country where there was enough of it for all. The Spaniards eagerly questioned him regarding this place. The boy then described a country across the mountains and to the south, on the shores of a great sea, where the metal was so plentiful that the natives used it for their ordinary drinking cups and bowls. Balboa immediately started southward across the mountains in search of this rich country. On his way he came upon a tribe of hostile Indians, who attacked him, but who fled in alarm from the guns of the Spaniards. [Illustration: Balboa Crossing the Isthmus.] Taking some Indians as guides, Balboa pushed on through the mountains, and on September 25, 1513, from one of the highest peaks, looked down upon the Pacific Ocean. [Illustration: Balboa Discovering the Pacific.] With his Spaniards he descended the mountain, and in four days reached the shore of that magnificent body of water. Balboa waded out into it with his sword in his hand, and formally took possession of it for the King of Spain. He called it the South Sea, because he was looking toward the south when he first saw it; and the Pacific Ocean was known by this name for many years afterward. On this shore he met an Indian who repeated to him the same story that the Indian boy had told about the rich country on the border of this sea and farther to the south. Balboa then made up his mind to find this country. Accordingly he returned to Darien, and sent word to the Spanish king of his great discovery of the South Sea. He then began to take his ships apart, and to send them, piece by piece, across the mountains to the Pacific coast. This was an enormous undertaking. The journey was a very difficult one, and hundreds of the poor Indians who carried the burdens dropped dead from exhaustion. At length, after long months of labor, four ships were thus carried across the mountains and rebuilt on the Pacific coast. These were the first European vessels ever launched on the great South Sea. Three hundred men were in readiness to go with Balboa on his voyage in search of the rich country of the South. A little iron and a little pitch were still needed for the ships, and Balboa delayed his departure in order to get these articles. The delay gave his enemies, who were jealous because of his success, time to carry out a plot against him. They accused him of plotting to set up an independent government of his own, and caused him to be arrested for treason. In less than twenty-four hours this brave and high-spirited leader was tried, found guilty, and beheaded. So ended all his ambitious plans. MAGELLAN. One of the boldest and most determined of all the early explorers was Ferdinand Magellan, a young Portuguese nobleman. He felt sure that somewhere on that long coast which so many explorers had reached he would find a strait through which he would be able to pass, and which would lead into the Indian Ocean; and so Magellan formed the idea of circumnavigating the globe. [Illustration: Ferdinand Magellan.] He applied to the King of Portugal for aid; but as the Portuguese king was not willing to help him, he went to Spain, where his plan found favor. The Spanish king gave him a fleet of five vessels, and on September 20, 1519, he set sail for the Canary Islands. Continuing the voyage toward Sierra Leone, the vessels were becalmed, and for a period of three weeks they advanced only nine miles. Then a terrific storm arose, and the sailors, who had grumbled and found fault with everything during the entire voyage, broke into open mutiny. This mutiny Magellan quickly quelled by causing the principal offender to be arrested and put in irons. The voyage was then continued, and land was at last sighted on the Brazilian coast, near Pernambuco. The fleet then proceeded down the coast as far as Patagonia, where the weather grew so very cold that it was decided to seek winter quarters and postpone the remainder of the journey until spring. This was done, Magellan finding a sheltered spot at Port St. Julian, where plenty of fish could be obtained and where the natives were friendly. These native Patagonians Magellan described as being very tall, like giants, with long, flowing hair, and dressed scantily in skins. Great hardships had been endured by the crew. Food and water had been scarce, the storms had been severe, and suffering from cold was intense. The sailors did not believe there was any strait, and they begged Magellan to sail for home. It was useless to try to influence this determined man. Danger made him only the more firm. Magellan told them that he would not return until he had found the opening for which he was looking. Then the mutiny broke out anew. But Magellan by his prompt and decisive action put it down in twenty-four hours. One offender was killed, and two others were put in irons and left to their fate on the shore when the ships sailed away. As soon as the weather grew warmer the ships started again southward. After nearly two months of sailing, most of the time through violent storms, a narrow channel was found, in which the water was salt. This the sailors knew must be the entrance to a strait. Food was scarce, and the men again begged Magellan to return; but he firmly refused, saying: "I will go on, if I have to eat the leather off the ship's yards." So the ships entered and sailed through the winding passage, which sometimes broadened out into a bay and then became narrow again. Among the twists and windings of this perilous strait, one of the vessels, being in charge of a mutinous commander, escaped and turned back. On both sides of the shore there were high mountains, the tops of which were covered with snow, and which cast gloomy shadows upon the water below them. [Illustration: Strait of Magellan.] Think of the feelings of the crew when, after sailing five weeks through this winding channel, they came out into a calm expanse of water. Magellan was overcome by the sight, and shed tears of joy. He named the vast waters before him Pacific, which means "peaceful," because of their contrast to the violent and stormy Atlantic. The fleet now sailed northwest into a warmer climate and over a tranquil ocean, and as week after week passed and no land was seen, the sailors lost all hope. They began to think that this ocean had no end, and that they might sail on and on forever. These poor men suffered very much from lack of food and water, and many died of famine. The boastful remark of Magellan was recalled when the sailors did really begin to eat the leather from the ship's yards, first soaking it in the water. Anxiously these worn and haggard men looked about for signs of land, and at length they were rewarded. The Ladrone Islands were reached, and supplies of fresh vegetables, meats, and fruits were obtained. From the Isles de Ladrones, or "Isles of Robbers," the fleet proceeded to the Philippines. Here Magellan knew that he was near the Indian Ocean, and realized that if he kept on in his course he would circumnavigate the globe. It was on one of the Philippine Islands that this "Prince of Navigators" lost his life in a skirmish with the natives. He was, as usual, in the thickest of the fight, and while trying to shield one of his men was struck down by the spear of a native. One of his ships, the _Victoria_, continued the voyage around Cape of Good Hope, and on September 6, 1522, with eighteen weary and half-starved men on board, succeeded in reaching Spain. Great hardships had been endured, but the wonderful news they brought made up in some measure for their suffering. This was the greatest voyage since the first voyage of Columbus, and the strait still bears the name of the remarkable man whose courage and strength of purpose led to the accomplishment of one of the greatest undertakings ever recorded in history. This wonderful voyage of Magellan's proved beyond doubt that the earth is round. It also proved that South America is a continent, and that there is no short southwest passage. After this voyage all the navigators turned their attention to the discovery of a northwest passage. HERNANDO CORTES. The Spaniards who lived on the island of Hispaniola sent frequent expeditions to the mainland in the hope of finding gold. Hernando Cortes, a dashing young Spaniard with a love of adventure and a reckless daring seldom seen, was given command of one of these expeditions. [Illustration: Hernando Cortes.] In March, 1519, he landed on the coast of Central America, with about six hundred men, ten heavy guns, and sixteen horses. Here Cortes found the natives in large numbers arrayed against him. A fierce battle was fought. But the firearms of the Spaniards frightened the barbarians, and when the cavalry arrived the Indians fled in terror. The Indians, who had never seen horses before, thought the man riding the horse was a part of the animal, and that these strange creatures were sent by the gods. Fear made the Indians helpless, and it was easy for Cortes to gain a victory over them. After this victory Cortes sailed northward along the coast of San Juan de Ulloa. The natives of that region had heard of the wonderful white-skinned and bearded men who bore charmed lives, and they thought that these men were gods. They, therefore, treated the Spaniards in a friendly manner, and brought gifts of flowers, fruits, and vegetables, and also ornaments of gold and silver to Cortes. Here Cortes landed and founded the city of Vera Cruz, which is to-day an important seaport of Mexico. The native Indians in this place were called Aztecs. Some of their chiefs, who paid a visit to Cortes, told him of the great Emperor Montezuma, who was rich and powerful, and who lived inland, in a wonderful city built in a lake. By these chiefs Cortes sent to Montezuma presents of collars, bracelets, and ornaments of glass, an armchair richly carved, and an embroidered crimson cap. In return, Montezuma sent shields, helmets, and plates of pure gold, sandals, fans, gold ornaments of exquisite workmanship, together with robes of fine cotton interwoven with feather work, so skillfully done that it resembled painting. The cap which Cortes had sent was returned filled with gold dust. The great Montezuma also sent a message to Cortes, saying that he would be glad to meet so brave a general, but that the road to the Mexican capital was too dangerous for an army to pass over. He also promised to pay a yearly tribute to the Spanish king if Cortes and his followers would depart and leave him in peace. [Illustration: Aztecs.] The Spaniards were jubilant when they saw the superb gifts. They felt certain that this great emperor must have enormous wealth at his command, and in spite of the warning message, most of them wished to start immediately for the Mexican capital. Some, however, thought such a course very unwise; Montezuma, they said, was so powerful a ruler that it was absurd to attack him with their small force, and they advised returning to Cuba for a large number of soldiers. But Cortes had his own ideas on the subject. So he secretly ordered his ships to be sunk, and then, all chance of retreat being cut off, the entire force proceeded toward Mexico, August 16, 1519. After a long march, the Spaniards began to ascend the plateau on which the city of Mexico is situated, and finally reached the top of it, seven thousand feet high. They found the climate on this plateau temperate and balmy. The fields were cultivated, and beautiful flowers grew wild in profusion. During the march the Spaniards passed many towns containing queer houses and temples. They entered many of the temples, threw down the idols, and took possession of ornaments of value. At length they saw in the distance a city which was built in a salt lake. Three avenues, built of stone, led across the water to it. These avenues, which were four or five miles in length, were guarded on both sides by Indians in canoes. The avenues continued through the city, meeting in the center, where the great temple was situated. The temple was inclosed by a huge stone wall, and contained twenty pyramids, each a hundred feet in height. Nearly all of the houses were two stories high, and were built of red stone. The roofs were flat, with towers at the corners, and on top of the roofs there were beautiful flower gardens. Into this remarkable town Cortes and his followers marched. Montezuma received his unwelcome guests with every mark of friendship, and with much pomp and ceremony. The great emperor was carried on a litter, which was richly decorated with gold and silver. The nobles of his court surrounded him, and hundreds of his retainers were drawn up in line behind him. [Illustration: Meeting of Cortes and Montezuma.] The first thing, when Cortes and Montezuma met, was the customary exchange of presents. Cortes presented Montezuma with a chain of colored glass beads, and in return the Aztec ruler gave Cortes a house which was large enough to accommodate all of the Spaniards. For ten days these two men met each other and exchanged civilities, Cortes pretending to be paying a friendly visit, and Montezuma feeling puzzled and uncertain. At length Cortes induced Montezuma to go to the house where the Spaniards were living, and then, when he got him there, refused to allow him to leave, thus keeping him a prisoner in his own city. This daring act aroused the suspicions of the Aztecs. But Cortes used all his cunning to deceive these simple-hearted people and to make them continue to think that the Spaniards were gods. Still, the Aztecs were beginning to feel very bitter toward Cortes and his followers because of the disrespect with which they treated the Aztec temples and gods. The Spaniards were constantly throwing these gods out of the temples. Even their great god of war was not safe. Cortes openly derided this image, calling it trash, and proposing to erect the emblems of the Spanish religion in its place in the Aztec temples. Now, the Aztec god of war was a frightful image with golden serpents entwined about the body. The face was hideous, and in its hand was carried a plate upon which were placed human hearts as sacrifices. But to the Aztecs the image was sacred, and this insult, together with many others which had been offered their gods, made the natives very angry. One day the Aztecs discovered that some of the Spaniards had died. This knowledge dispelled the fear that their unbidden visitors were gods, and they attacked the Spaniards with great fury. The Aztec warriors wore quilted cotton doublets and headdresses adorned with feathers. They carried leather shields, and fought fiercely with bows and arrows, copper-pointed lances, javelins, and slings. Though by comparison few in numbers, the Spaniards, who were protected by coats of mail, made great havoc with their guns and horses. The battle between these unequal forces raged with great fury, and for a time the result was uncertain. Cortes compelled Montezuma, his prisoner, to show himself on the roof of his house and try to persuade the Aztecs to stop fighting. The Indians, however, no longer feared their emperor, and instead of obeying him, they made him a target for their arrows and stones. In the midst of the fight, the great Montezuma was finally knocked down and killed by one of his former subjects. After a desperate struggle, the Spaniards were forced to retreat. While making their escape over the bridges of the city they were attacked by Indian warriors in canoes, and more than half of their number were killed. [Illustration: Aztec Ruins.] Notwithstanding this defeat and the loss of so many men, Cortes did not give up his design of conquering Mexico. He made an alliance with hostile tribes of Indians, and again attacked the city. The Aztecs had now a new king, named Gua-te-mot-zin, who was as brave and determined as Cortes himself. Guatemotzin made preparations to oppose Cortes, and during the terrible siege which followed never once thought of surrendering or of asking for peace. The Spaniards made attack after attack, and terrible battles were fought, in which the loss on both sides was very great. During one of these battles Cortes was nearly captured, and it seemed as though the war god was to be avenged upon the man who had so insulted him. But a young Spaniard rushed to the assistance of Cortes, and with one blow of his sword cut off the arms of the Indian who had dared to seize the Spanish leader. After a time the Aztecs found themselves prisoners within their own city. The Spaniards had cut off all means of escape, and the Indians were starving to death. Their sufferings were terrible, and hundreds dropped down daily in the streets. Yet the proud king Guatemotzin refused to submit, and Cortes ordered a final attack. After furious fighting Guatemotzin was captured, and the Aztecs surrendered. Their cruel religion, with its strange gods and human sacrifices, was now overthrown. Cortes, with his few followers, never more than one thousand trained soldiers, had succeeded in conquering a country larger than Spain. Over a million Mexicans had perished, and those that remained left the city and fled to the mountains. In this way the magnificent civilization of the ancient Mexicans was destroyed. Shiploads of treasures were sent by Cortes to the Spanish king, Charles V., who rejoiced at the glory gained for his country. FRANCISCO PIZARRO. Among the men who had been with Balboa, and who had heard of the wonderful country of the Incas, was Francisco Pizarro. He determined to find this rich country and to conquer it. [Illustration: Francisco Pizarro.] Securing a band of about two hundred men, well armed and mounted on strong horses, he led them, in spite of terrible hardships, over mountains, through valleys, and across plateaus to Cajamarca, the city where the Inca, or king, was then staying. The natives gazed at the Spaniards in wonder and dread. These simple people thought that the white-faced, bearded strangers, who carried thunderbolts in their hands, and who rode such frightful-looking animals, were gods. In spite of their fear, the Indians received the strangers kindly, and gave them food and shelter. That evening, Pizarro and De Soto, taking with them thirty-five horsemen, visited the Inca and arranged with him for a meeting next day in the open square. It was a strange visit. The Inca was surrounded by his slaves and chieftains, and was very polite to the strangers. But the Spaniards began to feel very uneasy. An army composed of thousands of Indians was encamped only two miles away; and compared with it, the two hundred men of Pizarro appeared powerless. The situation of the Spaniards, should the Inca decide to oppose them, seemed without hope. Pizarro scarcely slept that night. He lay awake planning how he might take the Inca prisoner. The next day, about noon, the Indian procession approached the market place. First came attendants who cleared the way; then followed nobles and men of high rank, richly dressed, and covered with ornaments of gold and gems. Last came the Inca, carried on a throne of solid gold, which was gorgeously trimmed with the plumes of tropical birds. The Indian monarch wore rich garments adorned with gold ornaments, and around his neck was a collar of superb emeralds of great size and brilliancy. He took his position near the center of the square, his escort, numbering several thousand, gathered around him. Looking about, the Inca failed to see any of the Spaniards. "Where are the strangers?" he asked. Just then Pizarro's chaplain, with his Bible in his hand, approached the Inca. The chaplain said that he and his people had been sent by a mighty prince to beg the Inca to accept the true religion and consent to be tributary to the great emperor, Charles V., who would then protect them. The Inca grew very angry at this, and declared that he would not change his faith nor be any man's tributary. He then indignantly threw the sacred book upon the ground, and demanded satisfaction from the Spaniards for this insult to him. At this the priest gave the signal, and the Spaniards rushed from their hiding-places and attacked the panic-stricken Indians. The Inca and his attendants were wholly unprepared, being unarmed and utterly defenseless. The Spaniards charged through them, showing no mercy, their swords slashing right and left, and their prancing horses trampling the natives under foot. The guns and firearms of the Spaniards made such havoc and confusion that the terrified Indians offered no resistance. Indeed, they could not offer any. In the vicinity of the Inca the struggle was fierce. The Indians, faithful to the last to their beloved monarch, threw themselves before him, shielding him with their naked bodies from the swords of the Spaniards. At last, as night drew near, the Spaniards, fearing that the Inca might escape, attempted to kill him. [Illustration: The Spaniards Attacking the Inca's Escort.] But Pizarro desired that he should be taken alive, and in a loud voice ordered his followers, as they valued their own lives, not to strike the Inca. Stretching out his arm to save the monarch, Pizarro received a wound on his hand, This was the only wound received by a Spaniard during the attack. At length the Inca was cast from his throne, and, falling to the ground, was caught by Pizarro. He was then imprisoned and placed under a strong guard. As soon as the news of the capture of the Inca spread, all resistance ceased. Many of the Indians fled to the mountains, leaving untold wealth at the disposal of their conquerors, while others remained, hoping to be able to assist their fallen ruler. As soon as the Inca had an opportunity, he tried to think of some way of obtaining his freedom. The room in which he was confined was twenty-two feet in length by seventeen feet in width. Raising his hand as high as he could, the Inca made a mark upon the wall, and told Pizarro that gold enough to fill the room to that mark would be given as a ransom for his release. Pizarro agreed to this bargain, and the natives began to send gold to the Inca to secure his release. Some of the treasures in the temples were buried and hidden by the priests; but ornaments of all kinds, vases, and plate were collected, and in a few months gold amounting to fifteen millions of dollars in our money was divided among the Spaniards. Millions of dollars' worth of gold and silver were shipped to Spain, and the Spanish nation grew very wealthy. Pizarro himself returned to Spain to take Charles V. his share of the plunder. During Pizarro's absence the Spaniards caused the Inca to be killed, notwithstanding the large ransom which they had accepted. The richer the Spanish people grew, the more careless they became in their treatment of other nations and of those under their rule. They grew more cruel and more merciless and more greedy for gold. They flocked in great numbers to South America, a reckless, adventurous, unprincipled horde, ready to commit any crime in order to secure gold. FERDINAND DE SOTO. Among the men who had been with Pizarro in Peru was Ferdinand de Soto, a bold and dashing Spanish cavalier. [Illustration: Ferdinand de Soto.] De Soto was appointed governor of Cuba in 1537, and at the same time received permission from the Spanish king to conquer Florida. This permission to conquer Florida was received by De Soto with great delight. He felt certain that in the interior of Florida there were cities as large and as wealthy as those of Peru. To conquer these cities, obtain their treasure, and win for himself riches and fame, was the dream of De Soto. Strange as it may seem to you, De Soto was also anxious to convert the natives to his own religion. He intended to take from them all their possessions, but he meant to save their souls, if possible. So, leaving his young and beautiful wife Isabella to rule over Cuba in his absence, De Soto, in May, 1539, started from Havana with nine vessels, about six hundred men, and two hundred and twenty-three horses. After a safe voyage, the expedition landed on the coast of Florida, at Tampa Bay. Before starting on the march to the interior of the country, De Soto sent all the vessels back to Cuba. In this way he cut off all hope of retreat, in case the men should become discouraged. But no one thought of wanting to return now. Everybody was in high spirits. The soldiers wore brilliant uniforms, their caps were adorned with waving plumes, and their polished armor glistened and sparkled in the sunshine. In the company were twelve priests, who were expected to convert the prisoners which De Soto meant to capture. The Spaniards carried with them chains to secure these prisoners, and bloodhounds to track them in case any escaped. It was a gay company which marched off into the interior of Florida with prancing horses, waving flags and banners, and beating drums. At first De Soto marched directly north, plunging into a wilderness which proved to be almost impassable. The country was full of swamps, through which the horses could scarcely travel. The large trees were bound together by tangled vines; and their roots, which protruded from the earth, were like traps, catching the feet of the travelers and throwing them to the ground. Besides all this, the heavy baggage which the men and horses carried weighed them down and made the journey almost impossible. De Soto, however, kept bravely on, encouraging his men as best he could, and at last reached the Savannah River. Here he changed his course to westward, hoping to find gold in that direction. Week after week, month after month, the Spaniards traveled on through a dense wilderness, enduring great hardships and finding nothing but tribes of hostile Indians. De Soto asked one of these Indian chiefs to give him slaves enough to carry his baggage through the forest. The chief refused; whereupon De Soto and his men attacked the tribe and took many prisoners. These prisoners De Soto caused to be chained together and placed in front of the expedition, where they were made to act as guides as well as slaves. Then De Soto asked the Indians where the great cities with gold and silver treasures were. One Indian said he did not know of any. At this reply De Soto caused the Indian to be put to death with frightful torture. This made the Indians untruthful, and they told De Soto many different stories of places where they thought gold might be found. So the expedition wandered on, searching for the gold which they never found; and the men grew discouraged and heartsick, and longed for home. [Illustration: De Soto Marching through the Forest.] The Indian tribes, angry at the cruel treatment of the Spaniards, attacked them frequently, and De Soto and his men scarcely ever enjoyed a peaceful rest at night. The Spaniards were unused to Indian warfare, and were no match for the quick, nimble savages, who glided through the forests silently and swiftly. These Indians never came to open battle, but hid themselves behind rocks and trees, and were scarcely ever seen. Two or three would suddenly appear, send a shower of arrows at the Spaniards, and then dart away again into the woods. The Indians scarcely ever missed their aim, and the Spaniards never knew when they were near. One day De Soto captured some Indians who said that they knew where gold was to be found and that they would show the way to the place. De Soto only half trusted them, but he allowed them to lead the way. The cunning savages led the Spaniards into an ambush, where other Indians attacked them fiercely, killing their horses and many of their men. As punishment for this act, De Soto ordered that these Indians should be torn to pieces by the bloodhounds. Sometimes the Spaniards, in their wanderings, passed camps where the Indians were gathered round huge bonfires, singing, dancing, yelling, and shouting the terrible Indian war whoop. Under shelter of this noise the Spaniards would steal quietly away and avoid the Indians for a time. At length, after wandering for two years, De Soto came, in 1541, to the shore of a large river. This river was wide and muddy, and had a strong current which carried much driftwood along with it. De Soto learned from the Indians that it was called Mississippi, or the "Father of Waters." [Illustration: De Soto Discovers the Mississippi River.] He had reached it near the spot where the city of Memphis now stands, and here his company halted and camped. At this place the Spaniards built rafts, striking the fetters from their captives in order to use the iron for nails, and so crossed the river. They hoped in this way to escape from their savage foes; but on the other side of the river they found Indians who were just as fierce. So the Spaniards traveled south, hoping by following the course of the river to reach the sea. This De Soto soon found to be impossible, as the country was a wilderness of tangled vines and roots, and his followers could not cross the many creeks and small rivers which flowed into the Mississippi. The horses traveled through this country with difficulty, often being up to their girths in water. Each day saw the little band grow less in numbers. At length they returned to the banks of the river, being guided back by their horses. The men lost their way in the dreadful forest, but the instinct of the noble animals directed them aright. Food was growing scarce, and De Soto himself was taken ill. He knew that unless something should be done soon to make the Indians help them, all would perish. So he sent word to an Indian chief saying that he was the child of the sun, and that all men obeyed him. He then declared that he wanted the chief's friendship, and ordered him to bring him food. The chief sent back word that if De Soto would cause the river to dry up he would believe him. This, of course, De Soto could not do. He was disappointed and discouraged at not being able to get food. The illness from which he was suffering grew worse, and he died soon afterwards. His followers were anxious to hide his death from the natives, who were very much afraid of him. So they placed his body in the hollow of a scooped out tree, and sunk it at midnight in the water. Those of his followers who were left decided to try to reach home by following the river to its mouth. These men were in a wretched condition. Their clothing was nearly all gone. Few of them had shoes, and many had only the skins of animals and mats made of wild vines to keep them warm. They built seven frail barks and sailed down the Mississippi, avoiding Indians all the way, and in seventeen days they came to the Gulf of Mexico. In fifty days more they succeeded in reaching a Spanish settlement on the coast of Mexico, where they were received with much joy. Of the gay company of six hundred and twenty who had set out with such high hopes, only three hundred and eleven men returned. THE GREAT RIVER AMAZON, AND EL DORADO. As you may imagine, there was great excitement and curiosity in Spain, after the voyages of Columbus, about the new lands beyond the Western Ocean. Several of the men who had sailed with Columbus were ready to undertake new voyages of discovery. Among them was Yanez Pinzon. You will remember that when Columbus made his first voyage he set out with three vessels. One of these was the _Nina_. It was commanded by Yanez Pinzon. [Illustration: The Nina.] After Columbus had returned from his second voyage, Yanez Pinzon succeeded in fitting out a fleet to go to the New World. In 1499 he sailed with four caravels from Palos, the same port from which Columbus had sailed. Pinzon took with him some of the sailors who had been with Columbus, and also his three principal pilots. These pilots were men who understood how to use the astrolabe and to tell the course of the ship at sea. Pinzon's fleet sailed toward the Canary and Cape Verde Islands, and after passing them its course was southwest across the Atlantic. At length the fleet crossed the equator, and Pinzon was the first explorer to cross the line in the western Atlantic. The fleet sailed on for nearly five hundred miles to the southward. Here Pinzon met a terrific storm, which came very near sending his whole fleet to the bottom. He was now not far from the coast, and after the storm was over he discovered land. The land proved to be the most eastern point of South America. This was in the month of January, in the year 1500. Pinzon and a company of his men went ashore. They did not remain long, however, as they found the Indians very hostile. The Indians attacked the Spaniards and killed several of their number. They were so furious that, after chasing the Spaniards to their boats, they waded into the sea and fought to get the oars. The Indians captured one of the rowboats, but the Spaniards at last got off to their vessels. Pinzon then set sail and steered northward along the coast. When his fleet came near the equator, he noticed that the water was very fresh. Accordingly he gave orders to fill the water casks of his fleet. The freshness of the water of the sea led him to sail in toward the shore. At length he discovered whence the large volume of fresh water came. It flowed out of the mouth of a great river. It was the mouth of the river Amazon, and so great is the volume of water which it pours into the sea that its current is noticed in the ocean two hundred miles from the shore. This fact is not so surprising when we learn that the main mouth of this great river is fifty miles wide, that the river is four thousand miles long, including its windings, and that, besides many smaller branches, it has five tributaries, each over a thousand miles long, and one over two thousand miles long, flowing into it. Pinzon anchored in the mouth of the river, and found the natives peaceful. In this respect they were unlike those he had met farther south. They came out to his ships in a friendly way in their canoes. But when Pinzon, a short time later, left the river, he cruelly carried off thirty-six of the Indians who had been friendly to him. While Pinzon's fleet was in the mouth of the river, it came a second time near being wrecked. Pinzon was, of course, in strange waters. He did not know that twice each month the tide does not rise in the usual way, but rushes up the mouth of the Amazon with great force. The tide, as a rule, is about six hours in rising and six hours in falling. In the mouth of the Amazon, however, at new moon and at full moon the tide swells to its limit in two or three minutes. It comes as a wall of water, twelve or fifteen feet high, followed by another wall of the same height. Often there is a third wall of water, and at some seasons of the year there is a fourth wall. This peculiar rising of the tide is called the _bore_. The noise of this rushing flood can be heard five or six miles off. It comes with tremendous force, and sometimes uproots great trees along the banks. During the few days when the tide rushes up the river in this way vessels do not remain in the main channel, but anchor in coves and protected places. Pinzon, as we have said, did not know about the sudden rising of the tide. His fleet was anchored in the main channel when the bore came, and it dashed his vessels about like toy boats and almost wrecked them. After repairing the damage done to his fleet, he made up his mind that there was little gold to be found in those parts, and so he sailed out of the mouth of the great river, and then turned northward along the coast. It may be of interest to know what befell Pinzon after he left the mouth of the Amazon. We will tell you briefly. He sailed along the coast to the northwest, and passed the mouth of the Orinoco, another large river of South America. About a hundred and fifty miles beyond the Orinoco, he entered a gulf and landed. Here he cut a large quantity of brazil wood to take back to Spain. [Illustration: Scene on the Orinoco River.] Then he sailed for the island of Hispaniola, now called Haiti. From this island he sailed to the Bahama Islands. It was July when he reached the Bahamas. Misfortune again came to his fleet. While anchored in the Bahamas a hurricane came up, and two of his vessels were sunk. A third was blown out to sea. The fourth vessel rode out the storm, but the crew, thinking all the while she would sink, took to their small boats and at length reached the shore. The Indians came to them when they landed, and proved friendly. After the hurricane was over, the vessel that had been carried out to sea drifted back. As soon as the sea was smooth enough Pinzon and his men went on board the two remaining vessels and set sail for Hispaniola. At Hispaniola he repaired his vessels, and then sailed back to Spain. He reached Palos in September. About three months after Pinzon sailed away from the mouth of the Amazon it was visited by a Portuguese navigator named Cabral. Although the Portuguese were not so fortunate as to discover America, yet they had been very active in making discoveries for seventy years and more before Columbus's first voyage. In 1420 they discovered the Madeira Islands. In 1432 they discovered the Azore Islands, which lie eight hundred miles west of Portugal in the Atlantic Ocean. Their vessels, from time to time, had been pushing farther and farther down the west coast of Africa. In the middle of the century as many as fifty-one of their caravels had been to the Guinea coast, or the Gold Coast, as it was more often called. In 1484, eight years before Columbus discovered America, they had discovered the mouth of the Kongo River on the African coast. It is not surprising, then, that their navigators were pushing out across the Atlantic soon after Columbus had led the way. But though Cabral sailed along the whole coast of Brazil, and took possession of it in the name of the King of Portugal, he did not learn any more about the great river at the mouth of which he anchored than did Pinzon. Had he waited a few months, or had he returned to the river, he might easily have explored its course. For from July to December of each year the east wind blows steadily up the Amazon, and Cabral could have spread his sails and kept them spread as he sailed up the river for two thousand miles or more to the eastern foot of the great mountains of South America, the Andes. The exploration of the Amazon, however, fell to the lot of another man, Francisco Orellana by name. Orellana did not sail up the river from its mouth, but came down it from one of its sources. This was in 1540, many years, as you see, after Pinzon and Cabral had anchored at the mouth. Orellana was one of Pizarro's men, and had been with him when the Inca of Peru was taken and afterwards put to death. It was Francisco Pizarro, as you well know, who conquered Peru. After Francisco Pizarro had conquered the country, he made his brother, Gonzalo Pizarro, governor of Quito. This brother, while at Quito, made up his mind to cross the Andes Mountains and explore the country beyond. So he got ready an expedition, and made Orellana his lieutenant; Orellana was, therefore, second in command of the expedition. The army was made up of three hundred and fifty Spaniards, four thousand Indians, and one thousand bloodhounds for hunting down the natives. They had a hard march over the Andes, and suffered very much in crossing. When they were over the mountains, they discovered a river flowing toward the southeast. This was the river Napo. Pizarro had had so hard a march across the Andes that he felt his men could not stand it to go back by the same way. He therefore encamped by the Napo River, and spent seven months in building a vessel to hold his baggage and those of his men who were ill. He put Orellana in charge of the vessel, and ordered him to float slowly down the river while the other part of the army marched along the shore. The march was very slow and toilsome, and after a few weeks the food began to get low. At this time Pizarro heard of a rich country farther down the stream, where the Napo flowed into a larger river. This country he wished to reach. So he sent Orellana in the vessel, with fifty soldiers, down the Napo to the larger river. There Orellana was to get food and supplies for the army and then return. Pizarro waited and waited in vain for Orellana to return, and at last he and his men had to find their way back across the Andes with scanty food and undergo great hardships. Orellana and the soldiers with him were carried by the current swiftly down the Napo, and in three days they came into the great river. It was indeed a great river, for the Amazon at the place where the Napo flows into it is a mile in width. Orellana expected to find here many people and plenty of food. He found, however, only a wilderness. It was about like the country where Pizarro and his army were encamped. Orellana could barely get food for himself and the men with him, much less enough for Pizarro and his army. To return against the swift current would be a heavy task. After thinking the matter over, he decided to follow the great river to the sea. But he must first win the soldiers who were with him over to his plan. This he soon succeeded in doing, and they started down the Amazon. It was no easy journey. He and the soldiers suffered greatly. But in August, 1541, after seven months of hardships, they reached the ocean, and a short time after this they sailed to Spain. When Orellana reached Spain, he gave a glowing account of a wonderful country, rich in precious metals, through which he had passed. According to his story, it was far richer in gold than Peru. The name El Dorado, "The Golden," was given to this fabled country; and for a score or more of years after Orellana had told his story, efforts were made to find it. Expedition after expedition set out in search of El Dorado. An explorer named Philip von Hutten, who led a party southward into the country from the northern part of South America, believed he caught sight of a city whose golden walls glistened far away in the distance. But he never reached the shining city which he thought he saw, nor was the fabled El Dorado ever found. VERRAZZANO. Verrazzano was a native of Florence, Italy, and a pirate like many other sailors of that time. Being known as a daring seaman, he was asked by Francis I., King of France, to take command of a fleet of four vessels and try to find a western passage to rich Cathay. For Francis had become very jealous of the Spaniards, and felt that his country ought to have a share in the riches of the New World. [Illustration: Verrazzano.] Verrazzano sailed from France full of hope and joy; but he had gone only a short distance when a severe storm arose, and two of his vessels were lost sight of forever. The two remaining vessels were obliged to return to France. After some delay Verrazzano started again, with one vessel called the _Dauphine_. With this vessel he reached the island of Madeira, and from this island he sailed, January 17, 1524, for the unknown world. The voyage lasted forty-nine days, after which time a long, low coast was sighted in the distance. This coast, which was probably North Carolina, afforded no landing place, and for some time Verrazzano sailed north and then south, searching for one. The search proved unsuccessful, and as the crew were in need of fresh water, Verrazzano decided to send a boat ashore. So a small boat was manned, and the sailors tried very hard to reach the shore, but the surf was so high that they were unable to do this. At last one brave sailor jumped from the boat into the foaming breakers and swam toward the shore. He carried in one hand presents for the Indians, who were standing at the water's edge watching the strange sight. At length the sailor succeeded in swimming so close to the shore that he was able to throw the presents to the Indians. His courage then deserted him, and in terror he tried to swim back to his vessel. The surf, however, dashed him on the sandy beach, and he would have been drowned had not some of the Indians waded in and dragged him ashore. These Indians quickly stripped him of all his clothing and began to build an immense bonfire. The poor sailor thought his end had come, and his former companions looked on from their ship in horror at the preparations. [Illustration: Indians Rescuing the Sailor.] All of them thought that the Indians meant to burn him alive or else to cook and eat him. To their great relief, the Indians treated him very gently and kindly; they dried his clothes by the fire and warmed him. These kind Indians looked very savage. Their skin was copper colored, their long, straight hair was tied and worn in a braid, and their faces were very stern; for, you know, an Indian never laughs or smiles. In spite of their fierce looks, however, they were very good to the pale-faced stranger, and when he was strong again they led him back to the shore, and he swam out to his ship. Verrazzano was glad to see his sailor return in safety from this dangerous trip. The man had risked his life, but no water had been obtained for the crew. So Verrazzano started northward, and along the coast of Maryland he made a landing and secured the much-needed fresh water. At this place the Frenchmen had an opportunity to return the kindness that the Indians had shown their companion, but I am sorry to have to tell you that they did not do so. While searching for the water, Verrazzano and his followers came suddenly upon a little Indian boy, whom they seized and carried off to their ship. The mother of the boy came quickly from some bushes to rescue her son, and they would also have stolen her, but she made so much noise that they were obliged to run in order to escape from the rest of the tribe, who came to help her. The Frenchmen reached their ship in safety with the poor little Indian boy, and quickly set sail. Verrazzano proceeded northward, following the shore, and at length came to a very narrow neck of water, with rising land on both sides. Through this strait Verrazzano sailed, and, to his surprise, came out into a broad and beautiful bay which was surrounded on all sides by forests, and was dotted here and there with the canoes of Indians who were coming out from the land to meet him. You have, of course, guessed that this strait was the Narrows, which separates Staten Island from Long Island, and that the bay was the beautiful New York Bay. Verrazzano followed the shore of Long Island to a small island, which was likely Block Island. From this island he sailed into a harbor on the mainland, probably Newport, where he remained fifteen days. Here the Indians received their pale-faced visitors with great dignity and pomp. Two of the Indian chiefs, arrayed in painted deer skins and raccoon and lynx skins, and decorated with copper ornaments, paid Verrazzano a visit of state. Soon after this Verrazzano sailed away, again northward. The climate grew cooler and the country more rugged, and the vegetation changed. Instead of the sweet-scented cypress and bay trees which the sailors had admired along the Carolina coast, there were dark forests of stately pines, which were grand but gloomy. Great cliffs of rock extended along the shores, and from these heights the natives looked down upon the lonely little ship in fear, anger, and amazement. At length they consented to trade with the pale-faces; but they lowered a cord from the rocks and drew up the knives, fishhooks, and pieces of steel which they demanded in exchange for furs and skins. Once Verrazzano and a few of his men tried to land. But the Indians fiercely attacked them, and a shower of arrows and the sound of the dreaded war whoop caused the Europeans to fly to their ship for safety. So Verrazzano gave up the plan of landing among these fierce Indians, and continued his voyage northward as far as Newfoundland. Here provisions grew scarce, and Verrazzano decided to sail for home. The return voyage was a safe one, and Verrazzano was greeted with joy when he arrived in France. Upon his discoveries the French based their claim to all the country in the New World between Carolina and Newfoundland, extending westward as far as land continued. Verrazzano wished very much to go again to this new land and try to plant a colony and to convert the Indians to the Christian religion. But France at this time was plunged into war at home, and all trace of Verrazzano is lost. Some say that he made a second voyage, and that while exploring a wild country he was taken prisoner and killed by a savage tribe of Indians. The story that is most likely true is that he did return to the New World, and that while there he was taken prisoner by the Spaniards and hanged as a pirate. THE FAMOUS VOYAGE OF SIR FRANCIS DRAKE--1577. Under the rule of Queen Elizabeth England became noted for her bold and daring seamen. These seamen were really pirates, or sea robbers; but their occupation in those days was looked upon as a lawful one by all except the people whom they plundered. [Illustration: Sir Francis Drake.] Queen Elizabeth encouraged the seafaring men to make voyages to the New World, and also to attack the Spanish ships, because she was displeased at the way the Spaniards were behaving. The Spaniards had grown very rich and powerful by means of the wealth they had obtained in America, and in their pride they did not treat the other nations properly. They had no idea of fairness. They were selfish and wanted everything for Spain. The English people thought that the best place to attack the Spaniards was in the New World. They well knew that if they could cut off the supply of gold and silver which the Spanish nation was receiving from South America and the Indies, that nation would suffer. Sir Francis Drake, a brave young knight of Elizabeth's court, formed a plan to teach the Spaniards a lesson. This plan was approved by the queen, and Drake was promised glory and riches if he should succeed in carrying it out. In November, 1577, Drake sailed from Plymouth, England, with a fleet of five vessels and one hundred and sixty-four men. He told every one that he was going to make a voyage to Alexandria, as he did not wish the Spaniards to know that he intended to cross the Atlantic. After a voyage of about five months, as they were sailing quietly along one evening, the crew saw strange fires in the distance. At first the sailors were alarmed; but on sailing nearer they saw that the fires were on the shore of a strange country, which Drake knew to be South America. The natives had built these immense bonfires near the water and were preparing for some religious rites. These natives were friendly, and Drake, after procuring some fresh supplies, sailed on, as he was in haste to reach Peru. The fleet soon entered the Strait of Magellan, and sailed through without any mishap. On an island in the strait they found a great number of fowl of the size of geese, which could not fly. The crew shot about three thousand of these birds, and now, having plenty of provisions, they began the journey up the west coast of South America. The Spaniards, never dreaming that any one would have the courage to try to reach their lands by way of the Strait of Magellan, had made no attempt to defend themselves from attack from the south. They feared that their enemies might come down upon them by way of the isthmus, and strong forces had been placed there to prevent any one from crossing; but all the southern ports were defenseless. So Drake and his men sailed up the coast, dropping in at different harbors, boldly taking everything of value that they saw, and then gayly sailing away, laughing at the surprise they left behind them. At one place Drake found a Spanish ship laden with spoils, ready to sail to Spain. The English quickly took possession of her, set her crew ashore, and carried her out to sea. There they found that she had on board pure gold amounting to thirty-seven thousand Spanish ducats, stores of good wine, and other treasure. At one place where they landed Drake himself found a Spaniard lying asleep near the shore, with thirteen bars of silver by his side. The Englishmen took the silver and went quietly away, leaving the man to finish his nap. [Illustration: Drake and the Sleeping Spaniard.] Farther on they met a Spaniard and an Indian boy driving eight llamas, as the sheep of that country are called, toward Peru. Each llama had on its back two bags of leather, and in each bag was fifty pounds of silver. This silver Drake ordered to be placed on his ship, and then he sailed away. Many other places were visited in this manner, and much treasure was collected; but it was not until Drake reached Lima that the English understood the great wealth of that country. About twelve ships were in the harbor, some fully laden, and all unprotected, as the Spaniards never dreamed of attack. These ships Drake proceeded to lighten of their cargo by removing it to his own ships. He then gave chase to another vessel, which he heard was laden with still greater treasure. This vessel he soon found, and the cargo proved to be very valuable. Thirteen chests of plate, many tons of gold and silver, jewels, precious stones, and quantities of silk and linen were taken. As you may suppose, after continuing this work for some time Drake's ships were very well loaded, and he and his companions began to think about returning to England. Drake felt that it would not be safe for him to return through the Strait of Magellan, as he knew the Spaniards would be expecting him. So he decided to sail across the Pacific Ocean to the Molucca Islands, and complete his journey by circumnavigating the globe. He was at this time becalmed in the tropics, and therefore headed his ships north, hoping to find the trade wind, which would carry him across the Pacific. After proceeding north along a strange coast for nearly a month, during which time the weather gradually became colder and colder, Drake decided to enter a harbor and anchor his vessels. The people of the country were friendly, and as the English treated them well, they remained so. They admired the brave Sir Francis Drake so much that they begged him to stay with them and be their king. But Drake had no desire to be king over an Indian tribe. He wanted to get back to his own good Queen Elizabeth and tell her of all the wonderful things that had happened to him. So he took possession of this country for England, and called it New Albion. New Albion was the land which is at present known as California, and the bay in which Drake anchored is just north of San Francisco Bay. Then Drake prepared his ships for the voyage home, hoisted anchor, and was soon sailing away in the direction of the Moluccas. These islands he reached after a long voyage, and after visiting several of the Indies he proceeded across the Indian Ocean to the Cape of Good Hope and thence northward to England. He reached home in September, 1580, after an absence of three years. How glad Queen Elizabeth was to see him! She granted him the honor of knighthood, and in other ways showed her pride in her brave subject. Drake's ship, the _Golden Hind_, was placed in a dock at Deptford, where it stood for many years. People used to take their children to see it, and they would tell them about the _Golden Hind_, the good ship in which sailed the brave general, Sir Francis Drake, when he taught the Spaniards a lesson. When the timber of the ship began to decay, a chair was made of some of it and given to Oxford University, where it may be seen to this day. HENRY HUDSON. Henry Hudson was one of the best sea captains in all England. He loved the ocean, and he did not know the word "fear." [Illustration: Henry Hudson.] In 1607 a company of London merchants sent him to look for a northwest passage to China. These merchants knew that if such a passage could be found, the journey to China would be much shorter than by the overland route then used. It would take less time to sail around the earth near the pole than to sail around the earth near the equator. Besides, every one who had attempted to reach China by sailing west had reached, instead, that long coast of the New World, through which but one opening had ever been found. The route through this opening, the Strait of Magellan, had been proved by its discoverer, Ferdinand Magellan, to be too long for use in commerce, so traders were trying hard to find a northwest passage. Captain Hudson proceeded northwest from England, and tried to pass between Greenland and Spitzbergen and sail across the north pole into the Pacific. Failing in this attempt, he made a second voyage, during which he tried to pass between Spitzbergen and Nova Zembla. This voyage also was unsuccessful, and Hudson returned to England. He had found no northwest passage, but he had sailed past mountains of snow and ice and had been nearer the north pole than any man had ever been before. Captain Hudson was not discouraged by his two failures. He still believed a northwest passage could be found; and when the Dutch people asked him to make a voyage for them in search of a passage to the Pacific Ocean, he was quite willing to accept the offer. In 1609 Hudson sailed from Amsterdam in a small craft of eighty tons, called the _Half Moon_. After sailing many days through fog and ice, the sailors refused to go farther in that direction, and then Hudson headed his ship across the Atlantic toward America. You may think it strange that Hudson should change his plans so quickly, but he knew what he was about. He had received a letter from his friend Captain John Smith, who was then in Virginia, telling him that a northwest passage was to be found along the coast of North America, north of Chesapeake Bay. This letter Hudson had in mind when he started on his voyage. He reached Chesapeake Bay, but did not enter it, as the weather was stormy. Instead, he proceeded up the coast, looking for an opening. At length, in September, he entered a beautiful bay. Into this bay a wide river flowed which Hudson thought might be a strait that would lead into the Pacific Ocean. The water in this opening was salt, and this strengthened Hudson in the belief that it was the strait for which he had been searching so long. At the mouth of the river there was a beautiful island, long and narrow, and wooded to the shore. At first the island seemed deserted, but soon the sailors saw here and there slender curling columns of smoke rising from among the trees. This smoke showed them that the island was inhabited, and presently an Indian appeared on the shore. [Illustration: The Half Moon on the Hudson River.] This Indian looked for a moment in astonishment at the ship, and then, shouting the war whoop, bounded back into the forest. In a few minutes he reappeared, bringing other Indians with him. All were amazed at the sight of the strange ship, and they gazed in wonder and fear at it and at the white-faced, bearded strangers. Little by little, however, they lost their fear and talked with Captain Hudson. These Indians told Hudson that the name of the beautiful island was Manhattan, and that the stream led far, far to the north. So Hudson entered the river and sailed slowly north, enjoying the charming scenery, and stopping now and then to trade and to talk with the Indians. For twenty miles he sailed along a great wall of rock about five hundred feet high, which we now know as the Palisades. This name was given to the rocky wall because it looks like a palisade, or high fence of stakes set close together and upright in the ground. Soon after this the river became very winding, and high mountains arose on all sides. The _Half Moon_ now entered the beautiful Highlands, and her crew were the first white men to see this enchanting spot. The vessel sailed on, and at length it came to the place where the city of Hudson now stands. Here an Indian chief invited the captain to go ashore. Hudson did so, and the Indians prepared a great feast in his honor. They gave him roast pigeons and a roast dog to eat. Hudson did not like the dog meat very much, but the Indians insisted upon cooking it for him. [Illustration: Hudson Feasting with the Indians.] The Indians wanted him to stay overnight with them, and one Indian arose, and gathering together all the arrows, broke them and threw them into the fire. By this act he meant to show Hudson that he and his tribe would do him no harm. Hudson felt that he had no time to lose, but must go on and find out whether this wonderful body of water would lead him into the Pacific. So he bade the Indians good-by and sailed away. He went on up the river until the place was reached where Albany now stands. Here the little _Half Moon_ was anchored. Indians came running down to the shore in wonder at the sight of the strange vessel. They brought with them strings of beaver skins, which they gave Hudson in exchange for pieces of gold lace, glass beads, and other trinkets. Hudson was quick to see the importance of this fur trade, and took back with him many valuable furs. Here the stream had become narrow, and was so shallow that the captain feared his vessel might run aground. He knew at last that the water was a river and not a strait, and that he was not likely to find here a passage to China. So Hudson, turning back, started down the river. On the way down, an Indian who was in a canoe stole something from the ship. One of the crew saw the Indian commit the theft, and, picking up a gun, shot and killed him. This made the other Indians very angry, and Hudson had several fights with them. Nevertheless the expedition reached the mouth of the river in safety, and early in October Hudson returned to Amsterdam. He had not found a northwest passage, but he had secured a large tract of country in the New World for Holland. He told the Dutch about the rich furs to be found there, and they immediately began to build trading posts where the cities of New York and Albany now stand. The next year Hudson made another voyage in search of a passage to Asia. This time he sailed far north into Hudson Bay. Here his crew mutinied and refused to obey him. They seized him and put him, together with his son, into an open boat, and set them adrift in the icy water. As Hudson was never heard of again, it is supposed that he perished in the waters of the great bay which he discovered, and which still bears his name.
23643 ---- GUDRID THE FAIR A Tale of the Discovery of America BY MAURICE HEWLETT Author of "The Forest Lovers," "The Life and Death of Richard Yea and Nay," "Love and Lucy," etc. NEW YORK DODD, MEAD AND COMPANY 1918 Copyright, 1918, By Dodd, Mead and Company, Inc. PREFACE This tale is founded upon two sagas, which have been translated literally and without attempt to accord their discrepancies by York Powell and Vigfussen in their invaluable _Origines Icelandicae_. As well as those versions I have had another authority to help me, in Laing's _Sea-Kings of Norway_. I have blent the two accounts into one, and put forward the result with this word of explanation, which I hope will justify me in the treatment I have given them. I don't forget that a "saga" is history, and that these sagas in particular furnish an account of the first discovery of America, no less a thing. Nevertheless, while I have been scrupulous in leaving the related facts as I found them, I have not hesitated to dwell upon the humanity in the tales, and to develop that as seemed fitting. I don't think that I have put anything into the relation which is not implied in the few words accorded me by the text. I believe that everything I give Gudrid and Freydis, Karlsefne and Leif and Eric Red to say or to do can be made out from hints, which I have made it my business to interpret. Character makes plot in life as well as in fiction, and a novelist is not worthy of his hire who can't weave a tale out of one or two people to whom he has been able to give life. All romantic invention proceeds from people or from atmosphere. Therefore, while I have shown, I hope, due respect to the exploration of America, I admit that my tale turns essentially upon the explorers of it. My business as a writer of tales has been to explore them rather than Wineland the Good. I have been more interested in Gudrid's husbands and babies than I had need to be as an historian. I am sure the tale is none the worse for it--and anyhow I can't help it. If I read of a woman called Gudrid, and a handsome woman at that, I am bound to know pretty soon what colour her hair was, and how she twisted it up. If I hear that she had three husbands and outlived them all I cannot rest until I know how she liked them, how they treated her; what feelings she had, what feelings they had. So I get to know them as well as I know her--and so it goes on. Wineland does not fail of getting discovered, but meantime some new people have been born into the world who do the business of discovering while doing their own human business of love and marriage and childbirth. All this, I say, is implicit in the saga-history. So it is, but it has to be looked for. The saga listeners, I gather, took character very much for granted, as probably Homer's audience did. Odysseus was full of wiles, Achilles was terrible, Paris "a woman-haunting cheat," Gunnar of Lithend a poet and born fighter, Nial a sage, and so on. The poet gave them more than that, of course. Poetry apart, he did not disdain psychology. There is plenty psychology in both _Iliad_ and _Odyssey_--less in the sagas, but still it is there. And when you come to know the persons of these great inventions there is as much psychology as any one can need, or may choose to put there--as much as there is in _Hamlet_, as much as there is in _La Guerre et La Paix_. In Kormak's Saga, for instance, which I put forward some years ago as _A Lover's Tale_, is there no psychology? It is no way out of it to put down Kormak's tergiversations to sorcery. I doubt if that was good enough for the men who first heard the tale; it is certainly no good to us. In the strange barbaric recesses of the tale of Gunnar Helming and Frey's wife, what are we to make of it all unless we reckon with the states of poor Sigrid's soul, married to a gog-eyed wooden god? How came Halgerd to betray Gunnar to his foes, how came Nial to be burned in his bed? Can one read _Laxdale_ and not desire to read through it into the proud heart of Gudrun? And having once begun with them one could go on, I believe, until the hearts of all those fine, straight-dealing people were as plain to us as those of our superfine, sophisticated moderns. For Nature is still our mother and mistress, no less now than she ever was--and that's a good thing for the story-reader as well as for the story-teller. Out of the Saga of Thorgils, which is a tale of Greenland's exploration, I hope that I drew a portrait of a good Icelander. Out of Eric's Saga and Karlsefne's Saga combined I believe there is a no less faithful picture of a good Icelandish woman. Gudrid was wise as well as fair, if I have read her truly; she was a good woman, wife and mother. The discovery of Wineland is to my own feelings quite beside the mark where she is involved; but I have put it all in, and wish there had been more of it. Psychology and romantic imagination will not help us much there. We want the facts, and they fail us. All that can be made out is that Karlsefne sailed up the Hudson. His Scraelings were Esquimaux. But who was the black-kirtled woman who appeared to Gudrid and gave herself the same name? And where was the Maggoty Sea? And what goaded Freydis to her dreadful deeds? I admire Freydis myself; I think she was a _femme incomprise_. I have taken pains with Freydis, though personally I had rather been Gudrid's fourth husband than Freydis's first. I am not afraid of the accusation of vulgarising the classics. It is good that they should be loved, and if simplification and amplification humanise them I can stand the charge with philosophy. Of all classics known to me the sagas are the most unapproachable in their naked strength. Their frugality freezes the soul; they are laconic to baldness. I admire strength with anybody, but the starkness of the sagas shocks me. When Nial lies down by his old wife's side with the timbers roaring and crackling over his head, and Skarphedin, his son, says, "Our father goes early to bed, but that was to be expected, as he is an old man," Professor Ker, exulting in his strength, finds it admirable. I say it is inadequate, and not justified to us by what else the saga tells us of the speaker. I am sure that Skarphedin had more to say, or that if he had not the poet could have expressed him better. It recalls the humorous callousness of our soldiers, which, nakedly rendered, is often shocking. This is, however, not really the point. Terseness may be dramatic--it often is, as in "Cover her face--mine eyes dazzle--She died young"--but in narrative it may check instead of provoke the imagination. But if it provoke, is it not reasonable to let the imagination go to work upon it? If Skarphedin indeed took his father's death in that manner, is one not justified in going to work with Skarphedin, to find out what manner of man he was who could so express himself in supreme crisis? I trace a great deal of our soldiers' crude jesting at death to their Scandinavian blood; and nothing more intensely and painfully interesting has ever been given to the imagination to work upon than their conduct in the face of horror and sin of late, so dauntless, so blithe and so grim as it is. Where heroism has been so shown on all sides of us in these three dreadful years, it is no longer possible to pick and choose heroic nations. One might otherwise have said that no such heroes were ever given to the world as the heroes of Iceland. That they are not accepted as such on all hands is no fault of the literature which presents them; for that literature, like all great art, makes demands upon its readers. It hands over the key, but if the lock is stiff it will not give you oil for the wards. That you must find for yourself. Oil for the wards is all I can pretend to here; and if I may say that I have humanised a tale of endurance, and clothed demigods and shadows in flesh and blood, I shall feel that I have done useful work, and bear charges of vulgarisation with a philosophy which assures me that the two terms are much of a muchness. The great gestures, the large-scale maps, the grand manner are for history and epic, but genre for the novel--and what _genre_ is so momentous to it as the human? Let Homer describe the wrath of Achilles and the passion of Hektor and Andromache. The novelist will want to know what Briseïs felt when she was handed from hero to hero, will pore upon the matronly charity of Theano, the agony of the two young men Achilles slew by Skamander, and find the psychology of these pawns in the great game as enthralling as that of the high movers. I confess that to me Gudrid, the many times a wife and the always sweet and reserved, is more absorbing a tale than the discovery of Wineland. I like the two running Scots better than their country, would barter all Greenland for the tale of the winter sickness in Thorstan Black's house. So much apology I feel moved to offer for having put down Exploration from the chief place in the tale, and put up a wife and mother. As for the verse--Gudrid's Wardlock chant is adapted from the Lay of Swipday and Merglad in _Corpus Poeticum Boreale_, I, 92 _seq_., and Thorstan's Song of Helgi and Sigrun is a partial version of that epic (_ibid_. 131). GUDRID THE FAIR I Thorbeorn was old when this tale begins. His face was lean, his beard was grey, he stooped somewhat in the saddle. But he had a fiery mind, a high spirit, and was so rich, or believed so, that men said he could buy off Death more likely than any other man, seeing he would neither fail of hardihood nor money. By this time, old age apart, he had done very well for himself, having not only buried a wife, but married another; having not only seen three sons out into the world and become a grandfather twice over; but having had also, by his second wife, whose name was Hollweg, a daughter, and an estate of Bathbrink which could be hers by and by, if he so pleased. This daughter was by name Gudrid, and by all men's consent Gudrid the Fair. Iceland has always been famous for handsome women; but three are chiefly commemorated as "the Fair." The first is Gudrun, who was daughter of Oswif; but she was now old. The second is Stangerd, daughter of Thorkel of Tongue, and at this time the wife of Battle-Berse of Sowerby in the north-west parts. This Gudrid, Thorbeorn's daughter, is the third, and was, at the moment, of marriageable age, being full fifteen years old. She was a tall girl, well and beautifully made, with carriage so graceful and look so courteous that men used to stop in the road and gaze after her as she walked. Her hair was very nearly black, and made a plait which she could easily sit upon. She was no talker, but had the best of manners, whereby it happened that those who talked with her were eloquent and believed that she had been so. She had a beautiful voice and notable skill in singing. Men heard her songs, and rushed out into the dark emulous of desperate work, and the sooner the better, to deserve well of her. Thorbeorn was very proud of her; but it had been her mother's work to have her carefully trained. If she had lived this tale might not have been written; but she did not. She died a year before it begins, and left her old husband to a peck of troubles. Thorbeorn was the last man to cope with trouble. He was too proud, too vain, and too idle--too proud to confide, too vain to accept, too idle to repair. He had always kept a great table and had a hall full of guests. He had them still, though he had not the money to pay for them. He borrowed on his property, and borrowed again to repay the first loans; he had ventures at sea, which failed him. He might have had help from his sons, but would not ask them. When Gudrid was fifteen years old these things vexed him sadly; but what vexed him more was that young men came to Bathbrink to see if they could get speech with her; and that some of them put forward friends with proposals to marry her. So far he had refused to treat with any. "It is not to be thought of," he generally said; sometimes, "It is very unsuitable"; and once, "I am greatly offended." Not that he did not fully intend to have her married--rather it was that he had a rooted belief in the greatness of his family and in the girl's merits, and could find none of the suitors at all equal to them. He was one of those men who rather wish to believe in themselves than do it. He was always on the look-out for flaws upon his mettle. He thought that Gudrid was unapproachable, and when he found that she was not, fretted to make her so. But Gudrid herself was not at all unapproachable. She liked the company of her equals in age, and saw no reason why young men should not be anxious to talk to her, or why, if they hung about with the generality at the lower end of the hall, they should not be invited to the fire. With the girls in the bower she talked freely of courtships, and of young men. Thorbeorn would have been cut to the heart to hear her. It might have been better for him to have such a wound than the wound which actually he did receive. He was riding home late one autumn evening. The weather was still mild and warm. Nearing home, he turned his horse on to the turf and walked him, with the reins hanging loose. Presently he was aware of two figures together under a clump of trees. One of them he saw at once for Gudrid. The other was a man, he knew not whom. Immediately hot water sprang into his eyes and veiled their sight, but he saw enough to guess more. The pair were taking leave of each other. Their hands were clasped, their arms at length. They were far apart, the man talking, Gudrid listening. Then presently the strain on the arms relaxed, their clasped hands fell; they were near together. Gudrid, he saw, hung her head--and then, suddenly, the man put his other arm about her neck, and drew her to him and kissed her cheek. At that she broke away and ran towards the house. The man, looking after her for a little, then vaulted the turf wall and ran down the hillside towards the river, making great skips and jumps over the tussocks and boulders, as if he were as happy as a man could be. That was what Thorbeorn saw in the autumn dusk. He went home in a dreadful state of mind, and could hardly bear to be served supper by his desecrated daughter. To think that those soft cheeks had been profaned by a strange youth, that those grave young eyes had looked kindly upon another than himself, that that fair hand had clasped another's in kindness--all this seemed to him horrible. He thought her a hypocrite; he thought himself insulted. Yet even he had to admit that the kiss was sudden, and she evidently surprised and (since she ran away at once) probably frightened. He judged that she was a novice at such work, but for all that was very much afraid that she took kindly to it. He spent a great part of the night thinking it over, and before he went to sleep had made up his mind. Early in the morning he was out and about; before the day-meal he sent for Gudrid. She came, singing to herself, fresh as a rose and as fair. She asked his pleasure--and he had not the heart to tell her his displeasure. What he did say was this: "Put your gear together as soon as you can. I am taking you to Erne Pillar, where you will be put in fostership with Orme." Gudrid looked up startled, and saw in her father's eyes what she had not seen before. Her own eyes fell, she coloured up, turned and went away, to do as she was told. It may be said at once that she had done very little harm, and none knowingly. The young man, who was one of the several who came to the house, was the son of a neighbour, a man of repute. Gudrid favoured him no more than any of the others, but it had so happened that he had been there that afternoon, talking with the girls, and that Gudrid had walked with him as far as the trees on his way home. He had protracted the farewells, and had snatched a kiss; she had been frightened and run away. That might have happened to anybody--but she knew now that Arnkel had had no business at the house when her father was not there. That could not be denied. She went soberly about her preparations, and the girls were full of pity. They talked it over and over, but there was nothing to be done. Her bundles and bales were corded upon the sumpter's back. She embraced and kissed her housemates. There were wet cheeks and trembling lips involved, but they were not hers. Then she was put up before her father, and away she went. As for young Arnkel, he no more comes into the tale than he had stayed in Gudrid's mind. II Orme was a friend of Thorbeorn's, and a prosperous man. He lived at Erne Pillar, which is below Snaefellness, and near the sea. There was a haven there and a town. Moreover it was a Christian settlement, with a church and a priest. Most of the houses and land there belonged to Orme, who lived in a good house of his own with his wife Halldis. They had no children, which was a grief to them. Thorbeorn brought Gudrid to the house, and had a good reception from the goodman and his wife. "Take her with you, good wife, into your bower," he said, "while I have a word with Orme. He will tell you all about it, or I will. It is good for me to be sure that it makes no matter which of us tells you." Halldis said, it was easy to see that Gudrid was not making a short stay, and took her with her through the house into the bower. There, it was not long before she knew all that Thorbeorn or Orme could have to say, and may be more still. Meantime, Thorbeorn, after much unnecessary havers, said to Orme: "The matter is this, neighbour. I ask you and the goodwife to take Gudrid here in fostership. It will suit me in every way, and I hope you will agree to it." Orme said that it would suit him too very well. "Nothing the mistress would like better than to see herself reflected in a young pair of eyes." Thorbeorn accepted that as a matter of course; but presently he asked whether they saw much company at Erne Pillar. Not such a deal of company, Orme said. Now and again a ship came in, and there was a bustle, with men coming and going, cheapening the goods. "Nothing to you at Bathbrink, I daresay," he added. "They tell me that you keep a great house up there--as is fitting you should." "I have to remember what is expected of me," Thorbeorn said, and felt that he was no nearer what he wanted to say than he had been. "Gudrid is young," he said, beginning again. "She's a beauty, it's evident," Orme said briskly, and instantly Thorbeorn felt himself bristling down the backbone. "She is sought after on all hands--but not by any who is to my liking. I hope that Halldis will look after her well." "She will look after her like one of her own," said Orme. Thorbeorn had rather he had said more than that. He could not understand that Orme did not see what was at stake, and yet could not enlighten him further. The good wife then came springing in. "She will be happy, and so shall we be," she said. "I have a roomy heart, too long empty, woe's me. She will soon be singing about the house, and then we old folks will fall to it. It will be like a nest of linnets. She will scour our rusty pipes for us. Excellent!" Thorbeorn was put out that they seemed to think it pure pleasure to have his daughter on their hands instead of great responsibility and a call to duty. "Well," he said, "you have helped me with a serious trouble. I leave her to you with confidence. Where is she now? For I must be going." "She is with the girls in the wash-house," said Halldis. "All chattering together like starlings on a thatch. All talking at once, and none listening. Do you wish her fetched?" "No," said Thorbeorn, waving his hand. "She will do better where she is." He felt the impossibility of saying what he wished. Then he took his way homewards, and the couple looked at each other. "A love affair," Halldis said. "It looks like it," said Orme. "And there will be love affairs. She's a paragon." "That remains to be seen," Halldis said. "She's a beauty at least. But a baby as yet. Wait till she's cut her teeth." "I hope she won't cut them here," said Orme; but his wife said briskly, "Better here than there." Halldis could see through Thorbeorn and pity his barren pride. Gudrid was happy at Erne Pillar, and soon very much at home. She had found her voice at once, and now she began to find herself. Her discoveries were made in the appreciative eyes of her foster-parents, for that is the first place in which we get our notion of ourselves. The portrait encouraged her. She became interesting to herself. Then there were the neighbours, often in and out of the house, but always under the heedful eyes of the good wife. Then there were the ships. Last there were the priest, and his little church. All the people at Erne Pillar had been christened, as had Thorbeorn himself been; but there was a great difference when you had a priest and a church. The priest at Erne Pillar was a serious priest. He said Mass every day, and expected you, or some of you, to be there. Now Thorbeorn, Christian though he were, had never been to Mass in his life. His Christianity consisted in turning his back on Frey. Frey had been the chief God at Bathbrink and in all the country round. Thorbeorn had been Frey's priest at one time, but now would have nothing to say to him; and as for Gudrid, she had never known anything herself about Frey or the other gods, but had been sprinkled as soon as she could be carried down to Erne Pillar. That, so far, had been the utmost of her Christianity. But she had heard plenty of talk about the old gods; and now she was to hear more about them, and something of the new gods too. Orme and Halldis had both been heathens and knew a deal about Frey and Redbeard, as they called Thor. Orme was not interested in religion at all; but Halldis was. Halldis kept well with the priest, but on certain nights of the year--on the night they called The Mother Night, for instance--she was restless, and used to go to the door and stand there looking out at the moonlight, as if she would be off with the others if she dared. That, too, was what plenty other women at Erne Pillar were doing; but none of them went. The priest saw to it. Halldis taught Gudrid numberless songs--charms, incantations, love spells, and long, terrible tales about Valkyrs and their human lovers. The girl came to understand that love might become a tearing, wringing business, and marriage a tame road for life to take. Halldis's songs were seldom about marriage, but always about love. The two only came together in the same song when it was a case of a giant with a woman for his wife, or a Valkyr with a man for her husband. These cases, it seems, had often occurred. They were exciting and ended in tears--but not often in marriage as well. She went to Mass first of all with Halldis, but afterwards, as often as not, she went alone. Halldis had plenty to do at home. If she kept to what was of obligation she thought she did very well. But Gudrid liked the quiet and darkness; she used to stare at the lights till they multiplied themselves and danced like shooting stars. She liked the murmur of the words, and the mysterious movements and shiftings of the priest. When he lifted up the Host, she bowed her head, and used to hear her heart beating. She supposed that something was happening overhead, and used to listen for the rushing sound of wings. This was a constantly renewed excitement; it never failed her when she was well--and that was always. The priest, who was a serious priest, and came from the south, was interested in Gudrid, and wanted her to confess and communicate; but she would not. "No, I couldn't do that," she said, "without asking my foster-mother." "Ask her, then, my daughter," said the priest. "But she would have to ask my father," said Gudrid, "who would not allow it." "But your father is a Christian, surely?" said the priest. "Certainly he is a Christian. He went into the river to be one." "Then he will order you to do your duty." Gudrid shook her head. "No, no. He would not like it at all." The priest spoke to Halldis about it, and scared her. "It is not the custom here," she said, "but I will ask Orme." The priest himself asked Orme, who rubbed his chin. "One thing at a time is a good rule," he said. "We in Iceland are not much given to private talks between men and women. Husband and wife is all very well. And Thorbeorn is a peculiar man. I recommend you to wait for a little. These are early days for new customs." The priest was vexed. He did not care to be called a man. III The second summer after Gudrid came to Erne Pillar a fine ship came in from Norway with a full cargo. She came in late in the evening, and everybody was on the shore to see her. Orme knew whose she was and all about her. She was Einar's ship, he said, and overdue. In the morning she would discharge her cargo in his warehouse, "and then," he said to Gudrid, "there will be matters for you to see to, which will last you a good while. Fine cloth, Einar always brings, and embroidered lengths from Russia. We shall have you going as gay as a kingfisher about the ways." Nothing was done that night except that Orme was rowed out to the ship and stayed drinking with the master till late. But in the morning, when Gudrid went to Mass, she saw men bringing up the cargo from the quay; and when she came back from Mass, there, at the door of Orme's warehouse, was Orme himself talking to a stranger who had foreign clothes on him, a gold chain round his loins, from which hung a goodly knife in a sheath, and rings in his ears. Gudrid, being well brought up, looked neither to the right nor left, but dipped her head to her foster-father as she went by. She had on her sea-blue gown, and a blue silk handkerchief knotted in her hair. The handkerchief was there in obedience to the priest, who had told her she must not come to church bare-headed, even in the summer-time. The morning being fresh, her cheeks were a-flower with roses. Orme greeted her with a happy word as she sped by him, but Einar, who was the stranger present, the master of the ship, looked after her, and presently said, "Tell me, who is that beautiful person?" Orme told him who she was and of what stock. Einar's colour was high. "She is a prize for a good man indeed," he said. "And many and many a man has tried after her, beyond doubt?" "Many and many a man," said Orme; "you are right there. But she is not for the first comer, nor yet for the second. I won't answer for herself, if herself had anything to say in it--which isn't likely. But for her father the Franklin, I will say as much as this, that he's a great man, and knows it, though not so well to do as he was. And he will be hard to come at in the matter of Gudrid." Einar said no more about her just then, but turned to his affairs and was busy all day long. Then, at supper-time, Orme took him home to his house, where he was to stay so long as his occasions kept him in the country. Halldis made him very welcome, and then Gudrid came into the hall, and he had a greeting for her. He was young and fresh-coloured, and showed fine white teeth when he smiled, which was often. He produced his bales, presents for Halldis and Orme; and presently, while they were all pulling over the things, he held up a jointed girdle of wrought silver with crystals set in every square of it. This he offered to Gudrid. "For you, lady, if you will accept of it," he said. Gudrid drew back and blushed. Then she looked at Halldis. "Oh, may I?" she asked. Halldis, who had her hands full of scarlet cloth, looked at the glittering thing. "It is too good to refuse," she said. "And why should you refuse it?" "You will make me proud and contented if you will take it," Einar said. "It will be a kind action on your part." "Einar speaks well," said Orme. "Put it about you, Gudrid." Gudrid put the belt round her waist and fastened it. "That's a good fit," said Halldis. "It might have been made for you." Einar was still looking at Gudrid, and smiling all the time. "Does it please you, lady?" he said. "It is beautiful," said Gudrid. "It ought to be," Einar said. Then she thanked him fairly, and turned and ran away to show herself to the maids in the bower. Einar was very thoughtful for a time; but brightened up when Gudrid and the girls brought in the meal, and served it. He told tales of his voyages and entertained the company. A very good tale he told of a friend of his called Biorn--Biorn Heriolfsson--who was a ship-man like himself, and had come home to Iceland two winters back expecting to find his father at home. But his father in the meantime had up-stick with everything and gone off to Greenland after Eric Red. That put Biorn out, because he was a man who liked old customs. It had always been his way to spend the winters at home with his father, and now here was his father flitted to Greenland. So Biorn stood on the deck of his ship, very much put out. "Shall we break bulk?" somebody asked him. "No," says Biorn, "you will not do that. Let me think." When he had thought he told the ship's company that he was minded to go to Greenland after his father, and they agreed to make the voyage. He fastened down his cargo again, refitted, and away. But it was one thing to resolve upon Greenland, and another thing to hit it off. He had not sailed those seas before, and falling in with bad weather, was driven out of his course; and then--to make matters worse--there came down upon him with a northerly wind a thick blanket of white fog in which he could get no hint of his whereabouts and drifted upon a strong current, fairly smothered up. He knew no more where he was than Einar himself could tell them; he lost count of days and nights, but estimated that he was three weeks at sea before the fog lifted and he saw the stars. In the morning the sun rose fair out of the sea, and he got a bearing. More than that, he saw before him--like a low bank of cloud--a strange coast lying on his starboard bow. He could not tell where he wag got to, or what land that might be, but was sure it was not Greenland. The land lay low, and was dark with woods. The shore was sandy, with hummocks of blown sand upon it, covered with grass; the surf very heavy. He coasted that country for two days and nights with a good wind off-shore, but would not try for a landing anywhere, being set upon Greenland and sure that he was not there. Other lands he saw, and a great island covered with snow, and ice-mountains rising sheer out of the sea--but still he kept on his course. After that he had a spell of heavy weather with green seas over him constantly; and last of all he saw another land, on his port bow, which he said was Greenland. A great ness ran out far into the sea, which he made with safety, and found smooth water, a town, an anchorage, and a man in a boat fishing. Biorn drew alongside, feeling for his anchorage, and laughed to himself when the man looked up from his fishing and presently raised his hand and sawed the air once or twice. "Hail to you, father," said Biorn. "I thought you would be coming along," said his father. "You have hit me off to a nicety." Biorn said, "I don't know about the nicety of it. I have been seven weeks at sea since I left Iceland, and no man alive knows where I have been--least of all myself." "Be careful of my lines," said his father. "I am in the way to catch monsters, and have pots down and out all round me." At that Biorn threw his head up and laughed till he cried. "A scurvy on your monster pots," he said. "Here am I come from beating round the watery world to seek you, and you think only of pots." Gudrid was thrilled to hear of the new lands; but Orme, who knew Heriolf, Biorn's father, was tickled to death with the old man's quirks. "That is Heriolf all over," he said. "And to say that such a man could get on with Eric Red. Greenland is not wide enough to hold those two." But Gudrid held Einar with the most beautiful pair of eyes in Iceland. "And what country was it that Biorn found first?" she asked. Einar said, "I can't tell you. He must have drifted south of Greenland, south and by west. I believe that he crossed the western ocean, which no man has ever yet done. It is a notable deed--but a thousand pities that he made no landing." But Gudrid still gazed at him, and into him. "And will you not go yourself, and seek out that new country?" Einar said, "I have often thought of it. It would be a fine adventure. But just now I have another adventure in my mind, which may delay me. "And what adventure is that?" Einar said, "I cannot tell you at the moment. It is not a settled thing by any means." Halldis looked at Orme, and Orme nodded his head. After that Einar saw much of Gudrid, and used to tell her tales of the sea. He was busy, of course, most of the day, but found time in the evenings; and in the mornings, too, he had the habit of going to church at Mass-time and kneeling behind her. She was pleased to find him there, and the first time showed it plainly. After that she was more than pleased, but careful not to show it. They used to walk home together, and sometimes did not go the straight road, but went round by the frith and looked at Einar's ship lying out at her moorings, swaying with the tide. One day, looking at the ship there, Gudrid asked him again what his adventure was, and whether anything was settled. No, he said, nothing was settled; but he hoped it might be settled soon. "It does not depend altogether upon me," he said. "My mind was made up at once." "But," said Gudrid, "if that adventure were settled and done with, would you not then think of seeking the new country which Biorn saw?" "Well, I might do that," Einar replied. "But a man tires of the sea after a time, and I have had plenty of it. I am very well off, you must know. I might set up my house-pillars, and find me a wife." "But you would not do that?" "Ah," said Einar, "but I am sure that I would." She kept her gaze for the tide in the frith, feeling it would be indiscreet to say more. A little later on he told her what the adventure was on which his heart was set, and when she had heard it she gave him her hand. But she told him that it did not rest with her--as he knew very well it did not. They sat together on the brae in the sun, and her hand remained in his keeping. Presently she said, "If my father says that we may, we will go out to find the new country together." "We will go where you will," said Einar. "It will be all one to me." Again she thought, with her face set towards the sea. Then she turned suddenly and put her arms round his neck. IV Einar spoke to Orme about the affair, and Orme put on a scared look, though he had been expecting something of the kind. "You will find Thorbeorn hard to deal with," he said. Einar replied, "Hard or not, I intend to come at him, for I love Gudrid, and she loves me. She is worth fighting for, being as good as she is fair." "She is so," said Orme; "but, to tell you the truth, I don't know how you will set about it." "I shall ask you to be my friend in it," Einar said. "He will listen to you sooner than any one." Orme put his head on one side. "I don't care much about your errand. You will get me into hot water with Thorbeorn. Don't I tell you that he is a great man, an old settler and what-not? He knows his forefathers back to Baldur the Beautiful." "You are telling me what I know already," said Einar, who was rather red, and showed a frown. "My own birth is no such thing. My father was a freedman. Well, I couldn't help that." "If I am telling you stale news, neighbour," said Orme, "it is only that you may see what I have to tell Thorbeorn." "Yes, yes, I know," Einar said. "He is a man of rank, and I no such thing. I grant it. But I have money, do you see? I am well off both in ships and credit; my name stands well in the world. And I am young, and he is old. I think I could be useful to Thorbeorn, if he would allow it--and I need not tell you I set no bounds in reason upon what I would put down for the sake of the match." "Well," said Orme, "I will go and see him." Gudrid could hear nothing of this until the morning; but then Einar told her what he had arranged with Orme. She now considered herself as pledged to Einar, though she was nothing of the kind. Loyalty to him persuaded her of it, and he found that very sweet, and was touched. They sat close together on the brae; she allowed him her hand, and rested her cheek on his shoulder. Einar, who was an honest young man, began to fear that he was doing wrong to allow it. But he could not resist a word or two for himself. He told her of his birth, saying that his father, Thorgar, of Thorgar's Fell, had been a freedman, but had done well since. "It is right you should know these things," he said. Gudrid said that it was nothing to her; but Einar warned her that it might be much to her father. He went on: "To you perhaps it is enough that I love you dearly--and to me it is enough. But who knows? Maybe I shall not have the right to talk to you after to-morrow or next day. Now I wish to say this to you, that I shall never look at another woman, and will bind myself to you if you will accept it of me." She sat erect at that and looked gravely at him. "You ought not to bind yourself," she said, "since I cannot." "You cannot. I know that," he said. "But I both can and will." Thereupon he brought out a handful of money from his breast and chose a gold coin of thin soft gold, with the head of a ragged old king on it. He told her where it came from, and how he had had it from a dead man after a battle in the mouth of a great river in Russia. Then he bit it in the middle with his teeth, and indented it fairly. He bent it to and fro until it was broken in half; and next he bored a hole in each portion, and gave one to Gudrid. "Now I have tokened myself to you, my love," he said. "Do you wear that upon a chain which I will give you presently, and remember when you look at it, or take it in your hands, that I wear the fellow. If ever you want me, you have only to let that half-moon of gold come into Orme's hands, and sooner or later you will see me again. And so let it be between us from henceforward if you will." She took the coin, and closed her hand upon it until he should give her the chain, but having it, she could not be to him as she had been before. She sat up straight and looked at the sea. Her hand was free for him; but he did not take it, and she felt sure he would not. A constraint fell upon them; neither could find anything to say. Fate was between them. So it was until Orme came back with his news. He had nothing good to report. Thorbeorn had heard him with impatience, and as soon as he had ended put himself into a rage. His thin neck stiffened, his faded eyes showed fire. "Do you offer for my daughter on behalf of a thrall's son? Well for him he put you forward instead of a smaller man. But I take it ill coming from you whom I have always treated as a friend." Orme had excused himself on the score of Einar's merits--for which he could answer, he said--and well-being. "He has two ships at sea in the Norway trade. His credit stands high on each side the water. There's many a worse man than he well married--and he loves your Gudrid beyond price. There is nothing he will not put down for her." But that had wounded Thorbeorn in his most sensitive part. He knew that he was ruined and could not bear that other men should know it also. "It is hard that his money should tempt you to insult a poor man," he said. "I am what I am, and that is a man not so poor but he can keep his honour clear. You must think me poor indeed in other things than goods when you ask me to trade my own flesh and blood. Let me hear no more of it for fear I may get angry. It is the case, I see, that I rate my daughter's marriage more highly than you seem able to conceive of. I made a great mistake when I left her in your charge precisely to avoid what you have brought upon me. Now she shall come home, where she can be valued at the worth of her name and person. That is what I have to say to you, Orme." With that he had looked Orme straight in the face, and there had been no more to urge. Einar heard it from Orme, but it was Halldis who told Gudrid the news. Gudrid received it in silence, but put her hand up and laid it over the token which fluttered in her bosom. "My pretty one," said Halldis, "I blame myself." "No, no," Gudrid said, "you must not do that. Nobody is at fault." But Halldis thought Einar had been much to blame. She would have comforted Gudrid and made much of her if she had been able--but Gudrid would not have that. She served the table as before, and sat by Halldis afterwards while the men talked and passed the mead about. She was pale and silent, but did not give way, nor leave them till her usual time. When she was in her bed she sobbed, and buried her hot face in the bolster; but even then she did not cry. She was always impatient of deeds which led nowhere--and crying is a great deed. In the morning they parted. "I shall sail as soon as may be now," he told her. "Iceland will be hateful to me if it hold us two apart." "Maybe you will seek out the new country," she said, with a bleak smile. "Maybe," he said. "But it may be you who see it first." She shook her head sadly. "We do foolishly when we talk of my fate," she said, and then there was a silence which was like a winter fog. She broke it by throwing herself into his arms. "Listen," she said with passion, "listen. They will give me to another man, but I shall be yours all the while. They might give me to two men, one on the heels of another, but it would be nothing. Do you believe it? You must believe it, you must." "I believe it," said Einar; "but it is dreadful to talk about." "No, it is not dreadful, because I tell you it is nothing," she said. "You are free to do what you will, and you offer me yourself. I did not like to accept it, because I thought I could give you nothing. But now I know I can. Tell me that you believe me, and then I must go." He told her as he kissed her that he believed her--but it was not true. He did not believe her because he could not. Then they parted. She went back to Orme's house, and he went his way along the shore of the frith. V Gudrid did not see Einar again. Kettle, the reeve of Bathbrink, came down to fetch her away, and by now she was behind him on his pad, while Einar was far into the fells. He did not return until late, and then he told Orme that he should sail with the first tide. "Whither will you go?" He said that he must go back to Norway to discharge, and after that did not know what he should do. "I am in heavy trouble over the way this has turned out. At such times a man cares little what may become of him." "Yes, but men get over it," Orme said. "I think that I shall not. There is that in her which will prevent me." "She is like all women, I fancy," Orme said; "very tender where they are loved. They set more store upon love than men do, and whosoever offers it to them, it is a valuable thing, and enhances the offerer." "That is not Gudrid's way," said Einar. Orme felt sorry for him. "Thorbeorn will make a marriage for Gudrid, you may be sure," he said. "And I dare swear she will be a good wife to the man who gets her." "It is certain," said Einar. Early next day he weighed his anchor and went down the frith. Now he leaves the tale. But he did not leave Gudrid's mind, who now had little else to think of. Her father said nothing to her of the reason which had brought her home. He was stately and remote. Nor did he mention his difficulties, which were gathering so close about his house. But they were common knowledge at Bathbrink, and Gudrid heard of little else from morning till night. There was scarcity there, not of provision, but of guests. No young men came about the house, or filled the great table in the hall. Other men came, who wanted money, and went grumbling away, with voices which rose higher in complaint as they went further from the house. Thorbeorn himself was often away, and used to come back more silent and proud than he had gone out. The winter set in with wind and drifting snow. Darkness drew closer about the country; the sky was lemon colour, the fells were black. It was the time of great fires, and long festivals within-doors; but Thorbeorn's hall remained empty. In the face of such manifest misery the love she had given to Einar and received from him shone far off like a winter star, which had no warmth for the blood. She used to look fondly at her token and try to make herself believe that his strong teeth had bitten the deep gauffres into its edge. When she succeeded the scene came back to her, she felt again as she had when he had been standing there beside her on the brae overlooking the racing water. Her eyes grew misty as she looked away into the dark, holding her relic clenched in her hand. But it was not real; these were only dreams of him. So the winter came upon Bathbrink and lapped it in snow, and love grew numb with cold. VI Towards winter's end Thorbeorn roused himself. He had made up his mind to face his troubles, and now saw a way of doing so with nobility. He would break up his homestead, sell his estates, pay his debts, and go abroad. That would be at once just and of good appearance in the world. But he would not go east where he would find a life ready made for him, with the same state to maintain, and be no better off than he had been at home. It was for Greenland he intended, a new country with but few settlers in it yet. An old friend of his, one Eric Red, had gone out there for good reasons some years ago, and had often sent him messages begging him to join his colony. Now he would do it. The thought warmed him. He set the business afoot at once, and sold the whole of his estate for a good price. When he had paid his creditors, which he did very particularly and with a great air, he had a good sum over and above the cost of his ship. His spirits rose, his taste for splendid hospitality revived. He resolved to give a great feast to all his friends and acquaintances, such a feast as should make men say that nobody had ever confronted misfortune more gallantly than Thorbeorn of Bathbrink. It was a noble feast, lasting three days and nights; the greatest there had been made within the memory of men. Everybody came, for enmities were all forgotten. Orme was there from Erne Pillar, and Halldis was with him. Good Halldis embraced Gudrid, kissed her on both cheeks, and held her closely, very ready to revive memories. "And what have you to say to it? And how will you face the hardships of the strange land?" Gudrid was very guarded in her answers. "I shall like to see Greenland," she said; "we used to talk about it at Erne Pillar." It was true, Einar had told them of it, and of his friend Biorn who had found his father out there after seven weeks at sea. "And you go out there without a husband?" said Halldis, with sympathy ready and waiting in her kindly eyes. Gudrid said, "Why not? It is not I who have the wedding of myself." She would not meet Halldis half-way, nor any part of the way. Halldis felt the chill. But Gudrid and her maidens did the last hospitalities of Bathbrink sweetly and diligently. They say that the qualities of the mistress are reflected in the maids. Gudrid was owned a beauty on all hands, but it was agreed that her manners enhanced her good looks, as a fair setting will show off a jewel. To see her at her service, you would have thought her without a care in the world. She could laugh and talk with one and all, she could be grave with the grave and gentle with those who mourned. But she would not let any know that she mourned herself. Any hint towards Einar turned her to smooth stone. She had that kind of pride from her father, the kind that is tender of itself. As for Thorbeorn, he was splendid, and the more splendid he was the more he felt himself to be so. On the last night of his feast, when the hall was full, the horns nearly empty, and the torchlight getting low, he thumped the high table with the hilt of his dagger, and stood up in a dead silence. "Neighbours," he said, "it is time I should bid you farewell. In this good land, where my fathers have lived before me, I too have lived my life out, and kept my customs, and good faith with all men; and have made many friends, and no enemies that I know of. As I have served mankind, so has mankind served me. To you, friends and guests, I say that we have proved each other and seen good days. But now, so it is that I at least must see some doubtful days. I have been pinched and straitened in many ways. I have had to consider whether I should stay on here in a mean way of life or move out into freer quarters. Old as I am, I choose to go abroad; nor do I think you will blame me if I can go away honourably, leaving no man the worse for my departure. Now my good friend Eric Red has asked me to share quarters with him in Greenland, where he has a settlement and keeps a great train--and thither I intend to go. And I shall go this very summer, if all turn out as I expect, and take, as I hope, your friendship with me. In any case let this feast stand to you as a token of my goodwill to every man here." He stood for a moment looking forth upon the crowded tables, and at the women clustered about the doors. He was much moved by the force and plainness of his own words, and for a while every one kept silence, thinking that he had more to say. But he had not, and presently sat down in his seat. That was the signal for uproar. The men stood on the benches and shouted "Hail" to him; they helped the women up, too, who waved their hands or scarves, or whatever came handy. Gudrid saw Orme's hand held out to her, and took it, standing with the rest, with Orme's arm round her. In the excitement of everybody the emotions get loose. Orme held Gudrid closely to him and whispered in her ear, "If he would let you stay with us, Gudrid, how happy we should be!" She turned him her pale face, smiling into his; but Fate held her fast, and she did not even answer him. "Shall I have at him again, for Einar's sake?" said the good Orme, eager to procure happiness for somebody. At that she shook her head. "He would not have it. I am sure of that." So was Orme in his sober mind. Meantime the neighbours were thronging about Thorbeorn, pledging him in horns of mead and ale. Many of them offered him stock or provision for the voyage; many cried that they would go with him to the new settlement. They would never thole a new master, they said, and fully believed it. Some thirty souls did actually go on the voyage. This was the greatest day of Thorbeorn's life so far. VII Thorbeorn's ship lay ready for him in Rawnhaven; but there was much to do, what with hay and corn harvest, to get in, before he could leave. He sailed, then, fully late in the year--himself and his household, thirty or more of his friends beside, his house-pillars and all the stock he had left beside. He was burning to be off, the old adventurer that he was, but Gudrid was not of his way of feeling about it. The Icelanders were a race of stoics. What was to be held them spellbound. Far from hindering adventure, it promoted it; for you never knew but what Fate intended you to succeed. But Gudrid had seen how she might have been happy, and could not understand how otherwise she could be. The last night at home, so she fondly called Iceland, was spent with Orme and Halldis, to whose kindness she thawed at last. She cried upon Halldis's broad bosom, and revealed herself. "You see how it is with me now," she said. "If I never meet him again I shall never love another man. And I see no way of meeting him--and so I must be wretched." Then she fairly wailed: "I might have been so happy--I might have been!" till it was pity to hear her. Presently she took out her token and showed it to Halldis. "That is all I have of Einar's," she said. Halldis said that she had the girdle he had given her. "Yes," she said, "but this has his teeth-marks in it." Then she sat up on Halldis's lap and looked shyly at her, saying, "I am going to ask you something." "Ask, my child." "If it should happen ever that I come home again, and want to see Einar, will you give him this from me? He will know then what to do." Halldis promised. "He is mostly here every year," she said. "But there's no saying how it may find him." "It will find him waiting for me," Gudrid said. "He promised me that." "Oh, my dear, my dear," cried Halldis, "to be sure he did! What else could he say or feel at such a time?" But Gudrid held to her opinion, and to her token too. She said that she should always wear it; and Halldis had not the heart to exclaim. They sailed with a fair wind, having waited for it, and were soon out of sight of land; but it did not hold. Bad weather overtook them, contrary winds, driving rain, fog--that overhanging curse of Greenland. They ran far out of their course and had to beat back again; cattle died, provision ran short; to crown all a sickness broke out among the company, whereof near half died. Thorbeorn kept hale and hearty throughout; and Gudrid took no harm. The wet, the clinging cold, the wild weather did not prevent her attending the sick, or doing the work which they should have done, had they been able. She had no time to be happy or unhappy, and was never afraid of anything. It was hard upon the winter; the days were short, the nights bitter cold. The fog, thick and white like a fleece, seemed incapable of lifting. The wind came in short spells, the sea was lumpy. But one day as they were labouring and rolling, the ship straining and cordage creaking, Thorbeorn lifted his head, and bore hard upon the helm. "Breakers!" he shouted, and the crew sprang to the rail. A dark form seemed to lift out of the fog, like a core of blackness, and clouds of sea-birds wheeled overhead with harsh clamour. They were come unawares to Greenland the White, and within an ace of breaking up against her cliffs. None on board knew what headland this might be; but Thorbeorn knew it was not Ericsfrith, which he had intended to make. They rounded it, however, without mishap, and had a fair wind when they were beyond it. At last they could see a shore with a rough breakwater of stones; and presently upon that shore some men standing together. They cast anchor and let down their sails, and before all was shipshape a boat came rowing out to them, with a man in the stern in a blue cloak. The boat came alongside, and they were hailed. "Who and whence are you?" Thorbeorn told his name and port of origin. "I hoped to make Ericsfrith," he said. "You have made a poor business of it," said the master of the boat. "This is Heriolfsness, a good ten hours' sailing from the frith; and I am Heriolf at your service." Gudrid's heart leapt. This was the father of Biorn, of whom Einar had told her in the days of her happiness. That seemed for a moment to bring Einar within touching distance. Meantime Heriolf came on board and greeted Thorbeorn fairly. He was a hale old man, with white hair and beard, and twinkling blue eyes. "You will do well," he said, "to stay with me through the winter. This is an unchancy country in winter time, what with fog and scurvy and one thing and another. In Iceland you do better, because you have the wind--but here the fog smothers everything. If my son Biorn were at home he could tell you of a new country, my word! But he's away, and no telling when he will be here again. Now, if you are willing, we will be going. My people will see to the housing of yours, and the stock shall be looked after as if it was my own. But you and your girl here will be happy to be by a hearth again." So it was done. They found Heriolf a good host, his house well built and well stored. He had a comely wife, too, who took kindly to Gudrid. "That's a paragon of a girl you have there," Heriolf said. "If my son were at home I don't know how it would turn out." "She's not for every one," said Thorbeorn, on his dignity at once. "But my son Biorn is some one, let me tell you," said Heriolf. "He is a traveller who has seen more of the world than any man living, I dare say. And here in Greenland, you must know, a woman is a precious piece of goods. There was a woman brought in here last summer with a sick man who died before he had been a week in bed. Before he was buried there were six men fighting who should be her next. And two of them were killed outright; but none of them got her." "Would she have none of them?" Thorbeorn asked, though he was not at all interested. "She had no opportunity," said Heriolf. "For another man came and took her away before they had done fighting." Thorbeorn held his head stiffly. "But my daughter is greatly descended," he said. "And Eric Red is of my friends." "All that may be," said Heriolf, "but your daughter is a woman, and Eric Red himself no more than a man. In this country you have to deal with people as God made them. But there is a wise woman in the town, and maybe she will tell us what is written in the book of life." "My daughter is a Christian," said Thorbeorn, but old Heriolf's mouth twitched. "I dare swear she will be wanting to know what the book of life says, for all that. Let me tell you that a marriage is not over when the priest has said his say. No, nor yet begun, maybe." Nobody could have been more easy to quarrel with than Heriolf upon the subject of his son, except Thorbeorn upon that of his daughter; yet there was no quarrel. It may be that Thorbeorn was too happy to stretch his thin legs towards a driftwood fire again, or again, that he recognised the sweet kernel of his host under the cruddled husk. However it was, he let the talk of wise women and the Book of Fate float over his head as the spume of the sea passes over the tangle far below. The spume creams and surges, then disparts; but the sea-tangle sways to the deep currents of the tide undisturbed. All well and good--but there was a Wise Woman. VIII Thorberg was the Wise Woman's name. She was the last alive of a family of nine, all women and all wise in the art of reading the days to come. It was supposed that she had come from Iceland, but nobody remembered to have brought her, nor knew of her origin. In these days she lived by herself in a hut of the Settlement at the Ness, and crouched over a peat fire all the winter, singing songs to herself which nobody could understand. In the summer she was often seen about among the pastures below the hills, but always by herself. When she was asked she might go out and show herself at men's houses where there was a feast going on; if she was treated according to her fancy she might foretell the fortune of the householder or of some guest of his, or the upshot of the coming harvest, whether of the sea or of the land. But everything must be exactly as she pleased. There was no telling what she would do or say. Heriolf was the greatest man at the Ness, and kept the best table. He seldom lacked of guests during the dark months. He was a most hospitable man--loving, as he said, everything on two legs. He had never accepted the new religion, and stood well with Thorberg, but had such respect for her that he would never ask her to come to a feast unless the entertainment were what he thought worthy of her. This year, with Thorbeorn and Gudrid in the house, he felt that she ought to be asked up, so sent a man out to invite her, naming the day when the feast would be ready. Thorberg returned word that she would come, but made no promises of what she would say. Immediately, Heriolf set about his preparations and, immediately, there was trouble with Thorbeorn. He did not like it at all. He took it ill that there should be such a fuss. Thorberg, it seemed, must have a high seat; she must be escorted to the feast; she must have her particular food, dressed just so; she must be treated with great respect, let alone, never crossed, never importuned. And he a Christian! "Heathen customs!" he said. "Friend, you shall have me excused. These things smell of brimstone. I could not be present by any means, and don't desire that Gudrid should be involved." But Heriolf scouted him. "Hey," he said, "please yourself! But as for Gudrid, let her alone. Why should she not hear what the world has to say to her? What harm can come to a good girl? All kinds make this world." Gudrid, whose hair he pulled, as he spoke, in a very friendly way, seeing his eyes twinkling and his lips twitching, coloured, but said that she should like to be at the feast. It was true, but apart from the truth, she would not hurt Heriolf's feelings. "Of course you would like it," said Heriolf, greatly pleased. "I never knew a handsome girl yet who did not like to be told about it. Thorberg thinks a deal of handsome persons. You will find that she has a wonder-deal to tell about you. And perhaps we shall learn what my son Biorn means to do with himself when he comes home here, and finds a flower in the garth." Gudrid coloured more than ever at this; but she liked it. Thorbeorn waved his hand before him as though to brush gossamer from his path, and stalked away with his chin in the air, and his beard jutting out like a willow in the wind. He kept his word, though; and took himself to bed when the feast began. These were the preparations made for Thorberg's visit. A high seat was set for her at the right hand of Heriolf's own, and upon it a cushion worked with runes and dragons in knots, stuffed with hen's feathers. That had to be wherever she went. Then she must sit in the chief place at the table, beside the giver of the feast, and her food must be seen to. First she must have a mess of oats seethed in kids' milk; then, for her meat, a dish made of the hearts of animals. Gizzards, too, of birds, and their livers, must be in it. There were to be set for her a brass spoon, and an ivory-hilted knife with rings of bronze upon the handle. She had a great horn for a beaker, adorned with silver; and then her drink was to be hot mead, with spices and apples floating in it. Heriolf saw to everything. When all was ready, and the guests expected, a man was sent out to her house to bring Thorberg to the feast; and when all the guests were gathered, but by no means before, in she came. She was a tall fair woman, blue-eyed, broad-shouldered and of large presence. She had a wild, rich, comely face. She was dressed in a black robe which gleamed and reflected light. It clung to her as if she had been dipped in water. Silver clasps held it under the bosom, and from neck to foot it was set with large blue stones. Round her neck she had a string of beads, of red amber, as large as seagulls' eggs. She walked with a staff, knotted with amber; on her head was a hood of black lambskin, lined with white. There was a girdle round her loins made of dried puff-balls strung together, and a fishskin pouch hung from that, in which were the charms she used in her prophesying. Her shoes were calfskin with the hair outside, and were bound to her ankles with broad leather thongs. She had gloves on when she came in--catskin gloves with the hair turned inwards. So dressed, holding herself high and queenly, she stood in the doorway, and said, "Hail to this house," in a deep voice, like a bell. Then she took off her hood and gloves and gave them to him who attended upon her, while Heriolf came up to her, took her hands and kissed them, saying, "Sibyl, you are welcome." After Heriolf all the company came crowding about her and saluted her as if she were a princess. To some she was gracious, at some she stared as if she could see through them to the wall beyond, at some she muttered with her lips and looked about, as if she were uneasy till they were gone. All the women curtseyed and kissed her hand, and presently Heriolf brought Gudrid to her. Gudrid did not kiss her hand, but curtseyed and spoke her fairly. Thorberg frowned, not unkindly. "And who art thou, my child?" Gudrid said, "I am a stranger, not long come to Greenland. I am Thorbeorn's daughter, of Bathbrink in Iceland." "You have a good face, and a fair one," said Thorberg, "and yet you will not kiss my hands." Gudrid coloured and looked down. "Perhaps the day will come when you will kiss them," Thorberg said. "It would be no shame to you to do it." Gudrid then said, "I will do it now if you will let me." But Thorberg patted her cheek and said, "By and by." The people thought that Gudrid had shown good manners by offering and that Thorberg was pleased with her. They spread the table for the feast, and Gudrid served the guests with the other girls of the house. Thorberg sat by Heriolf, and said very little, which was all to the good, since it made men treasure what she did say, and find more in it than may have been there. Then, when the tables had been cleared, Heriolf stood up and asked her if she had been well-treated. Thorberg said, "You have given me your best, Franklin. No one can look for more." "Would it please you, then, to reveal certain things to the company?" She stared before her. "What do you desire to know?" "Why," said Heriolf, "we should like to know how it stands with this house, and with those who are in it, and those who are of it; and how long these plagues of sickness and death are to oppress us; and other things which you may read out of the dark, and be moved to tell us." She thought for a while, looking down the hall above the heads of those who stood to hear her. Just below the dais Gudrid was standing with the house-girls. After a time Thorberg said, "Set me the spell-seat," and remained abstracted while it was being done. Heriolf set up the spell-seat, and then Thorberg opened her pouch of magic and took out certain small flat stones covered with writing, and some tufts of feathers, a lump of brown amber, a ring of jet, and some teeth of a great sea-beast. All these she laid round the seat in a circle, except the ring of jet, which she kept in her hand. Then she sat upon the spell-seat, and said to Heriolf, "Bring me the woman who is to sing the Ward-locks." Those were the charms which had to be sung, not so much to invoke the spirits with whom she was familiar as to keep away those who were adverse. Every man looked at his neighbour; the women whispered together, but all shook their heads. In and out among his guests Heriolf ran in a great taking. "Heard any one the like of this, that I should think of everything, and fail for one?" But nobody knew the songs. In his naked bed behind the wall lay old Thorbeorn with the blanket up to his nose, and jerked his thin legs, losing not one tittle of all this. Presently, with Heriolf hot and flustered and at his wits' end, with women scouring the kitchen and the bower to find some one not counted yet, Gudrid turned round about to face the Wise Woman. She was pale, but her eyes were bright. "Whisht now," Thorberg cried in her deep tones; "heed the fair girl." The hush then was dreadful, but Gudrid said what was in her. "I am not a sorceress, and know nothing of magic, but Halldis my foster-mother taught me some songs which she said were Ward-locks and charms." Heriolf clapped his hands, and Thorberg smiled and said, "I believed thee wise when I saw thee first. And now perhaps it is for me to kiss thy hands, or even for the most of this company, for thou art timely as well as wise." But Gudrid looked troubled. She did not at all wish to sing. "The songs," she said, "were sung idly at home while we sat at needlework. They did not mean anything to me. I thought no harm of them." "Nor is there harm, my child," said Thorberg. Gudrid said, "But this is a rite, and the song is part of it. I think I ought not to sing, because I am a Christian." Thorberg was still smiling, but her eyes glittered. "It may be that thou canst serve the company here, and do no harm to thyself. Who should think the worse of thee? Certainly not I. But this is for our host to see about. It is he who made me sit here." Now it was Heriolf's turn, and he pressed Gudrid hard. The girls too, and all the women who were there, were closely about her, asking with eyes and voices. Gudrid could not resist them, though she knew Thorbeorn would be angry, and believed herself that she ought not to have anything to do in magic. But she promised. The women made a circle about her; she thought for a little while, then lifted her head, and sang loud and clear-- "To Vala sang Vrind, The first charm I wind-- What evil thou meetest Let drop it behind. Thyself for guide, The ghost is defied-- Look forth To what thou shalt find. Next charm I call-- If despair thee befall As thou goest thy journey, May the Good Folk wall With wings, with wings Thy wayfarings-- Look forth, Fear not at all. This third charm I make-- If the dark thee take On the road thou goest For this man's sake, May the hags of night Do thee no spite. Look forth, My heart is awake. The fourth charm I tell Is the loosing spell-- Though they bind thee in fetters And cast thee in cell, No walls shall clip thee, The irons shall slip thee-- Look forth, All shall go well." The song was to a strange wild air, very beautiful, known to many, of whom many had tears in their eyes to hear it again, and sung so well. Thorberg sat with her eyes closed, and nodded her head to the beats of it. It made a great effect, and Gudrid was praised by everybody. When it was over, Thorberg, being squarely on the spell-seat, said to her: "I thank you for the song, and for the good heart which was in it. I tell you that many beings besides those whom you see have been drawn in by the sound of your voice, beings who without it would have passed over our heads and paid no heed to us and our concerns. They have been here, they are here now all about us, and by their means I see many things clearly. And first, you, Heriolf, need not fear the death nor the sickness which are rife at this time. They will pass with the winter, and return again with another winter; and for a long time the winter will be hard upon you men in Greenland." So much she said to Heriolf, but she had not ended her soothsay. Her eyes returned to Gudrid, who stood just below her. "As for you, my daughter," she said, "I can read what is in store for you as if it was written in a book. You will have three husbands here in Greenland, and shall not go far to get them. All will be honourable men. One will be a famous man, and one an ugly man; but he will be kind. With all of them you will go great journeys over sea, but they will not all last long. One journey you will go, to a country far from here, which will be of the greatest length, and have hardships in it, and wonders, and a good gift for you. But all your ways lead to Iceland, and thither you will return. Out of you will come a great race of men, and you shall end your life-days in the way that pleases you best." Then her eyes grew less blank, and seemed able to see more clearly. She held out her hand towards Gudrid, who stood rooted, staring up with great eyes. "Farewell, daughter, and I give you hail," she said. Gudrid ran up the steps and kissed her hand. IX Gudrid's fortune was envied by the girls of the house, who expressed themselves freely about it. "With your looks," they said, "it was to be expected she would take notice of you. But to see so much, and to tell you all!" The poor girl herself, however, took it very hard, and saw herself punished for impiety. She felt as if she was branded for ever--the girl who was to kill two men, and perhaps a third. In her mind's eye she could see that doomed first husband of hers, the shadow coldly upon him, herself looking sorrowfully at him, seeing him in the shadow but not able to speak of it. Her heart gave a leap of gratitude that Einar had been sent away by her father. It might have been he in the shadow. But would he be the second? Ah, no, she vowed he should not. Or would he be the third? Not if the third was to be an ugly man. Then there was the promise of the end: "Your ways tend to Iceland . . . thither you will return . . . you shall end your life-days in the way that pleases you best." Could that mean that Einar----? But after three honourable men had received death at her hand! She shuddered and hugged herself against the cold. Not even the promise of Einar seemed fortification enough for that. Nevertheless, there was comfort in the last days. She told her bedfellow stoutly that she did not believe a word of it, but the girl merely stared at her. Then she said: "I know who your first husband will be if he can persuade Thorbeorn. It is Skeggi of Whitewaterstrand." After that Gudrid had to be told all about it. She told her father too--but not so stoutly--that she did not believe it; but in her heart she felt that it must be true. As for Thorbeorn, who had heard it all through the wall, whatever he may have thought, he was very indignant, and angry with her too. "Put such mummery out of your head. We are not Christians for nothing, I should hope. A scandalous hag with her bell-wether voice and airs of a great lady! What has she to do with good women, well brought up? A woman's duty is to leave match-making to her parents, and the future to God and His Angels. Who can foretell his end? Can the priest? Can the bishop? No. And who would wish to know it? Ask yourself. I am vexed that we should have fallen upon a heathen house, and much more that you should have lent yourself to its wicked customs." Gudrid excused herself. "I couldn't help myself. They are kind people. It would have been ungracious. And I did know the songs. How could I have said I did not?" "And who taught you such songs?" "Halldis sang them," she said; "I learnt them of her." He had to allow for much that she urged. "Well, think no more of it," he bade her. "No, I must not," she said. "When the time comes, when we are settled by Eric Red, I shall find a good husband for you, beyond a doubt." "Yes," said Gudrid. "Then we shall have the laugh of these mystery-mongers." "Yes." "As for me, I never heard such nonsense in my days." "No," said Gudrid, looking about for a way of escape. She could neither put it out of her head, nor believe it nonsense. Fate hung heavy on her like a pall of smoke. She had Skeggi of Whitewaterstrand pointed out to her by her room-mate, and recognised him as a young man she had often seen at the house. Now immediately she looked upon him with tenderness, and received his advances to acquaintance with such kindness that he conceived high hopes and went about with his chest swelling with pride. But all the time he was talking to her, or at her, rather, with the other girls, her heart was calling to him, "Do not marry me, do not, do not----" which he, unfortunately, interpreted in the opposite sense. Oddly enough, though every one in the Settlement had heard the soothsay, and nobody doubted it, she was the only person concerned who took it closely to heart. Young Skeggi was earnest to have her to wife, and asked Heriolf to put his case forward to Thorbeorn. Thorbeorn, however, would have nothing to say to him. Skeggi disappeared, and Gudrid had a moment's ease. The first things foretold by Thorberg came about with the quickening of the year. With the first blowing of the warm wet wind of the west, the fogs began to roll away off the land and pile themselves upon the flanks of the mountains. Then, when the earth had warmth enough in her body to thaw the iron mail about her ribs, the sickness in the Settlement abated. Men felt the light, and saw whence it came. The sun showed himself, first like a silver coin, then with sensible heat. The cattle were put out to pasture, the sheep could move and nibble about the foothills. Hens began to lay, cows to give milk, sheep to drop lambs. Thorbeorn made ready to sail to Ericsfrith, and Gudrid was able to forget that she was marked with a curse. So the day for sailing came, a bright spring day with a soft wind, which crisped the waters of the bay and heaped froth upon the stones. At parting, old Heriolf twinkled his kind and frosty eyes upon Gudrid. "Farewell, my child," he said; "you are a notable woman who will do great things." She smiled, but sadly. "It seems I am to bring unhappiness to many," she said. "No, no, that's not how I look at it," said Heriolf. "Men must die, we all know. But more than one are to have your love and kindness while they live--and that is more than they ought to expect. If I were not so old, or my son Biorn were at home, we would keep you in the family. Who wants a long life? Not I, though I have had it. But who wants a good wife? Who does not?" Gudrid said, "To be good is the least I can do. It seems very easy. But to be happy is difficult." "I never found it so," said old Heriolf. And so they parted, she whither Fate beckoned her, and he to go fishing. X Eric Red, who lived at Brattalithe in Ericsfrith, had been a notable man all his life, and a man of mettle. In Earl Hakon's day in Norway he had been a Viking, had made a few friends and many enemies; then he had gone out to Iceland and founded a family in the west country, which might have endured to this day if it had not been for his headstrong way of doing. But, as before, he made more enemies than friends; and when he killed the son of Thorgest the Old, and was pursued for the slaughter at the Thing, he found that there was more feeling against him than he had reckoned on, and that Iceland could not hold him much longer. By what shifts a ship was hidden for him among the islands, and how his friends got him down by night, and rowed him aboard, and how he slipped his cable and escaped pursuit, cannot be told here. Enough to say that he found his way to Greenland, and chose out a fair haven for himself and his company. When he was settled in, and had his town of Ericshaven marked out, and his house built, he felt himself like a king and cast about for alliances. He sent out messengers to Iceland calling upon all men who had been his friends to rally about him. Many came, and by the time his friend Thorbeorn had decided to join him there was a strong settlement at Ericshaven. Eric was now grown old, and was very fat. He thought himself that his work was over, but had hopes to see it continued in his sons. He had three sons by his wife Theodhild; the eldest was Leif, who was abroad at this time, supposed to be in Orkney. Leif was a fine tall man who took after his mother, and had none of Eric's fiery colour; the second son was Thorstan, who was as red as a fox; the third was Thorwald, and resembled Leif, but was of slighter build. Then there was a tempestuous daughter, named Freydis, a strongly made, fierce girl, who was fated to do terrible things. She was married to one of Eric's vassals, a man called Thorward of Garth, but treated him with great contempt and did just what she pleased. As for Theodhild, Eric's wife, she was a Christian at this time, and had taken herself out of Brattalithe for religion's sake. She had built a church in Ericshaven and found a priest to serve it; and now she lived in a small house hard by and practised austerities. She was a very stately woman, and held in great estimation all over the settled country. Eric Red was uneasy with her, because he believed that she scorned him; but her sons used to go to see her. She had quarrelled with Freydis irrevocably, and if she met her anywhere would never take any notice. Thorbeorn was made welcome at Brattalithe and great attention shown to his fair daughter. Women were scarce in Greenland. Eric's two sons, Thorstan and Thorwald, immediately wanted her; but Thorstan was the elder and stronger, and soon came to terms with Thorwald. "My mind," he said, "is set upon Gudrid, and I am older than you by a good deal. I advise you to be my friend in the affair, otherwise no one knows how it may turn out." Thorwald said that that was fair enough: "But I advise you to be sharp about it." "Why so?" said Thorstan. Thorwald told him that he would be only one of many. He named one or two, and Thorstan frowned. Thorstan was a very honest man; he was a good poet and a great man for dreams, but slow and heavy minded. "A man must not be driven in such a matter," he said. "A man should not need it," Thorwald replied. "As you have spoken to me, so do you speak to Gudrid's old iron father. Hammer him smartly; knock sparks out of him. If you do not, some one else will, and I shall have wasted benevolence upon you. If you are not to be the lucky man, why am I to be thrown aside?" This was in the very early days, before Thorbeorn had taken up lands in the Settlement. He was all that summer the guest of Eric at Brattalithe, and there was a great deal to do. Eric and Thorbeorn rode about the country, talking of this land and that. Gudrid fell into the ways of the house and made herself useful. She was taken to see Theodhild, and became friends with the stern, lonely woman. Theodhild spent much of her time in the little dark church she had had built. Until Gudrid came, she and the priest had had it pretty much to themselves, for the people in the Settlement stood by Eric, their great man. But Gudrid went to church with Theodhild, and renewed her emotions. She seemed to escape from her shadow in there. One little twinkling light before the altar shone to her through the fog and bade her still to hope. Then there was Freydis. Oddly enough Freydis took to her, though she pretended to despise her. "You are one of those women whom men go mad about--one of the meek, still women who madden men," she said. "But I am one whom men madden rather; for I hate them and detest their ways, and yet cannot get on without them." Gudrid denied her maddening qualities, and denied that she was meek or still. She assured Freydis that she herself could get on very well without marriage. "I used not to think about it at all until I came to this country where, it seems to me, nobody thinks of anything else. The first thing that happened to me was dreadful. It is no wonder if I think about it now." Freydis wished to hear what dreadful thing it was, and with a little pressing Gudrid told her what Thorberg had prophesied. Freydis stared. "Is that all? You have only to live in Greenland and live to be a hundred and you might have as many husbands. People die here in the winter like tadpoles in a dry summer. Three! Her moderation alarms me." "But I must be sure of the death of two men!" said poor Gudrid. "You must be sure of the death of every man in the world," said Freydis. "It may be that you will be glad enough to be sure of it before you have done with them. I am sure that I should be." That was all the comfort she got out of Freydis; but happily she had a diversion of her thoughts. Biorn Heriolfsson, who had come round the Ness soon after Thorbeorn sailed, now came up to see Eric Red. He was a brisk, vivacious man, with a good conceit of himself, and had much that was interesting to say of the new countries he had visited. Gudrid was rapt in attention, for every word he said seemed to make Einar visible to her, with his bright eyes, his ear-rings, his soft eager voice and his white teeth. Einar now stood for all sorts of things besides himself to Gudrid. He stood for home; he stood for Halldis and Orme who had loved her well; and he stood for the days when no heavy fate hung between her and the blue sky. He stood to her as to us the song of a lark may stand, when we are shut up within the walls of a town. She would have married him gladly, but for the Fate; but she no longer thought of him as a lover. Therefore on account of all that he stood for--home, freedom, loving-kindness, hopefulness--she was enthralled by Biorn's talk, and could not hear enough of the new countries which he had seen. Einar's account of what he had done and where been was quite true. A fair wind took him out from Reekness, and he sailed before it until he had lost the land for two days. Two more days it held, then veered to the northward and blew down upon them the dense Greenland fog. He was now helpless, and for a week or more had no knowledge of his course; but he observed that a strong current was bearing him, as he thought, westward. That might be all to the good, he judged, forgetting how far south he had run before the thick weather caught him; anyhow, there was nothing to be done except to keep a sharp look-out for land a-starboard. He passed several icebergs and had a touch-and-go business with some of them, he said. At last the fog lifted a little, and a light and fitful wind began to blow--from what quarter they had no means of knowing, but it was a chill wind. Biorn guessed it was northerly. He saw the stars before he saw the sun, and got his bearings. Next day it was fair. The sun rose out of the sea. The ship was heading nor'-nor'-west. He hoisted all sail, and made brave work of it. In the course of that day they saw land ahead, a long low line of dark, like a bank of rain-cloud. Biorn ran on, heading straight for it, but he had his doubts from the first, and when they could make out the country better he said to his mate, "That's never Greenland." Sounding carefully, they came within two miles of the land, and could hear the thunder of the surf, and see it too. The sea was like a hilly country with troughs between the rollers like broad ghylls, Biorn said. He would be a bold man who tried to land there from a boat. The country looked to be low-lying, with a sandy shore blown into small pointed hills. Behind those, so far as the eye could reach, there was a dense woodland--most of it black, or looking so, but with patches and belts of red and rose-colour; like flames, said Biorn. No mountains, no snow at all, though by now it was winter in Iceland. Biorn said, "I knew very little about it, to be sure, but knew it was not Greenland the White." Eric asked him why he had not landed. "How should I land in a surf like that? And what was I to do in the country with my Norway merchandise still aboard, and my father God knew where? I knew he was not there--and that was enough for me." "But, Biorn," said Gudrid, flushed and eager, "that was a new country you had found. How could you pass it by?" "All very well," said Biorn, "but I'll trouble you to remember that Greenland was a new country to me--and my father in it moreover. And one new country at a time is enough, I suppose." He went on to say that he coasted those flat wooded shores for the better part of two days and nights, keeping the land on his port bow, but when, as it seemed to him, the coast-line turned westward as if to make a great bay, thinking he would cut across it, he held on his course. It was another two-three days before they made land again, and then it was the same thing as before--woods, swamps, sand, driving rain, or good sunshine; and still no snow. Now he had trouble with his crew, who were for running into the land. They wanted wood and water, they said; but Biorn wouldn't have it. "I wanted my father," he said, "and besides there was abundance of water." "What you wanted your father for beats me," said Eric, and Gudrid's bright eyes sparkled their approval of his judgment. "A man may want to see his father more than a foreign country, I suppose," said Biorn. "You forget that I have seen a deal of foreign countries--Russia, Sweden, Dantzick and what-not." Well, then they sailed for three days and nights before a spanking breeze from the southwest, and ran into the true winter cold, and presently saw land for the third time--snow mountains wreathed with cloud, snow upon the sea-beach itself. Biorn said it was an unchancy, inhospitable kind of country where his father would never choose to live. It was deep water so that they could come close in. There were no signs of habitancy; but there were white bears to be seen, in plenty. That was an island, he said. They held on their course, which was N.E. by E., the breeze stiffened into a gale; and then it came on to blow hard. They had more than enough of it under shortened sail, and shipping green seas every fourth wave. Then, for the fourth time, they sighted land, and a great ness which ran far out into the sea. "Greenland!" said Biorn; and Greenland it was. On the lee side of that ness was the very town about his father's house; and the very first man he saw was his father, with lobster-pots all round him. That, he said, was how it had been, and anybody was welcome to the news. As for himself, he was a trader, and had no mind for fancy voyages. Eric said that he might take the adventure up himself, but at any rate his son Leif would take it up. Thorwald said that he intended to go if Leif would take him. "I want to see that country where there is no winter. That's the place for me. Will you come too, Thorstan?" But Thorstan was looking at Gudrid and did not hear him. XI Biorn stayed on some time longer with Eric Red, and had some talk with Gudrid. He had had his eye on her from the beginning, with curious, considering looks. After several attempts, swallowed down by himself with abrupt decision, he did manage to speak out. "It was of you that Thorberg prophesied at the Ness, I expect," he said. "Yes, it was," said rueful Gudrid. He tossed his foot from the knee, and looked at it swinging. "Such things as that make a man thoughtful." Gudrid bent over her needlework. "You may be sure that she made me thoughtful." "Well," said Biorn, "it is a glory to a woman to hear the like of that. But it makes a man think twice. Now, I daresay my father spoke to you about me, with a nod and wink, as we say? He is fond of me, is my father." "And you, certainly, of him," Gudrid said. "You seem to be a loving couple." "He spoke to me about you," Biorn went on, pursuing his own thoughts. "He was much taken with you, and seemed to think you were singled out for great honour. And clearly you are. But I value my life--and so I told my father. And then he spoke scornfully to me, and hurt my feelings." Gudrid found something to smile at in this. But while she scared Biorn she attracted the brothers at Brattalithe, and others besides them. Thorstan Ericsson was exceedingly shy, and would never go into the bower to talk to the girls, nor into kitchen or wash-house when they were working there if he could help it. So he saw very little of Gudrid, and had nothing to say to her when he did see her. Yet he loved her deeply within himself, in an honourable way of worship, with no jealousy about it. Thorwald, his younger brother, was always in and out of the women's quarters, teasing the girls, getting in their way, and making them laugh. He was often outrageous, but they all liked him, and Thorstan trusted in his loyalty. He told Gudrid that Thorstan thought a great deal about her; but she knew that already. She used to sing in the evenings when the hall was full, and everybody praised her except Thorstan; yet she knew that he was more affected than any one. She felt his heavy eyes on her, and used to think of songs which would please him. But Thorstan was dumb, and others were not. One day in the spring Gudrid was sent for. She was in the wash-house, up to the elbows in lather and foam, in no state for company. All the girls stopped work, and one said, "A wooer for Gudrid," and another, "Thorstan has found his voice." But they all helped her to make herself tidy, and wished her joy. She went out with all her colours flying. Her father was by the fire in the hall; Eric Red with him; and another man was standing there, tall and heavily made, in a red cloak. She had not seen him before. He was a dark-hued man, with bent brows, rather shaggy, and had a black beard. He kept his head bent, and his hands behind his back, but looked at her as she came in. So did Eric, in a kindly way. Thorbeorn only looked at the fire. She went up to her father and put her hand on his shoulder. There was a short silence--but not enough time for her to collect her thoughts. Indeed, she had no thoughts. "Gudrid," said Thorbeorn, "we think it is time for you to be settled, and have here an honourable man who has asked for you. He is our friend, Thore Easterling. He is well-descended and of good estimation with our host. His family is of Ramfirth in Iceland, and he has a fine estate here in Ericshaven. He has the new faith which we believe to be the true faith. Now we think you ought to feel yourself happy, being sure that you have every reason to be so. It will be a good marriage for you." Gudrid said nothing, and kept her eyes fixed on the ground. Presently she removed her hand from her father's shoulder, let it fall to her side, and stood alone. It was a painful pause, felt to be so by all four, and broken presently by Thore himself. "Lady," he said, "I hope to have your good will in this. I have few pretentions to a lady's liking, but believe I am an honest and friendly man. If you will accept of my love and service I am content to trust myself to win yours." Gudrid's throat was dry. She had difficulty in speaking. "I shall do my duty," she said. And then, "I shall obey my father in all things, as I ought." Eric went over to her and took her hand. "I won't deny I shall be sorry to see you leave Brattalithe," he said. "I tell Thore here that if my Leif had been at home there's no saying what might have happened--but as it is, he's the lucky one. He will have a sweet wife, and owe it to us that she is as happy as she is good." She gave him a swift and searching look, a flash of gratitude in it for his humanity, but resumed her searching of the floor. Thorbeorn rose from his chair and said to Eric that they had better leave the pair together--but then Gudrid looked wild. "May I not go now? Must I stay here?" Her eyes asked so of Eric, but he only smiled. She caught at her father's sleeve. Then Thorbeorn kissed her forehead and said a few words of blessing. He and Eric went out together. When they were gone Thore went over to Gudrid and put his arm firmly round her. "I see, my dear, that you are upset by this news of ours. Be sure that I understand it. My belief is, that you will be happy with me. I have a good house, warm and dry. You will see company, you will have your maids to see after; and when we have settled down together--maybe before the end of the summer, we will take ship to Iceland and pay a visit to my old mother who is in charge of my property out there. Now let me hear your voice. I know how sweetly you can talk--for I've heard you. And your singing makes me younger: a dreamer of dreams." He seemed kind; his arm was strong and temperate. She imagined him much older than he was. But she didn't in the least know what to say to him. He waited for her, still holding her close, but she said nothing. So then: "Come, come," he said, "just a word or two"; and when she looked up and saw him laughing, she laughed too; and then he kissed her. "There," he said, "that is better," and drew her closer. "You seem kind," she said. "Ah," said Thore, "you will find me so. The fonder I grow the kinder I shall be." He gave her a very friendly squeeze, and she began at once to be sorry for this strong, gentle-hearted man as she thought him. Her face was now against his shoulder, his black beard brushed and tickled her forehead. She was rather breathless, but quite determined to tell him her trouble. "There is something which I ought to tell you." "Is there, indeed? I thought that you might find your tongue perhaps, if I gave you time." "But I should have found it before," she said, "if it had not been for my trouble." "Well," he said, "and now for your trouble. Mind you, I've seen a good deal of the world, and don't expect miracles out of the church. So if you have had a sweetheart or two, think no more about it. Bless you--do you think I don't know?" "No," she said, "it's not that. But it is that I have heard prophecies about myself. I am not a fortunate woman at all." "Hum," he said. "Perhaps we had better clear up that. Now, you come and sit on my knee by the fire, and let me hear all about it." She did not decline that seat, but still she chose another. He sat in Eric's great chair, and she brought up a stool. He noticed that, and approved of it. "This is a girl who is not for the mere asking," he thought. When she had told him all about Thorberg, he did not scoff, nor laugh, nor take it seriously either. He just considered it, with one large hand grasping his beard. "Well," he said, "some people have the gift, there's no doubt, and if your Thorberg had it not, all her mummeries would avail her nothing. You set them up for a deal, I fancy, but they are little to me. I am willing to believe her story, but what then? So long as I am the first husband you have you may have twenty when I am gone. Likely enough that you will see to the burying of me. I must be twice your age. So much for your trouble, my dear." "It was horrible to me," said Gudrid; "I have been unhappy ever since. It seemed to me that I was accursed, and that no man ought to look at me." "But how can they help looking at you, foolish girl, and you like a rose!" That gave her roses indeed, and a good deal more too. "You are certainly very kind," she said, and he replied that if that was kindness, there need be no end to it. She went away after a time, so free of her shadowy load that she sang as soon as she was out of the hall. She accepted the exuberant greeting of the girls with evident pleasure. Her colour was clear, her eyes shone like stars. They had plenty to tell her of Thore. He was very rich, they said, and a widower. He had had a querulous and sick wife, and had always treated her well. He was not exactly "near," but thought twice about what he spent. He had a stone-built house up the country. A just man, and one who did not bend his knee to any one. Eric Red had often quarrelled with him. Except Theodhild he was the only Christian among the great men. It was a pity he was so much older, with such a great beard. They wanted to know if it scratched you, but Gudrid wouldn't say. It was all very pleasant, except for one small matter. Thorstan immediately went away, and stopped away for ten days or a fortnight. No one knew exactly where he was except Thorwald his brother. He was teasing about it, when Gudrid asked him where Thorstan was. "I shall tell him you asked me," he said. That made her sorry she had asked, but she did not like to say tell him by all means, nor beg him not to tell. It turned out that Thorwald did tell him. Freydis said, "If you must marry, that is the man you should choose. Not a half-skald like my brother Thorstan, nor a pranking pie like Thorwald. You will have a master in Thore, and most women like that. He might beat you." "I think he will not," said Gudrid. Freydis looked at her with narrowed eyes. "And I think that you are right. You know how to make yourself respected, I believe. But many women like to be beaten. I know that I should love the man who could beat me. But he would have to fight with me first. My husband is as timid as a Norway rat. You don't see him here often." Gudrid had never seen him. "He comes when I send for him," said Freydis. After that she saw Theodhild at Mass, and went home with her to her hermitage and told her the news. Theodhild said little, but one thing she said struck Gudrid. She said: "You will have much trouble, and give more of yourself than you can afford. But you will leave something to give to God at the end--more than I have left." Gudrid said: "It is foretold of me that I shall have three husbands, then go to Iceland and live as pleases me best." "It may well be so," said Theodhild. "Love is all to women, but if they can love God they are happiest. Love of man is more sorrow than joy. Love of God is pure joy. You will find it so." Gudrid was young enough to wonder if that was true. XII Thore was very good to her, as he had promised, but he had to be obeyed. Directly he saw the token which she wore, he wanted to know about it. "What is that which you wear round your neck? It looks to be gold." She said it was a token. "A token! And what kind of a token?" She said she had had it when she was a child. "Let me look at it," said he. He held it near to the light. "Rats have been at this," he said. "Here are teeth-marks. Hungry rats, too, they must have been. And that was a good coin of England once--and valueless now. There's the half of a king for you. That was Knut King of England--a rare man I have heard my father say. And rats have bitten him in half. Take it off, my girl. You don't want such things now." She thought that reasonable, and took it off, to be laid aside. She had not much feeling about it now, and yet could not bear it should be lost. She put it carefully away in her chest next day. By and by she told Thore that she had not spoken the truth. She had not been really a child when it was given her. "I never thought so," said Thore. "And it was not rats that bit it." "Rats, indeed! Never in the world." Then she told him the whole story, which he took very good-humouredly. "So that's it, is it? And when I take you to Iceland I suppose you will call him up with that?" "Not unless I want to see him," she said. "Not unless _I_ want to see him, you would say?" "I think you will be as pleased with him as I shall be," said Gudrid. So all went well except for Einar perhaps, whose prospects certainly were not enhanced by being talked about. The stronghold of a lover is to be so deeply hid that he is never talked of. It was the fact that Gudrid was happy with her blunt blackbeard of a man. He was easy to live with, always much the same, and did not ask for more than he was able to give. He was very thrifty, and taught her to be so, for she was anxious to please. He was never jealous, though Thorstan had a way of coming to the house. At the same time, he told her one night that he wouldn't have him there when he himself was away. He was often from home two and three days together. "It has a bad look," he said. "The neighbours look pityingly at a man. I won't have that. Not that there is any harm in Thorstan. He is the son of a friend of mine, and a very honest young man, though I call him dull. A man ought to be able to talk. I think him hot-tempered, too. He killed a lover of his sister Freydis once, and might as well have left it alone. She could have looked after herself. Besides, we are not so handy with our weapons as our fathers were in Iceland. Life is hard enough in this country without cold steel. Now remember--" and he pinched her cheek--"no men here when I am away." Certainly she did not love Thore as she believed she had loved Einar the sailor. Thore never made her heart beat, or brought mist over her eyes. But she was happy and proud of her great house and many maids and young men. And she was happy enough to be sorry for Thorstan, who followed her about with a dog's patient eyes, and evidently worshipped her shadow. He told her that he went down to Heriolfsness when he heard that she was promised to Thore. When there he had gone to see Thorberg. What did she tell him? Gudrid wanted to know; but he wouldn't answer. He said, however, that she had told him that he himself had the sight. "I had thought as much," he said, "and now I know that I have." Gudrid became very much interested, but not enough to dare probe any further. Indeed, she asked him not to tell her what he had seen. Thorstan looked away. "I would not tell you even if I knew anything," he said; "I would die sooner." She felt that she might become very fond of this moody and melancholy Thorstan, as a woman readily will of a man who, through no fault of his own, seems marked out for misfortune. She could not find that he had any faults. While very manly, and of great strength and courage--for he was untiring at hunting, could swim like a seal, and was believed to be afraid of nothing--with all this he was as gentle as a woman. She knew that he was a poet, though he would not sing her any of the verses he made. She thought to herself, "I could make him if I cared"; and the thought gave her joy. She told herself that if ever she loved a man again, as she had once understood love, it would be this man. And upon the heels of that thought came another, which she instantly put away, What and if Thorstan was to be her second husband? She put that out of her mind for Thore's sake--Thore's, who had freed her and made her happy. It was odd that Thore, whom she could never love, had made her happy, while Thorstan whom she could have loved, it was certain, would never do that. In the course of that year the great event was the home-coming of Leif, Eric Red's eldest son. He sailed up the frith in the early morning of a June day, and when Eric came out of doors, there was Leif's fine ship in the anchorage, and many boats about it. He had been away more than two years, adventuring greatly; but those adventures of his do not belong to this tale. He had been in Orkney for some time, and had fallen in love with a high lady whose name was Thorgunna. He knew her to be of great descent, and that she had the gift. He was much taken with her and she with him, and they set no bounds upon their intercourse, it is understood. When it came to the day before he sailed, Thorgunna said that she would go with him. Leif said that could not be, because her kindred would never allow it. "Maybe my people are as good as yours," he said, "but yours would not believe it, and I have to make my way in the world." "Think nothing of my people," she said, "but take me." But Leif would not. So then she told him the truth, that she was with child, and the child his. "If that's the case, then I stay here till the child is born. Him I will take, for it is the best thing for you." But Thorgunna said that she would bring up the child, and send him out to Greenland as soon as he was old enough. "I will accept him," Leif said. He sailed, then, as he had intended, and went to Norway. There he fell in with King Olaf Tryggvasson, and was made a Christian. The King put great trust in him, and when he heard that he was going home to Greenland, gave it in his charge to change the people's religion. Leif said that would be a hard matter. "My mother is a Christian, I know; but my father is not, and never will be, and my brothers are of no account." But King Olaf was in earnest about it, and Leif promised that it should be as he wished. Thore and Gudrid went to Brattalithe to see Leif. Gudrid thought that she had never seen so fine-looking a man. He was about thirty-five years old, and six feet four inches high. He looked as broad as a bull. He had golden hair and beard, and blue eyes. His face was burned to a hot brown colour. He was frank and open in speech, and full of fun and jokes. No secret was made of his intentions towards the religion of the people in Greenland. He told his father what he had undertaken; and he set about it at once. Theodhild, his mother, helped him, and Gudrid made Thore give money to increase the church. Thorstan and Thorwald were among the first to be sprinkled, but Freydis would have nothing to do with it, and Eric Red said that he was too old to change. Leif took that good-humouredly and laughed at his father. "If I were to tell you where was a great store of gold and silver coins, to be had for a little cold water on your back, you would strip to the skin in midwinter. But you will believe in no treasure which you cannot handle and run through your hands. Where do you expect to go when you die, with all that wickedness on your shoulders? You will come to a bad end, and ask me then to help you. I know how it will be. But go your way." He spent that summer preaching to the people in the Settlement up and down the frith. Most of the people accepted what he told them, because it was he who told it. Others said that if the King of Norway was of that way of thinking it was more likely to be the right than the wrong way. There was another matter very much in Leif's mind, and that was the voyage of Biorn Heriolfsson. He had to hear all about that, and he heard it first from Gudrid. Her face glowed and her eyes showed fire as she spoke of it. Leif watched her and thought her a lovely woman. "If you and I were to go out there together," he said, "we should never come back again. But your good man would take it in bad part." Gudrid said, "Yes, he would. But to go with us would seem to him still worse. Yet you will go." Leif considered. "Yes," he said, "I shall go, and as soon as may be. But first I must know what course Biorn took, and next I must have his ship to go in. I would not take my own--she is neither roomy enough, nor strong enough built for such great seas." Gudrid had by heart the figures and bearings of Biorn's voyage, for first Einar had drawn them on Orme's table, then Heriolf on his own, and then Biorn on Eric's table. She fetched a charcoal from the kitchen and drew the map, with all the company crowded about her. Leif was absorbed in it and her eager explanations. "I see just what he did," he said. "He drifted far south of Greenland, and didn't know it. Then when he got a wind he sailed south-south-west, and made that low-lying forest country. Then he steered north with a wind off the land, and came into the winter which we have here. He followed the coast along, and then, when it came on to blow from the south-west, he ran before it, and made Greenland. That's what he did. And that's what I will do." "It is what I would do if I were a man," said Gudrid. "Good for me that you are not a man," said Thore, who sat by the wall. Before that summer was over Thore told Gudrid that he should take her to Iceland, as he had business there. They would go almost at once. "How long shall we be there?" she asked him. He said that there was no telling. "A year and more, I expect." Her face fell. "Then we shall miss Leif's sailing." "No harm in that," said Thore. "What have you to do with Leif and his affairs? Enough for you that you have made him go." He was not angry with her; but he thought Leif altogether too fine-looking a man. That was a man's reason--no woman would have reasoned so. XIII Leif bought Biorn's ship from him that winter, and busied himself stocking her with tools, weapons and spare gear for his voyage. As soon as the weather was open he was ready, and then it was a question whether Eric Red would go with him. Eric was in two minds about it, old as he was, and extremely fat. He had been a great traveller in his youth, and was averse from exertion in these latter days, but he was uncomfortable at home, with no wife in the house, and all his sons holding the new faith. So he wavered until the last minute, and then said that he would not go at all. Leif was not sorry. He had a crew of five-and-thirty with him, and sailed his ship as near to S.S.W. as might be. She ran for six days before a fair wind, and on the afternoon of the sixth they made land on the starboard bow. There were mountains with snow upon them, and much fog; but Leif said that he would land in the morning, whatever kind of country it was. "It shall never be said against me, as it has been against Biorn, that I travel six days over the sea and leave the land I reach because it is not Greenland," he said. They found a good anchorage, waited the night through, and then rowed off in their boat and ran her up on to the beach. It was a naked country of broken rock and shale. No grass was to be seen, and hardly any trees, except a few stunted silver birch. They walked inland for a mile or more to where the snow began, and then saw, as it were, one vast unwrinkled sheet of snow stretching upwards into a bank of cloud. The ground was all scree of slate and shaly rock. They saw no signs of habitancy, and few tracks of animals. Then presently they looked at each other, and Leif laughed. "I think there is something to be said for Biorn; but although this is a barren land there is no reason why it should not have a name. I will call it Helloland, for such it is." [1] Then they returned to their ship, and up-anchor, and away along the coast, so far as that allowed, but always keeping a straight course. They came to another land, lying low in the sea, and sailed in towards it. Here also they landed, but on a shore of fine white sand, very level towards the sea, but blown into hummocks, whereon grass grew, towards the land. That was a flat country, and swampy, with trees so far as they could see, in some places dense and in others more open; but where the country lay open there were the swamps. "This country pleases me more than the last," Leif said. "The least it deserves is to be named. We will name it after its quality, and call it Markland," he said.[2] But nobody wanted to stay there very long, and there seemed nothing better to do than to get back to the ship again and sail. Leif considered the timber that he saw of little worth to them. It was mostly small wood, and soft or of open texture. They sailed, then, once more, with a fresh north-easterly wind blowing off the shore, and were two days at sea without sight of land. But then they made an island in the sea, and south of that saw the mainland, and a great frith striking up into it. There was no snow hereabouts, and the air was balmy and scented, blowing from the island. "Here," said Leif, "is a land worth visiting, I believe. Let us cast anchor in the lew of the island for the night; and to-morrow we will row up the frith yonder and see what we shall see." They found good holding-ground under the island, and then, as the light was good for several hours yet, launched the boat and rowed to the shore. The place lay peaceful in the level afternoon light, with trees softly rustling, and birds calling to each other from thickets. They wandered about, singing as they went, or calling to each other to see some new thing. Gradually the sun sank and the light began to draw in. One of them by chance stooped down and felt the grass. There was dew upon it. He put his finger into his mouth; and then he said, "This is a holy place. The dew tastes sweet." They all tried it that were there, and believed it. This filled them with wonder, and some of them walked about on tiptoe, as if they had no business to be there. They slept on board ship, and in the morning very early found that the tide had gone down and that she lay on her side, high and dry. The tide went back so far that it was possible to walk from the island to the mainland. As for the frith, it had shrunk to a dribble of water. But all this made no matter, so eager were they to savour the country which was heralded by so fair an island. They jumped off the ship's side on to the sand, which was firm and white, and ran to shore, and up the frith, where the going was easy for a mile or two. They found that it issued from a great lake, many miles in length, and many in width. It was shallow at the edges, but in the midst looked to be deep enough. On the shores of this lake were fine trees growing, of such wood as none of them had ever seen before; flowers, shrubs, birds were alike new to them. In the pools of the river left by the tide they saw great fish lying, which Leif thought were salmon. They wandered about all the forenoon, and when it was time to eat something and they went back to the shore, the river was filling fast, and their ship was afloat. They hailed her, and saw one of the hands row off for them in the boat. Leif then said that they would tow up the river and cast anchor in the lake, and that was done when they had made their meal. They found good anchorage there and a snug berth out of all troubles of wind or water. Next day they took off all their stores, and pitched tents for themselves in a glade, for it was Leif's meaning that they should pass a winter there. He was very much in love with the country, and said that in all his travels he had never been in a place so little likely to be vexed by cruel weather. "In my belief," he said, "we should have no need to store fodder for the stock against the winter. It seems to me that there should be grazing here the year through--but we will prove that, if you are willing." Everybody agreed. In a little time they had established order in their camp, for Leif was a strong and wise leader, a tall and fine man of wisdom and good manners, and all obeyed him cheerfully. Duties were assigned to the men in order; some were to fish, some to hunt--for they found deer as well as birds in plenty--and some to explore. Leif made a rule that no more than half his party should be away at one time, and that none should wander so far as that he could not win back by nightfall, nor separate himself from hail of the others who were with him. So the time wore on and the seasons changed. A mellow autumn gave way to a mild winter in which came no iron frost, and very little snow. If they had had cattle with them, as Leif had foretold, they could have kept them out all the winter. They found the light very different from Iceland or Greenland. On the shortest day they saw the sun between the afternoon meal and the day-meal. What puzzled Leif very much was this, that in so fair a country there was no sign of habitancy. They saw no men, nor any traces of men--and yet it was hardly to be believed that such a country was empty. It was late in the autumn when a great discovery was made. [1] York Powell and Vigfussen translate this as Shale or Slate-land; and Laing says that it is believed to have been Newfoundland. [2] That is, Bush or Scrubland. Believed to be Nova Scotia, according to Laing. XIV It happened one day that Leif had not gone out with the exploring party, but was by the tents expecting it to come home. When the men returned late in the evening he saw at once that a man was missing, and a man, too, of whom he was very fond. His name was Dirk, and he came from the south--that is, from beyond the Baltic Sea, from some distant part of Germany which no Icelander had seen. Eric Red had found him in his younger days in Bremen and shipped him for a voyage. Dirk had made himself useful, and desired to remain in Iceland. When it became necessary for Eric to leave home, Dirk went with him to Greenland. So it was that Leif had known him since he was a boy, and that there was much love between them. Dirk was as ugly a man as there could well be in the world, short, bandy and mis-shapen, with a small flat face, high forehead, little eyes, no nose to speak of; but yet he was active and clever with his hands and feet. The men told Leif that they had not missed him before the call had gone about to assemble for the return. They had looked all ways for him--but no Dirk. They had called--no answer. There was nothing for it, since it was growing dark, but to go home. Leif was troubled. "You are good men all," he said, "and yet I will tell you that I would rather have missed any two of you than Dirk. I have known him all my life, and grown up, as you may say, between his knees. It shall go hard with me but I find him before another sunset." With that they took their meal, and turned in for the night, all but Leif. He had Dirk in his mind and no way of thinking of sleep. Instead, he wandered up the shore of the lake in the moonlight, and presently was aware of a whooping sound among the trees, as it might be of a coursing owl. As he listened, it seemed to waver from place to place, now high, now low; and then in the pause he heard something like a chuckling noise; and then last of all a great guffaw. "There is Dirk, as I live," he said to himself, and plunged into the woodland to find him. He had not far to go. Some bowshot within the forest, in a glade, he saw Dirk plainly under the moon, dancing and waving his arms, curtseying to his own shadow. "Ho, Dirk!" he cried out sharply, and Dirk stopped short and looked about him. Leif watched him. Dirk stared into the dark, then shook his head. "I made sure somebody called Dirk," he said, and then--"But I don't care," and fell to his dancing and whooping again. Leif stepped into the moonlight, and Dirk saw him, but without ceasing to caper. "Dancing," he said, and went on. Leif went to him and clapped him on the shoulder. "Are you drunk, then?" Dirk nodded. "I am very drunk. That is just what I am." "Come you with me," said Leif, "and you shall be no more drunk." Then it was that Dirk said, "Let us sit down. I'll tell you where I've been." So they sat down together in the moonlight. Then Dirk told him that he had outwalked the others and passed out of the forest belt and reached a ridge of low hills. When he came to them he found that they were a tangle of wild vines. "And I know what vines are very well," he stopped to say, "for in my country there is no lack of them." Now these vines, he said, were loaded with grapes, some still ripe, but mostly over-ripe and fallen; and in a hollow of the rocks he had come to a pool of water wherein the grapes had fallen and fermented. "There," said he, "was my wine-vat, and there was I. The rest, master, you know." "Can you take me to that place to-morrow?" Leif asked him. Dirk said that he could. "Well," Leif said, "here is our work then. We will collect what we can of your grapes, and load our ship with timber. That will fill up the winter for us; and in the spring we will go home." And that was the way of it. The timber which they got was fine wood, and fit for building. They stored what grapes they could, and having a good-sized meal-tub on board, they made wine in it. They had samples of self-sown grain, too, and the skins of animals which they had trapped or shot with bows. When the spring came, they loaded their ship and sailed out of the lake into the open sea; but they left on shore the huts which they had made, meaning to return. At parting Leif said: "That country deserves a good name, and shall have one. I call it Wineland the Good." XV Leif in after days had his name of The Lucky, not for the great country which he had explored, nor for what he brought back from it, nor for the good passage home which he made, but for another reason altogether. It was the fact that the wind never failed them from the day they set out until that one on which they first saw plainly in the sea the snow mountains of Greenland. Everybody on board was in high spirits. Leif himself at the helm, and the look-out man was waiting for the first view of the great headland beyond which Ericsfrith with its two rocks would open up, and a straight course for the haven. And then, suddenly, Leif put down the helm, hard, and the ship veered several points off the land. "What will you do, master?" one asked him, and Leif replied, "Look out and see what I will do. Do you see nothing on the water?" The man said that he saw nothing out of the common. "Well," said Leif, "look again. I see a rock, or else a ship--and if a ship, then a ship on a rock." They all saw the rock now. "Yes," said Leif, "and there's a ship too, or a piece of a ship; for there are men on the rock." That was true too, but before they were near enough to count the survivors of a wreck, pieces of the wreck itself, and baulks of timber, which they supposed her cargo, came drifting by them; and then presently a drowned man with a white face turned upwards. Leif ran on, as near to the rock as he dared, near enough at least to see the men huddled on the ridge of it, and their hands up signalling to them. There, too, were the bows of a good ship rising high into the air like a seal. The rock was a sort of shelf in the sea, and stood out some ten furlongs from the great headland. Leif brought up his ship and cast anchor. He had the boat out, and himself rowed out to the wreck. "They can do us no harm, whoever they are," he said; "but I think they are friends of ours." Some fifteen men were huddled together, and apart from them was a woman in a blue cloak, with a man lying beside her, his head on her lap, and a cloth over his face. She did not move as the boat drew in, but all the others came scrambling down the shelf to the water's edge. Leif shouted. "Who are ye? And of what country?" "Thore's people--from Ramfirth." "Where is Thore?" They pointed to the woman. "Yonder he lies hurt. That is his wife." "And you are for Ericshaven?" They said that they were. "Then you are well met," said Leif, and stepped on to the rock. Gudrid's eyes were great and serious. Leif came to her and took her hands. "I little thought we should meet again like this." "We must have died without you," she said. Then he asked to look at poor Thore. He was unconscious, and had a great wound in his temple, cut open almost to the bone. Gudrid told him that when they struck, Thore, who had been at the helm, was thrown out upon the edge of the rock. One of his men, thrown out also, had pulled him up out of the sea. Gudrid herself had been below, sleeping. She did not know how she had been saved. She awoke at the shock to find herself in water. Then Leif saw that she was wet through and almost rigid with cold. He did not believe Thore was dead, nor did she. "No, no, he won't die so. He will die in my arms." So Gudrid said. They took off the sick man first, and Gudrid with him. Both of them were put to bed, where Gudrid, who was now in a fever, soon became light-headed. Leif attended to her like a woman. It was wonderful to see so big a man so gentle and light in the hand. He brought them all in safely, and Thore and Gudrid were taken up to Brattalithe, to lodge with Eric until one at least of them was well again. Gudrid very soon recovered, and seemed none the worse, but in all her glow of beauty and health. Thore was much slower. His wound pained him a great deal. Cold had got into it and inflamed it. The pain made him fretful; he seemed much older than a year and a half's absence could account for, and was anxious to get home. Gudrid wished to go also. Everybody was very kind to her at Brattalithe. She was a great favourite with Eric Red, who used to tell her that she ought to have married one of his sons. "Then I should have been sure that things would go right here when I am out of the way." Gudrid once replied to that that none had asked her, whereupon the old man looked slyly about him, and then said: "There was one at least was thinking of you--and so he is now." She knew that too well. Thorstan was consumed by love, and must always be with her if he could. She was gentle with him, as she was with everybody, and had to own to herself that it was Thorstan who now possessed her thoughts. That may have been going by contraries, for if Leif paid her nothing but the good-humoured civility he had ready for everybody, Thorstan, on his part, seemed afraid of her, and was speechless in her company. But there's all the difference in the world between a man completely easy in your company and one completely uneasy. Leif was a young giant, the best-tempered giant in the world; but it was clear to Gudrid that he had other things to think about besides love. He was full of the exploration he had made, determined to get more of the good timber over, and with more than half a mind to go out and settle in Wineland. Dirk made wine of the grapes which they had brought back. There was a great feast, and everybody got very drunk. If Eric Red had not died and left the Greenland settlement on his hands there is little doubt but Leif would have colonised Wineland. Meantime, Thorwald, the third of the brothers, was on fire with the thought of going. He said that he should go out next spring if Leif would let him have his boat. Thore--to the surprise of all--said that he would go too, but nobody seemed to want him. Leif said: "I don't think you a lucky man, Thore. And I don't think your wife will care about so long and rough a voyage, seeing what you made of her last." The laugh went against Thore. "Gudrid shall stay with her father," said he; but Gudrid said, "I shall go if you do." Thorstan's face fell, and Eric Red burst into a great shout of laughter. "Oh, sour face," he cried out, "let us hear what you have to say about all this." Thorstan was very hot, but he answered his father. "I think that Gudrid should not go, nor Thore either"--which made Eric chuckle. When he was with her the next day, after a long time of brooding, Thorstan said that he hoped she would not go to Wineland. "I must go if Thore goes," she said over her needlework. "If Thore goes, I shall go myself," Thorstan said after a pause. Gudrid looked up, but said nothing. "He is not a lucky man--that is to be seen," Thorstan said then. "And he has no great knowledge of the sea, and is moreover infirm. It would come to this, that he would hurt himself, and you would have the care of him as you did upon the rock out beyond the head." She answered him gravely. "It may be as you say, that he is not lucky. Indeed, I know it too well. For it was told me before ever I saw or heard of him, that he would die before me." Thorstan was now strongly moved. He wrung his hands together. "I beg you to tell me just what was said about that." She coloured deeply. "No, I cannot tell you." But Thorstan said: "I know what it was. It was said that you would have two husbands. Was it not so?" She could not tell him the truth; so she said, "Yes." Then Thorstan said in a voice which did not sound like his, "That is another reason why I must go." And then they looked at each other for a measurable space of time--and then Thorstan got up and left her. When they met again he was as he had always been before; but Gudrid was frightened, and insisted on going home to Stockness. It was hard to persuade Eric Red to let her leave him. He had grown very fond of her, and the more so because he hated his own daughter Freydis. But Gudrid held to her determination, and won her own way. At parting old Eric took her in his arms. "I am loth to let thee go, dear child," he said, "and afraid lest I lose thee altogether. But thou art between two old men who love thee, and Thore has the first claim. Promise me this, that if he die before me thou wilt come back to Brattalithe and be a daughter to me." "Yes," Gudrid said, "I promise you that." "Right," said old Eric. "Then I shall live to see thee again." With that he kissed her and let her go. XVI Thorwald told Leif that he had been too faint-hearted in his explorations of Wineland. "You were bolder than Biorn, I grant you," he said; "but you only nibbled at the rind after all. I promise you I will dig down deeper into the meat." "Dig," said Leif, "dig by all means. But look that you don't dig your grave. I saw no men the length and breadth of the land; and yet it is unreasonable to think that no men have been engendered to live in such a fine and fruitful country. If our father were not so old and hard to move, I tell you I should be for cutting adrift from Greenland and settling out there. But then I would go in a larger way than you intend. I would take a wife first of all----" "So would Thorstan, our brother, if he could get her," said Thorwald. "But he cannot get her," Leif said, and then Thorwald, "He won't move from her until he does get her." Leif said: "He will go if Thore takes her out with you. But never mind all that. You will need a stock of cattle if you are for settling, and a strong body of men. It is not the way of our people to live in tents and eat only of the beasts that we chance to take. We are too fond of the earth to care to live without what she can give us. And if by incessant toil you win a sustenance out of this frozen land, consider what you could do in Wineland, where there is no frost, and but a sprinkling of snow, and where the soil is four feet deep, or double that for all I know." "You are talking of one thing, and I thinking of another," Thorwald said. "Time enough to settle when I have discovered the country for you. That's what I mean to do." Leif helped his brother with a ship and good advice; and Thorwald sailed west in the spring with a sufficient crew. Thore did not go; for that winter there had been a great deal of sickness, and old Thorbeorn took it badly, and died of it. Thore himself had the sickness, and Gudrid nursed him through it; but he was not fit for a long voyage. And Thorstan would not go either, though he kept away from Stockness, and saw nothing of Gudrid. Thorwald would have been glad of his help, for Thorstan was very strong and a man who could be depended upon; but he saw the trouble in his eyes and forbore to urge him. It came to this, then, that Thorwald was in sole command. He was young and full of spirit; he did not doubt himself the least in the world: but Leif doubted him, and threw away much sound advice upon him. They sailed out of the frith one fine afternoon, and were lost to sight. They had a prosperous voyage throughout, and no trouble in picking up the Island of Sweet Dew, the river and the lake. There, in a glade of the forest and in full view of the lake, they saw the booths still standing, which Lief and his men had set up. They were intact, the bolts seemingly not drawn, and not much the matter with the goods within, but what fresh air and sunlight could amend it. They spent the better part of six weeks in and about those shores, but then, leaving a garrison at the booths, Thorwald and the rest of the crew went far and wide over the land, travelling mainly by boat up the great river which fed the lake on the west. They did not return till late in the autumn. They reported to their friends that so far as they had been the forest land extended, with timber in it of incredible size and height. It increased in density the further they went, and the country all level, with no mountains to be seen. In the river were many shallows, and islands too; the shores were white sand and firm to walk upon. They had met with few animals, and no signs of men at all. Thorwald, who was unaccustomed to a forest country, said that he should never settle there, and that he should go further north, where a man might perhaps see where he was going. But they stayed out the winter where they were. In the spring they made their preparations to depart. They sailed east in the first place, but always north of the land, but encountered rough weather off a great headland which drove them on to the beach and broke the ship's back. That gave them a great deal of work, and involved a long stay while they mended her. There was abundance of timber, and of good quality, and they were well stocked with tools; but there was much building to be done before they could get at their work, and it took them the best part of the summer. But they were away about the time of harvest, and still sailing north, and being east of the mainland, the country appeared to grow more open, the trees were sparse, and they could see hills to the far west of them. So presently, when there opened out to them the mouth of a great frith, Thorwald sailed up it some distance till he came to a place where there were bluffs standing up sheer in the water, and beyond a headland a broad bay. Thereabouts, standing close inshore he berthed his ship, and was able to run out gangways and walk from ship to land. He himself with a party went into the country to look about them. It was fine open land, with a good deal of wood growing on it, but well-watered and with pasture of fine quality. "This country suits me," Thorwald said. "I shall stay here and make a homestead in it." As it turned out he spoke more truly than he thought for. On their way back to the ship they struck the frith nearer to the mouth than where the anchorage was. They jumped down the cliffs to the beach, and in the very act to jump Thorwald saw something move between two hummocks of sand. He collected his men together and advanced quietly. There behind the hummocks they saw men. Three hide-boats lay at the water's edge. There were three men to each. Thorwald said, "We must rush upon them suddenly. Let each of us make sure of one man." There were twelve men with Thorwald, counting himself. The men, who were short and very dark, with black hair, in which were feathers, had bows with them; but Thorwald gave them no chance of using them. At a signal his party sprang with cries from behind the hummocks, and fell upon them. Three fell at once; the others took to the water and were slain there, all but one. He, as he went, slid out a boat, and scrambling in, made off at a great pace, and was soon out of sight behind the cliffs. Thorwald took the hide-boats and the weapons, but left the dead men where they lay. Then he went back to the ship, uneasy, thinking what he had better do. It was everybody's advice that they should seek an anchorage further from the shore--and that they did. Setting a watch, they went to bed. Nothing disturbed them until the grey hour of the morning; but then the watchman called loudly to Thorwald: "Thorwald, Thorwald, arm yourself, and come up!" Thorwald leapt to his feet and ran out to look. The water was very smooth and still, but listening intently, he could hear countless paddle-strokes; and by and by in the mist the water appeared to be moving, so many and close together were the boats, and so shadowy-grey the men in them. "Out with your war-wall," Thorwald cried, and all the crew, now wide awake, obeyed him. The war-wall was run up and made fast. Every man took spear and shield and stood behind it, ready for the worst. The natives came within easy shooting range and rained showers of arrows at the ship. They did not venture to get at closer quarters, but held on until they had shot all their arrows; then made off with cries. The Icelanders looked at each other, and Thorwald, who was very pale, said, "Is any man here wounded?" They told him No. Then Thorwald, smiling rather queerly, said: "There slipped in an arrow between the rails of the board and my shield and struck me under the arm. You shall take it out, one of you, but I declare it my death-wound. I feel the venom working in me; and now I see how wisely I spoke when I said that my homestead should be out yonder. So it will be, but a smaller one than I thought to have put up. Now," he said, lying down upon a skin which they had spread for him, "pull me out this accursed dart, and listen to what I say. You shall bury me there where my homestead is to be, and put up a Cross over me. For though I am not long christened I know that I belong to the true faith. Call that place Crossness in memory of me, and when you go home tell my people where I lie, in case any of them come out and are minded to see if I need anything." He bore the pulling out of the dart with great cheerfulness, and composed himself for his end. The poison worked swiftly. He was soon discoloured, and rambled much in his talk. Towards the end they had to hold him, and at sunset he died. Everything was done as he had ordered it. They dug him a grave, rather than piled a cairn about him as the custom had always been; but sat him up in it with his weapons, thinking that more honourable. There were no Christians among them to say any prayer over the grave; but they made a great Cross and carved runes upon it. Then they went back to the ship and got the anchor up, being ill-disposed to stay there another day. The night passed without attack, and by daylight they rowed out of the frith, and out to sea. They beat their way back to Eric's booths in Wineland and found them unmolested. There they remained for the autumn and winter following; and then went home to tell Eric Red and Lief the fate of young Thorwald. XVII Thorbeorn of Stockness died of the winter sickness the winter before Thorwald sailed for Wineland. Thore himself had been very sick too, but he recovered and was almost himself that summer. Not altogether so, for he had lost his lightness of heart, and with that his decision and blunt common sense. Gudrid, who had fought, as it seemed to her, against fate, and prevailed, was unhappy that he should care so little to be with her. She did not know that he avoided her. But it was so. He spent most of his time at Brattalithe, where he had taken a great fancy for Thorstan. He did not tell her, and Gudrid did not know, what he and Thorstan could have to say to each other--but the two were great friends. The fact of the matter was that Thore had now got it into his head that Gudrid had cast a spell upon both himself and Thorstan, and that the prediction concerning her was less prophecy than a gift of magic power. He found that Thorstan would let him talk about his hard fate by the hour together--nay, more, he found that Thorstan did not at all avoid being cast in the same lot. Thorstan, indeed, was quite open about it. "I have so much love in me for Gudrid," he said, "that you may say whatever you please about her to me, and I shall hear you gladly. Talk evil of her, sooner than not talk at all. I shall never believe you, but I shall hear her name, and name her myself. That will be enough for me." So Thore grumbled away about his troubles, and Thorstan listened to him. He himself saw Gudrid seldom, because he believed that it made her uneasy to have him there. Nevertheless he prevailed upon Thore to bring her to Brattalithe very often; and when she was there he would take himself off cheerfully to work about the estate. Eric Red always made much of her, and even Freydis liked her well enough. She was the only woman for whom Freydis had a civil word. Freydis used to frown upon her, with her arms folded under her bosom. "You have soft ways," she said, "and can make men do as you want; but all that is nothing to me. I see that you are made of steel underneath, for all that. I see that you are no fool, and no doll. One of these days you will fall in with a man worthy of you, and then I should like to see the pair of you at work." Another time she said, "Good for you, Gudrid, that you have no child." Gudrid said, "That is not my opinion. I wish with all my heart I had." "Wait," said Freydis, "until you have a man for a mate." But that made Gudrid's eyes bright. "You must not scorn my husband to my face," she said. "Pooh!" said Freydis; "he's not here for long." Then Gudrid turned pale, and grew very grave. "You know that, then?" "Why," said Freydis, "it is common knowledge. We have all had to do with Thorberg. She has the second sight." "That is dreadful to me," Gudrid said, but Freydis took it easily. "You are woman enough to bear what you must bear," she said. "One of you must die before the other. I hope you don't want to share graves with such an old man as Thore? Well, then, suppose it had been you that were to die first--do you suppose that Thore would have left you for some other girl? What do you take him for? Not he. He's man enough to have his pleasure. Trust him for that." Such was Freydis, who treated her own husband with a high hand, and sent for him when she wanted him. Freydis spoke of the marriage of Thorstan and Gudrid as of an appointed thing. "You will suit each other," she said. "There is good mettle in Thorstan." Gudrid could say nothing to that. The fate hung heavy upon her. She felt that she was killing Thore, and had the knife in readiness with which to kill--not Thorstan but herself. For she knew that she had given Thorstan her heart, and that his death would be more certainly her own. Meantime, with a dreadful fascination, she watched the doom settling like a storm about her husband Thore. She only saw it; he himself, now that he was better, was unconscious of anything impending. He talked hopefully of what he should do when Thorwald came home with news of Wineland, having forgotten his dark commerce with Thorstan. But Thorstan had not forgotten, and seemed to be waiting, like a raven on a rock, until he should be dead. Gudrid, who was fanciful, saw herself and him in that guise--silent and watchful, each on a rock, made patient by certainty. All this was terrible to her, and made her old before her time. She was not more than three-and-twenty even now. Thorstan avoided her, which made matters no better, but worse, rather; for she knew why he did it, and felt spotted, and longed to see him, and felt that she was accursed. So life drew along for that summer and autumn; and then the long Greenland winter began, with the dark and the clinging, frozen fog. Thore seemed to make no stand against it, but took to his bed, from which Gudrid knew he would never rise. She waited on him hand and foot; he lay there watching her with his aching eyes, and wounded her to the heart. He hardly ever spoke, and seldom asked for anything. Thorstan used to come up most days to ask how he did. Gudrid knew quite well when he was on the road, and would tell Thore. "Here is Thorstan Ericsson coming. Will you not see him?" "Nay, nay, not yet," was Thore's answer. Then there came a day when, being very ill, and nearly blind with fever, Thore asked to see Thorstan. So Gudrid opened the door to him, and her colour came back to her when she said, "Thore has asked for you. Come in, then." Thorstan, glowing in his health and strength, came into the hall. Gudrid took his furs from him to dry them by the fire, for the fog was frozen thick upon them. Thorstan sat on the edge of the bed, and asked Thore how he did. "I do badly," said Thore, "but before long it will be better with me." Gudrid was turning away when he said to her, "Nay, do you stop here. I shall need you." So she stood where she was, a little way from the bed, half dreading and half glorying in what was to come. Thore shut his eyes and seemed to wander in sleep. They heard him talking very fast to himself--counting the same things over and over again, and always failing at a certain number. They thought he was counting sheep--but it was salmon in a net. Thorstan watched him attentively, while Gudrid stood in a spell; but presently Thorstan got up and fetched a stool for her to sit upon. She could not look at him to thank him. So the time passed in silence, broken only by the feverish whispering of the sick man. The thoughts of the man were deeply upon the woman, and the joy of her nearness made his heart beat. As for her thoughts, if there was no joy in them, there was great content, and a sense of peace which she had not known for a long while. She thought that a word from him might have broken down her peace. "What need of speech between us two?" she thought. "I would live with him and know all his thoughts, and tell him all mine without speech at all." Presently Thore woke up with a start and asked what time it was. "It is late," Gudrid said. "I will bring you your broth, and maybe you will sleep a little." She turned away to the fire, but Thore said sharply, "Stay; there is no need for broth now." Then he said, "Are you there, Thorstan? I cannot see you." Thorstan said, "Here I am." Thore spoke again. "Take the hand of Gudrid, and tell me that you have it." He faltered for a moment, but then looked at Gudrid, and called her with that look. She went over and gave him her hand. "Is it done?" said Thore. "Yes, it is done," he was told. "Her father was too quick when he married her to me, and you, maybe, were over-slow," Thore said. "She would have married you at first if you had asked her. Now you must make the most of your time, for it won't be long. And I knew what the matter was between you from the first, but in those days I loved her dearly and could not let her go. Now do you two be married soon, and take it not amiss with me that I have outstayed my time." "You do wrong to speak so," Thorstan said. "Gudrid has been faithful and loving to you; and it is no fault of hers that she knew how it would turn out." "No, no," said Thore. "She has been good to me." "Now I will tell you," said Thorstan, "that I have the second sight myself, and know what my fate is, and that she must take a third husband. But if it were my fate to die the day after my wedding with Gudrid, I would wed her if she would take me. You, Thore, are dying a Christian. See to it, then, that you do not die with hard judgments of Gudrid in your heart." Thore lay still, breathing very short. They believed he was struggling with his thoughts. Presently he called her, and she went to him, and kneeled by the bedhead, and put her cheek against his. He lay very still, and she remained patiently waiting. So then he had a great convulsion, and struggled in it; and then turned violently in his bed and sat up. He saw Gudrid kneeling, and smiled at her. It was as if he had newly awoken out of sleep, and was himself again as she had first known him. She, as if knowing his mind, leaned towards him. He kissed her forehead, and lay down again. In a few moments more he was dead. When they had laid him out, and lighted tapers about him, Thorstan said: "Do you now go and sleep, and I will sit up with him." She asked with the eyes that she might stay, but he would not have it. So she went away and made a bed by the fire, and slept long. He did not touch her, would not look at her. They neither kissed when they parted, nor at all until Thore was buried. But after that, when she was at Brattalithe, and he found her there, he took her in his arms. XVIII There were many things about her marriage with Thorstan which she did not understand at the time--Thorstan's urgency for it was one, a kind of feverish haste about getting through with preliminaries; and another was his opposition to living anywhere but at Brattalithe. He would not go to her father's house, nor to that which had been Thore's, and which was now hers for life. He put a reeve in each of them and took her to Brattalithe. Afterwards she understood everything, and was confounded by her former blindness; but it is the truth that Thorstan's love for her was of a sort to forbid thinking. She was carried off her feet and out of her common sense by his passion. He, so dumb and still a man, was by the touch of passion set on fire. And fire caught fire. The pair of them lived in each other, and the world seemed empty of all other men and women. As for Thorstan himself, knowing what he knew, it is not wonderful that his love burned at white heat. Passion with him was in a trap and fighting for an hour of life. What is wonderful is, that he never betrayed in any other way that he had the end in sight from the beginning. It was "Let us eat and drink, for tomorrow we die" with him. But Gudrid did not see it. She was too happy to see it. Her doom was flooded out by sunlight, as it were. He made songs for her from the time of Thore's death onwards, and in these his secret might have been revealed if she had been able to read below the surface. He sang her one night as she lay in his arms the terrible Song of Helgi and Sigrun. Certainly Death and Love embrace in that. Helgi was a Wolfing, the son of Sigmund and Borghild. He was forecast a hero by the Norns, and at fifteen slew Hunding, who had slain his father. The sons of Hunding gathered themselves--Alf and Eywolf, Hiorward and Haward--and the hosts met in the plain under Lowfell. There was war in heaven while those armies made it on earth. Out of the lightning flare came the Valkyrs, daughters of Odin, choosers of the slain. They rode grey horses; they wore helms and coats of mail; their spear-heads gleamed like fire. Helgi sat by the Eagle Rock and cried out to them to stay. And one--it was Hogni's daughter, Sigrun--turned him her fire-hued face and answered: "Other business have we in hand than to pledge you in horns. My father has plight me to King Hodbrord, whom I hold no better than the son of a cat. Yet he will come for me soon unless you deliver me." Then love grew between them as they looked at each other; and Helgi said: "Fear not Hodbrord, for I will meet him unless I am dead." King Hodbrord called up his levies and mustered a host. The ships flocked about Brandey, but still he waited, and warriors came to him, hundreds of them, from Hedinsey and other islands. Then said Helgi to Hiorleif, "Is the host called?" And Hiorleif nodded his head and pointed them out over sea, high-beaked ships, hemmed with shields, thick on the water like wild swans. They fought in a storm, and the waves played their part in the battle. The waters drank as much blood as the swords; from on high Sigrun the Valkyr guided the warriors of Helgi. Now King Hodbrord stood in the gate of his house, hooded and helmed, his spear in his hands. He saw far off in the valley horsemen riding with speed, whose cloaks flew out in the wind they made. Who come here? Whose is the host? And Godmund, his housewife, told him of the sea-fight, and that the Wolfings were coming against his house. Then looking, he saw the helm-bright Valkyrs coursing the air, keeping pace with the horsemen below. They met in a crash by the Wolf rock; the swords flamed, the spears were like flying stars. Over the dead Hodbrord Sigrun the Valkyr cried in triumph, "Never for your arms is Sigrun of Sevafell," and as she spoke the arm of Helgi the hero held her fast. Their love was fierce, but it was short. Helgi is dead of countless wounds, and laid in his barrow with his weapons beside him. Sigrun of Sevafell keeps the house; she sits by the fire; her eyes are hard. She says to herself-- "Now had been here Had he been minded Sigmund's son, The hero Helgi, Out of the halls of Odin; But the eagles roost On the high ash-boughs, All the household Falleth to dreams-- Faint is my hope of him now." But her handmaid at the window sees a man riding in armour. He rides a grey horse, his face is pale and streaked with blood. She speaks to herself, and then to the dead-- "What wraith rideth? Is Doomsday come? Shall dead men ride, Shall they drive spurs in? Ho, pale rider, Hast thou leave homeward to fare?" It is Helgi who answers her as he rides by upon a noiseless horse-- "This is no wraith, This is not World's Doom Though a dead man rides, Though he pricks with spurs, Leave I have homeward to fare." And then he cries aloud, so that Sigrun hears him, and looks up, listening-- "Ha, come thou forth, Sigrun of Sevafell! Here is thy lord If thou wouldst see him; The cairn is open, Helgi is here With the sword-wounds bleeding--staunch thou the blood! For I must ride soon The reddening roads, My good horse climb The ways of the air; West of the sky-bridge Needs I must be Before the grey cock cry to the sun." Sigrun is up now, and at the door. She pants as she pulls at the bobbin of the latch. Her eyes are on fire with eagerness. But the maid cries to her-- "Go not, go not, Sigrun of Sevafell, Sister of kings, Seek not the house of the dead! For the night is abroad When the dead are mighty; Await bright dawn, thou shalt be stronger." But Sigrun is out in the moonlight, and Helgi is upon his feet. Now she has him in her arms; now she holds his pale face between her hands and speaks to him close-- "The hawks of Odin Greet not the Storm-lord, Scenting the slain, their smoking quarry, Not more eagerly Cry they the dawn dew Than I cry thee, dead King Helgi. Now I kiss thee, dead King Helgi, Ere thou castest Thy blood-clutter'd mail-shirt. Bloody the dew On thy dauntless body, Heavy the rime On thy raven love-locks; Cold are thy hands, Helgi, my king's son, How shall I loose thee, lover and lord?" But Helgi puts her hands away from his face and holds her apart-- "The death-dew is dank on me, Sigrun of Sevafell, This is thy doing, O sun-fraught lady, Golden woman, the tears thou sheddest Upon thy bed stay not beside thee; Like blood they fall, cold and deathly, Like sobs they stab me Through the breast!" Then, seeing her despair, he throws up his white face towards the moon and laughs without joy-- "Ho, let us drink Deep draughts of joy, We that have lost Land and life! Let no man keen us, Let no man pity The wounds shining upon my body." He clasps her close in his arms, and speaks as it were between his teeth. "Now is a queen, Sigrun of Sevafell, Now is a queen Shut in the cairn, Living and warm with the cold dead." But she strains him to her and cries aloud-- "Helgi, Helgi, here is thy bed made, Thou son of Wolfings, a warm bed, a gentle-- Fast in arms, Helgi, enfold me; As when thou livedst Clip me in death sleep." And then the maid sees the cairn open, and Sigrun lying in it in the dead man's arms. Helgi lifts up his face to the moonlight, and sings-- "Never on Sevafell A great marvel-- No more wondrous That hill of magic-- For Hogni's white daughter Lies with a dead man; A king's daughter Alive in the arms of the dead." There is no more terrible song than that, nor one in which love is brought so close to death. When she remembered it after-wards Gudrid saw well that she had indeed been lying with a dead man when that song was sung to her. For if she could have had the wits she would have felt at the time the death-dew on his face. But love had then bereft her of all wits. She called that year afterwards the Little Summer, as well because of the glory and promise of it as for the few days it held. By the end of June she knew herself with child. Thorstan gave a sort of sobbing gasp when she told him and pressed her to his heart. She felt the wet from his eyes upon her cheek, looked at him and saw tears. "You weep at my news?" "It is because I am happy, my love." She herself was softly elated by the gift she was to be enabled to make him, but not otherwise. All her love was centred in him just then. But in July the ship came home from Wineland the Good without Thorwald, and with the heavy news. Eric, who had been ageing, was very much cast down by it. He wished Lief to go out and fetch back the body; but Lief did not seem inclined to move. He told Thorstan his reason. "If we can move out, house and homestead, gear and cattle, man, woman and child, well and good. It is a finer country than this. I will settle there gladly. But you see how it is with our father. He won't last long, and you will see he will refuse to move. This is his Settlement; he has made it for himself. He is king of all this country, and he feels it. Now if we go and leave him here, he will die--and what then? The end of Eric's kingdom. No, I shall stay here and take up the government after him. But I think that you should go--you and Gudrid." Thorstan said: "I think so too. I will speak to Gudrid. But I shall wait till after harvest." He told Gudrid what he thought. "They have buried him heathenwise, sitting with his weapons, looking out to sea, and heaped the stones over him. True, they have set up a cross atop. But he should have the rites. I must see to that. We will go, my love, if you are willing--but maybe we shall not come back." She looked at him fondly. "I will go wherever you bid me. But we shall come back." It is wonderful that she did not remember what had been predicted of her; but she did not. Thorstan did not meet her eyes. "We will go, then. But not till after harvest." "Harvest!" said she. "You will not go in the winter?" "No, no," he said. "The harvest will not be done." Then she knew that he did not speak of the corn-harvest, but of their own. The year sped quickly, as happy years will do; the harvest of the earth was gathered, the winter fell, the clinging mists, the still and deadly cold. But they were a happy household at Brattalithe, for Gudrid was found to be a solvent of much domestic ferment. Her sweet manners drew even Theodhild to come in and out of the house, and hushed the storms which periodically swept over Freydis the Wild. At Yule there was a feast of many days, singing, eating and drinking, and games in the snow for the young men. Gudrid sat apart and watched it, Thorstan never far away from her. Still she didn't guess what lent such fervour to their loves. Foolish with happiness, she thought it was the first of many Yules--whether here in this frost-locked country or in the forests of Wineland mattered little to her. She saw them all in years to come as they were now and felt her heart high in her breast. And then at the end of March, when men began to talk again of the ice breaking up, and the thawing of the passages, her child was born. It was a girl, and christened Walgerd. And now Thorstan looked about him at the still sheeted lands and knew that his hour was at hand. He told nobody, he never betrayed himself; but went to work silently and methodically. XIX It was the end of summer again before they were ready to sail. The ship which brought home Thorwald's crew had gone a voyage to Iceland and not come back. It was necessary to find and furnish another; no crew would ship until the harvest was over; and though Gudrid was willing to follow Thorstan at a word, Eric had not wanted her to leave him yet; so she saw one more high summer. They fared badly from the start, with heavy weather as soon as they were off the land. After a week of blustering south-west gales and rain the wind went round to the north. Then from the N.N.W. there began a storm the like of which none of them had ever known, and for week after week they were buried in it, not knowing where they were. They lost men, tackle, stores; there was not a dry rag on the ship; every day Thorstan expected the snow. Instead of that, after a few days of sunny weather, the wind dropped in a clear sky; it began to freeze, and then came the white blanket to cling about sheets and spars, and hold them close, a blur drifting upon a sea like oil. Gudrid sat like a ghost in the after deckhouse, nursing her baby and trying to keep it warm. It did not thrive and could not be expected to thrive. She was sure it would die. And so it did--died in its sleep while she was suckling it. She felt the cold upon its legs; and then it grew heavy. She looked down--its eyelids were blue. But she did not move. Thorstan came down to see her. He knew at once. He went to her and covered her breast in the blanket. He said nothing, but was very gentle. "Oh, husband, speak to me! Our little baby----" "Hush, my dear one--it is better. She is not cold now." He made her lie down, with a hot stone for her feet and another for her arms to hold instead of her Walgerd. When she was asleep he said a prayer over the child and sank it in the sea. Then he comforted her as only he could have done it. There was a good deal of sickness on board and plenty for Gudrid to do. The wind blew gaps in the fog, and as it stiffened tore it into flying shreds and rags. The ship heaved and lurched in water now inky-black. They got steerage way, and ran before a gale which they judged came from the south-west; they held this course for many days, hoping to get a sight of land. And land was nearer than they thought, for one morning Thorstan saw a darkening in the fog, a kind of shape, and then, quick as the thought, he put the ship about. She came round slowly, and at that moment the spars and rigging seemed alive with sea-birds. As the ship went round a huge black wall reared itself a-starboard, and he heard the waves at its foot. As nearly as might be he had broken up his ship on the rocks. Thorstan ran out to sea for half a mile or more and stood off until the weather cleared a little. When it did they all saw the crags and headlands of an iron coast. The only thing to do was to keep within hail of it until they found some sort of haven. Thorstan said he would spend the winter there, whatever country it might be. Already it was cold, and wherever the land stooped low enough there was snow to be seen lying. An opening in the land was reported next day, and as they drew near they could make out a firth and a muffled ship lying at anchor within it. The tide serving, Thorstan ran in between low hills all smothered in snow. A settlement of white, muffled houses lay on the shore of a bay, a deserted quay, a few boats drawn up on the beach: not a soul was to be seen; the winter swoon was over all. He drew up within hail of the silent ship and anchored in that black water. The rattling of the chain and splash of the anchor echoed among the hills, but awoke no man. "Are we, dying, come to a city of the dead?" he thought. The chill lay on his heart like lead; the thought of Gudrid gave him a dull ache; even the passion of desire to save her was dead within him. He did what came up before him to be done, but could not provide nor foresee. "Here we must see the winter out," he said, and had the boat out so that he might go ashore and seek quarters. First he went below to see Gudrid. He found her in the bed, rigid with cold, almost too cold to shiver. He leaned over her in an agony of pity. "Oh my heart! Oh my poor heart!" She looked up at him and smiled in his face. She was not able to speak. "I shall see the winter out here," he told her. "I must find out where we are--I believe that we have beaten back to Greenland. If that be so, then we may be able to reach home; but if that is not possible, then we stay here. I will get quarters for the men, and for ourselves, please God. My love, trust me to do for the best--and wait for me here." She nodded her head two or three times, but her eyes were shut and she did not look at him again. He dared not kiss her for fear of finding out how cold she was. How could it be that men were allowed to suffer so? He found some more covering for her bed before he left her. The boat took him ashore; he went to the nearest house he saw and thumped on the door. There was no light to be seen, and for long there was no sound to be heard inside; but at last he heard the bolts drawn back. A white-faced woman peered at him through a crack. "Let me in, for the love of God," said Thorstan. Then she beckoned him in. A sick man lay muttering in a bed; children huddled about a turf fire. The place was very nearly dark, but he made out some six souls to be there. He found out that he was come to Lucefrith in West Greenland; the winter sickness was heavy on the place. The woman did not refuse to take one of his men, and did not agree. She seemed stupid with misery. He told her that he should send her a man, and went out. In every house in the Settlement was much the same story. Sickness and death on all hands, but no refusals. At the end of his rounds he had managed to place out all hands. There remained himself and Gudrid. There was no place for them--not room enough to die in. He had asked if there were no headman in Lucefrith, and was told of one Thorstan Black; but he, it seemed, lived far off--over the hills, they said--and no way of getting at him through the snow. Then he went back to the ship and told his men to get ready to go ashore. He took them off by companies in the boat, and saw them all indoors before he left them. The last man under cover, he rowed back alone to the ship. At this extremity, with frozen death and silence all about him, he felt a strange uplifting of the heart in the thought that he and Gudrid were now alone indeed--they two and Love. And what if Death were a fourth in the party? Ah, he was welcome too. But before Death came Love should be there. He rowed gaily, fiercely, that he might be with her the sooner. He was warmed by his exercise when he was on deck again, and wildly happy in the thought which possessed him. He went below and saw his love watching for him. "My heart, I am coming to you," he said. He took off his furs and most of his clothes and got into the bed with her. He held her close to him, with a passion which despair may have quickened into flame. Wildly as he had loved her since she had given him herself, he never loved her as he did now, when the end seemed close upon them. For a week they lived so, the supreme week of Thorstan's and Gudrid's lives. They were utterly alone, and they never left each other's arms, but when Thorstan was busy mending the brasier fire, or getting food. They cherished each other, the fire in them at least never went out; they loved and slept, they loved again and slept. It was the last leap of their fire, it was the swan-song of their love maybe; but it was beautiful, and as strong as if they were breasting a great flight through space. Thorstan sang to Gudrid, he told her tales of lovers, he put their joint lives into verses; but he had not a word to say of the future. Here fate was too heavy for either love or religion. Fate stood with stretched-out arms holding a black curtain over what was to come. Thorstan had seen behind it. He knew. But Gudrid had forgotten, and he would not tell her. As for Gudrid herself, the glory was to have Thorstan find her so lovely, and her love so full, was enough for her. She lived on his needs. To fill them was her utmost desire, and to be to him a never-failing well was a crown of stars. She seldom spoke; she was as silent as the earth below the rains and heats of heaven, and as receptive. She neither asked nor pondered what was to be the end of this rapturous dream. If she had, her utmost desire would have been that they should die together in some nuptial sleep, and lie still, folded under the snow. But Fate ordered it otherwise. The day came when they heard the knocking of oars, and then while they lay clasped, listening, a great voice hailing the ship. They looked at each other. "The dream is over," Thorstan said. "My love, the world is about us again." She clung to him. "Let us stay here--let nobody forbid us that." "Nay, but I must go out and see who is coming." He dressed and went on deck. A large man muffled to the eyes in a bearskin was below him in a boat, standing up in it holding on to the side. He pulled open his hood and showed a red face, black beard and a pair of merry eyes. The two hailed each other, and then the new-comer said, "They told me in the Settlement that you were under the weather here. It will have gone hard with you, I doubt. And your lady with you! Now I make known to you that I am Thorstan of this place, called commonly Thorstan Black, and at your service." Thorstan said: "Then I must be Thorstan Red, for Thorstan is my name, and the red is of Nature's doing, and my father's. I am Eric's son of Ericsfrith. I was making the western voyage, but was driven out of my course in a gale, and forced to beat up here against my will. My men are in the Settlement, but I and the good wife could find no better quarters than these." "I will show you better," said Thorstan Black. "I knew nothing of your coming till last night when a man came up asking for fuel. You shall come off with me now if you will. In a week's time you will be able to walk ashore. My mistress will be glad of your company, and so shall I be." "Thank you for that," said Thorstan. "We take your offer gladly." He asked him up, but Thorstan Black said he was very well where he was. Gudrid was dressed when he came down for her. The dream was broken, and neither of them spoke of it. Their preparations were soon made, and then they left the ship. Thorstan Black rowed them ashore with strong and leisurely strokes. He told them that he lived over the ridge beyond the Settlement. He had a sleigh of dogs waiting for him, packed up Gudrid, put Thorstan one side of her and himself the other, cracked a great whip, uttered a harsh cry; and they were off. The dogs panted and strained at the ropes; sometimes one yelped in his excitement. And so they came to a broad-eaved house, and were welcomed by the good wife, whose name was Grimhild. XX The winter fell upon them in bitter earnest within the next fortnight. The snow was up to the top of the windows, and being there, froze hard, and had to be cut away with an axe. That was how they made a road to the byres where the stock were, and where they must be fed. The two Thorstans worked hard at this and at fuel-getting, and hewing of wood. Gurth the reeve helped them, but he was ailing already with the sickness, and not much use. Grimhild, a strong-faced, huge woman, managed all the house, but Gudrid helped her now willingly. There were no maids there. In the evenings they sat by the fire and told tales. It was as merry as might be, and with Thorstan Black there was always some fun to be had. He was the lightest-hearted man and the happiest whom Gudrid had seen in Greenland, where mostly, it seemed, men had to fight with life at too long odds to have any heart left over for pastime. Thorstan Black owned to it. "There is no people but ours of Iceland, I do believe, who would hold out against this white death," he said. "So fast as we come we die of it. Then come others, and so the game goes on. It is the fighting we love; we were always fighters--what with horses, or our young men. But here we fight with the earth, sea and sky, and do little slaughter of our own kind." "It is the fog that kills us," said Grimhild; and Gurth smothered his cough and hugged himself over the fire. Gudrid said: "Why should you stay here? I think it is a terrible country. We shall go to Wineland as soon as the spring comes." Then she told them of that good country--of the tall trees, and the clear sky, of the dew which was sweet to the taste, of the vines tumbling over the hot rocks, the birds' voices in the forest, and the strange stars at night. Grimhild was moved by the recital. "Ay," she said, "I have heard tell of such lands, and you may see them, being young. But this place has made me old, and almost broken my heart. In a little while I shall ask no better than to be laid in the snow." Thorstan Black patted her on the back. "Courage, old lass," he said. "You and I have seen the worst of it. I think it may be better hereafter. As for your land of summer all round the year, I know not that it would suit Icelanders. If you take our hardihood from us, what have we left? That which swills and eats heavily, and plays the mischief. Nay, give me a dark ghyll in Iceland, with a river racing down its length, and the sea never far off. That means more to me than your vines and soft winters. As for this stricken land, we shall beat the sickness yet. A man tempers himself. There should be a fine race here one day, of them who have got through." Gurth turned up the whites of his eyes. He was very sick. By and by they had news from the Settlement, where things were going badly. The sickness was very rife. Many of Thorstan's men from Ericsfrith were dead of it. They took down stores in the sleigh, and were much concerned at what they saw and heard. The strangers from the east were all sick; six were dead, and could only be buried in the snow. Thorstan promised that he would take all the bodies back to Ericsfrith if he had to heap the ship with dead men. When they returned to the homestead the first thing they heard was that Gurth was dead. Gradually, as the winter thickened, gloom began to fall upon the housemates. The hall grew cold; it was as if there were no heat in the burning coals; as if the cold was become master of the fire. Grimhild grew strange in her ways. She was always listening, waiting for something. She said she expected a visitor, but would never say who it was. She became very silent, and tried to avoid the others. Thorstan Black told Thorstan Red that he feared the worst. "The trustiest woman!" he said. "She has stood by me in sickness and health for twenty years--and now she turns her back on me--hunches her poor shoulders and will take no comfort from me. That's a sure sign of the sickness. You distrust your old friends first." "Is that the way of it?" said our Thorstan, with fear in his heart. Grimhild grew more and more remote, but remained on terms with Thorstan Red, in whom she confided some of her growing fancies. "The dead are unquiet," she told him when she had him out of range of the others, "and how should I be quiet? They are all about us. So soon as it grows dusk they come out of the snow. I hear them quarrelling, murmuring, and some of them grieve. I shall be with them soon--and perhaps you will see me there. It has been bad enough other winters, but none so bad as this. There are strangers here--that's how it is. We shall never quiet them till we have burned the bodies. That's the only way." "They shall be burned, mistress," said Thorstan. "I will see to it." She looked at him queerly, with one eyebrow arching into her hair. "You?" she said, then turned away her face. "Well, well--Christ have mercy on us." When the fever took her and seemed to stretch her skin to cracking-point, she would not go to bed, and nobody could persuade her. She huddled by the fire, rocking herself, until the evening; but directly it was dusk she was restless. The wind used to moan about the house, and she heard in it the voices of the dead. She thought she could distinguish one from the other. "Gurth is railing--hark to him. . . . That was Wigfus answering, and that deep one is Kettleneb. Oh, let me rest--have done!" She wandered forth and back, but was mostly in the kitchen, listening at the door. Thorstan Black grieved for her and used to try to coax her back to the fire. She scowled at him as if he were a stranger, and would not let him touch her. Gudrid was afraid to go near her. Once when she was out there on a wild moon-lit night, the others by the fire heard her cry aloud; and then she called on Thorstan. The two Thorstans looked at each other. Thorstan Black said, "It's you she wants. Go and talk to her." Thorstan Red went out. Grimhild had the kitchen door open; dry snow was sweeping in upon her; the front of her gown was white with it. "Look at them there," she said; "look at them. Gurth is whipping them round the garth. See how they huddle--heed their crying. There, there--and there go I among them, wringing my hands." She clutched his arm. "Hush--and there go you." Thorstan's heart jumped, and then fell quiet. "Do you see me there, mistress?" "You are standing there in the shadow of the byre. He will not touch you. Round and round. No rest in the snow." Then she turned to him and screamed: "Don't let him touch me!" She caught at him and he tried to draw her into the house; but she struggled fiercely, and before he could stop her she was outdoors racing through the snow. Thorstan shouted to his host, who came to him in a hurry. "She's gone," said Thorstan Red. Thorstan Black and he went out together, but by now she had passed through the garth and was deep in the snow beyond. They got her home at last, but she was quite mad and fought against them all the way. They put her to bed and kept her there by main force until she was exhausted. They were up with her all night, and she died in the small hours of the morning. There was nothing for it but to bury her in the snow. Gudrid laid her out while Thorstan and his host were making the coffin. She put candles at her head and feet in the Christian fashion, with a cross of wood between her hands. Then she knelt by the bed to watch the corpse. It was piercingly cold, and she grew numb with it, and then drowsy. It is likely that she dropped off to sleep as she lay, for she came to herself with a start and saw the corpse sitting up, staring with open and glassy eyes. Her heart stood still, she neither felt nor thought. How long they were, the living and the dead, staring at each other, Gudrid could never have told--she was incapable of moving, being frozen with terror and cold. Presently the dead woman's mouth opened, as if she were going to speak; and then her head fell forward and she dropped. Gudrid staggered to her feet and ran out of the house. She found the men in the outhouse, and caught Thorstan Black by the wrist. Her face told her story; it was no longer that of a sane woman. Thorstan went back with her. That night they buried Grimhild in the snow; and Thorstan Red took the sickness. He told Gudrid of it when they were in bed. He held her closely in his arms and spoke with passion: "My love, I am sick, and it may go hard with me. Remember now what I say--that the thing which I may be is not I. Be not afraid of it. You have had the best I could be--and it was you who made me. Remember what we have been, and think of me as dead already. And when I am dead, take my body back to Ericsfrith." She clung to him, but not with tears. Tears were denied her now. The cold had mastered even them. For now she knew what must come. XXI The Greenland sickness took mainly the same course, varying with the patient's personal quality. It began with a high fever, intense surface irritation; there ensued violent rheumatic pains, mental alienation, delirium, madness and death. It was characteristic, as has been said, that the sufferer turned from his kind, and turned markedly from whom he knew best. Thorstan made his preparations carefully, and instructed Gudrid. As a wife who may be allowed a last word with her husband condemned to die, she took and gave her kisses. The time was too great for tears, the heart too faint for strong embraces. All she could do she did. She would obey him, she would not show herself; but she would be always at hand. She sat mostly at the head of his bed in the wall, hidden by a curtain, but ready to fetch and carry; to bring him food which Thorstan Black could give him; hot stones for his feet, hot rags to ease the pain in his limbs. He hardly opened his eyes, hardly ever groaned; but when the fever ran high he talked incessantly, in fierce and rapid whispers--and she heard told over again the week of rapture and dream under the snow in the empty ship. She suffered greatly under this affliction, both by the memories it evoked and the knowledge that such things could never be again. Her modesty might have been offended; but Thorstan Black was very kind to her. He used to go gently away when the sufferer began to speak, and would contrive his returns so as not to intrude on any privacy. Her heart was full of gratitude to the black-bearded giant, so huge and so gentle. The fever seemed to eat Thorstan up; he became so thin that his cheeks sank away into hollows, and his bones stuck out so sharply that the skin cracked. Gudrid began to have horror of him. She thought that her lover was dead, and that this was some terrible mock-image of him sent there to haunt her. She seemed to become younger as he grew more like an old man. She was afraid to be left alone with him. Love had been frightened out of her, and even pity scarce dared to be there. She could not believe that this was the man who had so keenly loved and worshipped her body, and by his music had uplifted her soul. She had seen Thore die and had been compassionate to the end. She remembered how she had kissed him in the very article of death, and shuddered as she thought of kissing this living corpse. Her eyes besought Thorstan Black not to leave her, and he rarely did--for by this time her husband's weakness was such that, whatever he may have said in his fever, he could hardly be heard. Towards the end--as Thorstan Black knew it must be--he persuaded Gudrid to lie down at night while he kept watch by the bed. And so she did. The poor girl was worn out, and went to sleep almost at once. About midnight she was awakened. Thorstan Black stood by the bed with a taper. She gaped at him, cold to the bones. "Come, my dear," he said. "He is asking for you." She said nothing. Then in the silence she heard her husband's voice, calling "Gudrid, Gudrid, Gudrid." She fell trembling, and knew not what she said. Thorstan Black put his cloak over her, and helped her out of bed. Her knees shook. "Is he dead? Is he dead? Oh, don't leave me. I'm frightened--he looks so strange--don't leave me, Thorstan." "No, my dear, I won't leave you," he said, and put his arm round her, for she seemed about to fall. "Come," he said, "I'll take you, and stay by you." She mastered her fear. "Yes," she said, "I must go. Oh, but you are so good to me." "Don't go if you are afraid," said Thorstan. "He may be dead by now." "No, no," she said, "not yet. I must hear what he says, for it may be he knows what the course of my life must be. If God will help me, I will go. But you will come too--you promised." Thorstan thereupon lifted her up in his arms, and carried her into the room where Thorstan Ericsson lay. He went to the side of the bed and sat down, holding Gudrid on his knee. So they waited fearfully for the dead man to speak. Thorstan Ericsson sat up in his bed; his eyes were so deep in his head that nothing showed of them but dark caves. His mouth was open, as if his jaw had dropped. But no sound came from him. Then Thorstan Black said: "My namesake, you called to Gudrid, and I have her here beside you. What do you desire of her?" The dead man spoke. "Gudrid, are you there?" "Yes, Thorstan," she said quaking. "I will tell you, my wife, that you need not grieve for me, nor fear me, for I shall never hurt you now--nor could I have the heart. I am come to a good place, and am at peace. Now you are to know that you will be married to an Icelander who will be kind to you, and give you what your heart desires. But your life will be longer than his, and your end will be pious--and that, too, you will desire before you reach it. And I pray you to take my body back to Ericsfrith and give me holy burial. Farewell, Gudrid, and have no fear for me." Gudrid, cold as a stone, sat on Thorstan Black's knee as if she had been a child, and stared at the figure of her love. She could not say anything to him, she dared not touch him. His head sank forward, and he fell back in the bed and lay still. Thorstan Black touched him. He was stone cold. The good giant thought now of Gudrid only, and talked to her gently for a long while, comforting her. He promised that he would never forsake her until he had brought her safely home to Ericsfrith. He would take Thorstan Ericsson to his own ship, and all the bodies of the crew who were dead should be put with him there until such time as they could sail. "And as for you, dear child," he said, "remember that you and that true man have had the best that life can give you--for than wedded love there is no more blessed thing. Think of me, my child, who lived happily with my good wife a twenty years, and think that you are better off maybe than I. For love such as yours is not a thing that can live--no, but it must needs change as it grows older. You change, and the world comes in between; and so it changes too. Now you have had love at the full--and it is ended at the full. You should be thankful for that. And be thankful too that he is at peace, and his fate rounded--and nothing for him now but folded hands and quiet sleep. Why, look at him now, Gudrid. Even now he smiles quietly, as who should say, I have done with it all. Look at him, and have no more fear of so gentle a thing." Gudrid turned her haunted eyes towards the dead man. It was true. Thorstan smiled to himself wisely. And now she could see that his eyes were shut. She slipped off Thorstan Black's knee and knelt beside the bed. She looked at her dead lover, and without remembering her fear or thinking what she did, she put his hair off his forehead and tidied it. Then she leaned over him, looking tenderly down at him, and stooped and put her lips to his forehead. Thorstan Black left her, and returned presently with candles and a cross which he had made. So they laid out Thorstan Ericsson, and Thorstan Black watched him all the rest of the night. XXII She stayed out the long and bitter winter alone in the house with Thorstan Black. No man could have been kinder to her than he was. She felt with him the happy relation which there is between a father and his married child, when you have the equality which comes of experiences shared and have not lost the old sense of degrees--but that lingers still like a scent which recalls times past. He was as good as his word, when the spring came. The bodies of all the crew were redeemed from the snow and put aboard ship; the settlement at Lucefrith was broken up. He gave the survivors their freedom, and free passage to Ericsfrith; for he himself intended to settle there when he had restored Gudrid to Brattalithe. So they set sail, and made a good passage, and came into the frith on a day of fresh southerly wind and strong sunshine. Gudrid, standing on the afterdeck, looked at the little town and the green fields about it, at the snow-peaks whose shapes she knew well, whereunder, as she felt, her life had been passed; and then she saw old Eric in his red cloak being helped into his boat, and Freydis, bareheaded, with her yellow hair flying in the wind, and her strong arms folded over her chest--and felt the comfort of home growing about her, and the dew of happy tears in her eyes. Eric's eyes looked anxiously up at her. "Is all well, daughter?" he called out in a brave voice--but she could only answer with her own wet eyes. He was hauled on ship-board, and soon had her in his arms. Her hidden voice and shaking shoulders told him the rest. "There then, my sweetheart, it is done. Yet cry your fill. I have a fine son left--and you into the bargain. Come home now, and leave me no more." So said old Eric Red, a man not easily downed by fate. He made Thorstan Black free of Brattalithe for as long as he would, and promised him the best land that he had. So they all went ashore, and Freydis hailed Gudrid and made much of her. Freydis was not changed at all. She was very fond of Gudrid, and for her sake put up with her father and mother who, without Gudrid, would have fretted her to a rag. Leif came in that evening and embraced Gudrid like a sister. He heard her dreadful story and shook his head over his brother's fate. "Thorstan was born to misfortune," he said. "He had the second sight, and there is no worse gift for a man than that. Brave as he was, that foreknowledge always baulked his effort. But he was a fine man. You have had the best of us, Gudrid." "I love you all so much," she said, "that I must have been happy with any one of you, since he would have made me free of the others. I would not have my Thorstan back again. He told me that he was at rest--and how can you look for rest in this life?" She went to see Theodhild in her hermitage. To her only she told Thorstan's prediction, that she should be married yet again, and outlive her husband, and then find the life that she loved the best. Theodhild nodded her head. "That was a true saying of my son's. You will find the only rest there can be in this life." Gudrid asked her more, but she would not tell her. "I know, I see," said Theodhild, "but God will reveal it to you when the time comes." Gudrid, who had left Ericshaven still a girl in her bloom, had come back to it a woman, made so by pity and terror. Her beauty was now ripe, and her mind in accord with it. They held her at Brattalithe for the fairest and wisest of women. She was rich, too, for she had her father's and Thore's estates, as well as her share of Eric's wealth which had been Thorstan's. She sold her father's house and land to Thorstan Black, who settled down there, and came to great honour in Ericshaven, as he deserved to do. XXIII The spring and summer of that year passed quietly enough at Brattalithe, but after harvest a fine ship from Norway came into the haven and the owner came ashore. Eric Red, Lief and Gudrid rode down to town to meet him and hear the news. He soon explained himself, for he had a copious flow of speech. He treated Gudrid with great deference, thinking her the lady of the land, and when it was explained to him that she was nobody's wife, but a widow, he smiled, saying, "So much the better," and continued to treat her as before. He was a large man, broad-faced and broad-shouldered, with light-blue eyes, and much fun in them. He looked at you when he spoke as if he wished to make you laugh, but hardly hoped it. His friends called him Karlsefne, which means "a proper man," and his real name was Thorfinn Thordsson. "Thord of Head was my father," he told Gudrid, "and was called Horsehead, not without reason, for I will tell you that no man born could be more like a horse to look at than my father was. He was the son of Snorre who was a Viking in Earl Hakon's day; and that Snorre was the son of Thord, the first of Head." It seemed that he was well-to-do, and that he had on board his vessel, besides a crew of forty hands, a notable cargo of goods. He offered Gudrid what she pleased to take of it. "I do that," he told her, "to win your good will, for I see very well that you rule the roost here--and rightly enough. I have never been to Greenland before, and tell you fairly that I never knew there was the like of yourself to be found here. If I had known that I should have been here long ago--and then, who knows? Maybe you would not be a widow this day." He said it as if in joke, but yet he meant it. He was greatly taken with her beauty. Eric offered him winter quarters at Brattalithe and he accepted it gladly. His goods were landed, and stood in Eric's warehouse, his ship was laid up for the winter, his men boarded in Ericshaven. As for himself, he was very soon at home in Brattalithe, and everybody liked him well. He was a good poet, and sang his own songs; he told tales, he made jokes--but was always good-tempered. Towards Christmas Eric Red, who was now very much aged and apt to worry himself over trifles, became sad and depressed. They thought that he was grieving for the two sons he had lost, but he would not talk to any of them of his troubles. Karlsefne asked Gudrid what was the matter with his host. He always talked to her when he had a chance. She told him what she thought: "He is an old man now, and cannot help remembering his two sons." "That is not like an Icelander," said Karlsefne. "You yourself, lady, show the spirit of our people better. You don't fret yourself vainly. You were wedded to a good man. You were happy in him; he died. Well, you have had what you have had, and if there is to be no more, you will wait your turn. Is it not so?" "It may be," Gudrid said. "I have learned not to build too high, by falling so far. And I think my Thorstan is at rest. He would not be if he were here now." "Very likely not," said Karlsefne, "if he was of a jealous turn. Moreover he was a poet, one who can always see in his mind a state much better than that he lives in. That's no way to be happy. But I will talk to Eric Red. He is friendly to me." And so he did. "What is it, host, which makes you so heavy? Your friends say you brood over the past, but I tell them that is not likely." "No, no," said Eric, "that's not the way of it at all. The present is bad enough." "You are treating me nobly," said Karlsefne. "I should be a churl if I did not tell you so. What else do you need?" Then Eric said that he was aware how his house was diminished by misfortune. "I had a wife, but she has cut herself adrift; I have a daughter, but she has turned sour to me. Two of my sons are dead, look you. Now the time was when with a great houseful I could give a feast with the best. A man is best judged by his children. If they are free and high-hearted, he is judged a good man. But now I must receive you with broken rites, and it hurts me to the heart that you shall sail away in the spring of the year, and say to your friends: 'Old Eric is down in the world. A sadder Yule than that have I never spent.' I do what I can, but that is heavy on my mind." "Nay, nay, friend," said Karlsefne, "that will never be the way of it. I am better off than I hoped for--you are treating me like an earl. Now if we are to do better and all be kings together, remember that I have a well-found ship out yonder, with stores of corn and meal, and malt for brewing; mead also, and smoked salmon are on board--whereof you shall make as free as you will, and provide such a feast as Greenland knows nothing of yet. But what a man you are to be fretted by such a thing as that!" Eric said that he had lived in a great way all his life, and had not been used to stint his friends of hospitality. He thanked Karlsefne heartily, shook hands with him, and said, "Ask of me what you will, friend, and it shall be agreed to." Karlsefne laughed. "Maybe I shall ask a great thing of you before I go to sea." He had made up his mind that he would have Gudrid from him if he could get her, but did not wish to precipitate matters and risk a refusal. "That fair woman has a delicate mind," he thought, "and is very religious. It will be well to make myself her friend before I offer to be her sweetheart." The talk at the feast turned again to Wineland, and Leif Ericsson was eloquent about the sweetness of the air, the fertility of the soil, and the open winter weather which he had found there. Then Karlsefne asked Gudrid whether she would not like to go thither. She shook her head. "Not now. Thorstan and I were on our way when the fate turned against us, and he died. It has brought us no luck yet. Two of Eric's sons have died for the sake of Wineland. But you," she said, looking in his face, "you will go. I think you are a lucky man. You have luck in your face." "Eh," said Karlsefne, "I have thought myself pretty lucky so far; but now I am not so sure. I have been building on my luck since I came here. But I may get a fall." She laughed. "You are bold, I can see, but yet you are careful too. You do not build except on good footings." "If you think me bold, lady," he said, with raised brows, "you will think me too bold perhaps presently. Remember, when that time comes, that if a man sees his profit within his reach he is a fool if he don't stretch out his hand." "He may be a fool," she said, "to think it so near." Her colour was high, her eyes shone. His own, narrowed and intense, held them. "Do you know the name I give you in my private mind?" he asked her. She shook her head. "I call you Constant-Kind." "And why do you call me that? Do you think I am kind to every one?" "I think that you have been," said Karlsefne, "and I believe that you would not willingly deny a service if you could do it." "And what service do you ask of me?" "Ah, I ask none as yet. But maybe I shall." Certainly she knew what he wanted, and wondered whether he was the man predicted. Thorberg had prophesied an ugly man for one of her husbands. That could not be said of Karlsefne. He was not handsome by any means, but so full of fun that he would pass anywhere as well-looking. She had no love to give him; all that was buried with her doomed Thorstan; and yet she could see life to be a very pleasant thing with him beside her--a warm, sheltered, pleasant thing. She was rather of Freydis's opinion after an experience of two kinds of life, that a woman was happier in being loved than in loving. She had not thought so when Thorstan was her lover. Then her triumph and pride had been that she could give him inexhaustibly what he needed--but look how that had ended. She said to herself: "He will be kind to me, because he is kind by nature. I believe that is my nature too. Therefore I can give him what he wants, and find some comfort in it. I have known the highest, and that is enough for me. That will never come again. Let the other suffice, if it will satisfy him." With that she put the thought away in her heart, wishing to leave it there; yet she could not resist taking it out and looking at it now and again. It was still good to be loved, good to be desired, good to be the centre of a man's thoughts. Every time she looked at her hoard it seemed a little brighter. Karlsefne took his time. It was close upon the spring when he asked her if she would have him. She met his looks calmly, and told him what she felt about it. "I am not very old yet," she said, "but I have had a great deal of experience. I have been married twice, and loved deeply once. That can never be again." "Nay," he said, "I don't ask impossibilities of you. But I have love enough in my heart for the two of us. Do you trust me?" "Yes," she said, "I do trust you." "Why then," said Karlsefne, "will you give yourself to me?" She thought. "You shall ask Eric if he is willing," she told him. "He loves me, and he is an old man. Since my father died he has been father to me. I have had nothing but love and kindness from him and his family. I will not leave him now, if he needs me--for he knows, and I know, that if I leave him again it will be for the last time." Karlsefne drew near her and put his arm about her. "I will ask him--but if he agrees you will come?" She smiled and nodded her head. Then, "Will you kiss me?" he said. "Is that in the bargain?" He drew her close to him. "Oh, Gudrid, kiss me once. I'm on fire." So then she kissed him. Eric looked rather chap-fallen. "You are asking me for the jewel on my breast," he said. "That I know very well," said Karlsefne. "She is not only a fair woman, but a wise and good woman. She is sweet-mannered, and sweet-natured. The soothsay about her is that she will rear a great race." "She shall, if I have anything to do with it," said Karlsefne. "You know the name they give me." "I think highly of you," Eric allowed. "Everything speaks well for you. But I will tell you this. If my son Leif were not entangled with a foreign woman, an earl's daughter by whom he has got a son, it would have been my joy to see him take Gudrid and rear that great race to my name. But it may well be that she will fulfil her destiny with you rather." "I believe she will," said Karlsefne. "The moment I clapped eyes on her I said to myself, 'There stands before you the sweetest woman that lightens the world.' And I have had no other thought or desire since which has not drawn me to her. If you will give her to me you will do me the utmost service one man can do another. And she will come to me if you say the word. I tell you that." Eric said it should be as he wished. The last feast that fine old man was ever to see was that which he made for Gudrid's wedding with Karlsefne. XXIV Directly he was married Karlsefne began to talk about the Wineland voyage, first to Gudrid, and then to the company at Brattalithe, where he still lived. Gudrid was eager to go. She had always wanted that; and when she found herself with child, that did not deter her--nor her husband either. "I am a prosperous man," he said, "and bring good fortune with me. If you are not afraid, why should I be? Let us trust to our luck, my Gudrid." She believed in him more than in any man she had had to do with yet. He seemed to her a more fortunate man than Leif himself. So it was agreed upon. Whether it was the lucky star of Karlsefne or not which prevailed, there was more stir about this expedition than had been about any. There were to be two ships fitted for it. First of all, Freydis said that she intended for it--she and her husband Thorhall; then another Thorhall, him they called the Huntsman, offered himself--a tall, oldish, glum fellow, liked by nobody and trusted by few, but a man of great strength and courage, too able to be refused. Then came up Biorn from Heriolfsness offering himself and his ship. Altogether there were some hundred and forty people to be carried, of whom five only were women, and goods in proportion. Karlsefne, saying that you never knew how things would go, carried livestock in the holds of both ships. He took ten head of cows, a score sheep, some goats, and a bull. He took ducks and hens, a dog or two, and some ponies for the women to ride. But he had some stranger stock yet, human stock, which Leif gave him. They were two Scots, a male and a female, whom he had had from Thorgunna's father in Orkney and had kept ever since, hoping they would breed; but they did not. They were wild, small, shaggy creatures, about the same height--the man was called Hake, the woman Haekia. They were said to be incredibly swift in running, and were certainly hardier than most human kinds. Summer and winter they wore but one garment, a long, sleeveless garment with a hood, which fell straight from the shoulders, and, being slit from the thighs, was fastened between their legs. It had no sleeves; their arms were bare to the shoulder. They called it in their own tongue _gioball_. You never saw one of these creatures without the other; they were inseparable--and yet they were never seen to speak to each other, or to use any kind of endearments. They would not eat if any one were looking at them, nor sleep except they were alone and in the dark. Gudrid tried to make friends with them. They sat still, looking down or beyond her; but never would meet her eyes. So much for the company which, when all preparations were done, sailed at mid-summer from Ericshaven, with Karlsefne as leader. Gudrid shed tears at the parting with old Eric Red, knowing that she would never see him again. "Farewell, sweetheart," he said to her; "you leave this world the better for having had you in it." He rode his old white pony down to the quay, and sat there watching the ships go out with the tide. His red cloak was the last she saw of the haven. The voyage was smooth, with a fair wind all the way. First they went round to the West Settlement, and Gudrid looked out for Lucefrith where her darkest days had also been her brightest. She could not have told it for herself, but Karlsefne showed it to her. The black cliffs now looked warm grey in the sun, the sea was green, sparkling with light; the creek was smooth flowing water lipping on silver sands. Karlsefne told her that nobody lived there now. "Mariners run in there in summer-time for water, and see the green flats and the mountains in a haze of heat. They say: 'This is a sweet and wholesome country. We will dwell here and work and be happy.' Then the winter comes upon them suddenly, white fogs, madness and death. You, my child, know as much of that as you ought." She shivered, and leaned her head against him. There was great store of comfort in Karlsefne; she esteemed him, she trusted him, she believed in his star; but Thorstan Ericsson had given her wings, and she had shed them into his grave. She would never fly again among the stars. They took in water from the West Settlement and then sailed to the Bear Islands--small rocky, flat lands lying low in the great western surges. Thence with a north wind they came into the ocean and were two days without sight of land. But on the morning of the third day they saw land ahead, and came within reach of it, and cast anchor in a broad bay. This was the country to which Leif had been before and called Helloland.[1] Karlsefne had boats manned from either ship, and stayed a couple of days to explore. It was a litter of rock, very barren, and full of white foxes. They found plenty of fish, and laid in a good store; but that was no country in which to settle, so they left it, going south before a good northerly wind. In two days' sailing they made out a land ahead, full of trees and dense undergrowth. That was certainly Leif's _Markland_. South-east of it, at no great distance, there was a large island. They saw a great bear prowling the shore, and gave his dwelling-place the name of Bear Island, out of compliment to him. Karlsefne did not stay to explore it. They ran on still before the wind for another two days or three, saw land again, and made for it. This was a headland running far out into the sea, which they made and passed, then ran in close to the shore and coasted for some days without finding any haven. This was a very long strand, great stretches of white sand with nothing to break them up. Behind the dunes they could see the tops of great trees. It was judged that the whole country was low-lying and probably swampy. Ferly Strands was the name they gave to this interminable shore. But yet it was not interminable, for it broke up at last into bays and creeks, with many islands which had beautiful trees on them, and rich herbage down to the sea-line, Karlsefne said that they would run in hereabouts and live ashore for a while. "We will send out our runners, to see what they can find out for us," he said. That was agreed upon. [1] Believed to be Newfoundland. XXV They landed on the mainland on hard white sand, but beyond that there was turf, with patches of tall waving grass, then a belt of timber, and beyond them, as they soon made out, an infinite rolling country of woods and clothed hills, with lakes here and there. Gudrid was enchanted: the nimble and sweet air, trees taller than she had ever dreamed of, space, emptiness, silence: she stood with a finger to her lip, looking up and all about, and sometimes at her companions to see if they were not under the same spell as she. But the men were too busy choosing a good place for the camp, and Freydis was with them. Karlsefne had no mind to be surprised by savages, so sent out men to cut wood. He intended to have a stockade round his camp in which at least the women could be defended. There were but five of them, it is true, but they were all married, and therefore precious. The men who were not married always hoped that they might be. Who could say what might be the lot of any adventurer? Let a married man die by all means--but not a wife. Tents were put up, a double stockade fixed round them; hammocks were slung. Very soon they had a fire going, and a pot over it. Gudrid, Freydis and the rest of the women saw to that. Karlsefne arranged for the watch. The ships were left well manned, and a company from the landing-party put into each boat, and each boat at a sufficient distance from its companion. These crews were to be relieved by watches. Sentries also were posted about the stockade. They had found no signs of inhabitancy; but Karlsefne was very careful. They had their meal in the open under a clear sky. The stars came out--larger, wetter stars, Gudrid said, than they had at home. Far off in the forest they heard beasts bellowing, and supposed them wild cattle. The bull from Karlsefne's ship thundered his answer to the challenge. They heard wolves at dusk, a chorus of them, and the barking of wild dogs. No sound of men came near them, nor were they disturbed in the night. In the morning Karlsefne sent a boat over to fetch the Scots. They came, and fixed Karlsefne with intent blue eyes while he told them what they had to do. He showed them the sun, and with a sweep of his arm drew his course into the south. He made them understand that they were to run due south for three days, and then work back to the camp with whatever they could carry out of the country. They followed every sign he made, they looked at each other and spoke together, fierce, curt speeches. It was certain that they knew what they had to do, for without hesitation they began to do it at once. They looked at each other, then set off at a trot towards the creek below the stockade. Arrived there, they stripped off their single garments, folded them and put them on their heads; they swam the creek, which was a good half-mile broad, clothed themselves on the further shore, and then began to run towards the south. They ran like deer, incredibly fast, with high and short bounds, as if exulting in their legs, and very soon they were out of sight. They waited for them three full days which were spent by the men in hunting and fishing. Game of all kinds was plenty. Karlsefne had a pony out and put Gudrid upon it. He took her a long way into the forest and made her happy. She said to him: "You are kinder to me than I deserve, my friend." His answer was: "It is not hard to be kind to you, for you answer to the touch like an instrument of music. I win melody from you that way which enchants me." She said: "Believe me to be grateful. Believe that I give you in return all I have." "My dear love," said Karlsefne, "I know that. You have given me of your life. I never forget it." And then it was her turn to say: "It is not hard to give you that." So they were a happy couple. Freydis too was expecting a child, but took it hardly, as she did everything else. At sunset on the third day from starting the Scots came back. Their faces and arms were glistening with sweat, but they breathed easily and were not at all distressed. One of them carried a fine bunch of grapes, the other some ears of corn. It was wheat, but redder than what they had in any country which Karlsefne or his friends knew about. They collected from the Scot that it was wild wheat, and that the country where it grew was fruitful and good. There was a debate about this expedition, the first of many. Karlsefne was sure that the scouts had found Wineland where Leif had once been; Thorhall the Huntsman thought not. Karlsefne was for going up the creek as far as a ship could go, and there to land their stock and spend the winter. Biorn, who was afraid of attack by natives, desired to keep to the open sea. It was compromised finally. Biorn's ship would remain in her present anchorage, but Thorhall would go up with Karlsefne. Thorhall was a man ill to deal with in any event. Neither company wanted him, but Karlsefne's company wanted him least--therefore he chose for that. Most of the stock and all the women but one were of that ship. Gudrid's child should be born about Christmas time. Her husband was keen to have a good harbourage for her, and all settled down before the time came. So for a while the two ships parted company, and Karlsefne, having all his party safe aboard, hauled up his anchor, spread his canvas, and sailed into the creek on a flowing tide. XXVI Right in the mouth of the creek there was an island which they named Streamsey, because the currents about it were so many and so strong. It fairly swarmed with sea-birds, which hung over it like a cloud. It was very difficult to find a passage, but they managed that with hard rowing, and once past it, found plenty of water, and a noble country on either hand. They went up three days sailing, and there, where the woods fell more sparse and there seemed plenty of herbage for cattle, Karlsefne decided to make his winter quarters. The stock was disembarked; the stores, and the tents. They built themselves a stockade all round the camp, and hoped to have a good winter of it. The winter came late, but was severe. There was great scarcity of pasture, the fishing fell off; they had to kill some of their cattle, but dared not depend upon that. There was trouble with some of the crew, begun by Thorhall the Huntsman, who began to preach heathenry to them, getting a few at a time in the woods and talking, and singing old songs. Karlsefne was full of business all this time, with parties out exploring the country, and so did not see what was going on in and about the camp. Then, one day, news was brought him that a whale had come into the creek and was stranded in shoal water. The men, short as they were of food, were eager to get at it. Karlsefne went out to see it--a huge beast, greyish and arched in the back. He did not know what sort of a whale it was, but the men were set upon it, and Thorhall vehement. "Get at it, get at it--what do you fear, man? I tell you it is a godsend," he said. He had been very queer in his ways for a week or more, and one day had been found upon a cliff overhanging the water, with his arms stiffly out, his chin towards the sky. His eyes had been shut, his mouth open, his nostrils splayed out. He had writhed and twisted about, talking in a strange tongue. They were some time bringing him to his senses, and had no thanks from him for doing it; but they had fetched him home and put him to bed. He had lain there with his head covered up until the news of the whale was brought in. That caused him to leap out of his bed. He was the most eager of them all to cut up the great beast. Karlsefne gave the word, and they fell on the whale with hatchets and knives. Soon the pots were bubbling and the steam filling their nostrils. Karlsefne would not eat of it, and would not allow Gudrid any; but the rest made a feast. It was rich and savoury, very fat; this was the hour of Thorhall's triumph. He came and stood by the messes as they ate, with gleaming eyes. "Does this not prove to you that Redbeard was your friend? What had your white Christ brought you but death and misery? Now by my incantations I have brought Thor round to look on you with favour again. This is my doing, and your leader here thought I was mad and tied me down to a bed." Some men stopped eating as they heard him; some turned away and would not begin to eat. Karlsefne, when he knew what was going on, came down like a flame of fire. "What is this he says? That this is his doing--with prayers to Thor? And you of the new faith and the true faith, eat of what he offers to his idols! Cast that beastliness to the sea, and be done with it." Some of the eaters were ill already, and many were to be so; but Karlsefne was obeyed. The cauldrons were emptied over the cliffs, and the birds gathered from all quarters. They went hungry, and suffered much that winter; but by leading the cattle far into the woods they managed to keep them alive, and Gudrid did not fail of milk. Her boy was born on Christmas Eve, and christened by Karlsefne himself. He named him Snorre after his own grandfather. After that things went better. There came rain which broke up the ice and thinned off all the snow. They began to get fish again; mild westerly winds enabled them to go farther afield. Biorn came up from his anchorage to see Karlsefne, and debates about the future were renewed. Karlsefne was now bent on going south, and Biorn, with Thorhall, equally set upon the north. It was clear that the two ships must part company; and so they did as soon as the spring weather was come. The tale has little more to say of Biorn and his party. It is supposed that they fell in with bad weather in the north, and that they were driven over the ocean. Thorhall was heard of long afterwards in Ireland, as having fought and died there. XXVII But Karlsefne, the prosperous man, did well. He sailed along the land in and out of beautiful wooded islands until he came to the mouth of a great river.[1] He entered that on the flood and sailed up for many days. It was a broad and noble river which came, as they discovered, out of a lake. Here was such a land as they had never seen before, so beautiful, so fruitful that they had no desire to seek further. They called this land Hope, for here was the utmost they had dreamed of. There were broad acres of wheat growing here, self-sown; upon the slopes of the hills wild vines were thick and full of bud; the streams were full of fish; there were deer in the woods, and everywhere in the early mornings the piping of birds. Karlsefne said: "My Gudrid, we have found Wineland the Good. Here we will stay awhile." She was happy to be in so good a place. They made their camp on the shores of the lake, and built themselves houses of timber, with a stockade and trench about the whole Settlement. There was abundance of food for the animals, abundance for themselves, with promise of a harvest both of corn and of wine. No signs of human occupation had been found as yet. They began to think that they had Wineland to themselves, and used to go far afield, even to being out for days together and sleeping in the open. But Karlsefne kept his eyes wide for some possible attack, and was proved to be right. Early one morning when he went down to the lake shore he saw boats upon the quiet water. He counted nine of them. They kept close company and came on steadily. He looked beyond them but could see no more. "With no more than nine of them, this won't be a long affair," he thought to himself; but he went back to the Settlement and called out his men. Then he went into his own house and called Gudrid to come. "Are you minded to see some of the Winelanders, my Gudrid? Bring your baby with you, and I will show them to you. I don't think they mean us any harm." Gudrid went with him without question. By this time the settlers had lined the shore, and the hide-boats had drawn up within bowshot and were making signals. A man stood up in each boat and waved a pole over his head. He swept it round in circles, and moved it from east to west, following the course of the sun. "What do they want with us?" says Karlsefne. "Not war, I think. Now who will come out to meet them with me? We will show them a white shield, but there shall be weapons at the bottom of the boat." He soon had a crew, and was soon afloat. The native boats scattered out in a half-moon as the adventurers came on. Karlsefne saw that he was being hemmed in, but having the notion fixed in his head that no harm was intended, he did not give orders to cease rowing, and stood up in the bows himself with his white shield displayed. When he was within speaking distance he bade his men rest on their oars. By and by, as he had expected, curiosity did his work for him. The hide-boats came in and in, each of them holding five or six men. In one at least he saw a woman with a baby. "If they bring their babies out to see us, it's no more than I have done," Karlsefne said. "They mean peace, and they shall have it." He invited them forward with open arms, and all signs of friendliness, and presently they were all crowded about. Small people they were, very dark brown, very ugly, with flat faces, coarse black hair twisted and tortured into peaks and knots. They had broad fat cheeks and enormous eyes. Their talk was like the chattering of birds. Karlsefne invited them to shore, and very cautiously their boats followed his. They landed and were induced to mingle with the large company they found there. Gudrid and her baby were the great attractions. The first man who saw her suckling it stared and jumped about. He called shrilly to his friends behind, and a body of them came to join him. They pushed forward the brown woman with her child. Gudrid, not at all put out or frightened, held out her hand. The woman stared hard at her white breast, then opened her gown and showed her own. She gave her baby suck and grinned community of nature in Gudrid's face. Gudrid, with one of those happy motions of hers, looked round to see if Karlsefne was by, and finding that he was, put up her hand into his. That shot told. There was much commotion among the brown people, much bickering and stirring; and presently they pushed one of their own men forward, and joined his hand with that of the mother. Joyful murmurings arose. Everybody understood. Now it was Freydis's turn. She stood disdainfully apart, with folded arms, but her colouring and shape betrayed her. Here was plainly to be another mother soon, as they did not fail to tell each other. Then nothing would do but her husband must be found for her. His friends dragged him out and put him beside her, no more willing to go than she was to have him. "Handfast her, you dog," said Karlsefne. "How else will they believe you?" So that was done. Freydis fumed and burned, as handsome and furious a young woman as you could have hoped to see. All went so well that Karlsefne was moved to hospitality, sending a man off for milk and fish. They crowded about for their share, and growing bold by degrees handled the women's gowns, the men's weapons, and were for spying into the stockade. The bull, who was feeding in there, snorted and puffed up the dust; presently, wagging his head, he came towards them and sent them flying back. Karlsefne, by signs, tried to make them understand that he was ready to barter if they were. He touched the fur with which they were all clad, and pointed to the milk bowls. When they saw what he would be at, they in turn fingered the weapons which every man had about him. Clearly they had not the art of forging steel. It was long before they would leave the shore, and when they did go it was with one consent, without any words passing. Quite suddenly they turned about and ran down to the shore, launched their canoes and were out in the water like a horde of rats. They rowed down the lake, as if towards the sea. Nothing more was seen of them for some time, but presently they began to come in numbers, always very friendly and willing to barter. They brought furs with them--fox and marten, beaver, as well as coarser kinds, bear and wolf and elk. Karlsefne would exchange no weapons; but milk he offered, and that they drank greedily and on the spot, and cloth too, of which he had a good store. Red cloth took their fancy most; they seemed as if they must have it, it was a kind of lust. The breadths he could spare them grew narrower and narrower; they pushed out their furs for it with no consideration of what they got in exchange. At last it became a kind of madness, and Karlsefne said it had better stop. "They take it like strong water; one of these days they will be killing men for it." It was a prophecy on his part--for they came in greater and greater numbers, and when there was no more red cloth for them, they howled and chattered and looked dangerous. Karlsefne and the men with him faced them with the best heart they had, but he ordered a retreat to the stockade, and when he was pretty near the entrance bade a man go in and bring out the bull. That answered. The great beast stood in the doorway pawing the ground and breathing hard. When he saw what was in front of him, down went his head, and he charged. The savages scattered all ways and saved themselves. In a few moments the lake was black with canoes; it was, the tale says, as though the water was covered with floating charcoal. Karlsefne did not like the look of things at all. He doubled the watch on the ship and strengthened the stockade; but did not wish to frighten Gudrid, who was so happy with her child, and beginning, as he could see, to love himself. He knew that she loved him, because at all sorts of times he found out that she had been looking at him while he moved about, busy over something or other. He taxed her with it one day. "I think that you love me, Gudrid." She put her head on one side. "What makes you think so?" He told her; so then she owned to it, and he wished to know why. She said that she could not tell, but in such a way that he saw that she could, and wished him to know. So then he pressed her. "Tell me, Gudrid, why you love me." She touched her child's head. "Because you are strong, and good, and brave. And because you gave me this. A woman must love her child's father." "Ask Freydis that," said Karlsefne; and she answered him; "Freydis loves more than she chooses to say. When Freydis has a child, you will see that she will love it." "But not her man on that account," he said. "It is only a heart like yours, my Gudrid, that can love because it loves. For I see very well that you love me because you love this boy, and did not until he came." She looked gently at him, half excusing herself. "I liked you well, and was grateful." "Ah, yes, maybe," he said, "but that was not how you loved Thorstan Ericsson." She said: "I was younger then, and I loved him so much because our time was short. But I love you better than I loved Thorstan, because of the peace you have put in my heart." [1] The Hudson River. XXVIII There was no further visitation from the savages for some time. The leaves fell, the nights grew short, and there came a spell of cold; but if this were winter it was one which no Greenlander could fear. The sky was blue, the sun warm on the skin; there was no snow, and the frost a mere white rime which melted in an hour. Their cattle never failed of feed, and as for themselves, they had so well harvested the wild wheat and the grapes that they had nothing to fear. The winter, to call it so, was well advanced before the savages came; but one day they were reported in large numbers on the lake, and Karlsefne gave orders how they were to be received. None were to be let inside the stockade; all the men were to have their weapons; such stuff as they had for barter was to be held up from within the defences and thrown over in exchange. He himself with a few of the best men should stand in the entry. Now while they were waiting for the savages and could still see some of them out on the water, while others were disembarking on the shore, Gudrid was sitting just inside the door of her house with her child asleep on her lap. She sat full in the sun, and was quiet and happy, as she generally was. Presently there passed a dark shadow across the open door. Gudrid looked up quickly. A woman stood there inside the pillars of the porch and looked fixedly at her. She was dressed in black, drawn very tightly across her; she was about Gudrid's own height, and had a ribbon over her hair--which was of a light-brown colour, and not coarse as most of the savages' was. She was a pale, grave woman, and had the biggest eyes Gudrid had ever seen. They were wide open, grey, and had a world of sorrow in them. Gudrid was not at all afraid, because she thought the woman looked too sad to be wicked or ill-disposed; besides, she did not believe that any one could be ill-disposed to her. So she smiled up in her face and waited for her to speak. When she did speak it did not seem at all remarkable that she should be perfectly understood. "What is your name?" she said plainly. Gudrid answered her simply, "My name is Gudrid. And what is your name?" "My name is Gudrid," said the woman, and the real Gudrid laughed softly. "Come then, Gudrid, and sit by me," she said, and held out her hand. The woman stared mournfully at her, and seemed to have trouble in speaking again. She turned her head about as if her throat hurt her. Then she said, "No, I cannot--I may not." Again she struggled, as she said, "Go from here. Do not stay." There came a loud cry from the stockade, and Gudrid started and got up. She went to the door and looked out. The woman was not there. By that time she was very much frightened, and saw them fighting at the entry. The outside of the fence seemed thick with savages, and presently some of them rushed the opening and came in. Freydis was at the door of her hut and saw them. Her face flamed. "Have at you, devils!" she shouted, and snatched up a double-handed sword. With this she went stumbling towards them, being so far on with child that she could scarcely walk. She had the long sword in one hand, but needed two to swing it. Her shift incommoded her, so she ripped it open and let it fall behind her. Then bare-breasted she whirled the great sword over her head and began to lay about her like a man. Her yellow hair flew out behind her like a flag; her face was flame-red, and her eyes glittering like ice. The savages fell back before her, and at the entry were caught by Karlsefne, returning from chasing a horde of them, and all killed. The others had gone or been driven off. Two of the Icelanders had been killed, and many were hurt. After this they had a council what had best be done. Gudrid told her story. Nobody had seen the woman but she, and nobody could make anything of it. Freydis thought that she was a ghost, but Gudrid was sure of her reality. "I think myself," she said, "that she was a woman of our own people either stolen by the savages from a ship, or cast ashore from a wreck, or lost by some adventurers of a former day. I never saw any woman with so much horror in her face. I would do a great deal if I could find her again. But the fighting began, and she went away without my seeing her go." "I should like more to know how she came in," said Karlsefne, "than how she went out. But whether she lives or is dead she had a warning which we had best take heed of. I am for going home myself." Freydis said that she should stay. She liked the country and was minded to live in it. Others were of her mind. About a hundred chose to settle there with her and her husband. There arose then the question of a ship, and Karlsefne said that he could not go home and leave them there with no means of escape. He said that he would go out in his own ship and look for the others, but Freydis would not have that. "Leave us here; we shall do well enough," she said. "As for the ship that has Thorhall the Huntsman in it, I would far sooner have none than his, with him in it." "We have tools enough here, and timber enough," Karlsefne said. "We will build you a ship as soon as look at you." So it was settled they were to build a new ship before they left. That night Freydis's child was born. It was a girl, and she called it Walgerd. That had been the name of Thorstan's daughter, who had not lived. Gudrid wondered why she chose that name. She could never understand Freydis--nobody could; yet she had been right about her in one thing. Freydis loved the child more than life itself. She was so jealous of it that she was uneasy when any one came in to see her, and used to lean right over it and hide it out of sight. Her yellow hair fell over her face, her eyes showed fire. She was like a wild beast guarding her young. As for Thorhall, her husband, she warned him out of the house, and he never dared put his head inside the door. She allowed Gudrid the entry, sulkily, it is true; but that was only her way of doing things. She was glad of her in her heart. "I am even with you now," she said, with her face to the wall. "I am glad of it," Gudrid said. "I always wished you happy." "I have never been so, since I became a woman," said Freydis, and Gudrid did not know what she meant. "I was happy enough," she went on, in a grumbling, even voice--as even it was as the constant running of water in a drain--"when I was a child, running and sporting with the boys. I loved all the things that they loved--I could swim as well as any, and ride, and fight with stones. But when they began to find me a girl, and to hold me and try to be alone with me, I had horror. They made me ashamed. And worse was to come--and I almost killed a young man for it--and after that I hated men, as I do still." "They mean no harm," said Gudrid. "They do after their kind." "But their kind is not mine. To be held in a man's arm is horrible to me." "It is good to me, sometimes," said Gudrid. "But when I saw you with Thorstan's child about to be born--and saw how rich and sedate you walked the ways, and how peace sat upon your forehead like a wreath, then I grudged you." Freydis turned round in the bed and showed her burning face. "And I said, 'This woman has a secret joy, and for all she is so quiet and still she is stronger than I.' And when the child died I was glad. I said, 'Now we are level again, but I will be better than you, for I will have a child which shall live and be strong like me.' But you have had yours first, and it is a boy. So you are better than me still." Then her eyes filled with hot tears, which made her eyelids blink. "Oh, Freydis," Gudrid said, "you don't grudge me my boy?" "No, no, it is not that. It is that I am ashamed. You are good, and I am very bad. I hate myself now." Gudrid kissed her. "Tell me, Freydis, now," she said, "why did you call your girl Walgerd?" Freydis did not want to answer, but presently she said: "I should have called her Gudrid if that had been lucky. But we must not use the names of living persons for the new-born, so I called her Walgerd, because yours had been called so. I went as near to you as I could." It seemed to hurt Freydis to talk about it, but Gudrid kissed her again, and went away feeling happy about her. "It is good to be loved, even by Freydis," she said to Karlsefne, whose answer was, "Who could help loving you?" XXIX But before the ship-building was began Freydis changed her mind, and said that she would go home with the rest. Nobody caring to stop alone out there without some chieftain over them, it came to it that all must go home in one ship. They killed what stock they could not take alive, and sailed out of the river at the beginning of summer. Gudrid's boy Snorre was just two years old, and Karlsefne was anxious to be safe at home before he had a brother or sister. They waited about at the river's mouth for a fair wind, then set all sail and ran before it northerly along the coast. So they came again to Markland and stayed there for certain days. It was there that Karlsefne and some of the crew, on shore after game, surprised some savages in a hollow of the woods: a bearded man, two women and two children. He saw them, unperceived himself, stalked them with art, and made a dash into the midst of them. He caught the two children, but the others disappeared into the earth. He brought them home with him and gave them to Gudrid. "Can you have too many children? I don't think so." She took them gladly and brought them up. They were brown all over and naked; they had black eyes round and staring as beads, but a ring of blue all about them, as blue as that on a thrush's egg. In time she taught them her own tongue, and in time had them baptized--but that was not until she went to Iceland. When they sailed from Markland the wind still held good, and they came safely into Ericsfrith, and picked up their moorings in the haven. It was as if they had never been away. Leif came down to welcome them, and they stayed with him the rest of the year. Eric Red was dead, and Leif not married. He had his son with him born in Orkney, but Thorgunna herself had not come, and Leif would not marry any other woman. Theodhild his mother kept house for him--it was no longer the great hospitality which old Eric had loved to maintain. They heard of the fate of Thorhall the Huntsman lost in Ireland, and of Biorn who had sailed with him. Their ship had been driven out of her course by tempest, and had drifted into a strange sea which they called The Maggoty Sea. Here the water was full of worms, which fastened on the ship and ate the timbers, so that she became rotten under them. They had a boat with them which the worms would not touch, and cast lots which should go in her and which remain. Thorhall drew a good lot and Biorn another; half the crew got into the boat. But then, as they were casting off, a young man who had been with Biorn in Iceland and on many voyages looked over the side and said, "Biorn, do you leave me here?" Biorn said, "Why, what can I do?" "You should keep the promise you made to me when I left my father's house to go along with you," the young man said. Biorn looked about. "Well," he said, "what would you have?" The young man answered, "I would have you take me in the boat." "Would you have my place? Do you mean that?" The young man did not answer him, but said, "Well, I am young to die." Then Biorn said, "In with you, then. Death is a hard thing for young men." So they changed places, and Biorn saw the boat out of sight. It was wrecked on the coast of Ireland, and many of the company drowned. Gudrid's son Biorn was born at Brattalithe and named after a brave man; and then it became a question for Karlsefne what he had better do. He had had from Gudrid a fine estate in Greenland, but he had one of his own at Rowanness in Iceland, and wanted to take her there. He told her: "I had the only good thing in Greenland when I had you; and you were not born here, and do not belong here either. But it shall be as you please." She said at once, "Let us go home to Iceland," and as she said it her face fell and she looked sorrowfully at him. "What is it now, sweetheart?" "I remember," she said, "what was foretold of me when first I came to Greenland, and all of it has been fulfilled but two things. Now I am afraid again, though it was so long ago." Karlsefne laughed. "And one was that you should end your days in Iceland?" She nodded, fearing the rest; but he went on-- "And the other was that you should outlive me?" She nodded again; but he looked at her and laughed, until she did too, but ruefully. "Let be all that, my dear," he said. "Death is not so fearful a thing--and the longer we live the less fearful it is. But I will tell you this, my Gudrid: I should be a miserable man were you to die first. And what would these children do without you? I call that comfortable soothsay, for my part--but I am not for dying yet awhile." He was not; for the rest of his tale is as prosperous as its beginning. He settled down in Iceland upon his own land, and did well by Gudrid and her children before his time came. As for her, it is said that when she had seen her sons out in the world, and married her daughters seemly, she turned to religion. A pilgrimage to Rome is reported, and that she became a nun. Thorberg had predicted of her that she should find the life which she loved best, and may have meant that of religion. The fact appears to be that Gudrid was a sweet nature and could be happy anywhere if she were allowed to love. And if it is not permitted always to love men, a woman can always love God.
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18038 ---- [Illustration: "'I will tell you where there is plenty of it'"--_Frontispiece_] _GREAT DAYS IN AMERICAN HISTORY SERIES_ DAYS OF THE DISCOVERERS BY L. LAMPREY _Author of "In the Days of the Guild", "Masters of the Guild", etc._ ILLUSTRATED BY FLORENCE CHOATE and ELIZABETH CURTIS NEW YORK FREDERICK A. STOKES COMPANY PUBLISHERS _Copyright, 1921, by_ FREDERICK A. STOKES COMPANY _All rights reserved, including that of translation into foreign languages_ _Made in the United States of America_ TO FORESTA Upon the road to Faerie, O there are many sights to see,-- Small woodland folk may one discern Housekeeping under leaf and fern, And little tunnels in the grass Where caravans of goblins pass, And airy corsair-craft that float On wings transparent as a mote,-- All sorts of curious things can be Upon the road to Faerie! Along the wharves of Faerie-- There all the winds of Christendie Are musical with hawk-bell chimes, Carillons rung to minstrels' rimes, And silver trumpets bravely blown From argosies of lands unknown, And the great war-drum's wakening roll-- The reveillé of heart and soul-- For news of all the ageless sea Comes to the quays of Faerie! Across the fields to Faerie There is no lack of company,-- The world is real, the world is wide, But there be many things beside. Who once has known that crystal spring Shall not lose heart for anything. The blessing of a faery wife Is love to sweeten all your life. To find the truth whatever it be-- That is the luck of Faerie! _Above the gates of Faerie There bends a wild witch-hazel tree. The fairies know its elfin powers. They wove a garland of the flowers, And on a misty autumn day They crowned their queen--and ran away! And by that gift they made you free Of all the roads of Faerie!_ CONTENTS PAGE _To Foresta_ v I ASGARD THE BEAUTIFUL (1348) 1 _The Viking's Secret_ 17 II THE RUNES OF THE WIND-WIFE (1364) 18 _The Navigators_ (1415-1460) 34 III SEA OF DARKNESS (1475) 35 _Sunset Song_ 48 IV PEDRO AND HIS ADMIRAL (1492) 50 _The Queen's Prayer_ 65 V THE MAN WHO COULD NOT DIE (1493-1494) 66 _The Escape_ 80 VI LOCKED HARBORS (1497) 81 _Gray Sails_ 93 VII LITTLE VENICE (1500) 94 _The Gold Road_ 104 VIII THE DOG WITH TWO MASTERS (1512) 105 _Cold o' the Moon_ (1519) 117 IX WAMPUM TOWN (1508-1524) 121 _The Drum_ 133 X THE GODS OF TAXMAR (1512-1519) 134 _The Legend of Malinche_ 148 XI THE THUNDER BIRDS (1519-1520) 150 _Moccasin Flower_ 165 XII GIFTS FROM NORUMBEGA (1533-1535) 167 _The Mustangs_ 181 XIII THE WHITE MEDICINE MAN (1528-1536) 182 _Lone Bayou_ (1542) 195 XIV THE FACE OF THE TERROR (1564) 197 _The Destroyers_ 214 XV THE FLEECE OF GOLD (1561-1577) 215 _A Watch-dog of England_ (1583) 237 XVI LORDS OF ROANOKE (1584) 238 _The Changelings_ 250 XVII THE GARDENS OF HELÊNE (1607-1609) 252 _The Wooden Shoe_ 269 XVIII THE FIRES THAT TALKED (1610) 270 _Imperialism_ 282 XIX ADMIRAL OF NEW ENGLAND (1600-1614) 284 _The Discoverers_ 299 BIBLIOGRAPHY 300 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS "'I will tell you where there is plenty of it'" (in color) _Frontispiece_ FACING PAGE "'And Freya came from Asgard in her chariot drawn by two cats'" (in color) 4 "Nils marked out an inscription in Runic letters" 30 "The miniature globe took form as the children watched, fascinated" 44 "He proposed that Caonaba should put on the gift the Spanish captain had brought" 78 "A sapling, bent down, was attached to a noose ingeniously hidden" 86 "The natives seemed prepared to traffic in all peace and friendliness" (in color) 132 "Cortes flung about his shoulders his own cloak" 146 "Moteczuma awaited them in the courtyard" (in color) 162 "Cartier read from his service-book" 176 "The creatures darkened the plain almost as far as the eye could see" 190 "'Gentlemen, whence does this fleet come?'" 204 "Drake was silent, fingering the slender Milanese poniard" 226 "If he had to wear her fetters, they should at least be golden" 244 "The Grand Master of the day entered the dining hall" 266 DAYS OF THE DISCOVERERS I ASGARD THE BEAUTIFUL A red fox ran into the empty church. In the middle of the floor he sat up and looked around. Nothing stirred--not the painted figures on the wooden walls, nor the boy who now stood in the doorway. This boy was gray-eyed and flaxen-haired, and might have been eleven or twelve years old. He was looking for the good old priest, Father Ansgar, and the wild shy animal eyeing him from the foot of the altar made it only too clear that the church, like the village, was deserted. Father Ansgar was dead of the strange swift pestilence that was called in 1348 the Black Death. So also were the sexton, the cooper, the shoemaker, and almost all the people of the valley. A ship had come into Bergen with the plague on board, and it spread through Norway like a grass-fire. Only last week Thorolf Erlandsson[1] had had a father and mother, a grandmother, two younger sisters and a brother. Now he was alone. In the night the dairy woman and the plowmen at Ormgard farm had run away. Other farms and houses were already closed and silent, or plundered and burned. Ormgard being remote had at first escaped the sickness. Thorolf turned away from the church door and began to climb the mountain. At the lane leading to his home he did not stop, but kept on into the woods. It was not so lonely there. Up and up he climbed, the thrilling scent of fir-balsam in his nostrils, the small friendly noises of the forest all about him. Only a few months ago he had come down this very road with his father, driving the cattle and goats home from the summer pasture. All the other farmers were doing the same, and the clear notes of the lure, the long curving horn, used for calling the cattle and signaling across valleys, soared from slope to slope. There was laughter and shouting and joking all the way down. Now the only persons abroad seemed to be thieving ruffians whose greed for plunder was more than their fear of the plague. A thought came to the boy. How could he leave his father's cattle unfed and uncared for? What if he were to drive the cows himself to the saeter and tend them through the summer? He faced about, resolutely, and began to descend the hill. Within sight of the familiar roofs he heard some one coming from the village, on horseback. It proved to be Nils the son of Magnus the son of Nils who was called the Bear-Slayer, with a sack of grain and a pair of saddlebags on a sedate brown pony. Nils was lame of one foot and no taller than a boy of nine, although he was thirteen this month and his head was nearly as large as a man's. He had been an orphan from baby-hood, and for the last three years had lived in the priest's house learning to be a clerk. "Hoh!" called Nils, "where are you going?" "To the farm to get our cattle and take them to the saeter. There is no one left to do it but me." "Cattle?" queried the other interestedly, "She will be glad of that." "She!" said Thorolf, "who?" "The Wind-wife[2]--Mother Elle, who used to sell wind to the sailors--the Finnish woman from Stavanger. She has gathered up a lot of children who have no one to look after them and is leading them into the mountains. She has Nikolina Sven's daughter Larsson, and Olof and Anders Amundson, and half a score of younger ones from different villages. She says that if it is God's will for the plague to come to the saeter it will come, but it is not there now, and it is in the valleys and the towns. She has gone on with the small ones who cannot walk fast, and left Olof and Anders and me to bring along the ponies with the loads. I'll help you drive your beasts." Without trouble the lads got the animals out of the byres and headed them up the road. Norway is so sharply divided by precipitous mountain ranges and deeply-penetrating fiords, that it may be but a few miles from a farm near sea level to the high grassy pastures three or four thousand feet above it where the cattle are pastured in summer. The saeter maidens live there in their cottages from June to September, making butter and cheese, tending the herds and doing such other work as they can. The saeter belonging to Ormgard and its neighbors was the one chosen by Mother Elle as a refuge for her flock. The forest of magnificent firs through which the road passed presently grew less somber, beginning to be streaked with white birches whose bright leaves twinkled in the sun. Then it reached the height at which evergreens cease to grow. The birches were shorter and sparser, and through the thinning woodland appeared glimpses of a treeless pasture dotted with scrubby low bushes and clumps of rushes. A glint of clear green water betrayed a small lake in a dip of the hills. And now were heard sounds most unusual in that lonely place, the high sweet voices of children. Birch trees, little trees, dwarfed by sharp winds and poor soil, encircled a level space perhaps ten feet across, carpeted with new soft grass, reindeer moss and cupped lichens. Here sat seven or eight children eagerly listening to a story told by an older child as she divided the ration of fladbrod,[3] wild strawberries from a small basket of birchbark, and brown goat's-milk cheese. "And Freya came from Asgard in her chariot drawn by two cats--" Nikolina the daughter of Sven Larsson of the Trolle farm was known through all the valley, not only as the sole child of its richest farmer, but for the bright blonde hair that covered her shoulders with its soft abundance and hung to her waist. Her father would not have it cut or braided or even covered save by such a little embroidered cap as she wore now. Her scarlet bodice, and blue-black skirt bordered with bright woven bands, were of the finest wool; the full-sleeved white linen under-dress had been spun and woven and embroidered by skilful and loving fingers. Nikolina had lost the roof from over her head, and a great deal more than that. Now she was giving her whole mind to the little ones of all ages from four to eight, crowding close about her. [Illustration: "'And Freya came from Asgard in her chariot drawn by two cats'"--_Page_ 4] "Hi!" called Nils, "where is Mother Elle? See what Thorolf and I have got!" The children scrambled to their feet and gazed with round eyes, their small hungry teeth munching their morsels of hard bread. Nikolina plucked a bunch of grass for Snow, the foremost cow, and patted her as she ate it. "The little ones were so tired and hungry," she said, "that Mother Elle said they might have their supper now, while she and Olof and Anders went on to the saeter. This is wonderful! She was saying only this morning that she feared all the cattle were dead or stolen." Within an hour they came in sight of the log huts with turf-covered roofs that sloped almost to the ground in the rear. A broad plain stretched away beyond, and the new grass was of that vivid green to be found in places which deep snow makes pure. Hills enclosed it, and beyond, a gleaming network of lake and stream ended in range above range of blue and silver peaks. The clear invigorating air was like some unearthly wine. The cows at the scent of fresh pasture moved more briskly; the pony tossed his head and whinnied. Not far from the cottages there came to meet them a little old woman, dark and wiry, with bright searching eyes. Her face was wrinkled all over in fine soft lines, but her hair was hardly gray at all. She wore a pointed hood and girdled tunic of tanned reindeer hide, with leggings and shoes of the same. A blanket about her shoulders was draped into a kind of pouch, in which she carried on her back a tow-headed, solemn-eyed baby. "Welcome to you, Thorolf Erlandsson," she said, just as if she had been expecting him. "With this good milk we shall fare like the King." No king, truly, could have supped on food more delicious than that enjoyed by Nils and Thorolf on this first night in the saeter. It is strange but true that the most exquisite delights are those that money cannot buy. No man can taste cold spring water and barley bread in absolute perfection who has not paid the poor man's price--hard work and keen hunger. When Nikolina, Karen and Lovisa came up with the smaller children the place had already an inhabited, homelike look. There was even a wise old raven, almost as large as a gander, whom Nils had christened Munin, after Odin's bird. The little ones had all the new milk they could drink from their wooden bowls, and were put to bed in the movable wooden bed-places, on beds of hay covered with sheepskins and blankets. All were asleep before dark, for at that season the night lasted only two or three hours. The last thing that Thorolf heard was a happy little pipe from the five-year-old Ellida,-- "Now we shall live in Asgard forever and ever." For all it had to do with the experience of many of the children the saeter might really have been Asgard, the Norse paradise. The youngest had never before been outside the narrow valley where they were born. Ellida and Margit, Didrik and little Peder, could not be convinced that they were anywhere but in Asgard the Blest. Norway had long since become Christian, but the old faith was not forgotten. The legends, songs and customs of the people were full of it. In the sagas Asgard was described as being on a mountain at the top of the world. Around the base of this mountain lay Midgard, the abode of mankind. Beyond the great seas, in Utgard, the giants lived. Hel was the under-world, the home of evil ghosts and spirits. Tales were told in the long winter evenings, of Baldur the god of spring, Loki the crafty, Odin the old one-eyed beggar in a hooded cloak, with his two ravens and his two tame wolves, Freya the lovely lady of flowers, Elle-folk dancing in the moonlight, and little rascally Trolls. The songs and legends repeated by the old people or chanted by minstrels or skalds were more than idle stories--they were the history of a race. Children heard over and over again the family records telling in rude rhyme the story of centuries. In distant Iceland, Greenland, the Shetlands, the Faroes or the Orkneys, a Norseman could tell exactly what might be his udall right, or right of inheritance, in the land of his fathers. On Nils and Thorolf, Anders, Olof, Nikolina, Karen and Lovisa, who were all over ten years old, rested great responsibility. Mother Elle always managed to solve her own problems and expected them to attend to theirs without constant direction from her. She told them what there was to be done and left them to attend to it. All were hardy, active youngsters who took to fending for themselves as naturally as a day-old chick takes to scratching. In ordinary seasons the work at the saeter was heavy, for the maidens must not only follow the herds over miles of pasture land, but make butter and cheese for the winter from their milking. The few cows that were here now could be tethered near by; the milk, when the children had had all they wanted, was mostly used in soups, pudding or gröt (porridge). A net or weir stretched across the outlet of the lake would fill with fish overnight. The streams were full of trout. Mother Elle knew how to make fish-hooks of bone, bows and arrows, ropes, and baskets of bark, how to weave osiers, how to cure bruises and cuts, how to trap the wild hares, grouse and plover and cook them over an open fire. The children found plover's eggs and the eggs of other wild fowl. They raised pulse, leeks, onions and turnips in a little garden patch. They gathered strawberries, cranberries, crowberries, wild currants, black and red, the cloudberry and the delicious arctic raspberry which tastes of pineapple. Some stores of salt and grain were already at the saeter and the grain-fields had been sowed, before the pestilence appeared in the valley. In the long summer days of these northern mountains, one has the feeling that they will never end, that life must go on in an infinite succession of still, sunshiny, fragrant hours, filled with the songs of birds, the chirr of insects and the distant lowing of cattle. There is time for everything. At night comes dreamless slumber, and the morning is like a birth into new life. There was a great deal of singing and story-telling at odd times. A group of children making mats or baskets, gathering pease or going after berries would beg Nils or Nikolina to tell a story, or Karen would lead them in some old song with a familiar refrain. But some of the songs the Wind-wife crooned to the baby were not like any the children had heard. They were not even in Norwegian. Thorolf was a silent lad, who would rather listen than talk, and hated asking questions. But one day, when he and Nikolina were hunting wild raspberries, he asked her if she thought Mother Elle meant to stay in the mountains through the winter. Nikolina did not know. "'Tis well to be wise but not too wise, 'Tis well that to-morrow is hid from our eyes, For in forward-looking forebodings rise," she added quaintly. "I have heard her say that it is colder in Greenland than it is here." "Has she been in Greenland?" "Her father and mother were on the way there when she was little, and the ship was wrecked somewhere on the coast. The Skroelings found her and took her to live in their country. That is how she learned so much about trees and herbs, and how to make bows and arrows and moccasins." "Moccasins?" "The little shoes she made for Ellida. And she made a little boat for Peder, like their skiffs." This was interesting. For a private reason, Thorolf held Greenland to be the most fascinating of all places. "Can she speak their language?" "Of course. I asked her to teach me, and she said that perhaps she would some day. The songs that she sings to the little ones are some that the Skroeling woman who adopted her used to sing to her when she cried for her own mother. One of them begins like this: "'Piche Klooskap pechian Machieswi menikok.'" "What does it mean?" "'Long ago Klooskap came to the island of the partridges.' Klooskap was like Odin, or Thor. The priests in Greenland told her he was a devil and wouldn't let her talk about him, but the Skroelings had runes for everything just like the people in the sagas,--runes for war, and healing, and the sea." "How did she ever get away?" "Some men came from Westbyrg to cut wood in the forest, and when they saw that she was not really a Skroeling they bought her for an iron pot and one of them married her. But he was drowned a long time ago." "I wish I knew the Skroelings' language. Some day I mean to go to Greenland." "Perhaps Mother Elle will teach you. I'll ask her." The Wind-wife was rather chary of information about the country of the Skroelings until Nikolina's coaxing and Thorolf's silent but intense interest had taken effect. The country, she said, was rather like Norway, with mountains and great forests, lakes and streams, but far colder. There were no fiords, and no cities. The people lived in tents made of poles covered with bark, or hides. They dressed in the hides of wild animals and lived by hunting and fishing. They had no reindeer, horses, cattle, sheep or goats, no fowls, no pigs. They could not work iron, nor did they spin or weave. The man and woman who had adopted her treated her just like their own child. The stories she had learned from these people were intensely interesting to her listeners. There was one about a battle between the wasps and the squirrels, and another about the beaver who wanted wings. One was about a girl who was married to the Spirit of the Mountain and had a son beautiful and straight and like any other boy except that he had stone eyebrows. Then there was the tale about Klooskap tying up the White Eagle of the Wind so that he could not flap his wings. After a short time everything was so dirty and ill-smelling and unhealthy that Klooskap had to go back and untie one wing, and let the wind blow to clear the air and make the earth once more wholesome. Wild apples fell, grain ripened, nights lengthened. Long ago the twin-flower, violet, wild pansy, forget-me-not and yellow anemone had left their fairy haunts, and there remained only the curving fantastic fronds of the fern,--the dragon-grass. Then had come brilliant spots and splashes of color on the summer slopes--purple butterwort, golden ragweed, aconite, buttercup, deep crimson mossy patches of saxifrage, rosy heather, catchfly, wild geranium, cinnamon rose. These also finished their triumphal procession and went to their Valhalla. Then one September morning the children woke to hear the wind screaming as if the White Eagle had escaped his prison, and the rain pelting the world. All summer they had been out, rain or shine, like water-ouzels, but now they were glad to sit about the fire with the shutters all closed, and the smoke now and then driven down into the room by the storm. Before evening the little ones were begging for stories. "I wish I could remember a saga I heard last Yule," Nikolina said at last. "It was about a voyage the Vikings made to a country where the people had never seen cattle. When they heard the cattle bellowing they all ran away and left the furs they had come to sell." "Tell all you remember and make up the rest," suggested Karen, but Nikolina shook her head. "One should never do that with a saga." "I know that tale," spoke up Thorolf suddenly, although he had never in his life repeated a saga. "Grandmother used to tell it. In the beginning Bjarni Heriulfson the sea-rover, after many years came home to Iceland to drink wassail in his father's house. But strangers dwelt there and told him that his father was gone to Greenland, and he set sail for that land. Soon was the ship swallowed up in a gray mist in which were neither sun nor stars. They sailed many days they knew not where, but suddenly the fog lifted and the sun revealed to them a coast of low hills covered with forest. By this Bjarni thought that it was not Greenland but some southerly coast. Therefore turned he northward and sailed many days before he sighted the mountains of Greenland and his father's house. "Years afterward returned Bjarni to Iceland, and in his telling of that voyage it came to the ears of Leif Ericsson, who asked him many questions about the land he had seen. There grew no trees in Iceland or Greenland, fit for house-timber, and Leif was minded to find out this place of great forests. Thus it came that Leif sailed from Brattahlid in Greenland with five and thirty men in a long ship upon a journey of discovery. "First came they to a barren land covered with big flat stones, and this Leif named Helluland, the slate land. Southward sailed he for many days until he saw a coast covered with wooded hills, and there he landed, calling it Markland, the land of woods. Then southward again they bore and came to a place where a river flowed out of a lake and fell into the sea. The country was pleasant, with good fishing. Leif said that they would spend the winter there, and they built wooden cabins well-made and warm. "Then at the season when the leaves are blood-red and bright gold came in from the woods Thorkel the German, smacking his lips and making strange faces and jabbering in his own language. When they asked what ailed him he said that he had found vines loaded with grapes, and having seen none since he left his own country, which was a land of vineyards, he was out of his senses with delight. Therefore was that country named Vinland the Fair. In the spring went Leif home, well pleased, with a cargo of timber, but his father being dead he voyaged no more to Vinland, but remained to be head of his house. "Next went Thorvald, Leif's brother, to Vinland and stayed two winters in the booths that Leif built, until he was slain in a fight with the men of that land. His men buried him there and returned sorrowfully to their own land. "Next went Thorestein, Leif's second brother, forth, with Gudrid his wife, to get the body of Thorvald but he died on the voyage and his widow returned to Brattahlid. "Next came to Brattahlid Thorfin Karlsefne, the Viking from Iceland, who loved and married Gudrid and from her heard the story of Vinland, and desired it for his own. In good time went he forth in a long ship with his wife, and there went with him three other valiant ships. They had altogether one hundred and sixty men and five women, with cattle, grain and all things fit for a settlement. This was seven years after Leif Ericsson found Vinland. Among the stores for trading was scarlet cloth, which the Skroelings greatly covet, insomuch that one small strip of scarlet would buy many rich furs. But when they came to trade, hearing a bull bellow, with a great squalling they all ran away and left their packs on the ground, nor did they show their faces again for three weeks. Snorre, the son of Thorfin Karlsefne, born in Vinland, was three years old when the Northmen left that land. They had found the winter hard and cold, and in a fight with the Skroelings many had been killed, so that they took ship and returned to Iceland. "They had gone but a little way when one of the ships, which was commanded by Bjarni Grimulfsson, lagged so far behind that it lost sight of the others. The men then discovered that shipworms[4] had bored the hull so that it was about to sink. None could hope to be saved but in the stern boat, and that would not hold half of them. "Then stood Bjarni Grimulfsson forth, and said to his men that in this matter there should be no advantage of rank, but they would draw lots, who should go in the boat and who remain in the ship. When this had been done it was Bjarni's lot to go in the boat. After all had gone down into the boat who had the right, an Icelander who had been Bjarni's companion made outcry dolefully saying, 'Bjarni, Bjarni, do you leave me here to die in the sea? It was not so you promised me when I left my father's house.' Then said Bjarni, for the lot was fairly cast, 'What else can be done?' Then said the Icelander, 'I think that you should come up into the ship and let me go down into the boat.' And indeed no other way might be found for him to live. Then answered Bjarni making light of the matter, 'Let it be so, since I see that you are so anxious to live and so afraid of death; I will return to the ship.' This was done, and the men rowing away looked back and saw the ship go down in a great swirl of waves with Bjarni and those who remained. "This tale my grandmother heard from her father, and he from his, and so on until the time of that Thorolf Erlandsson who sailed with Bjarni Grimulfsson and went down into the sea by his side singing, for he feared nothing but to be a coward." Thorolf's eyes were as proud and his head as high as were his Viking forefather's when the worm-riddled galley went to her grave with more than half her crew, three hundred and forty years before. In the little silence which followed the fire crackled and whistled, the gusty rain-drenched wind beat upon the little hut. And then Nils repeated musingly the ancient saying from the Runes of Odin, "'Cattle die, Kings die, Kindred die, we also die,-- One thing never dies, The fair fame of the valiant.'" Some one knocked at the door. A real Viking in winged helmet and scale-armor would hardly have surprised them just then. But it was only a tall man in a traveler's cloak and hat, and they made quickly room for him to dry himself by the fire, and brought food and drink for him to refresh himself. "I thought that I knew the way to the old place," he said, looking about, "but in this tempest I nearly lost myself. Which of you is Thorolf Erlandsson?" The stranger was Syvert Thorolfson, a merchant of Iceland, Thorolf's uncle. He brought messages from Nikolina's grandmother in Stavanger, and from the Bishop, who was ready to see that all the children who had no relatives should be taken care of in Bergen. Within three days Asgard the Beautiful was left to the lemming and the raven. Yet the long bright summer lived always in the hearts of the children. Years after Thorolf remembered the words of the Wind-wife,-- "Make friends with the Skroelings--make friends. Friendship is a rock to stand on; hatred is a rock to split on. In the land of Klooskap shall you be Klooskap's guest." NOTES [1] In old Norse families names alternated from father to son. For example, Thorolf Erlandsson (Thorolf the son of Erland) would name his son after his own father, and the boy would be known as Erland Thorolfsson. A daughter was known by her given name and her father's, as Sigrid Erlandsdatter. In the case of the farm being of sufficient importance for a surname the name might be added, as "Elsie Tharaldsdatter Ormgrass." [2] Northern sailors regard the Finns as wizards. [3] Fladbrod is the coarse peasant-bread of Norway, made from an unfermented dough of barley and oatmeal rolled out into large thin cakes and baked. It will keep a long time. [4] The teredo or shipworm was a serious peril in the days before the sheathing of ships. Even tar sheathing was not used until the sixteenth century. THE VIKING'S SECRET In the days of jarl and hersir, while yet the world was young, And sagas of gods and heroes the grim-lipped minstrel sung, With the beak of his open galley in the sunset's scarlet flame, Over the wild Atlantic the Norseland Viking came. Life was a thing to play with,--oh, then the world was wide, With room for man and mammoth, and a goblin life beside. Now we have slain the mammoths, and we have driven the ghosts away, And we read the saga of Vinland in the light of a new-born day. We have harnessed the deadly lightnings; we have ridden the restless wave. We have chased the brood of the werewolf back to their noisome cave. But far in the icy Northland, with weird witch-lights aglow, Locked in the Greenland glaciers, is a tale we do not know. Out of Brattahlid's portal, southward from Herjulfsness, They came to their new-found kingdom, their Vinland to possess. Armored with careless laughter, strong with a stubborn will, The Vikings found it and lost it--it is undiscovered still! Where did they beach their galleys? How were their cabins planned? Who were the fearful Skroelings? What was the Fürdürstrand? What were the grapes of Tyrker? For all that is written or said, The Rune Stones hold the secret of the days of Eric the Red! II THE RUNES OF THE WIND-WIFE Salt and scarred from the northern seas, the _Taernan_, deep-laden with herring, nosed in at the Hanse quay in Bergen. Thorolf Erlandsson looked grimly up at the huge warehouses. Since the Hanseatic League secured a foothold in Norway, in 1343, most Norwegian ports had been losing trade, and Bergen, or rather the Hanse merchants in Bergen, had been getting it. Between the Danes and the Germans it looked rather as if Norwegians were to be crowded out of their own country. The Hanse traders not only received and sold fish for the Friday markets of northern Europe, but sold all kinds of manufactured goods. It was said that they had two sets of scales--one for buying and one for selling. Norwegians had either to adapt themselves to the new methods or give their sons to the ceaseless battle of the open sea. From the Baltic and Icelandic fisheries, the North Sea and the Lofoden Islands, their ships got the heaviest and the hardest of the sea-harvesting. But it takes more than hardship to break a Norseman. In his four years at sea Thorolf had become tall, broad-shouldered and powerful, and at eighteen he looked a grown man. He did more than he promised, and listened oftener than he talked, and his only close friend was Nils Magnusson, who was now coming down to the wharf. They had known each other from boyhood. Nils had been for three years a clerk in Syvert Thorolfsson's warehouse. While not tall he was neither stunted nor crippled, and easily kept pace with Thorolf. As he set out the silver-bound horn cups to drink _skal_[1] with his friend in his own lodging, the croak and sputter of German talk sounded in the street below. "Behold a new Bergen," observed Nils whimsically. "Let us drink to the founding of a new Iceland. Did you go to Greenland?" "We touched at Kakortok with letters for the Bishop. The people are sick and savage with fighting against the Skroelings." "Now," said Nils, rubbing his long nose, "it is odd that you say that, for I was just going to tell you some news. The King has given Paul Knutson leave to raise a company to fight against the Skroelings in Greenland--and parts beyond. He sails in a month." "I wish I had known of it." "I thought you would say that. This is between us two and the candle, but Anders Amundson is going, and I am going, and you may go if you will." Thorolf's gray eyes flamed. "What is Knutson like?" "Well, they may call him Chevalier, but he has the old Viking way with him. I said that I had a friend who had long wished to lay his bones in a strange land, and he answered, 'If your friend sails with me I would prefer to have him bring his bones home again.' He kept a place for you." Three weeks later Thorolf, looking backward as the _Rotge_, (little auk or sea-king) stood out to sea, saw the familiar outline of Snaehatten against the sunrise and wondered when he should see it again. Like a questing raven his mind returned to the summer spent at the saeter, and recalled that dark saying of the Wind-wife,-- "In the land of Klooskap shall you be Klooskap's guest." The galley[2] rode the waves with the bold freedom of her kind. Her keel was carved out of a single great tree. Her seasoned oaken timbers, overlapping, were riveted together by iron bolts, with the round heads outside. Where a timber touched a rib, a strip was cut out on each side, forming a block through which a hole was bored. Another hole was bored in the rib to match and a rope twisted of the inner bark of the linden was put through both holes and knotted. In surf or heavy sea, this construction gave the craft a supple strength. Calking was done with woolen cloth steeped in pitch. The mast, of a chosen trunk of fir, was set upright in a log with ends shaped like a fishtail. The long oarlike rudder was on the board or side of the ship to the right of the stern, called the starboard or steerboard. The lading was done on the opposite side, the larboard or ladderboard. There were ten oars to a side, and a single large triangular sail. Long and narrow, hardly ten feet above the water-line at her lowest, her curved prow glancing over the waves like the head of a swimming snake, she was no more like the tumbling cargo-ships than a shark is like a porpoise. When they were two days out, Nils said to Thorolf, "A Viking in such a galley would sail to the end of the world. By the way, did the Skroelings in Greenland understand that language the Wind-wife spoke?" "I was not there long enough to find out. I once asked a man who knows their talk well, and he said it was no tongue that ever he heard." The Greenland folk welcomed them heartily. Finding that the white men had not after all been forgotten by their own people, the natives drew off and gave them no more trouble. The Northmen spent the winter in sleep, talk, song, and hunting with native guides. Besides the old man in white fur, as the polar bear was respectfully called, Arctic foxes, walrus, whales and seal abounded. Many of the new-comers became skilful in the making and the use of the skin-covered native boats called Kayaks. Nils had some skill in carving wood and stone, and could write in the Runic script of Elfdal. In the long evenings when winds from the cave of the Great Bear buffeted the low huts, he taught Thorolf and Anders what he knew, and talked with the Skroelings. But none of them understood the runes of the Wind-wife. Their speech was quite different. Spring came with brief, hot sunshine, and the creeping birches budded on the pebbly shore. Encouraged by the reports from Greenland, new colonists ventured out, and house-building went on briskly. One day Thorolf was summoned to Knutson's headquarters. "Erlandsson," began the Chevalier, "they say that you have information about Vinland[3] and the Skroelings there, from an old woman who lived among them. What can you tell me?" Thorolf told the story of the Wind-wife. Knutson looked interested but doubtful. "I have talked with the oldest colonists," he said, "and they know nothing of any Skroelings but those hereabouts. They say also that Vinland is hard to come at. Boats venturing south return with tales of heavy winds, dense fogs and dangerous cliffs and skerries--or do not return at all. One was caught and crushed in the ice, and the crew were found on the floe half starved and gnawing bits of hide. In the sagas of Vinland the Skroelings are spoken of as fierce and treacherous. To hold such a land would need a strong hand. The old woman may have forgotten--or the stories may be those of her own people." Thorolf shook his head. "Nay, my lord. She was not a forgetful person--and the language is neither Lapp nor Finn." "She was very old, you say?" "I think so. I do not know how old." "Old people sometimes confuse what they have heard with what they have seen. But I shall remember what you have said." "If he had known the Wind-wife," said Nils when told of this conversation, "he would have no doubt." Knutson wrote to the King, but got no reply for a long time. A ship with a cargo of trading stores was sent for, and was wrecked on the Faroes. But in the following spring an expedition to Vinland was really planned. There was no general desire to take part in it. Many of Knutson's party now longed for their native land, where the mountains were drawn swords flashing in the sun, and the malachite and silver waters and flowery turf, the jeweled scabbards. They dreamed of the lure sounding over the valleys, of bright-paired maidens dancing the _spring dans_. Nevertheless in due season the _Rotge_ left the Greenland shore and pointed her inquiring beak southeast by south. In the _Gudrid_ sailed Knutson and his immediate following, with the trading cargo and most of the provisions. By keeping well out to sea at first the commander hoped to escape the perils of the coast. This hope was dashed by an Atlantic gale which drove them westward. For two days and two nights they were tossed between wind and tide. Toward the end of the second night the sound of the waves indicated land to starboard. In the growing light they saw a harbor that seemed spacious enough for all the ships in the world, sheltered by wooded hills. If this were Vinland, it was greater than saga told or skald sang. They landed to take in fresh water, mend a leak and see the country, but found no grapes, no Skroelings nor any sign of Northmen's presence. On the rocks grew vineberries, or mountain cranberries, and Knutson thought that perhaps these and not true grapes were the fruit found in Vinland. He sent a party of a dozen men, Anders and Thorolf leading, to explore the forest, ascend some hill if possible and return the same day. He himself remained with the ships and kept Nils by him. He rather expected that the natives, learning of the strangers' arrival, would be drawn by curiosity to visit the bay. The scouting party followed the banks of the little stream that had given them fresh water, Anders leading, Thorolf just behind him. Wind stirred softly in the leaves overhead, unseen birds fluttered and chirped, sunshine sifting through the maple undergrowth turned it to emerald and gold and jasper. Once there was a discordant screech from the evergreens, but it was only a brilliant blue jay with crest erect, scolding at them. A striped squirrel flashed up the trunk of a tree to his hole. Then sudden as lightning, from the bushes they had just passed, came a flight of arrows. Two men were slightly wounded, but most of the arrows were turned by the light strong body armor of the Norsemen. The foe remained unseen and unheard. Nothing stirred, though the men scanned the woods about them with the keen eyes of seamen and hunters. Thorolf was seized with an inspiration. He went forward a step or two, lifted his hand in salutation, and called,-- "Klooskap mech p'maosa?"[4] (Is Klooskap yet alive?) There was a silence stiller than death. The Norsemen faced the ominous thicket without moving a muscle. Some one within it called out something which Thorolf did not understand. But no more arrows came. He tried another sentence. "Klooskap k-chi skitap, pechedog latogwesnuk." (Klooskap was a great man in the country far to the northward.) This time he made out the answer. In a swift aside he explained to his comrades,-- "'K'putuswin' means 'let us take council.' They want to have a talk." He managed to convey his assent to the unseen listeners, and every tree, rock and log sprouted Skroelings. They were quite unlike the natives of Greenland, though of copper-colored complexion.[5] These men--there were no women among them,--were tall and sinewy, and wore their coarse black hair knotted up on the head with a tuft of feathers. They were naked to the waist, and wore fringed breeches of deerskin, and soft shoes embroidered in bright colors. Some had necklaces of bears' claws, beads or shells, but the only weapons seemed to be the bow and arrow and a stone-headed hatchet or club. They stared at the white man half curiously and half threateningly. Then began the queerest conversation that any one present had ever heard. Thorolf discovered the wild men's language to be so nearly like that learned from the Wind-wife that he could understand it when spoken slowly, and in a halting fashion could make them comprehend him. His companions listened in wonder. Not even Anders had really believed in that language. At last Thorolf held out his hand, and the leader of the Skroelings came forward in a very gingerly manner and took it. Then walking in single file, toes pointed straight forward, the savages melted into the forest as frost melts in sunshine. With a broad grin, the first he had worn for some time, Thorolf translated. "He asked why we came here. I told him, to see the country and trade with his people. He says that white men have come here before, very long ago. I think they were killed and he did not wish to say so. He says that the Sagem, the jarl of his people, lives in a castle over there somewhere. I told him to give the Sagem greeting from our commander, and invite him to visit the place where our ships are. He says that it will not be safe for us to go further into the forest until the Skroelings have heard who we are and what we are doing here." "That is very good advice," said Anders with a wry face, as he plucked some moss to stanch the wound in his arm. The arrow-head which had made it was a shaped piece of flint bound to the shaft with cords of fine sinew. "We are too few to get into a general fight. Besides, that is not in our orders." They accordingly went back to the ships, arriving a little before sundown. Knutson was greatly interested. "You have done well," he said. "A boat was hovering about soon after you left. This may have been a scouting party sent through the forest to cut you off." All the next day they waited, but nothing happened. On the morning after, a large number of boats appeared rounding the headland to the south. In the largest sat the Sagem, a very old man wrapped in furs. The boats were made of birchbark laced on a wooden framework with fibrous roots, like the toy skiff Mother Elle had made for little Peder. The Skroelings landed, and advanced with great dignity to meet Knutson, who was equally ceremonious. Nils and Thorolf had all they could do to interpret the old chief's long speech, although many phrases were repeated again and again, which made it easier. Knutson made one in reply, briefer but quite as polite, and brought out beads, little knives, and scarlet cloth from his trading stores. The red cloth and beads were received with eagerness, the knives with interest, and after a young chief had cut himself, with some awe. The Sagem in his turn presented the stranger with skins of the sable, the silver fox and the bear. He and a few of the warriors tasted of the food offered them, and all the white men were asked to a feast in the village the next day. So friendly were the Skroelings, in fact, that Knutson determined to return to Greenland and see what could be done toward founding a settlement here. He would leave part of the men in winter quarters, with the _Rotge_ as a means of further explorations, or if necessary, of escape. Her captain, Gustav Sigerson, was a cautious, wise and experienced seaman. Anders Amundson, as the best hunter of the expedition, was to stay, with Nils as clerk and Thorolf as interpreter. Booths were erected, stores landed, and on a brilliant day in late summer some forty Norsemen and Gothlanders on the shore watched the _Gudrid_ slowly fading out of sight. In talking with the natives Nils and Thorolf observed that their world seemed to be infested with demons--particularly water-fiends. A reason for this appeared in time. Half a dozen men one day took the stern-boat and went a-fishing. They came back white-faced, with a story of a giant squid with arms four times as long as the boat, that had risen out of the sea and tried to pull them under. Only their skill as rowers had saved them. Nils remembered the kraken, of ancient legends, and thought he could see why the Skroelings never ventured out to sea in their frail canoes. This put an end to plans for exploring along the coast. The winter was colder than they had expected. This land, so much further south than Norway, was bitten by frost as Norway never was. There is something in intense cold which is inhuman. When men are shut up together in exile by it, all that is bad in them is likely to crop out. It might have been worse but for the fortunate friendliness of the Skroelings. When scurvy appeared in the camp, their first acquaintance, Munumqueh (woodchuck) had his women brew a drink which cured it. He showed the white men also how to make pemmican, the compressed meat ration of native hunters, and how to construct and use a birch canoe, a pair of snowshoes, and a fire-drill. Gustav Sigerson died in the spring, and Nils was chosen captain. He and Munumqueh became great cronies, and exchanged names, Nils being thereafter known to his native friends as the Woodchuck, and bestowing upon Munumqueh the proud name of his grandfather, Nils the Bear-Slayer. "It will never do for us to sit quiet here until Knutson returns," said Nils when at Midsummer nothing had been seen of the ships. "We shall be at one another's throats or quarreling with the savages." He had been inquiring about the nature of the country, and had learned that westward a great river led to five inland seas, so connected that canoes could go from one to another. Along this chain of waters lived tribes who spoke somewhat the same language and traded with one another. Southward lived a warlike people who sometimes attacked the lake tribes. Beyond the last of the lakes they did not know what the country was like. The waters inland were not troubled with the water-demon so far as they knew. Nils, Anders and Thorolf held a council and decided to explore the wilderness as far as they could go in the _Rotge_. It was nothing more than all their ancestors had done. Often, in their invasions of England, France and other unknown regions Vikings had gone up one river and come down another, and the _Rotge_, for all her iron strength, was no more than a wooden shell when stripped.[6] They set forth, escorted by a flotilla of small canoes, on a clear summer morning, and found their progress surprisingly easy. Fish, game and berries were plentiful, the villages along the river supplied corn and beans, and though it was not always easy to drag the _Rotge_ around the carrying-places pointed out by their native guides, they did not have to turn back. It was a proud moment when the undefeated crew launched their "water-snake" as the Skroelings called her, on the shining waters of a great inland sea. The journey had been a far longer one than they expected, and to natives of any other country would have been much more exciting than it was to the Norsemen.[7] They had seen cliffs a thousand feet high, cataracts, rapids, a multitude of wooded islands, narrow valleys where floating misty clouds came and went and the sky looked like a riband. But the precipice above Naero Fiord rises four thousand perpendicular feet, and the water which laps its base is thousands of feet in depth. The Skjaeggedalsfos is loftier than Niagara, and the mist-maidens dance along the perilous pathways of a hundred Norwegian cliffs. Nils and Thorolf agreed that the Wind-wife was right when she said that the country of the Skroelings was like Norway but had no end. "The trouble is," reflected Nils as he set down the day's happenings on a birch-bark scroll, "that nobody will believe us when we tell how great the land is." At the end of the fifth and largest lake they found people with some knowledge of the country beyond. It seemed that after crossing the Big Woods one came to great open plains where a ferocious and cruel race of warriors hunted animals as large as the moose, with hoofs and short horns and curly brown fur. This sounded like a cattle country. The lake tribes evidently stood in great fear of the plains people, but in spite of their evident alarm the Norsemen determined to go and see for themselves.[8] Leaving the boat with ten of their company to guard it they struck off southwestward through a country of forests, lakes and streams. After fourteen days they stopped to make camp and go a-fishing, for dried fish would be the most convenient ration for a quick march, and they did not intend to spend much more time in exploring. It seemed to Nils and Thorolf that some mark or monument should be left to show how far they had really come. A small natural column of dark trap rock was chosen, and while the others fished, or made a seine after the native fashion, Nils marked out an inscription in Runic letters, which are suited to rough work. Not far from the place where they found the stone, and about a day's journey from camp, was a small high island in a little lake, the kind of place usually chosen by Vikings for a first camp. The stone, set in the middle of this island, would be easily seen by any one looking for it, and savages would not see it at all. When finished it was rafted across to the island and set up, the inscription covering about half of it on both sides. While Nils and several others were thus busy, the remainder of the party were trying the seine. They reached camp after dark to find their booths in ashes, and Nils with his men murdered a little way off, as they had come up from the Rune Stone.[9] [Illustration: "NILS MARKED OUT AN INSCRIPTION IN RUNIC LETTERS."--_Page_ 30] With fury and horror the Norsemen looked upon the destruction. It was all Thorolf and the cooler heads could do to keep the rest from attacking the first Skroelings they saw. But the mischief had been done, without doubt, by the unknown warriors of the plains, who had been perhaps watching their advance. They sadly prepared to return to their boat. But before they went, Thorolf paddled out to the island on two logs, while the others kept guard, and added some lines to the inscription on the stone. They never saw their Vinland again. Knutson, finding the King fighting hard against the Danes, gave no further thought to the wilderness. Thorolf and a handful of his men finally reached Bergen; Anders stayed in Greenland. More than five centuries afterward, a Scandinavian farmer, grubbing for stumps in a Minnesota marsh, found overgrown by the roots of a tulip tree a stone with an inscription in Runic letters, took it to learned men and had it translated. "8 Goths and 22 Norsemen upon journey of discovery from Vinland westward. We had camp by two rocks one day's journey from this stone. We were out fishing one day. When we returned home we found ten men red with blood and dead. AVM save us from evil. have ten men by the sea to look after our ship 14 days journey from this island. Year 1362." NOTES [1] Skal or skoal was the Norwegian word used in drinking a health. [2] The description of the Norse galley is taken from Du Chaillu's "Land of the Midnight Sun," in which the construction of one which was unearthed at Nydam in Jutland is described (Vol. I. 380). The galley "Viking" built in Norway on the model of an actual Viking ship of the early Middle Ages, was taken across the Atlantic in 1893 by a Norwegian crew of fourteen, anchoring in Lake Michigan, after a voyage in which they had no shelter except an awning and cooked their own food as best they could. [3] The question of the actual whereabouts of Leif Ericsson's booths and Thorfin Karlsefne's later settlement has never been positively decided. The Knutson expedition to Greenland is an historical fact. It left Norway about 1354 and returned about 1364. It is not positively known that Knutson attempted the rediscovery of Vinland, unless what is known as the Kensington Rune Stone is evidence of it. The writer has adopted the theory that he did take a party southward, landing at Halifax, and left a part of his men there, intending to return with more colonists; that on returning to Norway he found the country in the throes of war and abandoned any thought of further settlement, leaving his men to find their way back as they could. [4] The Indian phrases and legends referred to as learned by the Wind-wife are Abenaki. [5] According to historians the region along the St. Lawrence and the Great Lakes was for a long time inhabited by tribes belonging to the great Ojibway nation. Their territory extended nearly to the western boundary of what is now Minnesota. Southward were the tribes later known as Iroquois. [6] Accounts of the open galleys of the Northmen agree in describing them as small and light compared with the later decked ships. The open "sea-serpent" of forty-two feet, with her mast unshipped was heavier but not much bigger than the largest Indian carrying-canoes such as were used in the fur-trade, and these were taken from the St. Lawrence through the Great Lakes. Vikings landing in Europe were prepared not only to return by a new route but even to take their boats apart or build new ones if necessary. [7] Bayard Taylor, visiting the Saguenay and the St. Lawrence immediately after a sojourn in Norway, speaks of his inability to be impressed as others had been, by the height of the cliffs and waterfalls of Canada, although fully appreciating the beauty of the scenery. [Footnote 8: The Sioux or Dakotas, who occupied the Great Plains, were hereditary enemies of the Ojibways. In the Ojibway language one name for these Plains Indians indicated that they were in the habit of mutilating their victims.] [9] The monument known as the Kensington Rune Stone was found near Kensington, Minnesota, and is fully described in the reports of the Minnesota Historical Society. It was the subject of many arguments at first. Well known authorities pronounced it a forgery, while other well known authorities declared it genuine. It was pointed out that the language used was not that of the time of Leif Ericsson, but much more modern; but later it was found that the inscription was exactly such as would have been written about the middle of the fourteenth century, when Knutson's expedition was in Greenland. Aside from the obvious lack of motive for a forgery, investigation showed that neither the farmer nor any one who might have been in a position to bury the stone where it was found had any knowledge of Runic writing. Moreover, if the stone had been a forgery it would seem that the forger would have used the name of some well known leader, whereas no name is mentioned. If Knutson had been with the expedition he would certainly have seen to it that his presence was recorded. Otter Tail Lake, just north of the place where the stone was discovered, was one of the points marking the boundary between the Ojibway and Dakota country. The position of the runes on the stone is precisely what it would be if the inscription had been finished, or nearly finished, as a guide to future exploration, and the account of the massacre added as a warning. A song commonly sung at the time of the Black Death contains the lines: "The Black Plague sped over land and sea And swept so many a board. That will I now most surely believe, It was not with the Lord's will. Help us God and Mary, Save us all from evil." THE NAVIGATORS We were Prince Henry's gentlemen,-- His gentlemen were we, To dare the gods of Heathendom, Whoever they might be,-- To do our master's sovereign will Upon a trackless sea. We were Prince Henry's gentlemen, And undismayed we went To fight for Lusitania Wherever we were sent,-- The stars had laid our course for us, And we were well content. We were Prince Henry's gentlemen, And though our flagship lie Where white the great-winged albatross Came wheeling down the sky, Or black abysses yawned for us, We could not fear to die. We were Prince Henry's gentlemen,-- Around the Cape of Wrath We sailed our wooden cockleshells-- Great pride the pilot hath To voyage to-day the Indian Sea-- But we marked out his path! III SEA OF DARKNESS "Those things that you say cannot be true, Fernao! How do you know that the sea turns black and dreadful just behind those heavenly clouds? If there are hydras, and gorgons, and sea-snakes that can swallow a ship, and a great black hand reaching up out of a whirlpool to drag men down, why do we never see them here? Look at that sea, can there be anything in the world more beautiful?" The vehement small speaker waved her slender hand with a gesture that seemed to take in half the horizon. The old Moorish garden, overrun with the brilliant blossoms that drink their hues from the sea, overlooked the harbor. Across the huddled many-colored houses the ten-year-old Beatriz and her playfellow Fernao could see the western ocean in a great half-circle, bounded by the mysterious line above which three tiny caravels had just risen. The sea to-day was exquisite, bluer than the heavens that arched above it. The wave-crests looked like a flock of sea-doves playing on the sunlit sparkling waters. Fernao from his seat on the crumbling wall watched the incoming ships with the far-sighted gaze of a sailor. Portuguese through and through, the son and grandson of men who had sailed at the bidding of the great Prince Henry, he felt that he could speak with authority.[1] "Of course I am telling you the truth. You are very wise about the sea--you who never saw it until two weeks ago! Gil Andrade has been to places that you Castilians never even heard of. He has seen whales, and mermaids, and the Sea of Darkness itself! He has been to the Gold Coast beyond Bojador, where the people are fried black like charcoal, and the rivers are too hot to drink." "Then why didn't he die?" inquired the unbelieving Beatriz. "Because he didn't stay there long enough. And there are devils in the forest, stronger than ten men, and all covered with shaggy hair--" "I will not listen to such nonsense! Do you think that because I am Spanish, and a girl, I am without understanding? Tio Sancho, is it true that there is a Sea of Darkness?" Sancho Serrao was an old seaman, as any one would know by his eyes and his walk. For fifty years he had used the sea, as ship-boy, sailor, and pilot. His daughter Catharina had been the nurse of Beatriz, and he had brought coral, shells and queer toys to the little thing from the time she could toddle to his knee. "What has Fernao been saying to thee, pombinha agreste?" (little wood-dove) he asked soberly, though his eyes twinkled ever so little. He seated himself as he spoke, on an ancient bench that rested its back against the wall just where the wind was sweetest. Under the fragrances of ripening vineyards and flowering shrubs there was always the sharp clean smell of the sea. "He believes all that Gil Andrade and Joao Pancado tell him as if it were the Credo," Beatriz began, her words flung out like sparks from a little crackling fire. "He says that there is a Sea of Darkness out away beyond the Falcon Islands, where ships are drawn into a great pit under the edge of the world. And he says that ships cannot go too far south because the sun is so near it would burn them, and they cannot go too far north because the icebergs will catch them and crush them. If I were a man, I would sail straight out there, into the sunset, and show them what my people dared to do!" Old Sancho was not all Portuguese. In his veins ran the blood of the three great seafaring races of southern Europe--the Genoese, the Lusitanian and the Vizcayan--and their jealousies and rivalries amused him. He had spent most of his life in the feluccas and caravels of Lisbon and Oporto, because when he was young they went where no other ships dared even follow; but he did not believe that the last word in discovery had been said even by Dom Henriques at Sagres, or the Mappe-Monde of Fra Mauro in Venice. "Not so fast there, velinha (small candle)" he cautioned, raising a whimsical forefinger. "So said many of us in our youth. And when we had sailed for weeks, and all our provisions were mouldy or weevilly, and our water-casks warped and leaking so that we had to catch the rain in our shirts, we began to wonder what it was we had come for. The sea won't be mocked or threatened. She has ways of her own, the old witch, to tame the vainglorious. And 't is true enough," the old pilot went on with a quizzing look at Fernao on his insecure perch, "that sailors have a bad habit of doubling and trebling their recollections when they find anybody who will listen. I don't know why they do it. Maybe it is because having told a perfectly true tale which nobody believed, they think that a little more or a little less will do no harm. For this you must remember, my children,--that at sea many things happen which when told no one believes to be true." "I would believe anything you told me, Tio Sancho," promised Beatriz, all love and confidence in her little glowing face. "Ay, would you now? What if I said that I have seen a ship with all sail set coming swiftly before the wind, in a place where no wind was, to stir our hair who beheld it--and sailing moreover through the air at the height of a tall mast-head above the sea? And a mountain of ice half a league long and as high as the Giralda at Seville, floating in a sea as blue as this one, and as warm? And islands with mountains that smoke, appearing and disappearing in broad daylight? Yet all of these are common sights at sea." "But is there a Sea of Darkness, verily, verily, tio caro?" persisted Beatriz. The old man shook his head, with a little quiet smile. "I'll not say there is not. And I'll not say there is. I saw a Sea of Darkness on the second voyage that ever I made, but that's all." "Oh, tell us all the story!" begged Beatriz, and Fernao silently slid from the wall and came closer. "The commander of our ship was Gonsales Zarco, one of Dom Henriques' gentlemen. Years before he'd been caught by a gale on his way to Africa, and driven north on to an island that he named because of that, Puerto Santo (Holy Haven). So when he came that way again he stopped to see how the settlement that was planted there prospered, and found the people in great trouble of mind. They showed him that a thick black cloud hung upon the sea to the northwest of the island, filling the air to the very heavens and never going away; and out of this cloud, they said, came strange noises, not like any they had heard before. They dared not sail far from their island, for they said that if a man lost sight of land thereabouts it was a miracle if he ever returned. They believed that place to be the great abyss, the mouth of hell. But learned men held the opinion that this cloud hid the island of Cipango, where the Seven Bishops had taken refuge from the Moors and the Saracens. "Certainly the cloud was there, for we all saw it, and when the Commander said that he would stay to see whether it would change when the moon changed, we liked it not, I can tell you. And when we learned that he was minded to sail straight into the darkness and see what lay behind it, why, there were some who would have run away--if they could have run anywhere but into the sea. "But we had a Spanish pilot, Morales, who had once been a prisoner in Morocco, and there he knew two Englishmen who had sailed these seas in time past. Their ship had been lying ready to sail for France, when late at night Robert Macham, a gentleman of their country, came hurriedly aboard with his lady love whom he had carried off from her home in Bristol, and between dark and dawn the captain weighed anchor and was off. Then being driven from the course the ship was cast on a thickly wooded island with a high mountain in the middle, where they dwelt not long, for the lady died, and Macham died of grief. The crew left the island and were wrecked in Morocco and made slaves. All this was many years before, for the Englishmen had grown old in slavery, and Morales himself had grown old since he heard the tale. "It was the belief of Morales that this was the island of which they told, and that the cloud which hung above the waters was the mist arising from those dense woods which covered it. The upshot was that the commander set sail one morning early and steered straight for the cloud. "The nearer we came the higher and thicker looked the darkness that spread over the sea, and we heard about noon a great roaring of the waves. Still Gonsales held his course, and when the wind failed he ordered out the boats to tow the ship into the cloud, and I was one of those who rowed. As we got closer it was not quite so dark, but the roaring was louder, although the sea was smooth. Then through the darkness we beheld tall black objects which we guessed to be giants walking in the water, but as we came nearer we saw that they were great rocks, and before us loomed a high mountain covered with thick woods. "We found no place to land but a cave under a rock that overhung the sea, and that was trodden all over the bottom by the sea-wolves, so that Gonsales named it the Camera dos Lobos. The island, because of its forests, he called Madeira. When we came back, having taken possession of the island for the King, he sent a colony to settle upon it, and the first boy and girl born there were named Adam and Eva. The people set fire to the trees, which were in their way, and could not put out the fire, so that it burned for seven years and all the trees were destroyed. And the King gave our commander the right to carry as supporters on his coat-of-arms two sea-wolves." Beatriz drew a long breath. "Weren't you very scared, Tio Sancho?" "Sailors must not be scared, little one. Or if they are, they must never let their arms and legs be scared. We knew that we had to obey orders or be dead, so we obeyed. I have been glad many a time since that I sailed with Gonsales and old Morales to the discovery of Madeira." "What are sea-wolves?" asked Fernao. "Like no beast that ever you saw, my son. They have the fore part of the body like a dog or bear, the hind part ending in a tail like a fish, but with hair, not scales, on the body; the head has a thick mane, and the jaws are large and strong. They are no more seen on that island, for they went there only because it was never visited by men." "Did they try to drive the people away?" "No; they do not fight men unless men attack them. But the settlers were once driven off Puerto Santo by animals, and not very fierce animals at that." The old pilot grinned. "They were driven away by rabbits. Somebody brought rabbits there and let them loose, and in a few years there were so many that everything that was planted was eaten green. The people who live on that island now have made a strict rule about rabbits." The children's laughter echoed the dry chuckle of the old man. Then Fernao, unwilling to abandon his authorities,-- "But if the Sea of Darkness and the great abyss are not in the western ocean, why haven't they found out what really is there?" "That, my son, is more than I can tell you," said Sancho Serrao, getting up. "I sailed where I was told, and I never was told to sail due west from Lisbon. But here is a man who can answer your question, if any one can. Welcome to my humble dwelling, Senhor Colombo! Shall we go into the house, or will you find it pleasanter in the garden?" The new-comer was a tall man of middle age, although at first sight he looked older, because of his white hair. The fresh complexion, alert walk, and keen thoughtful blue eyes were those of a man not old in either mind or body. He smiled in answer to the greeting, and replied with a quick wave of the hand. "Do not disturb yourself, I beg of you, my friend. The garden is very pleasant. I have come on an errand of my own this time. Did you ever see, in your voyages to Africa or elsewhere, any such carving as this?" He held out a curious worm-eaten bit of reddish brown wood, rudely ornamented with carved figures in relief. Old Sancho took it and turned it about, examining it with narrowed attentive eyes. "Where did it come from?" he asked, finally. "From the beach at Puerto Santo. My little son Diego picked it up, the day before I came away from the island." "Now that is curious. I was just telling the young ones about an adventure of my youth, when Gonsales Zarco touched there on his way to Madeira. With your good permission I will leave you for a few minutes and rummage in an old sea-chest, and see whether there is any flotsam in it to compare with this." Left alone with the stranger, Fernao and Beatriz looked at him with shy curiosity. They had seen him before, and knew him to be a mapmaker in the King's service, but he had never before been within speaking distance. He seemed to like children, for he smiled at them very kindly and spoke to them almost at once. "And you were hearing about the discovery of Madeira?" "Ay, Senhor," Beatriz answered with demure dignity. "I live not very far from that island. It seems like living on the western edge of the world." "Senhor," asked Fernao with sudden daring, "what is beyond the edge of the world?" "There is no edge, my boy. The world is round--like an orange."[2] In all their fancies they had never thought of such a thing as that. Beatriz looked at the tall man with silent amazement, and Fernao looked as if he would like to ask who could prove the statement. The stranger's smile was amused but quite comprehending, as if he was not at all surprised that they should doubt him. "See," he went on, taking an orange from the basket that stood by, "suppose this little depression where the stem lost its hold to be Jerusalem, the center of our world; then this is Portugal--" he traced with the point of a penknife the outline of the great western peninsula. "Here you see are the capes--Saint Vincent, Finisterre, the great rock the Arabs call Geber-al-Tarif--the Mediterranean--the northern coast of Africa--so. Beyond are Arabia and India, and the Spice Islands which we do not know all about--then Cathay, where Marco Polo visited the Great Khan--you have heard of that? Yes? On the eastern and southern shore of Cathay is a great sea in which are many islands--Cipangu here, and to the south Java Major and Java Minor. We are told in the Book of Esdras that six parts of the earth are land and one part water, so here we cut away the skin where there is any sea,--" The miniature globe took form, like fairy mapmaking, under the cosmographer's skilful fingers, and the children watched, fascinated. [Illustration: "THE MINIATURE GLOBE TOOK FORM AS THE CHILDREN WATCHED, FASCINATED."--_Page_ 44] "But," cried Beatriz wonderingly, "a ship could sail around the world!" Colombo nodded and smiled. "So it was written in the 'Travels of Sir John Maundeville' more than a hundred years ago. But no ship has done so." "Why not?" asked Fernao. "Chiefly, perhaps, because of tales like that of the Sea of Darkness and Satan's hand. And it is true that a ship venturing very far westward is drawn out of its course, as if the earth were not a perfect round, but sloped upward to the south. My own belief is,"--he seemed for a moment to forget that he was talking to children, "that it is not perfectly round, but somewhat like this pear,--" he selected a short chubby pear from the basket, "and that on this mountain may be a cool and lovely region which was once Paradise." "Oh!" cried Beatriz, her face alight with the glory of the thought. The geographer smiled at her and went on. "Also you see that the ocean is on this side of the earth very much greater than the Mediterranean. We do not know how long it would take to cross it. I have lately received a map from the famous Florentine Toscanelli which--ah!" he interrupted himself, "here comes our good friend Master Serrao." It had taken the pilot longer than he expected to hunt over his relics of old voyages, and there was nothing, after all, like the piece of wood cast ashore by the Atlantic waves. Old Sancho turned it over, examined the edges of the carving, and shook his head. "No; that is not African work; at least it is not like any work of the black men that I have ever seen. They can all work iron, and this was made without the use of iron tools; that I am sure of. Some of our men were shipwrecked once where they had to make stone and shells serve their turn, and I know the look of wood that has been worked with such tools. And the wood itself is not like anything I have from Africa. It is more like the timber of the East." Now the stranger's eyes lighted with keener interest. "You think it may be Indian, do you?" "It may. But how in the name of Sao Cristobal did it come here? Besides, the people of India understand the use of metal as well as we do, or better." "May there not be wild men in remote islands of the Indian seas?" "That might be. Gil Andrade has been in those parts, and he says there are more islands than he could count. I have sometimes had occasion to take his stories with a pinch of salt, but if there are islands where wild people live they would make such things as this. And now I think of it, I once picked up a paddle myself, floating off the Azores, that was some such wood as this, but not carved. But the queerest thing I ever found was this nut. Look at it." It was part of a nutshell as big as a man's head and as hard as wood. "The inside was quite spoiled," went on the old seaman, "but so far as I could judge it was no kin to the palm nuts we get. I kept the shell, and I have never found any merchant who could match it. Now the current sets toward our coast from the west at a certain point, and that is where all these odd things come ashore." The guest nodded. "My brother-in-law and I have talked much of these matters. One of his captains saw some time ago the floating bodies of two men, brown-skinned, with straight black hair, not like the natives of any part of Europe or Africa. Another thing which is strange, though I hold it not as important as they do, is that the people of Madeira persistently declare that they see a great island appear and disappear to the westward. According to their description it has lofty mountains and wooded valleys, and some say it is Atlantis and some Saint Brandan's Isle. No ship sailing that way has ever landed there, however." Sancho's eyes turned seaward. "It is marvelous," he said after a pause, "what things men think they see. And you think, senhor, that the world is not yet all known to us?'" "I do not know." Colombo stood up to take his departure. "If God hath reserved any great work to be done, He hath also chosen the man who is to do it. His tasks are not done by accident, or left to the blind or the selfish. Toscanelli thinks that since the world is round, we should reach the Indies by sailing due west from this coast, but in that case India would seem to be far greater than we have believed. If I had the ships and the men I would venture it. But at this time the King is altogether taken up with the eastward route to the Indies. It was said of old time, 'He that believeth shall not make haste.'" "But you will sail to Paradise some day, will you not, senhor?" asked Beatriz, treasuring the tiny globe in one careful hand while the other shaded her eyes from the level rays of the evening sun. "There is only one way to Paradise, little maid. That is by the will of our Lord. And if you, my lad, are the first to sail round the world, remember that the sea is His, and He made it. Man makes his own Sea of Darkness by ignorance, and hate, and fear." NOTES [1] Prince Henry of Portugal, often called "Henry the Navigator" built the first naval observatory in Europe at Sagres. He may be said to have laid the foundation of the Portuguese and later Spanish discoveries. In the time of Columbus the Mappe-Mondo or Map of the World of a Venetian monk was considered the most complete map yet made. [2] The statement has been carelessly made in some juvenile books dealing with the age of discovery, that in the time of Columbus nobody knew that the world was round. This of course is not even approximately the case. The conception of the earth as a sphere was generally set forth in what might be called books of science, and even in some popular works like that of Sir John Maundeville, who died in 1372. Its acceptance by the public, however, may be said to have followed somewhat the course of the Darwinian theory in the nineteenth century. Long after evolution was admitted as a truth by scientific men there were schools and even colleges which refused to teach it, and in fact it was not accepted by the public until the generation which first heard of it had died. SUNSET SONG Down upon our seaward light, Swept by all the winds that blow, Birds come reeling in their flight-- (_Ay de mi, Cristofero!_) Petrels tossing on the gale, Falcons daring sleet and hail, Curlews whistling high and far, Waifs that cross the harbor bar Borne from isles we do not know-- (_Ay de mi, Cristofero!_) Round our island haven blest Waves like drifted mountain snow Break from out the shoreless West-- (_Ay de mi, Cristofero!_) Cast ashore a broken spar Born beneath some alien star, Broken, beaten by the wave-- In what far-off unknown grave Lie the hands that shaped it so? (_Ay de mi, Cristofero!_) Sails upon the gray world's edge Like mute phantoms come and go,-- Life and honor men will pledge-- (_Ay de mi, Cristofero!_) For the pearls and gems and gold That the burning Indies hold. Or the Guinea coast they dare With its fever-poisoned air For the slaves they capture so (_Ay de mi, Cristofero!_) In our chamber small to-night, Fair as love's immortal glow, Shines our silver censer-light-- (_Ay de mi, Cristofero_!) What is this that holds thee fast In old histories of the past? Put the time-stained parchments by, Men have sought where dead men lie For the secret thou wouldst know-- All too long, Cristofero! IV PEDRO AND HIS ADMIRAL Juan de la Cosa, captain of the _Santa Maria_, was prowling about the beach of Gomera in a thoroughly dissatisfied frame of mind. His own ship, the _Gallego_ before the Admiral re-christened her and made her his flagship, was riding trim as a mallard within sight of his eye. She would never have kept the fleet waiting in the Canaries for a little thing like a broken rudder. It was the _Pinta_ that had done this, and it was the veteran pilot's private opinion that she would behave much better if her owners, Gomez Rascon and Christoval Quintero, had been left behind in Palos. But what can you do when you have seized a ship for the service of the Crown, and turned her over to a captain who is a rival ship-owner, and her owners wish to serve in her crew and not elsewhere? They cannot be blamed for liking to keep an eye on their property! "Capitano!" piped a voice at his elbow. He looked around, and then he looked down. An undersized urchin with not much on but a pair of ragged breeches stared up at him boldly, hands behind his back. "Do you know what ails your ship over there?" He nodded sideways at the disgraced _Pinta_. The accent was that of Bilbao in the captain's own native province, Vizcaya. Ordinarily he would have cuffed the speaker heels over head for impudence, but the dialect made him pause. Besides, he wanted to hear something to confirm his suspicions. "She is no ship of mine," he growled, "and anyway, what do you know about it?" "I know much more than they think I do. The calkers did not half do their work before she left port. I'd like to sail in her if she were properly looked after. But when a man goes out on the dolphins' track he likes to come home again, you know." "A man! Do babes take a ship round Bojador? And who may you call yourself, zagallo (strong youth)?" "I am Pedro, son of Pedro who was an escaladero (climber) at the siege of Alhama. He was killed on the way home, and my mother died of grief, so that I get my bread where the saints put it. People say that they unlocked all the jails to get you your crew for the Indies, and now I see that it is true." Juan de la Cosa knew the untamable sauciness of the Vizcayan breed, and knew as well the loyalty that went with it. "Son," he said seriously, "what do you know of this matter?" The boy put aside his insolence and spoke gravely. "I know that these fellows who have been commanded to serve your Admiral hate him, and will make him lose his venture if they can. I would sooner put to sea in a meal-tub with myself that I can trust, than in a Cadiz galley manned with plotters. When they hauled this fine ship up on the beach I asked for a job, and the lazy fellows were glad enough of help. I never minded doing their work if they hadn't kicked me. When I heard them planning I said to myself, 'Pedro, mi hidalgo, a crow in hand is worth two buzzards in the bush waiting to pick your bones.' Your Admiral may have to go back to Castile and eat crow. "They have agreed that they will sail seven hundred leagues and no more, since that is the distance from here to the Indies if your map is true. If the Admiral refuse to turn back in case land is not found they will pitch him into the sea and tell the world that he was star-gazing and fell overboard, being an old man and unused to perilous voyages. He should get him another crew--if he can." This was important information. Yet to go back might be more dangerous than to go on. The expedition had already been delayed a fortnight with making a rudder for the _Pinta_, stopping her leaks, and replacing the lateen sails of the _Nina_ with square ones, that she might be able to keep up with the others. Another week must pass before they could sail. If they returned to Palos it was doubtful whether they could get any men at all to replace the disloyal ones. Too much delay might cause the withdrawal of Martin Pinzon and his brother Vicente, owners of the _Nina_; and if they went, most of the seamen who were worth their salt would go also. La Cosa himself in the Admiral's place would go on and take the chance of mutiny, trusting in his own power to prevent or subdue it. "Pedro," he said, "have you told this to any one else?" "Not a soul." "Would you like to sail with us?" "Will a wolf bite? Why do you suppose I told you all this?" "Bite your tongue then, wolf-cub, until I have seen the Admiral. Where shall I find you if I want you?" "Tia Josefa over there lets me sleep in the courtyard." "Very well--now, off with you." The Admiral said exactly what the pilot had thought he would say. He knew himself to be looked upon with envy and dislike, as a Genoese, and the Spaniards who made up his three crews had been collected as with a rake from the unwilling Andalusian seaports. It was decided that the mutinous sailors should be scattered so that they could not easily act together. Pedro was taken on as cabin-boy, for he was thirteen, and wiser than his age. On that May day when Christoval Colón,[1] the hare-brained foreigner whom the King and Queen had made an Admiral, read the royal orders in the Church of San Jorge in Palos, there was amazement, wrath and horror in that small seaport. Queen Ysabel had indeed been so rash as to pledge her jewels to meet the cost of this expedition; but the royal treasurers, looking over their accounts, noted that Palos owed a fine to the Crown which had never been paid. Very good; let Palos contribute the use and maintenance of two ships for two months, and let the magistrates of the Andalusian ports hunt up shipmasters and crews and supplies. The officers of the government came with Colón to enforce this order. In vain did the Pinzon brothers, who had really been convinced by the arguments of Colón, use all their influence to secure him a proper equipment. Even after they had themselves enlisted as captains, with their own ship the _Nina_, they could not get men enough to go on so doubtful a venture. The royal officers finally took to the reckless course of pardoning all prisoners guilty of any crime short of murder or treason, on condition of their shipping for the voyage. At least half the sailors of the three ships were pressed men. The _Santa Maria_, largest of the three caravels, was ninety feet long and twenty broad. She was a decked ship; the others had only the tiny cabin and forecastle. A caravel was never intended for long voyages into unknown seas. Her builders designed her for coasting trade, not for a quick voyage independent of wind and tide; but on the other hand she was cheaper to build and to sail than a Genoese galley. The Admiral believed that in the end the smallness of the ships would be no disadvantage. Among the estuaries, bays and groups of islands which he expected to find, they could go anywhere. Including shipmasters, pilots and crews the fleet carried eighty-seven men and three ship-boys, besides the personal servants of the Admiral, a physician, a surgeon, an interpreter and a few adventurers. The interpreter was a converted Jew who could speak not only several European languages but Arabic and Chaldean. "A retinue of servants indeed!" observed Fonseca, the bishop, when the door had closed upon the Admiral of the Indies. "Since all enlisted in the expedition are at his service, why does he demand lackeys?" But the head of the Genoese navigator had not been turned by his honors. No man cared less for display than he did, personally. He knew very well, however, that unless he maintained his own dignity the rabble under his command might be emboldened to cut his throat, seize the ships and become pirates. The men whom he could trust were altogether too few to control those he could not, if it came to an open fight,--but it must not be allowed to come to that. It was not agreeable to squabble with Fonseca about the number of servants he was allowed to have, but he must have personal attendants who were not discharged convicts. On the open seas, removed from their lamenting and despondent relatives, the crews gradually subsided into a state of discipline. The quarter-deck is perhaps the severest test of character known. Despite themselves the sailors began to feel the serene and kindly strength of the man who was their master. With a tact and understanding as great as his courage and self-command Colón told his men more than they had ever known of the Indies. The East had for generations been the enchanted treasure-house of Europe. Arabic, Venetian, Genoese and Portuguese traders had brought from it spices, rare woods, gold, diamonds, pearls, silk, and other foreign luxuries. But the wide and varied reading of the Admiral had given him more definite information. He told of the gilded temples of Cipangu, the porcelain towers of Cathay, rajahs' elephants in gilded and jeweled trappings, golden idols with eyes of great glowing gems, thrones of ebony inlaid with patterns of diamonds, emeralds and rubies, rich cargoes of spices, dyewood, fine cotton and silk, pearl fisheries, the White Feast of Cambalu and the Khan's great hall where six thousand courtiers gathered. Portugal already was reaching out toward these Indies, groping her way around the African coast. Were they, Spaniards and Christians, to be outdone by Portuguese and Arab traders? No men ever had so great a future. Not only the wealth of the Indies, but the glory of winning heathen empires to abandon their idols for the Christian faith, was the adventure to which they were pledged; and he strove to kindle their spirits from his own. To Pedro the cabin-boy, listening in silence, it was like an entrance into another world. When he asked to be taken on he had been moved simply by a boy's desire to go where he had not been before. Now he served a demigod, who led men where none had dared go. The Admiral might have the glory of rediscovering the western route to the Indies; his cabin-boy was discovering him. The sea was beautifully calm, and there was time for talk and speculation. A drifting mast, to which nobody would have given two thoughts anywhere else, was pointed out as an evil omen. Pedro grinned cheerfully and elevated his nose. "Do you not believe in omens, Pedro?" asked the Admiral, somewhat amused. He had not found many Spaniards who did not. "One does not believe all one hears, my lord," the youngster answered, coolly. "Tia Josefa saw ill omens a dozen times a week, all sure death; and she is ninety years old. A mast drifting with the current is usual. When I see one drifting against it I will begin to worry." The jumpy nerves of the sailors were easily upset. They might have been calmer if the sea had been less calm. It is hard for Spanish blood to endure inaction and suspense together. Day after day a soft strong wind wafted them westward. Ruiz, one of the pilots, bluntly declared that he did not see how they could ever sail back to Spain against this wind, whether they reached the Indies or not. "Pedro," said the Admiral quietly, "what do you think?" Pedro hesitated only an instant. "My lord," he answered boldly, "if we cannot go back we must go on--around the world." "So we can," smiled the Admiral. "But it will not come to that." And Ruiz, reassured and rather ashamed of his fears, told the other grumblers if they had seen as much rough weather as he had they would know when they were well off. But after a time even the pilots took fright. The compass needle no longer pointed to the North Star, but half a point or more to the northwest of it. They had visions of the fleet helplessly drifting without a guide upon a vast unknown sea. It was not then known that the action of the magnetic pole upon the needle varies in different parts of the earth, but the quick mind of the Admiral found an explanation which quieted their fears. He told them that the real north pole was a fixed point indeed, but not necessarily the North Star. While this star might be in line with the pole when seen from the coast of Spain, it would not, of course, be in the same relative position when seen from a point hundreds of miles to the west. On September 15 a meteor fell, which might be another omen--nobody could say exactly what it meant. Then about three hundred and sixty leagues from the Canaries the ships began to encounter patches of floating yellow-green sea-weed, which grew more numerous until the fleet was sailing in a vast level expanse of green like an ocean meadow. Tuna fish played in the waters; on one of the patches of floating weed rested a live crab. A white tropical bird of a kind never known to sleep upon the sea came flying toward them, alighting for a moment in the rigging. The owners of the _Pinta_ predicted that they would all be caught in this ocean morass to starve, or die of thirst, for the light winds were not strong enough to drive the ships through it as easily as they had sailed at first. The Admiral, quite undisturbed, suggested that in his experience land-birds usually meant land not very far away. Colón always answered frankly the questions put to him, but there was one secret which he kept to himself from the beginning. Knowing that he would be likely to have trouble when he reached the seven-hundred-league limit his crews had set for him, he kept two reckonings. One was for his private journal, the other was for all to see. He took the actual figures of each day's run as set down in his private record, subtracted from them a certain percentage and gave out this revised reckoning to the fleet. He, and he alone, knew that they were nearly seven hundred leagues from Palos already, instead of five hundred and fifty. According to Toscanelli's calculation, by sailing west from the Canaries along the thirtieth parallel of latitude he should land somewhere on the coast of Cipangu; but the map of Toscanelli might be incorrect. If the ocean should prove to be a hundred or more leagues wider than the chart showed it, they would have to go on, all the same. Even after they were out of the seaweed there was something weird and unnatural in the sluggish calm of the sea. Light winds blew from the west and southwest, but there were no waves, as by all marine experience there should have been. On September 25 the sea heaved silently in a mysterious heavy swell, without any wind. Then the wind once more shifted to the east, and carried them on so smoothly that they could talk from one ship to another. Martin Pinzon borrowed the Admiral's chart, and it seemed to him that according to this they must be near Cipangu. He tossed the chart back to the flagship on the end of a cord, and gave himself to scanning the horizon. Ten thousand maravedis had been promised by the sovereigns to the first man who actually saw land. Suddenly Pinzon shouted, "Tierra! Tierra!" There was a low bank of what seemed to be land, about twenty-five leagues away to the southwest. Even for this Colón hesitated to turn from his pre-arranged course, but at last he yielded to the chorus of pleading and protest which arose from his officers, set his helm southwest and found--a cloud-bank. Again and again during the following days the eager eyes and strained nerves of the seamen led to similar disappointments. Land birds appeared; some alighted fearlessly on the rigging and sang. Dolphins frolicked about the keels. Flying-fish, pursued by their enemy the bonito (mackerel), rose from the water in rainbow argosies, and fell sometimes inside the caravels. A heron, a pelican and a duck passed, flying southwest. By the true reckoning the fleet had sailed seven hundred and fifty leagues. Colón wondered whether there could be an error in the map, or whether by swerving from their course they had passed between islands into the southern sea. Pedro, as sensitive as a dog to the moods of his master, watched the Admiral's face as he came and went, and wondered in his turn. The pilots and shipmasters were cautious in expressing their fears within hearing of the sailors, for by this time every one in authority knew that open mutiny might break out at any moment. On the evening of October 10 a delegation of anxious officers came to explain to the Admiral that they could not hold the panic-stricken crews. If no land appeared within a week their provisions would not last until they reached home; they had not enough water to last through the homeward voyage even now. The Admiral knew as well as they the horrors of thirst and famine at sea, particularly with a crew of the kind they had been obliged to ship. What did he intend to do? The Admiral, seated at his table, finished the sentence he was adding in his neat, legible hand to his log, put it aside, put the pen in the case which hung at his belt, closed his ink-horn. His quiet eyes rested fearlessly on their uneasy faces. "This expedition," he said calmly, "has been sent out to look for the Indies. With God's blessing we shall continue to look for them until we find them. Say to the men, however, that if they will wait two or three days I think they will see land." Next morning Pedro was engaged in polishing his master's steel corslet and casque, while near by two or three sailors conferred in low tones. "We have had enough of promises," growled one. "As Rascon says, we are like Fray Agostino's donkey, that went over the mountain at a trot, trying to reach the bunch of carrots hung on a staff in front of his nose." There was a half-hearted snicker, and one of the men pointed a warning thumb at Pedro. "Oh!" said the speaker. "You heard, you little beggar?" "I did," said Pedro. "Well?" "Well, I was waiting for the end of the story. As I heard it the Abbot charged the old friar with deceiving the dumb beast, and he said he had to, because he was dealing with a donkey!" Pedro slung the pieces of gleaming plate-mail to his shoulder and added as he turned to go, "You need not be afraid that I shall tell the Admiral what you were saying. I am not a fool, and he knows how scared you are, already." More signs of land appeared--river weeds, a thorny branch with fresh berries like rose-hips, a reed, a piece of wood, a carved staff. As always, the vesper hymn to the Virgin was sung on the deck of the flagship, and after service the Admiral briefly addressed the men. He reminded them of the singular favor of God in granting them so quiet and safe a voyage, and recalled his statement made on leaving the Canaries, that after they had made seven hundred leagues he expected to be so near land that they should not make sail after midnight. He told them that in his belief they might find land before morning. Nobody slept that night. About ten o'clock the Admiral, gazing from the top of the castle built up on the poop of the _Santa Maria_, thought that far away in the warm darkness he saw a glancing light. "Pedro," he said to the boy near him, "do you see a light out there? Yes? Call Señor Gutierrez and we will see what he makes of it. I have come to the pass where I do not trust my own eyes." Gutierrez saw it, but when Sanchez of Segovia came up, the light had vanished. It seemed to come and go as if it were a torch in a fishing-boat or in the hand of some one walking. But at two in the morning a gun boomed from the _Pinta_. Rodrigo de Triana, one of the seamen, had seen land from the mast-head. The sudden sunrise of the tropics revealed a green Paradise lapped in tranquil seas. The ships must have come up toward it between sunset and midnight. No one had been able to imagine with any certainty what morning would show. But this was no seaport, or coast of any civilized land. People were coming down to the shore to watch the approach of the ships, but they were wild people, naked and brown, and the sight was evidently perfectly new to them. The Admiral ordered the ships to cast anchor, and the boats were manned and armed. He himself in a rich uniform of scarlet held the royal banner of Castile, while the brothers Pinzon, commanders of the _Pinta_ and the _Nina_, in their boats, had each a banner emblazoned with a green cross and the crowned initials of the sovereigns, Fernando and Ysabel. The air was clear and soft, the sea was almost transparent, and strange and beautiful fruits could be seen among the rich foliage of the trees along the shore. The Admiral landed, knelt and kissed the earth, offering thanks to God, with tears in his eyes; and the other captains followed his example. Then rising, he drew his sword, and calling upon all who gathered around him to witness his action, took possession of the newly-discovered island in the name of his sovereigns, and gave it the name of San Salvador (Holy Savior). The wild people, terrified at the sight of men coming toward them from these great white-winged birds, as they took the ships to be, ran away to the woods, but they presently returned, drawn by irresistible curiosity. They had no weapons of iron, and one of them innocently took hold of a sword by the edge. They were delighted with the colored caps, glass beads, hawk-bells and other trifles which were given to them, and brought the strangers great balls of spun cotton, cakes of cassava bread, fruits, and tame parrots. Pedro went everywhere, and saw everything, as only a boy could. Later, when the flagship was cruising among the islands, and the Admiral, worn out by long anxiety, lay asleep in his cabin, the helmsman, smothering a mighty yawn, called Pedro to him. "See here, young chap," he said, "we are running along the shore of this island and there is no difficulty--take my place will you, while I get a nap?" The boy hesitated. He would have asked his master, but his master was asleep, and must not be awakened. This helmsman, moreover, was one of the men who had been kind to him, ready to answer his questions regarding navigation, and loyal to the Admiral. Moreover it was not quite the first time that Pedro had been allowed to take this responsibility. He accepted it now. The man staggered away and lost himself in heavy sleep almost before he lay down. It was one of the still, breathless nights of the tropic seas. Pedro's small strong hands had not grasped the helm for a half-hour before the wind freshened, and then a tremendous gust swept down upon the flagship hurling her right upon the unknown shore. Pedro strove desperately with the fearful odds, but before the half-awakened sailors heard his call the _Santa Maria_ was past repair. No lives were lost, but the Admiral decided that it would be necessary to leave a part of the men on shore as the beginning of a settlement. He would not have chosen to do this but for the disaster, for the men who made up these crews were not promising material for a colony in a wild land. But he had no choice in the matter. The two smaller ships would not hold them all. Pedro, shaken with sobs, cast himself at the feet of his master and begged forgiveness. "No one blames you, my son," said the Admiral, more touched than he had been for a long time. "Be not so full of sorrow for what cannot be helped. The wild people are friendly, the land is kind, and when we have sailed back to Spain with our news there will be no difficulty in returning with as many ships as we may need. Nay, I will not leave thee here, Pedro. I think that now I could not do without thee." NOTE [1] The name of Columbus took various forms according to the country in which he lived. In his native Genoa it would be Cristofero Colombo. In Portugal, where he dwelt for many years, it would be Cristobal Colombo, and in Spanish Christoval or Cristobal Colón. In Latin, which was the common language of all learned men until comparatively recent times, the name took the form Christopherus Columbus, which has become in modern English Christopher Columbus. In each story the discoverer is spoken of as he would have been spoken of by the characters in that particular story. THE QUEEN'S PRAYER In this Thy world, O blessed Christ, I live but for Thy will, To serve Thy cause and drive Thy foes Before Thy banner still. In rich and stately palaces I have my board and bed, But Thou didst tread the wilderness Unsheltered and unfed. My gallant squadrons ride at will The undiscover'd sea, But Thou hadst but a fishing-boat On windy Galilee. In valiant hosts my men-at-arms Eager to battle go, But Thou hadst not a single blade To fend Thee from the foe. Great store of pearls and beaten gold My bold seafarers bring, But Thou hadst not a little coin To pay for Thy lodging. The trust that Thou hast placed in me, O may I not betray, Nor fail to save Thy people from The fires of Judgment Day! Be strong and stern, O heart, faint heart-- Stay not, O woman's hand, Till by this Cross I bear for Thee I have made clean Thy land! V THE MAN WHO COULD NOT DIE "Nombre de San Martin! who is that up there like a cat?" "Un gato! Cucarucha en palo!" "If Alonso de Ojeda hears of your calling him a cockroach on a mast, he will grind your ribs to a paste with a cudgel (os moliesen las costillas a puros palos)!" observed a pale, sharp-faced lad in a shabby doublet. The sailor who had made the comparison glanced at him and chuckled. "Your pardon--hidalgo. I have been at sea so much of late that the comparison jumped into my mind. Is he a caballero then?" "One of the household of the Duke of Medina Coeli. He is always doing such things. If he happened to think of flying, he would fly. Every one must be good at something." The performance which they had just been watching would fix the name of Ojeda very firmly in the minds of those who saw. Queen Ysabel, happening to ascend the tower of the cathedral at Seville with her courtiers and ladies, remarked upon the daring and skill of the Moorish builders. Everywhere in the newly conquered cities of Granada were their magnificent domes and lofty muezzin towers, often seeming like the airy minarets of a mirage. The next instant Alonso de Ojeda had walked out upon a twenty-foot timber projecting into space two hundred feet above the pavement, and at the very end he stood on one leg and waved the other in the air. Returning, he rested one foot against the wall and flung an orange clean over the top of the tower. He was small, though handsome and well-made, and he had now shown a muscular strength of which few had suspected him. It was natural that the sailor should be interested in the people of the court, for he had business there. The Admiral of the Indies was making his arrangements for his second voyage, and he had desired Juan de la Cosa to meet him at Seville. As the pilot stood waiting for the Admiral to come out from an interview with Fonseca he had a good look at many of the persons who were to join in this second expedition. "There will be no unlocking the jail doors to scrape together crews for this fleet, I warrant you," thought the old sailor exultantly as he stood in the shadow of the Giralda watching Castile parade itself before the new hero. Here were Diego Colón, a quiet-looking youth, the youngest brother of the Admiral; Antonio de Marchena the astronomer, a learned monk; Juan Ponce de León, a nobleman from the neighborhood of Cadiz with a brilliant military record; Francisco de las Casas with his son Bartolomé; and the valiant young courtier whom all Seville had seen flirting with death in mid-air. "Oh, it was nothing," La Cosa heard Ojeda say when Las Casas made some kindly compliment on his daring. "I will tell you," he added in a lower voice, pulling something small out of his doublet, "I have a sure talisman in this little picture of the Virgin. The Bishop gave it to me, and I always carry it. In all the dangers one naturally must encounter in the service of such a master as mine, it has kept me safe. I have never even been wounded." The Duke of Medina Coeli was in fact a stern master in the school of arms. He was always at the front in the wars just concluded between Spaniard and Moor, and where he was, there he expected his squires to be. There was no place among the youths whose fathers had given him charge of their military training, for a lad with a grain of physical cowardice. Ojeda moreover had a quick temper and a fiery sense of honor, and it really seemed to savor of the miraculous that he had escaped all harm. At any rate he had reached the age of twenty-one with unabated faith in the little Flemish painting. "These youngsters--" the veteran seaman said to himself as he looked at the straight, proud, keen-faced squires and youthful knights marching along the streets of the temporary capital, "now that the Moors are vanquished what won't they do in the Indies! I think the golden days must be come for Christians. And shall you be a soldier also, my lad?" he asked of the sharp-faced boy, who still stood near him. "My father says not. He wants me to be a lawyer," said the youngster indifferently. Then he slipped away as some companions of his own age, or a little older, came by, and one said enviously, "Where have you been, Hernan' Cortes? Lucky you were not with us. My faith--" the speaker wriggled expressively, "we caught a drubbing!" "Told you so," returned the lad addressed, with cool unconcern. "Why can't you see when to let go the cat's tail?" "He has a head on him, that one," the seaman chuckled. "There is always one of his sort in every gang of boys. But that young gallant Ojeda! A fine young fellow, and as devoted as he is brave." Juan de la Cosa had conceived at first sight an admiration and affection for Ojeda which was to last as long as they both should live. The fleet that stately sailed from Cadiz on September 25, 1493, was a very different sight from the three shabby little caravels that slipped down the Tinto a year and a half before. The Admiral now commanded fourteen caravels and three great carracks or store-ships, on board of which were horses, mules, cattle, carefully packed shoots of grape-vines and sugar-cane, seeds of all kinds, and provisions ready for use. The fleet carried nearly fifteen hundred persons,--three hundred more than had been arranged for, but the enthusiasm in Spain was boundless. It carried also the embittered hatred of Fonseca. The Bishop, having been the Queen's confessor, naturally became head of the Department of the Indies in order to forward with all zeal the conversion of the native races. But when he tried to assert his authority over the Admiral and appealed to Fernando and Ysabel to support him, he was told mildly but firmly that in the equipment and command of the fleet Colón's judgment was best. This royal snub Fonseca never forgave, and he was one of those persons who revenge a slight on some one else rather than the one who inflicted it. It was also his nature never to forgive any one for succeeding in an undertaking which he himself had prophesied would fail. All seemed in order on the morning of the embarkation. At this time of year storms were unlikely, and there was no severity of climate to be feared. Half Castile and Aragon had come to see the expedition off. The young cavaliers' heads were filled with visions of rich dukedoms and principalities in the golden empire upon whose coast the discovered islands hung, like pendants of pearl and gold upon the robe of a monarch. The first incident of the voyage was not, however, romantic. The fleet touched at the Canary Islands to take on board more animals--goats, sheep, swine and fowls, for the Admiral had seen none of these in any of the islands he had visited. In fact the people had no domestic animal whatever except their strange dumb dogs. The cavaliers, glad of a chance to stretch their legs in a space a little greater than the deck of a crowded ship, strolled about discussing past and future with large freedom. Ojeda was asking Juan de la Cosa about the nature of the country. It seemed to him the ideal field for a man of spirit and high heart. How glorious a conquest would it be to abolish the vile superstitions of the barbarians and set up the altars of the true faith! The pilot was a little amused and somewhat doubtful; he knew something of savages, and Ojeda and the priests on board did not. It was not, he suggested, always easy to convert stubborn heathen. A pig was a small animal, but Ojeda would remember that to the Moslem it was as great an object of aversion as a lion. "Ho!" said Ojeda superbly, "that is quite--" He was interrupted by a blow that knocked his legs out from under him and landed him on the ground in a sitting position with his hat over his eyes. "Who did that?" he cried, leaping to his feet, hand on sword. "Only a pig, my lord," the sailor answered choking with half-swallowed laughter. It was a pig, which the sailors had goaded to such a state of desperation that it had bolted straight into the group as a pig will, and was now galloping away, pursued by a great variety of maledictions and persons. "They have got the creature now," he added, "You are not hurt?" for Ojeda was actually pale with indignation and disgust. "No," sputtered the youth, "but that pig--that p-pig--" He looked around him with an eye which seemed to challenge any beholder of whatever condition, to laugh and be instantly run through. Fortunately most of those on the wharf had been too much occupied to see Ojeda fall before the pig, and just then the trumpets blew, and all hastened to get back on board ship. When an expedition is composed largely of hot-headed youths trained to the use of arms, each of whom has a code of honor as sensitive as a mimosa plant and as prickly as a cactus, the lot of their commanders is not happy. It may have been Ojeda's treasured talisman which saved him from several sudden deaths during the following weeks, but Juan de la Cosa privately believed it was partly the memory of the pig. The young man had what might in another time and civilization have developed into a sense of humor. It would not do for a hero with the world before him to get himself sent back to Spain because of some trivial personal quarrel. On reaching Hispaniola the adventurers found plenty of real occupation awaiting them. The little colony which the Admiral had left at Navidad on his first voyage had been wiped out. The natives timidly explained that a fierce chief from the interior, Caonaba, had killed or captured all the forty men of the garrison and destroyed their fort. Colón was obliged to remodel all his plans at a moment's notice. Instead of finding a colony well under way, and in control of the wild tribes or at least friendly with them, he found the wreck of a luckless attempt at settlement, and the kindly native villagers turned aloof and suspicious, and living in dread of a second raid by Caonaba. He chose a site for a second settlement on the coast, where ships could find a harbor, not far from gold-bearing mountains which the natives described and called Cibao. This sounded rather like Cipangu. Ojeda led an exploring party into the mountains, and found gold nuggets in the beds of the streams. In March a substantial little town had been built, with a church, granary, market-square, and a stone wall around the whole. The Admiral then organized an expedition to explore the interior. On March 12, 1494, Colón with his chief officers went out of the gate of the settlement, which had been named for the Queen, at the head of four hundred men, many of whom were mounted, and all armed with sword, cross-bow, lance or arquebus. With casques and breastplates shining in the sun, banners flying, pennons fluttering, drums and trumpets sounding, they presented a sight which should have brought ambassadors from any monarch of the Indies who heard of their approach. But although a multitude of savages came from the forest to see, no signs of any such capital as that of the Great Khan appeared. At the end of the first day's march they camped at the foot of a rocky mountain range with no way over it but a footpath, winding over rocks and through dense tropical jungles. There appeared to be no roads in the country. But this was not an impossible situation to the young Spanish cavaliers, for in the Moorish wars it had often been necessary to construct a road over the mountains. A number of them at once volunteered for the service, and with laborers and pioneers, to whom they set an example by working as valiantly as they were ready to fight, they made a road for the little army, which was named in their honor El Puerto de los Hidalgos, the Gentlemen's Pass. When they reached the top of this steep defile and could look down upon the land beyond they saw a vast and magnificent plain, covered with forests of beautiful trees, blossoming meadows and a network of clear lakes and rivers, and dotted here and there with thatch-roofed villages. Near the top of the pass a spring of cool delicious water bubbled out in a glen shaded by palms and one tall and handsome tree of an unknown variety, with wood so hard that it turned the ax of a laborer who tried to cut a chip of it. Colón gave the plain the name of the Vega Reál or Royal Plain. Of all the events, exploits and intrigues of those first years in the Spanish Indies, no one historian among those who accompanied the expedition ever found time to write. Where all was so new, and every man, whether priest, cavalier, soldier, sailor, clerk or artisan, had his own reasons and his own aims in coming to this land of promise, nothing went exactly according to anybody's plans. The Admiral was soon convinced that in Hispaniola at least no civilized capital existed. To their amazement and amusement the Spaniards found that the savages feared their horses more than their weapons. It was discovered after a while that horse and rider were at first supposed to be one supernatural animal. When the white men dismounted the people fled in horror, believing that the ferocious beasts were going to eat them. It became evident that with the fierce chief Caonaba to reckon with, military strength and capacity would be the only means of holding the country. The commander could not count on patriotism, religious principle or even self-interest to keep the colonists united. In this tangled situation one of the few persons who really enjoyed himself was Alonso de Ojeda. Instead of spending his time in drinking, quarreling or getting himself into trouble with friendly natives, the young man seemed bent on proving himself an able and sagacious leader of men. A little fortress of logs had been built about eighteen leagues from the settlement, in the mining country, defended on all sides but one by a little river, the Yanique, and on the remaining side by a deep ditch. Gold dust, nuggets, amber, jasper and lapis lazuli had been found in the neighborhood, and it was the Admiral's intention to send miners there as soon as possible, protected by the fort, which he called San Tomás. Ojeda happened to be in command of the garrison, in the absence of his superior, when Caonaba came down from his mountains with an immense force of hostile tribes. The young lieutenant in his rude eyrie, perched on a hill surrounded by the enemy, held off ten thousand savages under the Carib chief for more than a month. Finally the chief, whose people had never been trained in warfare after the European fashion, found them deserting by hundreds, tired of the monotony of the siege. Ojeda did not merely stand on the defensive. He was continually sallying forth at the head of small but determined companies of Spaniards, whenever the enemy came near his stronghold. He never went far enough from his base to be captured, but killed off so many of the best warriors of Caonaba that the chief himself grew tired of the unprofitable undertaking and withdrew his army. During the siege provisions ran short, and when things were looking very dark a friendly savage slipped in one night with two pigeons for the table of the commander. When they were brought to Ojeda, in the council chamber where he was seated consulting with his officers, he glanced at the famine-pinched faces about him, took the pigeons in his hands and stroked their feathers for an instant. "It is a pity," he said, "that we have not enough to make a meal. I am not going to feast while the rest of you starve," and he gave the birds a toss into the air from the open window and turned again to his plans. When some one reported the incident to the Admiral his eyes shone. "I wish we had a few more such commanders," he said. Caonaba's next move was to form a conspiracy among all the caciques of Hispaniola, to join in a grand attack against the white men and wipe them out, as he had wiped out the little garrison at Navidad. A friendly cacique, Guacanagari, who had been the ally of the Admiral from the first, gave him information of this plot, and the danger was seen by Colón's acute mind to be desperate indeed. He had only a small force, torn by jealousy and private quarrels, and a defensive fight at this stage of his enterprise would almost surely be a losing one. The territory of Caonaba included the most mountainous and inaccessible part of the island, where that wily barbarian could hold out for years; and as long as he was loose there would be no safety for white men. To the Admiral, who was just recovering from a severe illness, the prospect looked very gloomy. Pedro the Vizcayan cabin-boy, who was his confidential servant, was crossing the plaza one day with a basket of fruit, when Alonso de Ojeda stopped him to inquire after his master's health. "His health," said Pedro, "would improve if I had Caonaba's head in this basket. I wish somebody would get it." Ojeda laughed, showing a flash of white teeth under his jaunty mustachios. Then he grew thoughtful. "Wait a moment, Pedro," he said. "Will you ask the Admiral if he can see me for a few minutes, this morning?" When Ojeda appeared Colón detected a trace of excitement in the young man's bearing, and tactfully led the conversation to Caonaba. He frankly expressed his perplexity. "Have you a plan, Ojeda?" he asked with a half smile. "It has been my experience, that you usually have." Ojeda felt a thrill of pleasure, for the Admiral did not scatter his compliments broadcast. He admitted that he had a plan. "Let me hear it," said Colón. But as the youthful captain unfolded his scheme the cool gray eye of the Genoese commander betrayed distinct surprise. It seemed only yesterday that this youngster had been a little monkey of a page in the great palace of the Duke of Medina Coeli, when he was entertained there, on arriving in Spain. "You see," Ojeda concluded, "I have observed in fighting these people that if their leader is killed or captured, they seem to lose their heads completely. I think that with a dozen men I can get Caonaba and bring him in. If I do not--the loss will not be very great." "I should not like to lose you," said the Admiral, with his hand on the young man's shoulder. "Go, if you will,--but do not sacrifice your own life if you can help it." Ojeda had faith in his talisman, and he also believed that if any man could go into Caonaba's territory and come back alive, he was that man. He knew that he himself, in the place of the chief, would respect a man whom he had not been able to beat. With ten soldiers he rode up into the mountains, his blood leaping with the wild joy of an adventure as great as any in the Song of the Cid. To be sure, Caonaba would not in his mountain camp have any such army as when he surrounded the fort, for then he commanded whole tribes of allies. In case of coming to blows Ojeda believed that he and his men with their superior weapons could cut their way out. Still, the odds were beyond anything that he had ever heard of. He found the Carib chief, and began by trying diplomacy. He said that his master, the Guamaquima or chief of the Spaniards, had sent him with a present. Would he not consent to make a visit to the colony, with a view of becoming the Admiral's ally and friend? If he would, he should be presented with the bell of the chapel, the voice of the church, the wonder of Hispaniola. Caonaba had heard that bell when he was prowling about the settlement, and the temptation to become its owner was great. He finally agreed to accompany Ojeda and his handful of Spaniards back to the coast. But when they were ready to start, the force of warriors in Caonaba's escort was out of all proportion to any peaceful embassy. Ojeda turned to his original plan. He proposed that Caonaba, after bathing in the stream at the foot of the mountain, and attiring himself in his finest robe, should put on the gift the Spanish captain had brought, a pair of metal bracelets, and return to his followers mounted with Ojeda on his horse. The chief's eyes glittered as he saw the polished steel of the ornaments Ojeda produced. He knew that nothing could so impress his wild followers with his power and greatness as his ability to conquer all fear of the terrible animals always seen in the vanguard of the white men's army. He consented to the plan, and after putting on his state costume, and being decorated with the handcuffs, he cautiously mounted behind the young commander, and his followers, in awe and admiration, beheld their cacique ride. [Illustration: "HE PROPOSED THAT CAONABA SHOULD PUT ON THE GIFT THE SPANISH CAPTAIN HAD BROUGHT."--_Page_ 78] Ojeda, who was a perfect horseman, made the horse leap, curvet and caracole, taking a wider circuit each time, until making a long sweep through the forest the two disappeared from the view of the Carib army altogether. Ojeda's own men closed in upon him, bound Caonaba hand and foot, behind their leader, and thus the chief was taken into the Spanish settlement. The conspiracy fell to pieces and the colony was saved. Caonaba showed no respect to Colón or any one else in the camp while a prisoner there, except Ojeda. When Ojeda entered he promptly rose to his feet. They had many conversations together, and Caonaba, who evidently rather admired the stratagem by which he had been captured, agreed with his captor that Ojeda was The Man Who Could Not Die. NOTE The career of Alonso de Ojeda is one of the most picturesque and adventurous in early Spanish-American history, and his character is typical of the young Spanish cavalier of the age just following the discovery of America. The episodes here used, with many others quite as dramatic, are described at length in Irving's "Life of Columbus." THE ESCAPE Why do you come here, white men, white men? Why do you bend the knee When your priests before you, singing, singing, Lift the cross, the cross of tree? Flashing in the sunlight, rainbows waking, Move your mighty oars keeping time. Sailors heave your anchors, chanting, chanting Some strange and mystic rime. Pearls and gold we bring you, feathers of our wild birds, Glowing in the sunshine like flowers. Houses we will build you, food and clothing find you, You shall share in all that is ours. Why do you frighten us, white men, white men? Can you not be friends for a day? Souls are like the sea-birds, flying, flying, Borne by the sea-wind away. Why do you chain us in the mines of the mountains? Why do you hunt us with your hounds? We who were so free, are we evermore to be Prisoned in your narrow hateful bounds? One escape is left us, white men, white men,-- You cannot forbid our souls to fly To the stars of freedom, far beyond the sunset,-- We whom you have captured can die! VI LOCKED HARBORS "But of what use is a King's patent," said Hugh Thorne of Bristol, "if the harbors be locked?" The Italian merchant glanced up from his papers and smiled, which was all the answer the Englishman seemed to expect, for he stormed on, "Here have we better fleeces than Spain, better wheat than France, finer cattle than the Netherlands, the tin of Cornwall, the flax of Kent and Durham, and our people starve or live rudely because of the fettering of our trade." "'T is a sad misfortune," said the merchant. "In a world so great as this there is surely room for all to work and all to get reward for their labor. But so long as the English merchant guilds wear away their time and substance in fighting one another I fear 't will be no better." Thorne flung his cloak about him with an impatient gesture. "That's true," he answered, "the Spaniards hold by Spain, and all the Hanse merchants by one another, but our English go every man for himself and the devil take the hindmost. I speak freely to you, friend, because you have cast in your lot with us West Country folk and are content to be called John Cabot." The other smiled again, his quick childlike smile, and went with his guest to the door. When he entered again his small private room a dark-eyed boy of five was crawling out from under the table. "Dad," he inquired solemnly, "vat is a locked harbor?" John Cabot laughed and swung his little son to his shoulder. "That is a great question for a little brain," he said fondly. "But see thee here; suppose I put thee in the chest and shut the lid and turn the key; thou art locked in and canst not get out--so! But now I put thee out of door and set the bandog to guard it; thou art locked out though the door be wide open, seest thou? And when I forbid thee to pick up the plums that fall on the grass from the Frenchman's damson tree, they are as safe as if I locked them in the dresser here, are they not? So 't is when the King forbids his people to send their goods to some harbor; it is the same as if a great chain were stretched across that harbor with a great lock upon it. Now run and play with Ludovico and Santo, Sebastiano mio, and be glad thou art free of a pleasant garden." But Sebastian still hung back, his dark head rubbing softly against his father's shoulder. "When I am a great merchant," he announced, "the King will let me send my ships all over the world." John Cabot stroked the wavy dark hair with a lingering, tender touch. "God grant thee thy wish, little one," he said. And Sebastian, with a shout in answer to a call from the sunny out-of-door world, scampered away. John Cabot, who had been born in Genoa, married while a merchant in Venice, and had now lived for many years in Bristol, felt sometimes that the life of a trader was like that of a player at dice. And the dice were often loaded. He was a good navigator, or he would not have been a true son of the Genoese house of Caboto--Giovanni Caboto translated meant John the Captain, and in a city full of sea-captains a man must know more than a little of the sea to win that title. He had made a place for himself in Venice as Zuan Gaboto, and now he was a known and respected man in the second greatest seaport of England, with a house in the quarter of Bristol known as "Cathay," the only part of the city where foreigners were allowed to live. It had its nickname from the fact that the foreign trade of Bristol was largely with the Orient. English trade in those days was hampered by a multitude of restrictions. There were monopolies, there were laws forbidding the export of this and that, or the making of goods by any one outside certain guilds, there were arrangements favoring foreign traders who had got their foothold during the War of the Roses,--when kings needed money from any source that would promise it. The Hanse merchants at the Steelyard alone controlled the markets of more than a hundred towns. Their grim stone buildings rose like a fort commanding London Bridge, and they paid less both in duties and customs than English merchants did. They employed no English ships, and could underbuy and undersell the English manufacturer and the English trader. Their men were all bachelors, with no families to found or houses to keep up in England. The farmer might get half price for his wool and pay more than one price for whatever he was obliged to buy. There was plenty of private exasperation, but no open fighting, against this ruling of the London markets by Hamburg, Lübeck, Antwerp and Cologne. Cabot's clear head and wide experience plainly showed him the enormous waste of such a system, but he did not see how to unlock the harbors. Neither, at present, did the King, whose shrewd brain was at work on the problem. Henry Tudor had the thrift of a youth spent in poverty, and the turn for finance inherited from Welsh ancestors, but his kingdom was not rich, and his throne not over-secure. He was prejudiced against doing anything rash, both by nature and by the very limited income of the crown. He had given an audience to Bartholomew Columbus while the older brother was still haunting the court of Castile with his unfulfilled plans, and had gone so far as to tell the Genoese captain to bring his brother Christopher to England that he might talk with him. Had it not been for Queen Isabella's impulsive decision England instead of Spain might have made the lucky throw in the great game of discovery. But by the time Bartholomew could get the message to his brother the matter had been settled and the expedition was already taking shape. Henry VII. always kept one foot on the ground, and until he could see some other way to bring wealth into the royal treasury he let the monopolies go on. In 1495 he took a chance. He gave to John Cabot and his sons a license to search "for islands, provinces or regions in the eastern, western or northern seas; and, as vassals of the King, to occupy the territories that might be found, with an exclusive right to their commerce, on paying the King a fifth part of the profits." It will be noted that this license did not say anything about the southern ocean. Already troops of Spanish cavaliers were pouring into the seaports, eager to make discoveries by the road of Columbus, and Spain would regard as unfriendly any attempt to send English ships in that direction. Whatever could be got from the Spanish territories Henry would try another way of getting. The year before he had arranged to have Prince Arthur, the heir to his throne, marry the fourth daughter of the King of Aragon, Catherine, then a little Princess of eleven. Prince Arthur died while still a boy, and Catherine became the first wife of Henry, afterward Henry VIII. With a Spanish Princess as queen of England, there might be an alliance between the two countries. That would be better than quarreling with Spain over discoveries which were at best uncertain. If Cabot really found anything valuable in the northern seas the move might turn out to be a good one. It would make England a more powerful member of the Spanish alliance, without taking anything which Spain appeared to value. In May, 1497, properly furnished with provisions and a few such things as might show what England had to barter, the little _Matthew_ sailed from Bristol under the command of John Cabot with his nineteen-year-old son Sebastian and a crew of eighteen--nearly all Englishmen, used to the North Atlantic. The King's permission was for five ships, but the wise Cabot had heard something of the hardships of the first expeditions to Hispaniola, and preferred to keep within his means, and sail with men whom he could trust. But on this voyage they found locked harbors not closed by the order of any King but by natural causes,--harbors without inhabitants or means of supporting life, and so far north as to be blocked by ice for half the year. They sailed seven hundred leagues west and came at last to a rocky wooded coast. Now in all the books of travel in Asia, mention had been made of an immense territory ruled by the Grand Cham of Tartary, whose hordes had nearly overrun Eastern Europe in times not so very long ago. The adventures of Marco Polo the Venetian, in a great book sent to Cabot by his wife's father, had been the fairy-tale of Sebastian and his brothers from the time they were old enough to understand a story. In this book it was written how Marco Polo and his companions passed through utterly uninhabited wilds in the Great Khan's empire, and afterward came to a region of barbarians, who robbed and killed travelers. These fierce people lived on the fruits and game of the forest, cultivating no fields; they dressed in the skins of wild animals and used salt for money. Could this be the place? If so it behooved the little party of explorers to be careful. As yet, nobody dreamed that any mainland discovered by sailing westward from northern Europe could be anything but Asia. Cautiously they sailed along the rugged shore, but not a human being was to be seen. It was the twenty-fourth of June, when by all accounts the people of any civilized country should be coasting along from port to port fishing or engaged in traffic. The sun blazed hot and clear, but the inquisitive noses of the crew scented no cinnamon, cloves or ginger in the air. All of these, according to Marco Polo, were in the wilderness he crossed, and also great rivers. On crossing one of these rivers he had found himself in a populous country with castles and cities. Were there no people on this desolate shore--or were they lying in wait for the voyagers to land, that they might seize and kill them and plunder the ship? One thing was certain, the air of this strange place made them all more thirsty than they ever had been in England, and their water-supply had given out. Sebastian and a crew of the younger men tumbled into a boat, cross-bow and cutlass at hand, and went ashore to fill the barrels, while John Cabot kept an anxious eye on the land. Sebastian himself rather relished the adventure. They found a stream of delicious water,--pure, cold and clear as a fountain of Eden. Among the rocks they found creeping vines with rather tasteless, bright red berries, in the woods little evergreen herbs with leaves like laurel and scarlet spicy berries, dark green mossy vines with white berries--but no spice-trees. The forest in fact was rather like Norway, according to Ralph Erlandsson, who was a native of Stavanger. Sebastian, who was ahead, presently came upon signs of human life. A sapling, bent down and held by a rude contrivance of deerhide thong and stakes, was attached to a noose so ingeniously hidden that the young leader nearly stepped into it. He took it off the tree and looked about him. A minute later, from one side and to the rear, a startled exclamation came from Robert Thorne of Bristol, who had stepped on a similar snare and been jerked off his feet. This was quite enough. The party retreated to the ship. On the way back they saw trees that had been cut not very long since, and Sebastian picked up a wooden needle such as fishermen used in making nets, yet not like any English tool of that sort. [Illustration: "A SAPLING, BENT DOWN, WAS ATTACHED TO A NOOSE INGENIOUSLY HIDDEN."--_Page_ 87] They saw nothing more of the kind, although they sailed some three hundred leagues along the coast, nor did they see any sort of tilled land. This certainly could not be Cipangu or Cathay with their seaports and gilded temples. Whatever else it was, it was a land of wild people, savage hunters. John Cabot left on a bold headland where it could not fail to be seen, a great cross, with the flag of England and the Venetian banner bearing the lion of Saint Mark. There was wild excitement in Bristol when it was known that the little _Matthew_ had come safely into port, after three months' voyaging in unknown seas. August of that year found the two Cabots at Westminster with their story and their handful of forest trophies, and the excited and suspicious Spanish Ambassador was framing a protest to the King and a letter to Ferdinand and Isabella. Henry VII. fingered the wooden needle, pulled the rawhide thong meditatively through his fingers, and ate a little handful of the wintergreen berries and young leaves. Their pungent flavor wrinkled his long nose. This was certainly not any spice that came from the Indies. "This country you found," he remarked at last, "is not much like New Spain." "Nay, Sire," answered John Cabot simply. "And I understand,"--the King put the collection of curiosities back into the wallet that had held them, "that this represents one fifth at least of the gains of the voyage." Cabot bowed. As a matter of fact there had been no profits. "My lord,"--the King handed the wallet over to the uneasy Ambassador, who had been invited to the conference, "you have heard what our good Captain says. If, as you say, Spain claims this landfall, we willingly make over to you our--ahem!--share of the emolument." And the Spaniard, looking rather foolish, saw nothing better to do than to bow his thanks and retire from the presence. The King turned again to the Cabots. "Nevertheless," he went on meditatively, "we will not be neglectful of you. In another year, if it is still your desire to engage in this work, you may have--" a pause--"ten ships armed as you see fit, and manned with whatever prisoners are not confined for--high treason. Fish, I think you said, abound in those waters? Bacalao--er--that is cod, is it not? Now it seems to me that our men of Bristol can go a-fishing on those banks without interference from the Hanse merchants, and we shall be less dependent on--foreign aid, for the victualing of our tables. And there may be some way to Asia through these Northern seas--in which case our brother of Spain may not be so nice in his scruples about trespass. The Spice Islands are not his but Portugal's. And for your present reward,--" the King reached for his lean purse and waggled his gaunt foot in its loose worn red shoe "this, and the title of Admiral of your new-found land." He dropped some gold pieces into the hand of John Cabot. In the accounts of his treasurer for that year may be seen this item: "10th August, donation of £10 to him that found the new isle." In May of the next year another voyage was undertaken by Sebastian, John Cabot having died. This time there was a small fleet from Bristol with some three hundred men. Sebastian sailed so far north as to be stopped by seas full of icebergs, then turning southward discovered the island of Newfoundland, landed further south on the mainland, and went as far toward the Spanish possessions as the great bay called Chesapeake. Meanwhile shoals of little fishing boats, from Bristol, Brittany, Lisbon, Rye, and the Vizcayan ports on the north of Spain, crept across the gray seas to fish for cod. They held no patent and carried no guns, but they made a floating city off the Grand Banks for a brief season, settling their own disputes. The people at home found salt fish good cheap and wholesome. When Sebastian told the Bristol folk that the fish were so thick in these new seas that he could hardly get his ships through, they would not believe it. But when Robert Thorne and a dozen others had seen the little caplin, the fish which the cod feeds upon, swimming inshore by the acre, crowded by the cod behind them, and by seal, shark and dogfish hunting the cod, when cod were caught and salted down and shown in Bristol, four and five feet long, then Bristol swallowed both story and cargo and blessed the name of Cabot. Sebastian Cabot shook the dust of Bristol off his restless feet more than once in the years that followed. Within five years after his voyage to the Arctic regions he was cruising about the Caribbean. In 1517 he was at the entrance of the great bay on the north coast of Labrador. In 1524 he was in the service of Spain, and coasting along the eastern shores of South America ascended the great river which De Solis had named Rio de la Plata, came within sight of the mountains of Peru. But for orders from Spain, where Pizarro had secured the governorship of that land, Cabot might have been its conqueror. In 1548, after some years spent in Spain as pilot major, he came back to England, where he was appointed to the position of superintendent of naval affairs. It was his work to examine and license pilots, and make charts and maps, and some ten years later he died, having founded the company of Merchant Adventurers in 1553. This company was entitled to build and send out ships for discovery and trade in parts unknown. By uniting merchant traders in one body, governed by definite rules, and backed by their combined capital, it broke the monopoly of the Hanseatic League and finally drove the Hanse merchants out of England. Sebastian Cabot was its first governor, holding the office until he died, and has rightly been called the father of free trade. He had unlocked the harbors of the world to his adopted country, England. NOTE The rules drawn up by Cabot for the merchant adventurers, to be read publicly on board ship once a week, are interesting as showing the character of the man and the great advance made in welding English trade into a company to be guided by the best traditions. For the first time captains were required to keep a log, and this one thing, by putting on record everything seen and noted by those who sailed strange waters, made an increasing fund of knowledge at the service of each navigator. Some of the points in the instructions are as follows: 7. "That the merchants and other skilful persons, in writing, shall daily write, describe and put in memorie the navigation of each day and night, with the points and observations of the lands, tides, elements, altitude of the sunne, course of the moon and starres, and the same so noted by the order of the master and pilot of every ship to be put in writing; the captain-general assembling the masters together once every weeke (if winde and weather shall serve) to conferre all the observations and notes of the said ships, to the intent it may appeare wherein the notes do agree and wherein they dissent, and upon good debatement, deliberation and conclusion determined to put the same into a common ledger, to remain of record for the companie; the like order to be kept in proportioning of the cardes, astrolabes, and other instruments prepared for the voyage, at the charge of the companie. 12. "That no blaspheming of God, or detestable swearing, be used in any ship, or communication of ribaldrie, filthy tales, or ungodly talk to be suffered in the company of any ship, neither dicing, tabling, nor other divelish games to be permitted, whereby ensueth not only povertie to the players, but also strife, variance, brauling, fighting and oftentimes murther. 26. "Every nation and region to be considered advisedly, and not to provoke them by any distance, laughing, contempt, or such like; but to use them with prudent circumspection, with all gentleness and courtesie." These and other instructions form an ideal far beyond anything found in the merchant shipping of any other land at that time, and the wisdom which inspired them undoubtedly laid the foundation of the fine and noble tradition which formed the best officers of the navy not yet born. There was no British navy in the modern sense until a hundred years after Cabot's day. In time of war the King impressed all suitable ships into his service, if they were not freely offered by private owners. In time of peace the monarch was a ship-owner like any other, and such a thing as a standing navy was not thought of. Hence the brave, generous, and courteous merchant adventurer, when such a man was abroad, was the upholder of the honor of his country as well as the upbuilder of her commerce. GRAY SAILS Gray sails that fill with the winds of the morning, Out upon the Channel or the bleak North sea, Neither cross nor fleur-de-lis goes to your adorning,-- Arctic frost and southern gale your tirewomen shall be. Yet when you come home again--home again--home again, Gray sails turn to silver when the keel runs free. Gray sails of Plymouth, 'ware the wild Orcades, Gray sails of Lisbon, 'ware the guns of Dieppe. Cross-bows of Genoa, 'ware the wharves of Gades,-- You that sail the Spanish Seas may neither trust nor sleep. Yet when you come home again--home again--home again, You shall make the covenant for Kings to keep! Gray sails are crowding where the sea-fog sleeping Masks the faces of the folk that throng and traffic there. When the winds are free again and the cod are leaping, All the tongues of Pentecost wake the laughing air. And when they come home again--home again--home again, They shall bring their freedom for the world to share! VII LITTLE VENICE "Translators," observed Amerigo Vespucci, "are frequently traitors. Now who is to be surety that yonder interpreter does not change your words in repeating them?" Alonso de Ojeda touched the hilt of his poniard. "This," he said. "Toledo steel speaks all languages." The Florentine's black eyebrows lifted a little, but he did not pursue the subject. Ojeda was not the sort of man likely to be convinced of anything he did not believe already, and Vespucci was having too good a time to waste it in argument. This middle-aged, shrewd-looking individual had for half his life been chained to the desk, for he had been many years a clerk in the great merchant houses of the Medici. Until he was forty years old he had hardly gone outside his native city. In the latter half of the fifteenth century each Italian city was a little world in itself, with its own standards, customs and traditions. The fact that Vespucci spent most of his leisure and all of his spare ducats in the collection and study of maps and globes and works on geography, was regarded as a proof of mild insanity. When he paid one hundred and thirty gold pieces for a particularly fine map made by Valsequa in 1439, even his intimate friend Soderini called him a fool. Vespucci was himself an expert mapmaker. This may have been a reason why, about 1490, the Medici sent him to Barcelona to look after their interests in Spain. In Seville he secured a position as manager in the house of Juanoto Berardi, who fitted out ships for Atlantic voyages. In 1497 he himself sailed for the newly discovered islands of the West, and spent more than a year in exploration. This taste of travel seemed to have whetted his appetite for more, for he was now acting as astronomer and geographer in the expedition which Ojeda had organized and Juan de la Cosa fitted out, to the coast which Colón had discovered and called Tierre Firme. In the seven years since the first voyage of the great Admiral it had become the custom to have on board, for expeditions of discovery, a person who understood astronomy, the use of the astrolabe and navigation in general, and the making of charts and maps. Vespucci was exactly that sort of man. However queer it might seem to the young Ojeda to find in a clerk forty years old such a fresh and youthful delight in travel, both he and La Cosa knew that they had in him a valuable assistant. It was generally understood that he meant to write a book about it all. Vespucci was in fact thinking of his future book when he made that speech about translators. He was planning to write the book not in Latin, as was usual, but in Italian, making if necessary another copy in Latin. The party had sailed from Puerto Santa Maria on May 20, 1499, taking with them a chart which Bishop Fonseca, head of the Department of the Indies, furnished. It had been the understanding when Colón received the title of Admiral of the Indies that no expedition should be sent out without his authority. This understanding Fonseca succeeded in persuading the King and Queen to take back, and another order was issued, to the effect that no independent expedition was to go out without the royal permission. This, practically, meant Fonseca's leave. The Bishop signed the permit for Ojeda's undertaking with double satisfaction. He was doing a favor for his friend, Bishop Ojeda, cousin to this young man, and he was aiming a blow at the hated Genoese Admiral, whose very chart he was turning over to the young explorer. All sorts of stories had been set afloat about the unfitness of the Admiral to hold such an important office. Fonseca had managed to influence the Queen so far against him that one Bobadilla had been sent to Hispaniola with power to depose Colón and treat him as a criminal,--so cunningly were his instructions framed. When the great discoverer was actually thrown into prison and sent to Spain manacled like a felon, it might have added a few drops of bitterness to his reflections if he had known what Ojeda was doing. This youth, whom he had trusted and liked, was now looking forward to the conquest of the very region which the Admiral had discovered, and using what was supposed to be the Admiral's private chart to guide him. It is not likely, however, that the fiery and impatient Ojeda gave any thought to the feelings of the older man. Juan de la Cosa was a leader in the expedition, many sailors were enlisted, who had served in former voyages of discovery, and above all, Fonseca approved. Ojeda would never have dreamed of setting up any personal opinion contrary to the views of the Church. In twenty-four days the fleet arrived upon a coast which no one on board had ever seen. It was in fact two hundred leagues further to the south than Paria, where the Admiral had touched. The people were taller and more vigorous than the Arawaks of Hispaniola, and expert with the bow, the lance and the shield. Their bell-shaped houses were of tree-trunks thatched with palm leaves, some of them very large. The people wore ornaments made of fish-bones, and strings of white and green beads, and feather headdresses of the most gorgeous colors. The interpreter told Ojeda that the Spaniards' desire of gold and pearls was very puzzling to these simple folk, who had never considered them of any especial value. In a harbor called Maracapana the fleet was unloaded and careened for cleaning. Under the direction of Ojeda and La Cosa a small brigantine was built. The people brought venison, fish, cassava bread and other provisions willingly, and seemed to think the Spaniards angels. At least, that was the version of their talk which reached Ojeda. It was here that Amerigo Vespucci made that remark about translators. He had not studied accounts of Atlantic voyages for the last few years without drawing a few conclusions regarding the nature of savages. When it was explained that the natives had neighbors who were cannibals, and that they would greatly value the strangers' assistance in fighting them, Vespucci came very near making a suggestion. He finally made it to Juan de la Cosa instead of to Ojeda. The old pilot chuckled wisely. "I've got past warning my young gentleman of danger ahead," he said good-naturedly. "He can do without fighting just as well as a fish can do without water. If I die trying to get him out of some scrape he has plunged into head-first, it will be no more than I expect." Ojeda was, in fact, spoiling for adventure, and joyfully set sail in the direction of the Carib Islands. Seven coast natives were on board as guides, and pointed out the island inhabited by their especial enemies. The shore was lined with fierce-faced savages, painted and feathered, armed with bows and arrows, lances and darts and bucklers. Ojeda launched his boats, in each of which was a paterero, or small cannon, with a number of soldiers crouching down out of sight. The armor of the Spaniards protected them from the Indian arrows, while the cotton armor of the savages and their light shields were no defense against cannon-balls or crossbow-bolts. When the barbarians leaped into the sea and attacked the boats the cannon scattered them, but they rallied and fought more fiercely on land. The Spaniards won that day's battle, but the dauntless islanders were ready to renew the fight next morning. With his fifty-seven men Ojeda routed the whole fighting force of the tribe, made many prisoners, plundered and set fire to the villages, and returned to his ships. A part of the spoil was bestowed on the seven friendly natives. Ojeda, who had not received so much as a scratch, anchored in a bay for three weeks to let his wounded recover. There were twenty-one wounded and one Spaniard had been killed. Sailing westward along the coast the fleet presently entered a vast gulf like an inland sea, on the eastern side of which was a most curious village. Ojeda could hardly believe the evidence of his own eyes. Twenty large cone-shaped houses were built on piles driven into the bottom of the lake, which in that part was clear and shallow. Each house had its drawbridge, and communicated with its neighbors and with the shore by means of canoes gliding along the water-ways between the piles. The interpreters said it was called Coquibacoa. "That is no proper name for so marvelous a place," said Ojeda after he had tried to pronounce the clucking many-syllabled word. "Is it like anything you have seen, Vespucci?" The Italian had been comparing it with a similar village he had seen on his first voyage, on a part of the coast called Lariab. He had an instinct, however, that it would not be well to mix his own discoveries with those of the present expedition. "It is rather like Venice," he said demurely. "That is the name for it," cried Ojeda in high delight,--"Venezuela--Little Venice!" "It would be interesting," observed Vespucci, "to know what names they are giving to us. How they stare!" The people of the village on stilts were evidently as much astonished at the strangers as the strangers were at them. They fled into their houses and raised the draw-bridges. The men in a squadron of canoes which came paddling in from the sea were also terrified. But this did not last long. The warriors went into the forest and returned with sixteen young girls, four of whom they brought to each ship. While the white men wondered what this could mean, several old crones appeared at the doors of the houses and began a furious shrieking. This seemed to be a signal. The maidens dived into the sea and made for the shore, and a storm of arrows came from the canoemen. The fight, however, was not long, and the Spaniards won an easy victory, after which they had no further trouble. They found a harbor called Maracaibo, and twenty-seven Spaniards at the earnest request of the natives were entertained as guests among the inland villages for nine days. They were carried from place to place in litters or hammocks, and when they returned to the ships every man of them had a collection of gifts--rich plumes, weapons, tropical birds and animals--but no gold. The monkeys and parrots were very amusing, but they did not make up, in the minds of some of the crew, for the gold which had not been found. Ojeda returned from an exploring journey one day with a ruffled temper. "A gang of poachers," he sputtered,--"rascally Bristol traders. We shall have to teach these folk their place." "What really happened?" Vespucci inquired privately of Juan de la Cosa. The old mariner's eyes twinkled. "It was funny. You see, we were coming down to the shore, ready to return to the ships, when we spied an English ship and some sailors on the beach, dancing after they'd caught their fish and eaten 'em. Up marches our young caballero with hand on hilt and asks whose men they are. But they answered him in a language he can't understand, d'ye see, and after some jabbering he makes them understand that he wants to go on board to see their captain. I went along, for I'd no mind to leave him alone if there should be trouble. "So soon as I set eyes on the captain I knew him for a chap I'd seen years ago in Venice. He did me a good turn there, too, though he was but a lad. I knew he was a Bristol man, but I hadn't expected to see him or his ship so far from home. He could talk Spanish nearly as well as you do. "'What are you doing here?' asks our worshipful commander. "'Looking at the sky,' said the other man, cool as a cucumber. 'I think we are going to have a storm.' "'Don't bandy words with me,' says Ojeda. 'You are trespassing on my master's dominions.' "'Your master is the Admiral of the Indies, no?' says the stranger, and that pretty near shut our young gentleman's mouth for a minute, for between you and me I think he knows that Colón has not been well treated. But he only got the more furious. "'Do you insult me?' says he, and whips out his Toledo blade and bends it almost double, to show the quality. "'Wait a minute, my young hornet,' says the captain--he wasn't much more than a boy, himself,--'didn't your master the Duke of Medina Coeli teach you better than to irritate a man on the deck of his own ship? Mine can sail two leagues to your one, and I'm just leaving for home, so, unless you would like to go with me, perhaps you will let this conversation end without any more pointed remarks. If I chose, you know, I could drop you overboard in sight of your men, to swim ashore. My guns would stave your longboat all to pieces. But I've stayed long enough to give the lads a chance to have a good meal and a bit of fun--nothing's better than dancing, for the spirits, dad always said it was better than either fighting or dicing on shipboard. Before we part, though, I'm going to give you one piece of advice. Don't stir up these coast natives too often. If you do, they'll eat you. They use poisoned arrows in some of these parts, and there's no cure for that but a red-hot iron.' "The caballero's temper is like gunpowder--it flashes up in a second, or not at all. He must ha' seen that the captain meant him kindness. Anyway, he slips his sword back in the scabbard and says cool as you please, "'Señor, pardon my hasty conclusion. You have of course a perfect right to look at the sky, and to dance, if that is your diversion. I should be extremely sorry to interfere with your departure. But you will understand that when a commander in the service of the sovereigns of Aragon and Castile finds intruders within their territory it is his duty to make it his affair. I thank you for your warning. Adios,' and he makes a little stiff bow and goes over the side, me after him. I looked back just as I went over the rail, and the skipper was watching me, and I may be mistaken but I believe he winked. I tell you, our little captain can do things that would get him run through the body if he were any other man." Vespucci smiled thoughtfully. But this incident may have had something to do with his later decision to part company with Ojeda. Vespucci continued to explore the coast, and Ojeda sailed northward to the islands, where he kidnaped some Indians for slaves. When he returned to Cadiz the young adventurer found to his intense disgust that after all expenses were paid there remained but five hundred ducats to be divided among fifty-five men. This was all the more mortifying because, two months before, Pedro Alonso Nino, a captain of Palos, and Christoval Guerra of Seville, had come in from a trading voyage in the Indies with the richest cargo of gold and pearls ever seen in Cadiz. Vespucci wrote his book some years later, and as it was the first popular account of the new Spanish possessions and was written in a lively and entertaining style it had a great reputation. It gave to the natives of the country the name which they have ever since borne--Indians. A German geographer who much admired the work suggested that an appropriate mark of appreciation would be to name the new continent America, after Vespucci, and this was done. Vespucci described all that he saw and some things of which he heard, using care and discretion, and if he suspected that the captain of the Bristol ship was Sebastian Cabot, later pilot-major of Spain, he did not say so. NOTE Amerigo Vespucci has been unjustly accused of endeavoring to steal the glory of Columbus, but there is no evidence that he ever contemplated anything of the kind. It was a German geographer's suggestion that the continent be named America. THE GOLD ROAD O the Gold Road is a hard road, And it leads beyond the sea,-- Some follow it through the altar gates And some to the gallows tree. And they who squander the gold they earn On kin-folk ill to please Go soon to the grave, but he toils in the grave-- The miner upon his knees. The Gold Road is a dark road-- No bird by the wayside sings, No sun shines into the cañons deep, No children's laughter rings. They are slaves who delve in the stubborn rocks For the pittance their labor brings. Their bread is bitter who toil for their own, But they starve who toil for Kings. The Gold Road is a small road,-- A man must tread it alone, With none to help if he faint or fall, And none to hear his groan. The weight of gold is a weary weight When we toil for the sake of our own-- But our masters are branding our hearts and souls With a Christ that is carved in stone! VIII THE DOG WITH TWO MASTERS "They fight among themselves too much. They need the man with the whip." "_Bough! wough!_" "_Yar-r-rh! arrh!--agh!_" A spirited and entertaining dog-fight was going on just outside the house of the governor of Darien. The deep sullen roar of Balboa's big hound Leoncico was as unmistakable as the snarling, snapping, furious bark of Cacafuego, who belonged to the Bachelor Enciso. The two hated each other at sight, months ago. Now they were having it out. The man with the whip evidently came on the scene, for there was a final crescendo of barks, yelps and growls, followed by silence. Pizarro's remark, however, did not refer to the dogs but to the settlers, who had been rioting over the governorship of the colony. The outcome of this disturbance had been the practical seizure of the office of captain-general by Vasco Nuñez de Balboa. Pizarro himself, and Juan de Saavedra, to whom he addressed his comment, had supported Balboa. Saavedra did not commit himself further than to answer, with a shrug, "Balboa can use the whip on occasion, we all know that. Ah, here he comes now." The man and the dog would have attracted attention anywhere, separately or together. The man was well-made and vigorous, with red-brown hair and beard, and clear merry eyes, a leader who would rather lead than command. The dog was of medium size but very powerful, tawny in color with a black muzzle, and the scars on his compact body recorded many battles, not with other dogs but with hostile Indians. He had been his master's body-guard in several fights, and Balboa sometimes lent him to his friends, the dog receiving the same share of plunder that would have been due to an armed man. Leoncico is said to have brought his captain in this way more than a thousand crowns. "You called him off, eh, General?" Saavedra asked, bending to stroke the terrible head. He and Vasco Nuñez had been friends for years; in fact it was Saavedra who had managed the smuggling of Balboa on board the ship in a cask, to escape his creditors, when the expedition set out. They were intimate, as men are intimate who are different in character but alike in feeling and tradition. Pizarro was an outsider and knew it. "Yes; Enciso's dog would be better for a whipping, perhaps, but I had no mind to make the Bachelor any more an enemy than he is. Pizarro,--" he turned to the soldier of fortune, with a frank smile, "I have work for you to do. It is dangerous, but I know that you do not care for that. Pick out six good men, and be ready to see if there is any truth in those stories about the Coyba gold mines." Pizarro's black brows unbent. Nothing could have suited him better than just these orders. He was, like Balboa, a native of the province of Estremadura in Spain, and being shut out by his low birth from advancement in his own land, had come to the colonies in the hope of gaining wealth and position by the sword. His reckless courage, iron muscle, and a certain cold stubbornness had given him the reputation of an able man, but though nearly ten years older than Balboa, he had never held any but a subordinate position. He had nearly made up his mind that his chance would never come. These hidalgos wanted all the glory as well as all the power for themselves. He could not see why Balboa should turn the possible discovery of a rich new province over to him, but if the gold should be there, Pizarro would get it. He bowed, thanked the general, and took his leave. "General," said Saavedra, "I never like to put my neck in a noose, but if you were only Vasco Nuñez I would ask you why you made exactly that choice." Balboa laughed and pulled the ears of Leoncico, who had laid his head in full content on his master's knee. "I am always Vasco Nuñez to you, _amigo_," he said easily, "as you very well know. Pizarro is a bulldog for bravery, and he has a head on his shoulders. Also he is ambitious, and this will give him a chance to win renown." "And keeps him out of mischief for the time being," put in Saavedra dryly. Balboa laughed again. "Why do you ask me questions when you know my mind almost as well as I do? You see, now that Enciso is about to go, we shall have some freedom to do something besides quarrel among ourselves. Gold is an apology for whatever one does, out here. If there is as much of it as they say, in this Coyba, the King may be able to gild the walls of another salon, and if he puts Pizarro's portrait in it in the place of honor I shall not weep over that. There is glory enough for all of us, who choose to earn it." Pizarro and his men had not gone ten miles from Darien before they ran into an ambush of Indians armed with slings. The seven Spaniards charged instantly, and actually put the enemy to flight, then beat a quick retreat. Every man of them despite their body armor had wounds and bruises, and one was left disabled upon the field. Balboa met them as they limped painfully in. His quick eye took in the situation. "Only six of you? Where is Francisco Hernan?" "He was crippled and could not walk," answered Pizarro sulkily; he saw what was coming. Balboa's eyes blazed. "What! You--Spaniards--ran away from savages and left a comrade to die? Go back and bring him in!" Pizarro turned in silence, took his men back over the road just traversed, and brought Hernan safely in. This was one of the many incidents by which the colony learned the mettle of the new captain-general. Under his direction exploration of the neighboring provinces was undertaken. Balboa with eighty men made a friendly visit to Comagre, a cacique who could put three thousand fighting men in the field. Comagre and his seven sons entertained the white men in a house larger and more like a palace of the Orient than any they had before seen. It was one hundred and fifty paces long by eighty paces broad, the lower part of the walls built of logs, the floors and upper walls of beautiful and ingenious wood-work. The son of this cacique presented to Balboa seventy slaves, captives taken by himself, and golden ornaments weighing altogether four thousand ounces. The gold was at once melted into ingots, or bars of uniform size, for purposes of division. One-fifth of it was weighed out for the Crown, the rest divided among the members of the expedition. The young cacique stood by watching with scornful curiosity as the Spaniards argued and squabbled over the allotment. Suddenly he struck up the scales with his fist, and the shining treasure tumbled over the porch floor like spilt corn. "Why do you quarrel over this trash?" he asked. "If this gold is so precious to you that you leave your homes, invade the land of peaceable nations and endure desperate perils, I will tell you where there is plenty of it." The Spaniards' attention was instantly caught and held. The young Indian went on, with the same careless contempt, "You see those mountains over there? Beyond them is a great sea. The people who dwell on the border of that sea have ships almost as big as yours, with sails and oars as yours have. The streams in their country are full of gold. The King eats from golden dishes, for gold is as common there as iron is among you,"--he glanced at the cumbrous armor and weapons of his guests. Indeed the panoply of the Spaniards, made necessary by the constant possibility of attack, and the weight of their cross-bows and other weapons, was a source of continual wonder to the light and nimble Indians, and of much weariness and suffering to themselves. Many in time adopted the quilted cotton body armor of the natives, and used pikes when they could in place of the musketoun, which was like a hand-cannon. This was not the first time that Balboa and many of the others had heard of the Lord of the Golden House, but no one else had told the story with such boldness. The young cacique said that to invade this land, a thousand warriors would be none too many. He offered to accompany Balboa with his own troops, if the white men would go. Here indeed was an enterprise with glory enough for all. Balboa returned to Darien and began preparations. Valdivia, the regidor of the colony, had been sent to Hispaniola for provisions, but the supply he brought back was absurdly small. One of the serious difficulties encountered by all the first settlers in the New World was this matter of provisioning the camps. For the Indians the natural fruits and produce of the country were sufficient, and they seldom laid up any great store. The small surplus of any one chief was soon exhausted by a large body of guests. Moreover, the country had no cattle, swine, fowls, goats, no domestic food animals whatever, no grain but the maize. The supply of meat and grain was thus very small until Spanish planters could clear and cultivate their estates. On the march the troops could and did live off the country with less trouble. Balboa decided to send Valdivia back to Hispaniola for more supplies. He also sent by him a letter to Diego Colón, son of the great Admiral and governor of the island, explaining his need for more troops in view of what he had just learned about a new and wealthy kingdom not far away. He frankly requested the Governor to use his influence with the King to make this discovery possible without delay. Weeks passed, and Valdivia did not come back. Provisions again became scarce. Then a letter from Balboa's friend Zamudio, who had gone to Spain in the same ship with the Bachelor Enciso, in order to defend Balboa's course. Everything, it seemed, had gone wrong. The King had listened to the eloquence of the Bachelor, and would probably send for Balboa to come to Spain to answer criminal charges. It was said that he meant to send out as governor of Darien, in the place of Balboa, an old and wily courtier, one of Fonseca's favorites, named Pedro Arias de Avila, and usually called Pedrarias. "That," said Balboa, handing the letter over to Saavedra to read, "seems to mean that the fat has gone into the fire." "What shall you do?" "If the King's summons arrives," said Balboa reflectively, "I think I will be on the top of that mountain range looking for the sea the cacique spoke of." "I will go at once and make my preparations," assented the other. "Did you know that Pizarro has adopted that dog--the Spitfire--Enciso's brute?" "Has the dog adopted him?" laughed Balboa, extracting a thorn with the utmost care from the paw of Leoncico. "That is a shrewd question. You know I have a theory that a man is known by his dog. This beast seems to have changed character when he changed masters. When Enciso had him he was little more than a puppy, and then he was thievish and cowardly. Now he will attack an Indian as savagely as Leoncico himself. Pizarro must have put the iron into him." "Pizarro can," said Balboa carelessly. "He does it with his men. I think there is more in that fellow than we have supposed. We shall see--this expedition will be a kind of test." Saavedra, as he went to his own quarters, wondered whether Balboa were really as unconscious and unsuspicious as he seemed. "Like dog, like master," he said to himself. "Cacafuego shifted collars as easily as any mongrel does--as readily as Pizarro himself would. I think that Leoncico, left here without Balboa, would die. Neither a dog or a man has any business with two masters. I wonder whether in the end we shall conquer this land, or find that the land has conquered us?" Balboa set forth with one hundred and ninety picked men and a few bloodhounds. Half the company remained on shore at Coyba to guard the brigantine and canoes, and with the others Balboa began the ascent of the range of mountains from whose heights he hoped to view the sea. In no other time and country have discoverers encountered the obstacles and dangers which confronted the Spaniards who first explored Central America. Precipitous mountains, matted jungles, barren deserts, deep and swift streams, malarious bogs, and hostile natives often armed with poisoned weapons, all were in their way, and they had to make their overland journeys on foot, fully armed and often in tropical heat. Even when accompanied by Indians familiar with the country, they could count on little or nothing in the way of game or other provisions. Balboa's friendly ways with the natives had secured him Indian guides and porters, but it was difficult work, even so. In four days they traveled no more than ten leagues, and it took them from the sixth to the twenty-fifth of September to cover the ground between the coast of Darien and the foot of the last mountain they must climb. One-third of the men had been sent back from time to time, because of illness and exhaustion. The party remained for the night in the village of Quaraqua at the foot of the mountain, and at dawn they began their ascent, hoping to reach the summit before the hottest time of the day. About ten o'clock they came out of the thick forest on a high and airy slope of the mountain, and the Indians pointed out a hill, from which they said the sea was visible. Then Balboa commanded the others to rest, while he went alone to the top. "And this," muttered Pizarro to the man next him, "is the man who is always saying that there is enough glory for all!" Saavedra's quick ear caught the remark. He smiled rather satirically. He, and he alone, knew the true reason for this action of Balboa's. "Juan," the commander had said to him while they were wading through their last swamp, "when we are somewhere near the summit I shall go on alone. I want no one with me when I look down the other side of that range. Whether I see a mere lake, which these savages may call a sea, or--something greater, I am not sure I shall be able to command my feelings. I will not be a fool before the men." Balboa's heart was thumping as he climbed, more with excitement than exertion. No one but Saavedra had so much as an inkling of the importance his success or failure would have for him personally. The whole of his future lay on the unknown other side of that hill. He shut his eyes as he reached the top--then opened them upon a glorious view. A vast blue sea sparkled in the sunshine, only a few leagues away. From the mountain top to the shore of this great body of water sloped a wild landscape of forest, rock, savanna and winding river. Balboa knelt and gave thanks to God. Then he sprang to his feet and beckoned to his followers, who rushed up the hill, the great hound Leoncico bounding far ahead. When all had reached the summit Father Andreas de Varo, motioning them to kneel, began the chant of Te Deum Laudamus, in which the company joined. The notary of the expedition then wrote out a testimonial witnessing that Balboa took possession of the sea, all its islands and surrounding lands, in the name of the sovereign of Castile; and each man signed it. Balboa had a tall tree cut down and made into a cross, which was planted on the exact spot where he had stood when he first looked upon the sea. A mound of stones was piled up for an additional monument, and the names of the sovereigns were carved on neighboring trees. Then Balboa, leading his men down the southern slope of the mountain, sent out three scouting parties under Francisco Pizarro, Juan de Escaray and Alonso Martin to discover the best route to the shore. Martin's party were first to reach it, after two days' journey, and found there two large canoes. Martin stepped into one of them, calling his companions to witness that he was the first European who had ever embarked upon those waters; Blas de Etienza, who followed, was the second. They reported their success to Balboa, and with twenty-six men the commander set out for the sea-coast. The Indian chief Chiapes, whom Balboa had fought and then made his ally, accompanied the party with some of his followers. On Michaelmas they reached the shore of a great bay, which in honor of the day was christened Bay de San Miguel. The tide was out, leaving a beach half a league wide covered with mud, and the Spaniards sat down to rest and wait. When it turned, it came in so fast that some who had dropped asleep found it lapping the bank at their feet, before they were fairly roused. Balboa stood up, and taking a banner which displayed the arms of Castile and Leon, and the figure of the Madonna and Child, he drew his sword and marched into the sea. In a formal speech he again took possession, in the names of the sovereigns, of the seas and lands and coasts and ports, the islands of the south, and all kingdoms and provinces thereunto appertaining. These rights he declared himself ready to maintain "until the day of judgment." While another document was receiving the signatures of the members of the expedition, Saavedra, who was standing near the margin of the bay, took up a little water in his hand and tasted it. It was salt. In the excitement of actually reaching the coast of so broad and beautiful a sea, no one had happened to think of finding out whether the water was fresh or salt. This discovery made it certain that they had found, not a great inland lake, but the ocean itself. Pizarro scowled; he wished that he had not missed this last chance of fame. Since he had discovered nothing it was not likely that his name should be mentioned in Balboa's report to the King, at all. But Balboa, high in expectation of the change which this fortunate adventure would make in his career, went on triumphantly exploring the neighboring country, gaining here and there considerable quantities of gold and pearls. Saavedra, who had inherited an estate in Spain just before the expedition started, and expected on his return to Darien to go home to look after it, watched Pizarro with growing distrust and anxiety. "I think you are ready to accuse him of witchcraft," said Balboa lightly when Saavedra hinted at his suspicions. "You have not given me one positive proof that the man is anything but a rather sulky, unhappy brute who has had ill luck." "He is ill-bred, I tell you," said Saavedra stubbornly. "He is making up to the Indians, and that is not like him. We shall have trouble there yet." Balboa laughed and went to his hut, there to fling himself into a hammock and take a much-needed nap. Saavedra, coming back in the twilight, spied an Indian creeping through the forest toward a window in the rear of the hut. He was about to challenge the man when there was a yelp from the bushes, and Cacafuego leaped upon the prowler and bore him to earth, tearing savagely at his throat and receiving half a dozen wounds from the arrows the Indian carried in his hand and in his belt. He had been trained by Pizarro to fly at an Indian, and made no distinctions. Within an hour or two the poison in the arrow-points began to take effect, and the dog died. Whether he had been prowling about in search of food--for Pizarro kept him hungry with a view to making his temper more touchy--or was looking for his old enemy Leoncico, no one would ever know. Balboa looked grave and said nothing. "The dog is dead--that is all that is absolutely certain," said Saavedra grimly. "I wish it had been his master." NOTE It is recorded that when Pizarro met Balboa with the order for his arrest Balboa thus addressed him: "It is not thus, Pizarro, that you were wont to greet me!" Pizarro's jealousy and ill-will are evident in the recorded facts, though he does not appear to have been actually guilty of treachery to his general. COLD O' THE MOON Alone with all the stars that rule mankind Ruy Faleiro sought to read the fate Of his close friend--now by the King's rebuke Sent stumbling out of Portugal to seek His fortune on the sea-roads of the world. But when Faleiro read the horoscope It seemed to point to glory--and a grave Beyond the sunset. When Magalhaens heard The prophecy, he smiled, and steadfastly Held on his way to that young Emperor, The blond shy stripling with the Austrian face, And in due time was Admiral of the Fleet To sail the seas that lay beyond the world. Mid-August was it when the fleet set forth, December, when in that Brazilian bay, Santa Lucia, they dropped anchor,--then Set up a little altar on the beach And knelt at Mass in that gray solitude. Carvagio the pilot knew the place, And said the folk were kindly,--brown, straight-haired, Wore feather mantles, used no poisoned flints, And only ate man's flesh on holidays. Whereat a little daunted, not with fear, The mariners met them running to the shore, Bought swine of them, and plantains, cassava, And for one playing card, the king of clubs, The wild men gave six fowls! There were brown roots Formed like the turnip, chestnut-like in taste And called patata in ship-Spanish--cane Wherefrom is made the sugar and the wine Of Hispaniola, and the pineapple That was like nectar to their sea-parched throats. And thus they feasted and were satisfied. Like an enchanted Eden seemed the land, For birds on dazzling many-colored wings Made the trees blossom--parrots red, green, blue, Humming-birds like live jewels in the air, Strange ducks with spoon-shaped bills,--and overhead Like some fantastic frieze of living gold, The little yellow monkeys leaped and swung Chattering of Setebos in their unknown tongue. The old men lived beyond their sevenscore years-- Or so the people said. They made canots Of logs that they carved out with heated stones. They slept in hamacs, woven cotton swings. Their chiefs were called cacichas--you may find All this put down in the thrice precious book Written by Pigafetta of Vicenza For a queen's pleasure when the voyage was done. Then from that shore they sailed, and southward bent, And as the long days lengthened, till the nights Were but star-circled midnight intervals, They wondered of what race and by what seas They should find kings at the antipodes. Where a great river flowed into the sea They found sea-lions,--on another isle Strange geese, milk-white and sable, with no wings, Who swam instead of flying, and they called The place the Isle of Penguins. Then they found A desolate harbor called San Juliano, Where the fierce flame of mutiny broke forth, Spaniard on Portuguese turned treacherously Till in the red midwinter sunrise towered The place of execution, and an end Was made of the two traitors. Outward flashed the sail And left the sea-birds there to tell the tale. Beyond there lay a bleak and misty shore, And in the fog a wild gigantic form White-haired, a savage, called a greeting to them. Friendly the huge men were, and took these men, Bearded and strange, for kinfolk of their god, Setebos, from his home beyond the moon, And from their great shoes filled with straw for warmth Magalhaens named them men of Patagonia. Westward they steered, and buffeted by winds, They found a narrow channel, where the fleet Halted for council. One returned to Spain Laden with falsehood and with mutiny. On sailed the others valiantly, their hearts Remembering their Admiral's haughty words Flung at his craven captain, "I will see This great voyage to the end, though we should eat The leather from the yards!" And thus they reached The end of that strait path of Destiny, And saw beyond the shining Western Sea. Northward the Admiral followed that long coast Past Masafuera--then began his flight Across the great uncharted shining sea. And surely there was never stranger voyage. The winds were gentle toward him, and no more The dreadful laughter of the tempest shrilled, Or down upon them pounced the hurricane. Therefore Magalhaens, giving thanks to God, Named it Pacific, and the lonely sea. Still bore him westward where his heart would be. Alone with all the stars of Christendom He set his course,--if he had known his fate Would he have stayed his hand? Before the end Fate the old witch, who often loves to turn A man's words on him, kept the ships becalmed Even to thirst and famine; when instead They fed on leather, gnawed wood, and ate mice As did the Patagonian giants, when They begged such vermin for a savage feast. Then Fate, her jest outworn, blew them to shore On the green islands called the Isles of Thieves, And brought them to more islands--and still more, A kingdom of bright lands in sunny seas. Here did the Admiral land, and raise the Cross Above that heathen realm,--and here went down In battle for strange allies in strange lands. So ended his adventure. Yet not so, For the Victoria, faithful to his hand That laid her charge upon her, southward sailed Around the Cape and westward to Seville. El Cano brought her in, and her strange tale Told to the Emperor. "And the Admiral said," He ended, "that indeed these heathen lands God meant should all be Christian, for He set A cross of stars above the southern sea, A passion-flower upon the southern shore, To be a sign to great adventurers. These be two marvels,--and upon the way We gained a kingdom, but we lost a day!" IX WAMPUM TOWN "Elephants' teeth?" "A fair lot, but I am sick of the Guinea coast. The Lisbon slavers get more of black ivory than we do of the white." The good Jean Parmentier, who asked the question, and the youth called Jean Florin, who answered it, were looking at a stanch weather-beaten little cargo-ship anchored in the harbor of Dieppe. She had been to the Gold Coast, where wild African chiefs conjured elephants' tusks out of the mysterious back country and traded them for beads, trinkets and gay cloth. In Dieppe this ivory was carved by deft artistic fingers into crucifixes, rosaries, little caskets, and other exquisite bibelots. African ivory was finer, whiter and firmer than that of India, and when thus used was almost as valuable as gold. But within the last ten years the slave trade had grown more profitable than anything else. A Portuguese captain would kidnap or purchase a few score negroes, take them, chained and packed together like convicts, to Lisbon or Seville and sell them for fat gold moidores and doubloons. The Spanish conquistadores had not been ten years in the West Indies before they found that Indian slavery did not work. The wild people, under the terrible discipline of the mines and sugar plantations, died or killed themselves. Planters of Hispaniola declared one negro slave worth a dozen Indians. "I do not wonder that the cacique Hatuey told the priest that he would burn forever rather than go to a heaven where Spaniards lived," said Jean Florin. "To roast a man is no way to change his religion." "Some of our folk in Rochelle are of that way of thinking," agreed Captain Parmentier dryly. "What say you to a western voyage?" "Not Brazil? Cabral claims that for Portugal." "No; the northern seas--the Baccalaos. Of course codfish are not ivory, and it is rough service, but Aubert and some of the others think that there may be a way to India. Sebastian Cabot tried for it and found only icebergs, but Aubert says there is a gulf or strait somewhere south of Cabot's course, that leads westward and has never been explored." "I am tired of the Guinea trade," the youth repeated; "Cape Breton at any rate is not Spanish." "Not yet," said Jean Parmentier with emphasis. Thus it came about that when Aubert, in 1508, poked the prow of his little craft into open water to the west of the great island off which men fished for cod, there stood beside him a young man who had been learning navigation under his direction, and was now called Jean Verassen. His real name was Giovanni Verrazzano, but nobody in Dieppe knew who the Florentine Verazzani might be, and during his apprenticeship there he had been known as Florin--the Florentine. In his boyhood the magnificent Medici, the merchant princes, had ruled Florence. After the fall of Constantinople he had seen the mastery of the sea pass from Venice to Lisbon. When he left Florence he followed the call of the sea-wind westward until now he had cast his lot with the seafarers of northern France, the only bit of the Continent that was outside the shadow of the mighty power of Spain. That shadow was growing bigger and darker year by year. The heir to the Spanish throne, Charles, grandson of Ferdinand and Isabella, would be emperor of Germany, ruler of the Netherlands, King of Aragon, Castile, Granada and Andalusia, and sovereign of all the Spanish discoveries in the West; and no one knew how far they might extend. France might have to fight for her life. Meanwhile Norman and Breton fishermen went scudding across the North Atlantic every year, like so many petrels. Honfleur, Saint Malo, La Rochelle and Dieppe owed their modest prosperity to the cod. Baccalao, codfish or stockfish, all its names referred to the beating of the fish while drying, with a stick, to make it more tender; it was cheaper and more plentiful than any other fish for the Lenten tables and fast-days of Europe. The daring French captains found the fishing trade a hard life but a clean one. From the fishermen Aubert and Verrazzano had learned something of the nature of the country. Bears would come down to steal fish from under the noses of the men. Walrus and seal and myriads of screaming sea-gulls greeted them every season. The natives were barbarous and unfriendly. North of Newfoundland were two small islands known as the Isles of Demons, where nobody ever went. Veteran pilots told of hearing the unseen devils howling and shrieking in the air. "Saint Michael! tintamarre terrible!" they said, crossing themselves. The young Florentine listened and kept his thoughts to himself. He had never seen any devils, but he had seen men go mad in the hot fever-mist of African swamps, thinking they saw them. Aubert was not sure whether this was an inlet, a strait or a river behind the great barren island. When he had sailed westward for eighty leagues the water was still salt. The banks had drawn closer together and rude fortifications appeared on the heights. Canoes put forth from the wooded shores and surrounded the sailing ship. They were filled with copper-colored warriors of threatening aspect. The French commander did not like what he saw. He was not provisioned for a voyage around the world, and if these waters were the eastern entrance to a strait he might emerge upon a vast unknown ocean. If on the other hand he was at the mouth of a river, to ascend it might result in being cut off by hostile savages, which would be most unpleasant. A third consideration was that the inhabitants were said to live on fish, game, and berries, none of which could be secured, either peaceably or by fighting, in an enemy's country. Making hostages of seven young savages who climbed his bulwarks without any invitation, he put about and sailed away. During the following year the seven wild men were exhibited at Rouen and elsewhere. Aubert had made sure of one thing at least; the land to the west was not in the least like the rich islands which the Spanish held in the tropics. Except in the brief season when the swarming cod filled the seines of the fishermen, it yielded no wealth, not even in slaves, for the fierce and shy natives would be almost uncatchable and quite impossible to tame. Francis of Angoulême, the brilliant, reckless and extravagant young French King, was hard pushed to get money for his own Court, and was not interested in expeditions whose only result might be glory. He jested over the threatening Spanish dominion as he did over everything else. Italian dukedoms were overrun by troops from France, Spain, Austria and Switzerland, and Francis welcomed Italian artists, architects and poets to his capital. When the plague attacked Paris he removed to one of the royal châteaux in the country or paid visits to great noblemen like his cousin Charles de Bourbon. It was in 1522 at Moulins, the splendid country estate of the Duc de Bourbon, that the monarch met a captain of whom he had heard a great deal--all of it gratifying. He had in mind a new enterprise for this Verrazzano. During the last seven or eight years Verrazzano, like many other captains, had been engaged in the peculiar kind of expedition dubbed piracy or privateering according to the person speaking. France and Spain were neither exactly at peace nor openly at war. The Florentine had gone out upon the high seas in command of a ship fitted out and armed at his own risk, and fought Spanish galleons wherever he met them. This helped to embarrass the King of Spain in his wars abroad. Galleons eastward bound were usually treasure-ships. The colonial governors, planters, captains and common soldiers took all the gold they could get for themselves, and the gold, silver and pearls that went as tribute to the royal master in Spain had to run the gauntlet of these fierce and fearless sea-wolves. The wealth of the Indies was really a possession of doubtful value. It attracted pirates as honey draws flies. When these pirates turned a part of their spoils over to kings who were not friendly to Spain, it was particularly exasperating. Francis had asked Verrazzano to come to Moulins because, from what he had heard, it seemed to him that here was a man who could take care of himself and hold his tongue, and he liked such men. The experience reminded the Florentine of the great days of the Medici. Charles de Bourbon's palace at Moulins was fit for a king. Unlike most French châteaux, which were built on low lands among the hunting forests, it stood on a hill in a great park, and was surrounded with terraces, fountains, and gardens in the Italian style. Moreover its furniture was permanent, not brought in for royal guests and then taken away. The richness and beauty of its tapestries, state beds, decorations, and other belongings was beyond anything in any royal palace of that time. The duke's household included five hundred gentlemen in rich suits of Genoese velvet, each wearing a massive gold chain passing three times round the neck and hanging low in front; they attended the guests in divisions, one hundred at a time. The feasting was luxurious, and many of its choice dishes were supplied by the estate. There were rare fruits and herbs in the gardens, and a great variety of game-birds and animals in the park and the forest. But there were also imported delicacies--Windsor beans, Genoa artichokes, Barbary cucumbers and Milan parsley. The first course consisted of Médoc oysters, followed by a light soup. The fish course included the royal sturgeon, the dorado or sword-fish, the turbot. Then came heron, cooked in the fashion of the day, with sugar, spice and orange-juice; olives, capers and sour fruits; pheasants, red-legged partridges, and the favorite roast, sucking-pig parboiled and then roasted with a stuffing of chopped meats, herbs, raisins and damson plums. There were salads of fruit,--such as the King's favorite of oranges, lemons and sugar with sweet herbs,--or of herbs, such as parsley and mint with pepper, cinnamon and vinegar. For dessert there were Italian ices and confectionery, and the Queen's favorite plum, Reine Claude, imported from Italy; the white wine called Clairette-au-miel, hypocras, gooseberry and plum wines, lemonade, champagne. There was never a King who could appreciate such artistic luxury more deeply than Francis I. This may be one reason for his warm welcome of Verrazzano, who seemed to be able to increase the wealth of his country and his King. "I have had a very indignant visit from the Spanish ambassador," said Francis when they were seated together in a private room. "He says that there has been piracy on the high seas, my Verrazzano." The Italian met the laughing glance of the King with a somber gleam in his own dark eyes. "Does one steal from a robber?" he asked. "Not a quill of gold-dust nor an ingot of silver nor a seed-pearl comes honestly to Spain. It is all cruelty, bribery, slavery. Savonarola threatened Lorenzo de' Medici with eternal fires, prince as he was, for sins that were peccadilloes beside those of Spanish governors." "There is something in what you say," assented Francis lightly. "If we get the treasure of the Indies without owning the Indies we are certainly rid of much trouble. I never heard of Father Adam making any will dividing the earth between our brother of Spain and our brother of Portugal. Unless they can find such a document--" the laughing face hardened suddenly into keen attention, "we may as well take what we can get where we can find it. And now about this road to India; what have you to suggest?" Verrazzano outlined his plans in brief speech and clear. The proposed voyage might have two objects; one, the finding of a route to Asia if it existed; the other, the discovery of other countries from which wealth might be gained, in territory not yet explored. Verrazzano pointed out the fact that, as the earth was round, the shortest way to India ought to be near the pole rather than near the equator, yet far enough to the south to escape the danger of icebergs. "Very well then,"--the King pondered with finger on cheek. "Say as little as possible of your preparations, use your own discretion, and if any Spaniards try to interfere with you--" the monarch grinned,--"tell them that it is my good pleasure that my subjects go where they like." The Spanish agents in France presently informed their employer that the Florentine Verrazzano was again making ready to sail for regions unknown. Perhaps he did not himself know where he should go; at any rate the spies had not been able to find out. Two months later news came that before Verrazzano had gone far enough to be caught by the squadron lying in wait for him, he had pounced on the great carrack which had been sent home by Cortes loaded with Aztec gold. In convoying this prize to France he had caught another galleon coming from Hispaniola with a cargo of gold and pearls, and the two rich trophies were now in the harbor of La Rochelle, where the audacious captain was doubtless making ready for another piratical voyage. Verrazzano made a second start a little later, but was driven back by a Biscay storm. Finally, toward the end of the year 1523, he set out once more with only one ship, the _Dauphine_, out of his original fleet of four, and neither friend nor foe caught a glimpse of him during the voyage. In March, 1524, having sailed midway between the usual course of the West Indian galleons and the path of the fishers going to and from the Banks of Newfoundland, he saw land which he felt sure had not been discovered either by ancient or modern explorers. It was a low shore on which the fine sand, some fifteen feet deep, lay drifted into hillocks or dunes. Small creeks and inlets ran inland, but there seemed to be no good harbor. Beyond the sand-dunes were forests of cypress, palm, bay and other trees, and the wind bore the scent of blossoming trees and vines far out to sea. For fifty leagues the _Dauphine_ followed the coast southward, looking for a harbor, for Verrazzano knew that pearl fisheries and spices were far more likely to be found in southern than in northern waters. No harbor appeared. The daring navigator knew that if he went too far south he ran some risk of encountering a Spanish fleet, and that after his getting two of the most valuable cargoes ever sent over seas, they would be patroling all the tropical waters in the hope of catching him. He turned north again. On the shore from time to time little groups of savages appeared moving about great bonfires, and watching the ship. They wore hardly any clothing except the skin of some small animal like a marten, attached to a belt of woven grass; their skins were russet-brown and their thick straight black hair was tied in a knot rather like a tail. "One thing is certain," said young François Parmentier cheerfully, "these folk have never seen Spaniards--or Portuguese. Even on the Labrador the people ran from us, after Cortereale went slave-stealing there." Verrazzano smiled. Young Parmentier was always full of hope and faith. A little later the youth volunteered to be one of a boat's crew sent ashore for water, and provided himself with a bagful of the usual trinkets for gifts. The surf ran so high that the boat could not land, and François leaped overboard and swam ashore. Here he scattered his wares among the watching Indians, and then, leaping into the waves again, struck out for the boat. But the surf dashed him back upon the sand into the very midst of the natives, who seized him by the arms and legs and carried him toward the fire, while he yelled with astonishment and terror. Verrazzano was if anything more horrified than François himself; this was the son of his oldest friend. The Indians were removing his clothing as if they were about to roast him alive. But it appeared presently that they only wished to dry his clothes and comfort him, for they soon allowed him to return to the boat, seeing this was his earnest desire, and watched him with the greatest friendliness as he swam back. No strait appeared, but at one point Verrazzano, landing and marching into the interior with an exploring party, found a vast expanse of water on the other side of what seemed a neck of land between the two seas, about six miles in width. If this were the South Sea, the same which Balboa had seen from the Isthmus of Darien, so narrow a strip of land was at least as good or better than anything possessed by Spain. Verrazzano continued northward, and found a coast rich in grapes, the vines often covering large trees around which the natives kept the ground clear of shrubs that might interfere with this natural vineyard. Wild roses, violets, lilies, iris and many other plants and flowers, some quite unknown to Europe, greeted the admiring gaze of the commander. His quick mind pictured a royal garden adorned with these foreign shrubs and herbs, the wainscoting and furniture to be made by French and Italian joiners from these endless leagues of timber, the stately churches and castles which might be built by skilful masons from the abundant stone along these shores. Here was a province which, if it had not gold, had the material for many luxuries which must otherwise be bought with gold, and his clear Italian brain perceived that ingots of gold and silver are not the only treasure of kings. At last the _Dauphine_ came into a harbor or lake three leagues in circumference, where more than thirty canoes were assembled, filled with people. Suddenly François Parmentier leaped to his feet and waved his cap with a shout. "Now what madness has taken you?" queried Verrazzano. "I know where we are, that's all. This is Wampum Town,--L'Anormé Berge--the Grand Scarp. This is one of their great trading places, Captain. Father heard about it at Cape Breton from some south-country savages." "And what may wampum be?" asked Verrazzano coolly. "'T is the stuff they use for money--bits of shell made into beads and strung into a belt. There is an island in this bay where they make it out of their shell-fish middens--two kinds--purple and white. On my word, this big chief has on a wampum belt now!" This was interesting information indeed, and the natives seemed prepared to traffic in all peace and friendliness. Verrazzano found upon investigation that on the north of this bay a very large river, deep at the mouth, came down between steep hills. Afterward, following the shore to the east, he discovered a fine harbor beyond a three-cornered island. Here he met two chiefs of that country, a man of about forty, and a young fellow of twenty-four, dressed in quaintly decorated deerskin mantles, with chains set with colored stones about their necks. He stayed two weeks, refitting the ship with provisions and other necessaries, and observing the place. The crew got by trading and as gifts the beans and corn cultivated by the people, wild fruits and nuts, and furs. Further north they found the tribes less friendly, and at last came so near the end of their provision that Verrazzano decided to return to France. He reached home July 8, 1524, after having sailed along seven hundred leagues of the Atlantic coast. [Illustration: "The natives seemed prepared to traffic in all peace and friendliness"--_Page_ 132] Francis I. was in the thick of a disastrous war with Spain, and had not time just then to consider further explorations. The war was not fairly over when a Cadiz warship, in 1527, caught Verrazzano and hanged him as a pirate. NOTE The not unnatural conclusion of Verrazzano that what he saw was an ocean or a great inland sea led to extraordinary misconceptions in the maps and charts of the time. It was not until the early part of the seventeenth century that the region was actually explored, by Newport and Smith, and found to be only Chesapeake Bay. THE DRUM I wake the gods with my sullen boom-- I am the Drum! They wait for the blood-red flowers that bloom In the heart of the sacrifice, there in the gloom With terror dumb-- I sound the call to his dreadful doom-- I am the Drum! I was the Serpent, the Sacred Snake-- Wolf, bear and fox By the silent shores of river and lake Tread softly, listening lest they wake My voice that mocks The rattle that falling bones will make On barren rocks. My banded skin is the voice of the Priest-- I am the Drum! I sound the call to the War-God's feast Till Tezcatlipoca's power hath ceased And the White Gods come Out of the fire of the burning East-- Hear me, the Drum! X THE GODS OF TAXMAR If the Fathers of the Church had ever been on the other side of the world, they would have made new rules for it. So thought Jerónimo Aguilar, on board a caravel plying between Darien and Hispaniola. It was a thought he would hardly have dared think in Spain. He was a dark thin young friar from the mountains near Seville. In 1488 his mother, waiting, as women must, for news from the wars, vowed that if God and the Most Catholic Sovereigns drove out the Moors and sent her husband home to her, she would give her infant son to the Church. That was twenty-four years ago, and never had the power of the Church been so great as it now was. When the young Fray Jerónimo had been moved by fiery missionary preaching to give himself to the work among the Indians, his mother wept with astonishment and pride. But the Indies he found were not the Indies he had heard of. Men who sailed from Cadiz valiant if rough and hard-bitted soldiers of the Cross, turned into cruel adventurers greedy for gold, hard masters abusing their power. The innocent wild people of Colón's island Eden were charged by the planters with treachery, theft, murderous conspiracy, and utter laziness. With a little bitter smile Aguilar remembered how the hidalgo, who would not dig to save his life, railed at the Indian who died of the work he had never learned to do. It was not for a priest to oppose the policy of the Church and the Crown, and very few priests attempted it, whatever cruelty they might see. Aguilar half imagined that the demon gods of the heathen were battling against the invading apostles of the Cross, poisoning their hearts and defeating their aims. It was all like an evil enchantment. These meditations were ended by a mighty buffet of wind that smote the caravel and sent it flying northwest. Ourakan was abroad, the Carib god of the hurricane, and no one could think of anything thereafter but the heaving, tumbling wilderness of black waves and howling tempest and hissing spray. Valdivia, regidor of Darien, had been sent to Hispaniola by Balboa, the governor, with important letters and a rich tribute of gold, to get supplies and reinforcements for the colony. Shipwreck would be disastrous to Balboa and his people as well as to the voyagers. Headlong the staggering ship was driven upon Los Viboros, (The Vipers) that infamous group of hidden rocks off Jamaica. She was pounded to pieces almost before Valdivia could get his one boat into the water, with its crew of twenty men. Without food or drink, sails or proper oars, the survivors tossed for thirteen dreadful days on the uncharted cross-currents of unknown seas. Seven died of hunger, thirst and exposure before the tide that drifted northwest along the coast of the mainland caught them and swept them ashore. None of them had ever seen this coast. Valdivia cherished a faint hope that it might be a part of the kingdom of walled cities and golden temples, of which they had all heard. There were traces of human presence, and they could see a cone-shaped low hill with a stone temple or building of some kind on the top. Natives presently appeared, but they broke the boat in pieces and dragged the castaways inland through the forest to the house of their cacique. That chief, a villainous looking savage in a thatched hut, looked at them as if they had been cattle--or slaves--or condemned heretics. What they thought, felt or hoped was nothing to him. He ordered them taken to a kind of pen, where they were fed. So great is the power of the body over the mind that for a few days they hardly thought of anything but the unspeakable joy of having enough to eat and drink, and nothing to do but sleep. The cacique visited the enclosure now and then, and looked them over with a calculating eye. Aguilar was haunted by the idea that this inspection meant something unpleasant. All too soon the meaning was made known to them. Valdivia and four other men who were now less gaunt and famine-stricken than when captured, were seized and taken away, to be sacrificed to the gods. It was the custom of the Mayas of Yucatan to sacrifice human beings, captives or slaves for choice, to the gods in whose honor the stone pyramids were raised. When the victim had been led up the winding stairway to the top, the central figure in a procession of priests and attendants, he was laid upon a stone altar and his heart was cut out and offered to the idol, after which the body was eaten at a ceremonial feast. The eight captives who remained now understood that the food they had had was meant merely to fatten them for future sacrifice. Half mad with horror, they crouched in the hot moist darkness, and listened to the uproar of the savages. A strong young sailor by the name of Gonzalo Guerrero, who had done good service during the hurricane, pulled Jerónimo by the sleeve, "What in the name of all the saints can we do, Padre?" he muttered. "José and the rest will be raving maniacs." Aguilar straightened himself and rose to his feet where the rays of the moon, white and calm, shone into the enclosure. Lifting his hands to heaven he began to pray. All he had learned from books and from the disputations and sermons of the Fathers fell away from him and left only the bare scaffolding, the faith of his childhood. At the familiar syllables of the Ave Maria the shuddering sailors hushed their cries and oaths and listened, on their knees. This was a handful of castaways in the clutch of a race of man-eaters who worshiped demons. But above them bent the tender and pitiful Mother of Christ who had seen her Son crucified, and Christ Himself stood surrounded by innumerable witnesses. Among the saints were some who had died at the hands of the heathen, many who had died by torture. The poor and ignorant men who listened were caught up for the moment into the vision of Fray Jerónimo and regained their self-control. When the prayer was ended Gonzalo Guerrero sprang up, and rallied them to furious labor. Under his direction and Aguilar's they dug and wrenched at their cage like desperate rats, until they broke away enough of it just to let a man's body through. Aguilar was the last to go. He closed the hole and heaped rubbish outside it, as rubbish and branches had been piled where they were used to sleep, to delay as long as possible the discovery of their escape. They got clear away into the depths of the forest. But for men without provisions or weapons the wilderness of that unknown land was only less dreadful than death. Trees and vines barren of fruit, streams where a huge horny lizard ate all the fish--El Lagarto he was called by the discoverers,--no grain or cattle which might be taken by stealth--this was the realm into which they had been exiled. When they ventured out of the forest, driven by famine, they were captured by Acan Xooc, the cacique of another province, Jamacana. Here they were made slaves, to cut wood, carry water and bear burdens. Water was scarce in that region. There had been reservoirs, built in an earlier day, but these were ruined, and water had to be carried in earthern jars. The cacique died, and another named Taxmar succeeded him. Year after year passed. The soul of one worn-out white man slipped away, followed by another, and another, until only Aguilar and Guerrero were left alive. Taxmar sent the sailor as a present to a friend, cacique of Chatemal, but kept Aguilar for himself, watching his ways. The cacique was a sagacious heathen of considerable experience, but he had never seen a man like this one. Jerónimo was now almost as dark as an Indian and had not a scrap of civilized clothing, yet he was unlike the other white men, unlike any other slave. He had a string of dried berries with a cross made of reeds hung from it, which he sometimes appeared to be counting, talking to himself in his own language. Taxmar had once seen a slave from the north who had been a priest in his own country and knew how to remember things by string-talk, knotting a string in a peculiar fashion; but he was not like this man. When the white slave saw the crosses carved on their old walls he had eagerly asked how they came there, and Taxmar gathered that the cross had some meaning in the captive's own religion. He never lied, never stole, never got angry, never tattled of the other slaves, never disobeyed orders, never lost his temper. Taxmar could not remember when he himself had ever been restrained by anything but policy from taking whatever he wanted. Here was a man who could deny himself even food at times, when he was not compelled to. Taxmar could not understand. What he did not know was, that when he had escaped from the cannibals Aguilar had made a fresh vow to keep with all strictness every vow of his priesthood, and to bear his lot with patience and meekness until it should be the will of God to free him from the savages. He had begun to think that this freedom would never be his in his lifetime, but a vow was a vow. He no more suspected that Taxmar was taking note of his behavior, than a man standing in front of the lion's cage at the menagerie can translate the thoughts behind the great cat's intent eyes. Taxmar began to try experiments. He invented temptations to put in the way of his slave, but Aguilar generally did not seem to see them. One day the Indians were shooting at a mark. One came up to Aguilar and seized him by the arm. "How would you like to be shot at?" he said. "These bowmen hit whatever they aim at--if they aim at a nose they hit a nose. They can shoot so near you that they miss only by the breadth of a grain of corn--or do not miss at all." Aguilar never flinched, although from what he knew of the savages he thought nothing more likely than his being set up for a San Sebastian. He answered quietly, "I am your slave, and you can do with me what you please. I think you are too wise to destroy one who is both useful and obedient." The suggestion had been made by the order of Taxmar, and the answer was duly reported to him. It took a long time to satisfy the chief that this man who seemed so extraordinary was really what he seemed. He came at last to trust him wholly, even making him the steward of his household and leaving him to protect his women in his absence. Finding the chief thus disposed, Aguilar ventured a suggestion. Guerrera had won great favor with his master by his valor in war. Aguilar was shrewd enough to know that though it was very pleasant to have his master's confidence, if anything happened to Taxmar he might be all the worse off. The only sure way to win the respect of these barbarians was by efficiency as a soldier. Taxmar upon request gave his steward the military outfit of the Mayas--bow and arrows, wicker-work shield, and war-club, with a dagger of obsidian, a volcanic stone very hard and capable of being made very keen of edge, but brittle. Jerónimo when a boy had been an expert archer, and his old skill soon returned. He also remembered warlike devices and stratagems he had seen and heard of. Old soldiers chatting with his father in the purple twilight had often fought their battles over again, and nearly every form of military tactics then known to civilized armies had been used in the war in Granada. Naturally the young friar had heard more or less discussion of military campaigns in Darien. His suggestions were so much to the point that Taxmar had an increased respect for the gods of that unknown land of his. If they could do so much for this slave, without even demanding any offerings, they must be very different from the gods of the Mayas. In reply to Taxmar's questions, Aguilar, who now spoke the language quite well, endeavored to explain the nature of his religion. Not many of the Spaniards who expected to convert the Indians went so far as this. If they could by any means whatever make their subjects call themselves Christians and observe the customs of the Church, it was all they attempted. Taxmar was not the sort of person to be converted in that informal way. He demanded reasons. If Aguilar advised him against having unhappy people murdered to bribe the gods for their help in the coming campaign, he wished to know what the objection was, and what the white chiefs did in such a case. The idea of sacrificing to one's god, not the lives of men, but one's own will and selfish desires, was entirely new to him. While Jerónimo was still wrestling with the problem of making the Christian faith clear to one single Indian out of the multitudes of the heathen, a neighboring cacique appeared on the scene,--jealous, angry and suspicious. He had heard, he said, that Taxmar sought the aid of a stranger, who worshiped strange gods, in a campaign directed against his neighbors. He wished to know if Taxmar considered this right. In his own opinion this stranger ought to be sacrificed to the gods of the Mayas after the usual custom, or the gods would be angry,--and then no one knew what would happen. Aguilar thought it possible that Taxmar might reply that the conduct of an army was no one's business but the chief's. That would be in line with the cacique's character as he knew it. He did not expect that any chief in that ancient land would dare to defy its gods openly. Taxmar did not meet the challenge at once. His deep set opaque black eyes and mastiff-like mouth looked as immovable as the carving on the basalt stool upon which he sat. The cacique thought he was impressed, and concluded triumphantly, "Who can resist the gods? Let the altar drink the blood of the stranger; it is sweet to them and they will sleep, and not wake." "I shall do nothing of the kind," said Taxmar, the clicking, bubbling Maya talk dropping like water on hot stones. "When a man serves me well, I do not reward him with death. My slave's wisdom is greater than the craft of Coyotl, and if his gods help me it is because they know enough to do right." The other chief went home in rage and disappointment and offended dignity. No one, who has not tried it, can imagine the sensation of living in a hostile land, removed from all that is familiar. Until his captivity began Aguilar had never been obliged to act for himself. He had always been under the authority of a superior. He had questioned and wondered, seen the injustice of this thing and that, but only in his own mind. When everything in his past life had been swept away at one stroke, his faith alone was left him in the wrecked and distorted world. He had never dreamed that Taxmar was learning to respect that faith. The neighboring cacique now joined Taxmar's enemies with all his army, and the councilors took alarm and repeated the suggestion that Aguilar should be sacrificed to make sure of the help of the gods. Taxmar again spoke plainly. "Our gods," he said, "have helped us when we were strong and powerful and sacrificed many captives in their honor. This man's gods help him when he is a slave, alone, far from his people, with nothing to offer in sacrifice. We will see now what they will do for my army." In the battle which followed, the cacique adopted a plan which Aguilar suggested. That loyal follower was placed in command of a force hidden in the woods near the route by which the enemy would arrive. The hostile forces marched past it, and charged upon the front of Taxmar's army. It gave way, and they rushed in with triumphant yells. When they were well past, Aguilar's division came out of the bushes and took them in the rear. At the same instant Taxmar and his warriors faced about and sprang at them like a host of panthers. There was a great slaughter, many prisoners were taken, among them the cacique himself and many men of importance; and Taxmar made a little speech to them upon the wisdom of the white man's gods. In the years that passed the captive's hope of escape faded. Once he had thought he might slip away and reach the coast, but he was too carefully watched. Even if he could get to the sea from so far inland, without the help of the natives, he could not reach any Spanish colony without a boat. There were rumors of strange ships filled with bearded men, whose weapons were the thunder and the lightning. Old people wagged their heads and recalled a prophecy of the priest Chilam Cambal many years ago, that a white people, bearded, would come from the east, to overturn the images of the gods, and conquer the land. Hernando de Córdova's squadron came and went; Grijalva's came and went; Aguilar heard of them but never saw them. At last, seven long years after he came to Jamacana, three coast Indians from the island of Cozumel came timidly to the cacique with gifts and a letter. The gifts were for Taxmar, to buy his Christian slaves, if he had any, and the letter was for them. Hernando Cortes, coming from Cuba with a squadron to discover and conquer the land ruled by the Lord of the Golden House, had stopped at Cozumel and there heard of white men held as captives somewhere inland. He had persuaded the Indians to send messengers for them, saying that if the captives were sent to the sea-coast, at the cape of Cotoche, he would leave two caravels there eight days, to wait for them. While Aguilar read this letter the Indians were telling of the water-houses of the strangers, their sharp weapons, their command of thunder and lightning, and the wonderful presents they gave in exchange for what they wanted. Aguilar's account of the squadron was even more complete. He described the dress of the Spaniards, their weapons and their manner of life without having seen them at all, and the Indians, when asked, said it was so. Taxmar's acute mind was adjusting itself to this event, which was not altogether unexpected. He had heard more than Aguilar had about the previous visits of the Spaniards to that coast. He asked Aguilar if he thought that the strange warriors would accept him, their countryman, as ambassador, and deal mildly with Taxmar and his people, if they let him go. Aguilar answered that he thought they would. Now freedom was within his grasp, and only one thing delayed him. He could not leave his comrade Guerrero behind. The sailor had married the daughter of a chief and become a great man in his adopted country. Aguilar sent Indian messengers with the letter and a verbal message, and waited. Guerrero had never known much about reading, and he had forgotten nearly all he knew. He understood, however, that he could now return to Spain. Before his eyes rose a picture of the lofty austere sierras, the sunny vineyards, the wine, so unlike pulque, the bread, so unlike flat cakes of maize, the maidens of Barcelona and Malaga, so very different from tattooed Indian girls. And then he surveyed his own brawny arms and legs, and felt of his own grotesquely ornamented countenance. To please the taste of his adopted people he had let himself be decorated as they were, for life,--with tattooed pictures, with nose-ring, with ear-rings of gold set with rudely cut gems and heavy enough to drag down the lobe of the ear. He would cut a figure in the streets of Seville. The little boys would run after him as if he were a show. He grinned, sighed mightily, and sent word to Aguilar that he thought it wiser to stay where he was. Aguilar set out for the coast with the Cozumel Indians, but this delay had consumed all of the eight days appointed, and when they reached Point Cotoche the caravels had gone. But a broken canoe and a stave from a water-barrel lay on the beach, and with the help of the messengers Aguilar patched up the canoe, and with the board for a paddle, made the canoe serve his need. Following the coast they came to the narrowest part of the channel between the mainland and Cozumel, and in spite of a very strong current got across to the island. No sooner had they landed when some Spaniards rushed out of the bushes, with drawn swords. The Indians were about to fly in terror, but Aguilar called to them in their own language to have no fear. Then he spoke to the Spaniards in broken Castilian, saying that he was a Christian, fell on his knees and thanked God that he had lived to hear his own language again. The Spaniards looked at this strange figure in absolute bewilderment. He was to all appearance an Indian. His long hair was braided and wound about his head, he had a bow in his hand, a quiver of arrows on his back, a bag of woven grass-work hung about his neck by a long cord. The pattern of the weaving was a series of interwoven crosses. Cortes, giving up hope of rescuing any Christian captives, had left the island, but one of his ships had sprung a leak and he had put back. When he saw an Indian canoe coming he had sent scouts to see what it might be. They now led Jerónimo Aguilar and his Indian companions into the presence of the captain-general and his staff. Aguilar saluted Cortes in the Indian fashion, by carrying his hand from the ground to his forehead as he knelt crouching before him. But Cortes, when he understood who this man was, raised him to his feet, embraced him and flung about his shoulders his own cloak. Aguilar became his interpreter, and thus was the prophecy fulfilled concerning the gods of Taxmar. [Illustration: "CORTES FLUNG ABOUT HIS SHOULDERS HIS OWN CLOAK."--_Page_ 146] NOTE The story of Jerónimo Aguilar follows the actual facts very closely. The account of his adventures will be found in Irving's "Life of Columbus" and other works dealing with the history of the Spanish conquests. A LEGEND OF MALINCHE O sorcerer Time, turn backward to the shore Where it is always morning, and the birds Are troubadours of all the hidden lore Deeper than any words! There lived a maiden once,--O long ago, Ere men were grown too wise to understand The ancient language that they used to know In Quezalcoatl's land. Though her own mother sold her for a slave, Her own bright beauty as her only dower, Into her slender hands the conqueror gave A more than queenly power. Between her people and the enemy-- The fierce proud Spaniard on his conquest bent-- Interpreter and interceder, she In safety came and went. And still among the wild shy forest folk The birds are singing of her, and her name Lives in that language that her people spoke Before the Spaniard came. She is not dead, the daughter of the Sun,-- By love and loyalty divinely stirred, She lives forever--so the legends run,-- Returning as a bird. Who but a white bird in her seaward flight Saw, borne upon the shoulders of the sea, Three tiny caravels--how small and light To hold a world in fee! Who but the quezal, when the Spaniards came And plundered all the white imperial town, Saw in a storm of red rapacious flame The Aztec throne go down! And when the very rivers talked of gold, The humming-bird upon her lichened nest Strange tales of wild adventure never told Hid in her tiny breast. The mountain eagle, circling with the stars, Watched the great Admiral swiftly come and go In his light ship that set at naught the bars Wrought by a giant foe. Dull are our years and hard to understand, We dream no more of mighty days to be, And we have lost through delving in the land The wisdom of the sea. Yet where beyond the sea the sunset burns, And the trees talk of kings dead long ago, Malinche sings among the giant ferns-- Ask of the birds--they know! XI THE THUNDER BIRDS "Glory is all very well," said Juan de Saavedra to Pedro de Alvarado as the squadron left the island of Cozumel, "but my familiar spirit tells me that there is gold somewhere in this barbaric land or Cortes would not be with us." Alvarado's peculiarly sunny smile shone out. He was a ruddy golden-haired man, a type unusual in Spaniards, and the natives showed a tendency to revere him as the sun-god. Life had treated him very well, and he had an abounding good-nature. "It will be the better," he said comfortably, "if we get both gold and glory. I confess I have had my doubts of the gold, for after all, these Indians may have more sense than they appear to have." "People often do, but in what way, especially?" "_Amigo_, put yourself in the place of one of these caciques, with white men bedeviling you for a treasure which you never even troubled yourself to pick up when it lay about loose. What can be more easy than to tell them that there is plenty of it somewhere else--in the land of your enemies? That is Pizarro's theory, at any rate." Saavedra laughed. "Pizarro is wise in his way, but as I have said, Cortes is our commander." "What has that to do with it?" "If you had been at Salamanca in his University days you wouldn't ask. He never got caught in a scrape, and he always got what he was after." "And kept it?" "Is that a little more of Pizarro's wisdom? No; he always shared the spoils as even-handedly as you please. But if any of us lost our heads and got into a pickle he never was concerned in it--or about it." "He will lose his, if Velasquez catches him. Remember Balboa." "Now there is an example of the chances he will take. Cortes first convinces the Governor that nobody else is fit to trust with this undertaking. Córdova failed; Grijalva failed; Cortes will succeed or leave his bones on the field of honor. No sooner are we fairly out of harbor than Velasquez tries to whistle us back. He might as well blow his trumpets to the sea-gulls. All Cortes wanted was a start. You will see--either the Governor will die or be recalled while we are gone, or we shall come back so covered with gold and renown that he will not dare do anything when we are again within his reach. Somebody's head may be lost in this affair, but it will not be that of Hernan' Cortes." The man of whom they were speaking just then approached, summoning Alvarado to him. Saavedra leaned on the rail musing. "Sometimes," he said to himself, "one hastens a catastrophe by warning people of it, but then, that may be because it could not have been prevented. Cortes is inclined to make that simple fellow his aide because they are so unlike, and so, I suspect, are others. At any rate I have done my best to make him see whose leadership is safest." The fleet was a rather imposing one for those waters. There were eleven ships altogether, the flagship and three others being over seventy tons' weight, the rest caravels and open brigantines. These were manned by one hundred and ten sailors, and carried five hundred and fifty-three soldiers, of whom thirty-two were crossbowmen and thirteen arquebusiers. There were also about two hundred Indians. Sixteen horses accompanied the expedition, and it had ten heavy cannon, four light field-guns, called falconets, and a good supply of ammunition. The horses cost almost more than the ships that carried them, for they had been brought from Spain; but their value in such an undertaking was great. Hernando Cortes had come out to Cuba when he was nineteen, and that was fifteen years ago. Much had been reported concerning an emperor in a country to the west, who ruled over a vast territory inhabited by copper-colored people rich in gold, who worshiped idols. Cortes had observed that Indian tribes, like schoolboys, were apt to divide into little cliques and quarreling factions. If the subject tribes did not like the Emperor, and were jealous of him and of each other, a foreign conqueror had one tool ready to his hand, and it was a tool that Cortes had used many times before. The people of this coast, however, were not at all like the gentle and childlike natives Colón had found. From the rescued captive Aguilar, the commander learned much of their nature and customs. On his first attempt to land, his troops encountered troops of warriors in brilliant feathered head-bands and body armor of quilted white cotton. They used as weapons the lance, bow and arrows, club, and a curious staff about three and a half feet long set with crosswise knife-blades of obsidian. Against poisoned arrows, such as the invaders had more than once met, neither arquebus nor cannon was of much use, and body armor was no great protection, since a scratch on hand or leg would kill a man in a few hours. After some skirmishing and more diplomacy, at various points along the coast, Cortes landed his force on the island which Grijalva had named San Juan de Ulloa, from a mistaken notion that Oloa, the native salutation, was the name of the place. The natives had watched the "water-houses," as they called them, sailing over the serene blue waters, and this tribe, being peaceable folk, sent a pirogue over to the island with gifts. There were not only fruits and flowers, but little golden ornaments, and the Spanish commander sent some trinkets in return. In endeavoring to talk with them Cortes became aware of an unusual piece of luck. Aguilar did not understand the language of these folk. But at Tabasco, where Cortes had had a fight with the native army, some slaves had been presented to him as a peace-offering. Among them was a beautiful young girl, daughter of a Mexican chief, who after her father's death had been sold as a slave by her own mother, who wished to get her inheritance. During her captivity she had learned the dialect Aguilar spoke, and the two interpreters between them succeeded in translating Cortes's Castilian into the Aztec of Mexico from the first. The young girl was later baptized Marina. There being no "r" in the Aztec language the people called her Malintzin or Malinche,--Lady Marina, the ending "tzin" being a title of respect. She learned Castilian with wonderful quickness, and was of great service not only to Cortes but to her own people, since she could explain whatever he did not understand. Cortes learned that the name of the ruler of the country was Moteczuma. His capital was on the plateau about seventy miles in the interior. This coast province, which he had lately conquered, was ruled by one of his Aztec governors. Gold was abundant. Moteczuma had great store of it. Cortes decided to pitch his camp where afterward stood the capital of New Spain. The friendly Indians brought stakes and mats and helped to build huts, native fashion. From all the country round the people flocked to see the strange white men, bringing fruit, flowers, game, Indian corn, vegetables and native ornaments of all sorts. Some of these they gave away and some they bartered. Every soldier and mariner turned trader; the place looked like a great fair. On Easter Day the Aztec governor arrived upon a visit of ceremony. Cortes received him in his own tent, with all courtesy, in the presence of his officers, all in full uniform. Mass was said, and the Aztec chief and his attendants listened with grave politeness. Then the guests were invited to a dinner at which various Spanish dishes, wines and sweetmeats were served as formally as at court. After this the interpreters were summoned for the real business of the day. The Aztec nobleman wished to know whence and why the strangers had come to this country. Cortes answered that he was the subject of a monarch beyond seas, as powerful as Moteczuma, who had heard of the Aztec Emperor and sent his compliments and some gifts. The governor gracefully expressed his willingness to convey both to his royal master. Cortes courteously declined, saying that he must himself deliver them. At this the governor seemed surprised and displeased; evidently this was not in his plan. "You have been here only two days," he said, "and already demand an audience with the Emperor?" Then he expressed his astonishment at learning that there was any other monarch as great as Moteczuma, and sent his attendants to bring a few gifts which he himself had chosen for the white chief. These tributes consisted of ten loads, each as much as a man could carry, of fine cotton stuff, mantles of exquisite feather-work, and a woven basket full of gold ornaments. Cortes expressed his admiration and appreciation of the gifts, and sent for those he had brought for Moteczuma. They consisted of an arm-chair, richly carved and painted, a crimson cloth cap with a gold medal bearing the device of San Jorge and the dragon, and some collars, bracelets and other ornaments of cut glass. To the Aztec, who had never seen glass, these appeared wonderful. He ventured the remark that a gilt helmet worn by one of the Spanish soldiers was like the casque of their god Quetzalcoatl, and he wished that Moteczuma could see it. Cortes immediately sent for the helmet and handed it to the chief, with the suggestion that he should like to have it returned full of the gold of the country in order to compare it with the gold of Spain. Spaniards, he said, were subject to a complaint affecting the heart, for which gold was a remedy. This was not entirely an invention of the commander's fertile brain. Many physicians of those days did regard gold as a valuable drug; but only Cortes ever thought of making use of the theory to get the gold. During this polite and interesting conversation Cortes observed certain attendants busily making sketches of all that they saw, and on inquiry was told that this "picture-writing" would give the Emperor a far better idea of the appearance of the strangers than words alone. Upon this the Spanish general ordered out the cavalry and artillery and put them through their evolutions on the beach. The cannon, whose balls splintered great trees, and the horsemen, whose movements the Aztecs followed with even more terror than those of the gunners, made a tremendous impression. The artists, though scared, stuck to their duty, and the strange and terrible beasts, and the thunder-birds whose mouths breathed destruction, were drawn for the Emperor to see. After this the governor, assuring Cortes that he should have whatever he needed in the way of provisions until further orders were received from the Emperor, made his adieux and went home. Then began a diplomatic game between Cortes and the Emperor and the various chiefs of the country. The couriers of the imperial government, who traveled in relays, could take a message to the capital and return in seven or eight days. In due time two ambassadors arrived from Moteczuma, with gifts evidently meant to impress the strangers with his wealth and power. The embassy was accompanied by the governor of the province and about a hundred slaves. Some of these attendants carried burning censers from which arose clouds of incense; others unrolled upon the ground fine mats on which to place the presents. Nothing like this had ever been offered to a Spanish conqueror, even by Moors, to say nothing of Indians. There were two collars of gold set with precious stones; a hundred ounces of gold ore just as it came from the mines; a large alligator's-head of gold; six shields covered with gold; helmets and necklaces of gold. There were birds made of green feathers, the feet, beaks and eyes of gold; a box of feather-work upon leather, set with a gold plate weighing seventy ounces; pieces of cloth curiously woven with feathers, and others woven in various designs. Most gorgeous of all were two great plates as big as carriage wheels, one of gold and one of silver, wrought with various devices of plants and animals rather like the figures of the zodiac. The wildest tales of the most imaginative adventurer never pictured such magnificence. If Moteczuma's plan had been to induce the strangers to respect his wishes and go home without visiting his capital, it was a complete failure. After this proof of the wealth and splendor of the country Cortes had no more idea of leaving it than a hound has of abandoning a fresh trail. When the envoys gave him Moteczuma's message of regret that it would not be possible for them to meet, Cortes replied that he could not think of going back to Spain now. The road to the capital might be perilous, but what was that to him? Would they not take to the Emperor these slight additional tokens of the regard and respect of the Spanish ruler, and explain to him how impossible it would be for Cortes to face his own sovereign, with the great object of his voyage unfulfilled? There was nothing for the embassy to do but to take the message. While waiting for results, Cortes received a visit from some Indian chiefs of the Totonacs, a tribe lately conquered by the Aztecs. Their ruler, it seemed, had heard of the white cacique and would like to receive him in his capital. Cortes gave them presents and promised to come. In the meantime his own men were quarreling, and both parties were threatening him. The bolder spirits announced that if he did not make a settlement in the country, with or without instructions from the governor of Cuba who had sent him out, they would report him to the King. The friends of Velazquez accused Cortes of secretly encouraging this rebellion, and demanded that as he had now made his discovery, he should return to Cuba and report. Cortes calmly answered that he was quite willing to return at once, and ordered the ships made ready. This caused such a storm of wrath and disappointment that even those who had urged it quailed. Seeing that the time was ripe, the captain-general called his followers together and made a speech. He declared that nobody could have the interests of the sovereigns and the glory of the Spanish race more at heart than he had. He was willing to do whatever was best. If they, his comrades, desired to return to Cuba he would go directly. But if they were ready to join him, he would found a colony in the name of the sovereigns, with all proper officers to govern it, to remain in this rich country and trade with the people. In that case, however, he would of course have to resign his commission as captain-general of an expedition of discovery. There was a roar of approval from the army at this alluring suggestion. Before most of them fairly knew what they were about they had voted to form a colony under the royal authority, elected Cortes governor as soon as he resigned his former position, and seen the new governor appoint a council in proper form, to aid in the government. "I knew it," said Saavedra to himself as he went back, alone, to his quarters. "Just as people have made up their minds they have got him between the door and the jamb, he is somewhere else. When he resigned his commission he slipped out from under the government of Cuba, and that has no authority over him. He has appointed a council made up of his own friends, and now he can hang every one of the Velasquez party if they make any trouble. But they won't." They did not. Cortes sent his flagship to Spain with some of his especial friends and some of his particular enemies on board, the enemies to get them out of his way, the friends to defend him to the King against their accusations. He founded a city which he named Villa Rica de Vera Cruz, the Rich Town of the True Cross. Then, as the next step toward the invasion of the country, he proceeded to play Indian politics. First he accepted the invitation of the chief of the Totonacs, and Moteczuma, hearing of it, sent the tax-gatherers to collect tribute and also to demand twenty young men and women to sacrifice to the gods as an atonement for having entertained the strangers. Cortes expressed lively horror, and advised the chief of the Totonacs to throw the tax-gatherers into prison. Then he secretly rescued them and telling them how deeply he regretted their misfortunes as innocent men doing their duty to their ruler, he sent them on board his own ships for safe-keeping. When the Emperor heard what had happened he was enraged against the Totonacs. If they wished to escape his vengeance now their only chance was to become allies of Cortes. Thus within a few days after landing, the commander had got all of his own followers and a powerful native tribe so bound up with his fortunes that they could not desert him without endangering their own skins. He now suggested to two of the pilots that they should report five of the ships to be in an unseaworthy condition from the borings of the teredos--in those days sheathing for hulls had not been invented, and the ship-worm was a constant danger, in tropical waters especially. At the pilots' report Cortes appeared astonished, but saying that there was nothing to do but make the best of it, ordered the ships to be dismantled, the cordage, sails and everything that could be of use brought on shore, and the stripped hulls scuttled and sunk. Then four more were condemned, leaving but one small ship. There was nearly a riot in the army, marooned in an unknown and unfriendly land. Cortes made another speech. He pointed out the fact that if they were successful in the expedition to the capital they would not need the ships; if they were not, what good would the ships do them when they were seventy leagues inland? Those who dared not take the risk with him could still return to Cuba in the one ship that was left. "They can tell there," he added in a tone which cut the deeper for being so very quiet, "how they deserted their commander and their friends, and patiently wait until we return with the spoils of the Aztecs." An instant of breathless silence followed, then somebody shouted. A hundred voices took up the cry,-- "To Mexico! To Mexico!" Of the adventures, the fighting, the wonderful sights and the narrow escapes of the march to the capital, Bernal Diaz, who was with the army, wrote afterward in bulky volumes. On the seventh day of November, 1519, the compact little force of Spaniards, little more than a battalion in all, with their Indian allies from the provinces which had rebelled against the Emperor, came in sight of the capital. The moment at which Cortes, at the head of his followers, rode into the city of Mexico is one of the most dramatic in all history. Nothing in any novel of adventure compares with it in amazing contrast or tragic possibilities. The men of the Age of Cannon met the men of the Age of Stone. The mighty Catholic Church confronted a nation of snake-worshiping cannibals. The sons of a race that lived in hardy simplicity, a race of fighters, had come into a capital where life was more luxurious than it was in Seville, Paris or Rome--a heathen capital rich in beauty, wealth and all the arts of a barbarian people. The city had been built on an island in the middle of a salt lake, reached by three causeways of masonry four or five miles long and twenty or thirty feet wide. At the end near the city each causeway had a wooden drawbridge. There were paved streets and water-ways. The houses, built around large court-yards, were of red stone, sometimes covered with white stucco. The roofs were encircled with battlements and defended with towers. Often they were gardens of growing flowers. In the center of the city was the temple enclosure, surrounded by an eight-foot stone wall. Within this were a score of teocallis, or pyramids flattened at the top, the largest, that of the war-god, being about a hundred feet high. Stone stairs wound four times around the pyramid, so that religious processions appeared and disappeared on their way to the top. On the summit was a block of jasper, rounded at top, the altar of human sacrifice. Near by were the shrines and altars of the gods. Outside the temple enclosure was a huge altar, or embankment, called the tzompantli, one hundred and fifty-four feet long, upon which the skulls of innumerable victims were arranged. The doorways and walls everywhere were carved with the two symbols of the Aztec religion--the cross and the snake. Among the birds in the huge aviary of the royal establishment were the humming-birds which were sacred to one of the most cruel of the gods, and in cages built for them were the rattlesnakes also held sacred. Flowers were everywhere--in garlands hung about the city, in the hands of the people, on floating islands in the water, in the gardens blazing with color. The Spanish strangers were housed in a great stone palace and entertained no less magnificently than the gifts of the Emperor had led them to expect. The houses were ceiled with cedar and tapestried with fine cotton or feather work. Moteczuma's table service was of gold and silver and fine earthenware. The people wore cotton garments, often dyed vivid scarlet with cochineal, the men wearing loose cloaks and fringed sashes, the women, long robes. Fur capes and feather-work mantles and tunics were worn in cold weather; sandals and white cotton hoods protected feet and head. The women sometime used a deep violet hair-dye. Ear-rings, nose-rings, finger-rings, bracelets, anklets and necklaces were of gold and silver. Moteczuma himself, a tall slender man about forty years old, came to meet them in a palanquin shining with gold and canopied with feather-work. As he descended from it his attendants laid cotton mats upon the ground that he might not soil his feet. He wore the broad girdle and square cloak of cotton cloth which other men wore, but of the finest weave. His sandals had soles of pure gold. Both cloak and sandals were embroidered with pearls, emeralds, and a kind of stone much prized by the Aztecs, the chalchivitl, green and white. On his head he wore a plumed head-dress of green, the royal color. When Cortes with his staff approached the building set apart for their quarters, Moteczuma awaited them in the courtyard. From a vase of flowers held by an attendant he took a massive gold collar, in which the shell of a certain crawfish was set in gold and connected by golden links. Eight golden ornaments a span long, wrought to represent the same shell-fish, hung from this chain. Moteczuma hung the necklace about the neck of Cortes with a graceful little speech of welcome. [Illustration: "Moteczuma awaited them in the courtyard"--_Page_ 162] The Aztec Emperor was making the best of a situation which he did not like at all. In other Mexican cities Cortes had ordered the idols cast headlong down the steps of the teocalli, the temples cleansed, and a crucifix wreathed in flowers to be set up in place of the red altar stained with human blood. He was attended by some seven thousand native allies from tribes considered by the Aztecs as wild barbarians. His daring behavior and military successes had all been reported to Moteczuma by the picture-writing of his scribes. There was a tradition among the Aztecs that some day white bearded strangers would come, destroy the worship of the old gods of blood and terror, and restore the worship of the fair god Quetzalcoatl. Before the white men landed there had been earthquakes, meteors and other omens. Would the old gods destroy the invaders and all who joined them, or was this the great change which the prophets foretold? Who could say? In the beautiful, terrible city Cortes moved alert and silent, courteous to all, every nerve as sensitive to new impressions as a leaf to the wind. He knew that strong as the priesthood of the fierce gods undoubtedly was, there was surely an undercurrent of rebellion against their cruelty and their unlimited power. In a fruitless attempt to keep the Spaniards out of the city by the aid of the gods, three hundred little children had been sacrificed. If Cortes failed to conquer, by peaceful means or otherwise, nothing was more certain than that he and all of his followers not killed in the fighting would be butchered on the top of those terrible pyramids sooner or later. Yet he looked about him and said, under his breath, "This is the most beautiful city in the world." "And you think we shall win it for the Cross and the King?" asked Saavedra in the same quiet tone. "We must win," said Cortes, with a spark in his eyes like the flame in the heart of a black opal. "There is nothing else to do." NOTE In the spelling of the Aztec Emperor's name Cortes' own form is used,--"Moteczuma," instead of the commoner "Montezuma." One must read Prescott's "Conquest of Mexico" for even an approximately adequate account of this extraordinary campaign. MOCCASIN FLOWER Klooskap's children, the last and least, Bidden to dance at his farewell feast, Under the great moon's wizard light, Over the mountain's drifted white, The Winag'mesuk, the wood-folk small, Came to the feasting the last of all! Magic snowshoes they wore that night, Woven of frostwork and sunset light, Round and trim like the Master's own,-- Their lances of reed, with a point of bone, Their oval shields of the woven grass, Their leader the mighty Kaktugwaas. The Winag'mesuk, the forest folk, They fled from the words that the white man spoke. They were so tired, they were so small, They hardly could find their way back at all, Yet bravely they rallied with shield and lance To dance for Klooskap their Snowshoe Dance! Light and swift as the whirling snow They leaped and fluttered aloft, alow. Silent as owls in the white moonlight They pounced and grappled in mimic fight. When they chanted to Klooskap their last farewell He laid on the forest a fairy spell. From Little Thunder, from Kaktugwaas, He took the buckler of woven grass, The lance of reed with a point of bone, The rounded footgear like his own, And bade them grow there under the pines While the snowdrifts melt and the sunlight shines! The sagamore pines are dark and tall That guard the Norumbega wall. When the clear brooks dance to the flute of spring, And veery and catbird of Klooskap sing, The Winag'mesuk for one short hour Come back for their token of Klooskap's power-- Moccasin Flower! XII GIFTS FROM NORUMBEGA "What shall I bring thee then, from the world's end, Reine Margot?" asked Alain Maclou. The small girl in the deep fireside recess of a Picardy castle-hall considered it gravely. "There should be three gifts," she said at last, "for so it always is in Mère Bastienne's stories. I will have the shoes of silence, the girdle of fortune, and diamonds from Norumbega. Tell me again about Norumbega." "Nay, little one, I must go, to see after the lading of the ship. Fare thee well for this time," and the young man bent his tall head above the hand of his seven-year-old lady. The graceful, quick-witted and imaginative child had been his pet and he her loyal servant these three years. It was understood between them that she was really the Queen of France, barred from her throne by the Salic Law that forbade any woman to rule that country in her own right. Some day he was to discover for her a kingdom beyond seas, in which she alone should reign. Of all the tales, marvelous, fanciful or tragic, which he or her old nurse had told her, she liked best the legend of Norumbega, the city in the wilderness which no explorer had ever found. Wherever French, Breton or English fishermen had become at all familiar with the Indians they heard of a city great and populous, with walls of stone, ruled by a king richer than any of their chiefs, but no two stories agreed on the location. Some had heard that it was an island, west of Cape Breton; others that it was on the bank of a great river to the southward. Maclou had seen at a fair one of the Indians brought to France ten years before in the _Dauphine_, and spoken to him. According to this Indian the chief town of his people was on an island in the mouth of a river where high gray walls of rock arose, longer and statelier than the walls of Dieppe. In describing these walls the Indian did not indeed say that they encircled the city, but no Frenchman could have imagined rock palisades built for any other purpose. On the other hand Maclou knew a pilot who had been caught in a storm and blown down the coast southwest from the fisheries, and he and his crew had seen, from ten or twelve leagues out at sea, white and shining battlements on the crest of a mountain far inland. When they asked their Indian guides what city it was the slaves trembled and showed fear, and declared that none of their people ever went there. Had only one man seen the glittering walls it might have been a vision, but they had all seen. If Norumbega really existed, the expedition of Jacques Cartier in 1535 seemed likely to find it. He had made a voyage the year before with two ships and a hundred and twenty men, of whom Maclou had been one. Not being prepared to remain through the winter, they had been obliged to turn back before they had done more than discover a magnificent bay which Cartier named the Bay of Chaleur on account of the July heat, and a squarish body of water west of Cape Breton which seemed to be marked out on their map as the Square Gulf. Now the veteran of Saint Malo had instructions to explore this gulf and see whether any strait existed beyond it which might lead to Cathay. On general principles he was to find out how great and of what nature the country was. The maps of the New World were fairly complete in their outline of the southern continent and islands discovered by Spain; it was hoped that this expedition might give an equally definite outline to the northern coast. Cartier had on his previous voyage caught two young Indians who had come from far inland to fish, and brought them back to France. They had since learned enough Breton to make themselves understood, and from what they said it seemed to Cartier that there might be a far greater land west of the fisheries than the mapmakers had supposed. The King, on the other hand, was inclined to hope that the lands already found were islands, among which might be the coveted route to Cathay. Maclou bent his brows over the map and pondered. If Norumbega were found it would be the key to the situation, for the people of a great inland city would know, as the people of Mexico did, all about their country. Did it exist, or was it a fairy tale, born of mirage or a lying brain? On Whitsunday the sixteenth of May, Carrier and his men went in solemn procession to the Cathedral Church of Saint Malo, confessed themselves, received the sacrament, and were blessed by the Bishop in his robes of state, standing in the choir of the ancient sanctuary. On the following Wednesday they set sail with three ships and one hundred and ten men. Cartier had been careful to explain to the King that it would be of no use to send an expedition to those northern shores unless it could live through the winter on its own supplies. The summer was brief, the winter severe, and there was no possibility of living on the country while exploring it. As such voyages went, the three ships were well provisioned. Late in July they came through the Strait of Belle Isle, and on Saint Laurence's Day, August 10, found themselves in a small bay which Cartier named for that saint. Rounding the western point of a great island the little fleet came into a great salt water bay. "I believe," said Cartier to Maclou as the flagship sailed gaily on over the sunlit sparkling waves, "that this must be the place from which all the whales in the world come." The great creatures were spouting and diving all around the fleet, frolicking like unwieldy puppies. Every one was alert for what might be discovered next. None were more lively and full of pleased expectation than the two Indian youths. Captives had been taken by the white men before, but none had ever returned. Their people were undoubtedly mourning them as dead, but would presently see them not only alive but fat and happy. They had crossed the great waters in the white men's canoe, and lived in the white men's villages, and learned their talk. They had been christened Pierre and Kadoc, French tongues finding it hard to pronounce their former names. Cartier called them to him and began to ask questions. He learned that the northern coast of the gulf, along which they were sailing, was that of a land called Saghwenay, in which was found Caignetdaze, called by the white men copper. This gulf led to a great river called Hochelaga. They had never heard of any one going all the way to the head of it, but the old men might remember. What the name of the country to the south of the gulf was, Cartier could not make out. It sounded something like Kanacdajikaouah. "Kaou-ah" meant great, or large, and Cartier finally set down the rest of the word as Canada, as nearly as the French alphabet could spell out the gutturals. The youths in fact belonged to a tribe in the great confederacy of the Kanonghsionni, the People of the Long House--or rather the lengthened house, Kanonsa being the word for house, and "ionni" meaning lengthened or extended.[1] Five tribes, many generations ago, had united under the leadership of the great Ayonhwatha--"he who made the wampum belt."[2] They had adopted weaker tribes when they conquered them, exactly as, upon the marriage of a daughter, the father built an addition to his house for the newly wedded couple. The captives had picked up the Breton patois rather easily, but there was nothing in France which was at all like an Iroquois bark house, and they had to use the Indian word for it. Maclou, who had been studying the native language at odd times during the voyage, found that it had no b, f, m, or v, and on the other hand it had some noises which were not in any Breton, French or English words, though the Indian "n" was rather like the French "nque." Some fifteen leagues from the salt gulf the water became so fresh that Cartier finally gave up the idea that the channel he had entered might be a strait. It was still very wide, and if it really was a river it was the biggest he had ever seen. Three islands now appeared, opposite the mouth of a swift and deep river which came from the northern territory called Saghwenay. Cartier sailed up this river for some distance, finding high steep hills on both sides, and then continued up the great river to find the chief city of the wilderness empire, if it was an empire. No sign had been seen of Norumbega. Presently the keen expectant eye of Cartier caught sight of something which went far to shake his faith in that romantic citadel. It was a bold headland on the right, which would certainly have been chosen by any civilized king in Europe as a site for a fortress. Those mighty cliffs would almost make other defenses needless. Yet the heights were occupied by nothing more than a wooden village, which the interpreters called Stadacona, saying that their chief, Daghnacona, was its ruler. Shouts arose from the water's edge as some one among the excited Indians recognized on the deck of a great winged canoe their own lost countrymen. The interpreters answered with joyous whoops. A dozen canoes came paddling out, filled with young warriors, and a rapid interchange of guttural Indian talk went on between Pierre and Kadoc and their kinfolk. The enthusiasm rose to a still higher pitch when strings of beads of all colors were handed down to the Indians in the canoes, and presently Daghnacona himself appeared to welcome the white men to his country, with dignified Indian eloquence and an escort of twelve canoes. This was clearly a good place to stop and refit the ships. Cartier took his fleet into a little river not far away, and prepared to learn all he could of the country before going on. The information he got from Daghnacona was not encouraging. This was not, it appeared, the chief town of the country. That was many miles up the river, and was called Hochelaga. It would not be safe for the white men to go there. Their ships might be caught between ice-floes, and the falling snow would blind and bewilder them. Cartier glanced at the blue autumn sky and smiled. No one is quicker than an Indian to read faces. Daghnacona saw that the white chief intended to go, all the same. Cartier decided to leave the larger ships where they were, and proceed up the great river to Hochelaga with a forty-ton pinnace, two boats, and about fifty men. Early in the morning, before he was quite ready to start, a canoe came down stream, in which were three weird figures resembling the devils in a medieval miracle-play. Their faces were jet black, they were clothed in hairy skins, and on their heads were great horns. As they passed the ships they kept up a monotonous and appalling chant, and as their canoe touched the beach all three fell upon their faces. Indians, rushing out of the woods, dragged them into a thicket, and a great hubbub followed, not a word of which was understood by the white men, for the Indian interpreters were there with the rest. Presently the interpreters appeared on the beach yelling with fright. "Pierre! Kadoc!" the annoyed commander called from his quarter-deck, "what is all this hullabaloo about?" "News!" gasped Pierre. "News from Canghyenye! He says white men not come to Hochelaga!" And Kadoc chimed in eagerly, "Not go! Not go!" "Coudouagny?" Cartier repeated to Maclou, completely mystified. "Who can that be?" Further questioning drew out information which sounded as if Coudouagny, or Canyengye, were a tribal god. In reality this was the word for "elder brother." In that region it was applied to the Tekarihokens, the eldest of the five nations in the league of the Long House. They were afterward dubbed by their enemies the Mohawks or man-eaters, and the fear for the white men's safety which the interpreters expressed may very well have been quite genuine. But the Breton captain had not come across the Atlantic to give up his plans for fear of an Indian god, if it was a god, and his reply to the warning was to the effect that Coudouagny must be a numskull. More seriously he explained to the interpreters that although he had not himself spoken with the God of his people his priests had, and he fully trusted in the power of his God to protect him. The party set forth at the appointed time. In about two weeks they reached the greatest Indian town that any of them had ever seen. It was not the walled city of the Norumbega legend, but both Maclou and Cartier had ceased to expect anything of that kind. The Indian guides had said that the town was near, and all were dressed in their best. A thousand Indians, men, women and children, were on the shore to receive them, and the commander at the head of his little troop marched into Hochelaga to pay their respects to the chief. The Indian city was inhabited by several thousand people, living in wigwams about a hundred and fifty feet long by fifty wide, built of bark over a frame of wood, and arranged around a large open space. The whole was surrounded by a stockade of three rows of stakes twelve or fifteen feet high. The middle row was set straight, the other two rows five or six feet from it and inclining toward it like wigwam-poles. The three rows, meeting at the top, were lashed to a ridgepole. Half way down and again at the bottom cross-braces were fastened diagonally, making a strong wall. Around the inside, near the top, was a gallery reached by ladders, on which were piles of stones to be thrown at invaders. Instead of being square, or irregular with many angles and outstanding towers, like a French walled town, it was perfectly round. The interpreters afterward explained that each of the houses was occupied by several families, as the head of each house shared his shelter with his kinfolk. When a daughter was married she brought her husband home, as a rule, and her father added an apartment to his house by the simple device of taking out the end wall of bark and building on another section. Each household had its own stone hearth, the smoke escaping through openings in the roof. A common passage-way led through the middle of the house. On the sides were rows of bunks covered with furs. Weapons hung on the walls, and meat broth or messes of corn and beans simmered fragrantly in their kettles. Some of these long houses held fifty or sixty people each, and there were over fifty of them in all. In that climate, with warlike neighbors, the advantage of such an organized community over scattered single wigwams was very great. All around were cleared fields dotted with great yellow pumpkins, where corn and beans had grown during the past summer. To the sons of Norman and Breton peasants it was evident that these fields had not been cultivated for centuries, like those of France, any more than the wall around Hochelaga was the work of stone-masons toiling under generations of feudal lords. If this were the chief city of these people, they had no Norumbega. But it was very picturesque in its sylvan barbaric way, among the limitless forests of scarlet and gold and crimson and deep green, which stretched away over the mountains. Upon the rude cots in the wigwams as they passed, Cartier's men saw rich and glossy furs of the silver fox, the beaver, the mink and the marten, which princesses might be proud to wear. Curious bead-work there was also on the quivers, pouches, moccasins and belts of these wild people, done in white and purple shell beads made and polished by hand and not more than a quarter of an inch long and an eighth of an inch thick. These were sewn in patterns of animals, birds, fishes and other things not unlike the emblems of old families in France. Belts of these beads were worn by those who seemed to be the chief men of Hochelaga. Porcupine quills were also used in embroidery and head-bands. The people thronged into the open central space, which was about a stone's throw across, some carrying their sick, some their children, that the strangers might touch them for healing or for good fortune. The old chief, who was called Agouhana, was brought in, helpless from paralysis, upon a deerskin litter. When Cartier understood that his touch was supposed to have some mysterious magic he rubbed the old man's helpless limbs with his own hands, read from his service-book the first chapter of the Gospel of Saint John and other passages, and prayed that the people who listened might come to know the true faith. Then, after beads, rings, brooches and other little gifts had been distributed, the trumpets blew, and the white men took their leave. Before they returned to their boats the Indians guided them to the top of the hill which rose behind the town, from which the surrounding country could be seen. Cartier named it Montreal--the Royal Mountain. [Illustration: "CARTIER READ FROM HIS SERVICE-BOOK."--_Page_ 176] It was now the first week in October, and the rapids in the river above Hochelaga blocked further exploration with a sailing vessel. As for going on foot, that was out of the question with winter so near. The party returned to Stadacona and went into winter quarters. While they had been gone their comrades had built a palisaded fort beside the little river where the ships lay moored. They were hardly settled in this rude shelter before snow began to fall, and seemed as if it would go on forever, softly blanketing the earth with layer on layer of cold whiteness. It was waist-deep on the level; the river was frozen solid; the drifts were above the sides of the ships, and the ice was four inches thick on the bulwarks. The glittering armor of the ice incased masts, spars, ropes, and fringed every line of cordage with icicles of dazzling brightness. Never was such cold known in France. Maclou thought, whimsically, while his teeth chattered beside the fire, of a tale he had once told Marguerite of the palace of the Frost King. That fierce monarch, and not the guileless Indian chief, was the foe they would have to fight for this kingdom. Their provisions were those of any ship sent on a voyage into unknown lands in those days--dried and salted meat and fish, flour and meal to be made into cakes or porridge, dried pease, dried beans. For a time the Indians visited them, in the bitterest weather, but in December even this source of a game supply was cut off, for they came no more. The dreaded scurvy broke out, and before long there were hardly a dozen of the whole company able to care for the sick. Besides the general misery they were tormented by the fear that if the savages knew how feeble they were the camp might be attacked and destroyed. Cartier told those who had the strength, to beat with sticks on the sides of their bunks, so that prowling Indians might believe that the white men were busy at work. But the wild folk were both shrewder and more friendly than the French believed. Their medicine-men told Cartier one day that they cured scurvy by means of a drink made from the leaves and bark of an evergreen. Squaws presently came with a birch-bark kettle of this brew and it proved to have such virtues that the sick were cured of scurvy, and in some cases of other diseases which they had had for years. Cartier afterward wrote in his report that they boiled and drank within a week all the foliage of a tree, which the Indians called aneda or tree of life, as large as a full-grown oak.[3] Many had died before the remedy was learned, and when the weather allowed the fleet to sail for home, there were only men enough for two of the ships. The Indians had told of other lands where gold and rubies were found, of a nation somewhere in the interior, white like the French, of people with but one leg apiece. But as it was, the country was a great country, and well worth the attention of the King of France. Leaving the cross and the fleur-de-lis to mark the place of their discovery, the expedition sailed for France, and on July 16, 1536, anchored once more in the port of Saint Malo. "And there is no Norumbega really?" asked little Margot rather dolefully, when the story of the adventure had been told. "And your hair is all gray, here, on the side." "None the less I have gifts for thee, little queen, and such as no Queen of France hath in her treasury." Maclou's smile, though a trifle grave, had a singular charm as he opened his wallet. Margot nestled closer, her eyes bright with excitement. The first gift was a little pair of shoes of deer-skin dyed green and embroidered with pearly white beads on a ground of black and red French brocade. They had no heels and no heavy leather soles, and were lined with soft white fur; and they fitted the little maid's foot exactly. The second gift was a girdle of the same beads, purple and white, in a pattern of queer stiff sprays. "That," said Alain Maclou, "is the Tree of Life that cured us all of the sickness." The third was a cluster of long slender crystals set in a fragment of rock the color of a blush rose.[4] "'Tis a magic stone, sweetheart. Keep it in the sunshine on thy window-ledge, and when summer is over 't will be white as snow. Leave it in a snowbank, or in a cellar under wet moss, and 't will turn again to rose-color. This I have seen. In the winter nights the Frost King hangs his ice-diamonds on every twig and rope and eave, and when they shine in the red sunrise they look like these crystals. And I have seen all the sky from the zenith to the horizon at midnight full of leaping rose-red flames above such a world of ice. 'Tis very beautiful there, Reine Margot, and fit kingdom for a fairy queen." Marguerite turned the strange quartz rock about in her small hands with something like awe. "And the shoes are shoes of silence, for an Indian can go and come in them so softly that even a rabbit does not hear. They were made by a kind old squaw who would take no pay, and a young warrior gave me the wampum belt, and I found the stone one day while I was hunting in the forest, so that all three of thy gifts are really gifts from Norumbega." "I think--I'm rather glad it is not a real city," said Margot with a long breath. "It is more like fairyland, just as it is,--and the Frost King and the terrible sickness are the two ogres, and the good medicine man is a white wizard. It is a very beautiful kingdom, Alain, and I think you are the Prince in disguise!" NOTES [1] Kanonghsionni was the name which the Iroquois gave themselves. It appears that at this time they occupied the country along the St. Lawrence held some centuries before by the Ojibways and later, in the time of Champlain, by the Hurons. [2] Hiawatha is generally said to have founded the league of the Five Nations. Although these nations were united against any attack from outside they were not always free from interior enmities and dissensions, and the Mohawks in particular were objects of the fear and dislike of their neighbors, as the significance of their sobriquet clearly shows. [3] Aneda is said to be the Iroquois word for spruce. When Champlain's men were attacked by scurvy in the same neighborhood half a century later, the Iroquois no longer lived there, and this remedy was not suggested. [4] Rose quartz has this property. THE MUSTANGS Bred to the Game of the World as the Kings and the Emperors played it, Fate and our masters hurled us over the terrible sea. When the sails of the carracks were furled the Game was the Game that we made it,-- We that were horses in Spain were gods in a realm to be! Swift at the word we sped, we fought in the front of the battle,-- Ah, but the wild men fled when they heard us neigh from afar! The field was littered with dead, cut down like slaughtered cattle --Ah, but the earth is red where the Conquistadores are! Now does the desert wake and croon of hidalgos coming-- Now for her children's sake she is whetting her sword to slay, And the armored squadrons break, and our iron-shod hoofs are drumming On the rocks of the mountain pass--we are free, we are off and away! Hush--did a man's foot fall in the pasture where we go straying? Listen--is that the call of a man aware of his right? Hearken, my comrades all--once more the Game they are playing! Masters, we come, we come, to be one with you in the fight! XIII THE WHITE MEDICINE MAN "Cavalry without horses, in ships without sailors, built by blacksmiths without forges and carpenters without tools. Now who in Spain will believe that?" commented Cabeça de Vaca. It was the evening of the twenty-first of September, 1528. Five of the oddest looking boats ever launched on any sea were drawn up on the shore of La Baya de Cavallos, where not a horse was in sight, though there had been twoscore a fortnight ago. On the morrow the one-eyed commander of the Spaniards, Pamfilo de Narvaez, would marshal his ragamuffin expedition into those boats, in the hope of reaching Mexico by sea. "We shall tell of it when we are grandfathers--if the sea does not take us within a week," said Andres Dorantes with a sigh. "I think that God does not waste miracles on New Spain." "Miracles? It is nothing less than a miracle that this fleet was built," said Cabeça de Vaca valiantly. And indeed he had some reason for saying so. Narvaez, with a grant from the King which covered all the territory between the Atlantic and the Rio de los Palmas in Mexico, had staked his entire private fortune on this venture. He had landed in Baya de le Cruz--now Tampa Bay--on the day before Easter. The Indians had some gold which they said came "from the north." Cabeça, who was treasurer of the expedition, strongly advised against proceeding through a totally unknown country on this very sketchy information. But Narvaez consulted the pilot, who said he knew of a harbor some distance to the west, ordered the ships to meet him there, and with forty horsemen and two hundred and sixty men on foot, struck boldly into the interior. It was an amazing country. It had magnificent forests and almost impassable swamps, gorgeous tropical flowers and black bogs infested with snakes, alligators and hostile Indians, game of every kind and dense jungles into which it retreated. There seemed to be no towns, no grain-land and no gold-bearing mountains. The persevering explorers crossed half a dozen large rivers and many small ones, wading when they could, building rafts or swimming when the water was deep. After between three and four months of this, half-starved, shaken with swamp fever, weary and bedraggled, they reached the first harbor they had found upon the coast they followed, but no ships were there. Whether the ships had been wrecked, or put in somewhere only to meet with destruction at the hands of the Indians, they never knew. Narvaez called his officers into consultation, one at a time, as to the best course to pursue in this desperate case. They had no provisions, a third of the men were sick and more were dropping from exhaustion every day, and all agreed that unless they could get away and reach Mexico while some of them could still work, there was very little chance that they would ever leave the place at all. But they had no tools, no workmen and no sailors, and nothing to eat while the ships were a-building, even if they knew how to build them. They gave it up for that night and prayed for direction. Next day one of the men proved to have been a carpenter, and another came to Cabeça de Vaca with a plan for making bellows of deerskin with a wooden frame and nozzle, so that a forge could be worked and whatever spare iron they had could be pounded into rude tools. The officers took heart. Cross-bows, stirrups, spurs, horse-furniture, reduced to scrap-iron, furnished axes, hammers, saws and nails. There was plenty of timber in the forests. Those not able to do hard work stripped palmetto leaves to use in the place of tow for calking and rigging. Every third day one of the horses was killed, the meat served out to the sick and the working party, the manes and tails saved to twist into rope with palmetto fiber, and the skin of the legs taken off whole and tanned for water bottles. At four different times a selected body of soldiers went out to get corn from the Indians, peaceably if possible, by force if necessary, and on this, with the horse-meat and sometimes fish or sea-food caught in the bay, the camp lived and toiled for sixteen desperate days. A Greek named Don Theodoro knew how to make pitch for the calking, from pine resin. For sails the men pieced together their shirts. Not the least wearisome part of their labor was stone-hunting, for there were almost no stones in the country, and they must have anchors. But at last the boats were finished, of twenty-two cubits in length, with oars of savin (fir), and fifty of the men had died from fever, hardship or Indian arrows. Each boat must carry between forty-five and fifty of those who remained, and this crowded them so that it was impossible to move about, and weighted them until the gunwales were hardly a hand's breadth above the water. It would have been madness to venture out to sea, and they crept along the coast, though they well knew that in following all the inlets of that marshy shore the length of the voyage would be multiplied several times over. When they had been out a week they captured five Indian canoes, and with the timbers of these added a few boards to the side of each galley. This made it possible to steer in something like a direct line toward Mexico. On October 30, about the time of vespers, Cabeça de Vaca, who happened to be in the lead, discovered the mouth of what seemed to be an immense river. There they anchored among islands. They found that the volume of water brought down by this river was so great that it freshened the sea-water even three miles out. They went up the river a little way to try to get fuel to parch their corn, half a handful of raw corn being the entire ration for a day. The current and a strong north wind, however, drove them back. When they sounded, a mile and a half from shore, a line of thirty fathoms found no bottom. After this Narvaez with three of the boats kept on along the shore, but the boat commanded by Castillo and Dorantes, and that of Cabeça de Vaca, stood out to sea before a fair east wind, rowing and sailing, for four days. They never again saw or heard of the remainder of the fleet. On November 5 the wind became a gale. All night the boats drifted, the men exhausted with toil, hunger and cold. Cabeça de Vaca and the shipmaster were the only men capable of handling an oar in their boat. Near morning they heard the tumbling of waves on a beach, and soon after, a tremendous wave struck the boat with a force that hurled her up on the beach and roused the men who seemed dead, so that they crept on hands and knees toward shelter in a ravine. Here some rain-water was found, a fire was made and they parched their corn, and here they were found by some Indians who brought them food. They still had some of their trading stores, from which they produced colored beads and hawk-bells. After resting and collecting provisions the indomitable Spaniards dug their boat out of the sand and made ready to go on with the voyage. They were but a little way from shore when a great wave struck the battered craft, and the cold having loosened their grip on the oars the boat was capsized and some of the crew drowned. The rest were driven ashore a second time and lost literally everything they had. Fortunately some live brands were left from their fire, and while they huddled about the blaze the Indians appeared and offered them hospitality. To some of the party this seemed suspicious. Were the Indians cannibals? Even when they were warmed and fed in a comfortable shelter nobody dared to sleep. But the Indians had no treacherous intentions whatever, and continued to share with the shipwrecked unfortunates their own scanty provision. Fever, hunger and despair, reduced the eighty men who had come ashore, to less than twenty. All but Cabeça and two others who were helpless from fever at last departed on the desperate adventure of trying to find their way overland to Mexico. One of the two left behind died and the other ran away in delirium, leaving Cabeça de Vaca alone, as the slave of the Indians. He discovered presently that he was of little use to them, for though he could have cut wood or carried water, this was squaws' work, and should a man be seen doing it every tradition of the tribe would be upset. He was of no use as a hunter, for he had not the hawk-like sight of an Indian or the Indian instinct for following a trail. He could dig out the wild roots they ate, which grew among canes and under water, but this was laborious and painful work, which made his hands bleed. With tools, or even metal with which to make them, he might have made himself the most useful member of the tribe, but as it was, he was even poorer than the wretched people among whom he lived, for they knew how to make the most of what was in the country, and he had no such training. The lonely Spaniard studied their language and customs diligently. He found that they made knives and arrows of shell, and clothing of woven fibers of grass and leaves, and deerskin. They went from one part of the country to another according to the food supply. In prickly pear time they went into the cactus region to gather the fruit, on which they mainly lived during the season. When pinon nuts were ripe they went into the mountains and gathered these, threshing them out of the cones to be eaten fresh, roasted, or ground into flour for cakes baked on flat stones. They had no dishes except baskets and gourd-rinds, and their houses were tent-poles covered with hides. When a squaw wished to roast a piece of meat she thrust a sharp stick through it. When she wished to boil it she filled a large calabash-rind with water, put in it the materials of her stew, and threw stones into the fire to heat. When very hot these stones were raked out with a loop of twisted green reed or willow-shoots and put into the water. When enough had been put in to make the water boil, it was kept boiling by changing the cooled stones for hotter ones until the meat was cooked. Many of the baskets made by the squaws were curiously decorated, and made of fine reed or fiber sewed in coils with very fine grass-thread, so that they were both light and strong. There were cone-shaped carrying-baskets borne on the back with a loop passed around the forehead; in these the squaws carried grain, fruit, nuts or occasionally babies. There were baskets for sifting grain and meal, and a sort of flask that would hold water. The materials were gathered from mountains, valleys and plains over a range of hundreds of miles--grasses here, bark fiber there, dyes in another place, maguey leaves in another, and for black figures in decoration the seed-pods called "cat's claws" or the stems of maiden-hair fern. A design was not copied exactly, but each worker made the pattern in the same general form and sometimes improved on it. There was a banded pattern in a diamond-shaped criss-cross almost exactly like the shaded markings on a rattlesnake-skin. The Indians believed in a goddess or Snake-Mother, who lived underground and knew about springs; and as water was the most important thing in that land of deserts, they showed respect to the Snake-Mother by baskets decorated in her honor. Another design showed a round center with four zigzag lines running to the border. This was intended for a lake with four streams flowing out of it, widening as they flowed; but it looked rather like a cross or a swastika. There was a design in zigzags to represent the lightning, and almost all the patterns had to do in some way with lakes, rivers, rain, or springs. As the exile of Spain began to know the country he sometimes ventured on journeys alone, without the tribe, to the north, away from the coast. In these wanderings he met with tribes whose language was not wholly strange, but whose customs and occupations were not exactly like those of his own Indians. Once he found a village of deerskin tents where the warriors were painting themselves with red clay, for a dance. He remembered that the squaws, when he came away some days before, were in great lamentation because they had no red paint for their baskets. He took out a handful of shells and found that these Indians were only too pleased to pay for them in red earth, deerskin, and tassels of deer hair dyed red. They would hardly let him go till he promised to come again and bring them more shells and shell beads. This suggested to him a way in which he might make himself of use and value. Longer and longer journeys he took, trading shells for new dyes, flint arrow-heads, strong basket-reeds, and hides and furs of all sorts, learning more and more of the country as he trafficked. Once he found families living in a house built of stone and mud bricks, in the crevice of a cliff, getting water from a little brook at the base of it, and raising corn and vegetables along the waterside. Their houses had no real doors. They had trap-doors in the roof, reached by a notched tree-trunk inside and one outside. The corn that grew in the little farm at the foot of the cliff was of different colors, red, yellow, blue and white. Each kind was put in a separate basket. Each kind of meal was made separately into thin cakes cooked on a very hot flat stone. A handful of the batter was slapped on with the fingers so deftly that though the cake was thin, crisp and even, the cook never burned herself. The people were always on their guard against roving bands of Indians who lived in tipis, or wigwams, and were likely to attack the cliff-dwellers at any moment. Cabeça de Vaca became interested in these wandering tribes, and moved north to see what they were like. He found them quite ready to trade with him and extremely curious about his wares. They had hides upon their tipis of a sort he had not seen before, not smooth, but covered with curly brown fur like a big dog's. It was some time before the Spanish trader made out what sort of animal wore such a skin, though he knew at first sight that it must be a very large one. Finally the old medicine man with whom he was talking began to make sketches on the inside of one of the great robes. The Spaniard in his turn made sketches, drawing a horse, a goat, a bear, a wolf, a bull. When he drew the bull the old Indian got excited. He declared that that was very like the animal they hunted, but that their bulls had great humped shoulders like this--he added a high curved line over the back. Cabeça came to the conclusion that it must be some sort of hunchbacked cow, but whatever it was, the curly furry hide was comforting on cold nights. The old Indian told him a few days after that some of the young men had just come in with news of a herd of these great animals moving along one of their trails, and if the white men cared to travel with them he could see them for himself. It did not take the trader long to make up his mind. He went with the Indians at the slow trot which covers so many miles in a day, and sooner than they had expected, they saw from a little rise in the ground a vast herd of slowly moving animals which at first the white man took for black cattle. But they were not cattle. There was the huge hump with the curly mane, and there were the short horns and slender, neat little legs which had seemed so out of proportion in the old Indian's sketch. From their point of view they could see the hunters cut out one animal and attack him with their arrows and lances without arousing the fears of the rest. The creatures moved quietly along, grazing and pawing now and then, darkening the plain almost as far as the eye could see. The trader spent several days with the tribe, and when he went south again he had a bundle of hides so large that he had to drag it on a kind of hurdle made of poles. He had helped the Indians decorate some of the hides they had, and whenever he did this he wrote his own name, the date, and a few words, somewhere on the skin. [Illustration: "THE CREATURES DARKENED THE PLAIN ALMOST AS FAR AS EYE COULD SEE."--_Page_ 191] "Why do you do this?" asked the medicine man, putting one long bronze finger on the strange marks. "It is a message," said Cabeça de Vaca. "If any of my own people see it they will know who made the pictures." The Indian looked at him thoughtfully. "You are very clever," he said. "You ought to be a medicine-man." This put another idea into the exile's head. He had seen much of the medicine-men in his wanderings, and had studied their ways. Like most men of his day who traveled much, he had a rough-and-ready knowledge of medicine and surgery. He had sometimes been able to be of service to sick and wounded Indians, and whether it was their faith in him, or in the virtues of his treatment, his patients usually got well. In comparing notes they found that he often prayed and sang in his own language while watching with them. In the end he gained a great reputation as a sort of combined priest and doctor. He was not too proud to adopt some of the methods of the medicine-men when he found them effective, especially as regards herbs and other healing medicaments, used either in poultices or drinks. From being a poor slave and a burden to his masters, he became their great man. He had been for more than five years among the Indians when another tribe of Indians met with his tribe, perhaps drawn by the fame of the white medicine-man, and among their captives he recognized with joy three of his own comrades--Castillo, Dorantes, and a Barbary negro called Estevanico (Little Stephen). He told them of his experience, and found them glad to have him teach them whatever of the arts of the medicine-man he himself knew. After that, the four friends traveled more or less in company, and persuaded the Indians to go westward, where they thought that there might be a chance of meeting with some of their own people. They finally reached a point at which the Indians explained that they dared not go further, because the tribe which held the country further west was hostile. "Send to them," suggested Cabeça, "and tell them we are coming." After some argument the Indians sent two women, because women would not be harmed even in the enemy's country. Then the four comrades set out into the new land. Among them they knew six Indian dialects, and could talk with the people after a fashion, wherever they went. Even when two tribes were at war, they made a truce, so that they might trade and talk with the strangers. At last Castillo saw on the neck of an Indian the buckle of a sword-belt, and fastened to it like a pendant the nail of a horse-shoe. His heart leaped. He asked the Indian where he got the things. The Indian answered, "They came from heaven." "Who brought them?" asked Cabeça. "Men with beards like you," the Indian answered rather timidly, "seated on strange animals and carrying long lances. They killed two of our people with those lances, and the rest ran away." Then Cabeça knew that his countrymen must have passed that way. His feelings were a strange mixture of joy and grief. As they went on they came upon more traces of Spaniards, parties of slave-hunters from the south. Everywhere they themselves were well treated, even by people who were hiding in the mountains for fear of the Christians. When Cabeça told the Indians that he was himself a Christian they smiled and said nothing; but one night he heard them talking among themselves, not knowing that he could understand their talk. "He is lying, or he is mistaken," they said. "He and his friends come from the sunrise, and the Christians from the sunset; they heal the sick, the Christians kill the well ones; they wear only a little clothing, as we do, the Christians come on horses, with shining garments and long lances; these good men take our gifts only to help others who need them; the Christians come to rob us and never give any one anything." The next day Cabeça told the Indians that he wished to go back to his own people and tell them not to kill and enslave the natives. He explained to them that this wickedness was not in any way part of his religion, and that the founder of that religion never injured or despised the poor, but went about doing good. When he was sure that there were Spaniards not many miles away, he took Estevanico, leaving the other two Spaniards to rest their tired bones, and with an escort of eleven Indians went out to look for his countrymen. When he found them, they were greatly astonished. Their astonishment did not lessen when he told them how he came to be where he was. He sent Estevanico back to tell the rest of the party to come, and himself remained to talk with Diego de Alcaraz, the leader of the Spanish adventurers, and his three followers. They were slave-hunters, like the other Spaniards. When, five days afterward Estevanico, Castillo and Dorantes came on with an escort of several hundred Indians, all Cabeca's determination and diplomacy were taxed to keep the slavers from making a raid on the confiding natives then and there. To buy Alcaraz off cost nearly all the bows, pouches, finely dressed skins, and other native treasures he had gained by trading or received as gifts. In this collection were five arrowheads of emerald or something very like that stone. It was not in Cabeça de Vaca to break his word to people who trusted him. He had suffered every sort of privation; he had traveled more than ten thousand miles on foot in his six years among the Indians of the Southwest; now he had lost most of his profit from that long exile; but he went back to Spain with faith unbroken and honor clear as a white diamond. In May, 1536, he and his companions reached Culiacan in the territory of Spain. All the way to the City of Mexico they were feasted and welcomed as honored guests. The account which Cabeça de Vaca wrote of his travels was the first written description of the country now called Texas, Arizona and New Mexico. NOTE This story follows closely the "Relacion of Cabeca de Vaca." It illustrates the resourcefulness, bravery and ingenuity of Spanish cavaliers of the heroic age as hardly any other episode does. LONE BAYOU De Soto was a gentleman of Spain In those proud years when Spanish chivalry From fierce adventure never did refrain,-- Ruler of argosies that ruled the sea, She looked on lesser nations in disdain, As born to trafficking or slavery. In shining armor, and with shot and steel Abundantly purveyed for their delight, Banners before whose Cross the foe should kneel, His company embarked--how great a light Through men's perversity to stoop and reel Down through calamity to endless night! Yet unsubmissive, obdurately bold, The savages refused to serve their need. They would not guide the conquerors to their gold, Nor though cast in the fire like a weed Or driven by stern compulsion to the fold, Would they abandon their unhallowed creed. The forest folk in terror broke and fled Like fish before the fierce pursuing pike. The stubborn chiefs as hostages were led-- And in the wilderness, a grisly dyke Of slaves and captives, lay the heathen dead, And the black bayou claims all dead alike. Then southward through the haunted bearded trees The Spaniards fought their way--Mauila's fires Devoured their vestments and their chalices, Their sacramental wine and bread--the choirs No longer sang their requiems, and the seas Lay between them and all their sacred spires. At last in a lone cabin, where the cane Hid the black mire before the lowly door, De Soto died--although they sought to feign By some pretended magic mirror's lore That still he lived, a gentleman of Spain,-- And the dread flood rolled onward to the shore! XIV THE FACE OF THE TERROR "Paris is no place in these times for a Huguenot lad from Navarre," said Dominic de Gourgues, of Mont-de-Marsan in Gascony. "His father, François Debré, did me good service in the Spanish Indies. One of these days, Philip and his bloodhounds will be pulled down by these young terriers they have orphaned." "If the Jesuits have their way all Huguenots will be exterminated, men, women and children," said Laudonnière, with a gleam of melancholy sarcasm in his dark pensive eyes. "Life to a Jesuit is quite simple." "My faith," said Gascon, twisting his mustache, "they may find in that case, that other people can be simple too. But I must be off. I thank you for making a place for Pierre." In consequence of this conversation, when Ribault's fleet anchored near the River of May, on June 25, 1564, Pierre Debré was hanging to the collars of two of Laudonnière's deerhounds and gazing in silent wonder at the strange and beautiful land. "The fairest, fruitfullest and pleasantest land in all the world," Jean Ribault had said in his report two years before to Coligny the Great Admiral of France. Live-oaks and cedars untouched for a thousand years were draped in luxuriant grape-vines or wreathed with the mossy gray festoons of "old men's beard." Cypress and pine mingled with the shining foliage of magnolia and palm. From the marsh arose on sudden startled wings multitudes of water-fowl. The dogs tugged and whined eagerly as if they knew that in these vast hunting-forests there was an abundance of game. In this rich land, thus far neglected by the Spanish conquistadores because it yielded neither gold nor silver, surely the Huguenots might find prosperity and peace. Coligny was a Huguenot and a powerful friend, and if the French Protestants now hunted into the mountains or driven to take refuge in England, could be transplanted to America, France might be spared the horrors of religious civil war. Pierre was thirteen and looked at least three years older. He could not remember when his people and their Huguenot neighbors had not lived in dread of prison, exile or death. When he was not more than ten years old he had guided their old pastor to safety in a mountain cave, and seen men die, singing, for their faith. After the death of his father and mother he had lived for awhile with his mother's people in Navarre, and since they were poor and bread was hard to come by he had run away the year before and found his way to Paris, where Dominic de Gourgues had found him. If the Huguenots had a safe home he might be able to repay the kindness of his cousins. Meanwhile the country, the wild creatures, the copper-colored people and the hard work of landing colonists and supplies were full of interest and excitement for Pierre. Satouriona, the Indian chief, showed the French officers the pillar which Ribault's party had set up on their previous visit to mark their discovery. The faithful savages had kept it wreathed with evergreens and decked with offerings of maize and fruits as if it were an altar. Unfortunately not all the colonists were of heroic mind. Most who had left France to seek their fortunes were merchants, craftsman and young Huguenot noblemen whose swords were uneasy in time of peace. French farm-laborers were mainly serfs on Catholic estates, and landowners did not wish to come to the New World. Thus the people of the settlement were city folk with little experience or inclination for cultivating the soil. The Indians grew tired of supplying the wants of so large a number of strangers. Quarrels arose among the French. A discontented group of adventurers mutinied and went off on a wild attempt at piracy. They plundered two ships in the Spanish Indies and were caught by the Spanish governor. The twenty-six who escaped his clutches fled back to the fort, which Laudonnière had built and named Carolina. His faithful lieutenant La Caille arrested them and dragged them to judgment. "Say what you will," said one of the culprits ruefully, "if Laudonnière does not hang us I will never call him an honest man." The four leaders were promptly sentenced to be hanged, but the sentence was commuted to shooting. After that order reigned, for a time. Some of the tradesmen ranged the wilderness, bringing back feather mantles, arrows tipped with gold, curiously wrought quivers of beautiful fur, wedges of a green stone like beryl. There were reports of a gold mine somewhere in the northern mountains. Ribault did not return with the expected supplies, the Indians had mostly left the neighborhood, and misery and starvation followed, for the game, like the Indians fled the presence of the white men. The Governor began to think of crowding the survivors into the two little ships he had and returning to France. Matters were in this unsatisfactory state when Captain John Hawkins in his great seven-hundred-ton ship the _Jesus_, with three smaller ones, the _Solomon_, the _Tiger_ and the _Swallow_, put in at the River of May for a supply of fresh water. He gave them provisions, and offered readily to take them back to France on his way to England, but this offer Laudonnière declined. "Monsieur Hawkins is a good fellow," he observed dryly to La Caille, "and I am grateful to him, but that is no reason why I should abandon this land to his Queen, and that is what he is hoping that I may do." Others were not so long-sighted. The soldiers and hired workmen raised a howl of wrath and disappointment when they heard that they were not to sail with Hawkins, and openly threatened to desert and sail without leave. Laudonnière answered this threat by the cool statement that he had bought one of the English ships, the _Tiger_, with provisions for the voyage, and that if they would have a little patience they might soon sail for France in their own fleet. Somewhat taken aback they ceased their clamor and awaited a favoring wind. Before it came, Ribault came sailing back with seven ships, plenty of supplies, and three hundred new colonists. The fleet approached as cautiously as if it were coming to attack the colony instead of relieving it, and Laudonnière, who saw many of his friends among the new arrivals, presently learned that his enemies among the colonists had written to Coligny describing him as arrogant and cruel and charging that he was about to set up an independent monarchy of his own. The Admiral, three thousand miles away, had decided to ask the Governor to resign. Ribault advised him to stay and fight it out, but Laudonnière was sick and disheartened. Life was certainly far from simple when to use authority was to be accused of treason, and not to use it was to foster piracy, and he had had enough of governing colonies in remote jungles of the New World. He was going home. To most of the colonists, however, Ribault's arrival promised an end of all their troubles. Stores were landed, tents were pitched, and the women and children were bestowed in the most comfortable quarters which could be found for them just then. To his great satisfaction Pierre found among the arrivals his cousin Barbe and her husband, a carpenter, and her three children, Marie, Suzanne and little René. The two young girls regarded Cousin Pierre as a hero, especially when they learned that the bearskin on the floor of their palmetto hut had but a few months ago been the coat of a live black bear. It had been caught feasting in the maize-fields of the Indians, by their cousin and another youth, and shot with a crossbow bolt by Pierre. They thought the roast corn and stewed clams of their first meal ashore the most delicious food they had ever tasted, and the three-cornered enclosure in the forest with the wilderness all about it, the most wonderful place they had seen. Little did these innocent folk imagine what was brewing in Spain. The raid of French pirates upon the Jamaican coast had promptly been reported by the Adelantado of that island. Spanish spies at the French court had carefully noted the movements of Coligny and Ribault. Pedro Menendez de Avila, raising money and men in his native province of Asturia in Spain for the conquest of all Florida, learned with horror and indignation that its virgin soil had already been polluted by heretic Frenchmen. Menendez had in that very year gained permission from the King of Spain to conquer and convert this land at his own cost. In return he was to have free trade with the whole Spanish empire, and the title of Adelantado or governor of Florida for life--absolute power over all of America north of Mexico, for Spain had never recognized any right of France or England in the region discovered by Cabot, Cartier, Verrazzano or others. Menendez was allowed three years for his tremendous task. He was to take with him five hundred men and as many slaves, a suitable supply of horses, cattle, sheep, hogs, and provisions, and sixteen priests, four of whom were to be Jesuits. He had also to find ships to convey this great expedition. But Menendez had been playing for big stakes all his life. He was only ten years old when he ran away and went to sea on a Barbary pirate ship. While yet a lad he was captain of a ship of his own, fighting pirates and French privateers. He had served in the West Indies and he had commanded fleets. King Philip had never really understood the enormous possibilities of Florida until Menendez explained them to him. The soil was fertile, the climate good, there might be valuable mines, and there were above all countless heathen whom it was the deepest desire of Menendez to convert to the true faith. In this last statement he was as sincere as he was in the others. He expected to do in Florida what Cortes had done in Mexico. Now heresy, the unpardonable sin, burned out and stamped out in Spain, had appeared in the province which he had bound himself at the cost of a million ducats to make Spanish and Catholic. With furious energy he pushed on the work of preparation. He had assembled in June, 1565, a fleet of thirty-four ships and a force of twenty-six hundred men. Arciniega, another commander, was to join him with fifteen hundred. On June 29 he sailed from Cadiz in the _San Pelayo_, a galleon of nearly a thousand tons, a leviathan for those days. Ten other ships accompanied him; the rest of the fleet would follow later. It was the plan of Menendez to wipe out the garrison at Fort Caroline before Ribault could get there, plant a colony there and one on the Chesapeake, to control the northern fisheries for Spain alone. On the way a Caribbean tempest scattered the ships and only five met at Hispaniola, but Menendez did not wait for the rest. When he reached the Florida coast he sent a captain ashore with twenty men to find out exactly where on that long, lonely shore line the French colony had squatted. About half past eleven on the night of September 4, the watchman on one of the French ships anchored off shore saw the huge _San Pelayo_, the Spanish banner lifting sluggishly in the slow wind, coming up from the south. Ribault was in the fort, so were most of the troops, and three of the ships were anchored inside the bar. The strange fleet came steadily nearer, the great flagship moved to windward of Ribault's flagship the _Trinity_, and dropped anchor. The others did likewise. Not a word was spoken by friend or foe. The Spanish chaplain Mendoza afterward wrote: "Never since I came into the world did I know such a stillness." A trumpet sounded on the _San Pelayo_. A trumpet sounded on the _Trinity_. Menendez spoke, politely. [Illustration: "'GENTLEMEN, WHENCE DOES THIS FLEET COME?'"--_Page_ 204] "Gentlemen, whence does this fleet come?" "From France." "What is it doing here?" "Bringing soldiers and supplies to a fort of the King of France in this country--where he soon will have many more," flung back the Breton captain defiantly. "Are you Catholics or Lutherans?" This time a score of clear voices reinforced the Captain's--"Lutherans--Huguenots--the Reformed Faith--The Religion!" And the Captain added, "Who are you yourself?" "I am Pedro Menendez de Avila, General of the fleet of the King of Spain, Don Felipe the Second, who come hither to hang and behead all Lutherans whom I find by land or sea, according to instructions from his Majesty, which leave me no discretion. These commands I shall obey, as you will presently see. At daybreak I shall board your ships. If I find there any Catholic he shall be well treated. But every heretic shall die." The reply to the rolling sonorous ultimatum was a shout of derision. "Ah, if you are a brave man, don't put it off till daylight! Come on now and see what you will get!" Menendez in black fury snapped out a command. Cables were slipped, and the towering black hulk of the _San Pelayo_ bore down toward the _Trinity_. But the Breton captain was already leading the little fleet out of danger, and with all sail set, went out to sea, answering the Spanish fire with tart promptness. In the morning Menendez gave up the chase and came back to find armed men drawn up on the beach, and all the guns of the ships inside the bar pointed in his direction. He steered southward and found three ships already unloading in a harbor which he named San Augustin and proceeded to fortify. In Fort Caroline, Pierre Debré, awakened by the sound of firing, ran down to the beach, where a crowd was gathering. No one could see anything but the flashes of the guns; who or what was attacking the ships there was no way of knowing. The first light of dawn showed the two fleets far out at sea, and Ribault at once ordered the drums to beat "To arms!" They saw the great galleon approach, hover about awhile, and bear away south. When the French fleet came back later, one of the captains, Cosette, reported that trusting in the speed of his ship he had followed the Spaniards to the harbor where they were now landing and entrenching themselves. The terror which haunted the future of every Huguenot in France now menaced the New World. Ribault gave his counsel for an immediate attack by sea, before Menendez completed his defense or received reinforcements. Laudonnière was ill in bed. The fleet sailed as soon as it could be made ready, and with it nearly every able fighting man in the settlement. Pierre, nearly crying with wrath and disappointment, was left among the non-combatants at the fort. In vain did old Challeux the carpenter try to console him. It might be, as Challeux said, that there would be plenty of chances to fight after his beard was grown, but now he was missing everything. That night a terrible storm arose and continued for days. The marshes became a boundless sea; the forests were whipped like weeds in the wind. Where had the fleet found refuge? or had it been hurled to destruction by the rage of wind and sea? Laudonnière, in the driving rain, came from his sick-bed to direct the work on the defenses, which were broken down in three or four places. Besides the four dog-boys, the cook, the brewer, an old cross-bow maker, and the old carpenter, there were two shoemakers, a musician, four valets, fourscore camp-followers who did not know the use of arms, and the crowd of women and children. The sole consolation that could be found in their plight was that in such a storm no enemy would be likely to attack them by sea or land. Nevertheless Laudonnière divided his force into two watches with an officer for each, gave them lanterns and an hour glass for going the rounds, and himself, weak with fever, spent each night in the guard-room. On the night of the nineteenth the tempest became a deluge. The officer of the night took pity on the drenched and gasping sentries and dismissed them. But on that night five hundred Spaniards were coming from San Augustin through almost impassable swamps, their provisions spoiled and their powder soaked, under the leadership of the pitiless Menendez. The storm had caught Ribault's fleet just as it was about to attack on the eleventh, and Menendez had determined to take a force of Spaniards overland and attack the fort while its defenders were away. With twenty Vizcayan axemen to clear the way and two Indians and a renegade Frenchman, François Jean, for a guide, he had bullied, threatened and exhorted them through eight days of wading through mud waist-deep, creeping around quagmires and pushing by main force through palmetto jungles, until two hours before daylight the panting, shivering, sullen men stood cursing the country and their commander, under their breath, in a pine wood less than a mile from Fort Caroline. It was all that Menendez could do to get them to go a rod further. All night, he said, he had prayed for help; their provisions and ammunition were gone; there was nothing to do but to go on and take the fort. They went on. In the faint light of early morning a trumpeter saw them racing down the slope toward the fort and blew the alarm. "Santiago! Santiago!" sounded in the ears of the half-awakened French as the Spaniards came through the gaps in the defenses and over the ramparts. Fierce faces and stabbing pikes were everywhere. Laudonnière snatched sword and buckler, rallied his men to the point of greatest danger, fought desperately until there was no more hope, and with a single soldier of his guard escaped into the woods. Challeux, chisel in hand, on his way to his work, swung himself over the palisade and ran like a boy. In the edge of the forest he and a few other fugitives paused and looked down upon the enclosure of the fort. It was a butchery. Some of the Huguenots in the woods decided to return and surrender rather than risk the terrors of the wilderness. The Spaniards, they said, were at least men. Six of them did return, and were cut down as they came. Pierre Debré side by side with a few desperate men who had one of the two light cannon the fort possessed, was fighting like a tiger in defense of a corner where a group of women and children were crouching. When Menendez could secure the attention of his maddened men he gave an order that women, children and boys under fifteen should be spared. This order and the instant's pause it gave came just as the last of the men in Pierre's corner went down before the halberds of the Spaniards. Pierre leaped the palisade and ran for the forest. Looking back, he saw the trembling women and children herded into shelter, but not killed. Fifteen of the captured Huguenots were presently hanged; a hundred and forty-two had been cut down and lay heaped together on the river bank. Pierre plunged into the forest and after days of wandering reached a friendly Indian village. The carpenter and the other fugitives who escaped were taken to France in the two small ships of Ribault's fleet which had not gone to attack the Spanish settlement. Menendez returned at leisure to San Augustin, where he knelt and thanked the Lord. The fate of the men of Ribault's fleet became known through the letters which the Spaniards themselves wrote in course of time to their friends at home, but chiefly through Menendez's own report to the King. Dominic de Gourgues heard of it from Coligny, and his eyes burned with the still anger of a naturally impetuous man who has learned in stern schools how to keep his temper. "As I understand it," he said grimly and quietly, "Menendez, in the disguise of a sailor, found Ribault and his men shipwrecked and starving, some in one place, some in another. He promised them food and safety on condition that they should surrender and give up their arms and armor. He separated them into lots of ten, each guarded by twenty Spaniards. When each lot had been led out of sight of the rest he explained that on account of their great numbers and the fewness of his own followers he should be compelled to tie their hands before taking them into camp, for fear they might capture the camp. At the end of the day, when all had reached a certain line which Menendez marked out with his cane in the sand, he gave the word to his murderers to butcher them." Coligny bowed his noble gray head. "And he offered them life if they would renounce their religion, whereupon Ribault repeating in French the psalm, 'Lord, remember thou me,' they died without other supplication to God or man. On this account did Menendez write above the heads of those whom he hanged, 'I do this not as to Frenchmen but as to Lutherans.' And no demand for redress has as yet been made?" "One," said the Admiral coolly. "A demand was made by Philip of Spain. He has required his brother of France to punish one Gaspé Coligny, sometimes known as Admiral, for sending out a Huguenot colony to settle in Florida." The Gascon sprang to his feet muttering something between his teeth. "I crave your pardon, my lord," he added with a courteous bow. "I am but a plain rough soldier unused to the ways of courts, but it seems to me that things being as they are, my duty is quite simple." He bowed himself out and left Coligny wondering. During the following months it was noted that in choosing the men for his coming expedition Gourgues appeared to be unusually select. He sold his inheritance, borrowed some money of his brother, and fitted out three small ships carrying both sails and oars. He enlisted, one by one, about a hundred arquebusiers and eighty sailors who could fight either by land or sea if necessary. He secured a commission from the King to go slave-raiding in Benin, on the coast of Africa. On August 22, 1567, he set sail from the mouth of the Charente. "I should like to know," said one of the trumpeters, Lucas Moreau, "whether we are really going slave-catching, or not." "Why do you think we are not?" asked the pilot, to whom he spoke. "Because I have seen nothing on board that looks like it. Moreover, he was very particular to ask me if I had been in the Spanish Indies, and when he heard that I had been in Florida he took me on at once. I was out there, you know, when you were, two years ago." "And you would like to go back?" asked the other, gruffly. "If there were a chance of killing Menendez, yes," answered Moreau with a fierce flash of white teeth. The trumpeter's guess was a shrewd one. When the tiny fleet reached the West Indies, the commander took his men into his confidence and revealed the true object of his voyage--to avenge the massacre at Fort Caroline. The result proved that he had not misjudged them. Fired by his spirit they became so eager that they wanted to push on at once instead of waiting for moonlight to pass the dangerous Bahama Channel. They came through it without mishap, and at daybreak were anchored at the mouth of a river about fifteen leagues north of Fort Caroline. In the growing light an Indian army in war paint and feathers, bristling with weapons, could be seen waiting on the shore. "They may think we are Spaniards," said Dominic de Gourgues. "Moreau, if you think they will understand you, it might be well for you to speak to them." No sooner had the trumpeter come near enough in a small boat for the Indians to recognize him, than yells of joy were heard, for the war party was headed by Satouriona himself, who well remembered him. When Moreau explained that the French had returned with presents for their good friends there was great rejoicing. A council was appointed for the next day. In the morning Satouriona's runners had scoured the country, and the woods were full of Indians. The white men landed in military order, and in token of friendliness laid aside their arquebuses, and the Indians came in without their bows and arrows. Satouriona met Gourgues with every sign of friendliness, and seated him at his side upon a wooden stool covered with the gray "Spanish moss" that curtained all the trees. In the clearing the chiefs and warriors stood or sat around them, ring within ring of plumed crests fierce faces and watchful eyes. Satouriona described the cruelty of the Spaniards, their abuse of the Indians and the miseries of their rule, saying finally, "A French boy fled to us after the fort was taken, and we adopted him. The Spaniards wished to get him to kill him, but we would not give him up, for we love the French." He waved his hand, and from the woods at one side came, in full Indian costume, bronzed and athletic, Pierre Debré. Greatly as he was surprised and delighted, Gourgues dared not show it too plainly, and Pierre had grown almost as self-contained as a veteran of twice his years. When the French commander suggested fighting the Spaniards Satouriona leaped for joy. He and his warriors asked only to be allowed to join in that foray. "How soon?" asked Gourgues. Satouriona could have his people ready in three days. "Be secret," the Gascon cautioned, "for the enemy must not feel the wind of the blow." Satouriona assured him that there was no need of that warning, for the Indians hated the Spaniards worse than the French did. "Pierre," said Gourgues, when he had the lad safe on board ship, "they said you were killed." "I stayed alive to fight Spaniards," said the boy with a flash of the eye. "'Sieur Dominic, there are four hundred of them behind their walls, where they rebuilt our fort. I have hidden in the trees and counted. But you can trust Satouriona. The Spaniards have stolen women, enslaved and tortured men, and killed children, and the tribe is mad with hate." Twenty sailors were left to guard the ships, Gourgues with a hundred and sixty Frenchmen took up their march along the seashore; their Indian allies slipped around through the forest. With the French went Olotoraca, the nephew of the chief, a young brave of distinguished reputation, a French pike in his hand. The French met their allies not far from the fort, and pounced upon the garrison just as it finished dinner, Olotoraca being the first man up the glacis and over the unfinished moat. The fort across the river began to cannonade the attacking party, who turned four captured guns upon them, and then crossed, the French in a large boat which had been brought up the river, the Indians swimming. Not one Spaniard escaped. Fifteen were kept alive, to be hanged on the very trees from which Menendez had hanged his French captives, and over them was set an inscription burned with a hot poker on a pine board: "Not as to Spaniards, but as to Traitors, Robbers, and Murderers." When not one stone was left upon another in either fort, Dominic de Gourgues bade farewell to his Indian allies, and taking with him the lad so strangely saved from death and exile, went back to France. NOTE The full history of this dramatic episode is to be found in Parkman's "The Pioneers of France in the New World." THE DESTROYERS The moon herself doth sail the air As we do sail the sea, Where by Saint Michael's Mount we fare Free as the winds are free. Our keels are bright with elfin gold That mocks the tyrant's gaze, That slips from out his greedy hold And leaves him in amaze. White water creaming past her prow The little _Golden Hynde_ Bears westward with her treasure now-- We'd ship and follow blind, But that he never did require-- Our Captain hath us bound Only by force of his desire-- The quarry hunts the hound! The hunt is up, the hunt is up To the gray Atlantic's bound,-- The health of the Queen in a golden cup!-- The quarry is hunting the hound! Like steel the stars gleam through the night On armored waves beneath,-- As England's honor cold and bright We bear her sword in sheath! When that great Empire dies away And none recall her place, Men shall remember our work to-day And tell of our Captain's grace,-- How never a woman or child was the worse Wherever our foe we found, Nor their own priests had cause to curse The quarry that hunted the hound! XV THE FLEECE OF GOLD White fog, the thick mist of windless marshes, masked the Kentish coast. The Medway at flood-tide from Sheerness to Gillingham Reach was one maze of creeks and bends and inlets and tiny bays. Nothing was visible an oar's length overside but shifting cloudy shapes that bulked obscurely in the fog. But although this was Francis Drake's first voyage as master of his own ship, he knew these waters as he knew the palm of his hand. His old captain, dying a bachelor, had left him the weather-beaten cargo-ship as reward for his "diligence and fidelity", and at sixteen he was captain where six years before he had been ship's-boy. Scores of daring projects went Catherine-wheeling through his mind as he steered seaward through the white enchanted world. In 1561 Spain was the bogy of English seaports, most of whose folk were Protestants. There was no knowing how long the coast-wise trade would be allowed to go on. Out of the white mist flashed a whiter face, etched with black brows and lashes and a pointed silky beard--the face of a man all in black, whose body rose and dipped with the waves among the marsh grass of an eyot. So lightly was it held that it might have slipped off in the wake of the boat had not Tom Moone the carpenter caught it with a boat-hook. But when they had the man on board they found that he was not dead. Ten minutes before, the young captain would have said that every dead Spaniard was so much to the good, but he had the life-saving instinct of a Newfoundland dog. He set about reviving the rescued man without thinking twice on the subject. "'T is unlucky," grumbled Will Harvest under his breath. "Take a drownded man from the sea and she get one of us--some time." "Like enough," agreed his master blithely. "But this one's not drownded--knocked on the head and robbed, I guess. D'you think we might take him to Granny Toothacre's, Tom?" "I reckon so," returned Tom with a wide grin, "seein' 't is you. If I was the one to ask her I'd as lief do it with a brass kittle on my head. She don't like furriners." Drake laughed and brought his craft alongside an old wharf near which an ancient farm-house stood, half-hidden by a huge pollard willow. Here, when he had seen his guest bestowed in a chamber whose one window looked out over the marshes, he stayed to watch with him that night, sending the ship on to Chatham in charge of the mate. "Now what's the lad up to?" queried Will as they caught the ebbing tide. "D'ye think he'll find out anything, tending that there Spanisher?" "Not him. He don't worm secrets out o' nobody. But he's got his reasons, I make no doubt. You go teach a duck to swim--and leave Frankie alone," said Moone. The youth did not analyze the impulse that kept him at the bedside of the injured man, but he felt that he desired to know more of him. The stranger was gaunt, gray and without jewel, gold chain or signet ring to show who he was, but it was the same man who had spoken to him at Gravesend five years ago. A barge-load of London folk had come down to see the launching of the _Serchthrift_, the new pinnace of the Muscovy Company, and among them was the venerable Sebastian Cabot. Alms were freely distributed that the spectators might pray for a fortunate voyage, but Frankie Drake was gazing with all his eyes at the veteran navigator. A hand was laid on his shoulder, and a friendly voice inquired, "Did you get your share of the plunder, my son?" The lad shook his head a trifle impatiently. "I be no beggar," he answered. "I be a ship's boy." "Ay," said the man, "and you seek not the Golden Fleece?" His eyes laughed, and his long fingers played with a strange jewel that glowed like Mars in the midnight of his breast. It was of gold enamel, with a splendid ruby in the center, and hanging from it a tiny golden ram. Could he mean that? But the crowd surged between them and left the boy wondering. He had never spoken to a Spaniard before. As the fluttering pulse grew stronger and the man roused from his stupor, disjointed phrases of sinister meaning fell from his lips. No names were used, and much of his talk was in Spanish, but it suggested a foul undercurrent of bribery, falsehood and conspiracy hidden by the bright magnificence of the young Queen's court. The queer fact seemed to be that the speaker appeared himself to be the victim of some Spanish plot. Now why should that be, and he a Spaniard? The young captain turned from the window, into which through the clearing air the moon was shining, to find the stranger looking at him with sane though troubled eyes. "The _Golden Fleece_?" he asked in English. Drake shook his head. "You've had a bad hurt, sir," he said, and briefly explained the circumstances. "Ah," said the man frowning, and was silent. "If you would wish to send any word to your friends,--" Drake began, and hesitated. "I have no friends here, save my servant Sancho. The _Golden Fleece_ will sail on Saint James's Eve for Coruna, and he was to meet me at Dover and return with me to our own country. In Alcala they know what to expect of a Saavedra." The last words were spoken with a proud assurance that gave the listener a tingling sense of something high and indomitable. Saavedra's dark eyes were searching his face. "I fear I trespass on your kindness," he added courteously, "and that I have talked some nonsense before I came to myself." "Nothing of any account, sir," answered the lad quickly. "Mostly it was Spanish--and I don't know much o' that. You'll miss your ship if she sails so soon, but you're welcome here so long as you like to stay." "I thank you," said the Spaniard in a relieved tone, adding half to himself, "No friends--but one cannot break faith--even with an enemy." He dropped asleep almost at once after swallowing the cordial which Drake held to his lips. The moon came up over the flooded meadows that were all silvery lights and black shadow like a fairy realm. The lad had never spent a night like this, even when he had seen his master die. When the pearl and rose of a July morning overspread the sky he descended, to splash and spatter and souse his rough brown head in a bucket of fresh-drawn water, and wheedle the old dame into a good humor. "What ye hate and fear's bound to come to ye, sooner or later," Granny Toothacre grumbled as she stirred her savory broth, "My old man said so and I never beleft it--here be I at my time o' life harborin' a Spanisher." "Ah, now, mother,"--Drake laid a brown hand coaxingly on her old withered one,--"you'll take good care of him for me, and we'll share the ransom." "Ransom," the old woman muttered, looking after the straight, sturdy young figure as it strode down to the wharf, "not much hope o' that. Not but what he's a grand gentleman," she admitted, turning the contents of her saucepan into her best porringer. "He don't give me a rough word no more than if I was a lady." Drake spent all his leisure during the next fortnight with the Spaniard, whose recovery was slow but steady. It was tacitly understood that the less said of the incident which had left him stunned and half-drowned the better. If those who had sought to kill him knew him to be alive, they might try again. The young seaman had never known a man like this before. In his guest's casual talk of his young days one could see as in a mirror the Spain of a half-century since, with its audacious daring, its extravagant chivalry and its bulldog ferocity. "They have outgrown us altogether, these young fellows," he said once with his quaint half-melancholy smile. "When the King and Queen rode in armor at the head of their troops in Granada, our cavaliers dreamed of conquering the world--now it has all been conquered." "Not England," Drake put in quickly. "Not England--I beg your pardon, my friend. But we have grown heavy with gold in these days--and gold makes cowards." "It never made a coward o' me," laughed the lad. "Belike it'll never have the chance." Through the shadows the old ship's-lantern cast in the rude half-timbered room seemed to move the wild figures of that marvellous pageant of conquest which began in 1492. Saavedra spoke little of himself but much of others--Ojeda, Nicuesa, Balboa, Cortes, Alvarado, Pizarro. In his soft slow speech they lived again, while by the stars outside, unknown uncharted realms revealed themselves. This man used words as a master mariner would use compass and astrolabe. "Those days when we followed Balboa in his quest for the South Sea," he ended, "were worth it all. Gold is nothing if it blinds a man to the heavens. You too, my son, may seek the Golden Fleece in good time. May the high planets fortify you!" What room was left for a knight-errant in the Spain of to-day, ruling by steel and shot and flame and gold? It must be rather awful, the listener reflected, to see your own country go rotten like that in a generation. Yet there was no bitterness in the old hidalgo's tranquil eyes. "I have been a fool," he said smiling, "but somehow I do not regret it. The wound from a poisoned arrow can be seared with red-hot iron, but for the creeping poison of the soul--the loss of honor--there is no cure." When the seamen came to get orders from their young captain, Saavedra observed with surprise the lad's clear knowledge of his own trade. Francis Drake's old master had seen King Henry's shipwrights discarding time-honored models to build for speed, speed and more speed. He had seen Fletcher of Rye, in 1539, prove to all the Channel that a ship could sail against the wind. All that he knew he had taught his young apprentice, and now the boy was free to use it for his own work--whatever that should be. Unlike the gilded and perfumed courtiers, these men of the sea showed little respect toward the tall ships of Spain. Saavedra, pleased that they spoke without reserve in his presence, watched the rugged straightforward faces, and wondered. The time came when they took him and his stocky, silent old servant to board a Vizcayan boat. As they caught his last quick smile and farewell gesture Will Harvest heaved a rueful sigh. "I never thought to be sorrowful at parting with a Don," he said reflectively, "but I be." "God made men afore the Devil made Dons," growled Tom Moone. "Yon's a man." Drake had gone down the wharf with John Hawkins of Plymouth, a town that was warmly defiant of Spain's armed monopoly of sea-trade. Privateers were dodging about the trade-routes where Spanish and Portuguese galleons, laden with ingots of gold and silver, dyewoods, pearls, spices, silks and priceless merchandise, moved as menacing sea-castles. Huger and huger galleasses were built, masted and timbered with mighty trunks from the virgin forests of the Old World, four and five feet thick. The military discipline of the Continent made a warship a floating barrack; the decks of a Spanish man-of-war were packed with drilled troops like marching engines of destruction, dealing leaden death from arquebus and musquetoun. The little ships of Cabot, Willoughby and William Hawkins had not exceeded fifty, sixty, at most a hundred tons; Philip's leviathans outweighed them more than ten to one. What could England do against the landing of such an army? An English Admiral would be Jack the Giant-Killer with no magic at his command. Yet in the face of all this, under the very noses of the Spanish patrol, Protestant craftsmen were escaping from the Inquisition in the Netherlands to England, where Elizabeth had contrived to let it be known that they were quite welcome. To a perfectly innocent and lawful coasting trade Drake and his crew now added this hazardous passenger service. They were braving imprisonment, torture and the stake, for in 1562 no less than twenty-six Englishmen were burned alive in Spain, and ten times as many lay in prison. Before Drake was twenty all Spanish ports were closed to English trade. He sold his ship and joined Hawkins in his more or less contraband trade with the West Indies. With every year of adventure upon the high seas his hatred of the tyranny of Spain deepened and strengthened. Yet though Spanish ferocity might soak the world in blood, he would not have his men tainted with the evil inheritance of the idolaters. It came to be known that El Draque did not kill prisoners. His crews fought like demons, but they slew no unarmed man, they molested no woman or child. On these terms only would he accept allies. Tons of plunder he took, but never a helpless life. He landed the shivering crews of his prizes on some Spanish island or with a laugh returned to them their empty ships. "A dead man's no mortal use to anybody," he would say cheerily, and go on using his cock-boats to sink or capture galleys. At twenty-seven, beholding for the first time the shining Pacific, he vowed that with God's help he would sail an English ship on that sea. Alone upon the platform built in a great tree with steps cut in its trunk, to which his negro allies the Maroons had guided him, he conceived the sublimely audacious plan which he was one day to unfold to Walsingham and the Queen. The air was thick with rumors of war with Spain when Drake arrived in London years later, in the company of a new friend, Thomas Doughty,--courtier, soldier, scholar, familiar with every shifting undercurrent of European court life. Never at a loss for a phrase, ready of wit and quick of understanding, Doughty could put into words what the frank-hearted young sea-captain had thought and felt and dreamed. Both knew the peace with Philip to be only deceptive. Walsingham and Leicester were for war; Burleigh for peace; between the two the subtle Queen played fast and loose with her powerful enemy. Drake avowed to Doughty his belief that to strike effectively at the gigantic power of Spain, England must raid the colonies--not the West Indies alone, but the rich western provinces of Peru and Chili. No one had been south of Patagonia since its discovery, sixty years before. Geographers still held that beyond the Straits of Magellan a huge Antarctic continent existed. From that unknown region of darkness and tempest came the great heaving ground-swell, the tidal wave and the hurricane. Even Spanish pilots never used the perilous southern route. Treasure went overland across the Isthmus. Every year an elephantine treasure-ship sailed from Panama westward through the South Sea; and there was a rich trade between the American mines and the Orient and the Spanish peninsula, by way of the Cape of Good Hope. Doughty's imagination was fired by the gorgeous possibilities of the idea, and when he became the secretary of Christopher Hatton, the Queen's handsome Captain of the Guard, he laid the plan before him with all the eloquence of his persuasive tongue. Hatton finally obtained from Elizabeth a promise to contribute a thousand crowns to the cost of an expedition to penetrate the South Seas. This, however, was only on condition that the affair should be kept secret, above all from Burleigh, who was certain to use every effort to stop it. She had already, in a private audience with Drake, been informed of the main features and even the details of the scheme, and had assured him that when the time was ripe he should be chosen to avenge the long series of injuries which Philip had inflicted upon England's honor and her own. When in mid-November, 1577, Drake ran out of Plymouth with his tiny fleet, he had with him all told one hundred and fifty seamen and fourteen boys, enlisted for a voyage to Alexandria, although it was pretty well known that this was a blind. His flagship, the _Pelican_, afterward re-christened the _Golden Hynde_ for Hatton's coat-of-arms, was a hundred-ton ship carrying eighteen guns. The _Marygold_, a barque of thirty tons and fifteen guns, and the _Swan_, a provision ship of fifty tons, were commanded by two of the gentlemen volunteers, Mr. John Thomas and Mr. John Chester. Captain John Wynter commanded the _Elizabeth_, a new eighty-ton ship, and a fifteen-ton pinnace called the _Christopher_ in honor of Hatton, was commanded by Tom Moore. Thomas Doughty was commander of the land-soldiers, and his brother John was enlisted among the gentlemen adventurers. All of Drake's experience and sagacity had gone to the fitting out of the ships. There were less than fifty men on board besides the regular crews, and among them were special artisans, two trained surveyors, skilled musicians furnished with excellent instruments, and the adventurous sons of some of the best families in England. As page the Admiral had his own nephew, Jack Drake. There were stores of wild-fire, chain-shot, arquebuses, pistols, bows, and other weapons. The Queen herself had sent packets of perfume breathing of rich gardens, and Drake's table furniture was of silver gilt, engraved with his arms; even some of the cooking utensils were of silver. Nothing was spared which became the dignity of England, her Admiral and her Queen. On calm nights the sea was alive with music. And on board the little flagship Doughty and Drake talked together as those do whose minds answer one another like voices in a roundelay. Men who have time and again run their heads into the jaws of death are often inclined to fatalism. Drake had never expressed it in words, but he had a feeling that whatever he was meant to do, God would see that he did, so long as he gave himself wholly to the work. One evening when the Southern Cross was lifting above the darkling sea, and the violins were crooning something with a weird burden to it, Doughty mused aloud. "'T is the strangest thing in life, that whatever we are most averse to, that we are fated to do." "Eh?" said Drake with a laugh, looking up from Eden's translation of Pigafetts. "Accordin' to that you can't even trust yourself. D'you look to see me set up an image to be worshiped?" Then he added in a lower tone, "That's foolish, Tom. God don't shape us to be puppets." "That sounds like old Saavedra," was Doughty's idle comment. "He had great store of antiquated sentiments--like those in the chronicles of the paladins. I knew his nephew well--a witty fellow, but visionary. He laughed at the old cavalero, but he was fond of him, and our affections rule us and ruin us. A man should have no loves nor hates if he would get on at court." Sheer surprise kept the other silent for the moment, and Doughty went on,-- "The old man had been in Mexico with Cortes, and might have risen to Adelantado in some South American province if he had not been too scrupulous to join Pizarro. He was in London, ten or fifteen years before I knew him, and I believe he was the destruction of a well-considered Spanish plot for the assassination of Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth--the assassins nearly killed him. He was left for dead and was picked up by some sailors." "He was in luck." Drake's eyes twinkled. "They would have been luckier--if they had let the Spanish agents in London know they had him. He paid them well of course, but he gave them credit for the most exalted motives. All his geese were swans." "Maybe they acted out o' pure decency," Drake said dryly. "My Admiral, this is not Utopia." Doughty stroked his beard with a light complacent hand. "Seriously, it is not a kindness to expect of men without traditions more than they are capable of doing. 'E meglio cade dalle fenestre che del tetto.'" (It is better to fall from the window than from the roof.) Drake was silent, fingering the slender Milanese poniard with the blade inlaid with gold and the great ruby in the top of the hilt, which lay on the table between them. The shipmaster came in just then with some question, and the conversation dropped. [Illustration: "DRAKE WAS SILENT, FINGERING THE SLENDER MILANESE PONIARD."--_Page_ 227] It was not often that Francis Drake attempted to analyze the character and behavior of those about him. Mostly he judged men by a shrewd instinct; but that night he lay long awake, watching the witch-lights upon the waves from the dancing lanterns. He was acute enough to see that Doughty had hit slyly at him over Saavedra's shoulders. Doughty had not liked it that Moone should be raised to the rank of captain; he had already shown that he regarded himself as second only to Drake in command, and the champion of the gentlemen as distinct from the mariners. The second officer of every English ship was a practical shipmaster whose authority held in all matters concerning navigation. The soldiers and their officers were passengers. This was unavoidable in view of the new method of English sea-fighting, which depended quite as much on the skill of the seamen as on the armed and trained soldier. English gunners could give the foe a broadside and slip away before their huge adversary could turn. Drake now had two factions to deal with, and he bent his brows and set his jaw as he pondered the situation. If discord arose, the gentlemen would have to come to order. There was no room here for old ideas of caste. Any man too good to haul on a rope might go to--Spain. Doughty had a way of taking it for granted that Drake and he, as gentlemen, shared thoughts and feelings not to be comprehended by common men. On land this had not seemed offensive, but on blue water, with the old sea-chanteys in his ears, in the intimate association of a long voyage, Drake found himself resenting it. What was there about the man that made his arguments so plausible when one heard them, so false when his engaging presence was withdrawn? And yet how devoted, how sympathetic, how witty and companionable he could be! Drake found himself excusing his friend as if he were a woman,--laughed, sighed, and went to sleep. Presently he began to hear of John Doughty's amusing himself by reading palms and playing on the superstitions of the sailors with strange prophecies, in which his brother sometimes joined. Drake summoned the two to a brief interview in which Thomas Doughty learned that his friend on land, frank, boyish and unassuming, was a different person from the Admiral of the Fleet. Yet as this impression faded, the brothers perversely went on encouraging discord between the gentlemen adventurers and the sailors, and foretelling events with sinister aptness. It grew colder and colder. It should be summer,--but as they crept southward they encountered cold and wind beyond that of the North Sea in January. The nights grew long; the battering of the gales never ceased; the ships lost sight of one another. It was whispered that not only had the uncanny brothers foretold the evil weather, but Thomas Doughty had boasted of having brought it about. "We'll ha' no luck till we get rid of our prophet," said blunt Tom Moone, "and the Lord don't provide no whales for the likes o' he." Drake warned his comrade with an ominous quiet. "Doughty," he said, "if you value your neck you keep your reading and writing to what a common man can understand--you and your brother. A man can't always prophesy for himself, let alone other folk." "You heard what he said," commented Wynter grimly when the Admiral was in his cabin behind closed doors. "Better not raise the devil unless you know for sure what he'll do. There's been one gallows planted on this coast." "Sneck up!" laughed Doughty, "he would not dare hang a gentleman!" but he felt a creeping chill at the back of his neck. On the desolate island where the stump of Magellan's gallows stood black against a crimson dawn, they landed and the tragedy of estrangement and suspicion ended. Thomas Doughty was tried for mutiny and treason before a jury of his peers. Every man there held him a traitor, yet he was acquitted for lack of evidence. Thus encouraged, Doughty boldly declared that they should all smart for this when Burleigh heard of it. What he had done to hinder the voyage, he averred, was by Burleigh's orders, for before they sailed he had gone to that wily statesman and told him the entire scheme. In a flash of merciless revelation Drake saw the truth. He left Doughty to await the verdict, called the companies down to the shore, and there told them the story of the expedition from first to last, not overlooking the secret orders of the Queen. "This man was my friend," he said with a break in his voice such as they had not heard save at the suffering of a child. "I would not take his life,--but if he be worthy of death, I pray you hold up your hands." There was a breathless instant when none stirred; then every hand was raised. On the next day but one they all sat down to a last feast on that bleak and lonely shore; the two comrades drank to each other for the last time, shared the sacrament, and embracing, said their farewells. Doughty proved that if he could not live a true man he could die like a gentleman; the headsman did his work, and Drake pronounced the solemn sentence, "Lo! this is the death of traitors!" In that black hour the boyish laughter went forever from the eyes of the Admiral, and the careless mirth from his voice. When after a while young Jack Drake, unable to bear the silence that fell between them, began some phrase of blundering boyish affection, the sentence trailed off into a stammer. "He's dead and at peace, Jack," the master said, the words dropping wearily, like spent bullets. "He couldn't help being as he was,--I reckon. If I'd known he was like that I could ha' stopped him, but I never knew--till too late." Discord among the crews continued, until Drake, rousing from his fitful melancholy, called them all together on a Sunday, and mounted to the place of the chaplain. "I am going to preach to-day," he said shortly. Then he unfolded a paper and began to read it aloud. "My masters, I am a very bad orator, for my bringing up hath not been in learning; but what I shall speak here let every man take good notice of and let him write it down. For I will speak nothing but what I will answer it in England, yea, and before Her Majesty." He reminded them of the great adventure before them and went on. "Now by the life of God this mutiny and dissension must cease. Here is such controversy between the gentlemen and the sailors that it doth make me mad to hear it. I must have the gentleman to haul with the mariner and the mariner with the gentleman. I would know him that would refuse to set his hand to a rope--but I know there is not any such here. "Any who desire to go home may go in the _Marygold_, but let them take care that they do go home, for if I find them in my way I will sink them." Then beginning with Wynter he reduced every officer to the ranks forthwith, reprimanded known offenders, and wound up with this appeal: "We have set by the ears three mighty sovereigns, and if this voyage have not success we shall be a scorning unto our enemies and a blot on our country forever. What triumph would it not be for Spain and Portugal! The like of this would never more be tried!" Then he gave every man his former rank and dismissed them. Moone, meeting Will Harvest that night by the light of a bonfire, was the only man who dared venture a comment. "We was spoilin' for a lickin'," he said, "and we got it. I do hope and trust we'll keep out o' mischief till Frankie gets us home to Plymouth, Hol'." Will grinned back cheerfully, and there was a subdued laugh from the group about the fire. The fleet was itself again. Adventure after adventure succeeded, wilder than minstrel ever sang. The _Marygold_ went down with all hands; Wynter in the _Elizabeth_, believing the Admiral lost, turned homeward; the _Christopher_ and the _Swan_ had already been broken up. All alone the little _Golden Hynde_, blown southward, sailed around Cape Horn and proved the Antarctic continent a myth. Then Drake steered northward after more than two month's tossing on the uncharted seas, to revictual his ship in Spanish ports, fill his hold with the rich cargoes of one prize ship after another, and capture at last the great annual treasure-ship _Nuestra Señora de la Concepçion_, nicknamed the _Spitfire_ because she was better armed than most of the ships plying on that coast. As they ballasted the _Golden Hynde_ with silver from her huge hulk the jesting seamen dubbed her the _Spit-silver_. The little flagship was literally brimful of silver bars, ingots of gold, pieces of eight, and jewels whose value has never been accurately known. The Spanish Adelantados, accustomed to trust in their remoteness for defense, frantically looked for Drake everywhere except where he was. Warships hung about the Patagonian coast to catch him on his way home--surely he could not stay at sea forever! But Drake had other plans. Navigators were still searching for the northern passage, the Straits of Anian, and he coasted northward until his men were half paralyzed with cold and the creeping chill of the fog. From the latitude of Vancouver he turned south again, and put into a natural harbor not far from the present San Francisco, which he named New Albion because of the white cliffs like the chalk downs of England. Here he landed and made camp to refit and repair his flagship. He had captured on one prize, two China pilots in whose possession were all the secret charts of the Pacific trade. Indians ventured down from the mountains to the little fort and dockyard, wondering and admiring. Parson Fletcher presently came to the Admiral with the extraordinary news that they were worshiping the English as gods. Horror and laughter contended among the Puritans when they found themselves set up as idols of the heathen, and the chaplain endeavored by signs to teach the simple savages that the God whom all men should worship was invisible in the heavens. "'T only shows," remarked Moone, with a nail in one corner of his mouth, after vehemently dissuading a persistent adorer, "that a man never knows what he'll come to. Granny Toothacre used to say that if there's a thing you fight against all your life it'll come to you sooner or later." "So she did," said Drake with a grim smile as he passed. "Takes a woman to tell a fortune, after all." "D'you ever hear what become of the old Don we picked up that time?" Moone asked in a lowered voice. "Not since he sent Frankie the dagger with the gold work and the jewel. Why?" "'Cause the pilot o' the _Spit-silver_ he knowed un. He say the plague broke out in the Low Countries, and the old Don took and tended that Gallego servant o' his and then he died--not o' the pestilence--just wore out like. I reckon maybe he told Mus' Drake. I didn't." Silence fell. Then Will said thoughtfully, "He won't be Mus' Drake much longer--by rights--but you never know what a woman'll do. She keep her presents and her favors for them that ha'n't earned 'em--as a rule." Moone presently hummed half aloud, "When I served my master I got my Sunday pudden, When I served the Company I got my bread and cheese. When I served the Queen I got hanged for a pirate, All along o'sailin' on the Carib Seas!" It was a reckless jest, for every one knew that if Elizabeth were dead or married to a Catholic or at peace with Spain when they saw England again, it was extremely likely that the gallows would be their reward. But here, at any rate, was one spot not yet haunted by the Spanish spectre. The Indians, persuaded at last that the white chief was not a god, insisted on making him their King. They crowned him with a headdress of brilliant feathers, in all due ceremony, hung a chain of beads about his neck, and looked on with the utmost reverence while Drake fixed to a large upright post a tablet claiming the land for the Queen of England, and a silver sixpence with the portrait of Elizabeth and the Tudor rose. Securely hidden under the tablet in a hollow of the wood were memoranda concerning the direction in which, according to the Indians, gold was to be found in the streams,--plenty of gold. When she was ready to the last rope's end the little ship spread her wings and sailed straight across the Pacific, round the Cape of Good Hope, home to England. Battered and scarred but still seaworthy the _Golden Hynde_ crept into Plymouth Sound, where Drake heard that the plague was in the seaport. Using this for excuse not to land until he knew his footing, he anchored behind Saint Nicholas Island and sent letters to Court. The sea-dogs who patrolled the Narrow Seas in Elizabeth's time understood her better than her courtiers did. To Drake she was still the keen-minded woman who, like the jeweled silent birds he had seen in tropical jungles, sat in her palace, with enemies all about her alert and observant, and ready to seize her if she came within their grasp. He knew her waywardness to be half assumed, since to let an enemy know what he can count on is fatal. He had not much doubt of her action, but he must wait for her to give him his cue. Within a week came her answer. She demurely suggested that she should be pleased to see any curiosities which her good Captain had brought home. Drake went up to London, and with him a pack train laden with the cream of his spoil. The Spanish Ambassador Mendoza came with furious letters from Philip demanding the pirate's head. A Spanish force landed that very week in Ireland. Burleigh and the peace party were desperate. All that Mendoza could get out of Elizabeth was an order to Edmund Tremayne at Plymouth to register the cargo of the _Golden Hynde_ and send it up to London that she might see how much the pirate had really taken. At the same time Drake himself went down with her private letter to Tremayne telling him to look another way while her captain got his share of the bullion. Meanwhile she suggested that Philip call his Spaniards out of Ireland. Philip snarled that they were private volunteers. Elizabeth replied, so was Drake. An inquiry was held, and not a single act of cruelty or destruction of property could be proved against any of Drake's crews. The men were richly rewarded by their Admiral; the _Golden Hynde_ came up to Deptford; a list of the plunder was returned to Mendoza; and London waited, excited and curious. Out of this diplomatic tangle Elizabeth took her own way, as she usually did. On April 4, 1581, she suggested to Drake that she would be his guest at a banquet on board the little, worm-eaten ship. All the court was there, and a multitude of on-lookers besides, for those were the days when royalty sometimes dined in public. After the banquet, the like of which, as Mendoza wrote his master, had not been seen in England since the time of her father, Elizabeth requested Drake to hand her the sword she had given him before he left England. "The King of Spain demands the head of Captain Drake," she said with a little laugh, "and here am I to strike it off." As Drake knelt at her command she handed the sword to Marchaumont, the envoy of her French suitor, asking that since she was a woman and not trained to the use of weapons, he should give the accolade. This open defiance of Philip thus involved in her action the second Catholic power of Europe before all the world. Then, as Marchaumont gave the three strokes appointed the Queen spoke out clearly, while men thrilled with sudden presage of great days to come,-- "Rise up,--Sir Francis Drake!" A WATCH-DOG OF ENGLAND Where the Russian Bear stirs blindly in the leash of a mailéd hand, Bright in the frozen sunshine, the domes of Moscow stand, Scarlet and blue and crimson, blazing across the snow As they did in the Days of Terror, three hundred years ago. Courtiers bending before him, envoys from near and far, Sat in his Hall of Audience Ivan the Terrible Tsar, (He of the knout and torture, poison and sword and flame) Yet unafraid before him the English envoy came. And he was Sir Jeremy Bowes, born of that golden time When in the soil of Conquest blossomed the flower of Rhyme. Dauntless he fronted the Presence,--and the courtiers whispered low, "Doth Elizabeth send us madmen, to tempt the torture so?" "Have you heard of that foolhardy Frenchman?" Ivan the Terrible said,-- "He came before me covered,--I nailed his hat to his head." Then spoke Sir Jeremy Bowes, "I serve the Virgin Queen,-- Little is she accustomed to vail her face, I ween. "She is Elizabeth Tudor, mighty to bless or to ban, Nor doth her envoy give over at the bidding of any man! "Call to your Cossacks and hangmen,--do with me what ye please, But ye shall answer to England when the news flies over seas." Ivan smiled on the envoy,--the courtiers saw that smile, Glancing one at the other, holding their breath the while. Then spoke the terrible Ivan, "His Queen sits over sea, Yet he hath bid me defiance,--would ye do as much for me?" XVI LORDS OF ROANOKE Primrose garlands in Coombe Wood shone with the pale gold of winter sunshine. Violets among dry leaves peered sedately at the pageant of spring. In the royal hunting forest of Richmond, venerable trees unfolded from their tiny buds canopies like the fairy pavilion of Paribanou. Philip Armadas and Arthur Barlowe, coming up from Kingston, beheld all this April beauty with the wistful pleasure of those who bid farewell to a dearly beloved land. Within a fortnight Sir Walter Ralegh's two ships, which they commanded, would be out upon the gray Atlantic. The Queen would lie at Richmond this night, and the two young captains had been bidden to court that she might see what manner of men they were.[1] Armadas, though born in Hull, was the son of a Huguenot refugee. Barlowe was English to the back-bone. Both knew more of the ways of ships than the ways of courts. Yet for all her magnificence and her tempers Elizabeth had a way with her in dealing with practical men. She welcomed merchants, builders, captains and soldiers as frankly as she did Italian scholars or French gallants. Her attention was as keen when she was framing a letter to the Grand Turk securing trade privileges to London or Bristol, as when she listened to the graceful flatteries of Spenser or Lyly. In this year 1584 she had granted a patent to Ralegh for further explorations of the lands north of Florida discovered half a century since by Sebastian Cabot. She heaped upon it rights and privileges which made Hatton and her other court gallants grind their teeth. Ralegh knew well that this was no time for him to be wandering about strange coasts. He was therefore fitting out an expedition to make a preliminary voyage and report to him what was found. "'T is like this," Armadas was saying with the buoyant confidence which endeared him alike to his patron and his comrade. "North you get the scurvy and south the fever, but midway is the climate for a new empire. There Englishmen may have timber for their shipyards, and pasture for their sheep and cattle, and meadows for their corn. There Flemings and Huguenots may live and work in peace. Our sons may be lords and princes of a new world, Arthur lad." "Aye; but there's the Inquisition in the Indies to reckon with," answered Barlowe with his grim half-smile. "And if what we hear of the barbarians be true, the men who make the first plantation may be forced to plant and build with their left hand and keep their right for fighting." "Oh, the barbarians,--" Armadas began, and paused, for the chatter of young voices broke forth in a copse. "I tell thee salvages be hairy men with tails like monkeys. My uncle he has seen them on the Guinea coast." "Dick, if thou keep not off my heels in the passamezzo--" "Be not so cholerical, Tom Poope, or the Master'll give thee a tuning. Thou'rt not Lord of the Indies yet." "Faith," chuckled Barlowe, "here be some little eyasses practising a fantasy for the Queen's pleasure. Hey, lads, what's all the pother about?"[2] The company emerged half-shamefacedly from the shrubbery, a group of youngsters between ten and fourteen, in fanciful costumes of silk and brocade, or mimic armor and puffed doublets. The central figure of the group was a handsome little lad in a sort of tunic of hairy undressed goatskin, a feather head-dress and gilded ornaments. His dark face had a sullen look, and he grasped his lance as if about to use it. Another urchin, whose great arched eyebrows, rolling eyes and impish mouth marked him as the clown of the company, made answer boldly, "'T is Tom Poope, your lordships, who mislikes the dress he must wear, and says if we have but a king and queen of the monkeys to welcome the discoverers, the Queen will only laugh at us, and 'a will not stay to be laughed at. 'T is a masque of the ventures of Captain Cabot, look you, and Tom's the King of the salvages and makes all the long speeches." "Upon my word, coz," laughed Armadas, "I think we have stumbled upon a pretty conceit intended to do honor to our master. Methinks His Royal Highness here has the right on't--the man who made that costume never saw true Indians." "Have you seen them, then, sir? Are you a voyager?" asked Tom Poope eagerly, his face brightening. "And will you look on and tell us if we do it right?" Barlowe grinned good-humoredly, and Armadas waved a laughing assent. They seated themselves upon a grassy bank and the play began. Before half a dozen speeches had been said it was quite clear that the dark-eyed child who played the Indian King was the heart and fire of the piece. They were all clever children and well trained, but he alone lived his part. His small figure moved with a grace and dignity that even his grotesque apparel could not spoil. The costumer had evidently built his design for the costume of an Indian chief upon legends of wild men drawn from the history of Hanno and his gorillas, adding whatever absurdities he had gathered from sailors of the Gold Coast and the Caribbean Sea. Armadas, who had made a voyage to Newfoundland and seen the stately figure of a sachem outlined against a sunset sky, thought that the boy's instinct was truer than the costumer's tradition. "Let me arrange thy habit, lad," he said when the first scene ended and the clown began his dance. With a few deft touches, ripping down one side of the tunic and wreathing a girdle of ivy and bracken, he changed the whole outline of the figure. With the hairy tunic draped as a cloak, and the ungainly plumed head-dress arranged as a warrior's crest, the character which had been almost ridiculous became heroic, as the author of the masque evidently had intended. The little King's beautiful voice changed like the singing of a Cremona violin as he spoke his lines to the white stranger: "To this our wild domain we welcome thee In honorable hospitality. If Thou dost come as the great Lord of Life, The Lord of bear and wolf, and stag and fox, Leopard and ape, and rabbits of the rocks, We are thy children, as our brothers are,-- The furry folk of forest fastnesses, The bright-winged birds that wanton with the breeze, The seal that sport amid the sapphire seas. We worship gods of lightning and of thunder, Of winds and hissing waves, the rainbow's wonder, The fruits and grains, borne by the kindly earth, And all the mysteries of death and birth. Say who you are, and from what realm you hail, White spirits that in winged peraguas sail? If ye be angels, tell us of your heaven. If ye be men, tell us who is your King." It was not a long play, and had been written by a court poet especially for the children, of whose acting the Queen was fond. There were dances and songs--a sailor's contra-dance to the music of a horn pipe, a stately passamezzo by the Indian court, a madrigal and an ode in compliment to the Queen.[3] Finally the leader of the white men planted the banner of England on the little knoll, and in the name of his sovereign received the homage of the Indians. The last notes of the final chorus had just died away when trumpets called from the Thames, and the scene melted into chaos. Off ran the players, cramming costumes and properties into their wallets as they went, to see the Queen land at the water-gate. Amadas and Barlowe took the same direction less hurriedly. "I wonder now," said Armadas thoughtfully, "how much of prophecy there may have been in that mascarado? Do you know, old lad, we may be taken for gods ourselves in two months' time? God grant they think us not devils before we are done!" "We need have no fear if no Spaniards have landed on that coast before us," said Barlowe stolidly. "If they have--no poetical speeches will help our cause." The Queen's great gilded barge with its crimson hangings came sweeping up the river just as they joined the company drawn up to receive her. The tall graceful figure of Ralegh was nearest her, and when she set her small neat foot upon the stone step it was his hand which she accepted to steady her in landing. She was a sovereign every inch even in her traveling cloak, but when dinner was over, and she took her seat in the throne-room, she dazzled the eye with the splendor of gold and pearl network over brilliant velvets, the glitter of diamonds among the frost-work of Flanders lace. Elizabeth knew how to stage the great Court drama as well as any Master of the Revels. Moreover, what the Queen did, set the fashion for all the courtiers, to the profit and prosperity of merchants and craftsmen. Earls might secretly writhe at the prospect of entertaining their sovereign with suitable magnificence, but the tradesmen and purveyors rubbed their hands. When a company of Flemings was employed for four years on the carving of the beams and panels of the Middle Temple Hall, or noblemen to be in the fashion built new banquet-rooms in the Italian style, with long windows and galleries, English, Flemish and Huguenot builders flocked to the kingdom. If she took with one hand she gave with the other, and it was not without reason that the common folk of England long after she was dead called their daughters after "good Queen Bess." To Armadas and Barlowe it was a novel and splendid pageant. After they were presented to the Queen, and expressed their modest thanks for the honor of being sent upon her service, they withdrew to a window-recess to watch the company. The gentlemen pensioners in gold-embroidered suits and lace-edged ruffs, the dignified councilors in richer if darker robes, the maids of honor, bright as damask roses moving in the wind, all circled around one pale woman with keen gray-blue eyes that never betrayed her. A little apart, speaking now and then to some courtier or councilor, stood the Spanish Ambassador in somber black and gold, like a watchful spider in a garden of rich flowers. Ralegh, careless and debonair, gave him a frank salutation as he came to speak to his captains. "You may repent of the venture and wish to stay at Court," he said smiling. "The Queen thinks well of ye." "Not I," growled Barlowe, and Armadas laughed, "My Lord, do you think so ill of us as to deem us weathercocks in the wind?" "You must take care to avoid the clutches of the Inquisition," Ralegh added, not lowering his voice noticeably, yet not speaking loud enough to be heard by others. "I have hastened the fitting out of the ships and delayed your coming to Court lest Philip's ferrets be set on you. The life of Kings and Queens is like to a game of chess." "Of primero rather, it seems to me," said Armadas, "or the game the Spanish call ombre. Chess is brain against brain, fair play. In the other one may win the game by the fall of the cards--or by cheatery."[4] "A good simile, Philip," said Ralegh, with shining eyes. "'T is all very well to say, as some do, that if old King Harry were alive he'd have our Englishmen out of Spanish prisons. But in his day Spain had hardly begun her conquests over seas, and the Inquisition had not tasted English blood. It was Philip that taught our men primero--and the best player is he who can bluff, so playing his hand that his enemy guesses not the truth. And the stake in this game is--Empire." Ralegh's head lifted as if he saw visions. In silence the three joined the company now assembling to see the masque of the children. Bravely it went, nimbly the dancers footed it, sweetly rang the choruses, and well did the little chief and captain play their parts. At the end the Queen, saying in merry courtesy that she could do no less for him who had found her a kingdom and him who freely gave it, presented a ring set with a carnelian heart to Hal Kempe who played Cabot, but about the neck of Tom Poope she hung a golden chain, for if he had to wear her fetters, she said, they should at least be golden. And so the play came to an end, and work began. [Illustration: "IF HE HAD TO WEAR HER FETTERS, THEY SHOULD AT LEAST BE GOLDEN."--_Page_ 245] On April 27, with a fair wind, the two ships of Ralegh's venture went down to the Channel and out upon the western ocean. They had good fortune, for not a Spaniard crossed their course. Nine weeks later they sighted the coast which the French had once called Carolina. Before they were near enough to see it well they caught the scent of a wilderness of flowering vines and trees blown seaward, and as they neared the shore they saw tall cedars and goodly cypresses, pines and oaks and many other trees, some of them quite unknown to English soil. It is written in Armadas's journal that the wild grapes were so abundant near the sea that sometimes the waves washed over them; and the sands were yellow as gold. The first time that an arquebus was fired, great flocks of birds rose from the trees, screaming all together like the shouting of an army, but there seemed to be no fierce beasts nor indeed any large animals. "With kine, sheep, cattle, and poultry, and such herbs and grain as can be brought from England," said Armadas, "this land would sure be a paradise on earth." "You forget the serpent," returned Barlowe, who had been reared by a Puritan grandfather and knew his Bible. "I am not likely to forget our great enemy while the name of Ribault or Coligny remains unforgotten," said the other. "All the more reason why this land should be kept for the Religion." Indeed when they landed they found little in the country or the people to recall Adam's doom. They set up their English standard upon an island and took possession of the domain in the name of Elizabeth of England. This island the Indians called Wocoken, and the inlet where the ships lay, Ocracoke. They went inland as the guests of the native chiefs, and on the island of Roanoke they were entertained by the people of Wingina the king, most kindly and hospitably. The sea remained smooth and pleasant and the air neither very hot nor very cold, but sweet and wholesome. Manteo and Wanchese, two of the Indian warriors, chose to sail away with the white men, and in good time the ships returning reached Plymouth harbor, early in September of that year. Manteo was made Lord of Roanoke, the first and the last of the American Indians to bear an English title to his wild estate. The new province was named Virginia, with the play upon words favored in that day, for it was a virgin country, and its sovereign was the Virgin Queen. When the two captains came again to London they found the air full of the intriguings of Spain. In that year Santa Cruz had organized a plot against the Queen's life, discovered almost by chance; in that year it became clear that Philip's long chafing against the growing sea-power of England and his hatred of such rangers as Drake and Hawkins must sooner or later blaze up in war. And by chance also Armadas learned how narrow had been their own escape from a Spanish prison. He had been the guest of a friend at the acting of Master Lyly's new masque by the Children of the Chapel at Gray's Inn. Little Tom Poope sang Apelles's song and ruffled it afterward among the ladies of the court, as lightly as Essex himself. Armadas came out into the dank Thames air humming over the dainty verses,-- "'At last he staked her all his arrows. His mother's doves, and team of sparrows--'" A small hand slid into his own and pulled him toward a byway. "Why, how is it with thee, Master Poope? Didst play thy part bravely, lad." "Come," said the boy in a low breathless voice. "I have somewhat to tell thee. In here," and he drew Armadas toward a doorway. "'T is my mother's lodging--there is nothing to fear." A woman let them in as if she had been watching for them, opened the door into a small plainly furnished private room and vanished. "Art not going on any more voyages to the Virginias?" asked the boy, his eager eyes on the Captain's face. "Not for the present, my boy. Why? Wouldst like to sail with us, and learn more of the ways of Indian Princes?" "Nay, I have no time for fooling--they'll miss me," said the youngster impatiently. "The Spanish Ambassador has his spies upon thee, and thou must leave a false scent for them to smell out. He sent his report on thee, eight months ago." "Before we sailed to Roanoke?" queried Armadas with lifted brows. "Before thou went to Richmond that day. His Excellency quizzed me after the masque and asked me did I know when the ships sailed and whither they were bound, believing me to be cozened by his gold. I told him they were for Florida to find the fountain of youth for the Queen, and would sail on May-day!" A grin of pure delight widened the boy's face, and he wriggled in gleeful remembrance where he perched, on a tall oaken chair. "Oh, they will swallow any bait, those gudgeons, and some day their folly will be the end of them. I would not have them catch thee if they could be fooled, and well did I fool them, I tell thee!" "For--heaven's--sake!" stammered Armadas in amazement. "Little friend," he added gently, "it seems to me that we owe thee life and honor. But why didst do it?" "Why?" The boy's fine dark brows bent in a quick frown. "What a pox right had they to be tempting me to be false to the salt that I and they had eaten? I hate all Spaniards. I'd ha' done it any way," he added shyly, "for to win our game, but I did it for love o' thee because thou took my part about the mascarado." "I think," said Armadas as he took from his wallet a bracelet of Indian shell-work hung with baroque pearls, "that all our fine plans would ha' come to naught but for thy wise head, young 'un. These be pearls from the Virginias, and if you find 'em scorched, that's only because the heathen know no other way of opening the oyster-shell but by fire. The beads are such as they use for money and call roanoke. The gold of the Spanish mines can buy men maybe, but it does not buy such loyalty as thine, that's sure. I have no gold to give, lad,--but wear this for a love-token. And I think that could the truth be known, the Queen herself would freely name thee Lord of Roanoke." NOTES [1] The name is variously spelled Armadas, Amidas and Amadas. The form here used is that of the earliest records. The same is true of the spelling "Ralegh." [2] Companies of children under various names were often employed in the acting of plays in the time of Elizabeth. These are the "troops of children, little eyasses" alluded to by Shakespeare in "Hamlet." They sometimes acted in plays written for them by Lyly and others, and sometimes in the popular dramas of the day. Ben Jonson wrote a charming epitaph on Salathiel Pavy, one of these little actors, who died at thirteen. [3] The passamezzo, passy-measure or half-measure was a popular Elizabethan dance, like the coranto and lavolta. [4] Primero, or ombre, is said to be the ancestor of our modern game of poker. An interesting account of its origin and variations will be found in Mrs. Schuyler Van Rensselaer's "Prophetical, Educational and Playing Cards." THE CHANGELINGS Out on the road to Fairyland where the dreaming children go, There's a little inn at the Sign of the Rose, that all the fairies know, For Titania lodged in that tavern once, and betwixt the night and the day The children that crowded about her there, she stole their hearts away! Peaseblossom, Moth and Mustardseed, Agate and Airymouse too, Once were children that laughed and played as children always do, But when Titania kissed their lips, and crowned them with daffodil gold They never forgot what she whispered them, they never knew how to grow old! Mothers that wonder why little lads forget their homely ways, And little maids put their dolls aside and take to acting plays, Ah, let them be kings and queens awhile, for there's nothing sad or mean In their innocent thought, and their crowns were wrought by the touch o' the Fairy Queen! Close to the heart o' the world they come, the children who know the way To the little low gateway under the rose, where 't is neither night nor day. They see what others can never guess, they hear what we cannot hear, And the loathly dragons that waste our life they never learn to fear. The little inn at the Sign of the Rose,--ah, who can forget the place Where Titania danced with the children small and lent them her elfin grace? And wherever they go and whatever they do in the years that turn them gray They never forget the charm she said when she stole their hearts away! XVII THE GARDENS OF HELÊNE "Is there not any saint of the kitchen, at all?" asked the serious-eyed little demoiselle sorting herbs under the pear-tree. Old Jacqueline, gathering the tiny fagots into her capacious apron, chuckled wisely. "There should be, if there isn't. Perhaps the good God thinks that the men will take care that there are kitchens, without His help." She hobbled briskly into the house. Helêne sat for a few minutes with hands folded, her small nose alert as a rabbit's to the marvelous blend of odors in the hot sunshiny air. It was a very agreeable place, that old French garden. There had been a kitchen-garden on that very spot for more than five hundred years; at least, so said Monsieur Lescarbot the lawyer, and he knew all about the history of the world. A part of the old wall had been there in the days of the First Crusade, and the rest looked as if it had. When Henry of Navarre dined at the Guildhall, before Ivry, they had come to Jacqueline for poultry and seasoning. She could show you exactly where she gathered the parsley, the thyme, the marjoram, the carrots and the onion for the stuffing, and from which tree the selected chestnuts came. A white hen proudly promenading the yard at this moment was the direct descendant of the fowl chosen for the King's favorite dish of _poulet en casserole_. But the common herbs were far from being all that this garden held. Besides the dozen or more herbs and as many vegetables which all cooks used, there were artichokes, cucumbers, peppers of several kinds, marigolds, rhubarb, and even two plants of that curious Peruvian vegetable with the golden-centered creamy white flowers, called po-té-to. Jacqueline's husband, who had been a sea-captain, had brought those roots from Brazil, and she,--Helêne,--who was very little then, had disgraced herself by gathering the flowers for a nosegay. It was after that that Jacqueline had begun to teach her what each plant was good for, and how it must be fed and tended. Helêne had grown to feel that every plant, shrub or seedling was alive and had thoughts. In the delightful fairy tales that Monsieur Marc Lescarbot told her they were alive, and talked of her when they left their places at night and held moonlight dances. Lescarbot's thin keen face with the bald forehead and humorous eyes appeared now at the grille in the green door. He swept off his béret and made a deep bow. "Mademoiselle la bien-aimée de la bonne Sainte Marthe," he said gravely, "may I come in?" He had a new name for her every time he came, usually a long one. "But why Sainte Marthe?" she asked, running to let him in. "She is the patron saint of cooks and housewives, petite. A good cook can do anything. Sainte Marthe entertained the blessed Lord in her own home, and was the first nun of the sisterhood she founded. Moreover when she was preaching at Aix a fearful dragon by the name of Tarasque inhabited the river Rhone, and came out each night to devastate the country until Sainte Marthe was the means of his--conversion." "Oh, go on!" cried Helêne, and Lescarbot sat down on the old bench under the pear-tree and began to help with the herbs. "Sainte Marthe was an excellent cook, and the first thing she did when she founded her convent was to plant a kitchen-garden. On Saint John's Eve she went into the garden and watered each plant with holy water, blessing it in the use of God. People came from miles around to get roots and seeds from the garden and to ask for Sainte Marthe's recipes for broths and cordials for the sick. Often they brought roots of such plants as rhubarb and--er--marigold, which had been imported from heathen countries, to be blessed and made wholesome." Lescarbot's eye rested on the potato plant, which he distrusted. "Well. The dragon prowled around and around the convent walls, but of course he could not come in. At last he pretended to be sick and sent for Sainte Marthe to come and cure him. As soon as she set eyes on him she knew what a wicked lie he had told, and resolved to punish him for his impudence. Of course all he wanted of her was to get her recipes for sauces and stews so that he might cook and eat his victims without having indigestion--which is what a good sauce is for. Sainte Marthe promised to make him some broth if he would do no harm while she was gone, and just to make sure he kept his promise she made him hold out his fore-paws and tied them hard and fast with her girdle, while he sat with his fore-legs around his--er--knees, and her broomstick thrust crosswise between. Then she got out her largest kettle and made a good savory broth of all the herbs in her garden--there were three hundred and sixty-five kinds. She knew that if he drank it all, the blessed herbs would work such a change in his inside that he would be like a lamb forever after. "But one thing neither she nor Tarasque had thought of, and that was, that the broth was hot. Of course he always took his food and drink very cold. When he smelled its delicious fragrance he opened his mouth wide, and she poured it hissing hot down his throat, and it melted him into a famous bubbling spring. People go there to be cured of colic." Helêne drew a long breath. She did not believe that Lescarbot had found that story in any book of legends of the saints, but she liked it none the worse for that. "I wonder if Sainte Marthe blessed this garden?" she said. "I have no doubt she did, and that is why it flourishes from Easter to Michaelmas. But I came to-day for a potato. Sieur de Monts desires to see one and to understand the method of its cultivation." "Oh, I know that," cried Helêne, eagerly, and she took one of the queer brown roots from the willow basket by the wall. "See, these are its eyes, one, two, three--seven eyes in this one. You must cut it in pieces, as many pieces as it has eyes, and plant each piece separately; and from each eye springs a plant." "Ah!" said Lescarbot gravely, and he put the potato in his wallet. For two years Pierre du Guast, Sieur de Monts, and the valiant gentlemen Samuel de Champlain, Bienville de Poutrincourt, and others of his company, had been striving to maintain a settlement in the grant of La Cadie or L'Acadie, between the fortieth and forty-sixth degrees of north latitude in the New World, of which the King had made De Monts Lieutenant-General. De Monts engaged Champlain, who had already explored those coasts, as chief geographer, and the merchant Pontgravé was in charge of a store-ship laden with supplies. Fearing the severe winter of the St. Lawrence, the party steered south along the coast and anchored in a tranquil and beautiful harbor surrounded with forest, green lowlands, and hills laced with waterfalls. In his delight with the place Poutrincourt declared that he would ask nothing better than to make it his home; and he received a grant of the harbor, which he named Port Royal. The expedition finally came to rest on an island in a river flowing into Passamaquoddy Bay, where they began their settlement. Their wooden buildings--a house for their viceroy, one for Champlain and other gentlemen, barracks, lodgings, workshops and storehouses,--surrounded a square in the middle of which one fine cedar was left standing, while a belt of them remained to hedge the island from the north winds. The work done, Poutrincourt set sail for France, leaving seventy-nine men to spend the winter at Ile Sainte-Croix. Scurvy broke out, and before spring almost half the company were in their graves. Spring came, but no help from France. It was June 16 before Poutrincourt returned with forty men, and two days later Champlain set sail in a fifteen-ton barque with De Monts and several others, to explore the coast and discover if possible a better place for the colony. They went as far south as Nauset Harbor, and Champlain made charts and kept a journal quaintly illustrated with figures drawn and painted; but De Monts found no place that suited him. Then he bethought himself of the deep sheltered harbor of Port Royal, and they removed everything to that new site, on the north side of the basin below the mouth of a little river which they called the Équille. Even parts of the buildings were taken across the Bay of Fundy. But a ship from France brought news to De Monts that enemies at court were working against his Company, and leaving Pontgravé in command he and Poutrincourt returned home, to see what they could do to further the interests of the colony in Paris. Among other things Champlain, who had tried without success to make a garden in the sandy soil of the island, begged them to provide the settlers with seeds, roots, cuttings and implements by which they might raise grain and vegetables and other provisions for themselves. This would improve the health and also reduce the expenses of the colony, and the land about the new site was well adapted for cultivation. Poutrincourt, foregathering with his friend Lescarbot soon after the lawyer had lost nearly all he possessed in a suit, recounted to him the woes of the colony, and found with pleasure that in spite of the doleful history of the last two years Lescarbot was eager to seek a new career in New France. Helêne came running in one morning in the early spring of 1606, to find old Jacqueline on the steps of the root-cellar with a heap of sprouting potatoes beside her. Lescarbot was packing away in a panier such as she gave him, while under the whitening pear-tree a donkey stood, sleepily shaking his ears as he waited for orders. "Oh, what are you doing, Uncle Marc?" she cried. "Making ready to go to the land beyond the sunset, Mademoiselle la Princesse du Jardin de Paradis," he said smiling. "Sit down while the good mother gets the packets of seeds she promised me, and I will tell you a story." All curiosity and wonder, the little maid settled herself on the ancient worm-eaten bench, and Lescarbot began. "It happened one day that men came and told the King that a great realm lay beyond the seas, where only wild men and animals lived, and that this realm was all his. Now the wild men were not good for anything, for they had never been taught anything, but since the winters in that country were very cold the animals wore fur coats. The King called to him a Chief Huntsman and told him that he might go and collect tribute from the fur coats of the animals, and that after he had given the King his share, the fur coats of all the animals belonged to him." "Did the animals know it?" "I think they did, for they were accustomed to having men try to take away their fur coats. All the other hunters were very angry when they found that the King had given this order, but the Chief Huntsman told them that they might have a share in the hunting, only they must ask his permission and pay tribute to the King; and that satisfied them for a while. "The Chief Huntsman sailed to the far country and built a castle for himself and his men, and when winter came they found that it was indeed very cold--so cold that the wine and the cider froze and had to be given out by the pound instead of the pint. But that was not the worst of it. There was a dragon." Helêne's blue eyes grew round with interest. "A dragon whose poisonous breath tainted the food and caused a terrible plague. They prayed to Saint Luke the Physician for help, and he appeared to them in a vision and said, 'I cannot do anything for you so long as you eat not good food. God made man to live in a garden, not to fill himself with salt fish and salt meat and dry bread.' But they could not plant a garden in the middle of winter, and they had to wait. When the ship went back to France a gallant captain--named Samuel de Champlain--sent a letter to a friend of his in France, praying him to send a gardener with seeds, roots and cuttings that there might be good broths and tisanes and sauces to work magic against the dragon that he slay no more of their folk. And, little Helêne, I am filling a pair of paniers with those roots and those seeds, and I am going to be a gardener beyond the sunset." Helêne looked grave. To find her friend and playfellow suddenly dropped away from her into the middle of a fairy-tale was rather terrifying, but it was also thrilling. She slipped down from the bench. "You shall have cuttings from my very own rose-bushes," said she; and at her direction Lescarbot took up very carefully small rose-shoots that had rooted themselves around the great bushes,--bushes that bore roses white with a faint flush, white with a golden-creamy heart, pure snow-white, sunrise pink and deep glowing crimson with a purple shade. If Lescarbot had been a superstitious man, he might have been inclined to gloom during his first sea-voyage, for the ship in which he and Poutrincourt set sail from Rochelle on the thirteenth of May, 1606, was called the _Jonas_. But instead he joined in all the diversions possible in their two months' voyage--harpooning porpoises, fishing for cod off the Banks, or dancing on the deck in calm weather,--and in his leisure kept a lively and entertaining journal of the adventure. They ran into dense fog in which they could see nothing; they saw, when the mist cleared, a green and lovely shore, but before it fierce and dangerous rocks on which the breakers pounded. Then a storm broke, with rolling thunder like a salute of cannon. At last on July 27 they sailed into the narrow channel at the entrance of the harbor of Port Royal. The flag of France, with its golden lilies on a white ground, gleamed in the noon sunlight as they came up the bay toward the little group of wooden buildings in the edge of the forest. Not a man was to be seen on the silent shore; a birch canoe, with one old Indian in it, hovered near the landing. A great fear gripped the hearts of Bienville de Poutrincourt and Marc Lescarbot. Were Pontgravé and Champlain all dead with their people? Had help come too late? Then from the bastion of the rude fortifications a cannon barked salute, and a Frenchman with a gun in his hand came running down to the beach. The ship's guns returned the salute, and the trumpets sang loud greeting to whoever might be there to hear. When they had landed they learned what had happened. There were only two Frenchmen in the fort; Pontgravé and the others, fearing that the supply ship would never arrive, had gone twelve days before in two small ships of their own building to look for some of the French fishing fleet who might have provisions. The two who remained had volunteered to stay and guard the buildings and stores. There was a village of friendly Indians near by, and the chief, Membertou, who was more than a hundred years old, had seen the distant sail of the _Jonas_ and come to warn the white men, who were at dinner. Not knowing whether the strange ship came in peace or war, one of the comrades had gone to the platform on which the cannon were mounted, and stood ready to do what he could in defense, while the other ran down to the shore. When they saw the French flag at the mast-head the cannon spoke joyfully in salute. All was now eager life and activity. Poutrincourt sent out a boat to explore the coast, which met the two little ships of Pontgravé and Champlain and told the great news. Lescarbot, exploring the meadows under the guidance of some of Membertou's people, saw moose with their young feeding peacefully upon the lush grass, and beavers building their curious habitations in a swamp. Pontgravé took his departure for France in the _Jonas_, and Champlain and Poutrincourt began making plans. The winter in Port Royal had been less severe than the terrible first winter of the settlement, on the St. Croix, but the two leaders decided to take one of the ramshackle little ships and make another exploring voyage along the coast, to see whether some more comfortable site for the colony could not be found. There was plenty of leeway to the southward, for De Monts was supposed to control everything as far south as the present site of Philadelphia; but the coast had never been accurately charted by the French further south than Cape Cod. Lescarbot, who was to command at Port Royal in their absence, had already laid out his kitchen-garden and set about spading and planting it. The kitchen, the smithy and the bakery were on the south side of the quadrangle around which the wooden buildings stood; east of them was the arched gateway, protected by a sort of bastion of log-work, from which a path led to the water a few paces away; and west of them another bastion matched it, mounting the four cannon. The storehouses for ammunition and provisions were on the eastern side; on the west were the men's quarters, and on the north, a dining-hall and lodgings for the chief men of the company, who now numbered fifteen. Lescarbot set some of the men to burning over the meadows that they might sow wheat and barley; others broke up new soil for the herbs, roots and cuttings he had brought, and he himself, hoe in hand, was busiest of all. "Do not overtask yourself," warned Poutrincourt, pausing beside the thin, pale-faced man who knelt in the long shadows of the rainy dawn among his neatly-arranged plots. "If you are too zealous you may never see France again." Lescarbot laughed and dug a little grave in his plantation. "What in heaven's name are those?" "Potatoes," answered the lawyer-gardener. "The Peruvian root they are planting in Ireland." "But you do not expect to get a crop this year--and in this climate?" "I don't expect anything at all. I am making the experiment. If they come up, good; if they do not, I have seed enough for next year." The potatoes came up. It was an unusually hot summer, and the situation was favorable. If Lescarbot had known the habits of the vegetable he might not have thought of putting them into the ground on the last day of July, but they grew and flourished, and their odd ivory-and-gold blossoms were charming. Lescarbot worked all day in the bracing sunlit air, and now and then he hoed and transplanted by moonlight. In the evening he read, wrote, or planned out the next day's program. September came, with cool bright days and a hint of frost at night; the lawyer marshalled his forces and harvested the crops. The storehouses, already stocked with Pontgravé's abundant provision, were filled to overflowing, and they had to dig a makeshift cellar or root-pit under a rough shelter for the last of their produce. The potatoes were carefully bestowed in huge hampers provided by Membertou's people, who were greatly interested in all that the white men did. Old Jacqueline had said that they needed "room to breathe," and Lescarbot was taking no chances on this unknown American product. October came; the Indians showed the white men how to grind corn, and the carpenters planned a water-mill to be constructed in the spring, to take the place of the tedious hand-mill worked by two men. Wild geese flew overhead, recalling to the Frenchmen the legends of Saint Gabriel's hounds. The forests robed themselves in hues like those of a priceless Kashmir shawl, and the squirrels, martens, beavers, otters, weasels, which the hunters brought in were in their winter coats. But the exploring party had not returned. Lescarbot, who had occupied spare moments in preparing a surprise for them when they did return, and carefully drilled the men in their parts, began to be secretly anxious. But on the morning of November 14, old Membertou, who had appointed himself an informal sentinel to patrol the waters near the fort, appeared with the news that the chiefs were coming back. All was excitement in a moment, although Lescarbot privately had to admit that he could not even see a sail, to say nothing of recognizing the boat or its occupants. But the long-sighted old sagamore was right. The party of adventurers, their craft considerably the worse for the journey, steering with a pair of oars in place of a rudder, reached the landing-place and battered, weary and dilapidated, came up to the fort. They were surprised and disappointed to see no one about except a few curious Indians peeping from the woods. As they neared the wooden gateway it was suddenly flung open, and out marched a procession of masquers, headed by Neptune in full costume of shell-fringed robe, diadem, trident, and garlands of kelp and sea-moss, attended by tritons grotesquely attired, and fauns, reinforced by a growing audience of Indians, squaws and papooses. This merry company greeted the wanderers with music, song and some excellent French verse written by Lescarbot for the occasion. Refreshed with laughter and the relief of finding all so well conducted, Champlain, Poutrincourt and their men went in to have something to eat and drink. Then they spent the rest of the day hearing and telling the story of the last three months. It is written down, adorned with drawings, in the journals of Champlain, and it was all told over as the men sat around their blazing fires and talked, all together, while a light November snow flurried in the air outside. "So you see we lost our rudder in a storm off Mount Désert--" "And the autumn gales drove us back before we had fairly passed Port Fortuné--" "It came near being Port Malheur for us, and it was for Pierre and Jacques le Malouin, poor fellows. They and three others stayed ashore for the night and hundreds of Indians attacked them,--oh, but hundreds. Well, we heard the uproar--naturally it waked us in a hurry--and up we jumped and snatched any weapon that was handy, and piled into the boat in our shirts. Two of the shore party were killed and we saw the other three running for their boat for dear life, all stuck over with arrows like hedgehogs, my faith! So then we landed and charged the Indians, who must have thought we were ghosts, for they left off whooping and ran for the woods. Our provisions were so far spent that we thought it best to return after that, and in any case--it would be as bad, would it not, to die of Indians as to die of scurvy?" "But tell me, my dear fellow," said Champlain when the happy hubbub had a little subsided, "how have your gardens prospered? Truly I need not ask, in view of the abundance of the dinner you gave us." Lescarbot smiled. "I think that the saints must have whispered to the little plants," he said whimsically, "or else they knew that they must grow their best for the honor of France. But perhaps it is not strange. I had the seeds and roots from the garden of Helêne." "And who is Helêne?" asked Champlain with interest. Lescarbot explained. "It was really wonderful," he said in conclusion, "to see how careful she was to remember every herb and plant which might be useful, and to ask Jacqueline for some especial recipes for cordials and tisanes for the sick. And by the way, Jacqueline told me that the sea-captains regard potatoes as especially good to prevent or cure scurvy." In any case the potato was popular among the exiled Frenchmen. They ate it boiled, they ate it parboiled, sliced and fried in deep kettles of fat, they ate it in stews, and they ate it--and liked it best of all--roasted in the ashes. Jacqueline had said that the water in which the root was boiled must always be thrown away, which showed that there was something uncanny about it, but whether it was due to the potatoes or the general variety of the bill of fare, there was not a case of scurvy in the camp all winter. Soon after his return Champlain broached a plan which he had been perfecting during the voyage. The fifteen men of rank formed a society, to be called "L'Ordre de Bon-Temps." Each man became Grand-Master in turn, for a single day. On that day he was responsible for the dinner,--the cooking, catering, buying and serving. When not in office he usually spent some days in hunting, fishing and trading with the Indians for supplies. He had full authority over the kitchen during his reign, and it was a point of honor with each Grand Master to surpass, if possible, the abundance, variety and gastronomic excellence of the meals of the day before. There was no market to draw upon, but the caterer could have steaks and roasts and pies of moose, bear, venison and caribou; beavers, otters, hares, trapped for their fur, also helped to feed the hunters. Ducks, geese, grouse and plover were to be had for the shooting. Sturgeon, trout and other fish might be caught in the bay, or speared through the ice of the river. The supplies brought from France, with the addition of all this wilderness fare, held out well, and Lescarbot expressed the opinion, with which nobody disagreed, that no epicure in Paris could dine better in the Rue de l'Ours than the pioneers of Port Royal dined that winter. Ceremony was not neglected, either. At the dinner hour, twelve o'clock, the Grand Master of the day entered the dining-hall, a napkin on his shoulder, his staff of office in his hand, and the collar of the Order, worth about four crowns, about his neck. After him came the Brotherhood in procession, each carrying a dish. Indian chiefs were often guests at the board; old Membertou was always made welcome. Biscuit, bread and many other kinds of food served there were new and alluring luxuries to the Indians, and warriors, squaws and children who had not seats at table squatted on the floor gravely awaiting their portions. [Illustration: "THE GRAND MASTER OF THE DAY ENTERED THE DINING HALL."--_Page_ 266] The evening meal was less formal. When all were gathered about the fire, the Grand Master presented the collar and staff of office to his successor, and drank his health in a cup of wine. The winter was unusually mild; until January they needed nothing warmer than their doublets. On the fourteenth, a Sunday, they went boating on the river, and came home singing the gay songs of France. A little later they went to visit the wheat fields two leagues from the fort, and dined merrily out of doors. When the snow melted they saw the little bright blades of the autumn sowing already coming up from the rich black soil. Winter was over, and work began in good heart. Poutrincourt was not above gathering turpentine from the pines and making tar, after a process invented by himself. Then late in spring a ship came into harbor with news which ended everything. The fur-traders of Normandy, Brittany and the Vizcayan ports had succeeded in having the privilege of De Monts withdrawn. Hardly more than a year after his arrival Lescarbot left his beloved gardens, and in October all the colonists were once more in France. Membertou and his Indians bewailed their departure, and held them in long remembrance. Wilderness houses soon go back to their beginnings, and it was not long before all that was left of the brave and gay French colony was a little clearing where the herb of immortality, the tansy of Saint Athanase, lifted its golden buttons and thick dark green foliage above the remnant of the garden of Helêne. Yet the experience of that year was not lost. It was the first instance of a company of settlers in that northern climate passing the winter without illness, discord or trouble with the Indians. Later, in the little new settlements of Quebec and Montreal, some of the colonists met again under the wise and kindly rule of Champlain. Little Helêne lived to bring her own roses to a garden in New France, and teach Indian girls the secrets which old Jacqueline taught her. And it is recorded in the history of the voyageurs, priests and adventurers of France in the New World that wherever they went they were apt to take with them seeds and plants of wholesome garden produce, which they planted along their route in the hope that they might thus be of service to those who came after them. THE WOODEN SHOE Amsterdam's the cradle where the race was rocked-- All the ships of all the world to her harbor flocked. Rosy with the sea-wind, solid, stubborn, sweet, Played the children by canals, up and down the street. Neltje, Piet and Hendrik, Dirck and Myntje too,-- Little Nick of Leyden sailed his wooden shoe. "Quarter-deck and cabin--rig her fore-and-aft,"-- Thus he murmured wisely as he launched his craft. "Cutlass, pike and musquetoun, howitzer and shot-- But our knives and mirrors and beads are worth the lot." Room enough for cargo to last a year or two, In the round amidships of a wooden shoe! Bobbing on the waters of the Nieuwe Vlei See the bantam galleot, short and broad and high. Laden for the Indies, trading all the way, Frank and shrewd and cautious, fiery in a fray,-- Sagamore and mandarin are all the same to you, Little Nick of Leyden with your wooden shoe! XVIII THE FIRES THAT TALKED All along the coast of Britain, from John o' Groat's to Beachey Head, from Saint Michael's Mount to Cape Wrath, twinkled the bonfires on the headlands. Henry Hudson, returning from a voyage among icebergs, guessed at once what this chain of lights meant. The son of Mary Queen of Scots had been crowned in London.[1] Hudson's keen eyes were unusually grave and thoughtful as the _Muscovy Duck_ sailed up to London Pool on the incoming tide. The sailors looked even more sober, for most of them were English Protestants, with a few Flemings, and John Williams the pilot was an Anabaptist. It was he who asked the question of which all were thinking. "Master Hudson, d'ye think the new King will light them other fires--the ones at Smithfield?" Hudson shook his head. "That's a thing no man can say for certain, John. But there's the Low Countries and the Americas to run to. 'T is not as it was in Queen Mary's day." "Aye, but Spain has got all of America, pretty near, and the French are nabbing the rest," said the pilot doubtfully. "Nay, that's a bigger place than you guess, over yonder. Ever see the map that Doctor Dee made for Queen Bess near thirty years ago? I remember him showing it to my grandsire with the ink scarce dry on it. The country Ralegh's people saw has got room for the whole of France and England, and plenty timber and corn-land. Sir Walter he knew that." There was plague in London when they landed, and all sought their families in fear and trembling, not knowing what might have come and gone in their absence. Hudson's house was at Mortlake on the Thames above London, and there he was rejoiced to find all well. Young John Hudson was brimful of Mr. Brereton's new Relacion of the Voyage of Captain Bartholomew Gosnold and Captain Bartholomew Gilbert to the North part of Virginia by permission of the honorable Knight Sir Walter Ralegh. Strawberries bigger than those of England, and cherries in clusters like grapes, blackbirds with carnation-colored wings, Indians who painted their eyebrows white and made faces over mustard, were mixed higgledy-piggledy in his bubbling talk. Hudson, turning the pages of the new book, saw at once that on this voyage around Cape Cod the little ship _Concord_ had sailed seas unknown to him. "Why won't the Company send you to the Americas, Dad?" the boy asked eagerly. "When will I be old enough to go to sea?" "Wait till ye're fourteen at least, Jack," his father answered. "There's much to learn before ye're a master mariner." In the next few years things were not so well with English mariners as they had been. Cecil and Howard, picking a quarrel with Ralegh, had him shut up in the Tower. The Dutch were trading everywhere, seizing the chances King James missed. But Hudson was in the employ of the Muscovy Company like his father and grandfather, and the Russian fur trade was making that Company rich. Captain John Smith, a shrewd-faced soldier with merry eyes, appeared at the house one day and told entertaining stories of his campaigns under Prince Sigismund of Bohemia. He and the boy John drove the neighbors nearly distracted with curiosity, one winter evening, signalling with torches from the house to the river.[2] To anxious souls who surmised a new Guy Fawkes conspiracy Captain Smith showed how he had once conveyed a message to the garrison of a beleaguered city in this way. Here was the code. The first half of the alphabet was represented by single lights, the second half by pairs. To secure attention three torches were shown at equal distances from one another, until a single light flashed in response to show that the signal was understood. For any letter from A to L a single light was shown and hidden one or more times according to the number of the letter from the beginning; thus, three flashes meant C; four meant D, and so on. For a letter between M and Z the same plan was followed using two torches. The end of a word was signified by three lights. In this way Smith had spelled out the message, "On Thursday night I will charge on the east; at the alarum, sally you." He had, however, translated it into Latin, to make it short. John Hudson found new interest in Latin. When Captain Smith began to talk of joining a new colony to go to Virginia the boy begged hard to be allowed to go. But just at this time the Muscovy Company was sending Henry Hudson to look for a way round through northern seas to the Spice Islands. The Dutch were already trading in the Portuguese Indies. If England could reach them by a shorter route, it would be a very pleasant discovery for the Muscovy Company. Even in 1607 geographers believed in an open polar sea north of Asia. Hudson tried the Greenland route. Sailing east of Greenland he found himself between that country and the islands named "Nieuwland" by William Barents the Dutch navigator in 1596. Their pointed icy mountains seemed to push up through the sea. Icebergs crowded the waters like miniature peaks of a submerged range. Hudson returned to report to the company "no open sea." In 1608 he was again sent out on the same errand. This time he steered further east, between those islands and another group named by Barents Nova Zembla. He sailed nearer to the pole than any man had been before him, and found whales bigger, finer and more numerous than anywhere else. Rounding the North Cape on his way home he made the first recorded observation of a sun-spot. In August, when he returned and made his report, there was a sensation in the seafaring world. The Dutch promptly sent whaling ships into the arctic seas, and suggested, through Van Meteren the Dutch consul in London, a friend of Hudson, that the English navigator should come to Amsterdam and talk of entering their service. While there, he received an offer from the French Ambassador, suggesting that his services would be welcome to a proposed French East India Company. Hearing this, the Dutch hastened to secure him, and on April 4, 1609, he sailed from Amsterdam in a yacht of eighty tons called the _Half Moon_ and shaped rather like one, manned by a crew of twenty, half English and half Netherlanders, and John as cabin-boy. John was in such a state of bliss as a boy can know when sailing on the venture of his dreams. His father had told him in confidence that as his sailing orders were almost the same as the year before, he did not expect to find the northern route to India in that direction. Failing this the _Half Moon_ would look for it in the western seas. Of this plan he had said nothing in Holland. He found, as he had expected, that the arctic waters were choked with ice, and turning southward he headed for the Faroe Isles. While in Holland he had had a letter from Captain John Smith, who had explored the regions about Chesapeake Bay. No straits leading to the western ocean had been discovered there, and no Sea of Verrazzano. Captain Smith's opinion was that if such a passage existed it would be somewhere about the fortieth parallel. Explorations had already been made farther north. Davis Strait had been discovered some years before by John Davis, now dead. Martin Frobisher had found another strait leading northwest. Both of these were so far north that they were likely to be ice-bound by the time the little _Half Moon_ could reach them. Hudson meant to look along the coast further south, and see what could be found there. The _Half Moon_ took in water at the Faroes and anchored some seven weeks later, on July 18, in Penobscot Bay. Her foremast was gone and her sails ripped and rent by the gales of the North Atlantic, and the carpenter with a selected crew rowed ashore and chose a pine tree for a new mast. While this was a-making and the sails were patched up, the crew not otherwise engaged went fishing. "I say," presently observed John Hudson, who knew Brereton's Relacion by heart, "this must ha' been the place where they caught so many fish that they were 'pestered with Cod' and threw numbers of 'em overboard. This makes twenty-seven, Dad, so far." During that week they caught fifty cod, a hundred lobsters and a halibut which John declared to be half as big as the ship. Two French boats appeared, full of Indians ready to trade beaver skins for red cloth. The strawberry season was past, but John found wild cherries, small, deep red, in heavy bunches. When he tried to eat them, however, they were so sour that he nearly choked. Cautiously he tasted the big blue whortleberries that grew on high bushes; near water, and found them delicious. He had been eating them by the handful for some time when he became aware that there was a feaster on the other side of the thicket. Receiving no reply to his challenge he went to investigate and saw a brown bear standing on his hind legs and raking the berries off the twigs with both forepaws, into his mouth. At sight of John he dropped on all fours and cantered off. Leaving the bay they cruised along the coast past Cape Cod, and then steered southwest for the fortieth parallel. Wind and rain came on in the middle of August, and they were blown toward an inlet which Hudson decided to be the James. Not knowing how the English governor of Jamestown might regard an intrusion by a Dutch ship, he turned north again, and on the twenty-eighth of August entered a large bay and took soundings. More than once the _Half Moon_, light as she rode, grounded on sand-banks, and Hudson shook his head in rueful doubt. "D' you think the straits are here, Dad?" asked John when he had a chance to speak with his father alone. "Hardly. This is fresh water. It's the mouth of a river."[3] "Yes, but might there be an isthmus--or the like?" "A big river with as strong a current as this would not rise on a narrow, level strip of land, son. It's bringing down tons of sand to make these banks we run into. There's a great wide country inland there." The chanteys of the sailors were heard at daybreak in the lonely sea, as the _Half Moon_ went on her way northward. On September 3 the little ship edged into another and bigger bay to the north. Whether it was a bay or a lake Hudson was at first rather doubtful. The shores were inhabited, for little plumes of smoke arose everywhere, and soon from all sides log canoes came paddling toward the ship. These Indians were evidently not unused to trading, for they brought green tobacco, hemp, corn and furs to sell, and some of them knew a few words of French. By this, and by signs, they gave Hudson to understand that three rivers, or inlets, came into this island-encircled sea, the largest being toward the north. Hudson determined to follow this north river and see where it led. As he sailed cautiously into the channel, taking soundings and observing the shores, he was puzzled. The tide rose and fell as if this were an inlet of the sea, and it was far deeper than an ordinary river. In fact it was more like a Norwegian fiord.[4] It might possibly lead to a lake, and this lake might have an outlet to the western ocean. That it was a strait he did not believe. Even in the English Channel the meeting tides of the North Sea and the Atlantic made rough water, and the _Half Moon_ was drifting as easily as if she were slipping down stream. In any event, nothing else had been found, either north or south of this point, which could possibly be a strait, and Hudson meant to discover exactly what this was before he set sail for Amsterdam. They passed an Indian village in the woods to the right, and according to the Indians who had come on board the place was called Sapokanican,[5] and was famous for the making of wampum or shell beads. A brook of clear sweet water flowed close by. Presently Hudson anchored and sent five men ashore in a boat to explore the right-hand bank of the channel. Night came on, and it began to rain, but the boat had not returned. Hudson slept but little. In the morning the missing men appeared with a tale of disaster. After about two leagues' travel they had come to a bay full of islands. Here they had been attacked by two canoes carrying twenty-six Indians, and their arrows had killed John Colman and wounded two other men. It grew so dark when the rain began that they dared not seek the ship, and the current was so strong that their grapnel would not hold, so that they had had to row all night. Sailing only in the day time and anchoring at night the little Dutch ship went on to the north, looking between the steep rocky banks like a boat carved out of a walnut-shell, in the wooden jaws of a nutcracker. After dark, fires twinkled upon the heights, and the lapping waters about the quiet keel were all shining with broken stars. The flame appeared and vanished like a signal, and John Hudson wondered if the Indians knew John Smith's trick of sending a message as far as a beacon light could be seen. One night he climbed up on the poop with the ship's great lantern and tried the flashing signals he remembered. Before many minutes two of the wild men had drawn near to watch, and although John could not make out the meaning of the light that came and went upon the cliffs, it was quite clear that they could. One of them waved his mantle in front of the lantern, and turning to the boy nodded and grinned good-naturedly. The signal fires must have talked to some purpose, for the next day a delegation paddled out from the shore to invite the great captain, his son and his chief officers to a feast. When the party arrived at the house of the chief, which was a round building, or pavilion, of saplings sheathed with oak bark, mats were spread for them to sit upon, and food was served in polished red wooden bowls. Two hunters were sent out to bring in game, and returned almost at once with pigeons which were immediately dressed and cooked by the women. One of the hunters gave John one of the arrowheads used for shooting small birds; it was no bigger than his least fingernail and made of a red stone like jasper. A fat dog had also been killed, skinned and dressed with shell knives, and served as the dish of honor. Hudson hastily explained in English to his companions that whether they relished dog or not, it would never do to refuse it, as this was a special dish for great occasions. "Dad," said John that night, "do you think any ship with white men ever came up here before?" "No," said Hudson. "I hope they'll call this the Hudson." The water was now hardly more than seven feet deep, and the tide rose only a few inches. Hudson came reluctantly to the conclusion that there was no proceeding further in a ship. He sent a boatload of men several leagues up-stream, but they came back with the report that the river was much the same so far as they had gone. During the voyage they had often seen parties of the savages, usually friendly but sometimes hostile. Flights of arrows occasionally were aimed at the _Half Moon_, and the crew replied with musket-shots which sometimes but not always hit the mark. The painted warriors had a way of disappearing into the woods like elves. Once, in spite of all endeavors to shake him off, a solitary Indian in a small canoe followed along under the stern till he saw the chance of climbing up the rudder to the cabin window. He stole the pillow off the commander's bed, two shirts, and two bandoliers (ammunition-belts), the tinkle of which betrayed him. The mate saw him making off with his plunder and shot him, whereupon the other Indians paddled off at top speed, some even leaping from their canoes to swim ashore. A boat put out and recovered the stolen property, and when a swimming Indian caught the side of it to overturn it the cook valiantly beat him off with a sword. These with many other adventures were duly written down by Robert Juet the mate. To John Hudson the voyage was a journey of enchantment. Nothing he had ever seen was in the least like the glory of the autumn forests, mantling the mountains in scarlet, gold, malachite, russet, orange and purple. He had been in the gardens at Lambeth where Tradescant the famous gardener ruled, but there was more color in a single vivid maple standing blood-red in a bit of lowland than in all his Lancaster roses. And the great river had its flowers as well. A tall plant like an elfin elm covered with thick-set tiny blossoms yellow as broom, grew wild over the pastures, and interspersed with this fairy forest were thickets of deep lavender daisies with golden centers. In lowland glades were tall spikes of cardinal blossoms, and clusters of deep blue flowers like buds that never opened. Vines loaded with bunches of scarlet and orange berries like waxwork, and others bearing fluffy bunches of silky gray down curly as an old man's beard, climbed the trees that overhung the stream. The mountains in the upper river came right down to the water like the glacis of a giant fort, and fitful winds pounced upon the _Half Moon_ and rocked her like a cradle. Once there was a late thunder-shower, and the noise of the thunder among the humped ranges was for all the world like balls rolling in a great game of bowls played by goblins of the mountains. On the fourth of October, the _Half Moon_ left the island which the Indians called Manahatta, passed through the Narrows and sailed for Europe. Looking back at those green shores with their bronze feather-crowned people watching to see the flight of their strange guest, John Hudson felt that when he was a man, he would like nothing better than to have an estate on the shores of the noble river, which no white boy had ever before set eyes on. Where a great terrace rose, some fifty miles above Manahatta, walled around by mountains and almost two hundred feet above the river, there should be a fort, of which Captain John Smith should be the commander; and in the broadening of the river below to form an inland sea, his father's squadron should ride, while the Indians of all the upper reaches of the river should come to pay tribute and bring wampum, furs and tobacco in exchange for trinkets. And on the island at the mouth of the river there would be a great city, greater than Antwerp, to which all the ships of the world should come as they came now to Antwerp and to London. So dreaming, John Hudson saw the shores of this new world vanish in the blue line, where earth and sky are one. NOTES [1] The kindling of bonfires and beacon lights on the accession of a sovereign or any other occasion of national rejoicing is a very old custom in Britain and is still kept up. At the time of Queen Victoria's jubilee trees were planted closely to form a great V on the side of the Downs, and when the fires were lighted on Ditchling Beacon and other heights the letter stood out black against the close turf of the hillside. [2] The account of Smith's campaigns and signalling code is given in his autobiography. [3] The Delaware. [4] Some authorities consider the Hudson River to be actually a fiord or fjord and not a true river. [5] Greenwich Village. IMPERIALISM The Tailor sat with his goose on the table-- (Table of Laws it was, he said) Fashioning uniforms dyed in sable, Picked out with gold and sanguine red. "This," he said as he snipped and drafted, "Sublimely foreshadowing cosmic Fate With world-dominion august, resplendent, Will wear, as nothing can wear but Hate! "Chimerical dreams of souls romantic Are out of date as an old wife's rune. Britain is doomed as Plato's Republic--" When in at the door came a lilting tune! _"Here to-day and gone to-morrow-- All in the luck of the road! Didn't come to stay forever, But we'll take our share of the load!"_ Highlanders, Irish, Danes, Egyptians, Norman or Slav the dialects ran; Something more than a board-school shaped them-- Drill and discipline never made man! Once they knew Crecy, Hastings, Drogheda, Moscow, Assaye, Khartoum or Glencoe,-- Now the old hatreds are tinder for campfires. England has only her world to show! They are not dreamers, these men of the Empire, Guarding their land in the old-time way, And this is the style that prevails in the Legions,-- "The foe of the past is a friend to-day." _"It's a long, long road to the Empire (From Beersheba even to Dan) And the time is rather late for a chronic Hymn of Hate,-- And we know the tailor doesn't make the man!"_ XIX ADMIRAL OF NEW ENGLAND Barefoot and touzle-headed, in the coarse russet and blue homespun of an apprentice, a small boy sidled through the wood. Like a hunted hedgehog, he was ready to run or fight. Where a bright brook slid into the meadows, he stopped, and looked through new leaves at the infinite blue of the sky. Words his grandfather used to read to him came back to his mind. "Let the inhabitants of the rock sing, let them shout from the top of the mountain." The Bible which old Joseph Bradford had left to his grandson had been taken away, but no one could take away the memory of it. If he had dared, Will would have shouted aloud then and there. For all his hunger and weariness and dread of the future the strength of the land entered into his young soul. He drank of the clear brook, and let it wash away the soil of his pilgrimage. Then he curled himself in a hollow full of dry leaves, and went to sleep. When he woke, it was in the edge of the evening. Long shadows pointed like lances among the trees. A horse was cropping the grass in a clearing, and some one beyond the thicket was reading aloud. For an instant he thought himself dreaming of the old cottage at Austerfield--but the voice was young and lightsome. "Where a man can live at all, there can he live nobly." The reader stopped and laughed out. A lively snarling came from a burrow not far away, where two badgers were quarrelling conscientiously. "Just like folks ye be, a-hectorin' and a-fussin'. What's the great question to settle now--predestination or infant baptism?--Why, where under the canopy did you come from, you pint o' cider?" "I be a-travelin'," Will said stoutly. "Runaway 'prentice, I should guess. I was one myself at fifteen." "I'm 'leven, goin' on twelve," said the boy, standing as straight as he could. "Any folks?" "I lived with granddad until he died, four year back." "And so you're wayfarin', be you? What can you do to get your bread?" The urchin dug a bare toe into the sod. "I can work," he said half-defiantly. "Granddad always said I should be put to school some day, but my uncle won't have that. I can read." "Latin?" "No--English. Granddad weren't college-bred." "Nor I--they gave me more lickings than Latin at the grammar school down to Alvord, 'cause I would go bird's-nesting and fishing sooner than study my _hic_, _haec_, _hoc_. And now I've built me a booth like a wild man o' Virginia and come out here to get my Latin that I should ha' mastered at thirteen. All the travel-books are in Latin, and you have to know it to get on in foreign parts." "Have you been in foreign parts?" "Four year--France and Scotland and the Low Countries. But I got enough o' seeing Christians kill one another, and says I to myself, John Smith, you go see what they're about at home. And here I found our fen-sludgers all by the ears over Bishops and Papists and Brownists and such like. In Holland they let a man read's Bible in peace." "Is that the Bible you got there?" "Nay--Marcus Aurelius Antoninus--a mighty wise old chap, if he was an Emperor. And I've got Niccolo Macchiavelli's seven books o' the Art o' War. When I'm weary of one I take to t' other, and between times I ride a tilt." He waved his hand toward a ring fastened on a tree, and a lance and horse-furniture leaning against the trunk. "Our folks be Separatists," the boy said. "Well, and what of it?" laughed the young man. "As I was a-reading here--a man is what his thoughts make him. Be he Catholic or Church Protestant or Baptist, he's what he's o' mind to be, good or bad. Other folk's say-so don't stop him--no more than them badgers' worryin' dams the brook." This was a new idea to Will. His hunger for books was so keen that it had seemed to him that without them, he would be stupid as the swine. John Smith seemed to understand it, for he added, "You bide here with me awhile, lad. Maybe there's a way for you to get learning, yet." Will shared the leafy booth and simple fare of his new friend for a fortnight, doing errands, rubbing down the black horse, Tamlane, and at odd times learning his conjugations. When John Smith left his hermitage and went to fight against the Turks in Transylvania, he placed a little sum of money with a Puritan scholar at Scrooby to pay for the boy's schooling for a year or two. The yeoman uncle had a family of his own to provide for, and was glad to have Will off his hands. Transylvania in 1600 was on the very frontier of Christendom. John Smith needed all the philosophy he had learned from his favorite author when, after many adventures, he was taken prisoner and sent to the slave-market of Axopolis to be sold. Bogal, a Turkish pacha, bought the young Englishman to send as a gift to his future wife, Charatza Tragabigzanda, in Constantinople. Chained by the neck in gangs of twenties the slaves entered the great Moslem city. John Smith was left at the gate of a house exactly like all the others in the narrow noisy street. The beauty of an Oriental palace is inside the walls. Within the blank outer wall of stone and mud-brick, arched roofs, painted and gilded within, were upheld by slender round pillars of fine stone--marble, jasper, porphyry, onyx, red syenite, highly polished and sometimes brought from old palaces and temples in other lands. Intricate carving in marble or in fine hard wood adorned the doorways and lattices, and the balconies with their high lattice-work railings where the women could see into a room below without being seen. In the courtyards fountains plashed in marble basins, and from hidden gardens came the breath of innumerable roses. On floors of fine mosaic were silken many-hued rugs, brought in caravans from Bagdad, Moussoul or Ispahan, and the soft patter of bare feet, morocco shoes and light sandals came from the endless vistas of open arches. A silken rustling and once a gurgle of soft laughter might have told the Englishman that he was watched, but he knew no more what it meant than he understood the Arabic mottoes, interwoven with the decoration of the blue-and-gold walls. Charatza's curiosity was aroused at the sight of a slave so tall, ruddy and handsome. She sent for him to come into an inner room where she and her ladies sat, closely veiled, upon a cushioned divan. Bogal's letter said that the slave was a rich Bohemian nobleman whom he had captured in battle, and whose ransom would buy Charatza splendid jewels. But when spoken to in Bohemian the captive looked perfectly blank. He did not seem to understand one word. Arabic and Turkish were no more successful. At last the young princess asked a question in Italian and found herself understood. It did not take long for her to find out that the story her lover had written had not a word of truth in it. She was as indignant as a spirited girl would naturally be. In one way and another she made opportunities to talk with the Englishman and to inquire of others about his career. She presently discovered that he was the champion who had beheaded three Turkish warriors, one after another, before the walls of the besieged city Regall. She made up her mind that when she was old enough to control her own fortune, which would be in the not very distant future, she would set him free and marry him. Such things had been done in Constantinople, and doubtless could be done again. But meantime Charatza's mother, learning that her daughter had been talking to a slave, was not at all pleased and threatened, since he was no nobleman and would not be ransomed, to sell him in the market. Charatza was used to having her way sooner or later, and managed to have him sent instead to her brother, a pacha or provincial governor in Tartary. She sent also a letter asking the pacha to be kind to the young English slave and give him a chance of learning Turkish and the principles of the Koran. This was far from agreeable to a brother who had already heard of his sister's liking for the penniless stranger,--especially as he found that the Englishman had no intention of turning Moslem. The slave-master was told to treat him with the utmost severity, which meant that his life was made almost unbearable. A ring of iron, with a curved iron handle, was locked around his neck, his only garment was a tunic of hair-cloth belted with undressed hide, he was herded with other Christian slaves and a hundred or more Turks and Moors who were condemned criminals, and, as the last comer, had to take the kicks and cuffs of all the others. The food was coarse and unclean, and only extreme hunger made it possible to eat it. John Smith was not the man to sit down hopelessly under misfortune, and he talked with the other Christians whenever chance offered, about possible plans of escape. None of them saw any hope of getting away, even by joining their efforts. It may be that some of this talk was overheard; at any rate Smith was sent after a while to thresh wheat by himself in a barn two or three miles from the stone castle where the governor lived. The pacha rode up while he was at work and began to abuse him, taunting him with being a Christian outcast who had tried to set himself above his betters by winning the favor of a Turkish lady. The Englishman flew at him like a wildcat, dragged him off his horse and broke his skull with the club which was used instead of a flail for threshing. Then he dressed himself in the Turk's garments, hid the body under a heap of grain, filled a bag with wheat for all his provision, mounted the horse of his late master, and rode away northward. He knew that Muscovy was in this general direction, and coming to a road marked by a cross, rode that way for sixteen days, hiding whenever he heard any sound of travelers for fear the iron slave-ring should betray him. At last he came to a Russian garrison on the River Don, where he found good friends. In 1604, after some other adventures, he came again to England. All London was talking of the doings of King James, who in one short year had managed to dissatisfy both Catholics and Protestants. Since the voyages of Gosnold, Pring and Weymouth there was much interest in Virginia. Ralegh was a prisoner in the Tower. There was talk of a trading association to be called the London Company, and it was said that this company planned a new plantation somewhere north of Roanoke. Smith could see the great future which might await an English settlement in that rich land. He decided to join the adventurers going out in the fleet of Captain Christopher Newport. Before sailing, he went to Lincolnshire to bid farewell to his own people, and in the shadow of the Tower of Saint Botolph's he espied a tall lad whose look recalled something. "Why," he cried with a hearty clasp of the hand. "'t is thyself grown a man, Will! And how goes the Latin?" "I love it well," the youth answered shyly. "Master Brewster hath also instructed me in the Greek. If--if I had known where to send it I would have repaid the money you was so kind as to spare." "Nay, think no more o't--or rather, hand it on to some other young book-worm," laughed the bearded and bronzed captain. "And how be all your folk?" The lad's eyes rested wistfully upon the quaint old seaport streets. "The Bishop rails upon our congregation," he said. "Holland is better than a prison, and we shall go there soon." Smith's practical mind saw the uselessness of trying to get any Non-Conformist taken on by a royal colony in Virginia just then. "'Tis a hard case," he said sympathetically, "but we may meet again some day. There's room enough in the Americas, the Lord knows, for all the honest men England can spare." Thus they parted, and on April 26, 1607, the Virginia voyagers saw land at the mouth of the Chesapeake. The company was rather top-heavy. Out of the hundred who were enrolled, fifty-two were gentlemen adventurers, each of whom thought himself as good as the rest and even a little better. No sooner had the ship dropped anchor than thirty of them went ashore to roam the forest, laughing and shouting as if they had the country to themselves. The appearance of five Indians sent them scurrying back to the ship with two of their number wounded, for they had no weapons with them. That night the sealed orders of the London Company were opened, and it was found that the directors had appointed a council of seven to govern the colony and choose a president for a year. The colonists were charged to search for gold and pearls and for a passage to the East Indies. Nothing more original in the way of a colonial enterprise had occurred to the directors. Success in these undertakings meant immediate profits with which the new Company could compete with Bristol, Antwerp, and the Muscovy Company's rich fur trade. In the list of names for the council appeared that of Captain John Smith, which was somewhat embarrassing, since a scandalous tale had been set going during the voyage, that he intended to lead a mutiny and make himself governor of the colony. This was so far believed that he was kept a prisoner through the last part of the voyage. The other councilors, Newport, Gosnold, Wingfield, Ratcliffe, Martin and Kendall, held their election without him and chose Wingfield president. Next day the carpenters began work on the shallop, which had been shipped in sections, and Wingfield ordered Smith inland with a party of armed men, to explore. They saw no Indians, but found a fire where oysters were still roasting, and made a good meal off them, though some of the luscious shellfish were so large that they had to be cut in pieces before they were eaten. Coasting along the bay they discovered a river, which was explored when the shallop was launched. Upon this river they saw an Indian canoe forty feet long, made of the trunk of a tree hollowed out, Indian fashion, with hot stones and shell gouges. They found also oysters in abundance and in some of them fresh-water pearls. After spending seventeen days in examining the country, they chose for their settlement a peninsula on the north side of the river called the Powhatans by the Indians, from the tribe living on its banks. This site was about forty miles from the sea, and here, on May 13, they moored their ships to trees in six fathom of water and named the place Jamestown, and the river the King's River. Thus far the Indians had been friendly, and Wingfield would not have any fortifications built, or any military drill, for fear of arousing their anger. Captain Kendall, despite orders, constructed a crescent-shaped line of fence of untrimmed boughs, but most of the weapons remained in packing-cases on board ship. Wingfield, who regarded Smith as a rather dangerously outspoken man to have about just then, sent him with Newport and twenty others, to explore the river to its head. On the sixth day they passed the chief town of the Powhatans. On May 24 they reached the head of the river, set up a cross, and proclaimed in the wilderness the sovereignty of King James Stuart. The thrifty eye of the Lincolnshire yeoman observed many things with satisfaction during this march. There might not be any gold mines, but there was unlimited timber, and the meadows would make as good pasture for cattle as any in England. In the forests were red deer and fallow deer, bears, otters, beavers, and foxes, besides animals unknown in Europe. One moonlight night, while examining deer tracks near a little stream, Smith saw humped on a fallen log above it a furry beast about the size of a badger, with black face and paws like a bear, and a bushy tail with crosswise rings of brown and black. This queer animal was eating something, and dipping the food into the water before each mouthful. When Smith described it to the Indians he could make nothing of the name they gave it, but wrote it down as best he could--Araughcoune. Another new kind of creature was of the size of a rabbit, grayish white, with black ears and a tail like a rat. It would hang by its tail from a tree, until knocked off with a stick, and then curl up with shut eyes and pretend to be dead. It was excellent eating when roasted with wild yams,--rather like a very small suckling pig, the colonists later discovered. For the most part, however, Smith was inclined to think they would have to depend upon their provisions and the corn they could buy from the Indians. On returning to Jamestown they found that the Indians had been raiding the settlement, the colonists at the time being all at work and taken completely by surprise. Seventeen men had been wounded, and a boy killed. After this, the men were drilled each day, the guns were unpacked and a palisade was begun. Newport was in a hurry to return to England, and Wingfield now suggested that Smith, who was still supposed to be under arrest, should go with him and save any further trouble. This did not suit Smith at all. He demanded an open trial, got it, and was triumphantly cleared of all charges. Of the privation, dissensions and sickness which followed Newport's departure, the bad water, rotten food, constant trouble with savages, and the unreasonable demands of the directors of the London Company, all historians have told. One story, which Smith was wont to tell with keen relish, deals with the instructions of the Company that the Indian chief, "King Powhatan," should be crowned with all due ceremony, just at a time of year when every hand in the colony was needed for attending to the crops. Smith and Newport had just come to a reasonable understanding with that astute savage, by which he treated them with real respect; and the attention paid him by his "brother James," as he proceeded to call the King of England, rather turned his head. He liked the red cloak sent him, but had no idea what a crown meant. The raccoon skin mantle which he removed when robed in the royal crimson was sent to England and is now in a museum at Oxford. After some years of strenuous toil and adventure John Smith went back to London. An explosion of powder, whether accidental or intentional was never known, wounded him seriously just before he left Jamestown, and he did not recover from it for some time. "And what is in your mind to do next, Captain?" asked Master William Simons the geographer when they had finished, between them, the new map of Virginia. Smith's eyes twinkled as he snapped the cover on his inkhorn. "Why, 't is hard for an old rover like me to lie abed when there's man's work to be done. You know, the London Company holds only the southern division of the King's Patent for Virginia; the north's given to Bristol, Exeter and Plymouth. And that's never been settled yet." "There was a colony of Captain George Popham and Ralegh Gilbert went out, five year ago," said Simons doubtfully. "They said they could not endure the bitter climate." "Sho," said Smith impatiently, one stubbed forefinger on the map, "'t is in almost the same latitude as France. Maybe they chose the wrong place for their plantation. Why, the French trade furs with the savages, all up and down the Saint Laurence, and mind the cold no more than nothing at all. The first thing we know, the Dutch will be out here finding a road to the Indies." Both men laughed. They had lost faith in that road to fortune. "Anyhow Hudson didn't find it when they sent him to look for it the year afore he died," said Simons, "or they'd be into it now. But what are you scheming?" "First make a voyage of exploration," said Smith. "I ha' talked with one and another that told me they taken a draught of the coast, and I ha' six or seven of the plots they drew, so different from one another and out of proportion they do me as much good as so much waste paper--though they cost me more," added the veteran grimly. "With a true map o' the coast, we'd know whereabouts we were." "No gold nor silver, I hear." "Maybe not. But what commodity in England decays faster than wood? And where will you find better forest than along that shore? Build shipyards there, and our English folk would make a living off'n that and the fisheries. I know how 't was in Boston--the Flemings would salt their fish down right aboard the ships when the fleets came in. But men for work like this must be men--not tyrants, nor slaves." John Smith's eyes flashed, and his lips closed so tightly that his thick mustaches and beard stuck straight out like a lion's. He had seen a plenty of both slavery and tyranny in his life. In fact there was a neck-and-neck race between the Plymouth Company and the Dutch West India Company, for the control of the northern province. Dutch fur traders were already on Manhattan Island living in makeshift wooden huts, and Adrian Block was exploring Long Island Sound, when John Smith went out to map the coast north of Cape Cod for Sir Ferdinando Gorges of the Plymouth Company in 1614. The two little English ships reached the part of the coast called by the Indians Monhegan in April of that year. They had general instructions to meet the cost of the expedition, if possible, by whaling, fishing and fur-trading. No true whales were found, however, and by the time the ships reached the fishing grounds the cod season was nearly past. Mullet and sturgeon were plentiful in summer, and while the sailors fished, Smith took a few men in a small boat and ranged the coast, trading for furs. Within a distance of fifty or sixty miles they got in exchange for such trifles as were prized by the Indians, more than a thousand beaver skins, a hundred or more martens and as many otter-pelts. On a rocky island four leagues from shore, in latitude 431/2, he made a garden in May which gave them all salad vegetables through June and July. Not a man of the twenty-five was ill even for a day. Cod, they learned, were abundant from March to the middle of June, and again from September to November, for cor-fish--salt fish or Poor John. The Indians said that the herring were more than the hairs of the head. Sturgeon, mullet, salmon, halibut and other fish were plentiful. Smith had a vision of comfortable independent mariners settled on farms all along the coast, sending their fish to market the year round, and sleeping every night at home. It seemed to him that here, in a hardy thrifty province which gold-seekers and gentlemen adventurers might scorn, he could contentedly end his days. There was a pleasant inlet on the coast of a bold headland, north of Cape Cod, which he thought would be his choice for his plantation. This headland he had named Cape Tragabigzanda. There were three small round islands to be seen far to seaward, which he called the Three Turks' Heads. One Sunday, "a faire sunshining day," he climbed a green height above Anusquam, and sitting on a huge boulder surveyed the bright and peaceful landscape and chose the site for his house. Good stone there would be in abundance, and mighty timbers that had been growing for him since the days of Noah. In this Province of New England a strong and fearless race would found new towns with the old names--Boston, Plymouth, Ipswich, Sandwich, Gloucester. So he dreamed until the sun went down under a canopy of crimson and gold, while the boat rocked in the little bay where he would have his wharf. In 1619, when English Puritans began preparations for the founding of a new colony, he offered his services, but the older men would have none of him. He was a "Church of England Protestant" and one of the unregenerate with whom they had no fellowship. They took his map as a guide, and settled, not on Cape Tragabigzanda, which Prince Charles had re-named Cape Anne, but in the bay which he had called Plymouth. He spent some years in London writing an account of his adventures, and died in 1631 at the age of fifty-two--Captain John Smith, Admiral of New England. NOTE The account of Captain John Smith's adventures among the Turks was at one time considered apocryphal, but good authorities now see no reason to regard his narrative of his own career as in any way inaccurate. The perils and strange chances which an adventurous man encountered in such times often seem almost incredible in a more peaceful age, but there is really no more reason to doubt them than to discredit authentic accounts of men like Daniel Boone, Francis Drake, or other men of similar disposition. THE DISCOVERIES Through tangled mysteries of old romance Knights, Latin, Celt or Saxon, pass a-dream, Seeking the minarets of magic towers Through the witched woods that gleam. Stately in trappings thick with gold and gems, Stern-browed and stubborn-eyed, they wandered forth, As children credulous, as strong men brave, To South, and West, and North. Our venturous pilots map the windy skies; To serve our pleasure, huger galleons wait. Aflame with more than magic lights, our walls Guard the Manhattan Gate! BIBLIOGRAPHY Among the sources of information from which the historical material of this book are drawn are the following works: Voyages, HAKLUYT The Discovery of America. JOHN FISKE Dutch and Quaker Colonies in America. JOHN FISKE The Conquest of Mexico. PRESCOTT Two Voyages in New England. J. JOSSELYN Adventures and Conquests of Magellan. GEORGE MAKEPEACE TOWLE Narrative and Critical History of America. (Edited by JUSTIN WINSOR) The People for Whom Shakespeare Wrote. WARNER The Romance of Colonization. G. BARNETT SMITH Life of Columbus. WASHINGTON IRVING The Voyage of the Vega. NORDENSKIOLD The Land of the Midnight Sun. DU CHAILLU The Court of France. LADY JACKSON Sailors' Narratives of New England Voyages. (Edited by GEORGE PARKER WINSHIP) Indian Basketry. GEORGE WHARTON JAMES The Iroquois Book of Rites. HALE Drake. ALFRED NOYES (_poem_) Crusaders of New France. WILLIAM BENNETT MUNRO Elizabethan Sea-dogs. WILLIAM WOOD Young Folks' Book of American Explorers. HIGGINSON Paradise Found. WILLIAM F. WARREN Ferdinand and Isabella. PRESCOTT Pioneers of France in the New World. PARKMAN Sir Francis Drake. JULIAN CORBETT Henry the Navigator. MEN OF ACTION SERIES THE END [Transcriber's Notes: Page Problem Change/Comment 8 "Helene" "Helêne" to match rest of text 26 same awe some awe 55 Inserted a comma after 'jeweled trappings'. 85 superfluous comma in "Catherine, became" removed 85 valauble valuable 90 good cheap and wholesome. As in image 108 comrad comrade 133 'And the White Gods come' Line indented to match other stanzas. 150 sqadron squadron 162 religon religion 178 exicitement excitement 194 slaves slavers 194 Cabeca 'Cabeça' as elsewhere 230 'like spent bullets" 'like spent bullets.' 232 two month's As in image 239 exploratioins explorations 247 Amadas Armadas 300 Inserted '(' before 'Edited by Justin Winsor)' The following variant spellings in the text have been left unmodified: "Bacalao" and "Baccalao" "Mappe-Mondo" and "Mappe-Monde" "'T is" and "'Tis" The following variant hyphenations in the text have been left unmodified: "arrow-heads" and "arrowheads" "birch-bark" and "birchbark" "cross-bow" and "crossbow-bolts" "court-yards" and "courtyards" "deer-skin" and "deerskin" "frost-work" and "frostwork" "Grand-Master" and "Grand Master" "ink-horn" and "inkhorn" "kin-folk" and "kinfolk" "sea-weed" and "seaweed" "shell-fish" and "shellfish" "ship-worm" and "shipworms"]
11948 ---- This file was produced from images generously made available by the Canadian Institute for Historical Microreproductions ** Transcriber's Notes ** The printed edition from which this e-text has been produced retains the spelling and abbreviations of Hakluyt's 16th-century original. In this version, the spelling has been retained, but the following manuscript abbreviations have been silently expanded: - vowels with macrons = vowel + 'n' or 'm' - q; = -que (in the Latin) - y'e = the; y't = that; w't = with This edition contains footnotes and two types of sidenotes. Most footnotes are added by the editor. They follow modern (19th-century) spelling conventions. Those that don't are Hakluyt's (and are not always systematically marked as such by the editor). The sidenotes are Hakluyt's own. Summarizing sidenotes are labelled [Sidenote: ] and placed before the sentence to which they apply. Sidenotes that are keyed with a symbol are labeled [Marginal note: ] and placed at the point of the symbol, except in poetry, where they are placed at a convenient point. Additional notes on corrections, etc. are signed 'KTH' ** End Transcriber's Notes ** THE PRINCIPAL NAVIGATIONS, VOYAGES, TRAFFIQUES AND DISCOVERIES OF THE ENGLISH NATION. COLLECTED BY RICHARD HAKLUYT. PREACHER AND EDITED BY EDMUND GOLDSMID, F.R.H.S. VOL. X. ASIA. PART III. NAVIGATIONS, VOYAGES, TRAFFIQUES, AND DISCOVERIES OF THE ENGLISH NATION IN ASIA. The manner of the entring of Soliman the great Turke, with his armie into Aleppo in Syria, marching towards Persia against the Great Sophie, the fourth day of Nouember, 1553, noted by Master Anthony Ienkinson, present at that time. There marched before the Grand Signior, otherwise called the great Turke, 6000 Esperes, otherwise called light horsemen very brave, clothed all in scarlet. After, marched 10000 men, called Nortans, which be tributaries to the Great Turke, clothed all in yellow veluet, and hats of the same, of the Tartary fashion, two foote long, with a great role of the same colour about their foreheads, richly decked, with their bowes in their hands, of the Turkish fashion. After them marched foure Captaines, men of armes, called in Turkish Saniaques, clothed all foure in crimson veluet, euery one hauing vnder his banner twelue thousand men of armes well armed with their morrions vpon their heads, marching in good order, with a short weapon by their sides, called in their language, Simiterro. After came 16000 Ianizaries, called the slaues of the Grand Signior, all a foote, euery one hauing his harquebush, who be his gard, all clothed in violet silke, and apparelled vpon their heads with a strange forme, called Cuocullucia, fashioned in this sort: the entering in of the forehead is like a skull made of white veluet, and hath a traine hanging downe behind, in manner of a French hoode, of the same, colour, and vpon the forepart of the said skull, iust in the middes of his forehead there is standing bolt vpright like a trunke of a foote long of siluer, garnished most richly with Goldsmiths worke, and precious stones, and in the top of the said trunke a great bush of fethers, which waueth vp and downe most brauely when he marcheth. After this, there cam 1000. pages of honour; all clothed in cloth of gold, the halfe of them carying harquebushes, and the other halfe, Turkish bowes, with the trusses of arrowes, marching in good order. Then came three men of armes well armed, and vpon their harnesse coates of the Turkes fashion, of Libard skinnes, and murrions vpon their heads, their speares charged, and all the end of their staffe hard by the head of the speare, a horse taile died in a bloody colour, which is their ensigne: they be the chalengers for the Turkes owne person. After them came seuen pages of honour in cloth of siluer, vpon seuen white horses, which horses were couered with cloth of siluer, all embrodered and garnished with precious stones, emerauds, diamonds, and rubies most richly. After them also came sixe more pages of honour, clothed in cloth of gold, euery one hauing his bowe in his hand, and his fawchine of the Turkes fashion by his side. Immediately after them came the great Turke himselfe with great pompe and magnificence, vsing in his countenance and gesture a wonderfull maiestie, hauing onely on each side of his person one page clothed with cloth of gold: he himselfe was mounted vpon a goodly white horse, adorned with a robe of cloth of gold, embrodered most richly with the most precious stones, and vpon his head a goodly white tucke, containing in length by estimation fifteene yards, which was of silke and linnen wouen together, resembling something Callicut cloth, but is much more fine and rich, and in the top of his crowne, a litle pinnach of white Ostrich feathers, and his horse most richly apparelled in all points correspondent to the same. After him folowed sixe goodly yong ladies, mounted vpon fine white hackneis, clothed in cloth of siluer, which were of the fashion of mens garments, embrodered very richly with pearle and precious stones, and had vpon their heads caps of Goldsmiths worke, hauing great flackets of haire, hanging out on each side, died as red as blood, and the nailes of their fingers died of the same colour, euery of them hauing two eunuches on each side, and litle bowes in their hands, after an Antike fashion. After marched the great Basha chiefe conductor of the whole army, clothed with a robe of Dollymant crimson, and vpon the same another short garment very rich, and about him fiftie Ianizaries afoote, of his owne gard, all clothed in crimson veluet, being armed as the Turks owne Ianizaries. Then after ensued three other Bashas, with slaues about them, being afoote, to the number of three thousand men. After came a companie of horsemen very braue, and in all points well armed, to the number of foure thousand. All this aforesayd army, most pompous to behold, which was in number foure score and eight thousand men, encamped about the citie of Aleppo, and the Grand Signior himselfe was lodged within the towne, in a goodly castle, situated vpon a high mountaine: at the foote whereof runneth a goodly riuer, which is a branch of that famous riuer Euphrates. The rest of his armie passed ouer the mountaines of Armenia called now the mountaines of Camarie, which are foure dayes iourney from Aleppo, appointed there to tary the comming of the Grand Signior, with the rest of his army, intending to march into Persia, to giue battel to the great Sophie. So the whole armie of the Grand Signior, containing as well those that went by the mountaines, as also those that came to Aleppo in company with him, with horsemen and footemen, and the conductors of the camels and victuals, were the number of 300000 men. The camels which carried munition and vitailes for the said army, were in number 200000. * * * * * A note of the presents that were giuen at the same time in Aleppo, to the grand Signior, and the names of the presenters. First the Basha of Aleppo, which is as a Viceroy, presented 100. garments of cloth of gold, and 25. horses. The Basha of Damasco, presented 100. garments of cloth of gold, and twentie horses, with diuers sorts of comfits, in great quantitie. The Basha of Aman presented 100. garments of cloth of gold, 20. horses, and a cup of gold, with two thousand duckets. The Saniaque of Tripolis presented six camels, charged all with silkes, 20. horses, and a little clocke of gold, garnished with precious stones, esteemed worth two hundred duckets. The Consul of the company of the Venetians in Tripolis, came to kisse the grand Signiors hand, and presented him a great basin of gold, and therein 4000. duckets Venetians. * * * * * The safeconduct or priuiledge giuen by Sultan Solyman the great Turke, to master Anthony Ienkinson at Aleppo in Syria, in the yeere 1553. Sultan Solyman, &c. to all Viceroyes, Saniaques, Cadies, and other our Iusticers, Officers, and subiects of Tripolis in Syria, Constantinople, Alexandria in Ægypt, and of all other townes and cities vnder our dominion and iurisdiction: We will and command you, that when you shall see Anthony Ienkinson, bearer of these present letters, merchant of London in England, or his factor, or any other bearing the sayd letter for him, arriue in our ports and hauens, with his ship or ships, or other vessels whatsoeuer, that you suffer him to lade or vnlade his merchandise wheresoeuer it shall seeme good vnto him, traffiking for himselfe ['himelfe' in source text--KTH] in all our countreys and dominions, without hindering or any way disturbing of him, his ship, his people or merchandise, and without enforcing him to pay any other custome or toll whatsoeuer, in any sort, or to any persons whatsoeuer they be, saue onely our ordinarie duties contained in our custome houses, which when he hath paied, we will that he be franke and free, as well for himselfe as for his people, merchandise, ship or ships, and all other vessels whatsoeuer: and in so doing that he may traffike, bargaine, sell and buy, lade and vnlade, in all our foresayd Countreys, lands and dominions, in like sort, and with the like liberties and priuiledges, as the Frenchmen and Venetians vse, and enioy, and more if it be possible, without the hinderance or impeachment of any man. And furthermore, wee charge and commaund all Viceroyes, and Consuls of the French nation, and of the Venetians, and all other Consuls resident in our Countreys, in what port or prouince soeuer they be, not to constraine, or cause to constraine, by them, or the sayd Ministers and Officers whatsoeuer they be, the sayd Anthony Ienkinson, or his factor, or his seruants, or deputies, or his merchandise, to pay any kind of consullage, or other right whatsoeuer, or to intermeddle or hinder his affaires, and not to molest nor trouble him any manner of way, because our will and pleasure is, that he shall not pay in all our Countreys, any other then our ordinarie custome. And in case any man hinder and impeach him, aboue, and besides these our present letters, wee charge you most expressly to defend and assist him agaynst the sayd Consuls, and if they will not obey our present commandement, that you aduertise vs thereof, that we may take such order for the same, that others may take example thereby. Moreouer we commaund all our Captaines of our Gallies, and their Lieutenants, be they Foister or other Vessels, that when they shall finde the sayd Ienkinson, or his factor, his ship or ships, with his seruaunts and merchandise, that they hurt him not neither in body nor goods, but that rather they assist and defend him agaynst all such as seeke to doe him wrong, and that they ayde and helpe him with vitailes, according to his want, and that whosoeuer shall see these presents, obey the same, as they will auoyd the penaltie in doing the contrary. Made in Aleppo of Syria, the yeere 961. of our holy prophet Mahomet, and in the yeere of Iesus, 1553. signed with the scepter and signet of the grand Signior, with his owne proper hand. * * * * * Letters concerning the voyage of M. John Newbery and M. Ralph Fitch, made by the way of the Leuant Sea to Syria, and ouerland to Balsara, and thence into the East Indies, and beyond, In the yeere 1583. A letter written from the Queenes Majestie, to Zelabdin Echebar, King of Cambaia, and sent by Iohn Newbery. In February Anno 1583. Elizabeth by the grace of God &c. To the most inuincible, and most mightie prince, lord Zelabdim Echebar king of Cambaya. Inuincible Emperor, &c. The great affection which our Subjects haue, to visit the most distant places of the world, not without good will and intention to introduce the trade of marchandize of al nations whatsoeuer they can, by which meanes the mutual and friendly trafique of marchandize on both sides may come, is the cause that the bearer of this letter Iohn Newbery, ioyntly with those that be in his company, with a curteous and honest boldnesse, doe repaire to the borders and countreys of your Empire, we doubt not but that your imperiall Maiestie through your royal grace, will fauourably and friendly accept him. And that you would doe it the rather for our sake, to make vs greatly beholding to your Maiestie; wee should more earnestly, and with more wordes require it, if wee did think it needful. But by the singular report that is of your imperial Maiesties humanitie in these vttermost parts of the world, we are greatly eased of that burden, and therefore we vse the fewer and lesse words: onely we request that because they are our subiects, they may be honestly intreated and receiued. And that in respect of the hard iourney which they haue vndertaken to places so far distant, it would please your Maiestie with some libertie and securitie of voiage to gratifie it, with such priuileges as to you shall seeme good: which curtesie if your Imperiall maiestie shal to our subiects at our requests performe, wee according to our royall honour, wil recompence the same with as many deserts as we can. And herewith we bid your Imperial Maiestie to farewel. * * * * * A letter written by her Maiestie to the King of China, in Februarie 1583. Elizabeth by the grace of God Queene of England, &c. Most Imperial and inuincible prince, our honest subiect Iohn Newbery the bringer hereof, who with our fauour hath taken in hand the voyage which now hee pursueth to the parts and countreys of your Empire, not trusting vpon any other ground then vpon the fauour of your Imperiall clemencie and humanitie, is moued to vndertake a thing of so much difficultie, being perswaded that hee hauing entered into so many perils, your Maiestie will not dislike the same, especially if it may appeare that it be not damageable vnto your royall Maiestie, and that to your people it will bring some profite: of both which things he not doubting, with more willing minde hath prepared himselfe for his destinated voyage vnto vs well liked of. For by this meanes we perceiue, that the profit which by the mutual trade on both sides, al the princes our neighbors in the West do receiue, your Imperial maiestie and those that be subiect vnder your dominion, to their great ioy and benefit shal haue the same, which consisteth in the transporting outward of such things whereof we haue plenty, and in bringing in such things as we stand in need of. It cannot otherwise be, but that seeing that we are borne and made to haue need one of another, and that wee are bound to aide one another, but that your imperial Maiestie wil wel like of it, and by your subiects with like indeuor wil be accepted. For the increase whereof, if your imperial Maiestie shall adde the securitie of passage, with other priuileges most necessary to vse the trade with your men, your maiestie shall doe that which belongeth to a most honorable and liberal prince, and deserue so much of vs, as by no continuance or length of time shalbe forgotten. Which request of ours we do most instantly desire to be taken in good part of your maiestie, and so great a benefit towards vs and our men, we shall endeuor by diligence to requite when time shal serue thereunto. The God Almighty long preserue your Imperial Maiestie. * * * * * A letter of M. Iohn Newbery, written from Alepo, to M. Richard Hakluyt of Oxford, the 28 of May, Anno 1583. Right wellbeloued, and my assured good friend, I heartily commend me vnto you, hoping of your good health, &c. After we set saile from Grauesend, which was the 13. day of February last, wee remained vpon our coast vntill the 11. day of March, and that day we set saile from Falmouth, and neuer ankered till wee arriued in the road of Tripolie in Syria, which was the last day of Aprill last past, where wee stayed 14. dayes: and the twentie of this present we came hither to Alepo, and with Gods helpe, within fiue or sixe dayes goe from hence towards the Indies. [Sidenote: Abilfada Ismael his Cosmographie.] Since my comming to Tripolis I haue made very earnest inquirie both there and here, for the booke of Cosmographie of Abilfada Ismael, but by no meanes can heare of it. Some say that possibly it may be had in Persia, but notwithstanding I will not faile to make inquirie for it, both in Babylon, and in Balsara, and if I can finde it in any of these places, I wil send it to you from thence. The letter which you deliuered me for to copy out, that came from M. Thomas Steuens in Goa, as also the note you gaue mee of Francis Fernandas the Portugal, I brought thence with me among other writings vnawares, the which I haue sent you here inclosed. Here is great preparation for the warres in Persia, and from hence is gone the Bassa of a towne called Rahemet, and shortly after goeth the Bassa of Tripolis, and the Bassa of Damasco, but they haue not all with them aboue 6000. men from hence, and they goe to a towne called Asmerome, which is three dayes iourney from Trapezunde, where they shal meete with diuers captaines and souldiers that come from Constantinople and other places thereabout, which goe altogether into Persia. This yeere many men goe into the warres, and so hath there euery yeere since the beginning thereof, which is eight yeeres or thereabouts, but very fewe of them returne againe. Notwithstanding, they get of the Persians, and make castles and holds in their countrey. I pray you make my hearty commendations to master Peter Guillame, and master Philip Iones, and to M. Walter Warner, and to all the rest of our friends. Master Fitch hath him heartily commended vnto you: and so I commit you to the tuition of the Almightie, who blesse and keepe you, and send vs a ioyfull meeting. From Alepo, the 28. of May 1583. Your louing friend to command in all that I may. Iohn Newberie. * * * * Another letter of the said M. Newberie, written to Master Leonard Poore of London from Alepo. Right welbeloued, my very heartie commendations vnto you, and the rest of my friends remembred. [Sidenote: March 11.] My last I sent you was the 25. of February last, from Dele out of the Downes, after which time with contrary windes wee remained vpon our owne coast, vntill the 11. day of March, and then wee set saile from Falmouth, and the thirteenth day the winde came contrary with a very great storme, which continued eight dayes, and in this great storme wee had some of our goods wette, but God bee thanked no great hurt done. [Sidenote: The last of April.] After which time we sailed with a faire wind within the Streights, and so remained at Sea, and ankered at no place vntil our comming into the roade of Tripolis in Syria, which was the last day of April. This was a very good passage. God make vs thankfull for it. The fourteenth day of this present wee came from Tripolis, and the twentieth day arriued here in Alepo, and with the helpe of God tomorrowe or next day, wee beginne our voyage towards Babylon and Balsara, and so into India. Our friend Master Barret hath him commended to you, who hath sent you in the Emanuel a ball of Nutmegs for the small trifles you sent him, which I hope long since you haue receiued. Also hee hath by his letter certified you in what order hee solde those things, whereof I can say nothing, because I haue not seene the accompt thereof, neither haue demaunded it: for euer since our comming hither hee hath bene still busie about the dispatch of the shippe, and our voyage, and I likewise in buying of things here to cary to Balsara, and the Indies. [Sidenote: Currall. Amber greese. Sope. Broken glasse.] Wee haue bought in currall for 1200. and odde ducats, and amber for foure hundreth ducates, and some sope and broken glasse, with all other small trifles, all which things I hope will serue very wel for those places that wee shall goe vnto. All the rest of the accompt of the Barke Reinolds was sent home in the Emanuel, which was 3600. ducats, which is 200. pound more then it was rated. For master Staper rated it but 1100. li. and it is 1300. pound, so that our part is 200. pound, besides such profit as it shall please God to sende thereof: wherefore you shall doe very well to speake to M. Staper for the accompt. And if you would content your selfe to trauell for three or foure yeeres, I would wish you to come hither or goe to Cairo, if any goe thither. For wee doubt not if you had remained there but three or foure moneths, you would like so well of the place, that I thinke you would not desire to returne againe in three or foure yeeres. And, if it should be my chance to remaine in any place out of England, I would choose this before all other that I know. My reason is, the place is healthfull and pleasant, and the gaines very good, and no doubt the profit will bee hereafter better, things being vsed in good order: for there should come in euery ship the fourth part of her Cargason in money, which would helpe to put away our commodities at a very good price. Also to haue two very good ships to come together, would doe very well: for in so doing, the danger of the voyage might be accompted as little as from London to Antwerpe. Master Giles Porter and master Edmund Porter, went from Tripolis in a small barke to Iaffa, the same day that we came from thence, which was the 14 day of this present, so that no doubt but long since they are in Ierusalem: God send them and vs safe returne. At this instant I haue received the account of M. Barret, and the rest of the rings, with two and twentie duckats, two medines in readie money. So there is nothing remaining in his hands but a few bookes, and with Thomas Bostocke I left certaine small trifles, which I pray you demaund. And so once againe with my hearty commendations I commit you to the tuition of the almightie, who alwayes preserue vs. From Aleppo the 29 of May 1583. Yours assured, Iohn Newberie. * * * * * Another letter of Master Newberie to the aforesaide M. Poore, written from Babylon. My last I sent you, was the 29 of May last past from Aleppo, by George Gill the purser of the Tiger, which the last day of the same moneth came from thence, and arriued at Feluge the 19 day of Iune, which Feluge is one dayes iourney from hence. Notwithstanding some of our company came not hither till the last day of the last moneth, which was for want of Camels to cary our goods: for at this time of the yeere, by reason of the great heate that is here, Camels are very scant to be gotten. And since our comming hither we haue found very small sales, but diuers say that in the winter our commodities will be very well sold, I pray God their words may prooue true. I thinke cloth, kersies and tinne, haue neuer bene here at so low prices as they are now. Notwithstanding, if I had here so much readie money as the commodities are woorth, I would not doubt to make a very good profite of this voiage hither, and to Balsara, and so by Gods helpe there will be reasonable profite made of the voiage. [Sidenote: The best sort of spices at Babylon. Balsara. Ormus.] But with halfe money and halfe commoditie may be bought here the best sort of spices, and other commodities that are brought from the Indies, and without money there is here at this instant small good to be done. With Gods helpe two days hence, I minde to goe from hence to Balsara, and from thence of force I must goe to Ormus for want of a man that speaketh the Indian tongue. At my being in Aleppo I hired two Nazaranies, and one of them hath bene twise in the Indies, and hath the language very well, but he is a very lewde fellow, and therefore I will not take him with me. Here follow the prices of wares as they are worth here at this instant. Cloues and Maces, the bateman, 5 duckats. Cynamon 6 duckats, and few to be gotten. Nutmegs, the bateman, 45 medins, and 40 medins maketh a duckat Ginger, 40 medins. Pepper, 75 medins. Turbetta, the bateman, 50 medins. Neel the churle, 70 duckats, and a churle is 27 rottils and a halfe of Aleppo. Silke, much better then that which commeth from Persia, 11 duckats and a halfe the bateman, and euery bateman here maketh 7 pound and 5 ounces English waight. From Babylon the 20 day of Iuly, 1583. Yours, Iohn Newberie. * * * * * Master Newberie his letter from Ormus, to M. Iohn Eldred and William Shals at Balsara. Right welbeloued and my assured good friends, I heartily commend me vnto you, hoping of your good healths, &c. To certifie you of my voiage, after I departed from you, time wil not permit: but the 4 of this present we arriued here, and the 10 day I with the rest were committed to prison, and about the middle of the next moneth, the Captaine wil send vs all in his ship for Goa. The cause why we are taken, as they say, is, for that I brought letters from Don Antonio. But the trueth is, Michael Stropene was the onely cause, vpon letters that his brother wrote him from Aleppo. God knoweth how we shall be delt withall in Goa, and therefore if you can procure our masters to send the king of Spaine his letters for our releasement, you should doe vs great good: for they cannot with iustice put vs to death. It may be that they will cut our throtes, or keepe vs long in prison: Gods will be done. All those commodities that I brought hither, had beene very well sold, if this trouble had not chanced. You shall do well to send with all speed a messenger by land from Balsara to Aleppo, for to certifie of this mischance, although it cost thirtie or fortie crownes, for that we may be the sooner released, and I shalbe the better able to recouer this againe which is now like to be lost: I pray you make my heartie commendations, &c. from out of the prison in Ormuz, this 21 of September, 1583. * * * * * His second letter to the foresaid Master Iohn Eldred and William Shales. The barke of the Iewes is arriued here two daies past, by whom I know you did write, but your letters are not like to come to my handes. This bringer hath shewed me here very great courtesie, wherefore I pray you shew him what fauor you may. About the middle of the next moneth I thinke we shall depart from hence, God be our guide. I thinke Andrew will goe by land to Aleppo, wherein I pray you further him what you may: but if he should not goe, then I pray you dispatch away a messenger with is much speede as possible you may. I can say no more, but do for me as you would I should do for you in the like cause, and so with my very hearty commendations, &c. From out of the prison in Ormuz, this 24 day of September, 1583. Yours, Iohn Newberie. * * * * * His third Letter to Maister Leonard Poore, written from Goa. [Sidenote: Michael Stropine an Italian accused our men to be spies.] My last I sent you was from Ormuz, whereby I certified you what had happened there vnto me, and the rest of my company, which was, that foure dayes after our arriuall there, we were all committed to prison, except one Italian which came with me from Aleppo, whom the Captaine never examined, onely demaunded what countryman he was, but I make account Michael Stropene, who accused vs, had informed the Captaine of him. The first day we arriued there, this Stropene accused vs that we were spies sent from Don Antonio, besides diuers other lies: nothwithstanding if we had beene of any other countrey then of England, we might freely haue traded with them. And although we be Englishmen, I know no reason to the contrary, but that we may trade hither and thither as well as other nations, for all nations doe, and may come freely to Ormuz, as Frenchmen, Flemmings, Almains, Hungarians, Italians, Greekes, Armenians, Nazaranies, Turkes and Moores, Iewes and Gentiles, Persians, Moscouites, and there is no nation that they seeke for to trouble, except ours: wherefore it were contrary to all iustice and reason that they should suffer all nations to trade with them, and to forbid vs. But now I haue as great liberty as any other nation, except it be to go out of the countrey, which thing as yet I desire not But I thinke hereafter, and before it be long, if I shall be desirious to go from hence, that they wil not deny me licence. Before we might be suffered to come out of prison, I was forced to put in suerties for 2000 pardaus, not to depart from hence without licence of the viceroy Otherwise except this, we haue as much libertie as any other nation, for I haue our goods againe, and haue taken an house in the chiefest streete in the towtte, called the Rue dreete, where we sell our goods. [Sidenote: Two causes of our mens imprisonment at Ormus.] There were two causes which moued the captaine of Ormus to imprison vs, and afterwards to send vs hither. The first was, because Michael Stropene had accused vs of many matters, which were most false. And the second was for that M. Drake at his being at Maluco, caused two pieces of his ordinance to be shot at a gallion of the kings of Portugall, as they say. But of these things I did not know at Ormus: and in the ship that we were sent in came the chiefest justice in Ormus, who was called Aueador generall of that place, he had been there three yeeres, so that now his time was expired: which Aueador is a great friend to the captaine of Ormus, who, certaine dayes after our comming from thence, sent for mee into his chamber, and there beganne to demaund of me many things, to the which I answered: and amongst the rest, he said, that Master Drake was sent out of England with many ships, and came to Maluco, and there laded cloues, and finding a gallion there of the kings of Portugall, hee caused two pieces of his greatest ordinance to be shot at the same: and so perceiuing that this did greatly grieue them, I asked, if they would be reuenged of me for that which M. Drake had done: To the which he answered, No: although his meaning was to the contrary. He said moreouer, that the cause why the captaine of Ormus did send me for Goa, was, for that the Viceroy would vnderstand of mee, what newes there was of Don Antonio, and whether he were in England, yes or no, and that it might be all for the best that I was sent hither, the which I trust in God wil so fall out, although contrary to his expectation: for had it not pleased God to put into the minds of the archbishop and other two Padres or Iesuits of S. Pauls college to stand our friends, we might haue rotted in prison. The archbishop is a very good man, who hath two yong men to his seruantes, the one of them was borne at Hamborough, and is called Bernard Borgers: [Sidenote: The author of the book of the East Indies.] and the other was borne at Enchuysen, whose name is Iohn Linscot, who did vs great pleasure; for by them the archbishop was many times put in minde of vs. [Footnote: He was really born at Haarlem about 1563, and left the Texel in 1579 to go to Seville. Thence he went to Lisbon, where he entered the service of Vicenzo Fonseca, archbishop of Goa, where he arrived in 1583. He returned to Europe in 1589, having visited most of Southern Asia. His principal work is his "Relation", published first in Dutch at the Hague in 1591. Curiously enough, the place erroneously named as his birth place in the text, is where he died in 1611.] And the two good fathers of S. Paul, who trauelled very much for vs, the one of them is called Padre Marke, who was borne in Bruges in Flanders, and the other was borne in Wiltshire in England, and is called [Marginal note: This is he whose letters to his father from Goa are before put downe, and he was sometimes of New colledge in Oxford.] Padre Thomas Steuans. Also I chaunced to finde here a young man, who was borne in Antwerpe, but the most part of his bringing vp hath beene in London, his name is Francis de Rea, and with him it was my hap to be acquainted in Aleppo, who also hath done me great pleasure here. In the prison at Ormus we remained many dayes, also we lay a long time at sea comming hither, and forthwith at our arriual here were caried to prison, and the next day after were sent for before the Aueador, who is the chiefest justice, to be examined: and when we were examined, he presently sent vs backe againe to prison. [Sidenote: Iames Storie their painter.] And after our being here in prison 13. dayes, Iames Storie went into the monastery of S. Paul, where he remaineth, and is made one of the company, which life he liketh very well. [Sidenote: They arriued at Goa the 20 of Nouember 1583.] And vpon S. Thomas day (which was 22 dayes after our arriuall here) I came out of prison, and the next day after came out Ralph Fitch, and William Bets. If these troubles had not chanced, I had beene in possibility to haue made as good a voyage as euer any man made with so much money. Many of our things I haue solde very well, both here and at Ormus in prison, notwithstanding the captaine willed me (if I would) to sell what I could before we imbarked: and so with officers I went diuers times out of the castle in the morning, and solde things, and at night returned againe to the prison, and all things that I solde they did write, and at our imbarking from thence, the captain gaue order that I should deliuer all my mony with the goods into the hands of the scriuano, or purser of the ship, which I did, and the scriuano made a remembrance, which he left there with the captaine, that my selfe and the rest with money and goods he should deliuer into the hands of the Aueador generall of India: but at our arriuall here, the Aueador would neither meddle with goods nor money, for that he could not proue any thing against vs: wherefore the goods remained in the ship 9 or 10 daies after our arriual, and then, for that the ship was to saile from thence, the scriuano sent the goods on shore, and here they remained a day and a night, and no body to receiue them. In the end they suffered this bringer to receiue them, who came with me from Ormus, and put them into an house which he had hired for me, where they remained foure or fiue daies. But afterward when they should deliuer the money, it was concluded by the justice, that both the money and goods should be deliuered into the positors hands, where they remained fourteene dayes after my comming out prison. At my being in Aleppo, I bought a fountaine of siluer and gilt, sixe kniues, sixe spoones, and one ['oue' in source text--KTH] forke trimmed with corall for fiue and twentie chekins, which the captaine of Ormus did take, and payed for the same twentie pardaos, which is one hundred larines, and was worth there or here one hundred chekins. Also he had fiue emrauds set in golde, which were woorth fiue hundred or sixe hundred crownes, and payed for the same an hundred pardaos. Also he had nineteene and a halfe pikes of cloth, which cost in London twenty shillings the pike, and was worth 9 or 10 crownes the pike, and he payed for the same twelue larines a pike. Also he had two pieces of greene Kersies, which were worth foure and twentie pardaos the piece, and payd for them sixteene pardaos a piece: besides diuers other trifles, that the officers and others had in the like order, and some for nothing at all. But the cause of all this was Michael Stropene, which came to Ormus not woorth a penie, and now hath thirtie or fortie thousand crownes, and he grieueth that any other stranger should trade thither but himselfe. But that shall not skill, for I trust in God to goe both thither and hither, and to buy and sell as freely as he or any other. Here is very great good to be done in diuers of our commodities, and in like manner there is great profite to be made with commodities of this countrey, to be carried to Aleppo. It were long for me to write, and tedious for you to read of all things that haue passed since my parting from you. But of all the troubles that haue chanced since mine arrinal in Ormus, this bringer is able to certifie you. I mind to stay here: wherefore if you will write vnto me, you may send your letters to some friend at Lisbone, and from thence by the ships they may be conueyed hither. Let the direction of your letters be either in Portuguise or Spanish, whereby they may come the better to my hands. From Goa this 20 day of Januarie. 1584. * * * * * A Letter written from Goa by Master Ralph Fitch to Master Leonard Poore abouesaid. Louing friend Master Poore, &c. Since my departure from Aleppo, I haue not written vnto you any letters, by reason that at Babylon I was sicke of the fluxe, and being sicke, I went from thence for Balsara, which was twelue dayes joumey downe the riuer Tygris, where we had extreame hot weather, which was good for my disease, ill fare, and worse, lodging, by reason our boat was pestered with people. In eight daies, that which I did eate was very small, so that if we had stayed two dayes longer vpon the water, I thinke I had died: but comming to Balsara, presently I mended, I thanke God. There we stayed 14 dayes, and then we imbarked our selues for Ormuz, where we arriued the fifth of September, and were put in prison the ninth of the same moneth, where we continued vntill the 11 of October, and then were shipt for this citie of Goa in the captaines ship, with an 114 horses, and about 200 men: [Sidenote: Diu. Chaul.] and passing by Diu and Chaul, where we went on land to water the 20 of Nouember, we arriued at Goa the 29 of the said moneth, where for our better intertainment we were presently put into a faire strong prison, where we continued vntill the 22 of December. It was the will of God that we found there 2 Padres, the one an Englishman, the other a Flemming. The Englishmans name is Padre Thomas Steuens, the others Padre Marco, of the order of S. Paul. These did sue for vs vnto the Viceroy and other officers, and stood vs in as much stead, as our liues and goods were woorth: for if they had not stucke to vs, if we had escaped with our liues, yet we had had long imprisonment. After 14 dayes imprisonment they offered vs, if we could put in sureties for 2000 duckats, we should goe abroad in the towne: which when we could not doe, the said Padres found sureties for vs, that we should not depart the countrey without the licence of the Viceroy. [Sidenote: The Italians our great enemies for the trade in the East.] It doth spite the Italians to see vs abroad: and many maruell at our deliuery. The painter is in the cloister of S. Paul, and is of their order, and liketh there very well. While we were in prison, both at Ormuz and here, there was a great deale of our goods pilfered and lost, and we haue beene at great charges in gifts and otherwise, so that a great deale of our goods is consumed. There is much of our things which wil sell very well and some we shall get nothing for. I hope in God that at the returne of the Viceroy, which is gone to Chaul and to Diu, they say, to winne a castle of the Moores, whose returne, is thought will be about Easter, then we shall get our libertie, and our sureties discharged. Then I thinke it will be our best way, either one or both to returne, because our troubles haue bene so great, and so much of our goods spoyled and lost. But if it please God that I come into England, by Gods helpe, I will returne hither againe. It is a braue and pleasant countrey, and very fruitfull. The summer is almost all the yeere long, but the chiefest at Christmas. The day and the night are all of one length, very litle difference, and marueilous great store of fruits. For all our great troubles, yet are we fat and well liking, for victuals are here plentie and good cheape. And here I will passe ouer to certifie you of strange things, vntill our meeting, for it would be too long to write thereof. And thus I commit you to God, who euer preserue you and vs all. From Goa in the East Indies the 25 of Ianuarie 1584. Yours to command, Ralph Fitch. * * * * * The voyage of M. Ralph Fitch marchant of London by the way of Tripolls in Syria, to Ormus, and so to Goa in the East India, to Cambaia, and all the kingdome of Zelabdim Echebar the great Mogor, to the mighty riuer Ganges, and downe to Bengala, to Bacola, and Chonderi, to Pegu, to Imahay in the kingdome of Siam, and backe to Pegu, and from thence to Malacca, Zeilan, Cochin, and all the coast of the East India: begunne in the yeere of our Lord 1583, and ended 1591, wherin the strange rites, maners, and customes of those people, and the exceeding rich trade and commodities of those countries are faithfully set downe and diligently described, by the aforesaid M. Ralph Fitch. In the yeere of our Lord 1583, I Ralph Fitch of London merchant being desirous to see the countreys of the East India, in the company of M. Iohn Newberie marchant (which had beene at Ormus once before) of William Leedes Ieweller, and Iames Story Painter, being chiefly set fourth by the right worshipful Sir Edward Osborne knight, and M. Richard Staper citizens and marchants of London, did ship my selfe in a ship of London called the Tyger, wherein we went for Tripolis in Syria: and from thence we tooke the way for Aleppo, which we went in seuen dayes with the Carouan. Being in Aleppo, and finding good company, we went from thence to Birra, which is two dayes and an halfe trauaile with Camels. Birra is a little towne, but very plentifull of victuals: and neere to the wall of the towne runneth the riuer of Euphrates. Here we bought a boate and agreed with a master and bargemen, for to go to Babylon. The boats be but for one voiage: for the streame doth runne so fast downewardes that they cannot returne. They carie you to a towne which they call Felugia, and there you sell the boate for a litle money, for that which cost you fiftie at Birra you sell there for seuen or eight. From Birra to Felugia is sixteene dayes iourney, it is not good that one boate goe alone, for if it should chance to breake, you should haue much a doe to saue your goods from the Arabians, which be alwayes there abouts robbing: and in the night when your boates be made fast, it is necessarie that you keepe good watch. For the Arabians that bee theeues, will come swimming and steale your goods and flee away, against which a gunne is very good, for they doe feare it very much. In the riuer of Euphrates from Birra to Felugia there be certaine places where you pay custome, so many Medines for a some or Camels lading, and certaine raysons and sope, which is for the sonnes of Aborise, which is Lord of the Arabians and all that great desert, and hath some villages vpon the riuer. Felugia where you vnlade your goods which come from Birra is a little village: from whence you goe to Babylon in a day. Babylon is a towne not very great but very populous, and of great traffike of strangers, for that it is the way to Persia, Turkia and Arabia: and from thence doe goe Carouans for these and other places. Here are great store of victuals, which come from Armenia downe the riuer of Tygris. They are brought vpon raftes made of goates skinnes blowne full of winde and bordes layde vpon them: and thereupon they lade their goods which are brought downe to Babylon, which being discharged they open their skinnes and carry them backe by Camels, to serue another time. Babylon in times past did belong to the kingdome of Persia, but nowe is subiecte to the Turke. Ouer against Babylon there is a very faire village from whence you passe to Babylon vpon a long bridge made of boats, and tyed to a great chaine of yron, which is made fast on either side of the riuer. When any boates are to passe vp or downe the riuer, they take away certaine boates vntill they be past. [Sidenote: The tower of Babel.] The tower of Babel is built on this side the riuer Tygris, towardes Arabia from the towne about seuen or eight miles, which tower is ruinated on all sides, and with the fall thereof hath made as it were a litle mountaine, so that it hath no shape at all: it was made of brickes dried in the sonne, and certain canes and leaues of the palme tree layed betwixt the brickes. There is no entrance to be seene to goe into it. It doth stand vpon a great plaine betwixt the riuers of Euphrates and Tygris. [Sidenote: Boyling pitch continually issuing out of the earth.] By the riuer Euphrates two dayes iourney from Babylon at a place called Ait, in a fielde neere vnto it, is a strange thing to see: a mouth that doth continually throwe fourth against the ayre boyling pitch with a filthy smoke: which pitch doth runne abroad into a great fielde which is alwayes full thereof. The Moores say that it is the mouth of hell. By reason of the great quantitie of it, the men of that countrey doe pitch their boates two or three inches thicke on the outside, so that no water doth enter into them. Their boates be called Danec. When there is great store of water in Tigris you may goe from Babylon to Basora in 8 or 9 dayes: if there be small store it will cost you the more dayes. Basora in times past was vnder the Arabians, but now is subiecte to the Turke. But some of them the Turke cannot subdue, for that they holde certaine Ilandes in the riuer Euphrates which the Turke cannot winne of them. They be theeues all and haue no setled dwelling, but remoue from place to place with their Camels, goates, and horses, wiues and children and all. They haue large blew gownes, their wiues eares and noses are ringed very full of rings of copper and siluer, and they weare rings of copper about their legs. Basora standeth neere the gulfe of Persia, and is a towne of great trade of spices, and drugges which come from Ormus. Also there is great store of wheate, ryce, and dates growing thereabout, wherewith they serue Babylon and all the countrey, Ormus, and all the partes of India. I went from Basora to Ormus downe the gulfe of Persia in a certaine shippe made of bourdes, and sowed together with cayro, which is threede made of the huske of Cocoes, and certaine canes or strawe leaues sowed vpon the seames of the bordes which is the cause that they leake very much. And so hauing Persia alwayes on the left hande, and the coast of Arabia on the right hande we passed many Ilandes, and among others the famous Ilande Baharim from whence come the best pearles which be round and Orient. Ormus is an Island in circuit about fiue and twentie or thirtie miles, and is the driest Island in the world: for there is nothing growing in it but onely salte; for their water, wood, or victuals, and all things necessary came but of Persia, which is about twelue miles from thence. All the Illands thereabout be very fruitful, from whence all kinde of victuals are sent vnto Ormus. The Portugales haue a castle here which standeth neere vnto the sea, wherein there is a Captaine for the king of Portugale hauing vnder him a conuenient number of souldiers, whereof some part remaine in the castle, and some in the towne. In this towne are marchants of all Nations, and many Moores and Gentiles. Here is very great trade of all sortes of spices, drugs, silke, cloth of silke, fine tapestrie of Persia, great store of pearles which come from the Isle of Baharim, and are the best pearles of all others, and many horses of Persia, which serue all India; They haue a Moore to their king, which is chosen and gouerned by the Portugales. Their women are very strangely attyred, wearing on their noses, eares, neckes, armes and legges many rings, set with jewels, and lockes of siluer and golde in their eares, and a long barre of golde vpon the side of their noses. Their eares with the weight of theie [sic--KTH] iewels be worne so wide, that a man may thrust three of his fingers into them. Here very shortly after our arriuall wee were put in prison, and had part of our goods taken from vs by the Captaine of the castle, whose name was Don Mathias de Albuquerque; and from hence the eleuenth of October he shipped vs and sent vs for Goa vnto the Viceroy, which at that time was Don Francisco de Mascarenhas. The shippe wherein we were imbarked for Goa belonged to the Captaine, and carried one hundred twentie and foure horses in it. All marchandise carried to Goa in a shippe wherein are horses pay no custome in Goa. The horses pay custome, the goods pay nothing; but if you come in a ship which bringeth no horses, you are then, to pay eight in the hundred for your goods. The first citie of India that we arriued at vpon the fift of Nouember, after we had passed the coast of Zindi, is called Diu, which standeth in an Iland in the kingdome of Cambaia, and is the strongest towne that the Portugales haue in those partes. It is but litle, but well stored with marchandise; for here they lade many great shippes with diuerse commodities for the streits of Mecca, for Ormus, and other places, and these be shippes of the Moores and of Christains. But the Moores cannot passe, except they haue a passeport from the Portugales. Cambaietta is the chiefe citie of that prouince, which is great and very populous, and fairely builded for a towne of the Gentiles: but if there happen any famine, the people will sell their children for very little. The last king of Cambaia was Sultan Badu, which was killed at the seige of Diu, and shortly after his citie was taken by the great Mogor, which is the king of Agra and of Delli, which are fortie dayes iourney from the country of Cambaia. Here the women weare vpon their armes infinite numbers of rings made of Elephants teeth, wherein they take so much delight, that they had rather be without their meate then without their bracelets. Going from Diu we come to Daman the second towne of the Portugales in the countrey of Cambaia which is distant from Diu fortie leagues. Here is no trade but of corne and rice. They haue many villages vnder them which they quietly possesse in time of peace, but in time of warre the enemie is maister of them. From thence we passed by Basaim, and from Basaim to Tana, at both which places is small trade but only of corn and rice. The tenth of Nouember we arriued at Chaul which standeth in the firm land. There be two townes, the one belonging to the Portugales, and the other to the Moores. That of the Portugales is neerest to the sea, and commaundeth the bay, and is walled round about. A little aboue that is the towne of the Moores which is gouerned by a Moore king called Xa Maluco. Here is great traffike for all sortes of spices and drugges, silke, and cloth of silke, sandales, Elephants teeth, and much China worke, and much sugar which is made of the nutte called Gagara: the tree is called the palmer; which is the profitablest tree in the worlde: it doth alwayes beare fruit, and doth yeeld wine, oyle, sugar, vineger, cordes, coles, of the leaues are made thatch for the houses, sayles for shippes, mats to sit or lie on: of the branches they make their houses, and broomes to sweepe, of the tree wood for shippes. The wine doeth issue out of the toppe of the tree. They cut a branch of a bowe and binde it hard, and hange an earthen pot vpon it, which they emptie euery morning and euery euening, and still it and put in certaine dried raysins, and it becommeth very strong wine in short time. Hither many shippes come from all partes of India, Ormus, and many from Mecca: heere be manie Moores and Gentiles. They haue a very strange order among them, they worshippe a cowe, and esteeme much of the cowes doung to paint the walles of their houses. They will kill nothing not so much as a louse; for they holde it a sinne to kill any thing. They eate no flesh, but liue by rootes, and ryce, and milke. And when the husbande dieth his wife is burned with him, if shee be aliue: if shee will not, her head is shauen, and then is neuer any account made of her after. They say if they should be buried, it were a great sinne, for of their bodies there would come many wormes and other vermine, and when their bodies were consumed, those wormes would lacke sustenance; which were a sinne, therefore they will be burned. In Cambaia they will kill nothing, nor haue any thing killed: in the towne they haue hospitals to keepe lame dogs and cats, and for birds. They will giue meat to the Ants. Goa is the most principal citie which the Portugals haue in India, wherein the Viceroy remaineth with his court. It standeth in an Iland, which may be 25. or 30. miles about. It is a fine citie, and for an Indian towne very faire. The Iland is very faire, full of orchards and gardens, and many palmer trees, and hath some villages. Here bee many marchants of all nations. And the Fleete which commeth euery yeere from Portugal, which be foure, fiue, or sixe great shippes, commeth first hither. And they come for the most part in September, and remaine there fortie or fiftie dayes; and then goe to Cochin, where they lade their Pepper for Portugall. Oftentimes they lade one in Goa, the rest goe to Cochin which is from Goa an hundred leagues southward. Goa standeth in the countrey of Hidalcan, who lieth in the countrey sixe or seuen dayes iourney. His chiefe citie is called Bisapor. [Sidenote: This wa the 20 of Nouember.] At our comming we were cast into prison, and examined before the Iustice and demanded for letters, and were charged to be spies, but they could prooue nothing by vs. We continued in prison vntill the two and twentie of December, and then we were set at libertie, putting in sureties for two thousand duckets not to depart the towne; which sureties father Steuens an English Iesuite which we found there, and another religious man a friend of his procured for vs. Our sureties name was Andreas Taborer, to whom we paid 2150. duckats, and still he demaunded more: whereupon we made sute to the Viceroy and Iustice to haue our money againe, considering that they had had it in their hands neere fiue moneths and could prooue nothing against vs. The Viceroy made vs a very sharpe answere, and sayd we should be better sifted before it were long, and that they had further matter against vs. Whereupon we presently determined rather to seeke our liberties, then to bee in danger for euer to be slaues in the countrey, for it was told vs we should haue the strapado. Wherupon presently, the fift day of April 1585. in the morning we ranne from thence. And being set ouer the riuer, we went two dayes on foote not without feare, not knowing the way nor hauing any guide, for we durst trust none. [Sidenote: Bellergan a towne.] One of the first townes which we came vnto, is called Bellergan, where there is a great market kept of Diamants, Rubies, Saphires, and many other soft stones. [Sidenote: Bisapor.] From Bellergan we went to Bisapor which is a very great towne where the king doeth keepe his court. Hee hath many Gentiles in his court and they be great idolaters. And they haue their idols standing in the Woods, which they call Pagodes. Some bee like a Cowe, some like a Monkie, some like Buffles, some like peacockes, and some like the deuill. Here be very many elephants which they goe to warre withall. Here they haue good store of gold and siluer: their houses are of stone very faire and high. [Sidenote: Gulconda.] From hence we went for Gulconda, the king whereof is called Cutup de lashach. Here and in the kingdome of Hidalcan, and in the countrey of the king of Decan, bee the Diamants found in the olde water. It is a very faire towne, pleasant, with faire houses of bricke and timber, it aboundeth with great store of fruites and fresh water. Here the men and the women do go with a cloth bound about their middles without any more apparell. We found it here very hote. [Sidenote: Masulipatan.] The winter beginneth here about the last of May. In these partes is a porte or hauen called Masulipatan, which standeth eight dayes iourney from hence toward the gulfe of Bengala, whether come many shippes out of India, Pegu, and Sumatra, very richly laden with Pepper, spices, and other commodities. The countrie is very good and fruitfull. [Sidenote: Seruidore.] From thence I went to Seruidore which is a fine countrey, and the king is called, the king of Bread. The houses here bee all thatched and made of lome. Here be many Moores and Gentiles, but there is small religion among them. [Sidenote: Bellapore.] From thence I went to Bellapore, and so to Barrampore, which is in the country of Zelabdim Echebar. In this place their money is made of a kind of siluer round and thicke, to the value of twentie pence, which is very good siluer. It is marueilous great and a populous countrey. In their winter which is in Iune, Iuly, and August, there is no passing in the streetes but with horses, the waters be so high. The houses are made of lome and thatched. Here is great store of cotton cloth made, and painted clothes of cotton wooll: here groweth great store of corne and Rice. [Sidenote: Strange mariages.] We found mariages great store both in townes and villages in many places where wee passed, of boyes of eight or ten yeeres, and girles of fiue or six yeeres old. They both do ride vpon one horse very trimly decked, and are caried through the towne with great piping and playing, and so returne home and eate of a banket made of Rice and fruits, and there they daunce the most part of the night and so make an ende of the marriage. They lie not together vntill they be ten yeeres old. They say they marry their children so yoong, because it is an order that when the man dieth, the woman must be burned with him: so that if the father die, yet they may haue a father in lawe to helpe to bring vp the children which bee maried: and also that they will not leaue their sonnes without wiues, nor their daughters without husbands. [Sidenote: Mandoway a very strong town.] From thence we went to Mandoway, which is a very strong towne. It was besieged twelue yeeres by Zelabdim Echebar before he could winne it. It standeth vpon a very great high rocke as the most part of their castles doe, and was of a very great circuite. [Sidenote: Vgini.] From hence wee went to Vgini and Serringe, where we ouertooke the ambassadour of Zelabdim Echebar with a marueilous great company of men, elephants, and camels. Here is great trade of cotton and cloth made of cotton, and great store of drugs. From thence we went to Agra passing many riuers, which by reason of the raine were so swollen, that wee waded and swamme oftentimes for our liues. [Sidenote: Agra a great citie.] Agra is a very great citie and populous, built with stone, hauing faire and large streetes, with a faire riuer running by it, which falleth into the gulfe of Bengala. It hath a faire castle and a strong with a very faire ditch. [Sidenote: The great Mogor.] Here bee many Moores and Gentiles, the king is called Zelabdim Echebar: the people for the most part call him The great Mogor. From thence we went for Fatepore, which is the place where the king kept his court. The towne is greater then Agra, but the houses and streetes be not so faire. Here dwell many people both Moores and Gentiles. The king hath in Agra and Fatepore as they doe credibly report 1000. elephants, thirtie thousand horses, 1400. tame Deere, 800. concubines: such store of Ounces, Tigers, Buffles, Cocks and Haukes, that is very strange to see. He keepeth a great court, which they call Dericcan. Agra and Fatepore are two very great cities, either of them much greater then London and very populous. [Sidenote: The like is reported of the cities of China.] Betweene Agra and Fatepore are 12. miles, and all the way is a market of victuals and other things, as full as though a man were still in a towne, and so many people as if a man were in a market. They haue many fine cartes, and many of them carued and gilded with gold, with two wheeles which be drawen with two litle Buls about the bignesse of our great dogs in England, and they will runne with any horse, and carie two or three men in one of these cartes: they are couered with silke or very fine cloth, and be vsed here as our Coches be in England. Hither is great resort of marchants from Persia and out of India, and very much marchandise of silke and cloth, and of precious stones, both Rubies, Diamants, and Pearles. The king is apparelled in a white Cabie made like a shirt tied with strings on the one side, and a litle cloth on his head coloured oftentimes with red or yealow. None come into his house but his eunuchs which keepe his women. Here in Fatepore we staied all three vntill the 28. of September 1585. and then master Iohn Newberie tooke his iourney toward the citie of Lahor, determining from thence to goe for Persia and then for Aleppo or Constantinople, whether hee could get soonest passage vnto, and directed me to goe for Bengala and for Pegu, and did promise me, if it pleased God, to meete me in Bengala within two yeeres with a shippe out of England. [Sidenote: Wil. Leades serued the king of Cambaia.] I left William Leades the ieweller in seruice with the king Zelabdim Echebar in Fatepore, who did entertaine him very well, and gaue him an house and fiue slaues, an horse, and euery day sixe S. S. in money. I went from Agra to Satagam in Bengala, in the companie of one hundred and fourescore boates laden with Salt, Opium, Hinge, Lead, Carpets, and diuers other commodities, downe the riuer Iemena. The chiefe marchants are Moores and Gentiles. [Sidenote: The superstitious ceremonies of the Bramanes.] In these countries they haue many strange ceremonies. The Bramanes which are their priests, come to the water and haue a string about their necks made with great ceremonies, and lade vp water with both their hands, and turne the string first with both their hands within, and then one arme after the other out. Though it be neuer so cold, they will wash themselues in cold water or in, warme. These Gentiles will eate no flesh nor kill any thing. They liue with rice, butter, milke, and fruits. They pray in the water naked, and dresse their meat and eate it naked, and for their penance they lie flat vpon the earth, and rise vp and turne themselues about 30. or 40. times, and vse to heaue vp their hands to the sunne, and to kisse the earth, with their armes and legs stretched along out, and their right leg alwayes before the left. Euery time they lie downe, they make a score on the ground with their finger to know when their stint is finished. The Bramanes marke themselues in the foreheads, eares and throates with a kind of yellow geare which they grind, and euery morning they doe it. And they haue some old men which go in the streetes with a boxe of yellow poudre, and marke men on their heads and neckes as they meet them. And their wiues do come by 10. 20. and 30. together to the water side singing, and there do wash themselues, and then vse their ceremonies, and marke themselues in their foreheds and faces, and cary some with them, and so depart singing. Their daughters be marred, at, or before the age of 10 yeres. The men may haue 7. wiues. They be a kind of craftie people, worse then the Iewes. When they salute one another, they heaue vp their hands to their heads, and say Rame, Rame. [Sidenote: Ganges.] From Agra I came to Prage, where the riuer Iemena entreth into the mightie river Ganges, and Iemena looseth his name. Ganges commeth out of the Northwest, and runneth East into the gulfe of Bengala. In those parts there are many Tigers and many partriges and turtledoues, and much other foule. Here be many beggars in these countries which goe naked, and the people make great account of them: they call them Schesche. Here I sawe one which was a monster among the rest. He would haue nothing vpon him, his beard was very long, and with the haire of his head he couered his priuities. The nailes of some of his fingers were two inches long, for he would cut nothing from him, neither would he speake. He was accompanied with eight or tenne, and they spake for him. When any man spake to him, he would lay his hand vpon his brest and bowe himselfe, but would not speake. Hee would not speake to the king. We went from Prage downe Ganges, the which is here very broad. Here is great store of fish of sundry sorts, and of wild foule, as of swannes, geese, cranes, and many other things. The country is very fruitfull and populous. The men for the most part haue their faces shauen, and their heads very long, except some which bee all shauen saue the crowne: and some of them are as though a man should set a dish on their heads, and shaue them round, all but the crowne. In this riuer of Ganges are many Ilands. His water is very sweete and pleasant, and the countrey adioyning very fruitfull. From thence wee went to Bannaras which is a great towne, and great store of cloth is made there of cotton, and Shashes for the Moores. In this place they be all Gentiles, and be the greatest idolaters that euer I sawe. [Sidenote: A pilgrimage of the Gentiles.] To this towne come the Gentiles on pilgrimage out of farre countreys. Here alongst the waters side bee very many faire houses, and in all of them, or for the most part they haue their images standing, which be euill fauoured, made of stone and wood, some like lions, leopards, and monkeis, some like men and women, and pecocks, and some like the deuil with foure armes and 4. hands. They sit crosse legged, some with one thing in their hands, and some another, and by breake of day and before, there are men and women which come out of the towne and wash themselues in Ganges. And there are diuers old men which vpon places of earth made for the purpose, sit praying, and they giue the people three or foure strawes, which they take and hold them betweene their fingers when they wash themselues: and some sit to marke them in the foreheads, and they haue in a cloth a litle Rice, Barlie, or money, which, when they haue washed themselues, they giue to the old men which sit there praying. Afterwards they go to diuers of their images, and giue them of their sacrifices. And when they giue, the old men say certaine prayers, and then is all holy. And in diuers places there standeth a kind of image which in their language they call Ada. And they haue diuers great stones carued, whereon they poure water, and throw thereupon some rice, wheate, barly, and some other things. This Ada hath foure hands with clawes. Moreouer, they haue a great place made of stone like to a well with steppes to goe downe; wherein the water standeth very foule and stinketh: for the great quantitie of flowers, which continually they throwe into it, doe make it stinke. There be alwayes many people in it: for they say when they wash themselues in it, that their sinnes be forgiuen them, because God, as they say, did wash himselfe in that place. They gather vp the sand in the bottome of it, and say it is holy. They neuer pray but in the water, and they wash themselues ouerhead, and lade vp water with both their handes, and turne themselues about, and then they drinke a litle of the water three times, and so goe to their gods which stand in those houses. Some of them will wash a place which is their length, and then will pray vpon the earth with their armes and legs at length out, and will rise vp and lie downe, and kisse the ground twentie or thirtie times, but they will not stirre their right foote. And some of them will make their ceremonies with fifteene or sixteene pots litle and great, and ring a litle bel when they make their mixtures tenne or twelue times: and they make a circle of water round about their pots and pray, and diuers sit by them, and one that reacheth them their pots: and they say diuers things ouer their pots many times, and when they haue done, they goe to their gods, and strowe their sacrifices which they thinke are very holy, and marke many of them which sit by, in the foreheads, which they take as a great gift. There come fiftie and sometime an hundred together, to wash them in this well, and to offer to these idols. They haue in some of these houses their idoles standing, and one sitteth by them in warme weather with a fanne to blowe winde vpon them. And when they see any company comming, they ring a litle bell which hangeth by them, and many giue them their almes, but especially those which come out of the countrey. Many of them are blacke and haue clawes of brasse with long nayles, and some ride vpon peacocks and other foules which be euill fauoured, with long haukes bils, and some like one thing and some another, but none with a good face. Among the rest there is one which they make great account of: for they say hee giueth them all things both foode and apparell, and one sitteth alwayes by him with a fanne to make wind towards him. Here some bee burned to ashes, some scorched in the fire and throwen into the water, and dogges and foxes doe presently eate them. The wiues here doe burne with their husbands when they die, if they will not their heads be shauen, and neuer any account is made of them afterward. The people goe all naked saue a litle cloth bound about their middle. Their women haue their necks, armes and eares decked with rings of siluer, copper, tinne, and with round hoopes made of Iuorie, adorned with amber stones, and with many agats, and they are marked with a great spot of red in their foreheads, and a stroke of red vp to the crowne, and so it runneth three manor of wayes. In their Winter, which is our May, the men weare quilted gownes of cotton like to our mattraces and quilted caps like to our great Grocers morters, with a slit to looke out at, and so tied downe beneath their eares. If a man or woman be sicke and like to die, they will lay him before their idols all night, and that shall helpe him or make an ende of him. And if he do not mend that night, his friends will come and sit with him a litle and cry, and afterwards will cary him to the waters side and set him vpon a litle raft made of reeds, and so let him goe downe the riuer. When they be maried the man and the woman come to the water side, and there is an olde man which they call a Bramane, that is a priest, a cowe and a calfe, or a cowe with calfe. Then the man and the woman, cowe and calfe, and the olde man goe into the water together, and they giue the olde man a white cloth of foure yards long, and a basket crosse bound with diuers things in it: the cloth he laieth vpon the backe of the cowe, and then he taketh the cowe by the ende of the taile, and saieth certaine wordes: and she hath a copper or a brasse pot full of water, and the man doeth hold his hand by the olde mans hand, and the wiues hand by her husbands, and all haue the cowe by the taile, and they poure water out of the pot vpon the cowes taile, and it runneth through all their hands, and they lade vp water with their handes, and then the olde man doeth tie him and her together by their [Marginal note: This tying of new maried folks together by the clothes, was vsed by the Mexicans in old time.] clothes. Which done, they goe round about the cowe and calfe, and then they giue somewhat to the poore which be alwayes there, and to the Bramane or priest they giue the cowe and calfe, and afterward goe to diuers of their idoles and offer money, and lie downe flat vpon the ground and kisse it diuers times, and then goe their way. Their chiefe idoles bee blacke and euill fauoured, their mouthes monstrous, their eares gilded, and full of jewels, their teeth and eyes of gold, siluer, and glasse, some hauing one thing in their handes and some another. You may not come into the houses where they stand, with your shooes on. They haue continually lampes burning before them. From Bannaras I went to Patenaw downe the riuer of Ganges: where in the way we passed many faire townes, and a countrey very fruitfull: and many very great riuers doe enter into Ganges, and some of them as great as Ganges, which cause Ganges to bee of a great breadth, and so broad that in the time of rain, you cannot see from one side to the other. These Indians when they bee scorched and throwen into the water, the men swimme with their faces downewards, the women with their faces vpwards, I thought they tied something to them to cause them to do so: but they say no. There be very many thieues In this countrey, which be like to the Arabians: for they haue no certaine abode, but are sometime in one place and sometime in another. Here the women bee so decked with siluer and copper, that it is strange to see, they use no shooes by reason of the rings of siluer and copper, which they weare on their toes. [Sidenote: Gold found.] Here at Patanaw they finde gold in this maner. They digge deepe pits in the earth, and wash the earth in great holies, and therein they finde the gold, and they make the pits round about with bricke, that the earth fall not in. Patenaw is a very long and a great towne. In times past it was a kingdom, but now it is vnder Zelabdim Echebar, the great Mogor. The men are tall and slender, and haue many old folks among them: the houses are simple, made of earth and couered with strawe, the streetes are very large. In this towne there is a trade of cotton, and cloth of cotton, much sugar, which they cary from hence to Bengala and India, very much Opium and other commodities. He that is chiefe here vnder the king is called Tipperdas, and is of great account among the people. Here in Patenau I saw a dissembling prophet which sate vpon an horse in the market place, and made as though he slept, and many of the people came and touched his feete with their hands, and then kissed their hands. They tooke him for a great man, but sure he was a lasie lubber. I left him there sleeping. The people of these countries be much giuen to such prating and dissembling hypocrites. From Patanaw I went to Tanda which is in the land of Gouren. It hath in times past bene a kingdom, but now is subdued by Zelabdim Echebar. Great trade and traffique is here of cotton, and of cloth of cotton. The people goe naked with a litle cloth bound about their waste. It standeth in the countrey of Bengala. Here be many Tigers, wild Bufs, and great store of wilde foule: they are very great idolaters. Tanda standeth from the riuer Ganges a league, because in times past the riuer flowing ouer the bankes, in time of raine did drowne the countrey and many villages, and so they do remaine. And the old way which the riuer Ganges was woont to run, remaineth drie, which is the occasion that the citie doeth stand so farre from the water. From Agra downe the riuer Iemena, and downe the riuer Ganges, I was fiue moneths comming to Bengala, but it may be sailed in much shorter time. I went from Bengala into the countrey of Couche, [Marginal note: Couche: this seemeth to be Quicheu, accounted by some among the prouinces of China.] which lieth 25. daies iourny Northwards from Tanda. The king is a Gentile, his name is Suckel Counse: his countrey is great, and lieth not far from Cochin China: for they say they haue pepper from thence. The port is called Cacchegate. All the countrie is set with Bambos or Canes made sharpe at both the endes and driuen into the earth, and they can let in the water and drowne the ground aboue knee deepe, so that men nor horses can passe. They poison all the waters if any wars be. Here they haue much silke and muske, and cloth made of cotton. The people haue eares which be marueilous great of a span long, which they draw out in length by deuises when they be yong. Here they be all Gentiles, and they will kil nothing. They haue hospitals for sheepe, goates, dogs, cats, birds, and for all other liuing creatures. When they be old and lame, they keepe them vntil they die. If a man catch or buy any quicke thing in other places and bring it thither, they wil giue him mony for it or other victuals, and keepe it in their hospitals or let it go, They wil giue meat to the Ants. Their smal mony is almonds, [Marginal note: In Mexico they vse likewise for small money the fruit Cacao which are like almonds.] which oftentimes they vse to eat. From thence I returned to Hugeli, which is the place where the Portugals keep in the country of Bengala which standeth in 23. degrees of Northerly latitude, and standeth a league from Satagan: they cal it Porto Piqueno. We went through the wildernes, because the right way was full of thieues, where we passed the countrey of Gouren, where we found but few villages, but almost all wildernes, and saw many buffes, swine and deere, grasse longer then a man, and uery [sic--KTH] many Tigers. [Sidenote: Porto Angeli.] Not far from Porto Piqueno south westward, standeth an hauen which is called Angeli, in the countrey of Orixa. It was a kingdom of it selfe, and the king was a great friend to strangers. Afterwards it was taken by the king of Patan which was their neighbour, but he did not enioy it long, but was taken by Zelabdim Echebar, which is king of Agra, Delli, and Cambaia. Orixi standeth 6. daies iourney from Satagan, south westwards. [Sidenote: The like cloth may be made of the long grasse in Virginia.] In this place is very much Rice, and cloth made of cotton, and great store of cloth which is made of grasse, which they call Yerua, it is like a silke. They make good cloth out of it which they send for India and diuers other places. To this hauen of Angeli come, euery yeere many ships out of India, Negapatan, Sumatra, Malacca, and diuers other places; and lade from thence great store of Rice, and much cloth of cotton wooll, much sugar, and long pepper, great store of butter, and other victuals for India. Satagam is a faire citie for a citie of the Moores, and very plentifull of all things. Here in Bengala they haue euery day in one place or other a great market which they call Chandeau, and they haue many great boats which they cal pericose, wherewithall they go from place to place and buy Rice and many other things: these boates haue 24. or 26. oares to rowe them, they be great of burthen, but haue no couerture. Here the Gentiles haue the water of Ganges in great estimation, for hauing good water neere them, yet they will fetch the water of Ganges a great way off, and if they haue not sufficient to drinke, they will sprinkle a litle on them, and then they thinke themselues well. From Satagam I trauelled by the countrey of the king of Tippara or porto Grande, with whom the Mogores or Mogen haue almost continuall warres. The Mogen which be of the kingdom of Recon and Rame, be stronger then the king of Tippara, so that Chatigan or porto Grande is oftentimes vnder the king of Recon. There is a country 4. daies iourney from Couche or Quicheu before mentioned, which is called Bottanter and the citie Bottia, the king is called Dermain; the people whereof are very tall and strong, and there are marchants which come out of China, and they say out of Muscouia or Tartarie. And they come to buy muske, cambals, agats, silke, pepper and saffron like the saffron of Persia. The countrey is very great, 3. moneths iourney. There are very high mountains in this countrey, and one of them so steep that when a man is 6. daies iourney off it, he may see it perfectly. Vpon these mountains [Marginal note: These seeme to be the mountains of Iamus, called by the people Cumao.] are people which haue eares of a spanne long: if their eares be not long, they call them apes. They say that when they be vpon the mountaines, they see ships in the Sea sayling to and fro; but they know not from whence they come, nor whether they go. There are marchants which come out of the East, they say, from vnder the sunne, which is from China, which haue no beards, and they say there it is something warme. But those which come from the other side of the mountains which is from the North, say there it is very cold. [Sidenote: The apparel of the Tartarie marchants.] These Northern merchants are apparelled with woollen cloth and hats, white hosen close, and bootes which be of Moscouia or Tartarie. They report that in their countrey they haue very good horses, but they be litle: some men haue foure, fiue, or sixe hundred horses and kine: they liue with milke and fleshe. [Sidenote: Cowe tailes in great request.] They cut the tailes of their kine, and sell them very deere, for they bee in great request, and much esteemed in those partes. The haire of them is a yard long, the rumpe is aboue a spanne long: they vse to hang them for brauerie upon the heades of their Elephantes: they bee much vsed in Pegu and China: they buie and sell by scores vpon the ground. The people be very swift on foote. From Chatigan in Bengala, I came to Bacola; the king whereof is a Gentile, a man very well disposed and delighteth much to shoot in a gun. His countrey is very great and fruitful, and hath store of Rice, much cotton cloth, and cloth of silke. The houses be very faire and high builded, the streetes large, the people naked, except a litle cloth about their waste. The women weare great store of siluer hoopes about their neckes and armes, and their legs are ringed with siluer and copper, and rings made of elephants teeth. From Bacola I went to Serrepore which standeth vpon the riuer of Ganges, the king is called Chondery. They be all hereabout rebels against their king Zelabdim Echebar: for here are so many riuers and Ilands, that they flee from one to another, whereby his horsemen cannot preuaile against them. Great store of cotton cloth is made here. Sinnergan is a towne sixe leagues from Serrepore, where there is the best and finest cloth made of cotton that is in all India. The chiefe king of all these countries is called Isacan, and he is chiefe of all the other kings, and is a great friend to all Christians. The houses here, as they be in the most part of India, are very litle, and couered with strawe, and haue a fewe mats round about the wals, and the doore to keepe out the Tygers and the Foxes. Many of the people are very rich. Here they will eate no flesh, nor kill no beast: they liue of Rice, milke, and fruits. They goe with a litle cloth before them, and all the rest of their bodies is naked. Great store of Cotton cloth goeth from hence, and much Rice, wherewith they serue all India, Ceilon, Pegu, Malacca, Sumatra, and many other places. I went from Serrepore the 28. of Nouember 1586. for Pegu in a small ship or foist of one Albert Carauallos, and so passing downe Ganges, and passing by the Island of Sundiua, porto Grande, or the countrie of Tippera, the kingdom of Recon and Mogen, leauing them on our left side with a faire wind at Northwest: our course was South and by East, which brought vs to the barre of Negrais in Pegu: if any contrary wind had come, we had throwen many of our things ouer-boord: for we were so pestered with people and goods, that there was scant place to lie in. From Bengala to Pegu is 90. legues. We entred the barre of Negrais, which is a braue barre and hath 4. fadomes water where it hath least. Three dayes after we came to Cosmin, which is a very pretie towne, and standeth very pleasantly, very well furnished with all things. [Sidenote: Ladders vsed to auoyd the danger of wild beasts.] The people be very tall and well disposed; the women white, round faced, with little eies: the houses are high built, set vpon great high postes, and they go vp to them with long ladders for feare of the Tygers which be very many. The countrey is very fruitful of all things. Here are very great Figs, Orenges, Cocoes, and other fruits. [Sidenote: Dwelling in boats.] The land is very high that we fall withall, but after we be entred the barre, it is very lowe and full of riuers, for they goe all too and fro in boates, which they call paroes, and keepe their houses with wife and children in them. From the barre of Nigrais to the citie of Pegu is ten dayes iourney by the riuers. Wee went from Cosmin to Pegu in Paroes or boates, and passing vp the riuers wee came to Medon, which is a prety towne, where there be a wonderfull number of Paroes, for they keepe their houses and their markets in them all vpon the water. They rowe too and fro, and haue all their marchandizes in their boates with a great Sombrero or shadow ouer their heads to keepe the sunne from them, which is as broad as a great cart wheele made of the leaues of the Coco trees and fig trees, and is very light. From Medon we went to Dela, which is a very faire towne, and hath a faire port into the sea, from whence go many ships to Malacca, Mecca, and many other places. Here are 18. or 20. very great and long houses, where they tame and keep many elephants of the kings: for thereabout in the wildernesse they catch the wilde elephants. It is a very fruitfull countrey. From Dela we went to Cirion, which is a good towne, and hath a faire porte into the sea, whither come many ships from Mecca, Malacca, Sumatra, and from diuers other places. And there the ships staie and discharge, and send vp their goods in Paroes to Pegu. [Sidenote: Coches caried on mens shoulders.] From Cirion we went to Macao, which is a prettie towne, where we left our boates or Paroes, and in the morning taking Delingeges, which are a kind of Coches made of cords and cloth quilted, and caried vpon a stang betweene 3. or 4. men: we came to Pegu the same day. Pegu is a citie very great, strong, and very faire, with walles of stone, and great ditches round about it. There are two townes, the old towne and the newe. In the olde towne are all the marchants strangers, and very many marchants of the countrey. All the goods are sold in the olde towne which is very great, and hath many suburbes round about it, and all the houses are made of Canes which they call Bambos, and bee couered with strawe ['srawe' in source text--KTH]. In your house you haue a Warehouse which they call Godon, which is made of bricke to put your goods in, for oftentimes they take fire and burne in an houre foure or fiue hundred houses: so that if the Gordon [sic--KTH] were not, you should bee in danger to haue all burned, if any winde should rise, at a trice. In the newe towne is the king, and all his Nobilitie and Gentrie. It is a citie very great and populous, and is made square and with very faire walles, and a great ditch roundabout it full of water, with many crocodiles in it: it hath twenty gates, and they bee made of stone, for euery square fiue gates. There are also many Turrets for Centinels to watch, made of wood, and gilded with golde very faire. The streets are the fairest that euer I saw, as straight as a line from one gate to the other, and so broad that tenne or twelue men may ride a front thorow them. On both sides of them at euery mans doore is set a palmer tree which is the nut tree: which make a very faire shew and a very commodious shadow, so that a man may walke in the shade all day. The houses be made of wood, and couered with tiles. The kings house is in the middle of the city, and is walled and ditched round about: and the buildings within are made of wood very sumptuously gilded, and great workmanship is vpon the forefront, which is likewise very costly gilded. And the house wherein his Pagode or idole standeth is couered with tiles of siluer, and all the walles are gilded with golde. Within the first gate of the kings house is a great large roome, on both sides whereof are houses made for the kings elephants, which be marveilous great and faire, and are brought vp to warres and in seruice of the king. [Sidenote: Foure white elephants.] And among the rest he hath foure white elephants, which are very strange and rare: for there is none other king which hath them but he: if any other king hath one, hee will send vnto him for it. When any of these white elephants is brought vnto the king, all the merchants in the city are commanded to see them, and to giue him a present of halfe a ducat, which doth come to a great summe: for that there are many merchants in the city. After that you haue giuen your present you may come and see them at your pleasure, although they stand in the kings house. [Sidenote: The king of the white elephants.] This king in his title is called the king of the white elephants. If any other king haue one, and will not send it him, he will make warre with him for it: for he had rather lose a great part of his kingdome, then not to conquere him. They do very great seruice vnto these white elephants: euery one of them standeth in an house gilded with golde, and they doe feede in vessels of siluer and gilt. One of them when he doth go to the riuer to be washed, as euery day they do, goeth vnder a canopy of cloth of golde, or of silke carried ouer him by sixe or eight men, and eight or ten men goe before him playing on drummes, shawmes, or other instruments: and when he is washed and commeth out of the riuer, there is a gentleman which doth wash his feet in a siluer basin: which is his office giuen him by the king. There is no such account made of any blacke elephant, be he neuer so great. And surely there be woonderfull faire and great, and some be nine cubites in height. And they do report that the king hath aboue fiue thousand elephants of warre, besides many other which be not taught to fight. This king hath a very large place wherein he taketh the wilde elephants. It standeth about a mile from Pegu, builded with a faire court within, and is in a great groue or wood: and there be many huntsmen, which go into the wildernesse with she elephants: for without the she they are not to be taken. And they be taught for that purpose: and euery hunter hath fiue or sixe of them: and they say that they annoint the she elephants with a certaine ointment, which when the wild elephant doth smell, he will not leaue her. When they haue brought the wilde elephant neere vnto the place, they send word vnto the towne, and many horse men and footmen come out and cause the she elephant to enter into a strait way which doeth go to the palace, and the she and the he do runne in: for it is like a wood: and when they be in, the gate doth shut. Afterward they get out the female: and when the male seeth that he is left alone, he weepeth and crieth, and runneth against the walles, which be made of so strong trees, that some of them doe breake their teeth with running against them. Then they pricke him with sharpe canes, and cause him to go into a strait house, and there they put a rope about his middle and about his feet, and let him stand there three or foure dayes, without eating or drinking: and then they bring a female to him, with meat and drinke, and within a few dayes he becommeth tame. The chiefe force of the king is in these elephants. And when they goe into the warres they set a frame of wood vpon their backes, bound with great cordes, wherein sit foure or sixe men, which fight with gunnes, bowes, and arrowes, darts and other weapons. And they say that their skinnes are so thicke that a pellet of an harquebush will scarse pearce them, except it be in some tender place. Their weapons be very badde. They haue gunnes, but shoot very badly in them, darts and swords short without points. The king keepeth a very great state: when he sitteth abroad as he doth euery day twise, all his noblemen which they call Shemines sit on ech side, a good distance off, and a great guard without them. The Court yard is very great. If any man will speake with the king, he is to kneele downe, to heaue vp his hands to his head, and to put his head to the ground three times, when he entreth, in the middle way, and when he commeth neere to the king: and then he sitteth downe and talketh with the king: if the king like well of him, he sitteth neere him within three or foure paces: if he thinke not well of him, he sitteth further off. When he goeth to warre, he goeth very strong. [Sidenote: Odia a city in Siam.] At my being there he went to Odia in the countrey of Siam with three hundred thousand men, and fiue thousand elephants. Thirty thousand men were his guard. These people do eate roots, herbs, leaues, dogs, cats, rats, serpents, and snakes; they refuse almost nothing. When the king rideth abroad, he rideth with a great guard, and many noblemen, oftentimes vpon an elephant with a fine castle vpon him very fairely gilded with gold; and sometimes vpon a great frame like an horsliter, which hath a little house vpon it couered ouer head, but open on the sides, which is all gilded with golde, and set with many rubies and saphires, whereof he hath infinite store in his country, and is caried vpon sixteene or eighteene mens shoulders. [Sidenote: This maner of cariage on mens shoulders is vsed in Pegu, and in Florida.] This coach in their language is called Serrion. Very great feasting and triumphing is many times before the king both of men and women. This hath little force by sea, because he hath but very few ships. He hath houses full of golde and siluer, and bringeth in often, but spendeth very little, and hath the mines of rubies and saphires, and spinelles. Neere vnto the palace of the king, there is a treasure woonderfull rich; the which because it is so neere, he doth not account of it: and it standeth open for all men to see in a great walled court with two gates, which be alwayes open. There are foure houses gilded very richly, and couered with lead: in euery one of them are Pagodes or Images of huge stature and great value. In the first is the picture of a king in golde with a crowne of golde on his head full of great rubies and saphires, and about him there stand foure children of golde. In the second house is the picture of a man in siluer, woonderfull great, and high as an house; his foot is as long as a man, and he is made sitting, with a crowne on his head very rich with stones. In the third house is the picture of a man greater then the other, made of brasse, with a rich crowne on his head. In the fourth and last house doth stand another, made of brasse, greater then the other, with a crowne also on his head very rich with stones. In another court not farre from this stand foure other Pagodes or idoles, maruellous great, of copper, made in the same place where they do stand; for they be so great that they be not to be remoued: they stand in foure houses gilded very faire, and are themselues gilded all ouer saue their heads, and they shew like a blacke Morian. Their expenses in gilding of their images are wonderfull. The king hath one wife and aboue three hundred concubines, by which they say he hath fourescore or fourescore and ten children. He sitteth in iudgement almost euery day. [Sidenote: Paper of the leaues of a tree.] They vse no speech, but giue vp their supplications written in the leaues of a tree with the point of an yron bigger then a bodkin. These leaues are an elle long, and about two inches broad; they are also double. He which giueth in his supplication, doth stand in a place a little distance off with a present. If his matter be liked of, the king accepteth of his present, and granteth his request: if his sute he not liked of, he returneth with his present; for the king will not take it. In India there are few commodities which serue for Pegu, except Opium of Cambaia, painted cloth of S. Thome, or of Masulipatan, and white cloth of Bengala, which is spent there in great quantity. [Sidenote: An excellent colour with a root called Saia.] They bring thither also much cotton, yarne red coloured with a root which they call Saia, which will neuer lose his colour: it is very wel solde here, and very much of it commeth yerely to Pegu. By your money you lose much. The ships which come from Bengala, S. Thome, and Masulipatan, come to the bar of Nigrais and to Cosmin. To Martauan a port of the sea in the kingdome of Pegu come many ships from Malacca laden with Sandall, Porcelanes, and other wares of China, and with Camphora of Borneo, and Pepper from Achen in Sumatra. [Sidenote: Woollen cloth and scarlets solde in Pegu.] To Cirion a port of Pegu come ships from Mecca with woollen cloth, Scarlets, Veluets, Opium, and such like. There are in Pegu eight Brokers, whom they call Tareghe, which are bound to sell your goods at the price which they be woorth, and you giue them for their labour two in the hundred: and they be bound to make your debt good, because you sell your merchandises vpon their word. If the Broker pay you not at his day, you may take him home, and keepe him in your house: which is a great shame for him. And if he pay you not presently, you may take his wife and children and his slaues, and binde them at your doore, and set them in the Sunne; for that is the law of the countrey. [Sidenote: The money of Pegu.] Their current money in these partes is a kinde of brasse which they call Gansa, wherewith you may buy golde, siluer, rubies, ronske, and all other things. The golde and siluer is marchandise, and is worth sometimes more, and sometimes lesse, as other wares be. This brazen money doeth goe by a weight which they call a biza; and commonly this biza after our account is worth about halfe a crowne or somewhat lesse. [Sidenote: The seuerall marchandises of Pegu.] The marchandise which be in Pegu, are golde, siluer, rubies, saphires, spinelles, muske, beniamin or frankincense, long pepper, tinne, leade, copper, lacca whereof they make hard waxe, rice, and wine made of rice, and some sugar. The elephants doe eate the sugar canes, or els they would make very much. [Sidenote: The forme of their Temples or Varellaes.] And they consume many canes likewise in making of their Varellaes or Idole Temples, which are in great number both great and small. They be made round like a sugar loafe, some are as high as a Church, very broad beneath, some a quarter of a mile in compasse: within they be all earth done about with stone. They consume in these Varellaes great quantity of golde; for that they be all gilded aloft: and many of them from the top to the bottome: and euery ten or twelue yeeres they must be new gilded, because the raine consumeth off the golde: for they stand open abroad. If they did not consume their golde in these vanities, it would be very plentifull and good cheape in Pegu. About two dayes iourney from Pegu there is a Varelle or Pagode, which is the pilgrimage of the Pegues: it is called Dogonne, and is of a woonderfull bignesse, and all gilded from the foot to the toppe. [Sidenote: The Tallipoies or Priests of Pegu.] And there is an house by it wherein the Tallipoies which are their priests doe preach. This house is fiue and fifty paces in length, and hath three pawnes or walks in it, and forty great pillars gilded, which stand betweene the walks; and it is open on all sides with a number of small pillars, which be likewise gilded: it is gilded with golde within and without. There are houses very faire round about for the pilgrims to lie in: and many goodly houses for the Tallipoies to preach in, which are full of images both of men and women, which are all gilded ouer with golde. It is the fairest place as I suppose, that is in the world: it standeth very high, and there are foure wayes to it, which all along are set with trees of fruits, in such wise that a man may goe in the shade aboue two miles in length. And when their feast day is, a man can hardly passe by water or by land for the great presse of people; for they come from all places of the kingdome of Pegu thither at their feast. In Pegu they haue many Tallipoies or priests, which preach against all abuses. Many men resort vnto them. When they enter into their kiack, that is to say, their holy place or temple, at the doore their is a great iarre of water with a cocke or a ladle in it, and there they wash their feet; and then they enter in, and lift vp their hands to their heads, first to their preacher, and then to the Sunne, and so sit downe. [Sidenote: The apparell of their priests.] The Tallipoies go very strangly apparelled with one cambaline or thinne cloth next to their body of a browne colour, another of yellow doubled many times vpon their shoulder: and those two be girded to them with a broad girdle: and they haue a skinne of leather hanging on a string about their necks, whereupon they sit, bare headed and bare footed: for none of them weareth shoes; with their right armes bare and a great broad sombrero or shadow in their hands to defend them in the Summer from the Sunne, and in the Winter from the raine. When the Tallipoies or priests take their Orders, first they go to schoole vntill they be twenty yeres olde or more, and then they come before a Tallipoie appointed for that purpose, whom they call Rowli: he is of the chiefest or most learned, and he opposeth them, and afterward examineth them many times, whether they will leaue their friends, and the company of all women, and take vpon them the habit of a Tallipoie. If any be content, then he rideth vpon an horse about the streets very richly apparelled, with drummes and pipes, to shew that he leaueth the riches of the world to be a Tallipoie. In few dayes after, he is caried vpon a thing like an horsliter, which they call a serion, vpon ten or twelue mens shoulders in the apparell of a Tallipoie, with pipes and drummes, and many Tallipoies with him, and al his friends, and so they go with him to his house which standeth without the towne, and there they leaue him. Euery one of them hath his house, which is very little, set vpon six or eight posts, and they go vp to them with a ladder of twelue or foureteene staues. Their houses be for the most part by the hie wayes side, and among the trees, and in the woods. And they go with a great pot made of wood or fine earth, and couered, tied with a broad girdle vpon their shoulder, which cometh vnder their arme, wherewith they go to begge their victuals which they eate, which is rice, fish, and herbs. They demand nothing but come to the doore, and the people presently doe giue them, some one thing, and some another: and they put all together in their potte: for they say they must eate of their almes, and therewith content themselues. [Sidenote: Obseruation of new moones.] They keepe their feasts by the Moone: and when it is new Moone they keepe their greatest feast: and then the people send rice and other things to that kiack or church of which they be; and there all the Tallipoies doe meete which be of that Church, and eate the victuals which are sent them. When the Tallipoies do preach, many of the people cary them gifts into the pulpit where they sit and preach. And there is one which sitteth by them to take that which the people bring. It is diuided among them. They haue none other ceremonies nor seruice that I could see, but onely preaching. I went from Pegu to Iamahey [Marginal note: Iamahey fiue and twenty dayes iourney Northeastward from Pegu.] which is in the countrey of the Langeiannes, whom we call Iangomes; it is fiue and twenty dayes iourney Northeast from Pegu. In which iourney I passed many fruitfull and pleasant countreys. The countrey is very lowe, and hath many faire riuers. The houses are very bad, made of canes, and couered with straw. Heere are many wilde buffes and elephants. Iamahey is a very faire and great towne, with faire houses of stone, well peopled, the streets are very large, the men very well set and strong, with a cloth about them, bare headed and bare footed: for in all these countreys they weare no shoes. The women be much fairer then those of Pegu. Heere in all these countreys they haue no wheat. They make some cakes of rice. Hither to Iamahey come many marchants out of China, and bring great store of muske, golde, siluer, and many other things of China worke. Here is great store of victuals: they haue such plenty that they will not milke the buffles, as they doe in all other places. Here is great store of copper and beniamin. In these countreys when the people be sicke they make a vow to offer meat vnto the diuell, if they escape: and when they be recouered they make a banket with many pipes and drummes and other instruments, and dansing all the night, and their friends come and bring gifts, cocos, figges, arrecaes, and other fruits, and with great dauncing and reioycing they offer to the diuell, and say, they giue the diuel to eat, and driue him out. When they be dancing and playing they will cry and hallow very loud; and in this sort they say they driue him away. And when they be sicke a Tallipoy or two euery night doth sit by them and sing, to please the diuell that he should not hurt them. [Sidenote: They burne their dead.] And if any die he is caried vpon a great frame made like a tower, with a couering all gilded with golde made of canes caried with foureteene or sixteene men, with drummes and pipes and other instruments playing before him to a place out of the towne and there is burned. He is accompanied with all his friends and neighbours, all men: and they giue to the tallipoies or priests many mats and cloth: and then they returne to the house and there make a feast for two dayes: and then the wife with all the neighbours wiues and her friends go to the place where he was burned, and there they sit a certaine time and cry and gather the pieces of bones which be left vnburned and bury them, and then returne to their houses and make an end of all mourning. And the men and women which be neere of kin do shaue their heads, which they do not vse except it be for the death of a friend: for they much esteeme of their haire. Caplan [Marginal note: Caplan is the place the rubies and other precious stones are found.] is the place where they finde the rubies, saphires, and spinelles: it standeth sixe dayes iourney from Aua in the kingdome of Pegu. There are many great high hilles out of which they digge them. None may go to the pits but onely those which digge them. In Pegu, and in all the countreys of Aua, Langeiannes, Siam, and the Bramas, the men weare bunches or little round balles in their priuy members: some of them ware two and some three. They cut the skin and so put them in, one into one side and another into the other side; which they do when they be 25 or 30 yeeres olde, and at their pleasure they take one or more of them as they thinke good. When they be maried the husband is for euery child which his wife hath, to put in one vntill he come to three and then no more: for they say the women doe desire them. They were inuented because they should not abuse the male sexe. For in times past all those countries were so giuen to that villany, that they were very scarce of people. It was also ordained that the women should not haue past three cubits of cloth in their nether clothes, which they binde about them; which are so strait, that when they go in the streets, they shew one side of the leg bare aboue the knee. [Sidenote: Anthony Galuano writeth of these bals.] The bunches aforesayd be of diuers sorts: the least be as big as a litle walnut, and very round: the greatest are as big as a litle hennes egge: some are of brasse and some of siluer: but those of siluer be for the king, and his noble men. These are gilded and made with great cunning, and ring like a litle bell. There are some made of leade, which they call Selwy because they ring but litle: and these be of lesser price for the poorer sort. The king sometimes taketh his out, and giueth them to his noblemen as a great gift: and because he hath vsed them, they esteeme them greatly. They will put one in, and heale vp the place in seuen or eight dayes. The Bramas which be of the kings countrey (for the king is a Brama) haue their legs or bellies, or some part of their body, as they thinke good themselues, made black with certaine things which they haue: they vse to pricke the skinne, and to put on it a kinde of anile or blacking, which doth continue alwayes. And this is counted an honour among them: but none may haue it but the Bramas which are of the kings kinred. [Sidenote: The people of Pegu weare no beards.] These people weare no beards: they pull out the haire on their faces with little pinsons made for that purpose. Some of them will let 16 or 20 haires grow together, some in one place of his face and some in another, and pulleth out all the rest: for he carieth his pinsons alwayes with him to pull the haires out assoone as they appeare. If they see a man with a beard they wonder at him. They haue their teeth blacked both men and women, for they say a dogge hath his teeth white, therefore they will blacke theirs. The Pegues if they haue a suite in the law which is so doubtfull that they cannot well determine it, put two long canes into the water where it is very deepe: and both the parties go into the water by the poles, and there sit men to iudge, and they both do diue vnder the water, and he which remaineth longest vnder the water doth winne the sute. The 10 of January I went from Pegu to Malacca, passing by many of the ports of Pegu, as Martauan, the Iland of Taui, from whence commeth great store of tinne, which serueth all India, the Ilands of Tanaseri, Iunsalaon, and many others; and so came to Malacca the 8 of February, where the Portugals haue a castle which standeth nere the sea. And the countrey fast without the towne belongeth to the Malayos, which is a kinde of proud people. They go naked with a cloth about their middle, and a litle roll of cloth about their heads; Hither come many ships from China and from the Malucos, Banda, Timor, and from many other Ilands of the Iauas, which bring great store of spices and drugs, and diamants and other iewels. The voyages into many of these Ilands belong vnto the captaine of Malacca: so that none may goe thither without his licence: which yeeld him great summes of money euery yeere. The Portugals heere haue often times warres with the king of Achem which standeth in the Iland of Sumatra: from whence commeth great store of pepper and other spices euery yeere to Pegu and Mecca within the Red sea, and other places. [Sidenote: The voyage to Iapan.] When the Portugals go from Macao in China to Iapan, they carry much white silke, golde, muske, and porcelanes: and they bring from thence nothing but siluer. They haue a great caracke which goeth thither euery yere, and she bringeth from thence euery yere abouve sixe hundred thousand crusadoes: and all this siluer of Iapan, and two hundred thousand crusadoes [Marginal note: Eight hundred thousand crusadoes in siluer imployed yerely by the Portugals in China.] more in siluer which they bring yeerely out of India, they imploy to their great aduantage in China: and they bring from thence golde, muske, silke, copper, porcelanes, and many other things very costly and gilded. When the Portugales come to Canton in China to traffike, they must remaine there but certaine dayes: and when they come in at the gate of the city, they must enter their names in a booke, and when they goe out at night they must put out their names. They may not lie in the towne all night, but must lie in their boats without the towne. And their dayes being expired, if any man remaine there, they are euill vsed and imprisoned. The Chinians are very suspitious, and doe not trust strangers. It is thought that the king doth not know that any strangers come into his countrey. And further it is credibly reported that the common people see their king very seldome or not at all, nor may not looke vp to that place where he sitteth. And when he rideth abroad he is caried vpon a great chaire or serrion gilded very faire, wherein there is made a little house, with a latice to looke out at: so that he may see them, but they may not looke vp at him: and all the time that he passeth by them, they heaue vp their hands to their heads, and lay their heads on the ground, and looke not vp vntil he be passed. The order of China is when they mourne, that they weare white thread shoes, and hats of straw. The man doth mourne for his wife two yeeres, the wife for her husband three yeeres: the sonne for his father a yeere, and for his mother two yeres. And all the time which they mourne they keepe the dead in the house, the bowels being taken out and filled with chownam or lime, and coffined: and when the time is expired they carry them out playing and piping, and burne them. And when they returne they pull off their mourning weeds, and marry at their pleasure. A man may keepe as many concubines as he will, but one wife onely. [Sidenote: The writing of the people of China &c.] All the Chineans, Iaponians, and Cauchin Chineans do write right downwards, and they do write with a fine pensill made of dogs or cats haire. Laban is a Iland among the Iauas from whence come the diamants of the New water. And they finde them in the riuers: for the king will not suffer them to digge the rocke. Iamba is an Iland among the Iauas also, from whence come diamants. And the king hath a masse of earth which is golde; it groweth in the middle of a riuer: and when the king doth lacke gold, they cut part of the earth and melt it, whereof commeth golde. This masse of earth doth appeare but once in a yere; which is when the water is low: and this is in the moneth of April. Bima is another Iland among the Iauas, where the women trauell and labour as our men do in England, and the men keepe house and go where they will. The 29 of March 1588, I returned from Malacca to Martauan, and so to Pegu, where I remained the second time vntill the 17 of September, and then I went to Cosmin, and there tooke shipping; and passing many dangers by reason of contrary windes, it pleased God that we arriued in Bengala in Nouember following: where I stayed for want of passage vntill the third of February 1589, and then I shipped my selfe for Cochin. In which voyage we endured great extremity for lacke of fresh water: for the weather was extreme hote, and we were many marchants and passengers, and we had very many calmes, and hote weather. Yet it pleased God that we arriued in Ceylon the sixth of March, where we stayed fiue dayes to water, and to furnish our selues with other necessary prouision. This Ceylon is a braue Iland, very fruitfull and faire; but by reason of continuall warres with the king thereof, all things are very deare: for he will not suffer any thing to be brought to the castle where the Portugals be: wherefore often times they haue great want of victuals. Their prouision of victuals commeth out of Bengala euery yere. The king is called Raia, and is of great force: for he commeth to Columbo, which is the place where the Portugals haue their fort, with an hundred thousand men, and many elephants. But they be naked people all of them; yet many of them be good with their pieces which be muskets. When the king talketh with any man, he standeth vpon one legge, and setteth the other foot vpon his knee with his sword in his hand: it is not their order for the king to sit but to stand. His apparell is a fine painted cloth made of cotton wooll about his middle: his haire is long and bound vp with a little fine cloth about his head: all the rest of his body is naked. His guard are a thousand men, which stand round about him, and he in the middle; and when he marcheth, many of them goe before him, and the rest come after him. They are of the race of the Chingalayes, which they say are the best kinde of all the Malabars. Their eares are very large; for the greater they are, the more honourable they are accounted. Some of them are a spanne long. The wood which they burne is Cinamom wood, and it smelleth very sweet. There is great store of rubies, saphires, and spinelles in this Iland: the best kinde of all be here; but the king will not suffer the inhabitants to digge for them, lest his enemies should know of them, and make warres against him, and so driue him out of his countrey for them. They haue no horses in all the countrey. The elephants be not so great as those of Pegu, which be monstrous huge: but they say all other elephants do feare them, and none dare fight with them, though they be very small. Their women haue a cloth bound about them from their middle to their knee: and all the rest is bare. All of them be blacke and but little, both men and women. Their houses are very little, made of the branches of the palmer or coco-tree, and couered with the leaues of the same tree. The eleuenth of March we sailed from Ceylon, and so doubled the cape of Comori. Not far from thence, betweene Ceylon and the maine land of Negapatan, they fish for pearles. And there is fished euery yere very much; which doth serue all India, Cambaia, and Bengala, it is not so orient as the pearle of Baharim in the gulfe of Persia. From cape de Comori we passed by Coulam, which is a fort of the Portugals: from whence commeth great store of pepper, which commeth for Portugall: for oftentimes there ladeth one of the caracks of Portugall. Thus passing the coast we arriued in Cochin the 22 of March, where we found the weather warme, but scarsity of victuals: for here groweth neither corne nor rice: and the greatest part commeth from Bengala. They haue here very bad water, for the riuer is farre off. [Sidenote: People with swollen legges mentioned also by Ioh. Huygen.] This bad water causeth many of the people to be like lepers, and many of them haue their legs swollen as bigge as a man in the waste, and many of them are scant able to go. These people here be Malabars, and of the race of the Naires of Calicut: and they differ much from the other Malabars. These haue their heads very full of haire, and bound vp with a string: and there doth appeare a bush without the band wherewith it is bound. The men be tall and strong, and good archers with a long bow and a long arrow, which is their best weapon: yet there be some caliuers among them, but they handle them badly. [Sidenote: How pepper groweth.] Heere groweth the pepper; and it springeth vp by a tree or a pole, and is like our iuy berry, but something longer like the wheat eare: and at the first the bunches are greene, and as they waxe ripe they cut them off and dry them. The leafe is much lesser then the iuy leafe and thinner. All the inhabitants here haue very little homes couered with the leaues of the coco-trees. The men be of a reasonable stature; the women little; all blacke, with a cloth bound about their middle hanging downe to their hammes; all the rest of their bodies be naked: they haue horrible great eares with many rings set with pearles and stones in them. The king goeth incached, as they do all; he doth not remaine in a place aboue fiue or sixe dayes: he hath many houses, but they be but litle: his guard is but small: he remooueth from one house to another according to their order. All the pepper of Calicut and course cinamom groweth here in this countrey. The best cinamom doth come from Ceylon, and is pilled from fine yoong trees. Here are very many palmer or coco trees, which is their chiefe food: for it is their meat and drinke: and yeeldeth many other necessary things, as I haue declared before. [Sidenote: Or Calicut or Cananor.] The Naires which be vnder the king of Samorin, which be Malabars, haue alwayes wars with the Portugals. The king hath alwayes peace with them; but his people goe to the sea to robbe and steale. Their chiefe captaine is called Cogi Alli; he hath three castles vnder him. When the Portugals complaine to the king, he sayth he doth not send them out: but he consenteth that they go. They range all the coast from Ceylon to Goa, and go by foure or fiue parowes or boats together: and haue in euery one of them fifty or threescore men, and boord presently. They do much harme on that coast, and take euery yere many foists and boats of the Portugals. Many of these people be Moores. This kings countrey beginneth twelue leagues from Cochin, and reacheth neere vnto Goa. I remained in Cochin vntill the second of Nouember, which was eight moneths; for that there was no passage that went away in all that time: if I had come two dayes sooner I had found a passage presently. From Cochin I went to Goa, where I remained three dayes. From Cochin to Goa is an hundred leagues. From Goa I went to Chaul, which is threescore leagues, where I remained three and twenty dayes: and there making my prouision of things necessary for the shippe, from thence I departed to Ormus; where I stayed for a passage to Balsara fifty dayes. From Goa to Ormus is foure hundred leagues. Here I thought good, before I make an end of this my booke, to declare some things which India and the countrey farther Eastward do bring forth. The pepper groweth in many parts of India, especially about Cochin: and much of it doeth grow in the fields among the bushes without any labour: and when it is ripe they go and gather it. The shrubbe is like vnto our iuy tree: and if it did not run about some tree or pole, it would fall down and rot. When they first gather it, it is greene; and then they lay it in the Sun, and it becommeth blacke. The ginger groweth like vnto our garlick, and the root is the ginger: it is to be found in many parts of India. The cloues doe come from the Iles of the Moluccoes, which be diuers Ilands: their tree is like to our bay tree. The nutmegs and maces grow together, and come from the Ile of Banda: the tree is like to our walnut tree, but somewhat lesser. The white sandol is wood very sweet and in great request among the Indians; for they grinde it with a litle water, and anoynt their bodies therewith: it commeth from the Isle of Timor. Camphora is a precious thing among the Indians, and is solde dearer than golde. I thinke none of it commeth for Christendome. That which is compounded commeth from China: but that which groweth in canes and is the best, commeth from the great Isle of Borneo. Lignum Aloes commeth from Cauchinchina. The beniamin commeth out of the countreys of Siam and Iangomes. The long pepper groweth in Bengala, in Pegu, and in the Ilands of the Iauas. The muske commeth out of Tartarie, and is made after this order, by report of the marchants which bring it to Pegu to sell; In Tartarie there is a little beast like vnto a yong roe, which they take in snares, and beat him to death with the blood: after that they cut out the bones, and beat the flesh with the blood very small, and fill the skin with it: and hereof commeth the muske. Of the amber they holde diuers opinions; but most men say it commeth out of the sea, and that they finde it vpon the shores side. The rubies, saphires, and spinnelles are found in Pegu. The diamants are found in diuers places, as in Bisnagar, in Agra, in Delli, and in the Ilands of the Iauas. The best pearles come from the Iland of Baharim in the Persian sea, the woorser from the Piscaria neere the Isle of Ceylon, and from Aynam a great Iland on the Southermost coast of China. Spodium and many other kindes of drugs come from Cambaia. Now to returne to my voyage; from Ormus I went to Balsara or Basora, and from Basora to Babylon: and we passed the most part of the way by the strength of men by halling the boat vp the riuer with a long cord. From Babylon I came by land to Mosul, which standeth nere to Niniue, which is all ruinated and destroyed: it standeth fast by the riuer of Tigris. From Mosul I went to Merdin, which is in the countrey of the Armenians; but now there dwell in that place a people which they call Cordies or Curdi. From Merdin I went to Orfa, which is a very faire towne, and it hath a goodly fountaine full of fish, where the Moores hold many great ceremonies and opinions concerning Abraham: for they say he did once dwell there. From thence I went to Bir, and so passed the riuer of Euphrates. From Bir I went to Aleppo, where I stayed certaine moneths for company; and then I went to Tripolis; where finding English shipping, I came with a prosperous voyage to London, where by Gods assistance I safely arriued the 29 of April 1591, hauing bene eight yeeres out of my natiue countrey. * * * * * The report of Iohn Huighen van Linchoten concerning M. Newberies and M. Fitches imprisonment, and of their escape, which happened while he was in Goa. In the moneth of December, Anno 1583, there arriued in the towne and Iland of Ormus, foure English men, which came from Aleppo in the countrey of Syria, hauing sailed out of England, and passed thorow the straights of Gibralter to Tripoli a towne and hauen lying on the coast of Syria, where all the ships discharge their wares and marchandises, and from thence are caried by land vnto Aleppo, which is nine dayes iourney. In Aleppo there are resident diuers marchants and factours of all nations, as Italians, French men, English men, Armenians, Turks and Moores, euery man hauing his religion apart, paying tribute vnto the great Turke. In that towne there is great traffique, for that from thence euery yeere twise, there trauell two Caffyls, that is, companies of people and camels, which trauell vnto India, Persia, Arabia, and all the countreys bordering on the same, and deale in all sorts of marchandise, both to and from those countreys, as I in another place haue already declared. Three of the sayd English men aforesayd, were sent by a company of English men that are resident in Aleppo, to see if in Ormus they might keepe any factours, and so traffique in that place, like as also the Italians do, that is to say, the Venetians which in Ormus, Goa, and Malacca haue their factours, and traffique there, aswell for stones and pearles, as for other wares and spices of those countreyes, which from thence are caried ouer land into Venice. [Sidenote: Iohn Newbery had beene in Ormus before. Anno. 1581.] One of these English men had bene once before in the sayd towne of Ormus, and there had taken good information of the trade, and vpon his aduise and aduertisement, the other were as then come thither with him, bringing great store of marchandises with them, as Clothes, Saffron, all kindes of drinking glasses, and Haberdashers wares, as looking glasses, kniues, and such like stuffe: and to conclude, brought with them all kinde of small wares that may be deuised. And although those wares amounted vnto great summes of money, notwithstanding it was but onely a shadow or colour, thereby to giue no occassion to be mistrusted, or seen into: for that their principall intent was to buy great quantities of precious stones, as Diamants, Pearles, Rubies, &c. to the which end they brought with them a great summe of money and golde, and that very secretly, not to be deceiued or robbed thereof, or to runne into any danger for the same. They being thus arriued in Ormus, hired a shoppe, and beganne to sell their wares: which the Italians perceiuing, whose factours continue there (as I sayd before) and fearing that those English men finding good vent for their commodities in that place, would be resident therin, and so dayly increase, which would be no small losse and hinderance vnto them, did presently inuent all the subtile meanes they could to hinder them: and to that end they went vnto the Captaine of Ormus, as then called Don Gonsalo de Meneses, telling him that there were certaine English men come into Ormus, that were sent onely to spie the countrey; and sayd further, that they were heretikes: and therefore they sayd it was conuenient they should not be suffered so to depart without being examined, and punished as enemies, to the example of others. The Captaine being a friend vnto the English men, by reason that one of them which had bene there before, had giuen him certaine presents, would not be perswaded to trouble them, but shipped them with all their wares in a shippe that was to saile for Goa, and sent them to the Viceroy, that he might examine and trie them, as he thought good: where when they were arriued, they were cast into prison, and first examined whether they were good Christians or no: and because they could speake but badde Portugall, onely two of them spake good Dutch, as hauing bene certaine yeres in the Low countreyes, and there traffiked, there was a Dutch Iesuite born in the towne of Bruges in Flanders, that had bene resident in the Indies for the space of thirty yers, sent vnto them, to vndermine and examine them: wherein they behaued themselues so well, that they were holden and esteemed for good Catholicke Christians: yet still suspected, because they were strangers, and specially English men. The Iesuites still tolde them that they should be sent prisoners into Portugall, wishing them to leaue off their trade of marchandise, and to become Iesuites, promising them thereby to defend them from all trouble. The cause why they sayd so, and perswaded them in that earnest maner, was, for that the Dutch Iesuite had secretly bene aduertised of great summes of money which they had about them, and sought to get the same into their fingers, for that the first vowe and promise they make at their entrance into their Order, is to procure the welfare of their sayd Order, by what meanes soeuer it be. But although the English men denied them, and refused the Order, saying, that they were vnfit for such places, neuerthelesse they proceeded so farre, that one of them, being a Painter that came with the other three for company, to see the countreys, and to seeke his fortune, and was not sent thither by the English marchants, partly for feare, and partly for want of meanes to relieue himselfe, promised them to become a Iesuite: and although they knew and well perceiued he was not any of those that had the treasure, yet because he was a Painter, whereof there are but few in India, and that they had great need of him to paint their Church, which otherwise would cost them great charges, to bring one from Portugall, they were very glad thereof, hoping in time to get the rest of them with all their money into their fellowship: so that to conclude, they made this Painter a Iesuite, where he remained certaine dayes, giuing him good store of worke to doe, and entertaining him with all the fauour and friendship they could deuise, and all to winne the rest, to be a pray for them: but the other three continued still in prison, being in great feare, because they vnderstood no man that came to them, nor any man almost knew what they sayd: till in the end it was tolde them that certaine Dutch men dwelt in the Archbishops house, and counsell giuen them to send vnto them, whereat they much reioyced, and sent to me and an other Dutch man, desiring vs at once to come and speake with them, which we presently did, and they with teares in their eyes made complaint vnto vs of their hard vsage, shewing vs from point to point (as it is sayd before) why they were come into the countrey, withall desiring vs for Gods cause, if we might by any meanes, to helpe them, that they might be set at liberty vpon sureties, being ready to endure what iustice should ordaine for them, saying, that if it were found contrary, and that they were other then trauelling marchants, and sought to finde out further benefit by their wares, they would be content to be punished. With that we departed from them, promising them to do our best: and in the end we obtained so much of the archbishop, that he went vnto the Viceroy to deliuer our petition, and perswaded him so well, that he was content to set them at libertie, and that their goods should be deliuered vnto them againe, vpon condition they should put in sureties for two thousand pardawes, not to depart the countrey before other order should be taken with them. Thereupon they presently found a Citizen of the towne that was their surety for two thousand pardawes, to whom they payed in hand one thousand and three hundred pardawes, and because they sayd they had no more ready money, he gaue them credit, seeing what store of marchandise they had, whereby at all times if need were, he might be satisfied: and by that meanes they were deliuered out of prison, and hired themselues an house, and beganne to set open shoppe: so that they vttered much ware, and were presently well knowen among all the marchants, because they alwayes respected gentlemen, specially such as bought their wares, shewing great courtesie and honour vnto them, whereby they woon much credit, and were beloued of all men, so that euery man favoured them, and was willing to doe them pleasure. To vs they shewed great friendship, for whose sake the Archbishop fauoured them much, and shewed them very good countenance, which they knew well how to increase, by offering him many presents, although he would not receiue them, neither would euer take gift or present at any mans hands. Likewise they behaued themselues so discreetly that no man caried an euill eye, no, nor an euill thought towards them. Which liked not the Iesuites, because it hindred them from that they hoped for, so that they ceased not still by this Dutch Iesuite to put them in feare, that they should be sent into Portugall to the King, counselling them to yeeld themselues Iesuits into their Cloister, which if they did, he sayd they would defend them from all troubles, saying further, that he counselled them therein as a friend, and one that knew for certaine that it was so determined by the Viceroyes Priuy councell: which to effect he sayd they stayed but for shipping that should saile for Portugall, with diuers other perswasions, to put them in some feare, and so to effect their purpose. The English men to the contrary, durst not say any thing to them, but answered, that as yet they would stay a while, and consider thereof, thereby putting the Iesuites in comfort, as one among them, being the principall of them (called Iohn Newbery) complained vnto me often times, saying that he knew not what to say or thinke therein, or which way he might be ridde of those troubles: but in the end they determined with themselues to depart from thence, and secretly by meanes of other friendes they imployed their money in precious stones; which the better to effect, one of them was a Ieweller, and for the same purpose came with them. Which being concluded among them, they durst not make knowen to any man, neither did they credite vs so much, as to shew vs their mindes therein, although they tolde vs all whatsoeuer they knew. But on a Whitsunday they went abroad to sport themselues about three miles from Goa, in the mouth of the riuer in a countrey called Bardes, hauing with them good store of meate and drinke. And because they should not be suspected, they left their house and shoppe, with some wares therein vnsolde, in custody of a Dutch boy, by vs prouided for them, that looked vnto it. This boy was in the house not knowing their intent, and being in Bardes, they had with them a Patamar, which is one of the Indian postes, which in the Winter times carieth letters from one place to the other, whom they had hired to guide them: and because that betweene Bardes and the firme land there is but a little riuer, in a maner halfe drie, they passed ouer it on foot, and so trauelled by land, being neuer heard of againe: but it is thought they arriued in Aleppo, as some say, but they know not certainely. [Sidenote: The Arabian tongue generall in the East.] Their greatest hope was that Iohn Newbery could speake the Arabian tongue, which is vsed in all those countreys, or at the least vnderstood: for it is very common in all places there abouts, as French with vs. Newes being come to Goa, there was a great stirre and murmuring among the people, and we much woondered at it: for many were of opinion that we had giuen them counsell so to do: and presently their surety seised vpon the goods remaining, which might amount vnto aboue two hundred pardawes; and with that and the money he had received of the English men, he went vnto the Viceroy, and deliuered it vnto him: which the Viceroy hauing receiued forgaue him the rest. This flight of the English men grieued the Iesuites most, because they had lost such a praye, which they made sure account of: whereupon the Dutch Iesuite came to vs to aske vs if we knew thereof, saying, that if he had suspected so much, he would haue dealt otherwise, for that he sayd, he once had in his hands of theirs a bagge wherein was forty thousand veneseanders (ech veneseander being two pardawes) which was when they were in prison. And that they had alwayes put him in comfort to accomplish his desire: vpon the which promise he gaue them their money againe, which otherwise they should not so lightly haue come by, or peraduenture neuer, as he openly sayd: and in the ende he called them hereticks, and spies, with a thousand other railing speeches, which he vttered against them. The English man that was become a Iesuite, hearing that his companions were gone, and perceiuing that the Iesuites shewed him not so great fauour, neither vsed him so well as they did at the first, repented himselfe; and seeing he had not as then made any solemne promise, and being counselled to leaue the house, and tolde that he could not want a liuing in the towne, as also that the Iesuites could not keepe him there without he were willing to stay, so they could not accuse him of any thing, he tolde them flatly that he had no desire to stay within the Cloister. And although they vsed all the meanes they could to keepe him there, yet he would not stay, but hired an house without the Cloister, and opened shoppe, where he had good store of worke: and in the end married a Mestizos daughter of the towne, so that he made his account to stay there while he liued. By this English man I was instructed of all the wayes, trades, and voyages of the countrey, betweene Aleppo and Ormus, and of all the ordinances and common customes which they vsually holde during their voyage ouer the land, as also of the places and townes where they passed. And since those English mens departures from Goa, there neuer arriued any strangers, either English or others, by land, in the sayd countreys, but onely Italians which dayly traffique ouer land, and vse continuall trade going and comming that way. * * * * * The voyage of M. Iohn Eldred to Trypolis in Syria by sea, and from thence by land and riuer to Babylon and Balsara. 1583. I departed out of London in the ship called the Tiger, in the company of M. Iohn Newbery, M. Ralph Fitch, and sixe or seuen other honest marchants vpon Shroue munday 1583, and arriued in Tripolis of Syria the first day of May next insuing: at our landing we went on Maying vpon S. Georges Iland, a place where Christians dying aboord the ships, are woont to be buried. In this city our English marchants haue a Consull, and our nation abide together in one house with him, called Fondeghi Ingles, builded of stone, square, in maner like a Cloister, and euery man hath his seuerall chamber, as it is the vse of all other Christians of seuerall nations. [Sidenote: the description of Tripolis in Syria.] This towne standeth vnder a part of the mountaine of Libanus two English miles distant from the port: on the side of which port, trending in forme of an halfe Moone, stand fiue blocke houses or small forts, wherein is some very good artillery, and the forts are kept with about an hundred Ianisaries. Right before this towne from the seaward is a banke of mouing sand, which gathereth and increaseth with the Western winds, in such sort, that, according to an olde prophesie among them, this banke is like to swallow vp and ouerwhelme the towne: for euery yere it increaseth and eateth vp many gardens, although they vse all policy to diminish the same, and to make it firme ground. The city is about the bignesse of Bristow, and walled about, though the walles be of no great force. The chiefe strength of the place is in a Citadell, which standeth on the South side within the walles, and ouerlooketh the whole towne, and is strongly kept with two hundred Ianisaries and good artillery. [Sidenote: Store of white silke.] A riuer passeth thorow the midst of the city, wherewith they water their gardens and mulbery trees, on which there grow abundance of silke wormes, wherewith they make great quantity of very white silke, which is the chiefest naturall commodity to be found in and about this place. This rode is more frequented with Christian marchants, to wit, Venetians, Genouois, Florentines, Marsilians, Sicilians, Raguses, and lately with English men, then any other port of the Turks dominions. [Sidenote: The city of Hammah.] From Tripolis I departed the 14 of May with a carauan, passing three dayes ouer the ridge of mount Libanus, at the end whereof we arriued in a city called Hammah, which standeth on a goodly plaine replenished with corne and cotton wooll. On these mountaines which we passed grow great quantity of gall trees, which are somewhat like our okes, but lesser and more crooked: on the best tree a man shall not finde aboue a pound of galles. This towne of Hammah is fallen and falleth more and more to decay, and at this day there is scarse one halfe of the wall standing, which hath bene very strong and faire: but because it cost many mens liues to win it, the Turke will not haue it repaired; and hath written in the Arabian tongue ouer the castle gate, which standeth in the midst of the towne, these words: Cursed be the father and the sonne that shall lay their hands to the repairing hereof. Refreshing our selues one day here, we passed forward with camels three dayes more vntill we came to Aleppo, where we arriued the 21 of May. This is the greatest place of traffique for a dry towne that is in all those parts: for hither resort Iewes, Tartarians, Persians, Armenians, Egyptians, Indians, and many sorts of Christians, and enioy freedome of their consciences, and bring thither many kinds of rich marchandises. In the middest of this towne also standeth a goodly castle raised on high, with a garrison of foure or fiue hundred Ianisaries. Within four miles round about are goodly gardens and vineyards and trees, which beare goodly fruit neere vnto the riuers side, which is but small; the walles are about three English miles in compasse, but the suburbs are almost as much more. The towne is greatly peopled. We departed from thence with our camels the last day of May with M. Iohn Newbery and his company, and came to Birrah in three dayes, being a small towne situated vpon the riuer Euphrates, where it beginneth first to take his name, being here gathered into one chanell, whereas before it commeth downe in manifolde branches, and therefore is called by the people of the countrey by a name which signifieth a thousand heads. Here is plenty of victuals, whereof we all furnished our selues for a long iourney downe the aforesayd riuer. And according to the maner of those that trauell downe by water, we prepared a small barke for the conueyance of our selues and of our goods. [Sidenote: Euphrates shallow.] These boates are flat bottomed, because the riuer is shallow in many places: and when men trauell in the moneth of Iuly, August, and September, the water being then at the lowest, they are constrained to cary with them a spare boat or two to lighten their owne boates, if they chance to fall on the sholds. [Eight and twenty days iourney by riuer.] We were eight and twenty dayes vpon the water betweene Birrah and Felugia, where we disimbarked our selues and our goods. Euery night after the Sun setteth, we tie our barke to a stake, go on land to gather sticks, and set on our pot with rice or brused wheat, and hauing supped, the marchants lie aboord the barke, and the mariners vpon the shores side as nere as they can vnto the same. [Sidenote: Arabians vpon the riuer of Euphrates.] In many places vpon the riuers side we met with troops of Arabians, of whom we bought milke, butter, egges, and lambs, and gaue them in barter, (for they care not for money) glasses, combes, corall, amber, to hang about their armes and necks, and for churned milke we gaue them bread and pomgranat peeles, wherewith they vse to tanne their goats skinnes which they churne withall. [Sidenote: The Arabian women weare golde rings in their nostrels.] Their haire, apparell, and colour are altogether like to those vagabond Egyptians, which heretofore haue gone about in England. Their women all without exception weare a great round ring in one of their nostrels, of golde, siluer, or yron, according to their ability, and about their armes and smalles of their legs they haue hoops of golde, siiuer or yron. All of them as wel women and children as men, are very great swimmers, and often times swimming they brought vs milke to our barke in vessels vpon their heads. These people are very theeuish, which I prooued to my cost: for they stole a casket of mine, with things of good value in the same, from vnder my mans head as he was asleepe: and therefore trauellers keepe good watch as they passe downe the riuer. [Sidenote: Euphrates described.] Euphrates at Birrah is about the breadth of the Thames at Lambeth, and in some places narrower, in some broader: it runneth very swiftly, almost as fast as the riuer of Trent: it hath diuers sorts of fish in it, but all are scaled, some as bigge as salmons, like barbils. We landed at Felugia the eight and twentieth of Iune, where we made our abode seuen dayes, for lacke of camels to cary our goods to Babylon: the heat at that time of the yere is such in those parts, that men are loth to let out their camels to trauell. This Felugia is a village of some hundred houses, and a place appointed for discharging of such goods as come downe the riuer: the inhabitants are Arabians. Not finding camels here, we were constrained to vnlade our goods, and hired an hundred asses to cary our marchandises onely to New Babylon ouera short desert, in crossing whereof we spent eighteene houres trauelling by night, and part of the morning, to auoid the great heat. [Sidenote: The ruines of olde Babylon.] In this place which we crossed ouer, stood the olde mighty city of Babylon, many olde ruines whereof are easily to be seene by day-light, which I Iohn Eldred haue often beheld at my good leasure, hauing made three voyages betweene the new city of Babylon and Aleppo ouer this desert. Here also are yet standing the ruines of the olde tower of Babel, which being vpon a plaine ground seemeth a farre off very great, but the nerer you come to it, the lesser and lesser it appeareth; sundry times I haue gone thither to see it, and found the remnants yet standing aboue a quarter of a mile in compasse, and almost as high as the stone worke of Pauls steeple in London, but it sheweth much bigger. The bricks remaining in this most ancient monument be halfe a yard thicke, and three quarters of a yard long, being dried in the Sunne onely, and betweene euery course of bricks there lieth a course of mattes made of canes, which remaine sound and not perished, as though they had bene layed within one yeere. The city of New Babylon ioineth vpon the aforesayd small desert where the Olde city was, and the riuer of Tigris runneth close vnder the wall, and they may if they will open a sluce, and let the water of the same runne round about the towne. It is aboue two English miles in compasse, and the inhabitants generally speake three languages, to wit, the Persian, Arabian and Turkish Tongues: the people are of the Spaniards complexion: and the women generally weare in one of the gristles of their noses a ring like a wedding ring, but somewhat greater, with a pearle and a Turkish stone set therein: and this they do be they neuer so poore. [Sidenote: Rafts borne vpon bladders of goat skins.] This is a place of very great traffique, and a very great thorowfare from the East Indies to Aleppo. The towne is very well furnished with victuals which come downe the riuer of Tigris from Mosul which was called Niniuie in olde time. They bring these victuals and diuers sorts of marchandises vpon rafts, borne vpon goats skins blowenvp full of wind in maner of bladders. And when they haue discharged their goods, they sel the rafts for fire, and let the wind out of their goats skins, and cary them home againe vpon their asses by land, to make other voyages downe the riuer. The building here is most of bricke dried in the Sun, and very litle or no stone is to be found: their houses are all flat-roofed and low. [Sidenote: Seldome rain.] They haue no raine for eight moneths together, nor almost any clouds in the skie night nor day. Their Winter is in Nouember, December, Ianuary and February, which is as warme as our Summer in England in a maner. This I know by good experience, because my abode at seuerall times in this city of Babylon hath bene at the least the space of two yeeres. As we come to the city, we passe ouer the riuer of Tigris on a great bridge made with boats chained together with two mighty chaines of yron. [Sidenote: Eight and twenty dayes iourney more by riuer, from Babylon to Balsara.] From thence we departed in flat bottomed barks more strong and greater then those of Euphrates, and were eight and twenty dayes also in passing downe this riuer to Balsara, but we might haue done it in eighteene or less, if the water had bene higher. Vpon the waters side stand by the way diuer townes resembling much the names of the olde prophets: the first towne they call Ozeah, and another Zecchiah. Before we come to Balsara by one dayes iourney, the two riuers of Tigris and Euphrates meet, and there standeth a castle called Curna, kept by the Turks, where all marchants pay a small custome. Here the two riuers ioyned together begin to be eight or nine miles broad: here also it beginneth to ebbe and flow, and the water ouerflowing maketh the countrey all about very fertile of corne, rice, pulse, and dates. The towne of Balsara is a mile and an halfe in circuit: all the buildings, castle and wals, are made of bricke, dried in the Sun. The Turke hath here fiue hundred Ianisaries, besides other souldiers continually in garison and pay, but his chiefe strength is of gallies which are about fiue and twenty or thirty very faire and furnished with goodly ordinance. To this port of Balsara come monethly diuers ships from Ormuz, laden with all sorts of Indian marchandise, as spices, drugs, Indico and Calecut cloth. These ships are vsually from forty to threescore tunnes, hauing their planks sowed together with corde made of the barke of Date trees, and in stead of Occam they vse the shiuerings of the barke of the sayd trees, and of the same they also make their tackling. [Sidenote: Ships made without yron in the Persian gulfe.] They haue no kind of yron worke belonging to these vessels, saue only their ankers. From this place six dayes sailing downe the gulfe, they goe to a place called Baharem in the mid way to Ormus: there they fish for pearles foure moneths in the yeere, to wit, in Iune, Iuly, August, and September. [Sidenote: Zelabdim Echebar king of Cambaia.] My abode in Balsara was iust sixe moneths, during which time I receiued diuers letters from M. Iohn Newberry from Ormus, who as he passed that way with her Maiesties letters to Zelabdim Echebar king of Cambaia, and vnto the mighty emperour of China, was traiterously there arrested, and all his company, by the Portugals, and afterward sent prisoner to Goa; where after a long and cruell imprisonmeat, he and his companions were deliuered vpon sureties, not to depart the towne without leaue, at the sute of one father Thomas Steuens, an English religious man which they found there: but shortly after three of them escaped, whereof one, to wit, M. Ralph Fitch, is since come into England. The fourth, which was a painter called Iohn Story, became religious in the college of S. Paul in Goa, as we vnderstood by their letters. [Sidenote: He returneth from Balsara to Aleppo.] I and my companion William Shales hauing dispatched our businesse at Balsara, imbarked our selues in company of seuenty barks all laden with marchandise, hauing euery barke 14. men to draw them, like our Westerne bargemen on the Thames, and we were forty foure dayes comming vp against the streame to Babylon, [Sidenote: Their provision of victuals.] where arriuing and paying our custome, we with all other sorts of marchants bought vs camels, hired vs men to lade and driue them, furnished our selues with rice, butter, bisket, hony made of dates, onions and dates: and euery marchant bought a proportion of liue muttons, and hired certaine shepheards to driue them with vs: we also bought vs tents to lie in and to put our goods under: [Sidenote: A Carauan of foure thousand Camels.] and in this our carauan were foure thousand camels laden with spices, and other rich marchandises. These camels will liue very well two or three dayes without water: their feeding is on thistles, wormewood, magdalene, and other strong weeds which they finde vpon the way. The gouernment and deciding of all quarels and dueties to be payed, the whole carauan commiteth to one speciall rich marchant of the company, of whose honesty they conceiue best. In passing from Babylon to Aleppo, we spent forty dayes, trauelling twenty, or foure and twenty miles a day, resting ourselues commonly from two of the clocke in the afternoone, vntill three in the morning, at which time we begin to take our iourney. Eight dayes iourney from Babylon toward Aleppo, neere vnto a towne called Heit, as we crosse the riuer Euphrates by boates, about 3. miles from the town there is a valley wherein are many springs throwing out abundantly at great mouths, a kinde of blacke substance like vnto tarre, which serueth all the countrey to make stanch their barkes and boates: euery one of these springs maketh a noise like vnto a Smiths forge in the blowing and puffing out of this matter, which neuer ceaseth night nor day, and the noise may be heard a mile off continually. This vale swalloweth vp all heauie things that come vpon it. The people of the countrey call it in their language Babil gehenham, that is to say, Hell doore. As we passed through these deserts, we saw certaine wild beasts, as wild asses all white, Roebucks, wolfes, leopards, foxes, and many hares, whereof we chased and killed many. Aborise the king of the wandring Arabians in these deserts hath a dutie of 40. s. sterling, vpon euery Camels lode, which he sendeth his officers to receiue of the Carauans, and in consideration hereof, he taketh vpon him to conduct the sayd Carauans if they need his helpe, and to defend them against certaine prowling thieues. [Sidenote: William Barret Consul in Aleppo.] I and my companion William Shales came to Aleppo with the Carauan the eleuenth of Iune, 1584. where we were ioyfully receiued 20. miles distant from the towne by M. William Barret our Consull, accompanied with his people and Ianissaries, who fell sicke immediately and departed this life within 8. dayes after, and elected before his death M. Anthonie Bate Consul of our English nation in his place, who laudably supplied the same roome 3. yeeres. [Sidenote: Two voyages more made to Babylon.] In which meane time I made two voyages more vnto Babylon, and returned by the way aforesayd, ouer the deserts of Arabia. And afterwards, as one desirous to see other parts of the countrey, I went from Aleppo to Antioch, which is thence 60. English miles, and from thence went downe to Tripolis, where going aboord a small vessell, I arriued at Ioppe, and trauelled to Rama, Lycia, Gaza, Ierusalem, Bethleem, to the riuer of Iordan, and the sea or lake of Zodome, and returned backe to Ioppe, and from thence by sea to Tripolis, of which places because many others haue published large discourses, I surcease to write. Within few dayes after imbarking my selfe at Tripolis the 22. of December, I arriued (God be thanked) in safety here in the riuer of Thames with diuers English marchants, the 26. of March, 1588, in the Hercules of London, which was the richest ship of English marchants goods that euer was knowen to come into this realme. * * * * * The second letters Patents graunted by the Queenes Maiestie to the Right worshipfull companie of the English Marchants for the Leuant, the seuenth of Ianuarie 1592. Elizabeth by the grace of God Queene of England, France, and Irelande, defender of the faith &c. To all our Officers, ministers and subiects, and to all other people aswell within this our Realme of England, as else where vnder our obeysance and iurisdiction or otherwise vnto whom these our letters shal be seene, shewed, or read greeting. Where our well beloued subiects Edward Osborne knight Alderman of our citie of London, William Hareborne Esquire, and Richard Staper of our saide citie Marchant, haue by great aduenture and industrie with their great cost and charges by the space of sundry late yeeres trauelled, and caused trauell to be taken aswell by secrete and good meanes, as by daungerous wayes and passages both by lande and sea to finde out and set open a trade of marchandize and traffike into the landes, Ilandes, Dominions, and territories of the great Turke, commonly called the Grand Signior, not before that time in the memorie of any man now liuing knowen to be commonly vsed and frequented by way of marchandize by any the marchantes or other subiects of vs or our progenitors: And also haue by their like good meanes and industrie and great charges procured of the sayde Grand Signior in our name, amitie, safetie and freedome for trade and traffike of marchandize to be vsed and continued by our subiects within his sayd dominions, whereby we perceiue and finde that both many good actions haue beene done and performed, and hereafter are likely continually to be done and performed for the peace of Christendome: Namely by the reliefe and discharge of many Christians which haue beene, and which hereafter may happen to be in thraldome and bondage vnder the sayde Grand Signior and his vassals or subiects. And also good and profitable vent and vtterance of the commodities of our Realme, and sundrie other great benefites to the aduancement of our honour and dignitie Royall, the maintenance of our Nauie, the encrease of our customes, and the reuenues of our Crowne, and generally the great wealth of our whole Realme. And whereas we are enformed of the sayd Edward Osborne knight, William Hareborne and Richard Staper, that George Barne, Richard Martine, Iohn Harte knights, and other marchants of our sayd Citie of London haue by the space of eight or nine yeeres past ioyned themselues in companie, trade and traffike with them the sayd Edward Osborne knight, William Hareborne and Richard Staper, into the sayde dominions of the sayd great Turke, to the furtherance thereof and the good of the Realme. And whereas further it is made knowen vnto vs, that within fewe yeeres how past our louing and good subjects, Thomas Cordall, Edward Holmeden, William Garraway and Paul Banning, and sundry other merchants of our said Citie of London, haue likewise at their great costes and charges, builded and furnished diuerse good and seruiceable shippes and therewith to their like costs and charges haue traded and frequented, and from time to time doe trade and frequent and traffike by sea with the commodities of our Realme to Venice, Zante, Candie, and Zephalonia, and other the dominions of the Segniorie and State of Venice, and thereby haue made and mainteyned, and doe make and continually maintains diuers good shippes with mariners skilfull and fitte and necessarie for our seruice: and doe vent out of our Realme into those partes diuerse commodities of our Realme, and returne hither into our sayde Realme many good and necessarie commodities for the common wealth thereof: All which traffike, as well inward as outward vntill it hath beene otherwise brought to passe by the sayde endeuours, costs, and charges of our sayde subiects, was in effect by our subiectes wholy discontinued. Knowe yee, that hereupon we greatly tendring the wealth of our people and the encouragement of them and other our louing subiects in their good enterprises for the aduancement of lawfull traffike to the benefite of our common wealth, haue of our speciall grace, certaine knowledge, and meere motion giuen and graunted, and by these presents for vs, our heyres, and successours, doe giue and graunt vnto our sayd trustie and welbeloued subiectes Edwarde Orborne Knight, George Barne Knight, George Bonde knight, Richard Martine knight, Iohn Harte knight, Iohn Hawkins knight, William Massam, Iohn Spencer, Richard Saltonstall, Nicholas Mosley Alderman of our sayde Citie of London, William Hareborne, Edwarde Barton, William Borrough Esquires, Richard Staper, Thomas Cordall, Henrie Paruis, Thomas Laurence, Edwarde Holmeden, William Garraway, Robert Dowe, Paul Banning, Roger Clarke, Henrie Anderson, Robert Offley, Philip Grimes, Andrewe Banning, Iames Staper, Robert Sadler, Leonarde Power, George Salter, Nicholas Leate, Iohn Eldred, William Shales, Richard May, William Wilkes, Andrewe Fones, Arthur Iackson, Edmund Ansell, Ralph Ashley, Thomas Farrington, Roberte Sandie, Thomas Garraway, Edwarde Lethlande, Thomas Dalkins, Thomas Norden, Robert Bate, Edward Sadler, Richard Darsall, Richard Martine Iunior, Ralph Fitch, Nicholas Pearde, Thomas Simons, and Francis Dorrington, [Marginal note: The marchants aboue named be made a fellowship and companie for 12 yeeres by the name of the Gouernor and companie of the marchants of the Leuant.] that they and euery of them by the name of Gouernour and company of Marchants of the Leuant shall from hence foorth for the terme of twelue yeeres next ensuing the date hereof bee one bodie, fellowshippe and companie of themselues, both in deede and in name: And them by the name of Gouernour and companie of marchantes of the Leuant wee doe ordayne, incorporate, name, and declare by these presentes, and that the same fellowshippe and companie from hence foorth shall and may haue one Gouernour. [Sidenote: Sir Edward Osborne appointed the first Gouernour.] And in consideration that the sayde Edwarde Osborne Knight hath beene of the chiefe setters foorth and actors in the opening and putting in practise of the sayde trade to the dominions of the sayde Grand Signor: Wee doe therefore specially make, ordaine, and constitute the sayde Edwarde Osborne Knight, to bee nowe Gouernour during the time of one whole yeere nowe next following, if hee so long shall liue: and after the expiration of the sayde yeere, or decease of the sayde Edward Osborne the choyse of the next Gouernour, and so of euery Gouernour from time to time during the sayde terme of twelue yeeres to be at the election of the sayde fellowshippe or companie of marchantes of the Leuant or the more part of them yeerely to be chosen, [Sidenote: A priuiledge for the East Indies.] and that they the sayde Sir Edward Osborne, and all the residue of the sayde fellowshippe or companie of Marchantes of the Leuant and euerie of them, and all the sonnes of them and of euery of them, and all such their apprentises and seruants of them and of euery of them, which haue beene or hereafter shall be imployed in the sayde trade by the space of foure yeeres or vpwardes by themselues, their seruantes, factors or deputies, shall and may by the space of twelue yeeres from the day of the date of these our letters Patents freely traffike, and vse the trade of Marchandize as well by sea as by lande into and from the dominions of the sayde Grand Signor, and into and from Venice, Zante, Candie and Zephalonia, and other the dominions of the Signiorie and State of Venice, and also by lande through the Countries of the sayde Grand Signor into and from the East India, lately discouered by John Newberie, Ralph Fitch, William Leech, and Iames Storie, sent with our letters to that purpose at the proper costs and charge of the sayde Marchants or some of them: and into and from euerie of them in such order, manner, forme, libertie and condition fo all intentes and purposes as shall be betweene them of the sayde fellowshippe or companie of Marchantes of the Leuant or the more part of them for the time being limited and agreed, and not otherwise, without any molestation, impeachment, or disturbance; any lawe, statute, vsage, or diuersitie of Religion or faith, or any other cause or matter whatsoeuer to the contrarie notwithstanding. And that the sayde Governour and companie of Marchantes of the Leuant, or the greater part of them for the better gouernement of the sayde fellowshippe and companie, shall and may within fortie dayes next and immediatly following after the date hereof, and so from hence foorth yeerely during the continuance of this our graunt, assemble themselues in some conuenient place, and that they or the greater parte of them being so assembled, shall and may elect, ordaine, nominate, and appoint twelue discreete and honest persons of the sayde companie to be assistants to the sayde Gouernour, and to continue in the sayde office of assistants, vntill they shall die or bee remoued by the sayde Gouernour and companie or the greater part of them. And if it happen the sayde assistantes or any of them to die, or be remooued from their sayde office at anie time during the continuance of this our graunt: that then and so often it shall and may bee lawfull to and for the sayde Gouernour and companie of marchantes of the Leuant, or the greater part of them to elect and chuse one or more other persons of the sayd companie into the place or places of euery such person or persons so dying or happening to be remooued, as is aforesayde. And wee will and ordaine that the same person or persons so as is aforesaide to be elected shall be of the sayd number of assistants of the sayde companie. And this to be done so often as the case shall so require. And that it shall and may be lawfull to and for the sayde Edwarde Orborne Knight, George Barne Knight, George Bonde knight, Richard Martine knight, Iohn Hart knight, Iohn Hawkins knight, William Massam, Iohn Spencer, Richard Saltonstall, Nicholas Mosley, William Hareborne, Edwarde Barton, William Borrough, Richard Staper, Thomas Cordall, Henrie Paruis, Thomas Laurence, Edwarde Holmeden, William Garraway, Robert Dowe, Paul Banning, Roger Clarke, Henrie Anderson, Robert Offley, Philip Grimes, Andrewe Banning, Iames Staper, Robert Sadler, Leonarde Power, George Salter, Nicholas Leate, John Eldred, William Shales, Richard May, William Wilkes, Andrewe Fones, Arthur Iackson, Edmund Ansell, Ralph Ashley, Thomas Farrington, Robert Sandie, Thomas Garraway, Edwarde Lethlande, Thomas Dalkins, Thomas Norden, Robert Bate, Edward Sadler, Richard Darsall, Richard Martine Iunior, Ralph Fitch, Nicholas Pearde, Thomas Simons, and Francis Dorrington aforesayde, or any of them to assemble themselues for or about any the matters, causes or affaires or businesses of the sayde trade in any place or places for the same conuenient from time to time during the sayde terme of twelue yeeres within our dominions or else where. And that also it shall and may be lawfull for them or the more part of them to make, ordaine and constitute reasonable lawes and orders for the good gouernment of the sayde companie, and for the better advancement and continuance of the sayde trade and traffike: the same lawes and ordinances not being contrarie or repugnant to the lawes, statutes or customes of our Realme: And the same lawes and ordinances so made to put in vse, and execute accordingly, and at their pleasures to reuoke and alter the same lawes and ordinances or any of them as occasion shall require. And we doe also for vs, our heyres and successors of our speciall grace, certaine knowledge, and meere motion graunt to and with the sayd Gouernour and companie of marchantes of the Leuant, that when and as often at any time during the sayde terme and space of twelue yeeres as any custome, pondage, subsidie or other duetie shall be due and payable vnto vs, our heires, or successors for any goods or marchandize whatsoeuer, to be carried or transported out of this our port of London into any the dominions aforesayde, or out of or from any the sayde dominions vnto our sayde port of London, that our Customers, and all other our officers for receites of custome, pondage, subsidie or other duetie vnto whom it shall appertaine, shall vpon the request of the sayde Gouernour for the time being, giue vnto the sayde companie three monethes time for the payment of the one halfe, and other three monethes for the payment of the other halfe of their sayde custome, pondage, or other subsidie or duetie for the same, receiuing good and sufficient bonde and securitie to our vse for the payment of the same accordingly. And vpon receipt of the sayde bonde to giue them out their cockets or other warrants to lade out and receiue in the same their goods by vertue hereof without any disturbance. And that also as often as at any time during the sayde terme of twelue yeeres any goods or marchandize of any of the sayde companie laden from this our port of London in any the dominions beforesayde shall happen to miscarie before their safe discharge in the partes for and to the which they be sent: That then and so often so much custome, pondage, and other subsidie as they answered vs for the same, shall after due proofe made before the Treasurour of England for the time being of the sayde losse, and the iust quantitie thereof, be by the vertue hereof allowed vnto them, by warrant of the sayde Treasurour to the sayde Customers in the next marchandize that they shall or may shippe for those partes, according to the true rates of the customes, pondage, or subsidies heretofore payde for the goods so lost or any part or parcell thereof. And for that the sayde companie are like continually to bring into this our Realme a much greater quantitie of forren commodities from the forren Countreyes, places, or territories aforesaide, then here can be spent for the necessarie vse of the same, which of necessitie must be transported into other countreyes, and there vented, we for vs, our heires and successors of our speciall grace, certaine knowledge, and meere motion doe graunt to and with the sayd Gouernour and companie that at all times from time to time during the space of thirteene moneths next after the discharge of any the sayde goods so brought in, and the subsidies, pondage, customes and other duties for the same being before hande payde or compounded for as aforesayd, it shall be lawfull for them or any of them or any other person or persons whatsoeuer being naturall subiects of the Realme which may or shall buy the same of them or any of them to transport the same in English bottomes freely out of this Realme without payment of any further custome, pondage, or other subsidie to vs, our heires or successors for the same, whereof the sayde subsidies, pondage, or customes or other duties shall be so formerly payde and compounded for, as aforesayd, and so proued. And the sayd customer by vertue hereof shall vpon due and sufficient proofe thereof made in the custome house giue them sufficient cocket or certificate for the safe passing out thereof accordingly. And to the ende no deceipt be vsed herein to vs our heires, and successors, certificate shall be brought from our collector of custome inwardes to our customer outwardes that the sayd marchandizes haue within the time limited answered their due custome, subsidie, pondage and other duties for the same inwards. And furthermore we of our ample and aboundant grace, meere motion, and certaine knowledge haue graunted, and by these presents for vs our heyres and successours doe graunt vnto the said Gouernours and companie of marchantes of the Leuant, that they and such onely as be and shall be of that companie, shall for the sayd terme of twelue yeeres haue, vse, and enioy the whole and onely trade and traffike, and the whole entire and onely libertie, vse, and priuilege of trading and traffiking, and vsing feate of marchandise by and through the Leuant seas otherwise called the Mediterran seas into and from the sayd dominions of the Grand Signor, and dominions of the state of Venice; and by and through the sayd Grand Signors dominions to and from such other places in the East Indies discouered as aforesayd. And that they the sayd Gouernour and companie of marchants of the Leuant and euery particular and seuerall person of that companie their and euery one of their servants, factors, and deputies shall haue full and free authoritie, libertie, facultie, licence, and power to trade and trafficke by and through the sayde Leuant seas into and from all and euery the sayd dominions of the sayde Grand Signor, and the dominions of the state of Venice, and the sayde Indies, and into and from all places where by occasion of the sayd trade they shall happen to arriue or come, whither they be Christians, Turkes, Gentiles, or others: And by and through the sayd Leuant seas into and from all other seas, riuers, portes, regions, territories, dominions, coastes and places with their ships, barkes, pinases and other vessels, and with such mariners and men as they will leade or haue with them, or sende for the sayde trade as they shall thinke good at their owne costes and expenses. And for that the shippes sayling into the sayde Countreyes must take their due and proper times to proceede in these voyages, which otherwise as we well perceiue cannot be performed in the rest of the yeere following: Therefore we of our speciall grace, certaine knowledge, and meere motion, for vs, our heyres and successors doe graunt to and with the sayd Gouernour and companie of Marchantes of the Leuant, that foure good shippes well furnished with ordinance and other munition for their defence, and two hundred mariners English men to guide and sayle in the same four shippes at all times during the sayde twelue yeeres shall quietly bee permitted and suffered to depart and goe in the sayde voyages, according to the purport of these presents, without any stay or contradiction by vs, our heyres and successors, or by the Lorde high Admirall or any other officer or subject of vs, our heires or successours in any wise: Any restraint, lawe, statute, vsage or matter whatsoeuer to the contrarie notwithstanding. Prouided neuerthelesse, that if wee shall at any time within the sayde twelue yeeres haue iust cause to arme our Nauie in warrelike manner in defence of our Realme, or for offence of our enemies: and that it shall be founde needefull and conuenient for vs to ioyne to our Nauie the shippes of our subjects to be also armed for warres to such number as cannot bee supplied if the sayd foure shippes should be permitted to depart as aboue is mentioned; then vpon knowledge giuen by vs or our Admirall to the sayde Gouernour or companie about the fifteenth day of the moneth of March, or three moneths before the saide companie shall beginne to make readie the same foure shippes that we may not spare the sayd foure ships and the marriners requisite for them to be out of our Realme during the time that our Nauie shal be vpon the seas, that then the sayde companie shall forbeare to send such foure shippes for their trade of marchandise vntill that we shall retake our sayd Nauie from the sayd service. And further our will and pleasure is, and wee doe by these presentes graunt that it shall be lawfull to and for the sayd Gouernour and companie of Marchantes of the Leuant to haue and vse in and about the affaires of the sayde companie a common seale for matters concerning the sayde companie and trade. And that also it shall be lawfull for the Marchants, Mariners, and Sea men, which shall be vsed and imployed in the sayde trade and voyage to set and place in the toppes of their ships or other vessels the Armes of England with the redde-crosse in white ouer the same as heretofore they haue vsed. And we of our further Royall fauour and of our especiall grace, certaine knowledge, and meere motion haue graunted and by these presents for vs, our heyres and successors doe graunt to the sayd Gouernour and companie of Marchants of the Leuant, that the sayde landes, territories, and dominions of the sayde Grand Signor, or the dominions of the Signiorie of Venice, or any of them within the sayde Leuant or Mediterran seas shall not be visited, frequented, or haunted by the sayde Leuant sea by way of marchandize by any other our subiects during the saide terme of twelue yeeres contrarie to the true meaning of these presentes. And by vertue of our prerogatiue Royall, which wee will not in that behalfe haue argued or brought in question, wee straightly charge, commaunde and prohibite for vs, our heyres and successours all our subiects of what degree or qualitie soeuer they bee, that none of them directly or indirectly doe visite, haunt, frequent, trade, traffike or aduenture by way of marchandise into or from any of the sayd dominions of the sayd Grand Signor, or the dominions of the saide Segniorie of Venice, by or through the sayde Leuant sea other then the sayd Gouernour and companie of marchants of the Leuant, and such particular persons as be or shall be of that companie, their factors, agents, seruants and assignes. And further for that wee plainely vnderstande that the States and Gouerours of the citie and Segniorie of Venice haue of late time set and raysed a newe impost and charge ouer and besides their auncient impost, custome, and charge of and vpon all manner of marchandize of our Realme brought into their dominions, and also of and vpon all marchandise caried or laden from their sayd Countrey or dominions by our subiectes or in the ships or bottoms of any of our subiectes to the great and intollerable charge and hinderance of our sayd subiects trading thither, wee therefore minding the redresse thereof, doe also by these presents for vs, our heires and successors further straightly prohibite and forbid not onely the subiects of the sayde State and Segniorie of Venice, but also of all other Nations or Countries whatsoeuer other then the sayd Gouernour and companie of marchants of the Leuant, and such onely as be or shall be of that companie, their factors, agents, seruantes, and assignes: That they or any of them during the sayde terme of twelue yeeres, shall bring or cause to be brought into this our Realme of Englande, or any part thereof anie manner of small fruites called corrants, being the raysins of Corinth, or wine of Candie, vnlesse it be by and with the licence, consent, and agreement of the sayde Gouernour and companie in writing vnder their sayd common seale first had and obteyned vpon paine vnto euery such person and persons that shall trade and traffike into any the sayde dominions of the State and Segniorie of Venice by sea, or that shall bring or cause to be brought into our saide Realme any of the said corrants being the raysins of Corinth, or wines of Candia, other then the sayd companie in paine of our indignation, and of forfaiture and losse as well of the shippe and ships with the furniture thereof, as also of the goods, marchandize, and thinges whatsoeuer they be of those which shall attempt or presume to commit or doe any matter or thing contrarie to the prohibition aforesayd. The one half of all the saide forfeitures to be to vs, our heires and successours, and the other halfe of all and euery the sayde forfeitures we doe by these presents, of our speciall grace, certaine knowledge, and meere motion clearely and wholie for vs, our heires and successors, giue and graunt vnto the saide Gouernour and companie of marchantes of the Leuant. And further all and euery the sayde offendours for their sayde contempt to suffer imprisonment during our pleasures, and such other punishment as to vs for so high a contempt shall seeme meete and conuenient, and not to be in any wise deliuered vntill they and euery of them shall be come bounde vnto the sayd Gouernour for the time being in the summe of one thousand poundes or lesse at no time, then after to sayle or traffike by sea into any the dominions aforesaide, or to bring or cause to be brought from any the places aforesayde any corrants, raysins of Corinth, or wines of Candia contrarie to our expresse commaundement in that behalfe herein set downe and published. Prouided alwayes, and our expresse will is notwithstanding the premisses that if our sayde subiects shall at any time hereafter be recompensed of and for all such newe impostes and charges as they and euery of them shall pay, and likewise be freely discharged of and from the payment of all manner of newe imposte or taxe for any of their marchandise which they hereafter shall bring into or from any the dominions of the sayde State or Segniorie of Venice, and from all bondes and other assurances by them or any of them to be made for or in that behalfe, that then immediatly from and after such recompence and discharge made as aforesayde our sayde prohibition and restraint in these presentes mentioned, shall not be of any strength or force against the sayde Citie or State of Venice, or any the subiects thereof, but for and during such time onely and in such case when hereafter the sayde State of Venice shall againe beginne to taxe or leuie any manner of newe imposte within the sayde dominions vpon any the goods or marchandizes of our sayde subiects heereafter to be brought into any the dominions of the said State or Segniorie of Venice. Any thing in these our letters Patents contayned to the contrarie thereof in any wise notwithstanding. And further wee straightly charge and commaunde, and by these presentes prohibite all and singular Customers and Collectors of our Customes, pondage, and subsidies, and all other Officers within our porte and Citie of London and else where, to whom it shall appertaine and euery of them, That they or any of them by themselues, their clarkes, or substitutes shall not receiue or take, or suffer to be receiued or taken for vs in our name, or to our vse, or in the name, or vnto the vse of our heires or successors of any person or persons, any summe or summes of money, or other consideration during the sayde terme of twelue yeeres for any custome, pondage, taxe or subsidie of any corrants, raysins of Corinth, or wines of Candie aforesayd saue onely of and in the name of the sayde Gouernour and companie of marchantes of the Leuant, or of some of that companie without the consent of the sayde Gouernour and companie in writing vnder their sayd common seale, first had and obteyned, and vnto them shewed for the testifying their sayd consent. And for the better and more sure obseruation thereof wee will and graunt for vs, our heires or successors by these presentes, that our Treasurour and Barons of the Exchequer for the time being by force of these presentes, and the inrollment thereof in the sayde Court of our Exchequour, at all and euery time and times during the sayde terme of twelue yeeres, at and vpon the request of the sayde Gouernour and companie, their Attourney or Attourneys, Deputies or assignes, shall and may make and direct vnder the seale of the sayde Court one or more sufficient writte or writtes close or patent, vnto euery or any of the sayd Customers, or other Officers to whom it shall appertaine, commaunding them and euery of them thereby, that neither they nor any of them at any time or times during the sayd space of twelue yeeres shall take entrie of any corants, raisins of Corinth, or wines of Candia, or take or make any agreement for any custome, pondage, or other subsidie for any of the sayd corants, raisins of Corinth, or wines of Candie, with any person or persons whatsoeuer, other then with, or in the name and by the priuitie of the sayd gouernour and company or some of the same company. And further of our special grace, certaine knowledge, and meere motion we haue condescended and graunted, and by these presents for vs our heires and successours doe condescend and graunt to the sayd Gouernour and company of merchants of Leuant, that wee, our heires and successours, during the sayd terme, will not graunt libertie, licence, or power to any person or persons whatsoeuer contrary to the tenour of these our letters patents, to saile, passe, trade, or traffique by the sayd Leuant Sea, into, or from the sayde dominions of the sayd Grand Signior or the dominions of the State of Venice or any of them, contrary to the true meaning of these presents, without the consent of the sayd Gouernour and Companie or the most part of them. And whereas Henry Farrington and Henry Hewet haue not yet assented to bee incorporated into the sayd societie of Gouernour and companie of marchants of Leuant, neuerthelesse sithence, as we be informed, they haue bene traders that way heretofore; our will and pleasure is, and we doe hereby expressely commaund and charge that if it happen at any time within two moneths next following after the date hereof, the sayd Henry Farrington and Henry Hewet or either of them, do submit themselues to be of the sayd companie, and doe giue such assurance as the sayd Gouernour and companie, or the more part of them shall allow of, to beare, pay, and performe such orders, constitutions, paiments and contributions, as other of the sayd company shall be ordered to beare, pay, and performe, that then euery of the sayd Henry Farrington and Henry Hewet so doing and submitting himselfe, shall vpon his or their request vnto the sayd Gouernour bee admitted into the sayd companie and corporation of Gouernour and companie of marchants of Leuant, and haue and enioy the same, and as great liberties, priuileges, and preheminences, as the rest of the sayde corporation or companie may, or ought to haue by vertue of this our graunt. Any thing in these presents contained to the contrary notwithstanding. And our will and pleasure is, and hereby wee doe also ordaine that it shall and may bee lawfull, to, and for the sayde Gouernour and company of marchants of Leuant or the more part of them, to admit into, and to be of the sayd companie, any such as haue bene or shall bee employed as seruants, factors, or agents in the trade of marchandise by the sayd Leuant seas, into any the countreys, dominions or territories of the sayd Grand Signior or Signiorie or State of Venice, according as they or the most part of them shall thinke requisite. And where Anthony Ratcliffe, Steuen Some, and Robert Brooke Aldermen of the saide Citie of London, Simon Laurence, Iohn Wattes, Iohn Newton, Thomas Middleton, Robert Coxe, Iohn Blunt, Charles Faith, Thomas Barnes, Alexander Dansey, Richard Aldworth, Henry Cowlthirste, Cæsar Doffie, Martine Bonde, Oliuer Stile and Nicholas Stile Marchants of London for their abilities and sufficiencies haue bene thought fit to be also of the sayd Company of the saide gouernour and Company of Marchants of Leuant: Our will and pleasure and expresse commaundement is, and wee doe hereby establish and ordeine, that euery such of the same Anthony Radcliffe, Steuen Some, Robert Brooke, Simon Laurence, Iohn Wattes, Iohn Newton, Thomas Midleton, Robert Coxe, Iohn Blunt, Charles Faith, Thomas Barnes, Alexander Dansey, Richard Aldworth, Henry Cowlthirste, Cæsar Doffie, Martine Bonde, Oliuer Style, and Nicholas Style, as shall pay vnto the saide Gouernour and company of Marchants of Leuante the summe of one hundred and thirtie poundes of lawfull English money within two monethes next after the date hereof towards the charges that the same Company haue already bene at in and about the establishing of the sayde trades shall from hencefoorth bee of of the same company of the Marchants of Leuant as fully and amply and in like maner, as any other of that societie or Company. Prouided also, that wee, our heires and successours at any time during the sayd twelue yeeres may lawfully appoynt and authorize two other persons exercising the lawfull trade of marchandize, and being fit men to bee of the sayd companie of Gouernour and companie of marchants of Leuant, so that the sayd persons to bee nominated or authorized, shall aide, doe, beare, and paie such payments and charges touching and concerning the same trade and Companie of marchants of Leuant, ratablie as other of the sayd Companie of marchants of Leuant shall, and doe, or ought to beare and pay: and doe also performe and obserue the orders of the sayd Companie allowable by this our graunt, as others of the same doe or ought to doe; And that such two persons so to bee appoynted by vs our heires or successours, shall and may with the sayd Company vse the trade and feate of marchandise aforesayd, and all the liberties and priuileges herein before granted, according to the meaning of these our letters patents, any thing in these our letters patents contained to the contrary notwithstanding. Prouided also, that if any of the marchants before by these presents named or incorporated, to bee of the said fellowship of Gouernour and companie of the merchants of Leuant, shall not bee willing to continue or bee of the same companie, and doe giue notice thereof, or make the same knowen to the sayd Gouernour, within two moneths next after the date hereof, that then such person so giuing notice, shall no furthur or any longer be of that companie, or haue trade into those parties, nor be at any time after that of the same corporation or companie, or vse trade into any territories or countries aforesayd. Prouided alwayes neuerthelesse, that euery such person so giuing notice and hauing at this present any goods or marchandises in any the Territories or countreys of the sayd Grand Signior, or Segniorie or State of Venice, may at any time within the space of eighteene moneths next, and immediately following after the date hereof, haue free libertie, power and authoritie to returne the same or the value thereof into this Realme, without vsing any traffique there, but immediately from thence hither, paying, bearing, answering, and performing all such charges, dueties, and summes of money ratably as other of the same corporation or company doe or shall pay, beare, answere, or performe for the like. Prouided also, that if any of the persons before by these presents named or incorporated to bee of the sayd fellowship of Gouernour and Companie of the marchants of Leuant, or which hereafter shall bee admitted to bee of the sayde Corporation or Companie, shall at any time or times hereafter refuse to be of the sayd Corporation or Companie, or to beare, pay or be contributorie to, or not beare and pay such ratable charges and allowances, or to obserue or performe such ordinances to bee made as is aforesayd, as other of the same company are, or shall bee ordered, to beare, paie, or performe, that then it shall and may bee lawfull for the rest of the sayd Gouernour and companie of marchants of Leuant, presently to expell, remooue, and displace euery such person so refusing, or not bearing or paying out, of, and from the sayd Corporation, and companie, and from all priuilege, libertie, and preheminence which any such person should, or might claime, or haue by vertue of this our graunt, and in place of them to elect others exercising the lawfull trade of marchandise to bee of the sayd Company. And that euery such person so expelled, remooued, or displaced by consent of the sayd Gouernour and companie of marchants of Leuant, or the more part of them, shall bee from thencefoorth vtterly disabled to take any benefite by vertue of this priuilege, or any time after to bee admitted or receiued againe into the same, any thing in these presents contained to the contrary notwithstanding. Provided alwayes, that if it shall hereafter appears to vs, our heires and successours, that this graunt or the continuance thereof in the whole or in any part thereof, shall not bee profitable to vs, our heires and successours, or to this our realme, that then and from thencefoorth, vpon and after eighteene moneths warning to bee giuen to the sayd companie by vs, our heires and successours, this present graunt shall cease, bee voyd, and determined to all intents, constructions and purposes. And further of our speciall grace, certaine knowledge, and meere motion, we haue condescended and graunted, and by these presents for vs, our heires and successors, doe condescend and graunt to the sayde Gouernour and companie of marchants of Leuant, that if at the ende of the sayd terme of twelue yeeres it shall seeme meete and conuenient to the sayde Gouernour and Companie, or any the parties aforesayd, that this present graunt shall bee continued: And if that also it shall appear vnto vs, our heires and successours, that the continuance thereof shall not bee preiudiciall or hurtfull to this our realme, but that wee shall finde the further continuance thereof profitable for vs, our heires and successours and for our realme with such conditions as are herein mentioned, or with some alteration or qualification thereof, that then wee, our heires and successours at the instance and humble petition of the sayde Gouernour and Companie, or any of them so suing for the same, and such other person and persons our subiectes as they shall nominate and appoint, or shall bee by vs, our heires and successours newly nominated, not exceeding in number twelue, new letters patents vnder the great seale of England in due forme of lawe with like couenants, graunts, clauses, and articles, as in these presents are contained, or with addition of other necessarie articles or changing of these in some partes, for, and during the full terme of twelue yeeres then next following. Willing now hereby, and straightly commannding and charging all and singular our Admirals, Vice-admirals, Iustices, Maiors, Shiriffes, Escheators, Constables, Bailiffes, and all and singular other our Officers, Ministers, Liege-men and subiects whatsoeuer, to bee aiding, fauouring, helping, and assisting vnto the sayd companie and their successours, and to their Deputies, Officers, Factors, seruants, assignes and ministers, and euery of them, in executing and enioying the premisses as well on land as on Sea, from time to time, and at all times when you or any of you shal thereto bee required, any Statute, Acte, ordinance, Prouiso, Proclamation or restraint heretofore had, made, set foorth, ordained or prouided, or any other matter, cause or thing whatsoeuer to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding. Although expresse mention of the true yeerely value or certaintie of the premisses, or any of them, or of any other gifts or graunts by vs, or any of our progenitours to the sayde Gouernour and Companie of the marchants of Leuant before this time made, in these presents is not made: Or any Statute, Acte, Ordinance, prouision, proclamation or restraint to the contrary thereof before this time had, made, done, or prouided, or any other matter, thing or cause whatsoeuer, in any wise notwithstanding. In witnesse whereof we haue caused these our letters to be made patents. Witnesse our selfe at Westminster the seuenth day of Ianuarie in the foure and thirtieth yeere of our raigne. Per breue de priuato Sigillo. Bailie. * * * * * Voyage D'outremer et Retour de Jérusalem en France par la voie de terre, pendant le cours des années 1432 et 1433, par Bertrandon de la Brocquière, conseiller et premier écuyer tranchant de Philippe-le-bon, duc de Bourgogne; ouvrage extrait d'un Manuscript de la Bibliothèque Nationale, remis en Français Moderne, et publié par le citoyen Legrand d'Aussy. Discours Prèliminaire. Les relations de voyages publièes par nos Français remontent fort haut. Des les commencemens du V'e siècle, Rutilius Claudius Numatianus en avoit donné une, qui ne nous est parvenue qu'incomplète, parce que apparemment la mort ne lui permit pas de l'achever. L'objet étoit son retour de Rome dans la Gaule, sa patrie. Mais, comme il n'avoit voyagé que par mer, il ne put voir et décrire que des ports et des cotes; et de là nécessairement a resulté pour son ouvrage, une monotonie, qu'un homme de génie auroit pu vaincre sans doute, mais qu'il étoit au dessus de ses forces de surmonter. D'ailleurs, il a voulu donner un poème: ce qui l'oblige à prendre le ton poétique, et à faire des descriptions poétiques, ou soi-disant telles. Enfin ce poème est en vers élégiaques. Or qui ne sait que cette sorte de versification, dont le propre est de couper la pensée de deux en deux vers et d'assujettir ces vers au retour continuel d'une chute uniforme, est peut être celle de toutes qui convieent le moins en genre descriptif? Quand l'imagination a beaucoup à peindre; quand sans cesse elle a besoin de tableaux brillans et variés, il lui faut, pour développer avantageusement toutes ses richesses, une grande liberté; et elle ne peut par conséquent s'accommoder d'une double entrave, dont l'effet infaillible seroit d'éteindre son feu. Payen de religion, Rutilius a montré son aversion pour la religion chrétienne dans des vers où, confondant ensemble les chrétiens et les Juifs, il dit du mal des deux sectes. C'est par une suite des mêmes sentimens qu'ayant vu, sur sa route, des moines dans lile Capraia, il fit contre le monachisme ces autres vers, que je citerai pour donner une idée de sa manière. Processu pelagi jam se Capraria tollit; Squalet lucifugis insula plena viris. Ipsi se monachos, Graio cognomine, dicunt, Quòd, soli, nullo vivere teste, volunt. Munera fortunæ metuunt, dum damna verentur: Quisquam sponte miser, ne miser esse queat. Quænam perversi rabies tam crebra cerebri, Dum mala formides, nec bona posse pati? [Footnote: "He afterwards," says Gibbon, "mentions a religious madman on the isle of Gorgona. For such profane remarks, Rutilius and his accomplices, are styled, by his commentator, Barthius, rabiosi canes diaboli."] Son ouvrage contient des détails précieux pour le géographe; il y en a même quelques uns pour l'antiquaire et l'historien: tels par exemple, que sa description d'un marais salant, et l'anecdote des livres Sibyllins brûlés à Rome par l'ordre de Stilicon. [Footnote: The verses relating to Stilicho are very spirited and elegant. I will transcribe them. Quo magis est facinus diri Stilichonis acerbum, Proditor arcani qui fuit imperii, Romano generi dum nititur esse superstes, Crudelis summis miscuit ima furor. Dumque timet, quicquid se fecerat ipse timeri, Immisit Latiæ barbara tela neci. Visceribus nudis armatum condidit hostem, Illatæ cladis liberiore dolo. Ipsa satellitibus pellitis Roma patebat, Et captiva prius, quam caperetur, erat. Nec tantum Geticis grassatus proditor armis: Ante Sibyllinæ fata cremavit opis. Odimus Althæam consumti funere torris: Niseum crinem flere putantur aves: At Stilicho æterni fatalia pignora regni; Et plenas voluit præcipitare colus. Omnia Tartarei cessent tormenta Neronis, Consumat Stygias tristior umbra faces. Hic immortalem, mortalem perculit ille: Hic mundi matrem perculit, ille suam. Claudian draws a very different portrait of Stilicho. Indeed, as Gibbon observes, "Stilicho, directly or indirectly, is the perpetual theme of Claudian."] Enfin on y remarque quelques beaux vers, et particulièrement celui-ci sur une ville ruinée. Cernimus exemplis oppida posse mori. Mais il pèche par la composition, Ses tableaux sont secs et froids; sa manière petite et mesquine. Du reste, point de génie, point d'imagination, et par conséquent, point d'invention ni de coloris. Voilà ce qu'il présente, ou au moins ce que j'ai cru y voir; et ce sont probablement ces défauts qui ont fait donner à son poeme le nom dégradant d'Itinéraire, sous lequel il est connu. Nous en avons une traduction Française par le Franc de Pompignan. [Footnote: Mélanges de littér. de poés. et d'hist. par l'Acad. de Montauban. p.81.] Vers 505, Arculfe, évôque Gaulois, étoit allé en pélerinage à Jérusalem. A son retour, il voulut en publier la relation; et il chargea de cette rédaction un abbé écossais, nommé Adaman, auquel il donna des notes tant manuscrites que de vive voix. La relation composée par Adaman, intitulée: De locis sanctis, est divisée en trois livres: a été imprimée par Gretser, puis, plus complète encore, par Mabillon. [Footnote: Acta ord. S. Bened. sec. 3.1.2 p. 502.] Arculfe, aprés avoir visité la Terre Sainte, sétoit embarqué pour Alexandrie. D'Alexandrie, il avoit passé à l'île de Cypre, et de Cypre à Constantinople, d'où il étoit revenu en France. Un pareil voyage promet assurément beaucoup; et certes l'homme qui avoit à décrire la Palestine, l'Egypte et la capitale de l'Empire d'Orient pouvoit donner une relation intéressante. Mais pour l'exécution d'un projet aussi vaste il falloit une philosophie et des connoissance que son siècle étoit bien loin d'avoir. C'est un pélerinage, et non un voyage, que publie le prélat. Il ne nous fait connoitre ni les lois, ni les moeurs, ni les usages des peuples, ni ce qui concerne les lieux et la contrée qu'il parcourt, mais les reliques et les objets de dévotion qu'on y révéroit. Ainsi dans son premier livre, qui traite de Jérusalem, il vous parlera de la colonne où Jésus fut flagellé, de la lance qui lui perça le coté, de son suaire, d'une pierre sur laquelle il pria et qui porte l'empreinte de ses genoux, d'une autre pierre sur laquelle il étoit quand il monta au ciel, et qui porte l'empreinte de ses pieds, d'un linge tissu par la Vierge et qui le représente: du figuier où se pendit Judas; enfin de la pierre sur laquelle expira saint Etienne, etc etc. Dans son second livre, où il parcourt les divers lieux de la Palestine que visitoient les pélerins, il suit les mêmes erremens. A Jéricho, il cite la maison de la courtisane Raab; dans la vallée de Mambré, les tombeaux d'Adam, d'Abraham, d'Isaac, de Jacob, de Sara, de Rébecca, de Lia; à Nazareth, l'endroit où l'ange vint annoncer à Marie qu'elle seroit mère en restant vierge; à Bethléem, la pierre sur laquelle Jésus fut lavé à sa naissance; les tombeaux de Rachel, de David, de saint Jérôme, de trois des bergers qui vinrent à l'adoration, etc. Le troisième livre enfin est consacré en grand partie à Constantinople; mais il n'y parle que de la vraie croix, de saint George, d'une image de la Vierge, qui, jettée par un Juif dans les plus dégoûtantes ordures, avoit été ramassée par un chretien et distilloit une huile miraculeuse. Pendant bien des siècles, les relations d'outre mer ne continrent que les pieuses et grossières fables qu'imaginoient journellement les Orientaux pour accréditer certains lieux qu'ils tentoient. d'ériger en pélerinages, et pour soutirer ainsi à leur profit l'argent des pélerins. Ceux-ci adoptoient aveuglément tous les contes qu'on leur débitoit; et ils accomplissoient scrupuleusement toutes les stations qui leur étoient indiquées. A leur retour en Europe, c'étoitlà tout ce qu'ils avoient à raconter; mais cétoitlà aussi tout ce qu'on leur demandoit. Cependant notre saint (car à sa mort il a été déclaré tel, ainsi que son rédacteur Adaman) a, dans son second livre, quelques phrases historiques sur Tyr et sur Damas. Il y parle également et avec plus de détails encore d'Alexandrie; et je trouve même sous ce dernier article deux faits qui m'ont paru dignes d'attention. L'un concerne les crocodiles, qu'il répresente comme si multipliés dans la partie inférieure du Nil, que dès l'instant où un boeuf, un cheval, un âne, s'avançoient sur les bords du fleuve, ils étoient saisis par eux, entraînés sous les eaux, et dévorés; tandis qu'aujourd'hui, si l'on en croit le rapport unanime de nos voyageurs modernes, il n'existe plus de crocodiles que dans la haute Egypte; que c'est un prodige d'en voir descendre un jusqu'au Caire, et que du Caire à la mer on n'en voit pas un seul. L'autre a rapport à cet île nommée Pharos, dans laquelle le Ptolémée-Philadelphe fit construire une tour dont les feux servoient de signal aux navigateurs, et qui porta également le nom de Phare. On sait que, postérieurement à Ptolémée, l'île fut jointe au continent par un mole qui, à chacune de ses deux, extrémités, avoit un pont; que Cléopatre acheva l'isthme, en détruisant les ponts et en faisant la digue pleine; enfin qu'aujourd'hui l'île entière tient à la terre ferme. Cependant notre prélat en parle comme si, de son temps, elle eût été île encore: "in dextera parte portûs parva insula habetur, in qua maxima turris est quam, in commune, Græci ac Latini, ex ipsius rei usu, Pharum vocitaverunt." Il se trompe sans doute. Mais, probablement, à lépoque où il la vît, elle n'avoit que sa digue, encore: les atterrissemens immenses qui en ont fait une terre, en la joignant au continent, sont postérieurs à lui; et il n'aura pas cru qu'un môle fait de main d'homme empêchât une ile d'être ce que l'avoit faite la nature. Au neuvième siècle, nous eûmes une autre sorte de Voyage par Hetton, moine et abbé de Richenou, puis évéque Bàle. Cet homme, habile dans les affaires, et employé comme tel par Charlemagne, avoit été en 811 envoyé par lui en ambassade à Constantinople. De retour en France, il y publia, sur sa mission, une relation, que jusqu'ici l'on n'a pas retrouvée, et que nous devons d'autant plus regretter qu'infailliblement elle nous fourniroit des détails curieux sur un Empire dont les rapports avec notre France etoient alors si multipliés et si actifs. Peut être au reste ne doit on pas la regarder comme tout-à-fait perdue; et il seroit possible qu'après être restée pendant plusieurs siècles ensevelie dans un manuscrit ignoré, le hasard l'amenât un jour sous les yeux de quelqu'un de nos savans, qui la donneroit au public. C'est ce qui est arrivé pour celle d'un autre moine Français nommé Bernard; laquelle, publiée en 870, a été retrouvée par Mabillon et mise par lui au [Footnote: Ubi supra. p. 523.] jour. Ce n'est, comme celle d'Arculfe, qu'un voyage de Terre Sainte à la vérité beaucoup plus court que le sien, écrit avec moins de prétention, mais qui, à l'exception de quelques details personnels à l'auteur, ne contient de même qu'une sèche énumération des saints lieux: ce qui l'a fait de même intituler: De locis sanctis. Cependant la route des deux pélerins fut différente. Arculfe étoit allé directment en Palestine, et de là il s'etoit embarqué une seconde fois pour voir Alexandrie. Bernard, au contraire, va d'abord débarquer à Alexandrie. Il remonte le Nil jusqu'à Babylone, redescend à Damiette, et, traversant le désert sur des chameaux, il se rend par Gaza en Terre Sainte. Là, il fait, comme saint Arculfe, différens pélerinages, mais moins que lui cependant, soit que sa profession ne lui eût point permis les même dépenses, soit qu'il ait négligé de les mentionner tous. Je remarquerai seulement que dans certaines églises on avoit imaginé, depuis l'évèque, de nouveaux miracles, et qu'elles en citoient dont il ne parle pas, et dont certainement il eût fait mention s'ils avoient eu lieu de son temps. Tel étoit celui de l'église de Sainte-Marie, où jamais il ne pleuvoit, disoit-on, quoiqu'elle fût sans toit. Tel celui auquel les Grecs ont donné tant de célébrité, et qui, tous les ans, la veille de Pâques, s'opéroit dans l'églisè du Saint-Sépulcre, ou un ange descendoit du ciel pour allumer les cierges: ce qui fournissoit aux chrétiens de la ville un feu nouveau, qui leur étoit communiqué par le patriarche, et qu'ils emportoient réligieusement chez eux. Bernard rapporte, sur son passage du désert, une anecdote qui est à recueillir: c'est que, dans la traversée de cette immense mer de sable, des marchands païens et chrétiens avoient formé deux hospices, nommés l'un Albara, l'autre Albacara, où les voyageurs trouvoient à se pourvoir de tous les objets dont ils pouvoient avoir besoin pour leur route. Enfin l'auteur nous fait connoitre un monument formé par Charlemagne dans Jérusalem en faveur de ceux qui parloient _la langue Romane_, et que les Français, et les gens de lettres spécialement, n'apprendront pas, sans beaucoup de plaisir, avoir existé. Ce prince, la gloire de l'Occident, avoit, par ses conquêtes et ses grandes qualités, attiré l'attention d'un homme qui remplissoit également l'Orient de sa renommée: c'étoit le célèbre calife Haroun-al-Raschild. Haroun, empressé de témoigner à Charles l'estime et la considération qu'il lui portoit, lui portoit, lui avoit envoyé des ambassadeurs avec des présens magnifiques; et ces ambassadeurs, disent nos historiens, étoient même chargés de lui présenter, de la part de leur maître, les clés de Jérusalem. Probablement Charles avoit profité de cette faveur pour établir dans la ville un hôpital ou hospice, destiné aux pélerins de ses états Français. Tel étoit l'esprit du temps. Ces sortes de voyages étant réputés l'action la plus sainte que put imaginer la dévotion, un prince qui les favorisoit croyoit bien mériter de la religion. Charlemagne d'ailleurs avoir le gout des pélerinages; et son historien Eginhard [Footnote: Vita Carol. Mag. Cap. 27.] remarque avec surprise que, malgré la prédilection qu'il portoit à celui de Saint-Pierre de Rome, il ne l'avoit fait pourtant que quatre fois dans sa vie. Mais souvent le grand homme se montre grand encore jusqu'au sein des prejugés qui l'entourent. Charles avoit été en France le restaurateur des lettres; il y avoit rétabli l'orthographe, régénéré l'écriture, formé de belles bibliothèques: il voulut que son hospice de Jérusalem eût une bibliothèque aussi à l'usage des pélerins. L'établissement la possédoit encore tout entière, au temps de Bernard: "nobilissimam habens bibliothecam, studio Imperatoris;" et l'empereur y avoit même attaché, tant pour Pentretien du depôt et celui du lieu, que pour la nourriture des pélerins, douze manses situées dans la vallée de Josaphat, avec des terres, des vignes et un jardin. Quoique notre historien dût être rassasie de pélerinages, il fit néanmoins encore, à son retour par l'Italie, celui de Rome: puis quand il fut rentré en France, celui du mont Saint-Michael. Sur ce dernier, il observe que ce lieu, situé au milieu d'une grève des côtes de Normandie, est deux fois par jour, au temps du flux, baigné des eaux de la mer. Mais il ajoute que, le jour de la fête du saint l'accés du rocher et de la chapelle reste libre; que l'Océan y forme, comme fit la Mer rouge, au temps de Moise, deux grands murs, entre lesquels on peut passer à pied sec; et que ce miracle, que n'a lieu que ce jour-là, dure tout le jour. Notre littérature nationale possédoit quatre voyages; un des cotes d'Isalie, un de Constantinople, deux de Terre-Sainte. Au treizième siècle, une cause fort étrange lui en procura deux de Tartarie. Cette immense contrée dont les habitans, en divers temps et sous différens noms, ont peuplé, conquis, ou ravagé la très-grande partie de l'Europe et de l'Asie, se trouvoit pour ainsi dire tout entière en armes. Fanatisés par les incroyables conquêtes d'un de leurs chefs, le fameux Gengis-Kan; persuadés que la terre entière devoit leur obéir, ces nomades belliqueux et féroces étoient venus, après avoir soumis la Chine, se précipiter sur le nord-est de l'Europe. Par tout où s'étoient portées leurs innombrables hordes, des royaumes avoient été ravagés; des nations entières exterminées ou trainées en esclavage; la Hongrie, la Pologne, la Bohème, les frontières de l'Autriche, dévastées d'une manière effroyable. Rien n'avoit pu arrêter ce débordement qui, s'il éprouvoit, vers quelque côte, une résistance, se jetoit ailleurs avec plus de fureur encore. Enfin la chrétienté fut frappée de terreur, et selon l'expression d'un de nos historiens, elle trembla jusqu'à l'Océan. Dans cette consternation générale, Innocent IV voulut se montrer le père commun des fidèles. Ce tendre père se trouvoit à Lyon, ou il étoit venu tenir un concile pour excommunier le redoutable Frédéric II, qui trois fois déja l'avoit été vainement par d'autres papes. Là, en accablant l'empereur de toutes ses foudres, Innocent forme un projet dont l'idée seule annonce l'ivresse de la puissance; celui d'envoyer aux Tartares des lettres apostoliques, afin de les engager à poser les armes et à embrasser la religion chrétienne: "ut ab hominum strage desistement et fidei veritatem reciperent." [Footnote: Vincent Bellovac. Spec histor. lib. xxxii. cap. 2.] Il charge de ses lettres un ambassadeur; et l'ambassadeur est un Frère-mineur nommé Jean du Plan de Carpin (Joannes de Plano Carpini,) qui le jour de Pâques, 1245, part avec un de ses camarades, et qui en chemin se donne un troisiéme compagnon, Polonois et appelé Benoit. Soit que l'ordre de Saint-Dominique eût témoigné quelque déplaisir de voir un pareil honneur déféré exclusivement à l'ordre de Saint François; soit qu'Innocent craignit pour ses ambassadeurs les dangers d'un voyage aussi pénible; soit enfin par quelque motif que nous ignorons, il nomma une seconde ambassade, à laquelle il fit prendre une autre route, et qui fut composée uniquement de Frères-prêcheurs. Ceux-ci, au nombre de cinq, avoient pour chef un nommé Ascelin, et parmi eux étoit un frère Simon, de Saint-Quentin, dont j'aurai bientot occasion de parler. Ils étoient, comme les Frères-mineurs, porteurs de lettres apostoliques, et avoient auprès des Tartares la même mission, celle de déterminer ce peuple formidable à s'abstenir de toute guerre et à recevoir le baptême. De Carpin cependant avoit, avec la sienne, reçu l'ordre particulier et secret d'examiner attentivement et de recueillir avec soin tout ce qui chez ce peuple lui paroitroit digne de remarque. Il le fit; et à son retour il publia une relation, qui est composée dans cet esprit, et qu'en conséquence il a intitulée Gesta Tartarorum. Effectivement il n'y emploie, en détails sur sa route et sur son voyage, qu'un seul chapitre. Les sept autres sont consacrés à décrire tout ce qui concerne les Tartares; sol, climat, moeurs, usages, conquêtes, manière de combattre, etc. Son ouvrage est imprimé dans la collection d'Hakluyt. J'en ai trouvé parmi les manuscrits de la Bibliothèque nationale (No. 2477, à la page 66) un exemplaire plus complet que celui de l'édition d'Hakluyt, et qui contient une assez longue préface de l'auteur, que cette édition n'a pas. Enfin, à l'époque où parut ce Voyage, Vincent de Beauvais l'avoit inséré en grande partie dans son Speculum historiale. Ce frére Vincent, religieux dominicain, lecteur et prédicateur de saint Louis, avoit été invité par ce prince à entreprendre différens ouvrages, qu'en effet il mit au jour, et qui aujourd'hui forment une collection considérable. De ce nombre est une longue et lourde compilation historique, sous le titre de Speculum historiale, dans laquelle il a fait entrer et il a fondu, comme je viens de le dire, la relation de notre voyageur. Pour rendre celle-ciplus intéressante et plus complète, il y a joint, par une idée assez heureuse, certains détails particuliers que lui fournit son confrère Simon de Saint-Quentin, l'un des associés d'Ascelin dans la seconde ambassade. Ayant eu occasion de voir Simon à son retour de Tartarie, il apprit de lui beaucoup de choses qu'il a insérées en plusieurs endroits de son Miroir et spécialement dans le 32'e et dernier livre. Là, avec ce qu'avoit écrit et publié de Carpin, et ce que Simon lui raconta de vive voix, il a fait une relation mixte, qu'il a divisée en cinquante chapitres; et c'est celle que connoissent nos modernes. Bergeron en a donné une traduction dans son recueil des voyages faits pendant le douzième siècle et les trois suivans. Cependant il a cru devoir séparer ce qui concernoit de Carpin d'avec ce qui appartient à Simon, afin d'avoir des mémoires sur la seconde ambassade comme on en avoit sur la première. Il a donc détaché du récit de Vincent six chapitres attribués par lui à Simon; et il en a fait un article à part, qu'il a mis sous le nom d'Ascelin, chef de la seconde légation. C'est tout ce que nous savons de celle ci. Quant au succès qu'eurent les deux ambassades, je me crois dispensé d'en parler. On devine sans peine ce qu'il dut être; et il en fut de même de deux autres que saint Louis, quoique par un autre motif, envoya peu après dans la même contrée. Ce monarque se rendoit en 1248 à sa désastreuse expédition d'Egypte, et il venoit de relacher en Cypre avec sa flotte lorsqu'il reçut dans cette ile, le 12 Décembre, une députation des Tartares, dont les deux chefs portoient les noms de David et de Marc. Ces aventuriers se disoient délégués vers lui par leur prince, nouvellement converti à la foi chrétienne, et qu'ils appeloient Ercalthay. Ils assuroient encore que le grand Kan de Tartarie avoit également reçu le baptême, ainsi que les principaux officiers de sa cour et de son armée, et qu'il desiroit faire alliance avec le roi. Quelque grossière que fut cette imposture, Louis ne put pas s'en défendre. Il résolut d'envoyer, au prince et au Kan convertis une ambassade pour les féliciter de leur bonheur et les engager à favoriser et à propager dans leurs états la religion chrétienne. L'ambassadeur qu'il nomma fut un Frère-prêcheur nommé André Longjumeau ou Longjumel, et il lui associa deux autres Dominicains, deux clercs, et deux officiers de sa maison. David et Marc, pour lui en imposer davantage, affectèrent de se montrer fervens chrétiens. Ils assistèrent avec lui fort dévotieusment aux offices de Noel; mais ils lui firent entendre que ce seroit une chose fort agréable au Kan d'avoir une tente en écarlate. C'étoit-là que vouloient en venir les deux fripons. Et en effet le roi en commanda une magnifique, sur laquelle il fit broder l'Annonciation, la Passion, et les autres mystères du christianisme. A ce présent il en ajouta, un autre, celui de tout ce qui étoit nécessaire, soit en ornemens soit en vases et argenterie pour une chapelle. Enfin il donna des reliques et du bois de la vraie croix: c'est-à-dire ce que, dans son opinion, il estimoit plus que tout au monde. Mais une observation que je ne dois point omettre ici, parce qu'elle indique l'esprit de cette cour Romaine qui se croyoit faite pour commander à tous les souverains: c'est que le légat que lé pape avoit placé dans l'armée du roi pour l'y représenter et ordonner en son nom, écrivit, par la voie des ambassadeurs, aux deux souverains Tartares, et que dans sa lettre il leur annonçoit qu'il les adoptoit et les réconnoissoit enfans de l'église. Il en fut pour ses prétentions et les avances de sa lettre, ainsi que le roi, pour sa tente, pour sa chappelle et ses reliques. Longjumeau, arrivé en Tartarie, eut beau chercher le prince Ercalthay et ce grand Kan baptisé avec sa cour; il revint comme il étoit parti. Cependant il devoit avoir, sur cette contrée, quelques renseignemens. Déja il y avoit voyagé, disoit-on; et même quand David parut devant lui en Cypre, il prétendit le reconnoitre, comme l'ayant vu chez les Tartares. Ces circonstances nous ont été transmises par les historiens du temps. Pour lui, il n'a rien laissé sur sa mission. On diroit qu'il en a eu honte. Louis avoit été assez grossiérement dupé pour partager un peu ce sentiment, ou pour en tirer au moins une leçon de prudence. Et néanmoins très-peu d'années après il se laissa tromper encore: c'étoit en 1253; et il se trouvoit alors en Asie. Quoique au sortir de sa prison d'Egypte tout lui fit une loi de retourner en France, où il avoit tant de plaies à fermer et tant de larmes à tarir, une devotion mal éclairée l'avoit conduit en Palestine. Là, sans songer ni à ses sujets ni à ses devoirs de roi, non seulement il venoit de perdre deux années, presque uniquement occupé de pélerinages; mais malgré l'épuisement des finances de son royaume, il avoit dépensé des sommes très-considérables à relever et à fortifier quelques bicoques que les chrétiens de ces contrées y possédoient encore. Pendant ce temps, le bruit courut qu'un prince Tartare nommé Sartach avoit embrassé le christianisme. Le baptême d'un prince infidèle étoit pour Louis une de ces béatitudes au charme desquelles il ne savoit pas résister. Il résolut d'envoyer une ambassade à Sartach pour le féliciter, comme il en avoit envoyé une à Ercalthay. Sa première avoit été confiée à des Frères-prêcheurs; il nomma, pour celle-ci, des Franciscains, et pour chef frère Guillaume Rubruquis. Déja Innocent avoit de même donné successivement une des deux siennes à l'un des deux autres. Suivre cet exemple étoit pour Louis une grande jouissance. Il avoit pour l'un et pour l'autre une si tendre affection, que tout son voeu, disoit-il, eut été de pouvoir se partager en deux, afin de donner à chacun des deux une moitié de luimême. Rubruquis, rendu près de Sartach, put s'y convaincre sans peine combien étoient fabuleux les contes que de temps en temps les chrétiens orientaux faisoient courir sur ces prétendues conversions de princes Tartares. Pour ne pas perdre tout-à-fait le fruit de son voyage il sollicita près de ce chef la permission de prêcher l'évangile dans ses états. Sartach répondit qu'il n'osoit prendre sur lui une chose aussi extraordinaire; et il envoya le convertisseur à son père Baathu, qui le renvoya au grand Kan. Pour se présenter devant celui-ci, Rubruquis et ses deux camarades se revêtirent chacun d'une chape d'église. L'un d'eux portoit une croix et un missel, l'autre un encensoir, lui une bible et un psautier et il s'avance ainsi entre eux deux en chantant des cantiques. Ce spectacle, que d'après sès préjugés monastiques, il croyoit imposant, et qui n'étoit que burlesque, ne produisit rien, pas même la risée du Tartare; et peu content sans doute d'un voyage très-inutile il revint en rendre compte au roi. Louis n'étoit plus en Syrie. La mort de Blanche sa mère l'avoit rappelé enfin en France, d'où il n'auroit jamais du sortir, et où néanmoins il ne se rendit qu'après une année de retard encore. Rubruquis s'apprêtoit à l'y suivre quand il reçut de son provincial une défense de partir, avec ordre de se rendre au couvent de Saint-Jean d'Acre, et là d'écrire au roi pour l'instruire de sa mission. Il obéit. Il envoya au monarque une relation, que le temps nous a conservée, et qui, comme la précédente, se trouve traduite dans Bergeron; mais c'est à la contrariété despotique d'un supérieur dur et jaloux que nous la devons. Peut-être que si le voyageur avoit obtenu permission de venir à la cour, il n'eut rien ecrit. Ainsi des quatre ambassadeurs monastiques envoyés en Tartarie tant par Innocent que par le roi, il n'y a que les deux Franciscains de Carpin et Rubruquis, qui aient laissé dés mémoires; et ces ouvrages, quoiqu'ils se ressentent de leur siècle et particulièrement de la profession de ceux qui les composèrent, sont cependant précieux pour nous par les détails intéressans qu'ils contiennent sur une contrée lointaine dont alors on connoissoit à peine le nom, et avec laquelle nous n'avons depuis cette époque conservé aucun rapport. On y admirera sur tout le courage de Rubruquis, qui ne craint pas de déclarer assez ouvertement au roi que David étoit un imposteur qui l'avoit trompé. Mais Louis avoit le fanatisme du prosélytisme et des conversions; et c'est-là chez certains esprits une maladie incurable. Dupé deux fois, il le fut encore par la suite pour un roi de Tunis qu'on lui avoit représenté comme disposé à se faire baptiser. Ce baptême fut long-temps sa chimère. Il regardoit comme le plus beau jour de sa vie celui où il seroit le parrain de ce prince. Il eut consenti volontiers, disoit-il, à passer le reste de sa vie dans les cachots d'Afrique, si à ce prix il eut pu le voir chrétien. Et ce fut pour être le parrain d'un infidèle qu'il alla sur les côtes de Tunis perdre une seconde flotte et une seconde armée, déshonorer une seconde fois les armes Françaises qu'avoit tant illustrées la journée de Bovines, enfin perir de la peste au milieu de son camp pestiféré, et mériter ainsi, par les malheurs multipliés de la France, d'être qualifié martyr et saint. Quant à Bergeron, il n'est personne qui ne convienne qu'en publiant sa traduction il a rendu aux lettres et aux sciences un vrai service, et je suis bien loin assurément de vouloir en déprécier le mérite. Cependant je suis convaincu qu'elle en auroit d'avantage encore s'il ne se fut point permis, pour les différens morceaux qu'il y a fait entrer, une traduction trop libre, et surtout s'il s'y fut interdit de nombreux retranchemens qui à la vérité nous épargnent l'ennui de certains détails peu faits pour plaire, mais qui aussi nous privent de l'inestimable avantage d'apprécier l'auteur et son siècle. Lui-même, dans la notice préliminaire d'un des voyages qu'il a imprimés, il dit l'avoir tiré d'un Latin assez grossier où il étoit écrit selon le temps, pour le faire voir en notre angue avec un peu plus d'élégance et de clarté. [Footnote: Tome I. p. 160, à la suite du Voyage de Rubruquis.] Dé-là il est arrivé qu'en promettant de nous donner des relations du treizième et du quatorzième siéecle [sic--KTH], il nous en donne de modernes, qui toutes ont la même physionomie à peu près, tandis que chacune devroit avoir la sienne propre. Le recueil de Bergeron, bon pour son temps, ne l'est plus pour le notre. Composé d'ouvrages qui contiennent beaucoup d'erreurs, nous y voudrions des notes critiques, des discussions historiques, des observations savantes; et peut-être seroit-ce aujourd'hui une entreprise utile et qui ne pourroit manquer d'être accueillie très-favorablement du public, que celle d'une édition nouvelle des voyages anciens, faite ainsi, surtout si l'on y joignoit, autant qu'il seroit possible, le texte original avec la traduction. Mais cette traduction, il faudrait qu'elle fut très-scrupuleusement fidèle. Il faudroit avant tout s'y interdire tout retranchement, ou au moins en prévenir et y présenter en extrait ce qu'on croiroit indispensable de retrancher. Ce n'est point l'agrément que s'attend de trouver dans de pareils ouvrages celui qui entreprend la lecture; c'est l'instruction. Dès le moment où vous les dénaturerez, où vous voudrez leur donner une tournure moderne et ètre lu des jeunes gens et des femmes, tout est manqué. Avez-vous des voyages, quels qu'ils soient, de tel ou tel siècle? Voilà ce que je vous demande, et ce que vous devez me faire connoitre. Si parmi ceux de nos gens de lettres qui avec des connoissances en histoire et en géographie réunissent du courage et le talent des recherches, il s'en trouvoit quelqu'un que ce travail n'effrayât pas, je là préviens que, pour ce qui concerne le Speculum hîstoriale, il en existe à la Bibliothéque nationale quatre exemplaires manuscrits, sous les numéros 4898, 4900, 490l, et 4902. Les deux Voyageurs du quatorzième siècle qui ont publié des relations ne sont point nés Français; mais tous deux écrivirent primitivement dans notre langue: ils nous appartiennent à titre d'auteurs, et sous ce rapport je dois en parler. L'un est Hayton l'Arménien; l'autre, l'Anglais Mandeville. Hayton, roi d'Arménie; avoit été dépouillé de ses états par les Sarrasins. Il imagina d'aller solliciter les secours des Tartares, qui en effet prirent les armes pour lui et le rétablirent. Ses négociations et son voyage lui parurent mériter d'être transmis à la postérité, et il dressa des mémoires qu'en mourant il laissa entre les mains d'Hayton son neveu, seigneur de Courchi. Celui-ci, après avoir pris une part très-active tant aux affaires d'Arménie qu'aux guerres qu'elle eut à soutenir encore, vint se faire Prémontré en Cypre, où il apprit la langue Française, qui portée là par les Lusignans, y étoit devenue la langue de la cour et celle de tout ce qui n'étoit pas peuple. De Cypre, le moine Hayton ayant passé à Poitiers, voulut y faire connoitre les mémoires de son oncle, ainsi que les événemens dans lesquels lui-même avoit été, ou acteur, ou témoin. Il intitula ce travail Histoire d'Orient, et en confia la publication à un autre moine nommé de Faucon, auquel il le dicta de mémoire en Français. L'ouvrage eut un tel succès que, pour en faire jouir les peuples auxquels notre langue étoit étrangère, Clement V. chargea le même de Faucon de le traduire en Latin. Celui-ci fit paroitre en 1307, sa version, dont j'ai trouvé parmi le les manuscrits de la Bibliothèque nationale trois exemplaires sous les numéros 7514, 7515--A, et 6041. (Page 180) à la fin du numéro 7515, on lit cette note de l'éditeur, qui donne la preuve de ce que je viens de dire du livre. "Explicit liber Historiarum Parcium [Partium] Orientis, à religioso, viro fratre Haytono, ordinis beati Augustini, domino Churchi, consanguineo regis Armeniæ, compilato [compilatus] ex mandato summi pontificis domini Clementis papæ quinti, in civitate pictaviensi regni Franchiæ: quem ego Nicolaus Falconi, primò scripsi in galico ydiomate, sicut idem frater H. michi [mihi] ore suo dictabat, absque nota sive aliquo [Footnote: L'exemplaire no. 5514 ajoute a verbo ad verbum.] exemplari. Et de gallico transtuli in latinum; anno domini M°CCC°. septimo, mense Augusti." Bergeron a publié l'histoire d'Hayton. Mais, au lieu donner le texte Français original, au ou moins la version Latine de l'éditeur, il n'a donné qu'une version Française de ce Latin: de sorte que nous n'avons ainsi qu'une traduction de traduction. Pour ce qui regarde Mandeville, il nous dit que ce voyageur composa son ouvrage dans les trois langues, Anglaise, Française et Latine. C'est une erreur. J'en ai en ce moment sous les yeux un exemplaire manuscrit de la Bibliothèque nationale, no. 10024 [Footnote: Il y en a dans la même bibliothèque un autre exemplaire noté 7972; mais celui-ci, mutilé, incomplet, trèsdifficile à lire, par la blancheur de son encre, ne peut guères avoir de valeur qu'en le collationant avec l'autre.] écrit en 1477 ainsi que le porte une note finale du copiste. Or, dans celui-ci je lis ces mots: Je eusse mis cest livre en latin, pour plus briefment délivrez (pour aller plus vite, pour abréger le travail). Mais pour ce que plusieurs ayment et endendent mîeulx romans [le français] que latin, l'ai-ge [je l'ai] mis en Romans, affin que chascun l'entende, et que les seigneurs et les chevaliers et aultres nobles hommes qui ne scèvent point de latin, ou petit [peu] qui ont esté oultre-mer, saichent se je dy voir [vrai], ou non. D'ailleurs, au temps de Mandeville, c'étoit la langue Française qu'on parloit en Angleterre. Cette langue y avoit été portée par Guillaume-le-Conquérant. On ne pouvoit enseigner qu'elle dans les écoles. Toutes les sentences des Tribunaux, tous les actes civils devoient être en Français; et quand Mandeville écrivoit en Français, il écrivoit dans sa langue. S'il se fût servi de la Latine, c'eût été pour être lu chez les nations qui ne connoissoient pas la nôtre. A la vérité, son Français se ressent du sol. Il a beaucoup d'anglicismes et de locutions vicieuses; et la raison n'en est pas difficile à deviner. On sait que plus un ruisseau s'éloigne de sa source, et plus ses eaux doivent s'altérer. Mais c'est là, selon moi, le moindre défaut de l'auteur. Sans goût, sans jugement, sans critique, non seulement il admet indistinctement tous les contes et toutes les fables qu'il entend dire; mais il en forge lui-même à chaque instant. A l'entendre il s'embarqua l'an 1332, jour de Saint-Michel; il voyagea pendant trente-cinq ans, et parcourut une grande partie dé l'Asie et de l'Afrique. Eh bien, ayez comme moi le courage de le lire; et si vous lui accordez d'avoir vu peut-être Constantinople, la Palestine et l'Egypte (ce que moi je me garderois bien de garantir), à coup sûr au moin vous resterez convaincu que jamais i, ne mit le pied dans tous ces pays dont il parle à l'aveugle; Arabie, Tartarie, Inde, Ethiopie, etc. etc. Au moins, si les fictions qu'il imagine offroient ou quelque agrément ou quelque intérêt! s'il ne faisoit qu'user du droit de mentir, dont se sont mis depuis si long-temps en possession la plupart des voyageurs! Mais chez lui ce sont des erreurs géographiques si grossières, des fables si sottes, des descriptions de peuples et dé contrées imaginaires si ridicules, enfin des âneries si révoltantes, qu'en vérité on ne sait quel nom lui donner. Il en coûteroit d'avoir à traiter de charlatan un écrivain. Que seroit-ce donc si on avoit à la qualifier de hâbleur effronté? Cependant comment désigner le voyageur qui nous cite des géans de trente pieds de long; des arbres dont les fruits se changent en oiseaux qu'on mange; d'autres arbes qui tous les jours sortent de terre et s'en élèvent depuis le lever du soleil jusqu'à midi, et qui depuis midi jusqu'au soir y rentrent en entier; un val périlleux, dont il avoit près la fiction dans nos vieux romans de chevalerie, val ou il dit avoir éprouvé de telles aventures qu'infalliblement il y auroit péri si précédemment il n'auoit reçeu Corpus Domini (s'il n'avoit communié); un fleuve qui sort du paradis terrestre et qui, au lieu d'eau, roule des pierres précieuses; ce paradis qui, dit-il, est au commencement de la terre et placé si haut qu'il touche de près la lune; enfin mille autres impostures ou sottisses de même espèce, qui dénotent non l'erreur de la bêtise et de la crédulité, mais le mensonge de la réflexion et de la fraude? Je regarde même comme tels, ces trente-cinq ans qu'il dit avoir employés à parcourir le monde sans avoir songé à revenir dans sa patrie que quand enfin la goute vint le tourmenter. Quoiqu'il en existe trois éditions imprimées, l'une en 1487 chez Jean Cres, l'autre en 1517 chez Regnault, la troisième en 1542 chez Canterel, on ne le connoît guère que par le court extrait qu'en a publié Bergeron. Et en effet cet éditeur l'avoit trouvé si invraisemblable et si fabuleux qu'il l'a réduit à douze pages quoique dans notre manuscrit il en contienne cent soixante et dix-huit. Dans le quinzième siècle, nous eûmes deux autres voyages en Terre-Sainte: l'un que je publie aujourd'hui; l'autre, par un carme nommé Huen, imprimé en 1487, et dont je ne dirai rien ici, parce qu'il est posterieur à l'autre. La même raison m'empêchera de parler d'un ouvrage mis au jour par Mamerot, chantre et chanoine de Troyes. D'ailleurs celui-ci, intitulé passages faiz oultre-mer par les roys de France et autres princes et seigneurs François contre les Turcqs et autres Sarrasins et Mores oultre-marins, n'est point, à proprement parler, un voyage, mais une compilation historique des différentes craisades qui ont eu lieu en France, et que l'auteur, d'après la fausse Chronique de Turpin et nos romans de chevalerie, fait commencer à Charlemagne. La Bibliothèque nationale possède de celui-ci un magnifique exemplaire, orné d'un grand nombre de belles miniatures et tableaux. Je viens à l'ouvrage de la Brocquière; mais celui-ci demande quelque explication. Seconde Partie. La folie des Croisades, comme tous les genres d'ivresse, n'avoit eu en France qu'une certaine durée, ou, pour parler plus exactement, de même que certaines fièvres, elle s'étoit calmée après quelques accès. Et assurément la croisade de Louis-le-Jeune, les deux de saint Louis plus désastreuses encore, avoient attiré sur le royaume assez de honte et de malheurs pour y croire ce fanatisme éteient à jamais. Cependent la superstition cherchoit de temps à le rallumer. Souvent, en confession et dans certains cas de pénitence publique, le clergé imposoit pour satisfaction un pélerinage à Jérusalem, ou un temps fixe de croisade. Plusieurs fois même les papes employèrent tous les ressorts de leur politique et l'ascendant de leur autorité pour renouer chez les princes chrétiens quelqu'une de ces ligues saintes, où leur ambition avoit tant à gagner sans rien risquer que des indulgences. Philippe-le-Bel, par hypocrisie de zèle et de religion, affecta un moment de vouloir en former une nouvelle pour la France. Philippe-de-Valois, le prince le moins propre à une enterprise si difficile et qui exigeoit tant de talens, parut s'en occuper pendant quelques années. Il reçut une ambassade du roi d'Arménie, entama des négociations avec la cour de Rome, ordonna même des préparatifs dans le port de Marseille. Enfin dans l'intervalle de ces mouvemens, l'an 1332, un dominicain nommé Brochard (surnommé l'Allemand, du nom de son pays), lui présenta deux ouvrages Latins composés à dessein sûr cet objet. L'un, dans lequel il lui faisoit connoître la contrée qui alloit être le but de la conquête, étoit une description de la Terre-Sainte; et comme il avoit demeuré vingt-quatre ans dans cette contrée en qualité de missionnaire et de prédicateur, peu de gens pouvoient alléguer autant de droits que lui pour en parler. L'autre, devisé en deux livres, par commémoration des deux épées dont il est mention dans l'Evangile, sous-divisé en douze chapitres à l'honneur des douze apôtres, traitoit des différentes routes entre lesquelles l'armée avoit à choisir, des précautions de détail à prendre pour le succès de l'entreprise, enfin des moyens de diriger et d'assurer l'expédition. Quant à celui-ci, dont les matières concernent entièrement la marine et l'art militaire, on est surpris de voir l'auteur l'avoir entrepris, lui qui n'étoit qu'un simple religieux. Mais qui ne sait que, dans les siècles d'ignorance, quiconque est moins ignorant que ses contemporains, s'arroge le droit d'écrire sur tout? D'ailleurs, parmi les conseils que Brochard donnoit au roi et à ses généraux, son expérience pouvoit lui en avoir suggéré quelquesuns d'utiles. Et après tout, puisque dans la classe des nobles auxquels il eut appartenu de traiter ces objets, il ne se trouvoit personne peut-être qui put offrir et les mêmes connoissances locales que lui et un talent égal pour les écrire, pourquoi n'auroit-il pas hasardé ce qu'ils ne pouvoient faire? Quoiqu'il en soit du motif et de son excuse, il paroît que l'ouvrage fit sur le roi et sur son conseil une impression favorable. On voit au moins, par la continuation de la Chronique de Nangis, que le monarque envoya in terram Turcorum Jean de Cépoy et l'évêque de Beauvais avec quelque peu d'infanterie ad explorandos portus et passus, ad faciendos aliquas munationes et præparationes victualium pro passagio Terre Sanctæ; et que la petite troupe, après avoir remporté quelques avantages aussi considérables que le permettoient ses foibles forces, revint en France l'an 1335. [Footnote: Spicil. t. II. p. 764.] Au reste tout ce fracas d'armemens, de préparatifs et de menaces dont le royaume retentit pendant quelques années, s'évanouit en un vain bruit. Je ne doute point que, dans les commencemens, le roi ne fut de bonne foi. Sa vanité s'étoit laissée éblouir par un projet brillant qui alloit fixer sur lui les yeux de l'Asie et de l'Europe; et les esprits médiocres ne savent point résister à la séduction de pareilles chimères. Mais bientôt, comme les caractères foibles, fatigué des difficultés, il chercha des prétextes pour se mettre à l'écart; et dans ce dessein il demanda au pape des titres et de l'argent, que celui-ci n'accorda pas. Alors on ne parla plus de l'expédition; et tout ce qu'elle produisit fut d'attirer la colère et la vengeance des Turcs sur ce roi d'Arménie, qui étoit venu en France solliciter contre eux une ligue et des secours. Au siècle suivant, la même fanfaronnade eut lieu à la cour de Bourgogne, quoique avec un début plus sérieux en apparence. L'an 1432, cent ans après la publication des deux ouvrages de Brochard, plusieurs grands seigneurs des états de Bourgogne et officiers du duc Philippe-le-Bon font le pélerinage de la Terre-Sainte. Parmi eux est son premier écuyer tranchant nommé la Brocquière. Celui-ci, après plusieurs courses dévotes dans le pays, revient malade à Jérusalem, et pendant sa convalescence il y forme le hardi projet de retourner en France par la voie de terre. C'étoit s'engager à traverser toute la partie occidentale d'Asie, toute l'Europe orientale; et toujours, excepté sur la fin du vovage, à travers la domination musulmane. L'exécution de cette entreprise, qui aujourd'hui même ne seroit point sans difficultés, passoit alors pour impossible. En vain ses camarades essaient de l'en détourner: il s'y obstine; il part, et, après avoir surmonté tous les obstacles, il revient, dans le cours de l'année 1433, se présenter au duc sous le costume Sarrasin, qu'il avoit été obligé de prendre, et avec le cheval qui seul avoit fourni à cette étonnante traite. Une si extraordinaire aventure ne pouvoit manquer de produire à la cour un grand effet. Le duc voulut que le voyageur en rédigeat par écrit la relation. Celui-ci obéit; mais son ouvrage ne parut que quelques années après, et même postérieurement à l'année 1438, puisque cette époque y est mentionnée, comme on le verra ci-dessous. Il n'étoit guère possible que le duc eut journellement sous les yeux son écuyer tranchant sans avoir quelquefois envie de le questionner sur celte terre des Mécréans; et il ne pouvoit guère l'entendre, sur-tout à table, sans que sa tête ne s'échauffat, et ne format aussi des chimères de croisade et de conquête. Ce qui me fait présumer qu'il avoit demandé à la Brocquière des renseignemens de ce genre, c'est que celui-ci a inséré dans sa relation un long morceau sur la force militaire des Turcs, sur les moyens de les combattre vigoureusement, et, quoiqu'avec une armée médiocre mais bien conduite et bien organisée, de pénétrer sans risques jusqu'à Jérusalem. Assurément un épisode aussi étendu et d'un résultat aussi important est à remarquer dans un ouvrage présenté au duc et composé, par ses ordres; et l'on conviendra qu'il n'a guère pu y être placé sans un dessein formel et une intention particulière. En effet on vit de temps en temps Philippe annoncer sur cet objet de grands desseins; mais plus occupé de plaisirs que de gloire, ainsi que le prouven les quinze batards connus qu'il a laissés, toute sa forfanterie s'évaporoit en paroles. Enfin cependant un moment arriva ou la chrétienté, alarmée des conquêtes rapides du jeune et formidable Mahomet II. et de l'armement terrible qu'il préparoit contre Constantinople, crut qu'il n'y avoit plus de digue à lui opposer qu'une ligue générale. Le duc, qui, par l'étendue et la population de ses états, étoit plus puissant que beaucoup de rois, pouvoit jouer dans la coalition un rôle important. Il affecta de se montrer en scène un des premiers; et pour le faire avec éclat, il donna dans Lille en 1453 une fête splendide et pompeuse, ou plutôt un grand spectacle à machines, fort bizarre dans son ensemble, fort disparate dans la multitude de ses parties, mais le plus étonnant de ceux de ce genre que nous ait transmis l'histoire. Ce spectacle dont j'ai donné ailleurs la description, [Footnote: Hist. de la vie privée des Français, t. III, p. 324.] et qui absorba en pur faste des sommes considérables qu'il eut été facile dans les circonstances d'employer beaucoup mieux, se termina par quelques voeux d'armes tant de la part du duc que de celle de plusieurs seigneurs de sa cour: et c'est tout ce qui en résulta. Au reste il eut lieu en février, et Mahomet prit Constantinople en Mai. La nouvelle de ce désastre, les massacres horribles qui avoieni accompagné la conquête, les suites incalculables qu'elle pouvon avoir sur le sort de la chrétienté, y répendirent la consternation. Le duc alors crut qu'il devoit enfin se prononcer autrement que par des propos et des fêtes. Il annonça une croisade, leva en conséquence de grosses sommes sur ses sujets, forma même une armée et s'avança en Allemagne. Mais tout-à-coup ce lion fougueux s'arrêta. Une incommodité qui lui survint fort à propos lui servit de prétexte et d'excuse; et il revint dans ses états. Néanmoins il affecta de continuer à parler croisades comme auparavant. Il chargea même un de ses sujets, Joseph Miélot, chanoine de Lille, de lui traduire en Français les deux traités de Brochard dont j'ai parlé ce-dessus. Enfin, quand le Pape Pie II. convoqua dans Mantoue en 1459, une assemblée de princes chrétiens pour former une ligue contre Mahomet, il ne manqua pas d'y envoyer ses ambassadeurs, à la tête desquels étoît le duc de Clèves. Mielot finit son travail en 1455, et le court préambule qu'il à mis en tête l'annonce. Les deux traductions se trouvent dans un de ces manuscrits que la Bibliothèque nationale a reçus récemment de la Belgique. Elles sont, pour l'écriture, de la même main que le voyage de la Brocquière; mais quoique des trois ouvragés celui-ci ait du paroître avant les deux autres, tout trois cependant, soit par economie de reliure, soit par analogie de matières, ont été réunis ensemble; et ils forment ainsi un gros volume in-folio, numéroté 514, relié en bois avec basane rouge, et intitulé au dos, Avis directif de Brochard. Ce manuscrit, auquel son écriture, sa conservation, ses miniatures, et le beaux choix de son vélin donnent déjà beaucoup de prix, me paroît en acquérir d'avantage encore sous un autre aspect, en ce qu'il est composé, selon moi, des traités originaux présentés par leurs auteurs à Philippe-le-Bon, ou de l'exemplaire, commandé par lui à l'un de ses copistes sur l'autographe des auteurs, pour être placé dans sa bibliothèque. Je crois voir la preuve de cette assertion non seulement dans la beauté du manuscrit, et dans l'écusson du prince, qui s'y trouve armorié en quatre endroits, et deux foix avec sa devise Aultre n'aray; mais encore dans la vignette d'un des deux frontispices, ainsi que dans la miniature de l'autre. Cette vignette, qui est en tête du volume, représente Miélot à genoux, faisant l'offrande de son livre au duc, lequel est assis et entouré de plusieurs courtisans, dont trois portent, comme lui, le collier de la Toison. Dans la miniature qui précède le Voyage, on voit la Brocquière faire de la même manière son offrande. Il est en costume Sarrasin, ainsi qu'il a été dit ci-dessus, et il a auprès de lui son cheval, dont j'ai parlé. Quant à ce duc Philippe qu'on surnomma le Bon, ce n'est point ici le lieu d'examiner s'il mérita bien véritablement ce titre glorieux, et si l'histoire n'auroit pas à lui faire des reproches de plus d'un genre. Mais, comme littérateur, je ne puis m'empêcher de remarquer ici, à l'honneur de sa mémoire, que les lettres au moins lui doivent de la reconnoissance; que c'est un des princes qui, depuis Charlemagne jusqu'à François I'er, ait le plus fait pour elles; qu'au quinzième siècle il fut dans les deux Bourgognes, et dans la Belgique sur-tout, ce qu'au quatorzième Charles V. avoit été en France; que comme Charles, il se créa une bibliothèque, ordonna des traductions et des compositions d'ouvrages, encouragea les savans, les dessinateurs, les copistes habile; enfin qu'il rendit peut-être aux sciences plus de services réels que Charles, parce qu'il fut moins superstitieux. Je donnerai, dans l'Histoire de la littérature Française, à laquelle je travaille, des détails sur ces différens faits. J'en ai trouvé des preuves multipliées dans les manuscrits, qui de la Belgique ont passé à la Bibliothèque nationale, ou, pour parler plus exactement, dans les manuscrits de la bibliothèque de Bruxelles, qui faisoient une des portions les plus considérables de cet envoi. Cette bibliothèque, pour sa partie Française, qui est spécialement confiée à ma surveillance, et qu'à ce titre j'ai parcourue presque en entier, étoit composée de plusieurs fonds particuliers, dont les principaux sont: 1°. Un certain nombre de manuscrits qui précédemment avoient formé la bibliothèque de Charles V, celle de Charles VI, celle de Jean, duc de Berri, frère de Charles V, et qui pendant les troubles du royaume sous Charles VI, et dans les commencemens du règne de son fils, furent pillés et enlevés par les ducs de Bourgogne. Ceux de Jean sont reconnoissables à sa signature, apposée par lui à la dernière page du volume et quelquefois en plusieurs autres endroits. On reconnoit ceux de deux rois à l'écu de France blasonné qu'on y a peint, à leurs épitres dédicatoires, à leurs vignettes, qui représentent l'offrande du livre fait au monarque, et le monarque revêtu du manteau royal. Il en est d'autres, provenus de ces deux dépots, sur l'enlèvement desquels je ne puis alléguer des preuves aussi authentiques, parce que dans le nombre il s'en trouvoit beaucoup qui n'étoient point ornés de miniatures, ou qui n'avoient point été offerts au roi, et qui par conséquent ne peuvent offrir les mêmes signalemens que les premiers; mais j'aurois, pour avancer que ceux-là ont été pris également, tant de probabilités, tant de conjectures vraisemblables, qu'elles équivalent pour moi à une preuve positive. 2°. Les manuscrits qui appartinrent légitimement aux ducs de Bourgogne, c'est-à-dire qui furent, ou acquis par eux, ou dédiés et présentés à eux, ou commandés par eux, soit comme ouvrages, soit comme simples copies. Dans la classe des dédiés, le très-grand nombre l'a été à Philippe-le-Bon; dans celle des faits par ordre, presque tous furent ordonnés par lui: et c'est là qu'on voit, comme je l'ai dit plus haut, l'obligation qui lui ont les lettres et tout ce qu'il fit pour elles. 3°. Les manuscrits qui, après avoir appartenu à des particuliers, ou à de grands seigneurs des estats de Bourgogne, ont passé en différens temps et d'une manière quelconque dans la bibliothèque de Bruxelles. Parmi ceux-ci l'on doit distinguer specialenient ceux de Charles de Croy, comte de Chimay, parrain de Charles-Quint, chevalier de la toison, fait en 1486 prince de Chimay par Maximilien. Les siens sont assez nombreux, et ils portent pour signe distinctif ses armoiries et sa signature, apposé par lui-même. De tout ceci il résulte, quant au mérite de la collection Française de Bruxelles, qu'elle ne doit guère offrir que des manuscrits modernes. J'en ai effectivement peu vu qui soient précieux par leur ancienneté, leur rareté, la nature de l'ouvrage; mais beaucoup sont curieux par leur écriture, leur conservation, et spécialement par leurs miniatures; et ces miniatures seront un objet intéressant pour les personnes qui, comme moi, entreprendont l'histoire des arts dans les bas siècles. Elles leur prouveront qu'en Belgique l'état florissant de certaines manufactures y avôit fort avancé l'art de la peinture et du dessin. Mais je reviens aux trois traités de notre volume. Je ne dirai qu'un mot sur la description de la Palestine par Brochard, parce que l'original Latin ayant, été imprimé elle est connue, et que Miélot, dans le préambule de sa traduction, assure, ce dont je me suis convaincu, n'y avoir adjousté rien de sien. Brochard, de son côté, proteste de son exactitude. Non seulement il a demeuré vingt-quatre ans dans le pays, mais il l'a traversé dans son double diamètre du nord au sud, depuis le pied de Liban jusqu'à Bersabée; et du couchant au levant, depuis la Mediterranée jusqu'à la mer Morte. Enfin il ne décrit rien qu'il n'ait, pour me servir des termes de son traducteur, veu corporellement, lui, estant en iceulx lieux. La traduction commence au folio 76 de notre volume, et elle porte pour titre: Le livre de la description de la Terre-Saincte, fait en l'onneur et loenge de Dieu, et completé jadis, l'an M.III'e.XXXII, par frère Brochard, l'Aleman, de l'ordre des Preescheurs. Son second ouvrage étant inédit, j'en parlerai plus au long, mais uniquement d'après la traduction de Miélot. Le volume est composé de deux parties, et porte pour titre, Advis directif (conseils de marche et de direction) pour faire le passage d'oultremer. On a pour ce passage, dit Brochard, deux voies différentes, la terre et la mer; et il conseille au roi de les employer toutes les deux à la fois, la première pour l'armée, la seconde pour le transport des vivres, tentes, machines, et munitions de guerre, ainsi que pour les personnes qui sont accoutumées à la mer. Celle-ci exigera dix à douze galères, qu'on pourra, par des négociations et des arrangemens, obtenir des Génois et des Vénitiens. Les derniers possèdent Candie, Négrepont et autres îles, terres, ou places importantes. Les Génois ont Péra, près de Constantinople, et Caffa, dans la Tartarie. D'ailleurs les deux nations connoissent bien les vents et les mers d'Asie, de même que la langue, les îles, côtes et ports du pays. Si l'on choisit la voie de mer, on aura le choix de s'embarquer, soit à Aigues-Mortes soit à Marseille ou à Nice: puis on relâchera en Cypre, comme fit Saint Louis. Mais la mer et le séjour des vaisseaux ont de nombreux inconvéniens, et il en résulte de fâcheuses maladies pour les hommes et pour les chevaux. D'ailleurs on dépend des vents: sans cesse on est réduit à craindre les tempêtes et le changement de climat. Souvent même, lorsqu'on ne comptoit faire qu'une relâche, on se voit forcé de séjourner. Ajoutez à ces dangers les vins de Cypre, qui de'leur nature sont trop ardents. Si vous y mettez de l'eau, ils perdent toute leur saveur; si vous n'en mettez point, ils attaquent le cerveau et brûlent les entrailles. Quand Saint Louis hiverna dans l'île, l'armée y éprouva tous ces inconvéniens. Il y mourut deux cens et cinquante, que contes, que barons, que chevaliers, des plus noble qu'il eust en son ost. Il est un autre passage composé de mer et de terre, et celui-ci offre deux routes; l'une, par l'Afrique, l'autre par l'Italie. La voie d'Afrique est extrêmement difficile, à raison des châteaux fortifiés qu'on y rencontrera, du manque de vivres auquel on sera exposé, de la traversée des déserts et de l'Egypte qu'il faudra franchir. Le chemin d'ailleurs est immense par sa longueur. Si l'on part du détroit de Gibraltar, on aura, pour arriver à deux petites journées de Jérusalem, 2500 milles à parcourir; si l'on part de Tunis, on en aura 2400. Conclusion: la voie d'Afrique est impracticable, il faut y renoncer. Celle d'Italie présente trois chemins divers. L'un par Aquilée, par l'Istrie, la Dalmatie, le royaume de Rassie (Servie) et Thessalonique (Salonique), la plus grande cité de Macédoine, laquelle n'est qu'à huit petites journées de Constantinople. C'est la route que suivoient les Romains quand ils alloient porter la guerre en Orient. Ces contrées sont fertiles; mais le pays est habité de gens non obeïssans à l'église de Rome. Et quant est de leur vaillance et hardiesse à résister, je n'en fais nulle mention, néant plus que de femmes. Le second est par la Pouille. On s'embarqueroit à Brandis (Brindes), pour débarquer à Duras (Durazzo) qui est à monseigneur le prince de Tarente. Puis on avanceroit par l'Albanie, par Blaque et Thessalonique. La troisième traverse également la Pouille: mais il passe par Ydronte (Otrante), Curpho (Corfou) qui est à mondit seigneur de Tarente, Desponte, Blaque, Thessalonique. C'est celui qu'à la première croisade prirent Robert, comte de Flandre; Robert, duc de Normandie; Hugues, frère du roi Philippe I'er, et Tancrède, prince de Tarente. Après avoir parlé du passage par mer et du passage composé de terre et de mer, Brochard examine celui qui auroit lieu entièrement par terre. Ce dernier traverse l'Allemagne, la Hongrie et la Bulgarie. Ce fut celui qu'à la même première expédition suivit une grande partie de l'àrmée de France et d'Allemagne, sous la conduite de Pierre l'hermite, et c'est celui que l'auteur conseille au roi. Mais quand on est en Hongrie on a deux routes à choisir: l'une par la Bulgarie, l'autre par l'Esclavonie, qui fait partie du royaume de Rassie. Godefroi de Bouillon, ses deux frères, et Baudouin, comte de Mons, prirent la première. Raimond, comte de Saint-Gilles, et Audemare, évêque du Puy et légat du Saint-Siège, prirent la seconde, quoique quelques auteurs prétendent qu'ils suivirent celle d'Aquilée et de Dalmatie. Si le roi adoptoit ce passage par terre, l'armée, arrivée en Hongrie, pourrait se diviser en deux; et alors, pour la plus grande commodité des vivres, chacune des deux parties suivroit un des deux chemins; savoir, l'une, celui de là Bulgarie; l'autre, celui de l'Esclavonie. Le roi prendroit la première route, comme la plus courte. Quant aux Languedociens et Provençaux, qui sont voisins de l'Italie, il leur seroit permis d'aller par Brindes et Otrante. Leur rendezvous seroit à Thessalonique, où ils trouveroint le corps d'armée, qui auroit pris par Aquilée. A ces renseignemens sur les avantages et les inconvéniens des des divers passages, le dominicain en ajoute quelques autres sur les princes par les états desquels il faudra passer, et sur les ressources que fourniront ces états. La Rassie est un pays fertile, dit il; elle a en activité cinq mines d'or, cinq d'argent, et plusieurs autres qui portent or et argent. Il ne faudroit pour la conquête de cette contrée que mille chevaliers et six mille hommes d'infanterie. Ce seroit un joyel (joyau) gracieux et plaisant à acquérir. L'auteur veut qu'on ne fasse aucun traité d'alliance ni avec ce roi ni même avec l'empereur Grec; et, pour mieux motiver sont assertion, il rapporte quelques détails sur le personnel de ces princes, et principalement sur le premier, qu'il dit être un usurpateur. Quant à l'autre, il demande non seulement qu'on ne fasse avec lui ni paix ni trève, mais encore qu'on lui déclare la guerre. En conséquence il donne des moyens pour assiéger Constantinople, Andrinople et Thessalonique. Et comme, d'après ce qui es-arrivé, il ne doute nullement de ce qui doit arriver encore, c'est-à dire de la prise de Constantinople, il propose divers réglemens pour gouverner l'empire d'Orient quand on l'aura conquis une seconde fois, et pour le ramener à la religion Romaine. Il termine ses avis directifs par avertir les croisés de se mettre en garde contre la prefidie des Grecs, ainsi que contre les Syriens, les Hassassins et autres habitans de l'Asie. Il leur détaille une partie des piéges qu'on leur tendra, et leur enseigne à s'en garantir. Brochard, dans sa première partie, a conduit par terre jusqu'à Constantinople l'ost de Nostre Seigneur, et il lui a fait prendre cette ville. Dans la seconde il lui fait passer le détroit et le mène en Asie. Au reste il connoissoit très-bien ces contrées; et indépendamment de ses vingt-quatre ans de séjour dans la Palestine, il avoit parcouru encore l'Arménie, la Perse, l'empire Grec, etc. Selon lui, ce qui, dans les croisades précédentes, avoit fait échouer les rois de France et d'Angleterre, c'est que mal adroitement on attaquoit à la fois et les Turcs et le soudan d'Egypte. Il propose de n'attaquer que les premiers, et de n'avoir affaire qu'à eux seuls. Pour le faire avec succès il donne des renseigemens sur la Turquie, nommée Anachély (Anotolie) par les Grecs; sur la manière de tirer par mer des vivres pour l'armée; sur l'espoir bien fondé de réussir contre un peuple nécessairement abandonné de Dieu, parce que sa malice est accomplie; contre un peuple qui intérieurement est affoibli par des guerres intestines et par le manque de chefs; dont la cavalerie est composée d'esclaves; qui, avec peu de courage et d'industrie n'a que des chevaux petits et foibles, de mauvaises armes, des arcs Turquois et des haubergeons de cuir qu'on pourrait appeler des cuirasses [Footnote: Le haubert et le haubergeon (sorte de haubert plus léger et moins lourd) étoient une sorte de chemise en mailles de fer, laquelle descendoit jusqu'à micuisse. Les haubergeons Turcs, au contraire, étoient si courts qu'on pouvoit selon l'auteur, les qualifier du nom de cuirasses.]; contre un peuple enfin qui ne combat qu'en fuyant, et qui, après les Grecs et les Babyloniens, est le plus vil de tout Orient, en fais d'armes. L'auteur déclare en finissant que dans tout cet Orient il n'est presque aucune nation qu'il n'ait veue aller en bataille, et que la seule puissance de France, sans nuls aydes quelsconques, peut défaire, non seulement les Turcs et les Egyptiens [Footnote: Les Turcs et les Egyptiens! frère Brochard, vous oubliez Louise-le-Jeune et saint Louis.], mais encore les Tartres (Tatars) fors (excepté) les Indiens, les Arabes, et les Persains. La collection de Bruxelles contient un autre exemplaire de l'Advis directif, in fol pap miniat. No. 352. Celui-ci forme un volume à part. Sa vignette représente Brochard travaillant à son pupitre. Vient ensuite une miniature où on le voit présentant son livre au roi: puis une autre où le roi est en marche avec son armée pour la Terre Sainte. J'ai également trouvé dans la même collection les deux traités Latins de l'auteur, réunis en un seul volume in fol. pap. No. 319, couvert en basane rouge. Le premier porte en titre: Directorium ad passagium faciendum, editum per quemdam fratrem ordinis Predicatorum, scribentem experta et visa potiùs quàm audita; ad serenissimum principemet dominum Philippum, regem Francorum, anno Domini M.CCC'mo. xxxii°. Le second est intitulé: Libellus de Terrâ Sanctâ, editus à fratre Brocardo, Theutonico, ordinis fratrum predicatorum. A la fin de celui-ci on lit qu'il a été écrit par Jean Reginaldi, chanoine de Cambrai. Comme l'autre est incontestablement de la même main, je de doute nullement qu'il ne soit aussi de Reginaldi. Il me reste maintenant à faire connoître notre troisième ouvrage Français, ce Voyage de la Brocquière que je publie aujourd'hui. L'auteur étoit gentilhomme, et l'on s'en aperçoit sans peine quand il parle de chevaux, de châteaux forts et de joutes. Sa relation n'est qu'un itinéraire qui souvent, et surtout dans la description du pays, et des villes, présente un peu de monotonie et des formes peu variées; mais cet itinéraire est intéressant pour l'histoire et la géographie du temps. Elles y trouveront des matériaux très-précieux, et quelquefois même des tableaux et dés aperçus qui ne sont pas sans mérite. Le voyageur est un homme d'un esprit sage et sensé, plein de jugement et de raison. On admirera l'impartialité avec laquelle il parle des nations infidèles qu'il a occasion de connoître, et spécialement des Turcs, dont la bonne foi est bien supérieure, selon lui, à celle de beaucoup de chrétiens. Il n'a guère de la superstition de son siècle que la dévotion pour les pélerinages et les reliques; encore annonce-t-il souvent peu de foi sur l'authenticité des reliques qu'on lui montre. Quant aux pélerinages, on verra en le lisant combien ils étoient multipliés en Palestine, et son livre sera pour nous un monument qui, d'une part, constatera l'aveugle crédulité avec laquelle nos dévots occidentaux avoient adopté ces pieuses fables; et de l'autre l'astuce criminelle des chrétiens de Terre-Sainte, qui pour soutirer l'argent des croisés et des pélerins, et se faire à leurs dépens un revenu, les avoient imaginées. La Brocquière écrit en militaire, d'un style franc et loyal qui annonce de la véracité et inspire la confiance; mais il écrit avec négligence et abandon; de sorte que ses matières n'ont pas toujours un ordre bien constant, et que quelquefois il commence à raconter un fait dont la suite se trouve à la page suivante. Quoique cette confusion soit rare, je me suis cru permis de la corriger et de rapprocher ce qui devoit être réuni et ne l'étoit pas. Notre manuscrit a, pour son orthographe, le défaut qu'ils ont la plupart, c'est que, dans certains noms, elle varie souvent d'une page à l'autre, et quelquefois même dans deux phrases qui se suivent. On me blâmeroit de m'astreindre à ces variations d'une langue qui, alors incertaine, aujourd'hui est fixée. Ainsi, par exemple, il écrit Auteriche, Autherice, Austrice, Ostrice. Je n'emploierai constamment que celui d'Autriche. Il en sera de même des noms dont l'orthographe ne varie point dans le manuscrit, mais qui en ont aujourd'hui une différente. J'écrirai Hongrie, Belgrade, Bulgarie, et non Honguerie, Belgrado, Vulgarie. D'autres noms enfin ont changé en entier et ne sont plus les mêmes. Nous ne disons plus la mer Majeure, la Dunoë; mais la mer Noire, le Danube. Quant à ceux-ci je crois intéressant pour cela de les citer une fois. Ainsi la première fois que dans la relation le mot Dunoë s'offrira, j'écrirai Dunoë; mais par la suite je dirai toujours Danube et il en sera de même pour les autres. On m'objectera, je m'y attends, qu'il est mal de prêter à un auteur des expressions qui n'étoient ni les siennes ni souvent même celles de son siècle; mais, après avoir bien pesé les avantages et les inconvéniens d'une nomenclature très-littérale, j'ai cru reconnoitre que cette exactitude rigoureuse rendroit le texte inintelligible ou fatigant pour la plupart des lecteurs; que si l'on veut qu'un auteur soit entendu, il faut le faire parler comme il parleroit lui-même s'il vivoit parmi nous; enfin qu'il est des choses que le bon sens ordonne de changer ou de supprimmer, et qu'il seroit ridicule, par exemple, de dire, comme la Brocquière, un seigneur hongre, pour un seigneur Hongrois; des chrétiens vulgaires, pour des chrétiens Bulgares, etc. * * * * * VOYAGE DE LA BROCQUIERE. Cy commence le voyage de Bertrandon de la Brocquière en la Terre d'Oultre Mer l'an de grace mil quatre cens et trente deux. Pour animer et enflammer le coeur des nobles hommes qui desirent voir le monde; Et par l'ordre et commandement de très-haut, très-puissant et mon très-redouté seigneur, Philippe, par la grace de Dieu, duc de Bourgogne, de Lothrik (Lorraine), de Brabant et de Limbourg; comte de Flandres, d'Artois et de Bourgogne; [Footnote: La Bourgogne étoit divisée en deux parties, duché et comté. Cette dernière, qui depuis fut connue sous le nom de Franche-Comté, commença dès-lors à prendre ce nom; voilà pourquoi l'auteur désigne à la fois Philippe et comme duc de Bourgogne, et comme comte de Bourgogne.] palatin de Hainaut, de Hollande, de Zélande et de Namur; marquis du Saint-Empire; seigneur de Frise, de Salins et de Malines: Je, Bertrandon de la Brocquière, natif du duché de Guienne, seigneur de Vieux-Chateau, conseiller et premier écuyer tranchant de mondit très-redouté seigneur; D'après ce que je puis me rappeler et ce que j'avoîs consigné en abrégé dans un petit livret en guise de mémorial, j'ai rédigé par écrit ce peu de voyage que j'ai fait; Afin que si quelque roi ou prince chrétien vouloit entreprendre la conquête de Jérusalem et y conduire par terre une armée, ou si quelque noble homme vouloit y voyager, les uns et les autre pussent connoître, depuis le duché de Bourgogne jusqu'à Jérusalem, toutes les villes, cités, régions, contrées, rivières, montagnes et passages du pays, ainsi que les seigneurs auxquels ils appartiennent. La route d'ici à la cité sainte est si connue que je ne crois pas devoir m'arrêter à la décrire. Je passerai donc légèrement sur cet article, et ne commencerai à m'étendre un peu que quand je parlerai de la Syrie. J'ai parcouru ce pays entier, depuis Gazère (Gaza), qui est l'entrée de l'Egypte, jusqu'à une journée d'Halep, ville située au nord sur la frontière et où j'on se rend quand on veut aller en Perse. J'avoîs résolu de faire le saint pélerinage de Jérusalem. Déterminé à l'accomplir, je quittai, au mois de Février l'an 1432, la cour de mon très-redoute seigneur, qui alors étoit à Gand. Après avoir traversé la Picardie, la Champagne, la Bourgogne, j'entrai en Savoie où je passai le Rhône, et arrivai à Chambéri par le Mont-du-Chat. Là commence une longue suite de montagnes, dont la plus haute, nommée mont Cénis, forme un passage dangereux dans les temps de neige. Par-tout la route, étant couverte et cachée, il faut avoir, si l'on ne veut pas se perdre, des guides du pays, appelés marrons. Ces gens vous recommandent de ne faire en chemin aucune sorte de bruit qui puisse étonner la montagne, parce qu'alors la neige s'en détache et vient très-impétueusement tomber au bas. Le mont Cénis sépare l'Italie de la France. Descendu de là dans le Piémont, pays beau et agréable, qui par trois côtés est clos de hautes montagnes, je passai par Turin, où je traversai le Pô; par Ast, qui est au duc d'Orléeans; par Alexandrie, dont la plupart des habitans sont usuriers, dit-on; par Plaisance, qui appartient au nuc de Milan; enfin par Bologne-la-Grasse, qui est au pape. L'empereur Sigismond étoit dans Plaisance. Il venoit de Milan, ou il avoit reçu sa seconde couronne, et alloit à Rome chercher la troisième. [Footnote: En 1414, Sigismond, élu empereur, avoit reçu la couronne d'argent à Aix-la-Chapelle. Au mois de Novembre 1431, peu avant le passage de notre voyageur, il avoit reçu à Milan la couronne de fer. Ce ne fut qu'en 1443 qu'il reçut à Rome, des mains du pape, celle d'or.] De Bologne, pour arriver dans l'état des Florentins, j'eus à passer une autre chaine de montagnes (l'Apennin). Florence est une grande ville où la commune se gouverne par ellemême. De trois en trois mois elle se choisit, pour son administration, des magistrats qu'elle appelle prieurs, et qui sont pris dans diverses professions. Tant qu'ils restent en place on les honore; mais, quand leurs trois mois sont expirés, chacun retourne à son état. [Footnote: Pour donner une idée favorable du talent de la Brocquière, ne pourroit-on pas citer le court et bel éloge qu'il fait ici du gouvernmement représentatif et républicain qu'avoit alors Florence?] De Florence j'allai à Mont-Poulchan (Monte-Pulciano), château bâti sur une hauteur et entouré de trois côtés par un grand lac (le lac de Pérouse); à Espolite (Spoléte); à Mont-Flaschon (Monte Fiascone); enfin à Rome. Rome est connue. On sait par des écrits véridiques que pendant sept cents ans elle a été maîtresse du monde. Mais quand ces écrits, ne l'attesteroient pas, on n'en auroit pas moins la preuve dans tous ces beaux édifices qu'on y voit encore, dans ces grands palais, ces colonnes de marbre, ces statues et tous ces monumens aussi merveilleux à voir qu'à décrire. Joignez à cela l'immense quantité de belles reliques qu'elle possède, tant de choses qui N. S. a touchées, tant de saints corps d'apôtres, de martyrs, de confesseurs et de vierges; enfin plusieurs églises, où les saints pontifes ont accordé plein pardon de peine et de coulpe (indulgence plénière). J'y vis Eugène IV, Vénitien, qui venoit d'être élu pape.[Footnote: On va voir que la Brocquière sortit de Rome le 25 Mars, et Eugène avoît été élu dans les premiers jours du mois.] Le prince de Salerne lui avoit déclaré la guerre. Celui-ci étoit un Colonne, et neveu du pape Martin.[Footnote: Martin V, prédécesseur d'Eugène, étoit de la maison des Colonne, et il y avoit inimitié declarée entre cette famille et celle des Ursins. Eugène, dès qu'il se vît établi sur le Saint-Siège, prit parti entre ces deux maisons. Il se déclara pour la seconde contre la première, et sur-tout contre ceux des Colonne, qui étoient neveux de Martin. Ceux ci prirent les armes et lui firent la guerre.] Je sortis de Rome le 25 Mars, et passant par une ville du comte de Thalamoné, parent du cardinal des Ursins, par Urbin; par la seigneurie des Malatestes, par Reymino (Rimini), par Ravenne, qui est aux Vénitiens, je traversai trois fois le Pô (trois branches de l'embouchure du Pô), et vins à Cloge (Chiosa), ville des Vénitiens qui autrefois avoit un bon port, lequel fut détruit par eux quand les Jennevois (Génois) vinrent assiéger Venise. [Footnote: Jennevois ou Gennevois. Les auteurs de ce temps appellent toujours ainsi les Génois. Je n'emploierai désormais que cette dernière dénomination, l'autre étant aujourd'hui exclusivement consacrée aux habitans de Genève.] Enfin, de Cloge je me rendis à Venise, qui en est distante de vingt-cinq milles. Venise, grande et belle ville, ancienne et marchande, est bâtie au milieu de la mer. Ses divers quartiers, séparés par les eaux, forment des iles; de sorte qu'on ne peut aller de l'une à l'autre qu'en bateau. On y posséde le corps de sainte Hélène, mère de l'empereur Constantin, ainsi que plusieurs autres que j'ai vus, et spècialement plusieurs des Innocens, qui sont entiers. Ceux-ci se trouvent dans une ile qu'on appelle Réaut (Realto), ile renommée par ses fabriques de verre. Le gouvernement de Venise est sage. Nul ne peut être membre du conseil ou y posséder quelque emploi s'il n'est noble et né dans la ville. Il y a un duc qui sans cesse, pendant le jour, est tenu d'avoir avec lui six des anciens du conseil les plus remarquables. Quand il meurt, on lui donne pour successeur celui qui a montré le plus de sagesse et le plus de zèle pour le bien commun. Le 8 Mai je m'embarquai, pour accomplir mon voyage, sur une galée (galère) avec quelques autres pélerins. Elle côtoya l'Esclavonie, et relâcha successivement à Pole (Pola), Azarre (Zara), Sébénich (Sebenico) et Corfo (Corfou). Pola me parut avoir été autrefois une grande et forte ville. Elle a un très-beau port. On voit à Zara le corps de ce saint Siméon à qui N. S. fut présenté dans le temple. Elle est entourée de trois côtés par la mer, et son port, également beau, est fermé d'une chaîne de fer. Sebenico appartient aux Vénitiens, ainsi que l'île et la ville de Corfou, qui, avec un très-beau port, a encore deux châteaux. De Corfou nous vînmes à Modon, bonne et belle ville de Morée, qu'ils possèdent aussi; à Candie, ile très-fertile, dont les habitans sont excellens marins et où la seigneurie de Venise nomme un gouverneur qui porte le titre de duc, mais qui ne reste en place que trois ans; à Rhodes, où je n'eus que le temps de voir la ville; à Baffe, ville ruinée de l'ile de Cypre; enfin à Jaffe, en la sainte terre de permission. C'est à Jaffa, que commencent les pardons de ladite sainte terre. Jadis elle appartint aux chrétiens, et alors elle étoit forte; maintenant elle est entièrement détruite, et n'a plus que quelques cahuttes en roseaux, où les pélerins se retirent pour se défendre de la chaleur du soleil. La mer entre dans la ville et forme un mauvais havre peu profond, où il est dangereux de rester, parce qu'on peut être jeté à la côte par un coup de vent. Elle a deux sources d'eau douce, dont l'une est couverte des eaux de mer quand le vent de Ponent souffle un peu fort. Dès qu'il débarque au port quelques pélerins, aussitôt des truchemens et autres officiers du soudan [Footnote: C'est du Soudan d'Egypte, qu'il s'agit ici. C'étoit à lui qu'obéissoient alors la Palestine et la Syrie. Il en sera souvent mention dans le cours du voyage.] viennent pour s'assurer de leur nombre, pour leur servir de guides, et recevoir en son nom le tribut d'usage. Rames (Ramlé), où nous nous rendimes de Jaffe, est une ville sans murailles, mais bonne et marchande, sise dans un canton agréable et fertile. Nous allâmes dans le voisinage visiter ung village où monseigneur saint Georg fu martirié; et de retour à Rames, nous reprimes notre route, et arrivâmes en deux jours en la sainte cité de Jhérusalem, où nostre Seigneur Jhésu Crist reçut mort et passion pour nous. Après y avoir fait les pélerinages qui sont d'usage pour les pélerins, nous fîmes ceux de la montagne où Jésus jeûna quarante jours; du Jourdain, où il fut baptisé; de l'église de Saint-Jean, qui est près du fleuve; de celle de Sainte-Marie-Madelaine et de Sainte-Marthe, où notre Seigneur ressuscita le Ladre (Lazare); de Bethléem, où il prit naissance; du lieu où naquit Saint-Jean-Baptiste; de la maison de Zacharie; enfin de Sainte-Croix, où crût l'arbre de la vraie croix: après quoi nous revînmes à Jérusalem. Il y a dans Bethléem des cordeliers qui ont une église où ils font le service divin; mais ils sont dans une grande sujétion des Sarrasins. La ville n'a pour habitans, que des Sarrasins et quelques chrétiens de la ceinture. [Footnote: L'an 235 de l'hégire, 856 de l'ère chrétienne, le calife Motouakkek astreignit les chrétiens et les Juifs à porter une large ceinture de cuir, et aujourd'hui encore ils la portent dans l'Orient. Mais depuis cette époque les chrétiens d'Asie, et spécialement ceux de Syrie, qui sont presque tous Nestoriens ou Jacobites, furent nommés chrétiens de la ceinture.] Au lieu de la naissance de sainte Jean Baptiste, on montre une roche qui, pendant qu'Hérode persécutoit les innocens, s'ouvrît miraculeusement en deux. Sainte Elisabeth y cacha son fils; aussitôt elle se ferma, et l'enfant y resta, dit-on, deux jours entiers. Jérusalem est dans un fort pays des montagnes, et c'est encore aujourd'hui une ville assez considérable, quoiqu'elle paroisse l'avoir été autrefois bien davantage. Elle est sous la domination du soudan; ce qui doit faire honte et douleur à la chrétienté. Il n'y a de chrétiens Francs que deux cordeliers qui habitent au Saint-Sépulcre, encore y sont ils bien vexés des Sarrasins; et je puis en parler avec connoissance de cause, moi qui pendant deux mois en ai été le témoin. Dans l'église du Sépulcre se trouvent aussi d'autres sortes de chrétiens: Jacobites, Erménins (Arméniens), Abécins (Abyssins), de la terre du prêtre Jehan, et chrétiens de la ceinture; mais de tous ce sont les Francs qui éprouvent la sujétion la plus dure. Après tous ces pélerinages accomplis, nous en entreprîmes un autre également d'usage, celui de Sainte-Catherine au mont Sinaï; et pour celui-ci nous nous réunîmes dix pélerins: messire André de Thoulongeon, messire Michel de Ligne, [Footnote: On sait que le nom de messire ou de monseigneur étoit un titre qu'on donnoit aux chevaliers.] Guillaume de Ligne son frère, Sanson de Lalaing, Pierre de Vaudrey, Godefroi de Thoisi, Humbert Buffart, Jean de la Roe, Simonnet (le nom de la famile est en blanc), et moi. [Footnote: Ces noms, dont le cinq premiers sont ceux de grands seigneurs des états du duc de Bourgogne, attestent que plusieurs personnes de la cour du duc s'étoient réunies pour le voyage d'outremer, et ce sont probablement celles qui s'embarquèrent à Venise avec notre auteur, quoique jusquà présent il ne les ait pas nommées. Toulongeon, cette même année 1432, fut créé chevalier de la toison d'or; mais il ne reçut pas l'ordre, parce qu'il étoit pélerin et qu'il mourut en route.] Pour l'instruction de ceux qui, comme moi, voudroient l'entreprendre, je dirai que l'usage est de traiter avec le grand trucheman de Jérusalem; que celui-ci commence par percevoir un droit pour le soudan et un autre pour lui, et qu'alors il envoie prévenir le trucheman de Gaza, qui à son tour traite du passage avec les Arabes du désert. Ces Arabes jouissent du droit de conduire les pélerins; et comme ils ne sont pas toujours fort soumis au soudan, on est obligé de se servir de leurs chameaux, qu'ils louent à deux ducats par bête. Le Sarrasin qui remplissoit alors l'emploi de grand trucheman se nommoit Nanchardin. Quand il eut reçu la réponse des Arabes, il nous assembla devant la chapelle qui est à l'entrée et à la gauche de l'église de Saint Sépulcre. Là il prit par écrit nos âges, noms, surnoms et signalemens très-détaillés, et en envoya le double au grand trucheman du Caire. Ces précautions ont lieu pour la sûreté des voyageurs, afin que les Arabes ne puissent en retenir aucun; mais je suis persuadé qu'il y entre aussi de la méfiance, et qu'on craint quelque échange ou quelque substitution qui fasse perdre le tribut. Prêts à partir, nous achetames du vin pour la route, et fîmes notre provision de vivre, excepté celle de biscuit, parce que nous devions en trouver à Gaza. Nanchardin nous fournit, pour notre monture et pour porter nos provisions, des anes et des mulets. Il nous donna un trucheman particulier, nommé Sadalva, et nous partîmes. Le premier lieu par lequel nous passâmes est un village, jadis beaucoup plus considérable et maintenant habité par des chrétiens de la ceinture, qui cultivent des vignes. Le second est une ville appellée Saint-Abraham; et située dans la vallée d'Hebron, où Notre Seigneur forma premièrement Adam, notre premier père. Là sont inhumés ensemble Abraham, Isaac et Jacob, avec leurs femmes. Mais ce tombeau est aujourd'hui enfermé dans une mosquée de Sarrasins. Nous desirions fort d'y entrer, et nous avançâmes même jusqu'à la porte; mais nos guides et notre trucheman nous dirent qu'ils n'oseroient nous y introduire de jour, à cause des risques qu'ils courroient, et que tout chrétien qui pénètre dans une mosquée est, mis à mort, à moins qu'il ne renonce à sa foi. Après la vallée d'Hébron nous en traversâmes une autre fort grande, près de laquelle on montre la montagne où saint Jean Baptiste fit sa pénitence. De là nous vînmes en pays désert loger dans une de ces maisons que la charité a fait bâtir pour les voyageurs, et qu'on appelle kan, et du kan nous nous rendîmes à Gaza. Gaza, située dans un beau pays, près de la mer et à l'entrée du désert, est une forte ville, quoique sans fermeture aucune. On prétend quelle appartint jadis au fort Sanson. On y montre encore son palais, ainsi que les colonnes de celui qu'il abbattit; mais je n'oserois garantir que ce sont les mêmes. Souvent les pélerins y sont traités durement, et nous en aurions fait l'épreuve sans le seigneur (le gouverneur), homme d'environ soixante ans et né Chercais (Circassien), qui reçut nos plaintes et nous rendit justice. Trois fois nous fûmes obligés de parôitre devant lui: l'une à raison de nos épées que nous portions; les deux autres pour des querelles que nous cherchoient les Moucres Sarrasins du pays. Plusieurs de nous vouloient acheter des ânes, parce que le chameau a un branle très-dur qui fatigue extrêmement quand on n'y est pas accoutumé. Un âne à Gaza se vendoit deux ducats; et les Moucres vouloient, non seulement nous empêcher d'en acheter, mais nous forcer d'en louer des leurs, et de les louer cinq ducats chacun jusqu'à Sainte Catherine. Le procès fut porté devant le seigneur. Pour moi, qui jusque-là n'avoîs point cessé de monter un chameau, et qui me proposois de ne point changer, je leur demandai de m'apprendre comment je pourrois monter un chameau et un âne tout à la fois. Le seigneur prononça en notre faveur, et il décida que nous ne serions obligés de louer des ânes aux Moucres qu'autant que cela nous conviendroit. Nous achetâmes les nouvelles provisions qui nous étoient nécessaires pour continuer notre voyage; mais, la veille de notre départ, quatre d'entre nous tombèrent malades, et ils retournèrent à Jérusalem. Moi, je partis avec les cinq autres, et nous vînmes à un village situé à l'entré du désert, et le seul qu'on trouve depuis, Gaza jusqu'à Sainte Catherine. Là messire Sanson de Lalaing nous quitta et s'en retourna aussi; de sort que je restai dans la compagnie de messire André (de Toulongeon), Pierre de Vaudrei, Godefroi (de Toisi) et Jean de la Roe. Nous voyageâmes ainsi deux journées dans le désert, sans y rien voir absolument qui mérite d'être raconté. Seulement un matin, avant le lever du soleil, j'aperçus courir un animal à quatre pattes, long de trois pieds environ, et qui n'avoit guère en hauteur plus qu'une palme. A sa vue nos Arabes s'enfuirent, et la bête alla se cacher dans une broussaille qui se trouvoit là. Messire André et Pierre de Vaudrey mirent pied à terre, et coururent à elle l'épée en main. Elle se mit à crier comme un chat qui voit approcher un chien. Pierre de Vaudrey la frappa sur le dos de la pointe dé son épée; mais il ne lui fit aucun mal, parce qu'elle est couverte de grosses écailles, comme un esturgeon. Elle s'élança sur messire André, qui d'un coup de la sienne lui coupa la cou en partie, la tourna sur le dos, les pieds en l'air, et la tua. Elle avoit la tête d'un fort lièvre, les pieds comme les mains d'un petit enfant, et une assez longue queue, semblable à celle des gros verdereaux (lézards verts). Nos Arabes et notre trucheman nous dirent qu'elle étoit fort dangereuse. [Footnote: D'après la description vague que donne ici la Brocquière, il paroît que l'animal dont il parle est le grand lézard appelé monitor, parce qu'on prétend qu'il avertit da l'approche du crocodile. Quant à la terreur qu'en avoient les Arabes, elle n'étoit point fondée.] A la fin de la seconde journée je fus saisi d'une fièvre ardente, si forte qu'il me fut impossible d'aller plus loin. Mes quatre compagnons, bien désolés de mon accident, me firent monter un âne, et me recommandèrent à un de nos Arabes, qu'ils chargèrent de me reconduire à Gaza, s'il étoit possible. Cet homme eut beaucoup soin de moi; ce qui ne leur est point ordinaire vis-à-vis des chrétiens. Il me tint fidèle compagnie, et me mena le soir passer la nuit dans un de leurs camps, qui pouvoit avoir quatre-vingts et quelques tentes, rangées en forme de rues. Ces tentes sont faites avec deux fourches qu'on plante en terre par leur gros bout à une certaine distance l'une de l'autre. Sur les deux fourches est posée en traverse une perche et sur la perche une grosse couverture en laine ou en gros poil. Quand j'arrivai, quatre ou cinq Arabes de la connoissance du mien vinrent au devant de nous. Ils me descendirent de mon âne, me firent coucher sur un matelas que je portois, et là, me traitant à leur guise, ils me pétirent et me pincèrent tant avec les [Footnote: C'est ce que nous appelons masser. Cette méthode est employée dans beaucoup de contrées de l'Orient pour certaines maladies.] mains que, de fatigue et de lassitude, je m'endormis et reposai six heures. Pendant tout ce temps aucun d'eux ne me fit le moindre déplaisir, et ils ne me prirent rien. Ce leur étoit cependant chose bien aisée; et je devois d'ailleurs les tenter, puisque je portois sur moi deux cents ducats, et que j'avois deux chameaux chargés de provisions et de vin. Je me remis en route avant le jour pour regagner Gaza: mais quand j'y arrivai je ne retrouvai plus ni mes quatre compagnons, ni même messire Sanson de Lalaing. Tous cinq étoient retournés à Jérusalem, et ils avoient emmené avec eux le truceman. Heureusement je trouvai un Juif Sicilien de qui je pus me faire entendre. Il fit venir près de moi un vieux Samaritain qui, par un remède qu'il me donna, appaisa la grande ardeur que j'endurois. Deux jours après, me sentant un peu mieux, je partis dans la compagnie d'un Maure. Il me mena par le chemin de la marine (de là côte.) Nous passâmes près d'Esclavonie (Ascalon), et vînmes, à travers un pays toujours agréable et fertile, à Ramlé, d'où je repris le chemin de Jérusalem. La première journée, je rencontrai sur ma route l'amiral (commandant) de cette ville. Il revenoit d'un pélerinage avec une troupe de cinquante cavaliers et de cent chameaux, montés presque tous par des femmes et des enfans qui l'avoient accompagné au lieu de sa dévotion. Je passai la nuit avec eux; et, le lendemain, de retour a Jérusalem, j'allai loger chez les cordeliers, à l'église du mont de Sion, où je retrouvai mes cinq camarades. En arrivant je me mis au lit pour me faire traiter de ma maladie, et je ne fus guéri et en état de partir que le 19 d'Août. Mais pendant ma convalescence je me rappelai que plusieurs fois j'avois entendu différentes personnes dire qu'il étoit impossible à un chrétien de revenir par terre de Jérusalem en France. Je n'oserois pas même, aujourd'hui que j'ai fait le voyage, assurer qu'il est sûr. Cependant il me sembla qu'il n'y a rien qu'un homme ne puisse entreprendre quand il est assez bien constitué pour supporter la fatigue, et qu'il possède argent et santé. Au reste, ce n'est point par jactance que je dis cela; mais, avec l'aide de Dieu et de sa glorieuse mère, qui jamais ne manque d'assister ceux qui la prient de bon coeur, je résolus de tenter l'aventure. Je me tus néanmoins pour le moment sur mon projet, et ne m'en ouvris pas même à mes compagnons. D'ailleurs je voulois, avant de l'entreprendre, faire encore quelques autres pélerinages, et spécialement ceux de Nazareth et du mont Thabor. J'allai donc prévenir de mon dessein Nanchardin, grand trucheman du soudan à Jérusalem, et il me donna pour mon voyage un trucheman particulier. Je comptois commerce par celui du Thabor, et déjà tout étoit arrangé; mais quand je fus au moment de partir, le gardien chez qui je logeois m'en détourna, et s'y opposa même de toutes ses forces. Le trucheman, de son coté, s'y refusa, et il m'annonça que je ne trouverois dans les circonstances personne pour m'accompagner, parce qu'il nous faudroit passer sur le territoire de villes qui étoient en guerre, et que tout récemment un Vénitien et son trucheman y avoient été assassinés. Je me restreignis done au second pélerinage, et messire Sanson de Lalaing voulut m'y accompagner, ainsi que Humbert. Nous laissames au mont de Sion messire Michel de Ligne, qui étoit malade. Son frère Guillaume resta près de lui avec an serviteur pour le garder. Nous autres nous partimes le jour de la mi-août, et notre intention étoit de nous rendre à Jaffa par Ramlé, et de Jaffa à Nazareth; mais avant de me mettre en route, j'allai au tombeau de Notre Dame implorer sa protection pour mon grand voyage. J'entendis aux cordeliers le service divin, et je vis là des gens qui se disent chrétiens, desquels il y en a de bien estranges, selon nostre manière. Le gardien de Jérusalem nous fit l'amitié de nous accompngner jusqu'à Jaffa, avec un frère cordelier du couvent de Beaune. La ils nous quittèrent, et nous prîmes une barque de Maures qui nous conduisit au port d'Acre. Ce port est beau, profond et bien fermé. La ville elle-même paroît avoir été grande et forte; mais il n'y subsiste plus maintenant que trois cent maisons situées à l'une de ses extrémités, et assez loin de la marine. Quant à notre pélerinage, nous ne pûmes l'accomplir. Des marchands Vénitiens que nous consultames nous en détournèrent, et nous primes le parti d'y renoncer. Il nous apprirent en même temps qu'on attendoit à Barut une galére de Narbonne. Mes camarades voulurent en profiter pour retourner en France, eten conséquence nous prîmes le chemin de cette ville. Nous vîmes en route Sur, ville fermée et qui a un bon port, puis Saïette (Séyde), autre port de mer assez bon. [Footnote: Sur est l'ancienne Tyr; Saiette, l'ancienne Sidon; Barut, l'ancienne Bérite.] Pour Barut, elle a été plus considérable qu'elle ne l'est aujourd'hui; mais son port est beau encore, profond et sûr pour les vaisseaux. On voit à l'une de ses pointes les restes d'un chateau fort qu'elle avoit autrefois, et qui est détruit. [Footnote: Les notions que nous donne ici la Brocquière sont intéressantes pour la géographie. Elles prouvent que tous ces ports de Syrie, jadis si commerçans et si fameux, aujourd'hui si dégradés et si complétement inutiles, étoient de son temps propres encore la plupart au commerce.] Moi qui n'étois occupé que de mon grand voyage, j'employai mon séjour dans cette ville à prendre sur cet objet des renseignemens et j'ai m'adressai pour cela à un marchand Génois nommé Jacques Pervézin. Il me conseilla d'aller à Damas; m'assura que j'y trouverois des marchands Vénitiens, Catalans, Florentins, Génois et autres, qui pourroient me guider par leurs conseils, et me donna même, pour un de ses compatriotes appelé Ottobon Escot, une lettre de recommendation. Résolu de consulter Escot avant de rien entreprendre, je proposai à messire Sanson d'aller voir Damas, sans cependant lui rien dire de mon projet. Il accepta volontiers la proposition, et nous partimes, conduit par un moucre. J'ai déja dit qu'en Syrie les moucres sont des gens dont le métier est de conduire les voyageurs et de leur louer des anes et des mulets. Au sortir de Barut nous eûmes à traverser de hautes montagnes jusqu'à une longue plaine appelée vallée de Noë, parce que Noë, dit-on, y batit son arche. La vallée a tout au plus une lieue de large; mais elle est agréable et fertile, arrosée par deux rivières et peuplée d'Arabes. Jusqu'à Damas on continue de voyager entre des montagnes au pied desquelles on trouve beaucoup de villages et de vignobles. Mais je préviens ceux qui, comme moi, auront à les traverser, de songer à se bien munir pour la nuit; car de ma vie je n'ai eu aussi froid. Cette excessive froidure a pour cause la chute de la rosée; et il en est ainsi par toute la Syrie. Plus la chaleur a été grande pendant le jour, plus la rosée est abondante et la nuit froide. II y a deux journées de Barut à Damas. Par toute la Syrie les Mahométans ont établi pour les chrétiens une coutume particulière qui ne leur permet point d'aller à cheval dans les villes. Aucun d'eux, s'il est connu pour tel, ne l'oseroit, et en conséquence notre moucre, avant d'entrer, nous fit mettre pied à terre, messire Sanson et moi. A peine étions nous entrés qu'une douzaine de Sarrasins s'approcha pour nous regarder. Je portois un grand chapeau de feutre, qui n'est point d'usage dans le pays. Un d'eux vint le frapper par dessous d'un coup de baton, et il me le jeta par terre. J'avoue que mon premier mouvement fut de lever le poing sur lui. Mais le moucre, se jetant entre nous deux, me poussa en arrière, et ce fut pour moi un vrai bonheur; car en un instant trente ou quarante autres personnes accoururent, et, si j'avois frappé, je ne sais ce que nous serions devenus. Je dis ceci pour avertir que les habitans de cette ville sont gens méchants qui n'entendent pas trop raison, et que par conséquent il faut bien se garder d'avoir querrelle avec eux. Il en est de même ailleurs. J'ai éprouvé par moi-même qu'il ne faut vis-à-vis d'eux ni faire le mauvais, ni se montrer peureux; qù'il ne feut ni paroitre pauvre, parce qu'ils vous mépriseroient; ni riche, parce qu'ils sont très avides, ainsi que l'expérimentent tous ceux qui débarquent à Jaffa. Damas peut bien contenir, m'a-t-on dit, cent mille âmes. [Footnote: Il y dans le texte cent mille hommes. Si, par ce mot hommes, l'auteur entend les habitans mâles, alors, pour comprendre les femmes dans la population, il faudroit compter plus de deux cent mille individus au lieu de cent mille. S'il entend les personnes en état de porter les aimes, son état de population est trop fort et ne peut être admis.] La ville est riche, marchande, et, après le Caire, la plus considérable de toutes celles que possède le soudan. Au levant, au septentrion et au midi, elle a une grande plaine; au ponant, une montagne au pied de laquelle sont batis les faubourgs. Elle est traversée d'une rivière qui s'y divise en plusieurs canaux, et fermée dans son enceinte seulement de belles murailles; car les faubourgs sont plus grands que la ville. Nulle part je n'ai vu d'aussi grands jardins, de meilleurs fruits, une plus grande abondance d'eau. Cette abondance est telle qu'il y a peu de maisons, m'a-t-on dit, qui n'aient leur fontaine. Le seigneur (le gouverneur) n'a, dons toute la Syrie et l'Egypte, que le seul soudan qui lui soit supérieur en puissance. Mais comme en différens temps quelques-uns d'eux se sont revoltés, les soudans ont pris des précautions pour les contenir. Du côté de terre est un grand et fort chateau qui a des fossés larges et profonds. Ils y placent un capitaine à leur choix, et jamais ce capitaine n'y laisse entrer le gouverneur. En 1400 Damas fut détruite en cendres par le Trambulant (Tamerlan). On voit encore des vestiges de ce désastre; et vers la porte qu'on appelle de Saint-Paul, il y a un quartier tout entier qui n'est pas rebâti. Dans la ville est un kan destiné à servir de dépôt de sûreté aux négocians pour leurs marchandises. On l'appelle kan Berkot, et ce nom lui a été donné, parce qu'il fut originairement la maison d'un homme nommé ainsi. Pour moi, je crois que Berkot étoit Français; et ce qui me le fait présumer, c'est que sur une pierre de sa maison sont sculptées des fleurs de lis qui paroissent aussi anciennes que les murs. Quoi qu'il en soit de son origine, ce fut un très-vaillant homme, et qui jouit encore dans le pays d'une haute renommée. Jamais, pendant tout le temps qu'il vécut et qu'il eut de l'autorité, les Persiens et Tartres (Persans et Tatars) ne purent gagner en Syrie la plus petite portion de terrain. Dès qu'il apprenoit qu'une de leurs armés y portoit les armes, il marchoit contre elle jusqu'à une rivière au-delà d'Alep, laquelle sépare la Syrie de la Perse, et qu'à vue de pays je crois être celle qu'on appelle Jéhon, et qui vient tomber à Misses en Turcomanie. On est persuadé à Damas que, s'il eût vécu, Tamerlan n'auroit pas osé porter ses armes de ce côté-là. Au reste ce Tamerlan rendit honneur à sa mémoire quand il prit la ville. En ordonnant d'y tout mettre à feu, il ordonna de respecter la maison de Berkot; il la fit garder pour la défendre de l'incendie, et elle subsiste encore. Les chrétiens ne sont vus à Damas qu'avec haine. Chaque soir on enferme les marchands dans leurs maisons. Il y a des gens préposés pour cela, et le lendemain ils viennent ouvrir les portes quand bon leur semble. J'y trouvai plusieurs marchands Génois, Vénitiens, Catalans, Florentins et Français. Ces derniers étoient venus y acheter différentes choses, spécialement des épices, et ils comptoient aller à Barut s'embarquer sur la galère de Narbonne qu'on y attendoit. Parmi eux il y avoit un nommé Jacques Coeur, qui depuis a joué un grand rôle en France et a été argentier du roi. Il nous dit que la galère étoit alors à Alexandrie, et que probablement messire André viendroit avec ses trois camarades la prendre à Barut. Hors de Damas et près des murs on me montra le lieu où saint Paul, dans une vision, fut renversé de cheval et aveuglé. Il se fit aussitôt conduire à Damas pour y recevoir le baptême, et l'endroit où on le baptisa est aujourd'hui une mosquée. Je vis aussi la pierre sur laquelle saint George monta à cheval quand il alla combattre le dragon. Elle a deux pieds en carré. On prétend qu'autrefois les Sarrasins avoient voulu l'enlever, et que jamais, quelques moyens qu'ils aient employés, ils n'ont pu y réussir. Après avoir vu Damas nous revinmes à Barut, messire Sanson et moi: nous y trouvâmes messire André, Pierre de Vaudrey, Geoffroi de Thoisi et Jean de la Roe, qui déja s'y étoient rendus, comme me l'avoit annoncé Jacques Coeur. La galère y arriva d'Alexandrie trois ou quatre jours après; mais, pendant ce court intervalle, nous fûmes témoins d'une fête que les Maures célébrèrent à leur ancienne manière. Elle commença le soir, au coucher du soleil. Des troupes nombreuses, éparses ça et la, chantoient et poussoient de grands cris. Pendant ce temps on tiroît le canon du château, et les gens de la ville lançoient en l'air, bien haut et bien loin, une manière de feu plus gros que le plus gros fallot que je visse oncques allumé. Ils me dirent qu'ils s'en servoient quelquefois à la mer pour brûler les voiles d'un vaisseau ennemi. Il me semble que, comme c'est chose bien aisée et de une petite despense, on pourroit l'employer également, soit à consumer un camp ou un village couvert en paille, soit dans un combat de cavalerie, à épouvanter les chevaux. Curieux d'en connoître la composition, j'envoyai vers celui qui le faisoit le valet de mon hôte, et lui fis demander de me l'apprendre. Il me répondit qu'il n'oseroit, et que ce seroit pour lui une affaire trop dangereuse, si elle étoit sue; mais comme il n'est rien qu'un Maure ne fasse pour de l'argent, je donnai à celui-ci un ducat, et, pour l'amour du ducat, il m'apprit tout ce qu'il savoit, et me donna même des moules en bois et autres ingrédiens que j'ai apportés en France. La veille de l'embarquement je pris à part messire André de Toulongeon, et après lui avoir fait promettre qu'il ne s'opposeroit en rien à ce que j'allois lui révéler, je lui fis part du projet que j'avois formé de retourner par terre. Conséquemment à sa parole donnée, il ne tenta point de m'en empêcher; mais il me représenta tout ce que j'allois courir de dangers, et celui sur-tout de me voir contraint à renier la foi de Jésus-Christ. Au reste j'avoue que ses représentations étoient fondées, et que de tous les périls dont il me menacoit il n'en est point, excepté celui de renier, que je n'aie éprouvés. II engagea également ses camarades à me parler; mais ils eurent beau faire, je les laissai partir et demeurai. Après leur départ je visitai une mosquée qui jadis avoit été une très-belle église, bâtie, disoit-on, par sainte Barbe. On ajoute que quand les Sarrasins s'en furent emparés, et que leurs crieurs voulurent y monter pour annoncer la prière, selon leur usage, ils furent si battus que depuis ce jour aucun d'eux n'a osé y retourner. II y a aussi un autre bâtiment miraculeux qu'on a changé en église. C'étoit auparavant une maison de Juifs. Un jour que ces gens-là avoient trouvé une image de Notre Seigneur, ils se mirent à la lapider, comme leurs pères jadis l'avoient lapidé lui-même; mais l'image ayant versé du sang, ils furent tellement effrayés du miracle, qu'ils se sauvèrent, allèrent s'accuser à l'évêque, et donnèrent même leur maison en réparation du crime. On en a fait une église, qui aujourd'hui est desservie par des cordeliers. Je logeai chez un marchand Vénitien nommé Paul Barberico; et comme je n'avois nullement renoncé à mes deux pélerinages de Nazareth et du Thabor, malgré les obstacles que j'y avois rencontrés et tout ce qu'on m'avoit dit pour m'en détourner, je le consultai sur ce double voyage. Il me procura un moucre qui se chargea de me conduire, et qui s'engagea même pardevant lui à me mener sain et sauf jusqu'à Damas, et à lui en rapporter un certificat signé par moi. Cet homme me fit habiller en Sarrasin; car les Francs, pour leur sûreté, quand ils voyagent, ont obtenu du soudan de prendre en route cet habillement. Je partis donc de Barut avec mon moucre le lendemain du jour où la galère avoit mis à la voile, et nous primes le chemin de Saïette, entre la mer et les montagnes. Souvent ces montagnes s'avancent si près du rivage qu'on est obligé de marcher sur la grève, et quelquefois elles en sont éloignées de trois quarts de lieue. Après une heure de marche je trouvai un petit bois de hauts sapins que les gens du pays conservent bien précieusement. Il est même sévèrement défendu d'en abattre aucun; mais j'ignore la raison de ce règlement. Plus loin étoit une rivière assez profonde. Mon moucre me dit que c'étoit celle qui vient de la vallée de Noë, mais qu'elle n'est pas bonne à boire. Elle a un pont de pierre, près duquel se trouve un kan où nous passâmes la nuit. Le lendemain je vins à Séyde, ville située sur la marine (sur la mer), et fermée du côté de terre par des fossés peu profonds. Sur, que les Maures nomment Four, est située de même. Il est abreuvé par une fontaine qu'on trouve à un quart de lieue vers le midi, et dont l'eau, très-bonne, vient, par-dessur des arches, se rendre dans la ville. Je ne fis que la traverser, et elle me parut assez belle; cependant elle n'est pas forte, non plus que Séyde, toutes deux ayant été détruites autrefois, ainsi qu'il paroît par leurs murailles, qui ne valent pas, à beaucoup près, celles de nos villes. La montagne, vers Sur, s'arrondît en croissant, et s'avance par ses deux pointes jusqu'à la mer. L'espace vide entre l'une et l'autre n'a point de villages; mais il y en a beaucoup le long de la montagne. Une lieue au-delà on trouve une gorge qui vous oblige de passer sur une falaise au haut de laquelle est une tour. Les cavaliers qui vont de Sur à Acre n'ont point d'autre route que ce passage, et la tour a été construite pour le garder. Depuis ce défilé jusqu'à Acre les montagnes sont peu élevées, et l'on y voit beaucoup d'habitations qui, pour la plupart, sont remplies d'Arabes. Près de la ville je rencontrai un grand seigneur du pays nommé Fancardin. Il campoit en plein champ, et portoit avec lui ses tentes. Acre, entourée de trois côtés par des montagnes, quoique avec une plaine d'environ quatre lieues, l'est de l'autre par la mer. J'y fis connoissance d'un marchand de Venise, nommé Aubert Franc, qui m'accueillit bien et qui me procura sur mes deux pélerinages des renseignemens utiles dont je profitai. A l'aide de ses avis je me mis en route pour Nazareth, et, après avoir traversé une grande plaine, je vins à la fontaine dont Notre Seigneur changea l'eau en vin aux noces d'Archétéclin; [Footnote: Architriclinus est un mot Latin formé du Grec, par lequel l'Evangile désigne le maître d'hôtel ou majordôme qui présidoit aux noces de Cana. Nos ignarans auteurs des bas siècles le prirent pour un nom d'homme, et cet homme ils en firent un saint, qu'ils appelèrent saint Architriclin. Dans la relation de la Brocquière, Architriclin est le marié de Cana.] elle est près d'un village où l'on dit que naquit saint Pierre. Nazareth n'est qu'un autre gros village bâti entre deux montagnes; mais le lieu où l'ange Gabriel vint annoncer à la vierge Marie qu'elle seroit mère fait pitié à voir. L'église qu'on y avoit bâtie est entièrement détruite, et il n'en subsiste plus qu'une petite chose (case), là où Nostre-Dame estoit quand l'angèle lui apparut. De Nazareth j'allai au Thabor, où fut faite la transfiguration de Notre Seigneur, et plusieurs autres miracles. Mais comme les paturages y attirent beaucoup d'Arabes qui viennent y mener leurs bêtes, je fus obligé de prendre pour escorte quatre autres hommes, dont deux étoient Arabes eux-mêmes. La montée est trés-rude parce qu'il n'y a point de chemin; je la fis à dos de mulet, et j'y employai deux heures. La cime se termine par un plateau presque rond, qui peut avoir en longeur deux portées d'arc et une de large. Jadis il fut enceient d'une muraille dont on voit encore des restes avec des fossés, et dans le pourtour, en dedans du mur, étoient plusieurs églises, et spéciàlement une où l'on gagne encore, quoiqu'elle soit ruinée, plain pardon de paine et de coulpe. Au levant du Thabor, et au pied de la montagne, on aperçoit Tabarie (Tibériade), au-delà de laquelle coule le Jourdain; au couchant est une grande plaine fort agréable par ses jardins remplis de palmiers portant dattes, et par de petits bosquets d'arbres, plantés comme des vignes, et sur lesquels croit le coton. Au lever du soleil ceux-ci présentent un aspect singulier. En voyant leurs feuilles vertes couvertes de coton, on diroit qu'il a neigé sur eux. [Footnote: Il est probable qu'ici le voyageur s'est trompe. Le cotonnier a par ses feuilles quelque ressemblance avec celles de la vigne. Elles sont lobées de même; mais le coton naît dans des capsules, et non sur des feuilles. On connoît en botanique plusieurs arbres dont les feuilles sont couvertes à leur surface extérieure d'un duvet blanc; mais on n'en connoît aucune qui produise du coton.] Ce fut dans cette plaine que je descendis pour me reposer et diner; car j'avois apporté des poulets crus et du vin. Mes guides me conduisirent dans une maison dont le maître, quand il vit mon vin, me prit pour un homme de distinction et m'accueillit bien. Il m'apporta une écuelle de lait, une de miel, et une branche chargée de dattes nouvelles. C'étoit la première fois de ma vie que j'en voyois. Je vis encore comment on travailloit le coton, et pour ce travail les ouvriers étoient des hommes et des femmes. Mais là aussi mes guides voulurent me rançonner, et, pour me reconduire à Nazareth où je les avois pris, ils exigèrent de moi un marché nouveau. Je n'avois point d'épée, car j'avoue que je l'aurois tirée, et c'eût été folie à moi, comme c'en seroit une à ceux qui m'imiteroient. Le résultat de la querelle fut que, pour me débarrasser d'eux, il me fallut leur donner douze drachmes de leur monnoie, lesquelles valent un demi-ducat. Dès qu'ils les eurent reçues ils me quittèrent tous quatre; de sorte que je fus obligé de m'en revenir seul avec mon moucre. Nous avions fait peu de chemin, quand nous vimes venir à nous deux Arabes armés à leur manière et montés sur de superbes chevaux. Le moucre, en les voyant, eut grande peur. Heureusement ils passèrent sans nous rien dire; mais il m'avoua que, s'ils m'eussent soupçonné d'être chrétien, nous étions perdus, et qu'ils nous eussent tués tous deux sans rémission, ou pour le moins dépouillés en entier. Chacun d'eux portoit une longue et mince perche ferrée par les deux bouts, don't l'un étoit tranchant, l'autre arrondi, mais garni de plusieurs taillans, et long d'un empan. Leur écu (bouclier) étoit rond, selon leur usage, convexe dans la partie du milieu, et garni au centre d'une grosse pointe de fer; mais depuis cette pointe jusqu'au bas il étoit orné de longues franges de soie. Ils avoient pour vêtement des robes dont les manches, larges de plus d'un pied et demi, dépassoient leur bras, et pour toque un chapeau rond terminé en pointe, de laine cramoisie, et velu; mais ce chapeau, au lieu d'avoir sa toile tortillée tout autour, comme l'ont les autres Maures, l'avoit pendante fort bas des deux côtés, dans toute sa largeur. Nous allâmes de là loger à Samarie, parce que je voulois visiter la mer de Tabarie (lac de Tibériade), où l'on dit que saint Pierre pèchoit ordinairement, et y a aucuns (quelques) pardons; c'étoient les quatre-temps de Septembre. Le moucre me laissa seul toute la journée. Samarie est située sur la pointe d'une montagne. Nous n'y entrames qu'à la chute de jour, et nous en sortimes à minuit pour nous rendre au lac. Le moucre avoit préféré cette heure, afin d'esquiver le tribut que paient ceux qui s'y rendent; mais la nuit m'empêcha de voir le pays d'alentour. J'allai ensuite au puits qu'on nomme puits de Jacob, parce que Jacob y fut jeté par ses frères. Il y a là une belle mosquée, dans laquelle j'entrai avec mon moucre, parce que je feignis d'être Sarrasin. Plus loin est un pont de pierre sur lequel on passe le Jourdain, et qu'on appelle le pont de Jacob, à cause d'une maison qui s'y trouve, et qui fut, dit-on, celle de ce patriarche. Le fleuve sort d'un grand lac situé au pied d'une montagne vers le nordouest (nord-ouest), et sur la montagne est un beau chateau possédé par Nancardin. Du lac je pris le chemin de Damas. Le pays est assez agréable, et quoiqu'on y marche toujours entre deux rangs de montagnes, il a constamment une ou deux lieues de large. Cependant on y trouve un endroit fort étrange. Là le chemin est réduit uniquement à ce qu'il faut pour le passage des chevaux tout le reste, à gauche, dans une largeur et une longueur d'une lieue environ, ne présente qu'un amas immense de cailloux pareils à ceux de rivière, et dont la plupart sont gros comme des queues de vin. Au débouché de ce lieu est un très-beau kan, entouré de fontaines et de ruisseaux. A quatre ou cinq milles de Damas il y en a un autre, le plus magnifique que j'aie vu de ma vie. Celui-ci est près d'une petite rivière formée par des sources; et en général plus on approche de la ville et plus le pays est beau. Là je trouvai un Maure tout noir qui venoit du Caire à course de chameau, et qui étoit venu en huit jours, quoiqu'il y eût, me dit-on, seize journées de marche. Son chameau lui avoit échappé: à l'aide de mon moucre je parvins à le lui faire reprendre. Ces coureurs ont une selle fort singulière, sur laquelle ils sont assis les jambes croisées; mais la rapidité des chameaux qui les conduisent est si grande que, pour résister à l'impression de l'air, ils se font serrer d'un bandage la tête et le corps. Celui-ci étoit porteur d'un ordre du soudan. Une galère et deux galiotes du prince de Tarente avoient pris devant Tripoli de Syrie une griperie [Footnote: Griperie, grip, sorte de bâtiment pour aller en course, vaisseau corsaire.] de Maures: le soudan, par représailles, envoyoit saisir à Damas et dans toute la Syrie tous les Catalans et les Génois qui s'y trouvoient. Cette nouvelle, dont je fus instruit par mon moucre, ne m'effraya pas. J'entrai hardiment dans la ville avec les Sarrasins, parce que, habillé comme eux, je crus n'avoir rien à craindre. Mon voyage avoit duré sept jours. Le lendemain de mon arrivée je vis la caravane qui revenoit de la Mecque. On la disoit composée de trois mille chameaux: et en effet elle employa pour entrer dans la ville près de deux jours et deux nuits. Cet événement fut, selon l'usage, une grande fête. Le seigneur de Damas, ainsi que les plus notables, allèrent au devant de la caravane, par respect pour l'Alkoran qu'elle avoit. Ce livre est la loi qu'a laissée aux siens Mahomet. Il étoit enveloppé d'une étoffe de soie peinte et chargée de lettres morisque, et un chameau le portoit, couvert lui-même également de soie. En avant du chameau marchoient quatre ménestrels (musiciens) et une grande quantité de tambours et de nacquaires (timbales) qui faisoient ung hault bruit. Devant et autour de lui étoient une trentaine d'hommes dont les uns portoient des arbalètes, les autres des épées nues, d'autres de petits canons (arquebuses) qu'ils tiroient de temps en temps. [Footnote: L'auteur ne dit pas si ces arquebuses étoient à fourchette, à mèche, à rouet; mais il est remarquable que nos armes à feu portatives; dont l'invention étoit encore assez récente en Europe, fussent dès-lors en usage chez les Mahométans d'Asie.] Par derrière suivoient huit vieillards, qui montoient chacun un chameau de course près duquel on menoit en lesse leur cheval, magnifiquement couvert et orné de riches selles, selon la mode du pays. Après eux enfin venoit une dame Turque, parente de grand-seigneur: elle étoit dans une litière que portoient deux chameaux richement parés et couverts. Il y avoit plusieurs de ces animaux couverts de drap d'or. La caravane étoit composée de Maures, de Turcs, Barbes (Barbaresques), Tartres (Tatars), Persans et autres sectateurs du faux prophète Mahomet. Ces gens-là prétendent que, quand ils ont fait une fois le voyage de la Mecque, ils ne peuvent plus être damnés. Cest ce que m'assura un esclave renégat. Vulgaire (Bulgare) de naissance, lequel appartenoit à la dame dont je viens de parler. Il s'appeloit Hayauldoula, ce qui en Turc signifie serviteur de Dieu, et prétendoit avoir été trois fois à la Mecque. Je me liai avec lui, parce qu'il parloit un peu Italien, et souvent même il me tenoit compagnie la nuit ainsi que le jour. Plusieurs fois, dans nos entretiens, je l'interrogeai sur Mahomet, et lui demandai où reposoit son corps. Il me répondit que c'étoit à la Mecque; que la fiertre (chasse) qui le renfermoit se trouvoit dans une chapelle ronde, ouverte par le haut: que c'étoit par cette ouverture que les pélerins alloient voir la fiertre, et que parmi eux il y en avoit qui, après l'avoir vue, se faisoient crever les yeux, parce qu'après cela le monde ne pouvait rien offrir, disoient-ils, qui méritat leur regards. Effectivement il y en avoit deux dans la troupe, l'un d'environ seize ans, l'autre de vingt-deux à vingt-trois, qui c'étoient fait aveugler ainsi. Hayauldoula me dit encore que c'nest point à la Mecque qu'on gagne les pardons, mais à Méline (Médine), ville où saint Abraham fist faire une maison qui y est encoires. [Footnote: Notre voyageur a confondu: c'est à Médine, et non à la Mecque, qu'est le tombeau de Mahomet; c'est à la Mecque, et non à Médine, qu'est la prétendue maison d'Abraham, que les pélerins gagnent les pardons et que se fait le grand commerce.] La maison est en forme de cloitre, et le pélerins en font le tour. Quant à la ville, elle est sur le bord de la mer. Les hommes de la terre du prêtre Jean (les Indiens) y apportent sur de gros vaisseaux les épices et autres marchandises que produit leur pays. C'est là que les Mahométans vont les acheter. Ils les chargent sur des chameaux ou sur d'autres bêtes de somme, et les portent au Caire, à Damas et autres lieux, ainsi qu'on sait. De la Mecque à Damas il y a quarante journées de marche à travers le désert; les chaleurs y sont excessives, et la caravane avoit eu plusieurs personnes étouffées. Selon l'esclave renégat, celle de Médine doit annuellement être compossée de sept cent mille personnes; et quand ce nombre n'est pas complet, Dieu; pour le remplir, y envoie des agnes. Au grand jour du jugement Mahomet fera entrer en paradis autant de personnes qu'il voudra, et la ils auront à discrétion du lait et des femmes. Comme sans cesse j'entendois parler de Mohomet, je voulus savoir sur lui quelque chose, et m'adressai pour cela à un prêtre qui dans Damas étoit attaché au consul des Vénitiens, qui disoit souvent la messe à l'hôtel confessoit les marchands de cette nation, et, en cas de danger, régloit leurs affaires. Je me confessai à lui, je réglai les miennes, et lui demandai s'il connoissoit l'historie de Mahomet. Il me dit que oui, et qu'il savoit tout son Alkoran. Alors je le suppliai le mieux qu'il me fut possible de rédiger par écrit ce qu'il en connoissoit, afin que je pusse le présenter à monseigneur le duc. [Footnote: Le duc de Bourgogne, auquel étoit attaché la Brocquière. Par tout ce que cit ici le voyageur on voit combien peu étoit connu en Europe le fondateur de l'Islamisme et l'auteur du Koran.] Il le fit avec plaisir, et j'ai apporté avec moi son travail. Mon projet étoit de me rendre à Bourse. On m'aboucha en conséquence avec un Maure qui s'engagea dam'y conduire en suivant la caravane. Il me demandoit trente ducats et sa dépense: mais on m'avertit de me défier des Maures comme gens de mauvaise foi, sujets à fausser leur promesse, et je m'abstins de conclure. Je dis ceci pour l'instruction des personnes qui auroient affaire à eux; car je les crois tels qu'on me les a peints. Hayauldoula me procura de son côté la connoissance de certains marchands du pays de Karman (de Caramanie). Enfin je pris un autre moyen. Le grand-Turc a pour les pélerins qui vont à la Mecque un usage qui lui est particulier, au moins j'ignore si les autres puissances Mahométanes l'observent aussi: c'est que, quand ceux de ses états partent, il leur donne à son choix un chef auquel ils sont tenus d'obéir ainsi qu'à lui. Celui de la caravane s'appeloit Hoyarbarach; il étoit de Bourse, et c'étoit un des principaux habitans. Je me fis présenter à lui par mon hôte et par une autre personne, comme un homme qui vouloit aller voir dans cette ville un frère qu'il y avoit, et ils le prièrent de me recevoir dans sa troupe et de m'y accorder sûreté. Il demanda si je savois l'Arabe, le Turc, l'Hébreu, la langue vulgaire, le Grec; et comme je répondis que non: Eh bien, que veut-il donc devenir? reprit-il. Cependant, sur la répresentation qu'on lui fit que je n'osois, à cause de la guerre, aller par mer, et que s'il daignoit m'admettre je ferois comme je pourrois, il y consentit, et après s'être mis les deux mains sur sa tête et avoir touché sa barbe, il dit en Turc que je pouvois me joindre à ses esclaves; mais il exigea que je fusse vêtu comme eux. D'après cela j'allai aussitôt, avec un de mes deux conducteurs, au marché qu'on appelle bathsar (bazar). J'y achetai deux longues robes blanches qui me descenoient jusqu'au talon, une toque accomplie (turban complet), une ceinture de toile, une braie (caleçon) de futaine pour y mettre le bas de ma robe, deux petits sacs ou besaces, l'un pour mon usage, l'autre pour suspendre à la tête de mon cheval quand je lui ferois manger son orge et sa paille: une cuiller et une salière de cuir, un tapis pour coucher; anfin un paletot (sorté de pour-point) de panne blanche que je fis couvrir de toile, et qui me servit beaucoup la nuit J'achetai aussi un tarquais blanc et garni (sorte de carquois), auquel pendoient une épée et des couteaux: mais pour le tarquais et l'épée je ne pus en faire l'acquisition que secrètement; car, si ceux qui ont l'administration de la justice l'avoient su, le vendeur et moi nous eussions couru de grands risques. Les épées de Damas sont le plus belles et les meilleures de tout la Syrie; mais c'est une chose curieuse de voir comment ils les brunissent. Cette opération se fait avant la trempe. Ils ont pour cela une petite pièce de bois dans laquelle est enté un fer; ils la passent sur la lame et enlévent ainsi se; inégalités de même qu'avec un rabot on enlève celles du bois; ensuite ils la trempent, puisla polissent. Ce poli est tel que quand quelqu'un veut arranger son turban, il se sert de son épée comme d'un mirior. Quant à la trempe, elle est si parfaite que nulle part encore je n'ai vu d'épée trancher aussi bien. On fait aussi à Damas et dans le pays des miroirs d'acier qui grossissent les objets comme un miroir ardent. J'en ai vu qui, quand on les exposoit au soleil, percoient, à quinze ou seize pieds de distance, une planche et y mettoient le feu. J'achetai un petit cheval, qui se trouva très-bon. Avant de partir je le fis ferrer à Damas; et de là jusqu'à Bourse, quoiqu'il y ait près de cinquante journées, je n'eus rien à fair à ses pieds, excepté à l'un de ceux de devant, où il prit une enclosure qui trois semaines après le fit boiter. Voici comme ils ferrent leurs chevaux. Les fers sont légers, très-minces, allongés sur les talons, et plus amincis encore là que vers la pince. Ils n'ont point de retour [Footnote: Je crois que par retour la Brocquière a entendu ce crochet nommé crampon qui est aux nôtres, et qu'il a voulu dire que ceux de Damas étoient plats.] et ne portent que quartre trous, deux de chaque côté. Les clous sont carrés, avec une grosse et lourde tête. Faut-il appliquer le fer: s'il est besoin qu'on le retravaille pour l'ajuster, on le bat à froid sans le mettre au feu, et on le peut à cause de son peu d'épaisseur. Pour parer le pied du cheval on se sert d'une serpette pareille à celle qui est d'usage en-de-çà de la mer pour tailler la vigne. Les chevaux de ce pays n'ont que le pas et le galop. Quand on en achète, on choisit ceux qui ont le plus grand pas: comme en Europe on prend de préférence ceux qui trottent le mieux. Ils ont les narines très-fendues courent très bien, sont excellens, et d'ailleurs coûtent très-peu, puisqu'ils ne mangent que la nuit, et qu'on ne leur donne qu'un peu d'orge avec de la paille picquade (hachée). Jamais ile ne boivent que l'après-midi, et toujours, même à l'écurie, on leur laisse la bride en bouche, comme aux mules. La ils sont attachés par les pieds de derrière et confondus tous ensemble, chevaux et jumens. Tous sont hongres, excepté quelques'uns qu'on garde comme étalons. Si vous avez affaire à un homme riche, et que vouz alliez le trouver chez lui, il vous menera, pour vous parler, dans son écurie: aussi sont-elles tenues très-fraîches et très-nettes. Nous autres, nous aimons un cheval entier, de bonne race; les Maures n'estiment que les jumens. Chez eux, un grand n'a point honte de monter une jument que son poulain suit par derrière. [Footnote: Ce trait fait allusion aux préjugés alors en usage chez les chevaliers d'Europe. Comme ils avoient besoin, pour les tournois et les combats, de chevaux très-forts, ils ne se servoient que de chevaux entiers, et se seroient crus dêshonorés de monter une jument.] J'en ai vu d'une grande beauté, et qui se vendoient jusqu'a deux et trois cents ducats. Au reste, leur coutume est de tenir leurs chevaux sur le maigre (de ne point les laisser engraisser). Chez eux, les gens de bien (gens riches, qui ont du bien) portent tons, quand ils sont à cheval, un tabolcan (petit tambour), dont ils se servent dans les batailles et les escarmouches pour se rassembler et se rallier; ils l'attachent à arçon de leur selle, et le frappent avec une baguette de cuir plat. J'en achetai un aussi, avec des éperons et des bottes vermeilles qui montoient jusqu'aux genoux, selon la coutume du pays. Pour témoigner ma reconnoissance à Hoyarbarach j'allai lui offrir un pot de gingembre vert. Il le refusa, et ne ce fut qu'à force d'instances et de prières que je vins à bout de le lui faire accepter. Je n'eus de lui d'autre parole et d'autre assurance que celle dont j'ai parlé cidessus. Cependant je ne trouvai en lui que franchise et layauté, et plus peut-être que j'en aurois éprouvé de beaucoup de chrétiens. Dieu, qui me favorisoit en tout dans l'accomplissement de mon voyage, me procura la connoissance d'un Juif de Caffa qui parloit Tartare et Italien; je le priai de m'aider à mettre en écrit dans ces deux langues toutes les choses dont je pouvois avoir le plus de besoin en route pour moi et pour mon cheval. Dès notre première journée, arrivé à Ballec, je tirai mon papier pour savoir comment on appeloit l'orge et la paille hachée que je voulois faire donner à mon cheval. Dix ou douze Turcs qui étoient autour de moi se mirent à rire en me voyant. Ils s'approchèrent pour regarder mon papier, et parurent cussi étonnés de mon écriture que nous le sommea de la leur; néanmoins ils me prirent en amitié, et firent tous leurs efforts pour m'apprendre à parler. Ils ne se laissoient point de me répéter plusieurs fois la même chose, et la redisoient si souvent et de tant de manières, qu'il falloit bien que je la retinsse; aussi, quand nous nous séparâmes, savois-je déja demander pour moi et pour mon cheval tout ce qui m'étoit nécessaire. Pendant le séjour qué fit à Damas la caravane, j'allai visiter un lieu de pélerinage, qui est à seize milles environ vers le nord, et qu'on nomme Notre-Dame de Serdenay. Il faut, pour y arriver, traverser une montagne qui peut bien avoir un quart de lieue, et jusqu'à laquelle s'étendent les jardins de Damas; on descend ensuite dans une vallée charmante, remplie de vignes et de jardins, et qui a une belle fontaine dont l'eau est bonne. Là est une roche sur laquelle on a construit un petit château avec une église de callogero (de caloyers), où se trouve une image de la Vierge, peinte sur bois: sa tête, dit-on est portée par miracle; quant à la manière, je l'ignore. On ajoute qu'elle sue toujours, et que cette sueur est une huile. [Footnote: Plusieurs de nos cuteurs du treizième siècle font mention de cette vierge de Serdenay, devenue fameuse pendant les croisades, et ils parlent de sa sueur huileuse, qui passoit pour faire beaucoup de miracles. Ces fables d'exsudations, miraculeuses étoient communes en Asie. On y vantoit entre autres celle qui découloit du tombeau de l'evêque Nicolas, l'un de ces saints dont l'existence est plus que douteuse. Cette liqueur prétendue de Nicolas etoit même un objet de culte; et nous lisons qu'en 1651, un curé de Paris en ayant reçut une phiole, il demanda et obtint de l'archevêque la permission de l'exposer à la vénération des fidèles, (Hist. de la ville et du diocèse de Paris, par Lebeuf. t. I., part. 2, p. 557.)] Tout ce que je puis dire, c'est que quand j'y allai on me montra, au bout de l'église, derrière le grand autel, une niche pratiquée dans le mur, et que là je vis l'image, qui est une chose plate, et qui peut avoir un pied et demi de haut sur un de large. Je ne puis dire si elle est de bois ou de pierre, parce qu'elle étoit couverte entièrement de drapeaux. Le devant étoit fermé par un treillis de fer, et au-dessous il y avoit un vase qui contenoit de l'huile. Une femme qui étoit là vint à moi; elle remua les drapeaux avec une cuillère d'argent, et voulut me faire, le signe de la croix au front, aux tempes et sur la poitrine. Il me sembla que tout cela étoit une pratique pour avoir argent; cependant je ne veux point dire par-là que Notre-Dame n'ait plus de pouvoir encore que cette image. Je revins à Damas, et, la ville du départ, je réglai mes affaires et disposai ma conscience, comme si j'eusse dû mourir; mais tout-à-coup je me vis dans l'embarras. J'ai parlé du courier qu'avoit envoyé le Soudan pour faire arrêter les marchands Génois et Catalans qui se trouvoient dans ses Etats. En venu de cet ordre, on prit mon hôte, qui étoit Génois; ses effets furent saisis, et l'on plaça chez lui un Maure pour les garder. Moi, je cherchai à lui sauver tout ce que je pourrois, et afin que le Maure ne s'en aperçût pas, je l'enivrai. Je fus arrêté à mon tour, et conduit devant un des cadis, gens qu'ils regardent comme nous nos évêques, et qui sont chargés d'administrer la justice. Le cadi me renvoya vers un autre, qui me fit conduire en prison avec les marchands. Il savoit bien pourtant que je ne l'étois pas; mais cette affaire m'étoît suscitée par un trucheman qui vouloit me rançonner, comme il l'avoit déjà tenté à mon premier voyage. Sans Autonine Mourrouzin, consul de Venise, il m'eut fallu payer; mais je restai en prison, et pendant ce temps la caravane partit. Pour obtenir ma liberté, le consul et quelques autres personnes furent obligés dé faire des démarches auprès du roi (gouverneur) de Damas, alléguant qu'on m'avoit arrêté à tort et sans cause, et que le trucheman le savoit bien. Le seigneur me fit venir devant lui avec un Génois nommé Gentil Impérial, qui étoit un marchand de par le Soudan, pour aller acheter des esclaves à Caffa. Il me demanda qui j'étois, et ce que je venois faire à Damas; et, sur ma réponse que j'étois Français, venu en pélerinage à Jérusalem, il dit qu'on avoit tort de me retenir, et que je pouvois partir quand il me plairoit. Je partis donc, le lendemain 6 Octobre, accompagné d'un moucre, que je chargeai d'abord de transporter hors de la ville mes habillemens Turcs, parce qu'il n'est point permis à un chrétien d'y paroître avec la toque blanche. A peu de distance est une montagne où l'on montre une maison qu'on dit avoir été celle de Caïn; et, pendant la première journée, nous n'eumes que des montagnes, quoique le chemin soit bon; mais à la seconde nons trouvames un beau pays, et il continua d'etre agréable jusqu'à Balbec. C'est là que mon moucre me quitta, et que je trouvai la caravane. Elle étoit campée près d'une rivière, à cause de la chaleur qui régne dans le pays; et cependant les nuits y sont très-froides (ce qu'on aura peine a croire), et les rosées très-abondantes. J'allai trouver Hoyarbarach, qui me confirma la permission qu'il m'avoit donnée de venir avec lui, et qui me recommenda de ne point quitter la troupe. Le lendemain matin, à onze heures, je fis boire mon cheval, et lui donnai la paille et l'avoine, selon l'usage de nos contrées. Pour cette fois les Turcs ne me dirent rien; mais le soir, à six heures, quand, après l'avoir fait boire, je lui attachai sa besace pour qu'il mangeât, ils s'y opposèrent et détachèrent le sac. Telle est leur coutume: leur chevaux ne mangent qu'à huit, et jamais ils n'en laissent manger un avant les autres, à moins que ce ne soit pour paitre l'herbe. Le chef avoit avec lui un mamelus (mamelouck) du soudan, qui étoit Cerquais (Circassien), et qui alloit dans la pays de Karman chercher un de ses frères. Cet homme, quand il me vit, seul, et ne sachant point la langue du pays, volut charitablement me servir de compagnon, et il me prit avec lui. Cependant, comme il n'avoit point de tente, nous fûmes souvent obligés de passer la nuit dans des jardins sous des arbres. Ce fut alors qu'il me fallut apprendre à coucher sur la dure, à ne boire que de l'eau, à m'asseoir à terre, les jambes croisées. Cette posture me coûta d'abord beaucoup; mais ce à quoi j'eus plus de peine encore à m'accoutumer, fut d'être à cheval avec des étriers courts. Dans le commencemens je souffrois si fort, que, quand j'étois descendu, je ne pouvois remonter sans aide, tant les jarrets me faisoient mal; mais lorsque j'y fus accoutumé, cette manière me parut plus commode que la nôtre. Dès le jour même je soupai avec mon mamelouck, et nous n'eumes que du pain, du fromage et du lait. J'avois, pour manger, une nappe, à la mode des gens riches du pays. Elles ont quatre pieds de diamètre, et sont rondes, avec des coulisses tout autour; de sorte qu'on peut les fermer comme une bourse. Veulent-ils manger, ils les étendent; ont-ils mangé, ils les resserrent, et y renferment tout ce qui reste, sans vouloir rien perdre, ni une miette de pain, ni un grain de raisin. Mais ce que j'ai remarqué, c'est qu'après leur repas, soit qu'il fut bon, soit qu'il fut mauvais, jamais ils ne manquoient de remercier Dieu tout haut. Balbec est une bonne ville, bien fermée de murs, et assez marchande. Au centre étoit un château, fait de très-grosses pierres. Maintenant il renferme une mosquée dans laquelle est, dit-on, une tête humaine qui a des yeux si énormes, qu'un homme passeroit aisément la sienne à travers leur ouverture. Je ne puis assurer le fait, attendu que pour entrer dans la mosquée il faut être Sarrasin. De Balbec nous allâmes à Hamos, et campâmes sur une rivière. Ce fut là que je vis comment ils campent et tendent leurs pavillons. Les tentes ne sont ni très-hautes ni très-grandes; de sorte qu'il ne faut qu'un homme pour les dresser, et que six à huit personnes peuvent s'y tenir à l'aise pendant les chaleurs du jour. Dans le cours de la journée ils en ôtent le bas, afin de donner passage à l'air. La nuit, ils le remettent pour avoir plus chaud. Un seul chameau en porte sept ou huit avec leurs mâts. Il y en a de très-belles. Mon compagnon, le mamelouck, et moi, qui n'en avions point, nous allâmes nous établir dans un jardin. Il y vint aussi deux Turquemans (Turcomans) de Satalie, qui revenoient de la Mecque, et qui soupèrent avec nous. Mais quand ces deux hommes me virent bien vêtu, ayant bon cheval, belle épée, bon tarquais, ils proposèrent au mamelouck, ainsi que lui-même me l'avoua par la suite lorsque nous nous séparâmes, de se défaire de moi, vu que j'étois chrétien et indigne d'être dans leur compagnie. II répondît que, puisque j'avois mangé avec eux le pain et le sel, ce seroit un crime; que leur loi le leur défendoit, et qu'après tout Dieu faisoit les chrétiens comme les Sarrasins. Néanmoins ils persistèrent dans leur projet; et comme je témoignois le desir de voir Halep, la ville la plus considérable de Syrie après Damas, ils me pressèrent de me joindre à eux. Moi qui ne savois rien de leur dessein, j'acceptai; et je suis convaincu, aujourd'hui qu'ils ne vouloient que me couper la gorge. Mais le mamelouck leur défendit de venir davantage avec nous, et par-là il me sauva la vie. Nous étions partis de Balbec deux heures avant le jour, et notre caravane étoit compsée de quatre à cinq cents personnes, et de six ou sept cents chameaux et mulets, parce qu'elle portoit beaucoup d'épices. Voici leur manière de se mettre en marche. Il y a dans la troupe une très-grande nacquaire (très grosse timbale). Au moment où le chef veut qu'on parte, il fait frapper trois coups. Aussitôt tout le monde s'apprête, et à mesure que chacun est prêt, il se met à la file sans dire un seul mot: Et feront plus de bruit dix d'entre nous que mil de ceux-là. On marche ainsi en silence, à moins que ce ne soit la nuit, et que quelqu'un ne veuille chanter une chanson de gestes.[Footnote: On appeloit en France chansons de gestes celles qui célébroient les gestes et belles actions des anciens héros.] Au point du jour, deux ou trois d'entre eux, fort éloignés les uns des autres, crient et se répondent, comme on le fait sur les mosquées aux heures d'usage. Enfin, peu après, et avant le lever du soleil, les gens dévots font leurs prières et ablutions ordinaires. Pour ces ablutions, s'ils sont auprès d'un ruisseau, ils descendent de cheval, se mettent les pieds nus, et se lavant les mains, les pieds, le visage et tous les conduits du corps. S'ils n'ont pas de ruisseau, ils passent la main sur ces parties. Le dernier d'entre eux se lave la bouche et l'ouverture opposée, après quoi il se tourne vers le midi. Tous alors lèvent deux doigts en l'air; ils se prosternent et baisent la terre trois fois, puis ils se relèvent et font leurs prières. Ces ablutions leur ont été ordonnées en lieu de confession. Les gens de distinction, pour n'y point manquer, portent toujours en voyage des bouteilles de cuir pleines d'eau: on les attache sous le ventre des chameaux et des chevaux, et ordinairement elles sont très-belles. Ces peuples s'accroupissent, pour uriner, comme les femmes; après quoi ils se frottent le canal contre une pierre, contre un mur ou quelque autre chose. Quant à l'autre besoin, jamais après l'avoir satisfait ils ne s'essuient. Hamos (Hems), bonne ville, bien fermée de murailles avec des fossés glacés (en glacis), est située dans une plaine sur une petite rivière. Là vient aboutir la plaine de Noë, qui s'étend, dit-on, jusqu'en Berse. C'est par elle que déboucha ce Tamerlan qui prit et détruisit tant de villes. A l'extrémité de la ville est un beau château, construit sur une hauteur, et tout en glacis jusqu'au pied du mur. De Hamos nous vinmes à Hamant (Hama). Le pays est beau; mais je n'y vis que peu d'habitans, excepté les Arabes qui rebâtissoient quelques-uns des villages détruits. Je trouvai dans Hamant un marchand de Venise nommé Laurent Souranze. Il m'accueillit, me logea chez lui, et me fit voir la ville et le chateau. Elle est garnie de bonnes tours, close de fortes et épaisses murailles, et construite, comme le chateau de Provins, sur une roche, dans laquelle on a creusé au ciseau des fossés fort profonds. A l'une des extrémités se voit le château, beau et fort, tout en glacis jusqu'au pied du mur, et construit sur une élévation. Il est entouré d'une citadelle qu'il domine, et baigné par une rivière qu'on dit être l'une des quatre qui sortent du paradis terrestre. Si le fait est vrai, je l'ignore. Tout ce que je sais, c'est qu'elle descend entre le levant et le midi, plus près du premier que du second, (est-sud-est), et qu'elle va se perdre à Antioche. Là est la roue la plus haute et la plus grande que j'aie vue de ma vie. Elle est mise en mouvement par la rivière, et fournit à la consommation des habitans, quoique leur nombre soit considérable, la quantité d'eau qui leur est nécessaire. Cette eau tombe en une auge creusée dans la roche du chateau; de là elle se porte vers la ville et en parcourt les rues dans un canal formé par de grands piliers carrés qui ont douze pieds de haut sur deux de large. Il me manquoit encore différentes choses pour être, en tout comme mes compagnons de voyage. Le namelouck m'en avoit averti, et mon hôte Laurent me mena lui-même au bazar pour en faire l'acquisition. C'étoient de petites coiffes de soie à la mode des Turcomans, un bonnet pour mettre sous la coiffe, des cuillères Turques, des couteaux avec leur fusil, un peigne avec son étui, et un gobelet de cuir. Tout celle s'attache et se suspend à l'épée. J'achetai aussi des pouçons [Footnote: Sorte de doigtier qu'on mettoit au pouce, afin de le garantir et de le défendra de l'impression de la corde.] pour tirer de l'arc, un tarquais nouveau tout garni, pour épargner le mien, qui étoit très-beau, et que je voulois conserver; enfin un capinat: c'est une robe de feutre, blanche, très-fine, et impénétrable à la pluie. En route je m'étois lié avec quelques-uns de mes compagnons de caravane. Ceux ci, quand ils surent que j'étois logé chez un Franc, vinrent me trouver pour me demander de leur procurer du vin. Le vin leur est défendu par leur loi, et ils n'auroient osé en boire devant les leurs; mais ils espéroient le faire sans risque chez un Franc, et cependant ils revenoient de la Mecque. J'en parlai à mon hôte Laurent, qui me dit qu'il ne l'oseroit, parce que, si la chose étoit sue, il courroit les plus grands dangers. J'allai leur rendre cette réponse; mais ils en avoient déja cherché ailleurs, et venoient d'en trouver chez un Grec. Ils me proposèrent donc, soit par pure amitié, soit pour être autorisé, auprès du Grec à boire, d'aller avec eux chez lui, et je les y accompagnai. Cet homme nous conduisit dans une petite galerie, où nous nous assîmes par terre, en cercle, tous les six. Il posa d'abord au milieu de nous un grand et beau plat de terre, qui eût pu contenir au moins huit lots (seize pintes); ensuite il apporta pour chacun de nous un pot plein de vin, le versa dans le vase, et y mit deux écuelles de terre qui devoient nous servir de gobelets. Un de la troupe commença la premier, et il but à son compagnon, selon l'usage du pays. Celui-ci en fit de même pour son suivant, et ainsi des autres. Nous bûmes de cette manière, et sans manger, pendant fort long-temps. Enfin, quand je m'aperçus que je ne pouvois pas continuer davantage sans m'incommoder, je les suppliai a mains jointes de m'en dispenser; mais ils se fachèrent beaucoup, et se plaignirent, comme si j'avois résolu d'interrempre leurs plaisirs et de leur faire tort. Heureusement il yen avoit un parmi eux qui étoit plus lié avec moi, et qui m'aimoit tant qu'il m'appeloit kardays, c'est-à-dire frère. Celui-ci s'offrit à prendre ma place, et à boire pour moi quand ce seroit mon tour. Cette offre les satisfit; ils l'acceptèrent, et la partie continua jusqu'au soir, où-il nous fallut retourner au kan. Le chef étoit en ce moment assis sur un siége de pierre, et il avoit devant lui un fallot allumé. Il ne lui fut pas difficile de diviner d'où nous venions: aussi y eut-il quatre de mes camarades qui s'esquivèrent; il n'en resta qu'un avec moi. Je dis tout ceci, afin de prévenir les personnes qui, demain ou un jour quelconque, voyageroient, ainsi que moi, dans leur pays, qu'elles se gardent bien de boire avec eux, à moins qu'elles ne veuillent être obligées d'en prendre jusqu'à ce qu'elles tombent à terre. Le mamelouck ne savoit rien de ma débauche. Pendant ce temps il avoit acheté une oie pour nous deux. Il venoit de la faire bouillir, et, au défaut de verjus, il l'avoit accommodée avec des feuilles vertes de porreaux. J'en mangeai avec lui, et elle nous dura trois jours. J'aurois bien desiré voir Alep; mais la caravane n'y allant point et se rendant directement à Antioche, il fallut y renoncer. Cependant, comme elle ne devoit se mettre en marche que deux jours après, le mamelouck fut d'avis que nous prissions tous deux les devants, afin de trouver plus aisément à nous loger. Quatre autres camarades, marchands Turcs, demandèrent à être des nôtres, et nous partîmes tous six ensemble. A une demi-lieue de Hama, nous trouvames la rivière et nous la passames sur un pont. Elle étoit débordée, quoiqu'il n'eût point plu. Mois, je voulus y faire boire mon cheval; mais la rive étoit escarpée et l'eau profonde, et infailliblement je m'y serois noyé si le mamelouck n'étoit venu à mon secours. Au delà du fleuve est une longue et vaste plaine qui dure toute une journée. Nous y rencontrames six à huit Turcomans accompagnés d'une femme. Elle portoit la tarquais ainsi qu'eux; et, à ce sujet, on me dit que celles de cette nation sont braves et qu'en guerre elles combattent comme les hommes. On ajouta même, et ceci m'étonna bien davantage, qu'il y en a environ trente mille qui portent ainsi le tarquais, et qui sont soumises à un seigneur nommé Turcgadiroly, lequel habite les montagnes d'Arménie, sur les frontières de la Perse. La seconde journée fut à travers un pays de montagnes. Il est assez beau quoique peu arrosé; mais par tout on ne voyoit que des habitations détruites. Tout en le traversant, mon mamelouck m'apprit à tirer de l'arc, et il me fit acheter des pouçons et des anneaux pour tirer. Enfin nous arrivâmes à un village riche en bois, en vignobles, en terres à blé, mais qui n'avoit d'autres eaux que celles de citernes. Ce canton paroissoit avoir été habité autrefois par des chrétiens, et j'avoue qu'on me fit un grand plaisir quand on me dit que tout cela avoit été aux Francs, et qu'on me montra pour preuve des églises abattues. Nous y logeames; et ce fut la première fois que je vis des habitations de Turcomans, et des femmes de cette nation à visage découvert. Ordinairement elles le cachent sous un morceau d'étamine noire, et celles qui sont riches y portent attachées des pièces de monnoie et des pierres précieuses. Les hommes sont bons archers. J'en vis plusieurs tirer de l'arc. Ils tirent assis et à but court: ce peu d'espace donne à leurs flèches une grande rapidité. Au sortir de la Syrie on entre dans la Turcomanie, que nous appellons Arménie. La capitale est une très-grande ville qu'ils nomment Antéquayé, et nous Antioche. Elle fut jadis très-florissante et a encore de beaux murs bien entiers, qui renferment un très-grand espace et même des montagnes. Mais on n'y compte point à présent plus de trois cents maisons. Au midi elle est bornée par une montagne, au nord par un grand lac, au-delà duquel on trouve un beau pays bien ouvert. Le long des murs coule la rivière qui vient de Hama. Presque tous les habitans sont Turcomans ou Arabes, et leur état est d'élever des troupeaux, tels que chameaux, chèvres, vaches et brebis. Ces chèvres, les plus belles que j'aie jamais vues, sont la plupart blanches; elles n'ont point comme celles dé Syrie, les oreilles pendantes, et portent une laine longue douce et crépue. Les moutons ont de grosses et larges queues. On y nourrit aussi des ânes sauvages qu'on apprivoise et qui, avec un poil, des oreilles et une tête pareils à ceux de cerf, ont comme lui la pied fendu. J'ignore s'ils ont son cri, car je ne les ai point entendus crier. Ils sont beaux, fort grands, et vont avec les autres bêtes; mais je n'ai point vu qu'on les montat. [Footnote: Cet animal ne peut être un âne, puisqu'il a le pied fendu et que l'âne ne l'a point. C'est probablement une espèce de gazelle, ou plutôt un bubale.] Pour le transport de leurs marchandises, les habitans se servent de boeufs et de buffles, comme nous nous servons de chevaux. Ils les emploient aussi en montures; et j'en ai vu des troupes dans lesquelles les uns étoient chargés de marchandises, et les autres étoient montés. Le seigneur de ce pays étoit Ramedang, prince riche, brave et puissant. Pendant longtemps il se rendit si redoutable que le soudan le craignois et n'osoit l'irriter. Mais le soudan voulut le détruire, et dans ce dessein, il s'entendit avec le karman, qui pouvoit mieux que personne tromper Ramedang, puisqu'il lui avoit donné sa soeur en mariage. En effet, un jour qu'ils mangoient ensemble, il l'arrêta et le livra au soudan, qui le fît mourrir et s'empara de la Turcomanie, dont cependant il donna un portion au karman. Au sortir d'Antioche, je repris ma route avec mon mamelouck; et d'abord nous eûmes à passer une montagne nommée Nègre, sur laquelle on me montra trois ou quatre beaux châteaux ruinés, qui jadis avoient appartenu à des chrétiens. Le chemin est beau et sans cesse on y est parfumé par les lauriers nombreux qu'elle produit; mais la descente en est une fois plus rapide que la montée. Elle aboutit au golfe qu'on nomme d'Asacs, et que nous autres nous appellons Layaste, parce qu'en effet c'est la ville d'Ayas qui lui donne son nom. Il s'étend entre deux montagnes, et s'avance dans les terres l'espace d'environ quinze milles. Sa largeur à l'occident m'a paru être de douze; mais sur cet article je m'en rapporte à la carte marine. Au pied de la montagne, près du chemin et sur le bord de la mer, sont les restes d'un château fort, qui du côté de la terre étoit défendu par un marécage; de sorte qu'on ne pouvoit y aborder que par mer, ou par une chaussée étroite qui traversoit le marais. Il étoit inhabité, mais en avant s'étoient établis des Turcomans. Ils occupoient cent vingt pavillons, les uns de feutre, les autre de coton bleu et blanc, tous très-beaux, tous assez grands pour loger à l'aise quinze ou seize personnes. Ce sont leurs maisons, et, comme nous dans les notres, ils y font tout leur ménage, à l'exception du feu. Nous nous arrêtames chez eux. Ils vinrent placer devant nous une de ces nappes à coulisses dont j'ai parlé, et dans laquelle il y avoit encore des miettes de pain, des fragmens de fromage et des grains de raisin. Après quoi ils nous apportèrent une douzaine de pains plats avec un grand quartier de lait caillé, qu'ils appellent yogort. Ces pains, larges d'un pied, sont ronds et plus mince que des oublies. On les plie en cornet, comme une oublie à pointes, et on les mange avec le caillé. Une lieue au-delà étoit une petit karvassera (caravanserai) où nous logeâmes. Ces établisemens consistent en maisons, comme les kans de Syrie. En route, dans le cours de la journée j'avois rencontré un Ermin (Arménien) qui parloit un peu Italien. S'étant aperçu que j'étois chrétien, il se lia de conversation avec moi, et me conta beaucoup de détails, tant sur le pays et les habitans, que sur le soudan et ce Ramedang, seigneur de Turchmanie, dont je viens de faire mention. Il me dit que ce dernier étoit un homme de haute taille, très-brave, et le plus habile de tous les Turcs à manier la masse et l'épée. Sa mère étoit une chrétienne, qui l'avoit fait baptiser à la loi Grégoise (selon le rît des Grecs) "pour lui oster le flair et la senteur que ont ceulx qui ne sont point baptisez." [Footnote: Les chrétiens d'Asie croyoient de bonne foi que les infidèles avoient une mauvaise odeur qui leur étoit particulière, et qu'ils perdoient par le baptême. Il sera encore parlé plus bas de cette superstition. Ce baptême étoit, selon la loi Grégoise, par immersion.] Mais il n'étoit ni bon chrétien ni bon Sarrasin; et quand on lui parloit des deux prophètes Jésus et Mahomet, il disoit: Moi, je suis pour les prophètes vivans, il me seront plus utiles que ceux qui sont morts. Ses Etats touchoient d'un côté à ceux du karman, dont il avoit épousé la soeur; de l'autre à la Syrie, qui appartenoit au soudan. Toutes les fois que par son pays passoit un des sujets de celui-ci, il en exigeoit des péages. Mais enfin le soudan obtint du karman, comme je l'ai dit, qu'il le lui livreroit; et aujourd'hui il possède toute la Turcomanîe jusqu'à Tharse et même une journée par-de-là. Ce jour-là nous logeâmes de nouveau chez des Turcomans, où l'on nous servit, encore du lait; et l'Arménien nous y accompagna. Ce fut là que je vis faire par des femmes ces pains minces et plats dont j'ai parlé. Voici comment elles s'y prennent. Elles ont une petite table ronde, bien unie, y jettent un peu de farine qu'elles détrempent avec de l'eau et en font une pâte plus molle que celle du pain. Cette pâte, elles la partagent en plusieurs morceaux ronds, qu'elles aplatissent autant qu'il leur est possible avec un rouleau en bois, d'un diamètre un peu moindre que celui d'un oeuf, jusqu'à ce qu'ils soient amincis au point que j'ai dit. Pendant ce temps elles ont une plaque de fer convexe, qui est posée sur un trépied et échauffée en dessous par un feu doux. Elles y étendent la feuille de pâte et la retournent tout aussitôt, de sorte qu'elles ont plus-tôt fait deux de leurs pains qu'un oublieur chez nous n'a fait une oublie. J'employai deux jours à traverser le pays qui est autour du golfe. Il est fort beau, et avoit autrefois beaucoup de châteaux qui appartenoient aux chrétiens, et qui maintenant sont détruits. Tel est celui qu'on voit en avant d'Ayas, vers le levant. Il n'y a dans la contrée que des Turcomans. Ce sont de beaux hommes, excellens archers et vivant de peu. Leurs habitations sont rondes comme des pavillons et couvertes de feutre. Ils demeurent toujours en plein champ, et ont un chef auquel ils obéissent; mais ils changent souvent de place, et alors ils emportent avec eux leurs maisons. Leur coutume dans ce cas est de se soumettre au seigneur sur les terres duquel ils s'établissent, et même de le servir de leurs armes s'il a guerre. Mais s'ils quittent ses domaines et qu'ils passent sur ceux de son ennemi, ils serviront celui-ci à son tour contre l'autre, et on ne leur en sait pas mauvais gré, parce que telle est leur coutume et qu'ils sont errans. Sur ma route je rencontrai un de leurs chefs qui voloit (chassoit au vol) avec des faucons et prenoit des oies privées. On me dit qu'il pouvoit bien avoir sous ses ordres dix mille Turcomans. Le pays est favorable pour la chasse, et coupé par beaucoup de petites rivières qui descendent des montagnes et se jettent dans le golfe. On y trouve sur-tout beaucoup de sangliers. Vers le milieu du golfe, sur le chemin de terre, est un défilé formé par une roche sur laquelle on passe, et qui se trouve à deux portées d'arc de la mer. Jadis ce passage étoit défendu par un château qui le rendoit très-fort. Aujourd'hui il est abandonné. Au sortir, de cette gorge on entre dans une belle et grande plaine, peuplée de Turcomans. Mais l'Arménien mon compagnon me montra sur une montagne un château où il n'y avoit, disoit-il, que des gens de sa nation, et dont les murs sont arrosés par une rivière nommée Jéhon. Nous côtoyâmes la rivière jusqu'à une ville qu'on nomme Misse-sur-Jehon, parce qu'elle la traverse. Misse, située à quatre journées d'Antioche, appartint à des chrétiens et fut une cité importante. On y voit encore plusieurs églises à moitié détruites et dont il ne reste plus d'entier que le choeur de la grande, qu'on a converti en mosquée. Le pont est en bois, parce que le premier a été détruit, aussi. Enfin, des deux moitiés de la ville, l'une est totalement en ruines; l'autre a conservé ses murs et environ trois cents maisons qui sont remplies par des Turcomans. De Misse à Adève (Adène) le pays continue d'être uni et beau; et ce sont encore des Turcomans qui l'habitent. Adène est à deux journées de Misse, et je me proposois d'y attendre la caravane. Elle arriva. J'allai avec le mamelouck et quelques autres personnes, dont plusieurs étoient de gros marchands, loger près du pont, entre la rivière et les murs; et ce fut là que je vis comment les Turcs font leurs prières et leurs sacrifices; car non seulement ils ne se cachoient point de moi, mais ils paroissoient même contens quand "je disois mes patrenostre, qui leur sambloit merveilles. Je leur ouys dire acunes fois leus heures en chantant, à l'entrée de la nuit, et se assiéent à la réonde (en rond) et branlent le corps et la teste, et chantent bien sauvaigement." Un jour ils me menèrent avec eux aux étuves et aux bains de la ville; et comme je refusai de me baigner, parce qu'il eût fallu me déshabiller et que je craignois de montrer mon argent, ils me donnèrent leurs robes à garder. Depuis ce moment nous fûmes très-liés ensemble. La maison du bain est fort élevée et se termine par un dôme, dans lequel a été pratiquée une ouverture circulaire qui éclaire tout l'interieur. Les étuves et les bains sont beaux et très-propres. Quand ceux qui se baignent sortent de l'eau, ils viennent s'asseoir sur de petites claies d'osier fin, où ils s'essuient et peignent leur barbe. C'est dans Adène que je vis pour la première fois les deux jeunes gens qui à la Mecque s'étoient fait crever les yeux après avoir vu la sépulture de Mahomet. Les Turcs sont gens de fatigue, d'une vie dure, et à qui il ne coute rien, ainsi que je l'ai vu tout le long de la route, de dormir sur la terre commes les animaux. Mais ils sont d'humeur gaie et joyeuse, et chantent volontiers chansons de gestes. Aussi quelqu'un qui veut vivre avec eux ne doit être ni triste ni rêveur, mais avoir toujours le visage riant. Du reste, ils sont gens de bonne foi et charitables les uns envers les autres. "J'ay veu bien souvent, quant nous mengions, que s'il passoit ung povre homme auprès d'eulx, faisoient venir mengier avec nous: ce que nous, ne fésiesmes point." Dans beaucoup d'endroits j'ai trouvé qu'ils ne cuisent point leur pain la moitié de ce que l'est le nôtre. Il est mou, et à moins d'y être accoutumé, on a bien de la peine à le mâcher. Pour leur viande, ils la mangent crue, séchée au soleil. Cependant quand une de leurs bêtes, cheval ou chameau, est en danger de mort ou sans espoir, ils l'égorgent et la mangent non crue, un peu cuite. Ils sont très-propres dans l'apprêt de leurs viandes; mais ils mangent très-salement. Ils tiennent de même fort, proprement leur barbe; mais jamais ils ne se lavent les mains que quand ils se baignent, qu'ils veulent faire leur prière, ou qu'ils se lavent la barbe ou le derrière. Adène est une assez bonne ville marchande, bien fermée de murailles, située en bon pays et assez voisine de la mer. Sur ses murs passe une grosse rivière qui vient des hautes montagnes d'Arménie et qu'on nomme Adena. Elle a un pont fort long et le plus large que j'aie jamais vu. Ses habitans et son amiral (son seigneur, son prince) sont Turcomans: cet amiral est le frère de ce brave Ramedang que le soudan fit mourir ainsi que je l'a raconté. On m'a dit même que le soudan a entre les mains son fils, et qu'il n'ose le laisser retourner en Turcomanie. D'Adène j'allai à Therso que nous appellons Tharse. Le pays, fort beau encore, quoique voisin des montagnes, est habité par des Turcomans, dont les uns logent dans des villages et les autres sous des pavillons. Le canton ou est bâtie Tharse abonde en blé, vins, bois et eaux. Elle fut une ville fameuse, et l'on y voit encore de très-anciens édifices. Je crois que c'est celle qu'assiégea Baudoin, frère de Godefroi de Bouillon. Aujourd'hui elle a un amiral nommé par le soudan, et il y demeure plusieurs Maures. Elle est défendue par un château, par des fossés à glacis et par une double enceinte de murailles, qui en certains endroits est triple. Une petite rivière la traverse, et à peu de distance il en coule une autre. J'y trouvai un marchand de Cypre, nomme Antoine, qui depuis long-temps demeuroit dans le pays et en savoit bien la languei. Il m'en parla pertinemment; mais il me fit un autre plaisir, celui de me donner de bon vin, car depuis plusieurs jours je n'en avois point bu. Tharse n'est qu'à soixante milles du Korkène (Curco), château construit sur la mer, et qui appartient au roi de Cypre. Dans tout ce pays on parle Turc, et on commence même à le parler dès Antioche, qui est, comme je l'ai dit, la capitale de Turcomanie. "C'est un très-beau langaige, et brief, et bien aisié pour aprendre." Comme nous avions à traverser les hautes montagnes d'Arménie, Hoyarbarach, le chef de notre caravane, voulut qu'elle fût toute réunie; et dans ce dessein il attendit quelques jours. Enfin nous partîmes la veille de la Toussaint. Le mamelouck m'avoit conseillé de m'approvisioner pour quatre journées. En conséquence j'achetai pour moi une provision de pain et de fromage, et pour mon cheval une autre d'orge et de paille. Au sortir de Tharse je fis encore trois lieues Françaises à travers un beau pays de plaines, peuplé de Turcomans; mais enfin j'entrai dans les montagnes, montagnes les plus hautes que j'aie encore vues. Elles enveloppent par trois côtés tout le pays que j'avois parcouru depuis Antioche. L'autre partie est fermée au midi par la mer. D'abord on a des bois à traverser. Ce chemin dure tout un jour, et il n'est pas malaisé. Nous logeâmes le soir dans un passage étroit où il me parut que jadis il y avoît eu un château. La seconde journée n'eut point de mauvaise route encore, et nous vînmes passer la nuit dans un caravanserai. La troisième, nous côtoyâmes constamment une petite rivière, et vîmes dans les montagnes une multitude immense de perdrix griaches. Notre halte du soir fut dans une plaine d'environ une lieue de longueur sur un quart de large. Là se rencontrent quatre grandes combes (vallées). L'une est celle par laquelle nous étions venus; l'autre, qui perce au nord, tire vers le pays du seigneur, qu'on appelle Turcgadirony, et vers la Perse; la troisième s'étend au Levant, et j'ignore si elle conduit de même à la Perse; la dernière enfin est au couchant, et c'est celle que j'ai prise, et qui m'a conduit au pays du karman. Chacune des quatre a une rivière, et les quatre rivières se rendent dans ce dernier pays. Il neigea beaucoup pendant la nuit. Pour garantir mon cheval, je le couvris avec mon capinat, cette robe de feutre qui me servoit de manteau. Mais moi j'eus froid, et il me prit une maladie qui est malhonnête (le dévoiement): j'eusse même été en danger, sans mon mamelouck, qui me secourut et qui me fit sortir bien vite de ce lieu. Nous partîmes donc de grand matin tous deux, et entrâmes dans les hautes montagnes. Il y a là un château nommé Cublech, le plus élevé que je connoisse. On le voit à une distance de deux journées. Quelquefois cependant on lui tourne le dos, à cause des détours qu'occasionnent les montagnes; quelquefois aussi on cesse de le voir, parce qu'il est caché par des hauteurs: mais on ne peut pénétrer au pays du karman qu'en passant au pied de celle où il est bâti. Le passage est étroit. Il a fallu même en quelques parties l'ouvrir au ciseau; mais par-tout il est dominé par le Cublech. Ce château, le dernier [Footnote: Ce mot dernier signifie probablement ici le plus reculé, le plus éloigné à la frontière.] de ceux qu'ont perdus les Arméniens, appartient aujourd'hui au karman, qui l'a eu en partage à la mort de Ramedang. Ces montagnes sont couvertes de neige en tout temps, et il n'y a qu'un passage pour les chevaux, quoiqu'on y trouve de temps en temps de jolies petites plaines. Elles sont dangereuses, par les Turcomans qui y sont répandus; mais pendant les quatre jours de marche que j'y ai faite, je n'y ai pas vu une seule habitation. Quand on quitte les montagnes d'Arménie pour entrer dans le pays du karman, on en trouve d'autres qu'il faut traverser encore. Sur l'une de celles-ci est une gorge avec un château nommé Lève, où l'on paie au karman un droit de passage. Ce péage étoit affermé à un Grec, qui, en me voyant, me reconnut à mes traits pour chrétien, et m'arrêta. Si j'avois été obligé de retourner, j'étois un homme mort, et on me l'a dit depuis: avant d'avoir fait une demi lieue j'eusse été égorgé; car là caravane étpit encore fort loin. Heureusement mon mamelouk gagna le Grec, et, moyennant deux ducats que je lui donnai, il me livra passage. Plus loin est le château d'Asers, et par-de-là le château une ville nommée Araclie (Erégli). En débouchant des montagnes on entre dans un pays aussi uni que la mer; cependant on y voit encore vers la trémontane (le nord) quelques hauteurs qui, semées d'espace en espace, semblent des îles au milieu des flots. C'est dans cette plaine qu'est Erégli, ville autrefois fermée, et aujourd'hui dans un grand délabrement. J'y trouvai au moins des vivres; car, dans mes quatre jours de marche depuis Tharse, la route ne m'avoit offert que de l'eau. Les environs de la ville sont couverts de villages habités en très-grande partie par des Turcomans. Au sortir d'Erégli nous trouvâmes deux gentilshommes du pays qui paroissoient gens de distinction; ils firent beaucoup d'amitié au mamelouck, et le menèrent, pour le régaler à un village voisin dont les habitations son toutes creusées dans le roc. Nous y passâmes la nuit; mais moi je fus obligé de passer dans une caverne le reste du jour, pour y garder nos chevaux. Quand le mamelouck revint, il me dit que ces deux hommes lui avoient demandé qui j'étois, et qu'il leur avoit répondu, en leur donnant le change, que j'étois un Circassien qui ne savoit point parler Arabe. D'Erégli à Larande, où nous allâmes, il y a deux journées. Cette ville-ci, quoique non close, est grande, marchande et bien située. Il y avoit autrefois au centre un grand et fort château dont on voit encore les portes, qui sont en fer et très-belles; mais les murs sont abbatus. D'une ville à l'autre on a, comme je l'ai dit, un beau pays plat; et depuis Lève je n'ai pas vu un seul arbre qui fût en rase campagne. Il y avoit à Larande deux gentilshommes de Cypre, dont l'un s'appelloit Lyachin Castrico; l'autre, Léon Maschero, et qui tous deux parloient assez bien Français. [Footnote: Les Lusignan, devenus rois de Cypre sur la fin du douzième siècle, avoient introduit dans cette île la langue Française. C'est en Cypre, au passage de saint Louis pour sa croisade d'Egypte que fut fait et publié ce code qu'on appela Assises de Jérusalem, et qui devint le code des Cypriots. La langue Française continua d'être celle de la cour et des gens bien élevés.] Ils me demandèrent quelle étoit ma patrie, et comment je me trouvais là. Je leur répondis que j'étois serviteur de monseigneur de Bourgogne, que je venois de Jérusalem et de Damas, et que j'avoîs suivi la caravane. Ils me parurent très-emerveillés de ce que j'avois pu passer; mais quand ils m'eurent demandé où j'allois, et que j'ajoutai que je retournois par terre en France vers mondit seigneur, ils me dirent que c'étoit chose impossible, et que, quand j'aurois mille vies, je les perdrois toutes. En conséquence ils me proposèrent de retourner en Cypre avec eux. Il y avoit dans l'ile deux galères qui étoient venues y chercher la soeur de roi, accordé en mariage au fils de monseigneur de Savoie, [Footnote: Louis, fils d'Amédée VIII. duc de Savoie. Il épousa en 1432 Anne de Lusignan fille de Jean II, roi de Cypre, mort au mois de Juin, et soeur de Jean III, qui alors étoit sur le trône.] et ils ne doutoient point que le roi, par amour et honneur pour monseigneur de Bourgogne, ne m'y accordât passage. Je leur répondis que puisque Dieu m'avoit fait la grace d'arriver à Larande, il me feroit probablement celle d'aller plus loin, et qu'au reste j'étois résolu d'achever mon voyage ou d'y mourir. A mon tour je leur demandai où ils alloient. Ils me dirent que leur roi venoit de mourir; que pendant sa vie il avoit toujours entretenu trève avec le grand karman, et que le jeune roi et son conseil les envoyoit vers lui pour renouveller l'alliance. Moi, qui étois curieux de connoître ce grand prince que sa nation considère comme nous notre roi, je les priai de permettre que je les accompagnasse; et ils y consentirent. Je trouvai à Larande un autre Cypriot. Celui-ci, nommé Perrin Passerot, et marchand, demeuroit depuis quelque temps dans le pays. Il étoit de Famagouste, et en avoit été banni, parce qu'avec un de ses frères il avoit tenté de remettre dans les mains du roi cette ville, qui étoit dans celles des Génois. Mon mamelouck venoit de recontrer aussi cinq ou six de ses compatriotes. C'étoient de jeunes esclaves Circassiens que l'on conduisoit au soudan. Il voulut à leur passage les régaler; et comme il avoit appris qu'il se trouvoit à Larande des chrétiens, et qu'il soupçonnoit qu'ils auroient du vin, il me pria de lui en procurer. Je cherchai tant que, moyennant la moitié d'un ducat, je trouvai à en acheter demi-peau de chèvre (une demi-outre), et je la lui donnai. Il montra en la recevant une joie extrême, et alla aussitôt trouver ses camarades, avec lesquelles il passa la nuit tout entière à boire. Pour lui, il en prit tant que le lendemain, dans la route, il manqua d'en mourir; mais il se guérit par une méthode qui leur est propre: dans ces cas-là, ils ont une très-grande bouteille pleine d'eau, et à mesure que leur estomac se vide et se débarrasse, ils boivent de l'eau tant qu'ils peuvent en avaler, comme s'ils vouloient rincer une bouteille, puis ils la rendent et en avalent d'autre. Il employa ainsi à se laver tout le temps de la route jusqu'à midi, et il fut gueri entièrement. De Larande nous allâmes à Qulongue, appelée par les Grecs Quhonguopoly. [Footnote: Plus bas le copiste a écrit Quohongue et Quhongue. J'écrirai désormais Couhongue.] Il y a d'un lien à l'autre deux journées. Le pays est beau et bien garni de villages; mais il manque d'eau, et n'a, ni d'autres arbres que ceux qu'on a plantés près des habitations pour avoir du fruit, ni d'autre rivière que celle qui coule près de la ville. Cette ville, grande, marchande, défendue par des fossés en glacis et par de bonnes murailles garnies de tours, est la meilleure qu'ait le karman. Il lui reste un petit château. Jadis elle en avoit un très-fort, qui étoit construit au centre. On l'a jeté bas pour y bâtir le palais du roî. [Footnote: L'auteur, d'après ses préjugés Européens, emploie ici le mot roi pour désigner le prince, le souverain du pays.] Je restai là quatre jours, afin de donner le temps à l'ambassadeur de Cypre, et à la caravane d'arriver. Il arriva, ainsi qu'elle. Alors j'allai demander à l'ambassadeur que, quand il iroit saluer le karman, il me permît de me joindre à sa suite, et il me promit. Cependant il avoit parmi ses esclaves quatre Grecs de Cypre renégats, dont l'un étoit son huissier d'armes, et qui tous quatre firent auprès de lui des efforts pour l'en détourner; mais il leur répondit qu'il n'y voyoit point d'inconvénient: d'ailleurs j'en avois témoigné tant d'envie qu'il se fit un plaisir de m'obliger. On vint le prévenir de l'heure à laquelle il pourroit faire sa révérence au roi, lui exposer le sujet de son ambassade, et offrir ses présens; car c'est une coutume au-delà des mers qu'on ne paroit jamais devant un prince sans en apporter quelques-uns. Les siens étoient six pièces de camelot de Cypre, je ne sais combien d'aunes d'écarlate, une quarantaine de pains de sucre, un faucon pélerin et deux arbalètes, avec une douzaine de vires. [Footnote: Vives, grosses flèches qu se lançoient avec l'arbalète.] On envoya chez lui des genets pour apporter les présens; et, pour sa monture ainsi que pour sa suite, les chevaux qu'avoient laissés à la porte du palais ceux des grands qui étoient venus faire cortège au roi pendant la cérémonie. Il en monta un, et mit pied à terre à l'entrée du palais; après quoi, nous entrâmes dans une très-grande salle où il pouvoit y avoir environ trois cents personnes. Le roi occupoit la chambre suivante, autour de laquelle étoient rangés trente esclaves, tous debout. Pour lui, il étoit dans un coin, assis sur un tapis par terre, selon la coutume du pays, vêtu de drap d'or cramoisi, et le coude appuyé sur un carreau d'une autre sorte de drap d'or. Près de lui étoit son épée; en avant, son chancelier debout, et autour, à peu de distance, trois hommes assis. D'abord on fit passer sous ses yeux les présens, qu'il parut à peine regarder; puis l'ambassadeur entra accompagné d'un trucheman, parce qu'il ne savoit point la langue Turque. Quand il eut fait sa révérence, le chancelier lui demanda la lettre dont il étoit porteur, et la lut tout haut. L'ambassadeur alors dit au roi, par son trucheman, que le roi de Cypre envoyoit le saluer, et qu'il le prioit de recevoir avec amitié les présens qu'il lui envoyoit. Le roi ne lui répondît pas un mot. On le fit asseoir par terre, à leur manière, mais audessous des trois personnes assises, et assez loin du prince. Alors celui-ci demanda comment se portoit son frère le roi de Cypre, et il lui fut répondu qu'il avoit perdu son père, qu'il envoyoit renouveler l'alliance qui du vivant du mort, avoit subsisté entré les deux pays, et que pour lui il la desiroit fort. Je la souhaite également, dit le roi. Celui-ci demanda encore à l'ambassadeur quand étoit mort le défunt, quel âge avoit son successeur, s'il étoit sage, si son pays lui obéissoit bien; et comme à ces deux dernières questions la réponse fut un oui, il témoigna en être bien-aise. Après ces paroles on dit à l'ambassadeur de se lever. Il obéit, et prit congé du roi, qui ne se remua pas plus à son départ qu'il ne l'avoit fait à son arrivée. En sortant il trouva devant le palais les chevaux qui l'avoient amené. On lui en fit de nouveau monter un pour le reconduire à sa demeure; mais à peine y fut-il arrivé que les huissiers d'armes se présentèrent à lui. En pareilles cérémonies, c'est la coutume qu'on leur distribue de l'argent, et il en donna. Il alla ensuite saluer le fils aîné du roi, et lui présenter ses présens et ses lettres. Ce prince étoit, comme son père, entouré de trois personnes assises. Mais quand l'ambassadeur lui fit la révérence, il se leva, se rassit, le fit asseoir à son tour au-dessus des trois personnages. Pour nous autres qui l'accompagnions, on nous plaça bien en arrière. Moi j'avois apperçu à l'écart un banc, sur lequel j'allai me mettre sans façon; mais on vint m'en tirer, et il me fallut plier le jarret et m'accroupir à terre avec les autres. De retour à l'hôtel, nous vîmes arriver un huissier d'armes du fils, comme nous avions vu du père. On lui donna aussi de l'argent, et au reste ces gens-là se contentent de peu. À leur tour, le roi et son fils en'envoyèrent à l'ambassadeur pour sa dépense; et c'est encore là une coutume. Le premier lui fit passer cinquante aspres, le second trente. L'aspre est la monnoie du pays: il en faut cinquante pour un ducat de Venise. Je vis le roi traverser la ville en cavalcade. C'étoit un Vendredi jour de fête pour eux, et il alloit faire sa prière. Sa garde étoit composée d'une cinquantaine de cavaliers, la plupart ses esclaves, et d'environ trente archers à pied qui l'entouroient. Il portoit une épée à sa ceinture et un tabolcan à l'arçon de sa selle, selon l'usage du pays. Lui et son fils ont été baptisés à la Grecque, pour ôter le flair (la mauvaise odeur), et l'on m'a dit même que la mère de son fils étoit chrétienne. Il en est ainsi de tous les grands, ils se font baptiser afin qu'ils ne puent point. Ses états sont considérables; ils commencent à une journée en-de-çà de Tarse; et vont jusqu'au pays d'Amurat-Bey, cet autre karman dont j'ai parlé, et que nous appelons le grand-Turc. Dans ce sens, leur largeur est, dit-on, de vingt lieues au plus; mais ils ont seize journées de long, et je le sais, moi qui les ai traversées. Au nord est, ils s'étendent, m'a-t-on dît, jusqu'aux frontières de Perse. Le karman possède aussi une côte maritime qu'on nomme les Farsats. Elle se prolonge depuis Tharse jusqu'à Courco, qui est au roi de Cypre, et à un port nommé Zabari. Ce canton produit les meilleurs marins que l'on connaisse; mais ils se sont révoltés contre lui. Le karman est un beau prince, âgé de trente-deux ans, et qui a épousé la soeur d'Amurat-Bey. Il est fort obéi dans ses états; cependant j'ai entendu des gens qui disent de lui qu'il est très-cruel, et qu'il passe peu de jours sans faire couper des nés, des pieds, des mains, ou mourir quelqu'un. Un homme est-il riche, il le condamne à mort pour s'emparer de ses biens; et j'ai oui dire qu'il s'étoit ainsi défait des plus grands de son pays. Huit jours avant mon arrivée il en avoit fait étrangler un par des chiens. Deux jours après cette exécution il avoit fait mourir une de ses femmes, la mère même de son fils aîné, qui, quand je le vis, ne savoit rien encore de ce meurtre. Les habitans de ce pays sont de mauvaises gens, voleurs, subtils et grands assassins. Ils se tuent les uns les autres, et la justice qu'il en fait ne les arrête point. Je trouvai dans Cohongue Antoine Passerot, frère de ce Perrin Passerot que j'avois vu à Larande, qui tous deux accusés d'avoir voulu remettre Famagouste sous la puissance du roi de Cypre, en avoient été bannis, ainsi que je l'ai dit; et ils s'étoient retirés dans le pays du karman, l'un à Larande, l'autre à Couhongue. Mais Antoine venoit d'avoir une mauvaise aventure. Quelquefois péché aveugle les gens: on l'avoit trouvé avec une femme de la loi Mahométane; et sur l'ordre du roi, il avoit été obligé, pour échapper à la mort, de renier la foi catholique, quoiqu'il m'ait paru encore bon chrétien. Dans nos conversations, il me conta beaucoup de particularités sur le pays, sur le caractère et le gouvernement du seigneur, et principalement sur la manière dont il avoit pris et livré Ramedang. Le karman, me dit-il, avoit un frère qu'il chassa du pays, et qui alla se réfugier et chercher asile près du soudan. Le soudan n'osoit lui déclarer la guerre; mais il le fit prévenir que s'il ne lui livroit Ramedang, il enverroit son frère avec des troupes la lui faire. Le karman n'hésita point, et plutôt que d'avoir son frère à combattre, il fit envers son beau-frère une grande trahison. Antoine me dit aussi qu'il étoît lâche et sans courage, quoique son peuple soit le plus vaillant de la Turquie. Son vrai nom est Imbreymbas; mais on l'appelle karman, à cause qu'il est seigneur de ce pays. Quoiqu'il soit allié au grand-Turc, puisqu'il a épousé sa soeur, il le hait fort, parce que celui-ci lui a pris une partie du Karman. Cependant il n'ose l'attaquer, vu que l'autre est trop fort; mais je suis persuadé que s'il le voyoit entrepris avec succès de notre côté, lui, du sien, ne le laisseroit pas en paix. En traversant ses états j'ai côtoyé une autre contrée qu'on nomme Gaserie. Celle-ci confine, d'une part au Karman, et de l'autre à la Turcomanie, par les hautes montagnes qui sont vers Tharse et vers la Perse. Son seigneur est un vaillant guerrier appelé Gadiroly, lequel a sous ces ordres trente mille hommes d'armes Turcomans, et environ cent mille femmes, aussi braves et aussi bonnes pour le combat que les hommes. Il y a là quatre seigneurs qui se font continuellement la guerre; c'est Gadiroly, Quharaynich, Quaraychust et le fils de Tamerlan, qui, m'a-t-on dit, gouverne la Perse. Antoine m'apprit qu'en débouchant des montagnes d'Arménie par dé-là Erégli, j'avois passé à demi-journée d'une ville célèbre où repose le corps de saint Basile; il m'en parla même de manière à me donner envie de la voir. Mais on me représenta si bien ce que je perdois d'advantages en me séparant de la caravane, et ce que j'allois courir de risques en m'exposant seul, que j'y renonçât. Pour lui, il m'avoua que son dessein étoit de se rendre avec moi auprès de monseigneur le duc; qu'il ne se sentoit nulle envie d'être Sarrasin, et que s'il avoit pris quelque engagement à ce sujet, c'étoit uniquement pour éviter la mort. On vouloit le circoncire; il s'y attendoit chaque jour, et le craignoit fort. C'est un fort bel homme, âgé de trente six ans. Il me dit encore que les habitans font, dans leurs mosquées, des prières publiques, comme nous, dans les paroisses, nous en faisons tous les dimanches pour les princes chrétiens et pour autres objets dont nous demandons à Dieu l'accomplissement. Or une des choses qu'ils lui demandent, c'est de les préserver de la venue d'un homme tel que Godefroi de Bouillon. Le chef de la caravane s'apprêtoît à repartir, et j'allai en conséquence prendre congé des ambassadeurs du roi de Cypre. Ils s'étoient flattés de m'emméner avec eux, et ils renouvelèrent leurs instances en m'assurant que jamais je n'acheverois mon voyage; mais je persistai. Ce fut à Couhongue que quittèrent la caravane ceux qui la composoient. Hoyarbarach n'amenoit avec lui que ses gens, sa femme, deux de ses enfans qu'il avoit conduits à la Mecque, une ou deux femmes étrangères, et moi. Je dis adieu à mon mamelouck. Ce brave homme, qu'on appeloit Mahomet, m'avoit rendu des services sans nombre. Il étoit très-charitable, et faisoit toujours l'aumône quand on la lui demandoit au nom de Dieu. C'étoit par un motif de charité qu'il m'obligeoit, et j'avoue que sans lui je n'eusse pu achever mon voyage qu'avec de très-grandes peines, que souvent j'aurois été exposé au froid et à la faim, et fort embarrassé pour mon cheval. En le quittant je cherchai à lui témoigner ma reconnoissance; mais il ne voulut rien accepter qu'un couvre-chef de nos toiles fines d'Europe, et cet objet parut lui faire grand plaisir. Il me raconta toutes les occasions venues à sa connoissance, où sans lui, j'aurois couru risque d'être assassiné, et me prévint d'être bien circonspect dans les liaisons que je ferois avec les Sarrasins, parce qu'il s'en trouvoit parmi eux d'aussi mauvais que les Francs. J'écris ceci pour rappeler que celui qui, par amour de Dieu, m'a fait tant de bien, étoit "ung homme hors de nostre foy." Le pays que nous eûmes à parcourir après être sortis de Couhongue est fort beau, et il a d'assez bons villages; mais les habitans sont mauvais: le chef me défendit même, dans un des villages où nous nous arrêtâmes, de sortir de mon logement, de peur d'être assassiné. Il y a près de ce lieu un bain renommé, où plusieurs malades accourent pour chercher guérison. On y voit des maisons qui jadis appartinrent aux hospitaliers de Jérusalem, et la croix de Jérusalem s'y trouve encore. Après trois jours de marche nous arrivâmes à une petite ville nommé Achsaray, située au pied d'une haute montagne, qui la garantit du midi. Le pays est uni, mais mal-peuplé, et les habitans passent pour méchans: aussi me fut-il encore défendu de sortir la nuit hors de la maison. Je voyageai la journée suivante entre deux montagnes dont les cimes sont couronnées d'un peu de bois. Le canton, assez bien peuplé, l'est un partie par des Turcomans; mais il y a beaucoup d'herbages et de marais. Là je traversai une petite rivière qui sépare ce pays de Karman d'avec l'autre Karman que possède Amurat-Bey, nommé par nous le Grand-Turc. Cette portion ressemble à la première; elle offre comme elle un pays plat, parsemé çà et là de montagnes. Sur notre route nous côtoyâmes une ville à château, qu'on nomme Achanay. Plus loin est un beau caravanserai où nous comptions passer la nuit; mais il y avoit vingt-cinq ânes. Notre chef ne voulut pas y entrer, et il préféra retourner une lieue on arrière sur ses pas, jusqu'à un gros village où nous logeâmes, et où nous trouvâmes du pain, du fromage et du lait. De ce lieu je vins à Karassar en deux jours. Carassar, en langue Turque, signifie pierre noire. C'est la capitale de ce pays, dont s'est emparé de force Amurat-Bey. Quoiqu'elle ne soit point fermée, elle est marchande, et a un des plus beaux châteaux que j'aie vus, quoiqu'il n'ait que de l'eau de citerne. Il occupe la cime d'une haute roche, si bien arrondie qu'on la croiroit taillée au ciseau. Au bas est la ville, qui l'entoure de trois côtés; mais elle est à son tour enveloppée, ainsi que lui, par une montagne en croissant, depuis grec jusqu'à mestre (depuis le nord-est jusqu'au nord-ouest). Dans le reste dé la circonférence s'ouvre une plaine que traverse une rivière. Il y avoit peu de temps que les Grecs s'étoient emparés de ce lieu; mais ils l'avoient perdu par leur lâcheté. On y apprête les pieds de mouton avec une perfection et une propreté que je n'ai vues nulle part. Je m'en régalai d'autant plus volontiers que depuis Couhongue je n'avois pas mangé de viande cuite. On y fait aussi, avec des noix vertes, un mets particulier. Pour cela on les pelé, on les coupe en deux, on les enfile avec une ficelle, et on les arrose de vin cuit, qui se prend tout autour et y forme une gelée comme de la colle. C'est une nourriture assez agréable, sur-tout quand on a faim. Nous fûmes obligés d'y faire une provision de pain et de fromage pour deux jours; et je conviens que j'étois dégoûté de chair crue. Ces deux jours furent employés à venir de Carassar à Cotthay. Le pays est beau, bien arrosé et garni de montagnes peu élevées. Nous traversâmes un bout de forêt qui me parut remarquable en ce qu'elle est composée entièrement de chênes, et que ces arbres y sont plus gros, plus droits et plus hauts que ceux que j'avois été à portée dé voir jusque-là. D'ailleurs ils n'ont, comme les sapins, de branches qu'à leurs cimes. Nous vinmes loger dans un caravanserai qui étoit éloigné de toute habitation. Nous y trouvâmes de l'orge et de la paille, et il eût été d'autant plus aisé de nous en approvisionner, qu'il n'y avoit d'autre gardien qu'un seul valet. Mais on n'a rien de semblable à craindre dans ces lieux-là, et il n'est point d'homme assez hardi pour oser y prendre une poignée de marchandise sans payer. Sur la route est une petite rivière renommée pour son eau Hoyarbarch alla en boire avec ses femmes; il voulut que j'en busse aussi, et lui-même m'en présenta dans son gobelet de cuir. C'étoit la première fois de toute la route qu'il me faisoit cette faveur. Cotthay, quoique assez considérable, n'a point de murs; mais elle a un beau et grand château composé de trois forteresses placées l'une au-dessus de l'autre sur le penchant d'une montagne, lequel a une double enceinte. C'est dans cette place qu'étoit le fils aîné du grand-Turc. La ville possède un caravanserai où nous allâmes loger. Déja il y avoit des Turcs, et nous fûmes obligés d'y mettre tous nos chevaux pêle-mêle, selon l'usage; mais le lendemain matin, au moment où j'apprêtois le mien pour partir, je m'aperçus qu'on m'avoit pris l'une des courroies qui me servoit à attacher derrière ma selle le tapis et autres objets que je portoîs en trousse. D'abord je criai et me fâchai beaucoup. Mais il y avoit là un esclave Turc, l'un de ceux du fils aîné, homme de poids et d'environ cinquante ans, qui, m'entendant et voyant que je ne parlois pas bien la langue, me prit par la main et me conduisit à la porte du caravanserai. Là il me demanda en Italien qui j'étois. Je fus stupéfait d'entendre ce langage dans sa bouche. Je répondis que j'etois Franc. "D'où venez-vous? ajouta-t-il.--De Damas, dans la compagnie d'Hoyarbarach, et je vais à Bourse retrouver un de mes frères.--Eh bien, vous êtes un espion, et vous venez chercher ici des renseignemens sur le pays. Si vous ne l'étiez pas, n'auriez-vous pas dû prendre la mer pou; retourner chez vous?" Cette inculpation à laquelle je ne m'attendois pas m'interdit; je répondis cependant que les Vénitiens et les Génois se faisoient sur mer une guerre si acharnée que je n'osois m'y risquer. Il me demanda d'où j'étois. Du royaume de France, repartis-je. Etes-vous des environs de Paris? reprit il. Je dis que non, et je lui demandai à mon tour s'il connoissoit Paris. Il me répondit qu'il y avoit été autrefois avec un capitaine nommé Bernabo. "Croyez-moi, ajouta-t-il, allez dans le caravanserai chercher votre cheval, et amenez-le moi ici; car il y a là des esclaves Albaniens qui acheveroient de vous prendre ce qu'il porte encore. Tandis que je le garderai, vous irez déjeuner, et vous ferez pour vous et pour lui une provision de cinq jours, parce que vous serez cinq journées sans rien trouver." Je profitai du conseil; j'allai m'approvisionner, et je déjeunai avec d'autant plus de plaisir que depuis deux jours je n'avois gouté viande, et que je courois risque de n'en point tâter encore pendant cinq jours. Sorti du caravanserai, je pris le chemin de Bourse, et laissai à gauche, entre l'occident et le midi, celui de Troie-la-Grant. [Footnote: L'auteur, en donnant ici à la fameuse Troie la dénomination de grande, ne fait que suivre l'usage de son siècle. La historiens et les romanciers du temps la désignoient toujours ainsi, "histoire de Troye-la-Grant," "destruction de Troie-la-Grant," etc.] Il y a d'assez hautes montagnes, et j'en eus plusieurs à passer. J'eus aussi deux journées de forêts, après quoi je traversai une belle plaine dans laquelle il y a quelques villages assez bons pour le pays. A demi-journée de Bourse il en est un où nous trouvâmes de la viande et du raisin; ce raisin étoit aussi frais qu'au temps des vendanges: ils savent le garder ainsi toute l'année; c'est un secret qu'ils ont. Les Turcs m'y régalèrent de rôti; mais il n'étoit pas cuit à moitié. A mesure que la viande se rôtissoit, nous la coupions à la broche par tranches. Nous eûmes aussi du kaymac; c'est de la crême de buffle. Elle étoit si bonne et si douce, et j'en mangeai tant que je manquai d'en crever. Ayant d'entrer dans le village nous vîmes venir à nous un Turc de Bourse qui étoit envoyé à l'épouse de Hoyarbarach pour lui annoncer la mort de son père. Elle témoigna une grande douleur, et ce fut à cette occasion que s'étant découvert le visage, j'eus le plaisir de la voir; ce qui ne m'étoit pas encore arrivé de toute-la route. C'étoit une fort belle femme. Il y avoit dans le lieu un esclave Bulgare renégat, qui, par affectation de zèle et pour se montrer bon Sarrasin, reprocha aux Turcs de la caravane de me laisser aller dans leur compagnie, et dit que c'étoit un péché à eux qui revenoient du saint pélerinage de la Mecque: en conséquence ils me notifièrent qu'il falloit nous séparer, et je fus obligé de me rendre à Bourse. Je partis donc le lendemain, une heure avant le jour, avec l'aide de Dieu qui jusque-là m'avoit conduit; il me guida encore si bien que dans la route je ne demandai mon chemin qu'une seule fois. En entrant dans la ville je vis beaucoup de gens qui en sortoient pour aller au-devant de la caravane. Tel est l'usage; les plus notables s'en font un devoir; c'est une fête. Il y en eut même plusieurs qui, me croyant un des pélerins, me baisèrent les mains et la robe. En y entrant je me vis embarrassé, parce que d'abord on trouve une place qui s'ouvre par quatre rues, et que je ne savois laquelle prendre. Dieu me fir encore choisir la bonne, laquelle me conduisit au bazar, où sont les marchandises et les marchands. Je m'adressai au premier chrétien que j'y vis, et ce chrétien se trouva heureusement un des espinolis de Gênes, celui-là même pour qui Parvésin de Baruth m'avoit donné des lettres. Il fut fort étonné de me voir, et me conduisit chez un Florentin où je logeai avec mon chevall. J'y restai dix jours, temps que j'employai à parcourir la ville, conduit par les marchands, qui se firent un plaisir de me mener par-tout eux-mêmes. De toutes celles que possède le Turc, c'est la plus considérable; elle est grande, marchande, et située au pied et au nord du mont Olimpoa (Olympe), d'où descend une rivière qui la traverse et qui, se divisant en plusieurs bras, forme comme un amas de petites villes, et contribue à la faire parôitre plus grande encore. C'est à Burse que sont inhumées les seigneurs de Turquie (les sultans). On y voit de beaux édifices, et surtout un grand nombre d'hôpitaux, parmi lesquels il y en a quatre où l'on distribue souvent du pain, du vin et de la viande aux pauvres, qui veulent les prendre pour Dieu. A l'une des extrémités de la ville, vers le ponent, est un beau et vaste château bâti sur une hauteur, et qui peut bien renfermer mille maisons. Là est aussi le palais du seigneur, palais qu'on m'a dit être intérieurement un lieu très-agréable, et qui a un jardin avec un joli étang. Le prince avoit alors cinquante femmes, et souvent, dit-on, il va sur l'étang s'amuser en bateau avec quelqu'une d'elles. Burse étoît aussi le séjour de Camusat Bayschat (pacha), seigneur, ou, comme nous autres nous dirions, gouverneur et lieutenant de la Turquie. C'est un très-vaillant homme, le plus entreprenant qu'ait le Turc, et le plus habile à conduire sagement une enterprise. Aussi sont-ce principalement ces qualités qui lui ont fait donner ce gouvernement. Je demandai s'il ténoit bien le pays et s'il savoit se faire obéir. On me dit qu'il étoit obéi et respecté comme Amurat lui-même, qu'il avoit pour appointemens cinquante mille ducats par an, et que, quand le Turc entroit en guerre, il lui menoit à ses dépens vingt mille hommes; mais que lui, de son côté, il avoit également ses pensionnaires qui, dans ce cas, étoient tenus de lui fournir à leurs frais, l'un mille hommes, l'autre deux mille, l'autre trois, et ainsi des autres. Il y a dans Burse deux bazars; l'un où l'on vend des étoffes de soie de toute espèce, de riches et belles pierreries, grande quantité de perles, et à bon marché, des toiles de coton, ainsi qu'une infinité d'autres marchandises dont l'énumération sèroit trop longue; l'autre où l'on achète du coton et du savon blanc, qui fait là un gros objet de commerce. Je vis aussi dans une halle un spectacle lamentable: c'étoient des chrétiens, hommes et femmes, que l'on vendoit. L'usagé est de les faire asseoir sur les bancs. Celui qui veut les acheter ne voit d'eux que le visage et les mains, et un peu le bras des femmes. A Damas j'avois vu vendre une fille noire, de quinze à seize ans; on la menoit au long des rues toute nue, "fors que le ventre et le derrière, et ung pou au-desoubs." C'est à Burse que, pour la première fois, je mangeai du caviare [Footnote: Caviaire, caviar, cavial, caviat, sorte de ragoût ou de mets compose d'oeufs d'esturgeons qu'on a saupoudrés de sel et séchés au soleil. Les Grecs en font une grande consommation dans leurs différens carêmes.] à l'huile d'olive. Cette nouriture n'est guère bonne que pour des Grecs, ou quand on n'a rien de mieux. Quelques jours après qu'Hoyarbarach fut arrivé j'allai prendre congé de lui et le remercier des moyens qu'il m'avoit procurés, de faire mon voyage. Je le trouvai au bazar, assis sur un haut siége de pierre avec plusieurs des plus notables de la ville. Les marchands s'étoient joints à moi dans cette visite. Quelques-uns d'entre eux, Florentins de nation, s'intéressoient à un Espagnol qui, après avoir été esclave du Soudan, avoit trouvé le moyen de s'échapper d'Egypte et d'arriver jusqu'à Burse. Ils me prièrent de l'emmener, avec moi. Je le conduisis à mes frais jusqu'à Constantinople, où je le laissai; mais je suis persuadé que c'étoit un renégat. Je n'en ai point eu de nouvelles depuis. Trois Génois avoient acheté des épices aux gens de la caravane, et ils se proposoient d'aller les vendre à Père (Péra), près de Constantinople, par-delà le détroit que nous appelons le Bras-de-Saint-George. Moi qui voulais profiter par leur compagnie, j'attendis leur départ, et c'est la raison qui me fit rester dans Burse; car, à moins d'être connu, l'on n'obtient point de passer le détroit. Dans cette vue ils me procurèrent une lettre du gouverneur. Je l'emportai avec moi; mais elle ne me servit point, parce que je trouvai moyen de passer avec eux. Nous partîmes ensemble. Cependant ils m'avoient fait acheter pour ma sûreté un chapeau rouge fort élevé, avec une huvette [Footnote: Huvette, sorte d'ornement qu'on mettoit au chapeau.] en fil d'àrchal, que je portai jusqu'à Constantinople. Au sortir de Burse nous traversâmes vers le nord une plaine qu'arrose une rivière profonde qui va se jetter, quatre lieues environ plus bas, dans le golfe, entre Constantinople et Galipoly. Nous eûmes une journée de montagnes, que des bois et un terrain argileux rendirent très-pénible. Là est un petit arbre qui porte un fruit un peu plus gros que nos plus fortes cerises, et qui a la forme et le goût de nos fraises, quoiqu'un peu aigrelet. Il est fort agréable à manger; mais si on en mange une certaine quantité, il porte à la tête et enivre. On le trouve en Novembre et Décembre. [Footnote: La description de l'auteur annonce qu'il s'agit ici de l'arbousier.] Du haut de la montagne on voit le golfe de Galipoly. Quand on l'a descendu on entre dans une vallée terminée par un très-grand lac, autour duquel sont construites beaucoup de maisons. C'est là que j'ai vu pour la première fois faire des tapis de Turquie. Je passai la nuit dans la vallée. Elle produit beaucoup de riz. Au-delà on trouve, tantôt un pays de montagnes et de vallées, tantôt un pays d'herbages, puis une haute forêt qu'il seroit impossible de traverser sans guide, et où les chevaux enfoncent si fort qu'ils ont grande peine à s'en tirer. Pour moi je crois que c'est celle dont il est parlé dans l'histoire de Godefroi de Bouillon, et qu'il eut tant de difficulté à traverser. Je passai la nuit par-delà, dans un village qui est à quatre lieues en-deçà de Nichomède (Nichomédie). Nichomédie est une grande ville avec havre. Ce havre, appelé le Lenguo, part du golfe de Constantinople et s'étend jusqu'à la ville, où il a de largeur un trait d'arc. Tout ce pays est d'un passage très-difficultueux. Par-delà Nicomédie, en tirant vers Constantinople, il devient très-beau et assez bon. Là on trouve plus de Grecs que de Turcs; mais ces Grecs ont pour les chrétiens (pour les Latins) plus d'aversion encore que les Turcs eux-mêmes. Je côtoyai le golfe de Constantinople, et laissant le chemin de Nique (Nicée), ville située au nord, près de la mer Noire, je vins loger successivement dans un village en ruine, et qui n'a pour habitans que des Grecs; puis dans un autre près de Scutari; enfin à Scutari même, sur le détroit, vis-à-vis de Péra. Là sont des Turcs auxquels il faut payer un droit, et qui gardent le passage. Il y a des roches qui le rendroient très-aisé à défendre si on vouloit le fortifier. Hommes et chevaux peuvent s'y embarquer et débarquer aisément. Nous passâmes, mes compagnons et moi, sur deux vaisseaux Grecs. Ceux à qui appartenoit celui que je montois me prirent pour Turc, et me rendirent de grands honneurs. Mais quand ils m'eurent descendu à terre, et qu'ils me virent, en entrant dans Péra, laisser à la porté mon cheval en garde, et demander un marchand Génois nommé Christophe Parvesin, pour qui j'avois des lettres, ils se doutèrent que j'étois chrétien. Deux d'entre eux alors m'attendirent à la porte, et quand je vins y reprendre mon cheval ils me demandèrent plus que ce que j'étois convenu de leur donner pour mon passage, et voulurent me rançonner. Je crois même qu'ils m'auroient battu s'ils l'avoient osé; mais j'avois mon épée et mon bon tarquais: d'ailleurs un cordonnier Génois qui demeuroit près de là vint à mon aide, et ils furent obligés de se retirer. J'écris ceci pour servir d'avertissement aux voyageurs qui, comme moi, auroient affaire à des Grecs. Tous ceux avec qui j'ai eu à traiter ne m'ont laissé que de la défiance. J'ai trouvé plus de loyauté en Turquie. Ce peuple n'aime point les chrétiens qui obéissent à l'église de Rome; la soumission qu'il a faite depuis à cette église étoit plus intéressée que sincère. [Footnote: En 1438, Jean Paléologue II vint en Italie pour réunir l'église Grecque avec la Latine, et la réunion eut lieu l'année suivante au concile de Florence. Mais cette démarche n'étoit de la part de l'empereur, ainsi que le remarque la Brocquière, qu'une opération politique dictée par l'intérêt, et qui n'eut aucune suite. Ses états se trouvoient dans une situation si déplorable, et il étoit tellement pressé par les Turcs, qu'il cherchoit à se procurer le secours des Latins; et c'est dans cet espoir qu'il étoit venu leurrer le pape. Cette époque de 1438 est remarquable pour notre voyage. Elle prouve que la Brocquière, puisqu'il la cite, le publia postérieurement à cette année-là.] Aussi m'a-t-on dit que, peu avant mon passage, le pape, dans un concile général, les avoit déclarés schismatiques et maudits, en les dévouant à être esclaves de ceux qui étoîent esclaves. [Footnote: Fait faux. Le concile général qui eut lieu peu avant le passage de l'auteur par Constantinople est celui de Bále en 1431. Or, loin d'y maudire et anathématiser les Grecs, on s'y occupa de leur réunion. Cette prétendue malédiction étoit sans doute un bruit que faisoient courir dans Constantinople ceux qui ne vouloient pas de rapprochement, et le voyageur le fait entendre par cette expression, l'on m'a dit.] Péra est une grande ville habitée par des Grecs, par des Juifs et par des Génois. Ceux-ci en sont les maîtres sous le duc de Milan, qui s'en dit le seigneur; ils y ont un podestat et d'autres officiers qui la gouvernent à leur manière. On y fait un grand commerce avec les Turcs; mais les Turcs y jouissent d'un droit de franchise singulier: c'est que si un de leurs esclaves s'échappe et vient y chercher un asile, on est obligé de le leur rendre. Le port est le plus beau de tous ceux que j'ai vus, et même de tous ceux, je crois, que possèdent les chrétiens, puisque les plus grosses caraques Génoises peuvent venir y mettre échelle à terre. Mais comme tout le monde sait cela, je m'abstiens d'en parler. Cependant il m'a semblé que du côté de la terre, vers l'église qui est dans le voisinage de la porte, à l'extrémité du havre, il y a un endroit foible. Je trouvai à Péra un ambassadeur du duc de Milan, qu'on appeloit messire Benedicto de Fourlino. Le duc, qui avoit besoin de l'appui de l'empereur Sigismond contre les Vénitiens, et qui voyoit Sigismond embarrassé à défendre des Turcs son royaume de Hongrie, envoyoit vers Amurat une ambassade pour négocier un accommodement entre les deux princes. Messire Benedicto me fit, en l'honneur de monseigneur de Bourgogne, beaucoup d'accueil; il me conta même que, pour porter dommage aux Vénitiens, il avoit contribué à leur faire perdre Salonique, prise sur eux par les Turcs; et certes en cela il fit d'autant plus mal que depuis j'ai vu des habitans de cette ville renier Jésus-Christ pour embrasser la loi de Mahomet. Il y avoit aussi à Péra un Napolitain nommé Piètre de Naples avec qui je me liai. Celui-ci se disoit marié dans la terre du prêtre Jean, et il fit des efforts pour m'y emmener avec lui. Au reste, comme je le questionnai beaucoup sur ce pays, il m'en conta bien des choses que je vais écrire. J'ignore s'il me dit vérité ou non, mais je ne garantis rien. Nota. La manière dont notre voyageur annonce ici la relation du Napolitain, annonce combien peu il y croyoit; et en cela le bon sens qu'il a montré jusqu'à présent ne se dément pas. Ce récit n'est en effet qu'un amas de fables absurdes et de merveilles révoltantes qui ne méritent pas d'être citées, quoiqu'on les trouve également dans certains auteurs du temps. Laissons l'auteur reprendre son discours. Deux jours après mon arrivée à Péra je traversai le havre pour aller à Constantinople et visiter cette ville. C'est une grande et spacieuse cité, qui a la forme d'un triangle. L'un des côtés regarde le détroit que nous appelons le Bras-de-Saint-George; l'autre a au midi un gouffre (golfe) assez large, qui se prolonge jusqu'à Galipoly. Au nord est le port. Il existe sur la terre, dit-on, trois grandes villes dont chacune renferme sept montagnes; c'est Rome, Constantinople et Antioche. Selon moi, Rome est plus grande et plus arrondie que Constantinople. Pour Antioche, comme je ne l'ai vue qu'en passant, je ne puis rien dire sur sa grandeur; cependant ses montagnes m'ont paru plus hautes que celles des deux autres. On donne à Constantinople, dans son triangle, dix-huit milles de tour, dont un tiers est situé du côté de terre, vers le couchant. Elle a une bonne enceinte de murailles, et surtout dans la partie qui regarde la terre. Cette portion, qu'on dit avoir six milles d'une pointe à l'autre, a en outre un fossé profond qui est en glacis, excepté dans un espace de deux cents pas, à l'une de ses extrémités, près du palais appelé la Blaquerne; on assure même que les Turcs ont failli prendre la ville par cet endroit foible Quinze ou vingt pieds en avant du fosse est une fausse braie d'un bon et haut mur. Aux deux extrémités de ce côté il y avoit autrefois deux beaux palais qui, si l'on en juge par les ruines et les restes qui en subsistent encore, étoient très-forts. On m'a conté qu'ils ont été abattus par un empereur dans une circonstance où, prisonnier du Turc, il courut risque de la vie. Celui-ci exigeoit qu'il lui livrât Constantinople, et, en cas de refus, il menaçoit de le faire mourir. L'autre répondit qu'il préféroit la mort à la honte d'affliger la chrétienté par un si grand malheur, et qu'après tout sa perte ne seroit rien en comparaison de celle de la ville. Quand le Turc vit qu'il n'avanceroit rien par cette voie, il lui proposa la liberté, à condition que la place qui est devant Sainte-Sophie seroit abattue, ainsi que les deux palais. Son projet étoit d'affoiblir ainsi la ville, afin d'avoir moins de peine à la prendre. L'empereur consentit à la proposition, et la preuve en existe encore aujourd'hui. Constantinople est formée de diverses parties séparées: de sorte qu'il y a plus de vide que de plein. Les plus grosses caraques peuvent venir mouiller sous ses murs, comme à Péra; elle a en outre dans son intérieur un petit havre qui peut contenir trois ou quatre galères. Il est au midi, près d'une porte où l'on voit une butte composée d'os de chrétiens qui, après la conquête de Jérusalem et d'Acre, par Godefroi de Bouillion, revenoient par le détroit. A mesure que les Grecs les passoient, ils les conduisoient dans cette place, qui est éloignée et cachée, et les y égorgeoient. Tous quoiqu'en très-grand nombre, auroient péri ainsi, sans un page qui, ayant trouvé moyen de repasser en Asie, les avertit du danger qui les menaçoit: ils se répandirent le long de la mer Noire, et c'est d'eux, à ce qu'on prétend, que descendent ces peuples gros chrétiens (d'un christianisme grossier) qui habitent là: Circassiens, Migrelins, (Mingreliens), Ziques, Gothlans et Anangats. Au reste, comme ce fait est ancien, je n'en sais rien que par ouï-dire. Quoique la ville ait beaucoup de belles églises, la plus remarquable, ainsi que la principale, est celle de Sainte-Sophie, où le patriarche se tient, et autres gens comme chanonnes (chanoines). Elle est de forme ronde, située près de la pointe orientale, et formée de trois parties diverses; l'une souterraine, l'autre hors de terre, la troisième supérieure à celle-ci. Jadis elle étoit entourée de cloîtres, et avoit, dit-on, trois milles de circuit; aujourd'hui elle est moins étendue, et n'a plus que trois cloîtres, qui tous trois sont pavés et revêtus en larges carreaux de marbre blanc, et ornés de grosses colonnes de diverses couleurs. [Footnote: Deux de ces galeries ou portiques, que l'auteur appelle cloîtres, subsistent encore aujourd'hui, ainsi que les colonnes. Celles-ci sont de matières différentes, porphyre, marbre, granit, etc.; et voilà pourquoi le voyageur, qui n'étoit pas naturaliste, les représente comme étant de couleurs diverses.] Les portes, remarquables par leur largeur et leur hauteur, sont d'airain. Cette église possède, dit on, l'une des robes de Notre-Seigneur, le fer de la lance qui le perça, l'éponge dont il fut abreuvé, et le roseau qu'on lui mit en main. Moi je dirai que derrière le choeur on m'a montré les grandes bandes du gril où fut rôti Saint-Laurent, et une large pierre en forme de lavoir, sur laquelle Abraham fit manger, dit-on, les trois anges qui alloient détruire Sodome et Gomorre. J'étois curieux de savoir comment les Grecs célébroient le service divin, et en conséquence je me rendis à Sainte-Sophie un jour où le patriarche officoit. L'empereur y assistoit avec sa femme, sa mère et son frère, despote de Morée. [Footnote: Cet empereur étoit Jean Paléologue II; son frère, Démétrius, despote ou prince du Péloponnèse; sa mère, Irène, fille de Constantin Dragasès, souverain d'une petite contrée de la Macédoine; sa femme, Marié Comnène, fille d'Alexis, empereur de Trébisonde.] On y représenta un mystère, dont le sujet étoit les trois enfans que Nabuchodonosor fit jeter dans la fournaise. [Footnote: Ces farces dévotes étoient d'usage alors dans l'église Grecque, ainsi que dans la Latine. En France on les appeloit mystères, et c'est le nom que le voyageur donne à celle qu'il vit dans Sainte-Sophie.] L'impératrice, fille de l'empereur de Traséonde (Trébisonde), me parut une fort belle personne. Cependant, comme je ne pouvois la voir que de loin, je voulus la considérer de plus près: d'ailleurs j'étois curieux de savoir comment elle montoit à cheval; car elle étoit venue ainsi à l'église, accompagnée seulement de deux dames, de trois vieillards, ministres d'état, et de trois de ces hommes à qui les Turcs confient la garde de leurs femmes (trois eunuques). Au sortir de Sainte-Sophie elle entra dans un hôtel voisin pour y dîner; ce qui m'obligea d'attendre là qu'elle sortît, et par conséquent de passer toute la journée sans boire ni manger. Elle parut enfin. On lui apporta un banc sur lequel elle monta. On fit approcher du banc son cheval, qui étoit superbe et couvert d'une selle magnifique. Alors un des veillards prit le long manteau qu'elle portoit, et passa de l'autre côté du cheval, en le tenant étendu sur ses mains aussi haut qu'il pouvoit. Pendent ce temps elle mit le pied sur l'étrier, elle enfourcha le cheval comme le font les hommes, et dès qu'elle fut en selle le vieillard lui jeta le manteau sur les épaules; après quoi il lui donna un de ces chapeaux longs, à pointe, usités en Grèce, et vers l'extrémité duquel étoient trois plumes d'or qui lui séyoient très-bien. J'étois si près d'elle qu'on me dit de m'èloigner: ainsi je pus la voir parfaitement. Elle avoit aux oreilles un fermail (anneau) large et plat, orné de plusieurs pierres précieuses, et particulièrement de rubis. Elle me parut jeune, blanche, et plus belle encore que dans l'église; en un mot, je n'y eusse trouvé rien à redire si son visage n'avoit été peint, et assurément elle n'en avoit pas besoin. Les deux dames montèrent à cheval en même temps qu'elle; elles étoient belles aussi, et portoient comme elle manteau et chapeau. La troupe retourna au palais de la Blaquerne. Au devant de Sainte Sophie est une belle et immense place, entourée de murs comme un palais, et où jadis on faisoit des jeux. [Footnote: L'hippodrome Grec, aujourd'hui l'atméïdan des Turcs.] J'y vis le frère de l'empereur, despote de Morée, s'exercer avec une vingtaine d'autres cavaliers. Chacun d'eux avoit un arc: ils couroient à cheval le long de l'enceinte, jetoient leurs chapeaux en avant; puis, quand ils l'avoient dépassé, ils tiroient par derrière, comme pour le percer, et celui d'entre eux dont la flèche atteignoit le chapeau de plus près étoit réputé le plus habile. C'est-là un exercice qu'ils ont adopté des Turcs, et c'est un de ceux auxquels ils cherchent à se rendre habiles. De ce côté, près de la pointe de l'angle, est la belle église de Saint-George, qui a, en face de la Turquie, [Footnote: Il s'agit ici de la Turquie d'Asie. On n'avoit point encore donné ce nom aux provinces que les Turcs possedoient en Europe.] une tour à l'endroit où le passage est le plus étroit. De l'autre côté, à l'occident, se voit une très-haute colonne carrée portant des caractères tracés, et sur laquelle est une statue de Constantin, en bronze. Il tient un sceptre de la main gauche, et a le bras droit et la main étendus vers la Turquie et le chemin de Jérusalem, comme pour marquer que tout ce pays étoit sous sa loi. Près de cette colonne il y en a trois autres, placées sur une même ligne, et d'un seul morceau chacun. Celles-ci portoient trois chevaux dorés qui sont maintenant à Venise. [Footnote: Ils sont maintenant à Paris, et il y en a quatre.] Dans la jolie église de Panthéacrator, occupée par des religieux caloyers, qui sont ce que nous appellerions en France moines de l'Observance, on montre une pierre ou table de diverses couleurs que Nicodème avott fait tailler pour placer sur son tombeau, et qui lui servit à poser le corps de Notre-Seigneur quand il le descendit de la croix. Pendant ce temps la Vierge pleuroit sur le corps; mais ses larmes, au lieu d'y rester, tombèrent toutes sur la pierre, et on les y voit toutes encore. D'abord je crus que c'étoient des gouttes de cire, et j'y portai la main pour les tâter; je me baissai ensuite, afin de la regarder horizontalement et à contre jour, et me sembla que c'estoient gouttes d'eau engellées. C'est là une chose que plusieurs personnes ont pu voir comme moi. Dans la même église sont les tombeaux de Constantin et de sainte Hélène sa mère, placés chacun à la hauteur d'environ huit pieds, sur une colonne qui se termine comme un diamant pointu à quatre faces. On dit que les Vénitiens, pendant qu'ils eurent à Constantinople une grande puissance, tirèrent du tombeau de sainte Hélène son corps, qu'ils emportèrent à Venise, où il est encore tout entier. Ils tentèrent, dit-on, la même chose pour celui de Constantin, mais ils ne purent en venir à bout; et le fait est assez vraisemblable, puisqu'on y voit encore deux gros morceaux brisés à l'endroit qu'on vouloit rompre. Les deux tombeaux sont couleur de jaspre sur le vermeil, comme une brique (de jaspe rouge). On montre dans l'église de Sainte-Apostole un tronçon de la colonne à laquelle fut attaché Notre-Seigneur pour être battu de verges chez Pilate. Ce morceau, plus grand que la hauteur d'un homme, est de la même pierre que deux autres que j'ai vus, l'une à Rome, l'autre à Jérusalem; mais ce dernier excède en grandeur les deux autres ensemble. Il y a encore dans la même église, et dans des cercueils de bois, plusieurs corps saints qui sont entiers: les voit qui veut. L'un d'eux avoit eu la tête coupée; on lui en a mis une d'un autre saint Au reste les Grecs ne portent point à ces reliques le même respect que nous. Il en est de même pour la pierre de Nichodème et la colonne de Notre-Seigneur: celle-ci est seulement couverte d'une enveloppe en planches, et posée debout près d'un pilier, à main droite quand on entre dans l'église par la porte de devant. Parmi les belles églises je citerai encore comme une des plus remarquables celle qu'on nomme la Blaquerne, parce-qu'elle est près du palais impérial, et qui, quoique petite et mal couverte, a des peintures avec pavé et revêtemens en marbre. Je ne doute pas qu'il n'y en ait plusieurs autres également dignes d'être vantées; mais je n'ai pu les visiter toutes. Les marchands (marchands Latins) en ont une où tous les jours on dit la messe à la romaine. Celle-ci est vis-à-vis le passage de Péra. La ville a des marchands de plusieurs nations; mais aucune n'y est aussi puissante que les Vénitiens. Ils y ont un baille (baile) qui connoît seul de toutes leurs affaires, et ne dépend ni de l'empereur ni de ses officiers. C'est-là un privilège qu'ils possèdent depuis longtemps: [Footnote: Depuis la conquête de l'empire d'Orient par les Latins, en 1204, conquête à laquelle les Vénitiens avoient contribué en grande partie.] on dît même que par deux fois ils ont, avec leurs galères, sauvé des Turcs la ville; pour moi je croy que Dieu l'a plus gardée pour les saintes reliques qui sont dedans que pour autre chose. Le Turc y entretient aussi un officier pour le commerce qu'y font ses sujets, et cet officier est, de même que le baile, indépendant de l'empereur; ils y ont même le droit, quand un de leurs esclaves s'échappe et s'y réfugie, de le redemander, et l'empereur est obligé de le leur rendre. Ce prince est dans une grande sujétion du Turc, puisque annuellement il lui paie, m'à-t-on dit, un tribut de dix mille ducats; et cette somme est uniquement pour Constantinople: car au-delà de cette ville il ne possède rien qu'un château situé à trois lieues vers le nord, et en Grèce une petite cité nommée Salubrie. J'étois logé chez un marchand Catalan. Cet homme ayant dit à l'un des gens du palais que j'étoîs à monseigneur de Bourgogne, l'empereur me fit demander s'il étoit vrai que le duc eût pris la pucelle, ce que les Grecs ne pouvoient croire. [Footnote: La pucelle d'Orléans, après avoir combattu avec gloire les Anglais et le duc de Bourgogne ligués contre la France, avoit été faite prisonnière en 1430, par un officier de Jean de Luxembourg, général des troupes du duc, puis vendue par Jean aux Anglais, qui la firent brûler vive l'année suivante. Cette vengeance atroce avoit retenti dans toute l'Europe. A Constantinople le bruit public l'attribuoit au duc; mais les Grecs ne pouvoient croire qu'un prince chrétien eût été capable d'un pareille horreur, et leur sembloit, dit l'auteur, que c'estoit une chose impossible.] Je leur en dys la vérité tout ainsi que la chose avoit esté; de quoy ils furent bien esmerveilliés. Le jour de la Chandeleur, les marchands me prévinrent que, l'après-dinée, il devoit y avoir au palais un office solennel pareil à celui que nous faisons ce jour-là; et ils m'y conduisirent. L'emperenr étoit à l'extrémité d'une salle, assis sur une couche (un coussin): l'impératrice vit la cérémonie d'une pièce supérieure; et sont les chappellains qui chantent l'office, estrangnement vestus et habilliés, et chantent par cuer, selon leurs dois. Quelques jours après, on me mena voir également une fête qui avoit lieu pour le mariage d'un des parens de l'empereur. Il y eut une joute à la manière du pays, et cette joute me parut bien étrange. La voici: Au milieu d'une place on avoit planté, en guise de quintaine, un grand pieu auquel étoit attachée une planche large de trois pieds, sur cinq de long. Une quarantaine de cavaliers arrivèrent sur le lieu sans aucune pièce quelconque d'armure, et sans autre arme qu'un petit bâton. D'abord ils s'amusèrent à courir les uns après les autres, et cette manoeuvre dura environ une demi-heure. On apporta ensuite soixante à quatre-vingts perches d'aune, telles et plus longues encore que celles dont nous nous servons pour les couvertures de nos toits en chaume. Le marié en prit une le premier, et il courut ventre à terre vers la planche, pour l'y briser. Elle plioit et branloit dans sa main; aussi la rompit-il sans effort. Alors s'élevèrent des cris de joie, et les instrumens de musique, qui étoient des nacaires, comme chez les Turcs, se firent entendre. Chacun des autres cavaliers vint de même prendre sa perche et la rompre. Enfin le marié en fit lier ensemble deux, qui à la vérité n'étoient pas trop fortes, et il les brisa encore sans se blesser. [Footnote: La Brocquière devoit trouver ces joutes ridicules, parce qu'il étoit accoutumé aux tournois de France, où des chevaliers tout couverts de fer se battoient avec des épées, des lances, des massues, et où très-fréquemment il y avoit des hommes tués, blessés ou écrasés sous les pieds des chevaux. C'est ce qui lui fait dire par deux fois que dans la joute des perches il n'y eut personne de blessé.] Ainsi finit la fête, et chacun retourna chez soi sain et sauf. L'empereur et son épouse étoient à une fenêtre pour la voir. Je m'étois proposé de partir avec ce messire Bénédict de Fourlino, qui, comme je l'ai dit, étoit envoyé en ambassade vers le Turc par le duc de Milan. Il avoit avec lui un gentilhomme du duc, nommé Jean Visconti, sept autres personnes, et dix chevaux de suite, parce que, quand on voyage en Grèce, il faut porter sans exception tout ce dont on peut avoir besoin. Je sortis de Constantinople le 23 Janvier 1433, et traversai d'abord Rigory, passage jadis assez fort, et formé par une vallée dans laquelle s'avance un bras de mer qui peut bien avoir vingt milles de longueur. Il y avoit une tour que les Turcs ont abattue. Il y reste un pont, une chaussée et un village de Grecs. Pour arriver à Constantinople par terre on n'a que ce passage, et un autre un peu plus bas que celui-ci, plus fort encore, et sur une rivière qui vient là se jeter dans la mer. De Rigory j'allai à Thiras, habité pareillement par des Grecs, jadis bonne ville, et passage aussi fort que le précédent, parce qu'il est formé de même par la mer. A chaque bout du pont étoit une grosse tour. La tour et la ville, tout a été détruit par les Turcs. De Thiras je me rendis à Salubrie. Cette ville, située à deux journées de Constantinople, a un petit port sur le golfe, qui s'étend depuis ce dernier lieu jusqu'à Galipoly. Les Turcs n'ont pu la prendre, quoique du côté de la mer elle ne soit pas forte. Elle appartient à l'empereur, ainsi que le pays jusque-là; mais ce pays, tout ruiné, n'a que des villages pauvres. De là je vins à Chourleu, jadis considérable, détruit par les Turcs et peuplé de Turcs et de Grecs; De Chourleu a Mistério, petite place fermée: il n'y a que des Grecs, avec un seul Turc à qui son prince l'a donnée; De Mistério à Pirgasy, où il ne demeure que des Turcs, et dont les murs sont abattus; De Pirgasy à Zambry, également détruite; De Zambry à Andrenopoly (Andrinople), grande ville marchande, bien peuplée, et située sur une très-grosse rivière qu'on nomme la Marisce, à six journées de Constantinople. C'est la plus forte de toutes celles que le Turc possède dans la Grèce, et c'est celle qu'il habite le plus volontiers. Le seigneur ou lieutenant de Grèce (le gouverneur) y fait aussi son séjour, et l'on y trouve plusieurs marchands Vénitiens, Catalans, Génois et Florentins. Depuis Constantînople jusque là, le pays est bon, bien arrosé, mais mal peuplé; il a des vallées fertiles, et produit de tout, excepté du bois. Le Turc étoit à Lessère, grosse ville en Pyrrhe, près du lieu de Thessalie où se livra la bataille entre César et Pompée, et messire Benedicto prit cette route pour se rendre auprès de lui. Nous passâmes la Marisce en bateaux, et rencontrâmes, a peu de distance, cinquante de ses femmes, accompagnées d'environ seize eunuques, qui nous apprirent qu'ils les conduisoient à Andrinople, où lui-même se proposoit de venir bientôt. J'allaià Dymodique, bonne ville, fermée d'une double enceinte de murailles. Elle est fortifiée d'un côté par une rivière, et de l'autre par un grand et fort château construit sur une hauteur presque ronde, et qui, dans son circuit, peut bien renfermer trois cents maisons. Le château a un donjon où le Turc, m'a-t-on dit, tient son trésor. De Dymodique je me rendis à Ypsala, assez grande ville, mais totalement détruite, et où je passai la Marisce une seconde fois. [Footnote: Ici le copiste écrit la Maresce, plus haut il avoit mis Maresche, et plus haut encore Marisce. Ces variations d'orthographe sont infiniment communes dans nos manuscrits, et souvent d'une phrase à l'autre. J'en ai fait la remarque dans mon discours préliminaire.] Elle est à deux journées d'Andrinople. Le pays, dans tout cet espace, est marécageux et difficile pour les chevaux. Ayne, au-delà d'Ypsala, est sur la mer, à l'embouchure de la Marisce, qui a bien en cet endroit deux milles de large. Au temps de Troye-la-Grant, ce fut une puissante cité, qui avoit son roi: maintenant elle a pour seigneur le frère du seigneur de Matelin, qui est tributaire du Turc. Sur une butte ronde on y voit un tombeau qu'on dit être celui de Polydore, le plus jeune des fils de Priam. Le père, pendant le siège de Troie, avoit envoyé son fils au roi d'Ayne, avec de grands trésors; mais, après la destruction de la ville, le roi, tant par crainte des Grecs que par convoitise des trésors, fit mourir le jeune prince. A Ayne je passai la Marisce sur un gros bâtiment, et me rendis à Macry, autre ville maritime à l'occident de la première, et habitée de Turcs et de Grecs. Elle est près de l'ile de Samandra, qui appartient au seigneur d'Ayne, et elle paroit avoir été autrefois très-considérable; maintenant tout y est en ruines, à l'exception d'une partie du château. Caumissin, qu'on trouve ensuite après avoir traversé une montagne, a de bons murs, qui la rendent assez forte, quoique petite. Elle est sur un ruisseau, en beau et plat pays, fermé par d'autres montagnes à l'occident, et ce pays s'étend, dans un espace de cinq à six journées, jusqu'à Lessère. Missy fut également et forte et bien close: mais une partie de ses murs sont abattus; tout y a été détruit, et elle n'a point d'habitans. Péritoq, ville ancienne et autrefois considérable, est sur un golfe qui s'avance dans les terres d'environ quarante milles, et qui part de Monte-Santo, où sont tant de caloyers. Elle a des Grecs pour habitans, et pour défense de bonnes murailles, qui cependant sont entamées par de grandes brêches. De là, pour aller à Lessère, le chemin est une grande plaine. C'est près de Lessère, dit-on, que se livra la grande bataille de Thessale (de Pharsale). Je n'allai point jusqu'à cette dernière ville. Instruits que le Turc étoit en route, nous l'attendîmes à Yamgbatsar, village construit par ses sujets. Il n'arriva que le troisième jour. Son escorte, quand il marchoit, étoit de quatre à cinq cents chevaux; mais comme il aimoit passionnément la chasse au vol, la plus grande partie de cette troupe étoit composée de fauconniers et d'ostriciers (autoursiers), gens dont il faisoit un grand cas, et dont il entretenoit, me dit-on, plus de deux mille. Avec ce goût il ne faisoit que de petites journées, et ses marches n'étoient pour lui qu'un objet d'amusement et de plaisir. Il entra dans Yamgbatsar avec de la pluie, n'ayant pour cortége qu'une cinquantaine de cavaliers avec douze archers, ses esclaves, qui marchoient à pied devant lui. Son habillement étoit une robe de velours cramoisi, fourrée de martre zibeline, et sur la tête il portoit, comme les Turcs, un chapeau rouge; mais, pour se garantir de la pluie, par-dessus sa robe il en avoit mis une autre de velours, en guise de manteau, selon la mode du pays. Il campa sous un pavillon qu'on avoit apporté; car nulle part on ne trouve à loger, nulle part on ne trouve de vivres que dans les grandes villes, et, en voyage, chacun est obligé de porter tout ce qui lui est nécessaire. Pour lui, il avoit un grand train de chameaux et d'autres bêtes de somme. L'après-dinée il sortit pour aller prendre un bain, et je le vis à mon aise. Il étoit à cheval, avec son même chapeau et sa robe cramoisie, accompagné de six personnes à pied; je l'entendis même parler à ses gens, et il me parut avoir la parole lourde. C'est un prince de vingt-huit à trente ans, qui déja devient très-gras. L'ambassadeur lui fit demander par un des siens s'il pourroit avoir de lui une audience et lui offrir les présens qu'il apportoit. Il fit réponse qu'allant à ses plaisirs il ne vouloit point entedre parler d'affaires; que d'ailleurs ses bayschas (bachas) étoient absens, et que l'ambassadeur n'avoit qu'à les attendre ou aller l'attendre lui-même dans Andrinople. Messire Bénédict prit ce dernier parti. En conséquence nous retournâmes à Caumissin, et de là, après avoir repassé la montagne dont j'ai parlé, nous vînmes gagner un passage formé par deux hautes roches entre lesquelles coule une rivière. Pour le garder on avoit construit sur l'une des roches un fort château nommé Coulony, qui maintenant est détruit presque en entier. La montagne est en partie couverte de bois, et habité par des hommes méchans et assassins. J'arrivai ainsi à Trajanopoly, ville bâtie par un empereur nommé Trajan, lequel fit beaucoup de choses dignes de mémoire. Il étoit fits de celui qui fonda Andrénopoly. Les Sarrasins disent qu'il avoit une oreille de mouton. [Footnote: Trajanopoly ne fut point nommée ainsi pour avoir été construite, par Trajan, mais parce qu'il y mourut. Elle existoit avant lui, et se nommoit Sélinunte. Adrien ne fut pas le père de Trajan, mais au contraire son fils adoptif, et c'est par-là qu'il devint son successeur. Andrinople n'a pas plus été fondée par Adrien que Trajanopoly par Trajan. Un tremblement de terre l'avoit ruinée; il la fit rebâtir et lui donna son nom. On doit excuser ces erreurs dans un auteur du quinzième siècle. Quant à l'oreille de mouton, il en parle comme d'une fable de Sarrasins.] Sa ville, qui étoit très-grande, est dans le voisinage de la mer et de la Marisce. On n'y voit plus que des ruines, avec quelques habitans. Elle a une montagne au levant et la mer au midi. L'un des ses bains porte le nom d'eau sainte. Plus loin est Vyra, ancien château qu'on a demoli en plusieurs endroits. Un Grec m'a dit que l'église avoit trois cents chanoines. Le choeur en subsiste encore, et les Turcs en ont fait une mosquée. Ils ont aussi construit autour du château une grande ville, peuplée maintenant par eux et par des Grecs. Elle est sur une montagne près de la Marisce. Au sortir de Vyra nous recontrâmes le seigneur (gouverneur) de la Grèce, qui, mandé par le Turc, se rendoit apprès de lui avec une troupe de cent vingt chevaux. C'est un bel homme, natif de Bulgarie, et qui a été esclave de son maître; mais comme il a le talent de bien boire, le dit maître lui a donné le gouvernement de Grèce, avec cinquante mille ducats de revenu. Dymodique, où je revins, me parut plus belle et plus grande encore qu'à mon premier passage; et s'il est vrai que le Turc y a déposé son trésor, assurément il a raison. Nous fûmes obligés de l'attendre onze jours dans Adrinople. Enfin il arriva le premier de carême. Le grand calife (le muphti), qui est chez eux ce qu'est le pape chez nous, alla au-devant de lui avec tous les notables de la ville: ce qui formoit une troupe très-nombreuse. Il en étoit déja assez près lorsqu'ils le rencontrèrent, et néanmoins il s'arrêta pour boire et manger, envoya en avant une partie de ces gens, et n'y entra qu'à la nuit. J'ai eu occasion de me lier, pendant mon séjour à Andrinople, avec plusieurs personnes qui avoient vécu à sa cour, et qui, à portée de le bien connoître, m'ont donné sur lui quelques détails; et d'abord, moi qui l'ai vu plusieurs fois, je dirai que c'est un petit homme, gros et trapu, à physionomie Tartare, visage large et brun, joues élevées, barbe ronde, nez grand et courbé, petits yeux; mais il est, m'a-t-on dit, doux, bon, libéral, distribuant volontiers seigneuries et argent. Ses revenus sont de deux millions et demi de ducats, y compris vingt-cinq mille qu'il perçoit en tributs. [Footnote: Il y a ici erreur de copiste sur ces vingt-cinq mille ducats de tributs; la somme est trop foible. On verra plus bas que le despote de Servie en payoit annuellement cinquante mille à lui seul.] D'ailleurs, quand il leve une armée, non seulement elle ne lui coûte rien; mais il y gagne encore, parce que les troupes qu'on lui amène de Turquie en Grèce [Footnote: J'ai déja remarqué que l'auteur appelle Turquie les états que possédoient en Asie les Turcs, et qu'il désigne sous le nom de Grèce ceux qu'ils avoient en-deçà du détroit, et que nous nommons aujourd'hui Turquie d'Europe.] paient à Gallipoly le comarch, qui est de trois aspres par homme et de cinq par cheval. Il en est de même au passage de la Dunoë (du Danube). D'ailleurs, quand ses soldats vont en course et qu'ils font des esclaves, il a le droit d'en prendre un sur cinq, à son choix. Cependant il passe pour ne point aimer la guerre, et cette inculpation me paroît assez fondée. En effet il a jusqu'à présent éprouvé de la part de la chrétienté si peu de resistance que s'il vouloit employer contre elle la puissance et les revenus dont il jouit, ce lui seroit chose facile d'en conquérir une très grande partie. [Footnote: Le Sultan dont la Brocquière fait ici mention, et qu'il a désigné ci-devant sous le non d'Amourat-Bay, est Amurat II, l'un des princes Ottomans les plus célèbres. L'histoire cite de lui plusieurs conquêtes qui à la vérité sont la plupart postérieures au temps dont parle ici la relation. S'il n'en a point fait davantage, c'est qu'il eut en tête Huniade et Scanderberg. D'ailleurs sa gloire fut éclipsée par celle de son fils, le fameux Mahomet II, la terreur des chrétiens, surnommé le grand par sa nation, et qui, vingt ans après, en 1453, prit Constantinople, et détruisit le peau qui subsistoit encore de l'empire Grec.] Un de ses goûts favoris est la chasse aux chiens et aux oiseaux. Il a, dit-on, plus de mille chiens et plus de deux mille oiseaux dressés, et de diverses espèces; j'en ai vu moi-même une très-grande partie. Il aime beaucoup à boire, et aime ceux qui boivent bien. Pour lui, il va sans peine jusqu'à dix ou douze grondils de vin: ce qui fait six ou sept quartes. [Footnote: La quarte s'appeloit ainsi, parce qu'elle étoit le quart du chenet, qui contenoit quatre pots et une pinte. Le pot étoit de deux pintes, et par conséquent la quarte faisoit deux bouteilles, plus un demi-setier; et douze grondils, vingt-trois bouteilles.] C'est quand il a bien bu qu'il devient libéral et qu'il distribue ses grands dons: aussi ses gens sont-ils très-aises de le voir demander du vin. L'année dernière il y eut un Maure qui s'avisa de venir le prêcher sur cet objet, et qui lui représenta que cette liqueur étant défendue par le prophète, ceux qui en buvoient n'étoient pas de bons Sarrasins: pour toute réponse il le fit mettre en prison, puis chasser de ses états, avec défense d'y jamais remettre les pieds. Au goût pour les femmes il joint celui des jeunes garçons. Il a trois cents des premières et une trentaine des autres; mais il se plaît devantage avec ceux-ci. Quand ils sont grands il les récompense par de riches dons et des seigneuries: il y en a un auquel il a donné en mariage l'une de ses soeurs, avec vingt-cinq mille ducats de revenu. Certains personnes font monter son trésor à un demi-million de ducats, d'autres à un million. Il en a en outre un second, qui consiste en esclaves, en vaisselle, et principalement en joyaux pour ses femmes. Ce dernier article est estimé seul un million d'or. Moi, je suis convaincu que s'il tenoit sa main fermée pendant un an, et qu'il s'abstint de donner ainsi à l'aveugle, il épargneroit un million de ducats sans faire tort à personne. De temps en temps il fait de grands exemples de justice bien remarquables; ce qui lui procure d'être parfaitement obéi tant dans son intérieur qu'au-dehors. D'ailleurs il sait maintenir son pays dans un excellent état de défense, et il n'emploie vis-à-vis de ses sujets Turcs ni taille ni aucun genre d'extorsion. [Footnote: Ceci est une satire indirecte des gouvernemens d'Europe, où chaque jour les rois, et même les seigneurs particuliers, vexoient ce qu'ils appéloient leurs hommes ou leurs sujets par des tailles arbitraires et des milliers d'impôts dont les noms étoient aussi bizarres que l'assiette et la perception en étoient abusives.] Sa maison est composée de cinq mille personnes tant à pied qu'à cheval; mais à l'armée il n'augmente en rien leurs gages: de sorte qu'en guerre il ne depense pas plus qu'en paix. Ses principaux officiers sont trois baschas ou visiers-bachas (visirs-bachas.) Le visir est un conseiller; le bâcha, une sorte de chef ou ordonnateur. Ces trois personnages sont chargés de tout ce qui concerne sa personne ou sa maison, et on ne peut lui parler que par leur entremise. Quand il est en Grèce, c'est le seigneur de Grèce (le gouverneur) qui a l'inspection sur les gens de guerre; quand il est en Turquie, c'est le seigneur de Turquie. Il a donné de grandes seigneuries; mais il peut les retirer à son gré. D'ailleurs ceux auxquels il les accorde sont tenus de le servir en guerre avec un certain nombre de troupes à leurs frais. C'est ainsi que, tous les ans, ceux de Grèce lui fournissent trente mille hommes qu'il peut employer et conduire par-tout où bon lui semble; et ceux de Turquie dix mille, auxquels il n'a que des vivres à fournir. Veut-il former une armée plus considérable, la Grèce seule, m'a-t-on dit, peut alors lui donner cent vingt mille hommes; mais ceux-ci, il est obligé de les soudoyer. La paie est de cinq aspers pour un fantassin, de huit pour un cavalier. Cependant j'ai entendu dire que sur ces cent vingt mille hommes il n'y en avoit que la moitié, c'est-à-dire les gens de cheval, qui fussent en bon état, bien armés de tarquais et d'épée; le reste est composé de gens de pied mal équippés. Celui d'entre eux qui a une épée n'a point d'arc, celui qui a un arc n'a ni épée ni arme quelconque, beaucoup même n'ont qu'un bâton. Et il en est ainsi des piétons que fournit la Turquie: la moitié n'est armée que de bâtons; cependant ces piétons Turcs sont plus estimés que les Grecs, et meilleurs soldats. D'autres personnes dont je regarde le témoignage comme véritable m'ont dit depuis que les troupes qu'annuellement la Turquie est obligée de fournir quand le seigneur veut former son armée, montent à trente mille hommes, et celles de Grèce à vingt mille, sans compter deux ou trois mille esclaves qui sont à lui, et qu'il arme bien. Parmi ces esclaves il y a beaucoup de chrétiens. Il y en a aussi beaucoup dans les troupes Grecques: les uns Albaniens, les autres Bulgares ou d'autres contrées. C'est ainsi que dans la dernière armée de Grèce il se trouva trois mille chevaux de Servie, que le despote de cette province envoya sous le commandement d'un de ses fils. C'est bien à regret que tous ces gens-là viennent le servir; mais ils n'oseroient refuser. Les bâchas arrivèrent à Andrinople trois jours après leur seigneur, et ils y amenoient avec eux une partie de ses gens et de son bagage. Ce bagage consiste en une centaine de chameaux et deux cent cinquante, tant mulets que sommiers, parce que la nation ne fait point usage de chariots. Messire Bénédict, qui desiroit avoir de lui une audience, fit demander aux bachas s'il pouvoit les-voir, et ils répondirent que non. La raison de ce refus etoit qu'ils avoient bu avec leur seigneur, et qu'ils etoient ivres ainsi que lui. Cependant ils envoyèrent le lendemain chez l'ambassadeur pour le prévenir qu'ils étoient visibles, et il se rendit aussitôt chez chacun d'eux avec des présens: telle est la coutume; on ne peut leur parler sans apporter quelque chose, et il en est de même pour les esclaves qui gardent leurs portes. Je l'accompagnai dans cette visite. Le jour suivant, dans l'après-dînée, ils lui firent dire qu'il pouvoit venir au palais. Il monta aussitôt à cheval pour s'y rendre avec sa suite, et je me joignis à elle: mais nous étions tous à pied; lui seul avoit un cheval. Devant la cour nous trouvâmes une grande quantité d'hommes et de chevaux. La porte étoit gardée par une trentaine d'esclaves sous le gouvernement d'un chef, et armés de bâtons. Si quelqu'un se présente pour entrer sans permission, ils lui disent de se retirer; s'il insiste, ils le chassent à coups de bâton. Ce que nous appelons la cour du roi, les Turcs l'appellent porte du seigneur. Toutes les fois que le seigneur reçoit un message ou ambassade, ce qui lui arrive presque tous les jours, il fait porte. Faire porte est pour lui ce qu'est pour nos rois de France tenir état royal et cour ouverte, quoique cependant il y ait entre les deux cérémonies beaucoup de différence, comme je le dirai tout-à-l'heure. Quand l'ambassadeur fut entré on le fit asseoir près de la porte avec beaucoup d'autres personnes qui attendoient que le maître sortit de sa chambre pour faire porte. D'abord les trois bachas entrèrent avec le gouverneur de Grèce et autres qu'ils appellent seigneurs. Sa chambre donnoit sur une très-grande cour. Le gouverneur alla l'y attendre. Il parut. Son vêtement étoit, selon l'usage, une robe de satin cramoisi, par-dessus laquelle il en avoit, comme manteau, une autre de satin vert à figures, fourrée de martre zibeline. Ses jeunes garçons l'accompagnoient; mais ils ne le suivirent que jusqu'à l'entrée de la pièce, et rentrèrent. Il ne resta près de lui qu'un petit nain et deux jeunes gens qui faisoient les fous. [Footnote: L'usage l'avoir des nains et des fous étoit très ancien dans les cours d'Orient. Il avoît passé avec les croisades dans celles des princes chretiens d'Europe, et dura en France, pour les fous, jusqu'à Louis XIV.] Il traversa l'angle de la cour, et vint dans une galerie où l'on avoit préparé un siège pour lui. C'étoît une sorte de couche couverte en velours (un sopha), où il avoit quatre ou cinq degrés à monter. Il alla s'y asseoir à la manière Turque, comme nos tailleurs quand ils travaillent, et aussitôt les trois bachas vinrent prendre place à peu de distance de lui. Les autres officiers qui dans ces jours-là font partie de son cortège entrèrent également dans la galerie, et ils allèrent se ranger le long des murs, aussi loin de lui qu'ils le purent. En dehors, mais en face, étoient assis vingt gentilshommes Valaques, détenus à sa suite comme otages du pays. Dans l'intérieur de la salle on avoit placé une centaine de grands plats d'étain, qui chacun contenoient une pièce de mouton et du riz. Quand tout le monde fut placé on fit entrer un seigneur du royaume de Bossène (Bosnie), lequel prétendoit que la couronne de ce pays lui apparteroit: en conséquence il étoit venu en faire hommage au Turc et lui demander du secours contre le roi. On le mena prendre place auprès des bachas; on introduisit ses gens, et l'on fit venir l'ambassadeur du duc de Milan. Il partit suivi de ses présens, qu'on alla placer près des plats d'étain. Là, des gens préposés pour les recevoir, les purent et les levèrent au-dessus de leurs têtes aussi haut qu'ils le purent, afin que le seigneur et sa cour pussent les voir. Pendant ce temps, messire Bénédict avançoit lentement vers la galerie. Un homme de distinction vint au-devant de lui pour l'y introduire. En entrant il fit une révérence sans ôter l'aumusse qu'il avoit sur la tête; arrivé près des degrés, il en fit une autre très-profonde. Alors le seigneur se leva: il descendit deux marches pour s'approcher de l'ambassadeur et le prit par la main. Celui-ci voulut lui baiser la sienne; mais il s'y refusa, et demanda par la voie d'un interprète Juif qui savoit le Turc et l'Italien, comment se portoit son bon frère et voisin le duc de Milan. L'ambassadeur répondit à cette question; après quoi on le mena prendre place près du Bosnien, mais à reculons, selon l'usage, et toujours le visage tourné vers le prince. Le seigneur attendit, pour se rasseoir, qu'il fût assis. Alors les diverses personnes de service qui étoient dans la salle se mirent par terre, et l'introducteur qui l'avoit fait entrer alla nous chercher, nous autres qui formions sa suite, et il nous plaça près des Bosniens. Pendant ce temps on attachoit au seigneur une serviette en soie; on plaçoit devant lui une pièce de cuir rouge, ronde et mince, parce que leur coutume est de ne manger que sur des nappes de cuir; puis on lui apporta de la viande cuite, sur deux plats dorés. Lorsqu'il fut servi, les gens de service allèrent prendre les plats d'étain dont j'ai parlé, et ils les distribuèrent par la salle aux personnes qui s'y trouvoient: un plat pour quatre. Il y avoit dans chacun un morceau de mouton et du riz clair, mais point de pain et rien à boire. Cependant j'aperçus dans un coin de la cour un haut buffet à gradins qui portoit un peu de vaisselle, et au pied duquel étoit un grand vase d'argent en forme de calice. Je vis plusieurs gens y boire; mais j'ignore si c'étoit de l'eau ou du vin. Quant à la viande des plats, quelques-uns y goûtèrent; d'autres, non: mais, avant qu'ils fussent tous servis, il fallut desservir, parce que le maitre n'avoit point voulu manger. Jamais il ne prend rien en public, et il y a très-peu de personnes qui puissent se vanter de l'avoir entendu parler, ou vu manger ou boire. Il sortit, et alors se firent entendre des ménestrels (musiciens) qui étoient dans la cour, près du buffet. Ils touchèrent des instrumens et chantèrent des chansons de gestes, dans lesquelles ils célébroient les grandes actions des guerriers Turcs. A mesure que ceux de la galerie entendoient quelque chose qui leur plaisoit, ils poussoient à leur manière des cris épouvantables. J'ignorois quels étoient les instrumens dont on jouoit: j'allai dans la cour, et je vis qu'ils étoient à cordes et fort grands, Les ménestrels vinrent dans la salle, où ils mangèrent ce qui s'y trouvoit. Enfin on desservit: chacun se leva, et l'ambassadeur se retira sans avoir dit un mot de son ambassade: ce qui, pour la première audience, est de coutume. Une autre coutume encore est que quand un ambassadeur a été présenté au seigneur, celui-ci, jusqu'à ce qu'il ait fait sa réponse, lui envoie de quoi fournir à sa dépense; et cette somme est de deux cents aspers. Le lendemain donc un des gens du trésorier, celui-là même qui étoit venu prendre messire Bénédict pour le conduire à la cour, vint lui apporter la somme: mais peu après les esclaves qui gardent là porte vinrent chercher ce qu'en pareil cas il est d'usage de leur donner, et au reste ils se contentent de peu. Le troisième jour, les bachas lui firent savoir qu'ils étoient prêts à apprendre de lui le sujet qui l'amenoit. Il se rendit aussitôt à la cour, et je l'y accompagnai. Déja le maître avoit tenu son audience; il venoit de se retirer, et les bachas seuls étoient restés avec le béguelar ou seigneur de Grèce. Quand nous eûmes passé la porte nous les trouvâmes tous quatre assis en dehors de la galerie, sur un pièce de bois qui se trouvoit là. Ils envoyèrent dire à l'ambassadeur d'approcher. On mit par terre, devant eux, un tapis, et ils l'y firent asseoir comme un criminel qui est devant son juge. Cependant il y avoit dans le lieu une assez grande quantité de monde. Il leur exposa le sujet de sa mission, qui consistoit, m'a-t-on dit, à prier leur maitre, de la part du duc de Milan, de vouloir bien abandonner à l'empereur Romain Sigismond la Hongrie, la Valaquie, toute la Bulgarie jusqu'à Sophie, le royaume de Bosnie, et la partie qu'il possédoit d'Albanie dépendante d'Esclavonie. Ils répondirent qu'ils ne pouvoient pour le moment en instruire leur seigneur, parce qu'il étoit occupé; mais que dans dix jours ils feroient connoitre sa réponse, s'il la leur avoit donnée. C'est encore là une chose d'usage, que dès le moment où un ambassadeur est annoncé tel, il ne peut plus parler au prince; et ce règlement a lieu depuis que le grand-père de celui-ci a péri de la main d'un ambassadeur de Servie. L'envoyé étoit venu solliciter auprès de lui quelque adoucissement en faveur de ses compatriotes, que le prince vouloit réduire en servitude. Désespéré de ne pouvoir rien obtenir, il le tua, et fut lui-même massacré à l'instant. [Footnote: Le grand-père d'Amurath II est Bajazet I'er, qui mourut prisonnier de Tamerlan, soit qu'il ait été traite avec égards par son vainqueur, comme le veulent certains écrivains, soit qu'il ait péri dans une cage de fer, comme le prétendent d'autres: ainsi l'historiette de l'ambassadeur de Servie ne peut le regarder. Mais on lit dans la vie d'Amurath I'er, père de Bajazet, et par conséquent bisaleul d'Amurath II, un fait qui a pu donner lieu à la fable de l'assassinat. Ce prince, en 1389, venoit de remporter sur le despote de Servie une victoire signalée dans laquelle il l'avoit fait prisonnier, et il parcouroit le champ de bataille quand, passant auprès d'un soldat Tréballien blessé à mort, celui-ci le reconnoit, ranime ses forces et le poignarde. Selon d'autres auteurs, le despote, qui se nommoit Lazare ou Eléazar Bulcowitz, se voit attaqué par une puissante armée d'Amurath. Hors d'état de résister, il emploie la trahison: il gagne un des grands seigneurs de sa cour, qui feint de passer dans le parti du sultan, et l'assassine. (Ducange, Familiæ Bisant p. 334.) Enfin, selon une autre relation, Amurath fut tué dans le combat; mais Lazare, fait prisonnier par les Turcs, est par eux coupé en morceaux sur le cadavre sanglant de leur maître. Il paroit, d'après le récit de là Brocquière, que la version de l'assassinat du sultan par le Servien est la véritable. C'est au moins ce que paroissent prouver les précautions prises à la cour Ottomane contre les ambassadeurs étrangers. Aujourd'hui encore, quand ils paroissent devant le souverain, on les tient par la manche.] Le dixième jour, nous allâmes à la cour chercher réponse. Le seigneur étoit, comme la première fois, sur son siége; mais il n'y avoit avec lui dans la galerie que ceux de ses gens qui lui servoient à manger. Je n'y vis ni buffet, ni ménestrels, ni le seigneur de Bosnie, ni les Valaques; mais seulement Magnoly, frère du duc de Chifalonie (Céphalonie), qui se conduit envers le prince comme un serviteur bien respectueux. Les bachas eux-même étoient en dehors, debout et fort loin, ainsi que la plupart des personnes que j'avois vues autrefois dans l'intérieur; encore leur nombre étoit-il beaucoup moindre. On nous fit attendre en dehors. Pendant ce temps, le grand cadi, avec ses autres associés, rendoit justice à la porte extérieure de la cour, et j'y vis venir devant lui des chrétiens étrangers pour plaider leur cause. Mais quand le seigneur se leva, les juges levèrent aussi leur séance, et se retirèrent chez eux. Pour lui, je le vis passer avec tout son cortége dans la grande cour; ce que je n'avois pu voir la première fois. Il portait une robe de drap d'or, verte et peu riche, et il me parut avoir la démarche vive. Dès qu'il fut rentré dans sa chambre, les bachas, assis, comme la fois précédente, sur la pièce de bois, firent venir l'ambassadeur. Leur réponse fut que leur maitre le chargeoit de saluer pour lui son frère le duc de Milan; qu'il desireroit faire beaucoup en sa faveur, mais que sa demande en ce moment n'étoit point raisonnable; que, par égard pour lui, leur dit seigneur s'étoit souvent abstenu de faire dans le royaume de Hongrie de grandes conquêtes, qui d'ailleurs lui eussent peu coûté, et que ce sacrifice devoit suffire; que ce seroit pour lui chose fort dure de rendre ce qu'il avoit gagné par l'épée; que, dans les circonstances présentes, lui et ses soldats n'avoient, pour occuper leur courage, que les possessions de l'empereur, et qu'ils y renoncoient d'autant moins que jusqu'alors ils ne s'étoient jamais trouvés en présence sans l'avoir battu ou vu fuir, comme tout le monde le savoit. En effet, l'ambassadeur étoit instruit de ces détails. A la dernière défaite qu'éprouva Sigismond devant Couloubath, il avoit été témoin de son désastre; il avoit même, la veille de la bataille, quitté son camp pour se rendre auprès du Turc. Dans nos entretiens il me conta sur tout cela beaucoup de particularités. Je vis également deux arbalétriers Génois qui s'étoient trouvés à ce combat, et qui me racontérent comment l'empereur et son armée repassèrent le Danube sur ces galères. Après avoir reçu la réponse des bachas, l'ambassadeur revint chez lui; mais à peine y étoit-il arrivé qu'il reçut, de la part du seigneur, cinq mille aspres avec une robe de camocas cramoisi, doublée de boccassin jaune. Trente-six aspres valent un ducat de Venise; mais sur les cinq mille le trésorier qui les délivra en retint dix par cent pour droits de sa charge. Je vis aussi pendant mon séjour à Andrinople un présent d'un autre genre, fait également par le seigneur à une mariée, le jour de ses noces. Cette mariée étoit la fille du béguelarbay, gouverneur de la Grèce, et c'étoit la fille d'un des bachas qui, accompagnée de trente et quelques autres femmes, avoit été chargée de le présenter. Son vêtement étoit un tissu d'or cramoisi, et elle avoit le visage couvert, selon l'usage de la nation, d'un voile très-riche et ornée de pierreries. Les dames portoient de même de magnifiques voiles, et pour habillement les unes avoient des robes de velours cramoisi, les autres des robes de drap d'or sans fourrures. Toutes étoient à cheval, jambe de-ça, jambe de là, comme des hommes, et plusieurs avoient de superbes selles. En ayant et à la tete de la troupe marchoient treize ou quatorze cavaliers et deux ménestrels, également à cheval, ainsi que quelques autres musiciens qui portoient une trompette, un très-grand tambour et environ huit paires de timbales. Tout cela faisoit un bruit affreux. Après les musiciens venoit le présent, et après le présent, les dames. Ce présent consistoit en soixante-dix grands plateaux d'etain chargés de différentes sortes de confitures et de compotes, et vingt-huit autres dont chacun portoit un mouton écorché. Les moutons étoient peints en blanc et en rouge, et tous avoient un anneau d'argent suspendu au nez et deux autres aux oreilles. J'eus occasian de voir aussi dans Andrinople des chaînes de chrétiens qu'on amenoit vendre. Ils demandoient l'aumône dans les rues. Mais le coeur saigne quand on songe à tout ce qu'ils souffrent de maux. Nous quittâmes la ville le 12 de Mars, sous la conduite d'un esclave que le seigneur avoit donné à l'ambassadeur pour l'accompagner. Cet homme nous fut en route d'une grande utilité, surtout pour les logemens; car par-tout où il demandoit quelque chose pour nous, à l'instant on s'empressoit de nous l'accorder. Notre première journée fut à travers un beau pays, en remontant le long de la Marisce, que nous passâmes à un bac. La seconde, quoiqu'avec bons chemins, fut employée à traverser des bois. Enfin nous entrâmes dans le pays de Macédoine. Là je trouvai une grande plaine entre deux montagnes, laquelle peut bien avoir quarante milles de large, et qui est arrosée par la Marisce. J'y rencontrai quinze hommes et dix femmes enchaînés par le cou. C'étoient des habitans du royaume de Bosnie que des Turcs venoient d'enlever dans une course qu'ils avoient faite. Deux d'entre eux les menoient vendre dans Andrinople. Peu après j'arrivai à Phéropoly, [Footnote: C'est une erreur de copiste: lui-même, quelques lignes plus bas, a écrit l'hélippopoly, et en effet c'est de Philippopoli qu'il est mention.] capitale de la Macédoine, et bâtie par le roi Philippe. Elle est sur la Marisce, dans une grande plaine et un excellent pays, où l'on trouve toutes sortes de vivres et à bon compte. Ce fut jadis une ville considérable, et elle l'est encore. Elle renferme trois montagnes, dont deux sont à une extrémité vers le midi, et l'autre au centre. Sur celle-ci étoit construit un grand château en forme de croissant allongé; mais il a été détruit. On me montra l'emplacement du palais du roi Philippe, qu'on a de même démoli, et dont les murs subsistent encore. Philippopoli est peuplée en grande partie de Bulgares qui tiennent la loi Grégoise (qui suivent la religion Grecque). Pour en sortir je passai la Marisce sur un pont, et chevauchai pendant une journée toute entière à travers cette plaine dont j'ai parlé; elle aboutit à une montagne longue de seize à vingt milles, et couverte de bois. Ce lieu étoit autrefois infesté de voleurs, et très-dangereux à passer. Le Turc a ordonné que quiconque y habiteroit fut Franc, et en conséquence il s'y est élevé deux villages peuplés de Bulgares, et dont l'un est sur les confins de Bulgarie et de Macédoine. Je passai la nuit dans le premier. Après avoir traversé la montagne, on trouve une plaine de six milles de long sur deux de large; puis une forêt qui peut bien en avoir seize de longueur; puis une autre grande plaine totalement close de montagnes, bien peuplée de Bulgares, et où l'on a une rivière à traverser. Enfin j'arrivai en trois jours à une ville nommée Sophie, qui fut autrefois très-considérable, ainsi qu'on le voit par les débris de ses murs rasés jusqu'à terre, et qui aujourd'hui encore est la meilleure de la Bulgarie. Elle a un petit château, et se trouve assez près d'une montagne au midi, mais située au commencement d'une grande plaine d'environ soixante milles de long sur dix de large. Ses habitans sont pour la plupart des Bulgares, et il en est de même des villages. Les Turcs n'y forment que le très-petit nombre; ce qui donne aux autres un grand desir de se tirer de servitude, s'ils pouvoient trouver qui les aidât. J'y vis arriver des Turcs qui venoient de faire une course en Hongrie. Un Génois qui se trouvoit dans la ville, et qu'on nomme Nicolas Ciba, me raconta qu'il avoit vu revenir également ceux qui repassèrent le Danube, et que sur dix il n'y en avoit pas un qui eût à la fois un arc et une épée. Pour moi, je dirai que parmi ceux-ci j'en trouvai beaucoup plus n'ayant ou qu'un arc ou qu'une épée seulement, que de ceux qui eussent les deux armes ensemble. Les mieux fournis portoient une petite targe (bouclier) en bois. En vérité, c'est pour la chrétienté une grande honte, il faut en convenir, qu'elle se laisse subjuguer par de telles gens. Ils sont bien au-dessous de ce qu'on les croit. En sortant de Sophie je traversai pendant cinquante milles cette plaine dont j'ai fait mention. Le pays est bien peuplé, et les habitans sont des Bulgares de religion Grecque. J'eus ensuite un pays de montagnes, qui cependant est assez bon pour le cheval; puis je trouvai en plaine une très-petite ville nommée Pirotte, située sur la Nissave. Elle n'est point fermée; mais elle a un petit château qui, d'une part est défendu par la rivière, et de l'autre par un marais. Au nord est une montagne. Il n'y a d'habitans que quelques Turcs. Au-delà de Pirotte on retrouve un pays montagneux; après quoi l'on revient sur ses pas pour se rapprocher de la Nissave, qui traverse une belle vallée entré deux assez hautes montagnes. Au pied d'une des deux étoit la ville d'Ysvourière, aujourd'hui totalement détruite, ainsi que ses murs. On côtoie ensuite la rivière, en suivant la vallée; on trouve une autre montagne dont le passage est difficile, quoiqu'il y passe chars et charrettes. Enfin on arrive dans une vallée agréable qu'arrose encore la Nissave; et après avoir traversé la rivière sur un pont, on entre dans Nisce (Nissa). Cette ville, qui avoit un beau château, appertenoit au despote de Servie. Le Turc l'a prise de force il y a cinq ans, et il l'a entièrement détruite; elle est dans un canton charmant qui produit beaucoup de riz. Je continuai par-delà Nissa de côtoyer la rivière; et le pays, toujours également beau, est bien garni de villages. Enfin je la passai à un bac, où je l'abandonnai. Alors commencèrent des montagnes. J'eus à traverser une longue forêt fangeuse, et, après dix journées de marche depuis Andrinople, j'arrivai à Corsebech, petite ville à un mille de la Morane (Morave.) La Morave est une grosse rivière qui vient de Bosnie. Elle, séparé la Bulgarie d'avec la Rascie ou Servie, province qui porte également ces deux noms, et que le Turc a conquise depuis six ans. Pour Corsebech, il avoit un petit château qu'on a détruit. Il a encore une double enceinte de murs; mais on en a démoli la partie supérieure jusqu'au-dessous des créneaux. J'y trouvai Cénamin-Bay, capitaine (commandant) de ce vaste pays frontière, qui s'étend depuis la Valaquie jusqu'en Esclavonie. Il passe dans la ville une partie de l'année. On m'a dit qu'il étoit né Grec, qu'il ne boit point de vin, comme les autres Turcs, et que c'est un homme sage et vaillant, qui s'est fait craindre et obéir. Le Turc lui a confié le commandement de cette contrée, et il en possède en seigneurie la plus grande partie. Il ne laisse passer la rivière qu'à ceux qu'il connoît, à moins qu'ils ne soient porteurs d'une lettre du maître, ou, en son absence, du seigneur de la Grèce. Nous vîmes là une belle personne, genti-femme du royaume de Hongrie, dont la situation nous inspira bien de la pitié. Un renégat Hongrois, homme du plus bas état, l'avoit enlevée dans une course, et il en usoit comme de sa femme. Quand elle nous aperçut elle fondit en larmes; car elle n'avoit pas encore renoncé à sa religion. Au sortir de Corsebech, je traversai la Morave à un bac, et j'entrai sur les terres du despote de Rassie ou de Servie, pays beau et peuplé. Ce qui est en-deçà de la rivière lui appartient, ce qui se trouve au-delà est au Turc; mais le despote lui paie annuellement cinquante mille ducats de tribut. Celui-ci possède sur la rivière et aux confins communs de Bulgarie, d'Esclavonie, d'Albanie et de Bosnie, une ville nommée Nyeuberge, qui a une mine portant or et argent tout à la fois. Chaque année elle lui donne plus de deux cent mille ducats, m'ont dit gens qui sont bien instruits: sans cela il ne seroit pas longtemps à être chassé de son pays. Sur ma route je passai près du château d'Escalache, qui lui appartenoit. C'étoit une forte place, sur la pointe d'une montagne au pied de laquelle la Nissane se jette dans la Morave. On y voit encore une partie des murs avec une tour en forme de donjon; mais c'est tout ce qui en reste. A cette embouchure des deux rivières le Turc tient habituellement quatre-vingts ou cent fustes, galiottes et gripperies, pour passer, en temps de guerre, sa cavalerie et son armée. Je n'ai pu les voir, parce qu'on ne permet point aux chrétiens d'en approcher; mais un homme digne de foi m'a dit qu'il y a toujours, pour les garder, un corps de trois cents hommes, et que ce corps est renouvelé de deux en deux mois. D'Escalache au Danube il y a bien cent milles, et néanmoins, dans toute la longueur de cet espace, il n'existe d'autre forteresse ou lieu de quelque défense qu'un village et une maison que Cénaym-Bay a fait construire sur le penchant d'une montagne, avec une mosquée. Je suivis le cours de la Morave; et, à l'exception d'un passage très-boueux qui dure près d'un mille, et que forme le resserrement de la rivière par une montagne, j'eus beau chemin et pays agréable et bien peuplé. Il n'en fut pas de même à la seconde journée: j'eus des bois, des montagnes, beaucoup de fange; néanmoins le pays continua d'être aussi beau que peut l'être un pays de montagnes. Il est bien garni de villages, et par tout on y trouve tout ce dont on a besoin. Depuis que nous avions mis le pied en Macédoine, en Bulgarie et en Rassie, sans cesse sur notre passage j'avois trouvé que le Turc faisoit crier son ost, c'est-à-dire qu'il faisoit annoncer que quiconque est tenu de se rendre à l'armée, se tînt prêt à marcher. On nous dit que ceux qui, pour satisfaire à ce devoir, nourrissent un cheval sont exempts du comarch; que ceux des chrétiens qui veulent être dispensés de service paient cinquante aspres par tête, et que d'autres y marchent forcés; mais qu'on les prend pour augmenter le nombre. L'on me dit aussi, à la cour du despote, que le Turc a partagé entre trois capitaines la garde et défense de ces provinces frontières. L'un, nommé Dysem-Bay, a depuis les confins de la Valaquie jusqu'à la mer Noire; Cénaym-Bay, depuis la Valaquie jusqu'aux confins de Bosnie; et Ysaac-Bay, depuis ces confins jusqu'à l'Esclavonie, c'est-à-dire tout ce qui est par delà la Morave. Pour reprendre le récit de ma route, je dirai que je vins à une ville, ou plutôt à une maison de campagne nommée Nichodem. C'est là que le despote, a fixé son séjour, parce que le terroir en est bon, et qu'il y trouve bois, rivières et tout ce qu'il lui faut pour les plaisirs de la chasse et du vol, qu'il aime beaucoup. Il étoit aux champs et alloit voler sur la rivière, accompagné d'une cinquantaine de chevaux, de trois de ses enfans et d'un Turc qui, de la part du maître, étoit venu le sommer d'envoyer à l'armée un de ses fils avec son contingent. Indépendamment du tribut qu'il paie, c'est-là une des conditions qui lui sont imposées. Toutes les fois que le seigneur lui fait passer ses ordres, il est obligé de lui envoyer mille ou huit cents chevaux sous le commandement de son second fils. Il a donné à ce maitre une de ses filles en mariage, et cependant il n'y a point de jour qu'il ne craigne de se voir enlever par lui ses Etats; j'ai même entendu dire qu'on en avoit voulu inspirer de l'envie à celui-ci, et qu'il avoit répondu: "J'en tire plus que si je les possédois. Dans ce cas je serois obligé de les donner à l'un de mes esclaves, et je n'en aurois rien." Les troupes qu'il levoit étoient destinées contre l'Albanie, disoit-on. Déjà il en avoit fait passer dans ce pays dix mille; et voilà pourquoi il avoit près de lui si peu de monde à Lessère quand je l'y vis: mais cette première armée avoit été détruite. [Footnote: C'est en effet dans cette même année 1433 que le célèbre Scanderberg, après être rentré par ruse en possession de l'Albanie, dont ses ancêtres étoient souverains, commença contre Amurath cette guerre savante qui le couvrit de gloire et qui ternit les dernières années du sultan.] Le seigneur despote est un grand et bel homme de cinquante-huit à soixante ans; il a cinq enfans, trois garçons et deux filles. Des garçons, l'un a vingt ans, l'autre quatorze, et tous trois sont, comme leurs pere, d'un extérieur très-agréable. Quant aux filles, l'une est mariée au Turc, l'autre au comte de Seil; mais je ne les ai point vues, et ne puis rien en dire. [Footnote: Le despote dont il s'agit se nommoit George Brancovitz ou Wikovitz. On trouve dans Ducange (Familiæ Bisant p. 336) quelques détails sur lui et sa famille.] Lorsque nous le rencontrâmes aux champs, ainsi que je l'ai dit, l'ambassadeur et moi nous lui prîmes la main et je la lui baisai, parce que tel est l'usage. Le lendemain nous allâmes le saluer chez lui. Sa cour, assez nombreuse, étoit composée de très-beaux hommes qui portent longs cheveux et longue barbe, vu qu'ils sont de la religion Grecque. Il y avoit dans la ville un évêque et un maître (docteur) en théologie, qui se rendoient à Constantinople, et qui étoient envoyés en ambassade vers l'empereur par le saint concile de Bâle. [Footnote: Ce saint concile, qui finit par citer à son tribunal et déposer le pape, tandis que le pape lui ordonnit de se dissoudre et en convoquoit un autre à Ferrare, puis à Florence, avoit entrepris de réunir l'église Grecque à la Latine; et c'est dans ce dessein qu'il députoit vers l'empereur. Celui-ci se rendit effectivement en Italie, et il signa dans Florence cette réunion politique et simulée dont il a été parlé plus haut.] De Coursebech j'avois mis deux jours pour venir à Nicodem; de Nicodem à Belgrado j'en mis un demi. Ce ne sont jusqu'à cette dernière ville que grands bois, montagnes et vallées; mais ces valées foisonnent de villages dans lesquels on trouve beaucoup de vivres, et spécialement de bons vins. Belgrade est en Rascie, et elle appartenoit au despote, mais depuis quatre ans il l'a cédée au roi de Hongrie, parce qu'on a craint qu'il ne la laissât prendre au Turc, comme il a laissé prendre Coulumbach. Cette perte fut un grand malheur pour la chrétienté. L'autre en seroit un plus grand encore, parce que la place est plus forte, et qu'elle peut loger jusqu'à cinq à six mille chevaux. [Footnote: On sera étonné de voir l'auteur, en parlant de la garnison d'une place de guerre, ne faire mention que de chevaux. Ci-dessus, lorsqu'il a spécifié le contingent que le despote étoit obligé de fournir à l'armée Turque, il n'a parlé que de chevaux. Sans cesse il parle de chevaux. C'est qu'alors en Europe on ne faisoit cas que de la gendarmerie, et que l'infanterie ou piétaille, presque toujours mal composée et mal armée, etoit comptée pour trés-peu.] Le long de ses murs, d'un côté, coule une grosse rivière qui vient de Bosnie, et qu'on nomme la Sanne; de l'autre elle a un château près ququel [sic--KTH] passe le Danube, et là, dans ce Danube; se jette la Sanne. C'est sur la pointe formée par les deux rivières qu'est bâtie la ville. Dans le pourtour de son enceinte son terrain a une certaine hauteur, excepté du côté de terre, où il est tellement uni qu'on peut par là venir de plain pied jusqu'au bord du fossé. De ce côté encore, il y a un village qui, s'étendant depuis la Sanne jusqu'au Danube, enveloppe la ville à la distance, d'un trait d'arc. Ce village est habité par des Rascîens. Le jour de Pâques, j'y entendis la messe en langue Sclavonne. Il est dans l'obédience de l'église Romaine, et leurs cérémonies ne diffèrent en rien des nôtres. La place, forte par sa situation et par ses fossés, tous en glacis, a une enceinte de doubles murs bien entretenus, et qui suivent très-exactement les contours du terrain. Elle est composée de cinq forteresses, dont trois sur le terrain élevé dont je viens de parler, et deux sur la rivière. De ces deux-ci, l'une est fortifiée contre l'autre; mais toutes deux sont commandées par les trois premières. Il y a aussi un petit port qui peut contenir quinze à vingt galères, et qui est défendu par une tour construite à chacune de ses extrémités. On le ferme avec une chaîne qui va d'une tour à l'autre. Au moins c'est ce qu'on m'a dit; car les deux rives sont si éloignées que moi je n'ai pu la voir. Je vis sur la Sanne six galères et cinq galiottes. Elles étoient près l'une des cinq forteresses, la moins forte de toutes. Dans cette forteresse sont beaucoup de Rasciens; mais on ne leur permet point d'entrer dans les quatre autres. Toutes cinq sont bien garnies d'artillerie. J'y ai remarqué sur-tout trois bombardes de métail (canons de bronze) dont deux étoient de deux pièces, [Footnote: La remarque que l'auteur fait ici sur ces trois canons sembleroit annoncer que ceux de bronze étoient rares encore, et qu'on les regardoit comme une sorte de merveille. Louis XI en fit fondre une douzaine, auxquels il donna le nom des douze pairs. (Daniel, Mil. Franc, t. I, p. 825.)] et l'une d'une telle grosseur que jamais je n'en ai vu de pareille: elle avoit quarante-deux pouces de large dedans où la pierre entre (sa bouche avoit quarante-deux pouces de diamètre); mais elle me parut courte pour sa grosseur. [Footnote: La mode alors étoit de faire des pièces d'artillerie d'une grosseur énorme. Peu dé temps après l'époque où écrivoit notre auteur, Mahomet II, assiégeant Constantinople, en employa qui avoient été fondues sur les lieux, et qui portoient, dit on, deux cents livres de balle. La Chronique Scandaleuse et Monstrelet parlent d'une sorte d'obus que Louis XI fit fondre à Tours, puis conduire à Paris, et qui portoit des balles de cinq cents livres. En 1717, le prince Eugène, après sa victoire sur les Turcs, trouva dans Belgrade un canon long de près de vingt-cinq pieds, qui tiroit des boulets de cent dix livres, et dont la charge étoit de cinquante-deux livres de poudre (Ibid p. 323.) C'étoit encore un usage ordinaire de faire les boulets en grès ou en pierre, arrondis et taillés de calibre pour la pièce. Et voilà pourquoi la Brocquière, parlant de l'embouchure du canon, emploie cette expression, "dedens où LA PIERRE entre."] Le capitaine (commandant) de la place étoit messire Mathico, chevalier de Aragouse (d'Arragon), et il avoit pour lieutenant un sien frère, qu'on appeloit le seigneur frère. Sur le Danube, deux journées au-dessous de Belgrade, le Turc possède ce château de Coulombach, qu'il a pris au despote. C'est encore une forte place, dit-on, quoique cependant il soit aisé de l'attaquer avec de l'artillerie et de lui fermer tout secours; ce-qui est un grand désavantage. Il y entretient cent fustes pour passer en Hongrie quand il lui plaît. Le capitaine du lieu est ce Ceynam-Bay dont j'ai parlé ci-devant. Sur le Danube encore, mais à l'opposite de Belgrade, et dans la Hongrie, le despote possède également une ville avec château. Elle lui a été donnée par l'empereur, [Footnote: Sigismond, roi de Bohême et de Hongrie. On prétend que Sigîsmond ne les donna qu'en échange de Belgrade.] avec plusieurs autres, qui lui font un revenu de cinquante mille ducats, et c'étoit à condition qu'il deviendroit son homme [Footnote: Deviendroit son homme. Cette expression de la féodalité du temps indique l'obligation du service militaire et de la fidélité que le vassel devoit à son suzerain.] mais il obéit plus au Turc qu'à l'empereur. Deux jours après mon arrivée dans Belgrade j'y vis entrer vingt-cinq hommes armés à la manière du pays, que le gouverneur comte Mathico y faisoit venir pour demeurer en garnison. On me dit que c'étoient des Allemands pour garder la place, tandis qu'on avoit si près des Hongrois, et des Serviens. On me répondit que les Serviens, étant sujets et tributaires du Turc, on se garderoit bien de la leur confier; et que quant aux Hongrois, ils le redoutoient tant que s'il paroissoit, ils n'oseroient la défendre contre lui, quelque forte qu'elle fût. Il falloit donc y appeler des étrangers; et cette mesure devenoit d'autant plus nécessaire que c'étoit la seule place que l'empereur possédât pour passer sur l'autre rive du Danube, ou pour le repasser en cas de besoin. Ce discours m'étonna beaucoup; il me fit faire des réflexions sur l'étrange sujettion où le Turc tient la Macédoine et la Bulgarie, l'empereur de Constantinople et les Grecs, le despote de Rascie et ses sujets. Cette dépendance me parut chose lamentable pour la chrétienté. Et comme j'ai vécu avec les Turcs, que je connois leur manière de vivre et de combattre, que j'ai hanté des gens notables qui les ont vus de près dans leurs grandes entreprises, je me suis enhardi à écrire, selon mes lumières, quelque chose sur eux, et à montrer, sauf correction de la part de ceux qui sont plus instruits que moi, comment il est possible de reprendre les états dont ils se sont emparés, et de les battre sur un champ de bataille. Et d'abord, pour commencer par leur personnel, je dirai que ce sont d'assez beaux hommes, portant tous de longues barbes, mais de moyenne taille et de force médiocre. Je sais bien que, dans le langage ordinaire, on dit fort comme un Turc; cependant j'ai vu une infinité de chrétiens qui, dans les choses où il faut de la force, l'emportoient sur eux; et moi-même, qui ne suis pas des plus robustes, j'en ai trouvé, lorsque les circonstances exigeoient quelque travail, de plus foibles que moi encore. Ils sont gens diligens, se lèvent matin volontiers, et vivent de peu en compagne; se contentant de pain mal cuit, de chair crue séchée au soleil, de lait soit caillé soît non caillé, de miel, fromage, raisins, fruits, herbages, et même d'une poignée de farine avec laquelle ils feront un brouet qui leur suffira pour un jour à six ou huit. Ont-ils un cheval ou un chameau malade sans espoir de guérison, ils lui coupent la gorge et le mangent. J'en ai été témoin maintes fois. Pour dormir ils ne sont point embarassés, et couchent par terre. Leur habillement consiste en deux ou trois robes de coton l'une sur l'autre, et qui descendent jusqu'aux pieds. Par-dessus celles-là ils en portent, en guise de manteau, une autre de feutre qu'on nomme capinat. Le capinat, quoique léger, résiste à la pluie, et il y en a de très-beaux et de très-fins. Ils ont des bottes qui montent jusqu'aux genoux, et de grandes braies (caleçons), qui pour les uns sont de velours cramoisi, pour d'autres de soie, de futaine, d'étoffes communes. En guerre ou en route, pour n'être point embarrassés de leurs robes, ils les relèvent et les enferment dans leurs caleçons; ce qui leur permet d'agir librement. Leurs chevaux sont bons, coûtent peu à nourir, courent bien et longtemps; mais ils les tiennent très-maigres et ne les laissent manger que la nuit, encore ne leur donnent-ils alors que cinq ou six jointées d'orge et le double de paille picade (hachée): le tout mis dans une besace qu'ils leur pendent aux oreilles. Au point du jour, ils les brident, les nettoient, les étrillent; mais ils ne les font boire qu'à midi, puis l'après-diner, toutes les fois qu'ils trouvent de l'eau, et le soir quand ils logent ou campent; car ils campent toujours de bonne heure, et près d'une rivière, s'ils le peuvent. Dans cette dernière circonstance ils les laissent bridés encore pendant une heure, comme les mules. Enfin vient un moment où chacun fait manger le sien. Pendant la nuit ils les couvrent de feutre ou d'autres étoffes, et j'ai vu de ces couvertures qui étoient très-belles; ils en ont même pour leurs lévriers, [Footnote: Le mot lévrier n'avoit pas alors l'acception exclusive qu'il a aujourd'hui; il se prenoit pour le chien de chase ordinaire.] espèce dont ils sont très-curieux, et qui chez eux est belle et forte, quoiqu'elle ait de longues oreilles pendantes et de longues queues feuillées (touffues), que cependant elle porte bien. Tous leurs chevaux sont Hongres: ils n'en gardent d'entiers que quelques-uns pour servir d'étalons, mais en si petit nombre que je n'en ai pas vu un seul. Du reste ils les sellent et brident à la jennette. [Footnote: Les mors et les selles à la genette avoient été adoptés en France, et jusqu'au dernier siècle ils furent d'usage dans nos manéges. On disoit monter à la genette quand les jambes étoient si courtes que l'éperon portoit vis-à-vis les flancs du cheval. Le mors à la genette étoit celui qui avoit sa gourmette d'une seule pièce et de la forme d'un grand anneau, mis et arrêté au haut de la liberté de la langue.] Leurs selles, ordinairement fort riches, sont très-creuses. Elles n'ont qu'un arçon devant, un autre derrière, avec de courtes étrivières et de larges étriers. Quant à leurs habillemens de guerre, j'ai été deux fois dans le cas de les voir, à l'occasion des Grecs renégats qui renonçoient à leur religion pour embrasser le Mahométisme: alors les Turcs font une grande fête; ils prennent leurs plus belles armes et parcourent la ville en cavalcade aussi nombreuse qu'il leur est possible. Or dans ces circonstances, je les ai vus porter d'assez belles brigandines (cottes d'armes) pareilles aux nôtres, à l'exception que les écailles en étoient plus petites. Leur garde-bras (brassarts) étoient de même. En un mot ils ressemblent à ces peintures où l'on nous représente les temps de Jules César. La brigandine descend presqu'à mi-cuisse; mais à son extrémité est attachée circulairement une étoffe de soie qui vient jusqu'à mi-jambe. Sur la tête ils portent un harnois blanc qui est rond comme elle, et qui, haut de plus d'un demi-pied, se termine en pointe. [Footnote: Harnois, dans la langue du temps, étoit un terme général qui signifioit à la fois habillement et armure; ici il désigne une sorte de bonnet devenu arme défensive.] On le garnit de quatre clinques (lames), l'une devant, l'autre derrière, les deux autres sur les côtés, afin de garantir du coup d'épée la face, le cou et les joues. Elles sont pareilles à celles qu'ont en France nos salades. [Footnote: Salades, sorte de casque léger alors en usage, et qui, n'ayant ni visière ni gorgerin, avoit besoin de cette bande de fer en saillie pour défendre le visage.] Outre cette garniture de tête ils en ont assez communément une autre qu'ils mettent par-dessus leurs chapeaux ou leurs toques: c'est une coiffe de fil d'archal. Il y a de ces coiffes qui sont si riches et si belles qu'elles coûtent jusqu'à quarante et cinquante ducats, tandis que d'autres n'en coûtent qu'un ou deux. Quoique celles-ci soient moins fortes que les autres, elles peuvent résister au coup de taille d'une épée. J'ai parlé de leurs selles: ils y sont assis comme dans un fauteuil, bien enfoncés, les genoux fort haut et les étriers courts; position dans laquelle ils ne pourroient pas supporter le moindre coup de lance sans être jetés bas. L'arme de ceux qui ont quelque fortune est un arc, un tarquais, une épée et une forte masse à manche court, dont le gros bout est taillé à plusieurs carnes. Ce bâton a du danger quand on l'assène sur des épaules ou des bras dégarnis. Je suis même convaincu qu'un coup bien appuyé sur une tête armée de salade étourdiroit l'homme. Plusieurs portent de petits pavois (boucliers) en bois, et ils savent très-bien s'en couvrir à cheval quand ils tirent de l'arc. C'est ce que m'ont assuré gens qui les ont long-temps pratiqués, et ce que j'ai vu par moi-même. Leur obéissance aux ordres de leur seigneur est sans bornes. Pas un seul n'oseroit les transgresser quand il s'agiroit de la vie, et c'est principalement à cette soumission constante qu'il doit les grandes choses qu'il a exécutées et ces vastes conquêtes qui l'ont rendu maître d'une étendue de pays beaucoup plus considérable que n'est la France. On m'a certifié que quand les puissances chrétiennes ont pris les armes contre eux, ils ont toujours été avertis à temps. Dans ce cas, le seigneur fait épier leur marche par des hommes qui sont propres à cette fonction, et il va les attendre avec son armée à deux ou trois journées du lieu où il se propose de les combattre. Croit-il l'occasion favorable, il fond sur eux tout-à-coup, et ils ont pour ces circonstances une sorte de marche qui leur est propre. Le signal est donné par un gros tambour. Alors ceux qui doivent être en tête partent les premiers et sans bruit; les autres suivent de même en silence, sans que la file soit jamais interrompue, parce que les chevaux et les hommes sont dressés à cet exercice. Dix mille Turcs, en pareil cas, font moins de tapage que ne feroient cent hommes d'armes chrétiens. Dans leurs marches ordinaires, ils ne vont jamais qu'au pas; mais dans celles-ci ils emploient le galop, et comme d'ailleurs ils sont armés légèrement, ils font du soir au matin autant de chemin qu'en trois de leurs journées communes; et voilà pourquoi ils ne pourroient porter d'armures complètes, ainsi que les Français et les Italiens: aussi ne veulent-ils en chevaux que ceux qui ont un grand pas ou qui galopent long-temps, tandis que nous il nous les faut trottant bien et aisés. C'est par ces marches forcées qu'ils ont réussi, dans leurs différentes guerres, à surprendre les chrétiens et à les battre si complétement; c'est ainsi qu'ils ont vaincu le duc Jean, à qui Dieu veuille pardonner, [Footnote: Jean, comte de Nevers, surnommé Sans-peur et fils de Philippe le Hardi, duc de Bourgogne. Sigismond ayant formé une ligue pour arretêr les conquêtes de Bajazet, notre roi Charles VI lui envoya un corps de troupes dans lequel il y avoit deux mille gentilshommes, et qui étoit conduit par le comte Jean. L'armée chrétienne fut défaite à Nicopolis en 1396, et nos Français tués ou faits prisonniers. On sait qu'avant la bataille, pour se débarrasser de captifs Turcs qu'ils avoient reçus à rançon, ils eurent l'indignité de les égorger, et qu'après la victoire le sultan n'ayant accordé la vie qu'aux principaux d'entre eux, il fit par représailles massacrer devant eux leurs camarades. Jean, devenu duc de Bourgogne, fit lâchement assassiner dans Paris le duc d'Orléans, frère du roi. Il fut tué à son tour par Tannegui du Châtel, ancien officier du duc. On voit par ces faits que la Brocquière avoit grande raison, en parlant de Jean, de demander que Dieu lui pardonnât.] et l'empereur Sigismond, et tout récemment encore cet empereur devant Coulumbach, où périt messire Advis, chevalier de Poulaine (Pologne). Leur manière de combattre varie selon les circonstances. Voient-ils un lieu et une occasion favorables pour attaquer, ils se divisent en plusieurs pelotons, selon la force de leur troupe, et viennent ainsi assailir par différens côtés. Ce moyen est surtout celui qu'ils emploient en pays de bois et de montagnes, parce qu'ils ont l'art de se réunir sans peine. D'autres fois ils se mettent en embuscade et envoient à la découverte quelques gens bien montés. Si le rapport est que l'ennemi n'est point sur ses gardes, ils savent prendre leur parti sur-le-champ et tirer avantage des circonstances. Le trouvent-ils en bonne ordonnance, ils voltigent autour de l'armée à la portée du trait, caracollent ainsi en tirant sans cesse aux hommes et aux chevaux, et le font si long-temps qu'enfin ils la mettent en désordre. Si l'on veut les poursuivre et les chasser, il fuient, et se dispersent chacun de leur côté, quand même on ne leur opposeroit que le quart de ce qu'ils sont; mais c'est dans leur fuite qu'ils sont redoutables, et c'est presque toujours ainsi qu'ils ont déconfi les chrétiens. Tout en fuyant ils ont l'àrt de tirer de l'arc si adroitement qu'ils ne manquent jamais d'atteindre le cavalier ou le cheval. D'ailleurs chacun d'eux porte attaché à l'arçon de sa selle un tabolcan. Si le chef ou quelqu'un des officiers s'aperçoit que l'ennemi qui poursuit est en désordre, il frappe trois coups sur son instrument; chacun de son côté et de loin en loin en fait autant: en un instant tous se rassemblent autour du chef, "comme pourceaux au cry l'un de l'autre," et, selon les circonstances, ils reçoivent en bon ordre les assaillans ou fondent sur eux par pelotons, on les attaquant de toutes parts. Dans les batailles rangées ils emploient quelquefois une autre sorte de stratagème, qui consiste à jeter des feux à travers les chevaux de la cavalerie pour les épouvanter; souvent encore ils mettent en tête de leur ligne un grand nombre de chameaux ou de dromadaires forts et hardis; ils les chassent en avant sur les chevaux, et y jettent le désordre. Telles sont les manières de combattre que les Turcs ont jusqu'à présent mises en usage vis-à-vis des chrétiens. Assurément je ne veux point en dire du mal ni les déprécier; j'avouerai au contraire que, dans le commerce de la vie, je les ai trouvés francs et loyaux, et que dans les occasions où il falloit du courage ils se sont bien montrés: mais cependant je n'en suis pas moins convaincu que, pour des troupes bien montées et bien commandées, ce seroit chose peu difficile de les battre; et quant à moi je déclare qu'avec moitié moins de monde qu'eux je n'hésiterois pas à les attaquer. Leurs armées, je le sais, sont ordinairement de cent à deux cent mille hommes; mais la plupart sont à pied, et la plupart manquent, comme je l'ai dit, de tarquais, de coiffe, de masse ou d'épée; fort peu ont une armure complète. D'ailleurs ils ont parmi eux un très-grand nombre de chrétiens qui servent forcément: Grecs, Bulgares, Macédoniens, Albanois, Esclavons, Valaques, Rasciens et autres sujets du despote de Rascie. Tous ces gens-là détestent le Turc, parce qu'il les tient dans une dure servitude; et s'ils voyoient marcher en forces contre lui les chrétiens, et sur-tout les Français, je ne doute nullement qu'ils ne lui tournassent le dos et ne le grevassent beaucoup. Les Turcs ne sont donc ni aussi terribles, ni aussi formidables que je l'ai entendu dire. J'avoue pourtant qu'il faudroit contre eux un général bien obéi, et qui voulût spécialement prendre et suivre les avis de ceux qui connoissent leur manière de faire la guerre. C'est la faute que fit à Coulumbach, m'a-t-on-dit, l'empereur Sigismond lorsqu'il fut battu par eux. S'il avoit voulu écouter les conseils qu'on lui donna, il n'eût point été obligé de lever honteusement le siége, puisqu'il y avoit vingt-cinq à trente mille Hongrois. Ne vit-on pas deux cents arbalêtriers Lombards et Génois arrêter seuls l'effort des ennemis, les contenir, et favoriser sa retraite pendant qu'il s'embarquoit dans les galères qu'il avoit sur le Danube; tandis que six mille Valaques, qui, avec le chevalier Polonois dont j'ai parlé ci-dessus, s'étoient mis à l'écart sur une petite hauteur, furent tous taillés en pièces? Je ne dis rien sur tout ceci que je n'aie vu ou entendu. Ainsi donc, dans le cas où quelque prince où général chrétien voudroit entreprendre la conquête de la Grèce ou même pénétrer plus avant, je crois que je puis lui donner des renseignemens utiles. Au reste je vais parler selon mes facultés; et s'il m'échappoit chose qui déplût à quelqu'un, je prie qu'on m'excuse et qu'on la regarde comme nulle. Le souverain qui formeroit un pareil projet devroit d'abord se proposer pour but, non la gloire et la renommée, mais Dieu, la religion, et le salut de tant d'âmes qui sont dans la voie de perdition. Il faudroit qu'il fût bien assuré d'avance du paiement de ses troupes, et qu'il n'eût que des corps bien famés, de bonne volonté, et sur-tout point pillards. Quant aux moyens de solde, ce seroit, je crois, à notre saint-père le pape qu'il conviendroit de les assurer; mais jusqu'au moment où l'on entreroit sur les terres des Turcs on devroit se fair une loi de ne rien prendre sans payer. Personne n'aime à se voir dérober ce qui lui appartient, et j'ai entendu dire que ceux qui l'ont fait s'en sont souvent mal trouvés. Au reste je m'en rapporte sur tous ces détails aux princes et à messeigneurs de leur conseil; moi je ne m'arrête qu'à l'espèce de troupes qui me paroît la plus propre à l'enterprise, et avec laquelle je desirerois être, si j'avois à choisir. Je voudrois donc, 1°. de France, gens d'armés, gens de trait, archers et arbalêtriers, en aussi grand nombre qu'il seroit possible, et composés comme je l'ai dit ci dessus; 2°. d'Angleterre, mille hommes d'Armes et dix mille archers; 3°. d'Allemagne, le plus qu'on pourroit de gentilshommes et de leurs crennequiniers à pied et a cheval. [Footnote: Cranquiniers, c'étoît le nom qu'en Autriche et dans une partie de l'Allemagne on donnoit aux archers.] Assemblez en gens de trait, archers et crennequiniers quinze à vingt mille hommes de ces trois nations, bien unis; joignéz-y deux à trois cents ribaudequins, [Footnote: Ribaudequins, sortes de troupes légères qui servoient aux escarmouches et représentoient nos tirailleurs d'aujourd'hui.] et je demanderai à Dieu la grace de marcher avec eux et je réponds bien qu'on pourra les mener sans peine de Belgrade à Constantinople. Il leur suffiroit, ainsi que je l'ai remarqué, d'une armure légère, attendu que le trait Turc n'a point de force. De près, leurs archers tirent juste et vite; mais ils ne tirent point à beaucoup près aussi loin que les nôtres. Leurs arcs sont gros, mais courts, et leurs traits courts et minces. Le fer y est enfoncé dans le bois, et ne peut ni supporter un grand coup, ni faire plaie que quand il trouve une partie découverte. D'après ceci, on voit qu'il suffiroit à nos troupes d'avoir une armure légère, c'est-à-dire un léger harnois de jambes, [Footnote: Harnois de jambes, sorte d'armure défensive en fer qui emboîtoit la jambe, et qu'on nommoit jambards ou grèves.] une légère brigandine ou blanc-harnois, et une salade avec bavière et visière un peu large. [Footnote: J'ai déjà dit que la salade étoit un casque beaucoup moins lourd que le heaume. Il y en avoit qui laissoient le visage totalement découvert; d'autres qui, pour le garantir, portoient en avant une lame de fer; d'autres qui, comme le heaume, le couvroient en entier, haut et bas: ce qu'on appeloit visière et bàvière.] Le trait d'un arc Turc pourrait fausser un haubergon; [Footnote: Haubergeon, cotte de mailles plus légère que le haubert. Etant en mailles, elle pouvoit être faussée plus aisément que la brigandine, qui étoit de fer plein ou en écailles de fer.] mais il sémoussera contre une brigandine ou blanc-harnois. J'ajouterai qu'en cas de besoin nos archers pourroient se servir des traits des Turcs, et que les leurs ne pourroient se servir des nôtres, parce que la coche n'est pas assez large, et que les cordes de leurs arcs étant de nerfs, sont beaucoup trop grosses. Selon moi, ceux de nos gens d'armes qui voudroient être à cheval devroient avoir une lance légère à fer tranchant, avec une forte épée bien affilée. Peut-être aussi leur seroit-il avantageux d'avoir une petite hache à main. Ceux d'entre eux qui seroient à pied porteroient guisarme, [Footnote: Guisarme, hache à deux têtes.] ou bon épieu tranchant [Footnote: Epieu, lance beaucoup plus forte que la lance ordinaire.]; mais les uns et les autres auroient les mains armées de gantelets. Quant a ces gantelets, j'avoue que pour moi j'en connois en Allemagne qui sont de cuir bouilli, dont je ferais autant de cas que de ceux qui sont en fer. Lorsqu'on trouvera une plaine rase et un lieu pour combattre avec avantage on en profitera; mais alors on ne fera qu'un seul corps de bataille. L'avant garde et l'arriere-garde seront employées à former les deux ailes. On entremêlera par-ci par-là tout ce qu'on aura de gens d'armes, à moins qu'on ne préférât de les placer en dehors pour escarmoucher; mais on se gardera bien de placer ainsi les hommes d'armes. En avant de l'armée et sur ses ailes seront épars et semés çà et là les ribaudequins; mais il sera défendu à qui que ce soit, sous peine de la vie, de poursuivre les fuyards. Les Turcs ont la politique d'avoir toujours des armées deux fois plus nombreuses que celles des chrétiens. Cette supériorité de nombre augmente leur courage, et elle leur permet en même temps de former différens corps pour attaquer par divers côtés à la fois. S'ils parviennent à percer, ils se précipitent en foule innombrable par l'ouverture, et alors c'est un grand miracle si tout n'est pas perdu. Pour empêcher ce malheur on placera la plus grande quantité de ribaudequins vers les angles du corps de bataille, et l'on tâchera de se tenir serré de manière à ne point se laisser entamer. Au reste, cette ordonnance me paroit d'autant plus facile à garder qu'ils ne sont point assez bien armés pour former une colonne capable par son poids d'une forte impulsion. Leurs lances ne valent rien. Ce qu'ils ont de mieux ce sont leurs archers, et ces archers ne tirent ni aussi loin ni aussi fort que les nôtres. Ils ont aussi une cavalerie beaucoup plus nombreuse; et leurs chevaux, quoique inférieurs en force aux nôtres, quoique moins capables de porter de lourds fardeaux, courent mieux, escarmouchent plus long-temps et ont plus d'haleine. C'est une raison de plus pour se tenir toujours bien serré, toujours bien en ordre. Si l'on suit constamment cette méthode ils seront forcés, ou de combattre avec désavantage, et par conséquent de tout risquer, ou de faire retraite devant l'armée. Dans le cas où ils prendroient ce dernier parti, on mettra de la cavalerie à leurs trousses; mais il faudra qu'elle ne marche jamais qu'en bonne ordonnance, et toujours prête à combattre et à les bien recevoir s'ils reviennent sur leurs pas. Avec cette conduite il n'est point douteux qu'on ne les batte toujours. En suivant le contraire, ce seront eux qui nous battront, comme il est toujours arrivé. On me dira peut-être que rester ainsi en présence et sur la défensive vis-à-vis d'eux, seroit une honte pour nous. On me dira que, vivant de peu et de tout ce qu'ils trouvent, ils nous affameroient bientôt si nous ne sortoins de notre fort pour aller les combattre. Je répondrai que leur coutume n'est point de rester en place; qu'aujourd'hui dans un endroit, demain éloignés d'une journée et demie, ils reparoissent tout-à-coup aussi vite qu'ils ont disparu, et que, si l'on n'est point continuellement sur ses gardes, on court de gros risques. L'important est donc, du moment où on les a vus, d'être toujours en défiance, toujours prêt à monter à cheval et à se battre. Si l'on a quelque mauvais pas à passer, on ne manquera pas d'y envoyer des gens d'armes et des gens de trait autant que le lieu permettra d'en recevoir pour combattre, et l'on aura grand soin qu'ils soient constamment en bon ordre de bataille. Jamais n'envoyez au fourrage, ce seroit autant d'hommes perdus; d'ailleurs vous ne trouveriez plus rien aux champs. En temps de guerre les Turcs font tout transporter dans les villes. Avec toutes ces précautions, la conquête de la Grèce [Footnote: On a déja vu plus haut que par le mot Grèce l'auteur entend les états que les Turcs possédoient en Europe.] ne sera pas une entreprise extrêmement difficile, pourvu, je le répète, que l'armée fasse toujours corps, qu'elle ne se divise jamais, et ne veuille point envoyer de pelotons à la poursuite de l'ennemi. Si l'on me demande comment on aura des vivres, je dirai que la Grèce et la Rassie ont des rivières navigables, et que la Bulgarie, la Macédoine et les provinces Grecques sont fertiles. En avançant ainsi toujours en masse, on forcera les Turcs à reculer, et il faudra qu'ils choisissent entre deux extrémités, comme je l'ai déja dit, ou de repasser en Asie et d'abandonner leurs biens, leurs femmes et leurs enfans, puisque le pays n'est point de défense, ainsi qu'on l'a pu voir par la description que j'en ai donnée, ou de risquer une bataille, comme ils l'ont fait toutes les fois qu'ils ont passé le Danube. Je conclus qu'avec de bonnes troupes composées des trois nations que j'ai nommées, Français, Anglais et Allemands, on sera sûr du succès, et que si elles sont en nombre suffisant, bien unies et bien commandées, elles iront par terre jusqu'à Jerusalem. Mais je reprends mon récit. Je traversai le Danube à Belgrade. Il étoit en ce moment extraordinairement gonflé, et pouvoit bien avoir douze milles de large. Jamais, de mémoire d'homme, on ne lui avoit vu une crue pareille. Ne pouvant me rendre à Boude (Bude) par le droit chemin, j'allai à une ville champêtre (un village) nommée Pensey. De Pensey j'arrivai par la plaine la plus unie que je connoisse, et après avoir traversé en bac une rivière à Beurquerel, ville qui appartient au despote de Rassie, et où je passai deux autres rivières sur un pont. De Beurquerel je vins à Verchet, qui est également au despote, et là je passai la Tiste (la Teisse), rivière large et profonde. Enfin je me rendis à Ségading (Ségédin) sur la Tiste. Dans toute la longueur de cette route, à l'exception de deux petits bois qui étoient enclos d'un ruisseau, je n'ai pas vu un seul arbre. Les habitans n'y brûlent que de la paille ou des roseaux qu'ils ramassent le long des rivières ou dans leurs nombreux marécages. Ils mangent, au lieu de pain, des gâteaux tendres; mais ils n'en ont pas beaucoup à manger. Ségédin est une grande ville champêtre, composée d'une seule rue qui m'a paru avoir une lieue de longueur environ. Elle est dans un terroir fertile, abondant en toutes sortes de denreés. On y prend beaucoup de grues et de bistardes (outardes), et j'en vis un grand marché tout rempli; mais on les y apprête fort malproprement, et on les mange de même. La Teisse fournit aussi quantité de poissons, et nulle part je n'ai vu rivière en donner d'aussi gros. On y trouxe également une grande quantité de chevaux sauvages à vendre; mais on sait les domter et les apprivoiser, et c'est une chose curieuse à voir. On m'a même assuré que qui en voudroit trois ou quatre mille, les trouveroit dans la ville. Ils sont à si bon marché que pour dix florins de Hongrie on auroit un très-beau roussin (cheval de voyage). L'empereur, m'a-t-on dit, avoit donné Ségédin à un évêque. J'y vis ce prélat, et me sembla homme de grosse conscience. Les cordelîers ont dans la ville une assez belle église. J'y entendis le service. Ils le font un peu à la Hongroise. De Ségédin je vins à Paele (Pest), assez bonne ville champêtre sur le Danube, vis-à-vis Bude. D'une ville à l'autre le pays continue d'être, bon et uni. On y trouve une quantité immense de haras de jumens, qui vivent abandonnées à elles-mêmes en pleine campagne, comme les animaux sauvages; et telle est la raison qui fait qu'on en voit tant au marché de Ségédin. A Pest je traversai le Danube et entrai dans Bude sept jours après mon départ de Belgrade. Bude, la principale ville de Hongrie, est sur une hauteur beaucoup plus longue que large. Au levant elle a le Danube, au couchant un vallon, et au midi un palais qui commande la porte de la ville, palais qu'a commencé l'empereur, et qui, quand on l'aura fini, sera grand et fort. De ce côté, mais hors des murs, sont de très beaux bains chauds. Il y en a encore au levant, le long du Danube, mais qui ne valent pas les autres. La ville est gouvernée par des Allemands, tant pour les objets de justice et de commerce que pour ce qui regarde les différentes professions. On y voit beaucoup de Juifs qui parlent bien Français, et dont plusieurs sont de ceux qu'on a chassés de France. J'y trouvai aussi un marchand d'Arras appelé Clays Davion; il faisoit partie d'un certain nombre de gens de métier que l'empereur Sigismond avoit amenés de France. Clays travailloit en haute-lice. [Footnote: Sigismond, dans son voyage en France, avoit été à portée d'y voir nos manufactures, et spécialement celles de Flandre, renommées dès-lors par leurs tapisseries. Il avoit voulu en établir de pareilles dans sa capitale de Hongrie, et avoit engagé des ouvriers de différentes professions à l'y suivre.] Les environs de Bude sont agréables, et le terroir est fertile en toutes sortes de denrées, et spécialement en vins blancs qui ont un peu d'ardeur: ce qu'on attribue aux bains chauds du canton et au soufre sur lequel les eaux coulent. A une lieue dé la ville se trouve le corps de saint Paul, hermite, qui s'est conservé tout entier. Je retournai à Pest, où je trouvai également six à huit familles Françaises que l'empereur y avoit envoyées pour construire sur le Danube, et vis-à-vis de son palais une grande tour. Son dessein étoit d'y mettre une chaîne avec laquelle il pût fermer la rivière. On seroit tenté de croire qu'il a voulu en cela imiter la tour de Bourgogne qui est devant le château de l'Ecluse; mais ici je ne crois pas que le projet soit exécutable: la rivière est trop large. J'eus la curiosité d'aller visiter la tour. Elle avoit déja une hauteur d'environ trois lances, et l'on voyoit à l'entour une grande quantité de pierres taillées; mais tout étoit resté là, parce que les premiers maçons qui avoient commencé l'ouvrage étoient morts, disoit-on, et que ceux qui avoient survécu n'en savoient pas assez pour le continuer. Pest a beaucoup de marchands de chevaux, et qui leur en demanderoit deux mille bons les y trouveroit. Ils les vendent par écurie composée de dix chevaux, et chaque écurie est de deux cents florins. J'en ai vu plusieurs dont deux ou trois chevaux seuls valoient ce prix. Ils viennent la plupart des montagnes de Transylvanie, qui bornent la Hongrie au levant. J'en achetai un qui étoit grand coureur: ils le sont presque tous. Le pays leur est bon par la quantité d'herbages qu'il produit; mais ils ont le défaut d'être un peu quinteux, et spécialement mal aisés à ferrer. J'en ai même vu qu'on étoit alors obligé d'abattre. Les montagnes dont je viens de parler ont des mines d'or et de sel qui tous les ans rapportent au roi chacune cent mille florins de Hongrie. Il avoit abandonné celle d'or au seigneur de Prusse et au comte Mathico, à condition que le premier garderoit la frontière contre le Turc, et le second Belgrade. La reine s'étoit réservé le revenu de celle du sel. Ce sel est beau. Il se tire d'une roche et se taille en forme de pierre, par morceaux d'un pied de long environ, carrés, mais un peu convexes en dessus. Qui les verroit dans un chariot les prendroit pour des pierres. On le broie dans un mortier, et il en sort passablement blanc, mais plus fin et meilleur que tous ceux que j'ai goûtés ailleurs. En traversant la Hongrie j'ai souvent rencontré des chariots qui portoient six, sept ou huit personnes, et où il n'y avoit qu'un cheval d'attelé; car leur coutume, quand ils veulent faire de grandes journées, est de n'en mettre qu'un. Tous ont les roues de derrière beaucoup plus hautes que celles de devant. Il en est de couverts à la manière du pays, qui sont très-beaux et si légers qu'y compris les roues un homme, ce me semble, les porteroit sons peine suspendus à son cou. Comme le pays est plat et très-uni, rien n'empêche le cheval de trotter toujours. C'est à raison de cette égalité de terrain que, quand on y laboure, on fait des sillons d'une telle longueur que c'est une merveille à voir. Jusqu'à Pest je n'avois point eu de domestique; là je m'en donnai un, et pris à mon service un de ces compagnons maçcons [sic--KTH] Français qui s'y trouvoient. Il étoit de Brai-sur-Sommé. De retour à Bude j'allai, avec l'ambassadeur de Milan, saluer le grand comte de Hongrie, titre qui répond à celui de lieutenant de l'empereur. Le grand comte m'accueillit d'abord avec beaucoup de distinction, parce qu'à mon habit il me prit pour Turc; mais quand il sut que j'étois chrétien il se refroidit un peu. On me dit que c'étoit un homme peu sûr dans ses paroles, et aux promesses duquel il ne falloit pas trop se fier. C'est un peu là en général ce qu'on reproche aux Hongrois; et, quant à moi, j'avoue que, d'après l'idée que m'ont donnée d'eux ceux que j'ai hantés, je me fierois moins à un Hongrois qu'à un Turc. Le grand comte est un homme âgé. C'est lui, m'a-t-on dit, qui autrefois arrêta Sigismond, roi de Behaigne (Bohême) et de Hongrie, et depuis empereur; c'est lui qui le mit en prison, et qui depuis l'en tira par accommodement. Son fils venoit d'épouser une belle dame Hongroise. Je le vis dans une joute qui, à la manière du pays, eut lieu sur de petits chevaux et avec des selles basses. Les jouteurs étoient galamment habillés, et ils portoient des lances fortes et courtes. Ce spectacle est très-agréable. Quand les deux champions se touchent il faut que tous deux, ou au moins l'un des deux nécessairement, tombent à terre. C'est là que l'on connoît sûrement ceux qui savent se bien tenir en selle. [Footnote: En France, pour les tournois et les joutes, ainsi que pour les batailles, les chevaliers montoient de ces grands et fort chevaux qu'on appeloit palefrois. Leurs selles avoient par-devant et par-derrière de hauts arçons qui, par les points d'appui qu'ils leur fournissoient, leur donnoient bien plus de moyens de résister au coup de lance que les petits chevaux et les selles basses des Hongrois; et voilà pourquoi notre auteur dit que c'est dans les joutes Hongroises qu'on peut reconnoître le cavalier qui sait bien se tenir en selle.] Quand ils joutent à l'estrivée pour des verges d'or, tous les chevaux sont de même hauteur; toutes les selles sont pareilles et tirées au sort, et l'on joute par couples toujours paires, un contre un. Si l'un des deux adversaires tombe, le vainqueur est obligé de se retirer, et il ne joute plus. Jusqu'à Bude j'avois toujours accompagné l'ambassadeur de Milan; mais, avant de quitter la ville, il me prévint qu'en route il se sépareroit de moi pour se rendre auprès du duc. D'après cette annonce j'allai trouver mon Artésien Clays Davion, qui me donna, pour Vienne en Autriche, une lettre de recommendation adressée à un marchand de sa connoissance. Comme je m'étois ouvert à lui, et que je n'avois cru devoir lui cacher ni mon état et mon nom, ni le pays d'où je venois, et l'honneur que j'avois d'appartenir à monseigneur le duc (duc de Bourgogne), il mit tout cela dans la lettre à son ami, et je m'en trouvai bien. De Bude je vins à Thiate, ville champêtre où le roi se tient volontiers, me dit-on; puis, à Janiz, en Allemand Jane, ville sur le Danube. Je passai ensuite devant une autre qui est formée par une île du fleuve, et qui avoit été donnée par l'empereur à l'un des gens de monseigneur de Bourgogne, que je crois être messire Rénier Pot. Je passai par celle de Brut, située sur une rivière qui sépare le royaume de Hongrie d'avec le duché d'Autriche. La rivière coule à travers un marais où l'on a construit une chaussée longue et étroite. Ce lieu est un passage d'une grande importance; je suis même persuadé qu'avec peu de monde on pourroit le défendre et le fermer du côté de l'Autriche. Deux lieues par-delà Brut l'ambassadeur de Milan se sépara de moi: il se rendit vers le duc son maître, et moi à Vienne en Autriche, où j'arrivai après cinq jours de marche. Entré dans la ville, je ne trouvai d'abord personne qui voulût me loger, parce qu'on me prenoit pour un Turc. Enfin quelqu'un, par aventure, m'enseigna une hôtellerie où l'on consentit à me recevoir. Heureusement pour moi le domestique que j'avois pris à Pest savoit le Hongrois et le haut Allemand, et il demanda qu'on fit venir le marchand pour qui j'avois une lettre. On alla le chercher. Il vint, et non seulement il m'offrit tous ces services, mais il alla instruire monseigneur le duc Aubert, [Footnote: Albert II, duc d'Autriche, depuis empereur, à la mort de Sigismond.] cousin-germain de mondit seigneur qui aussitôt dépêcha vers moi un poursuivant, [Footnote: Poursuivant d'armes, sorte de héraut en usage dans les cours des princes.] et peu après messire Albrech de Potardof. II n'y avoit pas encore deux heures que j'étois arrivé quand je vis messire Albrech descendre de cheval à la porte de mon logis, et me demander. Je me crus perdu. Peu avant mon départ pour les saints lieux, moi et quelques autres nous l'avions arrêté entre Flandres et Brabant, parce que nous l'avions cru sujet de Phédérich d'Autriche, [Sidenote: Frédéric, duc d'Autriche, empereur après Albert II.] qui avoit défié mondit seigneur; et je ne doutai pas qu'il ne vînt m'arrêter à mon tour, et peut-être faire pis encore. Il me dit que mondit seigneur d'Autriche, instruit que j'étois serviteur de mondit seigneur le duc, l'envoyoit vers moi pour m'offrir tout ce qui dépendoit de lui; qu'il m'invitoit à le demander aussi hardiment que je le ferois envers mondit seigneur, et qu'il vouloit traiter ses serviteurs comme il feroit les siens même. Messire Albrech parla ensuite en son nom: il me présenta de l'argent, m'offrit des chevaux et autres objets; en un mot il me rendit le bien pour le mal, quoiqu'après tout cependant je n'eusse fait envers lui que ce que l'honneur me permettoit et m'ordonnoit même de faire. Deux jours après, mondit seigneur d'Autriche m'envoya dire qu'il vouloit me parler; et ce fut encore messire Albrech qui vint me prendre pour lui faire la révérence. Je me présentai à lui au moment où il sortoit de la messe, accompagné de huit ou dix vieux chevaliers notables. A peine l'eus-je salué qu'il me prit la main sans vouloir permetter que je lui parlasse à genoux. Il me fit beaucoup de questions, et particulièrement sur mondit seigneur; ce qui me donna lieu de présumer qu'il l'aimoit tendrement. C'étoit un homme d'assez grande taille et brun; mais doux et affable, vaillant et libéral, et qui passoit pour avoir toutes sortes de bonnes qualités. Parmi les personnes qui l'accompagnoient étoient quelques seigneurs de Bohème que les Houls en avoient chassés parce qu'ils ne vouloient pas être de leur religion. [Footnote: Houls, Hussites, disciples de Jean Hus (qu'on prononçoit Hous), sectaires fanatiques qui dans ce siècle inondèrent la Bohème de sang, et se rendirent redoutables par leurs armes.] Il se présenta également à lui un grand baron de ce pays, appelé Paanepot, qui, avec quelques autres personnes, venoit, au nom des Hussites, traiter avec lui et demander la paix. Ceux-ci se proposoient d'aller au secours du roi de Pologne contre les seigneurs de Prusse, et ils lui faisoient de grandes offres, m'a-t-on dit, s'il vouloit les seconder; mais il répondit, m'a-t-on encore ajouté, que s'ils ne se soumettoient à la loi de Jésus-Christ, jamais, tant qu'il seroit en vie, il ne feroit avec eux ni paix ni trêve. En effet, au temps où il leur parloit les avoit déja battus deux fois. Il avoit repris sur eux toute la Morane (Moravie), et, par sa conduite et sa vaillance, s'étoit agrandi à leurs dépens. Au sortir de son audience je fus conduite à celle de la duchesse, grande et belle femme, fille de l'empereur, et par lui héritière du royaume de Hongrie et de Bohème, et des autres seigneuries qui en dépendent. Elle venoit tout récemment d'accoucher d'une fille; ce qui avoit occasionné des fêtes et des joutes d'autant plus courues, que jusque-là elle n'avoit point eu d'enfans. Le lendemain mondit seigneur d'Autriche m'envoya inviter à dîner par messire Albrech, et il me fit manger à sa table avec un seigneur Hongrois et un autre Autrichien. Tous ses gens sont à gages, et personne ne mange avec lui que quand on est en prévenu par son maître d'hôtel. La table étoit carrée. La coutume est qu'on n'y apporte qu'un plat à la fois, et que celui qui s'en trouve le plus voisin en goûte le premier. Cet usage tient lieu d'essai. [Footnote: Chez les souverains on faisoit l'essai des viandes à mesure qu'on les leur servoit, et il y avoit un officier chargé de cette fonction qui, dans l'origine, avoit été une précaution prise contre le poison.] On servit chair et poisson, et sur-tout beaucoup de différentes viandes fort épicées, mais toujours plat à plat. Après le dîner on me mena voir les danses chez madame la duchesse. Elle me donna un chapeau de fil d'or et de soie, un anneau et un diamant pour mettre sur ma tête, selon la coutume du pays. Il y avoit là beaucoup de noblesse en hommes et en femmes; j'y vis des gens très-aimables, et les plus beaux cheveux qu'on puisse porter. Quand j'eus été là quelque temps, un gentilhomme nommé Payser, qui, bien qu'il ne fût qu'écuyer, [Footnote: Qui n'étoit pas encore chevalier.] étoit chambellan et garde des joyaux de mondit seigneur d'Autriche, vint de sa part me prendre pour me les montrer. Il me fit voir la couronne de Bohème, qui a d'assez belles pierreries, et entr'autres un rubis, le plus considérable que j'aie vu. Il m'a paru plus gros qu'une grosse datte; mais il n'est point net, et offre quelques cavités dans le fond desquelles on aperçoit des taches noires. De là ledit garde me mena voir les waguebonnes, [Footnote: Waguebonne, sorte de chariot ou de tour ambulante pour les combats.] que mondit seigneur avoit fait construire pour combattre les Bohémiens. Je n'en vis aucun qui pût contenir plus de vingt hommes; mais on me dit qu'il y en avoit un qui en porteroit trois cents, et auquel il ne falloit pour le traîner que dix-huit chevaux. Je trouvai à la cour monseigneur de Valse, gentil chevalier, et le plus grand seigneur de l'Autriche après le duc; j'y vis messire Jacques Trousset, joli chevalier de Zoave (Souabe): mais il y en avoit un autre, nommé le Chant, échanson né de l'Empire, qui, ayant perdu à la bataille de Bar un sien frère et plusieurs de ses amis, et sachant que j'étois à monseigneur le duc, me fit épier pour savoir le jour de mon départ et me saisir en Bavière lorsque j'y passerois. Heureusement pour moi monseigneur d'Autriche fut instruit de son projet. Il le congédia, et me fit rester à Vienne plus que je ne comptois, pour attendre le départ de monseigneur de Valse et de messire Jacques, avec lesquels je partis. Pendant mon séjour j'y vis trois de ces joutes dont j'ai parlé, à petits chevaux et à selles basses. L'une eut lieu à la cour, et les deux autres dans les rues; mais à celles-ci, plusieurs de ceux qui furent renversés tombèrent si lourdement qu'ils se blessèrent avec danger. Mondit seigneur d'Autriche me fit offrir en secret de l'argent. Je reçus les même offres de messire Albert et de messire Robert Daurestof, grand seigneur du pays, lequel, l'année d'auparavant, étoit allé en Flandre déguisé, et y avoit vu mondit seigneur le duc, dont il disoit beaucoup de bien. Enfin j'en reçus de trèsvives d'un poursuivant Breton-bretonnant (Bas-Breton) nommé Toutseul, qui, après avoir été au service de l'amiral d'Espagne, étoit à celui de mondit seigneur d'Autriche. Ce Breton venoit tous les jours me chercher pour aller à la messe, et il m'accompagnoit par-tout où je voulois aller. Persuadé que j'avois dû dépenser en route tout ce que j'avois d'argent, il vint, peu avant mon départ, m'en présenter cinquante marcs qu'il avoit en émaux. Il insista beaucoup pour que je les vendisse à mon profit; et comme je refusois également de recevoir et d'emprunter, il me protesta que jamais personne n'en sauroit rien. Vienne est une ville assez grande, bien fermée de bons fossés et de hauts murs, et où l'on trouve de riches marchands et des ouvriers de toute profession. Au nord elle a le Danube qui baigne ses murs. Le pays aux environs est agréable et bon, et c'est un lieu de plaisirs et d'amusemens. Les habitans y sont mieux habillés qu'en Hongrie, quoiqu'ils portent tous de gros pourpoints bien épais et bien larges. En guerre, ils mettent par-dessus le pourpoint un bon haubergeon, un glaçon, [Footnote: Glaçon ou glachon, sorte d'armure défensive. Les Suisses estoient assez communément habillez de jacques, de pans, de haubergerie, de glachons et de chapeaux de fer à la façon d'Allemagne. (Mat. de Coucy, p. 536.) En Français on appeloit glaçon une sorte de toile fine qui sans doute étoit glacée. Je soupçonne que le glaçon Allemand étoit une espèce de cotte d'armes faite de plusieurs doubles de toile piquée, comme nos gambisons. Peut-être aussi n'étoit-ce qu'une cuirasse.] un grand chapeau de fer et d'autres harnois à la mode du pays. Ils ont beaucoup de crennequiniers. C'est ainsi qu'en Autriche et en Bohème on nomme ceux qu'en Hongrie on appelle archers. Leurs arcs sont semblables à ceux des Turcs, quoiqu'ils ne soient ni si bons ni si forts; mais ils ne les manient point aussi bien qu'eux. Les Hongrois tirent avec trois doigts, et les Turcs avec le pouce et l'anneau. Quand j'allai prendre congé de mondit seigneur d'Autriche et de madame, il me recommanda lui-même à mes deux compagnons de voyage, messire Jacques Trousset et mondit seigneur de Walsce, qui alloit se rendre sur la frontière de Bohème où il commandoit. Il me fit demander de nouveau si j'avois besoin d'argent. Je lui répondis, comme je l'àvois déja fait à ceux qui m'en avoient offert, qu'à mon départ mondit seigneur le duc m'en avoit si bien pourvu qu'il m'en restoit encore pour revenir auprès de lui; mais je lui demandai un saufconduit, et il me l'accorda. Le Danube, depuis Vienne jusqu'à trois journées pardelà, a son cours dirigé vers le levant; depuis Bude et même au-dessus, jusqu'à la pointe de Belgrade, il coule au midi. Là, entre la Hongrie et la Bulgarie, il reprend sa direction au levant, et va, dit-on, se jeter dans la mer Noire à Mont-Castre. Je partis de Vienne dans la compagnie de mondit seigneur de Valse et de messire Jacques Trousset. Le premier se rendit à Lints, auprès de son épouse; la second dans sa terre. Après deux journées de marche nous arrivâmes à Saint-Polquin (Saint Pelten), où se font les meilleurs couteaux du pays. De là nous vînmes à Mélich (Mæleh) sur le Danube, ville où l'on fabrique les meilleures arbalètes, et qui a un très-beau monastère de chartreux; puis à Valse, qui appartient audit seigneur, et dont le château, construit sur une roche élevée, domine le Danube. Lui-même me montra les ornemens d'autel qu'a le lieu. Jamais je n'en ai vu d'aussi riches en broderie et en perles. J'y vis aussi des bateaux qui remontoient le Danube, tirés par des chevaux. Le lendemain de notre arrivée, un gentilhomme de Bavière vint saluer mondit seigneur de Valse. Messire Jacques Trousset, averti de sa venue, annonça qu'il alloit le faire pendre à une aubépine qui étoit dans le jardin. Mondit seigneur accourut aussitôt, et le pria de ne point lui faire chez lui un pareil affront. S'il vient jusqu'à moi, répondit messire, il ne peut l'échapper, et sera pendu. Ledit seigneur courut donc au devant du gentilhomme; il lui fit un signe, et celui-ci se retira. La raison de cette colère est que messire Jacques, ainsi que la plupart des gens qu'il avoit avec lui, étoit de la secrète compagnie, et que le gentilhomme, qui en étoit aussi, avoit méusé. [Footnote: Probablement il s'agit ici de franc-maçonnerie, et le Bavarois que Trousset vouloit faire pendre étoit un faux frère qui avoit révélé les mystères de la compagnie secrète.] De Valse nous allâmes à Oens (Ens), sur la rivière de ce nom; à Evresperch, qui est sur le même rivière, et du domaine de l'évêque de Passot (Passau); puis à Lins (Lintz), très-bonne ville, qui a un château sur le Danube, et qui n'est pas éloignée de la frontière de Bohème. Elle appartient à monseigneur d'Autriche, et a pour gouverneur ledit seigneur de Valse. J'y vis madame de Valse, très-belle femme, du pays de Bohème, laquelle me fit beaucoup d'accueil. Elle me donna un roussin d'un excellent trot, un diamant pour mettre sur mes cheveux, à la mode d'Autriche, et un chapeau de perles orné d'un anneau et d'un rubis. [Footnote: Ces chapeaux, qu'il ne faut pas confondre avec les nôtres, n'étoient que des cercles, des couronnes en cerceau.] Mondit seigneur de Valse restant à Lintz avec son épouse, je partis dans la compagnie de messire Jacques Trousset, et vins à Erfort, qui appartient au comte de Chambourg. Là finit l'Autriche, et depuis Vienne jusque-là nous avions mis six journées. D'Erfort nous allâmes à Riet, ville de Bavière, et qui est au duc Henri; à Prenne, sur la rivière de Sceine; à Bourchaze, ville avec château sur la même rivière, ou nous trouvâmes le duc; à Mouldrouf, où nous passâmes le Taing. Enfin, après avoir traversé le pays du duc Louis de Bavière, sans être entrés dans aucune de ses ville, nous arrivâmes à Munèque (Munich), la plus jolie petite ville que j'aie jamais vue, et qui appartient au duc Guillaume de Bavière. A Lanchperch je quittai la Bavière pour entrer en Souabe, et passai par Meindelahan (Mindelheim), qui est au duc; par Mamines (Memingen), ville d'Empire, et de là à Walpourch, l'un des châteaux de messire Jacques. Il ne s'y rendit que trois jours après moi, parce qu'il vouloit aller visiter dans le voisinage quelques-uns de ses amis; mais il donna ordre à ses gens dé me traiter comme ils le traiteroient lui-même. Quand il fut revenu nous partîmes pour Ravespourch (Rawensburg), ville d'Empire; de là à Martorf, à Mersporch (Mersbourg), ville de l'évêque de Constance, sur le lac de ce nom. Le lac en cet endroit peut bien avoir en largeur trois milles d'Italie. Je le traversai et vins à Constance, où je passai le Rhin, qui commence à prendre là son nom en sortant du lac. C'est dans cette ville que se sépara de moi messire Jacques Trousset. Ce chevalier, l'un des plus aimable et des plus vaillans de l'Allemagne, m'avoit fait l'honneur et le plaisir de m'accompagner jusque-là pour égard pour mondit seigneur le duc; il m'eût même escorté plus loin, sans un fait d'armes auquel il s'étoit engagé: mais il me donna pour le suppléer un poursuivant, qu'il chargea de me conduire aussi loin que je l'exigerois. Ce fait d'armes étoit une enterprise formée avec le seigneur de Valse. Tous deux s'aiment comme frères, et il devoient jouter à fer de lance, avec targe et chapeau de fer, selon l'usage du pays, treize contre treize, tous amis et parens. Il est parfaitement muni d'armes pour joutes et batailles. Lui-même me les avoit montrées dans son château de Walporch. Je pris congé de lui, et le quittai avec bien du regret. De Constance je vins à Etran (Stein), où je passai le Rhin; à Chaufouze (Schaffouse), ville de l'empereur; à Vualscot (Waldshutt); à Laufemberg (Lauffembourg); à Rinbel (Rhinfeld), toutes trois au duc Frédéric d'Autriche, et à Bâle, autre ville de l'Empereur où il avoir envoyé comme son lieutenant le duc Guillaume de Bavière, parce que le saint concile y étoit assemblé. Le duc voulut me voir, ainsi que madame la duchesse son épouse. J'assistai à une session du concile où furent présens monseigneur le cardinal de Saint-Ange, légat de notre saint père la pape Eugène; sept autres cardinaux, plusieurs patriarches, archevêques et évêques. J'y vis des gens de mondît seigneur le duc, messire Guillebert de Lannoy, seigneur de Villerval, son ambassadeur; maître Jean Germain, et l'évêque de Châlons. J'eus un entretien avec ledit légat, qui me fit beaucoup de questions sur les pays que j'avois vus, et particulièrement sur la Grèce; il me parut avoir fort à coeur la conquête de ce pays, et me recommanda de répéter à mondit seigneur, touchant cette conquête, certaines choses que je lui avois racontées. A Bâle je quittai mon poursuivant, qui retourna en Autriche; et moi, après avoir traversé la comté de Férette, qui est au duc Frédéric d'Autriche, et passé par Montbéliart, qui est à la comtesse de ce nom, j'entrai dans la comté de Bourgogne (la Franche-comté), qui appartient à monseigneur le duc, et vins à Besançon. Je le croyois en Flandre, et en conséquence, voulant me rendre près de lui par les marches (frontières) de Bar et de Lorraine, je pris la route de Vésou; mais à Villeneuve j'appris qu'il étoit à l'entrée de Bourgogne, et qu'il avoit fait assiéger Mussi-l'Evêque. Je me rendis donc par Aussonne à Dijon, où je trouvai monseigneur le chancelier de Bourgogne, avec qui j'allai me présenter devant lui. Ses gens étoient au siége, et lui dans l'abbaye de Poitiers. Je parus en sa présence avec les mêmes habillemens que j'avois au sortir de Damas, et j'y fis conduire le cheval que j'avois acheté dans cette ville, et qui venoit de m'amener en France. Mondit seigneur me reçut avec beaucoup de bonté. Je lui présentai mon cheval, mes habits, avec le koran et la vie de Mahomet en Latin, que m'avoit donnés à Damas, le chapelain du consul de Venise. Il les fit livrer à maître Jean Germain pour les examiner; mais onc depuis je n'en ai entendu parler. Ce maître Jean étoit docteur en théologie: il a été évêque de Châlons-sur-Saone et chevalier de la toison. [Footnote: Jean Germain, né à Cluni, et par conséquent sujet du duc de Bourgogne, avoit plu, étant enfant, à la duchesse, qui l'envoya étudier dans l'Université de Paris, où il se distingua. Le duc, dont il sut gagner la faveur par la suite, le fit, en 1431, chancelier de son ordre de la toison d'or (et non chevalier, comme le dit la Brocquière). L'année suivante il le nomme à l'évêché de Nevers; l'envoya, l'an 1432, ambassadeur à Rome, puis au concile de Bâle, comme l'un de ses représentans. En 1436 il le transféra de l'évèché de Nevers à celui de Châlons-sur-Saone. Ce que la Brocquière dit de cet évéque annonce de l'humeur, et l'on conçoit que n'entendant point parler des deux manuscrits întéressans qu'il avoit apportés d'Asie, il devoit en avoir. Cependant Germain s'en occupa; mais ce ne fut que pour travailler à les réfuter. A sa mort, arrivée en 1461, il laissa en manuscrit deux ouvrages dont on trouve des copies dans quelques bibliothèques, l'un intitulé, De conceptione beatæ Mariæ virginis, adversus mahometanos et infideles, libri duo; l'autre, Adversus Alcoranum, libri quinque.] Je me suis peu étendu sur la description du pays depuis Vienne jusqu'ici, parce qu'il est connu; quant aux autres que j'ai parcourus dans mon voyage, si j'en publie la relation j'avertis ceux qui la liront que je l'ai entreprise, non par ostentation et vanité, mais pour instruire et guider les personnes qu'un même desir conduiroit dans ces contrées, et pour obéir à mon très-redouté seigneur monseigneur le duc, qui me l'a ordonné. J'àvois rapporté un petit livret où en route j'écrivois toutes mes aventures quand j'en avois le temps, et c'est d'après ce mémorial que je l'ai rédigée. Si elle n'est pas composée aussi bien que d'autres pourroient le faire, je prie qu'on m'excuse. * * * * * The description of a voyage made by certaine ships of Holland into the East Indies, with their aduentures and successe; together with the description of the countries, townes, and inhabitantes of the same: who set forth on the second of Aprill, 1595, and returned on the 14 of August, 1597. Translated out of Dutch into English, by W. P. [Footnote: London, imprinted by iohn wolfe, 1598.] To the right worshipfull Sir Iames Scudamore, Knight. Right worshipfull, this small treatie (written in Dutch, shewing a late voyage performed by certain Hollanders to the islandes of Iaua, part of the East Indies) falling into my handes, and in my iudgement deserving no lesse commendation then those of our Countreymen, (as Captaine Raimonde in the Penelope, Maister Foxcroft in the Marchant Royall, and M. Iames Lancaster in the Edward Bonauenture, vnto the said East Indies, by the Cape de Bona Sperance, in Anno 1591, as also M. Iohn Newbery, and Raphael Fich ouer land through Siria from Aleppo vnto Ormus and Goa, and by the said Raphael Fitch himselfe to Bengala, Malocca, Pegu, and other places in Anno 1583. as at large appeareth in a booke written by M. RICHARD HACLUTE a Gentleman very studious therein, and entituled the English voyages, I thought it not vnconuenient to translate the same into our mother tongue, thereby to procure more light and encouragement to such as are desirous to trauell those Countries, for the common wealth and commoditie of this Realme and themselues. And knowing that all men are not like affected, I was so bold to shrowd it vnder your worships protection, as being assured of your good disposition to the fauoring of trauell and trauellers, and whereby it hath pleased God to aduance you to that honourable title, which at this present you beare, and so not fitter for the protection of any then your selfe: and as a poore friend wishing all happines and prosperity in all your valiant actions. Which if it please your worshippe to like and accept, it may procure the proceeding in a more large and ample discourse of an East Indian voyage, lately performed and set forth by one Iohn Hughen of Linschoten, to your further delight. Wherewith crauing your fauor, and beseeching God to blesse your worship, with my good Ladie your wife, I most humbly take my leaue: This 16. of Ianuarie. 1597. Your Worships to commaunde. W. PHILLIP. To the Bayliefes, Burghemaisters, and Counsell of the town of Middelborgh in Zeelande. It may well bee thought (Right-worshipfull) as many learned men are of opinion, that the actions and aduentures of the ancients long since done, and performed, haue beene set forth with more show of wonder and strangenesse then they in truth deserued: the reason as I think was, because that in those daies there were many learned and wise men, who in their writings sought by all meanes they could to excell each other, touching the description of Countries and nations: And againe to the contrarie, for want of good Historiographers and writers, many famous actes and trauels of diuers nations and Countries lie hidden, and in a manner buried vnder ground, as wholly forgotten and vnknowne, vnlesse it were such as the Grecians and Romanes for their owne glories and aduantages thought good to declare. But to come to the matter of voyages by sea, it is euident to all the world, what voyage Iason with certaine yong Grecian Princes made to Colchos in the Oriental Countries to winne the golden Fleece, as also the trauels by Hercules performed into Libia in the West partes, to winne the Aurea Mala, or golden apples of Hesperides, which notwithstanding neither for length, daunger, nor profite, are any thing comparable to the nauigations and voyages, that of late within the space of one hundreth years haue been performed and made into the East and West Indies, whereby in a manner there is not one hauen on the sea coast, nor any point of land in the whole world, but hath in time beene sought and founde out. I will not at this present dispute or make an argument, whether the Countries and nations of late yeares found out and discouered, were knowne to the auncients, but this is most certaine, that not any strange worke or aduenture was, or euer shall be performed, but by the speciall grace, fauour and mightie hand of God, and that such are worthy perpetual memory, as with noble minds haue sought to effect, and be the first enterprisers thereof, and with most valiant courages and wisedomes, haue performed such long and dangerous voyages into the East and West Indies, as also such Kinges and Princes, as with their Princely liberalities haue imployed their treasures, shippes, men and munitions to the furtherance and performance of so worthy actes, which notwithstanding in the end turned to their great aduancementes and inriching with great treasures, which by those meanes they haue drawn, and caused in great aboundance to be brought from thence, in such manner, that the King of Spaine nowe liuing, (hauing both the Indies in his possession, and reaping the abundant treasures which yearly are brought out of those countries) hath not only (although couertly) sought all the means he could to bring all Christendome vnder his dominion, but also (that which no King or country whatsoeuer although of greater might then he hath euer done) hee is not ashamed to vse this posie, Nec spe, nec metu. And although the first founders and discouerers of those Countries haue alwayes sought to hinder and intercept other nations from hauing any part of their glorie, yet hereby all nations, and indifferent persons may well know and perceiue the speciall policie, and valour of these vnited Prouinces, in trauelling into both the Indies, in the faces, and to the great grief of their many and mightie enemies. Whereby it is to be hoped, that if they continue in their enterprises begun, they will not onely draw the most part of the Indian treasures into these Countries, but thereby disinherite and spoyle the Countrie of Spayne of her principall reuenues, and treasures of marchandises and traffiques, which she continually vseth and receyueth out of these countries, and out of Spayne are sent into the Indies, and so put the King of Spaine himselfe in minde of his foolish deuise which he vseth for a posie touching the new world, which is, Non sufficit orbis, like a second Alexander magnus, desiring to rule ouer all the world, as it is manifestly knowne. And because this description is fallen into my handes, wherein is contayned the first voyage of the Low-countrymen into the East Indies, with the aduentures happened vnto them, set downe and iustified by such as were present in the voyage, I thought it good to put it in print, with many pictures and cardes, whereby the reader may the easilier perceyue and discerne, the natures, apparels, and fashions of those Countries and people, as also the manner of their shippes, together with the fruitfulnesse and great aboundance of the same, hoping that this my labour will not onely be acceptable vnto all Marchants and Saylers, which hereafter meane to traffique into those Countries, but also pleasant and profitable to all such as are desirous to looke into so newe and strange things, which neuer heretofore were knowne vnto our nation. And againe for that all histories haue their particular commoditie, (specially such as are collected and gathered together) not by common report, from the first, seconde, or thirde man, but by such as haue seene and beene present in the actions, and that are liuing to iustifie and verifie the same: And although eloquence and words well placed in shewing a history, are great ornamentes and beautifyinges to the same, yet such reports and declarations are much more worthy credite, and commendabler for the benefit of the commonwealth, which are not set down or disciphered by subtill eloquence, but showne and performed by simple plaine men, such as by copiousnesse of wordes, or subtiltie do not alter or chaunge the matter from the truth thereof, which at this day is a common and notorious fault in many Historiographers: And thinking with myselfe to whome I were best to dedicate the same, I found it not fitter for any then for the right worshipfull Gouernours of this famous Towne of Middelborgh, wherein for the space of 19 yeares I haue peaceably continued, specially because your worships do not onely deale with great store of shipping, and matter belonging to nauigation, but are also well pleased to heare, and great furtherers to aduance both shipping and traffiques, wherein consisteth not onely the welfare of all marchants, inhabitants, and cittizens of this famous City, but also of all the commonwealth of the vnited Prouinces, hoping your worships wil not onely accept this my labour, but protect and warrantise the same against all men: Wherewith I beseech God to blesse you with wisedome, and godly policie, to gouerne the Commonwealth: Middleborgh this 19 of October 1597. Your worships seruant to command BERNARDT LANGHENEZ. A briefe description of a voyage performed by certaine Hollanders, to and from the East Indies, with their aduentures and successe. The ancient Historiographers and describers of the world haue much commended, and at large with great prayse set downe the diuers and seuerall voyages of many noble and valiant Captains (as of Alexander Magnus, Seleucus, Antiochus, Patrocles, Onesecritus) into the East Indies, which notwithstanding haue not set downe a great part of those coontries [sic--KTH], as not being as then discouered, whereby it is thought and iudged by some men, that India is the full third part of all the world, because of the great Prouinces, mighty citties and famous Islands (full of costly marchandises, and treasures from thence brought into all partes of the worlde) that are therein: Wherein the auncient writers were very curious, and yet not so much as men in our age: They had some knowledge thereof, but altogether vncertaine, but we at this day are fully certified therein, both touching the countreys, townes, streames and hauens, with the trafiques therein vsed and frequented, whereby all the world, so farre distant and seperated from those strange nations, are by trade of marchandises vnited therevnto, and therby commonly knowne vnto them: The Portingalles first began to enterprise the voyage, who by art of nauigation (in our time much more experienced and greater then in times past, and therefore easilier performed) discouered those wild Countries of India, therein procuring great honour to their King, making his name famous and bringing a speciall and great profite of all kindes of spices into their Countrie, which thereby is spread throughout all the worlde, yet that sufficed not, for that the Englishmen (not inferiour to any nation in the world for arte of nauigation) haue likewise vndertaken the Indian voyage, and by their said voyages into those Countries, made the same commonly knowne vnto their Country, wherein Sir Frances Drake, and M. Candish are chiefly to bee commended, who not onely sayled into the East Indies, but also rounde about the world, with most prosperous voyages, by which their voyages, ours haue beene furthered and set forwarde, for that the condition of the Indies is, that the more it is sayled into, the more it is discovered, by such as sayle the same, so strange a Countrey it is: So that besides the famous voyages of the Countries aforesaid, in the ende certain people came into Holland (a nation wel known) certifying them, that they might easily prepare certaine shippes to sayle into the East Indies, there to traffique and buy spyces etc. By sayling straight from Hollande, and also from other countries bordering about it, with desire to see strange and rich wares of other Countries, and that should not be brought vnto them by strangers, but by their owne countrey men, which some men would esteeme to be impossible, considering the long voyage and the daungers thereof, together with the vnaccustomed saylinges and little knowledge thereof by such as neuer sayled that way, and rather esteeme it madnesse, then any point of wisedome, and folly rather then good consideration. But notwithstanding wee haue seene foure ships make that voyage, who after many dangers hauing performed their voyage, returned againe and haue brought with them those wares, that would neuer haue beene thought coulde haue beene brought into these countries by any Holland ships; but what shoulde I herein most commende eyther the willingnesse and good performance of the parties, or the happinesse of their voyage? whereof that I may giue the reader some knowledge, I will shew what I haue hearde and beene informed of, concerning the description of the Countries, customes, and manners of the nations, by them in this voyage seene and discouered, which is as followeth. In the yeere of our Lord 1595. vpon the 10. day of the month of March, there departed from Amsterdam three ships and a Pinnace to sayle into the East Indies, set forth by diuers rich Marchantes: The first called Mauritius, of the burthen of 400. tunnes, hauing in her sixe demie canon, fourteene Culuerins, and other peeces, and 4. peeces to shoot stones, and 84. men: the Mayster Iohn Moleuate, the Factor Cornelius Houtman: The second named Hollandia, of the burthen of 400. tunnes, having 85. men, seuen brasse peeces, twelue peeces for stones, and 13. iron peeces, the Mayster Iohn Dignums, the Factor Gerrit van Buiningen, the thirde called Amsterdam, of the burthen of 200. tuns, wherein were 59. men, sixe brasse peeces, ten iron peeces, and sixe peeces for stones, the Mayster Iohn Iacobson Schellinger, the Factor Reginer van Hel: The fourth being a Pinnace called the Doue, of the burthen of 50. tunnes, with twenty men, the Mayster Simon Lambertson: [Sidenote: When and how the ships set saile.] Which 4. ships vpon the 21. of the same moneth came vnto the Tassel, where they stayed for the space of 12. daies to take in their lading, and the seconde of Aprill following, they set saile with a North east winde and following on their course the fourth of the same moneth they ['the' in source text--KTH] passed the heades; The sixt they saw Heyssant, the 10. of April they passed by the Barles of Lisbon: With an East and North East wind, the 17. of Aprill they discouered two of the Islands of Canaries: The 19. Palm, and Pic, Los Romeros, and Fero: The 25. of Aprill they saw Bona visita, the 16. they ankered vnder Isole de May: The 27. they set sayle againe and held their course South Southeast. The 4. of May, we espied two of the King of Spaines ships, that came from Lisbone, and went for the East Indies, about 1000. or 1200. tunnes each ship, with whom we spake, and told them that we were bound for the straights of Magellanes, but being better of sayle then they wee got presently out of their sight. The 12. of May being vnder fiue degrees on this side the Equinoctiall line, we espyed fiue ships laden with Sugar, comming from the Island of S. Thomas, and sayled for Lisbone, to whome we gaue certaine letters, which were safely deliuered in Holland. [Sidenote: Their victuailes stunke and spoyled.] Departing from them and keeping on our course, vpon the fourth of Iune we passed the Equinoctial line, where the extreame heat of the ayre spoyled all our victuailes: Our flesh and fishe stunke, our Bisket molded, our Beere sowred, our water stunke, and our Butter became as thinne as Oyle, whereby diuers of our men fell sicke, and many of them dyed; but after that we learned what meat and drinke we should carrie with vs that would keepe good. [Sidenote: They passed the sandes of Brasilia.] The 28 of Iune we passed the sandes of Brasill, by the Portingalles called Abrolhos, which are certaine places which men must looke warely vnto, otherwise they are very dangerous. These sandes lie vnder 18. degrees, and you must passe betweene the coast of Guine and the sandes aforesaid, not going too neer eyther of them, otherwise close by the Coast there are great calmes, thunders, raines and lightnings, with great stormes, harde by the sands men are in daunger to be cast away: and so sayling on their course, first East South East, then East and East and by North. Vpon the seconde of Iuly wee passed Tropicus Cancri, vnder 23. degrees, and 1/2. The 13. of the same Month, we espied many blacke birdes. [Sidenote: Tokens of the Cape de bona Sperance.] The 19. great numbers of white birdes, and the 20. a bird as bigge as a Swan, whereof foure or fiue together is a good signe of being neere the Cape de bona Sperance. These birdes are alwaies about the said Cape, and are good signes of being before it. The second of August we saw the land of the Cape de bona Sperance, and the fourth of the same Month we entered into a hauen called Agne Sambras, where wee ankered, and found good depth at 8. or 9. fadome water, sandy ground. The 5. day we went on shore to gather fruite, therewith to refresh our sicke men, that were thirty to 33 in one shippe. In this bay lyeth a smal Islande, wherern are many birdes called Pyncuius and sea Wolues that are taken with mens handes: we went into the countrey and spake with the inhabitants, who brought diuers fresh victuailes aborde our shippes, for a knife or small peece of Iron, etc. giuing vs an Oxe, or a sheepe etc. The sheepe in those Countries haue great tayles, and are fat and delicate. Their ozen [sic--KTH] are indifferent good, hauing lumps of flesh vpon their backes, and are as fat as any of our good brisket beefe: the inhabitantes are of small stature, well ioynted and boned, they goe naked, couering their members with Foxes and other beastes tayles: they seeme cruell, yet with vs they vsed all kind of friendship, but are very beastly and stinking, in such sort, that you may smell them in the wind at the least of a fadome from you: They are apparelled with beastes skinnes made fast about their neckes: some of them, being of the better sort, had their mantles cut and raysed checkerwise, which is a great ornament with them: They eate raw flesh, as it is new killed, and the entrailes of beastes without washing or making cleane, gnawing it like dogs, vnder their feet they tye peeces of beastes skinnes, in steed of shooes, that they trauel in the hard wayes: We could not see their habitations, for wee saw no houses they had, neither could wee vnderstande them, for they speake very strangely, much like the children in our Countrey with their pipes, and clocking like Turkey Cockes: At the first wee saw about thirtie of them, with weapons like pikes, with broade heades of Iron, about their armes they ware ringes of Elpen bones: There wee coulde finde neyther Oringes nor Lemons, which we purposely sought for. [Sidenote: With what wind they sailed to S. Laurence.] The 11. of August we hoysed anker, sayling towards the Island of S. Laurence, and the 22. of the same month we had a contrary wind that blew North East: the 25. a West winde, and so held our course East North East: The 28. there blew a South East wind, and the 30. a South West winde, and our course lay North North East to sayle to the Isle of S. Laurence. The first of September wee discouered the point of the Islande of S. Laurence, vnder 16 degrees, and the third day we saw the Island being very desirous to go on land, for that many of our men were sicke, whereby wee coulde hardly rule our shippes, or bring them farther without healing or refreshing of our men. [Sidenote: They had great store of fish for 2 or 3 kniues.] The 9. of September Iohn Schellinger sent out his boate to rowe to lande, where they founde three Fishermen, of whome for two or three kniues they had great store of fishes. The 13. we entered into a small Bay, but because wee founde no good anker ground, as also being very foule we sayled out againe. The 14. we sayled vnder a small Island about a mile or 2. great, by the Hollanders called their Church yarde, or the dead Island, because many saylers dying in that place, were buried in the African earth, and the 29. of the same Month died Iohn Dignumsz Mayster of the Lyon of Holland, and was buried the next day after. There Iohn Peters of Delft Sayler of the Hollandia, and Koelken van Maidenblick of the Amsterdam were set on shore vpon the Island of S. Laurence, where they were left because they had committed certaine notorious crimes. Meane time the Pinnace was sent out to looke for fresh water, which hauing found, the boat returned to bring vs newes, and therewith the fleete sayled thither, and the 10. of October the shippes ankered before the Riuer, and went on shore, where we found good prouision of all necessaries, the inhabitants being very willing thereunto, bringing vs of al things that we needed, where for a Pewter Spoone wee had an Oxe, or three sheepe. [Sidenote: How the wilde men assailed them, and forced them to insconce themselues.] The 11. of October we went on shore with a boat full of sicke men and the next day we were assayled by a company of wild men, against whom our weapons little preuayled, for they hurt one of our men and tooke all that we had from vs, whereby vpon the thirteenth of the same Month, wee were forced to insconse our selues with pieces of wood and braunches of trees, making Cabins within our Sconse, for that the 15. of October they came againe, but then we tooke one, and slew another of them. The 19. of Nouember our Pilot Claes Ianson was intrapped and murthered by the wild people, although we vsed all the means we could to helpe him, but they feared no weapons, about ten or twelue dayes after we tooke one of them that paide for his death. [Sidenote: The maner and custome of the wild people.] The first of December our men hauing for the most part recouered their healthes, were all carryed aborde the ships: in that parte of Madagascar the people are of good condition, and goe naked, onely with a Cotton cloth before their priuie members, and some from their breasts downward: Their ornaments are Copper ringes about their armes, but Tin rings are more esteemed with them, and therefore tinne with them is good marchaundise. Their Oxen haue great lumpes of fat vpon their backes: Their sheepes tayles way at the least twelue pound, being of an elle long, and two and twentie inches thick. They gaue vs six of those sheepe for a tinne Spoone: They dwel in cottages and liue very poorely: they feare the noyse of a peece, for with one Caliuer you shall make an hundred of them runne away: Wee coulde not perceyue any religion they had, but after wee were informed that they helde the law of Mahomet, for the two boyes that wee tooke from of the land, shewed vs their circumcision: There we found no fruit of Tambaxiumes, but great numbers of Parrats, Medicats, and Turtle Doues, whereof we killed and eat many. The second of December we burned our sconse, and fourteene of our men going further into the Islande brought certaine of the countreymen prisoners, and being abord our ships taught them what they shoulde doe. The thirteenth of December wee hoysed anker, minding to holde on our course for the Islands of Iaua, and for that by reason of the pleasantnesse of the ayre we had in a manner all recouered our healthes, we set our course East and by North, and East Northeast. The nineteenth of the same Month wee were separated by foule weather, and the 22. with great ioy we met againe. The tenth of Ianuarie Vechter Willemson dyed, being a verie honest man, and Pilot in Molenaers shippe, for whome we were much grieued, and the same day we determined to put backe againe for the Islande of S. Laurence, for as then wee began againe to haue a great scouring among our men, and many of them fell sicke: [Sidenote: The wilde men brought things aborde to comfort them.] But presently therevpon we espied the Islande of Saint Mary, and the next day being arriued there, some of the inhabitants came abord our shippes with a basket of Ryce, Sugar canes, Citrons, Lemons, and Hens, whereof we were very glad, as being phisicke for vs. The 13. 14. 15. 16. and 17. dayes we were on land, where we bought Ryce, Hens, Sugar-canes, Citrons and Lemons in great aboundance, and other kinde of fruites to vs vnknowne, also good fish, and greene Ginger: There we tooke a Fish, which thirteen men could hardly pull into our shippe, and because the Island was little, and we had many men, wee entred into the Bay of the firme land with our Pinnace, where for a string of Beades of small value we had a tunne of Ryce: [Sidenote: The description of one of their kings.] The King came abord our Pinnace to see it, and was as blacke as a Deuill, with two hornes made fast vpon his heade, and all his body naked like the rest of the countrey people. This Island lyeth about a small mile from Madagascar, about 19 degrees Southward from the Equinoctiall line (Madagascar or S. Laurence is an Islande belonging to the Countrey of Africa, and lyeth Southwarde vnder 26 degrees, ending Northwarde vnder 11 degrees by the inhabitants it is called Madagascar, and by the Portingalles the Islande of S. Laurence, because it was discouered on S. Laurence day: The riches of this Island is great, it aboundeth in Ryce, Honnie, Waxe, Cotton, Lemons, Cloues, etc. The inhabitants are blacke and go naked, but the haire vpon their heades is not so much curled as those of the Mosambique, and they are not ful so blacke.) The 23. of Ianuary we ankered before a Riuer where likewise we had all kind of necessaries, and after that we went to lie vnder a small Islande within the same Bay. [Sidenote: The wilde people came on borde their ships and seemed very friendly.] The 25. Ianuarie there came some of the wild people aborde our ships, making signes to haue vs go on land, which we did, and there we had good Ryce and other fruits in great abundance. On the left side of the entry of the Riuer lyeth one of their Townes, and on the right hand two townes, where we had most of our trafique. The 26. of Ianuarie wee had interpreters, whom we made to drink wine, wherewith they were as drunk as beastes. The manner and condition of the people inhabiting in the great Bay of Antogil, on this side the Equinoctiall line vnder 16 degrees, on the South side of the Island Madagascar. It is a very great Bay, about ten mile broade, behind it lyeth a high Island, and three small Islands: there is good harbour against all windes. The Island is inhabited, and therein groweth all kindes of fruites, it hath a great fall of water that commeth down out of the hilles, where we laded all our water, and halfe a mile from thence within the land, there runneth a great Riuer, wherein likewise there is much water to be had, when you enter into the Riuer about a quarter of a mile inward on the left hand, ther is a smal towne or village, not closed nor fortified, in it there is about 200. houses, and on the right hand where the Riuer diuideth it selfe, there is two other such Townes: They were all compassed with palles, and the houses were placed about two foote aboue the ground, vpon foure or fiue palles or stakes of wood, and all the vpper partes of reede and strawe. [Sidenote: Why their houses stand so high aboue the earth.] The cause why their houses are made so high from the ground is to auoide the danger of venemous beastes that are there in great aboundance, as Serpents, Snakes, Camelions, and other kindes of beastes. The people are very blacke, but their hayre and beardes are not so much curled as the right Mores, nor their noses nor lippes so great nor flat. They are subtill and strong people, much addicted to drinking, for they will bee as drunke as Swine, with a kind of drinke made of Honie and Ryce. [Sidenote: The maner of the wilde men in that countrey.] They go naked, onely that about their midles they weare a cloth made of the barke of a tree, drawne in small threedes: they make and use very fine Mats to sitte vppon: They haue no great store of weapons, for that halfe of them are vnprouided, and that they vse is a speare of nine ten foote long with a great wooden Target: They are very fearefull of our Caliuers, for 5. or sixe men with Caliuers will cause great numbers of them to flie away: We taught them what our peeces ment for wee perceyued that they knew them not, before they had proued them: at the first they thought they coulde carry no further then their owne lengthes, for they knew not what they were: Their Kinges ornamentes were ten or twelue Copper Rings about his armes: if we had had such Ringes with vs, wee might haue sold them at what prices wee woulde. They likewise vse beades of Glasse, which they weare about their armes and neckes, by them esteemed for great ornaments: for a boxe of beades of small value, we had an Oxe, or three or foure Sheepe; rounde about this Bay are townes and villages, where you may haue of all things to refresh your selues, Lemons and Citrons are there greater and better then in Portingall: Likewise Oringes, Ryce, Hennes, Goats, Honie, and many other sortes of fruites, and to conclude it is the best Bay in all the world to refresh ships. Being on land we were wel entertayned, and must of force drink with them of their drinke made of Hony and Ryce: There we trafiqued with them, and had sufficient of euery thing, but euery night we went aborde our shippes. The third of February we had so great a storme, that most of our ankers were lost, and we ran vpon the land in great daunger to cast our ships away, but God holpe vs, for the storme ceased, and then we went to hoyse vp our lost ankers, and so againe went to anker vnder the Island, glad that we had so well escaped that daunger. The fift of February we went to seeke for our boats, but the wild men had smitten them in peeces, and taken out the nailes, thinking likewise that our shippes woulde haue beene cast away vpon the shore, which they still expected: and when we came thither, they stood vpon the shore with their weapons in hand and threw stones at vs, and we perceyuing them in that minde, made towardes our shippes, for we desired not to reuenge our selues, nor once to fight with them without commission from our Generall, whom we certified thereof. The eyght of February we rowed into the Riuer to buy cattle, and other things, but they were become our enemies, threatning and casting stones at vs, wherevpbn we put out two shalops to run a shore close to the land, and made our Caliuers and other weapons ready. Wherewith we shut at them, but they feared not our shot, for they knew not what they ment, they thought likewise that the peeces coulde carrie no further then they were long: but when they sawe eight or nine of their fellowes dead, they fled into the woodes, and wee entering vpon the lande set fire on their houses, whereof we burnt about twentie or thirtie. The 9. of Februarie we sailed on the other side to buy cattle, and other necessaries, but they seemed vnwilling to deale with vs, but we threatning to burne their houses, they brought vs Cattle and fruites inough, with all things else to our desires. The 12. of Februarie wee hoised anker, and set sayle out of the great Bay of Antongill, being well prouided of all necessaries, we put out with a North wind, the Bay stretching Northeast and Southwest: The 2. of March we had a West winde, our course being East and East and by North towards Iaua. In March and Aprill about the Islande of Brandawe, we found that our Compasses helde two Strikes to farre Northwarde, and we coulde not perceiue the sands that are set downe in the Portingalles sea Cards, but we saw many turnings of streames, and we were much troubled, with calmes, but with the new Moone we had winde enough out of the West and North West. The 27. of May we found the water abord our shippes to bee much lessened, and therefore euery mans portion was but halfe as much as he was wont to haue; so that each man was allowed but foure draughts euery day, which was but a small quantitie. Whereby through the extreame heat we endured great thirst, so that at that time a draught of water abord our ship was worth a Riall of 8. The first of Iuly we saw the Islande of Emgano, whereat we much reioyced, because of the great thirst wee endured in our shippe, and when wee made neerer to it, we perceyued it to be an Islande lying before the straightes of Sonda, vnder 9. degrees on the South side of the line. The sixt of Iuly we put somewhat nearer to the land, and there we saw sixe or seuen canoes, lying vnder the shore but farre off, and durst not make toward vs: in the end we manned out a shalop and rowed to land, but they made from vs, and when our men were hard by the shore, there we saw about 40. or 50. of them standing vpon the shore with their bowes; wherewith our men durst not land, for they seemed to be a cruell kind of people, and altogether wild, for they went all naked, not hauing any thing before their priuy members. They were of a reddish colour, but when our men saw no aduantage they turned again vnto their shippes. The seuenth of Iuly we saw the point of the land of Sumatra, which is a verie high land descending downewarde with a long end. The 11. of the same Month we were close vnder the land, where there lay an Island, and there we ankered. The 12. of Iuly in the morning we saw certaine ships, whereof one came vnto vs, wee rowed vnto it with a shalop, and spake with it, but we could not vnderstand them, but they shewed vs where we should haue water, which made vs glad, that wee might once againe haue our bellies full of water: it being almost foure Monthes that wee had not seene any land, nor taken in any fresh victuailes. We sent our Pinace to the firme land of Sumatra, there to seeke for some reliefe: for that where we lay there dwelt not any man. [Sidenote: The maner of the Gouernor of Soumatras comming on bord.] The 13. of July the Captain or principall ruler of Sumatra came abord our ships to see them, which was done with great solemnitie, hee being apparelled after the Turkish manner, with a wreath about his heade, and a fearefull countenance, small eyes, great eye browes, and little beard, for a man might tell all the haires vpon his chinne: he brought vs a present of Betele, which are leaues which they continually chaw, and eat it with chalke. This Island of Sumatra or Taprobana (as it is saide) is the greatest of all the Orientall Islandes, it is diuided from the firme land of Malacca by a straight and dangerous sea, by reason of many Islandes and cliffes that are within it: Out of this Island as some men are of opinion, Salomon had his Gold wherewith he beautified the Temple, and his owne pallace, and then in the Bible it should be named Orphir, for certainly Sumatra is rich of mynes of Golde, Siluer, and Mettall, and the inhabitants thereof are very expert in melting of brasse peeces: Therein is a fountaine of pure Balsame, the Portingalles haue no fortresse therein, yet they traffique in certaine hauens, specially in Pedir and Campar: There is also in this Island a place called Manancabo, where they make poinyardes and daggers, by them calde cryses, which are much esteemed in those Countries, and those of Malacca and Iaua, hold them for their best weapons, and with them are very bold. The same day our Pinnace returned againe vnto vs, bringing vs good news, that wee were welcome vnto the Countrey people, and brought vs certaine Indian Nuttes or Cocus, Melons, Cocombers, Onions, Garlicke, and a sample of Peper and other spices, which liked vs well. The fourteenth of June we laded in some fresh water. Right ouer against Sumatra, on the South side of the Equinoctiall lyeth the Islande of Iaua Maior, or great Iaua, and these two Islandes are deuided by a straight commonly called the straight of Sunda, which lyeth between these two Islands, bearing the name of the principall hauen of Iaua called Sunda: In this channel there runneth a great streame, and course of narrow waters, through this straight M. Condlish an Englishman passed with his ship, comming out of the South sea from new Spaine. Iaua beginneth vnder seuen degrees on the South side, and so stretcheth East and South 150. miles long, it is very fruitfull, specially of Ryce, Catle Hogges, Sheepe, Hennes, Onions, Garlike, Indian Nuttes, and all kinde of Spices, as Cloues, Nutmegges, Mace, etc. Which they carrie to Malacca. The chiefe hauen in the Islande is Sunda Calapa, there you have much Pepper, better then that of India, or of Malabar, and there you may yearely lade 4. or 5000. Quintales of Pepper Portingall waight, there likewise you haue great store of frankencense, Camphora, and some Diamants: but they haue no other kinde of money but a certaine peece called Caixa, as bigge as a Hollands Doibt, but not so thicke, with a hole in the middle to hang it vpon a string, in which manner they commonly hange hundrethes or thousandes together, and with them they know how to make their accountes, which is two hundred Caixas make a Sata, and fiue Satas make a thousand Caixas, which is as much as one Crusado of Portingall, or three Carolus Gilderns, Flemish money: Pepper is solde by the sacke, each sacke waying 45. Catten waight of China, each Catte as much as 20. ounces Portingall waight, and each sacke is worth in that Country at the least 5000. Caixas, and when it is highest at 6. or 7000. Caixas: Mace, Cloues, Nutmegs, white and blacke Beniamin, Camphora, are sold by the Bhar, each barre waying 350. Catten of China: Mace that is faire and good is commonly worth from 100. to 120. thousande Caixas: Good Cloues accordingly, and foure Cloues called Bastan are worth 70. and 80. thousand Caixas the Bhar: Nutmegs are alwaies worth 20. and 25 thousand Caixas the Bhar: White and blacke Beniamin is worth 150. and 180. thousand Caixas, and sometimes 200. thousand. The wares that are there desired and exchanged for spices, are diuers sortes and colours of Cotton Linnen, which come out of seuerall Prouinces; and if our Cambricke or fine Hollande were carryed thither, it would peraduenture bee more esteemed then the Cotton linnen of India. The 15. of Iune there rowed a scute called a Prawen harde vnder the lande by vs, wee called him, but not against his will, and shewed him siluer, and other wares that liked him well, he bad vs make towards the strand, and told vs of Bantam, saying that there we should haue al kinds of Marchandise. Then we made signs vnto him that if he wold bring vs to Bantam, we wold pay him for his labor, he asked vs 5. rialles of 8. and a redcap, which we graunted vnto, and so one of the men in the scute came on bord the Mauritius, and was our Pilot to Bantam, where we passed by many Islandes. The nineteenth of Iuly as wee sailed by a towne, many Portingalles borded vs, and brought vs certaine Cocus and Hens to sell, which wee bought for other wares. The 22. of the same Month wee came before the towne of Bantam, within three miles of it, and there ankered vnder an Island. The same day about euening a scute of Portingals borded vs that were sent by the Gouernour to see what ships we were, and when we shewed them that wee came thither to traficke with them, they told vs, that there was the right Pepper country, and that there we might haue our lading, that new Pepper was readie to be gathered, and would be ripe within two Monthes after, which pleased vs well, for wee had already beene fifteene Monthes and twelue daies vppon our voyage, hauing endured great daungers, miseries and thirst, many of our men by sicknesse being dead. The 23. of Iune wee hoysed our ankers, and went close to the towne of Bantam, and ankered harde by 4. small Islands, that lie right North from the Towne: the same day the Sabander (who is there one of the greatest officers next the King) came abord our shippes, asking vs what we would haue, we said we were come to buy Pepper and other spyces, and that wee had readie money, and certaine wares, whereof we shewed him some parte, which hee liked well, saying that there wee might haue lading enough, shewing vs great countenance. The same day likewise there came a great number of scutes vnto our ships, bringing all kinds of victuailes to sel, as Hennes, Egges, Cocus, Bonanas, sugar canes, Cakes of Ryce baked, and many other thinges. The 24. of Iune there came many men aborde our ships, bringing diuers wares to sell, shewing vs great friendshippe, and as it seemed were very glad of our arriuall there, telling vs that there we might haue Pepper enough, and new Pepper within two Monthes after, and that Pepper was then as good cheap as it had beene any time within ten yeares before, that wee might buy 5. or 6. sackes for one Catti, (being about 20. Guilderns) which was ordinarily sold but one sacke for that price: euery sacke wayeth 54. pounde Hollandes waight, so that a pounde would be worth about a brasse penie Hollands money. The same day about noone the Sabander borded vs once againe, willing Cornelis Houtman to go on land to speake with the Gouernour, for as then there was no King, for about a Month before our arriuall there, the King was gone with a great armie before the towne of Palimbam, which he thought to take, and had almost gotten it, but there he was stricken with a great Peece by a Renigado of the Portingalles, and so was slaine. His death was much lamented by the straungers that dwelt at Bantam, for he was a good king, being about 25. yeares of age: he left behind him foure wives, whereof the eldest was not aboue 15. yeares of age, and a yong sonne of three Monthes olde, that was to succeed him in his Kingdome; and they had chosen a Protector or Gouernor to rule in his minoritie, whom they call Kipate, and when the Kipate by the Sabandar sent to our Sargeant Maior to come vnto him into the towne, he made him answer that he had no such commission, but he desired the Gouernor first to come abord his ship, and then he would go on shore, he likewise desired vs to go neerer to the towne with our shippes. And therevpon wee sayled somewhat neerer to the Island that lay next vnto the towne, within halfe a mile from it, and there we ankered at 4 fadome clay grounde, the towne lying South from vs, where wee had a good roade: [Sidenote: The Gouernor of Bantam came abord their ships.] The next morning the Gouernor sent aborde, and the men that came spake not onely good Portingal, but other languages: he let our Sargeant Maior vnderstand that he would come aborde, and desired that hee would with a shalop meet him halfe the way, which was done about noone, and the Gouernour came aborde with a great company of men, where we shewed him all our wares, which liked him well, desiring vs to come on land, saying that we should be welcome, promising vs much fauour, wherewith he returned to the land with certaine rich presents that we gaue him. The 26. Barent Heijn Factor of the ship called the Mauritius, died very sodainly. The 27. and 28. great numbers of people borded our shippes bringing all sortes of necessaries and victuails to sell. [Sidenote: The Emperour came aborde and secretly conspired with the Portingals against them.] The 29. there came an Emperour abord our shippe, whose father in time past had beene Emperour of all Iaua, and commanded all the Kings of Iaua, but this man because of his badde life was not much accounted of: he spake good Portingall, for his mother was a Portingall woman borne in Malacca: This Emperour had conspired against vs with the Portingalles, but as then we knew it not. The 30. of Iune Cornelis Houtman tooke a boate: and went into the towne, and there spake with the Gouernour about certaine affaires, touching a contract to bee made with him. [Sidenote: A contract to buy and sell in the towne.] The first of Iuly Houtman went again into the towne, and when he returned he brought with him a certaine contract made and signed by the Gouernor himself, who most willingly consented therevnto, and saide vnto him, Go now and buy what you will, you haue free liberty; which done, the said Houtman with his men went to see the towne, apparelled in the best manner they coulde, in veluet, Satin, and silkes, with rapiers by their sides: The Captaine had a thing borne ouer his head to keep him from the Sun, with a Trumpet before him, which certaine times he caused to bee sounded: There the Emperour bad them to a banket after the Indian manner: From thence we went to the Portingalles, that made much account of Houtman, and made him a banket, saying that they had seene him in Lisbone. The 2. of Iuly many Marchants came abord, profering vs Pepper verie good cheape, but because we were vnskilfull in the waight and other thinges wee tooke respite to answere them. The 3. of Iuly the Sabander came abord, and he was our great friend, for that after we found it so, hee tolde vs what waight the sackes of Pepper were, and what prises they bare, counselling vs to buy. The 7. of Iuly the Gouernour sent vs a man secretly by night willing vs to looke vnto our selues, and not to trust the Emperour, with whom all the Marchantes conspired, and went to inuade our ships, and that hee ment to rob vs, being very licentious and euill minded. [Sidenote: The Emperour ment to fall vpon the ships to rob them.] The 8. of Iuly the Emperour sent vnto our ships, and offered to make them a banket, bidding all the Captaines, maisters, Pilots, Gentlemen, Officers, Trumpets, and Gunners to come into the towne to him, and there he woulde make merrie with them: This was done by the Portingalles aduise, thereby to haue all the chiefe and principall men out of our ships, but we perceiued their intent. The 11. of Iuly the Emperour perceyuing that his deuise would not take place; hee went from Bantam to Iacatra. The 12. of Iuly wee had a house offered vs within the towne. The 13. of the same month Reyner van Hel with eyght Gentlemen went into the towne, taking certaine wares with him, of euery thing a little, and laid it in the house appointed for the purpose: there to keep a ware house and to sel our marchandise, and presently both Gentlemen and Marchants came thither to buy and to sell vs Pepper. The 15. and 16. many Gentlemen, Marchants, Chinars, and Arabians came to out warehouse and into our ships, offering vs Pepper, but our Factor offered them to little a price. The 25. of Iuly the Gouernour came againe aborde our shippes, and there looked vppon certaine of our wares, whereof hee bought some, and counselled vs to buy Pepper: [Sidenote: The hatred of the Portingalles against them.] About the same time the Portingalles made great sute vnto the Gouernour, promising him many giftes to deny vs traffike, and to constraine vs to depart from thence, saying we were no marchantes, but that we came to spie the countrie, for they said that they had seene many Fleminges in Lisbone, but none like vs: Among the Portingalles there was one that was borne in Malacca, of the Portingalles race, his name was Pedro Truide, a man well seene in trauayling, and one that had beene in all places of the world: He was our good friend, and euery day came to talke with our Captaines, saying, you do not well that you make no more haste to take in your lading, you shall haue no better cheape wares, and withall shewed vs many other things: wherevpon the Portingalles hated him, and not long after he was murthered in his bed. In August we did little, and tooke no great store of lading in seeking to haue Pepper better cheape, which the Portingalles liked not well of, and saide vnto the Gouernour, that we desired not to buy; which the Gouernour began to hearken vnto, for they offered great summes of money that hee shoulde not permit vs traffique, so that in the end hee commaunded that no man shoulde carrie any Ryce aborde our shippes, whereby we were abashed, and thereupon we sent vnto the Gouernour for our money which hee ought for the wares hee had bought, which moued him. The 26. of Iuly hee sent one of our Gentlemen with some of his men and nine slaues abord our ships. The situation of the towne of Bantam, the principall towne of traffique in the Island of Iaua, their strength and manner of building, with their traffique, what people come thither, what wares are there most desired, what nations bring them thither, or come to fetch them, together with their religion, customes and manner of house keeping. Bantam lyeth in the Islande of Iaua maior, about 25. miles to sea ward within the Isle, between Sumatra and Iaua: On both sides of the Towne there runneth a Riuer, about 3 foot and a half deep, so that no shippes can enter into them: The towne is compassed about with a Riuer: The towne is almost as great in compasse as the olde towne of Amsterdam: The wals are made with flankers: They haue great numbers of Peeces therein, but they knowe not how to vse them, for they feare them much: all their Peeces are of brasse, and they haue many brazen bases. Their walles are not aboue two foote thicke made of brickes: euery flanker hath diuers mastes and peeces of wood, which they vse when they are besieged by their enemies. The houses are made of straw and reedes, standing vpon 4. woodden postes. The rich haue their chambers all hanged with silken Curtins, or els with cotton linnen: Their houses are most placed vnder Cocus trees, whereof the towne is full: Without the walles are many houses, wherein strangers for the most part haue their dwellinges. The towne hath three great market places, wherein dayly there is markets holden, where you may buy all kindes of wares, and where there commeth a great number of people, very strange to beholde: Within the towne there is a great church or muske of wood, wherein they obserue the law of Mahomet: Gentlemen and men of any qualitie haue their owne muskes in their houses. The towne is not built with streetes, nor the houses placed in order, but very foule lying full of filthy water, which men must passe through, or leape ouer, for they haue no bridges: In the towne there is great resort of diuers Countries and nations, as of Malacca, Bengala, Malabar, Guihereters of Pegu, Sani Malicas, Banda, China and of many Kingdomes that haue great traffique for Pepper, that groweth rounde about Bantam, which in August and September is ripe, there you haue nutmegs, out of the Island of Banda, and Cloues from Moluca, which the Portingalles doe most buy vp: Wee bought Nutmegs there for a blank a pound: All victuailes and necessaries are there in great aboundance to be had, as Hennes, Hartes, Fish, and Ryce, and diuers kindes of fruites, as Auanas, Cocus, Bonanas, Manges, Doroyens, Iacca, Pruna, Grapes, Oranges, Lemons, Pomegarnets, Cocombers, Melons, Onions, Garlicke: but breade they haue none, but in steade of it they eate Ryce: Beefe is there the dearest victuaile, for an Oxe in that place is worth 7. 8. or 9. Rialles of 8. The Chinars have the greatest and most trafficke in that towne. They come thither in the Month of Ianuarie, with 8. or 9. great shippes, bringing all sorts of Porseline, silks, Damaske, gold thread, Iron pannes, and Iauas money called Caixas, whereof 12000 make a Ryall of eight: They are hanged vpon stringes by two hundred together, for the which they both buy and sel al kinds of marchandises, and there they lade Pepper which they carrie into China: Without the towne they haue a great place wherein they commonly vse to sell their wares, and there they dwell, and haue greater and better houses then any are within the towne, all made of reedes, onely that in euery house they haue a square place made of stone, wherein they put their wares to keepe them from burning, as some riche men in the towne likewise haue: The Chinars are very subtill and industrious people, and will refuse no labour nor paynes to yearne money, there they make much Aqua vitæ of Ryce and Cocus, and trafficke much therewith, which the Iauars by night come to buy, and drinke it secretly, for by Mahomets law it is forbidden them. The Chinars liue there with free libertie: When they come to remaine there for a yeare or more as they thinke good, they buy themselues a wife or two, or more as they thinke good, and liue together like man and wife, and when they meane to depart, they sell their wiues again, but if they haue children they take them with them and so returne to China: They haue no special religion, but pray vnto the Deuill, that he would not hurt them, for they know that the Deuill is wicked, and that God is good, and hurteth no man, therefore they thinke it needlesse to pray to God. They acknowledge not the resurrection of the deade, but when a man dyeth they thinke he neuer riseth again: In their houses they have great painted Deuils, before the which they place wax candles, and sing vnto them, praying them not to hurt them, and the more monstrous that their shapes be, the more they honour them. These people liue very hardly and poorely within Bantam, for there is not any work or labour how filthy soeuer it be, but they will do it to get money, and when they haue gotten something they returne againe to China. They are verie like Iewes in our country, for they neuer goe without a paire of ballances, and all thinges is good wares with them, and are ready to do any seruice. When we came first, before Bantam, they came euery day in great companies into our shippes, and there set out their wares to sel, as silkes, sowing silkes, and porselines, so that our vpper deckes were full of pedlers, that wee could hardly walke vpon the hatches. The manner, condition, custome, going, standing, apparell, housekeeping, wares, and behauiour of the Iauars in Bantam. The Iauars and inhabitants of Bantam, are proude and obstinate, with a very stately pace, they hold the law of Mahomet, which they haue not had aboue 35. yeares, for as yet there are many heathens among them that neuer were made Mores: it is a very lying and theeuish kind of people, not in any sort to bee trusted. Their apparell both of rich and poore is a cotton cloth, and some of silke about their middles, which they tie about them with a girdle, the vpper parte and from the knees downeward all naked: most of them goe bareheaded, but the principallest of them haue a wreath or Turkish roule about their heades, and some little cappes: Their priestes come out of Meca in Arabia, and are yellowe of colour: [Sidenote: What weapons they wear.] Their weapon is a poinyard, which they call Crisis: it is made with hilts, and the handle is a Deuil cut out of wood or bone: the sheathes are of wood: with them they are very bolde, and it is accounted for a great shame with them if they haue not such a Dagger, both yong, old, rich and poore, and yong children of fiue or sixe yeares olde, and when they go to the warres they haue targets, and some long speares, but most of them such poinyardes: The vse neyther great shotte nor caliuers when they go against their enemies: for a small matter one King wil make warre against another. When we came first before Bantam, we offered to make a contract with the Gouernour and the counsell of the towns, that they should deliuer vs a certaine quantitie of Pepper, and wee would goe with our shippes before Palimbam, and helpe them to reuenge the death of their Kings vppon their enemies, for (as they said) we might goe within a bowe shot of the towne with our shippes, and the Towne is but of wood without walles, so that we would presently haue beaten it downe to the ground. They offered vs some of their principall Gouernours to be left for pledges in our shippes, and their men woulde sayle in their fustes, such as shoulde go on land, and we should doe nothing els but shoote out of our shippes, but our Captaines would not do it, considering our small number of men. [Sidenote: How many wiues they haue.] The Iauars take as many wiues as they will and are able maintaine; but the common people haue but one, and some two married wiues, and some 10. 20. and 30. concubines: For a small matter they will send their married wiues home agayne vnto their fathers, when they haue layne fiue or sixe dayes with them, saying they like them not, and so their marriage is vndone, when they desire it. The manner, custome, housholding, childbearing, sporting and cleanlinesse of the women in Bantam. The women of the towne are well kept from such as are circumcised, whereof the riche men haue many, and from other men or their friendes, for their owne sonnes may not come into the house where the women are. They lie all naked and chaw Betelle, and haue a slauish woman that continually scratcheth their bodies, that is, such as are married women, but such as are concubines are as waiting Gentlewomen, to the married women, when they goe out to giue them more maiestie, and those that haue the greatest number are of most estimation: The Concubines haue but fewe children, for the married women poyson their children, and these concubines are bought and solde: by their apparell a man can hardly discerne the riche from the poore, for they goe all with a Cotton cloth about their bodies vp to their breastes, and bounde about their middles with an other cloth, bare footed and their heads vncouered, their hayre bound right vpon the top of their heads in a heape, but when they are in their pride, they weare crownes vpon their heads, whereof some of them are of pure golde, and ringes of golde, and some of siluer about their armes, euery one according to their abilitie. They are very curious about their bodyes, for they washe themselues at the least fiue or sixe times euery day: they neuer ease themselues nor haue the company of their husbandes, but they presently leape into the water and wash their bodies, and therefore the water that runneth through Bantam is very vnwholesome; for euery one washeth themselues in it, as well pockie as other people, whereby wee lost some of our men that drunke of the water: The women are verie idle, for they do nothing all the day but lie downe; the poore slaues must doe all the drudgerie, and the men sit all day vpon a mat, and chaw Betele, hauing ten or twentie women about them, and when they make water, presenly one of the women washeth their member, and so they sit playing all the day with their women: Many of them haue slaues that play vppon instrumentes much like our Shakebois, [Footnote: Musical instruments mentioned in Nichol's Coronation of Anne Boleyn, p. 2. Probably Sackbuts.] they haue likewise great basons whereon they strike, and therewith know how to make good musicke, whereat the women daunce, not leaping much, but winding and drawing their bodies, armes and shoulders, which they vse all night long, so that in the night time they make a great noyse with basons and other instruments, and the man he sitteth and looketh vpon them, euerie one of the women striuing to doe her best that she may get her husbands fauour and her secreat pleasure. [Sidenote: How pepper groweth in that countrey.] The Gentlemen, Citizens, and marchantes haue their Gardens, and fieldes without the towne, and slaues for the purpose to labour in them, and bring their maisters all kindes of fruit, Rice and Hennes in the towne, also the Pepper that groweth there, which runneth vp by another tree, as Hoppes with vs, and groweth in long bunches like Grapes, so that there is at the least 200. graines in one bunch: it is first greene, and after it becommeth blacke, and is there in great aboundance, so that it is the right Pepper countrey; for when we came thither they said vnto vs, Aqui ai tanta Pimienta, como terra, that is, here is as much Pepper as earth, and so we found it, and yet we departed from thence by our owne follies, without our lading of Pepper: Wee staide for new Pepper, meane time the Portingalles sent their letters into euery place seeking to hinder our trade: At the first we might haue sufficient, for there we founde enough both to buy for money or to barter. We likewise had money and wares sufficient: we might easily have had sixe or eight hundred tunnes, as we were aduertised by some of the countrey, that we should presently buy, for that the Portingalles sought by all the meanes they could to hinder vs, as after it appeared; and therefore he that thinketh to come soone enough, commeth oftentimes too late, and we vsed not our time so well as it fell out. [Sidenote: A letter sent by our men in the town that were kept prisoners.] The 29. of August we had a letter sent vs by night from our men that were in the towne, that lay in a maner as prisoners, to will vs to let our pledge go a shore, otherwise they feared they shoulde hardly escape with their liues, and great danger might fall vpon them: this pledge came aborde with the 9. slaues. The 30. of August we sent the pledge and the rest of our Iauars to land, with promise that he would do the best he might to get our men leaue to come aborde: about euening of the same day wee had newes from our men by foure of our saylers that as then they were better vsed, saying they thought they should come aborde when two shippes were gone that ment to saile for Malacca, being laden with Nutmegs and other things. The first of September, and the 2. 3. and 4. wee sent many letters to the Gouernour and hee to vs, and likewise to our men that were in the towne, being nine in number, all our best marchants and captains, hauing with them about 6. or 7000. Guildernes in marchandise, and they againe to vs. [Sidenote: They went nearer to the town.] The 5. of September when wee perceyued that delayes were dangerous wee went close to the towne with all our 4. shippes, and so neere that we had but two fadome muddie grounde, and presently with two of our boates for our securitie wee set vppon three Iauan shippes, whereof two were laden with fish and Cocus, wherein wee founde a man of China, being of some account. The third ship was laden with 20. tunnes of Cloues, 6. tunnes of Pepper, and some Benioni, and Piementa da Rauo, wherein we founde fiue Malabardes slaues to the Portingalles, whom wee likewise tooke, and they were very willing to goe with vs, thereby to bee eased of the slauery wherevnto the Portingals put them, and perceyuing that the Portingalles went often to and from another shippe that lay not farre from vs, we took our Pinace and made towardes it, and being harde by it, the Portingals left it and set it on fire: This ship had the richest wares in it as the Portingalles slaues tolde vs, for it was laden with fiftie tunnes of Cloues, which were burnt in it. The sixt and seuenth of September we hearde no newes, so that wee went close to the Towne agayne, shooting with our great Peeces into it, slaying diuers of the people (as after we were informed:) They likewise shot with their Peeces agaynst vs, which the Portingalles did, for that the Iauars haue little or no skill at all therein, and are very fearefull of them, and although they had many peeces in the towne, yet they did vs no other hurt then onely shot one of Molenares halfe masts in peeces. [Sidenote: A skirmish betweene the Pinace and 24. boats.] The seuenth of September wee had a skirmish, which was in this manner, we perceyuing a Iauan ship vnder sayle, sent our Pinace with sixe and twentie men in her to fetch it in, which the Iauan shippe perceyuing fledde behinde an Islande, where our Pinace followed him so fast that shee fell a grounde, which the townes men perceyuing, made them readie with foure and twentie boates full of men, all armed after their manner, and set forwarde in good order, being diuided in two companies, seuen on starre bord, and 17. on lardde bord of the Pinace, in order like a halfe Moone, threatning vs with great speares, they thought by reason of their great number of men that they had already taken it, but it fell out otherwise, for they in the Pinace, perceyuing them comming, shotte among them: and when they were harde by the Pinace, shee gotte a flote, as they thought to take her, hauing cast out an anker in good time, and thereby wounde themselues off the grounde, but for haste they were forced to cutte their Cable, because they had not time enough to winde it vppe, and with all they shotte one of their boates vnder water. The Pinace drawing her boate after her, the Iauans presently leapt into it, and cutte a sunder the roape that helde it, which they immediately stole from vs, thrusting with their Speares in at the loope holes. Seuen of their Boates being round about vs were so sharpely paide with the iron peeces, stone peeces, and Caliuers, that the 17. others durst not come so neere vs: I thinke there were at the least 100. of them that neuer carryed newes how they sped in that skirmish, for euery boate had at the least 60. men in it, and they were so thicke in them, that they could not help themselues, nor did any thing els but shake their speares, and they shot but one base: their arrowes hurt vs not, and so the Pinace returned agayne vnto our shippes, sayling close before the towne, and shooting into it with her ordinance: They shot out of the towne, but it hit her not, because they shot with stone pellets, wherewith you cannot shoote so certainly as with iron bullets. The 8. 9. and 10. of September we had letters from our men out of Bantam, by the which they willed vs not to shoot any more, for that the Gouernour threatned to set them vpon stakes: Houtman wrote they were in good hope that they shoulde bee put to raunsome, which wee counselled them to doe as well as they might. [Sidenote: The contents of the Gouernours letter.] The 11. of September we had a letter from Houtman, and one from the Gouernour wherein hee wrote that he would set our men at libertie, so we would be quiet, but if we desired warre, he would once againe come and visite vs in another sort: wee aunswered him that there he should find vs, that wordes were but wind, and that he should set our men at a reasonable ransome, and thereof send us an answere the next day. The 12. and 13. of September wee had no answere out of the towne, and we had want of water, and could get none thereabouts but that which came out of the towne, for that the Gouernour had taken order that we should get no water about the towne, so that we hoised ankers to go seeke some. The 17. of September we came before 3. or 4. Islands which Molenare and Shellenger sayled betweene, and for that the streame ranne so strong there, they were forced to goe so nigh the shore, that they might almost leape on lande, whereby they escaped great danger, but the other shippe and the Pinace sayled about the Islands, and so met with the other two, and casting forth their ankers, went on shore, where wee spake with men that saide they would shew vs where wee shoulde haue water, so we would giue them two Caliuers. The 18. 19. 20. 23. and 24. we sayled to lade water, for it was hard to get, and we were forced to keep good watch, which done hoysing ankers againe, wee sayled towardes Bantam, holding our course Eastwarde. The 27. we sayled Northeast towardes the lande of Iaua maior. The 28. setting sayle agayne, we kept East Northeast along by the coast of Iaua, and about noone because of the great streame that runneth in the straight, wee were forced to anker, and the 30. day wee set sayle againe. The first of October in the euening wee came to a great Islande, being three miles from the towne, and there we ankered finding good clay ground. The 2. of October wee had a letter from our men, how they were separated one from the other, and kept by the Gentlemen of the towne, and their wares parted among them. The 3. 4. and 5. when wee were againe before the towne, we had other letters, that by our comming they were better vsed, and hoped to bee set at a reasonable ransome, and that they promised that one of our men should come aborde, so he would returne againe into towne, that shoulde by worde of mouth certifie vs what hope they were in, and the cause thereof, that we might the better believe it. [Sidenote: How the Iauars vsed our men being prisoners.] The 6. of October in the night, one of our men came aborde, and shewed vs what had past, when we shotte into the towne, how they were separated and kept close prisoners, and cruelly threatned by the Iauars, whereby they still expected when they should bee put to death, and howe they sought all the meanes they coulde to make them to deny their faith, and become Mores, but they remayned constant, and saide they woulde rather die, and that they had by force shauen three of our men after the Morish manner, and how the Portingals had sought all the meanes they coulde to buy them for slaues, offering money for them that they might sende them to Malacca, how they were set at libertie againe, and might goe where they woulde within the towne, and so they hoped all would be well, and that they shoulde bee set at libertie for some small ransome, and that the Gouernour asked them 3000. Rialles of 8. but they hoped to bring him to 2000. whereat we much reioyced. The 8. 9. and 10. of October we passed ouer to make some agreement with them that we might be quiet. [Sidenote: The maner of the ransome.] The 11. of October they agreede vppon a ransome of 2000. Ryalles of eyght, and were content, that what goodes, soeuer we had taken from them, wee shoulde keepe as our owne, and for our goodes that they had stolen, and forcibly taken from our men within the towne, they would keepe them, and so exchange one for the other, they likewise were content to quit vs of all our debts, that we ought within the towne eyther to the Gouernour or to any other man, and that from thence forwarde we should be free, and traffique in the towne, both to buy and sell when it pleased vs, and with their good willes as we had done, and before we paide our money, the towne was to sende two men aborde our ships, which done we were to pay the halfe of our ransome, which was 1000. Ryalles of eyght; which being performed, their two men, and their other halfe of our men were on both sides to bee deliuered and sette free, and without contradiction it was performed. The 12. and 13. this agreement being ended, diuers victuailers came aborde our shippes to sell vs Hennes, Egges, and all other kind of victuailes. The 14. we gaue certaine presentes in signe of good will, to such as had shewed vs fauour when we were in contention with them. The 15. 16. 17 and 18. some of our Factors went into the towne, where they bought certaine Pepper, and brought it abord our ships. [Sidenote: Why the Gouernour forbad us trafficke.] The 19. they went again into the towne, and bought a greater quantitie at 5. sackes for one Catti, minding in that sorte euery day to take in our lading, but it fell not out as wee desired, for the Portingalles that coulde not brooke our company, made such means to the Gouernour, that he gave commandment that we should buy no more Pepper, before we had paide 1400. Rialles of 8. which he challenged of vs because we had cast anker within his streame, wherevpon our Marchantes went and agreed with him, which done wee thinking to buy Pepper as we did before, the Gouernour againe commanded to the contrarie, whereby we perceyued their deceipt, in that he wold not hold his word. The countrymen would gladly haue solde their Pepper, as also the Chinars, Arabians, Mahometitians, and secretly some Portingalles, but when we saw wee could not get it out but with great daunger, wee thought it not conuenient to buy: and when we spake vnto the Gouernour, touching the holding of his worde, he made vs answere, that he had no bones in his tongue, and that therefore he coulde not speake that which he ment not to doe: and to say the truth most part of the Iauars are a kind of deceitfull people, for whatsoeuer they say and presently performe, that shall you be sure of and no more. The 25. of October there came an Ambassador into Bantam sent from Malacca to the Gouernour with a present of 10000. Rials of 8. desiring him to forbid vs both his towne and streame, that wee might not traffique there. Whereof wee were aduertised by the Sabander and other of our friendes counselling our men to get them out of the towne, and not to returne againe, otherwise they would be in daunger to be stayed againe, and we hauing sent a man into the towne to saue him from being holden prisoner, our host where we lay being on shore was forced to bring him out couered with certaine mattes; so that vppon the 26. of the same month all our trafficke and friendship with them ceased: but our hoast being our friende, came secretly aborde our ships, and shewed vs that he and his company had two ships lying before the towne, laden with Nutmegges and Mace that came from Banda, for the which hee agreed with vs at a price, vpon condition that we should seeme to take them by force; that thereby he might colour his dealing with vs: [Sidenote: How they tooke two Iauan ships.] wherevpon the first of Nouember we sailed close to the towne with all our ships, and set vpon to two Iauan shippes, wherein we found to the number of 30. slaues, that knew nothing of their maisters bargaine made with vs, so that they began to resist vs, wherewith we shot among them, and presently slew 4. or 5. of them, the rest leapt ouer borde, and swamme to land, which done we tooke the two ships, and put their lading into ours; [Sidenote: They fought with a Portingall shippe.] The Portingalles shippe that brought their Ambassadour, lay close vnder the shore, wherevnto we sent two of our boats, but the Portingals that were in her shot so thicke with their peeces vppon our men, that our boates were forced to leaue them with losse of one of our men, but our shippes shot in such sorte with their ordinance vppon the Portingall shippe, that they spoyled and brake it in peeces, wherein their Captaine was slaine, and the victuailers that stil brought vs victuailes to sell, told vs that with our peeces we had slain three or foure men within the towne, and that the townes men began to make an armie of ships to set vpon vs. [Sidenote: They fought with a Iauan shippe.] The 2. of Nouember we espyed a shippe that came towards Bantam, which we ioyned vnto with our boats, and being neere vnto it, they spread their fights, which were of thicke mattes, and began to defend themselues; our men shot among them with stone peeces and Caliuers, and they defended themselues with great courage, hauing halfe pikes wherewith they thrust at vs, and that serued likewise to blow arrows out of them, for they were like trunkes, out of the which trunkes they shot so great numbers of arrowes, that they fell as thick as hayle, and shot so certaineiy, that therewith they hurt at the least eyght or nine of our men, but the arrowes are thinne and light, so that their blaste coulde not make them enter into the flesh aboue the thicknes of two fingers, onely the head of the arrowe (which is made of reede, and loose stayeth in the flesh) when we shot with our Caliuers they ranne behind their fightes, but when they perceiued that their matted fights could not defende them, and that they were killed through them, they entered into their boate, and by strength of oares rowed from vs, leauing their shippe, wherein we founde two dead men, and we slew three more of them as we rowed after their boat, so that in all they lost fiue men, as we after heard, and that they were to the number of 40. which done, wee brought their shippe to ours, wherein we found good store of Ryce and dryed fish. The 6. of Nouember, perceyuing not any hope of more trafficke for vs with those of Bantam, wee hoised anker and set sayle, setting our course towardes the straight of Sunda. [Sidenote: The marchants follow them with wares.] The seuenth of Nouember wee came and ankered before a Riuer of freshe water, about sixe miles from Bantam, where wee tooke in our prouision of water: thither certaine Merchants followed vs with Porseline, telling vs that they were sory for our departure, and that they longed for our returne againe. The thirteenth of Nouember we set sayle, and about euening wee came before Iacatra, in time past called Sunda Calapa, which hath beene a rich Towne of marchandise, but vppon some occasions and by reason of their hard vsage the Marchants had withdrauen themselues from thence, therefore at this present there is little or nothing to doe. Iohn Hughen in his booke saith this to be the principal towne of trafficke; but that is long sithence, for now there is not any trade of marchandise. The fourteenth of Nouember wee sent two of our men into the towne, hauing some of theirs in pawne, who tolde vs that many of the inhabitants were gone out of the towne with all their goodes, being in great feare of our peeces, and there wee had great store of victuailes, and much more then wee required brought abord our ships. The 18. wee set saile from Iacatra, and being about two miles from the towne, our shippe called Amsterdam fell vppon a cliffe, but it got offe again without any hurt, and therewith wee presently made towardes the straight. The 2. of December we passed by 3. townes which we might easily perceiue, we likewise passed by Tubam, and ankered vnder Sidaya. The 5. of December there came men out of the towne, and desired vs to stay, saying that there we might haue Cloues and Nutmegs as many as we woulde, bringing certaine banketting stuffe (as a present from their king) vnto Schelengers ship, because it lay nearest to the land, and they came most abord it. The 4. of December they came again into Schellengers ship, bringing certaine presentes with them, and among the rest a certayne birde that coulde swallowe fyer, which is a very strange fowle, and was brought aliue to Amsterdam, which after was giuen to the states of Hollande lying in the Hage, and some good fruites, willing vs to sende a man on shore, to see their spices, whereof they said they had great store: wherevpon we sent a man out of the Amsterdam, and with him an interpreter, one of the Portingalles slaues, they leauing three or foure of their men aborde our shippes, for pawnes till his returne: when our men came to lande hee was well vsed, and there they shewed him fortie or fiflie bals of Cloues; which done they brought him before the King, that promised him great fauor, and told him that the next day he wold himselfe come abord our ships, and deale with our Captaines, and with that he let our man depart. [Sidenote: How the Indians betrayed them.] The 5. of December we expected the Kings comming aborde, putting out all our flagges and streamers, and about noone there came 8. or 9. indifferent great shippes full of men from off the shore, wherein wee thought the King to bee, but when they were almost at vs, they diuided themselues, three of them rowing to Shellengers ship, and when they borded him, they thinking the King had been there, Reymer van Hel as Factor and the Maister came forth to receyue him and the Iauars entering all at once, Reymer van Hel said, What will all these people do aborde the shippe, for there was at the least two hundred men, who all at one time drewe out their poinyardes, and stabbed our men that neuer suspected them, so that presently they had slaine twelue of the shippe, and two sore wounded, that boldly withstoode them: the rest of our men being vnder hatches presently tooke their pikes, and thrust so fast out at the grates, that the Iauars woulde haue forced the middle part of the ship, wherein was two entries, but our men standing at them with their swordes in hand draue them out, not ceasing still to thrust vp with their pikes, meane time they kindled fier, lighted their matches, and shot off their stone peeces that lay aboue the hatches, wherwith they began presently to flie, most of them leaping ouer bord, and swam to their two boates, that lay harde by our shippes, whereof one with a great peece was presently stricken in peece: The rest of our shipps hearing vs shoote in that manner, entered into their boats, and made towardes them, rowing harde to the three Indian fustes, wherein were at the least 100. men, and shotte among them with their peeces, wherewith they leapt into the water, euery man swimming to shore, and we with two boates after them, hewing and killing them as our deadly enemies, who vnder pretence of friendshippe sought to murther vs, and wee handled them in such sort, that of two hundred men there got not aboue thirty of them to lande, the rest of their fustes lay farre off and beheld the fight: Three of their fustes thought to rowe to the Pinnace to take her, which they might easily haue done, as hauing not aboue 7. or 8. men in her, being busie to set vp a newe maste, but when they perceyued their men to bee so handeled in the Amsterdam, and that they leapt ouer horde, they turned backe againe, and in great haste rowed to land, so that at that time they got not much by the bargaine, and no small griefe to vs, for there wee lost 12. men, that were all stabbed with poinyards, [Sidenote: The names of the men that were stabbed.] their names were Iohn Iacobson Schellenger, maister of the ship, Reymer Van Hel Factor, Gielis Gieleson Gentleman, Barent Bonteboter, Arent Cornedrager, Cornelis van Alcmuer, Simon Ianson, Wiltschut Ioos the Carpenter, Adrian de Metselar, one of the Portingalles slaues, and two boyes, whereof one was but twelue yeares olde, whereby wee perceyued them to be a kinde of cruell people, for they had giuen the little boy and all the rest of our men at the least 12 stabbes a peece after they were dead. The same day about euening we hoysed ankers, and set saile, hauing manned the Amsterdam with men out of our other shippes, and so helde our course Eastward. The 6. of December we came to a great Island called Madura, where we ankered, and in the evening two of their men came aborde our shippes, with message from their Gouernour, saying that we were welcome, desiring vs to stay there, for he would trafficke with vs, and sell vs some Pepper, as they saide, but wee belieued them not. The 7. of December there came another boat abord, bringing certaine fruites, saying that the next day their Gouernour would come to see our shippes. The 8. there came a great fuste and three smal boats, from off the land all full of men, saying their Gouernour was among them: we willed them not to goe to the Amsterdam, but to the Mauritius, but they woulde not, but made to the Amsterdam, thinking because there had beene so many murthered in her, there was not many men aborde her at that time, and when they were within a pykes length of her, (although they were directed to the other shippes) they remembering their late mischance, shotte off three or foure stone Peeces full laden, wherewith they slew and hurt many of the Indians, wherevpon they presently leapt ouer board, and wee with our boates, followed after and slew diuers of them, taking ten or twelue, thinking by them to know what their intent was to doe, but they could not certifie vs, and therefore we let them go againe onely keeping two boyes, who long after stole out of the shippe, and swamme to lande: They tolde vs that the Gouernour being a Bishoppe or chiefe instructor of the countrey, was within the boate and slaine among the rest, hee had therein likewise a little boy one of his sonnes who wee likewise tooke, and sent to lande: The Bishoppe was of Meca, and much esteemed of among them, a great Clearke, and Gouernour ouer all the rest of the Countrey: There was a Iewell found about him, which as yet is kept. About euening we hoysed ankers, and set sayle, and the 11. of December we came to two small Islands, where wee ankered, there wee founde none but poore people and fishermen, that brought vs fish, Hens, and other fruit to sell. [Sidenote: How farre they were from Moluccas.] The 13. wee set sayle, and the 14. wee had a West winde, which they call the passage winde, that would haue serued vs well to saile to Moluccas, from whence wee were not distant aboue two hundred miles, and as then it was a good yeare for Cloues, which happeneth euery three yeares: It was told vs that we might there haue a Cabbin laden full of Cloues, wherevpon we determined to sayle thither, but because wee had already indured a long and troublesome voyage, and but ill manned, we woulde not, longing to bee at home: This contrary wind holding vppon the foure and twentie of December wee came to an Islande where we had beene before. The 25. of December Iohn Molenaer maister of the Mauritius, dyed sodainely, for an hower before hee was well, and in good health. The 28. 29. 30. and 31. of December wee were busied to take all the wares, sayles, and other things out of the Amsterdam, her victuailes and furnitures seruing for our voyage homewarde, and lying vnder that Island, we had victuailes brought vs euery day as much as wee needed, both fish, Hens, venison and fruit, and at reasonable price, but there we could get no water. [Sidenote: The Amsterdam set on fire.] The 11. of Ianuary when we had vnladen the Amsterdam we set her on fier, letting her burne, taking her men in our shippes. The 12. of Ianuarie we set sayle again, some desiring to sayle Eastward, others Westward, but in fine wee set Westwarde to sayle once againe to Bantam, wherewith the Mauritius sayled Southeastwarde, to gette about the Island of Iaua, and we followed her. The 14. of Ianuary we once againe perceyued the East point of the Island of Madura, and held our course Southward: on that side of Madura there lyeth many small Islandes, through which we sayled. [Sidenote: The Pinace on ground.] The 16. in the morning our Pinace fell on grounde vpon the coast of Iaua, not far from Pannorocan, where she shotte off three peeces, at the which warning wee made thither with our boates, and by the helpe of God got her off againe: There we saw a high hil that burnt, vnder and aboue the fire hauing a great smoake, most strange to behold. The 18. of Ianuary we entered into the straight that runneth betweene Iaua and Baly, and by reason of the hard and contrary streame that ran therin, we were forced to anker vpon the coast of Iaua, where wee found good anker ground. The 19. wee set sayle, and when wee came neere to the coast of Baly, we entered into a rough streame, and our shippes draue backeward, as swiftly as an arrow out of a bow, and there we found no anker ground, nor any anker could haue holden vs, but Molenaer got the coast of Iaua and ankered, which in the ende wee likewise did, and ankered at the least three miles from him, and so much we had driuen backe in the space of halfe an houre. The 20. of Ianuarie wee went and lay by our other ships. The 21. of Ianuarie there came two barkes to the Mauritius, wherein there was one that coulde speake good Portingall, who tolde vs that the towne of Ballaboam was besieged by a strange King, that had marryed the King of Ballaboams daughter, and after he had laine with her he caused her to bee slaine, and then came to besiege her father. This towne of Ballaboam lyeth on the East end of the Island of Iaua, and is the same towne where M. Candish was when hee passed that way, and the old King wherof he writeth was as then yet liuing, being at the least 160. years of age. There we saw great numbers of Battes, that flew ouer our shippes, and were as bigge as Crowes, which in that Countrey they vse to eat, as they say: About noone we came before the towne of Ballaboam, so neare vnto it, that we might easily see it, and there we lay behind a high point of lande, thinking to take in water. The 22. of Ianuarie we tooke our Pinace, and sayled about the shore as neere the land as possible we might, to seeke for fresh water, but we found none, for the Riuer that ran through the towne was paled vp (by them that lay before it) so that no man might passe either out or in, but onely on the lande side, and that with great daunger: The same day there came 2. or 3. men abord our shippe, that stole out of the towne by night, and came from the King, to desire our help with our great shot, which wee could not doe; because that thereabouts it was very shallow, and we might not go neere it with our shippes; they tolde vs they had great want of victuailes within the towne, whereby many of them were already deade for hunger, and much desired our aide, but it was not in vs to doe. Those that besieged the towne were Mores, but they in the towne were heathens, and as yet had not receyued Mahomets lawe and that (as wee heard after) was the cause of their warre: There wee sawe many Storkes flying and sitting in the fielde: with vs we cannot imagine where the Storkes remaine in winter time, but here wee sawe them in the winter time. The 24. of Ianuarie we sayled from thence, perceyuing nothing for vs to get, and tooke our course right ouer to the Island of Bally. The 25. we came to Bally, where one of their barks borded vs, telling vs that there we should find a Riuer of fresh water, and of all thinges els sufficient to serue our necessities, wherevpon we ankered. The 26. of Ianuarie our Pinace sent her boat to land, to see the Riuer, and there one of our men was sent on shore, but when he was on land he found nothing, but an armie of ten thousand men, that ment to relieue the towne of Ballaboam, and the Riuer was nothing worth to lade water, wherevpon our men came on borde againe: Their Generall thought to haue gotten some great pray out of our shippes. The 27. of Ianuarie we set sayle to finde a conuenient place to refresh vs with water and other prouision, for wee were informed by a man of Bengala, that of his owne will sayled with vs, and that had beene in Bally, that there wee should finde water and other thinges to serue our necessities, so that by night wee ankered vnder a high pointe of lande on the South West ende of Bally. The 28. of Ianuarie one of their boates borded vs with sixe or seuen men, saying that their King was desirious to deale with vs for such wares as hee had, and sent to know from whence we came, and we said wee came out of Holland. The 29. and 30. there came more men aborde our shippes, but as wee suspected that was not the right hauen, for the people came rowing in great haste a far off, and the man of Bengala could not tell what to say, but the King was thereabout, and euery day sent vs some fruit. The first of February wee had two hogges brought aborde our shippes, that wee bought for two Ryalles of eyght, and we eate them very sauerly. The 2. of Februarie, we set saile that wee might get aboue the point, where wee thought to finde a better place for freshe water, but by reason the winde was contrary, wee could not doe it, but were forced to anker againe. The 3. of February we set saile againe, and then wee had a storme, so that our saile blew euery way, and because of the contrarie winde we could not reach aboue the point, but were constrained to anker, but the Mauritius and the Pinace got past it, although thereby the Mauritius was in no little daunger, but because the Pilot had laid a wager of 6. Rialles of 8. that hee woulde get aboue it, hee would passe, what daunger soeuer it might be, and sayled close along by the cliffes, whereby wee lay at anker without companie. The 4 and 5. we set saile once againe to get aboue the point but could not reach it. The 6. we had a letter from Rodenburgh, that certified vs how the Mauritius lay at anker at the least 7. or 8. miles beyond the point, and he that brought the letter came with it ouer land; and at the same time there was a man sent on lande with a small present for the King, that we might winne his fauour. The 7. our man came on borde againe, and brought vs newes how Rodenburgh with one of the Portingalles slaues, being on lande were against their willes led before the King, but the saylors of the Mauritius had gotten men for pledges. The 8. of Ianuarie, the same man went on land out of our shippe with more presentes of veluet and a caliuer, the better to get the Kinges fauour, which liked him well, and desired vs to bring the ship nearer to the towne, saying he would send vs water, and other things sufficient to supply our wants. The 9. we sayled into the cheeke with our shippe, and ankered about a small halfe mile from the land, and being ankered there came at the least 70. boates of the Countrey to see our ship, and the King sent vs word that hee was desirous to heare vs shoote off 5. or 6. of our great peeces, and the King stoode vppon the shore to see them. The 10. we had a letter from Cornelis Houtman, to wil vs to come to them, for that there they had founde a good place for water, and all other necessaries, so that about euening wee set sayle, leauing two of our men and a Portingall slaue among the Indians, whome the King promised should come vnto vs ouer land, yet that night wee could not reach aboue the point, meane time we perceyued our Pinace that came to helpe vs. The 16. we got by the Mauritius, that had already laden in her water, and hooped her vessels, wherevpon we began presently to do the like, and to visite our vessels that were almost spoyled. The 17. our men whome wee left with the King came ouer land vnto our shippes, and then we bought great store of cattle and fruit. The 18. 19. 20. and 21. wee imployed our time to lade water, which wee had verie easily, and refreshed our selues with Cattle, Hogges, fruit, and Lemons sufficient. There came one of the Kinges principall officers with our men ouer land, to pleasure vs in all things we desired, he was very desirous to haue some present of vs. [Sidenote: Two of our men stayed with the Indians.] The 24. of Ianuarie two of our men that sayled in the Mauritius stayed on lande, but wee knewe not the cause: it should seeme some great promises had beene made vnto them, for as we vnderstoode the King was very desirous to haue all sortes of strange nations about him, but our people were therein much ouerseene, for there they liued among heathens, that neyther knewe God nor his commandements, it appeared that their youthes and wilde heades did not remember it, one of their names was Emanuel Rodenburgh of Amsterdam, the other Iacob Cuyper of Delft: within a day or two they sent vnto vs for their clothes, but wee sent them not. The 23. 24. and 25. we made a voyage on land, and fetcht as many Hogges abord our shippes as we could eate. The 25. of Februarie we hoysed ankers, minding to set saile and so go homeward, leauing our two men aforesaid on land, but because it was calme weather we ankered, and went once againe on lande, and the 26. of the same Month wee set saile and helde our course West South West, but we had a calme. The situation of the Island of Baly The Island of Baly lying at the East end of Iaua, is a verie fruitfull Islande of Ryce, Hennes, Hogges, that are very good, and great store of cattle: but they are very drie and leane beastes. They haue many horses: the inhabitants are heathens, and haue no religion, for some pray to Kine, others to the Sunne, and euerie man as hee thinketh good. [Sidenote: How 50 women burnt them selues with one man.] When a man dyeth his wife burneth her selfe with him: there were some of their men aborde our shippes, that told vs, that when some man dyeth in that Countrey, that sometimes there are at the least fifty women that will burne themselues with him, and she that doth not so is accounted for a dishonest woman: so that it is a common thing with them: The apparel both of men and women is for the most part like those of Bantam, nothing but a cloth about their middles: Their weapons is, each man a poinyarde at their backes, and a trunke with an iron point like a speare, about a fadom and a halfe long, out of the which they blowe certaine arrowes, whereof they haue a case full; it is an euil weapon for naked men: they are enemies to the Mores and Portingalles. This Iland yeeldeth no spice, nor any other costly ware, onely victuailes and clothes which they weare about their bodies, and slaues that are there to be solde. The King went with more state then the King of Bantam: all his garde had pikes with heades of fine gold, and he sate in a wagon that that was drawen by two white Buffles. The first of March we had a calme. The third we got a good wind, that blew Southeast, holding our course West South West. The fourteenth the wind blew stil South East, sometimes more Southwarde, and sometimes Eastward, being vnder 14. degrees, and a good sharpe gale, holding our course West Southwest: [Sidenote: The situation of Iaua.] There we found that Iaua is not so broade, nor stretcheth it selfe not so much Southwarde, as it is set downe in the Carde: for if it were, we should haue passed clean through the middle of the land. The 22. of March the winde helde as it did, being vnder 19. degrees, holding our course West South West. The 19. of April our ship had no more bread left, but for our last partition euery man had seuen pound, both good and badde breade, and from that time forwarde our meate was Rice sodden in water, and euery man had a canne of water euery day, with three romers of wine, and weekely each man three romers or glasses of oyle and that very strong, and nothing els. The 20. we had a calme, the 21. a calme with a Northerne aire. The 23. a good wind that blew Southwest. The 24. we saw the firme lande of Æthiopia, being vnder 33. degrees, and as wee gessed, wee were then about an hundred miles from the Cape de bona Sperance, yet we thought we had been at the least three hundred miles from it, so that wee may say, that God wrought wonderfully for vs: for that if wee had fallen by night vpon the land, we had surely runne vpon it: wee had a good winde out of the West, and West Southwest. The 25. of Aprill in the morning wee had a calme, with a very hollow water, and at euening we had a good winde, that came North and Northeast, and although wee had so good a wind yet our shippe bare but little sayle, although the other two shippes of our company were at the least two mile before vs, for most part of the night wee sayled with our schouer saile, holding our course Southwest and by West. The 26. of Aprill in the morning we coulde not see our shippes, which pleased not our men, besides that our shippe was very weake, whereby her ribs shoke, and her ioynts with the force of the water opened and shut, so that as then our shippe was very leake, hauing the winde Northwest, holding our course as neere as wee could West Southwest, and then we put out our maine sayles, at noone the winde came West, with a great storme, so that most of our sayles blew in peeces, and so wee draue forward with out sayles. The 27. of Aprill still driuing without sayle with a West winde, wee were vnder thirty sixe degrees, so that we found that the streame draue vs South and South West. The 28. of Aprill still driuing without sailes, we had the height of 36. degrees and 20. minutes, and about euening we hoised saile againe, the winde being West Southwest, and we held our course Northwest with very hollow water. The 29. of April we could not as yet see our shippes, the wind being West. The 30. of Aprill we had fayre weather with a West and West South West wind, and then we saw many great birdes with white billes, which is a signe not to bee far from the Cape de bona Sperance, we likewise saw certain small birdes, speckled on their backes, and white vpon their breastes. The first of May wee had a South winde with fayre weather hauing 34 degrees and a halfe, holding our course West Southwest. The seconde of May wee were vnder 35. degrees, and 1/2. holding our course West and West and by North. The fourth of May we found our selues to be vnder 37. degrees South South East winde, our course being West and by North, and West North West. The 5. and 6. of May we had all one winde at noone being vnder 35. degrees, wee thought wee had passed the Cape, and held our course Northwest, towardes Saint Helena, still without sight of our ships. The 8. of May with a South wind wee helde North West and by West. The 9. we had a calme with a gray sky, and were vnder 31. degrees and twentie minutes, and then our portion of oyle was increased a glasse more euery weeke, so that euery man had foure glasses. The 10. we had stil South winds, and were vnder 29 deg. [Sidenote: Signes of the Cape de bona Speranza.] The 14. of May twice or thrice we saw reedes, called Trombos driuing on the water, being such as driue about the the Cape de bona Speranza, which wee thought verie strange, for that the Portingals write, that they are seen but thirtie myles from the Cape, and wee gest our selues to be at the least 200. beyond it. The 15. we still had a South East wind, and helde our course Northwest. The 16. of May in the morning we saw two ships, whereat we much reioyced, thinking they had beene our companie, we made to leewarde of them, and the smallest of them comming somewhat neere vs, about the length of the shotte of a great peece, shee made presently toward her fellow, whereby we perceiued them to bee Frenchmen, yet we kept to leeward, thinking they would haue come and spoken with vs, but it should seeme they feared vs, and durst not come, but held their course Northeast; at noone we had the height of 22. degrees, and 50. minutes with a Southeast wind, holding our course Northwest. The 17. of May wee were vnder 21. degrees and a halfe: the 18. the wind being Southerly, we were vnder 19. degrees and a halfe. The 19. and 20. we had a calme with a Southern aire. The 21. the ayre comming Southwest, we held our course Northwest: and were vnder 17. degrees and 2/3 partes: There we found the compasse to decline three quarters of a strike or line North eastward, after noone we had a Southeast wind, and our course West Northwest. The 22. of May we had still a Southeast winde, and were vnder the height of 16. degrees and 40. minutes, holding our course West Northwest. The 23. of May, by reason of the cloudy sky, about noone we could not take the height of the Sunne, but as we gest we had the height of the Island of S. Helena, and held our course West and by South to keepe vnder that height, for there the compasses decline a whole strike or line: in the euening we found that we were vnder 16. degrees. The 24. of May in the morning wee discouered a Portingall ship, that stayed for vs, and put out a flagge of truce, and because our flagge of truce was not so readie as theirs, and we hauing the wind of him, therefore he shot two shootes at vs, and put forth a flagge out of his maine top, and we shot 5 or 6. times at him, and so held on our course without speaking to him, hauing a South East winde, holding our course West and by South to find the Island of S. Helena, which the Portugal likewise sought. The 25. of May we discouered the Island of S. Helena, but we could not see the Portingal ship, still sayling with a stiffe Southeast wind, and about euening we were vnder the Island, which is very high lande, and may be seene at the least 14. or 15. miles off, and as we sayled about the North point, there lay three other great Portingal ships, we being not aboue half a mile from them, wherevpon wee helde in the weather and to seawarde Northeast as much as we might. The Portingalles perceyuing vs, the Admiral of their fleet shot off a peece to call their men that were on land to come aborde, [Sidenote: Foure Portingal ships richly laden.] and then wee saw foure of their shippes together, that were worth a great summe of money, at the least 300. tunnes of gold, for they were all laden with spices, precious stones, and other rich wares, and therefore wee durst not anker vnder the Island, but lay all night Northeastwarde, staying for our company. The 26. of May in the morning wee made towardes the Island againe, with a good Southeast winde, and about noone or somewhat past we discried two shippes, and about euening as we made towards them, we knew them to be our company, which made vs to reioyce, for we had been asunder the space of a whole Month, and so we helde together and sayled homeward, holding our course Northwest: for as yet our men were well and in good health, and we found a good Southeast winde, and had water enough for foure or fiue monthes. The 27. 28. 29. and 30. of May wee had a Southeast winde, with faire weather, and the 27. day we were vnder 14. degrees. The first of Iune we were vnder 6. degrees, with a Southeast wind, holding our course North West, but by means of the Compasse that yeelded North eastward, we kept about Northwest and by North. The 6. of Iune wee were vnder one degree on the South side of the line, there wee founde that the streame draue vs fast into the West, and therefore wee helde our course more Northernely and sayled Northwest and by North, with an East and South East wind. [Sidenote: They passed the Equinoctiall line.] The 7. of Iune wee past the Equinoctiall line, with an East winde, holding our course North Northwest. The 10. of Iune in the euening we were vnder 5. degrees and a halfe on the North side of the line, and then we began again to see the North star, which for the space of 2. years we had not seene, holding our course North Northwest, there we began to haue smal blasts, and some times calmes, but the aire all South and South east. The 11. of Iune we had a calme, and yet a darke sky, that came Southeastwarde. The 12. of Iune wee had a close sky with raine, and the same euening our fore top maste fell downe. The 13. we strake all our sailes and mended our ship. The 14. we had the wind Northward, holding our course West Northwest as neare as we coulde, but by reason of the thick sky wee could not take height of the Sun. The 15. of Iune we had the wind North, and North Northwest. The 16. of Iune wee had the height of 9. degrees and 10. minutes, the winde being Northeast and North Northeast. The 17. the winde was Northeast with fair weather, and we held Northwest, and Northwest and by North till after noone. [Sidenote: They tooke a great fish.] The 15. we tooke a great fish called an Aluercour, which served vs all for 3. meals, which wee had not tasted of long time before. The 26. we had still a Northeast winde, and sometimes larger, holding our course North Northwest with large saile, and were vnder 17. degrees and 1/2. The same day there came much dust flying into our shippe, as if we had past hard by some sandie towne, and we gest the nearest land to vs might be the Island of S. Anthony, and wee were as then at the least 40. or 50. miles from it: The same day likewise there came a flying fish into our shippe, which we eat. The 28. of Iune wee had the height of 20. degrees, with a East Northeast wind and East and by West, with full sayle, there we saw much Sargosse, driuing on the water. The last of Iune we had the Sun right ouer our heades, and yet we felt no heat, for that by reason of the cold ayre we had a fine coole weather. The same day we passed Tropicus Cancri, still hauing the winde East Northeast, and in the euening we were vnder 24. degr. The second of Iuly we saw Sargosse driuing vpon the water, and had the wind somewhat lower North Northeast with a calme. The thirde of Iuly the winde came againe East Northeast, and wee helde our course North and by West. The 8. of Iuly wee were vnder 33. degrees and 1/2. with an East wind, holding our course North and by East, and yet we saw much Sargosse driuing, but not so thicke as it did before. The 10 of Iuly we had a good wind that blew south and South and by East, and hoysted vp our maine tops, that for the space of 26. daies were neuer touched, and held our course North Northeast, there we were in no little feare to fall among the Spanish fleet, which at that time of the yeare keepeth about the Flemmish Islands. The same day one of our boyes fell ouer bord, and was carried away with a swift streame before the wind, but to his great good fortune, the Pinace saued him, that was at the least a quarter of a mile from vs: this euening we found the height of 36. degrees. The 12. of Iuly we had a Southwest wind, holding our course Northeast and by North: Our Pilot and the Pilot of the Pinnace differed a degree in the height of the Sunne, for ours had 38. degrees, and theirs but 37. We gest to be about the Islands of Corbo and Flores, but the one held more easterly and the other more Westerly. The 13. of Iuly wee had still a Southwest winde, and after noone wee thought wee had seene land, but we were not assured thereof, for it was somewhat close. The 14. of Iuly we had a calme, and saw no land, and then our men began to be sicke. The 17. of Iuly wee had a South Southeast winde, with faire weather, and were vnder 41. degrees, holding our course East Northeast. The 18. 19. 20. and 21. it was calme. The 22. of Iuly the winde came North, and wee held our course East Southeast. The 23. of Iuly the wind was North North East and Northeast, and we held as near as we could East and East Southeast, the same day our steward found a barrell of stockfish in the roming, which if we had beene at home we would haue cast it on the dunghil, it stunke so filthily, and yet we eat it as sauerly as the best meat in the world. The 24. we had a West wind, and that with so strong a gale, that wee were forced to set two men at helme, which pleased vs well. The 25. of Iuly we had a storme that blew West and West Northwest, so that we bare but two sailes, holding our course Northeast and by East. The first of August we were vnder 45. degrees with a North West wind, holding our course Northeast and by East. The second of August one of our men called Gerrit Cornelison of Spijckenes died, being the first man that dyed in our voyage homeward. The 4. of August we had a Northwest wind. The 5. of August in the morning the winde came Southwest, and we were vnder 47. degrees, holding our course Northeast and the North Northeast, and wee gest that wee were not farre from the channell, those dayes aforesaid we had so great colde in our shippes, as if had beene in the middle of winter: We could not be warme with all the clothes wee had. The same day we saw Sargosse driue vpon the water. [Sidenote: They saw a shippe with the Prince of Oranges flagge.] The 6. of August we had a West wind, in the morning we cast out our lead and found grounde at 80. fadome, and about noone we saw a shippe that bare the Princes flagge, yet durst not come neare vs, although we made signes vnto him, and after noone wee saw the land of Heissant, whereat we all reioyced. The 7. of August in the morning we saw the land of Fraunce, and held our course North Northeast, and likewise we saw a small shippe, but spake not with it. The 8. of August in the morning we saw the Kiskas, and had a South wind and somewhat West, holding our course East Northeast. [Sidenote: They saw a man of war.] The 9. of August we entered the heades, and past them with a Southwest wind, sayling Northeast. After noone we past by a man of warre being a Hollander, that lay at anker, and he hoysed anker to follow vs, about euening wee spake with him, but because of the wind wee could hardly heare what hee said, yet hee sailed on with vs. [Sidenote: The man of war gaue them victuailes.] The 10. of August the man of warre borded vs with his boat, and brought vs a barrell of beere, some bread and cheese, shewing vs what news he could touching the state of Holland, and presently wee sawe the land of Holland, and because it blew very stiffe and a great storme, after noone wee ankered about Petten to stay for better weather, and some new Pilots, and that was the first time we had cast anker for the space of 5. monthes together, about euening it beganne to blow so stifle, that wee lost both an anker and a cable. [Sidenote: They cut down their main mast.] The 11. of August we had still a Southerly winde, and therefore about noone the Mauritius set saile, and wee thought likewise to saile, but our men were so weake that we could not hoyse vp our anker, so that we were constrained to lie still till men came out to helpe vs, about euening the winde came Southwest, and with so great a storme, that we thought to haue run vpon the strand, and were forced to cut downe our maine maste. The 12. and 13. we had a hard South West wind, and sometimes West, so that no Pilots came abord our ship, but the 13. day about euening it began to be faire weather. The 14. of August about breake of day in the morning, there came two boats with Pilots and men abord our ship, that were sent out by our owners, and brought vs some fresh victuailes, which done they hoysed vp our ankers, and about noone we sayled into the Tessel, and ankered in the channell, where we had fresh victuailes enough, for we were all weake. This was a great noueltie to all the Marchantes and inhabitantes of Hollande, for that wee went out from thence the second of April 1595. and returned home again vpon the 14. of August 1597. there you might haue bought of the Pepper, Nutmegs, Cloues, and Mace, which wee brought with vs. Our saylors were most part sicke, being but 80. men in all, two third partes of their company being dead, and lost by diuers accidentes, and among those forescore such as were sicke, as soone as they were on land and at their ease presently recouered their healthes. The copper money of Iaua commeth also out of China, and is almost as thicke, great and heauy, as a quarter of a Doller, and somewhat thicker, in the middle hauing a square hole, 2000. of them are worth a Riall of 8. but of these there are not ouer many, they vse to hang them vpon stringes, and pay them without telling, they stand not so narrowly vpon the number, for if they want but 25. or 50. it is nothing. The leaden money of Iaua, (being of bad Leade is very rough) hath in the middle a foure square hole, they are hanged by two hundred vppon a string, they are commonly 10. 11. and 12. thousand to a Riall of 8. as there commeth great quantitie out of China, where they are made, and so as there is plentie or scarcitie they rise and fal. * * * * * A true report of the gainefull, prosperous, and speedy voiage to Iaua in the East Indies, performed by a fleete of 8. ships of Amsterdam: which set forth from Texell in Holland the first of Maie 1598. Stilo Nouo. Whereof foure returned againe the 19. of Iuly anno 1599. in lesse then 15. moneths; the other foure went forward from Iaua for the Moluccas. [Footnote: At London: printed by P. S. for W. Aspley, and are to be sold at the signe of the Tygers Head in Paules Church-yard, (1600).] Whereas in the yeare of our Lord 1595. a certaine company of substantial merchants of Amsterdam in Holland did build and set forth for the East Indies four well appointed shippes, whereof three came home An. 1597. with small profit (as already in sundry languages is declared) [Footnote: See above.] Yet neuerthelesse the aforesaid company, in hope of better successe, made out the last years 1598. for a seconde voiage, a fleete of eight gallant ships, to wit. The shippe called the Mauritius, lately returned from that former voyage, being of burden two hundreth and thirty last, or foure hundreth and sixty tunnes, or thereabouts. This shippe was Admirall of the fleete. The master whereof was Godevart Iohnson, the Commissarie or factor Cornelius Heemskerck, and the Pilot Kees Collen. The second ship called the Amsterdam, was of the burden of four hundreth and sixty tuns. The Master's name was Claes Iohnson Melcknap; The factor or commissarie Iacob Heemskerck. The third was named Hollandia, about the burden of sixe hundreth tuns: which had likewise been in the former voiage. The Master was Symon Lambertson or Mawe, the Factor Master Witte Nijn, who died in the voyage before Bantam, and in his roome succeeded Iohn Iohnson Smith. The name of the fourth ship was Gelderland, of burden about foure hundreth tuns. Master wherof was Iohn Browne, factor or commissarie Hans Hendrickson. The fift was called Zeelandia, of the burden of three hundreth and sixtie tuns. The Master was Iohn Cornelison, the Commissary or factor N. Brewer. The sixt ship named Utrecht of the burden of two hundreth and sixtie tuns. The Master was Iohn Martsen, the Factor or commissary Adrian Veen. The seuenth a pinnas called Frisland, of burden about seuenty tuns. The Master Iacob Cornelison, the Factor Walter Willekens. The eighth a pinnas that had been in the former voiage called the Pidgeon, now the Ouerijssel, of the burden of fifty tuns. The Master Symon Iohnson. The Factor Arent Hermanson. Of this fleete was General and Admirall Master Iacob Neck, Viceadmirall Wybrand van Warwick: and Rereadmirall Iacob Heemskerck. With this fleet of eight ships we made saile from Texell the first of May 1598. Stilo Nouo, being the 21. of Aprill, after the account of England and sailed with good speed vnto the Cabo de bona Speranza: as further shal appeare by a Iournal annexed vnto the end of this discourse. Being past the Cape, the 7. and 8. of August, by a storme of weather fiue ships were separated from the Admirall, who afterwardes came together againe before Bantam. [Sidenote: They meete with a ship of Zealand.] The 26. of August with three shippes wee came within the view of Madagascar, and the 29. wee met with a ship of Zeeland, called the Long barke, which had put to sea before vs, and now kept aloofe from us, supposing we were enemies: but at length perceiuing by our flagges what we were, they sent their Pinnas aboord vs, reioycing greatly to haue met with vs, because that diuers of their men were sicke, and ten were already dead: and they had in all but seuen men aboord the shippe that were meat-whole, and eleuen mariners to guide the shippe. Wee agreed to relieue them with some supplie of men: but through darkenesse and great winde wee lost them againe. [Sidenote: The Isle of Santa Maria.] After this, we the Admiral Mauritius, the Hollandia, and the pinnas Ouerijssel keeping together, came to the Island of Santa Maria, before the great bay of Antogil in Madagascar: where wee got a small quantity of Rice. We tooke the King prisoner, who paide for his ransome a Cow and a fat calfe. In this Island we found no great commodity: for being the month of September, the season was not for any fruits: the Oranges had but flowers: Lemons were scant: of Sugarcanes and Hens there was some store, but the Inhabitants were not very forward in bringing them out. [Sidenote: Killing of the whale.] Heere we sawe the hunting of the Whale, (a strange pastime) certaine Indians in a Canoa, or boate following a great Whale, and with a harping Iron, which they cast forth, piercing the whals body, which yron was fastned to a long rope made of the barkes of trees, and so tied fast to their Canoa. All this while pricking and wounding the whale so much as they could, they made him furiously to striue too and fro, swiftly swimming in the sea, plucking the canoa after him: sometimes tossing it vp and downe, as lightly as if it had been a strawe. The Indians in the meane time being cunning swimmers taking small care though they were cast ouerboord, tooke fast hold by the boat stil, and so after some continuance of this sport, the whale wearied and waxing faint, and staining the sea red with his bloud, they haled him toward the shore, and when they had gotten him so neare shore on the shallowe that the most part of him appeared aboue water, they drew him aland and hewed him in pieces, euery one taking thereof what pleased them, which was to vs a strange sight. It is reported that the Indians of Terra Florida vse the like fishing for the Whale. Our men might haue taken some part thereof, but refused it: the pieces thereof were so like larde or fat bacon. [Sidenote: The Bay of Antogill.] From thence we made toward the great Bay of Antogill and ankered vnder the Island, where wee tooke in fresh water. Our Indians that were brought from thence by them of the former voiage (the names of whome were Madagascar the one, and the other Laurence) wee offered to set there on land, but they refused, chusing rather to tarry with vs and to be apparelled, then to go naked in their owne countrey: working and moyling for a miserable liuing, opposing their bare skins to the vehemency of the sunne and weather: and their excuse was, that in that place they were strangers and had none acquaintance. [Sidenote: How long their beere continued good.] Our beere continued good vntill we were passed the Cape de bona speranza: from thence we began to mingle it with water hauing a portion of wine allowed vs twise a day, and this allowance continued vntill our returne into Holland. We went with our boates vp the riuer seeking refreshing: but the Inhabitants gaue vs to vnderstand by signes that wee might returne, for there was nothing to be had. Wee rowed into the riuer about three leagues, and found their report to bee true. The cause was, that the Kings made warre there one against an other, and so all the victuals were in manner destroied, insomuch that the Inhabitants themselues many of them perished for hunger, and in one of these battailes one of their Kings was lately slaine. Wherfore after fiue daies abode and no longer, we departed, and in Gods name made to sea again, directing our course the sixteenth of September for Iaua. [Sidenote: They arriue at Bantam.] About the nineteenth of Nouember we came within sight of Sumatra, and the 26. of the same moneth 1598. wee in the three shippes aforesaid, to wit, the Mauritius, our Admirall, the Hollandia, and the Ouerissell, arriued before the citty of Bantam in Iaua. Presently vpon this our arriuall, our Admirall and Generall Master Iacob Van Neck, sought with all friendship to traffique with the people of the saide towne of Bantam, sending Master Cornelis Heemskerck on land to shew them what we were, for they thought vs to be the very same men that had been there the yeare before, and al that while guarded the sea cost, as being assuredly persuaded that we were pirates and sea rouers. [Sidenote: They present their letters and gifts.] But we, to make them vnderstand the contrary, sent on lande one Abdoll of China, a captiue of theirs, whom we brought from them in our first voyage; by whose meanes we got audience and credite: and so we presented our gifts and presents to the King, which was but a childe: and the chiefe gouernour called Cephat, hauing the kingly authority, most thankfully receiued the same in the name of his King. The said presents were a faire couered cup of siluer and gilt, certaine veluets and clothes of silke, with very fine drinking glasses and excellent looking glasses, and such other gifts more. Likewise we presented our letters sealed very costly with the great seale of the noble and mighty lords the Estates generall of the united Prouinces, and of Prince Mauritz, whome they termed their Prince. [Sidenote: Trade licensed.] Which letters were by them receiued with great reuerence, creeping vpon their knees: and (the same being well perused, read and examined) they found thereby our honest intent and determination for traffike: insomuch that a mutuall league of friendship and alliance was concluded, and we were freely licensed to trade and traffike in such wise, that euen the fourth day of our arriuall we began to lade; and within foure or fiue weekes all our foure ships hauing taken in their full fraight, were ready to depart. When our three shippes aforesaid had remained there welnigh a moneth, about Newyears-tide arriued the other fiue shippes of our company before mentioned in very good manner, and well conditioned. [Sidenote: The whole fleet meet before Bantam.] And so our whole fleete of eight ships ioyfully met together, and had none or very fewe sicke persons among them, hauing lost by death in the whole fleete but 35. men in all, of which number some perished through their own negligence. Vpon this happy meeting we displaied our flags, streamers and ensignes after the brauest manner, honouring and greeting one another with volleis of shot, making good cheere, and (which was no small matter) growing more deeply in fauour with the townesmen of Bantam. Vnto vs were daily brought aboord in Prauwes or Indian boats great quantity of hens, egs, Cocos, bonanos, sugar-canes, cakes, made of rice, and a certaine kinde of good drinke which is there made by the men of China. Thus the people daily bartered with vs for pewter and other wares, giuing so much victuals for a pewter spoone, as might well suffice one man for an whole weeke. Wee trucked likewise for diuers other things, as for porcellan dishes and such like. [Sidenote: The price of pepper inhanced.] Howbeit, that which our Indian Abdoll declared (namely, that more ships were comming besides the three aforesaid, and that others beside them were also sent out of Zeland) little tended to our commodity: for thereupon the Iauans tooke occasion to inhance the price of their pepper, insomuch that we were forced to pay for 55. pounds of pepper first three, and afterward four Reals of eight: neither did they demaund or call for any thing so much as for the said Reals of eight. Mercery or haberdashers wares were in no such request as money. Also we much marueiled, how the Iauans should tell vs of more shippes to come, making signes with their foure fingers and thumb, that foure Lyma (which word in their language signifieth shippes) were comming. And here you are to vnderstand, that our Generall Master Van Neck, together with the commissaries or factors, thought good, besides the three forsaid ships that came first, to lade one other, to wit, the greater pinnasse called Frisland, whereof was Master Iacob Cornelison, and factor Walter Willekens. [Sidenote: Foure ships laden.] These foure ships hauing receiued their ful freight, and giuen notice on land of their departure (to the end that none of their creditours might bee vnpaid) and also having well prouided themselues of rice and water, departed the thirteenth of Ianuary 1599. and sayled to Sumatra, where they tooke in fresh water; for that the water of Bantam first waxeth white, and afterward crawleth full of magots. Vpon the land of Sumatra we bartered kniues, spoones, looking-glasses, bels, needles and such like, for sundry fruits, to wit, melons, cucumbers, onions, garlike, and pepper though little in quantity, yet exceeding good. We had to deale with a notable Merchant of Bantam, named Sasemolonke, whose father was a Castilian, which sold vs not much lesse then an hundreth last of pepper. He was most desirous to haue traueiled with vs into Holland: but misdoubting the displeasure and euil will of the king, and fearing least his goods might haue bin confiscated, he durst not aduenture vpon the voiage. [Sidenote: The four other ships sent to Moluccas.] Certaine daies before our departure from Bantam were the other foure shippes dispatched to go for the Moluccas, and ouer them was appointed as Admirall and Generall Master Wybrant van Warwicke in the shippe called Amsterdam, and Iacob Heemskerck Viceadmirall in the shippe Gelderland, the other two shippes in consort with them being Zeland and Vtrecht before mentioned. These foure made saile towards the Moluccas, and parted from vs the 8. of Ianuary in the night, and in taking of our leaues both of vs together, made such a terrible thundering noise with our ordinance, that the townsemen were vp in alarme, vntill they knewe the reason thereof. The people were glad of their departure, hauing some mistrust of vs, remaining there so strong with 8. ships. And they asked daily when we should depart, making great speed to help vs vnto our lading, and shewing themselues most seruiceable vnto vs. The 11. of Ianuary 1599. we in the foure shippes laden with pepper departed from Bantam homeward. The 13. we arriued at Sumatra. The 19. we shaped our course directly for Holland. The 3. of April we had sight of Capo de buona esperanza. The 8. of Aprill we doubled the said Cape, proceeding on for the Isle of Saint Helena, whither we came the twenty sixt of the same month, and there refreshed our selues for the space of eight daies. In this Island we found a church with certaine boothes or tents in it, and the image of Saint Helena, as likewise a holy water fat, and a sprinkle to cast or sprinkle the holy water: but we left all things in as good order as we found them. Moreouer here we left behinde vs some remembrances in writing, in token of our being there. At this place died of the bloody flixe, the Pilot of our Admirall Kees Collen of Munickendam, a worthy man, to our great griefe. This Island (as Iohn Huighen van Linschotten describeth it) is replenished with manifold commodities, as namely with goates, wilde swine, Turkies, partridges, pidgeons, &c. But by reason that those which arriue there vse to discharge their ordinance, and to hunt and pursue the saide beastes and fowles, they are now growen exceedingly wilde and hard to be come by. Certaine goates whereat we shotte fled vp to the high cliffes, so that it was impossible to get them. Likewise fishes wee could not catch so many as wee needed; but wee tooke in fresh water enough to serue vs till our arriuall in Holland. [Sidenote: A man left on land at Saint Helena.] Here we left on land as a man banished out of our society, one Peter Gisbrecht the masters mate of the great pinasse, because hee had stroken the Master. Very penitent hee was, and sorie for his misdemeanour, and all of vs did our best endeuour to obtain his pardon: but (the orders and ordinances wherevnto our whole company was sworne being read before vs) we were constrained to surcease our importunate suit, and he for the example of others to vndergo the seuere doome that was allotted him. There was deliuered vnto him a certaine quantity of bread, oile, and rice, with hookes and instruments to fish withall, as also a hand gun and gunpowder. Hereupon we bad him generally farewell, beseeching God to keepe and preserue him from misfortunes, and hoping that at some one time or other he should finde deliuerance; for that all shippes sailing to the West Indies must there of necessity refresh themselues. Not far from this place we descried a saile which wee iudged to be some Frenchmen, by whom peraduenture the saide banished party might bee deliuered. The fourth of May we set saile from Saint Helena, and the tenth of the same moneth wee passed by the Isle of Ascension. The 17. day wee passed the line. The 21. we saw the Polle-starre. The 10. and 11. of Iune we had sight of the Canaries. About the Azores wee stood in feare to meete with some Spanish Armada, because our men were growen faint and feeble by reason of their long voiage. The 27. of Iune we entered the Spanish sea. The 29. we found our selues to be in fortie foure degrees of northerly latitude. The 6. of Iuly our Admirall the Mauritius had two of his mastes blowne ouerboord: for which cause we were contrained to towe him along. The 11. of Iuly we passed the sorlings. The 13. we sayled by Falmouth, Dartmouth, and the Quasquets. The 17. we passed by Douer. The 19. meeting with some stormes and rainy weather we arriued at Texell in our owne native countrey, without any great misfortune, saue that the Mauritius once stroke on ground. Thus hauing attained to our wished home, we gaue God thankes for this our so happy and prosperous voiage: because their neuer arriued in Holland any shippes so richly laden. [Sidenote: The particulars of their rich lading.] Of pepper we brought eight hundreth tunnes, of Cloues two hundreth, besides great quantity of Mace, Nutmegs, Cinamom, and other principall commodities. To conclude this voiage was performed in one yeare, two monethes, and nineteene daies. We were sailing outward from Texell to Bantam seuen moneths, we remained there sixe weekes to take in our lading, and in six monethes we returned from Bantam in Iaua to Holland. The performance of this long and daungerous voiage in so short time we ascribed to Gods deuine and wonderfull prouidence, hauing sailed at the least 8000. leagues, that is to say, twenty four thousand English miles. The ioye of the safe arriuall of these shippes in Holland was exceeding great: and postes were dispatched to euery principall towne and citty to publish these acceptable newes. The merchants that were owners of these ships went straight toward Texell for the refreshing of their men, and for other necessary considerations. [Sidenote: Friendly letters and presents from the King of Iaua.] The Commissary or Factor master Cornelis Heemskerck together with Cornelis Knick, hied them with all speed towardes the Estates generall and prince Mauritz his excellency, not onely to carry the saide good newes, but withal to present the letters of the King of Iaua importing mutuall alliance, friendship and free intercourse of traffike in consideration of their honourable, liberal, and iust dealings: They brought gifts also from the said King of great price and value. The 27. of Iuly the Mauritius our Admirall together with the Hollandia came before Amsterdam: where they were ioyfully saluted with the sound of eight trumpettes, with banqueting, with ringing of bels, and with peales of ordinance, the Generall and other men of command being honourably receiued and welcommed by the citty. The merchants that aduentured in these voyages being in number sixeteene or seuenteene (notwithstanding the foure shippes gone from Iaua to the Moluccas, as it is before mentioned) haue sent this last spring 1599. [Marginal Note: A new supply of foure Hollandish ships sent this last spring 1599. to the East Indies.] foure ships more to continue this their traffique so happely begun: intending moreouer the next spring to send a newe supply of other ships. [Marginal note: An intent of the marchants of Amsterdam to send more ships the next spring 1600.] And diuers other Marchants are likewise determined to enter into the same action. Of them that departed from Zeland these bring no newes, otherwise then is aforesaide. Neither doe they report any thing of the two fleetes or companies, that went from Roterdam the last sommer 1598, shaping their course for the streites of Magellan. Wee haue before made mention of an Indian called Abdoll, which was brought from Bantam, in the first voiage, and had continued an whole winter or some eight months at Amsterdam in Holland. Where during that space (being a man of good obseruation and experience, and borne about China) hee was well entreated, cherished, and much made of. [Sidenote: The relation of Abdull an Indian, concerning the Netherlands.] This Abdoll vpon his returne to Iaua being demanded concerning the state of the Netherlands, made vnto the principall men of Bantam a full declaration thereof, with all the rarities and singularities which he had there seen and obserued. Which albeit to the greatest part of readers, who haue trauailed those countries may seeme nothing strange, and scarce worthy the relation: yet because the report was made by so meere a stranger, and with the Iauans that heard it wrought so good effect, I thought it not altogether impertinent here in this place to make rehearsall thereof. First therefore he tolde them (to their great admiration in that hoat climate) That hee had seene aboue a thousand sleds drawen, and great numbers of horsemen riding vpon the frozen water in winter time, and that he had beheld more then two hundreth thousand people trauailing on foote and on horseback vpon the yce, as likewise that the said sleds were by horses drawen so swiftly, that they made more way in three houres than any man could go on foote in tenne. And also that himselfe for pleasure had beene so drawen, the horses being brauely adorned with bels and cymbals. Howbeit they would hardly be induced to beleeue that those countries should be so extreamely colde, and the waters so mightely frozen, as to beare such a hugh waight. Hee tolde them moreouer, that Holland was a free countrey, and that euery man there was his owne Master, and that there was not one slaue or captiue in the whole land. Moreover, that the houses, in regarde of their beautifull and lofty building, resembled stately pallaces, their inward rich furniture being altogether answerable to their outward glorious shew. Also, that the Churches (which he called Mesquitas), were of such bignesse and capacity, as they might receiue the people of any prety towne. He affirmed likewise, that the Hollanders with the assistance of their confederates and friendes, maintained warres against the King of Spaine, whose mighty puissance is feared and redoubted of all the potentates of Europa. And albeit the said warres had continued aboue thirty yeares, yet that during all that time the saide Hollanders increased both in might and wealth. In like sort he informed them of the strange situation of Holland, as being a countrey driuing vpon the water, the earth or ground whereof, they vse instead of fewell, and that he had oft times warmed himselfe, and had seene meat dressed with fires made of the same earth. In briefe, that it was a waterish and fenny countrey, and full of riuers, chanels, and ditches, and that therein was an innumerable multitude of boates and small shippes, as likewise great store of tall and seruiceable ships, wherewith they sailed vnto all quarters of the world, etc. This man Abdoll wee found to bee a captiue or slaue, and sawe there his wife and children in very poore estate dwelling in a little cottage not so bigge as an hogsty: but by oure meanes he was made free and well rewarded. Notwithstanding he did but euil recompence vs: for he was charged to be the cause why pepper was solde dearer than ordinary vnto vs by a penny in the pound: for hee tolde them that certaine shippes of Zeland and of other places were comming thitherwardes. [Sidenote: The Portugals go about to hinder the trade of the Hollanders.] And here the reader is to vnderstand, that some foure moneths before the said three ships arriued at Bantam, the Portugales came with an Armada of gallies and fustes, being set foorth by the Viceroy of Goa and the gouernour of Molucca, to intercept the traffique of the Hollanders vnto those partes, and to made them loose all their expenses, labour, and time which they had bestowed: and also that their great and rich presentes which they gaue vnto the Iauans the yeare before, to bring them into vtter detestation of the Hollanders, might not be altogether in vaine. The Generall of them that came from Goa was Don Luis, and of those that came from Molucca Don Emanuell: who brought their Armada before Bantam, intending to surprize the citty, vnder pretence that the same preparation was made to resist certaine pirates that came thither out of Holland the last yeare, and were determined this yeare also to come againe. Vnder these colours they sought to take the towne and to fortifie the same, and they built certaine sconces in the countrey, committing great outrages, rauishing the Women, with many other villanies. [Sidenote: The Portugals vanquished.] Hereupon the townsemen of Bantam very secretly provided certaine gallies and fustes in great hast, and sodainly assailed the Portugales before they were well aware of them: for which cause finding but small resistance, they tooke 3. Portugale gallies with certaine shippes, and slewe about 300. of them, taking 150. Portugales prisoners, of which we daily saw some going vp and downe the streetes of Bantam like slaues and captiues. Besides these they tooke about 900. gallie slaues prisoners. Vpon this hard successe the rest of the Portugals betooke themselues to flight: but whither they bee arriued at Goa or Molucca, or what is become of them since, we are not able to auouch. The foresaid attempt and ouerthrowe, bred greater enmity betweene the Portugales and them of Bantam, and gaue an especiall occasion for the aduancement of our traffique. The fiue ships (whereof we haue before signified that foure were dispatched by the whole companie for the Moluccas) being seuered beyonde the Cape of Buona Speranza [Marginal Note: The course which the fiue ships tooke after they were separated from their three consorts about the Cape of bouona esperanza.] from the other three of their company, and hauing quite lost them, came all of them shortly after vnder an Island called (as it is thought) by the Portugals Isola de Don Galopes: but they named it the Island of Mauritius. Here they entered into an hauen, calling the same Warwicke, after the name of their Viceadmirall, wherin they found very good harborow in twenty degrees of southerly latitude. [Sidenote: The Isle of Mauritius described.] This Island being situate to the East of Madagascar, and containing as much in compasse as all Holland, is a very high, goodly and pleasant land, full of green and fruitfull vallies, and replenished with Palmito-trees, from the which droppeth holesome wine. [Sidenote: Great store of Ebenwood.] Likewise here are very many trees of right Ebenwood as black as iet, and as smooth and hard as the very Iuory: and the quantity of this wood is so exceeding, that many ships may be laden herewith. For to saile into this hauen you must bring the two highest mountaines one ouer the other, leauing sixe small Islands on your right hand, and so you may enter in vpon 30. fadomes of water. Lying within the bay, they had 10. 12. and 14. fadomes. On their left hand was a litle Island which they named Hemskerk Island, and the bay it selfe they called Warwick bay, as is before mentioned. Here they taried 12. daies to refresh themselues, finding in this place great quantity of foules twise as bigge as swans, which they called Walghstocks or Wallowbirdes being very good meat. But finding also aboundance of pidgeons and popiniayes, they disdained any more to eat of those great foules, calling them (as before) Wallowbirds, that is to say, lothsome or fulsome birdes. Of the said Pidgeons and Popiniayes they found great plenty being very fat and good meate, which they could easily take and kil euen with little stickes: so tame they are by reason that the Isle is not inhabited, neither be the liuing creatures therein accustomed to the sight of men. Here they found rauens also, and such abundance of fish, that two men were able to catch enough for all fiue ships. Tortoises they found so huge, that tenne men might sit and dine in one of their shelles, and one of them would creepe away, while two men stood vpon the backe thereof. Here was founde waxe also whiter then any of ours, lying about the strande, bleached (as it is like) by the sunne: and in some of this waxe there were Arabian letters or characters printed: whereby it is probable, that some Arabian ship might bee cast away thereabout, out of which the said waxe might be driuen on land. They found likewise Corall on this land, and many trees which we call Palmitos, whereout droppeth wine as out of the Coco-tree: which wine being kept hath his operation as our new prest wine, but after some time it commeth vnto the ful vertue and perfection. The said Palmitos they esteemed to bee a kinde of wilde date-trees. We sought all the Island ouer for men, but could find none, for that it was wholly destitute of Inhabitants. Vpon this Island we built an house with a pulpit therein, and left behind vs certaine writings as a token and remembrance of our being there, and vpon the pulpit we left a Bible and a psalter lying. [Sidenote: A good watering place.] Thus after 12. daies aboad at this Island, being well refreshed, they tooke in excellent fresh water being easie to get, and very sweet and sauory to drinke, and then set saile, meeting the three other ships their consorts at the time and place before mentioned. * * * * * A briefe description of the voiage before handled, in manner of a Iournall. The first of Maie 1598. with the eight shippes before mentioned, we set saile in the name of God from Texell in Holland. The third of May we passed along the coast of England, descrying some of her Maiesties ships, and they vs, whom we honoured with discharge of our artillery. The fourteenth we had sight of the Isle of Porto Santo lying in thirty two degrees. The sixteenth, wee came within sight of the Canaries. The twenty two, we first saw flying fishes. The twenty three, we passed by the Isle Dell Sall. The thirty one, we had a great storme, so that we lost sight one of another: but by night we came together againe. The eighth of Iune wee crossed the Equinoctiall line. The twenty foure we sayled by the sholdes of Brasile lying vnder eighteene degrees of Southerly Latitude. The twenty one of Iuly we got to the height of the Cape of buona esperanza. From the thirtith of Iuly till the second of August, we continually sayled in sight of the land of the aforesaid Cape. The seuenth and eighth of August wee had such foule and stormy weather, that fiue ships of our company were separated from vs, whom we saw no more vntill they came to vs before Bantam. The twenty sixt we descryed the Island of Madagascar. The twenty nine came by us the ship called the Long barke of Zeland, hauing in her but nine sound men, tenne dead, and the rest all sicke: but the same night we lost the sight of her againe. The seauenth of September, we came before the Island of Santa Maria, and afterward wee put into the great bay of Antogill. The sixteenth of September, wee set saile from thence, directing our course for Iaua. The first of October, wee got to the heighth of Bantam. The fifteenth, died the first man in our Admirall. The nineteenth of November, we came within sight of Sumatra. The twenty-ninth, we road before the citty of Bantam: And the thirtieth, we payed our toll to the gouernour. And vpon Newyeares daie 1599. Stilo Nouo, we began to take in our lading. Then came vnto vs before Bantam, with great ioie and triumph, our fiue separated shippes, all the people standing vpon the shore gazing, and suspecting some harme intended against them. The eighth of Ianuary, foure of the said 5. newcome shippes (God send them a prosperous voyage) set saile toward the Moluccas. Moreouer our foure shippes being well and richly laden at Bantam made saile homewarde the eleuenth of Ianuary, and the thirteenth, wee were shot as farre as the Isles of Sumatra. The nineteenth, we proceeded thence on our voige, and the same day, to the great griefe of vs all died the Pilot of our Admirall. The third of Aprill, we descried the land of Capo de buona esperanza. The eighth, wee doubled the same Cape, thence shaping our course for the Island of Saint Helena, where the twenty sixt we happily arriued, and departed from thence vpon the fourth of Maie. The tenth of Maie, wee sailed by the Isle of Ascension. The seuenteenth, we passed the Equinoctiall line. The twenty one, we saw the North starre. The ninth and tenth of Iune, we had sight of the Canaries. The twenty seauen, wee sayled vpon the Spanish Sea. The twenty nine, we were in fortie four degrees. The fourth of Iuly, we saw behind vs two sailes, one before the other, which were the first that we had seene for a long time. The sixt of Iuly our Admirall had both his foremast and mainemast blowne ouer boord. The eleuenth, we passed the Sorlings, the thirteenth, Falmouth, Plimmouth and the Quasquets. The seauenteenth, we came before Dover. The nineteenth, wee had foule and stormy weather, at what time by Gods good blessing wee arriued in our natiue countrey at Texell in Holland, hauing performed in the short space of one yeare, two moneths and nineteene daies, almost as long a voiage, as if we should haue compassed the globe of the earth, and bringing home with vs our full fraight of rich and gainfull Marchandize. END OF VOL. X.
18757 ---- Note: Project Gutenberg also has an HTML version of this file which includes the original illustrations and maps. See 18757-h.htm or 18757-h.zip: (http://www.gutenberg.net/dirs/1/8/7/5/18757/18757-h/18757-h.htm) or (http://www.gutenberg.net/dirs/1/8/7/5/18757/18757-h.zip) PRINCE HENRY THE NAVIGATOR * * * * * Heroes of the Nations. PER VOLUME, CLOTH, $1.50.--HALF MOROCCO, $1.75. I.--Nelson, and the Naval Supremacy of England. By W. CLARK RUSSELL, author of "The Wreck of the Grosvenor," etc. II.--Gustavus Adolphus, and the Struggle of Protestantism for Existence. By C.R.L. FLETCHER, M.A., late Fellow of All Souls College, Oxford. III.--Pericles, and the Golden Age of Athens. By EVELYN ABBOTT, M.A., Fellow of Balliol College, Oxford. IV.--Theodoric the Goth, the Barbarian Champion of Civilisation. By THOMAS HODGKIN, author of "Italy and Her Invaders," etc. V.--Sir Philip Sidney: Type of English Chivalry. By H.R. FOX BOURNE. VI.--Julius Cæsar, and the Organisation of the Roman Empire. By WARDE FOWLER, M.A., Fellow of Lincoln College, Oxford. VII.--Wyclif, Last of the Schoolmen and First of the English Reformers. By LEWIS SERGEANT. VIII.--Napoleon, Warrior and Ruler; and the Military Supremacy of Revolutionary France. By WILLIAM O'CONNOR MORRIS. IX.--Henry of Navarre, and the Huguenots in France. By P.F. WILLERT, M.A., Fellow of Exeter College, Oxford. X.--Cicero, and the Fall of the Roman Republic. By J.L. STRACHAN-DAVIDSON, M.A., Fellow of Balliol College, Oxford. XI.--Abraham Lincoln, and the Downfall of American Slavery. By NOAH BROOKS. XII.--Prince Henry (of Portugal) the Navigator, and the Age of Discovery. By C.R. BEAZLEY, Fellow of Merton College, Oxford. XIII.--Julian the Philosopher, and the Last Struggle of Paganism against Christianity. By ALICE GARDNER, Lecturer on Ancient History, Newnham College. XIV.--Louis XIV., and the Zenith of the French Monarchy. By ARTHUR HASSALL, M.A., Senior Student of Christ Church College, Oxford. (For titles of volumes next to appear and for further details of this Series see prospectus at end of volume.) G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS, PUBLISHERS NEW YORK AND LONDON * * * * * Heroes of the Nations Edited by Evelyn Abbot, M.A. Fellow of Balliol College, Oxford FACTA DUCIS VIVENT, OPEROSAQUE GLORIA RERUM.--OVID, IN LIVIAM, 265. THE HERO'S DEEDS AND HARD-WON FAME SHALL LIVE. PRINCE HENRY THE NAVIGATOR THE HERO OF PORTUGAL AND OF MODERN DISCOVERY 1394-1460 A.D. With an Account of Geographical Progress Throughout the Middle Ages As the Preparation for His Work by C. RAYMOND BEAZLEY, M.A., F.R.G.S. Fellow of Merton College, Oxford; Geographical Student in the University of Oxford, 1894 Venient annis sæcula seris Quibus Oceanus vincula rerum Laxet, et ingens pateat tellus, Tethys que novos detegat orbes, Nec sit terris ultima Thule. SENECA, _Medea_ 376/380. [Illustration: GATEWAY AT BELEM. WITH STATUE, BETWEEN THE DOORS, OF PRINCE HENRY IN ARMOUR.] G. P. Putnam's Sons New York 27 West Twenty-Third Street London 24 Bedford Street, Strand The Knickerbocker Press 1895 Copyright, 1894 by G. P. Putnam's Sons Entered at Stationers' Hall, London Electrotyped, Printed and Bound by The Knickerbocker Press, New York G. P. Putnam's Sons CONTENTS. PAGE PREFACE xvii INTRODUCTION. THE GREEK AND ARABIC IDEAS OF THE WORLD, AS THE CHIEF INHERITANCE OF THE CHRISTIAN MIDDLE AGES IN GEOGRAPHICAL KNOWLEDGE. 1 CHAPTER I. EARLY CHRISTIAN PILGRIMS (CIRCA 333-867) 29 CHAPTER II. VIKINGS OR NORTHMEN (CIRCA 787-1066) 50 CHAPTER III. THE CRUSADES AND LAND TRAVEL (CIRCA 1100-1300) 76 CHAPTER IV. MARITIME EXPLORATION (CIRCA 1250-1410) 106 CHAPTER V. GEOGRAPHICAL SCIENCE IN CHRISTENDOM FROM THE FIRST CRUSADES (CIRCA 1100-1460) 114 CHAPTER VI. PORTUGAL TO 1400 (1095-1400) 123 CHAPTER VII. HENRY'S POSITION AND DESIGNS AT THE TIME OF THE FIRST VOYAGES, 1410-15 138 CHAPTER VIII. PRINCE HENRY AND THE CAPTURE OF CEUTA (1415) 147 CHAPTER IX. HENRY'S SETTLEMENT AT SAGRES AND FIRST DISCOVERIES (1418-28) 160 CHAPTER X. CAPE BOJADOR AND THE AZORES (1428-41) 168 CHAPTER XI. HENRY'S POLITICAL LIFE (1433-41) 179 CHAPTER XII. FROM BOJADOR TO CAPE VERDE (1441-5) 192 CHAPTER XIII. THE ARMADA OF 1445 228 CHAPTER XIV. VOYAGES OF 1446-8 240 CHAPTER XV. THE AZORES (1431-60) 250 CHAPTER XVI. THE TROUBLES OF THE REGENCY AND THE FALL OF DON PEDRO (1440-9) 257 CHAPTER XVII. CADAMOSTO (1455-6) 261 CHAPTER XVIII. VOYAGES OF DIEGO GOMEZ (1458-60) 289 CHAPTER XIX. HENRY'S LAST YEARS AND DEATH (1458-60) 299 CHAPTER XX. THE RESULTS OF PRINCE HENRY'S WORK 308 INDEX 325 ILLUSTRATIONS. PAGE MAIN GATE OF THE MONASTERY CHURCH AT BELEM, _Frontispiece_ Built on the site of an old sailor's chapel, existing in Prince Henry's day, and used by his men. In the niche between the two great entrance doors, is a statue of Prince Henry in armour. THE MONASTERY CHURCH AT BATALHA[1] 132 West front of church in which Prince Henry and his House lie buried. This church was founded by the Prince's father, King John, in memory of his victory over Castille at Aljubarrota. BATALHA CHURCH--PORTUGAL'S WESTMINSTER[1] 136 The aisle containing the tombs of Prince Henry and his brothers, the Infants of the House of Aviz. EFFIGIES OF KING JOHN THE GREAT AND QUEEN PHILIPPA 148 Henry's father and mother, from their tomb in the Abbey of Batalha. GATEWAY OF THE CHURCH AT THOMAR 154 The Mother Church of the Order of Christ, of which Henry was Grand-Master. HENRY IN MORNING DRESS[2] 258 The original forms the frontispiece to the Paris MS. of Azurara's _Discovery and Conquest of Guinea_. COIMBRA UNIVERSITY 298 THE RECUMBENT STATUE OF PRINCE HENRY 306 From his tomb in Batalha Church; with his escutcheons (1) as titular King of Cyprus; (2) as Knight of the Garter of England; (3) as Grand Master of the Order of Christ. ALLEGORICAL PIECE[3] 310 Supposed to represent Columbus, as St. Christopher, carrying across the ocean the Christian faith, in the form of the infant Christ. From the map of Juan de la Cosa, 1500. VASCO DA GAMA[4] 314 From a portrait in the possession of the Count of Lavradio. AFFONSO D'ALBUQUERQUE[5] 318 [Footnote 1: From a water-colour.] [Footnote 2: From Major's _Life of Henry the Navigator_.] [Footnote 3: From the Hakluyt Society's _Select Letters of Columbus_.] [Footnote 4: From the Hakluyt Society's edition of _Three Voyages of Vasco da Gama_.] [Footnote 5: From the Hakluyt Society's edition of Albuquerque's _Commentaries_.] LIST OF MAPS.[6] PAGE THE WORLD ACCORDING TO PTOLEMY 2 From Nordenskjöld's fac-simile atlas THE WORLD ACCORDING TO EDRISI. _c._ 1150 24 As reconstructed by M. Reinaud from the written descriptions of the Arabic geographer. This illustrates the extremely unreal and untrue conception of the earth among Moslem students, especially those who followed the theories of Ptolomy--_e.g._, in the extension to Africa eastward, so as practically or actually to join China, making the Indian Ocean an inland sea. THE MAPPE-MONDE OF ST. SEVER 48 (B. Mus., Map room, shelf 35 [5], sheet 6). Of uncertain date, between _c._ 780-980 but probably not later than the 10th century. One of the earliest examples of Christian map-making. THE ANGLO-SAXON MAP 54 (B. Mus., Cotton mss., Tib. B.V., fol. 59). This gives us the most interesting and accurate view of the world that we get in the pre-Crusading Christian science. The square, but not conventional outline is detailed with considerable care and precision. The writing, though minute, is legible; but the Nile, which, like the Red Sea in Africa, is coloured _red_, in contrast to the ordinary _grey_ of water in this example, is made to wander about Africa from side to side, with occasional disappearances, in a thoroughly mythical fashion. This map, from a ms. of Priscian's _Peviegesis_, appears to have been executed at the end of the 10th century; it is on vellum, highly finished, and has been engraved, in outline, in Playfair's _Atlas_ (Pl. I), and more fully in the _Penny Magazine_ (July 22, 1837). In the reign of Henry II., it appears to have belonged to Battle Abbey. THE TURIN MAP OF THE 11TH CENTURY 76 (B. Mus., Map room. From Ottino's reproduction). One of the oldest and simplest of Christian Mappe-Mondes, giving a special prominence to Paradise, (with the figures of Adam, Eve, and the serpent), to the mountains and rivers of the world, and to the four winds of heaven. It is to be associated with the Spanish map of 1109, and the Mappe-Monde of St. Sever. THE SPANISH-ARABIC MAP OF 1109 84 (B. Mus., Add. mss., 11695). The original, gorgeously coloured, represents the crudest of Christian and Moslem notions of the world. Even more crude than in the Turin map and the Mappe-Monde of St. Sever, both of which offer some resemblances to this. The earth is represented as of quadrangular shape, surrounded by the ocean. At the E. is Paradise with the figures of the Temptation. A part of the S. is cut off by the Red Sea, which is straight (and coloured red), just as the straight Mediterranean, with its quadrangular islands, divides the N.W. quarter, or Europe, from the S.W. quarter, or Africa. The Ægean Sea joins the Mediterranean at a right angle, in the centre of the map. In the ocean, bordering the whole, are square islands, _e.g._, Tile (Thule), Britania, Scocia, Fu(o)rtunarum insula. The Turin map occurs in another copy of the same work--_A Commentary on the Apocalypse_. THE PSALTER MAP OF THE 13TH CENTURY 92 (B. Mus., Add. mss., 28, 681). A good illustration of the circular type of mediæval map, which is sometimes little better than a panorama of legends and monsters. Christ at the top; the dragons crushed beneath him at the bottom; Jerusalem, the navel of the earth, in the middle as a sort of bull's-eye to a target, all show a "religious" geography. The line of queer figures, on the right side, figuring the S. coast of Africa, suggests a parallel with the still more fanciful Mappe-Monde of Hereford. (For copy see Bevan and Phillott's edition of the Hereford map). THE S.W., OR AFRICAN SECTION OF THE HEREFORD MAP _c._ 1275-1300 106 (B. Mus., King's Lib., XXIII). The S. coast of Africa, as in the Psalter map, is fringed with monstrous tribes; monstrous animals fill up a good deal of the interior; half of the wheel representing Jerusalem in the middle of the world appears in the N.E. corner; and the designer's idea of the Mediterranean and Atlantic islands is specially noteworthy. The Hereford map is a specimen of the thoroughly traditional and unpractical school of mediæval geographers who based their work on books, or fashionable collections of travellers' tales--such as Pliny, Solinus, or Martianus Capella--and who are to be distinguished from the scientific school of the same period, whose best works were the Portolani, or coast-charts of the early 14th century. THE WORLD ACCORDING TO MARINO SANUTO. _c._ A.D. 1306 114 (B. Mus., King's Lib., 149 F. 2 p. 282). The shape of Africa in this map is supposed by some to be valuable in the history of geographical advance, as suggesting the possibility of getting round from the Atlantic into the Indian Ocean. SKETCH MAP OF DULCERT'S PORTOLANO OF 1339 116 (From Nordenskjöld's fac-simile atlas). This illustrates the accuracy of the 14th century coast-charts, especially in the Mediterranean. THE LAURENTIAN PORTOLANO OF 1351 120 (From the Medicean Lib. at Florence; reproduced in B. Mus., Map room, shelf 158, 22, 23). This is the most remarkable of all the Portolani of the 14th century, as giving a view of the world, and especially Africa, which is far nearer the actual truth than could be expected. Especially its outline of S. Africa and of the bend of the Guinea coast, is surprisingly near the truth, even as a guess, in a chart made one hundred and thirty-five years before the Cape of Good Hope was first rounded. N.W. SECTION OF THE CATALAN MAP OF 1375-6 124 (B. Mus., Map room, 13, 14). This gives the British Islands, the W. coasts of Europe, N. Africa as far as Cape Boyador, and the Canaries and other islands in the Atlantic. The interior of Africa is filled with fantastic pictures of native tribes; the boat load of men off Cape Boyador in the extreme S.W. of the map probably represents the Catalan explorers of the year 1346, whose voyage in search of the "River of Gold" this map commemorates. CHART OF THE MEDITERRANEAN SEA, BY BARENTSZOON 128 (Engraved in copper 1595. Almost an unaltered copy of a Portolano from the 14th century. From Nordenskjöld's fac-simile atlas). This illustrates the remarkable correctness in the drawing of the Mediterranean basin and the coasts of W. Europe, reached by the Italian and Balearic coast-charts, or Portolani, in the 14th century. THE BORGIAN MAP OF 1450 290 (B. Mus., Map room, shelf 2 [6], 13, 14; copy of 1797). This map was executed just before the fall of Constantinople (1453), and gives a view of the world as imagined in the 15th century. It is very fantastic and unscientific, but remarkable among its kind for its comparative freedom from ecclesiastical influence. WESTERN SECTION OF THE MAPPE-MONDE OF FRA MAURO, 1457-9 302 (_Cf._ reproduction in B. Mus., Add. mss., 11267, and photographic copy in Map room). This map of Fra Mauro of Murano, (near Venice), is usually understood to be a sort of picture, not merely of the world as then known, but of Prince Henry's discoveries in particular on the W. African coast. From this point of view it is perhaps disappointing; the inlet of the Rio d'Ouro(?), to the S. of the Sahara, is exaggerated beyond all recognition; at the S. Cape (of Good Hope) a great island is depicted, separated from the mainland by a narrow channel--possibly Madagascar displaced. SKETCH-MAP OF FRA MAURO'S MAPPE-MONDE 304 As reduced and simplified in Lelewel's _Atlas_. The corners of the table are filled up with four small circles representing: (1) The Ptolemaic System in the Spheres. (2) The lunar influences over the tides. (3) The circles described in the terrestial globe. (4) A picture of the expulsion from Eden, with the four sacred rivers. MAP OF 1492 322 (B. Mus., Add. mss. 15760). This gives a general view of the Portuguese discoveries along the whole W. coast of Africa, and just beyond the Cape of Good Hope, which was rounded in 1486. [Footnote 6: **Missing.** Please see the Transcriber's Note at the foot of the text.] PREFACE This volume aims at giving an account, based throughout upon original sources, of the progress of geographical knowledge and enterprise in Christendom throughout the Middle Ages, down to the middle or even the end of the fifteenth century, as well as a life of Prince Henry the Navigator, who brought this movement of European Expansion within sight of its greatest successes. That is, as explained in Chapter I., it has been attempted to treat Exploration as one continuous thread in the story of Christian Europe from the time of the conversion of the Empire; and to treat the life of Prince Henry as the turning-point, the central epoch in a development of many centuries: this life, accordingly, has been linked as closely as possible with what went before and prepared for it; one third of the text, at least, has been occupied with the history of the preparation of the earlier time, and the difference between our account of the eleventh-and fifteenth-century Discovery, for instance, will be found to be chiefly one of less and greater detail. This difference depends, of course, on the prominence in the later time of a figure of extraordinary interest and force, who is the true hero in the drama of the Geographical Conquest of the Outer World that starts from Western Christendom. The interest that centres round Henry is somewhat clouded by the dearth of complete knowledge of his life; but enough remains to make something of the picture of a hero, both of science and of action. Our subject, then, has been strictly historical, but a history in which a certain life, a certain biographical centre, becomes more and more important, till from its completed achievement we get our best outlook upon the past progress of a thousand years, on this side, and upon the future progress of those generations which realised the next great victories of geographical advance. The series of maps which illustrate this account, give the same continuous view of the geographical development of Europe and Christendom down to the end of Prince Henry's age. These are, it is believed, the first English reproductions in any accessible form of several of the great charts of the Middle Ages, and taken together they will give, it is hoped, the best view of Western or Christian map-making before the time of Columbus that is to be found in any English book, outside the great historical atlases. In the same way the text of this volume, especially in the earlier chapters, tries to supply a want--which is believed to exist--of a connected account from the originals known to us, of the expansion of Europe through geographical enterprise, from the conversion of the Empire to the period of those discoveries which mark most clearly the transition from the Middle Ages to the Modern World. * * * * * The chief authorities have been: For the Introductory chapter: (1) Reinaud's account of the Arabic geographers and their theories in connection with the Greek, in his edition of Abulfeda, Paris, 1848; (2) Sprenger's Massoudy, 1841; (3) Edrisi, translated by Amédée Jaubert; (4) Ibn-Batuta (abridgment), translated by S. Lee, London, 1829; (5) Abulfeda, edited and translated by Reinaud; (6) Abyrouny's _India_, specially chapters i., 10-14; xvii., 18-31; (7) texts of Strabo and Ptolemy; (8) Wappäus' _Heinrich der Seefahrer_, part 1. I. For Chapter I. (Early Christian Pilgrims): (1) _Itinera et Descriptiones Terræ Sanctæ_, vols. i. and ii., published by the Société de l'Orient, Latin, Geneva, 1877 and 1885, which give the original texts of nearly all the Palestine Pilgrims' memoirs to the death of Bernard the Wise; (2) the Publications of the Palestine Pilgrims' Text Society; (3) Thomas Wright's _Early Travels in Palestine_ (Bohn); (4) Avezac's _Recueil pour Servir à l'histoire de la géographie_; (5) some recent German studies on the early pilgrim records, _e.g._, Gildemeister on Antoninus of Placentia. II. For Chapter II. (The Vikings): (1) Snorro Sturleson's _Heimskringla_ or Sagas of the Norse Kings; (2) Dozy's essays; (3) the, possibly spurious, _Voyages of the Zeni_, with the Journey of Ivan Bardsen, in the Hakluyt Society's Publications. III. For Chapter III. (The Crusades and Land Travel): (1) Publication of the Palestine Pilgrims' Text Society; (2) Avezac's edition of the originals in his _Recueil pour Sevir à l'histoire de la géographie_; (3) Yule's _Cathay and the Way Thither_; (4) Yule's Marco Polo; (5) Benjamin of Tudela and others in Wright's _Early Travels in Palestine_; (6) Yule's _Friar Jordanus_; (7) Sir John Mandeville's _Travels_. IV. For Chapter IV. (Maritime Exploration): (1) The Marino Sanuto Map of 1306; (2) the Laurentian Portolano of 1351; (3) The Catalan Map of 1375-6; (4) scattered notices collected in early chapters of R.H. Major's _Prince Henry the Navigator_; (5) Béthencourt's _Conquest of the Canaries_ (Hakluyt Society, ed., Major); (6) Wappäus' _Heinrich der Seefahrer_, part 2. V. For Chapter V. (Geographical Science): (1) Neckam's _De Naturis Rerum_; (2) the seven chief Mappe-Mondes of the fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries; (3) the leading Portolani; (4) scattered notices, _e.g._, from Guyot de Provins' "Bible," Brunetto Latini, Beccadelli of Palermo, collected in early chapters of Major's _Henry the Navigator_; (5) Wauwerman's _Henri le Navigateur_. VI. For Chapter VI. (Portugal to 1400): (1) _The Chronicle of Don John I._; (2) Oliveiro Martins' _Sons of Don John I._; (3) A. Herculano's _History of Portugal_; (4) Osbernus de Expugnatione Lixbonensi. VII. For Chapter VII. (Henry's position in 1415): Azurara's _Discovery and Conquest of Guinea_. VIII. For Chapter VIII. (Ceuta): (1) Azurara's _Chronicle of the Conquest of Ceuta_; (2) Azurara's _Discovery of Guinea_. IX. For Chapter IX. (Henry's Settlement at Sagres): (1) Azurara's _Guinea_; (2) De Barro's _Asia_; (3) Wauwerman's _Henri le Navigateur et l'École Portugaise de Sagres_. X. For Chapter X. (Cape Bojador and the Azores): (1) Azurara's _Guinea_; (2) O. Martins' _Sons of Don John I._ XI. For Chapter XI. (Henry's Political Life, 1433-41): (1) Pina's _Chronicle of King Edward_; (2) O. Martins' _Sons of Don John I._; (3) Azurara's _Chronicle of John I._; (4) Pina's _Chronicle of Affonso V._ XII. For Chapter XII. (From Boyador to Cape Verde).--(1) Azurara's _Guinea_; (2) De Barros; (3) Pina's _Chronicle of Affonso V._; (4) O. Martins' _Sons of Don John I._ For Chapters XIII. to the end.--(1) Azurara's _Discovery and Conquest of Guinea_; (2) Narratives of Cadamosto and Diego Gomez; (3) Pina's _Chronicle of Affonso V._; (4) Prince Henry's Charters. The three modern lives of Prince Henry which I have chiefly consulted are: R.H. Major's _Henry the Navigator_, Wappäus' _Heinrich der Seeffahrer_, and De Weer's _Prinz Heinrich_, with O. Martins' _Lives of the Infants of the House of Aviz_ in his _Sons of Don John I._ The maps and illustrations have been planned in a regular series. I. As to the former, they are meant to show in an historical succession the course of geographical advance in Christendom down to the death of Prince Henry (1460). Setting aside the Ptolemy, which represents the knowledge of the world at its height in the pre-Christian civilisation, and the Edrisi which represents the Arabic followers of Ptolemy, whose influence upon early Christian geography was very marked, all the maps reproduced belong to the science of the Christian ages and countries. The two Mappe-mondes above referred to are both placed in the introductory chapter, and are treated only as the most important examples of the science which the Græco-Roman Empire bequeathed to Christendom, but which between the seventh and thirteenth centuries was chiefly worked upon by the Arabs. Among early Christian maps, that of St. Sever, possibly of the eighth century, the Anglo-Saxon map of the tenth century, the Turin Map of the eleventh, and the Spanish map of the twelfth (1109), represent very crude and simple types of sketches of the world, in which within a square or oblong surrounded by the ocean a few prominent features only, such as the main divisions of countries, are attempted. The Anglo-Saxon example, though greatly superior to the others given here, essentially belongs to this kind of work, where some little truth is preserved by a happy ignorance of the travellers' tales that came into fashion later, but where there is only the vaguest and most general knowledge of geographical facts. On the other hand, in the next group, to which the Psalter map is allied, and in which the Hereford map is our best example, mythical learning--drawn from books like Pliny, Solinus, St. Isidore, and Martianus Capella, which collected stories of beasts and monsters, stones and men, divine, human, and natural marvels on the principle _Credo quia impossible_--has overpowered every other consideration, and a map of the world becomes a great picture-book of curious objects, in which the very central and primary interest of geography is lost. But by the side of and almost at the same time as these specimens of geographical mythology, geographical science had taken a new start in the coast charts or portolani of Balearic and Italian seamen, some specimens of which form our next set of maps. Dulcert's portolano of 1339 and the Laurentian of 1351 are two of the best examples of this kind of work, which gave us our first really accurate map of any part of the globe, but which for some time was entirely confined to coast drawing, and was meant to supply the practical wants of captains, pilots, and seamen. The Catalan atlas of 1375-6 shows the portolano type extended to a real Mappa Mundi; the elaborate carefulness and sumptuousness of this example prepares us for the still higher work of Andrea Bianco and of Benincasa in the fifteenth century. As the Laurentian portolano of 1351 commemorates the voyage of 1341 and marks its discoveries in the Atlantic islands, so the Catalan map of 1375-6 commemorates the Catalan voyage of 1346, and gives the best and most up-to-date picture of the N.W. African coast as it was known before Prince Henry's discoveries. Last of these groups of maps is that of examples from Henry's own age, such as the Fra Mauro map of 1459 or the maps of Andrea Bianco and Benincasa (_e.g._, 1436, 1448, 1468), among which the first-named is the only one we have been able to give here. The Borgian map of 1450 is given as an extraordinary specimen of what could be done as late as 1450, not as an example of geographical progress; and the map of 1492, recording Portuguese discoveries down to the rounding of the Cape of Good Hope, is added to illustrate the advance of explorers in the years closely following Henry's death, as it was realised at the time. The maps have in most cases been set from the modern standpoint, but, as will readily be seen by the position of the names, the normal mediæval setting was quite different, with the S. or E. at the top. II. The illustrations aim at giving portraits or pictures of the chief persons and places connected with the life of Prince Henry. There are three of the Prince himself; one from the Paris MS. of Azurara, one from the gateway of the great convent church of Belem, one from the recumbent statue over his tomb at Batalha. Two others give: (1) The whole group of the royal tombs of Henry's house,--of his father, mother, and brothers in the aisle at Batalha, and (2) the recumbent statues of his father and mother, John and Philippa, in detail; the exterior and general effect of the same church--Portugal's Westminster, and the mausoleum of the Navigator's own family of Aviz--comes next, in a view of this greatest of Portuguese shrines. Coimbra University, with which as rector or chancellor or patron Prince Henry was so closely connected, for which he once provided house room, and in which his benefactions earned him the title of "Protector of the studies of Portugal" is given to illustrate his life as a student and a man of science; the mother church of the order of Christ at Thomar may remind us of another side of his life--as a military monk, grand master of an order of religious chivalry which at least professed to bind its members to a single life, and which under his lead took an active part in the exploration and settlement of the African coasts and the Atlantic islands. The portraits of Columbus, Da Gama, and Albuquerque, which conclude this set of illustrations, are given as portraits of three of Prince Henry's more or less conscious disciples and followers, of three men who did most to realise his schemes. The first of these, who owed to Portuguese advance towards the south the suggestion of corresponding success in the west, and who found America by the western route to India,--as Henry had planned nearly a century before to round Africa and reach Malabar by the eastern and southern way,--was the nearest of the Prince's successful imitators in time, the greatest in achievement; he was not a mere follower of the Portuguese initiative, for he struck out a new line or at least a neglected one, made the greatest of all geographical additions to human knowledge, and took the most daring plunge into the unknown that has ever been taken--but Columbus, beside his independent position and interest, was certainly on one side a disciple of Henry the Navigator, and drew much of his inspiration from the impulse that the Prince had started. Da Gama, the first who sailed direct from Lisbon to India round Africa, and Albuquerque, the maker, if not the founder, of the Portuguese empire in the East, were simply the realisers of the vast ambitions that take their start from the work and life of Prince Henry, and he has a right to claim them as two leading champions of his plans and policy. In many points Albuquerque, like Columbus, is more than a follower; but in the main outline of his achievement he follows upon the work of other men, and, among these men, of none so much as the Hero of Portugal and of modern discovery. Lastly. I have to thank many friends generally for their constant kindness and readiness to assist in any way, and in particular several for the most generous and valuable help in certain parts. Mr. T.A. Archer, besides the benefit of his suggestions throughout, has given special aid in Chapters I., III., V., and the Introductory Chapter, especially where anything is said of the connection of geographical progress with the Crusades.[7] [Footnote 7: Compare Archer and Kingsford, _The Crusades_, in the _Stories of the Nations_.] Mr. F. York Powell has revised Chapter II. on the Vikings, and Professor Margoliouth has done the same for the Introductory Chapter on Greek and Arabic geography; Mr. Coote has not only given me every help in the map room of the British Museum, but has read the proofs of Chapter V. Mr. H. Yule-Oldham in Chapter XVIII. on the Voyage of Cadamosto, and Mr. Prestage in Chapters VIII. and IX. on Prince Henry's capture of Ceuta and settlement at Sagres, have been most kind in offering suggestions. For several hints useful in Chapter I.--the early Christian pilgrims--I have also to thank Professor Sanday; and for revision of a great part of the proof-sheets of the entire book, Mr. G.N. Richardson and the Rev. W.H. Hutton. As to the illustrations, of portraits and monuments, etc., I am especially obliged to the Vice-Chancellor of Oxford University (Dr. Boyd), who has allowed his water-colour paintings of Portuguese subjects to be reproduced; and to the Rev. R. Livingstone of Pembroke, and Sir John Hawkins of Oriel, for their loan of photographs. PRINCE HENRY THE NAVIGATOR. The Lusitanian Prince who, heaven-inspired, To love of useful glory roused mankind, And in unbounded commerce mixed the world. THOMSON: _Seasons, Summer, 1010-2._ INTRODUCTION. THE GREEK AND ARABIC IDEAS OF THE WORLD, AS THE CHIEF INHERITANCE OF THE CHRISTIAN MIDDLE AGES IN GEOGRAPHICAL KNOWLEDGE. Arabic science constitutes one of the main links between the older learned world of the Greeks and Latins and the Europe of Henry the Navigator and of the Renaissance. In geography it adopted in the main the results of Ptolemy and Strabo; and many of the Moslem travellers and writers gained some additional hints from Indian, Persian, and Chinese knowledge; but, however much of fact they added to Greek cartography, they did not venture to correct its postulates. And what were these postulates? In part, they were the assumptions of modern draughtsmen, but in some important details they differed. And first, as to agreement. Three continents, Europe, Asia, and Africa, an encircling ocean, the Mediterranean, the Black Sea and Caspian, the Red Sea and Persian Gulf, the South Asiatic, and North and West European coasts were indicated with more or less precision in the science of the Antonines and even of Hannibal's age. Similarly, the Nile and Danube, Euphrates and Tigris, Indus and Ganges, Jaxartes and Oxus, Rhine and Ebro, Don and Volga, with the chief mountain ranges of Europe and Western Asia, find themselves pretty much in their right places in Strabo's description, and are still better placed in the great chart of Ptolemy. The countries and nations from China to Spain are arranged in the order of modern knowledge. But the differences were fundamental also. Never was there a clearer outrunning of knowledge by theory, science by conjecture, than in Ptolemy's scheme of the world (_c._ A.D. 130). His chief predecessors, Eratosthenes and Strabo, had left much blank space in their charts, and had made many mistakes in detail, but they had caught the main features of the Old World with fair accuracy. Ptolemy, in trying to fill up what he did not know from his inner consciousness, evolved a parody of those features. His map, from its intricate falsehood, backed as it was by the greatest name in geographical science, paralysed all real enlargement of knowledge till men began to question, not only his facts, but his theories. And as all modern science, in fact, followed the progress of world-knowledge, or "geography," we may see how important it was for this revolution to take place, for Ptolemy to be dethroned. [Illustration: THE WORLD ACCORDING TO PTOLEMY. (SEE LIST OF MAPS)] The Arabs, commanding most of the centres of ancient learning (Ptolemy's own Alexandria above all), riveted the pseudo-science of their predecessors on the learned world, along with the genuine knowledge which they handed down from the Greeks. In many details they corrected and amplified the Greek results. But most of their geographical theories were mere reproductions of Ptolemy's, and to his mistakes they added wilder though less important confusions or inventions of their own. The result of all this, by the tenth century A.D., was a geography, based not on knowledge, but on ideas of symmetry. It was a scheme fit for the _Arabian Nights_. And how did Ptolemy lend himself to this? His chief mistakes were only two;--but they were mistakes from which at any rate Strabo and most of the Greek geographers are free. He made the Indian Ocean an inland sea, and he filled up the Southern Hemisphere with Africa, or the unknown Antarctic land in which he extended Africa.[8] The Dark Continent, in his map, ran out on the one side to the south-east of China, and on the other to the indefinite west, though there was here no hint of America or an Atlantic continent. It was a triumph of learned imagination over humdrum research. Science under Hadrian was ambitious to have its world settled and known; it was not yet settled or fully known; and so a great student constructed a _mélange_ of fact and fancy mainly based on a guess-work of imaginary astronomical reckonings. On the far east, Ptolemy joined China and Africa; and on this imaginary western coast, fronting Malacca and Further India, he placed various gratuitous towns and rivers. Coming to smaller matters, he cut away the whole of the Indian peninsula proper, though preserving the Further or "Golden" Chersonesus of the Malays, and he enlarged Taprobane, or Ceylon, to double the size of Asia Minor. Thus the southern coast of Asia from Arabia to the Ganges ran almost due east, with a strait of sea coming through the modern Carnatic, between the continent and the Great Spice Island, which included most of the Deccan. The Persian Gulf, much greater on this map than the Black Sea, was made equal in length and breadth; the shape of the Caspian was, so to say, turned inside out and its length given as from east to west, instead of from north to south; while the coast line, even of the familiar Euxine, Ægean, and Southern Mediterranean, was anything but true. Scandinavia was an island smaller than Ireland; Scotland represented a great eastern bend of Britain, with the Shetlands and Färoes (Thule) lying a short distance to the north, but on the left-hand side of the great island. The Sea of Azov, hardly inferior to the Euxine, stretched north half way across Russia. All Central Africa and the great Southern or Antarctic continent was described as pathless desert--"a land uninhabitable from the heat"; and the sources of the Nile were accounted for by the marshes and Mountains of the Moon. [Footnote 8: Rejecting the old idea of an encircling ocean as the girdle or limit of the known world, and replacing it with a new fancy of unbounded continent (on all sides except the north-west)--a fancy which the vast extension of Roman Dominion under the Empire may have fostered.] Thus all the problems of ancient geography were explained: where Ptolemy's knowledge failed him altogether, no Western of that time had ever been, or was likely to go. The whole realised and unrealised world was described with such clearness and consistency, men thought, that what was lacking in Aristotle was now supplied. Yet it is worth while observing how, centuries before Ptolemy, in the ages nearer to Aristotle himself, the geography of Eratosthenes and Strabo, by a more balanced use of knowledge and by a greater restraint of fancy, had composed a far more reliable chart.[9] [Footnote 9: In using the expressions "Chart," or "Map" of Strabo's description (_c._ A.D. 20), it is not meant to imply that Strabo himself left more than a written description from which a plan was afterwards prepared: "The world according to Strabo." The same applies to Eratosthenes (_c._ B.C. 200) and all pre-Ptolemaic Greek geographers. Ptolemy's Atlas, probably, and the Peutinger Table, more certainly, are maps really drawn by ancient designers; but these are the only ones that have survived from a much larger number.] This earlier and discredited map avoided all the more serious perversions of Ptolemy. Africa was cut off at the limit of actual knowledge, about Cape Non on the west and Cape Guardafui on the east; and the "Cinnamon-bearing Coast," between these points, was fringed by the Mountains of Æthiopia, where the Nile rose. This was the theory which revived on the decline of the Ptolemaic, and which encouraged the Portuguese sailors with hopes of a quick approach to India round Africa, as the great eastern bend of the Guinea coast seemed to suggest. Further, on this pre-Ptolemaic map the Southern Ocean was left untouched by a supposed Southern Continent, and except for an undue shrinkage of the Old World in general as an island in the midst of the vast surrounding ocean, a reliable description of Western Asia and Central Europe and North Africa was in the hands of the learned world two hundred years before Christ. It is true that Strabo's China is cramped and cut short; that his Ceylon (Taprobane) is even larger than Ptolemy's; that Ireland (Ierne) appears to the _north_ of Britain; and that the Caspian joins the North Sea by a long and narrow channel; but the true shape of India, of the Persian Gulf and the Euxine, of the Sea of Azov and the Mediterranean, is marked rightly enough in general outline. This earlier chart has not the elaborate completeness of Ptolemy's, but it is free from his enormous errors, and it has all the advantage of science, however imperfect, over brilliant guessing. Of course, even in Ptolemy, this guess-work pure and simple only comes in at intervals and does not so much affect the central and, for his day, far more important tracts of the Old World, but we have yet to see how, in the mediæval period and under Arabic imagination, all geography seemed likely to become an exercise of fancy. The chief Greek descriptions of the world, we must clearly remember, were before the mediæval workers, Christian and Moslem, from the first; these men took their choice, and the point is that they, and specially the Arabs, chose with rare exceptions the last of these, the Ptolemaic system, because it was the more ambitious, symmetrical, and pretty. Let us trace for a moment the gradual development of this geographical mythology. Starting with the notion of the world as a disc, or a ball, the centre of the universe, round which moved six celestial circles, of the Meridian, the Equator, the Ecliptic, the two Tropics, and the Horizon, the Arab philosophers on the side of the earth's surface worked out a doctrine of a Cupola or Summit of the world, and on the side of the heavens a pseudo-science of the Anoua or Settings of the Constellations, connected with the twelve Pillars of the Zodiac and the twenty-eight Mansions of the Moon. With Arabic astrology we are not here concerned; it is only worth noting in this connection as the possible source of early Christian knowledge of the Southern Cross and other stars famous in the story of exploration, such as Dante shows in the first canto of his _Purgatorio_. But the geographical doctrines of Islam, compounded from the Hebrew Pentateuch and the theoretical parts of Ptolemy, had a more immediate and reactionary effect on knowledge. The symmetrical Greek divisions of land into seven zones or climates; and of the world's surface,[10] into three parts water and one part _terra firma_; the Indian fourfold arrangement of "Romeland" and the East; the similar fourfold Chinese partition of China, India, Persia, and Tartary: all these reappeared confusedly in Arabic geography. From India and the Sanscrit "Lanka," they seem to have got their first start on the myth of Odjein, Aryn, or Arim, "the World's Summit"; from Ptolemy the sacred number of 360 degrees of longitude was certainly derived, beautifully corresponding to the days of the year, and neatly divided into 180 of land or habitable earth and 180 of sea, or unharvested desert. With the seven climates they made correspond the great Empires of the world--chief among which they reckoned the Caliphate (or Bagdad), China, Rome, Turkestan, and India. [Footnote 10: In which the habitable quarter of the world, situated mainly in the Northern Hemisphere, was just about twice as long as it was broad.] The sacred city of Odjein had been the centre of most of the earlier Oriental systems; in the Arabic form of Arim ("The Cupola of the Earth"), it became the fixed point round which circled mediæval theories of the world's shape. "Somewhere in the Indian Ocean between Comorin and Madagascar," became the compromise when the mountain could not be found off any of the known coast-lines; it was mixed up with notions of the Roc, and the Moon Mountains in Africa, of the Magnet Island and of the Eastern Kingdom made out of one vast pearl; and even in Roger Bacon it serves as an algebraic sign for a mathematical centre of the world. The enlargement of knowledge, though forcing upon Arabic science a conviction of Ptolemy's mistake in over-extending the limits of the world known to him, only led to the invention of a scholastic distinction between the real and the traditional East and West, while the confusion was made perfect by the travestied history always so popular among Orientals. The "Gades of Alexander and Hercules," the farthest points east and west, were named after the mythical conquests of the real Iskander and the mythical hero of Greeks and Phoenicians. Arim in the middle, with the pillars of Hercules and Alexander, and the north and south poles at equal distance from it--the centre and the four corners of the world as neatly fixed as geometry could define--this was the map, first of the Arabs, and then of their Christian scholars. To form any idea of the complete spell thus cast over thought both in Islam and Christendom, we may look at the words of European scholars of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, living far from Islam, long after its intellectual glory had begun to decay, and at a time when Christian scholastic philosophy had reached an independent position. Gerard of Cremona and Adelard of Bath (the translator of the great Arabic geographer, Mohammed Al-Kharizmy) in the twelfth century, Roger Bacon and Albertus Magnus in the later thirteenth, are all as clear about their geographical postulates as about their theological or ethical rules. And what concerns us here is that they exactly reflect the mind of the Arabic science or pseudo-science of the time just preceding, so that their words may represent to us the state of Mohammedan thought between the eighth and twelfth centuries, between the writers at the Court of Caliph Almamoun (813-833) and Edrisi at the Court of King Roger of Sicily (1150). (1.) _Adelard_, summarising Mohammed Al-Kharizmy with the results of his Paris education, tells us of the Arabic "Examination of planets and of time, starting from the centre of the world, called _Arim_, from which place to the four ends of the earth the distance is equal, viz., ninety degrees, answering to the fourth part of the world's circumference. It is tedious and unending to attempt to place all the countries of the world and to fix all the marks of time. So the meridian is taken as the measure of the latter and _Arim_ of the former, and from this starting-point it is not hard to fix other countries." "Arim," he concludes, "is under the equator, at the point where there is no latitude," and he plainly implies that there were then existing among the Arabs tables calculating all the chief places of every country from the meridian of _Arim_. (2.) _Gerard_ of Cremona, who, though for some time a resident at Toledo, is essentially an Italian, tells us about the "Middle of the World," from which longitudes were calculated, "called Arim," and "said to be in India," whose longitude from west to east or from east to west is ninety degrees. In his _Theory of the Planets_ Gerard tells us still more wonderful things. Arim was a geographical centre known and used by Hermes Trismegistus and by Ptolemy, as well as by the great Arab geographers; Alexander of Macedon marched just as far to the east of Arim as Hercules to the west; both reached the encircling ocean, and accordingly "Arim is equidistant from both the Gades, 90 degrees; likewise from each pole, north and south, the same, 90 degrees." This all recurs in the tables of Alphonso the Wise of Castille about A.D. 1260, and two of the greatest of mediæval thinkers, Albert and Roger Bacon, reproduced the essential points of this doctrine, its false symmetry, and its balance of the true and the traditional, with variations of their own. (3.) _Albert the Great_, Albertus Magnus, second only to Aquinas among the Continental Schoolmen, in his _View of Astronomy_, repeats Adelard upon the question of Arim, "where there is no latitude," while (4) _Roger Bacon_ discusses not only the true and the traditional East and West, but even a twofold Arim, one "under the solstice, the other under the equinoctial zone." Arim he finds not to be in the centre of the real world, but only of the traditional. In another passage of the _Opus Majus_, Bacon, our first English worker in the exact sciences, allows the world-summit not to be exactly 90 degrees from the east, although so placed by mathematicians. Yet there is no contradiction, he urges, because the men of theory are "speaking of the habitable world known to them, according to the true understanding of latitude and longitude," and this "true understanding" is "not as great as has been realised in travel by Pliny and others." "The longitude of the habitable world is more than half of the whole circuit." This, reproduced in the _Imago Mundi_ of Cardinal Peter Ailly (1410), fell into the hands of Columbus and helped to fix his doctrines of the shape of the world ("in the form of a pear") of the terrestrial paradise, and of the earth's circumference,--so enormously contracted as practically to abolish the Pacific.[11] [Footnote 11: In Columbus' letters to Queen Isabella in 1498, we catch, as it were, the last echo of the Arabic _mélange_ of Moses and Greek geography, along with the results of Roger Bacon's corrections of Ptolemy. "The Old Hemisphere," he writes "which has for its centre the isle of Arim, is spherical, but the other (new) Hemisphere has the form of the lower half of a pear. Just one hundred leagues west of the Azores the earth rises at the Equator and the temperature grows keener. The summit is over against the mouth of the Orinoco."] To return to the Arabs: We have seen how they not merely followed Greek theories, which their own experience as conquerors in the Further East went to discredit, but, in the great outlines of geography, added to earlier errors, put prejudice in the place of knowledge, and handed on to Christendom a half-fanciful map of the world. It only remains for us to illustrate their leading fault, of a too vivid fancy, with a few details on minor points. (1.) Ptolemy's "Habitable Quarter" of the world, amounting to just half the longitude of the globe, was literally accepted by the Moslem world, as it accepted the Pentateuch from the moment when it began its study of science at the Court of Almamoun (813-833). But, as the conquests of the Caliphs disclosed districts in the east far beyond Ptolemy's limits, it was necessary, in case of keeping his data for the whole, to compress the part which alone was to be found fully described in his chart: "On the west, unhappily, there were no countries newly discovered to compensate for this abridgment." By Massoudy's time,--by the tenth century,--fact and theory were thus hopelessly at variance. (2.) On the shape of Africa, the mass of Arabic opinion confirmed Ptolemy, but among the more enlightened there is traceable from Massoudy's time a tendency either to react towards Strabo's partly agnostic position, or to invent some new theory rather more in harmony with the known facts. That is, either their later map-makers cut off Africa at Cape Non or Bojador and Cape Guardafui, and gave away the rest to the "Green Sea of Darkness," or, like Massoudy, they sketched a great Southern Continent, divided from Africa by a narrow channel, which connected the Western Ocean with the Sea of Habasch--of Abyssinia or India. In either case Africa was left an island. (3.) The words "Gog and Magog" from Jeremiah, describing the nomades of Central Asia, appear in the Koran as Yadjoudj and Madjoudj. The complete story, in the tenth century and in Edrisi's day, connects them with Alexander the Great, who is also found in the Koran as Doul-Carnain, and with the Wall of China. "When the Conqueror," said the Arabs, "reached the place near where the sun rose, he was implored to build a wall to shut off the marauders of Yadjoudj and Madjoudj from the rich countries of the South." So he built a rampart of iron across the pass by which alone Touran joined Iran, and henceforth Turks and Tartars were kept outside. Till the Arabs reached the Caucasus, they generally supposed this to answer to Alexander's wall; when facts dispelled this theory, the unknown Ural or Altai Mountains served instead; finally, as the Moslems became masters of Central Asia, the Wall of China, beyond the Gobi desert, alone satisfied the conditions of shadowy but historic grandeur, beyond all practical danger of verification. (4.) In striking contrast with the steady advance of Arabic exploration and trade in the Eastern Sea is the Moslem horror of the Western Ocean beyond Europe and Africa, the "Green Sea of Darkness" or the Atlantic. And what we have to note is that they imparted much of this paralysing cowardice to the Christian nations. Only the Northmen of Scandinavia, living a life apart, and forced to make their way over the wild North Sea, were untouched by this southern superstition, and ventured across the ocean by the Färoes, Iceland, and Greenland, to the coast of Labrador. The doctors of the Koran indeed thought that a man mad enough to embark for the unknown, even on a coasting voyage, should be deprived of civil rights. Ibn Said goes further, and says no one has ever done this: "whirlpools always destroy any adventurer." As late as the generation immediately before Henry the Navigator, about A.D. 1390, another light of Moslem science declared the Atlantic to be "boundless, so that ships dare not venture out of sight of land, for even if the sailors knew the direction of the winds, they would not know whither those winds would carry them, and as there is no inhabited country beyond, they would run a risk of being lost in mist, fog, and vapour. The limit of the West is the Atlantic Ocean." This was the final judgment of the Arabic race and its subject allies upon the western limits of the world, and in two ways they helped to fix this belief, derived from the timid coasting-traders of the Roman Empire on Greek and Latin Christendom. First, the Spanish Caliphate cut off all access to the Western Sea beyond the Bay of Biscay, from the eighth to the twelfth centuries. Not till the capture of Lisbon in 1147, could Christian enterprise on this side gain any basis, or starting-point. Not till the conquest of the Algarve in the extreme south-west of the peninsula, at the end of the twelfth century, was this enterprise free to develop itself. Secondly, in the darkest ages of Christian depression, the seventh, the eighth, the ninth, the tenth centuries, when only the brief age of Charlemagne offered any chance of an independent and progressive Catholic Empire in the west, the Arabs became recognised along with the Byzantines as the main successors of Greek culture. The science, the metaphysic, the abstract ideas of these centuries came into Germany, France, and Italy from Cordova and from Bagdad, as much as from Byzantium. And on questions like the South Atlantic or Indian Ocean, or the shape of Africa,--where Islam had all the field to itself, and there was no positive and earlier discovery which might contradict a natural reluctance to test tradition by experiment--Christendom accepted the Arabic verdict with deference. In the same way, on still more difficult points, such as the theory of a canal from the Caspian to the Black Sea, or from the Caspian to the Arctic circle, or from the Black Sea to the Baltic, Paris and Rome and Bologna and Oxford accepted the Arabic descriptions. It has been necessary for us to attend to the defects of Arabic geography, in order to understand how in the long Saracen control of the world's trade routes and of geographical tradition, science and seamanship were so little advanced. Between Ptolemy and Henry of Portugal, between the second and the fifteenth centuries, the only great extension of men's knowledge of the world was: (1) in the extreme north, where the semi-Christian, semi-Pagan Vikings reached perhaps as far as the present site of New York and founded, on another side, the Mediæval Kingdom of Russia; (2) on the south-east coast of Africa, from Cape Guardafui to Madagascar, which was opened up by the trading interest of the Emosaid family (800-1300); (3) in the far east, in Central and Further Asia, by the discoveries of Marco Polo and the Friar preachers following on the tracks of the earlier Moslem travellers. The first of these was a Northern secret, soon forgotten, or an abortive development, cut short by the Tartars; the second was an Arabic secret, jealously guarded as a commercial right; the third alone added much direct new knowledge to the main part of the civilised world. But throughout their period of commercial rule from the eighth to the twelfth centuries, the Arabs took a keen interest in land traffic, conquest, and exploration. They were of small account at sea; it took them some time to turn to their own purposes Hippalus' discovery (in the second century A.D.) of the monsoon in the Indian Ocean; but, on land, Moslem travellers and writers--generally following in the wake of their armies, but sometimes pressing on ahead of them--did not a little to enlarge the horizon of the Mohammedan world, though it was not till Marco Polo and the Franciscan missionaries of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, that Christian Europe shared in this gain. As the early Caliphs conquered, they made surveys of their new dominions. Thus after Tarik and Mousa had overrun Spain, Walid at Damascus required from them an account of the land and its resources. The universal obligation of the Mecca pilgrimage compelled every Moslem to travel once in his life; and many an Arab, after the Caliphate was settled in power from the Oxus to the Pyrenees, journeyed to and fro with the joy of a master going over vast estates, shewing his dreaded turban to subjects of every nation. This, however, was not geographical science, or even pseudo-science. Before Mohammed the Arabs had possessed some knowledge of the stars and used it for astrology; but it was at the Court of Almamoun (813-833) that their inquiring spirits first set themselves to answer the great question of geography--Where? Through the ninth and tenth centuries there arose a succession of travellers and thinkers who, with all their wild dreamings, preserved the best results of Greek maps and would have made much greater advances but for their helplessness in original work. As they could not recast Aristotle in philosophy, so they could not with all their new knowledge of the Further East recast the geography of Ptolemy and Strabo. A few great ages, the age for instance of Almamoun in Bagdad (A.D. 830), of Mahmoud in Ghazneh (A.D. 1000), of Abderrahman III. in Cordova (A.D. 950), give us the history of Arabic geography. Beginning in the latter years of the eighth century, Moslem science was reformed and organised, in the New Empire, by the patronage of the Caliphs of the ninth. Itineraries of victorious generals, plans and tables prepared by governors of provinces, and a freshly acquired knowledge of Greek and Indian and Persian thought, made up the subject-matter of study. The barbarism of the first believers was passing away, and Mohammed's words were recalled: "Seek knowledge, even in China." By the end of the eighth century Ptolemy's Geography and the now lost work of Marinus of Tyre had already been translated. Almamoun drew to his Court all the chief "mathematicians" or philosophers of Islam, such as Mohammed Al-Kharizmy, Alfergany, and Solyman the merchant. Further he built two observatories, one at Bagdad, one at Damascus, and procured a chart fixing the latitude and longitude of every place known to him or his savants. Al-Kharizmy interpolated the new Arabic Ptolemy with additions from the Sanscrit, and made some use of Indian trigonometry. Alfergany wrote the first Arab treatise on the Astrolabe and adopted the Greek division of the seven Climates to the new learning. Solyman, at the time of closest intercourse between China, India, and the Caliphate, travelled in every country of the Further East, sailed in the "Sea of Pitchy Darkness" on the east coast of Asia, and by his voyages became the prototype of Sinbad the Sailor. The impulse given by Almamoun did not die with him. About 850 Alkendy made a fresh version of Ptolemy; as early as 840 the Caliph Vatek-Billah sent to explore the countries of Central Asia, and his results have been preserved by Edrisi. A few years later (_c._ 890) Ibn-Khordadbeh, "Son of the Magi," described the principal trade-routes, the Indian by the Red Sea from Djeddah to Scinde, the Russian by the Volga and North Caspian, the Persian by way of Balkh to China. It was by this last that some have thought the envoys of the English King Alfred went in 883, till they turned south to seek India and the Christians of San Thomé. The early scientific movement in Islam reached its height in Albateny and Massoudy at the beginning of the tenth century. The former determined, more exactly than before, various problems of astronomical geography.[12] The latter visited every country from Further India to Spain;--even China and Madagascar seem to have been within the compass of his later travels; and his voyages in the Indian Ocean bring us to the real Sinbad Saga of the tenth century. [Footnote 12: "The Obliquity of the Ecliptic, the Eccentricity of the Sun, the Precession of the Equinoxes."] Sinbad, as his story appears in the _Arabian Nights_, has been traced to an original in the Indian tales of _The Seven Sages_, in the voyages of the age of Chosroes Nushirvan or of Haroun-Al-Rashid, but the tale appears to be an Arabic original, the real account, with a little more of mystery and exaggeration than usual, of the ninth-and tenth-century travellers, from Solyman to Massoudy, reproduced in form of a series of novels.[13] [Footnote 13: "With the Sinbad story is connected the historical extension of the Arab settlements in the East African coast through the enterprise of the Emosaid family."] With Massoudy begins also the formal discussion of geographical problems affecting Islam. Was the Caspian a land-locked sea? Did it connect with the Euxine? Did either or both of these join the Arctic Ocean? Was Africa an island? If so, was there also an unknown Southern Continent? What was the shape of South-Eastern Asia? Was Ptolemy's longitude to be wholly accepted, and if not, how was it to be bettered? By a use of Strabo and of Albateny rather than of Ptolemy, Massoudy arrived at fairly accurate and very plausible results. His chief novelties were the long river channel from the Sea of Azov to the North Sea, and the strait between South Africa and the shadowy Southern Continent. On his scheme the Indian Ocean, or Sea of Habasch, contains most of the water surface of the world, and the Sea of Aral appears for the first time in Moslem geography. Lastly his account of the Arab coasting voyages from the Persian Gulf to Socotra and Madagascar proves, implicitly, that as yet there was no use of the compass. Massoudy cut down the girth of the world even more than Ptolemy. The latter had left an ocean to the west of Africa: the former made the Canaries or Fortunate Islands, the limit of the known Western world, abut upon India, the limit of the Eastern. The first age of Arabic geography ends with Massoudy, its greatest name, in the middle of the tenth century. The second age is summed up in the work of the Eastern sage Albyrouny and of Edrisi, the Arabic Ptolemy (A.D. 1099-1154), who found a home at the Christian Court of Roger of Sicily. In the far East and West alike, in Spain and Morocco, in Khorassan and India, Moslem science was now driven to take refuge among strangers on the decay of the Caliphates of Bagdad and Cordova. The Ghaznevides Mahmoud and Massoud in the first half of the eleventh century, attracted to their Court not only Firdusi and Avicenna, but Albyrouny, whose "Canon" became a text-book of Mohammedan science, and who, for the range of his knowledge and the trained subtlety of his mind, stands without a rival for his time.[14] The Spanish school, as resulting directly in Edrisi, half Moslem, half Christian, like his teachers, is of still more interest. One of its first traces may be found in the Latin translation of the Arab _Almanack_ made by Bishop Harib of Cordova in 961. It was dedicated and presented to Caliph Hakem--one of our clearest proofs of the conscious interworking of Catholic and Mahometan philosophy in the age of Pope Sylvester II. and of our own St. Dunstan. A century later, on the recapture of Toledo by Alfonso VI. (1084), an observatory was built, served by Jews and Moslems, who had been steadily producing, through the whole of the eleventh century, astronomical and geographical tables and dictionaries. A whole tribe of commentators on place-names, on the climates and constellations, and on geographical instruments was at work in this last age of the Spanish Caliphate, and their results are brought together by Abou Hamid of Granada and by Edrisi. [Footnote 14: The school of Persian mathematicians who produced the maps of Alestakliry-Ibn-Hankal, the book of latitudes and longitudes, ascribed by Abulfeda to Alfaraby the Turk, was the immediate descendant of Albyrouny.] Born at Ceuta in 1099, this great geographer travelled through Spain, France, the Western Mediterranean, and North Africa before settling at the Norman Court of Palermo. Roger, the most civilised prince in Christendom, the final product of the great race of Robert Guiscard and William the Conqueror, valued Edrisi at his proper worth, refused to part with him, and employed men in every part of the world to collect materials for his study. Thus the Moor gained, not only for the Moslem world but for Southern Europe as well, an approximate knowledge even of Norway, Sweden, Finland, and the coasts of the White Sea. His work, dedicated to Roger and called after him, _Al-Rojary_, was rewarded with a peerage, and it was as a Sicilian Count that he finished his Celestial Sphere and Terrestrial Disc of silver, on which "was inscribed all the circuit of the known world and all the rivers thereof." Each of his great Arabic predecessors, along with Eratosthenes, Ptolemy, and Strabo, was welded into his system--the result of fifteen years of abstract study, following some thirty of practical activity in travel.[15] [Footnote 15: The world he divided by climates in the Greek manner, taking no account of political divisions, or of those resting on language or religion. Each climate was further subdivided into ten sections. In the shape of Africa he followed Ptolemy.] A special note may be made on Edrisi's account of the voyage of the Lisbon "Wanderers" ("Maghrurins") some time before 1147, the date of the final Christian capture of the Portuguese capital. For this is the earliest recorded voyage, since the rise of Islam, definitely undertaken on the Western Ocean to learn what was on it and what were its limits. The Wanderers, Edrisi tells us, were eight in number, all related to one another. They built a transport boat, took on board water and provisions for many months, and started with the first east wind. After eleven days, they reached a sea whose thick waters exhaled a fetid odour, concealed numerous reefs, and were but faintly lighted. Fearing for their lives, they changed their course, steered southwards twelve days, and so reached an island, possibly Madeira,--which they called El Ghanam from the sheep found there, without shepherd or anyone to tend them. On landing, they found a spring of running water and some wild figs. They killed some sheep, but found the flesh so bitter that they could not eat it, and only took the skins. Sailing south twelve more days, they found an island with houses and cultivated fields, but as they neared it they were surrounded, made prisoners, and carried in their own boats to a city on the sea-shore, to a house where were men of tall stature and women of great beauty. Here they stayed three days, and on the fourth came a man, the King's interpreter, who spoke Arabic, and asked them who they were and what they wanted. They replied they were seeking out the wonders of the ocean and its limits. At this the King laughed heartily, and said to the interpreter: "Tell them my father once ordered some of his slaves to venture out on that sea and after sailing across the breadth of it for a month, they found themselves deprived of the light of the sun and returned without having learnt anything." Then the Wanderers were sent back to their prison till a west wind arose, when they were blindfolded and put on board a boat, and after three days reached the mainland of Africa. Here they were put ashore, with their hands tied, and so left. They were released by the Berbers, and after their reappearance in Spain, a "street at the foot of the hot bath in Lisbon," concludes Edrisi, "took the name of Street of the Wanderers." On the other extremity of the Moslem world, on the south-east coast of Africa, there was more real progress. By Edrisi's day that important addition of Arabic travellers and merchants to the geographical knowledge of the world, by the remarkable trade-ventures of the Emosaids, had been already made. It had taken long in the making. [Illustration: THE WORLD ACCORDING TO EDRISI. (SEE LIST OF MAPS)] About A.D. 742, ten years after the battle of Tours, the Emosaid family, descended from Ali, cousin and son-in-law of Mahomet, tried to make Said, their clan-chieftain, Ali's great-grandson, Caliph at Damascus. The attempt was foiled, and the whole tribe fled, sailed down the Red Sea and African coast, and established themselves as traders in the Sea of India. First of all, Socotra seems to have been their mart and capital, but before the end of the tenth century they had founded merchant colonies at Melinda, Mombasa, and Mozambique, which, in their turn, led to settlements on the opposite coasts of Asia. Thus the trade of the Indian Ocean was secured for Islam, the first Moslem settlements arose in Malabar, and when the Portuguese broke into this _mare clausum_, in 1497-8, they found a belt of "Moorish" coast towns, from Magadoxo to Quiloa, controlling both the Indian and the inland African trades, as Ibn Batuta had found in 1330. By Edrisi's day, moreover, the steady persistence and self-evident results of Arabic overland exploration had become recognised by a sort of "Traveller's Doctorate." It was not enough for the highest knowledge to study the Koran, and the Sunna, and the Greek philosophers at home; for a perfect education, a man must have travelled at least through the length and breadth of Islam. All the successors of Edrisi, in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, shew this mingling of science and religion, of practical and speculative energy. Tradition still governed Moslem thought, but there had come into being a sort of half-acknowledged appendix to tradition, made up of real observations on men and things. And in these observations, geographical interest was the main factor. The Life of Al Heravy of Herat (1173-1215), the "Doctor Ubiquitus" of Islam in the age of the Crusades, gives us a picture of another Massoudy. The friend of the Emperor Manuel Comnenus, the "first man among Christians," Heravy seems able in his own person to break down the partition wall of religious feud by the common interest of science. In 1192 he was offered the patronage of the Crusading princes, and Richard Coeur de Lion begged for the favour of an interview, and begged in vain. Heravy, who had been on one of his exploring journeys, angrily refused to see the King whose men had broken his quiet and wasted his time. Before his death, he had run over the world (men said) from China to the Pyrenees and from Abyssinia to the Danube, "scribbling his name on every wall," and his survey of the Eastern Empire was the single matter in which Turks and "Romans" made common cause,--for Greeks and Latins at Byzantium alike read Heravy, like a Christian doctor. Another example of the same catholic spirit is "Yacout the Roman,"[16] whose _Dictionary_, finished in the earlier half of the thirteenth century, was a summary of geographical advance since Edrisi, like the similar work of Ibn Said, of the same period. [Footnote 16: Yacout "the ruby," originally a Greek slave, who made a brave but fruitless attempt to change his name into Yacoub or Jacob, became one of the greatest of Arab encyclopædists, was checked by the hordes of Genghiz-Khan in his exploration of Central Asia, and died 1229.] But as a matter of fact, the balance both of knowledge and power was now shifting from Islam to Christendom. The most daring and successful travellers after the rise of the Mongols were the Venetian Marco Polo and the Friar Preachers who revived Chinese Christianity (1270-1350); Madeira and the Canaries (off Moslem Africa) were finally rediscovered not by Arabic enterprise, but by the Italian Malocello in 1270, by the English Macham in the reign of our Edward III., and by Portuguese ships under Genoese captains in 1341; in 1291 the Vivaldi ventured beyond Cape Bojador, where no Moor had ever been, except by force of storm, as in the doubtful story of Ibn Fatimah, who "first saw the White Headland," Cape Blanco, between Cape Bojador and Cape Verde. In the fourteenth century the map of Edrisi was superseded by the new Italian plans and coast-charts, or Portolani. As the Moslem world fell into political disorder, its science declined. "Judicial astrology" seemed gaining a stronger and stronger hold over Islam, and the irruption of the Turks gradually resulted in the ruin of all the higher Moslem culture. Superstition and barbarism shared the honour and the spoils of this victory. But two great names close the five hundred years of Arab learning. 1. Ibn Batuta (_c._ 1330), who made himself as much at home in China as in his native Morocco, is the last of Mohammedan travellers of real importance. Though we have only abridgments of his work left to us, Colonel Yule is well within his rights in his deliberate judgment, "that it must rank at least as one of the four chief guide books of the Middle Ages," along with the _Book of Ser Marco Polo_ and the journals of the two Friar-travellers, Friar Odoric and Friar William de Rubruquis. 2. With _Abulfeda_ the Eastern school of Moslem geography comes to an end, as the Western does with Ibn Batuta. In the early years of the fourteenth century he rewrote the "story and description of the Land of Islam," with a completeness quite encyclopædic. But his work has all the failings of a compilation, however careful, in that, or any, age. It is based upon information, not upon inspection; it is in no sense original. As it began in imitation, so it ended. If it rejects Ptolemy, it is only to follow Strabo or someone else; on all the mathematical and astronomical data its doctrine is according to the Alexandrians of twelve hundred years before, and this last _précis_ of the science of a great race and a great religion can only be understood in the light of its model--in Greek geography. CHAPTER I. EARLY CHRISTIAN PILGRIMS. CIRCA 333-867. The special interest of the life and work of Henry the Navigator (1394-1460) lies in the relation it bears to the general expansion of Europe and Christendom--an expansion that had been slowly gathering strength since the eleventh century. But even before the tide had turned in the age of Hildebrand and the First Crusade, even from the time that Constantine founded the Christian Empire of Rome, the Christian Capital on the Bosphorus, and the State Church of the Western World,--pilgrimage, trade, conquest, and colonisation had been successively calling out the energies of the moving races, "the motor muscles" of Europe. It is through the "generous Henry, Prince of Portugal," that this activity is brought to its third and triumphant stage--to the time of Columbus and Da Gama and Magellan,--but it is only by tracing the earlier progress of that outward movement, which has made Europe the ruling civilisation of the world, that we can fairly grasp the import of that transition in which Henry is the hero. More than any other single man he is the author of the discovering movement of the fifteenth, sixteenth, and seventeenth centuries,--and by this movement India has been conquered, America repeopled, the world made clear, and the civilisation which the Roman Empire left behind has conquered or utterly overshadowed every one of its old rivals and superiors--Islam, India, China, Tartary. But before the fifteenth century, before the birth of Prince Henry, Christendom, Greek and Latin, was at best only one of the greater civilising and conquering forces struggling for mastery; before the age of the Crusades, before the eleventh century, it was plainly weaker than the Moslem powers; it seemed unable to fight against Slav or Scandinavian Heathendom; it was only saved by distance from becoming a province of China; India, the world's great prize, was cut off from it by the Arabs. Even before the rise of Islam, under Constantine or Theodosius or Justinian, the Church-State of the Byzantine Cæsars, though then ruling in almost every province of Trajan's empire, was in a splendid but sure decline from the exhaustion of the southern races. Our story then begins naturally with the worst time and climbs up for a thousand years, from the Heathen and Mohammedan conquests of the fifth and seventh centuries, to the reversal of that judgment, of those conquests, in the fifteenth. The expansion of Europe is going on all this time, but at our beginning, in the years before and after Pope Gregory the Great, even the legacy of Greece and Rome, in wide knowledge of the world and practical exploring energy, seemed to have passed from sight. And in the decline of the old Empire, while Constantine and Justinian are said to receive and exchange embassies with the Court of China, there is no real extension of geographical knowledge or outlook. Christian enterprise in this field is mainly one of pilgrimage, and the pilgrims only cease to be important when the Northmen, first Heathen, then Christian, begin to lead, in a very different manner, the expansion of Europe. Into this folk-wandering of the Vikings, the first great outward movement of our Europe in the Middle Ages, is absorbed the reviving energy of trade, as well as the ever-growing impulse of pilgrimage. The Vikings are the highest type of explorers; they do not merely find out new lands and trade with them, but conquer and colonise them. They extend not merely the knowledge, but the whole state and being of Europe, to a New World. Lastly, the partial activity of commerce and religion made universal and "political" by the leading western race--for itself only--is taken up by all Christendom in the Crusades, borrowed in idea from Spain, but borrowed with the spirit of the Norse rovers, and made universal for the Latin world, for the whole federation of Rome. In the eleventh, twelfth, and thirteenth centuries we have the preparation for the discovery and colonisation of the outside world by Europeans in the fifteenth, sixteenth, and seventeenth centuries of the Christian era. From the conversion of Constantine to the Reformation the story of Christendom is unbroken; the later Roman Empire is the Church-State of a Christian Prince, as modern Europe is the Church-State of a nominally Christian society. Mediæval Europe thought of itself as nothing but the old world-state under religion; from Spain to Russia men were living under a Holy Roman Empire of an Italian, or Teutonic, or Byzantine, or independent type. England and Russia were not parts of the Germanic revival of Charlemagne, but they had just the same two elements dominant in their life: the classical tradition and the Christian Church. And so throughout this time, the expansion of this society--by whatever name we may call it, discovery, exploration, geographical knowledge--has a continuous history. But before the rise of Islam, in the seventh century, throws Christendom into its proper mediæval life, before the new religion begins the really new age, at the end of which lived Henry himself, we are too far from our subject to feel, for instance in the fourth and fifth-century pilgrims and in Cosmas Indicopleustes, anything but a remote preparation for Henry's work. It is only with the seventh century, and with the time of our own Bede and Wilfrid, that the necessary introduction to our subject really begins. Yet as an illustration of the general idea, that discovery is an early and natural outlet of any vigorous society and is in proportion to the universal activity of the State, it is not without interest to note that Christian Pilgrimage begins with Constantine. This, the first department of exploring energy, at once evidences the new settlement of religion and politics. Helena, the Emperor's mother, helped, by her visit to Palestine, her church at Bethlehem, and her discoveries of relics in Jerusalem, to make a ruling fashion out of the custom of a few devotees; and eight years after the council of Nicæa, in 333, appeared the first Christian geography, as a guide-book or itinerary, from Bordeaux to the Holy Places of Syria, modelled upon the imperial survey of the Antonines. The route followed in this runs by North Italy, Aquileia, Sirmium, Constantinople, and Asia Minor, and upon the same course thousands of nameless pilgrims journeyed in the next three hundred years, besides some eight or nine who have left an account mainly religious in form, but containing in substance the widest view of the globe then possible among Westerns. Most of the pilgrims, like Jerome's friend Paula, Bishop Eucherius, and Melania, tread the same path and stop at the same points, but three or four of them distinctly add some fresh knowledge to the ordinary results. St. Silvia, of Aquitaine (_c._ 385), not only travels through Syria, she visits Lower Egypt and Stony or Sinaitic Arabia, and even Edessa in Northern Mesopotamia, on the very borders of hostile and heathen Persia. "To see the monks" she wanders through Osrhöene, comes to Haran, near which was "the home of Abraham and the farm of Laban and the well of Rachel," to the environs of Nisibis and Ur of the Chaldees, lost to the Roman Empire since Julian's defeat; thence by "Padan-aram" back to Antioch. When crossing the Euphrates the pilgrims saw the river "rush down in a torrent like the Rhone, but greater," and on the way home by the great military road, then untravelled by Saracens, between Tarsus and the Bosphorus, Silvia makes a passing note on the strength and brigand habits of the Isaurian mountaineers, who in the end saved Christendom from the very Arabs with whom our pilgrim couples them. Again, Cosmas Indicopleustes, in the time of Justinian, is at the end, as Silvia is at the beginning, of a definite period, the period of the Christian empire of Rome, while still "Cæsarean" and not merely Byzantine, "patrician" and not papal, "consular" and not Carolingian. And contemporary with Cosmas are two of the chief among the earlier or primitive pilgrims, Theodosius and Antoninus the Martyr. The first-named indulges in a few excursions--in fancy--beyond his known ground of Palestine, going as far east as Susa and Babylon, "where no one can live for the serpents and hippo-centaurs," and south to the Red Sea and its two arms, "of which the eastern is called the Persian Gulf," and the western or Arabian runs up to the "thirteen cities of Arabia destroyed by Joshua,"--but, for the rest, his knowledge is not extensive or peculiar. Antoninus of Placentia, on the other hand, is very interesting, a sort of older Mandeville, who mixes truth and its opposite in fairly even proportions and with a sort of resolute partiality to favourite legends. He tells us how Tripolis has been ruined by the late earthquake (July 9, 551); how silk and various woven stuffs are sold at Tyre; how the pilgrims scratched their names on the relics shewn in Cana of Galilee--"and here I, sinner that I am, did inscribe the names of my parents"; how Bethshan, the metropolis of Galilee, "is placed on a hill," though really in the plain; how the Samaritans hate Christians and will hardly speak to them; "and beware of spitting in their country, for they will never forgive it"; how "the dew comes down upon Hermon the Little, as David says, 'The dew of Hermon that fell upon the hill of Zion'"; how nothing can live or even float in the Dead Sea, "but is instantly swallowed up"--as exact an untruth as was ever told by traveller; how the Jordan opens a way for pilgrims "and stands up in a heap every year at the Epiphany during the baptism of Catechumens, as David told, 'The sea saw that and fled, Jordan was driven back'"; how at Jericho there is a Holy Field "sown by the Lord with his own hand." A report had been spread that the salt pillar of Lot's wife had been "lessened by licking"; "it was false," said Antoninus, the statue was just the same as it had always been. In Jerusalem the pilgrims first went up the Tower of David, "where he sang the Psalter," and into the Basilica of Sion, where among other marvels they saw the "Corner-stone that the builders rejected," which gave out a "sound like the murmuring of a crowd." We come back again to fact with rather a start when told in the next section of the Hospitals for 3000 sick folk near the Church of St. Mary, close to Sion; then with the footprints and relics of Christ, and the miraculous flight of the Column of Scourging--"carried away by a cloud to Cæsarea," we are taken through a fresh set of "impressions." The same wild notions of place and time and nature follow the Martyr through Galilee to Gilboa, "where David slew Goliath and Saul died, where no dew or rain ever falls, and where devils appear nightly, whirled about like fleeces of wool or the waves of the sea"--to Nazareth, where was the "Beam of Christ the Carpenter"--to Elua, where fifteen consecrated virgins had tamed a lion and trained it to live with them in a cell--to Egypt, where the Pyramids become for him the "_twelve_ Barns of Joseph," for the legend had not yet insisted that the actual number should be made to fit the text of the seven years of plenty. But with all this Antoninus now and then gives us glimpses of a larger world. In Jerusalem he meets Æthiopians "with nostrils slit and rings about their fingers and their feet." They were so marked, they told him, by the Emperor Trajan "for a sign." In the Sinai desert he tells us of "Saracen" beggars and idolaters; in the Red Sea ports he sees "ships from India" laden with aromatics; he travels up the Nile to the Cataracts and describes the Nilometer at Assouan, and the crocodiles in the river; Alexandria he finds "splendid but frivolous, a lover of pilgrims but swarming with heresies." But far more wonderful than the practical jumble of Antoninus Martyr is the systematic nonsense of Cosmas, who invented or worked out a theory and scheme of the world, a "Christian topography," which required nothing more than a complete disuse of human reason. His assurance was equal to his science. It may have been his voyage to India, or his monastic profession, or his study of Scripture, or something unknown that made him take up the part of a Christian Aristotle; in any case he felt himself called into the field to support the cause of St. Augustine against infidelity, and to refute the "anile fable" of the Antipodes. Cosmas referred men back to Revelation on such matters, and his system was "demonstrated from Scripture, concerning which a Christian is not allowed to doubt." Man by himself could not understand the world, but in the Bible it was all clear enough. And from the Bible this much was beyond dispute. The universe is a flat parallelogram; and its length is exactly double of its breadth. In the centre of the universe is our world surrounded by the ocean, and by an outer world or ring where men lived before the Flood. Noah and his Ark came over sea from this to the present earth. To the north of our world is a great hill, like the later Moslem and older Hindu "Cupola of the Earth," which perhaps was Cosmas' own original. Round this the sun and moon revolve, making day and night as they appear or disappear behind it. The sky consists of four walls meeting in the "dome of heaven" over the floor on which we live, and this sky is "glued" to the edges of the outer world, the world of the Patriarchs. But this heaven is also cut in two by the firmament, lying between our atmosphere and that "New Heaven and New Earth wherein dwelleth Righteousness"; and the floor of this upper world is covered by the "waters that be above the firmament"; above this is Paradise, and below the firmament live the angels, as "ministers" and "flaming fires" and "servants of God to men." The proofs of this are simple, mainly resting on some five texts from the Old Testament and two passages of St. Paul. First the Book of Genesis declared itself to be the "Book of the Generation of the Heaven and the Earth"--that is, of everything in the heavens, and the earth. But the "old wives' fable of the Antipodes" would make the heaven surround and contain the earth, and God's word would have to be changed "These are the generations of the sky." For the same truth--the twofold and independent being of heaven and earth--Cosmas quotes the additional testimony of Abraham, David, Hosea, Isaiah, Zachariah, and Melchisedek, who clenched the case against the Antipodes. "For how indeed could even rain be said to 'fall' or to 'descend,' as in the Psalms and the Gospels, in those regions where it could only be said to 'come up'?" Again, the world cannot be a globe, or sphere, or be suspended in mid-air, or in any sort of motion, for what say the Scriptures? "Earth is fixed on its foundations"; "Thou hast laid the foundations of the earth and it abideth"; "Thou hast made the round world so sure, that it cannot be moved"; "Thou hast made all men to dwell upon the face of the whole earth"--not "upon every face," or upon any more than one face--"upon _the_ face," not the back or the side, but the broad flat face we know. "Who then with these passages before him, ought even to speak of Antipodes?" So much against false doctrine; to establish the truth is simpler still. For the same St. Paul, who disposes of science falsely so called, does not he speak, like David, like St. Peter and St. John, of our world as a tabernacle? "If our earthly house of this tabernacle be dissolved," "We that are in this tabernacle do groan, being burdened," which points to the natural conclusion of enlightened faith, that Moses' tabernacle was an exact copy of the universe. "See thou make all things according to the pattern shewn thee in the Mount." So the four walls, the covered roof, the floor, the proportions of the Tent of the Wilderness, shewed us in small compass all that was in nature. If any further guidance were needed, it was ready to hand in the Prophet Isaiah and the Patriarch Job. "That stretcheth out the heavens as a curtain and spreadeth them out as a tent to dwell in"; "Also can any understand the spreadings of the clouds or the noise of his tabernacle?" The whole reasoning is like the theological arguments on the effects of man's fall upon the stars and the vegetable world, or the atmospheric changes due to angels. But though Cosmas states his system with the claims of an article of faith, there were not wanting men, and even saints, who stood out on the side of reason in geography in the most traditional of times. Isidore of Seville, and Vergil, the Irish missionary of the eighth century, both maintained the old belief of Basil and Ambrose, that the question of the Antipodes was not closed by the Church, and that error in this point was venial and not mortal. For the positive tabernacle-system of "the man who sailed to India" there was never much support; his work was soon forgotten, though it has been called by some paradox-makers "the great authority of the Middle Ages"--in the face of the known facts, that this was the real position of Ptolemy and Strabo, that no one can speak of the "Middle Ages" in this unqualified way any more than of the Modern or Ancient worlds; and that Cosmas is almost unnoticed in the great age of mediæval science, from the twelfth century. And whatever we may think of Cosmas and his _Christian System of the Whole World, Evolved out of Holy Scripture_, he is of interest to us as the last of the old Christian geographers, closing one age which, however senile, had once been in the truest sense civilised, and preparing us to enter one that in comparison is literally dark. From the age of Justinian, and from the rise of Islam in the early years of the seventh century, the geographical knowledge of Christendom is on a par with its practical contraction and apparent decline. There are travellers; but for the next five hundred years there are no more theorists, cosmographers, or map-makers of the Universe or Habitable Globe. From the time that Islam, after a century of world-conquest, began to form itself into an organised state, or federation of states, in the later eighth and earlier ninth centuries A.D.,--thus making itself until the thirteenth century the principal heir of the older Eastern culture,--Christendom was content to take its geography, its ideas of the world in general, from the Arabs, who in their turn depended upon the pre-Christian Greeks. The relation of Ptolemy and Strabo to modern knowledge is best seen through the work of the Arabic geographers, but the Saracens did much to destroy before they began to build up once more. As the northern barbarians of the fifth century interrupted the hope of a Christian revival of Pagan literature and science, so the Moslems of the seventh and eighth cut short the Catholic and Roman revival of Justinian and Heraclius, in which the new faith and the old state had found a working agreement. Between Cosmas and the Viking-Age, "Christian," "Roman," "Western" exploration falls within very narrow limits: the few pilgrims whose recollections represent to us the whole literature of travel in the seventh, eighth, and ninth centuries, add nothing fresh even of practical discovery; theory and theoretical work has ceased altogether, and the first stirrings of the new life in the commerce and voyages of Amalphi, and in the sudden and splendid outburst of Norse life in its age of piracy, are not yet, are not really before the world until the time of Alfred of England, of Charles the Bald, of Pope Nicholas I. "the Great." Yet such as it is, this pilgrim stage of European development stands for something. Religion, as it is the first agent in forming our modern nations, is the first impulse towards their expansion. And to us there is a special interest. For the best known of western travellers in this darkest of the Christian ages (600-870 A.D.), Arculf and Willibald, are both connected with England and the beginnings of English science in the age of Bede. Arculf, a Frank or Gallican Bishop, who about 690 visited, first of "Latin" writers since the Mohammedan conquest, Jerusalem, the Jordan valley, Nazareth, and the other holy places of Syria, was driven by storms on his return to the great Irish monastery of Iona. There he described his wonders to the Abbot Adamnan, who then sat in the seat of the Irish Apostles Patrick and Columba, and by Adamnan this narrative was presented and dedicated to Aldfrith the Wise, last of the great Northumbrian Kings, in his Court at York (_c._ A.D. 701). Not only does the original remain to us, but we have also two summaries of it, one longer, another shorter, made by Baeda, the Venerable Bede, as a useful manual for Englishmen, _Concerning the Holy Sites_. We are again reminded by this how constantly fresh life is growing up under an appearance of death. The conversion of England, which Gregory the Great, Theodore, and the Irish monks had carried through in the seventh, that darkest of Christian centuries, was now bearing its fruit in the work of Bede, who was really the sign of a far more permanent intellectual movement than his own, and in that of Boniface, Wilbrord, and Willibald, who began to win for Christendom in Germany more than a counterpoise for her losses in the South and East, from Armenia to Spain. Arculf is full of the mystical unscientific spirit of the time. He notes in Jerusalem "a lofty column, which at mid-day casts no shadow, thus proving itself to be the centre of the earth for as David says, 'God is my king of old, working salvation _in the midst of the_ earth.'" "At the roots of Lebanon" he comes to the place "where the Jordan has its rise from two fountains Jor and Dan, whose waters unite in the single river Jordan." In the Dead Sea a lighted lamp would float safely, and no man could sink if he tried; the bitumen of this place was almost indissoluble; the only fruit here about were the apples of Sodom, which crumbled to dust in the mouth. The three churches on the top of Tabor were "according to the three tabernacles described by Peter." From Damascus Arculf made for the port of Tyre, and so came by Jaffa to Egypt. Alexandria he found so great that he was one entire day in merely passing through. Its port he thought "difficult of access and something like the human body in shape, with a narrow mouth and neck, then stretching out far and wide." The great Pharos tower was still lit up every night with torches. Here was the "Emporium of the whole world"; "countless merchants from all parts": the "country rainless and very fertile." The Nile was navigable to the Town of Elephants; beyond this, at the Cataracts, the river "runs in a wild ruin down a cliff." Its embankments, its canals, and even its crocodiles, "not so large as ravenous," are all described, and Arculf, returning home by Constantinople, concludes with an account of the capital of Christendom, "beyond doubt the metropolis of the Roman Empire, and by far the greatest city therein"; lastly, as the pilgrim sails by Sicily he sees the "isle of Vulcan vomiting smoke by day and flame by night, with a noise like thunder, which is always fiercer on Fridays and Saturdays." Willibald, a nephew of St. Boniface and related through his mother to King Ina of Wessex, started for the East about 721, passed ten years in travel, and on his return followed his countrymen to mission work and to death among the heathen of Upper Germany. He went out by Southampton and Rouen, by Lucca and the Alps, to Naples and Catania, "where is Mount Etna; and when this volcano casts itself out they take St. Agatha's veil and hold it towards the fire, which ceases at once." Thence by Samos and Cyprus to Antaradus and Emesda, "in the region of the Saracens," where the whole party, who had escaped the Moslem brigands of Southern Gaul, were thrown into prison on suspicion of being spies. A Spaniard made intercession for them and got their release; but Willibald went up country one hundred miles, and cleared himself of all suspicion before the Caliph at Damascus. "We have come from the West, where the sun has his setting, and we know of no land beyond--nothing but water." This was too far for spies, he pleaded, and the Caliph agreed, and gave him a pass for all the sites of Palestine, with which he traversed the length and breadth of the Holy Land four times, finding the same trouble in leaving as he had found in entering. Like Arculf, he saw the fountains of Jor-Dan, the "glorious church" of Helena at Bethlehem, the tombs of the Patriarchs at Hebron, the wonders of Jerusalem. Especially was he moved at the sight of the columns in the Church of the Ascension on Olivet, "for that man who can creep between those columns and the wall is freed from all his sins." Tyre and Sidon he passed again and again "on the coast of the Adriatic Sea (as he calls the Levant), _six_ miles from one another"; at last he got away to Constantinople, with some safely smuggled trophies of pilgrimage, and some "balsam in a calabash, covered with petroleum," but the customs officers would have killed all of them if the fraud had been found out--so Willibald believed. After two years of close intercourse with the Greek Christians of New Rome, living in a "cell hollowed out of the side of a church" (possibly Saint Sophia), the first of English-born travellers returned to Old Rome, as Arculf had done, by sea, noticing, like him, "Theodoric's Hell" in the Liparis. He could not get up the mountain, though curious to see "what sort of a hell it was" where the Gothic "Tyrant" was damned for the murder of Böethius and Symmachus, and for his own impenitent Arianism. But though he could not be seen or heard, all the pilgrims remarked how the "pumice that writers use was thrown up by the flame from the hell, and fell into the sea, and so was cast upon the shore and gathered up." Such was the philosophy of Catholicism about the countries of the known world in the eighth century, for Willibald's account was published with the imprimatur of Gregory III., and, with Arculf's, took rank as a satisfactory comment on the old Bordeaux Itinerary of four hundred years ago. Again, the impression given by our two chief Guide-Books, Arculf and Willibald, is confirmed by the monk Fidelis, who travelled in Egypt about 750, and by Bernard the Wise of Mont St. Michel, who went over all the pilgrim ground a century later (867). Fidelis, sailing up the Nile, was astonished at the sight of the "Seven Barns of Joseph, (the Pyramids) looking like mountains, but all of stone, square at the base, rounded in the upper part and twisted at the summit like a spire. On measuring a side of one of them, it was found to be four hundred feet." From the Nile Fidelis sailed by the freshwater canal of Necho, Hadrian, and Amrou, not finally blocked up till 767, direct to the Red Sea, "near where Moses crossed with the Israelites." The pilgrim wanted to go and look for Pharaoh's chariot-wheels, but the sailors were obstinate, and took him round the Peninsula of Sinai, down one arm of the sea and up another, to Eziongeber and Edom. Bernard, "the French Monk" of Mont St. Michel, took the straight route overland by Rome to Bari, then a Saracen city, whose Emir forwarded the pilgrims in a fleet of transports carrying some nine thousand Christian slaves to Alexandria. Here, like Willibald, Bernard found himself "suspect"--thrown into prison till Backsheesh had been paid, then only allowed to move stage by stage as fees were prompt and sufficient, for a traveller must pay, as an infidel, not only the ordinary tribute of the subject Christians of Egypt, but the "money of the road" as well. Islam has always made of strangers a fair mark for extortion. Safe at last in Jerusalem, the party (Bernard himself and two friends, one a Spaniard, the other a monk of Beneventum) were lodged "in the Hostel of the glorious Emperor Charles, founded for all the pilgrims who speak the Roman tongue," and after making the ordinary visits of devotion, and giving us their account of the Easter Miracle of the Holy Fire at the Church of the Sepulchre, they took ship for Italy, and landed at Rome after sixty days of misery at sea. Bernard's account closes with the Roman churches--the Lateran, where the "keys of the whole city are given every night into the hands of the Apostolic Pope," and St. Peter's on the "West side of Rome, that for size has no rival in the world." At the same time, or a little earlier than the Breton traveller (_c._ 808-850), another Latin had written a short tract _On the Houses of God in Jerusalem_, which, with Bernard's note-book, is our last geographical record before the age of the Northmen. A new time was coming--a time not of timid creeping pilgrims only, but of sea-kings and seamen, who made the ocean their home, and, for the North of Europe at least, broke the tradition of land journeys and coasting voyages. But the early pilgrims after all have their place. It is of no use insisting that the mental outlook of these men is infantile;--that is best proved by their own words, their own scale of things; but it is necessary to insist that in these travellers we have comparatively enlarged experience and knowledge; and as comparison is the only test of any age, or of any man therein, the very blunders and limitations of the past, as we see them to be, have a constant, as well as an historical, value to us. That is, we are always being reminded, first, how we have come to the present mastery over nature, over ourselves, over all being; and, secondly, how imperfect, how futile, our work is still, and seems always doomed to be, if judged from a really final standpoint, or rather from our own dreams of the ultimately possible. So if in the case of our mediæval travellers their interests are the very reverse of ours; if they take delight in brooding over thoughts which to us do not seem worth the thinking; if their minds seem to rest as much on fable implicitly accepted as on the little amount of experienced fact necessary for a working life, it will not be for us to judge, or to pity, or to despise the men who were making our world for us, and through whose work we live. [Illustration: THE MAPPE-MONDE OF ST. SEVER. (SEE LIST OF MAPS)] Especially we cannot afford to forget this as we reach the lowest point of the fortunes, the mental and material work and position and outlook, of Europe and Christendom. A half-barbarised world had entered upon the inheritance of a splendid past, but it took centuries before that inheritance was realised by the so altered present. In this time of change we have men writing in the language of Cæsar and Augustine, of Alexander and Plato and Aristotle, who had been themselves, or whose fathers had been, pirates, brigands, nomades,--"wolves of the land or of the sea"--to Greeks or Romans of the South; who had been even to the Romanised provincials of the North, as in Britain, mere "dogs," "whelps from the kennel of barbarism," the destroyers of the order of the world. The boundless credulity and servile terror, the superstition and feudal tyranny of the earlier Middle Ages, mark the first stage of the reconstruction of society, when savage strong men who had conquered were set down beside the overworked and outworn masters of the Western world, to learn of them, and to make of them a more enduring race. CHAPTER II. VIKINGS OR NORTHMEN. CIRCA 787-1066. The discoveries and conquests and colonies of the Norse Vikings, from the White Sea to North America, are the first glimpses of light on the sea of darkness round the little island of the known world that made up Christendom. And from the needs of the time these were the natural, the only natural beginnings of European expansion. From the rise of Islam, Saracens controlled the great trade-routes of the South and East. It was only on the West and North that the coast was clear--of all but natural dangers. In the Moslem Caliphate men were now busy in following up the old lines of trade, the immemorial traditions of the East, or as in southern Africa, extending the sphere of commercial activity and so of civilisation; men of science were commenting on the ancient texts of Greeks and Latins, or adapting them to enlarged knowledge. But in Christendom, in the atrophy both of mental and physical activity, broken for short periods and in certain lands by the revivals of Charles the Great, of the Isaurian Emperors, of Otto I., of Alfred and his House, the practical energy of Heathen enemies,--for the Northmen were not seriously touched by Christianity till about the end of the first millennium,--was the first sign of lasting resurrection. After the material came the spiritual revival; the whole life of the Middle Ages awoke on the conversion of the Northern nations and of Hungary; but in the abundant and brilliant energy of the eleventh, the twelfth, the thirteenth centuries, we must recognise the offspring of the irrepressible Norsemen as well as of the Irish and Frank and English missionaries, who in the Dark Ages of Christendom were working out the empire of Innocent III. In exploration, especially, it was true that theory followed achievement. Flavio Gioja, of Amalphi, did not apply the magnet to navigation--did not "give sailors the use of the magnet"--till navigation itself had begun to venture into the unknown Atlantic. The history of geographical advance in the earlier Middle Ages is thus rather a chronicle of adventure than of science. But the Norse discoveries are not only the first, they are the leading achievements of Western travel and enterprise in the true Unknown, between the time of Constantine and the Crusades. The central fact of European expansion in the Dark Ages (from the seventh to the eleventh century) is the advance of the Vikings to the Arctic Continent and to America about the year 1000. All that precedes this on the same line is doubtful and unimportant. For, of the other voyages to the West in the sixth, the eighth, the tenth centuries, which, on Columbus' success, turned into prior claims to the finding of the New World, there is not one that deserves notice. St. Brandon in 565, the Seven Spanish Bishops in 734, the Basques in 990 may or may not have sighted their islands of "Antillia," of "Atlantis," of the "Seven Cities." They cannot be verified or valued, any more than the journeys of the Enchanted Horse or the Third Calendar. We only know for certain a few unimportant, half-accidental facts, such as the visits of Irish hermits to Iceland and the Färoes during the eighth century, and the traces of their cells and chapels--in bells and ruins and crosses--found by the Northmen in the ninth. It was in 787 that the Vikings first landed in England; by the opening of the next century they were threatening the whole coast line of Christendom, from Gallicia to the Elbe; in 874 they began to colonise Iceland; in 877 they sighted Greenland; in 922 Rolf the Ganger won his "Normandy" from Charles the Simple, by the Treaty of Clair-sur-Epte; as early as 840 was founded the first Norse or Ostman kingdom in Ireland, and in 878 the Norse earldom of the Orkneys, while about the same time the first Vikings seem to have reached the White Sea and the extreme North of Europe. This advance is almost as rapid as that of the early Saracens; within a hundred years from the first disturbance of Danes and Northmen by the growing, all-including power of the new national kingdoms,--within three generations from Halfdan the Black,--first the flying rebels, and then the royalists in pursuit of them, had reached the farthest western and northern limits of the known world, from Finisterre in "Spanland" to Cape Farewell in Greenland, from the North Cape in Finland to the Northwest Capes of "Irland," from Novgorod or "Holmgard" in Russia to "Valland," between the Garonne and the Loire. The chief lines of Northern advance were three--by the north-west, south-west, and north-east, but each of these divided, after a time, with important results. The first sea-path, running by Caithness, Orkneys, Shetlands, and Färoes, reached Iceland, Greenland, and at last Vinland on the North American Continent; but from the settlements on the coasts and islands of northern Scotland, a fresh wave of pirate colonists swept down south-west into the narrow seas of St. George's Channel and beat upon the east and north and south of Ireland and the western coasts of England and of "Bretland." The second invasion ran along the North German coast, and on reaching the Straits of Dover, fell upon both sides of the English Channel, according as the resistance was stronger or weaker in Wessex or in Frankland. The advanced guard reunited with Ostmen and Orkneyers in the Scilly Isles, and in Cornwall, and pressed on to the plunder of the Bay of Biscay and its coasts. The most restless of all were not long in finding out the wealth of the Moslem Caliphate of Cordova, and trying to force their way up the Douro and the Tagus. The expansion on this side was not to stop till it had founded, from the Norman colony on the Seine, a Norman kingdom of England, and a dominion in the Two Sicilies, but this was the work of the eleventh century, the time of organisation and settled empire. On the third side of northern expansion, to east and north-east, there were two separate roads from the first; one taking the Baltic for its track, and dividing northwards to Finland, up the Gulf of Bothnia, eastwards to Russia and Novgorod ("Gardariki" and "Holmgard"), the other coasting along "Halogaland" to Biarmaland, along Lapland to Perm and the Archangel of later time. Of these three lines of movement by far the most vital to our subject is the first, which is also the earliest; the second, to south and south-west, hardly gives any direct results for our story; and the third, to east and north, is mainly concerned with Russian history. While King Alfred was yet unborn, Norse settlements had been permanently founded in the outlying points, coasts, and islands of Scotland and Ireland, and in the years of his boyhood, about 860, Nadodd the Fäeroe Jarl sighted Iceland, which had been touched at by the Irish monks in 795 but was now to be first added as a lasting gain to Europe, as a new country, "Snowland"--something more than a hermitage for religious exiles from the world. Four years later (in 864) Gardar the Swede reached this new Ultima Thule, and re-named it from himself "Gardar's Holm." Yet another Viking, Raven Floke, followed the track of the first explorer in 867, before Iceland got its final name and earliest colonisation from the Norsemen Ingolf and Leif and the sheep-farmers of the Färoes in 874, the third year of Alfred's reign in Wessex. [Illustration: THE ANGLO-SAXON MAP. (SEE LIST OF MAPS)] Three years later, 877-8, at the very time of the farthest Danish advance in England, when Guthrum had driven the English King into the Isle of Athelney, the Norsemen reached their farthest point of northern advance in Europe; Gunnbiorn sighted a new land to the north-west, which he called "White Shirt," from its snow-fields, and which Red Eric a century later re-named Greenland--"for there is nothing like a good name to attract settlers." By this the Old World had come nearer than ever before to the discovery of a new one. Geographically, this side of the Arctic Continent falls to the share of North America, and once its fiords had been made in their turn centres of colonisation and of further progress, the actual reaching of Newfoundland and Cape Cod was natural enough. The real voyage lay between Cape Farewell and the European mainland; it was a stormy and dangerous passage from the Greenland Bays to Labrador, but not a long one, and, as far as can be judged from scanty records, neither so cold nor so icebound as at present. But exploration had outrun settlement. It was not till 986, more than one hundred years after Gunnbiorn's discovery, that Eric the Red, one of the chiefs of the Iceland colonists, led a band of followers and friends into a permanent exile in the unknown land. The beginnings of several villages were made in the next few years, and the first American discoveries followed at once. About 989 one Bjarni Herjulfson, following his father from Iceland to Eric's Fiord in Greenland, was driven west by storms first to a flat, well-wooded country, then to a mountainous island, covered with glaciers. He bore away with a fresh breeze and reached his home in Eric's Fiord in four days. But his report aroused great interest; the time had come, and the men, and Norse rovers, who after so much in the past were ready to dare anything in the future, eagerly volunteered to follow up the new route; Bjarni himself visiting Norway and telling his story, was blamed for his slackness, and when he went back to Greenland there was "much talk of finding unknown lands." In the year 1000 Leif, a son of Red Eric, started with a definite purpose of discovery. He bought Bjarni's ship, manned it with five and twenty men and put out. First they came to the land Bjarni had sighted last, and went on shore. There was no grass to be seen, but great snowy ridges far inland, "and all the way from the coast to these mountains was one field of snow, and it seemed to them a land of no profit,"--so they left, calling it Helluland, or Slate-land, perhaps the Labrador of the sixteenth century. They put to sea again and found another land, flat and wooded, with a white sand shore, low-lying towards the sea. This, said Leif, we will call after its nature, Markland (Woodland). Thence driving for two days before a north-east wind, they came to an island, where they landed to wait for good weather. They tasted the dew on the grass and thought they had never known anything so sweet. Sailing on again into a sound between the island and a ness, they reached a place where a river came out of a lake; into this they towed the ship and anchored, carrying their beds out on the shore and setting up their tents, with a large hut in the middle, and made all ready for wintering there. There was no want of fish food--"the largest salmon in the lake they had ever seen"--and the country seemed to them so good that they would need no fodder for cattle in the winter. There was no frost; the grass seemed fresh enough all the year round, and day and night were more equal than in Iceland or in Greenland. The crew were divided in two parts: one worked at the huts and the other explored the country, returning every night to the camp. From the wild vines found by the foragers, the whole district was called Vinland, and samples of these, enough to fill the stern boat, and of the trees and "self-sown wheat" found in the fields were taken back to Eric's Fiord. Thereafter Leif was called the Lucky, and got much wealth and fame, but Thorwald Ericson, his brother, thought he had not explored enough, and "determined to be talked about" even more than the first settler of Vinland. He put to sea with thirty men and came straight to Leif's Booths in Vinland, where he stayed the winter. On the first signs of spring Thorwald ordered his vessel to be rigged, and sent his longboat on ahead to explore. All alike thought the land beautiful and well-wooded; they noticed that the distance was small between the forest and the sea, that the beach was all of white sand, and that there were many islands off the shore and very shallow water; but they saw no trace of man or beast, except a wooden corn-barn on an island far to the west. After coasting all the summer they came back in the autumn to the booths. The next spring Thorwald went eastwards, and "towards the north along the land they drove upon a cape and broke their keel and stayed long to repair, and called the place Keel-Ness (Kjalarness) from this." Then they sailed away eastwards along the country, everywhere thickly wooded, till at one place Thorwald drew up his ships to the land and laid out gangways to the shore, saying, "I would gladly set up my farm here." But now they came upon the first traces of other men; far off upon the white sandy beach three specks were sighted--three skin boats of the Skrælings or Esquimaux, with three men hiding under each. Thorwald's men captured and killed eight of them, but one escaped "to where within the fiord were several dwellings like little lumps on the ground." A heavy drowsiness now fell upon the Norsemen, in the Saga, till a "sudden scream came to them, and a countless host from up the fiord came in skin boats and laid themselves alongside." The Vikings put up their shield-wall along the gunwale and kept off the arrows of the Esquimaux till they had shot them all away, and "fled off as fast as they could," leaving Thorwald with a mortal wound under the arm. He had time just to bid his men "carry him to the point he had wished to dwell at, for it was true that he would stay there awhile, but with a cross at head and feet; and so died and was buried as he had said." The place was called Crossness from the dead chief, but the crew stayed all the winter and loaded the ship with vines and grapes, and in the spring came back to Eric in Greenland. And now, after the first mishap, discovery became more serious--not to be undertaken but by strong and well-armed fleets. It was this that checked the expansion of these Arctic colonies; at their best they were too small to do more than hold their own against nature and the Skræling savages in their tiny settlements along the coast, where the ice-fields have long since pushed man slowly but surely into the sea, with his painfully won patches of hay and corn and pasturage. But the colonists would never say die till they were utterly worn out; now they only roused themselves to conquer the new lands they had found, and found disputed. First a third son of Red Eric, Thorstein, bethought him to go to Vinland for his brother Thorwald's body. He put to sea and lost all sight of land, beating about in the ocean the whole summer, till he came back to Greenland in the first week of winter. (1004-6.) He was followed by the greatest of the Vinland sailors, Thorfinn Karlsefne, who really took in hand the founding of a new settlement over the Western Sea. He came from Norway to Iceland soon after Thorwald's death in 1004, passed on to Greenland about 1005, "when, as before, much was talked about a Vinland voyage," and in 1006 made ready to start with one hundred and sixty men and five women, in three ships. They had with them all kinds of cattle, meaning to settle in the land if they could, and they made an agreement, Karlsefne and his people, that each should have an equal share in the gain. Leif lent them his houses in Vinland, "for he would not give them outright," and they sailed first to Helluland (Labrador), where they found a quantity of foxes, then to Markland, well-stocked with forest animals, then to an island at the mouth of a fiord, unknown before, covered with eyder ducks. They called the new discoveries Stream Island and Stream Fiord, from the current that here ran out into the sea, and sent off a party of eight men, in search of Vinland, in a stern boat. This was driven by westerly gales back to Iceland, but Thorfinn, with the rest, sailed south till he came to Leif Ericson's "river that fell into the sea from a lake, with islands lying off the mouth of the stream, low grounds covered with wheat growing wild, and rising grounds clad with vines." Here they settled, re-named the country "Hope, from the good hope they had of it," and began to fell the wood, to pasture their cattle in the upland, and to gather the grapes. After the first winter the Skrælings came upon them, at first to traffic with furs and sables against milk and dairy produce, and then to fight; for as neither understood the other, and the natives tried to force their way into Thorfinn's houses, and to get hold of his men's weapons, a quarrel was bound to come. Fearing this, Karlsefne put a fence round the settlement and made all ready for battle, "and at this very time was a child born to him in the village, called Snorre, of Gudrid his wife, the widow of Thorstein Eric-son, whom he had brought with him." Then the Esquimaux came down upon them, "many more than before, and there was a battle, and Thorfinn's men won the day and saved the cattle," and their enemies fled into the forest. Thorfinn stayed all the winter, but towards spring he grew tired of his enterprise, and returned to Greenland, "taking much goods," vines, wood for timber, and skin-wares, and so came back to Eric's Fiord in the summer of 1008. Thus ends the story of the last serious effort to colonise Vinland, and the Saga, while giving no definite cause for this failure upon failure, seems to show that even the trifling annoyance of the Skrælings was enough to turn the scale. Natural difficulties were so immense, men were so few, that a pigmy enemy had all the power of the last straw in a load, the odd man in a council. The actual resistance of American natives to European colonists was never very serious in any part of the continent, but the distance from the starting-point and the difficulties of life in the new country were able, even in the time of Raleigh and De Soto, to keep in check men who far more readily founded and kept up European empires in the Indian seas. So now, though on Thorfinn's return the "talk began to turn again upon a Vinland voyage, as both gainful and honourable," and a daughter of Red Eric, named Freydis, talked men over--especially two brothers, Helge and Finnboge--to a fresh attempt in the country where all the House of Eric had tried and failed; though Leif lent his booths as before, and sixty able-bodied men, besides women, were found willing to go, the colony could never be firmly planted. Freydis and her allies sailed in 1011, reached the settlement, which was now for the third time recolonised, and wintered there;--but jealousies soon broke up the camp, Helge and Finnboge were murdered with all their followers, and the rest came back in 1013 to Greenland, "where Thorfinn Karlsefne was just ready for sailing back to Norway, and it was common talk that never did a richer ship leave Eric's Fiord than that which he steered." It was that same Karlsefne who gave the fullest account of all his travels, concludes the Saga, but whether Thorfinn ever returned to Vinland, whether there were any more attempts to settle at Leif's Booths or elsewhere, whether the account we have of these voyages is really an Eric Saga, only telling the deeds of Red Eric and his House--for after Bjarni, almost every Vinland leader is of this family--we cannot tell. We can only fancy that all these suggestions are probable, by the side of the few additional facts known to the Norse Skalds or Bards. The first of these is, that in 983-4, Are Marson of Reykianes in Iceland was driven by storms far West to White Man's Land, where he was followed by Bjarni Asbrandson in 999, and by Gudleif Gudlangson in 1029. This was the tale of his friend Rafn, "the Limerick trader," and of Are Frode, his great-great-grandson, who called the unknown land Great Ireland.[17] True or untrue, in whatever way, this would be a later discovery than those of Eric and his sons, if the news of it did not come into Iceland or Norway till after Thorfinn Karlsefne's voyage, as is generally supposed. Again, the length of the voyage is a difficulty, and the whole matter has a doubtful look--an attempt to start a rival to the Eric Saga, by a far more brilliant success a few years earlier. [Footnote 17: By some supposed to be S. Carolina, by others the Canaries.] We seem to be on more certain ground in our next and last chapter of Viking exploration in the north-west, in the fragmentary notices of Greenland and Vinland voyages to the middle of the fourteenth century, and in the fairly clear and continuous account of the two Greenland settlements of the western and the eastern Bays. We hear, for instance, of Bishop Eric going over from Eric's Fiord to Vinland in 1121; of clergy from the Eastern Bay diocese of Gardar sailing to lands in the West, far north of Vinland, in 1266; of the two Helgasons discovering a country west of Iceland in 1285; of a voyage from Greenland to Markland in 1347 by a crew of seventeen men, recorded in 1354. Unless these are pure fabrications, they would seem to prove something of constant intercourse between the mother and daughter colonies of north-west Europe and north-east America, and something of a permanent Christian settlement of Northmen in the New Continent is made probable by assuming such intercourse. Between 981-1000, both Iceland and Greenland had become "Catholic in name and Christian in surname"; in 1126 the line of Bishops of Gardar begins with Arnold, and the clergy would hardly have ventured on the Vinland voyage to convert Skrælings in an almost deserted country. The later story of the Greenland colonies, interesting as it is, and traceable to the year 1418, is not part of the expansion but of the contraction of Europe and Christendom. And the voyages of the Zeni in 1380-95 to Greenland and the Western islands Estotiland and Drogeo, belong to another part; they are the last achievements of mediæval discovery before Henry of Portugal begins his work, and form the natural end of an introduction to that work. But it is curious to notice that just as the ice and the Esquimaux between them were bringing to an end the last traces of Norse settlement in the Arctic Continent, and just as all intercourse between Vinland, Greenland, Iceland, and Norway entirely ceases--at any rate to record itself--the Portuguese sailors, taking up the work of Eric and Leif and Thorfinn, on another side, were rounding Cape Verde and nearing the southern point of Africa, and so providing for the mind of Columbus suggestions which resulted in the lasting discovery of the world that the Vikings had sighted and colonised, but were not able to hold. The Venetian, Welsh, and Arabic claims to have followed the Norsemen in visits to America earlier than the voyage of 1492, belong rather to the minute history of geographical controversy. It is a fairly certain fact that the north-west line of Scandinavian migration reached about A.D. 1000 to Cape Cod and the coasts of Labrador. It is equally certain that on this side the Norsemen never made any further advance, lasting or recorded. Against all other mediæval discoveries of a Western Continent, one only verdict can stand:--Not Proven. The other lines of Northern advance, though marked by equal daring and far greater military exploits, have less of original discovery. There was fighting in plenty, the giving and taking of hard knocks with every nation from Archangel to Cordova and from Limerick to Constantinople; and the Vikings, as they reached fresh ground, re-named most of the capes and coasts, the rivers and islands and countries of Europe, of North Africa, of Western Asia. Iberia became "Spanland"; Gallicia, "Jacobsland"[18]; Gallia, "Frankland"; Britannia, "England," "Scotland," "Bretland"; Hibernia, "Irland"; Islam, outside "Spanland," passed into "Serkland" or Saracenland. Greece was "Grikland"; Russia, "Gardariki"; the Pillars of Hercules, the Straits of Gibraltar, were "Norva's Sound," which later days derived from the first Northman who passed through them. The city of Constantine was the Great Town--"Miklagard"; Novgorod was "Holmgard," the town of all others that most touched and influenced the earlier, the Viking age, of Northern expansion. For was it not their own proudest and strongest city-state, and "Who can stand before God, or the Great Novgorod?" except the men who had built it, and would rush to sack it if it turned against them? [Footnote 18: From St. James of Compostella.] But all this was only the passing of a more active race over ground which had once been well known to Rome and to Christendom, even if much of this was now being forgotten. It was only in upland Russia and in the farthest North that the Norsemen sensibly enlarged the Western world to east or north-east, as they did through their Iceland settlements on the north-west. On the south and south-west no Vikings or Royalist followers of Vikings, like Sigurd the Crusader, sailed the seas beyond Norva's Sound and Serkland,[19] and as pilgrims, traders, travellers, and conquerors in the Mediterranean, their work was of course not one of exploration. They bore a foremost share in breaking down the Moslem incubus on southern Europe; they visited the Holy sites "When sacred Hierosolyma they'd relievèd And fed their eyes on Jordan's holy flood Which the dear body of Lord God had lavèd";[20] they fought as Varangian body-guards in the armies of the great Byzantines, Nikephoros Phokas, John Tzimiskes, Basil II. or Maniakes; but in all this they discovered for themselves rather than for Europe. [Footnote 19: Unless White Man's Land and Great Ireland are the Canaries. See above, p. 63.] [Footnote 20: Camoëns, _Lusiads_, (Barton's trans.).] But Russia, that is, Old Russia round Novgorod and Kiev, the White Sea, the North Cape and Finland coasts, as well as the more outlying parts of Scotland and Ireland, were first clearly known to Europe through the Northmen. The same race did much to open up the modern Lithuania and Prussia, and the conversion of the whole of Scandinavia, mother country and colonies alike, in the tenth and eleventh centuries added our Norway, Sweden, and Denmark, with all the Viking settlements, to the civilised world and church of Rome. First, on the eastern side, it was in 862 that the Russians invited help from their less dreaded neighbours around Upsala against their more vexatious neighbours around Kiev, and in September of the same year Ruric arrived at Novgorod and founded the Mediæval Kingdom of Russia, which in the tenth century under Oleg, Igor, and Vladimir was first the plunderer, then the open enemy, and finally the ally in faith and in arms of the Byzantine Empire. All through this time and afterwards, till the time of the Tartar deluge, the intercourse of Swedes, Danes, and Northmen with Gardariki was constant and close, and not least in the time of the Vinland voyages, when Vladimir and Jaroslav reigned at Novgorod, and the two Olafs, the son of Trygve and the Saint, found refuge at their court before and after their hard rule in Norway. Olaf Trygveson's uncle had grown old in exile at Novgorod when young Olaf and his mother fled from Norway to join him there and were captured by Vikings in the Baltic and kept six years in the Gulf of Riga before they got to Holmgard (972). In 1019 Ingigerd of Sweden was married to Jaroslav; ten years later St. Olaf was driven from Norway by revolt, and flying into Russia, was offered a Kingdom called Volgaria--the modern Casan, whose old metropolis of Vulghar was known to the Arab travellers of the ninth century, and whose ruins can still be seen. Olaf hesitated between this and a pilgrim's death in Jerusalem and at last preferred to fight his way back to Norway. The next King of the Norsemen, Magnus the Good, came from Novgorod by Ladoga to Trondhjem, when Olaf's son Harold Hardrada fled back to his father's refuge, to the court of Jaroslav; while Magnus had been in exile, men had asked news of him from all the merchants that traded to Novgorod. Last of these earlier kings, Harold Hardrada, during all the time of his wild romance in East and South, before he went to Miklagard, and after his flight, and all the time of his service in the Varangian Guard of the Empress Zoe, made Novgorod his home. His pilgrim relics from Holy Land and his war spoils from Serkland--Africa and Sicily--were all sent back to Jaroslav's care till their master could come and claim them, and when he came at last, flying from Byzantine vengeance across the Black Sea into the Sea of Azov and "all round the Eastern Realm" of Kiev, he found his wealth untouched and Princess Elizabeth ready to be his wife and to help him with Russian men and money to win back Norway and to die at Stamford Bridge for the Crown of England (1066). Harold is the type of all Vikings, of the Norse race in its greatest, most restless energy. William the Conqueror, or Cnut the Great, or Robert Guiscard, or Roger of Sicily, are all greater and stronger men, but there is no "ganger," no rover, like the man who in fifty years, after fighting in well-nigh every land of Christians or of the neighbours and enemies of Christendom, yet hoped for time to sail off to the new-found countries and so fulfil his oath and promise to perfect a life of unmatched adventure by unmatched discovery. He had fought with wild beasts in the Arena of Constantinople; he had bathed in the Jordan and cleared the Syrian roads of robbers; he had stormed eighty castles in Africa; he had succoured the Icelanders in famine and lived as a prince in Russia and Northumberland; by his own songs he boasts that he had sailed all round Europe; but he fell, the prototype of sea-kings like Drake or Magellan, without one discovery. Men of his own nation and time had been before him everywhere, but he united in himself the work and adventures, the conquests and discoveries of many. He was the incarnation of Northern spirit, and it was through the lives and records of such as he that Europe became filled with that new energy of thought and action, that new life and knowledge, which was the ground and impulse of the movement led by Henry the Navigator, by Columbus, and the Cabots. Harold's wars kept him from becoming a great explorer, but Norse captains who took service under peaceful kings did something of what he aimed at doing. We must retrace our steps to the voyages of Ohthere and Wulfstan under King Alfred about the year 890, about the time when a Norse King, Harold Fair-hair, was first seen in the Scotch and Irish seas. Their discovery of the White Sea, the North Cape, and the gulfs of Bothnia and Finland was followed up by many Norsemen, such as Thorer Hund under St. Olaf, in the next one hundred and fifty years,[21] but Ohthere's voyage was the first and chief of these adventures both in motive and result. [Footnote 21: And a certain number of Viking sailors seem to have preceded Ohthere on his voyage to the Dwina.] "He told his lord King Alfred that he dwelt northmost of all Northmen on the land by the Western Sea and he wished to find how far the land lay right north, or whether any man dwelt north of the waste. So he went right north near the land;--for three days he left the waste land on the right and the wide sea on the left, as far as the whale hunters ever go"; and still he kept north three days more (to the North Cape of Europe). "Then the land bent right east, and with a west wind he sailed four days till the land bent south, and he sailed by it five days more to a great river--the Dwina--that lay up into the land, and where beyond the river it was all inhabited"--the modern country of Perm and Archangel. Here he trafficked with the people, the first he had met, except the Finn hunters, since leaving his fiord. Besides his wish to see the country, he was looking for walrus-ivory and hides. The Finns and Biarma-men (men of Archangel), it seemed to him, spoke nearly the same language, but between his home and this Biarmaland no human being lived in any fixed dwelling, and all the Northman's land was long and narrow and thinly peopled, decreasing in breadth as it stretched northward, from sixty to three days' journey. Again Alfred told how Ohthere, sailing south for a month from his house, having _Ireland_ on his right and coasting Norway all the time on his left, came to Jutland, "where a great sea runs up into the land, so vast that no man can see across it," whence in five days more he reached the coast, "from which the English came to Britain." Wulfstan, in the service of the same king, told him how he sailed in seven days from Sleswick to Truso and the Vistula, having Wendland (or Pomerania and Prussia) on his right all the way. He described "Witland near the Vistula and Estland and Wendland and Estmere and the Ilfing running from the Truso lake into Eastmere," but neither the king nor his captains knew enough to contradict the old idea, found in Ptolemy and Strabo, of Scandinavia as one vast island. Thus it was for the satisfaction of their Saxon Lord that Wulfstan and Ohthere, by their voyages along the coasts of Norway and Lapland, of Pomerania and Prussia, round the White Sea and the Gulf of Riga and southern Finland, added a more coherent view of north-east Europe, and specially of the Baltic Gulf, to Western geography; but these Norse discoveries, though in the service of an English king, were scarcely used save by Norsemen, and they must partly go to the credit of Vikings, as well as of Alfred the Great. Thus in 965 King Harold Grayskin of Norway "went and fought with the folk on the banks of the Dwina," and plundered them, and in 1026 Thorer Hund joined himself to a fleet sent by St. Olaf to the White Sea, pillaged the temple of the idol Jomala, and destroyed his countrymen by treachery on their way home. Where two expeditions are recorded they may well stand for twenty unknown and uneventful ones, and the same must be equally granted as to the gradual advance of knowledge through the unceasing attacks of the Norse kings and pirates on the lands to the south of the Baltic, where lived the Wends. Thus on the west and east, north-west and north-east, the Northmen could and did make a definite advance into the unknown; even the south-west lines of Northern invasion and settlement, though they hardly yield any general results to discovery, certainly led to a more thorough inclusion of every part of the British isles in the civilised West, through the Viking earldoms in Caithness, in the Orkneys and the Shetlands, in Man and the Hebrides, and on the coast of Ireland, where the Ostman colonies grew into kingdoms. From about 840, when the first of these settlements was fairly and permanently started, to the eleventh century, when a series of great defeats,--by Brian Boru at Clontarf in 1014, by Godwine and Harold in England from 1042 to 1066, and by the Norman and Scottish kings in the next generation,--practically destroyed the Norse dominion outside the Orkneys,--for those two hundred years, Danes and Northmen not only pillaged and colonised, but ruled and reorganised a good half of the British isles. By the time of Alfred the Viking principalities were scattered up and down the northern and western coasts of the greater of our two islands, and were fringing three sides of the lesser. About A.D. 900 the pioneer of the Norse kings, Harold Fair-hair, pursued his traitors, first to Shetlands and Orkneys, then to Caithness, the Hebrides, and Man. His son Eric, who followed him, ranged the Northern seas from Archangel to Bordeaux, and so Hakon the Good in 936 and other Norse princes in 946, 961, 965, above all, the two great Kings Olaf in 985-9 and 1009-14, fought and triumphed through most of the world as known to the Northmen. Thus, Frankland, England, Ireland, Scotland were brought into a closer unity through the common danger, while as the sea-kings founded settled states, and these grew by alliance, first with one another and then with their older Christian victims, as the Norse kingdoms themselves became parts of Latin Christendom, after Latin Christendom had itself been revived and re-awakened by their attacks, the full value of the time of trial came out on both sides, to conquered and to conquerors. For the effects--formative, invigorative, provocative,--of the Northern invasions had a most direct bearing on the expansion that was to come in the next age even for those staid and sober Western countries, England and France and Italy, which had long passed through their time of migration, and where the Vikings could not, as in the far north-east and north-west, extend the area of civilisation or geographical knowledge. Lastly, the new start made by England in exploration, and trade, and even in pilgrimage, is plainly the result--in action and reaction--of the Norse and Danish attacks, waking up the old spirit of a kindred race, of elder cousins that had sunk into lethargy and forgotten their seamanship. But from the Peace of Wedmore (878) Alfred first of all began to build an English navy able to meet and chase and run down the Viking keels; then established a yearly pilgrimage and alms-giving at the Threshold of the Apostles in Rome; then sent out various captains in his service to explore as much of the world as was practicable for his new description of Europe. His crowning effort in religious extension was in 883, when Sigehelm and Athelstan bore Alfred's gifts and letters to Jerusalem and to India, to the Christians of San Thomé; the corresponding triumph of the King's scientific exploration, the discoveries in the White Sea and the Baltic, seem to have happened nearer the end of the reign, somewhere before 895. CHAPTER III. THE CRUSADES AND LAND TRAVEL. CIRCA 1100-1300. The pilgrims were the pioneers of the growth of Europe and of Christendom until Charlemagne, in one sense, in another and a broader sense until the Crusades. Their original work, as far as it can be called original at all, was entirely overshadowed by the Vikings, who made real discoveries of the first importance in hunting for new worlds to conquer; but when first the Viking rovers themselves, and then the Northmen, settled in the colonies and the old home, took up Christianity as the Arabs had taken up Islam, the pilgrim spirit was translated, as it were, into new and more powerful forms. Through the conversion of Hungary and of Scandinavia,[22]--Europe, Christian Europe, was compacted together in a stronger Empire than that of Constantine or of Charlemagne--a spiritual federation, not a political unity--one and undivided not in visible subordination, but in a common zeal for a common faith. This was the state of the Latin world, and in a measure of the Greek and Russian world as well, by the middle of the eleventh century, when the Byzantine Emperors had broken the strength of the Eastern Caliphate, and recovered most of the realm of Heraclius; when the Roman Papacy under Leo IX., Hildebrand, and Urban began its political stage, aiming, and in great part successfully aiming, at an Imperial Federation of Europe under religion; when on every side, in Spain, in France, in England, in Germany, and in Italy, the nations that had been slowly built into that _Domus Dei_ were filled with fresh life and purpose from the Norsemen, who, as pirates, or conquerors, or brothers, had settled among them. The long crusade that had gone on for four hundred years in Spain and in southern Italy and in the Levant, which had raged round the islands of the Mediterranean, or the passes of the Alps and Pyrenees, or the banks of the Loire and the Tiber,--was now, on the eve of the first Syrian Crusade of 1096, rapidly tending to decisive victory. Toledo was won back in 1084; the Norman dominion in the Two Sicilies had already taken the place of a weak and halting Christian defence against Arab emirs; pilgrims were going in thousands where there had been tens or units by the reopened land route through Hungary; only in the far East the first appearance of the Turks as Moslem champions,[23] threatened an ebb of the tide. Christendom had seen a wonderful expansion of the Heathen North; now that it had won the Northmen to itself, it was ready to imitate their example. The deliberate purpose of the Popes only gave direction to the universal feeling of restless and abundant energy longing for wider action. But it was not the crusading movement itself which brought so much new light, so much new knowledge of the world, to Europe, as the _results_ of that impulse in trade, in travel, and in colonisation. [Footnote 22: As completed about A.D. 1000-1040.] [Footnote 23: As in 1071, when they crushed Romans and the Byzantines in the battle of Manzikert.] [Illustration: THE TURIN MAP OF THE ELEVENTH CENTURY. (SEE LIST OF MAPS)] (1) From the eleventh century, from the beginning of this period, all the greater pilgrims, Sæwulf the English-merchant, King Sigurd of Norway, Abbot Daniel of Kiev, and their followers, have something more in view than piety; they have a general interest in travel; some of them a special interest in trade; most of them go to fight as well as to pray. (2) But as the warlike spirit of the Church Militant seems to grow tired, and its efforts at founding new kingdoms--in Antioch, in Jerusalem, in Cyprus, in Byzantium--more and more fruitless, the direct expansion of European knowledge, begins in scientific travel. Vinland and Greenland and the White Sea and the other Norse discoveries were discoveries made by a great race for itself; unconnected as they were with the main lines of trade or with religious sentiment, they were unrealised by the general consciousness of the West. A full account of the Norse voyages to America was lying at the Vatican when Columbus was searching for proofs of land within reach,--of India, as he expected, in the place where he found an unknown continent and a new world. But no one knew of these; even the Greenland colony had been lost and forgotten in the fifteenth century; in 1553 the English sailors reached the land of Archangel without a suspicion that Ohthere or Thorer Hund had been there six hundred years before; Russia from the thirteenth to the sixteenth centuries was almost out of sight and mind under the Tartar and Moslem rule; but the missionaries and merchants and travellers who followed the crusading armies to the Euphrates, and crept along the caravan routes to Ceylon and the China Sea, added Further and Central Asia--"Thesauri Arabum et divitis Indiæ"--to the knowledge of Christendom. And as this knowledge was bound up with gain; as the Polos and their companions had really opened to the knowledge of the West those great prizes of material wealth which even the Rome of Trajan had never fully grasped, and which had been shared between Arabs and natives without a rival for so long; it was not likely to be easily forgotten. From that time, at the end of the thirteenth century, to the success of the Portuguese on another road, at the end of the fifteenth, European interest was fairly engaged in pressing in upon the old land-routes and getting an ever larger share of their profits. (3) There was another side of the same problem, a still brighter hope for men who could dare to try it. By finding a sea-path to the Indian store-house, mariners like the Venetians and Genoese, or their Spanish pupils, might cut into the treasuries of the world at their very source, found a trade-empire for their country, and gain the sole command of heaven on earth, of the true terrestrial paradise. Then masters of the wealth of the East and of the fighting power of the West, the Christian nations might crush their old enemy, Islam, between two weights, hammer and anvil; might fairly strike for the rule of the entire habitable globe. It was with thoughts of this kind, vaguely inspired by the Crusades and their legacy of discovery from Bagdad to Cathay, that the Vivaldi left Genoa to find an ocean way round Africa in 1281-91, "with the hope of going to the parts of the Indies"; that Malocello reached the Canary Islands about 1270; and that volunteers went on the same quest nearly twenty times in the next four generations before their spasmodic efforts were organised and pressed on to achievement by Henry and his Portuguese (1412-1497). (4) Lastly, the renaissance of Europe in the crusading age was not only practical but spiritual. Science was at last touched and changed by the new life scarcely less than the art of war, or the social state of the towns, or the trade of the commercial republics. And geography and its kindred were not long in feeling some change, though it was very slowly realised and made useful. The first notice of the magnet in the West is of about 1180; the use of this by sailors is perhaps rightly dated from the thirteenth century and the discoveries of Amalphi. But to return. We must trace more definitely the preparation which has been generally described for the work of Prince Henry first in the pilgrim-warriors, and the travellers of the New Age, merchants or preachers or sight-seers, who follow out the Eastern land-routes; next in the seamen who begin to break the spell of the Western Ocean and to open up the high seas, the true high-roads of the world; lastly in the students who most of all, in their maps and globes and instruments and theories, are the trainers and masters and spiritual ancestors of the Hero of Discovery. The first of these classes supplied the matter, the attractions and rewards of the exploring movement; the others may be said to provide the form by which success was reached, genius in seamanship. And the one was as much needed as the other. Human reason did its work so well because of a reasonable hope; men crept round Africa in face of the Atlantic storms because of the golden East beyond. It was as we have seen the land travellers of the twelfth and thirteenth and fourteenth centuries who laid open that golden East to Europe, and added inspiring knowledge to a dream and a tradition. And of these land travellers the first worth notice are Sæwulf of Worcester, Adelard of Bath, and Daniel of Kiev, three of that host of peaceful pilgrims who followed the conquerors of the First Crusade (1096-9). All of these left their recollections and all of them are of the new time, in sharp contrast with the hordes of earlier pilgrims, even the most recent, like Bishop Ealdred of Worcester and York, who crowned William the Conqueror, or Sweyn Godwineson or Thorer Hund, whose visits are all mere visits of penitence. Every fresh conversion of the Northern nations brought a fresh stream of devotees to Italy and to Syria, a fresh revival of the fourth century habit of pilgrimage; but when mediæval Christendom had been formed, and religious passion was more steady and less unworldly, the discoverer and observer blends with the pilgrim in all the records left to us. Sæwulf was a layman and a trader, who went on a pilgrimage (1102), and became a monk at the instance of his confessor, Wulfstan, Bishop of Worcester. But though his narrative has been called an immense advance on all earlier guide-books, it ends with the Holy Land and does not touch even the outlying pilgrim sites, in Mesopotamia or Egypt, visited and described by Silvia or Fidelis. Starting some three years after the Latin capture of Jerusalem in 1099, the English traveller takes us up six different routes from Italy to Syria, evidence of the vast development of Mediterranean intercourse and of practical security against pirates, gained very largely since the second millennium began. His own way, by Monopoli, Corfu, Corinth, and Athens, took him to Rhodes "which once had the Idol called Colossus, one of the Seven Wonders of the World, but destroyed by the Persians, with nearly all the land of Roumania, on their way to Spain. These were the Colossians to whom St. Paul wrote." Thence to Myra in Lycia, "the port of the Adriatic as Constantinople is of the Ægean." Landing at Jaffa, after a sail of thirteen weeks, Sæwulf was soon among the wonders of Jerusalem, that had not grown less since Arculf's day. At the head of the Sepulchre Church was the famous Navel of the Earth, "now called Compas, which Christ measured with his own hands, working salvation in the midst, as say the Psalms." For the same legends were backed by the same texts as in the sixth or seventh century. Going down to the Jordan, "four leagues east of Jericho," Arabia was seen beyond "hateful to all who worship God, but having the Mount whence Elias was carried into Heaven in a chariot of fire." Eighteen days journey from the Jordan is Mount Sinai, by way of Hebron, where "Abraham's Holm Oak" was still standing, and where, as pilgrims said, he "sat and ate with God," but Sæwulf himself did not go outside Palestine, on this side. After travelling through Galilee and noting the House of Saint Archi-Triclin (Saint "Ruler-of-the-Feast"), at Cana, he made his way to Byzantium by sea, escaping the Saracen cruisers and weathering the storms that wrecked in the roads of Jaffa before his eyes some twenty of the pilgrim and merchant fleet then lying at anchor. But not only can we see from this how the religious and commercial traffic of the Mediterranean had been increased by the Crusades; the main lines of that traffic had been changed. Since the Moslem conquest, visitors had mostly come to Palestine through Egypt; the Christian conquest of Syria re-opened the direct sea route as the conversion of Hungary and north-east Europe had re-opened the direct land route one hundred years before (_c._ 1000-1100). The lines of the Danube valley and of the "Roman Sea" were both cleared, and the West again poured itself into the East as it had not done since Alexander's conquest, since the Oriental reaction had set in about the time of the Christian era, rising higher and higher into the full tide of the Persian and Arabian revivals of Asiatic Empire. Among the varied classes of pilgrim-crusaders in Sæwulf's day were student-devotees like Adelard and Daniel from the two extremes of Christendom, England and Russia, Bath and Kiev; northern sea-kings like Sigurd, or Robert of Normandy; even Jewish travellers, rabbis, or merchants like Benjamin of Tudela. All these, as following in the wake of the First Crusade, and for the most part stopping at the high-water mark of its advance, belong to the same group and time and impulse as Sæwulf himself, and are clearly marked off from the great thirteenth century travellers, who acted as pioneers of the Western Faith and Empire rather than as camp-followers of its armies. But except Abbot Daniel (_c._ 1106) and Rabbi Benjamin (_c._ 1160-73) who stand apart, none of our other pilgrim examples of twelfth century exploration have anything original or remarkable about them. Adelard or Athelard, the countryman of Sæwulf and Willibald, is still more the herald of Roger Bacon and of Neckam. He is a theorist far more than a traveller, and his journey through Egypt and Arabia (_c._ 1110-14) appears mainly as one of scientific interest. "He sought the causes of all things and the mysteries of Nature," and it was with "a rich spoil of letters," especially of Greek and Arab manuscripts, that he returned to England to translate into Latin one of the chief works of Saracen astronomy, the Kharizmian tables. We have already met with him in trying to follow the transmission of Greek and Indian geography or world-science through the Arabs to Europe and to Christendom. [Illustration: THE SPANISH-ARABIC MAP OF 1109. (SEE LIST OF MAPS)] Abbot Daniel of Kiev in himself is a very ordinary and rather mendacious traveller, a harmless, devout pilgrim, as careless in all matters of fact as Antonine the Martyr. But, as representing the beginnings of Russian expansion, he is of almost unique interest and value. His tract upon the Holy Road is one of the first proofs of his people's interest in the world beyond their steppes, and of that nation's readiness and purpose to expand Christian civilisation in the East as the Franks, after breaking through the Western Moslems, were now doing. Mediæval Russia, Russia before the Tartars, after the Northmen, was now a very different thing from the "people fouler than dogs" of the Arab explorers. The House of Ruric had guided and organised a nation second to none in Europe, till it had fallen into the general lines of Christian development. Jury trial and justices in assize it had taken from the West; its church and faith and architecture, its manners and morals came to it from the court of the Roman Empire on the Bosphorus. Daniel and the other Russians, who passed through that Empire in the age of Nestor for trade or for religion, were the vanguard of a great national and race expansion that is now just beginning to "bestride the world." In 1022 and 1062 two monks of Kiev are recorded, out of a crowd of the unknown, as visitors to Syria, and about 1106, probably through the news of the Frankish conquest, Daniel left his native river, the Snow, in Little Russia, and passed through Byzantium and by way of the Archipelago and Cyprus to Jaffa and Jerusalem, describing roughly in versts or half-miles the whole distance and that of every stage. His tone is much like Sæwulf's and his mistakes are quite as bad, though he tells of "nothing but what was seen with these self-same eyes." The "Sea of Sodom exhales a burning and fetid breath that lays waste all the country, as with burning sulphur, for the torments of Hell lie under it." This, however, he did not see; Saracen brigands prevented him, and he learnt that "the very smell of the place would make one ill." His measurements of distance are all his own. Capernaum is "in the desert, not far from the Great Sea (Levant) and eight versts (four miles) from Cæsarea," half the distance given in the next chapter as between Acre and Haifa, and less than half the breadth of the Sea of Tiberias. The Jordan reminds Daniel of his own river, the Snow, especially in its sheets of stagnant water. Samaria, or "Sebastopol," he confuses with Nablous; Bethshan with Bashan; Lydda with Ramleh; Cæsarea Philippi with the greater Cæsarea on the coast. Not far from Capernaum and the Jordan is "another large river that comes out of the Lake of Gennesaret, and falls into the Sea of Tiberias, passing by a large _town_ called Decapolis." From Mt. Lebanon "six rivers flow east into the Lake of Gennesaret and six west towards great Antioch, so that this is called Mesopotamia, or the land between the rivers, and Abraham's Haran is between these rivers that feed the Lake of Gennesaret." Daniel has left us also an account of his visits to Mar Saba Convent in the Kedron gorge near the Dead Sea, to Damascus in the train of Prince Baldwin, and to the Church of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem, to witness the miracle of the Holy Fire, noticed by Bernard the Wise, as a sort of counterpart to the wonder of Beth-Horon, also retold by Daniel "when the sun stood still while Joshua conquered King Og of Bashan." It is not in outlook nor in knowledge nor even in the actual ground traversed that these later pilgrims shew any advance on the chief of the earlier travellers; it is in the new life and movement, in the new hope they give us of greater things than these. This is the interest--to us--in King Sigurd of Norway (1107-11), a Crusader-Norseman in the new age that owed so much of its very life to the Northmen, but who is only to be noticed here as a possible type of the explorer-chief--possible, not actual--for his voyage added nothing definite to the knowledge or expansion of Christendom. His campaign in Jacob's Land or Gallicia, and his attack on Moslem Lisbon, some forty years before it became the head and heart of Portugal, like his exploits in the Balearics, shew us a point in the steady decline of western Islam, and so far may be called a preparation for Prince Henry's work, but properly as a chapter of Portuguese, not of general European, growth. There were many others like Sigurd,--Robert of Normandy, Godric the English pirate, who fought his way through the Saracen fleets with a spear-shaft for his banner, Edgar the Ætheling, grandson of Edmund Ironside, the Dartmouth fleet of 1147 which retook Lisbon,--but the Latin conquest of Syria has now brought us past the Crusades, in the narrower sense, to their results, in the exploration of the Further East. The first great name of this time, of our next main chapter of Preparation, is Benjamin of Tudela, but standing as he does well within the earlier age, when the primary interest was the Holy War itself, he is also the last of the Palestine travellers--of those Westerns whose real horizon was the sacred East of Syria. He is a little before the awakening of universal interest in the unknown world, for the Christian Northmen lost with the new definiteness of the new faith much of their old infinite unrest and fierce inquisitive love of wandering, and their spirit, though related to the whole Catholic West by the crusading movement, was not fully realised till the world had been explored and made known, till the men of Europe were at home in every country and on every sea. Benjamin, as a Jew and a rabbi, has the interest of a sectary, and his work was not of a kind that would readily win the attention of the Christian world. So the value of his travels was hidden till religious divisions had ceased to govern the direction of progress. He visited the Jewish communities from Navarre to Bagdad, and described those beyond from Bagdad to China, but he wrote for his own people and none but they seem to have cared about him. What he discovered (_c._ 1160-73) was for himself and for Judaism, and only his actual place in the twelfth century makes him a fore-runner of the Polos or of Prince Henry. We may see this from his hopeless strangeness and confusion in Rome, like a Frank in Pekin or Delhi. "The Church of St. Peter is on the site of the great palace of Julius Cæsar, near which are eighty Halls of the eighty Kings called Emperors from Tarquin to Pepin the father of Charles, who first took Spain from the Saracens.... In the outskirts of the city is the palace of Titus, who was deposed by three hundred senators for wasting three years over the siege of Jerusalem which he should have finished in two." And so on--with the "Hall of Galba, three miles round and having a window for each day in the year," with St. John Lateran and its Hebrew trophies, "two copper pillars from the temple of Solomon, that sweat at the anniversary of the burning of the Temple," and the "statues of Samson and of Absalom" in the same place. So with Sorrento, "built by Hadarezer when he fled before King David," with the old Roman tunnel between Naples and Pozzuoli, "built by Romulus who feared David and Joab," with Apulia, "which is from King Pul of Assyria"--in all this we have as it were Catholic mythology turned inside out, David put into Italy when the West put Trajan at the sources of the Nile. It was not likely that writing of this sort would be read in the society of the Popes and the Schoolmen, the friars and the crusaders, any more than the Buddhist records of missionary travel from China one thousand years before. The religious passion which had set the crusaders in motion, would keep Catholics as long as it might from the Jews, Turks, infidels, and heretics they conquered and among whom they settled. But with the final loss of Jerusalem by the Latins, and the overthrow of the Bagdad Caliphate by the Mongol Tartars (1258), the barrier of fanatic hatred was weakened, and Central Asia became an attraction to Christendom instead of a dim horror, without form and void, except for Huns and Turks and demons. The Papal court sent mission after mission to convert the Tartars, who were wavering, as men supposed, between Islam and the Church, and with the first missionaries to the House of Ghenghiz went the first Italian merchants who opened the court of the Great Khan to Venice and to Genoa. As early as 1243 an Englishman is noticed as living among the Western Horde, the conquerors of Russia; but official intercourse begins in 1246 with John de Plano Carpini. This man, a Franciscan of Naples, started in 1245 as the Legate of Pope Innocent IV. to the Tartars, took the northern overland route through Germany and Poland, reached Kiev, "the metropolis of Russia," through help of the Duke of Cracow, and at last appeared in the camp of Batou, on the Volga. Hence by the Sea of Aral, "of moderate size with many islands," to the court of Batou's brother, the Great Khan "Cuyuc" himself, where the Christian stranger found himself one of a crowd of four thousand envoys from every part of Asia (1246). After sixteen months Carpini made his way back by the same route, "over the plains" and through Kiev, to give at Rome the first genuine account of Tartary, in its widest sense, from the Dnieper to China (1247). The great rivers and lakes and mountains of Russia and Turkestan, the position and distribution of the land and its peoples, "even from the Caspian to the Northern Ocean, where men are said to have dogs' faces," are now first described by an honest and clear-headed and keen-eyed observer, neither timid nor credulous. Carpini really begins the reliable western map of Further Asia. His personal knowledge did not reach China or India, but in his _Book of the Tartars_, Europe was told nearly the whole truth, and almost nothing but the truth, about the vast tract and the great races between the Carpathians and the Gobi Desert. In the same was included the first fair account of the manners and history of the "Mongols whom we call Tartars," and the simple truthfulness of the Friar stands out in all the allusions that make his work so human;--his interviews with the Tartar Chiefs and with brother-travellers, his dangers and difficulties from Lettish robbers and abandoned or guarded ferries, his passage of the Dnieper on the ice, his last three weeks on "trotting"[24] hacks over the steppes. [Footnote 24: "_Tartari fecerunt equos nostros trotare._"] We have gone a good way from Abbot Daniel, for in John de Plano Carpini Christian Europe has at last a real explorer, a real historian, a genuine man of science, in the service of the Church and of discovery. Carpini was followed after six years by William de Rubruquis, a Fleming sent by St. Louis of France on the same errand of conversion and discovery (1253), but by a different route, through the Black Sea, and Cherson, over the Don "at the Head of Azov, that divides Europe and Asia, as the Nile divides Asia and Africa," to the great camp on the Volga, "the greatest river I had ever seen, which comes from Great Bulgaria in the north and falls into a lake (the Caspian Sea), that would take four months to journey round." Higher in their course the Don and the Volga "are not more than ten days' journey apart, but diverge as they run south." The Caspian is "made out of the Volga and the rivers that flow into it from Persia." Thence through the Iron Gates of Derbend, between the Caspian and the Caucasus, "which Alexander made to shut the barbarians out of Persia." Helped by a Nestorian, who possessed influence at the Tartar Court, like so many of his Church, Rubruquis reached the "Alps" of the Altai country, where he found a small Nestorian lordship, governed like the Papal States, by a priest, who was at least one original of the great mediæval phantom--Prester John. Crossing the great steppes of eastern "Tartary," "like the rolling sea to look at," Rubruquis at last reached the Mongol headquarters at Caracorum, satisfied on the way that the Caspian had no northern outlet, as Strabo and Isidore had imagined. Thence he made his way home without much fresh result. [Illustration: THE PSALTER MAP OF THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY. (SEE LIST OF MAPS)] Though Rubruquis is well called the most brilliant and literary of the mediæval travellers, his mission was fruitless, and the interest of his work lay rather in recording custom and myth--in sociology--than in adding anything definite to the geographical knowledge of the West. John de Plano had already been over the ground to Caracorum, and recorded all the main characteristics of the lands west of the Gobi Desert. The further advance, east to China, south to India, was yet to come. But while Rubruquis was still among the Tartars, Nicolo and Matteo Polo, the uncles of the more famous Marco, were trading (1255-65) to the Crimea and the districts of southern Russia that were now under the Western Horde,--and soon after, following the caravans to Bokhara, they were drawn on to the court of Kublai Khan, then somewhere near the wall of China. After a most friendly reception they were sent back to Europe with presents and a letter to Pope Clement IV., offering a welcome and maintenance to Christian teachers. Kublai "had often questioned the Polos of the Western lands," and now he asked for one hundred "Latins, to shew him the Christian faith, for Christ he held to be the only God." Furnished with the imperial passport of the Golden Tablet, our merchants made their way back to Acre in April, 1269. They found the old pope dead, Gregory X. in his place, and he shewed a coolness in answering the Khan's requests, but in 1271 they set out on their second journey to the furthest East, taking with them two friar preachers and their nephew Marco, now nineteen years of age. In Armenia the friars took alarm at the troubled state of the nearer East and turned back, just as Augustine of Canterbury tried to find a way out of the mission to the English that Pope Gregory I. laid upon him in 597. For the Church it was perhaps as momentous a time now as then; the thirteenth century, if it had ended in the Christianising of the Mongol Empire, would have turned the Catholic victory of the fourth and sixth centuries in the West, the victory that had been worked out in the next seven hundred years to fuller and fuller realisation, into a world empire,--which did come at last for European civilisation, but not for Christendom. The Polos however kept on their way north-east for more than "one thousand days," three years and a half, till they stood in the presence of Kublai Khan; beyond Gobi and the Great Wall and the mountain barriers of China, in Cambaluc or Pekin, "princess encrowned of cities capital." Their journey was first through Armenia Lesser and Greater, then through Mosul (Nineveh) to Bagdad, where the last "Caliph and Pope of the Saracens" had been butchered by Holgalu and his Tartars, sewn in a sack and thrown into the Tigris by one account, walled up alive by another, in 1258. But though the stories in Marco's journal are a main interest of his work, as a summary and reflection of the science and history and general culture of the Christian world of his time, we must not here look outside his geography. And his first place-note of value is on the Caspian, "which containeth in circuit twenty-eight hundred miles and is like a lake, having no union with other seas and in which are many islands, cities, and castles." The extent of the Nestorian missions, "through all parts of India and to Cairo and Bagdad, and wherever Christians dwell," strikes him even now at the beginning of his travels--much more when he finds their churches on the Hoang Ho and the Yang-Tse-Kiang--declining indeed, but still living to witness to the part which that great heresy had played as an intermediary between the further and the nearer East--a part which history has never yet worked out. Entering Persia as traders, the Polos went naturally to Ormuz, already the great mart of Islam for the Indian trade, where Europeans really entered the third, and, to them, unknown belt of the world, after passing from a zone of known home-land through one of enemies' country, known and only known as such. Failing to take the sea route at Ormuz for China, as they had hoped, our Italians were obliged to strike back north-east, through Persia and the Pamir, the Kashgar district and the Gobi steppes, to Cathay and the pleasure domes of Kublai, visiting Caracorum and the Altai country on the way, by a turn due north. In 1275 they were in Shang-tu, the Xanadu[25] of Coleridge--the summer capital of Kublai Khan--and not till 1292 did they get leave to turn their faces to the West once more. [Footnote 25: In Xanadu did Kublai Khan A stately pleasure-dome decree, Where Alph, the sacred river, ran, Through caverns measureless to man, Down to a sacred sea. COLERIDGE: _Kublai Khan_.] Here the Polos became what may be called consulting engineers to the Mongol Court; Marco was even made in 1277 a commissioner of the Imperial Council, and soon after sent upon government missions to Yunnan in extreme south-west China and to Yangchow city. The greater part of Marco's own memoirs is taken up with his account of the thirty-four provinces of the Tartar Empire that centred round the "six parts of Cathay and the nine parts of Mangi," the districts of northern and southern China as we know them,--an account of the roads, rivers, and towns, the trade, the Court and the Imperial Ports, the customs and manner of life among the subject peoples in that Empire, perhaps the largest ever known. Especially do the travellers dwell on the public roads from Pekin or Cambaluc through all the provinces, the ten thousand Royal inns upon the highways, the two hundred thousand horses kept for the public service, the wonderful speed of transit in the Great Khan's embassages, "so that they could go from Pekin to the wall of China in two days." But scarcely less is said about the great rivers--the arteries of Chinese commerce, even more than the caravan routes,--above all, the Yang-Tse-Kiang, "the greatest stream in the world, like an arm of the sea, flowing above one hundred days' journey from its source into the ocean, and into which flow countless others, making it so great that incredible quantities of merchandise are brought by this river. It flows," exclaims Marco, "through sixteen provinces, past the quays of two hundred cities, at one of which I saw at one time five thousand vessels, and there are other marts that have more." The breadth and depth and length and merchandise of the Pulisangan and the Caramaran are only less than the Kiang's; from the point where Marco crossed the second of these, there was not another bridge till it reached the ocean, hundreds of miles away, "by reason of its exceeding greatness." Lastly Pekin, the capital of the Empire, with Quinsai and the other provincial capitals of Mangi and Cathay, call out the unbounded admiration of the Polos as of every other Western traveller, from the Moslem Ibn Batuta to the Christian friars of the fourteenth century. Pekin, two days' journey from the ocean, the residence of the Court in December, January, and February, in the extreme north-east of Cathay, had been lately rebuilt in a "central square of twenty-four miles in compass, and twelve suburbs, three or four miles long, adjoining each of the twelve gates," where merchants and strangers lived, each nation with separate "burses" or store-houses, where they lodged. From this centre to the land of Gog and Magog and the champaign-land of Bargu, the Great Khan travelled every year in midsummer for the fresh air of the plateau country of central Asia, as well as for a better view of the great Russian and Bactrian sub-kingdoms of his House. The six months of spring and autumn were spent in slow progresses through central and southern China to Thibet on one side, and to Tonquin on the other. But greater even than Pekin, Quinsai, or Kansay, the City of Heaven, in southern China, though no longer the capital even of a separate Kingdom of Mangi, was the crowning work of Chinese civilisation. It surpassed the other cities of Kublai, as much as these overshadowed the Rome or Venice of the thirteenth century. "In the world there is not its like, for by common report it is one hundred miles in circuit, with a lake on one side and a river on the other, divided in many channels and upon these and the canals adjoining twelve thousand bridges of stone; there are ten market places, each half a mile square; great store-houses of stone, where the Indian merchants lay by their goods; palaces and gardens on both sides of the main street, which, like all the highways in Mangi, is paved with stone on each side, and in the midst full of gravel, with passages for the water, which keeps it always clean." Salt, silk, fruit, precious stones, and cloth of gold are the chief commodities; the paper money of the Great Khan is used everywhere; all the people, except a few Nestorians and Moslems, are "idolaters, so luxurious and so happy that a man would think himself in Paradise." It was only in recent years that Kublai, or his general, Baian, had captured Quinsai and driven out the King of Mangi with his seraglio and his friends. The exile till then had only thought of pleasure, of wine, women, and song, the "sweet meat which cost him the sour sauce ye have heard," on the approach of danger, had fled on board the ships he had prepared to "certain impregnable isles in the ocean," and if these impregnable islands may be identified with Zipangu or Japan, the conquerors pursued him even here. There is nothing more interesting in Polo's book than his story of the Mongol failure in the Eastern islands, fifteen hundred miles from the coast of Mangi, now first discovered to Christian knowledge. This country of Japan, "very great, the people white, of gentle manners, idolaters in religion, under a King of their own," was attacked by Kublai's fleet in 1264 for the gold they had, and had in such plenty that "the King's house, windows, and floors were covered with it, as churches here with lead, as was reported by merchants--but these were few and the King allowed no exportation of the gold." The expedition was as disastrous a failure as the old Athenian attack upon Sicily, and was not repeated, although fleets were sent by the Great Khan after this into the Southern Seas, which were supposed to have made a discovery of Papua, if not of the Australian Continent. "In this Sea of China, over against Mangi," Marco reported, from hearsay "of mariners and expert pilots, are 7440 islands, most of them inhabited, whereon grows no tree that yields not a pleasant smell--spices, lignum-aloes, and pepper, black and white." The ships of Zaitum (the great Chinese mart for Indian trade) knew this sea and its islands, "for they go every winter and return every summer, taking a year on the voyage, and all this though it is far from India and not subject to the Great Khan." But not only did Polo in these sections of his Guide Book or Memories of Travel, record the main features of a coast and ocean scarcely guessed at by Europeans, and flatly denied by Ptolemy and the main traditional school of Western geography. In his service under Kublai, and in his return by sea to Aden and Suez, he opened up the eight provinces of Thibet, the whole of south-east Asia from Canton to Bengal, and the great archipelago of further India. Four days' journey beyond the Yang-Tse-Kiang, Marco entered "the wide country of Thibet, vanquished and wasted by the Khan for the space of twenty days' journey, and become a wilderness wanting inhabitants, where wild beasts are excessively increased." Here he tells us of the Yak-oxen and great Thibetan dogs as great as asses, of the musk deer, and spices, "and salt lakes having beds of pearls," and of the cruel and bestial idolatry and social customs of the people. Still farther to the south-west, Commissioner Polo came to the Cinnamon river, called Brius, on the borders of the province of Caindu, to the porcelain-making districts of Carazan, governed by Kublai's son, and so to Bengal, "which borders upon India," and where Marco laughs at the tattoo customs of "flesh embroidery for the dyeing of fools' skins." Thence back to China, the richest and most famous country of all the East, where was "peace so absolute that shops could be left open full of wares all night and travellers and strangers could walk day and night through every part, untouched and fearing none." But the Polos wearied even of the Court favours and their celestial home; they longed to come back to earth, to Frankland and Christendom, where life was so rough, and poor, and struggling, but for whose sake they had come so far and braved so much. But the Khan was hurt at the least hint of their wishes, and it was only a fortunate chance that restored them to Europe. Twenty years after their outward start, they were dismissed for a time and under solemn promise of return, as the guides of an embassy in charge of a Mongol bride for a Persian Khan, living at Tabrez and related to Kublai himself. So, in 1292, they embarked for India at Zaitum, "one of the fairest ports in the world, where is so much pepper that what comes by Alexandria to the West is little to it, and, as it were, one of a hundred." Then striking across the Gulf of Cheinan, for fifteen hundred miles, and passing "infinite islands, with gold and much trade,"--a gulf "seeming in all like another world"--they reached Ziambar and, after another run of the same distance, Java, then supposed by mariners to be the greatest island in the world, "above three thousand miles round and under a king who pays tribute to none, the Khan himself not offering to subject it, because of the length and danger of the voyage." One hundred miles south-east the fleet touched at Java the Less "in compass about two thousand miles, with abundance of treasure and spices, ebony, and brazil, and so far to the south that the North Star cannot be seen, and none of the stars of the Great Bear." Here they were in great fear of "those brutish man eaters," with whom they traded for victuals and camphire and spices and precious stones, being forced to stay for five months by stress of weather--till they got away into the Bay of Bengal, the extreme point of European knowledge until this time, "where there are savages living in the deep sea islands with dogs' heads and teeth, as I was told, all naked, both men and women, and living the life of beasts (Andamans)."[26] [Footnote 26: Probably the Andamans.] Sailing hence a thousand miles to the west, adds Marco, is Ceylon, "the finest island in the world, 2400 miles in circuit, and once 3600, as is seen in old maps, but the north winds have made great part of it sea." Again west for sixty miles, to Malabar, "which is firm continent in India the Greater," and where the Polos re-entered as it were the horizon of Western knowledge, at the shrine of St. Thomas, the Apostle of India. Here we must leave the Venetians, with only a bare mention of their homeward route from Malabar by Murfili and the Valley of Diamonds, by Camari, where they had a glimpse of the Pole-Star once more, and by Guzerat and Cambay to Socotra, where Marco, in his stay, heard and wrote down the first news ever brought to Europe of the "great isle Magaster," or Madagascar, and of Zensibar or Zanzibar.[27] [Footnote 27: This new knowledge had been really gained from the gradual spread of the Arab settlements down the south-east coast of Africa, during four centuries, from Guardafui, the Cape of spices, to the Channel of Mozambique.] Of Polo's account of Hindu customs,--self-immolation and especially Suttee, of Caste, of the Brahminical "thread with one hundred and four beads by which to pray"; of their etiquette in eating, drinking, birth, marriage, and death--only the simple fact can be noticed here, that the first serious and direct Christian account of India, as of China, is also among the most accurate and well judged, and that both in what he says and what he leaves unsaid, Messer Marco is a true Herodotus of the Middle Ages. But not only does his account discover for Europe the extreme east and south of Asia; in his last chapter he returns to the Tartars, and after adding a few words on the nomades of the central plains, gives us our first "Latin" account of Siberia, "where are found great white bears, black foxes, and sables; and where are great lakes, frozen except for a few months in the year, and crossed in sledges by the fur-traders." Beyond this the Obscure Land reaches to the furthest North, "near which is Russia, where for the most of winter the sun appears not, and the air is thick and dark as betimes in the morning with us, where the men are pale and squat and live like the beasts, and where on the East men come again to the Ocean Sea and the islands of the Falcons." The work of Marco Polo is the high-water mark of mediæval land travel; the extension of Christendom after him was mainly by the paths of the sea; the Roman missions to the Tartars and to Malabar, vigorously and stubbornly pressed as they were, ended in unrelieved collapse; only by the revolt and resurrection of the Russian kingdom did the European world permanently and markedly expand on the side of Asia. But a crowd of missionaries followed the first traders to Cathay and to Mangi--Friar Odoric, John de Monte Corvino, John de Cora; statesmen like Marignolli the Papal Legate, sight-seers like Mandeville followed these; Bishop Jordanus of Capua worked for years in Coulam near Cape Comorin (_c._ 1325-35); the martyrdom of four friars on April 1, 1322, at Tana, in India, became one of the great commemorations of the Latin Church; there seemed no cause why Christian missions which had won north and north-east Europe should not win central and eastern Asia, whose peoples seemed as indifferent, as agnostic, as our own Norse or English pagans. "The fame of the Latins," says Jordanus, about 1330--and he is borne out by Marino Sanuto--"is greater in India than among ourselves. Here our arrival is always looked for, and said to be predicted in their books. Once gain Egypt and launch a fleet even of two galleys on this sea and the battle is won." As Egypt could not be gained by arms, it was turned by seamanship. Before Polo returned from China, the coasting of Africa had begun, and Italian mariners were already in search of the longer way to the East. But there is no work of land travel after that of Messer Marco which really adds anything decisive to European knowledge before the fifteenth century; the advance of trade intercourse between India and the Italian Republics, the gradual liberation of Russia the use made of the caravan routes by some of the most active of the Western clergy, are the chief notes of the time between the Polos and Prince Henry; and the flimsy fabrications of Mandeville--"of all liars that type of the first magnitude"--would be fairly left without a word even in a minute history of discovery, if he had not, like Ktesias with Herodotus, won a hearing for himself and drawn men's minds away from the truth-telling original that he travestied, by the sheer force of impudence. The Indian travels of the Italian Nicolo Conti and the Russian merchant Athanasius Nikitin belong to a later time, to the age of the Portuguese voyages; they are not part of the preparation for our central subject, they are only a somewhat obscure parallel to that subject. For in the later Middle Ages the chief interest lies elsewhere. The expansion of Christendom in the fourteenth century, and still more in the fifteenth (Prince Henry's own), is the story of the ventures and the successes, not so much of landsmen, as of mariners. CHAPTER IV. MARITIME EXPLORATION. CIRCA 1250-1410. Italian, Catalan, French, and English sailors were the forerunners of the Portuguese in the fourteenth century, and the latter years of the thirteenth. And as in land travel, so in maritime, the republics of Italy, Amalphi, Pisa, Venice, and Genoa, were the leaders and examples of Europe. Just as the Italian Dante is the first great name in the new literatures of the West, so the Italian Dorias and Vivaldi and Malocelli are the first to take up again the old Greek and Phoenician enterprise in the ocean. Since Hanno of Carthage and Pharaoh Necho's Tyrians, there had been nothing in the nature of a serious trial to find a way round Africa, and even the knowledge of the Western or Fortunate Islands, so clear to Ptolemy and Strabo, had become dim. The Vikings and their crusader-followers had done nothing south of Gibraltar Straits. [Illustration: THE S.W., OR AFRICAN SECTION OF THE HEREFORD MAP. C. 1275-1300. (SEE LIST OF MAPS)] But while the Crusades were still dragging along a weary and hopeless warfare under St. Louis of France and Prince Edward of England, discovery began again in the Atlantic. In 1270 Lancelot Malocello found the Canaries; in 1281 or 1291 the Genoese galleys of Tedisio Doria and the Vivaldi, trying to "go by sea to the ports of India to trade there," reached Gozora or Cape Non in Barbary, the southern Ultima Thule, and according to a later story "sailed the Sea of Ghinoia (Guinea) to a city of Æthiopia," where even legend lost sight of them, for in 1312 nothing more had been heard. From the frequent and emphatic references to this attempt in the literature of the later Middle Ages, it is clear that the daring Genoese drew upon themselves the attention of the learned and mercantile worlds, as much as one would naturally expect. For these men are the pioneers of Christian explorations in the southern world--the precursors of all the ocean voyages that led to the discoveries of Prince Henry, Da Gama, Columbus, and Magellan,--the first who directly challenged the disheartening theories of geographers, such as Ptolemy, the inaction and traditionalism of the Arabs, and the elaborate falsities of story tellers, who, in the absence of real knowledge, had a grand opening for terrible fairy tales. The first age, if so it may be called, of South Atlantic and African voyages was purely Italian; the second was chiefly marked by the efforts of the Spanish States to equip fleets and send out explorers under Genoese captains. In 1317 the Genoese Emmanuel Pessanha became Admiral of Portugal; in 1341 three ships manned by Portuguese and "other Spaniards" with some Italians put out from Lisbon in search of Malocello's "Rediscovered" islands, granted by the Pope to Don Luis of Spain in a Bull of November 15, 1334, and now described, from the original letters of Florentine merchants and partners in the venture of 1341, by Boccaccio. "Land was found on the fifth day after leaving the Tagus" (July 1); the fleet stayed till November, and then brought back four natives and products of the islands. The chief pilot thought these were near nine hundred miles from Seville, and we may fully suppose that the archipelago of thirteen, now first explored and described, represents the Fortunate Islands of Greek geography, the Canaries of modern maps, and that the five chief islands with their naked but not quite savage people, with excellent wood houses, and flocks of goats, palms, and figs, gardens and corn patches, rocky mountains and pine forests, were our Ferro, Palma, Gomera, Grand Canary, and Teneriffe. The last they took to be thirty thousand feet high, with its white scarped sides looking like a fortress, but terrified at signs of enchantment they did not dare to land, and returned to Spain, leaving the Islands of the Rediscovered to be visited as a convenient slave depot by merchants and pirates from the Peninsula till the Norman Conquest of Béthencourt in 1402. The voyage of 1341 gained much by attempting little; the Catalan voyage of 1346, which followed close upon it, was something of a return to the wilder and larger schemes of the first Genoese. On August 10, 1346, Jayme Ferrer left Majorca "to go to the River of Gold," but of the said galley, says the Catalan map of 1375, no news has since been heard. On the same map, however, the explorers' boat is sketched off the "Cape Finisterre of west Africa," and there is, after all, some ground for supposing this to be nothing more than a mercantile venture to the Gold Coast of Guinea, which was becoming known to the traders of Nismes, Marseilles, and the Christian Mediterranean by the caravan traffic across the Sahara. Even Prince Henry began in the same way; Guinea was his half-way house for India. About the same date (_c._ 1350) as the Catalan voyage is the Book of the Spanish Friar, "of the voyage south to the River of Gold," which gives a more than half fabulous story of travel, first by sea beyond Capes Non and Bojador, then by land across the heart of Africa to the Mountains of the Moon, the city of Melli, where dwelt Prester John, and "the Euphrates, which comes from the terrestrial Paradise," where behind some real notes of Barbary coasting, perhaps gained from the Catalans of 1346, there is little but a confused transcript of Edrisi's geography. Yet this was one of the books which helped to fix the notion of a double Nile, Northern and Western, a Nile of Egypt and a Nile of the Blacks, with a common source in the Mountains of the Moon, upon the Christian science of the time, as the Arab geographers had fixed it upon Islam. The next piece of Atlantic exploration was a romantic accident. In the reign of Edward III., an Englishman named Robert Machin eloped with Anne d'Arfet from Bristol (_c._ 1370), was driven from the coast of France by a north-east wind, and after thirteen days sighted an island, Madeira, where he landed. His ship was swept away by the storm, his mistress died of terror and exhaustion, and five days after Machin was laid beside her by his men, who had saved the ship's boat and now ran her upon the African coast. They were enslaved, like other Christian captives of the Barbary corsairs, but in 1416 a fellow-prisoner, one Morales of Seville, an old pilot, was ransomed with others and sent back to Spain. On his way Morales was captured by a Portuguese captain, Zarco, the servant of Prince Henry, the rediscoverer of Madeira, and through this the full story of Machin and his island, came to be known in the court of the Navigator Prince, who promptly made his gain of the new knowledge a lasting one, by the voyage of Zarco in 1420. Last among the immediate predecessors of Prince Henry's seamen come the French. In the seventeenth century it was claimed, on newly found evidence, that between 1364 and 1410 the men of Dieppe and Rouen opened a regular trade in gold, ivory, and malaguette pepper with the coast of Guinea, and built stations at Petit Paris, Petit Dieppe, and La Mine, which they named from the precious metal found there. But all this is more than doubtful, and the genuine Norman voyage of De Béthencourt in 1402 shows us nothing but the Canaries and the north-west coast of Morocco. Cape Non, or Cape Bojador, was still the European Furthest on the African coast. The French Seigneur was stirred up to attack the Fortunate Islands by two events. First in 1382 one Lopez, a captain of Seville sailing to Gallicia, was driven by a tempest to Grand Canary, and lived among the natives seven years till he and his men were denounced for writing home and inviting rescue. To stop this intrigue they, the "thirteen Christian brothers" whose testament reached Béthencourt twelve years later, were all massacred. News of this and of the voyage of a Spaniard named Becarra to the same islands at the same time, reached Rochelle about 1400, and found several French adventurers ready for a trial. The chief of these, Jean de Béthencourt, Lord of Grainville, and Gadifer de la Salle, a needy knight, started in July, 1402, to conquer in the sea a new kingdom for themselves. Though the leaders quarrelled and Grand Canary beat off all attacks, the enterprise was successful in the main, and several of the islands became Christian colonies,--a first step towards the colonial empires of the great European expansion, as the record of Béthencourt's chaplains is the first chapter of modern colonial history. But nothing is clearer in this tract than its limitations. The French colonists as late as 1425 seem to know nothing of the African coast beyond Cape Bojador; they look upon the Canaries rather as an extension of Spain and of Europe than as the beginning of a new world. They are anxious to get to the River of Gold and traffic there, but they do not know the way, save by report. De Béthencourt had been to Bojador himself, and "if things in that country are such as they are described in the Book of the Spanish Friar," he meant to open a way to the River of Gold, for, the Friar says, "it is only one hundred and fifty leagues from Cape Bojador, and the map proves the same--which is only a three days' voyage for sailing boats--whereby access would be gained to the land of Prester John, whence come so many riches." But as yet our Normans are only "eager to know the state of the neighbouring countries, both islands and _terra firma_:" they do not know the coast beyond the "Utmost Cape" of Bojador, which had taken the place of the first Arab Finisterre, Cape Non,[28] Nun, or Nam, as the limit of navigation. [Footnote 28: Cape Non = Fish Cape. But Latini took it as = Not, "from the fact that beyond it there is _no_ return possible." And so the rhyme "Who pass Cape Non--Must turn again, _or else begone_" (lit. "_or not_," _i.e._, will not be able to return).] We are now at the very time of Prince Henry himself; his first voyage was in 1412. De Béthencourt died in 1425, and it is quite needless to follow out at length the stories, however interesting, of sporadic navigation in other parts of the European Seas. Between 1380-95 the Venetian Zeni sailed in the service of Henry Sinclair, Earl of the Orkneys, to Greenland, and brought back fisher stories, which read like those of Central America, of its man-eating Caribs and splendid barbarism. Somewhat earlier, about 1349, Ivar Bardsen of Norway paid one of the last of Christian visits to the Arctic colonies of Greenland, the legacy of the eleventh century, now sinking into ruin; but neither of these voyages gives us any new knowledge of the Unknown which was now being pierced, not from the North and East, but from the South and West. Both in land travel and sea voyages we have traced the progress of Western exploration and discovery up to its Hero, the real central figure both in the history of Portugal and of the European expansion. A little remains to be said on the other lines of preparation for his work in scientific theory and national development from the Age of the Crusades. CHAPTER V. GEOGRAPHICAL SCIENCE IN CHRISTENDOM FROM THE FIRST CRUSADES. CIRCA 1100-1460. Before the Crusades of the eleventh and twelfth centuries, the scientific geography of Christendom, as we have seen, was mainly a borrowed thing. From the ninth century to the time of the Mediæval and Christian Renaissance, in the eleventh, twelfth, and thirteenth centuries, the Arabs were the recognised heirs of Greek science, and what Franks or Latins knew of Ptolemy or Strabo was either learnt or corrected in the schools of Cordova and Bagdad. But when the Northmen and the Holy War with Islam had once thoroughly aroused the practical energies of Christendom, it began to expand in mind as well as in empire, and in the time of Prince Henry, in the fifteenth century, a Portuguese could say: "Our discoveries of coasts and islands and mainland were not made without foresight and knowledge. For our sailors went out very well taught, and furnished with instruments and rules of _astrology_ and geometry, things which all mariners and map-makers must know." [Illustration: THE WORLD ACCORDING TO MARINO SANUTO. C. 1306. (SEE LIST OF MAPS)] In fact, compass, astrolabe, timepiece, and charts, were all in use on the Mediterranean about 1400, just as they were to be found among the Arab traders of the Indian Ocean. In this section it will be enough to glance hastily at the later and growingly independent science of Christendom, from the time that it ceased merely to follow the lead of Islam, and thought and even invented for itself. In another chapter we have seen something of the lasting and penetrating influence of Greek and Moslem and Hindu tradition upon the Western thought, which has conquered by absorbing all its rivals; we must not forget that some original self-reliant work in geographical theory not less than in practical exploration is absolutely needed to explain the very fact of Prince Henry and his life--a student's life, far more even than a statesman's. And after all, the invention of instruments, the drawing of maps and globes, the reckoning of distances, is not less practical than the most daring and successful travel. For navigation, the first and prime demand is a means of safety, some power of knowing where you stand and where to go, such as was given to sailors by the use of the magnet. "Prima dedit nautis usum magnetis Amalphis," says Beccadelli of Palermo, but the earliest mention of the "Black ugly stone" in the West is traced to an Englishman. Alexander Neckam, a monk of St. Albans, writing about 1180 on "The Natures Of Things," tells us of it as commonly used by sailors, not merely as the secret of the learned. "When they cannot see the sun clearly in cloudy weather, or at night, and cannot tell which way their prow is tending, they put a Needle above a Magnet which revolves till its point looks North and then stops." So the satirist, Guyot de Provins, in his _Bible_ of about 1210, wishes the Pope were as safe a point to steer by in Faith as the North Star in sailing, "which mariners can keep ahead of them, without sight of it, only by the pointing of a needle floating on a straw in water, once touched by the Magnet." It might be supposed from this not merely that the magnet was in use at the end of the twelfth century, but that it had been known to a few _savants_ much earlier; yet when Dante's tutor, Brunetto Latini, visits Roger Bacon at Oxford about 1258, and is shown the black stone, he speaks of it as new and wonderful, but certain, if used, to awake suspicion of magic. "It has the power of drawing iron to it, and if a needle be rubbed upon it and fastened to a straw so as to swim upon water, the needle will instantly turn towards the Pole-Star. But no master mariner could use this, nor would the sailors venture themselves to sea under his command if he took an instrument so like one of infernal make." [Illustration: SKETCH-MAP OF DULCERT'S PORTOLANO OF 1339. (SEE LIST OF MAPS)] It was possibly after this that the share of Amalphi came in; it may have been Flavio Gioja, or some other citizen of that earliest commercial republic of the Middle Ages, which filled up so large a part of the gap between two great ages of progress, who fitted the magnet into a box, and by connecting it with the compass-card, made it generally and easily available. This it certainly was before Prince Henry's earliest voyages, where he takes its use for granted even by merchant coasters, "who, beyond hugging the shore, know nothing of chart or needle." In any case it would seem that prejudice was broken down, and the mariner's compass taken into favour, at least by Italian seamen and their Spanish apprentices, in the early years of the fourteenth century, or the last years of the thirteenth, and that when the Dorias set out for India by the ocean way in 1291, and the Lisbon fleet sailed for the western islands in 1341, they had some sort of natural guide with them, besides the stories of travellers and their own imaginings. About the same time (_c._ 1350) mathematics and astronomy began to be studied in Portugal, and two of Henry's brothers, King Edward and the Great Regent Pedro, left a name for observations and scientific research. Thus Pedro, in his travels through most of Christendom, collected invaluable materials for discovery, especially an original of Marco Polo and a map given him at Venice, "which had all the parts of the earth described, whereby Prince Henry was much furthered." Good maps indeed were almost as valuable to him as good instruments, and they are far clearer landmarks of geographical knowledge. There are at least seven famous charts (either left to us or described for us) of the fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries, which give a pretty clear idea of what Henry's own age and his father's thought and knew of the world--some of which we believe to have been used by the Prince himself, and each of which follows some advance in actual exploration. First of all comes the Venetian map of Marino Sanuto, drawn about 1306, and putting into map-form the ideas that inspired the first Italian voyages in the Atlantic. On this the south of Africa is washed by the sea as the Vivaldi had hoped to find it, but the old story of a central zone "uninhabitable from the heat" still finds a place, helping to keep up the notion of the Tropical Seas, "always kept boiling by the sun," that held its own so long. Besides this, in Sanuto's map there is no evidence that anyone had really been coasting Africa; Henry is not anticipated and can hardly have been much helped by this very hypothetical leap in the dark. But the Florentine map of 1351, called the Laurentian Portolano, is to all appearance a record of the actual discoveries of 1341 and 1346, and a wonderful triumph of guess-work if it is nothing better. For Africa is not only made an island, but the main outline of its coast is fairly drawn; in its western corner the headlands, bays, and rivers are laid down as far as Bojador, and the three groups of Atlantic islands, Azores, Canaries, and Madeira, appear together for the first time. Beyond this names grow scarce, and on the great indent of the Gulf of Guinea, enormously exaggerated as it is, there is nothing to show for certain any past discovery, which suggests that this map was made for two purposes. First, to record the results of recent travel; secondly, and chiefly, to put forward geographical theories based upon tradition and inference, what men of old had told and what men of the present could fancy. Long after the Italian leadership in exploration had passed westward, Italian science kept control of geographical theory; the Venetian maps of the brothers Pizzigani in 1367, and of the Camaldolese convent at Murano in 1380 and 1459, and the work of Andrea Bianco in 1436 and 1448, are the most important of mediæval charts, after the Laurentian, and along with these must be reckoned that mentioned above as given in 1425-8 to Henry's brother, Don Pedro, on his visit to Venice. This treasure has disappeared, but it was said by men of Henry's day and aftertime, who saw it in the monastery of Alçobaça, to show "as much or more discovered in time past than now." If their account is even an approach to the truth, it was in itself proof sufficient of the supremacy and almost monopoly of Italians in geographical theory. With 1375 and the Catalan map of that year, which specially refers to the Catalan voyage of 1346 and may be taken as one result of the same, we come to Spanish parallels; but until the death of Henry in 1460, Italian draughtsmen were in possession, and Fra Mauro's great map of 1459, the evidence and result, in great measure, of the Navigator's work, could only be drawn by Venetians for the men whose discoveries it recorded. But there is one other point in Italian map-science which is worth remembering. At a time when most schemes of the world were covered with monsters and legends, when cartography was half mythical and half miscalculated, the coasting voyagers of the Mediterranean had brought their _Portolani_ or sea charts to a very different result. And how was this? Did they get right, as it were, by chance? "They never had for their object," says the great Swedish explorer and draughtsman, Baron Nordenskjold, "to illustrate the ideas of some classical author, of some learned prelate, or the legends and dreams of feats of Chivalry within the Court circle of some more or less lettered feudal lord." They were simply guides to mariners and merchants in the Mediterranean seaports; they were seldom drawn by learned men, and small enough, in return, was the attention given them by the learned geographers, the men of theory, in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. But these plans of practical seamen are a wonderful contrast in their almost present-day accuracy to the results of theory let loose, as we see them in Ptolemy and the Arabian geographers, and in such fantastics as the Hereford Mappa Mundi, so well known in England. Map-sketches of this sort, were unknown to Greeks and Romans, as far as we can tell. The old Peripli were sailing directions, not drawn but written, and the only Arabian coast-chart known to us was copied from an Italian one. But from the opening of the twelfth century, if not before, the western Mediterranean was known to Christian seamen--to those at least concerned in the trade and intercourse of the great inland sea,--by the help of these practical guides. [Illustration: THE LAURENTIAN PORTOLANO OF 1351. (SEE LIST OF MAPS)] From the middle of the thirteenth century, when the use of the compass began on the coasts of southern Europe, the Portolani began to be drawn with its aid, and by the end of the same century, by the time of our Hereford map (_c._ 1300), these charts had reached the finish that we see and admire in those left to us from the fourteenth century. For, of the 498 specimens of this kind of practical map now left to us, there is not one of earlier date than the year 1311. Among these specimens not merely the mass of materials, but the most important examples, not merely 413 out of 498, but all the more famous and perfect of the 498 are Italian. The course begins with Vesconte's chart, of the year 1311, and with Dulcert's of 1339, and the outlines of these two are faithfully reproduced, for instance, in the great Dutch map of the Barentszoons (_c._ 1594), for the type once fixed in the fourteenth century, recurs steadily throughout the fifteenth, and sixteenth. The type was so permanent because it was so reliable; every part of the Mediterranean coast was sketched without serious mistake or disproportion, even from a modern point of view, while the fulness and detail of the work gave everything that was wanted by practical seamen. Of course this detail was in the coast lines, river mouths, and promontories; it only touched the land features as they touched the seas. For the Portolani were never meant to be more than mariners' charts, and became less and less trustworthy if they tried to fill up the inland spaces usually left blank. For this, we must look to the highest class of mediæval theoretical maps, those founded on Portolani, but taking into their view land as well as water and coast line. And such were the celebrated examples[29] we have noticed already. [Footnote 29: _Of_ 1306, 1351, 1367, 1375, 1380, 1436, 1448, 1459.] * * * * * NOTE.--It was a man of theory, Raymond Lulli (1235-1315), of Majorca, the famous Alchemist, who is credited with the first suggestion of the idea of seeking a way to India by rounding Africa on the West and South. CHAPTER VI. PORTUGAL TO 1400. 1095-1400. Henry the Navigator is the Hero of Portugal, as well as of discovery, the chief figure in his country's history, as well as the first leader of the great European expansion; and the national growth of three hundred years is quite as much a part of his life, quite as much a cause of his forward movement, as the growth of Christendom towards a living interest in the unknown or half-known world around. The chief points of interest in the story of Portugal are first the stubborn restless independence of the people, always rising into fresh vigour after a seeming overthrow, and secondly their instinct for seamanship, which Henry was able to train into exploring and colonising genius. There was no physical justice in the separate nationality of the Western Kingdom of Lisbon any more than of the Eastern Kingdom of Barcelona. Portugal[30] was essentially part of Spain, as the United Provinces of William of Orange were essentially part of the Netherlands; in both cases it was only the spirit and endurance of the race that gave to some provincials the right to become a people, while that right was denied to others. [Footnote 30: See Note 1, page 137.] And Portugal gained that right by a struggle of three hundred years, which was first a crusade against Islam; then a war of independence against brother Christians of Castille; last of all a civil strife against rebels and anarchists within. In the twelfth century the five kingdoms of Spain were clearly marked off from the Moslem States and from one another; by the end of the fifteenth there is only the great central Realm of Ferdinand and Isabella, and the little western coast-kingdom of Emanuel the Fortunate, the heir of Prince Henry. Nations are among our best examples of the survival of the fittest, and by the side of Poland and Aragon we may well see a meaning in the bare and tiresome story of the mediæval kingdom of Portugal. The very fact of separate existence means something for a people which has kept on ruling itself for ten generations. Though its territory was never more than one fourth of the peninsula, nor its numbers more than one third of the Spanish race--from the middle of the twelfth century, Portugal has stood alone, with less right to such independence from any distinction of place or blood, than Ireland or Navarre, fighting incessantly against foes without, from north, east, and south, and keeping down the still worse foes of its own household. [Illustration: N.W. SECTION OF THE CATALAN MAP OF 1375-6. (SEE LIST OF MAPS)] But the meaning of the growth of the Portuguese power is not in its isolation, its stubbornly defended national distinction from all other powers, but in its central and as it were unifying position in modern history--as the guide of Europe and Christendom into that larger world which marks the real difference between the Middle Ages and our own day. For Henry the Navigator breathed into his countrymen the spirit of the old Norse rovers, that boundless appetite for new knowledge, new pleasures, new sights and sounds, which underlay the exploration of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries--the exploration of one half of the world's surface, the finding of a new continent in the south and in the west, and the opening of the great sea-routes round the globe. The scientific effects of this, starting from the new proof of a round world won by a Portuguese seaman, Magellan; and the political effects, also beginning with the first of modern colonial empires, founded by Da Gama, Cabral, and Albuquerque, are too widespread for more than a passing reference in this place, but this reference must be connected with the true author of the movement. For if the industrial element rules modern development; if the philosophy of utility, as expressing this element, is now our guide in war and peace; and if the substitution of this for the military spirit[31] is to be dated from that dominion in the Indian seas which realised the designs of Henry--if this be so, the Portuguese become to us, through him, something like the founders of our commercial civilisation, and of the European empire in Asia. [Footnote 31: W.H. Lecky, _Rationalism_.] By the opening years of the fifteenth century, Portugal--in a Catholic rather than a Classical Renaissance--had already entered upon its modern life, some three generations before the rest of Christendom. But its mediæval history is very much like that of any other of the Five Spanish Kingdoms. Like the rest, Portugal had joined in driving the Moors from the Asturias to Andalusia, in the two hundred years of successful Western Crusade (1001-1212). In the same time, between the death of the great vizier Almanzor, the last support of the old Western Caliphate (1001), and the overthrow of the African Moors, who had supplanted that Western Caliphate,--between those two points of Moslem triumph and Christian reaction, the Portuguese kingdom had been formed out of the County granted in 1095 by Alfonso VI. of Leon to the free-lance Henry of Burgundy. For the next three hundred years (1095-1383), under his descendants who reigned as kings in Guimaraëns or Lisbon, we may trace a gradual but chequered national rise, to the Revolution of 1383 with two prominent movements of expansion and two relapses of contraction and decline. First comes the formation of a national spirit by Count Henry's widow Donna Theresa and her son Affonso Henriquez, who from a Lord of Coimbra and Oporto, dependent on the Kingdom of Gallicia or of Leon, becomes the first free King of Portugal. His victories over the Moors in taking Lisbon (1147) and winning the day of Ourique (1139), are followed by the first wars with Castille and by the time of quiet organisation in his last years under the regency of his son Sancho, the City Builder. The building and planting of Sancho is again followed by the first relapse, into the weakness of Affonso II., and the turbulent minority of Sancho II. Constitutional troubles begin with the First Sancho's quarrel with Innocent III. and with the appearance of the first national Cortés under Chancellor Julian. The second forward movement starts with Affonso III., "of Boulogne," who saves the kingdom from anarchy and conquers the Algarves, on the south coast, from Islam; who first organises the alliance of Crown and people against nobles and clergy, and, in the strength of this, defies the interdict of Urban IV. Diniz, his bastard son, for whose legitimation he had made this same struggle with Rome, follows Affonso III., in 1279, and with him begins the wider life of Portugal, her navy and her literature, her agriculture, justice, and commerce. The second relapse may be dated from the Black Death (1348), which threatened the very life of the nation, and left behind a sort of chronic weakness. National spirit seemed worn out; Court intrigue and political disaster the order of the day; the Church and Cortés alike effete and useful only against themselves. But in the revival under a new leader, John, the father of Prince Henry, and a new dynasty--the House of Aviz--and its "Royal Race of Famous Infants," in the years that follow the Revolution of 1383, the older religious and crusading fervour is joined with the new spirit of enterprise, of fierce activity, and the Portugal thus called into being is a great State because the whole nation shares in the life and energy of a more than recovered liberty. Before the age of King Diniz, before the fourteenth century, there is little enough in the national story to suggest the first state-profession of discovery and exploration in Christian history. But we must bring together a few of the suggestive and prophetic incidents of the earlier time, if we are to be fully prepared for the later. (1.) Oporto, the "port" of Gallicia, from the formation of the county or "march" of Henry of Burgundy, seems to have given the district its name of "Portugallia," at one time as a military frontier against Islam, then as an independent State, lastly as an imperial Kingdom. Also, as the earliest centre of Portugal was a harbour, and its earliest border a river, there was a sort of natural, though slumbering, fitness for seamanship in the people. (2.) Again, in the alliance of the Crown with the towns, first formed by Count Henry's wife Theresa in her regency after his death, 1114-28, and renewed by her grandson Sancho, the City Builder, and by Affonso III., the "Saviour of the Kingdom," we have an early example of the power of that class, which was the backbone of the great movement of expansion, when the meaning of this was fairly brought home to them. (3.) In the capture of Lisbon, in 1147, by Affonso Henriquez, Theresa's son, at the head of the allied forces of native militia and northern Crusaders--Flemish, French, German, and English--we have brought clearly before us, not merely the facts of the gain of a really great city by a rising Christian State, not merely the result of this in the formation of a kingdom out of a county, but the more general connection of the crusading spirit with the new nations of Europe. Portugal is the most lasting monument of crusading energy; it was this that strengthened the "Lusitanians" to make good their stand both against the Moors and against Castille; and it was this which brought out the maritime bent of the little western kingdom, and drew out its interest on the one and only side where that could be of great and general usefulness. The Crusades without and the policy of statesmen within, we may fairly say, made the Portuguese ready to lead the expansion of Christendom, made possible the work of Henry the Navigator. The foreign help given at Lisbon in 1147 was only a repetition on a grand scale of what had long been done on a smaller, and it was offered again and again till the final conquest of the southern districts, between Cape St. Vincent and the Guadiana (_c._ 1250), left the European kingdom fully formed, and the recovery of Western Spain from the Moslem had been achieved. [Illustration: Chart of the Mediterranean Sea by WILLEM BARENTSZOON. Engraved in copper 1595. Almost unaltered copy of a Portolano from the 14th century. (Orig. size 418 x 855 m.m.). (SEE LIST OF MAPS)] (4.) And when the Crusading Age passed away, it left behind an intercourse of Portugal with England, Flanders, and the North Sea coasts, which was taken up and developed by Diniz and the kings of the fourteenth century, till under the new Royal House of Aviz, in the boyhood of Henry the Navigator, this maritime and commercial element had clearly become the most important in the State, the main interest even of Government. So, from the first mercantile treaty of 1294, between the traders of Lisbon and London, we feel ourselves beyond the mere fighting period, and before the death of Diniz (1325), there is a good deal more progress in the same direction. The English treaty of exchange is followed by similar ones with France and with Flanders, while for the protection of this commerce, as well as to prove his fellowship or his rivalry with the maritime republics of Italy, Diniz,[32] the "Labourer King," built the first Portuguese navy, founded a new office of state for its command, and gave the post to a great Genoese sailor, Emanuel Pessanha, 1317. With the new Lord High Admiral begins the Spanish-Italian age of ocean voyages, and the rediscovery of the Canaries in 1341 is the first result of the alliance. In 1353 the old treaty of 1294 is enlarged and safeguarded by fresh clauses signed in London, as if to guard against future trouble in the dark days then hanging over Portugal. [Footnote 32: See Note 2, page 137.] For the next generation (1350-1380), the national politics are bound up with Spanish intrigues and lose nearly all reference to that larger world, to which the kingdom was recalled by the Revolution of 1383, the overthrow of Castille on the battle-field of Aljubarrota, and the accession of John of Aviz. Once more intensely, narrowly national, one might almost say provincial, in peninsular matters, Portugal then returned to its older ambition of being, not a make weight in Spanish politics, but a part of the greater whole of commercial and maritime Europe. Almost ceasing to be Spanish, she was, by that very transfer of interest from land to sea, fitted for her special part,-- "to open up those wastes of tide No generation openèd before." It was through a love affair that the crisis came about. Ferdinand the Handsome, the last of the House of Burgundy to reign in Lisbon, became the slave of the worst of his subjects, the evil genius of himself and his kingdom, Leonora Telles. For her sake he broke his marriage treaty with Castille (1372), and brought down the vengeance of Henry of Trastamara, whom the Black Prince of England had fought and seemed to conquer at Navarette, but who in the end had foiled all his enemies--Pedro the Cruel, Ferdinand of Portugal, and Prince Edward of Creçy and Poictiers. For Leonor's sake Ferdinand braved the great riot of the Lisbon mob, when Fernan Vasquez the Tailor led his followers to the palace, burst in the gates, and forced from the King an oath to stand by the Castilian marriage he had contracted. For her sake he broke his word to his artisans, as he had broken it to his nobles and his brother monarch. Leonor herself the people hunted for in vain through the rooms and corridors of the palace; she escaped from their lynch law to Santarem. The same night Ferdinand joined her. Safe in his strongest fortress, he gathered an army and forced his way back into the capital. The mob was scattered; Vasquez and the other leaders beheaded on the spot. Then at Oporto, without more delay, the King of Portugal married his paramour, in the face of her husband, of Castille, and of his own people. "Laws are nil," said the rhyme, "when kings will," but though nobles and people submitted in the lifetime of Ferdinand, the storm broke out again on his death in October, 1383. During the last ten years the Queen had practically governed, and the kingdom seemed to be sinking back into a province of Spain. Ferdinand's bastard brother, John, Master of the Knights of Aviz, and father of Henry the Navigator, was the leader of the national party, and Leonor had in vain tried to get rid of him, silent and dangerous as he was. She forged some treasonable letters in his name, and procured his arrest; then as the King would not order him to execution without trial, she forged the warrant, too, and sent it promptly to the Governor of Evora Castle, where the Master lay in prison. But he refused to obey without further proof, and John escaped to lead the national restoration. On the death of Ferdinand his widow took the regency in the name of her daughter Beatrice, just married to the King of Castille. It was only a question of time, this coming subjection of Portugal, unless the whole people rose and made monarchy and government national once more. And in December, 1383, they did so. Under John of Aviz the patriots cut to pieces the Queen's friends, and made ready to meet her allies from Castille. On the battle field of Aljubarrota (August 14, 1385), the struggle was decided. Castille was finally driven back, and the new age, of the new dynasty, was fairly started. The Portuguese people under King John I. and his sons Edward, Pedro, Henry, and Ferdinand, passed out of the darkness of their slavery into the light and life of their heroic age. [Illustration: WEST FRONT OF THE MONASTERY CHURCH OF BATALHA WHERE PRINCE HENRY LIES BURIED.] The founder of the House of Aviz, John, the King of Good Memory, is the great transition figure in his country's history, for in his reign the age of the merely European kingdom is over, and that of discovery and empire begins. That is, the limits of territory and of population, as well as the type of government and of policy, both home and foreign, secured by his victory and his reign, are permanent in themselves, and as the conditions of success they lie at the root of the development of the next hundred years. Even the drift of Portuguese interests, seawards and southwards, is decided by his action, his alliance with England, his encouragement of trade, his wars against the Moors. For, by the middle of his reign, by the time of the Ceuta conquest (1415), his third son, Prince Henry, had grown to manhood. Yet, King John's personal work (1383-1433) is rather one of settlement and the providing of resources for future action than the taking of any great share in that action. His mind was practical rather than prophetic, common-sense rather than creative; but in his regeneration of the Court and trade and society and public service of the kingdom, he fitted his people to play their part, to be for a time the "very foremost men of all this world." First of all, he founded a strong centralised monarchy, like those which marked the fifteenth century in France and England and Russia. The spirit, the aim of Louis XI., of the Tudors, of Ivan III., was the same as that of John I. of Portugal--to rule as well as govern in every department, "over all persons, in all causes, as well ecclesiastical as civil, within their dominions supreme." The Master of Aviz had been the people's choice; the Lisbon populace and their leaders had been among the first who dared to fight for him; but he would not be a simple King of Parliaments. He preferred to reign with the help of his nobles. For though he distrusted feudalism, he dreaded Cortés still more. So, while in most of the new monarchies of Europe the subjection or humiliation of the baronage was a primary article of policy, John tried to win his way by lavish gifts of land, while resolutely checking feudalism in government, curtailing local immunities, and guarding the liberties of the towns against noble usurpers. We shall see the results of this in the life of Prince Henry; at present there is only space to notice the general fact. The other lines of John's home government--his reform of criminal procedure, his sanction of the vernacular in legal and official business in place of Latin, his attempt to publish the first collection of Portuguese laws, his settlement of the Court in the true national capital of Lisbon--are only to be linked with the life of his son, as helping one and all of them towards that conscious political unity on which Henry's work was grounded. The same was the result of his foreign policy, which was nothing more than the old state-rules of Diniz. Systematic neutrality in Spain and a commercial alliance with England and the northern nations, were but the common-sense securities of the restored kingdom; but they played another part than one of mere defence, in drawing out the seamanship and worldly knowledge, and even the greed of Portuguese traders. In the marts of Bruges and London, "the Schoolmasters of Husbandry to Europe," Henry's countrymen met the travellers and merchants of Italy and Flanders and England and the Hanse Towns, and gained some inkling of the course and profits of the overland trade from India and the further East, first as in Nismes and Montpellier they saw the Malaguette pepper and other merchandise of the Sahara and Guinea caravans. The Windsor and Paris treaties of 1386 and 1389; the marriage of John himself with Philippa, daughter of old "John of Gaunt, time-honoured" and time-serving "Lancaster," and the consequent alliance between the House of Aviz and the House of our own Henry IV., are proofs of an unwritten but well understood Triple Alliance of England, Flanders, and Portugal, which had been fostered by the Crusades and by trade and family politics. And through this friendship had come into being what was now the chief outward activity of Portuguese life, an interest in commerce, which was the beginning of a career of discovery and colonisation. Lastly, besides good government, besides saving the kingdom and keeping it safely in the most prosperous path, Portugal owed to King John and his English wife the training of their five sons, Edward the Eloquent, Pedro the Great Regent, Henry the Navigator, John the Constable, Ferdinand the Saint--the cousins of our own Henry V., Henry of Azincourt. Edward, the heir of John the Great and his unfortunate successor (1433-8), unlucky as most literary princes, but deserving whatever courage and honesty and the best gifts can deserve, was a good ruler, a good son, a good brother, a good lawyer, and one of the earliest writers in his own Portuguese. As a pupil of his father's great Chancellor, John of the Rules, he has left a tract on the _Ordering of Justice_; as a king, two others, on _Pity_ and _A Loyal Councillor_; as a cavalier, _A Book of Good Riding_. Still more to our purpose, he was always at the side of his brother Henry, helped him in his schemes and brought his movement into fashion at a critical time, when enterprise seemed likely to slacken in the face of unending difficulties. But the Navigator's right-hand man was his next brother Pedro the Traveller, who, after visiting all the countries of Western Europe and fighting with the Teutonic knights against the heathen Prussians, brought back to Portugal for the use of discovery that great mass of suggestive material, oral and written, in maps and plans and books, which was used for the first ocean voyages of Henry's sailors. On his judgment and advice, more than of any other man, Henry relied, and after Edward's death it was due to him as Regent that the generous support of the past was more than kept up, that so many ships and men were found for the rounding of Cape Verde, and that Edward's son and heir Affonso V., was trained in the mind of his father and his uncle, to be their successor in leading the expansion of Portugal and of Christendom. [Illustration: AISLE IN BATALHA CHURCH CONTAINING THE TOMBS OF HENRY AND HIS BROTHERS.] John and Ferdinand, Henry's two younger brothers, are not of much importance in his work, though they were both of the same rare quality as the elder Infantes, and the worst disaster of Henry's life, the Tangier campaign, is closely bound up with the fate of "Fernand the Constant Prince," but as we pass from the earlier story of Portugal to the age of its great achievements, it would be hard to doubt or to forget that the mother of the Navigator was also of some account in the shaping of the heroes of her house. Through her at least the Lusitanian Prince of Thomson's line is half an Englishman: "The Lusitanian prince, who, Heaven-inspired, To love of useful glory roused mankind, And in unbounded commerce mixed the world." [NOTE 1.--The Old Roman Lusitania, but with a wider stretch on the North, and a narrower stretch on the East. So the Portuguese are "Lusians," "Lusitanians," etc., in poetry. _Cf._ Camoëns, _Lusiads_.] [NOTE 2.-- What Diniz willèd He ever fulfillèd --said the popular rhyme.] CHAPTER VII. HENRY'S POSITION AND DESIGNS AT THE TIME OF THE FIRST VOYAGES, 1410-15. Then from ancient gloom emerged The rising world of trade: the genius then, Of Navigation, held in hopeless sloth, Had slumbered on the vast Atlantic deep For idle ages, starting, heard at last The Lusitanian Prince, who, Heaven-inspired, To love of useful glory roused mankind, And in unbounded commerce mixed the world. THOMSON, _Seasons, Summer, 1005-1012_. The third son of John the Great and of Philippa was the Infant Henry, Duke of Viseu, Master of the Order of Christ, Governor of the Algarves, born March 4, 1394, who might have travelled from Court to Court like his brother Pedro, but who refused all offers from England, Italy, and Germany, and chose the life of a student and a seaman,--retiring more and more from the known world that he might open up the unknown. After the capture of Ceuta, in 1415, he planted himself in his Naval Arsenal at Sagres, close to Lagos town and Cape St. Vincent, and for more than forty years, till his death in 1460, he kept his mind upon the ocean that stretched out from that rocky headland to the unknown West and South. Twice only for any length of time did he come back into political life; for the rest, though respected as the referee of national disputes and the leader and teacher of the people, his time was mainly spent in thinking out his plans of discovery--drawing his maps, adjusting his instruments, sending out his ships, receiving the reports of his captains. His aims were three: to discover, to add to the greatness and wealth of Portugal, and to spread the Christian Faith. (1.) First of all, he was trying to find a way round Africa to India for the sake of the new knowledge itself and for the power which that knowledge would give. As his mind was above all things interested in the scientific question, it was this side which was foremost in his plans. He was really trying to find out the shape of the world, and to make men feel more at home in it, that the dread of the great unknown round the little island of civilised and habitable world might be lightened. He was working in the mist that so long had hung round Christendom, chilling every enterprise. Thus the whole question of the world and its shape, its countries and climates, its seas and continents, on every side of practical exploration, was bound to be before Prince Henry as a theorist; the practical question which he helped to solve was only a part of this wider whole. Did this Africa stretching opposite to him in his retreat at Sagres never end till it reached the Southern pole, or was it possible to get round into the Eastern ocean? Since Ptolemy's map had held the field, it had been heresy to suppose this; but in the age of Greek and Phoenician voyages it had been guessed by some, and perhaps even proved by others. The Tyrians whom Pharaoh Necho sent down the Red Sea more than six hundred years before Christ, brought back after three years a story of their finding Africa an island, and so returning by the west and north through the Straits of Gibraltar. The same tradition, after a long time of discredit, was now reviving upon the maps of the fourteenth century, and, in spite of the terrible stories of the Arabs, Henry was able in the first years of the fifteenth to find men who would try the forlorn hope of a direct sea-route from Europe to the Indies. We have seen how far the charts and guide-books of the time just before this had advanced Christian knowledge of the world; how the southern coastline of Asia is traced by Marco Polo, and how even Madagascar is named, though not visited, by the same traveller; the Florentine map of 1351 proves that a fairly true guess of the shape of Africa could be made even before persistent exploration began with Henry of Portugal; the Arab settlements on the east coast of Africa and their trade with the Malabar coast, though still kept as a close monopoly for Islam, had thoroughly opened up a line of navigation, that was ready, as it were, for the first Europeans who could strike into it and press the Moorish pilots into a new service. Discovery was thus anticipated when the coasts of West and South had once been rounded. Beyond this, the vague knowledge of the Guinea coast already gained through the Sahara Caravan Trade was improved by the Prince himself, during his stay at Ceuta, into the certainty that if the great western hump of Africa beyond Bojador could be passed, his caravels would come into an eastern current, passing the gold and ivory coast, which might lead straight to India, and at any rate would be connected by an overland traffic with the Mediterranean. (2.) Again, Henry was founding upon his work of exploration an empire for his country. At first perhaps only thinking of the straight sea-passage as the possible key of the Indian trade, it became clearer with every fresh discovery that the European kingdom might and must be connected by a chain of forts and factories with the rich countries for whose sake all these barren coasts were passed. In any case, and in the eyes of ordinary men, the riches of the East were the plain and primary reason of the explorations. Science had its own aims, but to gain an income for its work it must promise some definite gain. And the chief hope of Henry's captains was that the wealth now flowing by the overland routes to the Levant would in time, as the prize of Portuguese daring, go by the water way, without delay or fear of plunder or Arab middlemen, to Lisbon and Oporto. This would repay all the trouble and all the cost, and silence all who murmured. For this Indian trade was the prize of the world, and for the sake of this Rome had destroyed Palmyra, and attacked Arabia and held Egypt, and struggled for the mastery of the Tigris. For the same thing half the wars of the Levant had been waged, and by this the Italian republics, Venice, Genoa, and Pisa, had grown to greatness. (3.) Lastly, Henry was a Crusader with Islam and a missionary with the heathen. Of him fully as much as of Columbus, it may be said, that if he aimed at an empire, it was a Christian one, and from the time of the first voyages his captains had orders not merely to discover and to trade, but to convert. Till his death he hoped to find the land of Prester John, the half-true, half-fabulous Christian Priest-King of the outer world, so long cut off from Christendom by the Mohammedan states. At this time many things were drawing western Europe towards the East and towards discovery. The progress of science and historic knowledge, the records and suggestions of travellers, the development of the Christian nations, the position of Portugal and the spirit of her people,--all these lines met, as it were, in Henry's time and nation and person, and from that meeting came the results of Columbus and Da Gama and Magellan. In the earlier chapters we have tried to trace the preparation along these slowly converging paths, for the discoveries of the fifteenth century. We started with that body of knowledge and theory about the world which the Roman Empire bequeathed to Christendom, and which in the earlier Middle Ages was worked upon by the Arabs, and we gained some idea, from the sayings of Moslem geographers and from the doings of Moslem warriors, of the hindrance as well as of the help that Islam gave to European expansion. We saw that during the great struggle of Christianity and of the old Order with barbarism, the chief energy of our Western world in discovery or extension of any sort took the shape of pilgrimage. Then, as time went on, it was possible to see that the Saracens, who had begun as destroyers in the South, were acting as teachers and civilisers upon Europe, and that the Vikings, who as pirates in the North seemed raised up to complete the ruin of Latin civilisation, were really waking it into a new activity. In the Crusades this activity, which had already founded the kingdom of Russia on one side and touched America on the other, seemed to pass from the Northern seamen into every Christian nation and every class of society, and with the conversion of the Northmen their place as the discoverers and leaders of the Christian world fitted in with the other movements of Mediterranean commerce and war and devotion. Even the pilgrims of the Crusading Age were now no longer distinctive: they were often, as individuals, members of other classes, traders, fighters, or travellers who, after gaining a firm foothold in Syria, began the exploration of the further East. The three great discovering energies of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries--in land-travel, navigation, and science--were all seen to be results, in whole or in part, of the Crusades themselves, and in following the more important steps of European travel and trade and proselytism from the Holy Land to China, it became more and more evident that this practical finding out of the treasures of Cathay and the Indies was the necessary preparation for the attempts of Genoese and Portuguese to open up the sea route as another and a safer way to the source of the same treasures. Lastly, the intermittent and uncertain ventures of the fourteenth-century seamen, Italian, Spanish, French, or English, to coast round Africa or to find the Indies by the Southern route--to reach a definite end without any clear plan of means to that end--and the revival in theoretical geography, which was trying at the same time to fill up the gaps of knowledge by tradition or by probability--seemed to offer a clear contrast and a clear foreshadowing also of Prince Henry's method. Even his nearest forerunners, in seamanship or in map-making[33] were strikingly different from himself. They were too much in the spirit of Ptolemy and of ancient science; they neglected fact for hypothesis, for clever guessing, and so their work was spasmodic and unfruitful, or at least disappointing. [Footnote 33: Except the draughtsmen of the Portolani.] It was true enough that each generation of Christian thought was less in fault than the one before it; but it was not till the fifteenth century, till Henry had set the example, that exploration became systematic and continuous. To Marco Polo and men like him we owe the beginnings of the art and science of discovery among the learned; to the Portuguese is due at least the credit of making it a thing of national interest, and of freeing it from a false philosophy. To find out by incessant and unwearying search what the world really was, and not to make known facts fit in with the ideas of some thinker on what the world ought to be, this we found to be the main difference between Cosmas or even Ptolemy and any true leader of discovery. For a real advance of knowledge, fancy must follow experiment, and no merely hypothetical system or Universe as shewn in Holy Scripture, would do any longer. We have come to the time when explorers were not Ptolemaics or Strabonians or Scripturists, but Naturalists--men who examined things afresh, for themselves. These various objects are all involved in the one central aim of discovery, but they are not lost in it. To know this world we live in and to teach men the new knowledge was the first thing, which makes Henry what he is in universal history; his other aims are those of his time and his nation, but they are not less a part of his life. And he succeeded in them all; if in part his work was for all time and in part seemed to pass away after a hundred years, that was due to the exhaustion of his people. What he did for his countrymen was realised by others, but the start, the inspiration, was his own. He persevered for fifty years (1412-60) till within sight of the goal, and though he died before the full result of his work was seen, it was none the less his due when it came. We find these results put down to the credit of others, but if Columbus gave Castille and Leon a new world in 1492, if Da Gama reached India in 1498, if Diaz rounded the Cape of Tempests or of Good Hope in 1486, if Magellan made the circuit of the globe in 1520-2, their teacher and master was none the less Henry the Navigator. CHAPTER VIII. PRINCE HENRY AND THE CAPTURE OF CEUTA. 1415. We have seen how the kingdom of Portugal itself was almost an offspring of the Crusades. They had left behind them a thirst for wealth and for a wider life on one side, and a broken Moslem power on the other, which opened the way and stirred the enterprise of every maritime state. We know that Lisbon had long been an active centre of trade with the Hanse Towns, Flanders, and England. And now the projected conquest of Ceuta and the appeal of the conqueror of Aljubarrota for a great national effort found the people prepared. A royal prince could do what a private man could not; and Portugal, more fully developed than any other of the Christian kingdoms, was ready to expand abroad without fear at home. Even before the conquest of Ceuta, in 1410 or 1412, Henry had begun to send out his caravels past Cape Non, which had so long been with C. Bojador the Finisterre of Africa. The first object of these ships was to reach the Guinea coast by outflanking the great western shoulder of the continent. Once there, the gold and ivory and slave trade would pass away from the desert caravans to the European coasters. Then the eastern bend of Africa, along the bights of Benin and Biafra, might be followed to the Indies, if this were possible, as some had thought; if not, the first stage of the work would have to be taken up again till men had found and had rounded the Southern Cape. The outflanking of Guinea proved to be only a part of the outflanking of Africa, but it was far more than half the battle; just as India was the final prize of full success, so the Gold Coast was the reward of the first chapter in that success. But of these earlier expeditions nothing is known in detail; the history of the African voyages begins with the war of 1415, and the new knowledge it brought to Henry of the Sahara and the Guinea Coast and of the tribes of tawny Moors and negroes on the Niger and the Gambia. In 1414, when Edward was twenty-three, Pedro twenty-two, and Henry twenty, King John planned an attack on Ceuta, the great Moorish port on the African side of the Straits of Gibraltar. The three princes had all asked for knighthood; their father at first proposed to celebrate a year of tournaments, but at the suggestion of the Treasurer of Portugal, John Affonso de Alemquer, he decided on this African crusade instead. For the same strength and money might as well be spent in conquests from the Moslem as in sham-fights between Christians. So after reconnoitring the place, and lulling the suspicions of Aragon and Granada by a pretence of declaring war against the Count of Holland, King John gained the formal consent of his nobles at Torres Vedras, and set sail from Lisbon on St. James' Day, July 25, 1415, as foretold by the dying Queen Philippa, twelve days before. [Illustration: KING JOHN THE GREAT AND QUEEN PHILIPPA. FROM THEIR TOMB AT BATALHA.] That splendid woman, who had shared the throne for eight and twenty years, and who had trained her sons to be fit successors of her husband as the leaders of Portugal and the "Examples of all Christians," was now cut off by death from a sight of their first victories. Her last thought was for their success. She spoke to Edward of a king's true vocation, to Pedro of his knightly duties in the help of widows and orphans, to Henry of a general's care for his men. On the 13th, the last day of her illness, she roused herself to ask "What wind was blowing so strong against the house?" and hearing it was the north, sank back and died, exclaiming, "It is the wind for your voyage, that must be about St. James' Day." It would have been false respect to delay. The spirit of the Queen, the crusaders felt, was with them, urging them on. By the night of the 25th of July the fleet had left the Tagus; on the 27th the crusaders anchored in the bay of Lagos and mustered all their forces: "33 galleys, 27 triremes, 32 biremes, and 120 pinnaces and transports," carrying 50,000 soldiers and 30,000 mariners. Some nobles and merchant adventurers from England, France, and Germany took part. It was something like the conquest of Lisbon over again; a greater Armada for a much smaller prey. On the 10th of August they were off Algeziras, still in Moorish hands, as part of the kingdom of Granada, and on the 12th the lighter craft were over on the African coast; a strong wind nearly carried the heavier into Malaga. Ceuta, the ancient Septa,[34] once repaired by Justinian, was the chief port of Morocco and a centre of commerce for the trade routes of the South and East, as well as a centre of piracy for the Barbary corsairs. It had long been an outpost of Moslem attack on Christendom; now that Europe was taking the offensive, it would be an outpost of the Spanish crusade against Islam. [Footnote 34: City of "Seven" Hills, as some have derived it.] The city was built on the ordinary model, in two parts: a citadel and a port-town, which together covered the neck of a long peninsula running out some three miles eastward from the African mainland, and broadening again beyond the eastern wall of Ceuta into a hilly square of country. It was here, just where the land began to spread and form a natural harbour, that the Portuguese had planned their landing, and to this point Prince Henry, with great trouble, brought up the heavier craft. The strong currents that turned them off to the Spanish coast, proved good allies of the Europeans after all. For the Moors, who had been greatly startled at the first signs of attack, and had hurried to get all the help they could from Fez and the upland, now fancied the Christian fleet to be scattered once for all, and dismissed all but their own garrison; while the Portuguese had been roused afresh to action by the fiery energy of King John, Prince Henry, and his brothers. On the night of the 15th of August, the Feast of the Assumption, the whole armada was at last brought up to the roads of Ceuta; Henry anchored off the lower town with his ships from Oporto, and his father, though badly wounded in the leg, rowed through the fleet in a shallop, preparing all his men for the assault that was to be given at daybreak. Henry himself was to have the right of first setting foot on shore, where it was hoped the quays would be almost bared of defenders. For the main force was brought up against the castle, and every Moor would rush to the fight where the King of Portugal was leading. While these movements were being settled in the armada, all through that night Ceuta was brilliantly lighted up, as if _en fête_. The Governor in his terror could think of nothing better than to frighten the enemy with the show of an immensely populous city, and he had ordered a light to be kept burning in every window of every house. As the morning cleared and the Christian host saw the beach and harbour lined with Moors, shouting defiance, the attack was begun by some volunteers who forgot the Prince's claim. One Ruy Gonsalvez was the first to land and clear a passage for the rest. The Infantes, Henry and Edward, were not far behind, and after a fierce struggle the Moslems were driven through the gate of the landing-place back to the wall of the city. Here they rallied, under a "negro giant, who fought naked, but with the strength of many men, hurling the Christians to the earth with stones." At last he was brought down by a lance-thrust, and the crusaders forced their way into Ceuta. But Henry, as chief captain on this side, would not allow his men to rush on plundering into the heart of the town, but kept them by the gates, and sent back to the ships for fresh troops, who soon came up under Fernandez d'Ataide, who cheered on the Princes. "This is the sort of tournament for you; here you are getting a worthier knighthood than you could win at Lisbon." Meantime the King, with Don Pedro, had heard of Henry's first success while still on shipboard, and ordered an instant advance on his side. After a still closer struggle than that on the lower ground, the Moors were routed, and Pedro pressed on through the narrow streets, just escaping death from the showers of heavy stones off the house tops, till he met his brothers in a mosque, or square adjoining, in the centre of Ceuta. Then the conquerors scattered for plunder, and came very near losing the city altogether. But for the dogged courage of Henry, who twice broke up the Moslem rally with a handful of men, at last holding a gate on the inner wall between the lower town and the citadel, "with seventeen, himself the eighteenth," Ceuta would have been lost after it had been gained. Both Henry and Pedro were reported dead. "Such is the end a soldier must not fear," was all their father said, as he stayed by the ships under the lee of the fortress, waiting, like Edward III. at Creçy, for what his sons would do. But towards evening it was known throughout the army that the Princes were safe, that the port-town had been gained, and that the Moors were slipping away from the citadel. Henry, Edward, and Pedro held a council, and settled to storm the castle next morning; but after sunset a few scouts, sent out to reconnoitre, reported that all the garrison had fled. It was true. The Governor, who had despaired all along of holding out, was no sooner beaten out of the lower city than he set the example of a strategic movement up the country, and when the Portuguese appeared at the fortress gate with axes and began to hew it down, only two Moors were left inside. They shouted out that the Christians might save themselves that trouble, for they would open it themselves, and the standard of St. Vincent, Patron of Lisbon, was planted, before dark came, upon the highest tower of Ceuta. King John offered Henry, for his gallant leadership, the honours of the day and the right to be knighted before his brothers, but the Prince, who had offered at the beginning of the storm to resign his command to Edward, as the eldest, begged that "those who were before him in age might have their right, to be first in dignity as well," and the three Infantes received their knighthood in order of birth, each holding in his hands the bare sword that the Queen had given him on her deathbed. It was the first Christian rite held in the great Mosque of Ceuta, now purified as the Cathedral, and after it the town was thoroughly and carefully sacked from end to end. The plunder, of gold and silver and gems, stuffs and drugs, was great enough to make the common soldiers reckless of other things. The "great jars of oil and honey and spices and all provisions" were flung out into the streets, and a heavy rain swept away what would have kept a large garrison in plenty. The great nobles and the royal Princes took back to Portugal some princely spoils. Henry's half-brother, now Count of Barcellos, afterwards more famous and more troublesome as Duke of Braganza, chose for his share some six hundred columns of marble and alabaster from the Governor's palace. Henry himself gained in Ceuta a knowledge of inland Africa, of its trade routes and of the Gold Coast, that encouraged him to begin from this time the habit of coasting voyages. His earlier essays in exploration had been attempts, like the unconnected and occasional efforts of Spanish and Italian daredevils. It is from this year that continuous ocean sailing begins; from the time of his stay in Ceuta, Henry works steadily and with foresight towards a nearer goal well foreseen, a first stage in his wider scheme which had been traversed by men he had known and talked with. They had come into Ceuta from Guinea over the sea of the desert; he would send his sailors to _their_ starting-point by the longer way, over the desert of the sea. Thus the victory at Ceuta is not without a very direct influence on our subject; and for the same reason, it was important that the conquerors, instead of razing the place, decided to hold it. When most of the council of war were for a safe and quick return to Portugal, one noble, Pedro de Menezes, a trusted friend of Henry's, struck upon the ground impatiently a stick of orange-wood he had in his hands. "By my faith, with this stick I would defend Ceuta from every Morisco of them all." He was left in command, and thus kept open, as it were, to Europe and to the Prince's view, one end of a great avenue of commerce and intercourse, which Henry aimed at winning for his country. When his ships could once reach Guinea, the other end of that same line was in his hands as well. [Illustration: GATEWAY OF THE CHURCH OF THE ORDER OF CHRIST AT THOMAR.] The King and the Princes left Ceuta in September of the same year (Sept. 2, 1415), but Henry's connection with his first battle-field was not yet over. Menezes found after three years' sole command, that the Moors were pressing him very hard. The King of Granada had sent seventy-four ships to blockade the city from the sea, and the troops of Fez were forcing their way into the lower town. Henry was hurriedly sent from Lisbon to its relief, while Edward and Pedro got themselves ready to follow him, if needed, from Lagos and the Algarve coast. But Ceuta had already saved itself. As the first succours were sailing through the Straits of Gibraltar, Menezes contrived to send them word of his danger; the Berbers on the land side had mastered Almina, or the eastern part of the merchant town, while the Granada galleys had closed in upon the port itself. At this news Henry made the best speed he could, but he was only in time to see the rout of the Moors. Menezes and the garrison made a desperate sally directly they sighted the relief coming through the straits; the same appearance struck a panic into the enemy's fleet, and only one galley stayed on the African coast to help their landsmen, who were thus left alone and without hope of succour on the eastern hills of the Ceuta peninsula, cut off by the city from their Berber allies. When Henry landed, Almina had been won back and the last of the Granada Moslems cut to pieces. From that day Ceuta was safe in Christian hands. But the Prince, after spending two months in the hope that he might find some more work to do in Africa, planned a daring stroke in Europe. Islam still owned in Spain the kingdom of Granada, too weak to reconquer the old Western Caliphate, but too strong, as the last refuge of a conquered and once imperial race, to be an easy prey of the Spanish kingdoms. And in that kingdom, Gibraltar, the rock of Tarik, was the most troublesome of Moorish strongholds. The Mediterranean itself was not fully secured for Christian trade and intercourse while the European Pillar of the Western straits was a Saracen fort. If Portugal was to conquer or explore in northern Africa, Gibraltar was as much to be aimed at as Ceuta. Both sides of the straits, Calpe and Abyla, must be in her hands before Christendom could expand safely along the Atlantic coasts. So Henry, in the face of all his council, determined to make the trial on his voyage back to Lisbon. But a storm broke up the fleet, and when it could be refitted and re-formed, the time had gone by, and the Prince obeyed his father's repeated orders and returned at once to Court. For his gallantry and skill in the storm of Ceuta, he had been made Duke of Viseu and Lord of Covilham, when King John first touched his own kingdom--after the African campaign--at Tavira, on the Algarve coast. With his brother Pedro, who shared his honours as Duke of Coimbra and Lord of the lands henceforward known as the Infantado or Principality, Henry thus begins the line of Dukes in Portugal, and among the other details of the war, his name is specially joined with that of an English fleet which he had enrolled as a contingent of his armada while recruiting for ships and men in the spring of 1415. In the same way as English crusaders had passed Lisbon just in time to aid in its conquest by Affonso Henriquez, the "great first King" of Portugal in 1147, so now twenty-seven English ships on their way to Syria were just in time to help the Portuguese make their first conquest abroad. Lastly, the results of the Ceuta campaign in giving positive knowledge of western and inland Africa to a mind like Henry's already set on the finding of a sea-route to India, have been noticed by all contemporaries and followers, who took any interest in his plans, but it was not merely caravan news that he gained in these two visits of 1415 and 1418. Both Azurara, the chronicler of his voyages and Diego Gomez, his lieutenant, the explorer of the Cape Verde Islands and of the Upper Gambia, are quite clear about the new knowledge of the coast now gained from Moorish prisoners. Not only did the Prince get "news of the passage of merchants from the coasts of Tunis to Timbuctoo and to Cantor on the Gambia, which inspired him to seek the lands by the way of the sea," but also "the Tawny Moors (or Azanegues) his prisoners told him of certain tall palms growing at the mouth of the Senegal or western Nile, by which he was able to guide the caravels he sent out to find that river." By the time Henry was ready to return from Ceuta to Portugal for good and all, in 1418, there were clearly before his mind the five reasons for exploring Guinea given by his faithful Azurara: First of all was his desire to know the country beyond Cape Bojador, which till that time was quite unknown either by books or by the talk of sailors. Second was his wish that if any Christian people or good ports should be discovered beyond that cape, he might begin a trade with them that would profit both the natives and the Portuguese, for he knew of no other nation in Europe who trafficked in those parts. Thirdly, he believed the Moors were more powerful on that side of Africa than had been thought, and he feared there were no Christians there at all. So he was fain to find out how many and how strong his enemies really were. Fourthly, in all his fighting with the Moors he had never found a Christian prince to help him from that side (of further Africa) for the love of Christ, therefore he wished, if he could, to meet with such. Last was his great desire for the spread of the Christian Faith and for the redemption of the vast tribes of men lying under the wrath of God. Behind all these reasons Azurara also believed in a sixth and deeper one, which he proceeds to state with all gravity, as the ultimate and celestial cause of the Prince's work. "For as his ascendant was Aries, that is in the House of Mars and the Exaltation of the Sun, and as the said Mars is in Aquarius, which is the House of Saturn, it was clear that my lord should be a great conqueror, and a searcher out of things hidden from other men, according to the craft of Saturn, in whose House he was."[35] [Footnote 35: The attempts of Henry and his family to conquer a land-empire in northern Africa are not to be separated from the maritime and coasting explorations. They were two aspects of one idea, two faces of the same enterprise. In the same way the new bishopric of Ceuta, now founded, was a first step towards the organised conversion of the Heathen of the South. The Franciscans had founded the See of Fez and Morocco in 1233, but it had not till now been followed up.] CHAPTER IX. HENRY'S SETTLEMENT AT SAGRES AND FIRST DISCOVERIES. 1418-28. Whatever the Prince owed to his stay at Ceuta beyond the general suggestion and encouragement to take up a life-profession of discovery, it was at any rate put into practice on his second and last return (1418). From that time to the end of his life he became a recluse from the Court life of Lisbon, though he soon gathered round himself a rival Court, of science and seamanship. The old "Sacred Cape" of the Romans, then called Sagres, now the "Cape St. Vincent" of Nelson and modern maps, was his chosen home for the next forty years, though he seems to have passed a good deal of his time in his port of Lagos, close by. In 1419 King John made him Governor for life of the Algarves (the southern province of Portugal) and the new governor at once began to rebuild and enlarge the old naval arsenal, in the neck of the Cape, into a settlement that soon became the "Prince's Town." In Lagos, his ships were built and manned; and there, and in Sagres itself, all the schemes of discovery were thought out, the maps and instruments corrected, and the accounts of past and present travellers compared by the Prince himself. His results then passed into the instructions of his captains and the equipment of his caravels. The Sacred Cape, which he now colonised, was at any rate a good centre for his work of ocean voyaging. Here, with the Atlantic washing the land on three sides, he was well on the scene of action. There were buildings on Sagres headland as old as the eleventh century; Greek geography had made this the starting-point of its shorter and continental measurements for the length of the habitable world, and the Genoese, whose policy was to buy up points of vantage on every coast, were eager to plant a colony there, but Portugal was not ready to become like the Byzantine Empire, a depot for Italian commerce, and Henry had his own reasons for securing a desolate promontory. On this he now built himself a palace, a chapel, a study, an observatory--the earliest in Portugal--and a village for his helpers and attendants. "In his wish to gain a prosperous result for his efforts, the Prince devoted great industry and thought to the matter, and at great expense procured the aid of one Master Jacome from Majorca, a man skilled in the art of navigation and in the making of maps and instruments, and who was sent for, with certain of the Arab and Jewish mathematicians, to instruct the Portuguese in that science." So at least, says De Barros, the "Livy of Portugal." At Sagres was thus founded anew the systematic study of applied science in Christendom; it was better than the work of the old Greek "University" at Alexandria with which it has been compared, because it was essentially practical. From it "our sailors," says Pedro Nunes, "went out well taught and provided with instruments and rules which all map-makers should know." We would gladly know more of Henry's scientific work; a good many legends have grown up about it, and even his foundation of the Chair of Mathematics in the University of Lisbon or Coimbra, our best evidence of the unrecorded work of his school, has been doubted by some modern critics, even by the national historian, Alexander Herculano. But to Prince Henry's study and science two great improvements on this side may be traced: first in the art of map-making, secondly in the building of caravels and ocean craft. The great Venetian map of Fra Mauro of the Camaldolese convent of Murano, finished in 1459, one year before the Navigator's death, is evidence for the one; Cadamosto's words, as a practical seaman, of Italian birth, in Henry's service, that the "caravels of Portugal were the best sailing ships afloat," may be proof sufficient of the other. On both these lines, Henry took up the results of Italians and worked towards success with their aid. As Columbus and the Cabots and Verazzano in later times represented the intellectual leadership of Italy to other nations--Spain, England, and France; but had to find their career and resources not in their own commercial republics, but at the Courts of the new centralised kingdoms of the West, where a paternal despotism gave the best hope of guiding any popular movement, social or religious or political or scientific,--so in the earlier fifteenth century, mariners like Cadamosto and De Nolli, scientific draughtsmen like Fra Mauro and Andrea Bianco, looked from Venice and Genoa to the Court of Sagres and to the service of Prince Henry as their proper sphere, where they would find the encouragement and reward they sought for at home and often sought in vain. Henry's settlement on Cape St. Vincent was not long without results. The voyage of his captain, John de Trasto, to the "fruitful" district of Grand Canary in 1415 was not in any sense a discovery, as the conquest of John de Béthencourt in 1402 had made these "Fortunate" islands perfectly well known, but the finding of Porto Santo and Madeira in 1418-20 was a real gain. For the Machin story of the English landing in Madeira was a close secret, which by good fortune passed into the Prince's keeping, but not beyond, so that as far as general knowledge went, the Portuguese were now fairly embarked upon the Sea of Darkness. First came the sighting of the "Holy Haven" in 1418. In this year, says Azurara, two squires of the Prince's household, named John Gonsalvez Zarco and Tristam Vaz, eager for renown and anxious to serve their lord, had set out to explore as far as the coast of Guinea, but they were caught by a storm near Lagos and driven to the island of Porto Santo. This name they gave themselves "at this very time in their joy at thus escaping the perils of the tempest." Zarco and Vaz returned in triumph to Sagres and reported the new-found island to be well worth a permanent settlement. Henry, always "generous," took up the idea with great interest and sent out Zarco and Vaz with another of his equerries, one Bartholomew Perestrello, to colonise, with two ships and products for a new country; corn, honey, the sugar cane from Sicily, the Malvoisie grape from Crete, even the rabbit from Portugal. On his first return voyage Zarco had captured the pilot Morales of Seville, and from him the Prince had gained certain news of the English landing in Madeira. So it was with a definite purpose of further discovery that his captains returned to Porto Santo in 1420, with Morales as their guide. Now, as before, Zarco appears as chief in command; he had won himself a name at Ceuta, and if the tradition be true, had just brought in the first use of ship-artillery; the finding of Porto Santo was mainly credited to him. Sailing from Lagos in June, 1420, he had no sooner reached once again the "Fair Haven" of his first success, than he was called to note a dark line, like a mark of distant land, upon the south-west horizon. The colonists he had left on his earlier visit had watched this day by day till they had made certain of its being something more than a passing appearance of sea or sky, and Morales was ready with his suggestion that this was Machin's island. The fog that hung over this part of the ocean would be natural to a thick and dank woodland like that on the island of his old adventure. Zarco resolved to try: After eight days' rest in Porto Santo he set sail, and, observing that the fog grew less toward the east of the cloud bank, made for that point and came upon a low marshy cape, which he called St. Lawrence Head. Then, creeping round the south coast, he came to the high lands and the forests of Madeira,--so named here and now, either as De Barros says, "from the thick woods they found there," or, in the form of Machico, from the first discoverer, luckless Robert Machin. For on landing the Portuguese, guided by Morales, soon found the wooden cross and grave of the Englishman and his mistress, and it was there that Zarco, with no human being to dispute his title, "took seizin" of the island in the name of King John, Prince Henry, and the Order of Christ. Embarking once more, he then coasted slowly round from the "River of the Flint" to "Jackdaw Point," and the "Chamber of the Wolves," where his men started a herd of sea-calves. So he came to the vast plain overgrown with fennel or "Funchal," where the chief town of after days grew up. A party sent inland to explore, reported that on every side the ocean could be seen from the hills; and Zarco, after taking in some specimens of the native wood and plants and birds at Funchal, put back in the last days of August to Portugal. He was splendidly received at Court, made a count--"Count of the Chamber of the Wolves,"--and granted the command of the island for his own life. A little later, the commandership was made hereditary in his family. Tristam Vaz, the second in the Prince's commission, was rewarded too: the northern half of Madeira was given him as a captaincy, and in 1425 Henry began to colonise in form. Zarco, as early as May, 1421, had returned with wife and children and attendants, and begun to build the "port of Machico," and the "city of Funchal," but this did not become a state affair until four years more had gone by. But from the first, the island, by its export of wood and dragon's blood and wheat, began to reward the trouble of discovery and settlement. Sugar and wine were brought to perfection in later years, after the great "Seven years' fire" had burnt down the forests and enriched the soil of Madeira. It was soon after Zarco's return to Funchal that he first set fire to the woods behind the fennel fields of the coast, to clear himself a way through the undergrowth into the heart of the island; the fire blazed and smouldered till it had taken well hold of the entire mass of timber that covered the upper country, nothing in the feeble resources of the first settlers could stop it, and Madeira lighted the ships of Henry on their way to the south, like a volcano, till 1428. This was at least the common story as told in Portugal, and it was often joined with another--of the rabbit plague, which ate up all the green stuff of the island in the first struggling years of Zarco's settlement, and so prevented the export of anything but timber. So much of this was brought into Portugal that Henry's lifetime is a landmark in the domestic architecture of Spain, and from the trade of the "Wood Island" is derived the lofty style of building that now began to replace the more modest fashion of the Arabs. A charter of Henry's, dated 1430, ten years after the rediscovery of Madeira, and reciting the names of some of the first settlers, and his bequest of the island, or rather of its "spiritualties," to the Order of Christ on September 18, 1460, just before his death, are the chief links between this colony and the home country in the next generation--but in the history of institutions there are few more curious facts than the insistence of the Prince on a census for his little "Nation." From the first, the family registers of the colonists were carefully kept, and from these we see something of the wonder of men who were beginning human life, as it were, in a new land. The first children born in Madeira--a son and daughter of Ayres Ferreira, one of Zarco's comrades--were christened Adam and Eve.[36] [Footnote 36: In 1418 and 1424-5 Henry purchased and tried to secure certain rights of possession in the Canaries, conceded by De Béthencourt; and these attempts were repeated in 1445 and 1446.] CHAPTER X. CAPE BOJADOR AND THE AZORES. 1428-1441. But in spite of Zarco's success, Cape Bojador had not yet been passed, though every year, from 1418, caravels had left Sagres, "to find the coasts of Guinea." In 1428, Don Pedro, Henry's elder brother, had come home from his travels, with all the books and charts he had collected to help the explorers--and it is practically certain that the Mappa Mundi given him in Venice acted as a direct suggestion to the next attempts on west and south--westward to the Azores, southward towards Guinea. Kept in the royal monastery of Alçobaça till late in the sixteenth century, though now irrecoverably lost, this treasure of Don Pedro's, like his "manuscripts of travel," would seem to have been used at the Sagres school till Prince Henry's death, and at least as early as 1431 its effect was seen in the first Portuguese recovery of the Azores. All the West African islands, plainly enough described in the map of 1428, were half within, half without the knowledge of Christendom, ever and anon being brought back or rediscovered by some accident or enterprise, and then being lost to sight and memory through the want of systematic exploration. This was exactly what the Portuguese supplied. The Azores, marked on the Laurentian Portulano of 1351, were practically unknown to seamen when, after eighty years had passed, Gonzalo Cabral was sent out from Sagres to find them (1431). He reached the Formiga group--the Ant islands,--and next year (1432) returned to make further discoveries, chiefly of the island Santa Maria. But the more important advances on this side were made between 1444-50, after the first colony had been planted twelve or fourteen years, and were the result of the Prince's theoretical correction of his captains' practical oversight. From a comparison of old maps and descriptions with their accounts, he was able to correct their line of sail and so to direct them to the very islands they had searched for in vain. But as yet these results were far distant, and the slow and sure progress of African coasting towards Cape Bojador was the chief outcome of Pedro's help. In 1430, 1431, and 1432, the Infant urged upon his captains the paramount importance of rounding the Cape, which had baffled all his caravels by its strong ocean currents and dangerous rocks. At last this became the Prince's one command: Pass the Cape if you do nothing beyond; yet the years went by, King John of good memory died in 1433, and Gil Eannes, sent out in the same year with strong hopes of success, turned aside at the Canaries and only brought a few slaves back to Portugal. A large party at Court, in the Army, and among the nobles and merchant classes, complained bitterly of the utter want of profit from Henry's schemes, and there was at this time a danger of the collapse of his movement. For though as yet he paid his own expenses, his treasury could not long have stood the drain without any incoming. Bojador, the "paunch" or "bulging Cape," 180 miles beyond Cape Non, had been, since the days of the Laurentian Portulano (1351), and the Catalan and Portuguese voyages of 1341 and 1346, the southmost point of Christian knowledge. A long circuit was needed here, as at the Cape of Good Hope, to round a promontory that stretched, men said, fully one hundred miles into the ocean, where tides and shoals formed a current twenty miles across. It was the sight or the fancy of this furious surge which frightened Henry's crews, for it plainly forbade all coasting and compelled the seamen to strike into the open sea out of sight of land. And though the discovery of Porto Santo had proved the feasibility and the gain of venturing boldly into the Sea of Darkness, and though since that time (1418) the Prince had sent out his captains due west to the Azores and south-west to Madeira, both hundreds of miles from the continent, yet in rounding Bojador there were not only the real terrors of the Atlantic, but the legends of the tropics to frighten back the boldest. Most mariners had heard it said that any Christian who passed Bojador would infallibly be changed into a black, and would carry to his end this mark of God's vengeance on his insolent prying. The Arab tradition of the Green Sea of Night had too strongly taken hold of Christian thought to be easily shaken off. And it was beyond the Cape which bounded their knowledge that the Saracen geographers had fringed the coast of Africa with sea-monsters and serpent rocks and water unicorns, instead of place names, and had drawn the horrible giant hand of Satan raised above the waves to seize the first of his human prey that would venture into his den. If God made the firm earth, the Devil made the unknown and treacherous ocean--this was the real lesson of most of the mediæval maps, and it was this ingrained superstition that Henry found his worst enemy, appearing as it did sometimes even in his most trusted and daring captains. And then again, the legends of Tropical Africa, of the mainland beyond Bojador, were hardly less terrible than those of the Tropical Ocean. The Dark Continent, with its surrounding Sea of Darkness, was the home of mystery and legend. We have seen how ready the Arabs were to write Uninhabitable over any unknown country--dark seas and lands were simply those that were dark to them, like the Dark Ages to others, but nowhere did their imagination revel in genies and fairies and magicians and all the horrors of hell, with more enthusiastic and genial interest than in Africa. Here only the northern parts could be lived in by man. In the south and central deserts, as we have heard from the Moslem doctors themselves, the sun poured down sheets of liquid flame upon the ground and kept the sea and the rivers boiling day and night with the fiery heat. So any sailors would of course be boiled alive as soon as they got near to the Torrid Zone. It was this kind of learning, discredited but not forgotten, that was still in the minds of Gil Eannes and his friends when they came home in 1433, with lame excuses, to Henry's Court. The currents and south winds had stopped them, they said. It was impossible to get round Bojador. The Prince was roused. He ordered the same captain to return next year and try the Cape again. His men ought to have learned something better than the childish fables of past time. "And if," said he, "there were even any truth in these stories that they tell, I would not blame you, but you come to me with the tales of four seamen who perhaps know the voyage to the Low Countries or some other coasting route, but, except for this, don't know how to use needle or sailing chart. Go out again and heed them not, for by God's help, fame and profit must come from your voyage, if you will but persevere." The Prince was backed by the warm encouragement of the new King, Edward, his eldest brother, who had only been one month upon the throne when he bestirred himself to shew his favour to a national movement of discovery. King John had died on August 14, 1433 (the anniversary of Aljubarrota), and on September 26th, of the same year, by a charter given from Cintra, King Edward granted the islands of Madeira and Porto Santo, with the Desertas, to Henry as Grand Master of the Order of Christ. With this encouragement the Infant sent out Gil Eannes in 1434 under the strongest charge not to return without a good account of the Cape and the seas beyond. Running far out into the open, his caravel doubled Bojador, and coming back to the coast found the sea "as easy to sail in as the waters at home," and the land very rich and pleasant. They landed and discovered no trace of men or houses, but gathered plants, "such as were called in Portugal St. Mary's roses," to present to Don Henry. Not even the southern Cape of Tempests or Good Hope was so long and obstinate a barrier as Bojador had been, and the passing of this difficulty proved the salvation of the Prince's schemes. Though again and again interrupted by political troubles between 1437 and 1449, the advance at sea went on, and never again was there a serious danger of the failure of the whole movement through general opposition and discontent. In 1435 Gil Eannes was sent out again to follow up his success with Affonso Baldaya, the Prince's cupbearer, in a larger vessel than had yet been risked in exploration, called a varinel, or oared galley. The two captains passed fifty leagues--one hundred and fifty miles--beyond the Cape, and found traces of caravans, reached as far as an inlet they named Gurnet Bay, from its shoals of fish, and again put back to Lagos, early in the year. There were still several months left for ocean sailing in 1435, and Henry at once despatched Baldaya again in his varinel, with orders to go as far as he could along the coast, at least till he could find some natives. One of these he was to bring home with him. Baldaya accordingly sailed 130 leagues--390 miles--beyond Cape Bojador, till he reached an estuary running some twenty miles up the country and promising to lead to a great river. This might prove to be the western Nile of the Negroes, or the famous River of Gold, Baldaya thought, and though it proved to be only an inlet of the sea, the name of Rio d'Ouro, then given by the first hopes of the Portuguese, has outlasted the disappointment that found only a sandy reach instead of a waterway to the Mountains of the Moon and the kingdom of Prester John. Baldaya anchored here, landed a couple of horses which the Infant had given him to scour the country, and set "two young noble gentlemen" upon them to ride up country, to look for signs of natives, and if possible to bring back one captive to the ship. Taking no body-armour, but only lance and sword, the boys followed the "river" to its source, seven leagues up the country, and here came suddenly upon nineteen savages, armed with assegais. They rode up to them and drove them out of the open up to a loose mound of stones; then as evening was coming on and they could not secure a prisoner, they rode back to the sea and reached the ship about the dawn of day. "And of these boys," says the chronicler, "I myself knew one, when he was a noble gentleman of good renown in arms. His name was Hector Homen, and you will find him in our history well proved in brave deeds. The other, named Lopez d'Almeida, was a nobleman of good presence, as I have heard from those who knew him." This first landing of Europeans on the coasts of unknown Africa, since the days of Carthaginian colonies, is one of the great moments in the story of Western expansion and discovery. For it means that Christendom on her Western side has at last got beyond the first circle of her enemies, the belt of settled Moslem ground, and has begun to touch the wider world outside, on the shore of the ocean as well as along the Eastern trade routes. And it almost seemed to be of little practical value that Marco Polo and the friars and traders who followed him had passed Islam in Asia, and reached even furthest Tartary, for it only made more clear that Asia was not Christian, and that there would have to be a deadly struggle before European influence could be restored on this side to what it had been under Alexander; but on the west, by the Atlantic coasts, once Morocco had been passed, there were only scattered savage tribes to be dealt with. Baldaya had now reached the pagans beyond Islam; the rival civilisation of the Arabs and their converts had been almost outflanked by Don Henry's ships; and the boys who rode up the Rio d'Ouro beach in 1435 were the first pickets of a great army. Their charge upon a body of grown men ten times their number, was a prophecy of the coming conquests of Christian Europe in the new worlds it was now in search of, in south and east and west. Now Baldaya instantly followed up his pioneers. He took a party in his ship's boat and rode up the stream to the scene of the fight, with the boys on horseback riding by the bank and shewing him the stone-heap where the natives had rallied on the day before. But in the night they had all fled farther up country, leaving most of their miserable goods behind. All these were carried off, and the Portuguese left the Bay of the Horses, as they called this farthest reach of the Rio d'Ouro, and pulled back to the varinel, without any further success than a wholesome disappointment. They must go farther southward if they were to find the western Nile and the way round Africa. Still Baldaya was not content. He wished to carry back a prisoner, as Henry had charged him, and so he coasted along fifty leagues more, from the Rio d'Ouro to the Port of Gallee, a rock that looked like a galley, where there was a more prominent headland than he had passed since Bojador. Here he landed once again, and found some native nets, made of the bark of trees, but none of the natives who made them. In the early months of 1436 he and his varinel were again in Portuguese waters; but the land had now been touched that lay three hundred miles beyond the old African Finisterre, and in two years (1434-6) Portugal and all the Christian nations, through Henry's work, had entered on a new chapter of history. The narrower world of the Roman Empire and the Mediæval Church was already growing into the modern globe in the break up of that old terror of the sea which had so long fixed for men the bounds that they must not pass. The land routes had been cleared to Western knowledge, though not mastered, by the Crusades; now the far more dreaded and unknown water-way was fairly entered. For up to this time there is no fair evidence that either Christian or Moorish enterprise had ever rounded Bojador, and the theoretical marking of it upon maps was a very different thing from the experience that it was just like any other cape, and no more an end of the world than Cape St. Vincent itself. Neither Genoese, nor Catalans, nor Normans of Dieppe, nor the Arab wanderers of Edrisi and Ibn Said were before Don Henry now. His discoveries of the Atlantic islands were findings, rediscoveries; his coast voyages from the year 1433 are all ventures in the true unknown. But from 1436 to 1441, from Baldaya's second return to the start of Nuno Tristam and Antam Gonsalvez for Cape Blanco, exploration was not successful or energetic. The simple cause of this was the Infant's other business. In these years took place the fatal attempt on Tangier, the death of King Edward, and the troubles of the minority of his child, Affonso V.--Affonso the African conqueror of later years. True it is, we read in our _Chronicle of the Discovery of Guinea_, that in these years there went to those parts two ships, one at a time, but the first turned back in the face of bad weather, and the other only went to the Rio d'Ouro for the skins and oil of sea wolves, and after taking in a cargo of these, went back to Portugal. And true it is, too, that in the year 1440 there were armed and sent out two caravels to go to that same land, but in that they met with contrary fortune, we do not tell any more of their voyage. CHAPTER XI. HENRY'S POLITICAL LIFE. 1433-1441. The Prince's exile from politics in his hermitage at Sagres could not be absolutely unbroken. He was ready to come back to Court and to the battle field when he was needed. So he appeared at the deathbed of his father in 1433 and of his brother in 1438, at the siege of Tangier in 1437, and during the first years of the Regency (1438-40) he helped to govern for his nephew, Edward's son Affonso. From 1436 till 1441 he did not seriously turn his attention back to discovery. What is chiefly interesting in the story of these years is the half-religious reverence paid to Henry by his brothers, by Cortés, and the whole people. He was above and beyond his age, but not so much as to be beyond its understanding. He was not a leader where there are no followers; he was one of the fortunate beings who are most valued by those who have lived on the closest terms with them, by father and by brothers. It was believed throughout the kingdom that King John's last words were "an encouragement to the Infant to persevere in his right laudable purpose of spreading the Christian faith in the lands of darkness"; whether true or not, at any rate it was felt to fit the place and the man, and Henry's brothers, Pedro and Edward, took up loyally their father's commission to keep peace at home and sailing ships on the sea. But the new reign was short and full of trouble. King Edward had scarcely been crowned when the scheme of an African war was revived by Don Ferdinand, the fourth of the "Famous Infants" of the House of Aviz (1433). Ferdinand, always a Crusader at heart, had refused a Cardinal's hat, that he might keep his strength for killing the enemies of Christ, and in Henry he found a ready listener. It was the Navigator, in fact, who planned and organised the scheme of campaign now pressed upon the King and the country. It was perfectly natural that he should do so. The war of Ceuta had been of the first importance to his work of discovery; it had been largely his own achievement, and his wish to conquer Heathens and Saracens and to make good Christians of them was hardly less strong than his natural bent for discovery and exploring settlement. He now took up Ferdinand's suggestion, made of it a definite project--for a storm of Tangier--and wrung a reluctant consent from Edward and from Cortés. The chief hindrance was lack of money; even the popularity of the Government could not prevent "sore grudging and murmuring among the people." Don Pedro himself was against the whole plan, and from respect to his wishes the question was referred to the Pope. Are we to make war on the infidels or no? If the infidels in question, answered the Curia, were in Christian land and used Christian churches as mosques of Mohammed, or if they made incursions upon Christians, though always returning to their own land, or if doing none of these things they were idolaters or sinned against nature, the Princes of Portugal would do right to levy war upon them. But this should be done with prudence and piety, lest the people of Christ should suffer loss. Further, it was only just to tax a Christian people for support of an infidel war, when the said war was of necessity in defence of the kingdom. If the war was voluntary, for the conquering of fresh lands from the Heathen, it could only be waged at the King's own cost. But before this answer arrived, the armament had been made ready, and things had gone too far to draw back; the Queen was eager for the war, and had brought King Edward to a more willing consent. So in the face of bad omens, an illness of Prince Ferdinand's, and the warning words of Don Pedro, the troops were put on board ship, August 17, 1437. On August 22d they set sail, and on the 26th landed at Ceuta, where Menezes still commanded. The European triumphs of 1415 and 1418 were still fresh in the memories of the Moors, and Don Henry was remembered as their hero. So it was to him that the tribes of the Beni Hamed sent offers of submission and tribute on the first news of the invasion. The Prince accepted their presents of gold and silver, cattle and wood, and left them in peace during the war, for the forces he had with him were barely sufficient for the siege of Tangier. Out of fourteen thousand men levied in Portugal, only six thousand answered the roll-call in Ceuta. A great number had shirked the dangers of Africa; and the room on shipboard had in itself been absurdly insufficient. The transports provided were just enough for the battalions that actually crossed, and for a fresh supply they must be sent back to Lisbon. In the council of war most were agreed upon this as the best thing on paper, but the practical difficulties were so great that Henry decided not to wait for reinforcements, but to push forward with the troops in hand. The direct road to Tangier by way of Ximera was now found impassable, and it was determined to march the army round by Tetuan, while the fleet was brought up along the coast. Ferdinand, who was still suffering and unequal to the land journey, was to go by sea, while his elder brother, as chief captain of the whole armament, undertook to force his way along the inland routes. In this he was successful. In three days he came before Tetuan, which opened its gates at once, and on September 23d, without losing a single man, he appeared before Old Tangier, where Ferdinand was already waiting his arrival. A rumour was now spread that the Moors were flying from Tangier as they had fled from Ceuta castle two and twenty years before, but Zala ben Zala, who commanded here as he had done there, now knew better how to defend a town, with the desperate courage of his Spanish foes. The attack instantly ordered by Henry on the gates of Tangier was roughly repulsed, and for the next fortnight the losses of the crusaders were so heavy that the siege was turned into a blockade. On September 30th, 10,000 horse and 90,000 foot came down from the upland to the coast for the relief of Tangier. Henry promptly led his little army into the open and ordered an attack, and the vast Moorish host which had taken up its station on a hill within sight of the camp, not daring to accept the challenge, wavered, broke, and rushed headlong to the mountains. But after three days they reappeared in greater numbers and even ventured down into the plain. Again Henry drove them back; again--next day--they returned; at last, after their force had been swollen to 130,000 men, and by overwhelming numbers had compelled the Christians to keep within their trenches, they threw themselves upon the Portuguese outposts. After a desperate struggle they were repulsed and a sally from the town was beaten back at the same time; the Europeans seemed ready to meet any odds. With these victories, Henry was confident that Tangier must soon fall; he ordered another escalade, but all his scaling ladders were burnt or broken and many of his men crushed beneath the overhanging parts of the wall, that were pushed down bodily upon the storming parties. In this final assault of the 5th of October, two Moors were taken who told Henry of immense succours now coming up under the Kings of Fez, of Morocco, and of Tafilet. They had with them, said the captives, at least 100,000 horse; their infantry was beyond count. Sure enough; on the 9th of October, the hills round Tangier seemed covered with the native armies, and it became clear that the siege must be raised. All that was left for Henry was to bring off his soldiers in safety. He tried his best. With quiet energy he issued his orders for all contingents; the marines and seamen were to embark at once; the artillery was given in charge of the Marshal of the Kingdom; Almada, the Hercules of Portugal, was to draw up the foot in line of battle; the Infant himself took his station with the cavalry on a small piece of rising ground. When the Moors charged, they were well received. In spite of all their strength, one army being held ready to take another's place, as men grew tired, the Portuguese held their own. Henry had a horse killed under him; Cabral, his Master of Horse, fell at his side with five and twenty of his men; the cowardice of one regiment, who fled to the ships, almost ruined the defence; but when night fell, the Moorish columns fell sullenly back and left the Infant one more chance of flight and safety. It was the only hope, and even this was lost through the desertion of a traitor. Martin Vieyra, the apostate priest, once Henry's chaplain, now gave up to the enemy's generals the whole plan of escape. After a long debate, it was determined, not to massacre the Christian army, but to take sureties from them that Ceuta should be restored with all the Moorish captives in the Prince's hands. These terms were accepted, for it was soon known that escape was hopeless. But next morning a large party of Moors, with more than the ordinary Moslem treachery, made a last fierce attempt to surprise the camp. For eight hours, eight separate attacks went on; when all had failed, the retreating Berbers tried to set fire to the woodwork of the entrenchments. With the greatest trouble, Henry saved his timbers, and under cover of night fortified a new and smaller camp close to the shore. Food and water had both run short, and the besiegers, who were now become the besieged, had to kill their horses and cook them, with saddles for fuel. They were saved from a fatal drought by a lucky shower of rain, but their ruin was only a matter of time, for it was hopeless to try an embarkation under the walls of the city with all the hosts of Morocco waiting for the first chance of a successful storm; but the losses of the native kings and chiefs had been so great that they were ready to sign a written truce and to keep their cut-throats to the terms of it. On the 15th of October, Don Henry, for the Portuguese, agreed that Ceuta, with all the Moorish prisoners kept in guard by Menezes, should be given up and that no further attack should be made by the King of Portugal on any side of Barbary for one hundred years. The arms and baggage of the crusaders were to be surrendered at once: directly this was done they were to embark, with none of the honours of war, and to sail back at once to Europe. Don Ferdinand was left with twelve nobles as hostages for the treaty till Ceuta was restored; on the other side Zala ben Zala's eldest son was all the security given. Even after this, a plot was laid to massacre the "Christian dogs" as they passed through the streets of Tangier, on their free passage to the harbour which the treaty secured them. Henry got wind of this just in time, and instantly embarked his men by boats from the shore outside the walls, but his rearguard was set upon just as they were leaving the land and about sixty were killed. It was a terrible disaster. Although his losses were but some five hundred killed and disabled, Henry was overcome with the disgrace. As he thought of his brother among the Moors, he refused to show his face in Portugal and shut himself up in Ceuta. Here, as he worried himself to find some means of saving Ferdinand, he fell dangerously ill, till fresh hope came to him with the arrival of Don John, whom Edward had sent to the help of his brothers with some reserves from Algarve. Henry and John consulted about Ferdinand's ransom and at last offered their chief hostage, Zala ben Zala's boy, as an exchange for the Infant. It was the only ransom, they told the Moors, that would ever be thought of; Ceuta would never be surrendered. Don John's mission was a failure, as might have been expected, and both the Princes were now recalled to Portugal, where Henry steadily refused to go to Court, staying at Sagres in an almost complete retirement from his usual interests, till King Edward's death forced him again into action. It was the unavoidable shame of the only choice given to himself and the kingdom that paralysed his energy, and made him moody and helpless through this time of inaction and disgrace. "Captive he saw his brother, bright Fernand The Saint, aspiring high with purpose brave, Who as a hostage in the Saracen's hand Betrayed himself his 'leagured host to save. Lest bought with price of Ceita's potent town To public welfare be preferred his own."[37] [Footnote 37: Camoëns' _Lusiads_, iv., 52.] The mere failure to storm Tangier was brilliantly atoned for by the bravery of the army and the repeated victories over immensely superior force. But now either Ceuta must be exchanged for Ferdinand, or the youngest and favourite brother of the House of Aviz must be left to die among the Berbers. Many, if not most of the Cortés, summoned in 1438 to Leiria to discuss the ransom, were in favour of letting Ceuta go; but all the chiefs of the Government, except the King himself, "thought it not just to deliver a whole people to the fury of the infidels for the liberty of one man." Even Henry at last agreed in this with Don Pedro and Don John. Edward was in despair; he was willing to pay almost any price to recover Ferdinand, and in hope of finding support he now appealed from his own royal house and his nobles to the Pope, the cardinals, and the crowned heads of Europe. All agreed that a Christian city must not be bartered even for a Christian Prince; Edward's offers of money and "perpetual peace" were scornfully rejected by the Moors, who held to their bond "Ceuta or nothing"--and their wretched captive, treated to all the filthy horrors of Mussulman imprisonment and slavery and torture, died under his agony in the sixth year of his living death and the forty-first of his age, 5th June, 1443. Before this his loss had dragged down to the same fate his eldest brother, King Edward, and but for the inspiration of a great purpose, which again put meaning into his life, Henry might have died of the same "illness of soul." Every Portuguese burned to revenge the Constant Prince; the Pope was called upon to approve a new crusade, levies were made and vessels built, when the plague broke out with terrible violence, and ravaged every class and every district as it had not since the days of the Black Death. The King, seized by it in his misery and weakness and bitter disappointment, fell a victim. The wreck of all his hopes left him with hardly a wish to live, and on September 9, 1438, at the age of forty-seven, and after a reign of five years, he died at Thomar, in the act of breaking open a letter, but not before Henry had come to his side. To the last he kept on working for his people, and it was in the fatigue of travelling from one plague-stricken town to another that he caught the pest. Among all the kings of Christendom there was never a better, or nobler, or more luckless, an Alfred with the fortune of "Unready" Ethelred. By his last will there was fresh trouble provided for Don Henry and Don Pedro and the Cortés. His successor--the child Affonso V., now six years of age--was strictly charged to rescue Ferdinand even at the price of Ceuta; this was nothing to practical politics; but in naming his wife, Leonor of Aragon, along with Don Pedro and Don Henry, as guardian of his children and regent of the kingdom, he put power in the wrong place. The Portuguese were always intensely suspicious of foreign government, and after the age of Leonora Telles they might well refuse a female Regent. On the other side King Edward's Queen, who had won his absolute trust as a wife and a mother, was not willing to stand aside for Pedro or for Henry. She began to organise a party, and she worked on her side, the nobles and the patriots counterworked on theirs. Don John was the first of her husband's brothers to take his natural place as a leader of the national opposition; Henry for a time seemed to waver between friendship and loyalty; all who knew the Queen loved her, but the people hated the very notion of a foreign female reign. Like John Knox they could not be fair to the Monstrous Regiment of Women, and their voices grew clearer and clearer for Don Pedro and his rights, real or supposed. The eldest of the young King's uncles, the right-hand man of the State since his return from travel in 1428, he was the proper guardian of the kingdom; Henry was a willing exile from most of Court life, though his support was the greatest moral strength of any government; John had begun the movement of discontent, but no one thought of him before his brothers; while they lived his only part was in helping them on their way. Donna Leonor recognised her chief danger in Don Pedro, and tried to win him over. When she summoned Cortés, she pressed him to sign the royal writs; then she offered to betroth his daughter Isabel to her son; Pedro secured a written promise, and waited for the opening of the National Assembly in 1439. Here a fierce outcry was raised by a party of the nobles against the marriage-settlement of their King, but Don Pedro was too strong to be put down. He moved on by slow and steady intrigue towards the Regency he claimed. Henry had now appeared as peacemaker, and in his brother's interests arranged a compromise. The Queen was to keep the actual charge of her children, and to train the little King for his duties; Pedro was to govern the state as "Defender of the Kingdom and of the King"; the Count of Barcellos, soon to be Duke of Braganza, the leader of the factious and fractious party, was to be bought off with the Administration of the Justice of the Interior. The Queen at first struggled on against this dethronement; fortified herself in Alemquer, and sent for help from her old home in Aragon. At this the mob rose in fury and only Henry was able to prevent a massacre and a war that would have stopped the expansion of Portugal abroad for many a day. He went straight to Alemquer (1439), talked Queen Leonor into reason, and brought her back with him to Lisbon, where she introduced Affonso to his people and his Parliament. For another year Henry stayed at Court, completing his work of settlement and reconciliation, and towards the end of 1440 that work seemed fairly safe. The fear of civil war was over; Don Pedro's government was well started; Henry could now go back to Sagres to his other work of discovery. It was time to do something on this side. For in the past five years scarcely any progress had been made to Guinea and the Indies. CHAPTER XII. FROM BOJADOR TO CAPE VERDE. 1441-5. But with the year 1441 discovery begins again in earnest, and the original narratives of Henry's captains, which old Azurara has preserved in his chronicle, become full of life and interest. From this point to the year 1448, where ends the _Chronica_, its tale is exceedingly picturesque, as it was written down from the remembrance of eye-witnesses and actors in the discoveries and conquests it records. And though the detail may be wearisome to a modern reader as a wordy and emotional and unscientific history, yet the story told is delightfully fresh and vivid, and it is told with a simple naïveté and truth that seems now almost lost in the self-consciousness of modern literature. "It seems to me, says our author" (Azurara's favourite way of alluding to himself), "that the recital of this history should give as much pleasure as any other matter by which we satisfy the wish of our Prince; and the said wish became all the greater, as the things for which he had toiled so long, were more within his view. Wherefore I will now try to tell of something new," of some progress "in his wearisome seedtime of preparation." "Now it was so that in this year 1441, as the affairs of the kingdom had now some repose, though it was not to be a long one, the Infant caused them to arm a little ship, which he gave to Antam Gonsalvez, his chamberlain, a young captain, only charging him to load a cargo of skins and oil. For because his age was so unformed, and his authority of needs so slight, he laid all the lighter his commands upon him and looked for all the less in performance." But when Antam Gonsalvez had performed the voyage that had been ordered him, he called Affonso Goterres, another stripling of the Infant's household and the men of his ship, who were in all twenty-one, and said to them, Brothers and friends, it seems to me to be shame to turn back to our Lord's presence, with so little service done; just as we have received the lest strict orders to do more than this, so much more ought we to try it with the greater zeal. And how noble an action would it be, if we who came here only to take a cargo of such wretched merchandise as these sea wolves, should be the first to bring a native prisoner before the presence of our Lord. In reason we ought to find some hereabout, for it is certain there are people, and that they traffic with camels and other beasts, who bear their merchandise; and the traffic of these men must be chiefly towards the sea and back again; and since they have yet no knowledge of us, they will be scattered and off their guard, so that we can seize them; with all which our Lord the Infant will be not a little content, as he will thus have knowledge of who and what sort of people are the dwellers in this land. Then what shall be our reward, you know well enough from the great expense and trouble our Prince has been at, in past years, only to this one end. The crew shouted a hearty "Do as you please; we will follow," and in the night following Antam Gonsalvez set aside nine men, who seemed to him most fit, and went up from the shore about three miles, till they came on a path, which they followed, thinking that by this they might come up with some man or woman, whom they might catch. And going on nine miles farther they came upon a track of some forty or fifty men and boys, as they thought, who had been coming the opposite way to that our men were going. Now the heat was very great and by reason of that, as well as of the trouble they had been at, the long tramp they had on foot and the failure of water, Antam Gonsalvez saw the weariness of his men, that it was very great. So let us turn back and follow after these men, said he, and turning back toward the sea, they came upon a man stark naked, walking after and driving a camel, with two spears in his hand, and of our men, as they rushed on after him, there was not one who kept any remembrance of his great weariness. As for the native, though he was quite alone, and saw so many coming down upon him, he stood on his defence, as if wishing to show that he could use those weapons of his, and making his face by far more fierce than his courage was warrant for. Affonso Goterres struck him with a dart and the Moor, frightened by his wounds, threw down his arms like a conquered thing and so was taken, not without great joy of our men. And going on a little farther they saw upon a hill the people whose track they followed. And they did not want the will to make for these also, but the sun was now very low and they very weary, and thinking that to risk more might bring them rather damage than profit, they determined to go back to their ship. But as they were going, they came upon a blackamoor woman, a slave of the people on the hill, and some were minded to let her alone, for fear of raising a fresh skirmish, which was not convenient in the face of the people on the hill, who were still in sight and more than twice their number. But the others were not so poor-spirited as to leave the matter thus, Antam Gonsalvez crying out vehemently that they should seize her. So the woman was taken and those "on the hill made a show of coming down to her rescue; but seeing our men quite ready to receive them, they first retraced their steps and then made off in the opposite direction." And so Antam Gonsalvez took the first captives. And for that the philosopher saith, resumes the next chapter of the chronicle, "that the beginning is two parts of the whole matter," great praise should be given to this noble squire, who now received his knighthood, as we shall tell. For now we have to see how Nuno Tristam, a noble knight, valiant and zealous, who had been brought up from boyhood at the Infant's Court, came to that place where was Antam Gonsalvez, bringing with him an armed caravel with the express order of his lord that he was to go to the port of Gallee and as far beyond as he could, and that he should try and make some prisoners by every means in his power. And you may imagine what was the joy of the two captains, both natives of one and the self-same realm and brought up in one and the self-same household, thus to meet so far from home. And now Nuno Tristam said that an Arab he had brought with him, a servant of the Infant, should speak with Gonsalvez' prisoners, and see if he understood their tongue, and that if he understood it, it would profit them much thus to know all the state and conditions of the people of that land. But the tongue of the Arab was very different from that of the captives, so that they could not understand each other. And when Nuno Tristam perceived that he could not learn any more of the manner of that land, he would fain be gone, but envy made him wish to do something before the eyes of his fellows that should be good for all. You know, he said to Antam Gonsalvez, that for fifteen years the Infant has been seeking in vain for certain news of this land and its people, in what law or lordship they do live. Now let us take twenty men, ten from each of the crews, and go up country in search of those that you found. Not so, said the other, for those whom we saw will have warned all the others, and peradventure when we are looking out to capture them, we may in our turn become their prisoners. But where we have gained a victory let us not return to suffer loss. Nuno Tristam said this counsel was good, but there were two squires whose longing to do well outran all besides. Gonsalo de Cintra was the first of these, whose valour we shall know more of in the progress of this history, and he counselled that as soon as it was night they should set out in search of the natives, and so it was determined. And such was their good fortune that they came early in the night to where the people lay scattered in two dwellings; now the place between the two was but small, and our men divided themselves in three parties and began to shout at the top of their voice "Portugal," "St. James for Portugal," the noise of which threw the enemy into such confusion, that they began to run without any order, as ours fell upon them. The men only made some show of defending themselves with assegais, especially two who fought with Nuno Tristam till they received their death. Three others were killed and ten were taken, of men, women, and children. But without question, many more would have been killed or taken if all our men had rushed in together at the first. And among those who were taken was one of their chiefs, named Adahu, who shewed full well in his face that he was nobler than the rest. Then, when the matter was well over, all came to Antam Gonsalvez and begged him to be made a Knight, while he said it was against reason that for so small a service he should have so great an honour, and that his age would not allow it, and that he would not take it without doing greater things than these, and much more of that sort. But at last, by the instant demand of all others, Nuno Tristam knighted Antam Gonsalvez, and the place was called from that time "Port of the Cavalier." When the party got back to the ships, Nuno Tristam's Arab was set to work again, with no better success, "for the language of the captives was not Moorish but Azaneguy of Sahara," the tongue of the great desert zone of West Africa, between the end of the northern strip of fertile country round Fez and Morocco, and the beginning of the rich tropical region at the Senegal, where the first real blacks were found. The Portuguese were in despair of finding a prisoner who could "tell the lord Infant what he wanted to know," but now the chief, "even as he shewed that he was more noble than the other captives, so now it appeared that he had seen more than they, and had been to other lands where he had learnt the Moorish tongue so that he understood our Arab and answered to whatever was asked of him." And so to make trial of the people of the land and to have of them more certain knowledge, they put that Arab on shore and one of the Moorish women their captives with him, who were to speak to the natives if they could, about the ransom of those they had taken and about exchange of merchandise. And at the end of two days there came down to the shore quite one hundred and fifty Moors on foot, and thirty-five mounted on camels and horses, and though they seemed to be a race both barbarous and bestial, there was not wanting in them a certain sharpness, with which they could cheat their enemies, for at first there only appeared three of them on the beach, and the rest lay in ambush till our men should land and they could rush out and master them, which thing they could easily have done, so many were they, if our men had been a whit less sharp than themselves. But when the Moors saw that our boats did not land, but turned back again to the ship, they discovered their treachery, and all came down in a body upon the beach, hurling stones and making gestures of defiance, shewing us the Arab we had sent to them as a captive in their hands. So our men came back to the ship and made their division of the prisoners, according to the lot of each. And Antam Gonsalvez turned back because he had now loaded his caravel with the cargo that the Infant had ordered him, but Nuno Tristam went on, as he for his part had in charge. But as his vessel was in need of repair, he put to shore and careened and refitted it as well as he could, keeping his tides as if he were before the port of Lisbon, at which boldness of his many wondered greatly. And sailing on again, he passed the port of "Gallee," and came to a cape which he called "The White" (Cape Blanco), where the crew landed to see if they could make any captures. But after finding only the tracks of men and some nets, they turned back, seeing that for that time they could not do any more than they had already done. Antam Gonsalvez came home first with his part of the booty and then arrived Nuno Tristam, "whose present reception and future reward were answerable to the trouble he had borne, like a fertile land that with but little sowing answers the husbandman." The chief, or "cavalier" as he is called, whom Antam Gonsalvez brought home was able to "make the Infant understand a great deal of the state of that land where he had been," though as for the rest, they were pretty well useless, except as slaves, "for their tongue could not be understood by any other Moors who had been in that land." But the Prince was so encouraged by the sight of the first captives that he at once began to think "how it would be necessary to send to those parts many a time his ships and crews well armed, where they would have to fight with the infidels. So he determined to send at once to the Holy Father and ask of him that he should give him of the treasures of Holy Church, for the salvation of the souls of those who in this conquest should meet their end." Pope Eugenius IV., then reigning, if not governing, in the great Apostolic See of the West, answered this appeal "with great joy" and with all the rhetoric of the Papal Register. "As it hath now been notified to us by our beloved son Henry, Duke of Viseu, Master of the Order of Christ, that trusting firmly in the aid of God, for the confusion of the Moors and enemies of Christ in those lands that they have desolated, and for the exaltation of the Catholic Faith,--and because that the Knights and Brethren of the said Order of Christ against the said Moors and other enemies of the Faith have waged war with the Grace of God, under the banner of the said Order,--and to the intent that they may bestir themselves to the said war with yet greater fervour, we do to each and all of those engaged in the said war, by Apostolic authority and by these letters, grant full remission of all those sins of which they shall be truly penitent at heart and of which they have made confession by their mouth. And whoever breaks, contradicts, or acts against the letter of this mandate, let him lie under the curse of the All-Mighty God and of the Blessed Apostles Peter and Paul." And besides, adds the chronicle, rather quaintly, of more temporal and material benefits, the Infant D. Pedro, then Regent of the kingdom, gave to his brother Henry a charter, granting him the whole of the fifth of the profits which appertained to the King, and, considering that it was by him alone that the whole matter of the discovery was carried out at infinite trouble and expense, he ordered further that no one should go to those parts without D. Henry's licence and express command. The chronicle, which has told us how Antam Gonsalvez made the first captives, now goes on to say how the same one of the Prince's captains made the first ransom. For the captive chief, "that cavalier of whom we spoke," Henry's first prize from the lands beyond Bojador, pined away in Europe, "and many times begged of Antam Gonsalvez that he would take him back to his own land, where, as he said, they would give for him five or six blackamoors, and he said, too, that there were two boys among the other captives for whom they would get a like ransom." So the Infant sent him back with Gonsalvez to his own people, "as it was better to save ten souls than three, for though they were black, yet had they souls like others, all the more as they were not of Moorish race, but Heathen and so all the easier to lead into the way of salvation. From the negroes too it would be possible to get news of the land beyond them. For not only of the Negro land did the Infant wish to know more certainly, but also of the Indies and of the land of Prester John." So Gonsalvez sailed with his ransom, and in his ship went a noble stranger, like Vallarte the Dane, whom we shall meet later on, one of a kind which was always being drawn to Henry's Court. This was Balthasar the Austrian, a gentleman of the Emperor's Household, who had entered the Infant's service to try his fortune at Ceuta, where he had got his knighthood, and who now "was often heard to say that his great wish was to see a storm, before he left that land of Portugal, that he might tell those who had never seen one what it was like. "And certainly his fortune favoured him. For at the first start, they met with such a storm that it was by a marvel they escaped destruction." Again they put out to sea, and this time reached the Rio d'Ouro in safety, where they landed their chief prisoner, "very well vested in the robes that the Infant had ordered to be given him," under promise that he would soon come back and bring his tribe with him. "But as soon as he got safely off, he very soon forgot his promises, which Antam Gonsalvez had trusted, thinking that his nobility would hold him fast and not let him break his word, but by this deceit all our men got warning that they could not trust any of the natives save under the most certain security." The ships now went twelve miles up the Rio d'Ouro, cast anchor, and waited seven days without a sign of anybody, but on the eighth there came a Moor, on top of a white camel, with fully one hundred others who had all joined to ransom the two boys. Ten of the tribe were given in exchange for the young chiefs, "and the man who managed this barter was one Martin Fernandez, the Infant's own Ransomer of Captives, who shewed well that he had knowledge of the Moorish tongue, for he was understood by those people whom Nuno Tristam's Arab, Moor though he was by nation, could not possibly get speech with, except only the one chief, who had now escaped." With the "Blackamoors," Antam Gonsalvez got as ransom what was even more precious, a little gold dust, the first ever brought by Europeans direct from the Guinea Coast, which more thoroughly won the Prince's cause at home and brought over more enemies and scoffers and indifferentists to his side than all the discoveries in the world. "Many ostrich eggs, too," were included in the native ransom, "such that one day men saw at the Infant's table three dishes of the same, as fresh and as good as those of any other domestic fowls." Did the Court of Sagres suppose the ostrich to be some large kind of hen? What was still more to the Prince's mind, "those same Moors related, that in those parts there were merchants who trafficked in that gold that was found there among them"--the same merchants, in fact, whose caravels Henry had already known on the Mediterranean coast, and whose starting-point he had now begun to touch. Ever since the days of the first Caliphs, this Sahara commerce had gone on under the control of Islam; for centuries these caravans had crossed the valleys and plains to the south of Morocco and sold their goods--pepper, slaves, and gold dust--in Moslem Ceuta and Moslem Andalusia; now, after seven hundred years of monopoly, this Moslem trade was broken in upon by the Europeans, who, in fifty years' time, broke into the greater monopoly of the Indian Seas, when Da Gama sailed from Lisbon to Malabar (1497-9). Next year (1443) came Nuno Tristam's turn once more. People were now eager to sail in the Infant's service, after the slaves, and still more the gold dust, had been really seen and handled in Portugal, and "that noble cavalier," for each and all of the three reasons of his fellows--"to serve his lord," "to gain honour," "to increase his profit,"--was eager to follow up his first successes. Commanding a caravel manned in great part from the Prince's household, he went out straight to Cape Blanco, the white headland, which he had been the first to reach in 1441. Passing twenty-five leagues, seventy-five miles beyond, into the bank or bight of Arguin, he saw a little island, from which twenty-five canoes came off to meet him, all hollowed out of logs of wood, with a host of native savages, "naked not for swimming in the water, but for their ancient custom." The natives hung their legs over the sides of their boats, and paddled with them like oars, so that "our men, looking at them from a distance and quite unused to the sight, thought they were birds that were skimming so over the water." As for their size, the sailors expected much greater marvels in those parts of the world, where every map and traveller's tale made the sea swarm with monsters as big as a continent. "But as soon as they saw they were men, then were their hearts full of a new pleasure, for that they saw the chance of a capture." They launched the ship's boat at once, chased them to the shore, and captured fourteen; if the boat had been stronger, the tale would have been longer, for with a crew of seven they could not hold any more prisoners, and so the rest escaped. With this booty they sailed on to another island, "where they found an infinite number of herons, of which they made good cheer, and so returned Nuno Tristam very joyfully to the Prince." This last piece of discovery was of much more value than Nuno thought. He saw in it a first-rate slave hunting-ground, but it became the starting-point for trade and intercourse with the Negro States of the Senegal and the Gambia, to the south and east. It was here, in the bay of Arguin, where the long desert coast of the Sahara makes its last bend towards the rich country of the south,--that Henry built in 1448 that fort which Cadamosto found, in the next ten years, had become the centre of a great European commerce, which was also among the first permanent settlements of the new Christian exploration, one of the first steps of modern colonisation. And now the volunteer movement had fairly begun. Where in the beginning, says Azurara, people had murmured very loudly against the Prince's enterprise, each one grumbling as if the Infant was spending some part of _his_ property, now when the way had been fairly opened and the fruits of those lands began to be seen in Portugal in much greater abundance, men began, softly enough, to praise what they had so loudly decried. Great and small alike had declared that no profit would ever come of these ventures, but when the cargoes of slaves and gold began to arrive, all were forced to turn their blame into flattery, and to say that the Infant was another Alexander the Great, and as they saw the houses of others full of new servants from the new discovered lands and their property always increasing, there were few who did not long to try their fortune in the same adventures. The first great movement of the sort came after Nuno's return at the end of 1443. The men of Lagos took advantage of Henry's settlement so near them in his town of Sagres, to ask for leave to sail at their own cost to the Prince's coast of Guinea. For no one could go without his licence. One Lançarote, a "squire, brought up in the Infant's household, an officer of the royal customs in the town of Lagos, and a man of great good sense," was the spokesman of these merchant adventurers. He won his grant very easily, "the Infant was very glad of his request, and bade him sail under the banner of the Order of Christ," so that six caravels started in the spring of 1444 on the first exploring voyage that we can call national since the Prince had begun his work. So, as the beginning of general interest in the Crusade of Discovery which Henry had now preached to his countrymen for thirty years, as the beginning of the career of Henry's chief captain, the head of his merchant allies, as the beginning, in fact, of a new and bright period, this first voyage of Lançarote's, this first Armada sent out to find and to conquer the Moors and Blacks of the unknown or half-known South, is worth more than a passing notice. And this is not for its interest or importance in the story of discovery pure and simple, but as a proof that the cause of discovery itself had become popular, and as evidence that the cause of trade and of political ambition had become thoroughly identified with that of exploration. The expansion of the European _nations_, which had languished since the Crusades, had begun again. What was more unfortunate, from a modern standpoint, the African slave trade, as a part of European commerce, begins here too. It is useless to try to explain it away. Henry's own motives were not those of the slave-driver; it seems true enough that the captives, when once brought home to Spain, were treated, under his orders, with all kindness; his own wish seems to have been to use this man-hunting traffic as a means to Christianise and civilise the native tribes, to win over the whole by the education of a few prisoners. But his captains did not always aim so high. The actual seizure of the captives--Moors and Negroes--along the coast of Guinea, was as barbarous and as ruthless as most slave-drivings. There was hardly a capture made without violence and bloodshed; a raid on a village, a fire and sack and butchery, was the usual course of things--the order of the day. And the natives, whatever they might gain when fairly landed in Europe, did not give themselves up very readily to be taught; as a rule, they fought desperately, and killed the men who had come to do them good, whenever they had a chance. The kidnapping, which some of the Spanish patriot writers seem to think of as simply an act of Christian charity, "a corporal work of mercy," was at the time a matter of profit and money returns. Negro bodies would sell well, Negro villages would yield plunder, and, like the killing of wild Irish in the sixteenth century, the Prince's men took a Black-Moor hunt as the best of sport. It was hardly wonderful, then, that the later sailors of Cadamosto's day (1450-60) found all the coast up in arms against them, and that so many fell victims to the deadly poisoned arrows of the Senegal and the Gambia. Every native believed, as they told one of the Portuguese captains in a parley, that the explorers carried off their people to cook and eat them. In most of the speeches that are given us in the chronicle of the time, the masters encourage their men to these slave-raids by saying, first, what glory they will get by a victory; next, what a profit can be made sure by a good haul of captives; last, what a generous reward the Prince will give for people who can tell him about these lands. Sometimes, after reprisals had begun, the whole thing is an affair of vengeance, and thus Lançarote, in the great voyage of 1445, coolly proposes to turn back at Cape Blanco, without an attempt at discovery of any sort, "because the purpose of the voyage was now accomplished." A village had been burnt, a score of natives had been killed, and twice as many taken. Revenge was satisfied. It was only here and there that much was said about the Prince's purpose of exploration, of finding the western Nile or, Prester John, or the way round Africa to India; most of the sailors, both men and officers, seem to know that this, or something towards this, is the "will of their Lord," but it is very few who start for discovery only, and still fewer who go straight on, turning neither to right hand nor left, till they have got well beyond the farthest of previous years, and added some piece of new knowledge to the map of the known world out of the blank of the unknown. What terrified ignorance had done before, greed did now, and the last hindrance was almost worse than the first. So one might say, impatiently, looking at the great expense, the energy, and time and life spent on the voyages of this time, and especially of the years 1444-8. More than forty ships sail out, more than nine hundred captives are brought home, and the new lands found are all discovered by three or four explorers. National interest seems awakened to very little purpose. But what explains the slow progress of discovery, explains also the fact that any progress, however slow, was made at all, apart from the personal action of Henry himself. Without the mercantile interest, the Prince's death would have been the end and ruin of his schemes for many a year. But for the hope of adventure and of profitable plunder, and the certainty of reward; but for the assurance, so to say, of such and such a revenue on the ventures of the time, Portuguese "public opinion" would not probably have been much ahead of other varieties of the same organ. In deciding the abstract question to which the Prince had given his life, the mob of Lisbon or of Lagos would hardly have been quicker than modern mobs to rise to a notion above that of personal gain. If the cause of discovery and an empire to come had been left to them, the labour leaders might have said then in Spain, as some of them have said to-day in England, "What is all this talk about the Empire? What is it to us working men? We don't want the Empire, we want more wages." And so when the great leader was dead, and the people were left to carry out his will, his spiritual foresight of great scientific discoveries, his ideas of conversion and civilisation, were not the things for the sake of which ordinary men were reconciled to his scheme and ready to finish his work. If they thought or spoke or toiled for the finding of the way to India, it was to find the gold and spices and jewels of an earthly paradise. This is not fancy. It is simply impossible to draw any other conclusion from the original accounts of these voyages in Azurara's chronicle, for Azurara himself, though one of Henry's first converts, a man who realised something of the grandeur of his master's schemes and their reach beyond a merely commercial ideal through discovery to empire, yet preserves in the speeches and actions of captains and seamen alike, proof enough of the thoroughly commonplace aims of most of the first discoverers. On the other hand, the strength of the movement lay of course in the few exceptions. As long as all or nearly all the instruments employed were simply buccaneers, with a single eye to trade profits, discovery could not advance very fast or very far. Till the real meaning of the Prince's life had impressed his nearest followers with something of his own spirit, there could be no exploration, except by accident, though without this background of material gain no national interest could have been enlisted in exploration at all. Real progress in this case was by the slow increase of that inner circle which really shared Henry's own ambition, of that group of men who went out, not to make bargains or do a little killing, but to carry the flag of Portugal and of Christ farther than it had ever been planted before, "according to the will of the Lord Infant." And as these men were called to the front, and only as they were there at all, was there any rapid advance. If two sailors, Diego Cam and Bartholomew Diaz, could within four years, in two voyages, explore the whole south-west coast of Africa from the Equator to the Cape of Tempests or of Good Hope, was it not absurd that the earlier caravels, after Bojador was once passed should hang so many years round the north-west shores of the Sahara? Even some of the more genuine discoverers, the most trusted of the Prince's household, men like Gil Eannes, the first who saw the coasts beyond the terrible Bojador, or Diniz Diaz, or Antam Gonsalvez, or Nuno Tristam, as they come before us in Azurara's chronicle, are more like their men than their master. He thought of the slaves they brought home "with unspeakable pleasure, as to the saving of their souls, which but for him, would have been for ever lost." They thought a good deal more, like the crowd that gathered at the slave market in Lagos, of the "distribution of the captives," and of the money they would get for each. At those sales, which Azurara describes so vividly, Henry had the bearing of one who cared little for amassing plunder, and was known, once and again, to give away his fifth of the spoil, "for his spoil was chiefly in the success of his great wishes." But his suite seems to have been as keenly on the look-out for such favours as their lord was easy in bestowing them. To return to Lançarote's voyage: "For that the Infant knew, by certain Moors that Nuno Tristam had carried off, that in the Isle of Naar, in the Bay of Arguin, and in the parts thereabout, were more than two hundred souls," the six caravels began with a descent on that island. Five boats were launched and thirty men in them, and they set off from the ships about sunset. And rowing all that night, we are told, they came about the time of dawn to the island that they sought. And as day was breaking they got up to a Moorish village close to the shore, where were living all the people in the island. At sight of this the boats' crews drew up, and the leaders consulted whether to go on or turn back. It was decided to attack. Thirty "Portugals" ought to be a match for five or six times as many natives; the sailors landed and rushed upon the villagers and "saw the Moors with their women and children coming out of their huts as fast as they could, when they caught sight of their enemy; and our men, crying out 'St. James, St. George, Portugal,' fell upon them, killing and taking all they could. There you might have seen mothers catch up their children, husbands their wives, each one trying to fly as best he could. Some plunged into the sea, others thought to hide themselves in the corners of their hovels, others hid their children underneath the shrubs that grew about there, where our men found them. "And at last our Lord God, who gives to all a due reward, to our men gave that day a victory over their enemies, in recompence for all their toil in His service, for they took, what of men, women, and children, one hundred and sixty-five, without counting the slain." Then finding from the captives that there were other well-peopled islands near at hand, they raided these for more prisoners. In their next descent they could not catch any men, but of women and little boys, not yet able to run, they seized seventeen or eighteen; soon after this they did meet the "Moormen bold," who were drawing together on all sides to defend themselves; a great power of three hundred savages chased another raiding party to their boats. That the whole expedition had no thought of discovery was plain enough from the fact that Lançarote did not try to go beyond the White Cape (Blanco), which had been already passed several times, but turned back directly he found the hunting grounds becoming deserted, and a descent producing no prize, except one girl, who had chosen to go to sleep when the rest of the people fled up country at the first sight of the Christian boats. The voyage was a slave chase from first to last, and two hundred and thirty-five Blacks were the result. Their landing and their sale at Lagos was a day of great excitement, a long remembered 8th of August. "Very early in the morning, because of the heat (of the later day) the sailors began to land their captives, who as they were placed all together in the field by the landing-place, were indeed a wonderful sight; for among them there were some that were almost white, of beautiful form and face; others were darker; and others again as black as moles and so hideous, alike in face and body, that they looked, to any one who saw them, the very images of a Lower Hemisphere." But what heart so stern, exclaims the chronicler, as not to be pierced with pity to see that company. For some held down their heads, crying piteously, others looked mournfully upon one another, others stood moaning very wretchedly, sometimes looking up to the height of Heaven, calling out with shrieks of agony, as if invoking the Father of Nature; others grovelled upon the ground, beating their foreheads with their hands, while others again made their moan in a sort of dirge, in their own way, for though one could not understand the words, the sense of all was plain in the agony of those who uttered it. But most terrible was that agony when came the partition and each possessor took away his lot. Wives were divided from husbands, fathers from sons, brothers from brothers, each being forced to go where his lot might send him. Parents and children who had been ranged opposite one another, now rushed forward to embrace, if it were for the last time; mothers, holding their little children in their arms, threw themselves down, covering their babes with their own bodies. And yet these slaves were treated with kindness, and no difference was made between them and other and freeborn servants. The younger captives were taught trades, and those who showed that they could manage property were set free and married. Widow ladies treated the girls they bought like their own daughters, and often left them dowries by will, that they might marry as entirely free. Never have I known one of these captives, says Azurara, put in irons like other slaves, or one who did not become a Christian. Often have I been present at the baptisms or marriages of these slaves, when their masters made as much and as solemn a matter of it as if it had been a child or a parent of their own. During Henry's life the action of buccaneers on the African coast was a good deal kept in check by the spirit and example and positive commands of the Infant, who sent out his men to explore, and could not prevent some outrages in the course of exploration. Again and again he ordered his captains to act fairly to the natives, to trade with them honourably, and to persuade them by gentler means than kidnapping to come to Europe for a time. In the last years of his life he did succeed in bettering things; by establishing a regular Government trade in the bay of Arguin he brought a good deal more under control the unchained deviltry of the Portuguese freebooters; Cadamosto and Diego Gomez, his most trusted lieutenants of this later time, were real discoverers, who tried to make friends of the natives rather than slaves. In the early days of Portuguese exploration, it may also be said, information, first-hand news of the new countries and their dangers, was absolutely needed, and if the Negroes and the Azaneguy Moors could not or would not speak some Christian tongue and guide the caravels to Guinea, they must be carried off and made fit and proper instruments for the work. It would be out of place here to justify or condemn this excuse or to enter on the wider question of the right or wrong of the slave-trade in general. It is enough to see how brutally the work of "saving the Heathen," was carried out by the average explorer, when discovery was used as a plea for traffic. No one then questioned the right of Christians to make slaves of Heathen Blacks; Henry certainly did not, for he used slavery as an education, he made captives of "Gentiles" for the highest ends, as he believed, to save their souls, and to help him in the way of doing great things for his country and for Christendom. He knew more of the results than of the incidental cruelty, more of the hundreds taken than of the hundreds more killed and maimed and made homeless in the taking. For centuries past Moors had brought back slaves from the south across the Sahara to sell on the coast of Tunis and Morocco; no Christian doubted the right and--more than the right--the merit of the Prince in bringing black slaves by sea from Guinea to Lisbon, where they might be fairly saved from the grasp of "Foul Mahumet." So if it is said that Henry started the African slave-trade of European nations, that must not be understood as the full-blooded atrocity of the West Indian planters, for the use he made of his prisoners was utterly different, though his action was the cause of incessant abuse of the best end by the worst of means. At the time the gold question was much more important than the slave-trade, and most Portuguese, most Europeans--nobles, merchants, burghers, farmers, labourers--were much more excited by the news and the sight of the first native gold dust than by anything else whatever. It was the first few handfuls of this dust, brought home by Gonsalvez in 1442, that had such a magical effect on public opinion, that spread the exploring interest from a small circle out into every class, and that brought forward volunteers on every side. For a Guinea voyage was now the favourite plan of every adventurer. But however they may be explained, however natural and even necessary they may seem to be, as things stood in Portugal and in Latin Christendom, the slave-trade and the gold hunger hindered the Prince's work quite as much as they helped it. If further discovery depended upon trade profits, native interpreters, and the attractions of material interest, there was at least a danger that the discoverers who were not disposed to risk anything, and only went out to line their own pockets, would hang about the well known coasts till they had loaded all the plunder they could hold, and would then simply reappear at Sagres with so many more souls for the good Prince to save, but without a word or a thought of "finding of new lands." And this, after all, was the end. Buccaneering on the north-west coast of Africa was not what Henry aimed at. So he gave a caravel to one of his household, Gonsalo de Cintra, "who had been his stirrup-boy," and "bade him go straight to the Land of Guinea, and that for no cause whatever should he do otherwise." But when De Cintra got to the White Cape (Blanco) it struck him that "with very little danger he could make some prisoners there." So with a cheerful impudence, in the face of the Infant's express commands, he put his ship about and landed in that bay of Arguin, where so many captures had been made, but he was cut off from the rest of the men, and killed with seven others by a host of more than two hundred Moors, and the chronicle which tells of all such details at the greatest length, stops to give seven reasons for this, the first serious loss of life the Europeans had suffered in their new African piracies. And for the rest, "May God receive the soul that He created and the nature that came forth from Him, as it is His very own. _Habeat Deus animam quam creavit et naturam, quod suum est._" (_Azurara_, ch. 27). Three other caravels, which quickly followed De Cintra, sailed with special orders to Christianise and civilise the natives wherever and however they could, and the result of this was seen in the daring venture of Joan Fernandez. This man, the pattern of all the Crusoes of after time, offered to stay on shore among the Blacks "to learn what he could of the manners and speech and customs of the people," and so was left along with that "bestial and barbarous" nation for seven months, on the shores of the Bank of Arguin, while in exchange for him an old Moor went back to Portugal. Yet a third voyage was made in this spring of 1445 by Nuno Tristam. And of this, says Azurara, I know nothing very exact or at first hand, because Nuno Tristam was dead before the time that King Affonso (D. Henry's nephew) commanded me to write this history. But this much we do know, that he sailed straight to the Isle of Herons in Arguin, that he passed the sandy wilderness and landed in the parts beyond, in a land fertile and full of palm trees; and having landed he took a score of prisoners. And so Nuno Tristam was the first to see the country of the real Blacks. In other words, Nuno reached Cape Palmar, far beyond Cape Blanco, where he saw the palms and got the all-important certainty that the desert did end somewhere, and that beyond, instead of a country unapproachable from the heat, where the very seas were perpetually boiling as if in a cauldron, there was a land richer than any northern climate, through which men could pass to the south. Still further was this proved by the next voyage, which reached the end of the great western trend of the African coast, and found that instead of the continent stretching out farther and farther to an infinite breadth, there was an immense contraction of the coast. Diniz Diaz, the eldest of that family which gave to Portugal some of her greatest men and makers, now begged a caravel from the Prince with the promise of "doing more with it than any had done before." He had done well under old King John, and now he kept his word. Passing Arguin and Cape Blanco and Cape Palmar, he entered the mouth of the Senegal, the western Nile, which was now fixed as the northern limit of Guinea, or Blackman's Land. "Nor was this a little honour for our Prince, whose mighty power was thus brought to bear upon the peoples so far distant from our land and so near to that of Egypt." For Azurara like Diaz, like Henry himself, thought not only that the Senegal was the Niger, the western Nile of the Blacks, but that the caravels of Portugal were far nearer to India than was the fact,--were getting close to the Mountains of the Moon and the sources of the Nile. But Diaz was not content with this. He had reached and passed, as he thought, the great western stream up which men might sail, in the belief of the time, to the mysterious sources of the world's greatest river, and so down by the eastern and northern course of the same to Cairo and the Christian seas. He now sailed on "to a great cape, which he named Cape Verde," a green and beautiful headland covered with grass and trees and dotted with native villages, running out into the Western Ocean far beyond any other land, and beyond which, in turn, there was no more western coast, but only southern and eastern. From this point Diaz returned to Portugal. "But great was the wonder of the people of the coast in seeing his caravel, for never had they seen or heard tell of the like, but some thought it was a fish, others were sure it was a phantom, others again said it might be a bird that had that way of skimming along the surface of the sea." Four of them picked up courage to venture out in a canoe and try to settle this doubt. Out they went in their little boat, all made from one hollow tree, but when they saw that there were men on board the caravel they fled to the shore and "the wind falling our men could not overtake. "And though the booty of Diniz Diaz was far less than what others had brought home before him, the Prince made very much of his getting to that land of Negroes and Cape Verde and the Senegal," and with reason, for these discoveries assured the success of his work, and from this time all trouble and opposition were at an end. Mariners now went out to sail to the golden country that had been found or to the spice land that was now so near; men passed at once from extreme apathy or extreme terror to an equally extreme confidence. They seemed to think the fruit was within reach for them to gather, before the tree had been half climbed. Long before Fernando Po had been reached, while the caravels were still off the coasts of Sierra Leone, men at home, from King Affonso to the common seamen of the ports, "thought the line of Tunis and even of Alexandria had been long passed." The difficult first steps seemed all. Now three volunteers, Antam Gonsalvez, and two others who had already sailed in the Prince's service, applied for the command of ships for the discovery and conquest of the lands of Guinea, and to bring back Joan Fernandez from his exile. Sailing past Cape Blanco they set up there a great wooden cross and "much would it have amazed any one of another nation that should have chanced to pass that way, not knowing of our voyages along that coast," says Azurara gleefully, giving us proof enough in every casual expression of this sort, often dropped with perfect simplicity and natural truthfulness, that to his knowledge and that of his countrymen, to the Europe of 1450, the Portuguese had had no forerunners along the Guinea Coast. A little south of the Bight of Arguin the caravels sighted a man on the shore making signals to the ships, and coming closer they saw Fernandez who had much to tell. He had completely won over the natives of that part during his seven months' stay, and now he was able to bring the caravels to a market where trinkets were exchanged for slaves and gold with a Moorish chief--"a cavalier called Ahude Meymam." Then he was taken home to tell his story to the Prince, the fleet wasting some time in descents on the tribes of the bay of Arguin. When he was first put on shore, Joan Fernandez told Don Henry, the natives came up to him, took his clothes off him and made him put on others of their own make. Then they took him up the country, which was very scantily clothed with grass, with a sandy and stony soil, growing hardly any trees. A few thorns and palms were the only relief to the barren monotony of this African prairie, over which wandered a few nomade shepherds in search of pasture for their flocks. There were no flowers, no running streams to light up the waste, so Fernandez thought at first, till he found one or two exceptions that proved the rule. The natives got their water from wells, spoke a tongue and wrote a writing that was different from that of the other Moors, though all these people, in the upland, were Moslems, like the Berbers nearer home. For they themselves were a tribe, the Azaneguy tribe, of the great Berber family, who had four times--in the eleventh, twelfth, thirteenth, and fourteenth centuries--come over to help the Moslem power in Spain. Yet, said Fernandez, these Moors of the west are quite barbarous: they have neither law nor lordship; their food is milk and the seeds of wild mountain herbs and roots; meat and bread are both rare luxuries; and so is fish for those on the upland, but the Moors of the coast eat nothing else, and for months together I have seen those I lived among, their horses and their dogs, eating and drinking only milk, like infants. 'T is no wonder they are weaker than the negroes of the south with whom they are ever at war, fighting with treachery and not with strength. They dress in leather--leather breeches and jackets, but some of the richer wear a native mantle over their shoulders--such rich men as keep good swift horses and brood mares. It was about the trade and religion of the country that Fernandez was specially questioned, and his answers were not encouraging on either point. The people were bigoted, ignorant worshippers of the abominations of Mahumet, he said, and their traffic in slaves and gold was a small matter after all. The only gold he saw in their country was in ankle rings on the women of the chiefs; the gold dust and black bodies they got from the negroes they took to Tunis and the Mediterranean coast on camels. Their salt, on which they set great store, was from the Tagazza salt quarries, far inland. The chief, Ahude Meymam, who had been so kind to Fernandez, lived in the upland; the Christian stranger had been induced to ride up from the coast, and had reached the Court only after tortures of thirst. The water failed them on the way, and for three days they had nothing to drink. Altogether, Fernandez' report discouraged any further attempts to explore by land, where all the country as far as could be reached seemed to yield nothing but desert with a few slender oases. It was not indeed till the European explorers reached the Congo on their coasting voyages to the south that they found a natural and inviting pathway into the heart of Africa. The desert of the north and west, the fever-haunted swamps and jungle of the Guinea Coast only left narrow inlets of more healthy and passable country, and these the Portuguese did their best to close by occasional acts of savage cruelty and impudent fraud in their dealings with the natives. Another expedition, and that an unlucky one, under Gonsalo Pacheco, a gentleman of Lisbon, followed this last of Antam Gonsalvez. Pacheco got leave to make the voyage, equipped a caravel that he had built for himself, and got two others to share the risk and profits with him. And so, says Azurara, hoisting the banners of the Order of Christ, they made their way to Cape Blanco. Here they found, one league from the Cape, a village, and by the shore a writing, that Antam Gonsalvez had set up, in which he counselled all who passed that way not to trouble to go up and sack the village, as it was quite empty of people. So they hung about the Bank of Arguin, making raids in various places, and capturing some one hundred and twenty natives, all of which is not of much interest to any one, though as Pacheco and his men had to pay themselves for their trouble, and make a profit on the voyage, these man-hunts were the chief thing they thought about and the main thing in their stories when they got home. Men like Pacheco and his friends were not explorers at all. They stopped far short of the mark that Diniz Diaz had made for the European Furthest, and their only discovery was of a new cape one hundred miles and more beyond the Bank of Arguin. Sailing south, because the natives fled at their approach and left the coast land all bare, "they came to a headland which they called Cape St. Anne, by which an arm of the sea ran four leagues up the country," where they hunted for more prisoners. Still in search of slaves and gold they sailed on two hundred and fifty miles--eighty leagues--to Negroland, where Diaz had been before, and where they saw a land, to the north of the Great Western Cape, all green, peopled with men and cattle, but when they tried to near the shore and land a storm drove them back. For three days they struggled against it, but at last they found themselves near Cape Blanco, more than three hundred miles to the north, where they gave up all thought of trying to push into the unknown south, and turned cheerfully to their easier work of slave-hunting. In one of these raids, a party of seven, in a boat away from all the rest, was overpowered and killed like De Cintra's men by a large body of natives, "whose souls may God in His mercy receive in the Habitation of the Saints." The Moors carried off the boat and broke it up for the sake of its nails, and Azurara was told by some that the bodies of the dead were eaten by their brutal conquerors. 'T is certain at least, he adds, that their custom is to eat the livers of their victims and to drink their blood, when they are avenging the death of parents or brothers or children, as they do it to have full vengeance on such as have so greatly injured them. CHAPTER XIII. THE ARMADA OF 1445. While Gonsalo Pacheco had been wasting time and men and the good name of Europe and Christendom in his plunderings between C. Bojador and C. Blanco, the memory of the death of Gonsalo de Cintra was kept alive in Lagos, and the men of the town came in solemn deputation to the Prince, before the summer of this same year (1445) was out, to beg him for permission to take full, perfect, and sufficient vengeance. In other words, they offered to equip the largest fleet that had ever sailed on an ocean voyage--as it now began to be called, a Guinea voyage--since the Prince began his work. As far as we know, this was also one of the greatest armadas that had been sent out into the new-discovered or re-discovered or undiscovered seas and lands since the European nations had begun to look at all beyond their own narrow limits. Neither the fleet of 1341, which found the Canaries, and of which Boccaccio tells us, nor the Genoese expedition of 1291, nor the Catalan venture of 1346, nor De Béthencourt's armament of 1402, for the conquest of the Fortunate Isles, was anything like this armada of 1445. For this last was a real sign of national interest in a work which was not only discovery, but profit and a means to more; it proved that in Portugal, in however base and narrowly selfish a way, there was now a spirit of general enterprising activity, and till this had been once awakened, there was not much hope of great results from the efforts of individuals. The first contingent now equipped in Lagos--for the Prince at once approved of his men's idea--numbered fourteen caravels--fourteen of the best sailing ships afloat, as Cadamosto said a little later; but this was only the central fleet, under Lançarote as Admiral. Three more ships came from Madeira, one of them under Tristam Vaz, the coloniser of Funchal; Diniz Diaz headed another contingent from Lisbon; Zarco, the chief partner in the discovery and settlement of Madeira, sent his own caravel in command of his nephew; in all there were seven and twenty ships--caravels, galleys, and pinnaces. Since the Carthaginians sent out their colonists under Hanno beyond the Pillars of Hercules, a larger and braver fleet had not sailed down that desolate West of Africa. Gil Eannes, who had rounded Bojador, was there, with the Diaz, who had passed the Green Headland and come first to the land of the Negroes, and the list of captains was made up of the most daring and seasoned of Spanish seamen. Scarcely a man who had ventured on the ocean voyages of the last thirty years was still alive and able-bodied who did not sail on the 10th August, 1445. At the start Cape Blanco was appointed as the rendezvous; with favouring wind and tide the ships raced out as far as Arguin. Lawrence, a younger brother of the Diaz family, drew ahead, and was the first to fall in with Pacheco's three caravels, which were slowly crawling home after their losses. Now, hearing of the great fleet that was coming after to take vengeance, they turned about to wait for them, "as it was worth while to have revenge though one had to live on short rations." So, now, thirty European ships and their crews were included in the fleet. The pioneer, Lawrence Diaz, and the rest, lay to at the Isle of Herons in the Bank of Arguin; while waiting there they saw some wonderful things in birds, and Azurara tells us what they told him, though rather doubtfully. The great beaks of the Marabout, or Prophet Bird, struck them most,--"a cubit long and more, three fingers' breadth across, and the bill smooth and polished, like a Bashaw's scabbard, and looking as if artificially worked with fire and tools,"--the mouth and gullet so big that the leg of a man of the ordinary size would go into it. On these birds particularly, says Azurara, our men refreshed themselves during their three days' stay. Slowly but surely, two by two, three by three, nine caravels mustered at C. Blanco, and as the flagship of Lançarote was among them, an attack was made at once with two hundred and seventy-eight men picked from among the crews, the footmen and lancers in one boat and the archers in another, with Lançarote himself and the men-at-arms behind. They were steered by pilots who had been on the coast before and knew it, and it was hoped they would come upon the natives of Tider Island with the first light of dawn. But the way was longer than the pilots reckoned, the night was pitchy dark, without moon or stars, the tide was on the ebb, and at last the boats were aground. It was well on in the morning before they got off on the flood and rowed along the coast to find a landing-place. The shore was manned with natives, not at all taken by surprise, but dancing, yelling, spitting, and throwing missiles in insolent defiance. After a desperate struggle on the beach, they were put to flight with trifling loss--eight killed, four taken,--but when the raiders reached the village, they found it empty; the women and children had been sent away, and all their wretched little property had gone with them. The same was found true of all the villages on that coast; but in a second battle on the next day, fifty-seven Moors were captured, and the army went back on shipboard once more. And now the fleet divided. Lançarote, holding a council of his captains, declared the purpose of the voyage was accomplished. They had punished the natives and taken vengeance for Gonsalo de Cintra and the other martyrs; now it was for each crew and captain to settle whether they would go farther. All the prisoners having now been divided like prize-money between the ships, there was nothing more to stay for. Five caravels at once returned to Portugal after trying to explore the inlet of the sea at C. Blanco; but they only went up in their boats five leagues, and then turned back. One stayed in the Bay of Arguin to traffic in slaves, and lost one of the most valuable captives by sheer carelessness,--a woman, badly guarded, slipped out and swam ashore. But there was a braver spirit in some others of the fleet. The captain of the King's caravel, which had come from Lisbon in the service of the King's uncle, swore he would not turn back. He, Gomes Pires, would go on to the Nile; the Prince had ordered him to bring him certain word of it. He would not fail him. Lançarote for himself said the same, and another, one Alvaro de Freitas, capped the offers of all the rest. He would go on beyond the Negro-Nile to the Earthly Paradise, to the farthest East, where the four sacred rivers flowed from the tree of life. "Well do you all know how our Lord the Infant sets great store by us, that we should make him know clearly about the land of the Negroes, and especially the River of Nile. It will not be a small guerdon that he will give for such service." Six caravels in all formed the main body of the Perseverants, and these coasted steadily along till they came to Diaz's Cape of Palms, which they knew was near the Senegal and the land of the Negroes, "and so beautiful did the land now become, and so delicious was the scent from the shore, that it was as if they were by some gracious fruit garden, ordained to the sole end of their delights. And when the men in the caravels saw the first palms and towering woodland, they knew right well that they were close upon the River of Nile, which the men there call the Sanaga." For the Infant had told them how little more than twenty leagues beyond the sight of those trees they would see the river, as his prisoners of the Azanegue tribes had told him. And as they looked carefully for the signs of this, they saw at last, two leagues from land, "a colour of the water that was different from the rest, for that was of the colour of mud." And understanding this to mean that there were shoals, they put farther out to sea for safety, when one took some of the water in his hand and put it to his mouth, and found that it was sweet. And crying out to the others, "Of a surety," said they, "we are now at the River of Nile, for the water of the river comes with such force into the sea as to sweeten it." So they dropped their anchors in the river's mouth, and they of the caravel of Vincent Diaz (another brother of Diniz and Lawrence) let down a boat, into which jumped eight men who pulled ashore. Here they found some ivory and elephant hide, and had a fierce battle with a huge negro whose two little naked children they carried off,--but though the chronicle of the voyages stops here for several chapters of rapturous reflection on the greatness of the Nile, and the valour and spirit of the Prince who had thus found a way to its western mouth, we must follow the captains as they coast slowly along to Cape Verde, "for that the wind was fair for sailing." Landing on a couple of uninhabited islands off the Cape, they found first of all "fresh goat-skins and other things," and then the arms of the Infant and the words of his motto, _Talan de bien faire_, carved upon trees, and they doubted, like Azurara when writing down his history from their lips; "whether the great power of Alexander or of Cæsar could have planted traces of itself so far from home," as these islands were from Sagres. For though the distance looks small enough on a full map of all the world, on the chart of the Then Known it was indeed a lengthy stretch--some two thousand miles, fully as great a distance as the whole range of the Mediterranean from the coast of Palestine to the Straits of Gibraltar. Now by these signs, adds the chronicler, they understood right well that other caravels had been there already--and it was so; for it was the ship of John Gonsalvez Zarco, Captain of Madeira, which had passed this way, as they found for a fact on the day after. And wishing to land, but finding the number of the natives to be such that they could not land by day or night, they put on shore a ball and a mirror and a paper on which was drawn a cross. And when the natives came and found them in the morning, they broke the ball and threw away the pieces, and with their assegais broke up the mirror into little bits, and tore the paper, showing that they cared for none of these things. Since this is so, said Captain Gomes Pires to the archers, draw your bows upon these rascals, that they may know we are people who can do them a damage. But the negroes returned the fire with arrows and assegais--deadly weapons, the arrows unfeathered and without a string-notch, but tipped with deadly poison of herbs, made of reed or cane or charred wood with long iron heads, and the assegais poisoned in like manner and pricked with seven or eight harpoons of iron, so that it was no easy matter to draw it out of the flesh. So they lost heart for going farther, with all the coast-land up in arms against them, and turned back to Lagos, but before they left the Cape they noticed in the desert island, where they had found the Prince's arms, trees so large that they had never seen the like, for among them was one which was 108 palms round at the foot. Yet this tree, the famous baobab, was not much higher than a walnut; "of its fibre they make good thread for sewing, which burns like flax; its fruit is like a gourd and its kernels like chestnuts." And so, we are told, all the captains put back along the coast, in a mind to enter the aforesaid River of Nile, but one of the caravels getting separated from the rest and not liking to enter the Senegal alone, went straight to Lagos, and another put back to water in the Bay of Arguin and the Rio d'Ouro estuary, where there came to them at once the Moors on board the caravel, full of confidence because they had never had any dealings before with the merchants of Spain, and sold them a negro for five doubloons, and gave them meat and water from their camels, and came in and out on board the ship, so that there was great fear of treachery, but at last without any quarrel they were all put on shore, under promise that next July their friends would come again and trade with them in slaves and gold to their hearts' content. And so, taking in a good cargo of seal-skins, they made their way straight home. Meantime two of the other caravels and a pinnace, which had been separated early in the voyage from the main body, under the pilotage of the veteran Diniz Diaz, had also made their way to C. Verde, had fought with the natives in some desperate skirmishes--one knight had his "shield stuck as full with arrows as the porcupine with quills," and had turned back in the face of the same discouragements as the rest; and so would have ended the whole of this great enterprise but for the dauntless energy of one captain and his crew. Zarco of Madeira had given his caravel to his nephew with a special charge that, come what might, he was not to think of profit and trading, but of doing the will of the Prince his lord. He was not to land in the fatal Bay of Arguin, which had been the end of so many enterprises; he was to go as Diniz Diaz had first gone, straight to the land of the Negroes, and pass beyond the farthest of earlier sailors. Now the caravel, says Azurara proudly, was well equipped and was manned by a crew that was ready to bear hard ship, and the captain was full of energy and zeal, and so they went on steadily, sailing through the great Sea of Ocean till they came to the River of Nile, where they filled two pipes with water, of which they took back one to the city of Lisbon. And not even Alexander, though he was one of the monarchs of the world, ever drank of water that had been brought from so far as this. "But now, still going on, they passed C. Verde and landed upon the islands I have spoken of, to see if there were any people there, but they found only some tame goats without any one to tend them; and it was there that they made the signs that the others found on coming after, the arms of the Infant with his device and motto. And then drawing in close to the Cape, they waited to see if any canoes would come off to them, and anchored about a mile off the shore. But they had not waited long before two boats, with ten negroes in them, put off from the beach and made straight for the caravel, like men who came in peace and friendship. And being near, they began to make signs as if for a safe-conduct, which were answered in like manner, and then at once, without any other precaution, five of them came on board the caravel, where the captain made them all the entertainment that he could, bidding them eat and drink, and so they went away with signs of great contentment, but it appeared after, that in their hearts they meditated treachery. For as soon as they got to land they talked with the other natives on shore, and thinking that they could easily take the ship, with this intent there now set out six boats, with five and thirty or forty men, arrayed as those who come to fight, but when they came close they were afraid and stayed a little way off, without daring to make any attack. And seeing this, our men launched a boat on the other side of the caravel, where they could not be seen by the enemy, and manned it with eight rowers, who were to wait till the canoes came nearer to the ship. At last the negroes were tired of waiting and watching, and one of their canoes came up closer, in which were five strong warriors, and at once our boat rowed round the caravel and cut them off. And because of the great advantage that we had in our style of rowing, in a trice our men were upon them, and they having no hope of defence, threw themselves into the water, and the other boats made off for the shore. And our men had the greatest trouble in catching those that were swimming away, for they dived not a whit worse than cormorants, so that we could scarcely catch hold of them. One was taken, not very easily, on the spot, and another, who fought as desperately as two men, was wounded, and with these two the boat returned to the caravel. "And for that they saw that it would not profit them to stay longer in that place, they resolved to see if they could find any new lands of which they might bring news to the Infant their lord. And so, sailing on again, they came to a cape, where they saw 'groves of palm trees dry and without branches, which they called the Cape of Masts.'" Here, a little farther along the coast, a reconnoitring party of seven landed and found four negro hunters sitting on the beach, armed with bows and arrows, who fled on seeing the strangers. "And as they were naked and their hair cut very short, they could not catch them," and only brought away their arrows for a trophy. This Cape of Masts, or some point of the coast a little to the south-east, was the farthest now reached by Zarco's caravel. "From here they put back and sailed direct to Madeira, and thence to the city of Lisbon, where the Infant received them with reward enough. For this caravel, of all those who had sailed at this time (1445), had done most and reached farthest." There was one contingent of the great armada yet unaccounted for, but they were sad defaulters. Three of the ships on the outward voyage which had separated from the main body and Lançarote's flagship, had the cowardice or laziness to give up the purpose of the voyage altogether; "they agreed to make a descent on the Canary Islands instead of going to Guinea at all that year." Here they stayed some time, raiding and slave-hunting, but also making observations on the natives and the different natural features of the different islands, which, as we have them in the old chronicle, are not the least interesting part of the story of the Lagos Armada of 1445.[38] [Footnote 38: The date of this voyage is brought down as late as 1447 by Santarem Oliveiro Martins.] CHAPTER XIV. VOYAGES OF 1446-8. And yet, but for the enterprise of Zarco's crew, this expedition of 1445 that began with so much promise, and on which so much time and trouble had been spent, was almost fruitless of "novelties," of discoveries, of the main end and object of all the Prince's voyages. The next attempt, made by Nuno Tristam in 1446, ended in the most disastrous finish that had yet befallen the Christian seamen of Spain. Nuno, who had been brought up from boyhood at the Prince's court, "seeing how earnest he was that his caravels should explore the land of the Negroes, and knowing how some had already passed the River of Nile, thought that if he should not do something of right good service to the Infant in that land, he could in no wise gain the name of a brave knight. "So he armed a caravel and began sail, not stopping anywhere that he might come straight to the Black Man's land. And passing by Cape Verde he sailed on sixty leagues and found a river, where he judged there ought to be some people living. So he bade them lower two small boats and put ten men in the one and twelve in the other, which pulled straight towards some huts they sighted ahead of them. But before they could jump on shore, twelve canoes came out on the other side, and seventy or eighty Blackmoors in them, with bows in their hands, who began to shoot at our people." As the tide rose, one of the Guinea boats passed them and landed its crew, "so that our men were between a fire from the land and a fire from the boats." They pulled back as hard as they could, but before they could get on board, four of them were lying dead. "And so they began to make sail home again, leaving the boats in that they were not able to take charge of them. For of the twenty-two who went to land in them there did not escape more than two; nineteen were killed, for so deadly was the poison that with a tiny wound, a mere scratch that drew blood, it could bring a man to his last end. But above and beyond these was killed our noble knight, Nuno Tristam, earnestly desiring life, that he might die not a shameful death like this, but as a brave man should." Of seven who had been left in the caravel, two had been struck by the poisoned arrows as they tried to raise the anchors, and were long in danger of death, lying a good twenty days at the last gasp, without the power to raise a finger to help the others who were trying to get the caravel home, so that only five were left to work the ship. Nuno's men were saved by the energy and skill of one--a mere boy, a page of the Infant's House--who took charge of the ship, and steered its course due north, then north by east, so that in two months' time they were off the coast of Portugal. But they were absolutely helpless and hopeless, knowing nothing of their whereabouts, for in all those two months they had had no glimpse of land,--so that when at last they caught sight of an armed fusta, they were "much troubled," supposing it to be a Moorish cruiser. When it came near and shewed itself to be a Gallician pirate, the poor fellows were almost wild with delight, still more when they found they were not far from Lagos. They had had a terrible time; first they were almost poisoned by the dead bodies of Nuno Tristam and the victims of the savages' poisoned arrows; then, when at last they had "thrown their honour to the winds and those bodies to the fishes," shamefaced and utterly broken in spirit, the five wretchedly ignorant seamen, who were now left alone, drifted, with the boundless and terrible ocean on one side, and the still more dangerous and unknown coast of Africa on the other, for sixty days. A common sailor, "little enough skilled in the art of sailing"; a groom of the Prince's chamber, the young hero who saved the ship; a negro boy, who was taken with the first captives from Guinea; and two other "little lads small enough,"--this was the crew. As for the rest, Beati mortui qui in Domino moriuntur, Blessed are the dead that die in the Lord, cries the chronicler in that outburst of bewildered grief with which he ends his story. There were widows and orphans left for the Prince to care for, and "of these he took especial charge." But all people were not so unlucky as Nuno Tristam. The caravel of Zarco of Madeira, which under Zarco's nephew, Alvaro Fernandez, had already passed beyond every other in the year of the great armada, 1445, was sent back again on its errand "of doing service in the unknown lands of Guinea to the Lord Don Henry," in the black year, 1446. Its noble and valiant owner now "charged the aforesaid" Alvaro Fernandez, with the ship well armed, to go as far as he could, and to try and make some booty, that should be so new and so splendid that it would be a sign of his good-will to serve the Lord who had made him. So they sailed on straight to Cape Verde, and beyond that to the Cape of Masts (or Spindle Palms), their farthest of the year before, but they did not turn back here, in spite of unfriendly natives and unknown shores. Still coasting along, they found tracks of men, and a little farther on a village, "where the people came out as men who shewed that they meant to defend their homes; in front of them was a champion, with a good target on his arm and an assegai in his hand. This fellow our captain rushed upon, and with a blow of his lance struck him dead upon the ground. Then, running up, he seized his sword and spear, and kept them as trophies to be offered to the Lord Infant." The negroes fled, and the conquerors turned back to their ship and sailed on. Next day they came to a land where they saw certain of the women of those negroes, and seized one who was of age about thirty, with her child a baby of two, and another, a young girl of fourteen, "the which had a good enough presence and beauty for that country"; but the strength of the woman was so wonderful, that she gave the three men who held her trouble enough to lift her into the boat. And seeing how they were kept struggling on the beach, they feared that some of the people of the country might come down upon them. So one of them put the child into the boat, and love of it forced the mother to go likewise, without much more pushing. Thence they went on, pursues the story, till they came to a river, into which they made an entrance with a boat, and carried off a woman that they found in a house. But going up the river somewhat farther, with a mind to make some good booty, there came out upon them four or five canoes full of negroes, armed as men who would fight for their country, whose encounter our men in the boat did not wish to await in face of the advantage of the enemy, and fearing above all the great peril of poisoned arrows. So they began to pull down stream as hard as they could towards the caravel; but as one of the canoes distanced the others and came up close to them, they turned upon it and in the fight one of the negroes shot a dart, that wounded the captain, Alvaro Fernandez, in the foot. But he, as he had been already warned of the poison, drew out the arrow very quickly and bathed it with acid and oil, and then anointed it well with theriack, and it pleased God that he passed safely through a great trouble, though for some days he lay on the point of death. And so they got back to the caravel. But though the captain was so badly wounded, the crew did not stop in following the coast and went on (all this was over quite new ground) till they came to a certain sand-spit, directly in front of a great bay. Here they launched a boat, and rowed out to see the land they had come to, and at once there came out against them full 120 negroes, some with bows, others with shields and assegais, and when they reached the edge of the sea, they began to play and dance about, "like men clean wearied of all sadness, but our men in the boat wishing to be excused from sharing in that festival of theirs, turned and rowed back to the ship." Now all this was a good 110 leagues,--320 miles beyond Cape Verde, "mostly to the south of the aforesaid cape" (that is, about the place of Sierra Leone on our maps), and this caravel remained a longer time abroad and went farther than any other ship of that year, and but for the sickness of the wounded captain they would not have stopped there. But as it was they came straight back to the Bank of Arguin, "where they met that chief Ahude Meymam, of whom we have spoken before," in the story of Joan Fernandez. And though they had no interpreter, by whom they might do their business, by signs they managed so that they were able to buy a negress, in exchange for certain cloths that they had with them. And so they came safe home. There was not much trouble now in getting volunteers for the work of discovery, and a reward of 200 doubloons--100 from Prince Henry, 100 more from the Regent Don Pedro--to the last bold explorers who had got fairly round Senegambia, added zest to enterprise. In this same year 1446-7, no fewer than nine caravels sailed to Guinea from Portugal in another armada, on the track of Zarco's successful crew. At Madeira they were joined by two more, and the whole fleet sailed through the Canary island group to Cape Verde. Eight of them passed sixty leagues, 180 miles, beyond, and found a river, the Rio Grande, "of good size enough," up which they sailed, except one ship, belonging to a Bishop--the Bishop of Algarve--"for that this happened to run upon a sand-bank, in such wise, that they were not able to get her off, though all the people on board were saved with the cargo. And while some of them were busy in this, others landed and found the country just deserted by its inhabitants, and going on to find them, they soon perceived that they had found a track, which they had chanced on near the place where they landed." They followed this track recklessly enough, and nearly met the fate of Nuno Tristam. "For as they went on by that road, they came to a country with great sown fields, with plantations of cotton trees and rice plots, in a land full of hills like loaves, after which they came to a great wood," and as they were going into the wood, the Guineas came out upon them in great numbers, with bows and assegais and saluted them with a shower of poisoned arrows. The first five Europeans fell dead at once, two others were desperately wounded, the rest escaped to the ships, and the ships went no farther that year. Still worse was the fate of Vallarte's venture in the early months of 1448. Vallarte was a nobleman of the Court of King Christopher of Denmark, who had been drawn to the Court of Henry at Sagres by the growing fame of the Prince's explorations, and who came forward with the stock request, "Give me a caravel to go to the land of the negroes." A little beyond Cape Verde, Vallarte went on shore with a boat's crew and fell into the trap which had caught the exploring party of the year before. He and his men were surrounded by negroes and were shot down or captured to a man. But one escaped, swimming to the ship, and told how as he looked back over his shoulder to the shore, again and again, he saw Vallarte sitting a prisoner in the stern of the boat. "And when the chronicle of these voyages was in writing at the end of the self-same year, there were brought certain prisoners from Guinea to Prince Henry, who told him that in a city of the upland, in the heart of Africa, there were four Christian prisoners." One had died, three were living, and in these four, men in Europe believed they had news of Vallarte and his men. But between the last voyage of Zarco's caravel in 1446 and the first voyage of Cadamosto in 1455, there is no real advance in exploration. The "third armada," as it was called, that is the fleet of the nine caravels of 1446-7, the voyage of Gomes Pires to the Rio d'Ouro at the same time, the trading ventures of the Marocco coast which were the means of bringing the first lion to Portugal in 1447, the expeditions to the Rio d'Ouro and to Arguin in the course of the same year, are not part of the story of discovery, but of trade. There is hardly a suspicion of exploring interest about most of them. Even Vallarte's venture in 1448 has nothing of the novelty which so many went out to find "for the satisfaction of the Lord Henry." Guinea voyages are frequent, almost constant, during these years, and this frequency has at any rate the point of making Europeans thoroughly familiar with the coast already explored, if it did little or nothing to bring in new knowledge. But the value and meaning of Henry's life and work was not after all in commerce, except in a secondary sense; and these voyages of purely trading interest, with no design or at any rate no result of discovery, do not belong to our subject. Each one of them has its own picturesque beauty in the pages of the old chronicle of the Conquest of Guinea, but measured by its importance to the general story of the expansion of Europe, there is no lasting value in any one of the last chapters of Azurara's voyages,--his description of the Canaries, and of the "Inferno" of Teneriffe, "of how Madeira was peopled, and the other islands that are in that part, of how the caravel of Alvaro Dornellas took certain of the Canarians, of how Gomes Pires went to the Rio d'Ouro and of the Moors that he took, of the caravel that went to Meça (in Marocco) and of the Moors that were taken, of how Antam Gonsalvez received the island of Lançarote in the name of the Prince." Only the chronicler's summary of results, up to the year 1446, the year of Nuno Tristam's failure, is of wider interest. "Till then there had been fifty-one caravels to those parts, which had gone 450 leagues (1350 miles) beyond the Cape (Boyador). And as it was found that the coast ran southward with many points, the Prince ordered these to be added to the sailing chart. And here it is to be noted, that what was clearly known before of the coast of the great sea was 200 leagues (600 miles), which have been increased by these 450. Also what had been laid down upon the Mappa Mundi was not true but was by guess work, but now 't is all from the survey by the eyes of our seamen. And now seeing that in this history we have given account sufficient of the first four reasons which brought our noble Prince to his attempt, it is time we said something of the accomplishment of his fifth object, the conversion of the Heathen, by the bringing of a number of infidel souls from their lands to this, the which by count were nine hundred and twenty-seven, of whom the greater part were turned into the true way of salvation. And what capture of town or city could be more glorious than this." CHAPTER XV. THE AZORES. 1431-1460. We have now come very nearly to the end of the voyages that are described in the old _Chronicle of the Discovery and Conquest of Guinea_, and setting aside the story of the famous Venetian Cadamosto, this is also the end of the African mainland-coasting of Henry's seamen. Though he did not die till 1460, and we have now only reached the year 1448, for Azurara's solemn catalogue of negroes brought to Europe is reckoned only up to that year--"nine hundred and twenty-seven who had been turned into the true path of salvation,"--yet there is no more exploration in the last ten years of Henry's life worth noting, except what falls into this and two of the following chapters. The first of these is Cadamosto's own record of his two voyages along the Guinea coast, in which he is supposed to have reached Cape Palmar, some five hundred miles beyond Cape Verde, and certainly reached the Gambia, whose great mouth, "like an arm of the sea," is well described in his journal. The second is the "true account of the finding of the Cape Verde islands by Diego Gomez, servant of Don Henry," who writes the story of the Prince's death and was as faithful a servant as he had at his Court. But there is one other chapter of the exploration directed from Sagres and described by Azurara, which must find its place, and is best spoken of here and now, in the interval between the two most active periods of African coasting voyages. This is the story of the colonisation of the Azores, of the Western or Hawk islands, known to map-makers at least as early as 1351, for they figure clearly enough on the great Florentine chart of that year, though not reclaimed for Europe and Christendom till somewhere about 1430. These islands were found, says a legend, on the Catalan map of 1439, by Diego de Sevill, pilot of the King of Portugal, in 1427. But these islands were after all only two groups of the Archipelago, and the rediscovery or finding of the rest fell between the years 1432 and 1450. The voyage of Diego de Sevill and Gonzalo Velho Cabral to the Azores, that is to the island of St. Mary and the Formigas, has been alluded to as among the earliest of Prince Henry's successes. But as it was out of this first attempt that the discovery of the whole group resulted, it has been necessary to refer to it again. Cabral, rewarded by his lord with the gift of his discoveries and living in St. Mary's island as "Captain Donatory" or Lord of the Land, was in charge of the colonisation of the islands he had already found, and of as many others as might come to light. He spent three years (1433-6) collecting men and means in Portugal and then settled in the "Western Isles" with some of the best families in this country. With this, discovery seemed to have come to a standstill, but years after, somewhere about 1440-1 an odd chance started exploration westward once more. There was a hunt after a runaway slave, a negro, of course, from the continent, who had escaped to the top of the highest mountain in St. Mary. The weather was of the clearest, and he fancied that he saw far off on the horizon the outline of an unknown land. Was it another island? He knew his masters were there as explorers quite as much as colonisers, and he must often have heard their talk about the finding of new lands, and the will of their Lord the Prince that those new lands should at all costs be found, was no secret. That will had sent them there; that same will would secure their slave's pardon, if he came back from hiding with the news of a real discovery. So he reasoned to himself; and he was right. The Prince, hearing the news, instantly consulted his ancient maps and found that these hinted at lands in the same direction as the slave had pointed out. He ordered Cabral to start at once in search of them. Cabral tried and missed. Then came a wonderful test of Henry's knowledge; he who had never been within a thousand miles of the place, proved to his captain that he had passed between St. Mary and the unknown land, and correcting his course sent him out again, to seek and to find. On the 8th of May, 1444, the new island was found "on the day of the apparition of St. Michael," and named after the festival. It is our modern "St. Michael of the Oranges." As with the other islands so with this, colonisation followed discovery. On the 29th of September, 1445, Cabral returned with Europeans, having before left only a few Moors to open up the country. Now on his return he found these wretched men frightened almost to death by the earthquakes that had kept them trembling since they first landed. "And if they had been able to get a boat, even the lightest, they would certainly have escaped in it." Cabral's pilot also, who had been with him before to that same island, declared that of the two great mountain peaks which he had noticed at the two ends of the island, east and west, only the Eastern was now standing. The slang name of "Azores" or "Hawks" now began to take the place of the old term of "Western" islands, from the swarms of hawks or kites that were found in the new discovered St. Michael, and in the others which came to light soon after. For the Third Group, "Terceira," was sighted between 1444-50, and added to the Portugal that was thus creeping slowly out towards the unknown West, as if in anticipation of Columbus, throwing its outposts farther and farther into the ocean, as its pioneers grew more and more sure of their ground outside the Straits of Gibraltar. Some seamen of Prince Henry's, returning from "Guinea" to Spain, some adventurer trying to "win fame for himself with the Lord Infant," some merchants sent out to try their luck on the western side as so many had tried on the southern, some African coasters driven out of sight of land by contrary winds;--it may have been any of these, it must have been some one of them, who found the rest of the Azores, Terceira or the island of Jesus, St. George, Graciosa, Fayal, Flores, and Corvo. Who were the discoverers is absolutely unknown. At this day we have only a few traces of the first colonisation, but of two things we may be pretty certain. First, that the Azores were all found and colonised in Henry's lifetime, and for the most part between 1430 and 1450. Second, that no definite purpose was formed of pushing discovery beyond this group across the waste of waters to the west, and so of finding India from the "left" hand. Henry and all his school were quite satisfied, quite committed, to the south-east route. By coasting round the continent, not by venturing across the ocean, they hoped and meant to find their way to Malabar and Cathay. As to the settlement of these islands, a copy is still left of Henry's grant of the Captaincy of Terceira to the Fleming Jacques de Bruges. The facts of the case were these. Jacques came to the Prince one day with a little request about the Hawk islands--that "within the memory of man the aforesaid islands had been under the aggressive lordship of none other than the Prince, and as the third of these islands called the island of Jesu Christ, was lying waste, he the said Jacques de Bruges begged that he might colonise the same. Which was granted to him with the succession to his daughters, as he had no heirs male." For Jacques was a rich Fleming, who had come into the Prince's service, it would seem, with the introduction of the Duchess of Burgundy, Don Henry's niece. Since then he had married into a noble house of Portugal, and now he was offering to take upon himself all the charges of his venture. Such a man was not lightly to be passed over. His design was encouraged, and more than this his example was followed. An hidalgo named Sodré--Vincent Gil Sodré--took his family and adherents across to Terceira, the island of Jesu Christ, and from thence went on and settled in Graciosa, while another Fleming, Van der Haager, joining Van der Berge or De Bruges in Terceira with two ships "fitted out at his own cost and filled with his own people and artisans, whom he had brought to work as in a new land," tried though unsuccessfully to colonise the island of St. George. The first Captain Donatory of Fayal was another Fleming--Job van Heurter, Lord of Moerkerke--and there is a special interest in his name. For it is through him that we get in 1492 the long and interesting notice of the first settlement of the Azores on the globe of Martin Behaim, now at Nuremberg, the globe which was made to play such a curious part, as undesigned as it was ungenerous, in the Columbus controversy. "These islands," says the tablet attached to them on the map, "these Hawk islands, were colonised in 1466, when they were given by the King of Portugal to his sister Isabel, Duchess of Burgundy, who sent out many people of all classes, with priests and everything necessary for the maintenance of religion. So that in 1490 there were there some thousands of souls, who had come out with the noble knight, Job de Heurter, my dear father-in-law, to whom the islands were given in perpetuity by the Duchess. "Now in 1431, Prince Henry provisioned two ships for two years and sent them to the lands beyond Cape Finisterre, and they, sailing due west for some five hundred leagues, found these islands, ten in number, all desert without quadrupeds or men, only tenanted by birds, and these so tame that they could be caught by the hand. So they called these 'the Islands of the Hawks' (Azores). "And next year (1432), by the King's orders, sixteen vessels were sent out from Portugal with all kinds of tame animals, that they might breed there." Of the first settlement of Flores and Corvo, the two remaining islands of the group, still less is known, but in any case it seems not to have been fully carried out till the last years of the Prince's life, possibly it was the work of his successor in the Grand Mastership of the Order of Christ, which now took up a sort of charge to colonise outlying and new discovered lands. For among the Prince's last acts was his bequest of the islands, which had been granted to himself by his brother, King Edward, in 1433, to Prince Ferdinand, his nephew, whom he had adopted with a view of making him his successor in aims as well as in office, in leading the progress of discovery as well as in the headship of the Order of Christ. CHAPTER XVI. THE TROUBLES OF THE REGENCY AND THE FALL OF DON PEDRO. 1440-9. Don Pedro had been nominated sole Regent of Portugal on November 1, 1439, and by the end of the next year all the unsettlement consequent on the change at court seemed to be at an end. But a deep hatred continued between the various parties. First of all, the Count of Barcellos, natural son of John I., created Duke of Braganza by Affonso V., had taken up a definite policy of supplanting the Regent. The Queen Mother had not forgotten or forgiven Don Pedro's action at Edward's death, and the young King himself, though engaged to the Regent's daughter, was already distrustful, was fitting himself to lead the Barcellos party against the Prince. On February 18, 1445, died the Queen Leonor, with suspicions of poison, diligently fostered by the malcontents. Next year (1446) Affonso, now fourteen, came of age, and his uncle proposed at once to resign all actual power and retire to his estates as Duke of Coimbra. But the King was either not yet prepared to part with him, or still felt some gratitude to his guardian, "the wisest head in Spain." He begged him to keep the chief direction of affairs, thanked him for the past, and promised to help him in the future. More than this, he protested that he wished to be married to his cousin, Pedro's daughter Isabel. They had been formally betrothed four years; now Affonso called on his nobles and the deputies of Cortés to witness the marriage. In May, 1447, this royal wedding was celebrated, but coldly and poorly, as nephew and uncle had now drifted quite apart. The more the younger disliked and suspected the elder, the more vehement became his protestations of regard. But he bitterly resented the Duke's action in holding him to his promise, and he made up his mind before the marriage that he would henceforth govern as well as reign. The Regent just prevented his dismissal by laying down his offices; the King seemed almost to relent in parting from his guardian, who had kept the kingdom in such perfect peace and now resigned so well discharged a duty; but even his wife could not prevent the coming storm. She struggled hard to reconcile her father and her husband, but the mischief-makers were too hard for her. Persuaded that the Duke was a traitor, the King allowed himself to be used to goad him into revolt. "Your father wishes to be punished," he said fiercely to the Queen, "and he shall be punished." [Illustration: HENRY IN MORNING DRESS, WITH GREAT HAT.] If Henry, who in the last six years had only once left Sagres, to knight Don Pedro's eldest son at Coimbra in 1445, had now been able, in presence as well as writing, to stand by his brother in this crisis, the Regent might have been saved. As it was, Pedro had hardly settled down in his exile at Coimbra, when he found himself charged with the secret murders of King Edward, Queen Leonor, and Prince John. The more monstrous the slander, the more absurd and self-contradictory it might be, the more eagerly it was made. Persecution as petty and grinding as that which hunted Wolsey to death, at last drove Pedro to take arms. His son, knighted by Henry himself for the high place of Constable of the Realm, had been forced into flight, the arms of Coimbra Arsenal seized for the King's use, his letters to his nephew opened and answered, it was said by his enemies, who wrote back in the sovereign's name, as he would write to an open rebel. All this the Prince bore, but when he heard that his bastard brother of Braganza, who had betrayed and maligned and ruined him, was on the march to plunder his estates, like an outlaw's, he collected a few troops and barred his way. At this Affonso was persuaded to declare war. Only one great noble stood by the fallen Regent, but this was his friend Almada, the Spanish Hercules, his sworn brother in arms and in travels, one of the Heroes of Christendom, who had been made a Count in France and a Knight of the Garter in England. It was he who now escaped from honourable imprisonment at Cintra, joined Pedro in Coimbra, and proposed to him that they should go together to Court and demand justice and a fair trial, but sword in hand and with their men at their back. Was it not better to die as soldiers than as traitors without a hearing? So on May 5, 1449, the Duke left Coimbra with his little army of vassals, 1000 horse and 5000 foot and passed by Batalha, where he stopped to revisit the great church and the tombs of his father and his brothers. Thence he marched straight on Lisbon, which the King covered from Santarem with 30,000 men. At the rivulet of Alfarrobeira the armies met; a lance thrust or a cross-bow shot killed the Infant; a common soldier cut off his head and carried it to Affonso in the hope of knighthood. Almada, who fought till he could not stand from loss of blood, died with his friend. Hurling his sword from him, he threw himself on the ground, with a scornful, "Take your fill of me, Varlets," and was cut to pieces. Though at first leave could hardly be got to bury Don Pedro's body, as time went on his name was cleared. His daughter bore a son to the King, and the proofs of his loyalty, the indignant warnings of foreign Courts, the entreaties of the Queen, at last brought Affonso to something like repentance and amendment. He buried the Regent at Batalha and pardoned his friends, those who were left from the butchery of Alfarrobeira. CHAPTER XVII. CADAMOSTO. 1455-6. We have now come to the voyages of the Venetian Cadamosto, in the service of Prince Henry. And though these were far from being the most striking in their general effect, they are certainly the most famous, the best known, of all the enterprises of these fifty years (1415-1460). It is true that Cadamosto fairly reached Sierra Leone and, passing the farthest mark of the earlier Portuguese caravels, coasted along many miles of that great eastern bend of the West African coast which we call the Gulf of Guinea. But it is to his general fame as a seaman, his position in Italy, and the interest he aroused by his written and published story that he owed his greater share of attention. When I first set my mind, begins his narrative, on sailing the ocean between the Strait of Cadiz and the Fortunate Islands, the one man who had tried to enter the aforesaid ocean, since the days of our Father Adam, was the Infant Don Henry of Portugal, whose illustrious and almost countless deeds I pass over, excepting only his zeal for the Christian faith and his freedom from the bonds of matrimony. For his father, King John, had not given up the ghost before he had warned his son Henry with saving precepts, that the aforesaid Holy Faith he should foster with a dauntless mind and not fail in his vows of warring down the foes of Christ. Therefore every year did Don Henry, as it were, challenging and hurling defiance at the Moors, persist in sending out his caravels as far as the headland called the Cape of Non (Not), from the belief that beyond the said Cape there is "_No_" return possible. And as for a long time the ships of the Prince did not dare to pass that point, Henry roused himself to accomplish this feat, seeing that his caravels did much excel all other sailing ships afloat, and strictly enjoined his captains not to return before they had passed the said Cape. Who steadily pressing on, and never leaving sight of the shore, did in truth pass near one hundred miles beyond, finding nothing but desert land. Beyond this again, for the space of one hundred and fifty miles, the Prince then sent another fleet, which fared no better, and finding no trace of men or of tillage, returned home. And Don Henry, growing ever keener for discovery, and excited by the opposition as it were of nature, sent out again and again till his sailors had reached beyond the Desert Coast to the land of the Arabs and of those new races called Azaneguys, people of a tawny colour. And finally there appeared to these bold mariners the land of Æthiopia, which lies upon the shore of the Southern ocean, and here again from day to day the explorers discovered new races and new lands. "Now I, Luigi Ca da Mosto, who had sailed nearly all the Mediterranean coasts, once leaving Venice for 'Celtogallia' (France), but being caught by a storm off C. St. Vincent, had to take refuge in the Prince's town, near the said Cape, and was here told of the glorious and boundless conquests of the Prince, whence accrued such gain that from no traffic in the world could the like be had. "The which," continues the candid trader, "did exceedingly stir my soul, eager as it was for gain above all things else; and so I made suit to be brought before the Prince, if so be that I might gain leave to sail in his service, for since the profit of this voyage is subject to his pleasure, he doth guard his monopoly with no small care." With the Prince, at last, Cadamosto made terms: either that he, the adventurer, should furnish the ships at his own cost, and take the whole risk upon himself, and of the merchandise that he might gain a fourth part to go to his lord; or that the Prince should bear the cost of equipment and should have half the profits. But in any case, if there was no profit, the whole expense should fall upon the trader. The Prince added that he would heartily welcome any other volunteers from Venice, and on Cadamosto himself he urged an immediate start. "As for me," repeats the sailor, "my age, my vigour, my skill equal to any toil, above all my passionate desire to see the world and explore the unknown, set me all on fire with eagerness. And especially the fact that no countryman of mine had ever tried the like, and my certainty of winning the highest honour and gain from such a venture, made me forward to offer myself. I only stayed to enquire from veteran Portuguese what merchandise was the most highly prized among the Æthiopians and people of the furthest South, and then went home to find the best light craft for the ocean coasting that I had in mind." Meantime the Prince ordered a caravel to be equipped, which he gave to one Vincent, a native of Lagos, as captain, and caused to be armed to the teeth, as was required, and on the 21st of March, 1455, Cadamosto sailed for Madeira. On the 25th they were off Porto Santo, and the Venetian stops to give us a description of the island, which, he says in passing, had been found and colonised by the Prince's seamen twenty-seven years before. It was worth the settling. Every kind of grain and fruit was easily raised, and there was a great trade in dragon's blood, "which is made from the tears of a tree." On March 27th, Cadamosto sailed from Porto Santo to Madeira, forty miles distant, and easily seen from the first island when the weather was cloudy, and here the narrative stops some time to describe and admire sufficiently. Madeira had been colonised under the lead and action of the Prince four and twenty years before, and was now thickly peopled by the Portuguese settlers. Beyond Portugal its existence was hardly known. Its name was "from its woodland,"--here Cadamosto repeats the traditional falsehood about the place,--but the first settlers had destroyed most of this in trying to clear an open space by fire. The whole island had once been in flames, the colonists only saved their lives by plunging into the rivers, and even Zarco, the chief discoverer, with his wife and children had to stand in a torrent bed for two whole days and nights before they could venture on dry land again. The island was forty miles round; like Porto Santo, it was without a harbour, but not without convenient roads for ships to lie in; the soil was fertile, well watered by eight rivers that flowed through the island. "Various kinds of carved wood are exported, so that almost all Portugal is now adorned with tables and other furniture made from these woods." "Hearing of the great plenty of water in the island, the Prince ordered all the open country to be planted with sugar-cane and with vines imported from Crete, which do excellent well in a climate so well suited to the grape; the vine staves make good bows, and are exported to Europe like the wine, red and white alike, but especially the red. The grapes are ripe about Easter in each year," and this vintage, as early as Cadamosto's day, was evidently the main interest of the islanders, who had all the enthusiasm of a new venture in their experiment, "for no one had ever tried his hand upon the soil before." From Madeira the caravel sailed on 320 miles to the Canaries, of which says our Venetian, there are ten, seven cultivated and three still desert; and of the seven inhabited four are Christian, three Heathen, even now, fifty years after De Béthencourt's conquest. Neither wine nor grain can be produced on this soil, and hardly any fruit, only a kind of dye, used for clothes in Portugal; goat's flesh and cheese can also be exported, and something, Cadamosto fancies, might be made of the wild asses that swarm in the islands. Each of these Canary islands being some forty miles from the next, the people of one do not understand the speech of their neighbours. They have no walls, but open villages; watch towers are placed on the highest mountains to guard the people of one village from the attacks of the next, for a guerilla warfare, half marauding, half serious civil war, is the order of the day. Speaking of the three heathen islands, "which were also the most populous," Cadamosto stops a little over the mention of Teneriffe, "wonderful among the islands of the earth, and able to be seen in clear weather for a distance of seventy Spanish leagues, which is equal to two hundred and fifty miles. And what makes it to be seen from so far, is that on the top is a great rock of adamant, like a pyramid, which stone blazes like the mountain of Ætna, and is full fifteen miles from the plain, as the natives say." These natives have no iron weapons, but fight with stones and wooden daggers; they go naked except for a defensive armour of goat-skins, which they wear in front and behind. Houses they have none, not even the poorest huts, but live in mountain caves, without faith, without God. Some indeed worship the sun and moon, and others planets, reverence certain idols; in their marriage customs the chiefs have the first right by common consent, and at the graves of their dead chiefs are most of their religious sacrifices; the islanders have only one art, that of stone-slinging, unless one were to count their mountain-climbing and skill in running and in all bodily exercises, in which nature has created these Canarians to excel all other mortals. They paint their bodies with the juice of plants in all sorts of colours and think this the highest point of perfection, to be decked out on their skins like a garden bed. From the Canaries, Cadamosto sails to the White Cape, C. Blanco, on the mainland, some way beyond Bojador, "towards Æthiopia," passing the bay and isles of Arguin on the way, where the crews found such quantities of sea-birds that they brought home two ship-loads. And here it is to be noticed, says the narrative, that in sailing from the parts of Cadiz to that Æthiopia which faces to the south, you meet with nothing but desert lands till you come to Cape Cantin, from which it is a near course to C. Blanco. These parts towards the south do run along the borders of the negroes' land, and this great tract of white and arid land, full of sand, very low lying at a dead level, it would be a quick thing to cross in sixty days. At C. Blanco some hills begin to rise out of the plain, and this cape was first found by the Portuguese, and on it is nothing but sand, no trace of grass or trees; it is seen from far, being very sharply marked, three-sided, and having on its crest three pyramids, as they may be called, each one a mile from its neighbour. A little beyond this great desert tract is a vast sea and a wondrous concourse of rivers, where only explorers have reached. At C. Blanco there is a mart of Arab traders, a station for the camels and caravans of the interior, and those pass by the cape who are coming from Negro-land and going to the Barbary of North Africa. As one might expect on such a barren stony soil, no wine or grain can be raised; the natives have oxen and goats, but very few; milk of camels and others is their only drink; as for religion, the wretches worship Mahomet and hate Christians right bitterly. What is of more interest to the Venetian merchant, the traders of these parts have plenty of camels which carry loads of brass and silver, and even of gold, brought from the negroes to the people of our parts. The natives of C. Blanco are black as moles, but dress in white flowing robes, after the Moorish fashion, with a turban wound round the head; and indeed plenty of Arabs are always hovering off the cape and the bay of Arguin for the sake of trade with the Infant's ships, especially in silver, grain, and woven stuffs, and above all in slaves and gold. To protect this commerce, the Prince some time since (1448), built a fort in the bay, and every year the Portuguese caravels that come here lie under its protection and exchange the negro slaves that they have captured farther south for Arab horses, one horse against ten or fifteen slaves, or for silks and woven stuffs from Morocco and Granada, from Tunis and the whole land of Barbary. The Arabs on their side sell slaves, that they have driven from the upland, to the Portuguese at Arguin, in all nearly a thousand a year, so that the Europeans, who used to plunder all this coast as far as the Senegal, now find it more profitable to trade. The mention of the Senegal brings Cadamosto to the next stage of his voyage, to the great river, "which divides the Azaneguys, Tawny Moors, from the First Kingdom of the Negroes." The Azaneguys, Cadamosto goes on to define more exactly as a people of a colour something between black and ashen hue, whom the Portuguese once plundered and enslaved but now trade with peacefully enough. "For the Prince will not allow any wrong-doing, being only eager that they should submit themselves to the law of Christ. For at present they are in a doubt whether they should cleave to our faith or to Mahomet's slavery." But they are a filthy race, continues the traveller, all of them mean and very abject, liars and traitorous knaves, squat of figure, noisome of breath, though of a truth they cover their mouths as of decency, saying that the mouth is a very cesspool and sewer of impurity. They oil their hair with a foul-smelling grease, which they think a great virtue and honour. Much do they make also of their gross fat women, whose breasts they deform usually, that they may hang out the more, straining their bodies (when) at seventeen years of age with ropes. Ignorant and brutal as they are, they know no other Christian people but the Portuguese, who have enslaved and plundered them now fourteen years. This much is certain, that when they first saw the ships of Don Henry sailing past, they thought them to be birds coming from far and cleaving the air with white wings. When the crews furled sail and drew in to the shore, the natives changed their minds and thought they were fishes; some, who first saw the ships sailing by night, believed them to be phantoms gliding past. When they made out the men on board of them, it was much debated whether these men could be mortal; all stood on the shore, stupidly gazing at the new wonder. The centre of power and of trade in these parts was not on the coast, but some way inland. Six days' journey up the country is the place called Tagaza, or the Gold-Market, whence there is a great export of salt and metals which are brought on the camels of the Arabs and Azaneguys down to the shore. Another route of merchants is inland to the Negro Empire of Melli and the city of Timbuctoo, where the heat is such that even animals cannot endure to labour and no green thing grows for the food of any quadruped, so that of one hundred camels bearing gold and salt (which they store in two hundred or three hundred huts) scarce thirty return home to Tagaza, for the journey is a long one, 'tis forty days from Tagaza to Timbuctoo and thirty more from Timbuctoo to Melli. "And how comes it," proceeds Cadamosto, "that these people want to use so much salt?" and after some fanciful astrological reasoning he gives us his practical answer, "to cool their blood in the extreme heat of the sun": and so much is it needed that when they unload their camels at the entrance of the kingdom of Melli, they pack the salt in blocks on men's heads and these last carry it, like a great army of footmen, through the country. When one negro race barters the salt with another, the first party comes to the place agreed on, and lays down the salt in heaps, each man marking his own heap by some token. Then they go away out of sight, about the time of midday sun, when the second party comes up, being most anxious to avoid recognition and places by each heap so much gold as the buyer thinks good. Then they too go away. The sellers come back in the evening, each one visits his pile, and where the gold is enough for the seller's wishes, he takes it, leaves the salt and goes away for good; where it is not enough, he leaves gold and salt together and only goes away to wait again till the buyers have paid a second visit. Now, the second party coming up again, take away the salt where the gold has been accepted, but where it still lies, refused, they either add more or take their money away altogether, according to what they think to be the worth of the salt. Once the King of Melli, who sent out a party with salt to exchange for gold, ordered his men to make captive some of the negroes who concealed themselves so carefully. They were to wait till the buyers should come up to put down their gold; then they were to rush out and seize all they could. In this way one man and only one was taken, who refused all food and died on the third day after his capture, without uttering a word, "whereby the King of Melli did not gain much," but which induced the men of Melli to believe that the other people were naturally dumb. The captors described the appearance of those who escaped their hands, "men of fine build and height, more than a palm's length greater than their own, having the lower lip brought out and hung down even to the breast, red and bleeding and disclosing their teeth which were larger than the common, their eyes black, prominent, and fierce-looking." For this treachery the trade was broken off three whole years, till the great want of salt compelled the injured negroes to resume, and since then the business had gone on as before. The gold thus gained is carried by the men of Melli to their city, and then portioned out in three parts; one part goes by the caravan route towards Syria, the other two thirds go to Timbuctoo, and are there divided once again, part going to Tunis, the head of Barbary, and part to the regions of Marocco, over against Granada, and without the strait of the Pillars of Hercules (Gibraltar). And to those parts come Christian merchants, and especially Italians, to buy the gold in exchange for merchandise of every sort. For among the negroes and Azaneguys there is no coinage of gold or of silver, no money token of metal, but the whole is simply matter for exchange. From the trade, Cadamosto changes to discourse of the politics of the natives, their manners and customs. Their government for the most part is not monarchy, but a tyranny of the richest and most powerful caste. Their wars are waged only with offensive arms, light spears and swords; they have no defensive armour, but use horses, which they sit as the Moors do. Their ordinary garments are of cotton. The plague of excessive drought during all the year, except from August to October, is aggravated at certain seasons by the worse plague of locusts, "and I myself have seen them flying by troops upon the sea and shore like an army, but of countless number." After this long digression Cadamosto comes back to the Gulf of Senegal. "And this," says he, "is the chief river of the Region of the Negroes, dividing them from the Tawny Moors." The mouth of the estuary is a mile wide, but an island lying in mid-channel divides the river into two parts just where it enters the sea. Though the central channel is deep enough, the entrance is made difficult to strangers by the shallows and sand banks on either side; every six hours the river rises and falls with the flow and ebb of the ocean, and where it pours out its waters into the sea, the flux and reflux of waters reaches to a distance of sixty miles, as say the Portuguese who have watched it. The Senegal is nearly four hundred miles beyond Cape Blanco; a sandy shore stretches between the two; up to the river the sailor sees from the shore only the wandering Azaneguys, tawny, squat, and miserable savages; across the stream to the south are the real Blacks, "well built noble-looking men," and after so long a stretch of arid and stony desert, there is now a beautiful green land, covered with fruit-bearing trees, the work of the river, which, men say, comes from the Nile, being one of the four most glorious rivers of earth that flow from the Garden of Eden and earthly paradise. For as the eastern Nile waters Egypt, so this doth water Æthiopia. Now the land of these negroes is at the entering in of Æthiopia, from which to Cape Verde the land is all level, where the King of Senegal, reigning over people that have no cities, but only scattered huts, lives by the presents that his subjects bring him. Such are oxen, goats, and horses, which are much valued for their scarceness, but used without saddle, bridle, or trappings. To these presents the King adds what he can plunder by his own strength, especially slaves, of which the Blacks have a great trade with the Azaneguys. Their horses they sell also to the Christian traders on the coast. The King can have as many wives as he likes (and always keeps well above his minimum of thirty), to each of whom is assigned a certain estate with slaves and cattle, but not equal; to some more, to others less. The King goes the round of these farms at will, and lives upon their produce. Any day you may see hosts of slaves bringing fruits of all sorts to the King, as he goes through the country with his motley following, all living at free quarters. Of the negroes of these parts most go naked, but the chiefs and great men use cotton shirts, as the country abounds in this sort of stuff. Cadamosto describes in great detail the native manufacture of garments, and the habits of the women; barefoot and bare-headed they go always, dressed in linen, elegant enough in apparel, vile in life and diet, always chattering, great liars, treacherous and deceitful to the last degree. Bloody and remorseless are the wars the princes of these barbarians carry on against one another. They have no horsemen or body armour, but use darts and spears, barbed with many poisonous fangs, and several kinds of arrows, as with us. From the beginning of the world they knew nothing of ships before the Portuguese came; they only used light canoes or skiffs, each of which can be carried by three men, and in which they fish and go from place to place on the river. The boundaries of the kingdom of Senegal are the ocean on the west, the land of Gambra on the south, the inland Blackman's country on the east, and on the north the River Niger (Senegal), which, "as I have said before, divides the Azaneguys from the First Kingdom of the Negroes. And the said river," concludes Cadamosto, "five years before my coming, had been explored by the Portuguese, who hoped to open up a great commerce in those parts. So that every year from that time their ships had been off that coast to trade." Cadamosto determined to push farther up the river than any had done before, and so to come to the land of Budomel, one of the great negro princes and kingdoms, for it was the name both of place and person. When he came there he found an "Emperor so honest that he might have been an example to any Christian," who exchanged his horses, wool-fells, and linen goods for the strangers' merchandise and slaves, with deeds as honourable as his words. Our adventurer was so taken with "Lord Budomel" that he gladly went with him two hundred and fifty miles up country, on his promising a supply of negro slaves, black but comely, and none of them more than twelve years old. On this adventurous journey, of which we are next given a full account, Cadamosto is taken charge of by Bisboror, the Prince's nephew, "through whom I saw many things worth noting." The Venetian was not anxious to put off to sea, as the weather was very rough, so rough indeed that no boat could venture off from the bank at the river's mouth to where the ships lay, and the captain had to send word to his crews by negro swimmers, who could pass any surf, "for that they excel all other living men in the water and under it, for they can dive an hour without rising." It is not worth while to follow Cadamosto in all his long account of what he saw and heard of negro life in the course of this journey; it is as unsavoury as it is commonplace. He repeats very much of what he has said before about the Azaneguys, of their servility to their Princes, "who are to them as mortal Gods"; of the everlasting progresses and wanderings of those Princes round their kingdoms, from kraal to kraal, living on the stores each wife has provided; of the kraals themselves, no towns or castles, as people at home might think, says Cadamosto, but merely collections of forty and fifty huts, with a hedge of living trees round, intertwined, and the royal palace in the middle. The Prince of Budomel has a bodyguard of two hundred men, besides the volunteer guard of his innumerable children, who are broken up in two groups, one always at Court, "and these are made the most of," the other scattered up and down the country, as a sort of royal garrison. The wretched subjects, who "suffer more from their King with a good will than they would from any stranger under force," are punished with death for the smallest things. Only two small classes have any privileges: ministers of religion share with the greatest nobles the sole right of access to the person of the "Mortal God." Cadamosto set up a mart in the upland and made what profits he could from their miserable poverty, making exchanges with cottons, cloths, oil, millet, skins, palm-leaves, and vegetables, and above all, of course, with gold, what little there was to be had. "Meantime the negroes came stupidly crowding about me, wondering at our Christian symbols; our white colour, our dress and shape of body, our Damascenes, garments of black silk and robes of blue cloth or dyed wool, all amazed them; some insisted that the white colour of the strangers was not natural but put on"; as with Cook and so many others the savages now behaved with Cadamosto. They spat upon his arm and tried to rub off the white paint; then they wondered more than ever when they found the flesh itself was white. Of gold after all not much was to be got, and the exploring party was not long in returning to the caravels and pushing on beyond Cape Verde. To the last the ships and their instruments were the chief terror and delight of the negroes and above all of the negro women; the whole thing was the work of demons, they said, not of men, seeing that our engines of war could fell one hundred men at one discharge; the trumpets sounding they took to be the yells of a living and furious beast of prey. Cadamosto gave them a trumpet that they might see it was made by art; they changed their minds accordingly, and decided that such things were directly made by God himself, above all admiring the different tones, and crying loudly that they had never seen anything so wonderful. The women looked through every part of the ship--masts, helm, anchors, sails, and oars. The eyes painted on the bow excited them: the ship had eyes and could see before it, and the men who used it must be wonderful enchanters like the demons. "This specially they wondered, that we could sail out of all sight of land and yet know well enough where we were, all which, said they, could not happen, without black art. Scarcely less was their wonder at the sight of lighted candles, as they had never before seen any light but that of fire, when I shewed them how to make candles from wax which before they had always thrown aside as worthless, they were still more amazed, saying there was nothing we did not know." And now Cadamosto was ready to put off from the coast into the ocean and strike south for the kingdom of Gambro, as he had been charged by the Prince, who had told him it was not far from the Senegal, as the negroes had reported to him at Sagres. And that kingdom, he had been told, was so rich in gold that if Christians could reach it they would gain endless riches. So with two aims, first to find the golden land, and second to make discoveries in the unknown, the Venetian was just beginning to start afresh, when he was joined by two more ships from Portugal, and they agreed to round Cape Verde together. It was only some forty miles beyond Budomel and the caravels reached it next day. Cape Verde gets its name from its green grass and trees, like C. Blanco from its white sand. Both are very prominent, lofty, and seen from a great distance, as they run out far into the sea, but Cape Verde is more picturesque, dotted as it is with little native villages on the side of the ocean, and with three small desert islands a short distance from the mainland, where the sailors found birds' nests and eggs in thousands, of kinds unknown in Europe, and, above all, enormous shell-fish (turtles), of twelve pounds' weight. Soon after passing C. Verde, the coast makes a great sweep to the east, still covered with evergreen trees, coming down in thick woods to within a bowshot of the sea, so that from a distance the forest line seems to touch the high-water mark, "as we thought at first looking on ahead from our ships. Many countries have I been in to East and West, but never did I see a prettier sight." From the place the description again changes to the people, and we are told once more with wearisome repetitions about the people beyond C. Verde, in most ways like the negroes of the Senegal but "not obedient to that kingdom and abhorring the tyranny of the negro Princes, having no King or laws themselves, worshipping idols, using poisoned arrows which kill at once, even though they drew but little blood,"--in short a most truculent folk, but very fine of stature, black and comely. The whole coast east of C. Verde was found unapproachable, except for certain narrow harbours, till "with a south wind we reached the mouth of a river, called Ruim, a bowshot across at the mouth. And when we sighted this river, which was sixty miles beyond C. Verde, we cast anchor at sunset in ten or twelve paces of water, four or five miles from the shore, but when it was day, as the look-out saw there was a reef of rocks on which the sea broke itself, we sailed on and came to the mouth of another river as large as the Senegal, with trees growing down to the water's edge and promising a most fertile country." Cadamosto determined to land a scout here, and caused lots cast among his slave-interpreters which was to land. "And of these slaves, negroes whom the native kings in the past had sold to Portuguese and who had then been trained in Europe I had many with me who were to open the country for our trade and to parley between us and the natives. Now the lot fell upon the Genoese caravel (which had joined the explorers), to draw into the shore and land a prisoner, to try the good will of the natives before any one else ventured." The poor wretch, instructed to enquire about the races living on the river and their manners, polity, King's name and capital, gold supply, and other matters of commerce, had no sooner swum ashore than he was seized and cut to pieces by some armed savages, while the ships sailed on with a south wind, making no attempt to avenge their victim, till after a lovely coast, fringed with trees, low-lying, and rich exceedingly, they came to the mouth of the Gambra, three or four miles across, the haven where they would be, and where Cadamosto expected his full harvest of gold and pepper and aromatics. The smallest caravel started at once the very next morning after the discovery to go upstream, taking a boat with it, in case the stream should suddenly get too shallow for anything larger, while the sailors were to keep sounding the river with their poles all the way. Everybody too kept a sharp look-out for native canoes. They had not long to wait. Two miles up the river three native "Almadias" came suddenly out upon them and then stopped dead, too astonished at the ship and the white men in it to offer to do more, though they had at first a threatening look and were now invited to a parley by the Europeans with every sign that could be thought of. As the natives would not come any nearer, the caravel returned to the mouth of the river, and next morning at about nine o'clock the whole fleet started together upstream to explore "with the hope of finding some more friendly natives by the kind care of Heaven." Four miles up the negroes came out upon them again in greater force, "most of them sooty black in colour, dressed in white cotton, with something like a German helmet on their heads, with two wings on either side and a feather in the middle. A Moor stood in the bow of each Almadia, holding a round leather shield and encouraging his men in their thirteen canoes to fight and to row up boldly to the caravels. Now their oars were larger than ours and in number they seemed past counting." After a short breathing space, while each party glared upon the other, the negroes shot their arrows and the caravels replied with their engines, which killed a whole rank of the natives. The savages then crowded round the little caravel and set upon her; they were at last beaten off with heavy loss and all fled; the slave interpreters shouting out to them as they rowed away that they might as well come to terms with men who were only there for commerce, and had come from the ends of the earth to give the King of Gambra a present from his brother of Portugal, "and for that we hoped to be exceeding well loved and cherished by the king of Gambra. But we wanted to know who and where their king was, and what was the name of this river. They should come without fear and take of us what they would, giving us in return of theirs." The negroes shouted back that they could not be mistaken about the strangers, they were Christians. What could they have to do with them; they knew how they had behaved to the King of Senegal. No good men could stand Christians who ate human flesh. What else did they buy negro slaves for? Christians were plundering brigands too and had come to rob them. As for their king, he was three days' journey from the river, which was called Gambra. When Cadamosto tried to come to closer quarters, the natives disappeared, and the crews refused to venture any farther upstream. So the caravels turned back, sailed down the river, and coasted away west to Cape Verde, and so home to Portugal. But before the Venetian ends his journal, he tells us how near Prince Henry's ships had now come to the Equator. "When we were in the river of Gambra, once only did we see the North Star, which was so low that it seemed almost to touch the sea." To make up for the loss of the Pole Star--sunk to "the third part of a lance's length above the edge of the water,"--Cadamosto and his men had a view of six brilliant stars, "in form of a cross," while the June night was "of thirteen hours and the day of eleven." Cadamosto only went home to refit for a second voyage. Though at first he had been baffled by the "savagery of the men of Gambra" from finding out much about them, he resolved to try again, sailed out the very next year by way of the Canaries and Cape Blanco, and found, after three days' more sailing, certain islands off Cape Verde, where no one had been before. The lookouts saw two very large islands, towards the larger of which they sailed at once, in the hope of finding good anchorage and friendly natives. But no one, friend or foe, seemed to live there. So next morning, says Cadamosto, that I might satisfy my own mind, I bade ten of my men, armed with missiles and cross-bows, to explore the inland. They crossed the hills that cut off the interior from the coast, but found nothing except doves, who were so tame that they could be caught in any number by the hand. And now from another side of the first island they caught sight of three others towards the north, and of two more towards the west, which could not be clearly seen because of the great distance. "But for the matter of that, we did not care to go out of our way to find what we now expected, that all these other islands were desolate like the first. So we went on our way (due south) and so passed another island, and, coming to the mouth of a river, landed in search of fresh water and found a beautiful and fruitful country covered with trees. Some sailors who went inland found cakes of salt, white and small, by the side of the river, and immense numbers of great turtles, with shells of such size that they could make very good shields for an army." Here they stayed a couple of days, exploring in the country and fishing in the river, which was so broad and deep that it would easily bear a ship of one hundred and fifty tons burden and a full bowshot would not carry across it. Then, naming their first discovered island Boa Vista, and the largest of the group St. James, because it was on the feast of the Apostle they found it, they sailed on along the coast of the mainland, till they came to the Place of the Two Palms, between the Senegal and Cape Verde, "and since the whole land was known to us before, we did not stay, but boldly rounded C. Verde and ran along to the Gambra." Up this they at once began to steer. No canoes came out upon them this time, and no natives appeared, except a few who hung about some way off and did not offer to stop them. Ten miles up they found a small island, where one of the sailors died of a fever, and they called the new discovered land "St. Andrew," after him. The natives were now much more approachable and Cadamosto's men conversed with the bolder ones who came close up to the caravel. Like the men of Senegal, two things above all astonished and confounded them, the white sails of the ships and the white skins of the sailors. After much debate, carried on by yelling from boat to boat, one of the negroes came on board the caravel and was loaded with presents, to make him more communicative. The ruse was successful. The string of his tongue was quite loosed and he chattered along freely enough. The country, like the river, was called "Gambra"; its king, Farosangul, lived ten days' journey toward the south, but he was himself under the Emperor of Melli, chief of all the negroes. Was there no one nearer than Farosangul? Oh, yes, there was Battimansa, "King Batti," and a good many other princes who lived quite close to the river. Would he guide them to Battimansa? Yes, safe enough, his country was only some forty miles from the mouth of the Gambra. "And so we came to Battimansa, where the river was narrowed down to about a mile in breadth," where Cadamosto offered presents to the King, and made a great speech before the negro magnates, which is abridged in the narrative, "lest the matter should become a great Iliad." King Batti returned the Portuguese presents with gifts of slaves and gold, but the Europeans were sadly disappointed with the gold. It was not at all equal to what they expected, or what the people of Senegal had talked of; "being poor themselves, they had fancied their neighbours must be rich." On the other hand, the negroes of Gambra would give almost any price for trinkets and worthless toys, because they were new. Fifteen days, or nearly that, did the Portuguese stay there trading, and immense was the variety of their visitors in that time. Most came on board simply from wonder and to stare at them, others to sell their cotton cloths, nets, gold rings, civet and furs, baboons and marmots, fruit and especially dates. Each canoe seemed to differ in its build and its crew from the last. The river, crowded with this light craft, was "like the Rhone, near Lyons," but the natives worked their boats like gondolas, standing, one rowing and another steering with oars, that were like half a lance in shape, a pace and a half long, with a round board like a trencher tied at the end. "And with these they make very good pace, being great coasting voyagers, but not venturing far out to sea or away from their own country, lest they should be seized and sold for slaves to the Christians." After the fortnight's stay in Battimansa's country, the crews began to fall ill and Cadamosto determined to drop down the river once more to the coast, noting as he did so all the habits of the natives. Most of them were idolaters, nearly all had implicit faith in charms, some worshipped "Mahmoud most vile," and some were Nomades like the Gypsies of Europe. For the most part the people of the Gambra lived like those of the Senegal, dressing in cotton and using the same food, except that they ate dog's flesh and were all tattooed, women as well as men. We need not follow Cadamosto in his accounts of the great trees, the wild elephants, great bats and "horse-fish" of the country. A chief called Gnumi-Mansa, "King Gnumi," living near the mouth of the Gambra, took him on an elephant-hunt, in which he got the trophies, foot, trunk, and skin, that he took home and presented to Prince Henry. On descending the Gambra, the caravel tried to coast along the unexplored land, but was driven by a storm into the open sea. After driving about some time and nearly running on a dangerous coast, they came at last to the mouth of a great river which they called Rio Grande, "for it seemed more like a gulf or arm of the sea than a river, and was nearly twenty miles across, some twenty-five leagues beyond the Gambra." Here they met natives in two canoes, who made signs of peace, but could not understand the language of the interpreters. The new country was absolutely outside the farthest limits of earlier exploration, and discovery would have to begin afresh. Cadamosto had no mind to risk anything more. His crew were sick and tired, and he turned back to Lisbon, observing, before he left the Ra or Rio Grande, as he noticed in his earlier voyage, that the North Star almost touched the horizon and that "the tides of that coast were very marvellous. For instead of flow and ebb being six hours each, as at Venice, the flow here was but four, and the ebb eight, the tide rising with such force that three anchors could hardly hold the caravel." CHAPTER XVIII. VOYAGES OF DIEGO GOMEZ. 1458-60. The last voyage of Henry's lifetime was that of his faithful servant, Diego Gomez, by which the Cape Verde islands first became clearly and fully known. It followed close upon Cadamosto's venture. "No long time after, the Prince equipped at Lagos a caravel, called the _Wren_, and set over it Diego Gomez, with two other caravels, of which the same Gomez was captain-in-chief. Their orders were to go as far as they could. "But after passing a great river beyond the Rio Grande, we met such strong currents in the sea that no anchor could hold. The other captains and their men were much alarmed, thinking we were at the end of the ocean, and begged me to put back. In the mid-current the sea was very clear and the natives came off from the shore and brought us their merchandise, cotton cloth, ivory, and a quart measure of malaguette pepper, in grain and in its pods as it grows, which delighted us. "As the current prevented our going farther, and even grew stronger, we put back and came to a land where there were groves of palms near the shore with their branches broken, so tall that from a distance I thought they were the masts or spars of negroes' vessels. "So we went there and found a great plain covered with hay and more than five thousand animals like stags, but larger, who shewed no fear of us. Five elephants came out of a small river that was fringed by trees, three full grown, with two young ones, and on the shore we saw holes of crocodiles in plenty. We went back to the ships and next day made our way from Cape Verde and saw the broad mouth of a great river, three leagues in width, which we entered and guessed to be the Gambia. Here wind and tide were in our favour, so we came to a small island in mid-stream and rested there the night. In the morning we went farther in, and saw a crowd of canoes full of men, who fled at the sight of us, for it was they who had killed Nuno Tristam and his men. Next day we saw beyond the point of the river some natives on the right-hand bank, who welcomed us. Their chief was called Frangazick and he was the nephew of Farosangul, the great Prince of the Negroes. There they gave us one hundred and eighty pounds worth of gold, in exchange for our goods. The lord of the country had a negro with him named Buka, who knew the tongue only of Negroland, and finding him perfectly truthful, I asked him to go with me to Cantor and promised him all he needed. I made the same promise to his chief and kept it. [Illustration: THE BORGIAN MAP OF 1450. (SEE LIST OF MAPS)] "We went up the river as far as Cantor, which is a large town near the river-side. Farther than this the ships could not go, because of the thick growth of trees and underwood, but here I made it known that I had come to exchange merchandise, and the natives came to me in very great numbers. When the news spread through the country that the Christians were in Cantor, they came from Tambucatu in the North, from Mount Gelu in the South, and from Quioquun, which is a great city, with a wall of baked tiles. Here, too, I was told, there is gold in plenty and caravans of camels cross over there with goods from Carthage, Tunis, Fez, Cairo and all the land of the Saracens. These are exchanged for gold, which comes from the mines on the other side of Sierra Leone. They said that range ran southwards, which pleased me very greatly, because all the rivers coming from thence, as far as could be known, ran westward, but they told me that other very large rivers ran eastward from the other side of the ridge. "There was also, they said, East of these mountains, a great lake, narrow and long, on which sailed canoes like ships. The people on the opposite sides of this lake were always at war; and those on the eastern side were white. When I asked who ruled in those parts, they answered that one chief was a negro, but towards the East was a greater lord who had conquered the negroes a short time before. "A Saracen told me he had been all through that land and had been present at the fighting, and when I told this to the Prince, he said that a merchant in Oran had written him two months before about this very war, and that he believed it. "Such were the things told me by the negroes at Cantor; I asked them about the road to the gold country, and who were the lords of that country. They told me the King lived in Kukia, and was lord of all the mines on the right side of the river of Cantor, and that he had before the door of his palace a mass of gold just as it was taken from the earth, so large that twenty men could hardly move it, and that the King always fastened his horse to it and kept it as a curiosity on account of its size and purity. The nobles of his Court wore in their nostrils and ears ornaments of gold. "The parts to the East were full of gold mines, but the men who went into the pits to get gold did not live long, because of the foul air. The gold sand was given to women to wash the gold from it. "I enquired the road from Cantor to Kukia and was told the road ran eastward; where was great abundance of gold; as I can well believe, for I saw the negroes who went by those roads laden with it. "While I was thus trafficking with these negroes of Cantor, my men became worn out with the heat and so we returned towards the ocean. After I had gone down the river fifty leagues, they told me of a great chief living on the South side, who wished to speak with me. "We met in a great wood on the bank, and he brought with him a vast throng of people armed with poisoned arrows, assegais, swords and shields. And I went to him, carrying some presents and biscuit and some of our wine, for they have no wine except that made from the date-palm, and he was pleased and extremely gracious, giving me three negroes and swearing to me by the one only God that he would never again make war against Christians, but that they might trade and travel safely through all his country. "Being desirous of putting to proof this oath of his, I sent a certain Indian named Jacob whom the Prince had sent with us, in order that in the event of our reaching India, he might be able to hold speech with the natives, and I ordered him to go to the place called Al-cuzet, with the lord of that country, to find Mount Gelu and Timbuctoo through the land of Jaloffa. A knight had gone there with him before. "This Jacob, the Indian, told me that Al-cuzet was a very evil land, having a river of sweet water and abundance of lemons; and some of these he brought to me. And the lord of that country sent me elephants' teeth and four negroes, who carried one great ivory tusk to the ship. "Now the houses here are made of seaweed, covered with straw, and while I stayed here (at the river mouth) three days, I learned that all the mischief that had been done to the Christians had been done by a certain king called Nomimansa, who has the country near the great headland by the mouth of the river Gambia. So I took great pains to make peace with him, and sent him many presents by his own men in his own canoes, which were going for salt along the coast to his own country, for this salt is plentiful there and of a red colour. Now Nomimansa was in great fear of the Christians, lest they should take vengeance upon him. "Then I went on to a great harbour where I had many negroes come to me, sent by Nomimansa to see if I should do anything, but I always treated them kindly. When the King heard this, he came to the river side with a great force and sitting down on the bank, sent for me. And so I went and paid him all respect. There was a Bishop there of his own faith who asked me about the God of the Christians, and I answered him as God had given me to know; and then I questioned him about Mahomet, whom they believe. At last the King was so pleased with what I said that he sprang to his feet and ordered the Bishop to leave his country within three days, and swore that he would kill any one who should speak the name of Mahomet from that day forward. For he said he trusted in the one only God and there was no other but He, whom his brother Prince Henry worshipped. "Then calling the Infant his brother, he asked me to baptize him and all his lords and women. He himself would have no other name than Henry, but his nobles took our names, like James and Nuno. So I remained on shore that night with the King but did not baptize him, as I was a layman. But next day I begged the King with his twelve chief men and eight of his wives to dine with me on my caravel; and they all came unarmed and I gave them fowls and meat and wine, white and red, as much as they could drink, and they said to one another that no people were better than the Christians. "Then again on shore the King asked me to baptize him but I said I had not leave from the Pope; but I would tell the Prince, who would send a priest. So Nomimansa at once wrote to Prince Henry to send him a priest and some one to teach him the faith, and begged him to send him a falcon with the priest, for he was amazed when I told him how we carried a bird on the hand to catch other birds. And with these he asked the Prince to send him two rams and sheep and geese and ganders and a pig, and two men to build houses and plan out his town. And all these wishes of his I promised him that the Prince would grant. And he and all his people made a great noise at my going but I left the King at Gambia and started back for Portugal. One caravel I sent straight home, but with the others I sailed to Cape Verde. "And as we came near the sea-shore we saw two canoes putting out to sea; but we sailed between them and the shore, and so cut them off. Then the interpreter came to me and said that Bezeghichi, the lord of the land and an evil man, was in one of them. "So I made them come into the caravel and gave them to eat and drink with a double share of presents, and making as if I did not know him to be the chief, I said 'Is this the land of Bezeghichi?' He answered 'Yes, it is.' And I, to try him, exclaimed 'Why is he so bitter against the Christians? He would do far better to have peace with them, so that they might trade in his land and bring him horses and other things, as they do for other lords of the negroes. Go and tell your lord Bezeghichi that I have taken you and for love of him have let you go.' "At this he was very cheerful and he and his men got into their canoes, as I bade them, and as they all were standing by the side of the caravel, I called out 'Bezeghichi, Bezeghichi, do not think I did not know thee. I could have done to thee what I would, and now, as I have done to thee, do thou also to our Christians.' "So they went off, and we came back to Arguin and the Isle of the Herons, where we found flocks of birds of every kind, and after this came home to Lagos, where the Prince was very glad of our return. "Then after this for two years no one went to Guinea, because King Affonso was at war in Africa and the Prince was quite taken up with this. But after he had come back from Alcaçer, I reminded him of what King Nomimansa had asked of him; and the Prince sent him all he had promised, with a priest, the Abbot of Soto de Cassa, and a young man of his household named John Delgado. This was in 1458. "Two years afterwards King Affonso equipped a large caravel and sent me out as captain, and I took with me ten horses and went to the land of the Barbacins, which is near the land of Nomimansa. And these Barbacins had two kings, but the King of Portugal gave me power over all the shores of that sea, that any ships I might find off the coast of Guinea should be under me, for he knew that there were those who sold arms to the Moors, and he bade me to seize such and bring them bound to Portugal. "And by the help of God I came in twelve days to this land (of the Barbacins), and found two ships there,--one under Gonzalo Ferreira, of Oporto, of the Household of Prince Henry, that was conveying horses; the other was under Antonio de Noli, of Genoa. These merchants injured our trade very much, for the natives used to give twelve negroes for one horse, and now gave only six. "And while we were there, a caravel came from Gambia, which brought us news that a captain called De Prado was coming with a richly laden ship, and I ordered Ferreira to go to Cape Verde and look for that ship and seize it, on pain of death and loss of all his goods. And he did so, and we found a great prize, which I sent home with Ferreira to the King. And then I and Antonio de Noli left that coast, and sailed two days and one night towards Portugal, and we sighted islands in the ocean, and as my ship was lighter and faster than the rest, I came first to one of those islands, to a good harbour, with a beach of white sand, where I anchored. I told all my men and the other captains that I wished to be first to land, and so I did. "We saw no trace of natives, and called the island Santiago, as it is still known. There were plenty of fish there and many strange birds, so tame that we killed them with sticks. And I had a quadrant with me, and wrote on the table of it the altitude of the Arctic Pole, and I found it better than the chart, for though you see your course of sailing on the chart well enough, yet if once you get wrong, it is hard by map alone to work back into the right course. "After this we saw one of the Canary islands, called Palma, and so came to the island of Madeira; and then adverse winds drove me to the Azores, but Antonio de Noli stayed at Madeira, and, catching the right breeze, he got to Portugal before me, and begged of the King the captaincy of the island of Santiago, which I had found, and the King gave it him, and he kept it till his death. "But De Prado, who had carried arms to the Moors, lay in irons and the King ordered him to be brought out. And then they martyrised him in a cart, and threw him into the fire alive with his sword and gold." [Illustration: COIMBRA UNIVERSITY OF WHICH HENRY WAS THE OFFICIAL PATRON.] CHAPTER XIX. HENRY'S LAST YEARS AND DEATH. 1458-60. While Cadamosto and Diego Gomez were carrying the Prince's flag farther from the shores of Europe "than Alexander or Cæsar had ever ventured," the Prince himself was getting more and more absorbed in the project of a new Holy War against the Infidel. The fall of Constantinople in 1453 into the hands of the Ottoman Turks, had at least the effect of frightening and almost of rousing Western Christendom at large. In the most miserably divided of Latin states there was now a talk about doing great things, though the time, the spirit for actually doing them, had long passed by, or was not yet come. Spain, the one part of the Western Church and State, which was still living in the crusading fervour of the twelfth century, was alone ready for action. The Portuguese kingdom in particular, under Affonso V., had been keeping up a regular crusade in Marocco, and was willing and eager to spend men and treasure in a great Levantine enterprise. So the Pope's Legate was welcomed when he came in 1457 to preach the Holy War. Affonso promised to keep up an army of twelve thousand men for war against the Ottoman, and struck a new gold coinage--the Cruzado--to commemorate the year of Deliverance. But Portugal by itself could not deliver New Rome or the Holy Land, and when the other powers of the West refused to move, Affonso had to content himself with the old crusade in Africa, but he now pushed on even more zealously than before his favourite ambition, a land empire on both sides of the Straits, and Prince Henry's last appearance in public service was in his nephew's camp in the Marocco campaign of 1458. In the siege of Alcaçer the Little, the "Lord Infant" forced the batteries, mounted the guns, and took charge of the general conduct of the siege. A breach was soon made in the walls, and the town surrendered on easy terms, "for it was not," said Henry, "to take their goods or force a ransom from them that the King of Portugal had come against them, but for the service of God." They were only to leave behind in Alcaçer their Christian prisoners; for themselves, they might go, with their wives, their children, and their property. The stout-hearted veteran Edward Menezes became governor of Alcaçer, and held the town with his own desperate courage against all attempts to recover it. When the besiegers offered him terms, he offered them in return his scaling ladders that they might have a fair chance; when they were raising the siege he sent them a message, Would they not try a little longer? It had been a very short affair. Meantime Henry, returning to Europe by way of Ceuta, re-entered his own town of Sagres for the last time. His work was nearly done, and indeed, of that work there only remains one thing to notice. The great Venetian map, known as the Camaldolese Chart of Fra Mauro, executed in the convent of Murano just outside Venice, is not only the crowning specimen of mediæval draughtsmanship, but the scientific review of the Prince's exploration. As Henry himself closes the middle age of exploration and begins the modern, so this map, the picture and proof of his discoveries, is not only the last of the older type of plan, but the first of the new style--the style which applied the accurate and careful methods of Portolano-drawing to a scheme of the whole world. It is the first scientific atlas. But its scale is too vast for anything of a detailed account: it measures six feet four inches across, and in every part it is crammed with detail, the work of three years of incessant labour (1457-9) from Andrea Bianco and all the first coasters and draughtsmen of the time. In general, there is an external carefulness as well as gorgeousness about the workmanship; the coasts, especially in the Mediterranean and along the west coast of Europe, would almost suit a modern Admiralty Chart, while its notice, the first notice, of Prince Henry's African and Atlantic discoveries is the special point of the whole work. There is a certain disposition to exaggerate the size of rivers, mountains, towns, and the whole proportion of things, as we get farther away from the well-known ground of Europe; Russia and the north and north-east of Asia are somewhat too large, but along the central belt, it is fair to say that the whole of the country west of the Caspian is thoroughly sound, the best thing yet done in any projection. No one could look at Fra Mauro's map and fail to see at a glance a picture of the Old World; and the more it is looked at, the more reliable it will prove to be, by the side of all earlier essays in this field. No one can look at the Arabic maps and their imitations in mediæval Christendom, whether conscious or unconscious (as in the Spanish example of 1109), without despair. It is almost hopeless to try and recognise in these anything of the shape, the proportions, or the distribution of the parts of the world which are named, and which one might almost fancy it was meant to represent at the time. Place the map of 1459 by the side of the Hereford map of 1300 or of Edrisi's scheme of 1130 (made at the Christian Court of Sicily), or in fact beside any of the theoretical maps of the thousand years that had gone to make the Italy and the Spain of Fra Mauro and Prince Henry, and it will seem to be almost absurd to ask the question: Do these belong to the same civilisation, in any kind of way? What would the higher criticism answer, out of its infallible internal evidence tests? Of course, these are quite different. The one is merely a collection of the scratchings of savages, the other is the prototype of modern maps. Yet the Christian world is answerable for both kinds; it had struggled through ignorance and superstition and tradition into clearer light and truer knowledge. [Illustration: WESTERN SECTION OF THE MAPPE-MONDE OF FRA MAURO. 1457-9. (SEE LIST OF MAPS)] And when Greek geography came to be reprinted and revived, this was in part at least a consequence of that revival of true science which had begun in that very dark time, the night of the twelfth century, where we are not likely to see any signs of dawn till we look, not so much at what is written now, as at what the poor besotted savages of the ages of Abelard and Bernard and Aquinas and Dante have left to bear witness of themselves. Between Henry's return from Alcaçer and his death, while the great Venetian map was in making, two years went by, years in which Diego Gomez was finding the Cape Verde islands and pushing the farthest south of European discovery still farther south, but of the Prince's own working, apart from that of his draughtsmen, we have little or nothing, but a set of charters. These charters were concerned with the trade profits of the Guinea commerce and the settlers in the new found lands off the continent--Madeira, the Azores, the Canaries,--and have an interest as being a sort of last will and testament of the Prince to his nation, settling his colonies, providing for the working of the lands he had explored, before it should be too late. Already on the 7th June, 1454, Affonso had granted to the Order of Christ, for the explorations "made and to be made at the expense of the aforesaid Order," the spiritual jurisdiction of Guinea, Nubia, and Ethiopia, with all rights as exercised in Europe and at the Mother house of Thomar. Now on the 28th December, 1458, Prince Henry granted "in his town" that "the said Order should receive one twentieth of all merchandise from Guinea," slaves, gold and all other articles; the rest of the profit to fall to the Prince's successor in this "Kingdom of the Seas." In the same way on the 18th September, 1460, the Prince grants away the Church Revenues of Porto Santo and Madeira to the Order of Christ, and the temporalities to the Crown of Portugal. It was his to give, for by Royal Decree of September 15, 1448, the whole control of the African and ocean trade and colonies had been expressly conferred upon the Infant. No ships as we have seen could sail beyond Bojador without his permit; whoever transgressed this forfeited his ship; and all ships sailing with his permit were obliged to pay him one fifth or one tenth of the value of their freight. But the end was in sight. The Prince was now sixty-six, and he had spent himself too strenuously for there to be much hope of a long life in him. Of late years, pressed by the increasing claims of his work, he had borrowed enormous sums from his half brother, the millionaire Duke of Braganza. Now his body failed him like his treasures. [Illustration: SKETCH-MAP OF FRA MAURO'S MAPPE-MONDE. (SEE LIST OF MAPS)] What we know of his death is mainly from his body servant, Captain Diego Gomez, who was with him at the last. "In the year of Christ 1460, the Lord Infant Henry fell sick in his own town, on Cape St. Vincent, and of that sickness he died on Thursday, November 13th, in the selfsame year. And King Affonso, who was then at Evora with all his men, made great mourning on the death of a Prince so mighty, who had sent out so many fleets, and had won so much from Negro-land, and had fought so constantly against the Saracens for the Faith. "And at the end of the year, the King bade me come to him. Now till then I had stayed in Lagos by the body of the Prince my lord, which had been carried into the Church of St. Mary in that town. And I was bidden to look and see if the body of the Prince were at all corrupted, for it was the wish of the King to remove it to the Monastery of Batalha which D. Henry's father King John had built. But when I came and looked at the body, I found it dry and sound, clad in a rough shirt of horse-hair. Well doth the Church repeat 'Thou shalt not suffer thine Holy One to see corruption.' "For how the Lord Infant had been chaste, a virgin to the day of his death, and what and how many good deeds he had done in his life, is to be remembered, though it is not for me here to speak of this. For that would be a long tale. But the King Affonso had the body of his uncle carried to Batalha and laid in the chapel that King John had built, where also lie buried the aforesaid King John and his Queen Phillipa, mother of my lord the Prince, and all the five brothers of the Infant." He was brawny and large of frame, says Azurara, strong of limb as any. His complexion was fair by nature, but by his constant toil and exposure of himself it had become quite dark. His face was stern and when angry, very terrible. Brave as he was in heart and keen in mind, he had a passion for the doing of great things. Luxury and avarice never found lodgment within him. For from a youth, he quite left off the use of wine, and more than this, as it was commonly reported, he passed all his days in unbroken chastity. He was so generous that no other uncrowned Prince in Europe had so noble a household, so large and splendid a school for the young nobles of his country. For all the best men of his nation and still more those who came to him from foreign lands were welcomed at his Court, so that often the medley of tongues and peoples and customs to be heard and seen there was a wonder. And none who worthily came to him left the Court without some proof of his kindness. [Illustration: THE RECUMBENT STATUE OF PRINCE HENRY. FROM HIS TOMB IN BATALHA CHURCH.] Only to himself was he severe. All his days were spent in work, and it would not easily be believed how often he passed the night without sleep, so that by his untiring industry he conquered the impossibilities of other men. His virtues and graces it is too much to reckon up; wise and thoughtful, of wonderful knowledge and calm bearing, courteous in language and manner and most dignified in address, yet no subject of the lowest rank could show more obedience and respect to his sovereign than this uncle to his nephew, from the very beginning of his reign, while King Affonso was still a minor. Constant in adversity and humble in prosperity, my Lord the Infant never cherished hatred or ill will against any, even though they had grievously offended him, so that some, who spoke as if they knew everything, said that he was wanting in retributive justice, though in all other ways most impartial. Thus they complained that he forgave some of his soldiers who deserted him in the attack on Tangier, when he was in the greatest danger. He was wholly given up to the public service, and was always glad to try new plans for the welfare of the Kingdom at his own expense. He gloried in warfare against the Infidels and in keeping peace with all Christians. And so he was loved by all, for he loved all, never injuring any, nor failing in due respect and courtesy towards any person however humble, without forgetting his own position. A foul or indecent word was never heard to issue from his lips. To Holy Church, above all, he was most obedient, attending all its services and in his own chapel causing them to be rendered as solemnly as in any Cathedral Church. All holy things he reverenced, and he delighted to shew honour and to do kindness to all the ministers of religion. Nearly one half of the year was passed by him in fasting, and the hands of the poor never went out empty from his presence. His heart never knew fear except the fear of sin. CHAPTER XX. THE RESULTS OF PRINCE HENRY'S WORK. Henry's own life is in one way the least important part of him. We have seen how many were the lines of history and of progress--in Christendom, in Portugal, in Science--that met in him; how Greek and Arabic geography, both knowledge and practical exploration, was as much a part of what he found to work with as the memoirs of Christian pilgrims, traders, and travellers for a thousand years; how the exploring and expanding energy which the Northmen poured into Europe, leading directly to the Crusading movement, was producing in the Portugal of the fifteenth century the very same results as in the France and Italy and England of the twelfth and thirteenth: and now, on the failure of the Syrian crusades, the Spanish counterpart of those crusades, the greatest of social and religious upheavals in the Middle Ages, had reached such a point of success that the victorious Christians of Spain could look out for new worlds to conquer. Again we have seen how the twelfth, thirteenth, and fourteenth century progress in science, especially in geographical maps and plans, the great extension of land travel and the new beginnings of ocean voyaging during the same time, must be taken into any view of the Prince's life and work. We have now to look for a moment at the immense results of that same life which had so vast and so long a preparation. For just as we cannot see how that work of his could have been done without each and every part of that many-sided preparation in the history of the past, so it is quite as difficult to see how the great achievements of the generation that followed him and of the century, that wonderful sixteenth century, which followed the age of Henry's courtiers and disciples, could have been realised without the impetus he had given and the knowledge he had spread. For it was not merely that his seamen had broken down the middle wall of superstitious terror and had pierced through into the unknown South for a distance of nearly two thousand miles; it was not merely that between 1412 and 1460 Europeans passed the limits of the West and of the South, as legend had so long fixed them; not merely that the most difficult part of the African coast, between Bojador and the Gulf of Guinea, had been fairly passed and that the waterway to India was more than half found. This was true enough. When Vasco da Gama was once round the South Cape, he soon found himself not in an unknown and untraversed ocean, but embarked upon one of the great trade routes of the Mahometan world. The main part of the distance between the Prince's farthest and the southern Cape of Good Hope, was passed in two voyages, in four years (1482-6). But there was more than this. Henry did not only accomplish the first and most difficult steps of his own great central project, the finding of the way round Africa to India; he not only began the conversion of the natives, the civilisation of the coast tribes and the colonisation of certain trading sites; he also founded that school of thought and practice which made all the great discoveries that have so utterly eclipsed his own. From that school came Columbus, who found a western route to India, starting from the suggestion of Henry's attempt by south and east; Bartholomew Diaz, who reached and rounded the southernmost point of the old-world continent and laid open the Indian Ocean to European sailors; Da Gama, who was the first of those sailors to reap the full advantage of the work of ninety years, the first who sailed from Lisbon to Calicut and back again; Albuquerque, who founded the first colonial empire of Modern Europe, the first great out-settlement of Christendom, the Portuguese trade dominion in the East; Magellan, who finally proved what all the great discoverers were really assuming--the roundness of the world; the nameless adventurers who seem to have touched Australia some time before 1530; the draughtsmen who left us our first true map of the globe. So it is not in the actual things done by the Prince's efforts that we can measure his importance in history. It is because his work was infinitely suggestive, because he laid a right foundation for the onward movement of Europe and Christendom, because he was the leader of a true Renaissance and Reformation, that he is so much more than a figure in the story of Portugal. [Illustration: COLUMBUS AS S. CHRISTOPHER, CARRYING THE CHRISTIAN FAITH, IN THE FORM OF THE INFANT JESUS, ACROSS THE OCEAN.] There are figures which are of national interest: there are others which are less than that, figures of family or provincial importance; others again which are always dear to us as human beings, as men who felt the ordinary wants and passions and lived the ordinary life of men with a brilliancy and an intense power that was all their own; there are other men who stand out as those who have changed more or less, but changed vitally and really, the course of the world's history; without whom the whole of our modern society, our boasted civilisation, would have been profoundly different. For after all the modern Christian world of Europe has something to boast of, though its writers spend much of their time in reviling and decrying it. It is something that our Western world has conquered or worsted every other civilisation upon earth; that with the single exception of China, it has made everyone of the coveted tracts of Asia its own; that it has discovered, settled, and developed a new continent to be the equal of the old; that it has won not a complete but a good working knowledge of the whole surface of the globe. We are at home in the world now, we say, and if we would know what that means, we must look at the Europe of the tenth or even the fourteenth century, look at the theoretic maps of the Middle Ages, look at the legends and the pseudo-science of a civilisation which was shut up within itself and condemned for so long to fight in a narrowing circle against incessant attacks from without and the barbarism which this state of things kept alive within. Then perhaps we shall take things a little less for granted, and perhaps also we shall begin to think that if this great advance, the greatest thing in Modern History as we know it, that which is the distinction and glory of the last three hundred years, is at all due to the inspiration and the action of Henry of Portugal, an obscure Prince of the fifteenth century, that obscure Prince may possibly belong to the rank of the great civilisers, the men who have most altered society and advanced it, men like Alexander and Cæsar and the founders of the great world religions. It may be as well to trace out very shortly the evidence for such a claim as this and to see, how the Prince's work was followed up, first on his own lines to south and east; second, on other lines, which his own suggested, to west and north. 1. King Affonso V., Henry's nephew, though rather more of a hard fighter and tournament king than a man who could fully take up his uncle's plans, had yet caught enough of his inspiration to push on steadily, though slowly, the advance round Africa. He had already done his best to get the great map of Fra Mauro finished: this, which embodied all the achievements of the Navigator and gave the most complete and perfect view of the world that had ever yet appeared, had come out in 1459, just before Henry's death, the last tribute of science to the Prince's work. Now, in 1461, left alone to deal with the discovery and conquest of Guinea, Affonso repaired Henry's fort in the Bay of Arguin and sent one Pedro de Cintra to survey the coast beyond the Rio Grande, the farthest point of Cadamosto in his first voyage, as generally known. Pedro went six hundred miles into the Bight of Benin, passed a mountain range called Sierra Leone from the lion-like growl of the thunder on its summits, and turned back near the point afterwards known as Fort La Mina (1461). Some time in the next few years, another courtier, one Sueiro da Costa followed Pedro de Cintra to Guinea, but without any new results; when Cadamosto left Portugal (Feb. 1, 1463), he tells us "there were no more voyages to the new-found parts." The slave-trade nearer home was now, indeed, absorbing all energies and Affonso's main relation with African voyaging is to be found in his regulations for the security of this trade. But in 1471 there was another move in the line of further discovery. For exploring energy was not dead or worn out, but only waiting a leader. Fernando Po now reached the island in the farthest inlet of the Gulf of Guinea, which is still called after him, finding as he went on that the eastern bend of Africa, which men had followed so confidently since 1445, the year of the rounding of Cape Verde, now ended with a sharp turn to the south. It was a great disappointment. But in spite of this discouragement, at the very same time two of the foremost of the Portuguese pilots, Martin Fernandez and Alvaro Esteeves, passed the whole of the Guinea Coast, the Bights of Benin and of Biafra, and crossed the Equator, into a new Heaven and a new Earth, on the edge of which the caravels of Portugal had long been hovering, as they saw like Cadamosto, stars unknown in the Northern Hemisphere and more and more nearly lost sight of the Northern Pole. In 1475 Cape St. Catherine, two degrees south of the Line, was reached and then after six more years of languishing exploration and flourishing trade, King John II. succeeded Affonso V. and took up the work, in the spirit of Prince Henry the Navigator. Now in six short years, exploration carried out the main part of the design of so many years, the southern Cape of Africa was rounded and the way to India laid open. For the time had come, and the man, John, added a new chapter to discovery by the travellers he sent across the Dark Continent and the sailors he despatched to the Arctic Seas to find a north-east passage to China. He died just as he was fitting up the expedition that was to enter upon the promised land, and the glory of Da Gama's voyage fell to one who had not laboured, but entered upon the fruits of the toil of other men, the palace-king, Emanuel the Fortunate. But at least the names of Diaz, and Diego Cam, and Covilham, the rounding of the Cape of Storms, the first journey (though an overland one), straight from Lisbon to Malabar, belong to the second founder of Portuguese and European discovery, John the Perfect. [Illustration: VASCO DA GAMA. FROM THE PORTRAIT IN POSSESSION OF COUNT OF LAVRADIO.] Less than four months after his father's death, John, who as heir apparent, had drawn part of his income from the African trade and its fisheries, sent out Diego de Azambuga with ten caravels to superintend three undertakings: first the construction of a fort at St. George da Mina, to secure the trade of the Guinea Coast; second, the rebuilding of Henry's old fort at Arguin; third, the exploration of the yet unknown coast as far as possible. For this, stones, brick, wood, mortar, and tools for building were sent out with the fleet, and carved pillars were taken to be set up in all fresh discovered lands, instead of the wooden crosses that had previously done duty. Each pillar was fourteen hands high, was carved in front with the royal arms and on the sides with the names of the King and the Discoverer, with the date of discovery in Latin and Portuguese. Azambuga's fleet sailed on the 11th of December, 1480, made a treaty with the chief Bezeghichi, near Cape Verde, and reached La Mina, on the south coast of Guinea, on January 19, 1482, after a year spent in fort building and treaty making with the natives of north-west Africa. Fort and church at La Mina were finished in twenty days, and Azambuga sent back his ships with a great cargo in slaves and gold, but without any news of fresh discovery. John was not disposed to be content with this. In 1484, Diego Cam was ordered to go as far to the south as he could, and not to "wait anywhere for other matters." He passed Cape St. Catherine, just beyond the Line, which since 1475 had been the limit of knowledge, and continuing south, reached the mighty river Congo, called by the natives Zaire, and now known as the second of African rivers, the true counterpart of that western Nile, which every geographer since Ptolemy had reproduced and which, in the Senegal, the Gambia, and the Niger, the Portuguese had again and again sought to find their explanation. Cam, by agreement with the natives, took back four hostages to act as interpreters and next year returned to and passed the Congo, and sailed two hundred leagues beyond, to the site of the modern Walvisch Bay (1485). Here, as the coast seemed to stretch interminably south, though he had now really passed quite nine-tenths of the distance to the southern Cape, Cam turned back to the Congo, where he persuaded the King and people to profess themselves Christians and allies of Portugal. Already, in 1484, a native embassy to King John had brought such an account of an inland prince, one Ogane, a Christian at heart, that all the Court of Lisbon thought he must be the long lost Prester John, and the Portuguese monarch, all on fire with this hope, sent out at once in search of this "great Catholic lord," by sea and land. Bartholomew Diaz sailed in August, 1486, with two ships, first to search for the Prester, and then to explore as much new land and sea as he could find within his reach. Two envoys, Covilham and Payva, were sent on the same errand, by way of Jerusalem, Arabia, and Egypt; another expedition was sent to ascend the Senegal to its junction with the Nile; a fourth party started to find the way to Cathay by the North-east passage. Camoëns has sung of the travels of Covilham, who first saw cloves and cinnamon, pepper and ginger, and who pined away in a state of confinement at the Prester's Abyssinian Court, but the voyage of Diaz hardly finds a place in the _Lusiads_ and the very name of the discoverer is generally forgotten. Vasco da Gama has robbed him only too successfully. John Diaz had been the second captain to double Bojador; Diniz Diaz, in 1445, had been the discoverer of Senegal and of Cape Verde; now, forty years later, Bartholomew Diaz achieved the greatest feat of discovery in all history, before Columbus; for the Northmen's finding America was an unknown and transitory good fortune, while the voyage of 1486 changed directly or indirectly the knowledge, the trade, the whole face of the world at once and forever. Sailing with "two little friggits," each of fifty tons burden, in the belief that ships which sailed down the coast of Guinea might be sure of reaching the end of the continent, by persisting to the south, Diaz, in one voyage of sixteen months, performed the main task which Henry seventy years ago had set before his nation. Passing Walvisch Bay and the farthest pillar of Diego Cam, he reached a headland where he set up his first new pillar at what is still known as Diaz Point. Still coasting southwards and tacking frequently, he passed the Orange River, the northern limit of the present Cape Colony. Then putting well out to sea Diaz ran thirteen days before the wind due south, hoping by this wide sweep to round the southern point of the continent, which could not now be far off. Finding the cold become almost Arctic and buffeted by tremendous seas, he changed his course to east, and then as no land appeared after five days, to north. The first land seen was a bay where cattle were feeding, now called Flesh Bay, which Diaz named from the cows and cowherds he saw there. After putting ashore two natives, some of those lately carried from Guinea or Congo to Portugal, and sent out again to act as scouts for the European colonies, the ships sailed east, seeking in vain for the land's end, till they found the coast tend gradually but steadily towards the north. Their last pillar was set up in Algoa Bay, the first land trodden by Christians beyond the Cape. At the Great Fish River, sixty miles farther on and quite five hundred miles beyond the point that Diaz was looking for so anxiously, the crew refused to go any farther and the Admiral turned back, only certain of one thing, that he had missed the Cape, and that all his trouble was in vain. Worn out with the worry of his bitter disappointment and incessant useless labour, he was coasting slowly back, when one day the veil fell from his eyes. For there came in sight that "so many ages unknown promontory" round which lay the way to India, and to find which had been the great ambition of all enterprise since the expansion of Europe had begun afresh in the opening years of that fifteenth century. [Illustration: AFFONSO D' ALBUQUERQUE.] While Diaz was still tossing in the storms off the Great Cape, Covilham and his friends had started from Lisbon to settle the course of the future sea-route to India by an "observation of all the coasts of the Indian Ocean," to explore what they could of Upper Africa, to find Prester John, and to ally the Portuguese experiment with anything they could find of Christian power in Greater or Middle or Further India. As King John's Senegal adventurers had been exploring the Niger, the Sahara caravan routes, the city of Timbuctoo and the fancied western Nile, so the Abyssinian travellers surveyed all the ground of Africa and Malabar which the first fleet that could round the Cape of Storms must come to. "Keep southward," Covilham wrote home from Cairo after his first visit to Calicut on one side and to Mozambique on the other, "if you persist, Africa must come to an end. And when ships come to the Eastern Ocean let them ask for Sofala and the island of the Moon (Madagascar), and they will find pilots to take them to Malabar." Yet another chapter of discoveries was opened by King John's Cathay fleet. He failed to get news of a North-east passage, but beyond the north coast of Asia there was found a frozen island whose name of Novaia Zemlaia or Nova Zembla still keeps the memory of the first Portuguese attempts on the road where so many Dutch and English seamen perished in after years. The great voyage of Vasco da Gama (1497-9), the empire founded by Albuquerque (1506-15) in the Indian seas, were the other steps in the complete achievement of Prince Henry's ambition. When in the early years of the sixteenth century a direct and permanent traffic was fairly started between Malabar and Portugal, when European settlements and forts controlled the whole eastern and western coasts of Africa from the mouth of the Red Sea to the mouth of the Mediterranean, and the five keys of the Indies--Malacca, Goa, Ormuz, Aden, and Ceylon--were all in Christian hands, when the Moslem trade between east Africa and western India had passed into a possession of the Kings of Lisbon, Don Henry might see of the travail of his soul and be well satisfied. The supposed discovery of Australia about 1530, or somewhat earlier, and the travels of Ferdinand Mendez Pinto in Japan and the furthest East, the opening of the trade with China in 1517, and the complete exploration of Abyssinia, the Prester's kingdom, in 1520, by Alvarez and the other Catholic missionaries, the millions converted by Francis Xavier and the Jesuit preachers in Malabar, and the union of the old native Christian Church of India with the Roman (1599), were other steps in the same road. All of them, if traced back far enough, bring us to the Court of Sagres, and the same is true of Spanish and French and Dutch and English empires in the southern and eastern world. Henry built for his own nation, but when that nation failed from the exhaustion of its best blood, other peoples entered upon the inheritance of his work. But though he was not able himself to see the fulfilment of his plans, both the method of a South-east passage, and the men who followed it out to complete success, were his,--his workmanship and his building. Da Gama, Diego Cam, the Diaz family, and most of the great seamen who followed the path they had traced, were either "brought up from boyhood in the Household of the Infant," as the _Chronicle of the Discovery_ tells us of each new figure that comes upon the scene, or looked to him as their master, owed to the School of Sagres their training, and began their practical seamanship under his leave and protection. Even the lines upon which the national expansion and exploration went on were so strictly and exclusively the same as he had followed, that when a different route to the Indies was suggested after his death by Christopher Columbus, the Court of John II. refused to treat it seriously. And this brings us to the other, the indirect side of Henry's influence. "It was in Portugal," (says Ferdinand Columbus, in his _Life of the Admiral_, his father,) "that the Admiral began to think, that if men could sail so far south, one might also sail west and find lands in that quarter." The second great stream of modern discovery can thus be traced to the "generous Henry" of Camoëns' _Lusiads_ no less plainly, though more indirectly, than the first; the Western path was suggested by his success in the Eastern. But that success had turned the heads of his own people. When Columbus, the son of the Genoese wool-comber, who had been a resident in Lisbon since 1470, submitted to the Court of John II. some time before 1484 a proposal to find Marco Polo's Cipangu by a few weeks' sail west, from the Azores, he was treated as a dreamer. John, as Henry's disciple and successor, was, like other disciples, narrower than his master in the master's own way. He was ready for any expense and trouble, but no novelty. He would only go on as he had been taught. He had reason to be confident, and his scientific Junto of four, Martin Behaim of Nuremburg among them, to whom Columbus was referred, were too much elated with their new improvements in the astrolabe, and the now assured confidence that the Southern Cape would soon be passed. They could not endure with patience the vehement dogmatism of an unknown theorist. But as he was too full of his message to be easily shaken off, he was treated with the basest trickery. At the suggestion of the Bishop of Ceuta, Columbus was kept waiting for his answer, and asked to furnish his plans in detail with charts and illustrations. He did so, and while the Council pretended to be poring over these for a final decision, a caravel was sent to the Cape Verde islands to try the route he had suggested,--a trial with the pickings of Italian brains. The Portuguese sailed westward for several days till the weather became stormy; then, as their heart was not in the venture, they put back to Europe with a fresh stock of the legends Henry had so heartily despised. They had come to an impenetrable mist, which had stopped their progress; apparitions had warned them back; the sea in those parts swarmed with monsters; it became impossible to breathe. [Illustration: MAP OF 1492. (SEE LIST OF MAPS)] Columbus learned how he had been used, and his wife's death helped to decide him, in his disgust for place and people. Towards the end of 1484, he left Lisbon. Three years later, when he had become fully as much disgusted with the dilatory sloth and tricks of Spain, he offered himself again to Portugal. King John had repented of his meanness; on March 20, 1488, he wrote in answer to Columbus, eagerly offering on his side to guarantee him against any suits that might be taken against him in Lisbon. But the Court of Castille now became, in its turn, afraid of quite losing what might be infinite advantage; Columbus was kept in the service of Ferdinand and Isabella; and at last in August, 1492, the "Catholic Kings" sent him out from Palos to discover what he could on his own terms. What followed, the discovery of America, and all the subsequent ventures of the Cabots, of Amerigo Vespucci, of Cortés and Pizarro, De Soto and Raleigh and the Pilgrim Fathers, are not often connected in any way with the slow and painful beginnings of European expansion in the Portugal of the fifteenth century, but it is a true and real connection all the same. The whole onward and outward movement of the great exploring age was set in motion by one man. It might have come to pass without him, but the fact is simply that through him it did, as a matter of history, result. "And let him that did more than this, go before him." INDEX. A Abulfeda, 28 Adelard, of Bath, geographical postulates, 9, 10 Adelard or Athelard, 84 Affonso, comes of age, 257; marries his cousin Isabel, 258; forces Pedro into revolt, and declares war against him, 258, 259; sends out Gomez with a large caravel, 296; has the body of Prince Henry laid in chapel at Batalha, 305; carries on the work of his uncle, Prince Henry, 312, 313; is succeeded by King John II., 314 Africa, shape of, 13 Albateny, determined problems of astronomical geography, 19 Albertus Magnus, geographical postulates, 9, 11 Albuquerque, 125 Albyrouny, work of, 21 Alfarrobeira, battle of, 260 Alfred the Great, credit due to, for discoveries, 72; efforts in exploration and religious extension, 74 Al Heravy, life of, 26 Almada, the Hercules of Portugal, 184; stands by Pedro, 259; dies, 260 Almamoun, age of, 18 Almanack, Arab, Latin translation of, 21 Ant islands discovered, 160 Antoninus the Martyr, an older Mandeville, 34; legends of, 35 Arctic colonies checked, 59 Arculf, 42; travels of, 43 Arguin, fort built in the bay of, 205 Arim, "World's Summit," 8; taken as measure of places, 10; twofold, 11 Armada of Lagos, 228-239; "the third," 247 Athelard, or Adelard, 84 Aviz, House of. _See_ John, the King of Good Memory. Azambuga, Diego de, 315 Azaneguys described by Cadamosto, 269 Azores, colonisation of, 251; the entire group found, 254 Azurara, chronicler of voyages of Henry, 157 B Bacon, Roger, geographical postulates, 9, 11 Baldaya, Affonso, sent out with Gil Eannes, 173; his second voyage, 174-176 Batti, King, 285, 286 Batuta, Ibn, 27 Beginnings of the art and science of discovery, 145 Benjamin of Tudela, 88 Bernard, "the French monk," route of, 46 Bezeghichi, meets Gomez, 295; makes a treaty with Azambuga, 315 Bjarni Herjulfson driven to new country, 56 Blanco, Cape, visited by Cadamosto, 267 Boa Vista, 284 Bojador, southmost point of Christian knowledge, 170; legends concerning, 171; doubled by Gil Eannes, 173 Bruges, Jacques de, receives a grant of Captaincy of Terceira, 254 C Cabral, Gonzalo, discovers Formiga group of islands and Santa Maria, 169; Captain Donatory in St. Mary's Island, 251; settled in Western Isles, 252; sent in search of land beyond St. Mary, misses it, and is sent again, 252; discovers St. Michael, 253; returns to St. Michael with Europeans, 253 Cadamosto, record of his two voyages, 250; his narrative, 261-288; is presented to the Prince, 263; visits Madeira, 264, 265; goes on to Canaries, 265-267; to Cape Blanco, 267-269; reaches the Senegal, 269; describes Azaneguys, 269; pushes on to land of Budomel, 275-278; reaches Cape Verde, 279; describes people beyond, 280; explores the Gambra, 281, 282; goes back to Portugal, refits, and sails on second voyage, 283; explores islands off Cape Verde, 283, 284; names Boa Vista and St. James, 284; sails up the Gambra and names St. Andrew, 285; visits Battimansa, 285, 286, and Gnumimansa, 287; returns to Lisbon, 287; leaves Portugal, 313 Camaldolese chart of Fra Mauro, 301 Cam, Diego, 315; reaches the Congo and Walvisch Bay, 316 Canaries, visited by Cadamosto, 265 Cantor, visited by Gomez, 291 Cape Cod, reached by Scandinavian migration, 65 Cape St. Vincent, modern name for "Sacred Cape" and Sagres, 160 Carpini, John de Plano, 90; his _Book of the Tartars_, 92 Ceuta, King John plans an attack on, 148; situation, 150; left in command of Menezes, 155; safe in Christian hands, 156 Chart of Fra Mauro, 301 Christian pilgrimage begins with Constantine, 32 Cintra, Gonsalo de, 197; sets out for Guinea, 218; is killed by Moors, 219 Cintra, Pedro de, 313 Columbus, influenced by _Imago Mundi_, 11; at Portuguese Court, 322; at Spanish Court, 323 Constantine, Christian pilgrimage begins with, 32 Corvo, 254, 256 Cosmas Indicopleustes, 34; theory of, 37; interest to us, 40 Costa, Sueiro da, 313 Covilham, 316 Crossness, place called from dead chief, 59 Crusades and land travel, 76; results of, 144 Crusading movement, results of, 78 Cruzado, the, 300 D Daniel of Kiev, Abbot, 85 Death, Black, in Portugal, 127 De Prado, taken captive, 297; martyrised, 298 Diaz, Bartholomew, 316; makes greatest discovery in all history before Columbus, 317 Diaz, Diniz, enters mouth of the Senegal, 220; reaches Cape Verde, 221; heads a part of the fleet sent from Lagos, 229; reaches Cape Verde, 236 Diaz, Lawrence, 230 Diaz, Vincent, 233 E Eannes, Gil, makes a voyage to the Canaries, 170; rounds Cape Bojador, 173; sails with Lagos fleet, 229 Edrisi, Arabic Ptolemy, the, 21; birth and life, 22; account of voyage of Lisbon "Wanderers," 23; "Traveller's Doctorate," in time of, 25; map superseded, 27 Edward, eldest son of King John, 136; becomes King, 172; dies, 188 Emosaid, family, 24; establish themselves as traders, 25 England, Vikings first landed in, 52 English-born travellers, first of, 45 Eratosthenes, geography of, 5 Eric the Red, renames Greenland, 55; leads colonists, 56 Esteeves, Alvaro, crosses the equator, 314 Europe, compacted together in spiritual federation, 76 European development, pilgrim stage of, 42 European expansion, beginnings of, 50 Europeans, first landing of, on coasts of unknown Africa, 175; break in upon Moslem trade, 204 F Farosangul, King of Gambra, 285 Fayal, 254; first Captain Donatory of, 255 Ferdinand, fourth son of King John, 136; revives scheme of African war, 180; goes by sea to Tangier, 182; is left as hostage, 185; dies a captive, 188 Ferdinand the Handsome, last of House of Burgundy to reign in Lisbon, 131 Fernandez, Alvara, commands the caravel of his uncle, Zarco, 229; is again sent out with the caravel, 243; the voyage, 243-245 Fernandez, Joan, left as hostage at Bank of Arguin, 219; taken home, 223; his story, 223, 224 Fernandez, Martin, crosses the equator, 314 Ferrer, Jayme, explorer, 108 Fidelis, the monk, travels of, 46 Flores, 254, 256 Formigas discovered by Cabral, 169 Frangazick, nephew of Farosangul, 290 Freitas, Alvara de, 232 Freydis, daughter of Red Eric, tries to colonise Vinland, 62 G Gama, Vasco da, 125 Geographical record, last before age of Northmen, 47 Geography, first Christian, 33; of Christendom from eighth and ninth centuries, 41 Gerard of Cremona, geographical postulates, 9, 10 Gnumi, King, 287 Gog and Magog, wall to shut off, 13 Gold dust, first ever brought by Europeans direct from Guinea coast, 203; effect, 217 Gomez, Diego, 251; sets out in command of the caravel the _Wren_, 289; his narrative, 289-298; visits Cantor, 291; converts Nomimansa, 293-295; meets Bezeghichi, 295; returns to Lagos, 296; is sent out by Affonso and goes to the land of the Barbacins, 296; discovers Santiago, 297; returns to Portugal, 298; describes last illness and death of Prince Henry, 304, 305 Gonsalvez, Antam, sent out by Henry, 193; his voyage, 193-195; takes the first captives, 195; is knighted by Nuno Tristam, 198; goes back to Portugal, 199; goes back to Africa with the captive prince, 202; exchanges two boys for ten prisoners, gold dust, and ostrich eggs, 203; applies for command of ships, 222 Graciosa, 254; settled, 255 Greenland, sighted by Gunnbiorn and renamed by Eric, 55; colonised, 56 Green sea of darkness, 13, 14 Gregory X., Pope, 93 H Harold Hardrada, 68; type of all Vikings, 69 Helluland, or Slate-land, 56 Henry, the Navigator, special interest of the life and work, 29; author of discovering movement, 30; preparation for work of, 80; predecessors of seamen of, 107-112; first voyage, 112; maps used by, 117-122; Hero of Portugal, 123; inspires his countrymen with love of exploration, 125; his brother Pedro his right hand man, 136; birth, 138; his aims, 139; tries to find a way round Africa to India, 139; his work of exploration a foundation of an empire for his country, 141; a crusader and a missionary, 142; sets the example for systematic exploration, 144; the teacher and master of more successful explorers, 145; sends out caravels past Cape Non, 147; brings Portuguese fleet into harbour at Ceuta, 150; anchors off Ceuta, 151; leads in the attack on Ceuta and is reported dead, 152; is made a knight, 153; begins coasting voyages, 154; is sent to relieve Ceuta, 155; plans to get possession of Gibraltar, 156; returns to Court, 156; is made Duke of Viseu and Lord of Covilham, 157; reasons for exploring Guinea, 158; Sagres his chosen home, 160; is made Governor for life of the Algarves, 160; his buildings on Sagres, 161; his scientific work, 162; results of settlement on Cape St. Vincent, 163; sends out men and ships to colonise Porto Santo, 164; colonises Madeira, 166; directs captains to Azores, 169; impatience at superstition and fears of navigators, 172; receives charter for Madeira, Porto Santo, and the Desertas, 173; sends out Gil Eannes, 173; despatches Baldaya, 174; engaged in politics, 179; reverence paid to him, 179; plans and organises African war, 180; sets sail for Ceuta, 181; pushes forward along inland routes, 182; attacks and blockades Tangier, 183; raises the siege, 184; signs a truce with Moors, 185; shuts himself up in Ceuta, 186; is recalled to Portugal, 186; made one of the guardians of Affonso V., 189; arranges a compromise between Pedro and Leonor, 190; sends to the Holy Father for treasure to aid in crusades, 200; gives grant to sail to coast of Guinea to Lançarote, 206; his motives in slave trade, 207; keeps buccaneers in check, 216; differs from West Indian planters, 217; gives a caravel to Gonsalo de Cintra, 218; permits Lagos to equip and send out a fleet on a Guinea voyage, 229; takes special charge of widows and orphans left by Nuno Tristam's expedition, 242; gives a reward to explorers, 246; his wonderful knowledge shown in correcting Cabral's course, 252; grants captaincy of Terceira to Jacques de Bruges, 254; account of him in narrative of Cadamosto, 261; absorbed in new Holy War against the Infidel, 299; his last appearance in public service, 300; makes set of charters, 303; makes grants to the Order of Christ and to the Crown of Portugal, 304; his illness and death, 304, 305; his body is laid in the chapel at Batalha, 305; his personal appearance, 305; his character, 306; results of his life, 309-312, 321, 323 Heravy, Al, life of, 26 Hereford _Mappa Mundi_, 120 Heurter, Job van, notice of first settlement of Azores, 255 Hippalus, discovery of monsoon, 17 Hope, country re-named, 60 I Ibn Batuta, 27 Iceland, sighted by Nadodd, 54; colonised, 55 _Imago Mundi_, influence on Columbus, 11 Isidore of Seville, belief of, 40 Italian, merchants, first, who opened Court of Great Khan to Venice and Genoa, 90; age of South Atlantic and African voyages, 107 J Jacome from Majorca, 161 Japan discovered by Kublai Khan, 99 Jerusalem, loss of, 90 John de Plano Carpini, first papal legate to the Tartars, 90; gives first genuine account of Tartary, 91; first real explorer of Christian Europe, 92 John, fourth son of King John I., 136; succeeds Affonso V., adds a new chapter to discovery, dies, 314 John, the King of Good Memory, transition figure, 133; personal work and its results, 133-135; sons of, 136; plans attack on Ceuta, 148; speech when he hears of death of his two sons, 152; dies, 160 Jordanus, 104 K Karlsefne, Thorfinn, greatest of the Vinland sailors, 60 Keel-Ness (Kjalarness), 58 Kublai Khan, 93-98 L Labrador, possible discovery of, 56; reached by Scandinavian migration, 65 Lagos equips and sends out a fleet, 229 La Mina, 315 Lançarote, obtains grant to sail to coast of Guinea, 206; his voyage, 212-214; landing at Lagos and sale of slaves captured by, 214; admiral of fleet sent out from Lagos, 229; holds a council of his captains, 231; decides to go on to the Nile, 232 Latini, Brunetto, describes the magnet, 116 Leif, a son of Red Eric, starts for discovery, 56 Leonora Telles, evil genius of Ferdinand and Portugal, 131; marries King of Portugal, 132; people rise against, 132 Leonor of Aragon, attempts to be regent, 189; yields to persuasions of Henry, 190; dies, 257 Lion, first one brought to Portugal, 247 Lisbon, capture of, 128 M Machin, Robert, 110 Madagascar, first known to Europe, 102 Madeira, discovered and named by the Portuguese, 165; nature of island, 166; visited by Cadamosto, 264 Magellan, 125, 310 Magnet, earliest mention of, 115 Magnus the Good, 68 Mandeville, Sir Henry, 105 _Mappa Mundi_, Hereford, 120 Maps, of fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries, 118 Marabout, or Prophet Bird, 230 Markland (Woodland), 57 Massoudy, visited various countries, 19; discussion of problems, 20; greatest name of first age of Arabic geography, 21. Masts, Cape of, 238 Mauro, Fra, Camaldolese chart of, 301 Melli, negro empire of, 270; salt trade in, 271 Menezes, Edward, 300 Menezes, Pedro de, is left in command of Ceuta, 155 Meymam, Ahude, 223, 224, 245 Mythology, geographical, gradual development of, 7 N Noli, Antonio de, sails with Gomez, 297; gets the captaincy of Santiago, 298 Nomimansa converted by Gomez, 293-295 Norse, discoveries, 50, 51; early settlements, 54; farthest point of Northern advance in Europe, 55; race, type of, 69 Northern, advance, lines of, 53; effects of invasions, 74 Northmen, countries made known to Europe through, 67; definite advances into the unknown, 72 O Odjein, Aryn, or Arim, 8 Ogane, 316 Ohthere, 70; service of, to western geography, 72 Olaf Trygveson, 68 P Pacheco, Gonsalo, unlucky expedition of, 225; meets Diaz on homeward voyage and turns back, 230 Papal Court sends missions to convert Tartars, 90 Payva, 316 Pedro the Traveller, 136; joins in attack on Ceuta, 148-153; is knighted, 153; is made Duke of Coimbra and Lord of the Principality, 157; returns from travels, 168; becomes regent, 190; gives a charter to Henry, 201; gives a reward to explorers, 246; resigns the regency, 258; takes arms against Affonso, 259; marches on Lisbon and is killed, 260 Philippa, Queen, character and death, 149 Pilgrims, primitive, 34; pioneers of growth of Europe and Christendom, 76 Pilgrim stage of European development, 42 Pires, Gomes, goes on toward the Nile, 232; attacks natives, 234 Po Fernando, 313 Polo, Marco, makes journey to the East with uncles, 94; made commissioner of Imperial Council, 96; memoirs of, 96; heard and wrote of Madagascar and Zanzibar, 102; Herodotus of Middle Ages, 103; Polo, Nicolo and Matteo, traders to Crimea and Southern Russia, 93; make second journey to farthest East, 94; consulting engineers to Mongol Court, 96; dismissed, 101 Pope, decides question of reviving African war, 181 Portolani, superseded map of Edrisi, 27; drawn with aid of compass, 121 Portolano, Laurentian, 118 Portugal, chief points in story of, 123; guide of Europe into larger world, 125; mediæval history of, 126-133 Portuguese give a value to the art and science of discovery, 145 Prado De, 297, 298 Prophet bird, or marabout, 230 Ptolemy, chart of, 2; "Habitable Quarter" of the world, 12 R Rio Grande, 246; passed by Gomez, 289 Rubruquis, William de, 92, 93 S St. George, 254, 255 St. James, 284 St. Michael, island of, discovered, 253 St. Silvia, of Aquitaine, travels of, 33 "Sacred Cape" of the Romans or Sagres, 160 Sæwulf of Worcester, 81; pilgrimage of, 82; classes of pilgrim-crusaders in time of, 84 Sagres, chosen home of Henry, 160; systematic study of applied science founded anew at, 162 Santa Maria discovered, 169 Santiago discovered by Gomez, 297 Sanuto, Marino, Venetian map of, 118 Senegal, reached by Cadamosto, 269; region about the gulf described by him, 273-275 Sinbad Saga, 19 Slate-land or Helluland, 56 Slaves, beginning of trade in, as a part of European commerce, 207; description of sale of, 214, 215; treatment of, 215; excuse for trade in, 216 Strabo, geography of, 5 T Tagaza, or the Gold-Market, 270 Tangier, siege of, 183 Tarik, the rock of (Gibraltar), 156 Terceira, sighted, 253; Jacques de Bruges becomes captain, 254 Theodosius, early pilgrim, 34 Thorfinn Karlsefne, greatest of the Vinland sailors, 60 Thorstein, third son of Red Eric, puts to sea, 59 Thorvald Ericson, puts to sea, 57; voyages of, 58; death, 59 Timbuctoo, inland route of merchants to, 270 Tristam, Nuno, meets Antam Gonsalvez, 196; assists in capturing natives, 196-199; continues voyage and returns to Portugal, 199; sets out on another voyage, 204; sails into bay of Arguin, makes captives and returns, 205; makes a third voyage, 219; reaches Cape Palmar, 220; arms a caravel and sets sail, 240; is killed by Blackmoors, 241 Trygveson, Olaf, 68 V Vallarte, his expedition and fate, 247 Vaz, Tristam, sets out to explore as far as the coast of Guinea, 163; is rewarded, 166; heads three ships from Madeira in Lagos fleet, 229 Vergil, Irish missionary, 40 Vikings, highest type of explorers, 31; Norse, discoveries, conquests, and colonies, beginning of European expansion, 50; voyages of, 52; struggle with Esquimaux, 58; rename places visited, 65; work on south and south-west not one of exploration, 66; type of all, 69; credit due, for discoveries, 72; their principalities in time of Alfred, 73 Vinland, discovery of, 57; renamed, 60; visited and abandoned by Thorfinn, 61; recolonised by Freydis, 62; fragmentary notices of, 63 W "Wanderers," Lisbon, account of, 23 William de Rubruquis, sent by St. Louis on errand of conversion and discovery, 92; interest of his work, 93 Willibald, 44 Wulfstan, 70; tells of voyages, 71; service of, to western geography, 72 Y Yacout, the Roman, _Dictionary_ of, 26 Yang-Tse-Kiang, 96 Z Zarco, John Gonsalvez, sets out to explore as far as the coast of Guinea, 163; his voyages, 164-166; returns to Madeira, 166; sends his caravel under his nephew with Lagos fleet, 229; the voyage, 236-239; same caravel sent out again, 243 The Story of the Nations. MESSRS. G. P. Putnam's Sons take pleasure in announcing that they have in course of publication, in co-operation with Mr. T. Fisher Unwin, of London, a series of historical studies, intended to present in a graphic manner the stories of the different nations that have attained prominence in history. In the story form the current of each national life is distinctly indicated, and its picturesque and noteworthy periods and episodes are presented for the reader in their philosophical relation to each other as well as to universal history. It is the plan of the writers of the different volumes to enter into the real life of the peoples, and to bring them before the reader as they actually lived, labored, and struggled--as they studied and wrote, and as they amused themselves. In carrying out this plan, the myths, with which the history of all lands begins, will not be overlooked, though these will be carefully distinguished from the actual history, so far as the labors of the accepted historical authorities have resulted in definite conclusions. The subjects of the different volumes have been planned to cover connecting and, as far as possible, consecutive epochs or periods, so that the set when completed will present in a comprehensive narrative the chief events in the great STORY OF THE NATIONS; but it is, of course not always practicable to issue the several volumes in their chronological order. The "Stories" are printed in good readable type, and in handsome 12mo form. They are adequately illustrated and furnished with maps and indexes. Price, per vol., cloth, $1.50 Half morocco, gilt top, $1.75 The following volumes are now ready (Jan., 1895): THE STORY OF GREECE. Prof. JAS. A. HARRISON. " " " ROME. ARTHUR GILMAN. " " " THE JEWS. Prof. JAMES K. 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JOHN MACKINTOSH. " " " SWITZERLAND. R. STEAD AND MRS. A. HUG. " " " PORTUGAL. H. MORSE STEPHENS. " " " THE BYZANTINE EMPIRE. C.W.C. OMAN. " " " SICILY. E.A. FREEMAN. " " " THE TUSCAN REPUBLICS. BELLA DUFFY. " " " POLAND. W.R. MORFILL. " " " PARTHIA. Prof. GEORGE RAWLINSON. " " " JAPAN. DAVID MURRAY. " " " THE CHRISTIAN RECOVERY OF SPAIN. H.E. WATTS. " " " AUSTRALASIA. GREVILLE TREGARTHEN. " " " SOUTHERN AFRICA. GEO. M. THEAL. " " " VENICE. ALETHEA WIEL. " " " THE CRUSADES. T.S. ARCHER and C.L. KINGSFORD. Heroes of the Nations. EDITED BY EVELYN ABBOTT, M.A., FELLOW OF BALLIOL COLLEGE, OXFORD. A series of biographical studies of the lives and work of a number of representative historical characters about whom have gathered the great traditions of the Nations to which they belonged, and who have been accepted, in many instances, as types of the several National ideals. With the life of each typical character will be presented a picture of the National conditions surrounding him during his career. The narratives are the work of writers who are recognized authorities on their several subjects, and, while thoroughly trustworthy as history, will present picturesque and dramatic "stories" of the Men and of the events connected with them. To the Life of each "Hero" will be given one duodecimo volume, handsomely printed in large type, provided with maps and adequately illustrated according to the special requirements of the several subjects. The volumes will be sold separately as follows: Cloth extra $1.50 Half morocco, uncut edges, gilt top 1.75 Large paper, limited to 250 numbered copies for subscribers to the series. These may be obtained in sheets folded, or in cloth, uncut edges. 3.50 The first group of the Series comprises the following volumes: Nelson, and the Naval Supremacy of England. By W. CLARK Russell, author of "The Wreck of the Grosvenor," etc. Gustavus Adolphus, and the Struggle of Protestantism for Existence. By C.R.L. FLETCHER, M.A., late Fellow of All Souls College, Oxford. Pericles, and the Golden Age of Athens. By EVELYN ABBOTT, M.A., Fellow of Balliol College, Oxford. Theodoric the Goth, the Barbarian Champion of Civilisation. By THOMAS HODGKIN, author of "Italy and Her Invaders," etc. Sir Philip Sidney, and the Chivalry of England. By H.R. FOX-BOURNE, author of "The Life of John Locke," etc. Julius Cæsar, and the Organisation of the Roman Empire. By W. WARDE FOWLER, M.A., Fellow of Lincoln College, Oxford. John Wyclif, Last of the Schoolmen and First of the English Reformers. By LEWIS SERGEANT, author of "New Greece," etc. Napoleon, Warrior and Ruler, and the Military Supremacy of Revolutionary France. By W. O'CONNOR MORRIS, sometime Scholar of Oriel College, Oxford. Henry of Navarre, and the Huguenots in France. By P.F. 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Oliver Cromwell, and the Rule of the Puritans in England. By CHARLES FIRTH, Balliol College, Oxford. Alfred the Great, and the First Kingdom in England. By F. YORK POWELL, M.A., Senior Student of Christ Church College, Oxford. Marlborough, and England as a Military Power. By C.W.C. OMAN, A.M., Fellow of All Souls College, Oxford. Frederic the Second, the Wonder of the World. By A.L. SMITH, of Balliol College, Oxford. Charles the Bold, and the Attempt to Found a Middle Kingdom. By R. LODGE, M.A., Fellow of Brasenose College, Oxford. Alexander the Great, and the Extension of Greek Rule and of Greek Ideas. By Prof. BENJAMIN I. WHEELER, Cornell University. G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS NEW YORK 27 WEST TWENTY-THIRD ST. LONDON 24 BEDFORD ST., STRAND * * * * * Transcriber's note: A footnote for the anchor next to the "List of Maps" was not found in the print edition.
3752 ---- VOYAGER'S TALES, FROM THE COLLECTIONS OF RICHARD HAKLUYT. INTRODUCTION. Richard Hakluyt, notwithstanding the Dutch look of his name, was of a good British stock, from Wales or the Welsh borders. At the beginning of the fourteenth century an ancestor of his, Hugo Hakelute, sat in Parliament as member for Leominster. Richard Hakluyt, born about five years before the accession of Queen Elizabeth, was a boy at Westminster School, when visits to a cousin in the Middle Temple, also a Richard Hakluyt, first planted in him an enthusiasm for the study of adventure towards a wider use and knowledge of the globe we live upon. As a student at Christ Church, Oxford, all his leisure was spent on the collection and reading of accounts of voyage and adventure. He graduated as B. A. in 1574, as M. A. in 1577, and lectured publicly upon geography, showing "both the old imperfectly composed, and the new lately reformed maps, globes, spheres, and other instruments of this art." In 1582 Hakluyt, at the age of about twenty-nine, issued his first publication: "Divers Voyages touching the Discovery of America and the Lands adjacent unto the same, made first of all by our Englishmen, and afterwards by the Frenchmen and Bretons: and certain Notes of Advertisements for Observations, necessary for such as shall hereafter make the like Attempt." His researches had already made him the personal friend of the famous sea captains of Elizabeth's reign. In 1583 he had taken orders, and went to Paris as chaplain to the English ambassador, Sir Edward Stafford. From Paris he returned to England for a short time, in 1584, and laid before the Queen a paper recommending the plantation of unsettled parts of America. It was called "A particular Discourse concerning Western Discoveries, written in the year 1584, by Richard Hakluyt, of Oxford, at the request and direction of the right worshipful Mr. Walter Raleigh, before the coming home of his two barks." Raleigh and Hakluyt were within a year of the same age. To found a colonial empire in America by settling upon new lands, and by dispossessing Spaniards, was one of the grand ideas of Walter Raleigh, who obtained, on the 25th of March in that year, 1584, a patent authorising him to search out and take possession of new lands in the Western world. He then fitted out two ships, which left England on the 27th of April, under the command of Philip Amadas and Arthur Barlow. In June they had reached the West Indies, then they sailed north by the coasts of Florida and Carolina, and they had with them two natives when they returned to England in September, 1584. In December Raleigh's patent was enlarged and confirmed, and presently afterwards Raleigh was knighted. Richard Hakluyt's paper, in aid of this beginning of the shaping of another England in the New World, was for a long time lost. It was first printed in 1877 at Cambridge, Massachusetts, among the Collections of the Maine Historical Society. It won for its author a promise of the next vacant prebend at Bristol; the vacancy came about a year later, and the Rev. Richard Hakluyt was admitted to it in 1586. Hakluyt remained about five years at Paris as Chaplain to the English Embassy, and while there he caused the publication in 1586 of an account by Laudonniere of voyages into Florida. This he also translated and published, in London, in 1587, as "A Notable History containing Four Voyages made by certain French Captains into Florida." In 1588 Hakluyt returned to England, and in the next year, 1589, he published in one folio volume, "The Principal Navigations, Voyages, and Discoveries of the English Nation." In April of the next year he became rector of Witheringsett-cum-Brockford, in Suffolk. The full development of his work appeared in three volumes folio in the years 1598, 1599, and 1600, as "The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffics, and Discoveries of the English Nation," the first of these volumes differing materially from the volume that had appeared in 1589. Hakluyt became, in May, 1602, prebendary, and in 1603 archdeacon of Westminster. He was twice married, died about six months after Shakespeare, and was buried in Westminster Abbey on the 26th of November, 1616. H. M. VOYAGERS' TALES. THE WORTHY ENTERPRISE OF JOHN FOX, AN ENGLISHMAN, IN DELIVERING 266 CHRISTIANS OUT OF THE CAPTIVITY OF THE TURKS AT ALEXANDRIA, THE 3RD OF JANUARY, 1577. Among our merchants here in England, it is a common voyage to traffic to Spain; whereunto a ship called the Three Half Moons, manned with eight and thirty men, well fenced with munitions, the better to encounter their enemies withal, and having wind and tide, set from Portsmouth 1563, and bended her journey towards Seville, a city in Spain, intending there to traffic with them. And falling near the Straits, they perceived themselves to be beset round about with eight galleys of the Turks, in such wise that there was no way for them to fly or to escape away, but that either they must yield or else be sunk, which the owner perceiving, manfully encouraged his company, exhorting them valiantly to show their manhood, showing them that God was their God, and not their enemies', requesting them also not to faint in seeing such a heap of their enemies ready to devour them; putting them in mind also, that if it were God's pleasure to give them into their enemies' hands, it was not they that ought to show one displeasant look or countenance there against; but to take it patiently, and not to prescribe a day and time for their deliverance, as the citizens of Bethulia did, but to put themselves under His mercy. And again, if it were His mind and good will to show His mighty power by them, if their enemies were ten times so many, they were not able to stand in their hands; putting them, likewise, in mind of the old and ancient worthiness of their countrymen, who in the hardest extremities have always most prevailed, and gone away conquerors; yea, and where it hath been almost impossible. "Such," quoth he, "hath been the valiantness of our countrymen, and such hath been the mighty power of our God." With such other like encouragements, exhorting them to behave themselves manfully, they fell all on their knees, making their prayers briefly unto God; who, being all risen up again, perceived their enemies, by their signs and defiances, bent to the spoil, whose mercy was nothing else but cruelty; whereupon every man took him to his weapon. Then stood up one Grove, the master, being a comely man, with his sword and target, holding them up in defiance against his enemies. So likewise stood up the owner, the master's mate, boatswain, purser, and every man well appointed. Now likewise sounded up the drums, trumpets, and flutes, which would have encouraged any man, had he never so little heart or courage in him. Then taketh him to his charge John Fox, the gunner, in the disposing of his pieces, in order to the best effect, and, sending his bullets towards the Turks, who likewise bestowed their pieces thrice as fast towards the Christians. But shortly they drew near, so that the bowmen fell to their charge in sending forth their arrows so thick amongst the galleys, and also in doubling their shot so sore upon the galleys, that there were twice so many of the Turks slain as the number of the Christians were in all. But the Turks discharged twice as fast against the Christians, and so long, that the ship was very sore stricken and bruised under water; which the Turks, perceiving, made the more haste to come aboard the ship: which, ere they could do, many a Turk bought it dearly with the loss of their lives. Yet was all in vain; boarded they were, where they found so hot a skirmish, that it had been better they had not meddled with the feast; for the Englishmen showed themselves men indeed, in working manfully with their brown bills and halberds, where the owner, master, boatswain, and their company stood to it so lustily, that the Turks were half dismayed. But chiefly the boatswain showed himself valiant above the rest, for he fared amongst the Turks like a wood lion; for there was none of them that either could or durst stand in his face, till at last there came a shot from the Turks which brake his whistle asunder, and smote him on the breast, so that he fell down, bidding them farewell, and to be of good comfort, encouraging them, likewise, to win praise by death, rather than to live captives in misery and shame, which they, hearing, indeed, intended to have done, as it appeared by their skirmish; but the press and store of the Turks were so great, that they were not long able to endure, but were so overpressed, that they could not wield their weapons, by reason whereof they must needs be taken, which none of them intended to have been, but rather to have died, except only the master's mate, who shrunk from the skirmish, like a notable coward, esteeming neither the value of his name, nor accounting of the present example of his fellows, nor having respect to the miseries whereunto he should be put. But in fine, so it was, that the Turks were victors, whereof they had no great cause to rejoice or triumph. Then would it have grieved any hard heart to see these infidels so violently entreating the Christians, not having any respect of their manhood, which they had tasted of, nor yet respecting their own state, how they might have met with such a booty as might have given them the overthrow; but no remorse hereof, or anything else doth bridle their fierce and tyrannous dealing, but the Christians must needs to the galleys, to serve in new offices; and they were no sooner in them, but their garments were pulled over their ears, and torn from their backs, and they set to the oars. I will make no mention of their miseries, being now under their enemies' raging stripes. I think there is no man will judge their fare good, or their bodies unloaden of stripes, and not pestered with too much heat, and also with too much cold; but I will go to my purpose, which is to show the end of those being in mere misery, which continually do call on God with a steadfast hope that He will deliver them, and with a sure faith that He can do it. Nigh to the city of Alexandria, being a haven town, and under the dominion of the Turks, there is a road, being made very fencible with strong walls, whereinto the Turks do customably bring their galleys on shore every year, in the winter season, and there do trim them, and lay them up against the spring-time; in which road there is a prison, wherein the captives and such prisoners as serve in the galleys are put for all that time, until the seas be calm and passable for the galleys, every prisoner being most grievously laden with irons on their legs, to their great pain, and sore disabling of them to any labour; into which prison were these Christians put and fast warded all the winter season. But ere it was long, the master and the owner, by means of friends, were redeemed, the rest abiding still in the misery, while that they were all, through reason of their ill-usage and worse fare, miserably starved, saving one John Fox, who (as some men can abide harder and more misery than other some can, so can some likewise make more shift, and work more duties to help their state and living, than other some can do) being somewhat skilful in the craft of a barber, by reason thereof made great shift in helping his fare now and then with a good meal. Insomuch, till at the last God sent him favour in the sight of the keeper of the prison, so that he had leave to go in and out to the road at his pleasure, paying a certain stipend unto the keeper, and wearing a lock about his leg, which liberty likewise five more had upon like sufferance, who, by reason of their long imprisonment, not being feared or suspected to start aside, or that they would work the Turks any mischief, had liberty to go in and out at the said road, in such manner as this John Fox did, with irons on their legs, and to return again at night. In the year of our Lord 1577, in the winter season, the galleys happily coming to their accustomed harbourage, and being discharged of all their masts, sails, and other such furnitures as unto galleys do appertain, and all the masters and mariners of them being then nested in their own homes, there remained in the prison of the said road two hundred three score and eight Christian prisoners who had been taken by the Turks' force, and were of fifteen sundry nations. Among which there were three Englishmen, whereof one was named John Fox, of Woodbridge, in Suffolk, the other William Wickney, of Portsmouth, in the county of Southampton, and the third Robert Moore, of Harwich, in the county of Essex; which John Fox, having been thirteen or fourteen years under their gentle entreatance, and being too weary thereof, minding his escape, weighed with himself by what means it might be brought to pass, and continually pondering with himself thereof, took a good heart unto him, in the hope that God would not be always scourging His children, and never ceasing to pray Him to further his intended enterprise, if that it should redound to His glory. Not far from the road, and somewhat from thence, at one side of the city, there was a certain victualling house, which one Peter Vuticaro had hired, paying also a certain fee unto the keeper of the road. This Peter Vuticaro was a Spaniard born, and a Christian, and had been prisoner above thirty years, and never practised any means to escape, but kept himself quiet without touch or suspect of any conspiracy, until that now this John Fox using much thither, they brake one to another their minds, concerning the restraint of their liberty and imprisonment. So that this John Fox, at length opening unto this Vuticaro the device which he would fain put in practice, made privy one more to this their intent; which three debated of this matter at such times as they could compass to meet together, insomuch that, at seven weeks' end they had sufficiently concluded how the matter should be, if it pleased God to further them thereto; who, making five more privy to this their device, whom they thought that they might safely trust, determined in three nights after to accomplish their deliberate purpose. Whereupon the same John Fox and Peter Vuticaro, and the other five appointed to meet all together in the prison the next day, being the last day of December, where this John Fox certified the rest of the prisoners what their intent and device was, and how and when they minded to bring that purpose to pass, who thereunto persuaded them without much ado to further their device; which, the same John Fox seeing, delivered unto them a sort of files, which he had gathered together for this purpose by the means of Peter Vuticaro, charging them that every man should be ready, discharged of his irons, by eight of the clock on the next day at night. On the next day at night, the said John Fox, and his five other companions, being all come to the house of Peter Vuticaro, passing the time away in mirth for fear of suspect till the night came on, so that it was time for them to put in practice their device, sent Peter Vuticaro to the master of the road, in the name of one of the masters of the city, with whom this keeper was acquainted, and at whose request he also would come at the first; who desired him to take the pains to meet him there, promising him that he would bring him back again. The keeper agreed to go with him, asking the warders not to bar the gate, saying that he would not stay long, but would come again with all speed. In the mean-season, the other seven had provided them of such weapons as they could get in that house, and John Fox took him to an old rusty sword-blade without either hilt or pommel, which he made to serve his turn in bending the hand end of the sword instead of a pommel, and the other had got such spits and glaves as they found in the house. The keeper being now come unto the house, and perceiving no light nor hearing any noise, straightway suspected the matter; and returning backward, John Fox, standing behind the corner of the house, stepped forth unto him; who, perceiving it to be John Fox, said, "O Fox, what have I deserved of thee that thou shouldest seek my death?" "Thou villain," quoth Fox, "hast been a bloodsucker of many a Christian's blood, and now thou shalt know what thou hast deserved at my hands," wherewith he lift up his bright shining sword of ten years' rust, and stroke him so main a blow, as therewithal his head clave asunder so that he fell stark dead to the ground. Whereupon Peter Vuticaro went in and certified the rest how the case stood with the keeper, and they came presently forth, and some with their spits ran him through, and the other with their glaves hewed him in sunder, cut off his head, and mangled him so that no man should discern what he was. Then marched they toward the road, whereinto they entered softly, where were five warders, whom one of them asked, saying, who was there? Quoth Fox and his company, "All friends." Which when they were all within proved contrary; for, quoth Fox, "My masters, here is not to every man a man, wherefore look you, play your parts." Who so behaved themselves indeed, that they had despatched these five quickly. Then John Fox, intending not to be barren of his enterprise, and minding to work surely in that which he went about, barred the gate surely, and planted a cannon against it. Then entered they into the jailer's lodge, where they found the keys of the fortress and prison by his bedside, and there got they all better weapons. In this chamber was a chest wherein was a rich treasure, and all in ducats, which this Peter Vuticaro and two more opening, stuffed themselves so full as they could between their shirts and their skin; which John Fox would not once touch and said, "that it was his and their liberty which he fought for, to the honour of his God, and not to make a mart of the wicked treasure of the infidels." Yet did these words sink nothing unto their stomachs; they did it for a good intent. So did Saul save the fattest oxen to offer unto the Lord, and they to serve their own turn. But neither did Saul scape the wrath of God therefor, neither had these that thing which they desired so, and did thirst after. Such is God's justice. He that they put their trust in to deliver them from the tyrannous hands of their enemies, he, I say, could supply their want of necessaries. Now these eight, being armed with such weapons as they thought well of, thinking themselves sufficient champions to encounter a stronger enemy, and coming unto the prison, Fox opened the gates and doors thereof, and called forth all the prisoners, whom he set, some to ramming up the gate, some to the dressing up of a certain galley which was the best in all the road, and was called "The Captain of Alexandria," whereinto some carried masts, sails, oars, and other such furniture, as doth belong unto a galley. At the prison were certain warders whom John Fox and his company slew, in the killing of whom there were eight more of the Turks which perceived them, and got them to the top of the prison, unto whom John Fox and his company were fain to come by ladders, where they found a hot skirmish, for some of them were there slain, some wounded, and some but scarred and not hurt. As John Fox was thrice shot through his apparel, and not hurt, Peter Vuticaro and the other two, that had armed them with the ducats, were slain, as not able to wield themselves, being so pestered with the weight and uneasy carrying of the wicked and profane treasure; and also divers Christians were as well hurt about that skirmish as Turks slain. Amongst the Turks was one thrust through, who (let us not say that it was ill-fortune) fell off from the top of the prison wall, and made such a groaning that the inhabitants thereabout (as here and there stood a house or two), came and questioned him, so that they understood the case, how that the prisoners were paying their ransoms; wherewith they raised both Alexandria, which lay on the west side of the road, and a castle which was at the city's end next to the road, and also another fortress which lay on the north side of the road, so that now they had no way to escape but one, which by man's reason (the two holds lying so upon the mouth of the road) might seem impossible to be a way for them. So was the Red Sea impossible for the Israelites to pass through, the hills and rocks lay so on the one side, and their enemies compassed them on the other. So was it impossible that the walls of Jericho should fall down, being neither undermined nor yet rammed at with engines, nor yet any man's wisdom, policy, or help, set or put thereunto. Such impossibilities can our God make possible. He that held the lion's jaws from rending Daniel asunder, yea, or yet from once touching him to his hurt, cannot He hold the roaring cannons of this hellish force? He that kept the fire's rage in the hot burning oven from the three children that praised His name, cannot He keep the fire's flaming blasts from among His elect? Now is the road fraught with lusty soldiers, labourers, and mariners, who are fain to stand to their tackling, in setting to every man his hand, some to the carrying in of victuals, some munitions, some oars, and some one thing some another, but most are keeping their enemy from the wall of the road. But to be short, there was no time misspent, no man idle, nor any man's labour ill-bestowed or in vain. So that in short time this galley was ready trimmed up. Whereinto every man leaped in all haste, hoisting up the sails lustily, yielding themselves to His mercy and grace, in Whose hands is both wind and weather. Now is this galley a-float, and out of the shelter of the road; now have the two castles full power upon the galley; now is there no remedy but to sink. How can it be avoided? The cannons let fly from both sides, and the galley is even in the middest and between them both. What man can devise to save it? There is no man but would think it must needs be sunk. There was not one of them that feared the shot which went thundering round about their ears, nor yet were once scarred or touched with five and forty shot which came from the castles. Here did God hold forth His buckler, He shieldeth now this galley, and hath tried their faith to the uttermost. Now cometh His special help; yea, even when man thinks them past all help, then cometh He Himself down from Heaven with His mighty power, then is His present remedy most ready. For they sail away, being not once touched by the glance of a shot, and are quickly out of the Turkish cannons' reach. Then might they see them coming down by heaps to the water's side, in companies like unto swarms of bees, making show to come after them with galleys, bustling themselves to dress up the galleys, which would be a swift piece of work for them to do, for that they had neither oars, masts, sails, nor anything else ready in any galley. But yet they are carrying into them, some into one galley, and some into another, so that, being such a confusion amongst them, without any certain guide, it were a thing impossible to overtake the Christians; beside that, there was no man that would take charge of a galley, the weather was so rough, and there was such an amazedness amongst them. And verily, I think their god was amazed thereat; it could not be but that he must blush for shame, he can speak never a word for dulness, much less can he help them in such an extremity. Well, howsoever it is, he is very much to blame to suffer them to receive such a gibe. But howsoever their god behaved himself, our God showed Himself a God indeed, and that He was the only living God; for the seas were swift under His faithful, which made the enemies aghast to behold them; a skilfuller pilot leads them, and their mariners bestir them lustily; but the Turks had neither mariners, pilot, nor any skilful master, that was in readiness at this pinch. When the Christians were safe out of the enemy's coast, John Fox called to them all, telling them to be thankful unto Almighty God for their delivery, and most humbly to fall down upon their knees, beseeching Him to aid them to their friends' land, and not to bring them into another danger, since He had most mightily delivered them from so great a thraldom and bondage. Thus when every man had made his petition, they fell straightway to their labour with the oars, in helping one another when they were wearied, and with great labour striving to come to some Christian land, as near as they could guess by the stars. But the winds were so contrary, one while driving them this way, another while that way, so that they were now in a new maze, thinking that God had forsaken them and left them to a greater danger. And forasmuch as there were no victuals now left in the galley, it might have been a cause to them (if they had been the Israelites), to have murmured against their God; but they knew how that their God, who had delivered Egypt, was such a loving and merciful God, as that He would not suffer them to be confounded in whom He had wrought so great a wonder, but what calamity soever they sustained, they knew it was but for their further trial, and also (in putting them in mind of their further misery), to cause them not to triumph and glory in themselves therefor. Having, I say, no victuals in the galley, it might seem one misery continually to fall upon another's neck; but to be brief the famine grew to be so great that in twenty-eight days, wherein they were on the sea, there died eight persons, to the astonishment of all the rest. So it fell out that upon the twenty-ninth day after they set from Alexandria, they fell on the isle of Candia, and landed at Gallipoli, where they were made much of by the abbot and monks there, who caused them to stay there while they were well refreshed and eased. They kept there the sword wherewith John Fox had killed the keeper, esteeming it as a most precious relic, and hung it up for a monument. When they thought good, having leave to depart from thence, they sailed along the coast till they arrived at Tarento, where they sold their galley, and divided it, every man having a part thereof. The Turks on receiving so shameful a foil at their hands, pursued the Christians, and scoured the seas, where they could imagine that they had bent their course. And the Christians had departed from thence on the one day in the morning and seven galleys of the Turks came thither that night, as it was certified by those who followed Fox and his company, fearing lest they should have been met with. And then they came afoot to Naples, where they departed asunder, every man taking him to his next way home. From whence John Fox took his journey unto Rome, where he was well entertained by an Englishman who presented his worthy deed unto the Pope, who rewarded him liberally, and gave him letters unto the King of Spain, where he was very well entertained of him there, who for this his most worthy enterprise gave him in fee twenty pence a day. From whence, being desirous to come into his own country, he came thither at such time as he conveniently could, which was in the year of our Lord God 1579; who being come into England went unto the Court, and showed all his travel unto the Council, who considering of the state of this man, in that he had spent and lost a great part of his youth in thraldom and bondage, extended to him their liberality to help to maintain him now in age, to their right honour and to the encouragement of all true-hearted Christians. THE COPY OF THE CERTIFICATE FOR JOHN FOX AND HIS COMPANY, MADE BY THE PRIOR AND THE BRETHREN OF GALLIPOLI, WHERE THEY FIRST LANDED. We, the Prior and Fathers of the Convent of the Amerciates, of the city of Gallipoli, of the order of Preachers, do testify that upon the 29th of January last past, 1577, there came into the said city a certain galley from Alexandria, taken from the Turks, with two hundred and fifty-eight Christians, whereof was principal Master John Fox, an Englishman, a gunner, and one of the chiefest that did accomplish that great work, whereby so many Christians have recovered their liberties, in token and remembrance whereof, upon our earnest request to the same John Fox, he has left here an old sword, wherewith he slew the keeper of the prison, which sword we do as a monument and memorial of so worthy a deed, hang up in the chief place of our convent house. And for because all things aforesaid, are such as we will testify to be true, as they are orderly passed, and have therefore good credit, that so much as is above expressed is true, and for the more faith thereof, we, the Prior and Fathers aforesaid, have ratified and subscribed these presents. Given in Gallipoli, the 3rd of February, 1577. I, Friar VINCENT BARBA, Prior of the same place, confirm the premises, as they are above written. I, Friar ALBERT DAMARO, of Gallipoli, sub-prior, confirm as much. I, Friar ANTHONY CELLELER, of Galli, confirm as aforesaid. I, Friar BARTLEMEW, of Gallipoli, confirm as above said. I, Friar FRANCIS, of Gallipoli, confirm as much. THE BISHOP OF ROME, HIS LETTERS IN BEHALF OF JOHN FOX. Be it known unto all men, to whom this writing shall come, that the bringer hereof, John Fox, Englishman, a gunner, after he had served captive in the Turks' galleys, by the space of fourteen years, at length, through God his help, taking good opportunity, the 3rd of January last passed, slew the keeper of the prison (whom he first stroke on the face) together with four and twenty other Turks, by the assistance of his fellow-prisoners; and with 266 Christians (of whose liberty he was the author) launched from Alexandria, and from thence arrived first at Gallipoli, in Candia, and afterwards at Tarento, in Apulia; the written testimony and credit of which things, as also of others, the same John Fox hath in public tables from Naples. Upon Easter Eve he came to Rome, and is now determined to take his journey to the Spanish Court, hoping there to obtain some relief towards his living; wherefore the poor distressed man humbly beseecheth, and we in his behalf, do in the bowels of Christ, desire you, that taking compassion of his former captivity and present penury, you do not only suffer him freely to pass through all your cities and towns, but also succour him with your charitable alms, the reward whereof you shall hereafter most assuredly receive, which we hope you will afford to him, whom with tender affection of pity we commend unto you. At Rome, the 20th of April, 1577. THOMAS GROLOS, Englishman, Bishop of Astraphen. RICHARD SILLEUN, Prior Angliae. ANDREAS LUDOVICUS, Register to our Sovereign Lord the Pope, which for the greater credit of the premises, have set my seal to these presents. At Rome, the day and year above written. MAURICIUS CLEMENT, the governor and keeper of the English hospital in the city. THE KING OF SPAIN, HIS LETTERS TO THE LIEUTENANT FOR THE PLACING OF JOHN FOX IN THE OFFICE OF A GUNNER, ETC. To the illustrious prince, Vespasian Gonsaga Colonna, our Lieutenant and Captain-General of our realm of Valencia, having consideration that John Fox, Englishman, hath served us, and was one of the most principal which took away from the Turks a certain galley, which they have brought to Taranto, wherein were two hundred and fifty-eight Christian captives. We license him to practice, and give him the office of a gunner, and have ordained that he go to our said realm there to serve in the said office in the galleys, which by our commandment are lately made. And we do command that you cause to be paid to him eight ducats pay a month, for the time that he shall serve in the said galleys as a gunner, or till we can otherwise provide for him, the said eight ducats monthly of the money which is already of our provision, present and to come, and to have regard of those which come with him. From Escurial the 10th of August, 1577.--I, the King, JUAN DEL GADO. And under that a confirmation of the Council. VERSES WRITTEN BY A. M. TO THE COURTEOUS READERS, WHO WAS PRESENT AT ROME WHEN JOHN FOX RECEIVED HIS LETTERS OF THE POPE. Leaving at large all fables vainly used, All trifling toys that do no truth import, Lo, here how the end (at length) though long diffused, Unfoldeth plain a true and rare report; To glad those minds which seek their country's wealth, By proffered pains to enlarge his happy health. At Rome I was, when Fox did there arrive, Therefore I may sufficiently express, What gallant joy his deeds did there revive In the hearts of those which heard his valiantness. And how the Pope did recompense his pains, And letters gave to move his greater gains. But yet I know that many do misdoubt, That those his pains are fables and untrue; Not only I in this will bear him out, But diverse more that did his patents view. And unto those so boldly I daresay, That nought but truth John Fox doth here bewray; Besides here's one was slave with him in thrall, Lately returned into our native land, This witness can this matter perfect all, What needeth more? for witness he may stand. And thus I end, unfolding what I know, The other man more larger proof can show. Honos alit artes, A. M. ----- THE VOYAGE MADE TO TRIPOLIS IN BARBARY, IN THE YEAR 1584, WITH A SHIP CALLED THE JESUS, WHEREIN THE ADVENTURES AND DISTRESSES OF SOME ENGLISHMEN ARE TRULY REPORTED, AND OTHER NECESSARY CIRCUMSTANCES OBSERVED. WRITTEN BY THOMAS SANDERS. This voyage was set forth by the Right Worshipful Sir Edward Osborne Knight, chief merchant of all the Turkish Company, and one Master Richard Stapers, the ship being of the burden of one hundred tons, called the Jesus; she was builded at Farmne, a river by Portsmouth. The owners were Master Thomas Thompson, Nicholas Carnabie, and John Gilman. The master (under God) was one Zaccheus Hellier, of Blackwall, and his mate was one Richard Morris, of that place; their pilot was one Anthony Jerado, a Frenchman, of the province of Marseilles; the purser was one William Thompson, our owner's son; the merchants' factors were Romaine Sonnings, a Frenchman, and Richard Skegs, servant unto the said Master Stapers. The owners were bound unto the merchants by charter party thereupon in one thousand marks, that the said ship, by God's permission should go for Tripolis in Barbary, that is to say, first from Portsmouth to Newhaven in Normandy, thence to S. Lukar, otherwise called S. Lucas, in Andalusia, and from thence to Tripolis, which is in the east part of Africa, and so to return unto London. But here ought every man to note and consider the works of our God, that (many times) what man doth determine God doth disappoint. The said master having some occasion to go to Farmne, took with him the pilot and the purser, and returning again, by means of a gust of wind, the boat wherein they were was drowned, the said master, the purser, and all the company; only the said pilot by experience in swimming saved himself, these were the beginnings of our sorrows. After which the said master's mate would not proceed in that voyage, and the owner hearing of this misfortune, and the unwillingness of the master's mate, did send down one Richard Deimond and shipped him for master, who did choose for his mate one Andrew Dier, and so the said ship departed on her voyage accordingly; that is to say, about the 16th of October, 1584, she made sail from Portsmouth, and the 18th day then next following she arrived into Newhaven, where our said last master Deimond by a surfeit died. The factors then appointed the said Andrew Dier, being then master's mate, to be their master for that voyage, who did choose to be his mates the two quarter-masters of the same ship, to wit, Peter Austine and Shillabey, and for purser was shipped one Richard Burges. Afterward about the 8th day of November we made sail forthward, and by force of weather we were driven back again into Portsmouth, where we refreshed our victuals and other necessaries, and then the wind came fair. About the 29th day then next following we departed thence, and the 1st day of December, by means of a contrary wind, we were driven to Plymouth. The 18th day then next following we made forthward again, and by force of weather we were driven to Falmouth, where we remained until the 1st day of January, at which time the wind coming fair we departed thence, and about the 20th day of the said month we arrived safely at S. Lucas. And about the 9th day of March next following we made sail from thence, and about the 18th day of the same month we came to Tripolis in Barbary, where we were very well entertained by the king of that country and also of the commons. The commodities of that place are sweet oils; the king there is a merchant, and the rather (willing to prefer himself before his commons) requested our said factors to traffic with him, and promised them that if they would take his oils at his own price they should pay no manner of custom, and they took of him certain tons of oil; and afterward perceiving that they might have far better cheap, notwithstanding the custom free, they desired the king to license them to take the oils at the pleasure of his commons, for that his price did exceed theirs; whereunto the king would not agree, but was rather contented to abate his price, insomuch that the factors bought all their oils of the king's custom free, and so laded the same aboard. In the meantime there came to that place one Miles Dickinson, in a ship of Bristol, who together with our said factors took a house to themselves there. Our French factor, Romaine Sonnings, desired to buy a commodity in the market, and, wanting money, desired the said Miles Dickinson to lend him a hundred chikinoes until he came to his lodging, which he did; and afterwards the same Sonnings met with Miles Dickinson in the street, and delivered him money bound up in a napkin, saying, "Master Dickinson, there is the money that I borrowed of you," and so thanked him for the same. He doubted nothing less than falsehood, which is seldom known among merchants, and specially being together in one house, and is the more detestable between Christians, they being in Turkey among the heathen; the said Dickinson did not tell the money presently, until he came to his lodging, and then, finding nine chikinoes lacking of his hundred (which was about three pounds, for that every chikinoe is worth seven shillings of English money), he came to the said Romaine Sonnings and delivered him his handkerchief, and asked him how many chikinoes he had delivered him. Sonnings answered, "A hundred"; Dickinson said "No"; and so they protested and swore on both parts. But in the end the said Romaine Sonnings did swear deeply with detestable oaths and curses; and prayed God that he might show his works on him, that other might take ensample thereby, and that he might be hanged like a dog, and never come into England again, if he did not deliver unto the said Dickinson a hundred chikinoes. And here behold a notable example of all blasphemers, cursers, and swearers, how God rewarded him accordingly; for many times it cometh to pass that God showeth his miracles upon such monstrous blasphemers to the ensample of others, as now hereafter you shall hear what befell to this Romaine Sonnings. There was a man in the said town a pledge, whose name was Patrone Norado, who the year before had done this Sonnings some pleasure there. The foresaid Patrone Norado was indebted unto a Turk of that town in the sum of four hundred and fifty crowns, for certain goods sent by him into Christendom in a ship of his own, and by his own brother, and himself remained in Tripolis as pledge until his said brother's return; and, as the report went there, he came among lewd company, and lost his brother's said ship and goods at dice, and never returned unto him again. The said Patrone Norado, being void of all hope and finding now opportunity, consulted with the said Sonnings for to swim a-seaboard the islands, and the ship, being then out of danger, should take him in (as was afterwards confessed), and so go to Tallowne, in the province of Marseilles, with this Patrone Norado, and there to take in the rest of his lading. The ship being ready the first day of May, and having her sails all abroad, our said factors did take their leave of the king, who very courteously bid them farewell, and when they came aboard they commanded the master and the company hastily to get out the ship. The master answered that it was impossible, for that the wind was contrary and overblowed. And he required us, upon forfeiture of our bands, that we should do our endeavour to get her forth. Then went we to warp out the ship, and presently the king sent a boat aboard of us, with three men in her, commanding the said Sonnings to come ashore, at whose coming the king demanded of him custom for the oils. Sonnings answered him that his highness had promised to deliver them customs free. But, notwithstanding, the king weighed not his said promise, and as an infidel that hath not the fear of God before his eyes, nor regard of his word, albeit he was a king, he caused the said Sonnings to pay the custom to the uttermost penny; and afterwards ordered him to make haste away, saying that the janisaries would have the oil ashore again. These janisaries are soldiers there under the Great Turk, and their power is above the king's. And so the said factor departed from the king, and came to the waterside, and called for a boat to come aboard, and he brought with him the foresaid Patrone Norado. The company, inquisitive to know what man that was, Sonnings answered that he was his countryman, a passenger. "I pray God," said the company, "that we come not into trouble by this man." Then said Sonnings angrily, "What have you to do with any matters of mine? If anything chance otherwise than well, I must answer for all." Now the Turk unto whom this Patrone Norado was indebted, missing him, supposed him to be aboard of our ship, presently went unto the king and told him that he thought that his pledge, Patrone Norado, was aboard on the English ship. Whereupon the king presently sent a boat aboard of us, with three men in her, commanding the said Sonnings to come ashore; and, not speaking anything as touching the man, he said that he would come presently in his own boat; but as soon as they were gone he willed us to warp forth the ship, and said that he would see the knaves hanged before he would go ashore. And when the king saw that he came not ashore, but still continued warping away the ship, he straight commanded the gunner of the bulwark next unto us to shoot three shots without ball. Then we came all to the said Sonnings, and asked him what the matter was that we were shot at; he said that it was the janisaries who would have the oil ashore again, and willed us to make haste away. And after that he had discharged three shots without ball he commanded all the gunners in the town to do their endeavour to sink us; but the Turkish gunners could not once strike us, wherefore the king sent presently to the Banio (this Banio is the prison whereas all the captives lay at night), and promised that if there were any that could either sink us or else cause us to come in again, he should have a hundred crown, and his liberty. With that came forth a Spaniard called Sebastian, which had been an old servitor in Flanders, and he said that, upon the performance of that promise, he would undertake either to sink us or to cause us to come in again, and thereto he would gage his life; and at the first shot he split our rudder's head in pieces, and the second shot he struck us under water, and the third shot he shot us through our foremast with a culverin shot, and thus, he having rent both our rudder and mast and shot us under water, we were enforced to go in again. This Sebastian for all his diligence herein had neither his liberty nor a hundred crowns, so promised by the said king; but, after his service done, was committed again to prison, whereby may appear the regard that a Turk or infidel hath of his work, although he be able to perform it--yea, more, though he be a king. Then our merchants, seeing no remedy, they, together with five of our company, went ashore; and they then ceased shooting. They shot unto us in the whole nine-and-thirty shots without the hurt of any man. And when our merchants came ashore the king commanded presently that they, with the rest of our company that were with them, should be chained four and four to a hundredweight of iron, and when we came in with the ship there came presently above a hundred Turks aboard of us, and they searched us and stripped our very clothes from our backs, and broke open our chests, and made a spoil of all that we had; and the Christian caitiffs likewise that came aboard of us made spoil of our goods, and used us as ill as the Turks did. And our master's mate, having a Geneva Bible in his hand, there came the king's chief gunner and took it out from him, who showed me of it; and I, having the language, went presently to the king's treasurer, and told him of it, saying that since it was the will of God that we should fall into their hands, yet that they should grant us to use our consciences to our own discretion, as they suffered the Spaniards and other nations to use theirs; and he granted us. Then I told him that the master gunner had taken away a Bible from one of our men: the treasurer went presently and commanded him to deliver up the Bible again, which he did. And within a little after he took it from the man again, and I showed the treasurer of it, and presently he commanded him to deliver it again, saying, "Thou villain! wilt thou turn to Christianity again?" for he was a relagado, which is one that was first a Christian and afterwards becometh a Turk; and so he delivered me the Bible the second time. And then I, having it in my hand, the gunner came to me, and spake these words, saying, "Thou dog! I will have the book in despite of thee!" and took it from me, saying, "If you tell the king's treasurer of it any more, by Mahomet I will be revenged of thee!" Notwithstanding I went the third time unto the king's treasurer, and told him of it; and he came with me, saying thus unto the gunner: "By the head of the Great Turk if thou take it from him again thou shalt have a hundred bastinadoes." And forthwith he delivered me the book, saying he had not the value of a pin of the spoil of the ship--which was the better for him, as hereafter you shall hear; for there was none, either Christian or Turk, that took the value of a pennyworth of our goods from us but perished both body and goods within seventeen months following, as hereafter shall plainly appear. Then came the guardian Basha, who is the keeper of the king's captives, to fetch us all ashore; and then I, remembering the miserable estate of poor distressed captives in the time of their bondage to those infidels, went to mine own chest, and took out thereof a jar of oil, and filled a basket full of white ruske, to carry ashore with me. But before I came to the Banio the Turkish boys had taken away almost all my bread, and the keeper said, "Deliver me the jar of oil, and when thou comest to the Banio thou shalt have it again;" but I never had it of him any more. But when I came to the Banio and saw our merchants and all the rest of our company in chains, and we all ready to receive the same reward, what heart is there so hard but would have pitied our cause, hearing or seeing the lamentable greeting there was betwixt us. All this happened the first of May, 1584. And the second day of the same month the king with all his council sat in judgment upon us. The first that were had forth to be arraigned were the factors and the masters, and the king asked them wherefore they came not ashore when he sent for them. And Romaine Sonnings answered that, though he were a king on shore, and might command there, so was he as touching those that were under him; and therefore said, if any offence be, the fault is wholly in myself and in no other. Then forthwith the king gave judgment that the said Romaine Sonnings should be hanged over the north-east bulwark, from whence he conveyed the forenamed Patrone Norado. And then he called for our master, Andrew Dier, and used few words to him, and so condemned him to be hanged over the walls of the westernmost bulwarks. Then fell our other factor, named Richard Skegs, upon his knees before the king, and said, "I beseech your highness either to pardon our master or else suffer me to die for him, for he is ignorant of this cause." And then the people of that country, favouring the said Richard Skegs, besought the king to pardon them both. So then the king spake these words: "Behold, for thy sake I pardon the master." Then presently the Turks shouted and cried, saying, "Away with the master from the presence of the king." And then he came into the Banio where we were, and told us what had happened, and we all rejoiced at the good hap of Master Skegs, that he was saved, and our master for his sake. But afterwards our joy was turned to double sorrow, for in the meantime the king's mind was altered: for that one of his council had advised him that, unless the master died also, by the law they could not confiscate the ship nor goods, neither make captive any of the men. Whereupon the king sent for our master again, and gave him another judgment after his pardon for one cause, which was that he should be hanged. Here all true Christians may see what trust a Christian man may put in an infidel's promise, who, being a king, pardoned a man now, as you have heard, and within an hour after hanged him for the same cause before a whole multitude; and also promised our factors their oils custom free, and at their going away made them pay the uttermost penny for the custom thereof. And when that Romaine Sonnings saw no remedy but that he should die, he protested to turn Turk, hoping thereby to have saved his life. Then said the Turk, "If thou wilt turn Turk, speak the words that thereunto belong;" and he did so. Then said they unto him, "Now thou shalt die in the faith of a Turk;" and so he did, as the Turks reported that were at his execution; and the forenamed Patrone Norado, whereas before he had liberty and did nothing, he then was condemned slave perpetual, except there were payment made of the foresaid sum of money. Then the king condemned all us, who were in number five and twenty, of which two were hanged (as you have heard) and one died the first day we came on shore by the visitation of Almighty God, and the other three and twenty he condemned slaves perpetually unto the Great Turk, and the ship and goods were confiscated to the use of the Great Turk; then we all fell down upon our knees, giving God thanks for this sorrowful visitation and giving ourselves wholly to the almighty power of God, unto whom all secrets are known, that He of His goodness would vouchsafe to look upon us. Here may all true Christian hearts see the wonderful works of God showed upon such infidels, blasphemers, and runagate Christians, and so you shall read in the end of this book of the like upon the unfaithful king and all his children, and of as many as took any portion of the said goods. But first to show our miserable bondage and slavery, and unto what small pittance and allowance we were tied, for every five men had allowance but five aspers of bread in a day, which is but twopence English, and our lodging was to lie on the bare boards, with a very simple cape to cover us. We were also forcibly and most violently shaven, head and beard, and within three days after, I and five more of my fellows, together with fourscore Italians and Spaniards, were sent forth in a galiot to take a Greek carmosel, which came into Arabia to steal negroes, and went out of Tripolis unto that place which was two hundred and forty leagues thence; but we were chained three and three to an oar, and we rowed naked above the girdle, and the boatswain of the galley walked abaft the mast, and his mate afore the mast, and each of them a whip in their hands, and when their devilish choler rose they would strike the Christians for no cause, and they allowed us but half a pound of bread a man in a day, without any other kind of sustenance, water excepted. And when we came to the place where we saw the carmosel, we were not suffered to have neither needle, bodkin, knife, or any other instrument about us, nor at any other time in the night, upon pain of one hundred bastinadoes: we were then also cruelly manacled, in such sort that we could not put our hands the length of one foot asunder the one from the other, and every night they searched our chains three times, to see if they were fast riveted. We continued the fight with the carmosel three hours, and then we took it, and lost but two of our men in that fight; but there were slain of the Greeks five, and fourteen were cruelly hurt; and they that were found were presently made slaves, and chained to the oars, and within fifteen days after we returned again into Tripolis, and then we were put to all manner of slavery. I was put to hew stones, and other to carry stones, and some to draw the cart with earth, and some to make mortar, and some to draw stones (for at that time the Turks builded a church), and thus we were put to all kinds of slavery that was to be done. And in the time of our being there the Moors, that are the husbandmen of the country, rebelled against the king, because he would have constrained them to pay greater tribute than heretofore they had done, so that the soldiers of Tripolis marched forth of the town, to have joined battle against the Moors for their rebellion, and the king sent with them four pieces of ordnance, which were drawn by the captives twenty miles into the country after them, and at the sight thereof the Moors fled, and then the captains returned back again. Then I, and certain Christians more, were sent twelve miles into the country with a cart to load timber, and we returned again the same day. Now, the king had eighteen captives, which three times a week went to fetch wood thirty miles from the town, and on a time he appointed me for one of the eighteen, and we departed at eight of the clock in the night; and upon the way, as we rode upon the camels, I demanded of one of our company who did direct us the way: he said that there was a Moor in our company which was our guide; and I demanded of them how Tripolis and the wood bare one off the other, and he said, "East-north-east and west-south-west." And at midnight, or thereabouts, as I was riding upon my camel, I fell asleep, and the guide and all the rest rode away from me, not thinking but I had been among them. When I awoke, and, finding myself alone, I durst not call nor holloa, for fear lest the wild Moors should hear me--because they hold this opinion, that in killing a Christian they do God good service--and musing with myself what were best for me to do: if I should return back to Tripolis without any wood or company I should be most miserably used; therefore, of the two evils, rather I had to go forth to the losing of my life than to turn back and trust to their mercy, fearing to be used as before I had seen others. For, understanding by some of my company before how Tripolis and the said wood did lie one off another, by the North Star I went forth at adventure, and, as God would have it, I came right to the place where they were, even about an hour before day. There altogether we rested, and gave our camels provender, and as soon as the day appeared we rode all into the wood; and I, seeing no wood there but a stick here and a stick there, about the bigness of a man's arm, growing in the sand, it caused me to marvel how so many camels should be loaded in that place. The wood was juniper; we needed no axe nor edged tool to cut it, but plucked it up by strength of hands, roots and all, which a man might easily do, and so gathered together a little at one place, and so at another, and laded our camels, and came home about seven of the clock that night following: because I fell lame and my camel was tired, I left my wood in the way. There was in Tripolis at that time a Venetian whose name was Benedetto Venetiano, and seventeen captives more of his countrymen, which ran away from Tripolis in a boat and came inside of an island called Malta, which lieth forty leagues from Tripolis right north; and, being within a mile of the shore and very fair weather, one of their company said, "In dispetto de Dio adesso venio a pilliar terra," which is as much to say: "In the despite of God, I shall now fetch the shore;" and presently there arose a mighty storm, with thunder and rain, and the wind at the north, their boat being very small, so that they were enforced to bear up room and to sheer right afore the wind over against the coast of Barbary, from whence they came, and rowing up and down the coast, their victuals being spent, the twenty-first day after their departure, they were enforced through the want of food to come ashore, thinking to have stolen some sheep. But the Moors of the country very craftily (perceiving their intent) gathered together a threescore of horsemen and hid themselves behind the sandy hill, and when the Christians were come all ashore, and passed by half a mile into the country, the Moors rode betwixt them and their boat, and some of them pursued the Christians, and so they were all taken and brought to Tripolis, from whence they had before escaped; and presently the king commanded that the foresaid Benedetto, with one more of his company, should lose their ears, and the rest to be most cruelly beaten, which was presently done. This king had a son which was a ruler in an island called Gerbi, whereunto arrived an English ship called the Green Dragon, of the which was master one M. Blonket, who, having a very unhappy boy on that ship, and understanding that whosoever would turn Turk should be well entertained of the king's son, this boy did run ashore and voluntarily turned Turk. Shortly after the king's son came to Tripolis to visit his father, and seeing our company, he greatly fancied Richard Burges, our purser, and James Smith. They were both young men, therefore he was very desirous to have them to turn Turks; but they would not yield to his desire, saying, "We are your father's slaves and as slaves we will serve him." Then his father the king sent for them, and asked them if they would turn Turks; and they said: "If it please your Highness, Christians we were born and so we will remain, and beseech the king that they might not be enforced thereunto." The king had there before in his house a son of a yeoman of our Queen's guard, whom the king's son had enforced to turn Turk; his name was John Nelson. Him the king caused to be brought to these young men, and then said unto them, "Will you not bear this, your countryman, company, and be Turk as he is?" and they said that they would not yield thereunto during life. But it fell out that, within a month after, the king's son went home to Gerbi again, being five score miles from Tripolis, and carried our two foresaid young men with him, which were Richard Burges and James Smith. And after their departure from us they sent us a letter, signifying that there was no violence showed unto them as yet; yet within three days after they were violently used, for that the king's son demanded of them again if that they would turn Turk. Then answered Richard Burges: "A Christian I am, and so I will remain." Then the king's son very angrily said unto him, "By Mahomet thou shalt presently be made Turk!" Then called he for his men and commanded them to make him Turk; and they did so, and circumcised him, and would have had him speak the words that thereunto belonged; but he answered them stoutly that he would not, and although they had put on him the habit of a Turk, yet said he, "A Christian I was born, and so I will remain, though you force me to do otherwise." And then he called for the other, and commanded him to be made Turk perforce also; but he was very strong, for it was so much as eight of the king's son's men could do to hold him. So in the end they circumcised him and made him Turk. Now, to pass over a little, and so to show the manner of our deliverance out of that miserable captivity. In May aforesaid, shortly after our apprehension, I wrote a letter into England unto my father, dwelling in Evistoke in Devonshire, signifying unto him the whole estate of our calamities, and I wrote also to Constantinople to the English ambassador, both which letters were faithfully delivered. But when my father had received my letter, and understood the truth of our mishap, and the occasion thereof, and what had happened to the offenders, he certified the Right Honourable the Earl of Bedford thereof, who in short space acquainted her Highness with the whole cause thereof; and her Majesty, like a most merciful princess tendering her subjects, presently took order for our deliverance. Whereupon the Right Worshipful Sir Edward Osborne, knight, directed his letters with all speed to the English ambassador in Constantinople to procure our delivery, and he obtained the Great Turk's commission, and sent it forthwith to Tripolis by one Master Edward Barton, together with a justice of the Great Turk's and one soldier, and another Turk and a Greek, which was his interpreter, which could speak beside Greek, Turkish, Italian, Spanish and English. And when they came to Tripolis they were well entertained, and the first night they did lie in a captain's house in the town. All our company that were in Tripolis came that night for joy to Master Barton and the other commissioners to see them. Then Master Barton said unto us, "Welcome, my good countrymen," and lovingly entertained us; and at our departure from him he gave us two shillings, and said, "Serve God, for tomorrow I hope you shall be as free as ever you were." We all gave him thanks and so departed. The next day, in the morning very early, the king having intelligence of their coming, sent word to the keeper that none of the Englishmen (meaning our company) should go to work. Then he sent for Master Barton and the other commissioners, and demanded of the said Master Barton his message. The justice answered that the Great Turk, his sovereign, had sent them unto him, signifying that he was informed that a certain English ship, called the Jesus, was by him the said king confiscated about twelve months since, and now my said sovereign hath here sent his especial commission by us unto you for the deliverance of the said ship and goods, and also the free liberty and deliverance of the Englishmen of the said ship whom you have taken and kept in captivity. And further, the same justice said, I am authorised by my said sovereign the Great Turk to see it done; and therefore I command you, by the virtue of this commission, presently to make restitution of the premises or the value thereof. And so did the justice deliver unto the king the Great Turk's commission to the effect aforesaid, which commission the king with all obedience received; and after the perusing of the same, he forthwith commanded all the English captives to be brought before him, and then willed the keeper to strike off all our irons. Which done, the king said, "You Englishmen, for that you did offend the laws of this place, by the same laws therefore some of your company were condemned to die, as you know, and you to be perpetual captives during your lives; notwithstanding, seeing it hath pleased my sovereign lord the Great Turk to pardon your said offences, and to give you your freedom and liberty, behold, here I make delivery of you unto this English gentleman." So he delivered us all that were there, being thirteen in number, to Master Barton, who required also those two young men which the king's son had taken with him. Then the king answered that it was against their law to deliver them, for that they were turned Turks; and, touching the ship and goods, the king said that he had sold her, but would make restitution of the value, and as much of the goods as came unto his hands. And so the king arose and went to dinner, and commanded a Jew to go with Master Barton and the other commissioners to show them their lodgings, which was a house provided and appointed them by the said king. And because I had the Italian and Spanish tongues, by which there most traffic in that country is, Master Barton made me his caterer, to buy his victuals for him and his company, and he delivered me money needful for the same. Thus were we set at liberty the 28th day of April, 1585. Now, to return to the king's plagues and punishments which Almighty God at his will and pleasure sendeth upon men in the sight of the world, and likewise of the plagues that befell his children and others aforesaid. First, when we were made bondmen, being the second day of May, 1584, the king had 300 captives, and before the month was expired there died of them of the plague 150. And whereas there were twenty-six men of our company, of whom two were hanged and one died the same day as we were made bondslaves, that present month there died nine more of our company of the plague, and other two were forced to turn Turks as before rehearsed; and on the 4th day of June next following, the king lost 150 camels which were taken from him by the wild Moors; and on the 28th day of the said month of June one Geffrey Malteese, a renegado of Malta, ran away to his country, and stowed a brigantine which the king had builded for to take the Christians withal, and carried with him twelve Christians more which were the king's captives. Afterwards about the 10th day of July next following, the king rode forth upon the greatest and fairest mare that might be seen, as white as any swan; he had not ridden forty paces from his house, but on a sudden the same mare fell down under him stark dead, and I with six more were commanded to bury her, skin, shoes, and all, which we did. And about three months after our delivery, Master Barton, with all the residue of his company, departed from Tripolis to Zante in a vessel called a settea, of one Marcus Segoorus, who dwelt in Zante; and, after our arrival at Zante, we remained fifteen days there aboard our vessel, before we could have Platego (that is, leave to come ashore), because the plague was in that place from whence we came, and about three days after we came ashore, thither came another settea of Marseilles, bound for Constantinople. Then did Master Barton and his company, with two more of our company, ship themselves as passengers in the same settea and went to Constantinople. But the other nine of us that remained in Zante, about three months after, shipped ourselves in a ship of the said Marcus Segoorus, which came to Zante, and was bound for England. In which three months the soldiers of Tripolis killed the said king; and then the king's son, according to the custom there, went to Constantinople, to surrender up all his father's treasure, goods, captives, and concubines unto the Great Turk, and took with him our said purser Richard Burges, and James Smith, and also the other two Englishmen which he the king's son had enforced to become Turks as is aforesaid. And they, the said Englishmen, finding now some opportunity, concluded with the Christian captives which were going with them unto Constantinople, being in number about 150, to kill the king's son and all the Turks which were aboard of the galley, and privily the said Englishmen conveyed unto the said Christian captives weapons for that purpose. And when they came into the main sea, towards Constantinople (upon the faithful promise of the said Christian captives) these four Englishmen leapt suddenly into the crossia--that is, into the middest of the galley, where the cannon lieth--and with their swords drawn, did fight against all the foresaid Turks, and for want of help of the said Christian captives, who falsely brake their promises, the said Master Blonket's boy was killed and the said James Smith, and our purser Richard Burges, and the other Englishmen were taken and bound into chains, to be hanged at their arrival in Constantinople. And, as the Lord's will was, about two days after, passing through the Gulf of Venice, at an island called Cephalonia, they met with two of the Duke of Venice, his galleys, which took that galley, and killed the king's son and his mother, and all the Turks that were there, in number 150, and they saved the Christian captives; and would have killed the two Englishmen, because they were circumcised and become Turks, had not the other Christian captives excused them, saying that they were enforced to be Turks by the king's son, and showed the Venetians how they did enterprise at sea to fight against all the Turks, and that their two fellows were slain in that fight. Then the Venetians saved them, and they, with all the residue of the said captives, had their liberty, which were in number 150 or thereabouts, and the said galley and all the Turks' treasure was confiscated to the use of the State of Venice. And from thence our two Englishmen travelled homeward by land, and in this meantime we had one more of our company which died in Zante, and afterwards the other eight shipped themselves at Zante in a ship of the said Marcus Segoorus which was bound for England. And before we departed thence, there arrived the Ascension and the George Bonaventure of London, in Cephalonia, in a harbour there called Arrogostoria, whose merchants agreed with the merchants of our ship, and so laded all the merchandise of our ship into the said ships of London, who took us eight also in as passengers, and so we came home. And within two months after our arrival at London our said purser Richard Burges, and his fellow, came home also, for the which we are bound to praise Almighty God during our lives, and, as duty bindeth us, to pray for the preservation of our most gracious Queen, for the great care her Majesty had over us, her poor subjects, in seeking and procuring of our deliverance aforesaid, and also for her Honourable Privy Council; and I especially for the prosperity and good estate of the house of the late deceased, the Right Honourable the Earl of Bedford, whose honour I must confess most diligently, at the suit of my father now departed, travailed herein--for the which I rest continually bounden to him, whose soul I doubt not but already is in the heavens in joy, with the Almighty, unto which place He vouchsafed to bring us all, that for our sins suffered most vile and shameful death upon the cross, there to live perpetually world without end. Amen. THE QUEEN'S LETTERS TO THE TURK, 1584, FOR THE RESTITUTION OF THE SHIP, CALLED THE JESUS, AND THE ENGLISH CAPTIVES DETAINED IN TRIPOLIS, IN BARBARY, AND FOR CERTAIN OTHER PRISONERS IN ALGIERS. Elizabeth, by the grace of the Most High God and only Maker of Heaven and Earth, of England, France, and Ireland Queen, and of the Christian faith, against all the idolaters and false professors of the name of Christ dwelling among the Christians, most invincible and puissant Defender; to the most valiant and invincible Prince, Sultan Murad Can, the most mighty ruler of the Kingdom of Mussulman and of the East Empire, the only and highest monarch above all, health and many happy and fortunate years, with great abundance of the best things. Most noble and puissant Emperor, about two years now past, we wrote unto your Imperial Majesty that our well-beloved servant, William Harebrown, a man of great reputation and honour, might be received under your high authority for our ambassador in Constantinople and other places, under the obedience of your Empire of Mussulman; and also that the Englishmen being our subjects might exercise intercourse and merchandise in all those provinces no less freely than the French, Polonians, Venetians, Germans, and other your confederates, which travel through divers of the East parts endeavouring that by mutual traffic the East may be joined and knit to the West. Which privileges, when as your most puissant Majesty by your letters and under your dispensation most liberally and favourably granted to our subjects of England, we could no less do but in that respect give you as great thanks as our heart could conceive, trusting that it will come to pass that this order of traffic so well ordained will bring with itself most great profits and commodities to both sides, as well to the parties subject to your Empire as to the provinces of our Kingdom. Which thing, that it may be done in plain and effectual manner, whereas some of our subjects of late at Tripolis in Barbary, and at Algiers, were by the inhabitants of those places (being perhaps ignorant of your pleasure) evil intreated and grievously vexed, we do friendly and lovingly desire your Imperial Majesty that you will understand their causes by our ambassador, and afterward give commandment to the lieutenants and presidents of those provinces, that our people may henceforth freely, without any violence or injury, travel and do their business in those places. And we again with all endeavour shall study to perform all those things which we shall in any wise understand to be acceptable to your Imperial Majesty, which God, the only Maker of the World, Most Best and Most Great, long keep in health and flourishing. Given in our Palace at London, the 5th day of the month of September, in the year of Jesus Christ our Saviour 1584, and of our reign the twenty-sixth. THE COMMANDMENT OBTAINED OF THE GRAND SIGNIOR BY HER MAJESTY'S AMBASSADOR, FOR THE QUIET PASSING OF HER SUBJECTS TO AND FROM HIS DOMINIONS, SENT IN ANNO 1584 TO THE VICEROYS, ALGIERS, TUNIS, AND TRIPOLIS IN BARBARY. To our Beglerbeg of Algiers. We certify thee by this our commandment that the right honourable William Harebrowne, ambassador to the Queen's Majesty of England, hath signified unto us that the ships of that country, in their coming and returning to and from our Empire, on the one part of the seas have the Spaniards, Florentines, Sicilians, and Maltese, on the other part our countries, committed to your charge, which above said Christians will not quietly suffer their egress and regress into and out of our dominions, but to take and make the men captives, and forfeit the ships and goods, as the last year the Maltese did one which they took at Gerbi, and to that end do continually lie in wait for them to their destruction, whereupon they are constrained to stand to their defence at any such times as they might meet with them; wherefore considering by this means they must stand upon their guard when they shall see any galley afar off, whereby if meeting with any of your galleys, and not knowing them, in their defence they do shoot at them, and yet after, when they do certainly know them, do not shoot any more, but require to pass peaceably on their voyage, which you would deny, saying, "The peace is broken, for that you have shot at us, and so do make prize of them, contrary to our privileges, and against reason:" for the preventing of which inconvenience the said ambassador hath required this our commandment. We therefore command thee that upon sight hereof then do not permit any such matter in no sort whatsoever, but suffer the said Englishmen to pass in peace, according to the tenor of our commandment given, without any disturbance or let by any means upon the way, although that, meeting with thy galleys, and not knowing them afar off, they, taking them for enemies, should shoot at them, yet shall ye not suffer them to hurt them therefor, but quietly to pass. Wherefore look thou, that they may have right according to our privilege given them, and finding any that absenteth himself and will not obey this our commandment, presently certify us to our porch, that we may give order for his punishment; and with reverence give faithful credit to this our commandment, which having read, thou shalt again return it unto them that present it. From our palace in Constantinople, the prime of June, 1584. THE TURK'S LETTER TO THE KING OF TRIPOLIS, IN BARBARY, COMMANDING THE RESTITUTION OF AN ENGLISH SHIP, CALLED THE JESUS, WITH THE MEN AND GOODS, SENT FROM CONSTANTINOPLE BY MAHOMET BEG, A JUSTICE OF THE GREAT TURK'S, AND AN ENGLISH GENTLEMAN, CALLED MASTER EDWARD BARTON. ANNO 1584. Honourable and most worthy Pasha Romadan Beglerbeg, most wise and prudent judge of the West Tripolis, we wish the end of all thy enterprises happy and prosperous. By these our Highness's letters we certify thee that the Right Honourable William Harebrowne, Ambassador in our most famous porch for the most excellent Queen's Majesty of England, in person and by letters hath certified our Highness that a certain ship, with all her furniture and artillery, worth two thousand ducats, arriving in the port of Tripolis, and discharged of her lading and merchandise, paid our custom according to order, and again the merchants laded their ship with oil, which by constraint they were enforced to buy of you, and having answered in like manner the custom for the same, determined to depart. A Frenchman, assistant to the merchant, unknown to the Englishmen, carried away with him another Frenchman indebted to a certain Moor in four hundred ducats, and by force caused the Englishmen and ship to depart, who, neither suspecting fraud nor deceit, hoisted sails. In the meantime, this man, whose debtor the Frenchman had stolen away, went to the Pasha with a supplication, by whose means, and force of the Castle, the Englishmen were constrained to return into the port, where the Frenchman, author of the evil, with the master of the ship, an Englishman, innocent of the crime, were hanged, and five-and-twenty Englishmen cast into prison, of whom, through famine and thirst, and stink of the prison, eleven died, and the rest were like to die. Further, it was signified to our Majesty also that the merchandise and other goods with the ship were worth seven thousand six hundred ducats. Which things, if they be so, this is our commandment, which was granted and given by our Majesty, that the English ship, and all the merchandise, and whatsoever else was taken away, be wholly restored, and that the Englishmen be let go free, and suffered to return into their country. Wherefore, when this our commandment shall come unto thee, we straightly command that the foresaid business be diligently looked unto and discharged. And if it be so that a Frenchman, and no Englishman, hath done this craft and wickedness, unknown to the Englishmen, and, as author of the wickedness, is punished, and that the Englishmen committed nothing against the peace and league, or their articles; also, if they paid custom according to order, it is against law, custom of countries, and their privilege, to hinder or hurt them. Neither is it meet their ship, merchandise, and all their goods taken should be withholden. We will, therefore, that the English ship, merchandise, and all other their goods, without exception, be restored to the Englishmen; also, that the men be let go free, and, if they will, let none hinder them to return peaceably into their country; do not commit that they another time complain of this matter, and how this business is despatched certify us at our most famous porch. Dated in the city of Constantinople, in the nine hundred and ninety-second year of Mahomet, and in the end of the month of October, and the year of Jesus 1584. A LETTER OF MASTER WILLIAM HAREBROWNE, THE ENGLISH AMBASSADOR, LEDGER IN CONSTANTINOPLE, TO THE PASHA ROMADAN, THE BEGLERBEG OF TRIPOLIS, IN BARBARY, FOR THE RESTORING OF AN ENGLISH SHIP, CALLED THE JESUS, WITH GOODS AND MEN DETAINED AS SLAVES, 1585. Right Honourable Lord, it hath been signified unto us by divers letters, what hath fallen out concerning a certain ship of ours, called the Jesus, into which, for the help of Richard Skegs, one of our merchants in the same, now deceased, there was admitted a certain Frenchman, called Romaine Sonnings, which for his ill behaviour, according to his deserts, seeking to carry away with him another Frenchman, which was indebted to certain of your people, without paying his creditors, was hanged by sentence of justice, together with Andrew Dier, the master of the said ship, who, simply and without fraud, giving credit to the said Frenchman, without any knowledge of this evil fact, did not return when he was commanded by your honourable lordship. The death of the said lewd Frenchman we approve as a thing well done, but contrariwise, whereas your lordship hath confiscated the said ship, with the goods therein, and hath made slaves of the mariners, as a thing altogether contrary to the privileges of the Grand Signior, granted four years since, and confirmed by us, on the behalf of the most excellent the Queen's Majesty of England, our mistress, and altogether contrary to the league of the said Grand Signior, who, being fully informed of the aforesaid cause, hath granted unto us his royal commandment of restitution, which we send unto your honourable lordship by the present bearer, Edward Barton, our secretary, and Mahomet Beg, one of the justices of his stately court, with other letters of the most excellent Admiral and most valiant captain of the sea, requiring your most honourable lordship, as well on the behalf of the Grand Signior as of the Queen's most Excellent Majesty, my mistress, that the men, oils, ship, furniture, money, and all other goods whatsoever, by your lordship and your order taken from our men, be restored unto this my secretary freely, without delay, as the Grand Signior of his goodness hath granted unto us, especially in regard that the same oils were bought by the commandment of our Queen's most Excellent Majesty for the provision of her Court. Which if you perform not, we protest by these our letters against you, that you are the cause of all the inconveniences which may ensue upon this occasion, as the author thereof contrary to the holy league sworn by both our princes, as by the privileges, which this our servant will show you, may appear. For the seeing of which league performed, we remain here as Ledger in this stately court, and by this means you shall answer in another world unto God alone, and in this world unto the Grand Signior, for this heinous sin committed by you against so many poor souls, which by this your cruelty are in part dead, and in part detained by you in most miserable captivity. Contrariwise, if it shall please you to avoid this mischief, and to remain in the favour of Almighty God and of our princes, you shall friendly fulfil this our just demand (as it behoveth you to show yourself a prudent governor and faithful servant unto your lord), and the same may turn to your great honour and profit by the trade of merchandise, which our men in time to come may use in that government of yours, which, generally, as well those poor men as all others which you shall meet at the sea, ought to be, according to the commandment of the Grand Signior, friendly entertained and received of your honourable lordship; and we will not fail in the duties of a special friend whatsoever you shall have occasion to use us as we desire. Almighty God grant unto your lordship (in the fulfilling of this our just request, whereby we may be delivered from further trouble in this matter and yourself from further displeasure) all true felicity and increase of honour. Given in our palace from Capamat, in Pera, the 15th of January, 1585. A BRIEF EXTRACT SPECIFYING THE CERTAIN DAILY PAYMENTS, ANSWERED QUARTERLY IN TIME OF PEACE, BY THE GRAND SIGNIOR, OUT OF HIS TREASURY, TO THE OFFICERS OF HIS SERAGLIO OR COURT, SUCCESSIVELY IN DEGREES; COLLECTED IN A YEARLY TOTAL SUM AS FOLLOWETH: For his own diet every day, one thousand and one aspers, according to a former custom received from his ancestors; notwithstanding that otherwise his diurnal expense is very much, and not certainly known, which sum maketh sterling money by the year, two thousand one hundred and ninety-two pounds, three shillings, and eightpence. The forty-five thousand janisaries, reparted into sundry places of his dominions, at five aspers a day, amounteth by the year, five hundred fourscore and eleven thousand and three hundred pounds. The azamoglans' tribute children far surmount that number, for that they are collected from among the Christians, from whom between the years of five and twelve they are pulled away yearly perforce; whereof I suppose those in service may be equal in number with the janisaries abovesaid, at three aspers a day, one with another, which is two hundred fourscore and fifteen thousand five hundred and fifty pounds. The five Pashas whereof the Viceroy is supreme, at one thousand aspers the day, besides their yearly revenues, amounteth sterling by the year, ten thousand nine hundred and fifty pounds. The five Beglerbegs, chief presidents of Greece, Hungary, and Slavonia, being in Europe, in Anatolia, and Carmania of Asia, at one thousand aspers the day; as also to eighteen other governors of provinces at five hundred aspers the day, amounteth by the year thirty thousand five hundred and threescore pounds. The Pasha, admiral of the sea, one thousand aspers the day, two thousand one hundred fourscore and ten thousand pounds. The Aga of the janisaries, general of the footmen, five hundred aspers the day, and maketh by the year in sterling money one thousand fourscore and fifteen pounds. The Imbrahur Pasha, master of his horse, one hundred and fifty aspers the day, in sterling money three hundred and eight and twenty pounds. The chief esquire under him, one hundred and fifty aspers, is three hundred and eight and twenty pounds. The Agas of the Spahi, captains of the horsemen, five at one hundred and fifty aspers to either of them, maketh sterling one thousand nine hundred threescore and eleven pounds. The Capagi Pashas, head porters, four, one hundred and fifty aspers to each, and maketh out in sterling money by the year, one thousand three hundred and fourteen pounds. The Sisinghir Pasha, controller of the household, one hundred and twenty aspers the day, and maketh out in sterling money by the year, two hundred threescore and two pounds, sixteen shillings. The Chiaus Pasha, captain of the pensioners, one hundred and twenty aspers the day, and amounteth to, by the year, in sterling money, two hundred threescore and two pounds, sixteen shillings. The Capigilar Caiafi, captain of his barge, one hundred and twenty aspers the day, and maketh out by the year, in sterling money, two hundred threescore and two pounds, sixteen shillings. The Solach Bassi, captain of his guard, one hundred and twenty aspers, two hundred threescore and two pounds, sixteen shillings. The Giebrigi Bassi, master of the armoury, one hundred and twenty aspers, two hundred threescore and two pounds, sixteen shillings. The Topagi Bassi, master of the artillery, one hundred and twenty aspers, two hundred threescore and two pounds, sixteen shillings. The Echim Bassi, physician to his person, one hundred and twenty aspers, two hundred threescore and two pounds, sixteen shillings. The forty physicians under him, to each forty aspers is three thousand eight hundred threescore and six pounds, sixteen shillings. The Mustafaracas, spearmen attending on his person, in number 500, to either threescore aspers, and maketh sterling threescore and five thousand and seven hundred pounds. The Cisingeri, gentlemen attending upon his diet, forty, at forty aspers each of them, and amounteth to sterling by the year, three thousand five hundred and four pounds. The Chiausi, pensioners, four hundred and forty, at thirty aspers, twenty-eight thousand nine hundred and eight pounds. The Capagi, porters of the Court and city, four hundred at eight aspers, and maketh sterling money by the year, seven thousand and eight pounds. The Solachi, archers of his guard, three hundred and twenty, at nine aspers, and cometh unto, in English money, the sum of six thousand three hundred and six pounds. The Spahi, men of arms of the Court and the city, ten thousand, at twenty-five aspers, and maketh of English money, five hundred forty and seven thousand and five hundred pounds. The Janisaries, sixteen thousand, at six aspers, is two hundred and ten thousand and two hundred and forty pounds. The Giebegi, furbishers of armour, one thousand five hundred, at six aspers, and amounteth to sterling money, nineteen thousand seven hundred and fourscore pounds. The Seiefir, servitors in his esquire or stable, five hundred, at two aspers, and maketh sterling money, two thousand one hundred fourscore and ten pounds. The Saefi, saddlers and bit-makers, five hundred, at seven aspers, seven thousand six hundred threescore and five pounds. The Capergi, carriers upon mules, two hundred, at five aspers, two thousand one hundred fourscore and ten pounds. The Ginegi, carriers upon camels, one thousand five hundred, at eight aspers, and amounteth in sterling money to twenty-six thousand two hundred and fourscore pounds. The Reiz, or captains of the galleys, three hundred, at ten aspers, and amounteth in English money, by the year, the sum of six thousand five hundred threescore and ten pounds. The Alechingi, masters of the said galleys, three hundred, at seven aspers, four thousand five hundred fourscore and nineteen pounds. The Getti, boatswains thereof, three hundred, at six aspers, is three thousand nine hundred forty and two pounds. The Oda Bassi, pursers, three hundred, at five aspers, maketh three thousand two hundred and fourscore pounds. The Azappi, soldiers, two thousand six hundred, at four aspers, whereof the five hundred do continually keep the galleys, two-and-twenty thousand seven hundred fourscore and six pounds. The Mariers Bassi, masters over the shipwrights and caulkers of the navy, nine, at twenty aspers the piece, amounteth to three thousand fourscore and four pounds, four shillings. The Master Dassi, shipwrights and caulkers, one thousand, at fourteen aspers, and amounteth to, by the year, thirty thousand six hundred and threescore pounds. Summa totalis of daily payments amounteth by the year sterling one million nine hundred threescore eight thousand seven hundred and thirtyfive pounds, nineteen shillings, and eight pence, answered quarterly without default with the sum of four hundred fourscore twelve thousand one hundred fourscore and four pounds, four shillings, and eleven pence, and is for every day five thousand three hundred fourscore and thirteen pounds, fifteen shillings, and ten pence. ANNUITIES OF LANDS NEVER IMPROVED FIVE TIMES MORE IN VALUE THAN THEIR SUMS MENTIONED, GIVEN BY THE SAID GRAND SIGNIOR AS FOLLOWETH: To the Viceroy for his timar or annuity, 60,000 gold ducats. To the second pasha for his annuity, 50,000 ducats. To the third pasha for his annuity, 40,000 ducats. To the fourth pasha for his annuity, 30,000 ducats. To the fifth pasha for his annuity, 20,000 ducats. To the captain of the janisaries, 20,000 ducats. To the Jou Merhor Bassi, master of his horse, 15,000 ducats. To the captain of the pensioners, 10,000 ducats. To the captain of his guard, 5,000 ducats. Summa totalis, 90,000 livres sterling. Besides these above specified be sundry other annuities, given to divers others of his aforesaid officers, as also to certain persons called Sahims, diminishing from three thousand to two hundred ducats, esteemed treble to surmount the annuity abovesaid. THE TURK'S CHIEF OFFICERS. The Viceroy is high treasurer, notwithstanding that under him be three sub-treasurers, called Testaders, which be accountable to him of the receipts out of Europe, Asia, and Africa, save their yearly annuity of lands. The Lord Chancellor is called Nissangi Pasha, who sealeth with a certain proper character such licenses, safe-conducts, passports, especial grants, etc., as proceed from the Grand Signior; notwithstanding all letters to foreign princes so firmed be after enclosed in a bag and sealed by the Grand Signior, with a signet which he ordinarily weareth about his neck, credited of them to have been of ancient appertaining to King Solomon the Wise. The Admiral giveth his voice in the election of all begies, captains of islands (to whom he giveth their charge), as also appointeth the sub-pashas, bailies or constables over cities and towns upon the sea-coasts about Constantinople and in the Archipelago, whereof he reapeth great profit. The Sub-Bassi of Pera payeth him nearly fifteen thousand ducats, and so likewise either of the others, according as they are placed. The Resistop serveth in office to the Viceroy and Chancellor as secretary, and so likewise doth the Cogy, Master of the Rolls, before which two pass all writings presented to or granted by the said Viceroy and Chancellor, offices of especial credit and like profit, moreover rewarded with annuities of lands. There be also two chief judges named Ladies Lisguire, the one over Europe and the other over Asia and Africa, which in court do sit on the bench at the left hand of the pashas. These sell all offices to the under-judges of the land called Cadies, whereof is one in every city or town, before whom all matters of controversy are by judgment decided, as also penalties and corrections for crimes ordained to be executed upon the offenders by the Sub-bassi. THE NUMBER OF SOLDIERS CONTINUALLY ATTENDING UPON THE BEGLERBEGS, THE GOVERNORS OF PROVINCES, AND SANGIACKS, AND THEIR PETTY CAPTAINS MAINTAINED OF THESE PROVINCES. The Beglerbegs of . . . Persons. Graecia 40,000 Buda 15,000 Slavonia 15,000 Anatolia 15,000 Caramania 15,000 Armenia 18,000 Persia 20,000 Usdrum 15,000 Chirusta 15,000 Caraemiti 30,000 Giersul 32,000 Bagdad 25,000 Balsara 22,000 Lassaija 17,000 Aleppo 25,000 Damascus 17,000 Cairo 12,000 Abes 12,000 Mecca 8,000 Cyprus 18,000 Tunis, in Barbary 8,000 Tripolis, in Syria 8,000 Algiers 40,000 Whose sangiacks and petty captains be three hundred and sixty-eight, every of which retaining continually in pay from five hundred to two hundred soldiers, may be, one with another, at least three hundred thousand persons. CHIEF OFFICERS IN HIS SERAGLIO ABOUT HIS PERSON BE THESE: Capiaga, high porter. Alnader Bassi, treasurer. Oda Bassi, chamberlain. Killergi Bassi, steward. Saraiaga, controller. Peskerolen, groom of the chamber. Edostoglan, gentleman of the ewer. Sehetaraga, armour-bearer. Choataraga, he that carrieth his riding cloak. Ebietaraga, groom of the stool. There be many other meaner offices, which I esteem superfluous to write. THE TURK'S YEARLY REVENUE. The Grand Signior's annual revenue is said to be fourteen millions and a half of golden ducats, which is sterling five millions eightscore thousand pounds. The tribute paid by the Christians, his subjects, is one gold ducat yearly for the redemption of every head, which may amount unto not so little as one million of golden ducats, which is sterling three hundred and threescore thousand pounds. Moreover, in time of war he exacteth manifold sums, for maintenance of his army and navy, of the said Christians. The Emperor payeth him yearly tribute for Hungary threescore thousand dollars, which is sterling thirteen thousand pounds, besides presents to the Viceroy and pashas, which are said to surmount twenty thousand dollars. AMBASSADORS' ALLOWANCES. The ambassador of the Emperor is allowed one thousand aspers the day. The ambassador of the French king heretofore enjoyed the like; but of late years, by means of displeasure conceived by Mahomet, then Viceroy, it was reduced to six crowns the day, besides the provision of his esquire of stable. The ambassador of Poland and for the State of Venice are not Ledgers as these two abovesaid. The said Polack is allowed twelve French crowns the day during his abode, which may be for a month. Very seldom do the State of Venice send any ambassador otherwise than enforced of urgent necessity; but instead thereof keep there their agent, president over their merchants, of them termed a bailiff, who hath no allowance of the Grand Signior, although his port and state is in manner as magnifical as the other aforesaid ambassadors'. The Spanish ambassador was equal with others in janisaries; but for so much as he would not, according to custom, follow the list of other ambassadors in making presents to the Grand Signior, he had no allowance. His abode there was three years, at the end whereof, having concluded a truce for six years, taking place from his first coming in November last past, he was never admitted to the presence of the Grand Signior. ----- A TRUE REPORT OF A WORTHY FIGHT, PERFORMED IN THE VOYAGE FROM TURKEY BY FIVE SHIPS OF LONDON, AGAINST ELEVEN GALLEYS AND TWO FRIGATES OF THE KING OF SPAIN'S, AT PANTALAREA, WITHIN THE STRAITS, ANNO 1586. WRITTEN BY PHILIP JONES. The merchants of London, being of the incorporation for the Turkey trade, having received intelligences and advertisements from time to time that the King of Spain, grudging at the prosperity of this kingdom, had not only of late arrested all English ships, bodies, and goods in Spain, but also, maligning the quiet traffic which they used, to and in the dominions and provinces under the obedience of the Great Turk, had given orders to the captains of his galleys in the Levant to hinder the passage of all English ships, and to endeavour by their best means to intercept, take, and spoil them, their persons and goods; they hereupon thought it their best course to set out their fleet for Turkey in such strength and ability for their defence that the purpose of their Spanish enemy might the better be prevented, and the voyage accomplished with greater security to the men and ships. For which cause, five tall and stout ships appertaining to London, and intending only a merchant's voyage, were provided and furnished with all things belonging to the seas, the names whereof were these:-- 1. The Merchant Royal, a very brave and goodly ship, and of great report. 2. The Toby. 3. The Edward Bonaventure. 4. The William and John. 5. The Susan. These five departing from the coast of England in the month of November, 1585, kept together as one fleet till they came as high as the isle of Sicily, within the Levant. And there, according to the order and direction of the voyage, each ship began to take leave of the rest, and to separate himself, setting his course for the particular port whereunto he was bound--one for Tripolis in Syria, another for Constantinople, the chief city of the Turk's empire, situated upon the coast of Roumelia, called of old Thracia, and the rest to those places whereunto they were privately appointed. But before they divided themselves, they altogether consulted of and about a certain and special place for their meeting again after the lading of their goods at their several ports. And in conclusion, the general agreement was to meet at Zante, an island near to the main continent of the west part of Morea, well known to all the pilots, and thought to be the fittest place for their rendezvous; concerning which meeting it was also covenanted on each side and promised that whatsoever ship of these five should first arrive at Zante, should there stay and expect the coming of the rest of the fleet for the space of twenty days. This being done, each man made his best haste, according as wind and weather would serve him, to fulfil his course and to despatch his business; and no need was there to admonish or encourage any man, seeing no time was ill-spent nor opportunity omitted on any side in the performance of each man's duty, according to his place. It fell out that the Toby, which was bound for Constantinople, had made such good speed, and gotten such good weather, that she first of all the rest came back to the appointed place of Zante, and not forgetting the former conclusion, did there cast anchor, attending the arrival of the rest of the fleet, which accordingly (their business first performed) failed not to keep promise. The first next after the Toby was the Royal Merchant, which, together with the William and John, came from Tripolis in Syria, and arrived in Zante within the compass of the aforesaid time limited. These ships, in token of the joy on all parts conceived for their happy meeting, spared not the discharging of their ordnance, the sounding of drums and trumpets, the spreading of ensigns, with other warlike and joyful behaviours, expressing by these outward signs the inward gladness of their minds, being all as ready to join together in mutual consent to resist the cruel enemy, as now in sporting manner they made mirth and pastime among themselves. These three had not been long in the haven but the Edward Bonaventure, together with the Susan her consort, were come from Venice with their lading, the sight of whom increased the joy of the rest, and they, no less glad of the presence of the others, saluted them in most friendly and kind sort, according to the manner of the seas. And whereas some of these ships stood at that instant in some want of victuals, they were all content to stay in the port till the necessities of each ship were supplied, and nothing wanted to set out for their return. In this port of Zante the news was fresh and current of two several armies and fleets, provided by the King of Spain, and lying in wait to intercept them: the one consisting of thirty strong galleys, so well appointed in all respects for the war that no necessary thing wanted, and this fleet hovered about the Straits of Gibraltar. The other army had in it twenty galleys, whereof some were of Sicily and some of the island of Malta, under the charge and government of John Andreas Dorea, a captain of name serving the King of Spain. These two divers and strong fleets waited and attended in the seas for none but the English ships, and no doubt made their account and sure reckoning that not a ship should escape their fury. And the opinion also of the inhabitants of the isle of Zante was, that in respect of the number of galleys in both these armies having received such strait commandment from the king, our ships and men being but few and little in comparison of them, it was a thing in human reason impossible that we should pass either without spoiling, if we resisted, or without composition at the least, and acknowledgment of duty to the Spanish king. But it was neither the report of the attendance of these armies, nor the opinions of the people, nor anything else, that could daunt or dismay the courage of our men, who, grounding themselves upon the goodness of their cause and the promise of God to be delivered from such as without reason sought their destruction, carried resolute minds notwithstanding all impediments to adventure through the seas, and to finish their navigation maugre the beards of the Spanish soldiers. But lest they should seem too careless and too secure of their estate, and by laying the whole and entire burden of their safety upon God's Providence should foolishly presume altogether of His help, and neglect the means which was put into their hands, they failed not to enter into counsel among themselves and to deliberate advisedly for their best defence. And in the end, with general consent, the Merchant Royal was appointed Admiral of the fleet, and the Toby Vice-Admiral, by whose orders the rest promised to be directed, and each ship vowed not to break from another whatsoever extremity should fall out, but to stand to it to the death, for the honour of their country and the frustrating of the hope of the ambitious and proud enemy. Thus in good order they left Zante and the Castle of Grecia, and committed themselves again to the seas, and proceeded in their course and voyage in quietness, without sight of any enemy till they came near to Pantalarea, an island so called betwixt Sicily and the coast of Africa; into sight whereof they came the 13th day of July, 1586. And the same day, in the morning, about seven of the clock, they descried thirteen sails in number, which were of the galleys lying in wait of purpose for them in and about that place. As soon as the English ships had spied them, they by-and-bye, according to a common order, made themselves ready for a fight, laid out their ordnance, scoured, charged, and primed them, displayed their ensigns, and left nothing undone to arm themselves thoroughly. In the meantime, the galleys more and more approached the ships, and in their banners there appeared the arms of the isles of Sicily and Malta, being all as then in the service and pay of the Spaniard. Immediately both the Admirals of the galleys sent from each of them a frigate to the Admiral of our English ships, which being come near them, the Sicilian frigate first hailed them, and demanded of them whence they were; they answered that they were of England, the arms whereof appeared in their colours. Whereupon the said frigate expostulated with them, and asked why they delayed to send or come with their captains and pursers to Don Pedro de Leiva, their General, to acknowledge their duty and obedience to him, in the name of the Spanish king, lord of those seas. Our men replied and said that they owed no such duty nor obedience to him, and therefore would acknowledge none; but commanded the frigate to depart with that answer, and not to stay longer upon her peril. With that away she went; and up came towards them the other frigate of Malta; and she in like sort hailed the Admiral, and would needs know whence they were and where they had been. Our Englishmen in the Admiral, not disdaining an answer, told them that they were of England, merchants of London, had been in Turkey, and were now returning home; and to be requited in this case, they also demanded of the frigate whence she and the rest of the galleys were. The messenger answered, "We are of Malta, and for mine own part, my name is Cavalero. These galleys are in service and pay to the King of Spain, under the conduct of Don Pedro de Leiva, a nobleman of Spain who hath been commanded hither by the king with this present force and army of purpose to intercept you. You shall therefore," quoth he, "do well to repair to him to know his pleasure; he is a nobleman of good behaviour and courtesy, and means you no ill." The captain of the English Admiral, whose name was Master Edward Wilkinson, now one of the six masters of Her Majesty's Royal Navy, replied and said, "We purpose not at this time to make trial of Don Pedro his courtesy, whereof we are suspicious and doubtful, and not without good cause;" using withal good words to the messenger, and willing him to come aboard him, promising security and good usage, that thereby he might the better know the Spaniard's mind. Whereupon he indeed left his frigate and came aboard him, whom he entertained in friendly sort, and caused a cup of wine to be drawn for him, which he took, and began, with his cap in his hand and with reverent terms, to drink to the health of the Queen of England, speaking very honourably of Her Majesty, and giving good speeches of the courteous usage and entertainment that he himself had received in London at the time that the Duke of Alencon, brother to the late French king, was last in England. And after he had well drunk, he took his leave, speaking well of the sufficiency and goodness of our ships, and especially of the Merchant Royal, which he confessed to have seen before, riding in the Thames near London. He was no sooner come to Don Pedro de Leiva, the Spanish General, but he was sent off again, and returned to the English Admiral, saying that the pleasure of the General was this, that either their captains, masters, and pursers should come to him with speed, or else he would set upon them, and either take them or sink them. The reply was made by Master Wilkinson aforesaid that not a man should come to him; and for the brag and threat of Don Pedro, it was not that Spanish bravado that should make them yield a jot to their hindrance, but they were as ready to make resistance as he to offer an injury. Whereupon Cavalero the messenger left bragging, and began to persuade them in quiet sort and with many words; but all his labour was to no purpose, and as his threat did nothing terrify them, so his persuasion did nothing move them to do that which he required. At the last he entreated to have the merchant of the Admiral carried by him as a messenger to the General, that so he might be satisfied and assured of their minds by one of their own company. But Master Wilkinson would agree to no such thing; although Richard Rowit, the merchant himself, seemed willing to be employed in that message, and laboured by reasonable persuasions to induce Master Wilkinson to grant it--as hoping to be an occasion by his presence and discreet answers to satisfy the General, and thereby to save the effusion of Christian blood, if it should grow to a battle. And he seemed so much the more willing to be sent, by how much deeper the oaths and protestations of this Cavalero were, that he would (as he was a true knight and a soldier) deliver him back again in safety to his company. Albeit, Master Wilkinson, who, by his long experience, had received sufficient trial of Spanish inconstancy and perjury, wished him in no case to put his life and liberty in hazard upon a Spaniard's oath; but at last, upon much entreaty, he yielded to let him go to the General, thinking indeed that good speeches and answers of reason would have contented him, whereas, otherwise, refusal to do so might peradventure have provoked the more discontentment. Master Rowit, therefore, passing to the Spanish General, the rest of the galleys, having espied him, thought, indeed, that the English were rather determined to yield than to fight, and therefore came flocking about the frigate, every man crying out, "Que nuevas? que nuevas? Have these Englishmen yielded?" The frigate answered, "Not so; they neither have nor purpose to yield. Only they have sent a man of their company to speak with our General." And being come to the galley wherein he was, he showed himself to Master Rowit in his armour, his guard of soldiers attending upon him, in armour also, and began to speak very proudly in this sort: "Thou Englishman, from whence is your fleet? Why stand ye aloof off? know ye not your duty to the Catholic king, whose person I here represent? Where are your bills of lading, your letters, passports, and the chief of your men? Think ye my attendance in these seas to be in vain, or my person to no purpose? Let all these things be done out of hand, as I command, upon pain of my further displeasure, and the spoil of you all." These words of the Spanish General were not so outrageously pronounced, as they were mildly answered by Master Rowit, who told him that they were all merchantmen, using traffic in honest sort, and seeking to pass quietly, if they were not urged further than reason. As for the King of Spain, he thought (for his part) that there was amity betwixt him and his Sovereign, the Queen of England, so that neither he nor his officers should go about to offer any such injury to English merchants, who, as they were far from giving offence to any man, so they would be loth to take an abuse at the hands of any, or sit down to their loss, where their ability was able to make defence. And as touching his commandment aforesaid for the acknowledging of duty in such particular sort, he told him that, where there was no duty owing there none should be performed, assuring him that their whole company and ships in general stood resolutely upon the negative, and would not yield to any such unreasonable demand, joined with such imperious and absolute manner of commanding. "Why, then," said he, "if they will neither come to yield, nor show obedience to me in the name of my king, I will either sink them or bring them to harbour; and so tell them from me." With that the frigate came away with Master Rowit, and brought him aboard to the English Admiral again, according to promise, who was no sooner entered in but by-and-bye defiance was sounded on both sides. The Spaniards hewed off the noses of the galleys, that nothing might hinder the level of the shot; and the English, on the other side, courageously prepared themselves to the combat, every man, according to his room, bent to perform his office with alacrity and diligence. In the meantime a cannon was discharged from out the Admiral of the galleys, which, being the onset of the fight, was presently answered by the English Admiral with a culverin; so the skirmish began, and grew hot and terrible. There was no powder nor shot spared, each English ship matched itself in good order against two Spanish galleys, besides the inequality of the frigates on the Spanish side. And although our men performed their parts with singular valour, according to their strength, insomuch that the enemy, as amazed therewith, would oftentimes pause and stay, and consult what was best to be done, yet they ceased not in the midst of their business to make prayer to Almighty God, the revenger of all evils and the giver of victories, that it would please Him to assist them in this good quarrel of theirs, in defending themselves against so proud a tyrant, to teach their hands to war and their fingers to fight, that the glory of the victory might redound to His name, and to the honour of true religion, which the insolent enemy sought so much to overthrow. Contrarily, the foolish Spaniards, they cried out, according to their manner, not to God, but to our Lady (as they term the Virgin Mary) saying, "Oh, Lady, help! Oh, blessed Lady, give us the victory, and the honour thereof shall be thine." Thus with blows and prayers on both sides, the fight continued furious and sharp, and doubtful a long time to which part the victory would incline, till at last the Admiral of the galleys of Sicily began to warp from the fight, and to hold up her side for fear of sinking, and after her went also two others in like case, whom all the sort of them enclosed, labouring by all their means to keep them above water, being ready by the force of English shot which they had received to perish in the seas. And what slaughter was done among the Spaniards the English were uncertain, but by a probable conjecture apparent afar off they supposed their loss was so great that they wanted men to continue the charging of their pieces; whereupon with shame and dishonour, after five hours spent in the battle, they withdrew themselves. And the English, contented in respect of their deep lading rather to continue their voyage than to follow in the chase, ceased from further blows, with the loss of only two men slain amongst them all, and another hurt in his arm, whom Master Wilkinson, with his good words and friendly promises, did so comfort that he nothing esteemed the smart of his wound, in respect of the honour of the victory and the shameful repulse of the enemy. Thus, with dutiful thanks to the mercy of God for His gracious assistance in that danger, the English ships proceeded in their navigation. And coming as high as Algiers, a port town upon the coast of Barbary, they made for it, of purpose to refresh themselves after their weariness, and to take in such supply of fresh water and victuals as they needed. They were no sooner entered into the port but immediately the king thereof sent a messenger to the ships to know what they were. With which messenger the chief master of every ship repaired to the king, and acquainted him not only with the state of their ships in respect of merchandise, but with the late fight which they had passed with the Spanish galleys, reporting every particular circumstance in word as it fell out in action; whereof the said king showed himself marvellous glad, entertaining them in the best sort, and promising abundant relief of all their wants; making general proclamation in the city, upon pain of death, that no man, of what degree or state soever he were, should presume either to hinder them in their affairs or to offer them any manner of injury in body or goods; by virtue whereof they despatched all things in excellent good sort with all favour and peaceableness. Only such prisoners and captives of the Spaniards as were in the city, seeing the good usage which they received, and hearing also what service they had performed against the foresaid galleys, grudged exceedingly against them, and sought as much as they could to practise some mischief against them. And one amongst the rest, seeing an Englishman alone in a certain lane of the city, came upon him suddenly, and with his knife thrust him in the side, yet made no such great wound but that it was easily recovered. The English company, hearing of it, acquainted the king of the fact; who immediately sent both for the party that had received the wound and the offender also, and caused an executioner, in the presence of himself and the English, to chastise the slave even to death, which was performed, to the end that no man should presume to commit the like part or to do anything in contempt of his royal commandment. The English, having received this good justice at the king's hands, and all other things that they wanted or could crave for the furnishing of their ships, took their leave of him, and of the rest of their friends that were resident in Algiers, and put out to sea, looking to meet with the second army of the Spanish king, which waited for them about the mouth of the Strait of Gibraltar, which they were of necessity to pass. But coming near to the said strait, it pleased God to raise, at that instant, a very dark and misty fog, so that one ship could not discern another if it were forty paces off, by means whereof, together with the notable fair Eastern winds that then blew most fit for their course, they passed with great speed through the strait, and might have passed, with that good gale, had there been five hundred galleys to withstand them and the air never so clear for every ship to be seen. But yet the Spanish galleys had a sight of them, when they were come within three English miles of the town, and made after them with all possible haste; and although they saw that they were far out of their reach, yet in a vain fury and foolish pride, they shot off their ordnance and made a stir in the sea as if they had been in the midst of them, which vanity of theirs ministered to our men notable matter of pleasure and mirth, seeing men to fight with shadows and to take so great pains to so small purpose. But thus it pleased God to deride and delude all the forces of that proud Spanish king, which he had provided of purpose to distress the English; who, notwithstanding, passed through both his armies--in the one, little hurt, and in the other, nothing touched, to the glory of His immortal name, the honour of our prince and country, and the just commendation of each man's service performed in that voyage. ----- THE UNFORTUNATE VOYAGE MADE WITH THE JESUS, THE MINION, AND FOUR OTHER SHIPS, TO THE PARTS OF GUINEA AND THE WEST INDIES, IN THE YEARS 1567 AND 1568. BY MASTER JOHN HAWKINS. The ships departed from Plymouth the 2nd day of October, anno 1567, and had reasonable weather until the seventh day, at which time, forty leagues north from Cape Finisterre, there arose an extreme storm which continued four days, in such sort that the fleet was dispersed and all our great boats lost, and the Jesus, our chief ship, in such case as not thought able to serve the voyage. Whereupon in the same storm we set our course homeward, determining to give over the voyage; but the 11th day of the same month the wind changed, with fair weather, whereby we were animated to follow our enterprise, and so did, directing our course to the islands of Grand Canaries, where, according to an order before prescribed, all our ships, before dispersed, met in one of those islands, called Gomera, where we took water, and departed from thence the 4th day of November towards the coast of Guinea, and arrived at Cape Verde the 18th of November, where we landed one hundred and fifty men, hoping to obtain some negroes; where we got but few, and those with great hurt and damage to our men, which chiefly proceeded from their envenomed arrows; although in the beginning they seemed to be but small hurts, yet there hardly escaped any that had blood drawn of them but died in strange sort, with their mouths shut, some ten days before they died, and after their wounds were whole; where I myself had one of the greatest wounds, yet, thanks be to God, escaped. From thence we passed the time upon the coast of Guinea, searching with all diligence the rivers from Rio Grande unto Sierra Leone till the 12th of January, in which time we had not gotten together a hundred and fifty negroes: yet, notwithstanding the sickness of our men and the late time of the year commanded us away: and thus having nothing wherewith to seek the coast of the West Indies, I was with the rest of our company in consultation to go to the coast of the Myne, hoping there to have obtained some gold for our wares, and thereby to have defrayed our charge. But even in that present instant there came to us a negro sent from a king oppressed by other kings, his neighbours, desiring our aid, with promise that as many negroes as by these wars might be obtained, as well of his part as of ours, should be at our pleasure. Whereupon we concluded to give aid, and sent one hundred and twenty of our men, which the 15th of January assaulted a town of the negroes of our allies' adversaries which had in it 8,000 inhabitants, and very strongly impaled and fenced after their manner, but it was so well defended that our men prevailed not, but lost six men, and forty hurt, so that our men sent forthwith to me for more help; whereupon, considering that the good success of this enterprise might highly further the commodity of our voyage, I went myself, and with the help of the king of our side assaulted the town, both by land and sea, and very hardly with fire (their houses being covered with dry palm leaves) obtained the town, and put the inhabitants to flight, where we took 250 persons, men, women, and children, and by our friend the king of our side there were taken 600 prisoners, whereof we hoped to have our choice, but the negro (in which nation is seldom or never found truth) meant nothing less; for that night he removed his camp and prisoners, so that we were fain to content us with those few which we had gotten ourselves. Now had we obtained between four and five hundred negroes, wherewith we thought it somewhat reasonable to seek the coast of the West Indies, and there, for our negroes, and other our merchandise, we hoped to obtain whereof to countervail our charges with some gains, whereunto we proceeded with all diligence, furnished our watering, took fuel, and departed the coast of Guinea, the third of February, continuing at the sea with a passage more hard than before hath been accustomed, till the 27th day of March, which day we had sight of an island, called Dominique, upon the coast of the West Indies, in fourteen degrees: from thence we coasted from place to place, making our traffic with the Spaniards as we might, somewhat hardly, because the king had straitly commanded all his governors in those parts by no means to suffer any trade to be made with us; notwithstanding we had reasonable trade, and courteous entertainment, from the Isle of Marguerite and Cartagena, without anything greatly worth the noting, saving at Cape de la Vela, in a town called Rio de la Hacha, from whence come all the pearls. The treasurer who had the charge there would by no means agree to any trade, or suffer us to take water. He had fortified his town with divers bulwarks in all places where it might be entered, and furnished himself with a hundred harquebusiers, so that he thought by famine to have enforced us to have put on land our negroes, of which purpose he had not greatly failed unless we had by force entered the town; which (after we could by no means obtain his favour) we were enforced to do, and so with two hundred men brake in upon their bulwarks, and entered the town with the loss only of eleven men of our parts, and no hurt done to the Spaniards, because after their volley of shot discharged, they all fled. Thus having the town, with some circumstance, as partly by the Spaniards' desire of negroes, and partly by friendship of the treasurer, we obtained a secret trade; whereupon the Spaniards resorted to us by night, and bought of us to the number of two hundred negroes: in all other places where we traded the Spaniards inhabitants were glad of us, and traded willingly. At Cartagena, the last town we thought to have seen on the coast, we could by no means obtain to deal with any Spaniard, the governor was so strait, and because our trade was so near finished, we thought not good either to adventure any landing or to detract further time, but in peace departed from thence the 24th of July, hoping to have escaped the time of their storms, which then soon after began to reign, the which they call Furicanos; but passing by the west end of Cuba, towards the coast of Florida, there happened to us, the twelfth day of August, an extreme storm, which continued by the space of four days, which so beat the Jesus, that we cut down all her higher buildings; her rudder also was sore shaken, and, withal, was in so extreme a leak, that we were rather upon the point to leave her than to keep her any longer; yet, hoping to bring all to good pass, sought the coast of Florida, where we found no place nor haven for our ships, because of the shallowness of the coast. Thus, being in greater despair, and taken with a new storm, which continued other three days, we were enforced to take for our succour the port which serveth the city of Mexico, called St. John de Ullua, which standeth in nineteen degrees, in seeking of which port we took in our way three ships, which carried passengers to the number of one hundred, which passengers we hoped should be a means to us the better to obtain victuals for our money and a quiet place for the repairing of our fleet. Shortly after this, the sixteenth of September, we entered the port of St. John de Ullua, and in our entry, the Spaniards thinking us to be the fleet of Spain, the chief officers of the country came aboard us, which, being deceived of their expectation, were greatly dismayed, but immediately, when they saw our demand was nothing but victuals, were recomforted. I found also in the same port twelve ships, which had in them, by the report, 200,000 livres in gold and silver, all which (being in my possession with the King's island, as also the passengers before in my way thitherward stayed) I set at liberty, without the taking from them the weight of a groat; only, because I would not be delayed of my despatch, I stayed two men of estimation, and sent post immediately to Mexico, which was two hundred miles from us, to the presidents and Council there, showing them of our arrival there by the force of weather, and the necessity of the repair of our ship and victuals, which wants we required, as friends to King Philip, to be furnished of for our money, and that the presidents in council there should, with all convenient speed, take order that at the arrival of the Spanish fleet, which was daily looked for, there might no cause of quarrel rise between us and them, but, for the better maintenance of amity, their commandment might be had in that behalf. This message being sent away the 16th day of September, at night, being the very day of our arrival, in the next morning, which was the sixteenth day of the same month, we saw open of the haven thirteen great ships, and understanding them to be the fleet of Spain, I sent immediately to advertise the general of the fleet of my being there, doing him to understand that, before I would suffer them to enter the port, there should be some order of conditions pass between us for our safe being there and maintenance of peace. Now, it is to be understood that this port is a little island of stones, not three feet above the water in the highest place, and but a bow-shot of length any way. This island standeth from the mainland two bow-shots or more. Also it is to be understood that there is not in all this coast any other place for ships to arrive in safety, because the north wind hath there such violence, that, unless the ships be very safely moored, with their anchors fastened upon this island, there is no remedy for these north winds but death; also, the place of the haven was so little, that of necessity the ships must ride one aboard the other, so that we could not give place to them nor they to us; and here I began to bewail the which after followed: "For now," said I, "I am in two dangers, and forced to receive the one of them." That was, either I must have kept out the fleet from entering the port (the which, with God's help, I was very well able to do), or else suffer them to enter in with their accustomed treason, which they never fail to execute where they may have opportunity, or circumvent it by any means. If I had kept them out, then had there been present shipwreck of all the fleet, which amounted in value to six millions, which was in value of our money 1,800,000 livres, which I considered I was not able to answer, fearing the Queen's Majesty's indignation in so weighty a matter. Thus with myself revolving the doubts, I thought rather better to abide the jutt of the uncertainty than the certainty. The uncertain doubt was their treason, which by good policy I hoped might be prevented; and therefore, as choosing the least mischief, I proceeded to conditions. Now was our first messenger come and returned from the fleet with report of the arrival of a Viceroy, so that he had authority, both in all this province of Mexico (otherwise called Nova Hispania) and in the sea, who sent us word that we should send our conditions, which of his part should (for the better maintenance of amity between the princes) be both favourably granted and faithfully performed, with many fair words how, passing the coast of the Indies, he had understood of our honest behaviour towards the inhabitants, where we had to do as well elsewhere as in the same port, the which I let pass, thus following our demand. We required victual for our money, and licence to sell as much ware as might furnish our wants, and that there might be of either part twelve gentlemen as hostage for the maintenance of peace, and that the island, for our better safety, might be in our own possession during our abode there, and such ordnance as was planted in the same island, which was eleven pieces of brass, and that no Spaniard might land in the island with any kind of weapon. These conditions at the first he somewhat misliked--chiefly the guard of the island to be in our own keeping; which, if they had had, we had soon known our fate; for with the first north wind they had cut our cables, and our ships had gone ashore; but in the end he concluded to our request, bringing the twelve hostages to ten, which with all speed on either part were received, with a writing from the Viceroy, signed with his hand and sealed with his seal, of all the conditions concluded, and forthwith a trumpet blown, with commandment that none of either part should inviolate the peace upon pain of death; and, further, it was concluded that the two generals of the fleet should meet, and give faith each to other for the performance of the promises, which was so done. Thus, at the end of three days, all was concluded, and the fleet entered the port, saluting one another as the manner of the sea doth require. Thus, as I said before, Thursday we entered the port, Friday we saw the fleet, and on Monday, at night, they entered the port; then we laboured two days, placing the English ships by themselves, and the Spanish ships by themselves, the captains of each part, and inferior men of their parts, promising great amity of all sides; which, even as with all fidelity was meant of our part, though the Spanish meant nothing less of their parts, but from the mainland had furnished themselves with a supply of men to the number of one thousand, and meant the next Thursday, being the 23rd of September, at dinner-time, to set upon us of all sides. The same Thursday, the treason being at hand, some appearance showed, as shifting of weapons from ship to ship, planting and bending of ordnance from the ship to the island where our men were, passing to and fro of companies of men more than required for their necessary business, and many other ill likelihoods, which caused us to have a vehement suspicion, and therewithal sent to the Viceroy to inquire what was meant by it, which sent immediately straight commandment to unplant all things suspicious, and also sent word that he, in the faith of a Viceroy, would be our defence from all villainies. Yet we, not being satisfied with this answer, because we suspected a great number of men to be hid in a great ship of nine hundred tons, which was moored next unto the Minion, sent again unto the Viceroy the master of the Jesus, which had the Spanish tongue, and required to be satisfied if any such thing were or not; on which the Viceroy, seeing that the treason must be discovered, forthwith stayed our master, blew the trumpet, and of all sides set upon us. Our men which were on guard ashore, being stricken with sudden fear, gave place, fled, and sought to recover succour of the ships; the Spaniards, being before provided for the purpose, landed in all places in multitudes from their ships, which they could easily do without boats, and slew all our men ashore without mercy, a few of them escaping aboard the Jesus. The great ship which had, by the estimation, three hundred men placed in her secretly, immediately fell aboard the Minion, which, by God's appointment, in the time of the suspicion we had, which was only one half-hour, the Minion was made ready to avoid, and so, loosing her headfasts, and hailing away by the sternfasts, she was gotten out; thus, with God's help, she defended the violence of the first brunt of these three hundred men. The Minion being passed out, they came aboard the Jesus, which also, with very much ado and the loss of many of our men, were defended and kept out. Then were there also two other ships that assaulted the Jesus at the same instant, so that she had hard work getting loose; but yet, with some time, we had cut our headfasts, and gotten out by the sternfasts. Now, when the Jesus and the Minion were gotten two ship-lengths from the Spanish fleet, the fight began hot on all sides, so that within one hour the admiral of the Spaniards was supposed to be sunk, their vice-admiral burned, and one other of their principal ships supposed to be sunk, so that the ships were little to annoy us. Then is it to be understood that all the ordnance upon the island was in the Spaniards' hands, which did us so great annoyance that it cut all the masts and yards of the Jesus in such sort, that there was no hope to carry her away; also it sank our small ships, whereupon we determined to place the Jesus on that side of the Minion, that she might abide all the battery from the land, and so be a defence for the Minion till night, and then to take such relief of victual and other necessaries from the Jesus as the time would suffer us, and to leave her. As we were thus determining, and had placed the Minion from the shot of the land, suddenly the Spaniards had fired two great ships which were coming directly to us, and having no means to avoid the fire, it bred among our men a marvellous fear, so that some said, "Let us depart with the Minion," others said, "Let us see whether the wind will carry the fire from us." But to be short, the Minion's men, which had always their sails in a readiness, thought to make sure work, and so without either consent of the captain or master, cut their sail, so that very hardly I was received into the Minion. The most part of the men that were left alive in the Jesus made shift and followed the Minion in a small boat, the rest, which the little boat was not able to receive, were enforced to abide the mercy of the Spaniards (which I doubt was very little); so with the Minion only, and the Judith (a small barque of fifty tons) we escaped, which barque the same night forsook us in our great misery. We were now removed with the Minion from the Spanish ships two bow-shots, and there rode all that night. The next morning we recovered an island a mile from the Spaniards, where there took us a north wind, and being left only with two anchors and two cables (for in this conflict we lost three cables and two anchors), we thought always upon death, which ever was present, but God preserved us to a longer time. The weather waxed reasonable, and the Saturday we set sail, and having a great number of men and little victual, our hope of life waxed less and less. Some desired to yield to the Spaniards, some rather desired to obtain a place where they might give themselves to the infidels; and some had rather abide, with a little pittance, the mercy of God at sea. So thus, with many sorrowful hearts, we wandered in an unknown sea by the space of fourteen days, till hunger enforced us to seek the land; for hides were thought very good meat; rats, cats, mice, and dogs, none escaped that might be gotten; parrots and monkeys, that were had in great prize, were thought there very profitable if they served the turn of one dinner. Thus in the end, on the 8th day of October, we came to the land in the bottom of the same bay of Mexico, in twenty-three degrees and a half, where we hoped to have found habitations of the Spaniards, relief of victuals, and place for the repair of our ship, which was so sore beaten with shot from our enemies, and bruised with shooting of our own ordnance, that our weary and weak arms were scarce able to defend and keep out the water. But all things happened to the contrary, for we found neither people, victual, nor haven of relief, but a place where, having fair weather, with some peril we might land a boat. Our people, being forced with hunger, desired to be set aland, whereunto I concluded. And such as were willing to land I put apart, and such as were desirous to go homewards I put apart, so that they were indifferently parted, a hundred of one side and a hundred of the other side. These hundred men we set on land with all diligence, in this little place aforesaid, which being landed, we determined there to refresh our water, and so with our little remain of victuals to take the sea. The next day, having on land with me fifty of our hundred men that remained, for the speedier preparing of our water aboard, there arose an extreme storm, so that in three days we could by no means repair our ships. The ship also was in such peril that every hour we looked for shipwreck. But yet God again had mercy on us, and sent fair weather. We got aboard our water, and departed the 16th day of October, after which day we had fair and prosperous weather till the 16th day of November, which day, God be praised, we were clear from the coast of the Indians and out of the channel and gulf of Bahama, which is between the cape of Florida and the islands of Cuba. After this, growing near to the cold country, our men, being oppressed with famine, died continually, and they that were left grew into such weakness that we were scarcely able to manoeuvre our ship, and the wind being always ill for us to recover England, determined to go to Galicia, in Spain, with intent there to relieve our company and other extreme wants. And being arrived the last day of December, in a place near unto Vigo, called Pontevedra, our men, with excess of fresh meat, grew into miserable diseases, and died a great part of them. This matter was borne out as long as it might be, but in the end, although there was none of our men suffered to go on land, yet by access of the Spaniards our feebleness was known to them. Whereupon they ceased not to seek by all means to betray us, but with all speed possible we departed to Vigo, where we had some help of certain English ships, and twelve fresh men, wherewith we repaired our wants as we might, and departing the 30th day of January, 1568, arrived in Mount's Bay in Cornwall the 25th of the same month, praised be God therefore. If all the misery and troublesome affairs of this sorrowful voyage should be perfectly and thoroughly written, there should need a painful man with his pen, and as great time as he had that wrote the "Lives and Deaths of the Martyrs." JOHN HAWKINS. ----- A DISCOURSE WRITTEN BY ONE MILES PHILLIPS, ENGLISHMAN, ONE OF THE COMPANY PUT ASHORE IN THE WEST INDIES BY MASTER JOHN HAWKINS IN THE YEAR 1568, CONTAINING MANY SPECIAL THINGS OF THAT COUNTRY AND OF THE SPANISH GOVERNMENT, BUT SPECIALLY OF THEIR CRUELTIES USED TO OUR ENGLISHMEN, AND AMONGST THE REST, TO HIMSELF FOR THE SPACE OF FIFTEEN OR SIXTEEN YEARS TOGETHER, UNTIL BY GOOD AND HAPPY MEANS HE WAS DELIVERED FROM THEIR BLOODY HANDS, AND RETURNED TO HIS OWN COUNTRY. ANNO 1582. THE FIRST CHAPTER. WHEREIN IS SHOWN THE DAY AND TIME OF OUR DEPARTURE FROM THE COAST OF ENGLAND, WITH THE NUMBER AND NAMES OF THE SHIPS, THEIR CAPTAINS AND MASTERS, AND OF OUR TRAFFIC AND DEALING UPON THE COAST OF AFRICA. Upon Monday, being the 2nd of October, 1567, the weather being reasonable fair, our General, Master John Hawkins, having commanded all his captains and masters to be in a readiness to make sail with him, he himself being embarked in the Jesus, whereof was appointed for master Robert Barret, hoisted sail and departed from Plymouth upon his intended voyage for the parts of Africa and America, being accompanied with five other sail of ships, as namely the Minion, wherein went for captain Master John Hampton, and John Garret, master. The William and John, wherein was Captain Thomas Bolton, and James Raunce, master. The Judith, in whom was Captain Master Francis Drake, now Knight, and the Angel, whose master, as also the captain and master of the Swallow, I now remember not. And so sailing in company together upon our voyage until the 10th of the same month, an extreme storm then took us near unto Cape Finisterre, which lasted for the space of four days, and so separated our ships that we had lost one another, and our General, finding the Jesus to be but in ill case, was in mind to give over the voyage and to return home. Howbeit, the eleventh of the same month, the seas waxing calm and the wind coming fair, he altered his purpose, and held on the former intended voyage; and so coming to the island of Gomera, being one of the islands of the Canaries, where, according to an order before appointed, we met with all our ships which were before dispersed. We then took in fresh water and departed from thence the 4th of November, and holding on our course, upon the 18th day of the same month we came to an anchor upon the coast of Africa, at Cape Verde, in twelve fathoms of water, and here our General landed certain of our men, to the number of 160 or thereabouts, seeking to take some negroes. And they, going up into the country for the space of six miles, were encountered with a great number of the negroes, who with their envenomed arrows did hurt a great number of our men, so that they were enforced to retire to the ships, in which conflict they recovered but a few negroes; and of these our men which were hurt with their envenomed arrows, there died to the number of seven or eight in very strange manner, with their mouths shut, so that we were forced to put sticks and other things into their mouths to keep them open; and so afterwards passing the time upon the coast of Guinea, until the 12th of January, we obtained by that time the number of one hundred and fifty negroes. And being ready to depart from the sea coast, there was a negro sent as an ambassador to our General, from a king of the negroes, which was oppressed with other kings, his bordering kings, desiring our General to grant him succour and aid against those his enemies, which our General granted unto, and went himself in person on land with the number of 200 of our men, or thereabouts, and the said king which had requested our aid, did join his force with ours, so that thereby our General assaulted and set fire upon a town of the said king his enemies, in which there was at the least the number of eight or ten thousand negroes, and they, perceiving that they were not able to make any resistance, sought by flight to save themselves, in which their flight there were taken prisoners to the number of eight or nine hundred, which our General ought to have had for his share; howbeit the negro king, which requested our aid, falsifying his word and promise, secretly in the night conveyed himself away with as many prisoners as he had in his custody; but our General, notwithstanding finding himself to have now very near the number of 500 negroes, thought it best without longer abode to depart with them and such merchandise as he had from the coast of Africa towards the West Indies, and therefore commanded with all diligence to take in fresh water and fuel, and so with speed to prepare to depart. Howbeit, before we departed from thence, in a storm that we had, we lost one of our ships, namely, the William and John, of which ship and her people we heard no tidings during the time of our voyage. THE SECOND CHAPTER. WHEREIN IS SHOWED THE DAY AND TIME OF OUR DEPARTURE FROM THE COAST OF AFRICA, WITH THE DAY AND TIME OF OUR ARRIVAL IN THE WEST INDIES, ALSO OF OUR TRADE AND TRAFFIC THERE, AND ALSO OF THE GREAT CRUELTY THAT THE SPANIARDS USED TOWARDS US, BY THE VICEROY HIS DIRECTION AND APPOINTMENT, FALSIFYING HIS FAITH AND PROMISE GIVEN, AND SEEKING TO HAVE ENTRAPPED US. All things being made in a readiness at our General his appointment, upon the 3rd day of February, 1568, we departed from the coast of Africa, having the weather somewhat tempestuous; which made our passage the more hard, and sailing so for the space of twenty-five days, upon the 27th March, 1568, we came in sight of an island called Dominique, upon the coast of America, in the West Indies, situated in fourteen degrees of latitude, and two hundred and twenty-two of longitude. From thence our General coasted from place to place, ever making traffic with the Spaniards and Indians, as he might, which was somewhat hardly obtained, for that the king had straitly charged all his governors in those parts not to trade with any. Yet notwithstanding, during the months of April and May, our General had reasonable trade and traffic, and courteous entertainment in sundry places, as at Marguerite, Corassoa, and elsewhere, until we came to Cape de la Vela, and Rio de la Hacha (a place from whence all the pearls do come). The governor there would not by any means permit us to have any trade or traffic, nor yet suffer us to take in fresh water; by means whereof our General, for the avoiding of famine and thirst, about the beginning of June was enforced to land 200 of our men, and so by main force and strength to obtain that which by no fair means he could procure; and so recovering the town with the loss of two of our men, there was a secret and peaceable trade admitted, and the Spaniards came in by night, and bought of our negroes to the number of 200 and upwards, and of our other merchandise also. From thence we departed for Cartagena, where the governor was so strait that we could not obtain any traffic there, and so for that our trade was near finished, our General thought it best to depart from thence the rather for the avoiding of certain dangerous storms called the huricanoes, which accustomed to begin there about that time of the year, and so the 24th of July, 1568, we departed from thence, directing our course north, leaving the islands of Cuba upon our right hand, to the eastward of us, and so sailing towards Florida, upon the 12th of August an extreme tempest arose, which dured for the space of eight days, in which our ships were most dangerously tossed, and beaten hither and thither, so that we were in continual fear to be drowned, by reason of the shallowness of the coast, and in the end we were constrained to flee for succour to the port of St. John de Ullua, or Vera Cruz, situated in nineteen degrees of latitude, and in two hundred and seventy-nine degrees of longitude, which is the port that serveth for the city of Mexico. In our seeking to recover this port our General met by the way three small ships that carried passengers, which he took with him, and so the 16th of September, 1568, we entered the said port of St. John de Ullua. The Spaniards there, supposing us to have been the King of Spain's fleet, the chief officers of the country thereabouts came presently aboard our General, where perceiving themselves to have made an unwise adventure, they were in great fear to have been taken and stayed; howbeit our General did use them all very courteously. In the said port there were twelve ships, which by report had in them in treasure, to the value of two hundred thousand pounds, all which being in our General his power, and at his devotion, he did freely set at liberty, as also the passengers which he had before stayed, not taking from any of them all the value of one groat, only we stayed two men of credit and account, the one named Don Lorenzo de Alva, and the other Don Pedrode Revera, and presently our General sent to the Viceroy to Mexico, which was threescore leagues off, certifying him of our arrival there by force of weather, desiring that forasmuch as our Queen, his Sovereign, was the King of Spain his loving sister and friend, that therefore he would, considering our necessities and wants, furnish us with victuals for our navy, and quietly to suffer us to repair and amend our ships. And furthermore that at the arrival of the Spanish fleet, which was there daily expected and looked for, to the end that there might no quarrel arise between them and our General and his company for the breach of amity, he humbly requested of his excellency that there might in this behalf some special order be taken. This message was sent away the 16th of September, 1568, it being the very day of our arrival there. The next morning, being the 17th of the same month, we descried thirteen sail of great ships; and after that our General understood that it was the King of Spain's fleet then looked for, he presently sent to advertise the General hereof of our being in the said port, and giving him further to understand, that before he should enter there into that harbour, it was requisite that there should pass between the two Generals some orders and conditions, to be observed on either part, for the better contriving of peace between them and theirs, according to our General's request made unto the Viceroy. And at this instant our General was in a great perplexity of mind, considering with himself that if he should keep out that fleet from entering into the port, a thing which he was very well able to do with the help of God, then should that fleet be in danger of present shipwreck and loss of all their substance, which amounted unto the value of one million and eight hundred thousand crowns. Again, he saw that if he suffered them to enter, he was assured they would practise all manner of means to betray him and his, and on the other side the haven was so little, that the other fleet entering, the ships were to ride one hard aboard of another; also he saw that if their fleet should perish by his keeping them out, as of necessity they must if he should have done so, then stood he in great fear of the Queen our Sovereign's displeasure; in so weighty a cause, therefore, did he choose the least evil, which was to suffer them to enter under assurance, and so to stand upon his guard, and to defend himself and his from their treasons, which we were all assured they would practise, and so the messenger being returned from Don Martine de Henriquez, the new Viceroy, who came in the same fleet, and had sufficient authority to command in all cases both by sea and land in this province of Mexico or New Spain, did certify our General, that for the better maintenance of amity between the King of Spain and our Sovereign, all our requests should be both favourably granted and faithfully performed; signifying further that he heard and understood of the honest and friendly dealing of our General towards the King of Spain's subjects in all places where he had been, as also in the said port; so that to be brief our requests were articled and set down in writing, viz.-- 1. The first was that we might have victuals for our money and license to sell as much wares as might suffice to furnish our wants. 2. The second, that we might be suffered peaceably to repair our ships. 3. The third, that the island might be in our possession during the time of our abode there, in which island our General, for the better safety of him and his, had already planted and placed certain ordnance, which were eleven pieces of brass; therefore he required that the same might so continue, and that no Spaniard should come to land in the said island having or wearing any kind of weapon about him. 4. The fourth and the last, that for the better and more sure performance and maintenance of peace, and of all the conditions, there might twelve gentlemen of credit be delivered of either part as hostages. These conditions were concluded and agreed upon in writing by the Viceroy and signed with his hand, and sealed with his seal, and ten hostages upon either part were received. And farther, it was concluded that the two Generals should meet and give faith each to other for the performance of the promises. All which being done, the same was proclaimed by the sound of a trumpet, and commandment was given that none of either part should violate or break the peace upon pain of death. Thus, at the end of three days all was concluded, and the fleet entered the port, the ships saluting each other as the manner of the seas doth require. The morrow after being Friday, we laboured on all sides in placing the English ships by themselves and the Spanish ships by themselves; the captains and inferior persons of either part offering and showing great courtesy one to another, and promising great amity upon all sides. Howbeit, as the sequel showed, the Spaniards meant nothing less upon their parts. For the Viceroy and the governor thereabout had secretly on land assembled to the number of one thousand chosen men, and well appointed, meaning the next Thursday, being the 24th of September, at dinner time to assault us, and set upon us on all sides. But before I go any further, I think it not amiss briefly to describe the manner of the island as it then was, and the force and strength that it is now of. For the Spaniards, since the time of our General's being there, for the better fortifying of the same place, have upon the same island built a fair castle and bulwark very well fortified; this port was then, at our being there, a little island of stones, not past three foot above water in the highest place, and not past a bow's shot over any way at the most, and it standeth from the mainland two bow-shots or more, and there is not in all this coast any other place for ships safely to arrive at; also the north winds in this coast are of great violence and force, and unless the ships be safely moored in, with their anchors fastened in this island, there is no remedy, but present destruction and shipwreck. All this our General, wisely foreseeing, did provide that he would have the said island in his custody, or else the Spaniards might at their pleasure have but cut our cables, and so with the first north wind that blew we had had our passport, for our ships had gone ashore. But to return to the matter. The time approaching that their treason must be put in practice, the same Thursday morning, some appearance thereof began to show itself, as shifting of weapons from ship to ship, and planting and bending their ordnance against our men that warded upon the land with great repair of people; which apparent shows of breach of the Viceroy's faith caused our General to send one to the Viceroy to inquire of him what was meant thereby, who presently sent and gave order that the ordnance aforesaid and other things of suspicion should be removed, returning answer to our General in the faith of a Viceroy that he would be our defence and safety from all villainous treachery. This was upon Thursday, in the morning. Our General not being therewith satisfied, seeing they had secretly conveyed a great number of men aboard a great hulk or ship of theirs of nine hundred tons, which ship rode hard by the Minion, he sent again to the Viceroy Robert Barret, the master of the Jesus--a man that could speak the Spanish tongue very well, and required that those men might be unshipped again which were in that great hulk. The Viceroy then perceiving that their treason was thoroughly espied, stayed our master and sounded the trumpet, and gave order that his people should upon all sides charge upon our men which warded on shore and elsewhere, which struck such a maze and sudden fear among us, that many gave place and sought to recover our ships for the safety of themselves. The Spaniards, which secretly were hid in ambush on land, were quickly conveyed over to the island in their long boats, and so coming to the island they slew all our men that they could meet with without any mercy. The Minion--which had somewhat before prepared herself to avoid the danger--hailed away, and abode the first brunt of the three hundred men that were in the great hulk; then they sought to fall aboard the Jesus, where was a cruel fight, and many of our men slain; but yet our men defended themselves, and kept them out: so the Jesus also got loose, and, joining with the Minion, the fight waxed hot upon all sides; but they having won and got our ordnance on shore, did greatly annoy us. In this fight there were two great ships of the Spaniards sunk and one burnt, so that with their ships they were not able to harm us; but from the shore they beat us cruelly with our own ordnance in such sort that the Jesus was very sore spoiled, and suddenly the Spaniards, having fired two great ships of their own, came directly against us; which bred among our men a marvellous fear. Howbeit, the Minion, which had made her sails ready, shifted for herself without consent of the General, captain, or master, so that very hardly our General could be received into the Minion; the most of our men that were in the Jesus shifted for themselves, and followed the Minion in the boat, and those which that small boat was not able to receive were most cruelly slain by the Spaniards. Of our ships none escaped save the Minion and the Judith, and all such of our men as were not in them were enforced to abide the tyrannous cruelty of the Spaniards. For it is a certain truth, that whereas they had taken certain of our men at shore, they took and hung them up by the arms upon high posts until the blood burst out of their fingers' ends; of which men so used there is one Copstowe and certain others yet alive, who, through the merciful Providence of the Almighty, were long since arrived here at home in England, carrying still about with them (and shall to their graves) the marks and tokens of those their inhuman and more than barbarous cruel dealing. THE THIRD CHAPTER. WHEREIN IS SHOWED HOW THAT, AFTER WE WERE ESCAPED FROM THE SPANIARDS, WE WERE LIKE TO PERISH WITH FAMINE AT THE SEA, AND HOW OUR GENERAL, FOR THE AVOIDING THEREOF, WAS CONSTRAINED TO PUT HALF OF HIS MEN ON LAND, AND WHAT MISERIES WE AFTER THAT SUSTAINED AMONGST THE SAVAGE PEOPLE, AND HOW WE FELL AGAIN INTO THE HANDS OF THE SPANIARDS. After that the Viceroy, Don Martin Henriques, had thus contrary to his faith and promise most cruelly dealt with our General, Master Hawkins, at St. John de Ullua, where most of his men were by the Spaniards slain and drowned, and all his ships sunk and burnt, saving the Minion and the Judith, which was a small barque of fifty tons, wherein was then captain Master Francis Drake aforesaid; the same night the said barque was lost us, we being in great necessity and enforced to move with the Minion two bow-shots from the Spanish fleet, where we anchored all that night; and the next morning we weighed anchor and recovered an island a mile from the Spaniards, where a storm took us with a north wind, in which we were greatly distressed, having but two cables and two anchors left; for in the conflict before we had lost three cables and two anchors. The morrow after, the storm being ceased and the weather fair, we weighed and set sail, being many men in number and but small store of victuals to suffice us for any long time; by means whereof we were in despair and fear that we should perish through famine, so that some were in mind to yield themselves to the mercy of the Spaniards, other some to the savages or infidels, and wandering thus certain days in these unknown seas, hunger constrained us to eat hides, cats and dogs, mice, rats, parrots, and monkeys, to be short, our hunger was so great that we thought it savoury and sweet whatsoever we could get to eat. And on the 8th of October we came to land again, in the bottom of the Bay of Mexico, where we hoped to have found some inhabitants, that we might have had some relief of victuals and a place where to repair our ship, which was so greatly bruised that we were scarce able, with our weary arms, to keep out the water. Being thus oppressed, by famine on the one side and danger of drowning on the other, not knowing where to find relief, we began to be in wonderful despair. And we were of many minds, amongst whom there were a great many that did desire our General to set them on land, making their choice rather to submit themselves to the mercy of the savages or infidels than longer to hazard themselves at sea, where they very well saw that if they should all remain together, if they perished not by drowning, yet hunger would enforce them, in the end, to eat one another. To which request our General did very willingly agree, considering with himself that it was necessary for him to lessen his number, both for the safety of himself and the rest. And, thereupon, being resolved to set half his people on shore that he had then left alive, it was a world to see how suddenly men's minds were altered, for they which a little before desired to be set on land were now of another mind, and requested rather to stay, by means whereof our General was enforced, for the more contenting of all men's minds, and to take away all occasions of offence, to take this order: first he made choice of such persons of service and account as were needful to stay, and that being done, of those which were willing to go, he appointed such as he thought might be best spared, and presently appointed that by the boat they should be set on shore, our General promising us that the next year he would either come himself or else send to fetch us home. Here, again, it would have caused any stony heart to have relented to hear the pitiful moan that many did make, and how loth they were to depart. The weather was then somewhat stormy and tempestuous, and therefore we were in great danger, yet, notwithstanding there was no remedy, but we that were appointed to go away must of necessity do so. Howbeit, those that went in the first boat were safely set ashore, but of them which went in the second boat, of which number I myself was one, the seas wrought so high that we could not attain to the shore, and therefore we were constrained--through the cruel dealing of John Hampton, captain of the Minion, and John Sanders, boatswain of the Jesus, and Thomas Pollard, his mate--to leap out of the boat into the main sea, having more than a mile to shore, and, so to shift for ourselves, and either to sink or swim. And of those that so were, as it were, thrown out and compelled to leap into the sea, there were two drowned, which were of Captain Bland's men. In the evening of the same day--it being Monday, the 8th of October, 1568--when we were all come to shore, we found fresh water, whereof some of our men drank so much that they had almost cast themselves away, for we could scarce get life in them for the space of two or three hours after. Other some were so cruelly swollen--what with the drinking in of the salt water, and what with the eating of the fruit which we found on land, having a stone in it much like an almond, which fruit is called capule--that they were all in very ill case, so that we were, in a manner, all of us, both feeble, weak, and faint. The next morning--it being Tuesday, the 9th of October--we thought it best to travel along by the sea coast, to seek out some place of habitation--whether they were Christians or savages we were indifferent--so that we might have wherewithal to sustain our hungry bodies, and so departing from a hill where we had rested all night, not having any dry thread about us, for those that were not wet being thrown into the sea were thoroughly wet with rain, for all the night it rained cruelly. As we went from the hill, and were come into the plain, we were greatly troubled to pass for the grass and woods, that grew there higher than any man. On the left hand we had the sea, and upon the right hand great woods, so that of necessity we must needs pass on our way westward through those marshes, and going thus, suddenly we were assaulted by the Indians, a warlike kind of people, which are in a manner as cannibals, although they do not feed upon man's flesh as cannibals do. These people are called Chichemici, and they used to wear their hair long, even down to their knees; they do also colour their faces green, yellow, red, and blue, which maketh them to seem very ugly and terrible to behold. These people do keep wars against the Spaniards, of whom they have been oftentimes very cruelly handled: for with the Spaniards there is no mercy. They, perceiving us at our first coming on land, supposed us to have been their enemies the bordering Spaniards; and having, by their forerunners, descried what number we were, and how feeble and weak, without armour or weapon, they suddenly, according to their accustomed manner when they encounter with any people in warlike sort, raised a terrible and huge cry, and so came running fiercely upon us, shooting off their arrows as thick as hail, unto whose mercy we were constrained to yield, not having amongst us any kind of armour, nor yet weapon, saving one caliver and two old rusty swords, whereby to make any resistance or to save ourselves; which, when they perceived that we sought not any other than favour and mercy at their hands, and that we were not their enemies the Spaniards, they had compassion on us, and came and caused us all to sit down. And when they had a while surveyed, and taken a perfect view of us, they came to all such as had any coloured clothes amongst us, and those they did strip stark naked, and took their clothes away with them; but they that were apparelled in black they did not meddle withal, and so went their ways and left us, without doing us any further hurt, only in the first brunt they killed eight of our men. And at our departure they, perceiving in what weak case we were, pointed us with their hands which way we should go to come to a town of the Spaniards, which, as we afterwards perceived, was not past ten leagues from thence, using these words: "Tampeco, tampeco, Christiano, tampeco, Christiano," which is as much (we think) as to say in English, "Go that way, and you shall find the Christians." The weapons that they use are no other but bows and arrows, and their aim is so good that they very seldom miss to hit anything that they shoot at. Shortly after they had left us stripped, as aforesaid, we thought it best to divide ourselves into two companies, and so, being separated, half of us went under the leading one of Anthony Goddard, who is yet alive, and dwelleth at this instant in the town of Plymouth, whom before we chose to be captain over us all. And those that went under his leading, of which number I, Miles Phillips, was one, travelled westward--that way which the Indians with their hands had before pointed us to go. The other half went under the leading of one John Hooper, whom they did choose for their captain, and with the company that went with him David Ingram was one, and they took their way and travelled northward. And shortly after, within the space of two days, they were again encountered by the savage people, and their Captain Hooper and two more of his company were slain. Then again they divided themselves; and some held on their way still northward, and other some, knowing that we were gone westward, sought to meet with us again, as, in truth, there was about the number of five-and-twenty or six-and-twenty of them that met with us in the space of four days again. And then we began to reckon amongst ourselves how many we were that were set on shore, and we found the number to be an hundred and fourteen, whereof two were drowned in the sea and eight were slain at the first encounter, so that there remained an hundred and four, of which five-and-twenty went westward with us, and two-and-fifty to the north with Hooper and Ingram; and, as Ingram since has often told me, there were not past three of their company slain, and there were but five-and-twenty of them that came again to us, so that of the company that went northward there is yet lacking, and not certainly heard of, the number of three-and-twenty men. And verily I do think that there are of them yet alive and married in the said country, at Sibola, as hereafter I do purpose (God willing) to discourse of more particularly, with the reasons and causes that make me so to think of them that were lacking, which were with David Ingram, Twide, Browne, and sundry others, whose names we could not remember. And being thus met again together we travelled on still westward, sometimes through such thick woods that we were enforced with cudgels to break away the brambles and bushes from tearing our naked bodies; other sometimes we should travel through the plains in such high grass that we could scarce see one another. And as we passed in some places we should have of our men slain, and fall down suddenly, being stricken by the Indians, which stood behind trees and bushes, in secret places, and so killed our men as they went by; for we went scatteringly in seeking of fruits to relieve ourselves. We were also oftentimes greatly annoyed with a kind of fly, which, in the Indian tongue, is called tequani; and the Spaniards call them musketas. There are also in the said country a number of other kind of flies, but none so noisome as these tequanies be. You shall hardly see them, they be so small: for they are scarce so big as a gnat. They will suck one's blood marvellously, and if you kill them while they are sucking they are so venomous that the place will swell extremely, even as one that is stung with a wasp or bee. But if you let them suck their fill, and to go away of themselves, then they do you no other hurt, but leave behind them a red spot somewhat bigger than a flea biting. At the first we were terribly troubled with these kind of flies, not knowing their qualities; and resistance we could make none against them, being naked. As for cold, we feared not any: the country there is always so warm. And as we travelled thus for the space of ten or twelve days, our captain did oftentimes cause certain to go up into the tops of high trees, to see if they could descry any town or place of inhabitants, but they could not perceive any, and using often the same order to climb up into high trees, at the length they descried a great river, that fell from the north-west into the main sea; and presently after we heard an harquebuse shot off, which did greatly encourage us, for thereby we knew that we were near to some Christians, and did therefore hope shortly to find some succour and comfort; and within the space of one hour after, as we travelled, we heard a cock crow, which was also no small joy unto us; and so we came to the north side of the river of Panuco, where the Spaniards have certain salines, at which place it was that the harquebuse was shot off which before we heard; to which place we went not directly, but, missing thereof, we left it about a bow-shot upon our left hand. Of this river we drank very greedily, for we had not met with any water in six days before; and, as we were here by the river's side, resting ourselves, and longing to come to the place where the cock did crow and where the harquebuse was shot off, we perceived many Spaniards upon the other side of the river riding up and down on horseback, and they, perceiving us, did suppose that we had been of the Indians, their bordering enemies, the Chichemici. The river was not more than half a bow-shot across, and presently one of the Spaniards took an Indian boat, called a canoa, and so came over, being rowed by two Indians; and, having taken the view of us, did presently row over back again to the Spaniards, who without any delay made out about the number of twenty horsemen, and embarking themselves in the canoas, they led their horses by the reins, swimming over after them; and being come over to that side of the river where we were, they saddled their horses, and being mounted upon them, with their lances charged, they came very fiercely running at us. Our captain, Anthony Goddard, seeing them come in that order, did persuade us to submit and yield ourselves unto them, for being naked, as we at this time were, and without weapon, we could not make any resistance--whose bidding we obeyed; and upon the yielding of ourselves, they perceived us to be Christians, and did call for more canoas, and carried us over by four and four in a boat; and being come on the other side, they understanding by our captain how long we had been without meat, imparted between two and two a loaf of bread made of that country wheat, which the Spaniards called maize, of the bigness of one of our halfpenny loaves, which bread is named in the Indian tongue clashacally. This bread was very sweet and pleasant to us, for we had not eaten any for a long time before; and what is it that hunger doth not make to have a savoury and delicate taste? Having thus imparted the bread amongst us, those which were men they sent afore to the town, having also many Indians, inhabitants of that place, to guard them. They which were young, as boys, and some such also as were feeble, they took up upon their horses behind them, and so carried us to the town where they dwelt, which was distant very near a mile from the place where we came over. This town is well situated, and well replenished with all kinds of fruits, as pomegranates, oranges, lemons, apricots, and peaches, and sundry others, and is inhabited by a great number of tame Indians, or Mexicans, and had in it also at that time about the number of two hundred Spaniards, men, women, and children, besides negroes. Of their salines, which lie upon the west side of the river, more than a mile distant from thence, they make a great profit, for it is an excellent good merchandise there. The Indians do buy much thereof, and carry it up into the country, and there sell it to their own country people, in doubling the price. Also, much of the salt made in this place is transported from thence by sea to sundry other places, as to Cuba, St. John de Ullua, and the other ports of Tamiago, and Tamachos, which are two barred havens west and by south above threescore leagues from St. John de Ullua. When we were all come to the town, the governor there showed himself very severe unto us, and threatened to hang us all; and then he demanded what money we had, which in truth was very little, for the Indians which we first met withal had in a manner taken all from us, and of that which they left the Spaniards which brought us over took away a good part also; howbeit, from Anthony Goddard the governor here had a chain of gold, which was given unto him at Cartagena by the governor there, and from others he had some small store of money; so that we accounted that amongst us all he had the number of five hundred pezoes, besides the chain of gold. And having thus satisfied himself, when he had taken all that we had, he caused us to be put into a little house, much like a hog sty, where we were almost smothered; and before we were thus shut up into that little cote, they gave us some of the country wheat called maize sodden, which they feed their hogs withal. But many of our men which had been hurt by the Indians at our first coming on land, whose wounds were very sore and grievous, desired to have the help of their surgeons to cure their wounds. The governor, and most of them all, answered, that we should have none other surgeon but the hangman, which should sufficiently heal us of all our griefs; and they, thus reviling us, and calling us English dogs and Lutheran heretics, we remained the space of three days in this miserable state, not knowing what should become of us, waiting every hour to be bereaved of our lives. THE FOURTH CHAPTER. WHEREIN IS SHOWED HOW WE WERE USED IN PANUCO, AND IN WHAT FEAR OF DEATH WE WERE THERE, AND HOW WE WERE CARRIED TO MEXICO TO THE VICEROY, AND OF OUR IMPRISONMENT THERE AND AT TESCUCO, WITH THE COURTESIES AND CRUELTIES WE RECEIVED DURING THAT TIME, AND HOW IN THE END WE WERE BY PROCLAMATION GIVEN TO SERVE AS SLAVES TO SUNDRY GENTLEMEN SPANIARDS. Upon the fourth day after our coming thither, and there remaining in a perplexity, looking every hour when we should suffer death, there came a great number of Indians and Spaniards armed to fetch us out of the house, and amongst them we espied one that brought a great many new halters, at the sight whereof we were greatly amazed, and made no other account but that we should presently have suffered death; and so, crying and calling to God for mercy and for forgiveness of our sins, we prepared ourselves to die; yet in the end, as the sequel showed, their meaning was not so; for when we were come out of the house, with those halters they bound our arms behind us, and so coupling us two and two together, they commanded us to march on through the town, and so along the country from place to place toward the city of Mexico, which is distant from Panuco west and by south the space of threescore leagues, having only but two Spaniards to conduct us, they being accompanied with a great number of Indians, warding on either side with bows and arrows, lest we should escape from them. And travelling in this order, upon the second day, at night, we came unto a town which the Indians call Nohele, and the Spaniards call it Santa Maria, in which town there is a house of White Friars, which did very courteously use us, and gave us hot meat, as mutton and broth, and garments also to cover ourselves withal, made of white baize. We fed very greedily of the meat and of the Indian fruit, called nochole, which fruit is long and small, much like in fashion to a little cucumber. Our greedy feeding caused us to fall sick of hot burning agues; and here at this place one Thomas Baker, one of our men, died of a hurt, for he had been before shot with an arrow into the throat at the first encounter. The next morrow, about ten of the clock, we departed from thence, bound two and two together, and guarded as before, and so travelled on our way toward Mexico, till we came to a town within forty leagues of Mexico named Mesticlan, where is a house of Black Friars, and in this town there are about the number of three hundred Spaniards, both men, women, and children. The friars sent us meat from the house ready dressed, and the friars and men and women used us very courteously, and gave us some shirts and other such things as we lacked. Here our men were very sick of their agues, and with eating of another fruit, called in the Indian tongue, Guiaccos, which fruit did bind us sore. The next morning we departed from thence with our two Spaniards and Indian guard as aforesaid. Of these two Spaniards the one was an aged man, who all the way did very courteously entreat us, and would carefully go before to provide for us both meat and things necessary to the uttermost of his power. The other was a young man, who all the way travelled with us, and never departed from us, who was a very cruel caitiff, and he carried a javelin in his hand, and sometimes when as our men with very feebleness and faintness were not able to go so fast as he required them, he would take his javelin in both his hands and strike them with the same between the neck and the shoulders so violently that he would strike them down, then would he cry and say: "Marches, marches, Engleses perros, Luterianos, enemicos de Dios;" which is as much to say in English, "March, march on you English dogs, Lutherans, enemies to God." And the next day we came to a town called Pachuca, and there are two places of that name, as this town of Pachuca, and the mines of Pachuca, which are mines of silver, and are about six leagues distant from this town of Pachuca towards the north-west. Here at this town the good old man our governor suffered us to stay two days and two nights, having compassion of our sick and weak men, full sore against the mind of the young man his companion. From thence we took our journey, and travelled four or five days by little villages and Stantias, which are farms or dairy houses of the Spaniards, and ever as we had need the good old man would still provide us sufficient of meats, fruits, and water to sustain us. At the end of which five days we came to a town within five leagues of Mexico, which is called Quoghliclan, where we also stayed one whole day and two nights, where was a fair house of Grey Friars, howbeit, we saw none of them. Here we were told by the Spaniards in the town that we had not more than fifteen English miles from thence to Mexico, whereof we were all very joyful and glad, hoping that when we came thither we should either be relieved and set free out of bonds, or else be quickly despatched out of our lives; for seeing ourselves thus carried bound from place to place, although some used us courteously, yet could we never joy nor be merry till we might perceive ourselves set free from that bondage, either by death or otherwise. The next morning we departed from thence on our journey towards Mexico, and so travelled till we came within two leagues of it, where there was built by the Spaniards a very fair church, called Our Lady Church, in which there is an image of Our Lady of silver and gilt, being as high and as large as a tall woman, in which church, and before this image, there are as many lamps of silver as there be days in the year, which upon high days are all lighted. Whensoever any Spaniards pass by this church, although they be on horseback, they will alight and come into the church, and kneel before this image, and pray to Our Lady to defend them from all evil; so that whether he be horseman or footman he will not pass by, but first go into the church and pray as aforesaid, which if they do not, they think and believe that they shall never prosper, which image they call in the Spanish tongue Nostra Signora de Guadaloupe. At this place there are certain cold baths, which arise, springing up as though the water did seethe, the water whereof is somewhat brackish in taste, but very good for any that have any sore or wound to wash themselves therewith, for as they say, it healeth many; and every year once upon Our Lady Day, the people used to repair thither to offer and to pray in that church before the image, and they say that Our Lady of Guadaloupe doth work a number of miracles. About this church there is not any town of Spaniards that is inhabited, but certain Indians do dwell there in houses of their own country building. Here we were met by a great number of Spaniards on horseback, which came from Mexico to see us, both gentlemen and men of occupations, and they came as people to see a wonder; we were still called upon to march on, and so about four of the clock in the afternoon of the said day, we entered into the city of Mexico by the way or street called La Calia Sancta Catherina; and we stayed not in any place till we came to the house or palace of the Viceroy, Don Martin Henriques, which standeth in the middest of the city, hard by the market place called La Placa dell Marquese. We had not stayed any long time at this place, but there was brought us by the Spaniards from the market place great store of meat, sufficient to have satisfied five times so many as we were; some also gave us hats, and some gave us money; in which place we stayed for the space of two hours, and from thence we were conveyed by water into large canoas to a hospital, where certain of our men were lodged, which were taken before the fight at St. John de Ullua. We should have gone to Our Lady's Hospital, but that there were also so many of our men taken before at that fight that there was no room for us. After our coming thither, many of the company that came with me from Panuco died within the space of fourteen days; soon after which time we were taken forth from that place and put all together into Our Lady's Hospital, in which place we were courteously used, and visited oftentimes by virtuous gentlemen and gentlewomen of the city, who brought us divers things to comfort us withal, as succats and marmalades and such other things, and would also many times give us many things, and that very liberally. In which hospital we remained for the space of six months, until we were all whole and sound of body, and then we were appointed by the Viceroy to be carried unto the town of Tescuco, which is distant from Mexico south-west eight leagues; in which town there are certain houses of correction and punishment for ill people called obraches, like to Bridewell here in London; in which place divers Indians are sold for slaves, some for ten years and some for twelve. It was no small grief unto us when we understood that we should be carried thither, and to be used as slaves; we had rather be put to death, howbeit there was no remedy, but we were carried to the prison of Tescuco, where we were not put to any labour, but were very straightly kept and almost famished, yet by the good providence of our merciful God, we happened there to meet with one Robert Sweeting, who was the son of an Englishman born of a Spanish woman; this man could speak very good English, and by his means we were holpen very much with victuals from the Indians, as mutton, hens, and bread. And if we had not been so relieved we had surely perished; and yet all the provision that we had gotten that way was but slender. And continuing thus straightly kept in prison there for the space of two months, at the length we agreed amongst ourselves to break forth of prison, come of it what would, for we were minded rather to suffer death than longer to live in that miserable state. And so having escaped out of prison, we knew not what way to fly for the safety of ourselves; the night was dark, and it rained terribly, and not having any guide, we went we knew not whither, and in the morning at the appearing of the day, we perceived ourselves to be come hard to the city of Mexico, which is four and twenty English miles from Tescuco. The day being come, we were espied by the Spaniards, and pursued, and taken, and brought before the Viceroy and head justices, who threatened to hang us for breaking of the king's prison. Yet in the end they sent us into a garden belonging to the Viceroy, and coming thither, we found there our English gentlemen which were delivered as hostages when as our General was betrayed at St. John de Ullua, as is aforesaid, and with them we also found Robert Barret, the master of the Jesus, in which place we remained, labouring and doing such things as we were commanded for the space of four months, having but two sheep a day allowed to suffice us all, being very near a hundred men; and for bread, we had every man two loaves a day of the quantity of one halfpenny loaf. At the end of which four months, they having removed our gentlemen hostages and the master of the Jesus to a prison in the Viceroy his own house, did cause it to be proclaimed, that what gentleman Spaniard soever was willing, or would have any Englishman to serve him, and be bound to keep him forthcoming to appear before the justices within one month after notice given, that they should repair to the said garden, and there take their choice; which proclamation was no sooner made but the gentlemen came and repaired to the garden amain, so that happy was he that could soonest get one of us. THE FIFTH CHAPTER. WHEREIN IS SHOWED IN WHAT GOOD SORT AND HOW WEALTHILY WE LIVED WITH OUR MASTERS UNTIL THE COMING OF THE INQUISITION, WHEN AS AGAIN, OUR SORROWS BEGAN AFRESH; OF OUR IMPRISONMENT IN THE HOLY HOUSE, AND OF THE SEVERE JUDGMENT AND SENTENCES GIVEN AGAINST US, AND WITH WHAT RIGOUR AND CRUELTY THE SAME WERE EXECUTED. The gentlemen that thus took us for their servants or slaves, did new apparel us throughout, with whom we abode doing such service as they appointed us unto, which was for the most part to attend upon them at the table, and to be as their chamberlains, and to wait upon them when they went abroad, which they greatly accounted of, for in that country no Spaniard will serve one another, but they are all of them attended and served by Indians weekly, and by negroes which be their slaves during their life. In this sort we remained and served in the said city of Mexico and thereabouts for the space of a year and somewhat longer. Afterwards many of us were by our masters appointed to go to sundry of their mines where they had to do, and to be as overseers of the negroes and Indians that laboured there. In which mines many of us did profit and gain greatly; for first we were allowed three hundred pezoes a man for a year, which is three score pounds sterling, and besides that the Indians and negroes which wrought under our charge, upon our well using and entreating of them, would at times as upon Saturdays when they had left work labour for us, and blow as much silver as should be worth unto us three marks or thereabouts, every mark being worth six pezoes and a half of their money, which nineteen pezoes and a half, is worth four livres, ten shillings of our money. Sundry weeks we did gain so much by this means besides our wages, that many of us became very rich, and were worth three thousand or four thousand pezoes, for we lived and gained thus in those mines some three or four years. As concerning those gentlemen which were delivered as hostages, and that were kept in prison in the Viceroy his house, after that we were gone from out the garden to serve sundry gentlemen as aforesaid, they remained prisoners in the said house, for the space of four months after their coming thither, at the end whereof the fleet, being ready to depart from St. John de Ullua to go for Spain, the said gentlemen were sent away into Spain with the fleet, where I have heard it credibly reported, many of them died with the cruel handling of the Spaniards in the Inquisition house, as those which have been delivered home after they had suffered the persecution of that house can more perfectly declare. Robert Barret also, master of the Jesus, was sent away with the fleet into Spain the next year following, whereafter he suffered persecution in the Inquisition, and at the last was condemned to be burnt, and with him three or four more of our men, of whom one was named Gregory and another John Browne, whom I knew, for they were of our general his musicians, but the names of the rest that suffered with them I know not. Now after that six years there fully expired since our first coming into the Indies in which time we had been imprisoned and served in the said countries, as is before truly declared in the year of our Lord one thousand five hundred and seventy four, the Inquisition began to be established in the Indies very much against the minds of many of the Spaniards themselves, for never until this time since their first conquering and planting in the Indies, were they subject to that bloody and cruel Inquisition. The chief Inquisitor was named Don Pedro Moya de Contreres, and John de Bouilla his companion, and John Sanchis the Fischall, and Pedro de la Rios, the Secretary, they being come and settled, and placed in a very fair house, near unto the White Friars, considering with themselves that they must make an entrance and beginning of that their most detestable Inquisition here in Mexico to the terror of the whole country, thought it best to call us that were Englishmen first in question, and so much the rather for that they had perfect knowledge and intelligence, that many of us were become very rich as hath been already declared, and therefore we were a very great booty and prey to the Inquisitors, so that now again began our sorrows afresh, for we were sent for, and sought out in all places of the country, and proclamation made upon pain of losing of goods, and excommunication that no man should hide or keep secret any Englishman or any part of their goods. By means whereof we were all soon apprehended in all places, and all our goods seized and taken for the Inquisitors' use, and so from all parts of the country we were conveyed and sent as prisoners to the city of Mexico, and there committed to prison in sundry dark dungeons where we could not see but by candlelight, and were never more than two together in one place so that we saw not one another, neither could one of us tell what was become of another. Thus we remained close imprisoned for the space of a year and a half, and others for some less time, for they came to prison ever as they were apprehended. During which time of our imprisonment at the first beginning we were often called before the Inquisitors alone, and there severely examined of our faith, and commanded to say the pater noster, the Ave Maria, and the creed in Latin, which God knoweth a great number of us could not say otherwise than in the English tongue. And having the said Robert Sweeting who was our friend at Tescuco always present with them for an interpreter he made report for us in our own country speech we could say them perfectly, although not word for word as they were in Latin. Then did they proceed to demand of us upon our oaths what we did believe of the sacrament, and whether there did remain any bread or wine after the words of consecration, yea or no, and whether we did not believe that the Host of bread which the priest did hold up over his head, and the wine that was in the chalice, was the very true and perfect body and blood of our Saviour Christ, yea or no, to which if we answered not yea, then was there no way but death. Then would they demand of us what we did remember of ourselves, what opinions we had held or had been taught to hold, contrary to the same whiles we were in England; to which we for the safety of our lives were constrained to say that we never did believe, nor had been taught otherwise than as before we had said. Then would they charge us that we did not tell them the truth, that we knew to the contrary, and therefore we should call ourselves to remembrance and make them a better answer at the next time or else we should be racked and made to confess the truth whether we would or no. And so coming again before them the next time, we were still demanded of our belief whiles we were in England, and how we had been taught, and also what we thought or did know of such of our company as they did name unto us, so that we could never be free from such demands, and at other times they would promise us that if we would tell them the truth, then should we have favour and be set at liberty, although we very well knew their fair speeches were but means to entrap us to the hazard and loss of our lives; howbeit God so mercifully wrought for us by a secret means that we had that we kept us still to our first answer, and would still say that we had told the truth unto them, and knew no more by ourselves nor any other of our fellows than as we had declared, and that for our sins and offences in England against God and our Lady, or any of His blessed saints, we were heartily sorry for the same, and did cry God mercy, and besought the Inquisitors, for God's sake, considering that we came into those countries by force of weather, and against our wills, and that never in all our lives we had either spoken or done anything contrary to their laws, that therefore they would have mercy on us, yet all this would not serve, for still from time to time we were called upon to confess, and about the space of three months, before they proceeded to their severe Judgment, we were all racked, and some enforced to utter that against themselves which afterwards cost them their lives. And thus having gotten from our own mouths matter sufficient for them to proceed in judgment against us, they caused a large scaffold to be made in the midst of the market-place in Mexico, right over against the head church, and fourteen or fifteen days before the day of their judgment, with the sound of a trumpet, and the noise of their attabalies, which are a kind of drums, they did assemble the people in all parts of the city, before whom it was then solemnly proclaimed that whosoever would upon such a day, repair to the marketplace, they should hear the sentence of the Holy Inquisition against the English heretic Lutherans, and also see the same put in execution. Which being done, and the time approaching of this cruel judgment, the night before they came to the prison where we were, with certain officers of that holy hellish house, bringing with them certain fools' coats which they had prepared for us, being called in their language St. Benitos, which coats were made of yellow cotton and red crosses upon them, both before and behind; they were so busied in putting on their coats about us and in bringing us out into a large yard, and placing and pointing us in what order we should go to the scaffold or place of judgment upon the morrow, that they did not once suffer us to sleep all that night long. The next morning being come, there was given to every one of us for our breakfast, a cup of wine, and a slice of bread fried in honey, and so about eight of the clock in the morning, we set forth of the prison, every man alone in his yellow coat and a rope about his neck, and a great green wax candle in his hand unlighted, having a Spaniard appointed to go upon either side of every one of us; and so marching in this order and manner towards the scaffold in the market-place, which was a bow-shot distant or thereabouts, we found a great assembly of people all the way, and such throng, that certain of the Inquisitors' officers on horseback were constrained to make way, and so coming to the scaffold we went up by a pair of stairs, and found seats ready made and prepared for us to sit down on, every man in order as he should be called to receive his judgment. We being thus set down as we were appointed, presently the Inquisitors came up another pair of stairs, and the Viceroy and all the chief justices with them. When they were set down and placed under the cloth of estate agreeing to their degrees and calling, then came up also a great number of friars, white, black, and grey, about the number of 300 persons, they being set in the places for them appointed. Then was there a solemn Oyes made, and silence commanded, and then presently began their severe and cruel judgment. The first man that was called was one Roger, the chief armourer of the Jesus, and he had judgment to have 300 stripes on horseback, and after condemned to the galleys as a slave for ten years. After him was called John Gray, John Browne, John Rider, John Moone, James Collier, and one Thomas Browne. These were adjudged to have 200 stripes on horseback, and after to be committed to the galleys for the space of eight years. Then was called John Keies, and was adjudged to have 100 stripes on horseback, and condemned to serve in the galleys for the space of six years. Then were severally called the number of fifty-three, one after another, and every man had his several judgment, some to have 200 stripes on horseback and some 100, and some condemned for slaves to the galleys, some for six years, some for eight, and some for ten. And then was I, Miles Phillips, called, and was adjudged to serve in a monastery for five years, without any stripes, and to wear a fool's coat or San Benito, during all that time. Then were called John Storie, Richard Williams, David Alexander, Robert Cooke, and Horsewell, and Thomas Hull. These six were condemned to serve in monasteries without stripes, some for three years, and some for four, and to wear the San Benito during all the said time. Which being done, and it now drawing towards night, George Rivelie, Peter Momfrie, and Cornelius the Irishman were called, and had their judgment to be burnt to ashes, and so were presently sent away to the place of execution in the market-place, but a little from the scaffold, where they were quickly burnt and consumed. And as for us that had received our judgment, being sixty-eight in number, we were carried back that night to prison again, and the next day in the morning, being Good Friday, the year of our Lord, 1575, we were all brought into a court of the Inquisitors' Palace, where we found a horse in readiness for every one of our men which were condemned to have stripes, and to be committed to the galleys, which were in number sixty, and so they, being enforced to mount up on horseback, naked, from the middle upward, were carried to be showed as a spectacle for all the people to behold throughout the chief and principal streets of the city, and had the number of stripes to every one of them appointed, most cruelly laid upon their naked bodies with long whips, by sundry men appointed to be the executioners thereof, and before our men there went a couple of criers, which cried as they went, "Behold these English dogs, Lutherans, enemies to God," and all the way as they went, there were some of the Inquisitors themselves, and of the familiars of that rake-hell order, that cried to the executioners, "Strike, lay on those English heretics, Lutherans, God's enemies;" and so this horrible spectacle being showed round about the city, and they returned to the Inquisitors' House, with their backs all gore blood and swollen with great bumps. They were then taken from their horses and carried again to prison, where they remained until they were sent into Spain to the galleys, there to receive the rest of their martyrdom; and I, and the six other with me, which had judgment and were condemned among the rest to serve an apprenticeship in the monasteries, were taken presently and sent to certain religious houses appointed for the purpose. THE SIXTH CHAPTER. WHEREIN IS SHOWED HOW WE WERE USED IN THE RELIGIOUS HOUSES, AND THAT WHEN THE TIME WAS EXPIRED THAT WE WERE ADJUDGED TO SERVE IN THEM, THERE CAME NEWS TO MEXICO OF MASTER FRANCIS DRAKE'S BEING IN THE SOUTH SEA, AND WHAT PREPARATION WAS MADE TO TAKE HIM; AND HOW I, SEEKING TO ESCAPE, WAS AGAIN TAKEN AND PUT IN PRISON IN VERA CRUZ, AND HOW AGAIN I MADE MINE ESCAPE FROM THENCE. I, Miles Phillips, and William Lowe were appointed to the Black Friars, where I was appointed to be an overseer of Indian workmen, who wrought there in building a new church, amongst which Indians I learned their language or Mexican tongue very perfectly, and had great familiarity with many of them, whom I found to be a courteous and loving kind of people, ingenious, and of great understanding, and they hate and abhor the Spaniards with all their hearts. They have used such horrible cruelties against them, and do still keep them in such subjection and servitude, that they and the negroes also do daily lie in wait to practice their deliverance out of that thraldom and bondage that the Spaniards do keep them in. William Lowe, he was appointed to serve the cook in the kitchen; Richard Williams and David Alexander were appointed to the Grey Friars; John Storey and Robert Cooke to the White Friars; Paul Horsewell the Secretary took to be his servant; Thomas Hull was sent to a monastery of priests, where afterward he died. Thus we served out the years that we were condemned for, with the use of our fools' coats, and we must needs confess that the friars did use us very courteously, for every one of us had his chamber, with bedding and diet, and all things clean and neat; yea, many of the Spaniards and friars themselves do utterly abhor and mislike of that cruel Inquisition, and would as they durst bewail our miseries, and comfort us the best they could, although they stood in such fear of that devilish Inquisition that they durst not let the left hand know what the right doeth. Now after that the time was expired for which we were condemned to serve in those religious houses, we were then brought again before the Chief Inquisitor, and had all our fools' coats pulled off and hanged up in the head church, called Ecclesia Majora, and every man's name and judgment written thereupon with this addition--HERETIC LUTHERAN RECONCILED. And there are also all their coats hanged up which were condemned to the galleys, with their names and judgments, and underneath his coat, HERETIC LUTHERAN RECONCILED. And also the coats and names of the three that were burned, whereupon were written, AN OBSTINATE HERETIC LUTHERAN BURNT. Then were we suffered to go up and down the country, and to place ourselves as we could, and yet not so free but that we very well knew that there was a good espial always attending us and all our actions, so that we durst not once to speak or look awry. David Alexander and Robert Cooke they returned to serve the Inquisitor, who shortly after married them both to two of his negro women; Richard Williams married a rich widow of Biskay with four thousand pezoes; Paul Horsewell is married to a Mestiza, as they name those whose fathers were Spaniards and their mothers Indians, and this woman which Paul Horsewell hath married is said to be the daughter of one that came in with Hernando Cortes, the Conqueror, who had with her in marriage four thousand pezoes and a fair house; John Storie he is married to a negro woman; William Lowe had leave and licence to go into Spain, where he is now married. For mine own part I could never thoroughly settle myself to marry in that country, although many fair offers were made unto me of such as were of great ability and wealth; but I could have no liking to live in that place where I must everywhere see and know such horrible idolatry committed, and durst not once for my life speak against it; and therefore I had always a longing and desire to this my native country; and to return and serve again in the mines, where I might have gathered great riches and wealth, I very well saw that at one time or another I should fall again into the danger of that devilish Inquisition, and so be stripped of all, with loss of life also, and therefore I made my choice rather to learn to weave Groganes and Taffataes, and so compounding with a silk weaver, I bound myself for three years to serve him, and gave him one hundred and fifty pezoes to teach me the science, otherwise he would not have taught me under seven years' prenticeship, and by this means I lived the more quiet and free from suspicion. Howbeit I should many times be charged by familiars of that devilish house, that I had a meaning to run away into England, and be an heretic Lutheran again; to whom I would answer that they had no need to suspect any such thing in me, for that they knew all very well that it was impossible for me to escape by any manner of means; yet notwithstanding I was called before the Inquisitors and demanded why I did not marry. I answered that I had bound myself at an occupation. "Well," said the Inquisitor, "I know thou meanest to run away, and therefore I charge thee here upon pain of burning as an heretic relapsed, that thou depart not out of this city, nor come near to the port of St. John de Ullua, nor to any other port;" to the which I answered that I would willingly obey. "Yea," said he, "see thou do so, and thy fellows also; they shall have the like charge." So I remained at my science the full time and learned the art, at the end whereof there came news to Mexico that there were certain Englishmen landed with a great power at the port of Acapulco, upon the South Sea, and that they were coming to Mexico to take the spoil thereof, which wrought a marvellous great fear among them, and many of those that were rich began to shift for themselves, their wives and children; upon which hurly-burly the Viceroy caused a general muster to be made of all the Spaniards in Mexico, and there were found to the number of seven thousand and odd householders of Spaniards in the city and suburbs, and of single men unmarried the number of three thousand, and of Mestizies--which are counted to be the sons of Spaniards born of Indian women--twenty thousand persons; and then was Paul Horsewell and I, Miles Phillips, sent for before the Viceroy and were examined if we did know an Englishman named Francis Drake, which was brother to Captain Hawkins; to which we answered that Captain Hawkins had not any brother but one, which was a man of the age of threescore years or thereabouts, and was now governor of Plymouth in England. And then he demanded of us if we knew one Francis Drake, and we answered no. While these things were in doing, there came news that all the Englishmen were gone; yet was there eight hundred men made out under the leading of several captains, whereof two hundred were sent to the port of St. John de Ullua, upon the North Sea, under the conduct of Don Luis Suares; two hundred were sent to Guatemala, in the South Sea, who had for their captain John Cortes; two hundred more were sent to Guatelco, a port of the South Sea, over whom went for captain Don Pedro de Roblis; and two hundred more were sent to Acapulco, the port where it was said that Captain Drake had been, and they had for captain Doctor Roblis Alcalde de Corte, with whom I, Miles Phillips, went as interpreter, having licence given by the Inquisitors. When we were come to Acapulco we found that Captain Drake was departed from thence, more than a month before we came thither. But yet our captain, Alcalde de Corte, there presently embarked himself in a small ship of threescore ton, or thereabout, having also in company with him two other small barques, and not past two hundred men in all, with whom I went as interpreter in his own ship, which, God knoweth, was but weak and ill-appointed; so that for certain, if we had met with Captain Drake, he might easily have taken us all. We, being embarked, kept our course, and ran southward towards Panama, keeping still as nigh the shore as we could; and leaving the land upon our left hand, and having coasted thus for the space of eighteen or twenty days, and were more to the south than Guatemala, we met at last with other ships which came from Panama, of whom we were certainly informed that he was clean gone off the coast more than a month before; and so we returned back to Acapulco again, and there landed, our captain being thereunto forced, because his men were very sore sea-sick. All the while that I was at sea with them I was a glad man, for I hoped that if we met with Master Drake we should all be taken, so that then I should have been freed out of that danger and misery wherein I lived, and should return to mine own country of England again. But missing thereof, when I saw there was no remedy but that we must needs come on land again, little doth any man know the sorrow and grief that inwardly I felt, although outwardly I was constrained to make fair weather of it. And so, being landed, the next morrow after we began our journey towards Mexico, and passed these towns of name in our way, as first the town of Tuatepec, fifty leagues from Mexico; from thence to Washaca, forty leagues from Mexico; from thence to Tepiaca, twenty-four leagues from Mexico; and from thence to Lopueblo de Los Angelos, where is a high hill which casteth out fire three times a day, which hill is eighteen leagues directly west from Mexico; from thence we went to Stapelata, eight leagues from Mexico, and there our captain and most of his men took boat and came to Mexico again, having been forth about the space of seven weeks, or thereabouts. Our captain made report to the Viceroy what he had done, and how far he had travelled, and that for certain he was informed that Captain Drake was not to be heard of. To which the Viceroy replied and said, surely we shall have him shortly come into our hands, driven on land through necessity in some one place or other, for he, being now in these seas of Sur, it is not possible for him to get out of them again; so that if he perish not at sea, yet hunger will force him to land. And then again I was commanded by the Viceroy that I should not depart from the city of Mexico, but always be at my master's house in a readiness at an hour's warning, whensoever I should be called for. Notwithstanding that, within one month after, certain Spaniards going to Mecameca, eighteen leagues from Mexico, to send away certain hides and cuchionelio that they had there at their stantias, or dairy houses, and my master having leave of the secretary for me to go with them, I took my journey with them, being very well horsed and appointed; and coming thither, and passing the time there at Mecameca certain days, till we had certain intelligence that the fleet was ready to depart, I, not being more than three days' journey from the port of St. John de Ullua, thought it to be the meetest time for me to make an escape, and I was the bolder presuming upon my Spanish tongue, which I spake as naturally as any of them all, thinking with myself that when I came to St. John de Ullua I would get to be entertained as a soldier, and so go home into Spain in the same fleet; and, therefore, secretly one evening late, the moon shining fair, I conveyed myself away, and riding so for the space of two nights and two days, sometimes in, and sometimes out, resting very little all that time, upon the second day at night I came to the town of Vera Cruz, distant from the port of St. John de Ullua, where the ships rode, but only eight leagues; and here purposing to rest myself a day or two, I was no sooner alighted but within the space of one half hour after I was by ill hap arrested, and brought before justices there, being taken and suspected to be a gentleman's son of Mexico that was run away from his father. So I, being arrested and brought before the justices, there was a great hurly-burly about the matter, every man charging me that I was the son of such a man, dwelling in Mexico, which I flatly denied, affirming that I knew not the man; yet would they not believe me, but urged still upon me that I was he that they sought for, and so I was conveyed away to prison. And as I was thus going to prison, to the further increase of my grief, it chanced that at that very instant there was a poor man in the press that was come to town to sell hens, who told the justices that they did me wrong, and that in truth he knew very well that I was an Englishman, and no Spaniard. Then they demanded of him how he knew that, and threatened him that he said so for that he was my companion, and sought to convey me away from my father, so that he also was threatened to be laid in prison with me. He, for the discharge of himself, stood stiffly in it that I was an Englishman, and one of Captain Hawkins's men, and that he had known me wear the San Benito in the Black Friars at Mexico for three or four whole years together; which when they heard they forsook him, and began to examine me anew, whether that speech of his were true, yea or no; which when they perceived that I could not deny, and perceiving that I was run from Mexico, and came thither of purpose to convey myself away with the fleet, I was presently committed to prison with a sorrowful heart, often wishing myself that that man which knew me had at that time been further off. Howbeit, he in sincerity had compassion of my distressed state, thinking by his speech, and knowing of me, to have set me free from that present danger which he saw me in. Howbeit, contrary to his expectation, I was thereby brought into my extreme danger, and to the hazard of my life, yet there was no remedy but patience, perforce; and I was no sooner brought into prison but I had a great pair of bolts clapped on my legs, and thus I remained in that prison for the space of three weeks, where were also many other prisoners, which were thither committed for sundry crimes and condemned to the galleys. During which time of imprisonment there I found amongst those my prison fellows some that had known me before in Mexico, and truly they had compassion of me, and would spare of their victuals and anything else that they had to do me good, amongst whom there was one of them that told me that he understood by a secret friend of his which often came to the prison to him that I should be shortly sent back again to Mexico by waggon, so soon as the fleet was gone from St. John de Ullua for Spain. This poor man, my prison fellow, of himself, and without any request made by me, caused his said friend, which came often unto him to the grate of the prison, to bring him wine and victuals, to buy for him two knives which had files in their backs, which files were so well made that they would serve and suffice any prisoner to file off his irons, and of those knives or files he brought one to me, and told me that he had caused it to be made for me, and let me have it at the very price it cost him, which was two pezoes, the value of eight shillings of our money, which knife when I had it I was a joyful man, and conveyed the same into the foot of my boot upon the inside of my left leg, and so within three or four days after that I had thus received my knife I was suddenly called for, and brought before the head justice, which caused those my irons with the round bolt to be stricken off, and sent to a smith in the town, where was a new pair of bolts made ready for me of another fashion, which had a broad iron bar coming between the shackles, and caused my hands to be made fast with a pair of manacles, and so was I presently laid into a waggon all alone, which was there ready to depart, with sundry other waggons to the number of sixty, towards Mexico, and they were all laden with sundry merchandise which came in the fleet out of Spain. The waggon that I was in was foremost of all the company, and as we travelled, I being alone in the waggon, began to try if I could pluck my hands out of the manacles, and as God would, although it were somewhat painful for me, yet my hands were so slender that I could pull them out and put them in again, and ever as we went when the waggons made most noise and the men busiest, I would be working to file off my bolts, and travelling thus for the space of eight leagues from Vera Cruz we came to an high hill, at the entering up of which (as God would), one of the wheels of the waggon wherein I was brake, so that by that means the other waggons went afore, and the waggon man that had charge of me set an Indian carpenter at work to mend the wheel; and here at this place they baited at an ostrie that a negro woman keeps, and at this place for that the going up of the hill is very steep for the space of two leagues and better, they do always accustom to take the mules of three or four waggons and to place them all together for the drawing up of one waggon, and so to come down again and fetch up others in that order. All which came very well to pass, for as it drew towards night, when most of the waggoners were gone to draw up their waggons in this sort, I being alone, had quickly filed off my bolts, and so espying my time in the dark of the evening before they returned down the hill again, I conveyed myself into the woods there adjoining, carrying my bolts and manacles with me, and a few biscuits and two small cheeses. And being come into the woods I threw my irons into a thick bush, and then covered them with moss and other things, and then shifted for myself as I might all that night. And thus, by the good providence of Almighty God, I was freed from mine irons, all saving the collar that was about my neck, and so got my liberty the second time. THE SEVENTH CHAPTER. WHEREIN IS SHOWED HOW I ESCAPED TO GUATEMALA UPON THE SOUTH SEA, AND FROM THENCE TO THE PORT OF CAVALLOS, WHERE I GOT PASSAGE TO GO INTO SPAIN, AND OF OUR ARRIVAL AT THE HAVANA AND OUR COMING TO SPAIN, WHERE I WAS AGAIN LIKE TO HAVE BEEN COMMITTED PRISONER, AND HOW THROUGH THE GREAT MERCY OF GOD I ESCAPED AND CAME HOME IN SAFETY INTO ENGLAND IN FEBRUARY, 1582. The next morning (daylight being come) I perceived by the sun rising what way to take to escape their hands, for when I fled I took the way into the woods upon the left hand, and having left that way that went to Mexico upon my right hand, I thought to keep my course as the woods and mountains lay still direct south as near as I could; by means whereof I was sure to convey myself far enough from that way which went to Mexico. And as I was thus going in the woods I saw many great fires made to the north not past a league from the mountain where I was, and travelling thus in my boots, with mine iron collar about my neck, and my bread and cheese, the very same forenoon I met with a company of Indians which were hunting of deer for their sustenance, to whom I spake in the Mexican tongue, and told them how that I had of a long time been kept in prison by the cruel Spaniards, and did desire them to help me file off mine iron collar, which they willingly did, rejoicing greatly with me that I was thus escaped out of the Spaniards' hands. Then I desired that I might have one of them to guide out of those desert mountains towards the south, which they also most willingly did, and so they brought me to an Indian town eight leagues distance from thence named Shalapa, where I stayed three days; for that I was somewhat sickly. At which town (with the gold that I had quilted in my doublet) I bought me an horse of one of the Indians, which cost me six pezoes, and so travelling south within the space of two leagues I happened to overtake a Grey Friar, one that I had been familiar withal in Mexico, whom then I knew to be a zealous, good man, and one that did much lament the cruelty used against us by the Inquisitors, and truly he used me very courteously; and I, having confidence in him, did indeed tell him that I was minded to adventure to see if I could get out of the said country if I could find shipping, and did therefore pray him of his aid, direction, and advice herein, which he faithfully did, not only in directing me which was any safest way to travel, but he also of himself kept me company for the space of three days, and ever as we came to the Indians' houses (who used and entertained us well), he gathered among them in money to the value of twenty pezoes, which at my departure from him he freely gave unto me. So came I to the city of Guatemala upon the South Sea, which is distant from Mexico about 250 leagues, where I stayed six days, for that my horse was weak, and from thence I travelled still south and by east seven days' journey, passing by certain Indian towns until I came to an Indian town distant from Mexico direct south 309 leagues. And here at this town inquiring to go to the port of Cavallos in the north-east sea, it was answered that in travelling thither I should not come to any town in ten or twelve days' journey; so here I hired two Indians to be my guides, and I bought hens and bread to serve us so long time, and took with us things to kindle fire every night because of wild beasts, and to dress our meat; and every night when we rested my Indian guides would make two great fires, between the which we placed ourselves and my horse. And in the night time we should hear the lions roar, with tigers, ounces, and other beasts, and some of them we should see in the night which had eyes shining like fire. And travelling thus for the space of twelve days, we came at last to the port of Cavallos upon the east sea, distant from Guatemala south and by east 200 leagues, and from Mexico 450 or thereabouts. This is a good harbour for ships, and is without either castle or bulwark. I having despatched away my guides, went down to the haven, where I saw certain ships laden chiefly with canary wine, where I spake with one of the masters, who asked me what countryman I was, and I told him that I was born in Granada, and he said that then I was his countryman. I required him that I might pass home with him in his ship, paying for my passage; and he said yea, so that I had a safe conduct or letter testimonial to show that he might incur no danger; for, said he, "it may be that you have killed some man, or be indebted, and you would therefore run away." To that I answered that there was not any such cause. Well, in the end we grew to a price that for 60 pezoes he would carry me into Spain. A glad man was I at this good hap, and I quickly sold my horse, and made my provision of hens and bread to serve me in my passage; and thus within two days after we set sail, and never stayed until we came to the Havana, which is distant from port de Cavallos by sea 500 leagues, where we found the whole fleet of Spain, which was bound home from the Indies. And here I was hired for a soldier, to serve in the admiral ship of the same fleet, wherein the general himself went. There landed while I was here four ships out of Spain, being all full of soldiers and ordnance, of which number there were 200 men landed here, and four great brass pieces of ordnance, although the castle were before sufficiently provided; 200 men more were sent to Campechy, and certain ordnance; 200 to Florida with ordnance; and 100 lastly to St. John de Ullua. As for ordnance, there they have sufficient, and of the very same which was ours which we had in the Jesus, and those others which we had planted in the place, where the Viceroy betrayed Master Hawkins, our general, as hath been declared. The sending of those soldiers to every of those posts, and the strengthening of them, was done by commandment from the King of Spain, who wrote also by them to the general of his fleet, giving him in charge so to do, as also directing him what course he should keep in his coming home into Spain, charging him at any hand not to come nigh to the isles of Azores, but to keep his course more to the northward, advertising him withal what number and power of French ships of war and other Don Anthony had at that time at the Tercera and isles aforesaid, which the general of the fleet well considering, and what great store of riches he had to bring home with him into Spain, did in all very dutifully observe and obey; for in truth he had in his said fleet 37 sail of ships, and in every of them there was as good as 30 pipes of silver, one with another, besides great store of gold, cochineal, sugars, hides, and Cana Fistula, with other apothecary drugs. This our general, who was called Don Pedro de Guzman, did providently take order for, for their most strength and defence, if needs should be, to the uttermost of his power, and commanded upon pain of death that neither passenger or soldier should come aboard without his sword and harquebuse, with shot and powder, to the end that they might be the better able to encounter the fleet of Don Anthony if they should hap to meet with them, or any of them. And ever as the weather was fair, this said general would himself go aboard from one ship to another to see that every man had his full provision according to the commandment given. Yet to speak truly what I think, two good tall ships of war would have made a foul spoil amongst them, for in all this fleet there were not any that were strong and warlike appointed, saving only the admiral and vice-admiral. And again, over and besides the weakness and ill-furnishing of the rest, they were all so deeply laden, that they had not been able (even if they had been charged) to have held out any long fight. Well, thus we set sail, and had a very ill passage home, the weather was so contrary. We kept our course in manner northeast, and brought ourselves to the height of 42 degrees of latitude, to be sure not to meet with Don Anthony his fleet, and were upon our voyage from the 4th of June until the 10th of September, and never saw land till we fell with the Arenas Gordas hard by St. Lucar. And there was an order taken that none should go on shore until he had a licence; as for me, I was known by one in the ship, who told the master that I was an Englishman, which (as God would) was my good hap to hear; for if I had not heard it, it had cost me my life. Notwithstanding, I would not take any knowledge of it, and seemed to be merry and pleasant that we were all come so well in safety. Presently after, licence came that we should go on shore, and I pressed to be gone with the first; howbeit, the master came unto me and said, "Sirrah, you must go with me to Seville by water." I knew his meaning well enough, and that he meant there to offer me up as a sacrifice to the Holy House. For the ignorant zeal of a number of these superstitious Spaniards is such that they think that they have done God good service when they have brought a Lutheran heretic to the fire to be burnt; for so they do account of us. Well, I perceiving all this, took upon me not to suspect anything, but was still jocund and merry, howbeit I knew it stood me upon to shift for myself. And so waiting my time when the master was in his cabin asleep, I conveyed myself secretly down by the shrouds into the ship boat, and made no stay, but cut the rope wherewithal she was moored, and so by the cable hailed on shore, where I leapt on land, and let the boat go whither it would. Thus by the help of God I escaped that day, and then never stayed at St. Lucar, but went all night by the way which I had seen others take towards Seville. So that the next morning I came to Seville, and sought me out a workmaster, that I might fall to my science, which was weaving of taffaetas, and being entertained I set myself close to my work, and durst not for my life once to stir abroad, for fear of being known, and being thus at my work, within four days after I heard one of my fellows say that he heard there was great inquiry made for an Englishman that came home in the fleet. "What, an heretic Lutheran (quoth I), was it? I would to God I might know him. Surely I would present him to the Holy House." And thus I kept still within doors at my work, and feigned myself not well at ease, and that I would labour as I might to get me new clothes. And continuing thus for the space of three months, I called for my wages, and bought me all things new, different from the apparel that I did wear at sea, and yet durst not be over bold to walk abroad; and after understanding that there were certain English ships at St. Lucar, bound for England, I took a boat and went aboard one of them, and desired the master that I might have passage with him to go into England, and told him secretly that I was one of those which Captain Hawkins did set on shore in the Indies. He very courteously prayed me to have him excused, for he durst not meddle with me, and prayed me therefore to return from whence I came. Which then I perceived with a sorrowful heart, God knoweth, I took my leave of him, not without watery cheeks. And then I went to St. Mary Port, which is three leagues from St. Lucar, where I put myself to be a soldier in the King of Spain's galleys, which were bound for Majorca and coming thither in the end of the Christmas holidays I found there two English ships, the one of London, and the other of the west country, which were ready freighted, and stayed but for a fair wind. To the master of the one which was of the west country went I, and told him that I had been two years in Spain to learn the language, and that I was now desirous to go home and see my friends, for that I lacked maintenance, and so having agreed with him for my passage I took my shipping. And thus, through the providence of Almighty God, after sixteen years' absence, having sustained many and sundry great troubles and miseries, as by this discourse appeareth, I came home to this my native country in England in the year 1582, in the month of February in the ship called the Landret, and arrived at Poole.
25815 ---- [Illustration: NOMAHANNA, QUEEN OF THE SANDWICH ISLANDS.] _London. Published by Henry Colburn & Richard Bentley. 1839._ A NEW VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD, IN THE YEARS 1823, 24, 25, AND 26. BY OTTO VON KOTZEBUE, POST CAPTAIN IN THE RUSSIAN IMPERIAL NAVY. IN TWO VOLUMES. VOL. II. LONDON: HENRY COLBURN AND RICHARD BENTLEY, NEW BURLINGTON STREET. 1830. LONDON: PRINTED BY SAMUEL BENTLEY. Dorset Street, Fleet Street. CONTENTS OF THE SECOND VOLUME Page KAMTSCHATKA 1 NEW-ARCHANGEL 27 CALIFORNIA, AND THE NEW RUSSIAN SETTLEMENT, ROSS 69 THE SANDWICH ISLANDS 151 THE PESCADORES, RIMSKI-KORSAKOFF, ESCHSCHOLTZ, AND BRONUS ISLANDS 267 THE LADRONES AND PHILIPPINES 279 ST. HELENA 305 ZOOLOGICAL APPENDIX BY PROFESSOR ESCHSCHOLTZ 323 LIST OF PLATES. Page Reception of Captain Kotzebue at the Island of Otdia, To face Title of Vol. I. Plan of Mattaway Bay and Village 200 Chart of the Navigators' Islands 250 Chart of the Islands of Radak and Ralik 288 Nomahanna, Queen of the Sandwich Islands, To face Title of Vol. II. KAMTSCHATKA. KAMTSCHATKA. The wind, which continued favourable to us as far as the Northern Tropic, was succeeded by a calm that lasted twelve days. The ocean, as far as the eye could reach, was as smooth as a mirror, and the heat almost insupportable. Sailors only can fully understand the disagreeableness of this situation. The activity usual on shipboard gave place to the most wearisome idleness. Every one was impatient; some of the men felt assured that we should never have a wind again, and wished for the most violent storm as a change. One morning we had the amusement of watching two great sword-fish sunning themselves on the surface of the water. I sent out a boat, in the hope that the powerful creatures would, in complaisance, allow us the sport of harpooning them, but they would not wait; they plunged again into the depths of the sea, and we had disturbed their enjoyments in vain. Our water-machine was several times let down, even to the depth of a thousand fathoms: on the surface, the temperature was 24°, and at this depth, only 2° of Reaumur. On the 22nd of May, the anniversary of our frigate's leaving Stopel, we got a fresh easterly wind, which carried us forward pretty quickly on the still smooth surface of the sea. On the 1st of June, when in latitude 42° and longitude 201°, and consequently opposite the coast of Japan, we descried a red stripe in the water, about a mile long and a fathom broad. In passing over it we drew up a pail-full, and found that its colour was occasioned by an infinite number of crabs, so small as to be scarcely distinguishable by the naked eye. We now began daily to experience increasing inconveniences from the Northern climate. The sky, hitherto so serene, became gloomy and covered with storm-clouds, which seldom threatened in vain; we were, besides, enveloped in almost perpetual mists, bounding our prospect to a few fathoms. In a short time, the temperature of the air had fallen from 24° to 3°. So sudden a change is always disagreeable, and often dangerous. We had to thank the skill and attention of our physician, Dr. Siegwald, that it did not prove so to us. Such rough weather is not common to the latitude we were in at that season; but it is peculiar to the Japanese coast even in summer. Whales and storm-birds showed themselves in great numbers, reminding us that we were hastening to the North, and were already far from the luxuriant groves of the South-Sea islands. The wind continued so favourable, that on the 7th of June we could already see the high mountains of Kamtschatka in their winter clothing. Their jagged summits reaching to the heavens, crested with everlasting snow, which glitters in the sunbeams, while their declivities are begirt with clouds, give a magnificent aspect to this coast. On the following day, we reached Awatscha Bay, and in the evening anchored in the harbour of St. Peter and St. Paul. The great peninsula of Kamtschatka, stretching to the river Anadir on the North, and South to the Kurilian Islands, bathed on the east by the ocean, and on the west by the sea of Ochotsk, is, like many men, better than its reputation. It is supposed to be the roughest and most desolate corner of the world, and yet it lies under the same latitude as England and Scotland, and is equal in size to both. The summer is indeed much shorter, but it is also much finer; and the vegetation is more luxuriant than in Great Britain. The winter lasts long, and its discomforts are increased by the quantity of snow that falls; but in the southern parts the cold is moderate; and experience has repeatedly refuted the erroneous opinion, that on account of its long duration, and the consequent curtailment of the summer season, corn cannot be efficaciously cultivated here. Although the snow lies in some of the valleys till the end of May, because the high, over-shadowing mountains intercept the warm sunbeams, yet garden-plants prosper. Potatoes generally yield a triple crop, and would perfectly supply the want of bread, if the inhabitants cultivated them more diligently: but the easier mode of providing fish in super-abundance as winter food, has induced them to neglect the labour of raising potatoes, although they have known years when the fishery has barely protected them from famine. The winter, as I have already said, is very unpleasant, from the heavy snows, which, drifting from the mountains, often bury the houses, so that the inhabitants are compelled to dig a passage out, while the cattle walk on its frozen surface over their roofs. Travelling in this season is very rapid and convenient. The usual mode is in sledges drawn by six or more dogs. The only danger is from snow-storms. The traveller, surprised by this sudden visitation, has no chance for safety except in quietly allowing himself and his dogs to be buried in the snow, and relieving himself from his covering when the storm is past. This, however, is not always practicable; should the storm, or, as it is called here, "purga," overtake him in the ravine of a mountain, such an immense quantity of snow becomes heaped upon him, that he has no power to extricate himself from his tomb. These accidents, however, seldom occur; for the Kamtschatkans have acquired of necessity great foresight in meteorology, and of course never undertake a journey when they do not consider themselves sure of the weather. The principal reason why the climate of Kamtschatka is inferior to that of other places under the same latitude, is to be found in the configuration of the country. The mountains of England, for instance, are of a very moderate height, and broken by extensive plains; here, on the contrary, intersected only by a few valleys of small extent, a single chain of mountains, its broken snow-crowned summits reaching to the clouds, and in many parts far beyond them, stretches the whole length of the Peninsula, and is based upon its breadth. The panorama of Kamtschatka is a confused heap of granite blocks of various heights, thickly piled together, whose pointed, jagged forms bear testimony to the tremendous war of elements amidst which they must have burst from the bowels of the earth. The struggle is even now scarcely ended, as the smoking and burning of volcanoes, and frequent shocks of earthquake, sufficiently intimate. One of the mountains, called Kamtschatka Mountain, rivalling in height the loftiest in the world, often vomits forth streams of lava on the surrounding country. These mountains with their glaciers, and volcanoes emitting columns of fire and smoke from amidst fields of ice, afford a picturesque contrast with the beautiful green of the valleys. The most singular and indescribably-splendid effect is produced by the crystal rocks on the western coast, when illuminated by the sun; their whole refulgent surface reflecting his rays in every various tint of the most brilliant colours, resembles the diamond mountains of fairy-land, while the neighbouring rocks of quartz shine like masses of solid gold. Kamtschatka is a most interesting country to the professor of the natural sciences. Great mineral treasures will certainly be one day discovered here; the number and diversity of its stones is striking even to the most uninitiated. It abounds in hot and salutary springs. To the botanist it offers great varieties of plants, little if at all known; and the zoologist would find here, amongst the animal tribes deserving his attention, besides several kinds of bears, wolves and foxes, the celebrated sable whose skin is sold for so great a price, and the native wild sheep, which inhabits the tops of the highest mountains. It attains the size of a large goat; the head resembles that of an ordinary sheep, but is furnished with strong, crooked horns: the skin and form of the body are like the reindeer, and it feeds chiefly on moss. It is fleet and active, achieving, like the chamois, prodigious springs among the rocks and precipices, and is, consequently, with difficulty killed or taken. In preparing for these leaps, its eye measures the distance with surprising accuracy; the animal then contracts its legs, and darts forward head-foremost to the destined spot, where it alights upon its feet, nor is it ever known to miss, although the point may be so small as to admit its four feet only by their being closely pressed together. The manner in which it balances itself after such leaps is also admirable: our ballet-dancers would consider it a model of a perfect _à plomb_. The monster of the antediluvian world, the mammoth, must have been an inhabitant of this country, since many of its bones have been found here. The forests of Kamtschatka are not enlivened by singing-birds; indeed land-birds are all scarce; but there are infinite numbers of waterfowl of many species. Immense flocks of them are to be seen upon the lakes, rivers, morasses, and even the sea itself, in the vicinity of the shore. Fish is abundant, especially in the months of June and July. A single draught of the net provided us with as many as the whole crew could consume in several days. A sort of salmon, ling, and herrings, are preferred for winter stock; the latter, dried in the air, supply food for the dogs. Kamtschatka was discovered in the year 1696, by a Cossack of Yakutsh, by name Luca Semenoff, who, on a report being spread of the existence of this country, set out with sixteen companions to make a journey hither. In the following years, similar expeditions were repeated in greater force, till Kamtschatka was subjected and made tributary to the Russian crown. The conquest of this country cost many Russian lives; and from the ferocity of the conquerors, and the difficulty of maintaining discipline amongst troops so scattered, ended in nearly exterminating the Kamtschatkans. Although subsequent regulations restrained the disorders of the wild Cossacks, the population is still very thin; but under a wise and careful government it will certainly increase. The name of Kamtschatka, pronounced Kantschatka, conferred by the Russians, was adopted from the native appellation of the great river flowing through the country. This river derived its name, according to tradition, from Kontschat, a warrior of former times, who had a stronghold on its banks. It is strange that the Kamtschatkans had no designation either for themselves or their country. They called themselves simply men, as considering themselves either the only inhabitants of the earth, or so far surpassing all others, as to be alone worthy of this title. On the southern side of the peninsula, the aborigines are believed to have been distinguished by the name of Itelmen; but the signification of this word remains uncertain. The Kamtschatkans acknowledged an Almighty Creator of the world, whom they called Kutka. They supposed that he inhabited the heavens; but had at one time dwelt in human form in Kamtschatka, and was the original parent of their race. Even here the tradition of a universal deluge prevails, and a spot is still shown, on the top of a mountain where Kutka landed from a boat, in order to replenish the world with men. The proverbial phrase current in Kamtschatka, to express a period long past, is, "that was in Kutka's days." Before the expeditions of the Russians to Kamtschatka, the inhabitants were acquainted only with the neighbouring Koriacks and Tchuktchi. They had also acquired some knowledge of Japan, from a Japanese ship wrecked on their coast. They acknowledged no chief, but lived in perfect independence, which they considered as their highest good. Besides the supreme God Kutka, they had a host of inferior deities, installed by their imaginations in the forests, the mountains, and the floods. They adored them when their wishes were fulfilled, and insulted them when their affairs went amiss; like the lower class of Italians, who, when any disaster befalls them, take off their cap, enumerate into it as many saints' names as they can call to mind, and then trample it under foot. Two wooden household deities, Aschuschok and Hontai, were held in particular estimation. The former, in the figure of a man, officiated in scaring away the forest spirits from the house; for which service he was remunerated in food, his head being daily anointed with fish-soup. Hontai was half man, half fish, and on every anniversary of the purification from sin, a new one was introduced and placed beside his predecessors, so that the accumulated number of Hontais showed how many years the inhabitants had occupied their house. The Kamtschatkans believed in their own immortality, and in that of the brute creation; but they expected in a future state to depend upon their labour for subsistence, as in the present life; they only hoped that the toil would be lightened, and its reward more abundant, that they might never suffer hunger. This idea of itself sufficiently proves, that the fisheries sometimes fail in their produce. The several races of Kamtschatkans frequently waged war with each other; caused either by the forcible abduction of the women, or a deficiency in hospitality on their occasional interchange of visits, which was considered an insult to the guest, demanding a bloody revenge. Their wars were seldom carried on openly; they preferred stratagem and artifice; and the conquerors practised the greatest cruelties on the conquered. If a party was so beleaguered as to lose all hope of effectual resistance, or of securing their safety by flight, knowing that no mercy would await a surrender, their warlike spirit did not desert them; they first murdered their women and children, and then rushed furiously on the enemy, to sell their lives as dearly as possible. Their weapons were lances, and bows and poisoned arrows. To treat a guest with the utmost politeness, and leave no cause for hostility, the host was expected to heat his subterranean dwelling till it became almost insupportable: both parties then cast off all their attire, an enormous quantity of food was placed before the guest, and the fire was continually fed. When the visitor declared that he could no longer eat, or endure the heat of the place, all that courtesy required had been done, and the host expected a present in return for his hospitality. At such entertainments the moucho-more, a deleterious species of mushroom, was usually introduced, as a mode of intoxication. Taken in small quantities, it is said to excite an agreeable hilarity of spirits; but if immoderately used, it will produce insanity of several days' duration. Animated by these enjoyments, the host and guests found mutual amusement in the exercise of their peculiar talent of mimicking men and animals. The children when grown up showed little affection for their parents, neglected them in old age, and did not even consider it a violation of filial duty to kill them when they became burdensome. They also murdered their defective or weakly children, to spare them the misery of a languishing existence. They did not bury their dead, but dragged the corpse into the open air, by a thong tied about the neck, and left it a prey to dogs; under the belief, that those devoured by these animals, would in another world be drawn by the best dogs. The mode of solemnizing marriages among the Kamtschatkans was tedious, and, on the part of the bridegroom, attended with many difficulties. A man who wished to marry a girl went to the house of her parents, and without farther declaration took his share in the domestic labours. He thus became the servant of the family, and was obliged to obey all their behests, till he succeeded in winning the favour of the girl and her parents. This might continue for years, and even in the end he was liable to be dismissed, without any compensation for his trouble. If, however, the maiden was pleased, and the parents were satisfied with him, they gave him permission to catch his beloved; from this moment the girl took all possible pains to avoid being alone with him, defended herself with a fishing-net and numerous girdles, all which were to be cut through with a stone knife, while all the family were upon the watch to rescue her at the first outcry: the unfortunate lover had probably no sooner laid hands upon his bride than he was seized by her relations, beaten, and dragged away by his hair; yet was he compelled to conquer and overpower her resistance, or to continue in unrewarded servitude. When, however, the catching was accomplished, the fair one herself proclaimed the victory, and the marriage was celebrated. The present Kamtschatkans are an extremely good-natured, hospitable, timid people; in colour and features nearly resembling the Chinese and Japanese. They all profess the Christian religion; but secretly retain many of their heathen customs, particularly that of killing their deformed children. The town, or rather village, adjoining the harbour of St. Peter and St. Paul, where the present Governor of Kamtschatka, Captain Stanizky, resides, though the principal place in the peninsula, contains but few convenient houses. The rest, about fifty in number, are mere huts, irregularly scattered up the side of a mountain. The inhabitants of this place, which bears the same name as the harbour, are all Russians, officers of the crown, sailors, disbanded soldiers, and some insignificant traders. The Kamtschatkans live inland in little villages on the banks of the rivers, but seldom on the sea-coast. From Krusenstern's representation, Kamtschatka appears very little altered in five-and-twenty years. The only advance made in that period, consists in the cultivation of potatoes by the inhabitants of St. Peter and St. Paul, and the entire water-carriage of various goods and necessaries of life, which were formerly needlessly enhanced in price by being brought overland, through Siberia to Ochotsk. The northern part of the peninsula and the adjoining country, even to the icy sea, is inhabited by the Tschuktschi, a warlike nomad tribe, removing with celerity from place to place by means of their reindeer. They were not so easily conquered as the Kamtschatkans, and for five-and-thirty years incessantly annoyed the Russians, to whom they now only pay a small tribute in skins. Our cannon at length forced a peace upon them, which had not been long concluded, before there was reason to apprehend a breach of its conditions on their part, and an ambassador was sent to their Tajon, or chief, to discover their intentions. The chief drew a long knife from a sheath at his side, presented it to the ambassador, making him observe that it had a broken point, and addressed him as follows: "When my father died he gave me this knife, saying, 'My son, I received this broken knife from my uncle, whom I succeeded in the dignity of Tajon, and I promised him never to sharpen it against the Russians, because we never prosper in our combats with them; I therefore enjoin thee also to enter into no strife with them till this knife shall of itself renew its point.' You see that the knife is still edgeless, and my father's last will is sacred to me." According to an accurate census taken of the population of Kamtschatka in the year 1822, it amounts, with the exception of the Tschuktschi, who cannot be computed, to two thousand four hundred and fifty-seven persons of the male, and one thousand nine hundred and forty-one of the female sex. Of these, the native Kamtschatkans were only one thousand four hundred and twenty-eight males, and one thousand three hundred and thirty females; the rest were Koriaks and Russians. They possessed ninety-one horses, seven hundred and eighteen head of cattle, three thousand eight hundred and forty-one dogs, and twelve thousand reindeer, the latter belonging exclusively to the Koriaks. Unimportant as was the place where we now landed, a change is always agreeable after a long voyage; and the kind and hospitable reception we met with from the commander as well as the inhabitants, contributed greatly to our enjoyments. We were gratified with a bear-hunt, which produced much sport, and gave us the satisfaction of killing a large and powerful bear. This animal is very numerous here, and is consequently easily met with by a hunting-party. The usually timid Kamtschatkan attacks them with the greatest courage. Often armed only with a lance and a knife, he endeavours to provoke the bear to the combat; and when it rises on its hind legs for defence or attack, the hunter rushes forward, and, resting one end of the lance on the ground, plunges the other into its breast, finally dispatching it with his knife. Sometimes, however, he fails in the attempt, and pays for his temerity with his life. The following anecdote evinces the hardihood of the bears. Fish, which forms their chief nourishment, and which they procure for themselves from the rivers, was last year excessively scarce. A great famine consequently existed among them, and instead of retiring to their dens, they wandered about the whole winter through, even in the streets of St. Peter and St. Paul. One of them finding the outer gate of a house open, entered, and the gate accidentally closed after him. The woman of the house had just placed a large tea-machine,[1] full of boiling water, in the court, the bear smelt to it and burned his nose; provoked at the pain, he vented all his fury upon the kettle, folded his fore-paws round it, pressed it with his whole strength against his breast to crush it, and burnt himself, of course, still more and more. The horrible growl which rage and pain forced from him, brought all the inhabitants of the house and neighbourhood to the spot, and poor bruin was soon dispatched by shots from the windows. He has, however, immortalized his memory, and become a proverb amongst the town's people, for when any one injures himself by his own violence, they call him "the bear with the tea-kettle." On the 14th of July, M. Preuss observed an eclipse of the sun, from which he determined the geographical longitude of St. Peter and St. Paul to be 201° 10' 31". On the same day Dr. Siegwald and Messrs. Lenz and Hoffman happily achieved the Herculean task of climbing the Owatscha Mountain, which lies near the harbour. Its height, according to barometrical measurement, is seven thousand two hundred feet. An intermittent smoke arose from its crater, and a cap let down a few feet within it was drawn up burnt. The gentlemen brought back with them some pieces of crystallized sulphur, as evidence of their having really pursued their examination quite into the mouth of the crater. After having delivered all the articles which we had taken in for Kamtschatka, we left the harbour of St. Peter and St. Paul on the morning of the 20th of July, and with favouring breezes sailed for the Russian settlement of New Archangel, on the north-west coast of America. At sunset the majestic mountains of Kamtschatka appeared for the last time within our horizon, and at a vast distance. This despised and desolate country may perhaps one day become a Russian Mexico. The only treasure of which we robbed it was, a swallow's nest! I mention it, because it long supplied the whole ship's company with amusement. In the harbour of St. Peter and St. Paul, there is sufficient depth of water close to the shore to admit of landing by means of a plank only. This proximity led a pair of swallows to mistake our frigate for a building upon terra-firma, and to the infinite delight of the sailors, who regarded it as a lucky omen, they deliberately built themselves a nest close to my cabin. Undisturbed by the noise in the ship, the loving pair hatched their brood in safety, fed their young ones with the tenderest care, and cheered them with joyous songs. But when on a sudden they saw their peaceful dwelling removing from the land, they seemed astonished, and hovered anxiously about the ship, yet still fetched food for their young from the shore, till the distance became too great. The struggle between the instincts of self-preservation and parental love then became perceptible. They flew round the vessel, then vanished for awhile, then suddenly returned to their hungry family, and stretching their open beaks towards them, seemed to lament that no food was to be found. This alternate disappearing and returning continued some time, and terminated in the parents returning no more; the sailors then took on themselves the care of the deserted orphans. They removed them from the nest where the parents warmth was necessary, to another lined with cotton, and fixed in a warm place, and fed them with flies, which seemed to please their palates very well. The system at first appeared to have perfectly succeeded, and we were in hopes of carrying them safely to America; when, in spite of the most careful attention, they fell sick, and on the eighth day, to the general sorrow, not one of our nurslings remained alive. They however afforded an additional proof how kindly the common people of Russia are interested in all that is helpless. NEW ARCHANGEL. NEW ARCHANGEL. The swallows brought us no good fortune. The very day after we left Kamtschatka, one of our best sailors fell from the mast-head into the scuttle, and immediately expired. He had climbed thither in safety in the most violent storms, and executed the most difficult tasks with ease; now, in fine weather, on a tranquil sea, he met this fate. These accidents happen most frequently to the best and cleverest sailors: they confide too much in their own ability, and consider too little the risks they run. It is impossible to warn them sufficiently. This fatal accident produced a general melancholy among us, which the cloudy, wet, cold weather we soon encountered perpetually increased, till we reached the coast of America. Fortunately, we had all the time a strong west wind; by its help we passed the southern coasts of the Aleutian Islands, and on the 7th of August already approached the American coast. On this day the sun once more smiled on us; the sky afterwards continued clear, and the air became milder and pleasanter as we neared the land. From our noon observation we were in latitude 55° 36', and longitude 140° 56'. In this region, some navigators have imagined they observed a regular current to the north; but our experience does not confirm the remark. A current carried us from twenty to thirty miles in twenty-four hours, setting sometimes north, and sometimes south, according to the impulse of the wind; close to shore only the current is regularly to the north. The inhabitants concurred in this observation. We now steered direct for the bay called by the English Norfolk Sound, and by the Russians Sitka Bay, and the island at its back, which the natives call Sitchachan, whence the Russian Sitka. This island, called by the Russians New Archangel, is at present the principal settlement of the Russian-American company. On the morning of the 9th of August, we were, according to my calculation, near land; but a thick fog concealed us from every object so much as fifty fathoms distant. At length the mid-day sun burst forth, and rapidly dispelling the curtain of cloud and fog, surprised us with a view of the American coast. We were standing right for the mouth of the above-mentioned bay, at a small distance from the Edgecumbe promontory; a table-land so elevated, that in clear weather it serves for a safe landmark at a distance of fifty miles. We were all day prevented by a calm from making the bay, and were obliged to content ourselves with admiring the wild high rocky coast, with its fir forests. Though now in a much higher latitude than in Kamtschatka, we yet saw no snow, even on the summits of the highest mountains; a proof of the superior mildness of the climate on the American, compared with the Asiatic coast. The next day we took advantage of a light wind blowing towards the bay; but so gloomy was the weather, that we could scarcely see land, and not one of our crew had ever been in the bay before. It stretches from the entrance to New Archangel twenty-five miles in length, and is full of small islands and shallows; a pilot was not to be thought of; but we happily overcame all our difficulties. We tacked through all the intricacies of this navigation amidst heavy rain and a thick gloom, till we dropped the anchor within musket-shot of the fortress. We here found the frigate Kreissac, under the command of Captain Lasaref, sent here by Government for the protection of trade, and whom we were destined to succeed. The appearance of a vessel of our native country, in so distant and desolate a corner of the earth, naturally produced much joy amongst our people. I immediately paid a visit to Captain Lasaref, and then to the Governor of the Colony, Captain Murawief, an old acquaintance, whom I had not seen for many years. At so great a distance from home, friendships are quickly formed between compatriots, even if previously unknown to each other,--how much then must their interest increase, when long ago cemented in the native land! My intercourse with this gentleman, equally distinguished for his noble character and cultivated mind, conduced much to the comfort of a tedious residence in this desert. To my enquiry, whether my vessel must now remain stationary at the colony, he replied, that until the first of March of the following year (1825), my time was at my own disposal, but that after that period my presence could not be dispensed with. I therefore proceeded to visit California and the Sandwich Islands, and returned to New Archangel on the 23rd of February 1825. The nearer we drew to the land the milder the weather became, and we were astonished, in so northern a country, to see the mountains at this season of the year entirely free from snow to a considerable height. Throughout this winter, however, which had been particularly mild, the snow in many of the vallies had never lain above a few hours together. Here, under fifty-seven degrees north latitude, the climate is much milder than in European countries similarly situated; as again the north-east coast of Asia is much colder than countries of an equal latitude in Europe. On the morning of the 24th, after passing a stormy night on this dangerous coast, we happily succeeded in reaching the harbour, and anchoring before the fortress, just before another and most violent tempest set in. We were received with great rejoicing; and on the following day placed the frigate in such a position, and at such a distance from the fortress, as was most convenient to accomplish the purpose of our mission. To explain this, we must take a short review of the Russian settlement here, and of the affairs of the original inhabitants. From the highest antiquity to the present day, examples are not wanting of men trusting themselves in small and frail vessels to the perils of the ocean, and performing astonishing voyages, without any of those aids which the improvements in science and mechanical art place within our reach. The children of the Sun in Peru, and the founders of the regular political constitution which existed in Mexico before its invasion by the Spaniards, probably floated in little canoes over the trackless surface of the ocean, as the inhabitants of the South Sea Islands do to this day. The voyages of the Phoenicians and Romans are sufficiently known; as are those of the Norman heroes who discovered Greenland, Iceland, and even North America. In vessels just as defective, destitute of the instruments requisite for observing their course, and of any fixed notion concerning the conformation or extent of the earth, often even without a compass, ignorant Russian adventurers have embarked from Ochotsk, and rounding Kamtschatka, have discovered the Aleutian Islands, and attained to the north-west coast of America. Year after year, in more numerous parties, they repeated these expeditions, tempted by the beautiful furs which were procured in the newly-discovered countries. Many of their vessels were lost,--many of those who ventured in them were attacked and murdered by savages; yet still new adventurers were found yearly encountering all these risks, for the sake of the profitable traffic in these furs, especially that of the sea-otter. By degrees they formed themselves into commercial societies, which obtained a firmer footing on the Aleutian Islands, and even on the northern parts of the western coast of America, carried on a regular trade to Siberia, but lived in a state of continual violence and dissensions. Superior to the natives by the possession of fire-arms, they became overbearing, treated the timid Aleutians in the most cruel manner, and would perhaps have quite exterminated them, had not the Emperor Paul interposed. By his order, in 1797, a Russian-American mercantile company was established, which was to supersede the trading societies hitherto existing, and possess the exclusive privilege of carrying on trade and founding settlements in these regions. The directors, in whose hands was vested the administration of the affairs and appointment of the governor of these settlements, were to reside in Petersburg, under the control of the government, to which they were responsible. At first the sea-otters were plentiful, even on the coast of Kamtschatka; but the unlimited pursuit of them diminished their numbers so rapidly, that the Company was obliged to extend their search for them over the Aleutian Islands, and even to the island of Kodiack, lying on the American coast, where they had fixed their chief settlement. From thence the chase was continued to the bay of Tschugatsk and Cook's river. The poor otters were severe sufferers, for the beauty of the skin nature had bestowed on them. They were pursued in every possible direction, and such numbers annually killed, that at length they became scarce, even in these quarters, having already almost wholly disappeared from Kamtschatka and the Aleutian Islands. The Company therefore resolved to extend their settlements farther south; and thus, in the year 1804, arose the colony on the island of Sitka, whose natives call themselves after their island, but are styled by the Russians Kalushes. The island is only separated from the mainland by a narrow inlet of the sea. It extends over three degrees and a half of latitude; and, in fact, consists of three islands, as I ascertained by personal examination in boats. The channels, however, which separate them are so narrow, that the three might easily pass for one. The coast of Sitka Bay is intersected by many deep creeks, and the neighbouring waters thickly sprinkled with little rocky islands overgrown with wood, which are a protection against storms, and present a strong wall of defence against the waves. The harbour of New Archangel is equally well defended by nature, and needs no assistance from art. A bold enterprising man of the name of Baronof, long superintended the Company's establishments. Peculiarly adapted by nature for the task of contending with a wild people, he seemed to find a pleasure in the occupation. Although the conquest of the Sitkaens, or Kalushes, was not so easily achieved as that of the more timid Aleutians and Kodiacks, he finally accomplished it. A warlike, courageous, and cruel race, provided with fire-arms by the ships of the North American United States, in exchange for otters' skins, maintained an obstinate struggle against the invaders. But Baronof at length obtained a decisive superiority over them. What he could not obtain by presents, he took by force, and, in spite of all opposition, succeeded in founding the settlement on this island. He built some dwelling-houses, made an entrenchment, and having, in his own opinion, appeased the Kalushes by profuse presents, confided the new conquest to a small number of Russians and Aleutians. For a short time matters went on prosperously, when suddenly, the garrison left by Baronof, believing itself in perfect safety, was attacked one night by great numbers of Kalushes, who entered the entrenchments without opposition, and murdered all they met there with circumstances of atrocious cruelty. A few Aleutians only, who happened to be out in their little baidars,[2] escaped by standing out to sea, and brought to Kodiack the news of the annihilation of the settlement at Sitka. This occurrence took place in the year 1804, when the present Admiral Krusenstern made his voyage round the world, and his second ship, the Neva, was bound for this colony. Baronof immediately seized so excellent an opportunity for revenging himself on the Kalushes. He armed three vessels, and sailed in company with the Neva to Sitka. When the Kalushes heard that the warrior Nonok, as they called Baronof, had returned, terror prevented their attempting to oppose his landing; and they retired in great haste to their fortification, consisting of a great quadrangle closely set round with thick, high beams, broken only by one very small and strong door. The pallisadoes were furnished with loop-holes, for the firing of muskets and falconets, with which the besieged were amply supplied. This wooden fortress, enclosing about three hundred fighting men with their families, held out several days; but no sooner had the heavy guns of the Russians effected a breach, than the besieged, finding their position no longer tenable, surrendered at discretion, and delivered over the sons of their chiefs as hostages for their submission. Though peace was now established, and they were allowed to retire unmolested, yet, mistrusting the Russians, they stole away secretly in a dark night, having first murdered all who, whether from age or infancy, might be burdensome to them in their flight. Morning discovered the cruelty perpetrated by these barbarians, who, in their fears, judged the Russians by themselves. From this time Baronof remained nominally in possession of the island, and actually of a hill upon it forming a natural fortification, and formerly inhabited by a chief of the Kalushes called Katelan. The savages thirsted for revenge; and, notwithstanding the treaties concluded with them, unceasingly sought to gratify it by secret arts and ambushes; so that the Russians, unless well armed, and in considerable numbers, could not venture beyond the shelter of their fortress without the most imminent danger of being murdered. Baronof re-founded the settlement, and having strengthened by scientific defences the high hill, which falls on every side in abrupt precipices, has rendered it perfectly safe from every attack. The necessary dwelling-houses were soon erected; and this place, under the name of New Archangel, became the capital of the Russian possessions in America, stretching from 52° of latitude to the Icy Sea, and including also two settlements lying farther south, of which I shall hereafter have occasion to speak. Baronof himself resided from this time in New Archangel, and the chase of the sea-otters proved very advantageous to the Company; but so scarce are these animals now become, even here, that the numbers caught only suffice to cover the expenses of maintaining a force sufficient for protection against the savages. For this reason, the Company have contemplated the necessity of entirely abandoning the settlement at New Archangel, and making Kodiack once more their capital. It were, however, a pity this plan should be adopted, as it would afford facilities to other nations, by settling in these regions, to disturb the trade of the Company. But the Company may possibly be compelled to give up New Archangel, by their resources not permitting them to retain it, unless they should receive some assistance from Government. The climate of Sitka is not so severe as might have been expected from its latitude. In the middle of winter the cold is not excessive, and never lasts long. Agriculture notwithstanding does not appear to be successful here. There is not perhaps a spot in the world where so much rain falls; a dry day is a perfect rarity, and this would itself account for the failure of corn; the nature of the ground is however equally inimical to it. There are no plains of any extent; the small valleys being every where surrounded by high steep rocks of granite, and consequently overshadowed the greater part of the day. Some vegetables, such as cabbages, turnips, and potatoes, prosper very well: the latter are raised even by the Kalushes, who have learned from the Russians the manner of cultivating them, and consider them as a great delicacy. Upon the continent of America, the climate, under the same latitude, is said to be incomparably better than on this island, although the cold is rather more severe. Great plains are there to be met with, where wheat could probably be successfully cultivated. The forests of Sitka, consisting principally of fir and beech, are lofty and thick. Some of their trees are a hundred and sixty feet in height, and from six to seven feet in diameter. From these noble trunks the Kalushes form their large canoes, which sometimes carry from twenty-five to thirty men. They are laboriously and skilfully constructed; but the credit their builders may claim for this one branch of industry is nearly all that belongs to a barbarous and worthless race of men. Wild and unfruitful as this country appears, the soil is rich, so that its indigenous plants, of which there are no great variety, attain a very large growth. Several kinds of berries, particularly raspberries and black currants, of an enormous size but watery taste, are met with in considerable quantities. The sea, near the coast and in the bays, abounds in fish and in mammalia. Whales, sea-hogs, seals, sea-lions, &c. are very numerous; but of the fish, which chiefly afford subsistence both to the natives and the Russians, the best are herrings, salmon, and cod, of which there is a superfluity. There is no great variety of birds native to this coast; but the beautiful white-headed eagle, and several sorts of pretty humming-birds, migrate from warmer climates to build their nests in Sitka. It is extraordinary that these tender little creatures, always inhabiting hot countries, should venture thus far northwards. Among the quadrupeds frequenting the forests is the black bear, whose skin fetches so high a price in Russia, and a species of wild sheep known to us only by the descriptions of the Kalushes, and in which our natural histories are still deficient. It differs greatly from that of Kamtschatka: its wool rivals silk in the delicacy and softness of its texture. The most remarkable animal, however, is the sea-otter, that which has allured merchants hither from distant countries, and which, if such intercourse should improve the morals and intellects of the natives, may be considered as their benefactor. This animal inhabits only the north-west coast of America, between the latitudes of 30° and 60°, in smaller numbers the Aleutian islands, and formerly the coast of Kamtschatka and the Kurile islands. Its skin makes the finest fur in the world, and is as highly prized by the Chinese as by the Europeans. Its value advances yearly, with the increasing scarceness of the animal; it will soon entirely disappear, and exist only in description to decorate our zoological works. Attempts have been made to identify the sea and river otter, because there is a considerable resemblance in their form; but the skin of the former is without comparison finer than the latter, which inhabits only lakes and rivers, where the sea-otter is never found. They are often seen on the surface of the water, many miles from land, lying asleep on their backs, with their young, of which only two are produced at a birth, lying over them sucking. The young cannot swim till they are some months old; but the mother, when she goes out to sea in search of food, carries them on her back and brings them back to her hole in the rocks, when she has satisfied her hunger. If seen by the hunter during these excursions, she is a certain prey, for she never forsakes her offspring however they embarrass her swimming, but, in common with the male, defends them courageously against every attack. The lungs of these animals are so constructed that they cannot subsist for more than a few minutes under water, but are necessitated to re-ascend to the surface for breath. These opportunities are seized by the hunters, who would seldom succeed, if the otter could remain long under water, where it swims with great rapidity and skill. Even with the above advantage, the chase is very toilsome, and sometimes dangerous. It is carried on in the following manner. The hunters row in the little Aleutian baidars round the coast, and for some miles out to sea, provided with bows, arrows, and short javelins. As soon as they see an otter they throw their javelins, or shoot their arrows. The animal is seldom struck; it immediately dives, and as it swims very rapidly, the skill of the hunter is displayed in giving the baidar the same direction as that taken by the animal. As soon as the otter re-appears on the water, it is again fired at, when it dives again; and the pursuit is continued in the same way till the creature becomes so weary that it is easily struck. They tear out with their teeth the arrows which wound them; and often, especially if their young are with them, boldly fall upon the canoes and attack their persecutors with teeth and claws; these conflicts however uniformly end in the defeat and death of the otter. The more baidars are in company, the safer is the hunt, but with experienced hunters two are enough. They often encounter great perils by venturing out too far to sea, and being overtaken by storms. I now proceed, though with some reluctance, to the description of the natives, the Kalushes. They are, as I have already said, the most worthless people on the face of the earth, and disgusting to such a degree that I must beg fastidious readers to pass over a few pages. The truth of my narrative makes it necessary for me to submit to the revolting task of showing to what point of degradation human nature may sink. The Sitka Islanders, as well as their neighbours on the continent, are large and strongly built, but have their limbs so ill-proportioned, that they all appear deformed. Their black, straight hair hangs dishevelled over their broad faces, their cheek-bones stand out, their noses are wide and flat, their mouths large, their lips thick, their eyes small, black, and fiery, and their teeth strikingly white. Their natural colour is not very dark; but they appear much more so than is natural to them, from the custom of smearing themselves daily over the face and body with ochre and a sort of black earth. Immediately after the birth, the head of the child is compressed, to give it what they consider a fine form, in which the eyebrows are drawn up, and the nostrils stretched asunder. In common with many other nations, they tear the beard out by the roots as soon as it appears. This is the business of the women. Their usual clothing consists of a little apron; but the rich wear blankets, purchased from the Russians, or from the American ships, and tied by two corners round the neck, so that they hang down and cover the back. Some of them wear bear-skins in a similar manner. The most opulent possess some European garments, which they wear on great occasions, and which would have an absurd effect were they not so disgusting as to extinguish all inclination to laugh. They never cover the head but in heavy rain, and then protect it by round caps of grass, so ingeniously and closely plaited as to exclude every drop of water. Whatever the degree of heat or cold, they never vary their costume; and I believe there is not a people in the world so hardened against the weather. In the winter, during a cold of 10° of Reaumur, the Kalushes walk about naked, and jump into the water as the best method of warming themselves. At night they lie without any covering, under the open sky, near a great fire, so near indeed as to be sometimes covered by the hot ashes. The women whom I have seen were either dressed in linen shifts reaching to their feet, or in plaited mats. The custom common to both sexes, of painting their faces in broad, black, white, and red stripes crossed in all directions, gives them a peculiarly wild and savage appearance. Although this painting is quite arbitrary, and subject to no exact rules, the different races distinguish each other by it. To give the face a yet more insane cast, their long, hanging, tangled hair is mixed with the feathers of the white eagle. When powdered and painted in this way, the repulsiveness of the Kalush women, by nature excessively ugly, may be imagined; but they have a method of still farther disfiguring themselves. As soon as they are nearly marriageable, an incision is made in the under-lip, and a bone passed through it, which is exchanged from time to time for a thicker one, that the opening may be continually widened. At length a sort of double button, of an oval form, called a kaluga, which, among the people of rank, is often four inches long, and three broad, is forced in so as to make the under lip stand forward thus much in a horizontal direction, and leave the lower teeth quite bare. The outer rim of the lip surrounding the wooden button becomes by the violent stretching as thin as a packthread, and of a dark blue colour. In running, the lip flaps up and down so as to knock sometimes against the chin and sometimes against the nose. Upon the continent, the kaluga is worn still larger; and the female who can cover her whole face with her under-lip passes for the most perfect beauty. Men and women pierce the gristle of the nose, and stick quills, iron rings, and all kinds of ornaments, through it. In their ears, which are also pierced in many places, they wear strings of bones, muscle-shells, and beads. It would be difficult to convey an adequate idea of the hideousness of these people when their costume is thus complete; but the lips of the women, held out like a trough, and always filled with saliva stained with tobacco-juice, of which they are immoderately fond, is the most abominably revolting part of the spectacle. The Kalushes have no fixed residence, but hover round the coast in their large canoes, which they call the women's, carrying all their property with them. When they fix upon any spot for their temporary establishment, they build a hut with great celerity, having all the materials at hand. They drive a number of stakes into the ground in a quadrangular form, fill the interstices with thin planks, and roof in the whole with the bark of trees. With such a dwelling they are satisfied; in the severest winter the family sit in a circle, carrying on their several employments round a fire in the centre. The interior displays as much filthiness as if the inhabitants belonged to the dirtiest class of the brute creation. The smoke; the stench of bad fish, and blubber; the repulsive figures of the women, disgustingly occupied in seeking for vermin on the heads or skins of the men, and actually _eating them_ when found; the great utensil for the service of the whole family, which is also the only vessel capable of containing water to wash with; all this soon drives the most inquisitive European out of so detestable a den. Their food, sufficiently disgusting in itself, is rendered still more so by their manner of eating. It consists almost exclusively of fish, of which the whale is the chief favourite, and its blubber an especial dainty. This is sometimes cooked upon red-hot stones, but more commonly eaten raw. The skins of the sea-otters form their principal wealth, and are a substitute for money; these they barter with the ships which trade with them, to the prejudice of the Russian Company, for muskets, powder, and lead. No Kalush is without one musket at least, of which he perfectly understands the use. The richer a Kalush is, the more powerful he becomes; he has a multitude of wives who bring him a numerous family, and he purchases male and female slaves who must labour and fish for him, and strengthen his force when engaged in warfare. These slaves are prisoners of war, and their descendants; the master's power over them is unlimited, and he even puts them to death without scruple. When the master dies, two of his slaves are murdered on his grave, that he may not want attendance in the other world; these are chosen long before the event occurs, but meet the destiny that awaits them, very philosophically. The continual wars which the different races carry on against each other, with a ferocious cruelty uncommon even among savages, may account for the scanty population of this district; the fire-arms with which, to their own misfortune, they have been furnished by the American ships, have contributed to render their combats more bloody, and consequently to cause renewed and increased irritation. Bows and arrows were formerly their only weapons; now, besides their muskets, they have daggers, and knives half a yard long; they never attack their enemies openly, but fall suddenly upon them in moments of the utmost fancied security. The hope of booty, or of taking a prisoner, is a sufficient motive for one of these treacherous attacks, in which they practise the greatest barbarities; hence the Kalushes, even in time of peace, are always on their guard. They establish their temporary abodes on spots in some measure fortified by nature, and commanding an extensive view on all sides. During the night, the watch is confided to women, who, assembled round a fire outside the hut, amuse themselves by recounting the warlike deeds of their husbands and sons. Domestic occupations, even the most laborious, are also left to females; the men employing themselves only in hunting, and building their canoes. The slaves are required to assist the women, who often treat them in a most merciless manner. The females take an active part in the wars; they not only stimulate the valour of the men, but even support them in the battle. Besides the desire of booty, the most frequent occasion of warfare is revenge. One murder can only be atoned by another; but it is indifferent whether the murderer or one of his relations fall,--the custom merely requires a man for a man; should the murdered person be a female, a female is required in return. A case which would appear inconceivable has actually occurred,--that one of these most disgusting creatures has occasioned a struggle similar to that of Troy for the fair Helen, and an advantageous peace has been obtained by the cession of one of these monsters. The Kalush, who would probably look coldly on our most lovely females, finds his filthy countrywomen, with their lip-troughs, so charming, that they often awaken in him the most vehement passion. In proof of this, I remember an occurrence which took place during our residence in Sitka, among a horde of Kalushes who had encamped in the vicinity of the fortress. A girl had four lovers, whose jealousy produced the most violent quarrels: after fighting a long time without any result, they determined to end the strife by murdering the object of their love, and the resolution was immediately executed with their lances. The whole horde assembled round the funeral pile, and chanted a song, a part of which was interpreted by one of our countrymen, who had been long resident here. "Thou wast too beautiful--thou couldst not live--men looked on thee, and madness fired their hearts!" Savage as this action was, another exceeded it in ferocity. A father, irritated by the cries of his child, an infant in the cradle, snatched it up, and threw it into a vessel full of boiling whale-oil. These examples are sufficient to characterise this hateful people, who appear to be in every respect the very refuse of human nature. Their weddings are celebrated merely by a feast given to the relatives of the bride. The dead are burned, and their ashes preserved in small wooden boxes, in buildings appropriated to that purpose. They have a confused notion of immortality, and this is the only trace of religion which appears amongst them. They have neither priests, idols, nor any description of worship, but they place great faith in witchcraft; and the sorcerers, who are also their physicians, are held in high estimation, though more feared than loved. These sorcerers profess to heal the sick by conjurations of the Wicked Spirit; they are, however, acquainted with the medicinal properties of many herbs, but carefully conceal their knowledge as a profitable mystery. We often received visits on board from chiefs of the Kalushes, generally with their whole family and attendants, who came to examine the ship, receive presents, and eat their fill, expressing their gratitude for these civilities by attempting to entertain us with their horrid national dance. Before coming on board, they usually rowed several times round the ship, howling a song to the following effect: "We come to you as friends, and have really no evil intention. Our fathers lived in strife with you, but let peace be between us. Receive us with hospitality, and expect the same from us." This song was accompanied by a sort of tambourine, which did not improve its harmony. They would not climb the ship's side till we had several times repeated our invitation, as it is not their custom to accept the first offer of hospitality, probably from a feeling of distrust. On these visits, the Kalushes were more than usually particular in the decoration of their persons. Their faces were so thickly smeared with stripes of red, black, and white paint, that their natural colour could not be known. Their bodies were painted with black stripes, and their hair covered with a quantity of white down and feathers, which were scattered around with every motion of their heads. Ermine-skins are also frequently fastened into the hair. A wolf or bear-skin, or a blanket, tied round the neck, covers their bodies, and they use an eagle's wing or tail as a fan. Their feet are always bare. When on such occasions they had seen all they wished of the ship, except the cabins, (for these I would not suffer them to enter, on account of the abominable stench left behind by the rancid oil and blubber, which they used as perfumes,) they assembled upon deck to dance. The women did not dance, but assisted as musicians. Their song, accompanied by the dull music of the tambourine, consisted of a few hollow and unconnected tones, sent forth at intervals to keep time with the stamping of their feet. The men made the most extraordinary motions with their arms and bodies, varying them by high leaps into the air, while showers of feathers fell from their heads. Every dancer retained his own place, but turning continually round and round, gave the spectators an opportunity of admiring him on all sides. One only stood a little apart; he was particularly decorated with ermine-skins and feathers, and beat time for the dancing with a staff ornamented with the teeth of the sea-otter. He appeared to be the director of all the movements. At every pause we offered tobacco-leaves to the dancers and musical ladies: both sexes eagerly seized the favourite refreshment, and crammed their mouths with it, then recommencing the music and dancing with renewed alacrity. When at length downright exhaustion put an end to the spectacle, the Kalushes were entertained with a favourite mess of rice boiled with treacle. They lay down round the wooden dishes, and helped themselves greedily with their dirty hands. During the meal, the women were much inconvenienced by their lip-troughs; the weight of the rice made them hang over the whole chin, and the mouth could not contain all that was intended for it. During one of these repasts, the Kalushes were much terrified by a young bear which we had brought from Kamtschatka: breaking loose from his chain, he sprang over their heads, and seizing on the wooden vessel that contained the rice, carried it off in triumph. At parting we always gave them a dram of brandy, which they are very fond of, and can drink in considerable quantities without injury. That no vice may be wanting to complete their characters, the Kalushes are great gamblers. Their common game is played with little wooden sticks painted of various colours, and called by several names, such as, crab, whale, duck, &c., which are mingled promiscuously together, and placed in heaps covered with moss; the players being then required to tell in which heap the crab, the whale, &c. lies. They lose at this game all their possessions, and even their wives and children, who then become the property of the winner. During the whole of our residence at Sitka, we maintained peace with the Kalushes, which may be entirely attributed to the moderation and intrepidity of our sailors. Opposite our frigate, on the shore, the ship's cooper had settled under a tent, almost all our casks being in want of repair; and I allowed him three armed sailors as assistants and protectors against the Kalushes. One day ten of these savages armed with long knives came into the tent; having sat for some time contemplating the work, they became very troublesome, and, on being forbidden to pass the bounds previously prescribed, drew their knives and attacked the cooper, who would have been severely wounded had he not by good fortune parried a dangerous thrust. The three sailors now sprang forward with their loaded muskets; but as they had received the strictest injunctions not to shed blood, except in the most extreme necessity, they contented themselves with standing before the Kalushes and keeping them off with their bayonets. The savages at first continued to threaten the sailors, but on finding they were not to be intimidated, thought proper to retire to the forest. Had a skirmish really ensued, the consequences might have been serious. The Kalushes would all have united against us, and by rushing upon us from their hiding-places, whenever we left the protection of the ship or the fortress, might have done us much mischief. For this reason, Captain Murawieff, the governor of the settlement, had always exerted himself to the utmost to prevent any disputes. By his judicious regulations, he had acquired great influence over the natives, and had effected considerable improvement in their behaviour. In every respect, indeed, the administration of this excellent man has been such as to promote the true welfare of the colonies; and if the plans laid down by him for the future be adhered to, the trade of the Company will be materially benefited, and new sources of profit opened to them. I have already mentioned that no people in the world surpass the citizens of the United States in the boldness, activity, and perseverance of their mercantile speculations. This observation was confirmed by an instance we met with here. On the 16th of April 1825, a two-masted ship ran into this harbour from Boston. It had performed the voyage by Cape Horn in a hundred and sixty-six days, without having put into any intermediate port. Captain Blanchard, proprietor both of the ship, and of the whole cargo, had, upon the strength of a mere report, expended his whole capital upon certain articles of which he had heard that New Archangel was in need; and now, at the close of his immense voyage, found with dismay that not only was the colony well provided for the present, but that a ship was also daily expected from St. Petersburg laden with every thing it could desire. As, however, his offers were very reasonable, the ship and cargo were subsequently purchased of him for twenty-one thousand skins of sea-cats, (not otters) with the stipulation on his part, that he, his crew, and his skins, should be transported to the Sandwich Islands, whence he hoped to procure a passage for Canton, and there to dispose of his merchandise to advantage. These skins are usually sold in China for two Spanish dollars each. On the arrival of Captain Blanchard's ship in port, the whole crew, he himself not excepted, were in a state of intoxication; and it appeared to be mere good luck that they had escaped the dangers of so many rocks and shallows; but the North Americans are such clever sailors, that even when drunk they are capable of managing a ship. It is also probable, that these had lived more soberly during the voyage, and had been tempted by the joy of completing it, to extraordinary indulgence. On my visit to the ship, I could not help remarking the great economy of all its arrangements: no such thing, for instance, as a looking-glass was to be seen, except the one kept for measuring the angle of the sextant, and that, small as it was, assisted the whole crew in the operation of shaving. On the 30th of July, the ship Helena, belonging to the Company, arrived in New Archangel from Petersburg, bringing an ample provision of necessaries for the colony. To us this ship was particularly welcome, as the bearer of permission to leave our station and return to Russia. We immediately set to work to get our vessel in sailing order; and the 11th of August was the long wished-for day, when, favoured by a fresh north wind, we bade adieu to New Archangel, where we had passed five months and a-half surrounded by a people calculated only to inspire aversion, and without relief to the wearisomeness of our mode of life, except in the society of Captain Murawieff and the few Russian inhabitants of the fortress. I determined to return to Kronstadt by the Chinese Sea and the Cape of Good Hope. But having no intention of following Captain Blanchard's example, in wearing out my crew by a voyage of unreasonable length without any relaxation, I appointed Manilla, in the Philippine island of Luçon, for their resting-place, after having made another attempt to find the Ralik chain of islands. The medium of the astronomical observations made during these five months, gave, as the geographical longitude of New Archangel, 135° 33' 18", and the latitude as 57° 2' 57"; the declination of the needle as 27° 30' east. According to this, the promontory of Mount Edgecumbe is in the longitude 136° 1' 49"; consequently about 20' more westerly than appears on Vancouver's map. We found a similar difference between our observation of St. Francisco and his; I therefore believe that his whole survey of the north-west coast of America represents it more easterly than it really is. Our longitudes have the greater claim to confidence, as they were the results of repeated observations on land, while his were merely taken on shipboard _en passant_. The medium of our observations at New Archangel upon the difference in high tides at the new and full moon, gave thirty minutes for the time, and sixteen feet for the greatest difference in the height of the water. CALIFORNIA, AND THE RUSSIAN SETTLEMENT OF ROSS. CALIFORNIA, AND THE RUSSIAN SETTLEMENT OF ROSS. I have already mentioned, in the foregoing chapter, that I was allowed to pass the winter of 1824 in California and the Sandwich Islands. Captain Lasaref also, whom I relieved on the station, proposed to run into St. Francisco on the coast of California, on his return, in order there to lay in fresh provisions for his passage round Cape Horn. He first awaited, however, the arrival of the post from St. Petersburg, which passes between these distant points of our far-spreading monarchy only once in the year, arriving in the spring at Ochotsk by the way of Siberia, and reaching New Archangel in the autumn by sea. It was on the 10th of September 1824, that after having made the necessary preparations for our subsequent residence in New Archangel, and having properly equipped the ship, we again put to sea, and a brisk north wind soon carried us in a southerly direction towards the fertile peninsula of California. Our voyage was safe, and varied by no remarkable occurrence, except that under forty degrees of latitude we were indulged with the spectacle of a most extraordinary struggle between two opposing winds. After a few days' pretty fresh breezes from the south, clouds suddenly appeared in the north, and, by the motion of the water, we perceived that an equally strong wind was rising in that direction. The waves from the opposite regions foamed and raged against each other like hostile forces; but between them lay a path some fathoms broad, and stretching from east to west to an immeasurable length, which appeared perfectly neutral ground, and enjoyed all the repose of the most profound peace, not a single breath troubling the glassy smoothness of its surface. After a time, victory declared for Boreas, and he drove the smooth strip towards our vessel, which had hitherto been sailing in the territory of the south wind. We presently entered the calm region; and while we had not a puff to swell our sails, the wind raged with undiminished fury on both sides. This strange spectacle lasted for about a quarter of an hour; when the north wind, which had been continually advancing, reached us, and carried us quickly forward towards the point of our destination. On the 25th of September we found ourselves, by observations, in the neighbourhood of the promontory called by the Spaniards "the King," not far from the bay of St. Francisco; but a thick fog, which at this season always reigns over the coast of California, veiled the wished-for land till the 27th. At ten o'clock in the morning of this day, at a distance of only three miles, we doubled his rocky majesty, a high bold hill terminating towards the sea in a steep wall of black rock, and having nothing at all regal in its appearance,--and perceived in his neighbourhood a very strong surf, occasioned by two contrary and violent currents raging, with the vain fury of insurrection, against the tranquillity of his immoveable throne. The channel leading into the beautiful basin of St. Francisco is only half gun-shot wide, and commanded by a fortress situated on its left bank, on a high rock, named after St. Joachim. We could distinguish the republican flag, the waving signal, that even this most northern colony of Spain no longer acknowledges the authority of the mother country; we also remarked a few cavalry and a crowd of people who were watching our swiftly sailing vessel with the most eager attention. As we drew nearer, a sentinel grasped with both hands a long speaking trumpet, and enquired our nation and from whence we came. This sharp interrogatory, the sight of the cannon pointed upon our track, and the military, few indeed, but ready for battle, might have induced an opinion that the fortress had power to refuse entrance even to a ship of war, had we not been acquainted with the true state of affairs. St. Joachim, on his rocky throne, is truly a very peaceable and well-disposed saint; no one of his cannon is in condition to fire a single shot, and his troops are cautious of venturing into actual conflict: he fights with words only. I would not therefore refuse to his fortress the courtesy of a salute, but was much astonished at not finding my guns returned. An ambassador from shore soon solved the mystery, by coming to beg so much powder as would serve to answer my civility with becoming respect. As soon as we had dropped anchor, the whole of the military left the fortress without a garrison, to mingle with the assemblage of curious gazers on the shore, where the apparition of our ship seemed to excite as much astonishment as in the South Sea Islands. I now sent Lieutenant Pfeifer ashore, to notify our arrival in due form to the commandant, and to request his assistance in furnishing our vessel with fresh provisions. The commandant himself, Don Martinez Ignatio, lieutenant of cavalry, had been summoned to the capital Monterey, to attend Congress, and was absent; his deputy, the second lieutenant, Don Joseph Sanchez, received my envoy with much cordiality, and referred in a very flattering manner to my former visit to this port, in the ship Rurik. Don Sanchez was at that time a brave subaltern; but had since, under republican colours, risen in the service. He promised to lend us every assistance in his power, and proved his friendly intentions by an immediate present of fruits, vegetables, and fresh meats. As our accounts of California are few and defective, a rapid glance at the history and constitution of this unknown but beautiful country, richly endowed by Nature with all that an industrious population could require to furnish the comforts and enjoyments of life, but hitherto sadly neglected under Spanish mis-government, will probably not be unwelcome to the readers who have accompanied me thus far: I will therefore, on its behalf, defer, for a short space, the account of our residence here. The narrow peninsula on the north-west coast of America, beginning at St. Diego's Point, under thirty-two degrees of latitude, and ending with the promontory of St. Lucas, under twenty-two degrees, was first exclusively called California; but the Spaniards extended this appellation to their more recent discoveries on this coast towards the north; since which, the peninsula has been named Old, and the more northern coast to the Bay of St. Francisco, in thirty-seven degrees latitude, New California; from thence begins the so-called New Albion. Mexico did not suffice to the ambition of its restless conqueror Cortez. To extend still farther the dominion of Spain, he directed the building of large vessels on the western coast of Mexico; and thus, in the year 1534, was California first seen by Spanish navigators, and in 1537 visited by Francisco de Ulloa. When information of the new discoveries reached the Spanish government, they resolved, contrary to their proceedings in the cases of Mexico and Peru, to gain peaceable possession of the new country by converting the inhabitants to the Christian religion, and declared that this pious object was all they had in view. Only a small military force was, in fact, dispatched with a body of Jesuits, who established a settlement and began the trade of conversion. Disinterested as this rather expensive expedition appeared, its secret motive might probably be found in the fear that any other nation should establish itself in the neighbourhood of Mexico and the Spanish gold-mines. The Jesuits came and made converts. These were followed by the Dominicans, who still have settlements, called here missions, in Old California; and subsequently by the Franciscans, who have established themselves in the New. They all convert away at a great rate,--we shall soon find how. The first missions were seated on the coast of Old California, for the convenience of communication by sea with Mexico, and because the country was favourable to agriculture. The military who accompanied the monks, selected for their residence a situation from whence they could overlook several missions, and be always ready for their defence. These military posts are here called Presidios. As it was not possible to make the savage natives comprehend the doctrines of Christianity, their inculcation was out of the question; and all that these religionists thought necessary to be done with this simple, timid race, scarcely superior to the animals by whom they were surrounded, was to introduce the Catholic worship, or, more properly, the dominion of the monks, by force of arms. The missions multiplied rapidly. In New California, where we now were, the first of these, that of St. Diego, was established in 1769; now there are twenty-one in this country. Twenty-five thousand baptized Indians belong at present to these missions, and a military force of five hundred dragoons is found sufficient to keep them in obedience, to prevent their escape, or, if they should elude the vigilance of their guards, to bring them from the midst of their numerous tribes, improving the favourable opportunity of making new converts by the power of the sword. The fate of these so called Christian Indians is not preferable even to that of negro slaves. Abandoned to the despotism of tyrannical monks, Heaven itself offers no refuge from their sufferings; for their spiritual masters stand as porters at the gate, and refuse entrance to whom they please. These unfortunate beings pass their lives in prayer, and in toiling for the monks, without possessing any property of their own. Thrice a day they are driven to church, to hear a mass in the Latin language; the rest of their time is employed in labouring in the fields and gardens with coarse, clumsy implements, and in the evening they are locked up in over-crowded barracks, which, unboarded, and without windows or beds, rather resemble cows' stalls than habitations for men. A coarse woollen shirt which they make themselves, and then receive as a present from the missionaries, constitutes their only clothing. Such is the happiness which the Catholic religion has brought to the uncultivated Indian; and this is the Paradise which he must not presume to undervalue by attempting a return to freedom in the society of his unconverted countrymen, under penalty of imprisonment in fetters. The large tract of arable land which these pious shepherds of souls have appropriated to themselves, and which is cultivated by their flocks, is for the most part sown with wheat and pulse. The harvest is laid up in store; and what is not necessary for immediate consumption is shipped for Mexico, and there either exchanged for articles required by the missions, or sold for hard piastres to fill the coffers of the monks. In this way were the missionaries, and the military who depended upon them, living quietly enough in California, when the other Spanish colonies threw off their allegiance to the mother country. The insurrection having spread as far as Mexico, they were invited by the new governments, under advantageous conditions, to make common cause with them, but they remained true to their King; nor was their fidelity shaken by the total neglect of the Spaniards, who for many years appeared to have forgotten their very existence, and had not even troubled themselves to make the ordinary remittances for the pay of the military, or the support of the monks. Still their loyalty remained unshaken; they implicitly obeyed even that command of the King which closed their ports against all foreign vessels; and as the republicans were considered as foreigners, and no ships arrived from Spain, the missions, as well as the Presidios, soon began to suffer the greatest scarcity of many necessaries which the country did not produce. The soldiery, even to the commander himself, were in rags, without pay, and deriving a mendicant subsistence from the monks. The want which pressed most heavily on the latter was that of the implements of agriculture and other labour; having, with true Spanish indolence, forborne any attempt to manufacture them in the country. The very source of all their acquisitions was thus threatened with extinction; yet still they adhered to their King, with a fidelity truly honourable had it been more disinterested:--but what could they expect from a change of government, except the limitations of their hitherto unbounded power? In the discontent of the soldiers, however, smouldered a spark, dangerous to the power of the monks, which was suddenly blown into a flame by a circumstance that occurred a few years before our arrival. The only pleasure for which the baptized Indians had ever been indebted to the monks was the possession of such baubles as our sailors use in traffic with the South Sea islanders. These things of course could no longer be obtained, and their loss was regarded by the new Christians as a heavy misfortune. Their despair at length broke out into insurrection: they burst their prisons, and attacked the dwellings of the monks, but retired before the fire of musketry. The military, with very little loss on their side, defeated great numbers of the natives, and brought them again into their previous subjection. A new light dawned on the minds of the dragoons. What would have become of the monks without their valiant support? Elated by victory, and disregarding all the protestations of the ghostly fathers, whose feebleness and helplessness were now apparent, they declared themselves the first class in the country, and independent of Spain, which for so many years had abandoned them to their fate. Similar causes produced similar effects in Old California, and each country now forms a separate republic. Spain might with ease have retained these fertile provinces under allegiance. Had their fidelity received the smallest encouragement, it would probably never have been shaken; and California would have proved a most convenient support for the claims of the mother country on the revolutionized colonies, especially on Mexico, formerly the fertile source of Spanish wealth. The Philippines have not rebelled, and these rich islands could have afforded all the assistance the missions required. The neglect of California by Spain would almost seem to have been appointed by Providence, that the prosperity of the new States might suffer no interruption. One immediate result of the independence of this colony is the opening of her ports to all nations, and the consequent impetus given to commerce. The North American States have been the first to make use of the privilege. The exports of California now consist of corn, ox-hides, tallow, and the costly skins of the sea-otter. Some speculators have attempted a trade with China, but hitherto without success. A richly laden ship was entrusted to a North American captain for this purpose, who disposed of the cargo in China; but found it more convenient to retain both the money and ship for his own use, than to return to the owners. The government of New California was on our present visit administered by Don Louis Arguello, the same young man with whom I became acquainted on my voyage in the Rurik, when he was commandant of the Presidio of St. Francisco. He resided at this time in Monterey, and employed himself in devising systems of government which should bring the heterogeneous ingredients of the new republic, dragoons, monks, and Indians, into order and unity. May the destiny of the latter be ameliorated by the change! No Constitution has yet been established here; and Arguello's power, or perhaps ability, was inadequate to introducing that which he had proposed. Many changes are still necessary in the Californias before they can become the happy and flourishing countries for which Nature intended them. On the morning after our arrival, I visited old Sanchez in the Presidio. He received me with unfeigned cordiality, and related to me many things which had taken place since my visit in the Rurik eight years ago. Don Louis, he said, had become a great man, and he himself a lieutenant, which here imports a considerable rank. Nevertheless, he disapproved of all the proceedings, and felt assured that no good could accrue from them. He would rather, he said, be a petty Spanish subject, than a republican officer of state. The Presidio was in the same state in which I found it eight years before; and, except the republican flag, no trace of the important changes which had taken place was perceptible. Every thing was going on in the old, easy, careless way. Sanchez at once promised to provide the ship daily with fresh meat, but advised me to send a boat to the mission of Santa Clara for a supply of vegetables, which were there to be had in superfluity. The Presidio had, with a negligence which would be inconceivable in any other country, omitted to cultivate even sufficient for their own consumption. As I had not visited the mission of Santa Clara during my first visit to California, I now determined to proceed thither on the following day, in the long-boat. Sanchez provided a good pilot, and sent a courier overland to announce my arrival at the mission. The bay of St. Francisco is full ninety miles in circuit: it is divided by islands into two pretty equally sized basins, a northern and a southern. On the banks of the southern, which takes an easterly direction, lie the three missions, St. Francisco, Santa Clara, and St. José. Of the northern half of the bay I will speak hereafter. On the morning of the 28th of September, the Barcasse was ready, and equipped with every thing necessary for our little voyage. Favoured both by wind and tide, we sailed eastward past many charming islands and promontories, to the mission of Santa Clara, which lay at a distance of five-and-twenty miles, in a straight line from the ship. The country presented on all sides a picture of beauty and fertility: the shores are of a moderate elevation, and covered with a brilliant verdure; the hills, towards the interior, swell gently into an amphitheatre, and the background is formed by high thick woods. Groves of oaks are scattered upon the slopes, separated by lovely meadows, and forming more graceful and picturesque groups than I have ever seen as the produce of art. With very little trouble, the most luxuriant harvests might be reaped from this soil; but a happy and industrious population has not yet been established here, to profit from the prodigality of Nature. The death-like stillness of these beautiful fields is broken only by the wild animals which inhabit them; and as far as the eye can reach, it perceives no trace of human existence; not even a canoe is to be seen upon the surrounding waters, which are navigable for large vessels, and boast many excellent harbours;--the large white pelican with the bag under his bill, is the only gainer by the abundance of fish they produce. During the centuries of Spanish supremacy in California, even the exertion of procuring a net has been deemed too great. How abundantly and happily might thousands of families subsist here! and how advantageously might the emigrants to Brazil have preferred this spot for colonization! There, they have to struggle with many difficulties, are often oppressed by the government, and always suffer under a scorching sun. Here, they would have found the climate of the South of Germany, and a luxuriant soil, that would have yielded an ample recompense for the slightest pains bestowed upon it. After a few hours' sail, we came to a deep creek opening to the right, and on its shores we perceived the mission of St. Francisco rising among wooded hills. The tide by this time had ebbed, the wind had died away, and we proceeded slowly by the aid of oars: this induced us, after rowing about fifteen miles, to land, at noon, on a pleasant little island. We made a blazing fire; and as every sailor understands something of cookery, a dinner was soon dressed, which eaten in the open air in beautiful weather, under the shade of spreading oaks, appeared excellent. While the sailors were reposing, we examined the island. Its northern shore was tolerably high, and rose almost perpendicularly from the sea. Its soil, as that of all the country about the bay of St. Francisco, consists, under the upper mould, of a variegated slate; probably the foot of man had never before trodden it. But a short time since, no boat was to be found in the neighbourhood, and now each mission possesses only one large barge in which the reverend Fathers pass up and down the rivers that discharge themselves into the northern half of the bay, to seek among the Indians who are occasionally seen on their banks, for proselytes to recruit the ranks of their laborious subjects. The only canoes of the Indians are made of plaited reeds, in which they sit up to their hips in water. That no one has yet attempted to build even the simplest canoe in a country which produces a super-abundance of the finest wood for the purpose, is a striking proof of the indolence of the Spaniards, and the stupidity of the Indians. Our island was surrounded by wild ducks and other sea-fowl; the white-headed eagle hovered too over the oaks, and seemed to be pursuing a very small species of hare, and a pretty partridge, of which there are great numbers. We enjoyed for a few hours the recreation of the land, so welcome to sailors, and then continued our voyage with a favourable wind. The sun was near the horizon when we approached the eastern shore of the bay. Here the water is no longer of sufficient depth to admit large vessels, and the face of the country assumes a different character. The mountains retire to a greater distance; extensive plains slope from the hills towards the water's edge, where they become mere swamps, intersected however by a variety of natural channels, by means of which, boats may run some distance inland. It was already growing dark as we entered these channels, where, even during daylight, the assistance of a good pilot is requisite to thread the intricacies of a navigation among thick reeds that grow to such a height in the marshes on both sides, as to exclude from view every object but the sky. Our sailors plied their oars vigorously; the channels became gradually narrower, and the banks drier; at length we heard human voices behind the reeds, and at midnight we reached the landing-place. A large fire had been lighted. Two dragoons and a few half-naked Indians, sent from the mission, were waiting our arrival, with saddle-horses intended for our use. As the mission was at the distance of a good hour's ride, the night was dark, and I was not inclined to trouble the repose of the monks, I determined to await the dawn of morning. Our small tents were presently pitched, several fires lighted, and the cooks set to work. After our tedious row, (for, owing to the zigzag course we had been compelled to steer, we had passed over a distance of at least forty miles,) the camping out, in a beautiful night, was quite delightful. Although it was now the latter end of September, the air was as mild as with us during the warmest summer nights. Round our little encampment we heard an incessant barking, as of young dogs, proceeding from a species of wolf, which abounds throughout California; it is not larger than the fox; but is so daring and dexterous, that it makes no scruple of entering human habitations in the night, and rarely fails to appropriate whatever happens to suit it. This we ourselves experienced; for our provision of meat had not been sufficiently secured, and we found nothing in the morning but a gnawed and empty bag. The rising sun announced the approach of a fine day, and gave us a view of the extensive plains which formed the surrounding country. The missionaries cultivated wheat upon them, which had been already harvested, and large flocks of cattle, horses, and sheep, were seen pasturing among the stubble. The mission of Santa Clara possesses fourteen thousand head of cattle, one thousand horses, and ten thousand sheep. The greater part of these animals being left to roam undisturbed about the woods, they multiply with amazing rapidity. I now ordered the horses to be saddled, and we set off for the mission, the buildings and woods of which bounded the view over these prodigious corn-fields. Our way lay through the stubble, amongst flocks of wild geese, ducks, and snipes, so tame that we might have killed great numbers with our sticks. These are all birds of passage, spending the winter here, and the summer farther north. We fired a few shots among the geese, and brought down about a dozen: they differ but little in size from our domestic goose, and some of them are quite white. A ride of an hour and a half brought us to Santa Clara, where the monks received us in the most friendly manner, and exerted themselves most hospitably, to make our visit agreeable. The mission, which was founded in the year 1777, is situated beside a stream of the most pure and delicious water, in a large and extremely fertile plain. The buildings of Santa Clara, overshadowed by thick groves of oaks, and surrounded by gardens which, though carelessly cultivated, produce an abundance of vegetables, the finest grapes, and fruits of all kinds, are in the same style as at all the other missions. They consist of a large stone church, a spacious dwelling-house for the monks, a large magazine for the preservation of corn, and the Rancherios, or barracks, for the Indians, of which mention has already been made. These are divided into long rows of houses, or rather stalls, where each family is allowed a space scarcely large enough to enable them to lie down to repose. We were struck by the appearance of a large quadrangular building, which having no windows on the outside, and only one carefully secured door, resembled a prison for state-criminals. It proved to be the residence appropriated by the monks, the severe guardians of chastity, to the young unmarried Indian women, whom they keep under their particular superintendence, making their time useful to the community by spinning, weaving, and similar occupations. These dungeons are opened two or three times a-day, but only to allow the prisoners to pass to and from the church. I have occasionally seen the poor girls rushing out eagerly to breathe the fresh air, and driven immediately into the church like a flock of sheep, by an old ragged Spaniard armed with a stick. After mass, they are in the same manner hurried back to their prisons. Yet, notwithstanding all the care of the ghostly fathers, the feet of some of these uninviting fair ones were cumbered with bars of iron, the penal consequence, as I was informed, of detected transgression. Only on their marriage are these cloistered virgins allowed to issue from their confinement and associate with their own people in the barracks. Three times a-day a bell summons the Indians to their meals, which are prepared in large kettles, and served out in portions to each family. They are seldom allowed meat; their ordinary, and not very wholesome food, consisting of wheaten flour, maize, peas and beans, mixed together, and boiled to a thick soup. The mission of Santa Clara contains fifteen hundred male Indians, of whom about one-half are married. All these men are governed by three monks, and guarded by four soldiers and a subaltern officer. Since this force is found sufficient, it follows either that the Indians of the mission are happier than their free countrymen, or that, no way superior to the domestic animals, they are chained by their instincts to the place where their food is provided. The first supposition can hardly be well founded. Hard labour every day, Sundays only excepted, when labour is superseded by prayer; corporal chastisement, imprisonment, and fetters on the slightest demonstration of disobedience; unwholesome nourishment, miserable lodging, deprivation of all property, and of all the enjoyments of life:--these are not boons which diffuse content. Many indeed of these unfortunate victims prove, by their attempts to escape, that their submission is involuntary; but the soldiers, as I have before observed, generally hunt them from their place of refuge, and bring them back to undergo the severe punishment their transgression has incurred. To the most stupid apathy, then, must the patience of these Indians be ascribed; and in this, their distinguishing characteristic, they exceed every race of men I have ever known, not excepting the degraded natives of Terra del Fuego, or Van Diemen's Land. The Christian religion, or what the monks are pleased to call by that name, has given no beneficial spur to their minds. How indeed could it act upon their confined understandings, when their teachers were almost wholly deficient in the necessary means of communicating knowledge,--an acquaintance with their language? I have since had opportunities of observing the free Indians, who appear less stupid, and in many respects more civilized, than the proselytes of the _gente rationale_, as the Spaniards here call themselves; and I am convinced that the system of instruction and discipline adopted by the monks, has certainly tended to degrade even these step-children of Nature. If to raise them to the rank of intellectual beings had been really the object in view, rather than making them the mock professors of a religion they are incapable of understanding, they should have been taught the arts of agriculture and architecture, and the method of breeding cattle; they should have been made proprietors of the land they cultivated, and should have freely enjoyed its produce. Had this been done, _los barbaros_ might soon have stood on a level with the _gente rationale_. There are in California many different races of Indians, whose languages vary so much from each other, as sometimes to have scarcely any resemblance; in the single mission of Santa Clara more than twenty languages are spoken. These races are all alike ugly, stupid, dirty, and disgusting: they are of a middle size, weak, and of a blackish colour; they have flat faces, thick lips, broad negro-noses, scarcely any foreheads, and black, coarse, straight hair. The powers of their mind lie yet profoundly dormant; and La Pérouse does not perhaps exaggerate when he affirms, that if any one among them can be made to comprehend that twice two make four, he may pass, in comparison with his countrymen, for a Descartes or a Newton. To most of them, this important arithmetical proposition would certainly be perfectly incomprehensible. In their wild state, all these Indians lead a wandering life. It is only recently that they have begun to build huts of underwood, which they burn whenever they remove from the spot. The chase is their sole occupation and means of subsistence. Hence their skill in shooting with arrows has cost many Spanish lives. They lie in wait at night, in the forests and mountains, watching for game. Agriculture, as I have before observed, is the copious source of revenue to the monks, and they farm on an extensive scale. The yearly crop of wheat at Santa Clara alone, produces three thousand fanegos, about six hundred and twenty English quarters, or three thousand four hundred Berlin bushels; and from the extraordinary fertility of the soil, the harvest, on an average, is forty-fold, notwithstanding the roughness of their mode of cultivation. The field is first broken up with a very clumsy plough, then sown, and a second ploughing completes the work. Under the hard clods of earth thus left undisturbed, a great part of the seed perishes of course. How unexampled would be the harvest, if assisted by the capital and industry of an European farmer! The monks themselves confess that they are not good agriculturists; but they are content with their harvests. Their carelessness is however unpardonable, in having never yet erected a mill. There is not one in all California; and the poor Indians are obliged to grind their corn by manual labour between two large, flat stones. From the mission we took half an hour's walk to a _Pueblo_. This word signifies, in California, a village, inhabited by married invalids, disbanded soldiers from the Presidio, and their progeny. This Pueblo lies in a beautiful spot. The houses are pleasant, built of stone, and stand in the midst of orchards, and hedges of vines bearing luxuriant clusters of the richest grapes. The inhabitants came out to meet us, and with much courteousness, blended with the ceremonious politeness of the Spaniards, invited us to enter their simple but cleanly dwellings. All their countenances bespoke health and contentment, and they have good cause to rejoice in their lot. Unburthened by taxes of any kind, and in possession of as much land as they choose to cultivate, they live free from care on the rich produce of their fields and herds. The population of these Pueblos is every year on the increase; while, on the contrary, the numbers of the Indians dependent on the missions are continually decreasing. The mortality amongst the latter is so great, that the establishments could not continue, if their spiritual conductors did not constantly procure fresh recruits from amongst the free Indians, to fill the thinning ranks of their labourers. In Old California, many of the missions have gone to decay on account of the total extermination of the savages. The north still affords an abundant supply to New California; but if the missionaries do not economize the lives of their men more than they have hitherto done, this source also will in time be exhausted. Meanwhile the Pueblos will continue to multiply, and will become the origins of a new and improved population. After passing three days with the monks of Santa Clara, who at least possess the virtue of hospitality, we set out on our return with a provision of fruit and vegetables, purchased for very fair prices. They were carried to the place of embarkation on heavy and very badly constructed cars drawn by oxen: the wheels were made of thick planks nailed together, without any regard to mechanical science either in their form or poizing; and the machine slowly advanced with a difficult jolting motion very prejudicial to our fine melons, peaches, grapes, and figs, and to the magnificent apples, which have no equals in Europe. On reaching our Barcasse, we found all in readiness to receive ourselves and cargo. The sailors had been much disturbed in the night by the wolves. The ebb-tide favoured our navigation, and soon brought us within sight of an arm of the sea, stretching eastward, at the extremity of which the mission of St. José was built in the year 1797, on a very fertile spot. It is already one of the richest in California, and a Pueblo has arisen in its neighbourhood; the only Pueblo on the Bay of St. Francisco, except that near Santa Clara. Between St. José and Santa Clara a road has lately been made which may be traversed on horseback in about two hours. Soon after our return to the ship, a monk was observed riding along the shore in company with a dragoon, and making signs with his large hat, that he wished to come on board. We sent the boat for him, and a little, thin, lively, and loquacious Spaniard introduced himself as the Padre Thomas of the mission of St. Francisco, and offered, for a good remuneration, to furnish us daily with fresh provisions, besides two bottles of milk. He boasted not a little of being the only man in the whole Bay of St. Francisco who had succeeded, after overcoming many difficulties and obstacles, in obtaining milk from cows, of which he had a numerous herd. As the Presidio could not supply our wants, and the mission of Santa Clara lay too far off, we were very willing to accede to Padre Thomas's wish; and he left us with an invitation to visit him the following noon. Accordingly, several of my officers and myself rode the next day to the mission of St. Francisco, which I have described in the account of my former voyage, and which has remained pretty much in the same state ever since. The jovial Father Thomas was now the only monk in the mission, and, consequently, at its head; he entertained us in a very friendly manner, and with considerable expense. The repast consisted of a great number of dishes, strongly seasoned with garlic and pepper, and plenty of very tolerable wine of the Padre's own vintage; it was animated by music, partly the performance of some little naked Indian boys, upon bad fiddles, and partly of the venerable father himself on a barrel organ which stood near him. The fruits for the dessert were procured from the mission of Santa Clara, as the mists from the sea prevent their ripening at St. Francisco. Some guns from the Presidio, fired with the powder that remained after returning our salute, one morning announced the arrival of Don Ignatio Martinez, the commandant, who, after the breaking up of the congress at Monterey, had returned to his post. With him came also the commandant of the Presidio St. Diego, Don José Maria Estudillo, whom I had before known. They visited me, accompanied by Sanchez, dined with me on board, and were so well entertained, that they did not take leave of us till late at night. Indispensable business now summoned me to the establishment of the Russian-American Company called Ross, which lies about eighty miles north of St. Francisco. I had for some time been desirous of performing the journey by land, but the difficulties had appeared insurmountable. Without the assistance of the commandant, it certainly could not have been accomplished; I was therefore glad to avail myself of his friendly disposition towards me to make the attempt. We required a number of horses and a military escort; the latter to serve us at once as guides, and as a protection against the savages. Both these requests were immediately granted; and Don Estudillo himself offered to command our escort. My companions on this journey were Dr. Eschscholz, Mr. Hoffman, two of my officers, two sailors, Don Estudillo, and four dragoons, making altogether a party of twelve. On the evening previous to the day for our departure, Estudillo came to the ship with his four dragoons, the latter well armed, and accoutred in a panoply of leather. He himself, in the old Spanish costume, with a heavy sword, still heavier spurs, a dagger and pistols in his belt, and a staff in his hand, was a good personification of an adventurer of the olden time. He assured us that we could not be too cautious, since we should pass through a part of the country inhabited by "_los Indianos bravos_:" we therefore also made a plentiful provision of arms, and were ready, as soon as the first beams of morning glimmered on the tops of the mountains, to set forward in our barcasse for the mission of St. Gabriel, lying on the northern shore of the bay, whence our land journey was to commence. The weather was beautiful, the wind perfectly still, and the air enchantingly mild. An Indian named Marco, whom Estudillo had brought with him, served us as pilot; for the Spaniards here, incapable, either through indolence or ignorance, of discharging that office, always employ an experienced Indian at the helm. Don Estudillo, although advanced in life, was a very cheerful companion, and one of the most enlightened Spaniards I have met with in California. He piqued himself a little on his literary acquirements, and mentioned having read three books besides Don Quixote and Gil Blas, whilst, as he assured me in confidence, the rest of his countrymen here had hardly ever seen any other book than the Bible. Marco had grown grey in the mission: on account of his usefulness, he had been in many respects better treated than most of the Indians: he spoke Spanish with tolerable fluency; and when Estudillo endeavoured to exercise his wit upon him, often embarrassed him not a little by his repartees. This Marco affords a proof that, under favourable circumstances, the minds even of the Indians of California are susceptible of improvement; but these examples are rare in the missions. Don Estudillo spoke with much freedom of the affairs of California, where he had resided thirty years: like most of his comrades, he was no friend to the clergy. He accused them of consulting only their own interest, and of employing their proselytes as a means of laying up wealth for themselves, with which, when acquired, they return to Spain. He described to us their method of conversion. The monks, he said, send dragoons into the mountains to catch the free heathens, that they may convert them into Christian slaves. For this species of chase, the huntsman is provided with a strong leathern noose fastened to his saddle, long enough to throw to a great distance, and acquires such dexterity in the practice as seldom to miss his aim. As soon as he perceives a troop of Indians, he throws his noose over one of them before he has time to defend himself, then setting spurs to his horse, rides back to the mission with his prisoner, and is fortunate if he bring him there alive. I can myself bear witness to the skill and boldness of the dragoons, in the management of their horses, and in the use of the noose, with which two or three of them in conjunction will catch even bears and wild bulls; a single man is sufficient to capture an Indian. Estudillo declared that no Indian ever presents himself voluntarily at the missions, but that they are all either hunted in the manner above described, or tricked out of their liberty by some artifice of the monks. For this purpose, some few in every mission are extremely well treated, as for instance our pilot Marco. These are from time to time sent into distant parts of the country to exert their eloquence on their countrymen, and entice them to the missions. Once there, they are immediately baptized, and they then become for ever the property of the monks. To my observation, that affairs would now probably assume a different aspect, as the arbitrary dominion of the clergy, and the dependence of the military upon them were equally terminated, Estudillo replied, that California might certainly become a powerful state,--that she was abundantly provided by nature with all that was requisite to her political aggrandizement, but that she needed a man of ability in her councils. "Don Louis Arguello," said he, "is not the man to re-invigorate our radically disordered finances, to introduce a wholesome subordination, without which no government can flourish, and to establish a constitution upon which our future tranquillity and improvement may be founded. Our soldiers are all of one mind; whoever pays them the arrears due from the Spanish government is their master; he purchases them, and to him they belong. Induced by a knowledge of this disposition, Mexico has entered into negotiations with us; and the question whether California shall exist as an independent state, or place herself under the protection of another power, has been particularly discussed at the late congress at Monterey, and is still undecided." I confess I could not help speculating upon the benefit this country would derive from becoming a province of our powerful empire, and how useful it would prove to Russia. An inexhaustible granary for Kamtschatka, Ochotsk, and all the settlements of the American Company; these regions, so often afflicted with a scarcity of corn, would derive new life from a close connection with California. The sun rose in full magnificence from behind the mountain, at the moment when, emerging from between the islands which divide the northern from the southern half of the bay, an extensive mirror of water opened upon our view. The mission of St. Gabriel, the first stage of our journey, formed a distinguished object in the background of the prospect, sloping up the sides of the hills, the intervening flat land lying so low that it was not yet within our horizon. We had also a distant view towards the north-west of another newly founded mission, that of St. Francisco Salona, the only one situated on the northern shore of the bay except St. Gabriel. The country at this side of the bay, chiefly characterised by gently swelling hills, the park-like grouping of the trees, and the lively verdure of the meadows, is as agreeable to the eye as that of the southern coast. The water is pure and wholesome, which that at the Presidio is not; we therefore laid in our ship's store here. The whole Bay of St. Francisco, in which thousands of ships might lie at anchor, is formed by nature for an excellent harbour; but the little creeks about the north-west coast, now lying to our left, and which I have since frequently visited, are especially advantageous for repairs, being so deep that the largest vessels can lie conveniently close to the land; and an abundance of the finest wood for ship-building, even for the tallest masts, is found in the immediate neighbourhood. The whole of the northern part of the bay, which does not properly belong to California, but is assigned by geographers to New Albion, has hitherto remained unvisited by voyagers, and little known even to the Spaniards residing in the country. Two large navigable rivers, which I afterwards surveyed, empty themselves into it, one from the north, the other from the east. The land is extremely fruitful, and the climate is perhaps the finest and most healthy in the world. It has hitherto been the fate of these regions, like that of modest merit or humble virtue, to remain unnoticed; but posterity will do them justice; towns and cities will hereafter flourish where all is now desert; the waters, over which scarcely a solitary boat is yet seen to glide, will reflect the flags of all nations; and a happy, prosperous people receiving with thankfulness what prodigal Nature bestows for their use, will disperse her treasures over every part of the world. A fresh and favourable wind brought us, without much delay from the opposing ebb-tide, to the northern shore. We left the common embouchure of its two principal rivers, distinguished by the steepness of their banks to the right, and rowing up the narrow channel which has formed itself through the marsh land, reached our landing-place just as the sun's disk touched the blue summits of the mountains in the west. We were still distant a good nautical mile from the mission of St. Gabriel, which peeped from amongst the foliage of its ancient oaks. Many horses belonging to the mission were grazing on a beautiful meadow by the water-side, in perfect harmony with a herd of small deer, which are very numerous in this country. Our dragoons, who had no inclination for a long walk, took their _lassos_ in hand, and soon caught us as many horses as we wanted. We had brought our saddles with us, and a delightful gallop across the plain carried us to St. Gabriel, where we were received in a very hospitable manner by the only monk in residence. The locality of this mission, founded in 1816, is still better chosen than that of the celebrated Santa Clara. A mountain shelters it from the injurious north-wind; but the same mountain serves also as a hiding-place and bulwark for the _Indianos bravos_, who have already once succeeded in burning the buildings of the mission, and still keep the monks continually on the watch against similar depredations. In fact, St. Gabriel has quite the appearance of an outpost for the defence of the other missions. The garrison, _six men_ strong, is always ready for service on the slightest alarm. Having been driven from my bed at night by the vermin, I saw two sentinels, fully armed, keeping guard towards the mountain, each of them beside a large fire; every two minutes they rang a bell which was hung between two pillars, and were regularly answered by the howling of the little wolf I have before spoken of, as often lurking in the vicinity of the missions. That there is not much to fear from other enemies, is sufficiently proved by the small number of soldiers kept, and the total neglect of all regular means of defence. The courage of these _bravos_ seems indeed principally to consist in unwillingness to be caught, in flying with all speed to their hiding-places when pursued, and in setting fire to any property of the missions when they can find an opportunity of doing so unobserved. We saw here several of these heroes working patiently enough with irons on their feet, and in no way distinguishable in manners or appearance from their brethren of St. Francisco or Santa Clara. With the first rays of the sun we mounted our horses, and having passed the valley of St. Gabriel, and the hill which bounds it, our guide led us in a north-westerly direction further into the interior. The fine, light, and fertile soil we rode upon was thickly covered with rich herbage, and the luxuriant trees stood in groups as picturesque as if they had been disposed by the hand of taste. We met with numerous herds of small stags, so fearless, that they suffered us to ride fairly into the midst of them, but then indeed darted away with the swiftness of an arrow. We sometimes also, but less frequently, saw another species of stag, as large as a horse, with branching antlers; these generally graze on hills, from whence they can see round them on all sides, and appear much more cautious than the small ones. The Indians, however, have their contrivances to take them. They fasten a pair of the stag's antlers on their heads, and cover their bodies with his skin; then crawling on all-fours among the high grass, they imitate the movements of the creature while grazing; the herd, mistaking them for their fellows, suffer them to approach without suspicion, and are not aware of the treachery till the arrows of the disguised foes have thinned their number. Towards noon the heat became so oppressive, that we were obliged to halt on the summit of a hill: we reposed under the shade of some thick and spreading oaks, while our horses grazed and our meal was preparing. During our rest, we caught a glimpse of a troop of Indians skulking behind some bushes at a distance; our dragoons immediately seized their arms, but the savages disappeared without attempting to approach us. In a few hours we proceeded on our journey, through a country, which presenting no remarkable object to direct our course, excited my astonishment at the local memory of our guide, who had traversed it but once before. Two great shaggy white wolves, hunting a herd of small deer, fled in terror on our appearance, and we had the gratification of saving the pretty animals for this time. In several places we saw little cylindrically-shaped huts of underwood, which appeared to have been recently quitted by Indians, and sometimes we even found the still glimmering embers of a fire; it is therefore probable that the savages were often close to us when we were not aware of it; but they always took care to conceal themselves from the much dreaded dragoons and their lassos. In the evening we reached a little mountain brook, which, after winding through a ravine, falls into the sea at Port Romanzow, or Bodega. It was already dark, and though but ten miles distance from Ross, we were obliged to pass the chill and foggy night not very agreeably on this spot. In the morning we forded the shallow stream, and as we proceeded, found in the bold, wild features of the scene a striking difference from the smiling valleys through which we had travelled on the preceding day. The nearer we drew to the coast, the more abrupt became the precipices and the higher the rocks, which were overgrown with larch even to their peaked summits. We wound round the bases of some hills, and having with much fatigue climbed other very steep ascents, reached towards noon a considerable height, which rewarded us with a magnificent prospect. Amongst the remarkable objects before us, the ocean stretched to the west, with the harbour of Romanzow, which unfortunately will only afford admission to small vessels; the Russian settlement here, can therefore never be as prosperous as it might have been, had circumstances permitted its establishment on the bay of St. Francisco. To the east, extending far inland, lay a valley, called by the Indians the Valley of the White Men. There is a tradition among them, that a ship was once wrecked on this coast; that the white men chose this valley for their residence, and lived there in great harmony with the Indians. What afterwards became of them is not recorded. On the north-east was a high mountain thickly covered with fir trees, from amongst which rose dark columns of smoke, giving evidence of Indian habitations. Our soldiers said that it was the abode of a chief and his tribe, whose valour had won the respect of the Spaniards; that they were of a distinct class from the common race of Indians; had fixed their dwellings on this mountain on account of its supposed inaccessibility; were distinguished for their courage, and preferred death to the dominion of the Missionaries, into whose power no one of them has ever yet been entrapped. Is it not possible that they may owe their superiority to having mingled their race with that of the shipwrecked whites? Our road now lay sometimes across hills and meadows, and sometimes along the sands so near the ocean that we were sprinkled by its spray. We passed Port Romanzow, and soon after forded the bed of another shallow river to which the Russians have given the name of Slavianka. Farther inland it is said to be deeper, and even navigable for ships; its banks are extremely fertile, but peopled by numerous warlike hordes. It flows hither from the north-east; and the Russians have proceeded up it a distance of a hundred wersts, or about sixty-seven English miles. The region we now passed through was of a very romantic though wild character; and the luxuriant growth of the grass proved that the soil was rich. From the summit of a high hill, we at length, to our great joy, perceived beneath us the fortress of Ross, to which we descended by a tolerably convenient road. We spurred our tired horses, and excited no small astonishment as we passed through the gate at a gallop. M. Von Schmidt, the governor of the establishment, received us in the kindest manner, fired some guns to greet our arrival on Russian-American ground, and conducted us into his commodious and orderly mansion, built in the European fashion with thick beams. The settlement of Ross, situated on the sea-shore, in latitude 38° 33', and on an insignificant stream, was founded in the year 1812, with the free consent of the natives, who were very useful in furnishing materials for the buildings and even in their erection. The intention in forming this settlement was to pursue the chase of the sea-otter on the coast of California, where the animal was then numerous, as it had become extremely scarce in the more northern establishments. The Spaniards who did not hunt them, willingly took a small compensation for their acquiescence in the views of the Russians; and the sea-otter, though at present scarce even here, is more frequently caught along the Californian coast, southward from Ross, than in any other quarter. The fortress is a quadrangle, palisaded with tall, thick beams, and defended by two towers which mount fifteen cannons. The garrison consisted, on my arrival, of a hundred and thirty men, of whom a small number only were Russians, the rest Aleutians. The Spaniards lived at first on the best terms with the new settlers, and provided them with oxen, cows, horses, and sheep; but when in process of time they began to remark that, notwithstanding the inferiority of soil and climate, the Russian establishment became more flourishing than theirs, envy, and apprehension of future danger, took possession of their minds: they then required that the settlement should be abandoned,--asserted that their rights of dominion extended northward quite to the Icy Sea, and threatened to support their claims by force of arms. The founder and then commander of the fortress of Ross, a man of penetration, and one not easily frightened, gave a very decided answer. He had, he said, at the command of his superiors, settled in this region, which had not previously been in the possession of any other power, and over which, consequently, none had a right but the natives; that these latter had freely consented to his occupation of the land, and therefore that he would yield to no such unfounded pretension as that now advanced by the Spaniards, but should be always ready to resist force by force. Perceiving that the Russians would not comply with their absurd requisitions, and considering that they were likely to be worsted in an appeal to arms, the Spaniards quietly gave up all further thought of hostilities, and entered again into friendly communications with our people; since which the greatest unity has subsisted between the two nations. The Spaniards often find Ross very serviceable to them. For instance, there is no such thing as a smith in all California; consequently the making and repairing of all manner of iron implements here is a great accommodation to them, and affords lucrative employment to the Russians. The dragoons who accompanied us, had brought a number of old gunlocks to be repaired. In order that the Russians might not extend their dominion to the northern shore of the Bay of St. Francisco, the Spaniards immediately founded the missions of St. Gabriel and St. Francisco Salona. It is a great pity that we were not beforehand with them. The advantages of possessing this beautiful bay are incalculable, especially as we have no harbour but the bad one of Bodega or Port Romanzow. The inhabitants of Ross live in the greatest concord with the Indians, who repair, in considerable numbers, to the fortress, and work as day-labourers, for wages. At night they usually remain outside the palisades. They willingly give their daughters in marriage to Russians and Aleutians; and from these unions ties of relationship have arisen which strengthen the good understanding between them. The inhabitants of Ross have often penetrated singly far into the interior, when engaged in the pursuit of deer or other game, and have passed whole nights among different Indian tribes, without ever having experienced any inconvenience. This the Spaniards dare not venture upon. The more striking the contrast between the two nations in their treatment of the savages, the more ardently must every friend to humanity rejoice on entering the Russian territory. The Greek Church does not make converts by force. Free from fanaticism, she preaches only toleration and love. She does not even admit of persuasion, but trusts wholly to conviction for proselytes, who, when once they enter her communion, will always find her a loving mother. How different has been the conduct both of Catholic priests and Protestant missionaries! The climate at Ross is mild. Reaumur's thermometer seldom falls to the freezing point; yet gardens cannot flourish, on account of the frequent fogs. Some wersts farther inland, beyond the injurious influence of the fog, plants of the warmest climates prosper surprisingly. Cucumbers of fifty pounds' weight, gourds of sixty-five, and other fruits in proportion, are produced in them. Potatoes yield a hundred or two hundred fold, and, as they will produce two crops in a year, are an effectual security against famine. The fortress is surrounded by wheat and barley fields, which, on account of the fogs, are less productive than those of Santa Clara, but which still supply sufficient corn for the inhabitants of Ross. The Aleutians find their abode here so agreeable, that although very unwilling to leave their islands, they are seldom inclined to return to them. The Spaniards should take a lesson in husbandry from M. Von Schmidt, who has brought it to an admirable degree of perfection. Implements, equal to the best we have in Europe, are made here under his direction. Our Spanish companions were struck with admiration at what he had done; but what astonished them most, was the effect of a windmill; they had never before seen a machine so ingenious, and so well adapted to its purpose. Ross is blest with an abundance of the finest wood for building. The sea provides it with the most delicious fish, the land with an inexhaustible quantity of the best kinds of game; and, notwithstanding the want of a good harbour, the northern settlements might easily find in this a plentiful magazine for the supply of all their wants. Two ships had already run in here from Stapel. The Indians of Ross are so much like those of the missions, that they may well be supposed to belong to the same race, however different their language. They appear indeed by no means so stupid, and are much more cheerful and contented than at the missions, where a deep melancholy always clouds their faces, and their eyes are constantly fixed upon the ground; but this difference is only the natural result of the different treatment they experience. They have no permanent residence, but wander about naked, and, when not employed by the Russians as day-labourers, follow no occupation but the chase. They are not difficult in the choice of their food, but consume the most disgusting things, not excepting all kinds of worms and insects, with good appetite, only avoiding poisonous snakes. For the winter they lay up a provision of acorns and wild rye: the latter grows here very abundantly. When it is ripe, they burn the straw away from it, and thus roast the corn, which is then raked together, mixed with acorns, and eaten without any farther preparation. The Indians here have invented several games of chance: they are passionately fond of gaming, and often play away every thing they possess. Should the blessing of civilization ever be extended to the rude inhabitants of these regions, the merit will be due to the Russian settlements, certainly not to the Spanish missions. After a stay of two days, we took leave of the estimable M. Von Schmidt, and returned by the same way that we came, without meeting with any remarkable occurrence. Professor Eschscholtz remained at Ross, in order to prosecute some botanical researches, intending to rejoin us by means of an Aleutian baidar, several of which were shortly to proceed to St. Francisco in search of otters. This promised chase was a gratifying circumstance to me, as I had it in contemplation to examine several of the rivers that fall into the Bay of St. Francisco, for which purpose the small Aleutian vessels would probably prove extremely serviceable. The north-west wind is prevalent here during summer, and rain is unknown in that season: it was now, however, the latter end of October, and southerly gales began to blow, accompanied by frequent showers; we had therefore to wait some time for the baidars and Professor Eschscholtz. Meanwhile, to our great surprise, a boat with six oars, one day, entered the bay from the open sea, and lay to beside our ship. It belonged to an English whaler, which had been tacking about for some days, and was prevented by the contrary wind from getting into the bay. The greater part of his crew being sick of the scurvy, the captain at length resolved on sending his boat ashore, in hopes of being able to get some fresh provisions for his patients. I immediately furnished the boat with an ample supply both of fresh meat and vegetables, and having completed its little cargo, it proceeded again to sea forthwith. The next day the whaler succeeded in getting into the bay, and came to anchor close alongside. It was evident, from their manner of working the vessel, that she had but few hands on board capable of labour. The captain, who shortly afterwards visited me, was himself suffering severely, and his mates were all confined to their beds; seven months the vessel had been at sea off the Japanese coast, holding no communication with the shore; and this without having succeeded in the capture of a single whale, though numbers of them had been seen on the coast. The scurvy with which the crew was afflicted, was mainly attributable to unwholesome food, selected on a principle of unpardonable economy, and to the want of cleanliness; a vice not usual among the English, but which, during so long an absence from land, is scarcely to be avoided; not the slightest symptom of this fearful malady, formerly so fatal to seamen, manifested itself on board my vessel throughout the whole course of our tedious voyage. The captain informed me that a number of whalers frequented the Japanese coast, and often obtained rich cargoes in a short period: the principal disadvantages with which they had to contend were violent storms, and a strict prohibition against landing. The Japanese, as is well known, refuse to have any foreign intercourse except with the Chinese and Dutch, and treat all other nations as if they carried contagion with them; hoping thus to preserve their ancient manners unchanged. During my first voyage with Admiral Krusenstern, I spent seven months in Japan, and may venture to assert, that whoever has an opportunity of becoming acquainted with the people, cannot but respect them for the high degree of intellectual development to which they have attained, through their own efforts, unassisted by foreign influence. Their total isolation is probably owing to the timid policy of a despotic government, anxious to prevent the introduction of ideas that might possibly exercise a hostile influence upon the existing institutions. A whaler that had exceeded his appointed stay on the coast, had completely exhausted his stock of water and provisions. In this distress, although fully aware of the severe prohibition, the captain resolved to pay a visit to the Emperor in his capital, and accordingly, without ceremony, sailed into the Bay of Jeddo, where he cast anchor within gun-shot of the city. The hubbub among the inhabitants, who had never seen an European vessel before, may be imagined. The shore immediately swarmed with soldiers, and armed boats surrounded the ship. From these martial preparations, the crew apprehended that it was intended to make them pay for their temerity with their lives; but their fears proved unfounded. As soon as the Japanese had taken the necessary precautions to prevent the vessel either from leaving the spot where she had first anchored, or from sending a boat on shore, a handsome barge came alongside, from which two Bonjoses, dressed in silk, and each armed with two sabres, stepped on board: they were accompanied by an interpreter who spoke a little broken Dutch. They saluted the captain politely, inquiring the object of his visit, and whether he was not aware that the coast of Japan was not accessible under pain of death? The captain acknowledged himself aware of the prohibition, but stated that the emergency of the case had left him no choice: the Bonjoses thereupon searched the vessel, and having satisfied themselves that she was really destitute of provisions and water, they took leave of the captain with the same civility they had shown him on their arrival. A multitude of boats with persons of both sexes now issued from the city, to feast their eyes upon the novel spectacle, but they were not allowed to approach within the circle marked by the watch-boats. The same day, the interpreter returned, bringing water and every species of provisions, sufficient for several weeks, declaring that the Emperor furnished every thing gratuitously, as the government would deem it a disgrace to accept payment from those whom distress had driven to their shore; but as the captain's necessities were now provided for, he was ordered immediately to put to sea, and to inform his countrymen, that except in cases of the most urgent necessity, they were not permitted to approach the Japanese coast under pain of death; nor was it at all just to carry on a fishery on their coast, without the permission of the Emperor. The interpreter had brought a number of people with him, who assisted in shipping the provisions and water: the captain was then immediately obliged to weigh anchor, and the Japanese boats towed the vessel out to sea, after she had been scarcely twelve hours in the bay. On taking leave, the captain wished to make a present to the interpreter, but he hastened out of the vessel in alarm, declaring that his acceptance of the smallest trifle would cost him his head. Europeans are not so scrupulous. Soon after this, another whaler, knowing nothing about the affair in Jeddo, sent a boat ashore, a hundred miles farther south, to a little village on the coast, to try and purchase some fresh provisions. The sailors, on landing, were immediately seized and imprisoned, and their boat placed under arrest. The ship, having waited a long time in vain for the return of her boat, was at length driven by a violent storm to a distance from the coast. The prisoners were well treated; their prison was commodious, and their food excellent. In fourteen days, sentence was pronounced on them, probably at Jeddo, and proved less mild than might have been expected in Japan:--they were ordered to be replaced in their boat, and immediately sent to sea without any provisions, let the weather be what it might. After wandering on the trackless ocean for eight-and-forty hours, they had the good fortune to meet with a whaler, which took them in. These examples may serve as a warning to all navigators who may be desirous of effecting a landing in Japan. The Californian winter being now fairly set in, we had much rain and frequent storms. On the 9th of October the south-west wind blew with the violence of the West-Indian tornado, rooted up the strongest trees, tore off the roofs of the houses, and occasioned great devastation in the cultivated lands. One of our thickest cables broke; and if the second had given way, we would have been driven on the rocky shore of the channel which unites the bay with the sea, where a powerful current struggling with the tempest produced a frightful surf. Fortunately, the extreme violence of the storm lasted only a few hours, but in that short time it caused a destructive inundation: the water spread so rapidly over the low lands, that our people had scarcely time to secure the tent, with the astronomical apparatus. On comparing the time of day at St. Petersburg and St. Francisco, by means of the difference of longitude, it appears that the tremendous inundation at the former city took place not only on the same day, but even began in the same hour as that in California. Several hundred miles westward, on the Sandwich Islands, the wind raged with similar fury at the same time, as it did also still farther off, upon the Philippine Islands, where it was accompanied by an earthquake. So violent was the storm in the Bay of Manilla, (usually so safe a harbour,) that a French corvette, at anchor there, under the command of Captain Bougainville, a son of the celebrated navigator, was entirely dismasted, as we afterwards heard, on the Sandwich Islands, and at Manilla itself. This hurricane, therefore, raged at the same time over the greatest part of the northern hemisphere; the causes which produced it may possibly have originated beyond our atmosphere. Finding that our anchorage would not be secure during the winter, if we should be exposed to storms of this kind, we took advantage of the fine weather on the following day, to sail some miles farther eastward, into a little bay surrounded by a romantic landscape, where Vancouver formerly lay, and which is perfectly safe at all seasons: the Spaniards have named this bay _Herba buena_, after a sweet-smelling herb which grows on its shores. The arrival of Dr. Eschscholtz and the baidars from Ross was still delayed, and I really began to fear that some misfortune had befallen them in the tempest: my joy therefore was extreme, when at last, on the 12th of October, the baidars, twenty in number, entered the harbour undamaged, and we received our friend again safe and well. The little flotilla had indeed left Ross before the commencement of the hurricane, but had fortunately escaped any injury from it, by taking refuge at a place called _Cap de los Reges_, till its fury was expended; but the voyagers had been obliged to bivouack on the naked rock, without shelter from the weather, and with very scanty provisions. Dr. Eschscholtz, however, not in the slightest degree disheartened by the difficulties he had undergone, was quite ready to join the voyage I had meditated for the examination of the adjacent rivers. All our preparations were now completed; we again took on board our pilot Marco, and a soldier from the Presidio, who offered to accompany us. On the 18th of November the weather was favourable, and we set out with a barcasse and a shallop, both well manned and provided with every necessary, in company with the Aleutian flotilla. At first we took the same course I have before described, towards the mission of St. Gabriel; cutting through the waters of the southern basin, and working our way between the islands into the northern portion of the bay; then adopting an easterly course, so that St. Gabriel remained at a considerable distance to the left in the north-east. We reached towards noon, at a distance of thirty miles from our ship, the common mouth of the two before-mentioned rivers, which here fall into the bay. The breadth of this embouchure is a mile and a half, and the banks on both sides are high, steep, and little wooded. It is crossed by a shallow, not above two or three feet deep; but on its east side the channel will admit ships of a middling size fully laden. The current was so strong against us, that it was with much exertion our rowers accomplished crossing the shallow. We landed on the left bank in order to determine the geographical position of the mouth, and found the latitude 38° 2' 4", and the longitude 122° 4'. After finishing this task, I ascended the highest hillock on the shore, which consisted of strata of slate and quartz, to admire the beauty of the prospect. On the south lay the enviable and important Bay of St. Francisco with its many islands and creeks; to the north flowed the broad beautiful river formed by the junction of the two, sometimes winding between high, steep rocks, sometimes gliding among smiling meadows, where numerous herds of deer were grazing. In every direction the landscape was charming and luxuriant. Our Aleutians here straggled about in their little baidars, and pursued the game with which land and water were stocked: they had never seen it in such plenty; and being passionately fond of the chase, they fired away without ceasing, and even brought down some of the game with a javelin. The Aleutians are as much at home in their little leathern canoes, as our Cossacks on horseback. They follow their prey with the greatest rapidity in all directions, and it seldom escapes them. White and grey pelicans about twice the size of our geese were here in great numbers. An Aleutian followed a flock of these birds, and killed one of them with his javelin; the rest of the flock took this so ill, that they attacked the murderer and beat him severely with their wings, before other baidars could come to his assistance. The frequent appearance of the pelican on this river, proves that it abounds in fish; a remark that our pilot Marco confirmed; and we ourselves saw many large fish leap to the surface of the water. When the sailors had rested some hours, we continued our voyage up the stream; but it was ebb-tide, and both currents united allowed us to make but little progress. We landed therefore at six o'clock, after working only a few miles, and pitched our tents for the night in a pretty meadow. The river flowing as before, from the north, was here a mile broad, and deep enough for the largest ships. On the following morning we broke up our camp at break of day, and, favoured by wind and tide, sailed swiftly forward in a direction almost due north. The aspect of the river now frequently changed: its breadth varied from one to two and three miles. We often came into large reaches many miles in circumference, and surrounded by magnificent scenery. We sailed past pretty hilly islands adorned with lofty spreading trees, and every where found a sufficient depth of water to admit the largest ships. The steep banks sometimes opened to delightful plains, where the deer were grazing under the shadow of luxuriant oaks. The voyage was in fact, even at this time of year, a most agreeable excursion. When we had proceeded eighteen miles from our night camp, and twenty-three from the river's mouth, we reached the confluence of the two streams. One flows from the east, and the other from the north. The Spaniards call the first Pescadores; farther inland it receives two other rivers, which, according to our pilot, are equally broad and deep as itself: the missionaries have given them the names of St. Joachim, and Jesus Maria. Some way up these rivers, whose banks are said to have been uncommonly fertile and thickly peopled, the pious fathers have journeyed to convert the Indians and procure labourers for the missions. Now that a part of the natives have yielded to conversion, and others have fled farther into the interior to escape it, no human being is to be found in the tract of land which we were surveying; no trace remains of a numerous race called Korekines, by whom it was once inhabited. Since the river Pescadores was already known, I chose the other, which flows from the north, and is called Sacramento. Towards noon, after we had ascended it some miles, a violent contrary wind forced us ashore; latitude 38° 22'. The wind increasing every moment in strength, we were obliged to give up for this day all thoughts of making farther progress; and resolving to pass the night here, pitched our tents in a pleasant meadow on the west side of the river. I then climbed a hill, to enjoy a more extensive prospect; and observed that the country to the west swelled into hills of a moderate height, besprinkled with trees growing singly. In the east and south-east the horizon was bounded by icy mountains, the Sierra Nevada, part of the immense chain which divides America from north to south: they appeared to be covered more than half-way down with ice and snow. The distance of these mountains from my present station could not be less than forty miles. Between them and the river the country is low, flat, thickly wooded, and crossed by an infinite number of streams, which divide the whole of it into islands. We had not yet met a single Indian; but the columns of smoke which rose from this abundantly irrigated tract of land, showed that they had taken refuge where the dragoons and their lassos could not follow to convert them. It seems certain that the river Pescadores, as well as those of St. Joachim and Jesus Maria, which fall into it, take their rise in the icy mountains, since they flow from the east, and pass through the low lands, where they receive a multitude of smaller streams. On the contrary, the river Sacramento flowing from the north, from quite another region, has its source, according to the Indians of the mission, in a great lake. I myself conjecture, that the Slavianka, which falls into the sea near Ross, is an arm of it. The many rivers flowing through this fruitful country will be of the greatest use to future settlers. The low ground is exactly adapted to the cultivation of rice; and the higher, from the extraordinary strength of the soil, would yield the finest wheat-harvests. The vine might be cultivated here to great advantage. All along the banks of the river grapes grow wild, in as much profusion as the rankest weeds: the clusters were large; and the grapes, though small, very sweet, and agreeably flavoured. We often ate them in considerable quantities, and sustained no inconvenience from them. The Indians also eat them very voraciously. The chase furnished us with ample and profitable amusement. An abundance of deer, large and small, are to be met with all over the country, and geese, ducks, and cranes, on the banks of the rivers. There was such a superfluity of game, that even those among us who had never been sportsmen before, when once they took the gun in their hands, became as eager as the rest. The sailors chased the deer very successfully. When it grew dark, we kindled a large fire, that our hunters, some of whom had lost their way, might recover the camp. In the night we were much disturbed by bears, which pursued the deer quite close to our tents; and by the clear moonlight we plainly saw a stag spring into the river to escape the bear; the latter, however, jumped after him, and both swam down the stream till they were out of sight. At sunrise, as the wind had fallen a little, we continued our voyage. On the shore we met with a small rattlesnake, which might have been a dangerous neighbour. It was, however, his destiny to become our prize, and enrich the collection of Dr. Eschscholtz. The river now took a north-westerly direction. Its breadth was from two hundred and fifty to three hundred fathoms, independently of numerous branches on the east side, flowing between various small islands. The country on the west bank was of a moderate height; that on the east was low. The power of the current impeded our progress, though our rowers exerted all their strength. As the sun advanced towards the meridian, the north wind also rose again; so that with our utmost efforts we could advance but little, and at noon we were obliged to lay-to again, having proceeded only ten miles the whole day. The latitude on the western shore, where we now landed, was 38° 27', and the longitude 122° 10'. Here we had reached what proved the termination of our little voyage. The unfavourable state of the weather would not allow of our making any farther progress; and our pilot assured us that at this season the quantity of rain that falls, so much swells the river and strengthens the currents, as to make it impossible to contend with the continually increasing force of the stream. We were therefore compelled to abandon the farther prosecution of these inquiries to some future traveller, whose fate shall lead him hither in summer time, when these obstacles do not exist. The neighbourhood of our landing-place seemed to have been recently the abode of some Indians. We found a stake driven into the earth, to which a bunch of feathers was attached for a weather-cock; in several places fire had been kindled, as some burning embers still attested. There were also two Indian canoes made of reeds. The pilot gave me the names of two tribes who had formerly dwelt in this region, and probably still wandered in its vicinity--the Tschupukanes, and Hulpunes. We could now see the smoke of their fires rising from the marshy islands, the higher parts of which they inhabit. The majestic chain of mountains of the Sierra Nevada looked most beautiful from this spot. The whole eastern horizon was bounded by these masses of ice, and before them the low land lay spread out like a verdant sea. From the Bay of St. Francisco, the Sierra Nevada are nowhere visible; but they first come in sight after having passed the point where the Pescadores and the Sacramento unite. The day was again passed in sport, and we shot many stags, the meat of which proved extremely good. During the night we were again disturbed by the little wolves so common here: they stole some pieces of our venison. Early the next morning we prepared for our return, and soon quitted these lovely and fertile plains, where many thousand families might live in plenty and comfort, but which now, from their utter loneliness, leave a mournful impression on the mind, increased by the reflection that the native Indians have been nearly exterminated. During our return voyage, we were very diligent in taking soundings, and found the water in the middle of the river always as much as from fifteen to seventeen and twenty fathoms; but at its mouth not more than four or five fathoms deep. On the 23rd of November we again reached our vessel, laden with venison for the whole crew. Captain Lasaref had arrived during our absence with his frigate; having struggled with storms almost the whole way from New Archangel to St. Francisco. With the intention of sending letters home by him, I had waited for his arrival to leave California. Our vessel was therefore now immediately prepared for sailing, our camp on shore broken up, and all the instruments brought on board. During the last night our people passed on land, they killed a polecat which had slunk into the tent. This animal, of the size and form of an ordinary cat, has so abominable a smell, that its vicinity is insupportable. Dogs, when they sometimes attack and bite these creatures, cannot relieve themselves from the stench, but continue to rub their noses so violently against the ground as they run, that they leave a stream of blood on their track. Polecats may be considered in the brute creation what the Kalushes are among men. On the morning of the 25th of November, as soon as the tide ebbed, we towed out of the Bay of St. Francisco with a north-west wind, which here regularly brings fine weather. The sea was still so much agitated by the recent south-west storms, that it rolled large billows into the channel which unites it with the bay. Our vessel being dashed against these breakers by the force of the current from the channel, would no longer obey the helm, and we narrowly escaped being cast against a rock. I would therefore recommend others of my profession only to sail out of this bay when the water in the channel is tranquil, which usually happens after the wind has blown for several days from the north-west. According to repeated observations, we found the latitude of the Presidio of St. Francisco to be 37° 48' 33", and the longitude 122° 22' 30". The declination of the needle was 16° east. The medium of our observations in the bay gave us the time for high water, at the new and full moon, 11 hours and 20 minutes. The greatest difference in the height of the water was seven feet. The rivers which fall into the bay have a great influence on the times of ebb and flow, so that the ebb lasts eight hours, and the flood only four. THE SANDWICH ISLANDS. THE SANDWICH ISLANDS. On losing sight of the Californian coast, we steered southwards, to take advantage as soon as possible of the trade-wind, proposing by its means to sail direct for the Sandwich Islands. A strong and lasting north-wester favoured our intention, and on the 3rd of December we crossed the tropic of Cancer in the latitude 133° 58', gained the trade-wind, and began our run westward, supposing ourselves secure from storms in this tropical region; we were, however, mistaken: already on the 5th a high wind from the south-east compelled us to take in all sail; on the 6th it shifted to the west, and on the 7th to the north. We experienced from this quarter some violent gusts, after which the heavens cleared, the storm abated, and towards evening on the 8th, we regained the ordinary trade-wind. I mention these storms, only because they are almost unexampled at so great a distance from land, between the tropics, and especially as coming from the west; but it appears that this year was quite out of the ordinary course, and produced a number of strange phenomena of which we heard complaints wherever we went. The weather, after treating us so ill, again became friendly, and the remainder of our voyage proceeded swiftly and favourably under the magnificent tropical sky: agreeable it was sure to be; for the peculiar charm of a sail between the tropics is appreciated by all seamen. An old English captain, with whom I became acquainted during this voyage, assured me that he could imagine no greater luxury for the remainder of his life, than to possess a good quick-sailing ship, to keep a good table, and to sail between the tropics, without ever making land. I cannot, I confess, altogether participate in this true seaman-like taste: on my voyages, the mere sight of land has always been my great source of pleasure. The conduct of a vessel through distant seas, and through its conflicts with the variable element, is not indeed an uninteresting occupation; but the object which has always chiefly attracted my inclinations, is an intimate knowledge of various countries and their inhabitants; and I have always considered the time spent at sea, as a necessary hardship submitted to with this reward in view. Perhaps I was not born for a sailor: an accident, by no means calculated upon in my previous education, made me such in my fifteenth year. We sailed in the night past O Wahi, the principal of the Sandwich group, with its celebrated giant mountain Mou-na-roa. At break of day on the 13th, we saw in the west the elevated island of Muwe, and continued our course along the northern shore of this and its neighbour Morotai, to Wahu, where we intended to land. The landscape of a tropical country is always pleasing, even when, as here, high lava hills, and masses of sometimes naked rocks piled like towers upon each other, form the principal features of the coast, at first inspiring the navigator with doubts of its fertility. But how agreeably is he surprised, on reaching the southern shores of these islands, to meet with the most smiling scenery, and most luxuriant vegetation. In the middle of the channel, between the islands Muwe and Morotai, lie two small uninhabited islands, which, strange to say, are not marked on Vancouver's map. We took some pains to ascertain their exact situation. At four o'clock in the afternoon, the high yellow rock which forms the eastern point of the island of Wahu, became plainly visible above our horizon. We could not reach the secure harbour of Hanaruro, which lies on the southern side of this promontory, before nightfall, and therefore thought it advisable to lay-to between the islands Wahu and Morotai. In the morning, after doubling the conical mountain called the Diamond Mountain, we suddenly came in sight of the harbour, containing a number of ships decorated with the flags of various nations. I must here make a few remarks for the benefit of such navigators as are not well acquainted with these waters. Whoever wishes to sail in between the islands of Wahu and Morotai, must remember, that throughout the year a strong current always sets here towards the north-west; and that the eastern point of Wahu should be doubled within the distance of three miles from the coast; as farther out to sea, calms are very prevalent here, whilst in the neighbourhood of the land, a fresh breeze regularly sets, in the morning, from the land, and from noon till evening from the sea. Behind its harbour, safely sheltered by the coral reefs, lies the town of Hanaruro, consisting of irregular rows of dwellings scattered over an open plain. Here and there among the huts are seen houses built of stone in the European fashion. The former lie modestly concealed, under the cooling shade of palm-trees; the latter stand boldly forward, braving the burning sunbeams and dazzling the eye by their overpowering whiteness. Close to the shore the fortress rears its strong turreted walls in a quadrangular form, planted with cannon, and bearing the striped national flag of the Sandwich Islands. The country above the town rises in an amphitheatre, planted with tarro-root, sugar-cane, and banana, and the view to landward is bounded by precipitous mountains invading the clouds, and thickly overgrown with fine trees. In this beautiful panorama we see at once that the island of Wahu deserves the appellation it has acquired,--of the garden of the Sandwich Islands. As we approached the harbour, I made the usual signal for a pilot, and we soon after saw a boat of European construction making towards us; it was rowed by two naked _Kanachas_, as the lower class of people are here called, the pilot sitting at the rudder in an European dress. When he came on board, I recognised him for the Englishman, Alexander Adams, who on my former voyage in the Rurik had commanded the ship Kahumanna, belonging to King Tameamea; he was now chief pilot. The wind did not immediately allow us to run into the harbour, but in a few hours it became favourable, and our skilful pilot guided us safely through the intricacies of its narrow entrance. Our ship was the largest that had ever passed through this channel, which would be impracticable for first-rate vessels. Some of the ships we found in the harbour were English and American whalers, which had put in here for provisions; others were on trading voyages to the north-west coast of America for skins, or returning thence with their cargoes. Some were from Canton, laden with Chinese produce, which finds a good market in the Sandwich Islands; and one was a French ship from Bordeaux, which having carried a cargo of iron wares to Chili, Peru, and Mexico, had brought the remains of it here. All the captains visited me in the hope of hearing news from Europe; but many of them had left it later than we had, and accommodated us with their London newspapers. If we consider that scarcely fifty years have elapsed since these islands were first introduced by Captain Cook to the knowledge of the European public, and that the inhabitants were then completely what we call savages, that is, that they were wholly destitute of any conception of the arts, sciences, or habits of civilized life, we shall find with surprise that the harbour of Hanaruro already bears a character almost entirely European, reminding us only by the somewhat scanty clothing of the natives, of the briefness of their acquaintance with our customs. My readers, I think, will take some interest in a short account of this people, whose rapid progress in civilization would perhaps by this time have placed them on a level with Europeans, if unfavourable circumstances had not thrown obstacles in the way of their improvement, which it will require another such governor as Tameamea to overcome. The eleven islands named by Cook after his patron, the Earl of Sandwich, but for which the natives have no common appellation, lie between the nineteenth and twenty-second degrees of north latitude. They are all high and volcanic. O Wahi, the most easterly, and by much the largest, is eighty-seven miles long and seventy-five broad: it has three mountains, which may well bear a comparison with the highest in the world. The climate of these islands is particularly beautiful and healthy. Their population is estimated by Captain King at four hundred thousand; whose colour, form, language, and manners, testify their relationship with the other islanders of this great ocean, though they have very little knowledge of them. Their earliest history consists of traditions of truths interwoven with fables, which ascend to the first peopling of the islands, and are not yet embodied in the relation of any voyage. I have collected them carefully from the accounts of the most distinguished and intelligent man in Hanaruro, my friend Karemaku, a Spaniard named Marini, who had long resided here, assisting as interpreter. According to a belief not long ago universally prevalent, the mighty spirit Etua-Rono reigned over these islands before they were inhabited by men. Ardently desirous of seeing his country peopled, he was melancholy, and shed torrents of tears on the mountain Mou-na-roa, because he had no offspring; and his loving wife, the beautiful goddess Opuna, was not in a situation to console him. At length Fate heard his prayers. On the south-east point of the island of O Wahi two boats were stranded, having on board some families, who brought with them hogs, fowls, dogs, and several edible roots. To the present day are the first footsteps of man on this land to be seen. Rono was at that time absent, catching fish on the northern islands for his wife. The fire-god, his subject, unpropitious to man, taking advantage of this circumstance, made an effort to repulse the new-comers. He approached them with terrible gestures, and asked whence they came. They answered--"We come from a country which abounds in hogs, dogs, cocoa-nuts, and bread-fruit. We were overtaken by a violent storm when on a voyage to visit some neighbours; and the moon changed five times before we reached this land." They then begged permission to remain, which the fire-god cruelly refused, and continued inexorable, although they offered to sacrifice a hog to him. Rono, however, observing that a strange smell proceeded from O Wahi, suddenly returned, and was greatly surprised at the sight of the men. Encouraged by his friendly deportment, they made their petition to him, relating the harsh treatment they had endured from the fire-god. Rono, enraged at this intelligence, threw the fire-god into the crater Kairuo, on the side of the mountain Mou-na-roa, where he still chafes in vain. The men now lived tranquilly on O Wahi, increased in numbers, and sought, by great sacrifices, to prove their love and thankfulness to their protector, Etua-Rono. To his honour were established the solemn yearly games called Makahiti, in which whoever obtained the victory in running, wrestling, and warlike evolutions, was crowned with a verdant wreath and presided as king over the ensuing feast. The other islands were gradually peopled from O Wahi; the number of the gods also increased; but they all remained subject to Etua-Rono. Mankind had enjoyed a long period of peace and content under the beneficent protection of Rono, when their happiness was suddenly disturbed by a distressing occurrence. The goddess Opuna, the beautiful consort of Rono, degraded herself by a clandestine connexion with a man of O Wahi. Her husband, furious on the discovery of his wrongs, precipitated her from the top of a high rock, and dashed her to pieces; but had scarcely committed this act of violence when, in an agony of repentance, he ran wildly about the islands, bestowing blows and kicks on every one he met. The people, astonished at this frantic behaviour of the god, enquired the reason of it; on which, with the bitterest expression of grief, he exclaimed, "I have murdered her who was dearest to me!" He bore the remains of Opuna into the Marai on the Bay of Karekakua, and there remained a long time sunk in the deepest grief. At length he determined to quit the islands, where every thing reminded him of the happiness he had enjoyed with his beloved wife. The people were overwhelmed with sorrow by the communication of his intention; and he endeavoured to console them with the promise that he would one day return on a floating island, furnished with all that man could desire, and make his favourite people happy. He then embarked in a vessel of peculiar construction, and set sail for a distant country. With Rono's departure terminated the Golden Age of this island. Wars and tumults arose; the gods still increased in number; but their influence was no longer so friendly to man as when they were under the superintendence of the revered Rono. Now also commenced many evil customs, such as human sacrifices, which had been unknown in the good old time: cannibalism, however, does not appear ever to have disgraced them. A long period elapsed, of which no record remains; and the story is resumed at the landing of five white men in Karekakua Bay, near to the Marai, where the body of the goddess Opuna reposed. The inhabitants supposed them to be superior beings, and offered no opposition when they proceeded to take possession of the Marai, on which holy place they were not only exempted from persecution, but also by the offerings daily placed there before the images of the gods, from any danger of suffering a scarcity of food. Here, then, they lived very comfortably; and from their having, immediately on their arrival, taken up their abode in the Marai, the people, who were all acquainted with the story of Opuna, concluded they were sent thither by Rono, to watch over the grave of his beloved consort. To this opinion they were indebted for a veneration greater than that entertained for the gods themselves. The priests alone had the privilege of providing for their wants, which they did with the utmost care: the people were not even allowed to approach the neighbourhood of the Marai. The white men, however, soon found their time hang heavy in this entire seclusion, and formed a more intimate connexion with the priests, whom they assisted in the holy rites and ceremonies, and at length even made their appearance among the people: the latter then discovered them to be mortals like themselves, differing only in colour, but still retained a high respect for their superior knowledge and good deportment. Maidens of the highest rank were given to them for wives; and each of them was installed governor of an island. "The descendants of these strangers," said Karemaku, "may still be distinguished by their whiter colour." Here, as at Tahaiti, the Yeris differ from the lower classes in their superior size, and some also by a greater degree of fairness. The helmets and short mantles which Cook and King have described as worn by this people, were introduced by these white strangers. At first, the kings only appeared in this costume; but in Cook's time it was common also among the Yeris. Now that European fashions have quite banished those of the original inhabitants, it is only preserved and shown to strangers as a relic of the past. The helmet, of wood covered with small red and yellow feathers, and adorned with a plume, perfectly resembles those of the chivalrous knights of yore; and the short mantle, also most ingeniously made with feathers to supply the want of woven stuff, forms a complete representation of the mantles worn by those ancient heroes: hence it is sufficiently evident that the white men who landed on O Wahi were Europeans; and that we are therefore more nearly connected with, at least, a part of the inhabitants of the Sandwich Islands, than with the other South Sea islanders. With the arrival of the white men begins the chronology of O Wahi, from the first white king to Tameamea, making seven successive reigns. During this period, but long before Cook's time, two vessels are said to have been wrecked on the north-east side of O Wahi. Tradition is not unanimous in the account of what became of the crews. According to some, they were lost in the wreck, but others say they were murdered by the natives. My informant, Karemaku, mentioned only one ship, which was seen at a distance; and although the iron anchors found at O Wahi and at Muwe prove that they must have been there, he could give no account of them. It is very probable that the Spaniards, who often made a mystery of their discoveries in the South Seas, already knew of the existence of these islands before their discovery by Cook. Their authentic history begins with this event, in 1778, when, as has already been mentioned, Cook bestowed on them the name of the First Lord of the Admiralty at that period. They were not then, as now, united under one King; but each island had its particular sovereign, called Yeri-Rahi, who possessed full power over the lives of his subjects, and to whom the proprietors of land paid tribute. The name of the monarch of O Wahi, on Cook's arrival, was Teraiopu, or, as he writes it, Terreobu. Captain King, the companion of Cook, gives the following description of the Sandwich Islanders:-- "They are in general of the middle size,[3] and well-proportioned. Their movements are graceful, they run swiftly, and are able to carry great weights. The men, however, are inferior to the Friendly Islanders, in strength and activity; and the women are not so delicately formed as those of Tahaiti: their colour is also a little browner, and they are not so handsome, but the features of both sexes are open and agreeable; the females especially have beautiful eyes and teeth, and a sweet expression of countenance. Their hair is dark-brown, not so smooth as that of the American Indians, nor so woolly as that of the negroes of Africa, but between the two. "Here, as on the other South Sea Islands, the Yeris are advantageously distinguished in form from the lower classes, and are seldom disfigured by the swellings and ulcers frequent among the latter, which we ascribed to the great use of salt in their preparations of meat and fish; the former, however, are much injured by immoderate indulgence in the Ava drink. Those who suffered most from it had their whole bodies covered with a white eruption: their eyes were red and inflamed, they trembled much, and could scarcely hold up their heads. This beverage does not shorten the lives of all who use it too freely, as Teraiopu, Kau, and several other chiefs addicted to it, were old men; but it brings on premature and diseased old age. Fortunately, this luxury is the exclusive privilege of the chiefs. The son of Teraiopu, a boy of twelve years old, often boasted of having obtained the right of drinking Ava, and showed with much complacency a spot on his loins where the eruption was already visible. "Notwithstanding the great and irreparable loss which the sudden violence of these Sandwich Islanders has occasioned us," (in the death of Cook,) "I must in justice declare, that they are usually gentle and kind, and by no means so changeable and volatile as the Tahaitians, nor so reserved and melancholy as the Friendly Islanders: they live on the best possible terms with each other, and in peace and kindness in their families. We have often admired the care and tenderness with which the women treated their children, while the men assisted them in their domestic occupations with a readiness and good-will which did them great credit. "If however we should pronounce on the degree of civilization to which they have attained by the estimation the female sex enjoys among them, they would rank but low in the scale. The women are not only forbidden to eat with the men, but the best kinds of food are denied them. They are not allowed to eat pork, turtle, or several kinds of fish and bananas; and we were informed that a poor girl had been severely beaten for having tasted of these prohibited viands on board our ship. The females seemed indeed almost to live in a state of separation from their lords; and although we never perceived that they were ill treated, it is certain they are held in little respect. "We were always received when we came ashore with the greatest friendliness and hospitality. As soon as we landed, the inhabitants vied with each other in bringing us presents, preparing food for us, and showing us every mark of kindness. The old people were much pleased when they obtained permission to touch us; and they showed much modesty and humility in the comparisons they made between us and themselves. "In mental capacity, the Sandwich Islanders do not appear at all inferior to any other people. Their progress in agriculture, and their skill in handicrafts, is fully proportionate to their means and situation. The earnest attention which they paid to the work of our smiths, and the various means they devised, even before our departure, to give any required form to the iron they obtained from us, convinced us at once of their industry and ingenuity. "Our unfortunate friend Kancena, (he was shot by one of the Englishmen whom he had always treated with the greatest friendship) had a great desire for knowledge, an admirable natural understanding and a vivacity of mind seldom met with amongst uncultivated nations. He made innumerable inquiries concerning our manners and customs, our King, our form of government, the population and produce of our country, and the manner in which our ships and houses were built. He wished to know if we waged wars, with whom, and for what cause, what God we worshipped, and many other things; which showed an extensive range of thought." This testimony of Captain King to the good disposition of the Sandwich Islanders becomes the more worthy of credit, when we consider that the English always treated them with great severity, and that Captain Cook only fell a sacrifice to his own error. King has also defended them from the imputation of being cannibals, of which Anderson and several of Cook's companions had accused them. The propensity to theft was as common among the lower classes here, as on the other South Sea islands; and this it was which occasioned the thoughtless severity of Cook, who was always judge in his own cause, and suffered himself to be hurried into unjustifiable acts of violence. Had he been a philanthropist, as well as a great navigator, he would not have lost his life at O Wahi. The custom of tattooing existed also among the Sandwich Islanders; their faces were frequently marked with lines crossing each other at right angles, and some even had their tongues tattooed; pretty drawings were frequently seen on the hands and arms of the women. The ordinary dress of both sexes was nothing more than a piece of stuff folded round their bodies. The females adorned themselves besides with necklaces of muscle-shells, or little red shining beans, and with bracelets of various ornamental materials; they sometimes wore collars of beautiful feathers ingeniously blended together; their hair was also decorated with feathers and with garlands of flowers. The Sandwich Islanders lived in villages or little hamlets of from one to two hundred dwellings, standing irregularly, pretty near each other, and communicating by a winding path. Some of them were surrounded by gardens, enclosed with hedges. The food of the lower classes consisted chiefly of fish, yams, sweet potatoes, tarro-root, bananas, sugar-canes, and bread-fruit. Those of higher rank also indulged in pork, and the flesh of dogs, prepared in the same manner as on the Society Islands. The tame poultry of Europe was also found here, but it was scarce, and not very much prized. These people were particularly clean, and their cookery was preferred by Englishmen to that of their own country. The Yeris were chiefly employed in the building of vessels and the manufacture of mats; the females prepared a stuff of the paper kind, which was so pressed and coloured as to resemble our calico; and fishing or agriculture was the chief business of the servants. These occupations, however, left leisure for various pastimes, particularly dancing, which the young people of both sexes delighted in. Drums of several sorts were their only musical instruments, but their songs were very pleasing. They often played at a game much resembling our draughts; it is played with black and white stones on a piece of board, and from the great number of pieces, seems to require much attention. In another game, a stone was hidden under a large piece of stuff, and the player was to point out the precise spot in which it lay. Running races, in which the girls took part, and apparently dangerous exercises in swimming amidst the surf, were also among their amusements. In wrestling and boxing, they did not display so much strength and skill as the Friendly Islanders. The children often handled their balls with great dexterity, throwing several at once into the air and catching them again. Their vessels were very well built; the largest, a double one, seventy feet long, twelve broad, and three and a half deep, belonged to Teraiopu. The most remarkable of their utensils were the vessels appropriated to drinking Ava; they were usually eight or ten inches in diameter, perfectly round and very well polished, and were supported by three or four little images of men in various attitudes, sometimes bearing the vessel on their heads, sometimes on their shoulders, or on their hands raised above their heads. These figures were very well executed, the proportions correctly preserved, and even the proper action of the muscles well defined. Among the arts in which the Sandwich Islanders excelled, was that of preparing salt: the English obtained from them a large quantity of the best kind. Their arms consisted of clubs, lances, and daggers, made of hard wood. War was of frequent occurrence amongst the inhabitants of the several islands; the battles were often very bloody, and usually at sea, the vessels grappling. The Yeris, when they went to battle, wore the decorated helmets already described, and the mantles covered with black, red, and yellow feathers: those of the Yerirahis, or kings, were of yellow only. Images of the god of war, cut in wood; dreadful caricatures of the human figure in a threatening posture, the mouth open and armed with dogs' teeth, were always carried before the kings into battle; and the chief aim of the enemy was to capture them, as this achievement usually put an end to the war. A part of the prisoners were sacrificed to the gods; but as the shedding of blood in this rite was forbidden, they were strangled, and laid down before the images of the gods in the Marai, with their faces turned to the earth. The burial of the dead was a very sacred ceremony, and accompanied with many forms. The corpse was laid in a pit till the flesh decayed, the bones were then cleaned, and a part of them distributed among the relations and friends to be preserved as relics, part laid in consecrated ground. Dying persons sometimes desired that their bones should be thrown into the crater of the volcano at O Wahi, which was inhabited by the revered god Pelai. It has already been mentioned, that the women were prohibited from eating many kinds of food; they were also forbidden, under pain of death, to enter a house where the men were eating, and they were entirely secluded from the Marais; with these exceptions, they enjoyed great freedom, and even had a voice in the deliberations concerning war and peace. The religious regulation of the Tabu, or interdict, existed here as well as on many other of the South Sea islands. A person declared under a Tabu was inviolable; a piece of land under a Tabu must not be trodden by any one; nor must a species of animal so declared, be injured or shot until the Tabu was again taken off. Thus Tameamea declared the diamond mountain under the Tabu, because an Englishman, finding there a piece of quartz-crystal, considered it to be diamond; and the King, finding these were of great value, supposed he possessed in the mountain an inexhaustible treasure, till he discovered his mistake, and the Tabu was taken off. The vessels first seen by the Sandwich Islanders must have been very small, for when Cook's appeared, they took her for a swimming island, and believed that Etua-Rono, for whom they always retained the most profound veneration, had at length fulfilled his promise and returned to them. The joy was universal; and it was determined to receive the beneficent god, so long absent, who was to restore the Golden Age upon the island, with all possible honours. Neither Cook nor his companion seemed to have had any notion that they were saluted with divine honours; but they considered the ceremonies enacted by the rejoicing people as marks of distinction commonly bestowed on persons of importance. His being called by them "O Rono," (the Rono) did not enlighten him on the subject, as he was unacquainted with the tradition; but he contented himself with the conjecture, that the appellation was a title of honour, signifying chief or priest. Had the conduct of Cook made it possible for the islanders to retain their beneficial error, the good understanding between them and the English would never have been interrupted; but he himself was the first to convince them that he could not be their divine benefactor. Some of the populace conceived themselves entitled to appropriate a portion of the presents which Rono, according to his promise, had brought them--a licence which was immediately punished by Cook with great severity: the offenders taken in the fact were whipped; those who fled were fired upon; and several persons, some of whom were innocent, lost their lives. Rono could not be so cruel and unjust; and _Tute_, as they called Cook, immediately sunk in their estimation to the rank of ordinary mortals. He was henceforth feared as a mighty chief, but venerated no longer. This change of sentiment was very evident when he returned hither from his voyage northward. The islanders met the ship as before, with hogs and fruits; but they set a price upon them, instead of presenting them, as formerly, in the character of offerings, and accepting the returns made them as gratuitous gifts. Finding that they obtained what appeared to them an exorbitant price for their provisions, they supposed the strangers to come from a land of scarcity for the mere purpose of satisfying their appetites; and the common people wholly ceasing to regard them with reverence, became bolder in their depredations. The King, the Priests, and many of the principal Yeris, still however continued firm in their attachment to the English. A Yeri, named Parea, gave a striking proof of this kindly disposition, which Captain King has thus related:--Some Kanackas, having stolen certain articles, were pursued with muskets; and though every thing was recovered, an English officer thought himself justified in taking possession of a canoe lying on the shore belonging to Parea, who, being perfectly innocent of the theft, reclaimed his property. The officer refused to surrender it; and in the subsequent contest, Parea received so violent a blow on the head with an oar, that he fell senseless to the ground. In the mean time the islanders had assembled, and, irritated at this undeserved outrage on a chief, began to throw stones at the English, who were obliged to swim to a neighbouring rock for safety. The victorious people, thus left in possession of the field of battle, fell upon the English boat, which they would have destroyed but for the interposition of Parea, who had now recovered his senses. He dispersed the crowd, made a signal to the English that they might return, restored their boat, and sent them back in it to their ship. Parea afterwards followed them, taking with him a midshipman's hat, and some other trifles which were missing; expressed his sorrow for the dispute that had arisen, and inquired whether O Rono desired his death, or whether he might come again to the ship.--(It appeared from this that he still looked upon Cook as the deity, or at least affected this belief to propitiate the English.)--He was assured that he had nothing to fear, and would always be welcome; he then touched the nose of the officers, in sign of amity and reconciliation, and returned to land. Since Parea had hindered his countrymen from wreaking their vengeance on one boat, they indemnified themselves by stealing another, and in the night cut through the rope which fastened it to the ship. Cook, enraged at this occurrence, determined to bring the King himself on board his ship, and detain him there as a hostage till the boat should be restored; a measure which on another island he had already successfully adopted on a similar occasion. He therefore went ashore with a party of soldiers well armed, having given orders that none of the boats belonging to the natives should be suffered to leave the bay, as it was his determination, in case gentler measures should prove ineffectual, to destroy them all. All the boats of both ships, well manned and armed, were therefore so placed as to enforce obedience to this command. Cook was received, according to King's account, with the greatest respect: the people prostrated themselves before him. He proceeded direct to the old King, and invited him on board his ship. The King immediately consented; but some of the Yeris endeavoured to dissuade him; and the more earnestly Cook pressed his going, the more strenuously they endeavoured to prevent it. Cook, at length, seized the King by the arm, and would have carried him off by force; which in the highest degree irritated the assembled multitudes. At this moment a Yeri, who in crossing the bay from the opposite side had been fired upon by the English boats, rushed with blood streaming from his wound into the presence of the King, and cried aloud to him to remain where he was, or he would certainly receive similar treatment; this incident wound up the rage of the people to its utmost pitch, and the conflict commenced, in which Cook lost his life. Karemaku, who, when a young man, had witnessed these circumstances, related them to me; and the accounts of Cook's companions upon the whole agree with his. Some isolated facts are differently stated by them; but I was assured by all the natives of Wahu, that Karemaku had strictly adhered to the truth. Even if we give entire credit to the English narrative, we shall find that they were the aggressors,--that the islanders acted only on the defensive, and that Cook's fate, however lamentable, was not entirely undeserved. John Reinhold Forster, in his preface to a journal of a voyage of discovery to the South Sea, in the years 1776 to 1780, gives an extract from a letter written to him by an Englishman in a responsible situation, in which he says of Cook--"The Captain's character is not the same now as formerly: his head seems to have been turned." Forster gives the same account concerning the change in Cook, when he says-- "Cook, on his first voyage, had with him Messrs. Banks and Solander, both lovers of art and science. On the second, I and my son were his companions, enjoying daily and familiar intercourse with him. In our presence, respect for his own character restrained him; our mode of thinking, our principles and manners influenced his, and prevented his treating the poor harmless South Sea Islanders with cruelty. The only instance of undue severity we ever witnessed in his behaviour, was when on account of some petty theft he once allowed his cannon to be fired upon the fugitive offenders; fortunately, however, no one was injured by this rash act. But having in his last voyage no other witnesses of his actions, than such as were entirely under his command, he forgot what he owed to his own great name, and was guilty in many instances of extreme cruelty. I am therefore convinced, that if Messrs. Banks and Solander, Dr. Spaarmann, or I and my son, had been with him on the last voyage, his life would not have been lost in the manner it was." The first ships which visited the Sandwich Islands after Cook's death were those of Meeres, Dickson, and Coke, in the years 1786-9. They traded in skins between China and the North-west Coast of America, and found these islands very convenient to touch at. They were well received; and some of the islanders made the voyage to America with them. Tianna, one of the first Yeris of O Wahi, went with Meeres to China. These voyages, and the continual intercourse with Europeans, which their increasing trade in fur produced, necessarily enlarged the ideas of these children of Nature; and as they were not under the dominion of that folly which, in common with the Greenlanders, possesses some of the most civilized nations in Europe, of considering themselves the first people upon earth, they soon acquired our manners, and derived all the advantage that could be expected from the opportunities of improvement thus afforded them. Vancouver found, in 1792, that many remarkable changes had taken place on these islands since Cook's time. King Teraiopu did not long survive that eminent navigator. His son Kawarao succeeded to the government of the greater part of the island of O Wahi; the rest fell to his relation Tameamea. Kawarao was a tyrant, and governed with unexampled cruelty. At certain periods of the moon, he declared himself holy, or under a Tabu: the priests alone had then the privilege of seeing him so long as the sun was above the horizon; and an immediate death of the severest torture was the melancholy lot of any individual not belonging to this sacred order, who by whatever accident should cast but a momentary glance upon the voluntarily secluded monarch. To this cruelty of disposition, Kawarao united an unbounded ambition, which prompted him to make war on his kinsman Tameamea. This young and powerful chief early distinguished himself, and soon became celebrated throughout these islands for superiority of intellect and skill in arms. Kawarao, although he had greatly the advantage in numbers, could never obtain a victory; fire-arms were not then in use here, and success long vibrated between the contending rivals. Both parties at length determined to put the final issue of the war to the test of a single combat, stipulating that the conqueror should acquire the sovereignty of the whole island. The two kings armed; their respective priests carried the images of their gods to the field, and the fight commenced. Kawarao trusted to his skill in throwing the javelin; but Tameamea could defend himself from several antagonists at once, and scarcely ever missed his aim. After some fruitless efforts of both combatants, Tameamea's spear pierced the side of his bloodthirsty enemy, who fell dead on the field. This duel, by which Tameamea became King of O Wahi and of Muwe, which had also belonged to Kawarao, took place in the year 1781. To establish his dominion on a firmer basis, Tameamea married the daughter of the vanquished monarch, and acquired the love of his subjects by his wise and moderate government. Himself endowed with uncommon powers of mind, he entrusted the important offices of state only to such as were capable of discharging them efficiently. He made a very fortunate choice in Karemaku, who, while quite a young man, entered into all the enlightened and comprehensive views of his master, forwarded them with ability and energy, and continued his faithful servant till the death of Tameamea. The English called him the Pitt of the Sandwich Islands. Several Europeans now established themselves at O Wahi; among whom Davis and John Young have been the most useful to the rising nation. Under their direction, houses and ships have been constructed in the European fashion; the island has been enriched with many useful plants; and their advice has been successfully followed in the affairs of government. With the appearance of Vancouver, arose the fortunate star of these islands. Among the innumerable benefits he conferred upon them, they are indebted to him for the possession of sheep and cattle. Tameamea declared these animals under a Tabu for ten years, which allowed time for so large an increase, that they now run wild in the forests. Had Vancouver enjoyed Cook's advantages, the islanders might still have believed him their Rono. Tameamea, during Vancouver's visit, swayed the sceptre only over the islands of O Wahi and Muwe, and was engaged in wars with his neighbour kings, whom he fought with the assistance of cannon purchased from European ships. He commanded in every battle, both by sea and land; and Karemaku, as first in authority under him, was his constant companion. The O Wahians, however, could not have well understood the use of their cannons and other fire-arms, as, after Vancouver's departure, the war was maintained for ten years. O Tuai, the most north-westerly island, even then held out, though the others had submitted. In the year 1817, Tameamea conquered this also, after many unsuccessful attempts, and thus became the supreme governor of the whole Archipelago. From this time all his efforts were directed to the education of his people, and the improvement of their trade. Salt and sandal-wood were the chief articles of exportation. The latter, though bought at rather a high price by the North-American ships, which almost exclusively monopolized this trade, sold for a large profit at Canton. I have been told, that the Americans have purchased sandal-wood here to the amount of three hundred thousand Spanish dollars a-year. Tameamea bartered this wood for some large American merchant-ships, manned them, and other ships built in the Sandwich Islands, partly with his own subjects, and partly with Europeans, and traded on his own account. He had even found means to create a small fleet of ships of war; and his warehouses, built of stone, were filled with European and American merchandise. He possessed a considerable treasure in silver money and utensils; his fortresses were planted with cannon of a large calibre, and he maintained a force of fifteen thousand men, all armed with muskets, in the use of which they had been carefully exercised. He took much pains, assisted by the Spaniard Marini, to introduce the cotton-tree, which answered very well, and yielded fine cotton; and endeavoured to improve the native flax, already much superior to that of New Zealand, and to profit by it as an article of commerce. Nothing which promised advantage to his country escaped his penetrating mind; he exerted, in short, every faculty of his mind to place the Sandwich Islands in a state of progressive assimilation to the most prosperous nations. Vessels of every nation were as secure from injustice or insult in his ports, as in those of Europe, if not more so. As soon as a strange ship arrived, criers were employed to give notice that the new comers were friends, and must be hospitably received, and that any incivility shown them would be severely punished. When Tameamea first sent a ship to Canton with sandal-wood, he was obliged to pay a considerable duty for anchorage; whereupon he argued, that what was exacted from himself, he might with a safe conscience demand from others; and every ship is now required to pay forty Spanish dollars for anchorage in the outer, and eighty in the inner harbour of Hanaruro. Wahu is the most fertile of all the islands, and the only one enjoying a secure harbour; it therefore naturally advances the most rapidly in civilization. Several European and American traders have settled in Hanaruro; shops have been opened, and houses built in the European style, of wood and stone; some of the former were made in America, and brought here to be put together. The exertions of Marini introduced here many European vegetables, the vine and other fruits, which are all in a flourishing state. He collected and tamed a herd of cows. Goats, sheep, and poultry of all kinds are common. The frequent voyages which the Sandwich islanders now made, partly in Tameamea's vessels, partly foreign ones, on board which they served as sailors, gradually familiarised them with the manners of more civilized nations. They adopted our costume, but after the Tahaitian fashion; considering a complete suit as an unnecessary luxury. Even Tameamea himself, for his usual attire, wore only a shirt, trowsers, and red waistcoat, without a coat; he possessed, however, many richly embroidered uniforms, but kept them for grand occasions. These islanders had made great progress in the English language: many of them could speak it very tolerably. Tameamea understood, but did not speak it. If any of my readers should wish for a farther acquaintance with the character of this distinguished sovereign, I must refer them to Vancouver, and to my former voyage; but for the benefit of those who may not be disposed to take this trouble, I cannot forbear repeating from the latter some of his remarks to myself. He presented me with a collar most ingeniously worked with coloured feathers, which he had sometimes worn in war, and on solemn occasions, saying, "I have heard that your monarch is a great warrior, and I love him, because I am a warrior myself; bear to him this collar, which I send as a token of my regard." Once as he embraced an image in his Marai, he said, "These are our Gods whom I adore; whether in so doing I am right or wrong, I know not, but I follow the religion of my country, which cannot be a bad one, since it commands me to be just in all my actions." On the 8th of May, in the year 1819, Tameamea terminated his meritorious career, to the great sorrow as well of the foreign settlers as of his native subjects. His remains were disposed of according to the rites of the religion he professed. After they had remained some time in the Marai, the bones were cleaned, and divided among his relatives and the most distinguished of his attendants. According to the custom of this country, two persons had long before been destined for interment with him at his death; but by his express desire this ceremony was dispensed with. His eldest son and legitimate successor, Lio Lio, or, as the English call it, _Rio Rio_,--for there is some difficulty in distinguishing between the L and the R of the Sandwich Islanders,--now assumed the government, under the name of Tameamea the Second. Unhappily, the father's talents were not hereditary; and the son's passion for liquor incapacitated him for ruling with the same splendid reputation an infant state, which, having already received so strong an impulse towards civilization, required a skilful guide to preserve it from degeneracy and error. The chiefs of some of the islands, and especially of O Tuai, had, even in Tameamea's lifetime, founded a hope of future independence, on the weakness of his successor, and immediately upon his death proceeded to attempt the accomplishment of their desires. But Karemaku, the faithful friend and counsellor of the deceased King, to whom the whole nation looked up with affection, and whose penetration easily discerned the evil consequences that would ensue from a political disunion of the islands, devoted to the son all the zeal and patriotism with which he had served the father. By the influence of his eloquence, and the force of his arms, he quelled the insurrection, and re-established peace and order; but to enthrone the new monarch in the hearts of his people exceeded his ability; and their disaffection proved that the germ of future disorders was not wholly extinct. The King chose Wahu for his residence, because this island was in the best state for defence; and giving himself up entirely to dissipation, sunk lower and lower in the estimation of his subjects. Karemaku was the good genius who watched over the welfare of the country, while its monarch was wasting his hours and his health in orgies, at which he was frequently known to empty a bottle of rum at a draught. It was not to be supposed that a king addicted to such habits should conceive any projects of utility or advantage for his people; he wished, however, to distinguish himself by some effort in their favour, or at least to relieve them from the trammels of superstition. He was a freethinker in a bad sense. He hated the religion of his country, because it laid some restraints upon his inclinations, and he determined to overthrow it; not for the purpose of introducing a better, a task to which his feeble mind was unequal, but for that of at once relieving himself and his subjects from ceremonies which he considered useless, because he undervalued the precepts of morality interwoven with them, and for the sake of which his father had always conscientiously observed them. In the fifth month of his reign, he proceeded in a violent and brutal manner, notwithstanding all the remonstrances of Karemaku, to the execution of his design. Having previously arranged his plans with some chiefs, the companions of his excesses, he invited the principal inhabitants of the islands to a sumptuous banquet. After the wine and rum had produced their wonted effects, females were introduced, and compelled to partake of the feast. These poor creatures, having no suspicion of the King's intentions, shrunk with terror from a profanation punishable with death. But their resistance was unavailing: they were not only constrained to sit down to the repast in company with the men, but even to eat pork; and thus, to the great astonishment of such guests as were not in the secret, to violate, at the royal command, a double Tabu. A murmur arose; but the greater part of the company were under the influence of liquor, and the King now openly proclaimed his intentions. His auditors inquired in alarm what crime the Gods had committed, that they should be thus unceremoniously dismissed; and besought him not to occasion his own destruction and that of the country, by provoking their indignation. The King started from his seat, and exclaimed with violent gestures, "You see we have already violated the strongest Tabus, and yet the Gods inflict no punishment, because they have no power; neither have they power to do us good. Our faith was erroneous and worthless. Come, let us destroy the Marais, and from henceforth acknowledge no religion!" The immediate dependents of the King rose to second him: the inhabitants of Hanaruro had been depraved by their intercourse with foreign sailors, and a tumultuous crowd, who held nothing sacred, soon followed the revellers. Arrived at the royal Marai, some of them, terrified by the aspect of their idols, would have receded; but when the King himself, and his friends and followers, began to maltreat them, and no divine vengeance followed, the courage of the multitude revived, and the Marais were soon utterly destroyed. This outrage to what the people at large most venerated, introduced a scene of confusion and violence, and would indeed have entailed destruction both on the King and the country, had not Karemaku again stood forward in their defence. Several Yeris who, disapproving the sentiments of the King, had retired privately from the banquet, joined the priests in exciting the people to defend their gods by force of arms. An army was raised, and, animated by the presence of the war-god, commenced hostilities against his sacrilegious opponents. When the news of the destruction of the Marais reached the other islands, insurrections also broke out in each of them. Karemaku had condemned the sacrilege, and abstained from any part in it; but as it could not now be prevented, and he foresaw the mischievous consequences of civil commotions, he assembled an army, and, victorious wherever he appeared, succeeded in restoring tranquillity. On the large island O Wahi, however, he encountered a formidable resistance; but at length, after several bloody contests, he captured the war-god: the insurgents, who had also lost their leaders in the last battle, believing themselves quite abandoned by the gods, now dispersed, and Karemaku, on the restoration of tranquillity, returned to Wahu. It is a remarkable fact, that a people who regarded their faith and their priests with so much reverence, as I had myself witnessed previously to this occurrence, should in so short a period, acquiescing in the decree which denounced their creed as error, and consigned their sanctuaries to demolition, contentedly submit to the total deprivation of all external signs of religion. Karemaku had judgment enough to perceive that this state of things would not endure, and that a religion of some kind was indispensable to the people; he therefore resolved to set his countrymen a good example, and yielding to an inclination he had long entertained, to declare himself publicly a convert to Christianity. In the same year, 1819, Captain Freycinet, on his voyage round the world, landed at Hanaruro, and a clergyman accompanying him, Karemaku and his brother Boki received the sacrament of baptism according to the forms of the Catholic Church. At this time, a society of missionaries was formed in the United States of America, for the purpose of introducing Christianity into the Sandwich Islands. Of the extinction of the ancient faith, which must of course facilitate their undertaking, they had as yet received no information. Six families of these missionaries arrived at Wahu in 1820, bringing with them two young Sandwich Islanders, who had been previously prepared in their schools. The King, hearing of their intention, would not allow them to land, but commanded them immediately to depart from his shores. Here, again, Karemaku interposed, and endeavoured to convince the King that the Christian religion would be one of the greatest benefits he could confer on his subjects. The King then assembled the most distinguished Yeris, and after fourteen days' deliberation, decreed that a piece of land should be granted to the missionaries, with permission to build a church, and to preach their doctrines, under the condition that they should immediately leave the island if the experiment should be found to have a prejudicial influence on the people. The missionaries agreed to the terms, took up their residence on Wahu, and from thence extended settlements over the other islands. Their first efforts were successfully directed to the conversion of the King, his family, and the most distinguished Yeris. When these personages had openly professed the new faith, the Missionaries considered themselves firmly established, and proceeded with more confidence to the full execution of their plan. They quickly acquired the language of the islands, which from the largest of them they called the O Wahi language, printed the first book in it, (a collection of Hymns,) in the year 1822, and instructed the natives, who proved apt scholars, in reading and writing. These missionaries were Protestants; but the Catholic Karemaku, having no notion of the points of doctrine in dispute between the Churches, joined without hesitation in communion with them; and the Christian religion spreading rapidly among the Sandwich Islanders, without any of the constraint or persecution which had disgraced it at O Tahaiti, promised the happiest effects. Notwithstanding, however, all the efforts of Karemaku, the people were not yet entirely pacified. The former faith had still many secret adherents, and the King was unable to acquire either the esteem or affection of his subjects. Insurrections were continually dreaded; and Rio Rio, not feeling sufficiently secure even in his entrenchments at Wahu, determined, by the advice of some Europeans, to make a voyage to England, in the hope that these discontents would subside during his absence. He confided the administration of the government to the faithful Karemaku, and Kahumanna, the favourite wife of his father, and in the year 1824 sailed for England in a North American ship, accompanied by his consort, Karemaku's brother Boki, and some other persons of rank; taking with him twenty-five thousand Spanish piastres from the treasure amassed by his father. Soon after the King's departure, a regular rebellion broke out in the island of O Tuai. Its former ruler, Tamari, was dead, and his son, a young man who had been brought up in the United States of America, and had unfortunately fallen into bad company, was desirous to recover for himself the independent dominion of the island. Karemaku and Kahumanna immediately hastened thither with an army, and on our arrival at Hanaruro we found the war still raging at O Tuai, though it was supposed to be near its close. The government of Wahu was entrusted, during the absence of the Regents, to another wife of Tameamea, named Nomahanna, conjointly with a Yeri called Chinau. On the morning after our arrival, I rowed ashore with some of my officers, to pay my respects to the Queen Nomahanna, and on landing was met by the Spaniard Marini, who accompanied us to her Majesty as interpreter. On the way I was recognised by several old friends, with whom I had become acquainted on my former visit. They saluted me with a friendly "_Aroha_." I cannot say there was much room for compliment on any visible improvement in their costume; for they still wore with much self-complacency some ill-assorted portions of European attire. The residence of Nomahanna lay near the fortress on the sea-shore: it was a pretty little wooden house of two stories, built in the European style, with handsome large windows, and a balcony very neatly painted. We were received on the stairs by Chinau, the governor of Wahu, in a curious dishabille. He could hardly walk from the confinement his feet suffered in a pair of fisherman's shoes, and his red cloth waistcoat would not submit to be buttoned, because it had never been intended for so colossal a frame. He welcomed me with repeated "_Arohas_," and led me up to the second floor, where all the arrangements had a pleasing and even elegant appearance. The stairs were occupied from the bottom to the door of the Queen's apartments, by children, adults, and even old people, of both sexes, who, under her Majesty's own superintendence, were reading from spelling-books, and writing on slates--a spectacle very honourable to her philanthropy. The Governor himself had a spelling-book in one hand, and in the other a very ornamental little instrument made of bone, which he used for pointing to the letters. Some of the old people appeared to have joined the assembly rather for example's sake, than from a desire to learn, as they were studying, with an affectation of extreme diligence, books held upside down. The spectacle of these scholars and their whimsical and scanty attire, nearly upset the gravity with which I had prepared for my presentation to the Queen. The doors were, however, thrown open and I entered, Chinau introducing me as the captain of the newly-arrived Russian frigate. The apartment was furnished in the European fashion, with chairs, tables, and looking-glasses. In one corner stood an immensely large bed with silk curtains; the floor was covered with fine mats, and on these, in the middle of the room, lay Nomahanna, extended on her stomach, her head turned towards the door, and her arms supported on a silk pillow. Two young girls lightly dressed, sat cross-legged by the side of the Queen, flapping away the flies with bunches of feathers. Nomahanna, who appeared at the utmost not more than forty years old, was exactly six feet two inches high, and rather more than two ells in circumference. She wore an old-fashioned European dress of blue silk; her coal-black hair was neatly plaited, at the top of a head as round as a ball; her flat nose and thick projecting lips were certainly not very handsome, yet was her countenance on the whole prepossessing and agreeable. On seeing me, she laid down the psalm-book in which she had been reading, and having, with the help of her attendants, changed her lying for a sitting posture, she held out her hand to me in a very friendly manner, with many "_Arohas!_" and invited me to take a seat on a chair by her side. Her memory was better than my own; she recognised me as the Russian officer who had visited the deceased monarch Tameamea, on the island of O Wahi. On that occasion I had been presented to the Queens; but since that time Nomahanna had so much increased in size, that I did not know her again. She was aware how highly I esteemed her departed consort; my appearance brought him vividly to her remembrance, and she could not restrain her tears, in speaking of his death. "The people," said she, "have lost in him a protector and a father. What will now be the fate of these islands, the God of the Christians only knows." She now informed me with much self-gratulation that she was a Christian, and attended the prayer-meeting several times every day. Desirous to know how far she had been instructed in the religion she professed, I inquired through Marini the grounds of her conversion. She replied that she could not exactly describe them, but that the missionary Bengham, who understood reading and writing perfectly well, had assured her that the Christian faith was the best; and that, seeing how far the Europeans and Americans, who were all Christians, surpassed her compatriots in knowledge, she concluded that their belief must be the most reasonable. "If, however," she added, "it should be found unsuited to our people, we will reject it, and adopt another." Hence it appears that the christianity of the missionaries is not regarded with the reverence which, in its purity, it is calculated to inspire in the most uncultivated minds. In conclusion, Nomahanna triumphantly informed me, that the women might now eat as much pork as they pleased, instead of being, as formerly, limited to dog's flesh. At this observation, an intrusive idea suddenly changed her tone and the expression of her features. With a deep sigh, she exclaimed--"What would Tameamea say if he could behold the changes which have taken place here? No more Gods--no more Marais: all are destroyed! It was not so in his time:--we shall never have such another king!" Then, while the tears trickled down her cheeks, she bared her right arm, and showed me, tattooed on it in the O Wahi language--"Our good King Tameamea died on the 8th of May 1819." This sign of mourning for the beloved monarch, which cannot be laid aside like our pieces of crape, but accompanies the mourner to the grave, is very frequent on the Sandwich Islands, and testifies the esteem in which his memory is held: but it is a still more striking proof of the universal grief for his loss, that on the anniversary of his death, all his subjects struck out one of their front teeth; and the whole nation have in consequence acquired a sort of whistle in speaking. Chinau had even had the above words tattooed on his tongue, of which he gave me ocular demonstration; nor was he singular in this mode of testifying his attachment. It is surprising that an operation so painful, and which occasions a considerable swelling, should not be attended with worse consequences. Nomahanna spoke with enthusiasm on the subject of writing. Formerly, she said, she could only converse with persons who were present; now, let them be ever so far distant, she could whisper her thoughts softly to them alone. She promised to write me a letter, in order, she said, that I might prove to every one in Russia that Nomahanna was able to write. Our conversation was interrupted by the rattling of wheels, and the sound of many voices. I looked from the window, and saw a little cart to which a number of active young men had harnessed themselves with the greatest complacency. I inquired of Marini what this meant, and was informed that the Queen was about to drive to church: an attendant soon after entered, and announced that the equipage was ready. Nomahanna graciously proposed my accompanying her; and rather than risk her displeasure by a refusal, I accepted the invitation with many thanks, though I foresaw that I should thus be drawn in as a party to a very absurd spectacle. The Queen now put on a white calico hat decorated with Chinese flowers, took a large Chinese fan in her hand, and, having completed her toilette by drawing on a pair of clumsy sailor's boots, we set out. In descending the stairs, she made a sign that the school was over for the present; an announcement that seemed very agreeable to the scholars, to the old ones especially. At the door below, a crowd had assembled, attracted by curiosity to see me and their Queen drive out together. The young men in harness shouted for joy, and patiently waited the signal for the race. Some delay, however, occurred in taking our seats with suitable dignity. The carriage was very small, and my companion very large, so that I was fain to be content with a seat upon the edge, with a very good chance of losing my balance, had not her Majesty, to obviate the danger, encircled my waist with her stout and powerful arm, and thus secured me on my seat; our position, and the contrast presented by our figures, had no doubt a sufficiently comical effect. When we were at length comfortably settled, the Governor Chinau came forth, and with no other addition than a round hat to the costume already described, mounted a meagre unsaddled steed, and off we all went at full gallop, the Queen taking infinite pains to avoid losing me by the way. The people came streaming from all sides, shouting "_Aroha maita!_"--our team continually increasing, while a crowd behind contended for the honour of helping to push us forward. In this style we drove the whole length of Hanaruro, and in about a quarter of an hour reached the church, which lies on an ugly flat, and exactly resembles that at O Tahaiti both in external and internal appearance. The congregation was very small. Nomahanna and an old lady were the only individuals of their sex; and Chinau, myself, and a few others, the only males present. Even the people who had drawn us did not enter the church; from which I infer, that the influence of the missionaries is by no means so considerable as at O Tahaiti; and certainly the converts are not yet driven with a stick into the house of prayer: nor would it be easy to fasten on the minds of the people the fetters so patiently endured on the Society Islands, where the labours of the missionaries are seldom interrupted by the intervention of strangers. The Sandwich Islanders are engaged in constant intercourse with foreign sailors, mostly of licentious characters, who indeed profess the Christian religion; but brought hither by the desire of gain, or the necessity of laying in provisions for their ships, are generally wholly occupied in driving crafty bargains, and certainly are no way instrumental in inspiring the islanders with ideas of religion or morality, but on the contrary, set them examples which have a direct tendency to deprave their minds. Such among these crews as have been guilty of offences on board ship, frequently run away and settle on the islands. This was severely prohibited in Tameamea's time, but is now permitted, from Christian charity. Such characters as these, reckless of every thing sacred, do not hesitate to make a jest of the missionaries, whose extraordinary plans and regulations offer many weak points to the shafts of ridicule. When Mr. Bengham had concluded a discourse in the O Wahi language, which might possibly have been highly edifying, but that it was addressed to little else than empty benches,--for I did not understand him, and the minds of the few other persons present were evidently occupied with very different matters,--we returned to the palace in the same style that we had left it. I then took my leave, having received a promise of being amply supplied with provisions: the Queen also, at my request, ordered a small house near her own to be prepared for our astronomical observations, and our astronomer, M. Preus, took possession of it on the following day. Our arrival had created a great sensation on the island. A foreign ship of war is an uncommon spectacle here--one from Russia more especially, as the attempt of the insane Dr. Scheffer, in 1816, to raise the island of O Tuai against Tameamea, in the hope of annexing it to the empire of Russia, had naturally introduced a fear of similar projects, although the absurd design was entirely discountenanced by the Emperor Alexander. The English also, even in their writings, have contributed to spread the ridiculous idea, that Russia entertained views against the independence of the Sandwich Islands; and that Rio Rio's voyage was only undertaken for the purpose of imploring the assistance of England against our government. From the air of protection which England has for some time past assumed towards these islands, it is probable that she herself secretly harbours such a design, and only waits a favourable opportunity for its execution; although the English always profess to acknowledge the sovereignty of the native monarch, and the King of England, in writing to Tameamea, calls him, "Your Majesty." I am, however, far from desiring to maintain this opinion as founded on any sufficient grounds. The alarm of the islanders, on the present occasion, had been in great measure excited by a paragraph in a Mexican newspaper, recently imported, which contained a new version of the English fiction. The mistrust, however, did not long subsist. My assurances of friendship, and the particularly good behaviour of the whole crew, by which they were advantageously distinguished from those of the other ships lying here, soon attracted towards us the confidence and esteem of the natives and their governors. During the whole of my stay on the island, I had not the slightest cause to be dissatisfied with the conduct of my men, notwithstanding the temptations to which they were exposed, from the example of other sailors. All that could be spared from the ship were, every Sunday, allowed to go ashore; this being generally known in Hanaruro, a crowd of Wahuaners were always in waiting to welcome the arrival of our boat. The friendly intercourse which at all times subsisted between our people and the islanders was truly gratifying. I observed with regret, in my daily visits to Hanaruro, that the Wahuaners had lost the simplicity and innocence of character which formerly distinguished them. The profligate habits of the settlers of all nations among them, and of the numerous foreign sailors with whom they constantly associate, have most prejudicially affected their morals. Fraud, theft, and burglary, never heard of in Tameamea's time, are now frequent. Murder implies a degree of wickedness to which they have not yet attained; but a circumstance that occurred shortly before our arrival, may perhaps become an example even for this worst of crimes. The crew of an English whaler, in which much drinking had been permitted, mutinied, and the Captain received a blow on the head, which, though it did not destroy life, produced insanity; nor could all the efforts of our physician wholly restore his reason. He had indeed lucid intervals, during which he became reconciled to his crew, and at length sailed for England; but I have reason to believe the vessel never reached its destination. One very unpleasant consequence has attended progressive civilization in Hanaruro:--painted signs, that the means of intoxication might be purchased within, hang from many of the houses: their keepers are runaway sailors, who, to increase their own profit, naturally have recourse to every means that may tempt the people to excess; and these liquor-shops accordingly enjoy a constant overflow of visitors. Others are fitted up in a superior style, for the exclusive accommodation of Yeris and ships' officers, admission being refused to Kanackas and sailors. Carousing is here also the order of the day, but billiards and whist form part of the entertainments; the latter game especially is a great favourite with the Wahuaners, who play it well. Whist parties may be seen every where seated on the ground, in the streets or in open fields, among whom large sums of money and valuable goods are at stake. The players are always surrounded by spectators, who pronounce their opinions very volubly at the close of every game. The parties themselves are extremely animated, and the affair seldom terminates without a quarrel. Many other games are also in favour; and through the prevalence of a custom which cannot be observed without regret, this once industrious and flourishing people are rapidly acquiring confirmed habits of idleness and dissipation. A great part of the well cultivated tarro-fields, which formerly surrounded Hanaruro, now lie waste. On the great market-place, horse and foot races are proceeding all day long, and give occasion to extensive gambling. The Wahuaners have as great a passion for horse-racing, as the Malays for cock-fighting, and without hesitation venture their whole stock of wealth on a race. The purchase of a horse is, indeed, the great object of their ambition; and little attention having hitherto been directed to the breeding of these animals, they are imported from California, at an expense of from two to three, or even five hundred piastres; so that many a Wahuaner is obliged to hoard his whole earnings for years together, to raise the means of indulging in this luxury. In these races the horse is not saddled, and a string supplies the place of a bit; the rider is usually quite naked, but very skilful in the management even of the wildest horse; but, as the treatment is injudicious, they are soon worn out. Large sums are also staked at the _ship-games_, as they are called, in which the islanders display their seaman-like tastes. The players are usually clever ship-builders. They build pretty little vessels, in conformity with the rules of art, and, by their good management of the keel, make them good sailers; they rig them completely, and decorate them with flags and streamers. Then assembling on the banks of some large pond, the owners spread the sails, make the helm fast, and launch the little fleet. The ship which is best built and rigged, first gains the opposite shore, and wins the prize. The spectators take great interest in the game, and a loud shout announces the victory. The children also, in imitation of their fathers, make little ships, and have sailing-matches on the smaller pieces of water. From the partiality of the Sandwich Islanders for a sea-life, and from their geographical situation, it is probable that, in time, they will become powerful at sea. Tameamea left to his successor above a dozen good ships, all manned with natives. They obtain excellent nautical educations on board the United States' vessels trading between America and Canton; and the Americans, who are equal to the English as seamen, bear witness to the abilities of the islanders. Luxury has made great advances in Wahu. Even among the lowest class of the people, some article of European clothing is universal. The females especially set their hearts upon the most fashionable mode of dress: whatever the Queen wears is their model, which they imitate to the utmost of their power. The men are importuned to gratify this feminine vanity; and if their means will not enable them to do so fairly, they will often have recourse to fraud. The love of foreign wares, and especially of such as serve for dress and ornament, is by far the most fertile source of crime. The shopkeepers are emulous to make their assortment of goods as attractive as possible, and sometimes allow their customers credit, in which case they never fail to charge double, though their profits are at all times enormous. I have myself seen young girls paying two Spanish dollars for a string of common glass-beads which would scarcely reach round the throat. The tradespeople practise every species of deception with impunity, for the laws are not yet sufficiently civilized to meet offences of this description; which therefore inflict a double injury on their dupe, by robbing him of his property, and affording him an example of successful fraud, which he will generally at least endeavour to imitate. On Sunday, the inhabitants of Wahu make their appearance at church in full dress to be admired; and if the spectacle on these occasions is not so thoroughly laughable as at O Tahaiti, it is certainly sufficiently comic. The domestic utensils, formerly in use here, have entirely disappeared even from the poorest huts; and Chinese porcelain has superseded the manufactures from the gourd or the cocoa-nut. Fourteen days after our arrival, I received a message from Karemaku, who was still at O Tuai. He assured me that he was rejoiced at my coming, stated that he had sent orders to Chinau to supply my ship with the best provisions, and added, that having happily concluded the expedition, he should soon return to Hanaruro. Meanwhile, we had no cause to complain of our situation: every thing was to be had for money; and Nomahanna overwhelmed us with presents of fat hogs and the finest fish, putting all the fishermen into requisition to provide abundantly for our table. We had all reason to be grateful for her attention and kindness, and are all therefore ready to maintain that she is not only the cleverest and the most learned, but also the best woman in Wahu, as indeed she is considered both by the natives and settlers. But I can also bear testimony to another qualification, of equal importance in her estimation--she has certainly the greatest appetite that ever came under my observation. I usually visited her in the morning, and was in the habit of finding her extended at full length upon the floor, employed in inditing her letter to me, which appeared to occasion her many a head-ache. Once, however, I called exactly at dinner-time, and was shown into the eating-room. She was lying on fine mats before a large looking-glass, stretched as usual on her prodigious stomach: a number of Chinese porcelain dishes, containing food of various kinds, were ranged in a semicircle before her, and the attendants were busily employed in handing first one and then another to her Majesty. She helped herself with her fingers from each in its turn, and ate most voraciously, whilst two boys flapped away the flies with large bunches of feathers. My appearance did not at all disturb her: she greeted me with her mouth full, and graciously nodded her desire that I should take my seat in a chair by her side, when I witnessed, I think, the most extraordinary meal upon record. How much had passed the royal mouth before my entrance, I will not undertake to affirm; but it took in enough in my presence to have satisfied six men! Great as was my admiration at the quantity of food thus consumed, the scene which followed was calculated to increase it. Her appetite appearing satisfied at length, the Queen drew her breath with difficulty two or three times, then exclaimed, "I have eaten famously!" These were the first words her important business had allowed her time to utter. By the assistance of her attendants, she then turned upon her back, and made a sign with her hand to a tall, strong fellow, who seemed well practised in his office; he immediately sprang upon her body, and kneaded her as unmercifully with his knees and fists as if she had been a trough of bread. This was done to favour digestion; and her Majesty, after groaning a little at this ungentle treatment, and taking a short time to recover herself, ordered her royal person to be again turned on the stomach, and recommenced her meal. This account, whatever appearance of exaggeration it may bear, is literally true, as all my officers, and the other gentlemen who accompanied me, will witness. M. Preuss, who lived in the neighbourhood of the lady, frequently witnessed similar meals, and maintains that Nomahanna and her fat hog were the greatest curiosities in Wahu. The latter is in particular favour with the Queen, who feeds him almost to death: he is black, and of extraordinary size and fatness: two Kanackas are appointed to attend him, and he can hardly move without their assistance. Nomahanna is vain of her tremendous appetite. She considers most people too thin, and recommends inaction as an accelerator of her admired _embonpoint_--so various are the notions of beauty. On the Sandwich Islands, a female figure a fathom long, and of immeasurable circumference, is charming; whilst the European lady laces tightly, and sometimes drinks vinegar, in order to touch our hearts by her slender and delicate symmetry. One of our officers obtained the Queen's permission to take her portrait. The limner's art is still almost a novelty here; and many persons of rank solicited permission to witness the operation. With the greatest attention, they watched every stroke of the outline, and loudly expressed their admiration as each feature appeared upon the paper. The nose was no sooner traced, than they exclaimed--"Now Nomahanna can smell!" When the eyes were finished--"Now she can see!" They expressed especial satisfaction at the sight of the mouth, because it would enable her to eat; and they seemed to have some apprehension that she might suffer from hunger. At this point, Nomahanna became so much interested, that she requested to see the picture also: she thought the mouth much too small, and begged that it might be enlarged. The portrait, however, when finished, did not please her; and she remarked rather peevishly--"I am surely much handsomer than that!" On the 17th of January, Karemaku arrived with a squadron of two and three-masted ships, and many soldiers, before the harbour of Hanaruro, after having terminated the war at O Tuai quite to his satisfaction. The fleet being unable to enter the harbour, on account of a contrary wind, was obliged to cast anchor outside. I immediately sent off an officer with my shallop, to convey to the King's deputy my congratulations on his arrival; he and his young wife (his wife, of whom I spoke in my former voyage, was since dead,) returned in the shallop, and came on board my ship. I fired a salute as he approached, which pleased him much, as he said this compliment from a Russian ship of war would tend to remove from the minds of his countrymen their injurious suspicions of the intentions of Russia. Karemaku seemed sincerely glad to see me again, and, after a most cordial embrace, presented his young and pretty wife to me. He minutely examined all parts of the ship, expressed his approbation of much that was new to him, and at length exclaimed--"How wide a difference there still is between this ship and ours!--would that they could be made to resemble it! O, Tameamea, thou wast taken from us too soon!" In my cabin, he spoke of the death of his royal friend in terms which Marini declared it impossible to translate, as no other language would express such depth of thought united with such ardent feeling. I rather apprehend that Marini, who is not a man of much education, was not competent to give effect to powerful emotion in any language: but the missionaries also declare that there is considerable difficulty in translating from the O Wahi language, which is particularly adapted to poetry. Karemaku touched also on the change that had taken place in the religion of the country.--"Our present belief," said he, "is preferable to that which it has supplanted; but the inhabitants of the mountains cannot understand its superiority; and strong measures are necessary to prevent their relapsing into idolatry. The King should not have so suddenly annihilated all that they held sacred. As a first consequence, he has been obliged to seek for safety in a foreign country. How all will end, I cannot foresee; but I look forward with fear. The people are attached to me, and I have influence over them; but my health declines, and the Government, which I have scarcely been able to keep together, will probably not survive me. Blood will be spilt, and anarchy will prevail. Already the island of O Tuai has revolted, even during my life." These fears are not without foundation: they are shared by the natives and the foreign settlers; and many of the Yeris seem persuaded that the monarchy will be dismembered on Karemaku's death. Some have already fixed upon the districts they mean to appropriate, and do not even take any pains to conceal their intentions. Yet has the aged and infirm Karemaku hitherto maintained order among these turbulent spirits, permitting no one to disturb the general tranquillity with impunity. During my former visit here, the painter Choris, who made the voyage with me, and was afterwards murdered in Mexico, took an excellent likeness of Tameamea. I now presented to the venerable Karemaku a copper-plate engraving from this picture. The joy with which he received it was really affecting; he gazed on the picture with delight, and kissed it several times, while the tears rolled down his cheeks. On taking leave, he begged that he might have the medical assistance from our physician, as he had been long indisposed. He pressed my hand, saying, "I too am a Christian, and can read and write." That a warrior, and a statesman, should pride himself on such advantages as these above all others, proves the estimation in which they are held. The Sandwich Islanders know that these are the ties which connect them with civilized nations. Karemaku and his wife were, notwithstanding the extreme heat, dressed entirely in the European fashion. He wore a dark surtout, and black waistcoat, and pantaloons, both of very fine cloth. He was still in mourning for his beloved Tameamea, and his hat was bound with crape. The lady's dress was of black silk. A crowd of people of both sexes assembled to welcome the Regent. His foot had scarcely touched the shore, when they all began to rub each other's noses, and at a given signal, to weep aloud. This is the established etiquette in welcoming a great chief. Some of the old women of rank surrounded Karemaku, under Chinau's direction, and rubbing each other's noses, sang in a plaintive tone a song to the following effect: "Where hast thou stayed so long, beloved ruler? We have wept for thee every day. Heaven be praised that thou art here again! Dost thou feel how the earth rejoices under thy footsteps? Dost thou hear how the pigs which scent thee, joyfully grunt their welcome? Dost thou smell the roasted fish that waits thy eating? Come, we will cherish thee, that thou mayest take comfort among us." It must be confessed, that if the O Wahi language be peculiarly adapted for poetry, this composition does not do it justice. Karemaku laughed at this reception, and allowed himself to be conducted in grand procession to Nomahanna, who had not condescended to meet him. The excitement lasted the whole day. Nothing was spoken of but Karemaku's heroism, and the rebel son of Tamaris, whom he had brought with him a prisoner. This young man is called Prince George; he is about five-and-twenty, and not of a prepossessing appearance. He dresses like a European; but although educated in the United States of America, he scarcely equals a common sailor in moral attainments, and is remarkable only for his vices. Karemaku never loses sight of him. Two Yeris are appointed for his keepers; and he knows that he should be strangled if he attempted to escape. Kahumanna still remained in O Tuai, to maintain the newly-restored tranquillity. This female, who had already distinguished herself in Vancouver's time, unites a clear understanding with a masculine spirit, and seems to have been born for dominion. Karemaku's arrival proved extremely useful to us. We had made the disagreeable discovery that a great part of the copper with which the ship was bottomed had become loose, and the hull thereby liable to injury from worms. To repair this damage in the ordinary way, the laborious task of unlading and keel-hauling must have been undertaken; but our noble friend, on hearing of our difficulties, put us upon an easier method of managing the business. He sent me three very clever divers, who worked under the water, and fastened new plates of copper on the hull, two of them provided with hammers to drive in the nails, while the third held the materials. We found that these men could remain at work forty-eight seconds at a time. When they emerged, their eyes were always red and starting; the effect of the violent strain upon the optic nerve which the use of the sight under water produces. We had some skilful divers among our own sailors, who, although they could not have attempted this work, were able to inspect what was done by the Wahuaners, and to report that it was properly executed. Some days after Karemaku's arrival, came an ambassador from Nomahanna, with instructions to demand an audience of me. I received him in the cabin. His only clothing, except a pocket of plaited reeds that hung round his neck, was a shirt, and a very broad-brimmed straw hat. The fellow looked important and mysterious, as if he had a mighty secret to impart; but converse with each other we could not, for he understood only his mother-tongue, of which I was entirely ignorant; he therefore informed me by signs that his pocket contained something for me, and drew from it a packet. One by one, a multitude of envelopes of the paper manufactory of the country were removed, till at length a letter came to light, which he handed to me with the words, "Aroha Nomahanna!" a salutation from Nomahanna. He then explained to me, in pantomime, that it was the Queen's intention to visit me to-day, and that she requested I would send my boat to fetch her. After saying a great deal about "Pala pala," he left me, and I summoned Marini, who gave me the following translation of the letter. * * * * * "I salute thee, Russian! I love thee with my whole heart, and more than myself. I feel, therefore, on seeing thee again in my country, a joy which our poor language is unequal to express. Thou wilt find all here much changed. While Tameamea lived, the country flourished; but since his death, all has gone to ruin. The young King is in London. Karemaku and Kahumanna are absent; and Chinau, who fills their place, has too little power over the people to receive thee as becomes thy rank. He cannot procure for thee as many hogs and sweet potatoes, and as much tarro as thou hast need of. How sincerely do I regret that my great possessions lie upon the Island of Muwe, so far away across the sea! Were they nearer, thou shouldst daily be surrounded by hogs. As soon as Karemaku and Kahumanna return, all thy wants shall be provided for. The King's brother comes with them; but he is yet only an inexperienced boy, and does not know how to distinguish good from evil. "I beg thee to embrace thine Emperor in my name. Tell him, that I would willingly do so myself, but for the wide sea that lies between us. Do not forget to carry my salutations to thy whole nation. Since I am a Christian, and that thou art also such, thou wilt excuse my indifferent writing. Hunger compels me to close my letter. I wish that thou also mayst eat thy hog's head with appetite and pleasure. I am, With royal constancy And endless love, thine, NOMAHANNA." * * * * * This curious epistle is very neatly written in a firm hand. The letters are large, well-formed, and very intelligible. The superscription bears only the words with which the letter begins--"Aroha Rukkini!" The composition had taken her many weeks to complete; she made some progress in it every day; but what was once inserted she never altered; the same clean page that had been transmitted to me, being the identical one on which the letter was commenced. It was soon known in Hanaruro that the Queen had written to me; and as all she did was imitated, I was presently in a fair way for being honoured with many similar letters. All my intended correspondents, however, would require at least as much time to express their thoughts on paper, as Nomahanna had taken; I must therefore have waited for their favours much longer than would have been convenient. According to Nomahanna's request, I sent off an officer with the shallop to fetch her: some hours, however, elapsed before she came, her Majesty's toilette having, said my officer, occupied all this time. When at length it was completed, she desired him to give her his arm and conduct her to the shallop. This is another imitation of European customs. For a lady of the Sandwich Islands, Nomahanna was this day very elegantly attired. A peach-coloured dress of good silk, trimmed at the bottom with black lace, covered her Majesty's immense figure, which a very broad many-coloured sash, with a large bow in the front, divided exactly into two halves. She had a collar round her neck of native manufacture, made of beautiful red and yellow feathers; and on her head a very fine Leghorn hat, ornamented with artificial flowers from Canton, and trimmed round the edge with a pendant flounce of black lace; her chin lying modestly hidden behind a whole bed of flowers that bloomed on her mountain bosom. In somewhat striking contrast to all this finery were the clumsily accoutred feet, and stout, ill-shaped, brown, unstockinged legs, which the shortness of her Majesty's petticoats, proportioned originally to the stature of a European belle, displayed to a rather unsightly extent. As yet, the shoemaker's craft does not flourish in the Sandwich Islands; so that all the shoes and boots worn there are imported from Europe and America. But as neither of these Continents can produce such a pair of feet as those of Queen Nomahanna, the attempt to force them into any ready-made shoes would be hopeless; and her Majesty is therefore obliged, if she would not go bare-foot, which she does not consider altogether decorous, to content herself with a pair of men's galloshes. Such trifles as these were, however, beneath her notice, and she contemplated her dress with infinite complacency, as a pattern of princely magnificence. In these splendid habiliments, with a parasol in her hand, slowly and with difficulty, she climbed the ship's stairs, on which, with some of my officers, I was in waiting to receive her; on the highest step she endeavoured already to give us a proof of her acquaintance with our customs, by making a courtesy, which was intended to accord with the most approved rules of the art of dancing, though the feet, not perfectly tutored in their parts, performed in rather a comic style. In attempting this feat, she lost her balance, and would have fallen into the water, if a couple of strong sailors had not caught her illustrious person in their arms. She was much delighted with all that she saw on board, especially with my cabin, where the sofa paid dearly for the honour of her approbation,--she sat upon it, and broke it down. The portrait of the Emperor Alexander attracted her particular attention; she sat down opposite to it upon the floor, where she could cause no farther destruction, and said, after gazing upon it for some minutes with much interest, "Maitai, Yeri nue Rukkini!" (the great Governor of the Russians is beautiful!) She told me, that she knew a great deal about Russia. A Sandwich Islander, named Lauri, who, in 1819, had made the voyage thither, in the Russian ship Kamtschatka, with Captain Golowin, and had afterwards returned to his own country, had told her many things concerning Petersburg and the Emperor. She said she would have liked to make the voyage herself, but that Lauri's fearful description of the cold had terrified her. He had told her, that it was necessary to envelope the body entirely in fur, and that even this would not obviate all danger of losing the nose and ears; that the cold changed the water into a solid substance, resembling glass in appearance, but of so much strength that it was used for a high road, people passing over it in huge chests drawn by horses, without breaking it; that the houses were as high as mountains, and so large, that he had walked three days in one of them without coming to the end of it. It was evident that Lauri had stretched a little; but Nomahanna had no notion of incredulity. She approved of our inventions for warming the inside of our houses, and thought, that if she were at Petersburg, she would not go out at all during the cold weather, but would drive her carriage about the house. She inquired how it could possibly be so warm at one season of the year, and so cold at another. I endeavoured to accommodate my answer to her powers of comprehension, and she seemed satisfied. "Lauri was in the right," she observed; "there are very clever people in Russia." Her acknowledgment of my abilities, however, proved rather inconvenient, for she now overwhelmed me with a host of questions, some of them very absurd, and which to have answered with methodical precision, would have required much time and consideration. For instance, she desired me to tell her how much wood must be burnt, every year, to warm all the countries of the earth? Whether rain enough might not fall, at some time or other, to extinguish all the fires? And whether, by means of such a rain, Wahu might not become as cold as Russia? I endeavoured to cut the matter as short as possible; and, in order to divert her thoughts to other subjects, set wine before her; she liked it very much, and I therefore presented her with a bottle; but her thirst for knowledge was not thus to be quenched, and during a visit of two hours, she asked such incessant questions, that I was not a little relieved when, at length, she proposed to depart. In taking leave, she observed, "If I have wine, I must have glasses, or how can I drink it?" So saying, she took the bottle that had been given her, in one hand, and, with the other, seizing without ceremony the glasses that stood on the table, she went upon deck. There she made a profound courtesy to all present, and again took her seat in the shallop. Thus ended this condescending visit, with the royal appropriation of my wine glasses. Nomahanna had, however, been so liberal to us, that she had a right to suppose she would be welcome to them. The illness of Karemaku had very much increased since his arrival in Wahu; he had every symptom of dropsy. Our physician, however, succeeded, in a great measure, in restoring him to health, and when I paid him a congratulatory visit, I found him very grateful for the benefit he had received, full of spirits, and very facetious. I adopted his tone, and jestingly told him, that we would certainly complete his cure, even if we should be obliged to rip open his stomach, take out the bowels, clean them, and replace them. Karemaku laughed, and said he would submit to the operation, if it was necessary to his perfect recovery. Some old women, however, who were present, took the matter in sober seriousness, and spread among the people a report of the dreadful treatment their beloved Karemaku was threatened with; a terrible disturbance in Hanaruro was the consequence. The people believed I intended to kill him, and were excessively irritated against me. Karemaku himself sent me this intelligence through Marini; adding a request, that I would not come ashore again till he had overcome this foolish idea, which was accomplished in a few days. The feeling manifested on this occasion was certainly honourable both to the governor and the governed. An epidemic disease prevailed this year throughout the Sandwich Islands. It produced a great mortality, death generally following the attack within a few days. In Hanaruro I saw many corpses daily carried to their burial; but nowhere is recovery from serious illness so improbable as here. As soon as the patient is obliged to take to his bed, he is immediately surrounded by his nearest relations, especially of the female sex, who, weeping, and singing mournful songs in a most lamentable tone, propose to themselves, by this means, to effect his recovery, or at least to procure him some relief from his sufferings. The worse he grows, the larger the assembly, and the louder the noise becomes; even his friends and acquaintances come flocking in: when there is no more room within the house, they congregate round the door, and continue mourning, crying, and howling, inside and outside, till the sufferer expires. This perpetual disturbance, the constant remembrance of death it occasions, and the infection of the air from the number of breaths in the crowded apartment, naturally produce a very prejudicial effect, and no doubt many die rather in consequence of these proofs of sympathy than of their disease. Kahumanna, having concluded her business in O Tuai, arrived at length in Hanaruro with the King's brother, a handsome boy of thirteen. I paid her a visit, and was very graciously received. She is considerably older than Nomahanna; but, though large and corpulent enough, not by much such a prodigy of size. Her countenance bears traces of former beauty; she dresses entirely like a European, and has a more intimate knowledge of our customs and manners than Nomahanna. Her house, built partly of wood and partly of stone, is larger than the one I have described as the habitation of the other Queen; like that, it has two stories and a balcony, and it is similarly furnished. Near it is the abode of the missionary Bengham. Kahumanna, as well as Nomahanna, has the date of Tameamea's death marked upon her arm; otherwise they are not tattooed, which indeed few are, and those only the most aged people. Kahumanna honoured me several times with visits on board, and condescended to write me a letter, which, Marini assured me, contained nothing but expressions so inflated and pompous that he could not understand, and therefore could not translate them. The appointed time for our return to New Archangel now approached. Our vessel had been fully prepared for encountering the violent and continued storms of the North, and I waited the return of our mineralogist, M. Hoffman, who had gone to O Wahi, for the purpose of climbing the mountain Mou-na-roa, in which however he did not succeed. By command of Queen Nomahanna, assistance had indeed been afforded him; but the two Kanackas, who accompanied him as guides, refused to proceed farther than seven thousand feet above the level of the sea, or about half-way up the mountain; a height to which the most courageous O Wahian will scarcely venture, from fear partly of the spirits which haunt the summit of the mountain, partly of the cold, which is almost too severe for an inhabitant of the tropics to endure. At this point the Kanackas threw themselves flat upon the earth, nor would they stir another step, although certain of punishment for their refusal. In vain M. Hoffman tried to shake their resolution, first by offering them large presents, and then by threatening them with a loaded pistol; they were immoveable, and he was forced to return. His expedition, however, was not altogether fruitless: besides his mineralogical observations, he discovered an extraordinary cave, running at an acute angle several hundred feet deep into the mountain, where he found a sheet of water, which stretched as far as the light of the torches permitted the light to reach through the fearful darkness. It would have been interesting to have traversed this subterranean sea in a boat. It is most remarkable, that the water of this lake is salt, and that the alternate ebb and flow of the tide is as perceptible here as on the coast. M. Hoffman will probably publish other particulars respecting this natural curiosity. On the 31st of January 1825, we left the harbour of Hanaruro, having the pleasure to be accompanied by our friend Karemaku, who, by the help of our physicians, felt himself well enough to venture thus far. He brought with him several double canoes, which, as there was no wind, towed the ship quite out of the harbour, and far enough to sea to obviate any danger from the reefs; Karemaku then took leave of us with the most cordial expressions of friendship, wishing us a prosperous voyage and a speedy return. On a signal from him, the fortress fired five guns, which salute we immediately returned. Karemaku waved his hat from his boat, and continuing his "Arohas" so long as we were within hearing, was rowed back to the harbour. A fresh wind at this moment springing up, we lost sight of the beautiful island where we had passed our time so agreeably, and prepared, with far less prospect of satisfaction, to encounter the wintry storms of the North. I chose the channel between the islands of Wahu and O Tuai, as the most convenient outlet into the open ocean, for ships going northward from Hanaruro. We passed through it on the following day, and sailed direct for New Archangel. The reader will willingly spare me any particular description of this troublesome voyage: I must only mention that, on the 14th of February, in latitude 35° and 155° longitude, we sailed over a point where, according to the assertion of some whale-fishers in Wahu, an island lies; but though the horizon was perfectly clear, we could discover no sign of land. Our voyage proved safer and more expeditious than is usual at this season. Our astronomical observations on the Sandwich Islands gave the following results:-- Latitude of Hanaruro 21° 17' 57" Longitude 158° 00' 30" Longitude of the Eastern point of the island Muwe 156° 13' 10" Longitude of the Western point 156° 48' 11" Latitude of one of the small islands East of Maratai, which are not given in Vancouver's map 21° 13' 30" Longitude 156° 49' 12". The account of our residence at New Archangel is contained in the tenth Chapter. On our return voyage to Wahu, we had constantly fine weather, though but little wind, so that it was not till the 29th of August we found ourselves in latitude 34°, where we first, in a clear star-light night, saw the comet which was then visible in the neighbourhood of Aldebaran; it had a tail four degrees and a half long. On the 4th of September we sailed over a point, occupied in Arrowsmith's chart by the island Laxara, without perceiving the smallest trace of it; the existence therefore of this island, which is said to have been early discovered by the Spanish navigators, remains doubtful. When we reached the tropic, a brisk trade-wind carried us quickly to the Sandwich Islands, and on the 12th of September we already saw the Mou-na-roa quite clearly, at a distance of a hundred and twenty-four miles, rising high above the horizon. On the following morning, we again dropped anchor before the harbour of Hanaruro, after a sail of thirty-five days from New Archangel. As I only intended to take in a supply of fresh provisions and water, and then continue my voyage without farther delay, I considered it unnecessary to run into the harbour, and remained in the roads, although the south-wind to which they are exposed is sometimes dangerous to ships riding there. This wind, however, blows only at certain seasons, and is always announced by an over-clouded sky, long enough to afford time for taking shelter or standing out to sea. On the morning after our arrival, a remarkable phenomenon occurred, of which we were witnesses throughout its duration. While the heavens were quite clear, a thick, black cloud formed itself over the island, resting its lower verge on the summits of the mountains, the densest portion of the cloud hanging over the little town of Hanaruro. The wind was perfectly calm, till on a sudden a violent gust blew from the north-east, and at the same time a crashing noise proceeded from the cloud, as if many ships were firing their guns; the resemblance was so perfect, that we might have supposed we heard alternately the individual shots of the opposing broadsides. The concussion lasted some minutes; and when it ceased, two stones shot from the cloud into the street of Hanaruro, and from the violence of the fall broke into several pieces. The inhabitants collected the still warm fragments, and judging by these, the stones must have weighed full fifteen pounds each. They were grey inside, and were externally surrounded by a black burnt crust. On a chemical analysis, they appeared to resemble the meteoric stones which have fallen in many countries. In the short period of our absence, some important events had taken place. My readers will remember that the King and Queen of the Sandwich Islands arrived safely in London, and were there treated with particular attention by the English Court; and that they both died in that country, having previously expressed their desire to be buried in their native land. This wish was fulfilled by the English Government. The bodies, having been embalmed, were laid in magnificent coffins decorated with gold, and Lord Byron was appointed to carry them and the royal suite, back to Wahu. When he arrived there, and the news of the deaths of the King and Queen transpired, it produced a great but varying sensation. Some of the people lamented the loss, but the greater number rejoiced to be relieved of a ruler in whom they had no confidence; our friend Karemaku seemed much grieved, possibly from old attachment to the royal family, or from patriotism, as he had hoped that the King's visit to England would have been very advantageous to him, and no one was at the moment qualified to assume the reins of government as his successor. On the 11th of May, both coffins were carried in solemn procession to the church, the fortress and the English frigate firing their guns. The people cried and howled, as custom requires on these occasions, but all the while greatly admiring the magnificence of the coffins; some remarked that it must be a pleasure to die in England, where people were laid in such beautiful boxes. The following inscriptions in the English language were on the coffin-lids: "Tameamea II., King of the Sandwich Islands, died in London on the 24th of July 1824, in the 28th year of his age. Respected be the memory of our beloved King Jolani." (The King was sometimes known by this appellation.) "Tamehamelu, Queen of the Sandwich Islands, died in London, on the 8th of July 1824, in the 22nd year of her age." The funeral procession was arranged in the following order: Twelve Yeris, in the national costume, with beautiful coloured feather mantles and helmets, walked first; they were followed by a band of musicians playing the dead-march, and a company of soldiers from the frigate Blond. Then came the chaplain of the frigate, and with him the missionaries, immediately followed by the coffins in hearses, each drawn by forty Yeris. Directly behind the coffins came the heir to the throne, the brother of the King, a boy about thirteen, dressed in European uniform. Lord Byron, his officers, and the royal family, followed, the procession being closed by the people, who, attracted by the novelty of the spectacle, assembled in great multitudes. All wore crape as a sign of mourning, or, if they could not procure this, Tapa. In the church, which was entirely hung with black, the chaplain of the English frigate read the funeral-service, and the procession afterwards repaired, in the order above described, to a small stone chapel, where the coffins were deposited, and where they still remain. Soon after the funeral, the new King was proclaimed by the title of Tameamea the Third, at the command of Karemaku, who retained the regency during the minority, in conjunction with the Queen Kahumanna. The regents were thus nominally the same; but Karemaku was too ill to take an active share in the government, and the missionary Bengham found means to obtain such an acendency over the imperious Kahumanna, and, through her, over the nation, that in the course of only seven months an entire change had taken place:--we might have imagined ourselves in a different country. Bengham had undertaken the education of the young monarch, and was keeping him under the strictest _surveillance_. He meddles in all the affairs of government, and makes Kahumanna, and even sometimes Karemaku, the instrument of his will; pays particular attention to commercial concerns, in which he appears to take great interest; and seems to have quite forgotten his original situation and the object of his residence in the islands, finding the avocations of a ruler more to his taste than those of a preacher. This would be excusable, if his talents were of a nature to contribute to the instruction and happiness of the people; if he understood the art of polishing the rough diamond, to which the uncorrupted Sandwich Islander may aptly be compared, so as to bring out its intrinsic value, and to increase its external splendour. But the fact is widely different; and one cannot see without deep regret the spiritual and temporal weal of a well-disposed people committed to the guidance of an unenlightened enthusiast, whose ill-directed and ill-arranged designs are inimical to their true and permanent interests. Mr. Stewart, also a missionary, but more recently settled here than Bengham, is a judicious and well-informed man, and would remedy many of the evils incident to the present state of affairs; but Bengham, who has usurped the absolute control of the spiritual administration, will have every thing accommodated to his whims. Stewart therefore, finding himself unable to follow the course prescribed by his active zeal and strong understanding, for the benefit of the islanders, proposes to leave the country. That Bengham's private views may not be too easily penetrated, religion is made the cloak of all his designs, and the greatest activity and strictness prevail in its propagation, and in the maintenance of church discipline. The inhabitants of every house or hut in Hanaruro are compelled by authority to an almost endless routine of prayers; and even the often dishonest intentions of the foreign settlers must be concealed under the veil of devotion. The streets, formerly so full of life and animation, are now deserted; games of all kinds, even the most innocent, are sternly prohibited; singing is a punishable offence; and the consummate profligacy of attempting to dance would certainly find no mercy. On Sundays, no cooking is permitted, nor must even a fire be kindled: nothing, in short, must be done; the whole day is devoted to prayer, with how much real piety may be easily imagined. Some of the royal attendants, on their return from London, at first opposed these regulations, and maintained that the English, though good Christians, submit to no such restraint. Kahumanna, however, infatuated by her counsellor, will hear of no opposition; and as her power extends to life and death, those who would willingly resist are compelled to bend under the iron sceptre of this arbitrary old woman. A short time before our return, a command had issued, that all persons who had attained the age of eight years should be brought to Hanaruro, to be taught reading and writing. The poor country people, though much discontented, did not venture to disobey, but patiently abandoning their labour in the fields, flocked to Hanaruro, where we saw many families bivouacking in the streets, in little huts hastily put together, with the spelling-books in their hands. Such as could already read were made to learn passages from the Bible by heart. Every street in Hanaruro has more than one school-house: they are long huts, built of reeds, without any division. In each of these, about a hundred scholars, of both sexes, are instructed by a single native teacher, who, standing on a raised platform, names aloud every single letter, which is repeated in a scream by the whole assembly. These establishments, it may be supposed, are easily recognised afar off; no other sounds are heard in the streets; and the human figure is seldom to be seen amidst this melancholy stillness, except when the scholars, conducted by their teachers, repair to the church. Every sort of gaiety is forbidden. Lord Byron had brought with him from England a variety of magic lanterns, puppet-shows, and such like toys, and was making preparations to exhibit them in public, for the entertainment of the people, when an order arrived from Bengham to prevent the representation, because it did not become God-fearing Christians to take pleasure in such vain amusements. The nobleman, not wishing to dispute the point, gave up his good-natured intentions. That a people naturally so lively, should readily submit to such gloomy restrictions at the command of their rulers, proves how easily a wise government might introduce among them the blessings of rational civilization. Well might Karemaku exclaim, "Tameamea, thou hast died too soon!" Had this monarch doubled the usual age of man, and accorded his protection to such a reformer as Stewart, the Sandwich Islanders might by this time have acquired the respect of all other nations, instead of retrograding in the arts of civilization, and assuming under compulsion the hypocritical appearance of an affected devotion. In taking a walk with an American merchant established here, I met a naked old man with a book in his hand, whom my companion addressed, and knowing him for a determined opponent of the new system, expressed his surprise at his occupation, and enquired how long he had been studying his alphabet. With a roguish laugh which seemed intended to conceal a more bitter feeling, first looking round to make sure that he should not be overheard, he replied, "Don't think that I am learning to read. I have only bought the book to look into it, that Kahumanna may think I am following the general example; she would not otherwise suffer me to approach her, and what would then become of a poor, miserable, old man like me? What is the use of the odious B A, Ba? Will it make our yams and potatoes grow? No such thing; our country people are obliged to neglect their fields for it, and scarcely half the land is tilled. What will be the consequence? There will be a famine by and by, and "Pala, Pala" will not fill a hungry man." It is doubtless praiseworthy in a government to provide for the instruction of the people, but to force it upon them by such unreasonable measures as those adopted by Kahumanna and her counsellor must have a prejudicial effect: so far the old man was right. A striking instance of the severity with which the Queen sometimes prosecutes her purpose, fell under our observation. An old man of seventy, who rented a piece of land belonging to her, many miles distant from Hanaruro, had always paid his taxes with regularity, and hoping that the distance, and his advanced age, might dispense with his attendance at the church and the school, acted accordingly; but for this neglect, Kahumanna drove him from his home. He sought her presence, implored her compassion for his destitute condition, and represented the impossibility of learning to read at his age. But in vain! The Queen replied with an angry gesture, "If you will not learn to read, you may go and drown yourself." To such tyranny as this, has Bengham urged the Queen, and perhaps already esteems himself absolute sovereign of these islands. But he reckons without his host. He pulls the cord so tightly, that the bow must break; and I forewarn him, that his authority will, one day, suddenly vanish: already the cloud is gathering; much discontent exists. The injudicious summons of country people to Hanaruro has enhanced the price of provisions, partly on account of the increased consumption, partly because so much time spent in study and prayer leaves but little for the labours of agriculture. Thus will the approaching pressure of want be added to the slavery of the mind, and probably urge the islanders to burst their fetters. I have myself heard many of the Yeris express their displeasure, and the country people, who consider Bengham's religion as the source of all their sufferings, one night set fire to the church: the damage sustained was trifling, and the flames were soon extinguished; but the incendiaries were not discovered. Karemaku is suffering under a confirmed dropsy. Lord Byron's surgeon tapped him; but, by the time we arrived, the increase of his disorder required a repetition of the operation; it was performed with great success by our surgeon. But it is impossible he can survive long, and his death will be the signal of a general insurrection, which Bengham's folly will certainly have accelerated. Our second visit to Hanaruro was as disagreeable as the first had been pleasant: even our best friend, Nomahanna, was quite altered, and received us with coldness and taciturnity, we therefore laid in our stock of provisions and fresh water as quickly as possible, and rejoiced in being at liberty to take leave of a country from whence one wrong-headed man has banished cheerfulness and content. Several whalers were lying in the harbour, and among them the Englishman we had met with in St. Francisco, and who had then been so unsuccessful. Fortune had since been more propitious to him, and he was now returning from the coast of Japan with a rich cargo of spermaceti valued at twenty-five thousand pounds sterling: he had touched here to take in provisions for his voyage homewards. I learnt from another captain the particulars of an accident that had happened to one of his companions, which shows the dangers whale-fishers are exposed to, and is a singular example of a providential escape. A North American, Captain Smith, sailed in the year 1820 in a three-masted ship, the Albatross, for the South Sea, in pursuit of the spermaceti whale. When nearly under the Line, west of Washington's Island, they perceived a whale of an extraordinary size. The boats were all immediately lowered, and, to make the capture more sure, they were manned with the whole crew: the cook's mate alone remained at the helm, and the ship lay-to. The monster, as it peaceably floated on the surface of the water, was eagerly followed, and harpooned. On feeling the stroke of the weapon, it lashed its powerful tail with fury, and the boat nearest it was obliged to dart with all speed out of the way, to avoid instant destruction. The whale then turned its vengeance on the ship, swam several times round her with prodigious noise, and then struck her so violently on the bows, that the cook's mate could compare the effect of the blow only to the shock of an earthquake. The fish disappeared, but the tremendous leak the ship had sprung sank her in five minutes with all that she contained. Her solitary guardian was with difficulty saved. The crew were now left in four open boats, several weeks' voyage from the nearest land, and with no provision but the little biscuit they happened to have with them. After a long discussion upon the best course to pursue, they separated: two of the boats steered for the Washington or Marquesas Isles; and the other two, with the Captain in one of them, towards the south, for the island of Juan Fernandez. The former have not since been heard of; but the latter were, a fortnight afterwards, picked up by a vessel, when the captain and four only of his men were found alive: the other ten had died of hunger, and their corpses had afforded nourishment to the survivors. On the 19th of September, when the first rays of the sun were gilding the romantic mountains of Wahu, we spread our sails, and bade adieu to the Sandwich Islands, heartily wishing them what they so greatly want--another Tameamea, not in name only, but in spirit and in deed. THE PESCADORES, THE RIMSKI-KORSAKOFF, THE ESCHSCHOLTZ, AND THE BRONUS ISLES. THE PESCADORES, THE RIMSKI-KORSAKOFF, THE ESCHSCHOLTZ, AND THE BRONUS ISLES. On leaving the Sandwich Isles, we steered southward, it being my intention to sail by a track not hitherto pursued by navigators who have left us records of their voyages, to the Radack chain of islands. At Hanaruro, several captains had mentioned to me an island situated in 17° 32' latitude, and 163° 52' longitude. On the 23rd of September we crossed this point, and saw indeed birds of a description that rarely fly to any great distance from land; but the reported island itself we were unable to descry even from the mast-head, although the atmosphere was perfectly clear:--so little is the intelligence of masters of trading-vessels to be relied on. On the 26th, we were, by observation, in 14° 32' latitude, and 169° 38' longitude. During the whole of the day, large flights of such sea-birds were seen as indicate the neighbourhood of land, and even some land-birds; so that no doubt remained of our having sailed at no great distance from an island hitherto unknown, the discovery of which is reserved for some future voyager. During the whole of this course, we had frequent signs of the vicinity of land, but never to the same extent as on this day. A captain, who had frequently made the voyage from the Sandwich Isles to Canton, asserts his having discovered a shoal in 14° 42' latitude, and 170° 30' longitude. I can neither confirm nor confute this assertion; and my only motive for repeating it here is, that vessels passing near that point may be put upon their guard. On the 5th of October we reached the Udirik group, the most northern of the islands belonging to the Radack chain. We sailed past its southern point, at a distance of only three miles, for the purpose of rectifying our longitude, that, in case of discovering the Ralik chain, we might be enabled to ascertain the exact difference between that and Radack. We therefore continued our course due west, in the direction of the Pescadore Islands, to obtain ocular demonstration that these and the Udirik group are not one and the same; an opinion which is still entertained by some persons, on the ground that the discoverers of the former have mistaken their longitude. We continued our course due west throughout the day, with very fine weather, and having a man constantly upon the look-out from the mast-head. During the night we had the benefit of the full moon; we then carried but little sail; but at break of day we again set all our top-sails. At noon, the watch called from the tops that land was right ahead of us. It soon came in sight, and proved to be a group of low, thickly-wooded coral islands, forming, as usual, a circle round a basin. At one o'clock in the afternoon we reached within three miles of them, and had, from the mast-head, a clear view of their whole extent. While occupied in surveying them, we doubled their most southern point, at a distance of only half a mile from the reefs, and perceived that their greatest length is from east to west, in which direction they take in a space of ten miles. The aspect of these green islands is pleasing to the eye, and, according to appearance, they would amply supply the necessities of a population not superabundant; but though we sailed very near them, and used our telescopes, we could discover no trace of human habitation. According to accurate astronomical observations, the middle of this group lies under 11° 19' 21" latitude, and 192° 25' 3" longitude. In comparing the situation of the Pescadores, as given by Captain Wallis, their discoverer, with this observation, it is scarcely possible to believe in the identity of the groups. I have, however, left them the name of Pescadores, because the two observations nearly correspond. After having sailed round the whole group, we came, at four o'clock in the afternoon, so close to their north-western point, that every movement on land might have been distinctly seen with the naked eye; yet even here there was nothing to indicate the presence of man, though Wallis communicated with the inhabitants, if, indeed, these islands be really the Pescadores. If so, these people must have become extinct long ago, as no monument of their former existence is now visible. When we had completed our survey, we again proceeded westward, and, within half an hour, the watch again announced land in sight. The evening was now so far advanced, that we determined to lay-to, in order to avoid the danger of too near an approach to the coral reefs during the night, and deferred our survey till the following morning. At break of day we saw the islands which we have called the Pescadores, lying six miles to the eastward; whilst those which had risen on our horizon the preceding evening had wholly disappeared. We had diverged from them in the night; but, with a brisk trade-wind, we regained the sight of them in an hour. At eight o'clock in the morning we came within three miles of the nearest island, and running parallel with the land, began our examination. It was another group of coral islands connected by reefs round a basin. Here also vegetation was luxuriant, and the cocoa-trees rose to a towering height, but not a trace of man could be discerned; and we therefore concluded they were uninhabited, as we were near enough to distinguish any object with the naked eye. Favoured by a fresh breeze, we sailed westward along the islands, till nightfall, without reaching the end of this long group. During the night we had much difficulty in keeping our position, owing to a tolerably smart gale, which, in these unknown waters, would have been attended by no inconsiderable danger, but that the land lay to windward of us; and were therefore well pleased in the morning to find that the different landmarks by which we had been guided overnight, were still visible, so that we were enabled to pursue our observations without interruption. The greatest length of this group, which I named, after our second lieutenant, Rimski-Korsakoff, is from east-north-east to west-south-west, in which direction it is, fifty-four miles long. Its greatest breadth is ten miles. As we were sailing along the islands to windward of us, we could plainly distinguish from the mast-head those which lay at the other side of the basin. After having terminated our observations, we pursued a southerly course, in hopes of discovering more land, and sailed at a great rate during the whole of the day, without seeing any thing. At night we lay-to; but the following morning, the 9th of October, we had scarcely spread our sails, before the man at the mast-head discovered some low islands to the north, which we had already past, and which now lay to windward of us. I immediately changed our course, and endeavoured to approach them by dint of tacking, but a strong easterly current, which increased as we drew nearer to the land, almost baffled our efforts. We succeeded with much difficulty in getting within eleven miles and a half of the western extremity of the group, distinguished by a small round hill, which at noon lay due east, our latitude by observation being 11° 30' 32", and our longitude 194° 34'. From this point we could see the group, stretching to the verge of the horizon, in a south-easterly and north-easterly direction. We again attempted to approach them nearer; but not succeeding, we were obliged to continue our course to the westward, contenting ourselves with determining the position of the western extremity, 11° 40' 11" latitude, and 194° 37' 35" longitude, from which point they must stretch considerably to the east. These, like other coral islands, probably lie round a basin: of population we could see no trace, though there was every appearance of their being habitable. I named them, after our worthy Doctor and Professor, Eschscholtz, who was now making the second voyage with me. It is unnecessary to add any thing here respecting the situations of these three groups of isles, which have been laid down, with the greatest possible accuracy, in the chart accompanying this volume; one thing only I beg to observe, that they bear not the slightest resemblance to the Pescadores described by Wallis. He did not possess the facilities for ascertaining the longitude, which have been invented since his time. His Pescadores may be situated elsewhere; but even if one of these groups should be the Pescadores, we may justly claim the discovery of the other two. This discovery is of some value, inasmuch as these groups are no doubt the northern extremity of the Ralik chain; and their position and distance from Radak being now ascertained, there will hereafter be little difficulty in discovering the remaining groups of the chain. From the Eschscholtz Isles we steered for the Bronus Isles, it being my wish to try the accuracy of their geographical position, and to ascertain whether the interval between the two groups was wholly free of islands. On the 11th of October, at noon, being in latitude 11° 21' 39", and longitude 196° 35', the Bronus Isles were descried from the mast-head, at a distance of twenty miles. We approached within a mile and a half of the southern extremity of the group, from which point we were able to survey the whole, which we found, like other coral groups, to consist of a circle of islands connected by a reef. The Bronus Isles, however, appeared of more ancient formation than any we had yet seen; the land was somewhat more elevated, and the trees were larger and stronger. Here also we saw no appearance of inhabitants. A calm which suddenly set in exposed us to the danger of being driven by a powerful current upon the reef; but when we were already very near the breakers, the direction of the current varied, running southward parallel with the coast. By this means we were enabled to double the southern extremity of the group, and a gentle breeze soon after springing up, conveyed us to a safe distance from the land. According to our observation, this southern extremity lies in latitude 11° 20' 50", and longitude 197° 28' 30". It was my intention to have noted the position of the whole group, for which purpose I endeavoured during the night to keep the ship in its vicinity; but at daybreak the current had carried us so far to leeward, that land could scarcely be perceived from the mast-head. As it was utterly impossible to make any way against the united force of the current and trade-wind, I was obliged to abandon my design, upon which we steered for the Ladrones, or Mariana Isles, where I intended to take in fresh provisions. It is a striking phenomenon, and one not easily accounted for, that in 11° north latitude, from the Radak chain to the Bronus Isles, there should be a current of a mile and a half per hour. THE LADRONES, AND THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. THE LADRONES, AND THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. Having, in my former voyage, given a detailed account of these islands, I need not here add much concerning them. A fresh breeze, and fine weather, made our voyage agreeable and rapid. On the morning of the 25th of October, we saw the island Sarpani, which belongs to the Ladrones, lying before us at the distance of twenty-five miles, and soon after distinguished the principal island, Guaham, whither we were bound. The longitude of the eastern point of Sarpani was found to be 214° 38'. The aspect of the eastern point of Guaham, which is exposed to a constant trade-wind, does not suggest an idea of the fertility of the island; but the traveller is agreeably surprised at the sight of its western coast, where Nature has been most prodigal; and cannot but remember with sorrow the extermination of the natives by the Spaniards, on their taking possession of the islands and forcibly introducing the Catholic religion. It is remarkable that the soil of Guaham, under the first stratum of earth, consists of coral blocks not yet quite dissolved; from which it may be conjectured, that a former group of low coral islands, as well as the basin which they enclosed, were forced upwards by the power of subterranean fire; and in this manner the island of Guaham has been formed. This hypothesis is confirmed by Mr. Hoffman's discovery of a crater on the island, with a fire still burning in its abyss. The fortress, standing on what is called the Devil's Point, intended for the defence of the town of Agadna, was so peacefully disposed, that not one of its cannons was fit for use. I saw, to my great astonishment, in the harbour Caldera de Apra, ships bearing the English and North American flags. The Spaniards do not usually permit the entrance of foreign vessels; but I was informed by the captains of these, that the whalers who pursue their occupations on the coast of Japan, now frequently choose Guaham for refitting and victualling their ships. I also heard, with much pleasure, that they exclusively use our Admiral Krusenstern's chart of the Japanese coast; and they assured me, that objects even of minor importance are laid down in it with the greatest accuracy. How much cause have seamen for thankfulness to one who has provided them with such a chart! their lives frequently depend on the correctness of these guides; and an erroneous one may be worse than none at all. As I only intended stopping here a few days, and the harbour is by no means safe, I determined not to enter it, but sent an officer to the Governor, with a list of fresh provisions which I requested his assistance in procuring. On the following morning, I rowed with some of my officers ashore, and we were received by the Governor, Don Gango Errero, who had already taken measures for supplying our wants, with great civility, though not without some degree of Spanish stateliness. His government here confirms an observation repeatedly made, that a few years of a bad administration are sufficient to undo all that a good one may have effected by a long series of exertions. Eight years ago, when Medenilla was governor, the most perfect content, and prosperity to a certain extent, existed in Guaham; and now, by the fault of one man, every thing bears a totally different aspect. So much depends on the choice of the person to whom power is delegated, at such a distance from the seat of sovereignty as that the complaints of the oppressed can seldom reach it. Errero is even accused of the murder of some English and American sailors; and, on this occasion, Spanish justice has not been in vain appealed to by their comrades; for, as I afterwards learned, the order for Errero's arrest was already made out at the moment when, in perfect self-confidence and enjoyment, he was entertaining me with lively songs, accompanied by himself on the guitar; and Medenilla has been again appointed to the command, that he may endeavour to repair the evils Errero had occasioned. Of my earlier acquaintances, I now met only the estimable Don Louis de Torres, the friend of the Carolinas, who communicated to M. De Chamisso many interesting particulars respecting these amiable islanders. After our departure in the Rurik, he had again made a voyage to the Carolinas, and had persuaded several families to come and settle at Guaham. The yearly visits of these islanders to Guaham are still regularly continued; and at the time of our stay, one of their little flotillas was in the harbour. Being clever seamen, they are much employed by the Spaniards, who are very ignorant in this respect, in their voyages to the other Marian Islands, with which, unassisted by their friends of Carolina, these would hold but little communication. We had an opportunity of seeing two of their canoes come in from Sarpani, when the sea ran high, and the wind was very strong, and greatly admired the skill with which they were managed. The revolt of the Spanish colonies has not extended itself to these islands. The inhabitants of Guaham have maintained their loyalty, notwithstanding the tyranny of their governor, and unseduced by an example recently given them. A Spanish ship of the line and a frigate, with fugitive loyalists from Peru, lately touched here; they were bound for Manilla; but the crews of both ships mutinied, put the officers and passengers ashore, and returned to Peru to make common cause with the insurgents. After remaining four days before Agadna, we took in our provisions, for which ten times the price was demanded that we had paid here eight years ago, and left Guaham on the 22nd of October, directing our course for the Bashi Islands, as I intended to pass through their straits into the Chinese Sea, and then sail direct to Manilla. On the 1st of November, our noon observation gave 20° 15' latitude, and 236° 42' longitude, so that we were already in the neighbourhood of the Bashi and Babuyan Islands. We continued to sail so briskly till sunset, that we could not be then far from land; but black clouds had gathered over it, concealing it from our view, and presaging stormy weather; we did not venture therefore to advance during the night, but tacked with sails reefed, waiting the break of day. At midnight we had some violent squalls from the north with a ruffled sea, but not amounting to a storm. The rising sun discovered to us the three high Richmond rocks, rising in the middle of the strait, between the Bashi and Babuyan Islands. Soon after the island of Bantan appeared, with heavy clouds still lingering behind its cliffs. The weather was, however, at present fine, the wind blowing strongly from the north; we therefore set as much sail as the gale would permit us to carry, and pursued our course through the strait formed by the Richmond rocks, and the southern Bashi Islands. In clearing these straits, we had reason to apprehend serious damage to our rigging, or even the loss of a mast. A heavy squall from the north-east put the sea in great commotion. The billows chafed and roared as they broke over each other, and were met in the narrow channel by a current, driving from the Chinese Sea into the ocean. This furious encounter of the contending waves produced the appearance of breakers, through which we were compelled to work our dangerous way; the ship, sometimes tossed to their utmost summit, then, without the power of resistance, suddenly precipitated into the yawning gulf between them, wore, however, through all her trials, and gave me cause for exultation in the strength of her masts, and the goodness of her tackling. We passed two hours in this anxious and critical condition, but at length emerged into the Chinese Sea; where the comparative peacefulness of the waves allowed us to repose after our fatigues, and even afforded us an opportunity of ascertaining our longitudes. We found the longitude of the most easterly of the Richmond rocks 237° 50' 2" most westerly 237° 52' 0" the eastern point of the Island of Bantan 237° 55' 32" the western point of Babuyan 238° 0' 56" the western point of the Bashi Island 238° 4' 47" latitude of the eastern point 20° 15' 47". All these longitudes are determined according to our chronometers, which were tried immediately after our arrival in Manilla. They differ from those on Horsbourg's new chart by three minutes and a half, ours being so much more westerly. With a favourable wind we now sailed southwards, in sight of the western coast of Luçon, till we reached the promontory of Bajador, where we were detained some days by calms, therefore did not come in sight of Manilla bay till the 7th of November. Here the wind was violent and contrary; but as it blew from the land, could not materially swell the waves: we were therefore enabled, by tacking, to advance considerably forward; and at length contrived to run into the bay, by the southern entrance, between its shores and the island of Corregidor. A Spanish brig, which was tacking at the same time, lost both her top-masts in a sudden gust. On the morning of the 8th of November we anchored before the town of Manilla. I immediately waited on Don Mariano Ricofort, the Governor of the Philippines. He gave me a friendly reception, and granted the permission I requested, to sail to Cavite, a hamlet lying on the bay, within a few miles of the town, and possessing the advantage of a convenient dock. Our ship being greatly in want of repair, we removed thither on the following day, and immediately commenced our labours. We spent our time very pleasantly in this lovely tropical country. How richly has Nature endowed it, and how little is her bounty appreciated by the Spaniards! The whole world does not offer a more advantageous station for commerce than the town of Manilla, situated as it is in the neighbourhood of the richest countries of Asia, and almost midway between Europe and America. Spanish jealousy had formerly closed her port; but since the revolt of the American colonies, it has been opened to all nations, and the Philippines are consequently rising rapidly to importance. As yet, their export trade has been chiefly confined to sugar and indigo for Europe, and the costly Indian bird's-nest, and _Trepangs_, for China. The latter is a kind of sea-snail without a shell, which not only here, but on the Ladrones, Carolinas, and Pelew Islands, even as far as New Holland, is as eagerly sought after as the sea-otter on the north-west coast of America. The luxurious Chinese consider them a powerful restorative of strength, and purchase them as such at an exorbitant price. But what an inexhaustible store of commercial articles might not these islands export! Coffee of the best quality, cocoa, and two sorts of cotton, the one remarkably fine, the produce of a shrub, the other of a tree, all grow wild here, and with very little cultivation might be made to yield a prodigious increase of wealth. These productions of Nature are, however, so much neglected, that at present no regular trade is carried on in them. A great abundance of the finest sago trees, and whole woods of cinnamon, grow wild and unnoticed in Luçon. Nutmegs, cloves, and all the produce of the Moluccas, are also indigenous on these islands, and industry only (a commodity which, unfortunately, does not flourish here,) is wanting to make them a copious source of revenue. Pearls, amber, and cochineal, abound in the Philippines; and the bosom of the earth contains gold, silver, and other metals. For centuries past, have the Spaniards suffered all these treasures to lie neglected, and are even now sending out gold to maintain their establishments. The regular troops here, as well as the militia, are natives. The officers are Spaniards, though many of them are born here, and all, at least with few exceptions, are extremely ignorant. It is said that the soldiers are brave, especially when blessed, and encouraged by the priests. As far, however, as I have had an opportunity of observing the military force, I cannot think it would ever make a stand against an European army. Not only are the troops badly armed, but even the officers, who are in fact distinguished from the privates only by their uniforms, have no idea of discipline; any sort of precision in their manoeuvres is out of the question; and to find a sentinel comfortably asleep with his musket on his shoulder, is by no means an uncommon occurrence. I was told that Luçon contained eight thousand regular troops, and that by summoning the militia, twenty thousand could be assembled. The field of honour where the heroes of Luçon distinguish themselves is on the southern Philippine Islands, which are not yet subdued; they are inhabited by Mahommedan Indians, who are constantly at war with the Spaniards, and who, ranging as pirates over all the coasts inhabited by Christians, spread terror and desolation wherever they appear. From time to time some well manned gun-boats are sent in pursuit of these robbers; which expend plenty of ammunition with very little effect. It is said that six thousand Chinese inhabit the suburbs of Manilla, to which they are restricted. The greater part of them are clever and industrious mechanics; the rest are merchants, and some of them very rich: they are the Jews of Luçon, but even more given to cheating and all kinds of meanness than are the Israelites, and with fewer, or rather with no exceptions. They enjoy no privileges above the lowest of the people, but are despised, oppressed, and often unjustly treated. Their covetousness induces them to submit to all this; and as they are entirely divested of any feeling of honour, a small profit will console them for a great insult. The yearly tax paid by every Chinese for liberty to breathe the air in Manilla, is six piastres; and if he wishes to carry on any sort of trade, five more; while the native Indian pays no more than five reals. The Philippines also did not follow the example of the American colonies; for some disturbances among the Indians here, were not directed against the government, and an insurrection soon after attempted proved unsuccessful. The former were occasioned by a few innocent botanists wandering through the island in search of plants; and an epidemic disease breaking out among the Indians about the same time, of which many died, a report suddenly spread among them, that the foreign collectors of plants had poisoned the springs in order to exterminate them. Enraged at this idea, they assembled in great numbers, murdered several strangers, and even plundered and destroyed the houses of some of the old settlers in the town of Manilla. It has been supposed that the Spaniards themselves really excited these riots, that they might fish in the troubled waters. The late governor, Fulgeros, is accused of not having adopted measures sufficiently active for repressing the insurrection. This judicious and amiable man, who was perhaps too mild a governor for so rude a people, was murdered in his bed a year after by a native, of Spanish blood, an officer in one of the regiments here, who followed up this crime by heading a mutiny of the troops. The insurgents assembled in the market-place, but were soon dispersed by a regiment which remained faithful, and in a few hours peace was re-established, and has not since been disturbed. The present governor, Ricofort, was sent out to succeed the unfortunate Fulgeros. The King, affected by the loyalty displayed by the town of Manilla, at a time when the other colonies had thrown off their allegiance, presented it with a portrait of himself, in token of his especial favour. The picture was brought out by the new governor, and received with a degree of veneration which satisfactorily evinced the high value set by the faithful colony on the royal present. It was first deposited in a house in the suburb belonging to the Crown, and then made its entry into the town in grand procession, and was carried to the station of honour appointed for it in the castle. This important ceremony took place during our residence here, on the 6th of December; and three days previously, the King in effigy had held a court in the suburb. The house was splendidly illuminated: in front of it stood a piquet of well-dressed soldiers; sentinels were placed at all the doors; the apartments were filled with attendants, pages, and officers of every rank in gala uniforms; and the etiquette of the Spanish court was as much as possible adhered to throughout the proceedings. Persons whose rank entitled them to the honour of a presentation to the King, were conducted into the audience-chamber, which was splendidly adorned with hangings of Chinese silk: here the picture, concealed by a silk curtain, was placed on a platform raised a few steps from the floor, under a canopy of silk overhanging two gilded pillars. The colonel on duty acting as Lord Chamberlain, conducted the person to be presented before the picture, and raised the curtain. The King then appeared in a mantle lined with ermine, and with a crown upon his head; the honoured individual made a low bow; the King looked in gracious silence upon him; the curtain was again lowered, and the audience closed. On the 6th of December, the immense multitudes that had assembled from the different provinces, to celebrate the solemn entry of the portrait into the capital of the islands, were in motion at daybreak. The lower classes were seen in all kinds of singular costumes, some of them most laughable caricatures, and some even wearing masks. Rockets and Chinese fireworks saluted the rising sun, producing of course, by daylight, no other effects than noise, smoke, and confusion, while elegant equipages rolled along the streets, scarcely able to make their way through the crowd. At nine o'clock, a royal salute thundered from the cannon of the fortress; and at twelve the procession began to move, displaying a rather ludicrous mixture of Spanish and Asiatic taste. I saw it from the windows of a house on its route, which commanded a very extensive view of the line of march. The cortège was led by the Chinese. First came a body of twenty-four musicians, some striking with sticks upon large round plates of copper, producing an effect not unlike the jingling of bells, and others performing most execrably upon instruments resembling clarionets. The sound of the copper plates was too confused to allow us to distinguish either time or tune--points of no great consequence perhaps; the choir, at least, did not trouble much about them. The musicians were followed by a troop of Chinese bearing silken banners, upon which were represented their idols, and dragons of all sorts and sizes, surrounded by hieroglyphical devices. Next followed, in a kind of litter richly ornamented, a young Chinese girl with a pair of scales in her hand, and intended, as I was told, to represent Justice, a virtue for which her country-people, in these parts, have not much cause to applaud themselves. Another set of musicians surrounded the goddess, making din enough with their copper plates to drown every complaint that might endeavour to reach her ear. Then came the rest of the Chinese, in different bands, with the symbols of their respective trades represented upon banners. Four Bacchantes, somewhat advanced in age, and in an attire more loose than was consistent with modesty, followed next: from their long, black, dishevelled hair, they might have been taken for Furies; and it was only their crowns of vine-leaves, and the goblets in their hands, that enabled us to guess what they were intended to represent. Bacchus, very much resembling a Harlequin, followed with his tambourine; and after him, a body of very immodest dancers: these, as the procession moved but slowly, halting frequently, had abundant opportunities of displaying their shameless talent, for the benefit of the shouting rabble. Why the procession should be disgraced by such an exhibition, it was not easy to conceive; but there were many other inconceivable matters connected with it. A troop of Indians followed, in motley and grotesque attire, intended to represent savages: they were armed with spears and shields, and kept up a continual skirmish as they marched. Next in procession was a battalion of infantry, composed of boys armed with wooden muskets and pasteboard cartridge-boxes, and followed by a squadron of hussars, also boys, with drawn sabres of wood, not riding, but carrying pasteboard horses: each of these had a hole cut in its saddle, through which the hussar thrust his feet, relieving the charger from any actual necessity of making use of his own--though, to show its high blood and mettlesome quality, each emulated his fellow in prancing, rearing, and kicking with front and hind-legs, to the no small danger of discomfiting the parade order of the squadron. To this redoubtable army succeeded a party of giants two fathoms high, dressed in the very extremity of fashion, the upper part of their bodies being represented in pasteboard, accompanied by ladies elegantly attired, and of nearly equal dimensions, and by some very small dwarfs: the business of this whole group was to entertain the populace with pantomimic gestures, and comic dances. Next came all sorts of animals, lions, bears, oxen, &c. of a size sufficiently gigantic to conceal a man in each leg. Then, with grave and dignified deportment, marched Don Quixote and his faithful Sancho. To the question, what the honourable Knight of the Rueful Countenance was doing there, somebody replied that he represented the inhabitants of Manilla, who were just then mistaking a windmill for a giant. The hero of Cervantes was followed by a body of military, seemingly marching under his command; and after them came two hundred young girls from the different provinces of the Philippine Islands, richly and tastefully attired in their various local costumes. Fifty of these young graces drew the triumphal car, richly gilt, and hung with scarlet velvet, which contained the picture of Ferdinand. Not content with the mantle the painter had given him, they had hung round him a real mantle of purple velvet embroidered with gold. By his side, and seated on a globe, was a tall female form dressed in white, with an open book in one hand, and in the other a wand, pointing towards the portrait. This figure was to represent the Muse of History:--may she one day cast a glance of friendly retrospection on the prototype of her pictured companion! A body of cavalry followed the car, and the carriages of the most distinguished inhabitants of the place closed the procession. Several Chinese triumphal arches crossed the streets, through which the retinue passed; they were temporary erections of wood, occupying the whole breadth of the street, and were decorated in the gayest and most showy manner by the Chinese, who, on this occasion, seemed to have spared no expense in order to flatter the vanity of the Spaniards. When the royal effigy entered the town, it was received by the Governor and the whole clergy of Manilla, and the young girls were superseded by the townspeople, who had now the honour to draw the car amidst the incessant cry of "_Viva el Rey Fernando!_" The cannon thundered from the ramparts; the military bands played airs of triumph; and the troops, which were ranged in two files from the gate of the town to the church, presented arms, and joined their "Vivas" to those of the populace. The procession halted at the church; and the picture being carried in, the bishop performed the service; after which, the King was replaced on his car, and conducted to the residence of the Governor, where, at length, he was installed in peace. Three days longer the rejoicings continued: bells were rung, guns were fired, and each evening the town and suburbs were magnificently illuminated: many houses exhibiting allegorical transparencies which occupied their whole front. But the illumination of the Chinese triumphal arches in the suburbs surpassed all the show: the dragons which ornamented them spat fire; flames of various colours played around them; and large fire-balls discharged from them emulated the moon in the heavens, till, from their increasing height, they seemed to disappear among the stars. Each of these edifices was of three stories, surrounded by galleries, on which, during the day, the Chinese performed various feats for the amusement of the people: there were conjurors, rope-dancers, magic lanterns, and even dramatic representations, the multitude eagerly flocking to the sight, and expressing their satisfaction in loud huzzas! I saw a tragedy performed on one of these galleries, in which a fat Mandarin, exhibiting a comic variety of grimaces and strange capers which would have done credit to Punchinello, submitted to strangulation at the command of his sovereign. At night, the people went about the streets masked, and letting off sky-rockets and Chinese fireworks. In several parts of the town, various kinds of spectacles were exhibited for the popular amusement: the air resounded with music, and public balls were gratuitously given. This unexampled rejoicing for the reception of a testimonial of royal approbation, seems sufficiently to prove the loyalty of the Philippines, and the little probability of their revolting, especially if the mother-country does not show herself wholly a stepmother to her dutiful children. On the 10th of January our frigate was ready to sail, and we left Manilla, the whole crew being in perfect health. ST. HELENA. ST. HELENA. A fresh north-east monsoon expedited our voyage, and we cut the equator on the 21st of January, in the longitude 253° 38'; then passing between the islands of Sumatra and Java, we reached the ocean, after having safely traversed the Chinese Sea from its northern to its southern boundary, and directed our course towards the Cape of Good Hope, where we intended staying to refresh. When we had reached to longitude 256°, 12° south latitude, the east wind, contrary to all rules at this season, changed for a westerly one, and blew a strong gale; the sky was covered with black clouds, and the rain fell in torrents. At midnight, while the storm was still raging, and the darkness complete, we witnessed the phenomenon known by the name of Castor and Pollux, and which originates in the electricity of the atmosphere; these were two bright balls of the size which the planet Venus appears to us, and of the same clear light; we saw them at two distinct periods, which followed quickly upon each other in the same place, that is, some inches below the extreme point of our main-yard, and at about half a foot distance asunder. Their appearance lasted some minutes, and made a great impression on the crew, who did not understand its cause. I must confess, that in the utter darkness, amidst the howling of the storm and the roaring of the water, there was something awful in the sight. Our passage was rendered tedious by contrary winds. On the 22nd of February, we crossed the meridian of the Isle of France, three hundred and forty miles off the island, in very stormy weather, and heard afterwards at St. Helena, that a hurricane raged at this time near the Isle of France, causing great damage to many vessels, and to some of them the loss of their masts. We should have probably shared in this danger had we been a hundred miles nearer the coast. I must here recommend every navigator, if possible, to keep clear of the two isles of France and Bourbon, from the middle of January till the middle of March, as, during that season, violent hurricanes continually rage there, which are very destructive even on shore. On the following day we passed the large frigate Bombay, belonging to the English East India Company, having on board, as passengers, the Governor of Batavia, Baron vander Kapellen, and his lady, with whom we afterwards had the pleasure of forming an acquaintance in St. Helena. On the 15th of March we doubled the Cape of Good Hope. It had been my intention to anchor in Table Bay, but a storm from the north-west came just in time to remind us how dangerous the bay is at this season, and we prosecuted our voyage to St. Helena. On the 25th of the same month, having traversed 360 degrees of longitude from east to west, we had lost a day, and were therefore compelled to change our Friday into a Saturday. On the 29th we anchored at St. Helena, before the little town of St. James, the whole crew being cheerful and healthy; but our spirits were soon damped by the news of the death of the Emperor Alexander, which we now received. I must here not omit to express my most cordial thanks to the Governor of St. Helena, for his very kind reception of myself and companions, and for his constant endeavours to make our stay on the island agreeable; he gave dinners and balls for our entertainment, and was always ready to comply with our wishes; hence he granted us what it is usually difficult to obtain--permission to visit the celebrated estate of Longwood, where Napoleon closed his splendid career, in powerless and desolate loneliness. We rode thither one fine morning, on horseback. The little town of St. James lies in a ravine between two high, steep, barren lava-rocks; its pleasant situation and cheerful aspect presenting a striking contrast with the gloom of its immediate environs. By a serpentine road cut through the rock, we climbed an ascent, by nature inaccessible; this path, in some parts not three fathoms in breadth, is bounded on one side by the perpendicular rock, and on the other overlooks an abrupt precipice, from which however it is defended by a strong stone balustrade, so that however fearful in appearance, its only real danger lies in an accident which sometimes happens, that large fragments detach themselves from the superincumbent rock, and roll down the precipice, carrying before them every thing that might obstruct their passage to the bottom. Having with some difficulty reached the highest ground on the island, we found the tropical heat changed into a refreshing coolness, and enjoyed an extensive prospect over the island, which presented a totally different aspect from that under which it is viewed by passing vessels. The sailor sees only high, black, jagged, and desolate rocks, rising perpendicularly from the sea, and every where washed by a tremendous surf, prohibiting all attempts to land except at the single point of St. James: his eye vainly seeks round the adamant wall, the relief of one sprig of green; not a trace of vegetation appears, and Nature herself seems to have destined the spot for a gloomy and infrangible prison. From these heights, on the contrary, the picturesque and smiling landscape of the interior forms the most striking contrast to its external sternness, and suggests the idea of a gifted mind, compelled by painful experience to shroud its charms under a forbidding veil of coldness and reserve. This remark only, however, applies to the western part of the island, which is protected from the trade-wind. The higher eastern part, where Napoleon lived, is as dead and barren as its rocky boundary. The trade-wind to which this district is constantly exposed, brings a perpetual fog, and drives the clouds in congregated heaps to the summits of the mountain, where they frequently burst in sudden and violent showers, often producing inundations, and rendering the air damp and unwholesome for the greater part of the year. The ground is for this reason incapable of cultivation; and a species of gum-tree, the only one to be seen in the neighbourhood of Longwood, by its stunted growth of hardly six feet, and its universal bend in one direction, proves how destructive is the effect of the trade-wind to all vegetable life. The nearer we approached the boundaries of the circle within which alone the renowned prisoner was permitted to move, the less pleasant became the country and the more raw the climate, till about a German mile from the town we found ourselves on the barren spot I have already described. Here a narrow path leads down an abrupt descent into a small valley, or basin, surrounded by hills, sheltered from the wind, and offering in its verdant foliage and cheerful vegetation, a refreshing and agreeable retreat. "There rest the remains of Napoleon," said the guide given us by the governor. We dismounted, and proceeded to the grave on foot. An old invalid who watches it, and lives in a lonely hut in its vicinity, now came towards us, and conducted us to a flat, tasteless grave-stone surrounded by an iron railing, and shaded by fine willows, planted probably by the last dependents of the unfortunate prisoner. It is a melancholy thing to tread this simple grave of him who once shook all Europe with his name, and here at last closed his too eventful life on a lonely rock in a distant ocean. The stone bears no inscription, but all who behold it may imagine one. Posterity alone can pronounce a correct judgment on the man who so powerfully influenced the destinies of nations. Honesty may perhaps have been the only quality wanting to have made him the greatest man of his age. The invalid filled a common earthen jug with clear delicious water from a neighbouring spring, and handed it to us with the remark, that Napoleon, in his walks hither, was accustomed to refresh himself with cold water from the same vessel. This little valley being the only spot where he could breathe a wholesome air, and enjoy the country, he often visited it, and once expressed a wish that he might be buried there. Little as his wishes were usually attended to, this was fulfilled. After spending some time in contemplating this remarkable memorial of the vicissitudes of fortune, we inscribed our names in a book kept for the purpose, and again mounting our horses, rode to what had formerly been the abode of the deceased; where, deprived of all power, the deposed Emperor to the last permitted the voluntary companions of his exile to address him by the titles of "Sire," and "Your Majesty." On quitting the garden scenery of the pretty little valley, the country resumed its dreary and sterile character. A ride of about a German mile through this inhospitable region, uncheered either by the fragrance of flowers or the melody of birds, brought us within sight of an inconsiderable level, or table land, perfectly barren, crowning the summit of one of the highest hillocks into which this huge rock is divided. In the centre of the plain, and enveloped in so thick a fog that it was scarcely perceptible, stood a small unpretending mansion. "That," said our guide, "is Longwood, late the residence of Napoleon." We soon reached the house, expecting to find it as left at the death of its illustrious occupant; with how much interest should we not have visited it, if nothing had been changed or removed! But the English authorities had not taken our gratification into their consideration. The house is divided into two distinct portions; the smaller half, or Napoleon's sleeping apartment, has been converted into a stable, and the larger into a warehouse for sheep-skins, fat, and other produce of the island. We had been informed that Napoleon had laid out a little garden near his dwelling, in which he often worked, assisted by Madame Bertrand; and, after many fruitless attempts, had been at length rewarded by the blossoming of a few hardy flowers, and the successful plantation of some young oaks; that one of the latter was set by the hand of Napoleon himself, another by that of Madame Bertrand. As we could see nothing resembling a garden, I enquired of our guide where it lay; he pointed, with a sarcastic smile, to a spot which had been routed up by hogs, saying, "Here Napoleon was as successful in rearing flowers as he had once been in founding empires, and both have equally vanished." Some oaks are still standing beside a broken hedge, but whether planted by Napoleon or not, no one can tell. We were also shown a pretty house, which had been built for Napoleon by the King's command, but which was not complete till a very short time before his death. Though much better and more convenient than the one he inhabited, he never could be induced to remove to it; perhaps already conscious of the approach of death, he felt no farther concern for the accommodations of life. Strongly contrasted with the gloom and sterility of Longwood, is the summer residence of the Governor of St. Helena, lying on Sandy Bay, on the western shore of the island, and about half a German mile from the town. In this beautiful and healthful climate, every tropical plant flourishes in the greatest luxuriance. We were hospitably received at Plantation-house, a handsome, spacious, and convenient building, surrounded by an extensive park. In this delightful spot nature and art have combined at once to charm and to surprise; yet while breathing its pure and fragrant air, would our thoughts unconsciously revert with sympathy to the melancholy fate of the exile of Longwood. The environs of Sandy Bay would be a perfect little Switzerland, but that the glaciers are wanting to complete the resemblance. Scattered amongst the enormous masses of rock which lie confusedly heaped upon each other, a frightful wilderness and most smilingly picturesque landscape alternately present their contrasted images to the eye. Such are the traits which the hand of Nature has impressed upon the scenery in this fortunate portion of the island; while that of man, busily engaged in adding to her charms, and in correcting her ruggedness, throws an appearance of life, comfort, and civilization over the picture. Convenient roads wind up the steep ascents, and frequent openings in the cliff, present vistas of fruitful fields, tastefully built mansions surrounded by parks and plantations, and snug farm-houses embosomed in their pretty gardens. Every thing bespeaks industry and comfort. The inhabitants are all well-dressed, healthy, and contented. Of their hospitality we had the most agreeable evidences. Invited with friendly cordiality into their houses, we were entertained with the best they had, and with the kindest expressions of pleasure in welcoming the first Russians who had ever visited their country. We were invited to dinner by one of the richest land proprietors of the island, who, although considerably more than seventy years old, still retained the animation and vigour of youth. This intelligent and well-educated man had never, till his sixty-ninth year, left his beautiful home, except for an occasional and short visit to the town. Through the medium of books, and conversation with the strangers visiting St. Helena, he was well versed in the customs and localities of Europe, and felt the highest respect for the perfection to which the arts and sciences of civilized life had been carried in that quarter of the world, but without experiencing any desire to see it; suddenly, however, at this advanced period of his life, curiosity got the better of his love of ease; his wish to become personally and more accurately acquainted with the much-praised institutions, and the wonderful capital of England, was no longer to be repressed, and he determined to undertake the voyage. On landing in London, he was, as he expressed himself, astonished and dazzled by the extent and magnificence of the city. The throng in the streets, which he compared to ant-hills, far exceeded the ideas he had formed; he visited the manufactories, and observed with wonder the perfection of their machinery; the theatres enchanted him, and the succession of new sights and impressions produced an effect resembling a perpetual intoxication. After a time, however, he experienced the fatigue incident to an extreme tension of mind, and began to sigh for the calm retirement of Sandy Bay, to which he took the first opportunity of returning, never to leave it more. We passed nine very agreeable days at St. Helena, and shall always retain the liveliest remembrance of the kindness shown us by its amiable inhabitants. My crew, though healthy, had in some degree suffered from the effects of a nearly three years' voyage, and I was anxious during our stay here to strengthen them by a regimen of fresh provisions, (which, however, are very dear upon the island,) particularly as we had again to cross the line, and that in a region often considered unhealthy. On the 7th of April we sailed from St. Helena, and cut the equator on the 16th in the longitude 22° 37'. Here, delayed by calms, and oppressed by the heat and damps, notwithstanding all my precautions, a nervous fever broke out among the men; and, after having escaped so many dangers, we began to apprehend a melancholy conclusion to our voyage. This misfortune had probably been communicated to us by contagion. The homeward-bound ships of the English East India Company, which almost all touch at St. Helena, having nothing in view but a quick passage, and the profit resulting from it, do not generally, as I have myself had opportunities of observing, pay that proper attention to cleanliness and wholesome diet which is absolutely necessary to health. During our residence at St. Helena, several of these ships were lying in the roads with sick on board. It is true that, according to a standing order, no vessel is allowed anchorage there till a surgeon has examined into the state of health of her crew; but the captains find means to evade the investigation, and thus are the healthy liable to become infected by association with the diseased. Half our crew lay sick, and our skilful and active surgeon was unfortunately of the number. A favouring gale, however, sprang up, which carried us into a cooler and drier climate, our invalids quickly recovered, and we escaped with the loss of one sailor only. By the 12th of March, when we passed the Azore Islands, the crew was again in perfect health. On the 3rd of June we reached Portsmouth, where we stopped some days. On the 29th we touched at Copenhagen, and on the 10th of July joyfully dropped our anchor in the roads of Cronstadt, from whence we had sailed nearly three years before. If my readers have by this time become sufficiently acquainted with me to interest themselves in my affairs, they will not learn with indifference, that my most gracious Sovereign the Emperor has honoured me by the most condescending testimonials of his satisfaction, and that after our long separation, I had the gratification of finding my wife and children well and happy. APPENDIX. REVIEW OF THE ZOOLOGICAL COLLECTION OF FR. ESCHSCHOLTZ, PROFESSOR AT THE UNIVERSITY OF DORPAT. It may easily be conceived, that in a sea-voyage a naturalist has fewer opportunities of enriching his collection, than when travelling by land; particularly if the vessel is obliged to pass hastily from one place to another, with a view to her arriving at her destination within a limited period. During our three years' voyage, little more than the third of our time was spent on shore. It is true, that curious animals are occasionally found in the open sea, and that a day may be pleasantly passed in examining them; but it is also true, that certain parts of the ocean appear, near the surface, to be almost wholly untenanted; and accordingly a passage of eleven weeks produced only ten species of animals: these, however, being met with only at sea, are still but partially known to the naturalist, and were the more interesting to me, as, during the preceding voyage, I had become acquainted with many remarkable productions of the ocean. My best plan will be, to arrange in a chronological order all the zoological observations which offered in the course of this voyage. The first, then, was the result of a contrary wind, by which we were detained much longer than we intended in the Baltic, and thus enabled to use our deep fishing-nets upon the great banks: these brought to light a considerable number of marine animals. Upon the branches of the _spongia dichotoma_, some of which were twelve inches in length, sat swarms of _Ophiura fragilis_, _Asterias rubens_, _Inachus araneus_, _I. Phalangium_, _I. Scorpio_, _Galathea strigosa_, and _Caprella scolopendroides Lam._ We obtained, at the same time, large pieces of _Labularia digitata_, _Sertularia abietina_, upon which nothing of the animal kind was to be seen, but attached to which was frequently found _Flustra dentata_; also _Pagurus Bernhardus_, _Fusus antiquus_, _Rostellaria pes pelecani_, _Cardium echinatum_, _Ascidia Prunum_, _Balanus sulcatus_, _Echinus saxatilis_, and _Spatangus flavescens_. Two different species of _Actiniæ_, seated on stones, were brought up, which were not to be found either in _Pennant's British Zoology_, or in the _Fauna danica_. During a calm, by which we were detained two days on the Portuguese coast, _Janthina fragilis_ and _exigua_, _Rhizophysa filiformis_, and another species, were brought up. Many specimens of the _Janthina exigua_ were found, the bladder-like mass of which was stretched out to a great length, and bent into the form of a hook at the end. On the outer side was observed a fleshy streak, bordered by a close row of small paunches: these paunches, which were externally open, contained a great quantity of brown atoms, apparently spawn, and evidently in motion. With respect to the _Rhizophysæ_, it has been discovered that they are of the same genus as the _Physsophora_, the hard part being torn away in the act of catching them; upon this occasion also, several of these separated parts, still in motion, and bearing some resemblance to salpas, were brought up, and accurately examined. Off the Cape de Verd Islands, in addition to the _Exocoetus volitans_, which abounds there, various specimens of the much larger _Exocoetus exsiliens_ of Cuvier alighted on board our vessel. The latter species is distinguished by the long black fins of the belly, and by its remarkably large eyes, differing greatly from the species described by Gmelin under the same denomination. The calms near the Equator afford an abundant harvest to the zoologist, the tranquil water presenting an immense variety of marine animals to his view, and allowing him to take them with little trouble in a net. The open woollen stuff used for flags offers the most convenient material for making these nets, as it allows the water to run through very quickly, and does not stick together. A short, wide bag should be made of this stuff, which may be stretched upon the hoop of a cask, and the whole fastened to a long, light pole. From the height on which we stand above the water, it is impossible to perceive the smaller animals; the best way therefore to catch these is, to hold the net half in the water, as if to skim off the bubbles of foam from the surface; then, after a few minutes, if the net is drawn out, and the interior rinsed in a glass of fresh sea-water, one may frequently have the pleasure of seeing little animals of strange forms swimming in the glass. In the course of ten days, I obtained, in this way, thirty-one different species of animals, among which was a small _Diodon_, eight small crustacea of forms almost wholly unknown; a sea-bug (_Halobates micans_); three species of Pteropodes, closely allied to the _Cliodora_; a small and remarkable Hyaloea; two new _Janthinæ_; _Firola hyalina_, _Pyrosoma atlanticum_, _Salpa coerulescens_, and another unknown; _Porpita glandifera_, and a new species of globular form; a _Velella_; two new species of Acalephes, of the same family as the _Diphyes_; and further _Pelagia panopyra_, and two other very small species. When the sea was a little agitated on the Brazilian coast, we frequently saw the large sea-bladder floating on the surface; here we also caught with our net a new species of small _Hyaloea_, and of the fin-footed _Steira_, which approaches the nearest to the _Limacina_. Brazil has lately been visited by eminent naturalists, who have spent years in the country, and have travelled through it in every direction; we are therefore bound to suppress the few detached observations we were able to make during the short space of four weeks. Captain Von Kotzebue having frequently sent his people to fish in the Bay of Boto Fogo, we enriched our collection by thirty-two kinds of fish, the greater part of which were very similar to those already described as tenants of the Atlantic, but still differing from them in some respects. How abundant the insects of Brazil are is generally known, particularly in the warm and moist lands along the coast, in the vicinity of Rio Janeiro. Few of them crawl on the ground; the greater part of them live on the leaves and fruits, or under the bark of trees, in flowers, and in the spongy excrescences of the trees. Among the coleoptera, the _Stachylinus_ is a rarity: the white-winged _Cicindela nivea_ of Kirby is to be found in great abundance on the sand of the beach, which is of the same colour as itself; the _Cic. nodicornis_ and _angusticollis Dej._ on the other hand, frequent the paths in the forests. _Cosnania_, which supplies the place of our _Elaphrus_, is found among the grass by the side of brooks. The little animals of the _Plochionus_ and _Coptodera_ species climb, by means of their indented claws, along the moss on the trunks of the trees: their numbers, in these extensive forests, must be immense. Of the _Cantharis_, the number is small; the strongest of which is the _Cantharis flavipes_ F. the descriptions of which vary, so that it may still be doubted whether we have a correct account of it. To show the proportion of the numerous subdivisions which we observed in the different genera, it will be sufficient to give the numbers of those which we were able to collect during the short period of our stay:--these were, _Elater_, 37; _Lampyris_, 17; _Ateuchus_, 14 (including the _Deltachilum_ and _Eurysternus_); _Passalus_, 13; _Anoplognathidæ_, 14; _Helops_, (including _Stenochia_ and _Statira_) 17; _Curculionidæ_, 108; _Cerambycidæ_, 101; _Cassida_, 24; _Haltica_, 26; _Doryphora_, 12; _Colaspis_, 15; and _Erotylus_, 12. The _Phanæus_, according to MacLeay, distinguished by the total absence of claws from the feet, is peculiar to the warmer parts of America: _Onthophagus_ is not met with along the shore, but is found in the interior. Such large _Copris_ as are seen in the old world, (_Isidis_, _Hamadrias_, _Bucephalus_,) have not been discovered here: their place is supplied by the large _Phanæi_, _Faunus_, _bellicosus_, _lancifer_, &c. A golden-green _Copris_ is a great rarity. _Onitis_ seems to be quite wanting in America: all the specimens, in this part of the world, that have been placed in that class, belong partly to the _Phanæus_, and partly to the _Eurysternus_ Dalm. a remarkable species of the genus Ateuchus. The _Ateuchi_ are not less numerous in South America than in Africa; and here is found what may be looked upon as the intermediate link between _Copris_ and _Onitis_. No part of the world is so rich in _Rutelides_ as trophical America; and according to the narrow limits within which Mac Leay confines this family, it would seem to be exclusively restricted to this continent. The greater part have not the head divided from the head-shield by a line, and the breast is lengthened in front into a spine: this extensive division is peculiar to America. In the second division, the head-shield of which is bounded by a strongly marked line, those which are provided with a breast-bone are American. South America possesses also the intermediate genus between the _Rutelides_ and _Scarabæi_, in the genus _Cyclocephala_, _Anoplognathidæ_ were hitherto known to us from New Holland, Asia, South Africa, and South America, and are characterised by the drooping form of the upper-lip, falling lowest in the middle, and by the inequality of their claws; the under-lip, at the same time, has either a projection in the centre, or consists of two parts lapping over one another. In the same way that the _Anoplognathidæ_ of New Holland have the appearance of _Rutelides_ proper, are the South American _Anoplognathidæ_ distinguished by their resemblance to _Melolonthidæ_: those of Brazil have no breast-bone, and at least one claw to each foot is cloven, which distinguishes them from those of Asia. _Chelonarium_ and _Atractocerus_ fly about in the evening, and are attracted by a light. The Brazilian jumping beetles differ, almost all of them, in their form, from those of Europe. Among the _Heteromerides_, in the neighbourhood of Rio Janeiro, owing to the dampness of the soil, no unwinged beetle is to be met with; a few varieties of the species _Scotinus_ have been found upon the Organ mountains only. Owing to the excessive roughness of the weather, our passage from Rio Janeiro to the Bay of Conception afforded us but few opportunities to add to our collections. A snipe blown out to sea from the Rio de la Plata, a specimen of _Diomedea Albatros_ at Terra del Fuego, a large _Salpa_, and a _Lepas_, were all we were able to obtain. The Bay of Conception presents a rich field to the ornithologist. A kind of parrot, with a long tail, and naked round the eyes, flies about in swarms; and a smaller kind from the interior, is to be found tame in the houses; our guns frequently brought down two small kinds of doves. Of _Ambulatores_ we met some, of the genera _Cassicus_, _Motacilla_, _Muscicapa_, _Pyrgita_, _Saxicola_, _Cotile_; of birds of prey, _Percnopterus Jota Mol._, and two buzzards; of _Grallatores_, two kinds of _Hæmatopus_, both with white legs, the one with a black body, as _H. niger_ is described by Quoy and Gaimard, the other more similar to the European; a _Vanellus_ with spurs to the wings, _Numenius_, _Scolopax_, _Phalaropus_, _Ardea Nycticorax_; and lastly a small bird with remarkably short legs, digitated, and with a short thick bill, frequenting the sea-shore, and feeding on seeds of _Rumex_ and _Polygonum_, and constituting a new species, which may be called _Thinocorus_. Of aquatic birds, there were two kinds of _Sterna_ and _Larus_; many thousands of _Rynchops nigra_, which were so numerous as to appear like clouds when they rose into the air; a _Procellaria_ of the variety _Nectris_; two kinds of _Podiceps_, and an _Aptenodytes_ of the variety _Spheniscus_. The upper part of the latter was of a lead colour, and the lower part white, with a line of dullish grey running from the bill to the belly, and forming a boundary between the two colours; the bill and legs quite black. The animal was alive when brought to us. When resting, it lay upon its belly and stretched out its head. In the water it appeared unable to maintain itself afloat except by incessant paddling, the whole of the body being meanwhile under water. Of amphibia, only five kinds can be distinctly named; a brown _Coluber_, two small lizards of the family of _Scincoidea_, a small _Rana_, with a spot like an eye on the belly, and a small _Bufo_. Of fishes, the most remarkable was a _Torpedo_, with the back of a reddish brown, and smooth; and a _Callorhynchus antarcticus_: the latter may very well remain in the class of _Chimæra_. Of crustaceæ, we collected three _Canceres_, a _Portunus_, a _Porcellana_, a _Sphæroma_, and a _Ligia_. The dry land along the coast is extremely poor in insects. The number of beetles collected in 1816, together with those taken on the present occasion, amounted only to sixty seven, but they are altogether peculiar to the country. The most remarkable are a _Carabus_ of the beautiful colours of the _hispanus_, but with narrow striped cases to the wings, and a large _Prionus_: the joints of the feet, in this latter, are short and cylindrical, constituting a distinction from the whole family of the _Cerambycinæ_; in every other respect it is unquestionably a _Prionus_, and may be called _Pr. Mercurius_, on account of two wing-shaped appendages, attached to the neck-corselet. Sixteen Carabicides were found belonging to the _Calosoma_, _Pæcilus_, _Harpalus_, _Trechus_, _Dromius_, and _Peryphus_. We were surprised at finding so few dung-beetles. We met with only two large ones, namely, the _Megathopa villosa_ of _Esch_. Entomography, forming a species of the _Ateuchus_, and a _Copris torulosa_, described in the same work; this, however, is owing to the very little moisture in the atmosphere, which dries the dung almost immediately. It is curious, that all the seventeen kinds of _Copris_ of South America known to us, have but seven stripes upon each wing-case; whereas those of the Old World have eight: the larger kinds, _Hamadrias_, _Bucephalus_, and _Isidis_,[4] alone agree with the South American in the number of stripes. Of the Americans, the _C. Hesperus Oliv._ is the only one with a border to the seventh stripe, and the _C. Actæon Klug_ of Mexico is the only one that has eight stripes. Various kinds of beetles in Chili seek a shelter from the rays of the sun in the dry cow-dung: almost all the Heteromerides with wings grown together, the greater part of the beetles armed with trunks, and several Carabides, were found there. The ten kinds of Heteromerides, with distorted wings, found here, belong to five new classes: the other Heteromerides consist of a _Helops_ and a black _Lytta_ with red thighs. Of beetles furnished with a proboscis, we met with four kinds of _Listroderes_, two remarkable _Cryptorhynchi_, and a few others of the shape of a _Rhigus_. Lastly are to be noticed, a _Lucanus_ of the form of the _femoratus_, a large _Stenopterus_, and a large black _Psoa_. We found very few other species of insects, but several kinds of _Pompilus_, one two inches long, and a curious _Castnia_, were the most remarkable. Of marine animals there remain to be noticed--a small _Octopus_, a _Loligo_, two _Chiton_, _Patella_, _Crepidula_, _Pilcopsis_, _Fissurella_, _Calyptræa_; of _Concholepas_, only empty shells; a large _Mytilus_, a small _Modiola_, _Turritella_, _Turbo_, _Balanus_; and a Holothuria of the variety _Psolus_. In the vast sea between the coast of Chili and the Low Islands or the dangerous Archipelago, very few animals appear to live near the surface, at least we saw none; a quantity of flying-fish were seen, resembling the _Exocoetus volitans_, but having the rays of the breast-fins parted towards the end. During the short space of ten days that we stayed at O Tahaiti, the inhabitants, who for a trifling remuneration brought us all sorts of marine animals, enabled us to make acquaintance with all the natural productions of this much praised country. Birds are scarce in the lowlands along the coast. The little blue _Psittacus Taitianus_ frequents the top of the cocoa-palm; the _Ardea sacra_ walks along the coral reefs; but it is seldom that a tropical bird is seen on the wing. A _Gecko_ of the species _Hemidactylus_ lives about old houses; a small lizard of the family of _Scincoidea_, with a copper-coloured body and a blue tail, and a striped _Ablepharus_, are met with frequently among the rocks. Of fishes, the variety is great, many of them of splendid colours, particularly the small ones, which feed upon the coral, and seek shelter among its branches. The same place of refuge is chosen by numbers of variegated crabs, more particularly the _Grapsus_, _Portunus_, and _Galathea_. Three kinds of _Canceres_ already known were brought us, the _maculatus_, _corallinus_, and _floridus_; the two former move but little, and their shells are as hard as stones. A small _Gelasimus_ burrows under the ground, and makes himself a subterranean passage from the water to the dry land. The female has very small claws, but the male has always one very large pink claw, which is sometimes the right and sometimes the left. A large brownish _Gecarcinus_ lives entirely on the land, in holes of his own making; his gills accordingly are not open combs, but consist of rows of bags closely pressed together, and somewhat resembling bladders. _Hippa adactyla_ F. is very frequent here, and keeps itself concealed under the sands on the sea-shore. It was from these that Fabricius, who has given a wrong description of their legs, formed his species _Hippa_; Latreille mentions them by the name of _Remipes testudinarius_. Six kinds of _Pagurus_. Of Crustacea already described, _Palæmon longimanus_, _Alphæus marmoratus_, and _Squilla chiragra_; the legs of the last are red, and formed like a club; it uses them as weapons of offence or defence, and inflicts wounds in striking them out by a mechanism peculiar to itself. The number of insects collected on the low land was very small; among them the _Staphylinus erytrocephalus_, also a native of New Holland; an _Aphodius_, scarcely to be distinguished from the _limbatus Wiedem._ of the Cape of Good Hope; an _Elater_ of the species _Monocrepis_; of _Oedemera_, three varieties of the species _Dytilus_, to which belong the _Dryops livida_ and _lineata_ F.; two small varieties of _Apate_; _Anthribus_, _Cossonnus_, _Lamia_, _Sphinx pungens_, and a large _Phasma_. No place could be more convenient for the observation of the Mollusca and Radiata than Cape Venus. At a few hundred paces from the shore is a coral reef, which at low water is completely dry. In the shoal water, between the reef and the shore, is found the greatest variety of the more brittle kinds of coral, and among their sometimes thick bushes, mollusca and echinodermes lie concealed. The rapid movements of a small _Strombus_, which, when taken, beat about it with its shell, formed like a thin plate of horn, and armed with sharp teeth, were very curious. On breaking the stone which is formed by fragments of coral, a _Sternaspis_ was found burrowing in the interior. Seven classes of Holothuria were examined; three belonged to the species of _Holothuria_, called by Lamarck _Fistularia_, but which name had already been given by Linnæus to the tobacco-pipe fish; the fourth was a species newly discovered, and to which we appropriated the name of _Odontopyga_, because the fundament is armed with five calcareous teeth; the belly is furnished with small tubes, and the back covered with bumps. Two more belong to the species _Thyone_; and the seventh kind of Holothuria ought, properly speaking, to form a class apart, not having tubular feet, but adhering, by means of their sharp skin, to extraneous objects, on which account they might be called _Sinapta_; their feelers are fringed and they live concealed among stones. We found five small kinds of sea-leeches; and among three kinds of star-fish, the _Asterias Echinites_, the large radii of which easily inflict a severe wound; another had the form of the _Asterias Luna_, was eight inches in diameter, without radii, and had more the appearance of a round loaf of bread somewhat flattened. Of corals, the variety was very great, as may be judged from the circumstance of our having collected twenty-four kinds within so short a space of time. _Fungia_ is quite at home here; for, independently of _F. agariciformis_, _scutaria_, and _limacina_, a long kind was also found, having, like the two former, only one central cavity; they are found in shallow water among other corals. Of tabular corals already known, there remain to be mentioned, _Pavonia boletiformis_, _Madrepora prolifera abrotanoides_, _corymbosa_, _plantaginea_, and _pocillifera_. The inhabitants of the Navigator Isles brought us the little _Psittacus australis_, _Columba australis_, and another very prettily marked dove, having green plumage, ornamented with a dark violet line across the breast, and the feet and head of a reddish purple. It climbed about the sides and roof of its cage, did not leave its perch when it wanted to drink, but stooped down so low as merely to hang by its legs; it would not eat seed, but lived principally on fruit, particularly bananas, all which closely agreed with the habits of parrots. During our passage to the equator, _Sterna solida_ and _Dysporus Sula_ alighted frequently on our vessel, and allowed themselves to be taken. The latter, when old, has a blue beak and red feet; when young, a red bill and flesh-coloured legs. The exterior nostrils are entirely wanting; but in every part are air-cells between the skin and the muscles. Besides these animals, six varieties of _Pteropodes_ were caught; also a _Glaucus_, differing from that of the Atlantic _Janthina penicephala Per._, a _Planaria_, _Salpa vivipara Per._, a _Pyrosoma_, resembling that of the Atlantic, and a _Lepas_, attached to the shell of the _Janthina_. Our collection of Acalephi was extremely rich; of fourteen kinds taken, only one, _Physalia Lamartinieri_, was known to us. Our eight days' stay at the coral island Otdia, afforded us an opportunity to observe or collect about one hundred different kinds of marine animals. It has already been mentioned elsewhere, that the only kind of mammalia found upon this island is a middling-sized cat, which feeds on the fruit of the pandanus tree, and makes its nest in the dead branches, which it easily hollows out. Several lizards have also been found in these islands, such as the striped _Ablepharus_ of O Tahaiti, and a small _Gecko_; a large coal-black lizard was several times seen, but always escaped among the dry pandanus leaves. The fishes are remarkable for the singularity of their form, and the beauty of their colours; those brought to us by the inhabitants belonged to the _Holocentrus_, _Scarus_, _Mullus_, _Chætodon_, _Heniochus_, _Amphacanthus_, _Theutis_, and _Fistularia_. Of Crustacea we saw twenty different kinds; among them a _Gonoplax_ of the middling size, and as white as the coral-sand, among which it lives, on the shore. The _Hippopus_ found here differs from the _maculatus_ already known by the much greater elevation of its shell. The large _Tridachna_ is the _Tr. squamosa Lam._ It is very unusual to meet with an animal belonging to the family of Lepades in tubular holes made in the coral rocks, as is the case with the _Lithonaetta N._ Among the twenty kinds of tabular coral here observed, there was not one of those collected at O Tahaiti; there were three new _Distichoporæ_, _Seriatipora_, six kinds of _Madrepora_, two _Porites_, four _Astrea_, _Pocillopora cærulea_, and another kind, forming broad, yellow, leafy masses, the slime of which stings like a nettle; _Cariophyllæa glabrescens Cham._, and _Tubipora_, with red animalculæ. A calm of several days, between eighteen and twenty degrees of north latitude, during our passage to Kamtschatka, afforded opportunities for the observation of several remarkable animals. A small animal of Lamarck's family of Heteropodes, with two rows of separate fins, received the name _Tomopteris_. Secondly, a _Salpa_, of the class which lives apart and has fine long fibres projecting from the hinder part of the body. Thirdly, a small animal, nearly allied to the _Diphyes_, the soft part of the body, which contains the tube for receiving nourishment, having no air-bladder. Fourthly, a small _Beroe_, having the power of drawing in its fins. Fifthly, a very small _Porpita_. The sixth animal was a very remarkable crab, the triangular shell on the back, only two lines in length, provided with a spike from eight to ten lines long, (_Lonchophorus anceps_,) projecting both before and behind. Professor Germar has given to a species of beetle the name _Lonchophorus_, but the same had already been described by Mac Leay, under the name of _Phanæus_. Seventhly, an animal belonging to the class _Arthrodiæ_, (_Arthronema N._) the exterior consisting of stiff tubes, in the interior of which is afterwards found a skin, which eventually divides into separate parts. Eighthly, a _Clio_, about a line in length, with a projection from the globular part of the body. Ninthly, a second variety of _Appendicularia_, described by my friend and companion, on board the Rurik, A. von Chamisso, in the tenth volume of the _N. Acta Acad. Leop. Car._, which proved to be a species of Mollusca belonging to the Heteropodes of Lamarck. Tenthly, a _Pelagia_, scarcely, if at all, to be distinguished from the _Panopyra Per._ Lastly, a new kind of _Cestum_, _C. Najadis N._ In the thirty-fourth degree of latitude, renewed calms again enabled us to add to our collection, firstly, a new species of Physsophorides (_Agalma N._); secondly, a new _Diphyes_; thirdly, a new _Pelagia_, with a yellow skin on the belly, attached to which was a small Cirrhipede of the class _Cineras_; fourthly, a Medusa, with broad belly-bags, and four strong fins; fifthly, a Medusa of the same species, with five and six fins; sixthly, a very small Entomostracea of a flat form, and distinguished by its blue glossy colour, similar to that of the _Hoplia farinosa_; seventhly, a _Loligo_, probably _cardioptera Per._, remarkable on account of the largeness of its eyes; eighthly, a second species of _Phyllirhoe_, placed by Lamarck among the Heteropodes, to which class it does not, however, belong. The species found in the South Sea has no eyes, and plain feelers; on which account it was formerly considered by us as forming a distinct class, and called _Eurydice_. But, although the _Phyllirhoe_ is found to vary so remarkably in its formation, owing to the want of feet, still I consider it as nearly allied to the _Eolidia_. Ninthly, a new _Glaucus_, of a remarkably slim body, with short fins, and of a blackish-blue colour. Tenthly, a _Eucharis N._ In addition to these, no less than eight Crustacea were taken in the net. In the vicinity of Kamtschatka, the vessel sailed daily through red masses floating on the surface; on drawing up some of the water, the pail was found full of red _Calanus_, a line and a half long, with rough feelers of the same length as the body. In Kamtschatka we found the Bay of Awatscha poor in Mollusca and radiated animals, owing probably to the inconsiderable ebb and flood. The objects most frequently met with, were an ugly little _Turbo_, the empty shell of which was tenanted by a black _Pagurus_ and a _Balanus_. A large _Cyanea_ differs from the European _C. ciliata_, in the form of the stomach. Another Medusa, constituting a new kind of _Sthenonia N._, was observed; its digestive organs resemble those of the Aurelia; and about the edge, eight bunches of very long fibres project, provided, like those of the Physaliæ, with two rows of suckers. The environs of St. Peter and St. Paul, lying under fifty-three degrees of north latitude, possess an insect Fauna, such as is in Europe only found in sixty and seventy degrees of latitude; as for instance, in Lapland and Finland. A great number of species are exactly similar in both regions; others of the Kamtschatkan insects have been met with nowhere else, except in Siberia, and a small number is quite peculiar to the former country. All have not yet been subjected to a diligent examination, and only the following can be with certainty mentioned. Firstly, in the North of Europe also, are found: _Pteroloma Forstroemii Gyllh._, _Nebria arctica Dej._ (_hyperborea Schoenh._), _Blethisa multipunctata_, _Pelophila borealis_, _Elaphrus lapponicus_ and _riparius_, _Notiophilus aquaticus_, _Loricera pilicornis_, _Poecilus lepidus_, _Dyticus circumcinctus_, _Staphylinus maxillosus_, _Buprestis appendiculata_, _Elater holosericeus_, _Ptilinus pectinicornis_, _Necrophorus mortuorum_; _Silpha thoracica_, _lapponica_, _opaca_, and _atrata_; _Strongylus colon_, _Byrrhus albo-punctatus_, _dorsalis_, _varius_ and _aeneus_; _Hydrophilus scarabæoides_ and _melanocephalus_; _Cercyon aquaticum_, _Hister carbonarius_, _Psammodius sabuleti_, _Trichus fasciatus_, _Oedemera virescens_, _Apoderus Coryli_, _Leptura trifasciata_, _atra_ and _sanguinosa_, _Lema brunnea_, _Cassida rubiginosa_, _Chrysomela staphylæa_, _lapponica_, _ænea_, _viminalis_, _armoracea_ and _vitellinæ_; _Eumolpus obscurus_, _Cryptocephalus variegatus_, _Coccinella_ 7 _punctata_, 13 _punctata_, _mutabilis_, and 16 _guttata_. Secondly, such as have been hitherto found only in Siberia, though their number is but small: _Cantharis annulata Fisch._, _Dermestes domesticus Gebl._, _Aphodius ursinus N._, and _A. maurus Gebl._, and _Leptura sibirica_. Among the beetles which have as yet been met with nowhere else, and are therefore considered peculiar to the country, may be named: a _Cicindela_, between _hybrida_ and _maritima_; a _Carabus_ of the form of the _cancellatus Illig._, with black feelers and legs; _C. Clerkii N._, and another, green, with gold border, of the form of the _catenulatus_, caught near the line of perpetual snow on the volcano Awatscha: _C. Hoffmanni N._, _Nebria nitidula_, which is the same as the _Carabus nitidulus Fabr._, as appears by that preserved in Banks's Museum, hitherto the only specimen in Europe; great numbers of these are found in the valleys: a second black sort was caught on the volcano. Further, a small bright yellow _Pteroloma_, an _Elaphrus_, _Bembidia_ six kinds, _Agonum_ four kinds, an _Omaseus_, an _Amara_, _Elater scabricollis Esch. Entomogr._; an _Elater_, like _undulatus_ P., three kinds, which like _Bructeri_, live among stones; a wingless kind which is found buried in the sea-sand, and a perfectly black _Campylus_. Besides these, a beetle forming a peculiar species between _Atopa_ and _Cyphon_; _Cantharis cembricola Esch._, and one resembling the _testacea_; a _Hylecoetus_, scarcely differing from _dermestoides_; _Catops_; a _Heterocerus_, broad and covered with whitish scales; an _Elophorus_; two _Phaleriæ_ with a black ground; two kinds of _Stenotrachelis_, both larger than the European, which has hitherto borne the name of _Dryops ænea_; and in fact, the beetle in Banks's Museum, so called by Fabricius, is either the same, or a species very nearly resembling it, and it may therefore be conjectured that some mistake has accidentally occurred in the designation of its native country in that Museum. There still remain to be mentioned a Chrysomela, like the _pyritosa_, and a _Coccinella_ with five very large spots upon both wing-covers, found on the line of perpetual snow on the volcano. It is also probable that the valley of the Kamtschatka river, although lying farther north than the environs of the Awatscha, yet possesses a richer in sect Fauna, as the climate there is much milder, and adapted to agriculture. From Kamtschatka our course lay mostly eastward. At first the sea was strongly luminous every night; but when in the midst of this immense ocean, it one night happened, that while the ship was as usual surrounded by brilliant waves, a dark precipice seemed to open before it. On reaching this part of the water, it appeared that all the luminous matters, such as Zoophytes and Mollusca with their spawn, were entirely wanting, and from this point to the American coast the sea remained dark. We remarked generally of this great ocean, that on the Asiatic coast, even at a considerable distance from land, (as much as thirty degrees west from Japan,) the water is always muddy; it is made so, partly by the great numbers of small Crustacea, Zoophytes, and Mollusca, partly by the impurities of the whales and dolphins, which latter especially, as well as many other kinds of fish, are very numerous here from the abundance of food to be found. On the contrary, the sea in the neighbourhood of the north-west coast of America is clear and transparent, and nothing is found in it except here and there a single Medusa. In the principal settlement of the Russian-American Trading Company on the island of Sitcha, in Norfolk Sound, we had better opportunities of becoming acquainted with natural productions than elsewhere, as, during our stay there, in the year 1825, from March to the middle of August, we had an almost uninterrupted continuation of fine weather: we were in this respect peculiarly favoured, as in most years this island does not enjoy above one fine day to fourteen cloudy or wet ones. We ourselves experienced this sort of weather in 1824, when we passed the latter part of August and the beginning of September there. Of the Fauna of this island, about two hundred and sixty species came under our notice: from its immediate vicinity to the continent, it is not wonderful that several large _mammalia_ are to be found. Among these is the _Ursus Americanus_, of the black race; a fox; a stag, which perhaps does not differ from the _Cervus virginianus_, and the common beaver, which feeds on the large leaves of a _Pothos_, said by the inhabitants to be injurious to man. Besides these are observed a small _Vespertilio_ with short ears, a _Mustela_, and a _Phoca_. Of birds we remarked: the _Aquila leucocephala_, _Astur_, _Corvus Corone_ and _Stelleri_, and some varieties of the species _Turdus_, _Sylvia_, _Troglodytes_, _Parus_, _Alcedo_, _Picus_, _Ardea_, _Hæmatopus_, _Scolopax_, _Charadrius_, _Anas_, and _Colymbus_. _Trochilus rufus_ is not only often found here, but also under sixty degrees of latitude. A small shoal of _Procellaria furcata_ was once driven into the Bay by stormy weather. Of Amphibia, only a small kind of toad is met with. There is no great variety in the kinds of fish, but the individuals are numerous, especially a well-flavoured sort of salmon, and herrings; a _Pleuronectes_ several feet long, and a reddish yellow _Perca_ two feet long and very thick, are extremely abundant. The number of accurately examined _Annulides_ amounts to sixteen, among which are found some of very fine and unknown forms. Most of them belong to the well-known species _Cirrhatulus_, _Arenicola_, _Aceronereis_, _Nereis_, _Aphrodita_, _Serpula_, _Amphitrite_. A _Nereis_ was found swimming on the surface of the water in the middle of the bay, which measured two feet in length, and one inch in thickness; the appendages at its sides resemble round leaves. An _Aphrodita_ several inches long, and very narrow, was not rare. An animal resembling the Amphitrite kind is found enveloped in a transparent mass like jelly. Of Mollusca we observed, a _Limacina_; two _Eolidiæ_, some of which have very beautiful colours; a _Laniogerus_; a _Polycera_; four kinds of _Doris_; a _Scyllæa_; an animal which deserves the name of _Planaria_, it was three inches long, two broad, and only half a line thick; on the upper surface, half an inch from the edge, are two projecting eyes; and in the same part, on the surface beneath, the mouth may be perceived; in the middle of this under surface is another aperture, from which the animal, when in a tranquil state, frequently strecthes out four small folds of skin; this creature, like the _Planariæ_, crawls very nimbly. Besides these, a small _Onichidium_, and a new kind of shelled snail. In the mossy woods live a large, yellowish, black-spotted _Limax_, and two Helices of middling size. In the bay itself are found a few of the gilled snails with spiral shells; and a considerable number on the outward coast, which is washed by the ocean. Here are several species of the genera _Murex_, _Fusus_, _Buccinum_, _Mitra_, _Trochus_, and _Turbo_. Further, there are found here a large _Fissurella_, and six species of a genus which, from its simple, unwound shell, would be immediately taken for a _Patella_; the creature, however, closely resembles the _Fissurella_, with the difference that only one gill is visible in the fissure over the neck. It is remarkable, that on the whole north-west coast of America down to California, no _Patella_, only animals of the genus _Acmæa_, were to be met with. Of the _Chiton_ genus, six species were observed; in one, the side skin covers the edges of the shell so far as to leave only a narrow strip of it visible down the back; in others, the shell is entirely concealed under the external skin. It is worthy of remark, that these latter, as well as one similarly formed, found in California, attain the considerable length of eight inches. A third kind, to be reckoned among this subdivision, Pallas obtained from the Kurile Islands, and has described it as _Chiton amiculatus_. Among the Acephala are to be named a large _Cardium_, also found on the Californian coast; _Modiolus_, two species; _Mytilus_; _Mya_, two species; and _Teredo palmulatus_: the latter, which is brought here by the ships, is very mischievous in the harbour, and attains to the length of two feet. In this species are comprehended three _Ascidiæ_, of different forms; one _Anomia_, one _Terebratula_ attached to a _Fusus_, two _Lepas_, and a _Balanus_. Six _Holothuria_, belonging to three different species, were observed: a large _Thalassema_ gave us a long-wished for opportunity of observing, that this species belongs to the Holothuria, and not to the Annulides. Eight species of star-fish are found here, partly on the rocks, and partly at the bottom of the sea: among them, four are furnished with five _radii_, and the rest with six, ten, eleven, and eighteen: the latter sort, which is the largest, lives at the bottom of the sea, and the number of its _radii_ varies from eighteen to twenty-one. Only one _Ophiura_ was seen. Several kinds of very large _Actinia_ inhabit the rocks: all that we examined belonged to the species which is externally provided with rows of teats. A _Velella_ also was caught in the open bay: this is the first which has been observed in so high a latitude. Of _Zoophytes_, some presented themselves of the genera _Antipathes_, _Millepora_; _Cellaria_, _Flustra_ two species, _Melobesia_, _Retepora_, _Acamarchis_, _Lafoea_, _Aglaophenia_, _Dynamena_ fives species, _Clytia_ four species, and _Folliculina_, two species. The _Antipathes_ consists of a simple stem resembling wood, which grows to the length of ten feet: it grows at a great depth in the open bay, and is often accidentally drawn up in fishing. Although of all insects of this island the beetle is the most numerous, yet during the whole spring and summer, in almost daily excursions, with constant fine weather, only one hundred and six kinds were found. On the whole, it may be observed, that none among them belong to any of the species which have been hitherto considered as peculiar to America; yet there are some of them which form entirely distinct classes, and must therefore be natives of the north-west coast of America. The result of close examination was, that none of those found here are to be met with either in the north of Asia or in Europe, and only seven species are to be found even in Unalashka. The Fauna is adapted to the climate and the soil; _Nebria_, _Patrobus_ and other Carabides, find a cool abode among the stones on the banks of the ice-cold brooks which fall from the snowy summits of the mountains; in the fir-woods, live several kinds of _Xylophagi_ and some _Cerambycides_; the old mossy trunks of fallen trees afford hiding-places for several kinds of Carabides, as two _Cychrus_, _Leistus_, _Platysma_; and for _Nitidula_, _Scaphidium_, _Agyrtes_, and _Boros_. On the skirts of the woods, shrubs and tall plants nourish some insects belonging to various families; as two _Homalisus_, _Omalium_, and _Anthophagus_, _Anaspis_, _Cantharis_, and _Silis_; besides _Elater_ of eight kinds, and a ninth living under stones. The small standing waters, formed by single cavities, are proportionably rich in water-beetles, among which is found a _Dyticus_ of the form of the _sulcatus_, seven _Colymbetes_, _Hydroporus_ two species, and a _Gyrinus_. The Carabides are: _Cychrus angusticollis_ and _marginatus_, _Nebria metallica_ and three new species, _Leistus_, _Poecilus_ two, _Patrobus_, _Omaseus adstrictus_, _Platysma_ two, _Loricera_ plainly distinguished from the _pilicornis_, _Amara_, _Trechus_ three, _Bembidium_ two, and _Leja_ three species. Thirteen species of _Brachelytra_ have been found; of carrion-beetles, a _Necrophorus_, a _Silpha_, quite of the figure of the _subterranea_, and a _Catops_. Of Pentamerides are still to be mentioned the _Scydmaenus_, _Cryptophagus_, _Byrrhus_, _Cercyon_, _Psammodius_, and _Aphodius_. The number of Heteromerides amounts only to four; namely, one _Boros_ of the arched form of the _elongatus_, a small _Phaleria_, a pale yellow _Anaspis_, and a small black, flat beetle with overgrown wing-cases of a new form, which must be reckoned among the family of the Blapides. Of beetles with probosces only six were found, of Xylophagi seven, of the species _Hylurgus_ two, _Bostrichus_ three, one _Rhyzophagus_, and a larger quite red _Cucujus_. The three stag-beetles were a _Sphondylis_, a _Lamia_ with excrescences upon the sharply pointed cases of its wings, and a beetle of the flat form of a _Callidium_. Of the large class of Chrysomelides, only five varieties were to be met with; namely, two sorts of _Donacia_, a beetle of the form of a _Lema_, and two varieties, of the form of Eumolpes. Lastly, three Trimerides were discovered, namely, two _Latridii_ and a _Pselaphus_. Our stay in the Bay of St. Francisco, in California, during the months of October and November, was unfavourable to the observations of a naturalist. A perfect drought prevails during those months; vegetation appears completely dead; and all birds of passage abandon the country. The landscape along the coast is alternately formed of naked hills, of a rocky or clayey soil, and low sandy levels, covered with stunted bushes. Further inland, the soil is more fertile, but still deficient in wood. The background every where presents lofty mountains; we visited only those to the north, at the foot of which the Russian settlement Ross is situated. Here a fine forest of lofty pines, mingled with oak and horse chesnut-trees, charms the eye. Of the mammalia of this hitherto unexplored country, only a few can be cited. The light grey American bear, with a small head, abounds in unfrequented districts, but brown bears are also occasionally killed. We nearly ascertained the existence of two sorts of polecats, and succeeded in getting a skin of one; its fur is brown below, and black above: from the forehead a white stripe runs to the middle of the back, and then divides into two, which extend to the extremity of the tail. The feet of the animal show that it treads upon its entire sole, and lives in holes like a badger. The second sort is said to have three white stripes: our sailors caught one, but it got away again. The mole here is larger than in Europe; the upper part of the body is of a greyish brown, the lower part an ash grey; the legs are covered with a white fur, and the taper tail is one-fifth of the length of the body. A shrew-mouse also was caught. Two or three kinds of large cats are said to have been seen; a _mustela_, something of the nature of the _Lutreola_, was shot near the Rio Sacramento. The sea-otter still abounds here, but its hair is brownish, and not black. The _Cervus Wapiti_ is found in great numbers in hilly districts; and there are deer in all unfrequented places. The back and sides of the latter are of a reddish brown in summer, in winter of a blackish brown; the belly, breast, and inside of the legs are white; the mouth, forehead, and the exterior of the ears are black. The antlers (of the male) divide into a fork, with round smooth branches. The animal grows to the height of two feet and a half. Near the Rio Sacramento, and in the vicinity of the Russian settlement, we saw herds of animals of the shape of goats, with long hair hanging from their legs, and short straight horns; we were unfortunately unable to obtain a specimen; we saw the animal only through a telescope, and judged it to be the _Capra Columbiana_, or _Rupicapra Americana Blainville_, so often spoken of. Lastly, we have to mention a small kind of hare, not so large as a rabbit, found in great abundance among the bushes, and a dormouse seen in the southern plains. In consequence of the lateness of the season, most of the birds that breed here had already left the neighbourhood; we therefore saw only such birds as pass the winter here, and also a number of aquatic birds that were daily arriving from the north. Of the former we met with five kinds of _Icterus_; one quite black, except the shoulders, which were red; these were extremely numerous, and sleep, like the _Icterus phoenicius_, among rushes. The _Sturnus ludovicianus_ and _Picus auratus_ of the United States, are also found in California; the _Percnopterus californicus_, _Corvus mexicanus_, and _Perdix californica_, are already known. A large grey crane, probably from the north, remained here: upon the whole, the number of birds observed, amounted to forty. A few Amphibia were found concealed under stones; namely, a large _Tachydromus_, a _Tropydurus_, a _Crotalus_, a _Coluber_, and four _Salamandrides_: among the latter was one with the body covered with warts, and a narrow compressed tail, the glands of the ear wholly wanting; the others had long narrow bodies of about the thickness of a common earth-worm, with short legs, standing far apart, and toes scarcely perceptible to the naked eye. Nearly two hundred kinds of beetles were collected: with the exception of the _Lampyris corrusca Fabr._, which, according to Banks, is found on the Columbia river, all are as yet undescribed. Upon the dry ground, under stones, many Heteromerides, with distorted wing-cases, were found, and among them six new species. A large _Cychrus_ was also found, and a species closely resembling the _Manticora_, together with many other Carabides, of which we collected, in all, fifty different species. It was at the Sandwich Isles that the greatest number of fishes and Crustacea were collected: of the former the greatest variety, and the most remarkable, were kept in the fish preserves of the royal family. Of other classes of animals, but few are to be met with. Among the dense woods that cover the backs of the mountains, there must be a number of land-birds, but we met only _Melithreptus vestiarius_, and two sorts of the _Dicæum_; in the fields laid under water were the _Gallinula chloropus_ and a _Fulica_. Of corals there is but little variety; these islands being situated nearly in the highest latitude in which coral is ever found. In the vicinity of the harbour are two sorts of _Astræa_, two _Porites_, a _Pavonia_, and a _Hornera_. The number of insects is small, as is indeed the case with all land animals; it is therefore creditable to our industry, that we are able to muster twenty sorts of beetles. A small _Platynus_ is the only Carabide; in the water, two _Colymbetes_ and a _Hydrophilus_ were found. The only _Elater_ belongs to a species (_Agrypnus N._) in which we reckon various specimens found only in the Old World, such as _Elater tomentosus_, _fuscipes_, _senegalensis_, &c.; beetles which have two deep furrows in the lower part of the neck-shield, to receive the feelers, and which go in search of their food at night. They resemble many of the European springing beetles covered with scales, and included by Megerle under the name Lepidotus; such are _fasciatus_, _murinus_, _varius_. Two Aphodii were found; one, of the size of the _Psammodius porcatus_, but very flat, lives under the bark of a decayed tree, the wood of which has become soft. Another has the almost prickly shoulders of the _Aphodius stercorator_ and _asper_; of these we form the species _Stenocnemis_, and include therein four new varieties found in Brazil and Luçon. It may be here observed, that _Psammodius sabuleti_ and _cylindricus N._, must be classed with _Ægialia_, which, on account of the horny nature of their jaws, and the projection of the upper lip, enter into the same class with _Trox_; the remaining kinds of _Psammodius_, however, do not at all agree with the character given them by Gyllenhal, and ought in their turn to be classed with _Aphodius_. Among the remaining beetles, all of which dwell under the bark of trees, a _Parandra_ was the largest. During our two months' stay in the Bay of Manilla, we could only become acquainted with a small part of the natural productions, in which the large island of Luçon appears extremely rich, because it is difficult to procure them without travelling far into the interior; but the country round Manilla and Cavite being cultivated to the distance of several days' journey, the woods of the mountains alone remain in a state of nature. There dwell the gigantic snakes and crocodiles, of which every one has some tale to relate. A small _Cercopithecus_ is found in great abundance; but we were not able to meet with a good drawing, or even a tolerable description of it. Skins of _Galeopithecus_ were brought us; and we were assured that the animal allowed itself to be tamed, and would sit like a monkey, and take its food with the fore-feet. Two kinds of flying dogs, one of them apparently a _Pteropus edulis_, were shot and eaten in the neighbourhood. Two other animals, of the bat kind, belonged to the classes _Hypexodon_ and _Nycticejus_. A _Chelone_, three feet long, was brought us, remarkable for seven shields on the middle of its back. _Terrapene tricarinata_ is abundant. We obtained also a _Basilicus_, a large _Tupinambis_, and two _Geckos_, which do not as yet appear to have been described. _Achrochordus fasciatus_ lives in the sea, and is frequently brought up in the nets of the fishermen; on land, it is unable to move from the spot on which it is placed. In November and December, the months we passed at Manilla, all the insects had concealed themselves; and it was only by the assistance of several active Malays, who were all day long hunting them, that we were able to collect upwards of two hundred beetles. Upon the whole, the beetle Fauna agrees with that of Java, of which island many have already been made known. A _Tricondyla_ we had ourselves the pleasure of catching on the trunk of a tree: the inhabitants did not bring them to us, as they suppose them to be large ants, and are apprehensive of being stung by them. We obtained three sorts of _Catascopus_, nineteen aquatic _Scarabæus_, six _Hydrophilus_, five _Buprestis_, five _Melolontha_, four _Anomala_. _Scarabæus Gideon_ is found in great abundance in the thick bushes, where it climbs up the branches by means of its long legs and large claws. Of _Oryctes nasicornis_, a Malay one day brought us no less than sixty, taken out of some decayed wood. A green _Cetonia_, of the size and form of the _chinensis_, of a coppery brightness, is rare. Three small Lucanides, of those called by Mac Leay _Nigidius_ and _Figulus_, are found in the wood of living trees. Of wingless Heteromerides, we found only one _Tagenia_, and that under the dry bark of a tree. For Pimeliades the soil is unfavourable, there not being, as far as we could learn, in the country round Manilla, either stones, or low, broad-leafed plants, under which these animals can find shelter from the burning rays of the sun: they are found only under dry bark, and about the root of the _Opatrum_, _Uloma_, and similar plants. The Helopides, on the other hand, must be looked for on the dry branches in the tops of trees, but we obtained only six varieties. Of the twenty-six stag-beetles collected here, it is necessary to observe, that they are all essentially different from those found in South America. Our passage through the Chinese Sea was rapid; and as we had constantly stormy weather in the Indian Ocean, we had no opportunities of observing marine animals. In the vicinity of the Cape, we caught some Salpæ, Physaliæ, and Velellæ; but in the Northern Atlantic, after reaching the region of the _Sargassum natans_, daily opportunities for interesting observations presented themselves. From the point at which the floating sea-weed was first noticed, (eighteen degrees north latitude, and about thirty degrees of longitude west of Greenwich,) to the coast of England, forty-three kinds of animals were observed, not noticed on our outward voyage. We were able to make a very exact examination of the whole system of the _Beroe punctata_. Three new varieties of Medusa were discovered, and an animal (_Rataria N._) between _Velella_ and _Porpita_: it has the flat form of the latter, but is provided with a sail, which it can draw in at will. We also caught the animal which Le Sueur has called _Stephanomia uvæformis_. Lastly, we had the good fortune to procure a specimen of an animal which appears to form a link between the _Salpa_ and _Pyrosoma_. This species (called _Anchinia_) consists of a number of animalculæ of the Salpa form, which, by means of a stalk, are attached to a common body, all of them being turned to the same side. In the course of less than three years, 2400 kinds of animals were either examined, or only collected, consisting of the following classes:-- Species. Mammalia 28 Birds 165 Amphibia 33 Fishes 90 Annulides 40 Crustacea 127 Insects 1400 Arachnides 28 Cephalopodes 20 Gasteropodes 162 Acephali 45 Tunicati 28 Cirrhipedes 21 Echinodermates 60 Acalephi 63 Zoophytes 90 FR. ESCHSCHOLTZ. Dorpat, 7th January, 1828. THE END. LONDON: PRINTED BY SAMUEL BENTLEY, Dorset Street, Fleet Street. FOOTNOTES: [1] A kind of urn in use throughout all Russia, called a Samowar, or self-boiler. It generally stands in the middle of the tea-table, and is furnished with a large kettle for water, and a space filled with fire to keep it boiling. [2] The baidars, or canoes of the Aleutians, are generally twelve feet long and twenty inches deep, the same breadth in the middle, and pointed at each end. The smaller are suited only for one man, the larger for two or three. The skeleton and the keel are made of very thin deal planks, fastened together with the sinews of the whale, and covered with the skin of the sea-horse cleared of the hair. It has a kind of deck made of this skin, but leaving an aperture for each person the canoe is intended to carry. These sit in the bottom with their legs stretched out, and their bodies rising through the apertures, which are but just large enough to allow them to move and row conveniently. The space between their bodies and the deck being so well fitted with bladders, that no drop of water can enter. These baidars are moved very rapidly by oars, and the Aleutians put to sea with them in all weathers. [3] This applies only to the lower classes; the Yeris are nearly all as large as at Tahaiti. [4] This kind was known to Fabricius, for _Copris Midas_ is a variety of the male, and _Gigas_ is the female. The former has erroneously been deemed a native of America.
31413 ---- Team (http://www.fadedpage.com) Note: Project Gutenberg also has an HTML version of this file which includes the original illustrations. See 31413-h.htm or 31413-h.zip: (http://www.gutenberg.org/files/31413/31413-h/31413-h.htm) or (http://www.gutenberg.org/files/31413/31413-h.zip) THE STORY OF EXTINCT CIVILIZATIONS OF THE WEST by ROBERT E. ANDERSON, M.A., F.A.S. Author of Extinct Civilizations of the East [Illustration: Prehistoric Structure, Uxmal (Yucatan) (p. 76).] [Illustration] Venient annis saecula seris Quibus Oceanus vincula rerum Laxet, et ingens pateat tellus Tethys que novos detegat orbes. --SENECA. New York _McClure, Phillips & Co._ MCMIV Copyright, 1903, by D. Appleton and Company CONTENTS CHAPTER PAGE INTRODUCTION 9 I. PRE-COLUMBIAN DISCOVERIES OF AMERICA 19 II. "DISCOVERY OF THE WORLD AND OF MAN" 36 III. THE EXTINCT CIVILIZATION OF THE AZTECS 54 IV. AMERICAN ARCHEOLOGY 71 V. MEXICO BEFORE THE SPANISH INVASION 88 VI. ARRIVAL OF THE SPANIARDS 106 VII. CORTÉS AND MONTEZUMA 135 VIII. BALBOA AND THE ISTHMUS 164 IX. EXTINCT CIVILIZATION OF PERU 172 X. PIZARRO AND THE INCAS 186 MAPS, ETC. PAGE Prehistoric Structure, Uxmal (Yucatan) _Frontispiece_ Imaginary Continent, South of Africa and Asia 12 Remains of a Norse Church at Katortuk, Greenland 21 Map of Vinland 24 The Dighton Stone in the Taunton River, Massachusetts 27 The Dighton Stone. Fig. 2 28 Cipher Autograph of Columbus 46 Chulpa or Stone Tomb of the Peruvians 87 Quetzalcoatl 93 Ancient Bridge near Tezcuco 100 Teocalli, Aztec Temple for Human Sacrifices 105 Monolith Doorway. Near Lake Titicaca. Fig. 1 173 Image over the Doorway shown in Fig. 1. Near Lake Titicaca. Fig. 2 175 The Quipu 180 Gold Ornament (? Zodiac) from a Tomb at Cuzco 182 EXTINCT CIVILIZATIONS OF THE WEST INTRODUCTION Throughout all the periods of European history, ancient or modern, no age has been more remarkable for events of first-rate importance than the latter half of the fifteenth century. The rise of the New Learning, the "discovery of the world and of man," the displacement of many outworn beliefs, these with other factors produced an awakening that startled kings and nations. Then felt they like Balboa, when with eagle eyes He stared at the Pacific, and all his men Looked at each other with a wild surmise Silent, upon a peak in Darien. It was at this historical juncture that the "middle ages" came to an end, and modern Europe had its beginning. (See Chapter II.) Why was Europe so long in discovering the vast Continent which all the time lay beyond the Western Ocean? Simply because every skipper and every "Board of Admiralty" believed that this world on which we live and move is flat and level. They did not at all realize the fact that it is _ball_-shaped; and that when a ball is very large (say, as large as a balloon), then any small portion of the surface must appear flat and level to a fly or "mite" traveling in that vicinity. Homer believed that our world is a flat and level plain, with a great river, Oceanus, flowing round it; and for many ages that seemed a very natural and sufficient theory. The Pythagoreans, it is true, argued that our earth must be spherical, but why? Oh, said they, because in geometry the sphere is the "most perfect" of all solid figures. Aristotle, being scientific, gave better reasons for believing that the earth is spherical or ball-shaped. He said the shadow of the earth is always round like the shadow of a ball; and the shadow of the earth can be seen during any eclipse of the moon; therefore, all who see that shadow on the moon's disk know, or ought to know, that the earth is ball-shaped. Another reason given by Aristotle is that the altitude of any star above the horizon changes when the observer travels north or south. For example, if at London a star appears to be 40° above the northern horizon, and at York the same star at the same instant appears 42-1/2°, it is evident that 2-1/2° is the difference (increase) of altitude at York compared with London. Such an observation shows that the road from London to York is not over a flat, level plane, but over the curved surface of a sphere, the arc of a circle, in fact. Herodotus, the father of history, was a good geographer and an experienced traveler, yet his only conception of the world was as a flat, wide-extending surface. In Egypt he was told how Pharaoh Necho had sent a crew of Phenicians to explore the coast of Africa by setting out from the Red Sea, and how they sailed south till they had _the sun on their right hand_. "Absurd!" says Herodotus, in his naïve manner, "this story I can not believe." In Egypt, as in Greece or Europe generally, the sun rises on the left hand, and at noon casts a shadow pointing north; whereas in South Africa the sun at noon casts a shadow pointing south, and sunrise is therefore on the _right hand_. The honest sailors had told the truth; they had merely "crossed the line," without knowing it. If Herodotus had known that the world was spherical or ball-shaped, he could easily have understood that by traveling due south the sun must at last appear at noon to the north instead of the south. A counterpart to the story of the Phenician sailors occurs in Pliny: he tells how some ambassadors came to the Roman Emperor Claudius from an island in the south of Asia, and when in Italy were much astonished to see the sun at noon to the south, casting shadows to the north. They also wondered, he says, to see the Great Bear and other groups of stars which had never been visible in their native land (Nat. Hist., vi, 22). That there were islands or even a continent in the Western Ocean was a tradition not infrequent in classical and medieval times, as we shall presently see, but to place a continent in the Southern Ocean was a greater stretch of imagination. The great outstanding problem of the sources of the Nile probably suggested this Southern Continent to some. Ptolemy, the great Egyptian geographer, even formed the conjecture that the Southern Continent was joined to Africa by a broad isthmus, as indicated in certain maps. Such a connection of the two continents would at once dispose of the story that the Phenician sailors had "doubled the Cape." In several maps after the time of Columbus, Australia is extended westward in order to pass muster for the Southern Continent. [Illustration: Imaginary Continent, south of Africa and Asia. [The cardinal points are shown by the four winds.] Beginning of the fifteenth century. The word Brumæ = the winter solstices.] It is with a Western Continent, however, that we are now mainly concerned. What lands were imagined by the ancients in the far West under the setting sun? The mighty ocean beyond Spain was to the Greeks and Latins a place of dread and mystery. "Stout was his heart and girt with triple brass," says the Roman poet, "who first hazarded his weak vessel on the pitiless ocean." Even the western parts of the Mediterranean were shrunk from, according to the Odyssey, without speaking of the horrors of the great ocean beyond. "Beyond Gades," i. e., scarcely outside of the Pillars of Hercules, the extreme limit of the ancient world, "no man," said Pindar, "however daring, could pass; only a god might voyage those waters!" In spite of the dread which the ancient mariners felt for the great Western Ocean, their poets found it replete with charm and mystery. The imagination rested upon those golden sunsets, and the tales of marvel which, after long intervals, sea-borne sailors had told of distant lands in the West. The poets placed there the happy home destined for the souls of heroes. Thus (Odys. iv, 561): No snow Is there, nor yet great storm nor any rain, But always ocean sendeth forth the breeze Of the shrill West, and bloweth cool on men. So far Homer. His contemporary, Hesiod, thus describes the Elysian Fields as islands under the setting sun: There on Earth's utmost limits Zeus assigned A life, a seat, distinct from human kind, Beside the deepening whirlpools of the Main, In those blest Isles where Saturn holds his reign, Apart from Heaven's immortals calm they share, A rest unsullied by the clouds of care: And yearly thrice with sweet luxuriance crown'd Springs the ripe harvest from the teeming Ground. The poet Pindar places in the same mysterious West "the castle of Chronos" (i. e., "Old Time"), "where o'er the Isles of the Blest ocean breezes blow, and flowers gleam with gold, some from the land on glistening trees, while others the water feeds; and with bracelets of these they entwine their hands, and make crowns for their heads." _Vesper_, the star of evening, was called Hesperus by the Greeks; and hence the Hesperides, daughters of the Western Star, had the task of watching the golden apples planted by the goddess Hera in the garden of the gods, on the other side of the river Oceanus. One of the labors of Hercules was to fetch three of those mystic apples for the king of Mycenae. The poet Euripides thus refers to the Gardens of the West, when the Chorus wish to fly "over the Adriatic wave": Or to the famed Hesperian plains, Whose rich trees bloom with gold, To join the grief-attunèd strains My winged progress hold; Beyond whose shores no passage gave The Ruler of the purple wave. Of all the lands imagined to lie in the Western Ocean by the Greeks, the most important was "Atlantis." Some have thought it may possibly have been a prehistoric discovery of America. In any case it has exercised the ingenuity of a good many modern scientists. The tale of Atlantis we owe to Plato himself, who perhaps learned it in Egypt, just as Herodotus picked up there the account of the circumnavigation of Africa by the Phenician mariners. "When Solon was in Egypt," says Plato, "he had talk with an aged priest of Sais who said, 'You Greeks are all children: you know but of one deluge, whereas there have been many destructions of mankind both by flood and fire.'... In the distant Western Ocean lay a continent larger than Libya and Asia together."... In this Atlantis there had grown up a mighty state whose kings were descended from Poseidon and had extended their sway over many islands and over a portion of the great continent; even Libya up to the gates of Egypt, and Europe as far as Tyrrhenia, submitted to their sway.... Afterward came a day and night of great floods and earthquakes; Atlantis disappeared, swallowed by the waves. Geologists and geographers have seriously tried to find evidence of Atlantis having existed in the Atlantic, whether as a portion of the American continent, or as a huge island in the ocean which could have served as a stepping-stone between the Western World and the Eastern. From a series of deep-sea soundings ordered by the British, American, and German Governments, it is now very well known that in the middle of the Atlantic basin there is a ridge, running north and south, whose depth is less than 1,000 fathoms, while the valleys east and west of it average 3,000 fathoms. At the Azores the North Atlantic ridge becomes broader. The theory is that a part of the ridge-plateau was the Atlantis of Plato that "disappeared swallowed by the waves." (Nature, xv, 158, 553, xxvii, 25; Science, June 29, 1883.) Buffon, the naturalist, with reference to fauna and flora, dated the separation of the new and old world "from the catastrophe of Atlantis" (Epoques, ix, 570); and Sir Charles Lyell confessed a temptation to "accept the theory of an Atlantis island in the northern Atlantic." (Geology, p. 141.) The following account "from an historian of the fourth century B. C." is another possible reference to a portion of America--from a translation "delivered in English," 1576. Selenus told Midas that without this worlde there is a continent or percell of dry lande which in greatnesse (as hee reported) was unmeasureable; that it nourished and maintained, by the benifite of the greene meadowes and pasture plots, sundrye bigge and mighty beastes; that the men which inhabite the same climate exceede the stature of us twise, and yet the length of there life is not equale to ours. The historian Plutarch, in his Morals, gives an account of Ogygia, with an illusion to a continent, possibly America: An island, Ogygia, lies in the arms of the Ocean, about five days' sail west from Britain.... The adjacent sea is termed the Saturnian, and the continent by which the great sea is circularly environed is distant from Ogygia about 5,000 stadia, but from the other islands not so far.... One of the men paid a visit to the great island, as they called Europe. From him the narrator learned many things about the state of men after death--the conclusion being that the souls of men arrive at the Moon, wherein lie the Elysian Fields of Homer. The Greek historian, Diodorus Siculus, has a similar account with curious details of an "island" which might very well have been part of a continent. Columbus believed to the last that Cuba was a continent. In the ocean, at the distance of several days' sailing to the west, there lies an island watered by several navigable rivers. Its soil is fertile, hilly, and of great beauty.... There are country houses handsomely constructed, with summer-houses and flower-beds. The hilly district is covered with dense woods and fruit-trees of every kind. The inhabitants spend much time in hunting and thus procure excellent food. They have naturally a good supply of fish, their shores being washed by the ocean.... In a word this island seems a happy home for gods rather than for men (v. 19). Another Greek writer, Lucian, in one of his witty dialogues, refers to an island in the Atlantic, that lies eighty days' sail westward of the Pillars of Hercules--the extreme limit of the ancient world, as has already been seen. Readers of Henry Fielding and admirers of Squire Westers will remember how in the London of the eighteenth century the limits of Piccadilly westward was a tavern at Hyde Park corner called the _Hercules' Pillars_, on the site of the future Apsley House.[1] Although neither Greek nor Roman navigators were likely to attempt a voyage into the ocean beyond the Straits of Gibraltar, yet a trading vessel from Carthage or Phenicia might easily have been driven by an easterly gale into, or even across, the Atlantic. Some involuntary discoveries were no doubt due to this chance, and the reports brought to Europe were probably the germs of such tales as the poets invented about the fair regions of the West. In Celtic literature, moreover, "Avalon" was placed far under the setting sun beyond the ocean--Avalon or "Glas-Inis" being to the bards the Land of the Dead, marvelous and mysterious. [Footnote 1: Tom Jones, xvi. chap. 2, 3, etc.] In English literature of the middle ages there is a remarkable passage relating to our present subject, which was written long before that rise of the New Learning mentioned at the beginning of this chapter. It is a statement made by Roger Bacon, the greatest of Oxonian scholars of the thirteenth century, who, long before the Renascence, did much to restore the study of science, especially in geography, chronology, and optics. In his Opus Majus, the elder Bacon wrote: More than the fourth part of the earth which we inhabit is still unknown to us.... It is evident therefore that between the extreme West and the confines of India, there must be a surface which comprises more than half the earth. Though Roger Bacon, to use his own words, died "unheard, forgotten, buried," our recent historians place his name first in the great roll of modern science. There now remains only one quotation to make from the ancients. We have been reserving it for two reasons--first, because it is a singularly happy anticipation of the discovery of the New World, so happy that it became a favorite stanza with the discoverer himself. This we learn from the life of the "Great Admiral," written by his son Ferdinand. Secondly, because it adorns our title-page and has been characterized as "a lucky prophecy"--written in the first century A. D. The author, Seneca, was a dramatist as well as a philosopher, the lines occurring at the end of one of his choruses--Medea, 376. We may thus translate the prophetic stanza: For at a distant date this ancient world Will westward stretch its bounds, and then disclose Beyond the Main a vast new Continent, With realms of wealth and might. CHAPTER I PRE-COLUMBIAN DISCOVERIES OF AMERICA 1 _Norse Discovery._--By glancing at a map of the north Atlantic, the reader will at once see that the natural approach from Europe to the Western Continent was by Iceland and Greenland--especially in those early days when ocean navigation was unknown. Iceland is nearer to Greenland than to Norway; and Greenland is part of America. But in Iceland there were Celtic settlers in the early centuries; and even King Arthur, according to the history of Geoffrey of Monmouth, sailed north to that "Ultima Thule." During the ninth century a Christian community had been established there under certain Irish monks. This early civilization, however, was destined to become presently extinct. It was in A. D. 875, i. e., during the reign of Alfred the Great in England, that the Norse earl, Ingolf, led a colony to Iceland. More strenuous and savage than the Christian Celts whom they found there, the latter with their preaching monks soon sailed to the south, and left the Northmen masters of the island. The Norse colony under Ingolf was strongly reenforced by Norwegians who took refuge there to avoid the tyranny of their king, Harold, the Fair-haired. Ingolf built the town Ingolfshof, named after him, and also Reikiavik, afterward the capital, named from the "reek" or steam of its hot springs. So important did this colony become that in the second generation the population amounted to 60,000. Ingolf was admired by the poet James Montgomery (not to be confounded with Robert, whom Macaulay criticized so severely), who in 1819 thus wrote of him and his island: There on a homeless soil his foot he placed, Framed his hut-palace, colonized the waste, And ruled his horde with patriarchal sway --Where Justice reigns, 'tis Freedom to obey.... And Iceland shone for generous lore renowned, A northern light when all was gloom around. The next year after Ingolf had come to Iceland, Gunnbiorn, a hardy Norseman, driven in his ship westerly, sighted a strange land.... About half a century later, judging by the Icelandic sagas, we learn that a wind-tossed vessel was thrown upon a coast far away which was called "Mickle Ireland" (_Irland it Mikla_)--[Winsor's Hist. America, i, 61]. Gunnbiorn's discovery was utilized by Erik the Red, another sea-rover, in A. D. 980, who sailed to it and, after three years' stay, returned with a favorable account--giving it the fair name _Greenland_. The Norse established two centers of population on Greenland. It is now believed that after doubling Cape Farewell, they built their first town near that head and the second farther north. The former, _Eystribygd_ (i. e., "Easter Bigging"), developed into a large colony, having in the fourteenth century 190 settlements, with a cathedral and eleven churches, and containing two cities and three or four monasteries. The second town, _Westribygd_ (i. e., "Wester Bigging") had grown to ninety settlements and four churches in the same time. The germ and root of that civilization (afterward extinct, as we shall see) was due to Leif the son of Red Erik, who visited Norway, the mother-country, at the very close of the tenth century. [Illustration: Remains of a Norse Church at Katortuk, Greenland.] He found that the king and people there had enthusiastically embraced the new religion, _Christianity_. Leif presently shared their fervor, and decided to reject Woden, Thor, and the other gods of old Scandinavia. A priest was told off to accompany Leif back to Greenland, and preach the new faith. It was thus that a Christian civilization first found footing in arctic America. The ruins of those early Christian churches (see illustration above) form most interesting objects in modern Greenland; near the chief ruin is a curious circular group of large stones. The poet of "Greenland," to whom we have already referred, quotes from a Danish chronicle to the effect that, in the golden age of the colony, there were a hundred parishes to form the bishopric; and that the see was ruled by seventeen bishops from A. D. 1120 to 1408. Bishop Andrew is the last mentioned, ordained in 1408 by the Archbishop of Drontheim. From the same authority we learn that according to some of the annals "the best wheat grew to perfection in the valleys; the forests were extensive; flocks and herds were numerous and very large and fat." The Cloister of St. Thomas was heated by pipes from a warm spring, and attached to the cloister was a richly cultivated garden. After Leif, son of Erik, had introduced Christianity into Greenland, his next step was to extend the Norse civilization still farther within the American continent. News had reached him of a new land, with a level coast, lying nine days' sailing southwest of Greenland. Picking thirty-five men, Leif started for further exploration. One part of the new country was barren and rocky, therefore Leif named it _Helluland_ (i. e., "Stone Land"), which appears to have been Newfoundland. Farther south they found a sandy shore, backed by a level forest country, which Leif named _Markland_ (i. e., "Wood Land"), identified with Nova Scotia. After two days' sail, according to the saga account, having landed and explored the new continent along the banks of a river, they resolved to winter there. In one of these explorations a German called Tyrker found some grapes on a wild vine, and brought a specimen for the admiration of Leif and his party. This country was therefore named _Vinland_ (i. e., "Wine Land"), and is identified with New England, part of Rhode Island, and Massachusetts.[2] [Footnote 2: Prof. R. B. Anderson says, "The basin of the Charles River should be selected as the most probable scene of the visits of Leif Erikson, etc." [_v._ map.]] Our Greenland poet thus refers to Leif's landing: Wineland the glad discoverers called that shore, And back the tidings of its riches bore; But soon return'd with colonizing bands. The Norsemen founded a regular settlement in Vinland, establishing there a Christian community related to that of Greenland. Leif's brother, Korvald, explored the interior in all directions. With the natives, who are called "Skraelings" in the sagas, they traded in furs; these people, who seemed dwarfish to the Norsemen, used leathern boats and were no doubt Eskimos: A stunted, stern, uncouth, amphibious stock. The principal settler in Vinland was Thorfinn, an Icelander, who had married a daughter-in-law of Erik the Red. She persuaded Thorfinn to sail to the new country in order to make a permanent settlement there. In the year 1007 A. D. he sailed with 160 men, having live stock and other colonial equipments. After three years he returned to Greenland, his wife having given birth to a son during their first year in Vinland. From this son, Snorre, it is claimed by some Norwegian historians, that Thorwaldsen, the eminent Danish sculptor is descended. After the time of Thorfinn, the settlement in Vinland continued to flourish, having a good export trade in timber with Greenland. In 1121 A. D. according to the Icelandic saga, the bishop, Erik Upsi, visited Vinland, that country being, like Iceland and Greenland, included in his bishopric. The last voyage to Vinland for timber, according to the sagas, was in 1347. [Illustration: Map] Professor Horsford, of Cambridge, Mass., finds the site of Norumbega, mentioned in various old maps, on the River Charles, near Waltham, Mass., and maintains that town to be identical with Vinland of the Norsemen. To prove his belief in this theory, the professor built a tower commemorating the Norse discoveries. He argued that Norumbega was a corruption by the Indians of the word _Norvegr_ a Norse form of "Norway." The abandonment of Vinland by the Norse settlers may be compared with that of Gosnold's expedition to the same region near the end of Queen Elizabeth's reign. Gosnold was sent to plant an English colony in America, after the failure of Sir Walter Raleigh's settlement at Roanoke (North Carolina); and the coast explored corresponded exactly to that which the Norse settlers had named Vinland, lying between the sites of Boston and New York. He gave the name Cape Cod to that promontory, and also named the islands Nantucket, Martha's Vineyard, and the Elizabeth group. Selecting one of these for settling a colony, he built on it a storehouse and fort. The scheme, however, failed, owing to the threats of the natives and the scarcity of supplies, and all the colonists sailed from Massachusetts, just as the Norse settlers had done many generations previously. The expedition of Gosnold to Vinland, however, bore good fruit, from the favorable report of the new country which he made at home. The merchants of Bristol fitted out two ships under Martin Pring, and in the first voyage a great part of Maine (lying north of Massachusetts) was explored, and the coast south to Martha's Vineyard, where Gosnold had been. This led to profitable traffic with the natives, and three years later Pring made a more complete survey of Maine. Vinland was also the scene of the famous landing of the Mayflower, bringing its Puritans from England. It was in Cape Cod Bay that she was first moored. After exploring the new country, just as Leif Erikson had done so many generations previously, they chose a place on the west side of the bay and named the little settlement "Plymouth," after the last English port from which they had sailed. Farther north, still in Vinland, they soon founded two other towns, "Salem" and "Boston." Those three settlements have ever since been important centers of energy and intelligence in Massachusetts, as well as memorials of the Norse occupation of Vinland. On the occasion of a public statue being erected in Boston, Mass., to the memory of Leif Erikson, a committee of the Massachusetts Historical Society formally decided thus: "It is antecedently probable that the Northmen discovered America in the early part of the eleventh century." Prof. Daniel Wilson, in his learned work Prehistoric Man (ii, 83, 85), thus gives his opinion as to the Norse colony: With all reasonable doubt as to the accuracy of details, there is the strongest probability in favor of the authenticity of the American Vinland. [Illustration: The Dighton Stone in the Taunton River, Massachusetts.] Of the Norse colonies in Greenland there are some undoubted remains, one being a stone inscription in _runes_, proving that it was made before the Reformation, when that mode of writing was forbidden by law. The stone is four miles beyond Upernavik. The inscription, according to Professor Rask, runs thus: Erling the son of Sigvat, and Enride Oddsoen, Had cleared the place and raised a mound On the Friday after Rogation-day; --date either 1135 or 1170. Rafn, the celebrated Danish archeologist, states as the result of many years' research, that America was repeatedly visited by the Icelanders in the eleventh, twelfth, and thirteenth centuries; that the estuary of the St. Lawrence was their chief station; that they had coasted southward to Carolina, everywhere introducing some Christian civilization among the natives. [Illustration: The Dighton Stone. Fig. 2.] A supposed rock memorial of the Norsemen is the Dighton Stone in the Taunton River, Massachusetts; one of its sentences, according to Professor Rafn, being: "Thorfinn with 151 Norse seafaring men took possession of this land." The figures and letters (whether runic or merely Indian) inscribed on the Dighton Rock have been copied by antiquaries at the following dates: 1680, 1712, 1730, 1768, 1788, 1807, 1812. The above illustration (Fig. 2) shows the last mentioned. There have been many probable traces of ancient Norsemen found in America, besides those already given. At Cape Cod, in the last generation, a number of hearth-stones were found under a layer of peat. A more famous relic was the skeleton dug up in Fall River, Mass., with an ornamental belt of metal tubes made from fragments of flat brass; there were also some arrow-heads of the same material. Longfellow, the New England poet, naturally had his attention directed to this discovery (made, 1831), and founded on it his ballad The Skeleton in Armor, connecting it with the Round Tower at Newport. The latter, according to Professor Rafn, "was erected decidedly not later than the twelfth century." I was a Viking old, My deeds, though manifold, No Skald in song has told No Saga taught thee!... Far in the Northern Land By the wild Baltic's strand I with my childish hand Tamed the ger-falcon. Oft to his frozen lair Tracked I the grisly bear, While from my path the hare Fled like a shadow. * * * * * Scarce had I put to sea Bearing the maid with me-- Fairest of all was she Among the Norsemen! Three weeks we westward bore, And when the storm was o'er, Cloud-like we saw the shore Stretching to leeward; There for my lady's bower, Built I this lofty tower Which to this very hour Stands looking seaward! Sir Clements Markham, of the Royal Geographical Society, believes that the Norse settlers in Greenland were driven from their settlements there by Eskimos coming, not from the interior of America, but from West Siberia along the polar regions, by Wrangell Land [_v._ Journal, R, G. S., 1865, and Arctic Geography, 1875]. There was much curiosity from the sixteenth to the nineteenth century as to the site of the lost colonies of Greenland which had so long flourished. In 1568 and 1579 the King of Denmark sent two expeditions, the latter in charge of an Englishman, but no traces were found. At the beginning of the eighteenth century some light was thrown upon the problem by a missionary called Egede, who first described the ruins and relics observable on the west coast. By the success of his preaching among the Greenlanders for fifteen years, assisted by other gospel missionaries, the Moravians were induced to found their settlements in the country, principally in the southwest. It seems probable that in early times the climate of Iceland was milder than it now is. Columbus, some fifteen years before his great voyage across the Atlantic, sailed to this northern "Thule," and reports that there was no ice. If so, it is surely possible that Greenland also may have been greener and more attractive than during the recent centuries. Why should it not at one time have been fully deserving of the name by which we still know it? Some would explain the change in climatic conditions by the closing in of icepacks. At present Greenland is buried deep under a vast, solid ice-cap from which only a few of the highest peaks protrude to show the position of the submerged mountains, but at former periods, according to geologists, there were gardens and farms flourishing under a genial climate. Others suppose that, were the ice removed, we should see an archipelago of elevated islands. 2. _Celtic Discovery of America._--We have already glanced at the fact that when the Norsemen first seized Iceland they found that island inhabited by Irish Celts. These Christianized Celts made way before the savage invaders, who did not accept the Catholic religion till about the close of the tenth century. Sailing south, those dispossessed Irish probably joined their brother Celts who had already long held a district on the eastern coast of North America, which some Norse skippers called "White Man's Land," and also _Irland-it-Mikla_ (i. e., "Mickle Ireland"). Professor Rafn places this district on the coast of Carolina. A learned memoir, published 1851, attempts to prove that the mysterious "mound-builders" of the Ohio Valley were of the same race as the settlers on Mickle Ireland, and related to the "white-bearded men" who established an extinct civilization in Mexico. A French antiquary, 1875, identified Mickle Ireland with Ontario and Quebec. Beauvois, in his Elysée trans-atlantique, derives the name Labrador from the _Innis Labrada_, an island mentioned in an ancient Irish romance.[3] Another Irish discoverer was St. Brandan,[4] Abbot of Cluainfert, Ireland (died May 16, 577), who was told that far in the ocean lay an island which was the land promised to the saints. St. Brandan set sail in company with seventy-five monks, and spent seven years upon the ocean in two voyages, discovering this island and many others equally marvelous, including one which turned out to be the back of a huge fish, upon which they celebrated Easter.[5] [Footnote 3: As to the Irish claim for the pre-Columbian discovery of America, see also Humboldt (Cosmos, ii, 607), and Laing (Heimsk., i, 186).] [Footnote 4: MS. Book of Lismore.] [Footnote 5: The story is given by Humboldt and D'Avezac.] Among the Celtic claimants for discovery we must also include the Welsh, who lay stress upon certain resemblances between their language and the dialects of the native Americans. A better argument is the historical account taken from their annals about the expedition of Prince Madoc, son of a Welsh chieftain, who sailed due west in the year 1170, after the rumor of the Norse discoveries had reached Britain. He landed on a vast and fertile continent where he settled 120 colonists. On his return to Wales he fitted out a second fleet of ten ships, but the annals give no report of the result. Several writers state that the place of landing was near the Gulf of Mexico: Hakluyt connecting the discovery with Mexico (1589) and again with the West Indies (edition of 1600). In the seventeenth century some authors wished to substantiate the story of Prince Madoc, in order that the British claim to America should antedate the Spanish claim through Columbus. Prince Madoc is, to most readers, only known by Southey's poem.[6] [Footnote 6: Some quotations from Southey's poem are given in Chapters V, VI.] 3. _Basque Discovery of America._--Who are the Basque people? A curious race of Spanish mountaineers, who have been as great a puzzle to ethnologists and historians as their language has been to philologists and scholars. We know, however, that in former times they were nearly all seamen, making long voyages to the north for whale and Newfoundland cod fishing. They have produced excellent navigators; and possibly preceded Columbus in discovering America. Sebastian, the lieutenant of Magellan, was one of the Basque race. Magellan did not live to complete his famous voyage, therefore Sebastian was the first actual circumnavigator of our globe. François Michel, in his work Le Pays Basque, says that the Basque sailors knew the coasts of Newfoundland a century before the time of Columbus; and that it was from one of these ocean mariners that he first learned the existence of a continent beyond the Atlantic. Other arguments are derived from comparing the peculiarities of the Basque tongue with those of the American dialects. Whitney, an American scholar, concludes that "No other dialect of the Old World so much resembles the American languages in structure as the Basque." 4. _Jewish Discovery of America._--There is one claim for the discovery of America, which, though quite improbable, if not impossible, has been upheld and sanctioned by many scholarly works in several languages. It is argued that the red Indians represent the ten "Lost Tribes" of the Hebrew people who had been deported to Assyria and Media (_v._ Extinct Civilizations of the East, p. 109). The theory was first started by some Spanish priest-missionaries, and has since been defended by many learned divines both in England and America, one leading argument being certain similarities in the languages. Catlin (_v._ Smithsonian Report, 1885) enumerates many analogies which he found among the Western Indians. The most authoritative statement is that of Lord Kingsborough in the well-known Mexican Antiquities (1830-'48), chiefly in Vol. VII. Some writers actually quote a statement made in the Mormon Bible! Leading New England divines, like Mayhew and Cotton Mather, espoused the cause with similar faith, as well as Roger Williams and William Penn. 5. _The Italian Discovery of America._--Not through Columbus the Genoese, or Amerigo Vespucci, the Florentine, although they were certainly Italians, but by two Venetians, Nicolo and Antonio Zeno. In A. D. 1380 or 1390 these brothers Zeni were shipwrecked in the North Atlantic, and, when staying in Frislanda, made the acquaintance of a sailor who, after twenty-six years' absence, had returned, giving them the following report: "Being driven west in a gale, he found an island with civilized inhabitants, who had Latin books, but could not speak Norse, and whose country was called Estotiland, while a region on the mainland, farther south, to which he had also gone, was called Drogeo. Here he had met with cannibals. Still farther south was a great country with towns and temples." The two brothers Zeni finally conveyed this account to another brother in Venice, together with a map of those distant regions, but these documents remained neglected till 1558, when a descendant compiled a book to embody the information, accompanied by a map, now famous as "the Zeno map." Humboldt, with reference to this map, remarks that it is singular that the name Frislanda should have been applied by Columbus to an island south of Iceland. Washington Irving (in his Life of Columbus) explains the book by a desire to appeal to the national pride of Italy, since, if true, the discovery of the brothers would antedate that of Columbus by a century. Malte-Brun, the distinguished geographer, distinctly accepted the Zeni narrative as true, and believed that it was by colonists from Greenland that the Latin books had reached Estotiland. Another strong advocate afterward appeared in Mr. Major, an official in the map department of the British Museum, who believed that much of the map in question represented genuine information of the fourteenth century, mixed with some spurious parts inserted by the younger Zeno. Mr. Major's paper on The Site of the Lost Colony of Greenland Determined, and the pre-Columbian Discoveries of America Confirmed, appeared in R. Geog. Soc. Journal, 1873; _v_. also Proc. Mass. Hist. Soc., 1874. Nordenskjöld also accepted the chief results of this Italian discovery, and as an arctic explorer of experience, his opinion carries weight. Mercator and Hugo Grotius were also believers in the Zeni account. CHAPTER II "DISCOVERY OF THE WORLD AND OF MAN" At the beginning of this book a reference was made to the great upheaval in European history called the "Renascence" (Fr. _renaissance_) or Revival of Learning. In 1453 the Turks took Constantinople, driving the Greek scholars to take refuge in Italy, which at once became the most civilized nation in Europe. Poetry, philosophy, and art thence found their way to France, England, and Germany, being greatly assisted by the invention of printing, which just then was beginning to make books cheaper than they ever had been. At the same time feudalism was ruined, because the invention of gunpowder had previously been changing the art of war. For example, the King of France, Louis XI, as well as the King of England, Henry VII, had entire disposal of the national artillery; and therefore overawed the barons and armored knights. Neither moated fortresses nor mail-clad warriors, nor archers with bows and arrows, could prevail against powder and shot. The middle ages had come to an end; modern Europe was being born. France had become concentrated by the union of the south to the north on the conclusion of the "Hundred Years' War," the final expulsion of the English, and the abolition of all the great feudatories of the kingdom. England, at the same time, had entirely swept away the rule of the barons by the recent "Wars of the Roses," and Henry had strengthened his position by alliance with France, Spain, and Scotland. Spain, by the expulsion of the Moors from Granada in A. D. 1492, was for the first time concentrated into one great state by the union of Isabella's Kingdom of Castile-Leon to Ferdinand's Kingdom of Aragon-Sicily. From the importance of the word _renaissance_ as indicating the "movement of transition from the medieval to the modern world," Matthew Arnold gave it the English form "renascence"--adopted by J. R. Green, Coleridge, and others. In Germany, this great revival of letters and learning was contemporaneous with the Reformation, which had long been preparing (e. g., in England since John Wyclif) and was specially assisted by the invention of printing, which we have just mentioned. The minds of men everywhere were expanded: "whatever works of history, science, morality, or entertainment seemed likely to instruct or amuse were printed and distributed among the people at large by printers and booksellers." Thus it was that, though the Turks never had any pretension to learning or culture, yet their action in the middle of the fifteenth century indirectly caused a marvelous tide of civilization to overflow all the western countries of Europe. Another result in the same age was the increase of navigation and exploration--the discovery of the world as well as of man. When the Turks became masters of the eastern shores of the Mediterranean, the European merchants were prevented from going to India and the East by the overland route, as had been done for generations. Thus, since geography was at this very time improved by the science of Copernicus and others, the natural inquiry was how to reach India by sea instead of going overland. Columbus, therefore, sailed due west to reach Asia, and stumbled upon a "New World" without knowing what he did; then Cabot, sailing from Bristol, sailed northwest to reach India, and stumbled upon the continent of America; and during the same reign (Henry VII) the Atlantic coast of both North and South America was visited by English, Portuguese, or Spanish navigators. The third expedition to reach India by sea was under De Gama. He set out in the same year as Cabot, sailing into the South Atlantic, and ultimately did find the west coast of India at Calicut, after rounding the cape. The mere enumeration of so many events, all of first-rate importance, proves that that half century (say from A. D. 1460 to 1520) must be called "an age of marvels," _sæclum mirabile_. The concurrence of so many epoch-making results gave a great impulse, not only to the study of literature, science, and art, but to the exploration of many unknown countries in America, Africa, and Asia, and the universal expansion of human knowledge generally. I.--We shall now consider the first of these discoverers, who was also the greatest. COLUMBUS, the Latinized form of the Italian Colombo, Spanish, Colon. This Genoese navigator must throughout all history be called the discoverer of America, notwithstanding all the work of smaller men. From his study of geographical books in several languages, Columbus had convinced himself that our planet is spherical or ball-shaped, not a flat, plane surface. Till then India had always been reached by traveling overland toward the rising sun. Why not sail westward from Europe over the ocean, and thus come to the eastern parts of Asia by traveling toward the setting sun? By doing so, since our world is ball-shaped, said Columbus, we must inevitably reach Zipango (i. e., "Japan") and Cathay (i. e., "China"), which are the most eastern parts of Asia. India then will be a mere detail. Judging from the accounts of Asia and its eastern islands given by Marco Polo, a Venetian, as well as from the maps sketched by Ptolemy, the Egyptian geographer, Columbus believed that the east coast of Asia was not so very far from the west coast of Europe. Columbus was confirmed in this opinion by a learned geographer of Florence, named Paul, and henceforward impatiently waited for an opportunity of testing the truth of his theory. He convinced himself, but could not convince any one else, that a westerly route to India was quite feasible. First he laid his plans before the authorities at Genoa, who had for generations traded with Asia by the overland journey, and ought therefore to have been glad to learn of this new alternative route, since the Turks were now playing havoc with the other; but no, they told Columbus that his idea was chimerical! Next he applied to the court of France. "Ridiculous!" was the reply, accompanied with a polite sneer. Next Columbus sent his scheme to Henry VII of England, a prince full of projects, but miserly. "Too expensive!" was the Tudor's reply, though presently, after the Spanish success, he became eager to despatch expeditions from Bristol under the Cabots. Then Columbus, by the advice of his brother, who had settled in Lisbon as a map-maker, approached King John, seeking patronage and assistance, pleading the foremost position of Portugal among the maritime states. The Portuguese neglected the golden opportunity, ocean navigation not being in their way as yet; their skippers preferred "to hug the African shore." At last Columbus gained the ear of Isabella, Queen of Castile; she believed in him and tried to get the assistance of her husband, Ferdinand, King of Aragon, in providing an outfit for the great expedition. Owing to Ferdinand's war in expelling the Moors from Granada, Columbus had still to wait several years. In a previous year, 1477, Columbus had sailed to the North Atlantic, perhaps in one of those Basque whalers already referred to, going "a hundred leagues beyond Thule." If that means Iceland, as is generally supposed, it seems most probable that, when conversing with the sailors there he must have heard how Leif, with his Norsemen, had discovered the American coasts of Newfoundland and Vinland some five centuries earlier, and how they had settled a colony on the new continent. Other writers have pointed out that Columbus could very well have heard of Vinland and the Northmen before leaving Genoa, since one of the Popes had sanctioned the appointment of a bishop over the new diocese. If so, the visit of Columbus to Iceland probably gave him confirmation as to the Norse discovery of the American continent. When at last King Ferdinand had taken Granada from the Moors, Columbus was put in command of three ships, with 120 men. He set sail from the port of Palos, in Andalusia, on a Friday, August 3, 1492, first steering to the Canary Islands, and then standing due west. In September, to the amazement of all on board, the compass was seen to "vary": an important scientific discovery--viz., that the magnetic needle does not always point to the pole-star. Some writers have imagined that the compass was for the first time utilized for a long journey by Columbus, but the occult power of the magnetic needle or "lodestone" had been known for ages before the fifteenth century. The ancient Persians and other "wise men of the East" used the lodestone as a talisman. Both the Mongolian and Caucasian races used it as an infallible guide in traveling across the mighty plains of Asia. The Cynosure in the Great Bear was the "guiding star," whether by sea or land; but when the heavens were wrapped in clouds, the magic stone or needle served to point exactly the position of the unseen star. What Columbus and his terrified crews discovered was the "variation of the compass," due to the fact that the magnetic needle points, not to the North Star, but to the "magnetic pole," a point in Canada to the west of Baffin's Bay and north of Hudson Bay. If Columbus had continued steering due west he would have landed on the continent of America in Florida; but before sighting that coast the course was changed to southwest, because some birds were seen flying in that direction. The first land reached was an island of the Bahama group, which he named _San Salvador_. As the Spanish boats rowed to shore they were welcomed by crowds of astonished natives, mostly naked, unless for a girdle of wrought cotton or plaited feathers. Hence the lines of Milton: Such of late Columbus found the American, so girt With feathered cincture, naked else and wild, Among the trees on isles and woody shores. The spot of landing was formerly identified by Washington Irving and Baron Humboldt with "Cat Island"; but from the latest investigation it is now believed to have been Watling's Island. Here he landed on a Friday, October 12, 1492. So little was then known of the geography of the Atlantic or of true longitude, that Columbus attributed these islands to the _east coast of Asia_. He therefore named them "Indian Islands," as if close to Hindustan, a blunder that has now been perpetuated for four hundred and ten years. The natives were called "Indians" for the same reasons. As the knowledge of geography advanced it became necessary to say "West Indies" or "East Indies" respectively, to distinguish American from Asiatic--"Indian corn" means American, but "Indian ink" means Asiatic, etc. Even after his fourth and last voyage Columbus believed that the continent, as well as the islands, was a portion of eastern Asia, and he died in that belief, without any suspicion of having discovered a New World. A curious confirmation of the opinion of Columbus has just been discovered (1894) in the Florence Library, by Dr. Wieser, of Innsbruck. It is the actual copy of a map by the Great Admiral, drawn roughly in a letter written from Jamaica, July, 1503. It shows that his belief as to the part of the world reached in his voyages was that it was the east coast of Asia. The chief discovery made by Columbus in his first voyage was the great island of Cuba, which he imagined to be part of a continent. Some of the Spaniards went inland for sixty miles and reported that they had reached a village of more than a thousand inhabitants, and that the corn used for food was called _maize_--probably the first instance of Europeans using a term which was afterward to become as familiar as "wheat" or "barley." The natives told Columbus that their gold ornaments came from _Cubakan_, meaning the interior of Cuba; but he, on hearing the syllable _kan_, immediately thought of the "Khan" mentioned by Marco Polo, and therefore imagined that "Cathay" (the China of that famous traveler) was close at hand. The simple-minded Cubans were amazed that the Spaniards had such a love for gold, and pointed eastward to another island, which they called _Hayti_, saying it was more plentiful there than in Cuba. Thus Columbus discovered the second in size of all the West Indian islands, Cuba being the first; he, after landing on it, called it "Hispaniola," or Little Spain. Hayti in a few years became the headquarters of the Spanish establishments in the New World, after its capital, San Domingo, had been built by Bartholomew Columbus. It was in this island that the Spaniards saw the first of the "caziques," or native princes, afterward so familiar during the conquest of Mexico; he was carried on the shoulders of four men, and courteously presented Columbus with some plates of gold. In a letter to the monarchs of Spain the admiral thus refers to the natives of Hayti: The people are so affectionate, so tractable, and so peaceable that I swear to your Highnesses there is not a better race of men, nor a better country in the world; ... their conversation is the sweetest and mildest in the world, and always accompanied with a smile. The king is served with great state, and his behavior is so decent that it is pleasant to see him. The admiral had previously described the Indians of Cuba as equally simple and friendly, telling how they had "honored the strangers as sacred beings allied to heaven." The pity of it, and the shame, is that those frank, unsuspicious, islanders had no notion or foresight of the cruel desolation which their gallant guests were presently to bring upon the native races--death, and torture, and extermination! A harbor in Cuba is thus described by Columbus in a letter to Ferdinand and Isabella: I discovered a river which a galley might easily enter.... I found from five to eight fathoms of water. Having proceeded a considerable way up the river, everything invited me to settle there. The beauty of the river, the clearness of the water, the multitude of palm-trees and an infinite number of other large and flourishing trees, the birds and the verdure of the plains, ... I am so much amazed at the sight of such beauty, that I know not how to describe it. Having lost his flag-ship, Columbus returned to Spain with the two small caravels that remained from his petty fleet of three, arriving in the port of Palos March 15, 1493. The reception of the successful explorer was a national event. He entered Barcelona to be presented at court with every circumstance of honor and triumph. Sitting in presence of the king and queen he related his wondrous tale, while his attendants showed the gold, the cotton, the parrots and other unknown birds, the curious arms and plants, and above all the nine "Indians" with their outlandish trappings--brought to be made Christians by baptism. Ferdinand and Isabella heaped honors upon the successful navigator; and in return he promised them the untold riches of Zipango and Cathay. A new fleet, larger and better equipped, was soon found for a second voyage. With his new ships, in 1498, Columbus again stood due west from the Canaries; and at last discovering an island with three mountain summits he named it Trinidad (i. e., "Trinity") without knowing that he was then coasting the great continent of South America. A few days later he and the crew were amazed by a tumult of waves caused by the fresh water of a great river meeting the sea. It was the "Oronooko," afterward called Orinoco; and from its volume Columbus and his shipmates concluded that it must drain part of a continent or a very large island. Where Orinoco in his pride, Rolls to the main no tribute tide, But 'gainst broad ocean urges far A rival sea of roaring war; While in ten thousand eddies driven The billows fling their foam to heaven, And the pale pilot seeks in vain, Where rolls the river, where the main. That was the first glimpse which they had of America proper, still imagining it was only a part of eastern Asia. In the following voyage, his last, Columbus coasted part of the Isthmus of Darien. It was not, however, explored till the visit of Balboa. [Illustration: Cipher autograph of Columbus. The interpretation of the cipher is probably: SERVATF Christus Maria Yosephus (Christoferens).] It was during his third voyage that the "Great Admiral" suffered the indignity at San Domingo of being thrown into chains and sent back to Spain. This was done by Bobadilla, an officer of the royal household, who had been sent out with full power to put down misrule. The monarchs of Spain set Columbus free; and soon afterward he was provided with four ships for his fourth voyage. Stormy weather wrecked this final expedition, and at last he was glad to arrive in Spain, November 7, 1504. He now felt that his work on earth was done, and died at Valladolid, May 20, 1506. After temporary interment there his body was transferred to the cathedral of San Domingo--whence, 1796, some remains were removed with imposing ceremonies to Havana. From later investigations it appears that the ashes of the Genoese discoverer are still in the tomb of San Domingo. It was in the cathedral of Seville, over his first tomb, that King Ferdinand is said to have honored the memory of the Great Admiral with a marble monument bearing the well-known epitaph: A CASTILLA Y ARAGON NUEVO MUNDO DIO COLON. or, "_To the united Kingdom of Castile-Aragon Columbus gave a New World_." After the death of Columbus, it seemed as if fate intended his family to enjoy the honors and rewards of which he had been so unjustly deprived. His son, Diego, wasted two years trying to obtain from King Ferdinand the offices of viceroy and admiral, which he had a right to claim in accordance with the arrangement formerly made with his father. At last Diego began a suit against Ferdinand before the council which managed Indian affairs. That court decided in favor of Diego's claim; and as he soon greatly improved his social position by marrying the niece of the Duke of Alva, a high nobleman, Diego received the appointment of governor (not viceroy), and went to Hayti, attended by his brother and uncles, as well as his wife and a large retinue. There Diego Columbus and his family lived, "with a splendor hitherto unknown in the New World." II.--Henry VII of England, after repenting that he had not secured the services of Columbus, commissioned John Cabot to sail from Bristol across the Atlantic in a northwesterly direction, with the hope of finding some passage there-abouts to India. In June, 1497, a new coast was sighted (probably Labrador or Newfoundland), and named _Prima Vista_. They coasted the continent southward, "ever with intent to find the passage to India," till they reached the peninsula now called Florida. On this important voyage was based the claim which the English kings afterward made for the possession of all the Atlantic coast of North America. King Henry wished colonists to settle in the new land, _tam viri quam feminæ_, but since, in his usual miserly character, he refused to give a single "testoon," or "groat" toward the enterprise, no colonies were formed till the days of Walter Raleigh, more than a century later. Sebastian Cabot, born in Bristol, 1477, was more renowned as a navigator than his father, John, and almost ranks with Columbus. After discovering Labrador or Newfoundland with his father, he sailed a second time with 300 men to form colonies, passing apparently into Hudson Bay. He wished to discover a channel leading to Hindustan, but the difficulties of icebergs and cold weather so frightened his crews that he was compelled to retrace his course. In another attempt at the northwest passage to Asia, he reached latitude 67-1/2° north, and "gave English names to sundry places in Hudson Bay." In 1526, when commanding a Spanish expedition from Seville, he sailed to Brazil, which had already been annexed to Portugal by Cabrera, explored the River La Plata and ascended part of the Paraguay, returning to Spain in 1531. After his return to England, King Edward VI had some interviews with Cabot, one topic being the "variation of the compass." He received a royal pension of 250 marks, and did special work in relation to trade and navigation. The great honor of Cabot is that he saw the American continent before Columbus or Amerigo Vespucci. III.--Of the great navigators of that unexampled age of discovery, as Spain was honored by Columbus and England by Cabot, so Portugal was honored by De Gama. Vasco de Gama, the greatest of Portuguese navigators, left Lisbon in 1497 to explore the unknown world lying east of the Cape of Good Hope, arriving at Calicut, May, 1498. Before that, Diaz had actually rounded the cape, but seems to have done so merely before a high gale. He named it "the stormy Cape." Cabrera, or Cabral, was another great explorer sent from Portugal to follow in the route of De Gama; but being forced into a southwesterly route by currents in the south Atlantic, he landed on the continent of America, and annexed the new country to Portugal under the name of Brazil. Cabrera afterward drew up the first commercial treaty between Portugal and India. IV.--Magellan, scarcely inferior to Columbus, brought honor as a navigator both to Portugal and Spain. For the latter country, when in the service of Charles V, he revived the idea of Columbus that we may sail to Asia or the Spice Islands by sailing _west_. With a squadron of five ships, 236 men, he sailed, in 1519, to Brazil and convinced himself that the great estuary was not a strait. Sailing south along the American coast, he discovered the strait that bears his name, and through it entered the Pacific, then first sailed upon by Europeans, though already seen by Balboa and his men "upon a peak in Darien"--as Keats puts it in his famous sonnet.[7] From the continuous fine weather enjoyed for some months, Magellan naturally named the new sea "the Pacific." After touching at the Ladrones and the Philippines, Magellan was killed in a fight with the inhabitants of Matan, a small island. Sebastian, his Basque lieutenant (mentioned in Chapter I) then successfully completed the circumnavigation of the world, sailing first to the Moluccas and thence to Spain. [Footnote 7: The poet, however, makes the clerical blunder of writing Cortez for Balboa.] V.--Of all the world-famous navigators contemporary with Colon, the Genoese, there remains only one deserving of our notice, and that because his name is for all time perpetuated in that of the New World. Amerigo (Latin _Americus_) Vespucci, born at Florence, 1451, had commercial occupation in Cadiz, and was employed by the Spanish Government. He has been charged with a fraudulent attempt to usurp the honor due to Columbus, but Humboldt and others have defended him, after a minute examination of the evidence. In a book published in 1507 by a German, _Waldseemüller_, the author happens to say: And the fourth part of the world having been discovered by Americus, it may be called Amerige, that is the land of Americus, or _America_. Vespucci never called himself the discoverer of the new continent; as a mere subordinate he could not think of such a thing. As a matter of fact, he and Columbus were always on friendly terms, attached, and trusted. Humboldt explains the blunder of Waldseemüller and others by the general ignorance of the history of how America was discovered, since for some years it was jealously guarded as a "state secret." Humboldt curiously adds that the "musical sound of the name caught the public ear," and thus the blunder has been universally perpetuated: _statque stabitque in omne volubilis ævum_. Another reason for the universal renown of Amerigo was that his book was the first that told of the new "Western World"; and was therefore eagerly read in all parts of Europe. Cuba, though the largest of the West Indian islands, and second to be discovered, was not colonized till after the death of Columbus. Thus for more than three centuries and a half, as "Queen of the Antilles" and "Pearl of the Antilles," Cuba has been noted as a chief colonial possession of Spain, till recent events brought it under the power of the United States. The conquest of the island was undertaken by Velasquez, who, after accompanying the great admiral in his second voyage, had settled in Hispaniola (or Hayti) and acquired a large fortune there. He had little difficulty in the annexation of Cuba, because the natives, like those of Hispaniola, were of a peaceful character, easily imposed upon by the invaders. The only difficulty Velasquez had was in the eastern part of the island, where Hatuey, a cazique or native chief, who had fled there from Hispaniola, made preparations to resist the Spaniards. When defeated, he was cruelly condemned by Velasquez to be burned to death, as a "slave who had taken arms against his master." The scene at Hatuey's execution is well known: When fastened to the stake, a Franciscan friar promised him immediate admittance into the joys of heaven, if he would embrace the Christian faith. "Are there any Spaniards," says he, after some pause, "in that region of bliss which you describe?" "Yes," replied the monk, "but only such as are worthy and good." "The best of them have neither worth nor goodness: I will not go to a place where I may meet with one of that accursed race." Being thus annexed in 1511, by the middle of the century all the native Indians of Cuba had become extinct. In the following century this large and fertile island suffered severely by the buccaneers, but during the eighteenth century it prospered. During the nineteenth century, the United States Government had often been urged to obtain possession of it; for example, the sum of one hundred million dollars was offered in 1848 by President Polk. Slavery was at last abolished absolutely in 1886. In recent years Spain, by ceding Cuba and the Philippines to the United States and the Carolines to Germany, has brought her colonial history to a close. Two other important events occurred when Velasquez was Governor of Cuba: first, the escape of Balboa from Hispaniola, to become afterward Governor of Darien; and, second, the expedition under Cordova to explore that part of the continent of America which lies nearest to Cuba. This expedition of 110 men, in three small ships, led to the discovery of that large peninsula now known as Yucatan. Cordova imagined it to be an island. The natives were not naked, like those of the West Indian islands, but wore cotton clothes, and some had ornaments of gold. In the towns, which contained large stone houses, and country generally, there were many proofs of a somewhat advanced civilization. The natives, however, were much more warlike than the simple islanders of Cuba and Hispaniola; and Cordova, in fact, was glad to return from Yucatan. Velasquez, on hearing the report of Cordova, at once fitted out four vessels to explore the newly discovered country, and despatched them under command of his nephew, Grijalva. Everywhere were found proofs of civilization, especially in architecture. The whole district, in fact, abounds in prehistoric remains. From a friendly chief Grijalva received a sort of coat of mail covered with gold plates; and on meeting the ruler of the province he exchanged some toys and trinkets, such as glass beads, pins, scissors, for a rich treasure of jewels, gold ornaments and vessels. Grijalva was therefore the first European to step on the Aztec soil and open an intercourse with the natives. Velasquez, the Governor, at once prepared a larger expedition, choosing as leader or commander an officer who was destined henceforth to fill a much larger place in history than himself, one who presently appeared capable of becoming a general in the foremost rank, Hernando Cortés, greatest of all Spanish explorers. CHAPTER III THE EXTINCT CIVILIZATION OF THE AZTECS In the Extinct Civilizations of the East it was shown that the cosmogony of the Chaldeans closely resembles that of the Hebrews and the Phenicians, and that the account of the deluge in Genesis exactly reproduces the much earlier one found on one of the Babylonian tablets. Traces of a deluge legend also existed among the early Aztecs. They believed that two persons survived the Deluge, a man named Koksoz and his wife. Their heads are represented in ancient paintings together with a boat floating on the waters at the foot of a mountain. A dove is also depicted, with a hieroglyphical emblem of languages in his mouth.... Tezpi, the Noah of a neighboring people, also escaped in a boat, which was filled with various kinds of animals and birds. After some time a vulture was sent out from it, but remained feeding on the dead bodies of the giants, which had been left on the earth as the waters subsided. The little humming-bird was then sent forth and returned with the branch of a tree in its mouth. Another Aztec tradition of the deluge is that the pyramidal mound, the temple of Cholula (a sacred city on the way between the capital and the seaport), was built by the giants to escape drowning. Like the tower of Babel, it was intended to reach the clouds, till the gods looked down and, by destroying the pyramid by fires from heaven, compelled the builders to abandon the attempt. The hieroglyphics used in the Aztec calendar correspond curiously with the zodiacal signs of the Mongols of eastern Asia. "The symbols in the Mongolian calendar are borrowed from animals, and four of the twelve are the same as the Aztec." The antiquity of most of the monuments is proved--e. g., by the growth of trees in the midst of the buildings in Yucatan. Many have had time to attain a diameter of from six to nine feet. In a courtyard at Uxmal, the figures of tortoises sculptured in relief upon the granite pavement are so worn away by the feet of countless generations of the natives that the design of the artist is scarcely recognizable. The Spanish invaders demolished every vestige of the Aztec religious monuments, just as Roman Catholic images and paraphernalia were once treated by the "straitest sects" of Protestants, or even Mohammedans. The beautiful plateau around the lakes of Mexico, as well as other central portions of America, were without any doubt occupied from the earliest ages by peoples who gradually advanced in civilization from generation to generation and passed through cycles of revolutions--in one century relapsing, in another advancing by leaps and bounds by an infusion of new blood or a change of environment--exactly similar to the checkered annals of the successive dynasties in the Nile Valley and the plains of Babylonia. In the New World, as in the Old World, from prehistoric times wealth was accumulated at such centers, bringing additional comfort and refinement, and implying the practise of the useful arts and some applications of science. As to the legendary migrations or even those extinct races whose names still remain, Max Müller said:[8] [Footnote 8: Chips from a German Workshop, i, 327.] The traditions are no better than the Greek traditions about Pelasgians, Æolians, and Ionians, and it would be a mere waste of time to construct out of such elements a systematic history, only to be destroyed again sooner or later, by some Niebuhr, Grote, or Lewis. _Anahuac_ (i. e., "waterside" or "the lake-country"), in the early centuries of our era, was a name of the country round the lakes and town afterward called Mexico. To this center, as a place for settlement, there came from the north or northwest a succession of tribes more or less allied in race and language--especially (according to one theory) the _Toltecs_ from Tula, and the _Aztecs_ from Aztlan. Tula, north of the Mexican Valley, had been the first capital of the Toltecs, and at the time of the Spanish conquest there were remains of large buildings there. Most of the extensive temples and other edifices found throughout "New Spain" were attributed to this race and the word "toltek" became synonymous with "architect." Some five centuries after the Toltecs had abandoned Tula, the Aztecs or early Mexicans arrived to settle in the Valley of Anahuac. With the Aztecs came the Tezcucans, whose capital, Tezcuco, on the eastern border of the Mexican lake, has given it its still surviving name. The Aztecs, again, after long migrations from place to place, finally, in A. D. 1325, halted on the southwestern shores of the great lake. According to tradition, a heavenly vision thus announced the site of their future capital: They beheld perched on the stem of a prickly-pear, which shot out from the crevice of a rock washed by the waves, a royal eagle of extraordinary size and beauty, with a serpent in its talons, and its broad wings opened to the rising sun. They hailed the auspicious omen, announced by an oracle as indicating the sight of their future city, and laid its foundations by sinking piles into the shallows; for the low marshes were half buried under water.... The place was called Tenochtitlan (i. e. "the cactus on a rock") in token of its miraculous origin. [Such were the humble beginnings of the Venice of the Western World.][9] [Footnote 9: Prescott, i, I, pp. 8, 9.] To this day the arms of the Mexican republic show the device of the eagle and the cactus--to commemorate the legend of the foundation of the capital--afterward called Mexico from the name of their war-god. Fiercer and more warlike than their brethren of Tezcuco, the men of the latter town were glad of their assistance, when invaded and defeated by a hostile tribe. Thus Mexico and Tezcuco became close allies, and by the time of Montezuma I, in the middle of the fifteenth century, their sovereignty had extended beyond their native plateau to the coast country along the Gulf of Mexico. The capital rapidly increased in population, the original houses being replaced by substantial stone buildings. There are documents showing that Tenochtitlan was of much larger dimensions than the modern capital of Mexico, on the same site. Just before the arrival of the Spaniards, at the beginning of the sixteenth century, the kingdom extended from the gulf across to the Pacific; and southward under the ruthless Ahuitzotl over the whole of Guatemala and Nicaragua. The Aztecs resembled the ancient Peruvians in very few respects, one being the use of knots on strings of different colors to record events and numbers. Compare our account of "the quipu" in Chapter X. The Aztecs seem to have replaced that rude method of making memoranda during the seventh century by picture-writing. Before the Spanish invasion, thousands of native clerks or chroniclers were employed in painting on vegetable paper and canvas. Examples of such manuscripts may still be seen in all the great museums. Their contents chiefly refer to ritual, astrology, the calendar, annals of the kings, etc. Most of the literary productions of the ancient Mexicans were stupidly destroyed by the Spanish under Cortés. The first Archbishop of Mexico founded a professorship in 1553 for expounding the hieroglyphs of the Aztecs, but in the following century the study was abandoned. Even the native-born scholars confessed that they were unable to decipher the ancient writing. One of the most ancient books (assigned to Tula, the "Toltec" capital, A. D. 660, and written by Huetmatzin, an astrologer), describes the heavens and the earth, the stars in their constellations, the arrangement of time in the official calendar, with some geography, mythology, and cosmogony. In the fifteenth century the King of Tezcuco published sixty hymns in honor of the Supreme Being, with an elegy on the destruction of a town, and another on the instability of human greatness. In the same century the three Anahuac states (Acolhua, Mexico, and Tlacopan) formed a confederacy with a constant tendency to give Mexico the supremacy. The two capitals looking at each other across the lake were steadily growing in importance, with all the adjuncts of public works--causeways, canals, aqueducts, temples, palaces, gardens, and other evidences of wealth. The horror and disgust caused by the Aztec sacrificial bloodshed are greatly increased by considering the number of the victims. The kings actually made war in order to provide as many victims as possible for the public sacrifices--especially on such an occasion as a coronation or the consecration of a new temple. Captives were sometimes reserved a considerable time for the purpose of immolation. It was the regular method of the Aztec warrior in battle not to kill one's opponent if he could be made a captive; to take him alive was a meritorious act in religion. In fact, the Spaniards in this way frequently escaped death at the hands of their Mexican opponents. When King Montezuma was asked by a European general why he had permitted the republic of Tlascala to remain independent on the borders of his kingdom, his reply was, "That she might furnish me with victims for my gods." In reckoning the number of victims Prescott seems to have trusted too implicitly to the almost incredible accounts of the Spanish. Zumurraga, the first Bishop of Mexico, asserts that 20,000 were sacrificed annually, but Casas points out that with such a "waste of the human species," as is implied in some histories, the country could not have been so populous as Cortés found it. The estimate of Casas is "that the Mexicans never sacrificed more than fifty or a hundred persons in a year." Notwithstanding the wholesale bloodshed before the shrines of their gory gods, we can still assign to the Aztecs a high degree of civilization. The history of even modern Europe will illustrate this statement, although apparently paradoxical. Consider "the condition of some of the most polished countries in the sixteenth century after the establishment of the modern Inquisition--an institution which yearly destroyed its thousands by a death more painful than the Aztec sacrifices, ... which did more to stay the march of improvement than any other scheme ever devised by human cunning.... Human sacrifice was sometimes voluntarily embraced by the Aztecs as the most glorious death, and one that opened a sure passage into paradise. The Inquisition, on the other hand, branded its victims with infamy in this world, and consigned them to everlasting perdition in the next." The difficulty with the Aztecs is how to reconcile such refinement as their extinct civilization showed with their savage enjoyment of bloodshed. "No captive was ever ransomed or spared; all were sacrificed without mercy, and their flesh devoured." The first of the four chief counselors of the empire was called the "Prince of the Deadly Lance," the second "Divider of Men," the third "Shedder of Blood," the fourth "the Lord of the Dark House." The temples were very numerous, generally merely pyramidal masses of clay faced with brick or stone. The roof was a broad area on which stood one or two towers, from forty to fifty feet in height, forming the sanctuaries of the presiding deities, and therefore containing their images. Before these sanctuaries stood the dreadful stone of sacrifice. There were also two altars with sacred fires kept ever burning. All the religious services were public, and the pyramidal temples, with stairs round their massive sides, allowed the long procession of priests to be visible as they ceremoniously ascended to perform the dread office of slaughtering the human victims. Human sacrifices had not originally been a feature of the Aztec worship. But about 200 years before the arrival of the Spanish invaders was the beginning of this religious atrocity, and at last no public festival was considered complete without some human bloodshed. Prescott takes as an example the great festival in honor of Tezcatlipoca, a handsome god of the second rank, called "the soul of the world," and endowed with perpetual youth. A year before the intended sacrifice, a captive, distinguished for his personal beauty and without a blemish on his body, was selected.... Tutors took charge of him and instructed him how to perform his new part with becoming grace and dignity. He was arrayed in a splendid dress, regaled with incense and with a profusion of sweet-scented flowers.... When he went abroad he was attended by a train of the royal pages, and as he halted in the streets to play some favorite melody, the crowd prostrated themselves before him, and did him homage as the representative of their good deity.... Four beautiful girls, bearing the names of the principal goddesses, were selected, and with them he continued to live idly, feasted at the banquets of the principal nobles, who paid him all the honors of a divinity. When at length the fatal day of sacrifice arrived, ... stripped of his gaudy apparel, one of the royal barges transported him across a lake to a temple which rose on its margin.... Hither the inhabitants of the capital flocked to witness the consummation of the ceremony. As the sad procession wound up the sides of the pyramid, the unhappy victim threw away his gay chaplets of flowers and broke in pieces his musical instruments. ... On the summit he was received by six priests, whose long and matted locks flowed in disorder over their sable robes, covered with hieroglyphic scrolls of mystic import. They led him to the sacrificial stone, a huge block of jasper, with its upper surface somewhat convex. On this the victim was stretched. Five priests secured his head and limbs, while the sixth, clad in a scarlet mantle, emblematic of his bloody office, dexterously opened the breast of the wretched victim with a sharp razor of _itzli_, and inserting his hand in the wound, tore out the palpitating heart, and after holding it up to the sun (as representing the supreme God), cast it at the feet of the deity to whom the temple was devoted, while the multitudes below prostrated themselves in humble adoration. Such was an instance of the human sacrifices for which ancient Mexico became infamous to the whole civilized world. One instance of a sacrifice differing from the ordinary sort is thus given by a Spanish historian: A captive of distinction was sometimes furnished with arms for single combat against a number of Mexicans in succession. If he defeated them all, as did occasionally happen, he was allowed to escape. If vanquished he was dragged to the block and sacrificed in the usual manner. The combat was fought on a huge circular stone before the population of the capital. Women captives were occasionally sacrificed before those bloodthirsty gods, and in a season of drought even children were sometimes slaughtered to propitiate Tlaloc, the god of rain. Borne along in open litters, dressed in their festal robes and decked with the fresh blossoms of spring, they moved the hardest hearts to pity, though their cries were drowned in the wild chant of the priests who read in their tears a favorable augury for the rain prayer. One Spanish historian informs us that these innocent victims of this repulsive religion were generally bought by the priests from parents who were poor. We may now resume the traditional settlement of the ancient Mexicans on the region called Anahuac, including all the fertile plateau and extending south to the lake of Nicaragua. The chief tribes of the race were said to have come from California, and after being subject to the Colhua people asserted their independence about A. D. 1325. Soon afterward, their first capital, Tenochtitlan, was built on the site of Mexico, their permanent center. For several generations they lived, like their remote ancestors, the Red Men of the Woods, as hunters, fishers, and trappers, but at last their prince or chief cazique was powerful enough to be called king. The rule of this Aztec prince, beginning A. D. 1440, marked the beginning of their greatness as a race. It became a rule of their kingdom that every new king must gain a victory before being crowned; and thus by the conquest of a new nation furnish a supply of captives to gratify their tutelary deity by the necessary human sacrifices. In 1502 the younger Montezuma ascended the throne. He is better known to us than the previous kings, because it was in his reign that the Spanish conquerors appeared on the scene. From the time of Cortés the history of the Aztecs becomes part of that of the Mexicans. They were easily conquered by the European troops, partly because of their betrayal by various of the neighboring nations whom they had formerly conquered. At the beginning of the sixteenth century, according to Prescott, the Aztec king ruled the continent from the Atlantic to the Pacific. From the scientific side of their extinct civilization it is their knowledge of astronomy that chiefly causes astonishment (see also p. 85). As in the case of the Chaldeans and Babylonians, a motive for the study of the stars and planets was the priestly one of accurately fixing the religious festivals. The tropical year being thus ascertained, their tables showed the exact time of the equinox or sun's transit across the equatorial, and of the solstice. From a very early period they had practised agriculture, growing Indian corn and "Mexican aloe." Having no animals of draft, such as the horse, or ox, their farming was naturally of a rude and imperfect sort. "The degree of civilization," says Prescott, "which the Aztecs reached, as inferred by their political institutions, may be considered, perhaps, not much short of that enjoyed by our Saxon ancestors under Alfred." In a passage comparing the Aztecs to the American Indians, we read: The latter has something peculiarly sensitive in his nature. He shrinks instinctively from the rude touch of a foreign hand. Even when this foreign influence comes in the form of civilization he seems to sink and pine away beneath it. It has been so with the Mexicans. Under the Spanish domination their numbers have silently melted away. Their energies are broken. They no longer tread their mountain plains with the conscious independence of their ancestors. In their faltering step and meek and melancholy aspect we read the sad characters of the conquered race.... Their civilization was of the hardy character which belongs to the wilderness. The fierce virtues of the Aztec were all his own. Humboldt found some analogy between the Aztec theory of the universe, as taught by the priests, and the Asiatic "cosmogonies." The Aztecs, in explaining the great mystery of man's existence after death, believed that future time would revolve in great periods or cycles, each embracing thousands of years. At the end of each of the four cycles of future time in the present world, "the human family will be swept from the earth by the agency of one of the elements, and the sun blotted out from the heavens to be again rekindled." The priesthood comprised a large number who were skilled in astrology and divination. The great temple of Mexico, alone, had 5,000 priests in attendance, of whom the chief dignitaries superintended the dreadful rites of human sacrifice. Others had management of the singing choirs with their musical accompaniment of drums and other instruments; others arranged the public festivals according to the calendar, and had charge of the hieroglyphical word-painting and oral traditions. One important section of the priesthood were teachers, responsible for the education of the children and instruction in religion and morality. The head management of the hierarchy or whole ecclesiastical system, was under two high priests--the more dignified that they were chosen by the king and principal nobles without reference to birth or social station. These high priests were consulted on any national emergency, and in precedency of rank were superior to every man except the king. Montezuma is said to have been a priest. The priestly power was more absolute than any ever experienced in Europe. Two remarkable peculiarities were that when a sinner was pardoned by a priest, the certificate afterward saved the culprit from being legally punished for any offense; secondly, there could be no pardon for an offense once atoned for if the offense were repeated. "Long after the conquest, the simple natives when they came under the arm of the law, sought to escape by producing the certificate of their former confession." (Prescott, i, 33.) The prayer of the priest-confessor, as reported by a Spanish historian, is very remarkable: "O, merciful Lord, thou who knowest the secrets of all hearts, let thy forgiveness and favor descend, like the pure waters of heaven, to wash away the stains from the soul. Thou knowest that this poor man has sinned, _not from his own free will_, but from the influence of the sign under which he was born...." After enjoining on the penitent a variety of minute ceremonies by way of penance, the confessor urges the necessity of instantly procuring a slave for sacrifice to the Deity. In the schools under the clergy the boys were taught by priests and the girls by priestesses. There was a higher school for instruction in tradition and history, the mysteries of hieroglyphs, the principles of government, and certain branches of astronomical and natural science. In the education of their children the Mexican community were very strict, but from a letter preserved by one of the Spanish historians, we can not doubt the womanly affection of a mother who thus wrote to her daughter: My beloved daughter, very dear little dove, you have already heard and attended to the words which your father has told you. They are precious words, which have proceeded from the bowels and heart in which they were treasured up; and your beloved father well knows that you, his daughter, begotten of him, are his blood and his flesh; and God our Lord knows that it is so. Although you are a woman, and are the image of your father, what more can I say to you than has already been said?... My dear daughter, whom I tenderly love, see that you live in the world in peace, tranquillity, and contentment--see that you disgrace not yourself, that you stain not your honor, nor pollute the luster and fame of your ancestors.... May God prosper you, my first-born, and may you come to God, who is in every place.[10] [Footnote 10: Sahagun, Hist. de Nueva España, vi, 19.] Some trace of a "natural piety," which will probably surprise our readers, is also found in the ceremony of Aztec baptism, as described by the same writer. After the head and lips of the infant were touched with water and a name given to it, the goddess Cioacoatl was implored "that the sin which was given to us before the beginning of the world might not visit the child, but that, cleansed by these waters, it might live and be born anew." In Sahagun's account we read: When all the relations of the child were assembled, the midwife, who was the person that performed the rite of baptism, was summoned. When the sun had risen, the midwife, taking the child in her arms, called for a little earthen vessel of water.... To perform the rite, she placed herself _with her face toward the west_, and began to go through certain ceremonies.... After this she sprinkled water on the head of the infant, saying, "O my child! receive the water of the Lord of the world, which is our life, and is given for the increasing and renewing of our body. It is to wash and to purify." ... [After a prayer] she took the child in both hands, and lifting him toward heaven said, "O Lord, thou seest here thy creature whom thou hast sent into this world, this place of sorrow, suffering, and penitence. Grant him, O Lord, thy gifts and thine inspiration." The science of the Aztecs has excited the wonder of all competent judges, such as Humboldt (already quoted) and the astronomer La Place. Lord Kingsborough remarks in his great work: It can hardly be doubted that the Mexicans were acquainted with many scientifical instruments of strange invention;... whether the telescope may not have been of the number is uncertain; but the thirteenth plate of M. Dupaix's Monuments, which represents a man holding something of a similar nature to his eye, affords reason to suppose that they knew how to improve the powers of vision. References to the calendar of the Aztecs should not omit the secular festival occurring at the end of their great cycle of fifty-two years. From the length of the period, two generations, one might compare it with the "jubilee" of ancient Israel--a word made familiar toward the close of Queen Victoria's reign. The great event always took place at midwinter, the most dreary period of the year, and when the five intercalary days arrived they "abandoned themselves to despair," breaking up the images of the gods, allowing the holy fires of the temples to go out, lighting none in their homes, destroying their furniture and domestic utensils, and tearing their clothes to rags. This disorder and gloom signified that figuratively the end of the world was at hand. On the evening of the last day, a procession of priests, assuming the dress and ornaments of their gods, moved from the capital toward a lofty mountain, about two leagues distant. They carried with them a noble victim, the flower of their captives, and an apparatus for kindling the _new fire_, the success of which was an augury of the renewal of the cycle. On the summit of the mountain, the procession paused till midnight, when, as the constellation of the Pleiades[11] approached the zenith, the new fire was kindled by the friction of some sticks placed on the breast of the victim. The flame was soon communicated to a funeral-pyre on which the body of the slaughtered captive was thrown. As the light streamed up toward heaven, shouts of joy and triumph burst forth from the countless multitudes who covered the hills, the terraces of the temples, and the housetops.... Couriers, with torches lighted at the blazing beacon, rapidly bore them over every part of the country.... A new cycle had commenced its march. The following thirteen days were given up to festivity. ... The people, dressed in their gayest apparel, and crowned with garlands and chaplets of flowers, thronged in joyous procession to offer up their oblations and thanksgivings in the temples. Dances and games were instituted emblematical of the regeneration of the world. [Footnote 11: A famous group of seven small stars in the Bull constellation. The "seven sisters" appear as only _six_ to ordinary eyesight: to make out the seventh is a test of a practised eye and excellent vision.] Prescott compares this carnival of the Aztecs to the great secular festival of the Romans or ancient Etruscans, which (as Suetonius remarked) "few alive had witnessed before, or could expect to witness again." The _ludi sæculares_ or secular games of Rome were held only at very long intervals and lasted for three days and nights. The poet Southey thus refers to the ceremony of opening the new Aztec cycle, or Circle of the Years. On his bare breast the cedar boughs are laid, On his bare breast, dry sedge and odorous gums, Laid ready to receive the sacred spark, And blaze, to herald the ascending sun, Upon his living altar. Round the wretch The inhuman ministers of rites accurst Stand, and expect the signal when to strike The seed of fire. Their Chief, apart from all, ... eastward turns his eyes; For now the hour draws nigh, and speedily He look's to see the first faint dawn of day Break through the orient sky. _Madoc_, ii, 26. CHAPTER IV AMERICAN ARCHEOLOGY Long before the time of Columbus and the Spanish conquest there existed on the table-land of Mexico two great races or nations, as has already been shown, both highly civilized, and both akin in language, art, and religion. Ethnologists and antiquaries are not agreed as to their origin or the development of their civilization. Many recent critics have held the theory that there had been a previous people from whom both races inherited their extinct civilization, this previous race being the "Toltecs," whom we have repeatedly mentioned in the preceding chapter. To that previous race some attribute the colossal stonework around Lake Titicaca, as well as other survivals of long-forgotten culture. Some would even class them with the "mound-builders" of the Ohio Valley. Other recent antiquaries, however, while fully admitting the Aztec-Tescucan civilization to be real and historical, treat the Toltec theory as partly or entirely mythical. One writer alleges, after the manner of Max Müller, that the Toltecs are "simply a personification of the rays of light" radiating from the Aztec sun-god. Leaving abstract theories, we shall devote this chapter to the principal facts of American archeology--especially as regards the races and the monuments of their long extinct civilizations. Throughout many parts of both North and South America, and over large areas, the red-skinned natives continued their generations as their ancestors had done through untold centuries, scarcely rising above the state of rude, uncultured sons of the soil living as hunters, trappers, fishers, as had been done immemorially When wild in woods the noble savage ran, as Dryden puts it. But in Mexico, Yucatan, and Central America, Colombia, and Peru there were men of the original redskin race who had distinctly attained to civilization for unknown generations before the time of Columbus. Not only so, but in many centers of wealth and population the process of social improvement and advance had been continuous for unrecorded ages; and in certain cases a long extinct civilization had over-laid a previous civilization still more remotely extinct. Some works constructed for supplying water, for example, could only have been applied to that purpose when the climate or geological conditions were quite different from what they have always been in historical times! Who is the red man? Compared in numbers with the yellow man, the white man, or even the black, he is very unimportant, being only one-tenth as great as the African race.[12] In American ethnology, however, the red man is all-important. Primeval men of this race undoubtedly formed the original stock whence during the centuries were derived all the numerous tribes of "Indians" found in either North or South America. Throughout Asia and Africa there is great diversity in type among the races that are indigenous; but as to America, to quote Humboldt: [Footnote 12: White or Caucasian 640,000,000, yellow or Mongolian 600,000,000, black or African 200,000,000, red or American 20,000,000.] The Indians of New Spain [i. e., Mexico] bear a general resemblance to those who inhabit Canada, Florida, Peru, and Brazil. We have the same swarthy and copper color, straight and smooth hair, small beard, squat body, long eye, with the corner directed upward toward the temples, prominent cheek-bones, thick lips, and expression of gentleness in the mouth, strongly contrasted with a gloomy and severe look. Whence the original red men of America were derived it is impossible to say. The date is too remote and the data too few. From fossil remains of human bones, Agassiz estimated a period of at least ten thousand years; and near New Orleans, beneath four buried forests, a skeleton was found which was possibly fifty thousand years old. If, therefore, the redskins branched off from the yellow man, it must have been at a period which lies utterly beyond historic ken or calculation. Some recent ethnologists have borrowed the "glacier theory" from the science of geology, in order to trace the development of civilization among certain races. In Switzerland and Greenland the signs of the action of a glacier can be traced and recognized just as we trace the proofs of the action of water in a dry channel. Visit the front of a glacier in autumn after the summer heat has made it shrink back, you will see (1) rounded rocks, as if planed on the top, with (2) a mixed mass of stones and gravel like a rubbish-heap, scattered on (3) a mass of clay and sand, containing boulders. The same three tests are frequently found in countries where there have been no glaciers within the memory of man. Such traces, found not only in England, Scotland, and Ireland, but in northern Germany and Denmark, prove that the mountain mass of Scandinavia was the nucleus of a huge ice-cap "radiating to a distance of not less than 1,000 miles, and thick enough to block up with solid ice the North Sea, the German Ocean, the Baltic, and even the Atlantic up to the 100-fathom line." In North America the same thing is proved by similar evidence. A gigantic ice-cap extending from Canada has glaciated all the minor mountain ranges to the south, sweeping over the whole continent. The drift and boulders still remain to prove the fact, as far south as only 15° north of the tropic. A warm oceanic current, like the Gulf Stream of the Atlantic, would shorten a glacial period. Speaking of Scotland, one authority states that "if the Gulf Stream were diverted and the Highlands upheaved to the height of the New Zealand Alps, the whole country would again be buried under glaciers pushing out into the seas" on the west and east. The theory is that as the climate became warmer, the ice-fronts retreated northward by the shrinking of the glaciers, and therefore the animals, including man, were able to live farther north. The men of that very remote period were "Neolithic," and some of the stone monuments are attributed to them that were formerly called "Druidic." A recent writer asks; with reference to Stonehenge: Did Neolithic men slowly coming northward, as the rigors of the last glacial period abated, domicile here, and build this huge gaunt temple before they passed farther north, to degrade and dwindle down into Eskimos wandering the dismal coasts of arctic seas? Another writer, with reference to the American ice-sheet, says: During the second glacial epoch when the great boreal ice-sheet covered one-half of the North American continent, reaching as far south as the present cities of Philadelphia and St. Louis, and the glaciated portions were as unfit for human occupation as the snow-cap of Greenland is to-day, aggregations of population clustered around the equatorial zone, because the climatic conditions were congenial. And inasmuch as civilization, the world over, clings to the temperate climates and thrives there best, we are not surprised to learn that communities far advanced in arts and architecture built and occupied those great cities in Yucatan, Honduras, Guatemala, and other Central American states, whose populations once numbered hundreds of thousands. An approximate date when this civilization was at the acme of its glory would be about ten thousand years ago. This is established by observations upon the recession of the existing glacier fronts, which are known to drop back twelve miles in one hundred years. With the gradual withdrawal of the glacial ice-sheet the climate grew proportionately milder, and flora and fauna moved simultaneously northward. Some emigrants went to South America and settled there, carrying their customs, arts, ceremonial rites, hieroglyphs, architecture, etc.; and an immense exodus took place into Mexico, which ultimately extended westward up the Pacific coast. In subsequent epochs when the ice-sheet had withdrawn from large areas, there were immense influxes of people from Asia via Bering Strait on the Pacific side, and from northwestern Europe via Greenland on the Atlantic side. The Korean immigration of the year 544 led to the founding of the Mexican Empire in 1325. To trace then the gradations of ascent from the native American--called "Indians" by a blunder of the Great Admiral, as afterward they were nicknamed "redskins" by the English settlers--to the Mexicans, Peruvians, or Colombians is a task far beyond our strength. Leaving the question of race, therefore, we now turn to the antiquarian remains, especially the architectural. The prehistoric civilization which was developed to the south of Mexico is generally known as "Mayan," although the Mayas were undoubtedly akin to the Aztecs or early Mexicans. The Maya tribes in Yucatan and Honduras, from abundant evidence, must have risen to a refinement in prehistoric times, which, in several respects, was superior to that of the Aztecs. In architecture they were in advance from the earliest ages not only of the Aztec peoples, but of all the American races. In Yucatan the Mayas have left some wonderful remains at Mayapan, their prehistoric capital, and near it at a place called Uxmal which has become famous from its vast and elaborate structures,[13] evidencing a knowledge of art and science which had flourished in this region for centuries before the arrival of the Spanish. The chief building in Uxmal is in pyramidal form, the principal design in the ancient Aztec temples (as well as those of Chaldea, etc.), consisting of three terraces faced with hewn stone. The terraces are in length 575, 545, and 360 feet respectively; with the temple on the summit, 322 feet, and a great flight of stairs leading to it. The whole building is surrounded by a belt of richly sculptured figures, above a cornice. At Chichen, also in Yucatan, there is an area of two miles perimeter entirely covered with architectural ruins; many of the roofs having apparently consisted of stone arches, painted in various colors. One building, of peculiar construction, proves an enigma to all travelers: it is more than ninety yards long and consists of two parallel walls, each ten yards thick, the distance between them being also ten yards. It has been conjectured that the anomalous construction had reference to some public games by which the citizens amused themselves in that long-forgotten period. Among other memorials of Mayan architecture in this country is the city of Tuloom on the east coast, fortified with strong walls and square towers. A more remarkable "find" in the dense forests of Chiapas, in the same country, is the city recorded by Stephens and other travelers. It is near the coast, at the place where Cortés and his Spanish soldiers were moving about for a considerable time, yet they do not appear to have ever seen the splendid ruins, or to have at all suspected their existence. Even if the natives knew, the Spaniards might have found the toil of forcing a passage through such forests too laborious. The name of the city which had so long been buried under the tropical vegetation was quite unknown, nor was there any tradition of it; but when found it was called "Palenque," from the nearest inhabited village. There were substantial and handsome buildings with excellent masonry, and in many cases beautiful sculptures and hieroglyphical figures. [Footnote 13: See Frontispiece.] Merida, the capital of Yucatan, is on the site of a prehistoric city whose name had also become unknown. When building the present town, the Spaniards utilized the ancient buildings as quarries for good stones. The larger prehistoric structures are frequently on artificial mounds, being probably intended for religious or ceremonial purposes. The walls both within and without are elaborately decorated, sometimes with symbolic figures. Sometimes officials in ceremonial costumes are seen apparently performing religious rites. These are often accompanied by inscriptions in low relief, with the peculiar Mayan characters which some archeologists call "calculiform hieroglyphs" (_v._ p. 82). On one of the altar-slabs near Palenque there occurs a sculptured group of several figures in the act of making offerings to a central object shaped like the Latin cross. "The Latin, the Greek, and the Egyptian cross or _tau_ (T) were evidently sacred symbols to this ancient people, bearing some religious meanings derived from their own cult."[14] [Footnote 14: D. G. Brinton.] The cross occurs frequently, not only in the Mayan sculptures, but also in the ceremonial of the Aztecs. The Spanish followers of Cortés were astonished to see this symbol used by these "barbarians," as they called them. Winsor (i, 195) says that the Mayan cross has been explained to mean "the four cardinal points, the rain-bringers, the symbol of life and health"; and again, "the emblem of fire, indeed an ornamental fire-drill." Students of architecture find a rudimentary form of the arch occurring in some of the ruins, notably at Palenque. Two walls are built parallel to each other, at some distance apart, then at the beginning of the arch the layers on both sides have the inner stones slightly projecting, each layer projecting a little more than the previous one, till at a certain height the stones of one wall are almost touching those of the wall opposite. Finally, a single flat stone closes in the space between and completes the arch. In Honduras, on the banks of the Copan, the Spaniards found a prehistoric capital in ruins, on an elevated area, surrounded by substantial walls built of dressed stones, and enclosing large groups of buildings. One structure is mainly composed of huge blocks of polished stone. In several houses the whole of the external surface is covered with elaborate carved designs: The adjacent soil is covered with sculptured obelisks, pillars, and idols, with finely dressed stones, and with blocks ornamented with skilfully carved figures of the characteristic Maya hieroglyphs, which, could they be deciphered, would doubtless reveal the story of this strange and solitary city. In western Guatemala, at Utatla, the ancient capital of the Quiches, a tribe allied to the Mayas, several pyramids still remain. One is 120 feet high, surmounted by a stone wall, and another is ascended by a staircase of nineteen steps, each nineteen inches in height. The literary remains (such as Alphabets, Hieroglyphs, Manuscripts, etc.) of the Maya and Aztec races are in some respects as vivid a proof of the extinct civilizations as any of the architectural monuments already discussed. Both Aztecs and Mayans of Yucatan and Central America used picture-writing, and sometimes an imperfect form of hieroglyphics. The most elementary kind was simply a rough sketch of a scene or historical group which they wished to record. When, for example, Cortés had his first interview with some messengers sent by Montezuma, one of the Aztecs was observed sketching the dress and appearance of the Spaniards, and then completing his picture by using colors. Even in recent times Indians have recorded facts by pictographs: in Harper's Magazine (August, 1902) we read that "pictographs and painted rocks to the number of over 3,000 are scattered all over the United States, from the Dighton Rock, Massachusetts (_v_. pp. 27, 28), to the Kern River Cañon in California, and from the Florida Cape to the Mouse River in Manitoba. The identity of the Indians with their ancient progenitors is further proved by relics, mortuary customs, linguistic similarities, plants and vegetables, and primitive industrial and mechanical arts, which have remained constant throughout the ages." The pictographs of the Kern River Cañon, according to the same writer, were inscribed on the rocks there "about five thousand years ago." A more advanced form of picture-writing is frequently found in the Mayan and other inscriptions and manuscripts. Two objects are represented, whose names, when pronounced together, give a sound which suggests the name to be recorded or remembered. Thus, the name Gladstone may be expressed in this manner by two pictures, one a laughing face (i. e., "happy" or "glad"), the other a rock (i. e., "stone"). It is exactly the same contrivance that is used to construct the puzzle called a "rebus." A third form of hieroglyphic was by devising some conventional mark or symbol to suggest the initial sound of the name to be recorded. Such a mark or character would be a "letter," in fact; and thus the prehistoric alphabets were arrived at, not only among the early Mayans of Yucatan, etc., but among the prehistoric peoples of Asia, as the Chinese, the Hittites, etc., as well as the primeval Egyptians. Many of the sculptures in Copan and Palenque to which we have referred contain pictographs and hieroglyphs. A Spanish Bishop of Yucatan drew up a Mayan alphabet in order to express the hieroglyphs on monuments and manuscripts in Roman letters; but much more data are needed before scholars will read the ancient Mayan-Aztec tongues as they have been enabled to understand the Egyptian inscriptions or the cuneiform records of Babylonia. For the American hieroglyphs we still lack a second Young or Champollion. There are three famous manuscripts in the Mayan character: 1. The Dresden Codex, preserved in the Royal Library of that city. It is called a "religious and astrological ritual" by Abbé Brasseur. 2. Codex Troano, in Madrid, described in two folios by Abbé Brasseur. 3. Codex Peresianus, named from the wrapper in which it was found, 1859, which had the name "Perez." It is also known as Codex Mexicanus. In Lord Kingsborough's great work on Mexican Antiquities there are several of the Mayan manuscripts printed in facsimile, and others in a book by M. Aubin, of Paris. Each group of letters in a Mayan inscription is enclosed in an irregular oval, supposed to resemble the cross-section of a pebble; hence the term _calculiform_ (i. e., "pebble-shaped") is applied to their hieroglyphs, as _cuneiform_ (i. e., "wedge-shaped") is applied to the Babylonian and Assyrian letters. The paper which the prehistoric Mexicans (Mayas, Aztecs, or Tescucans, etc.) used for writing and drawing upon was of vegetable origin, like the Egyptian papyrus. It was made by macerating the leaves of the _maguey_, a plant of the greatest importance (_v._ p. 94). When the surface of the paper was glazed, the letters were painted on in brilliant colors, proceeding from left to right, as we do. Each book was a strip of paper, several yards long and about ten inches wide, not rolled round a stick, as the volumes of ancient Rome were, but folded zigzag, like a screen. The protecting boards which held the book were often artistically carved and painted. The topics of the ordinary books, so far as we yet know, were religious ritual, dreams, and prophecies, the calendar, chronological notes, medical superstitions, portents of marriage and birth. The written language was in common and extensive use for the legal conveyance and sale of property. One of the most remarkable facts connected with this extinct civilization was the accuracy of their calendar and chronological system. Their calendar was actually superior to that then existing in Europe. They had two years: one for civil purposes, of three hundred and sixty-five days, divided into eighteen months of twenty days, besides five supplementary days; the other, a ritual or ecclesiastical year, to regulate the public festivals. The civil year required thirteen days to be added at the end of every fifty-two years, so as to harmonize with the ritual year. Each month contained four weeks of five days, but as each of the twenty days (forming a month) had a distinct name, Humboldt concluded that the names were borrowed from a prehistoric calendar, used in India and Tartary. Wilson (Prehistoric Man, i, 133) remarks: By the unaided results of native science the dwellers on the Mexican plateau had effected an adjustment of civil to solar time so nearly correct that when the Spaniards landed on their coast, their own reckoning according to the unreformed Julian calendar, was really eleven days in error, compared with that of the barbarian nation whose civilization they so speedily effaced. In 1790 there was found in the Square of Mexico a famous relic, the Mexican Calendar Stone, "one of the most striking monuments of American antiquity." It was long supposed to have been intended for chronological purposes; but later authorities call it a votive tablet or sacrificial altar.[15] Similar circular stones have been dug up in other parts of Mexico and in Yucatan. [Footnote 15: Pp. 68-70, _v._ p. 95.] Both the Mayas and the Aztecs excelled in the ordinary arts of civilized life. Paper-making has already been spoken of. Cotton being an important produce of their soil, they understood its spinning, dyeing, and weaving so well that the Spaniards mistook some of the finer Aztec fabrics for silk. They cultivated maize, potatoes, plantains, and other vegetables. Both in Mexico and Yucatan they produced beautiful work in feathers; metal working was not so important as in some countries, being chiefly for ornamental purposes. In fact, it was the comparative plenty of gold and silver around Mexico that delayed the invasion of the Mayan country for more than twenty years. The Mayas had developed trade to a considerable extent before the Spanish invasion, and interchanged commodities with the island of Cuba. It was there, accordingly, that Columbus first saw this people, and first heard of Yucatan. Of the Mexican remains on the central plateau, the most conspicuous is the mound or pyramid of Cholula, although it retains few traces of prehistoric art. A modern church with a dome and two towers now occupies the summit, with a paved road leading up to it. It is chiefly noted, first, by antiquaries, as having originally been a great temple of Quetzalcoatl, the beneficent deity, famous in story; and, secondly, for the fierce struggle around the mound and on the slopes between the Mexicans and Spanish. (_V._ pp. 130-133.) Another mound in this district, Yochicalco, lies seventy-five miles southwest of the capital. It is considered one of the best memorials of the extinct civilization, consisting of five terraces supported by stone walls, and formerly surmounted by a pyramid. Passing from the traces of Aztec and Mayan civilization, we may now glance at the antiquities of the Colombian states. There are no temples or large structures, because the natives, before the Spanish conquest, used timber for building, but owing to the abundance of gold in their brooks and rivers, they developed skill in gold-working, and produced fine ornaments of wonderful beauty. Many hollow figures have been found, evidently cast from molds, representing men, beasts, and birds, etc. Stone-cutting was also an art of this ancient race, sometimes applied to making idols bearing hieroglyphs. When the Spaniards invaded them to take their gold and precious stones, the "Chibchas," who then held the Colombian table-land and valleys, threw large quantities of those valuables into a lake near Bogota, the capital. It was afterward attempted to recover those treasures by draining off the water, but only a small portion was found; and in the present year (1903) a new engineering attempt has been made. A Spanish writer, in 1858, asserted that evidence was found in the caves and mines that in ancient times the Colombians produced an alloy of gold, copper, and iron having the temper and hardness of steel. On a tributary of the River Magdalena there are many curious stone images, sometimes with grotesquely carved faces. Turning next to the mound-builders, in the Ohio and upper Mississippi Valley, we find traces of an extinct civilization in high mounds, evidently artificial, extensive embankments, broad deep ditches, terraced pyramids, and an interesting variety of stone implements and pottery. Some mounds were for burial-places, others for sacrificial purposes, others again as a site for building, like those we have seen in Mexico and Maya. Many enclosures contain more than fifty acres of land; and one embankment is fifty miles long. Among the relics associated with those works are articles of pottery, knives, and copper ornaments, hammered silver, mica, obsidian, pearls, beautifully sculptured pipes, shells, and stone implements. The mounds found in some of the Gulf States seem to confirm a theory that the mound-builders were the ancestors of the Choctaw Indians and their allies, and had been driven southward. In the lower Mississippi Valley, eastward to the seacoast, there are many large earthworks, including round and quadrilateral mounds, embankments, canals, and artificial lakes. Similar works can be traced to the southern extremity of Florida. Some were constructed as sites for large buildings. The tribes to whom they are due are now known to have been agricultural--growing maize, beans, and pumpkins; with these products and those of the chase they supported a considerable population. Among other antiquarian remains in America are the cliff-houses and "pueblos." The former peculiarity is explained by the deep cañons of the dry table-land of Colorado. Imagine a narrow deep cutting or narrow trench worn by water-courses out of solid rock, deep enough to afford a channel to the stream from 500 to 1,500 feet below the plateau above. Next imagine one of the caves which the water many ages ago had worn out of the perpendicular sides of the cañon; and in that cave a substantial, well-built structure of cut stones bedded in firm mortar. Such are the "cliff--houses," sometimes of two stories. Occasionally there is a watch-tower perched on a conspicuous point of rock near a cliff-dwelling, with small windows looking to the east and north. These curious buildings, though now prehistoric, in a sense, are believed by archeologists to be later than the Spanish conquest. Peru is very important archeologically, but some interesting points will properly fall under our general account of that country and its conquest by Spain. [Illustration: Chulpa or Stone Tomb of the Peruvians.] In Peruvian architecture, we find "Cyclopean walls," with polygonal stones of five or six feet diameter, so well polished and adjusted that no mortar was necessary; sometimes with a projecting part of the stone fitting exactly into a corresponding cavity of the stone immediately above or below it. Such huge stones are of hard granite or basalt, etc. The walls are often very massive and substantial, sometimes from thirty to forty feet in thickness. The only approach to the modern "arch" in the Peruvian structures is a device similar to that which was described under the Mayan architecture. Some important buildings were surrounded with large upright stones, similar to the famous "Druidic" temple at Stonehenge. All of the chief structures were accurately placed with reference to the cardinal points, and the main entrance always faced the east. The Peruvian tombs were very elaborate, one kind being made by cutting caverns in the steep precipices of the cordillera and then carefully walling in the entrance. Another variety (the _chulpa_) was really a stone tower erected above ground, twelve to thirty feet high. The chulpas were sometimes built in groups. CHAPTER V MEXICO BEFORE THE SPANISH INVASION The Aztecs and the Tescucans were the chief races occupying the great table-land of Anahuac, including, as we have seen, the famous Mexican Valley. In the preceding chapter we have set forth some of the leading points in the extinct civilization of those races, and also that of the Mayas, who in several respects were perhaps superior to the Anahuac kingdoms. Several features of the early Mexican civilization will come before us as we accompany the European conquerors, in their march over the table-land. Meantime, we glance first at the geography of this magnificent region, and secondly at the manners and institutions of the people, their industrial arts, etc., and their terrible religion. The last-mentioned topic has already been partly discussed in Chapter III. The Tropic of Cancer passes through the middle of Mexico, and therefore its southern half, which is the most important, is all under the burning sun of the "torrid zone." This heat, however, is greatly modified by the height of the surface above sea-level, since the country, taken as a whole, is simply an extensive table-land. The height of the plain in the two central states, Mexico and Puebla, is 8,000 feet, or about double the average height of the highest summits in the British Isles. On the west of the republic is a continuous chain of mountains, and on the east of the table-land run a series of mountainous groups parallel to the seacoast, with a summit in Vera Cruz of over 13,400 feet. To the south of the capital an irregular range running east and west contains these remarkable volcanoes--Colima, 14,400 feet; Jorulla, Popocatepetl, 17,800; Orizaba (extinct), 18,300, the highest summit in Mexico, and, with the exception of some of the mountains of Alaska, in North America. The great plateau-basin formed around the capital and its lakes is completely enclosed by mountains. This high table-land has its own climate as compared with the broad tract lying along the Atlantic. Hence the latter is known as the hot region (_caliente_), and the former the cold region (_fria_). Between the two climates, as the traveler mounts from the sea-level to the great plateau, is the temperate region (_templada_), an intermediate belt of perpetual humidity, a welcome escape from the heat and deadly malaria of the hot region with its "bilious fevers." Sometimes as he passes along the bases of the volcanic mountains, casting his eye "down some steep slope or almost unfathomable ravine on the margin of the road, he sees their depths glowing with the rich blooms and enameled vegetation of the tropics." This contrast arises from the height he has now gained above the hot coast region. The climate on the table-land is only cold in a relative sense, being mild to Europeans, with a mean temperature at the capital of 60°, seldom lowered to the freezing-point. The "temperate" slopes form the "Paradise of Mexico," from "the balmy climate, the magnificent scenery, and the wealth of semitropical vegetation." The Aztec and Tescucan laws were kept in state records, and shown publicly in hieroglyphs. The great crimes against society were all punished with death, including the murder of a slave. Slaves could hold property, and all their sons were freedmen. The code in general showed real respect for the leading principles of morality. In Mexico, as in ancient Egypt, the soldier shared with the priest the highest consideration. The king must be an experienced warrior. The tutelary deity of the Aztecs was the god of war. A great object of military expeditions was to gather hecatombs of captives for his altars. The soldier who fell in battle was transported at once to the region of ineffable bliss in the bright mansions of the sun.... Thus every war became a crusade; and the warrior was not only raised to a contempt of danger, but courted it--animated by a religious enthusiasm like that of the early Saracen or the Christian crusader. The officers of the armies wore rich and conspicuous uniforms--a tight-fitting tunic of quilted cotton sufficient to turn the arrows of the native Indians; a cuirass (for superior officers) made of thin plates of gold or silver; an overcoat or cloak of variegated feather-work; helmets of wood or silver, bearing showy plumes, adorned with precious stones and gold ornaments. Their belts, collars, bracelets, and earrings were also of gold or silver. Southey, in his poem, makes his Welsh prince, Madoc, thus boast: Their mail, if mail it may be called, was woven Of vegetable down, like finest flax, Bleached to the whiteness of new-fallen snow, ... Others of higher office were arrayed In feathery breastplates, of more gorgeous hue Than the gay plumage of the mountain-cock, Than the pheasants' glittering pride. But what were these Or what the thin gold hauberk, when opposed To arms like ours in battle? _Madoc_, i, 7. We learn of the ancient Mexicans, to their honor, that in the large towns hospitals were kept for the cure of the sick and wounded soldiers, and as a permanent refuge if disabled. Not only so, says a Spanish historian, but "the surgeons placed over them were so far better than those in Europe that they did not protract the cure to increase the pay." Even the red man of the woods, as we learn from Fenimore Cooper and Catlin, believes reverently in the Great Spirit who upholds the universe; and similarly his more civilized brother of Mexico or Tezcuco spoke of a Supreme Creator, Lord of Heaven and Earth. In their prayers some of the phrases were: The God by whom we live, omnipresent, knowing all thoughts, giving all gifts, without whom man is nothing, invisible, incorporeal, of perfect perfection and purity, under whose wings we find repose and a sure defense. Prescott, however, remarks that notwithstanding such attributes "the idea of unity--of a being with whom volition is action, who has no need of inferior ministers to execute his purposes--was too simple, or too vast, for their understandings; and they sought relief, as usual, in a plurality of deities, who presided over the elements, the changes of the seasons, and the various occupations of man." The Aztecs, in fact, believed in thirteen _dii majores_ and over 200 _dii minores_. To each of these a special day was assigned in the calendar, with its appropriate festival. Chief of them all was that bloodthirsty monster _Huitsilopochtli_, the hideous god of war--tutelary deity of the nation. There was a huge temple to him in the capital, and on the great altar before his image there, and on all his altars throughout the empire, the reeking blood of thousands of human victims was being constantly poured out. The terrible name of this Mexican Mars has greatly puzzled scholars of the language. According to one derivation, the name is a compound of two words, _humming-bird_ and _on the left_, because his image has the feathers of that bird on the left foot. Prescott naturally thinks that "too amiable an etymology for so ruffian a deity." The other name of the war-god, _Mexitl_ (i. e., "the hare of the aloes"), is much better known, because from it is derived the familiar name of the capital. [Illustration: Quetzalcoatl.] The god of the air, _Quetzalcoatl_, a beneficent deity, who taught Mexicans the use of metals, agriculture, and the arts of government. Prescott remarks that he was doubtless one of those benefactors of their species who have been deified by the gratitude of posterity. There was a remarkable tradition of Quetzalcoatl, preserved among the Mexicans, that he had been a king, afterward a god, and had a temple dedicated to his worship at Cholula[16] when on his way to the Mexican Gulf. Embarking there, he bade his people a long farewell, promising that he and his descendants would revisit them. The expectation of his return prepared the way for the success of the tall white-skinned invaders. [Footnote 16: The ruins were referred to in chap, iv, (_v._ p. 84, also 130.)] In the Aztec agriculture, the staple plant was of course the _maize_ or Indian corn. Humboldt tells us that at the conquest it was grown throughout America, from the south of Chile to the River St. Lawrence; and it is still universal in the New World. Other important plants on the Aztec soil were the _banana_, which (according to one Spanish writer) was the forbidden fruit that tempted our poor mother Eve; the _cacao_, whose fruit supplies the valuable chocolate; the _vanilla_, used for flavoring; and most important of all, the _maguey_, or Mexican aloe, much valued because its leaves were manufactured into paper, and its juice by fermentation becomes the national intoxicant, "pulque." The _maguey_, or great Mexican aloe, grown all over the table-land, is called "the miracle of nature," producing not only the _pulque_, but supplying _thatch_ for the cottages, _thread_ and _cords_ from its tough fiber, _pins_ and _needles_ from the thorns which grow on the leaves, an excellent _food_ from its roots, and _writing-paper_ from its leaves. One writer, after speaking of the "pulque" being made from the "maguey," adds, "with what remains of these leaves they manufacture excellent and very fine cloth, resembling holland or the finest linen." The _itztli_, formerly mentioned as being used at the sacrifices by the officiating priest, was "obsidian," a dark transparent mineral, of the greatest hardness, and therefore useful for making knives and razors. The Mexican sword was serrated, those of the finest quality being of course edged with itztli. Sculptured figures abounded in every Aztec temple and town, but in design very inferior to the ancient specimens of Egypt and Babylonia, not to mention Greece. A remarkable collection of their sculptured images occurred in the _place_ or great square of Mexico--the Aztec forum--and similar spots. Ever since the Spanish invasion the destruction of the native objects of art has been ceaseless and ruthless. "Two celebrated bas-reliefs of the last Montezuma and his father," says Prescott, "cut in the solid rock, in the beautiful groves of Chapoltepec, were deliberately destroyed, as late as the last century [i. e., the eighteenth], by order of the government." He further remarks: This wantonness of destruction provokes the bitter animadversion of the Spanish writer Martyr, whose enlightened mind respected the vestiges of civilization wherever found. "The conquerors," says he, "seldom repaired the buildings that they defaced; they would rather sack twenty stately cities than erect one good edifice." The pre-Columbian Mexicans inherited a practical knowledge of mechanics and engineering. The Calendar Stone, for example (spoken of in the preceding chapter), a mass of dark porphyry estimated at fifty tons weight, was carried for a distance of many leagues from the mountains beyond Lake Chalco, through a rough country crossed by rivers and canals. In the passage its weight broke down a bridge over a canal, and the heavy rock had to be raised from the water beneath. With such obstacles, without the draft assistance of horses or cattle, how was it possible to effect such a transport? Perhaps the mechanical skill of their builders and engineers had contrived some tramway or other machinery. An English traveler had a curious suggestion: Latrobe accommodates the wonders of nature and art very well to each other, by suggesting that these great masses of stone were transported by means of the mastodon, whose remains are occasionally disinterred in the Mexican Valley. The Mexicans wove many kinds of cotton cloth, sometimes using as a dye the rich crimson of the cochineal insect. They made a more expensive fabric by interweaving the cotton with the fine hair of rabbits, and other animals; sometimes embroidering with pretty designs of flowers and birds, etc. The special art of the Aztec weaver was in feather-work, which when brought to Europe produced the highest admiration: With feathers they could produce all the effect of a beautiful mosaic. The gorgeous plumage of the tropical birds, especially of the parrot tribe, afforded every variety of color; and the fine down of the humming-bird, which reveled in swarms among the honeysuckle bowers of Mexico, supplied them with soft aerial tints that gave an exquisite finish to the picture. The feathers, pasted on a fine cotton web, were wrought into dresses for the wealthy, hangings for apartments, and ornaments for the temples. When some of the Mexican feather-work was shown at Strasbourg: "Never," says one admirer, "did I behold anything so exquisite for brilliancy and nice gradation of color, and for beauty of design. No European artist could have made such a thing." Instead of shops the Aztecs had in every town a market-place, where fairs were held every fifth day--i. e., once a week. Each commodity had a particular quarter, and the traffic was partly by barter, and partly by using the following articles as money: bits of tin shaped like an Egyptian cross (T), bags of cacao holding a specified number of grains, and, for large values, quills of gold-dust. The married women among the Aztecs were treated kindly and respectfully by their husbands. The feminine occupations were spinning and embroidery, etc., as among the ancient Greeks, while listening to ballads and love stories related by their maidens and musicians (Ramusio, iii, 305). In banquets and other social entertainments the women had an equal share with the men. Sometimes the festivities were on a large scale, with costly preparations and numerous attendants. The Mexicans, ancient and modern, have always been passionately fond of flowers, and on great occasions not only were the halls and courts strewed and adorned in profusion with blossoms of every hue and sweet odor, but perfumes scented every room. The guests as they sat down found ewers of water before them and cotton napkins, since washing the hands both before and after eating was a national habit of almost religious obligation.[17] Modern Europeans believe that tobacco was introduced from America in the time of Queen Isabella and Queen Elizabeth, but ages before that period the Aztecs at their banquets had the "fragrant weed" offered to the company, "in pipes, mixed up with aromatic substances, or in the form of cigars, inserted in tubes of tortoise-shell or silver." The smoke after dinner was no doubt preliminary to the _siesta_ or nap of "forty winks." It is not known if the Aztec ladies, like their descendants in modern Mexico, also appreciated the _yetl_, as the Mexicans called "tobacco." Our word came from the natives of Hayti, one of the islands discovered by Columbus. [Footnote 17: Sahagun (vi, 22) quotes the precise instructions of a father to his son: he must wash face and hands before sitting down to table, and must not leave till he has repeated the operation and cleansed his teeth.] The tables of the Aztecs abounded in good food--various dishes of meat, especially game, fowl, and fish. The turkey, for example, was introduced into Europe from Mexico, although stupidly supposed to have come from Asia. The French named it _coq d'Inde_,[18] the "Indian cock," meaning American, but the ordinary hearer imagined _d'Inde_ meant from Hindustan. The blunder arose from that misapplication of the word "Indian," first made by Columbus, as we formerly explained. [Footnote 18: The Spanish named this handsome bird _gallopavo_ (Lat. _pavo_, the "peacock"). The wild turkey is larger and more beautiful than the tame, and therefore Benjamin Franklin, when speaking sarcastically of the "American Eagle," insisted that the wild turkey was the proper national emblem.] The Aztec cooks dressed their viands with various sauces and condiments, the more solid dishes being followed by fruits of many kinds, as well as sweetmeats and pastry. Chafing-dishes even were used. Besides the varieties of beautiful flowers which adorned the table there were sculptured Vases of silver and sometimes gold. At table the favorite beverage was the _chocolatl_ flavored with vanilla and different spices. The fermented juice of the maguey, with a mixture of sweets and acids, supplied also various agreeable drinks, of different degrees of strength. When the young Mexicans of both sexes amused themselves with dances, the older people kept their seats in order to enjoy their _pulque_ and gossip, or listen to the discourse of some guest of importance. The music which accompanied the dances was frequently soft and rather plaintive. The early Mexicans included the Tezcucans as well as the Aztecs proper; and since their capitals were on the same lake and both races were closely akin, we may devote some space to these Alcohuans or eastern Aztecs. Their civilization was superior to that of the western Aztecs in some respects, and Nezahual-coyotl, their greatest prince, formed alliance with the western state, and then remodeled the various departments of his government. He had a council of war, another of finance, and a third of justice. A remarkable institution, under King Nezahual-coyotl, was the "Council of Music," intended to promote the study of science and the practise of art. Tezcuco, in fact, became the nursery not only of such sciences as could be compassed by the scholarship of the period, but of various useful and ornamental arts. "Its historians, orators, and poets were celebrated throughout the country.... Its idiom, more polished than the Mexican, continued long after the conquest to be that in which the best productions of the native races were composed. Tezcuco was the Athens of the Western World.... Among the most illustrious of her bards was their king himself." A Spanish writer adds that it was to the eastern Aztecs that noblemen sent their sons "to study poetry, moral philosophy, the heathen theology, astronomy, medicine, and history." [Illustration: Ancient Bridge near Tezcuco.] The most remarkable problem connected with ancient Mexico is how to reconcile the general refinement and civilization with the sacrifices of human victims. There was no town or city but had its temples in public places, with stairs visibly leading up to the sacrificial stone, ever standing ready before some hideous idol or other--as already described. In all countries there have been public spectacles of bloodshed, not only as in the gladiators in the ancient circus-- butchered to make a Roman holiday, or the tournays of the middle ages, but in the prize-ring fights and public executions by ax or guillotine, of the age that is just passing away. The thousands who perished for religious ideas by means of the Holy Roman Inquisition should not be overlooked by the Spanish writers who are so indignant that Montezuma and his priests sacrificed tens of thousands under the claims of a heathen religion. The very day on which we write these words, August 18th, is the anniversary of the last sentence for beheading passed by our House of Lords. By that sentence three Scottish "Jacobites" passed under the ax on Tower Hill, where their remains still rest in a chapel hard by. So lately as 1873, the Shah of Persia, when resident as a visitor in Buckingham Palace, was amazed to find that the laws of Great Britain prevented him from depriving five of his courtiers of their lives. They had just been found guilty of some paltry infringement of Persian etiquette. During the last generation or the previous one, both in England and Scotland, the country schoolmaster on a certain day had the schoolroom cleared so that the children and their friends should enjoy the treat of seeing all the game-cocks of the parish bleeding on the floor one after another, being either struck by a spur to the brain, or else wounded to a painful death. When James Boswell and others regularly attended the spectacles of Tyburn and sometimes cheered the wretched victim if he "died game," the philosopher will not wonder at the populace of some city of ancient Mexico crowding round the great temple and greedily watching the bloody sacrifice done with full sanction of the priesthood and the king. The primitive religions were derived from sun-worship, and as fire is the nearest representative of the sun, it seemed essential to _burn_ the victim offered as a sacrifice. At Carthage, the great Phenician colony, children were cruelly sacrificed by fire to the god Melkarth of Tyre. "Melkarth" being simply _Melech Kiriath_ (i. e., "King of the City"), and therefore identical with the "Moloch" or "Molech" of the Ammonites, Moabites, and Israelites. In the earliest prehistoric age the children of Ammon, Moab, and Israel were apparently so closely akin that they had practically the same religion and worshiped the same idols. The tribal god was originally the god of Syria or Canaan. In more than a dozen places of the Old Testament we find the Hebrews accused of burning their children or passing them through the fire to the sun-god, but the ancient Mexicans did not burn their victims, and _in no case were the victims their own children_. The victims were captives taken in war, or persons convicted of crime; and thus the Mexicans were in atrocity far surpassed by those races akin to the Hebrews who are much denounced by the sacred writers, e. g.: Josiah ... defiled Topheth that no man might make his son or his daughter to pass through the fire to Molech (2 Kings xxiii, 10). They have built also the high places to burn their sons with fire for burnt-offerings (Jer. xix, 5). Yea, they shed innocent blood, even the blood of their sons and of their daughters, whom they sacrificed unto the idols of Canaan (Ps. cvi, 37). That a father should offer his own child as a sacrifice to the sun-god or any other, would to the mild and gentle Aztec be too dreadful a conception. It is the enormous number who were immolated that shocks the European mind, but to the populace enjoying the spectacle the victims were enemies of the king or criminals deserving execution. Perhaps it is a more difficult problem to explain how so civilized a community as the Aztec races undoubtedly were could look with complacency upon any one tasting a dish composed of some part of the captive he had taken in battle. It is not only repulsive as an idea, but seems impossible. Yet much depends on the point of view as well as the atmosphere. According to archeologists, all the primeval races of men could at a pinch feed on human flesh, but after many generations learned to do better without it. We may have simply outgrown the craving, till at last we call it unnatural, whereas those ancient Mexicans, with all their wealth of food, had refined upon it. Let us again refer to the Old Testament: Thou hast taken thy sons and thy daughters and these hast thou sacrificed to be devoured (Ezek. xvi, 20). ... have caused their sons to pass for them through the fire, to devour them (Ezek. xxiii, 37). We may therefore infer that to the early races of Canaan (including Israel), as well as to the primeval Aztecs, it was a privilege and religious custom to eat part of any sacrifice that had been offered. There can be little doubt, to any one who has studied the earliest human antiquities, that all races indulged in cannibalism, not only during that enormously remote age called Paleolithic, but in comparatively recent though still prehistoric times. "This is clearly proved by the number of human bones, chiefly of women and young persons, which have been found charred by fire and split open for extraction of the marrow." Such charred bones have frequently been preserved in caves, as at Chaleux in Belgium, where in some instances they occurred "in such numbers as to indicate that they had been the scene of cannibal feasts." The survival of human sacrifice among the Aztecs, with its accompanying traces of cannibalism, was due to the savagery of a long previous condition of their Indian race; just as in the Greek drama, when that ancient people had attained a high level of culture and refinement, the sacrifice of a human life, sometimes a princess or other distinguished heroine, was not unfrequent. We remember Polyxena, the virgin daughter of Hecuba, whom her own people resolved to sacrifice on the tomb of Achilles; and her touching bravery, as she requests the Greeks not to bind her, being ashamed, she says, "having lived a princess to die a slave." A better known example is Iphigenia, so beloved by her father, King Agamemnon, and yet given up by him a victim for purposes of state and religion. [Illustration: Teocalli, Aztec Temple for Human Sacrifices.] From the Greek drama, human sacrifices frequently passed to the Roman; nor does such a refined critic as Horace object to it, but only suggests that the bloodshed ought to be perpetrated behind the scenes. In Seneca's play, Medea (quoted in our Introduction), that rule was grossly violated, since the children have their throats cut by their heroic mother in full view of the audience. In the same passage (Ars Poët., 185, 186) Horace forbids a banquet of human flesh being prepared before the eyes of the public, as had been done in a play written by Ennius, the Roman poet. The religious sacrifice of human victims by the "Druids" or priests of ancient Gaul and Britain seems exactly parallel to the wholesale executions on the Mexican _teocallis_, since the wretched victims whom our Celtic ancestors packed for burning into those huge wicker images, were captives taken in battle, like those stretched for slaughter upon the Mexican stone of sacrifice. Human sacrifice was so common in civilized Rome that it was not till the first century B. C. that a law was passed expressly forbidding it--(Pliny, Hist. Nat., xxx, 3, 4). CHAPTER VI ARRIVAL OF THE SPANIARDS The "New Birth" of the world, which characterized the end of the fifteenth century, had an enormous influence upon Spain. Her queen, the "great Catholic Isabella," had, by assisting Columbus, done much in the great discovery of the Western World. Spain speedily had substantial reward in the boundless wealth poured into her lap, and the rich colonies added to her dominion. Thus in the beginning of the sixteenth century the new consolidated Spain, formed by the union of the two kingdoms, Castile and Aragon, became the richest and greatest of all the European states. The Spanish governors in the West Indies being ambitious of planting new colonies in the name of the Spanish King, conquest and annexation were stimulated in all directions. When Cuba and Hayti were overrun and annexed to Spain, not without much unjust treatment of the simple natives, as we have seen, they became centers of operation, whence expeditions could be sent to Trinidad or any other island, to Panama, to Yucatan, or Florida, or any other part of the continent. After the marvelous experience of Grijalva in Yucatan, then considered an island, and his report that its inhabitants were quite a civilized community compared with the natives of the isles, Velasquez, the Governor of Cuba, resolved at once to invade the new country for purposes of annexation and plunder. Velasquez prepared a large expedition for this adventure, consisting of eleven ships with more than 600 armed men on board; and after much deliberation chose Fernando Cortés to be the commander. Who was this Cortés, destined by his military genius and unscrupulous policy to be comparable to Hannibal or Julius Cæsar among the ancients, and to Clive or Napoleon Bonaparte among the moderns? Velasquez knew him well as one of his subordinates in the cruel conquest of Cuba; before that Cortés had distinguished himself in Hayti as an energetic and skilled officer. Of an impetuous and fiery temper which he had learned to keep thoroughly in command, he was characterized by that quality possessed by all commanders of superior genius, the "art of gaining the confidence and governing the minds of men." As a youth in Spain he had studied for the bar at the University of Salamanca; and in some of his speeches on critical occasions one can find certain traces of his academical training in the adroit arguments and clever appeals. Other qualifications as an officer were his manly and handsome appearance, his affable manners, combined with "extraordinary address in all martial exercises, and a constitution of such vigor as to be capable of enduring any fatigue." Cortés on reviewing his commission from the Governor, Velasquez, was too shrewd not to be aware of the importance of his new position. The "Great Admiral," with reference to the discovery of the New World, had said: "I have only opened the door for others to enter"; and Cortés was conscious that now was the moment for that entrance. Filled with unbounded ambition he rose to the occasion. Velasquez somewhat hypocritically pretended that the object he had in view was merely barter with the natives of New Spain--that being the name given by Grijalva to Yucatan and the neighboring country. He ordered Cortés to impress on the natives the grandeur and goodness of his royal master; to invite them to give in their allegiance to him, and to manifest it by regaling him with such comfortable presents of gold, pearls, and precious stones as by showing their own good-will would secure his favor and protection. Mustering his forces for the new expedition, Cortés found that he had no sailors, 553 soldiers, besides 200 Indians of the island; ten heavy guns, four lighter ones, called falconets. He had also sixteen horses, knowing the effect of even a small body of cavalry in dealing with savages. On February 18, 1519, Cortés sailed with eleven vessels for the coast of Yucatan. Landing at Tabasco, where Grijalva had found the natives friendly, Cortés found that the Yucatans had resolved to oppose him, and were presently assembled in great numbers. The result of the fighting, however, was naturally a foregone conclusion, partly on account of "the astonishment and terror excited by the destructive effect" of the European firearms, and the "monstrous apparition" of men on horseback. Such quadrupeds they had never seen before, and they concluded that the rider with his horse formed one unaccountable animal. Gomara and other chroniclers tell how St. James, the tutelar saint of Spain, appeared in the ranks on a gray horse, and led the Christians to victory over the heathen. An especially fortunate thing for Cortés was that among the female slaves presented after this battle, there was one of remarkable intelligence, who understood both the Aztec and the Mayan languages, and soon learned the Spanish. She proved invaluable to Cortés as an interpreter, and afterward had a share in all his campaigns. She is generally called Marina. If the Spanish accounts are true, stating that the native army consisted of five squadrons of 8,000 men each, then this victory is one of the most remarkable on record, as a proof of the value of gunpowder as compared with primitive bows and arrows. To the simple Americans the terrible invaders seemed actually to wield the thunder and the lightning. Next day Cortés made an arrangement with the chiefs; and after confidence was restored, asked where they got their gold from. They pointed to the high grounds on the west, and said _Culhua_, meaning Mexico. The Palm Sunday being at hand, the conversion of the "heathen" was duly celebrated by pompous and solemn ceremonial. The army marched in procession with the priests at their head, accompanied by crowds of Indians of both sexes, till they reached the principal temple. A new altar being built, the image of the presiding deity was taken from its place and thrown down, to make room for that of the Virgin carrying the infant Saviour. Cortés now learned that the capital of the Mexican Empire was on the mountain plains nearly seventy leagues inland; and that the ruler was the great and powerful Montezuma. It was on the morning of Good Friday that Cortés landed on the site of Vera Cruz, which after the conquest of Mexico speedily grew into a flourishing seaport, becoming the commercial capital of New Spain. A friendly conference took place between Cortés and Teuhtlile, an Aztec chief, who asked from what country the strangers had come and why they had come. "I am a servant," replied Cortés, "of a mighty monarch beyond the seas, who rules over an immense empire, having kings and princes for his vassals. Since my master has heard of the greatness of the Mexican Emperor he has desired me to enter into communication with him, and has sent me as envoy to wait upon Montezuma with a present in token of good-will, and with a message which I must deliver in person. When can I be admitted to your sovereign's presence?" The Aztec chief replied with an air of dignity: "How is it that you have been here only two days, and demand to see the Emperor? If there is another monarch as powerful as Montezuma, I have no doubt my master will be happy to interchange courtesies." The slaves of Teuhtlile presented to Cortés ten loads of fine cotton, several mantles of that curious feather-work whose rich and delicate dyes might vie with the most beautiful painting, and a wicker basket filled with ornaments of wrought gold, all calculated to inspire the Spaniards with high ideas of the wealth and mechanical ingenuity of the Mexicans. Having duly expressed his thanks, Cortés then laid before the Aztec chief the presents intended for Montezuma. These were "an armchair richly carved and painted; a crimson cap bearing a gold medal emblazoned with St. George and the Dragon; collars, bracelets, and other ornaments of cut-glass, which, in a country where glass was unknown, might claim to have the value of real gems." During the interview Teuhtlile had been curiously observing a shining gilt helmet worn by a soldier, and said that it was exactly like that of Quetzalcoatl. "Who is he?" asked Cortés. "Quetzalcoatl is the god about whom the Aztecs have the prophecy that he will come back to them across the sea." Cortés promised to send the helmet to Montezuma, and expressed a wish that it would be returned filled with the gold-dust of the Aztecs, that he might compare it with the Spanish gold-dust! One reporter who was present says: He further told Governor Teuhtlile that the Spaniards were troubled with a disease of the heart for which gold was a specific remedy! Another incident of this notable interview was that one of the Mexican attendants was observed by Cortés to be scribbling with a pencil. It was an artist sketching the appearance of the strangers, their dress, arms, and attitude, and filling in the picture with touches of color. Struck with the idea of being thus represented to the Mexican monarch, Cortés ordered the cavalry to be exercised on the beach in front of the artists. The bold and rapid movements of the troops, ... the apparent ease with which they managed the fiery animals on which they were mounted, the glancing of their weapons, and the shrill cry of the trumpet, all filled the spectators with astonishment; but when they heard the thunders of the cannon, which Cortés ordered to be fired at the same time, and witnessed the volumes of smoke and flame issuing from these terrible engines, and the rushing sound of the balls, as they dashed through the trees of the neighboring forest, shivering their branches into fragments, they were filled with consternation and wonder, from which the Aztec chief himself was not wholly free. This was all faithfully copied by the picture-writers, so far as their art went, in sketching and vivid coloring. They also recorded the ships of the strangers--"the water-houses," as they were named--whose dark hulls and snow-white sails were swinging at anchor in the bay. Meantime what had Montezuma been doing, the sad-faced[19] and haughty Emperor of Mexico, land of the Aztecs and the Tezcucans? At the beginning of his reign he had as a skilful general led his armies as far as Honduras and Nicaragua, extending the limits of the empire, so that it had now reached the maximum. [Footnote 19: The name Montezuma means "sad or severe man," a title suited to his features, though not to his mild character.] Tezcuco, the sister state to Mexico, had latterly shown hostility to Montezuma, and still more formidable was the republic of Tlascala, lying between his capital and the coast. Prodigies and prophecies now began to affect all classes of the population in the Mexican Valley. Everybody spoke of the return from over the sea of the popular god Quetzalcoatl, the fair-skinned and longhaired (p. 93). A generation had already elapsed since the first rumors that white men in great mysterious vessels, bearing in their hands the thunder and lightning, were seizing the islands and must soon seize the mainland. No wonder that Montezuma, stern, tyrannical, and disappointed, should be dismayed at the news of Grijalva's landing, and still more so when hearing of the fleet and army of Cortés, and seeing their horsemen pictured by his artists--the whole accompanied by exaggerated accounts of the guns and cannon able to produce thunder and lightning. After holding a council, Montezuma resolved to send an embassy to Cortés, presenting him with a present which should reflect the incomparable grandeur and resources of Mexico, and at the same time forbidding an approach to the capital. The governor Teuhtlile, on this second embassy, was accompanied by two Aztec nobles and 100 slaves, bearing the present from Montezuma to Cortés. As they entered the pavilion of the Spanish general the air was filled with clouds of incense which rose from censers carried by some attendants. Some delicately wrought mats were then unrolled, and on them the slaves displayed the various articles, ... shields, helmets, cuirasses, embossed with plates and ornaments of pure gold; collars and bracelets of the same metal, sandals, fans, and crests of variegated feathers, intermingled with gold and silver thread, and sprinkled with pearls and precious stones; imitations of birds and animals in wrought and cast gold and silver, of exquisite workmanship; curtains, coverlets, and robes of cotton, fine as silk, of rich and various dyes, interwoven with feather-work that rivaled the delicacy of painting.... The things which excited most admiration were two circular plates of gold and silver, as "large as carriage-wheels"; one representing the sun was richly carved with plants and animals. It was thirty palms in circumference, and was worth about £52,500 sterling.[20] [Footnote 20: Robertson, the historian, gives £5,000; but Prescott reckons a _peso de oro_ at £2 12s. 6d.; whence the 20,000 of the text gives 20,000 x 2-5/8 = 2,500 x 21 = £52,500.] Cortés was interested in seeing the soldier's helmet brought back to him full to the brim with grains of gold. The courteous message from Montezuma, however, did not please him much. Montezuma excused himself from having a personal interview by "the distance being too great, and the journey beset with difficulties and dangers from formidable enemies.... All that could be done, therefore, was for the strangers to return to their own land." Soon after Cortés, by a species of statecraft, formed a new municipality, thus transforming his camp into a civil community. The name of the new city was _Villa Rica de Vera Cruz_, i. e., "the Rich Town of the True Cross." Once the municipality was formed, Cortés resigned before them his office of captain-general, and thus became free from the authority of Velasquez. The city council at once chose Cortés to be captain-general and chief justice of the colony. He could now go forward unchecked by any superior except the Crown. It was a desperate undertaking to climb with an army from the hot region of this flat coast through the varied succession of "slopes" which form the temperate region, and at last, on the high table-land, obtain entrance upon the great enclosed valley of Mexico. Cortés found that an essential preliminary was to gain the friendship of the Totonacs, a nation tributary to Montezuma. Their subjection to the Aztecs he had already verified, since one day when holding a conference with the Totonac leaders and a neighboring cazique (i. e., "prince"), Cortés saw five men of haughty appearance enter the market-place, followed by several attendants, and at once receive the politest attention from the Totonacs. Cortés asked Marina, his slave interpreter, who or what they were. "They are Aztec nobles," she replied, "sent by Montezuma to receive tribute." Presently the Totonac chiefs came to Cortés with looks of dire dismay, to inform him of the great Emperor's resentment at the entertainment offered to the Spaniards, and demanding in expiation twenty young men and women for sacrifice to the Aztec gods. Cortés, with every look of indignation, insisted that the Totonacs should not only refuse to comply, but should seize the Aztec messengers and hold them strictly confined in prison. Unscrupulous to gain his ends, Cortés by lies and cunning duplicity managed to set the Mexican nobles free, dismissing them with a friendly message to Montezuma, while at the same time securing the confidence of the simple-minded Totonacs, urging them to join the Spaniards and make a bold effort to regain their independence. Some thought that Cortés was really the kindly divinity Quetzalcoatl, promised by the prophets to bring freedom and happiness. As an instance of the religious enthusiasm of the Spanish invaders, we may give the account of the "conversion" of Zempoalla, a city in the Totonac district. When Cortés pressed upon the cazique of Zempoalla that his mission was to turn the Indians from the abominations of their present religion, that prince replied that he could not accept what the Spanish priests had told him about the Creator and Ruler of the Universe; especially that he ever stooped to become a mere man, weak and poor, so as to suffer voluntarily persecution and even death at the hands of some of his own creatures. The cazique added that he "would resist any violence offered to his gods, who would, indeed, avenge the act themselves by the instant destruction of their enemies." Cortés and his men seized the opportunity. There is no doubt that, after witnessing some of the barbarous sacrifices of human victims followed by cannibal feasts, their souls had naturally been sickened. They now proceeded to force the work of conversion as soon as Cortés had appealed to them and declared that "God and the holy saints would never favor their enterprise, if such atrocities were allowed; and that for his own part, he was resolved the Indian idols should be demolished that very hour if it cost him his life. "Scarcely waiting for his commands the Spaniards moved toward one of the principal _teocallis_, or temples, which rose high on a pyramidal foundation with a steep ascent of stone steps in the middle. The cazique, divining their purpose, instantly called his men to arms. The Indian warriors gathered from all quarters, with shrill cries and clashing of weapons, while the priests, in their dark cotton robes, with disheveled tresses matted with blood, rushed frantic among the natives, calling on them to protect their gods from violation! All was now confusion and tumult.... Cortés took his usual prompt measures. Causing the cazique and some of the principal citizens and priests to be arrested, he commanded them to quiet the people, declaring that if a single arrow was shot against a Spaniard, it should cost every one of them his life.... The cazique covered his face with his hands, exclaiming that the gods would avenge their own wrongs. "The Christians were not slow in availing themselves of his tacit acquiescence. Fifty soldiers, at a signal from their general, sprang up the great stairway of the temple, entered the building on the summit, the walls of which were black with human gore, and dragged the huge wooden idols to the edge of the terrace. Their fantastic forms and features, conveying a symbolic meaning which was lost on the Spaniards, seemed to their eyes only the hideous lineaments of Satan. With great alacrity they rolled the colossal monsters down the steps of the pyramid, amid the triumphant shouts of their own companions and the groans and lamentations of the natives. They then consummated the whole by burning them in the presence of the assembled multitude." After the temple had been cleansed from every trace of the idol-worship and its horrors, a new altar was raised, surmounted by a lofty cross, and hung with garlands of roses. A reaction having now set in among the Indians, many were willing to become Christians, and some of the Aztec priests even joined in a procession to signify their conversion, wearing white robes instead of their former dark mantles, and carrying lighted candles in their hands, "while an image of the Virgin half smothered under the weight of flowers was borne aloft, and, as the procession climbed the steps of the temple, was deposited above the altar.... The impressive character of the ceremony and the passionate eloquence of the good priest touched the feelings of the motley audience, until Indians as well as Spaniards, if we may trust the chronicler, were melted into tears and audible sobs." Before finally marching westward toward the temperate "slopes" of the mountains, Cortés had another opportunity of proving his generalship and prompt resource at a critical moment. When Agathocles, the autocratic ruler of Syracuse, sailed over to defeat the Carthaginians, the first thing he did on landing in Africa was to burn his ships, that his soldiers might have no opportunity of retreat, and no hope but in victory. Cortés now acted on exactly the same principle. After discovering that a number of his soldiers had formed a conspiracy to seize one of the ships and sail to Cuba, Cortés, on conviction, punished two of the ringleaders with death. Soon after, he formed the extraordinary resolution of destroying his ships without the knowledge of his army. The five worst ships were first ordered to be dismantled; and, soon after, to be sunk. When the rest were inspected, four of them were condemned in the same manner. When the news reached Zempoalla, the army were excited almost to open mutiny. Cortés, however, was perfectly cool. Addressing the army collectively, he assured them that the ships were not fit for service, as had been shown by due inspection. "There is one important advantage gained to the army, viz., the addition of a hundred able-bodied recruits who were necessary to man the lost ships. Besides all that, of what use could ships be to us in the present expedition? As for me, I will remain here even without a comrade. As for those who shrink from the dangers of our glorious enterprise, let them go back, in God's name! Let them go home, since there is still one vessel left; let them go on board and return to Cuba. They can tell how they deserted their commander and their comrades, and patiently wait till they see us return loaded with the spoils of the Aztecs." Persuasion is the end of true oratory. The reply of the army to Cortés was the unanimous shout "To Mexico! To Mexico!" After beginning the gradual ascent in their march toward the table-land of Mexico, the first place noted by the invaders was Jalapa, a town which still retains its Aztec name, known to all the world by the well-known drug grown there. It is a favorite resort of the wealthier residents in Vera Cruz, and that too tropical plain which Cortés had just left. The mighty mountain Orizaba, one of the guardians of the Mexican Valley, is now full in sight, towering in solitary grandeur with its robe of snow. At last they reached a town so populous that there were thirteen Aztec temples with the usual sacrificial stone for human victims before each idol. In the suburbs the Spanish were shocked by a gathering of human skulls, many thousand in number. This appalling reminder of the unspeakable sacrifices soon became a familiar sight as they marched through that country. Cortés asked the cazique if he were subject to Montezuma. "Who is there," replied the local prince, "that is not tributary to that Emperor?" "_I_ am not," said the stranger general. Cortés assured him that the monarch whom the Spaniards served had princes as vassals, who were more powerful than the Aztec ruler. The cazique said: Montezuma could muster thirty great vassals, each master of 100,000 men. His revenues were incalculable, since every subject, however poor, paid something.... More than 20,000 victims, the fruit of his wars, were annually sacrificed on the altars of his gods! His capital stood on a lake, in the center of a spacious valley.... The approach to the city was by means of causeways several miles long; and when the connecting bridges were raised all communication with the country was cut off. The Indians showed the greatest curiosity respecting the dresses, weapons, horses, and dogs of their strange visitors. The country all around was then well wooded and full of villages and towns, which disappeared after the conquest. Humboldt remarked, when he traveled there, that the whole district had, "at the time of the arrival of the Spanish, been more inhabited and better cultivated, and that in proportion as they got higher up near the table-land, they found the villages more frequent, the fields more subdivided, and the people more law-abiding." Before entering upon the table-land, Cortés resolved to visit the republic of Tlascala, which was noted for having retained its independence in spite of the Aztecs. After sending an embassy, consisting of the four chief Zempoallas, who had accompanied the army, he set out toward Tlascala, lingering as they proceeded, so that his ambassadors should have time to return. While wondering at the delay, they suddenly reached a remarkable fortification which marked the limits of the republic, and acted as a barrier against the Mexican invasions. Prescott thus describes it: A stone wall nine feet in height and twenty in thickness, with a parapet a foot and a half broad raised on the summit for the protection of those who defended it. It had only one opening in the center, made by two semicircular lines of wall overlapping each other for the space of forty paces, and affording a passageway between, ten paces wide, so contrived, therefore, as to be perfectly commanded by the inner wall. This fortification, which extended more than two leagues, rested at either end on the bold natural buttresses formed by the sierra. The work was built of immense blocks of stone nicely laid together without cement, and the remains still existing, among which are rocks of the whole breadth of the rampart, fully attest its solidity and size. Who were the people of this stout-hearted republic? The Tlascalans were a kindred tribe to the Aztecs, and after coming to the Mexican Valley, toward the close of the twelfth century, had settled for many years on the western shore of Lake Tezcuco. Afterward they migrated to that district of fruitful valleys where Cortés found them; _Tlascala_, meaning "land of bread." They then, as a nation, consisted of four separate states, considerably civilized, and always able to protect their confederacy against foreign invasion. Their arts, religion, and architecture were the same as those of the Aztecs and Tezcucans. More than once had the Aztecs attempted to bring the little republic into subjection, but in vain. In one campaign Montezuma had lost a favorite, besides having his army defeated; and though a much more formidable invasion followed, "the bold mountaineers withdrew into the recesses of their hills, and coolly watching their opportunity, rushed like a torrent on the invaders, and drove them back with dreadful slaughter from their territories." The Tlascalans had of course heard of the redoubtable Europeans and their advance upon Montezuma's kingdom, but not expecting any visit themselves, they were in doubt about the embassy sent by Cortés, and the council had not reached a decision when the arrival of Cortés was announced at the head of his cavalry. Attacked by a body of several thousand Indians, he sent back a horseman to make the infantry hurry up to his assistance. Two of the horses were killed, a loss seriously felt by Cortés; but when the main body had discharged a volley from their muskets and crossbows, so astounded were the Tlascalan Indians that they stopped fighting and withdrew from the field. Next morning, after Cortés had given careful instruction to his army (now more than 3,000 in number, with his Indian auxiliaries), they had not marched far when they were met by two of the Zempoallans, who had been sent as ambassadors. They informed Cortés that, as captives, they had been reserved for the sacrificial stone, but had succeeded in breaking out of prison. They also said that forces were being collected from all quarters to meet the Spaniards. At the first encounter, the Indians, after some spirited fighting, retreated in order to draw the Spanish army into a defile impracticable for artillery or cavalry. Pressing forward they found, on turning an abrupt corner of the glen, that an army of many thousands was drawn up in order, prepared to receive them. As they came into view, the Tlascalans set up a piercing war-cry, shrill and hideous, accompanied by the melancholy beat of a thousand drums. Cortés spurred on the cavalry to force a passage for the infantry, and kept exhorting his soldiers, while showing them an example of personal daring. "If we fail now," he cried, "the Cross of Christ can never be planted in this land. Forward, comrades! when was it ever known that a Castilian turned his back on a foe?" With desperate efforts the soldiers forced a passage through the Indian columns, and then, as soon as the horse opened room for the movements of the gunners, the terrible "thunder and lightning" of the cannon did the rest. The havoc caused in their ranks, combined with the roar and the flash of gunpowder, and the mangled carcasses, filled the whole of the barbarian army with horror and consternation. Eight leaders of the Tlascalan army having fallen, the prince ordered a retreat. The chief of the Tlascalans, Xicotencatl, was no ordinary leader. When Cortés wished to press on to the capital, he sent two envoys to the Tlascalan camp, but all that Xicotencatl deigned to reply was that the Spaniards might pass on as soon as they chose to Tlascala, and when they reached it their flesh would be hewn from their bodies for sacrifice to the gods. If they preferred to remain in their own quarters, he would pay them a visit there the next day. The envoys also told Cortés that the chief had now collected another very large army, five battalions of 10,000 men each. There was evidently a determination to try the fate of Tlascala by a pitched battle and exterminate the bold invaders. The next day, September 5, 1519, was therefore a critical one in the annals of Cortés. He resolved to meet the Tlascalan chief in the field, after directing the foot-soldiers to use the point of their swords and not the edge; the horse to charge at half speed, directing their lances at the eyes of their enemies; the gunners and crossbowmen to support each other, some loading while others were discharging their pieces. Before Cortés and his soldiers had marched a mile they saw the immense Tlascalan army stretched far and wide over a vast plain. Nothing could be more picturesque than the aspect of these Indian battalions, with the naked bodies of the common soldiers gaudily painted, the fantastic helmets of the chiefs bright with ornaments and precious stones, and the glowing panoplies of feather-work.... The golden glitterance and the feather-mail More gay than glittering gold; and round the helm A coronal of high upstanding plumes.... ... With war-songs and wild music they came on.[21] [Footnote 21: Southey (Madoc, i, 7).] The Tlascalan warriors had attained wonderful skill in throwing the javelin. "One species, with a thong attached to it, which remained in the slinger's hand, that he might recall the weapon, was especially dreaded by the Spaniards." Their various weapons were pointed with bone or obsidian, and sometimes headed with copper. The yell or scream of defiance raised by these Indians almost drowned the volume of sound from "the wild barbaric minstrelsy of shell, atabal, and trumpet with which they proclaimed their triumphant anticipations of victory over the paltry forces of the invaders." Advancing under a thick shower of arrows and other missiles, the Spanish soldiers at a certain distance quickly halted and drew up in order, before delivering a general fire along the whole line. The front ranks of their wild opponents were mowed down and those behind were "petrified with dismay." But for the accident of dissension having arisen between the chiefs of the Tlascalans, it almost seemed as if nothing could have saved Cortés and his Spanish army. Before the battle, the haughty treatment of one of those chiefs by Xicotencatl, the cazique, provoked the injured man to draw off all his contingent during the battle, and persuade another chief to do the same. With his forces so weakened, the cazique was compelled to resign the field to the Spaniards. Xicotencatl, in his eagerness for revenge, consulted some of the Aztec priests, who recommended a night attack upon Cortés's camp in order to take his army by surprise. The Tlascalan, therefore, with 10,000 warriors, marched secretly toward the Spanish camp, but owing to the bright moonlight they were not unseen by the vedettes. Besides that, Cortés had accustomed his army to sleep with their arms by their side and the horses ready saddled. In an instant, as it were, the whole camp were on the alert and under arms. The Indians, meanwhile, were stealthily advancing to the silent camp, and, "no sooner had they reached the slope of the rising ground than they were astounded by the deep battle-cry of the Spaniards, followed by the instantaneous appearance of the whole army. Scarcely awaiting the shock of their enemy, the panic-struck barbarians fled rapidly and tumultuously across the plain. The horse easily overtook the fugitives, riding them down, and cutting them to pieces without mercy." Next day Cortés sent new ambassadors to the Tlascalan capital, accompanied by his faithful slave interpreter, Marina. They found the cazique's council sad and dejected, every gleam of hope being now extinguished. The message of Cortés still promised friendship and pardon, if only they agreed to act as allies. If the present offer were rejected, "he would visit their capital as a conqueror, raze every house to the ground, and put every inhabitant to the sword." On hearing this ultimatum, the council chose four leading chiefs to be entrusted with a mission to Cortés, "assuring him of a free passage through the country, and a friendly reception in the capital." The ambassadors, on their way back to Cortés, called at the camp of Xicotencatl, and were there detained by him. He was still planning against the terrible invaders. Cortés, in the meantime, had another opportunity of showing his resource and presence of mind. Some of his soldiers had shown a grumbling discontent: "The idea of conquering Mexico was madness; if they had encountered such opposition from the petty republic, what might they not expect from the great Mexican Empire? There was now a temporary suspension of hostilities; should they not avail themselves of it to retrace their steps to Vera Cruz?" To this Cortés listened calmly and politely, replying that "he had told them at the outset that glory was to be won only by toil and danger; he had never shrunk from his share of both. To go back now was impossible. What would the Tlascalans say? How would the Mexicans exult at such a miserable issue! Instead of turning your eyes toward Cuba, fix them on Mexico, the great object of our enterprise." Many other soldiers having gathered round, the mutinous party took courage to say that "another such victory as the last would be their ruin; they were going to Mexico only to be slaughtered." With some impatience Cortés gaily quoted a soldiers' song: Better die with honor Than live in long disgrace! --a sentiment which the majority of the audience naturally cheered to the echo, while the malcontents slunk away to their quarters. The next event was the arrival of some Tlascalans wearing white badges as an indication of peace. They brought a message, they said, from Xicotencatl, who now desired an arrangement with Cortés, and would soon appear in person. Most of them remained in the camp, where they were treated kindly; but Marina, with her "woman's wit," became somewhat suspicious of them. Perhaps some of them, forgetting that she knew their language, let drop a phrase in talking to each other, which awoke her distrust. She told Cortés that the men were spies. He had them arrested and examined separately, ascertaining in that way that they were sent to obtain secret information of the Spanish camp, and that, in fact, Xicotencatl was mustering his forces to make another determined attack on the invading army. To show the fierceness of his resentment at such treatment, Cortés ordered the fifty spy ambassadors to have their hands hacked off, and sent back to tell their lord that "the Tlascalans might come by day or night, they would find the Spaniards ready for them." The sight of their mutilated comrades filled the Indian camp with dread and horror. All thoughts of resistance to the advance of Cortés were now abandoned, and not long after the arrival of Xicotencatl himself was announced, attended by a numerous train. He advanced with "the firm and fearless step of one who was coming rather to bid defiance than to sue for peace. He was rather above the middle size, with broad shoulders and a muscular frame, intimating great activity and strength. He made the usual salutation by touching the ground with his hand and carrying it to his head." He threw no blame on the Tlascalan senate, but assumed all the responsibility of the war. He admitted that the Spanish army had beaten him, but hoped they would use their victory with moderation, and not trample on the liberties of the republic. Cortés admired the cazique's lofty spirit, while pretending to rebuke him for having so long remained an enemy. "He was willing to bury the past in oblivion, and to receive the Tlascalans as vassals to the Emperor, his master." Before the entry into Tlascala, the capital, there arrived an embassy from Montezuma, who had been keenly disappointed, no doubt, that Cortés had not only not been defeated by the bravest race on the Mexican table-land, but had formed a friendly alliance with them. As Cortés, with his army, approached the populous city, they were welcomed by great crowds of men and women in picturesque dresses, with nosegays and wreaths of flowers; priests in white robes and long matted tresses, swinging their burning censers of incense. The anniversary of this entry into Tlascala, September 23, 1519, is still celebrated as a day of rejoicing. Cortés, in his letter to the Emperor, King of Spain, compares it for size and appearance to Granada, the Moorish capital. Pottery was one of the industries in which Tlascala excelled. The Tlascalan was chiefly agricultural in his habits; his honest breast glowed with the patriotic attachment to the soil, which is the fruit of its diligent culture, while he was elevated by that consciousness of independence which is the natural birthright of a child of the mountains. Cholula, capital of the republic of that name, is six leagues north of Tlascala, and about twenty southeast of Mexico. In the time of the conquest of the table-land of Anahuac, as the whole district is sometimes termed, this city was large and populous. The people excelled in mechanical arts, especially metal-working, cloth-weaving, and a delicate kind of pottery. Reference has already been made to the god Quetzalcoatl, in whose honor a huge pyramid was erected here. From the farthest parts of Anahuac devotees thronged to Cholula, just as the Mohammedans to Mecca. The Spaniards found the people of Cholula superior in dress and looks to any of the races they had seen. The higher classes "wore fine embroidered mantles resembling the Moorish cloak in texture and fashion.... They showed the same delicate taste for flowers as the other tribes of the plateau, tossing garlands and bunches among the soldiers.... The Spaniards were also struck with the cleanliness of the city, the regularity of the streets, the solidity of the houses, and the number and size of the pyramidal temples." After being treated with kindness and hospitality for several days, all at once the scene changed, the cause being the arrival of messengers from Montezuma. At the same time some Tlascalans told Cortés that a great sacrifice, mostly of children, had been offered to propitiate the favor of the gods. At this juncture, Marina, the Indian slave interpreter, again proved to be the "good angel" of Cortés. She had become very friendly with the wife of one of the Cholula caziques, who gave her a hint that there was danger in staying at the house of any Spaniard; and, when further pressed by Marina, said that the Spaniards were to be slaughtered when marching out of the capital. The plot had originated with the Aztec Emperor, and 20,000 Mexicans were already quartered a little distance out of town. In this most critical position, Cortés at once decided to take possession of the great square, placing a strong guard at each of its three gates of entrance. The rest of what troops he had in the town, he posted without with the cannon, to command the avenues. He had already sent orders to the Tlascalan chiefs to keep their soldiers in readiness to march, at a given signal, into the city to support the Spaniards. Presently the caziques of Cholula arrived with a larger body of levies than Cortés had demanded. He at once charged them with conspiring against the Spaniards after receiving them as friends. They were so amazed at his discovery of their perfidy that they confessed everything, laying the blame on Montezuma. "That pretense," said Cortés, assuming a look of fierce indignation, "is no justification; I shall now make such an example of you for your treachery that the report of it will ring throughout the wide borders of Anahuac!" At the firing of a harquebus, the fatal signal, the crowd of unsuspecting Cholulans were massacred as they stood, almost without resistance. Meantime the other Indians without the square commenced an attack on the Spaniards, but the heavy guns of the battery played upon them with murderous effect, and cavalry advanced to support the attack. The steeds, the guns, the weapons of the Spaniards, were all new to the Cholulans. Notwithstanding the novelty of the terrific spectacle, the flash of arms mingling with the deafening roar of the artillery, the desperate Indians pushed on to take the places of their fallen comrades. While this scene of bloodshed was progressing, the Tlascalans, as arranged, were hastening to the assistance of their Spanish allies. The Cholulans, when thus attacked in rear by their traditional enemies, speedily gave way, and tried to save themselves in the great temple and elsewhere. The "Holy City," as it was called, was converted into a pandemonium of massacre. In memory of the signal defeat of the Cholulans, Cortés converted the chief part of the great temple into a Christian church. Envoys again arrived from Mexico with rich presents and a message vindicating the pusillanimous Emperor from any share in the conspiracy against Cortés. Continuing their march, the allied army of Spaniards and Tlascalans proceeded till they reached the mountains which separate the table-land of Puebla from that of Mexico. To cross this range they followed the route which passes between the mighty Popocatepetl (i. e., "the smoking mountain") and another called the "White Woman" from its broad robe of snow. The first lies about forty miles southeast of the capital to which their march was directed. It is more than 2,000 feet higher than Mont Blanc, and has two principal craters, one of which is about 1,000 feet deep and has large deposits of sulfur which are regularly mined. Popocatepetl has long been only a quiescent volcano, but during the invasion by Cortés it was often burning, especially at the time of the siege of Tlascala. That was naturally interpreted all over the district of Anahuac to be a bad omen, associated with the landing and approach of the Spaniards. Cortés insisted on several descents being made into the great crater till sufficient sulfur was collected to supply gunpowder to his army. The icy cold winds, varied by storms of snow and sleet, were more trying to the Europeans than the Tlascalans, but some relief was found in the stone shelters which had been built at certain intervals along the roads for the accommodation of couriers and other travelers. At last they reached the crest of the sierra which unites Popocatepetl, the "great _Volcan_," to its sister mountain the "Woman in White." Soon after, at a turning of the road, the invaders enjoyed their first view of the famous Valley of Mexico or Tenochtitlan, with its beautiful lakes in their setting of cultivated plains, here and there varied by woods and forests. "In the midst, like some Indian empress with her coronal of pearls, the fair city with her white towers and pyramidal temples, reposing as it were on the bosom of the waters--the far-famed 'Venice of the Aztecs.'" This view of the "Promised Land" will remind some of the picturesque account given by Livy (xxi, 35) of Hannibal reaching the top of the pass over the Alps and pointing out the fair prospect of Italy to his soldiers. We may thus render the passage: "On the ninth day the ridge of the Alps was reached, over ground generally trackless and by roundabout ways.... The order for marching being given at break of day, the army were sluggishly advancing over ground wholly covered with snow, listlessness, and despair depicted on the features of all, Hannibal went on in front, and after ordering the soldiers to halt on a height which commanded a distant view, far and wide, points out to them Italy and the plains of Lombardy on both banks of the Po, at the foot of the Alps, telling them that at that moment they were crossing not only the walls of Italy but of the Roman capital; that the rest of the march was easy and downhill." The situation of Hannibal and his Carthaginians surveying Italy for the first time is in some respects closely analogous to that of Cortés pointing out the Valley of Mexico to his Spanish soldiers. CHAPTER VII CORTÉS AND MONTEZUMA We have now seen the Spanish conquerors with a large contingent of 6,000 natives surmounting the mountains to the east of the Mexican Valley and looking down upon the Lake of Tezcuco on which were built the sister capitals. Montezuma, the Aztec monarch, was already in a state of dismay, and sent still another embassy to propitiate the terrible Cortés, with a great present of gold and robes of the most precious fabrics and workmanship; and a promise that, if the foreign general would turn back toward Vera Cruz, the Mexicans would pay down four loads of gold for himself and one to each of his captains, besides a yearly tribute to their king in Europe. These promises did not reach Cortés till he was descending from the sierra. He replied that details were best arranged by a personal interview, and that the Spaniards came with peaceful motives. Montezuma was now plunged in deep despair. At last he summoned a council to consult his nobles and especially his nephew, the young King of Tezcuco, and his warlike brother. The latter advised him to "muster as large an army as possible, and drive back the invaders from his capital or die in its defense." "Ah!" replied the monarch, "the gods have declared themselves against us!" Still another embassy was prepared, with his nephew, lord of Tezcuco, at its head, to offer a welcome to the unwelcome visitors. Cortés approached through fertile fields, plantations, and maguey-vineyards till they reached Lake Chalco. There they found a large town built in the water on piles, with canals instead of streets, full of movement and animation. "The Spaniards were particularly struck with the style and commodious structure of the houses, chiefly of stone, and with the general aspect of wealth and even elegance which prevailed." Next morning the King of Tezcuco came to visit Cortés, in a palanquin richly decorated with plates of gold and precious stones, under a canopy of green plumes. He was accompanied by a numerous suite. Advancing with the Mexican salutation, he said he had been commanded by Montezuma to welcome him to the capital, at the same time offering three splendid pearls as a present. Cortés "in return threw over the young king's neck a chain of cut glass, which, where glass was as rare as diamonds, might be admitted to have a value as real as the latter." The army of Cortés next marched along the southern side of Lake Chalco, "through noble woods and by orchards glowing with autumnal fruits, of unknown names, but rich and tempting hues." They also passed "through cultivated fields waving with the yellow harvest, and irrigated by canals introduced from the neighboring lake, the whole showing a careful and economical husbandry, essential to the maintenance of a crowded population." A remarkable public work next engaged the attention of the Spaniards, viz., a solid causeway of stone and lime running directly through the lake, in some places so wide that eight horsemen could ride on it abreast. Its length is some four or five miles. Marching along this causeway, they saw other wonders; numbers of the natives darting in all directions in their skiffs, curious to watch the strangers marching, and some of them bearing the products of the country to the neighboring cities. They were amazed also by the sight of the floating gardens, teeming with flowers and vegetables, and moving like rafts over the waters. All round the margin, and occasionally far in the lake, they beheld little towns and villages, which, half concealed by the foliage, and gathered in white clusters round the shore, "looked in the distance like companies of white swans riding quietly on the waves." About the middle of this lake was a town, to which the Spaniards gave the name of Venezuela[22] (i. e., "Little Venice"). From its situation and the style of the buildings, Cortés called it the most beautiful town that he had yet seen in New Spain. [Footnote 22: Not to be confounded with the Indian village on the shore of Lake Maracaibo, to which (with similar motive) Vespucci had given that name--now capital of a large republic.] After crossing the isthmus which separates that lake from Lake Tezcuco they were now at Iztapalapan, a royal residence in charge of the Emperor's brother. Here a ceremonious reception was given to Cortés and his staff, "a collation being served in one of the great halls of the palace. The excellence of the architecture here excited the admiration of the general. The buildings were of stone, and the spacious apartments had roofs of odorous cedar-wood, while the walls were tapestried with fine cotton stained with brilliant colors. "But the pride of Iztapalapan was its celebrated gardens, covering an immense tract of land and laid out in regular squares. The gardens were stocked with fruit-trees and with the gaudy family of flowers which belonged to the Mexican flora, scientifically arranged, and growing luxuriant in the equable temperature of the table-land. In one quarter was an aviary filled with numerous kinds of birds remarkable in this region both for brilliancy of plumage and for song. But the most elaborate piece of work was a huge reservoir of stone, filled to a considerable height with water, well supplied with different sorts of fish. This basin was 1,600 paces in circumference, and surrounded by a walk." Readers must remember that at that age no beautiful gardens on a large scale were known in any part of Europe. The first "garden of plants" (to use the name afterward applied by the French) is said to have been an Italian one, at Padua, in 1545, a whole generation after the time of the arrival of Cortés in Mexico. It was only under Louis "Le Magnifique" that France created the Versailles Gardens, and not till the time of George III and his tutor Bute could we boast of the gardens at Kew, now admired by all the world. The ancient Mexicans, therefore, under their extinct civilization, had developed this taste for the beautiful many ages before the most cultivated races in Europe. Cortés took up his quarters at this residence of Iztapalapan for the night, expecting to meet Montezuma on the morrow. Mexico was now distinctly full in view, looking "like a thing of fairy creation," a city of enchantment. There Aztlan stood upon the farther shore; Amid the shade of trees its dwellings rose, Their level roofs with turrets set around And battlements all burnished white, which shone Like silver in the sunshine. I beheld The imperial city, her far-circling walls, Her garden groves and stately palaces, Her temples mountain size, her thousand roofs. And when I saw her might and majesty My mind misgave me then. _Madoc_, i, 6. That following day, November 8, 1519, should be noted in every calendar, when the great capital of the Western World admitted the conquering general from the Eastern World. The invaders were now upon a larger causeway, which stretched across the salt waters of Lake Tezcuco; and "had occasion more than ever to admire the mechanical science of the Aztecs." It was wide enough throughout its whole extent for ten horsemen to ride abreast. The Spaniards saw everywhere "evidence of a crowded and thriving population, exceeding all they had yet seen." The water was darkened by swarms of canoes filled with Indians; and here also were those fairy islands of flowers. Half a league from the capital they encountered a solid work of stone, which traversed the road. It was twelve feet high, strengthened by towers at the extremities, and in the center was a battlemented gateway, which opened a passage to the troops. Here they were met by several hundred Aztec chiefs, who came out to announce the approach of Montezuma, and to welcome the Spaniards to his capital. They were dressed in the fanciful gala costume of the country, with the cotton sash around their loins, and a broad mantle of the same material, or of the brilliant feather embroidery, flowing gracefully down their shoulders. On their necks and arms they displayed collars and bracelets of turquoise mosaic, with which delicate plumage was curiously mingled, while their ears, under lips, and occasionally their noses were garnished with pendants formed of precious stones, or crescents of fine gold. After all the caziques had performed the same formal salutation separately, there was no further delay till they reached a bridge near the gates of the capital. Soon after "they beheld the glittering retinue of the Emperor emerging from the great street leading through the heart of the city. Amid a crowd of Indian nobles preceded by three officers of state bearing golden wands, they saw the royal palanquin blazing with burnished gold. It was borne on the shoulders of nobles, and over it a canopy of gaudy feather-work, covered with jewels and fringed with silver, was supported by four attendants of the same rank." At a certain distance from the Spaniards "the train halted, and Montezuma, descending from the litter, came forward, leaning on the arms of the lords of Tezcuco and Iztapalapan"--the Emperor's nephew and brother, already mentioned. "As the monarch advanced, his subjects, who lined the sides of the causeway, bent forward, with their eyes fastened on the ground, as he passed." Montezuma wore the ample square cloak common to the Mexicans, but of the finest cotton sprinkled with pearls and precious stones; his sandals were similarly sprinkled, and had soles of solid gold. His only head ornament was a bunch of feathers of the royal green color. A man about forty; tall and rather thin; black hair, cut rather short for a person of rank; dignified in his movements; his features wearing an expression of benignity not to be expected from his character. After dismounting from horseback, Cortés advanced to meet Montezuma, who received him with princely courtesy, while Cortés responded by profound expressions of respect, with thanks for his experience of the Emperor's munificence. He then hung round Montezuma's neck a sparkling chain of colored crystal, accompanying this with a movement as if to embrace him, when he was restrained by the two Aztec lords, shocked at the menaced profanation of the sacred person of their monarch and master. Montezuma appointed his brother to conduct the Spaniards to their residence in the capital, and was again carried through the adoring crowds in his litter. "The Spaniards quickly followed, and with colors flying and music playing soon made their entrance into the southern quarter." On entering "they found fresh cause for admiration in the grandeur of the city and the superior style of its architecture. The great avenue through which they were now marching was lined with the houses of the nobles, who were encouraged by the Emperor to make the capital their residence. The flat roofs were protected by stone parapets, so that every house was a fortress. Sometimes these roofs seemed parterres of flowers ... broad terraced gardens laid out between the buildings. Occasionally a great square intervened surrounded by its porticoes of stone and stucco; or a pyramidal temple reared its colossal bulk crowned with its tapering sanctuaries, and altars blazing with unextinguishable fires. But what most impressed the Spaniards was the throngs of people who swarmed through the streets and on the canals." Probably, however, the spectacle of the European army with their horses, their guns, bright swords and helmets of steel, a metal to them unknown; their weird and mysterious music--the whole formed to the Aztec populace an inexplicable wonder, combined with those foreigners who had arrived from the distant East, "revealing their celestial origin in their fair complexions." Many of the Aztec citizens betrayed keen hatred of the Tlascalans who marched with the Spaniards in friendly alliance. At length Cortés with his mixed army halted near the center of the city in a great open space, "where rose the huge pyramidal pile dedicated to the patron war-god of the Aztecs, second only to the temple of Cholula in size as well as sanctity." The present famous cathedral of modern Mexico is built on part of the same site. A palace built opposite the west side of the great temple was assigned to Cortés. It was extensive enough to accommodate the whole of the army of Cortés. Montezuma paid him a visit there, having a long conversation through the indispensable assistance of Marina, the slave interpreter. "That evening the Spaniards celebrated their arrival in the Mexican capital by a general discharge of artillery. The thunders of the ordnance reverberating among the buildings and shaking them to their foundations, the stench of the sulfureous vapor reminding the inhabitants of the explosions of the great volcano (Popocatepetl) filled the hearts of the superstitious Aztecs with dismay." Next day Cortés had gracious permission to return the visit of the Emperor, and therefore proceeded to wait upon him at the royal palace, dressed in his richest suit of clothes. The Spanish general felt the importance of the occasion and resolved to exercise all his eloquence and power of argument in attempting the "conversion" of Montezuma to the Christian faith. For this purpose, with the assistance of the faithful Marina, Cortés engaged the Emperor in a theological discussion; explaining the creation of the world as taught in the Jewish Scriptures; the fall of man from his first happy and holy condition by the temptation of Satan; the mysterious redemption of the human race by the incarnation and atonement of the Son of God Himself. "He assured Montezuma that the idols worshiped in Mexico were Satan under different forms. A sufficient proof of this was the bloody sacrifices they imposed, which he contrasted with the pure and simple rite of the mass. It was to snatch the Emperor's soul and the souls of his people from the flames of eternal fire that the Christians had come to this land." Montezuma replied that the God of the Spaniards must be a good being, and "my gods also are good to me; there was no need to further discourse on the matter." If he had "resisted their visit to his capital, it was because he had heard such accounts of their cruelties--that they sent the lightning to consume his people, or crushed them to pieces under the hard feet of the ferocious animals on which they rode. He was now convinced that these were idle tales; that the Spaniards were kind and generous in their nature." He concluded by admitting the superiority of the sovereign of Cortés beyond the seas. "Your sovereign is the rightful lord of all: I rule in his name." The rough Spanish cavaliers were touched by the kindness and affability of Montezuma. As they passed him, says Diaz, in his History, they made him the most profound obeisance, hat in hand; and on the way home could discourse of nothing but the gentle breeding and courtesy of the Indian monarch. MONTEZUMA'S CAPITAL Cortés and his army being now fairly domesticated in Mexico, and the Emperor having apparently become reconciled to the presence of his formidable guests, we may pause to consider the surroundings. The present capital occupies the site of Tenochtitlan, but many changes have occurred in the intervening four centuries. First of all, the salt waters of the great lake have entirely shrunk away, leaving modern Mexico high and dry, a league away from the waters that Cortés saw flowing in ample canals through all the streets. Formerly the houses stood on elevated piles and were independent of the floods which rose in Lake Tezcuco by the overflowing of other lakes on a higher level. But when the foundations were on solid ground it became necessary to provide against the accumulated volume of water by excavating a tunnel to drain off the flood. This was constructed about one hundred years after the invasion of the Spaniards, and has been described by Humboldt as "one of the most stupendous hydraulic works in existence." The appearance of the lake and suburbs of the capital have long lost much of the attractive appearance they had at the time of the Spanish visit; but the town itself is still the most brilliant city in Spanish America, surmounted by a cathedral, which forms "the most sumptuous house of worship in the New World." The great causeway already described as leading north from the royal city of Iztapalapan, had another to the north of the capital, which might be called its continuation. The third causeway, leading west to the town Tacuba from the island city, will be noticed presently as the scene of the Spaniards' retreat. There were excellent police regulations for health and cleanliness. Water supplied by earthen pipes was from a hill about two miles distant. Besides the palaces and temples there were several important buildings: an armory filled with weapons and military dresses; a granary; various warehouses; an immense aviary, with "birds of splendid plumage assembled from all parts of the empire--the scarlet cardinal, the golden pheasant, the endless parrot tribe, and that miniature miracle of nature, the humming-bird, which delights to revel among the honeysuckle bowers of Mexico." The birds of prey had a separate building. The menagerie adjoining the aviary showed wild animals from the mountain forests, as well as creatures from the remote swamps of the hot lands by the seashore. The serpents "were confined in long cages lined with down or feathers, or in troughs of mud and water." Wishing to visit the great Mexican temple, Cortés, with his cavalry and most of his infantry, followed the caziques whom Montezuma had politely sent as guides. On their way to the central square the Spaniards "were struck with the appearance of the inhabitants, and their great superiority in the style and quality of their dress over the people of the lower countries. The women, as in other parts of the country, seemed to go about as freely as the men. They wore several skirts or petticoats of different lengths, with highly ornamented borders, and sometimes over them loose-flowing robes, which reached to the ankles. No veils were worn here as in some other parts of Anahuac. The Aztec women had their faces exposed; and their dark raven tresses floated luxuriantly over their shoulders, revealing features which, although of a dusky or rather cinnamon hue, were not unfrequently pleasing, while touched with the serious, even sad expression characteristic of the national physiognomy." When near the great market "the Spaniards were astonished at the throng of people pressing toward it, and on entering the place their surprise was still further heightened by the sight of the multitudes assembled there, and the dimensions of the enclosure, twice as large, says one Spanish observer, as the celebrated square of Salamanca. Here were traders from all parts; the goldsmiths from Azcapozalco, the potters and jewelers of Cholula, the painters of Tezcuco, the stone-cutters, hunters, fishermen, fruiterers, mat and chair makers, florists, etc. The pottery department was a large one; so were the armories for implements of war; razors and mirrors--booths for apothecaries with drugs, roots, and medical preparations. In other places again, blank-books or maps for the hieroglyphics or pictographs were to be seen folded together like fans. Animals both wild and tame were offered for sale, and near them, perhaps, a gang of slaves with collars round their necks. One of the most attractive features of the market was the display of provisions: meats of all kinds, domestic poultry, game from the neighboring mountains, fish from the lakes and streams, fruits in all the delicious abundance of these temperate regions, green vegetables, and the unfailing maize." This market, like hundreds of smaller ones, was of course held every fifth day--the week of the ancient Mexicans being one-fourth of the twenty days which constituted the Aztec month. This great market was comparable to "the periodical fairs in Europe, not as they now exist, but as they existed in the middle ages," when from the difficulties of intercommunication they served as the great central marts for commercial intercourse, exercising a most important and salutary influence on the community. One of the Spaniards in the party accompanying Cortés was the historian Diaz, and his testimony is remarkable: There were among us soldiers who had been in many parts of the world, Constantinople and Rome, and through all Italy, and who said that a market-place so large, so well ordered and regulated, and so filled with people, they had never seen. Proceeding next to the great _teocalli_ or Aztec temple, covering the site of the modern cathedral with part of the market-place and some adjoining streets, they found it in the midst of a great open space, surrounded by a high stone wall, ornamented on the outside by figures of serpents raised in relief, and pierced by huge battlemented gateways opening on the four principal streets of the capital. The _teocalli_ itself was a solid pyramidal structure of earth and pebbles, coated on the outside with hewn stones, the sides facing the cardinal points. It was divided into five stories, each of smaller dimensions than that immediately below. The ascent was by a flight of steps on the outside, which reached to the narrow terrace at the bottom of the second story, passing quite round the building, when a second stairway conducted to a similar landing at the base of the third. Thus the visitor was obliged to pass round the whole edifice four times in order to reach the top. This had a most imposing effect in the religious ceremonials, when the pompous procession of priests with their wild minstrelsy came sweeping round the huge sides of the pyramid, as they rose higher and higher toward the summit in full view of the populace assembled in their thousands. Cortés marched up the steps at the head of his men, and found at the summit "a vast area paved with broad flat stones. The first object that met their view was a large block of jasper, the peculiar shape of which showed it was the stone on which the bodies of the unhappy victims were stretched for sacrifice. Its convex surface, by raising the breast, enabled the priest to perform more easily his diabolical task of removing the heart. At the other end of the area were two towers or sanctuaries, consisting of three stories, the lower one of stone, the two upper of wood elaborately carved. In the lower division stood the images of their gods; the apartments above were filled with utensils for their religious services, and with the ashes of some of their Aztec princes who had fancied this airy sepulcher. Before each sanctuary stood an altar, with that undying fire upon it, the extinction of which boded as much evil to the empire as that of the Vestal flame would have done in ancient Rome. Here also was the huge cylindrical drum made of serpents' skins, and struck only on extraordinary occasions, when it sent forth a melancholy, weird sound, that might be heard for miles" over the country, indicating fierce anger of deity against the enemies of Mexico. As Cortés reached the summit he was met by the Emperor himself attended by the high priest. Taking the general by the hand, Montezuma pointed out the chief localities in the wide prospect which their position commanded, including not only the capital, "bathed on all sides by the salt floods of the Tezcuco, and in the distance the clear fresh waters of Lake Chalco," but the whole of the Valley of Mexico to the base of the circular range of mountains, and the wreaths of vapor rolling up from the hoary head of Popocatepetl. Cortés was allowed "to behold the shrines of the gods. They found themselves in a spacious apartment, with sculptures on the walls, representing the Mexican calendar, or the priestly ritual. Before the altar in this sanctuary stood the colossal image of Huitzilopochtli, the tutelary deity and war-god of the Aztecs. His countenance was distorted into hideous lineaments of symbolical import. The huge folds of a serpent, consisting of pearls and precious stones, were coiled round his waist, and the same rich materials were profusely sprinkled over his person. On his left foot were the delicate feathers of the humming-bird, which gave its name to the dread deity. The most conspicuous ornament was a chain of gold and silver hearts alternate, suspended round his neck, emblematical of the sacrifice in which he most delighted. A more unequivocal evidence of this was afforded by three human hearts that now lay smoking on the altar before him. "The adjoining sanctuary was dedicated to a milder deity. This was Tezcatlipoca, who created the world, next in honor to that invisible being the Supreme God, who was represented by no image, and confined by no temple. He was represented as a young man, and his image of polished black stone was richly garnished with gold plates and ornaments. But the homage to this god was not always of a more refined or merciful character than that paid to his carnivorous brother." According to Diaz, whom we have already quoted, the stench of human gore in both those chapels was more intolerable than that of all the slaughter-houses in Castile. Glad to escape into the open air, Cortés expressed wonder that a great and wise prince like Montezuma could have faith "in such evil spirits as these idols, the representatives of the devil! Permit us to erect here the true cross, and place the images of the Blessed Virgin and her Son in these sanctuaries; you will soon see how your false gods will shrink before them!" This extraordinary speech of the general shocked Montezuma, who, in reproof, said: "Had I thought you would have offered this outrage to the gods of the Aztecs, I would not have admitted you into their presence." Cortés, as a general, had some of the great qualities of Napoleon, but he also resembled him occasionally in a singular lack of delicacy and good taste. We do not, however, find that he ever showed such mean malignity as the French general did when persecuting Madame de Staël, because in her Germany she had omitted to mention his campaigns and administration. Within the same enclosure, Cortés and his companions visited a temple dedicated to Quetzalcoatl, a god referred to already. Other buildings served as seminaries for the instruction of youth of both sexes; and according to the Spanish accounts of the teaching and management of these institutions there was "the greatest care for morals and the most blameless deportment." SEIZURE OF MONTEZUMA After being guest of the Mexican Emperor for a week, Cortés resolved to carry out a most daring and unprecedented scheme--a purely "Napoleonic movement," such as could scarcely have entered the brain of any general ancient or modern. He argued with himself that a quarrel might at any moment break out between his men and the citizens; the Spaniards again could not remain long quiet unless actively employed; and, thirdly, there was still greater danger with the Tlascalans, "a fierce race now in daily contact with a nation that regards them with loathing and detestation." Lastly, the Governor of Cuba, already grossly offended with Cortés, might at any moment send after him a sufficient army to wrest from him the glory of conquest. Cortés therefore formed the daring resolve to seize Montezuma in his palace and carry him as a prisoner to the Spanish quarters. He hoped thus to have in his own hands the supreme management of affairs, and at the same time secure his own safety with such a "sacred pledge" in keeping. It was necessary to find a pretext for seizing the hospitable Montezuma. News had already come to Cortés, when at Cholula, that Escalante, whom he had left in charge of Vera Cruz, had been defeated by the Aztecs in a pitched battle, and that the head of a Spaniard, then slain, had been sent to the Emperor, after being shown in triumph throughout some of the chief cities. Cortés asked an audience from Montezuma, and that being readily granted, he prepared for his plot by having a large body of armed men posted in the courtyard. Choosing five companions of tried courage, Cortés then entered the palace, and after being graciously received, told Montezuma that he knew of the treachery that had taken place near the coast, and that the Emperor was said to be the cause. The Emperor said that such a charge could only have been concocted by his enemies. He agreed with the proposal of Cortés to summon the Aztec chief who was accused of treachery to the garrison at Vera Cruz; and was then persuaded to transfer his residence to the palace occupied by the Spaniards. He was there received and treated with ostentatious respect; but his people observed that in front of the palace there was constantly posted a patrol of sixty soldiers, with another equally large in the rear. When the Aztec chief arrived from the coast, he and his sixteen Aztec companions were condemned to be burned alive before the palace. The next daring act of the Spanish general was to order iron fetters to be fastened on Montezuma's ankles. The great Emperor seemed struck with stupor and spoke never a word. Meanwhile the Aztec chiefs were executed in the courtyard without interruption, the populace imagining the sentence had been passed upon them by Montezuma, and the victims submitting to their fate without a murmur. Cortés returning then to the room where Montezuma was imprisoned, unclasped the fetters and said he was now at liberty to return to his own palace. The Emperor, however, declined the offer. The instinctive sense of human sympathy must have frequently been not only repressed but extinguished by all the great conquering generals who have crushed nations under foot. Besides those of prehistoric times in Asia and Europe, we have examples in Alexander the Greek, Julius Cæsar the Roman, Cortés and Pizarro the Spaniards, Frederick the Prussian, and Napoleon the Corsican. The great French general consciously aimed at dramatic effect in his exploits, but how paltry his seizing the Duc d'Enghien at dead of night by a troop of soldiers, or his coercing the King of Spain to resign his sovereignty after inducing him to cross the border into France. In the unparalleled case of Cortés, a powerful emperor is seized by a few strangers at noonday and carried off a prisoner without opposition or bloodshed. So extraordinary a transaction, says Robertson, would appear "extravagant beyond the bounds of probability" were it not that all the circumstances are "authenticated by the most unquestionable evidence." The nephew of Montezuma, Cakama, the lord of Tezcuco, had been closely watching all the motions of the Spaniards. He "beheld with indignation and contempt the abject condition of his uncle; and now set about forming a league with several of the neighboring caziques to break the detested yoke of the Spaniards." News of this league reached the ears of Cortés, and arresting him with the permission of Montezuma, he deposed him, and appointed a younger brother in his place. The other caziques were seized, each in his own city, and brought to Mexico, where Cortés placed them in strict confinement along with Cakama. The next step taken by Cortés was to demand from Montezuma an acknowledgment of the supremacy of the Spanish Emperor. The Aztec monarch and chief caziques easily granted this; and even agreed that a gratuity should be sent by each of them as proof of loyalty. Collectors were sent out, and "in a few weeks most of them returned, bringing back large quantities of gold and silver plate, rich stuffs, etc." To this Montezuma added a huge hoard, the treasures of his father. When brought into the quarters, the gold alone was sufficient to make three great heaps. It consisted partly of native grains, and partly of bars; but the greatest portion was in utensils, and various kinds of ornaments and curious toys, together with imitations of birds, insects, or flowers, executed with uncommon truth and delicacy. There were also quantities of collars, bracelets, wands, fans, and other trinkets, in which the gold and feather-work were richly powdered with pearls and precious stones. Montezuma expressed regret that the treasure was no larger; he had "diminished it," he said, "by his former gifts to the white men." The Spaniards gazed on this display of riches, far exceeding all hitherto seen in the New World--though small compared with the quantity of treasure found in Peru. The whole amount of this Mexican gift was about £1,417,000, according to Prescott, Dr. Robertson making it smaller. It was no easy task to divide the spoil. A fifth had to be deducted for the Crown, and an equal share went to the general, besides a "large sum to indemnify him and the Governor of Cuba for the charges of the expedition and the loss of the fleet. The garrison of Vera Cruz was also to be provided for. The cavalry, musketeers, and crossbowmen each received double pay." Thus for each of the common soldiers there was only 100 gold _pesos_--i. e., £2-5/8 X 100 = £262 10s. To many this share seemed paltry, compared with their expectations; and it required all the tact and authority of Cortés to quell the grumbling. There still remained one important object of the Spanish invasion, an object which Cortés as a good Catholic dared not overlook--the conversion of the Aztec nation from heathenism. The bloody ritual of the _teocallis_ was still observed in every city. Cortés waited on Montezuma, urging a request that the great temple be assigned for public worship according to the Christian rites. Montezuma was evidently much alarmed, declaring that his people would never allow such a profanation, but at last, after consulting the priest, agreed that one of the sanctuaries on the summit of the temple should be granted to the Christians as a place of worship. An altar was raised, surmounted by a crucifix and the image of the Virgin. The whole army ascended the steps in solemn procession and listened with silent reverence to the service of the mass. In conclusion, "as the beautiful Te Deum rose toward heaven, Cortés and his soldiers kneeling on the ground, with tears streaming from their eyes, poured forth their gratitude to the Almighty for this glorious triumph of the cross." Such a union of heathenism and Christianity was too unnatural to continue. A few days later the Emperor sent for Cortés and earnestly advised him to leave the country at once. Cortés replied that ships were necessary. Montezuma agreed to supply timber and workmen, and in a short time the construction of several ships was begun at Vera Cruz on the seacoast, while in the capital the garrison kept itself ready by day and by night for a hostile attack. Only six months had elapsed since the arrival of the Spaniards in the capital, 1519, and now the army was in more uncomfortable circumstances than ever. Meanwhile, while Cortés had been reducing Mexico and humbling the unfortunate Montezuma, the Governor of Cuba had complained to the court of Spain, but without success. Charles V, since his election to the imperial crown of Germany, had neglected the affairs of Spain; and when the envoys from Vera Cruz waited upon him, little came of the conference except the astonishment of the court at the quantity of gold, and the beautiful workmanship of the ornaments and the rich colors of the Mexican feather-work. The opposition of the Bishop of Burgos thwarted the conqueror of Mexico, as he had already successfully opposed the schemes of the "Great Admiral" and his son Diego Columbus. We shall presently see how this influential ecclesiastic was able to thwart Balboa when governor of Darien. Velasquez was now determined to wreak his revenge upon Cortés without waiting longer for assistance from Spain. He prepared an expedition of eighteen ships with eighty horsemen, 800 infantry, 120 crossbowmen, and twelve pieces of artillery. To command these Velasquez chose a hidalgo named Narvaez, who had assisted formerly in subduing Cuba and Hispaniola. The personal appearance of Narvaez, as given by Diaz, is worth quoting: He was tall, stout-limbed, with a large head and red beard, an agreeable presence, a voice deep and sonorous, as if it rose from a cavern. He was a good horseman and valiant. Meanwhile Cortés persuaded Montezuma that some friends from Spain had arrived at Vera Cruz, and therefore got permission to leave him and the capital in charge of Alvarado and a small garrison. Montezuma, in his royal litter, borne on the shoulders of his Aztec nobles, accompanied the Spanish general to the southern causeway. When Cortés was within fifteen leagues' distance of Zempoalla, where Narvaez was encamped, the latter sent a message that if his authority were acknowledged he would supply ships to Cortés and his army so that all who wished might freely leave the country with all their property. Cortés, however, with his usual astuteness, replied: "If Narvaez bears a royal commission I will readily submit to him. But he has produced none. He is a deputy of my rival, Velasquez. For myself, I am a servant of the King; I have conquered the country for him; and for him I and my brave followers will defend it to the last drop of our blood. If we fall it will be glory enough to have perished in the discharge of our duty." Narvaez and his army were meantime spending their time frivolously; and when the actual attack was begun in the dead of night, under a pouring rain-storm, it appeared that only two sentinels were on guard. Narvaez, badly wounded, was taken prisoner on the top of a _teocalli_; and in a very short time his army was glad to capitulate. The horse-soldiers whom Narvaez had sent to waylay one of the roads to Zempoalla, rode in soon after to tender their submission. The victorious general, seated in a chair of state, with a richly embroidered Mexican mantle on his shoulders, received his congratulations from the officers and soldiers of both armies. Narvaez and several others were led in chains. Cortés not only defeated Narvaez, but, after the battle, enlisted under his standard the Spanish soldiers who had been sent to attack him--reminding one of the "magnetism" of Hannibal or Napoleon, and the consequent enthusiasm caused by mere presence, looks, and words. Before the rejoicings were finished, however, tidings were brought to Cortés from the Mexican capital that the whole city was in a state of revolt against Alvarado. On his march back to the great plateau Cortés found the inhabitants of Tlascala still friendly and willing to assist as allies in the struggle against their ancient foes, the Mexicans. On reaching the camp of the Spaniards in Mexico, Cortés found that Alvarado had provoked the insurrection by a massacre of the Aztec populace. Having entered the precincts with his army, Cortés at once made anxious preparations for the siege which was threatened by the Aztecs, now assembling in thousands. As the assailants approached "they set up a hideous yell, or rather that shrill whistle used in fight by the nations of Anahuac," accompanied by the sound of shell and atabal and their other rude instruments of wild music. This was followed by a tempest of missiles, stones, darts, and arrows. The Spaniards waited until the foremost column had arrived within distance, when a general discharge of artillery and muskets swept the ranks of the assailants. Never till now had the Mexicans witnessed the murderous power of these formidable engines. At first they stood aghast, but soon rallying, they rushed forward over the prostrate bodies of their comrades. Pressing on, some of them tried to scale the parapet, while others tried to force a breach in it. When the parapet proved too strong they shot burning arrows upon the wooden outworks. Next day there were continually fresh supplies of warriors added to the forces of the assailants, so that the danger of the situation was greatly increased. Diaz, an onlooker, thus wrote: The Mexicans fought with such ferocity that if we had been assisted by 10,000 Hectors and as many Orlandos, we should have made no impression on them. There were several of our troops who had served in the Italian wars, but neither there nor in the battles with the Turks had they ever seen anything like the desperation shown by these Indians. Cortés at last drew off his men and sounded a retreat, taking refuge in the fortress. The Mexicans encamped round it, and during the night insulted the besieged, shouting, "The gods have at last delivered you into our hands: the stone of sacrifice is ready: the knives are sharpened." Cortés now felt that he had not fully understood the character of the Mexicans. The patience and submission formerly shown in deference to the injured Montezuma was now replaced by concentrated arrogance and ferocity. The Spanish general even stooped to request the interposition of the Aztec Emperor; and, at last, when assured that the foreigners would leave his country if a way were opened through the Mexican army he agreed to use his influence. For this purpose he put on his imperial robes; his mantle of white and blue flowed over his shoulders, held together by its rich clasp of the green _chalchivitl_. The same precious gem, with emeralds of uncommon size, set in gold, profusely ornamented other parts of his dress. His feet were shod with the golden sandals, and his brows covered with the Mexican diadem, resembling in form the pontifical tiara. Thus attired and surrounded by a guard of Spaniards, and several Aztec nobles, and preceded by the golden wand, the symbol of sovereignty, the Indian monarch ascended the central turret of the palace. At the sight of Montezuma all the Mexican army became silent, partly, no doubt, from curiosity. He assured them that he was no prisoner; that the strangers were his friends, and would leave Mexico of their own accord as soon as a way was opened. To call himself a friend of the hateful Spaniards was a fatal argument. Instead of respecting their monarch, though in his official robes, the populace howled angry curses at him as a degenerate Aztec, a coward, no longer a warrior or even a man! A cloud of missiles was hurled at Montezuma, and he was struck to the ground by the blow of a stone on his head. The unfortunate monarch only survived his wounds for a few days, disdaining to take any nourishment, or to receive advice from the Spanish priests. Meanwhile, Cortés and his army met with an unexpected danger. A large body of the Indian warriors had taken possession of the great temple, at a short distance from the Spanish quarters. From this commanding position they kept shooting a deadly flight of arrows on the Spaniards. Cortés sent his chamberlain, Escobar, with a body of men to storm the temple, but, after three efforts, the party had to relinquish the attempt. Cortés himself then led a storming party, and after some determined fighting reached the platform at the top of the temple where the two sanctuaries of the Aztec deities stood. This large area was now the scene of a desperate battle, fought in sight of the whole capital as well as of the Spanish troops still remaining in the courtyard. This struggle between such deadly enemies caused dreadful carnage on both sides: The edge of the area was unprotected by parapet or battlement; and the combatants, as they struggled in mortal agony, were sometimes seen to roll over the sheer sides of the precipice together. Cortés himself had a narrow escape from this dreadful fate.... The number of the enemy was double that of the Christians; but the invulnerable armor of the Spaniard, his sword of matchless temper, and his skill in the use of it, gave him advantages which far outweighed the odds of physical strength and numbers. This unparalleled scene of bloodshed lasted for three hours. Of the Mexicans "two or three priests only survived to be led away in triumph"; yet the loss of the Spaniards was serious enough, amounting to forty-five of their best men. Nearly all the others were wounded, some seriously. After dragging the uncouth monster, Huitzilopochtli, from his sanctuary, the assailants hurled the repulsive image down the steps of the temple, and then set fire to the building. The same evening they burned a large part of the town. Cortés now resolved upon a night retreat from the capital; but when marching along one of the causeways they were attacked by the Mexicans in such numbers that, when morning dawned, the shattered battalion was reduced to less than half its number. In after years that disastrous retreat was known to the Spanish chroniclers as _Noche Triste_, the "Night of Sorrows." After a hurried six days' march before the pursuers, Cortés gained a victory so signal that an alliance was speedily formed with Tlascala against Mexico. Cortés built twelve brigantines at Vera Cruz in order to secure the command of Lake Tescuco and thus attempt the reduction of the Mexican capital. On his return to the great lake he found that the throne was now occupied by Guatimozin, a nephew of Montezuma. Using their brigantines the Spanish soldiers now began the siege of Mexico--"the most memorable event in the conquest of America." It lasted seventy-five days, during which the whole of the capital was reduced to ruins. Guatimozin, the last of the Aztec emperors, was condemned by the Spanish general to be hanged on the charge of treason. Cortés was now master of all Mexico. The Spanish court and people were full of admiration for his victories and the extent of his conquests; and Charles V appointed him "Captain-General and Governor of New Spain." On revisiting Europe, the Emperor honored him with the order of St. Jago and the title of marquis. Latterly, however, after some failures in his exploring expeditions, Cortés, on his return to Spain, found himself treated with neglect. It was then, according to Voltaire's story, that when Charles asked the courtiers, "Who is that man?" referring to Cortés, the latter said aloud: "It is one, sire, that has added more provinces to your dominions than any other governor has added towns!" Cortés died in his sixty-second year, December 2, 1547. CHAPTER VIII BALBOA AND THE ISTHMUS In the Spanish conquest of America there are three great generals: Cortés, Balbao, and Pizarro. The third may to many readers seem immeasurably superior as explorer and conqueror to the second, but it must be remembered that Pizarro's scheme of discovering and invading Peru was precisely that which Balboa had already prepared. Pizarro could afford to say, "Others have labored, and I have merely entered into their labors." What, then, was the work done by Balboa, and what prevented him from taking Peru? In 1510, the year before the conquest of Cuba, Balboa was glad to escape from Hispaniola, not to avoid the Spanish cruelties, like Hatuey, the luckless cazique, but to escape from his Spanish creditors. So anxious was he to get on board that he concealed himself in a cask to avoid observation. Balboa, however, had administrative qualities, and after taking possession of the uncleared district of Darien in the name of the King of Spain, he was appointed governor of the new province. He built the town Santa Maria on the coast of the Darien Gulf; but so pestilential was the district (and still is) that the settlers were glad after a short time to remove to the other side of the isthmus. It was by mere accident that Balboa first heard of a great ocean beyond the mountains of Darien, and of the enormous wealth of Peru, a country hitherto unknown to Spain or Europe. As several soldiers were one day disputing about the division of some gold-dust, an Indian cazique called out: "Why quarrel about such a trifle? I can show you a region where the commonest pots and pans are made of that metal." To the inquiries of Balboa and his companions, the cazique replied that by traveling six days to the south they should see another ocean, near which lay the wealthy kingdom. Resolving to cross the isthmus, notwithstanding a thousand formidable obstructions, Balboa formed a party consisting of 190 veterans, accompanied by 1,000 Indians, and several fierce dogs trained to hunt the naked natives. Such were the difficulties that the "six days' journey" occupied twenty-five before the ridge of the isthmus range was reached. Balboa commanded his men to halt, and advanced alone to the summit, that he might be the first who should enjoy a spectacle which he had so long desired. As soon as he beheld the sea stretching in endless prospect below him he fell on his knees; ... his followers observing his transports of joy rushed forward to join in his wonder, exultation, and gratitude. That was the moment, September 25, 1513, immortalized in Keats's sonnet: When with eagle eyes He stared at the Pacific, and all his men Looked at each other with a wild surmise, Silent, upon a peak in Darien. Balboa hurried down the western slope of the isthmus range to take formal possession in the name of the Spanish monarch. He found a fishing village there which had been named Panama (i. e., "plenty fish") by the Indians, but had also a reputation for the pearls found in its bay. In his letter to Spain, Balboa said, to illustrate the difficulties of the expedition, that of all the 190 men in his party there were never more than eighty fit for service at one time. Notwithstanding the wonderful news of the discovery of the "great southern ocean," as the Pacific was then called, Ferdinand overlooked the great services of Balboa, and appointed a new Governor of Darien called Pedrarias, who instituted a judicial inquiry into some previous transactions of Balboa, imposing a heavy fine as punishment. The new governor committed other acts of great imprudence, and at length Ferdinand felt that he had only superseded the most active and experienced officer he had in the New World. To make amends to Balboa, he was appointed "Lieutenant-Governor of the Countries upon the South Sea," with great privileges and authority. At the same time Pedrarias was commanded to "support Balboa in all his operations, and to consult with him concerning every measure which he himself pursued." Balboa, in 1517, began his preparations for entering the South Sea and conveying troops to the country which he proposed to invade. With four small brigantines and 300 chosen soldiers (a force superior to that with which Pizarro afterward undertook the same expedition), he was on the point of sailing toward the coasts of which they had such expectations, when a message arrived from Pedrarias. Balboa being unconscious of crime, agreed to delay the expedition, and meet Pedrarias for conference. On entering the palace Balboa was arrested and immediately tried on the charge of disloyalty to the King and intention of revolt against the governor. He was speedily sentenced to death, although the accusation was so absurd that the judges who pronounced the sentence "seconded by the whole colony, interceded warmly for his pardon." "The Spaniards beheld with astonishment and sorrow the public execution of a man whom they universally deemed more capable than any who had borne command in America, of forming and accomplishing great designs." This gross injustice amounting to a public scandal was accounted for by the malignant influence of the Bishop of Burgos, in Spain, who was the original cause of Balboa being superseded as Governor of Darien. The expedition designed by Balboa was now relinquished; but the removal of the colony soon afterward to the Pacific side of the isthmus may be considered a step toward the realization of an exactly similar attempt by Pizzaro. To some historical readers the word "Darien" only recalls the bitter prejudice entertained against William III, our "Dutch King," notwithstanding the special pleading of Lord Macaulay and others. Some Scottish merchants had adopted a scheme recommended by the most reliable authorities[23] of that age, viz., the settlement of a half-commercial, half-military colony on the Atlantic coast of the isthmus. Such a company, in the words of Paterson, would be masters of the "door of the seas," and the "key of the universe." The East India Companies both of England and Holland showed an envious jealousy of the Scottish merchants, and therefore no assistance was to be expected from the King, although he had given his royal sanction to the Scots Act of Parliament creating the company. The Scottish people, however, zealously continued the scheme. Some 1,200 men "set sail from Leith amid the blessings of many thousands of their assembled countrymen. They reached the Gulf of Darien in safety, and established themselves on the coast in localities to which they gave the names of New Caledonia and New St. Andrews." The Government of Spain (secretly instigated, it was believed, by the English King) resolved to attack the embryo colony. The shipwreck of the whole scheme soon followed, due undoubtedly more to the jealousy of the English merchants (who believed that any increase of trade in Scotland or Ireland was a positive loss to England) and the bad faith of our Dutch King, than to all other causes whatever. Of the colony, according to Dalrymple (ii, 103), not more than thirty ever saw their own country again. [Footnote 23: E.g., Paterson, founder of the Bank of England, Fletcher of Saltoun, the Marquis of Tweeddale, then chief Minister of Scotland, Sir John Dalrymple, etc.] In 1526 a company of English merchants was formed to trade with the West Indies and the "Spanish Main," and commanded great success. Other merchants did the same. Soon after the Spanish court instituted a coast-guard to make war upon these traders; and as they had full power to capture and slay all who did not bear the King of Spain's commission, there were terrible tales told in Europe of mutilation, torture, and revenge. The Windward Islands having been gradually settled by French and English adventurers, Frederick of Toledo was sent with a large fleet to destroy those petty colonies. This harsh treatment rendered the planters desperate, and under the name of buccaneers,[24] they continued "a retaliation so horribly savage [_v._ Notes to Rokeby] that the perusal makes the reader shudder. From piracy at sea, they advanced to making predatory descents on the Spanish territories; in which they displayed the same furious and irresistible valor, the same thirst of spoil, and the same brutal inhumanity to their captives." The pride and presumption of Spain were partly resisted by the English monarchs, but not with real effect before the time of Cromwell, strongest of all the rulers of Britain. Under his government of the seas Spain was deprived of the island of Jamaica; and the buccaneers to their disgust found that the flag of the great Protector was a check against all piracy and injustice. [Footnote 24: Named from _boucan_, a kind of preserved meat, used by those rovers. They had learned this peculiar art of preserving from the native Caribs.] Under Charles II, however, the buccaneers resumed their conflict with the Spanish, and in 1670, Henry Morgan, with 1,500 English and French ruffians resolved to cross the isthmus like Balboa, to plunder the depositories of gold and silver which lay in the city of Panama and other places on the Pacific coast. Having stormed a strong fortress at the mouth of the Chagres River, they forced their way through the entangled forests for ten days, and after much hardship reached Panama, to find it defended by a regular army of twice their number. The Spaniards, however, were beaten, and Morgan thoroughly sacked and plundered the city, taking captive all the chief citizens in order to extort afterward large ransoms. Ten years afterward the Isthmus of Darien was crossed by Dampier, another celebrated buccaneer, but his party was too small to attack Panama. They seized some Spanish vessels in the bay and plundered all the coast for some distance. The following description by the bold buccaneer is not without interest to those who consider the present importance of the place: Near the riverside stands New Panama, a very handsome city, in a spacious bay of the same name, into which disembogue many long and navigable rivers, some whereof are not without gold; besides that it is beautified by many pleasant isles, the country about it affording a delightful prospect to the sea.... The houses are chiefly of brick and pretty lofty, especially the president's, the churches, the monasteries, and other public structures, which make the best show I have seen in the West Indies. The present prosperity of Panama is due to its large transit trade, which was recently estimated at £15,000,000 a year. The pearl-fisheries, famous at the time of Balboa's visit, have now little value. The narrowest breadth of the isthmus being only thirty miles, there have naturally been many engineering proposals to connect the Pacific and Atlantic oceans by a canal. M. de Lesseps founded a French company in 1881 for the construction of a ship-canal with eight locks, and over forty-six miles in length; but in 1889, the excavations stopped after some 48-1/2 millions of cubic meters of earth and rock had been removed. Meanwhile a railway 47-1/2 miles long connects Colon on the Atlantic with Panama on the Pacific. The Mexican Isthmus of Tehuantepec, only 140 miles across, separates the Bay of Campeachy from the Pacific, and failing the Panama Canal some engineers were in favor of a _ship-railway_ for conveying large vessels _bodily_ from the Atlantic to the Pacific. The scheme met with great favor in the United States, but has not yet been carried out. The third proposal for connecting the two great oceans is probably the most feasible because it follows the most deeply marked depression of the isthmus. The Nicaraguan Ship-canal will, if the scheme be carried out, pass from Greytown on the Atlantic to Brito on the Pacific, about 170 miles apart, through the republic of Nicaragua, which lies north of Panama and south of Guatemala. One obvious advantage of this ship-canal is that the great lake is utilized, affording already about one-third of the waterway; only twenty-eight miles, in fact, being actual canal, and the rest river, lake, and lagoon navigation. In the latest specifications the engineers proposed to dam up the river (San Juan) by a stone wall seventy feet high and 1,900 feet long, thus raising the water to a level of 106 feet above the sea. Only three locks will be required to work the Nicaraguan Ship-canal. CHAPTER IX EXTINCT CIVILIZATION OF PERU § (A) _Peruvian Archeology_ As the extinct civilization of the Incas of Peru is the most important phase of development among all the American races, so also their prehistoric remains are extremely interesting to the archeologist. [Illustration: Monolith Doorway. Near Lake Titicaca. Fig. 1.] 1. _Architecture._--In the interior of the country we find many remarkable examples of stone building, such as walls of huge polygonal stones, four-sided or five-sided or six-sided, some six feet across, laid without mortar, and so finely polished and adjusted that the blade of a knife can not be inserted between them. The strength of the masonry is sometimes assisted by having the projecting parts of a stone fitting into corresponding hollows or recesses in the stone above or below it. The stones being frequently extremely hard granite, or basalt, etc., antiquarian travelers have wondered how in early times the natives could have cut and polished them without any metal tools. The ordinary explanation is that the work was done by patiently rubbing one stone against another, with the aid of sharp sand, "time being no object" in the case of the laborers among savage and primitive races. It is believed by most antiquaries that long before the period of the Incas there was a powerful empire to which we must attribute such Cyclopean ruins; especially as the construction and style differ so greatly from what is found in the Inca period. The huge stones occur at Tiahuanacu (near Lake Titicaca), Cuzco, Ollantay, and the altar of Concacha. Fig. 1 is a broken doorway at Tiahuanacu, composed of huge monoliths. Fig. 2 is an enlargement of an image over the doorway shown in Fig. 1. The doorway forms the entrance to a quadrangular area (400 yards by 350) surrounded by large stones standing on end. The gateway or doorway of Fig. 1 is one of the most marvelous stone monuments existing, being _one block of hard rock_, deeply sunk in the ground. The present height is over seven feet. The whole of the inner side "from a line level with the upper lintel of the doorway to the top" is a mass of sculpture, "which speaks to us," says Sir C. R. Markham, "in difficult riddles of the customs and art culture, of the beliefs and traditions of an ancient" extinct civilization. The figure in high relief above the doorway (Fig. 2) is a head surrounded by rays, "each terminating in a circle or the head of an animal." Six human heads hang from the girdle, and two more from the elbows. Each hand holds a scepter terminating at the lower end with the head of a condor--that huge American vulture familiar to the Peruvians. That bird of prey was probably an emblem of royalty to the prehistoric dynasty now long forgotten. [Illustration: Image over the doorway shown in Fig. 1. Near Lake Titicaca. Fig. 2.] Some older historians speak of richly carved statues which formerly stood in this enclosure, and "many cylindrical pillars." Of the masonry of these ruins generally, Squier says: "The stone is faced with a precision that no skill can excel, its right angles turned with an accuracy that the most careful geometer could not surpass. I do not believe there exists a better piece of stone-cutting, the material considered, on this or the other continent." The fortress above Cuzco, the capital of the Incas, is considered the grandest monument of extinct American civilization. "Like the Pyramids and the Coliseum, it is imperishable.... A fortified work, 600 yards in length, built of gigantic stones, in three lines, forming walls supporting terraces and parapets.... The stones are of blue limestone, of enormous size and irregular in shape, but fitted into each other with rare precision. One stone is twenty-seven feet high by fourteen; and others fifteen feet high by twelve are common throughout the work." In all the architecture of the prehistoric Peruvians the true arch is not found, though there is an approach to the "Maya arch," formerly described, finishing the doorway overhead by overlapping stones. The immense fortresses of Ollantay and Pisac are really hills which, by means of encircling walls, have been transformed into immense pyramids with many terraces rising above each other. All large buildings, such as temples and palaces, were laid out to agree with the "cardinal points," the principal entrance always facing the rising sun. The tomb construction of the ancient Peruvians has been already noticed (_v._ chap. iv). To the south of Cuzco are the ruins of a temple, Cacha, which is considered to be of a date between the Cyclopean structures already described and the Inca architecture. The chief part is 110 yards long, built of wrought stones; and in the middle of the building from end to end runs a wall pierced by twelve high doorways. There were also two series of pillars which had formerly supported a floor. Those traces of the Cyclopean builders point to an extremely early date, but several students of the Peruvian antiquities point confidently to distinct evidence of a still more primitive race--to be compared, perhaps, with those builders of "Druidic monuments" whom it is now the fashion to call "neolithic men." Some "cromlechs" or burial-places have been found in Bolivia and other parts of Peru; and in many respects they are parallel to the stone monuments found in Great Britain as well as Brittany and other parts of Europe. Some of those Peruvian cromlechs consist of four great slabs of slate, each about five feet high, four or five in width, and more than an inch thick. A fifth is placed over them. Over the whole a pyramid of clay and rough stones is piled. Possibly that race of cromlech builders bore the same relation to the temple builders described above that the builders of Kits Coty House, between Rochester and Maidstone, bore to the temple builders of Stonehenge on Salisbury Plain. If they had to retreat, as the ice-sheet was driven farther from the torrid zone, then by the theory of the Glacial Period the Cromlech men in both cases would at last be simply Eskimos. 2. _Aqueducts._--The ancient Peruvians attained great skill in the distribution of water--especially for irrigation. Artificial lakes or reservoirs were formed, so that by damming up the streams in the rainy season a good supply was created for the dry season. Some great monuments still remain of their hydraulic engineering, such as extensive cisterns, solid dikes along the rivers to prevent overflow, tunnels to drain lakes during an oversupply, and, in some places, artificial cascades. 3. _Roads and Bridges._--The roads and highways of the Incas were so excellent that "in many places" they still offer by far the most convenient avenues of transit. They are from fifteen to twenty-five feet in width, bedded with small stones often laid in concrete. As the use of beasts of burden was almost unknown, the roads did not ascend a steep inclination by zigzags but by steps cut in the rock. At certain distances public shelters were erected for travelers, and some of these still offer the best lodging-houses to be found along the routes. Bridges were of wood, of ropes made from maguey fiber, or of stone. Some of the latter are still in excellent condition, in spite of the violence of the mountain torrents which they have spanned for four centuries. 4. _Sculpture._--The Maya race of Yucatan and Central America were much superior to the prehistoric Peruvians in stone sculpture. Except those examples already referred to under 1, their artists have apparently produced nothing to show skill in workmanship, much less fertility of imagination. That is largely explained by their lack of suitable tools. 5. _Goldsmith's Work._--In this branch of art the ancient Peruvians greatly excelled, especially in inlaying and gilding. Gold-beating and gilding had been prosecuted to remarkable delicacy, and the very thin layers of gold-leaf on many articles led the Spaniards at first to believe they were of the solid metal. These delicate layers showed ornamental designs, including birds, butterflies, and the like. 6. _Pottery._--In this department of industrial art the prehistoric Peruvians showed much aptitude both "in regard to variety of design and technical skill in preparing the material. Vases with pointed bottoms and painted sides recalling those of ancient Greece and Etruria are often disinterred along the coast." The merit of those artists lay in perfect imitation of natural objects, such as birds, fishes, fruits, plants, skulls, persons in various positions, faces (often with graphic individuality). Some jars exactly resembled the "magic vases" which are still found in Hindustan, and can be emptied only when held at a certain angle. 7. Though ignorant of perspective and the rules of light and shade, these ancient Peruvians had an accurate eye for color. "Spinning, weaving, and dyeing," to quote Sir C. R. Markham, "were arts which were sources of employment to a great number, owing to the quantity and variety of the fabrics.... There were rich dresses interwoven with gold or made of gold thread; fine woolen mantles ornamented with borders of small square plates of gold and silver; colored cotton cloths worked in complicated patterns; and fabrics of aloe fiber and sheep's sinews for breeches. Coarser cloths of llama wool were also made in vast quantities." [Illustration: The Quipu.] 8. The _quipu_ (i e., "knot").--Without writing or even any of the simpler forms of pictographs which some Indian races inferior to them in refinement had invented, the Peruvians had no means of sending a message relating to tribute or the number of warriors in an army, or a date, except the _quipu_. It consisted of one principal cord about two feet long held horizontally, to which other cords of various colors and lengths were attached, hanging vertically. The knots on the vertical cords, and their various lengths served by means of an arranged code to convey certain words and phrases. Each color and each knot had so many conventional significations; thus _white_ = silver, _green_ = corn, _yellow_ = gold; but in another quipu, _white_ = peace, _red_ = war, soldiers, etc. The quipu was originally only a means of numeration and keeping accounts, thus: a single knot = 10 a double knot = 100 a triple knot = 1,000 two singles = 20 two doubles = 200 etc. 9. The great stone monuments described in our first section belonged, according to some writers, to a dynasty called Pirua, who ruled over the highlands of Peru and Bolivia long before the times of the Incas. That early race had as the center of their civilization the shores of Lake Titicaca. 10. _The Ancient Capital._--Cuzco, the center of government till the time of the conquest by the Spaniards, and for a long time the only city in the Peruvian empire, deserves a paragraph under the head archeology. Its wonderful fortress has already been referred to, and there are other Cyclopean remains, such as the great wall which contains the "stone of twelve corners." Some monuments of the Inca period also attract much attention, such as the Curi-cancha temple, 296 feet long, the palace of Amaru-cancha (i. e., "place of serpents"), so called from the serpents sculptured in relief on the exterior. Of these and other buildings Squier remarks that the "joints are of a precision unknown in our architecture; the world has nothing to show in the way of stone-cutting and fitting to surpass the skill and accuracy displayed in the Inca structures of Cuzco." To obtain the site for their capital the Incas had to carry out a great engineering work, by confining two mountain torrents between walls of substantial masonry so solid as to serve even to modern times. The Valley of Cuzco was the source of the Peruvian civilization, center and origin of the empire. Hence the name, Cuzco = "navel," just as the ancient Greeks called Athens _umbilicus terræ_, and our New England cousins fondly refer to Boston, Mass., as "the hub of the universe"! [Illustration: Gold Ornament (? Zodiac) from a Tomb at Cuzco.] § (B) _Peru before the Arrival of the Spaniards_ The "national myth" of the Peruvians was that at Lake Titicaca two supernatural beings appeared, both children of the Sun. One was Manco Capac, the first Inca, who taught the people agriculture; the other was his wife, who taught the women to spin and weave. From them were lineally derived all the Incas. As representing the Sun, the Inca was high priest and head of the hierarchy, and therefore presided at the great religious festivals. He was the source from which everything flowed--all dignity, all power, all emolument. Louis le Magnifique when at the height of his power might be taken as a type of the emperor Inca: both could literally use the phrase, _L'état c'est Moi,_ "The State! I am the State!" In the royal palaces and dress great barbaric pomp was assumed. All the apartments were studded with gold and silver ornaments. The worship of the Sun, representing the Creator, the Dweller in Space, the Teacher and Ruler of the Universe,[25] was the religion of the Incas inherited from their distant ancestry. The great temple at Cuzco, with its gorgeous display of riches, was called "the place of gold, the abode of the Teacher of the Universe." An elliptical plate of gold was fixed on the wall to represent the Deity. [Footnote 25: According to Sir C. R. Markham, F. R. S.] Sufficient evidence is still visible of the engineering industry evinced by the natives before the arrival of Pizarro. We give some particulars of the two principal highways, both joining Quito to Cuzco, then passing south to Chile. First, the high level road, 1,600 miles in length, crossing the great Peruvian table-land, and conducted over pathless sierras buried in snow; with galleries cut for leagues through the living rock, rivers crossed by means of bridges, and ravines of hideous depth filled up with solid masonry. The roadway consisted of heavy flags of freestone. Secondly, the low level highway along the coast country between the Andes and the Pacific. The prehistoric engineers had here to encounter quite a different task. The causeway was raised on a high embankment of earth, with trees planted along the margin. In the strips of sandy waste, huge piles (many of them to be seen to this day) were driven into the ground to indicate the route. Another colossal effort was the conveyance of water to the rainless country by the seacoast, especially to certain parts capable of being reclaimed and made fertile. Some of the aqueducts were of great length--one measuring between 400 and 500 miles. The following table gives the Peruvian calendar for a year: I. Raymi, the _Festival of the Winter Solstice_, in honor of the Sun June 22d. Season of plowing July 22d. Season of sowing August 22d. II. _Festival of the Spring Equinox_ September 22d. Season of brewing October 22d. Commemoration of the Dead November 22d. III. _Festival of the Summer Solstice_ December 22d. Season of exercises January 22d. Season of ripening February 22d. IV. _Festival of Autumn Equinox_ March 22d. Beginning of harvest April 22d. Harvesting month May 22d. Since Quito is exactly on the equator, the vertical rays of the sun at noon during the equinox cast no shadow. That northern capital, therefore, was "held in especial veneration as the favored abode of the great deity." At the feast of Raymi, or New Year's day, the sacrifice usually offered was that of the llama, a fire being kindled by means of a concave mirror of polished metal collecting the rays of the sun into a focus upon a quantity of dried cotton. The national festival of the Aztecs we compared to the secular celebration of the Romans; so now the Raymi of the Peruvians may be likened to the Panathenæa of ancient Athens, when the people of Attica ascended in splendid procession to the shrine on the Acropolis. In Mexico the Spanish travelers often experienced severe famines; and in India, even at the present day (to the disgrace perhaps of our management) nearly every year many thousands die of hunger. It was very different under the ancient Peruvians, because by law "the product of the lands consecrated to the Sun, as well as those set apart for the Incas, was deposited in the _Tambos_, or public storehouses, as a stated provision for times of scarcity." The Spaniards found those prehistoric agriculturists utilizing the inexhaustible supply of guano found on all the islands of the Pacific. It was not till the middle of the nineteenth century that the British farmer found the value of this fertilizer. CHAPTER X PIZARRO AND THE INCAS When stout-hearted Balboa first reached the summit of the isthmus range and looked south over the Bay of Panama, he might have seen the "Silver Bell," which forms the summit of the mighty volcano Chimborazo. Still farther south in the same direction lay the "land of gold," of which he had heard. Balboa was unjustly prevented from exploring that unknown country, but among the Spanish soldiers in Panama there were two who determined to carry out Balboa's scheme. The younger, Pizarro, was destined to rival Cortés as explorer and conqueror; Almagro, his companion in the expedition, was less crafty and cruel. Sailing from Panama, the Spanish first landed on the coast below Quito, and found the natives wearing gold and silver trinkets. On a second voyage, with more men, they explored the coast of Peru and visited Tumbez, a town with a lofty temple and a palace for the Incas. They beheld a country fully peopled and cultivated; the natives were decently clothed, and possessed of ingenuity so far surpassing the other inhabitants of the New World as to have the use of tame domestic animals. But what chiefly attracted the notice of the visitors was such a show of gold and silver, not only in ornaments, but in several vessels and utensils for common use, formed of those precious metals as left no room to doubt that they abounded with profusion in the country. After his return Pizarro visited Spain and secured the patronage of Charles V, who appointed him Governor and Captain-General of the newly discovered country. In the next voyage from Panama, Pizarro set sail with 180 soldiers in three small ships--"a contemptible force surely to invade the great empire of Peru." Pizarro was very fortunate in the time of his arrival, because two brothers were fiercely contending in civil war to obtain the sovereignty. Their father, Huana Capac, the twelfth Inca in succession from Manco Capac, had recently died after annexing the kingdom of Quito, and thus doubling the power of the empire. Pizarro made friends with Atahualpa, who had become Inca by the defeat and death of his brother, and a friendly meeting was arranged between them. The Peruvians are thus described by a Spanish onlooker: First of all there arrived 400 men in uniform; the Inca himself, on a couch adorned with plumes, and almost covered with plates of gold and silver, enriched with precious stones, was carried on the shoulders of his principal attendants. Several bands of singers and dancers accompanied the procession; and the whole plain was covered with troops, more than 30,000 men. After engaging in a religious dispute with the Inca, who refused to acknowledge the authority of the Pope and threw the breviary on the ground, the Spanish chaplain exclaimed indignantly that the Word of God had been insulted by a heathen. Pizarro instantly gave the signal of assault: the martial music struck up, the cannon and muskets began to fire, the horse rallied out fiercely to the charge, the infantry rushed on sword in hand. The Peruvians, astonished at the suddenness of the attack, dismayed with the effect of the firearms and the irresistible impression of the cavalry, fled with universal consternation on every side. Pizarro, at the head of his chosen band, soon penetrated to the royal seat, and seizing the Inca by the arm, carried him as a prisoner to the Spanish quarters. For his ransom Atahualpa agreed to pay a weight of gold amounting to more than five millions sterling. Instead of keeping faith with the Inca by restoring him to liberty, Pizarro basely allowed him to be tried on several false charges and condemned to be burned alive. After hearing of the enormous ransom many Spaniards hurried from Guatemala, Panama, and Nicaragua to share in the newly discovered booty of Peru, the "land of gold." Pizarro, therefore, being now greatly reenforced with soldiers, forced his way to Cuzco, the capital. The riches found there exceeded in value what had been received as Atahualpa's ransom. As Governor of Peru, Pizarro chose a new site for his capital, nearer the coast than Cuzco, and there founded Lima. It is now a great center of trade. Pizarro lived here in great state till the year 1542, when his fate reached him by means of a party of conspirators seeking to avenge the death of Almagro, his former rival, whom he had cruelly executed as a traitor. On Sunday, June 26th, at midday, while all Lima was quiet under the siesta, the conspirators passed unobserved through the two outer courts of the palace, and speedily despatched the soldier-adventurer, intrepidly defending himself with a sword and buckler. "A deadly thrust full in the throat," and the tale of daring Pizarro was told. _Raro antecedentem scelestum_ _Deseruit pede Poena claudo._ When Did Doom, though lame, not bide its time, To clutch the nape of skulking Crime? W. E. GLADSTONE. GENERAL INDEX. A. Agathocles, 119. Agassiz, 73. Alfred, King, 19. Almagro, Pizarro's rival, 186, 189. Alvarado, 158, 159. America, Discoveries of, 19-35, 38-45, 48-53. America, origin of the name, 50. American Archeology, 71-79 (_see_ also AZTEC, PERU, CIVILIZATION). Amerigo (_Americus_), (_see_ VESPUCCI). Anahuac, 56, 58, 63. Archeology, 71-88 (see under AZTEC, MEXICO, PERU, and CIVILIZATION, EXTINCT). Aristotle, shape of the earth, 10. Arthur, King, 19. Atahualpa, Inca, 187, 188. Atlantic, ridge, 15. Atlantis, island or continent, 14, 15. Avalon, 17. Aztecs, their traditions, 54, 56, 57, 62, 63. Aztecs, antiquities, 55. Aztecs, kingdom, 58; empire founded, 76. Aztecs, letters, etc., 58, 79-82. Aztecs, astronomy, 64, 65, 68, 83. Aztecs, human sacrifices, 59, 60, 62, 102, 106; how explained by comparison with Jews, Greeks, Druids, etc., 100-106. Aztecs, priesthood, 65, 67. Aztecs, religion, 92, 93; laws, 90. Aztecs, natural piety, 66-68. Aztecs, secular festival, 68-70. Aztecs, soldiery, 91, 92. Aztecs, agriculture, 94. Aztecs, markets, 97, 147. Aztecs, banquets, social amusements, 97, 99. Aztlan, 56. B. Bacon, Roger, 18. Bahamas, 41. Balboa, 9, 50, 52, 164, 168. Balboa scheme--adopted by Pizarro, 186. Balboa hears of the Land of Gold, 165. Balboa crosses the isthmus, 166, 167. Balboa unjustly treated, 167, 168. Barcelona, Columbus honored at Court, 45. Basque Discovery, 32. Boston in Vinland, 26, 182. Brandan, St. discoverer, 32. Brito, ship-canal, 172. Buccaneers, origin, etc., 169, 170. Buffon, 15. Burgos, Bishop of, 157, 168. C. Cabot, 38, 48, 49. Cabrera reaches Brazil, 49. Cakama, prince of Tezcuco, 154. Calendar Stone, 83, 84. Calicut reached by Gama, 49. Canaanites, etc., sun-worship, 102, 103. Cannibalism, 102, 103. Capac, Inca, 182, 187. Carthage, 17, 102. Cathay, 39, 43, 45. Cazique, 43, 117, etc. Celtic discoveries, 19, 30-32. Chalco, Lake, 136, 137. Charles V. and Cortés, 164. Chiapas, 77. Chibchas, 85. Cholula, 84, 94, 130, 133. Civilization, Extinct, chaps, iii, ix. Civilization, Celtic, 19. Civilization, Norse, 19-25, 27-31. Civilization, Aztec, etc., 54-70, 82, 83. Civilization, Peru, 172-185. Colon (_see_ COLUMBUS); also an Atlantic port on the isthmus of Darien, 172. Columbia, 76, 85. Columbus, 17-18, 37, 38-46, 157. Columbus, early failures, 39. Columbus, voyage to Iceland, 39. Columbus, variation of the compass, 41, 42, 49. Columbus, discovers Bahamas, Cuba, Hayti, 42-44. Columbus, discovers Trinidad and Orinoco, 45. Columbus, map by (found in 1894), 42. Columbus, autograph (cut) and epitaph, 46. Columbus, Ferdinand, 18; Bartholomew, 43. Columbus, Diego, 47, 157. Continent, supposed southern (cut), 12. Continent, Western, 13 (_see_ ATLANTIS, HESPERIDES). Condor, emblem of prehistoric Inca, 173, 175 (cuts). Copan, 79-81. Cordova lands on Yucatan, 53. Cortés appointed leader, 53, 64, 77, 80. Cortés at Cuba and Hayti, 117. Cortés at Yucatan, 109. Cortés and Teuhtile, in, 112. Cortés, generalship, 119, 124, 126, 159. Cortés, resource, 127, 128, 158. Cortés, cruelty, 129, 132, 153. Cortés at Popocatepetl, 133. Cortés and Montezuma, 141, 143-143. Cortés, lack of delicacy, 152. Cortés, arrest of Montezuma, 152-157. Cortés, personal courage, 162. Cortés, retreat, "Night of Sorrows," 163. Cortés, Mexico retaken and its emperor hanged, 164. Cortés and Charles V., 164. Cliff-houses, 86. Cotton, Az. tec., preparation of, 84, 96. Cromwell, his influence, 170. Cruz, Vera, 110, 114, 120, 156, 157, 163. Cuba, 43-45, 51-53, 84. Culhua, 110. Cuzco, 174, 176, 181, 183, 188. Cuzco, Cyclopean remains, 181, 183. Cuzco, temple, 183. Cyclopean ruins in Peru, 173, 178, 181-183. Cyclopean ruins in Peru (cuts), 173, 175. D. Dalrymple, Sir John, 169, 170. Dampier, buccaneer, 170. Darien, taken by Balboa, 169. Darien, Scottish Expedition, 169. Darien, causes of failure, 169, 170. Darien, crossed by Morgan, 170, 171. Darien, crossed by Dampier, 171. Diaz, navigator, rounds the Cape of Good Hope and names it the "Stormy Cape," 49. Diaz, historian, quoted, 148, 151, 158, 160. Dighton Stone, 28 (cuts, 27, 28). Diodorus Siculus, 16. Druid Sacrifices, 106. "Druidic," 74, 177, 178. E. Edward VI and Cabot, 48. Elysian Fields, 13, 14, 16. Erik the Red, 20. Escobar, 162. Euripides, quoted, 14. F. Feather-work, 84, 96. Ferdinand and Isabella, 40, 41. Feudalism ended, 36. G. Gama, De, 38, 58. Gardens, 138, 139. Glazier, Theory, 73-74. Gladstone quoted, 189. Gosnold's Expedition, 25, 26. Greenland, 19-25, 30, 31. Grijalva and Yucatan, 10, 53. Guatemala, 58, 76, 79. Guatimozin, 163. Gunnbiorn, 20. H. Hannibal on the Alps, 134, 135. Harold Fair-hair, 20. Hatuey, 51, 52. Hayti, 43, 98. Helluland (Newfoundland), 22. Henry VII., 48, 49. Hercules' Pillars, 13, 17. Herodotus, 10, 11. Hesiod, quoted, 13. Hesperides, Isles of the Blest, 14. Homer, quoted, 10, 13. Honduras, 76, 79. Huitzilopochtli, god of battles, 93, 94, 150, 151 (_see_ MEXITL.) Humboldt, 35, 50, 65, 73, 83, 94. I. Iceland, 19, 20. Incas, 172, 182 (_see_ PERU). "Indian," as a term applied to the New World by mistake, a blunder still perpetuated, 42 (_cf_. 98.) Indians, "Red-skins," 72-74, 80, 90. Ingolf, 19. Iphigenia, 104. Ireland, Mickle, 20, 31, 32. Italian Discovery, 34-36. Itztli (obsidian), used as a sharp flint, 95. Iztapalapan, 138. J. Jamaica, 170. Jewish "Discovery," 33. Juan, S., ship-canal, 172. K. Katortuk (Greenland), 21, 22 (cut, 21). Kingsborough, Lord, 34, 69, 82. L. Leif Erikson, 21-23. Lesseps de, 171-173. Loadstone, 41, 42. Longfellow, quoted, 29. Lucian, quoted, 17. M. Madoc, 32, 33, 70. Magellan reaches the Pacific Ocean and names it, 49; killed at Matan, 50. Magnetic Pole, 41. Maguey plant, its singular value, 94. Major, Mr., on Pre-Columbian discoveries of America, and site of the Greenland colonies, 35, 36. Malte-Brun, 35. Marina, "slave-interpreter," 109, 115, 128, 131. Markham, Sir C., quoted, 30, 174, 179, 183. Markland (Nova Scotia), 22. Marvels, Age of, 38, 39. Maya, Mayapan, 76, 79. Maya, MS., 81, 82. Maya, trade, 84. _Mayflower_ lands in Vinland, 26. Medea, 18, 104. Merida, 78. Mexico, Mexicans (_see also_ AZTECS). Mexico, archeology, 72-86. Mexico, geography, 89, 90, 133-135. Mexico, valley, 134, 135. Mexico, town, 139, 142, 145-151. Mexico, wealth, 155. Mexico, siege, 160-164. Mexico, ferocity in war, 160-164. Mexitl, the god of battles, another name for Huitzilopochtli, 93. Monolith (cuts), 173, 175. Montezuma I., 57. Montezuma, 110-113. Montezuma, meaning of name, 113. Montezuma, power, 120, 121, 135, 141. Montezuma, affability, 144. Montezuma, dress, etc., 161. Montezuma, death, 162. Montgomery, James, 20, 22, 23. Morgan, buccaneer, 170. Mound builders, 31, 71, 85. Müller, Max, quoted, 56. N. Narvaez, 158, 159. Nicaragua, ship-canal, 58, 172. Norse Discovery, 19-32. Norse towns in Greenland, 20. Norumbega, 25. O. Ocean, Western, 12, 16, 17. Ocean, Southern, first name for the Atlantic (q.v.) Oceanus, river, 10. Ogygia, 16. Ollantay, Peru, 174, 176. Orinoco, discovered, 45. Orizaba, 120. Overland Route, 37. P. Pacific, first seen, 166. Pacific, first sailed upon, 50. Palenque, 77, 79, 81. Palos, 41, 45. Panama, 166, 171, 172. Panama, modern, 171. Paper (prehistoric) of Mexico, 82. Pedrarias, 167, 168. Peru and Incas, chaps. ix., x. Peru agriculture, 182, 185. Peru aqueducts, roads, etc., 177. Peru archeology, 172-182. Peru architecture, 87, 172-178. Peru calendar, 184, 185. Peru chulpas, 87 (cut). Peru quipu, 180 (cut). Peru sculpture and pottery, 178. Peru history and religion, 182. Phenicians, 11, 17. Pictograph, 80, 112. Pindar, quoted, 13. Pizarro, 164, 167. Pizarro and Atahualpha, 187, 188. Pizarro and Peru, 186-189. Pizarro, first and second voyages, 186, 187. Pizarro imitated Balboa, 165, 186. Pizarro invades Peru, 187. Pizarro, his treachery and cruelty, 188, 189. Pizarro at Cusco, 188. Pizarro founds Lima, 188. Pizarro, "Doom" at last, 189. Plato, 14, 15. Plutarch, 16. Polo, Marco, 39, 43. Polyxena, 104. Popocatepetl, 133, 134. Ptolemy, 11, 39. Pythagorean theory, 10. Q. Quetzalcoatl, 84, 93, 94, 111, 113, 130, 152. Quipu, 180, 181 (cut, 180). R. Rafn, 28, 29, 31. Raymi, Peruvian festival, 184, 185. Renascence, 9, 36, 37. Renascence influence on travel and exploration, 38. Renascence assisted the Reformation, 37. Runes in Greenland, 27, 28. S. Sebastian, Magellan's Basque lieutenant, 33, 50. Seneca, 18, 19 (title-page). "Scraelings," Vinland, 23. "Skeleton in Armor," 29. Spain, how consolidated, 37, 106. Spain, close of its colonial history, 52. Squier, quoted, 176, 181. T. Tambos, Peru, 185. Tehuantepec, isthmus, 171. Tenochtitlan, Mexico, 57. Teocalli, 106, 117, 148-151, 156 (cut, 105). Tezcatlipoca, god of youth, 61. Tezcuco, eastern capital, Mexico, 56. Tezcuco, 56, 57, 136. Tezcuco, king of, 100. Tezcuco, lake, 139-140. Thorfinn, 23. Thorwaldsen, 23. Titicaca, lake, 71, 182. Titicaca (_see_ CYCLOPEAN RUINS), 174, 175. Tlaloc, god of rain, 63. Tlascala, 113, 121-127, 130, 153, 159, 163. Tlascala, people, and siege, 130, 133. Toltecs, 56, 71. Totonacs, 115. Trinidad, 45. Tula, 56. Tumbez, Peru, 186. Turks, causing civilization, 36, 38. U. Utatla, 79. Uxmal, 55, 76 (frontispiece). V. Valladolid, 46. Velasquez, 51-53, 107, 108, 158. Vesper, 14 (_see_ HESPERIDES). Vespucci, 49, 51, 52. Vinland (New England), 23, 25. Vinland, map of, 24. Voltaire, story of Cortés, 164. W. Waldseemüller, 50. Watling's Island, 42. Welsh Discovery, 32, 33. William III. and Darien Scheme, 168-169. Wilson, "Prehistoric Man," 26, 81. World, shape of, 9-11. X. Xalapa, 120. Xicotencatl, Tlascalan, 124, 126, 127-130. Xicotencatl appearance, 129. Y. Yochicalco, 86. Yucatan, 53, 54, 75-77. Z. Zempoalla, "conversion of," 116. Zempoalla, 119, 158, 159. Zeni, Italian brothers, 34-35. Zeno map, 34, 35. Zipango (Japan), 39, 45. Zodiac, comparative, 55. Zodiac (cut) from a tomb at Cusco, 182. * * * * * Transcriber's note: The many spelling and hyphenation discrepancies in this text are as in the original.
19765 ---- Note: Project Gutenberg also has an HTML version of this file which includes the original illustrations. See 19765-h.htm or 19765-h.zip: (http://www.gutenberg.net/dirs/1/9/7/6/19765/19765-h/19765-h.htm) or (http://www.gutenberg.net/dirs/1/9/7/6/19765/19765-h.zip) Transcriber's note: Page numbers in this book are indicated by numbers enclosed in curly braces, e.g. {vi} or {99}. They have been located where page breaks occurred in the original book, in accordance with Project Gutenberg's FAQ-V-99. For its Index, page numbers have been placed only at the start of that section. VIKINGS OF THE PACIFIC The Adventures of the Explorers Who Came from the West, Eastward Bering, the Dane; the Outlaw Hunters of Russia; Benyowsky, the Polish Pirate; Cook and Vancouver, the English Navigators; Gray of Boston, the Discoverer of the Columbia; Drake, Ledyard, and Other Soldiers of Fortune on the West Coast of America by A. C. LAUT Author of "Pathfinders of the West," Etc. [Frontispiece: Seal Rookery, Commander Islands.] New York The MacMillan Company London: MacMillan & Co., Ltd. 1905 All rights reserved Copyright, 1905, by the MacMillan Company. Set up and electrotyped. Published December, 1905. {vii} Foreword At the very time the early explorers of New France were pressing from the east, westward, a tide of adventure had set across Siberia and the Pacific from the west, eastward. Carrier and Champlain of New France in the east have their counterparts and contemporaries on the Pacific coast of America in Francis Drake, the English pirate on the coast of California, and in Staduchin and Deshneff and other Cossack plunderers of the North Pacific, whose rickety keels first ploughed a furrow over the trackless sea out from Asia. Marquette, Jolliet and La Salle--backed by the prestige of the French government are not unlike the English navigators, Cook and Vancouver, sent out by the English Admiralty. Radisson, privateer and adventurer, might find counterpart on the Pacific coast in either Gray, the discoverer of the Columbia, or Ledyard, whose ill-fated, wildcat plans resulted in the Lewis and Clark expedition. Bering was contemporaneous with La Vérendrye; and so the comparison might be carried on between Benyowsky, the Polish pirate of the Pacific, or the Outlaw Hunters of Russia, and the famous buccaneers of the eastern Spanish Main. The main point is--that both tides {viii} of adventure, from the east, westward, from the west, eastward, met, and clashed, and finally coalesced in the great fur trade, that won the West. The Spaniards of the Southwest--even when they extended their explorations into the Northwest--have not been included in this volume, for the simple reason they would require a volume by themselves. Also, their aims as explorers were always secondary to their aims as treasure hunters; and their main exploits were confined to the Southwest. Other Pacific coast explorers, like La Pérouse, are not included here because they were not, in the truest sense, discoverers, and their exploits really belong to the story of the fights among the different fur companies, who came on the ground after the first adventurers. In every case, reference has been to first sources, to the records left by the doers of the acts themselves, or their contemporaries--some of the data in manuscript, some in print; but it may as well be frankly acknowledged that _all_ first sources have _not_ been exhausted. To do so in the case of a single explorer, say either Drake or Bering--would require a lifetime. For instance, there are in St. Petersburg some thirty thousand folios on the Bering expedition to America. Probably only one person--a Danish professor--has ever examined all of these; and the results of his investigations I have consulted. Also, there are in the State Department, Washington, some hundred old log-books of the Russian hunters which {ix} have--as far as I know--never been turned by a single hand, though I understand their outsides were looked at during the fur seal controversy. The data on this era of adventure I have chiefly obtained from the works of Russian archivists, published in French and English. To give a list of all authorities quoted would be impossible. On Alaska alone, the least-known section of the Pacific coast, there is a bibliographical list of four thousand. The better-known coast southward has equally voluminous records. Nor is such a list necessary. Nine-tenths of it are made up of either descriptive works or purely scientific pamphlets; and of the remaining tenth, the contents are obtained in undiluted condition by going directly to the first sources. A few of these first sources are indicated in each section. It is somewhat remarkable that Gray--as true a naval hero as ever trod the quarter-deck, who did the same for the West as Carrier for the St. Lawrence, and Hudson for the river named after him--is the one man of the Pacific coast discoverers of whom there are scantiest records. Authentic histories are still written, that cast doubt on his achievement. Certainly a century ago Gray was lionized in Boston; but it may be his feat was overshadowed by the world-history of the new American republic and the Napoleonic wars at the opening of the nineteenth century; or the world may have taken him at his own valuation; and Gray was a hero of the non-shouting sort. The data on {x} Gray's discovery have been obtained from the descendants of the Boston men who outfitted him, and from his own great-grandchildren. Though he died a poor man, the red blood of his courage and ability seems to have come down to his descendants; for their names are among the best known in contemporary American life. To them my thanks are tendered. Since the contents of this volume appeared serially in _Leslie's Monthly_, _Outing_, and _Harper's Magazine_, fresh data have been sent to me on minor points from descendants of the explorers and from collectors. I take this opportunity to thank these contributors. Among many others, special thanks are due Dr. George Davidson, President of San Francisco Geographical Society, for facts relating to the topography of the coast, and to Dr. Leo Stejneger of the Smithsonian, Washington, for facts gathered on the very spot where Bering perished. WASSAIC, New York, July 15, 1905. CONTENTS PART I DEALING WITH THE RUSSIANS ON THE PACIFIC COAST OF AMERICA--BERING, THE DANE, THE SEA-OTTER HUNTERS, THE OUTLAWS, AND BENYOWSKY, THE POLISH PIRATE CHAPTER I 1700-1743 VITUS BERING, THE DANE Peter the Great sends Bering on Two Voyages: First, to discover whether America and Asia are united; Second, to find what lies north of New Spain--Terrible Hardships of Caravans crossing Siberia for Seven Thousand Miles--Ships lost in the Mist--Bering's Crew cast away on a Barren Isle . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 CHAPTER II 1741-1743 CONTINUATION OF BERING, THE DANE Frightful Sufferings of the Castaways on the Commander Islands--The Vessel smashed in a Winter Gale, the Sick are dragged for Refuge into Pits of Sand--Here, Bering perishes, and the Crew Winter--The Consort Ship under Chirikoff Ambushed--How the Castaways reach Home . . . . . 37 CHAPTER III 1741-1760 THE SEA-OTTER HUNTERS How the Sea-otter Pelts brought back by Bering's Crew led to the Exploitation of the Northwest Coast of America--Difference of Sea-otter from Other Fur-bearing Animals of the West--Perils of the Hunt . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 62 CHAPTER IV 1760-1770 THE OUTLAW HUNTERS The American Coast becomes the Great Rendezvous for Siberian Criminals and Political Exiles--Beyond Reach of Law, Cossacks and Criminals perpetrate Outrages on the Indians--The Indians' Revenge wipes out Russian Forts in America--The Pursuit of Four Refugee Russians from Cave to Cave over the Sea at Night--How they escape after a Year's Chase . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 80 CHAPTER V 1768-1772 COUNT MAURITIUS BENYOWSKY, THE POLISH PIRATE Siberian Exiles under Polish Soldier of Fortune plot to overthrow Garrison of Kamchatka and escape to West Coast of America as Fur Traders--A Bloody Melodrama enacted at Bolcheresk--The Count and his Criminal Crew sail to America . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 106 PART II AMERICAN AND ENGLISH ADVENTURERS ON THE WEST COAST OF AMERICA--FRANCIS DRAKE IN CALIFORNIA--COOK, FROM BRITISH COLUMBIA TO ALASKA--LEDYARD, THE FORERUNNER OF LEWIS AND CLARK--GRAY, THE DISCOVERER OF THE COLUMBIA--VANCOUVER, THE LAST OF THE WEST COAST NAVIGATORS CHAPTER VI 1562-1595 FRANCIS DRAKE IN CALIFORNIA How the Sea Rover was attacked and ruined as a Boy on the Spanish Main off Mexico--His Revenge in sacking Spanish Treasure Houses and crossing Panama--The Richest Man in England, he sails to the Forbidden Sea, scuttles all the Spanish Ports up the West Coast of South America and takes Possession of New Albion (California) for England . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 133 CHAPTER VII 1728-1779 CAPTAIN COOK IN AMERICA The English Navigator sent Two Hundred Years later to find the New Albion of Drake's Discoveries--He misses both the Straits of Fuca and the Mouth of the Columbia, but anchors at Nootka, the Rendezvous of Future Traders--No Northeast Passage found through Alaska--The True Cause of Cook's Murder in Hawaii told by Ledyard--Russia becomes Jealous of his Explorations . . . . . . . . . . . 172 CHAPTER VIII 1785-1792 ROBERT GRAY, THE AMERICAN DISCOVERER OF THE COLUMBIA Boston Merchants, inspired by Cook's Voyages, outfit Two Vessels under Kendrick and Gray for Discovery and Trade on the Pacific--Adventures of the First Ship to carry the American Flag around the World--Gray attacked by Indians at Tillamook Bay--His Discovery of the Columbia River on the Second Voyage--Fort Defence and the First American Ship built on the Pacific . . . . . . . . . 210 CHAPTER IX 1778-1790 JOHN LEDYARD, THE FORERUNNER OF LEWIS AND CLARK A New England Ne'er-do-well, turned from the Door of Rich Relatives, joins Cook's Expedition to America--Adventure among the Russians of Oonalaska--Useless Endeavor to interest New England Merchants in Fur Trade--A Soldier of Fortune in Paris, he meets Jefferson and Paul Jones and outlines Exploration of Western America--Succeeds in crossing Siberia alone on the Way to America, but is thwarted by Russian Fur Traders . . . . . . . . . . . . 242 CHAPTER X 1779-1794 GEORGE VANCOUVER, LAST OF PACIFIC COAST EXPLORERS Activities of Americans, Spanish, and Russians on the West Coast of America arouse England--Vancouver is sent out ostensibly to settle the Quarrel between Fur Traders and Spanish Governors at Nootka--Incidentally, he is to complete the Exploration of America's West Coast and take Possession for England of Unclaimed Territory--The Myth of a Northeast Passage dispelled Forever . . . . . . . . . . . 263 PART III EXPLORATION GIVES PLACE TO FUR TRADE--THE EXPLOITATION OF THE PACIFIC COAST UNDER THE RUSSIAN AMERICAN FUR COMPANY, AND THE RENOWNED LEADER BARANOF CHAPTER XI 1579-1867 THE RUSSIAN AMERICAN FUR COMPANY The Pursuit of the Sable leads Cossacks across Siberia; of the Sea-otter, across the Pacific as far south as California--Caravans of Four Thousand Horses on the Long Trail--Seven Thousand Miles across Europe and Asia--Banditti of the Sea--The Union of All Traders in One Monopoly--Siege and Slaughter of Sitka--How Monroe Doctrine grew out of Russian Fur Trade--Aims of Russia to dominate North Pacific . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 293 CHAPTER XII 1747-1818 BARANOF, THE LITTLE CZAR OF THE PACIFIC Baranof lays the Foundations of Russian Empire on the Pacific Coast of America--Shipwrecked on his Way to Alaska, he yet holds his Men in Hand and turns the Ill-hap to Advantage--How he bluffs the Rival Fur Companies in Line--First Russian Ship built in America--Adventures leading the Sea-otter Hunters--Ambushed by the Indians--The Founding of Sitka--Baranof, cast off in his Old Age, dies of Broken Heart . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 316 INDEX . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 339 ILLUSTRATIONS Seal Rookery, Commander Islands . . . . . . . . . _Frontispiece_ Peter the Great . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5 Map of Course followed by Bering . . . . . . . . . . . . 20-21 The _St. Peter_ and _St. Paul_, from a rough sketch by Bering's comrade, Steller, the scientist . . . . . . . 29 Steller's Arch on Bering Island, named after the scientist Steller, of Bering's Expedition . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39 A Glacier . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 46 Sea Cows . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 53 Seals in a Rookery on Bering Island . . . . . . . . . . . . 57 Mauritius Augustus, Count Benyowsky . . . . . . . . . . . . 109 Sir John Hawkins . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 135 Queen Elizabeth knighting Drake . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 146 The _Golden Hind_ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 151 Francis Drake . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 155 The Crowning of Drake in California . . . . . . . . . . . . 164 The Silver Map of the World . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 171 Captain James Cook . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 180 The Ice Islands . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 194 The Death of Cook . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 205 Departure of the _Columbia_ and the _Lady Washington_ . . . 211 Charles Bulfinch . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 212 Medals commemorating _Columbia_ and _Lady Washington_ Cruise 215 Building the First American Ship on the Pacific Coast . . . 223 Feather Cloak worn by a son of a Hawaiian Chief, at the celebration in honor of Gray's return . . . . . . . . . . 226 John Derby . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 228 Map of Gray's two voyages, resulting in the discovery of the Columbia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 231 A View of the Columbia River . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 237 At the Mouth of the Columbia River . . . . . . . . . . . . 239 Ledyard in his Dugout . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 244 Captain George Vancouver . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 265 The _Columbia_ in a Squall . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 269 The _Discovery_ on the Rocks . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 274 Indian Settlement at Nootka . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 276 Reindeer Herd in Siberia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 288 Raised Reindeer Sledges . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 294 John Jacob Astor . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 303 Sitka from the Sea . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 314 Alexander Baranof . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 317 {1} PART I DEALING WITH THE RUSSIANS ON THE PACIFIC COAST OF AMERICA--BERING, THE DANE, THE SEA-OTTER HUNTERS, THE OUTLAWS, AND BENYOWSKY, THE POLISH PIRATE {3} Vikings of the Pacific CHAPTER I 1700-1743 VITUS BERING, THE DANE Peter the Great sends Bering on Two Voyages: First, to discover whether America and Asia are united; Second, to find what lies north of New Spain--Terrible Hardships of Caravans crossing Siberia for Seven Thousand Miles--Ships lost in the Mist--Bering's Crew cast away on a Barren Isle We have become such slaves of shallow science in these days, such firm believers in the fatalism which declares man the creature of circumstance, that we have almost forgotten the supremest spectacle in life is when man becomes the Creator of Circumstance. We forget that man can rise to be master of his destiny, fighting, unmaking, re-creating, not only his own environment, but the environment of multitudinous lesser men. There is something titanic in such lives. They are the hero myths of every nation's legends. We {4} somehow feel that the man who flings off the handicaps of birth and station lifts the whole human race to a higher plane and has a bit of the God in him, though the hero may have feet of clay and body of beast. Such were the old Vikings of the North, who spent their lives in elemental warfare, and rode out to meet death in tempest, lashed to the spar of their craft. And such, too, were the New World Vikings of the Pacific, who coasted the seas of two continents in cockle-shell ships,--planks lashed with deer thongs, calked with moss,--rapacious in their deep-sea plunderings as beasts of prey, fearless as the very spirit of the storm itself. The adventures of the North Pacific Vikings read more like some old legend of the sea than sober truth; and the wild strain had its fountain-head in the most tempestuous hero and beastlike man that ever ascended the throne of the Russias. [Illustration: Peter the Great.] When Peter the Great of Russia worked as a ship's carpenter at the docks of the East India Company in Amsterdam, the sailors' tales of vast, undiscovered lands beyond the seas of Japan must have acted on his imagination like a match to gunpowder.[1] Already he was dreaming those imperial conquests which Russia still dreams: of pushing his realm to the southernmost edge of Europe, to the easternmost verge of Asia, to the doorway of the Arctic, to the very threshold of the {5} Chinese capital. Already his Cossacks had scoured the two Siberias like birds of prey, exacting tribute from the wandering tribes of Tartary, of Kamchatka, of the Pacific, of the Siberian races in the northeasternmost corner of Asia. And these Chukchee Indians of the Asiatic Pacific told the Russians of a land beyond the sea, of driftwood floating across the ocean unlike any trees growing in Asia, of dead whales washed ashore with the harpoons of strange hunters, {6} and--most comical of all in the light of our modern knowledge about the Eskimo's tail-shaped fur coats--of men wrecked on the shores of Asia who might have qualified for Darwin's missing link, inasmuch as they wore "tails." And now the sailors added yet more fabulous things to Peter's knowledge. There was an unknown continent east of Asia, west of America, called on the maps "Gamaland." [2] Now, Peter's consuming ambition was for new worlds to conquer. What of this "Gamaland"? But, as the world knows, Peter was called home to suppress an insurrection. War, domestic broils, massacres that left a bloody stain on his glory, busied his hands for the remaining years of his life; and January of 1725 found the palaces of all the Russias hushed, for the Hercules who had scrunched all opposition like a giant lay dying, ashamed to consult a physician, vanquished of his own vices, calling on Heaven for pity with screams of pain that drove physicians and attendants from the room. Perhaps remorse for those seven thousand wretches executed at one fell swoop after the revolt; perhaps memories of those twenty kneeling supplicants whose heads he had struck off with his own hand, drinking a bumper of quass to each stroke; perhaps reproaches {7} of the highway robbers whom he used to torture to slow death, two hundred at a time, by suspending them from hooks in their sides; perhaps the first wife, whom he repudiated, the first son whom he had done to death either by poison or convulsions of fright, came to haunt the darkness of his deathbed. Catherine, the peasant girl, elevated to be empress of all the Russias, could avail nothing. Physicians and scientists and navigators, Dane and English and Dutch, whom he had brought to Russia from all parts of Europe, were powerless. Vows to Heaven, in all the long hours he lay convulsed battling with Death, were useless. The sins of a lifetime could not be undone by the repentance of an hour. Then, as if the dauntless Spirit of the man must rise finally triumphant over Flesh, the dying Hercules roused himself to one last supreme effort. Radisson, Marquette, La Salle, Vérendrye, were reaching across America to win the undiscovered regions of the Western Sea for France. New Spain was pushing her ships northward from Mexico; and now, the dying Peter of Russia with his own hand wrote instructions for an expedition to search the boundaries between Asia and America. In a word, he set in motion that forward march of the Russians across the Orient, which was to go on unchecked for two hundred years till arrested by the Japanese. The Czar's instructions were always laconic. They were written five weeks before his death. "(1) At {8} Kamchatka . . . two boats are to be built. (2) With these you are to sail northward along the coast. . . . (3) You are to enquire where the American coast begins. . . . Write it down . . . obtain reliable information . . . then, having charted the coast, return." [3] From the time that Peter the Great began to break down the Oriental isolation of Russia from the rest of Europe, it was his policy to draw to St. Petersburg--the city of his own creation--leaders of thought from every capital in Europe. And as his aim was to establish a navy, he especially endeavored to attract foreign navigators to his kingdom. Among these were many Norse and Danes. The acquaintance may have dated from the apprenticeship on the docks of the East India Company; but at any rate, among the foreign navigators was one Vitus Ivanovich Bering, a Dane of humble origin from Horsens,[4] who had been an East India Company sailor till he joined the Russian fleet as sub-lieutenant at the age of twenty-two, and fought his way up in the Baltic service through Peter's wars till in 1720 he was appointed captain of second rank. To Vitus Bering, the Dane, Peter gave the commission for the exploration of the waters between Asia and America. As a sailor, Bering had, of course, been on the borders of the Pacific.[5] {9} The scientists of every city in Europe were in a fret over the mythical Straits of Anian, supposed to be between Asia and America, and over the yet more mythical Gamaland, supposed to be visible on the way to New Spain. To all this jangling of words without knowledge Peter paid no heed. "You will go and obtain some reliable information," he commands Bering. Neither did he pay any heed to the fact that the ports of Kamchatka on the Pacific were six thousand miles by river and mountain and tundra and desert through an unknown country from St. Petersburg. It would take from three to five years to transport material across two continents by caravan and flatboat and dog sled. Tribute of food and fur would be required from Kurd and Tartar and wild Siberian tribe. More than a thousand horses must be requisitioned for the caravans; more than two thousand leathern sacks made for the flour. Twenty or thirty boats must be constructed to raft down the inland rivers. There were forests to be traversed for hundreds of miles, where only the keenest vigilance could keep the wolf packs off the heels of the travellers. And when the expedition should reach the tundras of eastern Siberia, there was the double danger of the Chukchee tribes on the north, hostile as the American Indians, and of the Siberian exile population on the south, branded criminals, political malcontents, banditti of {10} the wilderness, outcasts of nameless crimes beyond the pale of law. It needed no prophet to foresee such people would thwart, not help, the expedition. And when the shores of Okhotsk were reached, a fort must be built to winter there. And a vessel for inland seas must be constructed to cross to the Kamchatka peninsula of the North Pacific. And the peninsula which sticks out from Asia as Norway projects from Europe, must be crossed with provisions--a distance of some two hundred miles by dog trains over mountains higher than the American Rockies. And once on the shores of the Pacific itself, another fort must be built on the east side of the Kamchatka peninsula. And the two double-decker vessels must be constructed to voyage over the sleepy swell of the North Pacific to that mythical realm of mist like a blanket, and strange, unearthly rumblings smoking up from the cold Arctic sea, with the red light of a flame through the gray haze, and weird voices, as if the fog wraith were luring seamen to destruction. These were mere details. Peter took no heed of impossibles. Neither did Bering; for he was in the prime of his honor, forty-four years of age. "You will go," commanded the Czar, and Bering obeyed. Barely had the spirit of Peter the Great passed from this life, in 1725, when Bering's forces were travelling in midwinter from St. Petersburg to cross Siberia to the Pacific, on what is known as the First Expedition.[6] {11} Three years it took him to go from the west coast of Europe to the east coast of Asia, crossing from Okhotsk to Kamchatka, whence he sailed on the 9th of July, 1728, with forty-four men and three lieutenants for the Arctic seas.[7] This voyage is unimportant, except as the kernel out of which grew the most famous expedition on the Pacific coast. Martin Spanberg, another Danish navigator, huge of frame, vehement, passionate, tyrannical out dauntless, always followed by a giant hound ready to tear any one who approached to pieces, and Alexei Chirikoff, an able Russian, were seconds in command. They encountered all the difficulties to be expected transporting ships, rigging, and provisions across two continents. Spanberg and his men, winter-bound in East Siberia, were reduced to eating their dog harness and shoe-straps for food before they came to the trail of dead horses that marked Bering's path to the sea, and guided them to the fort at Okhotsk. Bering did exactly as Czar Peter had ordered. He built the two-deckers at Kamchatka. Then he followed the coast northward past St. Lawrence Island, which he named, to a point where the shore seemed to turn back on itself northwestward at 67 degrees 18 minutes, which proved to Bering that Asia and America were _not_ {12} united.[8] And they had found no "Gamaland," no new world wedged in between Asia and America, Twice they were within only forty miles of America, touching at St. Lawrence Island, but the fog hung like a blanket over the sea as they passed through the waters now known as Bering Straits. They saw no continent eastward; and Bering was compelled to return with no knowledge but that Russia did _not_ extend into America. And yet, there were definite signs of land eastward of Kamchatka--driftwood, seaweed, sea-birds. Before setting out for St. Petersburg in 1729, he had again tried to sail eastward to the Gamaland of the maps, but again foul weather had driven him back. It was the old story of the savants and Christopher Columbus in an earlier day. Bering's conclusions were different from the moonshine of the schools. There was no "Gamaland" in the sea. There was in the maps. The learned men of St. Petersburg ridiculed the Danish sailor. The fog was supposed to have concealed "Gamaland." There was nothing for Bering but to retire in ignominy or prove his conclusions. He had arrived in St. Petersburg in March, 1730. He had induced the court to undertake a second expedition by April of the same year.[9] {13} And for this second expedition, the court, the senate the admiralty, and the academy of sciences decided to provide with a lavish profusion that would dazzle the world with the brilliancy of Russian exploits. Russia was in the mood to do things. The young savants who thronged her capital were heady with visionary theories that were to astonish the rest of mortals. Scientists, artisans, physicians, monks, Cossacks, historians, made up the motley roll of conflicting influences under Bering's command; but because Bering was a Dane, this command was not supreme. He must convene a council of the Russian officers under him, submit all his plans to their vote, then abide by their decision. Yet he alone must carry responsibility for blunders. And as the days went on, details of instructions rolling out from admiralty, senate, and academy were like an avalanche gathering impetus to destruction from its weight. He was to establish new industries in Siberia. He was to chart the whole Arctic coast line of Asia. He was to Christianize the natives. He was to provide the travelling academicians with luxurious equipment, though some of them had forty wagon-loads of instruments and carried a peripatetic library. Early in 1733, the Second Expedition set out from St. Petersburg in detachments to cross Siberia. There were Vitus Bering, the commander, Chirikoff and Spanberg, his two seconds, eight lieutenants, sixteen mates, twelve physicians, seven priests, carpenters, {14} bakers, Cossacks, sailors,--in all, five hundred and eighty men.[10] Now, if it was difficult to transport a handful of attendants across Siberia for the first simple voyage, what was it to convoy this rabble composed of self-important scientists bent on proving impossible theories, of underling officers each of whom considered himself a czar, of wives and children unused to such travel, of priests whose piety took the extraordinary form of knouting subordinates to death, of Cossacks who drank and gambled and brawled at every stopping place till half the lieutenants in the company had crossed swords in duels, of workmen who looked on the venture as a mad banishment, and only watched for a chance to desert? Scouts went scurrying ahead with orders for the Siberian Cossacks to prepare wintering quarters for the on-coming host, and to levy tribute on the inhabitants for provision; but in Siberia, as the Russians say, "_God is high in the Heaven, and the Czar is far away_;" and the Siberian governors raised not a finger to prepare for Bering. Spanberg left St. Petersburg in February, 1733. Bering followed in March; and all summer the long caravans of slow-moving pack horses--as many as four thousand in a line--wound across the desert wastes of West Siberia. {15} Only the academists dallied in St. Petersburg, kissing Majesty's hand farewell, basking in the sudden sunburst of short notoriety, driving Bering almost mad by their exorbitant demands for luxuriously appointed barges to carry them down the Volga. Winter was passed at Tobolsk; but May of 1734 witnessed a firing of cannon, a blaring of trumpets, a clinking of merry glasses among merry gentlemen; for the caravans were setting out once more to the swearing of the Cossacks, the complaining of the scientists, the brawling of the underling officers, the silent chagrin of the endlessly patient Bering. One can easily believe that the God-speed from the Siberians was sincere; for the local governors used the orders for tribute to enrich themselves; and the country-side groaned under a heavy burden of extortion. The second winter was passed at Yakutsk, where the ships that were to chart the Arctic coast of Siberia were built and launched with crews of some hundred men. It was the end of June, 1735, before the main forces were under way again for the Pacific. From Yakutsk to Okhotsk on the Pacific, the course was down the Lena, up the Aldan River, up the Maya, up the Yudoma, across the Stanovoi Mountains, down the Urak river to the sea. A thousand Siberian exiles were compelled to convoy these boats.[11] Not a roof had been prepared to house the forces in the mountains. Men and horses were torn to pieces by the timber {16} wolves. Often, for days at a time, the only rations were carcasses of dead horses, roots, flour, and rice. Winter barracks had to be built between the rivers, for the navigable season was short. In May the rivers broke up in spring flood. Then, the course was against a boiling torrent. Thirty men could not tug a boat up the Yudoma. They stood in ice-water up to their waists lifting the barges over the turbulent places. Sores broke out on the feet of horses and men. Three years it took to transport all the supplies and ships' rigging from the Lena to the Pacific, with wintering barracks constructed at each stopping place. At Okhotsk on the Pacific, Major-General Pissarjeff was harbor master. This old reprobate, once a favorite of Peter the Great, had been knouted, branded and exiled for conspiracy, forbidden even to conceal his brand; and now, he let loose all his seventy years of bitterness on Bering. He not only had _not_ made preparation to house the explorers; but he refused to permit them inside the stockades of the miserable huts at Okhotsk, which he called his fort. When they built a fort of their own outside, he set himself to tantalize the two Danes, Bering and Spanberg, knouting their men, sending coureurs with false accusations against Bering to St. Petersburg, actually countermanding their orders for supplies from the Cossacks. Spanberg would have finished the matter neatly with a sharp sword; but Bering forbore, and Pissarjeff {17} was ultimately replaced by a better harbor master. The men set to work cutting the timber for the ships that were to cross from Okhotsk to the east shore of Kamchatka; for Bering's ships of the first voyage could now be used only as packet boats. Not till the fourth of June, 1741, had all preparations ripened for the fulfilment of Czar Peter's dying wishes to extend his empire into America. Two vessels, the _St. Peter_ and the _St. Paul_, rode at anchor at Petropaulovsk in the Bay of Avacha on the east coast of Kamchatka. On the shore was a little palisaded fort of some fifty huts, a barrack, a chapel, a powder magazine. Early that morning, solemn religious services had been held to invoke the blessing of Heaven on the voyagers. Now, the chapel bell was set ringing. Monks came singing down to the water's edge. Cannon were fired. Cheer on cheer set the echoes rolling among the white domed mountains. There was a rattling of anchor chains, a creaking of masts and yard-arms. The sails fluttered out bellying full; and with a last, long shout, the ships glided out before the wind to the lazy swell of the Pacific for the discovery of new worlds. And why not new worlds? That was the question the officers accompanying Bering asked themselves as the white peaks of Kamchatka faded on the offing. Certainly, in the history of the world, no expedition had set out with greater prestige. Eight years had it {18} taken to cross Siberia from St. Petersburg to the Pacific. A line of forts across two continents had been built for winter quarters. Rivers had been bridged; as many as forty boats knocked together in a single year to raft down the Siberian torrents. Two hundred thousand dollars in modern money had been spent before the Pacific was reached. In all, nine ships had been built on the Pacific to freight supplies across from Okhotsk to the eastern side of Kamchatka, two to carry Bering to the new continent of "Gamaland" which the savants persisted in putting on the maps, three to explore the region between Russia and Japan. Now, Bering knew there was _no_ "Gamaland" except in the ignorant, heady imaginings of the foolish geographers. So did Alexei Chirikoff, the Russian second assistant. So did Spanberg, the Dane, third in command, who had coasted the Pacific in charting Japan. Roughly speaking, the expedition had gradually focussed to three points: (1) the charting of the Arctic coast; (2) the exploration of Japan; (3) the finding of what lay between Asia and America. Some two hundred men, of whom a score had already perished of scurvy, had gone down the Siberian rivers to the Arctic coast. Spanberg, the Dane, with a hundred others, had thoroughly charted Japan, and had seen his results vetoed by the authorities at St. Petersburg because there was no Gamaland. Bering, himself, undertook the voyage to America. All the month of {19} May, council after council had been held at Avacha Bay to determine which way Bering's two ships should sail. By the vote of this council, Bering, the commander, was compelled to abide; and the mythical Gamaland proved his evil star. The maps of the D'Isles, the famous geographers, contained a Gamaland; and Louis la Croyére d'Isle, relative of the great map maker, who had knocked about in Canada and was thought to be an authority on American matters, was to accompany Chirikoff, Bering's first lieutenant. At the councils, these maps were hauled out. It was a matter of family pride with the D'Isles to find that Gamaland. Bering and Chirikoff may have cursed all scientists, as Cook, the great navigator, cursed savants at a later day; but they must bow to the decision of the council; and the decision was to sail south-southeast for Gamaland. And yet, there could have been no bitterness in Bering's feelings; for he knew that the truth must triumph. He would be vindicated, whatever came; and the spell of the North was upon him with its magic beckoning on--on--on to the unknown, to the unexplored, to the undreamed. All that the discoveries of Columbus gave to the world, Bering's voyage might give to Russia; for he did _not_ know that the La Vérendryes of New France had already penetrated west as far as the Rockies; and he did know that half a continent yet lay unexplored, unclaimed, on the other side of the Pacific. {20} [Illustration: Map of Course followed by Bering.] But with boats that carried only one hundred casks of water, and provisions for but five months, the decision to sail south-southeast was a deplorable waste of precious time. It would lead to the Spanish possessions, not to the unknown North. On Bering's boat, the _St. Peter_, was a crew of seventy-seven, Lieutenant Waxel, second in command, George William Steller, the famous scientist, Bering's friend, on board. On the _St. Paul_, under the stanch, level-headed Russian lieutenant, Alexei Chirikoff, were seventy-six men, with La Croyére d'Isle as astronomer. Not the least {21} complicating feature of the case was the personnel of the crews. For the most part, they were branded criminals and malcontents. From the first they had regarded the Bering expedition with horror. They had joined it under compulsion for only six years; and the exploration was now in its eleventh year. Spanberg, the other Dane, with his brutal tongue and constant recourse to the knout, who had gone to St. Petersburg to report on Japan, they cordially hated. Chirikoff, the Russian, was a universal favorite, and Bering, the supreme commander, was loved for his {22} kindness; but Bering's commands were subject to veto by the Russian underlings; and the Russian underling officers kept up a constant brawl of duels and gaming and drink. No wonder the bluff Dane sailed out from the snow-rimmed peaks of Avacha Bay with dark forebodings. He had carried a load of petty instructions issued by ignoramus savants for eight years. He had borne eight years of nagging from court and senate and academy. He had been criticised for blunders of others' making. He had been set to accomplish a Herculean task with tied hands. He had been threatened with fines and court martial for the delay caused by the quarrels of his under officers to whom he was subject. He had been deprived of salary for three years and accused of pilfering from public funds. His wife, who had by this time returned with the wives of the other officers to Russia, had actually been searched for hidden booty.[12] And now, after toils and hardships untold, only five months' provisions were left for the ships sailing from Kamchatka; and the blockhead underlings were compelling a waste of those provisions by sailing in the wrong direction. If the worst came, could Bering hold his men with those tied hands of his? The commander shrugged his shoulders and signalled Chirikoff, the Russian, on the _St. Paul_, to lead the way. They must find out there was no Gamaland {23} for themselves, those obstinate Russians! The long swell of the Pacific meets them as they sheer out from the mountain-girt harbor. A dip of the sails to the swell of the rising wind, and the snowy heights of Avacha Bay are left on the offing. The thunder of the surf against the rocky caves of Kamchatka coast fades fainter. The myriad birds become fewer. Steller, the scientist, leans over the rail to listen if the huge sperm whale, there, "hums" as it "blows." The white rollers come from the north, rolling--rolling down to the tropics. A gray thing hangs over the northern offing, a grayish brown thing called "fog" of which they will know more anon. The grayish brown thing means storm; and the "porps" tumbling, floundering, somerseting round the ships in circles, mean storm; and Chirikoff, far ahead there, signals back doubtfully to know if they shouldn't keep together to avoid being lost in the gathering fog. The Dane shrugs his shoulders and looks to the north. The grayish brown thing has darkened, thickened, spread out impalpably, and by the third day, a northling wind is whistling through the riggings with a rip. Sails are furled. The white rollers roll no longer. They lash with chopped-off tops flying backward; and the _St. Peter_ is churning about, shipping sea after sea with the crash of thunder. That was what the fog meant; and it is all about them, in a hurricane now, stinging cold, thick to the touch, washing out every outline but sea--sea! {24} Never mind! They are nine days out. It is the twelfth of June. They are down to 46 degrees and no Gamaland! The blockheads have stopped spreading their maps in the captain's cabin. One can see a smile wreathing in the whiskers of the Dane. Six hundred miles south of Kamchatka and no Gamaland! The council convenes again. It is decided to turn about, head north, and say no more of Gamaland. But when the fog, that has turned hurricane, lifts, the consort ship, the _St. Paul_, is lost. Chirikoff's vessel has disappeared. Up to 49 degrees, they go; but still no Chirikoff, and no Gamaland! Then the blunder-makers, as usual, blunder more. It is dangerous to go on without the sister ship. The council convenes. Bering must hark back to 46 degrees and hunt for Chirikoff. So passes the whole month of June. Out of five months' provisions, one wasted, the odium on Bering, the Dane. It was noticed that after the ship turned south, the commander looked ill and depressed. He became intolerant of opposition or approach. Possibly to avoid irritation, he kept to his cabin; but he issued peremptory orders for the _St. Peter_ to head back north. In a few days, Bering was confined to bed with that overwhelming physical depression and fear, that precede the scourge most dreaded by seamen--scurvy. Lieutenant Waxel now took command. Waxel had all a sailor's contempt for the bookful blockheads, who wrench fact to fit theory; and deadly enmity arose {25} between him and Steller, the scientist. By the middle of July, the fetid drinking water was so reduced that the crew was put on half allowance; but on the sleepy, fog-blanketed swell of the Pacific slipping past Bering's wearied eyes, there were so many signs of land--birds, driftwood, seaweed--that the commander ordered the ship hove to each night for fear of grounding. On the thirteenth of July, the council of underlings had so far relinquished all idea of a Gamaland, that it was decided to steer continuously north. Sometime between the 16th and 20th, the fog lifted like a curtain. Such a vision met the gaze of the stolid seamen as stirred the blood of those phlegmatic Russians. It was the consummation of all their labor, what they had toiled across Siberia to see, what they had hoped against hope in spite of the learned jargon of the geographers. There loomed above the far horizon of the north sea what might have been an immense opal dome suspended in mid-heaven. One can guess how the lookout strained keen eyes at this grand, crumpled apex of snow jagged through the clouds like the celestial tent peak of some giant race; how the shout of "land" went up, how officers and underlings flocked round Bering with cries and congratulations. "We knew it was land beyond a doubt on the sixteenth," says Steller. "Though I have been in Kamchatka, I have never seen more lofty mountains." The shore was broken everywhere, showing inlets and harbors. {26} Everybody congratulated the commander, but he only shrugged shoulders, saying: "We think we've done big things, eh? but who knows? Nobody realizes where this is, or the distance we must sail back. Winds may be contrary. We don't know this land; and we haven't provisions to winter." The truth is--the maps having failed, Bering was good enough seaman to know these uncharted signs of a continent indicated that the _St. Peter_ was hopelessly lost. Sixteen years of nagging care, harder to face than a line of cannon, had sucked Bering's capacity of resistance like a vampire. That buoyancy, which lifts man above Anxious Fright, had been sapped. The shadowy elemental powers--physical weakness, disease, despair--were closing round the explorer like the waves of an eternal sea. The boat found itself in a wonder world, that beggared romance. The great peak, which they named St. Elias, hung above a snowy row of lesser ridges in a dome of alabaster. Icebergs, like floating palaces, came washing down from the long line of precipitous shore. As they neared anchorage at an island now known as Kyak, they could see billows of ferns, grasses, lady's slippers, rhododendrons, bluebells, forget-me-nots, rippling in the wind. Perhaps they saw those palisades of ice, that stretch like a rampart northward along the main shore west of St. Elias. The _St. Peter_ moved slowly landward against a head wind. Khitroff and Steller put off in the small {27} boats with fifteen men to reconnoitre. Both found traces of inhabitants--timbered huts, fire holes, shells, smoked fish, footprints in the grass. Steller left some kettles, knives, glass beads, and trinkets in the huts to replace the possessions of the natives, which the Russians took. Many years later, another voyager met an old Indian, who told of seeing Bering's ship anchor at Kyak Island when he was a boy; but the terrified Indians had fled, only returning to find the presents in the huts, when the Russians had gone.[13] Steller was as wild as a child out of school, and accompanied by only one Cossack went bounding over the island collecting specimens and botanizing. Khitroff, meanwhile, filled water-casks; but on July 21, the day after the anchorage, a storm-wind began whistling through the rigging. The rollers came washing down from the ice wall of the coast and the far offing showed the dirty fog that portended storm. Only half the water-casks had been filled; but there was a brisk seaward breeze. Without warning, contrary to his custom of consulting the other officers, Bering appeared on deck pallid and ashen from disease, and peremptorily ordered anchors up. In vain Steller stormed and swore, accusing the chief of pusillanimous homesickness, "of reducing his explorations to a six hours' anchorage on an island shore," "of coming from Asia to carry home American water." The commander had had enough of {28} vacillation, delay, interference. One-third of the crew was ailing. Provisions for only three months were in the hold. The ship was off any known course more than two thousand miles from any known port; and contrary winds might cause delay or drive the vessel on the countless reefs that lined this strange coast, like a ploughed field. Dense clouds and a sleety rain settled over the sea, washing out every outline, as the _St. Peter_ began her westward course. But what baffled both Bering and the officers was the fact that the coast trended, not north, but south. They were coasting that long peninsula of Alaska that projects an arm for a thousand miles southwestward into the Pacific. The roar of the rollers came from the reefs. Through the blanketing fog they could discern, on the north, island after island, ghostlike through the mist, rocky, towering, majestic, with a thunder of surf among the caves, a dim outline of mountains above, like Loki, Spirit of Evil, smiling stonily at the dark forces closing round these puny men. All along Kadiak, the roily waters told of reefs. The air was heavy with fogs thick to the touch; and violent winds constantly threatened a sudden shift that might drive the vessel on the rocks. At midnight on August 1, they suddenly found themselves with only three feet of water below the keel. Fortunately there was no wind, but the fog was like ink. By swinging into a current, that ran a mill-race, they were carried out to eighteen fathoms {29} of water, where they anchored till daybreak. They called this place Foggy Island. To-day it is known as Ukamok. [Illustration: The _St. Peter_ and _St. Paul_, from a rough sketch by Bering's comrade, Steller, the scientist.] The underlings now came sharply to their senses and, at the repeatedly convened and distracted councils between July 25 and August 10, decided that there was only one thing to do--sail at once for the home port of Kamchatka. The _St. Peter_ was tossing about in frightful winds among reefs and hurricane fog like a cork. Half the crew lay ill and helpless of scurvy, {30} and only two months' provisions remained for a voyage of two thousand miles. The whole crew signed the resolution to go home. Only twenty-five casks of water remained. On August 30 the _St. Peter_ anchored off a group of thirteen bald, bare, treeless rocks. It was thought that if some of the scurvy-stricken sailors could be carried ashore, they might recover. One, Shumagin, died as he was lifted ashore. This was the first death, and his name was given to the islands. Bering himself was so ill he could not stand. Twenty emaciated men were laid along the shore. Steller hurried off to hunt anti-scorbutic plants, while Waxel, who had taken command, and Khitroff ordered the water-casks filled. Unfortunately the only pool they could find was connected with an arm of the sea. The water was brackish, and this afterward increased disease. A fatality seemed to hang over the wonder world where they wandered. Voices were heard in the storm, rumblings from the sea. Fire could be seen through the fog. Was this fire from volcanoes or Indians? And such a tide-rip thundered along the rocks as shook the earth and set the ship trembling. Waxel knew they must not risk delay by going to explore, but by applying to Bering, who lay in his berth unconscious of the dangers on this coast, Khitroff gained permission to go from the vessel on a yawl with five sailors; but by the time he had rowed against head winds to the scene of the fire, the Indians had {31} fled, and such beach combers were crashing ashore, Khitroff dare not risk going back to the ship. In vain Waxel ground his teeth with rage, signalled, and waited. "The wind seemed to issue from a flue," says Steller, "with such a whistling and roaring and rumbling that we expected to lose mast and rudder, or be crushed among the breakers. The dashings of the sea sounded like a cannon." The fact was, Khitroff's yawl had been smashed to kindling wood against the rocks; and the six half-drowned Russians were huddling together waiting for help when Waxel took the other small boat and went to the rescue. Barely had this been effected at the cost of four days' delay, in which the ship might have made five hundred miles toward home, when natives were seen paddling out in canoes, gesticulating for the white men to come ashore. Waxel lowered away in the small boat with nine armed men to pay the savages a visit. Close ashore, he beckoned the Indians to wade out; but they signalled him in turn to land, and he ordered three men out to moor the boat to a rock. All went well between Russians and Indians, presents being exchanged, till a chief screwed up his courage to paddle out to Waxel in the boat. With characteristic hospitality, Waxel at once proffered some Russian brandy, which, by courtesy among all Western sailors, is always known as "chain lightning." The chief took but one gulp of the liquid fire, when with a wild yell he spat it out, shouted that he had been poisoned, and dashed ashore. {32} The three Russians succeeded in gaining Waxel's boat, but the Indians grabbed the mooring ropes and seized the Chukchee interpreter, whom Waxel had brought from Siberia. Waxel ordered the rope cut, but the Chukchee interpreter called out pitifully to be saved. Quick as flash, the Russians fired two muskets in midair. At the crash that echoed among the cliffs, the Indians fell prostrate with fear, and the interpreter escaped; but six days had been wasted in this futile visit to the natives. Scarcely had they escaped this island, when such a hurricane broke over the _St. Peter_ for seventeen days that the ship could only scud under bare poles before a tornado wind that seemed to be driving north-northwest. The ship was a chip in a maelstrom. There were only fifteen casks of water fit to drink. All food was exhausted but mouldy sea-biscuits. One sailor a day was now dying of scurvy, and those left were so weak that they had no power to man the ship. The sailors were so emaciated they had to be carried back and forward to the rudder, and the underling officers were quarrelling among themselves. The crew dared not hoist sails, because not a man of the _St. Peter_ had the physical strength to climb and lower canvas.[14] {33} The rain turned to sleet. The sleet froze to the rotting sails, to the ice-logged hull, to the wan yardarms frost-white like ghosts. At every lurch of the sea slush slithered down from the rigging on the shivering seamen. The roar of the breakers told of a shallow sea, yet mist veiled the sky, and they were above waters whose shallows drop to sudden abysmal depths of three thousand fathoms. Sheets of smoking vapor rose from the sea, sheets of flame-tinged smoke from the crevasses of land volcanoes which the fogs hid. Out of the sea came the hoarse, strident cry of the sea-lion, and the walrus, and the hairy seal. It was as if the poor Russians had sailed into some under-world. The decks were slippery as glass, the vessel shrouded in ice. Over all settled that unspeakable dread of impending disaster, which is a symptom of scurvy, and saps the fight that makes a man fit to survive. Waxel, alone, held the vessel up to the wind. Where were they? Why did this coasting along unknown northern islands not lead to Kamchatka? The councils were no longer the orderly conferences of savants over cut-and-dried maps. They were bedlam. Panic was in the marrow of every man, even the passionate Steller, who thought all the while they were on the coast of Kamchatka and made loud complaint that the expedition had been misled by "unscrupulous leaders." At eight o'clock on the morning of October 30 it was seen that the ice-clogged ropes on the starboard {34} side had been snapped by the wind like dry sticks. Offerings, vows, prayers went up from the stricken crew. Piety became a very real thing. The men prayed aloud and conferred on ways to win the favor of God. The colder weather brought one relief. The fog lifted and the air was clear. The wind veered northeast, and on November 4, to their inexpressible joy, a dim outline sharpened to hard, clear horizon; and the gazing crew gradually saw a high, mountainous coast become clear beyond doubt directly ahead sixteen miles. Surely, this was Kamchatka? Surely, God had heard their vows? The sick crawled on hands and knees above the hatchway to see land once more, and with streaming eyes thanked Heaven for the escape from doom. Grief became joy; gruff, happy, hilarious laughter; for a few hidden casks of brandy were brought out to celebrate the end of their miseries, and each man began pointing out certain headlands that he thought he recognized. But this ecstasy was fool joy born of desperation. As the ship rounded northeastward, a strangeness came over the scene; a chill over the good cheer--a numbing, silent, unspeakable dread over the crew. These turbulent waters running a mill-race between reefs looked more like a channel between two islands than open coast. The men could not utter a word. They hoped against hope. They dare not voice their fears. That night, the _St. Peter_ stood off from land in case of storm. Topsails were furled, and the wind had ripped the other {35} sails to tatters, that flared and beat dismally all night against the cordage. One can imagine the anxiety of that long night with the roar of the breakers echoing angrily from shore, the whistle of the wind through the rotten rigging, the creaking of the timbers to the crash and growl and rebound of the tide. Clear, refulgent with sunshine like the light of creation's first day, the sting of ozone in the air, and the freshness of a scene never before witnessed by human eyes--dawned the morning of November 5. The shore was of black, adamant rock rising sheer from the sea in a rampart wall. Reefs, serried, rank on rank, like sentinels, guarded approach to the coast in jagged masses, that would rip the bottom from any keel like the teeth of a saw; and over these rolled the roaring breakers with a clutch to the back-wash that bade the gazing sailors beware. Birds, birds in myriads upon myriads, screamed and circled over the eerie heights of the beetling cliffs. This did not look like Kamchatka. These birds were not birds of the Asiatic home port. These cliffs were not like the snow-rimmed mountains of Avacha Bay. Waxel called a council. Officers and men dragged themselves to Bering's cabin. Waxel had already canvassed all hands to vote for a landing to winter on these shores. This, the dying Bering opposed with all his might. "We roust be almost home," he said. "We still have six casks of water, and the _foremast_. Having risked so {36} much, let us risk three days more, let us risk everything to reach Avacha Bay." Poor Bering! Had his advice been followed, the saddest disaster of northern seas might have been averted; for they were less than ten days' run from the home harbor; but inspired by fool hopes born of fear, like the old marsh lights that used to lure men to the quicksands--Waxel and Khitroff actually persuaded themselves this _was_ Kamchatka, and when one lieutenant, Ofzyn, who knew the north well from charting the Arctic coast, would have spoken in favor of Bering's view, he was actually clubbed and thrown from the cabin. The crew voted as a man to land and winter on this coast. Little did they know that vote was their own death warrant. [1] See _Life of Peter the Great_, by Orlando Williams, 1859; _Peter the Great_, by John Lothrop Motley, 1877; _History of Peter I_, by John Mottley, 1740; _Journal of Peter the Great_, 1698; Voltaire's _Pierre le Grand_; Ségur's _Histoire de Russie et de Pierre le Grand_. [2] Who this man _Gama_, supposed to have seen the unknown continent of Gamaland, was, no one knew. The Portuguese followed the myth blindly; and the other geographers followed the Portuguese. Texeira, court geographer in Portugal, in 1649 issued a map with a vague coast marked at latitude 45 degrees north, with the words "Land seen by John de Gama, Indian, going from China to New Spain." [3] These instructions were handed to Peter's admiral--Count Apraxin. [4] Born 1681, son of Jonas and Anna Bering, whom a petition describes, in 1719, as "old, miserable, decrepit people, no way able to help ourselves." [5] He fought in Black Sea wars of 1711; and from lieutenant-captain became captain of the second rank by 1717, when Russians, jealous of the foreigner, blocked his promotion. He demanded promotion or discharge, and withdrew to Finland, where the Czar's Kamchatkan expedition called him from retirement. [6] The expedition left St. Petersburg February 5th. [7] The midshipman of this voyage was Peter Chaplin, whose journal was deposited in the Naval College of the Admiralty, St. Petersburg. Berg gives a summary of this journal. A translation by Dall is to be found in _Appendix 19, Coast Survey, Washington, 1890_. [8] A great dispute has waged among the finical academists, where the Serdze Kamen of this trip really was; the Russian observations varying greatly owing to fog and rude instruments. _Lauridsen_ quarrels with _Müller_ on this score. _Müller_ was one of the theorists whose wrongheadedness misled Bering. [9] It was in 1730 that Gvozdef's report of a strange land between 65 degrees and 66 degrees became current. Whether this land was America, Gamaland, or Asia, the savants could not know. [10] It is from the works of _Gmelin_, _Müller_, and _Steller_, scientists named to accompany the expedition, that the most connected accounts are obtained. The "menagerie," some one has called this collection of scientists. [11] Many of the workmen died of their hardships at this stage of the journey. [12] Berg says Bering's two sons, Thomas and Unos, were also with him in Siberia. [13] _Sauer_ relates this incident. [14] See _Müller_, p. 93, 1764 edition: "The men, notwithstanding want, misery, sickness, were obliged to work continually in the cold and wet, and the sickness was so dreadful that the sailors who governed the rudder were obliged to be led to it by others, who could hardly walk. They durst not carry much sail, because there was nobody to lower them in case of need, and they were so thin a violent wind would have torn them to pieces. The rain now changed to hail and snow." {37} CHAPTER II 1741-1743 CONTINUATION OF BERING, THE DANE Frightful Sufferings of the Castaways on the Commander Islands--The Vessel smashed in a Winter Gale, the Sick are dragged for Refuge into Pits of Sand--Here, Bering perishes, and the Crew Winter--The Consort Ship under Chirikoff Ambushed--How the Castaways reach Home Without pilot or captain, the _St. Peter_ drifted to the swirling current of the sea along a high, rocky, forbidding coast where beetling precipices towered sheer two thousand feet above a white fret of reefs, that gave the ocean the appearance of a ploughed field. The sick crawled mutely back to their berths. Bering was past caring what came and only semiconscious. Waxel, who had compelled the crew to vote for landing here under the impression born of his own despair,--that this was the coast of Avacha Bay, Kamchatka,--saw with dismay in the shores gliding past the keel momentary proofs that he was wrong. Poor Waxel had fought desperately against the depression that precedes scurvy; but now, with a dumb hopelessness settling over the ship, the invisible hand of the scourge {38} was laid on him, too. He went below decks completely fordone. The underling officers still upon their feet, whose false theories had led Bering into all this disaster, were now quarrelling furiously among themselves, blaming one another. Only Ofzyn, the lieutenant, who had opposed the landing, and Steller, the scientist, remained on the lookout with eyes alert for the impending destruction threatened from the white fret of the endless reefs. Rocks rose in wild, jagged masses out of the sea. Deep V-shaped ravines, shadowy in the rising moonlight, seemed to recede into the rock wall of the coast, and only where a river poured out from one of these ravines did there appear to be any gap through the long lines of reefs where the surf boomed like thunder. The coast seemed to trend from northwest to southeast, and might have been from thirty to fifty miles long, with strange bizarre arches of rock overhanging endless fields of kelp and seaweed. The land was absolutely treeless except for willow brushwood the size of one's finger. Lichens, moss, sphagnum, coated the rocks. Inland appeared nothing but billowing reaches of sedges and shingle and grass. [Illustration: Steller's Arch on Bering Island, named after the scientist Steller, of Bering's Expedition.] Suddenly Steller noticed that the ebb-tide was causing huge combing rollers that might dash the ship against the rocks. Rushing below decks he besought Bering's permission to sound and anchor. The early darkness of those northern latitudes had been followed by moon-light bright as day. Within a mile of the east shore, {39} Steller ordered the anchor dropped, but by this time, the rollers were smashing over decks with a quaking that seemed to tear the ship asunder. The sick were hurled from their berths. Officers rushed on deck to be swept from their feet by blasts of salt spray, and just ahead, through the moonlight, could be seen the sharp edge of a long reef where the beach combers ran with the tide-rip of a whirlpool. There is something inexpressibly terrifying even from a point of safety in these beach combers, clutching their long arms hungrily for prey. The confusion of orders and {40} counter-orders, which no man had strength to carry out, of terrified cries and prayers and oaths--was indescribable. The numb hopelessness was succeeded by sheer panic terror. Ofzyn threw out a second anchor that raked bottom. Then, another mountain roller thundering over the ship with a crash--and the first cable snapped like a pistol shot. The ship rebounded; then drove before the back-wash of the angry sea. With no fate possible but the wall of rocks ahead, the terrorized crew began heaving the dead overboard in the moonlight; but another roaring billow smashed the _St. Peter_ squarely broadside. The second hawser ripped back with the whistling rebound of a whip-lash, and Ofzyn was in the very act of dropping the third and last anchor, when straight as a bullet to the mark, as if hag-ridden by the northern demons of sailor fear, hurled the _St. Peter_ for the reef! A third time the beach combers crashed down like a falling mountain. When the booming sheets of blinding spray had cleared and the panic-stricken sailors could again see, the _St. Peter_ was staggering stern foremost, shore ahead, like a drunken ship. Quick as shot, Ofzyn and Steller between them heaved over the last anchor. The flukes gripped--raked--then caught--and held. The ship lay rocking inside a reef in the very centre of a sheltered cove not six hundred yards from land. The beach comber had either swept her through a gap in the reef, or hurled her clear above the reefs into shelter. {41} For seven hours the ship had battled against tide and counter-current. Now, at midnight, with the air clear as day, Steller had the small boat lowered and with another--some say Waxel, others Pleneser, the artist, or Ofzyn, of the Arctic expedition--rowed ashore to reconnoitre. Sometime between the evening of November 5 and the morning of November 6, their eyes met such a view as might have been witnessed by an Alexander Selkirk, or Robinson Crusoe. The exact landing was four or five miles north of what is now known as Cape Khitroff, below the centre of the east coast of Bering Island.[1] Poor Waxel would have it, they were on the coast of Kamchatka, and spoke of sending messengers for help to Petropaulovsk on Avacha Bay; but, as they were to learn soon enough, the nearest point in Kamchatka was one hundred miles across the sea. Avacha Bay was two hundred miles away. And the Spanish possessions of America, three thousand. They found the landing place literally swarming with animal life unknown to the world before. An enormous mammal, more than three tons in weight, with hind quarters like a whale, snout and fore fins resembling a cow, grazed in herds on the fields of sea-kelp and gazed languidly without fear on the newcomer--Man. This was the famous sea-cow described by the enthusiastic Steller, but long since extinct. Blue foxes swarmed round the very feet of the {42} men with such hungry boldness that half a dozen could be clubbed to death before the others scampered. Later, Steller was to see the seal rookeries, that were to bring so much wealth to the world, the sea-lions that roared along the rocks till the surf shook, the sea-otter whose rare pelt, more priceless than beaver or sable, was to cause the exploration and devastation of the northern half of the Pacific coast. The land was as it had appeared to the ship--utterly treeless except for trailing willows. The brooks were not yet frozen, and snow had barely powdered the mountains; but where the coves ran in back between the mountains from the sea were gullies or ditches of sand and sedge. When Steller presently found a broken window casing of Kamchatka half buried in the sand, it gave Waxel some confidence about being on the mainland of Asia; but before Steller had finished his two days' reconnoitre, there was no mistaking the fact--this was an island, and a barren one at the best, without tree or shelter; and here the castaways must winter. The only provisions now remaining to the crew were grease and mouldy flour. Steller at once went to work. Digging pits in the narrow gullies of sand, he covered these over with driftwood, the rotten sail-cloth, moss, mud, and foxskins. Cracks were then chinked up with clay and more foxskins. By the 8th of November he was ready to have the crew landed; but the ship rolled helpless as a log to the tide, and the few well {43} men of the staff, without distinction of officers from sailors, had to stand waist-deep in ice-slush to steady the stretchers made of mast poles and sail-cloth, that received the sick lowered over decks. Many of the scurvy stricken had not been out of their berths for six weeks. The fearful depression and weakness, that forewarn scurvy, had been followed by the pains, the swollen limbs, the blue spots that presage death. A spongy excrescence covered the gums. The teeth loosened. The slightest noise was enough to throw the patient into a paroxysm of anguished fright; and some died on the decks immediately on contact with the cuttingly cold air. Others expired as they were lowered to the stretchers; others, as they were laid along the strip of sandy shore, where the bold foxes were already devouring the dead and could scarcely be driven off by the dying. In this way perished nine of the _St. Peter's_ crew during the week of the landing. By November 10, all was in readiness for Bering's removal from the ship. As the end approached, his irritability subsided to a quieted cheerfulness; and he could be heard mumbling over thanks to God for the great success of his early life. Wrapped in furs, fastened to a stretcher, the Dane was lowered over the ship, carried ashore, and laid in a sand pit. All that day it had been dull and leaden; and just as Bering was being carried, it began to snow heavily. Steller occupied the sand pit next to the commander; and in {44} addition to acting as cook and physician to the entire crew, became Bering's devoted attendant. By the 13th of November, a long sand pit had been roofed over as a sort of hospital with rug floor; and here Steller had the stricken sailors carried in from the shore. Poor Waxel, who had fought so bravely, was himself carried ashore on November 21. Daily, officers tramped inland exploring; and daily, the different reconnoitring parties returned with word that not a trace of human habitation, of wood, or the way to Kamchatka had been discovered. Another island there was to the east--now known as Copper Island--and two little islets of rock; but beyond these, nothing could be descried from the highest mountains but sea--sea. Bering Island, itself, is some fifty miles long by ten wide, very high at the south, very swampy at the north; but the Commander Group is as completely cut off from both Asia and America as if it were in another world. The climate was not intensely cold; but it was so damp, the very clothing rotted; and the gales were so terrific that the men could only leave the mud huts or _yurts_ by crawling on all fours; and for the first three weeks after the landing, blast on blast of northern hurricane swept over the islands. The poor old ship rode her best at anchor through the violent storms; but on November 28 she was seen to snap her cable and go staggering drunkenly to open sea. The terror of the castaways at this spectacle {45} was unspeakable. Their one chance of escape in spring seemed lost; but the beach combers began rolling landward through the howling storm; and when next the spectators looked, the _St. Peter_ was driving ashore like a hurricane ship, and rushed full force, nine feet deep with her prow into the sands not a pistol shot away from the crew. The next beach comber could not budge her. Wind and tide left her high and dry, fast in the sand. But what had become of Chirikoff, on board the _St. Paul_, from the 20th of June, when the vessels were separated by storm? Would it have been any easier for Bering if he had known that the consort ship had been zigzagging all the while less than a week's cruise from the _St. Peter_? When the storm, which had separated the vessels, subsided, Chirikoff let the _St. Paul_ drift in the hope that Bering might sight the missing vessel. Then he steered southeast to latitude 48 degrees in search of the commander; but on June 23 a council of officers decided it was a waste of time to search longer, and ordered the vessel to be headed northeastward. The wind was light; the water, clear; and Chirikoff knew, from the pilot-birds following the vessel, from the water-logged trees churning past, from the herds of seal floundering in the sea, that land must lie in this direction. A bright lookout was kept for the first two weeks of July. Two hundred and forty miles were traversed; and on a calm, {46} clear night between the 13th and 15th of July, there loomed above the horizon the dusky heights of a wooded mountainous land in latitude 55 degrees 21 minutes. Chirikoff was in the Alexander Archipelago. Daybreak came with the _St. Paul_ only four miles off the conspicuous heights of Cape Addington. Chirikoff had discovered land some thirty-six hours before Bering. The new world of mountains and forests roused the wildest enthusiasm among the Russians. A small boat was lowered; but it failed to find a landing. A light wind sprang up, and the vessel stood out under shortened sails for the night. By morning the wind had increased, and fog had blurred out all outlines of the new-found land. Here the ocean currents ran northward; and by morning of the 17th, when the sun pierced the washed air and the mountains began to appear again through jagged rifts of cloud-wraith, Chirikoff found himself at the entrance of a great bay, girt by forested mountains to the water's edge, beneath the high cone of what is now known as Mount Edgecumbe, {47} in Sitka Sound. Sitka Sound is an indentation about fifteen miles from north to south, with such depths of water that there is no anchorage except south and southwestward of Mount Edgecumbe. Impenetrable woods lined the mountains to the very shore. Great trunks of uprooted trees swept past the ship continually. Even as the clouds cleared, leaving vast forests and mountain torrents and snowy peaks visible, a hazy film of intangible gloom seemed to settle over the shadowy harbor.[2] [Illustration: A Glacier] Chirikoff wished to refill his water-casks. Also, he was ambitious to do what the scientists cursed Bering for not doing off St. Elias--explore thoroughly the land newly found. The long-boat was lowered with Abraham Dementieff and ten armed men. The crew was supplied with muskets, a brass cannon, and provisions for several days. Chirikoff arranged a simple code of signals with the men--probably a column of smoke, or sunlight thrown back by a tin mirror--by which he could know if all went well. Then, with a cheer, the first Russians to put foot on the soil of America bent to the oar and paddled swiftly away from the _St. Paul_ for the shadow of the forested mountains etched from the inland shore. The long-boat seemed smaller as the distance from the _St. Paul_ increased. Then men and boat disappeared behind an {48} elbow of land. A flash of reflected light from the hidden shore; and Chirikoff knew the little band of explorers had safely landed. The rest of the crew went to work putting things shipshape on the _St. Paul_. The day passed with more safety signals from the shore. The crew of the _St. Paul_ slept sound out in mid-harbor unsuspicious of danger. Another day passed, and another night. Not so many signals! Had the little band of Russians gone far inland for water, and the signals been hidden by the forest gloom? A wind was singing in the rigging--threatening a landward gale that might carry the _St. Paul_ somewhat nearer those rocky shores than the Russians could wish. Chirikoff sent a sailor spying from the lookout of the highest yard-arm. No signals at all this day; nor the next day; nor the next! The _St. Paul_ had only one other small boat. Fearing the jolly-boat had come to grief among the rocks and counter-currents, Chirikoff bade Sidor Savelief, the bo'swain, and six armed sailors, including carpenters to repair damages, take the remaining boat and go to Dementieff's rescue. The strictest orders were given that both boats return at once. Barely had the second boat rounded the elbow of shore where the first boat had disappeared when a great column of smoke burst from the tree-tops of the hidden shore. To Chirikoff's amazement, the second crew made no signal. The night passed uneasily. Sailors were on the watch. Ship's rigging was put in shape. Dawn was witnessed {49} by eager eyes gazing shoreward. The relief was inexpressible when two boats--a long and a short one like those used by the two crews--were seen rounding the elbow of land. The landward breeze was now straining the _St. Paul's_ hawsers. Glad to put for open sea to weather the coming gale, Chirikoff ordered all hands on deck and anchors up. The small boats came on with a bounce over the ocean swell; but suddenly one of Chirikoff's Russians pointed to the approaching crafts. There was a pause in the rattle of anchor chains. There was a pause in the bouncing of the small boats, too. They were _not_ the Russian jolly-boats. They were canoes; and the canoes were filled with savages as dumb with astonishment at the apparition of the _St. Paul_ as the Russians were at the canoes. Before the Russians had come to their senses, or Chirikoff had time to display presents to allure the savages on board as hostages, the Indians rose in their places, uttered a war-whoop that set the rocks echoing, and beating their paddles on the gun'els, scudded for shore. Gradually the meaning dawned on Chirikoff. His two crews had been destroyed. His small boats were lost. His supply of fresh water was running low. The fire that he had observed had been a fire of orgies over mutilated men. The _St. Paul_ was on a hostile shore with such a gale blowing as threatened destruction on the rocks. There Was nothing to do but scud for open sea. When the gale abated, Chirikoff returned to Sitka and cruised {50} the shore for some sign of the sailors: but not a trace of the lost men could be descried. By this time water was so scarce, the men were wringing rain moisture out of the sails and distilling sea-water. A council was called. All agreed it would be worse than folly to risk the entire crew for the twelve men, who were probably already dead. There was no small boat to land for more water; and the _St. Paul_ was headed about with all speed for the northwest.[3] Slant rain settled over the sea. The wind increased and grew more violent. The _St. Paul_ drove ahead like a ghost form pursued through a realm of mist. Toward the end of July, when the weather cleared, stupendous mountains covered with snow were seen on the northwestward horizon like walls of ice with the base awash in thundering sea. Thousands of cataracts, clear as crystal, flashed against the mountain sides; and in places the rock wall rose sheer two thousand feet from the roaring tide. Inlets, gloomy with forested mountain walls where impetuous streams laden with the milky silt of countless glaciers tore their way through the rocks to the sea, could be seen receding inland through the fog. Then the foul weather settled over the sea again; and by the first {51} week of August, with baffling winds and choppy sea, the _St. Paul_ was veering southwestward where Alaska projects a long arm into the Pacific. Chirikoff had passed the line where forests dwarf to willows, and willows to sedges, and sedges to endless leagues of rolling tundras. Somewhere near Kadiak, land was again sighted. When the fog lifted, the vapor of far volcanoes could be seen hanging lurid over the mountain tops. Wind was followed by dead calm, when the sails literally fell to pieces with rain-rot in the fog; and on the evening of September 8 the becalmed crew were suddenly aroused by the tide-rip of roaring breakers. Heaving out all anchors at once, Chirikoff with difficulty made fast to rocky bottom. In the morning, when the fog lifted, he found himself in the centre of a shallow bay surrounded by the towering cliffs of what is now known as Adakh Island. While waiting for a breeze, he saw seven canoe loads of savages put out from shore chanting some invocation. The Russians threw out presents, but the savages took no notice, gradually surrounding the _St. Paul_. All this time Chirikoff had been without any water but the stale casks brought from Kamchatka; and he now signalled his desperate need to the Indians. They responded by bringing bladders full of fresh water; but they refused to mount the decks. And by evening fourteen canoe loads of the taciturn savages were circling threateningly round the Russians. Luckily, {52} at nightfall a wind sprang up. Chirikoff at once slipped anchor and put to sea. By the third week of August, the rations of rye meal had been reduced to once a day instead of twice in order to economize water. Only twelve casks of water remained; and Chirikoff was fifteen hundred miles from Kamchatka. Cold, hunger, thirst, then did the rest. Chirikoff himself was stricken with scurvy by the middle of September, and one sailor died of the scourge. From the 26th, one death a day followed in succession. Though down, Chirikoff was not beaten. Discipline was maintained among the hungry crew; and each day Chirikoff issued exact orders. Without any attempt at steering, the ship drifted westward. No more land was seen by the crew; but on the 2d of October, the weather clearing, an observation was taken of the sun that showed them they were nearing Kamchatka. On the 8th, land was sighted; but one man alone, the pilot, Yelagin, had strength to stay at the helm till Avacha Bay was approached, when distress signals were fired from the ship's cannon to bring help from land. Poor Croyére de l'Isle, kinsman to the map makers whose mistakes had caused disaster, sick unto death of the scurvy, had kept himself alive with liquor and now insisted on being carried ashore. The first breath of clear air above decks was enough. The scientist fell dead within the home harbor. Chirikoff was landed the same day, all unaware that at times in the mist and {53} rain he had been within from fifteen to forty miles of poor Bering, zigzagging across the very trail of the afflicted sister ship. [Illustration: Sea Cows.] By December the entire crew of Bering's castaways, prisoners on the sea-girt islands of the North Pacific, were lodged in five underground huts on the bank of a stream. In 1885, when these mud huts or _yurts_ were examined, they were seen to have walls of peat three feet thick. To each man was given a pound of flour. For the rest, their food must be what they caught or clubbed--mainly, at first, the sea-otter, whose flesh was unpalatable to the taste and tough as leather. Later, Steller discovered that the huge sea-cow--often thirty-five feet long--seen pasturing on the fields of sea-kelp at low tide, afforded food of almost the same quality as the land cow. Seaweed grew in miniature forests on the island; and on this pastured the monster bovine of the sea--true fish in its hind quarters but oxlike in its head and its habits--herding together like cattle, snorting like a horse, moving the neck from side to side as it grazed, with the hind leg a fin, the fore fin a leg, udder between the fore legs, and in place of teeth, plates. Nine hundred or more sea-otter--whose pelts afterward brought a fortune to the crew--were killed for food by Steller and his companions; but two sea-cows provided the castaways with food for six weeks. On November 22d died the old mate, who had weathered northern seas for fifty {54} years. In all, out of a crew of seventy-seven, there had perished by January 6, 1742, when the last death occurred, thirty-one men. Steller's hut was next to Bering's. From that November day when he was carried from the ship through the snow to the sand pit, the commander sank without rallying. Foxskins had been spread on the ground as a bed; but the sand loosened from the sides of the pit and kept rolling down on the dying man. Toward the last he begged Steller to let the sand rest, as it kept in the warmth; so that he was soon covered with sand to his waist. White billows and a gray sky followed the hurricane gale that had hurled the ship in on the beach. All night between the evening of the 7th and the morning of the 8th of December, the moaning of the south wind could be heard through the tattered rigging of the wrecked ship; and all night the dying Dane was communing with his God. He was now over sixty years of age. To a constitution already broken by the nagging cares of eight years and by hardships indescribable, by scurvy and by exposure, was added an acute inflammation. Bering's power of resistance was sapped. Two hours before daybreak on December 8, 1741, the brave Dane breathed his last. He was interred on the 9th of December between the graves of the mate and the steward on the hillside; and the bearded Russians came down from the new-made grave that day bowed and hopeless. A plain Greek cross was placed above {55} his grave; and a copy of that cross marks the same grave to-day. The question arises--where does Bering stand among the world heroes? The world loves success better than defeat; and spectacular success better than duty plainly done. If success means accomplishing what one sets out to do in spite of almost insuperable difficulties--Bering won success. He set out to discover the northwest coast of America; and he perished doing it. But if heroism means a something more than tangible success; if it means that divine quality of fighting for the truth independent of reward, whether one is to be beaten or not; if it means setting to one's self the task of perishing for a truth, without the slightest hope of establishing that truth--then, Bering stands very high indeed among the world's heroes. Steller, who had cursed him for not remaining longer at Mount St. Elias, bore the highest testimony to his integrity and worth. It may be said that a stronger type of hero would have scrunched into nothingness the vampire blunderers who misled the ship; but it must be remembered that stronger types of heroes usually save their own skins and let the underlings suffer. While Bering _might_ have averted the disaster that attended the expedition, it must not be forgotten that when he perished, there perished the very soul of the great enterprise, which at once crumbled to pieces. On a purely material plane, what did Bering accomplish? {56} He dispelled forever the myth of the Northeast Passage if the world would have but accepted his conclusions. The coast of Japan was charted under his direction. The Arctic coast of Asia was charted under his direction. A country as large as from Maine to Florida, or Baltimore to Texas, with a river comparable only to the Mississippi, was discovered by him. The furs of this country for a single year more than paid all that Russia spent to discover it; all that the United States later paid to Russia for it. A dead whale thrown up on the shore proved a godsend to the weak and famishing castaways. As their bodies grew stronger, the spirit of merriment that gilds life's darkest clouds began to come back, and the whale was jocularly known among the Russians as "our magazine of provisions." Then parties of hunters began going out for the sea-otter, which hid its head during storm under the kelp of the sea fields. Steller knew the Chinese would pay what in modern money is from one hundred to one hundred and fifty dollars for each of these sea-otter skins; and between nine hundred and one thousand were taken by the wrecked crew. The same skin of prime quality sells in a London auction room to-day for one thousand dollars. And in spring, when the sea-otter disappeared, there came herds--herds in millions upon millions--of another visitant to the shores of the Commander Islands--the fur seal, {57} which afforded new hunting to the crew, and new wealth to the world. [Illustration: Seals in a Rookery on Bering Island.] The terrible danger now was not from starvation, but mutiny, murder, or massacre among the branded criminals of the discontented crew. Waxel, as he recovered, was afraid of tempting revolt with orders, and convened the crew by vote to determine all that should be done. Officers and men--there was no distinction. By March of 1742 the ground had cleared of snow. Waxel called a meeting to suggest breaking up the packet vessel to build a smaller craft. A vote {58} was asked. The resolution was called, written out, and signed by every survivor, but afterward, when officers and men set themselves to the well-nigh impossible task of untackling the ship without implements of iron, revolt appeared among the workers. Again Waxel avoided mutiny. A meeting was called, another vote taken, the recalcitrants shamed down. The crew lacked more than tools. There was no ship's carpenter. Finally a Cossack, who was afterward raised to the nobility for his work, consented to act as director of the building, and on the 6th of May a vessel forty feet long, thirteen beam, and six deep, was on the stocks. All June, the noise of the planking went on till the mast raised its yard-arms, and an eight-oared single-master, such as the old Vikings of the North Sea used, was well under way. The difficulties of such shipbuilding can hardly be realized. There was no wood but the wood of the old ship, no rigging but the old hemp, no tar but such as could be melted out of the old hemp in earth pits; and very few axes. The upper part was calked with tallow of the sea-cow, the under with tar from the old hull. The men also constructed a second small boat or canoe. On the 10th of August, with such cheers as the island never heard before or since, the single-master was launched from the skids and named the _St. Peter_. Cannon balls and cartridges were thrown in bottom as ballast. Luckily, eight hundred pounds of {59} meal had been reserved for the return voyage, and Steller had salted down steaks of whale meat and sea-cow. On the evening of August 16, after solemn prayer and devotions, with one last look to the lonely crosses on the hillside where lay the dead, the castaways went on board. A sharp breeze was blowing from the north. Hoisting sail, they glided out to sea. The old jolly-boat bobbled behind in tow. Late at night, when the wind fell, the eager mariners bent to the oar. By noon next day they had rounded the southeast corner of the island. Two days afterward, rough weather set the old jolly-boat bumping her nose so violently on the heels of the _St. Peter_, that the cable had to be cut and the small boat set adrift. That night the poor tallow-calked planks leaked so badly, pumps and buckets were worked at fever heat, and all the ballast was thrown overboard. Sometime during the 25th, there shone above the silver rim where sea and sky met, the opal dome of far mountains, Kamchatka! The bearded men could control themselves no longer. Shout on shout made the welkin ring. Tears streamed down the rough, unwashed faces. The Cossacks wept like children. Men vied with each other to seize the oars and row like mad. The tide-rip bounding--lifting--falling--racing over seas for the shores of Kamchatka never ran so mad and swift a course as the crazy craft there bouncing forward over the waves. And when they saw the home harbor {60} of Petropaulovsk, Avacha Bay, on August 27, exultation knew no bounds. The men fired off guns, beat oars on the deck rail, shouted--shouted--shouted till the mountains echoed and every living soul of Avacha dashed to the waterside scarcely believing the evidence of his eyes--that the castaways of Bering's ship had returned. Then one may well believe that the monks set the chapel bells ringing and the cannon roared a welcome from Avacha Bay. Chirikoff had in May sailed in search of Bering, passing close to the island where the castaways were prisoners of the sea, but he did not see the Commander Islands; and all hope had been given up for any word of the _St. Peter_. Waxel wintered that year at Avacha Bay, crossing the mainland in the spring of 1743. In September of the same year, an imperial decree put an end to the Northern Expedition, and Waxel set out across Siberia to take the crew back to St. Petersburg. Poor Steller died on the way from exposure. So ended the greatest naval exploration known to the world. Beside it, other expeditions to explore America pale to insignificance. La Salle and La Vérendrye ascended the St. Lawrence, crossed inland plains, rafted down the mighty tide of the great inland rivers; but La Salle stopped at the mouth of the Mississippi, and La Vérendrye was checked by the barrier of the Rockies. Lewis and Clark accomplished yet more. After ascending the Missouri and crossing the plains, they traversed the Rockies; but they were {61} stopped at the Pacific. When Bering had crossed the rivers and mountains of the two continents--first Europe, then Asia--and reached the Pacific, his expedition had _only begun_. Little remains to Russia of what he accomplished but the group of rocky islets where he perished. But judged by the difficulties which he overcame; by the duties desperately impossible, done plainly and doggedly, by death heroic in defeat--Bering's expedition to northwestern America is without a peer in the annals of the New World discovery.[4] [1] I adopt the views of Dr. Stejneger, of the National Museum, Washington, on this point, as he has personally gone over every foot of the ground. [2] Dr. George Davidson, President of the Geographical Society of the Pacific, has written an irrefutable pamphlet on why Kyak Island and Sitka Sound must be accepted as the landfalls of Bering and Chirikoff. [3] Thus the terrible Sitkan massacre of a later day was preceded by the slaughter of the first Russians to reach America. The Russian government of a later day originated a comical claim to more territory on the ground that descendants of these lost Russians had formed settlements farther down the coast, alleging in proof that subsequent explorers had found red-headed and light-complexioned people as far south as the Chinook tribes. To such means will statecraft stoop. [4] Coxe's _Discoveries of the Russians between Asia and America_ (Paris, 1781) supplies local data on Siberia in the time of Bering. _Voyages from Asia to America_, by S. Müller of the Royal Academy, St. Petersburg, 1764, is simply excellent in that part of the voyage dealing with the wreck. _Peter Lauridsen's Vitus Bering translated from the Danish by Olson_ covers all three aims of the expedition, Japanese and Arctic voyages as well as American. {62} CHAPTER III 1741-1760 THE SEA-OTTER HUNTERS How the Sea-otter Pelts brought back by Bering's Crew led to the Exploitation of the Northwest Coast of America--Difference of Sea-otter from Other Fur-bearing Animals of the West--Perils of the Hunt When the castaway crew of Vitus Bering looked about for means to exist on the barren islands where they were wrecked, they found the kelp beds and seaweed fields of the North Pacific literally alive with a little animal, which the Russians called "the sea-beaver." Sailors of Kamchatka and eastern Siberia knew the sea-beaver well, for it had been found on the Asiatic side of the Pacific, and its pelt was regarded as priceless by Chinese and Tartar merchants. But where did this strange denizen of northern waters live? Only in rare seasons did the herds assemble on the rocky islets of Kamchatka and Japan. And when spring came, the sea-beaver disappeared. Asia was not its home. Where did it go? Russian adventurers who rafted the coast of Siberia {63} in crazy skiffs, related that the sea-beaver always disappeared northeastward, whence the spruce driftwood and dead whales with harpoons of strange hunters and occasionally wrecks of walrus-skin boats came washing from an unknown land. It was only when Bering's crew were left prisoners of the sea on an island barren as a billiard ball that the hunger-desperate men found the habitat of the sea-beaver to be the kelp beds of the Aleutian Islands and northwestern America. But what use were priceless pelts where neither money nor merchant was, and men mad with hunger were thrown back on the primal necessities without thought of gain? The hungry Russian sailors fell on the kelp beds, clubbing right and left regardless of pelts. What matter if the flesh was tough as leather and rank as musk? It filled the empty stomachs of fifty desperate men; and the skins were used on the treeless isle as rugs, as coats, as walls, as stuff to chink the cracks of earth pits, where the sailors huddled like animals in underground caves with no ceiling but the tattered sails. So passed a year--the most desolate year in the annals of ocean voyaging, and when the castaways rafted back to Asia on a skiff made of their wrecked ship, they were clad in the raw skins of the sea-otter, which they had eaten. In all, nearly a thousand skins were carried back; and for those skins, which the Russian sailors had scarcely valued, Chinese merchants paid what in modern money would be from {64} one hundred and fifty to two hundred dollars a pelt.[1] After that, the Russians of Siberia needed no incentive to hunt the sea-beaver. Its habitat was known, and all the riffraff adventurers of Siberian exile, Tartars, Kamchatkans, Russians, criminals, and officers of royal lineage, engaged in the fur trade of western America. Danger made no difference. All that was needed was a boat; and the boat was usually rough-hewn out of the green timbers of Kamchatka. If iron bolts were lacking so far from Europe as the width of two continents, the boat builders used deer sinew, or thongs of walrus hide. Tallow took the place of tar, deerskin the place of hemp, and courage the place of caution. A Siberian merchant then chanced an outfit of supplies for half what the returns might be. The commander--officer or exile--then enlisted sailors among landsmen. Landsmen were preferable for this kind of voyaging. Either in the sublime courage of ignorance, or with the audacity of desperation, the poor landsmen dared dangers which no sailors would risk on such crazy craft, two thousand miles from a home port on an outrageous sea. England and the United States became involved in the exploitation of the Pacific coast in almost the same way. When Captain Cook was at Nootka Sound thirty years after Bering's death, his crews traded {65} trinkets over the taffrail netting for any kind of furs the natives of the west coast chose to exchange. In the long voyaging to Arctic waters afterward, these furs went to waste with rain-rot. More than two-thirds were thrown or given away. The remaining third sold in China on the home voyage of the ships for what would be more than ten thousand dollars of modern money. News of that fact was enough. Boston, New York, London, rubbed their eyes to possibilities of fur trade on the Pacific coast. As the world knows, Boston's efforts resulted in the chance discovery of the Columbia; New York's efforts, in the foundation of the Astor fortunes. East India, France, England, Spain, the United States, vied with each other for the prize of America's west coast. Just as the beaver led French voyagers westward from Quebec to the Rocky Mountains, south to Texas, north to the Athabasca, so the hunt of the sea-beaver led to the exploration of the North Pacific coast. "Sea-beaver" the Russians called the owner of the rare pelt. "Sea-otter" it was known to the English and American hunters. But it is like neither the otter nor beaver, though its habits are akin to both. Its nearest relative is probably the fur seal. Like the seal, its pelt has an ebony shimmer, showing silver when blown open, soft black tipped with white, when examined hair by hair. Six feet, the full-grown sea-otter measures from nose to stumpy tail, with a {66} beaver-shaped face, teeth like a cat, and short webbed feet. Some hunters say the sea-otter is literally born on the tumbling waves--a single pup at a time; others, that the sea-otter retire to some solitary rocky islet to bring forth their young. Certain it is they are rocked on the deep from their birth, "cradled" in the sea, sleeping on their backs in the water, clasping the young in their arms like a human being, tossing up seaweed in play by the hour like mischievous monkeys, or crawling out on some safe, sea-girt rocklet, where they shake the water from their fur and make their toilet, stretching and arranging and rearranging hair like a cat. Only the fiercest gales drive the sea-otter ashore, for it must come above water to breathe; and it must come ashore to sleep where it _can_ breathe; for the ocean wash in a storm would smother the sleeper. And its favorite sleeping grounds are in the forests of kelp and seaweed, where it can bury its head, and like the ostrich think itself hidden. A sound, a whiff--the faintest tinge--of smoke from miles away is enough to frighten the sleeper, who leaps up with a fierce courage unequalled in the animal world, and makes for sea in lightning-flash bounds. When Bering found the northwest coast of America, the sea-otter frequented all the way from what is now California to the Commander Islands, the last link of the chain from America to Asia. Sea-otter were found and taken in thousands at Sitka Sound, in Yakutat Bay, Prince William Sound, Cook's Inlet, and all {67} along the chain of eleven hundred Aleutian Islands to the Commander Group, off Kamchatka. Where they were found in thousands then, they are seen only in tens and hundreds to-day. Where they are in hundreds one year, they may not come at all the next, having been too hard hunted. This explains why there used to be returns of five thousand in a single year at Kadiak or Oonalaska or Cook's Inlet; and the next year, less than a hundred from the same places. Japan long ago moved for laws to protect the sea-otter as vigorously as the seal; but Japan was only snubbed by England and the United States for her pains, and to-day the only adequate protection afforded the diminishing sea-otter is in the tiny remnant of Russia's once vast American possessions--on the Commander Islands where by law only two hundred sea-otter may be taken a year, and the sea-otter rookeries are more jealously guarded than diamond mines. The decreasing hunt has brought back primitive methods. Instead of firearms, the primitive club and net and spear are again used, giving the sea-otter a fair chance against his antagonist--Man. Except that the hunters are few and now dress in San Francisco clothes, they go to the hunt in the same old way as when Baranof, head of the Russian Fur Company, led his battalions out in companies of a thousand and two thousand "bidarkies"--walrus-skin skiffs taut as a drumhead, with seams tallowed and an oilskin wound round each of the manholes, so that the boat {68} could turn a somerset in the water, or be pitched off a rock into the surf, and come right side up without taking water, paddler erect. The first thing the hunter had to look to was boat and hunting gear. Westward of Cook's Inlet and Kadiak was no timber but driftwood, and the tide wash of wrecks; so the hunter, who set out on the trail of the pathless sea, framed his boat on the bones of the whale. There were two kinds of boats--the long ones, for from twelve to twenty men, the little skiffs which Eskimos of the Atlantic call kyacks--with two or three, seldom more, manholes. Over the whalebone frame was stretched the wet elastic hide of walrus or sea-lion. The big boat was open on top like a Newfoundland fisherman's dory or Frenchman's bateau, the little boat covered over the top except for the manholes round which were wound oilskins to keep the water out when the paddler had seated himself inside. Then the wet skin was allowed to dry in sunshine and wind. Hot seal oil and tallow poured over the seams and cracks, calked the leaks. More sunshine and wind, double-bladed paddles for the little boats, strong oars and a sail for the big ones, and the skiffs were ready for water. Eastward of Kadiak, particularly south of Sitka, the boats might be hollowed trees, carved wooden canoes, or dugouts--not half so light to ride shallow, tempestuous seas as the skin skiff of the Aleut hunter. We supercilious civilized folk laugh at the odd dress {69} of the savage; but it was exactly adapted to the need. The otter hunter wore the fur in, because that was warmer; and the skin out, because cured in oil, that was waterproof; and the chimney-pot capote, because that tied tight enough around his neck kept the ice-water from going down his back when the bidarka turned heels up; and the skin boots, because they, too, were waterproof; and the sedge grass padding in place of stockings, because it protected the feet from the jar of rocks in wild runs through surf and kelp after the game. On land, the skin side of the coats could be turned in and the fur out. Oonalaska, westward of the Aleutian chain of islands and Kadiak, just south of the great Alaskan peninsula, were the two main points whence radiated the hunting flotillas for the sea-otter grounds. Formerly, a single Russian schooner or packet boat would lead the way with a procession of a thousand bidarkas. Later, schooners, thirty or forty of them, gathered the hunters at some main fur post, stowed the light skin kyacks in piles on the decks, and carried the Aleuts to the otter grounds. This might be at Atka, where the finest otter hunters in the world lived, or on the south shore of Oonalaska, or in Cook's Inlet where the rip of the tide runs a mill-race, or just off Kadiak on the Saanach coast, where twenty miles of beach boulders and surf waters and little islets of sea-kelp provide ideal fields for the sea-otter. Here the sweeping tides and {70} booming back-wash keep up such a roar of tumbling seas, the shy, wary otter, alert as an eagle, do not easily get scent or sound of human intruder. Surf washes out the scent of the man track. Surf out-sounds noise of the man killer; and no fires are lighted, be it winter or summer, unless the wind is straight from the southward; for the sea-otter always frequent the south shores. The only provisions on the carrying schooner are hams, rancid butter or grease, some rye bread and flour; the only clothing, what the Aleut hunters wear. No sooner has the schooner sheered off the hunting-grounds, than the Aleuts are over decks with the agility of performing monkeys, the schooner captain wishing each good luck, the eager hunters leaping into their bidarkas following the lead of a chief. The schooner then returns to the home harbor, leaving the hunters on islands bare as a planed board for two, three, four months. On the Commander Group, otter hunters are now restricted to the use of the net alone, but formerly the nature of the hunting was determined entirely by the weather. If a tide ran with heavy surf and wind landward to conceal sound and sight, the hunters lined alongshore of the kelp beds and engaged in the hunt known as surf-shooting. Their rifles would carry a thousand yards. Whoever saw the little round black head bob above the surface of the water, shot, and the surf wash carried in the dead body. If the weather was dead calm, fog or clear, bands of twenty {71} and thirty men deployed in a circle to spear their quarry. This was the spearing-surround. Or if such a hurricane gale was churning the sea so that gusty spray and sleet storm washed out every outline, sweeping the kelp beds naked one minute, inundating them with mountainous rollers that thundered up the rocks the next, the Aleut hunters risked life, scudded out on the back of the raging storm, now riding the rollers, now dipping to the trough of the sea, now scooting with lightning paddle-strokes right through the blasts of spray athwart wave wash and trough--straight for the kelp beds or rocky boulders, where the sea-otter must have been driven for refuge by the storm. This hunting is the very incarnation of the storm spirit itself, for the wilder the gale, the more sea-otter have come ashore; the less likely they will be to see or hear or smell the hunter. Gaff or paddle in hand, the Aleut leaps from rock to rock, or dashes among the tumbling beds of tossed kelp. A quick blow of the bludgeon; the otter never knows how death came. This is the club hunt. But where the shore is honeycombed with caves and narrow inlets of kelp fields, is a safer kind of hunting. Huge nets now made of twine, formerly of sinew, with wooden floaters above, iron sinkers below, are spread athwart the kelp fields. The tide sweeps in, washing the net flat. And the sea-otter swim in with the tide. The tide sweeps out, washing the net up, but the otter are enmeshed in a tangle that holds neck and feet. This is, perhaps, the {72} best kind of otter hunting, for the females and young can be thrown back in the sea. Barely has the supply schooner dipped over the offing, when the cockle-shell bidarkas skimming over the sea make for the shore of the hunting-grounds. Camping is a simple matter, for no fires are to be lighted, and the tenting place is chosen if possible on the north side of some knoll. If it is warm weather, the Aleut will turn his skin skiff upside down, crawl into the hole head first and sleep there. Or he may erect the V-shaped tent such as the prairie tepee. But if it is cold, he has a better plan yet. He will dig a hole in the ground and cover over the top with sail-cloth. Let the wind roar above and the ice bang the shore rocks, the Aleut swathed in furs sleeps sound close to earth. If driftwood lines the shore, he is in luck; for he props up the poles, covers them with furs, and has what might be mistaken for a wigwam, except that these Indians construct their tents round-topped and always turn the skin side of the fur out. For provisions, he has brought very little from the ship. He will depend on the winds driving in a dead whale, or on the fish of the shore, or on the eggs of the sea-birds that nest on these rocks millions upon millions--such myriads of birds they seem to crowd each other for foot room, and the noise of their wings is like a great wind.[2] The Aleut himself is what any race of men {73} would become in generations of such a life. His skin is more like bronze than leather. His chest is like a bellows, but his legs are ill developed from the cramped posture of knees in the manhole. Indeed, more than knees go under the manhole. When pressed for room, the Aleut has been known to crawl head foremost, body whole, right under the manhole and lie there prone between the feet of the paddlers with nothing between him and the abysmal depths of a hissing sea but the parchment keel of the bidarka, thin as paper. How do these thin skin boats escape wreckage on a sea where tide-rip washes over the reefs all summer and ice hummocks sweep out from the shore in winter tempest? To begin with, the frost that creates the ice clears the air of fog, and the steel-shod pole either sheers the bidarka off from the ice, or the ice off from the bidarka. Then, when the fog lies knife-thick over the dangerous rocks in summer time, there is a certain signal to these deep-sea plunderers. The huge Pacific walrus--the largest species of walrus in the world--lie in herds of hundreds on these danger rocks, and the walrus snorts through the gray mist like a continual fog-horn. No better danger signal exists among the rocks of the North Pacific than this same snorting walrus, who for all his noise and size is a floundering coward. The great danger to the nutshell skin's is from becoming ice-logged when the sleet storms fall and freeze; and for the rest, the sea makes small matter of a hunter more or less. {74} No landsman's still-hunt affords the thrilling excitement of the otter hunter's spearing-surrounds. Fifteen or twenty-five little skin skiffs, with two or three men in each, paddle out under a chief elected by common consent. Whether fog or clear, the spearing is done only in calm weather. The long line of bidarkas circles silently over the silver sea. Not a word is spoken, not a paddle blade allowed to click against the bone gun'els of the skiff. Double-bladed paddles are frequently used, so shift of paddle is made from side to side of the canoe without a change of hands. The skin shallops take to the water as noiselessly as the glide of a duck. Yonder, where the boulders lie mile on mile awash in the surf, kelp rafts--forests of seaweed--lift and fall with the rhythmical wash of the tide. Hither the otter hunters steer, silent as shadows. The circle widens, deploys, forms a cordon round the outermost rim of the kelp fields. Suddenly a black object is seen floating on the surface of the waters--a sea-otter asleep. Quick as flash, the steersman lifts his paddle. Not a word is spoken, but so keen is the hearing of the sleeping otter, the drip of the lifted paddle has not splashed into the sea before the otter has awakened, looked and dived like lightning to the bottom of the sea before one of the Aleut hunters can hurl his spear. Silently, not a whisper, the steersman signals again. The hunters deploy in a circle half a mile broad round the place where the sea-otter disappeared; for they know that in fifteen or twenty {75} minutes the animal must come up for breath, and it cannot run farther than half a mile under sea before it reappears. Suddenly somebody sees a round black-red head poke above water, perhaps close to the line of watchers. With a wild shout, the nearest bidarkas dart forward. Whether the spear-throw has hit or missed, the shout has done enough. The terrified otter dives before it has breath. Over the second diving spot a hunter is stationed, and the circle narrows, for the otter must come up quicker this time. It must have breath. Again and again, the little round head peeps up. Again the shout greets it. Again the lightning dive. Sometimes only a bubble gurgling to the top of the water guides the watchers. Presently the body is so full of gases from suppressed breathing, it can no longer sink, and a quick spear-throw secures the quarry. One animal against, perhaps, sixty men. Is the quest fair? Yonder thunders the surf below beetling precipices. Then the tide wash comes in with a rip like a whirlpool, or the ebb sets the beach combers rolling--lashing billows of tumbling waters that crash together and set the sheets of blinding spray shattering. Or the fog comes down over a choppy sea with a whizzing wind that sets the whitecaps flying backward like a horse's mane. The chase may have led farther and farther from land. As long as the little black head comes up, as long as the gurgling bubble tells of a struggling breather below, the hunters follow, be it {76} near or far, till, at the end of two or three hours, the exhausted sea-otter is taken. Perhaps forty men have risked their lives for a single pelt for which the trader cannot pay more than forty dollars; for he must have his profit, and the skin must be dressed, and the middlemen must have their profit; so that if it sells even for eleven hundred dollars in London--though the average is nearer one hundred and fifty dollars--the Aleut is lucky to receive forty or fifty dollars. Day after day, three months at a time, warm or cold, not daring to light fires on the island, the Aleut hunters go out to the spearing-surround, till the schooner returns for them from the main post; and whether the hunt is harder on man or beast may be judged from the fact that where the hunting battalions used to rally out in companies of thousands, they to-day go forth only in twenties and forties. True, the sea-otter has decreased and is almost extinct in places; but then, where game laws protect it, as in the Commander Islands, it is on the increase, and as for the Aleut hunters--their thousands lie in the bottom of the sea; and of the thousands who rallied forth long ago, often only a few hundred returned. But while the spearing-surround was chiefly followed in battalions under the direction of a trading company, the clubbing was done by the individuals--the dauntless hunters, who scudded out in twos and threes in the wake of the blast, lost themselves in the shattering sheets of spray, with the wind screaming mad riot in their ears {77} and the roily rollers running a mill-race against tide and wind. How did they steer their cockle-shell skiffs--these Vikings of the North Pacific; or did they steer at all, or only fly before the gale on the wings of the mad north winds? Who can tell? The feet of man leave earth sometimes when the spirit rides out reckless of land or sea, or heaven or hell, and these plunderers of the deep took no reckoning of life or death when they rode out on the gale, where the beach combers shattered up the rocks, and the creatures of the sea came huddling landward to take refuge among the kelp rafts. Tossing the skin skiffs high and dry on some rock, with perhaps the weight of a boulder to keep them from blowing away, the hunters rushed off to the surf wash armed only with a stout stick. The otters must be approached away from the wind, and the noise of the surf will deaden the hunter's approach; so beating their way against hurricane gales--winds that throw them from their feet at times--scrambling over rocks slippery as glass with ice, running out on long reefs where the crash of spray confuses earth and air, wading waist-deep in ice slush, the hunters dash out for the kelp beds and rocks where the otter are asleep. Clubbing sounds brutal, but this kind of hunting is, perhaps, the most merciful of all--to the animal, not the man. The otter is asleep. The gale conceals the approaching danger. One blow of the gaff, and the otter never awakes. In this way have three hunters killed as many as a hundred otter {78} in two hours; and in this way have the thousands of Aleutian otter hunters, who used to throng the inlets of the northern islands, perished and dwindled to a population of poverty stricken, scattered men. What were the rewards for all this risk of life? A glance at the records of the old fur companies tells why the Russian and American and English traders preferred sea-otter to the gold mines of the Spaniards in Mexico. Less than ten years after Cook's crew had sold their sea-otter for ten thousand dollars, the East India Company sold six hundred sea-otter for from sixty to one hundred dollars each. Two years later, Portlock and Dixon sold their cargo for fifty-five thousand dollars; and when it is remembered that two hundred sea-otter--twelve thousand dollars' worth at the lowest average--were sometimes got from the Nootka tribes for a few dollars' worth of old chisel iron--the profit can be estimated. In 1785 five thousand sea-otter were sold in China for one hundred and sixty thousand dollars. A capital of fifty thousand usually yielded three hundred thousand dollars; that is--if the ships escaped the dangers of hostile Indians and treacherous seas. What the Russians made from sea-otter will probably never be known; for so many different companies were engaged in the trade; and a hundred years ago, as many as fifteen thousand Indian hunters went out for the Russians yearly. One ship, the year after Bering's wreck, {79} is known to have made half a million dollars from its cargo. By definite figures--not including returns not tabulated in the fur companies--two hundred thousand sea-otter were taken for the Russians in half a century. Just before the United States took over Alaska, Russia was content with four hundred sea-otter a year; but by 1875 the Americans were getting three thousand a year. Those gathered at Kadiak have totalled as many as six thousand in a year during the heyday of the hunt, at Oonalaska three thousand, on the Prybilofs now noted for their seal, five thousand. In 1785 Cook's Inlet yielded three thousand; in 1812, only one hundred. Yakutat gave two thousand in 1794, only three hundred, six years later. Fifteen thousand were gathered at Sitka in 1804, only one hundred and fifty thirty years later. Of course the Russians obtained such results only by a system of musket, bludgeon, and outrage, that are repellent to the modern mind. Women were seized as hostages for a big hunt. Women were even murdered as a punishment for small returns. Men were sacrificed like dogs by the "promyshleniki"--riffraff blackguard Russian hunters from the Siberian exile population; but this is a story of outrageous wrong followed by its own terrible and unshunnable Nemesis which shall be told by itself. [1] The price of the sea-otter varied, falling in seasons when the market was glutted to $40 a pelt, selling as high, in cases of rare beauty, as $1000 a pelt. [2] See John Burroughs's account of birds observed during the Harriman Expedition. Elliott and Stejenger have remarked on the same phenomenon. {80} CHAPTER IV 1760-1770 THE OUTLAW HUNTERS The American Coast becomes the Great Rendezvous for Siberian Criminals and Political Exiles--Beyond Reach of Law, Cossacks and Criminals perpetrate Outrages on the Indians--The Indians' Revenge wipes out Russian Forts in America--The Pursuit of Four Refugee Russians from Cave to Cave over the Sea at Night--How they escape after a Year's Chase "_God was high in the Heavens, and the Czar was far away_," as the Russians say, and the Siberian exiles--coureurs of the sea--who flocked to the west coast of America to hunt the sea-otter after Bering's discoveries in 1741 took small thought and recked no consequences of God or the Czar. They timbered their crazy craft from green wood in Kamchatka, or on the Okhotsk Sea, or among the forests of Siberian rivers. They lashed the rude planks together, hoisted a sail of deer hide above a deck of, perhaps, sixty feet, and steering by instinct across seas as chartless as the forests where French coureurs ran, struck out from Asia for America with wilder {81} dreams of plunder than ever Spanish galleon or English freebooter hoped coasting the high seas. The crews were criminals with the brands of their crimes worn uncovered, banded together by some Siberian merchant who had provided goods for trade, and set adrift under charge of half a dozen Cossacks supposed to keep order and collect tribute of one-tenth as homage from American Indians for the Czar. English buccaneers didn't scruple as to blood when they sacked Spanish cities for Spanish gold. These Russian outlaws scrupled less, when their only hope of bettering a desperate exile was the booty of precious furs plundered, or bludgeoned, or exacted as tribute from the Indians of Northwest America. The plunder, when successful, or trade, if the crazy planks did not go to pieces above some of the reefs that cut up the North Pacific, was halved between outfitter and crew. If the cargo amounted to half a million dollars in modern money--as one of Drusenin's first trips did--then a quarter of a million was a tidy sum to be divided among a crew of, say, thirty or forty. Often as not, the long-planked single-master fell to pieces in a gale, when the Russians went to the bottom of the sea, or stranded among the Aleutian Islands westward of Alaska, when the castaways took up comfortable quarters among the Indians, who knew no other code of existence than the _rights of the strong_; and the Russians with their firearms seemed strong, indeed, to the Aleuts. As long as the newcomer demanded only furs, {82} on his own terms of trade--the Indians acquiesced. Their one hope was to become strong as the Russians by getting iron in "toes"--bands two inches thick, two feet long. It was that ideal state, which finical philosophers describe as the "survival of the fit," and it worked well till the other party to the arrangement resolved he would play the same game and become fit, too, when there resulted a cataclysm of bloodshed. The Indians bowed the neck submissively before oppression. Abuse, cruelty, outrage, accumulated on the heads of the poor Aleuts. They had reached the fine point where it is better for the weak to die trying to overthrow strength, than to live under the iron heel of brute oppression. The immediate cause of revolt is a type of all that preceded it.[1] Running out for a thousand miles from the coast of Alaska is the long chain of Aleutian Islands linking across the Pacific toward Asia. Oonalaska, the most important and middle of these, is as far from Oregon as Oregon is from New York. Near Oonalaska were the finest sea-otter fields in the world; and the Aleutians numbered twenty thousand hunters--men, women, children--born to the light skin boat as plainsmen were born to the saddle. On Oonalaska and its next-door neighbor westward were at least ten thousand of these Indian otter hunters, when Russia first sent her ships to America. Bassof came soonest after Bering's discovery; and he carried back {83} on each of three trips to the Commander Islands a cargo of furs worth from seventy-five thousand to one hundred thousand dollars in modern money. The effect on the Siberian mind was the same as a gold find. All the riffraff adventurers of Siberia swarmed to the west coast of America. We have only the Russian version of the story--not the Indians'--and may infer that we have the side most favorable to Russia. When booty of half a million was to be had for the taking, what Siberian exiles would permit an Indian village to stand between them and wealth? At first only children were seized as hostages of good conduct on the part of the Indians while the white hunters coasted the islands. Then daughters and wives were lured and held on the ships, only to be returned when the husbands and fathers came back with a big hunt for the white masters. Then the men were shot down; safer dead, thought the Russians; no fear of ambush or surprise; and the women were held as slaves to be knouted and done to death at their masters' pleasure. In 1745--four years after Russia's discovery of western America--a whole village in Attoo was destroyed so that the Russians could seize the women and children fleeing for hiding to the hills. The next year Russians were caught putting poison in the food of another village: the men ate first among the Indians. The women would be left as slaves to the Russians; and these same Russians carried a pagan boy home to {84} be baptized in the Christian faith; for the little convert could come back to the Aleutian Islands as interpreter. It was as thorough a scheme of subjugation as the wolf code of existence could have entailed. The culmination came with the crew of Betshevin, a Siberian merchant, in 1760. There were forty Russians, including Cossacks, and twenty other Asiatic hunters and sailors. Four of the merchant's agents went along to enforce honest returns. Sergeant Pushkareff of the Cossacks was there to collect tribute from Russia's Indian subjects on the west coast of America. The ship was evidently better than the general run, with ample room in the hold for cargo, and wide deck room where the crew slept in hammocks without cover--usually a gruff, bearded, ragged, vermin-infested horde. The vessel touched at Oomnak, after having met a sister ship, perhaps with an increase of aggressiveness toward the natives owing to the presence of these other Russians under Alixei Drusenin; and passed on eastward to the next otter resort, Oonalaska Island. Oonalaska is like a human hand spread out, with the fingers northeast, the arm end down seventy miles long toward Oomnak Island. The entire broken coast probably reaches a circuit of over two hundred miles. Down the centre and out each spur are high volcanic mountains, two of them smoking volcanoes, all pitted with caves and hot springs whose course can be traced in winter by the runnels of steam {85} down the mountain side. On the south side, reefs line all approach. North, east, and west are countless abrupt inlets opening directly into the heart of the mountains down whose black cliffs shatter plumes of spray and cataract. Not a tree grows on the island. From base to summit the hills are a velvet sward, willow shrubs the size of one's finger, grass waist high, and such a wealth of flowers--poppy fields, anemones, snowdrops, rhododendrons--that one might be in a southern climate instead of close proximity to frozen zones. Fogs wreathe the island three-quarters of the time; and though snow lies five feet deep in winter, and such blizzards riot in from the north as would tear trees up by the roots, and drive all human beings to their underground dwellings, it is never cold, never below zero, and the harbors are always open. Whaling, fishing, fur hunting--those were the occupations of the islanders then, as now. Here, then, came Pushkareff in 1762 after two years' cruising about the Aleutian Islands. The natives are friendly, thinking to obtain iron, and knives, and firearms like the other islanders who have traded with the Russians. Children are given as hostages of good conduct for the Oonalaskan men, who lead the Russians off to the hunt, coasting from point to point. Pushkareff, the Cossack, himself goes off with twenty men to explore; but somehow things go wrong at the native villages on this trip. The hostages find they are not guests, but slaves. Anyway, Betshevin's {86} agent is set upon and murdered. Two more Russians are speared to death under Pushkareff's eyes, two wounded, and the Cossack himself, with his fourteen men, forced to beat a hasty retreat back to ships and huts on the coast. Here, strange enough, things have gone wrong, too! More women and children objecting to their masters' pleasure--slavery, the knout, the branding iron, death by starvation and abuse. Two Russians have been slain bathing in the hot springs near Makushin Volcano, four murdered at the huts, four wounded; and the barrack is burned to the ground. Promptly the Cossack wreaks vengeance by slaughtering seven of the hostages on the spot; but he deems it wise to take refuge on his ship, weigh anchor and slip out to sea carrying with him by way of a lesson to the natives, two interpreters, three boys, and twenty-five women, two of whom die of cruelty before the ship is well out of Oonalaskan waters. He may have intended dropping the captives at some near island on his way westward; for only blind rage could have rendered him so indifferent to their fate as to carry such a cargo of human beings back to the home harbor of Kamchatka. Meanwhile a hurricane caught Pushkareff's ship, chopping the wave tops off and driving her ahead under bare poles. When the gale abated, the ship was off Kamchatka's shore and the Cossack in a quandary about entering the home port with proofs of his cruelty in the cowering group of Indian women huddled above the deck. {87} On pretence of gathering berries, six sailors were landed with fourteen women. Two watched their chance and dashed for liberty in the hills. On the way back to the ship, one woman was brained to death by a sailor, Gorelin; seeing which, the others on board the jolly-boat took advantage of the confusion, sprang overboard, and suicided. But there were still a dozen hostages on the ship. These might relate the crime of their companions' murder. It was an old trick out of an ugly predicament--destroy the victim in order to dodge retribution, or torture it so it would destroy itself. Fourteen had been tortured into suicide. The rest Pushkareff seized, bound, and threw into the sea. To be sure, on official investigation, Betshevin, the Siberian merchant, was subjected to penal tortures for this crime on his ship; and an imperial decree put an end to free trade among the fur hunters to America. Henceforth a government permit must be obtained; but that did not undo the wrong to the Aleutian Islanders. Primal instincts, unhampered by law, have a swift, sure, short-cut to justice; to the fine equipoise between weak and strong. It was two years before punishment was meted out by the Russian government for this crime. What did the Aleut Indian care for the law's slow jargon? His only law was self-preservation. His furs had been plundered from him; his hunting-fields overrun by brigands from he knew not where; his home outraged; his warriors poisoned, bludgeoned, done to death; his women and children {88} kidnapped to lifelong slavery; the very basic, brute instincts of his nature tantalized, baited, tortured to dare! It was from January to September of 1762, that Pushkareff had run his mad course of outrage on Oonalaska Island. It was in September of the same year, that four other Russian ships, all unconscious of the reception Pushkareff's evil doings had prepared for them, left Kamchatka for the Aleutian Islands. Each of the ships was under a commander who had been to the islands before and dealt fairly by the Indians. Betshevin's ship with Pushkareff, the Cossack, reached Kamchatka September 25. On the 6th there had come to winter at the harbor a ship under the same Alexei Drusenin, who had met Pushkareff the year before on the way to Oonalaska. Drusenin was outward bound and must have heard the tales told of Pushkareff's crew; but the latter had brought back in all nearly two thousand otter,--half sent by Drusenin, half brought by himself,--and Oonalaska became the lodestar of the otter hunters. The spring of '63 found Drusenin coasting the Aleutians. Sure enough, others had heard news of the great find of the new hunting-grounds. Three other Russian vessels were on the grounds before him, Glottoff and Medvedeff at Oomnak, Korovin halfway up Oonalaska. No time for Drusenin to lose! A spy sent out came back with the report that every part of Oomnak and {89} Oonalaska was being thoroughly hunted except the extreme northeast, where the mountain spurs of Oonalaska stretch out in the sea like a hand. Up to the northeast end, then, where the tide-rip thunders up the rock wall like an inverted cataract, posts Drusenin where he anchors his ship in Captain Harbor, and has winter quarters built before snow-fall of '63. An odd thing was--the Indian chiefs became so very friendly they voluntarily brought hostages of good conduct to Drusenin. Surely Drusenin was in luck! The best otter-hunting grounds in the world! A harbor as smooth as glass, mountain-girt, sheltered as a hole in a wall, right in the centre of the hunting-grounds, yet shut off from the rioting north winds that shook the rickety vessels to pieces! And best of all, along the sandy shore between the ship and the mountains that receded inland tier on tier into the clouds--the dome-roofed, underground dwellings of two or three thousand native hunters ready to risk the surf of the otter hunt at Drusenin's beck! Just to make sure of safety after Pushkareff's losses of ten men on this island, Drusenin exchanges a letter or two with the commanders of those other three Russian vessels. Then he laid his plans for the winter's hunt. But so did the Aleut Indians; and their plans were for a man-hunt of every Russian within the limits of Oonalaska. A curious story is told of how the Aleuts arranged to have the uprising simultaneous and certain. A bunch of sticks was carried to the chief of every tribe. {90} These were burned one a day, like the skin wick in the seal oil of the Aleut's stone lamp. When the last stick had burned, the Aleuts were to rise. Now, the northeast coast was like the fingers of a hand. Drusenin had anchored between two mountain spurs like fingers. Eastward, across the next mountain spur was another village--Kalekhta, of some forty houses; eastward of Kalekhta, again, ten miles across, another village of seventy families on the island of Inalook. Drusenin decided to divide his crew into three hunting parties: one of nine men to guard the ship and trade with the main village of Captain Harbor; a second of eleven, to cross to the native huts at Kalekhta; a third of eleven, to cross the hills, and paddle out to the little island of Inalook. To the island ten miles off shore, Drusenin went himself, with Korelin, a wrecked Russian whom he had picked up on the voyage. On the way they must have passed all three mountains, that guard the harbor of Oonalaska, the waterfalls that pour over the cliffs near Kalekhta, and the little village itself where eleven men remained to build huts for the winter. From the village to the easternmost point was over quaking moss ankle-deep, or through long, rank grass, waist-high and water-rotted with sea-fog. Here they launched their boat of sea-lion skin on a bone frame, and pulled across a bay of ten miles to the farthermost hunting-grounds. Again, the natives overwhelm Drusenin with kindness. The Russian keeps his sentinels as {91} vigilant as ever pacing before the doors of the hut; but he goes unguarded and unharmed among the native dwellings. Perhaps, poor Drusenin was not above swaggering a little, belted in the gay uniform Russian officers loved to wear, to the confounding of the poor Aleut who looked on the pistols in belt, the cutlass dangling at heel, the bright shoulder straps and colored cuffs, as insignia of a power almighty. Anyway, after Drusenin had sent five hunters out in the fields to lay fox-traps, early in the morning of December 4, he set out with a couple of Cossack friends to visit a native house. Korelin, the rescued castaway, and two other men kept guard at the huts.[2] At that time, and until very recently, the Aleuts' winter dwelling was a domed, thatched roof over a cellar excavation three or four feet deep, circular and big enough to lodge a dozen families. The entrance to this was a low-roofed, hall-like annex, dark as night, leading with a sudden pitch downward into the main circle. Now, whether the Aleut had counted burning fagots, or kept tally some other way, the count was up. Barely had Drusenin stepped into the dark of the inner circle, when a blow clubbed down on his skull that felled him to earth. The Cossack, coming second, had stumbled over the prostrate body before either had any suspicion of danger; and in a {92} second, both were cut to pieces by knives traded to the Indians the day before for otter skins. Shevyrin, the third man, happened to be carrying an axe. One against a score, he yet kept his face to the enemy, beat a retreat backward striking right and left with the axe, then turned and fled for very life, with a shower of arrows and lances falling about him, that drenched him in his own blood. Already a crash of muskets told of battle at the huts. More dead than alive, the pursued Russian turned but to strike his assailants back. Then, he was at the huts almost stumbling over the man who had probably been doing sentinel duty but was now under the spears of the crowd--when the hut door opened; and Korelin, the Russian, dashed out flourishing a yard-long bear knife under protection of the other guard's musket fire from the window, slashed to death two of the nearest Indians, cut a swath that sent the others scattering, seized the two wounded men, dragged them inside the hut, and slammed the door to the enraged yells of the baffled warriors. Some one has said that Oonalaska and Oomnak are the smelting furnaces of America. Certainly, the volcanic caves supplied sulphur that the natives knew how to use as match lighters. The savages were without firearms, but might have burned out the Russians had it not been for the constant fusillade of musketry from door and roof and parchment windows of the hut. Two of the Russians were wounded and weak {93} from loss of blood. The other two never remitted their guard day or night for four days, neither sleeping nor eating, till the wounded pair, having recovered somewhat, seized pistols and cutlasses, waited till a quelling of the musketry tempted the Indians near, then sallied out with a flare of their pistols, that dropped three Aleuts on the spot, wounded others, and drove the rest to a distance. But in the sortie, there had been flaunted in their very faces, the coats and caps and daggers of the five hunters Drusenin had sent fox trapping. Plainly, the fox hunters had been massacred. The four men were alone surrounded by hundreds of hostiles, ten miles from the shores of Oonalaska, twenty from the other hunting detachments and the ship. But water was becoming a desperate need. To stay cooped up in the hut was to be forced into surrender. Their only chance was to risk all by a dash from the island. Dark was gathering. Through the shadowy dusk watched the Aleuts; but the pointed muskets of the two wounded men kept hostiles beyond distance of spear-tossing, while the other two Russians destroyed what they could not carry away, hauled down their skin boat to the water loaded with provisions, ammunition, and firearms, then under guard of levelled pistols, pulled off in the darkness across the sea, heaving and thundering to the night tide. But the sea was the lesser danger. Once away from the enemy, the four fugitives pulled for dear life {94} across the tumbling waves--ten miles the way they went, one account says--to the main shore of Oonalaska. It was pitch dark. When they reached the shore, they could neither hear nor see a sign of life; but the moss trail through the snows had probably become well beaten to the ship by this time--four months from Drusenin's landing--or else the fugitives found their way by a kind of desperation; for before daybreak they had run within shouting distance of the second detachment of hunters stationed at Kalekhta. Not a sound! Not a light! Perhaps they had missed their way! Perhaps the Indians on the main island are still friendly! Shevyrin or Korelin utters a shout, followed by the signal of a musket shot for that second party of hunters to come out and help. Scarcely had the crash died over the snows, when out of the dark leaped a hundred lances, a hundred faces, a hundred shrieking, bloodthirsty savages. Now they realize the mistake of having landed, of having abandoned the skin boat back on the beach there! But no time to retrace steps! Only a wild dash through the dark, catching by each other to keep together, up to a high precipitous rock they know is somewhere here, with the sea behind, sheer drop on each side, and but one narrow approach! Here they make their stand, muskets and sword in hand, beating the assailants back, wherever a stealthy form comes climbing up the rock to hurl spear or lance! Presently, a well-directed fusillade drives the savages off! While night still hid {95} them, the four fugitives scrambled down the side of the rock farthest from the savages, and ran for the roadstead where the ship had anchored. As dawn comes up over the harbor something catches the attention of the runners. It is the main hatch, the planking, the mast poles of the ship, drawn up and scattered on the beach. Drusenin's ship has been destroyed. The crew is massacred; they, alone, have escaped; and the nearest help is one of those three other Russian ships anchored somewhere seventy miles west. Without waiting to look more, the three men ran for the mountains of the interior, found hiding in one of the deep-grassed ravines, scooped out a hole in the sand, covered this with a sail white as snow, and crawled under in hiding for the day. The next night they came down to the shore, in the hope, perhaps, of finding refugees like themselves. They discovered only the mangled bodies of their comrades, literally hacked to pieces. A saint's image and a book of prayers lay along the sand. Scattered everywhere were flour sacks, provisions, ships' planking. These they carried back as well as they could three miles in the mountains. A pretty legend is told of a native hunter following their tracks to this retreat, and not only refusing to betray them but secretly carrying provisions; and some such explanation is needed to know how the four men lived hidden in the mountains from December 9 to February 2, 1764. If they had known where those other Russian ships {96} were anchored, they might have struck across country to them, or followed the coast by night; but rival hunters did not tell each other where they anchored, and tracks across country could have been followed. The trackless sea was safer. There is another story of how the men hid in mountain caves all those weeks, kept alive by the warmth of hot springs, feeding on clams and shell-fish gathered at night. This, too, may be true; for the mountains inland of Oonalaska Harbor are honeycombed with caves, and there are well-known hot springs. By February they had succeeded in making a skin skiff of the leather sacks. They launched this on the harbor and, stealing away unseen, rounded the northwest coast of Oonalaska's hand projecting into the sea, travelling at night southwestward, seeking the ships of Korovin, or Medvedeff, or Glottoff. Now the majority of voyagers don't care to coast this part of Oonalaska at night during the winter in a safe ship; and these men had nothing between them and the abyss of the sea but the thickness of a leather sack badly oiled to keep out water. Their one hope was--a trader's vessel. All night, for a week, they coasted within the shadow of the shore rocks, hiding by day, passing three Indian villages undiscovered. Distance gave them courage. They now paddled by day, and just as they rounded Makushin Volcano, lying like a great white corpse five thousand feet above Bering Sea, they came on five {97} Indians, who at once landed and running alongshore gave the alarm. The refugees for the second time sought safety on a rock; but the rising tide drove them off. Seizing the light boat, they ran for shelter in a famous cave of the volcanic mountain. Here, for five weeks, they resisted constant siege, not a Russian of the four daring to appear within twenty yards of the cave entrance before a shower of arrows fell inside. Their only food now was the shell-fish gathered at night; their only water, snow scooped from gutters of the cave. Each night one watched by turn while the others slept; and each night one must make a dash to gather the shell-fish. Five weeks at last tired the Indians' vigilance out. One dark night the Russians succeeded in launching out undetected. That day they hid, but daybreak of the next long pull showed them a ship in the folds of the mountain coast--Korovin's vessel. They reached the ship on the 30th of March. Poor Shevyrin soon after died from his wounds in the underground hut, but Korovin's troubles had only begun. Ivan Korovin's vessel had sailed out of Avacha Bay, Kamchatka, just two weeks before Pushkareff's crew of criminals came home. It had become customary for the hunting vessels to sail to the Commander Islands--Bering and Copper--nearest Kamchatka, and winter there, laying up a store of sea-cow meat, the huge bovine of the sea, which was soon to be exterminated by the hunters. Here Korovin met Denis Medvedeff's {98} crew, also securing a year's supply of meat for the hunt of the sea-otter. The two leaders must have had some inkling of trouble ahead, for Medvedeff gave Korovin ten more sailors, and the two signed a written contract to help each other in time of need. In spring (1763) both sailed for the best sea-otter fields then known--Oonalaska and Oomnak, Korovin with thirty-seven men, Medvedeff, forty-nine. In order not to interfere with each other's hunt, Medvedeff stopped at Oomnak, Korovin went on to Oonalaska. Anchoring sixty yards from shore, not very far from the volcano caves, where Drusenin's four fugitives were to fight for their lives the following spring, Korovin landed with fourteen men to reconnoitre. Deserted houses he saw, but never a living soul. Going back to the ship for more men, he set out again and went inland five miles where he found a village of three hundred souls. Three chiefs welcomed him, showed receipts for tribute of furs given by the Cossack collector of a previous ship, and gave over three boys as hostages of good conduct--one, called Alexis, the son of a chief. Meanwhile, letters were exchanged with Medvedeff down a hundred miles at Oomnak. All was well. The time had not come. It was only September--about the same time that Drusenin up north was sending out his hunters in three detachments. Korovin was so thoroughly satisfied all was safe, that he landed his entire cargo and crew, and while the carpenters were building wintering huts out of {99} driftwood, set out himself, with two skin boats, to coast northeast. For four days he followed the very shore that the four escaping men were to cruise in an opposite direction. About forty miles from the anchorage he met Drusenin himself, leading twenty-five Russian hunters out from Captain Harbor. Surely, if ever hunters were safe, Korovin's were, with Medvedeff's forty-nine men southwest a hundred miles, and Drusenin's thirty sailors forty miles northeast. Korovin decided to hunt midway between Drusenin's crew and Medvedeff's. It is likely that the letters exchanged among the different commanders from September to December were arranging that Drusenin should keep to the east of Oonalaska, Korovin to the west of the island, while Medvedeff hunted exclusively on the other island--Oomnak. By December Korovin had scattered twenty-three hunters southwest, keeping a guard of only sixteen for the huts and boat. Among the sixteen was little Alexis, the hostage Indian boy. The warning of danger was from the mother of the little Aleut, who reported that sixty hostiles were advancing on the ship under pretence of trading sea-otter. Between the barracks and the sea front flowed a stream. Here the Cossack guard took their stand, armed head to foot, permitting only ten Indians at a time to enter the huts for trade. The Aleuts exchanged their sea-otter for what iron they could get, and departed without any sign. Korovin had almost concluded it was a false {100} alarm, when three Indian servants of Drusenin's ship came dashing breathless across country with news that the ship and all the Russians on the east end of Oonalaska had been destroyed. Including the three newcomers, Korovin had only nineteen men; and his hostages numbered almost as strong. The panic-stricken sailors were for burning huts and ship, and escaping overland to the twenty-three hunters somewhere southwest. It was the 10th of December--the very night when Drusenin's fugitives had taken to hiding in the north mountains. While Korovin was still debating what to do, an alarm came from beneath the keel of the ship. In the darkness, the sea was suddenly alive with hundreds of skin skiffs each carrying from eight to twenty Indian warriors. One can well believe that lanterns swinging from bow and stern, and lights behind the talc windows of the huts, were put suddenly out to avoid giving targets for the hurricane of lances and darts and javelins that came hurtling through the air. Two Russians fell dead, reducing Korovin's defence to fourteen; but a quick swing of musketry exacted five Indian lives for the two dead whites. At the end of four days, the Russians were completely exhausted. The besiegers withdrew to a cave on the mountain side, perhaps to tempt Korovin on land. Quick as thought, Korovin buried his iron deep under the barracks, set fire to the huts, and concentrated all his forces on the vessel, where he wisely carried the {101} hostages with him and sheered fifty yards farther off shore. Had the riot of winter winds not been driving mountain billows along the outer coast, he might have put to sea; but he had no proof the twenty-three men gone inland hunting to the south might not be yet alive, and a winter gale would have dashed his ship to kindling wood outside the sheltered harbor. Food was short, water was short, and the ship over-crowded with hostages. To make matters worse, scurvy broke out among the crew; and the hostiles renewed the attack, surrounding the Russian ship in forty canoes with ten to twenty warriors in each. An ocean vessel of the time, or even a pirate ship, could have scattered the assailants in a few minutes; but the Russian hunting vessels were long, low, flat-bottomed, rickety-planked craft, of perhaps sixty feet in length, with no living accommodation below decks, and very poor hammock space above. Hostages and scurvy-stricken Russians were packed in the hold with the meat stores and furs like dying rats in a garbage barrel. It was as much as a Russian's life was worth, to show his head above the hatchway; and the siege lasted from the middle of December to the 30th of March, when Drusenin's four refugees, led by Korelin, made a final dash from Makushin Volcano, and gained Korovin's ship. With the addition of the fugitives, Korovin now had eighteen Russians. The Indian father of the hostage, {102} Alexis, had come to demand back his son. Korovin freed the boy at once. By the end of April, the spring gales had subsided, and though half his men were prostrate with scurvy, there was nothing for Korovin to do but dare the sea. They sailed out from Oonalaska on April 26 heading back toward Oomnak, where Medvedeff had anchored. In the straits between the different Aleutian Islands runs a terrific tide-rip. Crossing from Oonalaska to Oomnak, Korovin's ship was caught by the counter-currents and cross winds. Not more than five men were well enough to stand upon their feet. The ship drifted without pilot or oarsmen, and driving the full force of wind and tide foundered on the end of Oomnak Island. Ammunition, sails, and skins for fresh rowboats were all that could be saved of the wreck. One scurvy-stricken sailor was drowned trying to reach land; another died on being lifted from the stiflingly close hold to fresh air. Eight hostages sprang overboard and escaped. Of the sixteen white men and four hostages left, three were powerless from scurvy. This last blow on top of a winter's siege was too much for the Russians. Their enfeebled bodies were totally exhausted. Stretching sails round as a tent and stationing ten men at a time as sentinels, they slept the first unbroken sleep they had known in five months. The tired-out sentinels must have fallen asleep at their places; for just as day dawned came a hundred savages, stealthy and silent, seeking the ship that had slipped {103} out from Oonalaska. Landing without a sound, they crept up within ten yards of the tents, stabbed the sleeping sentinels to death, and let go such a whiz of arrows and lances at the tent walls, that three of the Indian hostages inside were killed and every Russian wounded. Korovin had not even time to seize his firearms. Cutlass in hand, followed by four men--all wounded and bleeding like himself--he dashed out, slashed two savages to death, and scattered the rest at the sword point. A shower of spears was the Indians' answer to this. Wounded anew, the five Russians could scarcely drag themselves back to the tent where by this time the others had seized the firearms. All that day and night, a tempest lashed the shore. The stranded ship fell to pieces like a boat of paper; and the attacking islanders strewed the provisions to the winds with shrieks of laughter. On the 30th of April, the assailants began firing muskets, which they had captured from Korovin's massacred hunters; but the shots fell wide of the mark. Then they brought sulphur from the volcanic caves, and set fire to the long grass on the windward side of the tents. Again, Korovin sallied out, drove them off, and extinguished the fire. May, June, and half July he lay stranded here, waiting for his men to recover, and when they recovered, setting them to build a boat of skin and driftwood. Toward the third week of July, a skin boat twenty-four feet long was finished. In this were laid the wounded; and the well men took to the paddles. All {104} night they paddled westward and still westward, night after night, seeking the third vessel--that of Denis Medvedeff, who had come with them the year before from Bering Island. On the tenth day, Russian huts and a stone bath-house were seen on the shore of a broad inlet. Not a soul was stirring. As Korovin's boat approached, bits of sail, ships' wreckage, and provisions were seen scattered on the shore. Fearing the worst, Korovin landed. Signs of a struggle were on every hand; and in the bath-house, still clothed but with thongs round their necks as if they had been strangled to death, lay twenty of Medvedeff's crew. Closer examination showed Medvedeff himself among the slain. Not a soul was left to tell the story of the massacre, not a word ever heard about the fate of the others in the crew. Korovin's last hope was gone. There was no third ship to carry him home. He was in the very act of ordering his men to construct winter quarters, when Stephen Glottoff, a famous hunter on the way back from Kadiak westward, appeared marching across the sands followed by eight men. Glottoff had heard of the massacres from natives on the north shore with whom he was friendly; and had sent out rescue parties to seek the survivors on the south coast of whom the Indian spies told. The poor fugitives embraced Glottoff, and went almost mad with joy. But like the prospector, who suffers untold hardships seeking the wealth of gold, these seekers of wealth in furs could not relinquish the {105} wild freedom of the perilous life. They signed contracts to hunt with Glottoff for the year. It is no part of this story to tell how the Cossack, Solovieff, entered on a campaign of punishment for the Aleuts when he came. Whole villages were blown up by mines of powder in birch bark. Fugitives dashing from the conflagration were sabred by the Russians, as many as a hundred Aleuts butchered at a time, villages of three hundred scattered to the winds, warriors bound hand and foot in line, and shot down. Suffice it to say, scurvy slaked Solovieff's vengeance. Both Aleuts and Russians had learned the one all-important lesson--the Christian's doctrine of retribution, the scientist's law of equilibrium--that brute force met by brute force ends only in mutual destruction, in anarchy, in death. Thirty years later, Vancouver visiting the Russians could report that their influence on the Indians was of the sort that springs from deep-rooted kindness and identity of interests. Both sides had learned there was a better way than the wolf code.[3] [1] See Coxe's _Discoveries of the Russians_. [2] Some of the old records spell the name of this wrecked Russian "Korelin," as if it were "Gorelin," the sailor, of Pushkareff's crew, who brained the Indian girl; I am unable to determine whether "Korelin" and "Gorelin" are the same man or not. If so, then the punishment came home indeed. [3] It would be almost impossible to quote all the authorities on this massacre of the Russians, and every one who has written on Russian fur trade in America gives different scraps of the tragedy; but nearly all can be traced back to the detailed account in Coxe's _Discoveries of the Russians between Asia and America_, and on this I have relied, the French edition of 1781. The Census Report, Vol. VIII, 1880, by Ivan Petroff, is invaluable for topography and ethnology of this period and region. It was from Korelin, one of the four refugees, that the Russian archivists took the first account of the massacre; and Coxe's narrative is based on Korelin's story, though the tradition of the massacre has been handed down from father to child among Oonalaskans to this day, so that certain caves near Captain Harbor, and Makushin Volcano are still pointed out as the refuge of the four pursued Russians. {106} CHAPTER V 1768-1772 COUNT MAURITIUS BENYOWSKY, THE POLISH PIRATE Siberian Exiles under Polish Soldier of Fortune plot to overthrow Garrison of Kamchatka and escape to West Coast of America as Fur Traders--A Bloody Melodrama enacted at Bolcheresk--The Count and his Criminal Crew sail to America Fur hunters, world over, live much the same life. It was the beaver led French voyageurs westward to the Rocky Mountains. It was the sea-otter brought Russian coasters cruising southward from Alaska to California; and it was the little sable set the mad pace of the Cossacks' wild rush clear across Siberia to the shores of the Pacific. The tribute that the riotous Cossacks collected, whether from Siberia or America, was tribute in furs. The farther the hunters wandered, the harder it was to obtain supplies from the cities. In each case--in New France, on the Missouri, in Siberia--this compelled resort to the same plan; a grand rallying place, a yearly rendezvous, a stamping-ground for hunters and traders. Here merchants brought their goods; {107} hunters, their furs; light-fingered gentry, offscourings from everywhere, horses to sell, or smuggled whiskey, or plunder that had been picked up in ways untold. The great meeting place for Russian fur traders was on a plain east of the Lena River, not far from Yakutsk, a thousand miles in a crow line from the Pacific. In the fall of 1770 there had gathered here as lawless birds of a feather as ever scoured earth for prey. Merchants from the inland cities had floated down supplies to the plain on white and black and lemon-painted river barges. Long caravans of pack horses and mules and tented wagons came rumbling dust-covered across the fields, bells ajingle, driven by Cossacks all the way from St. Petersburg, six thousand miles. Through snow-padded forests, over wind-swept plains, across the heaving mountains of two continents, along deserts and Siberian rivers, almost a year had the caravans travelled. These, for the most part, carried ship supplies--cordage, tackling, iron--for vessels to be built on the Pacific to sail for America. Then there rode in at furious pace, from the northern steppes of Siberia, the Cossack tribute collectors--four hundred of them centred here--who gathered one-tenth of the furs for the Czar, nine-tenths for themselves: drunken brawlers they were, lawless as Arabs; and the only law they knew was the law they wielded. Tartar hordes came with horses to sell, freebooters of the boundless desert, banditti in league with the Cossacks to smuggle across the {108} borders of the Chinese. And Chinese smugglers, splendid in silk attire, hobnobbed with exiles, who included every class from courtiers banished for political offences to criminals with ears cut off and faces slit open. What with drink and play and free fights--if the Czar did not hear, it was because he was far away. On this August night half a dozen new exiles had come in with the St. Petersburg cavalcade. The prisoners were set free on parole to see the sights, while their Cossack guard went on a spree. The new-comers seemed above the common run of criminals sent to Siberia, better clothed, of the air born to command, and in possession of money. The leading spirit among them was a young Pole, twenty-eight years or thereabouts, of noble rank, Mauritius Benyowsky, very lame from a battle wound, but plainly a soldier of fortune who could trump every trick fate played him, and give as good knocks as he got. Four others were officers of the army in St. Petersburg, exiled for political reasons. Only one, Hippolite Stephanow, was a criminal in the sense of having broken law. Hoffman, a German surgeon, welcomed them to his quarters at Yakutsk. Where were they going?--To the Pacific?--"Ah; a long journey from St. Petersburg; seven thousand miles!" That was where he was to go when he had finished surgical duties on the Lena. By that they knew he, too, was an exile, practising his profession on parole. He would advise {109} them--cautiously feeling his ground--to get transferred as soon as they could from the Pacific coast to the Peninsula of Kamchatka; that was safer for an exile--fewer guards, farther from the Cossacks of the mainland; in fact, nearer America, where exiles might make a fortune in the fur trade. Had they heard of schemes in the air among Russians for ships to plunder furs in America "with powder and hatchets and the help of God," as the Russians say? [Illustration: Mauritius Augustus, Count Benyowsky.] Benyowsky, the Pole, jumped to the bait like a trout to the fly. If "powder and hatchets and the help of God"--_and an exile crew_--could capture wealth in the fur trade of western America, why not a break for freedom? They didn't scruple as to means, these men. Why should they? They had been penned in festering dungeons, where the dead lay, corrupting the air till living and dead became a diseased mass. They had been knouted for differences of political opinion. They {110} had been whisked off at midnight from St. Petersburg--mile after mile, week after week, month after month, across the snows, with never a word of explanation, knowing only from the jingle of many bells that other prisoners were in the long procession. Now their hopes took fire from Hoffman's tales of Russian plans for fur trade. The path of the trackless sea seems always to lead to a boundless freedom. In a word, before they had left Hoffman, they had bound themselves by oath to try to seize a fur-trading ship to escape across the Pacific. Stephanow, the common convict, was the one danger. He might play spy and obtain freedom by betraying all. To prevent this, each man was required to sign his name to an avowal of the conspirators' aim. Hoffman was to follow as soon as he could. Meanwhile he kept the documents, which were written in German; and Benyowsky, the Pole, was elected chief. The Cossack guards came sulkily back from their gambling bout. The exiles were placed in elk-team sleds, and the remaining thousand miles to the Pacific resumed. But the spree had left the soldiers with sore heads. At the first camping place they were gambling again. On the sixth day out luck turned so heavily against one soldier that he lost his entire belongings to the captain of the troops, flew in a towering rage, and called his officer some blackguard name. The officer nonchalantly took over the {111} gains, swallowed the insult, and commanded the other Cossacks to tie the fellow up and give him a hundred lashes. For a moment consternation reigned. There are some unwritten laws even among the Cossacks. To play the equal, when there was money to win, then act the despot when offended, was not according to the laws of good fellows among Cossacks. Before the officer knew where he was, he had been seized, bundled out of the tent, stripped naked and flogged on the bare back three hundred strokes. He was still roaring with rage and pain and fear when a coureur came thundering over the path from Yakutsk with word that Hoffman had died suddenly, leaving certain papers suspected of conspiracy, which were being forwarded for examination to the commander on the Pacific. The coureur handed the paper to the officer of the guards. Not a man of the Cossacks could read German. What the papers were the terrified exiles knew. If word of the plot reached the Pacific, they might expect knouting, perhaps mutilation, or lifelong, hopeless servitude in the chain-gangs of the mines. One chance of frustrating detection remained--the Cossack officer looked to the exiles for protection against his men. For a week the cavalcade moved sullenly on, the soldiers jeering in open revolt at the officer, the officer in terror for his life, the exiles quaking with fear. The road led to a swift, somewhat {112} dangerous river. The Cossacks were ordered to swim the elk teams across. The officer went on the raft to guard the prisoners, on whose safe delivery his own life depended. With hoots of laughter, that could not be reported as disobedience, the Cossacks hustled the snorting elk teams against the raft. A deft hoist from the pole of some unseen diver below, and the raft load was turned helter-skelter upside down in the middle of the river, the commander going under heels up! When officer and exiles came scrambling up the bank wet as water-rats, they were welcomed with shouts by the Cossacks. Officer and prisoners lighted a fire to dry clothes. Soldiers rummaged out the brandy casks, and were presently so deep in drunken sleep not a man of the guard was on his feet. Benyowsky waited till the commander, too, slept. Then the Pole limped, careful as a cat over cut glass, to the coat drying before the fire, drew out the packet of documents, and found what the exiles had feared--Hoffman's papers in German, with orders to the commander on the Pacific to keep the conspirators fettered till instructions came the next year from St. Petersburg. The prisoners realized that all must be risked in one desperate cast of the dice. "I and time against all men," says the proverb. No fresh caravan would be likely to come till spring. Meanwhile they must play against time. Burning the packet to ashes, they replaced it with a forged order instructing the commander on the Pacific to treat the exiles with all {113} freedom and liberality, and to forward them by the first boat outward bound for Kamchatka. The governor at Okhotsk did precisely as the packet instructed. He allowed them out on parole. He supplied them with clothing and money. He forwarded them to Kamchatka on the first boat outward bound, the _St. Peter and Paul_, with forty-three of a crew and ten cannon, which had just come back from punishing American Indians for massacring the Russians. A year less two days from the night they had been whisked out of St. Petersburg, the exiles reached their destination--the little log fort or _ostrog_ of Bolcheresk, about twenty miles up from the sea on the inner side of Kamchatka, one hundred and fifty miles overland from the Pacific. The rowboat conducting the exiles up-stream met rafts of workmen gliding down the current. Rafts and rowboat paused within call. The raftsmen wanted news from Europe. Benyowsky answered that exiles had no news. "Who are you?" an officer demanded bluntly. Always and unconsciously playing the hero part of melodrama, Benyowsky replied--"Once a soldier and a general, now a slave." Shouts of laughter broke from the raftsmen. The enraged Pole was for leaping overboard and thrashing them to a man for their mockery; but they called out, "no offence had been meant": they, too, were exiles; their laughter was welcome; they had suffered enough in Kamchatka to know that when men must laugh or weep, better, much better, laugh! Even as they {114} laughed came the tears. With a rear sweep, the rafts headed about and escorted the newcomers to the fortress, where they were locked for the night. After all, a welcome to exile was a sardonic sort of mirth. Kamchatka occupies very much the same position on the Pacific as Italy to the Mediterranean, or Norway to the North Sea. Its people were nomads, wild as American Indians, but Russia had established garrisons of Cossacks--collectors of tribute in furs--all over the peninsula, of whom four hundred were usually moving from place to place, three hundred stationed at Bolcheresk, the seat of government, on the inner coast of the peninsula. The capital itself was a curious conglomeration of log huts stuck away at the back of beyond, with all the gold lace and court satins and regimental formalities of St. Petersburg in miniature. On one side of a deep ravine, was the fort or _ostrog_--a palisaded courtyard of some two or three hundred houses, joined together like the face of a street, with assembly rooms, living apartments, and mess rooms on one side of a passageway, kitchens, servants' quarters, and barracks for the Cossacks on the other side of the aisle. Two or three streets of these double-rowed houses made up the fort. Few of the houses contained more than three rooms, but the rooms were large as halls, one hundred by eighty feet, some of them, with whip-sawed floors, clay-chinked log walls, parchment {115} windows, and furniture hewed out of the green fir trees of the mountains. But the luxurious living made up for the bareness of furnishings. Shining samovars sung in every room. Rugs of priceless fur concealed the rough flooring. Chinese silks, Japanese damasks,--Oriental tapestries smuggled in by the fur traders,--covered the walls; and richest of silk attired the Russian officers and their ladies, compelled to beguile time here, where the only break in monotony was the arrival of fresh ships from America, or exiles from St. Petersburg, or gambling or drinking or dancing or feasting the long winter nights through, with, perhaps, a duel in the morning to settle midnight debts. Just across a deep ravine from the fort was another kind of settlement--ten or a dozen _yurts_, thatch-roofed, circular houses half underground like cellars, grouped about a square hall or barracks in the centre. In this village dwelt the exiles, earning their living by hunting or acting as servants for the officers of the Cossacks. Here, then, came Benyowsky and his companions, well received because of forged letters sent on, but with no time to lose; for the first spring packet overland might reveal their conspiracy. The raftsmen, who had welcomed them, now turned hosts and housed the newcomers. The Pole was assigned to an educated Russian, who had been eight years in exile. "How can you stand it? Do you fear death too much to dare one blow for liberty?" Benyowsky asked the other, as they sat over their tea that first night. {116} But a spy might ask the same question. The Russian evaded answer, and a few hours later showed the Pole books of travel, among which were maps of the Philippines, where twenty or thirty exiles might go _if they had a leader_. Leader? Benyowsky leaped to his feet with hands on pistol and cutlass with which he had been armed that morning when Governor Nilow liberated them to hunt on parole. Leader? Were they men? Was this settlement, too, ready to rise if they had a leader? No time to lose! Within a month, cautious as a man living over a volcano, the Polish nobleman had enlisted twenty recruits from the exile settlement, bound to secrecy by oath, and a score more from a crew of sailor exiles back from America, mutinous over brutal treatment by their captain. In addition to secrecy, each conspirator bound himself to implicit and instant obedience to Benyowsky, their chief, and to slay each with his own hand any member of the band found guilty of betrayal. But what gave the Pole his greatest power was his relation to the governor. The coming of the young nobleman had caused a flutter in the social life of the dull little fort. He had been appointed secretary to Governor Nilow, and tutor to his children. The governor's lady was the widow of a Swedish exile; and it took the Pole but a few interviews to discover that wife and family favored the exiles rather than their Russian lord. In fact, the good woman suggested to the Pole that he {117} should prevent her sixteen-year-old daughter becoming wife to a Cossack by marrying her himself. The Pole's first move was to ask the governor's permission to establish a colony of exile farmers in the south of the peninsula. The request was granted. This created a good excuse for the gathering of the provisions that would be needed for the voyage on the Pacific; but when the exiles further requested a fur-trading vessel to transport the provisions to the new colony, their design was balked by the unsuspecting governor granting them half a hundred row boats, too frail to go a mile from the coast. There seemed no other course but to seize a vessel by force and escape, but Benyowsky again played for time. The governor's daughter discovered his plot through her servant planning to follow one of the exiles to sea; but instead of betraying him to her Russian father, she promised to send him red clippings of thread as danger signals if the governor or his chancellor got wind of the treason. Their one aim was to get away from Asia before fresh orders could come overland from Yakutsk. Ice still blocked the harbor in April, but the _St. Peter and Paul_, the armed vessel that had brought the exiles across the sea from the mainland, lay in port and was already enlisting a crew for the summer voyage to America. The Pole sent twelve of his men to enlist among the crew, and nightly store provisions in the hold. The rest of the band were set to manufacturing cartridges, and buying or borrowing all the firearms {118} they could obtain on the pretence of hunting. Word was secretly carried from man to man that, when a light was hoisted on the end of a flagstaff above the Benyowsky hut, all were to rally for the settlement across the ravine from the fort. The crisis came before the harbor had opened. Benyowsky was on a sled journey inland with the governor, when an exile came to him by night with word that one of the conspirators had lost his nerve and determined to save his own neck by confessing all to the governor. The traitor was even now hard on the trail to overtake the governor. Without a moment's wavering, Benyowsky sent the messenger with a flask of poisoned brandy back to meet the man. The Pole had scarcely returned to his hut in the exile village, when the governor's daughter came to him in tears. Ismyloff, a young Russian trader, who had all winter tried to join the conspirators as a spy, had been on the trail when the traitor was poisoned and was even now closeted with Governor Nilow. It was the night of April 23. No sooner had the daughter gone than the light was run up on the flagstaff, the bridge across the ravine broken down, arms dragged from hiding in the cellars, windows and doors barricaded, sentinels placed in hiding along the ditch between village and fort. For a whole day, no word came. Governor and chancellor were still busy examining witnesses. In the morning came a maid {119} from the governor's daughter with a red thread of warning, and none too soon, for at ten o'clock, a Cossack sergeant brought a polite invitation from the governor for the pleasure of M. Benyowsky's company at breakfast. M. Benyowsky returns polite regrets that he is slightly indisposed, but hopes to give himself the pleasure later. The sergeant winked his eyes and opined it was wiser to go by fair means than to be dragged by main force. The Pole advised the sergeant to make his will before repeating that threat. Noon saw two Cossacks and an officer thundering at the Pole's door. The door opened wide. In marched the soldiers, armed to the teeth; but before their clicking heels had ceased to mark time, the door was shut again. Benyowsky had whistled. A dozen exiles rose out of the floor. Cossacks and captors rolled in a heap. The soldiers were bound head to feet, and bundled into the cellar. Meanwhile the sentinels hidden in the ravine had captured Ismyloff, the nephew of the chancellor, and two other Russians, who were added to the captives in the cellar; and the governor changed his tactics. A letter was received from the governor's daughter pleading with her lover to come and be reconciled with her father, who had now no prejudice against the exiles; but in the letter were two or three tiny red threads such as might have {120} been pulled out of a dress sleeve. The letter had been written under force. Benyowsky's answer was to marshal his fifty-seven men in three divisions round the village; one round the house, the largest hidden in the dark on the fort side of the ravine, a decoy group stationed in the ditch to draw an attack. By midnight, the sentinels sent word that the main guard of Cossacks had reached the ravine. The decoy had made a feint of resistance. The Cossacks sent back to the fort for reinforcements. The Pole waited only till nearly all the Cossacks were on the ditch bank, then instructing the little band of decoys to keep up a sham fight, poured his main forces through the dark, across the plain at a run, for the fort. Palisades were scaled, gates broken down, guards stabbed where they stood! Benyowsky's men had the fort and the gates barricaded again before the governor could collect his senses. As Benyowsky entered the main rooms, the enraged commander seized a pistol, which missed fire, and sprang at the Pole's throat, roaring out he would see the exiles dead before he would surrender. The Pole, being lame, had swayed back under the onslaught, when the circular slash of a cutlass in the hand of an exile officer severed the governor's head from his body. Twenty-eight Cossacks were put to the sword inside the fort; but the exiles were not yet out of their troubles. Though they had seized the armed vessel at once and {121} transferred to the hold the entire loot of the fort,--furs, silks, supplies, gold,--it would be two weeks before the ice would leave the port. Meanwhile the two hundred defeated Cossacks had retreated to a hill, and sent coureurs scurrying for help to the other forts of Kamchatka. Within two weeks seven hundred Cossacks would be on the hills; and the exiles, whose supplies were on board the vessel, would be cut off in the fort and starved into surrender. No time to waste, Benyowsky! Not a woman or child was harmed, but every family in the fort was quickly rounded up in the chapel. Round this, outside, were piled chairs, furniture, pitch, tar, powder, whale-oil. Promptly at nine in the morning, three women and twelve young girls--wives and daughters of the Cossack officers--were despatched to the Cossack besiegers on the hill with word that unless the Cossacks surrendered their arms to the exiles and sent down fifty soldiers as hostages of safety for the exiles till the ship could sail--precisely at ten o'clock the church would be set on fire. The women were seen to ascend the hill. No signal came from the Cossacks. At a quarter past nine Benyowsky kindled fires at each of the four angles of the church. As the flames began to mount a forest of handkerchiefs and white sheets waved above the hill, and a host of men came spurring to the fort with all the Cossacks' arms and fifty-two hostages. {122} The exiles now togged themselves out in all the gay regimentals of the Russian officers. Salutes of triumph were fired from the cannon. A _Te Deum_ was sung. Feast and mad wassail filled both day and night till the harbor cleared. Even the Cossacks caught the madcap spirit of the escapade, and helped to load ammunition on the _St. Peter and Paul_. Nor were old wrongs forgiven. Ismyloff was bundled on the vessel in irons. The chancellor's secretary was seized and compelled to act as cook. Men, who had played the spy and tyrant, now felt the merciless knout. Witnesses, who had tried to pry into the exiles' plot, were hanged at the yard-arm. Nine women, relatives of exiles, who had been compelled to become the wives of Cossacks, now threw off the yoke of slavery, donned the costly Chinese silks, and joined the pirates. Among these was the governor's daughter, who was to have married a Cossack. On May 11, 1771, the Polish flag was run up on the _St. Peter and Paul_. The fort fired a God-speed--a heartily sincere one, no doubt--of twenty-one guns. Again the _Te Deum_ was chanted; again, the oath of obedience taken by kissing Benyowsky's sword; and at five o'clock in the evening the ship dropped down the river for the sea, with ninety-six exiles on board, of whom nine were women; one, an archdeacon; half a dozen, officers of the imperial army; one, a gentleman in waiting to the Empress; at least a dozen, convicts of the blackest dye. {123} The rest of Benyowsky's adventures read more like a page from some pirate romance than sober record of events on the west coast of America. Barely had the vessel rounded the southern cape of the peninsula into the Pacific, when Ismyloff, the young Russian trader, who had been carried on board in irons, rallied round Benyowsky such a clamor of mutineers, duels were fought on the quarter-deck, the malcontents clapped in handcuffs again, and the ringleaders tied to the masts, where knouting enough was laid on to make them sue for peace. The middle of May saw the vessel anchoring on the west coast of Bering Island, where a sharp lookout was kept for Russian fur traders, and armed men must go ashore to reconnoitre before Benyowsky dared venture from the ship. The Pole's position was chancy enough to satisfy even his melodramatic soul. Apart from four or five Swedes, the entire crew of ninety-six was Russian. Benyowsky was for sailing south at once to take up quarters on some South Sea island, or to claim the protection of some European power. The Russian exiles, of whom half were criminals, were for coasting the Pacific on pirate venture, and compelled the Pole to steer his vessel for the fur hunters' islands of Alaska. The men sent to reconnoitre Bering Island came back with word that while they were gathering driftwood on the south shore, they had heard shots and met five Russians belonging to a Saxon exile, who had {124} turned fur hunter, deposed the master of his ships, gathered one hundred exiles around him, and become a trader on his own account. The Saxon requested an interview with Benyowsky. What was the Pole to do? Was this a decoy to test his strength? Was the Saxon planning to scuttle the Pole's vessel, too? Benyowsky's answer was that he would be pleased to meet his Saxon comrade in arms on the south shore, each side to approach with four men only, laying down arms instantly on sight of each other. The two exile pirates met. Each side laid down arms as agreed. Ochotyn, the Saxon, was a man of thirty-six years, who had come an exile on fur trading vessels, gathered a crew of one hundred and thirty-four around him, and, like the Pole, become a pirate. His plan in meeting Benyowsky was to propose vengeance on Russia: let the two ships unite, go back to Siberia, and sack the Russian ports on the Pacific. But the Pole had had enough of Russia. He contented himself with presenting his brother pirate with one hundred pounds of ammunition; and the two exiles sat round a campfire of driftwood far into the night, spinning yarns of blasted hopes back in Europe, and desperate venture here on the Pacific. The Saxon's headquarters were on Kadiak, where he had formed alliance with the Indians. Hither he advised the Pole to sail for a cargo of furs. Ismyloff, the mutineer, was marooned on Bering Island. Ice-drift had seemed to bar the way {125} northward through Bering Straits. June saw Benyowsky far eastward at Kadiak on the south shore of Alaska, gathering in a cargo of furs; and from the sea-otter fields of Kadiak and Oonalaska, Benyowsky sailed southwest, past the smoking volcanoes of the Aleutians, vaguely heading for some of those South Sea islands of which he used to read in the exile village of Kamchatka. Not a man of the crew knew as much about navigation as a schoolboy. They had no idea where they were going, or where the ship was. As day after day slipped past with no sight but the heaving sea, the Russian landsmen became restive. Provisions had dwindled to one fish a day; and scarcely a pint of water for each man was left in the hold. In flying from Siberian exile, were they courting a worse fate? Stephanow, the criminal convict, who had crossed Siberia with the Pole, dashed on deck demanding a better allowance of water as the ship entered warmer and warmer zones. The next thing the Pole knew, Stephanow had burst open the barrel hoops of the water kegs to quench his thirst. By the time the guard had gone down the main hatch to intercept him, Stephanow and a band of Russian mutineers had trundled the brandy casks to the deck and were in a wild debauch. The main hatch was clapped down, leaving the mutineers in possession of the deck, till all fell in drunken torpor, when Benyowsky rushed his soldiers up the fore scuttle, snapped handcuffs on {126} the rebels, and tied them to the masts. In the midst of this disorder, such a hurricane broke over the ocean that the tossing yard-arms alternately touched water. To be sure, Benyowsky had escaped exile; but his ship was a hornets' nest. After the storm all hands were busy sewing new sails. The old sails were distributed as trousers for the ragamuffin crew. For ten days no food was tasted but soup made from sea-otter skins. Then birds were seen, and seaweed drifted past the vessel; and a wild hope mounted every heart of reaching some part of Japan. On sunset of July 15, the Pole's watch-dog was noticed standing at the bow, sniffing and barking. Two or three of the ship's hands dashed up to the masthead, vowing they would not come down till they saw land. Suddenly the lookout shouted, Land! The exiles forgot their woes. Even the mutineers tied to the masts cheered. Darker and darker grew the cloud on the horizon. By daybreak the cloud had resolved itself to a shore before the eager eyes of the watching crew. The ship had scarcely anchored before every man was overboard in a wild rush for the fresh water to be found on land. Tents were pitched on the island; and the wanderers of the sea rested. It is no part of this narrative to tell of Benyowsky's adventures on Luzon of the Philippines, or the Ladrones,--whichever it was,--how he scuttled {127} Japanese sampans of gold and pearls, fought a campaign in Formosa, and wound up at Macao, China, where all the rich cargo of sea-otter brought from America was found to be water rotted; and Stephanow, the criminal convict, left the Pole destitute by stealing and selling all the Japanese loot. This part of the story does not concern America; and the Pole's whole life has been told by Jokai, the Hungarian novelist, and Kotzebue, the Russian dramatist. Benyowsky got passage to Europe from China on one of the East India Company ships, whose captain was uneasy enough at having so many pirates on board. In France he obtained an appointment to look after French forts in Madagascar; but this was too tame an undertaking for the adventure-loving Pole. He threw up his appointment, returned to Europe, interested English merchants in a new venture, sailed to Baltimore in the _Robert Anne_ of twenty cannon and four hundred and fifty tons, interested merchants there in his schemes, and departed from Baltimore October 25, 1784, to conquer Madagascar and set up an independent commercial government. Here he was slain by the French troops on the 23d of May, 1786--to the ruin of those Baltimore and London merchants who had advanced him capital. His own account of his adventures is full of gross exaggerations; but even the Russians were so impressed with the prowess of his valor that a few years later, when Cook sailed to Alaska, Ismyloff could not be brought to mention his name; {128} and when the English ships went on to Kamchatka, they found the inhabitants hidden in the cellars, for fear the Polish pirate had returned. But like many heroes of misfortune, Benyowsky could not stand success. It turned his head. He entered Macao with the airs of an emperor, that at once discredited him with the solid people. If he had returned to the west coast of America, as a fur trader, he might have wrested more honors from Russia; but his scheme to capture an island of which he was to be king, ended in ruin for himself and his friends.[1] [1] It may as well be acknowledged that Mauritius Augustus, Count Benyowsky (pronounced by himself Be-nyov-sky), is a liar without a peer among the adventurers of early American history. If it were not that his life was known to the famous men of his time, his entire memoirs from 1741 to 1771 might be rejected as fiction of the yellow order; but the comical thing is, the mendacious fellow cut a tremendous swath in his day. The garrisons of Kamchatka trembled at his name twenty-five years after his escapades. Ismyloff, who became a famous trader in the Russian Fur Company, could not be induced to open his mouth about the Pole to Cook, and actually made use of the universal fear of Benyowsky among Russians, to keep Cook from learning Russian fur trade secrets, when the Englishman went to Kamchatka, by representing that Cook was a pirate, too. The _Gentleman's Magazine_ for June, 1772, contained a letter from Canton, dated November 19, 1771, giving a full account of the pirate's arrival there with his mutineers and women refugees. The Bishop Le Bon of Macao writes, September 24, 1771: "Out of his equipage, there remain no more than eight men in health. All the rest are confined to their beds. For two months they suffered hunger and thirst." Captain King of Cook's staff writes of Kamchatka: "We were informed that an exiled Polish officer named Beniowski had seized upon a galliott, lying at the entrance of the harbor, and had forced on board a number of Russian sailors, sufficient to navigate her; that he had put on shore a part of the crew . . . among the rest, Ismyloff." In Paris he met and interested Benjamin Franklin. Hyacinth de Magellan, a descendant of the great discoverer, advanced Benyowsky money for the Madagascar filibustering expedition. So did certain merchants of Baltimore in 1785. On leaving England, Benyowsky gave his memoirs to Magellan, who passed their editing over to William Nicholson of the Royal Society, by {129} whom they were given to the world in 1790. German, French, and Russian translations followed. This called forth Russia's account of the matter, written by Ivan Ryumin, edited by Berg, St. Petersburg, 1822. These accounts, with the facts as cited from contemporaries, enable one to check the preposterous exaggerations of the Pole. Of late years, between drama and novels, quite a Benyowsky literature has sprung up about this Cagliostro of the sea. His record in the continental armies preceding his exile would fill a book by itself; and throughout all, Benyowsky appears in the same light, an unscrupulous braggart lying gloriously, but withal as courageous as he was mendacious. [Transcriber's note: the "e" and "o" in the above "Be-nyov-sky" are actually e-macron (Unicode U+0113) and o-macron (Unicode U+014D).] {131} PART II AMERICAN AND ENGLISH ADVENTURERS ON THE WEST COAST OF AMERICA--FRANCIS DRAKE IN CALIFORNIA--COOK, FROM BRITISH COLUMBIA TO ALASKA--LEDYARD, THE FORERUNNER OF LEWIS AND CLARK--GRAY, THE DISCOVERER OF THE COLUMBIA--VANCOUVER, THE LAST OF THE WEST COAST NAVIGATORS {133} CHAPTER VI 1562-1595 FRANCIS DRAKE IN CALIFORNIA How the Sea Rover was attacked and ruined as a Boy on the Spanish Main off Mexico--His Revenge in sacking Spanish Treasure Houses and crossing Panama--The Richest Man in England, he sails to the Forbidden Sea, scuttles all the Spanish Ports up the West Coast of South America and takes Possession of New Albion (California) for England If a region were discovered where gold was valued less than cartloads of clay, and ropes of pearls could be obtained in barter for strings of glass beads, the modern mind would have some idea of the frenzy that prevailed in Spain after the discovery of America by Columbus. Native temples were found in Chile, in Peru, in Central America, in Mexico, where gold literally lined the walls, silver paved the floors, and handfuls of pearls were as thoughtlessly thrown in the laps of the conquerors as shells might be tossed at a modern clam-bake. Within half a century from the time Spain first learned of America, Cortés not only penetrated Mexico, but sent his corsairs up the west coast of the {134} continent. Pizarro conquered Peru. Spanish ships plied a trade rich beyond dreams of avarice between the gold realms of Peru and the spice islands of the Philippines. The chivalry of the Spanish nobility suddenly became a chivalry of the high seas. Religious zeal burned to a flame against those gold-lined pagan temples. It was easy to believe that the transfer of wedges of pure gold from heathen hands to Spain was a veritable despoiling of the devil's treasure boxes, glorious in the sight of God. The trackless sea became the path to fortune. Balboa had deeper motives than loyalty, when, in 1513, on his march across Panama and discovery of the Pacific, he rushed mid-deep into the water, shouting out in swelling words that he took possession of earth, air, and water for Spain "for all time, past, present, or to come, without contradiction, . . . north and south, with all the seas from the Pole Arctic to the Pole Antarctic, . . . both now, and as long as the world endures, until the final day of judgment." [1] Shorn of noise, the motive was simply to shut out the rest of the world from Spain's treasure box. The Monroe Doctrine was not yet born. _The whole Pacific was to be a closed sea_! To be sure, Vasco da Gama had found the way round the Cape of Good Hope to the Indian Ocean; and Magellan soon after passed through the strait of his name below South America {135} right into the Pacific Ocean; but round the world by the Indian Ocean was a far cry for tiny craft of a few hundred tons; and the Straits of Magellan were so storm-bound, it soon became a common saying that they were a closed door. Spain sent her sailors across Panama to build ships for the Pacific. The sea that bore her treasure craft--millions upon millions of pounds sterling in pure gold, silver, emeralds, pearls--was as closed to the rest of the world as if walled round with only one chain-gate; and that at Panama, where Spain kept the key. That is, the sea _was_ shut till Drake came coursing round the world; and his coming was so utterly impossible to the Spanish mind that half the treasure ships scuttled by the English pirate mistook him for a visiting Spaniard till the rallying cry, "God and Saint George!" wakened them from their dream. It was by accident the English first found themselves in the waters of the Spanish Main. John Hawkins had been cruising the West Indies exchanging slaves for gold, when an ominous stillness fell on the sea. The palm trees took on the hard glister of metal leaves. The sunless sky turned yellow, the sea to brass; and before the six English ships could find shelter, a hurricane broke that flailed the fleet under sails torn to tatters clear across the Gulf of Mexico to Vera Cruz, the stronghold of Spanish power. [Illustration: Sir John Hawkins.] But Hawkins feared neither man nor devil. He {136} reefed his storm-torn sails, had the stoppers pulled out of his cannon in readiness, his gunners alert, ran up the English ensign, and boldly towed his fleet into port directly under Spanish guns. Sending a messenger ashore, he explained that he was sorry to intrude on forbidden waters, but that he needed to careen his ships for the repair of leakages, and now asked permission from the viceroy to refit. Perhaps, in his heart, the English adventurer wasn't sorry to get an inner glimpse of Mexico's defences. As he waited for permission, there sailed into the harbor the Spanish fleet itself, twelve merchantmen rigged as frigates, loaded with treasure to the value of one million eight hundred thousand pounds. The viceroy of Mexico, Don Martin Henriquez himself, commanded the fleet. English and Spanish ships dipped colors to each other as courteous hidalgoes might have doffed hats; and the guns roared each other salutes, that set the seas churning. Master John Hawkins quaffed mug after mug of foaming beer with a boisterous boast that if the Spaniards thought to frighten _him_ with a waste of powder and smoke, he could play the same game, and "singe the don's beard." Came a messenger, then, clad in mail to his teeth, very pompous, very gracious, very profuse of welcome, with a guarantee in writing from the viceroy of security for Hawkins while dismantling the English ships. In order to avoid clashes among the common soldiers, the fortified island was assigned for the English to {137} disembark. It was the 12th of August, 1568. Darkness fell with the warm velvet caress of a tropic sea. Half the crew had landed, half the cannon been trundled ashore for the vessels to be beached next day, when Hawkins noticed torches--a thousand torches--glistening above the mailed armor of a thousand Spanish soldiers marching down from the fort and being swiftly transferred to the frigates. A blare of Spanish trumpets blew to arms! The waters were suddenly alight with the flare of five fire-rafts drifting straight where the disarmed English fleet lay moored. Hawkins had just called his page to hand round mugs of beer, when a cannon-shot splintering through the mast arms overhead ripped the tankard out of his hand.[2] "God and Saint George," thundered the enraged Englishman, "down with the traitorous devils!" No time to save sailors ashore! The blazing rafts had already bumped keels with the moored fleet. No chance to raise anchors! The Spanish frigates were already abreast in a life-and-death grapple, soldiers boarding the English decks, sabring the crews, hurling hand grenades down the hatches to blow up the powder magazines. Hawkins roared "to cut the cables." It was a hand-to-hand slaughter on decks slippery with blood. No light but the musketry fire and glare of burning masts! The little English company were fighting like a wild beast trapped, when with a {138} thunderclap that tore bottom out of hull--Hawkins's ship flew into mid-air, a flaring, fiery wreck--then sank in the heaving trough of the sea, carrying down five hundred Spaniards to a watery grave. Cutlass in hand, head over heels went Hawkins into the sea. The hell of smoke, of flaming mast poles, of blazing musketry, of churning waters--hid him. Then a rope's end flung out by some friend gave handhold. He was up the sides of a ship, that had cut hawsers and off before the fire-rafts came! Sails were hoisted to the seaward breeze. In the carnage of fire and blood, the Spaniards did not see the two smallest English vessels scudding before the wind as if fiend-chased. Every light on the decks was put out. Then the dark of the tropic night hid them. Without food, without arms, with scarcely a remnant of their crews--the two ships drifted to sea. Not a man of the sailors ashore escaped. All were butchered, or taken prisoners for a fate worse than butchery--to be torn apart in the market-place of Vera Cruz, baited in the streets to the yells of on-lookers, hung by the arms to out-of-doors scaffolding to die by inches, or be torn by vultures. The two ships at sea were in terrible plight. North, west, south was the Spanish foe. Food there was none. The crews ate the dogs, monkeys, parrots on board. Then they set traps for the rats of the hold. The starving seamen begged to be marooned. They would risk Spanish cruelty to escape starvation. Hawkins landed {139} three-quarters of the remnant crews either in Yucatan or Florida. Then he crept lamely back to England, where he moored in January, 1569. Of the six splendid ships that had spread their sails from Plymouth, only the _Minion_ and _Judith_ came back; and those two had been under command of a thick-set, stocky, red-haired English boy about twenty-four years of age--Francis Drake of Devon, one of twelve sons of a poor clergyman, who eked out a living by reading prayers for the Queen's Navy Sundays, playing sailor week days. Francis, the eldest son, was born in the hull of an old vessel where the family had taken refuge in time of religious persecution. In spite of his humble origin, Sir Francis Russell had stood his godfather at baptism. The Earl of Bedford had been his patron. John Hawkins, a relative, supplied money for his education. Apprenticed before the mast from his twelfth year, Drake became purser to Biscay at eighteen; and so faithfully had he worked his way, when the master of the sloop died, it was bequeathed to young Drake. Emulous of becoming a great sailor like Hawkins, Drake sold the sloop and invested everything he owned in Hawkins's venture to the West Indies. He was ruined to his last penny by Spanish treachery. It was almost a religion for England to hate Spain at that time. Drake hated tenfold more now. Spain had taught the world to keep off her treasure box. Would Drake accept the lesson, or challenge it? {140} Men who master destiny rise, like the Phenix, from the ashes of their own ruin. In the language of the street, when they fall--these men of destiny--they make a point of falling _up_stairs. Amid the ruin of massacre in Mexico, Drake brought away one fact--memory of Spanish gold to the value of one million eight hundred thousand pounds. Where did it come from? Was the secret of that gold the true reason for Spain's resentment against all intruders? Drake had coasted Florida and the West Indies. He knew they yielded no such harvest. Then it must come from one of three other regions--South America, Central America, Mexico. For two years Drake prospected for the sources of that golden wealth. In the _Dragon_ and _Swan_, he cruised the Spanish Main during 1570. In 1571 he was out again in the _Swan_. By 1572 he knew the secret of that gold--gold in ship-loads, in caravans of one thousand mules, in masses that filled from cellar to attic of the King's Treasure House, where tribute of one-fifth was collected for royalty. It came from the subjugated Kingdom of Peru, by boat up the Pacific to the Port of Panama, by pack-train across the isthmus--mountainous, rugged, forests of mangroves tangled with vines, bogs that were bottomless--to Nombre de Dios, the Spanish fort on the Atlantic side, which had become the storehouse of all New Spain. Drake took counsel of no one. Next year he was back on the Spanish Main, in the {141} _Pacha_, forty-seven men; his brother John commanding the _Swan_ with twenty-six of a crew, only one man older than fifty, the rest mere boys with hate in their hearts for Spanish blood, love in their hearts for Spanish gold. Touching at a hidden cove for provisions left the year before, Drake found this warning from a former comrade, stuck to the bark of a tree by a hunting knife:-- "_Captain Drake--if you do fortune into this port, haste away; for the Spaniards have betrayed this place, and taken all away that you left here--your loving friend--John Garret._" Heeding the warning, Drake hastened away to the Isle of Pinos, off the isthmus, left the ships at a concealed cove here, armed fifty-three of his boldest fellows with muskets, crossbows, pikes, and spontoons. Then he called for drummers and trumpeters, and rowed in a small boat for Nombre de Dios, the treasure house of New Spain. The small boat kept on the offing till dark, then sent ashore for some Indians--half-breeds whom Spanish cruelty had driven to revolt. This increased Drake's force to one hundred and fifty men. Silently, just as the moon emerged from clouds lighting up harbor and town, the long-boat glided into Nombre de Dios. A high platform, mounted with brass cannon, fronted the water. Behind were thirty houses, thatch-roofed, whitewashed, palisaded, surrounded by courtyards with an almost European pomp. The King's Treasure House stood at one end of the market. Near it was a chapel with high wooden steeple. {142} A Spanish ship lay furled in port. From this glided out a punt poled like mad by a Spaniard racing to reach the platform first. Drake got athwart the fellow's path, knocked him over, gagged his yells, and was up the platform before the sleepy gunner on guard was well awake. The sentry only paused to make sure that the men scrambling up the fort were not ghosts. Then he tore at the top of his speed for the alarm-bell of the chapel and, clapping down the hatch door of the steeple stairs in the faces of the pursuing Englishmen, rang the bells like a demon possessed. Leaving twelve men to hold the platform as a retreat, Drake sent sixteen to attack the King's Treasure just at the moment he himself, with his hundred men, should succeed in drawing the entire Spanish garrison to a sham battle on the market-place. The cannon on the platform were spiked and overturned. Drums beating, trumpets blowing, torches aflare, the English freebooter marched straight to the market. Up at the Treasure House, John Drake and Oxenham had burst open the doors of the store-room just as the saddled mules came galloping to carry the booty beyond danger. A lighted candle on the cellar stair showed silver piled bar on bar to the value of one million pounds. Down on the market, the English trumpeter lay dead. Drake had fallen from a sword slash and, snatched up by comrades, the wound stanched by a scarf, was carried back to the boat, where the raiders made good their escape, richer by a million pounds with the loss of only one man. {143} Drake cruised the Spanish Main for six more months. From the Indians he learned that the mule trains with the yearly output of Peruvian gold would leave the Pacific in midwinter to cross overland to Nombre de Dios. No use trying to raid the fort again! Spain would not be caught napping a second time. But Pedro, a Panama Indian, had volunteered to guide a small band of lightly equipped English inland behind Nombre de Dios, to the halfway house where the gold caravans stopped. The audacity of the project is unparalleled. Eighteen boys led by a man not yet in his thirtieth year accompanied by Indians were to invade a tangled thicket of hostile country, cut off from retreat, the forts of the enemy--the cruelest enemy in Christendom--on each side, no provisions but what each carried in his haversack! Led by the Indian Pedro, the freebooters struck across country, picked up the trail behind Nombre de Dios, marched by night, hid by day, Indian scouts sending back word when a Spaniard was seen, the English scudding to ambush in the tangled woods. Twelve days and nights they marched. At ten in the morning of February 11, they were on the Great Divide. Pedro led Drake to the top of the hill. Up the trunk of an enormous tree, the Indians had cut steps to a kind of bower, or lookout. Up clambered Francis Drake. Then he looked westward. Mountains, hills, forested valleys, rolled from his feet westward. Beyond--what? The shining {144} expanse of the fabled South Sea! The Pacific silver in the morning light! A New World of Waters, where the sun's track seemed to pave a new path, a path of gold, to the mystic Orient! Never before had English eyes seen these waters! Never yet English prow cut these waves! Where did they lead--the endlessly rolling billows? For Drake, they seemed to lead to a New World of Dreams--dreams of gold, of glory, of immortal fame. He came down from the lookout so overcome with a great inspiration that he could not speak. Then, as with Balboa, the fire of a splendid enthusiasm lighted up the mean purposes of the adventurer to a higher manhood. Before his followers, he fell on his knees and prayed Almighty God to grant him the supreme honor of sailing an English ship on that sea! That night the Indian came back with word that the mule train laden with gold was close on the trail. Drake scattered his men on each side of the road flat on their faces in high grass. Wealth was almost in their grasp. Hope beat riotous in the young bloods. No sound but the whir of wings as great tropic insects flitted through the dark with flashes of fire; or the clank of a soldier unstrapping haversack to steel courage by a drink of grog! An hour passed! Two hours before the eager ears pressed to earth detected a padded hoof-beat over grass. Then a bell tinkled, as the leader of the pack came in sight. Drunk with the glory of the day, or too much grog, some fool sailor leaped in {145} mid-air with an exultant yell! In a second the mule train had stampeded. By the time Drake came to the halfway house,[3] the gold was hidden in the woods, and the Spaniards fleeing for their lives; though an old chronicle declares "the general" went from house to house assuring the Spanish ladies they were safe. The Spaniards of Tierra Firme were simply paralyzed with fright at the apparition of pirates in the centre of the kingdom. Then scouts brought word of double danger: on the Atlantic side, Spanish frigates were searching for Drake's ships; from the Pacific, two hundred horsemen were advancing in hot pursuit. Between the two--was he trapped?--Not he! Overland went a scout to the ships--Drake's own gold toothpick as token--bidding them keep offshore; he would find means to come out to them. Then he retreated over the trail at lightning pace, sleeping only in ambush, eating in snatches, coming out on the coast far distant from Nombre de Dios and Spanish frigates. Binding driftwood into a raft, Drake hoisted sail of flour sacks. Saying good-by to the Indian, the freebooter noticed Pedro's eyes wander to the gold-embossed Turkish cimeter in his own hand, and at once presented scabbard and blade to the astonished savage. In gratitude the Indian tossed three wedges of gold to the raft now sheering out with the tide to sea. These Drake gave {146} to his men. Six hours the raft was drifting to the sails on the offing, and such seas were slopping across the water-logged driftwood, the men were to their waists in water when the sail-boats came to the rescue. On Sunday morning, August 9, 1573, the ships were once more in Plymouth. Whispers ran through the assembled congregations of the churches that Drake, the bold sea-rover, was entering port loaded with foreign treasure; and out rushed every man, woman, and child, leaving the scandalized preachers thundering to empty pews. Drake was now one of the richest men in England. At his own cost he equipped three frigates for service under Essex in Ireland, and through the young Earl was introduced to the circle of Elizabeth's advisers. To the Queen he told his plans for sailing an English ship on the South Sea. To her, no doubt, he related the tales of Spanish gold freighting that sea, closed to the rest of the world. Good reason for England--Spain's enemy--to prove that the ocean, like air, was free to all nations! The Pope's Bull dividing off the southern hemisphere between Portugal and Spain mattered little to a nation belligerently Protestant, and less to a seaman whose dauntless daring had raised him from a wharf-rat to Queen's adviser. Elizabeth could not yet wound Spain openly; but she received Drake in audience, and presented him a magnificent sword with the words--"Who striketh thee, Drake, striketh us!" [Illustration: Queen Elizabeth knighting Drake.] {147} Five ships, this time, he led out from Plymouth in November of 1577. Gales drove him back. It was December before his fleet was at sea--the _Pelican_ of one hundred tons and twenty or thirty cannon under Drake, Thomas Doughty, a courtier second to Drake, the _Elizabeth_ of eighty tons, the _Swan_, _Christopher_, and _Marygold_ no larger than fishing schooners; manned in all by one hundred and sixty sailors, mostly boys. Outward bound for trade in Egypt, the world was told, but as merchantmen, the ships were regally equipped--Drake in velvets and gold braid, served by ten young gentlemen of noble birth, who never sat or covered in his presence without permission; service of gold plate at the mess table, where Drake dined alone like a king to the music of viols and harps; military drill at every port, and provisions enough aboard to go round the world, not just to Egypt. January saw the fleet far enough from Egypt, at the islands off the west coast of Africa, where three vessels were scuttled, the crews all put ashore but one Portuguese pilot carried along to Brazil as guide. Thomas Doughty now fell in disfavor by openly acting as equal in command with Drake. Not in Egypt, but at Port St. Julian--a southern harbor of South America--anchored Drake's fleet. The scaffold where Magellan had executed mutineers half a century before still stood in the sands. The _Christopher_ had already been sent adrift as useless. The _Swan_ was now broken up as unseaworthy, {148} leaving only the _Pelican_, the _Elizabeth_, and the _Marygold_. One thing more remained to be done--the greatest blot across the glory of Drake. Doughty was defiant, a party growing in his favor. When sent as prisoner to the _Marygold_, he had angered every man of the crew by high-handed authority. Drake dared not go on to unknown, hostile seas with a mutiny, or the chance of a mutiny brewing. Whether justly or unjustly, Doughty was tried at Port St. Julian under the shadow of Magellan's old scaffold, for disrespect to his commander and mutiny; and was pronounced guilty by a jury of twelve. A council of forty voted his death. The witnesses had contradicted themselves as if in terror of Drake's displeasure; and some plainly pleaded that the jealous crew of the _Marygold_ were doing an innocent gentleman to death. The one thing Drake would not do, was carry the trouble maker along on the voyage. Like dominant spirits world over, he did not permit a life more or less to obstruct his purpose. He granted Doughty a choice of fates--to be marooned in Patagonia, or suffer death on the spot. Protesting his innocence, Doughty spurned the least favor from his rival. He refused the choice. Solemnly the two, accuser and accused, took Holy Communion together. Solemnly each called on God as witness to the truth. A day each spent in prayer, these pirate fellows, who mixed their religion with their robbery, perhaps using piety as sugar-coating for their ill-deeds. Then they dined together in the {149} commander's tent,--Fletcher, the horrified chaplain, looking on,--drank hilariously to each other's healths, to each other's voyage whatever the end might be, looked each in the eye of the other without quailing, talking nonchalantly, never flinching courage nor balking at the grim shadow of their own stubborn temper. Doughty then rose to his feet, drank his last bumper, thanked Drake graciously for former kindness, walked calmly out to the old scaffold, laid his head on the block, and suffered death. Horror fell on the crew. Even Drake was shaken from his wonted calm; for he sat apart, his velvet cloak thrown back, slapping his crossed knees, and railing at the defenders of the dead man.[4] To rouse the men, he had solemn service held for the crew, and for the first time revealed to them his project for the voyage on the Pacific. After painting the glories of a campaign against Spanish ports of the South Seas, he wound up an inspiriting address with the rousing assurance that after this voyage, "_the worst boy aboard would never nede to goe agayne to sea, but be able to lyve in England like a right good gentleman_." Fletcher, the chaplain, who secretly advocated the dead man's cause, was tied to a mast pole in bilboes, with the inscription hung to his neck--"_Falsest knave that liveth_." On August 17 they departed from "the port {150} accursed," for the Straits of Magellan, that were to lead to Spanish wealth on the Pacific.[5] The superstitious crews' fears of disaster for the death of Doughty seemed to become very real in the terrific tempests that assailed the three ships as they entered the straits. Gales lashed the cross tides to a height of thirty feet, threatening to swamp the little craft. Mountains emerged shadowy through the mists on the south. Roiling waters met the prows from end to end of the straits. Topsails were dipped, psalms of thanks chanted, and prayers held as the ships came out on the west side into the Pacific on the 6th of September. In honor of the first English vessel to enter this ocean, Drake renamed his ship "_Golden Hind_." {151} The gales continued so furiously, Drake jocosely called the sea, _Mare Furiosum_, instead of Pacific. The first week of October storms compelled the vessels to anchor. In the raging darkness that night, the explosive rip of a snapping hawser was heard behind the stern of the _Golden Hind_. Fearful cries rose from the waves for help. The dark form of a phantom ship lurched past in the running seas--the _Marygold_ adrift, loose from her anchor, driving to the open storm; fearful judgment--as the listeners thought--for the crew's false testimony against Doughty; for, as one old record states, "they could by no means help {152} spooming along before the sea;" and the _Marygold_ was never more seen. [Illustration: The Golden Hind.] Meanwhile like disaster had befallen the _Golden Hind_, the cable snapping weak as thread against the drive of tide and wind. Only the _Elizabeth_ kept her anchor grip, and her crew became so panic-stricken, they only waited till the storm abated, then turned back through the straits, swift heels to the stormy, ill-fated sea, and steered straight for England, where they moored in June. Towed by the _Golden Hind_, now driving southward before the tempest, was a jolly-boat with eight men. The mountain seas finally wrenched the tow-rope from the big ship, and the men were adrift in the open boat. Their fortunes are a story in itself. Only one of the eight survived to reach England after nine years' wandering in Brazil.[6] Onward, sails furled, bare poles straining to the storm, drifted Drake in the _Golden Hind_. Luck, that so often favors daring, or the courage, that is its own talisman, kept him from the rocks. With battened hatches he drove before what he could not {153} stem, southward and south, clear down where Atlantic and Pacific met at Cape Horn, now for the first time seen by navigator. Here at last, on October 30, came a lull. Drake landed, and took possession of this earth's end for the Queen. Then he headed his prow northward for the forbidden waters of the Pacific bordering New Spain. Not a Spaniard was seen up to the Bay of San Filipe off Chile, where by the end of November Drake came on an Indian fisherman. Thinking the ship Spanish, the fellow offered to pilot her back eighteen miles to the harbor of Valparaiso. Spanish vessels lay rocking to the tide as Drake glided into the port. So utterly impossible was it deemed for any foreign ship to enter the Pacific, that the Spanish commander of the fleet at anchor dipped colors in salute to the pirate heretic, thinking him a messenger from Spain, and beat him a rattling welcome on the drum as the _Golden Hind_ knocked keels with the Spanish bark. Drake, doubtless, smiled as he returned the salute by a wave of his plumed hat. The Spaniards actually had wine jars out to drown the newcomers ashore, when a quick clamping of iron hooks locked the Spanish vessel in death grapple to the _Golden Hind_. An English sailor leaped over decks to the Spanish galleon with a yell of "_Downe, Spanish dogges_!" The crew of sixty English pirates had swarmed across the vessel like hornets before the poor hidalgo knew what had happened. Head over heels, down the hatchway, reeled the astonished dons. Drake clapped down {154} hatches, and had the Spaniards trapped while his men went ashore to sack the town. One Spaniard had succeeded in swimming across to warn the port.[7] When Drake landed, the entire population had fled to the hills. Rich plunder in wedges of pure gold, and gems, was carried off from the fort. Not a drop of blood was shed. Crews of the scuttled vessels were set ashore, the dismantled ships sent drifting to open sea. The whole fiasco was conducted as harmlessly as a melodrama, with a moral thrown in; for were not these zealous Protestants despoiling these zealous Catholics, whose zeal, in turn, had led them to despoil the Indian? There was a moral; but it wore a coat of many colors. [Illustration: Francis Drake.] The Indian was rewarded, and a Greek pilot forced on board to steer to Lima, the great treasury of Peruvian gold. Giving up all hope of the other English vessels joining him, Drake had paused at Coquimbo to put together a small sloop, when down swooped five hundred Spanish soldiers. In the wild scramble for the _Golden Hind_, one sailor was left behind. He was torn to pieces by the Spaniards before the eyes of Drake's crew. Northling again sailed Drake, piloted inshore by the Greek to Tarapaca, where Spanish treasure was sent out over the hills to await the call of ship; and sure enough, sound asleep in the sunlight, fatigued from his trip lay a Spanish carrier, {155} thirteen bars of silver piled beside him on the sand. When that carrier wakened, the ship had called! Farther on the English moored and went inland to see if more treasure might be coming over the hills. Along the sheep trails came a lad whistling as he drove eight Peruvian sheep laden with black leather sacks full of gold. Drake's men were intoxicated with their success. It was impossible to attack Panama with only the _Golden Hind_; but what if the _Golden Hind_ could catch the _Glory of the South Seas_--the splendid Spanish galleon that yearly carried Peruvian gold up to Panama? Drake gained first news of the treasure ship being afloat while he was rifling three barks at Aricara below Lima; but he knew coureurs were already speeding overland to warn the capital against the _Golden Hind_. Drake pressed sail to outstrip the land messenger, and glided into Callao, the port of Lima, before the thirty ships lying dismantled had the slightest inkling of his presence. Viceroy Don Francisco de Toledo of Lima thought the overland coureur mad. A pirate heretic in the South Seas! Preposterous! Some Spanish rascal had turned pirate; so the governor gathered up two thousand soldiers to march with all speed for Callao, with hot wrath and swift punishment for the culprit. Drake had already sacked Callao, but he had missed the treasure ship. She had just left for Panama. The _Golden Hind_ was lying outside the port becalmed {156} when Don Toledo came pouring his two thousand soldiers down to the wharves. The Spaniards dashed to embark on the rifled ships with a wild halloo! He was becalmed, the blackguard pirate,--whoever he was,--they would tow out! Divine Providence had surely given him into their hands; but just as they began rowing might and main, a fresh wind ruffled the water. The _Golden Hind_ spread her wings to the wind and was off like a bird! Drake knew no ship afloat could outsail his swift little craft; and the Spaniards had embarked in such haste, they had come without provisions. Famine turned the pursuers back near the equator, the disgusted viceroy hastening to equip frigates that would catch the English pirate when famine must compel him to head southward. Drake slackened sail to capture another gold cargo. The crew of this caravel were so grateful to be put ashore instead of having their throats cut, that they revealed to Drake the stimulating fact that the _Glory of the South Seas_, the treasure ship, was only two days ahead laden with golden wealth untold. It was now a wild race for gold--for gold enough to enrich every man of the crew; for treasure that might buy up half a dozen European kingdoms and leave the buyer rich; for gold in huge slabs the shape of the legendary wedges long ago given the rulers of the Incas by the descendants of the gods; gold to be had for the taking by the striking of one sure blow at England's enemy! Drake called on the crew to acquit {157} themselves like men. The sailors answered with a shout. Every inch of sail was spread. Old muskets and cutlasses were scoured till they shone like the sun. Men scrambled up the mast poles to gaze seaward for sight of sail to the fore. Every nerve was braced. They were now across the equator. A few hundred miles more, and the _Glory of the South Seas_ would lie safe inside the strong harbor of Panama. Drake ordered the thirty cannon ready for action, and in a loud voice offered the present of his own golden chain to the man who should first descry the sails of the Spanish treasure. For once his luck failed him. The wind suddenly fell. Before Drake needed to issue the order, his "brave boys" were over decks and out in the small boats rowing for dear life, towing the _Golden Hind_. Day or night from February twenty-fourth, they did not slack, scarcely pausing to eat or sleep. Not to lose the tremendous prize by seeing the _Glory of the South Seas_ sail into Panama Bay at the last lap of the desperate race, had these bold pirates ploughed a furrow round the world, daring death or devil! At three in the afternoon of March the 1st, John Drake, the commander's brother, shouted out from the mast top where he clung, "Sail ho!" and the blood of every Englishman aboard jumped to the words! At six in the evening, just off Cape Francisco, they were so close to the _Glory of the South Seas_, they could see that she was compelled to sail slowly, owing to the weight of her cargo. So unaware of danger was {158} the captain that he thought Drake some messenger sent by the viceroy, and instead of getting arms in readiness and pressing sail, he lowered canvas, came to anchor, and waited![8] Drake's announcement was a roaring cannonade that blew the mast poles off the Spanish ship, crippling her like a bird with wings broken. For the rest, the scene was what has been enacted wherever pirates have played their game--a furious fusillade from the cannon mouths belching from decks and port-holes, the unscathed ship riding down on the staggering victim like a beast on its prey, the clapping of the grappling hooks that bound the captive to the sides of her victor, the rush over decks, the flash of naked sword, the decks swimming in blood, and the quick surrender. The booty from this treasure ship was roughly estimated at twenty-six tons of pure silver, thirteen chests of gold plate, eighty pounds of pure gold, and precious jewels--emeralds and pearls--to the value in modern money of seven hundred and twenty thousand dollars. Drake realized now that he dared not return to England by the Straits of Magellan. All the Spanish frigates of the Pacific were on the watch. The _Golden Hind_ was so heavily freighted with treasure, it was actually necessary to lighten ballast by throwing spices and silks overboard. One can guess that the orchestra played a stirring refrain off Cape Francisco that night. The Northeast Passage from Asia to Europe was {159} still a myth of the geographers. Drake's friend, Frobisher, had thought he found it on the Atlantic side. After taking counsel with his ten chosen advisers, Drake decided to give the Spanish frigates the slip by returning through the mythical Northeast Passage. Stop was made at Guatalco, off the west coast of New Spain, for repairs. Here, the poor Portuguese pilot brought all the way from the islands off the west coast of Africa, was put ashore.[9] He was tortured by the Spaniards for piloting Drake to the South Seas. In the course of rifling port and ship at Guatalco, charts to the Philippines and Indian Ocean were found; so that even if the voyage to England by the Northeast Passage proved impossible, the _Golden Hind_ could follow these charts home round the world by the Indian Ocean and Good Hope up Africa. It was needless for Drake to sack more Spanish floats. He had all the plunder he could carry. From the charts he learned that the Spaniards always struck north for favorable winds. Heading north, month after month, the _Golden Hind_ sailed for the shore that should have led northeast, and that puzzled the mariners by sheering west and yet west; fourteen hundred leagues she sailed along a leafy wilderness of tangled trees and ropy mosses, beauty and decay, the froth of the beach combers aripple on the very roots of the {160} trees; dolphins coursing round the hull like greyhounds; flying fish with mica for wings flitting over the decks; forests of seaweed warning out to deeper water. Then, a sudden cold fell, cold and fogs that chilled the mariners of tropic seas to the bone. The veering coast pushed them out farther westward, far north of what the Spanish charts showed. Instead of flying fish now, were whales, whales in schools of thousands that gambolled round the _Golden Hind_. As the north winds--"frozen nimphes," the record calls them--blew down the cold Arctic fogs, Drake's men thought they were certainly nearing the Arctic regions. Where were they? Plainly lost, lost somewhere along what are now known as Mendocino, and Blanco, and Flattery. In a word, perhaps up as far as Oregon, and Washington. One record says they went to latitude 43. Another record, purporting to be more correct, says 48. The Spaniards had been north as far as California, but beyond this, however far he may have gone, Drake was a discoverer in the true sense of the word. Mountains covered with snow they saw, and white cliffs, and low shelving shores, which is more descriptive of Oregon and Washington than California; but only the sudden transition from tropic heat to chilling northern fogs can explain the crew's exaggerated idea of cold along the Pacific coast. Land was sighted at 42, north of Mendocino, and an effort made to anchor farther north; but contrary winds and a rock bottom gave insecure mooring. {161} This was not surprising, as it was on this coast that Cook and Vancouver failed to find good harborage. The coast still seemed to trend westward, dispelling hopes of a Northeast Passage, and if the world could have accepted Drake's conclusions on the matter, a deal of expenditure in human life and effort might have been saved. Two centuries before the deaths of Bering and Cook, trying to find that Passage, Drake's chronicler wrote: "_The cause of this extreme cold we conceive to be the large spreading of the Asian and American continent, if they be not fully joined, yet seem they to come very neere, from whose high and snow-covered mountains, the north and north-west winds send abroad their frozen nimphes to the infecting of the whole air--hence comes it that in the middest of their summer, the snow hardly departeth from these hills at all; hence come those thicke mists and most stinking fogges, . . . for these reasons we coniecture that either there is no passage at all through these Northerne coasts, which is most likely, or if there be, that it is unnavigable. . . . Adde there unto, that though we searched the coast diligently even unto the 48 degree, yet found we not the land to trend in any place towards the East, but rather running continually North-west, as if it went directly to meet with Asia. . . . of which we infallibly concluded rather than coniectured, that there was none._" Giving up all idea of a Northeast Passage, Drake turned south, and on June 17 anchored in a bay now {162} thoroughly identified as Drake's Bay, north of San Francisco. The next morning, while the English were yet on the _Golden Hind_, came an Indian in a canoe, shouting out oration of welcome, blowing feather down on the air as a sign of dovelike peace, and finally after three times essaying courage, coming near enough the English to toss a rush basket full of tobacco into the ship. In vain Drake threw out presents to allure the Indian on board. The terrified fellow scampered ashore, refusing everything but a gorgeous hat, that floated out on the water. For years the legend of Drake's ship was handed down as a tradition among the Indians of this bay.[10] By the 21st tents were erected, and a rude fortification of stone thrown round in protection where the precious cargo of gold could be stored while the ship was to be careened and scraped. At the foot of the hill, the poor Indians gathered and gazed spellbound at the sight of this great winged bird of the ocean, sending thirty cannon trundling ashore, and herself beginning to rise up from the tide on piles and scaffolding. As Drake sent the assembled tribe presents, the Indians laid down their bows and spears. So marvellously did the wonders of the white men grow--sticks that emitted puffs of fire (muskets), a ship so large it could have carried their tribe, clothing in velvet and gold braid gorgeous as the plumage of a {163} bird, cutlasses of steel--that by the 23d great assemblages of Indians were on their knees at the foot of the hill, offering sacrifices to the wonderful beings in the fort. Whatever the English pirate's faults, he deserves credit for treating the Indians with an honor that puts later navigators to shame. When he saw them gashing bodies in sacrifice, his superstition took fire with fear of Divine displeasure for the sacrilege; and the man who did not scruple to treat black slaves picked up among the Spaniards baser than he would have treated dogs, now fell "to prayers," as the old chronicle says, reading the Bible aloud, and setting his crew to singing psalms, and pointing to the sky, at which the Indians grunted approvals of "ho--ho!" Three days later came coureurs from the "King of the Indians"--the chief--bidding the strangers prepare for the great sachem's visit. The coureurs advanced gyrating and singing; so that the English saw in this strange people nomads like the races of Scripture, whose ceremony was one of song and dance. The warriors preceding the chief carried what the English thought "a sceptre," but what we moderns would call a peace-pipe. The chains in their hands were probably strings of bears' claws, or something like wampum; the "crowns of feathers," plumed head-dresses; the gifts in the rush baskets borne by the women to the rear, maize and tobacco. Drake drew his soldiers up in line, and with trumpets sounding and armor at gleam marched out to {164} welcome the Indian chief. Then the whole company of savages broke out in singing and dancing. Drake was signalled to sit down in the centre. Barely had he obeyed when to the shouting and dancing of the multitude, "a chain" was thrown over his neck, "a crown" placed on his head, and "the sceptre" put in his hand. According to Indian custom, Drake was welcomed by the ceremony of adoption in the tribe, "the sceptre" being a peace-pipe; "the crown," an Indian warrior's head-dress. Far otherwise the ceremony appeared to the romantic treasure hunters. "_In the name and to the use of Her Most Excellent Majesty_," records the chaplain, "_he (Drake) tooke the sceptre, crowne, and dignity of the sayd countrie into his hand;_" though, added the pious chaplain of pirates, when he witnessed the Indians bringing the sick to be healed by the master pirate's touch,--"_we groane in spirit to see the power of Sathan so farre prevails_." [Illustration: The Crowning of Drake in California.] To avert disaster for the sacrilege of the sacred touch of healing, Drake added to his prayers strong lotions and good ginger plasters. Sometime in the next five weeks, Drake travelled inland with the Indians, and because of patriotism to his native land and the resemblance of the white sand cliffs to that land, called the region "New Albion." "New Albion" would be an offset to "New Spain." Drake saw himself a second Cortés, and nailed to a tree a brass plate on which was graven the Queen's name, the year, the free surrender of the country to the {165} Queen, and Drake's own name; for, says the chaplain, quite ignorant of Spanish voyages, "_the Spaniards never had any dealing, or so much as set a foot in this country, the utmost of their discoveries reaching only many degrees Southward of this place_." Drake's misunderstanding of the Indian ceremony would be comical if it were not that later historians have solemnly argued whether an act of possession by a pirate should hold good in international law. On the 23d of July the English pirate bade farewell to the Indians. As he looked back from the sea, they were running along the hilltops burning more of the fires which he thought were sacrifices. Following the chart taken from the Spanish ship, Drake steered for the Philippines, thence southward through the East Indies to the Indian Ocean, and past Good Hope, back to Plymouth, where he came to anchor on September 26, 1580. Bells were set ringing. Post went spurring to London with word that Drake, the corsair, who had turned the Spanish world upside down, had come home. For a week the little world of England gave itself up to feasting. Ballads rang with the fame of Drake. His name was on every tongue. One of his first acts was to visit his old parents. Then he took the _Golden Hind_ round the Channel to be dry-docked in Deptford. For the once, the tactful Queen was in a quandary. Complaints were pouring in from Spain. The {166} Spanish ambassador was furious, and presented bills of sequestration against Drake, but as the amount sequestered, pending investigation, was only fifty-six thousand pounds, one may suspect that Elizabeth let Drake protect in his own way what he had taken in his own way. For six months, while the world resounded with his fame, the court withheld approval. Jealous courtiers "deemed Drake the master thief of the unknown world," till Elizabeth cut the Gordian knot by one of her defiant strokes. On April 4 she went in state to dine on the _Golden Hind_, to the music of those stringed instruments that had harped away Drake's fear of death or devil as he ploughed an English keel round the world. After the dinner, she bade him fall to his knees and with a light touch of the sword gave him the title that was seal of the court's approval. The _Golden Hind_ was kept as a public relic till it fell to pieces on the Thames, and the wood was made into a memorial chair for Oxford. [Illustration: The Silver Map of the World. Both sides of a medal struck off at the time of Drake's return to England, commemorating his voyage around the world. The faint dotted line shows the course sailed by him in the _Golden Hind_.] After all the perils Drake saw in the subsequent war--Cadiz and the Armada--it seems strange that he should return to the scene of his past exploits to die. He was with Hawkins in the campaign of 1595 against Spain in the New World. Things had not gone well. He had not approved of Hawkins's plans of attack, and the venture was being bungled. Sick of the equatorial fever, or of chagrin from failure, Drake died off Porto Bello in the fifty-first year of his age. His body {167} was placed in a leaden coffin, and solemnly committed to that sea where he had won his first glory.[11] [1] This is but a brief epitome of the Spaniard's swelling words. Only the Heavens above were omitted from Spain's claim. [2] The exact position of the English towards the port is hard to give, at the site of Vera Cruz has been changed three times. [3] This halfway station was known as Venta Cruz. Seven of the traders lost their lives in Drake's attack. [4] The _Hakluyt Society Proceedings_, 1854, give all details of this terrible crime. Fletcher, the chaplain, thought Doughty innocent; but Drake considered the chaplain "the falsest knave that liveth." [5] Don Francisco de Zarate, commander of a Spanish ship scuttled by Drake off Guatalco, gives this description to the Spanish government of the Englishman's equipage: "The general of the Englishmen is the same who five years ago took Nombre de Dios, about thirty-five years old, short, with a ruddy beard, one of the greatest mariners there are on the sea, alike for his skill and power of command. His ship is a galleon of four hundred tons, a very fast sailer, and there are aboard her, one hundred men, all skilled hands and of warlike age, and all so well trained that they might be old soldiers--they keep their harquebusses clean. He treats them with affection, they him with respect. He carries with him nine or ten gentlemen cadets of high families in England. These are his council. He calls them together, tho' he takes counsel of no one. He has no favorite. These are admitted to his table, as well as a Portuguese pilot whom he brought from England. (?) He is served with much plate with gilt borders engraved with his arms and has all possible kinds of delicacies and scents, which . . . the Queen gave him. (?) None of the gentlemen sit or cover in his presence without first being ordered once or even several times. The galleon carries thirty pieces of heavy ordnance, fireworks and ammunition. They dine and sup to the music of violins. He carries carpenters, caulkers, careeners. The ship is sheathed. The men are paid and not regular pirates. No one takes plunder and the slightest fault is punished." The don goes on to say that what troubled him most was that Drake captured Spanish charts of the Pacific, which would guide other intruders on the Pacific. [6] The eight castaways in the shallop succeeded in passing back through the straits. At Plata they were attacked by the Indians; four, wounded, succeeded in escaping. The others were captured. Reaching islands off the coast of Patagonia, two of the wounded died. The remaining two suffered shipwreck on a barren island, where the only food was fruit; the only drink, the juice of the fruits. Making a raft of floating planks ten feet long, the two committed themselves to God and steered for the mainland. Here Pilcher died two hours after they had landed from drinking too much water. The survivor, Peter Carder, lived among the savages of Brazil for eight years before he escaped and got passage to England, where he related his adventures to Queen Elizabeth. The Queen gave him twenty-two angels and sent him to Admiral Howard for employment. _Purchas' Pilgrims_, Vol. IV. [7] The plunder of this port was 60,000 pesos of gold, jewels, and goods (pesos about 8 shillings, $2); 1770 jars of wine, together with the silver of the chapel altar, which was given to Fletcher. [8] The captain was a Biscayan, one Juan de Anton. [9] Nuno Silva is the name of this pilot. It is from his story that many of the details of this part of the voyage are obtained. [10] See Professor George Davidson's pamphlet on _Drake_. [11] To give even a brief account of Drake's life would fill a small encyclopaedia. The story of his first ruin off Vera Cruz, of his campaign of vengeance, of his piratical voyage to the Pacific, of his doings with the California Indians, of his fight in the Armada--any one of these would fill an ordinary volume. Only that part of his life bearing on American exploration has been given here, and that sacrificed in detail to keep from cumbering the sweep of his adventure. No attempt has been made to pass judgment on Drake's character. Like Baranof of a later day, he was a curious mixture of the supremely selfish egoist, and of the religious enthusiast, alternately using his egoism as a support for his religion, and his religion as a support for his egoism; and each reader will probably pass judgment on Drake according as the reader's ideal of manhood is the altruist or the egoist, the Christ-type or "the great blond beast" of modern philosophic thought, the man supremely indifferent to all but self, glorying in triumph though it be knee-deep in blood. Nor must we moderns pass too hypocritical judgment on the hero of the Drake type. Drake had invested capital in his venture. He had the blessing of Church and State on what he was about to do, and what he did was _to take_ what he had strength and dexterity to take independent of the Ten Commandments, which is not so far different from many commercial methods of to-day. We may appear as unmoral in our methods to future judges as Drake appears to us. Just as no attempt has been made to analyze Drake's character--to balance his lack of morals with his courage--so minor details, that would have led off from the main current of events, have been omitted. For instance, Drake spilled very little Spanish blood and was Christian in his treatment of the Indians; but are these credit marks offset by his brutality toward the black servants whom the pirates picked up among the Spaniards, of whom one poor colored girl was marooned on a Pacific island to live or die or rot? To be sure, the Portuguese pilot taken from a scuttled caravel off the west coast of Africa on the way out, and forced to pilot Drake to the Pacific, was well treated on the voyage. At least, there is no mention to the contrary; but when Drake had finished with the fellow, though the English might have known very well what terrible vengeance Spain would take, the pilot was dumped off on the coast of New Spain, where, one old record states, he was tortured, almost torn to pieces, for having guided Drake. The great, indeed, primary and only authorities for Drake's adventures are, of course, Hakluyt, Vol. III; for the fate of the lost crews, _Purchas' Pilgrims_, Vol. III and Vol. I, Book II, and Vol. IV; and the _Hakluyt Society Proceedings_, 1854, which are really a reprint of _The World Encompassed_, by Francis Fletcher, the chaplain, in 1628, with the addition of documents contemporary with Fletcher's by unknown writers. The title-page of _The World Encompassed_ reads almost like an old ballad--"_for the stirring up of heroick spirits to benefit their countries, and eternize their names by like {168} attempts_." Kohl and Davidson's _Reports of the Coast and Geodetic Survey_, 1884 and 1886, are also invaluable as establishing Drake's land-fall in California. Miller Christy's Silver Map of the World gives a splendid facsimile of the medal issued to commemorate Drake's return, of which the original is in the British Museum. Among biographers, Corbett's _Drake_, and Barrow's _Life of Sir Francis Drake_, give full details of his early and personal life, including, of course, his great services in the Armada. Furious controversy has waged over Drake on two points: Did he murder Doughty? Did he go as far north on the west coast of America as 48 degrees? Hakluyt's account says 43 degrees; _The World Encompassed_, by Fletcher, the chaplain, says 48 degrees, though all accounts agree it was at 38 degrees he made harbor. I have not dealt with either dispute, stating the bare facts, leaving each reader to draw his own conclusions, though it seems to me a little foolish to contend that the claim of the 48th degree was an afterthought interpolated by the writer to stretch British possessions over a broader swath; for even two hundred years after the issue of the Silver Map of the World, when Cook was on this coast, so little was known of the west shores of America by Englishmen that men were still looking out for a Gamaland, or imaginary continent in the middle of the Pacific. The words of the narrative bearing on America are: "We came to 42 degree of North latitude, where on the night following (June 3) we found such alterations of heat, into extreme and nipping cold, that our men in general did grievously complain thereof, some of them feeling their health much impaired thereby; neither was it that this chanced in the night alone, but the day following carried with it not only the markes, but the stings and force of the night. . .; besides that the pinching and biting air was nothing altered, the very ropes of our ship were stiffe, and the rain which fell was an unnatural congealed and frozen substance so that we seemed to be rather in the frozen Zone than any where so neere unto the sun or these hotter climates . . . it came to that extremity in sayling but two degrees farther to the northward in our course, that though seamen lack not good stomachs . . . it was a question whether hands should feed their mouths, or rather keepe from the pinching cold that did benumme them . . . our meate as soone as it was remooved from the fire, would presently in a manner be frozen up, and our ropes and tackling in a few days were growne to that stiffnesse . . . yet would not our general be discouraged but as well by comfortable speeches, of the divine providence, and of God's loving care over his children, out of the Scriptures . . . the land in that part of America, beares farther out into the West than we before imagined, we were neerer on it than we were aware; yet the neerer still we came unto it, the more extremity of cold did sease upon us. The fifth day of June, we were forced by contrary windes to runne in with the shoare, which we then first descried, and to cast anchor in a bad bay, the best roade we could for the present meete with, where we were not without some danger by reason of the many extreme gusts and flawes that beate upon us, which if they ceased, and were still at any time . . . there followed most vile, thicke and stinking fogges against which the sea prevailed nothing {169} . . . to go further North, the extremity of the cold would not permit us and the winds directly bent against us, having once gotten us under sayle againe, commanded us to the Southward whether we would or no. "From the height of 48 degrees in which now we were to 38, we found the land by coasting alongst it, to be but low and plaine--every hill whereof we saw many but none were high, though it were in June, and the sunne in his nearest approach . . . being covered with snow. . . . In 38 deg. 30 min. we fell with a convenient and fit harborough and June 17 came to anchor therein, where we continued till the 23rd day of July following . . . neither could we at any time in whole fourteen days together find the aire so cleare as to be able to take the height of sunne or starre . . . after our departure from the heate we always found our bodies, not as sponges, but strong and hardened, more able to beare out cold, though we came out of the excesse of heate, then chamber champions could hae beene, who lye in their feather beds till they go to sea. ". . . Trees without leaves, and the ground without greennes in these months of June and July . . . as for the cause of this extremity, they seem . . . chiefest we conceive to be the large spreading of the Asian and American continent, which (somewhat Northward of these parts) if they be not fully joyned, yet seeme they to come very neere one to the other. From whose high and snow-covered mountains, the North and Northwest winds (the constant visitants of those coasts) send abroad their frozen nimphes, to the infecting of the whole aire with this insufferable sharpnesse. . . . Hence comes the generall squalidnesse and barrennesse of the countrie, hence comes it that in the midst of their summer, the snow hardly departeth . . . from their hils at all, hence come those thicke mists and most stinking fogges, which increase so much the more, by how much higher the pole is raised . . . also from these reasons we coniecture that either there is no passage at all through these Northern coasts which is most likely or if there be, that yet it is unnavigable. . . . Add here unto, that though we searched the coast diligently, even unto the 48 degree, yet found we not the land to trend so much as one point in any place towards the East, but rather running on continually Northwest, as if it went directly to meet with Asia; and even in that height, when we had a franke winde to have carried us through, had there been a passage, yet we had a smoothe and calme sea, with ordinary flowing and renewing, which could not have beene had there been a frete; of which we rather infallibly concluded, then coniectured, that there was none. "The next day, after coming to anchor in the aforesaid harbour, the people of the countrey showed themselves, sending off a man with great expedition to us in a canow, who being yet but a little from the shoare, and a great way from our ship, spake to us continually as he came rowing in. And at last at a reasonable distance, staying himself, he began more solemnly a long and tedious oration, after his manner, using in the deliverie thereof, many gestures and signes, mouing his hands, turning his head and body many wayes, and after his oration ended, with great show and reverence and submission returned backe to shoare again. He shortly came againe the second time in like manner, {170} and so the third time, when he brought with him (as a present from the rest) a bunch of feathers, much like the feathers of a blacke crowe, very neatly and artificially gathered upon a string, and drawne together into a round bundle, being verie cleane and finely cut, and bearing in length an equall proportion one with another a special cognizance (as we afterwards observed) which they . . . weare on their heads. With this also he brought a little basket made of rushes, and filled with an herbe which they called Tobah. Both which being tyed to a short rodde, he cast into our boate. Our generall intended to have recompenced him immediately with many good things he would have bestowed on him; but entering into the boate to deliver the same, he could not be drawne to receive them by any meanes, save one hat, which being cast into the water out of the ship, he took up (refusing utterly to meddle with any other thing) though it were upon a board put off unto him, and so presently made his returne. After which time our boate could row no way, but wondering at us as at gods, they would follow the same with admiration. . . . "The third day following, viz., the 21, our ship having received a leake at sea, was brought to anchor neerer the shoare, that her goods being landed she might be repaired; but for that we were to prevent any danger that might chance against our safety, our Generall first of all landed his men, with all necessary provision, to build tents and make a fort for the defence of ourselves and our goods . . . which when the people of the country perceived us doing, as men set on fire to war in defence of their countrie, in great hast and companee, with such weapons as they had, they came down unto us, and yet with no hostile meaning or intent to hurt us: standing when they drew neerer, as men ravished in their mindes, with the sight of such things, as they never had scene or heard of before that time: their errand being rather with submission and feare to worship us as Gods, than to have warre with us as mortall men: which thing, as it did partly show itselfe at that instant, so did it more and more manifest itself afterwards, during the whole time of our abode amongst them. At this time, being veilled by signs to lay from them their bowes and arrowes, they did as they were directed and so did all the rest, as they came more and more by companies unto him, growing in a little while to a great number, both of men and women. ". . . Our Generall, with all his company, used all meanes possible gently to intreate them, bestowing upon each of them liberally good and necessary things to cover their nakedness, withall signifying unto them we were no Gods but men, and had need of such things to cover our owne shame, teaching them to use them to the same ends, for which cause also we did eate and drinke in their presence, . . . they bestowed upon our Generall and diverse of our company, diverse things as feathers, cawles of networke, the quivers of their arrowes, made of faune skins, and the very skins of beasts that their women wore upon their bodies . . . they departed with joy to their houses, which houses are digged round within the earth, and have from the uppermost brimmes of the circle, clefts of wood set up, and joyned close together at the top, like our spires on the steeple of a church, which being covered with earth, . . . are very warme; the doore {171} in the most of them performs the office also of a chimney to let out the smoake; it's made in bignesse and fashion like to an ordinary scuttle in a ship, and standing slope-wise; the beds are the hard ground, onely with rushes strewed upon it and lying round about the house, have their fire in the middest, . . . with all expedition we set up our tents, and intrenched ourselves with walls of stone. . . . Against the end of two daies, there was gathered together a great assembly of men, women and children, bringing with them as they had before done, feathers and bagges of Tobah for present, or rather for sacrifices upon this persuasion that we were Gods. "When they came to the top of the hill at the bottom whereof we had built our fort, they made a stand;" . . . "this bloodie sacrifice (against our wils) being thus performed, our generall, with his companie, in the presence of those strangers, fell to prayers; and by signes in lifting up our eyes and hands to heaven, signified unto them that that God whom we did serve and whom they ought to worship, was above: beseeching God, if it were his good pleasure, to open by some meanes their blinded eyes, that they might in due time be called to the knowledge of Him, the true and everliving God, and of Jesus Christ, whom he hath sent, the salvation of the Gentiles. In the time of which prayers, singing of Psalmes, and reading of certaine Chapters in the Bible, they sate very attentively, and observing the end of every pause, with one voice still cried 'oh' greatly rejoicing in our exercises." * * * * * * "Our generall caused to be set up a monument of our being there, as also of her majesties and successors right and title to that kingdom, namely a plate of brasse, fast nailed to a great and firme poste; whereon is engraven her graces' name, and the day and year of our arrival there, and of the free giving up of the province and kingdom, both by the king and people, unto her majesties' hands: together with her highnesse picture and arms, in a piece of sixpence current English monie, shewing itselfe by a hole made of purpose through the plate; underneath was likewise engraven the name of our Generall. . . . "The Spaniards never had any dealings, or so much as set a foote in this country, the utmost of their discoveries reaching onely to many degrees Southward of this place." The Spanish version of Drake's burial is, that the body was weighted with shot at the heels and heaved over into the sea, without coffin or ceremony. {172} CHAPTER VII 1728-1779 CAPTAIN COOK IN AMERICA The English Navigator sent Two Hundred Years later to find the New Albion of Drake's Discoveries--He misses both the Straits of Fuca and the Mouth of the Columbia, but anchors at Nootka, the Rendezvous of Future Traders--No Northeast Passage found through Alaska--The True Cause of Cook's Murder in Hawaii told by Ledyard--Russia becomes Jealous of his Explorations It seems impossible that after all his arduous labors and death, to prove his convictions, Bering's conclusions should have been rejected by the world of learning. Surely his coasting westward, southwestward, abreast the long arm of Alaska's peninsula for a thousand miles, should have proved that no open sea--no Northeast Passage--was here, between Asia and America. But no! the world of learning said fog had obscured Bering's observations. What he took for the mainland of America had been only a chain of islands. Northward of those islands was open sea between Asia and Europe, which might afford direct passage between East and West without circumnavigating the globe. In fact, said Dr. Campbell, {173} one of the most learned English writers of the day, "Nothing is plainer than that his (Bering's) discovery does not warrant any such supposition as that he touched the great continent making part of North America." The moonshine of the learned men in France and Russia was even wilder. They had definitely proved, _even if there were no Gamaland_--as Bering's voyage had shown--then there must be a southern continent somewhere, to keep the balance between the northern and southern hemispheres; else the world would turn upside down. And there must also be an ocean between northern Europe and northern Asia, else the world would be top-heavy and turn upside down. It was an age when the world accepted creeds for piety, and learned moonshine instead of scientific data; when, in a word, men refused to bow to fact! All sorts of wild rumors were current. There was a vast continent in the south. There was a vast sea in the north. Somewhere was the New Albion, which Francis Drake had found north of New Spain. Just north of the Spanish possessions in America was a wide inlet leading straight through from the Pacific to the Atlantic, which an old Greek pilot--named Juan de Fuca--said he had traversed for the viceroy of New Spain. Even stolid-going England was infected by the rage for imaginary oceans and continents. The Hudson's Bay Fur Company was threatened with a withdrawal {174} of its charter because it had failed to find a Northwest Passage from Atlantic to Pacific. Only four years after the death of Bering, an act of Parliament offered a reward of twenty thousand pounds to the officers and crew of any ships discovering a passage between Atlantic and Pacific north of 52 degrees. There were even ingenious fellows with the letters of the Royal Society behind their names, who affected to think that the great Athabasca Lake, which Hearne had found, when he tramped inland from the Arctic and Coppermine River, was a strait leading to the Pacific. Athabasca Lake might be the imaginary strait of the Greek pilot, Juan de Fuca. To be sure, two Hudson's Bay Company ships' crews--those under Knight and Barlow--had been totally lost fifty years before Hearne's tramp inland in 1771, trying to find that same mythical strait of Juan de Fuca westward of Hudson Bay. But so furious did public opinion wax over a Northwest Passage at the very time poor Bering was dying in the North Pacific, that Captain Middleton was sent to Hudson Bay in 1741-1742 to find a way to the Pacific. And when Middleton failed to find water where the Creator had placed land, Dobbs, the patron of the expedition and champion of a Northwest Passage at once roused the public to send out two more ships--the _Dobbs_ and _California_. Failure again! Theories never yet made Fact, never so much as added a hair's weight to Fact! Ellis, who was on board, affected to think that Chesterfield Inlet--a great arm of the sea, {175} westward of Hudson Bay--might lead to the Pacific. This supposition was promptly exploded by the Hudson's Bay Fur Company sending Captain Christopher and Moses Norton, the local governor of the company, up Chesterfield inlet for two hundred miles, where they found, not the Pacific, but a narrow river. Then the hue and cry of the learned theorists was--the Northwest Passage lay northward of Hudson Bay. Hearne was sent tramping inland to find--not sea, but land; and when he returned with the report of the great Athabasca Lake of Mackenzie River region, the lake was actually seized on as proof that there was a waterway to the Pacific. Then the brilliant plan was conceived to send ships by both the Atlantic and the Pacific to find this mythical passage from Europe to Asia. Pickersgill, who had been on the Pacific, was to go out north of Hudson Bay and work westward. To work eastward from the Pacific to the Atlantic was chosen a man who had already proved there was no great continental mass on the south, and that the world did not turn upside down, and who was destined to prove there was no great open ocean on the north, and still the world did not turn upside down. He was a man whose whole life had been based and built upon Fact, not Theory. He was a man who accepted Truth as God gave it to him, not as he had theorized it _ought_ to be; a man who had climbed from a mud cottage to the position of the greatest navigator in the world--had climbed on top of facts mastered, not {176} of schoolgirl moonshine, or study-closet theories. That man was Captain James Cook. Cook's life presents all the contrasts of true greatness world over. Like Peter the Great, of Russia, whose word had set in motion the exploration of the northwest coast of America, Cook's character consisted of elements that invariably lead to glory or ruin; often, both. The word "impossible" was not in his vocabulary. He simply did not recognize any limitations to what a man _might_ do, could do, would do, if he tried; and that means, that under stress of risk or temptation, or opposition, a man's caution goes to the winds. With Cook, it was risk that caused ruin. With the Czar of Russia, it was temptation. Born at Marton, a small parish of a north riding in the county of York, October 27, 1728, James Cook was the son of a day-laborer in an age when manual toil was paid at the rate of a few pennies a day. There were nine of a family. The home was a thatch-roofed mud cottage. Two years after Cook's birth, the father was appointed bailiff, which slightly improved family finances; but James was thirteen years of age before it was possible to send him to school. There, the progress of his learning was a gallop. He had a wizard-genius for figures. In three short years he had mastered all the Ayton school could teach him. At sixteen, his schooling was over. The father's highest ambition seems to have been for the son to become a successful shopkeeper in one of the small towns. The future {177} navigator was apprenticed to the village shop; but Cook's ambitions were not to be caged behind a counter. Eastward rolled the North Sea. Down at Hull were heard seamen's yarns to make the blood of a boy jump. It was 1746. The world was ringing with tales of Bering on the Pacific, of a southern continent, which didn't exist, of the Hudson's Bay Fur Company's illimitable domain in the north, of La Vérendrye's wonderful discoveries of an almost boundless region westward of New France toward the uncharted Western Sea. In a year and a half, Cook had his fill of shopkeeping. Whether he ran away, or had served his master so well that the latter willingly remitted the three years' articles of apprenticeship, Cook now followed his destiny to the sea. According to the world's standards, the change seemed progress backward. He was articled to a ship-owner of Whitby as a common seaman on a coaler sailing between Newcastle and London. One can see such coalers any day--black as smut, grimed from prow to stern, with workmen almost black shovelling coal or hoisting tackling--pushing in and out among the statelier craft of any seaport. It is this stage in a great man's career which is the test. Is the man sure enough of himself to leave everything behind, and jump over the precipice into the unknown? If ever he wishes to return to what he has left, he will have just the height of this jump to climb back to the old place. The old place is a certainty. The unknown may engulf in failure. He {178} must chance that, and all for the sake of a faith in himself, which has not yet been justified; for the sake of a vague star leading into the misty unknown. He knows that he could have been successful in the old place. He does not know that he may not be a failure in the new place. Art, literature, science, commerce--in all--it is the men and women who have dared to risk being failures that have proved the mainspring of progress. Cook was sure enough of himself to exchange shopkeeper's linen for the coal-heaver's blue jeans, to risk following the star of his destiny to the sea. Presently, the commonplace, grimy duties which he must fulfil are taking him to Dublin, to Liverpool, to Norway; and by the time he is twenty-two, he knows the Baltic trade well, and has heard all the pros and cons of the furious cackle which the schools have raised over that expedition of Bering's to the west coast of America. By the time he is twenty-four he is a first mate on the coal boats. Comes another vital change! When he left the shop, he felt all that he had to do to follow his destiny was to go to sea. Now the star has led him up to a blank wall. The only promotion he can obtain on these merchantmen is to a captainship; and the captaincy on a small merchantman will mean pretty much a monotonous flying back and forward like a shuttle between the ports of Europe and England. Cook took a resolution that would have cost any {179} man but one with absolute singleness of purpose a poignant effort. At the age of twenty-seven, he decided to enter the Royal Navy. Now, in a democratic age, we don't talk about such things; but there are unwritten laws and invisible lines just the same. Standing on the captain's deck of an American warship not long ago, watching the deck hands below putting things shipshape, I asked an officer--"Is there any chance for those men to rise?" "Yes, some," he answered tentatively, "but then, there is a difference between the men who have been trained for a position, and those who have worked up the line to it." If that difference exists in a democratic country and age, what was it for Cook in a country and at a time when lines of caste were hard and fast drawn? But he entered the navy on the _Eagle_ under Sir Hugh Palliser, who, almost at once, transferred him from the forecastle to the quarterdeck. What was the explanation of such quick recognition? Therein lies the difference between the man who tries and succeeds, and the man who tries and fails. Cook had qualified himself for promotion. He was so fitted for the higher position, that the higher position could not do without him. Whether rocking on the Baltic, or waiting for the stokers to heave out coal at Liverpool, every moment not occupied by seaman's duties, Cook had filled by improving himself, by increasing his usefulness, by sharpening his brain, so that his brain could better direct his hands, by {180} studying mathematics and astronomy and geography and science and navigation. As some one has said--there are lots of people with hands and no brain; and there are lots of people with brains and no hands; but the kind who will command the highest reward for their services to the world are those who have the finest combination of brains _and_ hands. [Illustration: Captain James Cook.] Four years after Cook had joined the navy, he was master on the _Mercury_ with the fleet before Quebec, making a chart of the St. Lawrence for Wolfe to take the troops up to the Heights of Abraham, piloting the boats to the attack on Montmorency, and conducting the embarkation of the troops, who were to win the famous battle, that changed the face of America. Now the Royal Society wished to send some one to the South Seas, whose reliability was of such a recognized and steady-going sort, that his conclusions would be accepted by the public. Just twenty years from the time that he had left the shop, Cook was chosen for this important mission. What manner of man was he, who in that time had risen from life in a mud hut to the rank of a commander in the Royal Navy? In manner, he was plain and simple and direct, no flourish, no unnecessary palaver of showy words, not a word he did not mean. In form, he was six feet tall, in perfect proportion, with brown hair and eyes, alertly penetrating, with features sharp rather from habit or thought than from natural shape. On this mission he left England in 1768, anchored at {181} the Society Islands of the South Seas in the spring of 1769, explored New Zealand in the fall of the same year, rounded Australia in 1770 and returned to England in 1771, the very year Hearne was trying to tramp it overland in search of a Northwest Passage. And he brought back no proof of that vast southern world which geographers had put on their maps. Promptly he was sent out on a second voyage to find or demolish that mythical continent of the southern hemisphere; and he demolished the myth of a southern continent altogether, returning from circumnavigating the globe just at the time when the furor of a Northwest Passage northward of Hudson Bay, northward even of Bering's course on the Pacific, was at its height. The third voyage was to determine finally the bounds of western America, the possibilities of a passage between Europe and Asia by way of the Pacific. Two ships--the _Resolution_, four hundred and sixty tons, one hundred and twelve men, which Cook had used before, and the _Discovery_, three hundred tons, eighty men--were purchased at Hull, the old port of Cook's boyhood dreams. To secure the good will of the crews, two months' wages were paid in advance. Captain Clerke commanded the _Discovery_; and the two crews numbered men of whom the world was to hear more in connection with the northwest coast of America--a young midshipman, Vancouver, whose doings were yet to checkmate Spain; a young American, corporal {182} of marines, Ledyard, who was to have his brush with Russia; and other ambitious young seamen destined to become famous traders on the west coast of America. The two ships left England in midsummer of 1776, crossed the equator in September when every man fresh to the episode was caught and ducked overrails in equatorial waters, rounded Good Hope, touched at the Society Islands of the first voyage, and by spring of 1778 had explored and anchored at the Sandwich Islands. Once on the Pacific, Cook mustered his crews and took them into his confidence; he was going to try for that reward of twenty thousand pounds to the crew that discovered a Northeast Passage; and even if he missed the reward, he was going to have a shy at the most northern latitude ever attempted by navigator--89 degrees; would they do it? The crew cheered. Whether they reached 89 degrees or not, they decided to preserve their grog for the intense cold to be encountered in the north; so that the daily allowance was now cut to half. By March, the ships were off from the Sandwich Islands to the long swell of the Pacific, the slimy medusa lights covering the waters with a phosphorescent trail of fire all night, the rockweed and sea leek floating past by day telling their tale of some far land. Cook's secret commission had been very explicit: "You are to proceed on as direct a course as you can to the coast of New Albion, endeavoring to fall in with it in latitude 45 degrees north . . . and are strictly enjoined {183} not to touch on any part of the Spanish dominions . . . unless driven by accident . . . and to be very careful not to give any umbrage to the subjects of his Catholic Majesty . . . and if in further progress northward . . . you find any subjects of a European prince . . . you are not to give any cause of offence . . . proceed northward to 65 degrees, carefully search for such inlets as appear pointing to Hudson Bay . . . use your utmost endeavors to pass through." The commission shows that England was unaware Spain had pushed north of 45 degrees, and Russia north of 65 degrees; for Spain jealously kept her explorations secret, and Russia's were not accepted. The commission also offered a reward for any one going within 1 degree of the Pole. It may be added--the offer is still open. For days after leaving the Sandwich Islands, not a bird was to be seen. That was a bad omen for land. Land must be far, indeed; and Cook began to fear there might be as much ocean in that northern hemisphere as the geographers of Russia and France--who actually tabulated Bering's discoveries as an island--had placed on the maps. But in the first week of March, a sea-gull came swimming over the crest of a wave. Where did she come from? Then an albatross was seen wheeling above the sea. Then, on March 6, two lonely land seals went plying past; and whales were noticed. Surely they were nearing the region that Drake, the English freebooter, had seen and named New Albion two hundred years before. {184} Suddenly, on the morning of March 7, the dim offing ahead showed thin, sharp, clear lines. The lines rose higher as the ship approached. They cut themselves against the sky in the form of mountains and hills with purple mist lying in the valleys. It was the New Albion at latitude 44 degrees 33 minutes, which Drake had discovered. The day was hazy and warm. Cook's crews wondered why Drake had complained of such cold. By night they found out. A roaring hurricane burst from the northern darkness with squalls of hail and snow and sleet, that turned the shore to one long reach of whitened cliffs straight up and down out of the sea. In commemoration, they called the first landfall, Cape Foulweather; and, in spite of the commission to sail north, drove under bare poles before the storm to 43 degrees, naming the two capes passed Perpetua and Gregory. Only by the third week of March had the storm abated enough for them to turn north again.[1] Now, whether the old Greek pilot, Juan de Fuca, lied or dreamed, or only told a yarn of what some Indian had told him, it was along this coast that he had said the straits leading to the east side of America lay; and Cook's two ships hugged the coast as close as they dared for fear of roaring breakers and a landward wind. On March 23 rocks were seen lying off a high point capped with trees, behind which might be a {185} strait; but a gale ashore and a lashing tide thundering over the rocks sent the ships scudding for the offing through fog and rain; and never a glimpse of a passage eastward could the crews obtain. Cook called the delusive point Cape Flattery and added: "It is in this very latitude (48 degrees 15 minutes) that geographers have placed the pretended Straits of Juan de Fuca; but we saw nothing like it; nor is there the least possibility that any such thing ever existed." But Cook was too far out to descry the narrow opening--but thirteen miles wide--of Juan de Fuca, where the steamers of three continents ply to-day; though the strait by no means led to Europe, as geographers thought. All night a hard gale drove them northward. When the weather cleared, permitting them to approach the coast again, high mountains, covered with snow and forests, jagged through the clouds like tent peaks. Tremendous breakers roared over sunken rocks. Point Breakers, Cook called them. Then the wind suddenly fell; and the ships were becalmed directly opposite the narrow entrance of a two-horned cove sheltered by the mountains. The small boats had all been mustered out to tow the two ships in, when a slight breeze sprang up. The flotilla drifted inland just as three canoes, carved in bizarre shapes of birds' heads and eagle claws, came paddling across the inlet. Three savages were in one, six in the other, ten in the third. They came slowly over the water, singing some song of welcome, beating time with their paddles, {186} scattering downy white feathers on the air, at intervals standing up to harangue a welcome to the newcomers. Soon thirty canoes were around the ships with some ten warriors in each. Still they came, shoals of them, like fish, with savages almost naked, the harbor smooth as glass, the grand _tyee_, or great chief of the tribes, standing erect shouting a welcome, with long elf-locks streaming down his back. Women and children now appeared in the canoes. That meant peace. The women were chattering like magpies; the men gurgling and spluttering their surprise at the white visitors. For safety's sake the guns of the two ships were pointed ready; but the natives did not know the fear of a gun. It was the end of March when Cook first anchored off what he thought was the mainland of America. It was not mainland, but an island, and the harbor was one to become famous as the rendezvous of Pacific traders--Nootka! Three armed boats commanded by Mr. King, and one under Cook, at once proceeded from the ships to explore and sound the inlet. The entrance had been between two rocky points four miles apart past a chain of sunken rocks. Except in a northwest corner of the inlet, since known as Snug Cove, the water was too deep for anchorage; so the two ships were moored to trees, the masts unrigged, the iron forge set to work on the shore; and the men began cutting timber for the new masts. And still the tiny specks dancing over the waves carrying canoe loads of savages to the English ships, {187} continued to multiply till the harbor seemed alive with warriors--two thousand at least there must have been by the first week of April after Cook's arrival. Some of the savages wore brightly painted wooden masks as part of their gala attire. Others carried totems--pieces of wood carved in the likeness of bird or beast to typify manitou of family or clan. By way of showing their prowess, some even offered the white men human skulls from which the flesh had not yet been taken. By this Cook knew the people were cannibals. Some were observed to be wearing spoons of European make as ornaments round their necks. What we desire to believe we easily accept. The white men did not ascribe the spoons to traders from New Spain on the south, or the Russian settlements to the north; but thought this place must be within trading distance of Hudson Bay, whence the Indians must have obtained the spoons. And so they cherished the hope of a Northeast Passage from this slim sign. In a few days fifteen hundred beaver and sea-otter had been obtained in trade, sixty-nine sea-otter--each of which was worth at that time one hundred dollars in modern money--for a handful of old nails. To these deep-sea wanderers of Cook's crews, the harbor was as a fairy-land. Snow still covered the mountain tops; but a tangled forest of dank growth with roots awash in the ripple of the sea, stretched down the hillsides. Red cedar, spruce, fir,--of enormous growth, broader in girth than a cart and {188} wagon in length,--cypress with twisted and gnarled knots red against the rank green; mosses swinging from branch to branch in snaky coils wherever the clouds settled and rested; islands studding the sea like emerald gems; grouse drumming their spring song through the dark underbrush; sea-mew and Mother Carey's chickens screaming and clacking overhead; the snowy summits red as wine in the sunset glow--all made up an April scene long cherished by these adventurers of the North. Early one morning in April the men cutting timber inland were startled to notice the underbrush alive with warriors armed. The first fear was of an ambush. Cook ordered the men to an isolated rock ready for defence; but the grand _tyee_ or chief explained by signs that his tribe was only keeping off another tribe that wanted to trade with the white men. The worst trouble was from the inordinate thieving propensities of the natives. Iron, nails, belaying pins, rudders, anchors, bits of sail, a spike that could be pulled from the rotten wood of the outer keel by the teeth of a thief paddling below--anything, everything was snatched by the light-fingered gentry. Nor can we condemn them for it. Their moral standard was the Wolf Code of Existence--which the white man has elaborated in his evolution--to take whatever they had the dexterity and strength to take and to keep. When caught in theft, they did not betray as much sense of guilt as a dog stealing a bone. Why should they? Their {189} code was to take. The chief of the Nootkas presented Cook with a sea-otter cloak. Cook reciprocated with a brass-hilted sword. By the end of April the ships had been overhauled, and Cook was ready to sail. Porpoise were coursing the sea like greyhounds, and the stormy petrels in a clatter; but Cook was not to be delayed by storm. Barely had the two ships cleared the harbor, when such a squall broke loose, they could do nothing but scud for open sea, turn tails to the wind, and lie helpless as logs, heads south. If it had not been for this storm, Cook would certainly have discovered that Nootka was on an island, not the coast of the mainland; but by the time the weather permitted an approach to land again, Friday, May 1, the ships were abreast that cluster of islands below the snowy cone of Mt. Edgecumbe, Sitka, where Chirikoff's Russians had first put foot on American soil. Cook was now at the northernmost limit of Spanish voyaging. By the 4th of May Cook had sighted and passed the Fairweather Range, swung round westward on the old course followed by Bering, and passed under the shadow of St. Elias towering through the clouds in a dome of snow. On the 6th the ships were at Kyak, where Bering had anchored, and amid myriad ducks and gulls were approaching a broad inlet northward. Now, just as Bering had missed exploring this part of the coast owing to fog, so Cook had failed to trace that long archipelago of islands from Sitka Sound {190} northward; but here, where the coast trends straight westward, was an opening that roused hopes of a Northeast Passage. The _Resolution_ had sprung a leak; and in the second week of May, the inlet was entered in the hope of a shelter to repair the leak and a way northeast to the Atlantic. Barely had the ships passed up the sound, when they were enshrouded in a fog that wiped out every outline; otherwise, the high coast of glacial palisades--two hundred feet in places and four miles broad--might have been seen landlocked by mountains; but Mr. Gore launched out in a small boat steering north through haze and tide-rip. Twenty natives were seen clad in sea-otter skins, by which--the white men judged--no Russians could have come to this sound; for the Russians would not have permitted the Indians to keep such valuable sea-otter clothing. The glass beads possessed by the natives were supposed to attest proximity to traders of Hudson Bay. With an almost animal innocence of wrong, the Indians tried to steal the small boat of the _Discovery_, flourishing their spears till the white crew mustered. At another time, when the _Discovery_ lay anchored, few lanterns happened to be on deck. No sailors were visible. It was early in the morning and everybody was asleep, the boat dark. The natives swarmed up the ship's sides like ants invading a sugar canister. Looking down the hatches without seeing any whites, they at once drew their knives and began to plunder. The whites dashed up the hatchway and drove the {191} plunderers over the rails at sword point. East and north the small boats skirted the mist-draped shores, returning at midnight with word the inlet was a closed shore. There was no Northeast Passage. They called the spider-shaped bay Prince William Sound; and at ten in the morning headed out for sea. Here a fresh disappointment awaited them. The natives of Prince William Sound had resembled the Eskimos of Greenland so much that the explorers were prepared to find themselves at the westward end of the American continent ready to round north into the Atlantic. A long ledge of land projected into the sea. They called this Cape Elizabeth, passed it, noted the reef of sunken rocks lying directly athwart a terrific tidal bore, and behold! not the end of the continent--no, not by a thousand miles--but straight across westward, beneath a smoking volcano that tinged the fog ruby-red, a lofty, naked spur three miles out into the sea, with crest hidden among the clouds and rock-base awash in thundering breakers. This was called Cape Douglas. Between these two capes was a tidal flood of perhaps sixty miles' breadth. Where did it come from? Up went hopes again for the Northeast Passage, and the twenty thousand pounds! Spite of driftwood, and roily waters, and a flood that ran ten miles an hour, and a tidal bore that rose twenty feet, up the passage they tacked, east to west, west to east, plying up half the month of June in rain and sleet, with the heavy pall of black smoke {192} rolling from the volcano left far on the offing! At last the opening was seen to turn abruptly straight east. Out rattled the small boats. Up the muddy waters they ran for nine miles till salt water became fresh water, and the explorers found themselves on a river. In irony, this point was called Turn-Again. The whole bay is now known as Cook's Inlet. Mr. King was sent ashore on the south side of Turn-Again to take possession. Twenty natives in sea-otter skins stood by watching the ceremony of flag unfurled and the land of their fathers being declared the possession of England. These natives were plainly acquainted with the use of iron; but "I will be bold to say," relates Cook, "they do not know the Russians, or they would not be wearing these valuable sea-otter skins." No Northeast Passage here! So out they ply again for open sea through misty weather; and when it clears, they are in the green treeless region west of Cook's Inlet. Past Kadiak, past Bering's Foggy Island, past the Shumagins where Bering's first sailor to die of scurvy had been buried, past volcanoes throwing up immense quantities of blood-red smoke, past pinnacled rocks, through mists so thick the roar of the breakers is their only guide, they glide, or drift, or move by inches feeling the way cautiously, fearful of wreck. Toward the end of June a great hollow green swell swings them through the straits past Oonalaska, northward at last! Natives are seen in green trousers {193} and European shirts; natives who take off their hats and make a bow after the pompous fashion of the Russians. Twice natives bring word to Cook by letter and sign that the Russians of Oonalaska wish to see him. But Captain Cook is not anxious to see the Russians just now. He wants to forestall their explorations northward and take possession of the Polar realm for England. In August they are in Bristol Bay, north of the Aleutians, directly opposite Asia. Here Dr. Anderson, the surgeon, dies of consumption. Not so much fog now. They can follow the mainland. Far ahead there projects straight out in the sea a long spit of land backed by high hills, the westernmost point of North America--Cape Prince of Wales! Bering is vindicated! Just fifty years from Bering's exploration of 1728, the English navigator finds what Bering found: that America and Asia are _not_ united; that no Northeast Passage exists; that no great oceanic body lies north of New Spain; that Alaska--as the Russian maps had it after Bering's death--is not an island. Wind, rain, roily, shoaly seas breaking clear over the ship across decks drove Cook out from land to deeper water. With an Englishman's thoroughness for doing things and to make deadly sure just how the two continents lay to each other, Cook now scuds across Bering Strait thirty-nine miles to the Chukchee land of Siberia in Asia. How he praises the accuracy of poor {194} Bering's work along this coast: Bering, whose name had been a target for ridicule and contempt from the time of his death; whose death was declared a blunder; whose voyage was considered a failure; whose charts had been rejected and distorted by the learned men of the world. [Illustration: The Ice Islands.] From the Chukchee villages of Asia, Cook sailed back to the American coast, passing north of Bering Straits directly in mid-channel. It is an odd thing, while very little ice-drift is met in Bering Sea, you have no sooner passed north of the straits than a white world surrounds you. Fog, ice, ice, fog--endlessly, with palisades of ice twelve feet high, east and west, far as the eye can see! The crew amuse themselves alternately gathering driftwood for fuel, and hunting {195} walrus over the ice. It is in the North Pacific that the walrus attains its great size--nine feet in length, broader across its back than any animal known to the civilized world. These piebald yellow monsters lay wallowing in herds of hundreds on the ice-fields. At the edge lay always one on the watch; and no matter how dense the fog, these walrus herds on the ice, braying and roaring till the surf shook, acted as a fog-horn to Cook's ships, and kept them from being jammed in the ice-drift. Soon two-thirds of the furs got at Nootka had spoiled of rain-rot. The vessels were iced like ghost ships. Tack back and forward as they might, no passage opened through the ice. Suddenly Cook found himself in shoal water, on a lee shore, long and low and shelving, with the ice drifting on his ships. He called the place Icy Cape. It was their farthest point north; and the third week of August they were compelled to scud south to escape the ice. Backing away toward Asia, he reached the North Cape there. It was almost September. In accordance with the secret instructions, Cook turned south to winter at the Sandwich Islands, passing Serdze Kamen, where Bering had turned back in 1728, East Cape on the Straits of Bering just opposite the American Prince of Wales, and St. Lawrence islands where the ships anchored. Norton Sound was explored on the way back; and October saw Cook down at Oonalaska, where Ledyard was sent overland across the island to conduct the {196} Russian traders to the English ships. Three Russians came to visit Cook. One averred that he had been with Bering on the expedition of 1741, and the rough adventurers seemed almost to worship the Dane's memory. Later came Ismyloff, chief factor of the Russian fur posts in Oonalaska, attended by a retinue of thirty native canoes, very suave as to manners, very polished and pompous when he was not too convivial, but very chary of any information to the English, whose charts he examined with keenest interest, giving them to understand that the Empress of Russia had first claim to all those parts of the country, rising, quaffing a glass and bowing profoundly as he mentioned the august name. "Friends and fellow-countrymen glorious," the English were to the smooth-tongued Russian, as they drank each other's health. Learning that Cook was to visit Avacha Bay, Ismyloff proffered a letter of introduction to Major Behm, Russian commander of Kamchatka. Cook thought the letter one of commendation. It turned out otherwise. Fur traders, world over, always resented the coming of the explorer. Ismyloff was neither better nor worse than his kind.[2] Heavy squalls pursued the ships all the way from Oonalaska, left on October 26, to the Sandwich Islands, reached in the new year 1779. A thousand canoes of enthusiastic natives welcomed Cook back to the sunny islands of the Pacific. Before the explorer {197} could anchor, natives were swimming round the ship like shoals of fish. When Cook landed, the whole population prostrated itself at his feet as if he had been a god. It was a welcome change from the desolate cold of the inhospitable north. Situated midway in the Pacific, the Sandwich Islands were like an oasis in a watery waste to Cook's mariners. The ships had dropped anchor in the centre of a horn-shaped bay called Karakakooa, in Hawaii, about two miles from horn to horn. On the sandy flats of the north horn was the native village of Kowrowa: amid the cocoanut grove of the other horn, the village of Kakooa, with a well and Morai, or sacred burying-ground, close by. Between the two villages alongshore ran a high ledge of black coral rocks. In all there were, perhaps, four hundred houses in the two villages, with a population of from two to three thousand warriors; but the bay was the rallying place for the entire group of islands; and the islands numbered in all several hundred thousand warriors. Picture, then, the scene to these wanderers of the northern seas: the long coral reef, wave-washed by bluest of seas; the little village and burying-ground and priests' houses nestling under the cocoanut grove at one end of the semicircular bay, the village where Terreeoboo, king of the island, dwelt on the long sand beach at the other end; and swimming through the water like shoals of fish, climbing over the ships' rigging like monkeys, crowding the decks of the _Discovery_ {198} so that the ship heeled over till young chief Pareea began tossing the intruders by the scuff of the neck back into the sea--hundreds, thousands, of half-naked, tawny-skinned savages welcoming the white men back to the islands discovered by them. Chief among the visitors to the ship was Koah, a little, old, emaciated, shifty-eyed priest with a wry neck and a scaly, leprous skin, who at once led the small boats ashore, driving the throngs back with a magic wand and drawing a mystic circle with his wizard stick round a piece of ground near the Morai, or burying-place, where the white men could erect their tents beside the cocoanut groves. The magic line was called a _taboo_. Past the tabooed line of the magic wand not a native would dare to go. Here Captain King, assisted by the young midshipman, Vancouver, landed with a guard of eight or ten mariners to overhaul the ships' masts, while the rest of the two crews obtained provisions by trade. Cook was carried off to the very centre of the Morai--a circular enclosure of solid stone with images and priests' houses at one end, the skulls of slain captives at the other. Here priests and people did the white explorer homage as to a god, sacrificing to him their most sacred animal--a strangled pig. All went well for the first few days. A white gunner, who died, was buried within the sacred enclosure of the Morai. The natives loaded the white men's boats with provisions. In ten days the wan, gaunt {199} sailors were so sleek and fat that even the generous entertainers had to laugh at the transformation. Old King Terreeoboo came clothed in a cloak of gaudy feathers with spears and daggers at his belt and a train of priestly retainers at his heels to pay a visit of state to Cook; and a guard of mariners was drawn up at arms under the cocoanut grove to receive the visitor with fitting honor. When the king learned that Cook was to leave the bay early in February, a royal proclamation gathered presents for the ships; and Cook responded by a public display of fireworks. Now it is a sad fact that when a highly civilized people meet an uncivilized people, each race celebrates the occasion by appropriating all the evil qualities of the other. Vices, not virtues, are the first to fraternize. It was as unfair of Cook's crew to judge the islanders by the rabble swarming out to steal from the ships, as it would be for a newcomer to judge the people of New York by the pickpockets and under-world of the water front. And it must not be forgotten that the very quality that had made Cook successful--the quality to dare--was a danger to him here. The natives did not violate the sacred _taboo_, which the priest had drawn round the white men's quarters of the grove. It was the white men who violated it by going outside the limit; and the conduct of the white sailors for the sixteen days in port was neither better nor worse than the conduct of sailors to-day who go on a wild spree with the lowest elements of the harbor. {200} The savages were quick to find out that the white gods were after all only men. The true story of what happened could hardly be written by Captain King, who finished Cook's journal; though one can read between the lines King's fear of his commander's rashness. The facts of the case are given by the young American, John Ledyard, of Connecticut, who was corporal of marines and in the very thick of the fight. At the end of two weeks the white seamen were, perhaps, satiated of their own vices, or suffering from the sore head that results from prolonged spreeing. At all events the thieving, which had been condoned at first, was now punished by soundly flogging the natives. The old king courteously hinted it was time for the white men to go. The mate, who was loading masts and rudder back on board the _Resolution_, asked the savages to give him a hand. The islanders had lost respect for the white men of such flagrant vices. They pretended to give a helping hand, but only jostled the mate about in the crowd. The Englishman lost his temper, struck out, and blustered. The shore rang with the shrill laughter of the throngs. In vain the chiefs of authority interposed. The commands to help the white men were answered by showers of stones directly inside the _taboo_. Ledyard was ordered out with a guard of sailors to protect the white men loading the _Resolution_. The guard was pelted black and blue. "There was nothing to do," relates Ledyard, "but move to new lands where our vices {201} were not known." At last all was in readiness to sail--one thing alone lacking--wood; and the white men dare not go inland for the needed wood. So far the entire blame rested on the sailors. Now Cook committed his cardinal error. With that very dare and quickness to utilize every available means to an end--whether the end justified the means--Cook ordered his men ashore to seize the rail fence round the top of the stone burying-ground--the sacred Morai--as fuel for his ships. Out rushed the priests from the enclosure in dire distress. Was this their reward for protecting Cook with the wand of the sacred _taboo_? Two hatchets were offered the leading priest as pay. He spurned them as too loathsome to be touched. Leading the way, Cook ordered his men to break the fence down, and proffered three hatchets, thrusting them into the folds of the priest's garment. Pale and quivering with rage, the priest bade a slave remove the profaning iron. Down tumbled the fence! Down the images on poles! Down the skulls of the dead sacred to the savage as the sepulchre to the white man! It may be said to the credit of the crew, that the men were thoroughly frightened at what they were ordered to do; but they were not too frightened to carry away the images as relics. Cook alone was blind to risk. As if to add the last straw to the Hawaiians' endurance, when the ships unmoored and sailed out from the bay, where but two weeks before they had been so royally welcomed, they carried {202} eloping wives and children from the lower classes of the two villages. It was one of the cases where retribution came so swift it was like a living Nemesis. If the weather had continued fair, doubtless wives and children would have been dumped off at some near harbor, the incident considered a joke, and the Englishmen gone merrily on their way; but a violent gale arose. Women and children were seized with a seasickness that was no joke. The decks resounded with such wails that Cook had to lie to in the storm, put off the pinnace, and send the visitors ashore. What sort of a tale they carried back, we may guess. Meanwhile the storm had snapped the foremast of the _Resolution_. As if rushing on his ruin, Cook steered back for the bay and anchored midway between the two villages. Again the tents were pitched beside the Morai under the cocoanut groves. Again the wand was drawn round the tenting place; but the white men had taught the savages that the _taboo_ was no longer sacred. Where thousands had welcomed the ships before, not a soul now appeared. Not a canoe cut the waters. Not a voice broke the silence of the bay. The sailors were sour; Cook, angry. When the men rowed to the villages for fresh provisions, they were pelted with stones. When at night-time the savages came to the ships with fresh food, they asked higher prices and would take only daggers and knives in pay. Only by firing its great guns could the {203} _Discovery_ prevent forcible theft by the savages offering provisions; and in the scuffle of pursuit after one thief, Pareea--a chief most friendly to the whites--was knocked down by a white man's oar. "I am afraid," remarked Cook, "these people will compel me to use violent measures." As if to test the mettle of the tacit threat, Sunday, daybreak, February 14, revealed that the large rowboat of the _Discovery_ had been stolen. When Captain King, who had charge of the guard repairing the masts over under the cocoanut grove came on board Sunday morning, he found Cook loading his gun, with a line of soldiers drawn up to go ashore in order to allure the ruler of the islands on board, and hold him as hostage for the restitution of the lost boat. Clerke, of the _Discovery_, was too far gone in consumption to take any part. Cook led the way on the pinnace with Ledyard and six marines. Captain King followed in the launch with as many more. All the other small boats of the two ships were strung across the harbor from Kakooa, where the grove was, to Kowrowa, where the king dwelt, with orders to fire on any canoe trying to escape. Before the fearless leader, the savages prostrated themselves in the streets. Cook strode like a conqueror straight to the door of the king's abode. It was about nine in the morning. Old Terreeoboo--peace lover and lazy--was just awake and only too willing to go aboard with Cook as the easiest way out {204} of the trouble about the stolen boat. But just here the high-handedness of Cook frustrated itself. That line of small boats stretched across the harbor began firing at an escaping canoe. A favorite chief was killed. Word of the killing came as the old king was at the water's edge to follow Cook; and a wife caught him by the arm to drag him back. Suddenly a throng of a thousand surrounded the white men. Some one stabs at Phillips of the marines. Phillips's musket comes down butt-end on the head of the assailant. A spear is thrust in Cook's very face. He fires blank shot. The harmlessness of the shot only emboldens the savages. Women are seen hurrying off to the hills; men don their war mats. There is a rush of the white men to get positions along the water edge free for striking room; of the savages to prevent the whites' escape. A stone hits Cook. "What man did that?" thunders Cook; and he shoots the culprit dead. Then the men in the boats lose their heads, and are pouring volleys of musketry into the crowds. "It is hopeless," mutters Cook to Phillips; but amid a shower of stones above the whooping of the savages, he turns with his back to the crowd, and shouts for the two small boats to cease firing and pull in for the marines. His caution came too late. His back is to his assailants. An arm reached out--a hand with a dagger; and the dagger rips quick as a flash under Cook's shoulder-blade. He fell without a groan, face in the water, and was hacked to pieces {205} before the eyes of his men. Four marines had already fallen. Phillips and Ledyard and the rest jumped into the sea and swam for their lives. The small boats were twenty yards out. Scarcely was Phillips in the nearest, when a wounded sailor, swimming for refuge, fainted and sank to the bottom. Though half stunned from a stone blow on his head and bleeding from a stab in the back, Phillips leaped to the rescue, dived to bottom, caught the exhausted sailor by the hair of the head and so snatched him into the boat. The dead and the arms of the fugitives had been deserted in the wild scramble for life. [Illustration: The Death of Cook.] Meanwhile the masts of the _Resolution_, guarded by {206} only six marines, were exposed to the warriors of the other village at the cocoanut grove. Protected by the guns of the two ships under the direction of Clerke, who now became commander, masts and men were got aboard by noon. At four that afternoon, Captain King rowed toward shore for Cook's body. He was met by the little leprous priest Koah, swimming halfway out. Though tears of sorrow were in Koah's treacherous red-rimmed eyes as he begged that Clerke and King might come ashore to parley. King judged it prudent to hold tightly on the priest's spear handle while the two embraced. Night after night for a week, the conch-shells blew their challenge of defiance to the white men. Fires rallying to war danced on the hillsides. Howls and shouts of derision echoed from the shore. The stealthy paddle of treacherous spies could be heard through the dark under the keel of the white men's ships. Cook's clothing, sword, hat, were waved in scorn under the sailors' faces. The women had hurried to the hills. The old king was hidden in a cave, where he could be reached only by a rope ladder; and emissary after emissary tried to lure the whites ashore. One pitch-dark night, paddles were heard under the keels. The sentinels fired; but by lantern light two terrified faces appeared above the rail of the _Resolution_. Two frightened, trembling savages crawled over the deck, prostrated themselves at Clerke's feet, and slowly unrolled a small wrapping of cloth that revealed a small {207} piece of human flesh--the remains of Cook. Dead silence fell on the horrified crew. Then Clerke's stern answer was that unless the bones of Cook were brought to the ships, both native villages would be destroyed. The two savages were former friends of Cook's and warned the whites not to be allured on land, nor to trust Koah, the leper priest, on the ships. Again the conch-shells blew their challenge all night through the darkness. Again the war fires danced; but next morning the guns of the _Discovery_ were trained on Koah, when he tried to come on board. That day sailors were landed for water and set fire to the village of the cocoanut groves to drive assailants back. How quickly human nature may revert to the beast type! When the white sailors returned from this skirmish, they carried back to the ships with them, the heads of two Hawaiians they had slain. By Saturday, the 20th, masts were in place and the boats ready to sail. Between ten and eleven o'clock in the morning, a long procession of people was seen filing slowly down the hills preceded by drummers and a white flag. Word was signalled that Cook's bones were on shore to be delivered. Clerke put out in a small boat to receive the dead commander's remains--from which all flesh had been burned. On Sunday, the 21st, the entire bay was tabooed. Not a native came out of the houses. Silence lay over the waters. The funeral service was read on board the _Resolution_, and the coffin committed to the deep. {208} A curious reception awaited the ships at Avacha Bay, Kamchatka, whence they now sailed. Ismyloff's letter commending the explorers to the governor of Avacha Bay brought thirty Cossack soldiers floundering through the shore ice of Petropaulovsk under the protection of pointed cannon. Ismyloff, with fur trader's jealousy of intrusion, had warned the Russian commander that the English ships were pirates like Benyowsky, the Polish exile, who had lately sacked the garrisons of Kamchatka, stolen the ships, and sailed to America. However, when Cook's letters were carried overland to Bolcheresk, to Major Behm, the commander, all went well. The little log-thatched fort with its windows of talc opened wide doors to the far-travelled English. The Russian ladies of the fort donned their China silks. The samovars were set singing. English sailors gave presents of their grog to the Russians. Russian Cossacks presented their tobacco to the English, adding three such cheers as only Cossacks can give and a farewell song. In 1779 Clerke made one more attempt to pass through the northern ice-fields from Pacific to Atlantic; but he accomplished nothing but to go over the ground explored the year before under Cook. On the 5th of July at ten P.M. in the lingering sunlight of northern latitudes, just as the boats were halfway through the Straits of Bering, the fog lifted, and for the first time in history--as far as known--the westernmost part of America, Cape Prince of Wales, and the {209} eastern-most part of Asia, East Cape, were simultaneously seen by white men. Finding it impossible to advance eastward, Clerke decided there was no Northeast Passage by way of the Pacific to the Atlantic; and on the 21st of July, to the cheers of his sailors, announced that the ships would turn back for England.[3] Poor Clerke died of consumption on the way, August 22, 1779, only thirty-eight years of age, and was buried at Petropaulovsk beside La Croyére de l'Isle, who perished on the Bering expedition. The boats did not reach England till October of 1780. They had not won the reward of twenty thousand pounds; but they had charted a strange coast for a distance of three thousand five hundred miles, and paved the way for the vast commerce that now plies between Occident and Orient.[4] [1] The question may occur, why in the account of Cook's and Bering's voyage, the latitude is not oftener given. The answer is, the latitudes as given by Cook and Bering vary so much from the modern, it would only confuse the reader trying to follow a modern map. [2] This is the Ismyloff who was marooned by Benyowsky. [3] The authority for Cook's adventures is, of course, his own journal, _Voyage to the Pacific Ocean_, London, 1784, supplemented by the letters and journals of men who were with him, like Ledyard, Vancouver, Portlock, and Dixon, and others. [4] In reiterating the impossibility of finding a passage from ocean to ocean, either northeast or northwest, no disparagement is cast on such feats as that of Nordenskjöld along the north of Asia, in the _Vega_ in 1882. By "passage" is meant a waterway practicable for ocean vessels, not for the ocean freak of a specially constructed Arctic vessel that dodges for a year or more among the ice-floes in an endeavor to pass from Atlantic to Pacific, or _vice versa_. {210} CHAPTER VIII 1785-1792 ROBERT GRAY, THE AMERICAN DISCOVERER OF THE COLUMBIA Boston Merchants, inspired by Cook's Voyages, outfit two Vessels under Kendrick and Gray for Discovery and Trade on the Pacific--Adventures of the First Ship to carry the American Flag around the World--Gray attacked by Indians at Tillamook Bay--His Discovery of the Columbia River on the Second Voyage--Fort Defence and the First American Ship built on the Pacific It is an odd thing that wherever French or British fur traders went to a new territory, they found the Indians referred to American traders, not as "Americans," but "Bostons" or "_Bostonnais_." The reason was plain. Boston merchants won a reputation as first to act. It was they who began a certain memorable "Boston Tea Party"; and before the rest of the world had recovered the shock of that event, these same merchants were planning to capture the trade of the Pacific Ocean, get possession of all the Pacific coast not already preëmpted by Spain, Russia, or England, and push American commerce across the Pacific to Asia. {211} What with slow printing-presses and slow travel, the account of Cook's voyages on the Pacific did not become generally known in the United States till 1785 or 1786. Sitting round the library of Dr. Bulfinch's residence on Bowdoin Square in Boston one night in 1787, were half a dozen adventurous spirits for whom Cook's account of the fur trade on the Pacific had an irresistible fascination. There was the doctor himself. There was his son, Charles, of Harvard, just back from Europe and destined to become famous as an architect. There was Joseph Barrell, a prosperous merchant. There was John Derby, a shipmaster of Salem, a young man still, but who, nevertheless, had carried news of Lexington to England. Captain Crowell Hatch of Cambridge, Samuel Brown, a trader of Boston, and John Marden Pintard of the New York firm of Lewis Pintard Company were also of the little coterie. [Illustration: Departure of the _Columbia_ and the _Lady Washington_. Drawn by George Davidson, a member of the Expedition. Photographed by courtesy of the present owner, Mrs. Abigail Quincy Twombly.] If Captain Cook's crew had sold one-third of a water-rotted cargo of otter furs in China for ten thousand dollars, why, these Boston men asked themselves, could not ships fitted expressly for the fur trade capture a fortune in trade on that unoccupied strip of coast between Russian Alaska, on the north, and New Spain, on the south? "There is a rich harvest to be reaped by those who are on the ground first out there," remarked Joseph Barrell. Then the thing was to be on the ground first--that {212} was the unanimous decision of the shrewd-headed men gathered in Bulfinch's study. [Illustration: Charles Bulfinch.] The sequence was that Charles Bulfinch and the other five at once formed a partnership with a capital of fifty thousand dollars, divided into fourteen shares, for trade on the Pacific. This was ten years before Lewis and Clark reached the Columbia, almost twenty years before Astor had thought of his Pacific Company. The Columbia, a full-rigged two-decker, two hundred and twelve tons and eighty-three feet long, mounting {213} ten guns, which had been built fourteen years before on Hobart's Landing, North River, was immediately purchased. But a smaller ship to cruise about inland waters and collect furs was also needed; and for this purpose the partners bought the _Lady Washington_, a little sloop of ninety tons. Captain John Kendrick of the merchant marine was chosen to command the _Columbia_, Robert Gray, a native of Rhode Island, who had served in the revolutionary navy, a friend of Kendrick's, to be master of the _Lady Washington_. Kendrick was of middle age, cautious almost to indecision; but Gray was younger with the daring characteristic of youth. In order to insure a good reception for the ships, letters were obtained from the federal government to foreign powers. Massachusetts furnished passports; and the Spanish minister to the United States gave letters to the viceroy of New Spain. Just how the information of Boston plans to intrude on the Pacific coast was received by New Spain may be judged by the confidential commands at once issued from Santa Barbara to the Spanish officer at San Francisco: "_Whenever there may arrive at the Port of San Francisco, a ship named the Columbia said to belong to General Wanghington (Washington) of the American States, under command of John Kendrick which sailed from Boston in September 1787 bound on a voyage of Discovery and of Examination of the Russian Establishments on the Northern Coast of this Peninsula, you {214} will cause said vessel to be secured together with her officers and crew._" Orders were also given Kendrick and Gray to avoid offence to any foreign power, to treat the natives with kindness and Christianity, to obtain a cargo of furs on the American coast, to proceed with the same to China to be exchanged for a cargo of tea, and to return to Boston with the tea. The holds of the vessels were then stowed with every trinket that could appeal to the savage heart, beads, brass buttons, ear-rings, calico, tin mirrors, blankets, hunting-knives, copper kettles, iron chisels, snuff, tobacco. The crews were made up of the very best class of self-respecting sea-faring men. Woodruff, Kendrick's first mate, had been with Cook. Joseph Ingraham, the second mate, rose to become a captain. Robert Haswell, the third mate, was the son of a British naval officer. Richard Howe went as accountant; Dr. Roberts, as surgeon; Nutting, formerly a teacher, as astronomer; and Treat, as fur trader. Davis Coolidge was the first mate under Gray on the _Lady Washington_. Some heroes blunder into glory. These didn't. They deliberately set out with the full glory of their venture in view. Whatever the profit and loss account might show when they came back, they were well aware that they were attempting the very biggest and most venturesome thing the newly federated states had essayed in the way of exploration and trade. To {215} commemorate the event, Joseph Barrell had medals struck in bronze and silver showing the two vessels on one side, the names of the outfitters on the other. All Saturday afternoon sailors and officers came trundling down to the wharf, carpet bags and seamen's chests in tow, to be rowed out where the Columbia and Lady Washington lay at anchor. Boston was a Sabbath-observing city in those days; but even Boston could not keep away from the two ships heaving to the tide, which for the first time in American history were to sail around an unknown world. All Saturday night and Sunday morning the sailors scoured the decks and put berths shipshape; and all Sunday afternoon the visitors thronged the decks. By night outfitters and relatives were still on board. The medals of commemoration were handed round. Health and good luck and God speed were drunk unto the heel taps. Songs resounded over the festive board. It was all "mirth and glee" writes one of the men on {216} board. But by daybreak the ships had slipped cables. The tide, that runs from round the underworld, raced bounding to meet them. A last dip of land behind; and on Monday, October 1, 1787, the ships' prows were cleaving the waters of their fate. [Illustration: Medals commemorating _Columbia_ and _Lady Washington_ cruise.] The course lay from Boston to Cape Verde Islands, from Verde Islands to the Falklands north of Cape Horn, round Cape Horn, up the west coast of South America, touching at Masafuera and Juan Fernandez, and thence, without pause, to the west coast of North America. At Cape Verde, Gray hired a valet, a colored boy, Marcus Lopez, destined to play an important part later. Crossing the equator, the sailors became hilarious, playing the usual pranks of ducking the men fresh to equatorial waters. So long did the ships rest at the Verde Islands, taking in fresh provisions, that it was January before the Falkland Islands were reached. Here Kendrick's caution became almost fear. He was averse to rounding the stormy Horn in winter. Roberts, the surgeon, and Woodruff, who had been with Cook, had become disgusted with Kendrick's indecision at Cape Verde, and left, presumably taking passage back on some foreign cruiser. Haswell, then, went over as first mate to Gray. Mountain seas and smashing gales assailed the ships from the time they headed for the Horn in April of 1788. The _Columbia_ was tossed clear up on her beam ends, and sea after sea crashed over the little {217} _Lady Washington_, drenching everything below decks like soap-suds in a rickety tub. Then came a hurricane of cold winds coating the ship in ice like glass, till the yard-arms looked like ghosts. Between scurvy and cold, there was not a sailor fit to man the decks. Somewhere down at 57 degrees south, westward of the Horn, the smashing seas and driving winds separated the two ships; but as they headed north, bright skies and warm winds welcomed them to the Pacific. At Masafuera, off Chile, the ships would have landed for fresh water; but a tremendous backwash of surf forewarned reefs; and the _Lady Washington_ stretched her sails for the welcome warm winds, and tacked with all speed to the north. A few weeks later, Kendrick was compelled to put in for Juan Fernandez to repair the _Columbia_ and rest his scurvy-stricken crew. They were given all aid by the governor of the island, who was afterward reprimanded by the viceroy of Chile and degraded from office for helping these invaders of the South Seas. Meantime the little sloop, guided by the masterful and enthusiastic Gray, showed her heels to the sea. Soon a world of deep-sea, tropical wonders was about the American adventurers. The slime of medusa lights lined the long foam trail of the _Lady Washington_ each night. Dolphins raced the ship, herd upon herd, their silver-white bodies aglisten in the sun. Schools of spermaceti-whales to the number of twenty at a time gambolled lazily around the prow. Stormy petrels, {218} flying-fish, sea-lions, began to be seen as the boat passed north of the seas bordering New Spain. Gentle winds and clear sunlight favored the ship all June. The long, hard voyage began to be a summer holiday on warm, silver seas. The _Lady Washington_ headed inland, or where land should be, where Francis Drake two centuries before had reported that he had found New Albion. On August 2, somewhere near what is now Cape Mendocino, daylight revealed a rim of green forested hills above the silver sea. It was New Albion, north of New Spain, the strip of coast they had come round the world to find. Birds in myriads on myriads screamed the joy that the crew felt over their find; but a frothy ripple told of reefs; and the _Lady Washington_ coasted parallel with the shore-line northward. On August 4, while the surf still broke with too great violence for a landing, a tiny speck was seen dancing over the waves like a bird. As the distance lessened, the speck grew and resolved itself to a dugout, or long canoe, carved with bizarre design stem and stern, painted gayly on the keel, carrying ten Indians, who blew birds' down of friendship in midair, threw open their arms without weapons, and made every sign of friendship. Captain Gray tossed them presents over the deck rail; but the whistle of a gale through the riggings warned to keep off the rock shore; and the sloop's prow cut waves for the offing. All night camp-fires and columns of smoke could be seen on shore, showing that the coast was inhabited. Under {219} clouds of sail, the sloop beat north for ten days, passing many savages, some of whom held up sea-otter to trade, others running along the shore brandishing their spears and shouting their war-cry. Two or three at a time were admitted on board to trade; but they evinced such treacherous distrust, holding knives ready to strike in their right hand, that Gray was cautious. During the adverse wind they had passed one opening on the coast that resembled the entrance to a river. Was this the fabled river of the West, that Indians said ran to the setting sun? Away up in the Athabasca Country of Canadian wilds was another man, Alexander Mackenzie, setting to himself that same task of finding the great river of the West. Besides, in 1775, Heceta, the Spanish navigator from Monterey, had drifted close to this coast with a crew so stricken with scurvy not a man could hoist anchor or reef sails. Heceta thought he saw the entrance to a river; but was unable to come within twenty miles of the opening to verify his supposition. And now Gray's crew were on the watch for that supposed river; but more mundane things than glory had become pressing needs. Water was needed for drinking. The ship was out of firewood. The live stock must have hay; and in the crew of twelve, three-quarters were ill of the scurvy. These men must be taken ashore. Somewhere near what is now Cape Lookout, or Tillamook Bay, the rowboat was launched to sound, safe anchorage found, and the _Lady Washington_ towed in harbor. {220} The _Lady Washington_ had anchored about half a mile from shore, but the curiously carved canoes came dancing over the waves in myriads. Gray noticed the natives were all armed with spears and knives, but they evinced great friendliness, bringing the crew baskets of berries and boiled crabs and salmon, in exchange for brass buttons. They had anchored at ten on the night of August 14, and by the afternoon of the 15th the Indians were about the sloop in great numbers, trading otter skins for knives, axes, and other arms--which, in itself, ought to have put the crew on guard. When the white men went ashore for wood and water, the Indians stood silently by, weapons in hand, but offered no hostility. On the third day in harbor an old chief came on board followed by a great number of warriors, all armed. Gray kept careful guard, and the old Indian departed in possession of the stimulating fact that only a dozen hands manned the _Lady Washington_. Waiting for the tide the next afternoon, Haswell and Coolidge, the two mates, were digging clams on shore. Lopez, the black man, and seven of the crew were gathering grass for the stock. Only three men remained on the sloop with Captain Gray. Only two muskets and three or four cutlasses had been brought ashore. Haswell and Coolidge had their belt pistols and swords. The two mates approached the native village. The Indians began tossing spears, as Haswell thought, to amuse their visitors. That failing to inspire these white men, {221} rash as children, with fear, the Indians formed a ring, clubbed down their weapons in pantomime, and executed all the significant passes of the famous war-dance. "It chilled my veins," says Haswell; and the two mates had gone back to their clam digging, when there was a loud, angry shout. Glancing just where the rowboat lay rocking abreast the hay cutters, Haswell saw an Indian snatch at the cutlass of Lopez, the black, who had carelessly stuck it in the sand. With a wild halloo, the thief dashed for the woods, the black in pursuit, mad as a hornet. Haswell went straight to the chief and offered a reward for the return of the sword, or the black man. The old chief taciturnly signalled for Haswell to do his own rescuing. Theft and flight had both been part of a design to scatter the white men. "They see we are ill armed," remarked Haswell to the other. Bidding the boat row abreast with six of the hay cutters, the two mates and a third man ran along the beach in the direction Lopez had disappeared. A sudden turn into a grove of trees showed Lopez squirming mid a group of Indians, holding the thief by the neck and shouting for "help! help!" No sooner had the three whites come on the scene, than the Indians plunged their knives in the boy's back. He stumbled, rose, staggered forward, then fell pierced by a flight of barbed arrows. Haswell had only time to see the hostiles fall on his body like a pack of wolves on prey, when more Indians {222} emerged from the rear, and the whites were between two war parties under a shower of spears. A wild dash was made to head the fugitives off from shore. Haswell and Coolidge turned, pistols in hand, while the rowboat drew in. Another flight of arrows, when the mates let go a charge of pistol shot that dropped the foremost three Indians. Shouting for the rowers to fire, Haswell, Coolidge, and the sailor plunged into the water. To make matters worse, the sailor fainted from loss of blood, and the pursuers threw themselves into the water with a whoop. Hauling the wounded man in the boat, the whites rowed for dear life. The Indians then launched their canoes to pursue, but by this time Gray had the cannon of the _Lady Washington_ trained ashore, and three shots drove the hostiles scampering. For two days tide and wind and a thundering surf imprisoned Gray in Murderers' Harbor, where he had hoped to find the River of the West, but met only danger. All night the savages kept up their howling; but on the third day the wind veered. All sails set, the sloop scudded for the offing, glad to keep some distance between herself and such a dangerous coast. The advantage of a small boat now became apparent. In the same quarter, Cook was compelled to keep out from the coast, and so reported there were no Straits of Fuca. By August 21 the sloop was again close enough to the rocky shore to sight the snowy, opal {223} ranges of the Olympus Mountains. By August 26 they had passed the wave-lashed rocks of Cape Flattery, and the mate records; "I am of opinion that the Straits of Fuca exist; for in the very latitude they are said to lie, the coast takes a bend, probably the entrance." [Illustration: Building the first American Ship on the Pacific Coast. Photographed by courtesy of Mrs. Abigail Quincy Twombly, a descendant of Gray.] By September, after frequent stops to trade with the Indians, they were well abreast of Nootka, where Cook had been ten years before. A terrible ground-swell of surf and back-wash raged over projecting reefs. The Indians, here, knew English words enough to tell Gray that Nootka lay farther east, and that a Captain Meares was there with two vessels. A strange sail appeared inside the harbor. Gray thought it was the belated _Columbia_ under Kendrick; but a rowboat came out bearing Captain Meares himself, who breakfasted with the Americans on September 17, and had his long-boats tow the _Lady Washington_ inside Nootka, where Gray was surprised to see two English snows under Portuguese colors, with a cannon-mounted garrison on shore, and a schooner of thirty tons, the _Northwest-America_, all ready to be launched. This was the first ship built on the northwest coast. Gray himself later built the second. Amid salvos of cannon from the _Lady Washington_, the new fur vessel was launched from her skids; and in her honor September 19 was observed as a holiday, Meares and Douglas, the two English captains, entertaining Gray and his officers. Meares had come from China in {224} January, and during the summer had been up the Straits of Fuca, where another English captain, Barclay, had preceded him. Then Meares had gone south past Flattery, seeking in vain for the River of the West. Gales and breakers had driven him off the coast, and the very headland which hid the mouth of the Columbia, he had named Cape Disappointment, because he was so sure--in his own words--"that the river on the Spanish charts did not exist." He had also been down the coast to that Tillamook, or Cape Meares, where Gray's valet had been murdered. This was in July, a month before the assault on Gray; and if Haswell's report of Meares's cruelty be accepted--taking furs by force of arms--that may have explained the hostility to the Americans. Meares was short of provisions to go to China, and Gray supplied them. In return Meares set his workmen to help clean the keel of the _Lady Washington_ from barnacles; but the Englishman was a true fur trader to the core. In after-dinner talks, on the day of the launch, he tried to frighten the Americans away from the coast. Not fifty skins in a year were to be had, he said. Only the palisades and cannon protected him from the Indians, of whom there were more than two thousand hostiles at Nootka, he reported. They could have his fort for firewood after he left. He had purchased the right to build it from the Indians. (Whether he acknowledged that he paid the Indians only two old pistols for this privilege, is not recorded.) At all events, it {225} would not be worth while for the Americans to remain on the coast. The Americans listened and smiled. Meares offered to carry any mail to China, and on the 2d was towed out of port by Gray and the other English captain, Douglas; but what was Gray's astonishment to receive the packet of mail back from Douglas. Meares had only pretended to carry it out in order that none of his crew might be bribed to take it, and then had sent it back by his partner, Douglas--true fur trader in checkmating the moves of rivals. Later on, when Meares's men were in desperate straits in this same port, they wondered that the Americans stood apart from the quarrel, if not actually siding with Spain. On September 23 appeared a strange sail on the offing--the _Columbia_, under Kendrick, sails down and draggled, spars storm-torn, two men dead of scurvy, and the crew all ill. October 1 celebrated a grand anniversary of the departure from Boston the previous year. At precisely midday the _Columbia_ boomed out thirteen guns. The sloop set the echoes rocketing with another thirteen. Douglas's ship roared out a salute of seven cannon shots, the fort on land six more, and the day was given up to hilarity, all hands dining on board the _Columbia_ with such wild fowl as the best game woods in the world afforded, and copious supply of Spanish wines. Toasts were drunk to the first United States ship on the Pacific coast of America. On October 26 {226} Douglas's ship and the fur trader, _Northwest-America_, were towed out, bound for the Sandwich Islands, and the Americans were left alone on the northwest coast, the fort having been demolished, and the logs turned over to Kendrick for firewood. [Illustration: Feather Cloak worn by a son of an Hawaiian Chief, at the celebration in honor of Gray's return. Photographed by courtesy of Mrs. Joy, the present owner.] The winter of 1788-1789 passed uneventfully except that the English were no sooner out of the harbor, than the Indians, who had kept askance of the Americans, came in flocks to trade. Inasmuch as Cook's name is a household word, world over, for what he did on the Pacific coast, and Gray's name barely known outside the city of Boston and the state of {227} Oregon, it is well to follow Gray's movements on the _Lady Washington_. March found him trading south of Nootka at Clayoquot, named Hancock, after the governor of Massachusetts. April saw him fifty miles up the Straits of Fuca, which Cook had said did not exist. Then he headed north again, touching at Nootka, where he found Douglas, the Englishman, had come back from the Sandwich Islands with the two ships. Passing out of Nootka at four in the afternoon of May 1, he met a stately ship, all sails set, twenty guns pointed, under Spanish colors, gliding into the harbor. It was the flag-ship of Don Joseph Martinez, sent out to Bering Sea on a voyage of discovery, with a consort, and now entering Nootka to take possession in the name of Spain. Martinez examined Gray's passports, learned that the Americans had no thought of laying claim to Nootka and, finding out about Douglas's ship inside the harbor, seemed to conclude that it would be wise to make friends of the Americans; and he presented Gray with wines, brandy, hams, and spices. "She will make a good prize," was his sententious remark to Gray about the English ship. Rounding northward, Gray met the companion ship of the Spanish commander. It will be remembered Cook missed proving that the west coast was a chain of islands. Since Cook's time, Barclay, an Englishman, and Meares had been in the Straits of Fuca. Dixon had discovered Queen Charlotte Island; but {228} the cruising of the little sloop, _Lady Washington_, covered a greater area than Meares's, Barclay's and Dixon's ships together. First it rounded the north end of Vancouver, proving this was island, not continent. These northern waters Gray called Derby Sound, after the outfitter. He then passed up between Queen Charlotte Island and the continent for two hundred miles, calling this island Washington. It was northward of Portland Canal, somewhere near what is now Wrangel, that the brave little sloop was caught in a terrific gale that raged over her for two hours, damaging masts and timbers so that Gray was compelled to turn back from what he called Distress Cove, for repairs at Nootka. At one point off Prince of Wales Island, the Indians willingly traded two hundred otter skins, worth eight thousand dollars, for an old iron chisel. In the second week of June the sloop was back at Nootka, where Gray was not a little surprised to find the Spanish had erected a fort on Hog Island, seized Douglas's vessel, and only released her on condition that the little fur trader _Northwest-America_ should become Spanish property on entering Nootka. Gray and Kendrick now exchanged ships, Gray, who had proved himself the swifter navigator, going on the _Columbia_, taking Haswell with him as mate. In return for one hundred otter skins, Gray was to carry the captured crew of the _Northwest-America_ to China for the Spaniards. On July 30, 1789, he left Vancouver Island. Stop was made at Hawaii for {229} provisions, and Atto, the son of a chief, boarded the _Columbia_ to visit America. On December 6 the _Columbia_ delivered her cargo of furs to Shaw & Randall of Canton, receiving in exchange tea for Samuel Parkman, of Boston. It was February, 1790, before the Columbia was ready to sail for Boston, and dropping down the river she passed the _Lady Washington_, under Kendrick, in a cove where the gale hid her from Gray. [Illustration: John Derby, from the portrait by Gilbert Stuart, by courtesy of the owner, Dr. George B. Shattuck.] On August 11, 1790, after rounding Good Hope and touching at St. Helena, Gray entered Boston. It was the first time an American ship had gone round the world, almost fifty thousand miles, her log-book showed, and salvos of artillery thundered a welcome. General Lincoln, the port collector, was first on board to shake Gray's hand. The whole city of Boston was on the wharf to cheer him home, and the explorer walked up the streets side by side with Atto, the Hawaiian boy, gorgeous in helmet and cloak of yellow plumage. Governor Hancock gave a public reception to Gray. The _Columbia_ went to the shipyards to be overhauled, and the shareholders met. Owing to the glutting of the market at Canton, the sea-otter had not sold well. Practically the venture of these glory seekers had not ended profitably. The voyage had been at a loss. Derby and Pintard sold out to Barrell and Brown. But the lure of glory, or the wilds, or the venture of the unknown, was on the others. They decided to send the _Columbia_ back at {230} once on a second voyage. Perhaps, this time, she would find that great River of the West, which was to be to the Pacific coast what the Hudson was to the East. [Illustration: Map of Gray's two voyages, resulting in the discovery of the Columbia.] Coolidge and Ingraham now left the _Columbia_ for ventures of their own to the Pacific. Haswell, whose diary, with Gray's log-book, gives all details of the voyage, went as first mate. George Davidson, an artist, Samuel Yendell, a carpenter, Haskins, an accountant of Barrell's Company, Joshua Caswell of Maiden, Abraham Waters, and John Boit were the new men to enlist for the venturesome voyage. The _Columbia_ left Boston for a second voyage September 28, 1790, and reached Clayoquot on the west coast of Vancouver Island on June 5, 1791. True to his nature, Gray lost not a day, but was off for the sea-otter harvest of the north, up Portland Canal near what is now Alaska. The dangers of the first voyage proved a holiday compared to this trip. Formerly, Gray had treated the Indians with kindness. Now, he found kindness was mistaken only for fear. Joshua Caswell, Barnes, and Folger had been sent up Portland Canal to reconnoitre. Whether ambushed or openly assaulted, they never returned. Only Caswell's body was found, and buried on the beach. Later, when the grave was revisited, the body had been stolen, in all likelihood for cannibal rites, as no more degraded savages exist than those of this archipelago. Over on Queen Charlotte Island, Kendrick, who had returned from China on the _Lady Washington_, {232} was having his own time. One day, when all had gone below decks to rest, a taunting laugh was heard from the hatchway. Kendrick rushed above to find Indians scrambling over the decks of the _Lady Washington_ like a nest of disgruntled hornets. A warrior flourished the key of the ammunition chest, which stood by the hatchway, in Kendrick's face with the words: "Key is mine! So is the ship!" If Kendrick had hesitated for the fraction of a second, all would have been lost, as on Astor's ship a few years later; but before the savages had time for any concerted signal, he had seized the speaker by the scruff of the neck, and tossed him into the sea. In a second every savage had scuttled over decks; but the scalp of Kendrick's son Solomon was found on the beach. Henceforth neither Kendrick nor Gray allowed more than ten savages on board at a time, and Kendrick at once headed south to take the harvest of furs to China. At Nootka things had gone from bad to worse between the English and the Spaniards. Though Kendrick bought great tracts of land from the Indian chiefs at Nootka for the price of a copper kettle, he judged it prudent to keep away from a Spanish commander, whose mission it was to capture the ships of rival traders; so the American sloop moored in Clayoquot, south of Nootka, where Gray found Kendrick ready to sail for China by September. At Clayoquot was built the first American fort on the Pacific coast. Here Gray erected winter quarters. {233} The _Columbia_ was unrigged and beached. The dense forest rang with the sound of the choppers. The enormous spruce, cedar, and fir trees were hewn into logs for several cabins and a barracks, the bark slabs being used as a palisade. Inside the main house were quarters for ten men. Loopholes punctured all sides of the house. Two cannon were mounted outside the window embrasures, one inside the gate or door. The post was named Fort Defence. Sentinels kept guard night and day. Military discipline was maintained, and divine service held each Sunday. On October 3 timbers were laid for a new ship, to be called the _Adventure_, to collect furs for the _Columbia_. All the winter of 1791-1792, Gray visited the Indians, sent medicines to their sick, allowed his men to go shooting with them, and even nursed one ill chief inside the barracks; but he was most careful not to allow women or more than a few warriors inside the fort. What was his horror, then, on February 18, when Atto, the Hawaiian boy, came to him with news that the Indians, gathered to the number of two thousand, and armed with at least two hundred muskets got in trade, had planned the entire extermination of the whites. They had offered to make the Hawaiian boy a great chief among them if he would steal more ammunition for the Indians, wet all the priming of the white men's arms, and join the conspiracy to let the savages get possession of fort and ship. In the history of American pathfinding, no explorer was ever in greater {234} danger. Less than a score of whites against two thousand armed warriors! Scarcely any ammunition had been brought in from the _Columbia_. All the swivels of the dismantled ship were lying on the bank. Gray instantly took advantage of high tide to get the ship on her sea legs, and out from the bank. Swivels were trundled with all speed back to the decks. For that night a guard watched the fort; but the next night, when the assault was expected, all hands were on board, provisions had been stowed in the hold, and small arms were loaded. The men were still to mid-waist in water, scraping barnacles from the keel, when a whoop sounded from the shore; but the change in the ship's position evidently upset the plans of the savages, for they withdrew. On the morning of the 20th the woods were seen to be alive with ambushed men; and Haswell had the cannon loaded with canister fired into the woods. At eleven that very morning, the chief, at the head of the plot, came to sell otter skins, and ask if some of the crew would not visit the village. Gray jerked the skins from his arms, and the rascal was over decks in terror of his life. That was the end of the plot. On the 23d the _Adventure_ was launched, the second vessel built on the Pacific, the first American vessel built there at all; and by April 2 Haswell was ready to go north on her. Gray on the _Columbia_ was going south to have another try at that great River of the West, which Spanish charts represented. {235} Without a doubt, if the river existed at all, it was down behind that Cape Disappointment where Meares had failed to go in, and Heceta been driven back. Just what Gray did between April 2 and May 7 is a matter of guessing. Anyway, Captain George Vancouver sent out from England to settle the dispute about Nootka, at six o'clock on the morning of April 29, just off the wave-lashed rocks of Cape Flattery, and within sight of Olympus's snowy sky-line, noticed a ship on the offing carrying American colors. He sent Mr. Puget and Mr. Menzies to inquire. They brought back word that Gray "had been off the mouth of a river in 46 degrees 10 minutes where the outset and reflux was so strong as to prevent entering for nine days," and that Gray had been fifty miles up the Straits of Fuca. Both facts were distasteful to Vancouver. He had wished to be the first to explore the Straits of Fuca, and on only April 27, had passed an opening which he pronounced inaccessible and not a river, certainly not a river worthy of his attention. Yet the exact words of Captain Bruno Heceta, the Spaniard, in 1775 were: "These currents . . . cause me to believe that the place is the mouth of some great river. . . . I did not enter and anchor there because . . . if we let go the anchor, we had not enough men to get it up. (Thirty-five were down with scurvy.) . . . At the distance of three or four leagues, I lay too. I experienced heavy currents, which made it impossible to enter the {236} bay, as I was far to leeward. . . . These currents, however, convince me that a great quantity of water rushed from this bay on the ebb of the tide." So the Spaniard failed to enter, and now the great English navigator went on his way, convinced there was no River of the West; but Robert Gray headed back south determined to find what lay behind the tremendous crash of breakers and sand bar. On the 7th of May, the rowboat towed the _Columbia_ into what is now known as Gray's Harbor, where he opened trade with the Indians, and was presently so boldly overrun by them, that he was compelled to fire into their canoes, killing seven. Putting out from this harbor on the 10th, he steered south, keeping close ashore, and was rewarded at four o'clock on the morning of the 11th by hearing a tide-rip like thunder and seeing an ocean of waters crashing sheer over sand bar and reef with a cataract of foam in midair from the drive of colliding waves. Milky waters tinged the sea as of inland streams. Gray had found the river, but could he enter? A gentle wind, straight as a die, was driving direct ashore. Gray waited till the tide seemed to lift or deepen the waters of the reef, then at eight in the morning, all sails set like a bird on wing, drove straight for the narrow entrance between reefs and sand. Once across the bar, he saw the mouth of a magnificent river of fresh water. He had found the River of the West. Gray describes the memorable event in these simple {237} words: "May 11th . . . at four A.M. saw the entrance of our desired port bearing east-southeast, distance six leagues . . . at eight A.M. being a little to windward of the entrance of the harbor, bore away, and ran in east-southeast between the breakers. . . . When we were over the bar, we found this to be a large river of fresh water, up which we steered. Many canoes came alongside. At one P.M. came to (anchor). . . ." [Illustration: A View of the Columbia River.] By the 14th, Gray had ascended the river twenty or thirty miles from the sea, but was compelled to turn, as he had taken a shallow channel. Dropping down with the tide, he anchored on the 19th and went ashore, where he planted coins under a tree, took {238} possession in the name of the United States, and named the river "Columbia." On the 20th, he crossed the bar and was out again on the Pacific. The most of men would have rested, satisfied with half he had done. Not so Gray. He headed the _Columbia_ north again for the summer's trade in what is now known as southern Alaska. Only damages to the _Columbia_ drove her down to Nootka in July, where Don Quadra, the new Spanish commander, and Captain Vancouver were in conference over those English ships seized by Martinez. To Quadra, Gray sold the little _Adventure_, pioneer of American shipbuilding on the Pacific, for seventy-five otter skins. From Spanish sources it is learned Gray's cargo had over three thousand otter skins, and fifteen thousand other peltries; so the second voyage may have made up for the loss of the first. [Illustration: At the Mouth of the Columbia River.] On October 3 the _Columbia_ left America for China; and on July 29, 1793, came to the home harbor of Boston. Sometime between 1806 and 1809, Gray died in South Carolina, a poor man. It is doubtful if his widow's petition to Congress ever materialized in a reward for any of his descendants. Kendrick, eclipsed by his brilliant assistant, was accidentally killed in Hawaii by the wad of a gun fired by a British vessel to salute the _Lady Washington_. From the date 1793 or 1795 the little sloop drops out of sea-faring annals. What is Gray's place among pathfinders and naval {239} heroes? Where does his life's record leave him? It was not spectacular work. It was not work backed by a government, like Bering's or Cook's. It was the work of an individual adventurer, like Radisson east of the Rockies. Gray was a man who did much and said little. He was not accompanied by a host of scientists to herald his fame to the world. Judged solely by results, what did he accomplish? The same for the United States that Cook did for England. He led the way for the American flag around the world. Measuring purely by distance, his ship's log would compare well with Cook's or Vancouver's. The same part of the Pacific coast which they {240} explored, he explored, except that he did not go to northern Alaska; and he compensated for that by discovering the great river, which they both said had no existence. And yet, who that knows of Cook and Vancouver, knows as much of Gray? Authentic histories are still written that speak of Gray's discovery doubtfully. Gray did much, but said little; and the world is prone to take a man at his own valuation. Yet if the world places Cook and Vancouver in the niches of naval heroes, Gray must be placed between them. There is a curious human side to the story of these glory seekers, too. Bulfinch was so delighted over the discovery of the Columbia, that he had his daughter christened "Columbia," to which the young lady objected in later years, so that the name was dropped. In commemoration of Don Quadra's kindness in repairing the ship _Columbia_, Gray named one of his children Quadra. The curios brought back by Ingraham on the first voyage were donated to Harvard. Descendants of Gray still have the pictures drawn by Davidson and Haswell on the second voyage. The sea chest carried round the world by Gray now rests in the keeping of an historical society in Portland; and the feather cloak worn up the street by the boy Atto, when he marched in the procession with Gray, is treasured in Boston.[1] [1] Much concerning Gray's voyages can be found in the accounts of contemporary navigators like Meares and Vancouver; but the essential facts of the voyages are obtainable from the records of Gray's log-book, and of diaries kept by his officers. {241} Gray's log-book itself seems to have passed into the hands of the Bulfinch family. From a copy of the original, Thomas Bulfinch reprinted the exact entry of the discovery on May 11, 1792, in his _Oregon and Eldorado, a Romance of the Rivers_, Boston, 1866. The log-book is now on file in the Department of State, Washington; but that part from which Bulfinch made his extract is missing; nor is it known where this section was lost as it was in 1816 that Mr. Charles Bulfinch made a copy of this section from the original. Greenhow's _Oregon and California_, Boston, 1844, issued under the auspices of Congress, gives the log-book in full from May 7th to May 21st. Hubert Howe Bancroft in his _Northwest Coast_, Volume I, 1890, reproduces the diary in full of Haswell for both voyages. It is from Haswell that the fullest account of the Indian plots are obtained; but at the time of the discovery of the Columbia, Haswell was on the little sloop _Adventure_, and what he reports is from hearsay. His words in the entry of June 14 are; "They (the _Columbia_) had very disagreeable weather but . . . good success. . . They discovered a harbor in latitude 46 degrees 53 minutes north. . . . This is Gray's Harbor. Here they were attacked by the natives, and the savages had a considerable slaughter made among them. They next entered Columbia River, and went up it about thirty miles, and doubted not it was navigable upwards of a hundred miles. . . . The ship (_Columbia_) during the cruise had collected upwards of seven hundred sea-otter skins and fifteen thousand skins of other species." The pictures made by Davidson, the artist, on the second voyage, owned by collectors in Boston, tell their own story. From all these sources, and from the descendants of Gray, the Rev. Edward G. Porter collected data for his lecture before the Massachusetts Historical Society, afterward published in the _New England Magazine_ of June, 1892. The _Massachusetts Historical Proceedings_ for 1892 have, by all odds, the most complete collection of data bearing on Gray. The archives include the medal and three of Davidson's drawings, also papers relating to the _Columbia_ presented by Barrell. The Salem Institute has also some data on the ships. The _Massachusetts Proceedings_ for 1869-1870 also give, from the Archives of California, the letter of Governor Don Pedro Fages of Santa Barbara to Don Josef Arguello of San Francisco, warning the latter against the American navigators. Greenhow obtained from the Hydrographical Office at Madrid the report of Captain Bruno Heceta's voyage in 1775, when he sighted the mouth of a river supposed to be the Columbia. {242} CHAPTER IX 1778-1790 JOHN LEDYARD, THE FORERUNNER OF LEWIS AND CLARK A New England Ne'er-do-well, turned from the Door of Rich Relatives, joins Cook's Expedition to America--Adventure among the Russians of Oonalaska--Useless Endeavor to interest New England Merchants in Fur Trade--A Soldier of Fortune in Paris, he meets Jefferson and Paul Jones and outlines Exploration of Western America--Succeeds in crossing Siberia alone on the Way to America, but is thwarted by Russian Fur Traders When his relatives banged the door in his face, turning him destitute in the streets of London, if John Ledyard could have foreseen that the act would indirectly lead to the Lewis and Clark exploration of the great region between the Mississippi and the Pacific, he would doubtless have regarded the unkindness as Dick Whittington did the cat, that led on to fortune. He had been a dreamer from the time he was born in Groton, opposite New London, Connecticut--the kind of a dreamer whose moonshine lights the path of other men to success; but his wildest dreams never dared the bigness of an empire many times greater than the original states of the Union. {243} Instead he had landed at Plymouth, ragged, not a farthing in the bottom of his pockets, not a farthing's possession on earth but his hopes. Those hopes were to reach rich relatives in London, who might give him a lift to the first rung of the world's climbers. He was twenty-five years old. He had burned his ships behind him. That is, he had disappointed all his relatives in America so thoroughly that he could never again turn for help to the home hands. They had designed him for a profession, these New England friends. If Nature had designed him for the same thing, it would have been all right; but she hadn't. The son of a widowed mother, the love of the sea, of pathless places, of what is just out of sight over the dip of the horizon, was in his blood from his father's side. Friends thought he should be well satisfied when he was sent to live with his grandfather at Hartford and apprenticed to the law; but John Ledyard hated the pettifogging of the law, hated roofed-over, walled-in life, wanted the kind of life where men do things, not just dicker, and philosophize, and compromise over the fag-ends of things other men have done. At twenty-one years of age, without any of the prospects that lure the prudent soul, he threw over all idea of law.[1] Friends were aghast. Manifestly, the boy had {244} brains. He devoured information, absorbed facts like an encyclopaedia, and observed everything. The Greek Testament and Ovid were his companions; yet he rebelled at the immured existence of the scholar. At that time (1772), Dartmouth was the rendezvous of {245} missionaries to the Indians. The college itself held lectures to the singing of the winds through the forests around it. The blowing of a conch-shell called to lessons; and a sort of wildwood piety pervaded the atmosphere. Urged by his mother, Ledyard made one more honest attempt to fit his life to a stereotyped form, and came to study at Dartmouth for the missionary's career. It was not a success. When he thought to get a foretaste of the missionary vocation by making a dugout and floating down the whole length of Connecticut River, one hundred and forty miles, the scholarly professors were shocked. And when he disappeared for four months to make a farther test by living among the Mohawks, the faculty was furious. His friends gave him up as hopeless, a ne'er-do-well; and Ledyard gave over the farce of trying to live according to other men's patterns. [Illustration: Ledyard in his dugout, from a contemporaneous print.] What now determined him was what directs the most of lives--need for bread and butter. He became a common sailor on the ship of a friend in New London, and at twenty-five landed in Plymouth, light of heart as he was light of purse. The world was an oyster to be opened by his own free lance; and up he tramped from Plymouth to London in company with an Irishman penniless as himself, gay as a lark, to the world's great capital with the world's great prizes for those with the wits to win them. A carriage with driver {246} and footman in livery wearing the armorial design of his own Ledyard ancestors rolled past in the street. He ran to the coachman, asked the address, and presented himself at the door of the ancestral Ledyards, hope beating high. The relationship was to be the key to open all doors. And the door of the ancestral Ledyards was shut in his face. The father was out. The son put no stock in the story of the ragged stranger. He did not even know that Ledyards existed in America. What was to hinder any common tramp trumping up such a story? Where were the tattered fellow's proofs? Ledyard came away with just enough wholesome human rage to keep him from sinking to despair, or to what is more unmanning, self-pity. He had failed before, through trying to frame his life to other men's plans. He had failed now, through trying to win success through other men's efforts--a barnacle clinging to the hull of some craft freighted with fortune. Perhaps, too, he fairly and squarely faced the fact that if he was to be one whit different from the beggar for whom he had been mistaken, he must build his own life solely and wholly on his own efforts. On he wandered, the roar of the great city's activities rolling past him in a tide. His rage had time to cool. Afternoon, twilight, dark; and still the tide rolled past him; _past him_ because like a stranded hull rotting for lack of use, he had put himself _outside_ the tide of human effort. He must build up his own career. That was the fact he had wrested out of his {247} rage; but unless his abilities were to rot in some stagnant pool, he must launch out on the great tide of human work. Before he had taken that resolution, the roar of the city had been terrifying--a tide that might swamp. Now, the thunder of the world's traffic was a shout of triumph. He would launch out, let the tide carry him where it might. All London was resounding with the project of Cook's third voyage round the world--the voyage that was to settle forever how far America projected into the Pacific. Recruits were being mustered for the voyage. It came to Ledyard in an inspiration--the new field for his efforts, the call of the sea that paved a golden path around the world, the freedom for shoulder-swing to do all that a man was worth. Quick as flash, he was off--going _with_ the tide now, not a derelict, not a stranded hull--off to shave, and wash, and respectable-ize, in order to apply as a recruit with Cook. In the dark, somewhere near the sailors' mean lodgings, a hand touched him. He turned; it was the rich man's son, come profuse of apologies: his father had returned; father and son begged to proffer both financial aid and hospitality--Ledyard cut him short with a terse but forcible invitation to go his own way. That the unknown colonial at once received a berth with Cook as corporal of marines, when half the young men of England with influence to back their applications were eager to join the voyage, speaks well for the sincerity of the new enthusiasm. {248} Cook left England in midsummer of 1776. He sighted the Pacific coast, northward of what is now San Francisco, in the spring of 1778. Ledyard was the first American to see the land that lay beyond the Rockies. It was not a narrow strip as men had thought, but a broad belt a thousand miles long by a thousand broad, an unclaimed world; for storms drove Cook offshore here; and the English discoverer did not land till abreast of British America. At Nootka thousands of Indians flocked round the two vessels to trade. For some trinkets of glass beads and iron, Ledyard obtained one thousand five hundred skins for Cook. Among the Indians, too, he saw brass trinkets, that must have come all the way from New Spain on the south, or from the Hudson's Bay Fur Company on the east. What were the merchants of New York and Philadelphia doing, that their ships were not here reaping a harvest of wealth in furs? If this were the outermost bound of Louisiana, Louisiana might some day be a part of the colonies now struggling for their liberties; and Ledyard's imagination took one of those leaps that win a man the reputation of a fool among his contemporaries, a hero to future generations. "If it was necessary that a European should discover the existence of the continent," he afterward wrote, "in the name of Amor Patriae let a native explore its resources and boundaries. . . It is my wish to be the man." Cook's ships passed north to Oonalaska. Only {249} twenty-five years before, the Indians of Oonalaska had massacred every white settlement on the island. Cook wished to send a message to the Russian fur traders. Not many men could be risked from the ship. Fired with the ambition to know more of the coast which he had determined to explore, Ledyard volunteered to go for the Russians with two Indian guides. The pace was set at an ambling run over rocks that had cut Ledyard's boots to tatters before nightfall. He was quite unarmed; and just at dark the way seemed to end at a sandy shore, where the waves were already chopping over on the rising tide, and spiral columns of smoke betrayed the underground mud huts of those very Indian villages that had massacred the Russians a quarter of a century before. The guides had dived somewhere underground and, while Ledyard stood nonplussed, came running back carrying a light skin boat which they launched. It was made of oiled walrus hide stretched like a drum completely round whalebones, except for two manholes in the top for the rowers. Perpheela, the guide, signalled Ledyard to embark; and before the white man could solve the problem of how three men were to sit in two manholes, he was seized head and heels, and bundled clear through a manhole, lying full length imprisoned like Jonah in the whale. Then the swish of dipping paddles, of the cold waves above and beneath, shut out by parchment thin as tissue paper, told Ledyard that he was being carried out to sea, spite of dark and storm, {250} in a craft light as an air-blown bladder, that bounced forward, through, under, over the waves, undrownable as a fish. There was nothing to do but lie still. The slightest motion might have ruptured the thin skin keel. On he was borne through the dark, the first American in history to travel by a submarine. At the end of what seemed ages--it could not have been more than two hours--after a deal of bouncing to the rising storm with no sound but the whistling of wind and rush of mountain seas, the keel suddenly grated pebbles. Starlight came through the vacated manholes; but before Ledyard could jump out, the boat was hoisted on the shoulders of four men, and carried on a run overland. The creak of a door slammed open. A bump as the boat dumped down to soft floor; and Ledyard was dazzled by a glare of light to find himself in the mess room of the Russian barracks on Captain Harbor, in the presence of two bearded Russian hunters gasping speechless with surprise to see a man emerging from the manhole like a newly hatched chicken from an egg. Fur rugs covered the floor, the walls, the benches, the berth beds lining the sides of the barnlike Russian barracks. The windows were of oiled bladder skin; the lamps, whale-oil in stone basins with skin for wick. Arms were stacked in the corner. The two Russians had been sitting down to a supper of boiled salmon, when Ledyard made his unannounced {251} entrance. By signs he explained that Captain Cook's ships were at a near harbor and that the English commander desired to confer with Ismyloff, chief factor of the Russians. Rising, kissing their hands ceremoniously as they mentioned the august name and taking off their fur caps, the Russians made solemn answer that all these parts, with a circumambient wave, belonged to the Empress of Russia; that they were her subjects--with more kissing of the hands. Russia did not want foreigners spying on her hunting-grounds. Nevertheless, Ledyard was given a present of fresh Chinese silk underwear, treated to the hottest Russian brandy in the barracks, and put comfortably to bed on a couch of otter skins. From his bed, he saw the Indians crowd in for evening services before a little Russian crucifix, the two traders leading prayers. These were the tribes, whom the Russians had hunted with dogs fifty years before; and who in turn had slain all Russians on the Island. A better understanding now prevailed. In the morning Ledyard looked over the fur establishment; galliots, cannon-mounted in the harbor for refuge in case of attack; the huge lemon-yellow, red-roofed store-room that might serve as barracks or fort for a hundred men; the brigades of eight, of nine, of eleven hundred Indian hunters sailing the surfs under the leadership of Ismyloff, the chief factor. Oonalaska was the very centre of the sea-otter hunt. Here, eighteen thousand otter a year were taken. At once, {252} Ledyard realized how he could pay the cost of exploring that unclaimed world between New Spain and Alaska: by turning fur trader as Radisson, and La Salle, and the other explorers had done. Ismyloff himself, who had been out with his brigade when Ledyard came, went to visit the Englishman; but Ismyloff had little to say, little of Benyowsky, the Polish pirate, who had marooned him; less of Alaska; and the reason for taciturnity was plain. The Russian fur traders were forming a monopoly. They told no secrets to the world. They wanted no intruders on their hunting-ground. Could Ledyard have known that the surly, bearded Russian was to blast his new-born ambitions; could Ismyloff have guessed that the eager, young, beardless corporal of marines was indirectly to be the means of wresting the Pacific coast from Russia--each might have smiled at the tricks of destiny. Ledyard had two more years to serve in the British navy when he returned from Cook's voyage. By another trick of destiny he was sent out on a battle ship to fight against his native country in the Revolutionary War. It was a time when men wore patriotic coats of many colors. His ship lay at anchor off Long Island. He had not seen his mother for seven years, but knew that the war had reduced her to opening a lodging house for British officers. Asking for a week's furlough, Ledyard went ashore, proceeded to his mother's {253} house, knocked at the door, and was taken as a lodger by her without being recognized, which was, perhaps, as well; for the house was full of British spies. Ledyard waited till night. Then he went to her private apartments and found her reading with the broad-rimmed, horn-framed spectacles of those days. He took her hands. "Look at me," he said. One glance was enough. Then he shut the door; and the door remains shut to the world on what happened there. That was the end of British soldiering for Ledyard. He never returned to the marines. He betook himself to Hartford, where he wrote an account of Cook's voyage. Then he set himself to move heaven and earth for a ship to explore that unknown coast from New Spain to Alaska. This was ten years before Robert Gray of Boston had discovered the Columbia; twenty years before the United States thought of buying Louisiana, twenty-five years before Lewis and Clark reached the Pacific. Many influences worked against him. Times were troublous. The country had not recovered sufficiently from the throes of the Revolution to think of expanding territory. Individually and collectively, the nation was desperately poor. As for private sailing masters, they smiled at Ledyard's enthusiasm. An unclaimed world? What did they care? Where was the money in a venture to the Pacific? When Ledyard told how Russia was reaping a yearly harvest of millions in furs, even his old friend, Captain Deshon, whose boat had {254} carried him to Plymouth, grew chary of such roseate prospects. It was characteristic of Ledyard that the harder the difficulties proved, the harder grew his determination to overcome. He was up against the impossible, and instead of desisting, gritted his teeth, determined to smash a breach through the wall of the impossible, or smash himself trying. For six months he besieged leading men in New York and Philadelphia, outlining his plans, meeting arguments, giving proofs for all he said of Pacific wealth, holding conference after conference. Robert Morris entered enthusiastically into the scheme; but what with shipmasters' reluctance to embark on such a dangerous voyage and the general scarcity of funds, the patience of both Ledyard and Morris became exhausted. Ledyard's savings had meanwhile dwindled down to $4.27. In Europe, Cook's voyage was beginning to create a stir. The Russian government had projected an expedition to the Pacific under Joseph Billings, Cook's assistant astronomer. These Russian plans aimed at no less than dominance on the Pacific. Forts were to be built in California and Hawaii. In England and India, private adventurers, Portlock, Dixon, Meares, Barclay, were fitting out ships for Pacific trade. Some one advised Ledyard to attempt his venture in the country that had helped America in the Revolution, France; and to France he sailed with money loaned by Mr. Sands of New York, in 1784. {255} In Paris Ledyard met two of the most remarkable men in American history, Paul Jones, the naval hero, and Jefferson. To them both he told the marvels of Pacific wealth, and both were far-sighted enough to share his dreams. It was now that Jefferson began to formulate those plans that Lewis and Clark afterward carried out. The season was too late for a voyage this year, but Paul Jones loaned Ledyard money and arranged to take out a ship of four hundred tons the following year. The two actually went over every detail together. Jones was to carry the furs to China, Ledyard with assistants, surgeon, and twenty soldiers to remain at the fur post and explore. But Paul Jones was counting on the support of the American government; and when he found that the government considered Ledyard's promises visionary, he threw the venture over in a pique. Was Ledyard beaten? Jefferson and he talked over the project day after day. Ledyard was willing to tramp it across the two Siberias on foot, and to chance over the Pacific Ocean in a Russian fur-trading vessel, if Jefferson could obtain permission from the Russian Empress. Meanwhile, true soldier of fortune, without money, or influence, he lived on terms of intimacy with the fashion of Paris. "I have but five French crowns," he wrote a friend. "The Fitzhughes (fellow-roomers) haven't money for tobacco. Such a set of moneyless rascals never {256} appeared since the days of Falstaff." Again--"Sir James Hall, on his way from Paris to Cherbourg, stopped his coach at our door. I was in bed, but having flung on my robe de chambre, met him at the door. . . . In walking across the chamber, he laughingly put his hand on a six livre piece and a louis d'or on my table, and with a blush asked me how I was in the money way. Blushes beget blushes. 'If fifteen guineas,' said he, 'will be of any service to you, here they are. You have my address in London.'" While waiting the passports from the Empress of Russia, he was invited by Sir James Hall to try his luck in England. The very daring of the wild attempt to cross Siberia and America alone appealed to the English. Half a dozen men, friends of Cook, took the venture up, and Ledyard found himself in the odd position of being offered a boat by the country whose navy he had deserted. Perhaps because of that desertion all news of the project was kept very quiet. A small ship had slipped down the Thames for equipments, when the government got wind of it. Whether the great Hudson's Bay Company of England opposed the expedition as intrusion on its fur preserve, or the English government objected to an American conducting the exploration for the expansion of American territory, the ship was ordered back, and Ledyard was in no position to confront the English authorities. Again he was checkmated, and fell back on Jefferson's plan to cross the two Siberias on foot, and chance it over {257} the Pacific. His friends in London gathered enough money to pay his way to St. Petersburg. January of 1787 saw him in Sweden seeking passage across the Baltic. Usually the trip to St. Petersburg was made by dog sleighs across the ice. This year the season had been so open, neither boats nor dog trains could be hired to make the trip. Ledyard was now thirty-six years old, and the sum of his efforts totalled to a zero. The first twenty-five years of his life he had wasted trying to fit his life to other men's patterns. The last five years he had wasted waiting for other men to act, men in New York, in Philadelphia, in Paris, in London, to give him a ship. He had done with waiting, with dependence on others. When boats and dog trains failed him now, he muffled himself in wolfskins to his neck, flung a knapsack on his back, and set out in midwinter to tramp overland six hundred miles north to Tornea at the head of the Baltic, six hundred miles south from Tornea, through Finland to St. Petersburg. Snow fell continually. Storms raged in from the sea. The little villages of northern Sweden and Finland were buried in snow to the chimney-tops. Wherever he happened to be at nightfall, he knocked at the door of a fisherman's hut. Wherever he was taken in, he slept, whether on the bare floor before the hearth, or among the dogs of the outhouses, or in the hay-lofts of the cattle sheds. No more waiting for Ledyard! Storm or shine, early and late, he {258} tramped two hundred miles a week for seven weeks from the time he left Stockholm. When he marched into St. Petersburg on the 19th of March, men hardly knew whether to regard him as a madman or a wonder. Using the names of Jefferson and Lafayette, he jogged up the Russian authorities by another application for the passport. The passport was long in coming. How was Ledyard to know that Ismyloff, the Russian fur trader, whom he had met in Oonalaska, had written letters stirring up the Russian government to jealous resentment against all comers to the Pacific? Ledyard was mad with impatience. Days slipped into weeks, weeks into months, and no passport came. He was out of clothes, out of money, out of food. A draft on his English friends kept him from destitution. Just a year before, Billings, the astronomer of Cook's vessel, had gone across Siberia on the way to America for the Russian government. If Ledyard could only catch up to Billings's expedition, that might be a chance to cross the Pacific. As if to exasperate his impatience still more, he met a Scotch physician, a Dr. William Brown, now setting out for Siberia on imperial business, who offered to carry him along free for three thousand of the seven thousand miles to the Pacific. Perhaps the proceeds of that English draft helped him with the slow Russian authorities, but at last, on June 1, he had his passport, and was off with Dr. Brown. His entire earthly possessions at this time consisted of a few guineas, a suit of {259} clothes, and large debts. What was the crack-brained enthusiast aiming at anyway? An empire half the present size of the United States. From St. Petersburg to Moscow in six days, drawn by three horses at breakneck pace, from Moscow to Kazan through the endless forests, on to the Volga, Brown and Ledyard hastened. By the autumn they were across the Barbary Desert, three thousand miles from St. Petersburg. Here Brown remained, and Ledyard went on with the Cossack mail carriers. All along the endless trail of two continents, the trail of East and West, he passed the caravans of the Russian fur traders, and learned the astonishing news that more than two thousand Russians were on the west coast of America. Down the Lena next, to Yakutsk, the great rendezvous of the fur traders, only one thousand miles more to the Pacific; and on the great plain of the fur traders near Yakutsk he at last overtook the Billings explorers on their way to America. Only one guinea was left in his pocket, and the Cossack commandant reported that the season was too far advanced for him to cross the Pacific. What did it matter? He would cross the Pacific with Billings in spring. He was nearer the realization of his hopes than ever before in his life; and surely his success in tramping twice the length of Sweden, and in crossing two continents when almost destitute augured well for his success in crossing from the Pacific to the Missouri. Not for a moment was his almost childlike confidence {260} disturbed by a suspicion of bad faith, of intentional delay in issuing the passports, of excuses to hold him back at Yakutsk till the jealous fur traders could send secret complaints to St. Petersburg. Much less was he suspicious when Billings, his old friend of Cook's voyage, himself arrived, and invited him on a sled journey of exploration up the Lena while waiting.[2] On sledges he went up the Lena River with a party of explorers. On the night of February 24 two or three of the officers and Ledyard were sitting in the mess room of Irkutsk playing cards. They might laugh _at_ Ledyard. They also laughed _with_ him. Wherever he went, went gayety. Gales of boisterous laughter were on the wind. Hopes as tenuous as the wind were in the air. One of the great Bering's sons was there, no doubt telling tales of discovery that set each man's veins jumping. Suddenly a tremendous jingling of bells announced some midnight arrival post-haste at the barracks' door. Before the card players had risen from their places, two Cossacks had burst into the room stamping snow from their feet. Marching straight over to Ledyard, they seized him roughly by the arms and arrested him for a French spy, displaying the Empress's written orders, brought all the way from St. Petersburg. To say that Ledyard was dumfounded is putting it mildly. Every man in the room knew that he was not a French spy. Every man {261} in the room knew that the arrest was a farce, instigated by the jealous fur traders whom Ismyloff's lying letters had aroused. For just a second Ledyard lost his head and called on Billings as a man of honor to confute the charge. However Ledyard might lose his head, Billings was not willing to lose his. He advised Ledyard not to provoke conflict with the Russian authorities, but to go back to St. Petersburg and disprove the charge. Was it a case of one explorer being jealous of another, or had Billings played Ledyard into the fur traders' trap? That will never be known. Certain it is, Billings made mess enough of his own expedition to go down to posterity as a failure. Some of the officers ran to get Ledyard a present of clothes and money. As he jumped into the waiting sledge and looked back over his shoulder at the group of faces smiling in the lighted doorway, he burst into a laugh, but it was the laugh of an embittered man, whose life had crumbled to ruin at one blow. The Cossacks whipped up the horses, and he was off on the long trail back, five thousand miles, every mile a sign post of blasted hopes. Without a word of explanation or the semblance of a trial on the false charge, he was banished out of St. Petersburg on pain of death if he returned. Ragged, destitute, the best years of his life gone, he reached London, heartbroken. "I give up," he told the English friends, who had backed him with money, and what was better than money--faith. "I give up," {262} he wrote Jefferson, who afterward had Lewis and Clark carry out Ledyard's plans. The men of the African Geographical Society in London tried to cheer him. When could he set out to explore the source of the Nile for them? "To-morrow," answered Ledyard, with the heedlessness of one who has lost grip on life. The salary advanced paid off the moss-grown debts of his disappointed past, but he never reached the scene of his new venture. He died on the way at Cairo, in November, 1788, for all hope had already died in his heart. The world that has entered into the heritage of his aims has forgotten Ledyard; for the public acclaims only the heroes of success, and he was a hero of defeat. All that Lewis and Clark succeeded in doing for the West, backed by the prestige of government, Ledyard, the penniless soldier of fortune, had foreseen and planned with Jefferson in the attic apartments of Paris.[3] [1] The world owes all knowledge of Ledyard's intimate life to Jared Sparks, who compiled his life of Ledyard from journals and correspondence collected by Dr. Ledyard and Henry Seymour of Hartford. [2] In Sauer's account of the Billings Expedition, some excuse is given for the conduct of Billings on the ground that Ledyard had been insolent to the Russians. [3] Ledyard's _Journal of Cook's Last Voyage_, Hartford, 1783, and Sparks's _Life of Ledyard_, Cambridge, 1829. {263} CHAPTER X 1779-1794 GEORGE VANCOUVER, LAST OF PACIFIC COAST EXPLORERS Activities of Americans, Spanish, and Russians on the West Coast of America arouse England--Vancouver is sent out ostensibly to settle the Quarrel between Fur Traders and Spanish Governors at Nootka--Incidentally, he is to complete the Exploration of America's West Coast and take Possession for England of Unclaimed Territory--The Myth of a Northeast Passage dispelled forever With Gray's entrance of the Columbia, the great drama of discovery on the northwest coast of America was drawing to a close. After the death of Bering on the Commander Islands, and of Cook at Hawaii, while on voyages to prove there was no Northeast Passage, no open waterway between Pacific and Atlantic, it seems impossible that the myth of an open sea from Asia to Europe could still delude men; but it was in hunting for China that Columbus found America; and it was in hunting for a something that had no existence except in the foolish theories of the schoolmen that the whole northwest coast of America was exploited. {264} Bering had been called "coward" for not sailing through a solid continent. Cook was accused of fur trading, "pottering in peltries," to the neglect of discovery, because his crews sold their sea-otter at profit. To be sure, the combined results of Bering's and Cook's voyages proved there was no waterway through Alaska to the Atlantic; but in addition to blackening the reputations of the two great navigators in order to throw discredit on their conclusions, the schoolmen bellicosely demanded--Might there not be a passage south of Alaska, between Russia's claim on the north and Spain's on the south? Both Bering and Cook had been driven out from this section of the coast by gales. This left a thousand miles of American coast unexplored. Cook had said there were no Straits of Fuca, of which the old Greek pilot in the service of New Spain had told legends of fictitious voyages two centuries before; yet Barclay, an East India English trader, had been up those very straits. So had Meares, another trader. So had Kendrick and Gray, the two Americans. This was the very section which Bering and Cook had left untouched; and who could tell where these straits might lead? They were like a second Mediterranean. Meares argued they might connect with Hudson Bay. Then Spain had forced matters to a climax by seizing Meares's vessels and fort at Nootka as contraband. That had only one meaning: Spain was trying to lay hands on everything from New Spain to Russian {265} territory on the north. If Spain claimed all north to the Straits of Fuca, and Russia claimed all south to the Straits of Fuca, where was England's claim of New Albion discovered by Sir Francis Drake, and of all that coast which Cook had sighted round Nootka? Captain George Vancouver, formerly midshipman with Cook, was summoned post-haste by the British Admiralty. Ostensibly, his mission was to receive back at Nootka all the lands which the Spaniards had taken from Meares, the trader. Really, he was to explore the coast from New Spain on the south, to Russian America on the north, and to hold that coast for England. That Spain had already explored the islands of this coast was a mere detail. There remained the continental shore still to be explored. Besides, Spain had not followed up her explorations by possession. She had kept her navigations secret. In many cases her navigators had not even landed. [Illustration: Captain George Vancouver.] Vancouver was still in his prime, under forty. Serving in the navy from boyhood, he had all a practical seaman's contempt for theories. This contempt was given point by the world's attitude toward Cook. Vancouver had been on the spot with Cook. He knew there was no Northeast Passage. Cook had proved that. Yet the world refused credence. For the practical navigator there remained only one course, and that course became the one aim, the consuming ambition of Vancouver's life--to destroy the {266} last vestige of the myth of a Northeast Passage; to explore the northwest coast of America so thoroughly there would not remain a single unknown inlet that could be used as a possible prop for the schoolmen's theories, to penetrate every inlet from California to Alaska--mainland and island; to demonstrate that not one possible opening led to the Atlantic. This was to be the object of Vancouver's life, and he carried it out with a thoroughness that left nothing for subsequent explorers to do; but he died before the record of his voyages had been given to the world. The two ships, _Discovery_ and _Chatham_, with a supply ship, the _Daedalus_, to follow later, were fitted out for long and thorough work. Vancouver's vessel, the _Discovery_, carried twenty guns with a crew of a hundred men. The tender, _Chatham_, under Broughton, had ten guns and forty-five men. With Vancouver went Menzies, and Puget, and Baker, and Johnstone--names that were to become place marks on the Pacific. The _Discovery_ and _Chatham_ left England in the spring of 1791. A year later found them cutting the waves from Hawaii for America, the New Albion of Drake's discovery, forgotten by England until Spain's activity stimulated memory of the pirate voyage. A swashing swell met the ships as they neared America. Phosphorescent lights blue as sulphur flame slimed the sea in a trail of rippling fire; and a land bird, washed out by the waves, told of New Albion's shore. {267} For the first two weeks of April, the _Discovery_ and _Chatham_ had driven under cloud of sail and sunny skies; but on the 16th, just when the white fret of reefs ahead forewarned land, heavy weather settled over the ships. To the fore, bare, majestic, compact as a wall, the coast of New Albion towered out of the surf near Mendocino. Cheers went up from the lookout for the landfall of Francis Drake's discovery. Then torrents of rain washed out surf and shore. The hurricane gales, that had driven all other navigators out to sea from this coast, now lashed Vancouver. Such smashing seas swept over decks, that masts, sails, railings, were wrenched away. Was it ill-luck or destiny, that caught Vancouver in this gale? If he had not been driven offshore here, he might have been just two weeks before Gray on the _Columbia_, and made good England's claim of all territory between New Spain and Alaska. When the weather cleared on April 27, the ocean was turgid, plainly tinged river-color by inland waters; but ground swell of storm and tide rolled across the shelving sandbars. Not a notch nor an opening breached through the flaw of the horizon from the ocean to the source of the shallow green. Vancouver was too far offshore to see that there really was a break in the surf wash. He thought--and thought rightly--this was the place where the trader, Meares, had hoped to find the great River of the West, only to be disappointed and to name the point Cape Disappointment. Vancouver was {268} not to be fooled by any such fanciful theories. "Not considering this opening worthy of more attention," he writes, "I continued to the northwest." He had missed the greatest honor that yet remained for any discoverer on the Pacific. Within two weeks Gray, the American, heading back to these baffling tides with a dogged persistence that won its own glory, was to succeed in passing the breakers and discovering the Columbia. As the calm permitted approach to the shore again, forests appeared through the haze--that soft, velvet, caressing haze of the dreamy, lazily swelling Pacific--forests of fir and spruce and pine and cypress, in all the riot of dank spring growth, a dense tangle of windfall and underbrush and great vines below, festooned with the light green stringy mosses of cloud line overhead and almost impervious to sunlight. Myriad wild fowl covered the sea. The coast became beetling precipice, that rolled inland forest-clad to mountains jagging ragged peaks through the clouds. This was the Olympus Range, first noticed by Meares, and to-day seen for miles out at sea like a ridge of opalescent domes suspended in mid-heaven. Vancouver was gliding into the Straits of Fuca when the slender colors of a far ship floated above the blue horizon outward bound. Another wave-roll, and the flag was seen to be above full-blown sails and a square-hulled, trim little trader of America. At six in the morning of April 29, the American saluted with a {269} cannon-shot. Vancouver answered with a charge from his decks, rightly guessing this was Robert Gray on the _Columbia_. [Illustration: The _Columbia_ in a Squall.] Puget and Menzies were sent to inquire about Gray's cruise. They brought back word that Gray had been fifty miles up the Straits of Fuca; and--most astounding to Vancouver's ambitions--that the American had been off the mouth of a river south of the straits at 46 degrees 10 minutes, where the tide prevented entrance for nine days. "The river Mr. Gray mentioned," says Vancouver, "should be south of Cape Disappointment. This we passed on the forenoon of the 27th; and if any inlet or river be found, it must be a {270} very intricate one, inaccessible . . . owing to reefs and broken water. . . . I was thoroughly convinced, as were most persons on board, that we could not possibly have passed any cape . . . from Mendocino to Classet (Flattery)." Keen to prove that no Northeast Passage existed by way of the Straits of Fuca, Vancouver headed inland, close to the south shore, where craggy heights offered some guidance through the labyrinth of islands and fog. Eight miles inside the straits he anchored for the night. The next morning the sun rose over one of the fairest scenes of the Pacific coast--an arm of the sea placid as a lake, gemmed by countless craggy islands. On the land side were the forested valleys rolling in to the purple folds of the mountains; and beyond, eastward, dazzling as a huge shield of fire in the sunrise, a white mass whiter than the whitest clouds, swimming aerially in mid-heaven. Lieutenant Baker was the first to catch a glimpse of the vision for which every western traveller now watches, the famous peak seen by land or sea for hundreds of miles, the playground of the jagged green lightnings on the hot summer nights; and the peak was named after him.--Mount Baker. For the first time in history white men's boats plied the waters of the great inland sea now variously known as Admiralty Inlet, Puget Sound, Hood Canal. There must be no myth of a Northeast Passage left lurking in any of the many inlets of this spider-shaped sea. {271} Vancouver, Menzies, Puget, and Johnstone set out in the small boats to penetrate every trace of water passage. Instead of leading northeast, the tangled maze of forest-hidden channels meandered southward. Savages swarmed over the water, paddling round and round the white men, for all the world like birds of prey circling for a chance to swoop at the first unguarded moment. Tying trinkets to pieces of wood, Puget let the gifts float back as peace-offerings to woo good will. The effect was what softness always is to an Indian spoiling for a fight, an incentive to boldness. When Puget landed for noon meal, a score of redskins lined up ashore and began stringing their bows for action. Puget drew a line along the sand with his cutlass and signalled the warriors to keep back. They scrambled out of his reach with a great clatter. It only needed some fellow bolder than the rest to push across the line, and massacre would begin. Puget did not wait. By way of putting the fear of the Lord and respect for the white man in the heart of the Indian, he trained the swivel of the small boat landward, and fired in midair. The result was instant. Weapons were dropped. On Monday, midday, June 4, Vancouver and Broughton landed at Point Possession. Officers drew up in line. The English flag was unfurled, a royal salute fired, and possession taken of all the coast of New Albion from latitude 39 to the Straits of Fuca, which Vancouver named Gulf of Georgia. Just a month before, Gray, the American, had preceded this act of {272} possession by a similar ceremony for the United States on the banks of the Columbia. The sum total of Vancouver's work so far had been the exploration of Puget Sound, which is to the West what the Gulf of St. Lawrence is to the East. For Puget Sound and its allied waters he had done exactly what Carrier accomplished for the Atlantic side of America. His next step was to learn if the Straits of Fuca leading northward penetrated America and came out on the Atlantic side. That is what the old Greek pilot in the service of New Spain, Juan de Fuca, had said some few years after Drake and Cavendish had been out on the coast of California. Though Vancouver explored the Pacific coast more thoroughly than all the other navigators who had preceded him,--so thoroughly, indeed, that nothing was left to be done by the explorers who came after him, and modern surveys have been unable to improve upon his charts,--it seemed his ill-luck to miss by just a hair's breadth the prizes he coveted. He had missed the discovery of the Columbia. He was now to miss the second largest river of the Northwest, the Fraser. He had hoped to be the first to round the Straits of Fuca, disproving the assumption that they led to the Atlantic; and he came on the spot only to learn that the two English traders, Meares and Barclay, the two Americans, Kendrick and Gray, and two Spaniards, Don Galiano and Don Valdes, had already proved {273} practically that this part of the coast was a large island, and the Straits of Fuca an arm of the Pacific Ocean. Fifty Indians, in the long dugouts, of grotesquely carved prows and gaudy paint common among Pacific tribes, escorted Vancouver's boats northward the second week in June through the labyrinthine passageways of cypress-grown islets to Burrard Inlet. To Peter Puget was assigned the work of coasting the mainland side and tracing every inlet to its head waters. Johnstone went ahead in a small boat to reconnoitre the way out of the Pacific. On both sides the shores now rose in beetling precipice and steep mountains, down which foamed cataracts setting the echo of myriad bells tinkling through the wilds. The sea was tinged with milky sediment; but fog hung thick as a blanket; and Vancouver passed on north without seeing Fraser River. A little farther on, toward the end of June, he was astonished to meet a Spanish brig and schooner exploring the straits. Don Galiano and Don Valdes told him of the Fraser, which he had missed, and how the Straits of Fuca led out to the North Pacific. They had also been off Puget Sound, but had not gone inland, and brought Vancouver word that Don Quadra, the Spanish emissary, sent to restore to England the fort from which Meares, the trader, had been ousted, had arrived at Nootka on the other side of the island, and was waiting. The explorers all proceeded up the straits together; but the little Spanish crafts were unable {274} to keep abreast of the big English vessels, so with a friendly cheer from both sides, the English went on alone. Strange Indian villages lined the beetling heights of the straits. The houses, square built and of log slabs, row on row, like the streets of the white man, were situated high on isolated rocks, inaccessible to approach except by narrow planking forming a causeway from rock walls across the sea to the branches of a tree. In other places rope ladders formed the only path to the aerial dwellings, or the zigzag trail up the steep face of a rock down which defenders could hurl stones. Howe's Sound, Jervis Canal, Bute Inlet, were passed; {275} and in July Johnstone came back with news he had found a narrow channel out to the Pacific. [Illustration: The Discovery on the Rocks.] The straits narrowed to less than half a mile with such a terrific tide wash that on Sunday, July 29, the ships failed to answer to the helm and waves seventeen feet high dashed over decks. Progress was made by hauling the boats alongshore with ropes braced round trees. By the first of August a dense fog swept in from the sea. The _Discovery_ crashed on a sunken rock, heeling over till her sails were within three inches of water. Ballast was thrown overboard, and the next tide-rush lifted her. By August 19 Vancouver had proved--if any doubt remained--that no Northeast Passage was to be found by way of the Straits of Fuca.[1] Then, veering out to sea at midnight through squalls {276} of rain, he steered to Nootka for the conference with Spain. Vancouver came to Nootka on the 28th of August. Nootka was the grand rallying place of fur traders on the Pacific. It was a triangular sound extending into the shores of Vancouver Island. On an island at the mouth of the sound the Spaniards had built their fort. This part of the bay was known as Friendly Cove. To the north was Snug Cove, where Cook had anchored; to the south the roadstead of the fur traders. Mountains rose from the water-line; and on a terrace of hills above the Spanish fort was the native village of Maquinna, the Indian chief. {277} Here, then, came Vancouver, met at the harbor mouth by a Spanish officer with pilot to conduct the _Discovery_ to the Spanish fort of Nootka. The _Chatham_, the _Daedalus_, Vancouver's store ship, two or three English fur-trading ships, Spanish frigates bristling with cannon, were already at anchor; and the bright Spanish pennant, red and yellow, waved to the wind above the cannon-mounted, palisaded log fort of Nootka. [Illustration: Indian Settlement at Nootka.] Donning regimentals, Lieutenant Puget marched solemnly up to the fort to inform Don Juan de la Bodega y Quadra, representative of Spain, that Captain George Vancouver, representative of England, had arrived at Nootka to await the pleasure of New Spain's commander. It was New Spain's pleasure to receive England's salute; and Vancouver's guns roared out a volley of thirteen shots to the amaze of two thousand or more savages watching from the shores. Formally accompanied by his officers, Vancouver then paid his respects to New Spain. Don Quadra returned the compliment by breakfasting next morning on board the _Discovery_, while his frigates in turn saluted England by a volley of thirteen guns. In all this solemn parade of formality, Maquinna, lord of the wild domain, began to wonder what part he was to play, and ventured to board the _Discovery_, clad in a garb of nature, to join the breakfast of the leaders; when he was summarily cuffed overboard by the guard, who failed to recognize the Indian's quality. Don Quadra then gave a grand dinner to the English, to which the irate Maquinna {278} was invited. Five courses the dinner had, with royal salutes setting the echoes rolling in the hills. Seventeen guns were fired to the success of Vancouver's explorations. Toasts were drunk, foaming toasts to glory, and the navigators of the Pacific, and Maquinna, grand chief of the Nootkas, who responded by rising in his place, glass in hand, to express regret that Spain should withdraw from the North Pacific. It was then the brilliant thought flashed on Don Quadra to win the friendship of the Indians for all the white traders on the Pacific coast through a ceremonious visit by Vancouver and himself to Maquinna's home village, twenty miles up the sound. Cutter and yawl left Friendly Cove at eight in the morning of September 4, coming to Maquinna's home village at two in the afternoon. Don Quadra supplied the dinner, served in style by his own Spanish lackeys; and the gallant Spaniard led Maquinna's only daughter to the seat at the head of the spread, where the young squaw did the honors with all the hauteur of the Indian race. Maquinna then entertained his visitors with a sham battle of painted warriors, followed by a mask dance. Not to be outdone, the whites struck up fife and drum, and gave a wild display of Spanish fandangoes and Scotch reels. In honor of the day's outing, it was decided to name the large island which Vancouver had almost circumnavigated, Quadra and Vancouver. When Maquinna returned this visit, there were fireworks, and more toasts, and more salutes. All this {279} was very pleasant; but it was not business. Then Vancouver requested Don Quadra to ratify the international agreement between England and Spain; but there proved to be a wide difference of opinion as to what that agreement meant. Vancouver held that it entailed the surrender of Spain's sovereignty from San Francisco northward. Don Quadra maintained that it only surrendered Spanish rights north of Juan de Fuca, leaving the northwest coast free to all nations for trade. With Vancouver it was all or nothing. Don Quadra then suggested that letters be sent to Spain and England for more specific instructions. For this purpose Lieutenant Broughton was to be despatched overland across Mexico to Europe. It was at this stage that Robert Gray came down from the north on the damaged _Columbia_, to receive assistance from Quadra. Within three weeks Gray had sailed for Boston, Don Quadra for New Spain, and Vancouver to the south, to examine that Columbia River of Gray's before proceeding to winter on the Sandwich Islands. The three English ships hauled out of Nootka in the middle of October, steering for that new river of Gray's, of which Vancouver had expressed such doubt. The foaming reefs of Cape Disappointment were sighted and the north entrance seen just as Gray had described it. The _Chatham_ rode safely inside the heavy cross swell, though her small boat smashed to chips among the breakers; but on Sunday, October {280} 21, such mountainous seas were running that Vancouver dared not risk his big ship, the _Discovery_, across the bar. Broughton was intrusted to examine the _Columbia_ before setting out to England for fresh orders. The _Chatham_ had anchored just inside Cape Disappointment on the north, then passed south to Cape Adams, using Gray's chart as guide. Seven miles up the north coast, a deep bay was named after Gray. Nine or ten Indian dugouts with one hundred and fifty warriors now escorted Broughton's rowboat upstream. The lofty peak ahead covered with snow was named Mt. Hood. For seven days Broughton followed the river till his provision ran out, and the old Indian chief with him explained by the signs of pointing in the direction of the sunrise and letting water trickle through his fingers that water-falls ahead would stop passage. Somehow, Broughton seemed to think because Gray, a private trader, had not been clad in the gold-braid regimentals of authority, his act of discovery was void; for Broughton landed, and with the old chief assisting at the ceremony by drinking healths, took possession of all the region for England, "having" as the record of the trip explains, "every reason to believe that the subjects of no other civilized nation or state had ever entered this river before; in this opinion he was confirmed by Mr. Gray's sketch, in which it does not appear that Mr. Gray either saw or was ever within five leagues of the entrance." {281} Any comment on this proceeding is superfluous. It was evidently in the hope that the achievement of Gray--an unassuming fur trader, backed by nothing but his own dauntless courage--would be forgotten, which it certainly was for fifty years by nearly all Americans. Three days later, on November 3, Broughton was back down-stream at the _Chatham_, noting the deserted Indian village of Chinook as he passed to the harbor mouth. On November 6, in heavy rain, the ship stood out for sea, passing the _Jenny_ of Bristol, imprisoned inside the cape by surf. Broughton landed to reconnoitre the passage out. The wind calmed next day, and a breach was descried through the surf. The little trading ship led the way, Broughton following, hard put to keep the _Chatham_ headed for the sea, breakers rolling over her from stem to stern, snapping the tow-rope of the launch and washing a sailor overboard; and we cannot but have a higher respect for Gray's feat, knowing the difficulties that Broughton weathered. Meanwhile Vancouver on the _Discovery_ had coasted on down from the mouth of the Columbia to Drake's Bay, just outside the Golden Gate of San Francisco, where the bold English pirate had anchored in 1579. By nightfall of November 14 he was inside the spacious harbor of San Francisco. Two men on horseback rode out from the Spanish settlement, a mile back from the water front, firing muskets as a salute to Vancouver. The next morning, a Spanish friar and {282} ensign came aboard the _Discovery_ for breakfast, pointing out to Vancouver the best anchorage for both wood and water. While the sailors went shooting quail on the hills, or amused themselves watching the Indians floating over the harbor on rafts made of dry rushes and grass, the good Spanish padre conducted Vancouver ashore to the presidio, or house of the commandant, back from the landing on a little knoll surrounded by hills. The fort was a square area of adobe walls fourteen feet high and five deep, the outer beams filled in between with a plaster of solid mortar, houses and walls whitewashed from lime made of sea-shells. A small brass cannon gathered rust above one dilapidated carriage, and another old gun was mounted by being lashed to a rotten log. A single gate led into the fort, which was inhabited by the commandant, the guard of thirty-five soldiers, and their families. The windows of the houses were very small and without glass, the commandant's house being a rude structure thirty by fourteen feet, whitewashed inside and out, the floor sand and rushes, the furnishings of the roughest handicraft. The mission proper was three miles from the fort, with a guard of five soldiers and a corporal. Such was the beginning of the largest city on the Pacific coast to-day. Broughton was now sent overland to England for instructions about the transfer of Nootka. Puget became commander of the _Chatham_. The store ship _Daedalus_ was sent to the South Seas, and touching only {283} at Monterey, Vancouver sailed to winter in the Sandwich Islands. Here two duties awaited the explorer, which he carried out in a way that left a streak both of glory and of shame across his escutcheon. The Sandwich Islands had become the halfway house of the Pacific for the fur traders. How fur traders--riff-raff adventurers from earth's ends beyond the reach of law--may have acted among these simple people may be guessed from the conduct of Cook's crews; and Cook was a strict disciplinarian. Those who sow to the wind, need not be surprised if they reap the whirlwind. White men, welcomed by these Indians as gods, repaid the native hospitality by impressing natives as crews to a northern climate where the transition from semitropics meant almost certain death. For a fur trader to slip into Hawaii, entice women aboard, then scud off to America where the victims might rot unburied for all the traders cared--was considered a joke. How the joke caused Captain Cook's death the world knows; and the joke was becoming a little frequent, a little bold, a little too grim for the white traders' sense of security. The Sandwich Islanders had actually formed the plot of capturing every vessel that came into their harbors and holding the crews for extortionate ransom. How many white men were victims of this plot--to die by the assassin's knife or waiting for the ransom that never came--is not a part of this record. It was becoming a common thing to find white men living in a state of quasi-slavery among the {284} islanders, each white held as hostage for the security of the others not escaping. Within three years three ships had been attacked, one Spanish, one American, one English--the store ship _Daedalus_ on the way out to Nootka with supplies for Vancouver. Two officers, Hergest and Gooch of the _Daedalus_, had been seized, stripped naked, forced at the point of spears up a hill to the native village, and cut to pieces. Vancouver determined to put a stop to such attacks. Arriving at the islands, he trained his cannon ashore, demanded that the murderers of the _Daedalus's_ officers be surrendered, tried the culprits with all the solemnity and speed of English court-martial, sentenced them to death, had them tied up to the mast poles and executed. That is the blot against Vancouver; for the islanders had put up a trick. The real murderers had been leading chiefs. Not wishing to surrender these, the islanders had given Vancouver poor slaves quite guiltless of the crime. In contrast to this wrong-headed demonstration of justice was Vancouver's other act. At Nootka he had found among the traders two young Hawaiian girls not more than fifteen and nineteen years of age, whom some blackguard trader had forcibly carried off. The most of great voyagers would not have soiled their gloves interfering with such a case. Cook had winked at such crimes. Drake, two hundred years before, had laughed. The Russians outdid either Drake or Cook. They dumped the victims overboard where the {285} sea told no tales. Vancouver might have been strict enough disciplinarian to execute the wrong men by way of a lesson; but he was consistent in his strictness. Round these two friendless savages he wrapped all the chivalry and the might of the English flag. He received them on board the _Discovery_, treated them as he might have treated his own sisters, prevented the possibility of insult from the common sailors by having them at his own table on the ship, taught them the customs of Europeans toward women and the reasons for those customs, so that the young girls presently had the respect and friendship of every sailor on board the _Discovery_. In New Spain he had obtained clothing and delicacies for them that white women have; and in the Sandwich Islands took precautions against their death at the hands of Hawaiians for having been on the ship with strange men, by securing from the Sandwich Island chief the promise of his protection for them and the gifts of a home inside the royal enclosure. April of 1793 saw Vancouver back again on the west coast of America. In results this year's exploring was largely negative; but the object of Vancouver's life was a negative one--to prove there was no passage between Pacific and Atlantic. He had missed the Columbia the previous year by standing off the coast north of Mendocino. So this year, he again plied up the same shore to Nootka. No fresh instructions had {286} come from England or Spain to Nootka; and Vancouver took up the trail of the sea where he had stopped the year before, carrying forward survey of island and mainland from Vancouver Island northward to the modern Sitka or Norfolk Sound. Gray, the American, had been attacked by Indians here the year before; and Vancouver did not escape the hostility of these notoriously treacherous tribes. Up Behm Canal the ships were visited by warriors wearing death-masks, who refused everything in exchange for their sea-otter except firearms. The canal here narrowed to a dark canyon overhung by beetling cliffs. Four large war canoes manned by several hundred savages daubed with war paint succeeded in surrounding the small launch, and while half the warriors held the boat to prevent it escaping, the rest had rifled it of everything they could take, from belaying-pins and sail rope to firearms, before Vancouver lost patience and gave orders to fire. At the shot the Indians were over decks and into the sea like water-rats, while forces ambushed on land began rolling rocks and stones down the precipices. One gains some idea of Vancouver's thoroughness by his work up Portland Canal, which was to become famous a hundred years later as the scene of boundary disputes. Here, so determined was he to prove none of the passages led to the Atlantic that his small boat actually cruised seven hundred miles without going more than sixty miles from ocean front. By October of 1793 Vancouver had demolished the myth of {287} a possible passage between New Spain and Russian America; for he had examined every inlet from San Francisco to what is now Sitka. While the results were negative to himself, far different were they to Russia. It was Vancouver's voyage northward that stirred the Russians up to move southward. In a word, if Vancouver had not gone up as far as Norfolk Sound or Sitka, the Russian fur traders would have drowsed on with Kadiak as headquarters, and Canada to-day might have included the entire gold-fields of Alaska. Again Vancouver wintered in the Sandwich Islands. In the year 1794 he changed the direction of his exploring. Instead of beginning at New Spain and working north, he began at Russian America and worked south. Kadiak and Cook's Inlet were regarded as the eastern bounds of Russian settlement at this time, though the hunting brigades of the Russians scoured far and wide; so Vancouver began his survey eastward at Cook's Inlet. Terrific floods of ice banged the ships' bows as they plied up Cook's Inlet; and the pistol-shot reports of the vast icebergs breaking from the walls of the solid glacier coast forewarned danger; but Vancouver was not to be deterred. Again the dogged ill-luck of always coming in second for the prize he coveted marked each stage of his trip. Russian forts were seen on Cook's Inlet, Russian settlements on Prince William Sound, Russian flotillas of nine hundred {288} Aleutian hunters steering by instinct like the gulls spreading over the sea as far east as Bering Bay, or where the coast of Alaska dips southward. Everywhere he heard the language of Russia, everywhere saw that Russia regarded his explorations with jealousy as intrusion; everywhere observed that Russian and savage had come to an understanding and now lived as friends, if not brothers. Twice Baranof, the little Czar of the North, sent word for Vancouver to await a conference; but Vancouver was not keen to meet the little Russian potentate. One row at a time was enough; and the quarrel with Spain was still unsettled. The waters of to-day plied by the craft of gold seekers, Bering Bay, Lynn Canal, named after his birthplace, were now so thoroughly surveyed by Vancouver that his charts may still be used. [Illustration: Reindeer Herd in Siberia.] Only once did the maze of waterways seem to promise a northeast passage. It was up Lynn Canal, where so many gold seekers have rushed to have their hopes dashed, like Vancouver. Two officers had gone up the channel in a small boat to see if any opening led to the Atlantic. Boisterous weather and tremendous tide had lashed the sea to foam. The long daylight was so delusive that the men did not realize it was nearly midnight. At ten o'clock they had rowed ashore, to rest from their fight with wave and wind, when armed Indians suddenly rushed down to the water's edge in battle array, spears couched. The exhausted rowers bent to the oars all night. At one place in their {289} retreat to open sea, the fog lifted to reveal the passage between precipices only a few feet wide with warriors' canoes on every side. A crash of musketry drove the assailants off. Two or three men kept guard with pointed muskets, while the oarsmen pulled through a rolling cross swell back to the protection of the big ships outside. On August 19, as the ships drove south to Norfolk or Sitka Sound, the men suddenly recognized headlands where they had cruised the summer before. For a second they scarcely realized. Then they knew that their explorations from Alaska southward had come to the meeting place of their voyage from New Spain northward. Just a little more than fifty years from Bering's discoveries, the exploration of the northwest coast of America had been completed. Some one emitted an incoherent shout that the work was finished! The cheer was caught up by every man on board. Some one else recalled that it had been April when they set out on the fool-quest of the Northeast Passage; and a true April's fool the quest had proved! Then flags were run up; the wine casks brought out, the marines drawn up in line, and three such volleys of joy fired as those sailors alone could feel. For four years they had followed the foolish quest of the learned world's error. That night Vancouver gave a gala dinner to his crews. They deserved it. Their four years' cruise marked the close of the most heroic epoch on the Pacific coast. Vancouver had accomplished his life-work--there {290} was no northeast passage through the west coast of America.[2] [1] The legend of Juan de Fuca became current about 1592, as issued in _Samuel Purchas' Pilgrims_ in 1625, Vol. III: "A note made by Michael Lok, the elder, touching the strait of sea commonly called _Fretum Anian_ in the South Sea through the North-West Passage of Meta Incognita." Lok met in Venice, in April, 1596, an old man called Juan de Fuca, a Greek mariner and pilot, of the crew of the galleon _Santa Anna_ taken by Cavendish near southern California in 1587. The pilot narrated after his return to Mexico, he was sent by the viceroy with three vessels to discover the Strait of Anian. This expedition failing, he was again sent in 1592, with a small caravel in which "he followed the course west and northwest to latitude 47 north, there finding a broad inlet between 47 and 48, he entered, sailing therein more than twenty days . . . and found very much broader sea than was at the said entrance . . . a great island with a high pinnacle. . . . Being come into the North Sea . . . he returned to Acapulco." According to the story the old pilot tried to find his way to England in the hope of the Queen recouping him for goods taken by Cavendish, and furnishing him with a ship to essay the Northeast Passage again. The old man died before Raleigh and other Englishmen could forward money for him to come to England. Whether the story is purely a sailor's yarn, or the pilot really entered the straits named after him, and losing his bearings when he came out in the Pacific imagined he was on the Atlantic, is a dispute among savants. [2] The data of Vancouver's voyage come chiefly, of course, from the volume by himself, issued after his death, _Voyage of Discovery to the Pacific Ocean_, London, 1798. Supplementary data may be found in the records of predecessors and contemporaries like Meares's _Voyages_, London, 1790, Portlock's _Voyage_, London, 1789; Dixon's _Voyage_, London, 1789, and others, from whom nearly all modern writers, like Greenhow, Hubert Howe Bancroft, draw their information. The reports of Dr. Davidson in his Coast and Survey work, and his _Alaska Boundary_, identify many of Vancouver's landfalls, and illustrate the tremendous difficulties overcome in local topography. It is hardly necessary to refer to Begg and Mayne, and other purely local sketches of British Columbian coast lines; as Begg's _History_ simply draws from the old voyages. Of modern works, Dr. Davidson's Survey works, and the official reports of the Canadian Geological Survey (Dawson), are the only ones that add any facts to what Vancouver has recorded. {291} PART III EXPLORATION GIVES PLACE TO FUR TRADE--THE EXPLOITATION OF THE PACIFIC COAST UNDER THE RUSSIAN AMERICAN FUR COMPANY, AND THE RENOWNED LEADER BARANOF {293} CHAPTER XI 1579-1867 THE RUSSIAN AMERICAN FUR COMPANY The Pursuit of the Sable leads Cossacks across Siberia, of the Sea-Otter, across the Pacific as far South as California--Caravans of Four Thousand Horses on the Long Trail Seven Thousand Miles across Europe and Asia--Banditti of the Sea--The Union of All Traders in One Monopoly--Siege and Slaughter of Sitka--How Monroe Doctrine grew out of Russian Fur Trade--Aims of Russia to dominate North Pacific "_Sea Voyagers of the Northern Ocean_" they styled themselves, the Cossack banditti--robber knights, pirates, plunderers--who pursued the little sable across Europe and Asia eastward, just as the French _coureurs des bois_ followed the beaver across America westward. And these two great tides of adventurers--the French voyager, threading the labyrinthine waterways of American wilds westward; the Russian voyager exchanging his reindeer sled and desert caravans for crazy rafts of green timbers to cruise across the Pacific eastward--were directed both to the same region, animated by the same impulse, the capture of the Pacific coast of America. {294} [Illustration: Raised Reindeer Sledges.] The tide of adventure set eastward across Siberia at the very time (1579) Francis Drake, the English freebooter, was sacking the ports of New Spain on his way to California. Yermac, robber knight and leader of a thousand Cossack banditti, had long levied tribute of loot on the caravans bound from Russia to Persia. Then came the avenging army of the Czar. Yermac fled to Siberia, wrested the country from the Tartars, and obtained forgiveness from the Czar by laying a new realm at his feet. But these Cossack plunderers did not stop with Siberia. Northward were the ivory tusks of the frozen tundras. Eastward were precious furs of the snow-padded forests and mountains toward Kamchatka. For both ivory and furs the smugglers of the Chinese borderlands would pay a price. On pretence of collecting one-tenth tribute for the Czar, forward pressed the Cossacks; now on horseback,--wild {295} brutes got in trade from Tartars,--now behind reindeer teams through snowy forests where the spreading hoofs carried over drifts; now on rude-planked rafts hewn from green firs on the banks of Siberian rivers; on and on pushed the plunderers till the Arctic rolled before them on the north, and the Pacific on the east.[1] Nor did the seas of these strange shores bar the Cossacks. Long before Peter the Great had sent Vitus Bering to America in 1741, Russian voyagers had launched out east and north with a daredevil recklessness that would have done honor to prehistoric man. That part of their adventures is a record that exceeds the wildest darings of fiction. Their boats were called _kotches_. They were some sixty feet long, flat bottomed, planked with green timber. Not a nail was used. Where were nails to come from six thousand miles across the frozen tundras? Indeed, iron was so scarce that at a later day when ships with nails ventured on {296} these seas natives were detected diving below to pull the nails from the timbers with their teeth. Instead of nails, the Cossack used reindeer thongs to bind the planking together. Instead of tar, moss and clay and the tallow of sea animals calked the seams. Needless to say, there was neither canvas nor rope. Reindeer thongs supplied the cordage, reindeer hides the sails. On such rickety craft, "with the help of God and a little powder," the Russian voyagers hoisted sail and put to sea. On just such vessels did Deshneff and Staduchin attempt to round Asia from the Arctic into Bering Sea (1647-1650). To be sure, the first bang of the ice-floes against the prow of these rickety boats knocked them into kindling-wood. Two-thirds of the Cossack voyagers were lost every year; and often all news that came of the crew was a mast pole washed in by the tide with a dead man lashed to the crosstrees. Small store of fresh water could be carried. Pine needles were the only antidote for scurvy; and many a time the boat came tumbling back to the home port, not a man well enough to stand before the mast. Always it is what lies just beyond that lures. It is the unknown that beckons like the arms of the old sea sirens. Groping through the mists that hang like a shroud over these northern seas, hoar frosts clinging to masts and decks till the boat might have been some ghost ship in a fog world, the Cossack plunderers {297} sometimes caught glimpses far ahead--twenty, thirty, forty miles eastward--of a black line along the sea. Was it land or fog, ice or deep water? And when the wind blew from the east, strange land birds alighted on the yard-arms. Dead whales with the harpoons of strange hunters washed past the ship; and driftwood of a kind that did not grow in Asia tossed up on the tide wrack. It was the word brought back by these free-lances of the sea that induced Peter the Great to send Vitus Bering on a voyage of discovery to the west coast of America; and when the castaways of Bering's wreck returned with a new fur that was neither beaver nor otter, but larger than either and of a finer sheen than sable, selling the pelts to Chinese merchants for what would be from one hundred and fifty to two hundred dollars each in modern money, the effect was the same as the discovery of a gold mine. The new fur was the sea-otter, as peculiar to the Pacific as the seal and destined to lead the Cossacks on a century's wild hunt from Alaska to California. Cossacks, Siberian merchants, exiled criminals, banded together in as wild a stampede to the west coast of America as ever a gold mine caused among civilized men of a later day. The little _kotches_ that used to cruise out from Siberian rivers no longer served. Siberian merchants advanced the capital for the building of large sloops. Cargo of trinkets for trade with American Indians was supplied in the same way. What would be fifty thousand dollars in modern money, it took to build and {298} equip one of these sloops; but a cargo of sea-otter was to be had for the taking--barring storms that yearly engulfed two-thirds of the hunters, and hostile Indians that twice wiped Russian settlements from the coast of America--and if these pelts sold for one hundred and fifty dollars each, the returns were ample to compensate risk and outlay. Provisions, cordage, iron, ammunition, firearms, all had to be brought from St. Petersburg, seven thousand miles to the Pacific coast. From St. Petersburg to Moscow, Kasan, the Tartar desert and Siberia, pack horses were used. It was a common thing for caravans of four or even five thousand pack horses employed by the Russian fur traders of America to file into Irkutsk of a night. At the head waters of the Lena, rafts and flatboats, similar to the old Mackinaw boats of American fur traders on the Missouri, were built and the cargo floated down to Yakutsk, the great rendezvous of Siberian fur traders. Here exiles acting as packers and Cossacks as overseers usually went on a wild ten days' spree. From Yakutsk pack horses, dog trains, and reindeer teams were employed for the remaining thousand miles to the Pacific; and this was the hardest part of the journey. Mountains higher than the Rockies had to be traversed. Mountain torrents tempestuous with the spring thaw had to be forded--ice cold and to the armpits of the drivers; and in winter time, the packs of timber wolves following on the heels of the cavalcade could only be driven off by the hounds kept to course down grouse and hare {299} for the evening meal. If an exile forced to act as transport packer fell behind, that was the last of him. The Russian fur traders of America never paused in their plans for a life more or less. Ordinarily it took three years for goods sent from St. Petersburg to reach the Pacific; and this was only a beginning of the hardships. The Pacific had to be crossed, and a coast lined with reefs like a ploughed field traversed for two thousand miles among Indians notorious for their treachery. The vessels were usually crammed with traps and firearms and trinkets to the water-line. The crews of forty, or seventy, or one hundred were relegated to vermin-infested hammocks above decks, with short rations of rye bread and salt fish, and such scant supply of fresh water that scurvy invariably ravaged the ship whenever foul weather lengthened the passage. Having equipped the vessel, the Siberian merchants passed over the management to the Cossacks, whose pretence of conquering new realms and collecting tribute for the Czar was only another excuse for the same plunder in gathering sea-otter as their predecessors had practised in hunting the sable. Landsmen among Siberian exiles were enlisted as crew of their own free will at first, but afterward, when the horrors of wreck and scurvy and massacre became known, both exiles and Indians were impressed by force as fur hunters for the Cossacks. If the voyage were successful, half the {300} proceeds went to the outfitter, the remaining half to Cossacks and crew. The boats usually sailed in the fall, and wintered on Bering Island. Here stores of salted meat, sea-lion and sea-cow, were laid up, and the following spring the ship steered for the Aleutians, or the main coast of Alaska, or the archipelago round the modern Sitka. Sloops were anchored offshore fully armed for refuge in case of attack. Huts were then constructed of driftwood on land. Toward the east and south, where the Indians were treacherous and made doubly so by the rum and firearms of rival traders, palisades were thrown up round the fort, a sort of balcony erected inside with brass cannon mounted where a sentry paraded day and night, ringing a bell every hour in proof that he was not asleep. Westward toward the Aleutians, where driftwood was scarce, the Russians built their forts in one of two places: either a sandy spit where the sea protected them on three sides, as at Captain Harbor, Oonalaska, and St. Paul, Kadiak, or on a high, rocky eminence only approachable by a zigzag path at the top of which stood cannon and sentry, as at Cook's Inlet. Chapel and barracks for the hunters might be outside the palisade; but the main house was inside, a single story with thatch roof, a door at one end, a rough table at the other. Sleeping berths with fur bedding were on the side walls, and every other available piece of wall space bristled with daggers and firearms ready {301} for use. If the house was a double-decker, as Baranof Castle at Sitka, powder was stored in the cellar. Counting-rooms, mess room, and fur stores occupied the first floor. Sleeping quarters were upstairs, and, above all, a powerful light hung in the cupola, to guide ships into port at night. But these arrangements concerned only the Cossack officers of the early era, or the governors like Baranof, of a later day. The rank and file of the crews were off on the hunting-grounds with the Indians; and the hunting-grounds of the sea-otter were the storm-beaten kelp beds of the rockiest coast in the world. Going out in parties of five or six, the _promyshleniki_, as the hunters were called, promised implicit obedience to their foreman. Store of venison would be taken in a preliminary hunt. Indian women and children would be left at the Russian fort as hostages of good conduct, and at the head of as many as four, five hundred, a thousand Aleut Indian hunters who had been bludgeoned, impressed, bribed by the promise of firearms to hunt for the Cossacks, six Russians would set out to coast a tempestuous sea for a thousand miles in frail boats made of parchment stretched on whalebone. Sometimes a counter-tide would sweep a whole flotilla out to sea, when never a man of the hunting crew would be heard of more. Sometimes, when the hunters were daring a gale, riding in on the back of a storm to catch the sea-otter driven ashore to the kelp beds for a rest, the back-wash of a billow, or a sudden {302} hurricane of wind raising mountain seas, would crash down on the brigade. When the spray cleared, the few panic-stricken survivors were washing ashore too exhausted to be conscious that half their comrades had gone under. Absurd as it seems that these plunderers of the deep always held prayers before going off on a hunt--is it any wonder they prayed? It was in such brigades that the Russian hunters cruised the west coast of America from Bering Sea to the Gulf of California, and the whole northwest coast of America is punctuated with saints' names from the Russian calendar; for, like Drake's freebooters, they had need to pray. Fur companies world over have run the same course. No sooner has game become scarce on the hunting-grounds, than rivals begin the merry game of slitting one another's throats, or instigating savages to do the butchering for them. That was the record of the Hudson's Bay Company and Nor'westers in Canada, and the Rocky Mountain men and American Company on the Missouri. Four years after Bering's crew had brought back word of the sea-otter in 1742, there were seventy-seven different private Russian concerns hunting sea-otter off the islands of Alaska. Fifty years later, after Cook, the English navigator, had spread authentic news of the wealth in furs to be had on the west coast of America, there were sixty different fur companies on the Pacific coast carrying {303} almost as many different flags. John Jacob Astor's ships had come round the Horn from New York and, sailing right into the Russian hunting-grounds, were endeavoring to make arrangements to furnish supplies to the Russians in exchange for cargoes of the fur-seals, whose rookeries had been discovered about the time sea-otter began to be scarce. Kendrick, Gray, Ingraham, Coolidge, a dozen Boston men were threading the shadowy, forested waterways between New Spain and Alaska.[2] Ships from Spain, from France, from London, from Canton, from Bengal, from Austria, were on the west coast of America. The effect was twofold: sea-otter were becoming scarce from being slaughtered indiscriminately, male and female, young and old; the fur trade was becoming bedevilled from rival traders using rum among the savages. The life of a fur trader on the Pacific coast was not worth a pin's purchase fifty yards away from the cannon mouths pointed through the netting fastened round the deck rails to keep savages off ships. Just as Lord Selkirk indirectly brought about the consolidation of the Hudson's Bay fur traders with Nor'westers, and John Jacob Astor attempted the same ends between the St. Louis and New York companies, so a master mind arose among the Russians, grasping the situation, and ready to cope with its difficulties. [Illustration: John Jacob Astor.] This was Gregory Ivanovich Shelikoff, a fur trader {304} of Siberia, accompanied to America and seconded by his wife, Natalie, who succeeded in carrying out many of his plans after his death. Shelikoff owned shares in two of the principal Russian companies. When he came to America accompanied by his wife, Baranof, another trader, and two hundred men in 1784, the Russian headquarters were still at Oonalaska in the Aleutians. Only desultory expeditions had gone eastward. Foreign ships had already come among the Russian hunting-grounds of the north. These Shelikoff at once checkmated by moving Russian headquarters east to Three Saints, Kadiak. Savages warned him from the island, threatening death to the Aleut Indian hunters he had brought. Shelikoff's answer was a load of presents to the hostile messenger. That failing, he took advantage of an eclipse of the sun as a sign to the superstitious Indians that the coming of the Russians was noted and blessed of Heaven. The unconvinced Kadiak savages responded by ambushing the first Russians to leave camp, and showering arrows on the Russian boats. Shelikoff gathered up his men, sallied forth, whipped the Indians off their feet, took four hundred prisoners, treated them well, and so won the friendship of the islanders. From the new quarters hunters were despatched eastward under Baranof and others as far as what is now Sitka. These yearly came back with cargoes of sea-otter worth two hundred thousand dollars. Shelikoff at once saw that if the Russian traders were to hold their own against {305} the foreign adventurers of all nations flocking to the Pacific, headquarters must be moved still farther eastward, and the prestige of the Russian government invoked to exclude foreigners. There were, in fact, no limits to the far-sighted ambitions of the man. Ships were to be despatched to California setting up signs of Russian possession. Forts in Hawaii could be used as a mid-Pacific arsenal and halfway house for the Russian fleet that was to dominate the North Pacific. A second Siberia on the west coast of America, with limits eastward as vague as the Hudson's Bay Company's claims westward, was to be added to the domains of the Czar. Whether the idea of declaring the North Pacific a _closed sea_ as Spain had declared the South Pacific a _closed sea_ till Francis Drake opened it, originated in the brain of Shelikoff, or his successors, is immaterial. It was the aggrandizement of the Russian American Fur Company as planned by Shelikoff from 1784 to 1796, that led to the Russian government trying to exclude foreign traders from the North Pacific twenty-five years later, and which in turn led to the declaration of the famous Monroe Doctrine by the United States in 1823--that the New World was no longer to be the happy hunting-ground of Old World nations bent on conquest and colonization. Like many who dream greatly, Shelikoff did not live to see his plans carried out. He died in Irkutsk in 1795; but in St. Petersburg, when pressing upon {306} the government the necessity of uniting all the independent traders in one all-powerful company to be given exclusive monopoly on the west coast of America, he had met and allied himself with a young courtier, Nikolai Rezanoff.[3] When Shelikoff died, Rezanoff it was who obtained from the Czar in 1799 a charter for the Russian American Fur Company, giving it exclusive monopoly for hunting, trading, and exploring north of 55 degrees in the Pacific. Other companies were compelled either to withdraw or join. Royalty took shares in the venture. Shareholders of St. Petersburg were to direct affairs, and Baranof, the governor, resident in America, to have power of life and death, despotic as a czar. By 1800 the capital of Russian America had been moved down to the modern Sitka, called Archangel Michael in the trust of the Lord's anointed protecting these plunderers of the sea. Shelikoff's dreams were coming true. Russia was checkmating the advances of England and the United States and New Spain. Schemes were in the air with Baranof for the impressment of Siberian exiles as peasant farmers among the icebergs of Prince William Sound, for the remission of one-tenth tribute in furs from the Aleuts on condition of free service as hunters with the company, and for the employment of Astor's ships as purveyors of provisions to Sitka, when there fell a bolt {307} from the blue that well-nigh wiped Russian possession from the face of America. It was a sleepy summer afternoon toward the end of June in 1802. Baranof had left a guard of twenty or thirty Russians at Sitka and, confident that all was well, had gone north to Kadiak. Aleut Indians, impressed as hunters, were about the fort, for the fiery Kolosh or Sitkans of this region would not bow the neck to Russian tyranny. Safe in the mountain fastnesses behind the fort, they refused to act as slaves. How they regarded this invasion of their hunting-ground by alien Indians--Indians acting as slaves--may be guessed.[4] Whether rival traders, deserters from an American ship, living with the Sitkan Indians, instigated the conspiracy cannot be known. I have before me letters written by a fur trader of a rival company at that time, declaring if a certain trader did not cease his methods, that "pills would be bought at Montreal with as good poison as pills from London;" and the sentiment of the writer gives a true idea of the code that prevailed among American fur traders. The fort at that time occupied a narrow strip between a dense forest and the rocky water front a few miles north of the present site. Whether the renegade American sailors living in the forests with the Kolosh betrayed all the inner plans of the fort, or the squaws daily passing in and out with berries kept their {308} countrymen informed of Russian movements, the blow was struck when the whites were off guard. It was a holiday. Half the Russians were outside the palisades unarmed, fishing. The remaining fifteen men seem to have been upstairs about midday in the rooms of the commander, Medvednikoff. Suddenly the sleepy sentry parading the balcony noticed Michael, chief of the Kolosh, standing on the shore shouting at sixty canoes to land quickly. Simultaneously the patter of moccasined feet came from the dense forest to the rear--a thousand Kolosh warriors, every Indian armed and wearing the death-mask of battle. Before the astounded sentry could sound an alarm, such a hideous uproar of shouts arose as might have come from bedlam let loose. The Indian always imitates the cries of the wild beast when he fights--imitates or sets free the wild beast in his own nature. For a moment the Russians were too dumfounded to collect their senses. Then women and children dashed for refuge upstairs in the main building, huddling over the trapdoor in a frenzy of fright. Russians outside the palisades ran for the woods, some to fall lanced through the back as they raced, others to reach shelter of the dense forest, where they lay for eight days under hiding of bark and moss before rescue came. Medvednikoff, the commander, and a dozen others, seem to have hurled themselves downstairs at the first alarm, but already the outer doors had been rammed. The panels of the inner door were slashed out. A flare of {309} musketry met the Russians full in the face. The defenders dropped to a man, fearless in death as in life, though one wounded fellow seems to have dragged himself to the balcony where he succeeded in firing off the cannon before he was thrown over the palisades, to be received on the hostiles' upturned spears. Meanwhile wads of burning birch bark and moss had been tossed into the fort on the powder magazines. A high wind fanned the flames. A terrific explosion shook the fort. The trap-door where the women huddled upstairs gave way. Half the refugees fell through, where they were either butchered or perished in the flames. The others plunged from the burning building through the windows. A few escaped to the woods. The rest--Aleut women, wives of the Russians--were taken captive by the Kolosh. Ships, houses, fortress, all were in flames. By nightfall nothing remained of Sitka but the brass and iron of the melted cannon. The hostiles had saved loot of some two thousand sea-otter skins. All that night, and for eight days and nights, the refugees of the forest lay hidden under bark and moss. Under cover of darkness, one, a herdsman, ventured down to the charred ruins of Sitka. The mangled, headless bodies of the Russians lay in the ashes. At noon of the eighth day the mountains suddenly rocked to the echo of two cannon-shots from the bay. A ship had come. Three times one Russian ventured to the shore, and three times was chased back to the woods; {310} but he had seen enough. The ship was an English trader under Captain Barber, who finally heard the shouts of the pursued man, put off a small boat and rescued him. Three others were saved from the woods in the same way, but had been only a few days on the ship, when Michael, the Kolosh chief, emboldened by success, rowed out with a young warrior and asked the English captain to give up the Russians. Barber affected not to understand, lured both Indians on board, seized them, put them in irons, and tied them across a cannon mouth, when he demanded the restoration of all captives and loot; but the Sitkan chief probably had his own account of who suggested the massacre. Also it was to the English captain's interests to remain on good terms with the Indians. Anyway, the twenty captives were not restored till two other ships had entered port, and sent some Kolosh canoes to bottom with grape-shot. The savages were then set free, and hastening up to Kadiak, Barber levelled his cannon at the Russian fort and demanded thirty-seven thousand five hundred dollars' salvage for the rescue of the captives and loot. Baranof haggled the Englishman tired, and compromised for one-fifth the demand. Two years passed, and the fur company was powerless to strike an avenging blow. Wherever the Russians led Aleuts into the Kolosh hunting-grounds, there had been ambush and massacre; but Baranof {311} bided his time. The Aleut Indian hunters, who had become panic-stricken, gradually regained sufficient courage again to follow the Russians eastward. By the spring of 1804 Baranof's men had gathered up eight hundred Aleut Indians, one hundred and twenty Russian hunters, four small schooners, and two sloops. The Indians in their light boats of sea-lion skin on whalebone, the Russians in their sail-boats, Baranof set out in April from St. Paul, Kadiak, with his thousand followers to wreak vengeance on the tribes of Sitka. Sea-otter were hunted on the way, so that it was well on in September before the brigades entered Sitka waters. Meanwhile aid from an unexpected quarter had come to the fur company. Lieutenant Krusenstern had prevailed on the Russian government to send supplies to the Russian American Company by two vessels around the world instead of caravans across Siberia. With Krusenstern went Rezanoff, who had helped the fur traders to obtain their charter, and was now commissioned to open an embassy to Japan. The second vessel under Captain Lisiansky proceeded at once to Baranof's aid at Sitka. Baranof was hunting when Lisiansky's man-of-war entered the gloomy wilds of Sitka Sound. The fur company's two sloops lay at anchor with lanterns swinging bow and stern to guide the hunters home. The eight hundred hostiles had fortified themselves behind the site of the modern Sitka. Palisades the depth of two spruce logs ran across the front of the {312} rough barricade, loopholed for musketry, and protected by a sort of cheval-de-frise of brushwood and spines. At the rear of the enemy's fort ran sally ports leading to the ambush of the woods, and inside were huts enough to house a small town. By the 28th of September Baranof's Aleut Indian hunters had come in and camped alongshore under protection of cannon sent close inland on a small boat. It was a weird scene that the Russian officers witnessed, the enemy's fort, unlighted and silent as death, the Aleut hunters alongshore dancing themselves into a frenzy of bravado, the spruce torches of the coast against the impenetrable forest like fireflies in a thicket; an occasional fugitive canoe from the enemy attempting to steal through the darkness out of the harbor, only to be blown to bits by a cannon-shot. The ships began to line up and land field-pieces for action, when a Sitkan came out with overtures of peace. Baranof gave him the present of a gay coat, told him the fort must be surrendered, and chiefs sent to the Russians as hostages of good conduct. Thirty warriors came the next day, but the whites insisted on chiefs as hostages, and the braves retired. On October the first a white flag was run up on the ship of war. No signal answered from the barricade. The Russian ships let blaze all the cannon simultaneously, only to find that the double logs of the barricade could not be penetrated. No return fire came from the Sitkans. Two small boats were then landed to destroy the enemy's {313} stores. Still not a sign from the barricade. Raging with impatience, Baranof went ashore supported by one hundred and fifty men, and with a wild halloo led the way to rush the fort. The hostile Sitkans husbanded their strength with a coolness equal to the famous thin red line of British fame. Not a signal, not a sound, not the faintest betrayal of their strength or weakness till in the dusk Baranof was within gunshot of the logs, when his men were met with a solid wall of fire. The Aleuts stopped, turned, stampeded. Out sallied the Sitkans pursuing Russians and Aleuts to the water's edge, where the body of one dead Russian was brandished on spear ends. In the sortie fourteen of the Russian forces were killed, twenty-six wounded, among whom was Baranof, shot through the shoulder. The guns of the war ship were all that saved the retreat from a panic. Lisiansky then undertook the campaign, letting drive such a brisk fire the next day that the Sitkans came suing for peace by the afternoon. Three days the cunning savages stayed the Russian attack on pretence of arranging hostages. Hailing the fort on the morning of the 6th and securing no answer, Lisiansky again played his cannon on the barricade. That night a curious sound, that was neither chant nor war-cry, came from the thick woods. At daylight carrion crows were seen circling above the barricade. Three hundred Russians landed. Approaching cautiously for fear of ambuscade, they clambered over the {314} palisades and looked. The fort was deserted. Naught of the Sitkans remained but thirty dead warriors and all their children, murdered during the night to prevent their cries betraying the retreat. New Archangel, as it was called, was built on the site of the present Sitka. Sixteen short and forty-two long cannon mounted the walls. As many as seven hundred officers and men were sometimes on garrison duty. Twelve officers frequently dined at the governor's table; and here, in spite of bishops and priests and deacons who later came on the ground, the revellers of the Russian fur hunters held high carnival. Thirty-six forts and twelve vessels the Russian American fur hunters owned twenty years after the loss of Sitka. New Archangel became more important to the Pacific than San Francisco. Nor was it a mistake to move the capital so far south. Within a few years Russian traders and their Indians were north as far as the Yukon, south hunting sea-otter as far as Santa Barbara. To enumerate but a few of the American vessels that yearly hunted sea-otter for the Russians southward of Oregon and California, taking in pay skins of the seal islands, would fill a coasting list. Rezanoff, who had failed to open the embassy to Japan and so came across to America, spent two months in Monterey and San Francisco trying to arrange with the Spaniards to supply the Russians with provisions. He was received coldly by the Spanish governor till {315} a love affair sprang up with the daughter of the don, so ardent that the Russian must depart post-haste across Siberia for the Czar's sanction to the marriage. Worn out by the midwinter journey, he died on his way across Siberia. [Illustration: Sitka from the Sea.] Later, in 1812, when the Russian coasters were refused watering privileges at San Francisco, the Russian American Company bought land near Bodega, and settled their famous Ross, or California colony, with cannon, barracks, arsenal, church, workshops, and sometimes a population of eight hundred Kadiak Indians. Here provisions were gathered for Sitka, and hunters despatched for sea-otter of the south. The massacres on the Yukon and the clashes with the Hudson's Bay traders are a story by themselves. The other doings of these "Sea Voyagers" became matters of international history when they tried to exclude American and British traders from the Pacific. The fur hunters in the main were only carrying out the far-reaching plans of Shelikoff, who originated the charter for the company; but even Shelikoff could hardly foresee that the country which the Russian government was willing to sell to the United States in 1867 for seven million dollars, would produce more than twice that during a single year in gold. To-day all that remains to Russia of these sea voyagers' plundering are two small islands, Copper and Bering in Bering Sea. [1] Coxe and Müller are the two great authorities on the early Russian fur trade. Data on later days can be found in abundance in Krusenstern's _Voyage_, London, 1813; Kohl's _History_, London, 1862; Langsdorff's _Travels_, London, 1813; Stejneger's _Contributions to Smithsonian_, 1884, and _Report on Commander Islands_; Elliott's _Our Arctic Province_; Dall's _Alaska_; Veniaminof's _Letters on Aleutians_; Cleveland's _Voyages_, 1842, Nordenskjöld's _Voyage of the Vega_; Macfie's _Vancouver Island_; Ivan Petroff's _Report on Alaska_, 1880; Lisiansky's _Voyage Round the World_; Sauer's _Geographical Account of Expedition to Northern Parts_; Kotzebue's _Voyages of Discovery_, 1819, and _New Voyage_, 1831; Chappe d'Auteroche's _Siberia_ and Kracheninnikof's _Kamchatka_, 1764; Simpson's _Voyage Round World_, 1847; Burney's _Voyages_; Gmelin's _Siberia_, Paris, 1767; Greenhow's _Oregon_; Pallas's _Northern Settlements_; Broughton's _Voyage_, 1804; Berg's _Aleutian Islands_; Bancroft's _Alaska_; _Massa. Hist. Coll._, 1793-1795; _U. S. Congressional Reports_ from 1867; Martin's _Hudson's Bay Territories_, London, 1849. [2] Over one hundred American ships had been on the Pacific coast of America before 1812. [3] Rezanoff married the fur trader's daughter. The bride did not live long, nor does the union seem to have been a love affair; as Rezanoff's infatuation with the daughter of a Spanish don later seemed to indicate a heart-free lover. [4] See Chapter XII. {316} CHAPTER XII 1747-1818 BARANOF, THE LITTLE CZAR OF THE PACIFIC Baranof lays the Foundations of Russian Empire on the Pacific Coast of America--Shipwrecked on his Way to Alaska, he yet holds his Men in Hand and turns the Ill-hap to Advantage--How he bluffs the Rival Fur Companies in Line--First Russian Ship built in America--Adventures leading the Sea-otter Hunters--Ambushed by the Indians--The Founding of Sitka--Baranof, cast off in his Old Age, dies of Broken Heart No wilder lord of the wild northland ever existed than that old madcap Viking of the Pacific, Alexander Baranof, governor of the Russian fur traders. For thirty years he ruled over the west coast of America from Alaska to southern California despotic as a czar. And he played the game single-handed, no retinue but convicts from Siberia, no subjects but hostile Indians. Whether leading the hunting brigades of a thousand men over the sea in skin canoes light as cork, or rallying his followers ambushed by hostiles repelling invasion of their hunting-ground, or drowning hardships with seas of fiery Russian brandy in midnight carousals, Baranof was supreme autocrat. Drunk or {317} sober, he was master of whatever came, mutineers or foreign traders planning to oust Russians from the coast of America. Baranof stood for all that was best and all that was worst in that heroic period of Pacific coast history when adventurers from all corners of the earth roamed the otter-hunting grounds in quest of fortune. Each man was a law unto himself. There was fear of neither man nor devil. The whole era might have been a page from the hero epic of prehistoric days when earth was young, and men ranged the seas unhampered by conscience or custom, magnificent beasts of prey, glorying in freedom and bloodshed and the warring elements. [Illustration: Alexander Baranof.] Yet in person Baranof was far from a hero. He was wizened, sallow, small, a margin of red hair round a head bald as a bowl, grotesque under a black wig tied on with a handkerchief. And he had gone up in life much the way a monkey climbs, by shifts and scrambles and prehensile hoists with frequent falls. It was an ill turn of fortune that sent him to America in the first place. He had been managing a glass factory at Irkutsk, Siberia, where the endless caravans of fur traders passed. Born at Kargopol, East Russia, in 1747, he had drifted to Moscow, set up in a shop for himself at twenty-four, failed in business, and emigrated to Siberia at thirty-five. Tales of profit in the fur trade were current at Irkutsk. Tired of stagnating in what was an absolutely safe but unutterably monotonous life, Baranof left the factory and invested all his {318} savings in the fur trade to the Indians of northern Siberia and Kamchatka. For some years all went well. Baranof invested deeper, borrowing for his ventures. Then the Chukchee Indians swooped down on his caravans, stampeded the pack horses, scuttled the goods, and Baranof was a bankrupt. The rival fur companies on the west coast of America were now engaged in the merry game of cutting each other's throats--literally and without restraint. A strong hand was needed--a hand that could weld the warring elements into one, and push Russian trade far down from Alaska to New Spain, driving off the field those foreigners whose relentless methods--liquor, bludgeon, musket--were demoralizing the Indian sea-otter hunters. Destitute and bankrupt, Baranof was offered one-sixth of the profits to become governor of the chief Russian company. On August 10, 1790, about the same time that John Jacob Astor also embarked in the fur trade that was to bring him in contact with the Russians, Baranof sailed to America. Fifty-two men the ragamuffin crew numbered, exiles, convicts, branded criminals, raggedly clad and ill-fed, sleeping wherever they could on the littered and vermin-infested decks; for what did the lives of a convict crew matter? Below decks was crammed to the waterline with goods for trade. All thought for furs, small care for men; and a few days out from port, the water-casks were found to be leaking so badly that allowance {319} of drinking water was reduced; and before the equinoctial gales, scurvy had already disabled the crew. Baranof did not turn back, nor allow the strong hand of authority to relax over his men as poor Bering had. He ordered all press of sail, and with the winds whistling through the rigging and the little ship straining to the smashing seas, did his best to outspeed disease, sighting the long line of surf-washed Aleutian Islands in September, coasting from headland to headland, keeping well offshore for fear of reefs till the end of the month, when compelled to turn in to the mid-bay of Oonalaska for water. There was no ignoring the danger of the landing. A shore like the walls of a giant rampart with reefs in the teeth of a saw, lashed to a fury by beach combers, offered poor escape from death by scurvy. Nevertheless, Baranof effected anchorage at Koshigin Bay, sent the small boats ashore for water, watched his chance of a seaward breeze, and ran out to sea again in one desperate effort to reach Kadiak, the headquarters of the fur traders, before winter. Outside the shelter of the harbor, wind and seas met the ship. She was driven helpless as a chip in a whirlpool straight for the granite rocks of the shore, where she smashed to pieces like the broken staves of a dry water-barrel. Led by the indomitable Baranof, who seemed to meet the challenge of the very elements, the half-drowned crew crawled ashore only to be ordered to save the cargo now rolling up in the wave wash. {320} When darkness settled over the sea on the last night of September, Baranof was in the same predicament as Bering--a castaway for the winter on a barren island. Instead of sinking under the redoubled blows of an adverse fate, the little Russian rebounded like a rubber ball. A messenger and some Indians were at once despatched in a skin boat to coast from island to island in an effort to get help from Kadiak. Meanwhile Baranof did not sit lamenting with folded hands; and well that he did not; for his messengers never reached Kadiak. Holes were at once scooped out of the sand, and the caves roofed over with the remnants of the wreck. These underground huts on an island destitute of wood were warmer than surface cabins, and better withstood the terrible north winds that swept down from the Arctic with such force that for two months at a time the men could go outside only by crawling under shelter of the boulders. Ammunition was distributed to the fifty castaways; salmon bought from the Indians, whom Baranof's fair treatment won from the first; once a week, rye meal was given out for soup; and for the rest, the men had to depend on the eggs of sea-birds, that flocked over the precipitous shores in myriads, or on the sea-lions roaring till the surf shook on the rocky islets along the shore. If there is one characteristic more than another that proves a man master of destiny, it is ability not only to meet misfortune but to turn it to advantage when it {321} comes. While waiting for the rescue that never came, Baranof studied the language of the Aleuts, sent his men among them to learn to hunt, rode out to sea in their frail skin boats lashed abreast to keep from swamping during storm, slept at night on the beach with no covering but the overturned canoes, and, sharing every hardship, set traps with his own hands. When the weather was too boisterous for hunting, he set his people boiling salt from sea-water to dry supplies of fish for the summer, or replenishing their ragged clothes by making coats of birds' skin. The last week before Easter, provisions were so low the whole crew were compelled to indulge in a Lenten fast; but on Easter Monday, behold a putrid whale thrown ashore by the storm! The fast was followed by a feast. The winds subsided, and hunters brought in sea-lions. It was quite apparent now no help was coming from Kadiak. Baranof had three large boats made of skin and wreckage. One he left with the men, who were to guard the remnants of the cargo. A second he despatched with twenty-six men. In the third he himself embarked, now in a raging fever from the exposure of the winter. A year all but a month from the time he had left Asia, Baranof reached Three Saints, Kadiak, on June 27, 1791. Things were black enough when Baranof landed at Kadiak. The settlement of Three Saints had been depending on the supplies of his wrecked ship; and {322} when he arrived, himself in need, discontent flared to open mutiny. Five different rival companies had demoralized the Indians by supplying them with liquor, and egging them on to raid other traders. Southward, toward Nootka, were hosts of foreign ships--Gray and Kendrick and Ingraham from Boston, Vancouver from England, Meares from East India, Quadra from New Spain, private ventures outfitted by Astor from New York. If Russia were to preserve her hunting-grounds, no time should be lost. Baranof met the difficulties like a commander of guerilla warfare. Brigades were sent eastward to the fishing-ground of Cook's Inlet for supplies. Incipient mutiny was quelled by sending more hunters off with Ismyloff to explore new sea-otter fields in Prince William Sound. As for the foreign fur traders, he conceived the brilliant plan of buying food from them in exchange for Russian furs and of supplying them with brigades of Aleut Island hunters to scour the Pacific for sea-otter from Nootka and the Columbia to southern California. This would not only add to stores of Russian furs, but push Russian dominion southward, and keep other nations off the field. That it was not all plain sailing on a summer day may be inferred from one incident. He had led out a brigade of several hundred canoes, Indians and Russians, to Nuchek Island, off Prince William Sound. Though he had tried to win the friendship of the coast Indians by gifts, it was necessary to steal from point {323} to point at night, and to hide at many places as he coasted the mainland. Throwing up some sort of rough barricade at Nuchek Island, he sent the most of his men off to fish and remained with only sixteen Aleuts and Russians. It was perfectly natural that the Alaskan Indians should resent the Aleuts intruding on the hunting-grounds of the main coast, one thousand miles from the Aleutian Islands. Besides, the mainland Indians had now learned unscrupulous brutality from foreign traders. Baranof knew his danger and never relaxed vigilance. Of the sixteen men, five always stood sentry at night. The night of June 20 was pitch dark. Terrific seas were running, and a tempest raged through the woods of the mainland. For safety, Ismyloff's ship had scudded to the offing. Baranof had undressed, thrown himself down in his cabin, and was in the deep sleep of outdoor exhaustion, when above the howling of the gale, not five steps away, so close it was impossible to distinguish friend from foe in the darkness, arose the shrill war-cry of hostiles. Leaping to his feet, Baranof rushed out undressed. His shirt was torn to shreds by a shower of flint and copper-head arrows. In the dark, the Russians could only fire blindly. The panic-stricken Aleuts dashed for their canoes to escape to Ismyloff's ship. Ismyloff sent armed Russians through the surf wash and storm to Baranof's aid. Baranof kept his small cannon pounding hot shot where the shouts sounded till daylight. Of the sixteen men, two {324} Russians and nine Aleuts were dead. Of the men who came to his aid, fifteen were wounded. The corpses of twelve hostiles lay on the beach; and as gray dawn came over the tempestuous sea, six large war canoes vanished into the morning mist, a long trail of blood over the waves showing that the hostiles were carrying off their wounded. Well might Baranof write, "I will vanquish a cruel fate; or fall under its repeated blows." The most of men would have thought they had sufficient excuse to justify backing out of their difficulties. Baranof locked grapples with the worst that destiny could do; and never once let go. Sometimes the absolute futility of so much striving, so much hardship, so much peril, all for the sake of the crust of bread that represents mere existence, sent him down to black depths of rayless despondency, when he asked himself, was life worth while? But he never let go his grip, his sense of resistance, his impulse to fight the worst, the unshunnable obligation of being alive and going on with the game, succeed or fail. Such fits of despair might end in wild carousals, when he drank every Russian under the table, outshouted the loudest singer, and perhaps wound up by throwing the roomful of revellers out of doors. But he rose from the depths of debauch and despair, and went on with the game. That was the main point. The terrible position to which loss of supplies had reduced the traders of Kadiak when his own vessel {325} was wrecked at Oonalaska on the way out, demonstrated to Baranof the need of more ships; so when orders came from his company in 1793 to construct a sailing boat on the timberless island of Kadiak without iron, without axes, without saw, without tar, without canvas, he was eager to attempt the impossible. Shields, an Englishman, in the employment of Russia, was to act as shipbuilder; and Baranof sent the men assigned for the work up to Sunday Harbor on the west side of Prince William Sound, where heavy forests would supply timber and the tide-rush help to launch the vessel from the skids. There were no saws in the settlement. Planks had to be hewn out of logs. Iron, there was none. The rusty remnants of old wrecks were gathered together for bolts and joints and axes. Spruce gum mixed with blubber oil took the place of oakum and tar below the water-line. Moss and clay were used as calking above water. For sail cloth, there was nothing but shreds and rags and tatters of canvas patched together so that each mast-arm looked like Joseph's coat of many colors. Seventy-nine feet from stem to stern, the crazy craft measured, of twenty-three feet beam, thirteen draught, one hundred tons, two decks, and three masts. All the winter of 1792-1793, just a year after Robert Gray, the American, had built his sloop down at Fort Defence off Vancouver Island, the Russian shipbuilding went on. Then in April, lest the poverty of the Russians should become known to foreign traders, Baranof sent Shields, the English {326} shipbuilder, off out of the way, on an otter-hunting venture. It was August of the next summer before the clumsy craft slipped from the skids into the rising tide. She was so badly ballasted that she bobbled like cork; and her sails so frail they flew to tatters in the gentlest wind; but Russia had accomplished her first ship in America. Bells were set ringing when the _Phoenix_ was towed into the harbor of Kadiak; and when she reached Okhotsk laden with furs to the water-line in April of 1794, enthusiasm knew no bounds. Salvos of artillery thundered over her sails, and mass was chanted, and a polish of paint given to her piebald, rickety sides that transformed her into what the fur company proudly regarded as a frigate. Before the year was out, Baranof had his men at work on two more vessels. There was to be no more crippling of trade for lack of ships. But a more serious matter than shipbuilding demanded Baranof's attention. Rival fur companies were on the ground. Did one party of traders establish a fort on Cook's Inlet? Forthwith came another to a point higher up the inlet, where Indians could be intercepted. There followed warlike raids, the pillaging of each other's forts, the capture of each other's Indian hunters, the utter demoralization of the Indians by each fort forbidding the savages to trade at the other, the flogging and bludgeoning and butchering of those who disobeyed the order--and finally, the forcible abduction of whole villages of women and children to compel the alliance of the hunters. All Baranof's work to {327} pacify the hostiles of the mainland was being undone; and what complicated matters hopelessly for him was the fact that the shareholders of his own company were also shareholders in the rival ventures. Baranof wrote to Siberia for instructions, urging the amalgamation of all the companies in one; but instructions were so long in coming that the fur trade was being utterly bedevilled and the passions of the savages inflamed to a point of danger for every white man on the North Pacific. Affairs were at this pass when Konovalof, the dashing leader of the plunderers, planned to capture Baranof himself, and seize the shipyard at Sunday Harbor, on Prince William Sound. Baranof had one hundred and fifty fighting Russians in his brigades. Should he wait for the delayed instructions from Siberia? While he hesitated, some of the shipbuilders were ambushed in the woods, robbed, beaten, and left half dead. Baranof could not afford to wait. He had no more legal justification for his act than the plunderers had for theirs; but it was a case where a man must step outside law, or be exterminated. Rallying his men round him and taking no one into his confidence, the doughty little Russian sent a formal messenger to Konovalof, the bandit, at his redoubt on Cook's Inlet, pompously summoning him in the name of the governor of Siberia to appear and answer for his misdeeds. To the brigand, the summons was a bolt out of the blue. How was he to know not a word had come from the governor of Siberia, and the summons {328} was sheer bluff? He was so terrorized at the long hand of power reaching across the Pacific to clutch him back to perhaps branding or penal service in Siberia, that he did not even ask to see Baranof's documents. Coming post-haste, he offered explanations, excuses, frightened pleadings. Baranof would have none of him. He clapped the culprit and associates in irons, put them on Ismyloff's vessel, and despatched them for trial to Siberia. That he also seized the furs of his rivals for safe keeping, was a mere detail. The prisoners were, of course, discharged; for Baranof's conduct could no more bear scrutiny than their own; but it was one way to get rid of rivals; and the fur companies at war in the Canadian northwest practised the same method twenty years later. The effect of the bandit outrages on the hostile Indians of the mainland was quickly evident. Baranof realized that if he was to hold the Pacific coast for his company, he must push his hunting brigades east and south toward New Spain. A convict colony, that was to be the nucleus of a second St. Petersburg, was planned to be built under the very shadow of Mount St. Elias. Shields, the Englishman employed by Russia, after bringing back two thousand sea-otter from Bering Bay in 1793, had pushed on down south-eastward to Norfolk Sound or the modern Sitka, where he loaded a second cargo of two thousand sea-otter. A dozen foreign traders had already coasted Alaskan shores, and southward of Norfolk Sound was a flotilla {329} of American fur traders, yearly encroaching closer and closer on the Russian field. All fear of rivalry among the Russians had been removed by the union of the different companies in 1799. Baranof pulled his forces together for the master stroke that was to establish Russian dominion on the Pacific. This was the removal of the capital of Russian America farther south. On the second week of April, 1799, with two vessels, twenty-two Russians, and three hundred and fifty canoes of Aleut fur hunters, Baranof sailed from Prince William Sound for the southeast. Pause was made early in May opposite Kyak--Bering's old landfall--to hunt sea-otter. The sloops hung on the offing, the hunting brigades, led by Baranof in one of the big skin canoes, paddling for the surf wash and kelp fields of the boisterous, rocky coast, which sea-otter frequent in rough weather. Dangers of the hunt never deterred Baranof. The wilder the turmoil of spray and billows, the more sea-otter would be driven to refuge on the kelp fields. Cross tides like a whirlpool ran on this coast when whipped by the winds. Not a sound from the sea-otter hunters! Silently, like sea-birds glorying in the tempest, the canoes bounded from crest to crest of the rolling seas, always taking care not to be caught broadsides by the smashing combers, or swamped between waves in the churning seas. How it happened is not known, but somehow between wind and tide-rip, thirty of the canoes {330} that rode over a billow and swept down to the trough never came up. A flaw of wind had caught the mountain billows; the sixty hunters went under. From where he was, Baranof saw the disaster, saw the terror of the other two hundred men, saw the rising storm, and at a glance measured that it was farther back to the sloops than on towards the dangerous shore. The sea-otter hunt was forgotten in the impending catastrophe to the entire brigade. Signal and shout confused in the thunder of the surf ordered the men to paddle for their lives inshore. Night was coming on. The distance was longer than Baranof had thought, and it was dark before the brigades landed, and the men flung themselves down, totally exhausted, to sleep on the drenched sands. Barely were the hunters asleep when the shout of Kolosh Indians from the forests behind told of ambush. The mainland hostiles resenting this invasion of their hunting-fields, had watched the storm drive the canoes to land. On one side was the tempest, on the other the forest thronged with warriors. The Aleuts lost their heads and dashed for hiding in the woods, only to find certain death. Baranof and the Russians with him fired off their muskets till all powder was used. Then they shouted in the Aleut dialect for the hunters to embark. The sea was the lesser danger. By morning the brigades had joined the sloops on the offing. Thirteen more canoes had been lost in the ambush. {331} Such was the inauspicious introduction for Baranof to the founding of the new Russian fort at Sitka or Norfolk Sound. It was the end of May before the brigades glided into the sheltered, shadowy harbor, where Chirikoff's men had been lost fifty years before. A furious storm of snow and sleet raged over the harbor. When the storm cleared, impenetrable forests were seen to the water-line, and great trunks of trees swirled out to sea. On the ocean side to the west, Mount Edgecumbe towered up a dome of snow. Eastward were the bare heights of Verstovoi; and countless tiny islets gilded by the sun dotted the harbor. Baranof would have selected the site of the present Sitka, high, rocky and secure from attack, but the old Sitkan chief refused to sell it, bartering for glass beads and trinkets a site some miles north of the present town. Half the men were set to hunting and fishing, half to chopping logs for the new fort built in the usual fashion, with high palisades, a main barracks a hundred feet long in the centre, three stories high, with trap-doors connecting each story, cabins and hutches all round the inside of the palisades. Lanterns hung at the masthead of the sloops to recall the brigades each night; for Captain Cleveland, a Boston trader anchored in the harbor, forewarned Baranof of the Indians' treacherous character, more dangerous now when demoralized by the rivalry of white traders, and in possession of the civilized man's weapons. Free distribution of liquor by unscrupulous sea-captains did not mend {332} matters. Cleveland reported that the savages had so often threatened to attack his ship that he no longer permitted them on board; concealing the small number of his crew by screens of hides round the decks, trading only at a wicket with cannon primed and muskets bristling through the hides above the taffrail. He warned Baranof's hunters not to be led off inland bear hunting, for the bear hunt might be a Sitkan Indian in decoy to trap the hunters into an ambush. Such a decoy had almost trapped Cleveland's crew, when other Indians were noticed in ambush. The new fort was christened Archangel. All went well as long as Baranof was on the ground. Sea-otter were obtained for worthless trinkets. Sentries paraded the gateway; so Baranof sailed back to Kadiak. The Kolosh or Sitkan tribes had only bided their time. That sleepy summer day of June, 1802, when the slouchy Siberian convicts were off guard and Baranof two thousand miles away, the Indians fell on the fort and at one fell swoop wiped it out.[1] Up at Kadiak honors were showering on the little governor. Two decorations of nobility he had been given by 1804; but his grief over the loss of Sitka was inconsolable. "I will either die or restore the fort!" he vowed, and with the help of a Russian man-of-war sent round the world, he sailed that summer into Sitka Sound. The Indians scuttled their barricade erected on the site of the present Sitka. Here {333} the fort was rebuilt and renamed New Archangel--a fort worthy in its palmy days of Baranof's most daring ambitions. Sixty Russian officers and eight hundred white families lived within the walls, with a retinue of two or three thousand Indian otter hunters cabined along the beach. There was a shipyard. There was a foundry for the manufacture of the great brass bells sold for chapels in New Spain. There were archbishops, priests, deacons, schools. At the hot springs twenty miles away, hospitals and baths were built. A library and gallery of famous paintings were added to the fort, though Baranof complained it would have been wiser to have physicians for his men. For the rest of Baranof's rule, Sitka became the great rendezvous of vessels trading on the Pacific. Here Baranof held sway like a potentate, serving regal feasts to all visitors with the pomp of a little court, and the barbarity of a wassailing mediaeval lord. But all this was not so much fireworks for display. Baranof had his motive. To the sea-captains who feasted with him and drank themselves torpid under his table, he proposed a plan--he would supply the Aleut hunters for them to hunt on shares as far south as southern California. Always, too, he was an eager buyer of their goods, giving them in exchange seal-skins from the Seal Islands. Boston vessels were the first to enter partnership with Baranof. Later came Astor's captains from New York, taking sealskins in trade for goods supplied to the Russians. {334} How did Baranof, surrounded by hostile Indians, with no servants but Siberian convicts, hold his own single-handed in American wilds? Simply by the power of his fitness, by vigilance that never relaxed, by despotism that was by turns savage and gentle, but always paternal, by the fact that his brain and his brawn were always more than a match for the brain and brawn of all the men under him. To be sure, the liberal measure of seventy-nine lashes was laid on the back of any subordinate showing signs of mutiny, but that did not prevent many such attempts. The most serious was in 1809. From the time that Benyowsky, the Polish adventurer, had sacked the garrison of Kamchatka, Siberian convicts serving in America dreamed of similar exploits. Peasants and officers, a score in number, all convicts from Siberia, had plotted to rise in New Archangel or Sitka, assassinate the governor, seize ships and provisions, and sailing to some of the South Sea Islands, set up an independent government. The signal was to be given when Naplavkof, an officer who was master plotter, happened to be on duty. On such good terms was the despot, Baranof, with his men, that the plot was betrayed to him from half a dozen sources. It did not trouble Baranof. He sent the betrayers a keg of brandy, bade one of them give a signal by breaking out in drunken song, and at the sound himself burst into the roomful of conspirators, sword in hand, {335} followed by half a hundred armed soldiers. The plotters were handcuffed and sent back to Siberia. There was something inexcusably cruel in the termination of Baranof's services with the fur company. He was now over seventy years of age. He was tortured by rheumatism from the long years of exposure in a damp climate. Because he was not of noble birth, though he had received title of nobility, he was subject to insults at the hands of any petty martinet who came out as officer on the Russian vessels. Against these Baranof usually held his own at Sitka, but they carried back to St. Petersburg slanderous charges against his honesty. Twice he had asked to be allowed to resign. Twice successors had been sent from Russia; but one died on the way, and the other was shipwrecked. It was easy for malignant tongues to rouse suspicion that Baranof's desire to resign sprang from interested motives, perhaps from a wish to conceal his own peculations. Though Baranof had annually handled millions of dollars' worth of furs for the Russian Company, at a distance from oversight that might have defied detection in wrong-doing, it was afterwards proved that he had not misused or misappropriated one dime's worth of property; but who was to believe his honesty in the face of false charges? In the fall of 1817 Lieutenant Hagemeister arrived at Sitka to audit the books of the company. Concealing from Baranof the fact that he was to be deposed, {336} Hagemeister spent a year investigating the records. Not a discrepancy was discovered. Baranof, with the opportunity to have made millions, was a poor man. Without explanation, Hagemeister then announced the fact--Baranof was to be retired. Between voluntarily retiring and being retired was all the difference between honor and insult. The news was a blow that crushed Baranof almost to senility. He was found doddering and constantly in tears. Again and again he bade good-by to his old comrades, comrades of revel with noble blood in their veins, comrades of the hunt, pure-blooded Indians, who loved him as a brother, comrades of his idleness, Indian children with whom he had frolicked--but he could not bear to tear himself from the land that was the child of his lifelong efforts. The blow had fallen when he was least able to bear it. His nerve was gone. Of all the Russian wreckages in this cruel new land, surely this wreck was the most pitiable--the maker deposed by the thing he had made, cast out by his child, driven to seek some hidden place where he might die out of sight. An old sea-captain offered him passage round the world to Russia, where his knowledge might still be of service. Service? That was the word! The old war-horse pricked up his ears! Baranof sailed in the fall of 1818. By spring the ship homeward-bound stopped at Batavia. There was some delay. Delay was not good for Baranof. He was ill, deadly ill, of that most deadly of all ailments, heartbreak, {337} consciousness that he was of no more use, what the Indians call "the long sickness of too much thinking." When the vessel put out to sea again, Baranof, too, put to sea, but it was to the boundless sea of eternity. He died on April 16, 1819, and was laid to rest in the arms of the great ocean that had cradled his hopes from the time he left Siberia. To pass judgment on Baranof's life would be a piece of futility. His life, like the lives of all those Pacific coast adventurers, stands or falls by what it was, not what it meant to be; by what it did, not what it left undone; and what Baranof left was an empire half the size of Russia. That his country afterward lost that empire was no fault of his. Like all those Vikings of the North Pacific, he was essentially a man _who did things_, not a theorizer on how things ought to be done, not a slug battening on the things other men have done. They were not anaemic, these old "sea voyagers" of the Pacific, daring death or devil, with the red blood of courage in their veins, and the red blood of a lawless manhood, too. They were not men of milk and water type, with little good and less bad. Neither their virtues nor their vices were lukewarm; but _they did things_, these men; added to the sum total of human effort, human knowledge, human progress. Sordid their motives may have been, sordid as the blacksmith's when he smashes his sledge on the anvil; but from the anvil of their hardships, from the clash of the {338} primordial warfare between the Spirit of the Elements and the Spirit of Man, struck out some sparks of the Divine. There was the courage as dauntless in the teeth of the gale as in the face of death. There was the yearning to know More, to seek it, to follow it over earth's ends, though the quest led to the abyss of a watery grave. What did they want, these fool fellows, following the rushlight of their own desires? That is just it. They didn't know what they sought, but they knew there was something just beyond to be sought, something new to be known; and because Man is Man, they set out on the quest of the unknown, chancing life and death for the sake of a little gain to human progress. It is the spirit of the heroic ages, and to that era belongs the history of the Vikings on the North Pacific. [1] See Chapter XI. INDEX A Adakh Island, Chirikoff at, 51. Admiralty Inlet, explored, 270-271. _Adventure_, first American ship built on Pacific, 233, 234, 238, 325. Alaska, Bering's expedition on coast of, 26 ff.; Chirikoff's arrival at, 50-51; Benyowsky's visit to, 125; Cook explores coast of, 189-194; Gray's trip to, 238; Vancouver's survey of southern coast of, 286-290; Baranof's career in, 318-337. _See_ Sitka. Aleutian Islands, Bering's voyage of discovery among, 26-41; sea-otter's habitat on, 42, 53, 56, 63, 66-67, 69-70, 82-83; fur hunters of the, 67-78, 81-84, 321-323, 328-330. Aleut Indians, as otter-hunters, 69-78; harsh treatment of, by Russians, 79, 8l-88; Russian hunters massacred by, 91-95, 100-104; punishment of, 105; in Sitka massacre, 307-310, 332; accompany Baranof on voyage of vengeance, 311-314; with Baranof in Prince William Sound, 322 ff. Alexander Archipelago, Chirikoff in the, 46-52. Alexis, Aleut Indian boy hostage, 98, 99, 102. Anderson, Dr., with Cook, 193. Anian, Straits of, 9, 279 n. Anton, Juan de, captain of _Glory of the South Seas_, 158 n. Apraxin, Count, 8 n. Archangel Michael, modern Sitka once named, 306; founding of, by Baranof, 306, 331-332; massacre at, 307-310, 332. Arguello, Don Joseph, 241. Aricara, Drake at, 155. Astor, John Jacob, 65, 212, 303, 318, 322, 333. Athabasca Lake, attempt to identify, with Northwest Passage, 174, 175. Atka, otter grounds at, 69. Atto, Hawaiian boy, 229, 233, 240. Attoo, village in, destroyed by Russian fur hunters, 83. Auteroche, Chappe d', cited, 295. Avacha Bay, Bering at, 17, 19, 23; survivors of Bering expedition return to, 59-60; vessels of Cook's expedition at, 208. B Baker, lieutenant in Vancouver's expedition, 266, 270. Baker, Mount, 270. Balboa, 134, 144. Baltimore, Benyowsky visits, 127. Bancroft, Hubert Howe, cited, 241, 290, 295. Baranof, Alexander, governor of Russian American Fur Company, 67, 167 n., 288, 301, 304, 306, 310; character of, 316-317; personal appearance of, 317; early career of, 317-318; sails to America (1790), 318; wrecked on Oonalaska, 319-320; builds boat and reaches Kadiak, 321; defeats hostile Indians at Nuchek Island, 323-324; establishes fort at Sitka, 331; loses fort by Sitka massacre, but rebuilds and founds New Archangel (modern Sitka), 332-333; in old age deposed from governorship, 335-336; death of, 337. Baranof Castle, Sitka, 301. Barber, Captain, at Sitka, 310. Barclay, English sea-captain, 224, 227, 254, 264, 272. Barnes, sailor with Gray, 230. Barrell, Joseph, 211, 215, 229, 241. Bassof, otter hunter, 82-83. Begg, cited, 290 n. Behm, Major, 196, 208. Behm Canal, 286. Benyowsky, Mauritius, Polish exile to Kamchatka, 108-110; career of, at Bolcheresk, 113-122; escapes to sea on pirate cruise, 122; meets Ochotyn at Bering Island, 123-124; visits Alaska, 125; adventures of, in Luzon, Formosa, and China, 126-127; holds French commission in Madagascar, 137; returns to Europe, goes to Baltimore, and is sent on filibustering expedition to Madagascar, 127; death of, 127-128; authorities for, 128 n. Berg, cited, 11 n., 22 n., 129, 295. Bering, Anna, 8 n. Bering, Jonas, 8 n. Bering, Thomas, 22 n. Bering, Unos, 22. Bering, Vitus Ivanovich, birth and early history of, 8; commissioned by Peter the Great to explore waters between Russia and America, 8-10; first expedition of (1725-1730), 10-12; second expedition undertaken by, 12; difficulties of, with scientists about "Gamaland," 13-15, 19, 22, 24; arrival of expedition of, at Okhotsk, 16; start of, from Avacha Bay, Kamchatka (1741), 17; cruise of, in _St. Peter_, 22-45; landfall at Kyak Island, 26-27, 47 n.; Mt. St. Elias discovered by, 26; exploration of coast of Alaskan peninsula by, 28-36; forced to winter at Commander Islands, 35-36; death of, 54; summary of work of, 55-56, 61; conclusions of, rejected by scientists, 172-173; mentioned in connection with other explorers, 183, 184 n., 239, 263, 264; Cook verifies conclusions of, 189-194. Bering Bay, 288. Bering Island, 37-45, 97, 123-124, 300, 315. Betshevin, Siberian merchant, 84, 87. Bidarkas, fur hunters' boats, 67. Billings, Joseph, 254, 258, 259-261. Boit, John, 230. Bolcheresk, capital of Kamchatka, 113-114; description of, 114; Benyowsky's career at, 114-122. Boston, interest at, in Gray's expeditions, 215-216, 229-230, 240-241. "Bostons" (_Bostonnais_), Indians call all Americans, 210. Brazil, Drake's lost sailors in, 152. Bristol Bay, 193. Broughton, Lieutenant, 266, 271, 279, 280, 281; _Voyage_ by, cited, 295 n. Brown, Samuel, of Boston, 211, 229. Brown, Dr. William, Ledyard travels with, 258-259. Bulfinch, Charles, 211, 212; daughter of, named "Columbia," 240. Bulfinch, Dr., of Boston, 211, 241. Burney, _Voyages_ by, 295 n. Burrard Inlet, 273. Burroughs, John, cited, 72 n. Bute Inlet, 274. C California, Drake's visit to, 160-165, 169-171; Vancouver's visit to, 281-282; Russian American Fur Company in, 315. _California_, vessel for exploration, 174. Callao, Drake sacks, 155-156. Campbell, Dr., quoted, 172-173. Cannibals, Cook's stay among, 187; on Portland Canal, 230. Cape Adams, 280. Cape Addington, 46. Cape Disappointment, 224, 235, 267, 269, 279, 280. Cape Douglas, 191. Cape Elizabeth, 191. Cape Flattery, 185, 223, 224, 235, 270. Cape Foulweather, 184. Cape Gregory, 184. Cape Horn, Drake discovers, 153; Gray expedition rounds, 216-217. Cape Khitroff, 41. Cape Lookout, 219. Cape Meares, 224. Cape Perpetua, 184. Cape Prince of Wales, 193, 208. Captain Harbor, 300; Drusenin at, 89; Ledyard's arrival at, 250. Carder, Peter, 152 n. Cartier, Jacques, 272. Caswell, Joshua, 230. Catherine, Empress, 7. Chaplin, Peter, 11 n. _Chatham_, Lieutenant Broughton commands, in Vancouver cruise, 266. Chesterfield Inlet, 174-175. Chinook, Indian village, 281. Chirikoff, Alexei, Bering's second in command, 11, 13, 18, 19, 20, 60; cruise of, in the _St. Paul_, 45-53. Christopher, Captain, 175. _Christopher_, Drake's vessel, 147. Christy, Silver Map of, 168. Chukchee Indians, 5, 9, 193, 194, 318. Clayoquot, Gray at, 227, 232-234. Clerke, Captain, 181, 203, 206, 207, 208; death of, 209. Cleveland, Captain, Boston trader, 295, 331-332. Collectors of tribute, Cossack, 5, 107, 294-296, 299. _Columbia_, vessel commanded by Captain Kendrick, on cruise to Pacific, 212-213, 215; Gray in command of, 228, 268-269. Columbia River, Meares searches for, 224; Vancouver misses, 235, 267-268; Heceta quoted regarding, 235-236; Gray discovers and names, 236-238, 241, 268, 269; Broughton's trip up, 280. Commander Islands, Bering expedition at, 37-45, 61; sea-otter found on, 67, 76. Cook, Captain James, 19, 64 n., 78, 127, 128 n., 161, 168, 222, 226, 263, 264, 265; boyhood and youth of, 176-177; seaman on Newcastle coaler, 177; enters Royal Navy, 178-180; before Quebec with Wolfe, 180; sent by Royal Society on voyage to South Seas (1768-1771), 180-181; makes voyage round the world, 181; starts on historic voyage of discovery and exploration, 181; John Ledyard's connection with expedition of, 181-182, 247; terms of secret commission of, 182-183; Drake's "New Albion" sighted by, 184; misses Straits of Fuca, 184-185; anchors at Nootka, 186; visits Kyak Island, 189; in Prince William Sound, 190-191; explores Cook's Inlet, 191-192; sails along coast of Alaska to Cape Prince of Wales, and crosses Bering Strait to Siberia, 193; verifies Bering's conclusions, 193-194; explores Norton Sound, 195; stops at Oonalaska, 195-196; returns to Sandwich Islands to winter, 196-197; friendly reception of, by Hawaiians, 197-199; sailors of, abuse hospitality of natives, 199-200; difficulties of, over boat stolen by natives, 203; brave stand taken by, and death of, 203-205; authorities for, 209 n.; account of voyage of, leads to sending out of Robert Gray, 211; Gray's work and its results compared with those of, 239-240. Cook's Inlet, sea-otter in, 66-67, 68, 69, 79; explored by Cook, 189-192; Vancouver's survey of, 287-288; Russian fur traders' doings in, 326-327. Coolidge, Davis, 214, 230. Copper Island, 44, 97, 315. Coquimbo, Drake at, 154. Cortés, 133-134. Coxe, William, cited, 61, 82, 105, 295. Crowning of Drake by Indians, 164. D _Daedalus_, Vancouver's supply ship, 266, 282; seized by Sandwich Islanders and two officers murdered, 284. Da Gama, Vasco, 134. Dall, cited, 11 n., 295. Dartmouth College, courses for missionaries at, 244-245. Davidson, Dr. George, x, 47 n., 162 n., 168, 290 n. Davidson, George, member of Gray's second expedition, 230, 240, 241. Dawson, cited, 290 n. Dementieff, Abraham, 47-48. Derby, John, 211, 229. Derby Sound, 228. Deshneff, explorer, vii, 296. Deshon, Captain, 253-254. _Discovery_, Vancouver's ship, 266; on rocks in Straits of Fuca, 275; Hawaiian girls onboard of, 284-285. _Discovery_, vessel commanded by Captain Clerke, in Cook's voyage, 181. D'Isles, the, geographers, 19, 20, 52. Distress Cove, 228. Dixon, George, 78, 209, 227, 254, 290 n. Dobbs, patron of exploration, 174. _Dobbs_, vessel for exploration, 174. Doughty, Thomas, 147; trial and execution of, 148-149, 168. Douglas, Captain, 223-226. _Dragon_, Drake's vessel, 140. Drake, Francis, family and boyhood of, 139; with Hawkins in West Indies, 139; cruises Spanish Main (1570-1573), 140-141; seizes one million pounds in silver from Spanish at Nombre de Dios, 141-142; first views Pacific Ocean, 143-144; attacks gold train at Venta Cruz, 144-145; returns to England, 146; Queen Elizabeth and, 146; starts on historic cruise (1577), 147; Doughty's trial and execution, 148-149, 168; enters Pacific through Straits of Magellan, 150; driven south by storm, 151-153; discovers Cape Horn, 153; piratical voyage of, up South American coast, 153-155; captures _Glory of the South Seas_, 158; plans to return home by Northeast Passage, 158-159; landfall north of California, 159-161, 168; gives up idea of Northeast Passage, 161; visits California, 161-162, 169; welcomed by Indians, 162-163, 169-170; crowning of, 164; calls region "New Albion," 164; returns to England around Cape of Good Hope (1580), 165; subsequent career of, 166; death and burial of, 166-167, 171; authorities for, 167 n. Drake, John, 141, 142, 157. Drake's Bay, 162, 281. Drusenin, Alexei, otter hunter, 81, 84; winters at Oonalaska, 88-91; murdered by natives, 91-92. E East Cape, 195, 208-209. _Elizabeth_, Drake's vessel, 147, 148; returns to England, 152. Elizabeth, Queen, and Drake, 146. Elliott, cited, 72 n., 295. Ellis, explorer, 174-175. Equator, rites on crossing, 182, 216. Eskimo Indians, Russian explorers hear about, 6. _See_ Aleut _and_ Kolosh Indians. F Fages, Don Pedro, cited, 241. Fairweather Mountains, 189. Fletcher, Francis, Drake's chaplain, 149, 154 n., 167; chronicle of, quoted, 161, 165, 167 n.-171 n. Foggy Island (Ukamok), 29, 192. Folger, sailor with Gray, 230. Formosa, Benyowsky in, 127. Fort Defence, 233, 325. Franklin, Benjamin, Benyowsky's meeting with, 128 n. Fraser River, Vancouver misses discovering, 272-273. Friendly Cove, 276, 278. Frobisher, Martin, 159. Fuca, Juan de, 173, 174, 184, 264, 272; account of legend of, concerning Northeast Passage, 275 n. Fuca Straits. _See_ Straits of Fuca. G Galiano, Don, 272-273. Gama, John de, 6 n. Gamaland, mythical continent, 6, 9, 168, 173; Bering's conclusion concerning non-existence of, 12, 18; on D'Isles' map, 19; Bering's second voyage in search of, 22-23; search for, relinquished, 24-25; Cook demolishes myth of, 181. Garret, John, 141. _Glory of the South Seas_, Spanish galleon, 155, 156, 157; captured by Drake, 158. Glottoff, Stephen, 88, 96; Korovin rescued by, 104. Gmelin, scientist, 14 n., 295 n. _Golden Hind_, Drake renames the _Pelican_ the, 150; cruise on the Pacific in, 151-165; end of, 166. Gore, Cook's lieutenant, 190. Gorelin, Russian sailor, 87, 91 n. Gray, Robert, character of, 213; sent by Boston merchants on fur-trading voyage to the Pacific coast, 213-214; departure of, from Boston (October, 1787), 215-216; rounds Cape Horn and reaches Drake's "New Albion," 216-218; adventures of, in Tillamook Bay, 219-222; sails to Nootka, 222-223; meets Captains Meares and Douglas, 223-225; in spring explores Straits of Fuca, 227, 235; takes cargo of furs to China and returns to Boston (August, 1790), 228-229; leaves Boston on second voyage (September, 1790), 230; winters at Clayoquot (1791-1792), 232-234; builds sloop _Adventure_, 233, 234, 325; meets Vancouver expedition, 235, 268-270; discovers and names Columbia River (May, 1792), 236-238, 241, 268, 269; goes to China and returns to Boston (July, 1793), 238; death of, 238; place of, among discoverers, 238-240; authorities for, 240 n.; later mention of, 264, 272, 286, 322; Lieutenant Broughton's view of explorations of, 280. Gray's Harbor, 236, 241. Greenhow, cited, 241, 290, 295. Guatalco, Drake stops at, 159. Gulf of Georgia, 271. Gvozdef, discoverer, 12 n. H Hagemeister, Lieutenant, 335-336. Hall, Sir James, and Ledyard, 256. Hancock, Clayoquot renamed, 227. Hancock, Governor, 229. Harriman Expedition, the, 72 n. Haskins, member of Gray's second expedition, 230. Haswell, Robert, in Gray's expeditions, 214, 216, 220-222, 228, 230, 234, 240, 241. Hatch, Captain Crowell, 211. Hawkins, Sir John, 135-139, 166. Hearne, Samuel, 174, 175, 181. Heceta, Captain Bruno, 219, 241; quoted regarding Columbia River, 235-236. Henriquez, Don Martin, 136. Hoffman, German exile, 108-111. Hood Canal, explored, 270-271. Howe, Richard, accountant in Gray's expedition, 214. Howe's Sound, 274. I Icy Cape, Cook names, 195. Inalook Island, 90. Indians, Californian, and Drake, 162-165, 169-171. Ingraham, Joseph, 214, 230, 240, 322. Isle, Louis la Croyére de l', 19, 20, 209; death of, 52. Isle of Pinos, 141. Ismyloff, Russian trader-spy, 118, 119, 122, 123, 124, 127, 128 n.; Cook meets, 196; treacherous letters of, 208; Ledyard's encounters with, 251, 253, 258, 260-261; in service of Russian American Fur Company, under Baranof, 322, 323. J Japan, charted by Martin Spanberg, 18; laws to protect the sea-otter moved by, 67; Benyowsky's adventures in, 126-127. Jefferson, Thomas, Ledyard and, 255, 261-262. Jervis Canal, 274. Johnstone, with Vancouver, 266, 271, 273, 275. Jokai, Maurus, Benyowsky's life told by, 127. Jones, Paul, and Ledyard, 255. Juan Fernandez, _Columbia_ repaired at, 217. K Kadiak Indians in California, 315. Kadiak Island, otter-hunting headquarters, 69, 79; Ochotyn at, 124; Benyowsky visits, 125; Baranof at, 321-329. Kakooa, Sandwich Islands, 203, 206. Kalekhta, Aleutian village, 90, 94. Kamchatka, Bering sails from, 11; Benyowsky in, 113-122. Karakakooa Bay, Cook at, 197-205. Kendrick, Captain John, 213, 214, 216, 217, 225, 226, 228, 229, 264, 272, 322; adventures of, on Queen Charlotte Island, 230-232; death of, 238. Kendrick, Solomon, murdered, 232. Khitroff, in Bering expedition, 26-27, 30-31, 36. King, Captain, with Cook, 128 n., 186, 192, 198, 200, 203, 206. Koah, Hawaiian priest, 198, 206, 207. Kohl, J. G., cited, 168, 295. Kolosh Indians, massacre by, 307-310, 332; Baranof's encounter with, 330. Konovalof, bandit, 327-328. Korelin, companion of Drusenin, 90-91, 92, 94. Korovin, Ivan, 88, 96; experiences of, at Oonalaska, 97-105. Koshigin Bay, 319. Kotches, Russian boats, 295-296, 297. Kotzebue, dramatist, takes Benyowsky for a subject, 127. Kotzebue, Otto von, works by, 295. Kowrowa, Sandwich Islands, 197, 203. Kracheninnikof, cited, 295. Krusenstern, Lieutenant, 295, 311. Kyacks, Eskimo boats, 68. Kyak Island, Bering's landfall, 26-27, 47 n.; Cook at, 189; Baranof at, 329-330. L _Lady Washington_, the, Gray sails on, to Pacific coast, 213-219; Captain Kendrick in command of, 228; last mention of, 238. Langsdorff, cited, 295. La Salle, vii, 60. Lauridsen, Peter, authority on Bering, 12 n., 61 n. La Vérendrye, vii, 7, 19, 60, 177. Ledyard, Dr., 243 n. Ledyard, John, corporal of marines with Cook, 181-182, 195-196, 200, 203, 205, 247-252; authority for Cook's voyage, 209 n.; early career of, 242-244; authorities for life of, 243 n., 262 n.; student at Dartmouth College, 245; works his way to England, 245-246; experiences of, in London, 246-247; on return of Cook expedition sent to fight against United States, 252; returns to Groton and deserts from British navy, 252-253; borrows money, goes to Paris, and meets Paul Jones and Thomas Jefferson, 254-255; in England, 256; walks fourteen hundred miles from Stockholm around Baltic Sea to St. Petersburg, 257-258; accompanies Dr. Brown three thousand miles into Siberia, 258-259; joins Joseph Billings' expedition and reaches Lena River, 260; arrested as a French spy, carried back to St. Petersburg, and expelled from the country, 260-261; reaches London and is sent to discover source of Nile, 261-262; dies at Cairo, 262. Lewis and Clark expedition, 60-61; John Ledyard's influence on, 242, 255, 262. Lincoln, General, of Boston, 229. Lisiansky, Captain, 295, 311, 313. Lok, Michael, 275 n. Lopez, Marcus, 216, 220; murder of, by Indians, 221. Lynn Canal, Vancouver's survey of, 288. M Macao, Benyowsky in, 127, 128. Macfie, _Vancouver Island_ by, 295 n. Mackenzie, Alexander, 219. Madagascar, Benyowsky's adventures and death in, 127. Magellan, explorer, 134-135. Magellan, Hyacinth de, 128 n. Makushin Volcano, 86, 96-97, 105 n. Maquinna, Indian chief, 276, 277-278. Marquette, Père, vii, 7. Martin, _Hudson's Bay Territories_ by, 295 n. Martinez, Don Joseph, 227. _Marygold_, Drake's vessel, 147, 148; loss of, 151-152. Massacre, of Russians at Oonalaska and Oomnak, 100-105; the Sitka, 307-310, 332. Mayne, cited, 290 n. Meares, English sea-captain, 223-226, 227, 235, 254, 264, 267, 272, 273, 322. _Meares' Voyages_, cited, 290 n. Medals, the Drake, 168; of Gray expedition, 215, 241. Medvedeff, Denis, 88, 96, 97-98; murder of, 104. Medvednikoff, commander at Sitka, 308. Menzies, 235, 266, 269, 271. _Mercury_, Cook on the, 180. Michael, Kolosh chief, 308, 310. Middleton, Captain, 174. Morai, the, Hawaiian burying-place, 198, 201, 202. Morris, Robert, and Ledyard, 254. Motley, John Lothrop, cited, 4 n. Mottley, John, cited, 4 n. Mount Baker, 270. Mount Edgecumbe, 46-47, 189, 331. Mount Hood, 280. Mount Olympus, 235. Mount St. Elias, 26, 189. Müller, S., scientist, 12 n., 14 n.; cited, 32, 61, 295. Murderers' Harbor, 222. N Naplavkof, conspirator, 334-335. New Albion, Drake's, 164, 173, 182, 183, 184; Gray expedition off, 218; Vancouver's expedition sights, 267; Vancouver takes possession of, 271. New Archangel, modern Sitka, 314, 333. New Zealand, explored by Cook, 181. Nicholson, William, edits Benyowsky's memoirs, 128 n. Nilow, governor of Kamchatka, 116-120. Nombre de Dios, storehouse of New Spain, 140; Drake's raid, 141-142. Nootka, Cook's vessels at, 186-189, 248; Gray at, 223-227, 232, 238; Vancouver's conference with Spanish at, 276-279. Nootka Indians, Cook visits, 185-189. Nordenskjöld, explorer, 209 n., 295 n. Norfolk Sound. _See_ Sitka Sound. Northeast Passage, the, 158-159, 172; Drake's conclusions regarding, 161; Parliament offers reward for discovery of, 174; English agitation over, 174-175, 181; Cook's efforts to discover, 182-196; Captain Clerke decides there is no, 209; Vancouver's attitude on question of, 265-266; Vancouver proves the non-existence of, 275, 286-290; the Fuca legend concerning, 275 n. _Northwest-America_, launching of, 223; seized by Spanish, 228. Norton, Moses, 175. Norton Sound, Cook explores, 195. Nuchek Island, Baranof at, 322-324. Nutting, Gray's astronomer, 214. O Ochotyn, Saxon exile, 123-124. Ofzyn, Bering's lieutenant, 36, 38, 40. Okhotsk, Bering's expedition at, 16. Olympus, Mount, 235. Olympus Range, 222-223, 268. Oomnak Island, 84-85; sulphur at, 92; sea-otter on, 98; Korovin's adventures at, 102-103; Medvedeff and crew massacred at, 104. Oonalaska, otter-hunting headquarters, 69, 79, 82, 98; sulphur at, 92, 103; Korovin's experiences at, 98-101; Cook at, 195-196; Ledyard's visit to, with Cook, 250-253. _Oregon and California_, Greenhow's, 241. _Oregon and Eldorado_, Bulfinch's, 241. Oxenham, with Drake, 142. P _Pacha_, Drake's vessel, 141. Pacific Company, 212. _See_ Astor. Pallas, _Northern Settlements_ by, 295 n. Palliser, Sir Hugh, 179. Pareea, Hawaiian chief, 198, 203. _Pelican_, Drake's vessel, 147, 148; renamed _Golden Hind_, 150. Perpheela, Ledyard's guide, 249. "Peso," defined, 154 n. Peter the Great, 4-10; analogy between Cook and, 176. Petroff, Ivan, cited, 105 n., 295. Philippine Islands, Benyowsky's visit to, 126; Drake passes by, 165. Phillips, marine with Cook, 204-205. _Phoenix_, Baranof builds, 326. Pickersgill, explorer, 175. Pilcher, sailor with Drake, 152 n. Pintard, John Marden, 211, 229. Pissarjeff, Major-General, 16. Pizarro, Francisco, 134. Pleneser, artist, 41. Point Breakers, 185. Point Possession, 271. Point Turn-Again, 192. Porter, Rev. E. G., lecture by, 241. Portland Canal, 228; Gray sails up, 230; Vancouver's exploration of, 286. Portlock, J. E., 78, 209 n., 254, 290 n. Port St. Julian, Doughty executed at, 147-149. Prince of Wales, Cape, 193, 208. Prince of Wales Island, 228. Prince William Sound, sea-otter in, 66; named by Cook, 191; Russian settlements on, 287, 306, 322-329. Prybiloff Islands, otter and seal found on, 79. Puget, Peter, 235, 266, 269, 271, 273, 277, 282. Puget Sound, explored, 270-271, 273. _Purchas' Pilgrims_, cited, 152, 167, 275. Pushkareff, Sergeant, 84-88. Q Quadra, Don, 238, 240, 273, 322; Vancouver's conference with, 277-279. Quebec, Cook with Wolfe at, 180. Queen Charlotte Island, discovered, 227; Captain Kendrick at, 230-232. R Radisson, vii, 7, 239. _Resolution_, Cook's ship, 181-209. Reward offered by Parliament for discovery of Northeast Passage, 174. Rezanoff, Nikolai, 306, 311, 314-315. _Robert Anne_, Benyowsky's vessel, 127. Roberts, Gray's surgeon, 214, 216. Ross, Russian California colony, 315. Russian American Fur Company, 67, 128 n.; chartered, 306; early vicissitudes of, 307-314; at New Archangel (Sitka), 314; in California, 315. _See_ Baranof. Ryumin, Ivan, Russian account of Benyowsky by, 129. S Saanach coast, sea-otter on, 69. St. Lawrence Island, 11, 12. _St. Paul_, Bering's vessel, 17; Chirikoff in command of, 20, 22, 24 ff., 60; voyage of, 45-53. _St. Peter_, Bering's vessel, 17, 20, 23 ff.; wreck of, 44-45. _St. Peter_, the second, 58-59. _St. Peter and Paul_, the, 113, 117; Benyowsky's cruise in, 122-126. Sands, Mr., of New York, 254. Sandwich Islands, Cook's visit to and death at, 196-205; Gray stops at, 228-229; conduct of fur traders who visited, 283-284; Vancouver's actions at, 284-285. San Francisco, Vancouver at, 281-282. Sauer, cited, 27, 260, 295. Savelief, Sidor, 48. Sea cows, 41, 53. Seals, 42, 56-57, 67. Sea-otter, 42, 53, 56; habitat of, on Aleutian Islands, 63, 66-67, 82-83; Bering's men reap a fortune from, 63-64, 79; influence of, on exploration of North Pacific, 65; description of, 65-66; methods of hunting the, 67-78; prices commanded for fur of, 76; figures of numbers killed, 79; the early hunters of, 80-105; Cook's trade in, 187; Gray's bargain, 228. Selkirk, Lord, 303. Serdze Kamen, 12 n., 195. Seymour, Henry, 243. Shelikoff, Gregory Ivanovich, 303-306, 315. Shelikoff, Natalie, 304. Shevyrin, with Drusenin, 92-97. Shields, English shipbuilder with Baranof, 325-326, 328. Shumagin Islands, 30, 192. Silva, Nuno, Drake's pilot, 159, 167 n. Silver Map of the World, 168. Simpson, _Voyage Round World_ by, 295 n. Sitka, Indians massacre Russians at, 50 n., 307-310, 332; as capital of Russian America, called Archangel Michael, 306; Russian American Fur Company founds New Archangel on site of, 314, 333; Baranof's career at, 330-336. Sitka Sound, Chirikoff in, 46-52; sea-otter in, 66, 79; Vancouver ends his explorations at, 289. Snug Cove, 186, 276. Society Islands, Cook's first visit to, 180-181; second visit, 182. Solovieff, Cossack hunter, 105. South Seas, Cook's voyage to, 180-181. Spanberg, Martin, 11, 13, 14, 16, 18, 21. Sparks, Jared, _Life of Ledyard_ by, 243 n., 262 n. Staduchin, explorer, 296. Stejneger, Dr. Leo, x, 41 n., 72 n., 295 n. Steller, George William, 14 n., 20, 23, 25, 26-27, 30, 33, 38-40, 41, 42, 53-55, 60. Steller's Arch, 39. Stephanow, Hippolite, 108, 110, 125, 127. Straits of Fuca, Cook's conclusion as to non-existence of, 185, 222, 264; Gray sails near, 223; Gray explores, 227, 235, 269; Vancouver's arrival at and exploration of, 268-270, 273-275. Straits of Magellan, 135; Drake's passage of, 150. Sulphur at Oonalaska, 92, 103. Sunday Harbor, 325. _Swan_, Drake's vessel, 140, 141, 147. T _Taboo_, the, 198. Tarapaca, Drake calls at, 154-155. Terreeoboo, King, 197-206. Texeira, map-maker, 6 n. Three Saints, Kadiak, Baranof's arrival at, 321-322. Tillamook Bay, _Lady Washington_ in, 219-222. Toledo, Don Francisco de, 155-156. Treat, fur trader in Gray's expedition, 214. Tribute collectors, Cossack, 5, 107, 114, 294-296, 299. U Ukamok (Foggy Island), 29. V Valdes, Don, 272-273. Valparaiso, Drake's raid on, 153-154. Vancouver, George, vii, 105, 161; midshipman with Cook, 181, 198; authority on Cook's voyage, 209 n.; meeting with Gray, 235, 268-270; Gray contrasted with, 239-240; as captain in British navy, sent to explore Pacific coast of America, 265; ideas on Northeast Passage question, 265-266; sights Drake's "New Albion," 267; misses Columbia River, 267-268, 235; explores Puget Sound, 270-272; misses Fraser River, 272; explores Straits of Fuca, 272-275; arrives at Nootka, 276; confers with Spanish representative, 277-279; sails to Columbia River, 279-280; visits California, 281-282; winters at Sandwich Islands (1792-1793), 283-285; acts of injustice and justice at, 284-285; returns to American coast and surveys Portland Canal, 286-287; in 1794 surveys Cook's Inlet, 287-289; work of, results in explosion of theory of Northeast Passage, 289-290; authorities for, 290 n. Vancouver Island, 228, 278. _Vega_, the, 209 n., 295 n. Veniaminof, _Letters on Aleutians_ by, 295 n. Venta Cruz, Drake at, 141-145. Vera Cruz, Hawkins and Drake _vs_. the Spanish at, 135-138. Vérendrye. _See_ La Vérendrye. _Voyage to the Pacific Ocean_, Cook's, 209 n. W Walrus, the Pacific, 73; Cook's men hunt, 194-195. Waters, Abraham, 230. Waxel, Lieutenant, 20, 24-25, 30, 31, 32, 33, 35-36, 37-38, 41, 42, 57-58, 60. Williams, Orlando, cited, 4 n. Woodruff, mate in Gray's expedition, 214, 216. _World Encompassed, The_, by Francis Fletcher, 167 n.-171 n. Y Yakutat Bay, sea-otter in, 66, 79. Yakutsk, Bering's second expedition winters at, 15; fur traders' rendezvous near, 107, 259; Ledyard's arrival at, 259. Yelagin, Chirikoff's pilot, 52. Yendell, Samuel, 230. Yermac, Cossack robber, 294. Yukon, Russian traders on the, 314, 315. Z Zarate, Don Francisco de, quoted regarding Drake, 150 n.
21733 ---- The Giant of the North, or, Pokings Round The Pole, by R.M. Ballantyne. ________________________________________________________________________ Robert Michael Ballantyne was born in 1825 and died in 1894. He was educated at the Edinburgh Academy, and in 1841 he became a clerk with the Hudson Bay Company, working at the Red River Settlement in Northen Canada until 1847, arriving back in Edinburgh in 1848. The letters he had written home were very amusing in their description of backwoods life, and his family publishing connections suggested that he should construct a book based on these letters. Three of his most enduring books were written over the next decade, "The Young Fur Traders", "Ungava", "The Hudson Bay Company", and were based on his experiences with the H.B.C. In this period he also wrote "The Coral island" and "Martin Rattler", both of these taking place in places never visited by Ballantyne. Having been chided for small mistakes he made in these books, he resolved always to visit the places he wrote about. With these books he became known as a great master of literature intended for teenagers. He researched the Cornish Mines, the London Fire Brigade, the Postal Service, the Railways, the laying down of submarine telegraph cables, the construction of light-houses, the light-ship service, the life-boat service, South Africa, Norway, the North Sea fishing fleet, ballooning, deep-sea diving, Algiers, and many more, experiencing the lives of the men and women in these settings by living with them for weeks and months at a time, and he lived as they lived. He was a very true-to-life author, depicting the often squalid scenes he encountered with great care and attention to detail. His young readers looked forward eagerly to his next books, and through the 1860s and 1870s there was a flow of books from his pen, sometimes four in a year, all very good reading. The rate of production diminished in the last ten or fifteen years of his life, but the quality never failed. He published over ninety books under his own name, and a few books for very young children under the pseudonym "Comus". For today's taste his books are perhaps a little too religious, and what we would nowadays call "pi". In part that was the way people wrote in those days, but more important was the fact that in his days at the Red River Settlement, in the wilds of Canada, he had been a little dissolute, and he did not want his young readers to be unmindful of how they ought to behave, as he felt he had been. Some of his books were quite short, little over 100 pages. These books formed a series intended for the children of poorer parents, having less pocket-money. These books are particularly well-written and researched, because he wanted that readership to get the very best possible for their money. They were published as six series, three books in each series. While Ballantyne had some acqaintance with the Eskimo during his years with the Hudson Bay Company, this book runs a little into the fantastical. The head of the family who are the heroes of the book has the belief that there is a sea of ever-warm water surrounding the North Pole, and that there are islands there abounding in animal life, and colonised by the Eskimos. The plan is to visit these islands, and stand upon the actual North Pole, which they find to be a low eminence near to the hut of a descendant of a seaman of the original Hudson expedition in 1611. The story is very well-told, and you find yourself almost believing the Captain's logic. The tension is maintained right up to the last chapter, so much so that we do not learn whether the family, who have by this time all become endeared to us, ever get home to England, and what the father and mother of the Captain's nephews have to say about their sons' adventures. Created as an e-Text by Nick Hodson, August 2003. ________________________________________________________________________ THE GIANT OF THE NORTH, OR, POKINGS ROUND THE POLE, BY R.M. BALLANTYNE. CHAPTER ONE. INTRODUCES OUR HERO AND HIS KINDRED. The Giant was an Eskimo of the Arctic regions. At the beginning of his career he was known among his kindred by the name of Skreekinbroot, or the howler, because he howled oftener and more furiously than any infant that had ever been born in Arctic land. His proper name, however, was Chingatok, though his familiars still ventured occasionally to style him Skreekinbroot. Now it must not be supposed that our giant was one of those ridiculous myths of the nursery, with monstrous heads and savage hearts, who live on human flesh, and finally receive their deserts at the hands of famous giant-killing Jacks. No! Chingatok was a real man of moderate size-- not more than seven feet two in his sealskin boots--with a lithe, handsome figure, immense chest and shoulders, a gentle disposition, and a fine, though flattish countenance, which was sometimes grave with thought, at other times rippling with fun. We mention the howling characteristic of his babyhood because it was, in early life, the only indication of the grand spirit that dwelt within him--the solitary evidence of the tremendous energy with which he was endowed. At first he was no bigger than an ordinary infant. He was, perhaps, a little fatter, but _not_ larger, and there was not an oily man or woman of the tribe to which he belonged who would have noticed anything peculiar about him if he had only kept moderately quiet; but this he would not or could not do. His mouth was his safety-valve. His spirit seemed to have been born big at once. It was far too large for his infant body, and could only find relief from the little plump dwelling in which it was at first enshrined by rushing out at the mouth. The shrieks of pigs were trifles to the yelling of that Eskimo child's impatience. The caterwauling of cats was as nothing to the growls of his disgust. The angry voice of the Polar bear was a mere chirp compared with the furious howling of his disappointment, and the barking of a mad walrus was music to the roaring of his wrath. Every one, except his mother, wished him dead and buried in the centre of an iceberg or at the bottom of the Polar Sea. His mother--squat, solid, pleasant-faced, and mild--alone put up with his ways with that long-suffering endurance which is characteristic of mothers. Nothing could disturb the serenity of Toolooha. When the young giant, (that was to be), roared, she fondled him; if that was ineffectual, she gave him a walrus tusk or a seal's flipper to play with; if that did not suffice, she handed him a lump of blubber to suck; if that failed, as was sometimes the case, she gambolled with him on the floor of her snow-hut, and rubbed his oily visage lovingly over her not less oleaginous countenance. Need we enlarge on this point? Have not all mothers acted thus, or similarly, in all times and climes? From pole to pole a mother's soul Is tender, strong, and true; Whether the loved be good or bad-- White, yellow, black, or blue. But Toolooha's love was wise as well as strong. If all else failed, she was wont to apply corporal punishment, and whacked her baby with her tail. Be not shocked, reader. We refer to the tail of her coat, which was so long that it trailed on the ground, and had a flap at the end which produced surprising results when properly applied. But the howling condition of life did not last long. At the age of five years little Chingatok began to grow unusually fast, and when he reached the age of seven, the tribe took note of him as a more than promising youth. Then the grand spirit, which had hitherto sought to vent itself in yells and murderous assaults on its doting mother, spent its energies in more noble action. All the little boys of his size, although much older than himself, began to look up to him as a champion. None went so boldly into mimic warfare with the walrus and the bear as Chingatok. No one could make toy sledges out of inferior and scanty materials so well as he. If any little one wanted a succourer in distress, Skreekinbroot was the lad to whom he, or she, turned. If a broken toy had to be mended, Chingatok could do it better than any other boy. And so it went on until he became a man and a giant. When he was merely a big boy--that is, bigger than the largest man of his tribe--he went out with the other braves to hunt and fish, and signalised himself by the reckless manner in which he would attack the polar bear single-handed; but when he reached his full height and breadth he gave up reckless acts, restrained his tendency to display his great strength, and became unusually modest and thoughtful, even pensive, for an Eskimo. The superiority of Chingatok's mind, as well as his body, soon became manifest. Even among savages, intellectual power commands respect. When coupled with physical force it elicits reverence. The young giant soon became an oracle and a leading man in his tribe. Those who had wished him dead, and in the centre of an iceberg or at the bottom of the Polar Sea, came to wish that there were only a few more men like him. Of course he had one or two enemies. Who has not? There were a few who envied him his physical powers. There were some who envied him his moral influence. None envied him his intellectual superiority, for they did not understand it. There was one who not only envied but hated him. This was Eemerk, a mean-spirited, narrow-minded fellow, who could not bear to play what is styled second fiddle. Eemerk was big enough--over six feet--but he wanted to be bigger. He was stout enough, but wanted to be stouter. He was influential too, but wanted to reign supreme. This, of course, was not possible while there existed a taller, stouter, and cleverer man than himself. Even if Eemerk had been the equal of Chingatok in all these respects, there would still have remained one difference of character which would have rendered equality impossible. It was this: our young giant was unselfish and modest. Eemerk was selfish and vain-glorious. When the latter killed a seal he always kept the tit-bits for himself. Chingatok gave them to his mother, or to any one else who had a mind to have them. And so in regard to everything. Chingatok was not a native of the region in which we introduce him to the reader. He and the tribe, or rather part of the tribe, to which he belonged, had travelled from the far north; so far north that nobody knew the name of the land from which they had come. Even Chingatok himself did not know it. Being unacquainted with geography, he knew no more about his position on the face of this globe than a field-mouse or a sparrow. But the young giant had heard a strange rumour, while in his far-off country, which had caused his strong intellect to ponder, and his huge heart to beat high. Tribes who dwelt far to the south of his northern home had told him that other tribes, still further south, had declared that the people who dwelt to the south of them had met with a race of men who came to them over the sea on floating islands; that these islands had something like trees growing out of them, and wings which moved about, which folded and expanded somewhat like the wings of the sea-gull; that these men's faces were whiter than Eskimo faces; that they wore skins of a much more curious kind than sealskins, and that they were amazingly clever with their hands, talked a language that no one could understand, and did many wonderful things that nobody could comprehend. A longing, wistful expression used to steal over Chingatok's face as he gazed at the southern horizon while listening to these strange rumours, and a very slight smile of incredulity had glimmered on his visage, when it was told him that one of the floating islands of these Kablunets, or white men, had been seen with a burning mountain in the middle of it, which vomited forth smoke and fire, and sometimes uttered a furious hissing or shrieking sound, not unlike his own voice when he was a Skreekinbroot. The giant said little about these and other subjects, but thought deeply. His mind, as we have said, was far ahead of his time and condition. Let us listen to some of the disjointed thoughts that perplexed this man. "Who made me?" he asked in a low tone, when floating alone one day in his kayak, or skin canoe, "whence came I? whither go I? What is this great sea on which I float? that land on which I tread? No sledge, no spear, no kayak, no snow-hut makes itself! Who made all that which I behold?" Chingatok looked around him, but no audible answer came from Nature. He looked up, but the glorious sun only dazzled his eyes. "There _must_ be One," he continued in a lower tone, "who made all things; but who made _Him_? No one? It is impossible! The Maker must have ever been. _Ever been_!" He repeated this once or twice with a look of perplexed gravity. The northern savage had grasped the grand mystery, and, like all true philosophers savage or civilised who have gone before him, relapsed into silence. At last he resolved to travel south, until he should arrive at the coasts where these strange sights before described were said to have been seen. Having made up his mind, Chingatok began his arrangements without delay; persuaded a few families of his tribe to accompany him, and reached the north-western shores of Greenland after a long and trying journey by water and ice. Here he spent the winter. When spring came, he continued his journey south, and at last began to look out, with sanguine expectation, for the floating islands with wings, and the larger island with the burning mountain on it, about which he had heard. Of course, on his way south, our giant fell in with some members of the tribes through whom the rumours that puzzled him had been transmitted to the far north; and, as he advanced, these rumours took a more definite, also a more correct, form. In time he came to understand that the floating islands were gigantic kayaks, or canoes, with masts and sails, instead of trees and wings. The burning mountain, however, remained an unmodified mystery, which he was still inclined to disbelieve. But these more correct views did not in the least abate Chingatok's eager desire to behold, with his own eyes, the strange men from the unknown south. Eemerk formed one of the party who had volunteered to join Chingatok on this journey. Not that Eemerk was influenced by large-minded views or a thirst for knowledge, but he could not bear the thought that his rival should have all the honour of going forth on a long journey of exploration to the mysterious south, a journey which was sure to be full of adventure, and the successful accomplishment of which would unquestionably raise him very much in the estimation of his tribe. Eemerk had volunteered to go, not as second in command, but as an independent member of the party--a sort of free-lance. Chingatok did not quite relish having Eemerk for a companion, but, being a good-humoured, easy-going fellow, he made no objection to his going. Eemerk took his wife with him. Chingatok took his mother and little sister; also a young woman named Tekkona, who was his wife's sister. These were the only females of the exploring party. Chingatok had left his wife behind him, because she was not robust at that time; besides, she was very small--as is usually the case with giants' wives--and he was remarkably fond of her, and feared to expose her to severe fatigue and danger. The completed party of explorers numbered twenty souls, with their respective bodies, some of which latter were large, some small, but all strong and healthy. Four of the men were friends of Eemerk, whom he had induced to join because he knew them to be kindred spirits who would support him. "I go to the ice-cliff to look upon the sea," said Chingatok one morning, drawing himself up to his full height, and unconsciously brushing some of the lamp-black off the roof of his hut with the hood of his sealskin coat. At this point it may be well to explain, once for all, that our giant did not speak English, and as it is highly improbable that the reader understands the Eskimo tongue, we will translate as literally as possible--merely remarking that Chingatok's language, like his mind, was of a superior cast. "Why goes my son to the ice-cliff?" asked Toolooha in a slightly reproachful tone. "Are not the floes nearer? Can he not look on the great salt lake from the hummocks? The sun has been hot a long time now. The ice-cliffs are dangerous. Their edges split off every day. If my son goes often to them, he will one day come tumbling down upon the floes and be crushed flat, and men will carry him to his mother's feet like a mass of shapeless blubber." It is interesting to note how strong a resemblance there is in sentiment and modes of thought between different members of the human family. This untutored savage, this Polar giant, replied, in the Eskimo tongue, words which may be freely translated--"Never fear, mother, I know how to take care of myself." Had he been an Englishman, he could not have expressed himself more naturally. He smiled as he looked down at his stout and genial mother, while she stooped and drew forth a choice morsel of walrus flesh from one of her boots. Eskimo ladies wear enormous sealskin boots the whole length of their legs. The tops of these boots are made extremely wide, for the purpose of stowing away blubber, or babies, or other odd articles that might encumber their hands. Chingatok seemed the personification of savage dignity as he stood there, leaning on a short walrus spear. Evidently his little mother doted on him. So did Oblooria, a pretty little girl of about sixteen, who was his only sister, and the counterpart of her mother, hairy coat and tail included, only a few sizes smaller. But Chingatok's dignity was marred somewhat when he went down on his hands and knees, in order to crawl through the low snow-tunnel which was the only mode of egress from the snow-hut. Emerging at the outer end of the tunnel, he stood up, drew the hood of his sealskin coat over his head, shouldered his spear, and went off with huge and rapid strides over the frozen billows of the Arctic Sea. Spring was far advanced at the time of which we write, and the sun shone not only with dazzling brilliancy, but with intense power on the fields of ice which still held the ocean in their cold unyielding embrace. The previous winter had been unusually severe, and the ice showed little or no sign of breaking up, except at a great distance from land, where the heaving of the waves had cracked it up into large fields. These were gradually parting from the main body, and drifting away with surface-currents to southern waters, there to be liquefied and re-united to their parent sea. The particular part of the Greenland coast to which the giant went in his ramble is marked by tremendous cliffs descending perpendicularly into the water. These, at one part, are divided by a valley tilled with a great glacier, which flows from the mountains of the interior with a steep declivity to the sea, into which it thrusts its tongue, or extreme end. This mighty river of ice completely fills the valley from side to side, being more than two miles in width and many hundred feet thick. It seems as solid and motionless as the rocks that hem it in, nevertheless the markings on the surface resemble the currents and eddies of a stream which has been suddenly frozen in the act of flowing, and if you were to watch it narrowly, day by day, and week by week, you would perceive, by the changed position of objects on its surface, that it does actually advance or flow towards the sea. A further proof of this advance is, that although the tongue is constantly shedding off large icebergs, it is never much decreased in extent, being pushed out continuously by the ice which is behind. In fact, it is this pushing process which causes the end of the tongue to shed its bergs, because, when the point is thrust into deep water and floats, the motion of the sea cracks the floating mass off from that pail which is still aground, and lets it drift away. Now it was to these ice-cliffs that the somewhat reckless giant betook himself. Although not well acquainted with that region, or fully alive to the extent of the danger incurred, his knowledge was sufficient to render him cautious in the selection of the position which should form his outlook. And a magnificent sight indeed presented itself when he took his stand among the glittering pinnacles. Far as the eye could reach, the sea lay stretched in the sunshine, calm as a mill-pond, and sparkling with ice-jewels of every shape and size. An Arctic haze, dry and sunny, seemed to float over all like golden gauze. Not only was the sun encircled by a beautiful halo, but also by those lovely lights of the Arctic regions known as parhelia, or mock-suns. Four of these made no mean display in emulation of their great original. On the horizon, refraction caused the ice-floes and bergs to present endless variety of fantastic forms, and in the immediate foreground--at the giant's feet-- tremendous precipices of ice went sheer down into the deep water, while, away to the right, where a bay still retained its winter grasp of an ice-field, could be seen, like white bee-hives, the temporary snow-huts of these wandering Eskimos. Well might the eye, as well as the head, of the so-called savage rise upwards while he pondered the great mystery of the Maker of all! As he stood on the giddy ledge, rapt in contemplation, an event occurred which was fitted to deepen the solemnity of his thoughts. Not twenty yards from the point on which he stood, a great ice-cliff--the size of an average house--snapped off with a rending crash, and went thundering down into the deep, which seemed to boil and heave with sentient emotion as it received the mass, and swallowed it in a turmoil indescribable. Chingatok sprang from his post and sought a safer but not less lofty outlook, while the new-born berg, rising from the sea, swayed majestically to and fro in its new-found cradle. "It is not understandable," muttered the giant as he took up his new position and gazed with feelings of awe upon the grand scene. "I wonder if the pale-faced men in the floating islands think much about these things. Perhaps they dwell in a land which is still more wonderful than this, and hunt the walrus and the seal like us. It is said they come for nothing else but to see our land and find out what is in it. Why should I not go to see their land? My kayak is large, though it has no wings. The land may be far off, but am I not strong? They are pale-faced; perhaps the reason is that they are starved. That must be so, else they would not leave their home. I might bring some of the poor creatures to this happy land of ours, where there is always plenty to eat. They might send messengers for their relations to come and dwell with us. I will speak to mother about that; she is wise!" Like a dutiful son, the giant turned on his heel, descended the cliffs, and went straight home to consult with his mother. CHAPTER TWO. UNEXPECTED MEETINGS, ALARMS, AND CONFIDENCES. "Mother, I have been thinking," said Chingatok, as he crept into his hut and sat down on a raised bench of moss. "That is not news, my son; you think much. You are not like other men. They think little and eat much." The stout little woman looked up through the smoke of her cooking-lamp and smiled, but her big son was too much absorbed in his thoughts to observe her pleasantry, so she continued the cooking of a walrus chop in silence. "The Kablunets are not to be seen, mother," resumed Chingatok. "I have looked for them every day for a long time, and begin to weary. My thought is now to launch my kayak when we come to open water, load it with meat, take four spears and more lines than a strong hunter needs for a whole season; then paddle away south to discover the land of the Kablunets. They must be poor; they may be starving. I will guide them to our home, and show them this land of plenty." He paused abruptly, and looked at his mother with solemn anxiety, for he was well aware that he had given her food for profound reflection. We feel tempted here to repeat our remark about the strong resemblance between different members of the human family, but refrain. This untutored woman of the Arctic lands met her son's proposition with the well-known reply of many civilised persons. "Of what use would it be, my son? No good can come of searching out these poor lands. You cannot benefit the miserable Kablunets. Perhaps they are savage and fierce; and you are sure to meet with dangers by the way. Worse--you may die!" "Mother," returned Chingatok, "when the white bear stands up with his claws above my head and his mouth a-gape, does my hand tremble or my spear fail?" "No, my son." "Then why do you speak to me of danger and death?" Toolooha was not gifted with argumentative powers. She relapsed into silence and lamp-smoke. But her son was not to be so easily dissuaded. He adopted a line of reasoning which never failed. "Mother," he said, sadly, "it may be that you are right, and I am of too fearful a spirit to venture far away from you by myself; I will remain here if you think me a coward." "Don't say so, Chingatok. You know what I think. Go, if you must go, but who will hunt for your poor old mother when you are gone?" This was an appeal which the astute little woman knew to be very powerful with her son. She buried her head in the smoke again, and left the question to simmer. Chingatok was tender-hearted. He said nothing, but, as usual, he thought much, as he gazed in a contemplative manner at his oily parent, and there is no saying to what lengths of self-sacrifice he would have gone if he had not been aroused, and his thoughts scattered to the winds, by a yell so tremendous that it might well have petrified him on the spot. But it did nothing of the kind. It only caused him to drop on his knees, dart through the tunnel like an eel, spring into the open air like an electrified rabbit from its burrow, and stand up with a look of blazing interrogation on his huge countenance. The cry had been uttered by his bosom friend and former playmate Oolichuk, who came running towards him with frantic gesticulations. "The Kablunets!" he gasped, "the white-faces have come!--on a floating island!--alive!--smoking!--it is all true!" "Where?" demanded our giant, whose face blazed up at once. "There!" cried Oolichuk, pointing seaward towards the ice-hummocks with both hands, and glaring up at his friend. Without another word Chingatok ran off in the direction pointed out, followed hotly by his friend. Oolichuk was a large and powerful man, but, his legs were remarkably short. His pace, compared with that of Chingatok, was as that of a sparrow to an ostrich. Nevertheless he kept up, for he was agile and vigorous. "Have you seen them--have you spoken?" asked the giant, abruptly. "Yes, all the tribe was there." "No one killed?" "No, but terribly frightened; they made me run home to fetch you." Chingatok increased his speed. So did Oolichuk. While they run, let us leap a little ahead of them, reader, and see what had caused all the excitement. The whole party had gone off that morning, with the exception of Chingatok and his mother, to spear seals in a neighbouring bay, where these animals had been discovered in great numbers. Dogs and sledges had been taken, because a successful hunt was expected, and the ice was sufficiently firm. The bay was very large. At its distant southern extremity there rose a great promontory which jutted far out into the sea. While the men were busy there making preparations to begin the hunt, Oblooria, Chingatok's little sister, amused herself by mounting a hummock of ice about thirty feet high. When there, she chanced to look towards the promontory. Instantly she opened her eyes and mouth and uttered a squeal that brought her friends running to her side. Oolichuk was the first to reach her. He had no need to ask questions. Oblooria's gaze directed his, and there, coming round the promontory, he beheld an object which had never before filled his wondering eyes. It was, apparently, a monstrous creature with a dark body and towering wings, and a black thing in its middle, from which were vomited volumes of smoke. "Kablunets! white men!" he yelled. "Kablunets!--huk! huk!" echoed the whole tribe, as they scrambled up the ice-hill one after another. And they were right. A vessel of the pale-faces had penetrated these northern solitudes, and was advancing swiftly before a light breeze under sail and steam. Despite the preparation their minds had received, and the fact that they were out in search of these very people, this sudden appearance of them filled most of the Eskimos with alarm--some of them with absolute terror, insomuch that the term "pale-face" became most appropriate to themselves. "What shall we do?" exclaimed Akeetolik, one of the men. "Fly!" cried Ivitchuk, another of the men, whose natural courage was not high. "No; let us stay and behold!" said Oolichuk, with a look of contempt at his timid comrade. "Yes, stay and see," said Eemerk sternly. "But they will kill us," faltered the young woman, whom we have already mentioned by the name of Tekkona. "No--no one would kill _you_," said Eemerk gallantly; "they would only carry you off and keep you." While they conversed with eager, anxious looks, the steam yacht--for such she was--advanced rapidly, threading her way among the ice-fields and floes with graceful rapidity and ease, to the unutterable amazement of the natives. Although her sails were spread to catch the light breeze, her chief motive power at the time was a screw-propeller. "Yes, it must be alive," said Oolichuk to Akeetolik, with a look of solemn awe. "The white men do not paddle. They could not lift paddles big enough to move such a great oomiak," [see Note 1], "and the wind is not strong; it could not blow them so fast. See, the oomiak has a tail--and wags it!" "Oh! _do_ let us run away!" whispered the trembling Oblooria, as she took shelter behind Tekkona. "No, no," said the latter, who was brave as well as pretty, "we need not fear. Our men will take care of us." "I wish that Chingatok was here!" whimpered poor little Oblooria, nestling closer to Tekkona and grasping her tail, "he fears nothing and nobody." "Ay," assented Tekkona with a peculiar smile, "and is brave enough to fight everything and everybody." "Does Oblooria think that no one can fight but the giant?" whispered Oolichuk, who stood nearest to the little maid. He drew a knife made of bone from his boot, where it usually lay concealed, and flourished it, with a broad grin. The girl laughed, blushed slightly, and, looking down, toyed with the sleeve of Tekkona's fur coat. Meanwhile the yacht drew near to the floe on which our Eskimos were grouped. The ice was cracked right across, leaving a lane of open water about ten feet wide between its inner edge and the shore ice. The Eskimos stood on the land side of this crack, a hundred yards or so from it. On nearing the floe the strange vessel checked her speed. "It moves its wings!" exclaimed Eemerk. "And turns its side to us," said Akeetolik. "And wags its tail no more," cried Oolichuk. "Oh! do, _do_ let us run away," gasped Oblooria. "No, no, we will not run," said Tekkona. At that moment a white cloud burst from the side of the yacht. "Hi! hee! huk!" shouted the whole tribe in amazement. A crash followed which not only rattled like thunder among the surrounding cliffs, but went like electric fire to the central marrow of each Eskimo. With a united yell of terror, they leaped three feet into the air--more or less--turned about, and fled. Tekkona, who was active as a young deer, herself took the lead; and Oblooria, whose limbs trembled so that she could hardly run, held on to Oolichuk, who gallantly dragged her along. The terror was increased by a prolonged screech from the steam-whistle. It was a wild scramble in sudden panic. The Eskimos reached their sledges, harnessed their teams, left their spears on the ice, cracked their whips, which caused the dogs to join in the yelling chorus, and made for the land at a furious gallop. But their fear began to evaporate in a few minutes, and Oolichuk was the first to check his pace. "Ho! stop," he cried. Eemerk looked back, saw that they were not pursued, and pulled up. The others followed suit, and soon the fugitives were seen by those on board the yacht grouped together and gazing intently at them from the top of another ice-hummock. The effect of the cannon-shot on board the yacht itself was somewhat startling. The gun had been loaded on the other side of the promontory for the purpose of being fired if Eskimos were not visible on the coast beyond, in order to attract them from the interior, if they should chance to be there. When, however, the natives were discovered on the ice, the gun was, of course, unnecessary, and had been forgotten. It therefore burst upon the crew with a shock of surprise, and caused the Captain, who was in the cabin at the moment, to shoot up from the hatchway like a Jack-in-the-box. "Who did that?" he demanded, looking round sternly. The crew, who had been gazing intently at the natives, did not know. "I really cannot tell, sir," said the chief mate, touching his cap. Two strapping youths--one about sixteen, the other eighteen--leaned over the side and paid no regard to the question; but it was obvious, from the heaving motion of their shoulders, that they were not so much absorbed in contemplation as they pretended to be. "Come, Leo, Alf, you know something about this." The Captain was a large powerful man of about forty, with bushy iron-grey curls, a huge beard, and an aquiline nose. The two youths turned to him at once, and Leo, the eldest, said respectfully, "We did not see it done, uncle, but--but we think--" "Well, what do you think?" At that moment a delicate-looking, slender lad, about twelve years of age, with fair curly hair, and flashing blue eyes, stepped out from behind the funnel, which had hitherto concealed him, and said boldly, though blushingly-- "I did it, father." "Ha! just like you; why did you do it? eh!" "I can hardly tell, father," said the boy, endeavouring to choke a laugh, "but the Eskimos looked so funny, and I--I had a box of matches in my pocket, and--and--I thought a shot would make them look so very much funnier, and--and--I was right!" "Well, Benjamin, you may go below, and remain there till further orders." When Captain Vane called his son "Benjamin," he was seriously displeased. At other times he called him Benjy. "Yes, father," replied the boy, with a very bad grace, and down he went in a state of rebellious despair, for he was wildly anxious to witness all that went on. His despair was abated, however, when, in the course of a few minutes, the yacht swung round so as to present her stern to the shore, and remained in that position, enabling him to observe proceedings from the cabin windows almost as well as if he had been on deck. He was not aware that his father, knowing his son's nature, and wishing to temper discipline with mercy, had placed the vessel in that position for his special benefit! The difficulty now was, how to attract the natives, and inspire them with confidence in the good intentions of their visitors. In any case this would have been a difficult matter, but the firing of that unlucky gun had increased the difficulty tenfold. When, however, Captain Vane saw the natives cease their mad flight, and turn to gaze at the vessel, his hopes revived, and he set about a series of ingenious efforts to attain his end. First of all, he sent a boat in charge of his two nephews, Leonard and Alphonse Vandervell, to set up a small table on the ice, on which were temptingly arranged various presents, consisting of knives, beads, looking-glasses, and articles of clothing. Having done this, they retired, like wary anglers, to watch for a bite. But the fish would not rise, though they observed the proceedings with profound attention from the distant hummock. After waiting a couple of hours, the navigators removed the table and left an Eskimo dog in its place, with a string of blue beads tied round its neck. But this bait also failed. "Try something emblematic, uncle," suggested Leonard, the elder of the brothers before mentioned. "And get Benjy to manufacture it," said Alphonse. As Benjy was possessed of the most fertile imagination on board, he was released from punishment and brought on deck. The result of his effort of genius was the creation of a huge white calico flag, on which were painted roughly the figure of a sailor and an Eskimo sitting on an iceberg, with a kettle of soup between them. On one side were a pair of hands clasped together; on the other a sprig of heath, the only shrub that could be seen on the shore. "Splendid!" exclaimed Leo and Alf in the same breath, as they held the flag up to view. "You'll become a Royal Academician if you cultivate your talents, Benjy," said the Captain, who was proud, as well as fond, of this his only child. The boy said nothing, but a pleased expression and a twinkle in his eyes proved that he was susceptible to flattery, though not carried off his legs by it. The banner with the strange device was fixed to a pole which was erected on an ice-hummock between the ship and the shore, and a bag containing presents was hung at the foot of it. Still these Eskimo fish would not bite, though they "rose" at the flag. Oolichuk's curiosity had become so intense that he could not resist it. He advanced alone, very warily, and looked at it, but did not dare to touch it. Soon he was joined by Eemerk and the others. Seeing this, Captain Vane sent to meet them an interpreter whom he had procured at one of the Greenland settlements in passing. Just as this man, whose name was Anders, stepped into the boat alongside, it occurred to the Eskimos that their leader should be sent for. Oolichuk undertook to fetch him; he ran back to the sledges, harnessed a small team, and set off like the wind. Thus it came to pass that Chingatok and his mother were startled by a yell, as before mentioned. Meanwhile Anders was put on the ice, and advanced alone and unarmed towards the canal, or chasm, which separated the parties. He carried a small white flag and a bag containing presents. Innocent-looking and defenceless though he was, however, the Eskimos approached him with hesitating and slow steps, regarding every motion of the interpreter with suspicion, and frequently stooping to thrust their hands into their boots, in which they all carried knives. At last, when within hearing, Anders shouted a peaceful message, and there was much hallooing and gesticulation among the natives, but nothing comprehensible came of it. After a time Anders thought he recognised words of a dialect with which he was acquainted, and to his satisfaction found that they understood him. "Kakeite! kakeite!--come on, come on," he cried, holding up the present. "Nakrie! nakrie!--no, no, go away--you want to kill us," answered the doubtful natives. Thereupon Anders protested that nothing was further from his thoughts, that he was a man and a friend, and had a mother like themselves, and that he wanted to please them. At this Eemerk approached to the edge of the canal, and, drawing a knife from his boot, said, "Go away! I can kill you." Nothing daunted, Anders said he was not afraid, and taking a good English knife from his bag threw it across the canal. Eemerk picked it up, and was so pleased that he exclaimed, "Heigh-yaw! heigh-yaw!" joyously, and pulled his nose several times. Anders, understanding this to be a sign of friendship, immediately pulled his own nose, smiled, and threw several trinkets and articles of clothing to the other natives, who had by that time drawn together in a group, and were chattering in great surprise at the things presented. Ivitchuk was perhaps the most excited among them. He chanced to get hold of a round hox, in the lid of which was a mirror. On beholding himself looking at himself, he made such an awful face that he dropt the glass and sprang backward, tripping up poor Oblooria in the act, and tumbling over her. This was greeted with a shout of laughter, and Anders, now believing that friendly relations had been established, went to the boat for a plank to bridge the chasm. As Leo and Alf assisted him to carry the plank, the natives again became grave and anxious. "Stop!" shouted Eemerk, "you want to kill us. What great creature is that? Does it come from the moon or the sun? Does it eat fire and smoke?" "No, it is only a dead thing. It is a wooden house." "You lie!" cried the polite Eemerk, "it shakes its wings. It vomits fire and smoke. It has a tail, and wags it." While speaking he slowly retreated, for the plank was being placed in position, and the other natives were showing symptoms of an intention to fly. Just then a shout was heard landwards. Turning round they saw a dog-sledge flying over the ice towards them, with Oolichuk flourishing the long-lashed whip, and the huge form of their leader beside him. In a few seconds they dashed up, and Chingatok sprang upon the ice. Without a moment's hesitation he strode towards the plank and crossed it. Walking up to Anders he pulled his own nose. The interpreter was not slow to return the salutation, as he looked up at the giant with surprise, not unmingled with awe. In addition, he grasped his huge hand, squeezed, and shook it. Chingatok smiled blandly, and returned the squeeze so as to cause the interpreter to wince. Then, perceiving at once that he had got possession of a key to the affections of the strangers, he offered to shake hands with Leonard and his brother, stooping with regal urbanity to them as he did so. By this time the Captain and first mate, with Benjy and several of the crew, were approaching. Instead of exhibiting fear, Chingatok advanced to meet them, and shook hands all round. He gazed at Captain Vane with a look of admiration which was not at first quite accountable, until he laid his hand gently on the Captain's magnificent beard, and stroked it. The Captain laughed, and again grasped the hand of the Eskimo. They both squeezed, but neither could make the other wince, for Captain Vane was remarkably powerful, though comparatively short of limb. "Well, you _are_ a good fellow in every way," exclaimed the Captain. "Heigh, yah!" returned Chingatok, who no doubt meant to be complimentary, though we confess our inability to translate. It was obvious that two sympathetic souls had met. "Come across," shouted Chingatok, turning abruptly to his companions, who had been gazing at his proceedings in open-mouthed wonder. The whole tribe at once obeyed the order, and in a few minutes they were in the seventh heaven of delight and good-will, receiving gifts and handshakings, each pulling his own nose frequently by way of expressing satisfaction or friendship, and otherwise exchanging compliments with the no less amiable and gratified crew of the steam yacht _Whitebear_. ------------------------------------------------------------------------ Note. The oomiak is the open boat of skin used by Eskimo _women_, and is capable of holding several persons. The kayak, or man's canoe, holds only one. CHAPTER THREE. SHOWS HOW THE ESKIMOS WERE ENTERTAINED BY THE WHITE MEN. The _Whitebear_ steam yacht, owned and commanded by Captain Jacob Vane, had sailed from England, and was bound for the North Pole. "I'll find it--I'm bound to find it," was the Captain's usual mode of expressing himself to his intimates on the subject, "if there's a North Pole in the world at all, and my nephews Leo and Alf will help me. Leo's a doctor, _almost_, and Alf's a scientific Jack-of-all-trades, so we can't fail. I'll take my boy Benjy for the benefit of his health, and see if we don't bring home a chip o' the Pole big enough to set up beside Cleopatra's Needle on the Thames embankment." There was tremendous energy in Captain Vane, and indomitable resolution; but energy and resolution cannot achieve all things. There are other factors in the life of man which help to mould his destiny. Short and sad and terrible--ay, we might even say tremendous--was the _Whitebear's_ wild career. Up to the time of her meeting with the Eskimos, all had gone well. Fair weather and favouring winds had blown her across the Atlantic. Sunshine and success had received her, as it were, in the Arctic regions. The sea was unusually free of ice. Upernavik, the last of the Greenland settlements touched at, was reached early in the season, and the native interpreter Anders secured. The dreaded "middle passage," near the head of Baffin's Bay, was made in the remarkably short space of fifty hours, and, passing Cape York into the North Water, they entered Smith's Sound without having received more than a passing bump--an Arctic kiss as it were--from the Polar ice. In Smith's Sound fortune still favoured them. These resolute intending discoverers of the North Pole passed in succession the various "farthests" of previous explorers, and the stout brothers Vandervell, with their cousin Benjy Vane, gazed eagerly over the bulwarks at the swiftly-passing headlands, while the Captain pointed out the places of interest, and kept up a running commentary on the brave deeds and high aspirations of such well-known men as Frobisher, Davis, Hudson, Ross, Parry, Franklin, Kane, McClure, Rae, McClintock, Hayes, Hall, Nares, Markham, and all the other heroes of Arctic story. It was an era in the career of those three youths that stood out bright and fresh--never to be forgotten--this first burst of the realities of the Arctic world on minds which had been previously well informed by books. The climax was reached on the day when the Eskimos of the far north were met with. But from that time a change took place in their experience. Fortune seemed to frown from that memorable day. We say "seemed," because knitted brows do not always or necessarily indicate what is meant by a frown. After the first fears of the Eskimos had been allayed, a party of them were invited to go on board the ship. They accepted the invitation and went, headed by Chingatok. That noble savage required no persuasion. From the first he had shown himself to be utterly devoid of fear. He felt that the grand craving of his nature--a thirst for knowledge--was about to be gratified, and that would have encouraged him to risk anything, even if he had been much less of a hero than he was. But if fear had no influence over our giant, the same cannot be said of his companions. Oolichuk, indeed, was almost as bold, though he exhibited a considerable amount of caution in his looks and movements; but Eemerk, and one or two of his friends, betrayed their craven spirits in frequent startled looks and changing colour. Ivitchuk was a strange compound of nervousness and courage, while Akeetolik appeared to have lost the power of expressing every feeling but one--that of blank amazement. Indeed, surprise at what they saw on board the steam yacht was the predominant feeling amongst these children of nature. Their eyebrows seemed to have gone up and fixed themselves in the middle of their foreheads, and their eyes and mouths to have opened wide permanently. None of the women accepted the invitation to go aboard except Tekkona, and Oblooria followed her, not because she was courageous, but because she seemed to cling to the stronger nature as a protection from undefined and mysterious dangers. "Tell them," said Captain Vane to Anders, the Eskimo interpreter, "that these are the machines that drive the ship along when there is no wind." He pointed down the hatchway, where the complication of rods and cranks glistened in the hold. "Huk!" exclaimed the Eskimos. They sometimes exclaimed Hi! ho! hoy! and hah! as things were pointed out to them, but did not venture on language more intelligible at first. "Let 'em hear the steam-whistle," suggested the mate. Before the Captain could countermand the order, Benjy had touched the handle and let off a short, sharp _skirl_. The effect on the natives was powerful. They leaped, with a simultaneous yell, at least a foot off the deck, with the exception of Chingatok, though even he was visibly startled, while Oblooria seized Tekkona round the waist, and buried her face in her friend's jacket. A brief explanation soon restored them to equanimity, and they were about to pass on to some other object of interest, when both the steam-whistle and the escape-valve were suddenly opened to their full extent, and there issued from the engine a hissing yell so prolonged and deafening that even the Captain's angry shout was not heard. A yard at least was the leap into the air made by the weakest of the Eskimos--except our giant, who seemed, however, to shrink into himself, while he grasped his knife and looked cautiously round, as if to guard himself from any foe that might appear. Eemerk fairly turned and fled to the stern of the yacht, over which he would certainly have plunged had he not been forcibly restrained by two stout seamen. The others, trembling violently, stood still, because they knew not what to do, and poor Oblooria fell flat on the deck, catching Tekkona by the tail, and pulling her down beside her. "You scoundrel!" exclaimed the Captain, when the din ceased, "I--I--go down, sir, to--" "Oh! father, don't be hard on me," pleaded Benjy, with a gleefully horrified look, "I really could _not_ resist it. The--the temptation was too strong!" "The temptation to give you a rope's-ending is almost too strong for _me_, Benjamin," returned the Captain sternly, but there was a twinkle in his eye notwithstanding, as he turned to explain to Chingatok that his son had, by way of jest, allowed part of the mighty Power imprisoned in the machinery to escape. The Eskimo received the explanation with dignified gravity, and a faint smile played on his lips as he glanced approvingly at Benjy, for he loved a jest, and was keenly alive to a touch of humour. "What power is imprisoned in the machinery?" asked our Eskimo through the interpreter. "What power?" repeated the Captain with a puzzled look, "why, it's boiling water--steam." Here he tried to give a clear account of the nature and power and application of steam, but, not being gifted with capacity for lucid explanation, and the mind of Anders being unaccustomed to such matters, the result was that the brain of Chingatok was filled with ideas that were fitted rather to amaze than to instruct him. After making the tour of the vessel, the party again passed the engine hatch. Chingatok touched the interpreter quietly, and said in a low, grave tone, "Tell Blackbeard," (thus he styled the Captain), "to let the Power yell again!" Anders glanced up in the giant's grave countenance with a look of amused surprise. He understood him, and whispered to the Captain, who smiled intelligently, and, turning to his son, said-- "Do it again, Benjy. Give it 'em strong." Never before did that lad obey his father with such joyous alacrity. In another instant the whistle shrieked, and the escape-valve hissed ten times more furiously than before. Up went the Eskimo--three feet or more--as if in convulsions, and away went Eemerk to the stern, over which he dived, swam to the floe, leaped on his sledge, cracked his whip, and made for home on the wings of terror. Doubtless an evil conscience helped his cowardice. Meanwhile Chingatok laughed, despite his struggles to be grave. This revealed the trick to some of his quick-witted and humour-loving companions, who at once burst into loud laughter. Even Oblooria dismissed her fears and smiled. In this restored condition they were taken down to the cabin and fed sumptuously. That night, as Chingatok sat beside his mother, busy with a seal's rib, he gradually revealed to her the wonders he had seen. "The white men are very wise, mother." "So you have said four times, my son." "But you cannot understand it." "But my son can make me understand," said Toolooha, helping the amiable giant to a second rib. Chingatok gazed at his little mother with a look of solemnity that evidently perplexed her. She became restless under it, and wiped her forehead uneasily with the flap at the end of her tail. The youth seemed about to speak, but he only sighed and addressed himself to the second rib, over which he continued to gaze while he masticated. "My thoughts are big, mother," he said, laying down the bare bone. "That may well be, for so is your head, my son," she replied, gently. "I know not how to begin, mother." "Another rib may open your lips, perhaps," suggested the old woman, softly. "True; give me one," said Chingatok. The third rib seemed to have the desired effect, for, while busy with it, he began to give his parent a graphic account of the yacht and its crew, and it was really interesting to note how correctly he described all that he understood of what he had seen. But some of the things he had partly failed to comprehend, and about these he was vague. "And they have a--a Power, mother, shut up in a hard thing, so that it can't get out unless they let it, and it drives the big canoe through the water. It is very strong--terrible!" "Is it a devil?" asked Toolooha. "No, it is not alive. It is dead. It is _that_," he pointed with emphasis to a pot hanging over the lamp out of which a little steam was issuing, and looked at his mother with awful solemnity. She returned the look with something of incredulity. "Yes, mother, the Power is not a beast. It lives not, yet it drives the white man's canoe, which is as big as a little iceberg, and it whistles; it shrieks; it yells!" A slightly sorrowful look rested for a moment on Toolooha's benign countenance. It was evident that she suspected her son either of derangement, or having forsaken the paths of truth. But it passed like a summer cloud. "Tell me more," she said, laying her hand affectionately on the huge arm of Chingatok, who had fallen into a contemplative mood, and, with hands clasped over one knee, sat gazing upwards. Before he could reply the heart of Toolooha was made to bound by a shriek more terrible than she had ever before heard or imagined. Chingatok caught her by the wrist, held up a finger as if to impose silence, smiled brightly, and listened. Again the shriek was repeated with prolonged power. "Tell me, my son," gasped Toolooha, "is Oblooria--are the people safe? Why came you to me alone?" "The little sister and the people are safe. I came alone to prevent your being taken by surprise. Did I not say that it could shriek and yell? This is the white man's big canoe." Dropping the old woman's hand as he spoke, Chingatok darted into the open air with the agility of a Polar bear, and Toolooha followed with the speed of an Arctic hare. CHAPTER FOUR. A CATASTROPHE AND A BOLD DECISION. Two days after her arrival at the temporary residence of the northern Eskimos, the steam yacht _Whitebear_, while close to the shore, was beset by ice, so that she could neither advance nor retreat. Everywhere, as far as the eye could reach, the sea was covered with hummocks and bergs and fields of ice, so closely packed that there was not a piece of open water to be seen, with the exception of one small basin a few yards ahead of the lead or lane of water in which the vessel had been imprisoned. "No chance of escaping from this, I fear, for a long time," said Alf Vandervell to his brother, as they stood near the wheel, looking at the desolate prospect. "It seems quite hopeless," said Leo, with, however, a look of confidence that ill accorded with his words. "I do believe we are frozen in for the winter," said Benjy Vane, coming up at the moment. "There speaks ignorance," said the Captain, whose head appeared at the cabin hatchway. "If any of you had been in these regions before, you would have learned that nothing is so uncertain as the action of pack ice. At one time you may be hard and fast, so that you couldn't move an inch. A few hours after, the set of the currents may loosen the pack, and open up lanes of water through which you may easily make your escape. Sometimes it opens up so as to leave almost a clear sea in a few hours." "But it is pretty tight packed just now, father, and looks wintry-like, doesn't it?" said Benjy in a desponding tone. "Looks! boy, ay, but things are not what they seem hereaway. You saw four mock-suns round the real one yesterday, didn't you? and the day before you saw icebergs floating in the air, eh?" "True, father, but these appearances were deceptive, whereas this ice, which looks so tightly packed, is a reality." "That is so, lad, but it is not set fast for the winter, though it looks like it. Well, doctor," added the Captain, turning towards a tall cadaverous man who came on deck just then with the air and tread of an invalid, "how goes it with you? Better, I hope?" He asked this with kindly interest as he laid his strong hand on the sick man's shoulder; but the doctor shook his head and smiled sadly. "It is a great misfortune to an expedition, Captain, when the doctor himself falls sick," he said, sitting down on the skylight with a sigh. "Come, come, cheer up, doctor," returned the Captain, heartily, "don't be cast down; we'll all turn doctors for the occasion, and nurse you well in spite of yourself." "I'll keep up all heart, Captain, you may depend on't, as long as two of my bones will stick together, but--well, to change the subject; what are you going to do now?" "Just all that can be done in the circumstances," replied the Captain. "You see, we cannot advance over ice either with sail or steam, but there's a basin just ahead which seems a little more secure than that in which we lie. I'll try to get into it. There is nothing but a neck of ice between us and it, which I think I could cut by charging in under full steam, and there seems a faint gleam of something far ahead, which encourages me. Tell the steward to fetch my glasses, Benjy." "Butterface!" shouted the boy. "Yis, massa." "Fetch the Captain's glasses, please." "Yis, massa." A pair of large binoculars were brought up by a huge negro, whose name was pre-eminently unsuggestive of his appearance. After a long steady gaze at the horizon, the Captain shut up the glass with an air of determination, and ordered the engineer to get up full steam, and the crew to be ready with the ice-poles. There was a large berg at the extremity of the lakelet of open water into which Captain Vane wished to break. It was necessary to keep well out of the way of that berg. The Captain trusted chiefly to his screw, but got out the ice-poles in case they should be required. When all the men were stationed, the order was given to go ahead full steam. The gallant little yacht charged the neck of ice like a living creature, hit it fair, cut right through, and scattered the fragments right and left as she sailed majestically into the lakelet beyond. The shock was severe, but no harm was done, everything on board having been made as strong as possible, and of the very best material, for a voyage in ice-laden seas. An unforeseen event followed, however, which ended in a series of most terrible catastrophes. The neck of ice through which they had broken had acted as a check on the pressure of the great body of the floe, and it was no sooner removed than the heavy mass began to close in with slow but irresistible power, compelling the little vessel to steam close up to the iceberg--so close that some of the upper parts actually overhung the deck. They were slowly forced into this dangerous position. With breathless anxiety the Captain and crew watched the apparently gentle, but really tremendous grinding of the ice against the vessel's side. Even the youngest on board could realise the danger. No one moved, for nothing whatever could be done. "Everything depends, under God, on the ice easing off before we are crushed," said the Captain. As he spoke, the timbers of the yacht seemed to groan under the pressure; then there was a succession of loud cracks, and the vessel was thrust bodily up the sloping sides of the berg. While in this position, with the bow high and dry, a mass of ice was forced against the stern-post, and the screw-propeller was snapped off as if it had been made of glass. Poor Captain Vane's heart sank as if he had received his death-blow, for he knew that the yacht was now, even in the event of escaping, reduced to an ordinary vessel dependent on its sails. The shock seemed to have shaken the berg itself, for at that moment a crashing sound was heard overhead. The terror-stricken crew looked up, and for one moment a pinnacle like a church spire was seen to flash through the air right above them. It fell with an indescribable roar close alongside, deluging the decks with water. There was a momentary sigh of relief, which, however, was chased away by a succession of falling masses, varying from a pound to a ton in weight, which came down on the deck like cannon-shots, breaking the topmasts, and cutting to pieces much of the rigging. Strange to say, none of the men were seriously injured, though many received bruises more or less severe. During this brief but thrilling period, the brothers Vandervell and Benjy Vane crouched close together beside the port bulwarks, partially screened from the falling ice by the mizzen shrouds. The Captain stood on the quarter-deck, quite exposed, and apparently unconscious of danger, the picture of despair. "It can't last long," sighed poor Benjy, looking solemnly up at the vast mass of the bluish-white berg, which hung above them as if ready to fall. Presently the pressure ceased, then the ice eased off, and in a few minutes the _Whitebear_ slid back into the sea, a pitiable wreck! Now had come the time for action. "Out poles, my lads, and shove her off the berg!" was the sharp order. Every one strained as if for life at the ice-poles, and slowly forced the yacht away from the dreaded berg. It mattered not that they were forcing her towards a rocky shore. Any fate would be better than being crushed under a mountain of ice. But the danger was not yet past. No sooner had they cleared the berg, and escaped from that form of destruction, than the ice began again to close in, and this time the vessel was "nipped" with such severity, that some of her principal timbers gave way. Finally, her back was broken, and the bottom forced in. "So," exclaimed the Captain, with a look of profound grief, "our voyage in the _Whitebear_, lads, has come to an end. All that we can do now is to get the boats and provisions, and as much of the cargo as we can, safe on the ice. And sharp's the word, for when the floes ease off, the poor little yacht will certainly go to the bottom." "No, massa," said the negro steward, stepping on deck at that moment, "we can't go to de bottom, cause we's dare a-ready!" "What d'ye mean, Butterface?" "Jus' what me say," replied the steward, with a look of calm resignation. "I's bin b'low, an' seed de rocks stickin' troo de bottom. Der's one de size ob a jolly-boat's bow comed right troo my pantry, an' knock all de crockery to smash, an' de best teapot, he's so flat he wouldn't know hisself in a lookin'-glass." It turned out to be as Butterface said. The pack had actually thrust the little vessel on a shoal, which extended out from the headland off which the catastrophe occurred, and there was therefore no fear of her sinking. "Well, we've reason to be thankful for that, at all events," said the Captain, with an attempt to look cheerful; "come, lads, let's to work. Whatever our future course is to be, our first business is to get the boats and cargo out of danger." With tremendous energy--because action brought relief to their overstrained feelings--the crew of the ill-fated yacht set to work to haul the boats upon the grounded ice. The tide was falling, so that a great part of the most valuable part of the cargo was placed in security before the rising tide interrupted the work. This was fortunate, for, when the water reached a certain point the ice began to move, and the poor little vessel was so twisted about that they dared not venture on board of her. That night--if we may call it night in a region where the sun never quite went down--the party encamped on the north-western coast of Greenland, in the lee of a huge cliff just beyond which the tongue of a mighty glacier dipped into the sea. For convenience the party divided into two, with a blazing fire for each, round which the castaways circled, conversing in subdued, sad tones while supper was being prepared. It was a solemn occasion, and a scene of indescribable grandeur, with the almost eternal glacier of Greenland--the great Humboldt glacier-- shedding its bergs into the dark blue sea, the waters of which had by that time been partially cleared to the northward. On the left was the weird pack and its thousand grotesque forms, with the wreck in its iron grasp; on the right the perpendicular cliffs, and the bright sky over all, with the smoke of the campfires rising into it from the foreground. "Now, my friends," said Captain Vane to the crew when assembled after supper, "I am no longer your commander, for my vessel is a wreck, but as I suppose you still regard me as your leader, I assemble you here for the purpose of considering our position, and deciding on what is best to be done." Here the Captain said, among other things, it was his opinion that the _Whitebear_ was damaged beyond the possibility of repair, that their only chance of escape lay in the boats, and that the distance between the place on which they stood and Upernavik, although great, was not beyond the reach of resolute men. "Before going further, or expressing a decided opinion," he added, "I would hear what the officers have to say on this subject. Let the first mate speak." "It's my opinion," said the mate, "that there's only one thing to be done, namely, to start for home as soon and as fast as we can. We have good boats, plenty of provisions, and are all stout and healthy, excepting our doctor, whom we will take good care of, and expect to do no rough work." "Thanks, mate," said the doctor with a laugh, "I think that, at all events, I shall keep well enough to physic you if you get ill." "Are you willing to take charge of the party in the event of my deciding to remain here?" asked the Captain of the mate. "Certainly, sir," he replied, with a look of slight surprise. "You know I am quite able to do so. The second mate, too, is as able as I am. For that matter, most of the men, I think, would find little difficulty in navigating a boat to Upernavik." "That is well," returned the Captain, "because I do not intend to return with you." "Not return!" exclaimed the doctor; "surely you don't mean to winter here." "No, not here, but further north," replied the Captain, with a smile which most of the party returned, for they thought he was jesting. Benjy Vane, however, did not think so. A gleeful look of triumph caused his face, as it were, to sparkle, and he said, eagerly-- "We'll winter at the North Pole, father, eh?" This was greeted with a general laugh. "But seriously, uncle, what do you mean to do?" asked Leonard Vandervell, who, with his brother, was not unhopeful that the Captain meditated something desperate. "Benjy is not far off the mark. I intend to winter at the Pole, or as near to it as I can manage to get." "My dear Captain Vane," said the doctor, with an anxious look, "you cannot really mean what you say. You must be jesting, or mad." "Well, as to madness," returned the Captain with a peculiar smile, "you ought to know best, for it's a perquisite of your cloth to pronounce people mad or sane, though some of yourselves are as mad as the worst of us; but in regard to jesting, nothing, I assure you, is further from my mind. Listen!" He rose from the box which had formed his seat, and looked earnestly round on his men. As he stood there, erect, tall, square, powerful, with legs firmly planted, and apart, as if to guard against a lurch of his ship, with his bronzed face flushed, and his dark eye flashing, they all understood that their leader's mind was made up, and that what he had resolved upon, he would certainly attempt to carry out. "Listen," he repeated; "it was my purpose on leaving England, as you all know, to sail north as far as the ice would let me; to winter where we should stick fast, and organise an over-ice, or overland journey to the Pole with all the appliances of recent scientific discovery, and all the advantages of knowledge acquired by former explorers. It has pleased God to destroy my ship, but my life and my hopes are spared. So are my stores and scientific instruments. I intend, therefore, to carry out my original purpose. I believe that former explorers have erred in some points of their procedure. These errors I shall steer clear of. Former travellers have ignored some facts, and despised some appliances. These facts I will recognise; these appliances I will utilise. With a steam yacht, you, my friends, who have shown so much enthusiasm and courage up to this point, would have been of the utmost service to me. As a party in boats, or on foot, you would only hamper my movements. I mean to prosecute this enterprise almost alone. I shall join myself to the Eskimos." He paused at this point as if in meditation. Benjy, whose eyes and mouth had been gradually opening to their widest, almost gasped with astonishment as he glanced at his cousins, whose expressive countenances were somewhat similarly affected. "I have had some long talks," continued the Captain, "with that big Eskimo Chingatok, through our interpreter, and from what he says I believe my chances of success are considerable. I am all the more confirmed in this resolution because of the readiness and ability of my first mate to guide you out of the Arctic regions, and your willingness to trust him. Anders has agreed to go with me as interpreter, and now, all I want is one other man, because--" "Put me down, father," cried Benjy, in a burst of excitement--"_I'm_ your man." "Hush, lad," said the Captain with a little smile, "of course I shall take you with me and also your two cousins, but I want one other man to complete the party--but he must be a heartily willing man. Who will volunteer?" There was silence for a few moments. It was broken by the doctor. "I for one won't volunteer," he said, "for I'm too much shaken by this troublesome illness to think of such an expedition. If I were well it might be otherwise, but perhaps some of the others will offer." "You can't expect me to do so," said the mate, "for I've got to guide our party home, as agreed on; besides, under any circumstances, I would not join you, for it is simple madness. You'll forgive me, Captain. I mean no disrespect, but I have sailed many years to these seas, and I know from experience that what you propose is beyond the power of man to accomplish." "Experience!" repeated the Captain, quickly. "Has your experience extended further north than this point?" "No, sir, I have not been further north than this--nobody has. It is beyond the utmost limit yet reached, so far as I know." "Well, then, you cannot speak from _experience_ about what I propose," said the Captain, turning away. "Come, lads, I have no wish to constrain you, I merely give one of you the chance." Still no one came forward. Every man of the crew of the _Whitebear_ had had more or less personal acquaintance with arctic travel and danger. They would have followed Captain Vane anywhere in the yacht, but evidently they had no taste for what he was about to undertake. At last one stepped to the front. It was Butterface, the steward. This intensely black negro was a bulky, powerful man, with a modest spirit and a strange disbelief in his own capacities, though, in truth, these were very considerable. He came forward, stooping slightly, and rubbing his hands in a deprecating manner. "'Scuse me, massa Capting. P'r'aps it bery presumsheeous in dis yer chile for to speak afore his betters, but as no oder man 'pears to want to volunteer, I's willin' to go in an' win. Ob course I ain't a man-- on'y a nigger, but I's a willin' nigger, an' kin do a few small tings-- cook de grub, wash up de cups an' sarsers, pull a oar, clean yer boots, fight de Eskimos if you wants me to, an' ginrally to scrimmage around a'most anything. Moreover, I eats no more dan a babby--'sep wen I's hungry--an' I'll foller you, massa, troo tick and tin--to de Nort Pole, or de Sout Pole, or de East Pole, or de West Pole--or any oder pole wotsomediver--all de same to Butterface, s'long's you'll let 'im stick by you." The crew could not help giving the negro a cheer as he finished this loyal speech, and the Captain, although he would have preferred one of the other men, gladly accepted his services. A few days later the boats were ready and provisioned; adieus were said, hats and handkerchiefs waved, and soon after Captain Vane and his son and two nephews, with Anders and Butterface, were left to fight their battles alone, on the margin of an unexplored, mysterious Polar sea. CHAPTER FIVE. LEFT TO THEIR FATE. There are times, probably, in all conditions of life, when men feel a species of desolate sadness creeping over their spirits, which they find it hard to shake off or subdue. Such a time arrived to our Arctic adventurers the night after they had parted from the crew of the wrecked _Whitebear_. Nearly everything around, and much within, them was calculated to foster that feeling. They were seated on the rocky point on the extremity of which their yacht had been driven. Behind them were the deep ravines, broad valleys, black beetling cliffs, grand mountains, stupendous glaciers, and dreary desolation of Greenland. To right and left, and in front of them, lay the chaotic ice-pack of the Arctic sea, with lanes and pools of water visible here and there like lines and spots of ink. Icebergs innumerable rose against the sky, which at the time was entirely covered with grey and gloomy clouds. Gusts of wind swept over the frozen waste now and then, as if a squall which had recently passed, were sighing at the thought of leaving anything undestroyed behind it. When we add to this, that the wanderers were thinking of the comrades who had just left them--the last link, as it were, with the civilised world from which they were self-exiled, of the unknown dangers and difficulties that lay before them, and of the all but forlorn hope they had undertaken, there need be little wonder that for some time they all looked rather grave, and were disposed to silence. But life is made up of opposites, light and shade, hard and soft, hot and cold, sweet and sour, for the purpose, no doubt, of placing man between two moral battledores so as to drive the weak and erring shuttlecock of his will right and left, and thus keep it in the middle course of rectitude. No sooner had our adventurers sunk to the profoundest depths of gloom, than the battledore of brighter influences began to play upon them. It did not, however, achieve the end at once. "I'm in the lowest, bluest, dreariest, grumpiest, and most utterly miserable state of mind I ever was in in all my life," said poor little Benjy Vane, thrusting his hands into his pockets, sitting down on a rock, and gazing round on the waste wilderness, which had only just ceased howling, the very personification of despair. "So's I, massa," said Butterface, looking up from a compound of wet coal and driftwood which he had been vainly trying to coax into a flame for cooking purposes; "I's most 'orribly miserable!" There was a beaming grin on the negro's visage that gave the lie direct to his words. "That's always the way with you, Benjy," said the Captain, "either bubblin' over with jollity an' mischief, or down in the deepest blues." "Blues! father," cried the boy, "don't talk of blues--it's the blacks I'm in, the very blackest of blacks." "Ha! jus' like me," muttered Butterface, sticking out his thick lips at the unwilling fire, and giving a blow that any grampus might have envied. The result was that a column of almost solid smoke, which had been for some time rising thicker and thicker from the coals, burst into a bright flame. This was the first of the sweet influences before referred to. "Mind your wool, Flatnose," cried Benjy, as the negro drew quickly back. It may be remarked here that the mysterious bond of sympathy which united the spirits of Benjy Vane and the black steward found expression in kindly respect on the part of the man, and in various eccentric courses on the part of the boy--among others, in a habit of patting him on the back, and giving him a choice selection of impromptu names, such as Black-mug, Yellow-eyes, Square-jaws, and the like. "What have you got in the kettle?" asked Leo Vandervell, who came up with some dry driftwood at the moment. "Bubble-um-squeak," replied the cook. "What sort o' squeak is that?" asked Leo, as he bent his tall strong frame over the fire to investigate the contents of the kettle. "What am it, massa? Why, it am a bit o' salt pork, an' a bit o' dat bear you shooted troo de nose yes'rday, an' a junk o' walrus, an' two puffins, an' some injin corn, a leetil pepper, an' a leetil salt." "Good, that sounds well," said Leo. "I'll go fetch you some more driftwood, for it'll take a deal of boiling, that will, to make it eatable." The driftwood referred to was merely some pieces of the yacht which had been cast ashore by the hurly-burly of ice and water that had occurred during the last tide. No other species of driftwood was to be found on that coast, for the neighbouring region was utterly destitute of trees. "Where has Alf gone to?" asked the Captain, as Leo was moving away. "Oh, he's looking for plants and shells, as usual," answered Leo, with a smile. "You know his heart is set upon these things." "He'll have to set his heart on helping wi' the cargo after supper," said the Captain, drawing a small notebook and pencil from his pocket. A few more of the sweet and reviving influences of life now began to circle round the wanderers. Among them was the savoury odour that arose from the pot of bubble-um-squeak, also the improved appearance of the sky. It was night, almost midnight, nevertheless the sun was blazing in the heavens, and as the storm-clouds had rolled away like a dark curtain, his cheering rays were by that time gilding the icebergs, and rendering the land-cliffs ruddily. The travellers had enjoyed perpetual daylight for several weeks already, and at that high latitude they could count on many more to come. By the time supper was ready, the depressing influences were gone, and the spirits of all had recovered their wonted tone. Indeed it was not to the discredit of the party that they were so much cast down on that occasion, for the parting, perhaps for ever, from the friends with whom they had hitherto voyaged, had much more to do with their sadness than surrounding circumstances or future trials. "What plan do you intend to follow out, uncle?" asked Alphonse Vandervell, as they sat at supper that night round the kettle. "That depends on many things, lad," replied the Captain, laying down his spoon, and leaning his back against a convenient rock. "If the ice moves off, I shall adopt one course; if it holds fast I shall try another. Then, if you insist on gathering and carrying along with you such pocket-loads of specimens, plants, rocks, etcetera, as you've brought in this evening, I'll have to build a sort of Noah's ark, or omnibus on sledge-runners, to carry them." "And suppose I don't insist on carrying these things, what then?" "Well," replied the Captain, "in that case I would--well, let me see--a little more of the bubble, Benjy." "Wouldn't you rather some of the squeak?" asked the boy. "Both, lad, both--some of everything. Well, as I was saying--and you've a right to know what's running in my head, seeing that you have to help me carry out the plans--I'll give you a rough notion of 'em." The Captain became more serious as he explained his plans. "The Eskimos, you know," he continued, "have gone by what I may call the shore ice, two days' journey in advance of this spot, taking our dogs along with them. It was my intention to have proceeded to the same point in our yacht, and there, if the sea was open, to have taken on board that magnificent Eskimo giant, Chingatok, with his family, and steered away due north. In the event of the pack being impassable, I had intended to have laid the yacht up in some safe harbour; hunted and fished until we had a stock of dried and salted provisions, enough to last us two years, and then to have started northward in sledges, under the guidance of Chingatok, with a few picked men, leaving the rest and the yacht in charge of the mate. The wreck of the _Whitebear_ has, however, forced me to modify these plans. I shall now secure as much of our cargo as we have been able to save, and leave it here _en cache_--" "What sort of cash is that, father?" asked Benjy. "You are the best linguist among us, Leo, tell him," said the Captain, turning to his nephew. "`_En cache_' is French for `in hiding,'" returned Leo, with a laugh. "Why do you speak French to Englishmen, father?" said Benjy in a pathetic tone, but with a pert look. "'Cause the expression is a common one on this side the Atlantic, lad, and you ought to know it. Now, don't interrupt me again. Well, having placed the cargo in security," ("_En cache_," muttered Benjy with a glance at Butterface.) "I shall rig up the sledges brought from England, load them with what we require, and follow up the Eskimos. You're sure, Anders, that you understood Chingatok's description of the place?" The interpreter declared that he was quite sure. "After that," resumed the Captain, "I'll act according to the information the said Eskimos can give me. D'ye know, I have a strong suspicion that our Arctic giant Chingatok is a philosopher, if I may judge from one or two questions he put and observations he made when we first met. He says he has come from a fine country which lies far--very far--to the north of this; so far that I feel quite interested and hopeful about it. I expect to have more talk with him soon on the subject. A little more o' the bubble, lad; really, Butterface, your powers in the way of cookery are wonderful." "Chingatok seems to me quite a remarkable fellow for an Eskimo," observed Leo, scraping the bottom of the kettle with his spoon, and looking inquiringly into it. "I, too, had some talk with him--through Anders--when we first met, and from what he said I can't help thinking that he has come from the remote north solely on a voyage of discovery into what must be to him the unknown regions of the south. Evidently he has an inquiring mind." "Much like yourself, Leo, to judge from the way you peer into that kettle," said Benjy; "please don't scrape the bottom out of it. There's not much tin to mend it with, you know, in these regions." "Brass will do quite as well," retorted Leo, "and there can be no lack of that while you are here." "Come now, Benjy," said Alf, "that insolent remark should put you on your mettle." "So it does, but I won't open my lips, because I feel that I should speak ironically if I were to reply," returned the boy, gazing dreamily into the quiet countenance of the steward. "What are _you_ thinking of, you lump of charcoal?" "Me, massa? me tink dere 'pears to be room for more wittles inside ob me; but as all de grub's eated up, p'r'aps it would be as well to be goin' an' tacklin' suffin' else now." "You're right, Butterface," cried the Captain, rousing himself from a reverie. "What say you, comrades? Shall we turn in an' have a nap? It's past midnight." "I'm not inclined for sleep," said Alf, looking up from some of the botanical specimens he had collected. "No more am I," said Leo, lifting up his arms and stretching his stalwart frame, which, notwithstanding his youth, had already developed to almost the full proportions of a powerful man. "I vote that we sit up all night," said Benjy, "the sun does it, and why shouldn't we?" "Well, I've no objection," rejoined the Captain, "but we must work if we don't sleep--so, come along." Setting the example, Captain Vane began to shoulder the bags and boxes which lay scattered around with the energy of an enthusiastic railway porter. The other members of the party were not a whit behind him in diligence and energy. Even Benjy, delicate-looking though he was, did the work of an average man, besides enlivening the proceedings with snatches of song and a flow of small talk of a humorous and slightly insolent nature. CHAPTER SIX. FUTURE PLANS DISCUSSED AND DECIDED. Away to the northward of the spot where the _Whitebear_ had been wrecked there stretched a point of land far out into the Arctic Ocean. It was about thirty miles distant, and loomed hugely bluff and grand against the brilliant sky, as if it were the forefront of the northern world. No civilised eyes had ever beheld that land before. Captain Vane knew that, because it lay in latitude 83 north, which was a little beyond the furthest point yet reached by Arctic navigators. He therefore named it Cape Newhope. Benjy thought that it should have been named Butterface-beak, because the steward had been the first to observe it, but his father thought otherwise. About three miles to the northward of this point of land the Eskimos were encamped. According to arrangement with the white men they had gone there, as we have said, in charge of the dogs brought by Captain Vane from Upernavik, as these animals, it was thought, stood much in need of exercise. Here the natives had found and taken possession of a number of deserted Eskimo huts. These rude buildings were the abodes to which the good people migrated when summer heat became so great as to render their snow-huts sloppily disagreeable. In one of the huts sat Chingatok, his arms resting on his knees, his huge hands clasped, and his intelligent eyes fixed dreamily on the lamp-flame, over which his culinary mother was bending in busy sincerity. There were many points of character in which this remarkable mother and son resembled each other. Both were earnest--intensely so-- and each was enthusiastically eager about small matters as well as great. In short, they both possessed great though uncultivated minds. The hut they occupied was in some respects as remarkable as themselves. It measured about six feet in height and ten in diameter. The walls were made of flattish stones, moss, and the bones of seals, whales, narwhals, and other Arctic creatures. The stones were laid so that each overlapped the one below it, a very little inwards, and thus the walls approached each other gradually as they rose from the foundation; the top being finally closed by slabs of slate-stone. Similar stones covered the floor--one half of which floor was raised a foot or so above the other, and this raised half served for a seat by day as well as a couch by night. On it were spread a thick layer of dried moss, and several seal, dog, and bear skins. Smaller elevations in the corners near the entrance served for seats. The door was a curtain of sealskin. Above it was a small window, glazed, so to speak, with strips of semi-transparent dried intestines sewed together. Toolooha's cooking-lamp was made of soapstone, formed like a clam-shell, and about eight inches in diameter; the fuel was seal-oil, and the wick was of moss. It smoked considerably, but Eskimos are smoke-proof. The pot above it, suspended from the roof, was also made of soapstone. Sealskins hung about the walls drying; oily mittens, socks and boots were suspended about on pegs and racks of rib-bones. Lumps of blubber hung and lay about miscellaneously. Odours, not savoury, were therefore prevalent--but Eskimos are smell-proof. "Mother," said the giant, raising his eyes from the flame to his parent's smoke-encircled visage, "they are a most wonderful people, these Kablunets. Blackbeard is a great man--a grand man--but I think he is--" Chingatok paused, shook his head, and touched his forehead with a look of significance worthy of a white man. "Why think you so, my son?" asked the old woman, sneezing, as a denser cloud than usual went up her nose. "Because he has come here to search for _nothing_." "Nothing, my son?" "Yes--at least that is what he tried to explain to me. Perhaps the interpreter could not explain. He is not a smart man, that interpreter. He resembles a walrus with his brain scooped out. He spoke much, but I could not understand." "Could not understand?" repeated Toolooha, with an incredulous look, "let not Chingatok say so. Is there _anything_ that passes the lips of man which he cannot understand?" "Truly, mother, I once thought there was not," replied the giant, with a modest look, "but I am mistaken. The Kablunets make me stare and feel foolish." "But it is not possible to search for _nothing_," urged Toolooha. "So I said," replied her son, "but Blackbeard only laughed at me." "Did he?" cried the mother, with a much relieved expression, "then let your mind rest, my son, for Blackbeard must be a fool if he laughed at _you_." "Blackbeard is no fool," replied Chingatok. "Has he not come to search for new lands _here_, as you went to search for them _there_?" asked Toolooha, pointing alternately north and south. "No--if I have understood him. Perhaps the brainless walrus translated his words wrongly." "Is the thing he searches for something to eat?" "Something to drink or wear?" "No, I tell you. It is _nothing_! Yet he gives it a name. He calls it _Nort Pole_!" Perhaps it is needless to remind the reader that Chingatok and his mother conversed in their native tongue, which we have rendered as literally as possible, and that the last two words were his broken English for "North Pole!" "Nort Pole!" repeated Toolooha once or twice contemplatively. "Well, he may search for nothing if he will, but that he cannot find." "Nay, mother," returned the giant with a soft smile, "if he will search for nothing he is sure to find it!" Chingatok sighed, for his mother did not see the joke. "Blackbeard," he continued with a grave, puzzled manner, "said that this world on which we stand floats in the air like a bird, and spins round!" "Then Blackbeard is a liar," said Toolooha quietly, though without a thought of being rude. She merely meant what she said, and said what she meant, being a naturally candid woman. "That may be so, mother, but I think not." "How can the world float without wings?" demanded the old woman indignantly. "If it spinned should we not feel the spinning, and grow giddy?" "And Blackbeard says," continued the giant, regardless of the questions propounded, "that it spins round upon this _Nort Pole_, which he says is not a real thing, but only nothing. I asked Blackbeard--How can a world spin upon nothing?" "And what said he to that?" demanded Toolooha quickly. "He only laughed. They all laughed when the brainless walrus put my question. There is one little boy--the son I think of Blackbeard--who laughed more than all the rest. He lay down on the ice to laugh, and rolled about as if he had the bowel-twist." "That son of Blackbeard must be a fool more than his father," said Toolooha, casting a look of indignation at her innocent kettle. "Perhaps; but he is not like his father," returned Chingatok meekly. "There are two other chiefs among the Kablunets who seem to me fine men. They are very young and wise. They have learned a little of our tongue from the Brainless One, and asked me some questions about the rocks, and the moss, and the flowers. They are tall and strong. One of them is very grave and seems to think much, like myself. He also spoke of this Nothing--this Nort Pole. They are all mad, I think, about that thing-- that Nothing!" The conversation was interrupted at this point by the sudden entrance of the giant's little sister with the news that the Kablunets were observed coming round the great cape, dragging a sledge. "Is not the big oomiak with them?" asked her brother, rising quickly. "No, we see no oomiak--no wings--no fire," answered Oblooria, "only six men dragging a sledge." Chingatok went out immediately, and Oblooria was about to follow when her mother recalled her. "Come here, little one. There is a bit of blubber for you to suck. Tell me, saw you any sign of madness in these white men when they were talking with your brother about this--this--Nort Pole." "No, mother, no," answered Oblooria thoughtfully, "I saw not madness. They laughed much, it is true--but not more than Oolichuk laughs sometimes. Yes--I think again! There was one who seems mad--the small boy, whom brother thinks to be the son of Blackbeard--Benjay, they call him." "Hah! I thought so," exclaimed Toolooha, evidently pleased at her penetration on this point. "Go, child, I cannot quit the lamp. Bring me news of what they say and do." Oblooria obeyed with alacrity, bolting her strip of half-cooked blubber as she ran; her mother meanwhile gave her undivided attention to the duties of the lamp. The white men and all the members of the Eskimo band were standing by the sledge engaged in earnest conversation when the little girl came forward. Captain Vane was speaking. "Yes, Chingatok," he said, looking up at the tall savage, who stood erect in frame but with bent head and his hands clasped before him, like a modest chief, which in truth he was. "Yes, if you will guide me to your home in the northern lands, I will pay you well--for I have much iron and wood and such things as I think you wish for and value, and you shall also have my best thanks and gratitude. The latter may not indeed be worth much, but, nevertheless, you could not purchase it with all the wealth of the Polar regions." Chingatok looked with penetrating gaze at Anders while he translated, and, considering the nature of the communication, the so-called Brainless One proved himself a better man than the giant gave him credit for. "Does Blackbeard," asked Chingatok, after a few seconds' thought, "expect to find this Nothing--this Nort Pole, in my country?" "Well, I cannot exactly say that I do," replied the Captain; "you see, I'm not quite sure, from what you tell me, where your country is. It may not reach to the Pole, but it is enough for me that it lies in that direction, and that you tell me there is much open water there. Men of my nation have been in these regions before now, and some of them have said that the Polar Sea is open, others that it is covered always with ice so thick that it never melts. Some have said it is a `sea of ancient ice' so rough that no man can travel over it, and that it is not possible to reach the North Pole. I don't agree with that. I had been led to expect to fall in with this sea of ancient ice before I had got thus far, but it is not to be found. The sea indeed is partly blocked with ordinary ice, but there is nothing to be seen of this vast collection of mighty blocks, some of them thirty feet high--this wild chaos of ice which so effectually stopped some of those who went before me." This speech put such brains as the Brainless One possessed to a severe test, and, after all, he failed to convey its full meaning to Chingatok, who, however, promptly replied to such portions as he understood. "What Blackbeard calls the sea of old ice does exist," he said; "I have seen it. No man could travel on it, only the birds can cross it. But ice is not land. It changes place. It is here to-day; it is there to-morrow. Next day it is gone. We cannot tell where it goes to or when it will come back. The _very_ old ice comes back again and again. It is slow to become like your Nort Pole--nothing. But it melts at last and more comes in its place--growing old slowly and vanishing slowly. It is full of wonder--like the stars; like the jumping flames; like the sun and moon, which we cannot understand." Chingatok paused and looked upwards with a solemn expression. His mind had wandered into its favourite channels, and for the moment he forgot the main subject of conversation, while the white men regarded him with some surprise, his comrades with feelings of interest not unmingled with awe. "But," he continued, "I know where the sea of ancient ice-blocks is just now. I came past it in my kayak, and can guide you to it by the same way." "That is just what I want, Chingatok," said the Captain with a joyful look, "only aid me in this matter, and I will reward you well. I've already told you that my ship is wrecked, and that the crew, except those you see here, have left me; but I have saved all the cargo and buried it in a place of security with the exception of those things which I need for my expedition. One half of these things are on this sledge,--the other half on a sledge left behind and ready packed near the wreck. Now, I want you to send men to fetch that sledge here." "That shall be done," said Chingatok. "Thanks, thanks, my good fellow," returned the Captain, "and we must set about it at once, for the summer is advancing, and you know as well as I do that the hot season is but a short one in these regions." "A moment more shall not be lost," said the giant. He turned to Oolichuk, who had been leaning on a short spear, and gazing open-mouthed, eyed, and eared, during the foregoing conversation, and said a few words to him and to the other Eskimos in a low tone. Oolichuk merely nodded his head, said "Yah!" or something similarly significant, shouldered his spear and went off in the direction of the Cape of Newhope, followed by nearly all the men of the party. "Stay, not quite so fast," cried Captain Vane. "Stop!" shouted Chingatok. Oolichuk and his men paused. "One of us had better go with them," said the Captain, "to show the place where the sledge has been left." "I will go, uncle, if you'll allow me," said Leo Vandervell. "Oh! let me go too, father," pleaded Benjy, "I'm not a bit tired; do." "You may both go. Take a rifle with you, Leo. There's no saying what you may meet on the way." In half-an-hour the party under Oolichuk had reached the extremity of the cape, and Captain Vane observed that his volatile son mounted to the top of an ice-block to wave a farewell. He looked like a black speck, or a crow, in the far distance. Another moment, and the speck had disappeared among the hummocks of the ice-locked sea. CHAPTER SEVEN. DIFFICULTIES ENCOUNTERED AND FACED. They had not quite doubled the Cape of Newhope, and were about to round the point which concealed the spot that had been named Wreck Bay, when they suddenly found themselves face to face with a Polar bear! Bruin was evidently out for an evening stroll, for he seemed to have nothing particular to do. Surprise lit up alike the countenances of the men and the visage of the bear. It was an unexpected meeting on both sides. The distance between them was not more than thirty feet. Leo was the only one of the party who carried a rifle. More than once during the voyage had Leo seen and shot a bear. The sight was not new to him, but never before had he come so suddenly, or so very close, upon this king of the Arctic Seas. He chanced at the time to be walking a few yards in advance of the party in company with Oolichuk and Benjy. The three stopped, stared, and stood as if petrified. For one moment, then they uttered a united and half involuntary roar. Right royally did that bear accept the challenge. It rose, according to custom, on its hind legs, and immediately began that slow, but deadly war-dance with which the race is wont to preface an attack, while its upper lip curled in apparent derision, exposing its terrible fangs. Leo recovered self-possession instantly. The rifle leaped to his shoulder, the centre of the bear's breast was covered, and the trigger pulled. Only a snap resulted. Leo had forgotten to load! Benjy gasped with anxiety. Oolichuk, who had held himself back with a sparkling smile of expectation at the prospect of seeing the Kablunet use his thunder-weapon, looked surprised and disappointed, but went into action promptly with his spear, accompanied by Akeetolik. Leo's rifle, being a breech-loader, was quickly re-charged, but as the rest of the party stood leaning on their spears with the evident intention of merely watching the combat, the youth resolved to hold his hand, despite Benjy's earnest recommendation to put one ball between the bear's eyes, and the other into his stomach. It was but a brief though decisive battle. Those Eskimos were well used to such warfare. Running towards the animal with levelled spears, the two men separated on coming close, so that Bruin was forced to a state of indecision as to which enemy he would assail first. Akeetolik settled the point for him by giving him a prick on the right side, thus, as it were, drawing the enemy's fire on himself. The bear turned towards him with a fierce growl, and in so doing, exposed his left side to attack. Oolichuk was not slow to seize the opportunity. He leaped close up, and drove his spear deep into the animal's heart--killing it on the spot. Next day the party returned to the Eskimo camp with the sledge-load of goods, and the bear on the top. While steaks of the same were being prepared by Toolooha, Captain Vane and his new allies were busy discussing the details of the advance. "I know that the difficulties will be great," he said, in reply to a remark from the interpreter, "but I mean to face and overcome them." "Ah!" exclaimed Alf, who was rather fond of poetry:-- "To dare unknown dangers in a noble cause, Despite an adverse Nature and her tiresome Laws." "Just so, Alf, my boy, stick at nothing; never give in; victory or death, that's my way of expressing the same sentiment. But there's one thing that I must impress once more upon you all--namely, that each man must reduce his kit to the very lowest point of size and weight. No extras allowed." "What, not even a box of paper collars?" asked Benjy. "Not one, my boy, but you may take a strait-waistcoat in your box if you choose, for you'll be sure to need it." "Oh! father," returned the boy, remonstratively, "you are severe. However, I will take one, if you agree to leave your woollen comforter behind. You won't need that, you see, as long as I am with you." "Of course," said Alf, "you will allow us to carry small libraries with us?" "Certainly not, my lad, only one book each, and that must be a small one." "The only book I possess is my Bible," said Leo, "and that won't take up much room, for it's an uncommonly small one." "If I only had my Robinson Crusoe here," cried Benjy, "I'd take it, for there's enough of adventure in that book to carry a man over half the world." "Ay," said Alf, "and enough of mind to carry him over the other half. For my part, if we must be content with one book each, I shall take Buzzby's poems." "Oh! horrible!" cried Benjy, "why, he's no better than a maudlin', dawdlin', drawlin', caterwaulin'--" "Come, Benjy, don't be insolent; he's second only to Tennyson. Just listen to this _morceau_ by Buzzby. It is an Ode to Courage-- "`High! hot! hillarious compound of--'" "Stop! stop! man, don't begin when we're in the middle of our plans," interrupted Benjy, "let us hear what book Butterface means to take." "I not take no book, massa, only take my flute. Music is wot's de matter wid me. Dat is de ting what hab charms to soove de savage beast." "I wouldn't advise you try to soothe a Polar bear with it," said Leo, "unless you have a rifle handy." "Yes--and especially an unloaded one, which is very effective against Polar bears," put in the Captain, with a sly look. "Ah, Leo, I could hardly have believed it of you--and you the sportsman of our party, too; our chief huntsman. Oh, fie!" "Come, uncle, don't be too hard on that little mistake," said Leo, with a slight blush, for he was really annoyed by the unsportsmanlike oversight hinted at; "but pray, may I ask," he added, turning sharply on the Captain, "what is inside of these three enormous boxes of yours which take up so much space on the sledges?" "You may ask, Leo, but you may not expect an answer. That is my secret, and I mean to keep it as a sort of stimulus to your spirits when the hardships of the way begin to tell on you. Ask Chingatok, Anders," continued the Captain, turning to the interpreter, "if he thinks we have enough provisions collected for the journey. I wish to start immediately." "We have enough," answered Chingatok, who had been sitting a silent, but deeply interested observer--so to speak--of the foregoing conversation. "Tell him, then, to arrange with his party, and be prepared to set out by noon to-morrow." That night, by the light of the midnight sun, the Eskimos sat round their kettles of bear-chops, and went into the _pros_ and _cons_ of the proposed expedition. Some were enthusiastically in favour of casting in their lot with the white men, others were decidedly against it, and a few were undecided. Among the latter was Akeetolik. "These ignorant men," said that bold savage, "are foolish and useless. They cannot kill bears. The one named Lo, (thus was Leonard's name reduced to its lowest denomination), is big enough, and looks very fine, but when he sees bear he only stares, makes a little click with his thunder-weapon, and looks stupid." "Blackbeard explained that," said Oolichuk; "Lo made some mistake." "That may be so," retorted Akeetolik, "but if you and me had not been there, the _bear_ would not make a mistake." "I will not go with these Kablunets," said Eemerk with a frown, "they are only savages. They are not taught. No doubt they had a wonderful boat, but they have not been able to keep their boat. They cannot kill bears; perhaps they cannot kill seals or walruses, and they ask us to help them to travel--to show them the way! They can do nothing. They must be led like children. My advice is to kill them all, since they are so useless, and take their goods." This speech was received with marks of decided approval by those of the party who were in the habit of siding with Eemerk, but the rest were silent. In a few moments Chingatok said, in a low, quiet, but impressive tone: "The Kablunets are not foolish or ignorant. They are wise--far beyond the wisdom of the Eskimos. It is Eemerk who is like a walrus without brains. He thinks that his little mind is outside of everything, and so he has not eyes to perceive that he is ignorant as well as foolish, and that other men are wise." This was the severest rebuke that the good-natured Chingatok had yet administered to Eemerk, but the latter, foolish though he was, had wisdom enough not to resent it openly. He sat in moody silence, with his eyes fixed on the ground. Of course Oolichuk was decidedly in favour of joining the white men, and so was Ivitchuk, who soon brought round his hesitating friend Akeetolik, and several of the others. Oblooria, being timid, would gladly have sided with Eemerk, but she hated the man, and, besides, would in any case have cast in her lot with her mother and brother, even if free to do otherwise. The fair Tekkona, whose courage and faith were naturally strong, had only one idea, and that was to follow cheerfully wherever Chingatok led; but she was very modest, and gave no opinion. She merely remarked: "The Kablunets are handsome men, and seem good." As for Toolooha, she had enough to do to attend to the serious duties of the lamp, and always left the settlement of less important matters to the men. "You and yours are free to do what you please," said Chingatok to Eemerk, when the discussion drew to a close. "I go with the white men to-morrow." "What says Oblooria?" whispered Oolichuk when the rest of the party were listening to Eemerk's reply. "Oblooria goes with her brother and mother," answered that young lady, toying coquettishly with her sealskin tail. Oolichuk's good-humoured visage beamed with satisfaction, and his flat nose curled up--as much as it was possible for such a feature to curl-- with contempt, as he glanced at Eemerk and said-- "I have heard many tales from Anders--the white man's mouthpiece--since we met. He tells me the white men are very brave and fond of running into danger for nothing but fun. Those who do not like the fun of danger should join Eemerk. Those who are fond of fun and danger should come with our great chief Chingatok--huk! Let us divide." Without more palaver the band divided, and it was found that only eight sided with Eemerk. All the rest cast in their lot with our giant, after which this Arctic House of Commons adjourned, and its members went to rest. A few days after that, Captain Vane and his Eskimo allies, having left the camp with Eemerk and his friends far behind them, came suddenly one fine morning on a barrier which threatened effectually to arrest their further progress northward. This was nothing less than that tremendous sea of "ancient ice" which had baffled previous navigators and sledging parties. "Chaos! absolute chaos!" exclaimed Alf Vandervell, who was first to recover from the shock of surprise, not to say consternation, with which the party beheld the scene on turning a high cape. "It looks bad," said Captain Vane, gravely, "but things often look worse at a first glance than they really are." "I hope it may be so in this case," said Leo, in a low tone. "Good-bye to the North Pole!" said Benjy, with a look of despondency so deep that the rest of the party laughed in spite of themselves. The truth was that poor Benjy had suffered much during the sledge journey which they had begun, for although he rode, like the rest of them, on one of the Eskimo sledges, the ice over which they had travelled along shore had been sufficiently rugged to necessitate constant getting off and on, as well as much scrambling over hummocks and broken ice. We have already said that Benjy was not very robust, though courageous and full of spirit, so that he was prone to leap from the deepest depths of despair to the highest heights of hope at a moment's notice--or _vice versa_. Not having become inured to ice-travel, he was naturally much cast down when the chaos above-mentioned met his gaze. "Strange," said the Captain, after a long silent look at the barrier, "strange that we should find it here. The experience of former travellers placed it considerably to the south and west of this." "But you know," said Leo, "Chingatok told us that the old ice drifts about just as the more recently formed does. Who knows but we may find the end of it not far off, and perhaps may reach open water beyond, where we can make skin canoes, and launch forth on a voyage of discovery." "I vote that we climb the cliffs and try to see over the top of this horrid ice-jumble," said Benjy. "Not a bad suggestion, lad. Let us do so. We will encamp here, Anders. Let all the people have a good feed, and tell Chingatok to follow us. You will come along with him." A few hours later, and the Captain, Leo, Alf, Benjy, Chingatok, and the interpreter stood on the extreme summit of the promontory which they had named Cape Chaos, and from which they had a splendid bird's-eye view of the whole region. It was indeed a tremendous and never-to-be-forgotten scene. As far as the eye could reach, the ocean was covered with ice heaped together in some places in the wildest confusion, and so firmly wedged in appearance that it seemed as if it had lain there in a solid mass from the first day of creation. Elsewhere the ice was more level and less compact. In the midst of this rugged scene, hundreds of giant icebergs rose conspicuously above the rest, towering upwards in every shape and of all sizes, from which the bright sun was flashed back in rich variety of form, from the sharp gleam that trickled down an edge of ice to the refulgent blaze on a glassy face which almost rivalled the sun himself in brilliancy. These icebergs, extending as they did to the horizon, where they mingled with and were lost in the pearl-grey sky, gave an impression of vast illimitable perspective. Although no sign of an open sea was at first observed, there was no lack of water to enliven the scene, for here and there, and everywhere, were pools and ponds, and even lakes of goodly size, which had been formed on the surface by the melting ice. In these the picturesque masses were faithfully reflected, and over them vast flocks of gulls, eider-ducks, puffins, and other wild-fowl of the north, disported themselves in garrulous felicity. On the edge of the rocky precipice, from which they had a bird's-eye view of the scene, our discoverers stood silent for some time, absorbed in contemplation, with feelings of mingled awe and wonder. Then exclamations of surprise and admiration broke forth. "The wonderful works of God!" said the Captain, in a tone of profound reverence. "Beautiful, beyond belief!" murmured Alf. "But it seems an effectual check to our advance," said the practical Leo, who, however, was by no means insensible to the extreme beauty of the scene. "Not effectual, lad; not effectual," returned the Captain, stretching out his hand and turning to the interpreter; "look, Anders, d'ye see nothing on the horizon away to the nor'ard? Isn't that a bit of water-sky over there?" "Ya," replied the interpreter, gazing intently, "there be watter-sky over there. Ya. But not possobubble for go there. Ice too big an' brokkin up." "Ask Chingatok what he thinks," returned the Captain. Chingatok's opinion was that the water-sky indicated the open sea. He knew that sea well--had often paddled over it, and his own country lay in it. "But how ever did he cross that ice?" asked the Captain; "what says he to that, Anders?" "I did not cross it," answered the Eskimo, through Anders. "When I came here with my party the ice was not there; it was far off yonder." He pointed to the eastward. "Just so," returned the Captain, with a satisfied nod, "that confirms my opinion. You see, boys, that the coast here trends off to the East'ard in a very decided manner. Now, if that was only the shore of a bay, and the land again ran off to the nor'ard, it would not be possible for such a sea of ice to have come from _that_ direction. I therefore conclude that we are standing on the most northern cape of Greenland; that Greenland itself is a huge island, unconnected with the Polar lands; that we are now on the shores of the great Polar basin, in which, somewhere not very far from the Pole itself, lies the home of our friend Chingatok--at least so I judge from what he has said. Moreover, I feel sure that the water-sky we see over there indicates the commencement of that `open sea' which, I hold, in common with many learned men, lies around the North Pole, and which I am determined to float upon before many days go by." "We'd better spread our wings then, father, and be off at once," said Benjy; "for it's quite certain that we'll never manage to scramble over that ice-jumble with sledges." "Nevertheless, I will try, Benjy." "But how, uncle?" asked Leo. "Ay, how?" repeated Alf, "_that_ is the question." "Come, come, Alf, let Shakespeare alone," said the pert Benjy, "if you _must_ quote, confine yourself to Buzzby." "Nay, Benjy, be not so severe. It was but a slip. Besides, our leader has not forbidden our carrying a whole library in our heads, so long as we take only one book in our pockets. But, uncle, you have not yet told us how you intend to cross that amazing barrier which Benjy has appropriately styled an ice-jumble." "How, boy?" returned the Captain, who had been gazing eagerly in all directions while they talked, "it is impossible for me to say how. All that I can speak of with certainty as to our future movements is, that the road by which we have come to the top of this cliff will lead us to the bottom again, where Toolooha is preparing for us an excellent supper of bear-steaks and tea. One step at a time, lads, is my motto; when that is taken we shall see clearly how and where to take the next." A sound sleep was the step which the whole party took after that which led to the bear-steaks. Then Captain Vane arose, ordered the dogs to be harnessed to the sledges, and, laying his course due north, steered straight out upon the sea of ancient ice. CHAPTER EIGHT. DIFFICULTIES AND DANGERS INCREASE, AND THE CAPTAIN EXPOUNDS HIS VIEWS. The first part of the journey over the rugged ice was not so difficult as had been anticipated, because they found a number of openings--narrow lanes, as it were--winding between the masses, most of which were wide enough to permit of the passage of the sledges; and when they chanced to come on a gap that was too narrow, they easily widened it with their hatchets and ice-chisels. There was, however, some danger connected with this process, for some of the mighty blocks of ice amongst which they moved were piled in such positions that it only required a few choppings at their base to bring them down in ruins on their heads. One instance of this kind sufficed to warn them effectually. Captain Vane's dog-sledge was leading the way at the time. Leo drove it, for by that time the Eskimos had taught him how to use the short-handled whip with the lash full fifteen feet long, and Leo was an apt pupil in every athletic and manly exercise. Beside him sat the Captain, Alf, Benjy, and Butterface--the black visage of the latter absolutely shining with delight at the novelty of the situation. Behind came the sledge of Chingatok, which, besides being laden with bear-rugs, sealskins, junks of meat, and a host of indescribable Eskimo implements, carried himself and the precious persons of Toolooha and Tekkona. Next came the sledge of the laughter-loving Oolichuk, with the timid Oblooria and another woman. Then followed the sledges of Ivitchuk and Akeetolik, laden with the rest of the Eskimo women and goods, and last of all came Captain Vane's two English-made sledges, heavily-laden with the goods and provisions of the explorers. These latter sledges, although made in England, had been constructed on the principle of the native sledge, namely, with the parts fastened by means of walrus-sinew lashings instead of nails, which last would have snapped like glass in the winter frosts of the Polar regions, besides being incapable of standing the twistings and shocks of ice-travel. All the dogs being fresh, and the floor of the lanes not too rough, the strangely-assorted party trotted merrily along, causing the echoes among the great ice-blocks, spires, and obelisks, to ring to the music of their chatting, and the cracks of their powerful whips. Suddenly, a shout at the front, and an abrupt pull up, brought the whole column to a halt. The Captain's dogs had broken into a gallop. On turning suddenly round a spur of a glacier about as big as Saint Paul's Cathedral, they went swish into a shallow pond which had been formed on the ice. It was not deep, but there was sufficient water in it to send a deluge of spray over the travellers. A burst of laughter greeted the incident as they sprang off the sledge, and waded to the dry ice a few yards ahead. "No damage done," exclaimed the Captain, as he assisted the dogs to haul the sledge out of the water. "No damage!" repeated Benjy, with a rueful look, "why, I'm soaked from top to toe!" "Yes, you've got the worst of it," said Leo, with a laugh; "that comes of being forward, Benjy. You would insist on sitting in front." "Well, it is some comfort," retorted Benjy, squeezing the water from his garments, "that _Alf_ is as wet as myself, for that gives us an opportunity of sympathising with each other. Eh, _Alf_? Does Buzzby offer no consolatory remarks for such an occasion as this?" "O yes," replied Alf; "in his beautiful poem on Melancholy, sixth canto, Buzzby says:-- "`When trouble, like a curtain spread, Obscures the clouded brain, And worries on the weary head Descend like soaking rain-- Lift up th'umbrella of the heart, Stride manfully along; Defy depression's dreary dart, And shout in gleeful song.'" "Come, Alf, clap on to this tow-rope, an' stop your nonsense," said Captain Vane, who was not in a poetical frame of mind just then. "Dat is mos' boosiful potry!" exclaimed Butterface, with an immense display of eyes and teeth, as he lent a willing hand to haul out the sledge. "Mos' boosiful. But he's rader a strong rem'dy, massa, don' you tink? Not bery easy to git up a gleefoo' shout when one's down in de mout' bery bad, eh!" Alf's reply was checked by the necessity for remounting the sledge and resuming the journey. Those in rear avoided the pond by going round it. "The weather's warm, anyhow, and that's a comfort," remarked Benjy, as he settled down in his wet garments. "We can't freeze in summer, you know, and--" He stopped abruptly, for it became apparent just then that the opening close ahead of them was too narrow for the sledge to pass. It was narrowed by a buttress, or projection, of the cathedral-berg, which jutted up close to a vast obelisk of ice about forty feet high, if not higher. "Nothing for it, boys, but to cut through," said the Captain, jumping out, and seizing an axe, as the sledge was jammed between the masses. The dogs lay down to rest and pant while the men were at work. "It's cut an' come again in dem regins," muttered the negro steward, also seizing an axe, and attacking the base of the obelisk. A sudden cry of alarm from the whole party caused him to desist and look up. He echoed the cry and sprang back swiftly, for the huge mass of ice having been just on the balance, one slash at its base had destroyed the equilibrium, and it was leaning slowly over with a deep grinding sound. A moment later the motion was swift, and it fell with a terrible crash, bursting into a thousand fragments, scattering lumps and glittering morsels far and wide, and causing the whole ice-field to tremble. The concussion overturned several other masses, which had been in the same nicely-balanced condition, some near at hand, others out of sight, though within earshot, and, for a moment, the travellers felt as if the surrounding pack were disrupting everywhere and falling into utter ruin, but in a few seconds the sounds ceased, and again all was quiet. Fortunately, the obelisk which had been overturned fell towards the north--away from the party; but although it thus narrowly missed crushing them all in one icy tomb, it blocked up their path so completely that the remainder of that day had to be spent in cutting a passage through it. Need we say that, after this, they were careful how they used their axes and ice-chisels? Soon after the occurrence of this incident, the labyrinths among the ice became more broken, tortuous, and bewildering. At last they ceased altogether, and the travellers were compelled to take an almost straight course right over everything, for blocks, masses, and drifts on a gigantic scale were heaved up in such dire confusion, that nothing having the faintest resemblance to a track or passage could be found. "It's hard work, this," remarked the Captain to Leo one evening, seating himself on a mass of ice which he had just chopped from an obstruction, and wiping the perspiration from his brow. "Hard, indeed," said Leo, sitting down beside him, "I fear it begins to tell upon poor Benjy. You should really order him to rest more than he does, uncle." A grim smile of satisfaction played for a minute on the Captain's rugged face, as he glanced at his son, who, a short distance ahead, was hacking at the ice with a pick-axe, in company with Alf and Butterface and the Eskimo men. "It'll do him good, lad," replied the Captain. "Hard work is just what my Benjy needs. He's not very stout, to be sure, but there is nothing wrong with his constitution, and he's got plenty of spirit." This was indeed true. Benjy had too much spirit for his somewhat slender frame, but his father, being a herculean man, did not quite perceive that what was good for himself might be too much for his son. Captain Vane was, however, the reverse of a harsh man. He pondered what Leo had said, and soon afterwards went up to his son. "Benjy, my lad." "Yes, father," said the boy, dropping the head of his pick-axe on the ice, resting his hands on the haft, and looking up with a flushed countenance. "You should rest a bit now and then, Benjy. You'll knock yourself up if you don't." "Rest a bit, father! Why, I've just had a rest, and I'm not tired--that is, not very. Ain't it fun, father? And the ice cuts up so easily, and flies about so splendidly--see here." With flashing eyes our little hero raised his pick and drove it into the ice at which he had been working, with all his force, so that a great rent was made, and a mass the size of a dressing-table sprang from the side of a berg, and, falling down, burst into a shower of sparkling gems. But this was not all. To Benjy's intense delight, a mass of many tons in weight was loosened by the fall of the smaller lump, and rolled down with a thunderous roar, causing Butterface, who was too near it, to jump out of the way with an amount of agility that threw the whole party into fits of laughter. "What d'ye think o' that, father?" "I think it's somewhat dangerous," answered the Captain, recovering his gravity and re-shouldering his axe. "However, as long as you enjoy the work, it can't hurt you, so go ahead, my boy; it'll be a long time before you cut away too much o' the Polar ice!" Reaching a slightly open space beyond this point, the dogs were harnessed, and the party advanced for a mile or so, when they came to another obstruction worse than that which they had previously passed. "There's a deal of ice-rubbish in these regions," remarked Benjy, eyeing the wildly heaped masses with a grave face, and heaving a deep sigh. "Yes, Massa Benjy, bery too much altogidder," said Butterface, echoing the sigh. "Come, we won't cut through this," cried Captain Vane in a cheery voice; "we'll try to go over it. There is a considerable drift of old snow that seems to offer a sort of track. What says Chingatok?" The easy-going Eskimo said that it would be as well to go over it as through it, perhaps better! So, over it they went, but they soon began to wish they had tried any other plan, for the snow-track quickly came to an end, and then the difficulty of passing even the empty sledges from one ice mass to another was very great, while the process of carrying forward the goods on the shoulders of the men was exceedingly laborious. The poor dogs, too, were constantly falling between masses, and dragging each other down, so that they gave more trouble at last than they were worth. In all these trying circumstances, the Eskimo women were almost as useful as the men. Indeed they would have been quite as useful if they had been as strong, and they bore the fatigues and trials of the journey with the placid good humour, and apparent, if not real, humility of their race. At last, one afternoon, our discoverers came suddenly to the edge of this great barrier of ancient ice, and beheld, from an elevated plateau to which they had climbed, a scene which was calculated to rouse in their breasts feelings at once of admiration and despair, for there, stretching away below them for several miles, lay a sea of comparatively level ice, and beyond it a chain of stupendous glaciers, which presented an apparently impassable barrier--a huge continuous wall of ice that seemed to rise into the very sky. This chain bore all the evidences of being very old ice--compared to which that of the so-called "ancient sea" was absolutely juvenile. On the ice-plain, which was apparently illimitable to the right and left, were hundreds of pools of water in which the icebergs, the golden clouds, the sun, and the blue sky were reflected, and on the surface of which myriads of Arctic wild-fowl were sporting about, making the air vocal with their plaintive cries, and ruffling the glassy surfaces of the lakes with their dipping wings. The heads of seals were also observed here and there. "These will stop us at last," said Alf, pointing to the bergs with a profound sigh. "No, they won't," remarked the Captain quietly. "_Nothing_ will stop us!" "That's true, anyhow, uncle," returned Alf; "for if it be, as Chingatok thinks, that we are in search of nothing, of course when we find nothing, nothing will stop us!" "Why, Alf," said Leo, "I wonder that you, who are usually in an enthusiastic and poetical frame of mind, should be depressed by distant difficulties, instead of admiring such a splendid sight of birds and beasts enjoying themselves in what I may style an Arctic heaven. You should take example by Benjy." That youth did indeed afford a bright example of rapt enthusiasm just then, for, standing a little apart by himself, he gazed at the scene with flushed face, open mouth, and glittering eyes, in speechless delight. "Ask Chingatok if he ever saw this range before," said the Captain to Anders, on recovering from his first feeling of surprise. No, Chingatok had never seen it, except, indeed, the tops of the bergs-- at sea, in the far distance--but he had often heard of it from some of his countrymen, who, like himself, were fond of exploring. But that sea of ice was not there, he said, when he had passed on his journey southward. It had drifted there, since that time, from the great sea. "Ah! the great sea that he speaks of is just what we must find and cross over," muttered the Captain to himself. "But how are we to cross over it, uncle?" asked Leo. The Captain replied with one of his quiet glances. His followers had long become accustomed to this silent method of declining to reply, and forbore to press the subject. "Come now, boys, get ready to descend to the plain. We'll have to do it with caution." There was, indeed, ground for caution. We have said that they had climbed to an elevated plateau on one of the small bergs which formed the outside margin of the rugged ice. The side of this berg was a steep slope of hard snow, so steep that they thought it unwise to attempt the descent by what in Switzerland is termed glissading. "We'll have to zig-zag down, I think," continued the Captain, settling himself on his sledge; but the Captain's dogs thought otherwise. Under a sudden impulse of reckless free-will, the whole team, giving vent to a howl of mingled glee and fear, dashed down the slope at full gallop. Of course they were overtaken in a few seconds by the sledge, which not only ran into them, but sent them sprawling on their backs right and left. Then it met a slight obstruction, and itself upset, sending Captain Vane and his companions, with its other contents, into the midst of the struggling dogs. With momentarily increasing speed this avalanche of mixed dead and living matter went sliding, hurtling, swinging, shouting, struggling, and yelling to the bottom. Fortunately, there was no obstruction there, else had destruction been inevitable. The slope merged gradually into the level plain, over which the avalanche swept for a considerable distance before the momentum of their flight was expended. When at length they stopped, and disentangled themselves from the knot into which the traces had tied them, it was found that no one was materially hurt. Looking up at the height down which they had come, they beheld the Eskimos standing at the top with outstretched arms in the attitude of men who glare in speechless horror. But these did not stand thus long. Descending by a more circuitous route, they soon rejoined the Captain's party, and then, as the night was far advanced, they encamped on the edge of the ice-plain, on a part that was bathed in the beams of the ever-circling sun. That night at supper Captain Vane was unusually thoughtful and silent. "You're not losing heart, are you, uncle?" asked Leo, during a pause. "No, lad, certainly not," replied the Captain, dreamily. "You've not been bumped very badly in the tumble, father, have you?" asked Benjy with an anxious look. "Bumped? no; what makes you think so?" "Because you're gazing at Toolooha's lamp as if you saw a ghost in it." "Well, perhaps I do see a ghost there," returned the Captain with an effort to rouse his attention to things going on around him. "I see the ghost of things to come. I am looking through Toolooha's lamp into futurity." "And what does futurity look like?" asked Alf. "Bright or dark?" "Black--black as me," muttered Butterface, as he approached and laid fresh viands before the party. It ought to be told that Butterface had suffered rather severely in the recent glissade on the snow-slope, which will account for the gloomy view he took of the future at that time. "Listen," said the Captain, with a look of sudden earnestness; "as it is highly probable that a day or two more will decide the question of our success or failure, I think it right to reveal to you more fully my thoughts, my plans, and the prospects that lie before us. You all know very well that there is much difference of opinion about the condition of the sea around the North Pole. Some think it must be cumbered with eternal ice, others that it is comparatively free from ice, and that it enjoys a somewhat milder climate than those parts of the Arctic regions with which we have hitherto been doing battle. I hold entirely with the latter view--with those who believe in an open Polar basin. I won't weary you with the grounds of my belief in detail, but here are a few of my reasons-- "It is an admitted fact that there is constant circulation of the water in the ocean. That wise and painstaking philosopher, Maury, of the US navy, has proved to my mind that this grand circulation of the sea-water round the world is the cause of all the oceanic streams, hot and cold, with which we have been so long acquainted. "This circulation is a necessity as well as a fact. At the Equator the water is extremely warm and salt, besides lime-laden, in consequence of excessive evaporation. At the Poles it is extremely cold and fresh. Mixing is therefore a necessity. The hot salt-waters of the Equator flow to the Poles to get freshened and cooled. Those of the Poles flow to the Equator to get salted, limed, and warmed. They do this continuously in two grand currents, north and south, all round the world. But the land comes in as a disturbing element; it diverts the water into streams variously modified in force and direction, and the streams also change places variously, sometimes the hot currents travelling north as under-currents with the cold currents above, sometimes the reverse. One branch of the current comes from the Equator round the Cape of Good Hope, turns up the west coast of Africa, and is deflected into the Gulf of Mexico, round which it sweeps, and then shoots across the Atlantic to England and Norway. It is known as our Gulf Stream. "Now, the equatorial warm and salt current enters Baffin's Bay as a submarine current, while the cold and comparatively fresh waters of the Polar regions descend as a surface-current, bearing the great ice-fields of the Arctic seas to the southward. One thing that goes far to prove this, is the fact that the enormous icebergs thrown off from the northern glaciers have been frequently seen by navigators travelling northward, right _against_ the current flowing south. These huge ice-mountains, floating as they do with seven or eight parts of their bulk beneath the surface, are carried thus forcibly up stream by the under-current until their bases are worn off by the warm waters below, thus allowing the upper current to gain the mastery, and hurry them south again to their final dissolution in the Atlantic. "Now, lads," continued the Captain, with the air of a man who propounds a self-evident proposition; "is it not clear that if the warm waters of the south flow into the Polar basin as an _under_ current, they must come up _somewhere_, to take the place of the cold waters that are for ever flowing away from the Pole to the Equator? Can anything be clearer than that--except the nose on Benjy's face? Well then, that being so, the waters round the Pole _must_ be comparatively warm waters, and also, comparatively, free from ice, so that if we could only manage to cross this ice-barrier and get into them, we might sail right away to the North Pole." "But, father," said Benjy, "since you have taken the liberty to trifle with my nose, I feel entitled to remark that we can't sail in waters, either hot or cold, without a ship." "That's true, boy," rejoined the Captain. "However," he added, with a half-humorous curl of his black moustache, "you know I'm not given to stick at trifles. Time will show. Meanwhile I am strongly of opinion that this is the last ice-barrier we shall meet with on our way to the Pole." "Is there not some tradition of a mild climate in the furthest north among the Eskimos?" asked Alf. "Of course there is. It has long been known that the Greenland Eskimos have a tradition of an island in an iceless sea, lying away in the far north, where there are many musk-oxen, and, from what I have been told by our friend Chingatok, I am disposed to think that he and his kindred inhabit this island, or group of islands, in the Polar basin--not far, perhaps, from the Pole itself. He says there are musk-oxen there. But there is another creature, and a much bigger one than any Eskimo, bigger even than Chingatok, who bears his testimony to an open Polar sea, namely, the Greenland whale. It has been ascertained that the `right' whale does not, and cannot, enter the tropical regions of the Ocean. They are to him as a sea of fire, a wall of adamant, so that it is impossible for him to swim south, double Cape Horn, and proceed to the North Pacific; yet the very same kind of whale found in Baffin's Bay is found at Behring Straits. Now, the question is, how did he get there?" "Was born there, no doubt," answered Benjy, "and had no occasion to make such a long voyage!" "Ah! my boy, but we have the strongest evidence that he was _not_ born there, for you must know that some whalers have a habit of marking their harpoons with date and name of ship; and as we have been told by that good and true man Dr Scoresby, there have been several instances where whales have been captured near Behring Straits with harpoons in them bearing the stamp of ships that were known to cruise on the Baffin's Bay side of America. Moreover, in one or two instances a very short time had elapsed between the date of harpooning on the Atlantic and capturing on the Pacific side. These facts prove, at all events, a `North-west Passage' for whales, and, as whales cannot travel far under ice without breathing, they also tend to prove an open Polar sea. "Another argument in favour of this basin is the migration of birds to the northward at certain seasons. Birds do not migrate to frozen regions, and such migrations northward have been observed by those who, like ourselves, have reached the highest latitudes. "Captain Nares of the _Alert_, in May 1876, when only a little to the southward of this, saw ptarmigan flying in pairs to the north-west, seeking for better feeding-grounds. Ducks and geese also passed northward early in June, indicating plainly the existence of suitable feeding-grounds in the undiscovered and mysterious North. "We have now passed beyond the point reached by Captain Nares. My last observation placed us in parallel 84 degrees 40 minutes, the highest that has yet been reached by civilised man." "The highest, uncle?" interrupted Leo. "Yes--the highest. Scoresby reached 81 degrees 50 minutes in 1806, Parry 82 degrees 45 minutes in 1827--with sledges. That unfortunate and heroic American, Captain Hall, ran his vessel, the _Polaris_, in the shortest space of time on record, up to latitude 82 degrees 16 minutes. Captain Nares reached a higher latitude than had previously been attained by ships, and Captain Markham, of Captain Nares' expedition, travelled over this very `sea of ancient ice' with sledges to latitude 83 degrees 20.4 minutes--about 400 miles from the Pole, and the highest yet reached, as I have said. So, you see, we have beaten them all! Moreover, I strongly incline to the belief that the open Polar Sea lies just beyond that range of huge icebergs which we see before us." The Captain rose as he spoke, and pointed to the gigantic chain, behind one of which the sun was just about to dip, causing its jagged peaks to glow as with intense fire. "But how are we ever to pass that barrier, uncle?" asked Alf, who was by nature the least sanguine of the party in regard to overcoming difficulties of a geographical nature, although by far the most enthusiastic in the effort to acquire knowledge. "You shall see, to-morrow," answered the Captain; "at present we must turn in and rest. See, the Eskimos have already set us the example." CHAPTER NINE. THE CAPTAIN MAKES A STUPENDOUS EFFORT. DISAPPOINTMENTS AND DISCOVERIES. Next morning the ice-plain was crossed at a swinging gallop. Indeed, the dogs were so fresh and frisky after a good rest and a hearty meal that they ran away more than once, and it became a matter of extreme difficulty to check them. At last the great chain was reached, and the party came to an abrupt halt at the base of one of the largest of the bergs. Captain Vane gazed up at it as Napoleon the First may be supposed to have gazed at the Alps he had resolved to scale and cross. The resemblance to alpine scenery was not confined to mere form--such as towering peaks and mighty precipices--for there were lakelets and ponds here and there up among the crystal heights, from which rivulets trickled, streams brawled, and cataracts thundered. It was evident, however, that the old giant that frowned on them was verging towards dissolution, for he was honey-combed in all directions. "Impossible to scale that," said Alf, with a solemn look. Even Leo's sanguine temperament was dashed for a moment. "We dare not attempt to cut through it," he said, "for masses are falling about here and there in a very dangerous fashion." As he spoke, a tall spire was seen to slip from its position, topple over, and go crashing down into a dark blue gulf of ice below it. "No chance of success _now_," said Benjamin Vane, gloomily. "None wotsomediver," muttered Butterface, his broad black visage absolutely elongated by sympathetic despair. For, you must know, as far as his own feelings were concerned, sympathy alone influenced him. Personally, he was supremely indifferent about reaching the North Pole. In fact he did not believe in it at all, and made no scruple of saying so, when asked, but he seldom volunteered his opinion, being an extremely modest and polite man. During these desponding remarks Captain Vane did not seem to be much depressed. "Anders," he said, turning abruptly to the interpreter, "ask Chingatok what he thinks. Can we pass this barrier, and, if not, what would he advise us to do?" It was observed that the other Eskimos drew near with anxious looks to hear the opinion of their chief. Toolooha and Tekkona, however, seemed quite devoid of anxiety. They evidently had perfect confidence in the giant, and poor little Oblooria glanced up in the face of her friend as if to gather consolation from her looks. Chingatok, after a short pause, said:-- "The ice-mountains cannot be passed. The white men have not wings; they cannot fly. They must return to land, and travel for many days to the open water near the far-off land--there." He pointed direct to the northward. Captain Vane made no reply. He merely turned and gave orders that the lashings of one of the large sledges which conveyed the baggage should be cast loose. Selecting a box from this, he opened it, and took therefrom a small instrument made partly of brass, partly of glass, and partly of wood. "You have often wondered, Benjy," he said, "what I meant to do with this electrical machine. You shall soon see. Help me to arrange it, boy, and do you, Leo, uncoil part of this copper wire. Here, Alf, carry this little box to the foot of the berg, and lay it in front of yon blue cavern." "Which? That one close to the waterfall or--" "No, the big cavern, just under the most solid part of the berg--the one that seems to grow bluer and bluer until it becomes quite black in its heart. And have a care, Alf. The box you carry is dangerous. Don't let it fall. Lay it down gently, and come back at once. Anders," he added, turning round, "let all the people go back with dogs and sledges for a quarter of a mile." There was something so peremptory and abrupt in their leader's manner that no one thought of asking him a question, though all were filled with surprise and curiosity as to what he meant to do. "Come here, Leo," he said, after his orders had been obeyed. "Hold this coil, and pay it out as I walk to the berg with the end in my hand." The coil was one of extremely fine copper wire. Leo let it run as the Captain walked off. A minute or two later he was seen to enter the dark blue cavern and disappear. "My dear dad is reckless," exclaimed Benjy, in some anxiety, "what if the roof o' that cave should fall in. There are bits of ice dropping about everywhere. What _can_ he be going to do?" As he spoke, the Captain issued from the cave, and walked smartly towards them. "Now then, it's all right," he said, "give me the coil, Leo, and come back, all of you. Fetch the machine, Alf." In a few minutes the whole party had retired a considerable distance from the huge berg, the Captain uncoiling the wire as he went. "Surely you're not going to try to blow it up piecemeal?" said Leo. "No, lad, I'm not going to do that, or anything so slow," returned the Captain, stopping and arranging the instrument. "But if the box contains gunpowder," persisted Leo, "there's not enough to--" "It contains dynamite," said the Captain, affixing the coil to the machine, and giving it a sharp turn. If a volcano had suddenly opened fire under the iceberg the effect could not have been more tremendous. Thunder itself is not more deep than was the crash which reverberated among the ice-cliffs. Smoke burst in a huge volume from the heart of the berg. Masses, fragments, domes, and pinnacles were hurled into the air, and fell back to mingle with the blue precipices that tumbled, slid, or plunged in horrible confusion. Only a portion, indeed, of the mighty mass had been actually disrupted, but the shock to the surrounding ice was so shattering that the entire berg subsided. "Stu-pendous!" exclaimed Alf, with a look of awe-stricken wonder. Benjy, after venting his feelings in a shriek of joyful surprise, seemed to be struck dumb. Anders and Butterface stood still,--speechless. As for the Eskimos, they turned with one hideous yell, and fled from the spot like maniacs--excepting Chingatok, who, although startled, stood his ground in an attitude expressive of superlative surprise. "So,--it has not disappointed me," remarked the Captain, when the hideous din had ceased, "dynamite is indeed a powerful agent when properly applied: immeasurably more effective than powder." "But it seems to me," said Leo, beginning to recover himself, "that although you have brought the berg down you have not rendered it much more passable." "That's true, lad," answered the Captain with a somewhat rueful expression. "It does seem a lumpy sort of heap after all; but there may be found some practicable bits when we examine it more closely. Come, we'll go see." On closer inspection it was found that the ruined berg still presented an absolutely insurmountable obstacle to the explorers, who, being finally compelled to admit that even dynamite had failed, left the place in search of a natural opening. Travelling along the chain for a considerable time, in the hope of succeeding, they came at last to a succession of comparatively level floes, which conducted them to the extreme northern end of the chain, and there they found that the floes continued onwards in an unbroken plain to what appeared to be the open sea. "That is a water-sky, for certain," exclaimed Captain Vane, eagerly, on the evening when this discovery was made. "The open ocean cannot now be far off." "There's a very dark cloud there, father," said Benjy, who, as we have before said, possessed the keenest sight of the party. "A cloud, boy! where? Um--Yes, I see something--" "It is land," said Chingatok, in a low voice. "Land!" exclaimed the Captain, "are you sure?" "Yes, I know it well. I passed it on my journey here. We left our canoes and oomiaks there, and took to sledges because the floes were unbroken. But these ice-mountains were not here at that time. They have come down since we passed from the great sea." "There!" said the Captain, turning to Leo with a look of triumph, "he still speaks of the great sea! If these bergs came from it, we _must_ have reached it, lad." "But the land puzzles me," said Leo. "Can it be part of Greenland?" "Scarcely, for Greenland lies far to the east'ard, and the latest discoveries made on the north of that land show that the coast turns still more decidedly east--tending to the conclusion that Greenland is an island. This land, therefore, must be entirely new land--an island-- a continent perhaps." "But it may be a cape, father," interposed Benjy. "You know that capes have a queer way of sticking out suddenly from land, just as men's noses stick out from their faces." "True, Benjy, true, but your simile is not perfect, for men's noses don't always stick out from their faces--witness the nose of Butterface, which, you know, is well aft of his lips and chin. However, this _may_ be Greenland's nose--who knows? We shall go and find out ere long. Come, use your whip, Leo. Ho! Chingatok, tell your hairy kinsmen to clap on all sail and make for the land." "Hold on, uncle!" cried Alf, "I think I see a splendid specimen of--" The crack of Leo's whip, and the yelping of the team, drowned the rest of the sentence, and Alf was whirled away from his splendid specimen, (whatever it was), for ever! "It is a piece of great good fortune," said the Captain, as they swept along over the hard and level snow, "that the Eskimos have left their boats on this land, for now I shall have two strings to my bow." "What is the other string?" asked Leo, as he administered a flip to the flank of a lazy dog. "Ah, that remains to be seen, lad," replied the Captain. "Why, what a tyrant you are, uncle!" exclaimed Alf, who had recovered from his disappointment about the splendid specimen. "You won't tell us anything, almost. Who ever before heard of the men of an expedition to the North Pole being kept in ignorance of the means by which they were to get there?" The Captain's reply was only a twinkle of the eye. "Father wants to fill you with bliss, Alf," said Benjy, "according to your own notions of that sort of thing." "What do you mean, Ben?" "Why, have we not all heard you often quote the words:--`Where ignorance is bliss, 'tis folly to be wise.'" "Hear, hear! That's it, Benjy," said the Captain, with a nod and a short laugh, while his son assumed the satisfied gravity of look appropriate to one who has made a hit; "I won't decrease his bliss by removing his ignorance yet awhile." "Hain't Buzzby got nuffin' to say on that 'ere pint?" whispered Butterface to Benjy, who sat just in front of him. "Ah! to be sure. I say, Alf," said the boy with an earnest look, "hasn't your favourite author got something to say about the bliss of ignorance? I'm almost sure I heard you muttering something in your dreams on that subject the other day." "Of course he has. He has a long poem on that subject. Here is a bit of it." Alf, whose memory was good, immediately recited the following: "How sweet is ignorance! How soothing to the mind, To search for treasures in the brain, and nothing find! Consider. When the memory is richly stored, How apt the victim of redundant knowledge to be bored! When Nothing fills the chambers of the heart and brain, Then negative enjoyment comes with pleasures in her train! Descending on the clods of sense like summer rain. "Knowledge, 'tis said, gives power, and so it often does; Knowledge makes sorrow, too, around our pillows buzz. In debt I am, with little cash; I know it--and am sad. Of course, if I were ignorant of this--how glad! A loving friend, whom once I knew in glowing health, Has broken down, and also, somehow, lost his wealth. How sad the knowledge makes me! Better far In ignorance to live, than hear of things that jar, And think of things that are not,--not of things that are. "`If ignorance is bliss,' the poet saith--why `if?' Why doubt a fact so clearly proven, stubborn, stiff? The heavy griefs and burdens of the world around, The hideous tyranny by which mankind is ground, The earthquake, tempest, rush of war, and wail of woe, Are all as though they were not--if I do not know! Wrapped in my robe of ignorance, what _can_ I miss? Am I not saved from all--and more than all--of this? Do I not revel in a regal realm of bliss?" "Bravo! Buzzby," cried the Captain, "but, I say, Alf, don't it seem to smack rather too much of selfishness?" "Of course it does, uncle. I do not think Buzzby always sound in principle, and, like many poets, he is sometimes confused in his logic." "You're right, Benjy, the land is clear enough now," remarked the Captain, whose interest in Buzzby was not profound, and whose feelings towards logic bordered on the contemptuous, as is often the case with half-educated men, and, strange to say, sometimes with highly-educated men, as well as with the totally ignorant--so true is it that extremes meet! In the course of a couple of hours the sledges drew near to the island, which proved to be a large but comparatively low one, rising not more than a hundred feet in any part. It was barren and ragged, with patches of reindeer moss growing in some parts, and dwarf willows in others. Myriads of sea-birds made it their home, and these received the invaders with clamorous cries, as if they knew that white men were a dangerous novelty, and objected to the innovation. Despite their remonstrances, the party landed, and the Eskimos hurried over the rocks to that part of the island where they had left their kayaks and women's boats in charge of a party of natives who were resident on the island at the time they passed, and from whom they had borrowed the dogs and sledges with which they had travelled south. Meanwhile the white men took to rambling; Leo to shoot wild-fowl for supper, Alf to search for "specimens," and Benjy to scramble among the rocks in search of anything that might "turn up." Butterface assisted the latter in his explorations. While the rest were thus engaged, the Captain extemporised a flag-staff out of two spears lashed together with a small block at the top for the purpose of running up a flag, and formally taking possession of the island when they should re-assemble. This done, he wrote a brief outline of his recent doings, which he inserted in a ginger-beer bottle brought for that very purpose. Then he assisted Anders in making the encampment and preparing supper. The two were yet in the midst of the latter operation when a shout was heard in the distance. Looking in the direction whence it came they saw Chingatok striding over the rocks towards them with unusual haste. He was followed by the other Eskimos, who came forward gesticulating violently. "My countrymen have left the island," said Chingatok when he came up. "And taken the kayaks with them?" asked Captain Vane anxiously. "Every one," replied the giant. This was depressing news to the Captain, who had counted much on making use of the Eskimo canoes in the event of his own appliances failing. "Where have they gone, think you?" he asked. "Tell Blackbeard," replied Chingatok, turning to Anders, "that no one knows. Since they went away the lanes of open water have closed, and the ice is solid everywhere." "But where the kayak and the oomiak cannot float the sledge may go," said the Captain. "That is true; tell the pale chief he is wise, yet he knows not all things. Let him think. When he comes to the great open sea what will he do without canoes?" "Huk!" exclaimed Oolichuk, with that look and tone which intimated his belief that the pale chief had received a "clincher." The chattering of the other Eskimos ceased for a moment or two as they awaited eagerly the Captain's answer, but the Captain disappointed them. He merely said, "Well, we shall see. I may not know all things, Chingatok, nevertheless I know a deal more than you can guess at. Come now, let's have supper, Anders; we can't wait for the wanderers." As he spoke, three of the wanderers came into camp, namely Leo, Benjy, and Butterface. "What's come of Alf?" asked the Captain. Neither Leo nor Benjy had seen him since they parted, a quarter of an hour after starting, and both had expected to find him in camp, but Butterface had seen him. "Sawd him runnin'," said the sable steward, "runnin' like a mad kangaroo arter a smallish brute like a mouse. Nebber sawd nuffin' like Massa Alf for runnin'." "Well, we can't wait for him," said the Captain, "I want to take possession of the island before supper. What shall we call it?" "Disappointment Isle," said Leo, "seeing that the Eskimos have failed us." "No--I won't be ungrateful," returned the Captain, "considering the successes already achieved." "Call it Content Isle, then," suggested Benjy. "But I am not content with partial success. Come, Butterface, haven't you got a suggestion to make." The negro shook his woolly head. "No," he said, "I's 'orrible stoopid. Nebber could get nuffin' to come out o' my brain--sep w'en it's knocked out by accident. You's hard to please, massa. S'pose you mix de two,-- dis'pintment an' content,--an' call 'im Half-an'-half Island." "Home is in sight now," said Chingatok, who had taken no interest in the above discussion, as it was carried on in English. "A few days more and we should be there if we only had our kayaks." "There's the name," exclaimed the Captain eagerly when this was translated, "`Home-in-sight,' that will do." Rising quickly, he bent a Union Jack to the halyards of his primitive flag-staff, ran it up, and in the name of Queen Victoria took possession of _Home-in-sight Island_. After having given three hearty British cheers, in which the Eskimos tried to join, with but partial success, they buried the ginger-beer bottle under a heap of stones, a wooden cross was fixed on the top of the cairn, and then the party sat down to supper, while the Captain made a careful note of the latitude and longitude, which he had previously ascertained. This latest addition to Her Majesty's dominions was put down by him in latitude 85 degrees 32 minutes, or about 288 geographical miles from the North Pole. CHAPTER TEN. A SKETCHER IN IMMINENT DANGER. DIFFICULTIES INCREASE, AND ARE OVERCOME AS USUAL. The first night on Home-in-sight Island was not so undisturbed as might have been expected. The noisy gulls did indeed go to sleep at their proper bed-time, which, by the way, they must have ascertained by instinct, for the sun could be no certain guide, seeing that he shone all night as well as all day, and it would be too much to expect that gulls had sufficient powers of observation to note the great luminary's exact relation to the horizon. Polar bears, like the Eskimo, had forsaken the spot. All nature, indeed, animate and inanimate, favoured the idea of repose when the explorers lay down to sleep on a mossy couch that was quite as soft as a feather bed, and much more springy. The cause of disturbance was the prolonged absence of Alf Vandervell. That enthusiastic naturalist's failure to appear at supper was nothing uncommon. His non-appearance when they lay down did indeed cause some surprise, but little or no anxiety, and they all dropped into a sound sleep which lasted till considerably beyond midnight. Then the Captain awoke with a feeling of uneasiness, started up on one elbow, yawned, and gazed dreamily around. The sun, which had just kissed his hand to the disappointed horizon and begun to re-ascend the sky, blinded the Captain with his beams, but did not prevent him from observing that Alf's place was still vacant. "Very odd," he muttered, "Alf didn't use to--to--w'at's 'is name in-- this--way--" The Captain's head dropped, his elbow relaxed, and he returned to the land of Nod for another half-hour. Again he awoke with a start, and sat upright. "This'll never do," he exclaimed, with a fierce yawn, "something _must_ be wrong. Ho! Benjy!" "Umph!" replied the boy, who, though personally light, was a heavy sleeper. "Rouse up, Ben, Alf's not come back. Where did you leave him?" "Don' know, Burrerface saw 'im las'--." Benjy dropped off with a sigh, but was re-aroused by a rough shake from his father, who lay close to him. "Come, Ben, stir up Butterface! We must go look for Alf." Butterface lay on the other side of Benjy, who, only half alive to what he was doing, raised his hand and let it fall heavily on the negro's nose, by way of stirring him up. "Hallo! massa Benjamin! You's dreamin' drefful strong dis mornin'." "Yer up, ol' ebony!" groaned the boy. In a few minutes the whole camp was roused; sleep was quickly banished by anxiety about the missing one; guns and rifles were loaded, and a regular search-expedition was hastily organised. They started off in groups in different directions, leaving the Eskimo women in charge of the camp. The Captain headed one party, Chingatok another, and Leo with Benjy a third, while a few of the natives went off independently, in couples or alone. "I was sure Alf would get into trouble," said Benjy, as he trotted beside Leo, who strode over the ground in anxious haste. "That way he has of getting so absorbed in things that he forgets where he is, won't make him a good explorer." "Not so sure of that, Ben," returned Leo; "he can discover things that men who are less absorbed, like you, might fail to note. Let us go round this hillock on separate sides. We might pass him if we went together. Keep your eyes open as you go. He may have stumbled over one of those low precipices and broken a leg. Keep your ears cocked also, and give a shout now and then." We have said that the island was a low one, nevertheless it was extremely rugged, with little ridges and hollows everywhere, like miniature hills and valleys. Through one of these latter Benjy hurried, glancing from side to side as he went, like a red Indian on the war-path--which character, indeed, he thought of, and tried to imitate. The little vale did not, however, as Leo had imagined, lead round the hillock. It diverged gradually to the right, and ascended towards the higher parts of the island. The path was so obstructed by rocks and boulders which had evidently been at one time under the pressure of ice, that the boy could not see far in any direction, except by mounting one of these. He had not gone far when, on turning the corner of a cliff which opened up another gorge to view, he beheld a sight which caused him to open mouth and eyes to their widest. For there, seated on an eminence, with his back to a low precipice, not more than three or four hundred yards off, sat the missing explorer, with book on knees and pencil in hand--sketching; and there, seated on the top of the precipice, looking over the edge at the artist, skulked a huge Polar bear, taking as it were, a surreptitious lesson in drawing! The bear, probably supposing Alf to be a wandering seal, had dogged him to that position just as Benjy Vane discovered him, and then, finding the precipice too high for a leap perhaps, or doubting the character of his intended victim, he had paused in uncertainty on the edge. The boy's first impulse was to utter a shout of warning, for he had no gun wherewith to shoot the brute, but fear lest that might precipitate an attack restrained him. Benjy, however, was quick-witted. He saw that the leap was probably too much even for a Polar bear, and that the nature of the ground would necessitate a detour before it could get at the artist. These and other thoughts passed through his brain like the lightning flash, and he was on the point of turning to run back and give the alarm to Leo, when a rattling of stones occurred behind him--just beyond the point of rocks round which he had turned. In the tension of his excited nerves he felt as if he had suddenly become red hot. Could this be another bear? If so, what was he to do, whither to fly? A moment more would settle the question, for the rattle of stones continued as the steps advanced. The boy felt the hair rising on his head. Round came the unknown monster in the form of--a man! "Ah, Benjy, I--" But the appearance of Benjy's countenance caused Leo to stop abruptly, both in walk and talk. He had found out his mistake about sending the boy round the hillock, and, turning back, had followed him. "Ah! look there," said Benjy, pointing at the _tableau vivant_ on the hill-top. Leo's ready rifle leaped from his shoulder to his left palm, and a grim smile played on his lips, for long service in a volunteer corps had made him a good judge of distance as well as a sure and deadly shot. "Stand back, Benjy, behind this boulder," he whispered. "I'll lean on it to make more certain." He was deliberately arranging the rifle while speaking, but never for one instant took his eye off the bear, which still stood motionless, with one paw raised, as if petrified with amazement at what it saw. As for Alf, he went on intently with his work, lifting and lowering his eyes continuously, putting in bold dashes here, or tender touches there; holding out the book occasionally at arm's length to regard his work, with head first on one side, then on the other, and, in short, going through all those graceful and familiar little evolutions of artistic procedure which arouse one's home feelings so powerfully everywhere-- even in the Arctic regions! Little did the artist know who was his uninvited pupil on that sunny summer night! With one knee resting on a rock, and his rifle on the boulder, Leo took a steady, somewhat lengthened aim, and fired. The result was stupendous! Not only did the shot reverberate with crashing echoes among surrounding cliffs and boulders, but a dying howl from the bear burst over the island, like the thunder of a heavy gun, and went booming over the frozen sea. No wonder that the horrified Alf leapt nearly his own height into the air and scattered his drawing-materials right and left like chaff. He threw up his arms, and wheeled frantically round just in time to receive the murdered bear into his very bosom! They rolled down a small slope together, and then, falling apart, lay prone and apparently dead upon the ground. You may be sure that Leo soon had his brother's head on his knee, and was calling to him in an agony of fear, quite regardless of the fact that the bear lay at his elbow, giving a few terrific kicks as its huge life oozed out through a bullet-hole in its heart, while Benjy, half weeping with sympathy, half laughing with glee, ran to a neighbouring pool to fetch water in his cap. A little of the refreshing liquid dashed on his face and poured down his throat soon restored Alf, who had only been stunned by the fall. "What induced you to keep on sketching all night?" asked Leo, after the first explanations were over. "All night?" repeated Alf in surprise, "have I been away all night? What time is it?" "Three o'clock in the morning at the very least," said Leo. "The sun is pretty high, as you might have seen if you had looked at it." "But he never looked at it," said Benjy, whose eyes were not yet quite dry, "he never looks at anything, or thinks of anything, when he goes sketching." "Surely you must allow that at least I look at and think of my work," said Alf, rising from the ground and sitting down on the rock from which he had been so rudely roused; "but you are half right, Benjy. The sun was at my back, you see, hid from me by the cliff over which the bear tumbled, and I had no thoughts for time, or eyes for nature, except the portion I was busy with--by the way, where is it?" "What, your sketch?" "Ay, and the colours. I wouldn't lose these for a sight of the Pole itself. Look for them, Ben, my boy, I still feel somewhat giddy." In a few minutes the sketch and drawing-materials were collected, undamaged, and the three returned to camp, Alf leaning on Leo's arm. On the way thither they met the Captain's party, and afterwards the band led by Chingatok. The latter was mightily amused by the adventure, and continued for a considerable time afterwards to upheave his huge shoulders with suppressed laughter. When the whole party was re-assembled the hour was so late, and they had all been so thoroughly excited, that no one felt inclined to sleep again. It was resolved, therefore, at once to commence the operations of a new day. Butterface was set to prepare coffee, and the Eskimos began breakfast with strips of raw blubber, while steaks of Leo's bear were being cooked. Meanwhile Chingatok expressed a wish to see the drawing which had so nearly cost the artist his life. Alf was delighted to exhibit and explain it. For some time the giant gazed at it in silence. Then he rested his forehead in his huge hand as if in meditation. It was truly a clever sketch of a surpassingly lovely scene. In the foreground was part of the island with its pearl-grey rocks, red-brown earth, and green mosses, in the midst of which lay a calm pool, like the island's eye looking up to heaven and reflecting the bright indescribable blue of the midnight sky. Further on was a mass of cold grey rocks. Beyond lay the northern ice-pack, which extended in chaotic confusion away to the distant horizon, but the chaos was somewhat relieved by the presence of lakelets which shone here and there over its surface like shields of glittering azure and burnished gold. "Ask him what he thinks of it," said Leo to Anders, a little surprised at Chingatok's prolonged silence. "I cannot speak," answered the giant, "my mind is bursting and my heart is full. With my finger I have drawn faces on the snow. I have seen men put wonderful things on flat rocks with a piece of stone, but this!--this is my country made little. It looks as if I could walk in it, yet it is flat!" "The giant is rather complimentary," laughed Benjy, when this was translated; "to my eye your sketch is little better than a daub." "It is a daub that causes me much anxiety," said the Captain, who now looked at the drawing for the first time. "D'you mean to tell me, Alf, that you've been true to nature when you sketched that pack?" "As true as I could make it, uncle." "I'll answer for its truth," said Leo, "and so will Benjy, for we both saw the view from the top of the island, though we paid little heed to it, being too much occupied with Alf and the bear at the time. The pack is even more rugged than he has drawn it, and it extends quite unbroken to the horizon." The Captain's usually hopeful expression forsook him for a little as he commented on his bad fortune. "The season advances, you see," he said, "and it's never very long at the best. I had hoped we were done with this troublesome `sea of ancient ice,' but it seems to turn up everywhere, and from past experience we know that the crossing of it is slow work, as well as hard. However, we mustn't lose heart. `Nebber say die,' as Butterface is fond of remarking." "Yis, Massa, nebber say die, but allers say `lib, to de top ob your bent.' Dems my 'pinions w'en dey's wanted. Also `go a-hid.' Dat's a grand sent'ment--was borned 'mong de Yankees, an' I stoled it w'en I left ole Virginny." "What says Chingatok?" asked the Captain of the Eskimo, who was still seated with the sketch on his knees in profound meditation. "Blackbeard has trouble before him," answered the uncompromising giant, without removing his eyes from the paper. "There," he said, pointing to the pack, "you have three days' hard work. After that three days' easy and swift work. After that no more go on. Must come back." "He speaks in riddles, Anders. What does he mean by the three days of hard work coming to an end?" "I mean," said Chingatok, "that the ice was loose when I came to this island. It is now closed. The white men must toil, toil, toil--very slow over the ice for three days, then they will come to smooth ice, where the dogs may run for three days. Then they will come to another island, like this one, on the far-off side of which there is no ice-- nothing but sea, sea, sea. Our kayaks are gone," continued the giant, sadly, "we must come back and travel many days before we find things to make new ones." While he was speaking, Captain Vane's face brightened up. "Are you sure of what you say, Chingatok?" "Chingatok is sure," replied the Eskimo quietly. "Then we'll conquer our difficulties after all. Come, boys, let's waste no more time in idle talk, but harness the dogs, and be off at once." Of course the party had to travel round the island, for there was neither ice nor snow on it. When the other side was reached the real difficulties of the journey were fully realised. During the whole of that day and the next they were almost continuously engaged in dragging the sledges over masses of ice, some of which rose to thirty feet above the general level. If the reader will try to imagine a very small ant or beetle dragging its property over a newly macadamised road, he will have a faint conception of the nature of the work. To some extent the dogs were a hindrance rather than a help, especially when passing over broken fragments, for they were always tumbling into holes and cracks, out of which they had to be dragged, and were much given to venting their ill-humour on each other, sometimes going in for a free fight, in the course of which they tied their traces into indescribable knots, and drove their Eskimo masters furious. On such occasions the whips--both lash and handle--were applied with unsparing vigour until the creatures were cowed. Danger, also, as well as toil, was encountered during the journey. On the evening of the second day the sledge driven by Oolichuk diverged a little from the line of march towards what seemed an easier passage over the hummocks. They had just gained the top of an ice-block, which, unknown to the driver, overhung its base. When the dogs reached the edge of the mass, it suddenly gave way. Down went the team with a united howl of despair. Their weight jerked the sledge forward, another mass of the ice gave way, and over went the whole affair. In the fall the lashings broke, and Oolichuk, with several of his kindred, including poor little Oblooria, went down in a shower of skins, packages, bags, and Eskimo cooking utensils. Fortunately, they dropped on a slope of ice which broke their fall, and, as it were, shunted them all safely, though violently, to the lower level of the pack. Beyond a few scratches and bruises, no evil resulted from this accident to these hardy natives of the north. That night they all encamped, as on the previous night, in the midst of the pack, spreading their skins and furs on the flattest ice they could find, and keeping as far from overhanging lumps as possible. "What does Blackbeard mean by coming here?" asked Chingatok of Anders, as they lay side by side, gazing up at the blue sky awaiting sleep. "We cannot swim over the sea, and we have no boats." "I don't know," answered the interpreter. "Our chief is a wonderful man. He does things that seem to be all wrong, but they turn out mostly to be all right." "Does he ever speak of a Great Spirit?" asked the giant in a solemn tone. "Not to me," replied the other, "but I hear him sometimes speaking to his little boy about his God." "Then he must know his God," returned Chingatok. "Has he seen him-- spoken to him?" Anders was a good deal surprised as well as puzzled by the questions put by his new friend. His extremely commonplace mind had never been exercised by such ideas. "I never asked him about that," he said, "and he never told me. Perhaps he will tell you if you ask him." The interpreter turned on his side with a sigh and went to sleep. The giant lay on his back gazing long and steadily with a wistful look at the unbroken vault of sky, whose vast profundity seemed to thrust him mercilessly back. As he gazed, a little cloud, light as a puff of eider-down, and golden as the sun from which its lustre came, floated into the range of his vision. He smiled, for the thought that light may suddenly arise when all around seems blank gave his inquiring spirit rest, and he soon joined the slumbering band who lay upon the ice around him. According to Chingatok's prophecy, on the third day the fagged and weary discoverers surmounted their first difficulty, and came upon comparatively smooth ice, the surface of which resembled hard-trodden snow, and was sufficiently free from obstructing lumps to admit of rapid sledge travelling. It was late when they reached it, but as they could now all sit on the sledges and leave the hard work to the dogs, the leader resolved to continue the advance without resting. "It's time enough to stop when we're stopped," he remarked to Leo, while making preparations to start. "We will sleep at the first obstruction we meet with, if it's a sufficiently troublesome one. See that the things are well lashed on all the sledges, Alf. Remember that I hold you responsible for lost articles." "And what am I responsible for, father?" asked Benjy with a pert look. "For keeping out of mischief, Ben. That's the most I can expect of you." "You are only a sort of negative blessing to us, you see, Benjy," said Alf, as he stooped to tighten a rope. "It's not so much what you do, as what you don't do, that rejoices us." "I'm glad of that," retorted the boy, arranging himself comfortably on his father's sledge, "because I won't do anything at all for some hours to come, which ought to fill you all with perfect felicity. Awake me, Leo, if we chance to upset." "Now then, all ready?" cried the Captain. "Off you go, then--clap on all sail!" Crack went the mighty whips, howl went the dogs, and the sledges were soon skimming over the sea at the rate of ten miles an hour. Of course they did not keep that pace up very long. It became necessary to rest at times, also, to give the dogs a little food. When this latter process had been completed, the teams became so lively that they tried to runaway. "Let them run," said the Captain to Leo. "And help them on," added Benjy. Leo took the advice of both, applied the lash, and increased the speed so much that the sledge swung from side to side on the smooth places, sometimes catching on a lump of ice, and all but throwing out its occupants. The Eskimos entered into the spirit of their leaders. They also plied their lashes, and, being more dexterous than Leo, soon converted the journey into a race, in which Chingatok--his giant arm flourishing an appropriately huge whip--was rapidly coming to the front when a tremendous shout in the rear caused them to pull up. Looking back, Alf's sledge was seen inverted and mixed, as it were, with the team, while Alf himself and his Eskimo friends were sprawling around on the ice. No damage was done to life or limb, but a sledge-runner had been partially broken, and could not be mended,--so said Oolichuk--in less than an hour. "This, then," said the Captain, "is our first obstruction, so here we will make our beds for the night." CHAPTER ELEVEN. ANOTHER ISLAND DISCOVERED--THE ENGLISHMEN AND ESKIMOS ALIKE ARE ASTONISHED IN MORE WAYS THAN ONE. As Chingatok had predicted, on the sixth day from Home-in-sight Island the party came to another island, where the great pack abruptly terminated. It was not large, probably ten or twelve miles in length, from the Eskimo account, but the ends of it could not be seen from the spot where they landed. At that point it was only two miles wide, and on the opposite side its shores were laved by an open sea, which was quite free from ice, with the exception of a few scattered floes and bergs--a sea whose waves fell in slow regular cadence on a pebbly beach, and whose horizon was an unbroken line barely distinguishable from the sky. Close to it a few black rocks showed above the water, around which great numbers of gulls, puffins, and other sea-birds disported themselves in clamorous joy; sometimes flying to the shore as if to have a look at the newcomers, and then sheering off with a scream--it might be a laugh--to tell their comrades what they had seen. "Here, then, at last, is the open Polar Sea," said Captain Vane, after the first long silent gaze of joy and admiration. "I have no doubt of it whatever. And now we shall proceed, I hope without interruption, to the Pole!" "Of course you do not intend that we should swim there, do you, uncle?" said Leo. "Of course not, my boy. In those big cases, which have cost us so much labour to bring here, I have three large and stout india-rubber boats--" "Ha! I guessed as much," exclaimed Alf. "No doubt," returned the Captain, "but you did not guess all." "I hope not," said Leo, "for to say truth I don't much relish the idea of rowing over an unknown sea an unknown distance at the rate of three or four miles an hour. I hope you have a patent steam-engine that will drive us along somewhat faster." "No, lad, no, I have no such steam-engine or any other miraculous contrivance that sets the laws of nature at defiance, and appears only in nursery tales. This expedition has been undertaken on no haphazard or insane plan. It was all cut and dry before we left Old England, and it is much simpler than you suppose." "What, then, is to be your motive power, if not oars or sails--which last would not work well, I fear, in an india-rubber boat?" asked Leo. "Kites," replied the Captain. "Kites!" repeated both Alf and Leo in surprise. "Not paper ones, surely," said Benjy, in a tone of disappointment, not unmingled with contempt. "No, Ben, not paper ones," said the Captain, "but you shall see. Let the boxes be unlashed and carried into yonder cave. I'll unpack them presently. Meanwhile, Anders, I want you to interpret for me. Go, tell Chingatok I wish to have a talk with him." While the brothers went to obey their leader's order, and Benjy to superintend the pitching of the camp, Captain Vane walked along the shore with Anders and the giant. "Are you sure, Chingatok, that there is no more ice in this sea?" asked the Captain. "No more great packs; only a little here and there, and a few ice-mountains," answered the Eskimo. "And no more islands?" "No more islands till you come to the land where I and my people dwell. There are more islands beyond that with people on them--people who are not friendly to us." "How far off, now, is your land from this island?" continued the Captain, with a grave nod to Leo, who joined them at the moment. "About three days with a kayak." The Captain pondered for a few minutes. "Leo," he said, "the observation which I took yesterday enables me to place this island in latitude 86 degrees 40 minutes. I judge that a kayak may travel at the rate of three miles an hour, which, making allowance for sleep and rests, gives the distance of this island from Chingatok's native land approximately at about 100 miles, so that the home of this giant and his tribe is actually in the near neighbourhood of the Pole itself. If this be so, we may consider that our success, wind, weather, etcetera, permitting, is absolutely certain." The Captain spoke in the deep earnest tones of one under the influence of powerful but suppressed enthusiasm. "Now then, Leo," he continued, "we will go and take formal possession of this new discovery. What shall we call it? Good Hope is too familiar as a cape." "Why not Great Hope?" asked Leo. "Good! That will do well." So Captain Vane took possession of Great Hope Island; having fixed its position in latitude 86 degrees 40 minutes north, and longitude 60 degrees west. After that he proceeded to open the cases which had so long been objects of interest to his own party, and objects of intense curiosity to the Eskimos, who crowded round the entrance of the shallow cavern with eager looks, while their leader went to work with hammer and chisel on the copper fastenings. "Wugh! Huk! hi! hosh! ho!" were something like the exclamations uttered by the Eskimos when the lid of the first case flew up and revealed only a mass of brown paper wrappings. It was interesting to observe the utter self-oblivion of these children of nature! Of course the eyes and mouths of all opened wider and wider while the work went on. We can understand this, for it is characteristic of the simple in all nations, but it was not so easy to understand why shoulders should slowly rise and elbows be slightly bent, and the ten fingers gradually expand like claws. Anxiety might account for the way in which some of them softly lifted one foot and then the other; but why did little Oblooria raise her left foot by imperceptible degrees, and remain poised upon the other as if she were a bird, except on the supposition that she was unconsciously imitating Tekkona, who was doing the same thing? It was interesting, also, to note the slight substratum of consciousness that displayed itself in Oolichuk, who, while regarding the Captain in glaring expectancy, put his arm, inadvertently as it were, round Oblooria's waist--also the complete absence of consciousness in the latter, who was so engrossed with the Captain, that she did not appear to feel the touch of Oolichuk! These little peculiarities, however, although extremely interesting, were not observed by any of the actors on that occasion--except, perhaps, by Benjy, who, being sharp-witted, had a knack of seeing round a corner at times! When the contents of the case were turned out, they proved to consist of several coils of rope, and a large square bundle. The uncording of the latter intensified the expectation of the Eskimo to boiling point, and when the brown paper was removed, and a roll of something with a strange, not to say bad, smell was displayed, they boiled over in a series of exclamations to which the former "huks" and "hos" were mere child's play. But when the roll was unrolled, and assumed a flat shape not unlike the skin of a huge walrus, they gave a shout. Then, when the Captain, opening a smaller package, displayed a pair of bellows like a concertina, they gave a gasp. When he applied these to a hole in the flat object, and caused it slowly to swell, they uttered a roar, and when, finally, they saw the flat thing transformed into a goodly-sized boat, they absolutely squealed with delight, and began to caper about in childlike joy. In this manner, three cases were opened, and three boats produced. Then the Magician, who went about his work in perfect silence, with a knowing smile on his lips, opened several longish boxes, which Leo had guessed to be filled with fishing-rods or spare rifles, but which, it turned out, contained oars for the india-rubber boats. After that, the Captain opened another large case, which roused the surprise of his white followers as much as that of the natives. "It looks like one of mother's silk dresses," remarked Benjy, as the new wonder was dragged forth. "Too voluminous for that," said Alf. "A balloon!" exclaimed Leo. "No, boys, it's only a kite," said the Captain, unfolding it. "I confess it does not look very like one, but its appearance will change by and by." And its appearance did change remarkably as it was opened out and put together. The construction of this kite was peculiar. In the first place, it was square in form, or, rather, diamond-shaped, and its size, when fully distended, was eighteen feet by fourteen. "The simplicity of it, you see," said the Captain, as he put it together, "is its great recommendation." He ceased to speak for a few moments, while engaged with a troublesome joint, and Benjy took advantage of the pause to express a hope that simplicity was not its _greatest_ recommendation, because he had never heard of any one attempting to reach the Pole on the strength of simplicity. Without noticing this remark, the Captain went on-- "You see it would be troublesome to carry distending sticks of great length, because they would be in the way, and apt to get broken. Each stick, therefore, has a joint in the middle like that of a fishing-rod. There are four such sticks, fastened to, or radiating from, a strong steel central hinge, so that they can be folded together, or opened out into the form of a cross. A small but very strong cross of bamboo fits on the machine, behind the central hinge, and locks it in a distended position, after the silk has been placed on it. Strong cords run round the outer edges of the silk, and there are loops at the corners to attach it to the distenders. Thus, you see, the kite can be put up, or folded into a portable form like an umbrella, though not of course as quickly, nor yet as easily, owing to its great size." While he was speaking, the Captain was busily putting the several parts of the kite together. As he concluded, he laid the machine on its face, locked it with the little bamboo cross, and then held it up in triumph, to the delight of his white observers, and the blank astonishment of the Eskimos. We say blank, because, unlike the boat, the nature of which they understood before it had been quite inflated, this machine was to them an absolute mystery, and seemed to be of no use at all. Their opinion of it was not improved when a sudden puff of wind blew it flat on the ground, causing the Captain to fall on the top of it. "It's a little awkward in handling," he growled, unlocking the centre-cross. "Hold the points down, lads, till I drag it into the umbrella form. There; it's all safe now. The truth is, unmanageableness when in hand is the only fault of my kite. Once in the air, it's as tractable as a lamb; getting it up is the chief difficulty, but that is not too great to be overcome." "Besides, you know, nothing's perfect in this world, father," said Benjy, with a wink at Butterface, who, having acute risible tendencies, exploded. Some of the Eskimos, whose sympathies were strong, joined in the laugh by way of relief to their feelings. When the Captain had wound a strap round the closed kite, to restrain its volatile nature, he opened another large case which contained several reels of strong cord, somewhat resembling log-lines, but with this peculiarity, that, alongside of each thick cord there ran a thin red line of twine, connected with though not bound to the other by means of little loops or rings of twine fixed about six feet apart throughout its entire length. "These are the cords to fly the kites," said the Captain, taking up one of the reels, which was as large as a man's hat. "You see I have three sets of silk in that box, and six sets of reels and sticks, besides a few spare pieces of the latter, so that we can afford to suffer a little damage. Now, the use of this peculiar sort of double line will be clear when in action, but I may as well explain it. The end of this stout line is to be made fast to the band which you saw on the kite, and the end of this thin red line to the top of its upright stick. You remember well enough how independent ordinary kites are. You cannot cause them to descend except by hauling them in by main force, and you cannot moderate their pull. This kite of mine is capable of exerting a pull equal to six horses, with a sufficiently strong wind. So, you see, it would be impossible for a dozen men to hold it without some check on its power. This check is supplied by the thin red line, which is made of the strongest silk. By pulling it gently you bend the head of the kite forward, so that it ceases to present a flat surface to the wind, which flies off it more or less at the tail. By pulling still more on the red line, the traction-power is still further reduced, and, with a good pull, the kite can be made to present its head altogether to the wind, and thus to lie flat on it, when, of course, it will descend slowly to the ground, waving from side to side, like a dropped sheet of paper." "Are you going to try it, father?" asked Benjy eagerly. The Captain looked up at the clouds with a critical glance. "There's hardly enough of wind to-day, boy. Nevertheless we will try." In a very short time the kite was again extended, the centre locked, the thick cord fixed to a loop in the band, and the thin cord to the head of the main stick. While this was being done, the corners were held down by Leo, Benjy, Anders, and Butterface. "How about a tail, father?" asked Benjy, with sudden animation. "Ha! I forgot the tail. I've got several tails. It's well you reminded me." "It is indeed," responded the boy, "for I remember well that when my kites lost their tails they used to whirl wildly about until they dashed their heads on the ground. This kite would be little better than a mad elephant without its tail!" A short tail, made of the strongest cat-gut, was now fixed to the lower extremity of the kite. It had a bag at the end, to be weighted with stones as required. "Now, then, Alf, do you carry the reel away fifty yards or so, and pay out the line as you go. Make a dozen of the Eskimos hold on with you till I come and regulate the pull. I must remain here to set it off." Alf did as he was ordered. When he was far enough out, the Captain and Leo raised the aerial monster with caution, grasping it by the shoulders, while Benjy held on to the tail. Their great care was to keep it flat, so that it presented nothing but its thin head to the wind, but this was a difficulty, for it kept fluttering as if anxious to get away, catching a slant of wind underneath now and then, which caused both Leo and the Captain to stagger. "Don't hold down the tail, Benjy," cried the Captain, looking anxiously over his shoulder. Unfortunately Ben did not hear the "don't." Not only did he hold on with increased vigour, but he gave the tail an energetic pull downwards. The result was that the wind got fairly underneath, and the head was jerked upward. Leo, fearing to tear the silk, let go, and the Captain was thrown violently off. Benjy alone stood to his guns--or to his tail--with loyal heroism for a moment, but when he felt himself lifted off the ground a few inches, a feeling of horror seized him. He let go, and came down with a whack. Free at last, the huge kite shot upwards like a rocket, and a terrible howl from the Eskimo showed that all was not right at their end of the line. The truth was that none of them were impressed with the importance of the duty required of them. The sudden strain jerked the line out of the hands of some, and threw others to the ground, and Alf, who had for greater security taken a turn of the line round his right arm, was dragged forward at full racing speed. Indeed he was beginning to take those tremendous bounds called "giant strides," which were sure to terminate in his being dragged along the ground. Captain Vane saw the danger, and was equal to the occasion. There was little time for thought or action. Another moment and Alf would be off the beach into the sea. "Let go! Alf; let go!" cried Leo, in an agony of alarm. "No, no! hold on!" shouted the Captain. Poor Alf could not help holding on. The turns of the line round his arm held him fast. Another moment, and he was abreast of the Captain who sprang at him as he passed like a leopard on his prey and held on. But the pace was little checked with this additional weight. It was beyond the Captain's running powers, and both he and Alf would have been thrown violently to the ground had it not happened that they had reached the water, into which they plunged with a tremendous splash. They were dragged through it, however, only for a few seconds, for by that time the Captain had succeeded in getting hold of the red line and pulling it separately. The result was immediate and satisfactory. The head of the kite was thrown forward, acting somewhat as a sail does when a ship is thrown into the wind, and the two unfortunates came to an anchor in four feet of water. "We must not let it into the water, Alf," gasped the Captain, clearing the water from his eyes. "How can we prevent it?" spluttered Alf, shaking the wet hair off his face. "Ease your fingers a bit. There; hold on." As he spoke the Captain gave a slight pull on the regulating line. The kite at once caught the wind and soared, giving the two operators an awful tug, which nearly overturned them again. "Too much," growled the Captain. "You see it takes some experience to regulate the excitable thing properly. There, now, haul away for the shore." By this time they were joined by Leo and Chingatok, who ran into the water and aided them in dragging the refractory machine ashore. "That's a vigorous beginning, father," remarked Benjy as they came to land. "It is, my boy. Go and fetch me dry clothes while we haul in the kite and make her snug." "When do you mean to start?" asked Leo, as he coiled away the slack of the line on the reel. "The first steady fair wind that blows from the south," answered the Captain, "but we must have one or two experimental trials of the kites and boats together, before we set out on the real voyage." "It's a capital idea," returned Leo enthusiastically. "There's a sort of neck-or-nothing dash about it that quite suits me. But, uncle, what of the Eskimos? The three boats won't carry the half of them." "I know that, lad, and shall get over the difficulty by leaving some of them behind. Chingatok says they are quite able to take care of themselves; can easily regain the Greenland shore, find their canoes, or make new ones, and return to their own land if they choose." "But, uncle," said Alf, who was by no means as reckless as his brother, "don't you think it's rather risky to go off into an unknown sea in open boats, for no one knows how long, to go no one knows exactly where?" "Why, Alf," returned the Captain with a laugh, "if you were as stupid about your scientific pursuits as you are about geographical affairs, you would not be worth your salt. A sea's a sea, isn't it, whether known or unknown, and the laws that affect all seas are pretty much alike. Of course it is risky. So is going on a forlorn hope. So is shooting with a set of fellows who don't know how to manage their guns. So is getting on a horse, for it may kick you off or run away. So is eating fish, for you may choke yourself. Everything, almost, is more or less risky. You _must_ risk something if you'd discover the North Pole, which has baffled adventurers from the days of Adam till now. And you are wrong in saying that we shall go off for no one knows how long. The distance from this island to the Pole is pretty nearly 200 miles. If our kites carry us along at the rate of ten miles an hour, we shall cover the distance in 20 hours. If we have calms or contrary winds we may take 20 days. If storms come, we have not much to fear, for the weather is warm,--so, too,--is the water. Then, our boats are lifeboats--they cannot sink. As to not knowing where exactly we are going, why, man, we're going to the North Pole. Everybody knows where that is, and we are going to the home of Chingatok, which cannot be very far from it." "There, Alf, I hope you are sufficiently answered," said Leo, as he undid the locking-gear of the kite, which by that time lay prone on its face, as peaceful as a lamb. The next three days were spent in flying the other kites, tying them on the boats, acquiring experience, and making preparations for the voyage. It was found that, with a moderate breeze, the kites towed the boats at the rate of ten miles an hour, which was beyond the most sanguine hopes of the Captain. Of course they could not beat to windward with them, but they could sail with a considerable slant, and they prevented the boats, while thus advancing, from making much leeway by means of deep _leeboards_, such as are used even at the present day by Dutch ships. "But I can't understand," said Benjy, after several trials had been made, "why you should not have fitted sails to the boats, instead of kites." "Because a sail only a quarter the size of a kite would upset the boat," said the Captain, "and one small enough to suit it would be little better than a pair of oars. This kite system is like fitting a gigantic sail to a lilliputian boat, d'ye see?" "I see, father. But I wish it had been a balloon. It would have been greater fun to have gone to the Pole in a balloon!" "A balloon will never go there, nor anywhere else, Benjy, except where the wind carries it, for a balloon cannot be steered. It's impossible in the nature of things--as much so as that dream of the visionary, perpetual motion." On the fourth day after their arrival at Great Hope Island the wind blew strong and steady from the south, and the explorers prepared to start. The Eskimos had been told that they were to remain behind and shift for themselves--a piece of news which did not seem to affect them at all, one way or other. Those who were selected to go with the explorers were perfectly willing to do so. Chingatok, of course, was particularly ready. So were his corpulent mother and Tekkona and Oblooria; so also were Oolichuk, Ivitchuk, and Akeetolik. It was a splendid sunny afternoon when the kites were finally flown and attached to the three boats which were commanded respectively by the Captain Leo, and Alf. These three sat at the bow of each boat manipulating the regulators, and keeping the kites fluttering, while the goods and provisions were put on board. Then the Eskimo women and crews stepped in, and the stern ropes were cast loose. "Let go the check-strings!" shouted the Captain. This was done. The huge kites began to strain at once, and the india-rubber boats went rushing out to sea, leaving the remainder of the Eskimo band speechless on the shore. They stood there motionless, with open mouths and eyes, the very embodiment of unbelieving wonder, till the boats had disappeared on the horizon. CHAPTER TWELVE. THE OPEN POLAR BASIN AT LAST! ALF WASHES HIMSELF IN IT. Who can imagine or describe the feelings of Captain Vane and his young relatives on finding themselves sweeping at such a magnificent rate over the great Polar basin?--that mysterious sea, which some believe to be a sea of thick-ribbed ice, and others suppose to be no sea at all, but dry land covered with eternal snows. One theorist even goes the length of saying that the region immediately around the Pole is absolutely nothing at all!--only empty space caused by the whirling of the earth,--a space which extends through its centre from pole to pole! Much amusement did the Captain derive from the contemplation of these theories as he crossed over the grand and boundless ocean, and chatted pleasantly with his son, or Chingatok, or Toolooha, who formed the crew of his little boat. The party consisted of thirteen, all told. These were distributed as follows:-- In the Captain's boat were the three just mentioned. In Leo's boat were Butterface, Oolichuk, and Oblooria. How it came to pass that Oolichuk and Oblooria were put into the same boat no one seemed to know, or indeed to care, except Oolichuk himself, who, to judge from the expression of his fat face, was much pleased. As for Oblooria, her mild visage always betokened contentment or resignation-- save when overshadowed by timidity. In Alf's boat were Anders, Ivitchuk, Akeetolik, and Tekkona. The interpreter had been given to Alf because he was not quite so muscular or energetic as the Captain or his brother, while Anders was eminently strong and practical. The Eskimo women counted as men, being as expert with oar and paddle as they, and very nearly as strong as most ordinary men. What added to the romance of the first day's experience was the fact that, a few hours after they started, a dead calm settled down over the sea, which soon became like a great sheet of undulating glass, in which the rich, white clouds, the clear sky, and the boats with their crews, were reflected as in a moving, oily mirror; yet, strange to say, the kites kept steady, and the pace of ten or twelve miles an hour did not abate for a considerable time. This, of course, was owing to the fact that there was a continuous current blowing northward in the higher regions of the atmosphere. The sun, meantime, glowed overhead with four mock-suns around him, nevertheless the heat was not oppressive, partly because the voyagers were sitting at rest, and partly because a slight current of cool air, the creation of their own progress, fanned their cheeks. Still further to add to the charm, flocks of sea-birds circling in the air or dipping in the water, a berg or two floating in the distance, a porpoise showing its back fin now and then, a seal or a walrus coming up to stare in surprise and going down to meditate, perhaps in wonder, with an occasional puff from a lazy whale,--all this tended to prevent monotony, and gave life to the lovely scene. "Is it not the most glorious and altogether astonishing state of things you ever heard or dreamed of, father?" asked Benjy, breaking a prolonged silence. "Out o' sight, my boy, out o' sight," replied the Captain. "Never heard nor saw nor dreamed of anything like it before." "P'raps it _is_ a dream!" said Benjy, with a slightly distressed look. "How are we ever to know that we're _not_ dreaming?" The boy finished his question with a sharp cry and leaped up. "Steady, boy, steady! Have a care, or you'll upset the boat," said the Captain. "What did you do _that_ for, father?" "What, my boy?" "Pinch me so hard! Surely you didn't do it on purpose?" "Indeed I did, Ben," replied the Captain with a laugh. "You asked how you were to know you were not dreaming. If you had been dreaming that would have wakened you--wouldn't it?" "I dare say it would, father," returned the boy, resuming his seat, "but I'm convinced now. Don't do it again, please. I wish I knew what Chingatok thinks of it. Try to ask him, father. I'm sure you've had considerable experience in his lingo by this time." Benjy referred here, not only to the numerous conversations which his father had of late carried on with the giant through the interpreter, but to the fact that, having been a whaler in years past, Captain Vane had previously picked up a smattering of various Eskimo dialects. Up to that day he had conversed entirely through the medium of Anders, but as that useful man was now in Alf's boat, the Captain was left to his own resources, and got on much better than he had expected. Chingatok turned his eyes from the horizon on which they had been fixed, and looked dreamily at the Captain when asked what he was thinking about. "I have been thinking," said he, "of home, _my_ home over there." He lifted his huge right arm and pointed to the north. "And I have been thinking," he continued, "that there must be another home up there." He raised his hand and pointed to the sky. "Why do you think so?" asked the Captain in some surprise. "Because it is so beautiful, so wonderful, so full of light and peace," replied the Eskimo. "Sometimes the clouds, and the wind, and the rain, come and cover it; but they pass away, and there it is, just the same, always calm, and bright, and beautiful. Could such a place have been made for nothing? Is there no one up there? not even the Maker of it? and if there is, does he stay there alone? Men and women die, but surely there is something in us that does not die. If there is no spirit in us that lives, of what use was it to make us at all? I think we shall have a home up there." Chingatok had again turned his eyes to the horizon, and spoke the concluding words as if he were thinking aloud. The Captain looked at him earnestly for some time in silence. "You are right, Chingatok," he said at length, or at least attempted to say as best he could--"you are right. My religion teaches me that we have spirits; that God--your God and mine--dwells up there in what we call heaven, and that His people shall dwell with him after death." "His people!" repeated the Eskimo with a perplexed look. "Are some men his people and some not?" "Undoubtedly," replied the Captain, "men who obey a chief's commands are _his_ men--his friends. Those who refuse to obey, and do every kind of wickedness, are _not_ his friends, but his enemies. God has given us free-wills, and we may reject him--we may choose to be his enemies." It must not be supposed that Captain Vane expressed himself thus clearly, but the above is the substance of what he attempted by many a strange and complicated sentence to convey. That he had made his meaning to some extent plain, was proved by Chingatok's reply. "But I do not know God's commands; how then can I obey them?" "You may not know them by book," replied the Captain promptly; "for you have no books, but there is such a thing as the commands or law of God written in the heart, and it strikes me, Chingatok, that you both know and obey more of your Maker's laws than many men who have His word." To this the Eskimo made no answer, for he did not rightly understand it, and as the Captain found extreme difficulty in expressing his meaning on such questions, he was quite willing to drop the conversation. Nevertheless his respect for Chingatok was immensely increased from that day forward. He tried to explain what had been said to Benjy, and as that youth's mind was of an inquiring turn he listened with great interest, but at last was forced to confess that it was too deep for him. Thereafter he fell into a mood of unusual silence, and pondered the matter for a long time. Awaking from his reverie at last, he said, abruptly, "How's her head, father?" "Due north, Benjy." He pulled out a pocket-compass about the size of an ordinary watch, which instrument it was his habit to guard with the most anxious care. "North!" repeated the boy, glancing at the instrument with a look of surprise, "why, we're steering almost due east!" "Ah! Ben, that comes of your judging from appearances without knowledge, not an uncommon state of mind in man and boy, to say nothing of woman. Don't you know what variation of the compass is?" "No, father." "What! have you been so long at sea with me and never heard yet about the magnetic pole?" "Never a word, father. It seems to me that poles are multiplying as we get further north." "Oh, Benjy, for shame--fie! fie!" "Maybe if you had told me about it I might have had less to be shamed of, and you too, father." "That's true, Benjy. That's true. You're a sharp boy for your age. But don't be disrespectful to your father, Ben; no good can ever come o' that. Whatever you are, be respectful to your old father. Come, I'll tell you about it now." It will have been observed by this time that little Benjamin Vane was somewhat free in his converse with his father, but it must not therefore be supposed that he was really insolent. All his freedom of speech was vented in good humour, and the Captain knew that. There was, indeed, a powerful bond not only of affection but of sympathy between the little delicate boy and the big strong man. They thoroughly understood each other, and between those who understand each other there may be much freedom without offence, as everybody knows. "You must understand," began the Captain, "that although the needle of the mariner's compass is said to point to the north with its head and to the south with its tail, it does not do so exactly, because the magnetic poles do not coincide exactly with the geographical poles. There are two magnetic poles just as there are two geographical poles, one in the southern hemisphere, the other in the northern. D'ye understand!" "Clear as daylight, father." "Well, Benjy, the famous Arctic discoverer, Sir James Ross, in 1832, discovered that the northern magnetic pole was situated in the island of Boothia Felix, in latitude 70 degrees 5 seconds and longitude 96 degrees 46 seconds West. It was discovered by means of an instrument called the dipping needle, which is just a magnetised needle made for dipping perpendicularly instead of going round horizontally like the mariner's compass. A graduated arc is fitted to it so that the amount of dip at any place on the earth's surface can be ascertained. At the magnetic equator there is no dip at all, because the needle being equally distant from the north and south magnetic poles, remains horizontal. As you travel north the needle dips more and more until it reaches the region of the north magnetic pole when it is almost perpendicular--pointing straight down. "Now, it is only on a very few places of the earth's surface that the horizontal needle points to the true north and south, and its deviation from the _earth's_ pole in its determination to point to the _magnetic_ pole is called the variation of the compass. This variation is greater or less of course at different places, and must be allowed for in estimating one's exact course. In our present explorations we have got so far beyond the beaten track of travel that greater allowance than usual has to be made. In fact we have got considerably to the north of the magnetic pole. At the same time we are a good way to the east'ard of it, so that when I see the compass with its letter N pointing to what I know to be the magnetic north, I take our geographical position into account and steer almost due east by _compass_, for the purpose of advancing due north. D'ye see?" "I'm not so sure that I do, father. It seems to me something like the Irishman's pig which you pull one way when you want him to go another. However, I'll take your word for it." "That's right, my boy; when a man can't understand, he must act on faith, if he _can_, for there's no forcing our beliefs, you know. Anyhow he must be content to follow till he does understand; always supposing that he can trust his leader." "I'm out of my depths altogether now, father. P'r'aps we'd better change the subject. What d'ye say to try a race with Leo? His boat seems to be overhauling us." "No, no, Ben; no racing. Let us advance into the great unknown north with suitable solemnity." "We appear to sail rather better than you do, uncle," shouted Leo, as his boat drew near. "That's because you're not so heavily-laden," replied the Captain, looking back; "you haven't got giants aboard, you see; moreover there's one o' you rather light-headed." "Hallo! uncle; evil communications, eh? You'd better change Benjy for Oblooria. She's quite quiet, and never jokes. I say, may I go ahead of you?" "No, lad, you mayn't. Take a reef in your regulator, and drop into your proper place." Obedient to orders, Leo pulled the regulator or check-string until the kite's position was altered so as to present less resistance to the wind, and dropped astern of the _Faith_, which was the name given by Benjy to his father's boat, the other two being named respectively the _Hope_ and the _Charity_. The prosperous advance did not, however, last very long. Towards evening the three kites suddenly, and without any previous warning, began to dive, soar, flutter, and tumble about in a manner that would have been highly diverting if it had not been dangerous. This no doubt was the effect of various counter-currents of air into which they had flown. The order was at once given to haul on the regulators and coil up the towing lines. It was promptly obeyed, but before a few fathoms had been coiled in, the kites again became as steady as before, with this change, however, that they travelled in a north-westerly direction. The value of the leeboards now became apparent. These were hinged down the middle so as to fold and become small enough to stow in the bottom of each boat when not in use. When unfolded and hung over the side, they presented a surface of resistance to the water much greater than that of an ordinary boat's keel, so that very little leeway indeed was made. By means of the steering-oar Captain Vane kept his boat advancing straight northward, while the kite was puffing in a north-westerly direction. The kite was thus compelled by the boat also to travel due north, though of course it did so in a sidelong manner. Thus far the advance continued prosperously, the pace being but little checked and the course unaltered, but when, an hour or two later, the wind again shifted so as to carry the kites further to the west, the pace became much slower, and the leeway, or drift to leeward, considerable. Ultimately the wind blew straight to the west, and the boats ceased to advance. "This won't do, uncle," said Leo, who was close astern of the _Faith_, "I'm drifting bodily to leeward, and making no headway at all." "Down with the tops,--I mean, the kites," shouted the Captain. "Pass the word to Alf." Accordingly, the kites were reeled in, the regulators being so pulled and eased off that they were kept just fluttering without tugging during the operation. When, however, they passed out of the wind-stratum into the region of calm which still prevailed immediately above the sea, the kites descended in an alarming manner, swaying to and fro with occasional wild swoops, which rendered it necessary to haul in on the lines and reel up with the utmost speed. Captain Vane was very successful in this rather difficult operation. While he hauled in the line Benjy reeled it up with exemplary speed, and the kite was finally made to descend on the boat like a cloud. When secured the locking-cross was removed, the distending-rods were folded inwards, the restraining, or what we may term the waist-band was applied, and the whole affair was changed into a gigantic Mrs Gamp umbrella. Being placed in the bow of the boat, projecting over the water, it formed a not ungraceful though peculiar bowsprit, and was well out of the way. Leo and Butterface were equally successful, but poor Alf was not so fortunate. The too eager pursuit of knowledge was the cause of Alf's failure as has often been the case with others! He took on himself, as chief of his boat, the difficult and responsible task of hauling in the line,--which involved also the occasional and judicious manipulation of the regulating cord, when a sudden puff of wind should tend to send the kite soaring upwards with six or eight horse-power into the sky. To Ivitchuk was assigned the easy task of gathering in the "slack" and holding on to Alf if a sudden jerk should threaten to pull him overboard. Anders reeled up. Just as the kite was passing out of the windy region above into the calm region below Alf beheld floating near the boat a beautiful, and to him entirely new, species of marine creature of the jelly-fish kind. With a wild desire to possess it he leaned over the boat's edge to the uttermost and stretched out his left hand, while with his right he held on to the kite! Need we say that the kite assisted him?--assisted him overboard altogether, and sent him with a heavy plunge into the sea! Ivitchuk dropped his line and stretched out both arms towards the spot where the "Kablunet" had gone down. Akeetolik roared. Anders howled, and dropped his reel. Left to itself, the kite, with characteristic indecision, made an awful swoop towards the North Pole with its right shoulder. Changing its mind, it then made a stupendous rush with its left to the south-east. Losing presence of mind it suddenly tossed up its tail, and, coming down head foremost, went with fatal facility into the deep sea. When Alf rose and was dragged panting into the boat, his first glance was upwards,--but not in thankfulness for his preservation! "Gone!" he groaned, rising to his feet. But the kite was not gone. The word had barely left his lips when it rose half its length out of the water, and then fell, in melancholy inaptitude for further mischief, flat upon the sea. "Anything damaged?" asked the Captain, as he and Leo rowed their boats towards the _Charity_. "Nothing," replied Alf with a guilty look, "the stick and things seem to be all right, but it has got _awfully_ wet." "No matter," said the Captain, laughing at Alf's forlorn look, "the sun will soon dry it. So long as nothing is broken or torn, we'll get on very well. But now, boys, we must go to work with oars. There must be no flagging in this dash for the Pole. It's a neck-or-nothing business. Now, mark my orders. Although we've got four oars apiece, we must only work two at a time. I know that young bloods like you are prone to go straining yourselves at first, an' then bein' fit for nothing afterwards. We must keep it up steadily. Two in each boat will pull at a time for one hour, while the other two rest or sleep, and so on, shift about; till another breeze springs up. Don't fold it up tight, Alf. Leave it pretty slack till it is dry, and then put on its belt." "Don't you think we might have supper before taking to the oars?" suggested Leo. "I second that motion," cried Benjy. "And I support it," said Alf. "Very good, get out the prog; an' we'll lay ourselves alongside, three abreast, as Nelson did at the Battle o' the Nile," said the Captain. Their food was simple but sufficient. Pemmican--a solid greasy nutricious compound--was the foundation. Hard biscuit, chocolate, and sugar formed the superstructure. In default of fire, these articles could be eaten cold, but while their supply of spirits of wine lasted, a patent Vesuvian of the most complete and almost miraculous nature could provide a hot meal in ten minutes. Of fresh water they had a two-weeks' supply in casks, but this was economised by means of excellent water procured from a pond in a passing berg--from which also a lump of clear ice had been hewn, wrapped in a blanket, and carried into the Captain's boat as a supply of fresh water in solid form. Laying the oars across the boats to keep them together, they floated thus pleasantly on the glassy sea, bathed in midnight sunshine. And while they feasted in comfort inexpressible--to the surprise, no doubt, of surrounding gulls and puffins--Benjamin Vane once again gave utterance to the opinion that it was the most glorious and altogether astonishing state of things that he had ever heard or dreamed of since the world began! CHAPTER THIRTEEN. A GALE AND A NARROW ESCAPE. This is a world of alternations. We need not turn aside to prove that. The calm with which the voyage of our discoverers began lasted about four days and nights, during which period they advanced sometimes slowly under oars, sometimes more or less rapidly under kites--if we may so express it--according to the state of the wind. And, during all that time the discipline of two and two--at watch, or at sleep, if not at work--was rigidly kept up. For none knew better than Captain Vane the benefit of discipline, and the demoralising effect of its absence, especially in trying circumstances. It is but just to add that he had no difficulty in enforcing his laws. It is right also to state that the women were not required to conform, even although they were accustomed to hard labour and willing to work as much as required. In all three boats the bow was set apart as the women's quarters, and when Toolooha, Oblooria or Tekkona showed symptoms of a desire to go to sleep--(there was no retiring for the night in these latitudes)--a blanket stretched on two oars cut their quarters off from those of the men, and maintained the dignity of the sex. But soon the serene aspect of nature changed. Grey clouds overspread the hitherto sunny sky. Gusts of wind came sweeping over the sea from time to time, and signs of coming storm became so evident that the Captain gave orders to make all snug and prepare for dirty weather. "You see, lads," he said, when the three boats were abreast, and the kites had been furled, "we don't know what may happen to us now. Nobody in the world has had any experience of these latitudes. It may come on to blow twenty-ton Armstrongs instead of great guns, for all we know to the contrary. The lightning may be sheet and fork mixed instead of separate for any light we've got on the subject, and it may rain whales and walruses instead of cats and dogs; so it behoves us to be ready." "That's true, father," said Benjy, "but it matters little to me, for I've made my will. Only I forgot to leave the top with the broken peg and the rusty penknife to Rumty Swillpipe; so if you survive me and get home on a whale's back--or otherwise--you'll know what to do." "This is not a time for jesting, Ben," said Alf rather seriously. "Did I say it was?" inquired Ben, with a surprised look. Alf deigned no reply, and Butterface laughed, while he and the others set about executing the Captain's orders. The arrangements made in these india-rubber boats for bad weather were very simple and complete. After the lading in each had been snugly arranged, so as to present as flat a surface on the top as possible, a waterproof sheet was drawn over all, and its edges made fast to the sides of the boat, by means of tags and loops which were easily fastened and detached. As each sheet overhung its boat, any water that might fall upon it was at once run off. This, of course, was merely put on to protect the cargo and any one who chose to take shelter under it. The boat being filled with air required no such sheet, because if filled to overflowing it would still have floated. All round this sheet ran a strong cord for the crew, who sat outside of it as on a raft, to lay hold of if the waves should threaten to wash them off. There were also various other ropes attached to it for the same purpose, and loops of rope served for rowlocks. When all had been arranged, those whose duty it was to rest leaned comfortably against the lumps caused by inequalities of the cargo, while the others took to their oars. "It's coming!" cried Benjy, about half-an-hour after all had been prepared. And unquestionably it _was_ coming. The boy's quick eyes had detected a line on the southern horizon, which became gradually broader and darker as it rose until it covered the heavens. At the same time the indigo ripple caused by a rushing mighty wind crept steadily over the sea. As it neared the boats the white crests of breaking waves were seen gleaming sharply in the midst of the dark blue. "Clap the women under hatches," shouted the Captain, with more good sense than refinement. Benjy, Butterface, and Anders at the word lifted a corner of their respective sheets. Obedient Toolooha, Oblooria, and Tekkona bent their meek heads and disappeared: The sheets were refastened, and the men, taking their places, held on to the cords or life-lines. It was an anxious moment. No one could guess how the boats would behave under the approaching trial. "Oars out," cried the Captain, "we must run before it." A hiss, which had been gradually increasing as the squall drew near, broke into a kind of roar, and wind and waves rushed upon them as the men bent their backs to the oars with all their might. It was soon found that the boats had so little hold of the water that the wind and oars combined carried them forward so fast as to decrease considerably the danger of being whelmed by a falling wave. These waves increased every moment in size, and their crests were so broken and cut off by the gale that the three boats, instead of appearing as they had hitherto done the only solid objects in the scene, were almost lost to sight in the chaos of black waves and driving foam. Although they tried their best to keep close together they failed, and each soon became ignorant of the position of the others. The last that they saw of Alf's boat was in the hollow between two seas like a vanishing cormorant or a northern diver. Leo was visible some time longer. He was wielding the steering-oar in an attitude of vigorous caution, while his Eskimos were pulling as if for their lives. An enormous wave rose behind them, curled over their heads and appeared ready to overwhelm them, but the sturdy rowers sent the boat forward, and the broken crest passed under them. The next billow was still larger. Taken up though he was with his own boat the Captain found time to glance at them with horror. "They're gone!" he cried, as the top of the billow fell, and nothing was seen save the heads of the four men like dark spots on the foam. The boat had in truth been overwhelmed and sunk, but, like a true lifeboat it rose to the surface like a cork the instant the weight of water was removed, and her crew, who had held on to the life-lines and oars, were still safe. "Well done the little _Hope_!" cried the Captain, while Benjy gave vent to his feelings in a cheer, which was evidently heard by Leo, for he was seen to wave his hand in reply. Next moment another wave hid the _Hope_ from view, and it was seen no more at that time. "I feel easier now, Benjy, thank God, after _that_. Alf is a fair steersman, and our boats are evidently able to stand rough usage." Benjy made no reply. He was rubbing the water out of his eyes, and anxiously looking through the thick air in the hope of seeing Leo's boat again. The poor boy was grave enough now. When the might and majesty of the Creator are manifested in the storm and the raging sea, the merely humorous fancies of man are apt to be held in check. The Captain's boat went rushing thus wildly onwards, still, fortunately, in the right direction; and for some hours there was no decrease in the force of the gale. Then, instead of abating, as might have been expected, it suddenly increased to such an extent that speedy destruction appeared to be inevitable. "No sort o' craft could live long in _this_," muttered the Captain, as if to himself rather than to his son, who sat with a firm expression on his somewhat pale countenance, looking wistfully towards the northern horizon. Perhaps he was wondering whether it was worth while to risk so much for such an end. Suddenly he shaded his eyes with his hand and gazed intently. "Land!" he exclaimed in a low eager tone. "Whereaway, boy? Ay, so there is something there. What say you, Chingatok? Is it land?" The giant, who, during all this time, had calmly plied a pair of oars with strength equal almost to that of four men, looked over his shoulder without, however, relaxing his efforts. "No," he said, turning round again, "it is an ice-hill." "A berg!" exclaimed the Captain. "We will make for it. Tie your handkerchief, Benjy, to the end of an oar and hold it up. It will serve as a guide to our comrades." In a wonderfully short space of time the berg which Benjy had seen as a mere speck on the horizon rose sharp, rugged, and white against the black sky. It was a very large one--so large that it had no visible motion, but seemed as firm as a rock, while the billows of the Arctic Ocean broke in thunder on its glassy shore. "We'll get shelter behind it, Ben, my boy," said the Captain, "hold the oar well up, and don't let the rag clap round the blade. Shake it out so. God grant that they may see it." "Amen," ejaculated Benjy to the prayer with heartfelt intensity. There was danger as well as safety in the near vicinity to this berg, for many of its pinnacles seemed ready to fall, and there was always the possibility of a mass being broken off under water, which might destroy the equilibrium of the whole berg, and cause it to revolve with awfully destructive power. However, there was one favourable point--the base was broad, and the ice-cliffs that bordered the sea were not high. In a few more minutes the western end of the berg was passed. Its last cape was rounded, and the _Faith_ was swept by the united efforts of Chingatok, Benjy, and Toolooha, (who _would_ not remain under cover), into the comparatively still water on the lee, or northern side of the berg. "Hurrah!" shouted Benjy in a tone that was too energetic and peculiar to have been called forth by the mere fact of his own escape from danger. Captain Vane looked in the direction indicated by the boy's glistening eyes--glistening with the salt tears of joy as well as with salt sea spray--and there beheld the other two boats coming dancing in like wild things on the crests of the heaving waves. They had seen the signal of the handkerchief, understood and followed it, and, in a few minutes more, were under the lee of the ice-cliffs, thanking God and congratulating each other on their deliverance. A sheltered cove was soon found, far enough removed from cliffs and pinnacles to insure moderate safety. Into this they ran, and there they spent the night, serenaded by the roaring gale, and lullabied by the crash of falling spires and the groans of rending ice. CHAPTER FOURTEEN. RECORDS A WONDERFUL APPARITION BUT A FURIOUS NIGHT. When the storm had passed, a profound calm once more settled down on the face of nature, as if the elements had been utterly exhausted by the conflict. Once more the sea became like a sheet of undulating glass, in which clouds and sun and boats were reflected vividly, and once again our voyagers found themselves advancing towards the north, abreast of each other, and rowing sociably together at the rate of about four miles an hour. When advancing under oars they went thus abreast so as to converse freely, but when proceeding under kites they kept in single file, so as to give scope for swerving, in the event of sudden change of wind, and to prevent the risk of the entanglement of lines. "What is that?" exclaimed Benjy, pointing suddenly to an object ahead which appeared at regular intervals on the surface of the water. "A whale, I think," said Leo. "A whale usually spouts on coming up, doesn't it?" said Alf. Chingatok uttered an unpronounceable Eskimo word which did not throw light on the subject. "What is it, Anders?" shouted the Captain. "What you say?" asked the interpreter from Alf's boat, which was on the other side of the _Hope_. "If these squawkin' things would hold their noise, you'd hear better," growled the Captain before repeating the question. His uncourteous remark had reference to a cloud of gulls which circled round and followed the boats with remonstrative cries and astonished looks. "It's beast," shouted Anders, "not knows his name in Ingliss." "Humph! a man with half an eye might see it is `beast,'" retorted the Captain in an undertone. As he spoke, the "beast" changed its course and bore down upon them. As it drew near the Englishmen became excited, for the size of the creature seemed beyond anything they had yet seen. Strange to say, the Eskimos looked at it with their wonted gaze of calm indifference. "It's the great sea-serpent at last," said Benjy, with something like awe on his countenance. "It does look uncommon like it," replied the Captain, with a perplexed expression on his rugged visage. "Get out the rifles, lad! It's as well to be ready. D'ye know what it is, Chingatok?" Again the giant uttered the unpronounceable name, while Benjy got out the fire-arms with eager haste. "Load 'em all, Ben, load 'em all, an' cram the Winchester to the muzzle," said the Captain. "There's no sayin' what we may have to encounter; though I _have_ heard of a gigantic bit of seaweed bein' mistaken for the great sea-serpent before now." "That may be, father," said Benjy, with increasing excitement, "but nobody ever saw a bit of seaweed swim with the activity of a gigantic eel like _that_. Why, I have counted its coils as they rise and sink, and I'm quite sure it's a hundred and fifty yards long if it's an inch." Those in the other boats were following the Captain's example,--getting out and charging the fire-arms,--and truly there seemed some ground for their alarm, for the creature, which approached at a rapid rate, appeared most formidable. Yet, strange to say, the Eskimos paid little attention to it, and seemed more taken up with the excitement of the white men. When the creature had approached to within a quarter of a mile, it diverged a little to the left, and passed the boats at the distance of a few hundred yards. Then Captain Vane burst into a sudden laugh, and shouted:-- "Grampuses!" "What?" cried Leo. "Grampuses!" repeated the Captain. "Why, it's only a shoal of grampuses following each other in single file, that we've mistaken for one creature!" Never before was man or boy smitten with heavier disappointment than was poor Benjy Vane on that trying occasion. "Why, what's wrong with you, Benjy?" asked his father, as he looked at his woeful countenance. "To think," said the poor boy, slowly, "that I've come all the way to the North Pole for _this_! Why I've believed in the great sea-serpent since ever I could think, I've seen pictures of it twisting its coils round three-masted ships, and goin' over the ocean with a mane like a lion, and its head fifty feet out o' the water! Oh! it's too bad, I'd have given my ears to have seen the great sea-serpent." "There wouldn't have been much of you left, Benjy, if you had given _them_." "Well, well," continued the boy, not noticing his father's remark, "it's some comfort to know that I've all _but_ seen the great sea-serpent." It is some comfort to us, reader, to be able to record the fact that Benjy Vane was not doomed to total disappointment on that memorable day, for, on the same evening, the voyagers had an encounter with walruses which more than made up for the previous misfortune. It happened thus:-- The three boats were proceeding abreast, slowly but steadily over the still calm sea, when their attention was attracted by a sudden and tremendous splash or upheaval of water, just off what the Captain styled his "port bow." At the same moment the head of a walrus appeared on the surface like a gigantic black bladder. It seemed to be as large as the head of a small elephant, and its ivory tusks were not less than two feet long. There was a square bluntness about the creature's head, and a savage look about its little bloodshot eyes, which gave to it a very hideous aspect. Its bristling moustache, each hair of which was six inches long, and as thick as a crow quill, dripped with brine, and it raised itself high out of the water, turning its head from side to side with a rapidity and litheness of action that one would not have expected in an animal so unwieldy. Evidently it was looking eagerly for something. Catching sight of the three boats, it seemed to have found what it looked for, and made straight at them. Leo quietly got ready his Winchester repeater, a rifle which, as the reader probably knows, can discharge a dozen or more shots in rapid succession; the cartridges being contained in a case resembling a thick ram-rod under the barrel, from which they are thrust almost instantaneously into their places. But before the creature gained the boats, a second great upheaval of water took place, and another walrus appeared. This was the real enemy of whom he had been in quest. Both were bulls of the largest and most ferocious description. No sooner did they behold each other, than, with a roar, something betwixt a bark and a bellow, they collided, and a furious fight began. The sea was churned into foam around them as they rolled, reared, spurned, and drove their tusks into each other's skulls and shoulders. The boats lay quietly by, their occupants looking on with interest. The Eskimos were particularly excited, but no one spoke or acted. They all seemed fascinated by the fight. Soon one and another and another walrus-head came up out of the sea, and then it was understood that a number of cow walruses had come to witness the combat! But the human audience paid little regard to these, so much were they engrossed by the chief actors. It might have been thought, from the position of their tusks, which are simply an enlargement and prolongation of the canine teeth, that these combatants could only strike with them in a downward direction, but this was not so. On the contrary, they turned their thick necks with so much ease and rapidity that they could strike in all directions with equal force, and numerous were the wounds inflicted on either side, as the blood-red foam soon testified. We have said that the human spectators of the scene remained inactive, but, at the first pause, the Captain said he thought they might as well put a stop to the fight, and advised Leo to give one of them a shot. "We'll not be the worse for a fresh steak," he added to Benjy, as Leo was taking aim. The effect of the shot was very unexpected. One of the bulls was hit, but evidently not in a deadly manner, for the motion of the boat had disturbed Leo's aim. Each combatant turned with a look of wild surprise at the interruptor, and, as not unfrequently happens in cases of interference with fights, both made a furious rush at him. At the same moment, all the cows seemed to be smitten with pugnacity, and joined in the attack. There was barely time to get ready, when the furious animals were upon them. Guns and rifles were pointed, axes and spears grasped, and oars gripped. Even the women seized each a spear, and stood on the defensive. A simultaneous volley checked the enemy for a moment, and sent one of the cows to the bottom; but with a furious bellow they charged again. The great anxiety of the defenders was to prevent the monsters from getting close to the boats, so as to hook on to them with their tusks, which would probably have overturned them, or penetrated the inflated sides. In either case, destruction would have been inevitable, and it was only by the active use of oar, axe, and spear that this was prevented. Twice did one of the bulls charge the Captain's boat, and on both occasions he was met by the tremendous might of Chingatok, who planted the end of an oar on his blunt nose, and thrust him off. On each occasion, also, he received a shot from the double barrel of Benjy, who fired the first time into his open mouth, and the second time into his eye, but an angry cough from the one, and a wink from the other showed that he did not mind it much. Meantime the Captain, with the Winchester repeater, was endeavouring--but vainly, owing to the motions of the giant, and the swaying of the boat--to get a shot at the beast, while Toolooha, with an axe, was coquetting with a somewhat timid cow near the stern. At last an opportunity offered. Captain Vane poured half a dozen balls as quick as he could fire into the head of the bull, which immediately sank. Not less vigorously did the occupants of the other boats receive the charge. Leo, being more active than the Captain, as well as more expert with his repeater, slew his male opponent in shorter time, and with less expenditure of ammunition. Butterface, too, gained much credit by the prompt manner in which he split the skull of one animal with an axe. Even Oblooria, the timid, rose to the occasion, and displayed unlooked-for heroism. With a barbed seal-spear she stood up and invited a baby walrus to come on--by looks, not by words. The baby accepted the invitation--perhaps, being a pugnacious baby, it was coming on at any rate--and Oblooria gave it a vigorous dab on the nose. It resented the insult by shaking its head fiercely, and endeavouring to back off, but the barb had sunk into the wound and held on. Oblooria also held on. Oolichuk, having just driven off a cow walrus, happened to observe the situation, and held on to Oblooria. The baby walrus was secured, and, almost as soon as the old bull was slain, had a line attached to it, and was made fast to the stern. "Well done, little girl!" exclaimed Oolichuk in admiration, "you're almost as good as a man." Among civilised people this might have been deemed a doubtful compliment, but it was not so in Eskimo-land. The little maid was evidently much pleased, and the title of the Timid One, which Oolichuk was wont to give her when in a specially endearing frame of mind, was changed for the Brave One from that day. In a few more minutes the last charge of the enemy was repulsed, and those of them that remained alive dived back to that native home into which the slain had already sunk. Thus ended that notable fight with walruses. After consummating the victory with three cheers and congratulating each other, the conquerors proceeded to examine into the extent of damage received. It was found that, beyond a few scratches, the _Faith_ and the _Hope_ had escaped scathless, but the _Charity_ had suffered considerably. Besides a bad rip in the upper part of the gunwale, a small hole had been poked in her side below water, and her air-chamber was filling rapidly. "Come here, quick, uncle," cried Alf, in consternation, when he discovered this. To his surprise the Captain was not so much alarmed as he had expected. "It won't sink you, Alf, so keep your mind easy," he said, while examining the injury. "You see I took care to have the boats made in compartments. It will only make you go lop-sided like a lame duck till I can repair the damage." "Repair it, uncle! how can--" "Never mind just now, hand out a blanket, quick; I'll explain after; we must undergird her and keep out as much water as we can." This operation was soon accomplished. The blanket was passed under the boat and made fast. By pressing against the injured part it checked the inflow of water. Then the cargo was shifted, and part of it was transferred to the other boats, and soon they were advancing as pleasantly, though not as quickly as before, while the Captain explained that he had brought a solution of gutta-percha for the express purpose of repairing damages to the boats, but that it was impossible to use it until they could disembark either on land or on an iceberg. "We'll come to another berg ere long, no doubt, shan't we, Chingatok?" he asked. The Eskimo shook his head and said he thought not, but there was a small rocky islet not far from where they were, though it lay somewhat out of their course. On hearing this the Captain changed his course immediately, and rowed in the direction pointed out. "There's wind enough up there, Benjy," remarked his father, looking up to the sky, where the higher clouds were seen rapidly passing the lower strata to the northward, "but how to get the kites set up in a dead calm is more than I can tell." "There is a way out of the difficulty, father," said Benjy, pointing behind them. He referred to a slight breeze which was ruffling the sea into what are called cat's paws far astern. "Right boy, right. Prepare to hoist your tops'ls, lads," shouted the Captain. In a few minutes the kites were expanded and the tow-lines attached. When the light breeze came up they all soared, heavily, it is true, but majestically, into the sky. Soon reaching the upper regions, they caught the steady breeze there, and towed the boats along at the rate of eight or ten miles an hour. In two hours they sighted the islet which Chingatok had mentioned, and, soon afterwards, had landed and taken possession of it, in the usual manner, under the name of Refuge Island. CHAPTER FIFTEEN. DISCOURSES OF DEEP THINGS. The islet, or rock, for it was little more, which the explorers had reached, was low and extremely barren. Nevertheless it had on it a large colony of sea-fowl, which received the strangers with their wonted clamour of indignation--if not of welcome. As it was near noon at the time, the Captain and Leo went with their sextants to the highest part of the island to ascertain its position; the Eskimos set about making an encampment, unloading the boats, etcetera, and Alf, with hammer and botanical box, set off on a short ramble along the coast, accompanied by Benjy and Butterface. Sometimes these three kept together and chatted, at other times they separated a little, each attracted by some object of interest, or following the lead, it might have been, of wayward fancy. But they never lost sight of each other, and, after a couple of hours, converged, as if by tacit consent, until they met and sat down to rest on a ledge of rock. "Well, I _do_ like this sort o' thing," remarked Benjy, as he wiped his heated brow. "There is something to me so pleasant and peaceful about a low rocky shore with the sun blazing overhead and the great sea stretching out flat and white in a dead calm with just ripple enough to let you know it is all alive and hearty--only resting, like a good-humoured and sleepy giant." "Why, Ben, I declare you are becoming poetical," said Alf with a smile; "your conceptions correspond with those of Buzzby, who writes:-- "`Great Ocean, slumb'ring in majestic calm, Lies like a mighty--a mighty--' "I--I fear I've forgotten. Let me see:-- "`Great Ocean, slumb'ring in majestic calm, Lies like a mighty--'" "Giant in a dwalm," suggested Benjy. "We'll change the subject," said Alf, opening his botanical box and taking out several specimens of plants and rocks. "See, here are some bits of rock of a kind that are quite new to me." "What's de use ob dem?" inquired Butterface with a look of earnest simplicity. "The use?" said Benjy, taking on himself to reply; "why, you flat-nosed grampus, don't you know that these bits of rock are made for the express purpose of being carried home, identified, classified, labelled, stuck up in a museum, and stared at by wondering ignoramuses, who care nothing whatever about them, and know less. Geologists are constantly going about the world with their little hammers keeping up the supply." "Yes, Butterface," said Alf, "Benjy is partly correct; such specimens will be treated as he describes, and be stared at in blank stupidity by hundreds of fellows like himself, but they will also be examined and understood by geologists, who from their profound knowledge of the plans which our Creator seems to have had in arranging the materials of the earth, are able to point out many interesting and useful facts which are not visible to the naked and unscientific eye, such, for instance, as the localities where coal and other precious things may be found." "Kin dey tell whar' gold is to be found, massa Alf?" "O yes, they can tell that." "Den it's dis yer chile as wishes," said Butterface with a sigh, "dat he was a jollygist." "Oh! Butterface, you're a jolly goose at all events," said Benjy; "wouldn't it be fun to go and discover a gold mine, and dig up as much as would keep us in happy idleness all the rest of our lives? But I say, Alf, have you nothing better than geological specimens in your box--no grubological specimens, eh?" Alf replied by producing from his box a paper parcel which contained some of the required specimens in the shape of biscuit and pemmican. "Capital! Well, you are a good fellow, Alf. Let us make a table-cloth of the paper--now, you undisciplined black, don't glare so at the victuals, else you'll grow too hungry for a moderate supply." When the trio were in the full swing of vigorous feeding, the negro paused, with his mouth full, to ask Alf what would be the use of the North Pole when it was discovered. "Make matches or firewood of it," said Benjy just as he was about to stop up his impudent mouth with a lump of pemmican. "Truly, of what use the Pole itself may be--supposing it to exist in the form of a thing," said Alf, "I cannot tell, but it has already been of great use in creating expeditions to the Polar regions. You know well enough, Butterface, for you've been round the Capes of Good Hope and Horn often enough, what a long long voyage it is to the eastern seas, on the other side of the world, and what a saving of time and expense it would be if we could find a shorter route to those regions, from which so many of our necessaries and luxuries come. Now, if we could only discover an open sea in the Arctic regions which would allow our ships to sail in a straight line from England across the North Pole to Behring's Straits, the voyage to the East would be reduced to only about 5000 miles, and we should be able to reach Japan in three or four weeks. Just think what an advantage that would be to commerce!" "Tea at twopence a pound an' sugar to match--not to mention molasses and baccy, you ignorant nigger!" said Benjy;--"pass the biscuits." "An' now, massa Alf," said Butterface with an eager look, "we's diskivered dis open sea--eh!" "Well, it seems as if we had." "But what good will it do us," argued Benjy, becoming more earnest in the discussion, "if it's all surrounded by a ring of ice such as we have passed over on sledges." "If," repeated Alf, "in that `if' lies the whole question. No doubt Enterprise has fought heroically for centuries to overleap this supposed ring of ice, and science has stood expectant on the edge, looking eagerly for the day when human perseverance shall reveal the secrets of the Far North. It is true, also, that _we_ at last appear to have penetrated into the great unknown, but who shall say that the so-called ice-ring has been fully examined? Our explorations have been hitherto confined to one or two parts of it. We may yet find an ever-open entrance to this open Polar sea, and our ships may yet be seen sailing regularly to and fro over the North Pole." "Just so," said Benjy, "a North Pole steam line once a month to Japan and back--first class accommodation for second class fares. Walrus and white bear parties dropped on the way at the Pole Star Hotel, an easy trip from the Pole itself, which may be made in Eskimo cabs in summer and reindeer sleighs in winter. Return tickets available for six months--touching at China, India, Nova Zembla, Kamtschatka, and Iceland. Splendid view of Hecla and the great Mer de Glace of Greenland--fogs permitting.--Don't eat so much, Butterface, else bu'stin' will surely be your doom." "Your picture is perhaps a little overdrawn, Ben," rejoined Alf with a smile. "So would the ancients have said," retorted Benjy, "if you had prophesied that in the nineteenth century our steamers would pass through the Straits of Hercules, up the Mediterranean, and over the land to India; or that our cousins' steam cars would go rattling across the great prairies of America, through the vast forests, over and under the Rocky Mountains from the States to California, in seven days; or that the telephone or electric light should ever come into being." "Well, you see, Butterface," said Alf, "there is a great deal to be said in favour of Arctic exploration, even at the present day, and despite all the rebuffs that we have received. Sir Edward Sabine, one of the greatest Arctic authorities, says of the route from the Atlantic to the Pacific, that it is the greatest geographical achievement which can be attempted, and that it will be the crowning enterprise of those Arctic researches in which England has hitherto had the pre-eminence. Why, Butterface," continued Alf, warming with his subject, while the enthusiastic negro listened as it were with every feature of his expressive face, and even the volatile Benjy became attentive, "why, there is no telling what might be the advantages that would arise from systematic exploration of these unknown regions, which cover a space of not less than two million, five hundred thousand square miles. It would advance the science of hydrography, and help to solve some of the difficult problems connected with Equatorial and Polar currents. It would enable us, it is said, by a series of pendulum observations at or near the Pole, to render essential service to the science of geology, to form a mathematical theory of the physical condition of the earth, and to ascertain its exact conformation. It would probably throw light on the wonderful phenomena of magnetism and atmospheric electricity and the mysterious Aurora Borealis--to say nothing of the flora of these regions and the animal life on the land and in the sea." "Why, Alf," exclaimed Benjy in surprise, "I had no idea you were so deeply learned on these subjects." "Deeply learned!" echoed Alf with a laugh, "why, I have only a smattering of them. Just knowledge enough to enable me in some small degree to appreciate the vast amount of knowledge which I have yet to acquire. Why do you look perplexed, Butterface?" "'Cause, massa, you's too deep for me altogidder. My brain no big 'nough to hold it all." "And your skull's too thick to let it through to the little blob of brain that you do possess," said Benjy with a kindly-contemptuous look at his sable friend. "Oh! flatnose, you're a terrible thick-head." "You's right dere, massa," replied the negro, with a gratified smile at what he deemed a compliment. "You should ha' seed me dat time when I was leetle boy down in Ole Virginny, whar dey riz me, when my gran'moder she foun' me stickin' my fist in de molasses-jar an' lickin' it off. She swarmed at me an' fetch me one kick, she did, an' sent me slap troo a pannel ob de loft door, an' tumbled me down de back stair, whar I felled over de edge an' landed on de top ob a tar barrel w'ich my head run into. I got on my legs, I did, wiv difficulty, an' runned away never a bit de worse--not even a headache--only it was tree months afore I got dat tar rightly out o' my wool. Yes, my head's t'ick _'nough_." While Butterface was speaking, Leo and the Captain were seen approaching, and the three rose to meet them. There was a grave solemnity in the Captain's look which alarmed them. "Nothing wrong I hope, uncle?" said Alf. "Wrong! no, lad, there's nothing wrong. On the contrary, everything is right. Why, where do you think we have got to?" "A hundred and fifty miles from the Pole," said Alf. "Less, less," said Leo, with an excited look. "We are not more," said the Captain slowly, as he took off his hat and wiped his brow, "not more than a hundred and forty miles from it." "Then we could be there in three days or sooner, with a good breeze," cried Benjy, whose enthusiasm was aroused. "Ay, Ben, if there was nothing in the way; but it's quite clear from what Chingatok says, that we are drawing near to his native land, which cannot be more than fifty miles distant, if so much. You remember he has told us his home is one of a group of islands, some of which are large and some small; some mountainous and others flat and swampy, affording food and shelter to myriads of wild-fowl; so, you see, after we get there our progress northward through such a country, without roads or vehicles, won't be at the rate of ten miles an hour by any means." "Besides," added Leo, "it would not be polite to Chingatok's countrymen if we were to leave them immediately after arriving. Perhaps they would not let us go, so I fear that we shan't gain the end of our journey yet a while, but that does not matter much, for we're sure to make it out at last." "What makes the matter more uncertain," resumed the Captain, as they sauntered back to camp, "is the fact that this northern archipelago is peopled by different tribes of Eskimos, some of whom are of a warlike spirit and frequently give the others trouble. However, Chingatok says we shall have no difficulty in reaching this Nothing--as he will insist on styling the Pole, ever since I explained to him that it was not a real but an imaginary point." "I wonder how Anders ever got him to understand what an imaginary point is," said Benjy. "That has puzzled me too," returned the Captain, "but he did get it screwed into him somehow, and the result is--Nothing!" "Out of nothing nothing comes," remarked Leo, as the giant suddenly appeared from behind a rock, "but assuredly _nothing_ can beat Chingatok in size or magnificence, which is more than anything else can." The Eskimo had been searching for the absentees to announce that dinner was ready, and that Toolooha was impatient to begin; they all therefore quickened their pace, and soon after came within scent of the savoury mess which had been prepared for them by the giant's squat but amiable mother. CHAPTER SIXTEEN. ARRIVAL IN POLOELAND. Fortune, which had hitherto proved favourable to our brave explorers, did not desert them at the eleventh hour. Soon after their arrival at Refuge Island a fair wind sprang up from the south, and when the _Charity_ had been carefully patched and repaired, the kites were sent up and the voyage was continued. That day and night they spent again upon the boundless sea, for the island was soon left out of sight behind them, though the wind was not very fresh. Towards morning it fell calm altogether, obliging them to haul down the kites and take to the oars. "It can't be far off now, Chingatok," said the Captain, who became rather impatient as the end drew near. "Not far," was the brief reply. "Land ho!" shouted Benjy, about half-an-hour after that. But Benjy was forced to admit that anxiety had caused him to take an iceberg on the horizon for land. "Well, anyhow you must admit," said Benjy, on approaching the berg, "that it's big enough for a fellow to mistake it for a mountain. I wonder what it's doing here without any brothers or sisters to keep it company." "Under-currents brought it here, lad," said the Captain. "You see, such a monster as that must go very deep down, and the warm under-current has not yet melted away enough of his base to permit the surface-current to carry him south like the smaller members of his family. He is still travelling north, but that won't last long. He'll soon become small enough to put about and go the other way. I never saw a bigger fellow than that, Benjy. Hayes, the American, mentions one which he measured, about 315 feet high, and nearly a mile long. It had been grounded for two years. He calculated that there must have been seven times as much of it below water as there was above, so that it was stranded in nearly half-a-mile depth of water. This berg cannot be far short of that one in size." "Hm! probably then his little brothers and sisters are being now crushed to bits in Baffin's Bay," said Benjy. "Not unlikely, Ben, if they've not already been melted in the Atlantic, which will be this one's fate at last--sooner or later." From a pool on this berg they obtained a supply of pure fresh water. When our explorers did at last sight the land it came upon them unexpectedly, in the form of an island so low that they were quite close before observing it. The number of gulls hovering above it might have suggested its presence, but as these birds frequently hover in large flocks over shoals of small fish, little attention was paid to them. "Is this your native land, Chingatok?" asked the Captain, quickly. "No, it is over there," said the Eskimo, pointing to the distant horizon; "this is the first of the islands." As they gazed they perceived a mountain-shaped cloud so faint and far away that it had almost escaped observation. Advancing slowly, this cloud was seen to take definite form and colour. "I _knew_ it was!" said Benjy, "but was afraid of making another mistake." Had the boy or his father looked attentively at the giant just then, they would have seen that his colour deepened, his eyes glittered, and his great chest heaved a little more than was its wont, as he looked over his shoulder while labouring at the oars. Perhaps we should have said played with the oars, for they were mere toys in his grasp. Chingatok's little mother also was evidently affected by the sight of home. But the Captain and his son saw it not--they were too much occupied with their own thoughts and feelings. To the Englishmen the sight of land roused only one great all-engrossing thought--the North Pole! which, despite the absurdity of the idea, _would_ present itself in the form of an upright post of terrific magnitude--a worthy axle-tree, as it were, for the world to revolve upon. To the big Eskimo land presented itself in the form of a palatial stone edifice measuring fifteen feet by twelve, with a dear pretty little wife choking herself in the smoke of a cooking-lamp, and a darling little boy choking himself with a mass of walrus blubber. Thus the same object, when presented to different minds, suggested ideas that were: "Diverse as calm from thunder, Wide as the poles asunder." It was midnight when the boats drew near to land. The island in which stood the giant's humble home seemed to Captain Vane not more than eight or ten miles in extent, and rose to a moderate height--apparently about five or six hundred feet. It was picturesque in form and composed of rugged rocks, the marks on which, and the innumerable boulders everywhere, showed that at some remote period of the world's history, it had been subjected to the influence of glacial action. No glacier was visible now, however--only, on the rocky summit lay a patch or two of the last winter's snow-drift, which was too deep for the summer sun to melt away. From this storehouse of water gushed numerous tiny rivulets which brawled cheerily rather than noisily among the rocks, watering the rich green mosses and grasses which abounded in patches everywhere, and giving life to countless wild-flowers and berries which decked and enriched the land. Just off the island--which by a strange coincidence the inhabitants had named Poloe--there were hundreds of other islets of every shape and size, but nearly all of them low, and many flat and swampy--the breeding-grounds of myriads of waterfowl. There were lakelets in many of these isles, in the midst of which were still more diminutive islets, whose moss-covered rocks and fringing sedges were reflected in the crystal water. Under a cliff on the main island stood the Eskimo village, a collection of stone huts, bathed in the slanting light of the midnight sun. But no sound issued from these huts or from the neighbouring islands. It was the period of rest for man and bird. Air, earth, and water were locked in profound silence and repose. "We've got to Paradise at last, father," was the first sound that broke the silence, if we except the gentle dip of the oars and the rippling water on the bow. "Looks like it, Benjy," replied the Captain. A wakeful dog on shore was the first to scent the coming strangers. He gave vent to a low growl. It was the keynote to the canine choir, which immediately sent up a howl of discord. Forthwith from every hut there leaped armed men, anxious women, and terrified children, which latter rushed towards the cliffs or took refuge among the rocks. "Hallo! Chingatok, your relations are not to be taken by surprise," said the Captain--or something to that effect--in Eskimo. The giant shook his head somewhat gravely. "They must be at war," he said. "At war! whom with?" "With the Neerdoowulls," replied Chingatok with a frown. "They are always giving us trouble." "Not badly named, father," said Benjy; "one would almost think they must be of Scotch extraction." At that moment the natives--who had been gesticulating wildly and brandishing spears and bone knives with expressions of fury that denoted a strong desire on their part to carve out the hearts and transfix the livers of the newcomers--suddenly gave vent to a shout of surprise, which was succeeded by a scream of joy. Chingatok had stood up in the boat and been recognised. The giant's dog--an appropriately large one-- had been the first to observe him, and expressed its feelings by wagging its tail to such an extent that its hind legs had difficulty in keeping the ground. Immediately on landing, the party was surrounded by a clamorous crew, who, to do them justice, took very little notice of the strangers, so overjoyed were they at the return of their big countryman. Soon a little pleasant though flattish-faced woman pushed through the crowd and seized the giant. This was his wife Pingasuk, or Pretty One. She was _petite_--not much larger than Oblooria the timid. The better to get at her, Chingatok went down on his knees, seized her by the shoulders, and rubbed her nose against his so vigorously that the smaller nose bid fair to come off altogether. He had to stoop still lower when a stout urchin of about five years of age came up behind him and tried to reach his face. "Meltik!" exclaimed the giant, rubbing noses gently for fear of damaging him, "you are stout and fat, my son, you have been eating much blubber-- good." At that moment Chingatok's eyes fell on an object which had hitherto escaped his observation. It was a little round yellow head in his wife's hood, with a pair of small black eyes which stared at him in blank surprise. He made a snatch at it and drew forth--a naked baby! "Our girlie," said the wife, with a pleased but anxious look; "don't squeeze. She is very young and tender--like a baby seal." The glad father tried to fold the creature to his bosom; nearly dropped it in his excess of tender caution; thrust it hastily back into his wife's hood, and rose to give a respectful greeting to an aged man with a scrubby white beard, who came forward at the moment. "Who are these, my son?" asked the old man, pointing to the Englishmen, who, standing in a group with amused expressions, watched the meeting above described. "These are the Kablunets, father. I met them, as I expected, in the far-off land. The poor creatures were wandering about in a great kayak, which they have lost, searching for _nothing_!" "Searching for nothing! my son, that cannot be. It is not possible to search for nothing--at least it is not possible to find it." "But that is what they come here for," persisted Chingatok; "they call it the Nort Pole." "And what is the Nort Pole, my son?" "It is nothing, father." The old man looked at his stately son with something of anxiety mingled with his surprise. "Has Chingatok become a fool, like the Kablunets, since he left home?" he asked in a low voice. "Chingatok is not sure," replied the giant, gravely. "He has seen so much to puzzle him since he went away, that he sometimes feels foolish." The old Eskimo looked steadily at his son for a few moments, and shook his head. "I will speak to these men--these foolish men," he said. "Do they understand our language?" "Some of them understand and speak a little, father, but they have with them one named Unders, who interprets. Come here, Unders." Anders promptly stepped to the front and interpreted, while the old Eskimo put Captain Vane through an examination of uncommon length and severity. At the close of it he shook his head with profound gravity, and turned again to his son. "You have indeed brought to us a set of fools, Chingatok. Your voyage to the far-off lands has not been very successful. These men want something that they do not understand; that they could not see if it was before them; that they cannot describe when they talk about it, and that they could not lay hold of if they had it." "Yes, father," sighed Chingatok, "it is as I told you--nothing; only the Nort Pole--a mere name." A new light seemed to break in on Chingatok as he said this, for he added quickly, "But, father, a name is _something_--my name, Chingatok, is something, yet it is nothing. You cannot see it, you do not lay hold of it, yet it is there." "Toohoo! my son, that is so, no doubt, but your name describes _you_, and you are something. No one ever goes to a far-off land to search for a _name_. If this Nort Pole is only a name and not a _thing_, how can it _be_?" exclaimed the old man, turning on his heel and marching off in a paroxysm of metaphysical disgust. He appeared to change his mind, however, for, turning abruptly back, he said to Anders, "Tell these strangers that I am glad to see them; that a house and food shall be given to them, and that they are welcome to Poloe. Perhaps their land--the far-off land--is a poor one; they may not have enough to eat. If so, they may stay in this rich land of mine to hunt and fish as long as they please. But tell them that the Eskimos love wise men, and do not care for foolishness. They must not talk any more about this search after nothing--this Nort Pole--this nonsense-- huk!" Having delivered himself of these sentiments with much dignity, the old man again turned on his heel with a regal wave of the hand, and marched up to his hut. "That must be the King of Poloe," whispered Captain Vane to Leo, endeavouring to suppress a smile at the concluding caution, as they followed Anders and one of the natives to the hut set apart for them. The Captain was only half right. Amalatok was indeed the chief of the island, but the respect and deference shown to him by the tribe were owing more to the man's age and personal worth, than to his rank. He had succeeded his father as chief of the tribe, and, during a long life, had led his people in council, at the hunt, and in war, with consummate ability and success. Although old, he still held the reins of power, chiefly because his eldest son and rightful successor--Chingatok's elder brother--was a weak-minded man of little capacity and somewhat malignant disposition. If our giant had been his eldest, he would have resigned cheerfully long ago. As it was, he did not see his way to change the customs of the land, though he could not tell when, or by whom, or under what circumstances, the order of succession had been established. Probably, like many other antiquated customs, it had been originally the result of despotism on the part of men in power, and of stupid acquiescence on the part of an unthinking people. On reaching his hut the old chief sat down, and, leaning carelessly against the wall, he toyed with a bit of walrus rib, as an Englishman might with a pair of nut-crackers at dessert. "Why did you bring these barbarians here?" "I did not bring them, father, they brought me," said the son with a deprecating glance. "Huk!" exclaimed the chief, after which he added, "hum!" It was evident that he had received new light, and was meditating thereon. "My son," continued Amalatok, "these Kablunets seem to be stout-bodied fellows; can they fight--are they brave?" "They are brave, father, very brave. Even the little one, whom they call Bunjay, is brave--also, he is funny. I have never seen the Kablunets fight with men, but they fight well with the bear and the walrus and the ice. They are not such fools as you seem to think. True, about this nothing--this Nort Pole--they are quite mad, but in other matters they are very wise and knowing, as you shall see before long." "Good, good," remarked the old chief, flinging the walrus rib at an intrusive dog with signal success, "I am glad to hear you say that, because I may want their help." Amalatok showed one symptom of true greatness--a readiness to divest himself of prejudice. "For what do you require their help, father?" asked Chingatok. Instead of answering, the old chief wrenched off another walrus rib from its native backbone, and began to gnaw it growlingly, as if it were his enemy and he a dog. "My father is disturbed in his mind," said the giant in a sympathising tone. Even a less observant man than Chingatok might have seen that the old chief was not only disturbed in mind, but also in body, for his features twitched convulsively, and his face grew red as he thought of his wrongs. "Listen," said Amalatok, flinging the rib at another intrusive dog, again with success, and laying his hand impressively on his son's arm. "My enemy, Grabantak--that bellowing walrus, that sly seal, that empty-skulled puffin, that porpoise, cormorant, narwhal--s-s-sus!" The old man set his teeth and hissed. "Well, my father?" "It is not well, my son. It is all ill. That marrowless bear is stirring up his people, and there is no doubt that we shall soon be again engaged in a bloody--a _useless_ war." "What is it all about, father?" "About!--about nothing." "Huk! about Nort Pole--nothing," murmured Chingatok--his thoughts diverted by the word. "No, it is worse than Nort Pole, worse than nothing," returned the chief sternly; "it is a small island--very small--so small that a seal would not have it for a breathing-place. Nothing on it; no moss, no grass. Birds won't stay there--only fly over it and wink with contempt. Yet Grabantak says he must have it--it is within the bounds of _his_ land!" "Well, let him have it, if it be so worthless," said Chingatok, mildly. "Let him have it!" shouted the chief, starting up with such violence as to overturn the cooking-lamp--to which he paid no regard whatever--and striding about the small hut savagely, "no, never! I will fight him to the last gasp; kill all his men; slay his women; drown his children; level his huts; burn up his meat--" Amalatok paused and glared, apparently uncertain about the propriety of wasting good meat. The pause gave his wrath time to cool. "At all events," he continued, sitting down again and wrenching off another rib, "we must call a council and have a talk, for we may expect him soon. When you arrived we took you for our enemies." "And you were ready for us," said Chingatok, with an approving smile. "Huk!" returned the chief with a responsive nod. "Go, Chingatok, call a council of my braves for to--night, and see that these miserable starving Kablunets have enough of blubber wherewith to stuff themselves." Our giant did not deem it worth while to explain to his rather petulant father that the Englishmen were the reverse of starving, but he felt the importance of raising them in the old chief's opinion without delay, and took measures accordingly. "Blackbeard," he said, entering the Captain's hut and sitting down with a troubled air, "my father does not think much of you. Tell him that, Unders." "I understand you well enough, Chingatok; go on, and let me know why the old man does not think well of me." "He thinks you are a fool," returned the plain spoken Eskimo. "H'm! I'm not altogether surprised at that, lad. I've sometimes thought so myself. Well, I suppose you've come to give me some good advice to make me wiser--eh! Chingatok?" "Yes, that is what I come for. Do what I tell you, and my father will begin to think you wise." "Ah, yes, the old story," remarked Benjy, who was an amused listener-- for his father translated in a low tone for the benefit of his companions as the conversation proceeded--"the same here as everywhere-- Do as I tell you and all will be well!" "Hold your tongue, Ben," whispered Alf. "Well, what am I to do?" asked the Captain. "Invite my father to a feast," said Chingatok eagerly, "and me too, and my mother too; also my wife, and some of the braves with their wives. And you must give us biskit an'--what do you call that brown stuff?" "Coffee," suggested the Captain. "Yes, cuffy, also tee, and shoogre, and seal st- ate--what?" "Steak--eh?" "Yes, stik, and cook them all in the strange lamp. You must ask us to see the feast cooked, and then we will eat it." It will be observed that when Chingatok interpolated English words in his discourse his pronunciation was not perfect. "Well, you are the coolest fellow I've met with for many a day! To order a feast, invite yourself to it, name the rest of the company, as well as the victuals, and insist on seeing the cooking of the same," said the Captain in English; then, in Eskimo,--"Well, Chingatok, I will do as you wish. When would you like supper?" "Now," replied the giant, with decision. "You hear, Butterface," said the Captain when he had translated, "go to work and get your pots and pans ready. See that you put your best foot foremost. It will be a turning-point, this feast, I see." Need we say that the feast was a great success? The wives, highly pleased at the attention paid them by the strangers, were won over at once. The whole party, when assembled in the hut, watched with the most indescribable astonishment the proceedings of the negro--himself a living miracle--as he manipulated a machine which, in separate compartments, cooked steaks and boiled tea, coffee, or anything else, by means of a spirit lamp in a few minutes. On first tasting the hot liquids they looked at each other suspiciously; then as the sugar tickled their palates, they smiled, tilted their pannikins, drained them to the dregs, and asked for more! The feast lasted long, and was highly appreciated. When the company retired--which did not happen until the Captain declared he had nothing more to give them, and turned the cooking apparatus upside down to prove what he said--there was not a man or woman among them who did not hold and even loudly assert that the Kablunets were wise men. After the feast the council of war was held and the strangers were allowed to be present. There was a great deal of talk--probably some of it was not much to the point, but there was no interruption or undignified confusion. There was a peace-party, of course, and a war-party, but the latter prevailed. It too often does so in human affairs. Chingatok was understood to favour the peace-party, but as his sire was on the other side, respect kept him tongue-tied. "These Eskimos reverence age and are respectful to women," whispered Leo to Alf, "so we may not call them savages." The old chief spoke last, summing up the arguments, as it were, on both sides, and giving his reasons for favouring war. "The island is of no use," he said; "it is not worth a seal's nose, yet Grabantak wishes to tear it from us--us who have possessed it since the forgotten times. Why is this? because he wishes to insult us," ("huk!" from the audience). "Shall we submit to insult? shall we sit down like frightened birds and see the black-livered cormorant steal what is ours? shall the courage of the Poloes be questioned by all the surrounding tribes? Never! while we have knives in our boots and spears in our hands. We will fight till we conquer or till we are all dead--till our wives are husbandless and our children fatherless, and all our stores of meat and oil are gone!" ("huk! huk!") "Then shall it be said by surrounding tribes, `Behold! how brave were the Poloes! they died and left their wives and little children to perish, or mourn in slavery, rather than submit to insult!'" The "huks" that greeted the conclusion of the speech were so loud and numerous that the unfortunate peace-makers were forced to hide their diminished heads. Thus did Amalatok resolve to go to war for "worse than Nort Pole--for nothing"--rather than submit to insult! (See Note 1.) ------------------------------------------------------------------------ Note 1. It may not be inappropriate here to point out that Eskimo savages are sometimes equalled, if not surpassed, in this respect, by civilised and even Christian nations. CHAPTER SEVENTEEN. THE EFFECT OF PERSUASION ON DIVERSE CHARACTERS. The warlike tendencies of Grabantak, the northern savage, had the effect of compelling Captain Vane and his party to delay for a considerable time their efforts to reach the Pole. This was all the more distressing that they had by that time approached so very near to it. A carefully made observation placed the island of Poloe in latitude 88 degrees 30 minutes 10 seconds, about 90 geographical, or 104 English statute miles from the Pole. There was no help for it, however. To have ventured on Grabantak's territory while war was impending would have been to court destruction. Captain Vane saw therefore that the only way of advancing his own cause was to promote peace between the tribes. With a view to this he sought an interview with the old chief Amalatok. "Why do you wish to go to war?" he asked. "I do not wish to go to war," answered the chief, frowning fiercely. "Why do you go then?" said the Captain in a soothing tone, for he was very anxious not to rouse the chief's anger; but he was unsuccessful, for the question seemed to set the old man on fire. He started up, grinding his teeth and striding about his hut, knocking over pots, oil cans, and cooking-lamps somewhat like that famous bull which got into a china shop. Finding the space too small for him he suddenly dropped on his knees, crept through the low entrance, sprang up, and began to stride about more comfortably. The open air calmed him a little. He ceased to grind his teeth, and stopping in front of the Captain, who had followed him, said in a low growl, "Do you think I will submit to insult?" "Some men have occasionally done so with advantage," answered the Captain. "Kablunets may do so, Eskimos _never_!" returned the old man, resuming his hurried walk to and fro, and the grinding of his teeth again. "If Amalatok were to kill all his enemies--all the men, women and children," said the Captain, raising a fierce gleam of satisfaction in the old man's face at the mere suggestion, "and if he were to knock down all their huts, and burn up all their kayaks and oomiaks, the insult would still remain, because an insult can only be wiped out by one's enemy confessing his sin and repenting." For a few seconds Amalatok stood silent; his eyes fixed on the ground as if he were puzzled. "The white man is right," he said at length, "but if I killed them all I should be avenged." "Vengeance is mine, saith the Lord," leaped naturally to the Captain's mind; but, reflecting that the man before him was a heathen who would not admit the value of the quotation, he paused a moment or two. "And what," he then said, "if Grabantak should kill Amalatok and all his men, and carry away the women and children into slavery, would the insult be wiped out in that case? Would it not rather be deepened?" "True, it would; but then we should all be dead--we should not care." "The _men_ would all be dead, truly," returned the Captain, "but perhaps the women and children left behind might care. They would also suffer." "Go, go," said the Eskimo chief, losing temper as he lost ground in the argument; "what can Kablunets know about such matters? You tell me you are men of peace; that your religion is a religion of peace. Of course, then, you understand nothing about war. Go, I have been insulted, and I _must_ fight." Seeing that it would be fruitless talking to the old chief while he was in this frame of mind, Captain Vane left him and returned to his own hut, where he found Chingatok and Leo engaged in earnest conversation-- Alf and Benjy being silent listeners. "I'm glad you've come, uncle," said Leo, making room for him on the turf seat, "because Chingatok and I are discussing the subject of war; and--" "A strange coincidence," interrupted the Captain. "I have just been discussing the same subject with old Amalatok. I hope that in showing the evils of war you are coming better speed with the son than I did with the father." "As to that," said Leo, "I have no difficulty in showing Chingatok the evils of war. He sees them clearly enough already. The trouble I have with him is to explain the Bible on that subject. You see he has got a very troublesome inquiring sort of mind, and ever since I have told him that the Bible is the Word of God he won't listen to my explanations about anything. He said to me in the quietest way possible, just now, `Why do you give me _your_ reasons when you tell me the Great Spirit has given His? I want to know what _He_ says.' Well, now, you know, it is puzzling to be brought to book like that, and I doubt if Anders translates well. You understand and speak the language, uncle, better than he does, I think, so I want you to help me." "I'll try, Leo, though I am ashamed to say I am not so well read in the Word myself as I ought to be. What does Chingatok want to know?" "He wants to _reconcile_ things, of course. That is always the way. Now I told him that the Great Spirit is good, and does not wish men to go to war, and that He has written for us a law, namely, that we should `live peaceably with all men.' Chingatok liked this very much, but then I had told him before, that the Great Spirit had told His ancient people the Jews to go and fight His enemies, and take possession of their lands. Now he regards this as a contradiction. He says--How can a man live peaceably with all men, and at the same time go to war with some men, kill them, and take their lands?" "Ah! Leo, my boy, your difficulty in answering the Eskimo lies in your own _partial_ quotation of Scripture," said the Captain. Then, turning to Chingatok, he added, "My young friend did not give you the whole law--only part of it. The word is written thus:--`if it be _possible_, as much as lieth in you, live peaceably with all men.' Some times it is _not_ possible, Chingatok; then we must fight. But the law says keep from fighting `_as much as you can_.' Mind that, Chingatok, and if you are ever induced to go to war for the sake of a little island--for the sake of a little insult,--don't flatter yourself that you are keeping out of it as much as lieth in you." "Good, good," said the giant, earnestly; "Blackbeard's words are wise." "As to the people of God in the long past," continued the Captain, "God told them to go to war, so they went; but that does not authorise men to go to war at their own bidding. What is right in the Great Father of all may be very wrong in the children. God kills men every day, and we do not blame Him, but if man kills his fellow we hunt him down as a murderer. In the long past time the Great Father spoke to His children by His wise and holy men, and sometimes He saw fit to tell them to fight. With His reasons we have nothing to do. Now, the Great Father speaks to us by His Book. In it He tells us to live in peace with all men--if _possible_." "Good," said the giant with an approving nod, though a perplexed expression still lingered on his face. "But the Great Father has never before spoken to me by His Book--never at all to my forefathers." "He may, however, have spoken by His Spirit within you, Chingatok, I cannot tell," returned the Captain with a meditative air. "You have desires for peace and a tendency to forgive. This could not be the work of the spirit of evil. It must have been that of the Good Spirit." This seemed to break upon the Eskimo as a new light, and he relapsed into silence as he thought of the wonderful idea that within his breast the Great Spirit might have been working in time past although he knew it not. Then he thought of the many times he had in the past resisted what he had hitherto only thought of as good feelings; and the sudden perception that at such times he had been resisting the Father of all impressed him for the first time with a sensation of guiltiness. It was some time before the need of a Saviour from sin entered into his mind, but the ice had been broken, and at last, through Leo's Bible, as read by him and explained by Captain Vane, Jesus, the Sun of Righteousness, rose upon his soul and sent in the light for which he had thirsted so long. But, as we have said, this effect was not immediate, and he remained in a state of uncertainty and sadness while the warlike councils and preparations went on. Meanwhile Captain Vane set himself earnestly to work to hit on some plan by which, if possible, to turn the feeling of the Eskimo community in favour of peace. At first he thought of going alone and unarmed, with Anders as interpreter, to the land of Grabantak to dissuade that savage potentate from attacking the Poloes, but the Eskimos pointed out that the danger of this plan was so great that he might as well kill himself at once. His own party, also, objected to it so strongly that he gave it up, and resolved in the meantime to strengthen his position and increase his influence with the natives among whom his lot was cast, by some exhibitions of the powers with which science and art had invested him. CHAPTER EIGHTEEN. THE CAPTAIN ELECTRIFIES AS WELL AS SURPRISES HIS NEW FRIENDS. It will be remembered that the party of Englishmen arrived at Poloeland under oars, and although the india-rubber boats had been gazed at, and gently touched, with intense wonder by the natives, they had not yet seen the process of disinflation, or the expansion of the kites. Of course, Chingatok and their other Eskimo fellow-travellers had given their friends graphic descriptions of everything, but this only served to whet the desire to see the wonderful oomiaks in action. Several times, during the first few days, the old chief had expressed a wish to see the Kablunets go through the water in their boats, but as the calm still prevailed, and the Captain knew his influence over the natives would depend very much on the effect with which his various proceedings were carried out, he put him off with the assurance that when the proper time for action came, he would let him know. One night a gentle breeze sprang up and blew directly off shore. As it seemed likely to last, the Captain waited till the whole community was asleep, and then quietly roused his son. "Lend a hand here, Ben," he whispered, "and make no noise." Benjy arose and followed his father in a very sleepy frame of mind. They went to the place where the india-rubber boats lay, close behind the Englishmen's hut, and, unscrewing the brass heads that closed the air-holes, began to press out the air. "That's it, Ben, but don't squeeze too hard, lest the hissing should rouse some of 'em." "What'r 'ee doin' this for--ee--yaou?" asked Benjy, yawning. "You'll see that to-morrow, lad." "Hum! goin' t'squeeze'm all?" "Yes, all three, and put 'em in their boxes." The conversation flagged at this point, and the rest of the operation was performed in silence. Next morning, after breakfast, seeing that the breeze still held, the Captain sent a formal message to Amalatok, that he was prepared to exhibit his oomiaks. The news spread like wild-fire, and the entire community soon assembled--to the number of several hundreds--in front of the Englishmen's hut, where the Captain was seen calmly seated on a packing-case, with a solemn expression on his face. The rest of his party had been warned to behave with dignity. Even Benjy's round face was drawn into something of an oval, and Butterface made such superhuman attempts to appear grave, that the rest of the party almost broke down at the sight of him. Great was the surprise among the natives when they perceived that the three oomiaks had disappeared. "My friends," said the Captain, rising, "I will now show you the manner in which we Englishmen use our oomiaks." A soft sigh of expectation ran through the group of eager natives, as they pressed round their chief and Chingatok who stood looking on in dignified silence, while the Captain and his companions went to work. Many of the women occupied a little eminence close at hand, whence they could see over the heads of the men, and some of the younger women and children clambered to the top of the hut, the better to witness the great sight. Numerous and characteristic were the sighs, "huks," grunts, growls, and other exclamations; all of which were in keeping with the more or less intense glaring of eyes, and opening of mouths, and slight bending of knees and elbows, and spreading of fingers, and raising of hands, as the operators slowly unrolled the india-rubber mass, attached the bellows, gradually inflated the first boat, fixed the thwarts and stretchers, and, as it were, constructed a perfect oomiak in little more than ten minutes. Then there was a shout of delight when the Captain and Leo, one at the bow, the other at the stern, lifted the boat as if it had been a feather, and, carrying it down the beach, placed it gently in the sea. But the excitement culminated when Chingatok, stepping lightly into it, sat down on the seat, seized the little oars, and rowed away. We should have said, attempted to row away, for, though he rowed lustily, the boat did not move, owing to Anders, who, like Eskimos in general, dearly loved a practical joke. Holding fast by the tail-line a few seconds, he suddenly let go, and the boat shot away, while Anders, throwing a handful of water after it, said, "Go off, bad boy, and don't come back; we can do without you." A roar of laughter burst forth. Some of the small boys and girls leaped into the air with delight, causing the tails of the latter to wriggle behind them. The Captain gave them plenty of time to blow off the steam of surprise. When they had calmed down considerably, he proceeded to open out and arrange one of the kites. Of course this threw them back into the open-eyed and mouthed, and finger-spreading condition, and, if possible, called forth more surprise than before. When the kite soared into the sky, they shouted; when it was being attached to the bow of the boat, they held their breath with expectation, many of them standing on one leg; and when at last the boat, with four persons in it, shot away to sea at the rate of eight or ten miles an hour, they roared with ecstasy; accompanying the yells with contortions of frame and visage which were so indescribable that we gladly leave it all to the reader's imagination. There can be no doubt of the fact that the Captain placed himself and his countrymen that day on a pedestal from which there was no fear of their being afterwards dislodged. "Did not I tell you," said Chingatok to his sire that night, in the privacy of his hut, "that the Kablunets are great men?" "You did, my son. Chingatok is wise, and his father is a fool!" No doubt the northern savage meant this self-condemning speech to be understood much in the same way in which it is understood by civilised people. "When the oomiak swelled I thought it was going to burst," added the chief. "So did I, when I first saw it," said Chingatok. Father and son paused a few minutes. They usually did so between each sentence. Evidently they pondered what they said. "Have these men got wives?" asked the chief. "The old one has, and Bunjay is his son. The other ones--no. The black man may have a wife: I know not, but I should think that no woman would have him." "What made him black?" "I know not." "Was he always black?" "The Kablunets say he was--from so big." Chingatok measured off the half of his left hand by way of explaining how big. "Is he black under the clothes?" "Yes; black all over." Again the couple paused. "It is strange," said the old man, shaking his head. "Perhaps he was made black because his father was wicked." "Not so," returned the young giant. "I have heard him say his father was a very good man." "Strange," repeated the chief, with a solemn look, "he is very ugly-- worse than a walrus. Tell me, my son, where do the Kablunets live? Do they hunt the walrus or the seal?" "Blackbeard has told me much, father, that I do not understand. His people do not hunt much--only a very few of them do." "Wah! they are lazy! The few hunt to keep the rest in meat, I suppose." "No, father, that is not the way. The few hunt for fun. The great many spend their time in changing one thing for another. They seem to be never satisfied--always changing, changing--every day, and all day. Getting and giving, and never satisfied." "Poor things!" said the chief. "And they have no walruses, no white bears, no whales, nothing!" added the son. "Miserables! Perhaps that is why they come here to search for _nothing_!" "But, father, if they have got nothing at home, why come here to search for it?" "What do they eat?" asked Amalatok, quickly, as if he were afraid of recurring to the puzzling question that had once already taken him out of his mental depth. "They eat all sorts of things. Many of them eat things that are nasty-- things that grow out of the ground; things that are very hot and burn the tongue; things that are poison and make them ill. They eat fish too, like us, and other people bring them their meat in great oomiaks from far-off lands. They seem to be so poor that they cannot find enough in their own country to feed themselves." "Wretched creatures!" said the old man, pitifully. "Yes, and they drink too. Drink waters so hot and so terrible that they burn their mouths and their insides, and so they go mad." "Did I not say that they were fools?" said Amalatok, indignantly. "But the strangest thing of all," continued Chingatok, lowering his voice, and looking at his sire in a species of wonder, "is that they fill their mouths with smoke!" "What? Eat smoke?" said Amalatok in amazement. "No, they spit it out." "Did Blackbeard tell you that?" "Yes." "Then Blackbeard is a liar!" Chingatok did not appear to be shocked by the old man's plain speaking, but he did not agree with him. "No, father," said he, after a pause. "Blackbeard is not a liar. He is good and wise, and speaks the truth. I have seen the Kablunets do it myself. In the big oomiak that they lost, some of the men did it, so-- puff, pull, puff, puff--is it not funny?" Both father and son burst into laughter at this, and then, becoming suddenly grave, remained staring at the smoke of their cooking-lamp, silently meditating on these things. While thus engaged, a man entered the low doorway in the only possible manner, on hands and knees, and, rising, displayed the face of Anders. "Blackbeard sends a message to the great old chief," said the interpreter. "He wishes him to pay the Kablunets a visit. He has something to show to the great old chief." "Tell him I come," said the chief, with a toss of the head which meant, "be off!" "I wonder," said Amalatok slowly, as Anders crept out, "whether Blackbeard means to show us some of his wisdom or some of his foolishness. The white men appear to have much of both." "Let us go see," said Chingatok. They went, and found the Captain seated in front of the door of his hut with his friends round him--all except Benjy, who was absent. They were very grave, as usual, desiring to be impressive. "Chief," began the Captain, in that solemn tone in which ghosts are supposed to address mankind, "I wish to show you that I can make the stoutest and most obstinate warrior of Poloeland tremble and jump without touching him." "That is not very difficult," said the old man, who had still a lurking dislike to acknowledge the Englishmen his superiors. "I can make any one of them tremble and jump by throwing a spear at him." A slight titter from the assembly testified to the success of this reply. "But," rejoined the Captain, with deepening solemnity, "I will do it without throwing a spear." "So will I, by suddenly howling at him in the dark," said Amalatok. At this his men laughed outright. "But I will not howl or move," said the Captain. "That will be clever," returned the chief, solemnised in spite of himself. "Let Blackbeard proceed." "Order one of your braves to stand before me on that piece of flat skin," said the Captain. Amalatok looked round, and, observing a huge ungainly man with a cod-fishy expression of face, who seemed to shrink from notoriety, ordered him to step forward. The man did so with obvious trepidation, but he dared not refuse. The Captain fixed his eyes on him sternly, and, in a low growling voice, muttered in English: "Now, Benjy, give it a good turn." Cod-fishiness vanished as if by magic, and, with a look of wild horror, the man sprang into the air, tumbled on his back, rose up, and ran away! It is difficult to say whether surprise or amusement predominated among the spectators. Many of them laughed heartily, while the Captain, still as grave as a judge, said in a low growling tone as if speaking to himself:-- "Not quite so stiff, Benjy, not quite so stiff. Be more gentle next time. Don't do it all at once, boy; jerk it, Benjy, a turn or so at a time." It is perhaps needless to inform the reader that the Captain was practising on the Eskimos with his electrical machine, and that Benjy was secretly turning the handle inside the hut. The machine was connected, by means of wires, with the piece of skin on which the patients stood. These wires had been laid underground, not, indeed, in the darkness, but, during the secrecy and silence of the previous night. After witnessing the effect on the first warrior, no other brave seemed inclined to venture on the skin, and the women, who enjoyed the fun greatly, were beginning to taunt them with cowardice, when Oolichuk strode forward. He believed intensely, and justifiably, in his own courage. No man, he felt quite sure, had the power to stare _him_ into a nervous condition--not even the fiercest of the Kablunets. Let Blackbeard try, and do his worst! Animated by these stern and self-reliant sentiments, he stepped upon the mat. Benjy, being quick in apprehension, perceived his previous error, and proceeded this time with caution. He gave the handle of the machine a gentle half-turn and stopped, peeping through a crevice in the wall to observe the effect. "Ha! ha! ho! ho!--hi! huk!" laughed Oolichuk, as a tickling sensation thrilled through all his nervous system. The laugh was irresistibly echoed by the assembled community. Benjy waited a few seconds, and then gave the handle another and slightly stronger turn. The laugh this time was longer and more ferocious, while the gallant Eskimo drew himself together, determined to resist the strange and subtle influence; at the same time frowning defiance at the Captain, who never for a moment took his coal-black eye off him! Again Benjy turned the handle gently. He evidently possessed something of the ancient Inquisitor spirit, and gloated over the pains of his victim! The result was that Oolichuk not only quivered from head to foot, but gave a little jump and anything but a little yell. Benjy's powers of self-restraint were by that time exhausted. He sent the handle round with a whirr and Oolichuk, tumbling backwards off the mat, rent the air with a shriek of demoniac laughter. Of course the delight of the Eskimos--especially of the children--was beyond all bounds, and eager were the efforts made to induce another warrior to go upon the mysterious mat, but not one would venture. They would rather have faced their natural enemy, the great Grabantak, unarmed, any day! In this difficulty an idea occurred to Amalatok. Seizing a huge dog by the neck he dragged it to the mat, and bade it lie down. The dog crouched and looked sheepishly round. Next moment he was in the air wriggling. Then he came to the ground, over which he rushed with a prolonged howl, and disappeared among the rocks on the hill side. It is said that that poor dog was never again seen, but Benjy asserts most positively that, a week afterwards, he saw it sneaking into the village with its tail very much between its legs, and an expression of the deepest humility on its countenance. "You'd better give them a taste of dynamite, father," said Benjy that evening, as they all sat round their supper-kettle. "No, no, boy. It is bad policy to fire off all your ammunition in a hurry. We'll give it 'em bit by bit." "Just so, impress them by degrees," said Alf. "De fust warrior was nigh bu'sted by degrees," said Butterface, with a broad grin, as he stirred the kettle. "You gib it 'im a'most too strong, Massa Benjee." "Blackbeard must be the bad spirit," remarked Amalatok to his son that same night as they held converse together--according to custom--before going to bed. "The bad spirit is _never_ kind or good," replied Chingatok, after a pause. "No," said the old man, "never." "But Blackbeard is always good and kind," returned the giant. This argument seemed unanswerable. At all events the old man did not answer it, but sat frowning at the cooking-lamp under the influence of intense thought. After a prolonged meditation--during the course of which father and son each consumed the tit-bits of a walrus rib and a seal's flipper-- Chingatok remarked that the white men were totally beyond his comprehension. To which, after another pause, his father replied that he could not understand them at all. Then, retiring to their respective couches, they calmly went to sleep--"perchance to dream!" CHAPTER NINETEEN. A SHOOTING TRIP TO PARADISE ISLE, AND FURTHER DISPLAY OF THE CAPTAIN'S CONTRIVANCES. While our explorers were thus reduced to a state of forced inaction as regarded the main object of their expedition, they did not by any means waste their time in idleness. On the contrary, each of the party went zealously to work in the way that was most suitable to his inclination. After going over the main island of Poloe as a united party, and ascertaining its size, productions, and general features, the Captain told them they might now do as they pleased. For his part he meant to spend a good deal of his time in taking notes and observations, questioning the chief men as to the lands lying to the northward, repairing and improving the hut, and helping the natives miscellaneously so as to gain their regard. Of course Leo spent much of his time with his rifle, for the natives were not such expert hunters but that occasionally they were badly off for food. Of course, also, Alf shouldered his botanical box and sallied forth hammer in hand, to "break stones," as Butterface put it. Benjy sometimes followed Alf--more frequently Leo, and always carried his father's double-barrelled shot-gun. He preferred that, because his powers with the rifle were not yet developed. Sometimes he went with Toolooha, or Tekkona, or Oblooria, in one of the native oomiaks to fish. At other times he practised paddling in the native kayak, so that he might accompany Chingatok on his excursions to the neighbouring islands after seals and wild-fowl. In the excursions by water Leo preferred one of the india-rubber boats-- partly because he was strong and could row it easily, and partly because it was capable of holding more game than the kayak. These expeditions to the outlying islands were particularly delightful. There was something so peaceful, yet so wild, so romantic and so strange about the region, that the young men felt as if they had passed into a new world altogether. It is scarcely surprising that they should feel thus, when it is remembered that profound calms usually prevailed at that season, causing the sea to appear like another heaven below them; that the sun never went down, but circled round and round the horizon-- dipping, indeed, a little more and more towards it each night, but not yet disappearing; that myriads of wild birds filled the air with plaintive cries; that whales, and sea-unicorns, and walruses sported around; that icebergs were only numerous enough to give a certain strangeness of aspect to the scene--a strangeness which was increased by the frequent appearance of arctic phenomena, such as several mock-suns rivalling the real one, and objects being enveloped in a golden haze, or turned upside down by changes in atmospheric temperature. "No wonder that arctic voyagers are always hankering after the far north," said Leo to Benjy, one magnificent morning, as they rowed towards the outlying islands over the golden sea. Captain Vane was with them that morning, and it was easy to see that the Captain was in a peculiar frame of mind. A certain twinkle in his eyes and an occasional smile, apparently at nothing, showed that his thoughts, whatever they might be, were busy. Now, it cannot have failed by this time to strike the intelligent reader, that Captain Vane was a man given to mystery, and rather fond of taking by surprise not only Eskimos but his own companions. On the bright morning referred to he took with him in the boat a small flat box, or packing-case, measuring about three feet square, and not more than four inches deep. As they drew near to Leo's favourite sporting-ground,--a long flat island with several small lakes on it which were bordered by tall reeds and sedges, where myriads of ducks, geese, gulls, plover, puffins, and other birds revelled in abject felicity,--Benjy asked his father what he had got in the box. "I've got somethin' in it, Benjy,--somethin'." "Why, daddy," returned the boy with a laugh, "if I were an absolute lunatic you could not treat me with greater contempt. Do you suppose I am so weak as to imagine that you would bring a packing-case all the way from England to the North Pole with nothing in it?" "You're a funny boy, Benjy," said the Captain, regarding his son with a placid look. "You're a funny father, daddy," answered the son with a shake of the head; "and it's fortunate for you that I'm good as well as funny, else I'd give you some trouble." "You've got a good opinion of yourself, Ben, anyhow," said Leo, looking over his shoulder as he rowed. "Just change the subject and make yourself useful. Jump into the bow and have the boat-hook ready; the water shoals rather fast here, and I don't want to risk scraping a hole in our little craft." The island they were approaching formed part of the extensive archipelago of which Poloe was the main or central island. Paradise Isle, as Leo had named it, lay about two miles from Poloe. The boat soon touched its shingly beach, but before it could scrape thereon its occupants stepped into the water and carefully carried it on shore. "Now, Benjy, hand me the rifle and cartridges," said Leo, after the boat was placed in the shadow of a low bank, "and fetch the game-bag. What! you don't intend to carry the packing-case, uncle, do you?" "I think I'd better do it," answered the Captain, lifting the case by its cord in a careless way; "it might take a fancy to have a swim on its own account, you know. Come along, the birds are growing impatient, don't you see?" With a short laugh, Leo shouldered his rifle, and marched towards the first of a chain of little lakes, followed by Benjy with the game-bag, and the Captain with the case. Soon a splendid grey wild-goose was seen swimming at a considerable distance beyond the reeds. "There's your chance, now, Leo," said the Captain. But Leo shook his head. "No use," he said; "if I were to shoot that one I'd never be able to get it; the mud is too deep for wading, and the reeds too thick for swimming amongst. It's a pity to kill birds that we cannot get hold of, so, you see, I must walk along the margin of the lake until I see a bird in a good position to be got at, and then pot him." "But isn't that slow work, lad?" asked the Captain. "It might be slow if I missed often or wounded my birds," replied Leo, "but I don't often miss." The youth might with truth have said he never missed, for his eye was as true and his hand as sure as that of any Leatherstocking or Robin Hood that ever lived. "Why don't you launch the boat on the lake?" asked the Captain. "Because I don't like to run the risk of damaging it by hauling it about among mud and sticks and overland. Besides, that would be a cumbersome way of hunting. I prefer to tramp about the margin as you see, and just take what comes in my way. There are plenty of birds, and I seldom walk far without getting a goodish--hist! There's one!" As he spoke another large grey goose was seen stretching its long neck amongst the reeds at a distance of about two hundred yards. The crack of the rifle was followed by the instant death of the goose. At the same moment several companions of the bird rose trumpeting into the air amid a cloud of other birds. Again the rifle's crack was heard, and one of the geese on the wing dropped beside its comrade. As Leo carried his repeating rifle, he might easily have shot another, but he refrained, as the bird would have been too far out to be easily picked up. "Now, Benjy, are you to go in, or am I?" asked the sportsman with a sly look. "Oh! I suppose _I_ must," said the boy with an affectation of being martyred, though, in truth, nothing charmed him so much as to act the part of a water-dog. A few seconds more, and he was stripped, for his garments consisted only of shirt and trousers. But it was more than a few seconds before he returned to land, swimming on his back and trailing a goose by the neck with each hand, for the reeds were thick and the mud softish, and the second bird had been further out than he expected. "It's glorious fun," said Benjy, panting vehemently as he pulled on his clothes. "It's gloriously knocked up you'll be before long at that rate," said the Captain. "Oh! but, uncle," said Leo, quickly, "you must not suppose that I give him all the hard work. We share it between us, you know. Benjy sometimes shoots and then I do the retrieving. You've no idea how good a shot he is becoming." "Indeed, let me see you do it, my boy. D'ye see that goose over there?" "What, the one near the middle of the lake, about four hundred yards off?" "Ay, Benjy, I want that goose. You shoot it, my boy." "But you'll never be able to get it, uncle," said Leo. "Benjy, I want that goose. You shoot it." There was no disobeying this peremptory command. Leo handed the rifle to the boy. "Down on one knee, Ben, Hythe position, my boy," said the Captain, in the tone of a disciplinarian. Benjy obeyed, took a long steady aim, and fired. "Bravo!" shouted the Captain as the bird turned breast up. "There's that goose's brother comin' to see what's the matter with him; just cook _his_ goose too, Benjy." The boy aimed again, fired, and missed. "Again!" cried the Captain, "look sharp!" Again the boy fired, and this time wounded the bird as it was rising on the wing. Although wounded, the goose was quite able to swim, and made rapidly towards the reeds on the other side. "What! am I to lose that goose?" cried the Captain indignantly. Leo seized the rifle. Almost without taking time to aim, he fired and shot the bird dead. "There," said he, laughing, "but I suspect it is a lost goose after all. It will be hard work to get either of these birds, uncle. However, I'll try." Leo was proceeding to strip when the Captain forbade him. "Don't trouble yourself, lad," he said, "I'll go for them myself." "You, uncle?" "Ay, me. D'ye suppose that nobody can swim but you and Benjy? Here, help me to open this box." In silent wonder and expectation Leo and Benjy did as they were bid. When the mysterious packing-case was opened, there was displayed to view a mass of waterproof material. Tumbling this out and unrolling it, the Captain displayed a pair of trousers and boots in one piece attached to something like an oval life-buoy. Thrusting his legs down into the trousers and boots, he drew the buoy--which was covered with india-rubber cloth--up to his waist and fixed it there. Then, putting the end of an india-rubber tube to his mouth, he began to blow, and the buoy round his waist began to extend until it took the form of an oval. "Now, boys," said the Captain, with profound gravity, "I'm about ready to go to sea. Here, you observe, is a pair o' pants that won't let in water. At the feet you'll notice two flaps which expand when driven backward, and collapse when moved forward. These are propellers--human web-feet--to enable me to walk ahead, d'ye see? and here are two small paddles with a joint which I can fix together--so--and thus make one double-bladed paddle of 'em, about four feet long. It will help the feet, you understand, but I'm not dependent on it, for I can walk without the paddles at the rate of two or three miles an hour." As he spoke Captain Vane walked quietly into the water, to the wild delight of Benjy, and the amazement of his nephew. When he was about waist-deep the buoy floated him. Continuing to walk, though his feet no longer touched ground, he was enabled by the propellers to move on. When he had got out a hundred yards or so, he turned round, took off his hat, and shouted--"land ho!" "Ship ahoy!" shrieked Benjy, in an ecstasy. "Mind your weather eye!" shouted the Captain, resuming his walk with a facetious swagger, while, with the paddles, he increased his speed. Soon after, he returned to land with the two geese. "Well now, daddy," said his son, while he and Leo examined the dress with minute interest, "I wish you'd make a clean breast of it, and let us know how many more surprises and contrivances of this sort you've got in store for us." "I fear this is the last one, Benjy, though there's no end to the applications of these contrivances. You'd better apply this one to yourself now, and see how you get on in it." Of course Benjy was more than willing, though, as he remarked, the dress was far too big for him. "Never mind that, my boy. A tight fit ain't needful, and nobody will find fault with the cut in these regions." "Where ever did you get it, father?" asked the boy, as the fastenings were being secured round him. "I got it from an ingenious friend, who says he's goin' to bring it out soon. Mayhap it's in the shops of old England by this time. There, now, off you go, but don't be too risky, Ben. Keep her full, and mind your helm." (See Note.) Thus encouraged, the eager boy waded into the water, but, in his haste, tripped and fell, sending a volume of water over himself. He rose, however, without difficulty, and, proceeding with greater caution, soon walked off into deep water. Here he paddled about in a state of exuberant glee. The dress kept him perfectly dry, although he splashed the water about in reckless fashion, and did not return to land till quite exhausted. Benjamin Vane from that day devoted himself to that machine. He became so enamoured of the "water-tramp," as he styled it--not knowing its proper name at the time--that he went about the lakelets in it continually, sometimes fishing, at other times shooting. He even ventured a short distance out to sea in it, to the amazement of the Eskimos, the orbits of whose eyes were being decidedly enlarged, Benjy said, and their eyebrows permanently raised, by the constant succession of astonishment-fits into which they were thrown from day to day by their white visitors. ------------------------------------------------------------------------ Note. Lest it should be supposed that the "pedomotive" here described is the mere creature of the author's brain, it may be well to state that he has seen it in the establishment of the patentees, Messrs. Thornton and Company of Edinburgh. CHAPTER TWENTY. BENJY'S ENJOYMENTS INTERRUPTED, AND POLOELAND OVERWHELMED WITH A CATASTROPHE. One pleasant morning, towards the end of summer, Benjamin Vane went out with his gun in the water-tramp on the large lake of Paradise Isle. Leo and he had reached the isle in one of the india-rubber boats. They had taken Anders with them to carry their game, and little Oblooria to prepare their dinner while they were away shooting; for they disliked the delay of personal attention to cooking when they were ravenous! After landing Benjy, and seeing him busy getting himself into the aquatic dress, Leo said he would pull off to a group of walruses, which were sporting about off shore, and shoot one. Provisions of fowl and fish were plentiful enough just then at the Eskimo village, but he knew that walrus beef was greatly prized by the natives, and none of the huge creatures had been killed for some weeks past. About this time the threatened war with the northern Eskimos had unfortunately commenced. The insatiable Grabantak had made a descent on one of Amalatok's smaller islands, killed the warriors, and carried off the women and children, with everything else he could lay hands on. Of course Amalatok made reprisals; attacked a small island belonging to Grabantak, and did as much general mischief as he could. The paltry islet about which the war began was not worthy either of attack or defence! Then Amalatok, burning with the righteous indignation of the man who did not begin the quarrel, got up a grand muster of his forces, and went with a great fleet of kayaks to attack Grabantak in his strongholds. But Grabantak's strongholds were remarkably strong. A good deal of killing was done, and some destruction of property accomplished, but that did not effect the conquest of the great northern Savage. Neither did it prove either party to be right or wrong! Grabantak retired to impregnable fastnesses, and Amalatok returned to Poloeland "covered with glory,"--some of his followers also covered with wounds, a few of which had fallen to his own share. The success, however, was not decided. On the whole, the result was rather disappointing, but Amalatok was brave and high-spirited, as some people would say. _He_ was not going to give in; not he! He would fight as long as a man was left to back him, and bring Grabantak to his knees--or die! Either event would, of course, have been of immense advantage to both nations. He ground his teeth and glared when he announced this determination, and also shook his fist, but a sharp twinge of pain in one of his unhealed wounds caused him to cease frowning abruptly. There was a sound, too, in the air, which caused him to sit down and reflect. It was a mixed and half-stifled sound, as if of women groaning and little children wailing. Some of his braves, of course, had fallen in the recent conflicts--fallen honourably with their faces to the foe. Their young widows and their little ones mourned them, and refused to be comforted, because they were not. It was highly unpatriotic, no doubt, but natural. Amalatok had asked the white men to join him in the fight, but they had refused. They would help him to defend his country, if attacked, they said, but they would not go out to war. Amalatok had once threatened Blackbeard if he refused to go, but Blackbeard had smiled, and threatened to retaliate by making him "jump!" Whereupon the old chief became suddenly meek. This, then, was the state of affairs when Benjy and Leo went shooting, on the morning to which we have referred. But who can hope to describe, with adequate force, the joyful feelings of Benjamin Vane as he moved slily about the lakelets of Paradise Isle in the water-tramp? The novelty of the situation was so great. The surrounding circumstances were so peculiar. The prolonged calms of the circumpolar basin, at that period of the year, were so new to one accustomed to the variable skies of England; the perpetual sunshine, the absence of any necessity to consider time, in a land from which night seemed to have finally fled; the glassy repose of lake and sea, so suggestive of peace; the cheery bustle of animal life, so suggestive of pleasure--all these influences together filled the boy's breast with a strong romantic joy which was far too powerful to seek or find relief in those boisterous leaps and shouts which were his usual safety-valves. Although not much given to serious thought, except when conversing with his father, Benjy became meditative as he moved quietly about at the edge of the reeds, and began to wonder whether the paradise above _could_ exceed this paradise below! Events occurred that day which proved to him that the sublunary paradise was, at least, woefully uncertain in its nature. "Now, just keep still, will you, for one moment," muttered Benjy, advancing cautiously through the outer margin of reeds, among the stems of which he peered earnestly while he cocked his gun. The individual to whom he spoke made no reply, because it was a goose-- would that it were thus with all geese! It was a grey goose of the largest size. It had caught a glimpse of the new and strange creature that was paddling about its home, and was wisely making for the shelter of a spot where the reeds were more dense, and where Benjy would not have dared to follow. For, it must be remembered that our young sportsman was sunk to his waist in water, and that the reeds rose high over his head, so that if once lost in the heart of them, he might have found it extremely difficult to find his way out again. Anxious not to lose his chance, he gave vent to a loud shout. This had the effect of setting up innumerable flocks of wild-fowl, which, although unseen, had been lurking listeners to the strange though gentle sound of the water-tramp. Among them rose the grey goose with one or two unexpected comrades. Benjy had not at that time acquired the power of self-restraint necessary to good shooting. He fired hastily, and missed with the first barrel. Discharging the second in hotter haste, he missed again, but brought down one of the comrades by accident. This was sufficiently gratifying. Picking it up, he placed it on the boat-buoy in front of him to balance several ducks which already lay on the part in rear. He might have carried a dozen geese on his novel hunting-dress, if there had been room for them, for its floating power was sufficient to have borne up himself, and at least four, if not five, men. Pursuing his way cautiously and gently, by means of the webbed feet alone, the young sportsman moved about like a sly water-spirit among the reeds, sometimes addressing a few pleasant words, such as, "how d'ye do, old boy," or, "don't alarm yourself, my tulip," to a water-hen or a coot, or some such bird which crossed his path, but was unworthy of his shot; at other times stopping to gaze contemplatively through the reed stems, or to float and rest in placid enjoyment, while he tried to imagine himself in a forest of water-trees. Everywhere the feathered tribes first gazed at him in mute surprise; then hurried, with every variety of squeak, and quack, and fluttering wing, from his frightful presence. Suddenly he came in sight of a bird so large that his heart gave a violent leap, and the gun went almost of its own accord to his shoulder, but the creature disappeared among the reeds before he could take aim. Another opening, however, again revealed it fully to view! It was a swan--a hyperborean wild swan! Just as he made this discovery, the great bird, having observed Benjy, spread its enormous wings and made off with an amazing splutter. Bang! went Benjy's gun, both barrels in quick succession, and down fell the swan quite dead, with its head in the water and its feet pointing to the sky. "What a feast the Eskimos will have to-night!" was Benjy's first thought as he tramped vehemently towards his prize. But his overflowing joy was rudely checked, for, having laid his gun down in front of him, for the purpose of using the paddle with both hands, it slipped to one side, tilted up, and, disappearing like an arrow in the lake, went to the bottom. The sinking of Benjy's heart was not less complete. He had the presence of mind, however, to seize the reeds near him and check his progress at the exact spot. Leaning over the side of his little craft, he beheld his weapon quivering, as it were, at the bottom, in about eight feet of water. What was to be done? The energetic youth was not long in making up his mind on that point. He would dive for it. But diving in the water-tramp was out of the question. Knowing that it was all but impossible to make his way to the shore through the reeds, he resolved to reach the opposite shore, which was in some places free from vegetation. Seizing one of the reeds, he forced it down, and tied it into a knot to mark the spot where his loss had happened. He treated several more reeds in this way till he gained the open water outside, thus marking his path. Then he paddled across the lake, landed, undressed, and swam out again, pushing the empty dress before him, intending to use it as a resting-place. On reaching the spot, he dived with a degree of vigour and agility worthy of a duck, but found it hard to reach the bottom, as he was not much accustomed to diving. For the same reason he found it difficult to open his eyes under water, so as to look for the gun. While trying to do so, a desperate desire to breathe caused him to leap to the surface, where he found that he had struggled somewhat away from the exact spot. After a few minutes' rest, he took a long breath and again went down; but found, to his dismay, that in his first dive he had disturbed the mud, and thus made the water thick. Groping about rendered it thicker, and he came to the surface the second time with feelings approaching to despair. Besides which, his powers were being rapidly exhausted. But Benjy was full of pluck as well as perseverance. Feeling that he could not hold out much longer, he resolved to make the next attempt with more care--a resolve, it may be remarked, which it would have been better to have made at first. He swam to the knotted reed, considered well the position he had occupied when his loss occurred, took an aim at a definite spot with his head, and went down. The result was that his hands grasped the stock of the gun the moment they reached the bottom. Inflated with joy he leaped with it to the surface like a bladder; laid it carefully on the water-dress, and pushing the latter before him soon succeeded in getting hold of the dead swan. The bird was too heavy to be lifted on the float, he therefore grasped its neck with his teeth, and thus, heavily weighted, made for the shore. It will not surprise the reader to be told that Benjy felt hungry as well as tired after these achievements, and this induced him to look anxiously for Leo, and to wonder why the smoke of Oblooria's cooking-lamp was not to be seen anywhere. The engrossing nature of the events just described had prevented our little hero from observing that a smart breeze had sprung up, and that heavy clouds had begun to drive across the hitherto blue sky, while appearances of a very squally nature were gathering on the windward horizon. Moreover, while engaged in paddling among the reeds he had not felt the breeze. It was while taking off the water-tramp that he became fully alive to these facts. "That's it," he muttered to himself. "They've been caught by this breeze and been delayed by having had to pull against it, or perhaps the walruses gave them more trouble than they expected." Appeasing his appetite as well as he could with this reflection, he left the water-tramp on the ground, with the dripping gun beside it, and hurried to the highest part of the island. Although not much of an elevation, it enabled him to see all round, and a feeling of anxiety filled his breast as he observed that the once glassy sea was ruffled to the colour of indigo, while wavelets flecked it everywhere, and no boat was visible! "They may have got behind some of the islands," he thought, and continued his look-out for some time, with growing anxiety and impatience, however, because the breeze was by that time freshening to a gale. When an hour had passed away the poor boy became thoroughly alarmed. "Can anything have happened to the boat?" he said to himself. "The india-rubber is easily cut. Perhaps they may have been blown out to sea!" This latter thought caused an involuntary shudder. Looking round, he observed that the depression of the sun towards the horizon indicated that night had set in. "This will never do," he suddenly exclaimed aloud. "Leo will be lost. I _must_ risk it!" Turning as he spoke, he ran back to the spot where he had left the water-dress, which he immediately put on. Then, leaving gun and game on the beach, he boldly entered the sea, and struck out with feet and paddle for Poloeland. Although sorely buffeted by the rising waves, and several times overwhelmed, his waterproof costume proved well able to bear him up, and with comparatively little fatigue he reached the land in less than two hours. Without waiting to take the dress off, he ran up to the Eskimo village and gave the alarm. While these events were going on among the islets, Captain Vane and Alphonse Vandervell had been far otherwise engaged. "Come, Alf," said the Captain, that same morning, after Leo and his party had started on their expedition, "let you and me go off on a scientific excursion,--on what we may style a botanico-geologico-meteorological survey." "With all my heart, uncle, and let us take Butterface with us, and Oolichuk." "Ay, lad, and Ivitchuk and Akeetolik too, and Chingatok if you will, for I've fixed on a spot whereon to pitch an observatory, and we must set to work on it without further delay. Indeed I would have got it into working order long ago if it had not been for my hope that the cessation of this miserable war would have enabled us to get nearer the North Pole this summer." The party soon started for the highest peak of the island of Poloe--or Poloeland, as Alf preferred to call it. Oolichuk carried on his broad shoulders one of those mysterious cases out of which the Captain was so fond of taking machines wherewith to astonish the natives. Indeed it was plain to see that the natives who accompanied them on this occasion expected some sort of surprise, despite the Captain's earnest assurance that there was nothing in the box except a few meteorological instruments. How the Captain translated to the Eskimos the word meteorological we have never been able to ascertain. His own explanation is that he did it in a roundabout manner which they failed to comprehend, and which he himself could not elucidate. On the way up the hill, Alf made several interesting discoveries of plants which were quite new to him. "Ho! stop, I say, uncle," he exclaimed for the twentieth time that day, as he picked up some object of interest. "What now, lad?" said the Captain, stopping and wiping his heated brow. "Here is another specimen of these petrifactions--look!" "He means a vegetable o' some sort turned to stone, Chingatok," explained the Captain, as he examined the specimen with an interested though unscientific eye. "You remember, uncle, the explanation I gave you some time ago," said the enthusiastic Alf, "about Professor Heer of Zurich, who came to the conclusion that primeval forests once existed in these now treeless Arctic regions, from the fossils of oak, elm, pine, and maple leaves discovered there. Well, I found a fossil of a plane leaf the other day,--not a very good one, to be sure--and now, here is a splendid specimen of a petrified oak-leaf. Don't you trace it quite plainly?" "Well, lad," returned the Captain, frowning at the specimen, "I do believe you're right. There does seem to be the mark of a leaf there, and there is some ground for your theory that this land may have been once covered with trees, though it's hard to believe that when we look at it." "An evidence, uncle, that we should not be too ready to judge by appearances," said Alf, as they resumed their upward march. The top gained, a space was quickly selected and cleared, and a simple hut of flat stones begun, while the Captain unpacked his box. It contained a barometer, a maximum and minimum self-registering thermometer, wet and dry bulb, also a black bulb thermometer, a one-eighth-inch rain-gauge, and several other instruments. "I have another box of similar instruments, Alf, down below," said the Captain, as he laid them carefully out, "and I hope, by comparing the results obtained up here with those obtained at the level of the sea, to carry home a series of notes which will be of considerable value to science." When the Captain had finished laying them out, the Eskimos retired to a little distance, and regarded them for some minutes with anxious expectancy; but, as the strange things did not burst, or go up like sky-rockets, they soon returned with a somewhat disappointed look to their hut-building. The work was quickly completed, for Eskimos are expert builders in their way, and the instruments had been carefully set up under shelter when the first symptoms of the storm began. "I hope the sportsmen have returned," said the Captain, looking gravely round the horizon. "No doubt they have," said Alf, preparing to descend the mountain. "Leo is not naturally reckless, and if he were, the cautious Anders would be a drag on him." An hour later they regained the Eskimo village, just as Benjy came running, in a state of dripping consternation, from the sea. Need it be said that an instant and vigorous search was instituted? Not only did a band of the stoutest warriors, headed by Chingatok, set off in a fleet of kayaks, but the Captain and his companions started without delay in the two remaining india-rubber boats, and, flying their kites, despite the risk of doing so in a gale, went away in eager haste over the foaming billows. After exerting themselves to the uttermost, they failed to discover the slightest trace of the lost boat. The storm passed quickly, and a calm succeeded, enabling them to prosecute the search more effectively with oar and paddle, but with no better result. Day after day passed, and still no member of the band--Englishman or Eskimo--would relax his efforts, or admit that hope was sinking. But they had to admit it at last, and, after three weeks of unremitting toil, they were compelled to give up in absolute despair. The most sanguine was driven to the terrible conclusion that Leo, Anders, and timid little Oblooria were lost. It was an awful blow. What cared Alf or the Captain now for discovery, or scientific investigation! The poor negro, who had never at any time cared for plants, rocks, or Poles, was sunk in the profoundest depths of sorrow. Benjy's gay spirit was utterly broken. Oolichuk's hearty laugh was silenced, and a cloud of settled melancholy descended over the entire village of Poloe. CHAPTER TWENTY ONE. FATE OF THE LOST ONES. Leo, Anders, and timid little Oblooria, however, were not lost! Their case was bad enough, but it had not quite come to that. On parting from Benjy, as described in the last chapter, these three went after a walrus, which coquetted with them instead of attacking, and drew them a considerable distance away from the island. This would have been a matter of trifling import if the weather had remained calm, but, as we have seen, a sudden and violent gale arose. When the coming squall was first observed the boat was far to leeward of Paradise Isle, and as that island happened to be one of the most northerly of the group over which Amalatok ruled, they were thus far to leeward of any land with the exception of a solitary sugar-loaf rock near the horizon. Still Leo and his companions were not impressed with any sense of danger. They had been so long accustomed to calms, and to moving about in the india-rubber boats by means of paddles with perfect ease and security, that they had half forgotten the force of wind. Besides, the walrus was still playing with them provokingly--keeping just out of rifle-shot as if he had studied fire-arms and knew their range exactly. "The rascal!" exclaimed Leo at last, losing patience, "he will never let us come an inch nearer." "Try 'im once more," said Anders, who was a keen sportsman, "push him, paddle strong. Ho! Oblooria, paddle hard and queek." Although the interpreter, being in a facetious mood, addressed Oblooria in English, she quite understood his significant gestures, and bent to her work with a degree of energy and power quite surprising in one apparently so fragile. Leo also used his oars, (for they had both oars and paddles), with such good-will that the boat skimmed over the Arctic sea like a northern diver, and the distance between them and the walrus was perceptibly lessened. "I don't like the looks o' the southern sky," said Leo, regarding the horizon with knitted brows. "Hims black 'nough--any'ow," said Anders. "Hold. I'll have a farewell shot at the brute, and give up the chase," said Leo, laying down the oars and grasping his rifle. The ball seemed to take effect, for the walrus dived immediately with a violent splutter, and was seen no more. By this time the squall was hissing towards them so fast that the hunters, giving up all thought of the walrus, turned at once and made for the land, but land by that time lay far off on the southern horizon with a dark foam-flecked sea between it and them. "There's no fear of the boat, Oblooria," said Leo, glancing over his shoulder at the girl, who sat crouching to meet the first burst of the coming storm, "but you must hold on tight to the life-lines." There was no need to caution Anders. That worthy was already on his knees embracing a thwart--his teeth clenched as he gazed over the bow. On it came like a whirlwind of the tropics, and rushed right over the low round gunwale of the boat, sweeping loose articles overboard, and carrying her bodily to leeward. Leo had taken a turn of the life-lines round both thighs, and held manfully to his oars. These, after stooping to the first rush of wind and water, he plied with all his might, and was ably seconded by Oblooria as well as by the interpreter, but a very few minutes of effort sufficed to convince them that they laboured in vain. They did not even "hold their own," as sailors have it, but drifted slowly, yet steadily, to the north. "It's impossible to make head against _this_," said Leo, suddenly ceasing his efforts, "and I count it a piece of good fortune, for which we cannot be too thankful, that there is still land to leeward of us." He pointed to the sugar-loaf rock before mentioned, towards which they were now rapidly drifting. "Nothing to eat dere. Nothing to drink," said Anders, gloomily. "Oh! that won't matter much. A squall like this can't last long. We shall soon be able to start again for home, no doubt. I say, Anders, what are these creatures off the point there? They seem too large and black for sea-birds, and not the shape of seals or walruses." The interpreter gazed earnestly at the objects in question for some moments without answering. The rock which they were quickly nearing was rugged, barren, and steep on its southern face, against which the waves were by that time dashing with extreme violence, so that landing there would have been an impossibility. On its lee or northern side, however they might count on quiet water. "We have nothing to fear," said Leo, observing that Oblooria was much agitated; "tell her so, Anders; we are sure to find a sheltered creek of some sort on the other side." "I fear not the rocks or storm," replied the Eskimo girl to Anders. "It is Grabantak, the chief of Flatland, that I fear." "Grabantak!" exclaimed Anders and Leo in the same breath. "Grabantak is coming with his men!" Poor little Oblooria, whose face had paled while her whole frame trembled, pointed towards the dark objects which had already attracted their attention. They were by that time near enough to be distinguished, and as they came, one after another, round the western point of Sugar-loaf rock, it was all too evident that the girl was right, and that the fleet of kayaks was probably bearing the northern savage and his men to attack the inhabitants of Poloe. Leo's first impulse was to seize his repeating rifle and fill its cartridge-chamber quite full. It may be well to observe here that the cartridges, being carried in a tight waterproof case, had not been affected by the seas which had so recently overwhelmed them. "What's de use?" asked Anders, in an unusually sulky tone, as he watched the youth's action. "Two men not can fight all de mans of Flatland." "No, but I can pick off a dozen of them, one after another, with my good rifle, and then the rest will fly. Grabantak will fall first, and his best men after him." This was no idle boast on the part of Leo. He knew that he could accomplish what he threatened long before the Eskimos could get within spear-throwing distance of his boat. "No use," repeated Anders, firmly, still shaking his head in a sulky manner. "When you's bullets be done, more an' more inimies come on. Then dey kill you, an' me, an' Oblooria." Leo laid down his weapon. The resolve to die fighting to the last was the result of a mere impulse of animal courage. Second thoughts cooled him, and the reference to Oblooria's fate decided him. "You are right, Anders. If by fighting to the death I could save Oblooria, it would be my duty as well as my pleasure to fight; but I see that I haven't the ghost of a chance against such a host as is approaching, and it would be simply revengeful to send as many as I can into the next world before going there myself. Besides, it would exasperate the savages, and make them harder on the poor girl." In saying this Leo was rather arguing out the point with himself than talking to the interpreter, who did not indeed understand much of what he said. Having made up his mind how to act, Leo stowed his precious rifle and ammunition in a small bag placed for that purpose under one of the thwarts, and, resuming the oars, prepared to meet his fate, whatever it should be, peacefully and unarmed. While thus drifting in silence before the gale, the thought suddenly occurred to Leo, "How strange it is that I, who am a Christian--in name at least--should feel as if it were absurd to pray for God's help at such a time as this! Surely He who made me and these Eskimos is capable of guarding us? The very least we can do is to ask Him to guide us!" The youth was surprised at the thought. It had flashed upon him like a ray of light. It was not the first time that he had been in even more imminent danger than the present, yet he had never before thought of the necessity of asking help from God, as if He were really present and able as well as willing to succour. Before the thought had passed he acted on it. He had no time for formal prayer. He looked up! It was prayer without words. In a few minutes more the boat was surrounded by the fleet of kayaks. There were hundreds of these tiny vessels of the north, each with its solitary occupant, using his double-bladed paddle vigorously. Need we say that the strangers were at first gazed on with speechless wonder? and that the Eskimos kept for some time hovering round them at a respectful distance, as if uncertain how to act, but with their war-spears ready? All the time the whole party drifted before the gale towards the island-rock. "Anders," said Leo, while the natives remained in this state of indecision, "my mind is made up as to our course of action. We will offer no resistance whatever to these fellows. We must be absolutely submissive, unless, indeed, they attempt to ill-treat Oblooria, in which case of course we will defend her. Do you hear?" This was said with such quiet decision, and the concluding question was put in such a tone, that the interpreter replied, "Yis, sar," promptly. As Leo made no sign of any kind, but continued to guide the boat steadily with the oars, as if his sole anxiety was to round the western point of the island and get into a place of shelter, the natives turned their kayaks and advanced along with him. Naturally they fell into the position of an escort--a part of the fleet paddling on each side of the captives, (for such they now were), while the rest brought up the rear. "What ails Oblooria, Anders?" asked Leo in a low tone. "What is the matter?" asked the interpreter, turning to the girl, who, ever since the approach of the Eskimos, had crouched like a bundle in the bottom of the boat with her face buried in her hands. "There is no fear. Grabantak is a man, not a bear. He will not eat you." "Grabantak knows me," answered the poor girl, without lifting her head; "he came to Poloe once, before the war, and wanted me to be the wife of his son. I want not his son. I want Oolichuk!" The simplicity and candour of this confession caused Leo to laugh in spite of himself, while poor little Oblooria, who thought it no laughing matter, burst into tears. Of course the men of Flatland kept their eyes fixed in wide amazement on Leo, as they paddled along, and this sudden laugh of his impressed them deeply, being apparently without a cause, coupled as it was with an air of absolute indifference to his probable fate, and to the presence of so many foes. Even the ruthless land-hungerer, Grabantak, was solemnised. In a few minutes the whole party swept round the point of rocks, and proceeded towards the land over the comparatively quiet waters of a little bay which lay under the lee of the Sugar-loaf rock. During the brief period that had been afforded for thought, Leo had been intently making his plans. He now proceeded to carry them out. "Hand me the trinket-bundle," he said to Anders. The interpreter searched in a waterproof pouch in the stern of the boat, and produced a small bundle of such trinkets as are known to be valued by savages. It had been placed and was always kept there by Captain Vane, to be ready for emergencies. "They will be sure to take everything from us at any rate," remarked Leo, as he divided the trinkets into two separate bundles, "so I shall take the wind out of their sails by giving everything up at once with a good grace." The Grabantaks, if we may so style them, drew near, as the fleet approached the shore, with increasing curiosity. When land was reached they leaped out of their kayaks and crowded round the strangers. It is probable that they would have seized them and their possessions at this point, but the tall strapping figure of Leo, and his quiet manner, overawed them. They held back while the india-rubber boat was being carried by Leo and Anders to a position of safety. Poor Oblooria walked beside them with her head bowed down, shrinking as much as possible out of sight. Everybody was so taken up with the strange white man that no one took any notice of her. No sooner was the boat laid down than Leo taking one of the bundles of trinkets stepped up to Grabantak, whom he easily distinguished by his air of superiority and the deference paid him by his followers. Pulling his own nose by way of a friendly token, Leo smiled benignantly in the chief's face, and opened the bundle before him. It is needless to say that delight mingled with the surprise that had hitherto blazed on the visage of Grabantak. "Come here, Anders, and bring the other bundle with you. Tell this warrior that I am very glad to meet with him." "Great and unconquerable warrior," began the interpreter, in the dialect which he had found was understood, by the men of Poloe, "we have come from far-off lands to bring you gifts--" "Anders," said Leo, whose knowledge of the Eskimo tongue was sufficient, by that time, to enable him in a measure to follow the drift of a speech, "Anders, if you don't tell him _exactly_ what I say I'll kick you into the sea!" As Anders stood on a rock close to the water's edge, and Leo looked unusually stern, he thereafter rendered faithfully what the latter told him to say. The speech was something to the following effect:-- "I am one of a small band of white men who have come here to search out the land. We do not want the land. We only want to see it. We have plenty of land of our own in the far south. We have been staying with the great chief Amalatok in Poloeland." At the mention of his enemy's name the countenance of Grabantak darkened. Without noticing this, Leo went on:-- "When I was out hunting with my man and a woman, the wind arose and blew us hither. We claim your hospitality, and hope you will help us to get back again to Poloeland. If you do so we will reward you well, for white men are powerful and rich. See, here are gifts for Grabantak, and for his wife." This latter remark was a sort of inspiration. Leo had observed, while Anders was speaking, that a stout cheerful-faced woman had been pushing aside the men and gradually edging her way toward the Eskimo chief with the air of a privileged person. That he had hit the mark was obvious, for Grabantak turned with a bland smile, and hit his wife a facetious and rather heavy slap on the shoulder. She was evidently accustomed to such treatment, and did not wince. Taking from his bundle a gorgeous smoking-cap richly ornamented with brilliant beads, Leo coolly crowned the chief with it. Grabantak drew himself up and tried to look majestic, but a certain twitching of his face, and sparkle in his eyes, betrayed a tendency to laugh with delight. Fortunately, there was another cap of exactly the same pattern in the bundle, which Leo instantly placed on the head of the wife--whose name he afterwards learned was Merkut. The chief's assumed dignity vanished at this. With that childlike hilarity peculiar to the Eskimo race, he laughed outright, and then, seizing the cap from Merkut's head, put it above his own to the amusement of his grinning followers. Leo then selected a glittering clasp-knife with two blades, which the chief seized eagerly. It was evidently a great prize--too serious a gift to be lightly laughed at. Then a comb was presented to the wife, and a string of gay beads, and a pair of scissors. Of course the uses of combs and scissors had he explained, and deep was the interest manifested during the explanation, and utter the forgetfulness of the whole party for the time being in regard to everything else in the world--Oblooria included, who sat unnoticed on the rocks with her face still buried in her hands. When Grabantak's possessions were so numerous that the hood of his coat, and the tops of his wife's boots were nearly filled with them, he became generous, and, prince-like, (having more than he knew what to do with), began to distribute things to his followers. Among these followers was a tall and stalwart son of his own, to whom he was rather stern, and not very liberal. Perhaps the chief wished to train him with Spartan ideas of self-denial. Perhaps he wanted his followers to note his impartiality. Merkut did not, however, act on the same principles, for she quietly passed a number of valuable articles over to her dear son Koyatuk, unobserved by his stern father. Things had gone on thus pleasantly for some time; the novelty of the gifts, and the interest in their explanation having apparently rendered these people forgetful of the fact that they might take them all at once; when a sudden change in the state of affairs was wrought by the utterance of one word. "We must not," said Leo to Anders, looking at his follower over the heads of the Eskimos, "forget poor little Oblooria." "Oblooria!" roared Grabantak with a start, as if he had been electrified. "Oblooria!" echoed Koyatuk, glaring round. "Oblooria!" gasped the entire band. Another moment and Grabantak, bursting through the crowd, leaped towards the crouching girl and raised her face. Recognising her he uttered a yell which probably was meant for a cheer. Hurrying the frightened girl into the circle through which he had broken, the chief presented her to his son, and, with an air worthy of a civilised courtier, said:-- "Your _wife_, Koyatuk--your Oblooria!--Looria!" He went over the last syllables several times, as if he doubted his senses, and feared it was too good news to be true. This formal introduction was greeted by the chief's followers with a series of wild shouts and other demonstrations of extreme joy. CHAPTER TWENTY TWO. A FIGHT IN DEFENCE OF WOMAN, AND RIFLE-SHOOTING EXTRAORDINARY. When the excitement had somewhat abated, Leo stepped to the side of Oblooria, and laying his hand on her shoulder said firmly, through Anders:-- "Pardon me, Grabantak, this girl is _not_ the wife of Koyatuk; she is my _sister_!" The chief frowned, clenched his teeth, and grasped a spear-- "When did Kablunet men begin to have Eskimo sisters?" "When they took all distressed women under their protection," returned Leo promptly. "Every woman who needs my help is my sister," he added with a look of self-sufficiency which he was far from feeling. This new doctrine obviously puzzled the chief, who frowned, smiled, and looked at the ground, as if in meditation. It seemed to afford great comfort to Oblooria, who nestled closer to her champion. As for Koyatuk, he treated the matter with an air of mingled surprise and scorn, but dutifully awaited his father's pleasure. Koyatuk was physically a fine specimen of a savage, but his spirit was not equal to his body. Like his father he was over six feet high, and firmly knit, being of both larger and stronger build than Leo, whom he now regarded, and of course hated, as his rival--a contemptible one, no doubt; still--a rival. The warriors watched their chief in breathless suspense. To them it was a thoroughly new and interesting situation. That a white stranger, tall and active, but slender and very young, should dare single-handed to defy not only their chief, but, as it were, the entire tribe, including the royal family, was a state of things in regard to which their previous lives afforded no parallel. They could not understand it at all, and stood, as it were, in eager, open-mouthed, and one-legged expectation. At last Grabantak looked up, as if smitten by a new idea, and spoke-- "Can Kablunet men fight?" he asked. "They love peace better than war," answered Leo, "but when they see cause to fight they can do so." Turning immediately to his son, Grabantak said with a grim smile-- "Behold your wife, take her!" Koyatuk advanced. Leo placed Oblooria behind him, and, being unarmed, threw himself into a pugilistic posture of defence. The young Eskimo laid one of his strong hands on the Englishman's shoulder, intending to thrust him aside violently. Leo was naturally of a tender disposition. He shrank from dealing a violent blow to one who had not the remotest idea of what was coming, or how to defend himself from the human fist when used as a battering-ram. But Leo chanced to be, in a sense, doubly armed. During one of his holiday rambles in England he had visited Cornwall, and there had learned that celebrated "throw" which consists in making your haunch a fulcrum, your right arm a lever, and your adversary a shuttlecock. He suddenly grasped his foe round the waist with one arm. Next moment the Grabantaks saw what the most imaginative among them had never till then conceived of--Koyatuk's soles turned to the sky, and his head pointing to the ground! The moment following, he lay flat on his back looking upwards blankly. The huk! hi! ho! hooroos! that followed may be conceived, but cannot be described. Some of the men burst into laughter, for anything ludicrous is irresistible to an Eskimo of the very far north. A few were petrified. Others there were who resented this indignity to the heir-apparent, and flourished their spears in a threatening manner. These last Grabantak quieted with a look. The incident undoubtedly surprised that stern parent, but also afforded him some amusement. He said it was an insult that must be avenged. Oddly enough he made use of an expression which sounded curiously familiar to Leo's ears, as translated by Anders. "The insult," said Grabantak, "could only be _washed out in blood_!" Strange, that simple savages of the far north should hold to that ridiculous doctrine. We had imagined that it was confined entirely to those further south, whose minds have been more or less warped by civilised usage. A ring was immediately formed, and poor Leo now saw that the matter was becoming serious. He was on the eve of fighting an enforced duel in Oblooria's service. While the savages were preparing the lists, and Koyatuk, having recovered, was engaged in converse with his father, Leo whispered to Anders-- "Perhaps Oblooria has no objection to be the wife of this man?" But the poor girl had very strong objections. She was, moreover, so emphatic in her expressions of horror, and cast on her champion such a look of entreaty, that he would have been more than mortal had he refused her. It was very perplexing. The idea of killing, or being killed, in such a cause was very repulsive. He tried to reason with Grabantak about the sin of injuring a defenceless woman, and the abstract right of females in general to have some say in the selection of their husbands, but Grabantak was inexorable. "Is the Kablunet afraid?" he asked, with a glance of scornful surprise. "Does he _look_ afraid?" returned Leo, quietly. Koyatuk now stepped into the middle of the ring of warriors, with a short spear in his right hand, and half-a-dozen spare ones in his left, whereby Leo perceived that the battle before him was not meant to be a mere "exchange of shots," for the "satisfaction of honour." There was evidently no humbug about these Eskimos. Two men mounted guard over Anders and Oblooria, who, however, were allowed to remain inside the ring to witness the combat. A warrior now advanced to Leo and presented him with a small bundle of spears. He took them almost mechanically, thanked the giver, and laid them down at his feet without selecting one. Then he stood up, and, crossing his arms on his breast, gazed full at his opponent, who made a hideous face at him and flourished his spear. It was quite evident that the Eskimos were perplexed by the white youth's conduct, and knew not what to make of it. The truth is that poor Leo was almost beside himself with conflicting emotions and uncertainty as to what he ought to do. Despite all that had taken place, he found it almost impossible to persuade himself that he was actually about to engage in mortal combat. He had not a vestige of angry feeling in his heart against the man whom he was expected to fight with to the death, and the extraordinary nature of the complex faces that Koyatuk was making at him tended to foster the delusion that the whole thing was a farce--or a dream. Then the knowledge that he could burst through the ring, get hold of his rifle, and sell his life dearly, or, perhaps, cause the whole savage tribe to fly in terror, was a sore temptation to him. All this, coupled with the necessity for taking instant and vigorous action of some sort, was enough to drive an older head distracted. It did drive the blood violently to the youth's face, but, by a powerful effort of self-restraint, he continued to stand perfectly still, like a living statue, facing the Eskimo. At last Koyatuk became tired of making useless faces at his rival. Suddenly poising his spear, he launched it. Had Leo's eye been less quick, or his limbs less active, that spear had laid him low for ever. He had barely time to spring aside, when the weapon passed between his side and his left arm, grazing the latter slightly, and drawing blood which trickled to the ends of his fingers. There could be no further doubt now about the nature of the fight. Catching up a spear from the bundle at his feet he was just in time to receive the Eskimo, who sprang in on him with the intention of coming at once to close quarters. His rush was very furious; probably with a view to make it decisive. But the agile Leo was equal to the occasion. Bending suddenly so low as to be quite under his opponent's desperate thrust, he struck out his right leg firmly. Koyatuk tripped over it, and ploughed the land for some yards with his hands, head, and knees. Considerably staggered in mind and body by the fall, he sprang up with a roar, and turned to renew the attack. Leo was ready. The Eskimo, by that time mad with pain, humiliation, and rage, exercised no caution in his assault. He rushed at his rival like a mad bull. Our Englishman saw his opportunity. Dropping his own spear he guarded the thrust of his adversary's with his right arm, while, with his left fist, he planted a solid blow on Koyatuk's forehead. The right fist followed the left like the lightning flash, and alighted on Koyatuk's nose, which, flat by nature, was rendered flatter still by art. Indeed it would be the weakest flattery to assert that he had any nose at all after receiving that blow. It was reduced to the shape of a small pancake, from the two holes in which there instantly spouted a stream of blood so copious that it drenched alike its owner and his rival. After giving him this double salute, Leo stepped quickly aside to let him tumble forward, heels over head, which he did with the only half-checked impetuosity of his onset, and lay prone upon the ground. "There, Anders," said the victor, turning round as he pointed to his prostrate foe, "surely Grabantak's son has got enough of blood now to wipe out all the insults he ever received, or is likely to receive, from me." Grabantak appeared to agree to this view of the case. That he saw and relished the jest was obvious, for he burst into an uproarious fit of laughter, in which his amiable warriors joined him, and, advancing to Leo, gave him a hearty slap of approval on the shoulder. At the same time he cast a look of amused scorn on his fallen son, who was being attended to by Merkut. It may be observed here that Merkut was the only woman of the tribe allowed to go on this war-expedition. Being the chief's wife, she had been allowed to do as she pleased, and it was her pleasure to accompany the party and to travel like the warriors in a kayak, which she managed as well as the best of them. Grabantak now ordered his men to encamp, and feed till the gale should abate. Then, calling Leo and the interpreter aside, he questioned them closely as to the condition of the Poloese and the numbers of the white men who had recently joined them. Of course Leo made Anders give him a graphic account of the preparations made by his enemies to receive him, in the hope that he might be induced to give up his intentions, but he had mistaken the spirit of the Eskimo, who merely showed his teeth, frowned, laughed in a diabolic manner, and flourished his spear during the recital of Amalatok's warlike arrangements. He wound up by saying that he was rejoiced to learn all that, because it would be all the more to his credit to make his enemy go down on his knees, lick the dust, crawl in his presence, and otherwise humble himself. "But tell him, Anders," said Leo, earnestly, "that my white brothers, though few in number, are very strong and brave. They have weapons too which kill far off and make a dreadful noise." Grabantak laughed contemptuously at this. "Does the Kablunet," he asked, "think I am afraid to die--afraid of a noise? does he think that none but white men can kill far off?" As he spoke he suddenly hurled his spear at a gull, which, with many others, was perched on a cliff about thirty yards off, and transfixed it. "Go to the boat, Anders, and fetch my rifle," said Leo in a low tone. When the rifle was brought a crowd of Eskimos came with it. They had been closely observing their chief and the stranger during the conference, but remained at a respectful distance until they saw something unusual going on. "Tell the chief," said Leo, "to look at that peak with the solitary gull standing on it." He pointed to a detached cone of rock upwards of two hundred yards distant. When the attention of the whole party was concentrated on the bird in question, Leo took a steady aim and fired. Need we say that the effect of the shot was wonderful? not only did the braves utter a united yell and give a simultaneous jump, but several of the less brave among them bolted behind rocks, or tumbled in attempting to do so, while myriads of sea-fowl, which clustered among the cliffs, sprang from their perches and went screaming into the air. At the same time echoes innumerable, which had lain dormant since creation, or at best had given but sleepy response to the bark of walruses and the cry of gulls, took up the shot in lively haste and sent it to and fro from cliff to crag in bewildering continuation. "Wonderful!" exclaimed Grabantak in open-mouthed amazement, when he beheld the shot gull tumbling from its lofty perch, "Do it again." Leo did it again--all the more readily that another gull, unwarned by its predecessor's fate, flew to the conical rock at the moment, and perched itself on the same peak. It fell, as before, and the echoes were again awakened, while the sea-birds cawed and screamed more violently than ever. The timid ones among the braves, having recovered from their first shock, stood fast this time, but trembled much and glared horribly. The chief, who was made of sterner stuff than many of his followers; did not move, though his face flushed crimson with suppressed emotion. As to the sea-birds, curiosity seemed to have overcome fear, for they came circling and wheeling overhead in clouds so dense that they almost darkened the sky--many of them swooping close past the Eskimos and then shearing off and up with wild cries. An idea suddenly flashed into Leo's head. Pointing his rifle upwards he began and continued a rapid fire until all the bullets in it, (ten or twelve), were expended. The result was as he had expected. Travelling through such a dense mass of birds, each ball pierced we know not how many, until it absolutely rained dead and wounded gulls on the heads of the natives, while the rocks sent forth a roar of echoes equal to a continuous fire of musketry. It was stupendous! Nothing like it had occurred in the Polar regions since the world first became a little flattened at the poles! Nothing like it will happen again until the conjunction of a series of similar circumstances occurs. The timid braves lost heart again and dived like the coneys into holes and corners of the rocks. Others stood still with chattering teeth. Even Grabantak wavered for a moment. But it was only for a moment. Recovering himself he uttered a mighty shout; then he yelled; then he howled; then he slapped his breast and thighs; then he seized a smallish brave near him by the neck and hurled him into the sea. Having relieved his feelings thus he burst into a fit of laughter such as has never been equalled by the wildest maniac either before or since. Suddenly he calmed, stepped up to Leo, and wrenched the rifle from his grasp. "I will do that!" he cried, and held the weapon out at arms-length in front of his face with both hands; but there was no answering shot. "Why does it not bark?" he demanded, turning to Leo sternly. "It will only bark at my bidding," said Leo, with a significant smile. "Bid it, then," said the chief in a peremptory tone, still holding the rifle out. "You must treat it in the right way, otherwise it will not bark. I will show you." Having been shown how to pull the trigger, the chief tried again, but a sharp click was the only reply. Grabantak having expected a shot, he nervously dropped the rifle, but Leo was prepared, and caught it. "You must not be afraid of it; it cannot work properly if you are afraid. See, look there," he added, pointing to the conical rock on which another infatuated gull had perched himself. Grabantak looked earnestly. His timid braves began to creep out of their holes, and directed their eyes to the same spot. While their attention was occupied Leo managed to slip a fresh cartridge into the rifle unobserved. "Now," said he, handing the rifle to the chief, "try again." Grabantak, who was not quite pleased at the hint about his being afraid, seized the rifle and held it out as before. Resolved to maintain his reputation for coolness, he said to his followers in imitation of Leo:-- "Do you see that gull?" "Huk!" replied the warriors, with eager looks. Leo thought of correcting his manner of taking aim, but, reflecting that the result would be a miss in any case, he refrained. Grabantak raised the rifle slowly, as its owner had done, and frowned along the barrel. In doing so, he drew it back until the butt almost touched his face. Then he fired. There was a repetition of previous results with some differences. The gull flew away from the rock unhurt; one of the braves received the bullet in his thigh and ran off shrieking with agony, while the chief received a blow from the rifle on the nose which all but incorporated that feature with his cheeks, and drew from his eyes the first tears he had ever shed since babyhood. That night Grabantak sat for hours staring in moody silence at the sea, tenderly caressing his injured nose, and meditating, no doubt, on things past, present, and to come. CHAPTER TWENTY THREE. LEO VISITS FLATLAND AND SEES AS WELL AS HEARS MUCH TO INTEREST HIM THERE. The result of Grabantak's meditation was that, considering the nature and wonderful weapons of the men by whom Amalatok had been reinforced, he thought it advisable to return to his own land, which was not far distant, for the purpose of adding to the force with which he meant to subjugate the men of Poloe. "We are unconquerable," he said, while conversing on the situation with Teyma, his first lieutenant, or prime minister; "everybody knows that we are invincible. It is well-known that neither white men, nor yellow men,--no, nor black men, nor blue men,--can overcome the Flatlanders. We must keep up our name. It will not do to let the ancient belief die down, that one Flatlander is equal to three men of Poloe, or any other land." "The Poloe men laugh in their boots when they hear us boast in this way," said Teyma gently. We draw attention to the curious resemblance in this phrase to our more civilised "laughing in the sleeve," while we point out that the prime minister, although of necessity a man of war, was by nature a man of peace. Indeed his name, Teyma, which signifies peace, had been given him because of his pacific tendencies. "What! would you not have me defend the Flatland name?" demanded Grabantak, fiercely. "No, I would have you defend only the Flatland property," replied the blunt minister. "And is not Puiroe my property?" growled Grabantak, referring to the barren rock which was the cause of war. "So is _that_ your property," said Teyma, picking up a stone, "and yet I treat it thus!" (He tossed it contemptuously into the sea.) "Is that worth Flatlander blood? would you kill me for _that_? shall Eskimo wives and mothers weep, and children mourn and starve for a useless rock in the sea." "You always thwart me, Teyma," said Grabantak, trying to suppress a burst of wrath, which he was well aware his fearless minister did not mind in the least. "It is true this island is not worth the shake of a puffin's tail; but if we allow the Poloe men to take it--" "To keep it," mildly suggested Teyma, "they have long had it." "Well, to keep it, if you will," continued the chief testily; "will not other tribes say that the old name of the Flatlanders is dead, that the war-spirit is gone, that they may come and attack us when they please; for we cannot defend our property, and they will try to make us slaves? What! shall Flatlanders become slaves? no never, never, _never_!" cried Grabantak, furiously, though unconsciously quoting the chorus of a well-known song. "No, _never_," re-echoed Teyma with an emphatic nod, "yet there are many steps between fighting for a useless rock, and being made slaves." "Well then," cried Grabantak, replying to the first part of his lieutenant's remark and ignoring the second, "we must fight to prove our courage. As to losing many of our best men, of course we cannot help that. Then we must kill, burn, and destroy right and left in Poloeland, to prove our power. After that we will show the greatness of our forbearance by letting our enemies alone. Perhaps we may even condescend to ask them to become our friends. What an honour that would be to them, and, doubtless, what a joy!" "Grabantak," said Teyma with a look and tone of solemnity which invariably overawed his chief, and made him uncomfortable, "you have lived a good many years now. Did you ever make a friend of an enemy by beating him?" "Of course not," said the other with a gesture of impatience. "Grabantak, you had a father." "Yes," said the chief, with solemn respect. "And _he_ had a father." "True." "And he, too, had a father." "Well, I suppose he had." "Of course he had. All fathers have had fathers back and back into the mysterious Longtime. If not, where did our tales and stories come from? There are many stories told by fathers to sons, and fathers to sons, till they have all come down to us, and what do these stories teach us? that all fighting is bad, except what _must_ be. Even what _must_ be is bad--only, it is better than some things that are worse. Loss of life, loss of country, loss of freedom to hunt, and eat, and sleep, are worse. We must fight for these--but to fight for a bare rock, for a name, for a coast, for a fancy, it is foolish! and when you have got your rock, and recovered your name, and pleased your fancy, do the brave young men that are dead return? Do the maidens that weep rejoice? Do the mothers that pine revive? Of what use have been all the wars of Flatland from Longtime till now? Can you restore the mountain-heaps of kayaks, and oomiaks, and spears, and walrus-lines, from the smoke into which they vanished! Can you recall the great rivers of whale-oil from the sea into which they have been poured, or the blood of men from the earth that swallowed it? Is not war _always_ loss, loss, loss, and _never_ gain? Why cannot we live at peace with those who will, and fight only with those who insist on war." "Go, Teyma, stop your mouth with blubber," said the chief, rising; "I am weary of you. I tell you, Amalatok shall die; Puiroe shall be mine. The tribes shall all learn to tremble at the name of Grabantak and to respect the men of Flatland." "Ay, and to love them too, I suppose," added Teyma with a facetious sneer. "Boo!" replied his chief, bringing the conversation to an abrupt close by walking away. In accordance with their chief's resolve, the Grabantak band embarked in their kayaks next morning, the gale having moderated, and with the intention of obtaining reinforcements, paddled back to Flatland, which they reached in a couple of days. On the voyage Leo confined himself strictly to the oars and paddles, being unwilling to let the Eskimos into the secret of the kite, until he could do so with effect, either in the way of adding to their respect for the white man and his contrivances, or of making his escape. Now, as has been said or hinted, although Grabantak's son, Koyatuk, was a stout and tall man, he was not gifted with much brain. He possessed even less of that substance than his father, whose energy and power of muscle, coupled with indomitable obstinacy, enabled him to hold the reins of government which were his by hereditary right. Besides being a fearless man, Grabantak was respected as a good leader in war. But Koyatuk had neither the energy of his father, nor his determination. He was vacillating and lazy, as well as selfish. Hence he was not a favourite, and when, after landing at Flatland, he endeavoured to renew his claim to Oblooria, neither his father nor the people encouraged him. The timid one was therefore left with Leo and Anders, who immediately fitted up for her a separate screened-off apartment in the hut which was assigned to them in the native village. Even Koyatuk's mother did not befriend her son on this occasion. Merkut had her own reasons for proving faithless to her spoilt boy, whom on most occasions she favoured. Knowing his character well, the sturdy wife of Grabantak had made up her mind that Koyatuk should wed a young intelligent, and what you may call lumpy girl named Chukkee, who was very fond of the huge and lazy youth, and who, being herself good-natured and unselfish, would be sure to make him a good wife. After one or two unavailing efforts, therefore, and a few sighs, the heir-apparent to the throne of Flatland ceased to trouble Oblooria, and devoted himself to his three favourite occupations--hunting, eating, and repose. "Misser Lo," whispered Anders, on the first night after landing, as they busied themselves with the partition above referred to, "we 'scapes from dis here land very easy." "How, Anders?" "W'y, you's on'y got wait for nort' vint, den up kite, launch boat, an'--hup! away." "True, lad, but I don't want to escape just yet." "Not want to 'scape?" "No. You see, Anders, we are now on very friendly terms with this tribe, and it seems to me that if we were to remain for a time and increase our influence, we might induce Grabantak to give up this war on which he seems to have set his heart. I have great hopes of doing something with Teyma. He is evidently a reasonable fellow, and has much power, I think, with the chief--indeed with every one. Pity that he is not to succeed Grabantak instead of that stupid Koyatuk. Besides, now I am here I must explore the land if possible. It is a pity no doubt to leave our friends, even for a short time, in ignorance of our fate, but we can't help that at present. Light the lamp, Anders, and let's see what we're about." The summer was by that time so far advanced that the sun descended a considerable way below the horizon each night, leaving behind a sweet mellow twilight which deepened almost into darkness inside the Eskimo huts. These latter, like those already described, were made of stone, and the small openings that served for windows did not let in much light at any time. The hut which had been assigned by Grabantak to his prisoners--or visitors, for as such he now seemed to regard them--was a large roomy one, made chiefly of clay. It stood on a little mound a hundred yards or so apart from the main village of Flatland, and was probably one of the chief's private palaces. It was oval in form--like a huge oven-- about fifteen feet in diameter, and six feet in height. One-half of the floor was raised about eight inches, thus forming the "breck," which served for a lounge by day, and a couch by night. Its furniture of skins, cooking-lamp, etcetera, was much the same as that of the Eskimo huts already described, except that the low tunnel-shaped entrance was very long--about twelve feet. Light was admitted by a parchment-covered hole or window, with several rents in it, as well as by various accidental holes in the roof. When the lamp was lighted, and skins were spread on the breck, and Leo, having finished the partition, was busy making entries in a note-book, and Anders was amusing himself with a tobacco pipe--foolish man! and Oblooria was devoting herself to the lamp, from which various charming sounds and delicious smells emanated--as well as smoke--this northern residence looked far more cheerful and snug than the luxurious dwellers in civilised lands will readily believe. "I wonder," said Leo, looking up from his book after a prolonged silence, "I wonder what strange sounds are those I hear." "P'r'aps it's de vint," said Anders, puffing a cloud from his lips in sleepy contentment, and glancing upwards. When he and Leo looked at the roof of the hut it shook slightly, as if something had fallen on it. "Strange," muttered Leo, reverting to his notebook, "it did not look like wind when the sun went down. It must be going to blow hard." After a few minutes of silence Leo again looked up inquiringly. "Dere's anoder squall," said Anders. "More like a sneeze than a squall. Listen; that is a queer pattering sound." They listened, but all was silent. After a minute or so they resumed their occupations. The sounds were, however, no mystery to those who were in the secret of them. Knowing the extreme curiosity of his countrymen, Grabantak had placed a sentinel over his guests' hut, with orders to let no one go near it. The sentinel entered on his vigil with that stern sense of duty-unto-death that is supposed to animate all sentinels. At first the inhabitants of Flatland kept conscientiously away from the forbidden spot, but as the shades of night toned down the light, some of them could not resist drawing near occasionally and listening with distended eyes, ears, and nostrils, as if they expected to drink in foreign sounds at all these orifices. The sentinel grasped his spear, steeled his heart, and stood in front of the door with a look of grand solemnity worthy of the horse-guards. At last, however, the sentinel's own curiosity was roused by the eager looks of those--chiefly big boys--who drew ever nearer and nearer. Occasional sounds from the hut quickened his curiosity, and the strange smell of tobacco-smoke at last rendered it unbearable. Slowly, sternly, as if it were part of his duty to spy, he moved to the torn window and peeped in. He was fascinated at once of course. After gazing for five minutes in rapt admiration, he chanced to withdraw his face for a moment, and then found that nine Eskimos had discovered nine holes or crevices in the hut walls, against which their fat faces were thrust, while at least half-a-dozen others were vainly searching for other peep-holes. A scarcely audible hiss caused the rapt nine to look up. A terrible frown and a shake of the official spear caused them to retire down the slope that led to the hut. This was the unaccountable "squall" that had first perplexed Leo and his comrade. But like tigers who have tasted blood, the Flatlanders could not now be restrained. "Go!" said the sentinel in a low stern voice to the retreating trespassers, whom he followed to the foot of the slope. "If you come up again I will tell Grabantak, who will have you all speared and turned into whale-buoys." The boys did not appear to care much for the threat. They were obviously buoyed up with hope. "Oh! do, _do_ let us peep! just once!" entreated several of them in subdued but eager tones. The sentinel shook his obdurate head and raised his deadly spear. "We will make no noise," said a youth who was the exact counterpart of Benjamin Vane in all respects except colour and costume--the first being dirty yellow and the latter hairy. The sentinel frowned worse than ever. "The Kablunets," said another of the band, entreatingly, "shall hear nothing louder than the falling of a snow-flake or a bit of eider-down." Still the sentinel was inexorable. The Eskimos were in despair. Suddenly Benjy's counterpart turned and fled to the village on light and noiseless toe. He returned immediately with a rich, odorous, steaming piece of blubber in his hand. It was a wise stroke of policy. The sentinel had been placed there without any reference to the fact that he had not had his supper. He was ravenously hungry. Can you blame him for lowering his spear, untying his eyebrows, and smiling blandly as the held out his hand? "Just one peep, and it is yours," said the counterpart, holding the morsel behind him. "My life is in danger if I do," remonstrated the sentinel. "Your supper is in danger if you don't," said the counterpart. It was too much for him. The sentinel accepted the bribe, and, devouring it, returned with the bribers on tiptoe to the hut, where they gazed in silent wonder to their hearts' content. "Well, that beats everything," said Leo, laying down his book and pencil, "but I never did hear a gale that panted and snorted as this one does. I'll go out and have a look at it." He rose and crawled on hands and knees through the tunnel. The spies rolled off the hut with considerable noise and fled, while the sentinel resuming his spear and position, tried to look innocent. While he was explaining to Anders why he was there, Grabantak himself walked up, accompanied by his lieutenant. They were hospitably entertained, and as Oblooria had by that time prepared a savoury mess, such as she knew the white men loved, the chief and Teyma condescended to sup with their captive-guests. Leo had not with him the great cooking machine with which his uncle had effected so much in Poloeland, but he had a tin kettle and a couple of pannikins, with some coffee, sugar, and biscuit, which did good service in the way of conciliating, if not surprising, the chief of Flatland. Both he and his lieutenant, moreover, were deeply interested in Anders's proceedings with the pipe. At first they supposed he was conducting some religious ceremony, and looked on with appropriate solemnity, but, on being informed of the mistake, Grabantak smiled graciously and requested a "whiff." He received one, and immediately made such a hideous face that Anders could not restrain a short laugh, whereupon the chief hit him over the head with his empty pannikin, but, after frowning fiercely, joined in the laugh. Leo then began to question the chief about the land over which he ruled, and was told that it was a group of islands of various sizes, like the group which belonged to Amalatok, but with more islands in it; that most of these islands were flat, and covered with lakes, large and small, in which were to be found many animals, and birds as numerous almost as the stars. "Ask him from what direction these birds come," said Leo, pulling out his pocket-compass and expecting that Grabantak would point to the south; but the chief pointed to the north, then to the south, then to the east, and then to the west! "What does he mean? I don't understand him," said Leo. "The birds come from _everywhere_--from all round. They come here to breed," said the chief, spreading his hands round him and pointing in all directions. "Then, when the young are strong and the cold season begins, they spread the wing and go away there--to _every_ place--all round." "Anders," said Leo impressively, "do you know I think we have actually arrived at the immediate region of the North Pole! What the chief says almost settles the question. This, you see, must be the warmest place in the Polar regions; the central spot around the Pole to which migratory birds flock from the south. If voyagers, crossing the Arctic circle at _all_ parts, have observed these birds ever flying _north_, it follows that they _must_ have some meeting-place near the Pole, where they breed and from which they depart in autumn. Well, according to Grabantak, _this_ is the meeting-place, therefore _this_ must be near the Pole! How I wish uncle were here!" Leo had been more than half soliloquising; he now looked up and burst into a laugh, for the interpreter was gazing at him with an expression of blank stupidity. "You's kite right, Missr Lo," he said at last, with a meek smile, "kite right, no doubt; only you's too clibber for _me_." "Well, Anders, I'll try not to be quite so clibber in future; but ask Grabantak if he will go with me on an expedition among these islands. I want very much to examine them all." "Examine them all!" repeated the chief with emphasis when this was translated; "tell the young Kablunet with the hard fist, that the sunless time would come and go, and the sun-season would come again, before he could go over half my lands. Besides, I have more important work to do. I must first go to Poloeland, to kill and burn and destroy. After that I will travel with Hardfist." Hardfist, as the chief had styled him in reference to his late pugilistic achievements, felt strongly inclined to use his fists on Grabantak's skull when he mentioned his sanguinary intentions, but recalling Alf's oft-quoted words, "Discretion is the better part of valour," he restrained himself. He also entered into a long argument with the savage, in the hope of converting him to peace principles, but of course in vain. The chief was thoroughly bent on destroying his enemies. Then, in a state of almost desperate anxiety, Leo sought to turn him from his purpose by telling him about God the Father, and the Prince of Peace, and, pulling out his Bible, began to read and make Anders interpret such passages of the Word as bore most directly on his subject. While acting in this, to him, novel capacity as a teacher of God's Word, Leo more than once lifted up his heart in brief silent prayer that the Spirit might open the heart of the savage to receive the truth. The chief and his lieutenant listened with interest and surprise. Being savages, they also listened with profound respect to the young enthusiast, but Grabantak would not give up his intention. He explained, however, that he meant first to go to the largest and most central island of his dominions, to make inquiry there of the Man of the Valley what would be the best time to set out for the war. "The Man of the Valley!" asked Leo, "who is that?" "He is an Eskimo," replied Grabantak, with a sudden air of solemnity in his manner, "whose first forefather came in the far past longtime, from nobody knows where; but this first forefather never had any father or mother. He settled among the Eskimos and taught them many things. He married one of their women, and his sons and daughters were many and strong. Their descendants inhabit the Great Isle of Flatland at the present day. They are good and strong; great hunters and warriors. The first forefather lived long, till he became white and blind. His power and wisdom lay in a little strange thing which he called `buk.' How it made him strong or wise no one can tell, but so it was. His name was Makitok. When he died he gave _buk_ to his eldest son. It was wrapped up in a piece of sealskin. The eldest son had much talk with his father about this mystery-thing, and was heard to speak much about the Kablunets, but the son would never tell what he said. Neither would he unwrap the mystery-thing, for fear that its power might escape. So he wrapped it up in another piece of sealskin, and gave it to his eldest son, telling him to hand it down from son to son, along with the name Makitok. So _buk_ has grown to be a large bundle now, and no one understands it, but every one has great reverence for it, and the Makitok now in possession is a great mystery-man, very wise; we always consult him on important matters." Here was food for reflection to Leo during the remainder of that night, and for many hours did his sleepless mind puzzle over the mystery of Makitok, the Man of the Valley. This sleepless condition was, not unpleasantly, prolonged by the sounds of animal life that entered his oven-like dwelling during great part of the night. Evidently great numbers of the feathered tribes were moving about, either because they meant to retire at dissipatedly late, or had risen at unreasonably early, hours. Among them he clearly distinguished the musical note of the long-tailed duck and the harsh scream of the great northern diver, while the profound calmness of the weather enabled him to hear at intervals the soft blow and the lazy plash of a white whale, turning, it might be, on his other side in his water-bed on the Arctic Sea. Following the whale's example, Leo turned round at last, buried his face in a reindeer pillow, and took refuge in oblivion. CHAPTER TWENTY FOUR. A GLORIOUS REGION CONTEMPLATED, AND A GLORIOUS CHASE PLANNED. Leo did not slumber long. Very early in the morning he awoke with that sensation about him which told that at that time further repose was not attainable. He therefore rose, donned the few garments which he had put off on lying down, crept through his tunnel, and emerged into the open air. And what a vision of glorious beauty met his enraptured eyes, while the fresh sea-breeze entered, like life, into his heaving chest! It was still a profound calm. Earth, air, water, sky, seemed to be uniting in a silent act of adoration to their great Creator, while the myriad creatures therein contained were comparatively quiet in the enjoyment of His rich and varied bounties. It seemed as if the hour were too early for the strife of violent passions--too calm for the stirrings of hatred or revenge. Everything around spoke only of peace. Sitting down with his back to a sun-bathed rock, and his face to the silver sea, Leo drew out his Bible and proceeded to read the records of the Prince of Peace. As he lifted his eyes from the words, "marvellous are thy works, and that my soul knoweth right well," to the vision of beauty and life that lay before him, Leo made the words and the thought, for the first time, _his own_. The prospect embraced innumerable islands of all sizes, studding like gems the gently-heaving sea. Over these, countless millions of sea-birds flew or sailed to and fro; some with the busy fluttering of activity, as if they had something to do and a mind to do it; others loitering idly on the wing, or dipping lightly on the wave, as if to bid their images good-morning. Burgomaster, yellow-legged, and pink-beaked gulls, large and small, wheeled in widening circles round him. Occasional flocks of ptarmigan, in the mixed brown and white plumage of summer, whirred swiftly over him and took refuge among the rocky heights of the interior, none of which heights rose above three hundred feet. Eider-ducks, chattering kittiwakes, and graceful tern, auks, guillemots, puffins, geese, and even swans, swarmed on the islands, far and near, while seals, whales, narwhals, dolphins, and grampuses, revelled in the sea, so that the Arctic world appeared almost overcharged with animal life. Of course the noise of their cries and evolutions would have been great had not distance lent enchantment to sound as well as view. To Leo there seemed even a sort of restfulness in the voices of the innumerable wild-fowl. They were so far off, most of them, that the sounds fell on his ear like a gentle plaint, and even the thunderous plash of the great Greenland whale was reduced by distance to a ripple like that which fell on the shore at his feet. While he was meditating, Anders joined him and responded heartily to his salutation, but Anders was not in a poetical frame of mind that morning. His thoughts had been already turned to an eminently practical subject. "I'm tole," said he, seating himself beside our hero, "dat Grabantak holds a talk 'bout fighting." "And a council of war," said Leo. "I know what the result of that will be. When leaders like Grabantak and Amalatok decide for war, most of the people follow them like a flock of sheep. Although most of the people never saw this miserable island--this Puiroe--and know, and care, nothing about it, you'll see that the Flatlanders will be quite enthusiastic after the council, and ready to fight for it to the bitter end. A very bitter end it is, indeed, to see men and women make fools of themselves about nothing, and be ready to die for the same! Will Grabantak allow us to be present at the council, think you?" "Ho yis. He send me to say you muss come." Leo was right. Nothing could surpass the impetuosity of Grabantak, except the anxiety of many of the Flatlanders to be led by the nose. Was not the point in question one of vital importance to the wellbeing of the community--indeed of the whole Arctic world? Teyma mildly asked them what _was_ the point in question, but not a soul could tell, until Grabantak, starting up with furious energy, manufactured a "point," and then explained it in language so intricate, yet so clear, that the whole council stood amazed at their never having seen it before in that light, and then said, more or less emphatically, "There, that's what we thought exactly, only we could not state it so well as the great Grabantak!" After this there was no chance for Teyma and his party--and he had a party, even among northern savages,--who believed in men working hard at their own affairs and letting other people alone, as far as that was possible. But the peace-party in Arctic land was in a minority at that time, and the council broke up with shouts for Grabantak, and denunciations of death and destruction to the men of Poloeland. But things do not always turn out as men--even wise men--arrange them. From that day, during the brief period of preparation for the setting out of an expedition to visit Makitok of Great Isle, Leo received daily visits from the Prime Minister, who was deeply interested and inquisitive about the strange "_thing_," as he styled the Bible, which told the Kablunets about God and the Prince of Peace. Of course Leo was willing and happy to give him all the information he desired, and, in doing so, found a new and deep source of pleasure. Teyma was not the man to hide his light under a bushel. He was a fearless outspoken counsellor, and not only sought to advance the pacific views he held, by talking to the men of his own party in private, but even propounded them in public to Grabantak himself, who, however, could not be moved, though many of his men quietly changed sides. With all this Teyma was loyal to his chief. Whatever he did was in the way of fair and open argument. He was too loyal to help Leo when he made a certain proposal to him one day. "Teyma," said Leo, on that occasion, "you have been very friendly to me. Will you do me a great favour? Will you send a young man in a kayak to Poloeland with a message from me to my people? They must think I am dead. I wish them to know that I am here, and well." "No," replied Teyma promptly; "that would let the men of Poloe know that we talk of going to attack them. I do not love war. I wish to let our enemies alone, but if my chief decides for war, it is my duty to help, not to frustrate him. If we go to war with Poloeland, we must take the men of Poloe by surprise. That could not be if a young man went with your message." Leo saw the force of this, and respected Teyma's disinterested loyalty to his chief; but felt inclined to argue that, fidelity to the best interests of his country stood higher than loyalty to a chief. He refrained, however, from pressing the matter at that time. Not so Anders. When that worthy saw that Teyma would not act, and that Leo from some inexplicable reason hesitated, he quietly took the matter into his own hands, and so wrought on the feelings of a weak but amiable youth of the tribe, that he prevailed on him to carry a message to the enemy, explaining to him earnestly that no evil, but the reverse, would result from his mission; that the Kablunets were men of peace, who would immediately come over to Flatland and put everything right in a peaceable and satisfactory manner. "Tell the white men," said Anders, "that we are prisoners in Flatland-- alive and well--but they must come to help us quickly." No difficulty was experienced in sending the messenger away. There was unlimited personal freedom in Flatland. Young men frequently went off to hunt for days together at a time, without saying anything about their intentions, unless they chose; so the secret messenger set out. Thus the interpreter lighted the fuse of a mine which was eminently calculated to blow up the plans of Grabantak. But another fuse had been lighted which, in a still more effectual manner, overturned the plans of that warlike chief. It chanced at this time that the Flatlanders ran short of meat. Their habit was to go off on a grand hunt, gather as much meat as they could, and then come home to feast and rejoice with their families until scarcity again obliged them to hunt. Of course there were many among them whose natural activity rebelled against this lazy style of life, but the exertions of these did not suffice to keep the whole tribe supplied. Hence it came to pass, that they often began to be in want while in the midst of plenty. A grand hunt was therefore organised. They were tired, they said, of ducks and geese and swans. They wanted a change from seals and bears, walruses and such small fry. Nothing short of a whale would serve them! Once stirred up to the point of action, there was no lack of energy among these northern Eskimos. Kayaks, lines, and spears were got ready, and oomiaks were launched; for women and children loved to see the sport, though they did not join in it. Everywhere bustle and excitement reigned, and the hubbub was not a little increased by the agitated dogs, which knew well what was a-foot, and licked their lips in anticipation. Of course Leo and Anders prepared to go and see the fun. So did Oblooria. It was arranged that Leo and the latter were to go in the india-rubber boat. That vessel had been the source of deep, absorbing interest and curiosity to the natives. When our travellers landed, it had been conveyed to the side of the hut assigned them, and laid gently on the turf, where it was stared at by successive groups all day. They would have stayed staring at it all night, if they had not been forbidden by Grabantak to approach the Kablunets during the hours of repose. Leo explained its parts to them, but made no reference to its expansive and contractile properties. He also launched it and paddled about to gratify the curiosity of his new friends, but did not show them the kite, which, folded and in its cover, he had stowed away in the hut. One night, fearing that the sun might injure the boat, Leo had squeezed the air out of it, folded it, and stowed it away in the hut beside the kite. The astonishment of the natives, when they came out next morning to stare and wonder, according to custom, was very great. Leo resolved to make a mystery of it, looked solemn when spoken to on the point, and gave evasive replies. When, however, the time came for setting off on this grand hunt, he carried his boat, still bundled up in skins, down to the water's edge, where kayaks and oomiaks in hundreds lay ready to be launched. The news spread like wild-fire that the Kablunet was going to "act wonderfully!" Every man, woman, and child in the place hurried to the spot. "It is destroyed!" exclaimed Grabantak, sadly, when he saw the boat unrolled, flat and empty, on the sand. We shall not describe the scene in detail. It is sufficient to say that Leo did not disappoint the general expectation. He did indeed "act wonderfully," filling the unsophisticated savages with unbounded surprise and admiration, while he filled the boat with air and launched it. He then stepped into it with Anders, gallantly lifted Oblooria on board, and, seizing the oars, rowed gently out to sea. With shouts of delight the Eskimos jumped into their kayaks and followed. Their admiration was, however, a little calmed by the discovery that the kayaks could beat the Kablunet boat in speed, though the women in their oomiaks could not keep up with it. There was no emulation, however; Leo carefully refrained from racing. He had been supplied with a long lance and a couple of spears, to which latter were attached, by thongs of walrus hide, two inflated sealskins to act as buoys. These Leo had been previously instructed how to use. He took the kite with him on this occasion, without, however, having much expectation of being able to use it, as the calm still prevailed. It was folded of course, and fixed in its place in the bow. The natives thought it must be a spear or harpoon of strange form. It was not long before a whale was sighted. There were plenty of these monsters about, some coming lazily to the surface to blow, others lying quite still, with their backs out of the water as if sunning themselves, or asleep. Soon the spirit of the hunter filled each Eskimo bosom. What appeared to be an unusually large whale was observed on the horizon. Kablunets, india-rubber boats, and all less important things, were forgotten for the moment; paddles were plied with energy, and the chase began. CHAPTER TWENTY FIVE. IN WHICH A GREAT HUNT IS DESCRIBED, A WAR EXPEDITION FRUSTRATED, AND A HERO ENNOBLED. Now, in a fit of unwise ambition, Anders the interpreter resolved to signalise himself, and display his valour on the occasion of this hunt. He borrowed a kayak of one of the natives, and went as an independent hunter. Leo, being quite able to row his boat alone, with Oblooria to steer, did not object. The whale which had been selected was a thorough-going Arctic monster of the largest size, nearly a hundred feet long, which, while on his passage from the Atlantic to the Pacific through Behring Straits, had paused for a nap off the isles of Flatland. The fleet of kayaks converged towards the fish like a flock of locusts. Despite his utmost efforts, Leo could not do more than keep up in rear of the hunters, for the sharp shuttle-like kayaks shot like arrows over the smooth sea, while his clumsier boat required greater force to propel it. In a few minutes those Eskimos who were best paddlers crept ahead of the rest. Grabantak and his son took the lead, whether because of right or because of superior strength it was hard to say. Anders, who was a powerful fellow, and an expert canoeman, kept close alongside of them. Not content with this, he attempted to pass them; but they saw his intention, put on what sporting men call a "spurt," and in a few seconds left him several yards behind. On nearing their victim, Grabantak and Koyatuk checked their speed and got their spears ready. A few minutes later and a dozen of the followers were up and prepared to act, but they all held back--all except the excitable Anders--while the chief and his son glided cautiously towards the fish, one on either side. Suddenly each grasped a spear and drove it with all the force of both arms deep into the whale's flesh. It was a rude awaking! Of course the fish dived instantly. In doing so it flung its tail on high with a superb sweep, sending tons of water, and the impatient Anders, into the air. The interpreter came down in a cataract of spray, with his kayak doubled up but himself uninjured, while the Eskimos greeted the event with a shout of alarm. This changed into laughter when it was found that the ambitious man was none the worse for his toss; and the women in one of the oomiak; paddling quickly up, hauled the drenched and crestfallen man out of the sea. They also picked up his spear with the sealskin buoy attached. Giving him the place of honour in the bow, they put the spear in his hand, and bade him keep up heart and do better next time. Meanwhile the whale, having got over its first surprise, and feeling the two large sealskin-floats a somewhat heavy as well as unusual drag, soon came again to the surface, not far from the spot where Leo lay on his oars, an amused as well as interested spectator of the scene. "Ho!" shrieked Oblooria, whose eager little heart was easily excited. She pointed to the fish, and gazed at Leo with blazing eyes. You may be sure our hero did not lose time. The india-rubber boat leaped over the water as if it had suddenly been endowed with life. The smart little woman carefully arranged the spear and buoy ready to hand. Several of the kayaks which chanced to be nearest to the whale rushed towards it like sword-fish; but they had no chance, Leo being so near. He did not check his speed on reaching the fish, but allowed the boat to run tilt on its back. The smooth india-rubber glided up on the slippery surface till more than half its length was on the creature's back. It was thus checked without a shock--probably unfelt by the whale. Leo seized the spear, leaped up, and, with both hands, drove it deep into the flesh, just as the chief and his son had done. The force with which he drove it was so great that it thrust the boat back into the water. This was fortunate, for it enabled them narrowly to escape the vortex that was instantly made by the diving of the now enraged monster; a few back-strokes of the oars took them out of the sea of foam left behind. The masterly manner in which this was done called forth shouts of admiration from the entire fleet, and it greatly surprised Leo himself, for it was the first time he had attempted to use the harpoon. "It _must_ have been chance," he muttered to himself as he again lay on his oars awaiting the whale's reappearance, "a sort of happy accident. I feel convinced I could not do it so well a second time." The fish took a longer dive on this occasion, and when he retained to the surface for another breath of air, was at a considerable distance from all parts of the fleet. The instant he was seen, however, every paddle flashed into the sea, and the kayaks darted away in pursuit. They soon came up with their victim, and another spear, with its accompanying sealskin buoy, was fixed in its side. Down it went a third time, and reappeared in quite an opposite direction from that in which it had been looked for. This uncertainty in the movements of the whale was a matter of small moment to the occupiers of the light kayaks, but it told rather heavily on Leo in his clumsier boat. He therefore resolved to paddle gently about, take things easy, watch the progress of the chase, and trust to the chapter of accidents giving him another chance. "You see, Oblooria," he said in the Eskimo tongue, which he was picking up rapidly, "it's of no use my pulling wildly about in all directions, blowing myself for nothing; so we'll just hang off-and-on here and watch them." As this remark called for no direct reply, Oblooria merely smiled-- indeed she more than smiled--but said nothing. It is just possible that Leo's rendering of the phrase "off-and-on" into Eskimo may have sounded ridiculous. However this may be, the two sat there for some time, absorbed and silent spectators of the chase. "How long will they take to kill it?" asked Leo when he saw Grabantak thrust somewhere about the thirty-fifth spear into the victim. "All day," answered Oblooria. "All day!" repeated Leo in surprise. "If they could lance him far in," said the girl, "he would die soon, but his flesh is thick and his life is deep down." Leo relapsed into silence. The idea of remaining a mere spectator all day was distasteful to his active mind and body. He had almost made up his mind to ask one of the natives to lend him a kayak and change places, when a puff of wind sent a few cats-paws over the hitherto glassy sea. He looked quickly in the direction whence it came, and observed a blue line on the horizon. It was a coming breeze. Ere long it touched them, blowing gently, indeed, but steadily. A glance upwards showed that it was steadier and stronger in the upper regions, and blew towards the south-east, in which direction the chase was being prosecuted with unflagging activity. "If there was only enough," muttered Leo, "to take the kite up, I'd soon be alongside of the whale; come, I'll try. Lend a hand, Oblooria." The Eskimo girl had, during her voyage to Flatland, become so well acquainted with the operation of extending and setting up the kite, that she was able to lend effective assistance. In less than ten minutes it was expanded, and although Leo was nearly pulled into the water before he got fair hold of the regulator, while Oblooria was thrown down by an eccentric whisk of the tail, they managed at last to get it fairly over their heads, and soon sent it shooting upwards into the stronger air current above. Of course they began to rush over the sea at a pace that would have quickly left the best kayak in the fleet far astern, but Leo did not wish to act precipitately. He sat down in the bow to attend to the regulator, while Oblooria held the steering-oar. "Keep her away a bit, Oblooria; starboard--I mean to _that_ side. So, we won't spoil their sport too soon." He pulled the regulator as he spoke, and eased the pace, while the Eskimo girl, with eyes glittering from expectancy and hope, turned the boat off to the right. Leo seemed to be meditative at first, as if uncertain how to proceed. Soon this condition of mind passed. He let go the regulator, and, taking up the long whale lance with which he had been provided, examined its blade and point. The full force of the breeze filled the kite and carried them along at not less than ten miles an hour. Hitherto the Eskimos had been so intent on their prey that they had no eyes for anything else. Again and again had the whale been pierced by the stinging harpoons, and the number of inflated sealskins which he was obliged by that time to drag down into the deep was so great that his dives had become more frequent and much shorter. It was obvious that the perseverance of his little foes would in the end overcome his mighty strength. It was equally evident, however, that there was still a great deal of fighting power left in him, and as some of the harpoons had come out while several of the floats had broken loose, there was just a possibility that he might yet escape if not vigorously followed up. Suddenly one of the Eskimos was seen to drop his paddle and point with both hands to the sky, uttering at the same time a cry of surprise and alarm. There was no mistaking the cry. Every paddle ceased to dip, and every eye was turned to the sky. Of course every voice gave forth a howl! "A mystery!" shouted Grabantak. "An evil spirit!" cried Koyatuk. "A new kind of bird!" roared Teyma. At that moment a cry louder than ever arose. Leo's boat was observed coming like a narwhal over the sea, with the foam flying from its bows! The "new kind of bird," so they at first imagined, had let down a long thin tail, caught the boat of the white man, and was flying away with it! Into the midst of them the boat rushed. They dashed aside right and left. Leo was standing in the bow. He moved not, spoke not, looked at no one, but stood up, bent a little forward, with a stern frown on his brow, his lips compressed, and the long lance held level in both hands as if in the act of charging. "Catch hold of him!" yelled Grabantak as they flew past. As well might they have tried to catch a comet! "Steer a little to the left," said Leo in a low tone. Obedient, on the instant, the girl made a sharp stroke with the oar. "Steady--so. Now, Oblooria, hold on tight for your life!" They were going straight at the whale. Leo did not dare to think of the result of his intended attack. He could not guess it. He hoped all would be well. He had no time to think of _pros_ and _cons_. They were close to the victim. On it, now, sliding over its back, while the sharp lance entered its body with the full momentum of the charge,--deep down into its vitals! Blood flew out like a waterspout. The lance was torn from Leo's grasp as he fell backwards. Oblooria leaped up, in wild excitement, dropped her oar, and clapped her hands. At that instant the stout traction-line snapped, and the boat remained fast, while the kite descended in a series of helpless gyrations into the sea. Next moment the whale went down in a convulsive struggle, and the boat, with its daring occupants, was whelmed in a whirlpool of blood and foam. No cry proceeded from the Eskimos during this stupendous attack. They seemed bereft alike of voice and volition, but, on beholding the closing catastrophe, they rushed to the rescue with a united roar. Before they could gain the spot, Leo was seen to emerge from the deep, dripping with pink and white foam like a very water-god. Oblooria followed instantly, like a piebald water-nymph. The boat had not been upset, though overwhelmed, and they had held on to it with the tenacity of a last hope. Looking sharply round, as he gasped and swept the water from his eyes, Leo seized the oars, which, being attached to the boat, were still available, and rowed with all his might away from the approaching Eskimos as if he were afraid of being caught by them. They followed with, if possible, increased surprise at this inexplicable conduct. They made up to him; some even shot ahead of him. Poor Leo was not a moment too soon in reaching his kite, for these people were about to transfix it with their whale-harpoons, when he dashed up and ordered them to desist. Having rescued the miserable-looking thing from the sea and hastily folded it, he placed it in the bow. Then breathing freely, he began to look about him just as the whale came again to the surface in a dying flurry. It so chanced that it came up right under Grabantak's kayak, which it tossed up end over end. This would not have been a serious matter if it had not, the next moment, brought its mighty tail down on the canoe. It then sheered off a hundred yards or so, leaped half its length out of the water, and fell over on its side with a noise like thunder and died. Every one turned to the place where the chief's kayak lay a complete wreck on the water. Its owner was seen swimming beside it, and was soon hauled into one of the women's oomiaks. Evidently he had been severely hurt, but he would not admit the fact. With characteristic dignity he sternly ordered the fleet to lay hold of the whale and make for the shore. "Tell him his arm is broken," said Leo that evening to Anders, after examining the chief's hurts in the privacy of his own hut, "and let him know that I am a medicine-man and will try to cure him." Grabantak received the information with a look of anger. "Then," said he, "Amalatok must live a little longer, for I cannot fight him with a broken arm. Go," he added, looking full at Leo with something like admiration, "go, you have done well to-day; my young men want to make your nose blue." The peremptory nature of the chief's command forbade delay. Leo was therefore obliged to creep out of his hut, wondering intensely, and not a little uncomfortably, as to what having his nose made blue could mean. He was quickly enlightened by Anders, who told him that the most successful harpooner in a whale hunt is looked on as a very great personage indeed, and is invariably decorated with what may be styled the Eskimo order of the Blue Ribbon. Scarcely had he received this information, when he was seized by the young men and hurried into the midst of an expectant circle, where he submitted with a good grace to the ceremony. A youth advanced to him, made a few complimentary remarks, seized him by the right ear, and, with a little wet paint, drew a broad blue line across his face over the bridge of his nose. He was then informed that he had received the highest honour known to the Eskimos of the far north, and that, among other privileges, it gave him the right of marrying two wives if he felt disposed to do so! Accepting the honour, but declining the privilege, Leo expressed his gratitude for the compliment just paid him in a neat Eskimo speech, and then retired to his hut in search of much-needed repose, not a little comforted by the thought that the chief's broken arm would probably postpone the threatened war for an indefinite period. That night ridiculous fancies played about his deerskin pillow, for he dreamed of being swallowed by a mad whale, and whisked up to the sky by a kite with a broken arm and a blue stripe across its nose! CHAPTER TWENTY SIX. TELLS OF A WARLIKE EXPEDITION AND ITS HAPPY TERMINATION. While these stirring events were taking place in Flatland, our friends in the Island of Poloe continued to fish and hunt, and keep watch and ward against their expected enemies in the usual fashion; but alas for the poor Englishmen! All the light had gone out of their eyes; all the elasticity had vanished from their spirits. Ah! it is only those who know what it is to lose a dear friend or brother, who can understand the terrible blank which had descended on the lives of our discoverers, rendering them, for the time at least, comparatively indifferent to the events that went on around them, and totally regardless of the great object which had carried them so far into those regions of ice. They could no longer doubt that Leo and his companions had perished, for they had searched every island of the Poloe group, including that one on which Leo and the Eskimos had found temporary refuge. Here, indeed, a momentary gleam of hope revived, when Alf found the spent cartridge-cases which his brother had thrown down on the occasion of his shooting for the purpose of impressing his captors, and they searched every yard of the island, high and low, for several days, before suffering themselves to relapse into the old state of despair. No evidence whatever remained to mark the visit of the Eskimos, for these wily savages never left anything behind them on their war-expeditions, and the storm had washed away any footprints that might have remained in the hard rocky soil. Amalatok--who, with his son and his men, sympathised with the Englishmen in their loss, and lent able assistance in the prolonged search--gave the final death-blow to their hopes by his remarks, when Captain Vane suggested that perhaps the lost ones had been blown over the sea to Flatland. "That is not possible," said Amalatok promptly. "Why not? The distance is not so very great." "The distance is not very great, that is true," replied Amalatok. "If Lo had sailed away to Flatland he might have got safely there, but Blackbeard surely forgets that the storm did not last more than a few hours. If Lo had remained even a short time on this island, would not the calm weather which followed the storm have enabled him to paddle back again to Poloe? No, he must have thought the storm was going to be a long one, and thinking that, must have tried, again to face it and paddle against it. In this attempt he has perished. Without doubt Lo and Unders and Oblooria are in the land of spirits." Eskimos of the far north, unlike the red men of the prairies, are prone to give way to their feelings. At the mention of the timid one's name, Oolichuk covered his face with his hands and wept aloud. Poor Alf and Benjy felt an almost irresistible desire to join him. All the fun and frolic had gone completely out of the latter, and as for Alf, he went about like a man half asleep, with a strange absent look in his eyes and a perfect blank on his expressionless face. No longer did he roam the hills of Poloeland with geological hammer and box. He merely went fishing when advised or asked to do so, or wandered aimlessly on the sea-shore. The Captain and Benjy acted much in the same way. In the extremity of their grief they courted solitude. The warm hearts of Chingatok and the negro beat strong with sympathy. They longed to speak words of comfort, but at first delicacy of feeling, which is found in all ranks and under every skin, prevented them from intruding on sorrow which they knew not how to assuage. At last the giant ventured one day to speak to Alf. "Has the Great Spirit no word of comfort for His Kablunet children?" he asked. "Yes, yes," replied Alf quickly. "He says, `Call upon me in the time of trouble and I will deliver thee, and thou shalt glorify me.'" "Have you not called?" asked Chingatok with a slight look of surprise. "No; I say it to my shame, Chingatok. This blow has so stunned me that I had forgotten my God." "Call now," said the giant earnestly. "If He is a good and true God, He must keep His promise." Alf did call, then and there, and the Eskimo stood and listened with bowed head and reverent look, until the poor youth had concluded his prayer with the name of Jesus. The negro's line of argument with Benjy was different and characteristically lower toned. "You muss keep up de heart, Massa Benjy. Nobody nebber knows wot may come for to pass. P'r'aps Massa Leo he go to de Nort Pole by hisself. He was allers bery fond o' takin' peepil by surprise. Nebber say die, Massa Benjy, s'long's der's a shot in de locker." At any other time Benjy would have laughed at the poor cook's efforts to console him, but he only turned away with a sigh. Two days after that the Eskimos of Poloe were assembled on the beach making preparations to go off on a seal hunt. "Is that a whale on the horizon or a walrus!" asked the Captain, touching Chingatok on the arm as they stood on the edge of the sea, ready to embark. "More like a black gull," said Benjy, "or a northern diver." Chingatok looked long and earnestly at the object in question, and then said with emphasis--"A kayak!" "One of the young men returning from a hunt, I suppose," said Alf, whose attention was aroused by the interest manifested by the surrounding Eskimos. "Not so," said Amalatok, who joined the group at the moment, "the man paddles like a man of Flatland." "What! one of your enemies?" cried the Captain, who, in his then state of depression, would have welcomed a fight as a sort of relief. Evidently Butterface shared his hopes, for he showed the whites of his eyes and grinned amazingly as he clenched his horny hands. "Yes--our enemies," said Amalatok. "The advanced guard of the host," said the Captain, heartily; "come, the sooner we get ready for self-defence the better." "Yis, dat's de word," said the negro, increasing his grin for a moment and then collapsing into sudden solemnity; "we nebber fights 'cep' in self-defence--oh no--_nebber_!" "They come not to attack," said Chingatok quietly. "Flatlanders never come except in the night when men sleep. This is but one man." "Perhaps he brings news!" exclaimed Benjy, with a sudden blaze of hope. "Perhaps," echoed Alf, eagerly. "It may be so," said Chingatok. It was not long before the question was set at rest. The approaching kayak came on at racing speed. Its occupant leaped on shore, and, panting from recent exertion, delivered his thrilling message. "Prisoners in Flatland," said the Captain at the council of war which was immediately summoned, "but alive and well. Let us be thankful for that good news, anyhow; but then, they ask us to help them, _quickly_. That means danger." "Yes, danger!" shouted Oolichuk, who, at the thought of Oblooria in the hands of his foes, felt an almost irresistible desire to jump at some of the youths of his own tribe, and kill them, by way of relieving his feelings. "Rest content, Oolichuk," cried Amalatok, with a horrible grinding of his teeth; "we will tear out their hearts, and batter in their skulls, and--" "But," resumed the Captain hastily, "I do not think the danger so great. All I would urge is that we should not delay going to their rescue--" "Ho! huk! hi!" interrupted the whole band of assembled warriors, leaping up and going through sundry suggestive actions with knives and spears. "Does my father wish me to get the kayaks ready?" asked Chingatok, who, as usual, retained his composure. "Do, my son. Let plenty of blubber be stowed in them, and war-spears," said the old chief; "we will start at once." The promptitude with which these northern Eskimos prepared for war might be a lesson to the men of civilised communities. We have already said that the sun had by that time begun to set for a few hours each day. Before it had reached the deepest twilight that night a hundred and fifty picked warriors, with their kayaks and war material, were skimming over the sea, led by the fiery old chief and his gigantic but peace-loving son. Of course Captain Vane, Benjy, Alphonse Vandervell, and Butterface accompanied them, but none of the women were allowed to go, as it was expected that the war would be a bloody one. These, therefore, with the children, were left in charge of a small body of the big boys of the tribe, with the old men. The weather was fine, the sea smooth, and the arms of the invading host strong. It was not long before the sea that separated Poloe Island from Flatland was crossed. Towards sunset of a calm and beautiful day they sighted land. Gently, with noiseless dip of paddle, they glided onward like a phantom fleet. That same evening Leo and Oblooria sat by the couch of Grabantak, nursing him. The injury received by the chief from the whale had thrown him into a high fever. The irritation of enforced delay on his fiery spirit had made matters worse, and at times he became delirious. During these paroxysms it required two men to hold him down, while he indulged in wild denunciations of his Poloe foes, with frequent allusions to dread surgical operations to be performed on the body of Amalatok-- operations with which the Royal College of Surgeons is probably unacquainted. Leo, whose knowledge of the Eskimo tongue was rapidly extending, sought to counteract the patient's ferocity by preaching forgiveness and patience. Being unsuccessful, he had recourse to a soporific plant which he had recently discovered. To administer an overdose of this was not unnatural, perhaps, in a youthful doctor. Absolute prostration was not the precise result he had hoped for, but it _was_ the result, and it had the happy effect of calming the spirit of Grabantak and rendering him open to conviction. Fortunately the Flatlanders were on the look-out when the men of Poloe drew near. One of the Flatland braves was returning from a fishing expedition at the time, saw the advancing host while they were yet well out at sea, and came home at racing speed with the news. "Strange that they should come to attack _us_," said Teyma to Leo at the council of war which was immediately called. "It has always, up to this time, been our custom to attack _them_." "Not so strange as you think," said Anders, who now, for the first time, mentioned the sending of the message to Poloeland. Black looks were turned on the interpreter, and several hands wandered towards boots in search of daggers, when the prime minister interfered. "You did not well, Unders, to act without letting us know," he said with grave severity. "We must now prepare to meet the men of Poloe, whether they come as friends or foes. Let the young men arm. I go to consult with our chief." "You must not consult with Grabantak," said Leo firmly. "He lies limp. His backbone has no more strength than a piece of walrus line. His son must act for him at present." "Boo!" exclaimed one of the warriors, with a look of ineffable contempt, "Koyatuk is big enough, but he is brainless. He can bluster and look fierce like the walrus, but he has only the wisdom of an infant puffin. No, we will be led by Teyma." This sentiment was highly applauded by the entire council, which included the entire army, indeed the whole grown-up male part of the nation; so that Koyatuk was deposed on the spot, as all incompetents ought to be, and one of the best men of Flatland was put in his place. "But if I am to lead you," said the premier firmly, "it shall be to peace, not to war!" "Lead us to what you like; you have brains," returned the man who had previously said "boo!" "We know not what is best, but we can trust you." Again the approval was unanimous. "Well, then, I accept the command until my chief's health is restored," said Teyma, rising. "Now, the council is at an end. To your huts, warriors, and get your spears ready; and to your lamps, girls. Prepare supper for our warriors, and let the allowance of each be doubled." This latter command caused no small degree of surprise, but no audible comment was made, and strict obedience was rendered. Leo returned to Grabantak's hut, where he found that fiery chief as limp as ever, but with some of the old spirit left, for he was feebly making uncomfortable references to the heart, liver, and other vital organs of Amalatok and all his band. Soon afterwards that band came on in battle array, on murderous deeds intent. The Flatlanders assembled on the beach to receive them. "Leave your spears on the ground behind you," shouted Teyma to his host; "advance to the water's edge, and at my signal, throw up your arms." "They have been forewarned," growled Amalatok, grinding his teeth in disappointment, and checking the advance of his fleet by holding up one hand. "No doubt," said Captain Vane, who, with Benjy, Alf, and Butterface, was close to the Poloe chief in one of the india-rubber boats, "no doubt my young countryman, having sent a message, expected us. Surely--eh! Benjy, is not that Leo standing in front of the rest with another man?" The Captain applied his binocular telescope to his eyes as he spoke. "Yes, it's him--thank God! and I see Anders too, quite plainly, and Oblooria!" "Are they bound hand and foot?" demanded Amalatok, savagely. "No, they are as free as you are. And the Eskimos are unarmed, apparently." "Ha! that is their deceit," growled the chief. "The Flatlanders were always sly; but they shall not deceive us. Braves, get ready your spears!" "May it not be that Leo has influenced them peacefully, my father?" suggested Chingatok. "Not so, my son," said the chief savagely. "Grabantak was always sly as a white fox, fierce as a walrus, mean as a wolf, greedy as a black gull, contemptible as--" The catalogue of Grabantak's vices was cut short by the voice of Teyma coming loud and strong over the sea. "If the men of Poloe come as friends, let them land. The men of Flatland are about to feed, and will share their supper. If the men of Poloe come as foes, still I say let them land. The braves of Flatland have sharpened their spears!" Teyma threw up both hands as he finished, and all his host followed suit. For a moment or two the Poloese hesitated. They still feared deception. Then the voice of Leo was heard loud and clear. "Why do you hesitate? come on, uncle, supper's getting cold. We've been waiting for you a long time, and are all very hungry!" This was received with a shout of laughter by the Englishmen, high above which rose a wild cheer of joy from Benjy. Amalatok swallowed his warlike spirit, laid aside his spear, and seized his paddle. Chingatok gave the signal to advance, and, a few minutes later, those warriors of the north--those fierce savages who, probably for centuries, had been sworn hereditary foes--were seated round the igloe-lamps, amicably smearing their fingers and faces with fat, as they feasted together on chops of the walrus and cutlets of the polar bear. CHAPTER TWENTY SEVEN. THE GREAT DISCOVERY. Friendly relations having been established between the Flatlanders and the Poloese, both nations turned their attention to the arts of peace. Among other things, Captain Vane and his party devoted themselves once more, with renewed energy, to the pursuit of discovery and scientific investigation. An expedition was planned to _Great Isle_, not now for the purpose of consulting Makitok, the oracle, as to the best time for going to war, but to gratify the wishes of Captain Vane, who had the strongest reason for believing that he was in the immediate neighbourhood of the Pole. "Blackbeard says he must be very near nothing now," observed Chingatok to Anders the day after their arrival. "Near _nothing_!" exclaimed Teyma, who was sitting close by. Of course the giant explained, and the premier looked incredulous. "I wish I had not left my sextant behind me in the hurry of departure," said the Captain that evening to Leo. "But we came off in such hot haste that I forgot it. However, I'll ask Amalatok to send a young man back for it. I'm persuaded we cannot now be more than a few miles distant from our goal." "I quite agree with you, uncle, for when I looked at the north star last night it seemed to me as directly in the zenith as it was possible to imagine." "Ay, lad; but the unaided eye is deceptive. A few miles of difference cannot be distinguished by it. When did the Pole star become visible?" "Only last night; I fancied I had made it out the night before, but was not quite sure, the daylight, even at the darkest hour, being still too intense to let many of the stars be seen." "Well, we shall see. I am of opinion that we are still between twenty and forty miles south of the Pole. Meanwhile, I'll induce Teyma to get up an expedition to the island of this Maki-what?" "Tok," said Leo; "Makitok. Everything almost ends in _tok_ or _tuk_ hereabouts." "Who, and what, is this man?" asked the Captain. "No one seems to know precisely. His origin has been lost in the mists of antiquity. His first forefather--so tradition styles him--seems, like Melchisedec, to have had no father or mother, and to have come from no one knows where. Anyhow he founded a colony in _Great Isle_, and Makitok is the present head of all the families." Leo then explained about the mystery-thing called _buk_, which was wrapped up in innumerable pieces of sealskin. "Strange," said the Captain, "passing strange. All you tell me makes me the more anxious to visit this man of the valley. You say there is no chance of Grabantak being able to take the reins of government again for a long time?" "None. He has got a shake that will keep him helpless for some time to come. And this is well, for Teyma will be ready to favour any project that tends towards peace or prosperity." Now, while preparations for the northern expedition were being made, our friend Oolichuk went a-wooing. And this is the fashion in which he did it. Arraying himself one day, like any other lovesick swain, in his best, he paid a ceremonial visit to Oblooria, who lived with Merkut, the wife of Grabantak, in a hut at the eastern suburb of the village. Oolichuk's costume was simple, if not elegant. It consisted of an undercoat of bird-skins, with the feathers inwards; bearskin pantaloons with the hair out; an upper coat of the grey seal; dogskin socks and sealskin boots. That young Eskimo did not visit his bride empty-handed. He carried a bundle containing a gift--skins of the young eider-duck to make an undergarment for his lady-love, two plump little auks with which to gratify her palate, and a bladder of oil to wash them down and cause her heart to rejoice. Good fortune favoured this brave man, for he met Oblooria at a lonely part of the shore among the boulders. Romance lies deep in the heart of an Eskimo--so deep that it is not perceptible to the naked eye. Whatever the Poloe warrior and maiden felt, they took care not to express in words. But Oolichuk looked unutterable things, and invited Oblooria to dine then and there. The lady at once assented with a bashful smile, and sat down on a boulder. Oolichuk sat down beside her, and presented the bundle of under-clothing. While the lady was examining this with critical eyes, the gentleman prepared the food. Taking one of the auks, he twisted off its head, put his forefinger under the integuments of the neck, drew the skin down backwards, and the bird was skinned. Then he ran his long thumb-nail down the breast and sliced off a lump, which he presented to the lady with the off-hand air of one who should say, "If you don't want it you may let it alone!" Raw though the morsel was, Oblooria accepted it with a pleased look, and ate it with relish. She also accepted the bladder, and, putting it to her lips, pledged him in a bumper of oil. Oolichuk continued this process until the first auk was finished. He then treated the second bird in the same manner, and assisted his lady-love to consume it, as well as the remainder of the oil. Conversation did not flow during the first part of the meal, but, after having drunk deeply, their lips were opened and the feast of reason began. It consisted chiefly of a running commentary by the man on the Kablunets and their ways, and appreciative giggles on the part of the woman; but they were interrupted at the very commencement by the sudden appearance of one of the Kablunets sauntering towards them. They rose instantly and rambled away in opposite directions, absorbed in contemplation--the one of the earth, and the other of the sky. Three days after that, Captain Vane and his party approached the shores of _Great Isle_. It was low like the other islands of Flatland, but of greater extent, insomuch that its entire circumference could not be seen from its highest central point. Like the other islands it was quite destitute of trees, but the low bush was luxuriantly dense, and filled, they were told, with herds of reindeer and musk-oxen. Myriads of wild-fowl--from the lordly swan to the twittering sandpiper--swarmed among its sedgy lakelets, while grouse and ptarmigan were to be seen in large flocks on its uplands. The land was clothed in mosses and grasses of the richest green, and decked with variegated wild-flowers and berries. The voyagers were received with deep interest and great hospitality by the inhabitants of the coast, who, it seemed, never quarrelled with the neighbouring islanders or went to war. Makitok dwelt in the centre of the island. Thither they therefore went the following day. It was afternoon when they came to the valley in which dwelt the angekok, or, as Red Indians would have styled him, the medicine-man. It was a peculiar valley. Unlike other vales it had neither outlet or inlet, but was a mere circular basin or depression of vast extent, the lowest part of which was in its centre. The slope towards the centre was so gradual that the descent was hardly perceived, yet Captain Vane could not resist the conviction that the lowest part of the vale must be lower than the surface of the sea. The rich luxuriance of herbage in Great Isle seemed to culminate in this lovely vale. At the centre and lowest part of the valley, Makitok, or rather Makitok's forefathers, had built their dwelling. It was a hut, resembling the huts of the Eskimos. No other hut was to be seen. The angekok loved solitude. Beside the hut there stood a small truncated cone about fifteen feet high, on the summit of which sat an old white-bearded man, who intently watched the approaching travellers. "Behold--Makitok!" said Teyma as they drew near. The old man did not move. He appeared to be over eighty years of age, and, unlike Eskimos in general, had a bushy snow-white beard. The thin hair on his head was also white, and his features were good. Our travellers were not disappointed with this strange recluse, who received them with an air of refinement and urbanity so far removed from Eskimo manners and character, that Captain Vane felt convinced he must be descended from some other branch of the human family. Makitok felt and expressed a degree of interest in the objects of the expedition which had not been observed in any Eskimo, except Chingatok, and he was intelligent and quick of perception far before most of those who surrounded him. "And what have you to say about yourself?" asked the captain that evening, after a long animated conversation on the country and its productions. "I have little to say," replied the old man, sadly. "There is no mystery about my family except its beginning in the long past." "But is not _all_ mystery in the long past?" asked the Captain. "True, my son, but there is a difference in _my_ mystery. Other Eskimos can trace back from son to father till they get confused and lost, as if surrounded by the winter-fogs. But when I trace back--far back--I come to one man--my _first father_, who had no father, it is said, and who came no one knows from where. My mind is not confused or lost; it is stopped!" "Might not the mystery-bundle that you call _buk_ explain matters?" asked Alf. When this was translated, the old man for the first time looked troubled. "I dare not open it," he said in an undertone, as if speaking to himself. "From father to son we have held it sacred. It must grow-- ever grow--never diminish!" "It's a pity he looks at it in that light," remarked Leo to Benjy, as they lay down to sleep that night. "I have no doubt that the man whom he styles first father wrapped up the thing, whatever it is, to keep it safe, not to make a mystery of it, and that his successors, having begun with a mistaken view, have now converted the re-wrapping of the bundle by each successive heir into a sacred obligation. However, we may perhaps succeed in overcoming the old fellow's prejudices. Good-night, Benjy." A snore from Benjy showed that Leo's words had been thrown away, so, with a light laugh, he turned over, and soon joined his comrade in the land of dreams. For two weeks the party remained on _Great Isle_, hunting, shooting, fishing, collecting, and investigating; also, we may add, astonishing the natives. During that period many adventures of a more or less exciting nature befell them, which, however, we must pass over in silence. At the end of that time, the youth who had been sent for the Captain's sextant and other philosophical instruments arrived with them all--thermometers, barometers, chronometers, wind and water gauges, pendulums, etcetera, safe and sound. As the instruments reached _Cup Valley_, (so Benjy had styled Makitok's home), in the morning, it was too early for taking trustworthy observations. The Captain therefore employed the time in erecting an observatory. For this purpose he selected, with Makitok's permission, the truncated cone close to the recluse's dwelling. Here, after taking formal possession and hoisting the Union Jack, he busied himself, in a state of subdued excitement, preparing for the intended observations. "I'll fix the latitude and longitude in a few hours," he said. "Meantime, Leo, you and Benjy had better go off with the rifle and fetch us something good for dinner." Leo and Benjy were always ready to go a-hunting. They required no second bidding, but were soon rambling over the slopes or wading among the marshes of the island in pursuit of game. Leo carried his repeater; Benjy the shot-gun. Both wore native Eskimo boots as long as the leg, which, being made of untanned hide, are, when soaked, thoroughly waterproof. (See Note.) Oolichuk and Butterface carried the game-bags, and these were soon filled with such game as was thought best for food. Sending them back to camp with orders to empty the bags and return, Leo and Benjy took to the uplands in search of nobler game. It was not difficult to find. Soon a splendid stag was shot by Leo and a musk-ox by Benjy. Not long after this, the bag-bearers returned. "You shoots mos' awful well, Massas," said Butterface; "but it's my 'pinion dat you bof better go home, for Captain Vane he go mad!" "What d'you mean, Butterface?" asked Leo. "I mean dat de Capp'n he's hoed mad, or suffin like it, an' Massa Alf not mush better." A good deal amused and surprised by the negro's statement, the two hunters hastened back to Makitok's hut, where they indeed found Captain Vane in a state of great excitement. "Well, uncle, what's the news?" asked Leo; "found your latitude higher than you expected?" "Higher!" exclaimed the Captain, seizing his nephew by both hands and shaking them. "Higher! I should think so--couldn't be _higher_. There's neither latitude nor longitude here, my boy! I've found it! Come--come up, and I'll show you the exact spot--the _North Pole itself_!" He dragged Leo to the top of the truncated cone on which he had pitched his observatory. "There, look round you," he cried, taking off his hat and wiping the perspiration from his brow. "Well, uncle, where is it?" asked Leo, half-amused and half-sceptical. "Where! why, don't you see it? No, of course you don't. You're looking _all round it_, lad. Look down,--down at your feet. Leonard Vandervell," he added, in sudden solemnity, "you're _on it_! you're standing on the North Pole _now_!" Leo still looked incredulous. "What I you don't believe? Convince him, Alf." "Indeed it is true," said Alf; "we have been testing and checking our observations in every possible manner, and the result never varies more than a foot or two. The North Pole is at this moment actually under our feet." As we have now, good reader, at last reached that great _point_ of geographical interest which has so long perplexed the world and agitated enterprising man, we deem this the proper place to present you with a map of Captain Vane's discoveries. "And so," said Benjy with an injured look, "the geography books are right after all; the world _is_ `a little flattened at the Poles like an orange.' Well, I never believed it before, and I don't believe _yet_ that it's like an orange." "But it is more than flattened, Benjy," said Leo; "don't you see it is even hollowed out a little, as if the spinning of the world had made a sort of whirlpool at the North Pole, and no doubt there is the same at the South." Chingatok, who was listening to the conversation, without of course understanding it, and to whom the Captain had made sundry spasmodic remarks during the day in the Eskimo tongue, went that night to Amalatok, who was sitting in Makitok's hut, and said-- "My father, Blackbeard has found it!" "Found what, my son?--his nothing--his Nort Pole?" "Yes, my father, he has found his Nort Pole." "Is he going to carry it away with him in his soft wind-boat?" asked the old chief with a half-humorous, half-contemptuous leer. "And," continued Chingatok, who was too earnest about the matter to take notice of his father's levity, "his Nort Pole is _something_ after all! It is not nothing, for I heard him say he is standing on it. No man can stand on nothing; therefore his Nort Pole which he stands on must be something." "He is standing on my outlook. He must not carry _that_ away," remarked Makitok with a portentous frown. "Boh!" exclaimed Amalatok, rising impatiently. "I will not listen to the nonsense of Blackbeard. Have I not heard him say that the world stands on nothing, spins on nothing, and rolls continually round the sun? How can anything spin on nothing? And as to the sun, use your own eyes. Do you not see that for a long time it rolls round the world, for a long time it rolls in a circle above us, and for a long time it rolls away altogether, leaving us all in darkness? My son, these Kablunets are ignorant fools, and you are not much better for believing them. Boo! I have no patience with the nonsense talk of Blackbeard." The old chief flung angrily out of the hut, leaving his more philosophic son to continue the discussion of the earth's mysteries with Makitok, the reputed wizard of the furthest possible north. ------------------------------------------------------------------------ Note. The writer has often waded knee-deep in such boots, for hours at a time, on the swampy shores of Hudson's Bay, without wetting his feet in the slightest degree. CHAPTER TWENTY EIGHT. TELLS, AMONG OTHER THINGS, OF A NOTABLE DISCOVERY. Soon after this, signs of approaching winter began to make their appearance in the regions of the North Pole. The sun, which at first had been as a familiar friend night and day, had begun to absent himself not only all night, but during a large portion of each day, giving sure though quiet hints of his intention to forsake the region altogether, and leave it to the six months' reign of night. Frost began to render the nights bitterly cold. The birds, having brought forth and brought up their young, were betaking themselves to more temperate regions, leaving only such creatures as bears, seals, walruses, foxes, wolves, and men, to enjoy, or endure, the regions of the frigid zone. Suddenly there came a day in October when all the elemental fiends and furies of the Arctic circle seemed to be let loose in wildest revelry. It was a turning-point in the Arctic seasons. By that time Captain Vane and his party had transported all their belongings to Great Isle, where they had taken up their abode beside old Makitok. They had, with that wizard's permission, built to themselves a temporary stone hut, as Benjy Vane facetiously said, "on the very top of the North Pole itself;" that is, on the little mound or truncated cone of rock, in the centre of the Great Isle, on which they had already set up the observatory, and which cone was, in very truth, as nearly as possible the exact position of that long-sought-for imaginary point of earth as could be ascertained by repeated and careful observations, made with the best of scientific instruments by thoroughly capable men. Chingatok and his father, with a large band of their followers and some of their women, had also encamped, by permission, round the Pole, where, in the intervals of the chase, they watched, with solemn and unflagging interest, the incomprehensible doings of the white men. The storm referred to began with heavy snow--that slow, quiet, down-floating of great flakes which is so pleasant, even restful, in its effect on the senses. At first it seemed as if a golden haze were mixed with the snowfall, suggesting the idea that the sun's rays were penetrating it. "Most beautiful!" said Leo, who sat beside the Captain and his friends on the North Pole enjoying the view through the open doorway of the hut, and sipping a cup of coffee. "It reminds me," said Alf, "of Buzzby's lines:-- "`The snowflakes falling softly In the morning's golden prime, Suggestive of a gentle touch And the silent flight of Time.'" "Behold a more powerful reminder of the flight of Time!" said Benjy, pointing to the aged Makitok, who, with white beard and snow-besprinkled person, came slowly towards them like the living embodiment of "Old Father Christmas." "Come," said Leo, hastening to assist the old man, "let me help you up the Pole." Leo, and indeed all the party, had fallen in with Benjy's humour, and habitually referred thus to their mound. "Why comes the ancient one here through the snow?" said Captain Vane, rising and offering Makitok his seat, which was an empty packing-case. "Surely my friend does not think we would forget him? Does not Benjy always carry him his morning cup of coffee when the weather is too bad for him to come hither?" "Truly," returned the old man, sitting down with a sigh, "the Kablunets are kind. They never forget. Bunjee never fails to bring the cuffy, though he does sometimes pretend to forget the shoogre, till I have tasted it and made a bad face; then he laughs and remembers that the shoogre is in his pouch. It is his little way. But I come not to-day for cuffy; I come to warn. There is danger in the air. Blackbeard must take his strange things," (thus he referred to the philosophical instruments), "away from here--from--ha!--from Nort Pole, and put them in my hut, where they will be safe." The Captain did not at once reply. Turning to his companions he said-- "I see no particular reason to fear this `danger in the air.' I'll go and consult Chingatok or his father on the point." "The ancient one, as you call him," said Benjy, "seems to be growing timid with age." "The youthful one," retorted the Captain, "seems to be growing insolent with age. Go, you scamp, and tell Amalatok I want to speak with him." Whatever faults our young hero had, disobedience was not one of them. He rose promptly, and soon returned with the chief of Poloeland. Amalatok confirmed the wizard's opinions, and both opinions were still more powerfully confirmed, while he was speaking, by a gust of wind which suddenly came rushing at them as if from all points of the compass, converging at the Pole and shooting upwards like a whirlwind, carrying several hats of the party with volumes of the now wildly agitated snow up into the sky. There was no room for further hesitation. "Why, Massa Bunjay, I thought my woolly scalp he hoed up 'long wid my hat!" cried Butterface, leaping up in obedience to the Captain's hurried order to look sharp and lend a hand. In a short time all the instruments were removed from the observatory and carefully housed in Makitok's hut. Even while they were thus engaged the storm burst on them with excessive violence. The snow which had been falling so softly, was caught up by the conflicting winds and hurled high into the air, or driven furiously over the valley in all directions, for the gale did not come from any fixed quarter; it rose and swooped and eddied about, driving the snow-drift now here, now there, and shrieking as if in wild delight at the chaotic havoc it was permitted to play. "Confusion worse confounded!" gasped Leo, as he staggered past Alf with the last load on his shoulder. "And yet there must be order _everywhere_," observed Chingatok, when, after all were safely housed in Makitok's hut that evening, he heard Leo repeat that sentiment. "Why do you think so, Chingatok?" asked the Captain with some curiosity. "Because there is order even in my hut," returned the giant. "Pingasuk, (referring to his wife), keeps all things in perfect order. Is the World-Maker less wise than Pingasuk? Sometimes, no doubt, when Pingasuk is cooking, or arranging, things may seem in disorder to the eye of my little boy Meltik and the small one, (referring to baby), but when Meltik and the small one grow older and wiser, they will see that it is not so." While Chingatok was speaking, a gust of wind more furious than ever struck the hut and shook it to its foundations. At the same time a loud rumbling sound was heard outside. Most of the men leaped up, caught hold of spears or knives, and rushed out. Through the driving drift they could just see that the observatory, which was a flimsy structure, had been swept clean away, and that the more solid hut was following it. Even as they gazed they saw its roof caught up, and whirled off as if it had been a scroll of paper. The walls fell immediately after, and the stones rolled down the rocky cone with a loud rattling, which was partially drowned by the shrieking of the tempest. For three days the storm lasted. During that time it was almost impossible to show face in the open air. On the night of the third day the fury of the wind abated. Then it suddenly became calm, but when Butterface opened the door, and attempted to go out, he found himself effectually checked by a wall of snow. The interior of the hut was pitch dark, and it was not until a lamp had been lighted that the party found they were buried alive! To dig themselves out was not, however, a difficult matter. But what a scene presented itself to their view when they regained the upper air! No metamorphosis conceived by Ovid or achieved by the magic lantern; no pantomimic transformation; no eccentricity of dreamland ever equalled it! When last seen, the valley was clothed in all the rich luxuriance of autumnal tints, and alive with the twitter and plaintive cry of bird-life. Now it was draped in the pure winding-sheet of winter, and silent in the repose of Arctic death. Nothing almost was visible but snow. Everything was whelmed in white. Only here and there a few of the sturdier clumps of bushes held up their loads like gigantic wedding-cakes, and broke the universal sameness of the scene. One raven was the only living representative of the birds that had fled. It soared calmly over the waste, as if it were the wizard who had wrought the change, and was admiring its work. "Winter is upon us fairly now, friends," said Captain Vane as he surveyed the prospect from the Pole, which was itself all but buried in the universal drift, and capped with the hugest wedding-cake of all; "we shall have to accommodate ourselves to circumstances, and prepare for the campaign." "I suppose the first thing we shall have to do is to build a snow-house," said Benjy, looking ruefully round, for, as usual, he was depressed by first appearances. "Just so, Benjy; and the sooner we go to work the better." Now, the reader must not hastily conclude that we are about to inflict on him or her a detailed narrative of a six months' residence at the North Pole. We have no such fell design. Much though there is to tell,--much of suffering, more of enjoyment, many adventures, numerous stirring incidents, and not a few mishaps--we shall pass over the most of it in total silence, and touch only on those points which are worthy of special notice. Let us leap, then, into the very middle of the Arctic winter. It is continuously dark now. There is no day at all at the Pole; it is night all round. The last glimmer of the departing sun left them months ago; the next glimmer of his return will not reach them for months to come. The northern Eskimos and their English visitors were well aware of that, nevertheless there was nothing of gloom or depressed spirits among them. They were too busy for that. Had not meat to be procured, and then consumed? Did not the procuring involve the harnessing of dogs in sledges, the trapping of foxes and wolves, the fighting of walruses, the chasing of polar bears; and did not the consuming thereof necessitate much culinary work for the women, much and frequent attention and labour on the part of the whole community, not to mention hours, and sometimes days, of calm repose? Then, as to light, had they not the Aurora Borealis, that mysterious shimmering in the northern sky which has puzzled philosophers from the beginning of time, and is not unlikely to continue puzzling them to the end? Had they not the moon and the stars, which latter shone with a brilliancy almost indescribable, and among them the now doubly interesting Pole star, right overhead, with several new and gorgeous constellations unknown to southern climes? Besides all this, had not Captain Vane his scientific investigations, his pendulum experiments, his wind-gauging, his ozone testing, his thermometric, barometric, and chronometric observations, besides what Benjy styled his kiteometric pranks? These last consisted in attempts to bring lightning down from the clouds by means of a kite and cord, and in which effort the Captain managed to knock himself down, and well-nigh shattered the North Pole itself in pieces! Moreover, had not Leo to act the part of physician and surgeon to the community? a duty which he fulfilled so well that there never had been before that time such a demand for physic in Flatland, and, it is probable, there never will be so many sick people there again. In addition to this, Leo had to exercise his marvellous powers as a huntsman. Benjy, of course, played his wonted _role_ of mischief-maker and jack-of-all-trades to the entire satisfaction of everybody, especially on that great occasion when he succeeded in killing a polar bear single-handed, and without the aid of gun or spear or any lethal weapon whatever;--of which great event, more hereafter. Anders, the southern Eskimo, made himself generally agreeable, and Butterface became a prime favourite, chiefly because of his inexhaustible fund of fun and good humour, coupled with his fine musical qualities. We have not said much on this latter point hitherto, because we have been unwilling to overwhelm the reader with too sudden a disclosure of that marvellous magazine of power which was latent in our band of heroes; but we feel it to be our duty now to state that the negro sang his native melodies with such pathos that he frequently reduced, (perhaps we should say elevated), the unsophisticated Eskimos to floods of tears, and sometimes to convulsions of laughter. As, at Benjy's suggestion, he sometimes changed his moods abruptly, the tears often mingled with the convulsions, so as to produce some vivid illustrations of Eskimo hysteria. But Butterface's strong point was the flute! No one who had not witnessed it could adequately conceive the poutings of thick red lips and general contortions of black visage that seemed necessary in order to draw the tones out of that simple instrument. The agonies of expression, the hissing of wind, and the turning up of whites of large black eyes,--it is past belief! The fruitless efforts of the Eskimos to imitate him were as nothing to the great original, and their delight at the sound was only equalled by their amazement at the sight. Alf assisted the Captain scientifically and otherwise. Of course he was compelled, during the long winter, to lay aside his geological hammer and botanical box; but, then, had he not the arrangement and naming of his specimens? His chief work, however, was to act the unwonted, and, we may add, unexpected work of a lawgiver. This duty devolved on him thus: When Grabantak recovered health--which he was very long in doing--his spirit was so far subdued that he agreed--somewhat sulkily, it is true-- to all that his prime minister had done while he held the reins of government. Then he was induced to visit Great Isle, where he was introduced to his mortal foe Amalatok, whom he found to be so much a man after his own heart that he no longer sighed for the extraction of his spinal marrow or the excision of his liver, but became a fast friend, and was persuaded by Alf to agree to a perpetual peace. He also took a great fancy to Chingatok, who begged of Alf to read to the chief of Flatland some of the strange and new ideas contained in his little book. Alf willingly complied, and for hours these northern savages sat in rapt attention listening to the Bible story. "My son," said Grabantak one evening to Chingatok, "if we are henceforth to live in peace, why not unite and become one nation?" "Why not?" echoed Chingatok. When Amalatok and Makitok heard the question propounded, they also said, "Why not?" and, as nobody objected, the thing was settled off-hand then and there. "But," said the prime minister of Flatland, starting a difficulty, "who is to be _greatest_ chief?" Amalatok, on whose mind the spirit of Christianity had been gradually making an impression, said promptly, "Let Grabantak be chief. He is wise in council and brave in war." Grabantak had instantly jumped to the conclusion that _he_ ought to be _greatest_ chief, and was about to say so, when Amalatok's humility struck him dumb. Recovering himself he replied-- "But there is to be no mere war! and I have been a warrior. No, let Amalatok be great chief. He is old, and wisdom lies with age." "I am not so sure of _that_!" muttered Captain Vane to himself in English; then to the giant in Eskimo, "What says Chingatok?" "May I speak, my father?" said the giant, dutifully, to Amalatok. "You may speak, my son." "Then," continued Chingatok, "I would advise that there should be three chiefs, who shall be equal--my father, Grabantak, and Makitok. Let these consult about our affairs. Let the people appoint twelve men to hold council with them, and what the most of them agree to shall be done." After some further talk this compromise was agreed to. "But the laws of Poloeland and those of Flatland are different," said Amalatok, starting another objection. "We must have the same laws." "My brother chief is wise," said Grabantak. "Let us have new laws, and let that wise young Kablunet, Alf, make them." "Both my brother chiefs are wise," said Makitok. "Let it be done, and let him take the laws out of the little thing that speaks to him." (Thus they referred to the Bible, having no word in their language by which to name it.) Great was the surprise of Alf at the honour and labour thus thrust upon him, but he did not shrink from it. On the contrary, he set to work at once with notebook and pencil, and set down the two "Great Commandments:" "Thou shalt love the Lord thy God with all thy heart, and with all thy soul, and with all thy mind;" and, "Thou shalt love thy neighbour as thyself," as the first law in the new code. He set down as the second the golden rule, "Whatsoever ye would that men should do unto you, do ye even so to them." Proceeding from these as a basis, he worked his way gradually down the code till he had embraced nearly all the possibilities of Eskimo life--a work which kept him busy all the winter, and was not quite finished when "time and tide" obliged him and his companions to quit the land. Now, not long after this eventful council, Benjy Vane burst rather irreverently into his father's hut with excited looks, holding what looked like an old book in his hand. "What have you got there, lad?" "I've got it at last, father! You know I've been trying to wheedle old Makitok into letting me open his mysterious bundle. Well, I prevailed on him to let me do it this afternoon. After unrolling bundle after bundle, I came at last to the centre, and found that it contained nothing whatever but this book, wrapped up in an old cotton pocket-handkerchief. The book is _very_ old, father. See, 1611 on the first page. I did not take time to glance at more than that, but brought it straight away to you." "Hand it over, Benjy," said the Captain eagerly. "This accounts for the mysterious `buk' that we've heard so much about." He received the little book with a look of tender curiosity and opened it carefully, while Leo, Alf, and his son looked on over his shoulder. "1611, sure enough," he said, "though not very legible. The characters are queer, too. Try, Alf, what you can make of it." Alf took the book. As he did so old Makitok entered, somewhat anxious as to what they were doing with his treasure. Being quieted by the Captain with a draught of cold tea, and made to sit down, the examination of the book proceeded. "It is much worn, and in places is almost illegible, as might be expected," said Alf. "Let me see. `Coast of Labrador, (something illegible here), 1611. This day the mutineers took possess ... (can't make out what follows), and put Captain Hudson, with his son, myself, the carpenter, and five sick men into the dinghy, casting us, (blank), with some, (blank), and one cask of water. I begin this diary to-day. It may never be seen by man, but if it does fall into the hands of any one who can read it, he will do a service to ... by conveying ... England.--John Mackintosh, _seaman_.' "Can it be possible?" said Alf, looking up from the relic with an expression of deep solemnity, "that we have found a record of that great Arctic explorer, the unfortunate Henry Hudson?" "It seems like it, Alf; read on," said Leo, eagerly. We will not further trouble the reader with Alf's laboured deciphering of this curious and ancient notebook, which was not only stained and worn, but in many places rudely torn, as if its owner had seen much hard service. We will merely run over a few of the chief points which it cleared up. Unfortunately, it threw no additional light on the fate of poor Hudson. Many of the first pages of the book which no doubt treated of that, had been destroyed and the legible portion began in the middle of a record of travelling with a sledge-party of Eskimos to the north of parallel 85 degrees 20 minutes--a higher northern latitude, it will be observed, than had been reached by any subsequent explorer except Captain Vane. No mention being made of English comrades, the presumption remained that they had all been killed or had died--at all events that Mackintosh had been separated from them, and was the only survivor of the party travelling with the Eskimos. Further on the journal, which was meagre in detail, and kept in the dry form of a log-book, spoke of having reached a far northern settlement. Reference was also made to a wife and family, leading to the conclusion that the seaman had permanently cast in his lot with the savages, and given up all hope of returning to his native land. One sentence near the end caused a considerable sensation, and opened their eyes to a fact which they might have guessed if they had not been too much taken up with the spelling out of the faded pencilling to think of it at first. Alf read it with difficulty. It ran thus:-- "Another boy born to-day. His name is Igluk. It is only the eldest boy of a family, in this tribe, who bears his father's surname. My eldest alone goes by the name of Mackintosh. His eldest will bear the same name, and so on. But these Eskimos make a sad mess of it. I doubt if my Scotch kinsmen would recognise us under the name of Makitok which is the nearest--" "Makitok!" shouted Benjy, gazing open-eyed at the white-bearded wizard, who returned the gaze with some astonishment. "Why, old boy," cried the boy, jumping up and seizing the wizard's hand, "you're a Scotsman!" "So he is," said the Captain with a look of profound interest. "And I say," continued Benjy, in a tone so solemn that the eyes of all the party were turned on him, "we _did_ find him _sitting on the North Pole_!" "And what of that, you excitable goose?" said the Captain. "Goose, father! Am I a goose for recognising the fulfilment of an ancient prophecy? Has it not been a familiar saying, ever since I was born, that when the North Pole was discovered, a Scotsman would be found sitting on the top of it?" "Unfortunately, Ben," returned Alf with a laugh, "the same prophecy exists in other lands. Among the Germans, I believe, it is held that a Bohemian and a Jew will be found on the top of it." "That only confirms the correctness of prophecy in general," retorted Benjy, "for this man unites all these in his own person. Does not this notebook prove him to be a Scot? Have we not just _found_ him? which proves him to be one of a `lost tribe'--in other words, a Jew; and, surely, you'll admit that, in appearance at least, he is Bohemian enough for the settlement of any disputed question. Yes, he's a Scotch Bohemian Jew, or I'm a Dutchman." This discovery seemed almost too much for Benjy. He could not think or talk of anything else the remainder of that day. Among other things he undertook to explain to Makitok something of his origin and antecedents. "Ancient one," he said earnestly, through the medium of Anders, when he had led the old man aside privately, "you come of a grand nation. They are called Scots, and are said to be remarkably long-headed and wonderfully cautious. Great warriors, but greater at the arts of peace. And the fellow you call your _first father_ was a Mackintosh, (probably chief of all the Mackintoshes), who sailed nearly 270 years ago to search for this very `North Pole' that _we_ have got hold of at last. But your first father was not the leader, old boy. He was only a seaman. The leader was Henry Hudson--a man who ranks among the foremost of Arctic explorers. He won't be able to understand what that means, Anders, but no matter--translate it the best way you can. This Henry Hudson was one of the most thorough and extensive searchers of these regions that ever sailed the northern seas. He made many important discoveries, and set out on his last voyage intending to sail right over the North Pole to China, which I daresay he would have done, had not his rascally crew mutinied and cast him and his little son, with seven other men, adrift in a little boat--all of whom perished, no doubt, except your first father, Makitok, my ancient tulip!" He wound up this summary by grasping and shaking the wizard's hand, and then flung off, to expend his feelings on other members of the community. CHAPTER TWENTY NINE. A RUNAWAY JOURNEY AND A TREMENDOUS EXPERIMENT. As winter advanced, Captain Vane continued to keep up the interest of the Eskimos, and to increase their respect for the Kablunets, by gradually unfolding the various sources of power which were at his command. He did this judiciously, just giving them a taste of the marvellous now and then to whet their appetites. He was particularly careful, however not to practise on their credulity or to pass himself off as a conjuror. He distinctly stated that all his powers were derived from God,--_their_ father and _his_,--and that he only excelled them in some matters because of having had better opportunities of acquiring knowledge. Among other things, he effected an adaptation of his kites which produced results so surprising that we feel bound to describe them particularly. During the winter he found, as he had expected, that the average temperature at the Pole was not nearly so cold as that experienced in lower latitudes. As far as mere feeling went, indeed, the cold seemed severe enough; nevertheless it was not sufficiently intense to freeze the great ocean, which remained an "open basin" all the year round,--a result which was doubtless owing to the upflow of the warm under-currents from the equator, referred to in a previous chapter. This, however, did not apply to the waters lying directly around the Poloe and Flatland groups. In these archipelagos the waters being shallow, the frost was quite intense enough to cool them to the bottom. Hence the sea immediately round the islands was covered with a thick coat of solid ice, which resembled in all respects the ordinary Arctic sea-ice, being hummocky in some places, comparatively smooth in others, with a strong iceberg here and there caught and imprisoned amongst it. As this ice surrounded all the Polar land, and stretched out to sea far beyond the reach of vision, it followed that there was little or no difference between the winter experience of our discoverers and that of all other Arctic voyagers. This realm of what we may style island-ice stretched away, all round, in the direction of the Arctic circle, getting thinner and thinner towards its outer margin, until at last it became sludgy, and, finally, melted away into the open sea. This open sea, in its turn, stretched southward, all round, to the known Arctic regions. Thus the Arctic basin was found to be a zone of open water, surrounded by ice on the south, and with a patch of ice and land in its centre. Now, it was a strong desire on the part of Captain Vane to visit the southern edge of this central ice-patch on which he dwelt, that induced him to try the kite adaptation before referred to. "Benjy, my boy," said he, one fine winter day, when the galaxy of stars, the full moon, and an unusually brilliant aurora, diffused a strong light over the undulations of Cup Valley, "I have a notion of taking a trip to the s'uth'ard soon." "Which s'uth'ard d'you think of going to, father?" asked the boy. In case any reader should hastily exclaim, "What a ridiculous question; there can be only _one_ southward!" we beg leave to point out that at the North Pole _every_ direction lies to the southward, and that, as there is necessarily no east or west at all, there is therefore no possibility of stating by compass to what part of the south one intends to go. Of course it was open to the Captain to have said he intended to descend south on one of the degrees of longitude, or between any two of them, and then, immediately on quitting the Pole the old familiar east and west would, as it were, return to him. But he found it more convenient, on the whole, having got beyond all latitude, to indicate his intended route by well-known objects of the land. "I'm going to steer for the starboard side of Poloeland," he said, "pay a short visit to Grabantak and Amalatok in passing, and then carry on south to the open water." "It'll be a longish trip, father." "Not so long as you expect, my boy, for I mean to go by express." Benjy's eyes twinkled, for he knew that some new device was working in his father's brain, which brain never failed to bring its plans to maturity. "What is it to be, father?" "You go and fetch two of the kites, Benjy, and you'll soon find out. Overhaul them well and see that everything is taut and shipshape. Let Butterface help you, and send Alf and Chingatok to me. I suppose Leo is off after musk-oxen, as usual." "Yes; he pretends that the camp wants a supply of fresh meat. He'd pretend that as an excuse for hunting even if we were all dying of surfeit." Soon afterwards the Captain was seen, followed by his usual companions and a company of Eskimos, dragging two sledges to the upper ridge of Cup Valley. One sledge was lightly, the other heavily, laden. "You've brought plenty of supplies, I hope, Alf?" asked the leader. "Yes, enough for three weeks. Will that do?" "Quite enough, lad; but it may not be wanted, as I'm going south in a direction we've not yet tried, where I expect to find the open water close to us. It's well, however, to have enough of meat at all times." "No fear of its being too much, father," said Benjy. "When Butterface goes with us, a three weeks' allowance usually disappears in a fortnight." "Nebber mind, Massa," said the negro seriously. "You've plenty for tree weeks dis time, 'cause I's off my feed. Got Polar dimspepsy, or suffin' o' dat sort, I tink." "You've brought the electrical machine, of course, and the dynamite, Alf?" asked the Captain. "Of course. I never prepare for a trip without these. There's no saying, you see, when we may require them--either to blow up obstructions or astonish the natives." "The natives are past astonishing now," remarked Benjy; "nothing short of a ten thousand jar battery would astonish Chingatok, and I'm quite sure that you couldn't rouse a sentiment of surprise in Oolichuk, unless you made him swallow a dynamite cartridge, and blew him inside out. But, I say, daddy, how long are you going to keep us in the dark about your plans? Don't you see that we are in agonies of suspense?" "Only till we gain the ridge, Benjy. It will be down-hill after that, and the snow-crust comparatively smooth as well as hard." Arrived at the ridge, one of the kites was unfolded and sent up. The breeze was steady, and sufficiently strong. It took twenty Eskimos to hold it when allowed full play, and even these it jerked about in a manner that highly diverted them. These Eskimos were very fond of kite-flying, for its own sake, without reference to utility! "I knew you were going to try it on the sledge," exclaimed Benjy, with sparkling eyes. "Why did you ask me about it, then?" returned the Captain. "Do let _me_ make the first trial, father!" Captain Vane was fastening the drag-line to the fore part of the light sledge, and refused, at first, to listen to the boy's entreaties, fearing that some accident might befall him. "You know how accustomed I am to manage the kites, father. There's not the least fear; and I'll be superhumanly cautious." There was no resisting Benjy's tone and eyes. He was allowed to take his place on the sledge as manager. Butterface sat behind to steer. Steering was to be managed by means of a stout pole, pressed varyingly on the snow on either side. "Don't go more than a mile or so, my boy," said the Captain, in a serious tone. "It's only a trial, you know. If it succeeds, we'll divide the loading of the sledges, and make a fair start in company." Benjy promised to manipulate the check-string with care. The struggling natives were ordered to let the kite straighten the slack of the line gradually. "Are you ready, Ben?" "All right, father." "Got your hand on the check-string? Mind, it will pull hard. Now--let go!" The natives obeyed. Benjy at the same instant hauled sharply on the check-string, intending to tilt the kite well forward, and start in a slow, stately manner, but there was a hitch of some sort somewhere, for the string would not act. The kite acted, however, with its full force. Up went the fore part of the sledge as it flew off like an arrow from a bow, causing Butterface to throw a back somersault, and leaving him behind. Benjy held on to the head of the sledge, and made violent efforts to free the check-string. Fortunately, the surface of the snow was smooth. "After him, lads," roared the Captain, setting a brave example, and for some time heading the natives in the chase; but a few moments sufficed to prove the hopelessness of the race. Tug as Benjy would at the regulator, it refused to act. Fortunately, being made of silk, it did not break. By this time the kite had attained its maximum speed, equal, as the Captain said, to a twenty-knot breeze. At first the surface of the snow was so smooth and hard, that Benjy, being busy with the obdurate regulator, did not appreciate the speed. When he gave up his attempts with a sigh of despair, he had leisure to look around him. The sledge was gliding on with railway speed. One or two solitary hummocks that looked like white sentinels on the level plain, went past him with an awful rush, and several undulations caused by snow-drift were crossed in a light leap which he barely felt. Benjy was fully aware of his danger. To meet with a hummock no bigger than a wheelbarrow, would, in the circumstances, have entailed destruction; he therefore seized a pole which formed part of the sledge-gear, and tried steering. It could be done, but with great difficulty, as he had to sit in the front of the sledge to keep it down. Recklessly jovial though he was, the boy could not contemplate his probable fate without misgiving. Nothing was visible in all the white illimitable plain save a hummock here and there, with a distant berg on the horizon. He could not expect the level character of the ice to extend far. Whither was he going? South he knew; but in that direction, his father had often told him, lay the open sea. The moon seemed to smile on him; the aurora appeared to dance with unwonted vigour, as if in glee; the very stars winked at him! "What if a chasm or a big hummock should turn up?" thought Benjy. The thought seemed to produce the dreaded object, for next moment a large hummock appeared right ahead. Far away though it was, the awful pace brought it quickly near. The poor boy struggled--he absolutely agonised--with the pole. His efforts were successful. The hummock went past like a meteor, but it was a horribly close shave, and Benjy felt his very marrow shrink, while he drew himself up into the smallest possible compass to let it go by. A bump soon after told that the ice was getting more rugged. Then he saw a ridge before him. Was it large or small? Distance, the uncertain light, and imagination, magnified it to a high wall; high as the wall of China. In wild alarm our hero tugged at the regulator, but tugged in vain. The wall of China was upon him--under him. There was a crash. The sledge was in the air. Moments appeared minutes! Had the vehicle been suddenly furnished with wings? No! Another crash, which nearly shut up his spine like a telescope, told him that there were no wings. His teeth came together with a snap. Happily his tongue was not between them! Happily, too, the sledge did not overturn, but continued its furious flight. "Oh, you villain!" exclaimed Benjy, shaking his fist at the airy monster which was thus dragging him to destruction. If Benjy had been asked to state the truth just then, he would have found it hard to say whether consternation or delight were uppermost. It _was_ such a glorious rush! But then, how was it to end? Well, he did not dare to think of that. Indeed he had not time to think, for troubles came crowding on him. A violent "swish!" and a sudden deluge told him that what he had taken for glassy ice was open water. It was only a shallow pool, however. Next moment he was across it, and bumping violently over a surface of broken ice. The water suggested the fear that he must be nearing the open sea, and he became supernaturally grave. Fortunately, the last crash had been passed without dislocating the parts of either sledge or rider. A long stretch of smooth ice followed, over which he glided with ever-increasing speed. Thus he continued to rush over the frozen sea during a considerable part of that night. Poor Benjy! he became half-mad with excitement at last. The exaltation of his little spirit at the risky neck-or-nothing dash, coupled with horror at the certainty of a terrible climax, was almost too much for him. He gave vent to his feelings in a wild cheer or yell, and, just then, beheld an iceberg of unusual size, looming up on the horizon before him. Knowing by experience that he would soon be up to it, he used his pole with all his might, hoping to steer clear of it. As he drew nearer, he saw a dark line on either side of the berg. A feeling of deadly alarm filled him. It was the open sea! and he had to choose between being plunged into it or dashed against the berg. It occurred to him then, for the first time, that a third resource was open--he might cut the rope, and let the kite go free! Amazed at his stupidity in not thinking of this before, he took out his clasp-knife, but before applying it, made a last effort to move the regulator. Strange to say, the silken cord yielded to the first pull, as if nothing had been wrong with it at all! The head of the runaway kite was thrown forward, and it came wavering down in eccentric gyrations, while the sledge gradually lost way, and came to a standstill not fifty yards from the berg. Up to this point what may be termed the northern island-ice continued unbroken, but beyond the berg it was broken up into floes, and, not six hundred yards out, it tailed away to the southward in what whalers term stream-ice. The berg itself was obviously aground. The first object that met Benjy's eyes, after coming to a halt, was an enormous polar bear. This was no strange sight to the boy by that time, but it was awkward in the circumstances, for he had neither gun nor spear. Even if he had possessed the latter he was too young and light to cope successfully with the shaggy white king of Arctic beasts. From the attitude of the animal it appeared to be watching something. In truth, it was so intently engaged with a sleeping seal that it had not observed the approach of the sledge. Profiting by this, Benjy quietly moved away round a colossal buttress of the berg, and took refuge in an ice-cave. But such refuge, he knew, could avail him nothing if the bear should scent him out and search for him. Looking hastily round and up into the dark blue cavern, he espied a projecting ledge of ice about thirteen feet above the level of the floor. On this he resolved to perch himself. His first care was to examine the contents of the sledge. We have said it had been lightly laden at starting, which was the reason of the tremendous pace at which it travelled. Although there was neither spear nor gun, the anxious boy was somewhat comforted to find an axe strapped in its accustomed place; also a blanket, sleeping-bag, and musk-ox skin, besides a mass of frozen blubber, but there was nothing else of an eatable nature. There was, however, a box containing the captain's sextant, the electrical machine, and a packet of dynamite cartridges. Regarding these latter objects with a sigh of disappointment, Benjy seized the axe and hastened towards the ledge of ice, muttering to himself in a confidential tone-- "You see, old boy, if that bear takes a fancy to call on you, it will be as well to be able to say, `Not at home,' for he could make short work of you, much though you think of yourself. Yes, this ledge is high enough to bid you defiance, mister bear, and it's long and broad enough to hold me and my belongings. The knobs by which to climb to it, too, are easy--too easy--but I'll soon rectify that. Now, then, look alive, Benjy, boy, for if that bear don't catch that seal he'll be sure to look you up." Ceasing to speak, he actively conveyed the contents of the sledge to his shelf of refuge. Then he cut away the knobs by which he climbed to it, until there was barely sufficient for his own tiny toes to rest on. That done, he went to the mouth of the cavern to look about him. What he saw there may be guessed from the fact that he returned next moment, running at full speed, stumbling over ice lumps, bumping his shins and knees, dropping his axe, and lacerating his knuckles. He had met the bear! Need we add that he gained his perch with the agility of a tree-squirrel! The bear, surprised, no doubt, but obviously sulky from the loss of the seal, entered the cave sedately with an inquiring look. It saw Benjy at once, and made prodigious efforts to get at him. As the monster rose on its hind legs and reached its paws towards his shelf, the poor boy's spirit seemed to melt, indeed his whole interior felt as if reduced to a warm fluid, while a prickly heat broke out at his extremities, perspiration beaded his brow, and his heart appeared to have settled permanently in his throat. These distressing symptoms did not, however, last long, for he quickly perceived that the bear's utmost stretch did not reach nearer than three or four feet of him. Some of the alarm returned, however, when the creature attempted to climb up by his own ladder. Seven or eight times it made the attempt, while the boy watched in breathless anxiety, but each time it slipped when half-way up, and fell with a soft heavy thud on the ice below, which caused it to gasp and cough. Then it sat down on its haunches and gazed at its little foe malignantly. "Bah! you brute!" exclaimed Benjy, whose courage was returning, "I'm not a bit afraid of you!" He leant against the wall of his refuge, notwithstanding this boast, and licked the ice to moisten his parched lips. After a rest the bear made another trial, and twice it succeeded in planting the claws of one huge paw on the edge of the shelf, but Benjy placed his heel against the claws, thrust them off, and sent the bear down each time howling with disappointment. Sailing softly among the constellations in the aurora-lighted sky, the moon sent a bright ray into the cavern, which gleamed on the monster's wicked eyes and glistening teeth; but Benjy had begun to feel comparatively safe by that time, and was becoming "himself again." "Don't you wish you may get me?" he asked in a desperately facetious spirit. The bear made no reply, but turned to examine the contents of the ice-cave. First he went to the hatchet and smelt it. In doing so he cut his nose. With a growl he gave the weapon an angry pat, and in so doing cut his toes. We fear that Benjy rejoiced at the sight of blood, for he chuckled and made the sarcastic remark, "That comes of losing your temper, old fellow!" That bear either understood English, or the very sound of the human voice caused it irritation, for it turned and rushed at the ice-ledge with such fury that Benjy's heart again leaped into his throat. He had, however, recovered sufficiently to enable him to act with promptitude and discretion. Sitting down with his right foot ready, and his hands resting firmly on the ice behind him, he prepared to receive the charge in the only available manner. So fierce was the onset that the monster ran up the ice-cliff like a cat, and succeeded in fixing the terrible claws of both feet on the edge of the shelf, but the boy delivered his right heel with such force that the left paw slipped off. The left heel followed like lightning, and the right paw also slipped, letting the bear again fall heavily on the ice below. This was more than even a bear could bear. He rushed savagely about the cavern, growling hideously, dashing the sledge about as if it had been a mere toy, and doing all the mischief he could, yet always avoiding the axe with particular care--thus showing that polar bears, not less than men, are quite awake to personal danger, even when supposed to be blind with rage! At last he lay down to recover himself, and lick his bloody nose and paw. While Benjy sat contemplating this creature, and wondering what was to be the end of it all, a bright idea occurred to him. He rose quickly, took the electrical machine out of its box, and happily found it to be in good working order--thanks to Alf, who had special charge of the scientific instruments, and prided himself on the care with which he attended to them. The bear watched him narrowly with its wicked little eyes, though it did not see fit to cease its paw-licking. Having arranged the machine, Benjy took the two handles in his left hand, pressed his knee on the board of the instrument to hold it steady, and with his right hand caused it to revolve. Then he held down the handles as if inviting the bear to come and take them. The challenge was accepted at once. Bruin cantered up, rose on his hind legs, and stretched his neck to its utmost, but could not reach the handles, though the boy stretched downward as far as possible to accommodate him. The dirty-white monster whined and snickered with intense feeling at thus finding itself so near, and yet so far, from the attainment of its object. Sympathising with its desires, Benjy changed his posture, and managed just to touch the nose of his enemy. The bear shrank back with a sort of gasp, appalled--at least shocked--by the result! After a little, not feeling much the worse for it, the brute returned as if to invite another electric shock--perhaps with some sinister design in view. But another and a brighter idea had entered Benjy's brain. Instead of giving the bear a shock, he tore off a small bit of seal-blubber from the mass at his side, which he dropped into its mouth. It swallowed that morsel with satisfaction, and waited for more. Benjy gave it more. Still it wanted more. "You shall have it, my boy," said Benjy, whose eyes assumed that peculiar glare of glee which always presaged some desperate intention. He opened another small box, and found what he wanted. It was a small object scarcely a couple of inches in length. He fastened the wires of the electric machine quickly to it, and then imbedded it in a small piece of blubber which he lowered, as before, to the bear. "You'll probably break the wires or smash the machine, but I'll risk that," muttered Benjy through his set teeth. "I only hope you won't chew it, because dynamite mayn't be palatable. There--down with it!" The bear happily bolted the morsel. The wires seemed to perplex him a little, but before he had time to examine the mystery, the boy gave the instrument a furious turn. Instantly there was a stupendous crash like a very thunderbolt. The bear burst like an overcharged cannon! Benjy and the berg collided, and at that moment everything seemed to the former to vanish away in smoke, leaving not even a wrack behind! CHAPTER THIRTY. LEO IN DANGER NEXT! A NOVEL MODE OF RESCUE. When the catastrophe described in the last chapter occurred, Captain Vane and his friends, following hard on the heels of the runaway, chanced to be within two miles of the berg in the bosom of which Benjy had found refuge. "There he is!" shouted the Captain joyfully, as the flash of the explosion reached his eyes and the roar of the report his ears. "Blessed evidence! He's up to mischief of some sort still, and that's proof positive that he's alive." "But he may have perished in this piece of mischief," said Alf, anxiously glancing up at the kite, which was dragging the heavily-laden sledge rather slowly over the rough ice. "I hope not, Alf. Shake the regulator, Butterface, and see that it's clear." "All right, Massa. Steam's on de berry strongest what's possible." "Heave some o' the cargo overboard, Alf. We must make haste. Not the meat, lad, not the meat; everything else before that. So. Mind your helm, Chingatok; she'll steer wildish when lightened." Captain Vane was right. When Alf had tumbled some of the heavier portions of lading off the sledge, it burst away like a wild-horse let go free, rendering it difficult at first for Chingatok to steady it. In a few minutes, however, he had it again under control, and they soon reached the berg. "The dynamite must have gone off by accident," said the Captain to Alf, as they stumbled over masses of ice which the explosion had brought down from the roof of the cavern. "It's lucky it didn't happen in summer, else the berg might have been blown to atoms. Hallo! what's this? Bits of a polar bear, I do believe--and--what! not Benjy!" It was indeed Benjy, flat on his back like a spread-eagle, and covered with blood and brains; but his appearance was the worst of his case, though it took a considerable time to convince his horrified friends of that fact. "I tell you I'm all right, father," said the poor boy, on recovering from the state of insensibility into which his fall had thrown him. "But you're covered from head to foot with blood," exclaimed the anxious father, examining him all over, "though I can't find a cut of any sort about you--only one or two bruises." "You'll find a bump on the top of my head, father, the size of a cocoa-nut. That's what knocked the senses out o' me, but the blood and brains belong to the bear. I lay no claim to them." "Where _is_ the bear?" asked Alf, looking round. "Where is he?" echoed Benjy, bursting into a wild laugh. "Oh! Massa Benjy, don't laugh," said Butterface solemnly; "you hab no notion wot a awful look you got when you laugh wid sitch a bloody face." This made Benjy laugh more than ever. His mirth became catching, and the negro's solemn visage relaxed into an irrepressible grin. "Oh, you japan-jawed porpoise!" cried Benjy, "you should have seen that bear go off--with such a crack too! I only wish I'd been able to hold up for two seconds longer to see it properly, but my shelf went down, and I had to go along with it. Blown to bits! No--he was blown to a thousand atoms! Count 'em if you can." Again Benjy burst into uproarious laughter. There was indeed some ground for the boy's way of putting the case. The colossal creature had been so terribly shattered by the dynamite cartridge, that there was scarcely a piece of him larger than a man's hand left to tell the tale. "Well, well," said the Captain, assisting his son to rise, "I'm thankful it's no worse." "Worse, father! why, it _couldn't_ be worse, unless, indeed, his spirit were brought alive again and allowed to contemplate the humbling condition of his body." "I don't refer to the bear, Benjy, but to yourself, lad. You might have been killed, you know, and I'm very thankful you were not--though you half-deserve to be. But come, we must encamp here for the night and return home to-morrow, for the wind has been shifting a little, and will be favourable, I think, in the morning." The wind was indeed favourable next morning, we may say almost too favourable, for it blew a stiff breeze from the south, which steadily increased to a gale during the day. Afterwards the sky became overcast and the darkness intense, rendering it necessary to attend to the kite's regulator with the utmost care, and advance with the greatest caution. Now, while the Captain and his friends were struggling back to their Polar home, Leo Vandervell happened to be caught by the same gale when out hunting. Being of a bold, sanguine, and somewhat reckless disposition, this Nimrod of the party paid little attention to the weather until it became difficult to walk and next to impossible to see. Then, having shot nothing that day, he turned towards the Pole with a feeling of disappointment. But when the gale increased so that he could hardly face it, and the sky became obliterated by falling and drifting snow, disappointment gave place to anxiety, and he soon realised the fact that he had lost his direction. To advance in such circumstances was out of the question, he therefore set about building a miniature hut of snow. Being by that time expert at such masonry, he soon erected a dome-shaped shelter, in which he sat down on his empty game-bag after closing the entrance with a block of hard snow. The position of our hunter was not enviable. The hut was barely high enough to let him sit up, and long enough to let him lie down--not to stretch out. The small allowance of pemmican with which he had set out had long ago been consumed. It was so dark that he could not see his hand when close before his eyes. He was somewhat fatigued and rather cold, and had no water to drink. It was depressing to think of going to bed in such circumstances with the yelling of an Arctic storm for a lullaby. However, Leo had a buoyant spirit, and resolved to "make the best of it." First of all he groped in his game-bag for a small stove lamp, which he set up before him, and arranged blubber and a wick in it, using the sense of touch in default of sight. Then he struck a light, but not with matches. The Englishmen's small stock of congreves had long since been exhausted, and they were obliged to procure fire by the Eskimo method, namely, a little piece of wood worked like a drill, with a thong of leather, against another piece of wood until the friction produced fire. When a light had been thus laboriously obtained, he applied it to the wick of his lamp, and wished fervently for something to cook. It is proverbial that wishing does not usually achieve much. After a deep sigh, therefore, Leo turned his wallet inside out. Besides a few crumbs, it contained a small lump of narwhal blubber and a little packet. The former, in its frozen state, somewhat resembled hard butter. The latter contained a little coffee--not the genuine article, however. That, like the matches, had long ago been used up, and our discoverers were reduced to roasted biscuit-crumbs. The substitute was not bad! Inside of the coffee-packet was a smaller packet of brown sugar, but it had burst and allowed its contents to mingle with the coffee. Rejoiced to find even a little food where he had thought there was none, Leo filled his pannikin with snow, melted it, emptied into it the compound of coffee and sugar, put it on the lamp to boil, and sat down to watch, while he slowly consumed the narwhal butter, listening the while to the simmering of the pannikin and the roaring of the gale. After his meagre meal he wrapped himself in his blanket, and went to sleep. This was all very well as long as it lasted, but he cooled during the night, and, on awaking in the morning, found that keen frost penetrated every fibre of his garments and every pore of his skin. The storm, however, was over; the moon and stars were shining in a clear sky, and the aurora was dancing merrily. Rising at once he bundled up his traps, threw the line of his small hand-sledge over his shoulder, and stepped out for home. But cold and want of food had been telling on him. He soon experienced an unwonted sense of fatigue, then a drowsy sensation came over him. Leo was well aware of the danger of giving way to drowsiness in such circumstances, yet, strange to say, he was not in the least afraid of being overcome. He would sit down to rest, just for two minutes, and then push on. He smiled, as he sat down in the crevice of a hummock, to think of the frequent and needless cautions which his uncle had given him against this very thing. The smile was still on his lips when his head drooped on a piece of ice, and he sank into a deep slumber. Ah, Leonard Vandervell! ill would it have been for thee if thou hadst been left to thyself that day; but sharp eyes and anxious hearts were out on the icy waste in search of thee! On arriving at his winter quarters, and learning that Leo had not yet returned, Captain Vane at once organised an elaborate search-expedition. The man who found him at last was Butterface. "Oh, Massa Leo!" exclaimed that sable creature on beholding the youth seated, white and cold, on the hummock; but he said no more, being fully alive to the danger of the situation. Rushing at Leo, he seized and shook him violently, as if he had been his bitterest foe. There was no response from the sleeping man. The negro therefore began to chafe, shake, and kick him; even to slap his face, and yell into his ears in a way that an ignorant observer would have styled brutal. At last there was a symptom of returning vitality in the poor youth's frame, and the negro redoubled his efforts. "Ho! hallo! Massa Leo, wake up! You's dyin', you is!" "Why--what's--the--matter--Butterf--" muttered Leo, and dropped his head again. "Hi! hello! ho-o-o!" yelled Butterface, renewing the rough treatment, and finally hitting the youth a sounding slap on the ear. "Ha! I be tink dat vakes you up." It certainly did wake him up. A burst of indignation within seemed to do more for him than the outward buffetings. He shut his fist and hit Butterface a weak but well intended right-hander on the nose. The negro replied with a sounding slap on the other ear, which induced Leo to grasp him in his arms and try to throw him. Butterface returned the grasp with interest, and soon quite an interesting wrestling match began, the only witness of which sat on a neighbouring hummock in the form of a melancholy Arctic fox. "Hi! hold on, Massa Leo! Don't kill me altogidder," shouted Butterface, as he fell beneath his adversary. "You's a'most right now." "Almost right! what do you mean?" "I mean dat you's bin a'most froze to deaf, but I's melted you down to life agin." The truth at last began to dawn on the young hunter. After a brief explanation, he and the negro walked home together in perfect harmony. CHAPTER THIRTY ONE. THE LAST. In course of time the long and dreary winter passed away, and signs of the coming spring began to manifest themselves to the dwellers in the Polar lands. Chief and most musical among these signs were the almost forgotten sounds of dropping water, and tinkling rills. One day in April the thermometer suddenly rose to eighteen above the freezing-point of Fahrenheit. Captain Vane came from the observatory, his face blazing with excitement and oily with heat, to announce the fact. "That accounts for it feeling so like summer," said Benjy. "Summer, boy, it's like India," returned the Captain, puffing and fanning himself with his cap. "We'll begin this very day to make arrangements for returning home." It was on the evening of that day that they heard the first droppings of the melting snow. Long before that, however, the sun had come back to gladden the Polar regions, and break up the reign of ancient night. His departure in autumn had been so gradual, that it was difficult to say when night began to overcome the day. So, in like manner, his return was gradual. It was not until Captain Vane observed stars of the sixth magnitude shining out at noon in November, that he had admitted the total absence of day; and when spring returned, it was not until he could read the smallest print at midnight in June that he admitted there was "no night there." But neither the continual day of summer, nor the perpetual night of winter, made so deep an impression on our explorers as the gushing advent of spring. That season did not come gradually back like the light, but rushed upon them suddenly with a warm embrace, like an enthusiastic friend after a long absence. It plunged, as it were, upon the region, and overwhelmed it. Gushing waters thrilled the ears with the sweetness of an old familiar song. Exhalations from the moistened earth, and, soon after, the scent of awakening vegetation, filled the nostrils with delicious fragrance. In May, the willow-stems were green and fresh with flowing sap. Flowers began to bud modestly, as if half afraid of having come too soon. But there was no cause to fear that. The glorious sun was strong in his might, and, like his Maker, warmed the northern world into exuberant life. Mosses, poppies, saxifrages, cochlearia, and other hardy plants began to sprout, and migratory birds innumerable--screaming terns, cackling duck, piping plover, auks in dense clouds with loudly whirring wings, trumpeting geese, eider-ducks, burgomasters, etcetera, began to return with all the noisy bustle and joyous excitement of a family on its annual visit to much-loved summer quarters. But here we must note a difference between the experience of our explorers and that of all others. These myriads of happy creatures--and many others that we have not space to name--did not pass from the south onward to a still remoter north, but came up from all round the horizon,--up all the meridians of longitude, as on so many railway lines converging at the Pole, and settling down for a prolonged residence in garrulous felicity among the swamps and hills and vales of Flatland. Truly it was a most enjoyable season and experience, but there is no joy without its alley here below--not even at the North Pole! The alloy came in the form of a low fever which smote down the stalwart Leo, reduced his great strength seriously, and confined him for many weeks to a couch in their little stone hut, and, of course, the power of sympathy robbed his companions of much of that exuberant joy which they shared with the lower animals at the advent of beautiful spring. During the period of his illness Leo's chief nurse, comforter, and philosophical companion, was the giant of the North. And one of the subjects which occupied their minds most frequently was the Word of God. In the days of weakness and suffering Leo took to that great source of comfort with thirsting avidity, and intense was his gratification at the eager desire expressed by the giant to hear and understand what it contained. Of course Alf, and Benjy, and the Captain, and Butterface, as well as Grabantak, Makitok, and Amalatok, with others of the Eskimos, were frequently by his side, but the giant never left him for more than a brief period, night or day. "Ah! Chingatok," said Leo one day, when the returning spring had begun to revive his strength, "I never felt such a love for God's Book when I was well and strong as I feel for it now that I am ill, and I little thought that I should find out so much of its value while talking about it to an Eskimo. I shall be sorry to leave you, Chingatok--very sorry." "The young Kablunet is not yet going to die," said the giant in a soft voice. "I did not mean that," replied Leo, with the ghost of his former hearty laugh; "I mean that I shall be obliged to leave Flatland and to return to my own home as soon as the season permits. Captain Vane has been talking to me about it. He is anxious now to depart, yet sorry to leave his kind and hospitable friends." "I, too, am sorry," returned Chingatok sadly. "No more shall I hear from your lips the sweet words of my Great Father--the story of Jesus. You will take your book away with you." "That is true, my friend; and it would be useless to leave my Bible with you, as you could not read it, but the _truth_ will remain with you, Chingatok." "Yes," replied the giant with a significant smile, "you cannot take _that_ away. It is here--and here." He touched his forehead and breast as he spoke. Then he continued:-- "These strange things that Alf has been trying to teach me during the long nights I have learned--I understand." He referred here to a syllabic alphabet which Alf had invented, and which he had amused himself by teaching to some of the natives, so that they might write down and read those few words and messages in their own tongue which formerly they had been wont to convey to each other by means of signs and rude drawings--after the manner of most savages. "Well, what about that?" asked Leo, as his companion paused. "Could not my friend," replied Chingatok, "change some of the words of his book into the language of the Eskimo and mark them down?" Leo at once jumped at the idea. Afterwards he spoke to Alf about it, and the two set to work to translate some of the most important passages of Scripture, and write them down in the syllable alphabet. For this purpose they converted a sealskin into pretty fair parchment, and wrote with the ink which Captain Vane had brought with him and carefully husbanded. The occupation proved a beneficial stimulus to the invalid, who soon recovered much of his wonted health, and even began again to wander about with his old companion the repeating rifle. The last event of interest which occurred at the North Pole, before the departure of our explorers, was the marriage of Oolichuk with Oblooria. The ceremony was very simple. It consisted in the bridegroom dressing in his best and going to the tent of his father-in-law with a gift, which he laid at his feet. He then paid some endearing Eskimo attentions to his mother-in-law, one of which was to present her with a raw duck, cleaned and dismembered for immediate consumption. He even assisted that pleased lady immediately to consume the duck, and wound up by taking timid little Oblooria's hand and leading her away to a hut of his own, which he had specially built and decorated for the occasion. As Amalatok had arrived that very day on a visit from Poloeland with his prime minister and several chiefs, and Grabantak was residing on the spot, with a number of chiefs from the surrounding islands, who had come to behold the famous Kablunets, there was a sort of impromptu gathering of the northern clans which lent appropriate dignity to the wedding. After the preliminary feast of the occasion was over, Captain Vane was requested to exhibit some of his wonderful powers for the benefit of a strange chief who had recently arrived from a distant island. Of course our good-natured Captain complied. "Get out the boats and kites, Benjy, boy," he said; "we must go through our performances to please 'em. I feel as if we were a regular company of play-actors now." "Won't you give them a blow-up first, father?" "No, Benjy, no. Never put your best foot foremost. The proverb is a false one--as many proverbs are. We will dynamite them afterwards, and electrify them last of all. Go, look sharp." So the Captain first amazed the visitor with the kites and india-rubber boats; then he horrified him by blowing a small iceberg of some thousands of tons into millions of atoms; after which he convulsed him and made him "jump." The latter experiment was the one to which the enlightened Eskimos looked forward with the most excited and hopeful anticipations, for it was that which gratified best their feeling of mischievous joviality. When the sedate and dignified chief was led, all ignorant of his fate, to the mysterious mat, and stood thereon with grave demeanour, the surrounding natives bent their knees, drew up elbows, expanded fingers, and glared in expectancy. When the dignified chief experienced a tremor of the frame and looked surprised, they grinned with satisfaction; when he quivered convulsively they also quivered with suppressed emotion. Ah! Benjy had learned by that time from experience to graduate very delicately his shocking scale, and thus lead his victim step by step from bad to worse, so as to squeeze the utmost amount of fun out of him, before inducing that galvanic war-dance which usually terminated the scene and threw his audience into fits of ecstatic laughter. These were the final rejoicings of the wedding day--if we except a dance in which every man did what seemed best in his own eyes, and Butterface played reels on the flute with admirable incapacity. But there came a day, at last, when the inhabitants of Flatland were far indeed removed from the spirit of merriment. It was the height of the Arctic summer-time, when the crashing of the great glaciers and the gleaming of the melting bergs told of rapid dissolution, and the sleepless sun was circling its day-and-nightly course in the ever-bright blue sky. The population of Flatland was assembled on the beach of their native isle--the men with downcast looks, the women with sad and tearful eyes. Two india-rubber boats were on the shore. Two kites were flying overhead. The third boat and kite had been damaged beyond repair, but the two left were sufficient. The Englishmen were about to depart, and the Eskimos were inconsolable. "My boat is on the shore,--" Said Benjy, quoting Byron, as he shook old Makitok by the hand-- "And my kite is in the sky, But before I go, of more, I will--bid you--all--good-b--" Benjy broke down at this point. The feeble attempt to be facetious to the last utterly failed. Turning abruptly on his heel he stepped into the _Faith_ and took his seat in the stern. It was the _Hope_ which had been destroyed. The _Faith_ and _Charity_ still remained to them. We must draw a curtain over that parting scene. Never before in human experience had such a display of kindly feeling and profound regret been witnessed in similar circumstances. "Let go the tail-ropes!" said Captain Vane in a husky tone. "Let go de ropes," echoed Butterface in a broken voice. The ropes were let go. The kites soared, and the boats rushed swiftly over the calm and glittering sea. On nearing one of the outer islands the voyagers knew that their tiny boats would soon be shut out from view, and they rose to wave a last farewell. The salute was returned by the Eskimos--with especial fervour by Chingatok, who stood high above his fellows on a promontory, and waved the parchment roll of texts which he grasped in his huge right hand. Long after the boats had disappeared, the kites could still be seen among the gorgeous clouds. Smaller and smaller they became in their flight to the mysterious south, until at last they seemed undistinguishable specks on the horizon, and then vanished altogether from view. One by one the Eskimos retired to their homes--slowly and sadly, as if loath to part from the scene where the word farewell had been spoken. At last all were gone save Chingatok, who still stood for hours on the promontory, pressing the scroll to his heaving chest, and gazing intently at the place on the horizon where his friends had disappeared. There was no night to bring his vigil or his meditations to a close, but time wore him out at last. With a sigh, amounting almost to a groan, he turned and walked slowly away, and did not stop until he stood upon the Pole, where he sat down on one of the Captain's stools, and gazed mournfully at the remains of the dismantled observatory. There he was found by old Makitok, and for some time the giant and the wizard held converse together. "I love these Kablunets," said Chingatok. "They are a strange race," returned the wizard. "They mingle much folly with their wisdom. They come here to find this Nort Pole, this nothing, and they find it. Then they go away and leave it! What good has it done them?" "I know not," replied Chingatok humbly, "but I know not everything. They have showed me much. One thing they have showed me--that behind all _things_ there is something else which I do not see. The Kablunets are wonderful men. Yet I pity them. As Blackbeard has said, some of them are too fond of killing themselves, and some are too fond of killing each other. I wish they would come here--the whole nation of them--and learn how to live in peace and be happy among the Eskimos. But they will not come. Only a few of their best men venture to come, and I should not wonder if their countrymen refused to believe the half of what they tell them when they get home." Old Makitok made no reply. He was puzzled, and when puzzled he usually retired to his hut and went to bed. Doing so on the present occasion he left his companion alone. "Poor, poor Kablunets," murmured Chingatok, descending from his position, and wandering away towards the outskirts of the village. "You are very clever, but you are somewhat foolish. I pity you, but I also love you well." With his grand head down, his arms crossed, and the scroll of texts pressed to his broad bosom, the Giant of the North wandered away, and finally disappeared among the flowering and rocky uplands of the interior. THE END.
41098 ---- file was produced from images generously made available by The Internet Archive.) THE VINLAND CHAMPIONS * * * * * [Illustration: His eyes showed fire, while his voice was deep.] THE VINLAND CHAMPIONS BY OTTILIE A. LILJENCRANTZ _ILLUSTRATED BY THE KINNEYS_ [Illustration] NEW YORK D. APPLETON AND COMPANY MCMIV COPYRIGHT, 1904, BY D. APPLETON AND COMPANY _Published. September, 1904_ CONTENTS PAGE PROLOGUE ix PART FIRST THE BROOD OF THE WIND-RAVEN CHAPTER I. CONCERNING ALREK OF THE VIKING CAMPS 3 II. IN WHICH THE BOYS OF THE WIND-RAVEN CONSIDER THE CHANCES OF FINDING A SKRAELLING 12 III. RELATING HOW ONE WAS FOUND ON THE CAPE OF THE CROSSES 21 IV. WHEREIN THE SWORD-BEARER IS FURTHER REMINDED THAT HE HAS BROKEN THE LAW 33 V. THROUGH WHICH THE STORM-GIANT BLUSTERS 42 VI. ABOUT THE STRANGE FIND ON KEEL CAPE 52 VII. CONCERNING THORFINN KARLSEFNE, THE LAWMAN 66 PART SECOND ALREK'S CHAMPIONS VIII. AT THE HALL OF THE VINLAND CHAMPIONS 83 IX. ABOUT THE HUNTSMAN AND THE BOY WHO WAS DROWNED 94 X. THROUGH WHICH THE CHAMPIONS CHASE VINLAND ELK 108 XI. TELLING HOW TRADE WITH THE SKRAELLINGS CAME TO A MYSTERIOUS END 117 XII. IN WHICH THE CHAMPIONS FEEL THEIR IMPORTANCE 134 XIII. GIVING THE REASON WHY THE SKRAELLINGS FLED 144 XIV. SHOWING HOW DISGRACE CAME UPON ALREK THE CHIEF 149 PART THIRD THE HUNTSMAN'S PREY XV. ABOUT THE FIRE-THAT-RUNS-ON-THE-WAVES 163 XVI. PROVING THAT ALREK'S EMPTY HANDS WERE FULL OF POWER 176 XVII. SHOWING HOW THE CHAMPIONS BROKE A THREAD IN THE HUNTSMAN'S NET 188 XVIII. CONCERNING A GRIM BARGAIN BETWEEN THE LAWMAN AND ALREK 202 XIX. RELATING THE ADVENTURE WITH THE MEN OF THE FOREST 213 XX. SHOWING HOW THE HUNTSMAN BAGGED HIS GAME 226 XXI. IN WHICH ALREK SWORD-BEARER FACES DEATH 239 EPILOGUE 253 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS FACING PAGE His eyes showed fire, while his voice was deep _Frontispiece_ Neither sound nor motion was on his blue lips 51 She ladled curds from her bowl into the gaping mouth 124 With no other weapon than his bare brown hands 182 PROLOGUE It happened first in the history of the New World lands that the Northman Biorn Herjulfsson saw them when he had lost his way in journeying to Greenland. But he lacked the adventuresomeness to go ashore and explore them. Then Leif the Lucky, son of Eric the Red of Greenland, heard of the omission and set out to remedy it. He rediscovered the lands and went upon them and named them, after which he built booths at a place he called Vinland and passed a winter there. Next, Leif's brother Thorwald Ericsson came over the ocean; but his luck was less for he was shipwrecked on one cape and killed on another, and his men returned disheartened. He was followed by the third brother, Thorstein; but this expedition had no success whatever for they spent a whole summer in wandering in a circle that landed them finally upon the west coast of Greenland itself. And here Thorstein died of a plague, leaving his young wife Gudrid to return to the hospitality of Leif at Brattahlid. The explorer who came next and who did the most was Thorfinn Karlsefne of Iceland. While he was visiting at Brattahlid he married Gudrid, the widow of Thorstein, and she--together with others--talked to him so much about the new lands that he resolved upon settling them. In the spring of 1007 he set out from Greenland with three ships heavily laden and came to Vinland and wakened the sleeping camp to new life. This story begins on an autumn day in the second year of Karlsefne's settlement, and on board the little ship called the Wind-Raven which he had sent out at the beginning of summer to explore the eastern coast. PART FIRST THE BROOD OF THE WIND-RAVEN CHAPTER I CONCERNING ALREK OF THE VIKING CAMPS For four days the Wind-Raven had drifted blindfold in a fog, and now the fifth day had dawned with no prospect of release and the explorers were hard put to it for amusement. On the after-deck the helmsman had sought comfort in his ale horn; spread over the benches below, the two-score men of the crew were killing time with chess games; and the twenty-odd boys who completed the company had turned the forepart of the ship into a swimming beach around which they sported with the zest of young seals. On the murky waves their yellow heads bobbed like so many oranges. The forecastle swarmed with them as they chased one another across it, their wet bodies glimmering moth-like in the grayness. And the first two benches were covered with those whom lack of breath had induced to pause and burrow in the heaps of clothing scattered there. The center of the group of loungers was a brown-haired brown-eyed brown-cheeked boy relating with a grin of appreciation a story of Viking horse-play. The laughter which applauded him ceased only when a lad with a sword approached and set the laughers to dodging thrusts. "Your noses are as blue as Gudrid's eyes," the newcomer scoffed, sprinkling them with tosses of his dripping red mane. "Rouse up, Alrek of Norway, and have a bout with me to set your blood to moving." The brown-eyed boy looked around without enthusiasm; and from the others rose a disparaging chorus: "There are more chances that you will set your own blood to running----" "Hallad once had the same belief in----" "Perhaps the water has blurred the Red-Head's memory so he thinks it was he who won the dwarfs' sword last winter." The Red-Haired became also the Red-Cheeked; he was overgrown and undisciplined and his temper appeared to be hung as loosely as his limbs. "If you allow him to think," he cried, "that we twenty Greenlanders are afraid to fight him because he was bred in a Viking camp while we are farm-reared, I will challenge him where I stand." He was swelling his chest as if to devote his next breath to defiance, when he was prevented by Alrek of Norway himself. "I will not fight you, but you may have your way about fencing," the young Viking consented, rising leisurely and laying aside his cloak of soldier scarlet. Emerging from its folds, it could be seen that besides his brownness he was distinguished among his companions for the soldierly erectness with which he bore his broad-shouldered thin-flanked young body, and the compactness of the muscles that played under his burnished skin with the strong grace of a young tiger's. While he dug up his dwarf-made weapon from the mound of his clothing, the Red One ran up to the forecastle and kicked clear of ropes and garments a space in the center; and the loungers hitched themselves around to face the deck, and joined in elbowing off the swimmers as they came splashing in to see the sport. Sport it unquestionably was at the beginning, for the camp-bred boy set the tune to a tripping measure that made the graceful blades seem to be kissing each other. Back and forth and up and down they went as in a dance, parry answering thrust so evenly that the ear grew to anticipate the clash and keep time to it as to music. But presently this very forbearance nettled the farm-bred lad so that he broke the rhythm with an unexpected stroke. Passing Alrek's guard, it opened a red wound upon his brown breast. He accepted it with a grimace as good-humored as his fencing, but his opponent was unwise enough to let fly a cry of triumph. Alrek's expression changed. The next time the Greenlander made use of that thrust, his blade was met with a force that jarred his arm to the shoulder. Under the hurt of it, he struck spitefully. Alrek answered in kind. Slowly, the even beat gave way to jerks of short sharp clatter, separated by pauses during which the two worked around each other with squaring mouths and kindling eyes. With the beginning of the clatter, a short old man called Grimkel One-Eye and a long young man known as Hjalmar Thick-Skull, sitting at chess behind the mast, had put down their pieces to listen. Now, the discord continuing, old Grimkel left his place and strolled forward to the forecastle steps. Spying blood spots on the Greenlander's white shoulders, he made Alrek of Norway a sign of warning. But the Viking boy did not even see him. Over the spectators such stillness had fallen that the scuffle and slap of the bare feet upon the boards sounded with sickening distinctness. The in-drawn breaths made a hiss when, more swiftly than eye could follow, Alrek's blade described a new curve which the other's sword could not meet. To save himself from being spitted, the Greenlander was forced to leap backward. Leaping, his back came against the gunwale with a crash which told that further retreat would be impossible. From the watchers burst a cry, but no recollection relaxed the terrible intentness of the young Viking's eyes as a second time he drew back his arm to speed that lightning stroke. The Red One's rashness would have been his bane if the old man had not sprung upon the deck and caught Alrek's elbow. "Do you remember that you are playing?" he growled. If he needed an answer he had it in the savage force with which the boy tore himself free, and the fierceness with which he whirled, before the meaning of the words came home to him so that he lowered his point. "You guess well," he muttered. "I had altogether forgotten." Half angrily he turned back to the Greenlander. "Why, in the Fiend's name, did you not remind me?" Though much blood from his scratches was on the Red One's body and little was in his cheeks, he still tried to swagger. "I am no coward," he proclaimed. But on the last word his voice broke so hysterically that Grimkel thought it the part of kindness to interfere, and did so, his kindness masking as usual under gruff severity. "You are a fool, which is worse," the old man snapped, pushing him roughly down the steps, while with his head he motioned those below to disperse. "Go put on sense with your clothes. Get dressed, all of you. If you do not do as I tell you, you will feel it." When he had shaken his fist at them once or twice and finally seen himself obeyed, he turned back where Alrek stood drying his weapon on a cloak he had thrown around him. "You! Listen! I have a warning I want to speak to you." "You would do better to warn the Red-Head against stirring me up again," the young Viking returned, still half angrily; but the One-Eyed heard him as a rock hears a wave-splash. "Before now, I have reminded you that your father was an outlaw----" "That you have!" Alrek assented. "Six times have I heard the tale since I touched Greenland, though I lived eight years in the camps without hearing it once! In Norway, men remember only that my father was the bravest of the Earl's Vikings." "In Iceland, they remember that before he became a Viking he was an outlaw," the old man went on imperturbably, "and so like your father are you in looks that every eye is watching to find his unruliness in you. Now what I would tell you is that if you do not bridle this Viking fierceness, you will ruin yourself with Karlsefne." The boy uttered a sudden short laugh. "Is it possible that I could get less honor with him?" he jeered; and polished awhile in tight-lipped silence. At last he straightened to meet the other's gaze and his eyes showed fire, while his voice was deep with resentment. "I am Karlsefne's brother's son, but I get less praise from him than his thralls. He notices his dogs more often than he notices me. It is difficult to know what he expects of me. I believe that he hated my father." Grimkel rubbed his bristly chin upon his palm. "It cannot be said that Karlsefne has a fondness for outlaws. So great is his love for the law that he was called 'the Lawman' before ever the chiefs who came with him on this expedition chose him to be over-chief in Vinland. Yet neither can it be said that he hated his brother. While they were young their love was great toward each other; and when Ingolf, your father, broke the Iceland law, Karlsefne gave half his property to pay the fine. And when Ingolf died, Karlsefne brought you into his following----" "Where he shows every day that he holds me in dishonor for being his brother's son," Alrek finished. The old man spat over the gunwale with explosive impatience. "Simpleton! He holds you neither in honor nor dishonor--yet. He but waits to see which you will earn." Slowly, understanding dawned in the boy's face; turning away he stood kicking at a pile of walrus-hide thongs coiled on the deck before him. Grimkel concluded his plea earnestly; "You cannot say that this is unfair. It lies with you to take whichever you want. For my part, I believe that you will do him credit in every respect. It is because I believe this, and because I loved your father in the days when he was your height and I taught him spear-throwing, that I speak." After a while, Alrek said gravely, "I take it as very friendly of you." He said nothing further, finishing his rubbing in silence and in silence descending the steps, but his advice-giver needed no more than one eye to see that at last he understood the difficulties of his position. CHAPTER II IN WHICH THE BOYS OF THE WIND-RAVEN CONSIDER THE CHANCES OF FINDING A SKRAELLING Meanwhile, something was happening aft. Over his horn the helmsman discovered that a thin place in the fog vail was wearing into a hole, through which could be seen a low coast ending far ahead in a cloud-like hill. "The Cape of the Crosses!" he broke the news, and the word was caught and tossed along like a ball. "The Cape of the Crosses! The last point we must touch at!" the men cheered as they hurried to get up sail and put about for the opening door. And the twenty lads, busy settling beltfuls of knives over tunics of deerskin, plunged into such eager anticipation of the joys of the landing that it was no time at all before they were scuffling with the Red One, whose smarting wounds made him particularly perverse. By the time Alrek had got into _his_ tunic and buckled on the beautiful weapon that gave him his nickname of "the Sword-Bearer," he was obliged to weather a storm of nutshells in order to join the group. It took all the persuasion of the stout comely fellow called Erlend the Amiable to bring them back to peaceful discussion. "We were talking of going ashore to-morrow and considering about whether there is any good chance that Skraellings may be there now," he explained, when he could make himself heard. The subject attracted Alrek. Strolling over to the Amiable One's bench, he stretched himself upon it and made his head comfortable on Erlend's gay blue cloak. "Now it had fallen out of my mind," he mused, "that it was here that the inhabitants killed Thorwald Ericsson, when he went up on land and found three boats with three men hiding under each----" "What is your tongue wagging about?" Ketil the Glib interrupted. "It was not those men that killed him; he killed all of them but one, who escaped in a boat. It was the host which that one brought back that shot arrows into him until--" He was interrupted in his turn by a piece of sail-cloth which the red-haired boy threw over his head. "Gabbler! He knew that story before you had chipped the shell," the Red One snubbed him. "Go on, Alrek, and say whether you think it is to be expected that we will see any." The Sword-Bearer shrugged his shoulders. "You should have the best judgment about that, Brand Erlingsson, for you were visiting your brother Rolf at Brattahlid when Thorwald's men brought back the tidings of his death. You know whether or not it is their belief that Skraellings live on the Cape." The Red One--who, it appeared, answered also to the name of Brand Erlingsson--replied earnestly. He said that Thorwald's men did not believe that the creatures lived there, but that they inhabited the mainland and only visited the Cape for clams or something; that the Cape was no more than a thin land-neck, that ended in a kind of cross-bar composed of a beach connecting two hills; and that it could not possibly have anything of interest on it; whereas, if they could go on to Keel Cape---- But there the shell shower recommenced, amid a protesting chorus; "Do not let him get started--" "End his noise!" "He is always sputtering!" And Strong Domar extinguished the last sputter by a wild whoop as he tossed up his cap in celebration. "However it stands, our chance for catching some there on a visit is as good as Thorwald's! Luck be with us!" he shouted. Whereupon he tossed up his neighbor's cap--being much given to good-natured jests of the fists--and the jubilee would have been general if it had not suddenly been discovered that Alrek was slowly shaking his head on its blue pillow. "Why not?" they paused to demand. When he had taken his full time about chewing and swallowing a mouthful of nuts, he told them; "Because we lack Thorwald's energy at the helm. He went ashore so soon after he cast anchor that the men on the Cape did not have time to get away. We shall remain quiet a whole night after we come to anchor. If it should happen that any Skraellings are there, they would have plenty of light to see us by, and the whole night to escape in. Little danger is there that the Weathercock will break the Lawman's order to keep peace with the inhabitants; but if Karlsefne is to be any better off about news of them, he will find it needful to put a shrewder man at the steering oar." The celebration died in mid-air; no more chance was there of denying the argument than of remedying the fact. What comfort they could get out of blaming the helmsman, they took; then returned one by one to a gloomy munching of nuts from the store under the benches. In the lull, Brand of Greenland found opportunity to vent the rest of his dissatisfaction. "Neither will any good come to us out of these trips, while the Weathercock steers!" he burst out, shaking the hair from his bright impatient eyes. "These five months, we have gone ashore only when there was no chance for adventure to result from it; and so have I tired of this trough that I could gnaw the edge of it as a horse gnaws his stall! Sooner than I shall make another voyage under his leadership, I will paddle back to Greenland in a skin-boat!" The fact that they all agreed with him did not prevent them from jeering through their mouthfuls. Even his loyal younger brother, Olaf the Fair, showed a merry face under his yellow curls. "You speak too small words! Say that you would build a dragon-ship and have sole power over it," he mocked,--then scrambled discreetly out of reach as Brand turned on him. "Well--I _could_!" the Red One defied the universe. "King Half owned a ship and headed a band when he was no more than twelve winters old----" Jeers cut him short. "King Half! He will liken himself to Olaf Tryggvasson next!" "You great donkey, you!" "No--calf, with the milk of his kinsman's dairy-farm still in him!" cried the unoccupied mouths, while the full ones grinned broadly. Only Alrek, smiling up at the sky, said whimsically; "Give me leave to travel with you when it is built, champion. I should like to be on a ship that would come and go according to my will. For one thing, I should like to go ashore to-night to see Thorwald Ericsson's grave. The Huntsman told me once, when I laughed at his magic, that if ever I stood beside a grave in the noon of night I should know what fear was. It has long been in my mind to prove him a liar, but no other grave than Thorwald's is in the new land. If we were on your ship now----" "What is to be said against swimming?" inquired Gard the Ugly, from the bench where he sat weaving fish-nets,--for it was a trace of the thrall blood which was in him, that, although he was free, his great hands were always busy with some service. "Hallad, Biorn's foster-son, used that expedient once,--and it can not be said that he is of a bold disposition even if he did go with the Huntsman this summer. I am willing to try it. We can slip overboard shortly after it becomes dark, and spend the time before midnight in ranging over the beach,--I would give a ring to get the knots out of my legs! Will you do it?" Pulling himself up lazily, Alrek sat a while gazing ahead where a second hazy mass, seemingly as far away as the horizon itself, was rapidly pushing out from behind the Cape. "Why not?" he responded at last. "Only, the swimming part is not to my mind; I find that deerskin dries on me less easily than on deer. Because of what has been told of the shallowness of the harbor, it is unlikely that we shall anchor very near to land; so it is my advice that we take the small boat. We can lower it with little trouble, if there is no moon, while the men are aft drinking their ale." He rose as he spoke, and Gard leaped up also and clapped him on the back in token that it was a bargain; at which the scoffers quieted into a semblance of interest, and Erlend regarded him with amusement. "Suppose it does not happen that you get a chance to tell the Huntsman of your experience?" he suggested. "I think it altogether unlikely that he will return from his trip to the south country. Will the entertainment be worth the exertion?" Alrek gave him a poke between his well-padded ribs. "A man must risk something if he wishes to avoid getting fat," he answered. Whereat the Amiable One came in for his share of gibing; and during it, Gard put his arm through the Sword-Bearer's and drew him forward to look at the land. The land was worth looking at, certainly, as it revealed itself bit by bit through the mellow haze of the sunset. Skimming toward it in the path of a breeze, it was not long before the sickle-curve of a harbor had drawn out from behind the Cape. Then the inner of the Cape hills looked out from its hiding place beyond the seaward knoll. Next, a streak of white beach unfolded itself between them. Finally the whole began to take on color, gray giving way to grayish green and brown and red, while the cold gleam along the water's edge warmed into faint yellow. So it lay motionless and soundless in the waning light, the sun fading from it in a drowsy smile, as the helmsman ordered the sail to be lowered and the anchor to be heaved overboard, and the little ship settled into her berth with a groan of satisfaction. CHAPTER III RELATING HOW ONE WAS FOUND ON THE CAPE OF THE CROSSES A means to while away a long evening,--that was how the pair looked upon the trip as they rowed away from the ship's stem while the crew chatted over their ale horns in the torchlight of the stern. Dreamily enjoying the boat's motion and the rhythm of their oars, they swung through the dusk in contented silence; and only once did their thoughts reach the point of speech. "He is knowing in all kinds of weird matters, your countryman the Huntsman," Alrek said, reminiscently. "Do you remember the time that he was lost in the unsettled places south of here, and, after looking for him far and wide, we found him lying flat upon a rock, mumbling at the sky? He said he was making stanzas to Thor, and that it was an answer when a whale came ashore the next day----" "If that is the cheer which Thor has to offer, may I never eat at his house!" Gard grunted. "So starved was I that I ate a piece the size of my head, and--excepting the time of my first storm at sea--it has never happened to me before to be so sick! If Thor gives the Huntsman no better help where he is now, it is likely to go hard with him. It is said that the south country is more full of Skraellings than a goat of fleas. He was a headstrong fool to go there with no more than three men and one small boat." Alrek lifted his shoulders indifferently. "If he never comes back, the sea will be no salter for my tears," he answered; and relapsed into silence which was not broken until their nearness to land obliged him to ask a question about the steering. If there was a moon, it had stayed sulking somewhere behind something, leaving the world in a dusk which was equally far from light and from darkness. Through the gloom they had been able to steal off with the boat in chuckling security; now its glimmer was still sufficient to guide them to a landing-place upon the pebble-strewn sand, which ran like a shelf around the base of the seaward hill. Beaching their boat they clambered up the slope, tripping more than once over the fist-big stones which studded it, before they entered breathless and laughing into the grove that crowned the crest. "Who cares about seeing, so long as he can feel earth under him!" Gard cried. And all at once he had dropped upon the leaf-covered ground and was rolling over and over like a horse just freed from a tight girth, while Alrek stretched his cramped muscles in a somersault. Something in the fragrance of the damp leaf-mold seemed to intoxicate them. Presently, both were whirling on their hands; and from that they went to jumping, and from jumping to wrestling. The shadows had grown a finger's length before they sank down to get their breath. As the grove was nowhere very thick and the sea gale had winnowed the leaves, they had not looked about them long before they made out the objects which gave the Cape its name,--the two rude crosses of dead bleached wood rising in the center of an open space by the sea. Around it, fanlike pine-boughs swayed heavily, and that was all there was of motion; and the only sound that broke its stillness was the splash of waves on the sand below. Between the Crosses, a low mound rounded black against the gray water. Their hearts gave a little throb as they distinguished it--Thorwald's grave! Amid a chattering throng out in the sunlight, those words had not conveyed much; but here--here they took on meaning. Rising silently, the lads groped their way between the pines until they stood beside it. Into Gard's voice there came a note of awe. "Thorwald said this cape looked to be a fine place to live in; I wonder how he likes it to be dead here? Strangely still must it seem to him after the battle-din of his life! And strange feelings must have been in his men's minds when they sailed away and left him here, the only white man on this side of the ocean." "He must have found it lonesome to lie here by himself for four winters," Alrek said very gently. "Surely, if he hears our voices, his heart must welcome the sound. I tell you, Gard, I think I should not be sorry if we found him sitting on his grave when we came back at midnight. If we should tell him that we are his comrades' sons and relate to him all the news, it may well be that he----" Gard's hand fell on his arm. "Hush!" he entreated. "I do not care what any one says on shipboard, but here--! Suppose he should be listening and take you at your word! Brand says that sooner than go into a witch's den as Leif's Englishman did, he would allow his arm to be hewn off,--and a witch's temper is more to be depended upon than the temper of a dead man. I am not eager to grasp his bony hand, if you are. Let us go down to the beach--But first, I want to find that knife I dropped. Will you feel around that bush-clump where I came down at the last leap, while I look over the slope where I stumbled?" "Certainly," Alrek consented; and picked his way over the uneven ground to the spot where a clump of sumacs fringed the edge of the hill-crown as it sloped down to the beach. Just before he stooped to feel for the knife, however, he paused to look around. Seaward, on his left, shone the far-away torches of the ship, a streak of brightness on the gray. Below him stretched the beach, its farther end lost in the looming shadow of a tree-crowned hill--he blinked and leaned forward and blinked again. Out of that shadow, a light had seemed to open on him like an eye! It did not come from the ship; he glanced over his shoulder to reassure himself. It came from the hill across the beach, a dim unwinking eye which up to this time some obstacle had hidden. For an instant he thought of ghost-fires, and cold trickled down his spine; then came a recollection that smote every nerve like a cry,--the Skraellings! Some had been trapped and had not yet escaped, and it was going to fall to him to get sight of them! To succeed where all the rest had failed! To be the one to give Karlsefne the information he wanted! What wonder that all recollection of the knife--even of Gard--was wiped off his brain like breath-mist off a shield; that he was obliged to press his nails deep into his flesh to get a grip on his excitement! "I shall wreck the chance if I go about it hotly," he admonished himself. "It was Karlsefne's strong command that we do nothing to offend them. I must steer it so that I see them without their seeing me,--and it is unadvisable to be too slow in acting, either, or they will have made their escape!" He put his body in motion even while his mind was debating, but it did not render him less cautious. He did not let a finger of him stray beyond the shadow of the pines, nor did he venture upon the beach until he saw his way clear before him. The only objects that offered shelter were the low hummocks, crested with tufts of wiry grass, that stretched in a broken chain between the heights. From link to link of this he crawled, unobtrusive as a serpent; and when the links were wanting and gaps of glimmering sand lay before him, he ran crouching with the light swiftness of a fox, holding his breath in expectation of arrows hissing about his ears. None came, however, and at last the shadow of the second knoll and its spreading tree-crown fell over him like a canopy. There he paused to listen. Once, an owl wailed tremulously from a distant tree; and once, it seemed to him that he heard brush crackle as under a stealthy tread; then all was silence and the swish of breaking waves. Laying hold of a gnarled root that reached down like a writhen arm, he drew himself noiselessly up the slope. Where it flattened to the crest, a clump of sassafras shoots made a fragrant screen. When he had listened and found the quiet still unbroken, he ventured to peer between the sprouts. So long did he remain there without moving that the insects he had startled began walking over him in restored confidence. The little nook was empty. Except the patch of embers and a litter of clam shells, there was no sign to prove that living things had ever been there. As a final test, he hung his helmet upon his sword and showed it cautiously above the bushes, and the decoy drew no arrows from the thicket beyond the fire; the spot appeared to be genuinely deserted. It is not too much to say that his disappointment brought him near to tears. "They must have run away as soon as darkness fell," he muttered. And pushing into the open, he sent the shells flying before a savage kick. "What Troll's luck!" As the words left his lips, the flying shells uncovered a peculiar bowl-shaped basket woven of reeds. He stooped to it curiously; then, even as his fingers closed on the rim, he took another step forward, staring at the bushes that hedged the further side of the open space. "It appears that some one has plunged through here in a hurry," he told himself. "The branches are bent as if--Odin!" There was no need of finishing his thought. His eyes had the answer before them, a shaggy figure crouching among the bushes, so motionless that it might have passed for one of them. An instant he also stood motionless, staring back at the eyes that he could feel without seeing; then Viking training flashed two thoughts to his brain,--that the creature was aiming at him from the darkness, and that he must lose no time in advancing. Clutching his sword-hilt, he sprang forward. After that there was no chance for reflection. For a second the blade stuck; and in the delay a copper-colored arm shot out and fastened on his wrist, while the other copper-colored arm brandished a stone hatchet over his head. With his left hand he caught that arm and held it off; and they swayed, panting, in the firelight that gave him his first glimpse of the foe all sailors yarned about,--the bristling black hair and wide-rimmed beast-bright eyes, and the skin of unearthly hue showing under the animal hides of the covering. Under the copper-colored skin, the muscles were like copper wire. Strong as he was, Alrek could not twist aside that wrist above his head. He gave up trying, presently, and limited his efforts to freeing his sword-arm. Putting all his force into the wrench, he succeeded at last in loosing it and shooting forth his weapon--and that was all that he had to do! At the bare sight of it, darting glittering from its sheath like lightning from a cloud, the Skraelling uttered a yell of terror, dropped the hatchet from his hand and his hands from their hold, and flung himself backward into the darkness. There was a crackling of brush, the spat of bare feet upon sand, and then--silence. Gradually the Sword-Bearer's amazement gave way to amusement. "He thought it was magic,--here is a joke of the Fates!" he breathed. "If Thorwald had but shown them steel, it is likely that he could have put the whole host to flight! Never could I have wrested the hatchet from him. Now it is likely that my kinswoman Gudrid will open her eyes when I show her this!" Bending over the embers, he examined the weapon with deep interest; the edge was knife-sharp. "It would have cleft me as if it cut cheese!" he muttered; and was laughing in somewhat unsteady congratulation when the sound of feet scrambling up the slope straightened him to greet Gard. For a space the Ugly One stared about him, blinking in the firelight; then the eagerness of his swarthy face gave way to bitterest reproach. "You scared them away before I had a chance to see them?" he cried. "Slipped away, because my back was turned, and got all the sport for yourself? Never would I have believed it of you! Never----" Alrek threw up his hands in honest compunction. "Gard, I beg of you to forgive me! It is the truth that when I saw the light, I forgot that you were alive. And I feared the Skraellings would get away before I could see them. I intended only to creep up and look, without--" He broke off and stood with his mouth open, staring at the other. Involuntarily, Gard whirled to dart a glance over his shoulder; and finding nothing, cried out, sharply; "What ails you? Have you got out of your wits?" Alrek regained his self-control with a short laugh. "I think I have," he answered. "Do you know another thing besides yourself that I forgot? I forgot Karlsefne's command to keep the peace." CHAPTER IV WHEREIN THE SWORD-BEARER IS FURTHER REMINDED THAT HE HAS BROKEN THE LAW The return to the Wind-Raven was even fuller of thought than the departure from it had been; though once Gard broke out in lamentation: "If you had only allowed me to have part in the fun, _I_ should have remembered." Although his shoulders remained square-set against the gray of the night, Alrek's silence was so full of skepticism that the other blushed and hastened to speak of something else: "Why are you so bold as to tell of this? It seems to me sufficient to say only that you found the hatchet on the ground." "The Weathercock must be warned," Alrek said briefly. "Do you not see that this Skraelling may bring back a host, as happened to Thorwald?" Apparently Gard saw, for he did not speak again. The silence lasted unbroken until they glided under the ship's prow, and a chorus of suppressed greetings came down to them. "Hail, explorers! What luck?" "It seems that your stay was short--" "Was Thorwald lacking in hospitality?" the voices laughed, while the hands reached down to pull them aboard and assist in raising the boat. When at last the pair stood on deck, however, the tune changed. "Now there are tidings in their faces!" cried the boy who, from the quality of his temper, was known as the Bull. "News! Let us have it out of them!" Whereupon the group made a fence across the way, every picket in it crying, "Give up your news!" Gard waved them off crossly. "I have none," he growled. Alrek gazed back at them as though they really were boards in a fence. "Where is the Weathercock?" he inquired of the Amiable One. "Has he drunk the wits out of him yet?" "Such as they are, I think he has them still about him," Erlend answered. "But will you not tell us----" The Sword-Bearer shook his head as he pulled away from the other's ringed hand. "The jest is not good enough to bear two tellings. Come after me if you want to hear it." Whereupon the line instantly became a column, marching at his heels as he walked aft. On the after-deck, the helmsman who was known among his followers as the Weathercock, was droning a song over his ale horn. He was a fat bald-headed man with a heavy doughlike face and a grizzled beard that bristled like wiry beach-grass from his plucking at it while he sang. His listeners greeted the appearance of the lads with much cordiality; but he took the interruption very ungraciously indeed. "It may well be that the reason boys always come at the wrong time is because there is no right time for such hindrances," he snapped. "Which of you wants what of me?" The oncoming wave fell back a little, leaving the Sword-Bearer stranded before the helmsman. He said, saluting, "I want to tell you that when you go upon the Cape to-morrow you must go in war clothes. I have been ashore and seen a Skraelling; and I think he has gone to call his people to arms." "What!" cried all the men in chorus; and those on the outer edge leaned forward, palms curved around their ears. Only the Weathercock sat squinting in a dull man's attempt at sharpness. "What kind of jest is this?" he sneered at last. Alrek drew the stone hatchet from his belt. "One of the proofs that it is not a jest is this." There were more exclamations, while a dozen hands snatched at it; but old Grimkel bent forward and pinned his eye upon the Sword-Bearer. "How did you get it?" he demanded. "You did not fail to remember----" The boy's lips curved into a rueful smile as he met the look. "I remember now," he said slowly, "and I remembered up to the time I saw the Skraelling. But when I came upon him suddenly----" "You attacked him?" It was the helmsman who screamed that, his doughlike face reddening to the very nose-end. Alrek regarded him with critical brown eyes. "You prove a good guesser," he said politely. From all sides went up exclamations of dismay; while from the Weathercock went up smoke and flames as though Hekla itself had broken loose. "You--you--you good-for-nothing-wolf's-whelp-gone-mad!" he sputtered. "What do you mean by standing there so quietly when your mad-dog temper has brought discredit upon my leadership which would otherwise have got me great fame with the Lawman? One thing after another, worse and worse, will be caused by this! The Skraellings may be surrounding us even as we speak; and we shall be forced to share your disobedience or else get killed--or, it may be, both fight and get killed, since when Karlsefne finds how his orders have been regarded--But the first result of this will be that we will not go ashore to-morrow nor any other time--Ale! Faste! Hjalmar! Up with the anchor and out with the sail----" As cries of protest arose, he beat them down with his short fat arms. "You shall not set foot upon land, you pack of ravening curs! Not until you get to camp,--and then I hope you will have reason to wish--Ah, to think that when we get to camp I must tell this instead of the report I had expected to give!" He struck his fists together until it seemed as if he might forget the Sword-Bearer's free birth and lay them on him in blows. "Why did I not remember that you had outlaw blood under your fair speaking, and keep you under my heel! But you shall pay for your liberty now. You shall be tied with walrus thongs and thrown into the foreroom, and kept there without food or drink until we reach Vinland! Take him hence,--do you hear my words? Lodin! Grimkel!" He broke off to tug at his belt, which unwonted exertion was rendering distressfully snug; and in the interval the protests of the young Greenlanders burst forth anew, expressing unreservedly what they thought of him for taking away their chance of going ashore. When he turned on them, his thick neck rumbling volcano-like, they even gave back curse for curse; until--what with their racket and his bawling and the running to and fro of the sailors--the after-deck of the Wind-Raven presented a lively appearance. The only quiet person on it was the culprit. Saluting with ironical ceremony, he yielded to the touch of Grimkel's hand upon his shoulder; and they proceeded to the little room under the fore-deck, which served on extraordinary occasions for a dungeon and on ordinary ones as a storeroom for bales of fur and ale-casks and kegs of salted fish. "If I could learn to feed my stomach through my nose, I should not starve however long I stayed here," Alrek observed with an expressive grimace as they entered. The hand on his shoulder shook him roughly. "You deserve to starve," the old man snapped. "I have the heart to pound you! After I had warned you how the Lawman is holding you in the balance!" He jammed into its bracket the torch he carried, and sent a barrel out of his way with a thundering kick. Somehow, the heat of his elder's concern moved the boy to an affectation of unconcern. Holding out his wrists for the rope, he replied that if Karlsefne had been watching him for two years, it was time he found out something. Grimkel jerked at the thongs with a growl for every knot. "You will find out something when you come before him! Have you got it into your mind that you have prevented him from fulfilling what lies nearest his heart? Since the time when he was making ready for his journey at Leif Ericsson's house in Greenland, he has counted on strengthening the settlement by making friends of the Skraellings; and planned to get knowledge from their experience of the country, and riches by trading with them. And he has condemned Thorwald's short-sightedness in attacking them, and commanded how they should be received with gifts and fair words--Oh, it is impossible that the Fates will allow a wise man to be balked by a boy's folly!" "If it is impossible why do you trouble yourself over it?" Alrek suggested; then went on to request that the hatchet be carefully preserved for him. Grimkel, bending over to fasten the ankle-bonds, straightened stiffly in awful silence. But before his exasperation could escape through his lips, a waking thrill ran along the Wind-Raven's spine; a voice called him to lend a hand with the sail, and he was obliged to wheel and stamp away. With him went the torch; so that the darkness of the foreroom became a black wall, upon which a gray square like a patch showed where the low doorway opened into the night. Gradually, the outside hubbub died away until the only sound that came in was the creaking of ropes and the sail's dull boom. Left to himself, the boy left off feigning; and turned and grappled with his trouble. Breast to breast they struggled, while the gray square melted shade by shade into cold light; and when the square was gilded by the morning sun, they were struggling still. Trying to shake off his thoughts, the Sword-Bearer flung his fettered body about in a kind of frenzy. "If I stay three days like this, I shall go out of my wits!" he cried to himself. "To lose all my chance with him is bad enough, but to sit here and think about it--! I shall become mad if I cannot move about and forget it for a while!" CHAPTER V THROUGH WHICH THE STORM GIANT BLUSTERS A stooping black shape against the sunshine, Hjalmar Thick-Skull came through the doorway and began to paw over bales and boxes in search of extra oars. "Your luck is great, young one," he remarked. "You would not be sitting quiet if you were outside. Perhaps you think, because you see sun through the door, that the whole sky is like that; but you should see the clouds ahead of us! The only thing equally black is the Weathercock's face since he finds that he must put into the Keel harbor after all. And on top of it the wind has failed, and he has commanded all hands to the oars----" Rising to his fettered feet, Alrek held out his bound hands. "Here are mine! Take your knife to the knots." The Thick-Skulled gaped over his shoulder. "Why--why--he did not mean you." "Have I not hands?" the Sword-Bearer demanded. "With a troll's strength in them this morning! Certainly he meant me." He strove to speak carelessly while his fingers were twitching, but some breathlessness must have betrayed him. Scratching his tow mane and staring as he scratched, Hjalmar began slowly to grin. After a little, Alrek laughed also and spoke in frank appeal: "Do me this good turn, shipmate, that I may stretch myself some while. If he did not mean me, yet might you easily have mistaken him. You can tell him so when he makes a fuss,--it is not likely that he will notice me until the storm is over. You know it is a saying that 'the wolf allays the strife of the swine.'" After a while, the Thick-Skulled stooped, grinning, and laid his knife against the thongs. "Behold what a good thing it is to have a reputation for dulness!" he said. "But see to it that you bear me out by giving good service at the oar." The Sword-Bearer stretched his arms with a sigh of relief. "Only let me get at it!" he breathed, and plunged into the air like a fish into the water. True enough! Though sunshine lay bright on the Wind-Raven's decks and blue sky was above her, before her--like the entrance to another world--sagged a canopy of slate-colored clouds. Swollen with rain, they hung low over the shore-line of forest and dune and darkened all the distant water save where, here and there, streaks of white gleamed like monsters' bared teeth. Full of ominous warning was the calm that had fallen on land and sea, robbing the sail so that it hung like a live thing gasping for breath. "If he did not put into the harbor he would be likely to share the fate of Thorwald Ericsson, and be cast ashore in the same place, and likewise with a broken keel," Alrek commented after a look at the sky; then laid hold of his oar and bent himself almost to the bottom of the boat in the relief of spending his energy. Perhaps his appreciation of a small favor touched the Fates in their woman hearts, for presently they extended it. When the Wind-Raven's brood had brought her safely behind the wooded bar that lay across the harbor mouth like a screen in front of a door, the helmsman gave out word that since they were plainly storm-bound for the night, at least, they would not deny themselves the comfort of a camp on land, but would proceed immediately ashore. Ashore! the Sword-Bearer could scarcely believe his good fortune, until Brand dared to lean over and poke him in congratulation. "I knew the Old One would take care not to have his fat jolted," he whispered; "and he can not leave you behind. Your luck will last until we come back again." "Until we come back again!" Alrek repeated as though it were a toast, and threw himself resolutely into the work of the hour. There was field for action. They had barely reached the shore and found refuge in a hollow below a wooded knoll when the tempest burst upon them, rushing through the forest with a swelling roar that rose above the thunder of the breakers. After that every minute of the day was a battle--a fight over the tent canvas which the wind threatened to pick up and carry off like a kerchief with all of them hanging to it in a fringe; a skirmish for fuel through forests into which sand from the dunes beyond was rushing like yellow swarms with biting mouths; a contest over the fire, blown out or struck out with lances of glittering rain; a struggle to hear or be heard through the thundering downpour, to see the very food in their hands through the suddenly fallen darkness--a battle between giants and pygmies! Exhausted yet exhilarated, as after a day at the sword-game, the band fell over from eating to sleeping. When the lightning tore apart the darkness and disclosed the deserted ship reeling in terror upon the twisting black water, they only laughed and burrowed deeper, falling asleep to the thunder of breakers booming along the shore as to a lullaby from a mother's lips. The ocean was still booming when they awoke, late the next day, and the wind was still blustering in the tree tops. The leader, with his mind reaching out toward Vinland fires and Vinland fare, cursed peevishly; but the juniors of his following greeted the delay with open rejoicing. "Here is our chance to see the land!" Brand cried, shaking out his ruddy locks like fiery banners. "Let us take it before anything gets it away from us. I will wager a ring that I will beat any one to the top of this steep!" So promptly did they respond that although he won his wager, the next boy was only a step behind; and none of the twenty was more than a pace in the rear. Once on the crest, they streamed, whooping, into the grove of oak and pine and sassafras which they had seen from the water, lying along the bay shore like a ragged rich-hued mat. Raggedness showed more plainly than richness, upon a nearer approach, though nothing could take away the beauty of coloring where pines spread their ever-living green over the windy crests and the oak trees on the slopes had turned yellow and russet and red without losing a leaf. But it was no such forest as Vinland boasted; compared with Vinland trees the growth was stunted and there was not enough underbrush to give it even the wildness of a thicket,--only tangles of rose briar and berry bramble where the ridges sank into hollows cupping reed-fringed ponds. Perhaps the best that could be said for it was that its endless undulations kept curiosity awake. Passing over them was like breasting billows; one gained a height only to behold another deep. After a while, it stirred Alrek to restlessness. When it was suggested that they should stop at one of the ponds for a duck hunt, he objected. "Who knows what the next ridge may be hiding?" he said obstinately. "Let us find out first what lies before us." "What but the ocean?" Erlend asked in surprise. "That can not be far away now; the sand wastes between the trees are getting much wider." But Alrek was already moving on, dealing blows of his hatchet at the trees on either side of him. "Do as you like," he answered over his shoulder. "I shall not stop until I come to the end." Erlend sent him a glance of surprise; but the others had caught the fever of his mood so that they dashed after him in a cheering charge. Their run did not keep up long, however, for the walking was momently becoming harder. In the next hollow the pond had been smothered beneath a sand blanket, and the bushes were strangling in sand. In the next there were no bushes at all, only mats and tufts of wiry grass. On the slopes the trees became fewer, the sand piled between them like drifted snow; in one place it had buried a clump so that only their tops showed, bush-like, above the creamy surface. "There you can see what kind of place this would be to set up a landmark," Njal of Greenland observed, pointing at them. "In twenty years more it is likely the whole forest will be covered and the man who comes then will say that we lied because we told of trees being here. I doubt if we would be able to find much of the keel that Thorwald set up----" "Then do not let us spend time looking for it," Alrek finished. And so completely had his mood taken possession of them, that they consented without argument; plodding on doggedly over the dunes that had become like yellow snow-banks, bare of a single tree, rounding in absolute baldness against the gray of the sky. Gradually, feverish expectancy grew in them all. It was as though the vast shifting mass were a living monster, whose depredations they had seen, whose lair they were now approaching. They stopped in a hushed group when the last dune revealed the beach sweeping down to the water. The scarred and furrowed ocean was another monster, still growling and showing his tusks at the wind giant. Northward, the ocean was all they saw. Westward, they saw it over a yellow waste as the dunes sloped down to the Cape point. Southward, lay the land over which they had come; beyond it, the bay in which their ship rode at anchor. Eastward, unbroken drifts, unspotted beach--their silence ended in a cry: "Yonder! Yonder is something washed ashore!" All saw it, so plainly did it show against the sand,--something dark and motionless which the waves had flung up there out of their way. So large did it loom in the strange light that, as they went plunging and floundering toward it, some declared it to be a whale; and others, an overturned boat. [Illustration: Neither sound nor motion was on his blue lips.] But the light on the Wonderstrand is a wondrous light. When they had raced over some hundred yards of beach, the dark object--instead of growing larger--dwindled suddenly from whale size and boat size to the size of a human body. Involuntarily, they slackened their pace and a whisper went around: "It is one of the Skraellings, overtaken by the storm!" Only Alrek shook his head and pressed forward. "That is no animal hide wrapping him," he said. A dozen yards more brought him to the side of the stark form; he bent over it--and remained bent as though petrified with astonishment. When the others had reached him and looked, their voices went from them in a cry of amazement: "The Huntsman!" And the Huntsman's gigantic figure it was, sea-drenched and wave-battered, kelp snarled about his feet, starfish tangled in his hair. As he had lain upon the rock that winter day, so he lay here upon the sand,--flat on his back with his hands clasped over his breast; though now his eyes were closed, and neither sound nor motion was on his blue lips. Doubting their senses, the explorers stared at him and then up and down the shore. Never was scene more yawningly empty; between the sweep of sand and the stretch of water he lay as though fallen from the sky. CHAPTER VI ABOUT THE STRANGE FIND ON KEEL CAPE "I would give much if he had not died until he had told us how he came hither," Gard remarked, presently. "And what he was employing himself about in the north of Vinland when he set out to explore the country south of it!" Brand cried; while the Glib One added: "Yes, and how it went with Hallad and the others he had with him!" Then they became aware that Erlend's handsome brown face--three shades browner than his hair--was turned toward them in reproach. "It may be that Alrek will get the belief that a Greenlander's loyalty to his countrymen is somewhat shallow," he suggested. In those days, disloyalty to a comrade was held a contemptible thing. Two of the three reddened; and Brand bent his tongue to apology. "He knows that we care as much as any one. Eric of Brattahlid had the Huntsman for his steward, because they found pleasure in talking evil together about Christianity; but that was all the friend I ever heard of his having. It is understood that we will do him the favor to bury him, however." Gard the Practical rubbed his ear. "That will not be easy unless we carry him far inland," he said. "If I am not much mistaken, this sand will move about like snow,--and I have heard that if dead men come uncovered and sleep cold, they are wont to get up and walk around to warm themselves." A dozen of them crossed themselves involuntarily; and the Strong One squared his magnificent shoulders. "Quickly will I proclaim my choice to carry him to the bay!" "That would best be left unsaid until we see how heavy he is," Alrek advised. "Raise his other shoulder, Domar, and let us see how--One thing is that he is not yet stiff. Wait! What is this on his neck?" With his finger, he followed a cord running from the grizzled beard across the motionless breast to lose itself in the shelter of the rigidly clasped hands. "It is a deerskin bag." "I know he did not have it on when he went south!" Harald Grettirsson cried, excitedly. And a chorus added; "Here is something of importance!"--"Something of value!" "To think of it then--" "Yes, to grasp it when he was drowning!" Sitting back on his heels, Alrek gazed down at the figure curiously. "He has grasped the bag too close to move, but it would be possible to pry a finger into the top and see what is inside,--if you would allow it? He is your countryman." He glanced inquiringly at them as they stooped around him, their hands grasping their knees. The Greenlanders looked down at him; then around at one another; then Brand spoke under his breath; "If you dare----" "Dare?" Alrek's mouth curved disdainfully. Picking out the cord-ends from between the chill palms, he undid the knot that fastened the mouth of the bag and inserted a thumb and forefinger. "A chain," he said as they closed upon something; then, as they began to draw it out, "What a chain!" All echoed him: "_What_ a chain!" For it was of shining gold, set here and there with a rough-cut gem; while its girth was that of his largest finger, and it unfolded itself coil after coil to the length of his arm. What a keepsake to bring out of a waste peopled only by wild men! Devouring it with hungry eyes, they drew closer; and Rane Thin-Nose put out a hand to feel of it, at the same time sending an apologetic glance toward the rigid face. As he did so, the drawn eyelids rose slowly and silently as curtains; and the Huntsman's small evil eyes looked back at him. Rane's hand was withdrawn as though it had encountered fire; and the circle fell back, screaming. Even the Sword-Bearer was startled enough to drop the chain, as the eyes rolled in his direction and remained turned on him in a baleful glare. Through the blue lips came a voice, so faint that it seemed to be one of the smothered voices which cry through the roar of the surf; "You would rob me?" At that the circle rallied indignantly, shouting, "We would _not_!" "It was our intention--" "You need not reproach us for--" "We thought----" "Put it back." Alrek hesitated, his face coloring with resentment. Then he asked himself of what use it was to argue with a piece of driftwood, and gave up justification with a shrug. While the rest spent their breath wrathfully, he complied in silence. When the last knot was tied--and not before--the eyes left him to roll around the circle. "Swear--" the voice said faintly. Before the glare they shrank in spite of themselves, fluttering like birds around a snake; until Erlend said, with quiet haughtiness: "There is no need for us to swear that we will not rob you." The voice was so faint that they barely made out the words; "Swear--to keep it secret. On the edge of your blades!" "I suppose he has the right to ask it," Erlend gave judgment after a while. "It was his secret and we thrust ourselves in. It seems to me that it is his right?" He looked at the Sword-Bearer with questioning eyebrows. No one ever disputed the decisions of the Amiable One in matters of honor. Alrek answered by unsheathing his sword, with another shrug of his shoulders. Drawing each a knife from his belt, they grasped them by the blades so that the sharp edges cut red grooves in their bare palms. Holding the knives aloft thus, they spoke the oath together; the Huntsman's eyes telling them off, one by one. When he had come to the last--little Olaf the Fair twisting his face to keep back tears of pain--his eyes stopped and settled slowly into their unwinking stare; but that they were less dull than fish-eyes, his stark figure would have differed little from the myriad fish bodies strewed upon the sand. Though they rattled their weapons blusteringly in putting them up, a kind of panic chill crept over the band. The stare was so awful in its dumb evilness; and the scene was so weirdly desolate,--the stretch of bleak sky, the sweep of naked shore, and the breakers' unending boom out of which stifled voices seemed trying vainly to call. The lad who was called the Hare--alike for fleetness and for timidity--voiced the feeling in a quavering outburst: "Let us leave him! I do not believe he is alive at all. I believe a troll hides in him and uses his mouth to speak with. I know evil will come of this. Let us leave him." He plucked nervously at Alrek's coat. "Come on!" Alrek was strung high enough to be irritated by the clutch. "Keep off!" he ordered, jerking himself free. "It is no lie about you that you are cowardly, if you would desert a shipmate!" Then regaining possession of his cloak, he regained possession of his temper, and spoke quietly; "If we get some big branches and make a litter with our mantles, it will not be difficult to get him to the bay. It seemed to me that you were all eager in having him alive to tell you news?" If it had not been for that hope, it is doubtful if the twenty would have toiled to bring such a burden over the sand-hills; and it is certain that the sailors had this end in view as they rubbed the Huntsman's limbs and poured ale down his throat. Had they been polishing a knife or oiling a lock, they could scarcely have been more business-like or less tender. "As soon as he gets strength to talk he should be able to tell tidings worth hearing," they said to one another when at last they left him rolled in skins and went about their preparations for returning to the ship, a rift having come in the gray toward the west. The main difference between their attitude and that of their juniors was that they felt merely dislike for the Huntsman, while for the one-and-twenty he had the fascination of fear. To them, his eyes were twin demons keeping guard from their cave doors over the treasure bag below. It is safe to say that they never lost him out of their minds through all the bustle of going on board and resettling themselves, as they awaited a surer sign of the Storm King's reformation. With the sunset, the rift in the gray widened. Thrym, the giant who herds the clouds, drove the hulking masses northward, lagging from their own weight. In the clearing west, the sun dropped golden behind a jagged bar; and while the rosy glory of it was still in the southern sky, the moon looked out of the east. To a rousing cheer, the Wind-Raven shook out her storm-beaten plumage and skimmed away over the silvering waves. The change was so grateful that Alrek was able to shake off depression one time more; while the loungers on the benches were noisy with satisfaction. "Never was there a better time to experience the Wonderstrands!" they jubilated afresh, as the curving stretch of shining dunes pushed itself into their vision. Passing that curve was little less than an experience; for the bend of the shore made it ever appear as though a cape lay just ahead, yet the cape ever receded as they approached, a flying point that could never be caught. "Certainly it makes the world seem a place of strange wonders!" Faste the Fat marveled, when they had sat a long time watching it in silent fascination. "It makes one curious about everything. If the Huntsman would only speak now and tell us what he has seen, this would be a good time to amuse ourselves with a tale." "How do you know that he has seen anything?" sneered a harsh voice--harsh for all its faintness--from the pile of skins upon the forecastle. They wheeled so eagerly that the ship rocked under them. "Are you ready to tell the tidings you have seen?" "Will you tell us about--?" "Tell about the south country, Huntsman." "Did you see any Skraellings?" "No, tell us first how you came here--" "Yes, your adventure--" "Yes, yes!" "We beg of you--" "Go on! Go on!" They were all speaking at once now, boys and men, and their greed proved their downfall. For, the clamor reaching the helmsman on the after-deck, he descended with unusual agility and waddled toward them. "If you are going to talk to any one, you talk to me, your chief," he commanded; "and tell me what you have done with the boat and the men I lent you." The Huntsman's manners gained little at sight of his superior. "I do not see that _I_ have done anything with them," he answered sullenly, "because the boat went to pieces on a sand-bar and Rann drew Svipdag and Black Thord down to her. It is seen that I saved you the best man of the three." "Four men were in the boat when you started out on that foolish trip," the helmsman caught him up. "Biorn's foster-son is worth speaking about; what have you done with him?" The blood settled in the Huntsman's sunken cheeks as water in a hollow. "Is the boy of so much importance that I must carve his rune on a separate stick?" he snarled. "What else could he be than drowned? Is it likely that Valkyrias came down for him? I think you are a fool. If Freydis, Eric's daughter, had not married you for your wealth and sent you out here after more, you would never have had manhood to set foot on a ship. _You_ my chief! You can think what you like; I will not answer you another word." He flung himself over on his face in one of the black sulks no man had ever yet sounded; his officer's threats might as well have been addressed to the mast. At last the fat helmsman was forced to pause to take in breath, standing puffing and glaring and tugging at his belt. And it was this unpropitious moment which his roving eyes took to remind him of Alrek's existence. The Sword-Bearer felt the gaze when it fell, and shut one eye in an expressive wink at Brand; nor were his forebodings without foundation. The helmsman let his recovered breath go from him in a snort. "You! What are you doing here? Did I not order that you should be shut up for the rest of the voyage?" Alrek unclosed his eye to gaze out of the pair in respectful surprise. "I?" he inquired. "Was it not your intention to free me when you ordered all hands to the oars?" Before the Weathercock found adequate words he had stamped three times in uncouth capers of rage; when he did find them, however, they came with such force that they burst the buckle off his belt. "Go back!" he wound up in a bellow. "Go back, and do not dare come forth again until I haul you before Karlsefne. If I were your chief, I would hang you!" For once, exasperation got the better of Alrek's soldier training. He looked the fat figure up and down as he arose. "You would not need to take the trouble," he retorted. "If you were my chief, I would hang myself." He heard applauding laughter from his mates as he walked away, simultaneously with a roar from the helmsman, and after that a confusion of sounds; but his mind was too full of bitterness to leave any room for curiosity. It roused him with a start when the solitude in which Fat Faste was reinstalling him was disturbed by a second consignment of captives,--Brand with torn clothes and flashing eyes; at his heels, little Olaf striving to quench a bleeding nose as he panted with unquenched partizanship; back of him Gard the Ugly, made uglier by a swollen lip; and behind the three, Strong Domar, a purple lump on his forehead and breathless delight in his voice as he shouted the explanation over the others' heads: "I knocked him down, Alrek, as sure as I stand here! He tried to cuff Brand for laughing at you, and I laid him flat before Lodin could lay hold of me,--and he will have to come before Karlsefne with a black eye! Think of it!" Apparently Alrek did think of it, for he stared for the space of a minute before he spoke. "You struck your chief!" he repeated at last. The Strong One chortled with relish. "_And_ blacked his eye! It will be shut tight, I know it will,--and he thinks so much about making a fine appearance before the Lawman! And maybe his nose will swell also, and--" He broke off abruptly as the meaning of Alrek's expression came home to him; and his freckled face reddened. "Now I forgot that you are soldier-bred. I suppose that in the Earl's camp they would not call it a jest to knock down a chief?" The Sword-Bearer leaned back on his bale of fur with a long-drawn yawn. "They would not be likely to call it anything," he said drily, "for it could not happen there at all." As he said nothing more in congratulation, it was rather a sulky group that the torches left to darkness when the last walrus-hide knot was tied. CHAPTER VII CONCERNING THORFINN KARLSEFNE, THE LAWMAN And that night was as long as two nights; and the sunrise into which it melted lasted until noon; and the day which finally grew out of that sunrise had no end whatever! Apparently, the Weathercock had managed to tie walrus thongs around Time's ankles also. Glimpses of banks, caught through the doorway, showed when they turned from the highroad of the ocean up the river-lane which led into the Vinland bay; but the banks kept on unraveling like witch's weaving that has no end. They had turned their attention from watching the landscape to robbing a fish keg, when the drone of voices on the deck above broke suddenly into shouts: "A boat! Coming from behind that island!" "Who--" "--thralls, the two in white--" "But the man in blue?" "Karlsefne is wont to wear blue----" "By the Hammer, I believe it is the Lawman himself!" If cheers rose from the forecastle, silence fell on the foreroom. Eager as they were to reach camp, to run upon this portion of it in midstream was little less than startling. The face of every Greenlander confirmed Domar's fervent gasp: "Now I am thankful that Karlsefne is not my chief!" Into Alrek's quiet came a kind of constraint. "Other men wear blue mantles," he suggested. "Hold your tongues and listen." Crouching on rope-coils and piles of fur, they held their breath as well as their tongues while they tried to separate the tumult into meanings; the scuffle of feet on the deck above was like a blur over all other sounds. But finally the feet rushed down the steps; there was a lull in which could be heard the sound of oars backing water; then, through the quiet a new voice, deep and kindly: "Greeting and welcome, friends! Tell me before anything else if you are all here, sound and whole?" The prisoners' mouths shaped one word as they gazed into one another's faces: "Karlsefne!" How thinly and sputteringly the Weathercock's voice fell on their ears after that! "All here, Lawman! And all sound,--saving this eye of mine which has met with a mishap of which I will tell you later." Very likely he rambled on with his wonted long windedness, but the five eavesdropping in the foreroom heard no more. The throng that had surged forward receded noisily; and through the rift the prisoners had a glimpse of the gunwale and a sinewy blue-clad form rising beside the fat helmsman like a tree beside a bush, a towering might-full figure with a face of rugged beauty framed in locks of iron gray. Even after the rift had closed up again they crouched motionless, staring at the shifting backs and straining their ears for tones of that deep voice, until--jangling through it like clattering pottery--came the helmsman's lament: "But ask not what success we have had, Lawman, for I will tell you without delay that the plan you had most at heart has been marred past mending! By no fault of mine, but through the blood-thirstiness of your brother's son; who has not only thrown your commands aside, but has kindled outlawry in the heart of every boy on board, who would otherwise be obedient to my----" Brand got on his bound feet--no one knows how--and on them got to the door. "That is not true, though you or others say it!" he shouted; and when his leader stopped out of sheer amazement and every one turned, gaping, he followed his voice through the door. "We endure him altogether against our will. To obey him is a disgrace to all with manhood in them. Domar made his eye black----" "Yes, that is true," bellowed Domar. Followed by Gard and little Olaf, he in his turn worked his way to the door, where a sudden lurch of the ship caught them and rolled them in a struggling heap almost to Karlsefne's feet; when the crew began to laugh and the Weathercock began to accuse and the rebels began to deny. Looking after them Alrek's lips curled in soldier scorn; that gave way to amusement when the clamor ended abruptly at a single word from the deep voice, and he had a glimpse of Brand's fiery locks drooping like captured flags. But after a moment, he turned and stretching his bound arms across a cask, hid his face upon them. "Whatever they do, they can not serve him so badly as I have done. Certainly I can find no fault with his act if he hangs me up like a sheep-killing dog, for little better has my service been," he murmured; and lay there with his face hidden until the jar of Hjalmar's heavy foot brought him suddenly upright. "Karlsefne sends for you," the Thick-Skulled announced in his wonted roar; then, coming close to cut the thongs, he spoke in hoarse whispers; "Hear great wonders! Your luck has not quite shown its heels, after all. It has happened that the Lawman also has seen the Skraellings! The day after you met the one on the Cape, a host of them appeared before the Vinland booths,--to see, it is likely, if the others had your mind toward them. But Karlsefne made so plain his good intentions that they went away after doing nothing worse than stare. And yesterday they came again, with bundles of fur which they traded with much friendliness. It is his belief that they also have young fire-heads among them so that they understand how little value is to be put upon----" Stretching out his freed arms, the Sword-Bearer gripped Hjalmar's hand to the point of crushing. "You make my heart merry in my breast!" he breathed. "Yes, certainly; I am in high spirits also," Hjalmar assented, returning the pressure. "It is an exceedingly useful thing for you. But see to it that you bear yourself boldly as a hawk; and keep it all the time before his mind that no real harm has been done." Alrek began suddenly to laugh. "It may be that I would better tell him that he owes me thanks for sending the Skraellings to him?" "That might have no small power," the Thick-Skulled responded gravely; and Alrek laughed again, as he caught at the huge shoulder to steady himself in rising upon his stiff legs. If the shoulder had been Grimkel's, the mouth belonging to it would have advised differently. During all the time that the helmsman was bewailing the evils to come out of such rashness, and Karlsefne was courteously explaining how luck had warded off such evils, the old seaman's weather eye had scanned the sky of his chief's face with deepening gravity. Now his speculations broke out into words. "If the boy tries to make light of his disobedience because it ended luckily, the Lawman will spare him neither in words nor deeds," he muttered to himself; and the impulse came to him to try to push through the crowd pressing him mast-ward and impart this prognostication to the Sword-Bearer. But even as he moved to carry out his kindly intention, the boy's erect red-cloaked figure appeared in the doorway of the foreroom and it was too late to do anything. Though his dress of blue was merchant garb and the staff in his hand was a farmer's symbol, the face of Karlsefne was the face of a law-giver. Above the beard of iron gray his mouth showed firm-lipped as a mouth of stone, and the gaze of the steel-bright eyes under the bushy brows was such as none with guilt in their hearts might sustain. Meeting it, the Sword-Bearer's eyes fell and the blood was drawn to his cheeks, and he came forward and bent his knee before the Lawman. Hard as measured steel were Karlsefne's measured words: "For a long time I have been watching to know whether you deserved favor or starkness, and held my hand from you lest it deal unjustly. I thought, long ago, that I smelled hot blood which would one day break out and sweep away all bounds. Now that day has come, and the worst things I have thought of you are proved the true things." As he bowed his head under the rebuke, Alrek's teeth cut a blood-line on his lip; but he attempted no defense. For the space of a second it seemed to Grimkel that the Lawman's face showed surprise. Yet his voice was even sterner when he spoke again. "They are no less true things because good fortune has enabled me to ward off the damage which would otherwise have been caused by your deed. If you are at all versed in camp ways, you know that this happening does not make you any less liable to punishment." Rising from his knee, the young Sword-Bearer faced him without fear. "My fate is for you to decide over, kinsman, according to your pleasure," he said with soldier submissiveness. Then there was no question whatever about Karlsefne's surprise. After a moment's silence, he spoke slowly; "I think it best to hear first from your own mouth about this happening." "I have no excuse why you should withhold your anger from me, yet I would not have you believe that I wished the thing to happen," Alrek answered. "When I set out for the light, my one thought was to get honor with you by finding out the news you wanted; and I think I should have remembered your order if the Skraelling had been where I first looked for him. But after I had given him up I saw him suddenly, hiding in the shadow; and something in me cried out that he was aiming and--and I have not been wont to jump backward when I saw a foe. Yet I ask you to believe that I wished least of anything to hinder your plans." A while the steel-keen eyes probed him; but he did not flinch. "That is not in every respect as the helmsman relates the story," Karlsefne remarked at last. "That is very likely," Alrek replied, "for the helmsman knows nothing whatever about the matter." Whereupon the helmsman let his stored-up breath go from him in a snort. A dozen seamen endeavored suddenly to hide laughter under fits of coughing; but the Lawman said gravely: "Nevertheless, I now see that there is truth in the other things he told me about your behavior toward him;" then turned away and stood a long time pondering, his hands gripping his silver-shod staff, his half-closed eyes resting on the group of gaping boys. And gazing at them, he seemed to forget the Sword-Bearer in a new problem. "Here are more rebels," he said to the helmsman, with a sweep of his staff. "Little order will there be in camp if they are turned loose on it in no better state of mind. How is it your intention to deal with them?" The Weathercock shifted his weight peevishly; he was tired of standing; and his mind was upset within him; and he wanted besides to get back to his ale horn. "Since they are free-born, it seems that I can not even give them the flogging they deserve," he snapped, "but if they were thralls, I would drown them." "It may be then that you would be willing that I should offer them to come under my rule?" Karlsefne suggested; and went on to say more in an undertone. Astonishment opened the helmsman's eyes at first; then, slowly, he wrinkled into a fat smile. At last he reached out and grasped Karlsefne's hand. "If you will rid me of the twenty plagues, who are turning me thin, I will feel as though you had given me twenty marks of gold," he declared. Whereupon the Lawman turned to the group of blank faces. "Now this is my offer to you," he said, "that you part from the rest of the Greenlanders and form yourselves into a band and build your own booth and choose one of your own number to rule over you." The faces lighted in ecstasy,--then gloomed in unbelief. Brand spoke for all when he inquired timidly: "Is this a _punishment_?" "It is not a reward," Karlsefne answered; and for a moment his gaze sharpened so that the Red One winced under it. "If I did not believe that it is because you know no better that you act thus, there would be hard things in store for you. I take this way to show you why lawfulness is needful. Yet is there no trick to it; all I have promised shall be fulfilled,--and more. You shall have your own table if you can furnish it; your own boat if you can build it; in every way like men----" They thought his pause the end, and burst into jubilant chorus; "It will not take us long to know what to answer to this!" But he raised his hand for silence. "Answer nothing until you have heard the whole. If you form yourselves upon the manner of men, so must you also bear men's burdens. You must furnish your share of hunters and fishers and of workers in the fields; and you must do your share of guarding against outside foes or lawlessness within. Even as Thorvard, here, and Snorri and Biorn, answer to me for the behavior of their following, so must your chief answer for you----" "Yes! Yes!" they cried eagerly. But he lifted his hand again; his measured tones became like tolling bells. "Think well! I speak not in jest. If you accept, I take you in grim earnest. You may not have men's liberty without men's care, and I shall hold you like men to your word though the matter cause death itself. Think well!" They did pause; his manner was impressive enough to insure that. But in a moment, Brand flung back his red locks daringly. "Much should we lack in manhood if we would refuse a fair offer! Take our word!" Every one of the twenty echoed him wildly. "Take our word!" "It is taken," Karlsefne said gravely; then bent his gaze on the Red One. "It appears likely that you will be the chosen head, since you seem always to speak for your comrades?" Brand flushed with delight. But before he could answer, Domar spoke bluntly: "I do not see in what Brand is above the rest of us Greenlanders. I raise my voice for Alrek Ingolfsson." "Alrek Ingolfsson, by all means!" Erland seconded; and Brand joined him generously. In another moment, all were shouting, "Alrek! Alrek!" Plainly, this was something the Lawman had not expected. "Alrek?" he repeated in surprise. "Yet I do not know that it would not be a punishment to answer for such a band!" Turning, he looked again where the Sword-Bearer stood with folded arms, awaiting his sentence. Perhaps with mouth firm-set and troubled eyes he looked more than ever like his father. Old Grimkel's watchful gaze saw the Lawman's hardness break up like Greenland ice before a warm land wind. Taking a slow step forward, he laid his hands upon the square young shoulders and looked long into the brown young face. "Since you left in the spring," he said, "a son was born to me, but I swear I do not love him more than I love you when that look is on you, bringing back my brother and my boyhood and the time before our ways parted." His voice softened to very grave gentleness. "Since you did not mean offense toward me, I will take none; and you shall accept this chiefship and use it to prove what nature is in you. All I have of love and honor lies ready for your gaining,--it will not gladden you more than me if you are strong enough to take them. Will you accept the test?" He held out his hand, and the Sword-Bearer grasped it in both of his and looked him full in the face, his eyes in a golden glow. "I accept the test,--and I give you thanks for it from the bottom of my heart," he said. END OF PART FIRST PART SECOND ALREK'S CHAMPIONS CHAPTER VIII AT THE HALL OF THE VINLAND CHAMPIONS "Whether you think so or not, I know that Gudrid would not keep milk in a fish-pail," the Bull's voice rose above the racket. There was not a little racket to surmount, for it was rising time at the new band's new booth. In the high-seat that had been built for him midway the length of the hall, the red-cloaked chief occupied the interval before breakfast with rune-carving; but that was the only employment which was being carried on in silence. Whistling boys were lacing their high boots along the benches right and left of the high-seat; grumbling boys were just turning out of the bunks behind those benches; jeering boys were throwing bedclothes at the sluggards, and disputing boys were clattering bowls and trenchers on the tables which stood on either side the fire. One of these table-boys was the short and chesty Bull, sniffing hostilely at the milk he was pouring; and the head of the division was Brand, the long and loose-jointed. Over a platter of cold venison, he frowned on his scullions. "Gudrid has nothing to do with this house," he snubbed the faultfinder; then, in peremptory aside, "Olaf, keep that door shut! Do you think it is warm outside?" "Do you think that any one who eats your cooking needs to be told that Gudrid did not do it?" retorted the Bull, refusing to be snubbed. A sigh came out of Erlend's handsome mouth as he looked up from hunting a lost button among the pine branches of the floor. "Ah, Gudrid! After that last meal she invited me to take in their booth, eating here has been like living on seaweed!" Brand's frown took on an edge of scorn. "Fussers! Go and live in Gudrid's house! It may be that she would allow you to crawl into the cradle with the baby. Yesterday the grumbling was because I put my head out of the door to look at a dog-fight and the bread got a little burned. If I were as womanish as the rest of you, I would braid my hair and put on skirts!" Still bending over his rune-carving, the young chief spoke with a drawl: "Here is something worth a hearing! Is it in truth your opinion that there is the most manfulness in you?" Surprise took the head-cook a little aback; then defiance took him a long way forward, flourishing his red mane. "Yes, I think so. You also found fault with the bread, for all your Viking training. I think I am the most hardy man here." When Alrek's knife had cut another rune upon his stick, he straightened deliberately. "Yesterday," he explained, "Karlsefne gave the chiefs the advice to pick out each week five men who should have it for their sole service to keep the camp in fire-wood----" A prolonged groan interrupted him; of all the burdens of housekeeping, fuel-getting weighed the most heavily. "----and he bade me send the hardiest man in our booth. I intended Domar to go, but now I see that Brand Erlingsson is the man to do it." "Hail to the chief!" yelled Strong Domar. And Brand's flame of defiance sank in ashes of sulkiness; and from the others came shouts of laughter. "He will wish he was back at kitchen work!" "Tree-chopping is the least interesting--" "And the weather is such that wood lasts the shortest time--" "Still Karlsefne is lacking payment--" "Never will we get to cutting timber for the ship!" The Hare made a pettish flourish with the knife he was using to trim away the rags from his garments. "Who wants to prepare for anything so far in the future? Why will you, Olaf, open that door? What I should be glad of is a chance to exercise myself for the spring games. Since we began this way of living, I have not had one race worth talking about." "I should be thankful if we could get a chance to go north where the big game is," Erlend said with a disapproving glance at the empty walls. "All the booty we have to show is the Skraelling hatchet, and Alrek has the habit of carrying that in his belt. Many hunting journeys will be required to make this booth equal to the others in outfittings. Let your eyes run over it and then think of Karlsefne's!" Thinking, they were silent for a little, gazing around at the great room which even in the fire-glow showed so baldly white with newness. Karlsefne's walls were decorated with bears' heads and eagles' claws and antler-racks of shining weapons; and Karlsefne's benches were covered with rich furs, and his high-seat had velvet cushions stuffed with eider-down. "Alrek, when is it your intention to take the time to get furnishings?" Erlend besought. The chief shook his brown head steadily. "Not until we get out of the debt which we got into to build this booth," he answered, and closed the opening discussion by putting aside his rune-stick and rising. "Now it seems to me that you are all looking too far into the future. I should be content if I could get something to eat. Who has gone after the fish? And what is the reason that he is not back again?" As head-cook, Brand answered him, though sulkily: "Gard has gone after the fish, and it is high time that he was back again." "That is what I have been trying to do, look for him," little Olaf the Fair spoke up for the first time, in aggrieved tones. And secure at last from interference, he flung the door open to the nipping January wind. "No, I see nothing of him--but I do hear the snow crunch!" "It is certainly time," Brand blustered. Nevertheless he bent his lank length over the fire with recovered good-humor; and greater alacrity came into the movements of those who were not yet dressed, while those who were, turned toward the door, gibes at each tongue's end. The nature of their greeting changed, however, when Gard the Ugly had stamped into the room and they saw the size of the catch swinging at his side. Waking, their sleeping appetites cried out in alarm: "Only three!" "Go into the hands of the Troll--" "--gone long enough to get thirty!" "What in the Fiend's name has come to the fishing?" Tossing his fish to the clamoring cooks, Gard was a long time pulling off his fur-lined gloves before he answered: "Nothing has come to the fishing." "What has come to _you_ then?" Brand demanded. After a while Gard said gruffly: "I forgot to take any more." "_Forgot!_" echoed the chorus; and Erlend laid his plump hands on the Ugly One's shoulders and shook him good-naturedly. "Are you asleep?" he inquired. Gard pushed off his brown cloak and with it his questioner. "Since I can feel your grasp, I am not asleep. I think I have seen Hallad's ghost." "What!" cried the chorus; and Domar, mistaking it for a joke, burst into his uproarious laugh. He stopped abruptly when he found that he was alone, and Gard spoke without further interruption: "It happened that the first set of lines I stopped at had been robbed, so I was obliged to go across the river, which is what makes me rather late. Over there I had pulled up three fish when I heard a noise on the bank and looked around. Some evergreen trees hang down their branches there, and they are white with snow; he had on a white cloak that mixed him with them, at first. But suddenly I saw him looking out at me, as near as that bowl. His eyes were very wide open, and his face was white as milk. It may be that he would have spoken to me, but I did not wait to see." "And therein you showed sense," Domar breathed in sympathy. But again he was on the unpopular side, for Ketil began to hoot: "If you had waited, it is most likely you would have found out that you are a simpleton. Why should Hallad be dressed in white like a slave? He wore green when he went on his death-journey. Is it likely that Ran keeps new cloaks for drowned people?" "Certainly, I think you are asleep after all!" Erlend laughed; which was the signal for a flight of chaff until Brand at his fish-fork endangered the peace by scoffing: "I think you are lying." To have said that to some of the band would have been to bring on a fight to the death, and many caught breath apprehensively before they remembered that this was one of the points about which Gard's thrall-blood gave him feelings different from theirs. He answered without resentment: "I am not apt to lie when nothing is to be gained by it. I call Thor as witness that I have spoken the truth!" His oath he directed toward the chief, who had returned to his high-seat and from there listened intently to what passed. But in the very act of nodding, Alrek Sword-Bearer broke off to ponder; and in the midst of pondering, he began to grin. "If you want to know my belief," he said, "it is that you saw the Weathercock's thrall, Tunni." Instantly the chorus seconded him. "That is certainly the truth of the matter!" "Their hair is of the same color--" "--the branches hid its shortness--" "and explains the slaves' cloak----" "And explains why his look was fear-full," Alrek added, "if, as I think, it was he who robbed the lines to save himself the trouble of going farther. He would think his hide in danger of a flogging----" "Which it will get!" roared Gard; whereupon the chorus redoubled its delighted jeering. This one time, however, the Ugly One's patience had a limit. Gradually his swarthy face turned mottled red; slowly a gleam came into the dull eyes above the high cheek-bones. Suddenly his voice rumbled through theirs: "If any of you tell this so that outsiders make derision, you will feel the edge of my knife." They knew then that they had gone as far as was safe. When each one of them had spoken one gibe more to show that he dared to, there was a lull, of which Erlend the Amiable took advantage to make a tactful suggestion. "I shall think those fish are ghosts if I do not get some of them between my teeth before long," he observed. And lo! ghosts and threats were, of a sudden, things of the past. "Get to your places," commanded the head-cook, sweeping them aside that he might place before his chief the first portion of the crisp and rosy dish, savory with garlic and sweet with its own freshness. There was an eager scrambling of feet, a joyful clattering of brass-hilted knives, a flurry of half-spoken requests; and after that all noise gave way to a pleasant munching sound, enforced now and then by a contented sigh or a long-drawn "Ah--h!" of satisfaction. A mumble of applause greeted the Bull when, having licked the last morsel from his fingers and pushed back his bowl, he looked around to say, stretching: "I should like to see the man who could make me go back to the old way of living!" CHAPTER IX ABOUT THE HUNTSMAN AND THE BOY WHO WAS DROWNED To keep such a band supplied with food was an occupation in itself. "Certainly I begin to believe there is truth in the things women say about a boy's stomach being like the bottomless horn which Thor tried to drink dry!" Brand jested. With his week of fuel-duty far behind him and a day's hunting immediately before him, it was a light heart that beat under his deerskin tunic as he followed his chief and the Ugly One out of the booth door. On the threshold the hunters paused to call back in mock admonition: "See to it this time that the meat is hung where the dogs can not get it--" "Watch Njal, if you do not want the cheese cut with the garlic knife--" "Put a bone in the Bull's mouth! If the Skraellings should come while he is bellowing like that, they would get more scared than they were at Karlsefne's bull." Then Brand shut the door upon the counter-chaff, and the three began to burrow for their skees in the pile beside the house. Trees--such trees as Greenland never dreamed of--rose snow-laden behind the booth, and before it a sweep of snow-buried meadow sloped away to beaches of white sand; for the little settlement was built across a neck of land that reached down between a river and a great lake-like bay. But the lads went neither forward nor back when at last they were shod for the trip, but turned to their left and moved across the camp toward the river bank. It was so early in the day that no wind had yet arisen to stir the fleecy snow-blanket which the night had spread, and to look up a sunbeam was to look up a track of swirling star-dust. From the provision shed next their booth the first camp dog to leave night quarters had only just emerged, yawning, and dragging his hind legs after him. Passing the great log-built sleeping houses with gray banners flying from every smoke hole, they caught a rattle of dishes and a hum of jovial voices which told pleasantly of the breakfast hour. Farther on, they overtook the thralls carrying the pails of milk to the dairy, and had--for a wink of time--a glimpse of Gudrid herself. Looking out to hurry the milkers she stood an instant in the dairy door, tall and straight and deep-bosomed, carrying her baby on her hip as though he were a doll. For all the white matron's cap upon her sunny locks, her face showed young and flower-fresh as she turned to smile at them. When they had lost sight of her, Brand spoke reflectively: "Women are as helpless in hardships as a rowan tree in the open; but if they must be in the world, let them be like that." "It is a good thing to be in a country where there are but seven women," Gard assented. What Alrek would have said no one knows; for they reached just then a corner of the last booth, and rounding it, encountered Karlsefne returning from an early search for a favorite hound which he now carried in his arms, badly torn by fighting. As he was coming out of the snow-mantled grove, so he might have been coming out of the finest trading booth in Norway, so splendid were his garments of blue, so rich the silvery furs that bordered them. On the iron of his hair and his beard and his bushy brows, the morning light was sparkling like rime frost; and a glint of kindly humor lighted his deep-set eyes as they fell upon the approaching three. "I salute the Chief of the Vinland Champions and his men!" he greeted them. "We old bones need to look to ourselves when young blood is on the trail so early." Drawing up his soldierly form in salute, the Sword-Bearer replied that young blood had need to stir early when it had young appetites to provide for. "That is true," the Lawman assented; then added politely: "Yours is certainly a hard-working household, chief. I hope your debt to me does not lie heavy on your shoulders?" Involuntarily the Champions of Vinland exchanged wistful glances, and their chief paused to consider his answer. "Why, the truth of the case is this," he said at last. "It is only a little time that is left over after we have got the food and fuel which are needed to keep us going; and since we have to spend that time in working out our debt to you, there is left no chance whatever to employ ourselves with accomplishments or skin-hunting. That some have found this hard can not be denied, yet it should not be thought either that our knees are in any way weakening under us." "Ah?" said Karlsefne, and stood a while stroking the head of the hound that had just strength enough to lick his hand. Presently he spoke with much graciousness: "It is an old saying that 'necessities should be taken into consideration.' Let us therefore look upon the debt as paid. In a short time to come you will find your hands full with ship-building. I expect that your boat will stand to Vinland's aid and strengthen us greatly, when it is ready." So unexpected was the turn that for a time it took their breath away, but at last their chief recovered enough of his to answer gratefully: "To let the matter rest so would be a great help for us, Karlsefne. If we do not serve Vinland well, it will not be for lack of trying." "That is well-spoken, as was to be expected from you," Karlsefne made courteous return; whereupon they shook hands all around with the ceremony which becomes a dealing between chiefs. After they had parted from the Lawman, however, and were skimming through the grove which was the back dooryard of the little settlement, dignity gave way to delight. Reaching the trail that zigzagged up the bluff, they streaked down it cheering, and cheering slid far along the sparkling track of the river. Though black rifts yawned here and there in the middle of the stream, the ice within a hundred paces of the shores was as solid as a rock and as smooth-carpeted as a floor, a shining temptation to any with red blood in his veins. From sliding they went to racing, cleaving the air like swallows. There is no knowing when they would have stopped if they had not been halted, on turning a bend in the river, by the sight of smoke curling up from behind in a low white bank ahead of them. In the same breath Brand cried: "Skraellings!" and Gard cried, "Dwarfs!" At which Alrek repeated the last word with lifted eyebrows: "_Dwarfs?_" Somewhat shamefacedly, Gard explained himself: "I said that in jest. It came into my mind how Biorn Herjulfsson's men used to think that this land was inhabited by them. But the rocks are not large enough here. It is more likely to be Skraellings." "It is most likely to be some of our own hunters," Alrek dissented, "but it lies on our shoulders to investigate. We will leave our skees on the ice and creep close to the bank and listen; the tongue they speak, and their voices, will tell us something. If they are Skraellings, remember to behave well toward them, but on no account allow them to get hold of your knives. Karlsefne would blame the man strongly who should give them a weapon." The plan was simple enough to carry out, for the shore was flat at the river's edge. With a sudden freak of perverseness, Brand decided that doffing his skees was unnecessary, and edged his way up sidewise, the six-foot runners threatening more than once to trip his neighbor. But they did not have to get very close to hear, as the place was still and the voices loud. Their first expression was disappointment, for the language spoken was nothing more novel than Norse, and the voice was the hoarse one of the vagabond Greenlander known as Faste the Fat. "----they are contented with no better excitement than hunting," he was saying. "And to get only such wealth as is to be got from trading with Skraellings," added the grumble of Ale the Greedy. In the faces of the eavesdroppers disappointment began to give place to curiosity. "Better two followers like you than twenty cinder-biters," returned a third voice, harsh and sneering for all the flattery of the words. "I have not brought my news forward in the hall because I do not want the chiefs to take the power out of my hands. I have told only men who----" Snap! Snap! Recognizing the Huntsman, Brand had moved involuntarily; and his cumbersome foot-gear came in contact with a bush and the dry twigs broke. Before the lads could more than straighten, the giant form of Thorhall appeared at the top of the bank, his knife bare in his hand. "Prying again!" he snarled, in his small eyes so evil a look that Gard's fingers began instinctively to shape runes against charm-spells, and Alrek's deliberate voice became fiercely swift as at a challenge. "A man must be doing something which he expects to have pried into who makes his council-hall in the wastes," he retorted. "We thought the smoke must be from a Skraelling cook-fire, and crept up to see." The Huntsman tossed his knife back to its case, and his anger sheathed itself in contempt. "If a man in the wastes is unable to escape the meddling of fools, what would he not have to endure who remained in camp?" To that there did not appear to be any satisfactory answer; and as he remained standing with folded arms, plainly awaiting their departure, there did not seem to be any adequate reason for staying. The only revenge they could take was to move away in the most deliberate manner possible and mutter scathing comment to one another, feeling all the while his eyes like knife-blades in their backs. "It has something to do with that bag of his." "He is trying to get another ship-load of fools to accompany him south--" "If he thinks the Weathercock will lend him another boat--" "None but the scum will listen to him--" "I wonder if Ale and the Fat One were ashamed to show themselves?" "Let us turn around suddenly when we get to this bend and see if they are not all looking after us." Agreeing, they reached the bend and turned,--but it was a day of surprises. Though each boy would have taken oath that he felt that gaze on him as he wheeled, neither Huntsman nor followers were anywhere to be seen. And as they stood staring, Gard uttered a smothered cry and flung out his arm in another direction, toward the middle of the stream. Through a broken place in the ice not twenty paces away, two claw-like hands were reaching up; as the trio gazed, a head followed, covered with carrot-yellow hair which hung in dripping points about two starting eyes set in a ghastly blue-white face. Finally a white-cloaked body raised itself over the edge of the ice and stood before them. Whether it would retreat or advance none waited to see. With a yell of "Hallad!" Gard was off up the river at a deer's pace, the others at his heels. When he came to another place where the bank was flat, he turned his long toes up it and plunged into the forest, the others still following. Guiding six-foot runners in and out between trees, however, is less easy; and before long they were forced to moderate their speed. As soon as they did that, Alrek's wonted coolness was able to overtake him. He stopped disgustedly. "We are simpletons to run. Hallad would do us no harm." Gard devoted the only breath he had to triumph: "You do not claim that it is Tunni, now!" "It is Hallad," the Red One agreed in a gasp. "If we could cut off his head and put it between his feet, that would make him rest quiet." The Ugly One shook his black mane. "You forget that a wave-covered man can not be dug up again. It is said to be a sign that they have been received well when drowned men come back after their death; yet Hallad has scarcely the look of one who has been well entertained----" "He was always wanting something different from what he had," Brand sniffed. "However that is, it is unlikely that he has come back to make trouble," Alrek said. "That is only done by men who were unruly before their death. Hallad had less spirit than a wood-goat when he was alive. I think we were fools to run." "If you had been that kind of a fool on the Cape of the Crosses, you would have made more by it," Gard muttered in rare resentfulness,--though he was not rash enough to speak so that his chief could hear him. The Sword-Bearer on his side knew better than to ask over. Instead he said: "This is the first time I have been in this part of the country. I wonder what kind of game they have here," and moved leisurely away where a treeless space left a white page crossed and recrossed with woodland runes. Preferring to discuss their last adventure before they sought a new one, the other two sat down to wait for him. But they were hardly settled before his whistled call brought them again to their feet. They found him kneeling beside a trench-like trail, testing with his bared hands the condition of the snow that had fallen back into it. "If this were a five days' journey north, I should declare them elk tracks," he said. "Snorri of Iceland shot many a one of them up there, last winter, which he thought greatly superior to any we have in Norway. I would give my head for another elk hunt." He remained gazing at the trail in pleased retrospection, which moved the two Greenlanders to say enviously that they had never seen an elk. "You will find it sport when you do," the Sword-Bearer assured them. Then he came out of his musing and arose, once more Alrek the Chief, brief and purposeful. "They can scarcely be less than deer's, however; and they were made this morning. It is easier to find tracks than to find what made them, as it is one thing to sight land across drift-ice and another to land on it; but we shall have poor luck if we can not get our meat out of this." Instinctively they fell again under his leadership, straightening as he rose and turning their runners in the direction he was facing. "Certainly the snow could not be in better condition," Brand gave tacit assent, and reassured himself of the safety of the quiver at his back. "I knew that we should have luck to-day, because I heard a wolf howl last night," Gard added, with a hitch to his belt. Then they glided away, single file, under the white arches spanning the white aisles. CHAPTER X THROUGH WHICH THE CHAMPIONS CHASE VINLAND ELK Through the forest and out like flitting shadows, pausing only to make sure that the trail they were following was fresher than any of those which crossed it. Over a pond and across a bog and zigzag up a hill,--they had not grazed a stone or snapped a twig; it seemed that every stride must bring them in sight of the game. Then, on the other side of the slope, Alrek blundered. Descending at lightning speed, he turned his head to look behind, and in so doing unconsciously straightened his body ever so little from the required bend. In a breath he was seated on the snow while his skees finished the coast without him, at the bottom dashing noisily against a stone. Instantly, from somewhere in the white distance, came like an echo the sound of crashing timber, a sound which passed so quickly that if only one had heard it he might have doubted his ears. All three had heard it, however; and the two who reached the bottom still shod looked scathingly upon the third as he came plunging down, breaking through the crust to his knees wherever it covered a hollow. "I advise you to tie yourself on," one of them jeered; and the other one gibed: "Would you like to hold to my cloak in going down the next hill?" If he would, the Sword-Bearer did not admit it; but it was something that he was reduced to silence. They swung after him in high feather when he was once more on his runners and off across the valley. Beyond the next rise there was a plain, fringed by a thicket; and there in the packed and trampled snow and the gnawed branches and peeled bark they found yet more tangible proof of what they had lost. "We should have got a herd if nobody had spoiled it," Gard grunted. Before Brand also could voice his reproach, Alrek--darting here and there among the trees in search of the new trail--uttered his low whistle and was off like a hare. Like hounds after hare they were after him, and Vinland trees looked their first upon real skee-running. Speed, not silence, was the object now. More than once their iron-shod staffs rang sharply against the rocks as they thrust out the poles to change their course, rudder-like. Finding coasting too slow now, they took the last half of each hill at a leap. And when a plain stretched its smooth surface before them, or a frozen pond or a marsh, their speed was the speed of a deer at his best. And now the hunted were far from their best. The holes which their sharp hoofs had at first cut so cleanly through the crust were becoming haggled. Farther on, the trail itself that had been so straight began to show the wavering of the panic-stricken. At last the hunters came to a place where a wisp of bloody foam stained the white. Only a rigid economy of breath kept back a cheer, and they put the energy saved into fresh speed. A jump over a pile of boulders, a spurt over a low knoll, and there in the open space beyond was the prey, six panting froth-flecked creatures, stricken staring with terror. "But what in the Troll's name are they?" cried Gard and Brand together, at sight of the huge, shaggy, ungainly bodies with antlers like shovels and enormous noses like nothing they had ever seen in their lives. At the same instant Alrek answered them with the glad cry: "Vinland elk!" The next instant he had added a command to halt, checking his own advance by a thrust of his skee-staff into the snow, and following that act by casting it aside and swiftly unslinging his bow: "Be on your guard! They have not deer's tempers." Even as he spoke, the bull in the lead flung up his mighty antlered head and, while the other five moved on, wheeled and faced the foe, like a chief covering his people's retreat. Alrek paid him the tribute of an admiring murmur, but the withdrawal of the five set the Greenlanders wild with exasperation. "Charge him!" "Finish him!" "Get him out of the way!" they cried savagely, and started forward even before their arrows were on their bow-strings. The only thing they knew clearly after that was that the Vinland elk did not wait to be charged. Gard, who was a length ahead, had suddenly a glimpse of eyes like balls of green fire; something which had looked as fixed as a boulder became, lightning-quick, a hurtling mass descending on him, and he had a vision of terrible sharp-edged forefeet that could mangle a man to jelly. Dropping his weapons, he turned to run, but lapped his skees and fell headlong. Falling, he uttered a hoarse cry as he saw Brand's hastily aimed arrow bury itself harmlessly in the animal's flank. Then, as he rolled backward, he caught sight of Alrek and regained hope. Only the Sword-Bearer's brown cheeks, flaming crimson, showed his excitement; the rock beside him was no steadier than the arm that held his bow. Drawing back the string with all his strength, he sent an arrow through the shaggy neck where it joins the body; and the great beast fell forward on his knees and died without a quiver. As the animal sank, Gard arose, breathing curses on his own awkwardness while he snatched up his scattered weapons, his eyes fixed greedily on the five disappearing over a ridge. And Brand cried fiercely: "There is as much ahead, and more besides!" and leaped forward. And Alrek plucked forth another arrow and drew himself up to spring over the dead forester lying high before him--drew himself up and then paused and hesitated, gazing down at the mighty shape. As nobly warrior-like as he had made his desperate charge, so nobly warrior-like he lay in his death, a leader who had given his life to save his people. Slowly the young Viking stretched forth his hand. "Stop!" he ordered. Poised in mid-air, as it were, they looked over their shoulders at him, crying impatiently: "What is the matter?" This time the Chief of the Champions gave his gesture authority. "Come back. To kill them also would be a low-minded act. He took his death-wound to save them. We have all we need. Come back." An instant they balanced there, gazing at the white ridge over which the last dark form was disappearing. Then the obedience bred in the bones of Gard the Thrall-Born turned him back to his master. "You are the chief," he muttered. At the same time Brand the Red made up his mind. "Though you should spend all your breath, you would not hinder me from going!" he cried, and sprang forward. The arrow which Alrek had drawn forth was still in his hand; in the grasp of his other hand was his bow. Fitting the shaft on the string, he spoke his warning: "It is unlikely that you will do any hunting for some time if you do not come back." As a flame to a dry leaf, so was a threat to Brand's temper. Hissing defiance, it flared up, and he redoubled his speed. Above the creak of his skees he heard at the same instant two sounds,--Gard's voice crying: "Would you kill him?" and the twang of Alrek's bow-string. Then his right arm dropped at his side with an arrow through it. His chief had foretold truly that he would do no more hunting for some time. It was as much in rage as pain that he caught at the shaft, cursing. Gard's relief took the form of boisterous laughter; but the Sword-Bearer, as soon as he could make himself heard, spoke gravely: "If you think you paid too much for your big words, you have only your own foolishness to thank for making the bargain." Coming slowly back to them, still holding his arm, Brand's face was as white as it had been that day on shipboard; but there was no less of a swagger in his bearing. "Who says I paid too much?" he panted. "I shall say what I choose though you shoot into me every arrow of your quiver. _I_ find no fault with the bargain!" Alrek's gravity yielded to one of his short sudden laughs. "Now if you are satisfied, it is certain that I am," he said, and studied the Red One with twinkling eyes. Amusement was still alight in them when he stepped forward and held out his hand, yet there was also in his manner a new cordiality. "It has never happened to me before to meet a sprout to equal you," he declared. "I foretell that I shall certainly kill you some time, but I promise that I will carve runes about you afterward." "How do you know that it will be you who does the rune-carving?" Brand retorted; but at the same time he yielded his palm with flattered willingness. A little later he even yielded his wounded arm that the hand which put the shaft in might cut it out again. Twilight never gathered in upon a more contented party than these three weary hunters, sprawled luxuriously on the fragrant heaps of evergreen boughs around the leaping fire, fed to repletion on the daintiest food they knew, pouring their hearts out in discussion of the day's adventures. They fell asleep wrangling over the placing of the antlers on the booth wall. CHAPTER XI TELLING HOW TRADE WITH THE SKRAELLINGS CAME TO A MYSTERIOUS END The antlers were finally hung over the high-seat, while the hide made a blanket for the bunk below, and the effect was so imposing that every Champion went fur-mad as soon as he saw them. For a month afterward, it took all the chief's authority to keep the fuel pile supplied and cooks at their post. Every lad not told off--and told sternly off--for public service or private drudgery, spent his days in ranging the country in search of spoil, and his nights in dreaming of hunts wherein each dead tree should turn out to be the den of a hibernating bear which he would slay with valorous ease and bring home to deck the high-seat, even as Leif the Lucky had done before him. The way in which they did finally come into possession of a bearskin, however, was really more dream-like than their dream. Nothing could have been more peaceful than the beginning of the happening, in the women's room of Karlsefne's booth. Loafing after the noonday meal, Erlend the Amiable had stretched his plump length over the cushions of a bench. At one end of the fire, the long-kirtled forms of Gudrid and her women moved to and fro before their looms. At the other, where the firelight lay brightest, the Sword-Bearer was playing wolf with the baby,--a game evoking so much rumbling growling and squealing laughter that presently it took precedence of the conversation. "You are spoiling him, Kinsman Alrek," Gudrid said, looking around the edge of her loom with a smile which belied her reproach. The prettiest of the bondmaids gave her braids a pettish flirt. "That is so," she confirmed. "Yesterday, when it happened that I was at the door trying to talk to Hauk Votsson, I was obliged to turn around and growl between every two words or the child would have deafened us. I do not know what Hauk thought of me." "If you wish, I will ask him," Erlend offered,--a piece of flippancy which cost him his comfort, as to save his ears he was obliged to take to instant flight around the looms. But Alrek, sitting back on his heels, shaking back his long hair, remained intent upon the cradle. "It is the greatest fun," he said, "to see the cub try to frown at me. His eyebrows are like the fuzz on a chicken, yet he tries to make them look like his namesake's, before a laugh gets the better of him. Watch now!" Small Snorri had been there but seven months; he was still wonderfully new. The maid and Erlend left their chase, and Gudrid came from her loom, and together they watched breathlessly the knitting of the downy brows above the blue eyes, and the slow dawning of the unwilling smile, brighter and brighter, until in each soft cheek a dimple broke. "He is going to be in every respect like his father!" Gudrid cried, falling on her knees beside him. And she was smothering him with kisses, and the others were looking on sympathetically, when the door was flung open before little Olaf the Fair, rosy and breathless. "Where is Alrek?" he panted. "I want--Oh! Alrek! What do you think I have seen?" "Hallad?" shrieked the three bondmaids together. "Skraellings! Black as crowberries. Crossing the open space west of here. With big packs on their backs. I was up in that tree by the wheat-shed, watching for Brand to slip on the slide I had made to get revenge on him for cuffing me, and--" His voice was lost in the babel of exclamations that came from the bondmaids and from the men peering around the hall door. Gudrid rose from beside the cradle with a gesture of authority. "Too much noise is here. Since Karlsefne is away it behooves us to be especially careful how we behave. Run, some one of you, to the Icelanders' booth. I know that Snorri is not there, but if it happen that Biorn is, ask him to get a following together and stand ready to receive the wild men. And since it is likely that they will want to buy the same dairy wares as before, Melkorka, you may have charge--but there! Tch! Your heedlessness is such that you would give them three times as much as they required. I shall have to portion, it out myself. The child I will leave with you, Roswitha--No, you would forget him if a man so much as looked through the door at you! Kinsman!" She laid a white hand on Alrek's brown one as he would have moved past her. "He is more fond of you than of any one, and I would trust you before a hundred girls,--so long as you keep his fingers away from that hatchet in your belt. Will you not stay with him the little while that I must be in the dairy?" Stay with a baby while the long-looked-forward-to trading went on without him! Frowning involuntarily, the Sword-Bearer hesitated,--and during that pause the Fate who was spinning his life-thread sat with suspended breath, so much hung on his answer. It can not be denied that it came somewhat grudgingly when it did come. "Why--if it _will_ be a _little_ while, kinswoman," he stipulated, turning back. Gudrid waited to hear no more; with the last word she was off, sweeping the maids like chaff before her. Erlend and Olaf had long since vanished; and now the men could be heard clattering out of the great next room that was their headquarters. From the green behind the booths came the clamor of barking dogs and the thud of running feet accompanied by excited voices, now far away, now just outside the door. Gradually the scattered chatter blended into a hum; the hum rose higher and higher; then fell suddenly in a hush so deep that it seemed to the Sword-Bearer he could hear the pat of bare feet and the rustle of boughs put aside; and his fancy conjured up a picture of dark forms with bright-eyed shaggy heads bent under shaggier packs, emerging single file from the white depths of the forest. Directly after, the sound of strange guttural voices speaking words he had never heard told him that some part of his vision was correct. "Oh, you great hindrance!" he sighed to the tyrant in the cradle. But as even while he complained, he obeyed the command of the chubby fists by picking up the soft little body as gently as a woman would have done, and tossing and dandling it in his strong brown hands as no woman could have done, the tyrant was in no way cast down but clung to him confidingly, catching his breath with squeals of delight and winding up by burying both fists in the brown mane with a rapture of gurgling laughter. So Gudrid found them when she came in, the color of haste in her fair face; and her smile was very lovely as she took her baby from his guard. "Whether you are like your father or not, Alrek my kinsman, you have a good disposition," she said; then went on swiftly: "I hurried because I want to remind you of something. I beg of you, do not forget that Karlsefne has forbidden any weapon whatever to be traded to the hatchet-men, no matter what loose property they offer for it. Do not forget, or let your men forget." Alrek's glance reassured her. "I will remember," he said quietly. "Then go quickly! They have only just opened their packs." She gave him a little shove, but she might have saved herself the trouble for he was out of the door at a bound. Coming out into the gathering was like coming upon some strange new-world fair. Everywhere over the white of the snow-covered earth, against the gray of the snow-filled sky, the Northmen's gay cloaks made rings of bright color around the dark fur-clad forms of the wild men. Everywhere the sounds of fair-time had vanquished the stillness of the forest,--the hails of eager barterers, the boasts of jubilant purchasers, even the familiar din of fighting dogs wherever a Norse hound and one of Skraelling breed were able to find a spot free from interfering boot-toes. On the step before the dairy door, the yellow heads of the three pretty bondmaids showed above a hedge of bristling black locks; the love of trading, so long denied, getting the better of any fear they might have felt of their uncouth customers. As Alrek looked, Roswitha with one hand delivered a cheese ball into a copper-colored palm and with the other drew in a magnificent wolf-skin; while Melkorka, her saucy Irish face twinkling with mischief, ladled curds from her bowl into the gaping mouth of an enormous Skraelling, standing before her with half-shut eyes and an air of solemn content. [Illustration: She ladled curds from her bowl into the gaping mouth.] "If only we could build cows as well as ships out of timber!" the Sword-Bearer wished as he watched them with a grin. He was brought out of his reverie by the appearance of a shadow on the snow at his feet. Though he had not heard the faintest sound of an approach, he looked up to find a wild man as dark as the shadow and almost as tall standing at his side. Over the Skraelling's left shoulder and arm was hung a bearskin which took the Viking's breath to look at; his right arm he was stretching toward Alrek's sword, a glitter of indescribable craftiness in his beady eyes. It was so like the stories that the Irish monks told of the wiles of the Evil One that Alrek's recoil had in it even a touch of superstitious fear. "No," he said severely. "No!" And without further parley, he turned and hastened in the direction in which Brand's red locks glowed between the gray of cap and cloak, like fire amid ashes. "I want to know at once that you have remembered not to trade them any weapons," he demanded with an urgent hand on the Red One's arm. Once Brand would have shaken off that hand resentfully; now he looked around with affectionate impudence. "Which are you the more anxious to know,--that I have remembered or that I have not traded?" he parried. The Sword-Bearer let his hand fall with a breath of relief. "Since you can make light of the matter, I know that no harm has been done; if you had been disobedient, you would have hurled the news at me like a spear. I trust you to keep on remembering it." Brand made him a salute of mock deference. "I will heed your orders in this as in everything," he mouthed the formal phrase of submission. "Now I hope you will do better than that," his chief returned; then hailed the Hare, scudding past, and bade him summon every member of the band to immediate council. When at last they were all before him, and he had obtained from them individually an assurance that the order was still unbroken, he delivered the command over again with all the weight he could bring to bear. They received the reminder as insult added to injury. "I do not think I stand in need of telling when already for my poorest spear I have refused three wolf-skins!" the Bull cried, wagging his yellow head; while Ketil the Glib mocked openly: "Behold the caution! Lose no time in punishing Erlend who has traded them a brooch with a pin as long as my finger." Even small Olaf sniffed rebelliously. "If I had known _that_ was all you were going to say, I doubt if I would have come. I thought you were going to offer us your red cloak to trade with." "My red cloak?" Alrek repeated. Forty eyes fastened themselves wistfully on the garment, while at least ten voices answered: "Of course it is not to be expected--" "Yet you could buy the most costly furnishings--" "They would like it better than curds even--" "Njal got the finest gray fur only for a kerchief with one stripe of red." "Think if this were cut in strips!" "Another cloak would keep you equally warm--" "Karlsefne would give you a king's mantle for the asking----" Shaking his head, Alrek folded the stained drapery to him with both arms. "You show too much generosity! I can tell you that you would not get this though it would buy all the fur in Vinland. My father gave it to me at the time of my first Viking voyage; while one thread holds to another, I shall wear it." Then he unfolded his arms with a gesture more encouraging. "But it may be that we shall not fare so ill, for I have hit upon another plan. I have a suit of feasting-clothes of red velvet----" Not one of the twenty waited to hear more; after the Hare the band was off like the tail after a comet. The Sword-Bearer considered himself lucky that he reached the booth in time to secure one sleeve for his own ventures. After that the trading was like trading in a dream. Even after the first recklessness had passed and they had cut the velvet into strips no wider than their thumbs, the same sizes of skins were given in exchange. Erlend, the first to run out of purchase money, was made custodian of the spoils; and the rapidity with which the pile grew behind him in what remained of the short afternoon was enough to heat cooler blood. By the falling of twilight, Alrek announced the whimsical determination to try if he could not capture the bearskin itself with what remained of his red sleeve and the foot of a red stocking which he had found. Because of the failing light, quenched early by a gentle fall of snow, the trading had ceased before he started. Here and there, where light streamed out through open doors, the forest men stooped in groups, packing for departure all wares not previously bound around their heads or bestowed in their stomachs. From group to group he went without finding the tall Skraelling, until suddenly he caught a glimpse of him passing the last door in the line, the door of their own booth. It looked as though the great skin was still draping his shoulders, so Alrek started leisurely toward him and reached the wheat shed this side of the Champions' booth. Then he slipped on Olaf's slide and fell, striking his head against a great oak root. That was the last thing he remembered,--and he did not remember that for some time. The next thing he was conscious of was sitting in his high-seat in the booth, in silence and alone. The flickering firelight that showed him the stretch of empty benches revealed gradually to his bewildered eyes a dark huddled shape on the white surface of the table in front of him. What it was or how it got there, he knew no more than what he was doing there himself. He wondered dully if the Huntsman could have put a spell upon him, until--like a wind-breath through a fog--came the recollection that a sailor had once told him of having had a similar experience, and that it had been caused by striking his head in falling through a hatchway on the ship. Moving his head, the Sword-Bearer found it as sore as an unhealed wound, and that part of his problem was solved. But where had he been, and why was the booth empty at this time of day? It was a relief to have the door open upon Gard's hulking long-armed figure, powdered with glistening snow. When the Ugly One had taken three steps beyond the threshold, he saw the chief in the high-seat and stopped with a loud exclamation. Alrek grinned faintly. "Your surprise is no greater than mine. I should be thankful if you would tell me how I got here. No," as Gard made a gesture of unbelief, "I declare myself in earnest. I suppose I fell and struck my head somewhere. Do you know where I have been? And why the booth is empty?" When he had come around the fire and looked curiously at the Sword-Bearer, Gard's doubts were laid. "The proof of this is that the left side of your face is scratched and dirty," he said. "It is likely that you fell on Olaf's slide. You were going in that direction, the last I saw of you. I forgot you after the screech." "What screech?" "The yell that started the Skraellings, of course." "What Skraellings?" "_What_ Skraellings!" Gard echoed; but Alrek's memory had stirred. "I remember! They were here trading. I came out of the women's house and saw them--" He got upon his feet. "Are they gone?" Gard began to laugh. "You _are_ addled! I should have thought the racket sufficient to wake Thorwald in his grave. It is certain that they are gone! At the first note of the yell they dropped their packs and plunged into the woods, howling like trolls. What frightened them this time, no one knows. Erlend and Brand followed, and also some of the other men of the band, but the creatures seemed to melt and vanish. The men are only just coming back. That is why no one is here yet to get the meal." Coming down to the fire, Alrek kicked the logs about, partly to mend the burning, partly to vent his irritation. "Never have I heard of a fall so foolishly timed. I could give my head another knock--What is this? Fur?" He stretched his hand toward the table. "A bearskin? What a--_the bearskin the Skraelling offered for my sword?_" Memory came back like a rush of fire, lighting the dark corners of his mind, flaming from his eyes as he turned upon the slouching figure. "How did it come here?" Gard began to speak with unwonted swiftness: "It is true, I forgot to tell you that I bought it myself. You must recollect that things were not so dear at the end of the trading. I gave only a piece of your tunic and--and my ring with the red stone. I would not have parted with that ring for anything less. He liked very much to get it, and put it on his finger as soon--" He broke off as Alrek's hands fell upon his shoulders, forcing him down on his knees where the fire could light his face. For the moment they were neither comrade and comrade, nor chief and follower, but master and thrall. The Sword-Bearer's low voice seemed a hiss between his teeth. "Swear to me that you gave no weapon for it! Take oath on the cross of my sword hilt!" Gard reached out even eagerly. "I take oath on the cross, so help me Frey and Njord and Odin!" After a while Alrek's hands relaxed their grasp. It was some time before his eyes loosened their hold, but at last they also released the Ugly One and fell away, back to the fur. "It is good that you are able to swear to it," he said grimly. Brushing from his knee the ashes into which he had been forced, the Ugly One grunted. "Do you think I am a fool like Brand? Even if I did not care for your orders, would I not be apt to heed Karlsefne's?" "It is a good thing that you do," the chief said again. CHAPTER XII IN WHICH THE CHAMPIONS FEEL THEIR IMPORTANCE Smiling, Gudrid drew out the head she had thrust through the booth door at Erlend's urgent invitation. "It is as splendid as can be in every way. I do not wonder that you want to give a feast to display it." A little consciousness was in Erlend's laugh as he shut the door and walked beside her through the grove. "It is not altogether to display it," he protested. "In a few weeks the spring games will be held; it is the custom of every one to give a feast at that season. I tell you we are going to show some great feats. We exercise ourselves every afternoon. They are practising now in an open place which the chief found in the woods. That is where I am going." Pausing, Gudrid drew higher on her hip her accustomed burden, a bundle wrapped in white rabbit-skins from which looked forth a little rosy face. "Is Alrek there?" she asked. "Then I think I will try my luck in that direction, if so be they will allow a woman to come near?" "I think they will not mind your coming if you go right away again," Erlend concluded after some consideration. Apparently she felt equal to the risk, for she entered with him the broad trough-like path trodden through the snow of the grove. "I go only for a walk," she said. "We have been too much shut in the house, the child and I, since that frightful trading day." It seemed to the Amiable One that she shivered as she spoke, so he observed politely: "It is a bad thing that you were made sick by it. Melkorka says that you even saw a ghost." "Melkorka blunders much in her speaking and blundered twice as much in her hearing," Gudrid answered. "I said only that I got so full of fear that I expected to see ghosts. Sitting alone in the house with the child, it came into my head what might happen if the Skraellings should turn an evil side, with Karlsefne away and that good-natured Biorn not expecting evil. And the more I thought, the stranger the noises outside seemed to me and the stranger shapes the shadows took, until once I was so sure that one was a Skraelling stealing in upon me that I bent over and covered the cradle with my body,--and just then came that cry!" She pressed her hand to her ear at the recollection. Erlend smiled indulgently. "Now did you think it so terrible? It is likely that one of them looked into the cattle-shed and saw the bull--" The glance her blue eyes sent over her shoulder silenced him even before her words. "It would be a strange wonder if you could tell me news about it! Was I not here at the time the bull frightened them? I heard how they screamed then, and it was as different from this screech as day from night. In this cry there were death-sounds and no life-sounds. My foster-mother, Halldis, was knowing in weird matters. I know of what I speak, though all men think otherwise. And I know enough to wish to forget the mishap. Let us not talk of it any more. I wish to enjoy this fine weather." It was a day to be enjoyed. Beyond the network of brown branches the sky was dazzling blue, with here and there a fleecy cloud. Dazzling white, snow lay in the curves of the boughs and filled the hollows of the ground; though on the ridges where the bright sun touched, the brown earth showed through. Everywhere, the wind was moistly, sweetly fresh. "I do not wonder that it makes you kick up your heels like young horses," Gudrid laughed, when she came at last to the level treeless space in whose middle six Champions leaped and wrestled, while ten more lounged at one side, applauding or hissing the wrestlers as their critical judgment decided. At sight of Erlend, the ten waved their hands in careless greeting; at sight of the kirtled figure of Gudrid, they sat up in unmistakable disapproval; and a long lean wrestler with a mane of red hair stamped petulantly when he was obliged to retire from the field to the bordering trees where his tunic and cloak awaited him. "Though no more than seven women are in Vinland, a man can not get away from them though he go into the heart of a wood," he sputtered. "Hush! She will hear you," muttered Gard, who stood beside him; whereupon the Red One's voice rose in exasperation: "I do not care whether she hears me or not! Will you keep to what concerns you? I have told you before this that I am able to pay the price of my deeds." From under the tunic he was about to pull down over his head, Gard looked at him irefully. "And I have told you," he retorted, "that one can not always tell what the price of his deed will be." "I do not care _what_ it is!" bellowed Brand. Harald Grettirsson turned on them with a grin. "What ails you two that you have done nothing but quarrel since the trading day? Cool off a little," he jeered, and suddenly ran into them so that they were jostled off the high ground into a hollow and sank in snow up to their waists. Foreseeing vengeance, Grettirsson took promptly to his heels, and the desertion of the three completed the interruption begun by the appearance of Gudrid's blue hood. Gudrid took her departure with tactful promptness. "Now you need not trouble yourself to hunt for fine words," she forestalled the somewhat embarrassed greeting of her young kinsman. "I am well versed in the Viking laws about keeping women out; we have no other intention than to go directly back, the Frowner and I." Cordial as his relations with his kinswoman were, the chief could not ask her to alter her decision; but he reached out and took the bundle off her hip. "The Frowner is not a woman," he corrected. "I think he will like the noise better than the rattling of his string of shark's teeth. I will see to it that he comes to no harm." The mother yielded him doubtfully. "But do you know for certain that you will?" she demurred. "If he should get his hand on the hatchet in your belt--" "Why, he would be able to do more than I can," Alrek finished for her. "I have been unable to find my hatchet for weeks." Gudrid consented to smile. "I took for granted it was there. Then I will certainly leave him, for I should like him to be outdoors some while longer. I will send a thrall--a man-thrall--to fetch him." But it came about that small Snorri Thorfinnsson was returned to his mother by no such humble individual. With the shortening of the light and the lengthening of the shadows, Karlsefne the Lawman came through the wood on his way campward from a day's outing. Coming out in the open where a dozen Champions were fencing with a mighty clash and clatter, he would have apologized for the intrusion and kept on his way; but reaching the tree before which the red-cloaked chief sprawled on a great rug, drawling comment, he heard from the rabbit-skin bundle at the chiefs side a squeal of laughter which brought him to a standstill. "What have we here?" he asked in surprise. Rising to greet him, Alrek looked down at the bundle with a laugh. "It is likely that your son is going to make a Berserker, Karlsefne," he answered. "The more noise the swords make, the louder he laughs." The smile dawning on the Lawman's lips faded as his glance passed from the rabbit-skin bundle to the rug on which it lay. After a little he said gravely: "This is an unusually fine bearskin which you have, my young kinsman. I want to ask if it is the one the Skraellings brought, on that last trading day of which so much has been told?" It was so plain that the same misgiving was in his mind which had first risen to Alrek's, that the Sword-Bearer breathed a prayer of thankfulness that he had lost no time in making sure of Gard's good faith. He replied readily: "It is the same one, Karlsefne. One of my men had such luck in trading that he bought it when the price was lower than it had been." "Nevertheless, I should like much to know what he paid for it," said the Lawman. "Willingly," answered Alrek the Chief. "He paid a large piece of the red cloth which we had been trading with, and a ring with a red stone. The Skraelling liked the ring so well that he put it on as soon as he bought it." The Lawman's gaze became less unswervingly direct; presently its sharpness was softened by a twinkle. "Now if all the Northmen of the new lands continue to show such merchant talent, Vinland will soon be as great a trading place as Iceland," he laughed. Then, as if to remove any lingering doubt of his friendliness, he added that their taste in selecting a practising place was excellent; and that it appeared that they were doing good work in it; and that, if they would allow it, he should be glad to remain a while and look on. When permission had been graciously accorded, he sat down on the rug between the chief and the rabbit-skin bundle and showed himself the most inspiring audience the band had ever performed before. Under the stimulus of his applause, Njal the Jumper achieved a mark a finger's length higher than any he had made before; while Brand the Wrestler felt such power swell in his great limbs that for a time he seriously considered the idea of challenging Karlsefne himself. Later, he was glad that he had not, for when they stopped to rest and came and stood around the bearskin, Karlsefne borrowed Alrek's dwarf-made sword and rose up, towering and sinewy and straight as a pine, and showed them some feats that he had learned in the East,--the real East where the sun is so hot that all people are as brown as roasted fowls, and the rich eat snow for a luxury. Baring a knotted arm as lean as a spear-shaft, he did things that furnished them fireside gossip for the rest of the cold weather. When at last he had set the Frowner on his shoulder, and he and the Champions had parted in a glow of good-fellowship, Erlend said warmly: "Biorn Gudbrandsson is an open-handed chief, and Snorri of Iceland is shrewder than most men; but the one surpassing others in high-mindedness and knowing everything is Thorfinn Karlsefne. I think it an honor to our feast that he has consented to come to it." CHAPTER XIII GIVING THE REASON WHY THE SKRAELLINGS FLED It happened, however, that Thorfinn Karlsefne did not get back from his spring exploring trip in time for the games. Inspecting all the self-sown wheat-fields and natural vineyards in the vicinity, he had been gone a week; and the light of the momentous day had faded into twilight and the dusk in its turn had melted into moonlight, silvering the forest like a frost, before he came through it with his men. Meeting a ray of light from the last booth in the line and catching from the same source a faint note of revelry, he spoke smilingly to his partner, Snorri of Iceland: "I recollect now that we have missed great happenings. It is likely that if the light were good enough we should find heads and limbs strewed like pebbles over the plain." "What witches' stuff this moonlight is!" Snorri laughed in return. "As you spoke, it almost seemed to me as if I saw an arm down there." He nodded his head toward the ravine along whose brink they were walking; and old Grimkel, behind him, followed the motion with his one eye and grunted: "I see what you mean,--yonder where the moon strikes. It has the look of an arm." Still moving forward, Karlsefne also glanced down into the black pool of shadow. From the dark slope, something like a snag stood out so that the moonlight caught it and gave it a weird resemblance to a human hand with fingers wide-spread in the air. Looking down at it, he came slowly to a standstill. Presently, while the chat behind him ceased in surprise, he grasped a wiry bush on the brink and let himself over the edge until he could touch with his staff the dark mass from which the snag stood out. Using the staff like a pitchfork, he flung off the layers of sodden pine branches heaped there and bent to look again. Then he saw that the reason it looked like an arm was because an arm was what it was, lean and brown, outflung from a stark body lying face downward in the brush. Those waiting above heard his voice rise awfully from the shadow: "It is a Skraelling who has been murdered! Fetch torches!" Waiting for the lights to be brought, the men stood looking dumbly at one another and at the snag-like arm, in every mind the same thought. Once Karlsefne's deep tones interpreted their silence, tolling heavily through the darkness: "I do not know who has done this deed, but I know that in slaying this one man he has taken the lives of more men than tongue can number. If ever the Skraellings come again it will be to make warfare, and to save our lives we shall be forced to take more of theirs; and so it will go on through ages yet unborn, until a white face--which I had striven to make a sign of friendliness--will become to the wild men a token of bloodshed." A moment his voice rang out in terrible wrath: "Behold how the heedlessness of one man can overthrow the wisdom of a hundred!" Daring no answer, they awaited in silence the arrival of the torches. But when at last the lights had been brought and handed down, and they had descended after them, at least four spoke at once: "It is the Skraelling who offered the bear's hide!" "By Odin," cried a fifth, "I saw him walking in this direction shortly before the time of the scream! He must have fallen over the bank and lain all this while under the snow that was coming down." "What has become of the hide, however?" pondered Hjalmar Thick-Skull, before memory recalled to him whose booth the great skin was even now gracing as its chiefest treasure. "It must be that they bought it just before he was slain," Grimkel struck in hastily. But the Lawman took the torch from him and held it to each brown hand in turn. "No ring with a red stone is on any of the fingers," he said. Immediately after, Hjalmar, holding the other torch, uttered an exclamation: "Here is what slew him!" and they all crowded forward to look,--and looking, stood dumfounded. The Thick-Skulled said wonderingly: "Now I have several times heard it said that men believe Brand the Red gave the Skraelling a weapon for the skin, but no man guessed that a weapon had been given in this way." CHAPTER XIV SHOWING HOW DISGRACE CAME UPON ALREK THE CHIEF It was as though all the troubles of Vinland were gathered around that dark heap in the ravine, and all the pleasures were gathered around the Champions' hospitable fire. Built of juniper fagots whose sweetness blended with the fragrance of the pine branches carpeting the floor, it filled the air with the spicy aroma of Yule-tide; and Yule-tide cheer was on the long tables on either side the hearth, and Yule-tide mirth was on the faces above the board. Every leap of the flames revealed some new treasure of claw or hide or antler; and at each admiring tribute from their guests the Champions' hearts swelled with pride, so that they were obliged to relieve the pressure by echoing at the top of their lungs the song Rane was singing to chords from a home-made harp. The only flaw in their content was that Karlsefne was not there to see their glory. When an uproar among the dogs outside announced the arrival of a guest, they left everything to fix eager eyes on the opening door. The form that strode in out of the moonlight was Karlsefne's, followed by Snorri of Iceland, but the breath they had thought to spend in cheers went out in gasps as the dancing firelight showed his face. Stopping just within the threshold, he stood gripping his silver-shod staff in both hands before him, like a bar in the way of his wrath. From the high-seat, the young chief saluted him with troubled mien: "We bid you welcome, Karlsefne, and take it as an honor that you have come. I hope your journey has been according to your pleasure, and that nothing has happened which you dislike?" He made a sign that Erlend, in his feasting clothes of blue-and-silver, should act as master of ceremonies and conduct the distinguished guest to the seat prepared for him. The Lawman did not appear to heed the invitation. "I give you thanks for your greeting," he said, "but I will not conceal it from you that something has happened. Before this feast goes any further, I want to put some questions to your men." From some instinctive foreboding, Alrek glanced hastily across at Gard. Finding the Ugly One's dark face as lowering as a storm cloud, while Brand's beside him was aflash with excitement, the trouble in the young chief's eyes deepened. Yet he answered steadily: "You are over-chief in Vinland, Karlsefne, and must have your way about everything. Yet will you not first take the seat of honor----" "I will accept no hospitality here until this matter is cleared," the Lawman grimly cut him short; then turned upon the Ugly One. "I want to ask Gard Eldirsson what he paid the Skraelling for the skin yonder on the high-seat?" As he had given it each time before, Gard muttered his answer, without looking up: "I gave him a piece of red cloth and a ring with a red stone in it. He liked so well to get the ring that he put it on his finger as soon as he got it." Crack! the staff Karlsefne was gripping broke under the strain; it seemed that his voice also must break from his control. "It was not seen that he wore it to-day," he was beginning; when Brand arose, pushing back his goblet and bowl with a loud clatter. "If what you mean is that you have met that Skraelling and seen a knife in his belt instead of a ring on his hand," he said, "I will spare you the trouble of asking further by declaring that I traded it to him myself. Gard lies when he says that he bought the skin. It happened that from behind a tree he saw me give the weapon; and because he expected that Alrek would slay me for daring it, he sought to save trouble by making up the ring-story before I got a good chance to tell what I had done. I gave him no thanks for it, as I do not lack the boldness to stand behind any deed I do. I held my tongue only because I could not speak without bringing him into trouble. Now I will hold it no longer, and you may do what you like when my chief is through with me." He flashed his leader his glance of affectionate insolence, and grinned at the look he got in return. But before Alrek could answer, Karlsefne spoke: "You would have me believe that your chief does not know of this matter?" The Red One tossed his long locks with a flourish which suggested that he was enjoying the excitement of the moment. "No more than the bench before you," he answered. "He himself had started out to make an offer for the skin, but he slipped on the ice and muddled his wits so that he did not even hear the yell or know how he got into the booth, until he found himself there with the fur before him----" "Was it you who brought the fur into the booth?" Karlsefne interrupted him. But Gard took the answer out of Brand's mouth: "No, it was I who did that. When the wild men began yelling and running, I saw Brand drop the skin and run after them; and I picked it up and brought it into the booth before I followed him. When I came back, Alrek was sitting there and asked me where he had been." He turned toward the high-seat as though he would address a word of apology to him who sat there, but the pause was shattered by an unpleasant laugh from Snorri of Iceland. "I call Loke as witness," he ejaculated, "that though I have dealt with men in France and men in England and all that are nearer than those, I have never seen given such a running-over measure of lies!" "They are like saplings drifted ashore that one picks up for their good shape and finds to be worm-eaten," Karlsefne responded; and the violence of the anger he was holding back shook his towering frame and vibrated through his deep voice. "Yet should it be kept in mind that these two lied in order to assist a comrade. Only Alrek Ingolfsson lied for himself." In his place Alrek the Chief arose, his lips forming a question; but Karlsefne stayed it with uplifted hand. "I will make it plain that I do not wish to tempt you to further falsehood. I tell you openly that I know you to be the man who slew the Skraelling----" "Slew?" repeated Alrek Sword-Bearer. And "Slew!" cried the chorus of Champions; then divided into scattered cries: "It was his death-yell--" "They took it as a warning--" "The next time they come, it will be in war-clothes." Hearing this last, Brand hammered the table with his fist. "Now I know who killed him!" he cried joyfully. "It was Thorhall the Huntsman! More than anything else he wanted to break off trade with the Skraellings and stir the camp to discontent----" "Now your tongue goes faster than your mind," the Iceland chief interrupted him. "That trading day the Huntsman spent with me, setting traps in the wood far north of here." Brand shot his arrows desperately: "Then it was Ale the Greedy! Or Fat Faste!" But from the quarter where the Greenland guests sat, rose resentful cries: "Faste was off all day fishing with me--" "I myself saw Ale in the group before the Lawman's door!" "You take too much upon yourself!" "Remember that the spoils were found in your booth!" The Red One stood with empty quiver. And Gard left his place and went and laid clumsy hands upon the Lawman's cloak. "I swear that it was not Alrek but I who brought the skin into the booth. I take oath that I am telling the truth this time," he said. "_This_ time!" the Lawman repeated, so that the blood was rasped into Gard's swarthy face. "Nay, it was to help Brand that I lied before," he pleaded. "And this time it is to help Alrek!" Karlsefne finished. "Learn, boy, once and for all, that you can not spend your wealth and have it also in your pouch. Learn now and forever that your word buys nothing when the pouch of your honor is empty." Casting him off as he would have spoken further, he turned upon the red-cloaked figure of the Sword-Bearer, standing rigidly erect before the high-seat. "Too long, Alrek Ingolfsson, have you hidden behind this shield; show now the boldness which should be in your blood. That you lied because you wished to keep my good opinion, I can guess. That you fell not upon the Skraelling treacherously nor yet in greed of his property, I do you the justice to believe. It may even be that he gave provocation to your mad temper by seizing your weapon. I expect that you will acknowledge yourself guilty and submit to me." Their glances clashed like blades as Alrek turned his high-borne head. "You can decide over my life, but I will never acknowledge that," he said. "May the gallows take my body if I knew aught of the happening until your own lips told of it. I say, moreover, that it is unjustly done to accuse me of it only because others have juggled with the truth and because it looks as though mine were the hand which had brought the spoils hither." That, at least, did not lack boldness. Flinging the broken staff from him, Karlsefne made a stride forward; the veins of his forehead swelled out white against purple. "This case has not yet been fully tried," he said. "I have not told that those are my only reasons. Another proof is this, which my own hand took from the Skraelling's head into which it had bitten so deeply that not even his fall down the bank had dislodged it." From his belt, where his cloak had hidden it, he drew forth the stone hatchet, discolored with dark stains. To Alrek of Norway it was like a trick of magic; his jaw fell and he recoiled against the high-seat. "My hatchet!" he breathed. Then the sheeted lightning of Karlsefne's eyes was loosed upon him. "Tempt me with no more defiance lest I forget that I am a Lawman and strike you dead where you stand! Recollect that I also am of Viking stock, and tempt me not! Come down from the seat in which you were never worthy to sit; put off the cloak whose soldierliness you have disgraced; unbuckle the sword you can not be trusted to wear." It was as though the Viking blood in Ingolf's son were a tiger that had been wakened by a blow. Straightening with a terrible inarticulate cry, he leaped to the floor and over the fire, his sword gleaming in his hand before they knew he had drawn it. But the Lawman's might-full figure neither gave back nor moved; the blaze of his eyes neither weakened nor swerved. Tiger-like, the boy's eyes wavered and fell aside; he halted, uncertain. Karlsefne's voice was as the voice of thunder: "I am over-chief in Vinland." The flesh defied, but the soldier-drilled spirit heard. Slowly, Alrek put up hands that shook from passion and unfastened the clasp on his shoulder. With a soft sound the drapery fell and lay like a blood-pool around his feet. Slowly and yet more slowly, he changed his hold upon his weapon and extended it as it had never gone before--hilt forward. Receiving it, the Lawman finished the sentence amid deathlike stillness: "Hereafter, wear no color of soldiers, nor carry any more weapons than the beasts whose uncontrol you show. You, Champions of Vinland, get you another chief." Signing to Snorri to open the door he left the booth, the Icelander following. Spellbound, the revelers remained without sound or motion, until Brand flung himself at the feet of Ingolfs son, thrusting into the brown hand one of his own knives. "You foretold that you should kill me some time," he whispered, and bared his breast for the blow. Those who saw the eyes the Viking bent upon him, believed that he would do it; it was seen that his fingers closed upon the haft. Then suddenly they thrust it from him with such force that its owner was thrown backward. "Keep away," he said hoarsely. "Keep away!" With hands flung out to keep them off, he walked past them; and the door opened upon him and the night swallowed him up. PART THIRD THE HUNTSMAN'S PREY CHAPTER XV ABOUT THE-FIRE-THAT-RUNS-ON-THE-WAVES Where an arm of the big Vinland bay met a narrow river so far inland that it was hard to tell when bay ended and river began, the band of Vinland Champions was at work. Before the invasion of their young voices, the stillness of the primeval forest had taken flight; and the age-old trees had fallen victim to the greed of their young hands even as the old-world cities were falling before the might of the young North. On the river bank, sweating in the June sun, some of them were toiling to bring a great log down to the stream which was to float it on to the building place. Along the edge of the clearing, others were busy lopping from the fallen monarchs their green crowns. And the song of axes, ringing from the depths of the cool shade, told of conquests still in progress. This last task, however, was so nearly completed that in the intervals of their work the choppers talked of the untrimmed logs as though they were already in the form of a ship. "What we stand in need of is red paint for that hull--" "If Gudrid will only make the sail--" "--so long as we get gilding for the dragon's head, I do not care--" "The dragon's head will be a weapon in itself!" "I expect the wild men will run at sight of it!" "There will not be many to equal this ship when it is done." Lowering his ax to moisten his palms, Brand cast his bright impatient eyes around severely. "If ever it is done," he supplemented. "At this rate, it is the summer which will be finished first. If we had worked as we should have done, it would be completed now." "Then why did you not work as you should have done?" laughed Ketil the Glib. And Erlend, pausing to take a gauzy fanged fly off his neck, observed: "Certainly I think you ought to be the last one to make a fuss. Every time I have told you off to work on it, you have preferred to go hunting, or even help Karlsefne's men with the fence." "What difference what I prefer?" the Red One retorted. "You are the chief; it is your duty to see that work is done as it is necessary." The difficulty of answering that, left Erlend rubbing his plump neck in silence; and in the pause Brand returned to work, swinging the ax over his shoulder with a forcefulness which brought it near to smashing the head of a man who had just appeared in the underbrush behind him. "It is my advice that you see what you are doing," the man spoke in a harsh voice which they recognized. It was but faintly that Brand was apologetic as he glanced around. "Why do you creep up like a cat if you are not willing to risk something?" he inquired, and aimed another stroke. But for once Thorhall the Huntsman did not dismiss them in contempt. Breast-high in saplings he lingered, regarding them with curiosity; when he had swallowed the irritation attendant upon dodging, he spoke politely: "My excuse is that if the leaves had not muffled my steps, I should have missed hearing tidings of great interest. I ask of you to tell me what all this is about a ship?" "How does that concern you?" muttered Gard the Ugly. Erlend, however, lowered his ax readily. That there should be any one willing to listen to the ship-plan who had not already heard it as many times as he would endure, seemed too good for belief. Feigning that his ax edge needed attention, he drew out a sharpening-stone; and while he plied it, he talked happily. The ship, he said, was to be so long and so wide, with a fore-deck to shelter the provisions, but nothing so womanish as a cabin. The mast was to be that pine-tree yonder, and the sail was to be woven by Gudrid, Karlsefne's wife--that is, they were going to ask her to do it for them--and he thought the colors would be red and yellow, and the name would probably be The-Fire-That-Runs-On-The-Waves. It sounded very well as he told it; gradually Brand's blade also became silent, and Ketil and Harald and half a dozen others crept nearer to listen with kindling eyes that now and again shot triumphant glances at the Huntsman. It was something of a triumph to make him who was usually so sneering listen so respectfully. When the recital was finished, he was even flattering. "Certainly you are foremost among youths in energy! Where is it your intention to voyage when The Fire is built?" Gard, who alone had kept on working, gave his tree a resounding blow. "How does that concern you?" he demanded a second time. "You will not be invited to take the steering oar." Now any one can see that it is bad manners to insult a man who is complimenting you. Eight glances fixed the Ugly One angrily, while Erlend spoke in mild reproof: "What is the need of talking in that way?" he asked him; then, to the Huntsman: "If the ship is done before the summer is, we are going against the Skraellings. It comes like a piece of luck that there is enmity between us; otherwise I do not know whom we could fight." "Since it is unadvisable to do what we want and fight Karlsefne," Brand added vindictively; and there was a murmur of acquiescence. The Huntsman's eyes, trained to detect prey in the very darkness, went from one to another of the young faces. "Now that is a strange way to speak of the Lawman," he remarked. The answers rose in his face like a covey of birds: "How else would you expect us to speak?" "--after the way he behaved toward Alrek Ingolfsson--" "I think he deserves worse words--" "To my backbone I hate him!" Parting the sapling screen, the Huntsman came out and seated himself on a prostrate tree, as though he found the field worthy of his attention. "Yet it is a foolish way after all," he began, "for only see how Alrek's bane has been Erlend's good fortune----" The Amiable One's handsome brown face flushed. "We have given no thanks on that score, nor shall give any," he answered hastily. "I have seen Alrek only once since the day that bad luck overtook him, and then I dared not speak to him; but the first chance I get, I shall offer the chiefship back." The murmur which greeted that was almost a cheer; only Thorall made a sound of dissent. "Now do you act after the manner of boys rather than of men," he said. "Pity Alrek Ingolfsson you may if you will, but in so doing you should not undervalue the leader you have got in his----" "Now what trap are you baiting?" grumbled Gard, at the same instant that Erlend interrupted. "I beg of you to leave that and give us instead your advice how the Skraellings may be found. You, more than any other, know the secrets of the south country." Some of the band drew breath rather quickly as their chief said that, and looked to see the Huntsman rise in offense; but again he surprised them. Re-crossing his legs and settling his broad back against a stump, he did nothing worse than to sit gazing away at the sunshine of the open. His voice was still amiable when at last he spoke: "It would be useless to deny that many wonders may be told of the south country. I will begin by telling you that it contains bigger game than Skraellings and--" his hand strayed to the deerskin cord looping his neck and ending in the breast of his stained green tunic--"and more valuable things than furs." He paused to cough, and no one moved for fear of breaking the spell. He recovered himself with a covert smile. "It may be that I will even do better than telling you. What should you say if I would show you the paths that lead to the treasure? I have some thought of going south myself this summer----" Gard answered with an unexpectedness that made them jump: "I should say that we were rabbit-brained if we allowed you to lead us anywhere! Because Erlend is caught with your chaff, it is not proved that you can trap us all. I would not follow you a pace. To your face I tell you that I believe it was your hand that slew the Skraelling, though your body was further off than could be seen by a raven hovering in the sky!" He broke off and began making rune-signs with his fingers, as the small eyes turned toward him. But it was not the Huntsman's anger which he had to reckon with, but the resentment of those who feared to lose a tidbit from their watering mouths. "Hold your tongue!" "You know that is an old woman's story--" "For what purpose should you interfere?" "You are not all of us!" the mouths growled, while the elbows belonging to them made themselves felt admonishingly in his ribs. Erlend spoke with unprecedented severity. "You have no right to show enmity toward a man who is behaving well toward you. You may take your choice either to go off by yourself or else sit down and keep quiet like the rest of us." Nine times out of ten, Gard would have subsided in sulky submission; but this was the tenth time. Moving toward the bush whereon his cap and bow and quiver hung as on a rack, he sent the Huntsman a glance of such hatred as springs from fear. "I choose the best company," he said; and gathering up his things, he slung his ax over his shoulder and slouched away. Those at work in the clearing refrained from addressing him when they saw the expression of his swarthy face; and those toiling on the river bank agreed with polite alacrity when he deigned to growl in passing that the day was unbearably hot. It was, moreover, easier to assent to that remark than to deny it. Far and near, blue water and green land were ablaze with sun. When the Ugly One had forded the river and plowed through the treeless meadows where Karlsefne's cattle stood knee-deep in the reed-fringed pools, his linen clothes were wet on his body; and he gave up a vague plan to spend his unexpected holiday in fishing. "There will be fewer chances of the juice drying in my skull if I go to that wood place where the red berries grow," he decided, and struck across the grove toward the camp to leave his burden in the booth. The camp was not so easily entered as of old, for now there rose around the twelve huts a fence of mighty logs with sharpened tops; and at each of the three gates there stood a man on guard. Yet neither was the watch strict enough to justify the precautions of Strong Domar who chanced to hold this post. With his joyous bellow, he promptly barred the passage with his spear until the newcomer had answered a catechism that began by asking his age and ended by demanding a list of the things he had eaten for breakfast. The Ugly One's patience had run as dry as the Strong One's power of invention, by the time he was permitted to make his exasperated entrance. Repulsing a pack of affectionate hounds, he stamped across the clover-sprinkled grass and would have stamped into the booth if he had not glimpsed through the open door a figure that had come to seem, almost as much as Hallad's, to belong to another world,--the gaunt form of Alrek the Exile, rummaging in the chest which had been his treasure-box in the days of his prosperity and still remained reverently untouched. Evidently he had known that at this hour the booth would be empty, for there was no watchfulness in his ears; he neither heard nor saw when his comrade stopped on the threshold and stood gazing at him. It seemed to Gard that he had never seen so great a change in any one. From the unkempt brown hair to the black cloak that hung about his heels in rusty rags, he was as different from what he had been as November from June. His face showed the change most of all, for no glow of red was left in the brown, and his eyes were like cinders out of which the fire had died. From Gard's throat there burst suddenly a dry sob; and before the Swordless could move, his one-time follower was kneeling before him, clutching at his tattered cloak. "Alrek! Come back and let me make it up to you. I can not sleep at night with thinking what I brought upon you. I beg you to come back!" When he had stood a while looking down at him, Alrek spoke with suppressed scorn: "Are you still trying to spend your money and keep it too? You do not want to bear the burden of your deed, yet you knew when you slew him that some one must suffer for it----" "I slay him? I did not! I did not! I only told that lie----" "So that I repeated it and became also a liar. I would not believe you though you swore with your hand on the Boar's head. You tried to take back the weapon which Brand gave, and the Skraelling resisted and you struck--with my hatchet which you had found where it dropped when I fell. I tell you I would not believe you though you took oath on the Cross. Let go my cloak and get away from me. If you had more than a dog's wit you would know better than to talk of making it up to me; you would know that I am disgraced forever. Let go my cloak before I kick you away as I would a dog." Freeing himself, he was gone. Gard reached the door only in time to see him pass out of the gate, Domar eagerly saluting; then the forest took him again into its silent keeping. Thrusting his hands through his belt, the Ugly One leaned against the casing and spoke heavily to the hound that had left a noonday nap to come and fawn upon him. "It is likely that we have low minds as he says, Fafnir.... Yet, for all he says, we are faithful.... We do not lay it up against a friend if it happen that he ill-use us...." Seeing the bristles begin suddenly to rise along the hound's spine, he looked up to find Thorhall the Huntsman swinging past over the grass. He finished with a sound very like the one coming from the dog's great throat: "And both of us can tell a foe when we see him!" CHAPTER XVI PROVING THAT ALREK'S EMPTY HANDS WERE FULL OF POWER "A sail is not a small thing to ask for," Gudrid observed,--then raised a finger hastily as Erlend would have pleaded his cause. "You will put me in the most disobliging temper if you wake the child! As far off as the table I heard him crying, and came and found that it had happened as I suspected, that Roswitha had slipped out and left him. And he would not be quieted unless I got a cord and looped it around his feet and let him hold the ends and play at driving horses while he went to sleep!" She laid a hand on the Amiable One's silken sleeve, and another on the arm of Brand Erlingsson, and drew them gently off the dangerous ground out into the great back dooryard where the four households of Vinland sat in that contented idleness which follows the evening meal. Roundabout the grassy space the stockade rose in grim foreboding; but the three gates opened wide upon shadowy grove and silvered meadow, and their three guards left their posts at will to bandy jests with their comrades at the long tables under the trees. Over the juice of the Vinland grape the men were lounging contentedly, while the cook-fires sank into red embers, and the moon sailed up from the tree-tops and floated free in the blue above them. "It is certainly a night to bewitch one into promising anything! You choose your time well," Gudrid said with a little shake of the sleeves she was holding. Brand moved his arm away abruptly; there was a limit to the liberties which even one who was asking a favor could endure. Erlend, however, was always affable. "That will be seen if you grant our request," he answered. "It could not take you long, Gudrid, if you are such a weaver as you consider yourself. And I promise you that you should not lose by it, for we would bring you back a fine present from our journey. The ship is well begun now. We delayed about the sail as late as possible in the hope that Alrek would come back and do the asking for us. We know that his favor is no less with you because trouble has come on his hands." Gudrid's face lost some of its wonted sweet serenity. "Alas, my kinsman!" she sighed. "I wish my favor could do something useful for him. I can tell you that even the child is full of longing for him. Time and again, when he hears a step that is like Alrek's, he turns his eyes toward the door and cries when it is not his kinsman who comes in." The three walked a little way in silence; Erlend frowning perplexedly at the ground, Brand kicking the heads off the clovers in the sullen discomfort which this subject always aroused in him. Presently Gudrid came slowly to a standstill. "I am going yonder to speak with Jorund, Siggeir's wife," she said. "I do not say that I will not do your weaving for you, but I must see first how it goes with my dairy work. In the meanwhile, I wish you luck with your undertaking." "That is no worse than a promise," Erlend returned blandly, "for if you do in truth wish us luck, you will help us all you can." And they departed from her in high feather to tell their comrades of the boon granted. Standing where they had left her, Gudrid pondered a while whether she really would cross the grass to the spot where Jorund and the two other Greenland women gossiped beside a door-step, or whether she would go into the booth where Karlsefne sat with his chiefs over a chart. There was a matter of cheeses that she particularly wished to discuss with Jorund, and yet it would be interesting to hear whether the Lawman had seen any trace of Skraellings in his trip that day. Considering, she put a hand up to finger her amber necklace, as was her habit, and made the discovery that it was not there. She took her hand away with a gesture of impatience. "Now will Karlsefne laugh at me, for he has always said that this would happen if I allowed Snorri to play with it! I remember that it was by the river, where I sat with him this afternoon. I gave it to him to bite, and then it happened that he dropped it to reach out for the boat which Biorn was rowing past; and Biorn called to me, and I forgot to pick it up again. Tch! What a stupid business! It is in my mind to slip out and get it before any one notices that it is gone. The exact spot is known to me." Going over to the western gate, she looked out toward the shining river. Less than a dozen trees dotted the space between her and the little knoll on the bank where she had rested, and the moon made it almost as bright as day. She gathered up her trailing kirtle with prompt decision. "Any Skraelling small enough to hide in those shadows, is not big enough to be afraid of," she said, and passed out quickly with her firm light step. That anything besides Skraellings might lurk in the shadows, she seemed to forget. Reaching the bank, she sent one look of admiration out over the radiant river, then bent her gaze to the foot of the tree among whose roots her fingers were swiftly feeling. To look up into the branches she had no thought whatever. Yet not ten paces from her, Death lay along a bough,--Death in a tawny body with eyes like fire and a tail like a serpent, noiselessly lashing the air as the graceful form crouched for a spring. The first warning she had was when a voice she knew spoke sharply from the shadows before her: "Lie down on your face!" The catastrophe came only a breath after the warning. As she threw herself forward, something leaped over her and met something else in mid-air. There was the jar of heavy bodies striking the earth, a crackle of breaking twigs, and the silver stillness was profaned by a horrible sound of snarling and long-drawn gasps. Clutching at the tree-trunk, she tried to pull herself to her feet; but the two struggled on the very skirt of her robe and held her pinioned. Only over her shoulder she caught a glimpse of the giant cat, where it lay on its back, clutching in its claws the boy who knelt on its lashing body with no other weapon against the gaping jaws than his bare brown hands. It seemed to her that she shrieked, and it is certain that she swooned; for the next thing she knew, she lay on her face in the grass with Alrek bending toward her. "It is over," he said briefly, and dragged a heavy weight from her skirt. Pulling herself to her feet, she leaned dizzily against a tree, staring down at the strange monster that had the shape of a cat and the size of a hound. "You choked him?" she whispered. The Swordless One nodded. "There was no other way. Last week I saw him leap down upon a deer and suck the blood from its throat. I thought then that my hands on _his_ throat would be my only chance if ever we had dealings together. Yet I did not think that he would come so near the wall." "It is God's miracle that you also chanced to be near it," she breathed. "It is not all chance," he answered. "I have been here more than one night since they began to set the tables under the trees. Torchlight attracts other things besides sharks. It is like watching the red lights of the North, to watch the cook-fires shine on the branches; and when the men sing over their wine, the sound reaches out here so that it is almost the same as though I were among--" He came slowly to self-consciousness, and turned away and gave his attention to sopping with his ragged cloak the blood trickling from his torn limbs. [Illustration: With no other weapon than his bare brown hands.] The sight of wounds brought Gudrid instantly to her capable self. "Tch," she said; and tearing her apron into strips, she put his hands aside and fell to work with skilful swiftness. For a little, nothing was said between them. Yet it was not of the bleeding flesh that either was thinking in the silence. More than once, Alrek insisted that the work was done and tried to pull away from her and escape; and as her fingers flew, her mind went even faster, seeking some means by which to bind up the bleeding spirit as well. Suddenly, with her eyes on the empty brown hands that were yet so full of power, the way was opened to her. Looking up from where she knelt beside him, she spoke courageously: "Kinsman, there is little need that I should tell you what you know by yourself,--that although Karlsefne would grant you a pardon in payment for this help, he would not give you his faith, which is what you want." Though he had not flinched from the touch of her hand on his wounds, the boy winced under her words. "I want neither his faith nor his pardon!" he said between his teeth. "I beg you to let me go." "Not until you have heard me," she answered. "I have said this to show you that I am not speaking soft lies, but the truth. Now I am going to tell you more truth; the right-minded thing for you to do is to come back to the band and live as one of the men, until some twist of the thread brings your rank back to you." She worked a while after that without looking up, for she could feel his glance beating down upon her. After a time he said huskily: "It is of no use ... I am dishonored...." At that she raised her eyes with a hint of scorn. "It is true then that you did slay the Skraelling?" He looked at her sorrowfully. "I had thought that you would believe in me, kinswoman." "Why, so I did," she answered, "until I heard you say that you were dishonored. For if you did not touch the deed, how could it stain you?" Rising up, she laid her palms upon his breast and made him give her eye for eye. "Did it make your hands helpless because no sword was in them to-night?" she challenged him. "I think I have never seen weapons more powerful; nor was your eye less quick to see my peril, nor your heart less brave to help me,--nay, you were twice brave that you came with empty hands! Will you belie the courage and honor which you know you have, because you lack the red cloth and the bit of steel that are the runes which stand for them? If you will, you are not the Alrek Ingolfsson that I had wished my child would be like." Looking into his eyes she saw a fire, long quenched, kindle and burn; and her palms on his breast felt the deep breath he drew; nor did he have any words of disproof. Discreet as she was bold, she asked for no words of assent. Leaving him, she went and tried to lift the forepart of the limp body. "Get this upon your back," she said. "The Champions will become glad at this." Silently he obeyed, drawing the dangling paws over his shoulder so that the long body hung down his back like a tawny cloak. Slowly he followed after as she turned and led the way toward the gate,--until they were within two spear-lengths of it and a hubbub of voices and laughter came out to them like a puff of wind. Then gradually his pace slackened, and she looked around to find that his face was flooded with painful color. She had the impulse to reach out and catch hold of him; but it was the impulse which came to her lips that she acted on, speaking as quietly as she would have spoken to her child had he ventured too near the edge of a cliff: "I do not know whether it is to your mind to enter the camp with me, but it is the truth that I shall hear enough of my foolishness without having you lead me home as well as save me. If I slip through this gate, as I came, will you use the east one, which is also nearer your own booth?" Then she knew that she had guessed aright, for once more he moved forward, and under his breath he answered: "Yes." By the time she had gained the center of the green, she knew also that he had kept his word. Suddenly a joyous uproar went up from the tableful of Vinland Champions, and some were rolled off the benches in the haste of others to get on their feet; and crossing the moonlit space beyond them, she saw a soldierly young figure with a mass of yellow fur swinging from his shoulder--saw him and then lost him in the throng that closed, cheering, about him. Her firm sweet mouth relaxed happily. "That is the first step toward a good outcome," she said. "If the Fates have any justice in their breasts, they will attend to the rest." And from afar she beamed brightly on the group, even as the moon above was beaming upon her. CHAPTER XVII SHOWING HOW THE CHAMPIONS BROKE A THREAD IN THE HUNTSMAN'S NET Over the boulders between which the narrow trail wound down to the building place on the beach, Thorhall's green eyes stared in surprise. After a three days' scouting trip, he had taken a roundabout way campward in order to get a glimpse of the vessel in whose progress he was interested, but it appeared that here was more change than he had anticipated. Grown to all its graceful outlines the ship still waited on its rollers, high enough up on the shelving beach to rest immune from the whims of the tide. Around it and in it and under it the band worked as usual, whistling and wrangling amiably. But a pace to the right, where a rock humped through the gravel offered chance for a forge, there was a feature new to the scene,--a brown-haired young smith hammering vigorously at a bar of glowing iron. If he did not whistle as he hammered, yet he worked as steadily as though he had always stood there; and above the hum could be heard Brand's voice, speaking with eager deference: "Alrek, is it your opinion that a bolt is needed here, or will it be sufficient to tie this plank?" While Ingolf's son made brief answer between the strokes of his hammer, the Huntsman descended the rest of the trail in scowling cogitation. When the noise of question and answer had subsided, he came out suddenly upon the beach. "Hail to the chief!" he said. If the salute was designed to ask a question as well as offer greeting, it served its purpose. The brown-haired smith did not even turn his head; it was still Erlend the Amiable who answered to the title, straightening quickly to give back nod for nod. "Thorhall! Now I am glad you are back to release us from our promise to let no one know the secret of the south country. Tell Alrek without delay about the treasure-land you have found." There was delay, however, in the manner in which the Huntsman moved forward, paused to look at whatever addition in the boat interested him, paused to unwind a fetter of seaweed bubbles from his ankle, and finally seated himself on a boulder and studied the smith intently. "Have you come back for good?" he inquired. Before Alrek could speak, Gard--working behind him--answered by a jeer: "Some may have cause to think that he has come back for ill." In the interests of peace Erlend raised his voice: "I beg of you, Gard, to turn fox for a while and go down the beach and dig enough clams to fill your cloak-skirt; so that we shall be fed, when noontime comes, without going back to the camp." It seemed to the Huntsman that there was something suspicious in the docility with which Gard obeyed, somewhat as though he felt that he was leaving a sentinel behind him. The small eyes continued their study of the smith, as an angler might study a fish while he was considering what spear to employ. After a silence, which no one ventured to break, he spoke bluntly: "The country south and west of here is inhabited by dwarfs. By that I do not mean merely people who are small-shaped, but the Northern race that is skilled in metal-work. You remember that Tyrfing was forged by such? Now I think you have yourself a sword--I ask you not to blame me! I did not mean to press that wound. But at least it serves to make plain to you whom I mean. In this land, they live in caverns of the gold-bearing mountains of which the south and west country is full. I think I have described to you their homes?" The band answered even rapturously: "Never shall I forget it!" "No king's palace could--" "I wish Alrek had heard--" "Tell over about that one with the golden roof--" "Yes, good Thorhall!" "Yes!" "Yes!" It did not appear that Thorhall heard them; as a hawk might watch a coop for the appearance of the chickens, he was watching Alrek's mouth for the first word of doubt. None came. Slowly, the smith's blows became further between. Presently he rested his hammer on the rock and his elbow on the hammer handle. "That is of the greatest interest," he said thoughtfully. "And it comes to my mind to wonder if it could have been your dwarfs that Rolf Erlingsson saw when he was here with Leif the Lucky? He said those creatures were low as junipers, while Skraellings are most of them of good height--Yet he said also that they were poor and mean-looking! Your dwarfs must be as rich as Hnoss herself." He ended uncertainly. But the Huntsman leaned back and smote his great knee with rare enthusiasm. "Now your comrades are right in valuing your wit above others!" he said. "Never had the thought come to me before, yet it is twice as likely as not. So cunning are they, that it would be altogether according to their custom to disguise themselves like Skraellings when they had the wish to spy upon strangers. It cannot be said that they have a fondness for strangers. You know that it was a dwarf who caused my wreck at Keel Cape?" "No, that is a story you have not told us," the band cried eagerly. He looked at them indulgently. "Now it is not much of a tale. The beginning of it is that I pried too deep into an old long-beard's secrets, so that I had to run for my life. I should be feasting on boar-flesh in Valhalla now, if I had not left the boat with its stem toward the water and the oars in the row-locks; for we were no more than out of sight of land when the dwarf-man reached the shore." He paused to glance around the group. "I suppose you remember how King Skiold blew upon a passing ship so that the boom fell over and killed Eystein where he stood by the steering oar?" he inquired. While they nodded impatiently, Alrek spoke in confirmation: "I believe that to be true, because once I met a Finnish sailor who could change the wind by turning his cap." "You have seen so much of the world," the Huntsman said admiringly, "that it would become a great misfortune if you should lose this chance of seeing more wonders. To go on relating,--the dwarf used the same trick, though a little differently. Instead of blowing, he raised a gale only by flapping his cloak; and the water rose behind us in a sea-wall. I had often wondered what it would be like to be at the spot where a storm begins, and that time I found out. The water rose behind us with a roar, and swept us along past the entrance to the Vinland bay until we struck the Keel bar, and the boat went to pieces and the other three went down and Thor saved me. Hallad felt very unwilling to drown. You remember I had on only one boot when you found me? I can remember feeling something pull at the other so that I thought a shark had me and gave it a strong kick off. Now I know that it was Hallad clutching at it. I suppose it was because he got bitter that I did not help him, that he comes back to haunt me." "That would be in every respect like Hallad," Brand said scornfully. "He was always wont to expect some one to look out for him. Thorhall, will you not let us see that chain again, that Alrek may get it clear before his mind what great things are in store for us?" It appeared from his manner that there was nothing Thorhall would not do to oblige them. "Willingly," he answered, and straightway undid the bag around his neck. Dropping their tools, they came and stood around him in so cosy a circle that the Ugly One, far down the beach, took one fist out of the oozy gravel it was raking to shake it at them, and never knew that the other hand had turned up a clam until a jet of water struck him in the face. If the necklace had sparkled in the gray light of the Wonderstrands, it may be imagined what it did here in the sun. Some of the gems encrusting it were blue as the bay before them, and some were like pearls in which a fire had been kindled, and some were like nothing less than stars. The Huntsman let Alrek reach out and take it for himself, and the young Viking drew a quick breath of pleasure as he felt its weight. "Now I have seen booty taken from kings' palaces, but never anything to match this," he said. "It was without doubt the luck of our lives that we found you that day on the Wonderstrands. I remember overhearing you say to Faste that the reason you would not bring your news forward in the hall was because you did not want the chiefs to take the power out of your hands. I suppose the reason you share the secret with us is because we can give the help of a ship?" Erlend looked up in surprise, the necessity of a reason for the Huntsman's cordiality not having before occurred to him. The Huntsman looked out from under roughened brows, though he kept his words smooth. "Now you do less than justice to your comrades' valor and accomplishments," he began. But he stopped as he saw one of Alrek's eyes close in good-humored derision. "When is it your intention to sail?" the Swordless brought him back to the point. The Huntsman reached out and took back his chain. "That you must ask your chief," he answered; and spite was so evident in his use of the title, that the Amiable One hastened to answer before he could be asked: "I think it will take about five days more to finish the outfittings, and then two to stock it with food. If a fair wind blows on it, we can surely sail on the tenth day." Slowly Alrek lowered the hammer he had raised to return to his work. "It must be that you are forgetting the Skraellings," he said. "Because the hunters have seen nothing of them, proves little; Leif Ericsson's men saw nothing of the dwarfs until they were upon them. It is a sure sign, when a slain man is found lying on his face, that he will be revenged. Any day it may happen that they come; and if we should be away hunting gold while our camp-mates fought for their lives, we should get little fame though we brought back----" The Huntsman rose to his gigantic height. "Are you the chief?" he snarled. That was the third time he had pressed the wound; the flame in Alrek's cheeks sent sparks to his eyes as he wheeled. "No, I am not the chief," he answered squarely, "but I have the right of every free man to make my voice heard in deciding matters, and I can tell you that it is going to be heard though you weave all the spells you know." Perhaps the Huntsman did try to weave a spell, for he turned at once toward those who had so far obeyed his every move like snake-charmed birds. "What of you?" he hissed. "Will you put off this chance for treasure, to fight for the Lawman who disbelieved your oaths and showed disrespect to your high-seat?" And the chorus answered him loudly: "No!" And Brand made himself conspicuous by his fierceness. "Let the Skraellings cut blood-eagles in Karlsefne!" It is likely that he wished directly after that he had kept still, for instead of praise, it brought him a look of scathing contempt from the Swordless. "Now you talk like fools," the young Viking said, "to think to revenge private wrongs in wartime. He would be a fine soldier who because he had a grudge against his chief would desert in time of battle and leave his comrades to fight alone. No knife could scrape off this shame." They quailed so under that, that the Huntsman's green eyes became like the eyes of a Vinland elk at bay. Turning where Erlend stood silent, he struck again: "You then,--if you have any power who call yourself the chief!" Erlend laughed uneasily; his handsome face had turned painfully red. "It seems that I was mistaken in thinking that that name belonged to me," he answered. Crimsoning, Alrek fell from his hill of scorn to the valley of abashment. "Erlend, I meant no--no disrespect toward you," he stammered. "I did not mean to step out of my place--" He was obliged to stop, for Erlend's hand closed over his mouth. "What are you talking about?" the Amiable One said sternly. "That is in no way what I mean. What you did was to step into the place that belongs to you." He exerted some of his strength to keep his palm where he had put it. "Listen to me! I am unfit to have the rule over anything. Never did it come into my head that leaving would be disloyal. I should have done a nithing thing which the saga-men would never have forgotten. I know of no better happening than that you should come into your own in time to save me." He stretched out his other hand toward the assembled Champions. "You shouted before when I said that I should offer the chiefship back. I shall think your tongues of little value if you keep them between your teeth now!" The eagerness with which Brand offered the first cheer seemed designed to make up for his blunder of the moment before. He was seconded by a deep roar from Gard, who had just come up with his burden on his back. After that, there was no separating the shouts that came; and they banged their tools against the ship in lieu of swords and shields. When the racket had subsided, Erlend turned back to the Swordless with a smile that had yet a touch of haughtiness. "I shall take it as an insult to my pride if you ask me to keep what so plainly belongs to you," he said. After a while Alrek looked up from the trenches his foot was digging in the sand. "I will accept it gladly, if Karlsefne will allow me to," he answered; and there was more cheering and all hands were stretched out to him. All but two, that is; shifting uneasily from one foot to the other, Brand and Gard the Ugly stood aside nor dared make any advances. The Swordless himself hesitated when finally he came to them, and his face caught some of their embarrassed color; but at last he put out his hand. They gripped it eagerly, and there was more cheering. Under cover of it the Huntsman turned and stalked away; and what had been angry suspicion as he descended the trail, was angry certainty as he stamped up it. CHAPTER XVIII CONCERNING A GRIM BARGAIN BETWEEN THE LAWMAN AND ALREK "And I will seek out Gudrid, whose counsel is good in everything," Alrek said as he and Erlend rose from the morning meal at the table under the trees, "if so be you give me leave to be late to the work." "If so be you need leave from me, you have it for anything you do," Erlend answered. Then the Amiable One and all the Champions not bound to kitchen-posts took their leisurely way through the cool green forest to the waiting ship; and Alrek the Swordless turned in the opposite direction and strolled past the empty tables and groups of trencher-laden thralls toward Karlsefne's booth. Before the door-step small Snorri tumbled about in the clover, shouting lustily for his mother to come and play with him; which seemed to Alrek so good a reason for expecting her prompt arrival that he troubled himself to go no further. Stretching his lithe length on the grass, he changed the cries into laughter by butting the crier over on his back each time he opened his mouth; and the maneuver was crowned with immediate success. After a very little time, Gudrid appeared in the door, a piece of sewing in her hand, inquiry in her blue eyes. "Oh! That is why he stopped screaming!" she said with an accent of relief. "So long as he is crying, I know that he is safe. Now you are a lazy-goer, kinsman, to be lying on the grass when every one else is at work." Shaking the clovers from his hair, Alrek sat up,--he would have stood up if it were not that the Frowner had crept across his feet. "I wait only to ask your advice, kinswoman, about a way to speak alone with Karlsefne. For two days I have looked in vain for a chance. I want to get his justice." Coming out of the doorway, Gudrid seated herself on the step, and sat absently stabbing holes in her work with her bronze needle. "Justice is a heavy weapon to challenge unless you are sure that you stand very firm on your legs, kinsman," she said at last. He answered: "I stand very firm," and the sternness of his voice was in singular contrast to the gentleness of his hand as he stretched it out to steady the Frowner in his upward progress. Watching them, Gudrid's pucker of anxiety smoothed into a fond smile. "Now certainly I know that you are guiltless," she said. "I have only to see your behavior toward the child to be sure of that." She did not continue her assurances for Alrek's mouth had curved into amiable derision. "Why, that proves nothing," he said. Gudrid's foot stirred the clovers. "I will give you the satisfaction of knowing that Karlsefne has made me the same answer. Sometimes it seems to me that a man's wit is like a bat, which disdains the good daylight to go about in, but must show its skill by finding its way in the dark! I can even guess that this very boldness of yours, which causes me to believe in you, will seem to the Lawman to be but another trick of your outlaw blood. Remember how they say in Greenland that a seal who tries to swim against too strong a current has often to turn back and be caught by the hunters. Kinsman, kinsman"--she put out her hand and pressed his shoulder--"be very sure of your strength!" "Yes," he said, and bent his head to touch his lips to her fingers. More than the words, the rare caress told her that his mood was no light one; and she warned no more. Rising, she spoke quietly: "I will do the only thing I can to give you help. Karlsefne is making the round of the meadows where the men are haying. I did not send his noon-meal with him--because I did not think it fitting that he should eat old bread, and the new is not yet out of the oven--but I had the intention to send it out to him by a thrall. Now if you choose you may carry it, and so get him apart for your purpose." "That will serve well, and I give you thanks," Alrek answered. Nodding, she went swiftly in to hurry the baking; and Alrek arose and setting the Frowner upon his shoulder paced to and fro in the sunshine that had settled over the camp like a golden spell, subduing the bustle of morning activity to a drowsy drone. Lulled by the hum and the slow motion, Snorri's yellow head began to nod, swaying and bobbing until it rested heavily upon the brown locks of his bearer. Gudrid received a bundle of sweet warm limpness in return for the basket and skin of ale which she finally brought out. "It is not unlike gathering up a jellyfish," she laughed as she took him. But Alrek's smile was faint in response. He had been thinking as he paced, and the gravity of what he was about to do was full upon him. "I give you thanks," he said a second time, gently, and left her. Outside, in the great free world beyond the wall, it seemed to him that everything was coaxing for a smile. The reach of woodland into which the grove deepened was alluring with the song of hidden brooks and spicy with the breath of pines and hospitable with berry thickets, black and red and blue as the river to which the wood finally gave way. The elms of the bank flaunted wreathing grape-vines; the rushes at the edge sported dragon-flies like living jewels,--flashing in the sunlight, the river itself was one broad smile. Dull anger took possession of him when he found his spirits too heavy to rise in response. "It may be that I should become a coward if this went on," he murmured. "I was not any too quick about making up my mind." And when, a little further on, he came to a finger of the stream and saw on one of the mossy stepping-stones a water-snake struggling with a frog which was only half swallowed, he made no move to release the victim. "Better to die whole than to live crippled," he told himself grimly, and kept on his way. It seemed a very short way now before he came to the broad sunny valley whose fragrant basin was strewed with ripening hay, which men were tossing amid jests and laughter as became a crop planted without toil and raised without care. Spying him, they shouted greetings of good-humored banter; and he raised his hand mechanically, as his eyes roved to and fro seeking the blue-clad figure of the Lawman. It formed no part of the groups scattered over the valley, nor was it anywhere alone in the open--Ah, yonder it was in the shade of the spreading willow that rose solitary in the middle of the meadow! A smile twisted Alrek's lips as he moved forward. "I wonder," he mused, "if it is a bad omen that I find him ready under a tree." At least his luck was good enough so that he found the Lawman alone, sitting where two rocks made a seat beneath the willow; nor did he turn away when he saw who it was coming toward him through the sunshine. Over the fist upon which his bearded chin was resting, he watched the approach immovably. When Alrek had come up and saluted him, he answered: "I shall know better how to receive you when I hear your purpose in taking this service on yourself." "Gudrid allowed me to do this that I might speak alone with you," Alrek made brief explanation. It seemed that Karlsefne's challenging gaze relaxed a little. "There is the greatest reason why Gudrid should wish to aid you," he said, "and scarcely am I out of your debt. I should be glad to hear that your errand hither is to ask a pardon from my gratefulness." Sliding the ale-skin to the ground, the boy straightened proudly; but before he could answer, Karlsefne spoke on, unclenching his hand to pass it before his eyes: "As you came toward me, you looked even as your father looked when he came to the Assembly Plain to hear the judges condemn him for his crimes; and now as then I hate the deeds and love the doer so that the two feelings are like two fires raging within me." Taking away his hand he showed the stern beauty of his face aglow with feeling, as some lofty rock under the touch of a red Northern light. "I beg of you to throw yourself upon my mercy. Defiance has gathered like drift-ice in your breast, shutting out all that would come through to bring you good. Break from it before it shuts you in forever. I beg of you to yield and give me the joy of trusting you again." Ending, his deep voice held a note of yearning love that made the boy's heart swell strangely in his breast. He had to speak hardly and shortly in order to be able to speak at all. "Hard is it to know how to answer, for you offer me what I do not need. I came here to get your justice. If I broke your order, I deserve an evil death; if I did not, it is my right to live unshamed. If you know that it is I who slew the Skraelling, I ask you to have me placed against this tree and shot." As a Northern light fades from a rock and leaves no warmth behind, so the glow faded from the Lawman's face. "Do you like it so well to die?" he asked. "Sooner would I die than live as I have lived since your doom," Alrek answered. Silence settled heavily upon them. When a great fly boomed out of the sunlit space and hung for a wink of time at the boy's ear, the sound seemed thunder-loud. But at last the Lawman spoke, his voice as hard as clanging iron: "Not many men would go so far as to deal with me by force and overbearing, but you play the game as well as is to be expected of your father's son. Though I am sure of your guilt, you are right in believing that I am not sure enough to take your life when you lay it in my hand. And since it is proved that I am not sure, I may not punish you at all. It is well played. There are two choices before you,--the one is to let matters stand as they are now, so that your life is safe and the future is yours to redeem your credit in; the other is to get back your honors as you demand, with the condition that if ever this case comes again before my high-seat and so much as a feather's weight more of evidence is given against you, I shall declare your life to be forfeit." The long safe way is seldom the way of youth; one must have traveled far and fallen often to make that choice. The young Viking answered without hesitation: "I will take my honors and the risk." Rising, the Lawman made him a chief's salute. "So be it," he said. "To-night in the hall, even as I took them from you, I will give them back before all eyes. In this and whatever follows, it shall be as you have chosen." He lifted his hand as the boy would have thanked him. In obedience to the gesture, the Chief of the Champions halted and bowed before him in silence; but his brown head was carried high when he walked away, and his eyes were two radiant suns of hope. CHAPTER XIX RELATING THE ADVENTURE WITH THE MEN OF THE FOREST Like dew on a fresh berry a silver gauze of mist lay over the fresh day, and the birds' answers to the sun were still far-between and sleepy, as Hjalmar Thick-Skull came out of the bayward gate and sauntered down the meadow-slope to the beach. Of late he had given over fishing in the river for fishing in the bay, where a flat island lay like a lily-pad on the water. With his tackle on his shoulder and a song on his lips, he came down where his boat was waiting and sent a careless glance around the horizon. Then the song was changed to a cry, and he went back up the slope in long bounds, deafening the man at the gate as he burst in upon him. "Skraellings! Around the long point they are coming in shoals!" Staring, the guards stammered the words after him; but an Icelander who was passing caught them up with a roar and started on a run for Karlsefne's booth. The hounds lying under the trees leaped up and raced beside him, barking; out of every door that he passed uncombed heads were thrust, shouting questions. In the draft of a breath, the news had spread like fire. Reaching the Chief of the Champions where he stood in his doorway, he sheathed the sword that he was polishing with so much pride and took a step toward the gate; then, bethinking himself of a quicker way to verify the report, he turned and made for a great pine-tree standing on a little knoll. With a run and a leap he went up the trunk, and clambered from one great bough to the next as though they were steps, until his head came out through the last layer of needles. The Thick-Skulled had spoken truly. The bright plain of the bay was specked with dark skin-boats; eastward around the longest of the capes, they were like a dark tide rolling in upon the land. Something seemed to tighten in the Sword-Bearer's throat; and he was about to turn and let himself down swiftly to the bough below, when his eye was caught by a movement up the river bank, the passing of something dark athwart the green of a bush. Drawing his head down under the green roof, he hung by his arms, gazing intently. There was no open anywhere for the Thing to cross, and just that dark streak flitting through the bush-tops told nothing--and yonder was a white streak behind it! And beyond that a dark one! His hands tightened on the branch so that it crackled. Unless motes were dancing before his eyes, the bush was alive with the fleeting wisps, shapeless, soundless, but bearing down upon the camp. His heart seemed to turn over in his body, and he dropped like an ape from limb to limb. Descending into the camp was like falling from the peacefulness of a masthead into the roar of the ocean. Wrangling and stamping about, the men were struggling into their shirts of ring-mail. Hammering on their shields to get attention, the chiefs were shouting orders. Bearing messages and distributing weapons, thralls rushed back and forth, followed by the yelping of dogs and the screaming of bondwomen from the doorways. It took main force on the part of the Champions' leader to get them aside and make them understand that it was not the enemy before them against whom they were to turn their blades. "The number of those in the boats is so many times greater than we, that no men can be spared from the front," he concluded swiftly. "To find out what these Things are, and defend the gates against them, will be our share. And it is likely that much depends upon our getting into position without loss of time. Olaf and the Hare, I appoint to be my messengers; and I want to give Olaf a message now, while the Hare goes after my ring-shirt." Drawing the Fair One aside, he spoke forcefully in his ear until he yielded reluctant obedience and darted away in the direction of the pastures. It may be admitted that reluctance was in most faces when a little later they turned their backs upon the uproar of the camp and stole out into the loneliness of the grove. Over their shield-rims, their eyes rolled apprehensively as their chief spread them into a broad crescent covering both gates, and led them warily forward. When the first high ground gained failed to reveal anything, they jumped at the idea that he had been mistaken in his spying, that the sun had dazzled his eyes, that what he had seen was but a line of low-flying swallows. They were urging it eagerly at the very instant that he was justified. All at once it was as though every twig in the undergrowth ahead had turned into a bow, and the bow had shot an arrow at them. The rattle on their iron helmets was like the pelting of hail. If their bodies had not been armored, they would have gone down as grain before a scythe. Alrek's voice rang out strongly: "Skraellings! Under cover! Make ready for their charge!" In a flash they had leaped backward, behind trees, bushes, boulders, anything. The sunbeams broke into jagged lightnings as the bright swords sprang from the scabbards. But no flesh appeared from the thicket beyond. The grove remained empty and silent as a grave. It shattered the stillness startlingly when Njal screamed: "If they are Skraellings, why do they not come out and show themselves?" Then, without pausing for reply, he added another shout: "Those in the boats have landed!" From the camp behind them swelled a din of Skraelling yells answered by Norse battle-cries, enforced at regular intervals by the hoarse barking of the leaders. Njal cried shrilly: "_That_ is the way in which Skraellings fight! These are trolls! Let us get loose from their net and turn back." Only Alrek's uplifted spear stayed the rush. "I think you will find my weapon sharp if you do," he warned. "Whether they be men or trolls, we must take heart as we can and hold them from the gates. I urge you all to grip your swords and manfully hold your ground. They can not do you harm while you are under cover." But it was not their bodies that they were afraid with, but their minds which had raised up specters. The sunlit space seemed all at once a cloak for shapes of horror. Dreading with every breath that the cloak would be drawn aside, their eyes shrank from what it might reveal as their flesh would not have shrunk from knives. They spoke as with one voice: "This is jugglery and trickery only! We will go back where men fight against men!" "You will not," spoke Alrek the Chief between his teeth. But even as he said it, he saw the hopelessness of expecting to hold them quiet, and made his last move. Throwing aside his spear he leaped out in front of them, brandishing his sword. "If you must move--move forward!" he cried. "You are nithings unless you follow my fate!" Even then it is not certain that they would have obeyed if Brand had not redeemed much by promptly advancing to his chief's side. "_I_ follow!" he shouted; and Erlend and Gard were only a step behind him. At that, the rest turned like sheep and came after, dodging from cover to cover, clambering, stumbling, ducking, jumping, lashing their courage with a fury of yelling. Before the cold stillness had chilled them again, they saw the foe. Rising from behind boulders, slipping around trees, gliding through bushes, came creatures with gaudy-colored bodies naked as earthworms, and bristling black heads feathered like monstrous birds; so like and yet so hideously unlike the Skraellings, that Gard cried "Forest devils!" and the band turned with one impulse for flight. But behind them, across the ground they believed they had cleared, in the space between them and the gates, stretched another line. Out of their frenzy of fear, sprang a frenzy of hate; and they leaped upon the creatures with drawn swords and the others met them, brandishing stone hatchets. For a time it was a wild game of dodging, with death as a penalty for awkwardness. Whether they were men or demons, the hatchet-bearers showed a dread of steel which kept them hovering beyond arm's reach whenever they were not darting at an opening. But at last the hungry swords tasted the flesh they craved, and their wielders' shouts of triumph stirred the rest to exulting excitement. "We will wipe them out like flies!" Alrek cried. Even as the words left his lips, he made a startling discovery. Laying low the figure in front of him, he glanced over his shoulder to make sure that there was no one behind him; and turned back to find a man standing on the very spot that he had cleared. Striking him down, he whirled to see another hideous shape in the place that--a breath before--he had made empty. At the same instant, Brand cried wildly: "It seems to me that they must rise from the dead since no matter how many one kills, there is always the same number confronting him." Into Alrek's throat came the sense of choking which had seized him in the tree-top when he beheld that dark tide rolling in upon the land. Something seemed to mock in his ear: "It will be like killing the flies of the air one by one!" Then blotting out this came the wonder that Brand's voice should seem so far away; and he risked a glance around the grove, and his heart stood still. In their mad charge, the Champions had broken their line; until now no two fought shoulder to shoulder but each stood alone, his back against a tree or a rock, a circle of hatchet-men around him. Even while their chief looked, three Champions were tempted into making dashes which carried them still wider apart. It would not be long before they would be lost to one another's sight, and the swarms would close in around them--He opened his mouth to send forth a frantic recall. But the fiend-cunning of the black eyes watching him seemed to read his purpose on his lips. Suddenly the shapes around him raised an unearthly howl, which those on all sides caught up and kept up until the din was like a wall through which no sound could come or go. Alrek's hands continued to fight from instinct, but his brain became numb. The horror long hovering over him settled lead-like upon him. "They _are_ trolls!" he told himself; and his strength began to ooze out of him in icy droops. He did not turn his head when above the din rose a roar even more appalling than the yells. When the creatures around him dropped their weapons to fly frantically this way and that, he remained standing where they had left him, plucking at an arrow which had pierced his arm below his mail. Gazing wonderingly, he saw a huge milk-white bull with mouth afoam and eyes like red flame come snorting out of the thicket, pausing now to paw up the earth before him, now to throw back his horned head with a terrific bellow. Then, in a flash, his wits came back to him. Memory reminded him that his own lips had bidden Olaf drive the animal from the pasture for their re-enforcement; and sense told him that--even as he had hoped it might happen--the hatchet-bearers had taken the apparition to be the white man's god, come to his people's aid. Leaning back against the tree, he began to shake with laughter which was half weeping. It seemed to little Olaf the Fair that there was something peculiar about the bearing of all the Champions, when a while later he met them back near the gates. Their greetings came in voices of unsteady shrillness, and their eyes were strangely bright. He said, pouting: "I do not know whether you mean that the fight went against you or that you got the victory, but I warn you that I shall dislike it if you upbraid me for fetching the bull there so soon. I have got scolded enough by the men in camp. It appears that they spent the first part of the battle in running away from arrows, and they had only just got to work with their swords when I came through with the Bellower and sent the Skraellings flying to their boats. I thought the Icelanders would have thrashed me. I shall not take it well if you also find fault----" Their shaking high-pitched laughter drowned his voice. "We will try to excuse you," Alrek said in a drawl that was still rather unsteady; whereat there was another outburst; and they swept clamoring shrilly through the gate. Inside the wall it looked at the first glance like a trading day, with shining-shirted groups scattered everywhere across the green, each man flourishing some kind of weapon while he talked at the top of his great lungs. But at a second glance the resemblance was less, for no fair-time mood was in the mien of Karlsefne and his chiefs where they stood under the council-tree, wiping the paste of sweat and blood from their faces; and here and there men were writhing on the earth while the sharp knives of comrades cut arrow-heads out of their flesh. And suddenly the likeness ceased altogether, as four men came through the bayward gate, each pair carrying between them the body of a dead Icelander. Silence touched each group the four passed; and through the hush, Karlsefne's voice clanged out like a bell, vibrating with wrath: "I wonder at it that you have control enough left to hold your teeth over your tongues when the dead are borne past! Up to this time you have run mad like wolves that have tasted blood. I suppose the strange thing is not that you have broken the peace-bands at last but that I was able to hold your beast-cravings so long in check. It is all I can find to lessen the gall of my defeat." So long as he stood before them, fixing them with his eyes like swords, they remained silent; but the booth door had no more than closed behind him than the excitement leaked out again. In a little while it was running as high as ever, as the men boasted of the great feats they had been on the verge of achieving, and vowed exulting vows about what they would do at the next meeting. It was plain indeed that the peace-bands which had held their swords in their scabbards were snapped forever. CHAPTER XX SHOWING HOW THE HUNTSMAN BAGGED HIS GAME The next day, under a storm-charged sky, the camp lay storm-charged. In the doorways, men stood talking restlessly, with now and again an outburst of sharp wrangling; out on the green, others refreshed their knowledge of spear-throwing; around the tables, still others plied sharpening stones upon ax blades which would never be used for trees. Setting forth with their last load of outfittings for the ship, the Champions shouted a battle-song in the face of the muttering thunder: "And as the foeman's ships drew near The dreadful din you well might hear; Savage Berserks roaring mad, And champions fierce in wolf-skins clad, Howling like wolves; and clanking jar Of many a mail-clad man of war," "Let us not try to settle in another place until we are off our feet on account of old age," Brand spoke with energy. "Karlsefne says truly that Norsemen are too wolf-like to endure it when they are penned like sheep. Let us live like Fridtjof the Bold, with the ship for our hall and the sky for our roof." "And strike where we choose," Erlend added. "There is no good reason why we should never make warfare against any but dwarfs. I have heard it said that fine things are to be found in Ireland----" "And in England--" "And in Rolf's country--" "And the East--" cried a chorus; and each began at once to urge the merits of his particular choice amid an eager clamor that was interrupted only by their arrival at the path which wound down between the boulders. There, however, the interruption was final. Glancing over the boulders, the first boy shrieked: "What!" the second one: "Where--?" then, all together, they roared: "The ship!" and tumbled one over the other and out upon the beach. Save for the rollers which lay where they had left them, not a vestige was to be seen of The-Fire-That-Runs-On-The-Waves. Some of them cried: "The tide!" while others cried: "Skraellings!" And one detachment went swarming up the trees of the bank to sweep the length and breadth of the bay; and the other, drawing swords, raced along the shore to explore the crescent curves with which it was scalloped. But neither party brought back any news to the third group, that seemed as yet unable to do more than stand staring at the rollers and ejaculating. The clue came from a peevish voice on the bank above them: "I think you have little reason to boast of your eyesight if it has not yet told you that I am here." Above the rocks a thin face rose, wanly white in the glare of the lightning that was shivering across the sky. Shrieking: "Hallad!" the band whirled up the beach like wind-driven sand; and their chief had taken several steps to follow them before he pulled himself up and turned around to face the intruder firmly. "This looks to be an evil happening, if any one thinks you to be of importance, which I do not. No fault of ours is it that you were drowned. Why do you not stay under the water with the other dead men?" The colorless lips showed a curl. "Dead men! Do you think that if I had a ghost's power I would allow Thorhall to bind me, and stay up here to be made a gazing-stock----" "Thorhall!" Alrek repeated; and he came a step nearer, so that Brand and Erlend and the Ugly One, pausing in their flight to look around for him, took courage and came a little way back. "I do not know why it did not come to my mind sooner that the Huntsman had a hand in this matter. Yet he would scarcely be able to do it alone." "There was little need to. After such a stirring-up as took place yesterday, men might be expected to be ready for any fun. There were no less than twenty of them with him, and their spirits scraped the sky. Had it not happened that their humor was so good, it is likely they would have killed me when they found out that I had followed them here, instead of doing no more than tie me so that I should not give the alarm too soon. They left at daybreak. I managed it to pull one arm free and slide down on the ground and get some sleep, but the thongs are like red-hot irons upon my ankles. Fetch your knife up here as quickly as you can, and free me." Alrek was taking another step toward him, when the expostulations of his comrades brought him again to a standstill. "If you are not drowned, what is the reason?" he inquired. The claw-like hands beat the rock fretfully. "One reason is because I never fell into the water. Whether Thorhall told you so or not, I was not with him when he was wrecked on the Cape. Two days before that, he had deserted me in the south country because I was overlong in getting back to the boat after an exploring trip. It had happened twice before that I was rather late, and he pretended to think that this time also it was carelessness. It is the truth that I had hurt my leg and could not get back earlier. It took me three weeks after that to make my way here. By that time he had got home and told every one that I was dead; and he took it so ill that I should belie him that he would have made it the truth if I had not run away. The time you saw me climbing out of the ice-hole which I had fallen through, was one time when I barely got away from him. After that, however, it was less difficult; for when he saw how you ran from me, he was willing that I should stay alive so long as I remained dead. The reason I have the appearance of a dead man is because I can not, more than others, get fat and color-full on fish and raw eggs and water." He broke off impatiently: "Is it not clear to you yet, you blocks of peat?" The Champions looked at one another doubtfully. It sounded reasonable, and yet---- "You have always made it a point that your foster-father, Biorn, should help you out of difficulties. What is the reason that you did not go to him with this one?" Brand demanded. At least, Hallad's temper was alive; it sparkled in his hollow eye-sockets. "As well go to Biorn's dogs because they have teeth! It seems to me that you have been fooled enough to be able to understand that the glance of Thorhall's sly green eyes has more power in it than Biorn's blundering fist." Though it is a strange thing, it is true that for the time being they had forgotten the ship. Of one accord they started forward as it came back to them. "You know how much of the story is true--" "--what he did intend--" "Give us your opinion whither he has gone----" "I--will--not--tell--you--one--thing--until--you--come--up--here-- and--release--me," Hallad's thin lips bit off his decision. Alrek set forth his counter-condition. "If you will allow me to prick your skin with my sword so that I see blood come out of your flesh, I will believe that you are not a ghost." One of the skeleton-like arms was stretched over the rock before he had finished. Drawing his sword, he went forward and scratched a cross upon it; the lines were instantly blurred with blood. Without more ado, he climbed up the bank and around the boulder and cut the bands, and the ghost returned his hand-clasp with most unghostlike pressure,--after which he sank down upon the bank to rub his chafed ankles. "It was like his spitefulness to tie them so tight," he whimpered. "And besides this, I am starved. If there are any tidings you want to know, you would better be quick about asking, before I take myself where I can get some curds and bread." From their answer it appeared that they had several things to ask. "Tell us where he is going with our ship--" "Tell us how much truth there was in the dwarf-story--" "No, about his purpose in sharing his secret----" While one of Hallad's hands continued rubbing his ankles, the other one scratched his head. "Now if he has gabbled about dwarfs, it does not appear to me that he did share his secret. Certainly I did not see any dwarfs, nor hear of any. One day when Thord and I had staid with the boat and he and Swipdag had gone far inland, he came back with a gold chain; and they both said that they had seen Asbrandsson, the Broadwicker's Champion whom Snorri Godi outlawed from Iceland many years ago. Where a story passes through many mouths it is likely to become somewhat chewed, and it may be that they were lying then also; but they told how Asbrandsson related about a settlement which white men from Ireland had made further south. He dwelt among them, he said; but it seemed that they lived too quietly and sang too many priest-songs to please him well, and therefore he would like to come to Vinland if so be that Karlsefne the Lawman would admit a fellow of his bad fame. As a present to get him good-will, he sent the Lawman a chain by Thorhall; but that Thorhall put it to other uses is easily guessed. It is less easy to know whither he intends taking the ship. It may be that he has gone south; and it may be, as I said before, that the story of White Man's Land is also a lie." They loosed mouthfuls of angry denunciations. "But why take so much trouble to make up a story--" "What aid was it expected that we should give?" "Why did he not give the message to the Lawman?" "Now are you so witless that I do not wonder he found pleasure in fooling you," Hallad snapped as he got painfully upon his feet. "How would he have got booty if he had told Karlsefne, who would have forbidden fighting between the settlements? It is likely that he made up the dwarf-story because he thought it unadvisable to trust you with the truth. And the reason he stood in need of you was because it was necessary that he should have some one to fight under him, and until yesterday the men would not listen to him. It is not certain, however, that he would not have taken the ship alone anyway, after Alrek got back to the chieftainship. It appears that the Sword-Bearer's power is greater than the Huntsman liked." Alrek straightened from the boulder against which he was leaning, and put out his hand as Hallad turned and planted a foot higher up the path. "There is one question more--about the man who killed the first Skraelling. Do you know who that is?" Pausing with one foot up and one foot down, Hallad looked at them strangely. "Do you not all know?" he asked at last. They cried in one triumphant breath: "It _was_ the Huntsman!" "The Huntsman?" Hallad repeated, and amazement was too plain in his voice to be mistaken. After a minute, he grasped a down-hanging root and pulled himself up to the next step, and would have departed without another word if Alrek had not reached up and clasped him around the ankle. "What do you mean by that?" the Sword-Bearer asked him. "If it was not Thorhall, who was it? I shall not let you go until you tell me." He gripped the raw ankle harder than he knew; Hallad gave a great gasp of mingled pain and anger. "I have not as yet said too much, but I think I need not spare you since you challenge me! It was you yourself; my own eyes saw you. It happened that I was hiding behind a wood-pile in the hope that I could slip into one of the booths and get a weapon for myself. I saw you fall, and I saw the Skraelling lean over you and make a grab at your sword; whereupon you leaped up and buried the hatchet in his head, and he toppled over into the hollow--Now there is no need of your looking at me in that manner! I would not have spoken if you had not dared me. I will say nothing about it anywhere else. I----" But it is not likely that Alrek heard; he stood as though turned to stone, gazing at the speaker out of horror-widened eyes. "You saw ... me ... do it?" he breathed. Looking down upon him, Hallad's face was red and regretful. Although it was plain that no great boldness was in his spirit, it was also clear that his mind was not ill-intentioned. "A great mishap was this that you should ask me," he stammered. "I suppose it was the knock on your head that caused you to forget. But I thought that--Of what use was it to dig it up again! I had the intention to say nothing to any one. It seems most likely to me that the Huntsman put a spell upon you; his eyes are more than equal to it. You need not be so sensitive as to blame. So long as Karlsefne has pardoned you and given you your honors back, your fate does not depend on this----" Through his speech, the voices of Gard and Brand and Erlend broke shrilly: "You flung back his pardon!" "You bought your honors--" "You pledged your life on your guiltlessness!" Out of stiff lips, Alrek confirmed it: "I pledged my life." Hallad turned, wailing, and ran up the bank and into the forest; and the four comrades were left to face it together. CHAPTER XXI IN WHICH ALREK SWORD-BEARER FACES DEATH Brand lay on the ground, shaking with great sobs; and Gard squatted, half sitting, half kneeling, his huge hand crushing to powder the shells he had picked up without knowing what he did. It spoke much for the lessons the two had learned that neither offered plans of rebellion or suggested escaping through the loophole of a trick. Dully, the Ugly One spoke to Alrek Sword-Bearer, where he stood as though turned to stone. "Alrek, say that the lie did not make it any worse for you. Let me have that to remember." Alrek answered without turning his eyes from the sullen water, wrinkled now with rain-drops: "It did not make it any worse for me.... I did you wrong in believing you guilty." "Why was this so? If only we could have got away on the ship, it is not likely that you would ever have found it out," Brand sobbed passionately. "I wish that I might have had one voyage on The Fire," Alrek said slowly. "More than anything else I like to stand on a ship when the wind is blowing under her wings, and feel how I am being carried forward into happenings of interest. I thought I had many such voyages before me, and that I should accomplish some things which the saga-men would think worth talking about. And I believed that I should die in a manner to leave honor behind me. Never did I guess in the deepest hiding-place of my mind that I should be put to death for causing the defeat of my chief--" His voice broke in uncontrollable revolt. "I can not believe that I was such a madman! It must be as he says, that the Huntsman laid a spell upon me. I can not believe that I would so lose my sense!" "It is often said in Greenland that the Huntsman's eyes are capable of turning curses on whomsoever he will," Gard said heavily. "It was seen by every one that he felt hatred against you," Brand added in his unsteady voice. "Ever since he saw that you had better sense than others, he has wished you evil." Lifting his head out of his hands, Erlend spoke bravely: "It does not seem likely to me that Heaven would deal with you so unfairly. It is foolish to hurry ahead of one's luck. I have hope of getting rid of this trouble because of Karlsefne's love for you. Of his own accord he offered you mercy----" "And I chose justice," the Sword-Bearer reminded him grimly. "Do you not see? I may not even ask for a pardon. It is a jest of the Fates,--a nithing jest!" It may be that his voice would have broken again if a great roar of thunder had not cut him short; the rapping of his fists was sharp upon the boulder at which he was staring down. But, gradually, the control which seldom slipped far out of his grasp was gathered again into his hands. When once more it was quiet save for the rustle of the rain on the leaves, he spoke steadily: "I recollect how my father used to say that a soldier had a low mind who could not trust the chief he had chosen enough to follow him through some moves which he could not understand. Now it is certain that I can not see why Heaven has the wish to turn this against me, but I am not going to be so poor-spirited as to make a fuss about it. Let us go back now. Waiting will not help if death is fated to me." It showed again the discipline they had gone through that although Brand's throat was rent anew with sobs and Gard's face became as white as was possible to its swarthiness, neither had any resistance to offer. Rising heavily, they followed their chief up the bank and along the wood-paths which always before they had traveled plan-laden and light-footed with hope. Because of the rain, the tables under the trees were deserted; what sound of voices there was came from Karlsefne's booth. In wordless understanding the comrades walked toward it; only as they passed the empty booth of the Champions, Alrek spoke: "It is likely that the band is loitering somewhere in the woods to talk about the fate of the ship. I am glad it happened so, unless they come back just as I am being fetched out. I give it into your hands, Erlend, to see that they do not behave foolishly." Out of his tear-stained face, Erlend's honest blue eyes met his chief's fairly. "I will see that you have your way," he promised. Alrek, walking in the middle, stretched out his arms and put one around Erlend's neck and one across the shoulders of Brand; and so they came across the rain-beaten green in silence. At the threshold, they paused to grasp one another's hands strongly and long; then the Sword-Bearer pushed wide the half-open door and they went in. In the dignity of his high-seat Karlsefne sat, holding council with his chiefs. Snorri of Iceland occupied the seat of honor opposite him; and on his left was Gudrid, and on his right the burly and big-hearted Biorn Gudbrandsson, his hand still patting the shoulder of his foster-son who sat on the footstool before him, munching bread as though he would never leave off. That the excitement of Hallad's return had subsided, however, was evident since it was of something altogether different that the Lawman was speaking as the Champions entered. "You need not get afraid that I undervalue your power of fighting," he was saying to the triple rank of sullen faces that lined the walls. "That one Northman is more than equal to one Skraelling--provided he can get within arm's reach of him--I do not deny. It would be a strange thing if Northmen could not fight, after the practise they have had! What I want to get into your heads is that you will never face them one to one, nor one to five, nor yet one to ten; but that they will always come in herds and shoals and swarms, as when the Lord sends a plague of creatures on a country. For I think it is as a plague they have come upon us. Here the All-Father had spread a Heaven-like land, and stored it with food and property for all. Here He brought us in peace to take as free gifts whatsoever we would. It might have been a never-emptied treasure-house for all our race, a peace-land for Northmen of all time. The trouble that has come into it is of our own bringing, brought in our blood as vermin are brought in ships. The hand of the Lord is against us; it is my advice that we bow before His wrath. Natures such as ours have no right to softer things than Greenland cold and Iceland rock. It is my ruling that when the spring comes we shall go back over the ocean." Like a mighty bell tolling for a death, his voice echoed through the hall. For a time they seemed awed against their will; and here and there a man made the cross-sign. But presently the heavy voice of Hjalmar Thick-Skull was heard saying to his neighbor: "A Viking voyage, comrade,--that is what it means! A Viking voyage from Norway before the grass comes up again!" Quickly those around him caught up the words: "Viking voyages,--that is true!" "Hail to the Lawman!" "Ho for Norway!" "For England and the Danes!" "Ho for warrior-life again!" "Hail!" "Hail!" "Hail!" Their swelling cheers vied with the thunder pealing overhead. To Alrek Ingolfsson, waiting with blood-marked lips held between his teeth, further delay was unbearable. Suddenly he made a step forward where Karlsefne's gaze would fall upon him from the high-seat. As he had expected, the Lawman spoke with frozen courtesy: "The Chief of the Champions has a right to his place in the council. I give him greeting and ask him to come forward and take the place that belongs to him." The Chief of the Champions went forward, but he did not take his place upon the bench. Standing before the footstool of the high-seat he spoke briefly: "I thank you for your greeting, but I came to claim no right, but to render the pledge I made. It has happened that Hallad saw me kill the Skraelling, in that time which I lost out of my mind." He could not bring himself to meet Karlsefne's eyes when he had finished, but turned away and laid a hand on Gard's shoulder and hid his face on his arm. Above the hubbub that rose, two voices made themselves heard, Gudrid's crying distressfully: "I do not believe it!" and Hallad's wailing: "Why do you betray yourself?" Then the Lawman spoke in a tone that silenced them both: "Let Hallad tell what he has seen." It is but justice to Hallad to say that he would have refused if he had dared; and not daring, he mingled his recital with pleas for mercy. But the terrible evidence had to come out at last. When the tale was finished and the teller had sunk down in tears upon Biorn's footstool, Alrek lifted a face that seemed pale because such black misery was in his brown eyes. "I ask you only to believe that when I said I was innocent, I did not know that I was guilty." After a while the Lawman bent his head. "I believe that," he granted. But he granted no more; and his closed mouth was like a line graven on stone. It was as though the wind had brought a breath from a glacier through the warm summer day. No man's heart but felt the chill; and gradually the whispers, even the motions, ceased and the room was as still as a Greenland winter. Slowly the Lawman rose and stood before his high-seat, an awe-full figure as the light fell coldly on the chiseled beauty of his face and the iron of his hair and his beard. "I believe that you did not know your guilt," he said, "but I believe also that you acted out your true nature when you did the slaying. What Hallad says about the Huntsman's spell-power is child's talk. No spell was on your father when he committed such crimes, and none was on you when you attacked the Skraelling on the Cape of the Crosses. I think now what I have thought always,--that you struck this blow in the Berserk madness which is like poison in your blood; even as you struck on the Cape, even as you would strike again though the welfare of a thousand men should hang on your peacefulness. The cause of a hundred you have already defeated because I pardoned you once; I dare not risk sparing you again. You offered me your life. I take it. There is a gallows ready where a pine-tree stands by the Skraelling's mound. It is my command that Lodin and Asgrim and the men beside them, put you into fetters and take you forth and hang you there." Gudrid fell back in a half-swoon, and through the hall swelled a murmur like the rush of a rising wave. But the Lawman stretched forth his hand, the flash of his eyes like the gleam of ice in the moonlight; and the wave fell, sputtering and hissing, until it had smoothed out into silence. Alrek Ingolfsson spoke only once, when they had finished pinioning his arms. "Like a sheep-killing dog!" he said under his breath; and his head sank beneath its weight of shame, and he did not raise it again but went away without looking into any one's face. With the opening of the door came in the noise of rushing wind; then the door closed upon it, and throughout the length and breadth of the hall there was no sound save for the half-sobbing breaths of Gudrid struggling back from her swoon, and no motion until all at once the Lawman sank into his high-seat and covered his face with his mantle. It is a strange thing that at the moment Karlsefne's eyes were covered, the veil fell from Gudrid's. Lighting on Hallad, her glance rested there dully for a while; then all at once it sharpened to more than ordinary keenness. Rising from her seat, she leveled one slender arm at the cowering figure. "I think you did the slaying yourself!" she breathed. At Hallad's recoil and Biorn's bewildered query, the Lawman looked up questioningly; and Gudrid put her other hand upon his shoulder and shook him in her passion of eagerness. "Will you allow your kinsman to die because of your slowness? Promise life to this coward and he will confess guilt. I see it in his face." But the Lawman had no need to speak, for this sudden focusing of all eyes upon Hallad lay bare his secret like a bolt from the skies, and struck him down at Gudrid's feet. "It was the Huntsman who made me!" he screamed, and groveled shrieking it over and over. Gradually, his foster-father gathered from the broken words that the Huntsman had made it the one condition of his remaining alive and coming back to camp after his own departure, that he should break up the peace by a man-slaying; and he had used the stone hatchet, which he had stolen from Alrek's unconscious body, because that chanced to be his only weapon when a moment later he came unexpectedly upon the Skraelling. But only Biorn, his foster-father, stayed to hear more. At the first cry, Karlsefne had crossed the booth in three strides and vanished through the door, and Gudrid had followed him, and the three Champions. And now the maids and the throng of men turned from Hallad and streamed out into the clearing air and across the green toward the Champions' booth, beyond which a knot of people stood under a pine-tree from whose outreaching bough dangled a grape-vine noose. The loop was empty, for Alrek Sword-Bearer stood below, freed of his bonds, his head bent over Gudrid's hands; and Karlsefne was speaking with a quiver in his deep voice: "I will make this up to you a hundredfold. My smiths shall build you another ship and a finer one, and you shall furnish it from my stores and have the rule over it and take it where you choose. My own son shall have no larger share in my property and my honor and my love." Alrek lifted his brown eyes, glowing golden like the sunshine filtering through the rain-washed air; through lips not yet steady, he answered: "The debt will be more than paid." Suddenly Karlsefne laid a hand upon his shoulder and spoke so that all around could hear: "I will call no voyage unlucky which has brought me to know a man with so high a mind and so brave a heart. I look on this as a proof that good intentions will get the victory over evil in the most unexpected way; and I will take it as an omen that the good which I have tried to get out of this land for my countrymen will come to them yet in some way which I can not now see. We will go back neither bitterly nor despairingly, but giving thanks for the good we have received and cherishing hope for the future. Now, it is my offer and will that every one in hearing shall come to-night to the best feast I can make, in honor of the Chief of the Vinland Champions and his men." It is a good thing that he intended to stop there for not another word could be heard, such jubilating and weapon-clatter went up; and the Champions took their chief upon their shoulders and bore him back in triumph, followed by a cheering train. THE END EPILOGUE These are the rest of the sayings about this expedition. All the ships came safely to Greenland except the vessel of Biorn Gudbrandsson, which was driven out into the ocean that stretches between Greenland and Iceland and there came into a worm-filled sea. By the time Biorn had discovered their danger, the ship was worm-eaten beneath them; and it was seen that the only way was to go down into their long-boat which was coated with seal tar. Since the boat was too small to hold more than half of them, they cast lots for the places; and it fell to Biorn and half of the men to go down in safety, while the other half remained with the sinking vessel. No one thought of making any fuss about this save the boy who had come with Biorn from Iceland. When he saw the others go down into the boat, he began to whimper: "Do you intend, Biorn, to leave me here?" Biorn glanced up at him absently. "So it seems," he answered. The boy began to sob. "You did not promise my father that you would part from me like this, when I left Iceland with you," he said. "You promised that we should always share the same fate." Biorn made the men a sign that they were not yet to cast the boat loose. Big-hearted kindliness was in his voice as always. "So be it," he answered. "It shall not remain this way, since you are so eager for life. Do you come down here and I will go up on the ship." It may be imagined that the young Icelander lost little time obeying. When he had come down, the chief went back upon the vessel; and the two parties separated. In time, the men of the long-boat came to Dublin in Ireland, where they told this story; but it is believed by most people that Biorn and those with him went down in the sea of worms, for they were never heard of again. It is but little more than this which is known about the fate of the Huntsman and his followers. One time, traders came back to Greenland with the tale that Thorhall had been shipwrecked in Ireland, and that his men had been made thralls of and grievously misused, and that he had met his death there. No one ever got other tidings than these. Better luck went with Thorfinn Karlsefne and Gudrid and those in their following, for the summer after they had landed in Greenland they went home to Iceland, and lived there in great splendor and happiness; and many famous men and high-minded women have descended from them. Best luck of all, the foretelling of Karlsefne has come true; and despite delays and hindrances, his countrymen have found a peace-land and a never-emptied treasure-house not only in Vinland the Good but in the whole of the new-world country which those who are alive to-day call America the Free. * * * * * NEW BOOKS FOR YOUNG READERS BY JAMES BARNES. The Giant of Three Wars. (Heroes of Our Army Series.) Illustrated. 12mo. Cloth, $1.25. 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30298 ---- THE MAGNIFICENT ADVENTURE _Being the Story of the World's Greatest Exploration and the Romance of a Very Gallant Gentleman._ A NOVEL BY EMERSON HOUGH AUTHOR OF THE COVERED WAGON, NORTH OF 36, ETC. ILLUSTRATED BY ARTHUR I. KELLER NEW YORK GROSSET & DUNLAP PUBLISHERS Made in the United States of America COPYRIGHT, 1916, BY EMERSON HOUGH COPYRIGHT, 1916, BY THE FRANK A. MUNSEY COMPANY Printed in the United States of America [Illustration: "'Him Ro'shones,' replied the girl" [PAGE 219]] TO ROBERT H. DAVIS GOOD FRIEND INVALUABLE COLLABORATOR CONTENTS PART I CHAPTER PAGE I. MOTHER AND SON 3 II. MERIWETHER AND THEODOSIA 15 III. MR. BURR AND MR. MERRY 30 IV. PRESIDENT AND SECRETARY 36 V. THE PELL-MELL AND SOME CONSEQUENCES 47 VI. THE GREAT CONSPIRACY 71 VII. COLONEL BURR AND HIS DAUGHTER 86 VIII. THE PARTING 94 IX. MR. THOMAS JEFFERSON 105 X. THE THRESHOLD OF THE WEST 117 XI. THE TAMING OF PATRICK GASS 128 XII. CAPTAIN WILLIAM CLARK 137 XIII. UNDER THREE FLAGS 143 XIV. THE RENT IN THE ARMOR 153 PART II I. UNDER ONE FLAG 167 II. THE MYSTERIOUS LETTER 182 III. THE DAY'S WORK 191 IV. THE CROSSROADS OF THE WEST 199 V. THE APPEAL 208 VI. WHICH WAY? 218 VII. THE MOUNTAINS 230 VIII. TRAIL'S END 241 IX. THE SUMMONS 250 X. THE ABYSS 256 XI. THE BEE 272 XII. WHAT VOICE HAD CALLED? 280 XIII. THE NEWS 292 XIV. THE GUESTS OF A NATION 300 XV. MR. JEFFERSON'S ADVICE 308 XVI. THE QUALITY OF MERCY 316 XVII. THE FRIENDS 328 XVIII. THE WILDERNESS 336 XIX. DOWN TO THE SEA 351 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS "'Him Ro'shones,' replied the girl" _Frontispiece_ FACING PAGE "'Mistah Thomas Jeffahson!' was his sole announcement" 50 "'Oh, Theo, what have I done?'" 162 "Her face indeed!" 252 THE MAGNIFICENT ADVENTURE CHAPTER I MOTHER AND SON A woman, tall, somewhat angular, dark of hair and eye, strong of features--a woman now approaching middle age--sat looking out over the long, tree-clad slopes that ran down from the gallery front of the mansion house to the gate at the distant roadway. She had sat thus for some moments, many moments, her gaze intently fixed, as though waiting for something--something or someone that she did not now see, but expected soon to see. It was late afternoon of a day so beautiful that not even old Albemarle, beauty spot of Virginia, ever produced one more beautiful--not in the hundred years preceding that day, nor in the century since then. For this was more than a hundred years ago; and what is now an ancient land was then a half opened region, settled only here and there by the great plantations of the well-to-do. The house that lay at the summit of the long and gentle slope, flanked by its wide galleries--its flung doors opening it from front to rear to the gaze as one approached--had all the rude comfort and assuredness usual with the gentry of that time and place. It was the privilege, and the habit, of the Widow Lewis to sit idly when she liked, but her attitude now was not that of idleness. Intentness, reposeful acceptance of life, rather, showed in her motionless, long-sustained position. She was patient, as women are; but her strong pose, its freedom from material support, her restrained power to do or to endure, gave her the look of owning something more than resignation, something more than patience. A strong figure of a woman, one would have said had one seen her, sitting on the gallery of her old home a hundred and twenty-four years ago. The Widow Lewis stared straight down at the gate, a quarter of a mile away, with yearning in her gaze. But as so often happens, what she awaited did not appear at the time and place she herself had set. There fell at the western end of the gallery a shadow--a tall shadow, but she did not see it. She did not hear the footfall, not stealthy, but quite silent, with which the tall owner of the shadow came toward her from the gallery end. It was a young man, or rather boy, no more than eighteen years of age, who stood now and gazed at her after his silent approach, so like that of an Indian savage. Half savage himself he seemed now, as he stood, clad in the buckskin garments of the chase, then not unusual in the Virginian borderlands among settlers and hunters, and not held _outré_ among a people so often called to the chase or to war. His tunic was of dressed deer hide, his well-fitting leggings also of that material. His feet were covered with moccasins, although his hat and the neat scarf at his neck were those of a gentleman. He was a practical youth, one would have said, for no ornament of any sort was to be seen upon his garb. In his hand he carried a long rifle of the sort then used thereabout. At his belt swung the hide of a raccoon, the bodies of a few squirrels. Had you been a close observer, you would have found each squirrel shot fair through the head. Indeed, a look into the gray eye of the silent-paced youth would have assured you in advance of his skill with his weapons--you would have known that to be natural with him. You would not soon have found his like, even in that land of tall hunting men. He was a grand young being as he stood there, straight and clean-limbed; hard-bitten of muscle, albeit so young; powerful and graceful in his stride. The beauty of youth was his, and of a strong heredity--that you might have seen. The years of youth were his, yes; but the lightness of youth did not rest on his brow. While he was not yet eighteen, the gravity of manhood was his. He did not smile now, as he saw his mother sitting there absorbed, gazing out for his return, and not seeing him now that he had returned. Instead, he stepped forward, and quietly laid a hand upon her shoulder, not with any attempt to surprise or startle her, but as if he knew that she would accept it as the announcement of his presence. He was right. The strong figure in the chair did not start away. No exclamation came from the straight mouth of the face now turned toward him. Evidently the nerves of these two were not of the sort readily stampeded. The young man's mother at first did not speak to him. She only reached up her own hand to take that which lay upon her shoulder. They remained thus for a moment, until at last the youth stepped back to lean his rifle against the wall. "I am late, mother," said he at length, as he turned and, seating himself at her feet, threw his arm across her lap--himself but boy again now, and not the hunter and the man. She stroked his dark hair, not foolishly fond, but with a sort of stern maternal care, smoothing it back in place where it belonged, straightening out the riot it had assumed. It made a mane above his forehead and reached down his neck to his shoulders, so heavy that where its dark mass was lifted it showed the skin of his neck white beneath. "You are late, yes." "And you waited--so long?" "I am always waiting for you, Merne," said she. She used the Elizabethan vowel, as one should pronounce "bird," with no sound of "u"--"Mairne," the name sounded as she spoke it. And her voice was full and rich and strong, as was her son's; musically strong. "I am always waiting for you, Merne," said she. "But I long ago learned not to expect anything else of you." She spoke with not the least reproach in her tone. "No, I only knew that you would come back in time, because you told me that you would." "And you did not fear for me, then--gone overnight in the woods?" He half smiled at that thought himself. "You know I would not. I know you, what you are--born woodsman. No, I trust you to care for yourself in any wild country, my son, and to come back. And then--to go back again into the forest. When will it be, my son? Tomorrow? In two days, or four, or six? Sometime you will go to the wilderness again. It draws you, does it not?" She turned her head slightly toward the west, where lay the forest from which the boy had but now emerged. He did not smile, did not deprecate. He was singularly mature in his actions, though but eighteen years of age. "I did not desert my duty, mother," said he at length. "Oh, no, you would not do that, Merne!" returned the widow. "Please, mother," said he suddenly, "I want you to call me by my full name--that of your people. Am I not Meriwether, too?" The hand on his forehead ceased its gentle movement, fell to its owner's lap. A sigh passed his mother's set lips. "Yes, my son, Meriwether," said she. "This is the last journey! I have lost you, then, it seems? You do not wish to be my boy any longer? You are a man altogether, then?" "I am Meriwether Lewis, mother," said he gravely, and no more. "Yes!" She spoke absently, musingly. "Yes, you always were!" "I went westward, clear across the Ragged Mountains," said the youth. "These"--and he pointed with contempt to the small trophies at his belt--"will do for the darkies at the stables. I put yon old ringtail up a tree last night, on my way home, and thought it was as well to wait till dawn, till I could see the rifle-sights; and afterward--the woods were beautiful today. As to the trails, even if there is no trail, I know the way back home--you know that, mother." "I know that, my son, yes. You were born for the forest. I fear I shall not hold you long on this quiet farm." "All in time, mother! I am to stay here with you until I am fitted to go higher. You know what Mr. Jefferson has said to me. I am for Washington, mother, one of these days--for I hold it sure that Mr. Jefferson will go there in some still higher place. He was my father's friend, and is ours still." "It may be that you will go to Washington, my son," said his mother; "I do not know. But will you stay there? The forest will call to you all your life--all your life! Do I not know you, then? Can I not see your life--all your life--as plainly as if it were written? Do I not know--your mother? Why should not your mother know?" He looked around at her rather gravely once again, unsmilingly, for he rarely smiled. "How do you know, mother? What do you know? Tell me--about myself! Then I will tell you also. We shall see how we agree as to what I am and what I ought to do!" "My son, it is no question of what you ought to do, for that blends too closely in fate with what you surely will do--must do--because it was written for you. Yonder forest will always call to you." She turned now toward the sun, sinking across the red-leaved forest lands. "The wilderness is your home. You will go out into it and return--often; and then at last you will go and not come back again--not to me--not to anyone will you come back." The youth did not move as she sat, her hands on his head. Her voice went on, even and steady. "You are old, Meriwether Lewis! It is time, now. You are a man. You _always_ were a man! You were born old. You never have been a boy, and never can be one. You never were a child, but always a man. When you were a baby, you did not smile; when you were a boy, you always had your way. My boy, a long time ago I ceased to oppose that will of yours--I knew that it was useless. But, ah, how I have loved that will when I felt it was behind your promise! I knew you would do what you had set for yourself to do. I knew you would come back with deeds in your hand, my boy--gained through that will which never would bend for me or for anyone else in the world!" He remained motionless, apparently unaffected, as his mother went on. "You were always old, always grown up, always resolved, always your own master--always Meriwether Lewis. When you were born, you were not a child. When the old nurse brought you to me--I can see her black face grinning now--she carried you held by the feet instead of lying on her arm. You _stood_, you were so strong! Your hair was dark and full even then. You were old! In two weeks you turned where you heard a sound--you recognized sight and sound together, as no child usually does for months. You were beautiful, my boy, so strong, so straight--ah, yes!--but you never were a boy at all. When you should have been a baby, you did not weep and you did not smile. I never knew you to do so. From the first, you always were a man." She paused, but still he did not speak. "That was well enough, for later we were left alone. But your father was in you. Do I not know well enough where you got that settled melancholy of yours, that despondency, that somber grief--call it what you like--that marked him all his life, and even in his death? That came from him, your father. I thank God I did not give you that, knowing what life must hold for you in suffering! He suffered, yes, but not as you will. And you must--you must, my son. Beyond all other men, you will suffer!" "You were better named Cassandra, mother!" Yet the young man scarce smiled even now. "Yes, I am a prophetess, all too sooth a prophetess, my son. I see ahead as only a mother can see--perhaps as only one of the old Highland blood can see. I am soothseer and soothsayer, because you are blood of my blood, bone of my bone, and I cannot help but know. I cannot help but know what that melancholy and that resolution, all these combined, must spell for you. You know how his heart was racked at times?" The boy nodded now. "Then know how your own must be racked in turn!" said she. "My son, it is no ordinary fate that will be yours. You will go forward at all costs; you will keep your word bright as the knife in your belt--you will drive yourself. What that means to you in agony--what that means when your will is set against the unalterable and the inevitable--I wish--oh, I wish I could not see it! But I do see it, now, all laid out before me--all, all! Oh, Merne--may I not call you Merne once more before I let you go?" She let her hands fall from his head to his shoulders as she gazed steadily out beyond him, as if looking into his future; but she herself sat, her strong face composed. She might, indeed, have been a prophetess of old. "Tragedy is yours, my son," said she, slowly, "not happiness. No woman will ever come and lie in your arms happy and content." "Mother!" He half flung off her hands, but she laid them again more firmly on his shoulders, and went on speaking, as if half in reverie, half in trance, looking down the long slope of green and gold as if it showed the vista of the years. "You will love, my boy, but with your nature how could love mean happiness to you? Love? No man could love more terribly. You will be intent, resolved, but the firmness of your will means that much more suffering for you. You will suffer, my boy--I see that for you, my first-born boy! You will love--why should you not, a man fit to love and be loved by any woman? But that love, the stronger it grows, will but burn you the deeper. You will struggle through on your own path; but happiness does not lie at the end of that path for you. You will succeed, yes--you could not fail; but always the load on your shoulders will grow heavier and heavier. You will carry it alone, until at last it will be too much for you. Your strong heart will break. You will lie down and die. Such a fate for you, Merne, my boy--such a man as you will be!" She sighed, shivered, and looked about her, startled, as if she had spoken aloud in some dream. "Well, then, go on!" she said, and withdrew her hands from his shoulders. The faces of both were now gazing straight on over the gold-flecked slope before them. "Go on, you are a man. I know you will not turn back from what you undertake. You will not change, you will not turn--because you cannot. You were born to earn and not to own; to find, but not to possess. But as you have lived, so you will die." "You give me no long shrift, mother?" said the youth, with a twinkle in his eye. "How can I? I can only tell you what is in the book of life. Do I not know? A mother always loves her son; so it takes all her courage to face what she knows will be his lot. Any mother can read her son's future--if she dares to read it. She knows--she knows!" There was a long silence; then the widow continued. "Listen, Merne," she said. "You call me a prophetess of evil. I am not that. Do you think I speak only in despair, my boy? No, there is something larger than mere happiness. Listen, and believe me, for now I could not fail to know. I tell you that your great desire, the great wish of your life, shall be yours! You never will relinquish it, you always will possess it, and at last it will be yours." Again silence fell between them before she went on, her hand again resting on her son's dark hair. "Your great desire will cost me my son. Be it so! We breed men for the world, we women, and we give them up. Out of the agony of our hearts, we do and must always give them up. That is the price I must pay. But I give you up to the great hope, the great thing of your life. Should I complain? Am I not your mother, and therefore a woman? And should a woman complain? But, Oh, Merne, Merne, my son, my boy!" She drew his head back, so that she could see deep into his eyes. Her dark brows half frowning, she gazed down upon him, not so much in tenderness as in intentness. For the first time in many months--for the last time in his life--she kissed him on the forehead; and then she let him go. He rose now, and, silently as he had come, passed around the end of the wide gallery. Her gaze did not follow him. She sat still looking down the golden-green slope where the leaves were dropping silently. She sat, her chin in her hand, her elbows upon her knees, facing that future, somber but splendid, to which she had devoted her son, and which in later years he so singularly fulfilled. That was the time when the mother of Meriwether Lewis gave him to his fate--his fate, so closely linked with yours and mine. CHAPTER II MERIWETHER AND THEODOSIA Soft is the sun in the summer season at Washington, softer at times than any old Dan Chaucer ever knew; but again so ardent that anyone who would ride abroad would best do so in the early morning. This is true today, and it was true when the capital city lay in the heart of a sweeping forest at the edge of a yet unconquered morass. The young man who now rode into this forest, leaving behind him the open streets of the straggling city--then but beginning to lighten under the rays of the morning sun--was one who evidently knew his Washington. He knew his own mind as well, for he rode steadily, as if with some definite purpose, to some definite point, looking between his horse's ears. Sitting as erect and as easily as any cavalier of the world's best, he was tall in his saddle seat, his legs were long and straight. His boots were neatly varnished, his coat well cut, his gloves of good pattern for that time. His hat swept over a mass of dark hair, which fell deep in its loose cue upon his neck. His cravat was immaculate and well tied. He was a good figure of a man, a fine example of the young manhood of America as he rode, his light, firm hand half unconsciously curbing the antics of the splendid animal beneath him--a horse deep bay in color, high-mettled, a mount fit for a monarch--or for a young gentleman of Virginia a little more than one hundred years ago. If it was not the horse of a monarch the young man bestrode, none the less it was the horse of one who insisted that his stables should be as good as those of any king--none less, if you please, than Mr. Thomas Jefferson, then President of the United States of America. This particular animal was none other than Arcturus, Mr. Jefferson's favorite saddler. It was the duty as well as the delight of Mr. Jefferson's private secretary to give Arcturus and his stable-mate, Wildair, their exercise on alternate days. On this summer morning Arcturus was enjoying his turn beneath his rider--who forsooth was more often in the saddle than Mr. Jefferson himself. Horse and rider made a picture in perfect keeping as they fared on toward the little-used forest road which led out Rock Creek way. Yonder, a few miles distant, was a stone mill owned by an old German, who sometimes would offer a cup of coffee to an early horseman. Perhaps this rider knew the way from earlier wanderings thither on other summer mornings. Arcturus curveted along and tossed his head, mincing daintily, and making all manner of pretense at being dangerous, with sudden gusts of speed and shakings of his head and blowing out of his nostrils--though all the time the noble bay was as gentle as a dog. Whether or not he really were dangerous would have made small difference to the young man who bestrode him, for his seat was that of the born horseman. They advanced comfortably enough, the rider seemingly less alive to the joys of the morning than was the animal beneath him. The young man's face was grave, his mouth unsmiling--a mouth of half Indian lines, broken in its down-sweeping curve merely by the point of a bow which spoke of gentleness as well as strength. His head was that of the new man, the American, the new man of a new world, young and strong, a continent that had lain fallow from the birth of time. What burdened the mind of a man like this, of years which should have left him yet in full attunement with the morning of life and with the dawn of a country? Why should he pay so little heed to the playful advances of Arcturus, inviting him for a run along the shady road? Arcturus could not tell. He could but prance insinuatingly, his ears forward, his head tossed, his eye now and again turned about, inquiring. But though the young man, moody and abstracted, still looked on ahead, some of his senses seemed yet on guard. His head turned at the slightest sound of the forest life that came to him. If a twig cracked, he heard it. If a green nut cut by some early squirrel clattered softly on the leaves, that was not lost to him. A bevy of partridges, feeding at dawn along the edge of the forest path, whirled up in his horse's face; and though he held the startled animal close, he followed the flight of the birds with the trained eye of the fowler, and marked well where they pitched again. He did these things unconsciously as one well used to the woods, even though his eye turned again straight down the road and the look of intentness, of sadness, almost of melancholy, once more settled upon his features. He advanced into the wood until all sight of the city was quite cut off from him, until the light grew yet dimmer along the forest road, in places almost half covered with a leafy canopy, until at length he came to the valley of the little stream. He followed the trail as it rambled along the bank toward the mill, through scenes apparently familiar to him. Abstracted as he was he must have been alert, alive, for now, suddenly, he broke his moody reverie at some sound which he heard on ahead. He reined in for just an instant, then loosed the bridle and leaned forward. The horse under him sprang forward in giant strides. It was the sound of a voice that the young cavalier had heard--the voice of a woman--apparently a woman in some distress. What cavalier at any time of the world has not instinctively leaped forward at such sound? In less than half a moment the rider was around the turn of the leafy trail. She was there, the woman who had cried out, herself mounted, and now upon the point of trying conclusions with her mount. Whether dissatisfaction with the latter or some fear of her own had caused her to cry out might have been less certain, had it not been sure that her eye was at the moment fastened, not upon the fractious steed, but upon the cause of his unwonted misbehavior. The keen eye of the young man looked with hers, and found the reason for the sudden scene. A serpent, some feet in length--one of the mottled, harmless species sometimes locally called the blow-snake--obviously had come out into the morning sun to warm himself, and his yellow body, lying loose and uncoiled, had been invisible to horse and rider until they were almost upon it. Then, naturally, the serpent had moved his head, and both horse and rider had seen him, to the dismay of both. This the young man saw and understood in a second, even as he spurred forward alongside the plunging animal. His firm hand on the bridle brought both horses back to their haunches. An instant later both had control of their mounts again, and had set them down to their paces in workmanlike fashion. There was color in the young woman's face, but it was the color of courage, of resolution. There was breeding in every line of her. Class and lineage marked her as she sat easily, her supple young body accommodating itself handsomely to the restrained restiveness of the steed beneath her. She rode with perfect confidence, as an experienced horsewoman, and was well turned out in a close habit, neither old nor new. Her dark hair--cut rather squarely across her forehead after an individual fashion of her own--was surmounted by a slashed hat, decorated with a wide-flung plume of smoky color, caught with a jewel at the side. Both jewel and plume had come, no doubt, in some ship from across seas. Her hands were small, and gloved as well as might be at that day of the world. There was small ornament about her; nor did this young woman need ornament beyond the color of her cheek and hair and eye, and perhaps the touch of a bold ribbon at her throat, which held a white collar closer to a neck almost as white. An aristocrat, you must have called her, had you seen her in any chance company. And had you been a young man such as this, and had you met her alone, in some sort of agitation, and had consent been given you--or had you taken consent--surely you would have been loath to part company with one so fair, and would have ridden on with her as he did now. But at first they did not speak. A quick, startled look came into the face of the young woman. A deeper shade glowed upon the cheek of the cavalier, reddening under the skin--a flush which shamed him, but which he could not master. He only kept his eyes straight between his horse's ears as he rode--after he had raised his hat and bowed at the close of the episode. "I am to thank Captain Lewis once more," began the young woman, in a voice vibrant and clear--the sweetest, kindest voice in the world. "It is good fortune that you rode abroad so early this morning. You always come at need!" He turned upon her, mute for a time, yet looking full into her face. It was sadness, not boldness, not any gay challenge, that marked his own. "Can you then call it good fortune?" His own voice was low, suppressed. "Why not, then?" "You did not need me. A moment, and you would have been in command again--there was no real need of me. Ah, you never need me!" "Yet you come. You were here, had the need been worse. And, indeed, I was quite off my guard--I must have been thinking of something else." "And I also." "And there was the serpent." "Madam, there was the serpent! And why not? Is this not Eden? I swear it is paradise enough for me. Tell me, why is it that in the glimpses the sages give us of paradise they no more than lift the curtain--and let it fall again?" "Captain Meriwether Lewis is singularly gloomy this morning!" "Not more than I have been always. How brief was my little hour! Yet for that time I knew paradise--as I do now. We should part here, madam, now, forever. Yon serpent spelled danger for both of us." "For both of us?" "No, forgive me! None the less, I could not help my thoughts--cannot help them now. I ride here every morning. I saw your horse's hoof-marks some two miles back. Do you suppose I did not know whose they were?" "And you followed me? Ah!" "I suppose I did, and yet I did not. If I did I knew I was riding to my fate." She would have spoken--her lips half parted--but what she might have said none heard. He went on: "I have ridden here since first I saw you turn this way one morning. I guessed this might be your haunt at dawn. I have ridden here often--and feared each time that I might meet you. Perhaps I came this morning in the same way, not knowing that you were near, but hoping that you might be. You see, madam, I speak the absolute truth with you." "You have never spoken aught else to any human soul. That I know." "And yet you try to evade the truth? Why deceive your heart about it, since I have not deceived my own? I have faced it out in my own heart, and I have, I trust, come off the victor. At some cost!" Her face was troubled. She looked aside as she replied in a voice low, but firm: "Any woman would be glad to hear such words from Captain Lewis, and I am glad. But--the honest wife never lived who could listen to them often." "I know that," he said simply. "No!" Her voice was very low now; her eyes soft and cast down as they fell upon a ring under her glove. "We must not meet, Captain Meriwether Lewis. At least, we must not meet thus alone in the woods. It might cause talk. The administration has enemies enough, as you know--and never was a woman who did not have enemies, no matter how clean her life has been." "Clean as the snow, yours! I have never asked you to be aught else, and never will. I sought you once, when I rode from Virginia to New York--when I first had my captain's pay, before Mr. Jefferson asked me to join his family. Before that time I had too little to offer you; but then, with my hopes and my ambitions, I ventured. I made that journey to offer you my hand. I was two weeks late--you were already wedded to Mr. Alston. Then I learned that happiness never could be mine.... Yes, we must part! You are the only thing in life I fear. And I fear as well for you. One wagging tongue in this hotbed of gossip--and there is harm for you, whom all good men should wish to shield." As he rode, speaking thus, his were the features of a man of tremendous emotions, a resolute man, a man of strength, of passions not easily put down. She turned aside her own face for an instant. At last her little hand went to him in a simple gesture of farewell. Meriwether Lewis leaned and kissed it reverently as he rode. "Good-by!" said he. "Now we may go on for the brief space that remains for us," he added a moment later. "No one is likely to ride this way this morning. Let us go on to the old mill. May I give you a cup of coffee there?" "I trust Captain Meriwether Lewis," she replied. They advanced silently, and presently came in sight of a little cascade above a rocky shallowing of the stream. Below this, after they had splashed through the ford, they saw the gray stone walls of Rock Creek Mill. The miller was a plain man, and silent. Other folk, younger or older, married or single, had come hither of a morning, and he spoke the name of none. He welcomed these two after his fashion. Under the shade of a great tree, which flung an arm out to the rivulet, he pulled out a little table spread in white and departed to tell his wife of the company. She, busy and smiling, came out presently with her best in old china and linen and wherewith to go with both. They sat now, face to face across the little table, their horses cropping the dewy grass near by. Lewis's riding crop and gloves lay on his knee. He cast his hat upon the grass. Little birds hopped about on the ground and flitted here and there in the trees, twittering. A mocker, trilling in sudden ecstacy of life, spread a larger melody through all the wood. The sun drew gently up in the heavens, screened by the waving trees. The ripple of the stream was very sweet. "Theodosia, look!" said the young man, suddenly swinging a gesture about him. "Did I not say right? It is Eden! Ah, what a pity it is that Eden must ever be the same--a serpent--repentance--and farewell! Yet it was so beautiful." "A sinless Eden, sir." "No! I will not lie--I will not say that I do not love you more than ever. That is my sin; so I must go away. This must be our last meeting--I am fortunate that it came by chance today." "Going away--where, then, my friend?" "Into the West. It always has called me. Ah, if only I had remained in the Indian country yonder, where I belonged, and never made my ride to New York--to learn that I had come too late! But the West still is there--the wilderness still exists to welcome such as me!" "But you will--you will come back again?" "It is in the lap of the gods. I do not know or care. But my plans are all arranged. Mr. Jefferson and I have agreed that it is almost time to start. You see, Theodosia, I am now back from my schooling. You behold in me, madam, a scientist! At least I am competent to read by the sun and stars, can reckon longitude and latitude--as one must, to journey into the desert yonder. If only I dared orient my soul as well!" "You would never doubt my faith in my husband." "No! Of course, you love your husband. I could not look at you a second time if you did not." "You are a good man, Meriwether Lewis!" "Do not say it! I am a man accursed of evil passions--the most unhappy of all men. There is nothing else, I say, in all the world that I fear but my love for you. Tell me it will not last--tell me it will change--tell me that I shall forget! I should not believe you--but tell me that. Does a man never forget? Success--for others; happiness--for someone else. My mother said that was to be my fate. What did she mean?" "She meant, Meriwether Lewis, that you were a great man, a great soul! Only a man of noble soul could speak as you have spoken to me. We women, in our souls, love something noble and good and strong. Then we imagine someone like that. We believe, or try to believe, or say that we believe; but always----" "And a woman may divide not love, only love of love itself?" "I shall love your future, and shall watch it always," she replied, coloring. "You will be a great man, and there will be a great place for you." "And what then?" "Do not ask what then. You ask if men never change. Alas, they do, all too frequently! Do not deny the imperious way of nature. Only--remember me as long as you can, Meriwether Lewis." She spoke softly, and the color of her cheek, still rising, told of her self-reproof. He turned suddenly at this, a wonderfully sweet smile now upon his face. "As long as I can?" "Yes. Let your own mind run on the ambitions of a proud man, a strong man. Ambition--power--place--these things will all be yours in the coming years. They belong to any man of ability such as yours, and I covet them for you. I shall pray always for your success; but success makes men forget." He still sat looking at her unmoved, with thoughts in his heart that he would not have cared to let her know. She went on still, half tremblingly: "I want to see you happy after a time--with some good woman at your side--your children by you--in your own home. I want everything for you which ought to come to any man. And yet I know how hard it is to alter your resolve, once formed. Captain Lewis, you are a stubborn man, a hard man!" He shook his head. "Yes, I do not seem to change," said he simply. "I hope I shall be able to carry my burden and to hold my trail." "Fie! I will not have such talk on a morning like this." Fearlessly she reached out her hand to his, which lay upon the table. She smiled at him, but he looked down, the lean fingers of his own hand not trembling nor responding. If she sensed the rigidity of the muscles which held his fingers outward, at least she feared it not. If she felt the repression which kept him silent, at least she feared it not. Her intuitions told her at last that the danger was gone. His hand did not close on hers. She raised her cup and saluted laughingly. "A good journey, Meriwether Lewis," said she, "and a happy return from it! Cast away such melancholy--you will forget all this!" "I ask you not to wound me more than need be. I am hard to die. I can carry many wounds, but they may pain me none the less." "Forgive me, then," she said, and once more her small hand reached out toward him. "I would not wound you. I asked you only to remember me as----" "As----" "As I shall you, of course. And I remember that bright day when you came to me--yonder in New York. You offered me all that any man can ever offer any woman. I am proud of that! I told my husband, yes. He never mentions your name save in seriousness and respect. I am ambitious for you. All the Burrs are full of ambition, and I am a Burr, as you know. How long will it be before you come back to higher office and higher place? Will it be six months hence?" "More likely six years. If there is healing for me, the wilderness alone must give it." "I shall be an old woman--old and sallow from the Carolina suns. You will have forgotten me then." "It is enough," said he. "You have lightened my burden for me as much as may be--you have made the trial as easy as any can. The rest is for me. At least I can go feeling that I have not wronged you in any way." "Yes, Meriwether Lewis," said she quietly, "there has not been one word or act of yours to cause you regret, or me. You have put no secret on me that I must keep. That was like a man! I trust you will find it easy to forget me." He raised a hand. "I said, madam, that I am hard to die. I asked you not to wound me overmuch. Do not talk to me of hopes or sympathy. I do not ask--I will not have it! Only this remains to comfort me--if I had laid on my soul the memory of one secret that I had dared to place on yours, ah, then, how wretched would life be for me forever after! That thought, it seems to me, I could not endure." "Go, then, my savage gentleman, and let me----" "And let you never see my face again?" She rose and stood looking at him, her own eyes wet with a sudden moisture. "Women worth loving are so few!" she said slowly. "Clean men are so few! How a woman could have loved you, Meriwether Lewis! How some woman ought to love you! Yes, go now," she concluded. "Yes, go!" "Mrs. Alston will wait with you here for a few moments," said Meriwether Lewis to the miller's wife quietly. He stood with his bridle rein across his arm. "See that she is very comfortable. She might have a second cup of your good coffee?" He swung into his saddle, reined his horse about, turned and bowed formally to his late _vis-à-vis_, who still remained seated at the table. Then he was off at such speed as left Arcturus no more cause to fret at his bridle rein. CHAPTER III MR. BURR AND MR. MERRY The young Virginian had well-nigh made his way out over the two miles or so of sheltered roadway, when he heard hoof beats on ahead, and slackened his own speed. He saw two horsemen approaching, both well mounted, coming on at a handsome gait. Of these, one was a stout and elderly man of no special shape at all, who sat his horse with small grace, his florid face redder for his exercise, his cheeks mottled with good living and hard riding. He was clad in scrupulous riding costume, and seemed, indeed, a person of some importance. The badge of some order or society showed on his breast, and his entire air--intent as he was upon his present business of keeping company with a skilled horseman--marked him as one accustomed to attention from others. A servant in the costume of an English groom rode at a short distance behind him. The second man was lighter, straight and trim of figure, with an erectness and exactness of carriage which marked him as a soldier at some part of his life. He was clad with extreme neatness, well booted also, and sat his mount with the nonchalance of the trained horseman. His own garb and face showed not the slightest proof that he had been riding hard. Indeed, he seemed one whom no condition or circumstance could deprive of a cool immaculateness. He was a man to be marked in any company--especially so by the peculiar brilliance of his full, dark eye, which had a piercing, searching glint of its own; an eye such as few men have owned, and under whose spell man or woman might easily melt to acquiescence with the owner's mind. He sat his horse with a certain haughtiness as well as carelessness. His chin seemed long and firm, and his lofty forehead--indeed, his whole air and carriage--discovered him the man of ambition that he really was. For this was no other than Aaron Burr, Vice-President of the United States, whose name was soon to be on the lips of all. He had lately come to Washington with the Jefferson administration. This gentleman now reined up his horse as he caught sight of the young man approaching. His older companion also halted. Burr raised his hat. "Ah, Captain Lewis!" he said in a voice of extraordinary sweetness, yet of power. "You also have caught the secret of this climate, eh? You ride in the early morning--I do not wonder. You are Virginian, and so know the heats of Washington. I fancy you recognize Mr. Merry," he added, his glance turning from one to the other. The young Virginian bowed to both gentlemen. "I have persuaded his excellency the minister from Great Britain to ride with us on one of our Washington mornings. He has been good enough to say--to say--that he enjoys it!" Burr turned a quick glance upon the heavier figure at his side, with a half smile of badinage on his own face. Lewis bowed again, formally, and Anthony Merry answered with equal politeness and ceremony. "Yes," said the envoy, "to be sure I recall the young man. I met him in the anteroom at the President's house." Meriwether Lewis cast him a quick glance, but made no answer. He knew well enough the slighting estimate in which everything at Washington was held by this minister accredited to our government. Also he knew, as he might have said, something about the diplomat's visit at the Executive Mansion. For thus far the minister from Great Britain to Washington had not been able to see the President of the United States. "And you are done your ride?" said Burr quickly, for his was a keen nose to scent any complication. "Tell me"--he lifted his own reins now to proceed--"you saw nothing of my daughter, Mrs. Alston? We missed her at the house, and have feared her abduction by some bold young Virginian, eh?" His keen eye rested fairly on the face of the younger man as he spoke. The latter felt the challenge under the half mocking words. "Yes," he replied calmly, "I have seen Mrs. Alston. I left her but now at the old mill, having a cup of coffee with the miller's wife. I had not time myself for a second, although Mrs. Alston honored me by allowing me to sit at her table for a moment. We met by accident, you see, as we both rode, a short time ago. I overtook her when it was not yet sunrise, or scarcely more." "You see!" laughed Burr, as he turned to Merry. "Our young men are early risers when it comes to pursuit of the fair. I must ride at once and see to the welfare of my daughter. She may be weeping at losing her escort so soon!" They all smiled in proper fashion. Lewis bowed, and, lifting his hat, passed on. Burr, as they parted, fell for just a half-moment into thought, his face suddenly inscrutable, as if he pondered something. "There is the ablest man I have seen in Washington," blurted out Merry suddenly, apropos of nothing that had been said. "He has manners, and he rides like an Englishman." "Say not so!" said Burr, laughing. "Better--he rides like a Virginian!" "Very well; it is the same thing. The Virginians are but ourselves--this country is all English yet. And I swear--Mr. Burr, may we speak freely?--I cannot see, and I never shall see, what is the sense in all this talk of a new democracy of the people. Now, what men like these--like you----" "You know well enough how far I agree with you," said Burr somberly. "'Tis an experiment, our republic, I am willing to say that boldly to you, at least. How long it may last----" "Depends on men like you," said Merry, suddenly turning upon him as they rode. "How long do you suppose his Majesty will endure such slights as they put on us here day by day? My blood boils at the indignities we have had to suffer here--cooling our heels in your President's halls. I call it mere presumptuousness. I cannot look upon this country as anything but a province to be taken back again when England is ready. And it may be, since so much turbulence and discourtesy seem growing here, that chance will not wait long in the coming!" "It may be, Mr. Merry," said Aaron Burr. "My own thoughts you know too well for need of repetition. Let us only go softly. My plans advance as well as I could ask. I was just wondering," he added, "whether those two young people really were together there at the old mill--and whether they were there for the first time." "If not, 'twas not for the last time!" rejoined the older man. "Yonder young man was made to fill a woman's eye. Your daughter, Mr. Burr, while the soul of married discreetness, and charming as any of her sex I have ever seen, must look out for her heart. She might find it divided into three equal parts." "How then, Mr. Minister?" "One for her father----" Aaron Burr bowed. "Yes, her father first, as I verily believe. What then?" "The second for her husband----" "Certainly. Mr. Alston is a rising man. He has a thousand slaves on his plantations--he is one of the richest of the rich South Carolinian planters. And in politics he has a chance--more than a chance. But after that?" "The third portion of so charming a woman's heart might perhaps be assigned to Captain Meriwether Lewis!" "Say you so?" laughed Burr carelessly. "Well, well this must be looked into. Come, I must tell my son-in-law that his home is in danger of being invaded! Far off in his Southern rice-lands, I fear he misses his young wife sometimes. I brought her here for the sake of her own health--she cannot thrive in such swamps. Besides, I cannot bear to have her live away from me. She is happier with me than anywhere else. Yes, you are right, my daughter worships me." "Why should she not? And why should she not ride with a gallant at sunrise for an early cup of coffee, egad?" said the older man. Burr did not answer, and they rode on. In the opposite direction there rode also the young man of whom they spoke. And at about the time that the two came to the old mill and saw Theodosia Alston sitting there--her face still cast down, her eyes gazing abstractedly into her untasted cup on the little table--Meriwether Lewis was pulling up at the iron gate which then closed the opening in the stone wall encircling the modest official residence of his chief and patron, President Jefferson. CHAPTER IV PRESIDENT AND SECRETARY There stood waiting near the gate one of Mr. Jefferson's private servants, Samson, who took the young man's rein, grinning with his usual familiar words of welcome as the secretary dismounted from his horse. "You-all suttinly did warm old Arcturum a li'l bit dis mawnin', Mistah Mehywethah!" Samson patted the neck of the spirited animal, which tossed its head and turned an eye to its late rider. "Yes, and see that you rub him well. Mind you, if Mr. Jefferson finds that his whitest handkerchief shows a sweat-mark from the horse's hide he will cut off both your black ears for you, Samson--and very likely your head along with them. You know your master!" The secretary smiled kindly at the old black man. "Yassah, yassah," grinned Samson, who no more feared Mr. Jefferson than he did the young gentleman with whom he now spoke. "I just lookin' at you comin' down that path right now, and I say to myself, 'Dar come a ridah!' I sho' did, Mistah Mehywethah!" The young man answered the negro's compliment with one of his rare smiles, then turned, with just a flick of his gloves on his breeches legs, and marched up the walk to the door of the mansion. At the step he turned and paused, as he usually did, to take one look out over the unfinished wing of stone still in process of erection. On beyond, in the ragged village, he saw a few good mansion houses, many structures devoted to business, many jumbled huts of negroes, and here and there a public building in its early stages. The great system of boulevards and parks and circles of the new American capital was not yet apparent from the place where Mr. Thomas Jefferson's young secretary now stood. But the young man perhaps saw city and nation alike advanced in his vision; for he gazed long and lingeringly before he turned back at last and entered the door which the old house servant swung open for him. His hat and crop and gloves he handed to this bowed old darky, Ben--another of Mr. Jefferson's plantation servants whom he had brought to Washington with him. Then--for such was the simple fashion of the ménage, where Meriwether Lewis himself was one of the President's family--he stepped to the door beyond and knocked lightly, entering as he did so. The hour was early--he himself had not breakfasted, beyond his coffee at the mill--but, early as it was, he knew he would find at his desk the gentleman who now turned to him. "Good morning, Mr. Jefferson," said Meriwether Lewis, in the greeting which he always used. "Good morning, my son," said the other man, gently, in his invariable address to his secretary. "And how did Arcturus perform for you this morning?" "Grandly, sir. He is a fine animal. I have never ridden a better." "I envy you. I wish I could find the time I once had for my horses." He turned a whimsical glance at the piled desk before him. "If our new multigraph could write a dozen letters all at once--and on as many different themes, my son--we might perhaps get through. I vow, if I had the money, I would have a dozen secretaries--if I could find them!" The President rose now and stood, a tall and striking figure of a man, over six feet in height, of clean-cut features, dark hazel eye, and sandy, almost auburn, hair. His long, thin legs were clad in close-fitting knee breeches of green velveteen, somewhat stained. His high-collared coat, rolling above the loosely-tied stock which girded his neck, was dingy brown in color, and lay in loose folds. He was one of the worst-clad men in Washington at that hour. His waistcoat, of red, was soiled and far from new, and his woolen stockings were covered with no better footwear than carpet slippers, badly down at the heel. Yet Thomas Jefferson, even clad thus, seemed the great man that he was. Stooped though his shoulders were, his frame was so strong, his eye so clear and keen, though contemplative, that he did not look his years. Here was a man, all said who knew him, of whose large soul so many large deeds were demanded that he had no time for little and inconsequent things--indeed, scarce knew that they existed. To think, to feel, to create, to achieve--these were his absorbing tasks; and so exigent were the demands on his great intellectual resources that he seemed never to know the existence of a personal world. He stood careless, slipshod, at the side of a desk cluttered with a mass of maps, papers, letters in packets or spread open. There were writing implements here, scientific instruments of all sorts, long sheets of specifications, canceled drafts, pages of accounts--all the manifold impedimenta of a man in the full swing of business life. It might have been the desk of any mediocre man; yet on that desk lay the future of a people and the history of a world. He stood, just a trifle stooped, smiling quizzically at the young man, yet half lovingly; for to no other being in the world did he ever give the confidence that he accorded Meriwether Lewis. "I do not see how I could be President without you, Merne, my son," said he, employing the familiar term that Meriwether Lewis had not elsewhere heard used, except by his mother. "Look what we must do today!" The young secretary turned his own grave eye upon the cluttered desk; but it was not dread of the redoubtable tasks awaiting him that gave his face all the gravity it bore. "Mr. Jefferson--" he began, but paused, for he could see now standing before him his friend, the man whom, of all in the world, he loved, and the man who believed in him and loved him. "Yes, my son?" "Your burden is grievous hard, and yet----" "Yes, my son?" But Meriwether Lewis could not speak further. He stood now, his jaws set hard, looking out of the window. The older man came and gently laid a hand upon his shoulder. "Come, come, my son," said he, his own voice low and of a kindness it could assume at times. "You must not--you must not yield to this, I say. Shake off this melancholy which so obsesses you. I know whence it comes--your father gave it you, and you are not to blame; but you have more than your father's strength to aid you. And you have me, your friend, who can understand." Lewis only turned on him an eye so full of anguish as caused the older man to knit his brow in deep concern. "What is it, Merne?" he demanded. "Tell me. Ah, you cannot tell? I know! 'Tis the old melancholy, and something more, Merne, my boy. Tell me--ah, yes, it is a woman!" The young man did not speak. "I have often told all my young friends," said Mr. Jefferson slowly, after a time, "that they should marry not later than twenty-three--it is wrong to cheat the years of life--and you approach thirty now, my son. Why linger? Listen to me. No young man may work at his best and have a woman's face in his desk to haunt him. That will not do. We all have handicap enough without that." But still Meriwether could only look into the face of his superior. "I know very well, my son," the President continued. "I know it all. Put her out of your heart, my boy. Would you shame yourself--and her--and me?" "No! Never would I do that, Mr. Jefferson, believe me. But now I must beg of you--please, sir, let me go soon--let it be at once!" The older man stood looking at him for a time in silence, as he went on hurriedly: "I must say good-by to you, best and noblest of men. Indeed, I have said good-by to--everything." "As you say, your case is hopeless?" "Yes, sir." "Ah, well, we have both been planning for our Western expedition these ten years, my son; so why should we fret if matters conspire to bring it about a trifle earlier than we planned?" "I asked you when I was a boy to send me, but you could not then." "No, but instead I sent yonder maundering Michaux. He, Ledyard, and all the others failed me. They never saw the great vision. There it lies, unknown, tremendous--no man knows what--that new country. I have had to hide from the people of this republic this secret purpose which you and I have had of exploring the vast Western country. I have picked you as the one man fitted for that work. I do not make mistakes. You are a born woodsman and traveler--you are ready to my hand as the instrument for this magnificent adventure. I cannot well spare you now--but yes, you must go!" They stood there, two men who made our great adventure for us--vision-seers, vision-owned, gazing each into the other's eyes. "Send me now, Mr. Jefferson!" repeated Meriwether Lewis. "Send me now. I will mend to usefulness again. I will work for you all my life, if need be--and I want my name clear with you." The old man laid a kindly hand upon his shoulder. "I must yield you to your destiny," said he. "It will be a great one." He turned aside, a hand to his lip as he paced uncertainly. "But I still am wondering what our friends are doing yonder in France," said he. "That is the question. Livingston, Monroe, and the others--what are they doing with Napoleon Bonaparte? The news from France--but stay," he added. "Wait! I had forgotten. Come, we shall see about it!" With the sudden enthusiasm of a boy he caught his young aide by the arm. They passed down the hall, out by the rear entrance and across the White House grounds to the brick stables which then stood at the rear. Mr. Jefferson paid no attention to the sleek animals there which looked in greeting toward him. Instead, he passed in front of the series of stalls, and without excuse or explanation hurriedly began to climb the steep ladder which led to the floor above. They stood at length in the upper apartment of the stable buildings. It was not a mow or feed loft, but rather a bird loft, devoted to the use of many pigeons. All about the eaves were arranged many boxes--nesting places, apparently, although none of the birds entered the long room, which seemed free of any occupancy. Mr. Jefferson stood for a moment, eagerly scanning the rear of the tier of boxes. An exclamation broke from him. He hurried forward with a sudden gesture to a little flag which stood up, like the tilt of a fisherman on the ice, at the side of the box to which he pointed. "Done!" said he. He reached up to the box that he had indicated, pressed down a little catch, opened the back and looked in. Again an exclamation escaped him. He put in a hand gingerly, and, tenderly imprisoning the bird which he found therein, drew it forth, his long fingers eagerly lifting its wings, examining its legs. It could easily be seen that the box was arranged with a door on a tripping-latch, so that the pigeon, on entering, would imprison itself. It was apparent that Mr. Jefferson was depending upon the natural homing instinct of his carrier pigeons to bring him some message. "I told them," said he, "to loose a half-dozen birds at once. See! See!" He unrolled from one leg of the prisoner a little cylinder of paper covered with tinfoil and tied firmly in its place. It was the first wireless message ever received at Washington. None since that time has carried a greater burden. It announced a transaction in empires. Mr. Jefferson read, and spread out the paper that his aide might read: General Bonaparte signed May 2--Fifteen millions--Rejoice! In no wider phrasing than that came the news of the great Louisiana Purchase, by virtue of which this republic--whether by chance, by result of greed warring with greed, or through the providence of Almighty God, who shall say?--gained the great part of that vast and incalculably valuable realm which now reaches from the Mississippi to the Pacific Ocean. What wealth that great empire held no man had dreamed, nor can any dream today; for, a century later, its story is but beginning. Century on century, that story still will be in the making. A home for millions of the earth's best, a hope for millions of the earth's less fortunate--granary of the peoples, mint of the nations, birthplace and growing-ground of the new race of men--who could have measured that land then--who could measure it today? And its title passed, announced in seven words, carried by a bird wandering in the air, but bound unerringly to the ark of God's covenant with man--the covenant of hope and progress. Thomas Jefferson stretched out his right hand to meet that of Meriwether Lewis. Their clasp was strong and firm. The eye of each man blazed. "Mr. Jefferson," said Meriwether Lewis, "this is your monument!" "And yours," was the reply. "Come, then!" He turned to the stairs, the pigeon still fondled in his arm. That bird--a white one, with slate-blue tips to its wings--never needed to labor again, for Mr. Jefferson kept it during its life, and long after its death. "Come now," he said, as he began to descend the ladder once more. "The bird was loosed yesterday, late in the afternoon. It has done its sixty or seventy-five miles an hour for us, counting out time lost in the night. The ship which brought this news docked at New York yesterday. The post stages carrying it hither cannot arrive before tomorrow. This is news--the greatest of news that we could have. Yesterday--this morning--we were a young and weak republic. Tomorrow we shall be one of the powers of the world. Go, now--you have been held in leash long enough, and the time to start has come. Tomorrow you will go westward, to that new country which now is ours!" Neither said anything further until once again they were in the President's little office-room; but Thomas Jefferson's eye now was afire. "I count this the most important enterprise in which this country ever was engaged," he exclaimed, his hands clenched. "Yonder lies the greater America--you lead an army which will make far wider conquest than all our troops won in the Revolutionary War. The stake is larger than any man may dream. I see it--you see it--in time others also will see. Tell me, my son, tell me once more! Come what may, no matter what power shall move you, you will be faithful in this great trust? If I have your promise, then I shall rest assured." Thomas Jefferson, more agitated than any man had ever seen him, dropped half trembling into his chair, his shaggy red mane about his forehead, his long fingers shaking. "I give you my promise, Mr. Jefferson," said Meriwether Lewis. CHAPTER V THE PELL-MELL AND SOME CONSEQUENCES It was late in the afternoon when the secretary to the President looked up from the crowded desk. "Mr. Jefferson," ventured he, "you will pardon me----" "Yes, my son?" "It grows late. You know that today the British minister, Mr. Merry, comes to meet the President for the first time formally--at dinner. Señor Yrujo also--and their ladies, of course. Mr. Burr and Mr. Merry seem already acquainted. I met them riding this morning." "Hand and glove, then, so soon? What do you make of it? I have a guess that those three--Burr, Merry, Yrujo--mean this administration no special good. And yet it was I myself who kept our Spanish friend from getting his passports back to Madrid. I did that only because of his marriage to the daughter of my friend, Governor McKean, of Pennsylvania. But what were you saying now?" "I thought perhaps I should go to my rooms to change for dinner. You see that I am still in riding-clothes." "And what of that, my son? I am in something worse!" The young man stood and looked at his chief for a moment. He realized the scarce dignified figure that the President presented in his long coat, his soiled waistcoat, his stained trousers, and his woolen stockings--not to mention the unspeakable slippers, down at the heel, into which he had thrust his feet that morning when he came into the office. "You think I will not do?" Mr. Jefferson smiled at him frankly. "I am not so free from wisdom, perhaps, after all. Let this British minister see us as we are, for men and women, and not dummies for finery. Moreover, I remember well enough how we cooled our heels there in London, Mr. Madison and myself. They showed us little courtesy enough. Well, they shall have no complaint here. We will treat them as well as we do the others, as well as the electors who sent us here!" Meriwether Lewis allowed himself a smile. "Go," added his chief. "Garb yourself as I would have you--in your best. But there will be no precedence at table this evening--remember that! Let them take seats pell-mell--the devil take the hindmost--a fair field for every one, and favor to none! Seat them as nearly as possible as they should not be seated--and leave the rest to me. All these--indeed, all history and all the records--shall take me precisely as I am!" An hour later Meriwether Lewis stood before his narrow mirror, well and handsomely clad, as was seeming with one of his family and his place--a tall and superb figure of young manhood, as proper a man as ever stood in buckled shoes in any country of the world. The guests came presently, folk of many sorts. With Mr. Jefferson as President, the democracy of America had invaded Washington, taking more and more liberties, and it had many representatives on hand. With these came persons of rank of this and other lands, dignitaries, diplomats, officials, ministers of foreign powers. Carriages with outriders came trundling over the partially paved roads of the crude capital city. Footmen opened doors to gentlemen and ladies in full dress, wearing insignia of honor, displaying gems, orders, decorations, jewels, all the brilliant costumes of the European courts. They came up the path to the door of the mansion where, to their amazement, they were met only by Mr. Jefferson's bowing old darky Ben, who ushered them in, helped them with their wraps and asked them to make themselves at home. And only old Henry, Mr. Jefferson's butler, bowed them in as they passed from the simple entrance hall into the anteroom which lay between the hall and the large dining-saloon. The numbers increased rapidly. What at first was a general gathering became a crowd, then a mob. There was no assigned place for any, no presentation of one stranger to another. Friends could not find friends. Mutterings arose; crowding and jostling was not absent; here and there an angry word might have been heard. The policy of pell-mell was not working itself out in any happy social fashion. Matters were at their worst when suddenly from his own apartments appeared the tall and well-composed figure of Mr. Jefferson's young secretary, social captain of matters at the Executive Mansion, and personal aide to the President. His quick glance caught sight of the gathering line of carriages; a second glance estimated the plight of those now jammed into the anteroom like so many cattle and evidently in distress. In a distant corner of the room, crowded into some sort of refuge back of a huge davenport, stood a small group of persons in full official dress--a group evidently ill at ease and no longer in good humor. Meriwether Lewis made his way thither rapidly as he might. "It is Mr. Minister Merry," said he, "and Mme. Merry." He bowed deeply. "Señor and Señora Yrujo, I bring you the respects of Mr. Jefferson. He will be with us presently." "I had believed, sir--I understood," began Merry explosively, "that we were to meet here the President of the United States. Where, then, is his suite?" "We have no suite, sir. I represent the President as his aide." "My word!" murmured the mystified dignitary, turning to his lady, who stood, the picture of mute anger, at his side, the very aigrets on her ginger-colored hair trembling in her anger. [Illustration: "'Mistah Thomas Jeffahson!' was his sole announcement"] They turned once more to the Spanish minister, who, with his American wife, stood at hand. There ensued such shrugs and liftings of eyebrows as left full evidence of a discontent that none of the four attempted to suppress. Meriwether Lewis saw and noted, but seemed not to note. Mr. Merry suddenly remembered him now as the young man he had encountered that morning, and turned with an attempt at greater civility. "You will understand, sir, that I came supposing I was to appear in my official capacity. We were invited upon that basis. There was to have been a dinner, was there not--or am I mistaken of the hour? Is it not four in the afternoon?" "You were quite right, Mr. Minister," said Meriwether Lewis. "You shall, of course, be presented to the President so soon as it shall please his convenience to join us. He has been occupied in many duties, and begs you will excuse him." The dignity and courtesy of the young man were not without effect. Silence, at least, was his reward from the perturbed and indignant group of diplomats penned behind the davenport. Matters stood thus when, at a time when scarce another soul could have been crowded into the anteroom, old Henry flung open the folding doors which he had closed. "Mistah Thomas Jeffahson!" was his sole announcement. There appeared in the doorway the tall, slightly stooped figure of the President of the United States, one of the greatest men of his own or of any day. He stood, gravely unconscious of himself, tranquilly looking out upon his gathered guests. He was still clad in the garb which he had worn throughout the day--the same in which he had climbed to the pigeon loft--the same in which he had labored during all these long hours. His coat was still brown and wrinkled, hanging loosely on his long frame. His trousers were the stained velveteens of the morning; his waistcoat the same faded red; his hose the slack woolen pair that he had worn throughout the day. And upon his feet--horror of horrors!--he wore still his slippers, the same old carpet slippers, down at the heel, which had afforded him ease as he sat at his desk. As Thomas Jefferson stood, he overtopped the men about him head and shoulders in physical stature, as he did in every other measure of a man. Innocent or unconscious of his own appearance, his eye seeking for knowledge of his guests, he caught sight of the group behind the davenport. Rapidly making his way thither, he greeted each, offering his hand to be shaken, bowing deeply to the ladies; and so quickly passed on, leaving them almost as much mystified as before. Only Yrujo, the Spanish Minister, looked after him with any trace of recognition, for at this moment Meriwether Lewis was away, among other guests. An instant later the curtained folding doors which separated the anteroom from the dining-saloon were thrown open. Mr. Jefferson passed in and took his place at the head of the table, casting not a single look toward any who were to join him there. There was no announcement; there was no _pas_, no precedence, no reserved place for any man, no announcement for any lady or gentleman, no servant to escort any to a place at table! It had been worse, far worse, this extraordinary scene, had it not been for the swiftness and tact of the young man to whom so much was entrusted. Meriwether Lewis hastened here and there, weeding out those who could not convince him that they were invited to dine. He separated as best he might the socially elect from those not yet socially arrived, until at length he stood, almost the sole barrier against those who still crowded forward. Here he was met once more by the party from behind the davenport. "Tell me," demanded Mr. Merry, who--seeing that no other escort offered for her--had given his angry lady his own arm, "tell me, sir, where is the President? To whom shall I present the greetings of his British Majesty?" "Yonder is the President of the United States, sir," said Meriwether Lewis. "He with whom you shook hands is the President. He stands at the head of his table, and you are welcome if you like. He asks you to enter." Merry turned to his wife, and from her to the wife of the Spanish minister. "Impossible!" said he. "I do not understand--it cannot be! That man--that extraordinary man in breeches and slippers yonder--it cannot be he asks us to sit at table with him! He _cannot_ be the President of the United States!" "None the less he is, Mr. Merry!" the secretary assured him. "Good Heavens!" said the minister from Great Britain, as he passed on, half dazed. By this time there remained but few seats, none at all toward the head of the table or about its middle portion. Toward the end of the room, farthest from the official host, a few chairs still stood vacant, because they had not been sought for. Thither, with faltering footsteps, ere even these opportunities should pass, stepped the minister from Great Britain and the minister from Spain, their ladies with them--none offering escort. Well disposed to smile at his chief's audacious overturning of all social usage, yet not unadvised of the seriousness of all this, Meriwether Lewis handed the distinguished guests to their seats as best he might; and then left them as best he might. At that time there were not six vacant places remaining at the long table. No one seemed to know how many had been invited to the banquet, or how many were expected--no one in the company seemed to know anyone else. It was indeed a pell-mell affair. For once the American democracy was triumphant. But the leader of that democracy, the head of the new administration, the host at this official banquet, the President of the United States, Thomas Jefferson, stood quietly, serenely, looking out over the long table, entirely unconcerned with what he saw. If there was trouble, it was for others, not for him. Those at table presently began to seat themselves, following the host's example. It was at this moment that the young captain of affairs turned once more toward the great doors, with the intention of closing them. Old Henry was having his own battles with the remaining audience in the anteroom, as he now brought forward two belated guests. Old Henry, be sure, knew them both; and--as a look at the sudden change of his features might have told--so did Mr. Jefferson's aide. They advanced with dignity, these two--one a gentleman, not tall, but elegant, exquisitely clad in full-dress costume; a man whom you would have turned to examine a second time had you met him anywhere. Upon his arm was a young woman, also beautifully costumed, smiling, graceful, entirely at her ease. Many present knew the two--Aaron Burr, Vice-President of the United States; his daughter, Theodosia Burr Alston. Mr. Burr passed within the great doors, turned and bowed deeply to his host, distant as he was across the crowded room. His daughter curtsied, also deeply. Their entry was dramatic. Then they stood, a somewhat stately picture, waiting for an instant while seemingly deciding their future course. It was at this moment that Meriwether Lewis approached them, beckoning. He led them toward the few seats that still remained unoccupied, placed them near to the official visitors, whose ruffled feathers still remained unsmoothed, and then stood by them for an instant, intending to take his departure. There was one remaining chair. It was at the side of Theodosia Alston. She herself looked up at him eagerly, and patted it with her hand. He seated himself at her side. Thus at last was filled the pell-mell table of Mr. Thomas Jefferson. To this day no man knows whether all present had been invited, or whether all invited had opportunity to be present. There were those--his enemies, men of the opposing political party, for the most part--who spoke ill of Mr. Jefferson, and charged that he showed hypocrisy in his pretense of democratic simplicity in official life. Yet others, even among his friends, criticised him severely for the affair of this afternoon--July 4, in the year of 1803. They said that his manners were inconsistent with the dignity of the highest official of this republic. If any of this comment injured or offended Mr. Jefferson, he never gave a sign. He was born a gentleman as much as any, and was as fully acquainted with good social usage as any man of his day. His life had been spent in the best surroundings of his own country, and at the most polished courts of the Old World. To accuse him of ignorance or boorishness would have been absurd. The fact was that his own resourceful brain had formed a definite plan. He wished to convey a certain rebuke--and with deadly accuracy he did convey that rebuke. It was at no enduring cost to his own fame. If the pell-mell dinner was at first a thing inchoate, awkward, impossible, criticism halted when the actual service at table began. The chef at the White House had been brought to this country by Mr. Jefferson from Paris, and no better was known on this side the water. So devoted was Mr. Jefferson known to be to the French style of cooking that no less a man than Patrick Henry, on the stump, had accused him of having "deserted the victuals of his country." His table was set and served with as much elegance as any at any foreign court. At the door of the city of Washington, even in the summer season, there was the best market of the world. As submitted by his _chef de cuisine_, Mr. Jefferson's menu was of no pell-mell sort. If we may credit it as handed down, it ran thus, in the old French of that day: Huîtres de Shinnecock, Saulce Tempête Olives du Luc Othon Mariné à l'Huile Vierge Amandes et Cerneaux Salés Pot au Feu du Roy "Henriot" Croustade Mogador Truite de Ruisselet, Belle Meunière Pommes en Fines Herbes Fricot de tendre Poulet en Coquemare, au Vieux Chanturgne Tourte de Ris de Veau, Financière Baron de Pré Salé aux Primeurs Sorbet des Comtes de Champagne Dinde Sauvage flambée devant les Sarments de Vigne, flanquée d'Ortolans Aspic de Foie Gras Lucullus Salade des Nymphes à la Lamballe Asperges Chauldes enduites de Sauce Lombardienne Dessert et Fruits de la Réunion Fromage de Bique Café Arabe Larmes de Juliette Whatever the wines served at the Executive Mansion may have been at later dates, those owned and used by President Jefferson were the best the world produced--vintages of rarity, selected as could have been done only by one of the nicest taste. Rumor had it that none other than Señor Yrujo, minister from Spain, recipient of many casks of the best vintages of his country that he might entertain with proper dignity, had seen fit to do a bit of merchandizing on his own account, to the end that Mr. Jefferson became the owner of certain of these rare casks. In any event, the Spanish minister now showed no fear of the wines which came his way. Nor, for that matter, did the minister from Great Britain, nor the spouses of these twain. Mr. Burr, seated with their party, himself somewhat abstemious, none the less could not refrain from an interrogatory glance as he saw Merry halt a certain bottle or two at his own plate. "Upon my word!" said the sturdy Briton, turning to him. "Such wine I never have tasted! I did not expect it here--served by a host in breeches and slippers! But never mind--it is wonderful!" "There may be many things here you have not expected, your excellency," said Mr. Burr. The Vice-President favored the little party at his left with one of his brilliant smiles. He had that strange faculty, admitted even by his enemies, of making another speak freely what he wished to hear, himself reticent the while. The face of the English dignitary clouded again. "I wish I could approve all else as I do the wine and the food; but I cannot understand. Here we sit, after being crowded like herrings in a box--myself, my lady here, and these others. Is this the placing his Majesty's minister should have at the President's table? Is this what we should demand here?" "The indignity is to all of us alike," smiled Burr. "Mr. Jefferson believes in a great human democracy. I myself regret to state that I cannot quite go with him to the lengths he fancies." "I shall report the entire matter to his Majesty's government!" said Mr. Merry, again helping himself to wine. "To be received here by a man in his stable clothes--so to meet us when we come formally to pay our call to this government--that is an insult! I fancy it to be a direct and intentional one." "Insult is small word for it," broke in the irate Spanish minister, still further down the table. "I certainly shall report to my own government what has happened here--of that be very sure!" "Give me leave, sir," continued Merry. "This republic, what is it? What has it done?" "I ask as much," affirmed Yrujo. "A small war with your own country, Great Britain, sir--in which only your generosity held you back--that is all this country can claim. In the South, my people own the mouth of the great river--we own Florida--we own the province of Texas--all the Southern and Western lands. True, Louis XV--to save it from Great Britain, perhaps, sir"--he bowed to the British minister--"originally ceded Louisiana to our crown. True, also, my sovereign has ceded it again to France. But Spain still rules the South, just as Britain rules the middle country out beyond; and what is left? I snap my fingers at this republic!" Señor Yrujo helped himself to a brimming glass of his own wine. "I say that Western country is ours," he still insisted, warming to his oration now. "Suppose, under coercion, our sovereign did cede it to Napoleon, who claims it now? Does Spain not govern it still? Do we not collect the revenues? Is not the whole system of law enforced under the flag of Spain, all along the great river yonder? Possession, exploration, discovery--those are the rights under which territories are annexed. France has the title to that West, but we hold the land itself--we administer it. And never shall it go from under our flag, unless it be through the act of stronger foreign powers. Spain will fight!" "Will Spain fight?" demanded a deep and melodious voice. It was that of Aaron Burr who spoke now, half in query, half in challenge. "Would Spain fight--and would Great Britain, if need were and the time came?" He spoke to men heated with wine, smarting under social indignity, men owning a hurt personal vanity. "Our past is proof enough," said Merry proudly. Yrujo needed no more than a shrug. "Divide and conquer?" Burr went on, looking at them, and raising an eyebrow in query. They nodded, both of them. Burr looked around. His daughter and Meriwether Lewis were oblivious. He saw the young man's eyes, somber, deep, fixed on hers; saw her gazing in return, silent, troubled, fascinated. One presumes that it was at this moment--at the instant when Aaron Burr, seeing the power his daughter held over young Meriwether Lewis, and the interest he held for her, turned to these foreign officials at his left--at that moment, let us say, the Burr conspiracy began. "Divide that unknown country, the West, and how long would this republic endure?" said Aaron Burr. The noise of the banquet now rose about them. Voices blended with laughter; the wine was passing; awkwardness and restraint had given way to good cheer. In a manner they were safe to talk. "What?" demanded Aaron Burr once more. "Could a few francs transfer all that marvelous country from Spain to France? That were absurd. By what possible title could that region yonder ever come to this republic? It is still more absurd to think that. Civilization does not leap across great river valleys. It follows them. You have said rightly, Señor Yrujo. To my mind Great Britain has laid fair grasp upon the upper West; and Spain holds the lower West, with which our statesmen have interested themselves of late. By all the rights of conquest, discovery, and use, gentlemen, Great Britain's traders have gained for her flag all the territory which they have reached on their Western trading routes. I go with you that far." Merry turned upon Burr suddenly a deep and estimating eye. "I begin to see," said he, "that you are open to conviction, Mr. Burr." "Not open to conviction," said Aaron Burr, "but already convinced!" "What do you mean, Colonel Burr?" The Englishman bent toward him, frowning in intentness. "I mean that perhaps I have something to say to you two gentlemen of the foreign courts which will be of interest and importance to you." "Where, then, could we meet after this is over?" The minister from Great Britain surely was not beyond close and ready estimate of events. "At my residence, after this dinner," rejoined Aaron Burr instantly. His eye did not waver as it looked into the other's, but blazed with all the fire of his own soul. "Across the Alleghanies, along the great river, there is a land waiting, ready for strong men. Are we such men, gentlemen? And can we talk freely as such among ourselves?" Their conversation, carried on in ordinary tones, had not been marked by any. Their brows, drawn sharp in sudden resolution, their glance each to the other, made their ratification of this extraordinary speech. They had no time for anything further at the moment. A sound came to their ears, and they turned toward the head of the long table, where the tall figure of the President of the United States was rising in his place. The dinner had drawn toward its close. Mr. Jefferson now stood, gravely regarding those before him, his keen eye losing no detail of the strange scene. He knew the place of every man and woman at that board--perhaps this was his own revenge for a reception he once had had at London. But at last he spoke. "I have news for you all, my friends, today; news which applies not to one man nor to one woman of this or any country more than to another, but news which belongs to all the world." He paused for a moment, and held up in his right hand a tiny scrap of paper, thin, crumpled. None could guess what significance it had. "May God in His own power punish me," said he, solemnly, "if ever I halt or falter in what I believe to be my duty! I place no bounds to the future of this republic--based, as I firmly believe it to be, upon the enduring principle of the just and even rights of mankind. "Our country to the West always has inspired me with the extremest curiosity, and animated me with the loftiest hopes. Since the year 1683 that great river, the Missouri, emptying into the Mississippi, has been looked upon as the way to the Pacific Ocean. One hundred years from that time--that is to say, in 1783--I myself asked one of the ablest of our Westerners, none other than General George Rogers Clark, to undertake a journey of exploration up that Western river. It was not done. Three years later, when accredited to the court at Paris, I met a Mr. Ledyard, an American then abroad. I desired him to cross Russia, Siberia and the Pacific Ocean, and then to journey eastward over the Stony Mountains, to find, if he could, the head of that Missouri River of which we know so little. But Ledyard failed, for reasons best known, perhaps, to the monarch of Russia. "Later than that, and long before I had the power which now is mine to order matters of the sort, the Boston sailor, Captain Grey, in 1792, as you know, found the mouth of the Columbia River. The very next year after that I engaged the scientist Michaux to explore in that direction; but he likewise failed. "All my life I have seen what great opportunities would be ours if once we owned that vast country yonder. As a private citizen I planned that we should at least explore it--always it was my dream to know more of it. It being clear to me that the future of our republic lay not to the east, but to the west of the Alleghanies--indeed, to the west of the Mississippi itself--never have I relinquished the ambition that I have so long entertained. Never have I forgotten the dream which animated me even in my younger years. I am here now to announce to you, so that you may announce to all the world, certain news which I have here regarding that Western region, which never was ours, but which I always wished might be ours." With the middle finger of his left hand the President flicked at the mysterious bit of crumpled paper still held aloft in his right. There was silence all down the long table. "More than a year ago I once more chose a messenger into that country," went on Thomas Jefferson. "I chose a leader of exploration, of discovery. I chose him because I knew I could trust in his loyalty, in his judgment, in his courage. Well and thoroughly he has fitted himself for that leadership." He turned his gaze contemplatively down the long table. The gaze of many of his guests followed his, still wonderingly, as he went on. "My leader for this expedition into the West, which I planned more than a year ago, is here with you now. Captain Meriwether Lewis, will you stand up for a moment? I wish to present you to these, my friends." With wonder, doubt, and, indeed, a certain perturbation at the President's unexpected summons, the young Virginian rose to his feet and stood gazing questioningly at his chief. "I know your modesty as well as your courage, Captain Lewis," smiled Mr. Jefferson. "You may be seated, sir, since now we all know you. "Let me say to you others that I have had opportunity of knowing my captain of this magnificent adventure. In years he is not yet thirty, but he is and always was a leader, mature, wise, calm, and resolved. Of courage undaunted, possessing a firmness and perseverance of purpose which nothing but impossibilities can divert from its direction; careful as a father of those committed to his charge, and yet steady in the maintenance of order and discipline; intimate with the Indian character, customs, and principles; habituated to the hunting life; guarded by exact observation of the vegetables and animals of his own country against duplication of objects already possessed; honest, disinterested, liberal; of sound understanding, and of a fidelity to truth so scrupulous that whatever he shall report will be as certain as if seen by ourselves--with all these qualifications, I say, as if selected and implanted by nature in one body, for one purpose, I could have no hesitation in confiding this enterprise--the most cherished enterprise of my administration--to him whom now you have seen here before you." The President bowed deeply to the young man, who had modestly resumed his place. Then, for just a moment, Mr. Jefferson stood silent, absorbed, rapt, carried away by his own vision. "And now for my news," he said at length. "Here you have it!" He waved once more the little scrap of paper. "I had this news from New York this morning. It was despatched yesterday evening. Tomorrow it will reach all the world. The mails will bring it to you; but news like this could not wait for the mails. No horse could bring it fast enough. It was brought by a dove--the dove of peace, I trust. Let me explain briefly; what my news concerns. "As you know, that new country yonder belonged at first to any one who might find it--to England, if she could penetrate it first; to Spain, if she were first to put her flag upon it; to Russia, if first she conquered it from the far Northwest. But none of these three ever completed acquisition by those means under which nations take title to the new territories of the world. Louisiana, as we term it, has been unclaimed, unknown, unowned--indeed, virgin territory so far as definite title was concerned. "In the north, such title as might be was conveyed to Great Britain by France after the latter power was conquered at Quebec. The lower regions France--supposing that she owned them--conveyed, through her monarch, the fifteenth Louis, to Spain. Again, in the policy of nations, Spain sold them to France once more, in a time of need. France owned the territory then, or had the title, though Spain still was in possession. It lay still unoccupied, still contested--until but now. "My friends, I give you news! On the 2d of May last, Napoleon Bonaparte, First Consul of France, sold to this republic, the United States of America, all of Louisiana, whatever it may be, from the Mississippi to the Pacific! Here are seven words which carry an empire with them--the empire of humanity--a land in which democracy, humanity, shall expand and grow forever! This is my news: "General Bonaparte signed May 2--Fifteen millions--Rejoice!" A deep sigh rose as if in unison all along the table. The event was too large for instant grasping. There was no applause at first. Some--many--did not understand. Not so certain others. The minister from Great Britain, the minister from Spain, Aaron Burr and a few other men acquainted with great affairs, prominent in public life, turned and looked at the President's tall figure at the head of the table, and then at that of the silent young man whom Mr. Jefferson had publicly honored. The face of Aaron Burr grew pale. The faces of the foreign ministers showed sudden consternation. Theodosia Alston turned, her own eyes fixed upon the grave face of the young man sitting at her side, who made no sign of the strong emotion possessing his soul. "I have given you my news," the voice of Mr. Jefferson went on, rising now, vibrant and masterful, fearless, compelling. "There you have it, this little message, large as any ever written in the world. The title to that Western land has passed to us. We set our seal on it now! Cost what it may, we shall hold it so long as we can claim a flag or a country on this continent. The price is nothing. Fifteen millions means no more than the wine or water left in a half-empty glass. It might be fifty times fifteen millions, and yet not be one fiftieth enough. These things are not to be measured by known signs or marks of values. It is not in human comprehension to know what we have gained. Hence we have no human right to boast. The hand of Almighty God is in this affair! It was He who guided the fingers of those who signed this cession to the United States of America! "My friends, now I am content. What remains is but detail. Our duty is plain. Between us and this purpose, I shall hold all intervention of whatever nature, friendly or hostile, as no more than details to be ignored. Yonder lies and has always lain the scene of my own ambition. Always I have hungered to know that vast new land beyond all maps, as yet ignorant of human metes and bounds. Always I have coveted it for this republic, knowing that without room for expansion we must fail, that with it we shall triumph to the edge of our ultimate dream of human destiny--triumph and flourish while governments shall remain known among men. "I offer that faith to the eyes of the world today and of all the days to come, believing in every humility that God guided the hands of those who signed this title deed of a great empire, and that God long ago implanted in my unworthy bosom the strong belief that one day this might be which now has come to pass. It is no time for boasting, no time for any man to claim glory or credit for himself. We are in the face of events so vast that their margins leave our vision. We cannot see to the end of all this, cannot read all the purpose of it, because we are but men. "Gentlemen, you Americans, men of heart, of courage! You also, ladies, who care most for gentlemen of heart and courage, whose pulses beat even with our own to the stimulus of our deeds! I say to you all that I would gladly lay aside my office and its honors--I would lay aside all my other ambitions, all my desires to be remembered as a man who at least endeavored to think and to act--if thereby I might lead this expedition of our volunteers for the discovery of the West. That may not be. These slackened sinews, these shrinking limbs, these fading eyes, do not suffice for such a task. It is in my heart, yes; but the heart for this magnificent adventure needs stronger pulses than my own. "My heart--did I say that I had need of another, a better? Did I say that I had need of eyes and brains, of thews and sinews, of calm nerves and steady blood? Did I say I had need of courage and resolution--all these things combined? I have them! That Providence who has given us all needful instruments and agents to this point in our career as a republic has given us yet another, and the last one needful. Tomorrow my friend, my special messenger, Captain Meriwether Lewis, starts with his expedition. He will explore the country between the Missouri and the Pacific--the country of my dream and his. It is no longer the country of any other power--it is our own! "Gentlemen, I give you a toast--Captain Meriwether Lewis!" CHAPTER VI THE GREAT CONSPIRACY The simplicity dinner was at an end. Released by the President's withdrawal, the crowd--it could be called little else--broke from the table. The anteroom filled with struggling guests, excited, gesticulating, exclaiming. Meriwether Lewis, anxious only to escape from his social duties that he might rejoin his chief, felt a soft hand on his arm, and turned. Theodosia Alston was looking up at him. "Do you forget your friends so soon? I must add my good wishes. It was splendid, what Mr. Jefferson said--and it was true!" "I wish it might be true," said the young man. "I wish I might be worthy of such a man." "You are worthy of us all," returned Theodosia. "People are kind to the condemned," said he sententiously. At the door they were once more close to the others of the diplomatic party who had sat in company at table. The usual crush of those clamoring for their carriages had begun. "My dear," said Mr. Merry to his irate spouse, "I shall, if Mrs. Alston will permit, ask you to take her up in your carriage with you to her home. I am to go with Mr Burr." The Spanish minister made similar excuse to his own wife. Thus Theodosia Alston left Meriwether Lewis for the second time that day. It was a late conference, the one held that night at the home of the Vice-President of the United States. Burr, cool, calculating, always in hand, sat and weighed many matters well before he committed himself beyond repair. His keen mind saw now, and seized the advantage for which he waited. "You say right, gentlemen, both of you," he began, leaning forward. "I would not blame you if you never went to the White House again." "Should I ever do so again," blazed the Spanish minister, "I will take my own wife in to dinner on my own arm, and place her at the head of the table, where she belongs! It was an insult to my sovereign that we received today." "As much myself, sir!" said Mr. Merry, his brows contracted, his face flushed still with anger. "I shall know how to answer the next invitation which comes from Mr Jefferson.[1] I shall ask him whether or not there is to be any repetition of this sort of thing." [Footnote 1: During the following winter Mr. Merry had opportunity to fulfill his threat. In February, 1804, the President again invited him to dine, in the following words: "Thomas Jefferson asks the favor of Mr. Merry to dine with a small party of friends on Monday, the 13th, at half past three." Mr. Merry, still smarting all these months, stood on his dignity and addressed his reply to the Secretary of State. Reviewing at some length what seemed to him important events, he added: "If Mr. Merry should be mistaken as to the meaning of Mr. Jefferson's note, and it should prove that the invitation is designed for him in a public capacity, he trusts that Mr. Jefferson will feel equally that it must be out of his power to accept it, without receiving previously, through the channel of the Secretary of State, the necessary formal assurance of the President's determination to observe toward him those niceties of distinction which have heretofore been shown by the executive government of the United States to the persons who have been accredited as our Majesty's ministers. "Mr. Merry has the honor to request of Mr. Madison to lay this explanation before the President, and to accompany it with the strongest assurance of his highest respect and consideration." The Secretary of State, who seems to have been acting as social secretary to Mr. Jefferson, without hesitation replied as follows: "Mr. Madison presents his compliments to Mr. Merry. He has communicated to the President Mr. Merry's note of this morning, and has the honor to remark to him that the President's invitation, being in the style used by him in like cases, had no reference to the points of form which will deprive him of the pleasure of Mr. Merry's company at dinner on Monday next. "Mr. Madison tenders to Mr. Merry his distinguished consideration." The friction arising out of this and interlocking incidents was part of the unfortunate train of events which later led up to the war of 1812.] "So much for the rule of the plain people!" said Burr, as he laid the tips of his fingers together contemplatively. "Yet, Colonel Burr, you are Vice-President under this administration!" broke out Merry. "One must use agencies and opportunities as they offer. My dear sir, perhaps you do not fully know me. I took this election only in order to be close to the seat of affairs. I am no such rabid adherent to democracy as some may think. You would be startled if I told you that I regard this republic as no more than an experiment. This is a large continent. Take all that Western country--Louisiana--it ought not to be called attached to the United States. At this very moment it is half in rebellion against its constituted authorities. More than once it has been ready to take arms, to march against New Orleans, and to set up a new country of its own. It is geography which fights for monarchy, against democracy, on this continent--in spite of what all these people say." "Sir," said the British minister, "you have been a student of affairs." "And why not? I claim intelligence, good education, association with men of thought. My reason tells me that conquest is in the blood of those men who settled in the Mississippi Valley. They went into Kentucky and Tennessee for the sake of conquest. They are restless, unattached, dissatisfied--ready for any great move. No move can be made which will seem too great or too daring for them. Now let me confess somewhat to you--for I know that you will respect my confidence, if you go no further with me than you have gone tonight. I have bought large acreages of land in the lower Louisiana country, ostensibly for colonization purposes. I do purpose colonization there--_but not under the flag of this republic!_" Silence greeted his remark. The others sat for a moment, merely gazing at him, half stunned, remembering only that he was Jefferson's colleague, Vice-President of the United States. "You cannot force geography," resumed Burr, in tones as even as if he had but spoken of bartering for a house and lot. "Lower Louisiana and Mexico together--yes, perhaps. Florida, with us--yes, perhaps. Indeed, territories larger perhaps than any of us dare dream at present, once our new flag is raised. All that I purpose is to do what has been discussed a thousand times before--to unite in a natural alliance of self-interest those men who are sundered in every way of interest and alliance from the government on this side of the Alleghanies. Would you call that treason--conspiracy? I dislike the words. I call it rather a plan based upon sound reason and common sense; and I hold that its success is virtually assured." "You will explain more fully, Colonel Burr?" Mr. Merry was intent now on all that he heard. "I march only with destiny, yonder--do you not see, gentlemen?" Burr resumed. "Those who march with me are in alliance with natural events. This republic is split now, at this very moment. It must follow its own fate. If the flag of Spain were west of it on the south, and the flag of Britain west of it on the north, why, then we should have the natural end of the republic's expansion. With those great powers in alliance at its back, with the fleets of England on the seas, at the mouth of the great river--owning the lands in Canada on the north--it would be a simple thing, I say, to crush this republic against the wall of the Appalachians, or to drive it once more into the sea." They were silent alike before the enormousness and the enormity of this. Reading their thoughts, Burr raised his hand in deprecation. "I know what is in your minds, gentlemen. The one thing which troubles you is this--the man who speaks to you is Vice-President of the United States. I say what in your country would be treason. In this country I maintain it is not yet treason, because thus far we are in an experiment. We have no actual reign of reason and of law; and he marches to success who marches with natural laws and along the definite trend of existing circumstances and conditions." "What you say, Mr. Burr," began Merry gravely, "assuredly has the merit of audacity. And I see that you have given it thought." "I interest you, gentlemen! You can go with me only if it be to your interest and to that of your countries to join with me in these plans. They have gone far forward--let me tell you that. I know my men from St. Louis to New Orleans--I know my leaders--I know that population. If this be treason, as Mr. Patrick Henry said, let us make the most of it. At least it is the intention of Aaron Burr. I stake upon it all my fortune, my life, the happiness of my family. Do you think I am sincere?" Merry sat engaged in thought. He could see vast movements in the game of nations thus suddenly shown before him on the diplomatic board. And on his part it is to be said that he was there to represent the interests of his own government alone. In the same even tones, Burr resumed his astonishing statements. "My son-in-law, Mr. Alston, of South Carolina--a very wealthy planter of that State--is in full accord with all my plans. My own resources have been pledged to their utmost, and he has been so good as to add largely from his own. I admit to you that I sought alliance with him deliberately when he asked my daughter's hand. He is an ambitious man, and perhaps he saw his way to the fulfillment of certain personal ambitions. He has contributed fifty thousand dollars to my cause. He will have a place of honor and profit in the new government which will be formed yonder in the Mississippi Valley." "So, then," began Yrujo, "the financing is somewhat forward! But fifty thousand is only a drop." "We may as well be plain," rejoined Burr. "Time is short--you know that it is short. We all heard what Mr. Jefferson said--we know that if we are to take action it must be at once. That expedition must not succeed! If that wedge be driven through to the Pacific--and who can say what that young Virginian may do?--your two countries will be forever separated on this continent by one which will wage successful war on both. Swift action is my only hope--and yours." "Your funds," said Mr. Merry, "seem to me inadequate for the demands which will be made upon them. You said fifty thousand?" Burr nodded. "I pledge you as much more--on one condition that I shall name." Burr turned from Mr. Merry to Señor Yrujo. The latter nodded. "I undertake to contribute the same amount," said the envoy of Spain, "but with no condition attached." The color deepened in the cheek of the great conspirator. His eye glittered a trifle more brilliantly. "You named a certain condition, sir," he said to Merry. "Yes, one entirely obvious." "What is it, then, your excellency?" Burr inquired. "You yourself have made it plain. The infernal ingenuity of yonder Corsican--curse his devilish brain!--has rolled a greater stone in our yard than could be placed there by any other human agency. We could not believe that Napoleon Bonaparte would part with Louisiana thus easily. No doubt he feared the British fleet at the mouth of the river--no doubt Spain was glad enough that our guns were not at New Orleans ere this. But, I say, he rolled that stone in our yard. If title to this Louisiana purchase is driven through to the Pacific--as Mr. Jefferson plans so boldly--the end is written now, Colonel Burr, to all your enterprises! Britain will be forced to content herself with what she can take on the north, and Spain eventually will hold nothing worth having on the south. By the Lord, General Bonaparte fights well--he knows how to sacrifice a pawn in order to checkmate a king!" "Yes, your excellency," said Burr, "I agree with you, but----" "And now my condition. Follow me closely. I say if that wedge is driven home--if that expedition of Mr. Jefferson's shall succeed--its success will rest on one factor. In short, there is a man at the head of that expedition who must fight with us and not against us, else my own interest in this matter lacks entirely. You know the man I have in mind." Burr nodded, his lips compressed. "That young man, Colonel Burr, will go through! I know his kind. Believe me, if I know men, he is a strong man. Let that man come back from his expedition with the map of a million square miles of new American territory hanging at his belt, like a scalp torn from his foes--and there will be no chance left for Colonel Burr and his friends!" "All that your excellency has said tallies entirely with our own beliefs," rejoined Burr. "But what then? What is the condition?" "Simply this--we must have Captain Lewis with us and not against us. I want that man! I must have him. That expedition must never proceed. It must be delayed, stopped. Money was raised twenty years ago in London to make this same sort of journey across the continent, but the plan fell through. Revive it now, and we English still may pull it off. But it will be too late if Captain Lewis goes forward now--too late for us--too late for you and your plan, Mr. Burr. I want that man! We must have him with us!" Burr sat in silence for a time. "You open up a singular train of thought for me, your excellency," said he at length. "He does belong with us, that young Virginian!" "You know him, then?" inquired the British minister. "That is to say, you know him well?" "Perfectly. Why should I not? He nearly was my son-in-law. Egad! Give him two weeks more, and he might have been--he got the news of my daughter's marriage just too late. It hit him hard. In truth, I doubt if he ever has recovered from it. They say he still takes it hard. Now, you ask me how to get that man, your excellency. There is perhaps one way in which it could be accomplished, and only one." "How, then?" inquired Merry. "The way of a woman with a man may always be the answer in matters of that sort!" said Aaron Burr. The three sat and looked each at the other for some time without comment. "I find Colonel Burr's brain active in all ways!" began Señor Yrujo dryly. "Now I confess that he goes somewhat in advance of mine." "Listen," said Aaron Burr. "What Mr. Jefferson said of Captain Lewis is absolutely true--his will has never been known to relax or weaken. Once resolved, he cannot change--I will not say he does not, but that he cannot." "Then even the unusual weapon you suggest might not avail!" Mr. Merry's smile was not altogether pleasant. "Women would listen to him readily, I think," remarked Yrujo. "Gallant in his way, yes," said Burr. "Then what do you mean by saying something about the way of a woman with a man?" "Only that it is the last remaining opportunity for us," rejoined Aaron Burr. "The appeal to his senses--of course, we will set that aside. The appeal to his chivalry--that is better! The appeal to his ambition--that is less, but might be used. The appeal to his sympathy--the wish to be generous with the woman who has not been generous with him, for the reason that she could not be--here again you have another argument which we may claim as possible." "You reason well," said Merry. "But while men are mortal, yonder, if I mistake not, is a gentleman." "Precisely," said Burr. "If we ask him to resign his expedition we are asking him to alter all his loyalty to his chief--and he will not do that. Any appeal made to him must be to his honor or to his chivalry; otherwise it were worse than hopeless. He would no more be disloyal to my son-in-law, the lady's husband--in case it came to that--than he would be disloyal to the orders of his chief." "Fie! Fie!" said Yrujo, serving himself with wine from a decanter on the table. "All men are mortal. I agree with your first proposition, Colonel Burr, that the safest argument with a man--with a young man especially, and such a young man--is a woman--and such a woman!" "One thing is sure," rejoined Burr, flushing. "That man will succeed unless some woman induces him to change--some woman, acting under an appeal to his chivalry or his sense of justice. His reasons must be honest to him. They must be honest to her alike." Burr added this last virtuously, and Mr. Merry bowed deeply in return. "This is not only honorable of you, Colonel Burr, but logical." "That means some sort of sacrifice for him," suggested Yrujo presently. "But some one is sacrificed in every great undertaking. We cannot count the loss of men when nations seek to extend their boundaries and enhance their power. Only the question is, at what sacrifice, through what appeal to his chivalry, can his assistance be carried to us?" "We have left out of our accounting one factor," said Burr after a time. "What, then?" "One factor, I repeat, we have overlooked," said Burr. "That is the wit of a woman! I am purposing to send as our agent with him no other than my daughter, Mrs. Alston. There is no mind more brilliant, no heart more loyal, than hers--nor any soul more filled with ambition! She believes in her father absolutely--will use every resource of her own to upbuild her father's ambitions.[2] Now, women have their own ways of accomplishing results. Suppose we leave it to my daughter to fashion her own campaign? There is nothing wrong in the relations of these two, but at table today I saw his look to her, and hers to him in reply. We are speaking in deep and sacred confidence here, gentlemen. So I say to you, ask no questions of me, and let me ask none of her. Let me only say to her: 'My daughter, your father's success, his life, his fortune--the life and fortune and success of your husband as well--depend upon one event, depend upon you and your ability to stop yonder expedition of Captain Meriwether Lewis into the Missouri country!'" [Footnote 2: It is generally conceded that Theodosia Burr Alston must have been acquainted with her father's most intimate ambitions, and with at least part of the questionable plans by which he purposed to further them. Her blind and unswerving loyalty to him, passing all ordinary filial affection, was a predominant trait of her singular and by no means weak or hesitant character, in which masculine resolution blended so strangely with womanly reserve and sweetness.] "When could we learn?" demanded the British minister. "I cannot say how long a time it may take," Burr replied. "I promise you that my daughter shall have a personal interview with Captain Lewis before he starts for the West." "But he starts at dawn!" smiled Minister Merry. "Were it an hour earlier than that, I would promise it. But now, gentlemen, let us come to the main point. If we succeed, what then?" The British minister was businesslike and definite. "Fifty thousand dollars at once, out of a special fund in my control. Meantime I would write at once to my government and lay the matter before them.[3] We shall need a fleet at the south of the Mississippi River. That will cost money--it will require at least half a million dollars to assure any sort of success in plans so large as yours, Mr. Burr. But on the contingency that she stops him, I promise you that amount. Fifty thousand down--a half-million more when needed." [Footnote 3: Mr. Merry did so and reported the entire proposal made by Burr. The proposition was that the latter should "lend his assistance to his majesty's government in any manner in which they may think fit to employ him, particularly in endeavoring to effect a separation of the Western part of the United States from that which lies between the mountains in its whole extent." But though deeply interested in the conspiracy to separate the Western country, Mr. Merry was not too confiding, for in his message to Mr. Pitt he added the following confidence, showing his own estimate of Burr: "I have only to add that if strict confidence could be placed in him, he certainly possesses, perhaps in a much greater degree than any other individual in this country, all the talents, energy, intrepidity, and firmness which it requires for such an enterprise."] The dark eye of Aaron Burr flashed. "Then," said he firmly, "success will meet our efforts--I guarantee it! I pledge all my personal fortune, my friends, my family, to the last member." "I am for my country," said Mr. Merry simply. "It is plain to see that Napoleon sought to humble us by ceding that great region to this republic. He meant to build up in the New World another enemy to Great Britain. But if we can thwart him--if at the very start we can divide the forces which might later be allied against us--perhaps we may conquer a wider sphere of possession for ourselves on this rich continent. There is no better colonizing ground in all the world!" "You understand my plan," said Aaron Burr. "Reduced to the least common denominator, Meriwether Lewis and my daughter Theodosia have our fate in their hands." The others rose. The hour was past midnight. The secret conference had been a long one. "He starts tomorrow--is that sure?" asked Merry. "As the clock," rejoined Burr. "She must see him before the breakfast hour." "My compliments, Colonel Burr. Good night!" "Good night, sir," added Yrujo. "It has been a strange day." "Secrecy, gentlemen, secrecy! I hope soon to have more news for you, and good news, too. _Au revoir!_" Burr himself accompanied them to the door. CHAPTER VII COLONEL BURR AND HIS DAUGHTER One instant Aaron Burr sat, his head dropped, revolving his plans. The next, he pulled the bell-cord and paced the floor until he had answer. "Go at once to Mrs. Alston's rooms, Charles," said he to the servant. "Tell her to rise and come to me at once. Tell her not to wait. Do you hear?" He still paced the floor until he heard a light _frou-frou_ in the hall, a light knock at the door. His daughter entered, her eyes still full of sleep, her attire no more than a loose peignoir caught up and thrown above her night garments. "What is it, father--are you ill?" "Far from it, my child," said he, turning with head erect. "I am alive, well, and happier than I have been for months--years. I need you--come, sit here and listen to me." He caught her to him with a swift, paternal embrace--he loved no mortal being as he did his daughter--then pushed her tenderly into the deep seat near by the lamp, while he continued pacing up and down the room, voluble and persuasive, full of his great idea. The matters which he had but now discussed with the two foreign officials he placed before his daughter. He told her all--except the truth. And Aaron Burr knew how to gild falsehood itself until it seemed the truth. "Now you have it, my dear," said he. "You see, my ambition to found a country of my own, where a man may have a real ambition. This dirty village here is too narrow a field for talents like yours or mine. Let me tell you, Napoleon has played a great jest with Mr. Jefferson. There is nothing in the Constitution of the United States--I am lawyer enough to know that--which will make it possible for Congress to ratify the purchase of Louisiana. We cannot carve new States from that country--it is already settled by the subjects of another government. Hence the expedition of Mr. Lewis must fail--it must surely fall of its own weight. It is based upon an absurdity. Not even Mr. Jefferson can fly in the face of the supreme laws of the land. "But as to the Mississippi Valley, matters are entirely different. There is no law against that country's organizing for a better government. There is every natural reason for that. As these States on the East confederated in the cause against oppression, so can those yonder. There will be more opportunity for strong men there when that game is on the board--men like Captain Lewis, for instance. Should one ally one's self with a foredoomed failure? Not at all. I prefer rather success--station, rank, power, money, for myself, if you please. With us--a million dollars for the founding of our new country. With him--for the undertaking of yonder impracticable and chimerical expedition, twenty-five hundred dollars! Which enterprise, think you, will win? "But, on the other hand, if that expedition of Mr. Jefferson's should succeed by virtue of accident, or of good leadership, all my plans must fail--that is plain. It comes, therefore, to this, Theo, and I may tell you plainly--Captain Lewis must be seen--he must be stopped--we must hold a conference with him. It would be useless for me to undertake to arrange all that. There is only one person who can save your father's future--and that one, my daughter, is--you!" He caught Theodosia's look of surprise, her start, the swift flush on her cheek--and laughed lightly. "Let me explain. Aaron Burr and all his family--all his friends--will reach swift advancement in yonder new government. Power, place--these are the things that strong men covet. That is what the game of politics means for strong men--that is why we fight so bitterly for office. I plan for myself some greater office than second fiddle in this tawdry republic along the Atlantic. I want the first place, and in a greater field! I will take my friends with me. I want men who can lead other men. I want men like Captain Lewis." "It seems that you value him more now than once you did." "Yes, that is true, Theo, that is true. I did not favor his suit for your hand at that time. Although he had a modest fortune in Virginia lands, he could not offer you the future assured by Mr. Alston. I was rejoiced--I admit it frankly--when I learned that young Captain Lewis came just too late, for I feared you would have preferred him. And yet I saw his quality then--Mr. Jefferson sees it--he is a good chooser of men. But Captain Lewis must not advance beyond the Ohio. That is a large task for a woman." "What woman, father?" A flush came to her pale cheek. Her father turned to her directly, his own piercing gaze aflame. "There is but one woman on earth could do that, my daughter! That young man's fate was settled when he looked on that woman--when he looked on you!" She swiftly turned her head aside, not answering. "Am I so engaged in affairs that I cannot see the obvious, my dear?" went on the vibrant voice. "Had I no eyes for what went on at my side this very evening, at Mr. Jefferson's dinner-table? Could I fail to observe his look to you--and, yes, am I not sensible to what your eyes said to him in reply?" "Do you believe that of me--and you my father?" "I believe nothing dishonorable of you, my dear," said Burr. "Neither could I ask anything dishonorable. But I know what young blood will do. Your eyes said no more than that for me. I know you wish him well--know you wish well for his ambition, his success--am sure you do not wish to see him doomed to failure. What? Would you see his career blighted when it should be but begun?" "There would be prospects for him?" "All the prospects in the world! I would place him only second to myself, so highly do I value his talents in an enterprise such as this. Alston's money, but Lewis's brains and courage! They both love you--do I not know?" Troubled, again she turned her gaze aside. "Listen, my daughter. That young man is wise--he has no such vast belief in yonder expedition. He is going in desperation, to escape a memory! Is it not true? Tell me--and believe that I am not blind--is not Captain Lewis going into the Missouri country in order to forget a certain woman? And do we not know, my daughter, who that woman is?" Still her downcast eye gave him no reply. "Meriwether Lewis yonder among the savages is a failure. Meriwether Lewis with me is second only to the vice-regent of the lower Louisiana country. Texas, Florida, much of Mexico, will join with us, that is sure. We fight with the great nations of the world, not against them--we fight with the stars in their courses, and not against them. "Now, you have two pictures, my dear--one of Meriwether Lewis, the wanderer, a broken and hopeless man, living among the savages, a log hut his home, a camp fire the only hearth he knows. Picture that hopeless and broken man--condemned to that by yourself, my dear--and then picture that other figure whom you can see rescued, restored to the world, placed by your own hand in a station of dignity and power. Then, indeed, he might forget--he might forgive. Yonder he will forsake his manhood--he will relax his ideals, and go down, step by step, until he shall not think of you again. "There are two pictures, my daughter. Which do you prefer--what do you decide to do? Shall you condemn him, or shall you rescue him? Forgive your father for having spoken thus plainly. I know your heart--I know your generosity as well as I know your loyalty and ambition. There is no reason, my dear, why, for the sake of your father, for the sake of yourself, _and for the sake of that young man yonder_, you should not go to him immediately and carry my message." "Could it be possible," she began at length, half musing, "that I, who made Captain Lewis so unhappy, could aid a man like him to reach a higher and better place in life? Could I save him from himself--and from myself?" "You speak like my own daughter! If that generous wish bore fruit, I think that in the later years of life, for both of you, the reflection would prove not unwelcome. I know, as well as I know anything, that no other woman will ever hold a place in the heart of Meriwether Lewis. There is a memory there which will shut out all other things on earth. We deal now in delicate matters, it is true; but I have been frank with you, because, knowing your loyalty and fairness, knowing your ambition, even-paced with mine, none the less I know your discretion and your generosity as well. You see, I have chosen the best messenger in all the world to advance my own ambition. Indeed, I have chosen the only one in all the world who might undertake this errand with the slightest prospect of success." "What can I do, father?" "In the morning that young man will start. It is now two by the clock. We are late. He will start with the rising sun. It is doubtful if he will see his bed at all tonight." "You have called me for a strange errand, father," said Theodosia Alston, at length. "So far as my brain grasps these things, I go with you in your plans. I could plan no treachery against this country, nor could you--you are its sworn servant, its high official." "Treachery? No, it is statesmanship, it is service to mankind!" "My consent to that, yes. But as to seeing Captain Lewis, there is, as you know, but one way. I go not as Theodosia Burr, but as Mrs. Alston of Carolina. I am a woman of honor; he is a man of honor. No argument on earth would avail with him except such as might be based upon honor and loyalty. Nor would any argument, even if offered by my father, avail otherwise with me." She turned upon him now the full gaze of her dark eyes, serious, luminous, yet tender, her love for him showing so clearly that he came to her softly, took her hands, caught her to his bosom, and kissed her tenderly. "Theodosia," said he, "aid me! If the fire of my ambition has consumed me, I have come to you, because I know your love, because I know your loyalty! I have not slept tonight," he added, passing a hand across his forehead. "There will be no more sleep for me tonight," was her reply. "You will see him in the morning?" "Yes." CHAPTER VIII THE PARTING There were others in Washington who did not sleep that night. A light burned until sunrise in the little office-room of Thomas Jefferson. Spread upon his desk, covering its litter of unfinished business, lay a large map--a map which today would cause any schoolboy to smile, but which at that time represented the wisdom of the world regarding the interior of the great North American continent. It had served to afford anxious study for two men, these many hours. "Yonder it lies, Captain Lewis!" said Mr. Jefferson at length. "How vast, how little known! We know our climate and soil here. It is but reasonable to suppose that they exist yonder as they do with us, in some part, at least. If so, yonder are homes for millions now unborn. Had General Bonaparte known the value of that land, he would have fought the world rather than alienate such a region." The President tapped a long forefinger on the map. "This, then," he went on, "is your country. Find it out--bring back to me examples of its soil, its products, its vegetable and animal life. Espy out especially for us any strange animals there may be of which science has not yet account. I hold it probable that there may be yonder living examples of the mastodon, whose bones we have found in Kentucky. You yourself may see those enormous creatures yet alive." Meriwether Lewis listened in silence. Mr. Jefferson turned to another branch of his theme. "I fancy that some time there will be a canal built across the isthmus that binds this continent to the one below--a canal which shall connect the two great oceans. But that is far in the future. It is for you to spy out the way now, across the country itself. Explore it--discover it--it is our new world. "A few must think for the many," he went on. "I had to smuggle this appropriation through Congress--twenty-five hundred dollars--the price of a poor Virginia farm! I have tampered with the Constitution itself in order to make this purchase of a country not included in our original territorial lines. I have taken my own chances--just as you must take yours now. The finger of God will be your guide and your protector. Are you ready, Captain Lewis? It is late." Indeed, the sun was rising over Washington, the mists of morning were reeking along the banks of the Potomac. "I can start in half an hour," replied Meriwether Lewis. "Are your men ready, your supplies gathered together?" "The rendezvous is at Harper's Ferry, up the river. The wagons with the supplies are ready there. I will take boat from here myself with a few of the men. Not later than tomorrow afternoon I promise that we will be on our way. We burn the bridges behind us, and cross none until we come to them." "Spoken like a soldier! It is in your hands. Go then!" There was one look, one handclasp. The two men parted; nor did they meet again for years. Mr. Jefferson did not look from his window to see the departure of his young friend, nor did the latter again call at the door to say good-by. Theirs was indeed a warrior-like simplicity. The sun still was young when Meriwether Lewis at length descended the steps of the Executive Mansion. He was clad now for his journey, not in buckskin hunting-garb, but with regard for the conventions of a country by no means free of convention. His jacket was of close wool, belted; his boots were high and suitable for riding. His stock, snowy white--for always Meriwether Lewis was immaculate--rose high around his throat, in spite of the hot summer season, and his hands were gloved. He seemed soldier, leader, officer, and gentleman. No retinue, however, attended him; no servant was at his side. He went afoot, and carried with him his most precious luggage--the long rifle which he never entrusted to any hands save his own. Close wrapped around the stock, on the crook of his arm, and not yet slung over his shoulder, was a soiled buckskin pouch, which went always with the rifle--the "possible sack" of the wilderness hunter of that time. It contained his bullets, bullet-molds, flints, a bar or two of lead, some tinder for priming, a set of awls. Such was the leader of one of the great expeditions of the world. Meriwether Lewis had few good-bys to say. He had written but one letter--to his mother--late the previous morning. It was worded thus: The day after tomorrow I shall set out for the Western country. I had calculated on the pleasure of visiting you before I started, but circumstances have rendered it impossible. My absence will probably be equal to fifteen or eighteen months. The nature of this expedition is by no means dangerous. My route will be altogether through tribes of Indians friendly to the United States, therefore I consider the chances of life just as much in my favor as I should conceive them were I to remain at home. The charge of this expedition is honorable to myself, as it is important to my country. For its fatigues I feel myself perfectly prepared, nor do I doubt my health and strength of constitution to bear me through it. I go with the most perfect preconviction in my own mind of returning safe, and hope, therefore that you will not suffer yourself to indulge in any anxiety for my safety. I will write again on my arrival at Pittsburgh. Adieu, and believe me your affectionate son. No regrets, no weak reflections for this man with a warrior's weapon on his arm--where no other burden might lie in all his years. His were to be the comforts of the trail, the rude associations with common men, the terrors of the desert and the mountain; his fireside only that of the camp. Yet he advanced to his future steadily, his head high, his eye on ahead--a splendid figure of a man. He did not at first hear the gallop of hoofs on the street behind him as at last, a mile or more from the White House gate, he turned toward the river front. He was looking at the dull flood of the Potomac, now visible below him; but he paused, something appealing to the strange sixth sense of the hunter, and turned. A rider, a mounted servant, was beckoning to him. Behind the horseman, driven at a stiff gait, came a carriage which seemed to have but a single occupant. Captain Lewis halted, gazed, then hastened forward, hat in his hand. "Mrs. Alston!" he exclaimed, as the carriage came up. "Why are you here? Is there any news?" "Yes, else I could not have come." "But why have you come? Tell me!" He motioned the outrider aside, sprang into the vehicle and told the driver to draw a little apart from the more public street. Here he caught up the reins himself, and, ordering the driver to join the footman at the edge of the roadway they had left, turned to the woman at his side. "Pardon me," said he, and his voice was cold; "I thought I had cut all ties." "Knit them again for my sake, then, Meriwether Lewis! I have brought you a summons to return." "A summons? From whom?" "My father--Mr. Merry--Señor Yrujo. They were at our home all night. We could not--they could not--I could not--bear to see you sacrifice yourself. This expedition can only fail! I implore you not to go upon it! Do not let your man's pride drive you!" She was excited, half sobbing. "It does drive me, indeed," said he simply. "I am under orders--I am the leader of this expedition of my government. I do not understand----" "At this hour--on this errand--only one motive could have brought me! It is your interest. Oh, it is not for myself--it is for your future." "Why did you come thus, unattended? There is something you are concealing. Tell me!" "Ah, you are harsh--you have no sympathy, no compassion, no gratitude! But listen, and I will tell you. My father, Mr. Merry, the Spanish minister, are all men of affairs. They have watched the planning of this expedition. Why fly in the face of prophecy and of Providence? That is what my father says. He says that country can never be of benefit to our Union--that no new States can be made from it. He says the people will pass down the Mississippi River, but not beyond it; that it is the natural line of our expansion--that men who are actual settlers are bound not into the unknown West, but into the well-known South. He begs of you to follow the course of events, and not to fly in the face of Providence." "You speak well! Go on." "England is with us, and Spain--they back my father's plans." He turned now and raised a hand. "Plans? What plans? I must warn you, I am pledged to my own country's service." "Is not my father also? He is one of the highest officers in the government of this country." "You may tell me more or not, as you like." "There is little more to tell," said she. "These gentlemen have made certain plans of which I know little. My father said to me that Thomas Jefferson himself knows that this purchase from Napoleon cannot be made under the Constitution of the United States--that, given time for reflection, Mr. Jefferson himself will admit that the Louisiana purchase was but a national folly from which this country cannot benefit. Why not turn, then, to a future which offers certainties? Why not come with us, and not attempt the impossible? That is what he said. And he asked me to implore you to pause." He sat motionless, looking straight ahead, as she went on. "He only besought me to induce you, if I could, either to abandon your expedition wholly as soon as you honorably might do so, or to go on with it only to such point as will prove it unfeasible and impracticable. Not wishing you to prove traitorous to a trust, these gentlemen wish you to know that they would value your association--that they would give you splendid opportunity. With men such as these, that means a swift future of success for one--for one--whom I shall always cherish warmly in my heart." The color was full in her face. He turned toward her suddenly, his eye clouded. "It is an extraordinary matter in every way which you bring for me," he said slowly; "extraordinary that foreigners, not friends of this country, should call themselves the friends of an officer sworn to the service of the republic! I confess I do not understand it. And why send you?" "It is difficult for me to tell you. But my father knew the antagonism between Mr. Jefferson and himself, and knew your friendship for Mr. Jefferson. He knew also the respect, the pity--oh, what shall I say?--which I have always felt for you--the regard----" "Regard! What do you mean?" "I did not mean regard, but the--the wish to see you succeed, to help you, if I could, to take your place among men. I told you that but yesterday." She was all confusion now. He seemed pitiless. "I have listened long enough to have my curiosity aroused. I shall have somewhat to ponder--on the trail to the West." "Then you mean that you will go on?" "Yes!" "You do not understand----" "No! I understand only that Mr. Jefferson has never abandoned a plan or a promise or a friend. Shall I, then, who have been his scholar and his friend?" "Ah, you two! What manner of men are you that you will not listen to reason? He is high in power. Will you not also listen to the call of your own ambition? Why, in that country below, you might hold a station as proud as that of Mr. Jefferson himself. Will you throw that away, for the sake of a few dried skins and flowers? You speak of being devoted to your country. What is devotion--what is your country? You have no heart--that I know well; but I credited you with the brain and the ambition of a man!" He sat motionless under the sting of her reproaches; and as some reflection came to her upon the savagery of her own words, she laughed bitterly. "Think you that I would have come here for any other man?" she demanded. "Think you that I would ask of you anything to my own dishonor, or to your dishonor? But now you do not listen. You will not come back--even for me!" In answer he simply bent and kissed her hand, stepped from the carriage, raised his hat. Yet he hesitated for half an instant and turned back. "Theodosia," said he, "it is hard for me not to do anything you ask of me--you do not know how hard; but surely you understand that I am a soldier and am under orders. I have no option. It seems to me that the plans of your father and his friends should be placed at once before Mr. Jefferson. It is strange they sent you, a woman, as their messenger! You have done all that a woman could. No other woman in the world could have done as much with me. But--my men are waiting for me." This time he did not turn back again. * * * * * Colonel Burr's carriage returned more slowly than it had come. It was a dejected occupant who at last made her way, still at an early hour, to the door of her father's house. Burr met her at the door. His keen eye read the answer at once. "You have failed!" said he. She raised her dark eyes to his, herself silent, mournful. "What did he say?" demanded Burr. "Said he was under orders--said you should go to Mr. Jefferson with your plan--said Mr. Jefferson alone could stop him. Failed? Yes, I failed!" "You failed," said Burr, "because you did not use the right argument with him. The next time _you must not fail_. You must use better arguments!" Theodosia stood motionless for an instant, looking at her father, then passed back into the house. "Listen, my daughter," said Burr at length, in his eye a light that she never had known before. "You _must_ see that man again, and bring him back into our camp! We need him. Without him I cannot handle Merry, and without Merry I cannot handle Yrujo. Without them my plan is doomed. If it fails, your husband has lost fifty thousand dollars and all the moneys to which he is pledged beyond that. You and I will be bankrupt--penniless upon the streets, do you hear?--unless you bring that man back. Granted that all goes well, it means half a million dollars pledged for my future by Great Britain herself, half as much pledged by Spain, success and future honor and power for you and me--and him. He _must_ come back! That expedition must not go beyond the Mississippi. You ask me what to tell him? Ask him no longer to return to us and opportunity. _Ask him to come back to Theodosia Burr and happiness_--do you understand?" "Sir," said his daughter, "I think--I think I do not understand!" He seemed not to hear her--or to toss her answer aside. "You must try again," said he, "and with the right weapons--the old ones, my dear--the old weapons of a woman!" CHAPTER IX MR. THOMAS JEFFERSON Not in fifty years, said Thomas Jefferson in the last days of his life, had the sun caught him in bed. On this morning, having said good-by to the man to whose hands he had entrusted the dearest enterprise of all his life, he turned back to his desk in the little office-room, and throughout the long and heated day, following a night spent wholly without sleep, he remained engaged in his usual labors, which were the heavier in his secretary's absence. He was an old man now, but a giant in frame, a giant in mind, a giant in industry as well. He sat at his desk absorbed, sleepless, with that steady application which made possible the enormous total of his life's work. He was writing in a fine, delicate hand--legible to this day--certain of those thousands of letters and papers which have been given to us as the record of his career. In what labor was the President of the United States engaged on this particularly eventful day? It seems he found more to do with household matters than with affairs of state. He was making careful accounts of his French cook, his Irish coachman, his black servants still remaining at his country house in Virginia. All his life Thomas Jefferson kept itemized in absolute faithfulness a list of all his personal expenses--even to the gratuities he expended in traveling and entertainment. We find, for instance, that "John Cramer is to go into the service of Mr. Jefferson at twelve dollars a month and twopence for drink, two suits of clothes and a pair of boots." It seems that he bought a bootjack for three shillings; and the cost of countless other household items is as carefully set down. We may learn from records of this date that in the past year Mr. Jefferson had expended in charity $1,585.60. He tells us that in the first three months of his presidency his expenses were $565.84--and he was wrong ten cents in his addition of the total! In his own hand he sets down "A View of the Consumption of Butchers' Meat from September 6, 1801, to June 12, 1802." He knew perfectly well, indeed, what all his household expenses were, also what it cost him to maintain his stables. He did all this bookkeeping himself, and at the end of each year was able to tell precisely where his funds had gone. We may note one such annual statement, that of the year ended five months previous to the time when Captain Lewis set forth into the West: Provisions $4,059.98 Wines 1,296.63 Groceries 1,624.76 Fuel 553.68 Secretary 600.00 Servants 2,014.89 Miscellaneous 433.30 Stable 399.06 Dress 246.05 Charities 1,585.60 Pres. House 226.59 Books 497.41 Household expenses 393.00 Monticello--plantation 2,226.45 " --family 1,028.79 Loans 274.00 Debts 529.61 Asquisitions--lands bought 2,156.86 " --buildings 3,567.92 " --carriages 363.75 " --furniture 664.10 Total $24,682.45 Mr. Jefferson says in rather shamefaced fashion to his diary: I ought by this statement to have cash in hand $183.70 But I actually have in hand 293.00 So that the errors of this statement amt to 109.20 The whole of the nails used for Monticello and smithwork are omitted, because no account was kept of them. This makes part of the error, and the article of nails has been extraordinary this year. There was a curious accuracy in the analytical tests which Mr. Jefferson applied to all the ordinary transactions of life. It was not enough for him to know exactly how many dollars and cents he had expended; he must know what should be the average result of such expenditures. In the middle of a life of tremendous and marvelously varied activities he finds time to leave for us such records as these: Mr. Remsen tells me that six cord of hickory last a fireplace well the winter. Myrtle candles of last year out. Pd Farren an impudent surcharge for Venetn blinds, 2.66. Borrowed of Mr. Maddison order on bank for 150d. Enclosed to D. Rittenhouse, Lieper's note of 238.57d, out of which he is to pay for equatorial instrument for me. Hitzeimer says that a horse well fed with grain requires 100 lb. of hay, and without grain 130 lb. T. N. Randolph has had 9 galls. whisky for his harvest. My first pipe of Termo is out--begun soon after I came home to live from Philadelphia. Agreed with Robt. Chuning to serve me as overseer at Monticello for £25 and 600 lb. pork. He is to come Dec. 1. Agreed with ---- Bohlen to give 300 _livres tournois_ for my bust made by Ceracchi, if he shall agree to take that sum. My daughter Maria married this day. March 16--The first shad at this market today. March 28--The weeping willow shows the green leaf. April 9--Asparagus come to table. April 10--Apricots blossom. April 12--Genl. Thaddeus Kosciusko puts into my hands a Warrant of the Treasury for 3,684.54d to have bills of exchange bought for him. May 8--Tea out, the pound has lasted exactly 7 weeks, used 6 times a week; this is 8-21 or .4 of an oz. a time for a single person. A pound of tea making 126 cups costs 2d, 126 cups or ounces of coffee--8 lb. cost 1.6. May 18--On trial it takes 11 dwt. Troy of double refined maple sugar to a dish of coffee, or 1 lb. avoirdupois to 26.5 dishes, so that at 20 cents per lb. it is 8 mills per dish. An ounce of coffee at 20 cents per lb. is 12.5 mills, so that sugar and coffee of a dish is worth 2 cents. As to the code of official etiquette which we have seen to exist in Washington, the President himself was responsible for it, for we have, written out in his own delicate hand, the following explicit instructions: The families of foreign ministers, arriving at the seat of government, receive the first visit from those of the national ministers, as from all other residents. Members of the legislature and of the judiciary, independent of their offices, have a right as strangers to receive the first visit. No title being admitted here, those of foreigners give no precedence. Difference of grade among the diplomatic members gives no precedence. At public ceremonies the government invites the presence of foreign ministers and their families. A convenient seat or station will be provided for them, with any other strangers invited, and the families of the national ministers, each taking place as they arrive, and without any precedence. To maintain the principle of equality, or of pell-mell, and prevent the growth of precedence out of courtesy, the members of the executive will practise at their own houses, and recommend an adherence to the ancient usages of the country of gentlemen in mass giving precedence to the ladies in mass, in passing from one apartment where they are assembled into another. And so on, through reams and reams of a strange man's life records. Why should we care to note his curious concern over details? The answer to that question is this--obviously, Thomas Jefferson's estimate of a man must also in all likelihood have been curiously exact. He did not make public to the world his judgment of Colonel Aaron Burr, at that time Vice-President of the United States; but in his diary, written in frankness by himself for himself, he put down the following: I have never seen Colonel Burr till he became a member of the Senate. His conduct very soon inspired me with distrust. I habitually cautioned Mr. Madison against trusting him too much. I saw that under General W. and Mr. Adams, where a great military appointment or a diplomatic one was to be made, he came post to Philadelphia to show himself, and in fact he was always in the market if they wanted him. He was indeed told by Dayton in 1800 that he might be Secretary at War, but this bid was too late. His election as Vice-President was then foreseen. With these impressions of Colonel Burr, there never has been any intimacy between us, and but little association. A certain plan of this same Colonel Burr's now went forward in such fashion as involved the loyalty of Meriwether Lewis, the man to whom, of all others of his acquaintance, Thomas Jefferson gave first place in trust and confidence and friendship--the young man who but now was making his unostentatious departure on the great adventure that they two had planned. His garb ill cared-for, his hair unkempt, his face a trifle haggard, working on into the day whose dawn he had seen arise, the tall, gaunt old man set aside first one minor matter, then another, leaving them all exactly finished. At last he wrote down, for later forwarding, the last item of his own knowledge regarding the new country into which he had sent his young friend. I have received word from Paris that Mr. Broughton, one of the companions of Captain Vancouver, went up the Columbia River one hundred miles in December, 1792. He stopped at a point he named Vancouver. Here the river Columbia is still a quarter of a mile wide. From this point Mount Hood is seen about twenty leagues distant, which is probably a dependency of the Stony Mountains. Accept my affectionate salutations. This was the last word Meriwether Lewis received from his chief. As the latter finished it, he sat looking out of the window toward that West which meant so much to him. He did not at first note the interruption of his reverie. Long ago he had made public his announcement that the time of Thomas Jefferson belonged to the public, and that he might be seen at any time by any man. He hesitated now but a moment, therefore, when old Henry, his faithful black, threw open the door and stated simply that there was "a lady wantin' to see Mistah Jeffahson." "Who is she, Henry?" inquired the President of the United States mildly. "I am somewhat busy today." "'Tain't no diff'rence, she say--she sho'ly want see Mistah Jeffahson." The tired old man smiled and shrugged his shoulders. A moment later the persistent caller was ushered into the office of the nation's chief executive. He rose courteously to meet her. It was Theodosia Alston, whom he had known from her childhood. Mr. Jefferson greeted her with his hand outstretched, and, her arm still in his, led her to a seat. "My dear," said he, "you will pardon our confusion here, I am sure. There are many matters----" "I know it is an intrusion, Mr. Jefferson," began Theodosia Alston again, her face flushing swiftly. "But you are so good, so kind, so great in your patience that we all take advantage of you. And yet you are so tired," she added impulsively, as she caught sight of his haggard face. "I was not so fortunate as to find time for sleep last night." He smiled again with humorous, half twisted mouth. "Nor was I." "Tut, tut! No, no, my dear, that sort of thing will not do." He looked at her in silence for some time. "Perhaps, my dear," said he at last, "you come regarding Captain Lewis?" "How did you know?" she exclaimed, startled. "Why should I not know?" He pushed his chair so close that he might lay a hand upon her arm. "Listen, Theo, my child. I am an old man, and I am your friend, and his also. I had need to be very blind had I not known long ago what I did know. I am, perhaps, the only confidant of Captain Lewis, and I repose in him confidences that I would venture to no other man; but he is not the sort to speak of such matters. It is only by virtue of exceptional circumstances, my dear, that I know the story of you two." She was looking straight into his face, her eyes mournful. "I was glad to send him away, sorely as I miss him. But then, you said, you come to me about him?" "Yes, after he is gone--knowing all that you say--because I trust your great kindness and your chivalry. I come to ask you to call him back! Oh, Mr. Jefferson, were it any other man in the world but yourself I had not dared come here; but you know my story and his. It is your right to believe that he and I were--that is to say, we might have been--ah, sir, how can I speak?" "You need not speak, my dear, I know." "I shall be faithful to my husband, Mr. Jefferson." The old man nodded. "Captain Lewis knows that also. He would be the last to wish it otherwise. But, since it was his misfortune to set his regard upon one so fair as yourself, and since fate goes so hard for a strong man like him, then I must admit it needed strong medicine for his case. I sent him away, yes. Would you ask him back--for any cause?" In turn she laid a small hand upon the President's arm. "Only for himself--for that reason alone, Mr. Jefferson, and not to change your plans--for himself, because you love him. Oh, sir, even the greatest courts sometimes arrest their judgment if there is new evidence to be introduced. At the last moment justice gives a condemned man one more chance." "What is it, Theodosia?" he said quietly. "I do not grasp all this." "Able men say that this government cannot take advantage of the sale of Louisiana to us by Napoleon--that our Constitution prevents our taking over a foreign territory already populated to make into new States of our own----" "Good, my learned counsel--say on!" "Forgive my weak wit--I only try to say this as I heard it, well and plainly." "As well as any man, my dear! Go on." "Therefore, even if Captain Lewis does go forward, he can only fail at the last. This is what is said by the Federalists, by your enemies." "And perhaps by certain of my own party not Federalists--by Colonel Aaron Burr, for instance!" Thomas Jefferson smiled grimly. "Yes!" She spoke firmly and with courage. "I cannot pause to inquire what my enemies say, my dear lady. But in what way could this effect our friend, Captain Lewis? He is under orders, on my errand." "I saw him this very morning--I took my reputation in my hands--I followed him--I urged him, I implored him to stop!" "Yes? And did he?" "Not for an instant. Ah, I see you smile! I might have known he would not. He said that nothing but word from you could induce him to hesitate for a moment." "My dear young lady, I said to Captain Lewis that no report from any source would cause me for an instant to doubt his loyalty to me. If anything could shake him in his loyalty, it would be his regard for you yourself; but since I trust his honor and your own, I do not fear that such a conflict can ever occur!" She did not reply. After a time the President went on gently: "My dear, would you wish him to come back--would you condemn him further to the tortures of the damned? And would you halt him while he is trying to do his duty as a man and a soldier? What benefit to you?" She drew up proudly. "What benefit, indeed, to me? Do you think I would ask this for myself? No, it was for _him_--it was for _his_ welfare only that I dared to come to you. And you will not hear new evidence?" But now she was speaking to Thomas Jefferson, the President of the United States, man of affairs as well, man of firm will and clear-cut decision. "Madam," said he, coldly, "in this office we do a thing but once. Had I condemned yonder young man to his death--and perhaps I have--I would not now reconsider that decision. I would not speak so long as this over it, did I not know and love you both--yes, and grieve over you both; but what is written is written." His giant hand fell lightly, but with firmness, on the desk at his side. The inexorableness of a great will was present in the room as an actual thing. Tears swam in her eyes. "You would not hear what was the actual cause of my wish for him----" "No, my dear! We have made our plans." "There are other plans afoot these days, Mr. Jefferson." "Tut, tut! Are you my enemy, too? Oh, yes, I know there are enemies enough in wait for me and my administration on every side. Yes, I know a plan--I know of many such. But one thing also I do know, madam, and it is this--not all the enemies on this earth can alter me one iota in this undertaking on which I have sent Captain Lewis. As against that magnificent adventure there is nothing can be offered as an offset, nothing that can halt it for an instant. No reward to him or me--nay, no reward to any other human being--shall stop his advancement in that purpose which he shares with me. If he fails, I fail with him--and all my life as well!" She rose now, calm before the imperious quality of his nature, so unlike his former gentleness. "You refuse, then, Mr. Jefferson? You will not reopen this case?" "I refuse nothing to you gladly, my dear lady. But you have seen him--you have tested him. Did he turn back? Shall I, his friend and his chief, halt him at such a time? Now that were the worst kindness to him in the world. And I am convinced that you and I both plan only kindness for him." Suddenly he saw the tears in her eyes. At once he was back again, the courteous gentleman. "Do not weep, Theodosia, my child," said he. "Let me kiss you, as your father or your grandfather would--one who holds you tenderly in his heart. Forgive me that I pass sentence on you both, but you must part--you must not ask him back. There now, my dear, do not weep, or you will make me weep. Let me kiss you for him--and let us all go on about our duties in the world. My dear, good-by! You must go." CHAPTER X THE THRESHOLD OF THE WEST Meriwether Lewis, having put behind him one set of duties, now addressed himself to another, and did so with care and thoroughness. A few of his men, a part of his outfitting, he found already assembled at Harper's Ferry, up the Potomac. Before sunset of the first day the little band knew they had a leader. There was not a knife or a tomahawk of the entire equipment which he himself did not examine--not a rifle which he himself did not personally test. He went over the boxes and bales which had been gathered here, and saw to their arrangement in the transport-wagons. He did all this without bluster or officiousness, but with the quiet care and thoroughness of the natural leader of men. In two days they were on their way across the Alleghanies. A few days more of steady travel sufficed to bring them to Pittsburgh, the head of navigation on the Ohio River, and at that time the American capital in the upper valley of the West. At Pittsburgh Captain Lewis was to build his boats, to complete the details of his equipment, to take on additional men for his party--now to be officially styled the Volunteers for the Discovery of the West. He lost no time in urging forward the necessary work. The young adventurer found this inland town half maritime in its look. Its shores were lined with commerce suited to a seaport. Schooners of considerable tonnage lay at the wharfs, others were building in the busy shipyards. The destination of these craft obviously was down the Mississippi, to the sea. Here were vessels bound for the West Indies, bound for Philadelphia, for New York, for Boston--carrying the products of this distant and little-known interior. As he looked at this commerce of the great West, pondered its limitations, saw its trend with the down-slant of the perpetual roadway to the sea, there came to the young officer's mind with greater force certain arguments that had been advanced to him. He saw that here was the heart of America, realized how natural was the insistence of all these hardy Western men upon the free use of the Mississippi and its tributaries. He easily could agree with Aaron Burr that, had the fleet of Napoleon ever sailed from Haiti--had Napoleon ever done otherwise than to cede Louisiana to us--then these boats from the Ohio and the Mississippi would at this very moment, perhaps, be carrying armed men down to take New Orleans, as so often they had threatened. There came, however, to his mind not the slightest thought of alteration in his own plans. With him it was no question of what might have been, but of what actually was. The cession by Napoleon had been made, and Louisiana was ours. It was time to plot for expeditions, not down the great river, but across it, beyond it, into that great and unknown country that lay toward the farther sea. The keen zest of this vast enterprise came to him as a stimulus--the feel of the new country was as the breath of his nostrils. His bosom swelled with joy as he looked out toward that West which had so long allured him--that West of which he was to be the discoverer. The carousing riffraff of the wharfs, the flotsam and jetsam of the river trade, were to him but passing phenomena. He shouldered his way among them indifferently. He walked with a larger vision before his eyes. Now, too, he had news--good news, fortunate news, joyous news--none less than the long-delayed answer of his friend, Captain William Clark, to his proposal that he should associate himself with the Volunteers for the Discovery of the West. Misspelled, scrawled, done in the hieroglyphics which marked that remarkable gentleman, William Clark's letter carried joy to the heart of Meriwether Lewis. It cemented one of the most astonishing partnerships ever known among men, one of the most beautiful friendships of which history leaves note. Let us give the strange epistle in Clark's own spelling: DEAR MERNE: Yours to hand touching uppon the Expedishon into the Missourie Country, & I send this by special bote up the river to mete you at Pts'brgh, at the Foarks. You convey a moast welcome and appreciated invitation to join you in an Enterprise conjenial to my Every thought and Desire. It will in all likelyhood require at least a year to make the journey out and Return, but although that means certain Sacrifises of a personal sort, I hold such far less than the pleasure to enlist with you, wh. indeed I hold to be my duty allso. I need not say how content I am to be associated with the man moast of all my acquaintance apt to achieve Success in an undertaking of so difficult and perlous nature. As you know, it is in the wilderness men are moast sevearly tried, and there we know a man. I have seen you so tried, and I Know what you are. I am proud that you apeare to hold me and my own qualities in like confident trust and belief, and I shall hope to merit no alteration in your Judgment. There is no other man I would go with on such an undertaking, nor consider it seriously, although the concern of my family largely has been with things military and adventurous, and we are not new to life among Savidges. Too well I know the dangers of bad leadership in such affairs, yes and my brother, the General, also, as the story of Detroit and the upper Ohio country could prove. All of that country should have been ours from the first, and only lack of courage lost it so long to us. You are so kind as to offer me a place equal in command with you--I accept not because of the Rank, which is no moving consideration, eather for you or for me--but because I see in the jenerosity of the man proposing such a division of his own Honors, the best assurance of success. You will find me at or near the Falls of the Ohio awaiting the arrival of your party, which I taik it will be in early August or the Midel of that month. Pray convey to Mr. Jefferson my humble and obedient respects, and thanks for this honor wh. I shall endeavor to merit as best lies within my powers. With all affec'n, I remain, Your friend, WM. CLARK. P. S.--God alone knows how mutch this all may mean to You and me, Merne--WILL. Clark, then, was to meet him at the Falls of the Ohio, and he, too, counseled haste. Lewis drove his drunken, lazy workmen in the shipyards as hard as he might, week after week, yet found six weeks elapsed before at last he was in any wise fitted to set forth. The delay fretted him, even though he received word from his chief bidding him not to grieve over the possible loss of a season in his start, but to do what he might and to possess his soul in patience and in confidence. Recruits of proper sort for his purposes did not grow on trees, he found, but he added a few men to his party now and then, picking them slowly, carefully. One morning, while engaged in his duties of supervising the work in progress at the shipyards, he had his attention attracted to a youth of some seventeen or eighteen years, who stood, cap in hand, at a little distance, apparently too timid to accost him. "What is it, my son?" said he. "Did you wish to see me?" The boy advanced, smiling. "You do not know me, sir. My name is Shannon--George Shannon. I used to know you when you were stationed here with the army. I was a boy then." "You are right--I remember you perfectly. So you are grown into a strapping young man, I see!" The boy twirled his cap in his hands. "I want to go along with you, Captain," said he shyly. "What? You would go with me--do you know what is our journey?" "No. I only hear that you are going up the Missouri, beyond St. Louis, into new country. They say there are buffalo there, and Indians. 'Tis too quiet here for me--I want to see the world with you." The young leader, after his fashion, stood silently regarding the other for a time. An instant served him. "Very well, George," said he. "If your parents consent, you shall go with me. Your pay will be such that you can save somewhat, and I trust you will use it to complete your schooling after your return. There will be adventure and a certain honor in our undertaking. If we come back successful, I am persuaded that our country will not forget us." And so that matter was completed. Strangely enough, as the future proved, were the fortunes of these two to intermingle. From the first, Shannon attached himself to his captain almost in the capacity of personal attendant. At last the great bateau lay ready, launched from the docks and moored alongside the wharf. Fifty feet long it was, with mast, tholes and walking-boards for the arduous upstream work. It had received a part of its cargo, and soon all was in readiness to start. On the evening of that day Lewis sat down to pen a last letter to his chief. He wrote in the little office-room of the inn where he was stopping, and for a time he did not note the presence of young Shannon, who stood, as usual, silent until his leader might address him. "What, is it, George?" he asked at length, looking up. "Someone waiting to see you, sir--they are in the parlor. They sent me----" "They? Who are they?" "I don't know, sir. She asked me to come for you." "She. Who is she?" "I don't know, sir. She spoke to her father. They are in the room just across the hall, sir." The face of Meriwether Lewis was pale when presently he opened the door leading to the apartment which had been indicated. He knew, or thought he knew, who this must be. But why--why? The interior was dim. A single lamp of the inefficient sort then in use served only to lessen the gloom. Presently, however, he saw awaiting him the figure he had anticipated. Yes, it was she herself. Almost his heart stood still. Theodosia Alston arose from the spot where she sat in the deeper shadows, and came forward to him. He met her, his hands outstretched, his pulse leaping eagerly in spite of his reproofs. He dreaded, yet rejoiced. "Why are you here?" he asked at length. "My father and I are on a journey down the river to visit Mr. Blennerhasset on his island. You know his castle there?" "Why is it that you always come to torment me the more? Another day and I should have been gone!" "Torment you, sir?" "You rebuke me properly. I presume I should have courage to meet you always--to speak with you--to look into your eyes--to take your hands in mine. But I find it hard, terribly hard! Each time it is worse--because each time I must leave you. Why did you not wait one day?" She made no reply. He fought for his self-control. "Mr. Jefferson, how is he?" he demanded at length. "You left him well?" "Unchangeable as flint. You said that only the order of your chief could change your plans. I sought to gain that order--I went myself to see Mr. Jefferson, that very day you started. He said that nothing could alter his faith in you, and that nothing could alter the plan you both had made. He would not call you back. He ordered me not to attempt to do so; but I have broken the President's command. You find it hard! Do you think this is not hard for me also?" "These are strange words. What is your motive? What is it that you plan? Why should you seek to stop me when I am trying to blot your face out of my mind? Strange labor is that--to try to forget what I hold most dear!" "You shall not leave my face behind you, Captain Lewis!" she said suddenly. "What do you mean, Theodosia? What is it?" "You shall see me every night under the stars, Meriwether Lewis. I will not let you go. I will not relinquish you!" He turned swiftly toward her, but paused as if caught back by some mighty hand. "What is it?" he said once more, half in a whisper. "What do you mean? Would you ruin me? Would you see me go to ruin?" "No! To the contrary, shall I allow you to hasten into the usual ruin of a man? If you go yonder, what will be the fate of Meriwether Lewis? You have spoken beautifully to me at times--you have awakened some feeling of what images a woman may make in a man's heart. I have been no more to you than any woman is to any man--the image of a dream. But, that being so beautiful, ought I to allow you to turn it to ruin? Shall I let you go down in savagery? Ah, if I thought I were relinquishing you to that, this would be a heavy day for me!" "Can you fancy what all this means to me?" he broke out hoarsely. "Yes, I can fancy. And what for me? So much my feeling for you has been--oh, call it what you like--admiration, affection, maternal tenderness--I do not know what--but so much have I wished, so much have I planned for your future in return for what you have given me--ah, I do not dare tell you. I could not dare come here if I did not know that I was never to see or speak to you again. It tears my heart from my bosom that I must say these things to you. I have risked all my honor in your hands. Is there no reward for that? Is my recompense to be only your assertion that I torment you, that I torture you? What! Is there no torture for me as well? The thought that I have done this covertly, secretly--what do you think that costs me?" "Your secret is absolutely safe with me, Theodosia. No, it is not a secret! We have sworn that neither of us would lay a secret upon the other. I swear that to you once more." "And yet you upbraid me when I say I cannot give you up to any fate but that of happiness and success--oh, not with me, for that is beyond us two--it is past forever. But happiness----" "There are some words that burn deep," he said slowly. "I know that I was not made for happiness." "Does a woman's wish mean nothing to you? Have I no appeal for you?" Something like a sob was torn from his bosom. "You can speak thus with me?" he said huskily. "If you cannot leave me happiness, can you not at least leave me partial peace of mind?" She stood slightly swaying, silent. "And you say you will not relinquish me, you will not let me go to that fate which surely is mine? You say you will not let me be savage? I say I am too nearly savage now. Let me go--let me go yonder into the wilderness, where I may be a gentleman!" He saw her movement as she turned, heard her sigh. "Sometimes," she said, "I have thought it worth a woman's life thrown away that a strong man may succeed. Failure and sacrifice a woman may offer--not much more. But it is as my father told me!" "He told you what?" "That only chivalry would ever make you forget your duty--that you never could be approached through your weakness, but only through your strength, through your honor. I cannot approach you through your strength, and I would not approach you through your weakness, even if I could. No! Wait. Perhaps some day it will all be made clear for both of us, so that we may understand. Yes, this is torture for us both!" He heard the soft rustle of her gown, her light footfall as she passed; and once more he was alone. CHAPTER XI THE TAMING OF PATRICK GASS "Shannon, go get the men!" It was midnight. For more than an hour Meriwether Lewis had sat, his head drooped, in silence. "We are going to start?" Shannon's face lightened eagerly. "We'll be off at sunup?" "Before that. Get the men--we'll start now! I'll meet you at the wharf." Eager enough, Shannon hastened away on his midnight errand. Within an hour every man of the little party was at the water front, ready for departure. They found their leader walking up and down, his head bent, his hands behind him. It was short work enough, the completion of such plans as remained unfinished. The great keel-boat lay completed and equipped at the wharf. The men lost little time in stowing such casks and bales as remained unshipped. Shannon stepped to his chief. "All's aboard, sir," said he. "Shall we cast off?" Without a word Lewis nodded and made his way to his place in the boat. In the darkness, without a shout or a cheer to mark its passing, the expedition was launched on its long journey. Slowly the boat passed along the waterfront of Pittsburgh town. Here rose gauntly, in the glare of torch or camp fire, the mast of some half-built schooner. Houseboats were drawn up or anchored alongshore, long pirogues lay moored or beached, or now and again a giant broadhorn, already partially loaded with household goods, common carrier for that human flood passing down the great waterway, stood out blacker than the shadows in which it lay. Here and there camp fires flickered, each the center of a ribald group of the hardy rivermen. Through the night came sounds of roistering, songs, shouts. Arrested, pent, dammed up, the lusty life of that great waterway leading into the West and South scarce took time for sleep. The boat slipped on down, now crossing a shaft of light flung on the water from some lamp or fire, now blending with the ghostlike shadows which lay in the moonless night. It passed out of the town itself, and edged into the shade of the forest that swept continuously for so many leagues on ahead. "Hello, there!" called a voice through the darkness, after a time. "Who goes there?" The splash of a sweep had attracted the attention of someone on shore. The light of a camp fire showed. Every one in the boat looked at the leader, but none vouchsafed a reply to the hail. "Ahoy there, the boat!" insisted the same voice. "Shall I fire on yez to make yez answer a civil question? Come ashore wance--I can lick the best of yez in three minutes, or me name's not Patrick Gass!" The captain of the boat turned slowly in his seat, casting a glance over his silent crew. "Set in!" said he, sharply and shortly. Without a word they obeyed, and with oar and steering-sweep the great craft slowly swung inshore. Lewis stepped from the boat, and, not waiting to see whether he was followed--as he was by all of his men--strode on up the bank into the circle of light made by the camp fire. About the fire lay a dozen or more men of the hardest of the river type, which was saying quite enough; for of all the lawless and desperate characters of the frontier, none have ever surpassed in reckless audacity and truculence the men of the old boat trade of the Ohio and the Mississippi. These fellows lay idly looking at Lewis as he entered the light, not troubling to accost him. "Who hailed us?" demanded the latter shortly. "Begorrah, 'twas me," said a short, strongly built man, stepping forward from the other side of the fire. Clad in loose shirt and trousers, like most of his comrades, he showed a powerful man, a shock of reddish hair falling over his eyes, a bull-like neck rising above his open shirt in such fashion that the size of his shoulder muscles might easily be seen. "'Twas me hailed yez, and what of it?" "That is what I came ashore to learn," said Meriwether Lewis. "We are about our business. What concern is that of yours? I am here to learn." "Yez can learn, if ye're so anxious," replied the other. "'Tis me have got three drinks of Monongahaly in me that says I can whip you or anny man of your boat. And if that aint cause for ye to come ashore, 'tis no fighting man ye are, an' I'll say that to your face!" It was the accepted fashion of challenge known anywhere along two thousand miles of waterway at that time, in a country where physical prowess and readiness to fight were the sole tests of distinction. Woe to the man who evaded such an issue, once it was offered to him! The speaker had stepped close to Lewis--so close that the latter did not need to advance a foot. Instead, he held his ground, and the challenger, accepting this as a sign of willingness for battle, rushed at him, with the evident intent of a rough-and-tumble grapple after the fashion of his kind. To his surprise, he was held off by the leveled forearm of his opponent, rigid as a bar against his throat. At this rebuff he roared like a bull, and breaking back rushed in once more, his giant arms flailing. Lewis swung back half a step, and then, so quickly that none saw the blow, but only its result was visible, he shifted on his feet, leaned into his thrust, and smote the joyous challenger so fell a stroke in the throat as laid him quivering and helpless. The brief fight was ended all too soon to suit the wishes of the spectators, used to more prolonged and bloodier encounters. A sort of gasp, a half roar of surprise and anger, came from the group upon the ground. Some of the party rose to their feet menacingly. They met the silent front of the boat party, the clicking of whose well-oiled rifle-locks offered the most serious of warnings. The sudden appearance of these visitors, so silent and so prompt--the swift act of their leader, without threat, without warning--the instant readiness of the others to back their leader's initiative--caught every one of these rude fighting men in the sudden grip of surprise. They hesitated. "I am no fighting man," said Meriwether Lewis, turning to them; "yet neither may I be insulted by any lout who chooses to call me ashore to thrash him. Do you think that an officer of the army has no better business than that? Who are you that would stop us?" The group fell back muttering, lacking concerted action. What might have occurred in case they had reached their arms was prevented by the action of the party of the first part in this _rencontre_--of the second part, perhaps, he might better have been called. The fallen warrior sat up, rubbing his throat; he struggled to his knees, and at length stood. There was something of rude river chivalry about him, after all. "An officer, did ye say?" said he. "Oh, wirra! What have I done now, and me a soldier! But ye done it fair! And ye niver wance gouged me nor jumped on me whin I was down! Begorrah, I felt both me eyes to see if they was in! Ye done it fair, and ye're an officer and a gintleman, whoever ye be. I'd like to shake hands with ye!" "I am not shaking hands with ruffians who insult travelers," Captain Lewis sternly rejoined; but he saw the crestfallen look which swept over the strong face of the other. "There, man," said he, "since you seem to mean well!" He shook hands with his opponent, who, stung by the rebuke, now began to sniffle. "Sor," said he, "I am no ruffian. I am a soldier meself, and on me way to join me company at Kaskasky, down below. Me time was out awhile back, and I came East to the States to have a bit av a fling before I enlisted again. Now, what money I haven't give to me parents I've spint like a man. I have had me fling for awhile, and I'm goin' back to sign on again. Sor, I am a sergeant and a good wan, though I do say it. Me record is clean. I am Patrick Gass, first sergeant of the Tinth Dragoons, the same now stationed at Kaskasky. Though ye are not in uniform, I know well enough ye are an officer. Sor, I ask yer pardon--'twas only the whisky made me feel sportin' like at the time, do ye mind?" "Gass, Patrick Gass, you said?" "Yis, sor, of the Tinth. Barrin' me love for fightin' I am a good soldier. There are stripes on me sleeves be rights, but me old coat's hangin' in the barracks down below." Lewis stood looking curiously at the man before him, the power of whose grip he had felt in his own. He cast an eye over his erect figure, his easy and natural dropping into the position of a soldier. "You say the Tenth?" said he briefly. "You have been with the colors? Look here, my man, do you want to serve?" "I am going right back to Kaskasky for it, sor." "Why not enlist with us? I need men. We are off for the West, up the Missouri--for a long trip, like enough. You seem a well-built man, and you have seen service. I know men when I see them. I want men of courage and good temper. Will you go?" "I could not say, sor. I would have to ask leave at Kaskasky. I gave me word I'd come back after I'd had me fling here in the East, ye see." "I'll take care of that. I have full authority to recruit among enlisted men." "Excuse me, sor, ye are sayin' ye are goin' up the Missouri? Then I know yez--yez are the Captain Lewis that has been buildin' the big boat the last two months up at the yards--Captain Lewis from Washington." "Yes, and from the Ohio country before then--and Kentucky, too. I am to join Captain Clark at the Point of Rocks on the Ohio. I need another oar. Come, my man, we are on our way. Two minutes ought to be enough for you to decide." "I'll need not the half of two!" rejoined Patrick Gass promptly. "Give me leave of my captain, and I am with yez! There is nothin' in the world I'd liever see than the great plains and the buffalo. 'Tis fond of travel I am, and I'd like to see the ind of the world before I die." "You will come as near seeing the end of it with us as anywhere else I know," rejoined Lewis quietly. "Get your war-bag and come aboard." In this curious fashion Patrick Gass of the army--later one of the journalists of the expedition, and always one of its most faithful and efficient members--signed his name on the rolls of the Lewis and Clark expedition. There was not one of the frontiersmen in the boat who had any comment to make upon any phase of the transaction; indeed, it seemed much in the day's work to them. But from that instant every man in the boat knew he had a leader who could be depended upon for prompt and efficient action in any emergency; and from that moment, also, their leader knew he could depend on his men. "I have nothing to complain of," said Patrick Gass, addressing his new friends impartially, as he shifted his belongings to suit him and took his place at a rowing seat. "I have nothing to complain of. I've been sayin' I would like to have one more rale fight before I enlisted--the army is too tame for a fellow of rale spirit. None o' thim at the camp yonder, where I was two days, would take it on with me after the first day. I was fair longin' for something to interest me--and be jabers, I found it! Now I am continted to ind me vacation and come back to the monothony of business life." The boat advanced steadily enough thereafter throughout the night. They pulled ashore at dawn, and, after the fashion of experienced travelers, were soon about the business of the morning meal. The leader of the party drew apart for the morning plunge which was his custom. Cover lacking on the bare bar where they had landed, he was not fully out of sight when at length, freshened by his plunge, he stood drying himself for dressing. Unconsciously, his arm extended, he looked for all the world the very statue of the young Apoxyomenos of the Vatican--the finest figure of a man that the art of antiquity has handed down to us. As that smiling youth out of the past stood, scraper in hand, drying himself after the games, so now stood this young American, type of a new race, splendid as the Greeks themselves in the immortal beauty of life. His white body shining in the sun, every rolling muscle plainly visible--even that rare muscle over the hip beloved of the ancients, but now forgotten of sculptors, because rarely seen on a man today--so comely was he, so like a god in his clean youth, that Patrick Gass, unhampered by backwardness himself, turned to his new companions, whom already he addressed each by his first name. "George," said he to young Shannon, "George, saw ye ever the like of yon? What a man! Lave I had knowed he could strip like yon, niver would I have taken the chance I did last night. 'Tis wonder he didn't kill me--in which case I'd niver have had me job. The Lord loves us Irish, anny way you fix it!" CHAPTER XII CAPTAIN WILLIAM CLARK "Will!" "Merne!" The two young men gripped hands as the great bateau swung inshore at the Point of Rocks on the Kentucky side of the Ohio. They needed not to do more, these two. The face of each told the other what he felt. Their mutual devotion, their generosity and unselfishness, their unflagging unity of purpose, their perfect manly comradeship--what wonder so many have called the story of these two more romantic than romance itself? "It has been long since we met, Will," said Meriwether Lewis. "I have been eating my heart out up at Pittsburgh. I got your letter, and glad enough I was to have it. I had been fearing that I would have to go on alone. Now I feel as if we already had succeeded. I cannot tell you--but I don't need to try." "And you, Merne," rejoined William Clark--Captain William Clark, if you please, border fighter, leader of men, one of a family of leaders of men, tall, gaunt, red-headed, blue-eyed, smiling, himself a splendid figure of a man--"you, Merne, are a great man now, famous there in Washington! Mr. Jefferson's right-hand man--we hear of you often across the mountains. I have been waiting for you here, as anxious as yourself." "The water is low," complained Lewis, "and a thousand things have delayed us. Are you ready to start?" "In ten minutes--in five minutes. I will have my boy York go up and get my rifle and my bags." "Your brother, General Clark, how is he?" William Clark shrugged with a smile which had half as much sorrow as mirth in it. "The truth is, Merne, the general's heart is broken. He thinks that his country has forgotten him." "Forgotten him? From Detroit to New Orleans--we owe it all to George Rogers Clark. It was he who opened the river from Pittsburgh to New Orleans. He'll not need, now, to be an ally of France again. Once more a member of your family will be in at the finding of a vast new country!" "Merne, I've sold my farm. I got ten thousand dollars for my place--and so I am off with you, not with much of it left in my pockets, but with a clean bill and a good conscience, and some of the family debts paid. I care not how far we go, or when we come back. I thank Mr. Jefferson for taking me on with you. 'Tis the gladdest time in all my life!" "We are share and share alike, Will," said his friend Lewis, soberly. "Tell me, can we get beyond the Mississippi this fall, do you think?" "Doubtful," said Clark. "The Spanish of the valley are not very well reconciled to this Louisiana sale, and neither are the French. They have been holding all that country in partnership, each people afraid of the other, and both showing their teeth to us. But I hear the commission is doing well at St. Louis, and I presume the transfer will be made this fall or winter. After that they cannot stop us from going on. Tell me, have you heard anything of Colonel Burr's plan? There have come new rumors of the old attempt to separate the West from the government at Washington, and he is said to have agents scattered from St. Louis to New Orleans." He did not note the sudden flush on his friend's face--indeed, gave him no time to answer, but went on, absorbed in his own executive details. "What sort of men have you in your party, Merne?" "Only good ones, I think. Young Shannon and an army sergeant by the name of Gass, Patrick Gass--they should be very good men. I brought on Collins from Maryland and Pete Weiser from Pennsylvania, also good stuff, I think. McNeal, Potts, Gibson--I got those around Carlisle. We need more men." "I have picked out a few here," said Clark. "You know Kentucky breeds explorers. I have a good blacksmith, Shields, and Bill Bratton is another blacksmith--either can tinker a gun if need be. Then I have John Coalter, an active, strapping chap, and the two Fields boys, whom I know to be good men; and Charlie Floyd, Nate Pryor, and a couple of others--Warner and Whitehouse. We should get the rest at the forts around St. Louis. I want to take my boy York along--a negro is always good-natured under hardship, and a laugh now and then will not hurt any of us." Lewis nodded assent. "Your judgment of men is as good as mine, Will. But come, it is September, and the leaves are falling. All my men have the fall hunt in their blood--they will start for any place at any moment. Let us move. Suppose you take the boat on down, and let me go across, horseback, to Kaskaskia. I have some business there, and I will try for a few more recruits. We must have fifty men." "Nothing shall stop us, Merne, and we cannot start too soon. I want to see fresh grass every night for a year. But you--how can you be content to punish yourself for so long? For me, I am half Indian; but I expected to have heard long ago that you were married and settled down as a Virginia squire, raising tobacco and negroes, like anyone else. Tell me, how about that old affair of which you once used to confide to me when we were soldiering together here, years back? 'Twas a fair New York maid, was it not? From what you said I fancied her quite without comparison, in your estimate, at least. Yet here you are, vagabonding out into a country where you may be gone for years--or never come back at all, for all we know. Have a care, man--pretty girls do not wait!" As he spoke, so strange a look passed over his friend's face that William Clark swiftly put out a hand. "What is it, Merne? Pardon me! Did she--not wait?" His companion looked at him gravely. "She married, something like three years ago. She is the wife of Mr. Alston, a wealthy planter of the Carolinas, a friend of her father and a man of station. A good marriage for her--for him--for both." The sadness of his face spoke more than his words to his warmest friend, and left them both silent for a time. William Clark ceased breaking bark between his fingers and flipping away the pieces. "Well, in my own case," said he at length, "I have no ties to cut. 'Tis as well--we shall have no faces of women to trouble us on our trails out yonder. They don't belong there, Merne--the ways of the trappers are best. But we must not talk too much of this," he added. "I'll see you yet well settled down as a Virginia squire--your white hair hanging down on your shoulders and a score of grandchildren about your knees to hamper you." William Clark meant well--his friend knew that; so now he smiled, or tried to smile. "Merne," the red-headed one went on, throwing an arm across his friend's shoulders, "pass over this affair--cut it out of your heart. Believe me, believe me, the friendship of men is the only one that lasts. We two have eaten from the same pannikin, slept under the same bear-robe before now--we still may do so. And look at the adventures before us!" "You are a boy, Will," said Meriwether Lewis, actually smiling now, "and I am glad you are and always will be; because, Will, I never was a boy--I was born old. But now," he added sharply, as he rose, "a pleasant journey to us both--and the longer the better!" CHAPTER XIII UNDER THREE FLAGS The day was but beginning for the young American republic. All the air was vibrant with the passion of youth and romance. Yonder in the West there might be fame and fortune for any man with courage to adventure. The world had not yet settled down to inexorable grooves of life, from which no human soul might fight its way out save at cost of sweetness and content and hope. The chance of one man might still equal that of another--yonder, in that vast new world along the Mississippi, beyond the Mississippi, more than a hundred years ago. Into that world there now pressed a flowing, seething, restless mass, a new population seeking new avenues of hope and life, of adventure and opportunity. Riflemen, axmen, fighting men, riding men, boatmen, plowmen--they made ever out and on, laughing the Cossack laugh at the mere thought of any man or thing withstanding them. Over this new world, alert, restless, full of Homeric youth, full of the lust of life and adventure, floated three flags. The old war of France and Spain still smoldered along the great waterway into the South. The flag of Great Britain had withdrawn itself to the North. The flag of our republic had not yet advanced. Those who made the Western population at that time cared little enough about flags or treaty rights. They concerned themselves rather with possession. Let any who liked observe the laws. The strong made their own laws from day to day, and wrote them in one general codex of adventure and full-blooded, roistering life. The world was young. Buy land? No, why buy it, when taking it was so much more simple and delightful? Based on this general lust of conquest, this Saxon zeal for new territories, must have been that inspiration of Thomas Jefferson in his venture of the far Northwest. He saw there the splendid vision of his ideal republic. He saw there a citizenry no longer riotous and roistering, not yet frenzied or hysterical, but strong, sober, and constant. His was a glorious vision. Would God we had fully realized his dream! There were three flags afloat here or there in the Western country then, and none knew what land rightly belonged under any of the three. Indeed, over the heart of that region now floated all the three banners at the same time--that of Spain, passing but still proud, for a generation actual governor if not actual owner of all the country beyond the Mississippi, so far as it had any government at all; that of France, owner of the one great seaport, New Orleans, settler of the valley for a generation; and that of the new republic only just arriving into the respect of men either of the East or the West--a republic which had till recently exacted respect chiefly through the stark deadliness of its fighting and marching men. It was a splendid game in which these two boys, Meriwether Lewis and William Clark--they scarcely were more than boys--now were entering. And with the superb unconsciousness and self-trust of youth, they played it with dash and confidence, never doubting their success. The prediction of William Clark none the less came true. In this matter of flags, autocratic Spain was not disposed to yield. De Lassus, Spanish commandant for so many years, would not let the young travelers go beyond St. Louis, even so far as Charette. He must be sure that his country--which, by right or not, he had ruled so long--had not only been sold by Spain to France, but that the cession had been duly confirmed; and, furthermore, he must be sure that the cession by France to the United States had also been concluded formally. Traders and trappers had been passing through from the plains country, yes--but this was a different matter. Here was a flotilla under a third flag--it must not pass. Spanish official dignity was not thus to be shaken, not to be hurried. All must wait until the formalities had been concluded. This delay meant the loss of the entire winter. The two young leaders of the expedition were obliged to make the best of it they could. Clark formed an encampment in the timbered country across the Mississippi from St. Louis, and soon had his men comfortably ensconced in cabins of their own building. Meanwhile he picked up more men around the adjacent military posts--Ordway and Howard and Frazer of the New England regiment; Cruzatte, Labiche, Lajeunesse, Drouillard and other voyageurs for watermen. They made a hardy and efficient band. Upon Captain Lewis devolved most of the scientific work of the expedition. It was necessary for him to spend much time in St. Louis, to complete his store of instruments, to extend his own studies in scientific matters. Perhaps, after all, the success of the expedition was furthered by this delay upon the border. Twenty-nine men they had on the expedition rolls by spring--forty-five in all, counting assistants who were not officially enrolled. Their equipment for the entire journey out and back, of more than two years in duration, was to cost them not more than twenty-five hundred dollars. A tiny army, a meager equipment, for the taking of the richest empire of the world! But now this army of a score and a half of men was to witness the lowering before it of two of the greatest flags then known to the world. It already had seen the retirement of that of Great Britain. The wedge which Burr and Merry and Yrujo had so dreaded was now about to be driven home. The country must split apart--Great Britain must fall back to the North--these other powers, France and Spain, must make way to the South and West. The army of the new republic, under two loyal boys for leaders, pressed forward, not with drums or banners, not with the roll of kettledrums, not with the pride and circumstance of glorious war. The soldiers of its ranks had not even a uniform--they were clad in buckskin and linsey, leather and fur. They had no trained fashion of march, yet stood shoulder and shoulder together well enough. They were not drilled into the perfection of trained soldiers, perhaps, but each could use his rifle, and knew how far was one hundred yards. The boats were coming down with furs from the great West--from the Omahas, the Kaws, the Osages. Keel boats came up from the lower river, mastering a thousand miles and more of that heavy flood to bring back news from New Orleans. Broadhorns and keel-boats and sailboats and river pirogues passed down. The strange, colorful life of the little capital of the West went on eagerly. St. Louis was happy; Detroit was glum--the fur trade had been split in half. Great Britain had lost--the furs now went out down the Mississippi instead of down the St. Lawrence. A world was in the making and remaking; and over that disturbed and divided world there still floated the three rival flags. Five days before Christmas of 1803, the flag of France fluttered down in the old city of New Orleans. They had dreaded the fleet of Great Britain at New Orleans--had hoped for the fleet of France. They got a fleet of Americans in flatboats--rude men with long rifles and leathern garments, who came under paddle and oar, and not under sail. Laussat was the last French commandant in the valley. De Lassus, the Spaniard, holding onto his dignity up the Missouri River beyond St. Louis, still clung to the sovereignty that Spain had deserted. And across the river, in a little row of log cabins, lay the new army with the new flag--an army of twenty-nine men, backed by twenty-five hundred dollars of a nation's hoarded war gold! It was a time for hope or for despair--a time for success or failure--a time for loyalty or for treason. And that army of twenty-nine men in buckskin altered the map of the world, the history of a vast continent. While Meriwether Lewis gravely went about his scientific studies, and William Clark merrily went about his dancing with the gay St. Louis belles, when not engaged in drilling his men beyond the river, the winter passed. Spring came. The ice ceased to run in the river, the geese honked northward in millions, the grass showed green betimes. The men in Clark's encampment were almost mutinous with lust for travel. But still the authorities had not completed their formalities; still the flag of Spain floated over the crossbars of the gate of the stone fortress, last stronghold of Spain in the valley of our great river. March passed, and April. Not until the 9th of May, in the year 1804, were matters concluded to suit the punctilio of France and Spain alike. Now came the assured word that the republic of the United States intended to stand on the Louisiana purchase, Constitution or no Constitution--that the government purposed to take over the land which it had bought. On this point Mr. Jefferson was firm. De Lassus yielded now. On that May morning the soldiers of Spain manning the fortifications of the old post stood at parade when the drums of the Americans were heard. One company of troops, under command of Captain Stoddard, represented our army of occupation. Our real army of invasion was that in buckskin and linsey and leather--twenty-nine men; whose captain, Meriwether Lewis, was to be our official representative at the ceremony of transfer. De Lassus choked with emotion as he handed over the keys and the archives which so long had been under his charge. "Sir," said he, addressing the commander, "I speak for France as well as for Spain. I hand over to you the title from France, as I hand over to you the rule from Spain. Henceforth both are for you. I salute you, gentlemen!" With the ruffle of the few American drums the transfer was gravely acknowledged. The flag of Spain slowly dropped from the staff where it had floated. That of France took its place, and for one day floated by courtesy over old St. Louis. On the morrow arose a strange new flag--the flag of the United States. It was supported by one company of regulars and by the little army of joint command--the army of Lewis and Clark--twenty-nine enlisted men in leather! "Time now, at last!" said William Clark to his friend. "Time for us to say farewell! Boats--three of them--are waiting, and my men are itching to see the buffalo plains. What is the latest news in the village, Merne?" he added. "I've not been across there for two weeks." "News enough," said Meriwether Lewis gravely. "I just have word of the arrival in town of none other than Colonel Aaron Burr." "The Vice-President of the United States! What does he here? Tell me, is he bound down the river? Is there anything in all this talk I have heard about Colonel Burr? Is he alone?" "No. I wish he were alone. Will, she is with him--his daughter, Mrs. Alston!" "Well, what of that? Oh, I know--I know, but why should you meet?" "How can we help meeting here in the society of this little town, whose people are like one family? They have been invited by Mr. Chouteau to come to his house--I also am a guest there. Will, what shall I do? It torments me!" "Oh, tut, tut!" said light-hearted William Clark. "What shall you do? Why, in the first place, pull the frown from your face, Merne. Now, this young lady forsakes her husband, travels--with her father, to be sure, but none the less she travels--along the same trail taken by a certain young man down the Ohio, up the Mississippi, here to St. Louis. Should you call that a torment? Not I! I should flatter myself over it. A torment? Should you call the flowers that change in sweetness as we ride along through the wood a torment? Let them beware of me! I am no respecter of fortune when it comes to a pretty face, my friend. It is mine if it is here, and if I may kiss it--don't rebuke me, Merne! I am full of the joy of life. Woman--the nearest woman--to call her a torment! And you a soldier! I don't blame them. Torment you? Yes, they will, so long as you allow it. Then don't allow it!" "You preach very well, Will. Of course, I know you don't practise what you preach--who does?" "Well, perhaps! But, seriously, why take life so hard, Merne? Why don't you relax--why don't you swim with the current for a time? We live but once. Tell me, do you think there was but one woman made for each of us men in all the world? My faith, if that be true, I have had more than my share, I fear, as I have passed along! But even when it comes to marrying and settling down to hoeing an acre of corn-land and raising a shoat or two for the family--tell me, Merne, what woman does a man marry? Doesn't he marry the one at hand--the one that is ready and waiting? Do you think fortune would always place the one woman in the world ready for the one man at the one time, just when the hoeing and the shoat-raising was to the fore? It is absurd, man! Nature dares not take such chances--and does not." Lewis did not answer his friend's jesting argument. "Listen, Merne," Clark went on. "The memory of a kiss is better than the memory of a tear. No, listen, Merne! The print of a kiss is sweet as water of a spring when you are athirst. And the spring shows none the worse for the taste of heaven it gave you. Lips and water alike--they tell no tales. They are goods the gods gave us as part of life. But the great thirst--the great thirst of a man for power, for deeds, for danger, for adventure, for accomplishment--ah, that is ours, and that is harder to slake, I am thinking! A man's deeds are his life. They tell the tale." "His deeds! Yes, you are right, they do, indeed, tell the tale. Let us hope the reckoning will stand clean at last." "Merne, you are a soldier, not a preacher." "Will, you are neither--you are only a boy!" CHAPTER XIV THE RENT IN THE ARMOR Aaron Burr came to St. Louis in the spring of 1804 as much in desperation as with definite plans. Matters were going none too well for him. All the time he was getting advices from the lower country, where lay the center of his own audacious plans; but the thought of the people was directed westward, up the Missouri. The fame of the Lewis and Clark expedition now had gathered volume. Constitution or no Constitution, the purchase of Louisiana had been completed, the transfer had been formally made. The American wedge was driving on through. If ever he was to do anything for his own enterprise, it was now high time. Burr's was a mind to see to the core of any problem in statecraft. He knew what this sudden access of interest in the West indicated, so far as his plans were concerned. It must be stopped--else it would be too late for any dream of Aaron Burr for an empire of his own. His resources were dwindling. He needed funds for the many secret agents in his employ--needed yet more funds for the purchase and support of his lands in the South. And the minister of Great Britain had given plain warning that unless this expedition up the Missouri could be stopped, no further aid need be expected from him. Little by little Burr saw hope slip away from him. True, Captain Lewis was still detained by his duties among the Osage Indians, a little way out from the city; but the main expedition had actually started. William Clark, occupied with the final details, did not finally get his party under way until five days after the formal transfer of the new territory of Louisiana to our flag, and three days after Burr's arrival. At last, however, on the 14th of May, the three boats had left St. Louis wharf, with their full complement of men and the last of the supplies aboard for the great voyage. Captain Clark, ever light-hearted and careless of his spelling-book, if not of his rifle, says it was "a jentle brease" which aided the oars and the square-sail as they started up the river. Assuredly the bark of Aaron Burr was sailing under no propitious following wind. Distracted, he paced up and down his apartment in the home where he was a guest, preoccupied, absorbed, almost ready to despair. He spoke but little, but time and again he cast an estimating eye upon the young woman who accompanied him. "You are ill, Theodosia!" he exclaimed at last "Come, come, my daughter, this will not do! Have you no arts of the toilet that can overcome the story of your megrims? Shall I get you some sort of bitter herbs? You need your brightest face, your best apparel now. These folk of St. Louis must see us at our best, my dear, our very best. Besides----" He needed not to complete the sentence. Theodosia Alston knew well enough what was in her father's mind--knew well enough why they both were here. It was because she would not have come alone. And she knew that the burden of the work they had at heart must once more lie upon her shoulders. She once more must see Captain Meriwether Lewis--and it must be soon, if ever. He was reported as being ready to leave town at once upon his return from the Osage Indians. But courtesy did not fail the young Virginian, and at last--although with dread in his own heart--within an hour of his actual departure, he called to pay his compliments to guests so distinguished as these, to a man so high in rank under the government which he himself served. He found it necessary to apologize for his garb, suited rather to the trail than to the drawing-room. He stood in the hall of the Chouteau home, a picture of the soldier of the frontier rather than the courtier of the capital. His three-cornered military hat, his blue uniform coat--these made the sole formality of his attire, for his feet were moccasined, his limbs were clad in tight-fitting buckskins, and his shirt was of rough linsey, suitable for the work ahead. "I ask your pardon, Colonel Burr," said he, "for coming to you as I am, but the moment for my start is now directly at hand. I could not leave without coming to present my duties to you and Mrs. Alston. Indeed, I have done so at once upon my return to town. I pray you carry back to Mr. Jefferson my sincerest compliments. Say to him, if you will, that we are setting forth with high hopes of success." Formal, cold, polite--it was the one wish of Captain Lewis to end this interview as soon as he might, and to leave all sleeping dogs lying as they were. But Aaron Burr planned otherwise. His low, deep voice was never more persuasive, his dark eye never more compelling--nor was his bold heart ever more in trepidation than now, as he made excuse for delay--delay--delay. "My daughter, Mrs. Alston, will join us presently," he said. "So you are ready, Captain Lewis?" "We are quite prepared, Colonel Burr. My men are on ahead two days' journey, camped at St. Charles, and waiting for me to overtake them. Dr. Saugrain, Mr. Chouteau, Mr. Labadie--one or two others of the gentlemen in the city--are so kind as to offer me a convoy of honor so far as St. Charles. We are quite flattered. So now we start--they are waiting for me at the wharf now, and I must go. All bridges are burned behind me!" "_All bridges burned?_" The deep voice of Aaron Burr almost trembled. His keen eye searched the face of the young man before him. "Every one," replied the young Virginian. "I do not know how or when I may return. Perhaps Mr. Clark or myself may come back by sea--should we ever reach the sea. We can only trust to Providence." He was bowing and extending his own hand in farewell, with polite excuses as to his haste--relieved that his last ordeal had been spared him. He turned, as he felt rather than heard the approach of another, whose coming caused his heart almost to stop beating--the woman dreaded and demanded by every fiber of his being. "Oh, not so fast, not so fast!" laughed Theodosia Alston as she came into the room, offering her hand. "I heard you talking, and have been hurrying to pretty myself up for Captain Lewis. What? Were you trying to run away without ever saying good-by to me? And how you are prettied up!" Her gaze, following her light speech, resolved itself into one of admiration. Theodosia Alston, as she looked, found him a goodly picture as he stood ready for the trail. "I was just going, yes," stammered Meriwether Lewis. "I had hoped----" But what he had hoped he did not say. "Why might we not walk down with you to the wharf, if you are so soon to go?" she demanded--her own self-control concealing any disappointment she may have felt at her cavalier reception. "An excellent idea!" said Aaron Burr, backing his daughter's hand, and trusting to her to have some plan. "A warrior must spend his last word with some woman, captain! Go you on ahead--I surrender my daughter to you, and I shall follow presently to bid you a last Godspeed. You said those other gentlemen were to join you there?" Meriwether Lewis found himself walking down the narrow street of the frontier settlement between the lines of hollyhocks and budding roses which fronted many of the little residences. It was spring, the air was soft. He was young. The woman at his side was very beautiful. So far as he could see they were alone. They passed along the street, turned, made their way down the rock-faced bluff to the water front; but still they were alone. All St. Louis was at the farther end of the wharf, waiting for a last look at the idol of the town. Theodosia sighed. "And so Captain Lewis is going to have his way as usual? And he was going--in spite of all--even without saying good-by to me!" "Yes, I would have preferred that." "Captain Lewis is mad. Look at that river! They say that when the boat started last week it took them an hour to make a quarter of a mile, when they struck into the Missouri. How many thousands of hours will it take to ascend to the mountains? How will you get your boats across the mountains? What cascades and rapids lie on ahead? Your men will mutiny and destroy you. You cannot succeed--you will fail!" "I thank you, madam!" "Oh, you must start now, I presume--in fact, you have started; but I want you to come back before your obstinacy has driven you too far." "Just what do you mean?" "Listen. You have given me no time, unkind as you are--not a moment--at an hour like this! In these unsettled times, who knows what may happen? In that very unsettlement lies the probable success of the plan which my father and I have put before you so often. We need you to help us. When are you going to come back to us, Merne?" As she spoke, they were approaching the long wharf along the water front, lined with rude craft which plied the rivers at that time--flatboats, keel-boats, pirogues, canoes--and, far off at the extremity of the line, the boat which Lewis and his friends were to take. A party of idlers and observers stood about it even now. The gaze of the young leader was fixed in that direction. He did not make any immediate sign that he had heard her speech. "I told Shannon, my aide, to meet me here," he said at last. "He was to fetch my long spyglass. There are certain little articles of my equipment over yonder in the wharf shed. Would you excuse me for just a moment?" He stooped at the low door and entered. But she followed him--followed after him unconsciously, without plan, feeling only that he must not go, that she could not let him away from her. She saw the light floating through the door fall on his dense hair, long, loosely bagged in its cue. She saw the quality of his strong figure, in all the fittings of a frontiersman, saw his stern face, his troubled eye, saw the unconscious strength which marked his every movement as he strode about, eager, as it seemed to her, only to be done with his last errands, and away on that trail which so long had beckoned to him. The strength of the man, the strength of his purpose--the sudden and full realization of both--this caught her like a tangible thing, and left her no more than the old, blind, unformed protest. He must not go! She could not let him go! But the words she had spoken had caught him, after all. He had been pondering--had been trying to set them aside as if unheard. "Coming back?" he began, and stopped short once more. They were now both within the shelter of the old building. "Yes, Merne!" she broke out suddenly. "When are you coming back to me, Merne?" He stood icy silent, motionless, for just a moment. It seemed to her as if he was made of stone. Then he spoke very slowly, deliberately. "Coming back to _you_? And you call me by that name? Only my mother, Mr. Jefferson and Will Clark ever did so." "Oh, stiff-necked man! It is so hard to be kind with you! And all I have ever done--every time I have followed you in this way, each time I have humiliated myself thus--it always was only in kindness for you!" He made no reply. "Fate ran against us, Merne," she went on tremblingly. "We have both accepted fate. But in a woman's heart are many mansions. Is there none in a man's--in yours--for me? Can't I ask a place in a good man's heart--an innocent, clean place? Oh, think not you have had all the unhappiness in your own heart! Is all the world's misery yours? I don't want you to go away, Merne, but if you do--if you must--won't you come back? Oh, won't you, Merne?" Her voice was trembling, her hand half raised, her eyes sought after him. She stood partly in shadow, the flare of light from the open door falling over her face. She might have been some saint of old in pictured guise; but she was a woman, alive, beautiful, delectable, alluring--especially now, with this tone in her voice, this strangely beseeching look in her eyes. Her hands were almost lifted to be held out to him. She stood almost inclined to him, wholly unconscious of her attitude, forgetting that her words were imploring, remembering only that he was going. He seemed not to hear her voice as he stood there, but somewhere as if out of some savage past, a voice did speak to him, saying that when a man is sore athirst, then a man may drink--that the well-spring would not miss the draft, and would tell no tale of it! He stood, as many another man has stood, and fought the fight many another man has fought--the fight between man the primitive and man the gentleman, chivalry contending with impulse, blood warring with breeding. [Illustration: "'Oh, Theo, what have I done?'"] "Yes!" so said the voice in his ear. "Why should the spring grudge a draft to a soul aflame with an undying thirst? Vows? What have vows to do with this? Duty? What is duty to a man perishing?--I know not what it was. I heard it. I felt it. Forgive me, it was not I myself! Oh, Theo, what have I done?" She could not speak, could not even sob. Neither horror nor resentment was possible for her, nor any protest, save the tears which welled silently, terribly. Unable longer to endure this, Meriwether Lewis turned to leave behind him his last hope of happiness, and to face alone what he now felt to be the impenetrable night of his own destiny. He never knew when his hands fell from Theodosia Alston's face, or when he turned away; but at last he felt himself walking, forcing his head upright, his face forward. He passed, a tall, proud man in his half-savage trappings--a man in full ownership of splendid physical powers; but as he walked his feet were lead, his heart was worse than lead. And though his face was turned away from her, he knew that always he would see what he had left--this picture of Theodosia weeping--this picture of a saint mocked, of an altar desecrated. She wept, and it was because of him! The dumb cry of his remorse, his despair, must have struck back to where she still stood, her hands on her bosom, staring at him as he passed: "Theo! Theo! What have I done? What have I done?" PART II CHAPTER I UNDER ONE FLAG What do you bring, oh, mighty river--and what tidings do you carry from the great mountains yonder in the unknown lands? In what region grew this great pine which swims with you to the sea? What fat lands reared this heavy trunk, which sinks at last, to be buried in the sands? What jewels lie under your flood? What rich minerals float impalpably in your tawny waters? Across what wide prairies did you come--among what hills--through what vast forests? How long, great river, was your journey, sufficient to afford so tremendous a gathering of the waters? A hundred years ago the great Missouri made no answer to these questions. It was open highway only for those who dared. The man who asked its secrets must read them for himself. What a time and place for adventure! What a time and place for men! From sea to sea, across an unknown, fabled mountain range, lay our wilderness, now swiftly trebled by a miracle in statecraft. The flag which floated over the last stockade of Spain, the furthest outpost of France, now was advancing step by step, inch by inch, up the giant flood of the Missouri, borne on the flagship of a flotilla consisting of one flatboat and two skiffs, carrying an army whose guns were one swivel piece and thirty rifles. Not without toil and danger was this enterprise to advance. When at length the last smoke of a settler's cabin had died away over the lowland forest, the great river began in earnest to exact its toll. Continually the boats, heavily laden as they were, ran upon shifting bars of sand, or made long détours to avoid some _chevaux de frise_ of white-headed snags sunk in the current with giant uptossing limbs. Floating trees came down resistlessly on the spring rise, demanding that all craft should beware of them; caving banks, in turn, warned the boats to keep off; and always the mad current of the stream, never relaxing in vehemence, laid on the laboring boats the added weight of its mountain of waters, gaining in volume for nearly three thousand miles. The square sail at times aided the great bateau when the wind came upstream, but no sail could serve for long on so tortuous a water. The great oars, twenty-two in all, did their work in lusty hands, hour after hour, but sometimes they could hardly hold the boats against the power of the June rise. The setting poles could not always find good bottom, but sometimes the men used these in the old keel boat fashion, traveling along the walking-boards on the sides of the craft, head down, bowed over the setting-poles--the same manner of locomotion that had conquered the Mississippi. When sail and oar and setting-pole proved unavailing, the men were out and overboard, running the banks with the cordelle. As they labored thus on the line, like so many yoked cattle, using each ounce of weight and straining muscle to hold the heavy boat against the current, snags would catch the line, stumps would foul it, trees growing close to the bank's edge would arrest it. Sometimes the great boat, swung sidewise in the current in spite of the last art of the steersmen, would tauten the line like a tense fiddle-string, flipping the men, like so many insects, from their footing, and casting them into the river, to emerge as best they might. Cruzatte, Labiche, Drouillard--all the French voyageurs--with the infinite French patience smiled and sweated their way through. The New Englanders grew grim; the Kentuckians fumed and swore. But little by little, inch by inch, creeping, creeping, paying the toll exacted, they went on day by day, leaving the old world behind them, morning by morning advancing farther into the new. The sun blistered them by day; clouds of pests tormented them by night; miasmatic lowlands threatened them both night and day. But they went on. The immensity of the river itself was an appalling thing; its bends swept miles long in giant arcs. But bend after bend they spanned, bar after bar they skirted, bank after bank they conquered--and went on. In the water as much as out of it, drenched, baked, gaunt, ragged, grim, they paid the toll. A month passed, and more. The hunters exulted that game was so easy to get, for they must depend in large part on the game killed by the way. At the mouth of the Kansas River, near where a great city one day was to stand, they halted on the twenty-sixth of June. Deer, turkeys, bear, geese, many "goslins," as quaint Will Clark called them, rewarded their quest. July came and well-nigh passed. They reached the mouth of the great Platte River, far out into the Indian country. Over this unmapped country ranged the Otoes, the Omahas, the Pawnees, the Kansas, the Osages, the Rees, the Sioux. This was the buffalo range where the tribes had fought immemorially. It was part of the mission of Captain Lewis's little army to carry peace among these warring tribes. The nature of the expedition was explained to their chiefs. At the great Council Bluffs many of the Otoes came and promised to lay down the hatchet and cease to make war against the Omahas. The Omahas, in turn, swore allegiance to the new flag. On ahead somewhere lay the powerful Sioux nation, doubt and dread of all the traders who had ever passed up the Missouri. Dorion, the interpreter, married among them, admitted that even he could not tell what the Sioux might do. The expedition struck camp at last, high up on the great river, in the country of the Yanktonnais. The Sioux long had marked its coming, and were ready for its landing. Their signal fires called in the villages to meet the boats of the white men. They came riding down in bands, whooping and shouting, painted and half naked, well armed--splendid savages, fearing no man, proud, capricious, blood-thirsty. They were curious as to the errand of these new men who came carrying a new flag--these men who could make the thunder speak. For now the heavy piece on the bow of the great barge spoke in no uncertain terms so that its echoes ran back along the river shores. No such boat, no such gun as this, had ever been seen in that country before. "Tell them to make a council, Dorion," said Lewis. "Take this officer's coat to their head man. Tell him that the Great Father sends it to him. Give him this hat with lace on it. Tell him that when we are ready we may come to their council to meet their chiefs. Say that only their real chiefs must come, for we will not treat with any but their head men. If they wish to see us soon, let them come to our village here." "You are chiefs!" said Dorion. "Have I not seen it? I will tell them so." But Dorion had been gone but a short time when he came hurrying back from the Indian village. "The runners say plenty buffalo close by," he reported. "The chief, she'll call the people to hunt the buffalo." William Clark turned to his companion. "You hear that, Merne?" said he. "Why should we not go also?" "Agreed!" said Meriwether Lewis. "But stay, I have a thought. We will go as they go and hunt as they do. To impress an Indian, beat him at his own game. You and I must ride this day, Will!" "Yes, and without saddles, too! Very well, I learned that of my brother, who learned it of the Indians themselves. And I know you and I both can shoot the bow as well as most Indians--that was part of our early education. I might better have been in school sometimes, when I was learning the bow." "Dorion," said Lewis to the interpreter, "go back to the village and tell their chief to send two bows with plenty of arrows. Tell them that we scorn to waste any powder on so small a game as the buffalo. On ahead are animals each one of which is as big as twenty buffalo--we keep our great gun for those. As for buffalo, we kill them as the Indians do, with the bow and with the spear. We shall want the stiffest bows, with sinewed backs. Our arms are very strong." Swift and wide spread the word among the Sioux that the white chiefs would run the buffalo with their own warriors. Exclamations of amusement, surprise, satisfaction, were heard. The white men should see how the Sioux could ride. But Weucha, the head man, sent a messenger with two bows and plenty of arrows--short, keen-pointed arrows, suitable for the buffalo hunt, when driven by the stiff bows of the Sioux. "Strip, Will," said Meriwether Lewis. "If we ride as savages, it must be in full keeping." They did strip to the waist, as the savages always did when running the buffalo--sternest of all savage sport or labor, and one of the boldest games ever played by man, red or white. Clad only in leggings and moccasins, their long hair tied in firm cues, when Weucha met them he exclaimed in admiration. The village turned out in wonder to see these two men whose skins were white, whose hair was not black, but some strange new color--one whose hair was red. The two young officers were not content with this. York, Captain Clark's servant, rolling his eyes, showing his white teeth, was ordered to strip up the sleeve of his shirt to show that his hide was neither red nor white, but black--another wonder in that land! "Now, York, you rascal," commanded William Clark, "do as I tell you!" "Yessah, massa Captain, I suttinly will!" "When I raise this flag, do you drop on the ground and knock your forehead three times. Groan loud--groan as if you had religion, York! Do you understand?" "Yassah, massa Captain!" York grinned his enjoyment; and when he had duly executed the maneuver, the Sioux greeted the white men with much acclamation. "I see that you are chiefs!" exclaimed Weucha. "You have many colors, and your medicine is strong. Take, then, these two horses of mine--they are good runners for buffalo--perhaps yours are not so fast." Thus Dorion interpreted. "Now," said Clark, "suppose I take the lance, Merne, and you handle the bow. I never have tried the trick, but I believe I can handle this tool." He picked up and shook in his hand the short lance, steel-tipped, which Weucha was carrying. The latter grinned and nodded his assent, handing the weapon to the red-haired leader. "Now we shall serve!" said Lewis an instant later; for they brought out two handsome horses, one coal-black, the other piebald, both mettlesome and high-strung. That the young men were riders they now proved, for they mounted alone, barebacked, and managed to control their mounts with nothing but the twisted hide rope about the lower jaw--the only bridle known among the tribes of the great plains. The crier now passed down the village street, marshaling all the riders for the chase. Weucha gave the signal to advance, himself riding at the head of the cavalcade, with the two white captains at his side--a picture such as any painter might have envied. Others of the expedition followed on as might be--Shannon, Gass, the two Fields boys, others of the better hunters of the Kentuckians. Even York, not to be denied, sneaked in at the rear. They all rode quietly at first, with no outcry, no sound save the steady tramp of the horses. Their course was laid back into the prairie for a mile or two before a halt was called. Then the chief disposed his forces. The herd was supposed to be not far away, beyond a low rim of hills. On this side the men were ranged in line. A blanket waved from a point visible to all was to be the signal for the charge. Dorion, also stripped to the waist, a kerchief bound about his head, carrying a short carbine against his thigh, now rode alongside. "He say Weucha show you how Sioux can ride," he interpreted. "Tell him it is good, Dorion," rejoined Lewis. "We will show him also that we can ride!" A shout came from the far edge of the restless ranks. A half-naked rider waved a blanket. With shrill shouts the entire line broke at top speed for the ridge. Neither of the two young Americans had ever engaged in the sport of running the buffalo; yet now the excitement of the scene caused both to forget all else. They urged on their horses, mingling with the savage riders. The buffalo had been feeding less than a quarter of a mile away; the wind was favorable, and they had not yet got scent of the approach; but now, as the line of horsemen broke across the crest, the herd streamed out and away from them--crude, huge, formless creatures, with shaggy heads held low, their vast bulk making them seem almost like prehistoric things. The dust of their going arose in a blinding cloud, the thunder of their hoofs left inaudible even the shrill cries of the riding warriors as they closed in. The chase passed outward into an open plain, which lay white in alkali. In a few moments the swift horses had carried the best of the riders deep into the dust-cloud which arose. Each man followed some chosen animal, doing his best to keep it in sight as the herd plowed onward in the biting dust. Here and there the vast, solid surface of a sea of rolling backs could be glimpsed; again an opening into it might be seen close at hand. It was bold work, and any who engaged in it took his chances. Lewis found his horse, the black runner that Weucha had given him, as swift as the best, and able to lay him promptly alongside his quarry. At a distance of a few feet he drew back the sinewy string of the tough Sioux bow, gripping his horse with his knees, swaying his body out to the bow, as he well knew how. The shaft, discharged at a distance of but half a dozen feet, sank home with a soft _zut_. The stricken animal swerved quickly toward him, but his wary horse leaped aside and went on. Such as the work had been, it was done for that buffalo at least, and Lewis knew that he had caught the trick. The black runner singled out another and yet another; and again and again Lewis shot--until at last, his arrows nearly exhausted, after two or three miles of mad speed, he pulled out of the herd and waited. In the white dust-cloud, lifted now and then, he could see naked forms swaying, bending forward, plying their weapons. Somewhere in the midst of it, out in the ruck of hoof and horn, his friend was riding, forgetting all else but the excitement of the chase. What if accident had befallen either of them? Lewis could not avoid asking himself that question. Now the riders edged through the herd, outward, around its flank--turned it, were crowding it back, milling and confused. Out of the dust emerged two figures, naked, leaning forward to the leaping of their horses. One was an Indian, his black locks flowing, his eyes gleaming, his hand flogging his horse as he rode. The other was a white man, his tall white body splashed with blood, his long red hair, broken from his cue, on his shoulders. The two were pursuing the same animal--a young bull, which thus far had kept his distance some fifty yards or so ahead. But as Lewis looked, both riders urged their horses to yet more speed. The piebald of William Clark, well ridden, sprang away in advance and laid him alongside of the quarry. Lewis himself saw the poised spear--saw it plunge--saw the buffalo stumble in its stride--and saw his companion pass on, whooping in exultation at Weucha, who came up an instant later, defeated, but grinning and offering his hand. Now came Dorion also, out of ammunition, yet not out of speech, excited, jabbering as usual. "Four nice cow I'll kill!" gabbled he. "I'll kill him four tam, bang, bang! Plenty meat for my lodge now. How many you'll shot, Captain?" he asked of Lewis. "Plenty--you will find them back there." Weucha, who came up after magnanimously shaking the hand of William Clark, peered with curiosity into Lewis's almost empty quiver. He smiled again, for that the white men had ridden well was obvious enough. He called a young man to him, showed him the arrow-mark, and sent him back to see how many of the dead buffalo showed arrows with similar marks. In time the messenger came back carrying a sheaf of arrows. Grinning, he held up the fingers of two hands. "Tell him that is nothing, Dorion," said Lewis. "We could have killed many more if we had wished. We see that the Sioux can ride. Now, let us see if they can talk at the council fire!" The two leaders hastened to their own encampment to remove all traces of the hunt. An hour later they emerged from their tents clad as officers of the army, each in cocked hat and full uniform, with sword at side. With the fall of the sun, the drums sounded in the Indian village. The criers passed along the street summoning the people to the feast, summoning also the chiefs to the council lodge. Here the head men of the village gathered, sitting about the little fire, the peace pipe resting on a forked stick before them, waiting for the arrival of the white chiefs--who could make the thunder come, who could make a strong chief of black skin beat his head upon the ground; and who, moreover, could ride stripped and strike the buffalo even as the Sioux. The white leaders were in no haste to show themselves. They demanded the full dignity of their station; but they came at last, their own drum beating as they marched at the head of their men, all of whom were in the uniform of the frontier. York, selected as standard-bearer, bore the flag at the head of the little band. Meriwether Lewis took it from him as they reached the door of the council lodge, and thrust the staff into the soil, so that it stood erect beside the lance and shield of Weucha, chief of the Yanktonnais. Then, leaving their own men on guard without, the two white chiefs stepped into the lodge, and, with not too much attention to the chiefs sitting and waiting for them, took their own places in the seat of honor. They removed their hats, shook free their hair--which had been loosened from the cues; and so, in dignified silence, not looking about them, they sat, their long locks spread out on their shoulders. Exclamations of excitement broke even from the dignified Sioux chiefs. Clearly the appearance and the conduct of the two officers had made a good impression. The circle eyed them with respect. At length Meriwether Lewis, holding in his hand the great peace pipe that he had brought, arose. "Weucha," said he, Dorion interpreting for him, "you are head man of the Yanktonnais. I offer you this pipe. Let us smoke. We are at peace. We are children of the Great Father, and I do not bring war. I have put a flag outside the lodge. It is your flag. You must keep it. Each night you must take it down, roll it up, and put it in a parfleche, so that it will not be torn or soiled. Whenever you have a great feast, or meet other peoples, let it fly at your door. It is because you are a chief that I give you this flag. I gave one to the Omahas, another to the Otoes. Let there be no more war between you. You are under one flag now. "I give you this medal, Weucha, this picture on white iron. See, it has the picture of the Great Father himself, my chief, who lives where the sun rises. I also give you this writing, where I have made my sign, and where the red-headed chief, my brother, has made his sign. Keep these things, so that any who come here may know that you are our friends, that you are the children of the Great Father. "Weucha, they told us that the Sioux were bad in heart, that you would say we could not go up the river. Our Great Father has sent us up the river, and we must go. Tomorrow our boats must be on their course. If the Great Father has such medicine as this I give you, do you think we could go back to him and say the Sioux would not let us pass? You have seen that we are not afraid, that we are chiefs--we can do what you can do. Can you do what we can? Can you make the thunder come? Is there any among you who has a black skin, like the man with us? Are any of your men able to strike the eye of a deer, the head of a grouse, at fifty paces with the rifle? All of my men can do that. "I give you these presents--these lace coats for your great men, these hats also, such as we wear, because you are our brothers, and are chiefs. A little powder, a few balls, I give you, because we think you want them. I give you a little tobacco for your pipes. If my words sound good in your ears, I will send a talking paper to the Great Father, and tell him that you are his children." Deep-throated exclamations of approval met this speech. Weucha took the pipe. He arose himself, a tall and powerful man, splendidly clad in savage fashion, and spoke as the born leader that he also was. He pledged the loyalty of the Sioux and the freedom of the river. "I give you the horse you rode this morning," said Weucha to Lewis, "the black runner. To you, red-haired chief, I give the white-and-black horse that you rode. It is well that chiefs like you should have good horses. "Tomorrow our people will go a little way with you up the river. We want you for our friends, for we know your medicine is strong. We know that when we show this flag to other tribes--to the Otoes, the Omahas, the Osages--they will fall on the ground and knock their heads on the ground, as the black man did when the red-headed chief raised it above him. "The Great Father has sent us two chiefs who are young but very wise. They can strike the buffalo. They can speak at the council. Weucha, the Yanktonnais, says that they may go on. We know you will not lose the trail. We know that you will come back. You are chiefs!" CHAPTER II THE MYSTERIOUS LETTER Late in the night the Yanktonnais drums still sounded, long after a dozen Sioux had spoken, and after the two white chieftains had arisen and left the council fire. The people of the village were feasting around half a hundred fires. The village was joyous, light-hearted, and free of care. The hunt had been successful. "Look at them, Will," said Meriwether Lewis, as they paused at the edge of the bluff and turned back for a last glimpse at the savage scene. "They are like children. I swear, I almost believe their lot in life is happier than our own!" "Tut, tut, Merne--moralizing again?" laughed William Clark, the light-hearted. "Come now, help me get my eelskin about my hair. We may need this red mane of mine further up the river. I trust to take it back home with me, after all, now that we seem safe to pass these Sioux without a fight. I am happy enough that our business today has come out so well. I am a bit tired, and an old bull gave me a smash with his horn this morning; so I am ready to turn into my blankets. Are all the men on the roll tonight?" "Sergeant Ordway reports Shannon still absent. It seems he went out on the hunt this morning, and has not yet come back. I'll wait up a time, I think, Will, to see if he comes in. It is rather a wild business for a boy to lie out all night in such a country, with only the wolves for company. Go you to your blankets, as you say. For me, I might be a better sleeper than I am." "Yes, that is true," rejoined Will Clark, rubbing his bruised leg. "It is beginning to show on you, too, Merne. Isn't it enough to be astronomer and doctor and bookkeeper and record-keeper and all that? No, you think not--you must sit up all night by your little fire under the stars and think and think. Oh, I have seen you, Merne! I have seen you sitting there when you should have been sleeping. Do you call that leadership, Captain Lewis? The men are under you, and if the leader is not fit, the men are not. Now, a human body will stand only so much--or a human mind, either, Merne. There is a limit to effort and endurance." His friend turned to him seriously. "You are right, Will," said he. "I owe duty to many besides myself." "You take things too hard, Merne. You cannot carry the whole world on your shoulders. Look now, I have not been so blind as not to see that something is going wrong with you. Merne, you are ill, or will be. Something is wrong!" His companion made no reply. They marched on to their own part of the encampment, and seated themselves at the little fire which had been left burning for them.[4] [Footnote 4: The original journals of these two astonishing young men--one of them just thirty years old, the other thirty-four--should rank among the epic literature of the world. Battered about, scattered, separated, lost, hawked from hand to hand, handed down as unvalued heritages, "edited" first by this and then by that little man, sometimes to the extent of actual mutilation or alteration of their text--the journals of Meriwether Lewis and William Clark hold their ineffacable clarity in spite of all. Their most curious quality is the strange blending of two large souls which they show. It was only by studying closely the individual differences of handwriting, style, and spelling, that it could be determined what was the work of Lewis, which that done by Clark. And what a labor! After long days of toil and danger, under unvarying hardships, in conditions of extremest discomfort and inconvenience for such work, the two young leaders set down with unflagging faithfulness countless thousands of details, all in such fashion as showed the keenest and most exact powers of observation. Botanists, naturalists, geographers, map-makers, builders, engineers, hunters, journalists, they brought back in their notebooks a mass of information never equaled by the records of any other party of explorers. We cannot overestimate the sum of labor which all this meant, day after day, month after month; nor should we underestimate the qualities of mind and education demanded of them, nor the varied experience of life in primitive surroundings which needed to be part of their requisite equipment. It was indeed as if the two friends were fitted by the plan of Providence for this great enterprise which they concluded in such simple, unpretending, yet minutely thorough fashion. Neither thought himself a hero, therefore each was one. The largest glory to be accorded them is that they found their ambition and their content in the day's work well done.] William Clark went on with his reproving. "Tell me, Merne, what are you thinking of? It is not that woman?" He seemed to feel the sudden shrinking of the tall figure at his side. "I have touched you on the raw once more, haven't I, Merne?" he exclaimed. "I never meant to. I only want to see you happy." "You must not be too uneasy, Will," returned Meriwether Lewis, at last. "It is only that sometimes at night I lie awake and ponder over things. And the nights themselves are wonderful!" "Saw you ever such nights, Merne, in all your life? Breathed you ever such air as these plains carry in the nighttime? Why do you not exult--what is it you cannot forget? You don't really deceive me, Merne. What is it that you _see_ when you lie awake at night under the stars? Some face, eh? What, Merne? You mean to tell me you are still so foolish? We left three months ago. I gave you two months for forgetting her--and that is enough! Come, now, perhaps some maid of the Mandans, on ahead, will prove fair enough to pipe to you, or to touch the bull-hide tambourine in such fashion as to charm you from your sorrows! No, don't be offended--it is only that I want to tell you not to take that old affair too hard. And now, it is time for you to turn in." William Clark himself arose and strolled to his own blanket-roll, spread it out, and lay down beneath the sky to sleep. Meriwether Lewis sought to follow his example, and spread open his robe and blankets close to the fire. As he leaned back, he felt something hard and crackling under his hand, and looked down. It was his custom to carry in his blankets, for safekeeping, his long spyglass, a pair of dry moccasins and a buckskin tunic. These articles were here, as he expected to find them. Yet here among them was a folded and sealed envelope--a letter! He had not placed it here; yet here it was. He caught it up in his hand, looked at it wonderingly, kicked the ends of the embers together so that they flamed up, bent forward to read the superscription--and paused in amazement. Well enough he knew the firm, upright, characterful hand which addressed this missive to him: TO CAPTAIN MERIWETHER LEWIS.--ON THE TRAIL IN THE WEST. A feeling somewhat akin to awe fell upon Meriwether Lewis. He felt a cold prickling along his spine. It was for him, yes--but whence had it come? There had been no messenger from outside the camp. For one brief instant it seemed, indeed, as if this bit of paper--which of all possible gifts of the gods he would most have coveted--had dropped from the heavens themselves at his feet here in the savage wilderness. His heart had been on the point of breaking, it seemed to him--and it had come to comfort him! It was from her. It ran thus: DEAR SIR AND FRIEND: Greetings to you, wherever you may be when this shall find you. Are you among the Gauls, the Goths, the Visigoths, the Huns, the Vandals, or the Cimbri? Wherever you be, our hopes and faith go with you. You are, as I fancy, in a desert, a wilderness, worth no man's owning. Life passes meantime. To what end, my friend? I fancy you in the deluge, in the hurricane, in the blaze of the sun, or in the bleak winds, alone, cheerless, perhaps athirst, perhaps knowing hunger. I know that you will meet these things like a man. But to what end--what is the purpose of all this? You have left behind you all that makes life worth while--fortune, fame, life, ambition, honor--to go away into the desert. At what time are you going to turn back and come to us once more? Oh, if only I had the right--if only I dared--if only I were in a position to lay some command on you to bring you back! Methinks then I would. You could do so much for us all--so much for me. It would mean so much to my own happiness if you were here. Meriwether Lewis, come back! You have gone far enough. On ahead are only cruel hardship and continual failure. Here are fortune, fame, wealth, ambition, honor--and more. I told you one time I would lay my hand upon your shoulder out yonder, no matter where you were. I said that you should look into my face yonder when you sat alone beside your fire under the stars. You said that it would be torment. I said that none the less I would not let you go. I said my face still should stay with you, until you were willing to turn back. Turn back _now_, Meriwether Lewis! Come back! The letter was not signed, and needed not to be. Meriwether Lewis sat staring at the paper clutched in his hand. Her face! Ah, did he not see it now? Was it not true what she had said? He saw her face now--but not smiling, happy, contented, as it once had been. No, he saw it pale and in distress. He saw tears in her eyes. And she had written him: Oh, if only I had the right to lay some command on you! Was not he, who had forgotten honor, subject now to any command that she might give him? "Will, Will!" exclaimed Meriwether Lewis, sharply, imperatively, to his friend, whom he could see dimly at a little distance as he lay. The long figure in its robes straightened quickly, for by day or night William Clark was instantly ready for any sudden alarm. He started up on his robe, with his hand on his rifle. "Who calls there? Who goes?" he cried, half awake. "It is I, Will," said Meriwether Lewis, advancing toward him. "Listen--tell me, Will, why did you do this?" "Why did I do what? Merne, what is wrong?" Clark was now on his feet, and Lewis held out the letter to him. He took it in his hand, looked at it wonderingly. "This letter----" began Meriwether Lewis. "Certainly you carried it for me--why did you not bring it to me long ago?" "What letter? Whose letter is it, Merne? I never saw it before. What is it you are saying? Are you mad?" "I think so," said Lewis, "I think I must be. Here is a letter--I found it but now in my bed. I thought perhaps you had had it for me a long time, and placed it there as a surprise." "Who sends it, Merne. What does it say?" "It is from the woman whose face I have seen at night, Will. She asks me to come back!" "Burn it--throw it in the fire!" said William Clark sharply. "Go back? What, forsake Mr. Jefferson--leave me?" "God forgive me, Will, but you search my very heart! For one moment I was on the point of declaring myself too ill to finish this journey--on the point of letting you have all the honor of it. I was going to surrender my place to you." "You cannot desert us, Merne! You shall not! Go back to bed! Give me the letter! Bah! it is some counterfeit, some trick of one of the men!" "It would be worth any man's life to try a jest like that," said Meriwether Lewis. "It is no counterfeit. I know it too well. This letter was written before we left St. Louis. How it came here I know not, but I know who wrote it." "She had no right----" "Ah, but that is the cruelty of it--she _did_ have the right!" "There are some things which a man must work out for himself," said William Clark slowly, after a time. "I don't think I'll ask any questions. If there is any place where I can take half your burden, you know what I will do. We've worked share and share alike, but perhaps some things cannot be shared, even by you and me. It is for you to tell me if I can help you now. If not, then you must decide." Even as he spoke, his beloved friend was turning away from him. Meriwether Lewis walked out alone into the night. Stumbling, he passed on out among the shadows, under the starlight. Without much plan, he found himself on a little eminence of the bluff near by. He sat down, his blanket drawn over his head, like an Indian, motionless, thinking, fighting out his own fight, as sometimes a man must, alone. He did not know that William Clark, most faithful of friends, himself silent as a Sioux, had followed, and sat a little distance apart, his eyes fixed on the motionless figure outlined against the sky. The dawn came at last and kindled a red band along the east. The gray light at length grew more clear. A coyote on the bluff raised a long and quavering cry, like some soul in torture. As if it were his own voice, Meriwether Lewis stirred, rose, drew back the blanket from his shoulders, and turned down the hill. He saw his friend rising and advancing to him. Once more their hands gripped, as they had when the two first met on the Ohio, almost a year ago, at the beginning of their journey. Lewis frowned heavily. He could not speak for a time. "Give the orders to the men to roll out, Captain Clark," said he at length. "Which way, Captain Lewis--upstream or down?" "The expedition will go forward, Captain Clark." "God bless you, Merne!" said the red-headed one. CHAPTER III THE DAY'S WORK "Roll out, men, roll out!" The sleeping men stirred under their robes and blankets and turned out, quickly awake, after the fashion of the wilderness. The sentinel came in, his moccasins wet, his tunic girded tight against the cool of the morning, which even at that season was chill upon the high plains. Soon the fires were alight and the odors of roasting meat arose. The hour was scarce yet dawn. "Ordway! Gass! Pryor!" Lewis called in the sergeants in charge of the three messes. "The boy Shannon has not returned. Which of your men, Ordway, will best serve to find Shannon and meet us up the river?" "Myself, sir," said Ordway, "if you please." "No, 'tis meself, sor," interrupted Patrick Gass. Pryor, with hand outstretched, also claimed the honor of the difficult undertaking. "You three are needed in the boats," said the leader. "No, I think it will be better to send Drouillard and the two Fields boys. But tell me, Sergeant Ordway----" "Yes, sir!" "Has any boat passed up the river within the last day--for instance, while we were away at the hunt?" "I think not, sir. Surely any one coming up the river would have turned in at our camp." Lewis turned to Gass, to Pryor; but both agreed that no boat could have gone by unnoticed. "And no man has come into the camp from below--no horseman?" They all shook their heads. Their leader looked from one to the other keenly, trying to see if anything was concealed from him; but the honest faces of his men showed no suspicion of his own doubts. He dismissed them, feeling it beneath his dignity to make inquiry as to the bearer of the mysterious letter; nor did he mention it again to William Clark. He knew only that some one of his men had a secret from his commander. "The men will find Shannon and bring him in ahead--we can't afford to wait here for them. The water is falling now," said Clark. "We are doing our twenty miles daily. The men laugh on the line, for the bars are exposed, and they can track along shore easily. Suppose Shannon were out three days--that would make it sixty miles upstream--or less, for him, for he could cut the bends. I make no doubt that when he found himself out for the night he started up the river; even before this time. _En avant_, Cruzatte!" he called. "You shall lead the line for the first draw. Make it lively for an hour! Sing some song, Cruzatte, if you can--some song of old Kaskaskia." "Sure, the Frenchmans, she'll lead on the line this morning, _Capitaine_! I'll put nine, seven Frenchmans on the line, and she'll run on the bank on her bare feet two hour--one hour. This buffalo meat, she make Frenchmans strong like nothing!" "Go on, Frenchy!" said Patrick Gass, Cruzatte's sergeant, who stood near by. "Wait until time comes for my squad on the line--'tis thin we'll make the elkhide hum! There's a few of the Irish along." "Ho!" said Ordway, usually silent. "Wait rather for us Yankees--we'll show you what old Vermont can do!" "As to that," said Pryor, "belike the Ohio and Kentucky men could serve a turn as well as the Irish or the French. Old Kaintuck has to help out the others, the way she did in the French and Indian War!" "Well," broke in Peter Weiser, joining them as they argued, "I am from Pennsylvania; but I am half Virginian, and there are some others from the Old Dominion. When you are all done, call on us--ole Virginny never tires!" The contagion of their light-heartedness, their loyalty and devotion, came as solace to the heart of Meriwether Lewis. He smiled in spite of himself, his eye kindling with confidence and admiration as he looked over his men. They were stripping for their day's work, ready for mud or water or sun, as the case might be. Amidships, on the highest locker on the barge, one of the Kentuckians was flapping his arms lustily and giving the cockcrow, the river challenge of frontier days. Others seated themselves at the long sweeps of the barge, while yet others were manning the pirogues. A few moments later, with joyous shouts, they were on their way once more--and not setting their faces toward home. In an hour they were above the first long bend. The wilderness had closed behind them. No trace of the Indian village was left, no sight of the lingering smoke of their last camp fires. Faithfully, patiently, day by day, they held their way, sustained by the renewed fascination of adventure, hardened and inured to risk and toil alike. The distance behind them lengthened so enormously that they began to figure upon the unknown rather than the known. "We surely must be almost across now!" said some of the men. All of them were sore distressed over the loss of Shannon. Two weeks had passed since they left the Yankton Sioux, and four times the faithful trailers had come back to the boats with no trace of the missing one. "It certainly is in the off chance now," assented William Clark seriously, one day as they lay in the noon encampment. "But perhaps he may be among the natives somewhere, and we may hear of him when we come back--if ever we do." "If he got by the Teton Sioux, and kept on up the river, in time he would find us somewhere among the Mandans," said Meriwether Lewis. "But we will try once more before we give him up. Send a man to the top of the bluff with my spyglass." Busy in their labors over their maps, and in the recording of their compass bearings, for half an hour they forgot their messenger, until a shout called their attention. He was waving his hands, wildly beckoning. Yonder, alone in the plains, bewildered, hopeless, wandering, was the lost man, who did not even know that the river was close at hand! Shannon's escape from a miserable fate was but one more instance of the almost miraculous good fortune which seemed to attend the expedition. "And she was lucky man, too!" said Drouillard, a half-hour later, nodding toward the opposite shore. "Suppose he is on that side, she'll not go in today!" "Two weeks on his foot!" They looked where he pointed. Red men, mounted, were visible, a dozen of them, motionless, on the rim of the farther bank, watching the explorers as they began to make ready for their journey. Lewis turned his great field glass in that direction. "Sioux!" said he. "They are painted, too. I fancy," he added, as he turned toward his associates, "that this must be Black Buffalo's band of Tetons you've told us about, Drouillard." "_Oui, oui_, the Teton!" exclaimed Drouillard. "I'll not spoke his language, me; but she'll be bad Sioux. _Prenez garde, Capitaine, prenez garde pour ces sauvages, les Sioux!_" And indeed this warning proved well founded. More Indians gathered in toward the shore that afternoon, riding along, parallel with the course of the boats, whooping, shouting to the boatmen. At nightfall there were a hundred of them assembled--painted warriors, decked in all their savage finery, bold men, showing no fear of the newcomers. The white men went about their camp duties in a mingling of figures, white and red. Lewis lined up his men, beat his drums, fired the great swivel piece to impress the savages. "Bring out the flag, Will," said he. "Put up our council awning. I'll have a parley with their head man. Can you make him out, Drouillard?" "He'll said he was Black Buffalo," replied the Frenchman. "I don't understand him very good." "Take him these things, Drouillard," said Lewis. "Give him a lace coat and hat, a red feather, some tobacco, and this medal. Tell him that when we get ready we'll make a talk with him." But Black Buffalo and his men were not in the mood to wait for their parley. They crowded down to the bank angrily, excitedly, even after they had received the presents sent them. Lewis, busy about the barge, which had not yet found a good landing-place, turned at the sound of his friend's voice, to see Clark struggling in the grasp of two or three of the Sioux, among them the Teton chief. A savage had his hand flung about the mast of the pirogue, others laid hold upon the painter. Clark, flushed and angry at the touch of another man's hand, had whipped out his sword, and the Indians were drawing their bows from their cases. At that moment Lewis gave a loud order, which arrested them all. The Sioux turned toward the barge, to see the black mouth of the great swivel gun pointing at them--the gun whose thunder voice they had heard. "Big medicine!" called out Black Buffalo in terror, and ordered his men back. Clark offered his hand to Black Buffalo, but it was refused. Angry, he sprang into the pirogue and pushed off for the barge. Three of the Indians stepped into the pirogue with him, jabbering excitedly, and, with Clark, went aboard the barge, where they made themselves very much at home. "_Croyez moi!_" ejaculated Drouillard. "These Hinjun, she'll think he own this country!" Here, then, they were, in the Teton country. No sleep that night for either of the leaders, nor for any of the men. They pulled the pirogues alongside the barge and sat, barricaded behind their goods, rifle in hand. They kept their visitors prisoners all that night, and whatever might have been the construction the Tetons placed on their act, they themselves by dawn were far more placable. Continually they motioned that the whites should come ashore, that they must stop, that they must not go on further up the river. But when all was prepared for the start on the following morning, Lewis ordered the great cable of the barge cast off. Black Buffalo in turn ordered his men to lay hold upon it and retain the boat. Once more the Indians began to draw their bows. Once more Lewis turned upon them the muzzle of his cannon. His men shook the priming into their pieces, and made ready to fire. An instant, and much blood might have been shed. "Black Buffalo," said Lewis, as best he might through his interpreter, "I heard you were a chief. You are not Black Buffalo, but some squaw! We are going to see if we can find Black Buffalo, the real chief. If he were here, he would accept our tobacco. The geese are flying down the river. Soon the snow will come. We cannot wait. See, I give you this tobacco on the prairie. Go and see if you can find Black Buffalo, the real chief!" "Ha!" exclaimed the Teton leader, his dignity outraged. "You say I am not Black Buffalo--that I am not a chief. I will show you!" He caught the twists of good black Virginia tobacco tossed to him, and cast the rope far from him upon the tawny flood of the Missouri. An instant later the oars had caught the water and Cruzatte had spread the bowsail of the barge. So they won through one more of the most dangerous of the tribes against whom they had been warned. "A near thing, Merne!" said Will Clark after a time. "There is some mighty Hand that seems to guide us--is it not the truth?" CHAPTER IV THE CROSSROADS OF THE WEST The geese were now indeed flying down the river, coming in long, dark lines out of the icy north. Sometimes the sky was overcast hours at a stretch. A new note came into the voice of the wind. The nights grew colder. Autumn was at hand. Soon it would be winter--winter on the plains. It was late in October, more than five months out from St. Louis, when Mr. Jefferson's "Volunteers for the Discovery of the West" arrived in the Mandan country. Long ago war and disease wiped out the gentle Mandan people. Today two cities stand where their green fields once showed the first broken soil north of the Platte River. But a century ago that region, although little known to our government at Washington, was not unknown to others. The Mandan villages lay at a great wilderness crossroads, or rather at the apex of a triangle, beyond which none had gone. Hereabout the Sieur de la Verendrye had crossed on his own journey of exploration two generations earlier. More lately the emissaries of the great British companies, although privately warring with one another, had pushed west over the Assiniboine. Traders had been among the Mandans now for a decade. Thus far came the Western trail from Canada, and halted. The path of the Missouri also led thus far, but here, at the intersection, ended all the trails of trading or traveling white men. Therefore, Lewis and Clark found white men located here before them--McCracken, an Irishman; Jussaume, a Frenchman; Henderson, an Englishman; La Roque, another Frenchman--all over from the Assiniboine country; and all, it hardly need be said, excited and anxious over this wholly unexpected arrival of white strangers in their own trading-limits. Big White, chief of the Mandans, welcomed the new party as friends, for he was quick to grasp the advantage the white men's goods gave his people over the neighboring tribes, and also quick to understand the virtue of competition. "Brothers," said he, "you have come for our beaver and our robes. As for us, we want powder and ball and more iron hatchets and knives. We have traded with the Assiniboines, who are foolish people, and have taken all their goods away from them. We have killed the Rees until we are tired of killing them. The Sioux will not trouble us if we have plenty of powder and ball. We know that you have come to trade with us. See, the snow is here. Light your lodge fires with the Mandans. Stay here until the grass comes once more!" "We open our ears to what Big White has said," replied Lewis--speaking through Jussaume, the Frenchman, who soon was added as interpreter to the party. "We are the children of a Great Father in the East, who gives you this medal with his picture on it. He sends you this coat, this hat of a chief. He gives you this hatchet, this case of tobacco. There are other hatchets and more tobacco for your people." "What Great Father is that?" demanded Big White. "It seems there are many Great Fathers in these days! Who are you strangers, who come from so far?" "You yourself shall judge, Big White. When the geese fly up the river and the grass is green, our great boat here is going back down the river. The Great Father is curious to know his children, the Mandans. If you, Big White, wish to go to see him when the grass is green, you shall sit yonder in that boat and go all the way with some of my men. You shall shake his hand. When you come back, you can tell the story to your own people. Then all the tribes will cease to wage war. Your women once more may take off their moccasins at night when they sleep." "It is good," said the Mandan. "_Ahaie!_ Come and stay with us until the grass is green, and I will make medicine over what you say. We will open our lodges to you, and will not harm you. Our young women will carry you corn which they have saved for the winter. Our squaws will feed your horses. Go no farther, for the snow and ice are coming fast. Even the buffalo will be thin, and the elk will grow so lean that they will not be good to eat. This is as far as the white men ever come when the grass is green. Beyond this, no man knows the trails." "When the grass is green," said Lewis, "I shall lead my young men toward the setting sun. We shall make new trails." Jussaume, McCracken, and all the others held their own council with the leaders of the expedition. "What are you doing here?" they demanded. "The Missouri has always belonged to the British traders." The face of Meriwether Lewis flushed with anger. "We are about the business of our government," he said. "It is our purpose to discover the West beyond here, all of it. It is our own country that we are discovering. We have bought it and paid for it, and will hold it. We carry the news of the great purchase to the natives." "Purchase? What purchase?" demanded McCracken. And then the face of Lewis lightened, for he knew that they had outrun all the news of the world! "The Louisiana Purchase--the purchase of all this Western country from the Mississippi to the Pacific, across the Stony Mountains. We bought it from Napoleon, who had it from Spain. We are the wedge to split the British from the South--the Missouri is our own pathway into our own country. That is our business here!" "You must go back!" said the hot-headed Irishman. "I shall tell my factor, Chaboillez, at Fort Assiniboine. We want no more traders here. This is our country!" "We do not come to trade," said Meriwether Lewis. "We play a larger game. I know that the men of the Northwest Company have found the Arctic Ocean--you are welcome to it until we want it--we do not want it now. I know you have found the Pacific somewhere above the Columbia--we do not want what we have not bought or found for ourselves, and you are welcome to that. But when you ask us to turn back on our own trail, it is a different matter. We are on our own soil now, and we will not turn for any order in the world but that of the President of the United States!" McCracken, irritated, turned away from the talk. "It is a fine fairy tale they tell us!" said he to his fellows. Drouillard came a moment later to his chief. "Those men she'll take her dog-team for Assiniboine now--maybe so one hundred and fifty miles that way. He'll told his factor now, on the Assiniboine post." Lewis smiled. "Tell him to take this letter to his factor, Drouillard," said he. "It is a passport given me by Mr. Thompson, representing Mr. Merry, of the British Legation at Washington. I have fifty other passports, better ones, each good at a hundred yards. If Mr. Chaboillez wishes to find us, he can do so. If we have gone, let him come after us in the spring." "My faith," said Jussaume, the Frenchman, "you come a long way! Why you want to go more farther West? But, listen, _Monsieur Capitaine_--the Englishman, he'll go to make trouble for you. He is going for send word to Rocheblave, the most boss trader on Lake Superior, on Fort William. They are going for send a man to beat you over the mountain--I know!" "'Tis a long road from here to the middle of Lake Superior's north shore," said Meriwether Lewis. "It will be a long way back from there in the spring. While they are planning to start, already we shall be on our way." "I know the man they'll send," went on Jussaume. "Simon Fraser--I know him. Long time he'll want to go up the Saskatchewan and over the mountain on the ocean." "We'll race Mr. Fraser to the ocean," said Meriwether Lewis; "him or any other man. While he plans, we shall be on our way!" Well enough the Northern traders knew the meaning of this American expedition into the West. If it went on, all the lower trade was lost to Great Britain forever. The British minister, Merry, had known it. Aaron Burr had known it. This expedition must be stopped! That was the word which must go back to Montreal, back to London, along the trail which ended here at the crossroads of the Missouri. "The red-headed young man is not so bad," said one of the white news-bearers at the Assiniboine post. "He is willing to parley, and he seems disposed to be amiable. But the other, the one named Lewis--I can do nothing with him. For some reason he seems to be hostile to the British interests. He speaks well, and is a man of presence and education, but he is bitter against us, and I cannot handle him. We must use force to stop that man!" "Agreed, then!" said his master, laughing lustily, for, safe in his own sanctuary, he had not seen these men himself. "We shall use force, as we have before. We will excite the savages against them this winter. If they will listen to us, and turn back in the spring--all of them, not part of them--very well. If they will not listen to reason, then we shall use such means as we need to stop them." Of this conversation the two young American officers, one of Virginia, the other of Kentucky, knew nothing at all. But they held council of their own, as was their fashion--a council of two, sitting by their camp fire; and while others talked, they acted. Before November was a week old, the axes were ringing among the cottonwoods. The men were carrying big logs toward the cleared space shown to them, and while Meriwether Lewis worked at his journal and his scientific records, William Clark, born soldier and born engineer, was going forward with his little fortress. Trenches were cut, the logs were ended up--taller pickets than any one of that country ever had seen before. A double row of cabins was built inside the stockade. A great gate was furnished, proof against assault. A bastion was erected in one corner, mounting the swivel piece so that it might be fired above the top of the wall. A little more work of chinking the walls, of flooring the cabins, of making chimneys of wattle and clay--and _presto_, before the winter had well settled down, the white explorers were housed and fortified and ready for what might come. The Mandans sat and watched them in wonder. Jussaume, the French trader, shook his head. In all his experience on the trail he had seen nothing savoring quite so much of preparedness and celerity. Among all the posts to the northward and eastward the word went out, carried by dog runners. "They have built a great house of tall logs," said the Indians. "They have put the thing that thunders on top of the wall. They never sleep. Each day they exercise with their rifles under their arms. They have long knives on their belts. They carry hatchets that are sharp enough to shave bark. Their medicine is strong! "They write down the words of the Mandans and the Minnetarees in their books. They are taking skins of the antelope and the bighorn and the deer, even skins of the prairie-grouse and the badger and the prairie-dog--everything they can get. They dry these, to make some sort of medicine of them. They cut off pieces of wood and bark. They put the dirt which burns in little sacks. They make pictures and make the talking papers--all the time they work at something, the two chiefs. They have a black man with them who cannot be washed white--they have stained him with some medicine of their own. He makes sounds like a buffalo, and he says that the white man made him as he is and will do us that way. We would like to kill them, but they have made their house too strong! "They never sleep. In the daytime and in the nighttime, no matter how cold it is, one man, two men, walk up and down inside the wall. They have carried their boats up out of the water--two boats, a great one and two small. All through the woods they are cutting down the largest trees, and out of the straight logs they are making more boats, more boats, as many as there are fingers on one hand. They have axes that cast much larger chips than any we ever saw. We fear these men, because they do not fear us. We do not know what to think. They are men who never sleep. Before the sun is up we find them writing or making large chips with their axes, or hunting in the woods--not a day goes by that their hunters do not bring in elk and deer and buffalo. They do not fear us. "We have seen no men like these. They are chiefs, and their medicine is strong!" CHAPTER V THE APPEAL "Well done, Will Clark!" said Meriwether Lewis, when, at length, one cold winter morning, they stood within the walls of the completed fortress. "Now we can have our own fireplace and go on with our work in comfort. The collection is growing splendidly!" "Yes, Mr. Jefferson will find that we have been busy," rejoined Clark. "The barge will go down well loaded in the spring. They'll have the best of it--downhill, and over country they have crossed." "True," mused Lewis. "We are at a blank wall here. We lack a guide now, that is sure. Two interpreters we have, who may or may not be of use, but no one knows the country. But now--you know our other new interpreter, the sullen chap, Charbonneau--that polygamous scamp with two or three Indian wives?" "Yes, and a surly brute he is!" "Well, it seems that last summer Charbonneau married still another wife, a girl not over sixteen years of age, I should judge. He bought her--she was a slave, a captive brought down from somewhere up the river by a war-party. She is a pleasant girl, and always smiles. She seems friendly to us--see the moccasins she made for me but now. And I only had to knock her husband down once for beating her!" "Lucky man!" grinned William Clark. "I have knocked him down half a dozen times, and she has made me no moccasins at all. But what then?" "So far as I can learn, that Indian girl is the only human being here who has ever seen the Stony Mountains. The girl says that she was taken captive years ago somewhere near the summit of the Stony Mountains. Above here a great river comes in, which they call the Yellow Rock River--the 'Ro'jaune,' Jussaume calls it. Very well. Many days' or weeks' journey toward the west, this river comes again within a half-day's march of the Missouri. That is near the summit of the mountains; and this girl's people live there." "By the Lord, Merne, you're a genius for getting over new country!" "Wait. I find the child very bright--very clear of mind. And listen, Will--the mind of a woman is better for small things than that of a man. They pick up trifles and hang on to them. I'd as soon trust that girl for a guide out yonder as any horse-stealing warrior in a hurry to get into a country and in a hurry to get out of it again. Raiding parties cling to the river-courses, which they know; but she and her people must have been far to the west of any place these adventurers of the Minnetarees ever saw. Sacajawea she calls herself--the 'Bird Woman.' I swear I look upon that name itself as a good omen! She has come back like a dove to the ark, this Bird Woman. William Clark, we shall reach the sea--or, at least, you will do so, Will," he concluded. "What do you mean, Merne? Surely, if I do, you will also!" "I cannot be sure." The florid face of William Clark showed a frown of displeasure. "You are not as well as you should be--you work too much. That is not just to Mr. Jefferson, Merne, nor to our men, nor to me." "It was for that reason I took you on. Doesn't a man have two lungs, two arms, two limbs, two eyes? We are those for Mr. Jefferson--even crippled, the expedition will live. You are as my own other hand. I exult to see you every morning smiling out of your blankets, hopeful and hungry!" Meriwether Lewis turned to his colleague with the sweet smile which sometimes his friends saw. "You see, I am a fatalist," he went on. "Ah, you laugh at me! My people must have been owners of the second sight, I have often told you. Humor me, Will, bear with me. Don't question me too deep. Your flag, Will, I know will be planted on the last parapet of life--you were born to succeed. For myself, I still must remember what my mother told me--something about the burden which would be too heavy, the trail which would be long. At times I doubt." "Confound it, Merne, you have not been yourself since you got that accursed letter in the night last summer!" "It was unsettling, I don't deny." "I pray Heaven you'll never get another!" said William Clark. "From a married woman, too! Thank God I've no such affair on my mind!" "It is taboo, Will--that one thing!" And Clark, growling anathemas on all women, stalked away to find his axmen. The snows had come soft and deep, blown on the icy winds. The horses of the Mandans were housed in the lodges, and lived on cottonwood instead of grass. When the vast herds of buffalo came down from the broken hills into the shelter of the flats, the men returned frostbitten with their loads of meat. The sky was dark. The days were short. To improve the morale of their men, the leaders now planned certain festivities for them. On Christmas Eve each man had his stocking well stuffed with such delicacies as the company stores afforded--pepper, salt, dried fruits long cherished in the commissary, such other knickknacks as might be spared. On Christmas Day Drouillard brought out a fiddle. A dance was ordered, and went on all day long on the puncheon floor of the main cabin. In moccasins and leggings, with hair long and tunics belted close to their lean waists, the white men danced to the tunes of their own land--the reels and hoedowns of old Virginia and Kentucky. The sounds of revelry were heard by the Mandans who came up to the gate. "White men make a medicine dance," they said, and knocked for entrance. Two women only were present--the wife of Jussaume, the squaw man, and Sacajawea, the girl wife of Charbonneau, the interpreter of the Mandans. These two had many presents. The face of Sacajawea was wreathed in smiles. Always her eyes followed the tall form of Meriwether Lewis wherever he went. Her own husband was but her husband, and already she had elected Meriwether Lewis as her deity. When her husband thrashed her, always he thrashed her husband. In her simple child's soul she consecrated herself to the task which he had assigned her. Yes, when the grass came she would take these white men to her own people. If they wanted to see the salt waters far to the west--her people had heard of that--then they should go there also. The Bird Woman was very happy that Christmas Day. The chief had thrashed Charbonneau and had given her wonderful presents! All the men danced but one--the youth Shannon, who once more had met misfortune. While hewing with the broadax at one of the canoes, he had had the misfortune to slash his foot, so must lie in his bunk and watch the others. "Keep the men going, Will," said Meriwether Lewis. "I'll go to my room and get forward some letters which I want to write--to my mother and to Mr. Jefferson. At least I can date them Christmas Day, although Providence alone knows when they may be despatched or received!" He returned to his own quarters, where he had erected a little desk at which he sometimes worked, and sat down. For a moment he remained in thought, as the sound of the dancing still came to him, glad to find his men so happy. At length he spread open the back of his little leather writing-case, unscrewed his ink-horn and set it safe, drew his keen hunting-knife, and put a point upon a goose-quill pen. Then he put away the many written pages which still lay in the portfolio, the product of his daily labors. Searching for fair white paper, his eye caught sight of a sealed and folded letter, apparently long unnoticed here among the written and unwritten sheets. In a flash he knew what it was! Once more the blood in his veins seemed to stop short. TO CAPTAIN MERIWETHER LEWIS, IN CHARGE OF THE VOLUNTEERS FOR THE DISCOVERY OF THE WEST.--ON THE TRAIL. He knew what hand had written the words. For one short instant he had a mad impulse to cast the letter into the fire. Then there came over him once more the feeling which oppressed him all his life--that he was a helpless instrument in the hands of fate. He broke the seal--not noticing as he did so that it had a number scratched into the wax--and read the letter, which ran thus: SIR AND FRIEND: I know not where these presents may find you, or in what case. Once more I keep my promise not to let you go. Once more you shall see my face--see, it is looking up at you from the page! Tell me, do you see me now before you? Are other faces of women in your mind? Have they lost themselves as women's faces so often--so soon--are lost from a man's mind? Can you see me, Meriwether Lewis, your childhood friend? Do you remember the time you saved me from the cows in the lane at your father's farm, when I was but a child, on my first visit to far-off Virginia? You kissed me then, to dry my tears. You were a boy; I was a child yet younger. Can you forget that time--can you forget what you said? "I will always be there, Theodosia," you said, "when you are in trouble!" You said it stoutly, and I believed it, as a child. I believed you then--I believe you now. I still have the same child's faith in you. My mother died while I was young; my father has always been so busy--I scarcely have been a girl, as you say you never were a boy. You know my husband--he has his own affairs. But you always were my friend, in so many ways! It is true that I am laying a secret on your heart--one which you must observe all your life. My letter is for you, and for no other eyes. But now I come once more to you to hold you to your promise. _Meriwether Lewis, come back to us!_ By this time the trail surely is long enough! We are counting absolutely on your return. I heard Mr. Merry tell my father--and I may tell it to you--that on your recall rested all hope of the success of our own cause on the lower Mississippi--for ourselves and for you. If you do not come back to us, as early as you can, you condemn us to failure--myself--my life--that of my father--yourself also. Perhaps your delay may mean even more, Meriwether Lewis. I have to tell you that times are threatening for this republic. Relations between our country and Great Britain are strained to the breaking-point. Mr. Merry says that if our cause on the lower Mississippi shall not prevail, his own country, as soon as it can finish with Napoleon, will come against this republic once more--both on the Great Lakes and at the mouth of the Mississippi. He says that your expedition into the West will split the country, if it goes on. It must be withdrawn or the gap must be mended by war. You see, then, one of the sure results of this mad folly of Thomas Jefferson. Go on, therefore, if you would ruin me, my father--your own future; but will you go on if you face possible ruin _for your own country_ by so doing? This I leave for you to say. Surely by now the main object of your expedition will have been accomplished--surely you may return with all practical results of your labors in your hands. Were that not a wiser thing? Does not your duty lie toward the east, and not further toward the west? There is a limit beyond which not even a forlorn hope is asked to go when it assails a citadel. Not every general is dishonored, though he does not complete the campaign laid out for him. Expeditions have failed, and will fail, with honor. Leaders of men have failed, will fail, with honor. I do not call it failure for you to return to us and let the expedition go on. There is a limit to what may be asked of a man. There are two of you for Mr. Jefferson; but for us there is only one--it is Captain Lewis. And--how shall I say it and not be misunderstood?--there is but one for her whose face you see, I hope, on this page. What limit is there to the generosity of a man like you--what limit to his desire to pay each duty, to keep each promise that he has made in all his life? Will such a man forget his promise always to kiss away the tears of that companion to whom he has come in rescue? I am in trouble. Tears are in my eyes as I write. Do you forget that promise? Do you wish to make yet happier the woman whom you have so many times made happy--who has cherished so much ambition for you? Meriwether Lewis, my friend--you who would have been my lover--for whom there is no hope, since fate has been so unkind--come back to us in your generosity! Come back to me, even in your hopelessness! Will you always see me with tears in my eyes? Do you see me now? I swear tears fall even as I write. And you promised always to kiss my tears away! Farewell until I see you again. May good fortune attend you always, wherever you go--in whatever direction you may travel--from us or toward us--from me or with me! Meriwether Lewis sat, his face between his hands, staring down at what he saw. Should he go on, or should he hand over all to William Clark and return--return to keep his promise--return to comfort, as best he might, with the gift of all his life, that face which indeed he had left in tears by an unpardonable act of his own? He owed her everything she could ask of him. What must she think of him now--that he was not only a dishonorable man, but also a coward running away from the responsibility of what he had done? No blow from the hands of fate could have given him more exquisite agony than this. For a long time--he never knew how long--he sat thus, staring, pondering, but at length with sudden energy he rose and flung open the door of the dancing-room. "Will!" he called to his companion. When William Clark joined his friend in the outer air, he saw the open letter in Lewis's hand--saw also the distress upon his countenance. "Merne, it's another letter from that woman! I wish I had her here, that I might wring her neck!" said William Clark viciously. "Who brought it?" "I don't know." Meriwether Lewis was folding up the letter. He placed it in the pocket of his coat with its fellow, received months ago. "Will," said he at length, "don't you recall what I was telling you this very morning? I felt something coming--I felt that fate had something more for me. You know I spoke in doubt." "Listen, Merne!" replied William Clark. "There is no woman in the world worth the misery this one has put on you. It is a thing execrable, unspeakable!" His friend looked him steadily in the eyes. "Rebuke not her, but me!" he said. "This letter asks me to come back to kiss away a woman's tears. Will, I was the cause of those tears. I can tell you no more. What _I_ did was a thing execrable, unspeakable--I, your friend, did that!" William Clark, more genuinely troubled than ever in his life before, was dumb. "My future is forfeited, Will," went on the same even, dull voice, which Clark could scarcely recognize; "but I have decided to go on through with you." CHAPTER VI WHICH WAY? "Which way, Will?" asked Meriwether Lewis. "Which is the river? If we miss many guesses, the British will beat us through. Which is our river here?" They stood at the junction of the Yellowstone with the Missouri, and faced one of the first of their great problems. It was spring once more. The geese were flying northward again; the grass was green. Three weeks ago the ice had run clear, and they had left their winter quarters among the Mandans. Five months they had spent at the Mandan village; for five months they had labored to reach that place; for five months, or more, they had lain at St. Louis. Time was passing. As Meriwether Lewis said, few wrong guesses could be afforded. Early in April the great barge, manned by ten men, had set out down stream, carrying with it the proof of the success of the expedition. It bore many new things, precious things, things unknown to civilization. Among these were sixty specimens of plants, as many of minerals and earth, weapons of the Indians, examples of their clothing, specimens of the corn and other vegetables which they raised, horns of the bighorn and the antelope--both animals then new to science--antlers of the deer and elk, stuffed specimens, dried skins, herbs, fruits, flowers; and with all these the broken story of a new geography--the greatest story ever sent out for publication by any man or men; and all done in Homeric simplicity. As the great barge had started down the river, the two pirogues which had come so far, joined by the cottonwood dugouts laboriously fabricated during the winter months, had started up the river, manned by thirty-one men. With the pick of the original party, there had come but one woman, the girl Sacajawea, with her little baby, born that winter at the Mandan fortress. Sacajawea now had her place in the camp; she and her infant were the pets of all. She sat in the sunlight, her baby in her lap, by her side an Indian dog, a waif which Lewis had found abandoned in an Indian encampment, and which had attached itself to him. Sacajawea smiled as the tall form of the captain came toward her. She had already learned some of the words of his tongue, he some of hers. "Which way, Sacajawea?" asked Meriwether Lewis. "What river is this which goes on to the left?" "Him Ro'shone," replied the girl. "My man call him that. No good! _Him_--big river"; and she pointed toward the right-hand stream. "As I thought, Will," said Lewis, nodding; and again, to the Indian girl: "Do you remember this place?" She nodded her head vigorously and smiled. "See!" With a pointed stick she began to sketch a map on the sand of the river bar, showing how the Yellowstone flowed from the south--how, far on ahead, its upper course bent toward the Missouri, with a march of not more than a day between the two. The maps of this new world that first came back to civilization were copies of Indians' drawings made with a pointed stick upon the earth, or with a coal on a whitened hide. "She knows, Will!" said Lewis. "See, this place she marks near the mountain summit, where the two streams are close--some time we must explore that crossing!" "I'm sure I'd rather trust her map than this one, here, of old Jonathan Carver," answered Clark, the map-maker. "His idea of this country is that four great rivers head about where we are now. He marks the river Bourbon--which I never heard of--as running north to Hudson Bay, but he has the St. Lawrence rising near here, too--and it must be fifteen hundred or two thousand miles off to the east! The Mississippi, too, he thinks heads about here, at the mouth of the Yellowstone, and yonder runs the Oregon River, which I presume is the Columbia. 'Tis all very simple, on Carver's maps, but perhaps not quite so easy, if we follow that of Sacajawea. This country is wider than any of us ever dreamed." "And greater, and more beautiful in every way," assented his companion. They stood and gazed about them at the scene of wild beauty. The river ran in long curves between bold and sculptured bluffs, among groves of native trees, now softly green. Above, on the prairies, lay a carpet of the shy wild rose, most beautiful of the prairie blossoms. All about were shrubs and flowers, now putting forth their claims in the renewed life of spring. On the plains fed the buffalo, far as the eye could reach. Antelope, deer, the shy bighorn, all these might be seen, and the footprints of the giant bears along the beaches. It was the wilderness, and it was theirs--they owned it all! Thus far they had seen no sign of any human occupancy. They did not meet a single human being, red or white, all that summer. A vast, silent, unclaimed land, beautiful and abounding, lay waiting for occupancy. There was no map of it--none save that written on the soil now and then by an Indian girl sixteen years of age. They plodded on now, taking the right-hand stream, with full confidence in their guidance, forging onward a little every day, between the high banks of the swift river that came down from the great mountains. April passed, and May. "Soon we see the mountains!" insisted Sacajawea. And at last, two months out from the Mandans, Lewis looked westward from a little eminence and saw a low, broken line, white in spots, not to be confused with the lesser eminences of the near by landscape. "It is the mountains!" he exclaimed. "There lie the Stonies. They do exist! We shall surely reach them! We have won!" Not yet had they won. These shining mountains lay a long distance to the westward; and yet other questions were to be settled ere they might be reached. Within a week they came to yet another forking of the stream. A strong river came boiling down from the north, of color and depth much similar to that of the Missouri they had known. On the left ran a less turbulent and clearer stream. Which was the way? "The north wan, she'll be the right wan, _Capitaine_," said Cruzatte, himself a good voyageur. Most of the men agreed with him. The leaders recalled that the Mandans had said that the Missouri after a time grew clear in color, and that it would lead to the mountains. Which, now, was the Missouri? They found the moccasin of an Indian not far from here. "Blackfoot!" said Sacajawea, and pointed to the north, shaking her head. She insisted that the left-hand river was the right one; but, unwilling as yet to rely on her fully, the leaders called a council of the men, and listened to their arguments. They knew well enough that a wrong choice here might mean the failure of their expedition. Cruzatte had many adherents. The men began to mutter. "If we go up that left-hand stream we shall be lost among the mountains," one said. "We shall perish when the winter comes!" "We will go both ways," said Meriwether Lewis at length. "Captain Clark will explore the lower fork, while I go up the right-hand stream. We will meet here when we know the truth." So Lewis traveled two days' journey up the right-hand fork before he turned back, thoughtful. "I have decided," said he to the men who accompanied him. "This stream will lead us far to the north, into the British country. It cannot be the true Missouri. I shall call this Maria's River, after my cousin in Virginia, Maria Woods. I shall not call it the Missouri." He met Clark at the fork of the river, and again they held a council. The men were still dissatisfied. Clark had advanced some distance up the left-hand stream. "We must prove it yet further," said Meriwether Lewis. "Captain Clark, do you remain here, while I go on ahead far enough to know absolutely whether we are right or wrong. If we are not right in our choice, it is as the men say--we shall fail! But where is Sacajawea?" he added. "I will ask her once more." Sacajawea was ill; she was in a fever. She could not talk to her husband; but to Lewis she talked, and always she said, "That way! By and by, big falls--um-m-m, um-m-m!" "Guard her well," said Lewis anxiously. "Much depends on her. I must go on ahead." He took the French interpreter, Drouillard, and three of the Kentuckians, and started on up the left-hand stream with one boat. The current of the river seemed to stiffen. It cost continually increasing toil to get the boat upstream. They were gone for several days, and no word came back from them. Meantime, at the river forks, William Clark was busy. It was obvious that the explorers must lighten the loads of their boats. They began to cache all the heavy goods with which they could dispense--their tools, the extra lead and powder-tins, some of the flour, all the heavy stuff which would encumber them most seriously. Here, too, was the end of the journey of the red pirogue from St. Louis--they hid it in the willows of an island near the mouth of Maria's River. Lewis himself, weak from toil, fell ill on the way, but still he would not stop. He came to a point from which he could see the mountains plainly on ahead. The river was narrow, flowing through a cañon. The next day they came to the foot of the Great Falls of the Missouri, alone, majestic here in the wilderness, soundless save for their own dashing--those wonderful cascades, now so well known in industry, so nearly forgotten in history. "The girl was right--this is the river!" said Lewis to his men. "It comes from the mountains. We are right!" Cascade after cascade, rapid after rapid, he pushed on to the head of the great drop of the Missouri, where it plunges down from its upper valley for its long journey through the vast plains. Now word went down to the mouth of Maria's River; but the messenger met Clark already toiling upward with his boats, for he had guessed the cause of delay, and at last believed Sacajawea. "Make some boat-trucks, Will," said Lewis, when at last they were all encamped at the foot of the falls. "We shall have to portage twenty miles of falls and rapids." And William Clark, the ever-ready engineer, who always had a solution for any problem in mechanics or in geography, went to work upon the hardest task in transportation they yet had had. "We must leave more plunder here, Merne," said he. "We can't get into the mountains with all this." So again they cached some of their stores. They buried here the great swivel piece which had "made the thunder" among so many savage tribes. Also there were stored here the spring's collection of animals and minerals, certain books and maps not needed, and the great grindstone which had come all the way from Harper's Ferry. They were stripping for their race. It took the party a full month to make the portage. They were worn to the bone by the hard labor, scorched by the sun, and frozen by the night winds. "We must go on!" was always the cry. All felt that the summer was going; none knew what might be on ahead. At the cost of greater and greater toil they pushed on up their river above the falls, until presently its course bent off to the south again. They passed through a country of such wealth as none of them had ever dreamed of, but they did not suspect the hidden treasures of gold and silver which lay so close to them on the floor of the mountain valleys. What interested them more was the excitement of Sacajawea, who from time to time pointed out traces of human occupancy. "My people here!" said she, and pointed to camp-fires. "Plenty people come here. Heap hunt buffalo!" She pointed out the trails made by the lodge-poles. "She knows, Will!" said Lewis, once more. "We have a guide even here. We are the luckiest of men!" "Soon we come where three rivers," said Sacajawea one day. They had passed to the south and west through the first range of mountains--through that Gate of the Mountains near to the rich gold fields of the future State of Montana. "By and by, three rivers--I know!" And it was as she had said. The men, wearied to the limit by the toil of getting the boats upstream by line and setting pole, at last found their mountain river broken into three separate streams. "We will camp here," said the leader. "We are tired, we have worked long and hard!" "My people come here," said Sacajawea, "plenty time. Here the Minnetarees struck my people--five snows ago that was. They caught me and took me with them, so I find Charbonneau among the Mandans. Here my people live!" Without hesitation she pointed out that one of the three forks of the Missouri which led off to the westward--the one that Meriwether Lewis called the Jefferson. And now every man in the party felt that they were on the right path as they turned into that stream; but at the Beaver Head Rock--well known to all the Indians--they went into camp once more. "Captains make medicine now," said Sacajawea to Charbonneau, her husband. For once more the captains hesitated. There were many passes, many valleys, many trails. Which was the way? The men grew sullen again. They lay in camp for days, sending out parties, feeling out the way; but the explorers always came back uncertain. It was Clark who led these scouting parties now, for Lewis was well-nigh broken down in health. One night, alone, the leader sat by his little fire, thinking, thinking, as so often he did now. The stars, unspeakably brilliant, lit up the wild scene about him. This was the wilderness! He had sought it all his life. All his life it had called to him aloud. What had it done for him, after all? Had it taught him to forget? Two years now had passed, and still he saw a face which would not go away. Still there arose before him the same questions whose debate had torn his soul, worn out his body, through these weary months. "You will be cold, sir," said one of the men solicitously, as he passed on his way to guard mount. "Shall I fetch your coat?" Lewis thanked him, and the man brought from his tent the captain's uniform coat, which he had forgotten. Absently he sought to put it on, and felt something crinkling in the sleeve. It was a bit of paper. He halted, the old presentiment coming to his mind. "Is Shannon here?" he asked of the man who had handed him the coat. "He was to get my moccasins mended for me." "No, captain, he is out with Captain Clark," replied Fields, the Kentuckian. "Very well--that will do, Fields." Meriwether Lewis sat down again by his little fire, his last letter in his hand. Gently he ran a finger along the seal--stooped over, kicked together the embers of the fire, and saw scratched in the wax a number. This was Number Three! He did not open it for a time. He looked at it--no longer in dread, but in eagerness. It seemed to him, indeed, as if the letter had come in response to the outcry of his soul--that it really had dropped from the sky, manna for a hungry heart. It was the absence of this which had worn him thin, left him the shadow of the man he should have been. Here, as he knew well, was one more summons to what seemed to him to be a duty. And off to the west, shining cold in the night under the stars, stood the mountains, beckoning. Which was the way? He broke the seal slowly, with no haste, knowing that whatever the letter said it could mean only more unhappiness to him. Yet he was hungry for it as one who longs for a soothing drug. He pushed together yet more closely the burning sticks of his little fire and bent over to read. It was very little that he saw written, but it spoke to him like a voice in the night: Come back to me--ah, come back! I need you. I implore you to return! There was no address, no date, no signature. There was no means of telling whence or how this letter had come to him, more than any of the others. Go back to her--how could he, now? It was more than a year since these words had been written! What avail now, if he did return? No, he had delayed, he had gone on, and he had cost her--what? Perhaps her happiness as well as his own, perhaps the success of herself and of many others, perhaps his own success in life. Against that, what could he measure? The white mountains on ahead made no reply to him. The stars glowed cold and white above him, but they seemed like a thousand facets of pitiless light turned upon his soul. The quavering howl of a wolf on a near by eminence sounded like a voice to him, mocking, taunting, fiendish. Never, it seemed to him, had any man been thus unhappy. Even the wilderness had failed him! In a land of desolation he sat, a desolate soul. CHAPTER VII THE MOUNTAINS When William Clark returned from his three days' scouting trip, his forehead was furrowed with anxiety. His men were silent as they filed into camp and cast down their knapsacks. "It's no use, Merne," said Clark, "we are in a pocket here. The other two forks, which we called the Madison and the Gallatin, both come from the southeast, entirely out of our course. The divide seems to face around south of us and bend up again on the west. Who knows the way across? Our river valley is gone. The only sure way seems back--downstream." "What do you mean?" demanded Meriwether Lewis quietly. "I scarce know. I am worn out, Merne. My men have been driven hard." "And why not?" His companion remained silent under the apparent rebuke. "You don't mean that we should return?" Lewis went on. "Why not, Merne?" said William Clark, sighing. "Our men are exhausted. There are other years than this." Meriwether Lewis turned upon his friend with the one flash of wrath which ever was known between them. "Good Heavens, Captain Clark," said he, "there is _not_ any other year than this! There is not any other month, or week, or day but this! It is not for you or me to hesitate--within the hour I shall go on. We'll cross over, or we'll leave the bones of every man of the expedition here--this year--now!" Clark's florid face flushed under the sting of his comrade's words; but his response was manful and just. "You are right," said he at length. "Forgive me if for a moment--just a moment--I seemed to question the possibility of going forward. Give me a night to sleep. As I said, I am worn out. If I ever see Mr. Jefferson again, I shall tell him that all the credit for this expedition rests with you. I shall say that once I wavered, and that I had no cause. You do not waver--yet I know what excuse you would have for it." "You are only weary, Will. It is my turn now," said Meriwether Lewis; and he never told his friend of this last letter. A moment later he had called one of his men. "McNeal," said he, "get Reuben Fields, Whitehouse, and Goodrich. Make light packs. We are going into the mountains!" The four men shortly appeared, but they were silent, morose, moody. Those who were to remain in the camp shared their silence. Sacajawea alone smiled as they departed. "That way!" said she, pointing; and she knew that her chief would find the path. May we not wonder, in these later days, if any of us, who reap so carelessly and so selfishly where others have plowed and sown, reflect as we should upon the first cost of what we call our own? The fifteen million dollars paid for the vast empire which these men were exploring--that was little--that was naught. But ah, the cost in blood and toil and weariness, in love and loyalty and faith, in daring and suffering and heartbreak of those who went ahead! It was a few brave leaders who furnished the stark, unflinching courage for us all. Sergeant Ordway, with Pryor and Gass, met in one of the many little ominous groups that now began to form among the men in camp. Captain Clark was sleeping, exhausted. "It stands to reason," said Ordway, usually so silent, "that the way across the range is up one valley to the divide and down the next creek on the opposite side. That is the way we crossed the Alleghanies." Pryor nodded his head. "Sure," said he, "and all the game-trails break off to the south and southwest. Follow the elk!" "Is it so?" exclaimed Patrick Gass. "You think it aisy to find a way across yonder range? And how d'ye know jist how the Alleghanies was crossed first? Did they make it the first toime they thried? Things is aisy enough after they've been done _wance_--but it's the first toime that counts!" "There is no other way, Pat," argued Ordway. "'Tis the rivers that make passes in any mountain range." "Which is the roight river, then?" rejoined Gass. "We're lookin' for wan that mebbe is nowhere near here. S'pose we go to the top yonder and take a creek down, and s'pose that creek don't run the roight way at all, but comes out a thousand miles to the southwest--where are you then, I'd like to know? The throuble with us is we're the first wans to cross here, and not comin' along after some one else has done the thrick for us." Pryor was willing to argue further. "All the Injuns have said the big river was over there somewhere." "'Somewhere'!" exclaimed Patrick Gass. "'Somewhere' is a mighty long ways when we're lost and hungry!" "Which is just what we are now," rejoined Pryor. "The sooner we start back the quicker we'll be out of this." "Pryor!" The square face of the Irishman hardened at once. "Listen to me. Ye're my bunkmate and friend, but I warn ye not to say that agin! If ye said it where he could hear ye--that man ahead--do you know what he would do to you?" "I ain't particular. 'Tis time we took this thing into our own hands." "It's where we're takin' it _now_, Pryor!" said Gass ominously. "A coort martial has set for less than that ye've said!" "Mebbe you couldn't call one--I don't know." "Mebbe we couldn't, eh? I mind me of a little settlement I had with that man wance--no coort martial at all--me not enlisted at the toime, and not responsible under the arthicles of war. I said to his face I was of the belief I could lick him. I said it kindly, and meant no harm, because at the time it seemed to me I could, and 'twould be a pleasure to me. But boys, he hit me wan time, and when I came to I was careless whether it was the arthicles of war or not had hit me. Listen to me now, Pryor--and you, too, Ordway--a man like that is liable to have judgment in his head as well as a punch in his arm. We're safer to folly him than to folly ourselves. Moreover, I want you to say to your men that we will not have thim foregatherin' around and talkin' any disrespect to their shuperiors. If we're in a bad place, let us fight our ways out. Let's not turn back until we are forced. I never did loike any rooster in the ring that would either squawk or run away. That man yonder, on ahead, naded mighty little persuadin' to fight. I'm with him!" "Well, maybe you are right, Pat," said Ordway after a time. And so the mutiny once more halted. The tide changed quickly when it began to set the other way. Lewis led an advance party across the range. One day, deep in the mountains, he was sweeping the country with his spyglass, as was his custom. He gave a sudden exclamation. "What is it, Captain?" asked Hugh McNeal. "Some game?" "No, a man--an Indian! Riding a good horse, too--that means he has more horses somewhere. Come, we will call to him!" The wild rider, however, had nothing but suspicion for the newcomers. Staring at them, he wheeled at length and was away at top speed. Once more they were alone, and none the better off. "His people are that way," said Lewis. "Come!" But all that day passed, and that night, and still they found none of the natives. But they began to see signs of Indians now, fresh tracks, hoofprints of many horses. And thus finally they came upon two Indian women and a child, whom the white men surprised before they were able to escape. Lewis took up the child, and showed the mother that he was a friend. "These are Shoshones," said he to his men. "I can speak with them--I have learned some of their tongue from Sacajawea. These are her people. We are safe!" Sixty warriors met them, all mounted, all gorgeously clad. Again the great peace pipe, again the spread blanket inviting the council. The Shoshones showed no signs of hostility--the few words of their tongue which Lewis was able to speak gave them assurance. "McNeal," said Lewis, "go back now across the range, and tell Captain Clark to bring up the men." William Clark, given one night's sleep, was his energetic self again, and not in mind to lie in camp. He had already ordered camp broken, more of the heavier articles cached, the canoes concealed here and there along the stream and had pushed on after Lewis. He met McNeal coming down, bearing the tidings. Sacajawea ran on ahead in glee. "My people! My people!" she cried. They were indeed safe now. Sacajawea found her brother, the chief of this band of Shoshones, and was made welcome. She found many friends of her girlhood, who had long mourned her as dead. The girls and younger women laughed and wept in turn as they welcomed her and her baby. She was a great person. Never had such news as this come among the Shoshones.[5] [Footnote 5: Cam-e-ah-wit was the name of Sacajawea's brother, the Shoshone chief. The country where Lewis met him is remote from any large city today. Pass through the Gate of the Mountains, not far from Helena, Montana, and ascend the upper valley of the Missouri, as it sweeps west of what is now the Yellowstone Park, and one may follow with a certain degree of comfort the trail of the early explorers. If one should then follow the Jefferson Fork of the great river up to its last narrowing, one would reach the country of Cam-e-ah-wit. Here is the crest of the Continental Divide, where it sweeps up from the south, after walling in, as if in a vast cup, the three main sources of the great river. Much of that valley country is in fertile farms today. Lewis and Clark passed within twelve miles of Alder Gulch, which wrote roaring history in the early sixties--the wild placer days of gold-mining in Montana. As for Sacajawea, she has a monument--a very poor and inadequate one--in the city of Portland, Oregon. The crest of the Great Divide, where she met her brother, would have been a better place. It was here, in effect, that she ended that extraordinary guidance--some call it nothing less than providential--which brought the white men through in safety. Trace this Indian girl's birth and childhood, here among the Shoshones, who had fled to the mountains to escape the guns of the Blackfeet. Recall her capture here by the Minnetarees from the Dakota country. Picture her long journey thence to the east, on foot, by horse, in bull-hide canoes, many hundreds of miles, to the Mandan villages. It is something of a journey, even now. Reverse that journey, go against the swift current of the waters, beyond the Great Falls, past Helena, west of the Yellowstone Park, and up to the Continental Divide, where she met her brother. You will find that that is still more of a journey, even today, with roads, and towns, and maps to guide you. Meriwether Lewis could not have made it without her. While he was studying the courses of the stars, at Philadelphia, preparing to lead his expedition, Sacajawea was learning the story of nature also; and she was waiting to guide the white men when they reached the Mandan villages. Who guided her in such unbelievably strange fashion? The Indians sometimes made long journeys, their war parties traveled far, and their captives also; but in all the history of the tribes there is no record of a journey made by any Indian woman equal to that of Sacajawea. Why did she make it? What hand pointed out the way for her? A statue to her? She should have a thousand memorials along the old trail! Her name should be known familiarly by every school child in America!] All were now content to lie for a few days at the Shoshone village. A brisk trade in Indian horses now sprang up--they would be footmen no more. "Which way, Sacajawea?" Meriwether Lewis once more asked the Indian girl. But now she only shook her head. "Not know," said she. "These my people. They say big river that way. Not know which way." "Now, Merne," said William Clark, "it's my turn again. We have got to learn the best way out from these mountains. If there is a big river below, some of these valleys must run down to it. Their waters probably flow to the Columbia. The Indians talk of salmon and of white men--they have heard of goods which must have been made by white men. We are in touch with the Pacific here. I'll get a guide and explore off to the southwest. It looks better there." "No good--no good!" insisted Sacajawea. "That way no good. My brother say go that way." She pointed to the north, and insisted that the party should go in that direction. For a hundred miles Clark scouted down the headwaters of the Salmon River, and at last turned back, to report that neither horse nor boat ever could get through. At the Shoshone village, uneasy, the men were waiting for him. "That way!" said Sacajawea, still pointing north. The Indian guide, who had served Clark unwillingly, at length admitted that there was a trail leading across the mountains far up to the northward. "We will go north," said Lewis. They cached under the ashes of their camp fire such remaining articles as they could leave behind them. They had now a band of fifty horses. Partly mounted, mostly on foot, their half wild horses burdened, they set out once more under the guidance of an old Shoshone, who said he knew the way. Charbonneau wanted to remain with the Shoshones, and to keep with him Sacajawea, his wife, so recently reunited to her people. "No!" said Sacajawea. "I no go back--I go with the white chief to the water that tastes salt!" And it was so ordered. Their course lay along the eastern side of the lofty Bitter Root Mountains. The going was rude enough, since no trail had ever been here; but mile after mile, day after day, they stumbled through to some point on ahead which none knew except the guide. They came on a new tribe of Indians--Flatheads, who were as amazed and curious as the Shoshones had been at the coming of these white men. They received the explorers as friends--asked them to tarry, told them how dangerous it was to go into the mountains. But haste was the order of the day, and they left the Flatheads, rejoicing that these also told of streams to the westward up which the salmon came. They had heard of white men, too, to the west, many years before. Down the beautiful valley of the Bitter Root River, with splendid mountains on either side, they pressed on, and on the ninth of September, 1805, they stopped at the mouth of a stream coming down from the heights to the west. Their old guide pointed up this valley. "There is a trail," said he, "which comes across here. The Indians come to reach the buffalo. On the farther side the water runs toward the sunset." They were at the eastern extremity of that ancient trail, later called the Lolo Trail, known immemorially to the tribes on both sides of the mountains. Laboriously, always pressing forward, they ascended the eastern slopes of the great range, crossed the summit, found the clear waters on the west side, and so came to the Kooskooskie or Clearwater River, leading to the Snake. And always the natives marveled at these white men, the first they ever had seen. The old Indians still made maps on the sand for them, showing them how they would come to the great river where the salmon came. They were now among yet another people--the Nez Percés. With these also they smoked and counciled, and learned that it would be easy for boats to go all the way down to the great river which ran to the sea. "We will leave our horses here," said Lewis. "We will take to the boats once more." So Gass and Bratton and Shields and all the other artisans fell to fashioning dugouts from the tall pines and cedars, hewing and burning and shaping, until at length they had transports for their scanty store of goods. By the first week of October they were at the junction of their river with the Snake. An old medicine man of the Nez Percés, Twisted Hair, a man who also could make maps, had drawn them charts on a white skin with a bit of charcoal. And on ahead, mounted runners of the Indians rushed down to inform the tribes of the coming of these strange people. It was no longer an exploration, but a reception for them now. Bands of red men, who welcomed them, had heard of white men coming up from the sea. White men had once lived by the Tim-Tim water, on the great river of the salmon--so they had been told; but never had any living Indian heard of white men coming across the great mountains from the sunrise. "Will," said Lewis, "it is done--we are safe now! We shall be first across to the Columbia. This--" he shook the Nez Percés' scrawled hide--"is the map of a new world!" CHAPTER VIII TRAIL'S END Where lately had been gloom and despair there now reigned joy and confidence. With the great mountains behind them, and this new, pleasant and gentle land all around them, the spirits of the men rose buoyantly. They could float easily down the strong current of the great Snake River, laboring but little, if at all. They made long hours every day, and by the middle of autumn they saw ahead of them a yet grander flood than that of the noble river which was bearing them. At last they had found the Columbia! They had found what Mackenzie never found, what Fraser was not to find--that great river, now to be taken over with every right of double discovery by these messengers of the young republic. How swelled their hearts, when at last they knew this truth, unescapable, incontrovertible! It was theirs. They had won! The men had grown reckless now. Cruzatte, Labiche, Drouillard--all the adventurers--sang as they traveled, gayer and more gay from day to day. Always the landscape had fascinating interest for them in its repeated changes. They were in a different world. No one had seen the mountains which they saw. The Rockies, the Bitter Roots--these they had passed; and now they must yet pass through another range, this time not by the toilsome process of foot or horse travel, but on the strong flood of the river. The Columbia had made a trail for them through the Cascades. Down the stormy rapids they plunged exulting. Mount Hood, St. Helen's, Rainier, Adams--all the lofty peaks of the great Cascades, so named at a later date, appeared before them, around them, behind them, as they swung into the last lap of their wild journey and headed down toward the sea. Cruzatte, Labiche, Drouillard--all you others--time now, indeed, for you to raise the song of the old voyageurs! None have come so far as you--your paddles are wrinkling new waters. You are brave men, every one, and yours is the reward of the brave! Soon, so said the Indians, they would come to ships--canoes with trees standing in them, on which teepees were hung. "Me," said Cruzatte, "I never in my whole life was seen a sheep! I will be glad for see wan now." But they found no ship anywhere in the lower Columbia. All the shores were silent, deserted; no vessel lay at anchor. Before them lay the empty river, wide as a sea, and told no tales of what had been. They were alone, in the third year out from home. Thousands of leagues they had traveled, and must travel back again. Here they saw many gulls. As to Columbus these birds had meant land, to our discoverers they meant the sea. Forty miles below the last village they saw it--rolling in solemn, white-topped waves beyond the bar. Every paddle ceased at its work, and the boats lay tossing on the incoming waves. There was the end of the great trail. Yonder lay the Pacific! Meriwether Lewis turned and looked into the eyes of William Clark, who sat at the bow of the next canoe. Each friend nodded to the other. Neither spoke. The lips of both were tight. "The big flag, Sergeant Gass!" said Lewis. They turned ashore. There had been four mess fires at each encampment thus far--those of the three sergeants and that of the officers; but now, as they huddled on the wet beach on which they disembarked, the officers ordered the men to build but one fire, and that a large one. Grouped about this they all stood, ragged, soaked, gaunt, unkempt, yet the happiest company of adventurers that ever followed a long trail to its end. "Men," said Meriwether Lewis at length, "we have now arrived at the end of our journey. In my belief there has never been a party more loyal to the purpose on which it has been engaged. Without your strength and courage we could not have reached the sea. It is my wish to thank you for Mr. Jefferson, the President of the United States, who sent us here. If at any time one of you has been disposed to doubt, or to resent conditions which necessarily were imposed, let all that be forgotten. We have done our work. Here we must pass the winter. In the spring we will make quick time homeward." They gave him three cheers, and three for Captain Clark. York gave expression to his own emotions by walking about the beach on his hands. "And the confounded ships are all gone back to sea!" grumbled Patrick Gass. "I've been achin' for days to git here, in the hope of foindin' some sailor man I'd loike to thrash--and here is no one at all, at all!" "Will," said Meriwether Lewis after a time, pulling out the inevitable map, "I wonder where it was that Alexander Mackenzie struck the Pacific twelve years ago! It must have been far north of here. We have come around forty-seven degrees of longitude west from Washington, and something like nine degrees north unite with France or Spain on the south to known exploration by land. We have driven the wedge home! Never again can Great Britain on the north unite with France or Spain on the south to threaten our western frontier. If they dispute the title we purchased from Napoleon, they can never deny our claim by right of discovery. This, I say, solidifies our republic! We have done the work given us to do." "Yes," grinned William Clark, standing on one leg and warming his wet moccasin sole at the fire; "and I wonder where that other gentleman, Mr. Simon Fraser, is just now!" They could not know that Fraser, the trader who was their rival in the great race to the Pacific, was at that time snow-bound in the Rockies more than one thousand miles north of them. Three years after the time when this little band of adventurers stood in the rain at the mouth of the Columbia, Fraser, at the mouth of the river named after him, heard of white men who had come to the ocean somewhere far to the south. Word had passed up the coast, among the native tribes, of men who had white skins, and who had with them a black man with curly hair. "That's Lewis and Clark!" said Simon Fraser. "They were at the Mandan villages. We are beaten!" So now the largest flag left to Lewis and Clark floated by the side of a single fire on the wet beach on the north shore of the Columbia. Here a rude bivouac was pitched, while the leaders finished their first hasty investigation along the beach. "There is little to attract us here," said William Clark. "On the south shore there is better shelter for our winter camp." So they headed their little boats across the wide flood of the Columbia. It was now December of the year 1805. Fort Clatsop, as they called their new stockade, was soon in process of erection--seven splendid cabins, built of the best-working wood these men ever had seen; a tall stockade with a gate, such as their forefathers had always built in any hostile country. While some worked, others hunted, finding the elk abundant. More than one hundred elk and many deer were killed. And having nothing better, they now set to work to tan the hides of elk and deer, and to make new clothing. As to civilized equipment they had little left. About four hundred pairs of moccasins they made that winter, Sacajawea presiding over the moccasin-boards, and teaching the men to sew. Clark, the indefatigable, a natural geographer, completed the remarkable series of maps which so fully established the accuracy of their observations and the usefulness of the voyage across the continent. Lewis kept up his records and extended his journals. All were busy, all happier than they had been since their departure from the East. Christmas was once more celebrated to the tune of the Frenchman's fiddle. Came New Year's Day also; and by that time the stockade was finished, the gate was up, the men were ready for any fortune which might occur. "Pretty soon, by and by," said the voyageurs, "we will run on the river for home once more!" Even Sacajawea, having fulfilled her great ambition of looking out over the sea which tasted of salt, said that she, too, would be content to go back to her people. "We must leave a record, Will," said Lewis one day, looking up from his papers. "We must take no chances of the results of our exploration not reaching Washington. Should we be lost among the tribes east of here, perhaps some ship may take that word to Mr. Jefferson." So now, between them, they formulated that famous announcement to the world, which, one year after their safe arrival home overland, the ships brought around by Cape Horn, to advise the world that a transcontinental path had been blazed: The object of this list is that through the medium of some civilized person who may see the same, it may be made known to the world that the party consisting of the persons whose names are hereunto annexed, and who were sent out by the government of the United States to explore the interior of the continent of North America, did penetrate the same by the way of the Missouri and Columbia Rivers, to the discharge of the latter into the Pacific Ocean, where they arrived on the 14th day of November, 1805, and departed the 23rd day of March, 1806, on their return trip to the United States by the same route by which they had come out. This, so soon as they knew their starting date, they signed, each of them, and copies were made for posting here and there in such places as naturally would be discovered by any mariners coming in. And today we--who can glibly list the names of the multimillionaires of America--cannot tell the names of more than two of those thirty-one men, each of whom should be an immortal. "Boats now, Will!" said Meriwether Lewis. "We must have boats against our start in the spring. These canoes which brought us down from the Kooskooskie were well enough in their way, but will not serve for the upstream journey. Again we must lift up the entire party against the current of a great river. Get some of the Indians' seagoing canoes, Will--their lines are easier than those of our dugouts." Need was for skilful trading now on the part of William Clark, for, eager as the natives were for the white men's goods, scant store of them remained. All the fishhooks were gone, most of the beads, practically all the hats and coats which once had served so well. When at length Clark announced that he had secured a fine Chinook canoe, there remained for all the return voyage, thousands of miles among the Indians, only a half-dozen blankets, a few little trinkets, a hat, and a uniform coat. "You could tie up all the rest in a couple of handkerchiefs," said William Clark, laughing. "But such as it is, it must last us back to St. Louis--or at least to our caches on the Missouri." "How is your salt, Will?" asked Lewis. "And your powder?" "In fine shape," was the reply. "We have put the new-made salt in some of the empty canisters. There is plenty of powder and lead left, and we can pick up more as we reach our caches going eastward. With what dried meat we can lay up from the elk here, we ought to make a good start." Thus they planned, these two extraordinary young men, facing a transcontinental journey of four thousand miles, with no better equipment than the rifles which had served them on their way out. As for their followers, all the discontent and doubt had given way to an implicit faith. All seemed well fed and content, save one--the man on whose shoulders had rested the gravest responsibility, the man in whose soul had been born the vision of this very scene. "What is the matter with you, Merne?" grumbled his more buoyant companion. "Are you still carrying all the weight of the entire world?" Lewis turned upon his friend with the same patient smile. Both were conscious that between them there was growing a thin, impermeable veil--something mysterious, the only barrier which ever had separated these two loyal souls. Sacajawea, the Indian girl, was as keen-eyed as the red-headed chief. In the new boldness that she had learned in her position as general pet of the expedition, she would sometimes talk to the chief reproachfully. "Capt'in," she said one day, "what for you no laff? What for you no eat? What for you all time think, think, think? See," she extended a hand--"I make you some more moccasin. I got picture your foot--these fit plenty good." "Thank you, Bird Woman," said Lewis, rousing himself. "Without you we would not be here today. What can I give you in return for all that--in return for these?" He took the pair of handsomely stitched moccasins, dangling them by the strings over one finger; but even as he did so, the old brooding melancholy fell upon him once more. He sat, forgetful of the girl's presence, staring moodily at the fire. Sacajawea, grieving like a little child, stole silently away. Why did Meriwether Lewis never laugh? Why did he always think, think, think? Why had there grown between him and his friend that thin, indefinable reserve? He was hungry--hungry for another message out of the sky--another gift of manna in the wilderness. Who had brought those mysterious letters? Whoever he was, why did he not bring another? Were they all done--should he never hear from her again? CHAPTER IX THE SUMMONS The winter was wearing away. The wild fowl were passing northward, landward. The game had changed its haunts. March was coming, the month between the seasons for the tribes, the time of want, the leanest period of the year. Meriwether Lewis, alone one morning in the comfortable cabin which served as a house for himself and his friend, sat pondering on these things, as was his wont. His little Indian dog, always his steady companion, had taken its place on the top of the flatted stump which served as a desk, near the maps and papers which Lewis had pushed away. Here the small creature sat, motionless, mute, its eyes fixed adoringly upon its master. The captain did not notice it. He did not at first hear the rap on the door, nor the footfall of the man who entered inquiringly. "Yes, Sergeant Ordway?" said he presently, looking up. Ordway saluted. "Something for you, sir. It seems to be a letter." "A letter! How could that be?" "That is the puzzle, sir," said Ordway, extending a folded and sealed bit of paper. "We do not know how it came. Charbonneau's wife, the Indian woman, found it in the baby's hammock just now. She brought it to me, and I saw it was addressed to you. It must have been overlooked by you some time." "Possibly--possibly," said Lewis. His face was growing pale. "That is all, I think, Sergeant," he added. Now alone, he turned toward the letter, which lay upon the table. His face lighted with a wondrous smile, though none might see it save the little dog which watched his every movement. For Meriwether Lewis had received once more the thing for which every fiber of his being clamored! He knew, without one look, that the number scratched in the wax of the seal would be the figure "4." He opened the letter slowly. There fell from it a square of stiff, white paper--all white, he thought, until he turned it over. Then he saw it looking up at him--her face indeed! It was a little silhouette in black, done in that day before the camera, when small portraits were otherwise well-nigh impossible. The artist, skilled as were many in this curious form of portraiture, had done his work well. Lewis gazed with a sudden leap of his pulses upon the features outlined before him--the profile so cleanly cut and lofty--the hair low over the forehead, the chin round and firm, yet delicate and womanly withal. Here even the long lashes of her eyes were visible, just as in life. Yes, it was her face! [Illustration: "Her face indeed!"] And now he read the letter, which covered many closely written sheets: Meriwether Lewis, I said to you that my face should come to you, wherever you might be. This time it has been long--I cannot tell how long. That is for my messenger to determine, not for you or me. But that it has been long I shall know, else long since there would have been no need of my adding this letter to the others. Not one of them has served to bring you back! Since you now have this one, let it advise you that she who wrote it is grieved that you gaze upon this little portrait, and not upon the face of her whom it represents. 'Tis a monstrous good likeness, they tell me; but would you not rather it were myself? Where are you? I cannot tell. What adversities have been yours? I cannot tell that. You cannot know what grief you have caused by your long absence. You cannot know how many hearts you have made sad. You cannot know how you have delayed--destroyed--plans made for you. We are in ignorance, each of the other, now. I do not know where you are--you do not know where I may be. A great wall arises between us. A great gulf is fixed. We cannot touch hands across it. As I know, this will not move you; but I cannot restrain this reproach. I cannot help telling you that you have made me suffer by your silence, by your absence. Do I make you suffer by looking at you with reproach in my eyes--as I do now? You have forgotten your childhood friend! I may be dead as you read--would you care? I have been in need--yet you have not come to comfort me and to dry my tears. Figure to yourself what has happened to all my plans and dreams for you. Even I cannot tell of that, because, as I write, it all lies in the future--that future which is the present for you as you sit reading this. All I know is that as you read it my appeal has failed. I can but guess how or where these presents may find you; for how shall I know how wise or how faithful my messenger has been? Are you on the prairie still, Meriwether Lewis? Is it winter? Does the snow lie deep? Are the winds keen and biting? Are you well fed? Are you warm? Have you bodily comforts? Have you physical well-being? How can I answer all these questions? Yet they come to my mind as I write. Are you in the mountains? Were there, after all, those great Stony Mountains of which men told fables? Have you found the great unicorn or the mammoth or the mastadon which Mr. Jefferson said you were likely to meet? Have you found the dinosaur or the dragon or the great serpents of a foregone day? Suppose you have. What do they weigh with me--with you? Are they so much to you as you thought they would be? Is the taste of all your triumphs so sweet as you have dreamed, Meriwether Lewis? Have you grown savage, my friend--have you come to be just a man like the others? Tell me--no, I will not ask you! If I thought you could descend to the lawless standard of the wilderness--but no, I cannot think of that! In any case, 'tis too late now. You have not come back to me. You see, I am writing not so much to implore you to return as to reproach you for not returning. By the time this reaches you, it will be too late in our plans. We could not afford to wait months--three months, four, six--has it been so long as that since you left us? If so, it is too late now. If we have failed, why did we fail? They told me--my father and his friends--and I told you plainly, that if your expedition went on, then our plan must fail. But now I must presume that you have succeeded, or by this time are beyond the feeling of either success or failure. If you have failed, it is too late for us to succeed. If you have succeeded, then certainly we have failed. As you read this, you may be doing so with hope. I, who wrote it, will be sitting in despair. Meriwether Lewis, come back to me, even so! It will be too late for you to aid me. You will have ruined all our hopes. But yours still will be the task--the duty--to look me in the face and say whether you owe aught to me. Can I forgive you? Why, yes, I could never do aught else than forgive. No matter what you did, I fear I should forgive you. Because, after all, my own wish in all this---- Ah! let me write slowly here, and think very carefully! My greatest wish in this, greater than any ambition I had for myself or my family--_has been for you!_ See, I am writing those words--would I dare tell them to any other man in all the world? Nay, surely not. But that I trust you, the very writing itself is proof. And I write this to you, who never can be to me what man must be to woman if either is to be happy--the man to whom I can never be what woman must be if she is to mean all to any man. Apart forever! We are estranged by circumstance, sundered by that, if you please, weak as those words seem. And yet something takes your soul to mine. Does something take mine to you, across all the wilderness, across all the miles, across all the long and bitter months? I say to you once more that in all this my demand upon you has not been for myself, nor wholly for my father. Let me be careful here. This impassable gulf is fixed between us for all our lives. Neither of us may cross it. But I have been desirous to see you stand among men, where you belong. Do not ask me why I wished that--you must never ask me. I am Mrs. Alston, even as I write. And as for you? Are you in rags as you read this? Are you cold and hungry? Are you alone, aloof, deserted, perhaps suffering, with none to comfort you? I cannot aid you. Nay, I shall punish you once more, and say that it was your desire--that you brought this on yourself--that you would have it thus, in spite of all my intervention for you. Moreover, you shall say to yourself always: "She asked and I refused her!" Nay, nay! I shall not be so cruel. I shall not say that at all. Let me mark that out! Because, if I write that, you will think I wish to hurt you. And, my friend, let me admit the truth--the truth I ought not to lay upon you as any secret--_I could never wish to hurt you._ They say that men far away in the wilderness sometimes long for the sight of the face of a woman. See, now you have that! I look up at you! What is your impulse? I am alone with you--I am in your hands--treat me, therefore, with honor, I pray you! You must not raise my face to yours, must not bend yours to mine. See now, measure my trust in you, Meriwether Lewis! Estimate the great confidence I hold in you as a gentleman because--do you not see?--a gentleman does not kiss the woman whom he has at a disadvantage--the woman who can never be his, who is another's. Is it not true? Happiness is not for us. We are so far apart. I am sad. Good night, Meriwether Lewis! I, too, have your picture by me--the one you gave me years ago when I was in Virginia. And it--good night, Mr. Meriwether Lewis! Place me apart--far from you in the room. Let my face not look at you direct. But in your heart--your hard heart of a man, intent on dreams, forgetful of all else--please, please let there linger some small memory of her who dares to write these lines--and who hopes that you never may see them! CHAPTER X THE ABYSS The little Indian dog sat on the table, silent, motionless, looking at its master, whose head was bowed upon his arms. Now and then it had stooped as if it would have looked in his face, but dared not, if for very excess of love. It turned an inquiring eye to the door, which, after a time, opened. William Clark, silent, stood once more at the side of his friend. He looked on the sad and haggard face which was turned toward him, and fell back. His eye caught sight of the folded paper crushed between Lewis's fingers. He asked no questions, but he knew. "Enough!" broke out Meriwether Lewis hoarsely. "No more of this--we must be gone! Are the men ready? Why do we delay? Why are we not away for the journey home?" So impatient, so incoherent, did his speech seem that for a time Clark almost feared lest his friend's reason might have been affected. But he only stood looking at Lewis, ready to be of such aid as might be. "In two hours, Merne," said he, "we will be on our way." It was now near the end of March. They dated and posted up their bulletins. They had done their task. They had found the great river, they had found the sea, they had mapped the way across the new continent. Their glorious work had gloriously been done. Such was their joy at starting home again, the boatmen disregarded the down-coming current of the great waters--they sang at the paddles, jested. Only their leader was silent and unsmiling, and he drove them hard. Short commons they knew often enough before they reached the mouth of the Walla Walla, where they found friendly Indians who gave them horse meat--which seemed exceedingly good food. The Nez Percés, whose country was reached next beyond the Walla Wallas, offered guides across the Bitter Roots, but now the snow lay deep, the horses could not travel. For weeks they lay in camp on the Kooskooskie, eating horse meat as the Indians then were doing, waiting, fretting. It was the middle of June before they made the effort to pass the Bitter Roots. Sixty horses they had now, with abundance of jerked horse meat, and a half-dozen Nez Percés guides. By the third of July--just three years from the date of the Louisiana Purchase as it was made known at Mr. Jefferson's simplicity dinner--they were across the Bitter Roots once more, in the pleasant valleys of the eastern slope. "That way," said Sacajawea, pointing, "big falls!" She meant the short cut across the string of the bow, which would lead over the Continental Divide direct to the Great Falls of the Missouri. Both the leaders had pondered over this short cut, which the Nez Percés knew well. "We must part, Will," said Meriwether Lewis. "It is our duty to learn all we can of this wonderful country. I will take the Indian trail straight across. Do you go on down the way we came. Pick up our caches above the three forks of the Missouri, and then cross over the mountains to the Yellowstone. Make boats there, and come on down to the mouth of that river. You should precede me there, perhaps, by some days. Wait then until I come." With little more ado these self-reliant men parted in the middle of the vast mountain wilderness. They planned a later junction of their two parties at the mouth of a river which then was less known than the Columbia had been, through a pass which none of them had ever seen. Lewis had with him nine men, among them Sergeant Gass, the two Fields boys, Drouillard and Cruzatte, the voyageurs. Sacajawea, in spite of her protest, remained with the Clark party, where her wonderful knowledge of the country again proved invaluable. This band advanced directly to the southward by easy and pleasant daily stages. "That way short path over mountains," said Sacajawea at length, at one point of their journey. She pointed out the Big Hole Trail and what was later known as Clark's Pass over the Continental Divide. They came to a new country, a beautiful valley where the grass was good; but Sacajawea still pointed onward. "That way," said she, "find boat, find cache!" She showed them another gap in the hills, as yet unknown; and so led them out by a short cut directly to the caches on the Jefferson! But they could not tarry long. Boots and saddles again, pole and paddle also, for now some of the men must take to the boats while others brought on the horses. At the Three Forks rendezvous they made yet other changes, for here the boats must be left. Captain Clark must cross the mountain range to the eastward to find the Yellowstone, of which the Indian girl had told him. Yonder, she said, not quite a full day's march through a notch in the lofty mountains, they would come to the river, which ran off to the east. Not one of them had ever heard of that gap in the hills; there was no one to guide them through it except the Indian girl, whose memory had hitherto been so positive and so trustworthy. They trusted her implicitly. "That way!" she said. Always she pointed on ahead confidently; and always she was right. She was laying out the course of a railroad which one day should come up the Yellowstone and cross here to the Missouri. They found it to be no more than eighteen or twenty miles, Sacajawea's extraordinary short cut between the Missouri and the Yellowstone. They struck the latter river below the mouth of its great cañon, found good timber, and soon were busy felling great cottonwoods to make dugout canoes. Two of these, some thirty feet in length, when lashed side by side, served to carry all their goods and some of their party. The rest--Pryor, Shannon, Hall and one or two others--were to come on down with the horses. The mounted men did well enough until one night the Crows stole all their horses, and left them on foot in the middle of the wilderness. Not daunted, they built themselves boats of bull hide, as they had seen Indians do, and soon they followed on down the river, they could not tell how far, to the rear of the main boat party. With the marvelous good fortune which attended the entire expedition, they had no accident; and in time they met the other explorers at the mouth of the Yellowstone, after traveling nine hundred miles on a separate voyage of original discovery! It was on the eighth of August that the last of Clark's boats arrived at the Yellowstone rendezvous. His men felt now as if they were almost at home. The Mandan villages were not far below. As soon as Captain Lewis should come, they would be on their way, rejoicing. Patient, hardy, uncomplaining, they did not know that they were heroes. What of Lewis, then gone so long? He and his men were engaged in the yet more dangerous undertaking of exploring the country of the dreaded Blackfeet, known to bear arms obtained from the northern traders. They reached the portage of the Great Falls without difficulty, and eagerly examined the caches which they had left there. Now they were to divide their party. "Sergeant Gass," said Captain Lewis, "I am going to leave you here. You will get the baggage and the boats below the falls, and take passage on down the river. Six of you can attend to that. I shall take Drouillard and the Fields boys with me, and strike off toward the north and east, where I fancy I shall find the upper portion of Maria's River. When you come to the mouth of that river--which you will remember some of you held to be the real Missouri--you will go into camp and wait for us. You will remain there until the first day of September. If by that time we have not returned, you will pass on down the Missouri to Captain Clark's camp, at the mouth of the Yellowstone, and go home with him. By that time it will have become evident that we shall not return. I plan to meet you at the mouth of Maria's River somewhere about the beginning of August." They parted, and it was almost by a miracle that they ever met again; for now the perils of the wilderness asserted themselves even against the marvelous good fortune which had thus far attended them. Hitherto, practically all the tribes met had been friendly, but now they were in the country of the dreaded Blackfeet, who by instinct and training were hostile to all whites coming in from the south and east. A party of these warriors was met on the second day of their northbound journey from the Missouri River. Lewis gave the Indians such presents as he could, and, as was his custom, told them of his purpose in traveling through the country. He showed no fear of them, although he saw his own men outnumbered ten to one. The two parties, the little band of white men and the far more numerous band of Blackfeet, lay down to sleep that night in company. But the Blackfeet were unable to resist the temptation to attain sudden wealth by seizing the horses and guns of these strangers. Toward dawn Lewis himself, confident in the integrity of his guests, and dozing for a time, felt the corner of his robe pulled, felt something spring on his face, heard a noise. His little dog was barking loudly, excitedly. He was more fully awakened by the sound of a shout, and then by a shot. Springing from his robes, he saw Drouillard and both of the Fields boys on their feet, struggling with the savages, who were trying to wrench their rifles from them. "Curse you, turn loose of me!" cried Reuben Fields. He fought for a time longer with his brawny antagonist, till he saw others coming. Then his hand went to the long knife at his belt, and the next instant the Blackfoot lay dead at his feet. Drouillard wrenched his rifle free and stood off his man for a moment, shouting all the time to his leader that the Indians were trying to get the horses. Lewis saw the thieves tugging at the picket-ropes, and hastened into the fray, cursing himself for his own credulity. A giant Blackfoot engaged him, bull-hide shield advanced, battle-ax whirling; but wresting himself free, Lewis fired point-blank into his body, and another Indian fell dead. The Blackfeet found they had met their match. They dropped the picket-ropes and ran as fast as they could, jumped into the river, swam across, and so escaped, leaving the little party of whites unhurt, but much disturbed. "Mount, men! Hurry!" Lewis ordered. As quickly as they could master the frightened horses, his men obeyed. With all thought of further exploration ended, they set out at top speed, and rode all that day and night as fast as the horses could travel. They had made probably one hundred and twenty miles when at length they came to the mouth of the Maria's River, escaped from the most perilous adventure any of them had had. Here again, by that strange good fortune which seemed to guide them, they arrived just in time to see the canoes of Gass and his men coming down the Missouri. These latter had made the grand portage at the falls, had taken up all the caches, and had brought the contents with them. The stars still fought for the Volunteers for the Discovery of the West. There was no time to wait. The Blackfeet would be coming soon. Lewis abandoned his horses here. The entire party took to the boats, and hurried down the river as fast as they could, paddling in relays, day and night. Gaunt, eager, restless, moody, silent, their leader neither urged his men nor chided them, nor did he refer to the encounter with the Blackfeet. He did not need to, with Drouillard to describe it to them all a dozen times. At times it was necessary for the boats to stop for meat, usually a short errand in a country alive with game; and, as was his custom, Lewis stepped ashore one evening to try for a shot at some near by game--elk, buffalo, antelope, whatever offered. He had with him Cruzatte, the one-eyed Frenchman. It was now that fortune frowned ominously almost for the first time. The two had not been gone more than a few minutes when the men remaining at the boat heard a shot--then a cry, and more shouting. Cruzatte came running back to them through the bushes, calling out at the top of his voice: "The captain! I've keeled him--I've keeled the captain--I've shot him!" "What is that you're saying?" demanded Patrick Gass. "If you've done that, you would be better dead yourself!" He reached out, caught Cruzatte's rifle, and flung it away from him. "Where is he?" he demanded. Cruzatte led the way back. "I see something move on the bushes," said he, "and I shoot. It was not elk--it was the captain. _Mon Dieu_, what shall we do?" They found Captain Lewis sitting up, propped against a clump of willows, his legging stripped to the thigh. He was critically examining the path of the bullet, which had passed through the limb. At seeing him still alive, his men gave a shout of joy, and Cruzatte received a parting kick from his sergeant. There were actual tears in the eyes of some of the men as they gathered around their commander--tears which touched Meriwether Lewis deeply. "It is all right, men!" said he. "Do not be alarmed. Do not reprove the man too much. The sight of a little blood should not trouble you. We are all soldiers. This is only an accident of the trail, and in a short time it will be mended. See, the bone is not broken!" They aided him back to the boats and made a bed upon which he might lie, his head propped up so that he could see what lay ahead. Other men completed the evening hunt, and the boats hurried on down the river. The next day found them fifty miles below the scene of the accident. "Sergeant," said Meriwether Lewis, "the natural fever of my wound is coming on. Give me my little war-sack yonder--I must see if I can find some medicine." Gass handed him his bag of leather, and Lewis sought in it for a moment. His hand encountered something that crinkled in the touch--crinkled familiarly! For one instant he stopped, his lips compressed as if in bodily pain. It was another of the mysterious letters! Before he opened it, he looked at it, frowning, wondering. Whence came these messages, and how, by whose hand? All of them must have been written before he left St. Louis in May of 1804. Now it was August of 1806. There was no human agency outside his own party that could have carried them. How had they reached him? What messenger had brought them? He forgot the fever of his wound in another and greater fever which arose in his blood. He was with his men now, their eyes were on him all the time. What should he do--cast this letter from him into the river? If he did so, he felt that it would follow him mysteriously, pointing to the _corpus delicti_ of his crime, still insistent on coming to the eye! His men, therefore, saw their leader casually open a bit of paper. They had seen him do such things a thousand times, since journals and maps were a part of the daily business of so many of them. What he did attracted no attention. Captain Lewis would have felt relieved had it attracted more. Before he read any of the words that lay before him, in this same delicate handwriting that he knew so well, he cast a slow and searching gaze upon the face of every man that was turned toward him. In fact, he held the letter up to view rather ostentatiously, hoping that it would evoke some sign; but he saw none. He had not been in touch with the main party for more than a month. He had with him nine men. Which of these had secretly carried the letter? Was it Gass, Cruzatte, Drouillard, Reuben Fields, or McNeal? He studied their faces alternately. Not an eyelash flickered. The men who looked at him were anxious only for his comfort. There was no trace of guilty knowledge on any of these honest countenances before him, and he who sought such admitted his own failure. Meriwether Lewis lay back on his couch in the boat, as far as ever from his solution of the mystery. After all, mere curiosity as to the nature of that mystery was a small matter. It seemed of more worth to feel, as he did, that the woman who had planned this system of surprises for him was one of no ordinary mind. And it was no ordinary woman who had written the words that he now read: SIR AND MY FRIEND: Almost I am in despair. This is my fifth letter; you receive it, perhaps, some months after your start. I think you would have come back before now, if that had been possible. I had no news of you, and now I dread news. Should you still be gone a year from the time I write this, then I shall know that you were dead. Dead? Yes, I have written that word! The swift thought comes to me that you will never see this at all--that it may, it must, arrive too late. Yet I must send it, even under that chance. I must write it, though it ruin all my happiness. Shall it come to you too late, others will take it to my husband. Then this secret--the one secret of my life--will be known. Ah, I hope this may come to your eyes, your living eyes; but should it not, _none the less I must write it_. What matter? If it should be read by any after your death, that would be too late to make difference with you, or any difference for me. After that I should not care for anything--not even that then others would know what I would none might ever know save you and my Creator, so long as we both still lived. This wilderness which you love, the wilderness to which you fled for your comfort--what has it done for you? Have you found that lonely grave which is sometimes the reward of the adventurer thither? If so, do you sleep well? I shall envy you, if that is true. I swear I often would let that thought come to me--of the vast comfort of the plains, of the mountains--the sweep of the untiring winds, sweet in the trees and grasses--or the perpetual sound of water passing by, washing out, to the voice of its unending murmurs, all memory of our trials, of our sins. What need now to ask you to come back? What need to reproach you any further? How could I--how can I--with this terrible thought in my soul that I am writing to a man whose eyes cannot see, whose ears cannot hear? Still, what difference, whether or not you be living? Have not your eyes thus far been blind to me? Have not your ears been deaf to me, even when I spoke to you direct? It was the call of your country as against my call. Was ever thinking woman who could doubt what a strong man would do? I suppose I ought to have known. But oh, the longing of a woman to feel that she is something greater in a man's life even than his deeds and his ambitions--even than his labors--even than his patriotism! It is hard for us to feel that we are but puppets in the great game of life, of so small worth to any man. How can we women read their hearts--what do we know of men? I cannot say, though I am a married woman. My husband married me. We had our honeymoon--and he went away about the business of his plantations. Does every girl dream of a continuous courtship and find a dull answer in the facts? I do not know. How freely I write to you, seeing that you are blind and deaf, of that wish of a woman to be the one grand passion of a strong man's life--above all--before even his country! What may once have been my own dream of my capacity to evoke such emotions in the soul of any man I have flung into the scrap-heap of my life. The man, the one man--no! What was I saying, Meriwether Lewis, to you but now, even though you were blind and deaf? I must not--I _must_ not! Nay, let me dream no more! It is too late now. Living or dead, you are deaf and blind to all that I could ever do for you. But if you be still living, if this shall meet your living eyes, however cold and clear they may be, please, please remember it was not for myself alone that I took on the large ambitions of which I have spoken to you, the large risks engaged with them. Nay, do not reproach me; leave me my woman's right to make all the reproaches. I only wanted to do something for you. I have not written so freely to any man in all my life. I could not do so now did I not feel in some strange way that by this time--perhaps at this very time--you are either dead or in some extreme of peril. If I _knew_ that you would see this, I could not write it. As it is, it gives me some relief--it is my confessional. How often does a woman ever confess her own, her inner and real heart? Never, I think, to any man--certainly not to any living, present man. I married; yes. It seemed the ordinary and natural thing to do, a useful, necessary, desirable thing to do. I should not complain--I did that with my eyes well opened and with full counsel of my father. My eyes well opened, but my heart well closed! I took on my duties as one of the species human, my duties as wife, as head of a household, as lady of a certain rank. I did all that, for it is what most women would do. It is the system of society. My husband is content. What am I writing now? Arguing, justifying, defending? Ah, were it possible that you would read this and come back to me, never, never, though it killed me, would I open my heart to you! I write only to a dead man, I say--to one who can never hear. I write once more to a man who set other things above all that I could have done. Deeds, deeds, what you call your country--your own impulses--these were the things you placed above me. You placed above me this adventuring into the wilderness. Yes, I know what are the real impulses in your man's life. I know what you valued above me. But you are dead! While you lived, I hoped your conscience was clean. I hope that never once have you descended to any conduct not belonging to Meriwether Lewis of Virginia. I know that no matter what temptation was yours, you would remember that I was Mrs. Alston--and that you were Meriwether Lewis of Virginia. Nay, I _cannot_ stop! How can you mind my garrulous pen--my vain pen--my wicked, wicked, wicked, shameful pen--since you cannot see what it says? Ah, I had so hoped once more to see you before it was too late! Should this not reach you, and should it reach others, why, let it go to all the world that Theodosia Burr that was, Mrs. Alston of Carolina that is, once ardently importuned a man to join her in certain plans for the betterment of his fortunes as well as her own; and that you did not care to share in those plans! So I failed. And further--let that also go out to the world--I glory in the truth _that I have failed_! Yes, that at last is the truth at the bottom of my heart! I have searched it to the bottom, and I have found the truth. I glory in the truth that you have _not_ come back to me. There--have I not said all that a woman could say to a man, living or dead? Just as strongly as I have urged you to return, just as strongly I have hoped that you would not return! In my soul I wanted to see you go on in your own fashion, following your own dreams and caring not for mine. That was the Meriwether Lewis I had pictured to myself. I shall glory in my own undoing, if it has meant your success. Holding to your own ambition, keeping your own loyalty, holding your own counsel and your own speech to the end--pushing on through everything to what you have set out to do--that is the man I could have loved! Deeds, deeds, high accomplishments--these in truth are the things which are to prevail. The selfish love of success as success--the love of ease, of money, of power--these are the things women covet _from_ a man--yes, but they are not the things a woman _loves in_ a man. No; it is the stiff-necked man, bound in his own ambition, whom women love, even as they swear they do not. _Therefore, do not come back to me_, Meriwether Lewis! Do not come--forget all that I have said to you before--do not return until you have done your work! Do not come back to me until you can come content. Do not come to me with your splendid will broken. Let it triumph even over the will of a Burr, not used to yielding, not easily giving up anything desired. This is almost the last letter I shall ever write to any man in all my life. I wonder who will read it--you, or all the world, perhaps! I wish it might rest with you at the last. Oh, let this thought lie with you as you sleep--you did not come back to me, _and I rejoiced that you did not_! Tell me, why is it that I think of you lying where the wind is sweet in the trees? Why is it that I think of myself, too, lying at last, with all my doubts composed, all my restless ambitions ended, all my foolish dreams answered--in some place where the sound of the unceasing waters shall wash out from the memory of the world all my secrets and all my sins? Always I hear myself crying: "I hope I shall not be unhappy, for I do not feel that I have been bad." Adieu, Meriwether Lewis, adieu! I am glad you can never read this. I am glad that you have not come back. I am glad that I have failed! CHAPTER XI THE BEE "Captain, dear," said honest Patrick Gass, putting an arm under his wounded commander's shoulders as he eased his position in the boat, "ye are not the man ye was when ye hit me that punch back yonder on the Ohio, three years ago. Since ye're so weak now, I have a good mind to return it to ye, with me compliments. 'Tis safer now!" Gass chuckled at his own jest as his leader looked up at him. The boiling current of the great Missouri, bend after bend, vista after vista, had carried them down until at length they had reached the mouth of the Yellowstone, and had seen on ahead the curl of blue smoke on the beach--the encampment of their companions, who were waiting for them here. These wonderful young men, these extraordinary wilderness travelers, had performed one more miracle. Separated by leagues of wild and unknown land, they met now casually, as though it were only what should be expected. Their feat would be difficult even today. William Clark, walking up and down along the bank, looking ever upstream for some sign of his friend, hurried down to meet the boats, and gazed anxiously at the figure lifted in the arms of the men. "What's wrong, Merne?" he exclaimed. "Tell me!" Lewis waved a hand at him in reassurance, and smiled as his friend bent above him. "Nothing at all, Will," said he. "Nothing at all--I was playing elk, and Cruzatte thought it very lifelike! It is just a bullet through the thigh; the bone is safe, and the wound will soon heal. It is lucky that we are not on horseback now." By marvel, by miracle, the two friends were reunited once more; and surely around the camp fires there were stories for all to tell. Sacajawea, the Indian girl, sat listening but briefly to all these tales of adventure--tales not new to one of her birth and education. Silently and without question, she took the place of nurse to the wounded commander. She had herbs of her own choosing, simple remedies which her people had found good for the treatment of wounds. As if the captain were her child--rather than the forsaken infant who lustily bemoaned his mother's absence from his tripod in the lodge--she took charge of the injured man, until at length he made protest that he was as well as ever, and that they must go on. Again the paddles plied, again the bows of the canoes turned downstream. It seemed but a short distance thence to the Mandan villages, and once among the Mandans they felt almost as if they were at home. The Mandans received them as beings back from the grave. The drums sounded, the feast-fires were lighted, and for a time the natives and their guests joined in rejoicing. But still Lewis's restless soul was dissatisfied with delay. He would not wait. "We must get on!" said he. "We cannot delay." The boats must start down the last stretch of the great river. Would any of the tribesmen like to go to the far East, to see the Great Father? Big White, chief of the Mandans, said his savage prayers. "I will go," said he. "I will go and tell him of my people. We are poor and weak. I will ask him to take pity on us and protect us against the Sioux." So it was arranged that Big White and his women, with Jussaume, his wife, and one or two others, should accompany the brigade down the river. Loud lamentations mingled with the preparations for the departure. Sacajawea, what of her? Her husband lived among the Mandans. This was the end of the trail for her, and not the rudest man but was sad at the thought of going on without her. They knew well enough that in all likelihood, but for her, their expedition could never have attained success. Beyond that, each man of them held memory of some personal kindness received at her hands. She had been the life and comfort of the party, as well as its guide and inspiration. "Sacajawea," said Meriwether Lewis, when the hour for departure came, "I am now going to finish my trail. Do you want to go part way with us? I can take you to the village where we started up this river--St. Louis. You can stay there for one snow, until Big White comes back from seeing the Great Father. We can take the baby, too, if you like." Her face lighted up with a strange wistfulness. "Yes, Capt'in," said she, "I go with Big White--and you." He smiled as he shook his head. "We go farther than that, many sleeps farther." "Who shall make the fire? Who shall mend your moccasins? See, there is no other woman in your party. Who shall make tea? Who shall spread down the robes? Me--Mrs. Charbonneau!" She drew herself up proudly with this title; but still Meriwether Lewis looked at her sadly, as he stood, lean, gaunt, full-bearded, clad in his leather costume of the plains, supporting himself on his crutch. "Sacajawea," said he, "I cannot take your husband with me. All my goods are gone--I cannot pay him; and now we do not need him to teach us the language of other peoples. From here we can go alone." "Aw right!" said Sacajawea, in paleface idiom. "Him stay--me go!" Meriwether Lewis pondered for a time on what fashion of speech he must employ to make her understand. "Bird Woman," said he at length, "you are a good girl. It would pain my heart to see you unhappy. But if you came with me to my villages, women would say, 'Who is that woman there? She has no lodge; she does not belong to any man.' They must not say that of Sacajawea--she is a good woman. Those are not the things your ears should hear. Now I shall tell the Great Father that, but for Sacajawea we should all have been lost; that we should never have come back again. His heart will be open to those words. He will send gifts to you. Sometime, I believe, the Great Father's sons will build a picture of you in iron, out yonder at the parting of the rivers. It will show you pointing on ahead to show the way to the white men. Sacajawea must never die--she has done too much to be forgotten. Some day the children of the Great Father will take your baby, if you wish, and bring him up in the way of the white men. What we can do for you we will do. Are my words good in your ears?" "Your words are good," said Sacajawea. "But I go, too! No want to stay here now. No can stay!" "But here is your village, Sacajawea--this is your home, where you must live. You will be happier here. See now, when I sleep safe at night, I shall say, 'It was Sacajawea showed me the way. We did not go astray--we went straight.' We will not forget who led us." "But," she still expostulated, looking up at him, "how can you cook? How can you make the lodge? One woman--she must help all time." A spasm of pain crossed Lewis's face. "Sacajawea," said he, "I told you that I had made medicine--that I had promised my dream never to have a lodge of my own. Always I shall live upon the trail--no lodge fire in any village shall be the place for me. And I told you I had made a vow to my dream that no woman should light the lodge fire for me. You are a princess--the daughter of a chief, the sister of a chief, a great person; you know about a warrior's medicine. Surely, then, you know that no one is allowed to ask about the vows of a chief! "By and by," he added gently, "a great many white men will come here, Sacajawea. They will find you here. They will bring you gifts. You will live here long, and your baby will grow to be a man, and his children will live here long. But now I must go to my people." The unwonted tears of an Indian woman were in the eyes which looked up at him. "Ah!" said she, in reproach. "I went with you. I cooked in the lodges. I showed the way. I was as one of your people. Now I say I go to your people, and you say no. You need me once--you no need me now! You say to me, your people are not my people--you not need Sacajawea any more!" The Indian has no word for good-by. The faithful--nay, loving--girl simply turned away and passed from him; nor did he ever see her more. Alone, apart from her people, she seated herself on the brink of the bluff, below which lay the boats, ready to depart. She drew her blanket over her head. When at length the voyage had begun, she did not look out once to watch them pass. They saw her motionless figure high on the bank above them. The Bird Woman was mourning. The little Indian dog, Meriwether Lewis's constant companion, now, like Sacajawea, mercifully banished, sat at her side, as motionless as she. Both of them, mute and resigned, accepted their fate. But as for those others, those hardy men, now homeward bound, they were rejoicing. Speed was the cry of all the lusty paddlers, who, hour after hour, kept the boats hurrying down, aided by the current and sometimes pushed forward by favorable winds. They were upon the last stretch of their wonderful journey. Speed, early and late, was all they asked. They were going home--back over the trail they had blazed for their fellows! "_Capitaine, Capitaine_, look what I'll found!" They were halting at noonday, far down the Missouri, for the boiling of the kettles. Lewis lay on his robes, still too lame to walk, watching his men as they scattered here and there after their fashion. It was Cruzatte who approached him, looking at something which the voyager held in his hand. "What is it, Cruzatte?" smiled Lewis. He was anxious always to be as kindly as possible to this unlucky follower, whose terrible mistake had well-nigh resulted in the death of the leader. "Ouch, by gar! She'll bite me with his tail. She's hot!" Cruzatte held out in his fingers a small but fateful object. It was a bee, an ordinary honey-bee. East of the Mississippi, in Illinois, Kentucky, the Virginias, it would have meant nothing. Here on the great plains it meant much. Meriwether Lewis held the tiny creature in the palm of his hand. "Why did you kill it, Cruzatte?" he asked. "It was on its errand." He turned to his friend who sat near, at the other side. "Will," he said, "our expedition has succeeded. Here is the proof of it. The bee is following our path. They are coming!" Clark nodded. Woodsmen as they both were, they knew well enough the Indian tradition that the bee is the harbinger of the coming of the white man. When he comes, the plow soon follows, and weeds grow where lately have been the flowers of the forest or the prairie. They sat for a time looking at the little insect, which bore so fateful a message into the West. Reverently Lewis placed it in his collector's case--the first bee of the plains. "They are coming!" said he again to his friend. CHAPTER XII WHAT VOICE HAD CALLED? They lay in camp far down the river whose flood had borne them on so rapidly. They had passed through the last of the dangerous country of the Sioux, defying the wild bands whose gantlet they had to run, but which they had run in safety. Ahead was only what might be called a pleasure journey, to the end of the river trail. The men were happy as they lay about their fires, which glowed dully in the dusk. Each was telling what he presently was going to do, when he got his pay at old St. Louis, not far below. William Clark, weary with the day's labor, had excused himself and gone to his blankets. Lewis, the responsible head of the expedition, alone, aloof, silent, sat moodily looking into his fire, the victim of one of his recurring moods of melancholy. He stirred at length and raised himself restlessly. It was not unusual for him to be sleepless, and always, while awake, he had with him the problems of his many duties; but at this hour something unwontedly disturbing had come to Meriwether Lewis. He turned once more and bent down, as if figuring out some puzzle of a baffling trail. Picking up a bit of stick, he traced here and there, in the ashes at his feet, points and lines, as if it were some problem in geometry. Uneasy, strange of look, now and again he muttered to himself. "Hoh!" he exclaimed at length, almost like an Indian, as if in some definite conclusion. He had run his trail to the end, had finished the problem in the ashes. "Hoh!" his voice again rumbled in his chest. And now he threw his tracing-stick away. He sat, his head on one side, as if looking at some distant star. It seemed that he heard a voice calling to him in the night, so faintly that he could not be sure. His face, thin, gaunt, looked set and hard in the light of his little fire. Something stern, something wistful, too, showed in his eyes, frowning under the deep brows. Was Meriwether Lewis indeed gone mad? Had the hardships of the wilderness at last taken their toll of him--as had sometimes happened to other men? He rose, limping a little, for he still was weak and stiff from his wound, though disdaining staff or crotched bough to lean upon. He looked about him cautiously. The camp was slumbering. Here and there, stirred by the passing breeze, the embers of a little fire glowed like an eye in the dark. The men slept, some under their rude shelters, others in the open under the stars, each rolled in his robe, his rifle under the flap to keep it from the dew. Meriwether Lewis knew the place of every man in the encampment. Ordway, Pryor, Gass--each of the three sergeants slept by his own mess fire, his squad around him. McNeal, Bratton, Shields, Cruzatte, Reuben Fields, Goodrich, Whitehouse, Coalter, Shannon--the captain knew where each lay, rolled up like a mummy. He had marked each when he threw down his bed-roll that night; for Meriwether Lewis was a leader of men, and no detail escaped him. He passed now, stealthy as an Indian, along the rows of sleeping forms. His moccasined foot made no sound. Save for his uniform coat, he was clad as a savage himself; and his alert eye, his noiseless foot, might have marked him one. He sought some one of these--and he knew where lay the man he wished to find. He stood beside him silently at last, looking down at the sleeping figure. The man lay a little apart from the others, for he was to stand second watch that night, and the second guard usually slept where he would not disturb the others when awakened for his turn of duty. This man--he was long and straight in his blankets, and filled them well--suddenly awoke, and lay staring up. He had not been called, no hand had touched him, it was not yet time for guard relief; but he had felt a presence, even as he slept. He stared up at a tall and motionless figure looking down. With a swift movement he reached for his rifle; but the next instant, even as he lay, his hand went to his forehead in salute. He was looking up into the face of his commander! "Shannon!" He heard a hoarse voice command him. "Get up!" George Shannon, the youngest of the party, sprang out of his bed half clad. "Captain!" He saluted again. "What is it, sir?" he half whispered, as if in apprehension. "Put on your jacket, Shannon. Come with me!" Shannon obeyed hurriedly. Half stripped, he stood a fine figure of young manhood himself, lithe, supple, yet developed into rugged strength by his years of labor on the trail. "What is it, Captain?" he inquired once more. They were apart from the others now, in the shadows beyond Lewis's fire. Shannon had caught sight of his leader's countenance, noting the wildness of its look, its drawn and haggard lines. His commander's hand thrust in his face a clutch of papers, folded--letters, they seemed to be. Shannon could see the trembling of the hand that held them. "You know what I want, Shannon! I want the rest of these--I want the last one of them! Give it to me now!" The youth felt on his shoulder the grip of a hand hard as steel. He did not make any answer, but stood dumb, wondering what might be the next act of this man, who seemed half a madman. "Five of them!" he heard the same hoarse voice go on. "There must be another--there must be one more, at least. You have done this--you brought these letters. Give me the last one of them! Why don't you answer?" With sudden and violent strength Lewis shook the boy as a dog might a rat. "Answer me!" "Captain, I cannot!" broke out Shannon. "What? Then there is another?" "I'll not answer! I'll stand my trial before court martial, if you please." Again the heavy hand on his shoulder. "There will be no trial!" he heard the hoarse voice of his commander saying. "I cannot sleep. I must have the last one. There is another!" Shannon laid a hand on the iron wrist. "How do you know?" he faltered. "Why do you think----" "Am I not your leader? Is it not my business to know? I am a woodsman. You thought you had covered your trail, but it was plain. I know you are the messenger who has been bringing these letters to me from her. I need not name her, and you shall not! For what reason you did this--by what plan--I do not know, but I know you did it. You were absent each time that I found one of these letters. That was too cunning to be cunning! You are young, Shannon, you have something to learn. You sing songs--love songs--you write letters--love letters, perhaps! You are Irish--you have sentiment. There is romance about you--_you_ are the man she would choose to do what you have done. Being a woman, she knew, she chose well; but it is my business to read all these signs. "Give me that letter! I am your officer." "Captain, I will not!" "I tell you I cannot sleep! Give it to me, boy, or, by Heaven, you yourself shall sleep the long sleep here and now! What? You still refuse?" "Yes, I'll not be driven to it. You say I'm Irish. I am--I'll not give up a woman's secret--it's a question of honor, Captain. There is a woman concerned, as you know." "Yes!" "And I promised her, too. I swear I never planned any wrong to either of you. I would die at your order now, as you know; but you have no right to order this, and I'll not answer!" The hand closed at his throat. The boy could not speak, but still Meriwether Lewis growled on at him. "Shannon! Speak! Why have you kept secrets from your commanding officer? You have begun to tell me--tell me all!" The boy's hand clutched at his leader's wrists. At length Lewis loosed him. "Captain," began the victim, "what do you mean? What can I do?" "I will tell you what I mean, Shannon. I promised to care for you and bring you back safe to your parents. You'll never see your parents again, save on one condition. I trusted you, thought you had special loyalty for me. Was I wrong?" "On my honor, Captain," the boy broke out, "I'd have died for you any time, and I'd do it now! I've worked my very best. You're my officer, my chief!" With one movement, Meriwether Lewis flung off the uniform coat that he wore. They stood now, man to man, stripped, and neither gave back from the other. "Shannon," said Lewis, "I'm not your officer now. I'm going to choke the truth out of you. Will you fight me, or are you afraid?" The last cruelty was too much. The boy began to gulp. "I'm not afraid to fight, sir. I'd fight any man, but you--no, I'll not do it! Even stripped, you're my commander still." "Is that the reason?" "Not all of it. You're weak, Captain, your wound has you in a fever. 'Twould not be fair--I could do as I liked with you now. I'll not fight you. I couldn't!" "What? You will not obey me as your officer, and will not fight me as a man? Do you want to be whipped? Do you want to be shot? Do you want to be drummed out of camp tomorrow morning? By Heaven, Private Shannon, one of these choices will be yours!" But something of the icy silence of the youth who heard these terrible words gave pause even to the madman that was Meriwether Lewis now. He halted, his hooked hands extended for the spring upon his opponent. "What is it, boy?" he whispered at last. "What have I done? What did I say?" Shannon was sobbing now. "Captain," he said, and thrust a hand into the bosom of his tunic--"Captain, for Heaven's sake, don't do that! Don't apologize to me. I understand. Leave me alone. Here's the letter. There were six--this is the last." Lewis's strained muscles relaxed, his blazing eyes softened. "Shannon!" he whispered once more. "What have I done?" He took the letter in his hand, but did not look at it, although his fingers could feel the seal unbroken. "Why do you give it to me now, boy?" he asked at length. "What changed you?" "Because it's orders, sir. She ordered me--that is, she asked me--to give you these letters at times when you seemed to need them most--when you were sick or in trouble, when anything had gone wrong. We couldn't figure so far on ahead when I ought to give you each one. I had to do my best. I didn't know at first, but now I see that you're sick. You're not yourself--you're in trouble. She told me not to let you know who carried them," he added rather inconsequently. "She said that that might end it all. She thought that you might come back." "Come back--when?" "She didn't know--we couldn't any of us tell--it was all a guess. All this about the letters was left to me, to do my best. I couldn't ask you, Captain, or any one. I don't know what was in the letters, sir, and I don't ask you, for that's not my business; but I promised her." "What did she promise you?" "Nothing. She didn't promise me pay, because she knew I wouldn't have done it for pay. She only looked at me, and she seemed sad, I don't know why. I couldn't help but promise her. I gave her my word of honor, because she said her letters might be of use to you, but that no one else must know that she had written them." "When was all this?" "At St. Louis, just before we started. I reckon she picked me out because she thought I was especially close to you. You know I have been so." "Yes, I know, Shannon." "I thought I was doing something for you. You see, she told me that her name must not be mentioned, that no one must know about this, because it would hurt a woman's reputation. She thought the men might talk, and that would be bad for you. I could not refuse her. Do you blame me now?" "No, Shannon. No! In all this there is but one to blame, and that is your officer, myself!" "I did not think there was any harm in my getting the letters to you, Captain. I knew that lady was your friend. I know who she is. She was more beautiful than any woman in St. Louis when we were there--more a lady, somehow. Of course, I'm not an officer or a gentleman--I'm only a boy from the backwoods, and only a private soldier. I couldn't break my promise to her, and I couldn't very well obey your orders unless I did. If I've broken any of the regulations you can punish me. You see, I held back this letter--I gave it to you now because I had the feeling that I ought to--that she would want me to. It is the fever, sir!" "Aye, the fever!" Silence fell as they stood there in the night. The boy went on, half tremblingly: "Please, please, Captain Lewis, don't call me a coward! I don't believe I am. I was trying to do something for you--for both of you. It was always on my mind about these letters. I did my best and now----" And now it was the eye of Meriwether Lewis that suddenly was wet; it was his voice that trembled. "Boy," said he, "I am your officer. Your officer asks your pardon. I have tried myself. I was guilty. Will you forget this?" "Not a word to a soul in the world, Captain!" broke out Shannon. "About a woman, you see, we do not talk." "No, Mr. Shannon, about a woman we gentlemen do not talk. But now tell me, boy, what can I do for you--what can I ever do for you?" "Nothing in the world, Captain--but just one thing." "What is it?" "Please, sir, tell me that you don't think me a coward!" "A coward? No, Shannon, you are the bravest fellow I ever met!" The hand on the boy's shoulder was kindly now. The right hand of Captain Meriwether Lewis sought that of Private George Shannon. The madness of the trail, of the wilderness--the madness of absence and of remorse--had swept by, so that Lewis once more was officer, gentleman, just and generous man. Shannon stooped and picked up the coat that his captain had cast from him. He held it up, and aided his commander again to don it. Then, saluting, he marched off to his bivouac bed. From that day to the end of his life, no one ever heard George Shannon mention a word of this episode. Beyond the two leaders of the party, none of the expedition ever knew who had played the part of the mysterious messenger. Nor did any one know, later, whence came the funds which eventually carried George Shannon through his schooling in the East, through his studies for the bar, and into the successful practise which he later built up in Kentucky's largest city. Meriwether Lewis, limp and lax now, shivering in the chill under the reaction from his excitement, turned away, stepped back to his own lodge, and contrived a little light, after the frontier fashion--a rag wick in a shallow vessel of grease. With this uncertain aid he bent down closer to read the finely written lines, which ran: MY FRIEND: This is my last letter to you. This is the one I have marked Number Six--the last one for my messenger. Yes, since you have not returned, now I know you never can. Rest well, then, sir, and let me be strong to bear the news when at length it comes, if it ever shall come. Let the winds and the waters sound your requiem in that wilderness which you loved more than me--which you loved more than fame or fortune, honor or glory for yourself. The wilderness! It holds you. And for me--when at last I come to lay me down, I hope, too, some wilderness of wood or waters will be around me with its vast silences. After all, what is life? Such a brief thing! Little in it but duty done well and faithfully. I know you did yours while you lived. I have tried to do mine. It has been hard for me to see what was duty. If I knew as absolute truth that conviction now in my heart--that you never can come back--how then could I go on? Meriwether--Merne--Merne--I have been calling to you! Have you not heard me? Can you not hear me now, calling to you across all the distances to come back to me? I cannot give you up to the world, because I have loved you so much for myself. It was a cruel fate that parted us--more and more I know that, even as more and more I resolve to do what is my duty. But, oh, I miss you! Come back to me--to one who never was and never can be, but _is_---- Yours, THEODOSIA. It took him long to read this letter. At last his trembling hand dropped the creased and broken sheets. The guttering light went out. The men were silent, sleeping near their fires. The peace of the great plains lay all about. She had said it--had said that last fated word. Now indeed he knew what voice had called to him across the deeps! He reflected now that all these messages had been written to him before he left her; and that when he saw her last she was standing, tears in her eyes, outraged by the act of the man whom she had trusted--nay, whom she had loved! CHAPTER XIII THE NEWS A horseman rode furiously over the new road from Fort Bellefontaine to St. Louis village. He carried news. The expedition of Lewis and Clark had returned! Yes, these men so long thought lost, dead, were coming even now with their own story, with their proofs. The boats had passed Charette, had passed Bellefontaine, and presently would be pulling up the river to the water front of St. Louis itself. "Run, boys!" cried Pierre Chouteau to his servants. "Call out the people! Tell them to ring the bells--tell them to fire the guns at the fort yonder. Captains Lewis and Clark have come back again--those who were dead!" The little settlement was afire upon the instant. Laughing, talking, ejaculating, weeping in their joy, the people of St. Louis hurried out to meet the men whose voyage meant so much. At last they saw them coming, the paddles flashing in unison in the horny hands which tirelessly drove the boats along the river. They could see them--men with long beards, clad in leggings of elk hide, moccasins of buffalo and deer; their head-dresses those of the Indians, their long hair braided. And see, in the prow of the foremost craft sat two men, side by side--Lewis and Clark, the two friends who had arisen as if from the grave! "Present arms!" rang out a sharp command, as the boats lined up along the wharf. The brown and scarred rifles came to place. "Aim! Fire!" The volley of salutation blazed out even with the chorus of the voyageurs' cheers. And cheers repeated and unceasing greeted them as they stepped from their boats to the wharf. In an instant they were half overpowered. "Come with me!" "No, with me!" "With me!" A score of eager voices of the first men of St. Louis claimed the privilege of hospitality for them. It was almost by force that Pierre Chouteau bore them away to his castle on the hill. And always questions, questions, came upon them--ejaculations, exclamations. "_Ma foi!_" exclaimed more than one pretty French maiden. "Such men--such splendid men--savages, yet white! See! See!" They had gone away as youths, these two captains; they had come back men. Four thousand miles out and back they had gone, over a country unmapped, unknown; and they brought back news--news of great, new lands. Was it any wonder that they stood now, grave and dignified, feeling almost for the first time the weight of what they had done? They passed over the boat-landing and across the wharf, approaching the foot of the rocky bluff above which lay the long street of St. Louis. Silent, as was his wont, Meriwether Lewis had replied to most of the greetings only with the smile which so lighted up his face. But now, suddenly, he ceased even to smile. His eye rested not upon the faces of those acclaiming friends, but upon something else beyond them. Yes, there it was--the old fur-shed, the storage-house of the traders here on the wharf, just as he had left it two years before! The door was closed. What lay beyond it? Lewis shuddered, as if caught with chill, as he looked at yonder door. Just there she had stood, more than two years ago, when he started out on this long journey. There he had kissed that face which he had left in tears--he saw it now! All the glory of his safe return, all the wonderful results which it must mean, he would have given now, could he have had back that picture for a different making. "My matches--my thermometers--my instruments--how did they perform?" The speaker was Dr. Saugrain, eager to meet again his friends. "Perfect, doctor, perfect! We have some of the matches yet. As to the thermometers, we broke the last one before we reached the sea." "You found the sea? _Mon Dieu!_" "We found the Pacific. We found the Columbia, the Yellowstone--many new rivers. We have found a new continent--made a new geography. We passed the head of the Missouri. We found three great mountain ranges." "The beaver--did you find the beaver yonder?" demanded the voice of a swarthy man who had attended them. It was Manuel Liza, fur-trader, his eyes glowing in his interest in that reply. "Beaver?" William Clark waved a hand. "How many I could not tell you! Thousands and millions--more beaver than ever were known in the world before. Millions of buffalo--elk in droves--bears such as you never saw--antelope, great horned sheep, otters, muskrat, mink--the greatest fur country in all the world. We could not tell you half!" "Your men, will they be free to make return up the river with trading parties?" William Clark smiled at the keenness of the old French trader. "You could not possibly have better men," said he. The men themselves shook their heads in despair. Yes, they said, they had found a thousand miles of country ready to be plowed. They had found any quantity of hardwood forests and pine groves. They had seen rivers packed with fish until they were half solid--more fish than ever were in all the world before. They had found great rivers which led far back to the heart of the continent. They had seen trees larger than any man ever had seen--so large that they hardly could be felled by an ax. They had found a country where in the winter men perished, and another where the winters were not cold, and where the bushes grew high as trees. They had found all manner of new animals never known before--in short, a new world. How could they tell of it? "Captain," inquired Chouteau at length, "your luggage, your boxes--where are they?" Meriwether Lewis pointed to a skin parfleche and a knotted bandanna handkerchief which George Shannon carried for him. "That is all I have left," said he. "But the mail for the East--the mail, M. Chouteau--we must get word to the President!" "The President has long ago been advised of your death," said Chouteau, laughing. "All the world has said good-by to you. No doubt you can read your own obituaries." "We bring them better news than that. What news for us?" asked the two captains of their host. "News!" The voluble Frenchman threw up his hands. "Nothing but news! The entire world is changed since you left. I could not tell you in a month. The Burr duel----" "Yes, we did not know of it for two years," said William Clark. "We have just heard about it, up river." "The killing of Mr. Hamilton ended the career of Colonel Burr," said Chouteau. "But for that we might have different times here in Mississippi. He had many friends. But you have heard the last news regarding him?" It was the dark eye of Meriwether Lewis which now compelled his attention. "No? Well, he came out here through this country once more. He was arrested last summer, on the Natchez Trace, and carried off to Washington. The charge is treason against his government. The country is full of it--his trial is to be at Richmond. Even now it may be going on." He did not notice the sudden change in Meriwether Lewis's face. "And all the world is swimming in blood across the sea," went on their garrulous informant. "Napoleon and Great Britain are at war again. Were it not so, one or the other of them would be at the gates of New Orleans, that is sure. This country is still discontented. There was much in the plan of Colonel Burr to separate this valley into a country of its own, independent--to force a secession from the republic, even though by war on the flag. Indeed, he was prepared for that; but now his conspiracy is done. Perhaps, however, you do not hold with the theory of Colonel Burr?" "Hold with the theory of Colonel Burr, sir?" exclaimed the deep voice of Meriwether Lewis. "Hold with it? This is the first time I have known what it was. It was treason! If he had any join him, that was in treason! He sought to disrupt this country? Agree with him? What is this you tell me? I had never dreamed such a thing as possible of him!" "He had many friends," went on Chouteau; "very many friends. They are scattered even now all up and down this country--men who will not give up their cause. All those men needed was a leader." "But, M. Chouteau," rejoined Lewis, "I do not understand--I cannot! What Colonel Burr attempted was an actual treason to this republic. I find it difficult to believe that!" Chouteau shrugged his shoulders. "There may be two names for it," he said. "And every one asked to join the cause was asked to join in treason to his country. Is it not so?" Lewis went on. "There may be two names for it," smiled the other, still shrugging. "He was my friend," said Meriwether Lewis. "I trusted him!" "Always, I repeat, there are two names for treason. But what puzzles me is this," Chouteau continued. "What halted the cause of Colonel Burr here in the West? He seemed to be upon the point of success. His organization was complete--his men were in New Orleans--he had great lands purchased as a rendezvous below. He had understandings with foreign powers, that is sure. Well, then, here is Colonel Burr at St. Louis, all his plans arranged. He is ready to march, to commence his campaign, to form this valley into a great kingdom, with Mexico as part of it. He was a man able to make plans, believe me. But of all this there comes--nothing! Why? At the last point something failed--no one knew what. He waited for something--no one knew what. Something lacked--no one can tell what. And all the time--this is most curious to me--I learned it through others--Colonel Burr was eager to hear something of the expedition of Lewis and Clark into the West. Why? No one knows! _Does_ no one know?" The captain did not speak, and Chouteau presently went on. "Why did Colonel Burr hesitate, why did he give up his plans here--why, indeed, did he fail? You ask me why these things were? I say, it was because of you--_messieurs_, you two young men, with your Lewis and Clark Expedition! It was _you_ who broke the Burr Conspiracy--for so they call it in these days. _Messieurs_, that is your news!" CHAPTER XIV THE GUESTS OF A NATION "Attention, men!" The company of Volunteers for the Discovery of the West fell into line in front of the stone fortress of old St. Louis. A motley crew they looked in their half-savage garb. They were veterans, fit for any difficult undertaking in the wilderness. Shoulder to shoulder they had labored in the great enterprise. Now they were to disband. Their leaders had laid aside the costume of the frontier and assumed the uniforms of officers in the army of the United States. Fresh from his barber and his tailor, Captain Lewis stood, tall, clean-limbed, immaculate, facing his men. His beard was gone, his face showed paler where it had been reaped. His hair, grown quite long, and done now in formal cue, hung low upon his shoulders. In every line a gentleman, an officer, and a thoroughbred, he no longer bore any trace of the wilderness. Love, confidence, admiration--these things showed in the faces of his men as their eyes turned to him. "Men," said he, "you are to be mustered out today. There will be given to each of you a certificate of service in this expedition. It will entitle you to three hundred and twenty acres of land, to be selected where you like west of the Mississippi River. You will have double pay in gold as well; but it is not only in this way that we seek to show appreciation of your services. "We have concluded a journey of considerable length and importance. Between you and your officers there have been such relations as only could have made successful a service so extraordinary as ours has been. In our reports to our own superior officers we shall have no words save those of praise for any of you. Our expedition has succeeded. To that success you have all contributed. Your officers thank you. "Captain Clark will give you your last command, men. As I say farewell to you, I trust I may not be taken to mean that I separate myself from you in my thoughts or memories. If I can ever be of service to any of you, you will call upon me freely." He turned and stepped aside. His place was taken by his associate, William Clark, likewise a soldier, an officer, properly attired, and all the figure of a proper man. Clark's voice rang sharp and clear. "Attention! Aim--fire! Break ranks--march!" The last volley of the gallant little company was fired. The last order had been given and received. With a sweep of his drawn sword, Captain Clark dismissed them. The expedition was done. So now they went their way, most of them into oblivion, great though their services had been. For their officers much more remained to do. The progress to Washington was a triumph. Everywhere their admiring countrymen were excited over their marvelous journey. They were fêted and honored at every turn. The country was ringing with their praises from the Mississippi to the Atlantic as the news spread eastward just ahead of them. When at last they finished their adieux to the kindly folk of St. Louis, who scarce would let them go, they took boat across the river to the old Kaskaskia trail, and crossed the Illinois country by horse to the Falls of the Ohio, where the family of William Clark awaited him. Here was much holiday, be sure; but not even here did they pause long, for they must be on their way to meet their chief at Washington. Their little cavalcade, growing larger now, passed on across Kentucky, over the gap in the Cumberlands, down into the country of the Virginia gentry. Here again they were fêted and dined and wined so long as they would tarry. It was specially difficult for them to leave Colonel Hancock, at Fincastle. Here they must pause and tell how they had named certain rivers in the West--the one for Maria Woods; another for Judith Hancock--the Maria's and Judith Rivers of our maps today. Here William Clark delayed yet a time. He found in the charms of the fair Judith herself somewhat to give him pause. Soon he was to take her as his bride down the Ohio to yonder town of St. Louis, for whose fame he had done so much, and was to do so much more. Toward none of the fair maids who now flocked about them could Meriwether Lewis be more than smiling gallant, though rumors ran that either he or William Clark might well-nigh take his pick. He was alike to all of them in his courtesy. One thought of eager and unalloyed joy rested with him. He was soon to see his mother. In time he rode down from the hilltops of old Albemarle to the point beyond the Ivy Depot where rose the gentle eminence of Locust Hill, the plantation of the Lewis family. Always in the afternoon, in all weathers, his mother sat looking down the long lane to the gate, as if she expected that one day a certain figure would appear. Sometimes, old as she was, she dozed and dreamed--just now she had done so. She awoke, and saw standing before her, as if pictured in her dream, the form of her son, in bodily presence, although at first she did not accept him as such. "My son!" said she at length, half as much in terror as in joy. "Merne!" He stooped down and took her grayed head in his hands as she looked up at him. She recalled other times when he had come from the forest, from the wilderness, bearing trophies in his hands. He bore now trophies greater, perhaps, than any man of his age ever had brought home with him. What Washington had defended was not so great as that which Lewis won. It required them both to make an America for us haggling and unworthy followers. "My son!" was all she could say. "They told me that you never would come back, that you were dead. I thought the wilderness had claimed you at last, Merne!" "I told you I should come back to you safe, mother. There was no danger at any time. From St. Louis I have come as fast as any messenger could have come. Next I must go to see Mr. Jefferson at Washington--then, back home again to talk with you, for long, long hours." "And what have you found?" "More than I can tell you in a year! We found the mysterious river, the Columbia--found where it runs into the ocean, where it starts in the mountains. We found the head of the Missouri--the Ohio is but a creek beside it. We crossed plains and mountains more wonderful than any we have ever dreamed of. We saw the most wonderful land in all the world, mother--and we made it ours!" "And you did that? Merne, was _that_ why the wilderness called to you? My boy has done all that? Your country will reward you. I should not complain of all these years of absence. You are happy now, are you not?" "I should be the happiest of men. I can take to Mr. Jefferson, our best friend, the proof that he was right in his plans. His great dream has come true, and I in some part helped to make it true. Should I not now be happy?" "You should be, Merne, but are you?" "I am well, and I find you still well and strong. My friend, Will Clark, has come back with me hearty as a boy. Everything has been fortunate with us. Look at me," he demanded, turning and stretching out his mighty arms. "I am strong. My men all came through without loss or injury--the splendid fellows! It is wonderful that in risks such as ours we met with no ill fortune." "Yes, but are you happy? Turn your face to me." But he did not turn his face. "I told my friend, William Clark," he said lightly, as he rose, "to join me here after an hour or so. I think I see his party coming now. York rides ahead, do you see? He is a free negro now--he will have stories enough to set all our blacks idle for a month. I must go down to meet Will and our other guests." William Clark, bubbling over with his own joy of life, set all the household in a whirl. There was nothing but cooking, festivity, dancing, hilarity, so long as he remained at Locust Hill. But the mother of Meriwether Lewis looked with jealous eye on William Clark. Success, glory, honor, fame, reward--these now belonged to Meriwether Lewis, to them both, his mother knew. But why did not his laugh sound high like that of his friend? Her eyes followed her son daily, hourly, until at last she surrendered him to his duty when he declared he could no longer delay his journey to Washington. Spick and span, cap-a-pie, pictures of splendid young manhood, the two captains rode one afternoon up to the great gate before the mansion house of the nation. Lewis looked about him at scenes once familiar; but in the three years and a half since he had seen it last the raw town had changed rapidly. Workmen had done somewhat upon the Capitol building yonder, certain improvements had been made about the Executive Mansion itself; but the old negro men at the gate and at the door of the house were just as he had left them. And when, running on ahead of his companion, he knocked at Mr. Jefferson's office door--flinging it open, as he did so, with the freedom of his old habit--he looked in upon a familiar sight. Thomas Jefferson was sitting bent over his desk, as usual littered with a thousand papers. The long frame of his multigraph copying-machine was at one side. Folded documents lay before him, unfinished briefs upon the other side; a rack of goose quills and an open inkpot stood beyond. And on the top of the desk, spread out long and over all, lay a great map, whose identity these two young men easily could tell--the Lewis and Clark map sent back from the Mandan country! Thomas Jefferson had kept it at his desk every day since it had come to him, more than two years before. He turned now toward the door, casually, for he was used to the interruptions of his servants. What he saw brought him to his feet. He spread out his arms impulsively--he shook the hand of each in turn, drew them to him before he motioned them to seats. Never had Meriwether Lewis seen such emotion displayed by his chief. "I could hardly wait for you!" said Mr. Jefferson. He began to pace up and down. "I knew it, I knew it!" he exclaimed. "Now they will call us constitutional, perhaps, since we have added a new world to our country! My son, that was our vision. You have proved it. You have been both dreamer and doer!" He came up and placed a half playful hand on Meriwether Lewis's shoulder. "Did I know men, then?" he demanded. "And did I, Mr. Jefferson? Captain Clark----" "You do not say the title correctly! It is not Captain Clark, it is not Captain Lewis, that stand before me now. You are to have sixteen hundred acres of land, each of you. You, my son, will be Governor Lewis of the new Territory of Louisiana; and your friend is not Captain Clark but General Clark, agent of all the Indian tribes of the West!" In silence the hand of each of the young men went out to the President. Then their own eyes met, and their hands. They were not to be separated after all--they were to work together yonder in St. Louis! "Governor--General--I welcome you back! You will come back to your old rooms here in my family, Merne, and we will find a place for your friend. What we have here is at the service of both of you. You are the guests of the nation!" CHAPTER XV MR. JEFFERSON'S ADVICE "Merne, my boy," said Thomas Jefferson, when at length they two were alone once more in the little office, "I cannot say what your return means to me. You come as one from the grave--you resurrect another from the grave." "Meaning, Mr. Jefferson?----" "You surely have heard that my administration is in sad disrepute? There is no man in the country hated so bitterly as myself. We are struggling on the very verge of war." "I heard some talk in the West, Mr. Jefferson," hesitated Meriwether Lewis. "Yes, they called this Louisiana Purchase, on which I had set my heart, nothing but extravagance. The machinations of Colonel Burr have added nothing to its reputation. General Jackson is with Burr, and many other strong friends. And meantime you know where Burr himself is--in the Richmond jail. I understand that his friend, Mr. Merry, has gone yonder to visit him. Our country is degenerated to be no more than a scheming-ground, a plotting-place, for other powers. You come back just in the nick of time. You have saved this administration! You bring back success with you. If the issue of your expedition were anything else, I scarce know what would be my own case here. For myself, that would have mattered little; but as to this country for which I have planned so much, your failure would have cost us all the Mississippi Valley, besides all the valley of the Missouri and the Columbia. Yes, had you not succeeded, Aaron Burr would have succeeded! Instead of a great republic reaching from ocean to ocean, we should have had a scattered coterie of States of no endurance, no continuity, no power. Thank God for the presence of one great, splendid thing gloriously done! You cannot, do not, begin to measure its importance." "We are glad that you have been pleased, Mr. Jefferson," said Lewis simply. "Pleased! Pleased! Say rather that I am saved! Say rather that this country is saved! Had you proved disloyal to me--had you for any cause turned back," he went on, "think what had been the result! What a load, although you knew it not, was placed on your shoulders! Suppose that you had turned back on the trail last year, or the summer before--suppose you had not gotten beyond the Mandans--can you measure the difference for this republic? Can you begin to see what responsibility rested on you? Had you failed, you would have dragged the flag of your country in the dust. Had you come back any time before you did, then you might have called yourself the man who ruined his President, his friend, his country!" "And I nearly did, Mr. Jefferson!" broke out Meriwether Lewis. "Do not praise me too much. I was tempted----" The old man turned toward him, his face grave. "You are honest! I value that above all in you--you are punctilious to have no praise not honestly won. Listen, now!" He leaned toward the young man, who sat beside him. "I know--I knew all along--how you were tempted. She came here--Theodosia--the very day you left!" Lewis nodded, mute. "In some way, I knew, the conspirators fought against your success and mine. I knew what agencies they intended to use against you--it was this woman! Had you failed, I should have known why. I know many things, whether or not you do. I know the character of Aaron Burr well enough. He has been crazed, carried away by his own ambitions--God alone knows where he would have stopped. He has been a man not surpassed in duplicity. He would stop at nothing. Moreover, he could make black look white. He did so for his daughter. She believed in him absolutely. And knowing somewhat of his plans, I imagined that he would use the attraction of that young lady for you--the power which, all things considered, she might be supposed to possess with you. I knew the depth of your regard for her, the deeper for its hopelessness. And more than all, I knew the intentness and resolution of your character. It was one motive against the other! Which was the stronger? You were a young man--the hot blood of youth was yours, and I know its power. Had the woman not been married, I should have lost! You would have sold a crown for her. It was honor saved you--your personal honor--that was what brought us success. No country is bigger than the personal honor of its gentlemen." The bowed head of Meriwether Lewis was his only answer. The keen-faced old man went on: "I knew that before you had left the mouth of the Ohio River he would do his best to stop you--I knew it before you had left Harper's Ferry; but I placed the issue in the lap of the gods. I applied to you all the tests--the severest tests--that one man can to another. I let you alone! For a year, two years, three years, I did not know. But now I do know; and the answer is yonder flag which you have carried from one ocean to the other. The answer is in this map, all these hides scrawled in coal--all those new thousands of miles of land--_our_ land. God keep it safe for us always! And may the people one day know who really secured it for them! It was not so much Thomas Jefferson as it was Meriwether Lewis. "Each time I dreamed that my subtle enemies were tempting you, I prayed in my own soul that you would be strong; that you would go on; that you would be loyal to your duty, no matter what the cost. God answered those prayers, my boy! Whatever was your need, whatever price you paid, you did what I prayed you would do. When the months passed and you did not come back, I knew that not even the woman you loved could have called you back. I knew that you had learned the priceless lesson of renunciation, of sacrifice, through which alone the great deeds of the world always have been done." Meriwether Lewis stood before his chief, cold and pale, unable to complete much speech. Thomas Jefferson looked at him for a moment before he went on. "My boy, you are so simple that you will not understand. You do not understand how well I understand you! These things are not done without cost. If there was punishment for you, you took that punishment--or you will! You kept your oath as an officer and your unwritten oath as a gentleman. It is a great thing for a man to have his honor altogether unsullied." "Mr. Jefferson!" The young man before him lifted a hand. His face was ghastly pale. "Do not," said he. "Do not, I beg of you!" "What is it, Merne?" exclaimed the old man. "What have I done?" "You speak of my honor. Do not! Indeed, you touch me deep." Thomas Jefferson, wise old man, raised a hand. "I shall never listen, my son," said he. "I will accord to you the right of hot blood to run hot--you would not be a man worth knowing were it not so. All I know or will know is that whatever the price, you have paid it--or will pay it! But tell me, Merne, can you not tear her from your soul? It will ruin you, this hopeless attachment which you cherish. Is it always to remain with you? I bid you find some other woman. The best in the land are waiting for you." "Mr. Jefferson, I shall never marry." The two sat looking into each other's eyes for just a moment. Said Thomas Jefferson at length, slowly: "So! You have come back with all happiness, all success, for me and for others--but not for yourself! Such proving as you have had has fallen to the lot of but few men. I know now how great has been the cost--I see it in your face. The fifteen millions I paid for yonder lands was nothing. We have bought them with the happiness of a human soul! The transient gratitude of this republic--the honor of that little paper--bah, they are nothing! But perhaps it may be something for you to know that at least one friend understands." Lewis did not speak. "What is lost is lost," the President began again after a time. "What is broken is broken. But see how clearly I look into your soul. You are not thinking now of what you can do for yourself. You are not thinking of your new rank, your honors. You are asking now, at this moment, what you can do for _her_! Is it not so?" The smile that came upon the young man's face was a beautiful, a wonderful thing to see. It made the wise old man sad to see it--but thoughtful, too. "She is at Richmond, Merne?" said Mr. Jefferson a moment later. The young man nodded. "And the greatest boon she could ask would be her father's freedom--the freedom of the man who sought to ruin this country--the man whom I scarcely dare release." The thin lips compressed for a moment. It was not in implacable, vengeful zeal--it was but in thought. "Now, then," said Thomas Jefferson sharply, "there comes a veil, a curtain, between you and me and all the world. No record must show that either of us raised a hand against the full action of the law, or planned that Colonel Burr should not suffer the full penalty of the code. Yes, for him that is true--but _not for his daughter_!" "Mr. Jefferson!" The face of Meriwether Lewis was strangely moved. "I see the actual greatness of your soul; but I ask nothing." "Why, in my heart I feel like flinging open every prison door in the world. If you have gained an empire for your country, and paid for it as you have, could not a great and rich country afford to pay to the extent of a woman's happiness? When a king is crowned, he sets free the criminals. And this day I feel as proud and happy as if I were a king--and king of the greatest empire of all the world! I know well who assured that kingdom. Let me be, then"--he raised his long hand--"say nothing, do nothing. And let this end all talk between us of these matters. I know you can keep your own counsel." Lewis bowed silently. "Go to Richmond, Merne. You will find there a broken conspirator and his unhappy daughter. Both are ostracized. None is so poor as to do either of them reverence. She has no door opened to her now, though but lately she was daughter of the Vice-President, the rich Mrs. Alston, wife of the Governor of her State. Go to them now. Tell Colonel Burr that the President will not ask mercy for him. John Marshall is on the bench there; but before him is a jury--John Randolph is foreman of that jury. It is there that case will be tried--in the jury room; and _politics will try it_! Go to Theodosia, Merne, in her desperate need." "But what can I do, Mr. Jefferson?" broke out his listener. "Do precisely what I tell you. Go to that social outcast. Take her on your arm before all the world--_and before that jury_! Sit there, before all Richmond--and that jury. An hour or so will do. Do that, and then, as I did when I trusted you, ask no questions, but leave it on the knees of the gods. If you can call me chief in other matters," the President concluded, "and can call me chief in that fashion of thought which men call religion as well, let me give you unction and absolution, my son. It is all that I have to give to one whom I have always loved as if he were my own son. This is all I can do for you. It may fail; but I would rather trust that jury to be right than trust myself today; because, I repeat, I feel like flinging open every prison door in all the world, and telling every erring, stumbling man to try once more to do what his soul tells him he ought to do!" CHAPTER XVI THE QUALITY OF MERCY In Richmond jail lay Aaron Burr, the great conspirator, the ruins of his ambition fallen about him. He had found a prison instead of a palace. He was eager no longer to gain a scepter, but only to escape a noose. The great conspiracy was at an end. The only question was of the punishment the accused should have--for in the general belief he was certain of conviction. That he never was convicted has always been one of the most mysterious facts of a mysterious chapter in our national development. So crowded were the hostelries of Richmond that a stranger would have had difficulty in finding lodging there during the six months of the Burr trial. Not so with Meriwether Lewis, now one of the country's famous men. A score of homes opened their doors to him. The town buzzed over his appearance. He had once been the friend of Burr, always the friend of Jefferson. To which side now would he lean. Luther Martin, chief of Burr's counsel, was eager above all to have a word with Meriwether Lewis, so close to affairs in Washington, possibly so useful to himself. Washington Irving, too, assistant to Martin in the great trial, would gladly have had talk with him. All asked what his errand might be. What was the leaning of the Governor of the new Territory, a man closer to the administration at Washington than any other? Meriwether Lewis kept his own counsel. He arranged first to see Burr himself. The meagerly furnished anteroom of the Federal prison in Richmond was the discredited adventurer's reception-hall in those days. Burr advanced to meet his visitor with something of his own old haughtiness of mien, a little of the former brilliance of his eye. "Governor, I am delighted to see you, back safe and sound from your journey. My congratulations, sir!" Meriwether Lewis made no reply, but gazed at him steadily, well aware of the stinging sarcasm of his words. "I have few friends now," said Aaron Burr. "You have many. You are on the flood tide--it ebbs for me. When one loses, what mercy is shown to him? That scoundrel Merry--he promised everything and gave nothing! Yrujo--he is worse yet in his treachery. Even the French minister, Turreau--who surely might listen to the wishes of the great French population of the Mississippi Valley--pays no attention to their petitions whatever, and none to mine. These were my former friends! I promised them a country." "You promised them a country, Colonel Burr--from what?" "From that great ownerless land yonder, the West. But they waited and waited, until your success was sure. Why, that scoundrel Merry is here this very day--the effrontery of him! He wants nothing more to do with me. No, he is here to undertake to recoup himself in his own losses by reasons of moneys he advanced to me some time ago. He is importuning my son-in-law, Mr. Alston, to pay him back those funds--which once he was so ready to furnish to us. But Mr. Alston is ruined--I am ruined--we are all ruined. No, they waited too long!" "They waited until it was too late, yes," Lewis returned. "That country is American now, not British or Spanish or French. Our men are passing across the river in thousands. They will never loose their hold on the West. It was treason to the future that you planned--but it was hopeless from the first!" "It would seem, sir," said Aaron Burr, a cynical smile twisting his thin lip, "that I may not count upon your friendship!" "That is a hard speech, Colonel Burr. I was your friend." "More than your chief ever was! I fancy Mr. Jefferson would like to see me pilloried, drawn and quartered, after the old way." "You are unjust to him. You struck at the greatest ambition of his life--struck at his heart and the heart of his country--when you undertook to separate the West from this republic." "I am a plain man, and a busy man," said Aaron Burr coldly. "I must employ my time now to the betterment of my situation. I have failed, and you have won. But let me throw the cloak aside, since I know you can be of no service to me. I care not what punishment you may have--what suffering--because I recognize in you the one great cause of my failure. It was _you_, sir, with your cursed expedition, that defeated Aaron Burr!" He turned, proud and defiant even in his failure, and when Meriwether Lewis looked up he was gone. Even as Burr passed, Meriwether Lewis heard a light step in the long corridor. Under guard of the turnkey, some one stood at the door. It was the figure of a woman--a figure which caused him to halt, caused his heart to leap! She came toward him now, all in mourning black--hat, gown, and gloves. Her face was pale, her eyes deep, her mouth drooping. Theodosia Alston was always thus on her daily visit to her father's cell. Herself the picture of failure and despair, she was used to avoiding the eyes of all; but she saw Meriwether Lewis standing before her, strong, tall, splendid in his manhood and vigor, in the full tide of his success. She was almost in touch of his hand when she raised her eyes to his. These two had met at last, after what far wanderings apart! They had met as if each came from the Valley of the Shadows. Out of the vastness of the unknown, over all those long and devious trails, into what now seemed to him a world still more vast, more fraught with desperate peril, he had come back to her. And she--what had been her perils? What were her thoughts? As his eye fell upon her, even as his keen ear had known her coming, the hand of Meriwether Lewis half unconsciously went to his breast. He felt under it the packet of faded letters which he had so long kept with him--which in some way he felt to be his talisman. Yes, it was for this that he had had them! His love and hers--this had been his shield through all. What he saw in her grave face, her mournful eyes uplifted to his own--this was the solution of the riddle of his life, the reason for his moods of melancholy, the answer to a thousand unspoken prayers. He felt his heart thrill strong and full, felt his blood spring in strong current through his veins, until they strained, until he felt his nerves tingle as he stood, silent, endeavoring to still the tumult within him, now that he knew the great and satisfying truth of truths. To her he was--what? A tall and handsome gentleman, immaculately clad, Governor of the newest of our Territories--the largest and richest realm ever laid under the rule of any viceroy. A bystander might have pondered on such things, but Meriwether Lewis had no thought of them, nor had the woman who looked up at him. No, to her eyes there stood only the man who made her blood leap, her soul cry out: "Yea! Yea! Now I know!" To her also, from the divine compassion, was given answer for her questionings. She knew that life for her, even though it ended now, had been no blind puzzle, after all, but was a glorious and perfect thing. She had called to him across the deep, and he had heard and come! From the very grave itself he had arisen and come again to her! Even here under the shadow of the gallows--even if, as both knew in their supreme renunciation, they must part and never meet again--for them both there could be peaceful calm, with all life's questions answered, beautifully and surely answered, never again to rise for conquering. "Sir--Captain--that is to say, Governor Lewis," she corrected herself, "I was not expecting you." Her tone seemed icy, though her soul was in her eyes. She was all upon the defense, as Lewis instantly understood. He took her hand in both of his own, and looked into her face. She gazed up at him, and swiftly, mercifully, the tears came. Gently, as if she had been a child, he dried them for her--as once when a boy, he had promised to do. They were alone now. The cold silence of the prison was about them; but their own long silence seemed a golden, glowing thing. Thus only--in their silence--could they speak. They did not know that they stood hand in hand. "My husband is not here," said she at length, gently disengaging her hand from his. "No one knows me now, every one avoids me. You must not be seen with me--a pariah, an outcast! I am my father's only friend. Already they condemn him; yet he is as innocent as any man ever was." "I shall say no word to change that belief," said Meriwether Lewis. "But your husband is not here? It is he whom I must see at once." "Why must you see him?" "You must know! It is my duty to go to him and to tell him that I am the man who--who made you weep. He must have his satisfaction. Nothing that he can do will punish me as my own conscience has already punished me. It is no use--I shall not ask you to forgive me--I will not be so cheap." "But--_suppose he does not know_?" He could only stand silent, regarding her fixedly. "He must never know!" she went on. "It is no time for quixotism to make yet another suffer. We two must be strong enough to carry our own secret. It is better and kinder that it should be between two than among three. I thought you dead. Let the past remain past--let it bury its own dead!" "It is our time of reckoning," said he, at length. "Guilty as I have been, sinning as I have sinned--tell me, was I alone in the wrong? Listen. Those who joined your father's cause were asked to join in treason to their country. What he purposed was _treason_. Tell me, did you know this when you came to me?" He saw the quick pain upon her face, the flush that rose to her pale cheek. She drew herself up proudly. "I shall not answer that!" said she. "No!" he exclaimed, swiftly contrite. "Nor shall I ask it. Forgive me! You never knew--you were innocent. You do right not to answer such a question." "I only wanted you to be happy--that was my one desire." She looked aside, and a moment passed before she heard his deep voice reply. "Happy! I am the most unhappy man in all the world. Happiness? No--rags, shreds, patches of happiness--that is all that is left of happiness for us, as men and women usually count it. But tell me, what would make you most happy now, of these things remaining? I have come back to pay my debts. Is there anything I can do? What would make you happiest?" "_My father's freedom!_" "I cannot promise that; but all that I can do I will." "Were my father guilty, that would be the act of a noble mind. But how? You are Mr. Jefferson's friend, not the friend of Aaron Burr. All the world knows that." "Precisely. All the world knows that, or thinks it does. It thinks it knows that Mr. Jefferson is implacable. But suppose all the world were set to wondering? I am just wondering myself if it would be right to suborn a juryman, like John Randolph of Roanoke!"[6] [Footnote 6: The import of the visit of Governor Lewis and Mrs. Alston to the court-room during the Burr trial is better conveyed if there be held in mind the personality of that eccentric and extraordinary man, so prominent in the history of America and the traditions of Virginia--John Randolph of Roanoke. Irascible, high-voiced, high-headed, truculent, insolent, vitriolic--yet gallant, courteous, kind, just, and fair; the enemy and the friend in turn of almost every public man of his day; truckling to none, defiant of all, sure to do what could not be predicted of any other man--it was always certain that John Randolph of Roanoke would do what he liked, and do what--for that present time--he fancied to be just. Now the ardent adherent, again the bitter caluminator of Jefferson, it would be held probable that John Randolph of Roanoke would do what he fancied Thomas Jefferson had not asked him to do, or had asked him not to do. But the shrewd old man at Washington spoke advisedly when he said that John Randolph of Roanoke would try the Burr case in the jury-room, and himself preside as judge, counsel, and jury all in one!] "That is impossible. What do you mean?" "I mean this. This afternoon you and I will go into the trial-room together. I have not yet attended a session of the court. Today I will hand you to your seat in full sight of the jury box." "You--give your presence to one who is now a social pariah? The ladies of Richmond no longer speak to me. But to what purpose?" "Perhaps to small purpose. I cannot tell. But let us suppose that I go with you, and that we sit there in sight of all. I am known to be the intimate friend of Mr. Jefferson. _Ergo_----" "_Ergo_, Mr. Jefferson is not hostile to us! And you would do that--you would take that chance?" "For you." And he did--for her! That afternoon all the crowded court-room saw the beadle make way for two persons of importance. One was a tall, grave, distinguished-looking man, impassive, calm, a man whose face was known to all--the new Governor of Louisiana, viceroy of the country that Burr had lost. Upon his arm, pale, clad all in black, walked the daughter of the prisoner at the bar! Was it in defiance or in compliance that this act was done? Was it by orders, or against orders, or without orders, that the President's best friend walked in public, before all the world, with the daughter of the President's worst enemy? It was the guess of anybody and the query of all. There, in full view of all the attendants, in full view of the jury--and of John Randolph of Roanoke, its foreman--sat the two persons who had had most to do with this scene of which they now made a part. There sat the man who had explored the great West, and the woman who had done her best to prevent that exploration; Mr. Jefferson's friend, and the daughter of the great conspirator, Aaron Burr. _Ergo, ergo_, said many tongues swiftly--and leaned head to head to whisper it. Mind sometimes speaks to mind--even across the rail of a jury-box. Sympathy runs deep and swift sometimes. All the world loved Meriwether Lewis then, would favor him--or favor what he favored. The issue of that great trial was not to come for weeks as yet; but when it came, and by whatever process, Aaron Burr was acquitted of the charges brought against him. The republic for whose downfall he had plotted set him free and bade him begone. But now, at the close of this day, the two central figures of the tragic drama found themselves together once more. They could be alone nowhere but in the prison room; and it was there that they parted. Between them, as they stood now at last, about to part, there stretched an abysmal gulf which might never personally be passed by either. She faced him at length, trembling, pleading, helpless. "How mighty a thing is a man's sense of honor!" she said slowly. "You have done what I never would have asked you to do, and I am glad that you did. I once asked you to do what you would not do, and I am glad that you did not. How can I repay you for what you have done today? I cannot tell how, but I feel that you have turned the tide for us. Ah, if ever you felt that you owed me anything, it is paid--all your debt to me and mine. See, I no longer weep. You have dried my tears!" "We cannot balance debits and credits," he replied. "There is no way in the world in which you and I can cry quits. Only one thing is sure--I must go!" "I cannot say good-by!" said she. "Ah, do not ask me that! We are but beginning now. Oh, see! see!" He looked at her still, an unspeakable sadness in his gaze--at her hand, extended pleadingly toward him. "Won't you take my hand, Merne?" said she. "Won't you?" "I dare not," said he hoarsely. "No, I dare not!" "Why? Do you wish to leave me still feeling that I am in your debt? You can afford so much now," she said brokenly, "for those who have not won!" "Think you that I have won?" he broke out. "Theodosia--Theo--I shall call you by your old name just once--I do not take your hand--I dare not touch you--because I love you! I always shall. God help me, it is the truth!" "Did you get my letters?" she said suddenly, and looked him fair in the face. Meriwether Lewis stood searching her countenance with his own grave eyes. "_Letters?_" said he at length. "_What letters?_" Her eyes looked up at him luminously. "You are glorious!" said she. "Yes, a woman's name would be safe with you. You are strong. How terrible a thing is a sense of honor! But you are glorious! Good-by!" CHAPTER XVII THE FRIENDS Allied in fortunes as they had been in friendship, Meriwether Lewis and William Clark went on side by side in their new labors in the capital of that great land which they had won for the republic. Their offices in title were distinct, yet scarcely so in fact, for each helped the other, as they had always done. To these two men the new Territory of Louisiana owed not only its discovery, but its early passing over to the day of law and order. No other men could have done what they did in that time of disorder and change, when, rolling to the West in countless waves, came the white men, following the bee, crossing the great river, striking out into the new lands, a headstrong, turbulent, and lawless population. A thousand new and petty cares came to Governor Lewis. He passed from one duty to another, from one part of his vast province to another, traveling continually with the crude methods of transportation of that period, and busy night and day. Courts must be established. The compilation of the archives must be cared for. Records must be instituted to clear up the swarm of conflicts over land-titles. Scores of new duties arose, and scores of new remedies needed to be devised. The first figure of the growing capital of St. Louis, the new Governor was also the central figure of all social activities, the cynosure of all eyes. But the laughing belles of St. Louis at length sighed and gave him up--they loved him as Governor, since they might not as man. Wise, firm, deliberate, kind, sad--he was an old man now, though still young in years. Scattered up and down the great valley, above and below St. Louis, and harboring in that town, were many of the late adherents of Burr's broken conspiracy. These liked not the oncoming of the American government, enforced by so rigid an executive as the one who now held power. Threats came to the ears of Meriwether Lewis, who was hated by the Burr adherents as the cause of their discomfiture; but he, wholly devoid of the fear of any man, only laughed at them. Honest and blameless, it was difficult for any enemy to injure him, and no man cared to meet Meriwether Lewis in the open. But at last one means of attack was found. Once more--the last time--the great heart of a noble man was pierced. "Will," said he to his friend, as they met at William Clark's home, according to their frequent custom, "I am in trouble." "Fancied trouble, Merne," said Clark. "You're always finding it!" "Would I might call it fancied! But this is something in the way of facts, and very stubborn facts. See here"--he held out certain papers in his hand--"by this morning's mail I get back these bills protested--protested by the government at Washington! And they are bills that I have drawn to pay the expenses of administering my office here." "Tut, tut!" said William Clark gravely. "Come, let us see." "Look here, and here! Will, you know that I am a man of no great fortune. You also know that I have made certain enemies in this country. But now I am not supported by my own government. I am ruined--I am a broken man! Did you think that this country could do that for either of us?" "But Merne, you, the soul of honor----" "Some enemy has done this! What influences have been set to work, I cannot say; but here are the bills, and there are others out in other hands--also protested, I have no doubt. I am publicly discredited, disgraced. I know not what has been said of me at Washington." "That is the trouble," said William Clark slowly. "Washington is so far. But now, you must not let this trouble you. 'Tis only some six-dollar-a-week clerk in Washington that has done it. You must not consider it to be the deliberate act of any responsible head of the government. You take things too hard, Merne. I will not have you brooding over this--it will never do. You have the megrims often enough, as it is. Come here and kiss the baby! He is named for you, Meriwether Lewis--and he has two teeth. Sit down and behave yourself. Judy will be here in a minute. You are among your friends. Do not grieve. 'Twill all come well!" This was in the year 1809. Mr. Jefferson's embargo on foreign trade had paralyzed all Western commerce. Our ships lay idle; our crops rotted; there was no market. The name of Jefferson was now in general execration. In March, when his second term as President expired, he had retired to private life at Monticello. He had written his last message to Congress that very spring, in which he said of the people of his country: I trust that in their steady character, unshaken by difficulties, in their love of liberty, obedience to law, and support of the public authorities, I see a sure guarantee of the permanence of our republic; and retiring from the charge of their affairs, I carry with me the consolation of a firm persuasion that Heaven has in store for our beloved country long ages to come of prosperity and happiness. Whatever the veering self-interest of others led them to think or do regarding the memory of that great man, Meriwether Lewis trusted Thomas Jefferson absolutely, and relied wholly on his friendship and his counsel. Now, in the hour of trouble, he resolved to journey to Monticello to ask the advice of his old chief, as he had always done. In this he was well supported by his friend Dr. Saugrain. "You are ill, Governor--you have the fever of these lands," urged that worthy. "By all means leave this country and go back to the East. Go by way of New Orleans and the sea. The voyage will do you much good." "Peria," said Meriwether Lewis to his French servant and attendant, "make ready my papers for my journey. Have a small case, such as can be carried on horseback. I must take with me all my journals, my maps, and certain of the records of my office here. Get my old spyglass; I may need it, and I always fancy to have it with me when I travel, as was my custom in the West. Secure for our costs in travel some gold--three or four hundred dollars, I imagine. I will take some in my belt, and give the rest to you for the saddle-trunk." "Your Excellency plans to go by land, then, and not by sea?" "I do not know. I must save all the time possible. And Peria----" "Yes, Excellency." "Have my pistols well cared for, and your own as well. See that my small powder-canister, with bullets, is with them in the holsters. The trails are none too safe. Be careful whom you advise of our plans. My business is of private nature, and I do not wish to be disturbed. And here, take my watch," he concluded. "It was given to me by a friend--a good friend, Mr. Wirt, and I prize it very much--so much that I fear to have it on my person. Care for it in the saddle-trunk." "Yes, Excellency." "Do not call me 'Excellency'--I detest the title! I am Governor Lewis, and may so be distinguished. Go now, and do as I have told you. We shall need about ten men to man the barge. Arrange it. Have our goods ready for an early start tomorrow morning." All that night, sleepless, fevered, almost distracted, Meriwether Lewis sat at his desk, writing, or endeavoring to write, with what matters upon his soul we may not ask. But the long night wore away at last, and morning came, a morning of the early fall, beautiful as it may be only in that latitude. Without having closed his eyes in sleep, the Governor made ready for his journey to the East. Whether or not Peria was faithful to all his instructions one cannot say, but certainly all St. Louis knew of the intended departure of the Governor. They loved him, these folk, trusted him, would miss him now, and they gathered almost _en masse_ to bid him godspeed upon his journey. "These papers for Mr. Jefferson, Governor--certain land-titles, of which we spoke to him last year. Do you not remember?" Thus Chouteau, always busy with affairs. "These samples of cloth and of satin, Governor," said a dark-eyed French girl, smiling up at him. "Would you match them for me in the East? I am to be married in the spring!" "The price of furs--learn of that, Governor, if you can, while on your journey. The embargo has ruined the trade in all this inland country!" It was Manuel Liza, swarthy, taciturn, who thus voiced a general feeling. "Books, more books, my son!" implored Dr. Saugrain. "We are growing here--I must keep up with the surgery of the day; I must know the new discoveries in medicine. Bring me books. And take this little case of medicines. You are ill, my son--the fever has you!" "My people--they mourn for me as dead," said Big White, the Mandan, who had never returned to his people up the Missouri River since the repulse of his convoy by the Sioux. "Tell the Great Father that he must send me soldiers to take me back home to my people. My heart is poor!" "Governor, see if you can get me an artificial limb of some sort while you are in the East." It was young George Shannon who said this, leaning on his crutch. Shannon had not long ago returned from another trip up the river, where in an encounter with the Sioux he had received a wound which cost him a leg and almost cost him his life--though later, as has already been said, he was to become a noted figure at the bar of the State of Kentucky. "Yes! Yes, and yes!" Their leader, punctilious as he was kind, agreed to all these commissions--prizing them, indeed, as proof of the confidence of his people. He was ready to depart, but stood still, looking about for the tall figure which presently he saw advancing through the throng--a tall man with wide mouth and sunny hair, with blue eye and stalwart frame--William Clark--the friend whom he loved so much, and whom he was now to see for the last time. General Clark carried upon his arm the baby which had been named after the Governor of the new Territory. Lewis took him from his father's arms and pressed the child's cool face to his own, suddenly trembling a little about his own lips as he felt the tender flesh of the infant. No child of his own might he ever hold thus! He gave him back with a last look into the face of his friend. "Good-by, Will!" said he. CHAPTER XVIII THE WILDERNESS The Governor's barge swept down the rolling flood of the Mississippi, impelled by the blades of ten sturdy oarsmen. Little by little the blue smoke of St. Louis town faded beyond the level of the forest. The stone tower of the old Spanish stockade, where floated the American flag, disappeared finally. Meriwether Lewis sat staring back, but seeming not to note what passed. He did not even notice a long bateau which left the wharf just before his own and preceded him down the river, now loafing along aimlessly, sometimes ahead, sometimes behind that of the Governor and his party. In time he turned to his lap-desk and began his endless task of writing, examining, revising. Now and again he muttered to himself. The fever was indeed in his blood! They proceeded thus, after the usual fashion of boat travel in those days, down the great river, until they had passed the mouth of the Ohio and reached what was known as the Chickasaw Bluffs, below the confluence of the two streams. Here was a little post of the army, arranged for the commander, Major Neely, Indian agent at that point. As was the custom, all barges tied up here; and the Governor's craft moored at the foot of the bluff. Its chief passenger was so weak that he hardly could walk up the steep steps cut in the muddy front of the bank. "Governor Lewis!" exclaimed Major Neely, as he met him. "You are ill! You are in an ague!" "Perhaps, perhaps. Give me rest here for a day or two, if you please. Then I fancy I shall be strong enough to travel East. See if you can get horses for myself and my party--I am resolved not to go by sea. I have not time." The Governor of Louisiana, haggard, flushed with fever, staggered as he followed his friend into the apartment assigned to him in one of the cabins of the little post. He wore his usual traveling-garb; but now, for some strange reason he seemed to lack his usual immaculate neatness. Instead of the formal dress of his office, he wore an old, stained, faded uniform coat, its pocket bulging with papers. This he kept at the head of his bed when at length he flung himself down, almost in the delirium of fever. He lay here for two days, restless, sleepless. But at length, having in the mean time scarcely tasted food, he rose and declared that he must go on. "Major," said he, "I can ride now. Have you horses for the journey?" "Are you sure, Governor, that your strength is sufficient?" Neely hesitated as he looked at the wasted form before him, at the hollow eye, the fevered face. "It is not a question of my personal convenience, Major," said Meriwether Lewis. "Time presses for me. I must go on!" "At least you shall not go alone," said Major Neely. "You should have some escort. Doubtless you have important papers?" Meriwether Lewis nodded. "My servant has arranged everything, I fancy. Can you get an extra man or two? The Natchez Trace is none too safe." That military road, as they both knew, was indeed no more than a horse path cut through the trackless forest which lay across the States of Mississippi, Tennessee and Kentucky. Its reputation was not good. Many a trader passing north from New Orleans with coin, many a settler passing west with packhorses and household effects, had disappeared on this wilderness road, and left no sign. It was customary for parties of any consequence to ride in companies of some force. It was a considerable cavalcade, therefore, which presently set forth from Chickasaw Bluffs on the long ride eastward to cross the Alleghanies, which meant some days or weeks spent in the saddle. Apprehension sat upon all, even as they started out. Their eyes rested upon the wasted form of their leader, the delirium of whose fever seemed still to hold him. He muttered to himself as he rode, resented the near approach of any traveling companion, demanded to be alone. They looked at him in silence. "He talks to himself all the time," said one of the party--a new man, hired by Neely at the army post. He rode with Peria now; and none but Peria knew that he had come from the long barge which had clung to the Governor's craft all the way down the river--and which, unknown to Lewis himself, had tied up and waited at Chickasaw Bluffs. He was a stranger to Neely and to all the others, but seemed ready enough to take pay for service along the Trace, declaring that he himself was intending to go that way. He was a man well dressed, apparently of education and of some means. He rode armed. "What is wrong with the Governor, think you?" inquired this man once more of Peria, Lewis's servant. "It is his way," shrugged Peria. "We leave him alone. His hand is heavy when he is angry." "He rides always with his rifle across his saddle?" "Always, on the trail." "Loaded, I presume--and his pistols?" "You may well suppose that," said Peria. "Oh, well," said the new member of the party, "'tis just as well to be safe. I lifted his saddlebags and the desk, or trunk, whatever you call it, that is on the pack horse yonder. Heavy, eh?" "Naturally," grinned Peria. They looked at one another. And thereafter the two, as was well noted, conversed often and more intimately together as the journey progressed. "Now it's an odd thing about his coat," volunteered the stranger later in that same day. "He always keeps it on--that ragged old uniform. Was it a uniform, do you believe? Can't the Governor of the new Territory wear a coat that shows his own quality? This one's a dozen years old, you might say." "He always wears it on the trail," said Peria. "At home he watches it as if it held some treasure." "Treasure?" The shifty eyes of the new man flashed in sudden interest. "What treasure? Papers, perhaps--bills--documents--money? His pocket bulges at the side. Something there--yes, eh?" "Hush!" said Peria. "You do not know that man, the Governor. He has the eye of a hawk, the ear of a fox--you can keep nothing from him. He fears nothing in the world, and in his moods--you'd best leave him alone. Don't let him suspect, or----" And Peria shook his head. The cavalcade was well out into the wilderness east of the Mississippi on that afternoon of October 8, in the year 1809. Stopping at the wayside taverns which now and then were found, they had progressed perhaps a hundred miles to the eastward. The day was drawing toward its close when Peria rode up and announced that one or two of the horses had strayed from the trail. "I have told you to be more careful, Peria," expostulated Governor Lewis. "There are articles on the packhorse which I need at night. Who is this new man that is so careless? Why do you not keep the horses up? Go, then, and get them. Major Neely, would you be so kind as to join the men and assure them of bringing on the horses?" "And what of you, Governor?" "I shall go on ahead, if you please. Is there no house near by? You know the trail. Perhaps we can get lodgings not far on." "The first white man's house beyond here," answered Neely, "belongs to an old man named Grinder. 'Tis no more than a few miles ahead. Suppose we join you there?" "Agreed," said Lewis, and setting spurs to his horse, he left them. It was late in the evening when at length Meriwether Lewis reined up in front of the somewhat unattractive Grinder homestead cabin, squatted down alongside the Natchez Trace; a place where sometimes hospitality of a sort was dispensed. It was an ordinary double cabin that he saw, two cob-house apartments with a covered space between such as might have been found anywhere for hundreds of miles on either side of the Alleghanies at that time. At his call there appeared a woman--Mrs. Grinder, she announced herself. "Madam," he inquired, "could you entertain me and my party for the night? I am alone at present, but my servants will soon be up. They are on the trail in search of some horses which have strayed." "My husband is not here," said the woman. "We are not well fixed, but I reckon if we can stand it all the time, you can for a night. How many air there in your party?" "A half-dozen, with an extra horse or two." "I reckon we can fix ye up. Light down and come in." She was noting well her guest, and her shrewd eyes determined him to be no common man. He had the bearing of a gentleman, the carriage of a man used to command. Certain of his garments seemed to show wealth, although she noted, when he stripped off his traveling-smock, that he wore not a new coat, but an old one--very old, she would have said, soiled, stained, faded. It looked as if it had once been part of a uniform. Her guest, whoever he was--and she neither knew nor asked, for the wilderness tavern held no register, and few questions were asked or answered--paid small attention to the woman. He carried his saddlebags into the room pointed out to him, flung them down, and began to pace up and down, sometimes talking to himself. The woman eyed him from time to time as she went about her duties. "Set up and eat," she said at last. "I reckon your men are not coming." "I thank you, Madam," said the stranger, with gentle courtesy. "Do not let me trouble you too much. I have been ill of late, and do not as yet experience much hunger." Indeed, he scarcely tasted the food. He sat, as she noted, a long time, gazing fixedly out of the door, over the forest, toward the West. "Is it not a beautiful world, Madam?" said he, after a time, in a voice of great gentleness and charm. "I have seen the forest often thus in the West in the evening, when the day was done. It is wonderful!" "Yes. Some of my folks is thinking of going out further into the West." He turned to her abstractedly, yet endeavoring to be courteous. "A wonderful country, Madam!" said he; and so he fell again into his moody staring out beyond the door. After a time the hostess of the backwoods cabin sought to make up a bed for him, but he motioned to her to desist. "It is not necessary," said he. "I have slept so much in the open that 'tis rarely I use a bed at all. I see now that my servant has come up, and is in the yard yonder. Tell him to bring my robes and blankets and spread them here on the floor, as I always have them. That will answer quite well enough, thank you." Peria, it seemed, had by this time found his way to the cabin along the trail. He was alone. "Come, man!" said Lewis. "Make down my bed for me--I am ill. And tell me, where is my powder? Where are the bullets for my pistols? I find them empty. Haven't I told you to be more careful about these things? And where is my rifle-powder? The canister is here, but 'tis empty. Come, come, I must have better service than this!" But even as he chided the remissness of his servant, he seemed to forget the matter in his mind. Presently he was again pacing apart, stopping now and then to stare out over the forest. "I must have a place to write," said he at length. "I shall be awake for a time tonight, occupied with business matters of importance. Where is Major Neely? Where are the other men? Why have they not come up?" Peria could not or did not answer these questions, but sullenly went about the business of making his master as comfortable as he might, and then departed to his own quarters, down the hill, in another building. The old backwoods woman herself withdrew to the other apartment, beyond the open space of the double cabin. The soft, velvet darkness of night in the forest now came on apace--a night of silence. There was not even the call of a tree toad. The voice of the whippoorwill was stilled at that season of the year. If there were human beings awake, alert, at that time, they made no sound. Meriwether Lewis was alone--alone in the wilderness again. Its silences, its mysteries, drew about him. But now he stood, not enjoying in his usual fashion the familiar feeling of the night in the forest, the calm, the repose it customarily brought to him. He stood looking intently, as if he expected some one--nay, indeed, as if he saw some one--as if he saw a face! What face was it? At last he made his way across the room to the heavy saddle-case which had been placed there. He flung the lid open, and felt among the contents. It seemed to him there was not so much within the case as there should have been. He missed certain papers, and resolved to ask Peria about them. He could not find the little bags of coin which he expected; but he found the watch, lying covered in a corner of the case. He drew it out and, stepping toward the flickering candle, opened it, gazing fixedly at the little silhouette cut round to fit in the back of the case. It was a face that he had seen before--a hundred times he had gazed thus at it on the far Western trails. He brought the little portrait close up to his eyes--but not close to his lips. No, he did not kiss the face of the woman who once had written to him: You must not kiss my picture, because I am in your power. Meriwether Lewis had won his long fight! He had mastered the human emotions of his soul at last. The battle had been such that he sat here now, weak and spent. He sat looking at the face which had meant so much to him all these years. There came into his mind some recollection of words that she had written to him once--something about the sound of water. He lifted his head and listened. Yes, there was a sound coming faintly through the night--the trickle of a little brook in the ravine below the window. Always, he recalled, she had spoken of the sound of water, saying that that music would blot out memory--saying that water would wash out secrets, would wash out sins. What was it she had said? What was it she had written to him long ago? What did it mean--about the water? The sound of the little brook came to his ears again in some shift of the wind. He rose and stumbled toward the window, carrying the candle in his hand. His haggard face was lighted by its flare as he stood there, leaning out, listening. It was then that his doom came to him. There came the sound of a shot; a second; and yet another. The woman in the cabin near by heard them clearly enough. She rose and listened. There was no sound from the other cabins. The servants paid no attention to the shots, if they had heard them--and why should they not have heard them? No one called out, no one came running. Frightened, the woman rose, and after a time stepped timidly across the covered space between the two rooms, toward the light which she saw shining faintly through the cracks of the door. She heard groans within. A tall and ghastly figure met her as she approached the door. She saw his face, white and haggard and stained. From a wound in the forehead a broad band of something dark fell across his cheek. From his throat something dark was welling. He clutched a hand on his breast--and his fingers were dark. He was bleeding from three wounds; but still he stood and spoke to her. "In God's name, Madam," said he, "bring me water! I am killed!" She ran away, she knew not where, calling to the others to come; but they did not come. She was alone. Once more, forgetful of her errand, incapable of rendering aid, she went back to the door. She heard no sound. She flung open the door and peered into the room. The candle was standing, broken and guttering, on the floor. She could see the scattered belongings of the traveling-cases, empty now. The occupant of the room was gone! In terror she fled once more, back to her own room, and cowered in her bed. Staggering, groping, his hands strained to him to hold in the life that was passing, Meriwether Lewis had left the room where he had received his wounds, and had stepped out into the air, into the night. All the resolution of his soul was bent upon one purpose. He staggered, but still stumbled onward. It seemed to him that he heard the sound of water, and blindly, unconsciously, he headed that way. He entered the shadow of the woods and passed down the little slope of the hill. He fell, rather than seated himself, at the side of the brook whose voice he had heard in the night. He was alone. The wilderness was all about him--the wilderness which had always called to him, and which now was to claim him. He sat, gasping, almost blind, feeling at his pockets. At last he found it--one of the sulphur matches made for him by good old Dr. Saugrain. Tremblingly he essayed to light it, and at last he saw the flare. With skill of custom, though now almost unconsciously, his fingers felt for dry bits of bark and leaves, little twigs. Yes, the match served its purpose. A tiny flame flickered between his feet as he sat. Did any eye see Meriwether Lewis as he sat there in the dark at his last camp fire? Did any guilty eye look on him making his last fight? He sat alone by the little fire. His hand, dropping sometimes, responsive only to the supreme effort of his will, fumbled in the bosom of his old coat. There were some papers there--some things which no other eyes than his must ever see! Here was a secret--it must always be a secret--her secret and his! He would hide forever from the world what had been theirs in common. The tiny flame rose up more strongly, twice, thrice, five times--six times in all! One by one he had placed them on the flames--these letters that he had carried on his heart for years--the six letters that she had written him when he was far away in the unknown. He held the last one long, trying to see the words. He groaned. He was almost blind. His trembling finger found the last word of the last letter. It rose before him in tall characters now, all done in flame and not in block--_Theodosia!_ Now they were gone! No one could ever see them. No one could know how he had treasured them all these years. She was safe! Before his soul, in the time of his great accounting, there rose the passing picture of the years. Free from suffering, now absolved, resigned, he was a boy once more, and all the world was young. He saw again the slopes of old Albemarle, beautiful in the green and gold of an early autumn day in old Virginia. He heard again his mother's voice. What was it that she said? He bent his head as if to listen. "Your wish--your great desire--your hope--your dream--all these shall be yours at last, even though the trail be long, even though the burden be too heavy to carry farther." So then she had known--she had spoken the truth in her soothsaying that day so long ago! Now his fading eye looked about him, and he nodded his head weakly, as if to assent to something he had heard. He had so earnestly longed--he had so greatly desired--to be an honorable man! He had so longed and desired to do somewhat for others than himself! And here was peace, here indeed was conquest. His great desire was won! His lax hands dropped between his knees as he sat. A little gust of wind sweeping down the gully caught up some of the white ashes--stained as they were with blood that dropped from his veins as he bent above them--carried them down upon the tiny thread of the little brook. It carried them away toward the sea--his blood, the ashes, the secret which they hid. At length he rose once more, his splendid will still forcing his broken body to do its bidding. Half crawling up the bank, once more he stood erect and staggered back across the yard, into the room. The woman heard him there again. Pity arose in her breast; once more she mastered her terror and approached the door. "In God's name, Madam," said he, "bring me water--wine! I am so strong, I am hard to die! Bind up my wounds--I have work to do! Heal me these wounds!" But not her power nor any power could heal such wounds as his. Once more she called out for aid, and none came. The night wore away. The dying man lay on his bearskin pallet on the floor, motionless now and silent, but still breathing, and calm at last. It was dawn when the recreant servant found him there. "Peria," said Meriwether Lewis, turning his fading eye on the man, "do not fear me. I will not hurt you. But my watch--I cannot find it--it seems gone. I am hard to die, it seems. But the little watch--it had--a--picture--Ah!" CHAPTER XIX DOWN TO THE SEA Many days later the French servant, Peria, rode up to the gate, to the door, of Locust Hall, the Lewis homestead in old Virginia. The news he bore had preceded him. He met a stern-faced, dark-browed woman, who regarded him coldly when he announced his name, regarded him in silence. The servant found himself able to make but small speech. "Your son was a brave man--he lived long," said Peria, haltingly, at the close of his story. "Yes," said the mother of Meriwether Lewis. "He was a brave man. He was strong!" "He was unhappy; but why he should have killed himself----" "Stop!" The dark eyes blazed upon him. "What are you saying? My son kill himself? It is an outrage to his memory to suggest it. He was the victim of some enemy. As for you, begone!" So Peria passed from sight and view, and almost from memory, not accused, not acquitted. Long afterward a brother of Meriwether Lewis met him, and found that he was carrying the old rifle and the little watch which every member of the family knew so well. These things had been missing from the effects of Meriwether Lewis in the inventory--indeed, little remained in the traveling-cases save a few scattered papers and the old spyglass. There was no gold. There were no letters of any kind. Soon there came down from Monticello to Locust Hall the coach of Thomas Jefferson. "Madam," said he, when finally he stood at the side of the mistress of Locust Hall, "it is heavy news I thought to bring--I see that you have heard it. What shall I say--what can we say to each other? I mourn him as if he were my own son." "It has come at last," said the mother of Meriwether Lewis. "The wilderness has him, as I knew it would! I told him, here at this place, when he was a boy, that at last the load would weigh him down." "The rumor is that he died by his own hand. I find it difficult to believe. It is far more likely that some enemy or robber was guilty of the deed." "Whom had he ever harmed?" she demanded of Jefferson. "None in the world, with intent; but he had enemies. Whether by his own hand or that of another, he died a gallant gentleman. He would not think of himself alone. But listen--bear with me if I tell you that could your son send out the news himself, perhaps he might say 'twas by his own hand he perished, and not by that of another!" "Never, Mr. Jefferson, never will I believe that! It was not in his nature!" "I agree with you. But when we take the last wishes of the dead, we take what is the law for us. And the law of your son was the law of honor. Suppose, my dear madam, there were a woman concerned in this matter?" "He never wronged a woman in his life----" "Precisely, nor in his death would he wrong one! Do you begin to see?" "Did he ever speak to you of her?" "It was impossible that he should; but I knew them both. I knew their secret. Were it in his power to do so, I am sure that he carried his secret with him, so that it might never be shared by any. That secret he has guarded in death as in life." "But shall I let that stain rest on his name?" The dark eye of the old woman gleamed upon her son's friend. "Do not I love him also? I am speaking now only of his own wish--not ours. I know that he would shield her at any cost--nay, I know he did shield her at any cost. May not we shield him--and her--no matter what the cost to us? If he laid that wish on us, ought we not to respect it? Madam, I shall frame a letter which will serve to appease the criticism of the public in regard to your son. If it be not the exact truth--and who shall tell the exact truth?--it will at least be accepted as truth, and it will forever silence any talk. What should the public know of a life such as his? There are some lives which are tragically large, and such was his. He lived with honor, and he could not die without it. What was in his heart we shall not ask to know. If ever he sinned, he is purged of any sin." Jefferson was silent for a moment, holding the bereaved mother's hand in his own. "He shall have a monument, madam," he went on. "It shall mark his grave in yonder wilderness. They shall name at least a county for him, and hold it his sacred grave-place--there in Tennessee, by the old Indian road. Let him lie there under the trees--that is as he would wish. He shall have some monument--yes, but how futile is all that! His greatest monument will be in the vast new country which he has brought to us. He was a man of a natural greatness not surpassed by any of his time." * * * * * What of Theodosia Alston, loyal and lofty soul, blameless wife, devoted and pathetic adherent to the fallen fortunes of her ill-starred father? Three years after Meriwether Lewis laid him down to sleep in the forest, a ship put out from Charleston wharf. It was bound for the city of New York, where at that time there was living a broken, homeless, forsaken man named Aaron Burr--a man execrated at home, discredited abroad, but who now, after years of exile, had crept home to the country which had cast him out. A passenger on that ship was Theodosia Alston, the daughter of Aaron Burr. That much is known. The ship sailed. It never came to port. No more is known. To this day none knows what was the fate of Aaron Burr's daughter, one of the most appealing figures of her day, a woman made for happiness, but continually in close touch with tragedy. Wherever her body may lie, she has her wish. The sound of the eternal waters is the continuous requiem in her ears. Her secret, if she had one, is washed away long ere this, and is one with the eternal secrets of the sea. As to her sin, she had none. Above her memory, since she has no grave, there might best be inscribed the words she wrote at a time of her own despair: "I hope to be happy in the next world, for I have not been bad in this." Did the little brook in Tennessee ever find its way down to the sea? Did it carry a scattered drop of a man's lifeblood, little by little thinning, thinning on its long journey? Did ever a wandering flake of ashes, melting, rest on its bosom for so great a journey as that toward the sea? Did the sound of a voice in the wilderness, passing across the unknown leagues, ever reach an ear that heard? Who can tell? Perhaps in the great ten thousand years such things may be--perhaps deep calls to deep, and there are no longer sins nor tears. A million hearth-fires mark the camp-fire trail of Meriwether Lewis. We own the country which he found, and for which he paid. He sleeps. Above him stands the monument which his chief assigned to him--his country. It rises now in glory and splendor, the perfected vision which he saw. That is the happy ending of his story--his country! It is ours. As its title came to us in honor, it is for us to love it honorably, to use it honorably, and to defend it honorably. None may withstand us while we hold to his ambitions--while our sons measure to the stature of such a man. "_The Books You Like to Read at the Price You Like to Pay_" There Are Two Sides to Everything-- --including the wrapper which covers every Grosset & Dunlap book. When you feel in the mood for a good romance, refer to the carefully selected list of modern fiction comprising most of the successes by prominent writers of the day which is printed on the back of every Grosset & Dunlap book wrapper. You will find more than five hundred titles to choose from--books for every mood and every taste and every pocket-book. _Don't forget the other side, but in case the wrapper is lost, write to the publishers for a complete catalog._ _There is a Grosset & Dunlap Book for every mood and for every taste_ EMERSON HOUGH'S NOVELS May be had wherever books are sold. Ask for Grosset & Dunlap's list. THE COVERED WAGON An epic story of the Great West from which the famous picture was made. THE WAY OF A MAN A colorful romance of the pioneer West before the Civil War. THE SAGEBRUSHER An Eastern girl answers a matrimonial ad. and goes out West in the hills of Montana to find her mate. THE WAY OUT A romance of the feud district of the Cumberland country. THE BROKEN GATE A story of broken social conventions and of a woman's determination to put the past behind her. THE WAY TO THE WEST Daniel Boone, Davy Crockett and Kit Carson figure in this story of the opening of the West. HEART'S DESIRE The story of what happens when the railroad came to a little settlement in the far West. THE PURCHASE PRICE A story of Kentucky during the days after the American Revolution. GROSSET & DUNLAP, PUBLISHERS, NEW YORK TRANSCRIBER'S NOTE: Minor changes have been made to correct obvious typesetters' errors; otherwise, every effort has been made to remain true to the author's words and intent.
13605 ---- Proofreaders ** Transcriber's Notes ** The printed edition from which this e-text has been produced retains the spelling and abbreviations of Hakluyt's 16th-century original. In this version, the spelling has been retained, but the following manuscript abbreviations have been silently expanded: - vowels with macrons = vowel + 'n' or 'm' - q; = -que (in the Latin) - y'e = the; y't = that; w't = with This edition contains footnotes and two types of sidenotes. Most footnotes are added by the editor. They follow modern (19th-century) spelling conventions. Those that don't are Hakluyt's (and are not always systematically marked as such by the editor). The sidenotes are Hakluyt's own. Summarizing sidenotes are labelled [Sidenote: ] and placed before the sentence to which they apply. Sidenotes that are keyed with a symbol are labeled [Marginal note: ] and placed at the point of the symbol, except in poetry, where they are placed at a convenient point. Additional notes on corrections, etc. are signed 'KTH' ** End Transcriber's Notes ** THE PRINCIPAL Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques AND Discoveries OF THE ENGLISH NATION. Collected by RICHARD HAKLUYT, PREACHER. AND Edited by EDMUND GOLDSMID, F.R.H.S. VOL. XII. AMERICA. PART I. TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE SIR ROBERT CECIL[1] KNIGHT. Principall Secretarie to her Maiestie, Master of the Court of Wards and Liueries, and one of her Maiesties most honourable Priuie Councell. Right honourable, your fauourable acceptance of my second volume of the English voyages offred vnto you the last yere, your perusing of the same at your conuenient leasure, your good testimony of my selfe and of my trauailes therein, together with the infallible signes of your earnest desire to doe mee good, which very lately, when I thought least thereof, brake forth into most bountiful and acceptable effects: these considerations haue throughly animated and encouraged me to present vnto your prudent censure this my third and last volume also. The subiect and matter herein contained is the fourth part of the world, which more commonly then properly is called America: but by the chiefest Authors The new world. New, in regard of the new and late discouery thereof made by Christopher Colon, aliàs Columbus, a Genouois by nation, in the yere of grace 1492. And world, in respect of the huge extension thereof, which to this day is not throughly discouered, neither within the Inland nor in the coast, especially toward the North and Northwest, although on the either side it be knowen vnto vs for the space of fiue thousand leagues at the least, compting and considering the trending of the land, and for 3000. more on the backeside in the South Sea from the Streight of Magellan to Cape Mendoçino and Noua Albion. So that it seemeth very fitly to be called A newe worlde. Howbeit it cannot be denied but that Antiquitie had some kinde of dimme glimse, and vnperfect notice thereof. Which may appeare by the relation of Plato in his two worthy dialogues of Timæus and Critias vnder the discourse of that mighty large yland called by him Atlantis, lying in the Ocean sea without the Streight of Hercules, now called the Straight of Gibraltar, being (as he there reporteth) bigger then Africa and Asia: And by that of Aristotle in his booke De admirandis auditionibus of the long nauigation of certaine Carthaginians, who sayling forth of the aforesaid Streight of Gibraltar into the maine Ocean for the space of many dayes, in the ende found a mighty and fruitfull yland, which they would haue inhabited, but were forbidden by their Senate and chiefe gouernours. Moreouer, aboue 300. yeeres after these wee haue the testimony of Diodorus Siculus lib. 5 cap. 7. of the like mighty yland discouered in the Westerne Ocean by the Tyrrheni, who were forbidden for certaine causes to inhabite the same by the foresaid Carthaginians. And Senecca in his tragedie intituled Medea foretold aboue 1500. yeeres past, that in the later ages the Ocean would discouer new worlds, and that the yle of Thule would no more be the vttermost limite of the earth. For whereas Virgile had said to Augustus Caesar, Tibi seruiat vltima Thule, alluding thereunto he contradicteth the same, and saith, Nec sit terris vltima Thule. Yea Tertullian, one of our most ancient and learned diuines, in the beginning of his treatise de Pallio alludeth vnto Plato his Westerne Atlantis, which there by another name he calleth Aeon, saying Aeon in Atlantico nunc quæritur. And in his 40. chapter de Apologetico he reporteth the same to be bigger then all Africa and Asia.[2] Of this new world and euery speciall part thereof in this my third volume I haue brought to light the best and most perfect relations of such as were chiefe actours in the particular discoueries and serches of the same, giuing vnto euery man his right, and leauing euery one to mainteine his owne credit. The order obserued in this worke is farre more exact, then heretofore I could attaine vnto: for whereas in my two former volumes I was enforced for lacke of sufficient store, in diuers places to vse the methode of time onely (which many worthy authors on the like occasion are enforced vnto) being now more plentifully furnished with matter, I alwayes follow the double order of time and place. Wherefore proposing vnto my selfe the right situation of this New world, I begin at the extreme Northerne limite, and put downe successiuely in one ranke or classis, according to the order aforesaide, all such voyages as haue bene made to the said part: which comming all together, and following orderly one vpon another, doe much more lighten the readers vnderstanding, and confirme his iudgment, then if they had bene scattered in sundry corners of the worke. Which methode I obserue from the highest North to the lowest South.[3] Now where any country hath bene but seldome hanted, or any extraordinary or chiefe action occureth, if I finde one voyage well written by two seuerall persons, sometimes I make no difficultie to set downe both those iournals, as finding diuers things of good moment obserued in the one, which are quite omitted in the other. For commonly a souldier obserueth one thing, and a mariner another, and as your honour knoweth, Plus vident oculi, quàm oculus. But this course I take very seldome and sparingly. And albeit my worke do cary the title of The English voyages, aswell in regard that the greatest part are theirs, and that my trauaile was chiefly vndertaken for preseruation of their memorable actions, yet where our owne mens experience is defectiue, there I haue bene careful to supply the same with the best and chiefest relations of strangers. As in the discouery of the Grand Bay, of the mighty riuer of S. Laurence, of the countries of Canada, Hochelaga, and Saguenay, of Florida, and the Inland of Cibola, Tiguex, Cicuic, and Quiuira, of The gulfe of California, and the North westerne sea-coast to Cabo Mendoçino and Sierra Neuada: as also of the late and rich discouery of 15. prouinces on the backside of Florida and Virginia, the chiefest whereof is called the kingdome of New Mexico, for the wealth, ciuil gouernment, and populousnesse of the same. Moreouer because since our warres with Spaine, by the taking of their ships, and sacking of their townes and cities, most of all their secrets of the West Indies, and euery part thereof are fallen into our peoples hands (which in former time were for the most part vnknowen vnto vs,) I haue vsed the vttermost of my best endeuour, to get, and hauing gotten, to translate out of Spanish, and here in this present volume to publish such secrets of theirs, as may any way auaile vs or annoy them, if they driue and vrge vs by their sullen insolencies, to continue our courses of hostilitie against them, and shall cease to seeke a good and Christian peace vpon indifferent and equal conditions. What these things be, and of how great importance your honour in part may vnderstand, if it please you to vouchsafe to reade the Catalogues conteyning the 14 principal heads of this worke. Whereby your honor may farther perceiue that there is no chiefe riuer, no port, no towne, no citie, no prouince of any reckoning in the West Indies, that hath not here some good description thereof, aswell for the inland as the sea-coast. And for the knowledge of the true breadth of the Sea betweene Noua Albion on the Northwest part of America, and the yle of Iapan lying ouer against the kingdomes of Coray and China, which vntil these foure yeeres was neuer reueiled vnto vs, being a point of exceeding great consequence, I haue here inserted the voyage of one Francis Gualle a Spaniard made from Acapulco an hauen on the South sea on the coast of New Spaine, first to the Philippinas, and then to the citie of Macao in China, and homeward from Macao by the yles of Iapan, and thence to the back of the West Indies in the Northerly latitude of 37. degrees 1/2. In which course betweene the said ylands and the maine he found a wide and spacious open Ocean of 900. leagues broad, which a little more to the Northward hath bene set out as a Streight, and called in most mappes The Streight of Anian. In which relation to the viceroy hee constantly affirmeth three seuerall times, that there is a passage that way vnto the North parts of Asia. Moreouer, because I perceiue by a letter directed by her Maiestie to the Emperour of China (and sent in the last Fleet intended for those parts by The South Sea vnder the charge of Beniamin Wood, chiefly set out at the charges of sir Robert Duddeley, a gentleman of excellent parts) that she vseth her princely mediation for obtaining of freedome of traffique for her marchants in his dominions, for the better instruction of our people in the state of those countries, I haue brought to light certaine new aduertisements of the late alteration of the mightie monarchie of the confronting yle of Iapan, and of the new conquest of the kingdome of Coray, not long since tributarie to the king of China, by Quabacondono the monarch of all the yles and princedomes of Iapan; as also of the Tartars called Iezi, adioyning on the East and Northeast parts of Coray, where I thinke the best vtterance of our natural and chiefe commoditie of cloth is like to be, if it please God hereafter to reueile vnto vs the passage thither by the Northwest. The most exact and true information of the North parts of China I finde in a history of Tamerlan, which I haue in French, set out within these sixe yeeres by the abbat of Mortimer, dedicated to the French king that now reigneth, who confesseth that it was long since written in the Arabian tongue by one Alhacen a wise and valiant Captaine, employed by the said mighty prince in all his conquests of the foresaid kingdome. Which history I would not haue failed to haue translated into English, if I had not found it learnedly done vnto my hand. And for an appendix vnto the ende of my worke, I haue thought it not impertinent, to exhibite to the graue and discreet iudgements of those which haue the chiefe places in the Admiraltie and marine causes of England, Certaine briefe extracts of the orders of the Contractation house of Siuil in Spaine, touching their gouernment in sea-matters: together with The streight and seuere examination of Pilots and Masters before they be admitted to take charge of ships, aswell by the Pilot mayor, and brotherhood of ancient Masters, as by the Kings reader of The lecture of the art of Nauigation, with the time that they be enioyned to bee his auditors, and some part of the questions that they are to answere vnto. Which if they finde good and beneficial for our seamen, I hope they wil gladly imbrace and imitate, or finding out some fitter course of their owne, will seeke to bring such as are of that calling vnto better gouernment and more perfection in that most laudable and needfull vocation. To leaue this point, I was once minded to haue added to the end of these my labours a short treatise, which I haue lying by me in writing, touching The curing of hot diseases incident to traueilers in long and Southerne voyages, which treatise was written in English, no doubt of a very honest mind, by one M. George Wateson, and dedicated vnto her sacred Maiestie. But being carefull to do nothing herein rashly, I shewed it to my worshipfull friend M. doctour Gilbert, a gentleman no lesse excellent in the chiefest secrets of the Mathematicks (as that rare iewel lately set foorth by him in Latine doeth euidently declare) then in his owne profession of physicke: who assured me, after hee had perused the said treatise, that it was very defectiue and vnperfect, and that if hee might haue leasure, which that argument would require, he would either write something thereof more aduisedly himselfe, or would conferre with the whole Colledge of the Physicions, and set downe some order by common consent for the preseruation of her Maiesties subjects. Now as the foresaid treatise touched the cure of diseases growing in hot regions, so being requested thereunto by some in authoritie they may adde their iudgments for the cure of diseases incident unto men employed in cold regions, which to good purpose may serue our peoples turnes, if they chance to prosecute the intermitted discouery by the Northwest, whereunto I finde diuers worshipfull citizens at this present much inclined. Now because long since I did foresee, that my profession of diuinitie, the care of my family, and other occasions might call and diuert me from these kinde of endeuours, I haue for these 3 yeeres last pasts encouraged and furthered in these studies of Cosmographie and forren histories, my very honest, industrious, and learned friend M. IOHN PORY, one of speciall skill and extraordinary hope to performe great matters in the same, and beneficial for the common wealth. Thus Sir I haue portrayed out in rude lineaments my Westerne Atlantis or America: assuring you, that if I had bene able, I would haue limned her and set her out with farre more liuely and exquisite colours: yet, as she is, I humbly desire you to receiue her with your wonted and accustomed fauour at my handes, who alwayes wil remaine most ready and deuoted to do your honour any poore seruice that I may; and in the meane season will not faile vnfainedly to beseech the Almighty to powre vpon you the best of his temporall blessings in this world, and after this life ended with true and much honour, to make you partaker of his joyes eternall. From London the first of September, the yeere of our Lord God 1600. Your Honours most humble to be commanded, RICHARD HAKLVYT, Preacher. Nauigations, Voyages, Traffiques, and Discoueries OF THE ENGLISH NATION IN AMERICA. * * * * * The most ancient Discovery of the West Indies by Madoc the sonne of Owen Guyneth Prince of North-wales, in the yeere 1170: taken out of the history of Wales, lately published by M. Dauid Powel Doctor of Diuinity.[4] After the death of Owen Guyneth, his sonnes fell at debate who should inherit after him: for the eldest sonne borne in matrimony, Edward or Iorweth Drwydion, was counted vnmeet to gouerne, because of the maime upon his face: and Howell that tooke vpon him all the rule was a base sonne, begotten upon an Irish woman. Therefore Dauid gathered all the power he could, and came against Howel, and fighting with him, slew him; and afterwards inioyed quietly the whole land of Northwales, vntil his brother Iorwerths sonne came to age. [Sidenote: Madoc the son of Owen Guyneth.] Madoc another of Owen Guyneth his sonnes left the land in contention betwixt his brethren, and prepared certaine ships, with men and munition, and sought aduentures by Seas, sailing West, and leauing the coast of Ireland so farre North, that he came vnto a land vnknowen, where he saw many strange things. [Sidenote: Humf. Llyod.] This land most needs be some part of that Countrey of which the Spanyards affirme themselues to be the first finders since Hannos time. Whereupon it is manifest that that countrey was by Britaines discouered, long before Columbus led any Spanyards thither. Of the voyage and returne of this Madoc there be many fables feined, as the common people doe vse in distance of place and length of time rather to augment then to diminish: but sure it is there he was. [Sidenote: The second voyage of Madoc the sonne of Owen Guyneth.] And after he had returned home, and declared the pleasant and fruitfull countreys that he had seen without inhabitants, and vpon the contrary part, for what barren and wild ground his brethren and nephews did murther one another, he prepared a number of ships, and got with him such men and women as were desirous to liue in quietness: and taking leaue of his friends, tooke his journey thitherward againe. [Sidenote: Gomara. lib. 2. cap. 16.] Therefore it is to be supposed that he and his people inhabited part of those countreys: for it appeareth by Francis Lopez de Gomara, that in Acuzamil and other places the people honored the crosse. Wherby it may be gathered that Christians had bene there before the comming of the Spanyards. But because this people were not many, they followed the maners of the land which they came vnto, and vsed the language they found there. [Sidenote: M. Powels addition. Gutyn Owen.] This Madoc arriuing in that Westerne countrey, vnto the which he came in the yere 1170, left most of his people there, and returning backe for more of his owne nation, acquaintance and friends to inhabit that faire and large countrey, went thither againe with ten sailes, as I find noted by Gutyn Owen. I am of opinion that the land whereunto he came was some part of the West Indies.[5] * * * * * Carmina Meredith filij Rhesi[6] mentionem facientia de Madoco filio Oweni Guynedd, et de sua nauigatione in terras incognitas. Vixit hic Meredith circiter annum Domini 1477. Madoc wyf, mwyedic wedd, Iawn genau, Owyn Guynedd: Ni fynnum dir, fy enaid oedd Na da mawr, ond y moroedd.[7] The same in English. Madoc I am the sonne of Owen Gwynedd With stature large, and comely grace adorned: No lands at home nor store of wealth me please, My minde was whole to search the Ocean seas. * * * * * The offer of the discouery of the West Indies by Christopher Columbus to king Henry the seuenth in the yeere 1488 the 13 of February: with the kings acceptation of the offer, and the cause whereupon hee was depriued of the same: recorded in the thirteenth chapter of the history of Don Fernand Columbus of the life and deeds of his father Christopher Columbus.[8] Christophero Colon temendo, se parimente i Re di Castiglia non assentissero alla sua impresa, non gli bisognasse proporla di nuouo à qualche alto principe, e cosi in cio passasse lungo tempo; mando in Inghilterra vn suo fratello, che haueua appresso di se, chiantato Bartholomeo Colon: il qual, quantunque non hauesse lettere Latine, erà però huomo prattico, e giudicioso nelle cose del mare, e sapea molto bene far carte da nauigare, e sphere, et altri instrumenti di quella professione, come dal suo fratello era instrutto. Partito adunque Bartholomeo Colon per Inghilterra, volle la sua sorte, che desse in man di cor sali, i quali lo spogliarono insieme con gli altri delta sua naue. Per la qual cosa, e per la sua pouertà et infirmità, che in cosi diuerse terre lo assalirono crudelmente, prolungo per gran tempo la sua ambasciata, fin che, aquistata vn poco di faculia con le carte, ch' ei fabricana, cominciò a far pratiche co' il Re Enrico settimo padre de Enrico ottauo, che al presente regna: a cui appresentò vn mappamondo, nel quale erano scritti questi versi, che frá le sue scriture lo trouai, e da me saranno qui posti piu rosto per l'antichità, che per la loro elganza. Terraram quicunque cupis foeliciter oras Noscere, cuncta decens doctè pictura docebit, Quam Strabo affirmat, Ptolomæus, Plinius, atque Isidorus: non vno tamen sententia cuique. Pingitur hîc etiam nuper sulcata carinis Hispanis Zona illa, priùs incognita genti Torrida, quæ tandem nunc est notissima multis. Et piu di sotto diceua Pro Authore siue Pictore. Ianua cui patriæ est nomen, cui Bartholomæus Columbus de Terra Rubra, opus edidit istud, Londonijis anno Domini 1480 atque insuper anno Octauo, decimaque die cum tertia mensis Februarij. Laudes Christo cantentur abundè. Et, percioche auuertirà alcuno, che dice Columbus de Terra Rubra, dico medesimamente Io viddi alcune sotto scritioni dell'Ammiraglio, primo che acquistasse lo stato, ou' egli si sotto scriueua, Columbus de Terra Rubra. Ma, tornando al Re d'Inghilterra, dico, che, da lui il mappamondo veduto, et cio che i'Ammiraglio gli offeriua, con allegro volto accettò la sua offerta, e mandolo a chiamare. Ma, percioche Dio Phaueua per Cas. tiglia serbata, gia l'Ammiraglio in quel tempo era andato, e tornato con la vittoria della sua impresa, secondo che per ordine si racconterà. Lasciarò hora di raccontar ciò, che Bartolomeo Colon hauena negociato in Inghilterra, e tornarò all'Ammiraglio, etc. The same in English. Christopher Columbus fearing least if the king of Castile in like manner (as the king of Portugall had done) should not condescend vnto his enterprise, he should be inforced to offer the same againe to some other prince, and so much time should be spent therein, sent into England a certaine brother of his which he had with him, whose name was Bartholomew Columbus, who, albeit he had not the Latine tongue, yet neuerthelesse was a man of experience and skilfull in Sea causes, and could very wel make sea cards and globes, and other instruments belonging to that profession, as he was instructed by his brother. Wherefore after that Bartholomew Columbus was departed for England, his lucke was to fall into the hands of pirats, which spoiled him with the rest of them which were in the ship which he went in. [Sidenote: The occasion why the West Indies were not discouered for England.] Vpon which occasion, and by reason of his pouerty and sicknesse which cruelly assaulted him in a countrey so farre distant from his friends, he deferred his embassage for a long while, until such time as he had gotten somewhat handsome about him with making of Sea Cards. At length he began to deale with King Henry the seuenth the father of Henry the eight, which reigneth at this present: vnto whom he presented a mappe of the world, wherein these verses were written, which I found among his papers: and I will here set them downe, rather for their antiquity then for their goodnesse. Thou which desireth easily the coasts of lands to know, This comely mappe right learnedly the same to thee will shew: Which Strabo, Plinie, Ptolomew and Isodore maintaine: Yet for all that they do not all in one accord remaine. Here also is set downe the late discouered burning Zone By Portingals, vnto the world which whilom was vnknowen. Whereof the knowledge now at length thorow all the world is blowen. And a little vnder he added: For the Author or the Drawer. He, whose deare natiue soile hight stately Genua. Euen he whose name is Bartholomew Colon de Terra Rubra, The yeere of Grace a thousand and foure hundred and fourescore And eight, and on the thirteenth day of February more, In London published this worke. To Christ all laud therefore. And because some peraduenture may obserue that he calleth himselfe Columbus de Terra Rubra, I say, that in like maner I haue seene some subscriptions of my father Christopher Columbus, before he had the degree of Admirall, wherein be signed his name thus, Columbus de Terra Rubra. [Sidenote: King Henry the seuenth his acceptation of Columbus offer.] But to returne to the king of England, I say, that after he had seene the map, and that which my father Christopher Columbus offered vnto him, he accepted the offer with ioyfull countenance, and sent to call him into England. But because God had reserued the said offer for Castile, Columbus was gone in the meane space, and also returned with the performance of his enterprise, as hereafter in order shall be rehearsed. Now will I leaue off from making any farther mention of that which Bartholomew Colon had negotiated in England, and I will returne vnto the Admirall, &c. * * * * * Another testimony taken out of the 60 chapter of the foresayd history of Ferdinando Columbus concerning the offer that Bartholomew Columbus made to king Henry the seuenth on the behalfe of his brother Christopher. Tornato adunque l'Ammiraglio dallo scoprimento di Cuba and di Giamaica, tornò nella Spagnuola Bartolomeo Colon suo fratello, quello, che era già andato a trattare accordo col Re d'Inghilterra sopra lo scoprimento delle Indie, come di sopra habiam detto. Questo poi, ritornando sene verso Castiglia con capitoli conceduti, haueua inteso a Parigi dal re Carlo di Francia, l'Ammiraglio suo fratello hauer gia scorperte l'Indie: per che gli souenne per poter far il Viaggio di cento scudi. Et, Auenga che per cotal nuoua egli si fosse molto affrettato, per arriuar l'Ammiraglio in Spagna, quando non dimeno giunse a Siuiglia, egli era gia tornato alle Indie co' 17 nauigli. Perche, per asseguir quanto ei gli haueba lasciato, di subito al principio dell' anno del 1494 sen' andò a i Re Catholici, menando seco Don Diego Colon, mio fratello, e me ancora, accioche seruissimo di paggi al serenissimo principe Don Giouanni, il qual viua in gloria, si come hauea commandata la Catholica Reina donna Isabella, che alhora era in Vagliadolid. Tosto adunque che noi giungemmo, i Re chiamarono Don Bartolomeo, et mandaronlo alia Spagnuola centre naui, &c. The same in English. Christopher Columbus the Admirall being returned from the discouery of Cuba and Iamayca, found in Hispaniola his brother Bartholomew Columbus, who before had beene sent to intreat of an agreement with the king of England for the discouery of the Indies, as we haue sayd before. This Bartholomew therefore returning vnto Castile, with the capitulations granted by the king of England to his brother, vnderstood at Paris by Charles the king of France that the Admirall his brother had already performed that discouery: whereupon the French king gaue vnto the sayd Bartholomew an hundred French crownes to beare his charges into Spaine. And albeit he made great haste vpon this good newes to meet with the Admirall in Spaine, yet at his comming to Siuil his brother was already returned to the Indies with seuenteene saile of shipps. Wherefore to fulfill that which he had left him in charge in the beginning of the yeere 1494 he repaired to the Catholike princes, taking with him Diego Colon my brother and me also, which were to be preferred as Pages to the most excellent Prince Don Iohn, who now is with God, according to the commandement of the Catholic Queene Lady Isabell, which was then in Validolid. Assoone therefore as we came to the Court, the princes called for Don Bartholomew, and sent him to Hispaniola with three ships, &c. * * * * * THE ENGLISH VOYAGES, NAVIGATIONS, AND DISCOUERIES. _(Intended for the finding of a northwest passage) to the north parts of America, to meta incogita, and the backeside of Gronland, as farre as 72 degrees and 12 minuts: performed first by Sebastian Cabota, and since by Sir Martin Frobisher, and M. John Dauis, with the patents, discourses, and aduertisements thereto belonging._ The Letters patents of King Henry the seuenth granted vnto Iohn Cabot and his three sonnes, Lewis, Sebastian, and Sancius for the discouerie of new and vnknowen lands. Henricus Dei gratia rex Angliæ, et Franciæ, et Dominus Hiberniæ, omnibus, ad quos præsentes literæ nostræ peruenerint, salutem. Notum sit et manifestum, quòd dedimus et concessimus, ac per præsentes damus et concedimus pro nobis et hæredibus nostris, dilectis nobis Ioanni Caboto ciui Venetiarum, Lodouico, Sebastiano, et Sancio, filijs dicti Ioannis, et eorum ac cuiuslibet eorum hæredibus et deputatis, plenam ac liberam authoritatem, facultatem, et potestatem nauigandi ad omnes partes, regiones, et sinus maris orientalis, occidentalis, et septentrionalis, sub banneris, vexillis, et insignijs nostris, cum quinque nauibus siue nauigijs, cuiuscúnque portituræ et qualitatis existant, et cum tot et tantis nautis et hominibus, quot et quantos in dictis nauibus secum ducere voluerint, suis et eorum proprijs sumptibus et expensis, ad inueniendum, discooperiendum, et inuestigandum quascunque insulas, patrias, regiones siue prouincias gentilium et infidelium quorumcunque, in quacunque parte mundi positas, quæ Christianis omnibus ante hæc tempora fuerint incognitæ. Concessimus etiam eisdem et eorum cuilibet, eorumque et cuiuslibet eorum hæredibus et deputatis, ac licentiam dedimus ad affigendum prædictas banneras nostras et insignia in quacunque villa, oppido, castro, insula seu terra firma à se nouiter inuentis. Et quòd prænominatus Ioannes, et filij eiusdem, seu hæredes et eorum deputati, quascunque huiusmodi villas, castra, oppida, et insulas à se inuentas, quæ subiugari, occupari, possideri possint, subiugare, occupare, possidere valeant tanquam vasalli nostri, et gubernatores, locatenentes, et deputati eorundem, dominium, titulum et iurisdictionem earundem villarum, castrorum, oppidorum, insularum, ac terræ firmæ sic inuentorum nobis acquirendo. Ita tamen, vt ex omnibus fructibus, proficuis, emolumentis, commodis, lucris, et obuintionibus ex huiusmodi nauigatione prouenientibus, præfatus Iohannes, et filij ac hæredes, et eorum deputati, teneanter et sint obligati nobis pro omni viagio suo, toties quoties ad portum nostrum Bristolliæ applicuerint (ad quem omnino applicare teneantur et sint astricti) deductis omnibus sumptibus et impensis necessarijs per eosdem factis, quintam partem capitalis lucri facti, siue in mercibus, siue in pecunijs persoluere: Dantes nos et concedentes eisdem suisque hæredibus et deputatis, vt ab omni solutione custumarum omnium et singulorum honorum et mercium, quas secum reportarint ab illis locis sic nouiter inuentis, liberi sint et immunes. Et insuper dedimus et concessimus eisdem ac suis hæredibus et deputatis, quod terræ omnes firmæ, insulæ, villæ, oppida, castra, et loca quæcunque a se inuenta, quotquot ab eis inueniri contigerit, non possint ab alijs quibusuis nostris subditis frequentari seu visitari, absque licentia prædictorum Ioannis et eius filiorum, suorumque deputatoram, sub poena amissionis tam nauium quàm bonorum omnium quorumcunque ad ea loca sic inuenta nauigare præsumentium. Volentes et strictissimè mandantes omnibus et singulis nostris subditis, tam in terra quàm in mari constitutis, vt præfato Ioanni et eius filijs ac deputatis, bonam assistentiam faciant, et tam in armandis nauibus seu nauigijs, quàm in prouisione commeatus et victualium pro sua pecunia emendorum, atque aliarum omnium rerum sibi prouidendarum pro dicta nauigatione sumenda suos omnes fauore set auxilia impertiant. In cuius rei testimonium has literas nostras fieri fecimus patentes. [Sidenote: Ann. Dom. 1495.] Teste meipso apud Westmonasterium quinto die Martij anno regni nostri vndecimo. The same in English. Henry by the grace of God, king of England and France, and lord of Ireland, to all to whom these presents shall come, Greeting. Be it knowen that we haue giuen and granted, and by these presents do giue and grant for vs and our heires, to our welbeloued Iohn Cabot citizen of Venice,[9] to Lewis, Sebastian, and Santius, sonnes of the said Iohn, and to the heires of them, and euery of them, and their deputies, full and free authority, leaue, and power to saile to all parts, countreys, and seas of the East, of the West, and of the North, under our banners and ensignes, with fiue ships of what burthen or quality soeuer they be, and as many mariners or men as they will haue with them in the sayd ships, vpon their owne proper costs and charges, to seeke out, discouer, and finde whatsoeuer isles, countreys, regions or prouinces of the heathen and infidels whatsoeuer they be, and in what part of the world soeuer they be, which before this time haue bene vnknowen to all Christians; we haue granted to them, and also to euery of them, the heires of them, and their deputies, and haue giuen them licence to set vp our banners and ensignes in euery village, towne, castle, isle, or maine land of them newly found. And that the aforesayd Iohn and his sonnes, or their heires and assignes may subdue, occupy and possesse all such townes, cities, castles and isles of them found, which they can subdue, occupy and possesse, as our vassals, and lieutenants, getting vnto vs the rule, title, and iurisdiction of the same villages, townes, castles, and firme land so found. [Sidenote: Bristol thought the meetest port for Westerne discoueries.] Yet so that the aforesayd Iohn, and his sonnes and heires, and their deputies, be holden and bounden of all the fruits, profits, gaines, and commodities growing of such nauigation, for euery their voyage, as often as they shall arriue at our port of Bristoll (at the which port they shall be bound and holden onely to arriue) all maner of necessary costs and charges by them made, being deducted, to pay vnto vs in wares or money the fift part of the capitall gaine so gotten. [Sidenote: Freedome from custome.] We giuing and granting vnto them and to their heires and deputies, that they shall be free from all paying of customes of all and singular such merchandize as they shall bring with them from those places so newly found. And moreouer, we haue giuen and granted to them, their heires and deputies, that all the firme lands, isles, villages, townes, castles and places whatsoeuer they be that they shall chance to finde, may not of any other of our subiects be frequented or visited without the licence of the foresayd Iohn and his sonnes, and their deputies, vnder paine of forfeiture aswell of their shippes as of all and singuler goods of all them that shall presume to saile to those places so found. Willing, and most straightly commanding all and singuler our subiects aswell on land as on sea, to giue good assistance to the aforesayd Iohn and his sonnes and deputies, and that as well in arming and furnishing their ships or vessels, as in prouision of food, and in buying of victuals for their money, and all other things by them to be prouided necessary for the sayd nauigation, they do giue them all their helpe and fauour. In witnesse whereof we haue caused to be made these our Letters patents. Witnesse our selfe at Westminister the fift day of March, in the eleuenth yeere of our reigne.[10] * * * * * Billa signata anno 13 Henrici septimi. [Sidenote: A record of the rolls touching the voyage of Iohn Cabot and Sebastian his sonne.] Rex tertio die Februarij, anno 13, licentiam dedit Ioanni Caboto, quod ipse capere possit sex naues Anglicanas, in aliquo portu, siue portibus regni Angliæ, ita quod sint de portagio 200. doliorum, vel subtus, cum apparatu requisito, et quod recipere possint in dictas naues omnes tales magistros, marinarios, et subditos regis, qui cum eo exire voluerint, &c. The same in English. The king vpon the third day of February, in the 13 yeere of his reigne, gaue licence to Iohn Cabot to take sixe English ships in any hauen or hauens of the realme of England, being of the burden of 200 tunnes, or vnder, with all necessary furniture, and to take also into the said ships all such masters, mariners, and subjects of the king as willingly will go with him, &c.[11] * * * * * An extract taken out of the map[12] of Sebastian Cabot, cut by Clement Adams, concerning his discouery of the West Indies, which is to be seene in her Maiesties priuie gallerie at Westminster, and in many other ancient merchants houses. Anno Domini 1497 Ioannes Cabotus Venetus, et Sebastianus illius filius eam terram fecerunt peruiam, quam nullus priùs adire ausus fuit, die 24 Junij, circiter horam quintam bene manè. Hanc autem appellauit Terram primùm visam, credo quod ex mari in eam partem primùm oculos iniecerat. Nam quæ ex aduerso sita est insula eam appellauit insulam Diui Ioannis, hac opinor ratione, quòd aperta fuit eo die qui est sacer Diuo Ioanni Baptistæ: Huius incolæ pelles animalium, exuuiasque ferarum pro indumentis habent, easque tanti faciunt, quanti nos vestes preciosissimas. Cùm bellum gerunt, vtuntur arcu, sagittis, hastis, spiculis, clauis ligneis et fundis. Tellus sterilis est, neque vllos fructus affert, ex quo fit, vt vrsis albo colore, et ceruis inusitatæ apud nos magnitudinis referta sit: piscibus abundat, ijsque sane magnis, quales sunt lupi marini, et quos salmones vulgus appellat; soleæ autem reperiuntur tam longæ, vt vlnæ mensuram excedant. Imprimis autem magna est copia eorum piscium, quos vulgari sermone vocant Bacallaos. Gignuntur in ea insula accipitres ita nigri, vt coruorum similitudinem mirum in modum exprimant, perdices autem et aquilæ sunt nigri coloris. The same in English. In the yeere of our Lord 1497 Iohn Cabot a Venetian, and his sonne Sebastian (with an English fleet set out from Bristoll) discouered that land which no man before that time had attempted, on the 24 of Iune,[13] about fiue of the clocke early in the morning. This land he called Prima vista, that is to say, First seene, because as I suppose it was that part whereof they had the first sight from sea. That Island which lieth out before the land, he called the Island of S. Iohn vpon this occasion, as I thinke, because it was discouered vpon the day of Iohn the Baptist. The inhabitants of this Island vse to weare beasts skinnes, and haue them in as great estimation as we haue our finest garments. In their warres they vse bowes, arrowes, pikes, darts, woodden clubs, and slings. The soile is barren in some places, and yeeldeth litle fruit, but it is full of white beares, and stagges farre greater then ours. It yeeldeth plenty of fish, and those very great, as seales, and those which commonly we call salmons: there are soles also aboue a yard in length: but especially there is great abundance of that kinde of fish which the Sauages call baccalaos. In the same Island also there breed hauks, but they are so blacke that they are very like to rauens, as also their partridges, and egles, which are in like sort blacke. * * * * * A discourse of Sebastian Cabot touching his discouery of part of the West India out of England in the time of king Henry the seuenth, vsed to Galeacius Butrigarius the Popes Legate in Spaine, and reported by the sayd Legate in this sort. [Sidenote: This discourse is taken out of the second volume of the voyages of Baptista Ramusius.[14]] Doe you not vnderstand sayd he (speaking to certaine Gentlemen of Venice) how to passe to India toward the Northwest, as did of late a citizen of Venice, so valiant a man, and so well practised in all things pertaining to nauigations, and the science of Cosmographie, that at this present he hath not his like in Spaine, insomuch that for his virtues he is preferred aboue all other pilots that saile to the West Indies, who may not passe thither without his licence, and is therefore called Piloto mayor, that is, the grand Pilot. [Sidenote: Sebastian Cabota Pilot mayor of Spaine.] And when we sayd that we knew him not, he proceeded, saying, that being certaine yeres in the city of Siuil, and desirous to haue some knowledge of the nauigations of the Spanyards, it was tolde him that there was in the city a valiant man, a Venetian borne named Sebastian Cabot, who had the charge of those things, being an expert man in that science, and one that coulde make Cardes for the Sea, with his owne hand, and by this report, seeking his acquaintance, hee found him a very gentle person, who intertained him friendly, and shewed him many things, and among other a large Mappe of the world, with certaine particular Nauigations, as well of the Portugals, as of the Spaniards, and that he spake further vnto him to this effect. When my father departed from Venice many yeeres since to dwell in England, to follow the trade of marchandises, hee tooke mee with him to the citie of London, while I was very yong, yet hauing neuerthelesse some knowledge of letters of humanitie, and of the Sphere. And when my father died in that time when newes were brought that Don Christopher Colonus Genuese had discouered the coasts of India, whereof was great talke in all the Court of king Henry the 7, who then raigned, insomuch that all men with great admiration affirmed it to be a thing more diuine then humane, to saile by the West into the East where spices growe, by a way that was neuer knowen before, by this fame and report there increased in my heart a great flame of desire to attempt some notable thing. And vnderstanding by reason of the Sphere, that if I should saile by way of the Northwest, I should by a shorter tract come into India, I thereupon caused the King to be aduertised of my deuise, who immediatly commanded two Caruels to bee furnished with all things appertayning to the voyage, which was as farre as I remember in the yeere 1496. in the beginning of Sommer. I began therefore to saile toward the Northwest, not thinking to finde any other land then that of Cathay, and from thence to turne toward India, but after certaine dayes I found that the land ranne towards the North, which was to mee a great displeasure. Neuerthelesse, sayling along by the coast to see if I could finde any gulfe that turned, I found the lande still continent to the 56. degree vnder our Pole. And seeing that there the coast turned toward the East, despairing to finde the passage, I turned backe againe, and sailed downe by the coast of that land toward the Equinoctiall (euer with intent to finde the saide passage to India) and came to that part of this firme lande which is nowe called Florida, where my victuals failing, I departed from thence and returned into England, where I found great tumults among the people, and preparation for wanes in Scotland; by reason whereof there was no more consideration had to this voyage. [Sidenote: The second voyage of Cabot to the land of Brazil, and Rio de Plata.] Whereupon I went into Spaine to the Catholique king, and Queene Elizabeth, which being aduertised what I had done, intertained me, and at their charges furnished certaine ships, wherewith they caused me to saile to discouer the coastes of Brazile, where I found an exceeding great and large riuer named at this present Rio de la plata, that is, the riuer of siluer, into the which I sailed and followed it into the firme land, more then sixe score leagues, finding it euery where very faire, and inhabited with infinite people, which with admiration came running dayly to our ships. Into this Riuer runne so many other riuers, that it is in maner incredible. [Sidenote: The office of Pilote maior.] After this I made many other voyages, which I nowe pretermit, and waxing olde, I giue myselfe to rest from such trauels, because there are nowe many yong and lustie Pilots and Mariners of good experience, by whose forwardnesse I doe reioyce in the fruit of my labours, and rest with the charge of this office, as you see.[15] * * * * * The foresaide Baptista Ramusius in his preface to the thirde volume of the Nauigations writeth thus of Sebastian Cabot. In the latter part of this volume are put certaine relations of Iohn de Vararzana, Florentine, and of a great captaine a Frenchman, and the two voyages of Iaques Cartier a Briton, who sailed vnto the land situate in 50. degrees of latitude to the North, which is called New France, which landes hitherto are not throughly knowen, whether they doe ioyne with the firme lande of Florida and Noua Hispania, or whether they bee separated and diuided all by the Sea as Ilands: and whether that by that way one may goe by Sea vnto the countrey of Cathaia. [Sidenote: The great probabilitie of this North-west passage.] As many yeeres past it was written vnto mee by Sebastian Cabota our Countrey man a Venetian, a man of great experience, and very rare in the art of Nauigation, and the knowledge of Cosmographie, who sailed along and beyond this land of New France, at the charge of King Henry the seuenth king of England: and he aduertised mee, that hauing sailed a long time West and by North, beyond those Ilands vnto the Latitude of 67. degrees and an halfe, vnder the North pole, and at the 11. day of Iune finding still the open Sea without any manner of impediment, he thought verily by that way to haue passed on still the way to Cathaia, which is in the East, and would haue done it, if the mutinie of the ship-master and Mariners had not hindered him and made him to returne homewards from that place. But it seemeth that God doeth yet still reserue this great enterprise for some great prince to discouer this voyage of Cathaia by this way, which for the bringing of the Spiceries from India into Europe, were the most easy and shortest of all other wayes hitherto found out. And surely this enterprise would be the most glorious, and of most importance of all other that can be imagined to make his name great, and fame immortall, to all ages to come, farre more then can be done by any of all these great troubles and warres which dayly are used in Europe among the miserable Christian people. * * * * * Another testunonie of the voyage of Sebastian Cabot to the West and Northwest, taken out of the sixt Chapter of the third Decade of Peter Martyr of Angleria. Scrutatus est oras glaciales Sebastianus quidam Cabotus genere Venetus, sed à parentibus in Britanniam insulam tendentibus (vti moris est Venetorum, qui commercij causa terrarum omnium sunt hospites) transportatus penè infans. Duo is sibi nauigia, propria pecunia in Britannia ipsa instruxit, et primò tentens cum hominibus tercentum ad Septentrionem donec etiam Iulio mense vastas repererit glaciates moles pelago natantes, et lucem ferè perpetuam, tellure tamen libera, gelu liquefacto: quare coactus fuit, vti ait, vela vertere et occidentem sequi: tetenditque tantum ad meridiem littore sese incuruante, vt Herculei freti latitudinis fere gradus æquarit: ad occidentémque profectus tantum est vt Cubam Insulam à Iæua, longitudine graduum penè parem, habuerit. Is ea littora percurrens, quæ Baccalaos appelauit, eosdem se reperisse aquarum, sed lenes delapsus ad Occidentem ait, quos Castellani, meridionales suas regiones adnauigantes, inuenient. Ergò non modò verisimilius, sed necessario concludendum est, vastos inter vtramque ignotam hactenus tellurem iacere hiatus, qui viam præbeant aquis ab oriente cadentibus in Occidentem. Quas arbitror impulsu coelorum circulariter agi in gyrum circa terræ globum, non autem Demogorgone anhelante vomi, absorberique vt nonnulli senserunt, quod influxu, et refluxu forsan assentire daretur. Baccalaos, Cabotus ipse terras illas appellauit, eò quod in earum pelago tantam reperierit magnorum quorundam piscium, tynnos æmulantium, sic vocatorum ab indigenis, multitudinem, vt etiam illi interdum nauigia detardarent. Earum Regionum homines pellibus tantum coopertos reperiebat, rationis haudquaquam expertes. Vrsorum inesse regionibus copiam ingentem refert, qui et ipsi piscibus vescantur. Inter densa namque piscium illorum agmina sese immergunt vrsi, et singulos singuli complexos, vnguibusque inter squammas immissis in terram raptant et comedunt. Proptereà minimè noxios hominibus visos esse ait Orichalcum in plerisque locis se vidisse apud incolas prædicat. Familiarem habeo domi Cabotum ipsum, et contubernalem interdum. Vocatus namque ex Britannia à Rege nostro Catholico, post Henrici Maioris Britanniæ Regis mortem, concurialis noster est, expectatque indies, vt nauigia sibi parentur, quibus arcanum hoc naturæ latens iam tandem detegatur. The same in English. These North Seas haue bene searched by one Sebastian Cabot, a Venetian borne, whom being yet but in maner an infant, his parents carried with them into England, hauing occasion to resort thither for trade of marchandise, as in the maner of the Venetians to leaue no part of the world vnsearched to obtaine riches. Hee therefore furnished two ships in England at his owne charges, and first with 300 men directed his course so farre towards the North pole, that euen in the moneth of Iuly he found monstrous heapes of ice swimming on the sea, and in maner continuall day light, yet saw he the land in that tract free from ice, which had bene molten by the heat of the Sunne. Thus seeing such heapes of yce before him, hee was enforced to turne his sailes and follow the West, so coasting still by the shore, that hee was thereby brought so farre into the South, by reason of the land bending so much Southwards, that it was there almost equal in latitude, with the sea Fretum Hercoleum, hauing the Northpole eleuate in maner in the same degree. He sailed likewise in this tract so farre towards the West, that hee had the Island of Cuba on his left hand, in maner in the same degree of longitude. [Sidenote: A current toward the West.] As hee traueiled by the coastes of this great land, (which he named Baccalaos) he saith that hee found the like course of the waters toward the West, but the same to runne more softly and gently then the swift waters which the Spaniards found in their Nauigations Southwards. Wherefore it is not onely more like to be true, but ought also of necessitie to be concluded that betweene both the lands hitherto vnknown, there should be certaine great open places whereby the waters should thus continually passe from the East vnto the West: [Sidenote: The people of Island say the Sea and yce setteth also West. (Ionas Arngrimus.)[16]] which waters I suppose to be driuen about the globe of the earth by the uncessant mouing and impulsion of the heauens, and not to bee swallowed vp and cast vp againe by the breathing of Demogorgon, as some haue imagined, because they see the seas by increase and decrease to ebbe and flowe. Sebastian Cabot himselfe named those lands Baccalaos, because that in the Seas thereabout hee found so great multitudes of certaine bigge fishes much like vnto Tunies, (which the inhabitants called Baccalaos) that they sometimes stayed his shippes. He found also the people of those regions couered with beastes skinnes, yet not without the vse of reason. He also saieth there is great plentie of Beares in those regions which vse to eate fish: for plunging themselues into the water, where they perceiue a multitude of these fishes to lie, they fasten their clawes in their scales, and so draw them to land and eate them, so (as he saith) the Beares being thus satisfied with fish, are not noisome to men. [Sidenote: Copper found in many places by Cabote.] Hee declareth further, that in many places of these Regions he saw great plentie of Copper among the inhabitants. Cabot is my very friend, whom I vse familiarly, and delight to haue sometimes keepe mee company in mine owne house. For being called out of England by the commandement of the Catholique King of Castile, after the death of King Henry the seuenth of that name king of England, he was made one of our council and Assistants, as touching the affaires of the new Indies, looking for ships dayly to be furnished for him to discouer this hid secret of Nature. * * * * * The testimonie of Francis Lopez de Gomara a Spaniard, in the fourth Chapter of the second Booke of his generall history of the West Indies concerning the first discouerie of a great part of the West Indies, to wit, from 58. to 38. degrees of latitude, by Sebastian Cabota out of England. He which brought most certaine newes of the countrey and people of Baccalaos, saith Gomara, was Sebastian Cabote a Venetian, which rigged vp two ships at the cost of K. Henry the 7. of England, hauing great desire to traffique for the spices as the Portingalls did. He carried with him 300. men, and tooke the way towards Island from beyond the Cape of Labrador, vntill he found himselfe in 58. degrees and better. He made relation that in the moneth of Iuly it was so cold, and the ice so great, that hee durst not passe any further: that the dayes were long, in a maner without any night, and for that short night that they had, it was very cleare. Cabot feeling the cold, turned towards the West, refreshing himselfe at Baccalaos: and afterwards he sayled along the coast vnto 38. degrees, and from thence he shaped his course to returne into England. * * * * * A note of Sebastian Cabots[17] first discouerie of part of the Indies taken out of the latter part of Robert Fabians Chronicle[18] not hitherto printed, which is in the custodie of M. Iohn Stow[19] a diligent preseruer of Antiquities. [Sidenote: Cabots voyage (from Bristol) wherein he discouered Newfound land and the Northerne parts of that land, and from thence almost as farre as Florida.[20]] In the 13. yeere of K. Henry the 7. (by meanes of one Iohn Cabot a Venetian which made himselfe very expert and cunning in knowledge of the circuit of the world and Ilands of the same, as by a Sea card and other demonstrations reasonable he shewed) the King caused to man and victuall a ship at Bristow, to search for an Island, which he said hee knew well was rich, and replenished with great commodities: Which shippe thus manned and victualled at the kings cost, diuers Merchants of London ventured in her small stocks, being in her as chiefe patron the said Venetian. And in the company of the said ship, sailed also out of Bristow three or foure small ships fraught with sleight and grosse marchandizes, as course cloth, caps, laces, points and other trifles. And so departed from Bristow in the beginning of May, of whom in this Maiors time returned no tidings. Of three Sauages which Cabot brought home and presented vnto the King in the foureteenth yere of his raigne, mentioned by the foresaid Robert Fabian. This yeere also were brought vnto the king three men taken in the Newfound Island that before I spake of, in William Purchas time being Maior: These were clothed in beasts skins, and did eate raw flesh, and spake such speach that no man could vnderstand them, and in their demeanour like to bruite beastes, whom the King kept a time after. Of the which vpon two yeeres after, I saw two apparelled after the maner of Englishmen in Westminster pallace, which that time I could not discerne from Englishmen, til I was learned what they were, but as for speach, I heard none of them vtter one word. * * * * * A briefe extract concerning the discouene of Newfound-land, taken out of the booke of M. Robert Thorne, to Doctor Leigh, &c. I Reason, that as some sicknesses are hereditarie, so this inclination or desire of this discouerie I inherited from my father, which with another marchant of Bristol named Hugh Eliot, were the discouerours of the Newfound-lands; of the which there is no doubt (as nowe plainely appeareth) if the mariners would then haue bene ruled, and followed their Pilots minde, but the lands of the West Indies, from whence all the golde cometh, had bene ours; for all is one coast as by the Card appeareth, and is aforesaid. * * * * * The large pension granted by K. Edward the 6. to Sebastian Cabot, constituting him grand Pilot of England. Edwardus sextus Dei gratia Angliæ, Franciæ, et Hiberniæ rex, omnibus Christi fidelibus ad quos præsentes hæ literæ nostræ peruenerint, salutem. Sciatis quod nos in consideratione boni et acceptabilis seruitij, nobis per dilectum seruientem nostrum Sebastianum Cabotam impensi atque impendendi, de gratia nostra speciali, ac ex certa scientia, et mero motu nostro, nec non de aduisamento, et consensu præclarissimi auunculi nostri Edwardi Ducis Somerseti personæ nostræ Gubernatoris, ac Regnorum, dominiorum, subditorumque nostrorum protectoris, et cæterorum consiliariorum nostrorum, dedimus et concessimus, ac per præsentes damus, et concedimus eidem Sebastiano Cabotæ, quandam annuitatem siue annualem reditum, centum sexaginta et sex librarum, tresdecim solidorum, et quatuor denariorum sterlingorum, habendam, gandendam, et annuatìm percipiendam prædictam annuitatem, siue annalem reditum eidem Sebastiano Cabotæ, durante vita sua naturali, de thesauro nostro ad receptum scacarij nostri Westmonasterij per manus thesaurariorum, et Camerariorum nostrorum, ibidem pro tempore existentium, ad festa annuntiationis beatæ Mariæ Virginis, natiuitatis sancti Ioannis Baptistæ, Sancti Michaelis Archangeli, et Natalis Domini per æquales portiones soluendam. Et vlteriùs de vberiori gratia nostra, ac de aduisamento, et consensu prædictis damus, et per præsentes concedimus præfato Sebastiano Cabotæ, tot et tantas Denariorum summas, ad quot et quantas dicta annuitas siue annalis reditus centum sexaginta sex librarum, tresdecim solidorum, et quatuor denariorum, à festo sancti Michaelis Archangeli vltimô præterito hue vsque se extendit, et attingit, habendas et recipiendas præfato Sebastiano Cabotæ et assignatis suis de thesauro nostro prædicto per manus prædictoram Thesaurariorum, et Camerarioram nostrorum de dono nostro absque computo, seu aliquo alio nobis, hæredibus, vel successoribus nostris proinde reddendo, soluendo, vel faciendo: eo quòd expressa mentio, &c. In cuius rei testimonium, &c. [Sidenote: Anno D. 1549] Teste Rege, apud Westmonasterium 6. die Ianuarij, Anno 2. Regis Edwardi sexti. The same in English. Edward the sixt by the grace of God, King of England, France and Ireland, defender of the faith, to all Christian people to whom these presents shall come, sendeth greeting. Know yee that we, in consideration of the good and acceptable seruice done, and to be done, vnto vs by our beloued seruant Sebastian Cabota, of our speciall grace, certaine knowledge, meere motion, and by the aduice and counsel of our most honourable vncle Edward duke of Somerset gouernour of our person, and Protector of our kingdomes, dominions, and subiects, and of the rest of our Counsaile, haue giuen and granted, and by these presents do giue and graunt to the said Sebastian Cabota, a certaine annuitie, or yerely reuenue of one hundreth, three-score and sixe pounds, thirteene shillings foure pence sterling, to haue, enioy, and yerely receiue the foresaid annuitie, or yerely reuenue, to the foresaid Sebastian Cabota during his natural life, out of our Treasurie at the receit of our Exchequer at Westminster, at the hands of our Treasurers and paymasters, there remayning for the time being, at the feasts of the Annuntiation of the blessed Virgin Mary, the Natiuitie of S. Iohn Baptist, S. Michael the Archangel, and the Natiuitie of our Lord, to be paid by equal portions. And further, of our more speciall grace, and by the aduise and consent aforesaide wee doe giue, and by these presents do graunt vnto the aforesaide Sebastian Cabota, so many, and so great summes of money as the saide annuitie or yeerely reuenue of an hundreth, three-score and sixe pounds, thirteene shillings 4. pence, doeth amount and rise vnto from the feast of S. Michael the Archangel last past vnto this present time, to be had and receiued by the aforesaid Sebastian Cabota, and his assignes out of our aforesaid Treasurie, at the handes of our aforesaide Treasurers, and officers of our Exchequer of our free gift without accompt, or any thing else therefore to be yeelded, payed, or made, to vs, our heires or successours, forasmuch as herein expresse mention is made to the contrary. In witnesse whereof we haue caused these our Letters to be made patents: Witnesse the King at Westminster the sixt day of Ianuarie, in the second yeere of his raigne. The yeere of our Lord 1548. * * * * * A discourse written by Sir Humphrey Gilbert Knight,[21] to proue a passage by the Northwest to Cathaia, and the East Indies. ¶ The Table of the matters in euery Chapter of this discourse. Capitulo 1. To prone by anthoritie a passage to be on the North side of America, to goe to Cataia, China, and to the East India. Capitulo 2. To prone by reason a passage to be on the North side of America, to goe to Cataia, Moluccæ, &c. Capitulo 3. To proue by experience of sundry mens trauailes the opening of this Northwest passage, whereby good hope remaineth of the rest. Capitulo 4. To proue by circumstance, that the Northwest passage hath bene sailed throughout. Capitulo 5. To proue that such Indians as haue bene driuen vpon the coastes of Germanie came not thither by the Southeast, and Southwest, nor from any part of Afrike or America. Capitulo 6. To prooue that the Indians aforenamed came not by the Northeast, and that there is no thorow passage nauigable that way. Capitulo 7. To proue that these Indians came by the Northwest, which induceth a certaintie of this passage by experience. Capitulo 8. What seuerall reasons were alleaged before the Queenes Maiestie, and certaine Lords of her Highnesse priuie Council, by M. Anth. Ienkinson a Gentleman of great trauaile and experience, to proue this passage by the Northeast, with my seuerall answers then alleaged to the same. Capitulo 9. How that this passage by the Northwest is more commodious for our traffike, then the other by the Northeast, if there were any such. Capitulo 10. What commodities would ensue, this passage being once discouered. To proue by authoritie a passage to be on the Northside of America, to goe to Cathaia, and the East India. Chapter 1. When I gaue my selfe to the studie of Geographie, after I had perused and diligently scanned the descriptions of Europe, Asia, and Afrike, and conferred them with the Mappes and Globes both Antique and Moderne: I came in fine to the fourth part of the world, commonly called America, which by all descriptions I found to bee an Iland enuironed round about with Sea, hauing on the Southside of it the frete or straight of Magellan, on the West side Mar del Sur, which Sea runneth towards the North, separating it from the East parts of Asia, where the Dominions of the Cathaians are: On the East part our West Ocean, and on the North side the sea that seuereth it from Groneland, thorow which Northern Seas the Passage lyeth, which I take now in hand to discouer. Plato in Timæo, and in the Dialogue called Critias, discourseth of an incomparable great Iland then called Atlantis, being greater then all Afrike and Asia, which lay Westward from the Straights of Gibraltar, nauigable round about: affirming also that the Princes of Atlantis did as well enioy the gouernance of all Affrike, and the most part of Europe, as of Atlantis it selfe. Also to proue Platos opinion of this Iland, and the inhabiting of it in ancient time by them of Europe, to be of the more credite; Marinæus Siculus[22] in his Chronicle of Spaine, reporteth that there haue bene found by the Spaniards in the gold Mines of America, certaine pieces of Money ingraued with the Image of Augustus Cæsar: which pieces were sent to the Pope for a testimonie of the matter, by Iohn Rufus Archbishop of Consentinum. [Sidenote: Prodns pag. 24.] Moreouer, this was not only thought of Plato, but by Marsilius Ficinus,[23] an excellent Florentine Philosopher, Crantor the Græcian,[24] and Proclus,[25] and Philo[26] the famous Iew (as appeareth in his booke De Mundo, and in the Commentaries vpon Plato,) to be ouerflowen and swallowed vp with water, by reason of a mightie earthquake, and streaming downe of the heauenly Fludgates. [Sidenote: Iustine Lib. 4.] The like whereof happened vnto some part of Italy, when by the forciblenes of the Sea, called Superum, it cut off Sicilia from the Continent of Calabria, as appeareth in Iustine, in the beginning of his fourth booke. Also there chanced the like in Zeland a part of Flanders. [Sidenote: Plinie.] And also the Cities of Pyrrha and Antissa, about Meotis palus: and also the Citie Burys, in the Corynthian bosome, commonly called Sinus Corinthiacus, haue bene swallowed vp with the Sea, and are not at this day to be discerned: By which accident America grew to be ['be be' in original--KTH] vnknowen of long time, vnto vs of the later ages, and was lately discouered againe by Americus Vespucius,[27] in the yeere of our Lord 1497. which some say to haue bene first discouered by Christophorus Columbus a Genuois, Anno 1492. The same calamitie happened vnto this Isle of Atlantis 600. and odde yeres before Plato his time, which some of the people of the Southeast parts of the world accompted as 9000. yeeres: for the maner then was to reckon the Moone her Period of the Zodiak for a yeere, which is our vsual moneth, depending à Luminari minori. So that in these our dayes there can no other mayne or Islande be found or iudged to bee parcell of this Atlantis, then those Westerne Islands, which beare now the name of America: counteruailing thereby the name of Atlantis, in the knowledge of our age.[28] [Sidenote: A minore ad maius.] Then, if when no part of the sayd Atlantis, was oppressed by water, and earthquake, the coast round about the same were nauigable: a farre greater hope now remaineth of the same by the Northwest, seeing the most part of it was (since that time) swallowed vp with water, which could not vtterly take away the olde deeps and chanels, but rather be an occasion of the inlarging of the olde, and also an inforcing of a great many new: why then should we now doubt of our Northwest passage and nauigation from England to India? &c. seeing that Atlantis now called America, was euer knowen to be an Island, and in those dayes nauigable round about, which by accesse of more water could not be diminished. Also Aristotle in his booke De Mundo, and the learned Germaine Simon Gryneus[29] in his annotations vpon the same, saith that the whole earth (meaning thereby, as manifestly doth appeare, Asia, Africk and Europe, being all the countreys then knowen) is but one Island, compassed about with the reach of the sea Atlantine: which likewise prooueth America to be an Island, and in no part adioyning to Asia, or the rest. [Sidenote: Strabo lib. 15] Also many ancient writers, as Strabo and others, called both the Ocean Sea, (which lieth East of India) Atlanticum pelagus, and that sea also on the West coasts of Spaine and Africk, Mare Atlanticum: the distance betweene the two coasts is almost halfe the compasse of the earth. [Sidenote: Valerius Anselmus[30] in Catalogo annorum et principum. fol. 6. Gen. 9. 10.] So that it is incredible, as by Plato appeareth manifestly, that the East Indian Sea had the name Atlanticum pelagus of the mountaine Atlas in Africk, or yet the sea adioining to Africk, had the name Oceanus Atlanticus of the same mountaine: but that those seas and the mountaine Atlas were so called of this great Island Atlantis, and that the one and the other had their names for a memorial of the mighty prince Atlas, sometimes king thereof, who was Iaphet yongest sonne to Noah, in whose time the whole earth was diuided between the three brethren, Sem, Cam, and Iaphet. Wherefore I am of opinion that America by the Northwest will be found fauourable to this our enterprise, and am the rather imboldened to beleeue the same, for that I finde it not onely confirmed by Plato, Aristotle, and other ancient Phylosophers: but also by all the best moderne Geographers, as Gemma Frisius, Munsterus, Appianus, Hunterus, Gastaldus, Guyccardinus,[31] Michael Tramasinus, Franciscus Demongenitus, Bernardus Puteanus, Andreas Vauasor, Tramontanus, Petrus Martyr, and also Ortelius,[32] who doth coast out in his generall Mappe set out Anno 1569, all the countreys and Capes, on the Northwest side of America, from Hochalega to Cape de Paramantia: describing likewise the sea coastes of Cataia and Gronland, towards any part of America, making both Gronland and America, Islands disioyned by a great Sea, from any part of Asia. All which learned men and paineful trauellers haue affirmed with one consent and voice, that America was an Island: and that there lyeth a great Sea betweene it, Cataia, and Grondland, by which any man of our countrey, that will giue the attempt, may with small danger passe to Cataia, the Molluccæ, India, and all other places in the East, in much shorter time, than either the Spaniard, or Portugal doeth, or may doe, from the neerest parte, of any of their countreys within Europe. What moued these learned men to affirme thus much, I know not, or to what ende so many and sundry trauellers of both ages haue allowed the same: [Marginal note: We ought by reasons right to haue a reuerent opinion of worthy men.] But I coniecture that they would neuer haue so constantly affirmed, or notified their opinions therein to the world, if they had not had great good cause, and many probable reasons, to haue lead them therevnto. [Sidenote: A Nauigation of one Ochther made in king Alfreds time.] Now least you should make small accompt of ancient writers or of their experiences which trauelled long before our times, reckoning their authority amongst fables of no importance: I haue for the better assurance of those proofes, set downe some part of a discourse, written in the Saxon tongue and translated into English by M. Nowel seruant to Sir William Cecil, lord Burleigh, and lord high treasurer of England, wherein there is described a Nauigation which one Ochther made, in the time of king Alfred, king of Westsaxe Anno 871. the words of which discourse were these: [Sidenote: A perfect description of our Moscouie voyage.] Hee sailed right North, hauing alwaies the desert land on the Starborde, and on the Larbord the maine sea, continuing his course, vntill hee perceiued that the coast bowed directly towards the East, or else the Sea opened into the land he could not tell how farre, where he was compelled to stay vntil he had a westerne winde, or somewhat upon the North, and sayled thence directly East alongst the coast, so farre as hee was able in foure dayes, where he was againe inforced to tary vntill hee had a North winde, because the coast there bowed directly towards the South, or at least opened he knew not howe farre into the land, so that he sayled thence along the coast continually full South, so farre as he could trauell in the space of fiue dayes, where hee discouered a mighty riuer, which opened farre into the land, and in the entrie of this riuer he turned backe againe.[33] [Sidenote: By Sir Hugh Willoughbie knight, Chancellor and Borough.[34]] Whereby it appeareth that he went the very same way, that we now doe yerely trade by S. Nicholas into Moscouia, which no man in our age knew for certaintie to be by sea, vntil it was since discouered by our English men, in the time of King Edward the sixt; but thought before that time that Groneland had ioyned to Normoria, Byarmia, &c. and therefore was accompted a new discouery, being nothing so indeede, as by this discourse of Ochther it appeareth. Neuerthelesse if any man should haue taken this voyage in hand by the encouragement of this onely author, he should haue bene thought but simple: considering that this Nauigation was written so many yeres past, in so barbarous a tongue by one onely obscure author, and yet we in these our dayes finde by our owne experiences his former reports to be true. How much more then ought we to beleeue this passage to Cataia to bee, being verified by the opinions of all the best, both Antique, and Moderne Geographers, and plainely set out in the best and most allowed Mappes, Charts, Globes, Cosmographical tables and discourses of this our age, and by the rest not denied but left as a matter doubtfull. To prooue by reason, a passage to be on the Northside of America, to goe to Cataia, &c. Chap. 2. [3 in original--KTH] [Sidenote: Experimented by our English fishers.] First, all seas are maintained by the abundance of water, so that the neerer the end any Riuer, Bay, or Hauen is, the shallower it waxeth, (although by some accidentall barre, it is sometime found otherwise) But the farther you sayle West from Island towards the place, where this fret is thought to be, the more deepe are the seas: which giueth vs good hope of continuance of the same Sea with Mar del Sur, by some fret that lyeth betweene America, Groneland and Cataia. 2 Also if that America were not an Island, but a part of the continent adioyning to Asia, either the people which inhabite Mangia, Anian, and Quinsay, &c. being borderers vpon it, would before this time haue made some road into it hoping to haue found some like commodities to their owne. [Sidenote: Neede makes the old wife to trotte.] 3 Or els the Scythians and Tartarians (which often times heretofore haue sought farre and neere for new seats, driuen therevnto through the necessitie of their cold and miserable countreys) would in all this time haue found the way to America, and entred the same, had the passages bene neuer so straite or difficult; the countrey being so temperate pleasant and fruitfull, in comparison of their owne. But there was neuer any such people found there by any of the Spaniards, Portugals, or Frenchmen, who first discouered the Inland of that countrey: which Spaniards or Frenchmen must then of necessitie haue seene some one ciuil man in America, considering how full of ciuill people Asia is; But they neuer saw so much as one token or signe, that euer any man of the knowen part of the world had bene there. 4 Furthermore it is to be thought, that if by reason of mountaines, or other craggy places, the people neither of Cataia or Tartarie could enter the countrey of America, or they of America haue entred Asia, if it were so ioyned: yet some one sauage or wandring beast would in so many yeres haue passed into it: but there hath not any time bene found any of the beasts proper to Cataia, or Tartarie &c. in America: nor of those proper to America, in Tartarie, Cataia, &c. or any part of Asia. Which thing proueth America, not onely to be one Island, and in no part adioyning to Asia: But also that the people of those Countreys, haue not had any traffique with each other. 5 Moreouer at the least some one of those paineful trauellers, which of purpose haue passed the confines of both countreys, with intent only to discouer, would as it is most likely haue gone from the one to the other: if there had bene any piece of land, or Isthmos, to haue ioyned them together, or els haue declared some cause to the contrary. 6 But neither Paulus Venetus,[35] who liued and dwelt a long time in Cataia, euer came into America, and yet was at the sea coastes of Mangia, ouer against it where he was embarked, and performed a great Nauigation along those seas: Neither yet Verarzanus,[36] or Franciscus Vasques de Coronado, who trauelled the North part of America by land, euer found entry from thence by land to Cataia, or any part of Asia. 7 Also it appeareth to be an Island, insomuch as the Sea [Marginal note: The Sea hath three motions. 1 Motum ab oriente in occidentem. 2 Motum fluxus et refluxus. 3 Motum circularem. Ad cæli motum elementa omnia (excepta terra) mouentur.] runneth by nature circularly from the East to the West, following the diurnal motion of Primum Mobile, which carieth with it all inferiour bodies moueable, aswel celestiall as elemental; which motion of the waters is most euidently seene in the Sea, which lieth on the Southside of Afrike where the current that runneth from the East to the West is so strong (by reason of such motion) that the Portugals in their voyages Eastward to Calicut, in passing by Cap. de buona Sperança are enforced to make diuers courses, the current there being so swift as it striketh from thence all along Westward vpon the fret of Magellan, being distant from thence, neere the fourth part of the longitude of the earth; and not hauing free passage and entrance thorow, the fret towards the West, by reason of the narrownesse of the sayd Straite of Magelian [sic--KTH], it runneth to salue this wrong, (Nature not yeelding to accidentall restraints) all along the Easterne coastes of America, Northwards so far as Cape Fredo, being the farthest knowne place of the same continent towards the North: which is about 4800 leagues, reckoning therewithall the trending of the land. [Sidenote: Posita causa ponitur effectus.] 8 So that this current being continually maintained with such force, as Iaques Cartier[37] affirmeth it to be, who met with the same being at Baccalaos, as he sayled along the coastes of America, then either it must be of necessitie haue way to passe from Cape Fredo, thorow this fret, Westward towards Cataia, being knowen to come so farre, onely to salue his former wrongs, by the authority before named: or els it must needes strike ouer, vpon the coast of Island, Norway, Finmarke, and Lappia, (which are East from the sayd place about 360 leagues) with greater force then it did from Cape de buona Sperança, vpon the fret of Magellan, or from the fret of Magellan to Cape Fredo, vpon which coastes Iaques Cartier met with the same, considering the shortnesse of the Cut from the sayd Cape Fredo, to Island, Lappia, &c. And so the cause Efficient remaining, it would haue continually followed along our coasts, through the narrow seas, which it doth not, but is digested about the North of Labrador, by some through passage there thorow this fret. [Sidenote: Conterenus.] The like course of the water in some respect happeneth in the Mediterrane sea, (as affirmeth Conterenus) whereas the current which cometh from Tanais, and Pontus Euxinus, running along all the coasts of Greece, Italy, France, and Spaine, and not finding sufficient way out through Gibraltar, by meanes of the straitnesse of the fret it runneth backe againe along the coastes of Barbary, by Alexandria, Natolia, &c. [Sidenote: An objection answered.] It may (peraduenture) bee thought that this course of the sea doth sometime surcease, and thereby impugne this principle, because it is not discerned all along the coast of America, in such sort as Iaques Cartier found it: Wherevnto I answere this: that albeit, in euery part of the Coast of America, or elswhere this current is not sensibly perceuied, yet it hath euermore such like motion, either in the vppermost or nethermost part of the sea; as it may be proued true, if ye sinke a sayle by a couple of ropes, neere the ground, fastening to the nethermost corners two gunne chambers or other weights: by the driuing whereof you shall plainely perceiue, the course of the water, and current running with such course in the bottome. [Marginal note: The sea doth euermore performe this circular motion, either in Suprema, or concaua superficie aquæ.] By the like experiment, you may finde the ordinary motion of the sea, in the Ocean: howe farre soeuer you be off the land. 9 Also there commeth another current from out the Northeast from the Scythian Sea (as M. Ienkinson a man of rare vertue, great trauail and experience, told me) which runneth Westward towardes Labrador, [Marginal note: The yce set westward euery yeere from Island. Auth. Iona Arngriimo.] as the other did, which commeth from the South: so that both these currents, must haue way thorow this our fret, or else encounter together and runne contrarie courses; in one line, but no such conflicts of streames, or contrary courses are found about any part of Labrador, or Terra noua, as witnesse our yeerely fishers, and other saylers that way, but is there disgested, as aforesayd, and found by experience of Barnard de la Torre, to fall into Mar del Sur. 10 Furthermore, the current in the great Ocean, could not haue beene maintained to runne continually one way, from the beginning of the world vnto this day, had there not beene some thorow passage by the fret aforesayd, and so by circular motion bee brought againe to maintaine it selfe: For the Tides and courses of the sea are maintayned by their interchangeable motions: as fresh riuers are by springs, by ebbing and flowing, by rarefaction and condensation. So that it resteth not possible (so farre as my simple reason can comprehend) that this perpetuall current can by any meanes be maintained, but onely by continuall reaccesse of the same water, which passeth thorow the fret, and is brought about thither againe, by such circular motion as aforesayd. [Marginal note: The flowing is occasioned by reason that the heate of the moone boyleth, and maketh the water thinne by way of rarefaction.] And the certaine falling thereof by this fret into Mar del Sur [Marginal note: An experience to prooue the falling of this current into Mar del Sur.] is prooued by the testimonie and experience of Bernard de la Torre, who was sent from P. de la Natiuidad to the Moluccæ, Anno domini 1542. by commandement of Anthony Mendoza, then Viceroy of Noua Hispania, which Bernard sayled 750. Leagues, on the Northside of the Aequator, and there met with a current, which came from the Northeast, the which droue him backe againe to Tidore. Wherfore, this current being proued to come from C. de buona Sperança to the fret of Magellan, and wanting sufficient entrance there, by narrownes of the straite, is by the necessitie of natures force, brought to Terra de Labrador, where Iaques Cartier met the same, and thence certainly knowen, not to strike ouer vpon Island, Lappia, &c. and found by Bernard de la Torre in Mar del Sur, on the backeside of America: therefore this current (hauing none other passage) must of necessity fall out thorow this our fret into Mar del Sur, and so trending by the Moluccæ, China, and C. de buona Sperança, maintaineth it selfe, by circular motion, which is all one in nature, with Motus ab Oriente in Occidentem. So that it seemeth, we haue now more occasion to doubt of our returne, then whether there be a passage that way, yea or no: which doubt, hereafter shall be sufficiently remooued. Wherefore, in mine opinion, reason it self, grounded vpon experience, assureth vs of this passage, if there were nothing els to put vs in hope thereof. But least these might not suffice, I haue added in this chapter following, some further proofe hereof, by the experience of such as haue passed some part of this discouerie: and in the next adioining to that the authority of those, which haue sailed wholy, thorow euery part thereof. To proue by experience of sundry mens trauels, the opening of some part of this Northwest passage: whereby good hope remaineth of the rest. Chap. 3. Paulus Venetus, who dwelt many yeres in Cataia, affirmed that hee sayled 1500 miles vpon the coastes of Mangia, and Anian, towards the Northeast: alwayes finding the Seas open before him, not onely as farre as he went, but also as farre as he could discerne. [Sidenote: Alcatrarzi be Pelicanes.] 2 Also Franciscus Vasques de Coronado passing from Mexico by Ceuola, through the country of Quiuira, to Siera Neuada, found there a great sea, where were certaine ships laden with Merchandise, carrying on their prowes the pictures of certaine birds called Alcatrarzi, part whereof were made of golde, and part of siluer, who signified by signes, that they were thirty dayes comming thither: which likewise proueth America by experience to be disioyned from Cataia: on that part by a great Sea, because they could not come from any part of America, as Natiues thereof: for that so farre as is discouered, there hath not bene found there any one Shippe of that countrey. [Sidenote: Baros lib. 9. Of his first Decas cap 1.] 3. In like maner, Iohn Baros[38] testifieth that the Cosmographers of China (where he himselfe had bene) affirme that the Sea coast trendeth from thence Northeast, to 50 degrees of Septentrional latitude, being the furthest part that way which the Portugals had then knowledge of: And that the said Cosmographers knew no cause to the contrary, but that it might continue further. By whose experiences America is prooued to be separate from those parts of Asia, directly against the same. And not contented with the iudgements of these learned men only, I haue searched what might be further sayd for the confirmation hereof. 4 And I found that Franciscus Lopez de Gomara affirmeth America to be an Island, and likewise Gronland: and that Gronland is distant from Lappia 40 leagues, and from Terra de Labrador, 50. 5 Moreouer, Aluaros Nunnius[39] a Spaniard, and learned Cosmographer, and Iacobus Cartier, who made two voyages into those parts, and sayled 900 miles upon the Northeast coastes of America doe in part confirme the same. 6 Likewise Hieronymus Fracastorius,[40] a learned Italian, and trauailer in the North parts of the same land. 7 Also Iaques Cartier hauing done the like, heard say at Hochelaga in Noua Francia, how that there was a great Sea at Saguinay, whereof the end was not knowen: which they presupposed to be the passage to Cataia. [Sidenote: Written in the discourses of Nauigation.] Furthermore, Sebastian Cabota by his personal experience and trauel hath set foorth, and described this passage in his Charts, which are yet to be seene in the Queens Maiesties priuie Gallerie at Whitehall, who was sent to make this discouery by king Henrie the seuenth, and entred the same fret: affirming that he sayled very farre Westward, with a quarter of the North, on the Northside of Terra de Labrador the eleuenth of Iune, vntill he came to the Septentrionall latitude of 67 degrees and a halfe,[41]and finding the Seas still open, sayd, that he might, and would haue gone to Cataia, if the mutinie of the Master and Mariners had not bene. Now as these mens experience hath proued some part of this passage: so the chapter following shal put you in full assurance of the rest, by their experiences which haue passed through euery part thereof. To prooue by circumstance that the Northwest passage hath bene sayled throughout. Chap. 4. The diuersitie betwene bruite beastes and men, or betweene the wise and the simple is, that the one iudgeth by sense onely, [Marginal note: Quinque sensus. 1 Visus. 2 Auditus. 3 Olfactus. 4 Gustus. 5 Tactus. Singularia sensu, vniuersalia verò mente percipiuntur.] and gathereth no surety of any thing that he hath not seene, felt, heard, tasted, or smelled: And the other not so onely, but also findeth the certaintie of things by reason, before they happen to be tryed. Wherefore I haue added proofes of both sorts, that the one and the other might thereby be satisfied. 1 First, as Gemma Frisius reciteth, there went from Europe three brethren through this passage: whereof it tooke the name of Fretum trium fratrum. 3 Also Plinie affirmeth out of Cornelius Nepos, (who wrote 57 yeeres before Christ) that there were certaine Indians driuen by tempest, vpon the coast of Germanie which were presented by the king of Sueuia, vnto Quintus Metellus Celer, the Proconsull of France. [Sidenote: Lib. 2. cap. 66.] 3 And Plinie vpon the same sayth, that it is no maruel though there be Sea by the North, where there is such abundance of moisture: which argueth that hee doubted not of a nauigable passage that way, through which those Indians came. [Sidenote: Pag. 590.] 4 And for the better proofe that the same authoritie of Cornelius Nepos is not by me wrested, to proue my opinion of the Northwest passage: you shall finde the same affirmed more plainly in that behalfe, by the excellent Geographer Dominicus Marius Niger, who sheweth how many wayes the Indian sea stretcheth it selfe, making in that place recital of certaine Indians, that were likewise driuen through the North Seas from India, vpon the coastes of Germany, by great tempest, as they were sayling in trade of marchandize. 5 Also while Frederic Barbarossa reigned Emperour, Anno Do. 1160. there came certaine other Indians vpon the coast of Germanie. [Marginal note: Auouched by Franciscus Lopes de Gomara in his historie of India, lib. I. cap. 10.] 6 Likewise Othon in the storie of the Gothes affirmeth, that in the time of the Germane Emperours there were also certaine Indians cast by force of weather, vpon the coast of the sayd countrey, which foresaid Indians could not possibly haue come by the Southeast, Southwest, nor from any part of Afrike or America, nor yet by the Northeast: therefore they came of necessitie by this our Northwest passage. To prooue that these Indians aforenamed came not by the Southeast, Southwest, nor from any other part of Afrike, or America. Cap. 5. First, they could not come from the Southeast by the Cape de bona Sperança, because the roughnes of the Seas there is such (occasioned by the currents and great winds in that part) that the greatest armadas the king of Portugal hath, cannot without great difficulty passe that way, much lesse then a Canoa of India could liue in those outragious seas without shipwracke (being a vessel of very small burden) and haue conducted themselues to the place aforesayd, being men vnexpert in the Arte of nauigation. 2 Also, it appeareth plainely that they were not able to come from alongst the coast of Afrike aforesayd, to those parts of Europe, because the winds doe (for the most part) blow there Easterly off from the shore, and the current running that way in like sort, should haue driuen them Westward vpon some part of America: for such winds and tides could neuer haue led them from thence to the said place where they were found, nor yet could they haue come from any of the countries aforesayd, keeping the seas alwayes, without skilful mariners to haue conducted them such like courses as were necessary to performe such a voiage. 3 Presupposing also, if they had bene driuen to the West (as they must haue bene, comming that way) then they should haue perished, wanting supplie of victuals, not hauing any place (once leauing the coast of Afrike) vntill they came to America, nor from America vntill they arriued vpon some part of Europe, or the Islands adioyning to it, to haue refreshed themselues. 4 Also, if (notwithstanding such impossibilities) they might haue recouered Germanie by comming from India by the Southeast, yet must they without all doubt haue stricken vpon some other part of Europe before their arriuall there, as the Isles of the Açores, Portugal, Spaine, France, England, Ireland, &c. which if they had done, it is not credible that they should or would haue departed vndiscovered of the inhabitants: but there was neuer found in those dayes any such ship or men but only vpon the coasts of Germanie, where they haue bene sundry times and in sundry ages cast aland: neither is it like that they would haue committed themselues againe to sea, if they had so arriued, not knowing where they were, nor whither to haue gone. [Sidenote: This fifth reason by later experience is proued vtterly vntrue.] 5 And by the Southwest it is vnpossible, because the current aforesayd which commeth from the East, striketh with such force vpon the fret of Magellan, and falleth with such swiftnesse and furie into Mar del Zur, that hardly any ship (but not possibly a Canoa, with such vnskilfull mariners) can come into our Westerne Ocean through that fret, from the West seas of America, as Magellans experience hath partly taught vs. [Sidenote: That the Indians could not be natiues either of Africa, or of America.] 6 And further, to prooue that these people so arriuing vpon the coast of Germany, were Indians, and not inhabiters of any part either of Africa or America, it is manifest, because the natiues both of Africa and America neither had, or haue at this day (as is reported) other kind of boates then such as do beare neither mastes nor sailes, (except onely vpon the coasts of Barbarie and the Turkes ships) but do carie themselues from place to place neere the shore by the ore onely. To prooue that those Indians came not by the Northeast, and that there is no thorow nauigable passage that way. Cap. 6. It is likely that there should be no thorow passage by the Northeast, whereby to goe round about the world, because all Seas (as aforesayd) are maintained by the abundance of water, waxing more shallow and shelffie towards the ende, as we find it doeth by experience in Mare Glaciali, towards the East, which breedeth small hope of any great continuance of that sea, to be nauigable towards the East, sufficient to saile thereby round about the world. [Sidenote: Quicquid naturali loco priuatur, quam citisimè corrumpitur.] [Sidenote: Qualis causa, talis effectus.] 2 Also, it standeth scarcely with reason, that the Indians dwelling vnder Torrida Zone, could endure the iniurie of the cold ayre, about the Septentrional latitude of 80. degrees, vnder which eleuation the passage by the Northeast cannot bee (as the often experience had of all the South parts of it sheweth) seeing that some of the inhabiants of this cold climate (whose Summer is to them an extreme Winter) haue bene stroken to death with the cold damps of the aire about 72 degrees, by an accidental mishap, and yet the aire in such like Eleuation is alwaies cold, and too cold for such as the Indians are. 3 Furthermore, the piercing cold of the grosse thicke aire so neere the Pole wil so stiffen and furre the sailes and ship tackling, that no mariner can either hoise or strike them (as our experience farre neerer the South, then this passage is presupposed to be, hath taught vs) without the vse whereof no voiage can be performed. 4 Also the aire is so darkened with continuall mists and fogs so neere the Pole, that no man can well see, either to guide his ship, or direct his course. 5 Also the compasse at such eleuation doth very suddenly vary, which things must of force haue bene their destructions, although they had bene men of much more skill then the Indians are. [Sidenote: Similium similis est ratio.] 6 Moreouer, all baies, gulfes, and riuers doe receiue their increase vpon the flood, sensibly to be discerned on the one side of the shore or the other, as many waies as they be open to any main sea, as Mare Mediterraneum, Mare Rubrum, Sinus Persicus, Sinus Bodicus, Thamesis, and all other knowen hauens or riuers in any part of the world, and each of them opening but on one part to the maine sea, doe likewise receiue their increase vpon the flood the same way, and none other, which Mare Glaciale doeth, onely by the West, as M. Ienkinson affirmed vnto me: and therefore it followeth that this Northeast sea, receiuing increase but onely from the West, cannot possibly open to the maine Ocean by the East. 7 Moreouer, the farther you passe into any sea towards the end of it, on that part which is shut vp from the maine sea (as in all those aboue mentioned) the lesse and lesse the tides rise and fall. The like whereof also happeneth in Mare Glaciale, which proueth but small continuance of that sea toward the East. [Sidenote: Quicquid corrumpitur à contrario corrumpítur.] 8 Also, the further yee goe toward the East in Mare Glaciale, the lesse salt the water is: which could not happen, if it were open to the salt Sea towards the East, as it is to the West only, seeing Euery thing naturally ingendreth his like: and then must it be like salt throughout, as all the seas are, in such like climate and eleuation.[42] [Sidenote: Omne simile giguit sui simile.] And therefore it seemeth that this Northeast sea is maintained by the riuer Ob, and such like freshets, as Mare Goticum, and Mare Mediterraneum, in the vppermost parts thereof by the riuers Nilus, Danubius, Neper, Tanais, &c. 9 Furthermore, if there were any such sea at that eleuation, of like it should be alwaies frozen throughout (there being no tides to hinder it) because the extreme coldnes of the aire being in the vppermost part, and the extreme coldnesse of the earth in the bottome, the sea there being but of small depth, whereby the one accidentall coldnesse doth meet with the other, and the Sunne not hauing his reflection so neere the Pole, but at very blunt angels, it can neuer be dissolued after it is frozen, notwithstanding the great length of their day: for that the sunne hath no heate at all in his light or beames, but proceeding onely by an accidentall reflection, which there wanteth in effect. 10 And yet if the Sunne were of sufficient force in that eleuation, to preuaile against this ice, yet must it be broken before it can be dissolued, which cannot be but through the long continuance of the sunne aboue their Horizon, and by that time the Sommer would be so farre spent, and so great darkenes and cold ensue, that no man could be able to endure so cold, darke, and discomfortable a nauigation, if it were possible for him then, and there to liue. 11 Further, the ice being once broken, it must of force so driue with the windes and tides, that no ship can saile in those seas, seeing our Fishers of Island, and the New found land, are subiect to danger through the great Islands of Ice which fleete in the Seas (to the sailers great danger) farre to the South of that presupposed passage. And it cannot be that this Northeast passage should be any neerer the South, then before recited, for then it should cut off Ciremissi, and Turbi Tartari, with Vzesucani, Chisani, and others from the Continent of Asia, which are knowen to be adioyning to Scythia, Tartaria, &c. with the other part of the same Continent. And if there were any thorowe passage by the Northeast, yet were it to small ende and purpose for our traffique, because no shippe of great burden can Nauigate in so shallow a Sea: and ships of small burden are very vnfit and vnprofitable, especially towards the blustering North to performe such a voyage. To prooue that the Indians aforenamed, came only by the Northwest, which induceth a certaintie of our passage by experience. Cap. 7. It is as likely that they came by the Northwest, as it is vnlikely that they should come, either by the Southeast, Southwest, Northeast, or from any other part of Africa or America, and therefore this Northwest passage hauing bene alreadie so many wayes prooued, by disproouing of the others, &c. I shall the lesse neede in this place, to vse many words otherwise then to conclude in this sort, That they came onely by the Northwest from England, hauing these many reasons to leade me thereunto. 1 First, the one halfe of the windes of the compasse might bring them by the Northwest, bearing alwayes betweene two sheats, with which kind of sayling the Indians are onely acquainted, not hauing any vse of a bow line, or quarter winde, without the which no ship can possibly come either by the Southeast, Southwest or Northeast, having so many sundry Capes to double, whereunto are required such change and shift of windes. 2 And it seemeth likely that they should come by the Northwest, [Marginal note: True both in ventis obliquè flantibus, as also in ventis ex diamentro spitantibus.] because the coast whereon they were driuen, lay East from this our passage, And all windes doe naturally driue a ship to an opposite point from whence it bloweth, not being otherwise guided by Arte, which the Indians do vtterly want, and therefore it seemeth that they came directly through this our fret, which they might doe with one wind. 3 For if they had come by the Cape de buona Sperança, then must they (as aforesaid) haue fallen vpon the South parts of America. 4 And if by the fret of Magellan, then vpon the coasts of Afrike, Spaine, Portugall, France, Ireland or England. 5 And if by the Northeast, then vpon the coasts of Cerremissi, Tartarji, Lappia, Island, Terra de Labrador, &c. and vpon these coasts (as aforesaid) they haue neuer bene found. So that by all likelihood they could neuer haue come without shipwracke vpon the coastes of Germanie, if they had first striken vpon the coastes of so many countries, wanting both Arte and shipping to make orderly discouery, and altogether ignorant both in the Arte of Nauigation, and also of the Rockes, Flats, Sands or Hauens of those parts of the world, which in most of these places are plentifull. 6 And further it seemeth very likely, that the inhabitants of the most part of those countries, by which they must haue come any other way besides by the Northwest, being for the most part Anthropophagi, or men eaters, would haue deuoured them, slaine them, or (at the least wise) kept them as wonders for the gaze. So that it plainely appeareth that those Indians (which as you haue heard in sundry ages were driuen by tempest vpon the shore of Germanie) came onely through our Northwest passage. 7 Moreouer, the passage is certainely prooued by a Nauigation that a Portugall made, who passed through this fret, giuing name to a promontorie farre within the same, calling it after his owne name, Promontorium Corterialis, neere adioyning vnto Polisacus fluuius. 8 Also one Scolmus a Dane entred and passed a great part thereof. 9 Also there was one Saluaterra, a Gentleman of Victoria in Spaine, that came by chance out of the West Indias into Ireland, Anno 1568. who affirmed the Northwest passage from vs to Cataia, constantly to be beleeued in America nauigable. And further said in the presence of sir Henry Sidney (then lord Deputie of Ireland) in my hearing, that a Frier of Mexico, called Andrew Vrdaneta, more then eight yeeres before his then comming into Ireland, told him there, that he came from Mar del Sur into Germany through this Northwest passage, and shewed Saluaterra (at that time being then with him in Mexico) a Sea Card made by his owne experience and trauell in that voyage, wherein was plainly set downe and described this Northwest passage, agreeing in all points with Ortelius mappe. And further, this Frier tolde the king of Portugall (as he returned by that countrey homeward) that there was (of certainty) such a passage Northwest from England, and that he meant to publish the same: which done, the king most earnestly desired him not in any wise to disclose or make the passage knowen to any nation: [Marginal note: The words of the king of Portugall to Andro Vrdaneta a Frier, touching the concealing of this Northwest passage from England to Cataia.] For that (said the King) if England had knowledge and experience thereof, it would greatly hinder both the king of Spaine and me. This Frier (as Saluaterra reported) was the greatest Discouerer by sea, that hath bene in our age. Also Saluaterra being perswaded of this passage by the frier Vrdaneta, and by the common opinion of the Spaniards inhabiting America, offered most willingly to accompanie me in this Discouery, which of like he would not haue done if he had stood in doubt thereof. [43] [Sidenote: An obiection.] And now as these moderne experiences cannot be impugned, so least it might be obiected that these things (gathered out of ancient writers, which wrote so many yeeres past) might serue litle to prooue this passage by the North of America, because both America and India were to them then vtterly vnknowen: to remooue this doubt let this suffise: [Sidenote: Aristotle lib. de mundo, cap. 2. Berosus lib. 5.] That Aristotle (who was 300. yeeres before Christ) named Mare Indicum. Also Berosus (who liued 330 yeres before Christ) hath these words, Ganges in India. Also in the first chapter of Hester be these wordes, In the dayes of Assuerus which ruled from India to Aethiopia, which Assuerus liued 580 yeeres before Christ. Also Quintus Curtius (where he speaketh of the conquests of Alexander) mentioneth India. Also, Arianus, Philostratus, and Sidrach in his discourses of the warres of the king of Bactria, and of Garaab, who had the most part of India vnder his gouernment. All which assureth vs, that both India and Indians were knowen in those dayes. These things considered, we may (in my opinion) not only assure our selues of this passage by the Northwest, but also that it is nauigable both to come and go, as hath bene prooued in part and in all, by the experience of diuers, as Sebastian Cabota, Corterialis, the three brethren aboue named, the Indians, and Vrdaneta the Frier of Mexico, &c. And yet notwithstanding all this, there be some that haue a better hope of this passage to Cataia by the Northeast then by the West, whose reasons with my seuerall answeres ensue in the chapter following. Certaine reasons alleaged for the proouing of a passage by the Northeast, before the Queenes Maiestie, and certaine Lords of the Counsell, by Master Anthoni Ienkinson, with my seuerall answers then vsed to the same. Cap. 8. Because you may vnderstand as well those things alleaged against me, as what doth serue for my purpose, I haue here added the reasons of Master Anthony Ienkinson a worthy gentleman, and a great traueller, who conceiued a better hope of the passage to Cataia from vs, to be by the Northeast, then by the Northwest. [Sidenote: The Northwest passage assented vnto.] He first said that he thought not to the contrary, but that there was a passage by the Northwest according to mine opinion: but assured he was, that there might be found a nauigable passage by the Northeast from England, to goe to all the East parts of the world, which he endeuoured to prooue three wayes. [Sidenote: The first reason.] The first was that he heard a Fisherman of Tartaria say in hunting the Morce, that he sayled very farre towards the Southeast, finding no end of the Sea: whereby he hoped a thorow passage to be that way. [Sidenote: The answer or resolution.] Whereunto I answered, that the Tartarians were a barbarous people, and vtterly ignorant in the Arte of Nauigation, not knowing the vse of the Sea Card, Compasse or Starre, which he confessed to be true: and therefore they could not (said I) certainly know the Southeast from the Northeast, in a wide sea, and a place vnknowen from the sight of the land. Or if he sailed any thing neere the shore, yet he (being ignorant) might be deceiued by the doubling of many points and Capes, and by the trending of the land, albeit he kept continually alongst the shore. [Sidenote: Visus nonnunquam fallitur in suo obíecto.] And further, it might be that the poore Fishermen through simplicitie thought that there was nothing that way but sea, because he saw no land: which proofe (vnder correction) giueth small assurance of a Nauigable sea by the Northeast, to goe round about the world, For that be iudged by the eye onely, seeing we in this our cleare aire doe account twentie miles a ken at Sea. [Sidenote: The second reason or allegation.] His second reason is, that there was an Vnicornes horne found vpon the coast of Tartaria, which could not come (said he) thither by any other meanes then with the tides, through some fret in the Northeast of Mare Glaciale, there being no Vnicorne in any part of Asia, sauing in India and Cataia: which reason (in my simple iudgement) forceth as litle. [Sidenote: The answer or resolution.] First, it is doubtfull whether those barbarous Tartarians do know an Vnicornes horne, yea, or no: and if it were one, yet it is not credible that the Sea could haue driuen it so farre, being of such nature that it will not swimme. Also the tides running too and fro, would haue driuen it as farre backe with the ebbe, as it brought it forward with the flood. There is also a beast called Asinus Indicus (whose horne most like it was) which hath but one horne like an Vnicorne in his forehead, whereof there is great plenty in all the North parts thereunto adioyning, as in Lappia, Noruegia, Finmarke, &c. as Iacobus Zieglerus writeth in his historie of Scondia. And as Albertus saieth, there is a fish which hath but one horne in his forehead like to an Vnicorne, and therefore it seemeth very doubtfull both from whence it came, and whether it were an Vnicornes horne, yea, or no. [Sidenote: The third and last reason or assertion.] His third and last reason was, that there came a continuall streame or currant through Mare Glaciale, of such swiftnesse (as a Colmax told him) that if you cast any thing therein, it would presently be carried out of sight towards the West. [Sidenote: The answer or resolution.] Whereunto I answered, that there doth the like from Mæotis Palus, by Pontus Euxinus, Sinus Bosphorus, and along the coast of Græcia, &c. As it is affirmed by Contarenus, and diuers others that haue had experience of the same: and yet that Sea lieth not open to any maine Sea that way, but is maintained by freshets as by Tanais, Danubius, &c. In like maner is this current in Mare Glaciale increased and maintained by the Dwina, the riuer Ob, &c. Now as I haue here briefly recited the reasons alleaged, to prooue a passage to Cataia by the Northeast, with my seuerall answeres thereunto: so will I leaue it to your iudgement, to hope or despaire of either at your pleasure.[44] How that the passage by the Northwest is more commodious for our traffique, then the other by the East, if there were any such. Cap. 9. First, by the Northeast (if your windes doe not giue you a maruelous speedie and luckie passage) you are in danger (being so neere the Pole) to be benighted almost the one halfe of the yeere, and what danger that were, to liue so long comfortlesse, voide of light, (if the cold killed you not) each man of reason or vnderstanding may iudge. [Sidenote: Some doubt of this.] 2 Also Mangia, Quinzai, and the Moluccæ are neerer vnto vs by the Northwest, then by the Northeast, more then two fiue parts, which is almost by the halfe. 3 Also we may haue by the West a yeerely returne, it being at all times nauigable, whereas you haue but 4. moneths in the whole yeere to goe by the Northeast: the passage being at such eleuation as it is formerly expressed, for it cannot be any neerer the South. 4 Furthermore, it cannot be finished without diuers wintrings by the way, hauing no hauens in any temperate climate to harbour in there: for it is as much as we can well saile from hence to S. Nicholas, in the trade of Moscouia, and returne in the nauigable season of the yeere, and from S. Nicholas to Cerimissi Tartari, which stande at 80 degrees of the Septentrional latitude, it is at the least 400 leagues, which amounteth scarce to the third part of the way, to the end of your voyage by the Northeast. 5 And yet after you haue doubled this Cape, if then there might be found a nauigable Sea to carie you Southeast according to your desire, yet can you not winter conueniently, vntil you come to 60 degrees, and to take vp one degree running Southeast, you must saile 24 leagues and three foure parts, which amounteth to 495 leagues. 6 Furthermore, you may by the Northwest saile thither with all Easterly windes, and returne with any Westerly windes, whereas you must haue by the Northeast sundry windes, and those proper, according to the lying of the coast and Capes, you shalbe inforced to double, which windes are not alwaies to be had, when they are looked for: whereby your iourney should be greatly prolonged, and hardly endured so neere the Pole. As we are taught by sir Hugh Willoughbie, who was frozen to death farre neerer the South. 7. Moreouer, it is very doubtfull, whether we should long inioy that trade by the Northeast, if there were any such passage that way, the commodities thereof once knowen to the Moscouite, what priuilege so euer hee hath granted, seeing pollicy with the masse of excessiue gaine, to the inriching (so greatly) of himselfe and all his dominions would perswade him to presume the same, hauing so great opportunitie to vtter the commodities of those countries by the Narue. But by the Northwest, we may safely trade without danger or annoyance of any prince liuing, Christian or Heathen, it being out of all their trades. 8 Also the Queenes Maiesties dominions are neerer the Northwest passage then any other great princes that might passe that way, and both in their going and returne, they must of necessitie succour themselues and their ships vpon some part of the same, if any tempestuous weather should happen. Further, no princes nauie of the world is able to incounter the Queenes Maiesties nauie, as it is at this present: and yet it should be greatly increased by the traffike insuing vpon this discouerie, for it is the long voyages that increase and maintaine great shipping. Now it seemeth necessarie to declare what commodities would growe thereby, if all these things were, as we haue heretofore presupposed, and thought them to be: which next adioyning are briefly declared. What commodities would ensue, this passage once discouered. Cap. 10. First, it were the onely way for our princes, to possesse the wealth of all the East parts (as they terme them) of the world, which is infinite: as appeareth by the experience of Alexander the great, in the time of his conquest of India, and other the East parts of the world, alleaged by Quintus Curtius, which would be a great aduancement to our countrey, a wonderfull inriching to our prince, and an vnspeakable commoditie to all the inhabitants of Europe. 2 For through the shortnesse of the voyage, we should be able to sell all maner of merchandize, brought from thence, farre better cheape then either the Portugall or Spaniard doth or may do. And further, we should share with the Portugall in the East, and the Spaniard in the West, by trading to any part of America, thorow Mar del Sur, where they can no maner of way offend vs. 3 Also we might sayle to diuers very rich countreys, both ciuill and others, out of both their iurisdictions, trades and traffikes, where there is to be found great abundance of golde, siluer, precious stones, cloth of gold, silkes, all maner of spices, grocery wares, and other kinds of merchandize of an inestimable price, which both the Spaniard and Portugall, through the length of their iournies, cannot well attaine vnto. 4 Also we might inhabite some part of those countreyes, and settle there such needy people of our countrey, which now trouble the common wealth, and through want here at home are inforced to commit outragious offences, whereby they are dayly consumed with the gallowes. 5 Moreouer, we might from all the aforesaid places haue a yeerely returne, inhabiting for our staple some conuenient place of America, about Sierra Neuada, or some other part, whereas it shal seeme best for the shortning of the voyage. 6 Beside vttering of our countrey commodities, which the Indians, &c. much esteeme: as appeareth in Hester, where the pompe is expressed of the great king of India, Assuerus, who matched the coloured clothes, wherewith his houses and tents were apparelled, with gold and siluer, as part of his greatest treasure: not mentioning either veluets, silkes, cloth of gold, cloth of siluer, or such like, being in those countreyes most plentifull: whereby it plainly appeareth in what great estimation they would haue the clothes of this our countrey, so that there would be found a farre better vent for them by this meanes, then yet this realme euer had: and that without depending either vpon France, Spaine, Flanders, Portugall, Hamborow, Emden, or any other part of Europe. 7 Also, here we shall increase both our ships and mariners, without burthening of the state. 8 And also haue occasion to set poore mens children to learne handie craftes, and thereby to make trifles and such like, which the Indians and those people do much esteeme: by reason whereof, there should be none occasion to haue our countrey combred with loiterers, vagabonds, and such like idle persons. All these commodities would grow by following this our discouery, without iniury done to any Christian prince, by crossing them in any of their vsed trades, whereby they might take any iust occasion of offence. Thus haue I briefly shewed you some part of the grounds of mine opinion, trusting that you will no longer iudge me fantasticke in this matter: seeing I haue conceiued no vaine hope of this voyage, but am perswaded thereunto by the best Cosmographers of our age, the same being confirmed both by reason and certaine experiences. Also this discouery hath bene diuers times heretofore by others both offered, attempted and performed. It hath bene offered by Stephen Gomes vnto Carolus the fift Emperour, in the yeere of our Lord God 1527, as Alphonso Vllua testifieth in the story of Carolus life: who would haue set him forth in it (as the story mentioneth) if the great want of money, by reason of his long warres had not caused him to surcease the same. [Sidenote: This discouery offered.] And the king of Portugall fearing least the Emperour would haue perseuered in this his enterprise, gaue him to leaue the matter vnattempted, the summe of 350000 crownes: and it is to be thought that the king of Portugall would not haue giuen to the Emperour such summes of money for egges in mooneshine. [Sidenote: This discovery attempted.] It hath bene attempted by Sebastian Cabota in the time of king Henry the seuenth, by Corterialis the Portugall, and Scolmus the Dane. [Sidenote: This discouery performed.] And it hath bene performed by three brethren, the Indians aforesaid, and by Vrdaneta the Frier of Mexico. Also diuers haue offered the like vnto the French king, who hath sent two or three times to haue discouered the same: The discouerers spending and consuming their victuals in searching the gulfes and bayes betweene Florida and Terra de Labrador, whereby the yce is broken to the after commers. So that the right way may now easily be found out in short time: and that with little ieopardie and lesse expences. For America is discouered so farre towards the North as Cape Frio,[45] which is 62 degrees, and that part of Grondland next adioyning is knowen to stand but at 72 degrees. [Sidenote: The labour of this discouerie shortned by other mens trauell.] So that wee haue but 10 degrees to saile North and South, to put the world out of doubt hereof: [Sidenote: Why the kings of Spaine and Portugal would not perseuer in this discovery.] and it is likely that the king of Spaine, and the king of Portugall would not haue sit out all this while, but that they are sure to possesse to themselues all that trade they now vse, and feare to deale in this discouery, least the Queenes Maiestie hauing so good opportunitie, and finding the commoditie which thereby might ensue to the common wealth, would cut them off, and enioy the whole traffique to herselfe, and thereby the Spaniards and Portugals, with their great charges, should beate the bush, and other men catch the birds: which thing they foreseing, haue commanded that no pilot of theirs vpon paine of death, should seeke to discouer to the Northwest, or plat out in any Sea card any thorow passage that way by the Northwest. Now, and if you will indifferently compare the hope that remaineth, to animate me to this enterprise, with those likelihoods which Columbus alleaged before Ferdinando the king of Castilia, to prooue that there were such Islands in the West Ocean, as were after by him and others discouered to the great commodity of Spaine and all the world: you will thinke then this Northwest passage to be most worthy trauell therein. For Columbus had none of the West Islands set foorth vnto him, either in globe or card, neither yet once mentioned of any writer (Plato excepted, and the commentaries vpon the same) from 942 yeeres before Christ, vntill that day. Moreouer, Columbus himselfe had neither seene America nor any other of the Islands about it, neither, vnderstood he of them by the report of any other that had seene them, but only comforted himselfe with this hope, that the land had a beginning where the Sea had an ending: for as touching that which the Spaniards doe write of a Biscaine, which should haue taught him the way thither, it is thought to be imagined of them, to depriue Columbus of his honour, being none of their countrey man, but a stranger borne. And if it were true of the Biscaine, yet did he but roue at the matter, or (at the least) gathered the knowledge of it, by coniectures onely. And albeit myselfe haue not seene this passage nor any part thereof, but am ignorant of it as touching experience (as Columbus was before his attempt made) yet haue I both the report, relation, and authoritie of diuers most credible men, which haue both seene and passed through some and euery part of this discouery, besides sundry reasons for my assurance thereof: all which Columbus wanted. These things considered, and indifferently weighed togither, with the wonderfull commodities which this discouery may bring, especially to this realme of England: I must needes conclude with learned Baptista Ramusius, and diuers other learned men, who said, that this discouery hath bene reserued for some noble prince or worthie man, thereby to make himselfe rich, and the world happie: desiring you to accept in good part this briefe and simple discourse, written in haste, which if I may perceiue that it shall not sufficiently satisfie you in this behalfe, I will then impart vnto you a large discourse, which I haue written onely of this discouery. And further, because it sufficeth not only to know that such a thing there is, without abilitie to performe the same, I wil at at leasure make you partaker of another simple discourse of nauigation, wherein I haue not a little trauelled, to make my selfe as sufficient to bring these things to effect, as I haue bene readie to offer my selfe therein. And therein I haue deuised to amend the errors of vsuall sea cards, whose common fault is to make the degrees of longitude in euery latitude of one like bignesse. And haue also deuised therein a Spherical instrument, with a compasse of variation for the perfect knowing of the longitude. And a precise order to pricke the sea card, together with certaine infallible rules for the shortning of any discouery, to know at the first entring of any fret whether it lie open to the Ocean more wayes then one, how farre soeuer the sea stretcheth itself into the land. Desiring you hereafter neuer to mislike with me, for the taking in hande of any laudable and honest enterprise: for if through pleasure or idlenesse we purchase shame, the pleasure vanisheth, but the shame remaineth for euer. [Sidenote: Pereas qui vmbras times.] And therefore to giue me leaue without offence, alwayes to liue and die in this mind, That he is not worthy to liue at all, that for feare, or danger of death, shunneth his countreys seruice, and his owne honour: seeing death is inevitable, and the fame of vertue immortall. Wherefore in this behalfe, Mutare vel timere sperno. * * * * * Certaine other reasons, or arguments to prooue a passage by the Northwest, learnedly written by M. Richard Willes, Gentleman. Foure famous wayes there be spoken of to those fruitfull and wealthie Islands, which wee doe vsually call Moluccaes, continually haunted for gaine, and dayly trauelled for riches therein growing. These Islands, although they stand East from the Meridian, distant almost halfe the length of the worlde, in extreame heate, vnder the Equinoctiall line, possessed of Infidels and Barbarians: yet by our neighbours great abundance of wealth there is painefully sought in respect of the voyage deerely bought, and from thence dangerously brought home vnto vs. Our neighbours I call the Portugalls in comparison of the Molucchians for neerenesse vnto vs, for like situation Westward as we haue, for their vsuall trade with vs, for that the farre Southeasterlings doe knowe this part of Europe by no other name then Portugall, not greatly acquainted as yet with the other Nations thereof. [Sidenote: 1 By the Southeast.] Their voyage is very well vnderstood of all men, and the Southeasterne way round about Afrike by the Cape of Good hope more spoken of, better knowen and trauelled, then that it may seeme needefull to discourse thereof any further. [Sidenote: 2 By the Southwest.] The second way lyeth Southwest, betweene the West India or South America, and the South continent, through that narrow straight where Magellan first of all men that euer we doe read of, passed these latter yeeres, leauing therevnto therefore his name. [Sidenote: This is an errour.] This way no doubt the Spaniardes would commodiously take, for that it lyeth neere vnto their dominions there, could the Easterne current and leuant windes as easily suffer them to returne, as speedily therwith they may be carried thither: for the which difficultie, or rather impossibility of striuing against the force both of winde and streame, this passage is litle or nothing vsed, although it be very well knowen. [Sidenote: 3 By the Northeast.] The third way by the Northeast, beyond all Europe and Asia, that worthy and renowmed knight sir Hugh Willoughbie sought to his perill, enforced there to ende his life for colde, congealed and frozen to death. And truely this way consisteth rather in the imagination of Geographers, then allowable either in reason, or approued by [Sidenote: Ortel. tab. Asiæ 3.] experience, as well it may appeare by the dangerous trending of the Scythish Cape set by Ortelius vnder the 80 degree North, by the vnlikely sailing in that Northerne sea alwayes clad with yce and snow, or at the least continually pestred therewith, if happily it be at any time dissolued: besides bayes and shelfes, the water waxing more shallow toward the East, that we say nothing of the foule mists and darke fogs in the cold clime, of the litle power of the Sunne to cleare the aire, of the vncomfortable nights, so neere the Pole, fiue moneths long. [Sidenote: 4 By the Northwest.] A fourth way to go vnto these aforesaid happy Islands Moluccæ sir Humphrey Gilbert a learned and valiant knight discourseth of at large in his new passage to Cathayo. The enterprise of itselfe being vertuous, the fact must doubtlesse deserue high praise, and whensoeuer it shal be finished, the fruits thereof cannot be smal: where vertue is guide, there is fame a follower, and fortune a companion. But the way is dangerous, the passage doubtfull, the voiage not throughly knowen, and therefore gainesaid by many, after this maner. [Sidenote: Ob. 1.] First, who can assure vs of any passage rather by the Northwest then by the Northeast? do not both waves lye in equall distance from the North Pole? Stand not the North Capes of eyther continent vnder like eleuation? Is not the Ocean sea beyond America farther distant from our Meridian by 30. or 40. degrees West, then the extreame poyntes of Cathayo Eastward, if Ortelius generall Carde of the world be true: [Sidenote: In Theatro.] In the Northeast that noble Knight Syr Hugh Willoughbie perished for colde: and can you then promise a passenger any better happe by the Northwest? Who hath gone for triall sake at any time this way out of Europe to Cathayo? [Sidenote: Ob. 2.] If you seeke the aduise herein of such as make profession in Cosmographie, Ptolome the father of Geographie, and his eldest children, will answere by their mappes with a negatiue, concluding most of the Sea within the land, and making an end of the world Northward, neere the 63. degree. The same opinion, when learning chiefly florished, was receiued in the Romanes time, as by their Poets writings it may appeare: tibi seruiat vltima Thyle, said Virgil, being of opinion, that Island was the extreme part of the world habitable toward the North. Ioseph Moletius an Italian, and Mercator a Germaine, for knowledge men able to be compared with the best Geographers of our time, the one in his halfe Spheres of the whole world, the other in some of his great globes, haue continued the West Indies land, euen to the North Pole, and consequently, cut off all passage by sea that way. The same doctors, Mercator in other of his globes and mappes, Moletius in his sea Carde, neuerthelesse doubting of so great continuance of the former continent, haue opened a gulfe betwixt the West Indies and the extreame Northerne land: but such a one, that either is not to be trauelled for the causes in the first obiection alledged, or cleane shut vp from vs in Europe by Groenland: the South ende whereof Moletius maketh firme land with America, the North part continent with Lappeland and Norway. [Sidenote: Ob. 3.] Thirdly, the greatest fauourers of this voyage can not denie, but that if any such passage be, it lieth subiect vnto yce and snow for the most part of the yeere, whereas it standeth in the edge of the frostie Zone. Before the Sunne hath warmed the ayre, and dissolued the yce, eche one well knoweth that there can be no sailing: the yce once broken through the continuall abode the sunne maketh a certaine season in those parts, how shall it be possible for so weake a vessel as a shippe is, to holde out amid whole Ilands, as it were of yce continually beating on eche side, and at the mouth of that gulfe, issuing downe furiously from the north, and safely to passe, when whole mountaines of yce and snow shall be tumbled downe vpon her? [Sidenote: Ob. 4.] Well, graunt the West Indies not to continue continent vnto the Pole, grant there be a passage betweene these two lands, let the gulfe lie neerer vs then commonly in cardes we finde it set, namely, betweene the 61. and 64. degrees north, as Gemma Frisius in his mappes and globes imagineth it, and so left by our countryman Sebastian Cabot in his table which the Earle of Bedford hath at Cheinies: Let the way be voyde of all difficulties, yet doeth it not follow that wee haue free passage to Cathayo. For examples sake: You may trend all Norway, Finmarke, and Lappeland, and then bowe Southward to Saint Nicholas in Moscouia: you may likewise in the Mediterranean Sea fetch Constantinople, and the mouth of Tanais: yet is there no passage by Sea through Moscouia into Pont Euxine, now called Mare Maggiore. Againe, in the aforesaid Mediterranean sea, we saile to Alexandria in Egypt, the Barbarians bring their pearle and spices from the Moluccaes vp the Red sea or Arabian gulph to Sues, scarcely three dayes iourney from the aforesayd hauen: yet haue wee no way by sea from Alexandria to the Moluccaes, for that Isthmos or litle straight of land betweene the two seas. In like maner although the Northerne passage be free at 61 degrees of latitude, and the West Ocean beyond America, vsually called Mar del Zur, knowen to be open at 40. degrees eleuation from the Island Iapan, yea, three hundred leagues Northerly aboue Iapan: yet may there be land to hinder the thorow passage that way by Sea, as in the examples aforesaid it falleth out, Asia and America there being ioyned together in one continent. Ne can this opinion seeme altogether friuolous vnto any one that diligently peruseth our Cosmographers doings. Iosephus Moletius is of that minde, not onely in his plaine Hemispheres of the world, but also in his Sea card. The French Geographers in like maner be of the same opinion, as by their Mappe cut out in forme of a Hart you may perceiue: as though the West Indies were part of Asia. Which sentence well agreeth with that old conclusion in the Schooles. Quicquid præter Africam et Europam est, Asia est, Whatsoeuer land doeth neither apperteine vnto Afrike nor to Europe, is part of Asia. [Sidenote: Ob. 5.] Furthermore it were to small purpose to make so long, so painefull, so doubtfull a voyage by such a new found way, if in Cathayo you should neither bee suffered to land for silkes and siluer, nor able to fetch the Molucca spices and pearle for piracie in those Seas. Of a law denying all Aliens to enter into China, and forbidding all the inhabiters vnder a great penaltie to let in any stranger into those countreys, shall you reade in the report of Galeotto Perera there imprisoned with other Portugals: as also in the Iaponish letters, how for that cause the worthy traueller Xauierus bargained with a Barbarian Merchant for a great summe of pepper to be brought into Canton, a port in China. The great and dangerous piracie vsed in those Seas no man can be ignorant of, that listeth to reade the Iaponish and East Indian historie. [Sidenote: Ob. 6.] Finally, all this great labour would be lost, all these charges spent in vaine, if in the ende our trauellers might not be able to returne againe, and bring safely home into their owne natiue countrey that wealth and riches, which they in forrein regions with aduenture of goods, and danger of their liues haue sought for. By the Northeast there is no way, the Southeast passage the Portugals doe hold as the Lords of those Seas. At the Southwest Magellans experience hath partly taught vs, and partly we are persuaded by reason, how the Easterne current striketh so furiously on that straight, and falleth with such force into that narrow gulph, that hardly any ship can returne that way into our West Ocean out of Mar del Zur. The which if it be true, as truly it is, then wee may say that the aforesayd Easterne current or leuant course of waters continually following after the heauenly motions, loseth not altogether his force, but is doubled rather by an other current from out the Northeast, in the passage betweene America and the North land, whither it is of necessity caryed: hauing none other way to maintaine it selfe in circular motion, and consequently the force and fury thereof to be no lesse in the straight of Anian, where it striketh South into Mar del Zur, beyond America (if any such straight of Sea there be) then in Magellans fret, both straights being of like bredth: as in Belognine Zalterius table of new France, and in Don Diego Hermano de Toledo his Card for nauigation in that region we doe finde precisely set downe. Neuerthelesse to approue that there lyeth a way to Cathayo at the Northwest from out of Europe, we haue experience, namely of three brethren that went that iourney, as Gemma Frisius recordeth, and left a name vnto that straight, whereby now it is called Fretum trium fratrum. We doe reade againe of a Portugall that passed this straight, of whom Master Frobisher speaketh, that was imprisoned therefore many yeeres in Lisbone, to verifie the olde Spanish prouerbe, I suffer for doing well. Likewise Andrew Vrdaneta a Fryer of Mexico came out of Mar del Zur this way into Germanie: his Carde (for he was a great discouerer) made by his owne experience and trauell in that voyage, hath bene seene by Gentlemen of good credite. [Sidenote: Cic. 1. de orat. Arist, pri. Metaph.] Now if the obseruation and remembrance of things breedeth experience, and of experience proceedeth arte, and the certaine knowledge we haue in all faculties, as the best Philosophers that euer were doe affirme: truely the voyage of these aforesayd trauellers that haue gone out of Europe into Mar del Zur, and returned thence at the Northwest, do most euidently conclude that way to be nauigable, and that passage free. [Sidenote: Lib. 1. Geog. Cap. 2.] So much the more we are so to thinke for that the first principle and chiefe ground in all Geographie, as Ptolome saith, is the history of trauell, that is, reports made by trauellers skilful in Geometrie and Astronomie, of all such things in their iourney as to Geographie doe belong. It onely then remaineth, that we now answere to those arguments that seemed to make against this former conclusion. [Sidenote: Sol. 1.] The first obiection is of no force, that generall table of the world set forth by Ortelius or Mercator, for it greatly skilleth not, being vnskilfully drawen for that point: as manifestly it may appeare vnto any one that conferreth the same with Gemma Frisius his vniuersall Mappe, with his round quartered carde, with his globe, with Sebastian Cabota his table, and Ortelius his generall mappe alone, worthily preferred in this case before all Mercator and Ortelius other doings: for that Cabota was not onely a skilful Sea man, but a long traueller, and such a one as entred personally that straight, sent by king Henry the seuenth to make this aforesayd Discouerie, as in his owne discourse of nauigation you may reade in his carde drawen with his owne hand, that the mouth of the Northwesterne straight lyeth neere the 318. Meridian, betweene 61. and 64. degrees in the eleuation, continuing the same bredth about 10 degrees West, where it openeth Southerly more and more, vntill it come vnder the tropicke of Cancer, and so runneth into Mar del Zur, at the least 18 degrees more in bredth there, then it was where it first began: otherwise I could as well imagine this passage to be more vnlikely then the voyage to Moscouia, and more impossible then it for the farre situation and continuance thereof in the frostie clime: as now I can affirme it to be very possible and most likely in comparison thereof, for that it neither coasteth so farre North as the Moscouian passage doeth, neither is this straight so long as that, before it bow downe Southerly towardes the Sunne againe. [Sidenote: Sol. 2.] The second argument concludeth nothing. Ptolome knew not what was aboue sixteene degrees South beyond the Equinoctiall line, he was ignorant of all passages Northward from the eleuation of 63. degrees: he knewe no Ocean sea beyond Asia, yet haue the Portugals trended the Cape of Good hope at the South point of Afrike, and trauelled to Iapan an Island in the East Ocean, betweene Asia and America: our merchants in the time of king Edward the sixt discouered the Moscouian passage farther North than Thyle, and shewed Groenland not to be continent with Lappeland and Norway: the like our Northwesterne trauellers haue done, declaring by their nauigation that way, the ignorance of all Cosmographers that either doe ioyne Groenland with America, or continue the West Indies with that frosty region vnder the north pole. As for Virgil he sang according to the knowledge of men in his time, as an other poet did of the hot Zone. [Sidenote: Ouid. 1. Meta.] Quarum quæ media est, non est habitabilis æstu. Imagining, as most men then did, Zonam torridam, the hot Zone to be altogether dishabited for heat, though presently wee know many famous and worthy kingdomes and cities in that part of the earth, and the Island of S. Thomas neere Æthiopia, and the wealthy Islands for the which chiefly all these voyages are taken in hand, to be inhabited euen vnder the Equinoctiall line. [Sidenote: Sol. 3.] To answere the third obiection, besides Cabota and all other trauellers nauigations, the onely credit of M. Frobisher[46] may suffice, who lately through all these Islands of ice, and mountaines of snow, passed that way, euen beyond the gulfe that tumbleth downe from the North, and in some places though he drewe one inch thicke ice, as he returning in August did, yet came he home safely againe. [Sidenote: Sol. 4.] The fourth argument is altogether friuolous and vaine, for neither is there any isthmos or strait of land betweene America and Asia, ne can these two landes ioyntly be one continent. [Sidenote: Lib. Geog.] The first part of my answere is manifestly allowed of by Homer, whom that excellent Geographer Strabo followeth, yeelding him in this facultie the price. The author of that booke likewise [Greek: perì kosmou] to Alexander, attributed vnto Aristotle, is of the same opinion that Homer and Strabo be of, in two or three places. Dionisius in [Greek: oikoumenaes periaegaesi] hath this verse [Greek: otos hokeanos peridedrome gaian hapasan.] So doth the Ocean Sea runne round about the worlde: speaking onely of Europe, Afrike and Asia, as then Asia was trauelled and knowen. [Sidenote: Note.] With these Doctours may you ioyne Pomponius Mela. cap. 2. lib 1. Plinius lib. 2. cap. 67. and Pius 2. cap 2. in his description of Asia. [Sidenote: Richard Eden.] All the which writers doe no lesse confirme the whole Easterne side of Asia to be compassed about with the sea, then Plato doeth affirme in Timæo, vnder the name Atlantis, the West indies to be an Island, as in a special discoure thereof R. Eden writeth, agreeable vnto the sentence of Proclus, Marsilius Ficinus, and others. Out of Plato it is gathered that America is an island. Homer, Strabo, Aristotle, Dionysius, Mela, Plinie, Pius 2. affirme the continent of Asia, Afrike, and Europe to be enuironed with the Ocean. I may therefore boldly say (though later intelligences thereof had we none at all) that Asia and the West Indies be not tied together by any Isthmos or straight of land, contrary to the opinion of some new Cosmographers, by whom doubtfully this matter hath bin brought in controuersie. And thus much for the first part of my answere vnto the fourth obiection. [Sidenote: Lib. 2. Meteor. cap 1.] The second part, namely that America and Asia cannot be one continent, may thus be prooued, [Greek: kata taen taes gaes koilotaeta rhei kai ton potamon to plaethos.] The most Riuers take downe that way their course, where the earth is most hollow and deepe, writeth Aristotle: and the Sea (sayeth he in the same place) as it goeth further, so it is found deeper. Into what gulfe doe the Moscouian riuers Onega, Duina, Ob, powre out their streames Northward out of Moscouia into the sea? Which way doeth that sea strike: The South is maine land, the Easterne coast waxeth more and more shalow: from the North, either naturally, because that part of the earth is higher Aristot. 2. Met. cap. 1. or of necessitie, for that the forcible influence of some Northerne starres causeth the earth there to shake off the Sea, as some Philosophers doe thinke: or finally for the great store of waters engendered in that frostie and colde climate, that the bankes are not able to holde them. Alber, in 2. Meteor. cap. 6. From the North, I say, continually falleth downe great abundance of water. So that this Northeasterne currant must at the length abruptly bow towards vs South on the West side of Finmarke and Norway: or else strike downe Southwest aboue Groneland and Iseland, into the Northwest straight we speake of, as of congruence it doeth, if you marke the situation of that Region, and by the report of M. Frobisher experience teacheth vs. And M. Frobisher the further he trauailed in the former passage, as he tolde me, the deeper always he found the Sea. Lay you now the summe hereof together. The riuers runne where the chanels are most hollow, the Sea in taking his course waxeth deeper, the Sea waters fall continually from the North Southward, the Northeasterne current striketh downe into the straight we speak of, and is there augmented with whole mointaines of yce and snowe falling downe furiously out from the land vnder the North pole. [Sidenote: Plin. lib. 2. cap. 67] Where store of water is, there is it a thing impossible to want Sea, where Sea not onely doeth not want, but waxeth deeper, there can be discouered no land, finally, whence I pray you came the contrary tide, that M. Frobisher mette withall after he had sailed no small way in that passage, if there be any Isthmos or straight of land betwixt the aforesayd Northwesterne gulfe, and Mar del Zur, to ioyne Asia and America together? That conclusion frequented in scholes Quicquid præter, &c. was meant of the partes of the world then knowen, and so it is of right to be vnderstood. [Sidenote: Sol. 5.] The fift obiection requireth for answere wisdome and policie in the trauailer to winne the Barbarians fauour by some good meanes: and so to arme and strengthen himselfe, that when he shal haue the repulse in one coast, he may safely trauaile to an other, commodiously taking his conuenient times, and discreetely making choise of them with whom hee will throughly deale. To force a violent entry, would for vs Englishmen be very hard, considering the strength and valour of so great a Nation, farre distant from vs, and the attempt thereof might be most perilous vnto the doers, vnlesse their part were very good. Touching their lawes against strangers, you shall reade neuerthelesse in the same relations of Galeotto Perera, that the Cathaian king is woont to graunt free accesse vnto all foreiners that trade into his Countrey for Marchandise, and a place of libertie for them to remaine in: as the Moores had, vntill such time as they had brought the Loutea or Lieutenant of that coast to be a circumcised Saracene: wherefore some of them were put to the sword, the rest were scattered abroad: at Fuquien a great citie in China, certaine of them are yet this day to be seene. As for the Iapans they be most desirous to be acquainted with strangers. The Portingals though they were straitly handled there at the first, yet in the ende they found great fauor at the Prince his hands, insomuch that the Loutea or president that misused them was therefore put to death. The rude Indian Canoa halleth those seas, the Portingals, the Saracens, and Moores trauaile continually vp and downe that reach from Iapan to China, from China to Malacca, from Malacca to the Moluccaes: and shall an Englishman, better appointed then any of them all (that I say no more of our Nauie) feare to saile in that ocean? What seas at all doe want piracie? what Nauigation is there voyde of perill? [Sidenote: Sol. 6.] To the last argument. Our trauailers neede not to seeke their returne by the Northeast, neither shall they be constrained, except they list, either to attempt Magellans straight at the Southwest, or to be in danger of the Portingals for the Southeast: they may returne by the Northwest, that same way they doe goe foorth, as experience hath shewed. The reason alleadged for proofe of the contrary may be disproued after this maner. And first it may be called in controuersie, whether any current continually be forced by the motion of Primum mobile, round about the world, or no: For learned men doe diuersly handle that question. [Sidenote: Luc. lib. 1. Pharsal.] The naturall course of all waters is downeward, wherefore of congruence they fall that way where they finde the earth most lowe and deepe: in respect whereof, it was erst sayd, the seas doe strike from the Northern landes Southerly. Violently the seas are tossed and troubled diuers wayes with the windes, encreased and diminished by the course of the Moone, hoised vp and downe through the sundry operations of the Sunne and the starres: finally, some be of opinion, that the seas be carried in part violently about the world, after the dayly motion of the highest moueable heauen, in like maner as the elements of ayre and fire, with the rest of the heauenly spheres, are from the East vnto the West. [Sidenote: What the Easterne current is.] And this they doe call their Easterne current, or leuant stream. Some such current may not be denied to be of great force in the hot Zone, for the neerenesse thereof vnto the centre of the Sunne, and blustering Easterne windes violently driuing the seas Westwards: howbeit, in the temperate climes, the Sunne being further off, and the windes more diuers, blowing as much from the North, the West and South, as from the East, this rule doeth not effectually withholde vs from trauailing Eastward, neither be we kept euer backe by the aforesaid Leuant windes and streame. But in the Magellans streight wee are violently driuen backe West: Ergo, through the Northwesterne straight or Annian frette shall we not be able to returne Eastward? It followeth not. The first, for that the northwesterne straight hath more sea roome at the least by one hundreth English myles, than Magellans frette hath, the onely want whereof causeth all narrow passages generally to be most violent. So would I say in the Anian gulfe, if it were so narrow as Don Diego and Zalterius haue painted it out, any returne that way to bee full of difficulties, in respect of such streightnesse thereof, not for the neerenesse of the Sunne, or Easterne windes violently forcing that way any leuant streame: But in that place there is more sea roome by many degrees, if the Cardes of Cabota, and Gemma Frisius, and that which Tramezine imprinted be true. And hitherto reason see I none at all, but that I may as well giue credite vnto their doings, as to any of the rest. [Sidenote: Lib. 1. Geog. Cap. 2.] It must be Peregrinationis historia, that is, true reportes of skilfull trauailers, as Ptolome writeth, that in such controuersies of Geographie must put vs out of doubt. Ortelius in his vniuersall tables, in his particular Mappes of the West Indies, of all Asia, of the Northern kingdomes, of the East Indies, Mercator in some of his globes, and generall Mappes of the world, Moletius in his vniuersall table of the Globe diuided, in his sea Carde, and particuler tables of the East Indies, Zalterius, and Don Diego, with Ferdinando Bertely, and others, doe so much differ from Gemma Frisius and Cabota, among themselues, and in diuers places from themselues, concerning the diuers situation and sundry limits of America, that one may not so rashly, as timely surmise, these men either to be ignorant in those points touching the aforesaid region, or that the Mappes they haue giuen out vnto the world, were collected onely by them, and neuer of their owne drawing. * * * * * The first Voyage of M. Martine Frobisher, to the Northwest, for the search of the straight or passage to China, written by Christopher Hall, Master in the Gabriel, and made in the yeere of our Lord 1576. The 7. of Iune being Thursday, the two Barks, viz. the Gabriel, and the Michael [Marginal note: M. Matthew Kinderslye was Captaine of the Michael.] and our Pinnesse set saile at Ratcliffe, and bare down to Detford, and there we ancred: the cause was that our Pinnesse burst her boulsprit, and foremast aboard of a ship that rode at Detford, else wee meant to haue past that day by the Court then at Grenewich. The 8. day being Friday, about 12 of the clocke we wayed at Detford, and set saile all three of vs, and bare downe by the Court, where we shotte off our ordinance and made the best shew we could: Her Maiestie beholding the same, commended it, and bade vs farewell, with shaking her hand at vs out of the window. Afterward shee sent a Gentleman aboord of vs, who declared that her Maiestie had good liking of our doings, and thanked vs for it, and also willed our Captaine to come the next day to the Court to take his leaue of her. The same day towards night M. Secretarie Woolly came aboorde of vs, and declared to the company, that her Maiestie had appointed him to giue them charge to be obedient, and diligent to their Captaine, and gouernours in all things, and wished vs happie successe. The 12. day being ouer against Grauesend, by the castle or blockehouse, we obserued the latitude, which was 51. degrees 33. min. And in that place the variation of the Compasse is 11. degrees and a halfe. [Sidenote: Faire Island.] The 24. day at 2. of the clocke after noone, I had sight of Faire yle,[47] being from vs 6. leagues North and by East, and when I brought it Northwest and by North, it did rise at the Southermost ende with a litle hommocke, and swampe in the middes. [Sidenote: Shotland.] The 25. day from 4. to 8. a clocke in the forenoone, the winde at Northwest and by North a fresh gale, I cast about to the Westward, the Southermost head of Shotland called Swinborne head Northnorthwest from me, and the land of Faire yle, West Southwest from me. I sailed directly to the North head of that said land, sounding as I ranne in, hauing 60. 50. and 40. fathoms, and gray redde shels: and within halfe a mile of that Island, there are 36. fathoms, for I sailed to that Island to see whether there were any roadesteede for a Northwest winde, and I found by my sounding hard rockes, and foule ground, and deepe water, within two cables length of the shoare, 28. fathome, and so did not ancre but plied to and fro with my foresaile, and mizen till it was a high water vnder the Island. The tide setteth there Northwest and Southeast: the flood setteth Southeast, and the ebbe Northwest. The 26. day hauing the winde at South a faire gale, sayling from Faire yle to Swinborne head, I did obserue the latitude, the Island of Fowlay being West Northwest from me 6. leagues, and Swinborne head East southeast from me, I found my eleuation [Marginal note: By eleuation he meaneth the distance of the sunne from the zenith.] to be 37. degr and my declination 22. degr. 46 min. So that my latitude was 59. degr. 46. min. [Sidenote: S. Tronions.] At that present being neere to Swinborne head, hauing a leake which did trouble vs, as also to take in fresh water, I plyed roome with a sound, which is called S. Tronions, and there did ancre in seuen fathoms water, and faire sande. You haue comming in the sounds mouth in the entring 17. 15. 12. 10. 9. 8. and 7. fathoms, and the sound lyeth in North northwest, and there we roade to a West sunne, and stopped our leake, and hauing refreshed our selues with water, at a North northwest sunne, I set saile from S. Tronions the winde at South Southest, and turned out till wee were cleare of the sound, and so sailed West to go cleare of the Island of Fowlay. [Sidenote: Fowlay Island.] And running off toward Fowlay,[48] I sounded, hauing fiftie fathome, and streamie ground, and also I sounded Fowlay being North from mee one league off that Islande, hauing fiftie fathome at the South head, and streamie ground, like broken otmell, and one shell being redde and white like mackerell. [Sidenote: Latitude 59. deg. 59. min. Here they begin to saile West and by North.] The 27. day at a South sunne I did obserue the latitude, the Island of Fowlay being from me two leagues East Northeast: I found my selfe to be in latitude 59. degrees, 59. min truly obserued, the winde at South Southwest: I sailed West and by North. From 12. to foure a clocke afternoone, the wind at South, a faire gale the shippe sailed West and by North 6. leagues, and at the ende of this watch, I sounded hauing 60. fathome, with little stones and shels, the Island from vs 8. leagues East. [Sidenote: July the first.] The first of Iuly, from 4. to 8. a clocke, wee sailed West 4. glasses 4. leagues, and at that present we had so much winde that we spooned afore the sea Southwest 2. leagues. The 3. day we found our Compasse to bee varied one point to Westwards: this day from 4. to 8. a clocke we sailed West and by North 6 leagues. From 8. to 12. a clocke at noone West and by North 4. leagues. [Sidenote: The Compasse varying Westwards one point.] At that present I found our compasse to be varied 11 deg. and one 4. part to the Westwards, which is one point. [Sidenote: The Island of Friseland.] The 11. day at a Southeast sunne we had sight of the land of Friseland bearing from vs West northwest 16. leagues, and rising like pinacles of steeples, and all couered with snowe. I found my selfe in 61. degr. of latitude. Wee sailed to the shoare and could finde no ground at 150. fathoms, we hoised out our boate, and the Captaine with 4. men rowed to the shoare to get on land, but the land lying full of yce, they could not get on land, and so they came aboord againe: We had much adoe to get cleare of the yce by reason of the fogge. Yet from Thursday 8. a clocke in the morning to Friday at noone we sailed Southwest 20. leagues. The 18. day at a Southwest sunne I found the sunne to be eleuated 33. deg. And at a Southsoutheast sunne 40. deg. So I obserued it till I found it at the highest, and then it was eleuated 52. deg. [Sidenote: The variation of the needle two points and a halfe to the West.] I iudged the variation of the Compasse to be 2. points and a halfe to the Westward. [Sidenote: A great drift of yce.] The 21. day we had sight of a great drift of yce, seeming a firme land, and we cast Westward to be cleare of it. [Sidenote: The latitude of 62. degrees 2. min.] The 26. we had sight of a land of yce: the latitude was 62. degrees, and two minutes. [Sidenote: Sight of land supposed to haue been Labrador.] The 28. day in the morning was very foggie: but at the clearing vp of the fogge, we had sight of lande, which I supposed to be Labrador, with great store of yce about the land: I ranne in towards it, and sownded, but could get no ground at 100. fathom, and the yce being so thicke, I could not get to the shoare, and so lay off, and came cleare of the yce. Upon Munday we came within a mile of the shoare, and sought a harborowe: all the sownd was full of yce, and our boate rowing a shoare, could get no ground at 100. fathom, within a Cables length of the shoare: then we sailed Eastnortheast along the shoare, for so the lande lyeth, and the currant is there great, setting Northeast, and Southwest: and if we could haue gotten anker ground, wee would haue seene with what force it had runne, but I iudge a ship may driue a league and a halfe, in one houre, with that tide. This day at 4. of the clocke in the morning, being faire and cleere, we had sight of a head land, as we iudged, bearing from vs north, and by East, and we sailed Northeast, and by North to that land, and when we came thither, wee could not get to the lande for yce: for the yce stretched along the coast, so that we could not come to the land, by fiue leagues. [Sidenote: August.] Wednesday the first of August it calmed, and in the after noone I caused my boate to be hoysed out, being hard by a great Island of yce, and I and foure men rowed to that yce, and sounded within two Cables length of it, and had sixteene fathome, and little stones, and after that sownded againe within a Minion shot, and had ground at an hundreth fathome, and faire sand: we sownded the next day a quarter of a myle from it, and had sixtie fathome rough ground, and at that present being aboord, that great Island of yce fell one part from another, making a noyse as if a great cliffe had fallen into the Sea. And at foure of the clocke I sownded againe, and had 90. fathome, and small blacke stones, and little white stones like pearles. The tide here did set to the shoare. The tenth I tooke foure men, and my selfe, and rowed to shoare to an Island one league from the maine, and there the flood setteth Southwest alongest the shoare, and it floweth as neere as I could iudge so too, I could not tarry to prooue it, because the ship was a great way from me, and I feared a fogge: but when I came a shoare, it was a low water. I went to the top of the Island, and before I came backe, it was hied a foote water, and so without tarrying I came aboord. [Sidenote: They enter the Streit in the latitude of 63. deg. and 8. min.] The 11. we found our latitude to be 63. degr. and eight minutes, and this day we entred the streight. The 12. wee set saile towardes an Island, called the Gabriels Island, which was 10 leagues then from vs. We espied a sound, and bare with it, and came to a Sandie Baye, where we came to an anker, the land being East southeast off vs, and there we rode al night in 8. fathome water. It floweth there at a Southeast Moone. We called it Priors sownd, being from the Gabriels Island, tenne leagues. The 14, we waied, and ranne into another sownde, where wee ankered in 8. fathome water, faire sand, and black oaze, and there calked our ship, being weake from the wales vpward, and tooke in fresh water. The 15. day we waied, and sailed to Priors Bay, being a mile from thence. The 16. day was calme, and we rode still, without yce, but presently within two houres it was frozen round about the ship, a quarter of an ynch thicke, and that day very faire, and calme. The 17. day we waied, and came to Thomas Williams Island. The 18. day we sailed North northwest, and ankered againe in 23. fathome, and tough oaze, vnder Burchers Island, which is from the former Island, ten leagues. [Sidenote: Sight of the Countrey people.] The 19. day in the morning, being calme, and no winde, the Captaine and I tooke our boat, with eight men in her, to rowe vs a shoare, to see if there were any people, or no, and going to the toppe of the Island, we had sight of seuen boates, which came rowing from the East side, toward that Island: whereupon we returned aboord againe: at length we sent our boate with fiue men in her, to see whither they rowed, and so with a white cloth brought one of their boates with their men along the shoare, rowing after our boate, till such time as they sawe our ship, and then they rowed a shoare: then I went on shore my selfe, and gaue euery of them a threadden point, and brought one of them aboord of me, where hee did eate and drinke, and then carried him on shoare againe. Whereupon all the rest came aboord with their boates, being nineteene persons, and they spake, but we vnderstoode them not. [Sidenote: The description of the people.[49]] They bee like to Tartars, with long blacke haire, broad faces, and flatte noses, and tawnie in colour, wearing Seale skinnes, and so doe the women, not differing in the fashion, but the women are marked in the face with blewe streekes downe the cheekes, and round about the eyes. Their boates are made all of Seales skinnes, with a keele of wood within the skin: the proportion of them is like a Spanish shallop, saue only they be flat in the bottome, and sharpe at both ends. The twentieth day wee wayed, and went to the Eastside of this island, and I and the Captaine, with foure men more went on shoare, and there we sawe their houses, and the people espying vs, came rowing towards our boate: whereupon we plied toward our boate: and wee being in our boate and they ashoare, they called to vs, and we rowed to them, and one of their company came into our boate, and we carried him a boord, and gaue him a Bell, and a knife: [Sidenote: 5 of our men taken by the people.] so the Captaine and I willed fiue of our men to set him a shoare at a rocke, and not among the company, which they come from, but their wilfulnesse was such, that they would goe to them, and so were taken themselues, and our boate lost. The next day in the morning, we stoode in neere the shoare, and shotte off a fauconet, and sounded our trumpet, but we could hear nothing nothing of our men: this sound wee called the fiue mens sound, and plyed out of it, but ankered againe in thirtie fathome, and ooze: and riding there all night, in the morning, the snow lay a foote thicke vpon our hatches. The 22. day in the morning we wayed, and went againe to the place we lost our men, and our boate. We had sight of foureteene boates, and some came neere to vs, but wee could learne nothing of our men: among the rest, we intised one boate to our ships side, with a Bell, and in giuing him the Bell, we tooke him, and his boate, and so kept him, and so rowed downe to Thomas Williams Island, and there ankered all night. [Sidenote: They returne.] The 26. day we waied, to come homeward, and by 12. of the clocke at noone, we were thwart of Trumpets Island. The next day we came thwart of Gabriels Island, and at 8. of the clocke at night, we had the Cape Labrador as we supposed West from vs, ten leagues. The 28. day we went our course Southeast. We sailed Southeast, and by East, 22. leagues. The first day of September in the morning we had sight of the land of Friseland being eight leagues from vs but we could not come neerer it, for the monstrous yce that lay about it. From this day, till the sixth of this Moneth, we ranne along Island, and had the South part of it at eight of the clocke, East from vs ten leagues. The seuenth day of this moneth we had a very terrible storme, by force whereof, one of our men was blowen into the sea out of our waste, but he caught hold of the foresaile sheate, and there held till the Captaine pluckt him againe into the ship. The 25 day of this moneth we had sight of the Island of Orkney, which was then East from vs. [Sidenote: The Sheld.] The first day of October we had sight of the Sheld, and so sailed about the coast, and ankered at Yarmouth, and the next day we came into Harwich. The language of the people of Meta incognita. Argoteyt, a hand. Cangnawe, a nose. Arered, an eye. Keiotot, a tooth. Mutchatet, the head. Chewat, an eare. Comagaye, a legge. Atoniagay, a foote. Callagay, a paire of breeches. Attegay, a coate. Polleuetagay, a knife. Accaskay, a shippe. Coblone, a thumbe. Teckkere, the foremost finger. Ketteckle, the middle finger. Mekellacane, the fourth finger. Yacketrone, the little finger. * * * * * The second voyage of Master Martin Frobisher, made to the West and Northwest Regions, in the yeere 1577. with a description of the Countrey, and people: Written by Master Dionise Settle. On Whitsunday, being the sixe and twentieth of May, in the yeere of our Lord God 1577. Captaine Frobisher departed from Blacke Wall, with one of the Queenes Maiesties ships, called The Aide, of nine score tunnes, or thereabouts: and two other Little Barkes likewise, the one called The Gabriel, whereof Master Fenton, a Gentleman of my Lord of Warwikes, was Captaine: accompanied with seuen score Gentlemen, souldiers, and sailers, well furnished with victuals, and other prouision necessarie for one halfe yeere, on this his second voyage, for the further discouering of the passage to Cathay, and other Countreys, thereunto adiacent, by West and Northwest nauigations: which passage or way, is supposed to bee on the North and Northwest part of America: and the said America to be an Island inuironed with the sea, where through our Merchants may haue course and recourse with their merchandize, from these our Northernmost parts of Europe, to those Orientall coasts of Asia, in much shorter time, and with greater benefite then any others, to their no little commoditie and profite that do or shall frequent the same. Our said Captaine and General of this present voyage and company hauing the yeere before, with two little pinnesses, to his great danger, and no small commendations, giuen a worthy attempt towards the performance thereof, is also prest, when occasion shall be ministred (to the benefite of his Prince, and natiue Countrey) to aduenture himelfe further therein. As for the second voyage, it seemeth sufficient that he hath better explored and searched the commodities of those people and Countreys, which in his first voyage the yeere before he had found out. [Sidenote: The Islands Orcades, or Orkney.] Vpon which considerations, the day and yeere before expressed, we departed from Blacke Wall to Harwich, where making an accomplishment of things necessary, the last of May we hoised vp sailes, and with a merrie winde the 7. of Iune we arriued at the Islands called Orcades, or vulgarly Orkney, being in number 30. subiect and adiacent to Scotland where we made prouision of fresh water; in the doing wherof our Generall licensed the Gentlemen and souldiers for their recreation to go on shore. [Sidenote: The Orcadians upon smal occasion flee their home.] At our landing, the people fled from their poore cottages, with shrikes and alarms, to warne their neighbours of enemies, but by gentle perswasions we reclamed them to their houses. It seemeth they are often frighted with Pirats, or some other enemies, that mooue them to such sudden feare. Their houses are very simply builded with Pibble stone, without any chimneis, the fire being made in the middest thereof. The good man, wife, children, and other of their family eate and sleepe on the one side of the house, and the cattell on the other, very beastly and rudely, in respect of ciuilitie. [Sidenote: No wood in Orkney.] They are destitute of wood, their fire is turffes, and Cowshards. They haue corne, bigge, and oates, with which they pay their Kings rent, to the maintenance of his house. They take great quantitie of fish, which they dry in the wind and Sunne. They dresse their meat very filthily, and eate it without salt. Their apparell is after the rudest sort of Scotland. Their money is all base. Their Church and religion is reformed according to the Scots. [Sidenote: Fisher men of England haue daily traffique to Orkney.] The fisher men of England can better declare the dispositions of those people then I: wherefore I remit other their vsages to their reports, as yeerely repaires thither, in their course to and from Island for fish. [Sidenote: In Iune and Iuly no night in those West and Northwest regions.] We departed herehence the 8. of Iune, and followed our course betweene West and Northwest, vntill the 4. of Iuly: all which time we had no night, but that easily, and without any impediment we had when we were so disposed, the fruition of our bookes, and other pleasures to passe away the time: a thing of no small moment, to such as wander in vnknowen seas, and long nauigations, especially, when both the winds and raging surges do passe their common and wonted course. This benefite endureth in those parts not 6. weekes, while the sunne is neere the Tropike of Cancer: but where the pole is raised to 70. or 80. degrees, it continueth much longer. [Sidenote: Great abundance of Firre trees floting in the sea.] All along these seas, after we were sixe dayes sailing from Orkney, we met floting in the sea, great Firre trees, which as we iudged, were with the furie of great floods rooted vp, and so driuen into the sea. Island hath almost no other wood nor fuell, but such as they take vp vpon their coastes. [Sidenote: Inquire further of this current.] It seemeth, that these trees are driuen from some part of the New found land, with the current that setteth from the West to the East.[50] The 4. of Iuly we came within the making of Frisland.[51] From this shoare 10. or 12. leagues, we met great Islands of yce, of halfe a mile, some more, some lesse in compasse, shewing aboue the sea, 30. or 40. fathoms, and as we supposed fast on ground, where with our lead we could scarse sound the bottome for depth. [Sidenote: Yce, snow, and haile in Iune and Iuly.] Here, in place of odoriferous and fragrant smels of sweete gums, and pleasant notes of musicall birdes, which other Countreys in more temperate Zones do yeeld, wee tasted the most boisterous Boreal blasts mixt with snow and haile, in the moneths of Iune and Iuly, nothing inferior to our vntemperate winter: a sudden alteration, and especially in a place or Paralelle, where the Pole is not eleuate aboue 61. degrees: at which height other Countreys more to the North, yea vnto 70. degrees, shew themselues more temperate then this doth. All along this coast yce lieth, as a continuall bulwarke, and so defendeth the countrey, that those that would land there, incur great danger. Our Generall 3. dayes together attempted with the ship boate to haue gone on shoare, which for that without great danger he could not accomplish, he deferred it vntill a more conuenient time. All along the coast lie very high mountains covered with snow, except in such places, where through the steepenes of the mountaines of force it must needs fall. Foure dayes coasting along this land, we found no signe of habitation. [Sidenote: Friseland subiect to fogge.] Little birds, whiche we iudged to haue lost the shore, by reason of thicke fogges which that Countrey is much subiect vnto, came flying into our ships, which causeth vs to suppose, that the Countrey is both more tollerable, and also habitable within, then the outward shore maketh shew or signification.[52] From hence we departed the eight of Iuly: and the 16. of the same, we came with the making of land, which land our Generall the yeere before had named The Queenes foreland, being an Island as we iudge, lying neere the supposed continent with America: and on the other side, opposite to the same, one other Island called Halles Isle, after the name of the Master of the ship, neere adiacent to the firme land, supposed continent with Asia. [Sidenote: Frobishers streight.] Betweene the which two Islands there is a large entrance or streight, called Frobishers streight,[53] after the name of our Generall, the firste finder thereof. This said streight is supposed to haue passage into the sea of Sur, which I leaue vnknowen as yet. It seemeth that either here, or not farre hence, the sea should haue more large entrance, then in other parts within the frozen or vntemperate Zone: and that some contrary tide, either from the East or West, with maine force casteth out that great quantity of yce, which commeth floting from this coast, euen vnto Friseland, causing that Countrey to seeme more vntemperate then others, much more Northerly then the same. I cannot iudge that any temperature vnder the Pole, the time of the Sunnes Northerne declination being halfe a yere together, and one whole day, (considering that the Sunnes eleuation surmounteth not 23. degrees and 30. minuts) can haue power to [Sidenote: Islands of yce comparable to mountaines.] dissolue such monstrous and huge yce, comparable to great mountaines, except by some other force, as by swift currents and tides, with the hope of the said day of halfe a yeere. Before we came within the making of these lands we tasted cold stormes, in so much that it seemed we had changed summer with winter, if the length of the dayes had not remooued vs from that opinion. [Sidenote: Captaine Frobisher his speciall care and diligence for the benefite of his Prince and Countrey.] At our first comming, the straights seemed to be shut vp with a long mure of yce, which gaue no litle cause of discomfort vnto vs all: but our Generall, (to whose diligence imminent dangers, and difficult attempts seemed nothing, in respect of his willing mind, for the commoditie of his Prince and Countrey,) with two little Pinnesses prepared of purpose, passed twise thorow them to the East shore, and the Ilands thereunto adiacent: and the ship, with the two Barks lay off and on something further into the sea, from the danger of the yce. [Sidenote: The order of the people appearing on shoare.] Whilest he was searching the Countrey neere the shoare, some of the people of the Countrey shewed themselues leaping and dauncing, with strange shrikes and cries, which gaue no little admiration to our men. Our Generall desirous to allure them vnto him by faire meanes, caused kniues, and other things to be profered vnto them, which they would not take at our hands: but being laid on the ground, and the party going away, they came and tooke vp, leauing some thing of theirs to counteruaile the same. [Sidenote: Fierce and bold people.] At the length two of them leauing their weapons, came downe to our Generall and Master, who did the like to them, commanding the company to stay, and went vnto them: who after certaine dumbe signes, and mute congratulations, began to lay handes vpon them, but they deliuerly escaped, and ranne to their bowes and arrowes, and came fiercely vpon them, (not respecting the rest of our companie which were readie for their defence,) but with their arrowes hurt diuers of them: [Sidenote: One taken.] we tooke the one, and the other escaped. Whilest our Generall was busied in searching the Countrey, and those Islands adiacent on the Eastshoare, the ship and barkes hauing great care, not to put farre into the sea from him, for that he had small store of victuals, were forced to abide in a cruell tempest, chancing in the night, amongst and in the thickest of the yce, which was so monstrous, that euen the least of a thousand had bene of force sufficient, to haue shiuered our ship and barks into small portions, if God (who in all necessities, hath care vpon the infirmitie of man) had not prouided for this our extremitie a sufficient remedie through the light of the night, whereby we might well discerne to flee from such imminent dangers, which we auoyded with 14. Bourdes in one watch the space of 4 houres. [Sidenote: Richard Cox, Master gunner. Master Iackman. Andrew Dier.] If we had not incurred this danger amongst those monstrous Islands of yce, we should haue lost our Generall and Master, and the most of our best sailers, which were on shoare destitute of victuals: but by the valure of our Master Gunner, Master Iackman, and Andrew Dier, the Masters Mates, men expert both in nauigation, and other good qualities, wee were all content to incurre the dangers afore rehearsed, before we would with our owne safetie, runne into the seas, to the destruction of our sayd Generall, and his company. The day following, being the 19. of Iulie, our captaine returned to the ship, with report of supposed riches, which shewed it selfe in the bowels of those barren mountaines, wherewith wee were all satisfied. [Sidenote: Iackmans sound.] Within foure daies after we had bene at the entrance of the streights, the Northwest and West winds dispersed the yce into the sea, and made vs a large entrance into the streights, so that without any impediment, on the 19. of Iulie we entred them, and the 20. thereof, our Generall and Master with great diligence, sought out and sounded the West shoare, and found out a faire Harborough for the ship and barkes to ride in, and named it after our Masters mate, Iackmans sound, and brought the ship, barkes and all their company to safe anker, except one man, which died by Gods visitation. At our first arriuall, after the ship rode at anker, our generall, with such company as could well be spared from the ships, in marching order entred the lande, hauing speciall care by exhortations, that at our entrance thereinto, wee should all with one voyce, kneeling vpon our knees, chiefly thanke God for our safe arriuall: secondly beseech him, that it would please his diuine Maiestie, long to continue our Queene, for whom he, and all the rest of our company in this order tooke possession of the [Sidenote: Possession taken.] Countrey: and thirdly, that by our Christian studie and endeuour, those barbarous people trained vp in Paganisme, and infidelitie, might be reduced to the knowledge of true religion, and to the hope of saluation in Christ our Redeemer. With other words very apt to signifie his willing mind, and affection toward his Prince and Countrey: whereby all suspicion of an vndutifull subiect, may credibly be iudged to be vtterly exempted from his mind. All the rest of the Gentlemen and other deserue worthily herein their due praise and commendation. These things in this order accomplished, our Generall commanded all the company to be obedient in things needfull for our owne safegard, to Master Fenton, Master Yorke, and Master Beast his Lieutenant, while he was occupied in other necessarie affaires, concerning our comming thither. After this order we marched through the Countrey, with Ensigne displaied, so farre as was thought needfull, and now and then heaped vp stones on high mountaines, and other places in token of possession, as likewise to signifie vnto such as hereafter may chance to arriue there, that possession is taken in the behalfe of some other Prince, by those who first found out the Countrey. [Sidenote: Yce needfull to be regarded of sea faring men.] Who so maketh nauigations to those Countreys, hath not onely extreme winds, and furious sea to encounter withall, but also many monstrous and great Islands of yce; a thing both rare, wonderfull, and greatly to be regarded. We were forced sundry times, while the ship did ride here at anker, to haue continuall watch, with boats and men ready with halsers to knit fast vnto such yce, as with the ebbe and flood were tossed to and fro in the harborough, and with force of oares to hale them away, for endangering the ship. Our Generall certaine dayes searched this supposed continent with America, and not finding the commodity to answere his expectation, after he had made triall thereof he departed thence with two little barks, and men sufficient to the East shore being the supposed continent of Asia, and left the ship with most of the Gentlemen, souldier, and sailers, vntill such time as he either thought good to send or come for them. [Sidenote: Stones glister with sparkles like gold.] The stones of this supposed continent with America be altogether sparkled, and glister in the Sunne like gold: [Sidenote: A common prouerb.] so likewise doth the sand in the bright water, yet they verifie the old Prouerb: All is not gold that glistereth. [Sidenote: The sea Vnicorne.] On this West shore we found a dead fish floating, which had in his nose a horne streight and torquet,[54] of length two yards lacking two ynches, being broken in the top, where we might perceiue it hollow, into the which some of our sailers putting spiders they presently died. I saw not the triall hereof, but it was reported vnto me of a trueth: by the verture whereof we supposed it to be the sea Vnicorne. After our Generall had found out good harborough for the ship and barks to anker in, and also such store of supposed gold ore as he thought himselfe satisfied withall, he returned to the Michael, whereof Master Yorke aforesaid was Captaine, accompanied with our master and his Mate: who coasting along the West shore not farre from whence the ship rode, they perceived a faire harborough, and willing to sound the same, at the entrance thereof they espied two tents of Seale skins, vnto which the Captaine, our said Master, and other company resorted. [Sidenote: The people fled at the sight of our men.] At the sight of our men the people fled into the mountaines: neuerthelesse they went to their tents, where leauing certaine trifles of ours, as glasses, bels, kniues, and such like things they departed, not taking any thing of theirs, except one dogge. They did in like maner leaue behind them a letter, pen, yncke, and paper, whereby our men whom the Captaine lost the yere before, and in that peoples custody, might (if any of them were aliue) be advertised of our presence and being there. [Sidenote: Master Philpot. Master Beast.] On the same day after consultation had, all the Gentlemen, and others likewise that could be spared from the ship, vnder the conduct and leading of Master Philpot, (vnto whom in our Generall his absence, and his Lieutenant Master Beast, al the rest were obedient) went a shore, determining to see, if by faire means we could either allure them to familiarity, or otherwise take some of them, and so attaine to some knowledge of those men whom our Generall lost the yeere before. At our comming backe againe to the place where their tents were before, they had remooued their tents further into the said Bay or Sound, where they might if they were driuen from the land, flee with their boates into the sea. We parting our selues into two companies, and compassing a mountaine came suddenly vpon them by land, who espying vs, without any tarrying fled to their boates, leauing the most part of their oares behind them for haste, and rowed downe the bay, where our two Pinesses met them and droue them to shore: but if they had had all their oares, so swift are they in rowing, it had bene lost time to haue chased them. [Sidenote: A fierce assault of a few.] When they were landed they fiercely assaulted our men with their bowes and arrowes, who wounded three of them with our arrowes; and perceiuing themselues thus hurt, they desperatly leapt off the Rocks into the Sea, and drowned themselues: which if they had not done, but had submitted themselues, or if by any meanes we could haue taken them aliue (being their enemies as they iudged) we would both haue saued them, and also haue sought remedy to cure their wounds receiued at our hands. But they altogether voyd of humanity, and ignorant what mercy meaneth, in extremities looke for no other then death: and perceiuing they should fall into our hands, thus miserably by drowning rather desired death then otherwise to be saued by vs: the rest perceiuing their fellowes in this distresse, fled into the high mountaines. Two women not being so apt to escape as the men were, the one for her age, and the other being incombred with a yong child, we tooke. The old wretch, whom diuers of our Saylers supposed to be eyther a deuill, or a witch, had her buskins plucked off, to see if she were clouen footed, and for her ougly hew and deformity we let her go: the yong woman and the child we brought away. We named the place where they were slaine, Bloodie point: and the Bay or Harborough, Yorks sound, after the name of one of the Captaines of the two Barks. [Sidenote: Faire meanes not able to allure them to familiarity.] Having this knowledge both of their fiercenesse and cruelty, and perceiuing that faire meanes as yet is not able to allure them to familiarity, we disposed our selues, contrary to our inclination, something to be cruel, returned to their tents and made a spoyle of the same: where we found an old shirt, a doublet, a girdle, and also shoes of our men, whom we lost the yeere before: on nothing else vnto them belonging could we set our eyes. [Sidenote: Boates of skinnes.] Their riches are not gold, siluer or precious Drapery, but their tents and boates, made of the skins of red Deare and Seale skins; also dogges like vnto woolues, but for the most part black, with other trifles, more to be wondred at for their strangenesse, then for any other commoditie needefull for our vse. [Sidenote: Our departure from the West shoare.] Thus returning to our ship the 3. August, we departed from the West shore supposed firme with America, after we had ankered there 13. dayes: and so the 4. thereof we came to our Generall on the East shore and ankered in a faire Harborough name Anne Warwickes sound, vnto which is annexed an Island both named after the Countesse of Warwicke, Anne Warwickes sound and Isle. In this Isle our Generall thought good for this voyage, to fraight both the ship and barkes, with such stone or supposed gold minerall, as he iudged to counteruaile the charges of his first, and this his second nauigation to these Countreys. [Sidenote: The countrey people shew themselues vnto vs.] In the meane time of our abode here some of the countrey people came to shew themselues vnto vs, sundry times on the maine shore, neere adiacent to the saide Isle. Our Generall desirous to haue some newes of his men, whom he lost the yeere before, with some company with him repaired with the ship boat to common, or signe with them for familiaritie, whereunto he is perswaded to bring them. They at the first shew made tokens, that three of his fiue men were aliue, and desired penne, ynck, and paper, and that within three or foure dayes they would returne, and (as we iudged) bring those of our men which were liuing, with them. They also made signes or tokens of their king, whom they called Cacough, and how he was carried on mens shoulders, and a man farre surmounting any of our company, in bignesse and stature. [Sidenote: Their vsage in traffique or exchange.] With these tokens and signes of writing, penne, yncke, and paper was deliuered them, which they would not take at our hands, but being laid vpon the shore, and the partie gone away, they tooke vp: which likewise they do when they desire any thing for change of theirs, laying for that which is left so much as they thinke will counteruaile the same, and not coming neere together. It seemeth they haue been vsed to this trade or traffique, with some other people adioining, or not farre distant from their Countrey. [Sidenote: The people shew themselues the third time.] After 4. dayes some of them shewed themselues vpon the firme land, but not where they were before. Our General very glad thereof, supposing to heare of our men, went from the Island, with the boat, and sufficient company with him. They seemed very glad, and allured him about a certaine point of the land: behind which they might perceiue a company of the crafty villaines to lye lurking, whom our Generall would not deale withall, for that he knew not what company they were, and so with few signes dismissed them and returned to his company. [Sidenote: The people shew themselues againe on firme land.] An other time as our said Generall was coasting the Countrey with two little Pinnesses, whereby at our returne he might make the better relation thereof, three of the crafty villans, with a white skin allured vs to them. [Sidenote: Their first meanes to allure vs to shore.] Once again, our Generall, for that he hoped to heare of his men, went towards them: at our comming neere the shore whereon they were, we might perceiue a number of them lie hidden behind great stones, and those 3. in sight labouring by all meanes possible that some would come on land: and perceiuing we made no hast by words nor friendly signes, which they vsed by clapping of their hands, and being without weapon, and but 3. in sight, they sought further meanes to prouoke vs therevnto. [Sidenote: Their second meanes.] One alone laid flesh on the shore, which we tooke vp with the Boate hooke, as necessary victuals for the relieuing of the man, woman, and child, whom we had taken: for that as yet they could not digest our meat: whereby they perceiued themselues deceiued of their expectation, for all their crafty allurements. [Sidenote: Their third and craftiest allurement.] Yet once againe to make (as it were) a full shew of their craftie natures, and subtile sleights, to the intent thereby to haue intrapped and taken some of our men, one of them counterfeited himselfe impotent and lame of his legs, who seemed to descend to the water side, with great difficulty: and to couer his craft the more, one of his fellowes came downe with him, and in such places where he seemed vnable to passe, he tooke him on his shoulders, set him by the water side, and departed from him, leauing him (as it should seeme) all alone, who playing his counterfeit pageant very well, thought thereby to prouoke some of vs to come on shore, not fearing, but that one of vs might make our party good with a lame man. [Sidenote: Compassion to cure a crafty lame man.] Our Generall hauing compassion of his impotency, thought good (if it were possible) to cure him thereof: wherefore he caused a souldier to shoote at him with his Caleeuer, which grased before his face. The counterfeit villeine deliuerly fled, without any impediment at all, and got him to his bow and arrowes, and the rest from their lurking holes, with their weapons, bowes, arrowes, slings, and darts. Our Generall caused some caleeuers to be shot off at them, whereby some being hurt, they might hereafter stand in more feare of vs. This was all the answere for this time we could haue of our men, or of our Generals letter. Their crafty dealing at these three seuerall times being thus manifest vnto vs, may plainely shew their disposition in other things to be correspondent. We iudged that they vsed these stratagemes, thereby to haue caught some of vs, for the deliuering of the man, woman and child whom we had taken. They are men of a large corporature, and good proportion: their colour is not much vnlike the Sunne burnt Countrey man, who laboureth daily in the Sunne for his liuing. They weare their haire something long, and cut before either with stone or knife, very disorderly. Their women weare their haire long and knit vp with two loupes, shewing forth on either side of their faces, and the rest foltred vpon a knot. Also some of their women race their faces proportionally, as chinne, cheekes, and forehead, and the wrists of their hands, wherevpon they lay a colour which continueth darke azurine. They eate their meat all raw, both flesh, fish, and foule, or something per boyled with blood and a little water which they drinke. For lacke of water they will eate yce, that is hard frosen, as pleasantly as we will do Sugar Candie, or other Sugar. If they for necessities sake stand in need of the premisses, such grasse as the countrey yeeldeth they plucke vp and eate, not deintily, or salletwise to allure their stomacks to appetite: but for necessities sake without either salt, oiles or washing, like brute beasts deuouring the same. They neither vse table, stoole, or table cloth for comlines; but when they are imbrued with blood knuckle deepe, and their kniues in like sort, they vse their tongues as apt instruments to lick them cleane: in doing whereof they are assured to loose none of their victuals. [Sidenote: Dogges like vnto wolues.] They frank or keepe certaine dogs not much vnlike Wolues, which they yoke togither, as we do oxen and horses, to a sled or traile: and so carry their necessaries ouer the yce and snow from place to place: as the captiue, whom we haue, made perfect signes. [Sidenote: They eate dogs flesh.] And when these dogs are not apt for the same vse: or when with hunger they are constrained for lacke of other victuals, they eate them: so that they are as needfull for them in respect of their bignesse, as our oxen are for vs. They apparell themselues in the skins of such beasts as they kill, sewed together with the sinewes of them. All the foule which they kill, they skin, and make thereof one kind of garment or other to defend them from the cold. [Sidenote: Hoods and tailes to their apparell.] They make their apparel with hoods and tailes, which tailes they giue when they thinke to gratifie any friendship shewed vnto them: a great signe of friendship with them. The men haue them not so side[55] as the women. The men and women weare their hose close to their legges, from the wast to the knee without any open before, as well the one kind as the other. Vpon their legges they weare hose of leather, with the furre side inward two or three paire on at once, and especially the women. In those hose they put their kniues, needles, and other thing needfull to beare about. They put a bone within their hose, which reacheth from the foote to the knee, whereupon they draw the said hose, and so in place of garters they are holden from falling downe about their feete. They dresse their skinnes very soft and souple with the haire on. In cold weather or Winter they weare the furre side inward: and Summer outward. Other apparell they haue none but the said skinnes. Those beasts, fishes, and foules, which they kill, are their meat, drinke, apparell, houses, bedding, hose, shooes, threed, and sailes for their boates, with many other necessaries whereof they stand in need, and almost all their riches. [Sidenote: Their houses of Seale skins and firre.] Their houses are tents made of Seale skins, pitched vp with 4. Firre quarters foure square meeting at the top, and the skins sewed together with sinews, and laid thereupon: they are so pitched vp, that the entrance into them is alwayes South or against the Sunne. They haue other sorts of houses which we found not to be inhabited, which are raised with stones and Whale bones, and a skinne layd ouer them, to with stand the raine, or other weather: the entrance of them being not much vnlike an Ouens mouth, whereto I thinke they resort for a time to fish, hunt, and foule, and so leaue them vntil the next time they come thither again. [Sidenote: Their weapons of defence.] Their weapons are bowes, arrowes, darts, and slings. Their bowes are of wood of a yard long, sinewed at the back with strong sinews, not glued too, but fast girded and tyed on. Their bow strings are likewise sinewes. Their arrowes are three pieces nocked with bone, and ended with bone, with those two ends, and the wood in the midst, they passe not in length halfe a yard or little more. They are fethered with two fethers the penne end being cut away, and the fethers layd vpon the arrow with the broad side to the wood; insomuch that they seeme when they are tyed on, to haue foure fethers. [Sidenote: Three sorts of heads to their arrowes.] They haue also three sorts of heads to those arrowes: one sort of stone or yron, proportioned like to a heart: the second sort of bone, much like vnto a stopt head, with a hooke on the same: the third sort of bone likewise made sharpe at both sides, and sharpe pointed. They are not made very fast but lightly tyed to, or else set in a nocke, that vpon small occasion the arrowes leaue these heads behind them: and they are of small force, except they be very neere when they shoote. [Sidenote: two sorts of darts.] Their Darts are made of two sorts: the one with many forkes of bones in the fore end and likewise in the midst: their proportions are not much vnlike our toasting yrons, but longer: these they cast out of an instrument of wood, very readily. The other sort is greater then the first aforesayd, with a long bone made sharpe on both sides not much vnlike a Rapier, which I take to bee their most hurtfull weapon. [Sidenote: Two sortes of boates made of leather.] They haue two sorts of boats made of leather, set out on the inner side with quarters of wood, artificially tyed with thongs of the same: the greater sort are not much vnlike our wherries, wherein sixteene or twenty men may sit: they haue for a sayle drest the guts of such beasts as they kill very fine and thinne, which they sew together: the other boate is but for one man to sit and row in with one oare. [Sidenote: They vse to foule, fish, and hunt.] Their order of fishing, hunting, and fouling are with these said weapons; but in what sort, or how they vse them we haue no perfect knowledge as yet. [Sidenote: It is to be supposed that their inhabiting is elsewhere.] I can suppose their abode or habitation not to be here, for that neither their houses or apparell, are of such force to withstand the extremity of cold, that the Countrey seemeth to be infected with all: neither do I see any signe likely to performe the same. Those houses or rather dennes which stand there, haue no signe of footway, or any thing else troden, which is one of the chiefest tokens of habitation. And those tents which they bring with them, when they haue sufficiently hunted and fished, they remoue to other places: and when they haue sufficiently stored them of such victuals, as the Countrey yeeldeth or bringeth forth, they returne to their winter stations or habitations. This coniecture do I make, for the infertility which I coniecture to be in that Countrey. [Sidenote: Their vse of yron.] They haue some yron whereof they make arrow heads, kniues, and other little instruments, to worke their boates, bowes, arrowes, and darts withall, which are very vnapt to doe any thing withall but with great labour. It seemeth that they haue conuersation with some other people, of whom for exchange they should receiue the same. They are greatly delighted with any thing that is bright, or giueth a sound. [Sidenote: Anthropophagi.] What knowledge they haue of God, or what Idoll they adore, we haue no perfect intelligence, I thinke them rather Anthropophagi, or deuourers of mans flesh then otherwise: for that there is no flesh or fish which they find dead (smell it neuer so filthily) but they will eate it, as they finde it without any other dressing. A loathsome thing, either to the beholders or hearers. There is no maner of creeping beast hurtfull, except some Spiders (which as many affirme, are signes of great store of gold) and also certaine stinging Gnattes, which bite so fiercely, that the place where they bite shortly after swelleth, and itcheth very sore. They make signes of certaine people that weare bright plates of gold in their foreheads, and other places of their bodies. [Sidenote: Description of the Countreis.] The Countreys on both sides the streights lye very high with rough stony mountaines, and great quantitie of snow thereon. There is very little plaine ground and no grasse, except a little which is much like vnto mosse that groweth on soft ground, such as we get Turffes in. There is no wood at all. To be briefe there is nothing fit or profitable for the vse of man, which that Countrey with roote yeeldeth or bringeth forth: Howbeit there is great quantity of Deere, whose skins are like vnto Asses, there heads or hornes doe farre exceede, as well in length as also in breadth, any in these our parts or Countreys: their feete likewise are as great as our oxens, which we measured to be seuen or eight ynches in breadth. There are also hares, wolues, fishing beares, and sea foule of sundry sorts. As the Countrey is barren and vnfertile, so are they rude and of no capacitie to culture the same to any perfection; but are contented by their hunting, fishing, and fouling, with raw flesh and warme blood to satisfie their greedy panches, which is their only glory. [Sidenote: A signe of Earthquakes or thunder.] There is great likelihood of Earthquakes or thunder: for that there are huge and monstrous mountaines, whose greatest substance are stones, and those stones so shaken with some extraordinarie meanes that one is separated from another, which is discordant from all other Quarries. [Sidenote: No riuers, but such as the Sunne doth cause to come of Snow.] There are no riuers or running springs, but such as through the heate of the Sunne, with such water as decendeth from the mountaines and hilles, whereon great drifts of snow do lie, are engendred. [Sidenote: A probability that there should be neither spring or riuer in the ground.] It argueth also that there should be none: for that the earth, which with the extremitie of the Winter is so frosen within, that that water which should haue recourse within the same to maintaine springs, hath not his motion, whereof great waters haue their originall, as by experience is seene otherwhere. Such valleis as are capable to receiue the water, that in the Summer time by the operation of the Sunne decendeth from great abundance of snowe, which continually lyeth on the mountaines and hath no passage, sinketh into the earth and so vanisheth away, without any runnell aboue the earth, by which occasion or continuall standing of the said water, the earth is opened, and the great frost yeeldeth to the force thereof, which in other places foure or fiue fathomes within the ground for lacke of the said moisture, the earth (euen in the very summer time) is frosen, and so combineth the stones together, that scarcely instruments with great force can vnknit them. Also where the water in those valleis can haue no such passage away, by the continuance of time in such order as is before rehearsed, the yeerely descent from the mountaines filleth them full, that at the lowest banke of the same, they fall into the valley, and so continue as fishing Ponds or Stagnes in Summer time full of water, and in the Winter hard frosen: as by skarres that remaine thereof in Summer may easily be perceiued: so that the heat of Summer is nothing comparable or of force to dissolue the extremitie of cold that commeth in Winter. [Sidenote: Springs nourish gold.] Neuerthelesse I am assured that below the force of the frost within the earth, the waters haue recourse, and emptie themselues out of sight into the Sea, which through the extremitie of the frost are constrained to doe the same: by which occasion the earth within is kept the warmer, and springs haue their recourse, which is the only nutriment of golde and Minerals within the same. There is much to be sayd of the commodities of these Countreys, which are couched within the bowels of the earth, which I let passe till more perfect triall be made thereof. The 24. of August after we had satisfied our minds with fraight sufficient for our vessels, though not our couetous desires with such knowledge of the Countrey people, and other commodities as are before rehearsed, we departed therehence. [Sidenote: Our departure from those Countreys.] The 17. of September we fell with the lands end of England, and so sailed to Milford Hauen, from whence our Generall rode to the Court for order, to what Port or Hauen to conduct the ship. [Sidenote: How and when we lost our 2. Barks which God neuerthelesse restored.] We lost our two Barkes in the way homeward, the one the 29. of August, the other the 21. of the same moneth, by occasion of great tempest and fogge. Howbeit God restored the one to Bristowe, and the other made his course by Scotland to Yermouth. In this voyage we lost two men, one in the way by Gods visitation, and the other homeward cast ouer borde with a surge of the Sea. [Sidenote: The conclusion.] I could declare vnto the Readers, the latitude and longitude of such places and regions as we haue bene at, but not altogether so perfectly as our masters and others, with many circumstances of tempests and other accidents incident to Sea-faring men, which seeme not altogether strange, but I let them passe to their reports as men most apt to set forth and declare the same. I haue also left the names of the Countreys on both the shores vntouched, for lacke of vnderstanding the peoples language: as also for sundry respects, not needfull as yet to be declared. Countreys new discovered where commoditie is to be looked for, doe better accord with a new name giuen by the discouerers, then an vncertaine name by a doubtfull Authour. Our generall named sundry Islands, Mountaines, Capes, and Harboroughs after the names of diuers Noble men and other gentlemen his friends, as wel on the one shore as also on the other. * * * * * The third and last voyage vnto Meta Incognita, made by M. Martin Frobisher, in the yeere 1578. Written by Thomas Ellis. These are to let you know, that vpon the 25. of May, the Thomas Allen being Viceadmirall whose Captaine was M. Yorke, M. Gibbes Master, Christopher Hall Pilot, accompanied with the Reareadmiral named the Hopewel, whose Captaine was M. Henrie Carewe, the M. Andrewe Dier, and certaine other ships came to Grauesend, where wee ankered and abode the comming of our Fleete which were not yet come. The 27. of the same moneth our Fleete being nowe come together, and all things prest in a readinesse, the wind fauouring, and tide seruing, we being of sailes in number eight, waied ankers and hoised our sailes toward Harwich to meete with our Admirall, and the residue which then and there abode arriuall: where we safely arriued the 28. thereof, finding there our Admirall, whom we with the discharge of certaine pieces saluted, acording to order and duety, and were welcommed with the like courtesie: which being finished we landed; where our Generall continued mustering his souldiers and Miners, and setting things in order appertaining to the voyage vntill the last of the said moneth of May, which day we hoised our sailes, and committing ourselues to the conducting of Almightie God, we set forward toward the west Countrey in such luckie wise and good successe, that by the fift of Iune we passed the Dursies, being the vtmost part of Ireland to the Westward. And here it were not much amisse nor farre from our purpose, if I should a little discourse and speake of our aduentures and chances by the way, as our landing at Plimmouth, as also the meeting certaine poore men, which were robbed and spoyled of all that they had by Pirates and Rouers: amongst whom was a man of Bristow, on whom our Generall vsed his liberality, and sent him away with letters into England. But because such things are impertinent to the matter, I will returne (without any more mentioning of the same) to that from the which I haue digressed and swarued, I meane our ships now sailing on the surging seas, sometime passing at pleasure with a wished Easterne wind, sometimes hindered of our course againe by the Westerne blasts, vntill the 20. day of the foresayd moneth of Iune, on which day in the morning we fell with Frizeland, which is a very hie and cragged land and was almost cleane couered with snow, so that we might see nought but craggie rockes and the topes of high and huge hilles, sometimes (and for the most part) all couered with foggie mists. There might we also perceiue the great Isles of yce lying on the seas, like mountaines, some small, some big, of sundry kinds of shapes, and such a number of them, that wee could not come neere the shore for them. Thus sailing alongst the coast, at the last we saw a place somewhat voyd of yce, where our Generall (accompanied with certaine other) went a shore, where they sawe certaine tents made of beasts skinnes; and boates much the like vnto theirs of Meta Incognita. The tents were furnished with flesh, fish, skins, and other trifles: amonst the which was found a boxe of nailes: whereby we did coniecture, that they had either Artificers amongst them, or els a traffike with some other nation. The men ran away, so that wee coulde haue no conference or communication with them. [Sidenote: The curtesie of our Generall.] Our Generall (because hee would haue them no more to flee, but rather incouraged to stay through his courteous dealing) gaue commaundement that his men should take nothing away with them, sauing onely a couple of white dogs, for the which he left pinnes, poynts, kniues, and other trifling things, and departed without taking or hurting any thing, and so came abord, and hoysed sailes, and passed forwards. But being scarce out of the sight thereof, there fell such a foggy and hidious mist that we could not see one another: whereupon we stroke our drums, and sounded our trumpets, to the ende we might keepe together: and so continued all that day and night till the next day that the mist brake vp: so that we might easily perceiue all the ships thus sailing together all that day, vntil the next day, being the 22. of the same: on which day wee sawe an infinite number of yce, from the which we cast about to shun the danger thereof. But one of our small Barkes named the Michael, whose Captaine was Master Kinderslie, the master Bartholomew Bull, lost our company, insomuch that we could not obteine the sight of her many dayes after, of whom I meane to speak further anon when occassion shall be ministred, and opportunitie serue. Thus we continued in our course vntill the second of Iuly, on which day we fell with the Queenes foreland, where we saw so much yce, that we thought it vnpossible to get into the Straights; yet at the last we gaue the aduenture and entred the yce. [Sidenote: The Michael. The Iudith. M. Fenton. Charles Iackman.] Being amongst it wee sawe the Michael, of whom I spake before, accompanied with the Iudith, whose Captaine was Master Fenton, the Master Charles Iackman, bearing into the foresayd yce, farre distant from vs, who in a storme that fell that present night, (whereof I will at large God willing, discourse hereafter) were seuered from vs, and being in, wandred vp and downe the Straights amongst the yce many dayes in great perill, till at the last, by the prouidence of God, they came safely to harbor in their wished Port in the Countesse of Warwicks sound, the 20. of Iuly aforesayd, tenne dayes before any of the other shippes: [Sidenote: The Countesse of Warwicks sound.] who going on shore found where the people of the Countrey had bene, and had hid their provision in great heapes of stones being both of flesh and fish, which they had killed; whereof wee also found great store in other places after our arriual. They found also diuers engins, as bowes, slings, and darts. They found likewise certaine pieces of the Pinnesse which our Generall left there the yeere before, which Pinnesse he had sunke, minding to haue it againe the next yeere. Now seeing I haue entreated so much of the Iudith and the Michael: I will returne to the rest of the other ships, and will speake a little of the storme which fell, with the mishaps that we had, the night that we put into the yce: whereof I made mention before. [Sidenote: Our entrance and passage &c.] At the first entring into the yce in the mouth of the Straights, our passage was very narrow, and difficult but being once gotten in, we had a faire open place without any yce for the most part, being a league in compasse, the yce being round about vs and inclosing vs, as it were, within the pales of a parke. In which place, (because it was almost night) we minded to take in our sailes, and lie a hull all that night. But the storme so increased, and the waues began to mount aloft, which brought the yce so neere vs, and comming on so fast vpon vs, that we were faine to beare in and out, where we might espie an open place. Thus the yce comming on vs so fast, we were in great danger, looking euery houre for death. And thus passed we on in that great danger, seeing both our selues and the rest of our ships so troubled and tossed amongst the yce, that it would make the strongest heart to relent. [Sidenote: Barke Dionyse.] At the last the Barke Dionyse being but a weake ship, and bruised afore amongst the yce, being so leake that no longer she could tarry aboue the water, sanke without sauing any of the goods which were within her: which sight so abashed the whole Fleete, that we thought verily we should haue tasted of the same sauce. But neuerthelesse we seeing them in such danger, manned our boates and saued all men in such wise, that not one perished: God be thanked. [Sidenote: Narow shifts for safetie.] The storme still increased and the yce inclosed vs, so that we were faine to take downe top and top mastes: for the yce had so inuironed vs, that we could see neither land nor sea, as farre as we could kenne: so that we were faine to cut our cables to hang ouer boord for fenders, somewhat to ease the ships sides from the great and driry strokes of the yce: some with Capstan barres, some fending off with oares, some with plancks of two ynches thicke, which were broken immediatly with the force of the yce, some going out vpon the yce to beare it off with their shoulders from the ship. But the rigorousnes of the tempest was such, and the force of the yce so great, that not onely they burst and spoyled the foresaid prouision, but likewise so raised the sides of the ships, that it was pitifull to behold, and caused the hearts of many to faint. [Sidenote: Gods prouidence.] Thus we continued all that dismall and lamentable night plunged in this perplexity, looking for instant death: but our God (who neuer leaueth them destitute which call vpon him, although he often punisheth for amendements sake) in the morning caused the winds to cease, and the fogge which all that night lay on the face of the water to cleare: so that we might perceiue about a mile from vs, a certaine place cleare from any yce, to the which with an easie breath of wind which our God sent vs, we bent our selues. And furthermore, hee prouided better for vs then we deserued or hoped for: for when we were in the foresaid cleare place, he sent vs a fresh gale at West or at West Southwest, which set vs cleare without all the yce. And further he added more: for he sent vs so pleasant a day as the like we had not of a long time before, as after punishment consolation. Thus we ioyfull wights being at libertie, tooke in all our sailes and lay a hull, praysing God for our deliuerance, and stayed to gather together our Fleete: which once being done, we seeing that none of them had any great hurt, neither any of them wanted, sauing onely they of whom I spake before and the ship which was lost, then at the last we hoised our sailes, and lay bulting off and on, till such time as it would please God to take away the yce that wee might get into the Straights. [Sidenote: A mountaine of yce appearing in sundry figures.] And as we thus lay off and on we came by a marueilous huge mountaine of yce, which surpassed all the rest that euer we saw: for we iudged it to be neere fourescore fathomes aboue water, and we thought it to be a ground for any thing that we could perceiue, being there nine score fathoms deepe, and of compasse about halfe a mile. [Sidenote: A fog of long continuance.] Also the fift of Iuly there fell a hidious fogge and mist, that continued till the nineteenth of the same: so that one shippe could not see another. [Sidenote: A current to the Northwest.] Therefore we were faine to beare a small sayle and to obserue the time: but there ran such a current of a tide, that it set vs to the Northwest of the Queenes foreland the backside of all the Straights: where (through the contagious fogge hauing no sight either of Sunne or Starre) we scarce knew where we were. In this fogge the tenth of Iuly we lost the company of the Viceadmirall, the Anne Francis, the Busse of Bridgewater, and the Francis of Foy. [Sidenote: The Gabriel. The people offer to traffike with vs.] The 16. day one of our small Barkes named The Gabriel was sent by our Generall to beare in with the land to descrie it, where being on land, they met with the people of the Countrey, which seemed very humane and ciuill, and offered to traffike with our men, profering them foules and skins for kniues, and other trifles: whose courtesie caused vs to thinke, that they had small conuersation with other of the Straights. Then we bare backe againe to goe with the Queenes foreland: and the eighteenth day wee came by two Islands whereon we went on shore, and found where the people had bene: but we saw none of them. This day we were againe in the yce, and like to be in as great perill as we were at the first. For through the darknesse and obscuritie of the fogie mist, we were almost run on rocks and Islands before we saw them: But God (euen miraculously) prouided for vs, opening the fogges that we might see clearely, both where and in what danger we presently were, and also the way to escape: or els without faile we had ruinously runne vpon the rocks. When we knew perfectly our instant case, wee cast about to get againe on Sea bord, which (God be thanked) by night we obtained and praised God. The cleare continued scarce an houre, but the fogge fell againe as thicke as euer it was. [Sidenote: Warning pieces of safe passage discharged.] Then the Rearadmirall and the Beare got themselues cleare without danger of yce and rocks, strooke their sailes and lay a hull, staying to haue the rest of the Fleet come forth: which as yet had not found the right way to cleare themselues from the danger of rockes and yce, vntill the next morning, at what time the Rearadmirall discharged certaine warning pieces to giue notice that she had escaped, and that the rest (by following of her) might set themselues free, which they did that day. Then hauing gathered our selues togither we proceeded on our purposed voyage, bearing off, and keeping our selues distant from the coast till the 19. day of Iuly; at which time the fogges brake vp and dispersed, so that we might plainely and clearly behold the pleasant ayre, which so long had bene taken from vs, by the obscuritie of the foggie mists: and after that time we were not much incumbred therewith vntill we had left the confines of the Countrey. [Sidenote: A faire sound betweene the Queenes foreland and Iackmans sound.] Then we espying a fayre sound, supposed it to goe into the Straights betweene the Queenes foreland and Iackmans sound, which proued as we imagined. For our Generall sent forth againe the Gabriel to discouer it, who passed through with much difficulty: for there ran such an extreme current of a tide, with such a horrible gulfe, that with a fresh gale of wind they were scarce able to stemme it: yet at length with great trauaile they passed it, and came to the Straights, where they met with the Thomas Allen, the Thomas of Ipswich, and the Busse of Bridgewater: who altogether aduentured to beare into the yce againe, to see if they could obtaine their wished Port. But they were so incombred that with much difficultie they were able to get out againe, yet at the last they escaping, the Thomas Allen, and the Gabriel bare in with the Westerne shore, where they found harbour, and there moared their ships vntill the fourth of August, at which time they came to vs in the Countesse of Warwicks sound. The Thomas of Ipswich caught a great leake which caused her to cast againe to Seabord and so was mended. We sailed along still by the coast vntill we came to the Queenes foreland, at the point whereof we met with part of the gulfe aforesaid, which place or gulfe (as some of our Masters doe credibly report) doeth flow nine houres, and ebs but three. At that point wee discouered certaine lands Southward, which neither time nor opportunitie would serue to search. Then being come to the mouth of the Straights, we met with the Anne Francis, who had laine bulting vp and downe euer since her departure alone, neuer finding any of her company. We met then also the Francis of Foy, with whom againe we intended to venture and get in: but the yce was yet so thicke, that we were compelled againe to retyre and get vs on Sea bord. [Sidenote: An horrible snowe fell in Iuly.] There fell also the same day being the 26. of Iuly, such an horrible snow, that it lay a foot thick vpon the hatches which frose as it fell. We had also at other times diuers cruell stormes both of snow and haile, which manifestly declared the distemperature of the Countrey: yet for all that wee were so many times repulsed and put backe from our purpose, knowing that lingering delay was not profitable for vs, but hurtfull to our voyage, we mutually consented to our valiant Generall once againe to giue the onset. The 28. day therefore of the same Iuly we assayed, and with little trouble (God be praysed) we passed the dangers by day light. [Sidenote: The time of our setting forward, &c.] Then night falling on the face of the earth, wee hulled in the cleare, til the chearefull light of the day had chased away the noysome darkenesse of the night: at which time we set forward towards our wished Port: by the 30. day wee obteined our expected desire, where we found the Iudith, and the Michael: which brought no smal ioy vnto the General, and great consolation to the heauie hearts of those wearied wights. The 30. day of Iuly we brought our ships into the Countesse of Warwicks sound, and moared them, namely these ships, The Admirall, the Rearadmirall, the Francis of Foy, the Beare Armenel, the Salomon, and the Busse of Bridgewater: which being done, our Generall commaunded vs all to come a shore vpon the Countesses Iland, where he set his Miners to worke vpon the Mine, giuing charge with expedition to dispatch with their lading. Our Generall himselfe, accompanied with his Gentlemen, diuers times made rodes into sundry partes of the Countrey, as well to finde new Mines, as also to finde out and see the people of the Countrey. [Sidenote: The Countesse of Sussex Iland.] He found out one Mine vpon an Island by Beares sound, and named it the Countesse of Sussex Island. [Sidenote: Winters Fornace.] One other was found in Winters Fornace, with diuers others, to which the ships were sent sunderly to be laden. [Sidenote: Dauids Sound.] In the same rodes he mette with diuers of the people of the Countrey at sundry times, as once at a place called Dauids sound: who shot at our men, and very desperately gaue them the onset, being not aboue three or foure in number, there being of our Countrey men aboue a dozen: but seeing themselues not able to preuaile, they tooke themselues to flight; whom our men pursued, but being not vsed to such craggie cliffes, they soone lost the sight of them, and so in vaine returned. [Sidenote: The policie of the people for the safetie of themselues.] We also saw of them at Beares sound, both by Sea and land in great companies: but they would at all times keepe the water betweene them and vs. And if any of our ships chanced to be in the sound (as they came diuers times, because the Harbor was not very good) the ship laded, and departed againe: then so long as any ships were in sight, the people would not be seene. But when as they perceiued the ships to be gone, they would not only shew themselues standing vpon high cliffes, and call vs to come ouer vnto them: but also would come in their Botes very neere to vs, as it were to brag at vs: whereof our Generall hauing aduertisement, sent for the Captaines and Gentlemen of the ships, to accompany and attend vpon him, with the Captaine also of the Anne Francis, who was but the night before come vnto vs. For they, and the Fleebote hauing lost vs the 26. day in the great snow, put into an harbour in the Queenes foreland, where they found good Oare, wherewith they laded themselues, and came to seeke the Generall: so that now we had all our Shippes, sauing one Barke, which was lost, and the Thomas of Ipswich, who (compelled by what furie I knowe not) forsooke our company, and returned home without lading. [Sidenote: Their speedie flight at our Generalls arriual.] Our Generall accompanied with his Gentlemen, (of whom I spake) came altogether to the Countesse of Sussex Island, neere to Beares sound: where he manned out certaine Pinasses, and went ouer to the people: who perceiuing his arriuall, fledde away with all speede, and in haste left certaine dartes and other engines behinde them, which we found: but the people we could not finde. The next morning our Generall perceiuing certaine of them in botes vpon the Sea gaue chase to them in a Pinnesse vnder saile, with a fresh gale of winde, but could by no meanes come neere vnto them: for the longer he sailed, the further off he was from them: which well shewed their cunning and actiuitie. Thus time wearing away, and the day of our departure approching, our Generall commaunded vs to lade with all expedition, that we might be againe on Seaboard with our ships: for whilest we were in the Countrey, we were in continual danger of freesing in: for often snowe and haile often falling, the water was so much frosen and congealed in the night, that in the morning we could scarce rowe our botes or Pinnesses, especially in Diers sound, which is a calme and still water: which caused our Generall to make the more haste, so that by the 30. day of August we were all laden, and made all things ready to depart. [Sidenote: Gentlemen should haue inhabited the Countrey.] But before I proceede any further herein, to shew what fortune befell at our departure, I will turne my penne a litle to M. Captaine Fenton, and those Gentlemen which should haue inhabited all the yeere in those Countries, whose valiant mindes were much to be commended: For doubtlesse they had done as they intended if lucke had not withstoode their willingnesse. For the Barke Dionyse which was lost, had in her much of their house which was prepared and should haue bene builded for them, with many other implements. Also the Thomas of Ipswich which had most of their prouision in her, came not into the Streights at all: neither did we see her since the day we were separated in the great snow, of which I spake before. For these causes, hauing not their house, nor yet prouision, they were disappointed of their pretence to tarie, and therefore laded their ships, and so came away with vs. [Sidenote: An house tricked and garnished with diuers trinkets.] But before we tooke shipping, we builded a litle house in the Countesse of Warwicks Island, and garnished it with many kinds of trifles, as Pinnes, Points, Laces, Glasses, Kombes, Babes on horsebacke and on foote, with innumerable other such fansies and toyes: thereby to allure and entice the people to some familiaritie against other yeeres. Thus hauing finished all things we departed the Countrey, as I sayd before: but because the Busse had not lading enough in her, she put into Beares sound to take in a little more. In the meane while the Admirall, and the rest without at Sea stayed for her. And that night fell such an outragious tempest, beating on our shipps with such vehement rigor, that anchor and cable auailed nought: for we were driuen on rockes and Islands of yce, insomuch that (had not the great goodnesse of God bene miraculously shewed to vs) we had bene cast away euery man. This danger was more doubtfull and terrible, then any that preceded or went before: for there was not any one shippe (I thinke) that escaped without damage. Some lost anchor and also cables, some botes, some Pinnesses: some anchor, cables, boates, and Pinnisses. This boystrous storme so seuered vs from one another, that one shippe knewe not what was become of another. The Admirall knewe not where to finde the Viceadmirall or Rearadmirall, or any other ship of our company. Our Generall being on land in Beares sound could not come to his shippe, but was compelled to goe aboord the Gabriel where he continued all the way homeward: for the boystrous blasts continued so extreamely and so long a time, that they sent vs homewarde (which was Gods fauour towardes vs) will we, nill we, in such haste as not any one of vs were able to keepe in company with other, but were separated. And if by chance any one Shippe did ouertake other, by swiftnesse of sayle, or mette, as they often did: yet was the rigour of the wind so hidious, that they could not continue company together the space of one whole night. [Sidenote: Our entring the coastes dangerous.] Thus our iourney outward was not so pleasant, but our comming thither, entering the coasts and countrey, by narrow Streights, perillous yce, and swift tides, our times of aboade there in snowe and stormes, and our departure from thence the 31. of August with dangerous blustering windes and tempests, which that night arose, was as vncomfortable: separating vs so as we sayled, that not any of vs mette together, vntill the 28. of September, which day we fell on the English coastes, betweene Sylley and the landes ende, and passed the channell, vntill our arriuall in the riuer of Thames. * * * * * The report of Thomas Wiars passenger in the Emanuel, otherwise called the Busse of Bridgewater, wherein Iames Leech was Master, one of the ships in the last Voyage of Master Martin Frobisher 1578. concerning the discouerie of a great Island in their way homeward the 12. of September. The Busse of Bridgewater was left in Beares sound at Meta incognita, the second day of September behinde the Fleete in some distresse, through much winde, ryding neere the Lee shoare, and forced there to ride it out vpon the hazard of her cables and anchors, which were all aground but two. The third of September being fayre weather, and the winds North northwest she set sayle, and departed thence, and fell with Frisland on the 8. day of September at sixe of the clocke at night, and then they set off from the Southwest point of Frisland, the wind being at East, and East Southeast, but that night the winde veared Southerly, and shifted oftentimes that night: but on the tenth day in the morning, the wind at West northwest faire weather, they steered Southeast, and by south, and continued that course vntil the 12. day of September, when about 11. a clocke before noone, they descryed a lande, which was from them about fiue leagues, and the Southermost part of it was Southeast by East from them, and the Northermost next, North Northeast, or Northeast. The master accompted that the Southeast poynt of Frisland was from him at that instant when hee first descryed this new Islande, Northwest by North, 50. leagues. [Sidenote: The Island in length 25 leagues. This Iland is in the latitude of 57. degrees and 1 second part.] They account this Island to be 25. leagues long, and the longest way of it Southeast, and Northwest. The Southerne part of it is in the latitude of 57. degrees and 1 second part or there about. They continued in sight of it, from the 12. day at a 11. of the clocke, till the 13. day three of the clocke in the afternoone, when they left it: and the last part they saw of it, bare from them Northwest by North. [Sidenote: Two harboroughs in this Island.] There appeared two Harboroughs vpon that coast: the greatest of them seuen leagues to the Northwards of the Southermost poynt, the other but foure leagues. There was very much yce neere the same land, and also twenty or thirty leagues from it, for they were not cleare of yce, till the 15. day of September after noone. They plyed their Voyage homewards, and fell with the West part of Ireland about Galway, and had first sight of it on the 25. day of September. * * * * * Notes framed by M. Richard Hakluyt of the middle Temple Esquire, giuen to certaine Gentlemen that went with M. Frobisher in his Northwest discouerie, for their directions: And not vnfit to be committed to print, considering the same may stirre vp considerations of these and of such other things, not vnmeete in such new voyages as may be attempted hereafter. That the first Seate be chosen on the seaside, so as (if it may be) you may haue your owne Nauie within Bay, riuer or lake, within your Seate safe from the enemie: and so as the enemie shalbe forced to lie in open rode abroade without, to be dispersed with all windes and tempests that shall arise. Thus seated you shall be least subiect to annoy of the enemie, so may you by your Nauie within passe out to all parts of the world, and so may the Shippes of England haue accesse to you to supply all wants, so may your commodities be caryed away also. This seat is to be chosen in a temperate Climat, in sweete ayre, where you may possesse alwayes sweete water, wood, seacoles or turfe, with fish, flesh, graine, fruites, herbes, and rootes, or so many of those as may suffice every necessitie for the life of such as shall plant there. And for the possessing of mines of golde, of siluer, copper, quicksiluer, or of any such precious thing, the wants of those needful things may be supplyed from some other place by sea, &c. Stone to make Lyme of; Slate stone to tyle withall, or such clay as maketh tyle; Stone to wall withall, if Brycke may not bee made; Timber for buylding easely to be conueied to the place; Reede to couer houses or such like, if tyle or slate be not--are to be looked for as things without which no Citie may be made nor people in ciuil sort be kept together. The people there to plant and to continue are eyther to liue without traffique, or by traffique and by trade of marchandise. If they shall liue without sea traffique, at the first they become naked by want of linnen and woollen, and very miserable by infinite wants that will otherwise ensue, and so will they be forced of themselues to depart, or else easely they will be consumed by the Spanyards, by the Frenchmen, or by the naturall inhabitants of the countrey, and so the enterprise becomes reprochfull to our Nation, and a let to many other good purposes that may be taken in hand. And by trade of marchandise they can not liue, except the Sea or the Land there may yeelde comoditie. And therefore you ought to haue most speciall regard of that poynt, and so to plant, that the naturall commodities of the place and seate may draw to you accesse of Nauigation for the same, or that by your owne Nauigation you may cary the same out, and fetch home the supply of the wants of the seate. Such Nauigation so to be employed shall, besides the supply of wants, be able to encounter with forreine force. And for that in the ample vent of such things as are brought to you out of England by Sea, standeth a matter of great consequence, it behoueth that all humanitie and curtesie and much forbearing of reuenge to the Inland people be vsed: so shall you haue firme amitie with your neighbours, so shall you haue their inland commodities to mainteine traffique, and so shall you waxe rich and strong in force. Diuers and seuerall commodities of the inland are not in great plenty to be brought to your hands, without the ayde of some portable or Nauigable riuer, or ample lake, and therefore to haue the helpe of such a one is most requisite: And so is it of effect for the dispersing of your owne commodities in exchange into the inlands. Nothing is more to be indeuoured with the Inland people then familiarity. For so may you best discouer all the natural commodities of their countrey, and also all their wants, al their strengths, all their weaknesse, and with whom they are in warre, and with whom confederate in peace and amitie, &c. which knowen you may worke many great effects of greatest consequence. And in your planting the consideration of the clymate and of the soyle be matters that are to be respected. For if it be so that you may let in the salt sea water, not mixed with the fresh into flats, where the sunne is of the heate that it is at Rochel, in the Bay of Portugal, or in Spaine, then may you procure a man of skill, and so you haue wonne one noble commoditie for the fishing, and for trade of marchandize by making of Salt. Or if the soyle and clymate be such as may yeeld you the Grape as good as that at Burdeaux, as that in Portugal, or as that about Siuil in Spaine, or that in the Islands of the Canaries, then there resteth but a workeman to put in execution to make Wines, and to dresse Resigns[56] of the sunne and other, &c. Or if ye finde a soyle of the temperature of the South part of Spaine or Barbarie in the which you finde the Oliue tree to growe; Then you may be assured of a noble marchandize for this Realme, considering that our great trade of clothing doeth require oyle, and weying how deere of late it is become by the vent they haue of that commoditie in the West Indies, and if you finde the wilde Oliue there it may be graffed. Or if you can find the berrie of Cochenile with which we colour Stammelles, or any Roote, Berrie, Fruite, wood or earth fitte for dying, you winne a notable thing fitte for our state of clothing. This Cochenile is naturall in the West Indies on that firme. Or if you haue Hides of beasts fitte for sole Lether, &c. It will be a marchandize right good, and the Sauages there yet can not tanne Lether after our kinde, yet excellently after their owne manner. Or if the soyle shall yeeld Figges, Almonds, Sugar Canes, Quinces, Orenges, Lemonds, Potatoes, &c. there may arise some trade and traffique by Figs, Almonds, Sugar, Marmelade, Sucket, &c. Or if great woods be found, if they be of Cypres, chests may be made, if they be of some kinde of trees, Pitch and Tarre may be made, if they be of some other, then they may yeeld Rosin, Turpentine, &c. and all for trade and traffique, and Caskes for wine and oyle may be made, likewise, ships and houses, &c. And because traffique is a thing so materiall, I wish that great obseruation be taken what euery soyle yeeldeth naturally, in what commoditie soeuer, and what it may be made to yeelde by indeuour, and to send vs notice home, that thereupon we may deuise what meanes may be thought of to raise trades. Now admit that we might not be suffered by the Sauages to enioy any whole country or any more than the scope of a citie, yet if we might enioy traffique, and be assured of the same, we might be much inriched, our Nauie might be increased, and a place of safetie might there be found, if change of religion or ciuil warres should happen in this realme, which are things of great benefit. But if we may enioy any large territorie of apt soyle, we might so vse the matter, as we should not depend vpon Spaine for oyles, sacks, resignes, orenges, lemonds, Spanish skins, &c. Nor vpon France for woad, baysalt, and Gascoyne wines, nor on Eastland for flaxe, pitch, tarre, mastes, &c. So we should not so exhaust our treasure, and so exceedingly inrich our doubtfull friends, as we doe, but should purchase the commodities that we want for halfe the treasure that now wee doe: and should by our owne industries and the benefities of the soyle there cheaply purchase oyles, wines, salt, fruits, pitch, tarre, flaxe, hempe, mastes, boords, fish, golde, siluer, copper, tallow, hides and many commodies: besides if there be no flatts to make salt on, if you haue plentie of wood you may make it in sufficient quantitie for common vses at home there. If you can keepe a safe Hauen, although you haue not the friendship of the neere neighbours, yet you may haue traffique by sea vpon one shore or other, vpon that firme in time to come, if not present. If you find great plentie of tymber on the shore side or vpon any portable riuer, you were best to cut downe of the same the first winter, to be seasoned for ships, barks, boates, and houses. And if neere such wood there be any riuer or brooke vpon the which a sawing mill may be placed, it would doe great seruice, and therefore consideration would be had of such places. And if such port and chosen place of settling were in possession and after fortified by arte, although by the land side our Englishmen were kept in, and might not enioy any traffique with the next neighbours, nor any victuals: yet might they victuall themselues of fish to serue every necessitie, and enter into amitie with the enemies of their next neighbours, and so haue vent of their marchandize of England and also haue victual, or by meanes hereupon to be vsed, to force the next neighbours to amitie. And keeping a nauy at the settling place, they should find out along the tract of the land to haue traffique, and at diuers Islands also. And so this first seat might in time become a stapling place of the commodities of many countreys and territories, and in time this place might become of all the prouinces round about the only gouernor. And if the place first chosen should not so well please our people, as some other more lately found out: There might be an easie remoue, and that might be raised, or rather kept for others of our nation to auoyd an ill neighbour. If the soyles adioyning to such conuenient Hauen and setling places be found marshie and boggie, then men skilful in drayning are to be caryed thither. For arte may worke wonderful effects therein, and make the soyle rich for many vses. To plant vpon an Island in the mouth of some notable riuer, or vpon the point of the land entring into the riuer, if no such Island be, were to great end. For if such riuer were nauigable or portable farre into the land, then would arise great hope of planting in fertil soyles, and traffike on the one or on the other side of the riuer, or on both, or the linking in amitie with one or other pettie king contending there for dominion. Such riuers found, both Barges and Boates may be made for the safe passage of such as shall pierce the same. These are to be couered with doubles of course linnen artificially wrought, to defend the arrow or the dart of the sauage from the rower. Since euery soile of the worlde by arte may be made to yeeld things to feede and to clothe man, bring in your returne a perfect note of the soile without and within, and we shall deuise if neede require to amend the same, and to draw it to more perfection. And if you finde not fruites in your planting place to your liking, we shall in fiue drifats[57] furnish you with such kindes of plants to be carryed thither the winter after your planting, as shall the very next summer following yeeld you some fruite, and the yeere next following, as much as shall suffice a towne as bigge as Calice, and that shortly after shall be able to yeeld you great store of strong durable good sider to drinke, and these trees shall be able to encrease you within lesse then seuen yeeres as many trees presently to beare, as may suffice the people of diuers parishes, which at the first setling may stand you in great stead, if the soile haue not the commoditie of fruites of goodnesse already. And because you ought greedily to hunt after things that yeeld present reliefe, without trouble of carriage thither, therefor I make mention of these thus specially, to the end you may haue it specially in minde. * * * * * A true discourse of the three Voyages of discouerie, for the finding of a passage to Cathaya, by the Northwest, vnder the conduct of Martin Frobisher Generall: Before which as a necessary Preface is prefixed a twofolde discourse, conteining certaine reasons to proue all partes of the World habitable. Penned by Master George Best, a Gentleman employed in the same voyages. What commodities and instructions may be reaped by diligent reading this Discourse. 1 First, by example may be gathered, how a Discouerer of new Countries is to proceede in his first attempt of any Discouerie. 2 Item, how he should be prouided of shipping, victuals, munition, and choice of men. 3 How to proceede and deale with strange people, be they neuer so barbarous, cruell and fierce, either by lenitie or otherwise. 4 How trade of Merchandize may be made without money. 5 How a Pilot may deale, being inuironed with mountaines of yce in the frozen sea. 6 How length of dayes, change of seasons, Summers and Winters doe differ in sundry regions. 7 How dangerous it is to attempt new Discoueries, either for the length of the voyage, or the ignorance of the language, the want of Interpreters, new and vnaccustomed Elements and ayres, strange and vnsauoury meates, danger of theeues and robbers, fiercenesse of wilde beastes and fishes, hugenesse of woods, dangerousnesse of Seas, dread of tempestes, feare of hidden rockes, steepnesse of mountaines, darknesse of sudden falling fogges, continuall paines taking without any rest, and infinite others. 8. How pleasant and profitable it is to attempt new Discoueries, either for the sundry sights and shapes of strange beastes and fishes, the wonderfull workes of nature, the different maners and fashions of diuers nations, the sundry sortes of gouernment, the sight of strange trees, fruite, foules, and beasts, the infinite treasure of Pearle, Golde and Siluer, the newes of newe found landes, the sundry positions of the Sphere, and many others. 9. How valiant Captaines vse to deale vpon extremitie, and otherwise. 10 How trustie souldiers dutifully vse to serue. 11 Also here may bee seene a good example to be obserued of any priuate person, in taking notes, and making obseruations of all such things as are requisite for a Discouerer of newe Countries. 12 Lastly, the Reader here may see a good paterne of a well gouerned seruice, sundry instructions of matters of Cosmographie, Geographie, and Nauigation, as in reading more at large may be seene. Experiences and reasons of the Sphere, to prooue all partes of the worlde habitable, and thereby to confute the position of the fiue Zones. [Sidenote: Experience to proue that Torrida Zone is habitable.] First, it may be gathered by experience of our Englishmen in Anno 1553. For Captaine Windam made a Voyage with Merchandise to Guinea, and entred so farre within the Torrida Zona, that he was within three or foure degrees of the Equinoctiall, and his company abiding there certaine Moneths, returned, with gaine. Also the Englishmen made another Voyage very prosperous and gainefull, An. 1554. to the coasts of Guinea, within 3. degrees of the Equinoctiall. And yet it is reported of a trueth, that all the tract from Cape de las Palmas trending by C. de tres puntas alongst by Benin, vnto the Ile of S. Thomas (which is perpendiculer under the Equinoctial)[58] all that whole Bay is more subiect to many blooming and smoothering heates, with infectious and contagious ayres, then any other place in all Torrida Zona: and the cause thereof is some accidents in the land. For it is most certaine, that mountains, Seas, woods and lakes, &c, may cause through their sundry kinde of situation, sundry strange and extraordinary effects, which the reason of the clyme otherwise would not giue. I mention these Voyages of our Englishmen, not so much to prooue that Torrida Zona may bee, and is inhabited, as to shew their readinesse in attempting long and dangerous Nauigations. Wee also among vs in England, haue blacke Moores, Æthiopians, out of all partes of Torrida Zona, which after a small continuance, can well endure the colde of our Countrey, and why should not we as well abide the heate of their Countrey? But what should I name any more experiences, seeing that all the coastes of Guinea and Benin are inhabited of Portugals, Spanyardes, French, and some Englishmen, who there haue built Castles and Townes. [Sidenote: Marochus more hote then about the Equinoctiall.] Onely this I will say to the Merchants of London, that trade yeerely to Marochus, it is very certaine, that the greatest part of the burning Zone is farre more temperate and coole in Iune, then the Countrey of Marochus, as shall appeare by these reasons and experiences following. For let vs first consider the bignesse of this burning Zone (which as euery man knoweth, is 47. degrees) each Tropicke, which are the bounders thereof, being 28. degrees and a halfe distant from the Equinoctiall. Imagine againe two other Parallels, on each side the Equinoctiall about 20. degrees, which Paralels may be described either of them twice a yeere by the Sunne, being in the first degrees of Gemini the 11. of May, and in Leo the 13. of Iuly, hauing North Latitude. And againe, the Sunne being in the first degrees of Sagittarius, the 12. of Nouember, and in Aquarius the 9. of Ianuary, hauing South latitude, I am to prooue by experience and reason that all that distance included betweene these two Paralels last named (conteyning 40. degrees in latitude, going round about the earth, according to longitude) is not onely habitable, but the same most fruitfull and delectable, and that if any extremitie of heate bee, the same not to be within the space of twenty degrees of the Equinoctiall on either side, but onely vnder and about the two Tropickes, and so proportionally the nearer you doe approch to eyther Tropicke, the more you are subiect to extremitie of heate (if any such be) and so Marochus being situate but sixe or seuen degrees from the Tropicke of Cancer, shall be more subiect to heate, then any place vnder or neere the Equinoctiall line.[59] [Sidenote: Marueilous fruitfull soile vnder the Equinoctiall.] And first by the experience of sundry men, yea thousands, Trauailers and Merchants, to the East and West Indies in many places, both directly vnder, and hard by the Equinoctiall, they with one consent affirme, that it aboundeth in the middest of Torrida Zona with all manner of Graine, Hearbes, grasse, fruite, wood and cattell, that we haue heere, and thousandes other sortes, farre more wholesome, delectable and precious, then any wee haue in these Northerne climates, as very well shall appeare to him that will reade the Histories and Nauigations of such as haue traueiled Arabia, India intra and extra Gangem, the Islands Moluccæ, America, &c. which all lye about the middle of the burning Zone, where it is truely reported, that the great hearbes, as are Radish, Lettuce, Colewortes, Borage, and such like, doe waxe ripe, greater, more sauourie and delectable in taste then ours, within sixteene dayes after the seede is sowen. Wheate being sowed the first of Februarie, was found ripe the first of May, and generally, where it is lesse fruitfull, the wheate will be ripe the fourth moneth after the seed is sowne, and in some places will bring foorth an eare as bigge as the wrist of a mans arme containing 1000. graines; Beanes, peace, &c. are there ripe twice a yeere. Also grasse being cut downe, will grow vp in sixe dayes aboue one foote high. If our cattell be transported thither, within a small time their young ones become of bigger stature, and more fat than euer they would haue bene in these countreys. [Sidenote: Great trees.] There are found in euery wood in great numbers, such timber trees as twelue men holding handes together are not able to fathome. [Sidenote: Commodities and pleasures vnder the Equinoctiall.] And to be short, all they that haue bene there with one consent affirme, that there are the goodliest greene medowes and plaines, the fairest mountaines couered with all sorts of trees and fruites, the fairest valleys, the goodliest pleasant fresh riuers, stored with infinite kinde of fishes, the thickest woods, green and bearing fruite all the whole yeere, that are in all the world. And as for gold, siluer, and all other kinde of Metals, all kinde of spices and delectable fruites, both for delicacie and health, are there in such abundance, as hitherto they haue bene thought to haue beene bred no where else but there. And in conclusion, it is nowe thought that no where else but vnder the Equinoctiall, or not farre from thence, is the earthly Paradise, and the onely place of perfection in this worlde. And that these things may seeme the lesse strange, because it hath bene accompted of the olde Philosophers, that there coulde nothing prosper for the extreme heat of the Sunne continually going ouer their heades in the Zodiacke, I thought good here to alleadge such naturall causes as to me seeme very substantiall and sure reasons. [Sidenote: Heat is caused by two meanes that is by his maner of Angle and by his continuance.] First you are to vnderstand that the Sunne doeth worke his more or lesse heat in these lower parts by two meanes, the one is by the kinde of Angle that the Sunne beames doe make with the earth, as in all Torrida Zona it maketh perpendicularly right Angles in some place or other at noone, and towards the two Poles very oblique and vneuen Angles. And the other meane is the longer or shorter continuance of the Sunne aboue the Horizon. So that wheresoeuer these two causes do most concurre, there is most excesse of heat: and when the one is wanting, the rigor of the heat is lesse. For though the Sunne beames do beat perpendicularly vpon any region subiect vnto it, if it hath no continuance or abode aboue the Horizon, to worke his operation in, there can no hote effect proceed. For nothing can be done in a moment. [Sidenote: Note this reason.] And this second cause mora Solis supra Horizontem, the time of the sunnes abiding aboue the Horizon, the old Philosophers neuer remembred, but regarded onely the maner of Angles that the Sunne beames made with the Horizon, which if they were equall and right, the heat was the greater, as in Torrida Zona: if they were vnequall and oblique, the heat was the lesse, as towards both Poles, which reason is very good and substantiall: for the perpendicular beames reflect and reuerberate in themselues, so that the heat is doubled, euery beame striking twice, and by vniting are multiplied, and continue strong in forme of a Columne. But in our latitude of 50. and 60. degrees, the Sunne beames descend oblique and slanting wise, and so strike but once and depart, and therefore our heat is the lesse for any effect that the Angle of the Sunne beames make. Yet because wee haue a longer continuance of the Sunnes presence aboue our Horizon then they haue vnder the Equinoctial; by this continuance the heat is increased, for it shineth to vs 16. or 18. houres sometime, when it continueth with them but twelue houres alwayes. And againe, our night is very short, wherein cold vapours vse to abound, being but sixe or eight houres long, whereas theirs is alwayes twelue houres long, by which two aduantages of long, dayes and short nights, though we want the equalitie of Angle, it commeth to passe that in Sommer our heat here is as great as theirs is there, as hath bene proued by experience, and is nothing dissonant from good reason. Therefore whosoeuer will rightly way the force of colde and heat in any region, must not onely consider the Angle that the Sunne beames make, but also the continuance of the same aboue the Horizon. As first to them vnder the Equinoctiall the Sunne is twice a yeere at noone in their Zenith perpendicular ouer their heads, and therefore during the two houres of those two dayes the heat is very vrgent, and so perhaps it will be in foure or fiue dayes more an houre euery day, vntill the Sunne in his proper motion haue crossed the Equinoctiall; so that this extreme heat caused by the perpendicular Angle of the Sunne beames, endureth but two houres of two dayes in a yeere. But if any man say the Sunne may scalde a good while before and after it come to the Meridian, so farre foorth as reason leadeth, I am content to allow it, and therefore I will measure and proportion the Sunnes heat, by comparing the Angles there, with the Angles made here in England, because this temperature is best knowen vnto vs. As for example, the 11. day of March, when vnder the Equinoctiall it is halfe houre past eight of the clocke in the morning, the Sunne will he in the East about 38. degrees aboue the Horizon, because there it riseth alwayes at six of the clocke, and moueth euery houre 15. degrees, and so high very neere will it be with vs at London the said eleuenth day of March at noone. And therefore looke what force the Sunne hath with vs at noone, the eleventh of March, the same force it seemeth to haue vnder the Equinoctial at half an houre past eight in the morning, or rather lesse force vnder the Equinoctiall, For with vs the Sunne had bene already sixe houres aboue the horizon, and so had purified and clensed all the vapours, and thereby his force encreased at noone; but vnder the Equinoctiall, the Sunne hauing bene vp but two houres and an halfe, had sufficient to doe, to purge and consume the cold and moyst vapours of the long night past, and as yet had wrought no effect of heate. And therefore I may boldly pronounce, that there is much lesse heate at halfe an houre past eight vnder the Equinoctiall, then is with vs at noone: à fortiori. But in March we are not onely contented to haue the Sunne shining, but we greatly desire the same. Likewise the 11. of Iune, the Sunne in our Meridian is 62 degrees high at London: and vnder the Equinoctiall it is so high after 10 of the clocke, and seeing then it is beneficial with vs; à fortiori it is beneficiall to them after 10 of the clocke. And thus haue wee measured the force of the Sunnes greatest heate, the hottest dayes in the yeere, vnder the Equinoctiall, that is in March and September, from sixe till after tenne of the clocke in the morning, and from two vntill Sunne set. And this is concluded, by respecting onely the first cause of heate, which is the consideration of the Angle of the Sunne beames, by a certaine similitude, that whereas the Sunne shineth neuer aboue twelue houres, more then eight of them would bee coole and pleasant euen to vs, much more to them that are acquainted alwayes with such warme places. So there remaineth lesse then foure houres of excessiue heate, and that onely in the two Sommer dayes of the yeere, that is the eleueuth day of March, and the fourteenth of September: for vnder the Equinoctiall they haue two Sommers, the one in March, and the other in September, which are our Spring and Autumne: and likewise two Winters, in Iune and December, which are our Sommer and Winter, as may well appeare to him that hath onely tasted the principles of the Sphere. But if the Sunne bee in either Tropicke, or approaching neere thereunto, then may wee more easily measure the force of his Meridian altitude, that it striketh vpon the Equinoctiall. As for example, the twelfth of Iune the Sunne will be in the first degree of Cancer. Then look what force the heate of the Sunne hath vnder the Equinoctiall, the same force and greater it hath in all that Parallel, where the Pole is eleuated betweene fourtie and seuen, and fourtie and eight degrees. [Sidenote: Paris in France is as hote as vnder the Equinoctiall in Iune.] And therefore Paris in France the twelfth day of Iune sustaineth more heate of the Sunne, then Saint Thomas Iland lying neere the same Meridian doeth likewise at noone, or the Ilands Traprobana, Molluccæ, or the firme lande of Peru in America, which all lye vnderneath the Equinoctiall. For vpon the twelfth day of Iune aforesaide, the Sunne beames at noone doe make an Isoscheles Triangle, whose Vertex is the Center of the Sunne, the Basis a line extended from Saint Thomas Iland vnder the Equinoctiall, vnto Paris in France neere the same Meridian: therefore the two Angles of the Base must needs be equal per 5. primi,[60] Ergo the force of the heat equal, if there were no other cause then the reason of the Angle, as the olde Philosophers haue appointed. [Sidenote: In Iune is greater heat at Paris then vnder the Equinoctiall.] But because at Paris the Sunne riseth two houres before it riseth to them vnder the Equinoctiall, and setteth likewise two houres after them, by meanes of the obliquitie of the Horizon, in which time of the Sunnes presence foure houres in one place more then the other, it worketh some effect more in one place then in the other, and being of equall height at noone, it must then needs follow to be more hote in the Parallel of Paris, then it is vnder the Equinoctiall. [Sidenote: The twilights are shorter, and the nights darker vnder the Equinoctiall then at Paris.] Also this is an other reason, that when the Sunne setteth to them vnder the Equinoctiall, it goeth very deepe and lowe vnder their Horizon, almost euen to their Antipodes, whereby their twilights are very short, and their nights are made very extreeme darke and long, and so the moysture and coldnesse of the long nights wonderfully encreaseth, so that at length the Sunne rising can hardly in many houres consume and driue away the colde humours and moyst vapours of the night past, which is cleane contrary in the Parallel of Paris: for the Sunne goeth vnder their Horizon but very little, after a sloping sort, whereby their nights, are not very darke, but lightsome, as looking into the North in a cleare night without cloudes it doeth manifestly appeare, their twilights are long: for the Parallel of Cancer cutteth not the Horizon of Paris at right Angles, but at Angles very vneuen, and vnlike as it doeth the Horizon of the Equinoctiall. Also the Sommer day at Paris is sixteene houres long, and the night but eight: where contrarywise vnder the Equinoctiall the day is but twelue houres long, and so long is also the night, in whatsoeuer Parallel the Sunne be: and therefore looke what oddes and difference of proportion there is betweene the Sunnes abode aboue the Horizon in Paris, and the abode it hath vnder the Equinoctiall, (it being in Cancer) the same proportion would seeme to be betweene the heate of the one place, and heate of the other: for other things (as the Angle of the whole arke of the Sunnes progresse that day in both places) are equall. But vnder the Equinoctiall the presence and abode of the Sunne aboue the Horizon is equall to his absence, and abode vnder the Horizon, eche being twelue houres. And at Paris the continuance and abode of the Sunne is aboue the Horizon sixteene houres long, and but eight houres absence, which proportion is double, from which if the proportion of the equalitie be subtracted to finde the difference, there will remaine still a double proportion, whereby it seemeth to follow, that in Iune the heate of Paris were double to the heate vnder the equinoctiall. For (as I haue said) the Angles of the Sunne beames are in all points equall, and the cause of difference is, Mora Solis supra Horizontem, the stay of the Sunne in the one Horizon more then in the other. [Sidenote: In what proportion the Angle of the Sun beames heateth.] Therefore, whosoeuer could finde out in what proportion the Angle of the Sunne beames heateth, and what encrease the Sunnes continuance doeth adde thereunto, it might expresly be set downe, what force of heat and cold is in all regions. Thus you partly see by comparing a Climate to vs well knowen and familiarly acquainted by like height of the Sunne in both places, that vnder the Equinoctiall in Iune is no excessiue heat, but a temperate aire rather tendering to cold. [Sidenote: They vse and haue neede of fire vnder the Equinoctiall.] For as they haue there for the most part a continuall moderate heat, so yet sometime they are a little pinched with colde, and vse the benefite of fire as well as we, especially in the euening when they goe to bed, for as they lye in hanging beds tied fast in the vpper part of the house, so will they haue fires made on both sides their bed, of which two fires, the one they deuise superstitiously to driue away spirits, and the other to keepe away from them the coldnesse of the nights. [Sidenote: Colde intermingled with heate vnder the Equinoctiall.] Also in many places of Torrida Zona, especially in the higher landes somewhat mountainous, the people a little shrincke at the colde, and are often forced to prouide themselues clothing, so that the Spaniards haue found in the West Indies many people clothed, especially in Winter, whereby appeareth, that with their heat there is colde intermingled, else would they neuer prouide this remedy of clothing, which to them is rather a griefe and trouble then otherwise. For when they goe to warres, they will put off all their apparel, thinking it to be cumbersome, and will alwayes goe naked, that they thereby might be more nimble in their fight. Some there be that thinke the middle Zone extremely hot, because the people of the countrey can, and doe liue without clothing, wherein they childishly are deceiued: for our Clime rather tendeth to extremitie of colde, because wee cannot liue without clothing: for this our double lining, furring, and wearing so many clothes, is a remedy against extremetie, and argueth not the goodnesse of the habitation, but inconuenience and iniury of colde: and that is rather the moderate, temperate, and delectable habitation, where none of these troublesome things are required, but that we may liue naked and bare, as nature bringeth vs foorth. [Sidenote: Ethiopians blacke, with curled haire.] Others againe imagine the middle Zone to be extreme hot, because the people of Africa, especially the Ethiopians, are so cole blacke, and their haire like wooll curled short, which blacknesse and curled haire they suppose to come onely by the parching heat of the Sunne, which how it should be possible I cannot see: for euen vnder the Equinoctiall in America, and in the East Indies; and in the Ilands Moluccæ the people are not blacke, but tauney and white, with long haire vncurled as wee haue, so that if the Ethiopians blacknesse came by the heate of the Sunne, why should not those Americans and Indians also be as blacke as they, seeing the Sunne is equally distant from them both, they abiding in one Parallel: for the concaue and conuexe Superficies of the Orb of the Sunne is concentrike, and equidistant to the earth; except any man should imagine somewhat of Aux Solis, and Oppositum, which indifferently may be applied aswel to the one place as to the other. [Sidenote: The Sunne heateth not by his neerenesse, but onely by reflection.] But the Sunne is thought to giue no otherwise heat, but by way of Angle in reflection, and not by his neerenesse to the earth: for throughout all Africa, yea in the middest of the middle Zone, and in all other places vpon the tops of mountaines there lyeth continuall snow, which is nearer to the Orbe of the sunne, then the people are in the valley, by so much as the height of these moantaines amount vnto, and yet the Sunne notwithstanding his neerenesse, can not the melt snow for want of conuenient place of reflections. Also the middle region of the aire where all the haile, frost, and snow is engendred, is neerer vnto the Sunne then the earth is, and yet there continueth perpetuall cold, because there is nothing that the Sunne beames may reflect against, whereby appeareth that the neerenesse of the body of the Sunne worketh nothing. [Sidenote: A blacke Moores sonne borne in England.] Therefore to returne againe to the blacke Moores. I myself haue seen an Ethiopian as blacke as a cole brought into England, who taking a faire English woman to wife, begat a sonne in all respects as blacke as the father was, although England were his natiue countrey; and an English woman his mother: whereby it seemeth this blacknes proceedeth rather of some natural infection of that man which was so strong, that neither the nature of the Clime, neither the good complexion of the mother concurring, coulde any thing alter, and therefore wee cannot impute it to the natureof the Clime. [Sidenote: The colour of the people in Meta Incognita. The complexion of the people of Meta incognita.] And for a more fresh example, our people of Meta Incognita (of whom and for whom this discourse is taken in hande) that were brought this last yeere into England, were all generally of the same colour that many nations be, lying in the middest of the middle Zone. And this their colour was not onely in the face which was subiect to Sunne and aire, but also in their bodies, which were still couered with garments as ours are, yea the very sucking childe of twelue moneths age had his sonne of the very same colour that most haue vnder the equinoctiall, which thing cannot proceed by reason of the Clime, for that they are at least ten degrees more towardes the North then wee in England are, No, the Sunne neuer commeth neere their Zenith by fourtie degrees: for in effect, they are within three or foure degrees of that which they call the frozen Zone, and as I saide, fourtie degrees from the burning Zone, whereby it followeth, that there is some other cause then the Climate or the Sonnes perpendicular reflexion, that should cause the Ethiopians great blacknesse. And the most probable cause to my judgement is, that this blackenesse proceedeth of some naturall infection of the first inhabitants of that Countrey, and so all the whole progenie of them descended, are still polluted with the same blot of infection. Therefore it shall not bee farre from our purpose, to examine the first originall of these blacke men, and howe by a lineall discent they haue hitherto continued thus blacke. [Sidenote: The cause of the Ethiopians blacknesse.] It manifestly and plainely appeareth by Holy Scripture, that after the generall inundation and ouerflowing of the earth, there remained no moe men aliue but Noe his three sonnes, Sem, Cham, and Iaphet, who onely were left to possesse and inhabite the whole face of the earth: therefore all the sundry discents that vntil this day haue inhabited the whole earth, must needes come of the off-spring either of Sem, Cham, or Iaphet, as the onely sonnes of Noe, who all three being white, and their wiues also, by course of nature should haue begotten and brought foorth white children. But the enuie of our great and continuall enemie the wicked Spirite is such, that as hee coulde not suffer our olde father Adam to liue in the felicite and Angelike state wherein hee was first created, but tempting him sought and procured his ruine and fall: so againe, finding at this flood none but a father and three sonnes liuing, hee so caused one of them to transgresse and disobey his fathers commaundement, that after him all his posterity shoulde bee accursed. [Sidenote: The Arke of Noe.] The fact of disobedience was this: When Noe at the commandement of God had made the Arke and entred therein, and the floud-gates of heauen were opened, so that the whole face of the earth, euery tree and mountaine was couered with abundance or water, hee straitely commaunded his sonnes and their wiues, that they should with reuerence and feare beholde the iustice and mighty power of God, and that during the time of the flood while they remained in the Arke, they should vse continencie, and abstaine from carnall copulation with their wines: and many other precepts bee gaue vnto them, and admonitions touching the iustice of God, in renenging sinne, and his mercie in deliuering them, who nothing deserued it. Which good instructions and exhortations notwithstanding his wicked sonne Cham disobeyed, and being perswaded that the first childe borne after the flood (by right and Lawe of nature) should inherite and possesse all the dominions of the earth, hee contrary to his fathers commandement while they were yet in the Arke, vsed company with his wife, and craftily went about thereby to dis-inherite the off-spring of his other two brethren: for the which wicked and detestable fact, as an example for contempt of Almightie God, and disobedience of parents, God would a sonne should bee borne whose name was Chus, who not [Sidenote: Chus the sonne of Cham accursed.] onely it selfe, but all his posteritie after him should bee so blacke and lothsome, that it might remaine a spectacle of disobedience to all the worlde. And of this blacke and cursed Chus came all these blacke Moores which are in Africa, for after the water was vanished from off the face of the earth, and that the lande was dry, Sem chose that part of the land to inhabite in, which nowe is called Asia, and Iaphet had that which now is called Europa, wherein wee dwell, and Africa remained for Cham and his blacke sonne [Sidenote: Africa was called Chamesis.] Chus, and was called Chamesis after the fathers name, being perhaps a cursed, dry, sandy, and vnfruitfull ground, fit for such a generation to inhabite in. Thus you see, that the cause of the Ethiopians blacknesse is the curse and naturall infection of blood, and not the distemperature of the Climate; Which also may bee prooued by this example, that these blacke men are found in all parts of Africa, as well without the Tropickes, as within, euen vnto Capo de buona Speranza Southward, where, by reason of the Sphere, should be the same temperature that is in Sicilia, Morea and Candie, where al be of very good complexions. Wherefore I conclude, that the blacknesse proceedeth not of the hotenesse of the Clime, but as I saide, of the infection of blood, and therefore this their argument gathered of the Africans blacknesse is not able to destroy the temperature of the middle Zone. Wee may therefore very well bee assertained, that vnder the Equinoctiall is the most pleasant and delectable place of the worlde to dwell in; where although the Sunne for two houres in a yeere be direct ouer their heades, and therefore the heate at that time somewhat of force, yet [Sidenote: Greatest temperature vnder the Equinoctial] because it commeth so seldome, and continueth so small a time, when it commeth, it is not to bee wayed, but rather the moderate heate of other times in all the yeere to be remembred. And if the heate at any time should in the short day waxe somewhat vrgent, the coldnesse of the long night there would easily refresh it, according as Henterus sayeth, speaking of the temperature vnder the Equinoctiall. Quodque die solis violento incanduit æstu, Humida nox reficit, paribusque refrigerat horis. If the heate of the Sunne in the day time doe burne or parch any thing, the moysture of the night doeth coole and refresh the same againe, the Sunne being as long absent in the night, as it was present in the day. Also our Aucthour of the Sphere, Johannes de Sacro Bosco, in the Chapter of the Zodiacke, deriueth the Etymologie of Zodiacus, of the Greeke word Zoe, which in Latine signifieth Vita, life; for out of Aristotle hee alleadgeth, that Secundum accessum et recessum solis in Zodiaco, fiunt generationes et corruptiones in rebus inferioribus: according to the Sunnes going to and fro in the Zodiake, the inferiour bodies take their causes of generation and corruption. [Sidenote: Vnder the Equinoctiall is greatest generation.] Then it followeth, that where there is most going to and fro, there is most generation and corruption: which must needes be betweene the two Tropikes; for there the Sunne goeth to and fro most, and no where else but there. Therefore betweene the two Tropikes, that is, in the middle Zone, is greatest increase, multiplication, generation, and corruption of things, which also wee finde by experience; for there is Sommer twice in the yeere, and twice Winter, so that they haue two Haruests in the yeere, and continuall Spring. Seeing then the middle Zone falleth out so temperate, it resteth to declare where the hottest part of the world should bee, for we finde some places more hote then others. To answere this doubt, reason perswadeth, the hotest place in[61] the world to bee vnder and about the two Tropikes; for there more then in any other place doe both the [Sidenote: Greatest heate vnder the Tropicks.] causes of heate concurre, that is, the perpendicular falling of the Sunne beames, at right angles, and a greater continuance of the Sunne aboue the Horizon, the Pole there being eleuated three or foure and twentie degrees. And as before I concluded, that though the Sunne were perpendicular to them vnder the Equinoctiall, yet because the same continued but a small time (their dayes being short, and their nights long) and the speedie departure of the Sunne from their Zenith, because of the suddeine crossing of the Zodiake with the Equinoctiall, and that by such continuall course and recourse of hote and colde, the temperature grew moderate, and very well able to bee endured: so nowe to them vnder the two Tropikes, the Sunne hauing once by his proper motion declined twentie degrees from the Equinoctial, beginneth to drawe neere their Zenith, which may bee (as before) about the eleuenth day of May, and then beginneth to sende his beames almost at right Angles, about which time the Sunne entreth into the first degree of Gemini, and with this almost right Angle the Sunne beames will continue vntill it bee past Cancer, that is, the space of two moneths euery day at noone, almost perpendicular ouer their heades, being then the time of Solstitium Aestiuale: which so long continuance of the Sunne about their Zenith may cause an extreeme heate (if any be in the world) but of necessitie farre more heate then can bee vnder the Equinoctiall, where the Sunne hath no such long abode in the Zenith, but passeth away there hence very quickly. Also vnder the Tropikes, the day is longer by an houre and a halfe, then it is vnder the Equinoctiall; wherefore the heate of the Sunne hauing a longer time of operation, must needes be encreased, especially seeing the night wherein colde and moysture doe abound vnder the Tropickes, is lesse then it is vnder the Equinoctiall. Therefore I gather, that vnder the Tropickes is the hotest place, not onely of Torrida Zona, but of any other part of the world, especially because there both causes of heate doe concurre, that is, the perpendicular falling of the Sunne beames two monethes together, and the longer abode of the Sunnes presence aboue the Horison. And by this meanes more at large is prooued, that Marochus in Summer is farre more hote, then at any time vnder the Enoctiall, because it is situate so neere the Tropick of Cancer, and also for the length of their dayes. Neither yet doe I thinke, that the Regions situate vnder the Tropicks are not habitable, for they are found to be very fruitfull also; although Marochus and some other parts of Afrike neere the Tropike for the drinesse of the natiue sandie soile, and some accidents may seeme to some to be intemperate for ouer much heat. For Ferdinandus Ouiedus[62] speaking of Cuba and Hispaniola, Ilands of America, lying hard vnder, or by the Tropike of Cancer, saith, that these Ilands haue as good pasture for cattell, as any other countrey in the world. Also, they haue most holesome and cleare water, and temperate aire, by reason whereof the heards of beastes are much bigger, fatter, and of better taste, then any in Spaine, because of the ranke pasture, whose moysture is better digested in the hearbe or grasse, by continuall and temperate heate of the Sunne, whereby being made more fat and vnctious, it is of better and more stedfast nourishment: For continuall and temperate heate doeth not onely drawe much moysture out of the earth to the nourishment of such things as growe, and are engendred in that Clime, but doeth also by moderation preserue the same from putrifying, digesting also, and condensating or thickning the said moyst nourishment into a gumme and vnctious substance, whereby appeareth also, that vnder the Tropikes is both holesome, fruitefull, and pleasant habitation, whereby lastly it followeth, that all the [Sidenote: Vnder the Tropickes is moderate temperature.] middle Zone, which vntill of late dayes hath bene compted and called the burning, broyling, and parched Zone, is now found to be the most delicate, temperate, commodious, pleasant and delectable part of the world, and especially vnder the Equinoctiall. Hauing now sufficiently at large declared the temperature of the middle Zone, it remaineth to speake somewhat also of the moderate and continuall heate in colde Regions, as well in the night as in the day all the Sommer long, and also how these Regions are habitable to the inhabitants of the same, contrary to the opinion of the olde writers. Of the temperature of colde Regions all the Sommer long, and also how in Winter the same is habitable, especially to the inhabitants thereof. The colde Regions of the world are those, which tending toward the Poles Arctike, and Antarctike, are without the circuite or boundes of the seuen Climates: which assertion agreeable to the opinion of the olde Writers, is found and set out in our authour of the Sphere, Iohannes de Sacrobosco, where hee plainely saith, that without the seuenth Climate, which is bounded by a Parallel passing at fiftie degrees in Latitude, all the habitation beyonde is discommodious and intolerable. [Sidenote: Nine Climates.] But Gemma Frisius a late writer finding England and Scotland to be without the compasse of those Climates, wherein hee knewe to bee very temperate and good habitation, added thereunto two other Climates, the vttermost Parallel whereof passeth by 56. degrees in Latitude, and therein comprehendeth ouer and aboue the first computation, England, Scotland, Denmarke, Moscouia, &c which all are rich and mightie kingdomes. [Sidenote: A comparison betweene Marochus and England.] The olde writers perswaded by bare conjecture, went about to determine of those places, by comparing them to their owne complexions, because they felt them to bee hardly tolerable to themselues, and so took thereby an argument of the whole habitable earth; as if a man borne in Marochus, or some other part of Barbarie, should at the latter end of Sommer vpon the suddeine, either naked, or with his thinne vesture, bee brought into England, hee would judge this Region presently not to bee habitable, because hee being brought vp in so warme a Countrey, is not able here to liue, for so suddeine an alteration of the colde aire: but if the same man had come at the beginning of Sommer, and so afterward by little and little by certaine degrees, had felt and acquainted himselfe with the frost of Autumne, it would haue seemed by degrees to harden him, and so to make it farre more tollerable, and by vse after one yeere or two, the aire would seeme to him more temperate. It was compted a great matter in the olde time, that there was a brasse pot broken in sunder with frosen water in Pontus, which after was brought and shewed in Delphis, in token of a miraculous colde region and winter, and therefore consecrated to the Temple of Apollo. This effect being wrought in the Parallel of fouretie three degrees in Latitude, it was presently counted a place very hardly and vneasily to be inhabited for the great colde. And how then can such men define vpon other Regions very farre without that Parallel, whether they were inhabited or not, seeing that in so neere a place they so grossely mistooke the matter, and others their followers being contented with the inuentions of the olde Authors, haue persisted willingly in the same opinion, with more confidence then consideration of the cause: so lightly was that opinion receiued, as touching the vnhabitable Clime neere and vnder the Poles. [Sidenote: All the North regions are habitable.] Therefore I am at this present to proue, that all the land lying betweene the last climate euen vnto the point directly vnder either poles, is or may be inhabited, especially of such creatures as are ingendred and bred therein. For indeed it is to be confessed, that some particular liuing creature cannot liue in euery particular place or region, especially with the same ioy and felicitie, as it did where it was first bred, for the certeine agreement of nature that is betweene the place and the thing bred in that place; as appeareth by the Elephant, which being translated and brought out of the second or third climat, though they may liue, yet will they neuer ingender or bring forth yong.[63] Also we see the like in many kinds of plants and herbs; for example, the Orange trees, although in Naples they bring forth fruit abundantly, in Rome and Florence they will beare onely faire greene leaues, but not any fruit: and translated into England, they will hardly beare either flowers, fruit, or leaues, but are the next Winter pinched and withered with cold: yet it followeth not for this, that England, Rome, and Florence should not be habitable. [Sidenote: Two causes of heat.] In the prouing of these colde regions habitable, I shalbe very short, because the same reasons serve for this purpose which were alleged before in the proouing the middle Zone to be temperate, especially seeing all heat and colde proceed from the Sunne, by the meanes either of the Angle which his beames do make with the Horizon, or els by the long or short continuance of the Suns presence aboue ground: so that if the Sunnes beames do beat perpendicularly at right Angles, then there is one cause of heat, and if the Sunne do also long continue aboue the Horizon, then the heat thereby is much increased by accesse of this other cause, and so groweth to a kinde of extremitie. And these two causes, as I sayd before, do most concurre vnder the two Tropicks, and therefore there is the greatest heat of the world. And likewise, where both these causes are most absent, there is greatest want of heat, and increase of colde (seeing that colde is nothing but the priuation and absence of heate) and if one cause be wanting, and the other present the effect will grow indifferent. Therefore this is to be vnderstood, that the neerer any region is to the Equinoctiall, the higher the Sunne doth rise ouer their heads at noone, and so maketh either right or neere right Angles, but the Sunne tarieth with them so much the shorter time, and causeth shorter dayes, with longer and colder nights, to restore the domage of the day past, by reason of the moisture consumed by vapour. But in such regions, ouer the which the Sunne riseth lower (as in regions extended towards either pole) it maketh there vnequall Angles, but the Sunne continueth longer, and maketh longer dayes, and causeth so much shorter and warmer nights, as retaining warme vapours of the day past. For there are found by experience Summer nights in Scotland and Gothland very hot, when vnder the Equinoctiall they are found very cold. [Sidenote: Hote nights nere the pole. Colde nights vnder the Equinoctiall.] This benefit of the Sunnes long continuance and increase of the day, doth argument so much the more in colde regions as they are nerer the poles, and ceaseth not increasing vntill it come directly vnder the point of the pole Arcticke, where the Sunne continueth aboue ground the space of sixe moneths or halfe a yere together, and so the day is halfe a yere long, that is the time of the Sunnes being in the North signes, from the first degree of Aries vntill the last of Virgo, that is all the time from our 10 day of March vntill the 14 of September. [Sidenote: One day of sixe moneths.] The Sunne therefore during the time of these sixe moneth without any offence or hinderance of the night, giueth his influence vpon those lands with heat that neuer ceaseth during that time, which maketh to the great increase of Summer, by reason of the Sunnes continuance. [Sidenote: Moderate heat vnder the poles.] Therefore it followeth, that though the Sunne be not there very high ouer their heads, to cause right angle beames, and to giue great heat, yet the Sun being there sometimes about 24 degrees high doth cast a conuenient and meane heate, which there continueth without hindrance of the night the space of sixe moneths (as is before sayd) during which time there followeth to be a conuenient, moderate and temperate heat: or els rather it is to be suspected the heat there to be very great, both for continuance, and also, Quia virtus vnita crescit, the vertue and strength of heat vnited in one increaseth. If then there be such a moderate heate vnder the poles, and the same to continue so long time; what should mooue the olde writers to say there cannot be place for habitation. And that the certainty of this temperate heat vnder both the poles might more manifestly appeare, let vs consider the position and quality of the sphere, the length of the day, and so gather the height of the Sunne at all times, and by consequent the quality of his angle, and so lastly the strength of his heat. Those lands and regions lying vnder the pole, and hauing the pole for their Zenith, must needs haue the Equinoctiall circle for their Horizon: therefore the Sun entring into the North signes, and describing euery 24 houres a parallel to the Equinoctiall by the diurnall motion of Primum mobile, the same parallels must needs be wholly aboue the Horizon: [Sidenote: The Sunne neuer setteth in 182 dayes.] and so looke how many degrees there are from the first of Aries to the last of Virgo, so many whole reuolutions there are aboue their Horizon that dwell vnder the pole, which amount to 182, and so many of our dayes the Sunne continueth with them. During which time they haue there continuall day and light, without any hindrance of moist nights. [Sidenote: Horizon and Equinoctiall all one vnder the pole.] Yet it is to be noted, that the Sunne being in the first degree of Aries, and last degree of Virgo, maketh his reuolution in the very horizon, so that in these 24 houres halfe the body of the Sunne is aboue the horizon, and the other halfe is vnder his only center, describing both the horizon and the equinoctiall circle. And therefore seeing the greatest declination of the Sunne is almost 24 degrees, it followeth, his greatest height in those countries to be almost 24 degrees. [Sidenote: London.] And so high is the Sun at noone to vs in London about the 29 of October, being in the 15 degree of Scorpio, and likewise the 21 of Ianuary being in the 15 of Aquarius. Therefore looke what force the Sun at noone hath in London the 29 of October, the same force of heat it hath, to them that dwell vnder the pole, the space almost of two moneths, during the time of the Summer solstitium, and that without intermingling of any colde night; so that if the heat of the Sunne at noone could be well measured in London (which is very hard to do because of the long nights which ingender great moisture and cold) then would manifestly appeare by expresse numbers the maner of the heat vnder the poles, which certainly must needs be to the inhabitants very commodious and profitable, if it incline not to ouermuch heat, and if moisture do not want. For as in October in England we finde temperate aire, and haue in our gardens hearbs and floures notwithstanding our cold nights, how much more should they haue the same good aire, being continuall without night. This heat of ours continueth but one houre, while the Sun is in that meridian, but theirs continueth a long time in one height. This our heat is weake, and by the coolnesse of the night vanisheth, that heat is strong, and by continuall accesse is still increased and strengthened. [Sidenote: Comodious dwelling vnder the poles.] And thus by a similitude of the equal height of the Sun in both places appeareth the commodious and moderate heat of the regions vnder the poles. And surely I cannot thinke that the diuine prouidence hath made any thing vncommunicable, but to haue giuen such order to all things, that one way or other the same should be imployed, and that euery thing and place should be tollerable to the next: but especially all things in this lower world be giuen to man to haue dominion and vse thereof. Therefore we need no longer to doubt of the temperate and commodious habitation vnder the poles during the time of Summer. [Sidenote: The night vnder the poles.] But all the controuersie consisteth in the Winter, for then the Sunne leaueth those regions, and is no more seene for the space of other sixe moneths, in the which time all the Sunnes course is vnder their horizon for the space of halfe a yere, and then those regions (say some) must needs be deformed with horrible darknesse, and continuall night, which may be the cause that beasts can not seeke their food, and that also the colde should then be intollerable. By which double euils all liuing creatures should be constrained to die, and were not able to indure the extremity and iniury of Winter, and famine insuing thereof, but that all things should perish before the Summer following, when they should bring foorth their brood and yoong, and that for these causes the sayd Clime about the pole should be desolate and not habitable. To all which objections may be answered in this maner: First, that though the Sunne be absent from them those six moneths, yet it followeth not that there should be such extreme darknesse; for as the Sunne is departed vnder their horizon, so is it not farre from them: and not so soone as the Sunne falleth so suddenly commeth the darke night; but the euening doth substitute and prolong the day a good while after by twilight. After which time the residue of the night receiueth light of the Moone and Starres, vntill the breake of the day, which giueth also a certaine light before the Sunnes rising; so that by these meanes the nights are seldome darke; which is verified in all parts of the world, but least in the middle Zone vnder the Equinoctiall, where the twilights are short, and the nights darker then in any other place, because the Sunne goeth vnder their horizon so deepe, even to their antipodes. We see in England in the Summer nights when the Sunne goeth not farre vnder the horizon, that by the light of the Moone and Starres we may trauell all night, and if occasion were, do some other labour also. And there is no man that doubteth whether our cattell can see to feed in the nights, seeing we are so well certified thereof by our experience: and by reason of the sphere our nights should be darker then any time vnder the poles. The Astronomers consent that the Sunne descending from our vpper hemisphere at the 18 parallel vnder the horizon maketh an end of twilight, so that at length the darke night insueth, and that afterward in the morning the Sun approching againe within as many parallels, doth driue away the night by accesse of the twilight. Againe, by the position of the sphere vnder the pole, the horizon, and the equinoctiall are all one. These reuolutions therefore that are parallel to the equinoctiall are also parallel to the horizon, so that the Sunne descending vnder that horizon, and there describing certaine parallels not farre distant, doth not bring darke nights to those regions vntill it come to the parallels distant 18 degrees from the equinoctiall, that is, about the 21 degree of Scorpio, which will be about the 4 day of our Nouember, and after the Winter solstitium, the Sunne returning backe againe to the 9 degree of Aquarius, which will be about the 19 of January; [Sidenote: The regions vnder the poles want twilights but sixe weeks.] during which time onely, that is, from the 4 day of Nouember vntill the 19 day of Ianuary, which is about six weeks space, these regions do want the commodity of twilights: therefore, during the time of these sayd six moneths of darknesse vnder the poles, the night is destitute of the benefit of the Sunne and the sayd twilights onely for the space of six weeks or thereabout. And yet neither this time of six weeks is without remedy from heauen; for the Moone with her increased light hath accesse at that time, and illuminateth the moneths lacking light euery one of themselues seuerally halfe the course of that moneth, by whose benefit it commeth to passe that the night named extreame darke possesseth those regions no longer then one moneth, neither that continually, or all at one time, but this also diuided into two sorts of shorter nights, of the which either of them indureth for the space of 15 dayes, and are illuminate of the Moone accordingly. [Sidenote: Winter nights vnder the pole tolerable to liuing creatures.] And this reason is gathered out of the sphere, whereby we may testifie that the Summers are warme and fruitfull, and the Winters nights vnder the pole are tolerable to liuing creatures. And if it be so that the Winter and time of darknesse there be very colde, yet hath not nature left them vnprouided therefore: for there the beastes are couered with haire so much the thicker in how much the vehemency of colde is greater; by reason whereof the best and richest furres are brought out of the coldest regions. Also the fowles of these colde countreys haue thicker skinnes, thicker feathers; and more stored of downe then in other hot places. Our English men that trauell to S. Nicholas, and go a fishing to Wardhouse, enter farre within the circle Artike, and so are in the frozen Zone, and yet there, aswell as in Island and all along those Northern Seas, they finde the greatest store of the greatest fishes that are; as Whales, &c. and also abundance of meane fishes; as Herrings, Cods, Haddocks, Brets, &c. which argueth that the sea as well as the land may be and is well frequented and inhabited in the colde countreys. [Sidenote: An obiection of Meta incognita.] But some perhaps will maruell there should be such temperate places in the regions about the poles, when at vnder 62 degrees in latitude our captaine Frobisher and his company were troubled with so many and so great mountaines of fleeting ice, with so great stormes of colde, with such continuall snow on tops of mountaines, and with such barren soile, there being neither wood nor trees, but low shrubs, and such like. To all which obiections may be answered thus: First, those infinite Islands of ice were ingendred and congealed in time of Winter, and now by the great heat of Summer were thawed, and then by ebs, flouds, winds, and currents, were driuen to and fro, and troubled the fleet; so that this is an argument to proue the heat in Summer there to be great, that was able to thaw so monstrous mountaines of ice. As for continuall snow on tops of mountaines, it is there no otherwise then is in the hotest part of the middle Zone, where also lieth great snow all the Summer long vpon tops of mountaines, because there is no sufficient space for the Sunnes reflexion, whereby the snow should be molten. Touching the colde stormy winds and the barrennesse of the country, it is there as it is in Cornwall and Deuonsbire in England, which parts though we know to be fruitfull and fertile, yet on the North side thereof all alongst the coast within seuen or eight miles off the sea there can neither hedge nor tree grow, although they be diligently by arte husbanded and seene vnto: and the cause thereof are the Northerne driuing winds, which comming from the sea are so bitter and sharpe that they kill all the yoong and tender plants, and suffer scarse any thing to grow; and so it is in the Islands of Meta incognita, which are subiect most to East and Northeastern winds, which the last yere choaked vp the passage so with ice that the fleet could hardly lecouer their port. [Sidenote: Meta Incognita inhabited.] Yet notwithstanding all the obiections that may be, the countrey is habitable; for there are men, women, children, and sundry kind of beasts in great plenty, as beares, deere, hares, foxes and dogs: all kinde of flying fowles, as ducks, seamewes, wilmots, partridges, larks, crowes, hawks, and such like, as in the third booke you shall vnderstand more at large. Then it appeareth that not onely the middle Zone but also the Zones about the poles are habitable. [Sidenote: Captaine Frobishers first voyage.] Which thing being well considered, and familiarly knowen to our Generall captaine Frobisher, aswell for that he is thorowly furnished of the knowledge of the sphere and all other skilles appertaining to the arte of nauigation, as also for the confirmation he hath of the same by many yeres experience both by sea and land, and being persuaded of a new and nerer passage to Cataya then by Capo de buona Sperança, which the Portugals yerely vse: he began first with himselfe to deuise, and then with his friends to conferre, and layed a plaine plat vnto them that that voyage was not onely possible by the Northwest, but also he could proue easie to be performed. And farther, he determined and resolued with himselfe to go make full proofe thereof, and to accomplish or bring true certificate of the truth, or els neuer to returne againe, knowing this to be the only thing of the world that was left yet vndone, whereby a notable minde might be made famous and fortunate. But although his will were great to performe this notable voyage, whereof he had concerned in his minde a great hope by sundry sure reasons and secret intelligence, which here for sundry causes I leaue vntouched, yet he wanted altogether meanes and ability to set forward, and performe the same. Long time he conferred with his priuate friends of these secrets; and made also many offers for the performing of the same in effect vnto sundry merchants of our countrey aboue 15 yeres before he attempted the same, as by good witnesse shall well appeare (albeit some euill willers which challenge to themselues the fruits of other mens labours haue greatly iniured him in the reports of the same, saying that they haue bene the first authours of that action, and that they haue learned him the way, which themselues as yet haue neuer gone) but perceiuing that hardly he was hearkened vnto of the merchants, which neuer regard, vertue without sure, certaine, and present gaines, he repaired to the Court (from whence, as from the fountaine of our Common wealth, all good causes haue their chiefe increase and maintenance) and there layed open to many great estates and learned men the plot and summe of his deuice. And amongst many honourable minds which fauoured his honest and commendable enterprise, he was specially bound and beholding to the right honourable Ambrose Dudley earle of Warwicke, whose fauourable minde and good disposition hath alwayes bene ready to countenance and aduance all honest actions with the authours and executors of the same: and so by meanes of my lord his honourable countenance he receiued some comfort of his cause, and by litle and litle, with no small expense and paine brought his cause to some perfection and had drawen together so many aduenturers and such summes of money as might well defray a reasonable charge to furnish himselfe to sea withall. He prepared two small barks of twenty and fiue and twenty tunne a piece, wherein he intended to accomplish his pretended voyage. Wherefore, being furnished with the foresayd two barks, and one small pinnesse of ten tun burthen, hauing therein victuals and other necessaries for twelue moneths prouision, he departed vpon the sayd voyage from Blacke-wall the 15 of Iune anno Domini 1576. One of the barks wherein he went was named the Gabriel, and the other The Michael; and sailing Northwest from England vpon the II of Iuly he had sight of an high and ragged land, which he iudged to be Frisland (whereof some authors haue made mention) but durst not approch the same by reason of the great store of ice that lay alongst the coast, and the great mists that troubled them not a litle. Not farre from thence he lost company of his small pinnesse, which by meanes of the great storme he supposed to be swallowed vp of the Sea, wherein he lost onely foure men. [Sidenote: The Michael returned home.] Also the other barke named The Michael mistrusting the matter, conueyed themselues priuily away from him, and returned home, with great report that he was cast away. The worthy captaine notwithstanding these discomforts, although his mast was sprung, and his toppe mast blowen ouerboord with extreame foule weather, continued his course towards the Northwest, knowing that the sea at length must needs haue an ending, and that some land should haue a beginning that way; and determined therefore at the least to bring true proofe what land and sea the same might be so farre to the Northwestwards, beyond any man that hath heretofore discouered. And the twentieth of Iuly he had sight of an high land, which he called Queene Elizabeths Forland, after her Maiesties name. And sailing more Northerly alongst that coast, he descried another forland with a great gut, bay, or passage, diuided as it were two maine lands or continents asunder. There be met with store of exceeding great ice all this coast along, and coueting still to continue his course to the Northwards, was alwayes by contrary winde deteined ouerthwart these straights, and could not get beyond. [Sidenote: Frobishers first entrance within the streights.] Within few dayes after he perceived the ice to be well consumed and gone, either there ingulfed in by some swift currents or indrafts, carried more to the Southwards of the same straights, or els conueyed some other way: wherefore he determined to make proofe of this place, to see how farre that gut had continuance, and whether he might carry himselfe thorow the same into some open sea on the backe side, whereof he conceiued no small hope, and so entred the same the one and twentieth of Iuly, and passed aboue fifty leagues therein, as he reported, hauing vpon either hand a great maine or continent. And that land vpon his right hand as he sailed Westward he iudged to be the continent of Asia, and there to be diuided from the firme of America, which lieth vpon the left hand ouer against the same. [Sidenote: Frobishers streights.] This place he named after his name, Frobishers streights, like as Magellanus at the Southwest end of the world, hauing discouered the passage to the South sea (where America is diuided from the continent of that land, which lieth vnder the South pole) and called the same straights, Magellanes straits. After he had passed 60 leagues into this foresayd straight, he went ashore, and found signes where fire had bene made. He saw mighty deere that seemed to be mankinde, which ranne at him, and hardly he escaped with his life in a narrow way, where he was faine to vse defence and policy to saue his life. In this place he saw and perceiued sundry tokens of the peoples resorting thither. [Sidenote: The first sight of the Sauages.] And being ashore vpon the top of a hill, he perceiued a number of small things fleeting in the sea afarre off, which he supposed to be porposes or seales, or some kinde of strange fish; but comming neerer, he discouered them to be men in small boats made of leather. And before he could descend downe from the hill, certaine of those people had almost cut off his boat from him, hauing stollen secretly behinde the rocks for that purpose, where he speedily hasted to his boat, and bent himselfe to his halberd, and narrowly escaped the danger, and saued his boat. Afterwards he had sundry conferences with them, and they came aboord his ship, and brought him salmon and raw flesh and fish, and greedily deuoured the same before our mens faces. And to shew their agility, they tried many masteries vpon the ropes of the ship after our mariners fashion, and appeared to be very strong of their armes, and nimble of their bodies. They exchanged coats of scales, and beares skinnes, and such like with our men; and receiued belles, looking glasses, and other toyes, in recompense thereof againe. [Sidenote: Fiue Englishmen intercepted and taken.] After great curtesie, and many meetings, our mariners, contrary to their captaines direction, began more easily to trust them; and fiue of our men going ashore were by them intercepted with their boat, and were neuer since heard of to this day againe: so that the captaine being destitute of boat, barke, and all company, had scarsely sufficient number to conduct backe his barke againe. He could neither conuey himselfe ashore to rescue his men (if he had bene able) for want of a boat; and againe the subtile traitours were so wary, as they would after that neuer come within our mens danger. The captaine notwithstanding desirous to bring some token from thence of his being there, was greatly discontented that he had not before apprehended some of them: and therefore to deceiue the deceiuers he wrought a pretty policy; for knowing wel how they greatly delighted in our toyes, and specially in belles, he rang a pretty lowbell, making signes that he would giue him the same that would come and fetch it. [Sidenote: Taking of the first Sauage.] And because they would not come within his danger for feare, he flung one bell vnto them, which of purpose he threw short, that it might fall into the sea and be lost, And to make them more greedy of the matter he rang a louder bell, so that in the end one of them came nere the ship side to receiue the bel; which when he thought to take at the captaines hand, he was thereby taken himselfe: for the captaine being readily prouided let the bell fall, and caught the man fast, and plucked him with maine force boat and all into his barke out of the sea. Whereupon when he found himselfe in captiuity, for very choler and disdaine he bit his tongue in twaine within his mouth: notwithstanding, he died not thereof, but liued vntill he came in England, and then he died of cold which he had taken at sea. [Sidenote: Frobishers returne.] Now with this new pray (which was a sufficient witnesse of the captaines farre and tedious trauell towards the vnknowen parts of the world, as did well appeare by this strange infidell, whose like was neuer seene, read, nor heard of before, and whose language was neither knowen nor vnderstood of any) the sayd captaine Frobisher returned homeward, and arriued in England in Harwich the 2 of October following, and thence came to London 1576, where he was highly commended of all men for his great and notable attempt, but specially famous for the great hope he brought of the passage to Cataya. And it is especially to be remembred that at their first arriuall in those parts there lay so great store of ice all the coast along so thicke together, that hardly his boate could passe vnto the shore. [Sidenote: The taking possession of Meta incognita.] At length, after diuers attempts he commanded his company, if by any possible meanes they could get ashore, to bring him whatsoeuer thing they could first finde, whether it were liuing or dead, stocke or stone, in token of Christian possession, which thereby he tooke in behalfe of the Queenes most excellent Maiesty, thinking that thereby he might iustify the hauing and inioying of the same things that grew in these vnknowen parts. [Sidenote: How the ore was found by chance.] Some of his company brought floures, some greene grasse; and one brought a piece of blacke stone much like to a sea cole in colour, which by the waight seemed to be some kinde of mettall or minerall. This was a thing of no account in the iudgment of the captaine at first sight; and yet for nouelty it was kept in respect of the place from whence it came. After his arriuall in London, being demanded of sundry his friends what thing he had brought them home out of that countrey, he had nothing left to present them withall but a piece of this blacke stone. And it fortuned a gentlewoman one of the aduenturers wiues to haue a piece thereof, which by chance she threw and burned in the fire, so long, that at the length being taken forth, and quenched in a little vinegar, it glistened with a bright marquesset of golde. Whereupon the matter being called in some question, it was brought to certaine Goldfiners in London to make assay thereof, who gaue out that it held golde, and that very richly for the quantity. [Sidenote: Many aduenturers.] Afterwards, the same Goldfiners promised great matters thereof if there were any store to be found, and offered themselues to aduenture for the searching of those parts from whence the same was brought. Some that had great hope of the matter sought secretly to haue a lease at her Maiesties hands of those places, whereby to inioy the masse of so great a publike profit vnto their owne priuate gaines. In conclusion, the hope of more of the same golde ore to be found kindled a great opinion in the hearts of many to aduance the voyage againe. [Sidenote: In the second voyage commission was giuen onely for the bringing of ore.] Whereupon preparation was made for a new voyage against the yere folowing, and the captaine more specially directed by commission for the searching more of this golde ore then for the searching any further discouery of the passage. And being well accompanied with diuers resolute and forward gentlemen, her Maiesty then lying at the right honourable the lord of Warwicks house in Essex, he came to take his leaue, and kissing her hignesse hands, with gracious countenance and comfortable words departed toward his charge. A true report of such things as happened in the second voyage of captaine Frobisher, pretended for the discouery of a new passage to Cataya, China and the East India, by the Northwest. Ann. Dom. 1577. Being furnished with one tall ship of her Maiesties, named The Ayde, of two hundred tunne, and two other small barks, the one named The Gabriel, the other The Michael, about thirty tun a piece, being fitly appointed with men, munition, victuals, and all things necessary for the voyage, the sayd captaine Frobisher, with the rest of his company came aboord his ships riding at Blackwall, intending (with Gods helpe) to take the first winde and tide seruing him, the 25 day of May, in the yere of our Lord God 1577. The names of such gentlemen as attempted this discouery, and the number of souldiers and mariners in ech ship, as followeth. Aboord the Ayd being Admirall were the number of 100 men of all sorts, whereof 30 or moe were Gentlemen and Souldiers, the rest sufficient and tall Sailers. Aboord the Gabriel being Viceadmirall, were in all 18 persons, whereof sixe were Souldiers, the rest Mariners. Aboord the Michael were 16 persons, whereof fiue were Souldiers, the rest Mariners. Aboord the Ayde was: Generall of the whole company for her Maiestie: Martin Frobisher. His Lieutenant George Best. His Ensigne Richard Philpot. Corporall of the shot Francis Forfar. The rest of the gentlemen: Henry Carew. Edmund Stafford. John Lee. M. Haruie. Mathew Kinersley. Abraham Lins. Robert Kinersley. Francis Brakenbury. William Armshow. The Master Christopher Hall. The Mate Charles Iackman. The Pilot Andrew Dier. The Master gunner Richard Cox. Aboord the Gabriell was: Captaine Edward Fenton One Gentleman William Tamfield. The Maister William Smyth. Aboord the Michaell was: Captaine Gilbert Yorke. One Gentleman Thomas Chamberlaine. The Maister Iames Beare. On Whitsunday being the 26 of May, Anno 1577, early in the morning, we weighed anker at Blackwall, and fell that tyde downe to Grauesend, where we remained vntill Monday, at night. [Sidenote: They receiued the communion.] On Monday morning the 27 of May, aboord the Ayde we receiued all the Communion by the Minister of Grauesend, and prepared vs as good Christians towards God, and resolute men for all fortunes: and towards night we departed to Tilbery Hope. [Sidenote: The number of men in this voyage.] Tuesday the eight and twenty of May, about nine of the clocke at night, we arriued at Harwitch in Essex and there stayed for the taking in of certaine victuals, vntill Friday being the thirtieth of May, during which time came letters from the Lordes of the Councell, straightly commanding our General, not to exceede his complement and number appointed him, which was, one hundred and twentie persons: whereupon he discharged many proper men which with vnwilling mindes departed. [Sidenote: The condemned men discharged.] He also dismissed all his condemned men, which he thought for some purposes very needefull for the voyage, and towards night vpon Friday the one and thirtieth of May we set saile, and put to the Seas againe. [Sidenote: The first arriuall after our departing from England.] And sailing Northward alongst the East coasts of England and Scotland, the seuenth day of Iune we arriued in Saint Magnus sound in Orkney Ilands, called in Latine Orcades, and came to ancker on the South side of the Bay, and this place is reckoned from Blackwall where we set saile first leagues.[64] Here our companie going on lande, the Inhabitants of these Ilandes beganne to flee as from the enemie, whereupon the Lieutenant willed euery man to stay togither, and went himselfe vnto their houses, to declare what we were and the cause of our comming thither, which being vnderstood after their poore maner they friendly entreated vs, and brought vs for our money such things as they had. [Sidenote: A Mine of siluer found in Orkney.] And here our gold finders found a Mine of siluer. Orkney is the principall of the Isles of the Orcades, and standeth in the latitude of fiftie nine degrees and a halfe. The countrey is much subiect to colde, answerable for such a climate, and yet yeeldeth some fruites, and sufficient maintenance for the people contented so poorely to liue. There is plentie ynough of Poultrey, store of egges, fish, and foule. For their bread they haue Oaten Cakes, and their drinke is Ewes milke, and in some partes Ale. Their houses are but poore without and sluttish ynough within, and the people in nature thereunto agreeable. For their fire they burne heath and turffe, the Countrey in most parts being voide of wood. They haue great want of Leather, and desire our old Shoes, apparell, and old ropes (before money) for their victuals, and yet are they not ignorant of the value of our coine. [Sidenote: Kyrway the chiefe towne of Orkney.] The chiefe towne is called Kyrway.[65] [Sidenote: S. Magnus sound why so called.] In this Island hath bene sometime an Abbey or a religious house called Saint Magnus, being on the West side of the Ile, whereof this sound beareth name, through which we passed. Their Gouernour chiefe Lord is called the Lord Robert Steward, who at our being there, as we understood, was in durance at Edenburgh, by the Regents commandement of Scotland. After we had prouided vs here of matter sufficient for our voyage the eight of Iune wee set sayle againe, and passing through Saint Magnus sound hauing a merrie winde by night, came cleare and lost sight of all the land, and keeping our course West Northwest by the space of two dayes, the winde shifted vpon vs so that we lay in trauerse on the Seas, with contrary windes, making good (as neere as we could) our course to the westward, and sometime to the Northward, as the winde shifted. And hereabout we met with 3 saile of English fishermen from Iseland, bound homeward, by whom we wrote our letters vnto our friends in England. [Sidenote: Great bodies of trees driuing in the seas.] We trauersed these Seas by the space of 26 dayes without sight of any land, and met with much drift wood, and whole bodies of trees. [Sidenote: Monstrous fish and strange foule liuing onely by the Sea.] We sawe many monsterous fishes and strange foules, which seemed to live onely by the Sea, being there so farre distant from any land. At length God fauoured vs with more prosperous windes, and after wee had sayled foure dayes with good winde in the Poop, the fourth of Iuly the Michael being foremost a head shot off a peece of Ordinance, and stroke all her sayles, supposing that they had descryed land which by reason of the thicke mistes they could not make perfit: [Sidenote: Water being blacke and smooth signifieth land to be neere.] howbeit, as well our account as also the great alteration of the water, which became more blacke and smooth, did plainely declare we were not farre off the coast. [Sidenote: Ilands of yce.] Our Generall sent his Master aboord the Michaell (who had beene with him the yeere before) to beare in with the place to make proofe thereof, who descryed not the land perfect, but sawe sundry huge Ilands of yce, which we deemed to be not past twelue leagues from the shore, [Sidenote: The first sight of Frisland the 4. of Iuly.] for about tenne of the clocke at night being the fourth of Iuly, the weather being more cleare, we made the land perfect and knew it to be Frislande. And the heigth being taken here, we found ourselues to be in the latitude of 60 degrees and a halfe, and were fallen with the Southermost part of this land. Betweene Orkney and Frisland are reckoned leagues.[66] [Sidenote: Frisland described.] This Frislande sheweth a ragged and high lande, hauing the mountaines almost couered ouer with snow alongst the coast full of drift yce, and seemeth almost inaccessable, and is thought to be an Iland in bignesse not inferiour to England, and is called of some Authors, West Frislande, I thinke because it lyeth more West then any part of Europe. It extendeth in latitude to the Northward very farre as seemed to vs, and appeareth by a description set out by two brethren Venetians, Nicholaus and Antonius Zeni, who being driuen off from Ireland with a violent tempest made shipwracke here, and were the first knowen Christians that discouered this land about two hundred yeares sithence, and they haue in their Sea cardes set out euery part thereof and described the condition of the inhabitants, declaring them to be as ciuill and religous people as we. And for so much of this land as we haue sayled alongst, comparing their Carde with the coast, we finde it very agreeable. [Sidenote: An easie kind of Fishing.] This coast seemeth to haue good fishing, for we lying becalmed let falle a hooke without any bayte and presently caught a great fish called a Hollibut, who serued the whole companie for a dayes meate, and is dangerous meate for surfetting. [Sidenote: White Corrall got by sounding.] And sounding about fiue leagues off from the shore, our leade brought vp in the tallow a kinde of Corrall almost white, and small stones as bright as Christall: and it is not to be doubted but that this land may be found very rich and beneficial if it were thoroughly discovered, although we sawe no creature there but little birdes. [Sidenote: Monstrous Isles of yce, in taste fresh, wherehence they are supposed to come.] It is a maruellous thing to behold of what great bignesse and depth some Ilands of yce be here, some seuentie, some eightie fadome vnder water, besides that which is aboue, seeming Ilands more then halfe a mile in circuit. All these yce are in tast fresh, and seeme to be bredde in the sounds thereabouts, or in some lande neere the pole, and with the winde and tides are driuen alongst the coastes. [Sidenote: The opinion of the frozen seas is destroyed by experience.] We found none of these Ilands of yce salt in taste, whereby it appeareth that they were not congealed of the Ocean Sea water which is alwayes salt, but of some standing or little moouing lakes or great fresh waters neere the shore, caused eyther by melted snowe from tops of mountaines, or by continuall accesse of fresh riuers from the land, and intermingling with the Sea water, bearing yet the dominion (by the force of extreame frost) may cause some part of salt water to freese so with it, and so seeme a little brackish, but otherwise the maine Sea freeseth not, and therefore there is no Mare Glaciale or frosen Sea, as the opinion hitherto hath bene. Our Generall prooued landing here twice, but by the suddaine fall of mistes (whereunto this coast is much subiect) he was like to loose sight of his ships, and being greatly endangered with the driuing yce alongst the coast, was forced aboord and faine to surcease his pretence till a better opportunitie might serue: and hauing spent foure dayes and nights sayling alongst this land, finding the coast subiect to such bitter colde and continuall mistes he determined to spend no more time therein, but to beare out his course towards the streights called Frobishers streights after the Generals name, who being the first that euer passed beyond 58 degrees to the Northwardes, for any thing that hath beene yet knowen of certaintie of New found land, otherwise called the continent or firme land of America, discouered the saide straights this last yere 1576. [Sidenote: The Stirrage of the Michaell broken by tempest.] Betweene Frisland and the Straights we had one great storme, wherein the Michaell was somewhat in danger, hauing her Stirrage broken, and her toppe Mastes blowen ouer boord, and being not past 50 leagues short of the Straights by our account, we stroke sayle and lay a hull, fearing the continuance of the storme, the winde being at the Northeast, and hauing lost companie of the Barkes in that flaw of winde, we happily met againe the seuenteenth day of Iuly, hauing the euening before seene diuers Ilands of fleeting yce, which gaue an argument that we were not farre from land. [Sidenote: The first entrance of the Straights.] Our Generall in the morning from the maine top (the weather being reasonable cleare) descried land, but to better assured he sent the two Barkes two contrarie courses, whereby they might discry either the South or North foreland, the Ayde lying off and on at Sea, with a small sayle by an Iland of yce, which was the marke for vs to meet together againe. [Sidenote: Halles Iland.] And about noone, the weather being more cleare, we made the North foreland perfite, which otherwise is called Halles Iland, and also the small Iland bearing the name of the sayd Hall whence the Ore was taken vp which was brought into England this last yeere 1576 the said Hall being present at the finding and taking vp thereof, who was then Maister in the Gabriell with Captaine Frobisher. At our arriuall here all the Seas about this coast were so couered ouer with huge quantitie of great yce, that we thought these places might onely deserue the name of Mare Glaciale, and be called the Isie Sea. [Sidenote: The description of the straights.] This North forland is thought to be deuided from the continent of the Northerland, by a little sound called Halles sound, which maketh it an Iland, and is thought little lesse then the Ile of Wight, and is the first entrance of the Straights vpon the Norther side, and standeth in the latitude of sixtie two degrees and fiftie minutes, and is reckoned from Frisland leagues.[67] God hauing blessed vs with so happie a land-fall, we bare into the Straights which runne in next hand, and somewhat further vp to the Northwarde, and came as neere the shore as wee might for the yce, and vpon the eighteenth day [Sidenote: No more gold Ore found in the first Iland.] of Iuly our Generall taking the Goldfiners with him, attempted to goe on shore with a small rowing Pinnesse, vpon the small Islande where the Ore was taken vp, to prooue whether there were any store thereof to be found, but he could not get in all that Iland a peece so bigge as a Walnut, where the first was found. But our men which sought the other Ilands thereabouts found them all to haue good store of the Ore, whereupon our Generall with these good tidings returned aboord about tenne of the clocke at night, and was ioyfully welcommed of the company with a volie of shot. [Sidenote: Egs and foules of Meta incognita. Snares set to catch birds withall.] He brought egges, foules, and a young Seale aboord, which the companie had killed ashore, and hauing found vpon those Ilands ginnes set to catch fowle, and stickes newe cut, with other things, he well perceiued that not long before some of the countrey people had resorted thither. Hauing therefore found those tokens of the peoples accesse in those parts, and being in his first voyage well acquainted with their subtill and cruell disposition, hee prouided well for his better safetie, and on Friday the nineteenth of Iuly in the morning early, with his best companie of Gentlemen and souldiers to the number of fortie persons, went on shore, aswell to discouer the Inland and habitation of the people, as also to finde out some fit harborowe for our shippes. And passing towardes the shoare with no small difficultie by reason of the abundance of yce which lay alongst the coast so thicke togither that hardly any passage through them might be discouered, we arriued at length vpon the maine of Halles greater Iland, and found there also aswell as in the other small Ilands good store of the Ore. [Sidenote: The building of a Columne, called Mount Warwicke.] And leauiug his boates here with sufficient guarde we passed vp into the countrey about two English miles, and recouered the toppe of a high hill, on the top whereof our men made a Columne or Crosse of stones heaped vp of a good heigth togither in good sort, and solemnly sounded a Trumpet, and saide certaine prayers kneeling about the Ensigne, and honoured the place by the name of Mount Warwicke, in remembrance of the Right Honorable the Lord Ambrose Dudley Earle of Warwicke, whose noble mind and good countenance in this, as in all other good actions, gaue great encouragement and good furtherance. This done, we retyred our companies not seeing any thing here worth further discouerie, the countrey seeming barren and full of ragged mountaines and in most parts couered with snow. [Sidenote: The first sight of countrie people, wafting with a flagge.] And thus marching towards our botes, we espied certaine countrey people on the top of Mount Warwick with a flag wafting vs backe againe and making great noise with cries like the mowing of Buls seeming greatly desirous of conference with vs: whereupon the Generall being therewith better acquainted, answered them againe with the like cries, whereat and with the noise of our trumpets they seemed greatly to reioice, skipping, laughing, and dancing for ioy. And hereupon we made signes vnto them, holding vp two fingers, commanding two of our men to go apart from our companies, whereby they might do the like. [Sidenote: The meeting apart of two Englishmen with two of that countrey.] So that forthwith two of our men and two of theirs met together a good space from company, neither partie hauing their weapons about them. Our men gaue them pins and points and such trifles as they had. And they likewise bestowed on our men two bow cases and such things as they had. They earnestly desired our men to goe vp into their countrey, and our men offered them like kindnesse aboord our ships, but neither part (as it seemed) admitted or trusted the others courtesie. [Sidenote: The order of their traffique.] Their maner of traffique is thus, they doe vse to lay downe of their marchandise vpon the ground, so much as they meane to part withal, and so looking that the other partie with whom they make trade should do the like, they themselues doe depart, and then if they doe like of their Mart they come againe, and take in exchange the others marchandise, otherwise if they like not, they take their owne and depart. The day being thus well neere spent, in haste wee retired our companies into our boates againe, minding foorthwith to search alongst the coast for some harborow fit for our shippes, for the present necessitie thereof was much, considering that all this while they lay off and on betweene the two landes, being continually subiect aswell to great danger of fleeting yce, which enuironed them, as to the sodaine flawes which the coast seemeth much subiect vnto. But when the people perceiued our departure, with great tokens of affection they earnestly called vs backe againe, following vs almost to our boates: whereupon our Generall taking his Master with him, who was best acquainted with their maners, went apart vnto two of them, meaning, if they could lay sure hold vpon them, forcibly to bring them aboord, with intent to bestow certaine toyes and apparell vpon the one, and so to dismisse him with all arguments of curtesie, and retaine the other for an Interpreter. [Sidenote: Another meeting of two of our men with two of theirs.] The Generall and his Maister being met with their two companions togither, after they had exchanged certaine things the one with the other, one of the Saluages for lacke of better marchandise, cut off the tayle of his coat (which is a chiefe ornament among them) and gaue it vnto our Generall for a present. But he presently vpon a watchword giuen with his Maister sodainely laid hold vpon the two Saluages. But the ground vnderfoot being slipperie with the snow on the side of the hill, their handfast fayled and their prey escaping ranne away and lightly recouered their bow and arrowes, which they had hid not farre from them behind the rockes. [Sidenote: The Englishmen chased to their boates.] And being onely two Saluages in sight, they so fiercely, desperately, and with such fury assaulted and pursued our Generall and his Master, being altogether vnarmed, and not mistrusting their subtiltie that they chased them to their boates, and hurt the Generall in the buttocke with an arrow, who the rather speedily fled backe, becasuse they suspected a greater number behind the rockes. Our souldiers (which were commanded before to keepe their boates) perceiuing the danger, and hearing our men calling for shot came speedily to rescue, thinking there had bene a greater number. But when the Saluages heard the shot of one of our caliuers (and yet hauing first bestowed their arrowes) they ranne away, our men speedily following them. [Sidenote: One of that Countreymen taken.] But a seruant of my Lorde of Warwick, called Nicholas Conger a good footman, and vncumbred with any furniture hauing only a dagger at his backe ouertooke one of them, and being a Cornishman and a good wrastler, shewed his companion such a Cornish tricke, that he made his sides ake against the ground for a moneth after. And so being stayed, he was taken aliue and brought away, but the other escaped. Thus with their strange and new prey our men repaired to their boates, and passed from the maine to a small Iland of a mile compasse, where they resolued to tarrie all night; for euen now a sodaine storme was growen so great at sea, that by no meanes they could recouer their ships. And here euery man refreshed himselfe with a small portion of victuals which was laide into the boates for their dinners, hauing neither eate nor drunke all the day before. But because they knewe not how long the storme might last, nor how farre off the shippes might be put to sea, nor whether they should euer recouer them againe or not, they made great spare of their victuals, as it greatly behoued them: For they knew full well that the best cheare the countrey could yeeld them, was rockes and stones, a hard food to liue withall, and the people more readie to eate them then to giue them wherewithall to eate. And thus keeping verie good watch and warde, they lay there all night vpon hard cliffes of snow and yce both wet, cold, and comfortlesse. These things thus hapning with the company on land, the danger of the ships at Sea was no lesse perilous. [Sidenote: The Ayde set on fire.] For within one houre after the Generals departing in the morning by negligence of the Cooke in ouer-heating, and the workman in making the chimney, the Ayde was set on fire, and had bene the confusion of the whole if by chance a boy espying it, it had not bene speedily with great labour and Gods helpe well extinguished, [Sidenote: The great danger of these rockes of yce.] This day also were diuerse stormes and flawes, and by nine of the clocke at night the storme was growen so great, and continued such vntill the morning, that it put our ships at sea in no small perill: for hauing mountaines of fleeting yce on euery side, we went roomer for one, and loofed for another, some scraped vs, and some happily escaped vs, that the least of a M. were as dangerous to strike as any rocke, and able to haue split asunder the strongest ship of the world. We had a scope of cleare without yce, (as God would) wherein we turned, being otherwise compassed on euery side about: but so much was the winde and so litle was our sea roome, that being able to beare onely our forecourse we cast so oft about, that we made fourteene bordes in eight glasses running, being but foure houres: [Sidenote: Night without darknes in that countrey.] but God being our best Steresman, and by the industry of Charles Iackman and Andrew Dyer then masters mates, both very expert Mariners and Richard Cox the maister Gunner, with other very carefull sailers, then within bord, and also by the helpe of the cleare nights which are without darknesse, we did happily auoide those present dangers, whereat since wee haue more maruelled then in the present danger feared, for that euery man within borde, both better and worse had ynough to doe with his hands to hale ropes, and with his eyes to looke out for danger. But the next morning being the 20 of Iuly, as God would, the storme ceased, and the Generall espying the ships with his new Captiue and whole company, came happily abord, and reported what had passed a shoare, whereupon altogither vpon our knees we gaue God humble and hartie thankes, for that it had pleased him, from so speedy peril to send vs such speedy deliuerance, and so from this Northerne shore we stroke ouer towards the Southerland. [Sidenote: Our first comming on the Southerland of the sayd straights.] The one and twentieth of Iuly, we discovered a bay which ranne into the land, that seemed a likely harborow for our ships, wherefore our Generall rowed thither with his boats, to make proofe thereof, and with his goldfiners to search for Ore, hauing neuer assayed any thing on the South shore as yet, and the first small Island which we landed vpon. [Sidenote: A Mine of Blacke-lead.] Here all the sands and clifts did so glister and had so bright a marquesite, that it seemed all to be gold, but vpon tryall made it prooued no better then black-lead, and verified the prouerb. All is not gold that glistereth. Vpon the two and twentieth of Iuly we bare into the sayde sound, and came to ancker a reasonable bredth off the shore, where thinking our selues in good securitie, we were greatly endangered with a peece of drift yce, which the Ebbe brought forth of the sounds and came thwart vs ere we were aware. But the gentlemen and souldiers within bord taking great paines at this pinch at the Capstone, overcame the most danger thereof, and yet for all that might be done, it stroke on our sterne such a blow, that we feared least it had striken away our rudder, and being forced to cut our Cable in the hawse, we were faine to set our fore saile to runne further vp within, and if our stirrage had not bene stronger then in the present time we feared, we had runne the ship vpon the rockes, hauing a very narrow Channell to turne in, but as God would, all came well to passe. [Iackmans sound.] And this was named Iackmans sound, after the name of the Masters mate, who had first liking vnto the place. [Sidenote: Smiths Iland.] Vpon a small Iland, within this sound called Smithes Iland (because he first set vp his forge there) was found a Mine of siluer, but was not wonne out of the rockes without great labour. Here our goldfiners made say of such Ore as they found vpon the Northerland, and found foure sortes thereof to holde golde in good quantitie. Vpon another small Iland here was also found a great dead fish, which as it should seeme, had bene embayed with yce, and was in proportion round like to a Porpose, being about twelue foote long, and in bignesse answerable, hauing a horne of two yards long growing out of the snoute or nostrels. [Sidenote: The finding of an Vnicornes horne.] This horne is wreathed and straite, like in fashion to a Taper made of waxe, and may truely be thought to be the sea Vnicorne.[68] This home is to be seene and reserued as a Iewell by the Queenes Maiesties commandement, in her Wardrope of Robes. Tuesday the three and twentieth of Iuly, our Generall with his best company of gentlemen, souldiers and saylers, to the number of seuentie persons in all, marched with ensigne displayde, vpon the continent of the Southerland (the supposed continent of America) where, commanding a Trumpet to sound a call for euery man to repaire to the ensigne, he declared to the whole company how much the cause imported for the seruice of her Maiestie, our countrey, our credits, and the safetie of our owne liues, and therefore required euery man to be conformable to order, and to be directed by those he should assigne. And he appointed for leaders, Captaine Fenton, Captaine Yorke, and his Lieutenant George Beste: which done, we cast our selues into a ring, and altogether vpon our knees, gaue God humble thanks for that it had pleased him of his great goodnesse to preserue vs from such imminent dangers, beseeching likewise the assistance of his holy spirite, so to deliuer vs in safetie into our Countrey, whereby the light and truth of these secrets being knowen, it might redound to the more honour of his holy name, and consequently to the aduancement of our common wealth. And so, in as good sort as the place suffered, we marched towards the tops of the mountaines, which were no lesse painfull in climbing then dangerous in descending, by reason of their steepenesse and yce. And hauing passed about fiue miles, by such vnwieldie wayes, we returned vnto our ships without sight of any people, or likelihood of habitation. Here diuerse of the Gentlemen desired our Generall to suffer them to the number of twentie or thirtie persones to march vp thirtie or fortie leagues in the countrey, to the end they might discouer the Inland, and doe some acceptable seruice for their countrey. But he not contented with the matter he sought for, and well considering the short time he had in hand, and the greedie desire our countrey hath to a present sauor and returne of gaine, bent his whole indeuour only to find a Mine to fraight his ships, and to leave the rest (by Gods helpe) hereafter to be well accomplished. And therefore the twentie sixe of Iuly he departed ouer to the Northland, with the two barkes, leauing the Ayde ryding in Iackmans sound; and ment (after hee had found conuenient harborow, and fraight there for his ships) to discouer further for the passage. The Barkes came the same night to ancker in a sound vpon the Northerland, where the tydes did runne so swift, and the place was so subiect to indrafts of yce; that by reason thereof they were greatly endangered, and hauing found a very rich Myne, as they supposed, and got almost twentie tunne of Ore together, vpon the 28 of Iuly the yce came driuing into the sound where the Barkes rode, in such sort, that they were therewith greatly distressed. And the Gabriell riding asterne the Michael, had her Cable gauld asunder in the hawse with a peece of driuing yce, and lost another ancker, and hauing but one cable and ancker left, for she had lost two before, and the yce still driuing vpon her, she was (by Gods helpe) well fenced from the danger of the rest, by one great Iland of yce, which came a ground hard a head of her, which if it had not so chanced, I thinke surely shee had bene cast vpon the rockes with the yce. The Michael mored ancker vpon this great yce, and roade vnder the lee thereof: but about midnight, by the weight of it selfe, and the setting of the Tydes, the yce brake within halfe the Barkes length, and made vnto the companie within boord a sodaine and fearefull noyse. [Sidenote: Beares sound. Lecesters Iland.] The next flood toward the morning we weyed ancker, and went further vp the straights, and leauing our Ore behind vs which we had digged, for hast left the place by the name of Beares sound after the masters name of the Michaell, and named the Iland Lecesters Iland. [Sidenote: A tombe with a dead mans bones in it.] In one of the small Ilands here we founde a Tombe, wherein the bones of a dead man lay together, and our Sauage Captiue being with vs, and being demanded by signes whether his countreymen had not slaine this man and eat his flesh so from the bones, he made signes to the contrary, and that he was slaine with Wolues and wild beasts. Here also was found hid vnder stones good store of fish, and [Sidenote: Bridles, kniues, and other instruments found hid among the rockes.] sundry other things of the inhabitants; as sleddes, bridles, kettels of fish-skinnes, kniues of bone, and such other like. And our Sauage declared vnto vs the vse of all those things. [Sidenote: They vse great dogs to draw sleds, and little dogs for their meat.] And taking in his hand one of those countrey bridles, he caught one of our dogges and hampred him handsomely therein, as we doe our horses, and with a whip in his hand, he taught the dogge to drawe in a sled as we doe horses in a coach, setting himselfe thereupon like a guide: so that we might see they vse dogges for that purpose that we do our horses. And we found since by experience, that the lesser sort of dogges they feede fatte, and keepe them as domesticall cattell in their tents for their eating, and the greater sort serue for the vse of drawing their sleds. The twentie ninth of Iuly, about fiue leagues from Beares sound, we discouered a Bay which being fenced on ech side with smal Ilands lying off the maine, which breake the force of the tides, and make the place free from any indrafts of yce, did prooue a very fit harborow for our ships, where we came to ancker vnder a small Ilande, which now together with the sound is called by the name of that right Honourable and vertuous Ladie, Anne Countesse of Warwicke. [Sidenote: Thirty leagues discouered within the straites.] And this is the furthest place that this yeere we haue entred vp within the streits, and is reckoned from the Cape of the Queenes foreland, which is the entrance of the streites not aboue 30 leagues. Vpon this Iland was found good store of Ore, which in the washing helde golde to our thinking plainly to be seene: whereupon it was thought best rather to load here, where there was store and indifferent good, then to seeke further for better, and spend time with ieoperdie. [Sidenote: A good president of a good Captain shewed by Captain Frobisher.] And therefore our Generall setting the Myners to worke, and shewing first a good president of a painefull labourer and a goode Captaine in himselfe, gaue good examples for other to follow him: whereupon euery man both better and worse, with their best endeuours willingly layde to their helping hands. And the next day, being the thirtieth of Iuly, the Michaell was sent ouer to Iackmans sound, for the Ayde and the whole companie to come thither. [Sidenote: The maner of their houses in this country.] Vpon the maine land ouer against the Countesses Iland we discouered and behelde to our greate maruell the poore caues and houses of those countrey people, which serue them (as it should seeme) for their winter dwellings, and are made two fadome vnder grounde, in compasse round, like to an Ouen, being ioyned fast one by another, hauing holes like to a Foxe or Conny berry, to keepe and come togither. They vndertrenched these places with gutters so, that the water falling from the hilles aboue them, may slide away without their annoyance: and are seated commonly in the foote of a hill, to shield them better from the cold windes, hauing their doore and entrance euer open towards the South. [Sidenote: Whales bones vsed in stead of timber.] From the ground vpward they builde with whales bones, for lacke of timber, which bending one ouer another, are handsomely compacted in the top together, and are couered ouer with Seales skinnes, which in stead of tiles, fence them from the raine. In which house they haue only one roome, hauing the one halfe of the floure raised with broad stones a foot higher than the other, whereon strawing Mosse, they make their nests to sleep in. [Sidenote: The sluttishness of these people.] They defile these dennes most filthily with their beastly feeding, and dwell so long in a place (as we thinke) vntill their sluttishnes lothing them, they are forced to seeke a sweeter ayre, and a new seate, and are (no doubt) a dispersed and wandring nation, as the Tartarians, and liue in hords and troupes, without any certaine abode, as may appeare by sundry circumstances of our experience. [Sidenote: A signe set vp by the sauage captiue, and the meaning thereof.] Here our captiue being ashore with vs, to declare the vse of such things as we saw, stayd himselfe alone behind the company, and did set vp fiue small stickes round in a circle one by another, with one smal bone placed iust in the middest of all: which thing when one of our men perceiued, he called vs backe to behold the matter, thinking that hee had meant some charme or witchcraft therein. But the best coniecture we could make thereof was, that hee would thereby his countreymen should vnderstand, that for our fiue men which they betrayed the last yeere (whom he signified by the fiue stickes) he was taken and kept prisoner, which he signified by the bone in the midst. [Sidenote: The sauage captiue amazed at his countreimans picture.] For afterwards when we shewed him the picture of his countreman, which the last yeere was brought into England (whose counterfeit we had drawen with boate and other furniture, both as he was in his own, and also in English apparel) he was vpon the sudden much amazed thereat, and beholding aduisedly the same with silence a good while, as though he would streine courtesie whether should begin the speech (for he thought him no doubt a liuely creature) at length began to question with him, as with his companion, and finding him dumb and mute, seemed to suspect him, as one disdeinfull, and would with a little helpe haue growen into choller at the matter, vntill at last by feeling and handling, hee found him but a deceiuing picture. And then with great noise and cryes, ceased not wondring, thinking that we could make men liue or die at our pleasure. And thereupon calling the matter to his remembrance, he gaue vs plainely to vnderstand by signes, that he had knowledge of the taking of our fiue men the last yeere, and confessing the maner of ech thing, numbred the fiue men vpon his fiue fingers, and pointed vnto a boat in our ship, which was like vnto that wherein our men were betrayed: And when we made him signes, that they were slaine and eaten, he earnestly denied, and made signes to the contrary. [Sidenote: Another shew of twenty persons of that countrey in one boate.] The last of Iuly the Michael returned with the Aide to vs from the Southerland, and came to anker by vs in the Countesse of Watwicks sound, and reported that since we departed from Iackmans sound there happened nothing among them there greatly worth the remembrance, vntill the thirtieth of Iuly, when certaine of our company being a shoare vpon a small Island within the sayd Iackmans sound, neere the place where the Aide rode, did espie a long boat with diuers of the countrey people therein, to the number of eighteene or twenty persons, whom so soone as our men perceiued, they returned speedily aboord, to giue notice thereof vnto our company. They might perceiue these people climbing vp to the top of a hill, where with a flagge, they wafted vnto our ship, and made great out cries and noyses, like so many Buls. Hereupon our men did presently man foorth a small skiffe, hauing not aboue sixe or seuen persons therein, which rowed neere the place where those people were, to prooue if they could haue any conference with them. But after this small boate was sent a greater, being wel appointed for their rescue, if need required. As soone as they espied our company comming neere them, they tooke their boates and hasted away, either for feare, or else for pollicie, to draw our men from rescue further within their danger: wherefore our men construing that their comming thither was but to seeke aduantage, followed speedily after them, but they rowed so swiftly away, that our men could come nothing neere them. Howbeit they failed not of their best indeuour in rowing, and hauing chased them aboue two miles into the sea, returned into their ships againe. [Sidenote: Yorkes sound.] The morning following being the first of August, Captaine Yorke with the Michael came into Iackmans sound, and declared vnto the company there, that the last night past he came to anker in a certaine baye (which sithens was named Yorkes sound) about foure leagues distant from Iackmans sound, being put to leeward of that place for lacke of winde, where he discouered certaine tents of the countrey people, where going with his company ashore, he entred into them, but found the people departed, as it should seeme, for feare of their comming. But amongst sundry strange things which in these tents they found, there was rawe and new killed flesh of vnknowen sorts, with dead carcases and bones of dogs, and I know not what. [Sidenote: The apparel found againe of our English men which the yere before were taken.] They also beheld (to their greatest marueile) a dublet of Canuas made after the English fashion, a shirt, a girdle, three shoes for contrary feete, and of vnequall bignesse, which they well coniectured to be the apparell of our fiue poore countreymen, which were intercepted the last yeere by these Countrey people, about fiftie leagues from this place, further within the Straights. [Sidenote: A good deuise of Captaine Yorke.] Whereupon our men being in good hope, that some of them might be here, and yet liuing: the Captaine deuising for the best left his mind behind him in writing, with pen, yncke, and paper also, whereby our poore captiue countrymen, if it might come to their hands, might know their friends minds, and of their arriuall, and likewise returne their answere. And so without taking any thing away in their tents, leauing there also looking glasses, points, and other of our toyes (the better to allure them by such friendly meanes) departed aboord his Barker, with intent to make haste to the Aide, to giue notice vnto the company of all such things as he had there discouered: and so meant to returne to these tents againe, hoping that he might by force or policie intrappe or intice the people to some friendly conference. Which things when he had deliuered to the whole company there, they determined forthwith to go in hand with the matter. Hereupon Captaine Yorke with the master of the Aide and his mate (who the night before had bene at the tents, and came ouer from the other side in the Michael with him) being accompanied with the Gentlemen and souldiors to the number of thirty or forty persons in two small rowing Pinnasses made towards the place, where the night before they discovered the tents of those people, and setting Charles Iackman, being the Masters mate, ashore with a convenient number, for that he could best guide them to the place, they marched ouer land, meaning to compasse them on the one side, whilest the Captaine with his boates might entrap them on the other side. But landing at last at the place where the night before they left them, they found them with their tents remoued. Notwithstanding, our men which marched vp into the countrey, passing ouer two or three mountaines, by chance espied certaine tents in a valley vnderneath them neere vnto a creeke by the Sea side, which because it was not the place where the guide had bene the night before, they iudged them to be another company, and be setting them about, determined to take them if they could. [Sidenote: The Sauages haue boats of sundry bignes.] But they having quickly descried our companie, launched one great and another smal boat, being about 16 or 18 persons, and very narrowly escaping, put themselues to sea. [Sidenote: The Englishmen pursue those people of that countrey. The swift rowing of those people.] Whereupon our souldiers discharged their Caliuers, and followed them, thinking the noise therof being heard to our boats at sea, our men there would make what speede they might to that place. [Sidenote: The bloody point. Yorkes sound.] And thereupon indeede our men which were in the boates (crossing vpon them in the mouth of the sound whereby their passage was let from getting sea roome, wherein it had bene impossible for vs to ouertake them by rowing) forced them to put themselues ashore vpon a point of land within the sayd sound (which vpon the occasion of the slaughter there, was since named The bloody point) whereunto our men so speedily followed, that they had little leisure left them to make any escape. But so soone as they landed each of them brake his Oare, thinking by that meanes to preuent vs, in carrying away their boates for want of Oares. [Sidenote: A hot skirmish betweene the English and them of that countrey.] And desperately returning vpon our men, resisted them manfully in their landing, so long as their arrowes and dartes lasted, and after gathering vp those arrowes which our men shot at them, yea, and plucking our arrowes out of their bodies incountred fresh againe, and maintained their cause vntill both weapons and life fayled them. [Sidenote: The desperate nature of those people.] And when they found they were mortally wounded, being ignorant what mercy meaneth, with deadly fury they cast themselues headlong from off the rockes into the sea, least perhaps their enemies should receiue glory or prey of their dead carcaises, for they supposed vs belike to be Canibals or eaters of mans flesh. [Sidenote: The taking of the woman and her child.] In this conflict one of our men was dangerously hurt in the belly with one of their arrowes, and of them were slaine fiue or sixe, the rest by flight escaping among the rockes, sauing two women, whereof the one being old and vgly, our men thought shee had bene a deuill or some witch, and therefore let her goe: the other being yong, and cumbred with a sucking childe at her backe, hiding her selfe behind the rockes, was espied by one of our men, who supposing she had bene a man, shot through the haire of her head, and pierced through the childs arme, whereupon she cried out, and our Surgeon meaning to heale her childes arme, applyed salues thereunto. [Sidenote: A prety kind of surgery which nature teacheth.] But she not acquainted with such kind of surgery, plucked those salues away, and by continuall licking with her owne tongue, not much vnlike our dogs, healed vp the childes arme. And because the day was welneere spent our men made haste vnto the rest of our company which on the other side of the water remained at the tents, where they found by the apparell, letter, and other English furniture, that they were the same company which Captaine Yorke discouered the night before, hauing remoued themselues from the place where he left them. And now considering their sudden flying from our men, and their desperate maner of fighting, we began to suspect that we had heard the last newes of our men which the last yere were betrayed of these people. And considering also their rauenous and bloody disposition in eating any kind of raw flesh or carrion howsoeuer stinking, it is to bee thought that they had slaine and deuoured our men: For the dublet which was found in their tents had many holes therein being made with their arrowes and darts. But now the night being at hand, our men with their captiues and such poore stuffe as they found in their tents, returned towards their ships, when being at sea, there arose a sudden flaw of winde, which was not a little dangerous for their small boates: but as God would they came all safely aboord. And with these good newes they returned (as before mentioned) into the Countesse of Warwicks sound vnto vs. [Sidenote: The narrowest place of the Straites is 9. leagues ouer.] And betweene Iackmans sound, from whence they came, and the Countesse of Warwicks sound betweene land, and land, being thought the narrowest place of the Straights were iudged nine leagues ouer at the least: [Sidenote: The Queenes Cape.] and Iackmans sound being vpon the Southerland, lyeth directly almost ouer against the Countesses sound, as is reckoned scarce thirty leagues within the Straights from the Queenes Cape, which is the entrance of the Streits of the Southerland. This Cape being named Queene Elizabeths Cape, standeth in the latitude of 62 degrees and a halfe to the Northwards of New found land, and vpon the same continent, for any thing that is yet knowen to the contrary. [Sidenote: The maner of the meeting of the two captiues, and their entertainment.] Hauing now got a woman captiue for the comfort of our man, we brought them both together, and euery man with silence desired to behold the maner of their meeting and entertainment, the which was more worth the beholding than can be well expressed by writing. At their first encountring they beheld each the other very wistly a good space, without speech or word vttered, with great change of colour and countenance, as though it seemed the griefe and disdeine of their captiuity had taken away the vse of their tongues and vtterance: the woman at the first very suddenly, as though she disdeined or regarded not the man, turned away, and began to sing as though she minded another matter: but being againe brought together, the man brake vp the silence first, and with sterne and stayed countenance, began to tell a long solemne tale to the woman, whereunto she gaue good hearing, and interrupted him nothing, till he had finished, and afterwards, being growen into more familiar acquaintance by speech, they were turned together, so that (I thinke) the one would hardly haue liued without the comfort of the other. And for so much as we could perceiue, albeit they liued continually together, yet they did neuer vse as man and wife, though the woman spared not to doe all necessary things that appertained to a good housewife indifferently for them both, as in making cleane their Cabin, and euery other thing that appertained to his ease: for when he was seasicke, she would make him cleane, she would kill and flea the dogs for their eating, and dresse his meate. [Sidenote: The shamefastess and chastity of those Sauage captiues.] Only I think it worth the noting, the continencie of them both: for the man would neuer shift hemselfe, except he had first caused the woman to depart out of his cabin, and they both were most shamefast, least any of their priue parts should be discouered, either of themselues, or any other body. [Sidenote: Another appearance of the countrey people.] On Munday the sixth of August, the Lieutenant with all the Souldiers, for the better garde of the Myners and other things a shore, pitched their tents in the Countesses Island, and fortifyed the place for their better defence as well as they could, and were to the number of forty persons, when being all at labour, they might perceiue vpon the top of a hill ouer against them a number of the countrey people wafting with a flag, and making great outcries vnto them, and were of the same companie, which had encountred lately our men vpon the other shore, being come to complaine their late losses, and to entreate (as it seemed) for restriction of the woman and child, which our men in the late conflict had taken and brought away; whereupon, the Generall taking the sauage captiue with him, and setting the woman where they might best perceiue her in the highest place in the Island, went ouer to talke with them. This captiue at his first encounter of his friends fell so out into teares that he could not speake a word in a great space, but after a while, ouercomming his kindnesse, he talked at full with his companions, and bestowed friendly vpon them such toyes and trifles as we had giuen him, whereby we noted, that they are very kind one to another, and greatly sorrowfull for the losse of their friends. Our Generall by signes required his fiue men which they tooke captiue the last yeere, and promised them, not only to release those which he had taken, but also to reward them with great gifts and friendship. [Sidenote: Those people know the vse of writing.] Our Sauage made signes in answere from them that our men should be deliuered vs, and were yet liuing, and made signes likewise vnto vs that we should write our letters vnto them, for they knew very well the vse we haue of writing, and receiued knowledge thereof, either of our poore captiue countreymen which they betrayed, or else by this our new captiue who hath seene vs dayly write and repeate againe such words of his language as we desired to learne: but they for this night, because it was late, departed without any letter, although they called earnestly in hast for the same. [Sidenote: A letter sent vnto the fiue English captiues.] And the next morning early being the seuenth of August, they called againe for the letter, which being deliuered vnto them, they speedily departed, making signes with three fingers, and pointing to the Sunne, that they meant to returne within 3 dayes, vntill which time we heard no more of them, and about the time appointed they returned, in such sort as you shal afterwards heare. This night because the people were very neere vnto vs, the Lieutenant caused the Trumpet to sound a call, and euery man in the Island repayring to the Ensigne, he put them in minde of the place so farre from their countrey wherein they liued, and the danger of a great multitude which they were subiect vnto, if good watch and warde were not kept, for at euery low water the enimie might come almost dryfoot from the mayne vnto vs, wherefore he willed euery man to prepare him in good readinesse vpon all sudden occasions, and so giuing the watch their charge, the company departed to rest. I thought the Captaines letter well worth the remembring, not for the circumstance of curious enditing, but for the substance and good meaning therein contained, and therefore haue repeated here the same, as by himselfe it was hastily written. The forme of M. Martin Frobishers letter to the English captiues. In the name of God, in whom we all beleeue, who (I trust) hath preserued your bodies and soules amongst these infidels, I commend me vnto you. I will be glad to seeke by al meanes you can deuise for your deliuerance, either with force, or with any commodities within my ships, which I will not spare for your sakes, or any thing else I can doe for you. I haue aboord, of theirs, a man, a woman, and a child, which I am contented to deliuer for you, but the man which I caried away from hence the last yeere is dead in England. Moreouer you may declare vnto them, that if they deliuer you not, I will not leaue a man aliue in their countrey. And thus, if one of you can come to speake with mee, they shall haue either the man, woman, or childe in pawne for yon. And thus vnto God whom I trust you doe serue, in hast I leaue you, and to him wee will dayly pray for you. This Tuesday morning the seuenth of August. Anno 1577. Yours to the vttermost of my power, MARTIN FROBISHER. [Sidenote: Postscript.] I haue sent you by these bearers, penne, ynke and paper to write backe vnto me againe, if personally you cannot come to certifie me of your estate. [Sidenote: The cause why M. Frobisher entred no further within the streits this yere.] Now had the Generall altered his determination for going any further into the Streites at this time for any further discouery of the passage, hauing taken a man and a woman of that countrey, which he thought sufficient for the vse of the language: and hauing also met with these people here, which intercepted his men the last yere, (as the apparell and English furniture which was found in their tents, very well declared) he knew it was but a labour lost to seeke further off, when he had found them there at hand. And considering also the short time he had in hand, he thought it best to bend his whole endeuour for the getting of Myne, and to leaue the passage further to be discouered hereafter. For his commission directed him in this voyage, onely for the searching of the Ore, and to deferre the further discouery of the passage vntill another time. [Sidenote: Bests bulwarke.] On Thursday the ninth of August we began to make a small Fort for our defence in the Countesse Island, and entrenched a corner of a cliffe, which on three parts like a wall of good height was compassed and well fenced with the sea, and we finished the rest with caskes of the earth, to good purpose, and this was called Bests bulwarke, after the Lieutenants name, who first deuised the same. This was done for that wee suspected more lest the desperate men might oppresse vs with multitude, then any feare we had of their force, weapons, or policie of battel; but as wisdome would vs in such place (so farre from home) not to be of our selues altogether carelesse: [Sidenote: Their King called Catchoe.] so the signes which our captiue made vnto vs, of the comming downe of his Gouernour or Prince, which he called Catchoe, gaue vs occasion to foresee what might ensue thereof, for he shewed by signes that this Catchoe was a man of higher stature farre then any of our nation is, [Sidenote: How he is honoured.] and he is accustomed to be caried vpon mens shoulders. About midnight the Lieutenant caused a false Alarme to be giuen in the Island, to proue as well the readines of the company there ashore, as also what helpe might be hoped for vpon the sudden from the ships if need so required, and euery part was found in good readines vpon such a sudden. Saturday the eleuenth of August the people shewed themselues againe, and called vnto vs from the side of a hil ouer against vs. The General (with good hope to heare of his men, and to haue answere of his letter) went ouer vnto them, where they presented themselues not aboue three in sight, but were hidden indeede in greater numbers behinde the rockes, and making signes of delay with vs to entrappe some of vs to redeeme their owne, did onely seek aduantage to traine our boat aboue a point of land from sight of our companie: [Sidenote: A bladder changed for a looking glasse.] whereupon our men iustly suspecting them, kept aloofe without their danger, and yet set one of our company ashore which tooke vp a great bladder which one of them offered vs, and leauing a looking glasse in the place, came into the boate againe. [Sidenote: No newes of the English captives.] In the meane while our men which stood in the Countesses Island to beholde, who might better discerne them, then those of the boate, by reason they were on higher ground, made a great outcrie vnto our men in the boate, for that they saw diuers of the Sauages creeping behind the rockes towards our men, wherupon the Generall presently returned without tidings of his men. [Sidenote: To what end the bladder was delivered.] Concerning this bladder which we receiued, our Captiue made signes that it was giuen him to keepe water and drinke in, but we suspected rather it was giuen him to swimme and shift away withall, for he and the woman sought diuers times to escape, hauing loosed our boates from asterne our ships, and we neuer a boate left to pursue them withall, and had preuailed very farre, had they not bene very timely espied and preuented therein. [Sidenote: Those people dancing vpon the hil toppes.] After our Generals comming away from them they mustred themselues in our sight, vpon the top of a hill, to the number of twenty in a rancke, all holding hands ouer their heads, and dancing with great noise and songs together: we supposed they made this dance and shew for vs to vnderstand that we might take view of their whole companies and forced, meaning belike that we should doe the same. And thus they continued vpon the hill tops vntill night, when hearing a piece of our great Ordinance, which thundred in the hollownesse of the high hilles, it made vnto them so fearefull a noise, that they had no great will to tarie long after. And this was done more to make them know our force then to doe them any hurt at all. [Sidenote: A skirmish shewed to those people.] On Sunday the 12 of August, Captaine Fenton trained the company, and made the souldiers maintaine a skirmish among themselues, as well for their exercise, as for the countrey people to behold in what readines our men were alwaies to be found, for it was to be thought, that they lay hid in the hilles thereabout, and obserued all the maner of our proceedings. [Sidenote: Their flags made of bladders.] On Wednesday the fourteenth of August, our Generall with two small boates well appointed, for that hee suspected the countrey people to lie lurking thereabout, went vp a certaine Bay within the Countesses sound, to search for Ore, and met againe with the countrey people, who so soone as they saw our men made great outcries, and with a white flag made of bladders sewed together with the guts and sinewes of beasts, wafted vs amaine vnto them, but shewed not aboue three of their company. But when wee came neere them, wee might perceiue a great multitude creeping behinde the rockes, which gaue vs good cause to suspect their traiterous meaning: whereupon we made them signes, that if they would lay their weapons aside, and come foorth, we would deale friendly with them, although their intent was manifested vnto vs: but for all the signes of friendship we could make them they came still creeping towards vs behind the rocks to get more aduantage of vs, as though we had no eyes to see them, thinking belike that our single wits could not discouer so bare deuises and simple drifts of theirs. Their spokesman earnestly perswaded vs with many intising shewes, to come eate and sleepe ashore, with great arguments of courtesie, and clapping his bare hands ouer his head in token of peace and innocencie, willed vs to doe the like. [Sidenote: Great offers.] But the better to allure our hungry stomackes, he brought vs a trimme baite of raw flesh, which for fashion sake with a boat-hooke wee caught into our boate: but when the cunning Cater perceiued his first cold morsell could nothing sharpen our stomacks, he cast about for a new traine of warme flesh to procure our appetites, wherefore be caused one of his fellowes in halting maner, to come foorth as a lame man from behind the rockes, and the better to declare his kindnes in caruing, he hoised him vpon his shoulders, and bringing him hard to the water side where we were, left him there limping as an easie prey to be taken of vs. His hope was that we would bite at this baite, and speedily leape ashore within their danger, wherby they might haue apprehended some of vs, to ransome their friends home againe, which before we had taken. The gentlemen and souldiers had great will to encounter them ashore, but the Generall more carefull by processe of time to winne them, then wilfully at the first to spoile them, would in no wise admit that any man should put himselfe in hazard ashore, considering the matter he now intended was for the Ore, and not for the Conquest: notwithstanding to prooue this cripples footemanship, he gaue liberty for one to shoote: whereupon the cripple hauing a parting blow, lightly recouered a rocke and went away a true and no fained cripple, and hath learned his lesson for euer halting afore such cripples againe. But his fellowes which lay hid before, full quickly then appeared in their likenesse, and maintained the skirmish with their slings, bowes and arrowes very fiercely, and came as neere as the water suffred them: and with as desperate minde as hath bene seene in any men, without feare of shotte or any thing, followed vs all along the coast, but all their shot fell short of vs, and are of little danger. [Sidenote: An hundreth Sauages.] They had belayed all the coast along for vs, and being dispersed so, were not well to be numbred, but wee might discerne of them aboue an hundreth persons, and had cause to suspect a greater number. And thus without losse or hurt we returned to our ships againe. Now our worke growing to an end, and hauing, onely with fiue poore Miners, and the helpe of a few gentlemen and souldiers, brought aboord almost two hundreth tunne of Ore in the space of twenty dayes, euery man therewithall well comforted, determined lustily to worke a fresh for a bone[69] voyage, to bring our labour to a speedy and happy ende. And vpon Wednesday at night, being the one and twentieth of August, we fully finished the whole worke. And it was now good time to leaue, for as the men were well wearied, so their shooes and clothes were well worne, their baskets bottoms torne out, their tooles broken, and the ships reasonably well filled. Some with ouer-straining themselues receiued hurts not a little dangerous, some hauing their bellies broken, and others their legs made lame. And about this time the yce began to congeale and freeze about our ships sides a night, which gaue vs a good argument of the Sunnes declining Southward, and put vs in mind to make more haste homeward. It is not a little worth the memorie, to the commendation of the gentlemen and souldiers herein, who leauing all reputation apart, with so great willingnesse and with couragious stomackes, haue themselues almost ouercome in so short a time the difficultie of this so great a labour. And this to be true, the matter, if it bee well weyed without further proofe, now brought home doth well witnesse. Thursday the 22 of August, we plucked downe our tents, and euery man hasted homeward, and making bonefires vpon the top of the highest Mount of the Island, and marching with Ensigne displayed round about the Island, wee gaue a vollie of shotte for a farewell, in honour of the right honourable Lady Anne, Countesse of Warwicke, whose name it beareth: and so departed aboord. [Sidenote: They returne.] The 23 of August hawing the wind large at West, we set saile from out of the Countesses sound homeward, but the wind calming we came to anker within the point of the same sound againe. The 24 of August about three of the clocke in the morning, hauing the wind large at West, we set saile againe, and by nine of the clocke at night, wee left the Queenes Foreland asterne of vs, and being cleere of the Streites, we bare further into the maine Ocean, keeping our course more Southerly, to bring our selues the sooner vnder the latitude of our owne climate. [Sidenote: Snow halfe a foote deepe in August.] The wind was very great at sea, so that we lay a hull all night, and had snow halfe a foote deepe on the hatches. From the 24 vntil the 28 we had very much wind, but large, keeping our course Southsoutheast, and had like to haue lost the Barkes, but by good hap we met againe. The height being taken, we were in [70]degrees and a halfe. The 29 of August the wind blew much at Northeast, so that we could beare but onely a bunt of our foresaile, and the Barkes were not able to cary any sayle at all. The Michael lost company of vs and shaped her course towards Orkney because that way was better knowne vnto them, and arriued at Yermouth. [Sidenote: The Master of the Gabriell strooken ouerboord.] The 30 of August with the force of the wind, and a surge of the sea, the Master of the Gabriel and the boatswain were striken both ouerboord, and hardly was the boatswain recouered, hauing hold on a roape hanging ouerboord in the sea, and yet the barke was laced fore and after with ropes a breast high within boorde. This Master was called William Smith, being but a yong man and a very sufficient mariner, who being all the morning before exceeding pleasant, told his Captaine he dreamed that he was cast ouerboord, and that the Boatswain had him by the hand, and could not saue him, and so immediately vpon the end of his tale, his dreame came right euilly to passe, and indeed the Boatswain in like sort held him by one hand, hauing hold on a rope with the other, vntill his force fayled, and the Master drowned. The height being taken we found ourselues to be in the latitude of [71] degrees and a halfe, and reckoned our selues from the Queenes Cape homeward about two hundreth leagues. The last of August about midnight, we had two or three great and sudden flawes or stormes. The first of September the storme was growen very great, and continued almost the whole day and night, and lying a hull to tarrie for the Barkes our ship was much beaten with the seas, euery sea almost ouertaking our poope, so that we were constrained with a bunt of our saile to trie it out, and ease the rolling of our ship. And so the Gabriel not able to beare any sayle to keepe company with vs, and our ship being higher in the poope, and a tall ship, whereon the winde had more force to driue, went so fast away that we lost sight of them, and left them to God and their good fortune of Sea. [Sidenote: The Rudder of the Aide torne in twain.] The second day of September in the morning, it pleased God of his goodnesse to send vs a calme, whereby we perceiued the Rudder of our ship torne in twaine, and almost ready to fall away. Wherefore taking the benefite of the time, we flung half a dozen couple of our best men ouer boord, who taking great paines vnder water, driuing plankes, and binding with ropes, did well strengthen and mend the matter, who returned the most part more then halfe dead out of the water, and as Gods pleasure was, the sea was calme vntill the worke was finished. The fift of September, the height of the Sunne being taken, we found our selues to be in the latitude of [72] degrees and a halfe. [Sidenote: How the latitudes were alwayes taken in this voyage rather with the Staffe then Astrolabe.] In this voyage commonly wee tooke the latitude of the place by the height of the sunne, because the long day taketh away the light not onely of the Polar, but also of all other fixed Starres. And here the North Starre is so much eleuated aboue the Horizon, that with the staffe it is hardly to bee well obserued, and the degrees in the Astrolabe are too small to obserue minutes: Therefore wee alwaies vsed the Staffe and the sunne as fittest instruments for this vse. Hauing spent foure or fiue dayes in trauerse of the seas with contrary winde, making our Souther way good as neere as we could, to raise our degrees to bring ourselues with the latitude of Sylley, wee tooke the height the tenth of September, and found our selues in the latitude of [73] degrees and ten minutes. The eleuenth of September about sixe a clocke at night the winde came good Southwest, we vered sheat and set our course Southeast. And vpon Thursday, the twelfth of September, taking the height, we were in the latitude of [74] and a halfe, and reckoned our selues not past one hundred and fifty leagues short of Sylley, the weather faire, the winde large at Westsouthwest, we kept our course Southeast. The thirteenth day the height being taken, wee found our selues to be in the latitude of [75] degrees, the wind Westsouthwest, then being in the height of Sylley, and we kept our course East, to run in with the sleeue or chanel so called, being our narrow seas, and reckoned vs short of Sylley twelue leagues. Sonday, the 15 of September about foure of the clocke, we began to sound with our lead, and had ground at 61 fadome depth, white small sandy ground, and reckoned vs vpon the backe of Sylley, and set our course East and by North, Eastnortheast, and Northeast among. The sixteenth of September, about eight of the clocke in the morning sounding, we had 65. fadome osey[76] sand, and thought our selues thwart of S. Georges channell a little within the banks. And bearing a small saile all night, we made many soundings, which were about fortie fadome, and so shallow, that we could not well tell where we were. The seuenteenth of September we sounded, and had forty fadome, and were not farre off the lands end, finding branded sand with small wormes and Cockle shells, and were shotte betweene Sylley and the lands ende, and being within the bay, we were not able to double the pointe with a South and by East way, but were faine to make another boord, the wind being at Southwest and by West, and yet could not double the point to come cleere of the lands end, to beare along the channell: and the weather cleered vp when we were hard aboord the shore, and we made the lands end perfit, and so put vp along Saint Georges channel. [Sidenote: The arriual of the Aide at Padstow in Cornewall.] And the weather being very foule at sea, we coueted some harborough, because our steerage was broken, and so came to ancor in Padstow road in Cornewall. But riding there a very dangerous roade, we were aduised by the Countrey, to put to Sea againe, and of the two euils, to chose the lesse, for there was nothing but present perill where we rode: [Sidenote: Our comming to Milford Hauen.] whereupon we plyed along the channell to get to Londy, from whence we were againe driuen, being but an open roade, where our anker came home, and with force of weather put to Seas againe, and about the three and twentieth of September, arriued at Milford Hauen in Wales, which being a very good harborough, made vs happy men, that we had receiued such long desired safetie. About one moneth after our arriuall here, by order from the Lords of the Counsell, the ship came up to Bristow, where the Ore was committed to keeping in the Castel there. [Sidenote: The arriuall of the Gabriel at Bristow.] Here we found the Gabriel one of the Barkes, arriued in good safetie, who hauing neuer a man within boord very sufficient to bring home the ship, after the Master was lost, by good fortune, when she came vpon the coast, met with a ship of Bristow at sea, who conducted her in safety thither. [Sidenote: The Michael arriued in the North parts. Only one man died the voyage.] Here we heard good tidings also of the arriuall of the other Barke called the Michael, in the North parts, which was not a little ioyful vnto vs, that it pleased God so to bring vs to a safe meeting againe, and wee lost in all that voyage only one man, besides one that dyed at sea, which was sicke before he came aboord, and was so desirous to follow this enterprise, that he rather chose to dye therein, then not to be one to attempt so notable a voyage. The third voyage of Captaine Frobisher, pretended for the discouery of Cataia, by Meta Incognita, Anno Do, 1578. The Generall being returned from the second voyage, immediately after his arriuall in England repaired with all hast to the Court being then at Windsore, to aduertise her Majestie of his prosperous proceeding, and good successe in this last voyage, and of the plenty of gold Ore, with other matters of importance which he had in those Septentrionall parts discouered. [Sidenote: M. Frobisher commended of her Maiestie.] He was courteously enterteyned, and heartily welcommed of many noble men, but especially for his great aduenture, commended of her Maiestie, at whose hands he receiued great thankes, and most gracious countenance, according to his deserts. [Sidenote: The Gentlemen commended.] Her Highnesse also greatly commended the rest of the Gentlemen in this seruice, for their great forwardnes in this so dangerous an attempt: but especially she reioyced very much, that among them there was so good order of gouernment, so good agreement, euery man so ready in his calling, to do whatsoeuer the Generall should command, which due commendation gratiously of her Maiestie remembred, gaue so great encouragement to all the Captaines and Gentlemen, that they to continue her Highnesse so good and honourable opinion of them, haue since neither spared labour, limme, nor life, to bring this matter (so well begun) to a happie and prosperous ende. [Sidenote: Commissioners appointed to examine the goodnesse of the Ore.] And finding that the matter of the golde Ore had appearance and made shew of great riches and profit, and the hope of the passage to Cataya, by this last voyage greatly increased, her Maiestie appointed speciall Commissioners chosen for this purpose, gentlemen of great iudgement, art, and skill, to looke thorowly into the cause, for the true triall and due examination thereof, and for the full handling of all matters thereunto appertaining. [Sidenote: A name giuen to the place new discouered.] And because that place and countrey hath neuer heretofore bene discouered, and therefore had no speciall name, by which it might be called and knowen, her Maiestie named it very properly Meta Incognita, as a marke and bound vtterly hitherto vnknowen. The commissioners after sufficient triall and proofe made of the Ore, and hauing vnderstood by sundrie reasons, and substantiall grounds, the possibilitie and likelyhood of the passage, aduertised her highnesse, that the cause was of importance, and the voyage greatly worthy to be aduanced againe. Wherevpon preparation was made of ships and all other things necessary, with such expedition, as the time of the yeere then required. And because it was assuredly made accompt of, that the commoditie of Mines, there already discouered, would at the least counteruaille in all respects the aduenturers charge, and giue further hope and likelyhood of greater matters to follow: [Sidenote: The hope of the passage to Cataya.] it was thought needfull, both for the better guard of those parts already found, and for further discouery of the Inland and secrets of those countreys, and also for further search of the passage to Cataya (whereof the hope continually more and more increaseth) that certaine numbers of chosen souldiers and discreet men for those purposes should be assigned to inhabite there. [Sidenote: A forte to be built in Meta Incognita.] Wherevpon there was a strong fort or house of timber, artificially framed, and cunningly deuised by a notable learned man here at home, in ships to be caried thither, wherby those men that were appointed to winter and stay there the whole yere, might as well bee defended from the danger of snow and colde ayre, as also fortified from the force or offence of those countrey people, which perhaps otherwise with too great multitudes might oppresse them. And to this great aduenture and notable exploit many well minded and forward yong Gentlemen of our countrey willingly haue offered themselues. And first Captaine Fenton Lieutenant generall for Captaine Frobisher, and in charge of the company with him there, Captaine Best, and Captaine Filpot, vnto whose good discretions the gouernment of that seruice was chiefly commended, who, as men not regarding peril in respect of the profit and common wealth of their countrey, were willing to abide the first brunt and aduenture of those dangers among a sauage and brutish kinde of people, in a place hitherto euer thought for extreme cold not habitable. [Sidenote: A hundreth men appointed to inhabite there.] The whole number of men which had offered, and were appointed to inhabite Meta Incognita all the yeere, were one hundreth persons, whereof 40 should be mariners for the vse of ships, 30 Miners for gathering the gold Ore together for the next yere, and 30 souldiers for the better guard of the rest, within which last number are included the Gentlemen, Goldfiners, Bakers, Carpenters, and all necessary persons. To each of the Captaines was assigned one ship, as wel for the further searching of the coast and countrey there, as for to returne and bring backe their companies againe, if the necessity of the place so vrged, or by miscarying of the fleet the next yere, they might be disappointed of their further prouision. Being therefore thus furnished with al necessaries, there were ready to depart vpon the said voyage 15 saile of good ships, whereof the whole number was to returne again with their loding of gold Ore in the end of the sommer, except those 3 ships, which should be left for the vse of those Captains which should inhabite there the whole yere. And being in so good readinesse, the Generall with all the Captaines came to the Court, then lying at Greenwich, to take their leaue of her Maiestie, at whose hands they all receiued great encouragement, and gracious countenance. [Sidenote: A chaine of gold giuen to M. Frobisher.] Her highnesse besides other good gifts, and greater promises, bestowed on the Generall a faire chaine of golde, and the rest of the Captaines kissed her hand, tooke their leaue, and departed euery man towards their charge. The names of the Ships with their seuerall Captaines. 1 In the Aide being Admirall, was the Generall Captaine Frobisher. 2 In the Thomas Allen Viceadmirall Captaine Yorke. 3 In the Iudith Lieutenant generall Captaine Fenton. 4 In the Anne Francis Captaine Best. 5 In the Hopewell Captaine Carew. 6 In the Beare Captaine Filpot. 7 In the Thomas of Ipswich Captaine Tanfield. 8 In the Emmanuel of Exceter Captaine Courtney. 9 In the Francis of Foy Captaine Moyles. 10 In the Moone Captaine Vpcot. 11 In the Emmanuel of Bridgewater Captaine Newton. 12 In the Salomon of Weymouth Captaine Randal. 13 In the Barke Dennis Captaine Kendal. 14 In the Gabriel Captaine Haruey. 15 In the Michael Captaine Kinnersly. The sayd fifteene saile of ships arriued and met together at Harwich, the seuen and twentieth day of May Anno 1578, where the Generall and the other Captaines made view, and mustred their companies. And euery seuerall Captaine receiued from the Generall certaine Articles of direction, for the better keeping of order and company together in the way, which Articles are as followeth. Articles and orders to be obserued for the Fleete, set downe by Captaine Frobisher Generall, and deliuered in writing to euery Captaine, as well for keeping company, as for the course, the 31 of May. 1 In primis, to banish swearing, dice, and card-playing, and filthy communication, and to serue God twice a day, with the ordinary seruice vsuall in Churches of England, and to cleare the glasse, according to the old order of England. 2 The Admirall shall carie the light, and after his light be once put out, no man to goe a head of him, but euery man to fit his sailes to follow as neere as they may, without endangering one another. 3 That no man shall by day or by night depart further from the Admirall then the distance of one English mile, and as neere as they may, without danger one of another. 4 If it chance to grow thicke, and the wind contrary, either by day or by night, that the Admirall be forced to cast about, before her casting about shee shall giue warning, by shooting off a peece, and to her shall answere the Viceadmirall and the Rereadmirall each of them with a piece, if it bee by night, or in a fogge; and that the Viceadmirall shall answere first, and the Rereadmirall last. 5 That no man in the fleete descrying any sayle or sayles, giue vpon any occasion any chace before he haue spoken with the Admirall. 6 That euery euening all the Fleete come vp and speake with the Admirall, at seuen of the Clocke or betweene that and eight and if the weather will not serue them all to speake with the Admirall, then some shall come to the Viceadmirall, and receiue the order of their course of Master Hall chiefe Pilot of the Fleete, as he shall direct them. 7 If to any man in the Fleete there happen any mischance, they shall presently shoote off two peeces by day, and if it be by night, two peeces, and shew two lights. 8 If any man in the fleete come vp in the night, and hale his fellow, knowing him not, he shall giue him this watch-word, Before the world was God. The other shal answere him (if he be one of our Fleete) After God came Christ his Sonne. So that if any be found amongst vs, not of our owne company, he that first descrieth any such sayle or sayles, shall giue warning to the Admirall by himselfe or any other, that he can speake to, that sailes better then he, being neerest vnto him. 9 That every ship in the fleete in the time of fogs, which continually happen with little winds, and most part calmes, shal keepe a reasonable noise with trumpet, drumme, or otherwise, to keepe themselues cleere one of another. 10 If it fall out so thicke or mistie that we lay it to hull, the Admirall shall giue warning with a piece, and putting out three lights one ouer another, to the end that euery man may take in his sailes, and at his setting of sayles againe doe the like if it be not cleere. 11 If any man discover land by night, that he giue the like warning, that he doth for mischances, two lights, and two pieces, if it be by day one piece, and put out his flagge, and strike all his sailes he hath aboord. 12 If any ship shall happen to lose company by force of weather, then any such ship or ships shall get her into the latitude of [77] and so keepe that latitude vntill they get Frisland. And after they be past the West parts of Frisland, they shall get them into the latitude of [78] and [79] and not to the Northward of [80] and being once entred within the Streites, al such ships shal euery watch shoote off a good piece, and looke out well for smoke and fire, which those that get in first shall make euery night, vntill all the fleete be come together. 13 That vpon the sight of an ensigne in the mast of the Admirall (a piece being shot off) the whole fleete shall repaire to the Admirall, to vnderstand such conference as the Generall is to haue with them. 14 If we chance to meete with any enemies, that foure ships shall attend vpon the Admirall, viz. the Francis of Foy, the Moone, the Barke Dennis, and the Gabriel: and foure vpon my Lieutenant generall in the Iudith, viz. the Hopewel, the Armenal, the Beare, and the Salomon: and the other foure vpon the Vizadmirall, the Anne Francis, the Thomas of Ipswich, the Emmanuel, and the Michael. 15 If there happen any disordred person in the Fleete, that he be taken and kept in safe custodie vntill he may conueniently be brought aboord the Admirall, and there to receiue such punishment as his or their offences shall deserue. By me Martin Frobisher. Our departure from England. Hauing receiued these articles of direction we departed from Harwich the one and thirtieth of May. [Sidenote: Cape Cleare the sixt of Iune.] And sayling along the South part of England Westward, we at length came by the coast of Ireland at Cape Cleare the sixth of Iune, and gaue chase there to a small barke which was supposed to be a Pyrat, or Rouer on the Seas, but it fell out indeede that they were poore men of Bristow, who had met with such company of Frenshmen as had spoiled and slaine many of them, and left the rest so sore wounded that they were like to perish in the sea, hauing neither hand nor foote hole to helpe themselues with, nor victuals to sustaine their hungry bodies. [Sidenote: A charitable deede.] Our Generall, who well vnderstood the office of a Souldier and an Englishman, and knew well what the necessitie of the Sea meaneth, pitying much the miserie of the poore men, relieved them with Surgerie and Salues to heale their hurtes, and with meate and drinke to comfort their pining hearts: some of them hauing neither eaten nor dronke more then oliues and stinking water in many dayes before, as they reported. And after this good deede done, hauing a large wind, we kept our course vpon our sayd voyage without staying for the taking in of fresh water, or any other prouision, whereof many of the fleete were not throughly furnished: [Sidenote: Marke this current.] and sayling towards the Northwest parts from Ireland, we mette with a great current from out of the Southwest, which caried vs (by our reckoning) one point to the Northeastwards of our sayd course, which current seemed to vs to continue it selfe towards Norway, and other the Northeast parts of the world, whereby we may be induced to beleeue, that this is the same which the Portugals meete at Capo de buona Speranza,[81] where striking ouer from thence to the Streites of Magellan, and finding no passage there for the narrownesse of the sayde Streites, runneth along into the great Bay of Mexico, where also hauing a let of land, it is forced to strike backe againe towards the Northeast,[82] as we not onely here, but in another place also, further to the Northwards, by good experience this yeere haue found, as shalbe hereafter in his place more at large declared. Now had we sayled about fourteene dayes, without sight of any land, or any other liuing thing, except certaine foules, as Wilmots, Nodies, Gulles, &c. which there seeme onely to liue by sea. [Sidenote: West England.] The twentieth of Iune, at two of the clocke in the morning, the Generall descried land, and found it to be West Frisland, now named west England. Here the Generall, and other Gentlemen went ashore, being the first knowen Christians that we haue true notice of, that euer set foot vpon that ground: and therefore the Generall took possession thereof to the vse of our Soueraigne Lady the Queenes Maiestie, and discouered here a goodly harborough for the ships, where were also certaine little boates of that countrey. And being there landed, they espied certaine tents and people of that countrey, which were (as they iudge) in all sorts, very like those of Meta Incognita, as by their apparell, and other things which we found in their tents, appeared. The Sauage and simple people so soone as they perceiued our men comming towards them (supposing there had bene no other world but theirs) fled fearefully away, as men much amazed at so strange a sight, and creatures of humane shape, so farre in apparell, complexion, and other things different from themselues. They left in their tents all their furniture for haste behind them, where amongst other things were found a boxe of small nailes, and certaine red Herrings, boords of Firre tree well cut, with diuers other things artificially wrought: whereby it appeareth, that they haue trade with some ciuill people, or else are indeede themselues artificiall workmen. Our men brought away with them onely two of their dogs, leauing in recompense belles, looking-glasses, and diuers of our countrey toyes behinde them. This countrey, no doubt, promiseth good hope of great commoditie and riches, if it may be well discouered. The description whereof you shall finde more at large in the second voyage. [Sidenote: Frisland supposed to be continent with Greenland.] Some are of opinion, that this West England is firme land with the Northeast partes of Meta Incognita, or else with Groenland. And their reason is, because the people, apparel, boates, and other things are so like to theirs: and another reason is, the multitude of Islands of yce, which lay betweene it and Meta Incognita, doth argue, that on the North side there is a bay, which cannot be but by conioyning of the two lands together. [Sidenote: The 23rd of Iune.] And hauing a faire and large winde we departed from thence towards Frobishers Streites, the three and twentieth of Iune. [Sidenote: Charing Crosse.] But first wee gaue name to a high cliffe in West England, the last that was in our sight, and for a certaine sinulitude we called it Charing crosse. Then wee bare Southerly towards the Sea, because to the Northwardes of this coast we met with much driuing yce, which by reason of the thicke mistes and weather might haue bene some trouble vnto vs. On Munday the last of Iune, wee met with many great Whales, as they had bene Porposes. [Sidenote: A Whale strooke a ship.] The same day the Salamander being vnder both her corses and bonets, happened to strike a great Whale with her full stemme, with such a blow that the ship stoode still, and stirred neither forward or backward. The Whale thereat made a great and vgly noyse, and cast vp his body and taile, and sowent vnder water, and within two dayes after, there was found a great Whale dead swimming aboue water, which wee supposed was that which the Salamander strooke. [Sidenote: Frobishers Streites choked vp with yce.] The second day of Iuly early in the morning we had sight of the Queenes Foreland, and bare in with the land all the day, and passing thorow great quantity of yce, by night were entred somewhat within the Streites, perceiuing no way to passe further in, the whole place being frozen ouer from the one side to the other, and as it were with many walles, mountaines, and bulwarks of yce, choked vp the passage, and denied vs entrance. And yet doe I not thinke that this passage or Sea hereabouts is frozen ouer at any time of the yere: albeit it seemed so vnto vs by the abundance of yce gathered together, which occupied the whole place. But I doe rather suppose these yce to bee bred in the hollow soundes and freshets thereabouts: which by the heate of the Summers Sunne, being loosed, doe emptie themselues with the ebbes into the sea, and so gather in great abundance there together. And to speake somewhat here of the ancient opinion of the frozen sea in these parts: I doe thinke it to be rather a bare coniecture of men, then that euer any man hath made experience of any such Sea. And that which they speake of Mare glaciale, may be truely thought to be spoken of these parts: [Sidenote: Salt water cannot freeze.] for this may well be called indeede the ycie sea, but not the frozen sea, for no sea consisting of salt water can be frozen, as I haue more at large herein shewed my opinion in my second voyage, for it seemeth impossible for any sea to bee frozen, which hath his course of ebbing and flowing, especially in those places where the tides doe ebbe and flowe aboue ten fadome. And also all these aforesayd yce, which we sometime met a hundredth mile from lande, being gathered out of the salt Sea, are in taste fresh, and being dissolued, become sweete and holesome water.[83] And the cause why this yere we haue bene more combred with yce then at other times before, may be by reason of the Easterly and Southerly winds, which brought vs more timely thither now then we looked for. Which blowing from the sea directly vponn the place of our Streites, hath kept in the yce, and not suffered them to be caried out by the ebbe to the maine sea, where they would in more short time have bene dissolued. And all these fleeting yce are not only so dangerous in that they wind and gather so neere together, that a man may passe sometimes tenne or twelue miles as it were vpon one firme Island of yce: but also for that they open and shut together againe in such sort with the tides and sea-gate, that whilst one ship followeth the other with full sayles, the yce which was open vnto the foremost will ioyne and close together before the latter can come to follow the first, whereby many times our shippes were brought into great danger, as being not able so sodainely to take in our sayles or stay the swift way of our ships. We were forced many times to stemme and strike great rockes of yce, and so as it were make way through mighty mountaines. By which meanes some of the fleete, where they found the yce to open, entred in, and passed so farre within the danger thereof, with continuall desire to recouer their port, that it was the greatest wonder of the world that they euer escaped safe, or were euer heard of againe. For euen at this present we missed two of the fleete, that is, the Iudith, wherein was the Lieutenant Generall Captaine Fenton; and the Michael, whom both we supposed had bene vtterly lost, hauing not heard any tidings of them in moe then 20 dayes before. [Sidenote: Barke Dennis sunke.] And one of our fleete named the Barke Dennis, being of an hundreth tunne burden, seeking way in amongst these yce, receiued such a blow with a rocke of yce that she sunke downe therewith in the sight of the whole fleete. Howbeit hauing signified her danger by shooting off a peece of great Ordinance, new succour of other ships came so readily vnto them, that the men were all saued with boats. [Sidenote: Part of the house lost.] Within this ship that was drowned there was parcell of our house which was to bee erected for them that should stay all the Winter in Meta Incognita. This was a more fearefull spectacle for the Fleete to beholde, for that the outragious storme which presently followed, threatned them the like fortune and danger. For the Fleete being thus compassed (as aforesayd) on euery side with yce, having left much behinde them, thorow which they passed, and finding more before them, thorow which it was not possible to passe, there arose a sudden terrible tempest at the Southeast, which blowing from the maine sea, directly vpon the place of the Streites, brought together all the yce a sea-boorde of vs vpon our backes, and thereby debard vs of turning backe to recouer sea-roome againe: so that being thus compassed with danger on euery side, sundry men with sundry deuises sought the best way to saue themselues. Some of the ships, where they could find a place more cleare of yce, and get a little birth of sea roome, did take in their sayles, and there lay a drift. Other some fastened and mored Anker vpon a great Island of yce, and roade vnder the Lee thereof, supposing to be better guarded thereby from the outragious winds, and the danger of the lesser fleeting yce. And againe some were so fast shut vp, and compassed in amongst an infinite number of great countreys and Islands of yce, that they were faine to submit themselues and their ships to the mercy of the vnmerciful yce, and strengthened the sides of their shipps with iuncks of cables, beds, Mastes, plankes and such like, which being hanged ouerboard on the sides of their ships, might the better defend them from the outragious sway and strokes of the said yce. But as in greatest distresse, men of best valor are best to be discerned, so it is greatly worthy commendation and noting with what inuincible minde euery Captaine encouraged his company, and with what incredible labour the painefull Mariners and poore Miners (vnacquainted with such extremities) to the euerlasting renowne of our nation, did ouercome the brunt of these so great and extreme dangers: for some, even without boord vpon the yce, and some within boord vpon the sides of their ships, hauing poles, pikes, pieces of timber, and Ores in their handes, stoode almost day and night without any rest, bearing off the force, and breaking the sway of the yce with such incredible paine and perill, that it was wonderfull to beholde, which otherwise no doubt had striken quite through and through the sides of their ships, notwithstanding our former prouision: for plankes of timber more then three inches thicke, and other things of greater force and bignesse, by the surging of the sea and billowe, with the yce were shiuered and cut in sunder, at the sides of our ships, so that it will seeme more then credible to be reported of. And yet (that which is more) it is faithfully and plainely to bee prooued, and that by many substantiall witnesses, that our ships, euen those of greatest burdens, with the meeting of contrary waues of the sea, were heaued vp betweene Islands of yce, a foote welneere out of the sea aboue their watermarke, hauing their knees and timbers within boord both bowed and broken therewith. And amidst these extremes, whilest some laboured for defence of the ships, and sought to saue their bodies, other some of more milder spirit sought to saue the soule by deuout prayer and meditation to the Almightie, thinking indeede by no other meanes possible then by a diuine Miracle to haue their deliuerance: so that there was none that were either idle, or not well occupied, and he that helde himselfe in best securitie had (God knoweth) but onely bare hope remayning for his best safetie. Thus all the gallant Fleete and miserable men without hope of euer getting foorth againe, distressed with these extremities remayned here all the whole night and part of the next day, excepting foure ships, that is the Annie Francis, the Moone, the Francis of Foy, and the Gabriell, which being somewhat a Seaboord of the Fleete, and being fast ships by a winde, hauing a more scope of cleare, tryed it out all the time of the storme vnder sayle, being hardly able to beare a coast of each. And albeit, by reason of the fleeting yce, which were dispersed here almost the whole sea ouer, they were brought many times to the extreamest point of perill, mountaines of yce tenne thousand times scaping them scarce one ynch, which to have striken had bene their present destruction, considering the swift course and way of the ships, and the unwieldinesse of them to stay and turne as a man would wish: yet they esteemed it their better safetie, with such perill to seeke Sea-roome, then without hope of euer getting libertie to lie striuing against the streame, and beating against the Isie mountaines, whose hugenesse and monstrous greatnesse was such, that no man would credite, but such as to their paines sawe and felt it. And these foure shippes by the next day at noone got out to Sea, and were first cleare of the yce, who now enioying their owne libertie, beganne a new to sorrow and feare for their fellowes safeties. And deuoutly kneeling about their maine Mast, they gaue vnto God humble thankes, not only for themselues, but besought him likewise highly for their friendes deliuerance. And euen now whilst amiddest these extremities this gallant Fleete and valiant men were altogither ouerlaboured and forewatched, with the long and fearefull continuance of the foresayd dangers, it pleased God with his eyes of mercie to looke downe from heauen to sende them helpe in good time, giuing them the next day a more favourable winde at the West Northwest, which did not onely disperse and driue foorth the yce before them, but also gaue them libertie of more scope and Sea-roome, and they were by night of the same day following perceiued of the other foure shippes, where (to their greatest comfort) they enioyed againe the fellowship one of another. Some in mending the sides of their ships, some in setting vp their top Mastes, and mending their sayles and tacklings; Againe, some complayning of their false Stemme borne away, some in stopping their leakes, some in recounting their dangers past, spent no small time and labour. So that I dare well auouch, there were neuer men more dangerously distressed, nor more mercifully by Gods prouidence deliuered. And hereof both the torne ships, and the forwearied bodies of the men arriued doe beare most euident marke and witnesse. And now the whole Fleete plyed off to Seaward, resoluing there to abide vntill the Sunne might consume, or the force of winde disperse these yce from the place of their passage; and being a good birth off the shore, they tooke in their sailes, and lay adrift. [Sidenote: Another assault.] The seuenth of Iuly as men nothing yet dismayed, we cast about towards the inward, and had sight of land, which rose in forme like the Northerland of the straights, which some of the Fleete, and those not the worst Marriners, iudged to be the North Foreland: howbeit other some were of contrary opinion. [Sidenote: Fogge, snow, and mistes hinder the Mariners markes.] But the matter was not well to be discerned by reason of the thicke fogge which a long time hung vpon the coast, and the new falling snow which yeerely altereth the shape of the land, and taketh away oftentimes the Mariners markes. And by reason of the darke mists which continued by the space of twentie dayes togither, this doubt grewe the greater and the longer perilous. [Sidenote: A swift current from the Northeast.] For whereas indeede we thought ourselues to be vpon the Northeast side of Frobishers straights, we were now caried to the Southwestwards of the Queenes Foreland, and being deceiued by a swift current comming from the Northeast, were brought to the Southwestwards of our said course many miles more then we did thinke possible could come to passe. The cause whereof we haue since found, and it shall be at large hereafter declared. [Sidenote: A current.] Here we made a point of land which some mistooke for a place in the straightes called Mount Warwicke: but how we should be so farre shot vp so suddainely within the said straights the expertest Mariners began to maruell, thinking it a thing impossible that they could be so farre ouertaken in their accounts, or that any current could deceiue them here which they had not by former experience prooued and found out. Howbeit many confessed that they found a swifter course of flood then before time they had obserued. And truely it was wonderfull to heare and see the rushing and noise that the tides do make in this place with so violent a force that our ships lying a hull were turned sometimes round about euen in a moment, after the maner of a whirlepoole, and the noyse of the streame no lesse to be heard afarre off, then the waterfall of London Bridge. [Sidenote: Iames Beare a good Mariner.] But whilst the Fleete lay thus doubtfull amongst great store of yce in a place they knew not without sight of Sunne, whereby to take the height, and so to know the true eleuation of the pole, and without any cleere of light to make perfite the coast, the Generall with the Captaines and Masters of his ships, began doubtfully to question of the matter, and sent his Pinnesse aboord to heare each man's opinion, and specially of Iames Beare, Master of the Anne Francis, who was knowen to be a sufficient and skillfull Mariner, and hauing bene there the yere before, had wel obserued the place, and drawen out Cardes of the coast. [Sidenote: Christopher Hall chiefe Pylot.] But the rather this matter grew the more doubtfull, for that Christopher Hall chiefe Pilot of the voyage, deliuered a plaine and publique opinion in the hearing of the whole Fleete, that hee had neuer seene the foresayd coast before, and that he not could make it for any place of Frobishers Streits, as some of the Fleete supposed, and yet the landes doe lie and trend so like, that the best Mariners therein may bee deceiued. The tenth of Iuly, the weather still continuing thicke and darke, some of the ships in the fogge lost sight of the Admirall and the rest of the fleete, and wandering to and fro, with doubtfull opinion whether it were best to seeke backe againe to seaward through great store of yce, or to follow on a doubtfull course in a Sea, Bay, or Streites they knew not, or along a coast, whereof by reason of the darke mistes they could not discerne the dangers, if by chance any rocke or broken ground should lie of the place, as commonly in these parts it doth. The Viceadmirall Captaine Yorke considering the foresayd opinion of the Pylot Hall, who was with him in the Thomas Allen, hauing lost sight of the Fleete, turned backe to sea againe hauing two other ships in company with him. Also the Captain of the Anne Francis hauing likewise lost companie of the Fleete, and being all alone, held it for best to turne it out to sea againe, vntill they might haue cleere weather to take the Sunnes altitude, and with incredible paine and perill got out of the doubtfull place, into the open Sea againe, being so narrowly distressed by the way, by meanes of continuall fogge and yce, that they were many times ready to leapt vpon an Island of yce to auoide the present danger, and so hoping to prolong life awhile meant rather to die a pining death. [Sidenote: Hard shifts to saue mens liues.] Some hoped to saue themselues on chestes, and some determined to tie the Hatches of the ships togither, and to binde themselues with their furniture fast thereunto, and so to be towed with the ship bote ashore, which otherwise could not receiue halfe of the companie, by which meanes if happily they had arriued they should eyther haue perished for lacke of foode to eate, or else should themselues haue beene eaten of those rauenous, bloodie, and Men-eating people. The rest of the Fleete following the course of the Generall which led them the way, passing vp aboue sixtie leagues [Sidenote: The coast along the Southside of Gronland 60 leagues.] within the saide doubtfull and supposed straights, hauing alwayes a faire continent vpon their starreboorde side, and a continuance still of an open Sea before them. [Sidenote: Mistaken straights which indeed are no straights.] The Generall albeit with the first perchance he found out the error, and that this was not the olde straights, yet he perswaded the Fleete alwayes that they were in their right course, and knowen straights. Howbeit I suppose he rather dissembled his opinion therein then otherwise, meaning by that policie (being himselfe led with an honourable desire of further discouerie) to induce the Fleete to follow him, to see a further proofe of that place. [Sidenote: Frobisher could haue passed to Cataia.] And as some of the companie reported, he hath since confessed that if it had not bene for the charge and care he had of the Fleete and fraughted ships, he both would and could haue gone through to the South Sea, called Mar del Sur, and dissolued the long doubt of the passage which we seeke to find to the rich countrey of Cataya. 1 Of which mistaken straights, considering the circumstance, we haue great cause to confirme our opinion, to like and hope well of the passage in this place. [Sidenote: Faire open way.] For the foresaid Bay or Sea, the further we sayled therein, the wider we found it, with great likelihood of endlesse continuance. [Sidenote: Reasons to prooue a passage here.] And where in other places we were much troubled with yce, as in the entrance of the same, so after we had sayled fiftie or sixtie leagues therein we had no let of yce or other thing at all, as in other places we found. [Sidenote: Great indrafts.] 2 Also this place seemeth to haue a maruellous great indraft, and draweth vnto it most of the drift yce, and other things which doe fleete in the Sea, either to the North or Eastwards of the same, as by good experience we haue found. [Sidenote: A current to the West.] 3 For here also we met with boordes, lathes, and diuers other things driuing in the Sea, which was of the wracke of the ship called the Barke Dennis, which perished amongst the yce as beforesaid, being lost at the first attempt of the entrance ouerthwart the Queenes forelande in the mouth of Frobishers straights, which could by no meanes haue bene so brought thither, neither by winde nor tyde, being lost so many leagues off, if by force of the said current the same had not bene violently brought. For if the same had bene brought thither by tide of flood, looke how farre the said flood had carried it, the ebbe would haue recarried it as farre backe againe, and by the winde it could not so come to passe, because it was then sometime calme, and most times contrarie. [Sidenote: Nine houres flood to three houres ebbe.] And some Mariners doe affirme that they haue diligently obserued, that there runneth in this place nine houres flood to three ebbe, which may thus come to passe by force of the sayd current: for whereas the Sea in most places of the world, doth more or lesse ordinarily ebbe and flow once euery twelue houres with sixe houres ebbe, and sixe houres flood, so also would it doe there, were it not for the violence of this hastening current, which forceth the flood to make appearance to beginne before his ordinary time one houre and a halfe, and also to continue longer than his naturall course by an other houre and a halfe, vntill the force of the ebbe be so great that it will no longer be resisted: according to the saying, Naturam expellas furca licet, vsque recurret. Although nature and naturall courses be forced and resisted neuer so much, yet at last they will haue their owne sway againe. 4 [Unnumbered in original--KTH] Moreouer it is not possible that so great course of floods and current, so high swelling tides with continuance of so deepe waters, can be digested here without vnburdening themselues into some open Sea beyond this place, which argueth the more likelihood of the passage to be hereabouts. Also we suppose these great indrafts doe grow and are made by the reuerberation and reflection of that same currant, which at our comming by Ireland, met and crossed vs, of which in the first part of this discourse I spake, which comming from the bay of Mexico, passing by and washing the Southwest parts of Ireland, reboundeth ouer to the Northeast parts of the world, as Norway, Island, &c. where not finding any passage to an open Sea, but rather being there encreased by a new accesse, and another current meeting with it from the Scythian Sea, passing the bay of Saint Nicholas Westward, it doth once againe rebound backe, by the coastes of Groenland, and from thence vpon Frobishers straights being to the Southwestwardes of the same. [Sidenote: The Sea moueth continually from East to West.] 5 And if that principle of Philosophie be true, that Inferiora corpora reguntur à superioribus, that is, if inferior bodies be gouerned, ruled, and carried after the maner and course of the superiors, then the water being an inferior Element, must needes be gouerned after the superior heauen, and so follow the course of Primum from East to West.[84] [Sidenote: Authoritie.] 6 But euery man that hath written or considered any thing of this passage, hath more doubted the returne by the same way by reason of a great downefall of water, which they imagine to be thereabouts (which we also by experience partly find) than any mistrust they haue of the same passage at all. [Sidenote: Hard but yet possible turning backe again.] For we find (as it were) a great downefall in this place, but yet not such but that we may returne, although with much adoe. For we were easier carried in one houre then we could get forth againe in three. Also by another experience at another time, we found this current to deceiue vs in this sort: That wheras we supposed it to be 15 leagues off, and lying a hull, we were brought within two leagues of the shore contrarie to all expectation. Our men that sayled furthest in the same mistaken straights (hauing the maine land vpon their starboord side) affirme that they met with the outlet or passage of water which commeth thorow Frobishers straights, and followeth as all one into this passage. Some of our companie also affirme that they had sight of a continent vpon their larboord side being 60 leagues within the supposed straights: howbeit except certaine Ilands in the entrance hereof we could make no part perfect thereof. All the foresaid tract of land seemeth to be more fruitfull and better stored of Grasse, Deere, Wilde foule, as Partridges, Larkes, Seamewes, Guls, Wilmots, Falcons and Tassel gentils, Rauens, Beares, Hares, Foxes, and other things, than any other part we haue yet discouered, and is more populous. [Sidenote: Traffique.] And here Luke Ward, a Gentleman of the companie, traded marchandise, and did exchange kniues, bels, looking glasses, &c. with those countrey people, who brought him foule, fish, beares skinnes, and such like, as their countrey yeeldeth for the same. Here also they saw of those greater boats of the countrey, with twentie persons in a peece. Now after the Generall had bestowed these many dayes here, not without many dangers, he returned backs againe. And by the way sayling alongst this coast (being the backeside of the supposed continent of America) and the Queenes Foreland, he perceiued a great sound to goe thorow into Frobishers straights. [Sidenote: Returne out of the mistaken straights.] Whereupon he sent the Gabriel the one and twentieth of Iuly, to prooue whether they might goe thorow and meete againe with him in the straights, which they did: and as wee imagined before, so the Queenes foreland prooued an Iland, as I thinke most of these supposed continents will. And so he departed towardes the straights, thinking it were high time now to recouer his Port, and to prouide the Fleete of their lading, whereof he was not a little carefull, as shall by the processe and his resolute attempts appeare. And in his returne with the rest of the fleete he was so entangled by reason of the darke fogge amongst a number of Ilands and broken ground that lye off this coast, that many of the shippes came ouer the top of rockes, which presently after they might perceiue to lie dry, hauing not halfe a foote water more then some of their ships did draw. And by reason they could not with a smal gale of wind stemme the force of the flood, whereby to goe cleare off the rockes, they were faine to let an anker fall with two bent of Cable togither, at an hundred and odde fadome depth, where otherwise they had bene by the force of the tides caried vpon the rockes againe, and perished: [Sidenote: Great dangers.] so that if God in these fortunes (as a mercifull guide, beyond the expectation of man) had not carried vs thorow, we had surely perished amidst these dangers. For being many times driuen hard aboord the shore without any sight of land, vntill we were ready to make shipwracke thereon, being forced commonly with our boats to sound before our ships, least we might light thereon before we could discerne the same; it pleased God to giue vs a cleare of Sunne and light for a short time to see and auoyde thereby the danger, hauing bene continually darke before, and presently after. Manie times also by meanes of fogge and currents being driuen neere vpon the coast, God lent vs euen at the very pinch one prosperous breath of winde or other, whereby to double the land, and auoid the perill, and when that we were all without hope of helpe, euery man recommending himselfe to death, and crying out, Lord now helpe or neuer, now Lord looke downe from heauen and saue vs sinners, or else our safetie commeth too late: euen then the mightie maker of heauen, and our mercifull God did deliuer vs: so that they who haue bene partakers of these dangers doe euen in their soules confesse, that God euen by miracle hath sought to saue them, whose name be praysed euermore. Long time now the Anne Francis had layne beating off and on all alone before the Queenes foreland, not being able to recouer their Port for yce, albeit many times they dangerously attempted it, for yet the yce choaked vp the passage, and would not suffer them to enter. [Sidenote: Anne Francis met with some of the fleete.] And hauing neuer seene any of the fleete since twenty dayes past, when by reason of the thicke mistes they were seuered in the mistaken straights, they did now this present 23 of Iuly ouerthwart a place in the straights called Hattons Hedland, where they met with seuen ships of the Fleete againe, which good hap did not onely reioyce them for themselues, in respect of the comfort which they receiued by such good companie, but especially that by this meanes they were put out of doubt of their deare friends, whose safeties long time they did not a little suspect, and feare. At their meeting they haled the Admirall after the maner of the Sea, and with great ioy welcommed one another with a thundring volly of shot. And now euery man declared at large the fortunes and dangers which they had passed. [Sidenote: Francis of Foy.] The foure and twentieth of Iuly we met with the Francis of Foy, who with much adoe sought way backe againe, through the yce from out of the mistaken straights, where (to their great perill) they prooued to recouer their Port. [Sidenote: Bridgwater ship.] They brought the first newes of the Vizadmirall Captaine Yorke, who many dayes with themselues, and the Busse of Bridgewater was missing. They reported that they left the Vizeadmirall reasonably cleare of the yce, but the other ship they greatly feared, whom they could not come to helpe, being themselues so hardly distressed as neuer men more. Also they told vs of the Gabriel, who hauing got thorow from the backside, and Western point of the Queenes foreland, into Frobishers straights, fell into their company about the cape of Good hope. And vpon the seuen and twentieth of Iuly, the ship of Bridgewater got out of the yce and met with the Fleete which lay off and on vnder Hattons Hedland. They reported of their maruellous accidents and dangers, declaring their ship to be so leake that they must of necessitie seeke harborow, hauing their stem so beaten within their huddings, that they had much adoe to keepe themselues aboue water. They had (as they say) fiue hundreth strokes at the pump in lesse then halfe a watch, being scarce two houres; their men being so ouerwearied therewith, and with the former dangers that they desired helpe of men from the other ships. [Sidenote: The Streits frozen ouer.] Moreouer they declared that there was nothing but yce and danger where they had bene, and that the straights within were frozen vp, and that it was the most impossible thing of the world, to passe vp vnto the Countesse of Warwicks sound, which was the place of our Port. The report of these dangers by these ships thus published amongst the fleete, with the remembrance of the perils past, and those present before their face, brought no small feare and terror into the hearts of many considerate men. So that some beganne priuily to murmure against the Generall for this wilfull manner of proceeding. Some desired to discouer some harborow therebouts to refresh themselues and reform their broken vessels for a while, vntill the North and Northwest windes might disperse the yce, and make the place more free to passe. Other some forgetting themselues, spake more vndutifully in this behalfe, saying: that they had as leeue be hanged when they came home, as without hope of safetie to seeke to passe, and so to perish amongst the yce. [Sidenote: A valiant mind of M. Frobisher.] The Generall not opening his eares to the peeuish passion of any priuate person, but chiefly respecting the accomplishment of the cause he had vndertaken (wherein the chiefe reputation and fame of a Generall and Captaine consisteth) and calling to his remembrance the short time he had in hand to prouide so great number of ships their loading, determined with this resolution to passe and recouer his Port, or else there to burie himselfe with his attempt. Notwithstanding somewhat to appease the feeble passions of the fearefuller sort, and the better to entertaine time for a season, whilest the yce might the better be dissolued, he haled on the Fleete with beleefe that he would put them in harborow: thereupon whilest the shippes lay off and on under Hattons Hedland, he sought to goe in with his Pinnesses amongst the Ilandes there, as though hee meant to search for harborowe, where indeede he meant nothing lesse, but rather sought if any Ore might be found in that place, as by the sequele appeared. In the mean time whilest the Fleete lay thus doubtfull without any certaine resolution what to do, being hard aboord the lee-shore, there arose a sodaine and terrible tempest at the Southsoutheast, whereby the yce began maruellously to gather about vs. Whereupon euery man, as in such case of extremitie he thought best, sought the wisest way for his owne safety. The most part of the Fleete which were further shot vp within the straights, and so farre to the leeward, as that they could not double the land following the course of the Generall, who led them the way, tooke in their Sayles, and layde it a hull amongst the yce, and so passed ouer the storme, and had no extremitie at all, but for a short time in the same place. Howbeit the other ships which plyed out to Seaward, had an extreme storme for a long season. And the nature of the place is such, that it is subiect diuersely to diuers windes, according to the sundry situation of the great Alps and mountaines there, euery mountaine causing a seuerall blast, and parrie, after the maner of a Leuant. [Sidenote: Snow in Iuly.] In this storme being the sixe and twentieth of Iuly, there fell so much snow, with such bitter cold aire, that we could not scarse see one another for the same, nor open our eyes to handle, our ropes and sayles, the snow being aboue halfe a foote deepe vpon the hatches of our ship, which did so wet thorow our poore Mariners clothes, that hee that had fiue or sixe shifts of apparell had scarce one drie threed to his backe, which kinde of wet and coldnesse, together with the ouerlabouring of the poore men amiddest the yce, bred no small sicknesse amongst the fleete, [Sidenote: Extreme winter.] which somewhat discouraged some of the poore men, who had not experience of the like before, euery man perswading himselfe that the winter there must needes be extreme, where they found so vnseasonable a Sommer. [Sidenote: Great heat in Meta Incognita.] And yet notwithstanding this cold aire, the Sunne many times hath a maruellous force of heate amongst those mountaines; [Sidenote: Vnconstant weather.] insomuch that when there is no breth of winde to bring the colde aire from the dispersed yce vpon vs, we shall be wearie of the blooming heate and then sodainely with a perry[85] of winde which commeth downe from the hollownesse of the hilles, we shall haue such a breth of heate brought vpon our faces as though we were entred within some bathstoue or hote-house, and when the first of the pirry and blast is past, we shall haue the winde sodainely a new blow cold againe. In this storme the Anne Francis, the Moone, and the Thomas of Ipswich, who found themselues able to hold it vp with a saile, and could double about the Cape of the Queenes foreland, plyed out to the Seaward, holding it for better policie and safetie to seeke Sea roome, then to hazard the continuance of the storme, the danger of the yce, and the leeshore. And being vncertaine at this time of the Generals priuate determinations, the weather being so darke that they could not discerne one another, nor perceiue which way he wrought, betooke themselues to this course for best and safest. [Sidenote: The Generall recouereth his port.] The Generall, notwithstanding the great storme, following his own former resolution, sought by all meanes possible, by a shorter way to recouer his Port, and where he saw the yce neuer so little open, he gate in at one gappe and out at another, and so himselfe valiantly led the way thorow before to induce the Fleete to follow after, and with incredible paine and perill at length gat through the yce, and vpon the one and thirtieth of Iuly recouered his long wished Port after many attempts and sundry times being put backe, and came to anker in the Countesse of Warwicks sound, in the entrance whereof, when he thought all perill past, he encountred a great Iland of yce which gaue the Ayde such a blow, hauing a little before wayed her anker a cocke bill, that it stroke the anker fluke through the ships bowes vnder the water, which caused so great a leake, that with much adoe they preserued the ship from sinking. At their arriuall here they perceiued two ships at anker within the harborough, whereat they began much to maruell and greatly to reioyce, for those they knew to be the Michael, wherein was the Lieutenant generall Captaine Fenton, and the small Barke called the Gabriel, who so long time were missing, and neuer heard of before, whom euery man made the last reckoning, neuer to heare of againe. [Sidenote: Master Wolfall Preacher.] Here euery man greatly reioyced of their happie meeting, and welcommed one another, after the Sea manner with their great Ordinance, and when each partie had ripped vp their sundry fortunes and perils past, they highly praysed God, and altogither vpon their knees gaue him due, humble and heartie thankes, and Maister Wolfall a learned man, appointed by her Maiesties Councell to be their Minister and Preacher made vnto them a godly sermon, exhorting them especially to be thankfull to God for their strange and miraculous deliuerance in those so dangerous places, and putting them in mind of the vncertaintie of mans life, willed them to make themselues alwayes readie as resolute men to enioy and accept thankefully whatsoeuer aduenture his diuine Prouidence should appoint. This maister Wolfall being well seated and settled at home in his owne Countrey, with a good and large liuing, hauing a good honest woman to wife and very towardly children, being of good reputation among the best, refused not to take in hand this painefull voyage, for the onely care he had to saue soules, and to reforme those Infidels if it were possible to Christiantie: and also partly for the great desire he had that this notable voyage so well begunne, might be brought to perfection: and therefore he was contented to stay there the whole yeare if occasion had serued, being in euery necessary action as forward as the resolutest men of all. Wherefore in this behalfe he may rightly be called a true Pastor and minister of God's word, which for the profite of his flocke spared not to venture his owne life. [Sidenote: The aduentures of Captain Fenton and his companie.] But to returne againe to Captaine Fentons company, and to speake somewhat of their dangers (albeit they be more then by writing can be expressed) they reported that from the night of the first storme which was about the first day of Iuly vntill seuen dayes before the Generals arriuall, which was the sixe and twentith of the same, they neuer saw any one day or houre, wherin they were not troubled with continuall danger and feare of death, and were twentie dayes almost togither fast amongst the yce. They had their ship stricken through and through on both sides, their false stemme borne quite away, and could goe from their ships in some places vpon the yce very many miles, and might easily haue passed from one Iland of yce to another euen to the shore, [Sidenote: Extremitie causeth men to deuise new arts and remedies.] and if God had not wonderfully prouided for them and their necessitie, and time had not made them more cunning and wise to seeke strange remedies for strange kindes of dangers, it had bene impossible for them euer to haue escaped: for among other deuises, wheresoeuer they found any Iland of yce of greater bignesse then the rest (as there be some of more then halfe a mile compasse about, and almost forty fadome high) they commonly coueted to recouer the same, and thereof to make a bulwarke for their defence, whereon hauing mored anker, they road vnder the lee therof for a time, being therby garded from the danger of the lesser driuing yce. [Sidenote: Hard shifts.] But when they must needes forgoe this new found fort by meanes of other yce, which at length would vndermine and compasse them round about, and when that by heauing of the billow they were therewith like to be brused in peeces, they vsed to make fast the shippe vnto the most firme and broad peece of yce they could find, and binding her nose fast thereunto, would fill all their sayles whereon the winde hauing great power, would force forward the ship, and so the shippe bearing before her the yce, and so one yce driuing forward another, should at length get scope and searoome. And hauing by this meanes at length put their enemies to flight, they occupyed the cleare place for a prettie season among sundry mountaines and Alpes of yce. One there was found by measure to be 65 fadome aboue water, which for a kind of similitude, was called Solomons porch. Some thinke those Ilands eight times so much vnder water as they are aboue, because of their monstrous weight. [Sidenote: Strange wonders.] But now I remember I saw very strange wonders, men walking, running, leaping and shooting vpon the mayne seas 40. myles from any land, without any Shippe or other vessel vnder them. Also I saw fresh Riuers running amidst the salt Sea a hundred myle from land, which if any man will not belieue let him know that many of our company leapt out of their Shippe vpon Ilandes of yce, and running there vp and downe, did shoote at Buts vpon the yce, and with their Caliuers did kill great Seales, which vse to lye and sleepe vpon the yce, and this yce melting aboue at the toppe by reflection of the Sunne, came downe in sundry streames, which vniting together, made a pretie Brooke able to driue a Mill. The sayde Captaine Fenton recouered his Port tenne dayes before any man, and spent good tyme in searching for Mine, and hee found good store thereof. He also discouered about tenne Miles vp into the Countrey, where he perceiued neither Towne, Village, nor likelihoode of habitation, but it seemeth (as he sayeth) barren, as the other parts, which as yet we haue entred vpon: but their victuals and prouision went so scant with them, that they had determined to returne homeward within seuen dayes after, if the Fleete had not then arriued. The Generall after his arriual in the Countesses sound, spent no time in vaine, but immediately at his first landing called the chiefe Captaines of his Councell together, and consulted with them for the speedier execution of such things as then they had in hand. As first, for searching and finding out good Minerall for the Miners to be occupyed on. Then to giue good Orders to bee obserued of the whole company on shore. And lastly, to consider for the erecting vp of the Fort and House for the vse of them which were to abide there the whole yeere. For the better handling of these, and all other like important causes in this seruice, it was ordeined from her Maiestie and the Councell, that the Generall should call vnto him certaine of the chiefe Captaines and Gentlemen in Councell, to conferre, consult and determine of all occurrents in this seruice, whose names are as here they follow. Captaine Fenton. Captaine Yorke. Captaine Best. Captaine Carew. Captaine Philpot. And in Sea causes to haue as assistants, Christopher Hall and Charles Iackman, being both very good Pilots, and sufficient Mariners, whereof the one was chiefe Pilot of the Voyage, and the other for the discouerie. From the place of our habitation Westward, Master Selman was appointed Notarie, to register the whole maner of proceeding in these affaires, that true relation thereof might be made, if it pleased her Maiestie to require it. The first of August euery Captaine by order, from the Generall and his councell, was commanded to bring ashoare vnto the Countesses iland all such Gentlemen, souldiers, and Myners, as were vnder their charge, with such prouision as they had of victuals, tents, and things necessary for the speedy getting together of Mine, and fraight for the shippes. The Muster of the men being taken, and the victuals with all other things viewed and considered, euery man was set to his charge, as his place and office required. The Myners were appointed where to worke, and the Mariners discharged their shippes. Vpon the second of August were published and proclaymed vpon the Countesse of Warwickes Iland with sound of Trumpet, certaine Orders by the Generall and his councell, appoynted to be obserued of the company during the time of their abiding there. In the meane time, whilst the Mariners plyed their worke, the Captaines sought out new Mynes, the Goldfiners made tryall of the Ore, the Mariners discharged their shippes, the Gentlemen for example sake laboured heartily, and honestly encouraged the inferior sort to worke. So that the small time of that little leisure that was left to tarrie, was spent in vaine. The second of August the Gabriel arriued, who came from the Vizeadmirall, and beeing distressed sore with Yce, put into Harborough neere vnto Mount Oxford. And now was the whole Fleete arriued safely at their Port, excepting foure, besides the Shippe that was lost: that is, the Thomas Allen, the Anne Francis, the Thomas of Ipswich, and the Moone, whose absence was some lette unto the workes and other proceedings, aswell for that these Shippes were furnished with the better sorte of Myners, as with other prouision for the habitation. [Sidenote: Consultation for inhabiting Meta incognita.] The ninth of August the Generall with the Captaynes of his counsell assembled together, and began to consider and take order for the erecting vp of the house or Fort for them that were to inhabite there the whole yeere, and that presently the Masons and Carpenters might goe in hande therewith. First therefore they perused the Bils of lading, what euery man receiued into his Shippe, and found that there was arriued only the Eastside, and the Southside of the house, and yet not that perfect and entier: for many pieces thereof were vsed for fenders in many Shippes, and so broken in pieces whilest they were distressed in the yce. [Sidenote: An hundred men appointed to inhabite.] Also after due examination had, and true account taken, there was found want of drinke and fuel to serue one hundreth men, which was the number appoynted first to inhabite there, because their greatest store was in the Shippes which were not yet arriued. Then Captaine Fenton seeing the scarcitie of the necessary things aforesayd, was contented, and offred himselfe to inhabite there with sixtie men. Whereupon they caused the Carpenters and Masons to come before them, and demanded in what time they would take vpon them to erect vp a lesse house for sixtie men. They required eight or nine weekes, if there were Tymber sufficient, whereas now they had but sixe and twentie dayes in all to remayne in that Countrey. [Sidenote: No habitation this yeere.] Wherefore it was fully agreed vpon, and resolued by the Generall and his counsell, that no habitation should be there this yeere. And therefore they willed Master Selman the Register to set downe this decree with all their consents, for the better satisfying of her Maiestie, the Lords of the Counsell, and the Aduenturers. The Anne Francis, since she was parted from the Fleete, in the last storme before spoken of, could neuer recouer above fiue leagues within the streights, the winde being sometime contrary, and most times the Yce compassing them round about. And from that time, being about the seuen and twentieth of Iuly, they could neither heare nor have sight of any of the Fleete, vntill the 3. of August, when they descryed a sayle neere vnto Mount Oxford, with whom when they had spoken, they could vnderstand no newes of any of the Fleete at all. And this was the Thomas of Ipswich, who had layne beating off and on at Sea with very fowle weather, and contrary windes euer since that foresayd storme, without sight of any man. They kept company not long together, but were forced to loose one another againe, the Moone being consort always with the Anne Francis, and keeping very good company plyed vp together into the streights, with great desire to recouer their long wished Port: and they attempted as often, and passed as farre as possible the winde, weather, and yce gaue them leaue, which commonly they found very contrary. For when the weather was cleare and without fogge, then commonly the winde was contrary. And when it was eyther Easterly or Southerly, which would serue their turnes, then had they so great a fogge and darke miste therewith, that eyther they could not discerne way thorow the yce, or els the yce lay so thicke together, that it was impossible for them to passe. And on the other side, when it was calme, the Tydes had force to bring the yce so suddenly about them, that commonly then they were most therewith distressed, hauing no Winde to carry them from the danger thereof. And by the sixt of August being with much adoe got vp as high as Leicester point, they had good hope to finde the Souther shore cleare, and so to passe vp towardes their Port. But being there becalmed and lying a hull openly vpon the great Bay which commeth out of the mistaken streights before spoken of, they were so suddenly compassed with yce round about by meanes of the swift Tydes which ran in that place, that they were neuer afore so hardly beset as now. And in seeking to auoyde these dangers in the darke weather, the Anne Francis lost sight of the other two Ships, who being likewise hardly distressed, signified their danger, as they since reported, by shooting off their ordinance, which the other could not heare, nor if they had heard, could haue giuen them any remedie, being so busily occupied to winde themselues out of their owne troubles. [Sidenote: The Moone.] The Fleeboate called the Moone, was here heaued aboue the water with the force of the yce, and receiued a great leake thereby. Likewise the Thomas of Ipswich, and the Anne Francis were sore bruised at that instant, hauing their false stemmes borne away, and their ship sides stroken quite through. Now considering the continuall dangers and contraries, and the little leasure that they had left to tarie in these partes, besides that euery night the ropes of their Shippes were so frozen, that a man could not handle them without cutting his handes, together with the great doubt they had of the Fleetes safety, thinking it an impossibilitie for them to passe vnto their Port, as well for that they saw themselues, as for that they heard by the former report of the Shippes which had prooued before, who affirmed that the streights were all frozen ouer within: They thought it now very hie time to consider of their estates and safeties that were yet left together. [Sidenote: The Anne Francis, the Thomas of Ipswich and the Moone consult.] And hereupon the Captaines and masters of these Shippes, desired the Captaine of the Anne Francis to enter into consideration with them of these matters. Wherefore Captaine Tanfield of the Thomas of Ipswich, with his Pilot Richard Cox, and Captaine Vpcote of the Moone, with his master Iohn Lakes came aboorde the Anne Francis the eight of August to consult of these causes. And being assembled together in the Captaines Cabin, sundry doubts were there alledged. For the fearefuller sort of Mariners being ouertyred with the continuall labour of the former dangers, coueted to returne homeward, saying that they would not againe tempt God so much, who had giuen them so many warnings, and deliuered them from so wonderfull dangers: that they rather desired to lose wages, fraight, and all, then to continue and follow such desperate fortunes. Againe, their Ships were so leake, and the men so wearie, that to amend the one, and refresh the other, they must of necessitie seeke into harborough. But on the other side it was argued againe to the contrary, that to seeke into harborough thereabouts, was but to subject themselues to double dangers: if happily they escaped the dangers of Rockes in their entring, yet being in, they were neuerthelesse subiect there to the danger of the Ice, which with the swift tydes and currents is caryed in and out in most harboroughs thereabouts, and may thereby gaule their Cables asunder, driue them vpon the shoare, and bring them to much trouble. Also the coast is so much subiect to broken ground and rockes, especially in the mouth and entrance of euery Harborough, that albeit the Channell be sounded ouer and ouer againe, yet are you neuer the neerer to discerne the dangers. For the bottome of the Sea holding like shape and forme as the land, being full of hils, dales, and ragged Rockes, suffreth you not by your soundings to knowe and keepe a true gesse of the depth. For you shall sound vpon the side or hollownesse of one Hill or Rocke vnder water, and haue a hundreth, fiftie, or fourtie fadome depth: and before the next cast, yer[86] you shall be able to heaue your lead againe, you shall be vpon the toppe thereof, and come aground to your vtter confusion. Another reason against going to harborough was, that the colde ayre did threaten a sudden freezing vp of the sounds, seeing that euery night there was new congealed yce, euen of that water which remayned within their shippes. And therefore it should seeme to be more safe to lye off and on at Sea, then for lacke of winde to bring them foorth of harborough, to hazard by sudden frosts to be shut vp the whole yeere. After many such dangers and reasons alleged, and large debating of these causes on both sides, the Captaine of the Anne Francis deliuered his opinion vnto the company to this effect. [Sidenote: Captain Bests resolution.] First concerning the question of returning home, hee thought it so much dishonorable, as not to grow in any farther question: and againe to returne home at length (as at length they must needes) and not to be able to bring a certaine report of the Fleete, whether they were liuing or lost, or whether any of them had recouered their Port or not, in the Countesses sound, (as it was to bee thought the most part would if they were liuing) hee sayde that it would be so great an argument eyther of want of courage or discretion in them, as hee resolued rather to fall into any danger, then so shamefully to consent to returne home, protesting that it should neuer bee spoken of him, that hee would euer returne without doing his endeuour to finde the Fleete, and knowe the certaintie of the Generals safetie. [Sidenote: A Pinnesse for the inhabiters.] Hee put his company in remembrance of a Pinnesse of fiue tunne burthen, which hee had within his Shippe, which was caryed in pieces, and vnmade vp for the vse of those which should inhabite there the whole yeere, the which, if they could finde meanes to ioyne together, hee offered himselfe to prooue before therewith, whether it were possible for any Boate to passe for yce, whereby the Shippe might bee brought in after, and might also thereby giue true notice, if any of the Fleete were arriued at their Port or not. But notwithstanding, for that he well perceiued that the most part of his company were addicted to put into harborough, hee was willing the rather for these causes somewhat to encline thereunto. As first, to search alongst the same coast, and the soundes thereabouts, hee thought it to be to good purpose, for that it was likely to finde some of the Fleete there, which being leake, and sore brused with the yce, were the rather thought likely to be put into an yll harborough, being distressed with foule weather in the last storme, then to hazard their vncertaine safeties amongst the yce: for about this place they lost them, and left the Fleete then doubtfully questioning of harborough. It was likely also, that they might finde some fitte harborough thereabouts, which might bee behoouefull for them against another time. It was not likewise impossible to finde some Ore or Mine thereabouts wherewithall to fraight their Shippes, which would bee more commodious in this place, for the neerenesse to Seaward, and for a better outlet, then farther within the streights, being likely heere alwayes to loade in a shorter time, howsoeuer the streight should be pestered with yce within, so that if it might come to passe that thereby they might eyther finde the Fleete, Mine, or conuenient harborough, any of these three would serue their present turnes, and giue some hope and comfort vnto their companies, which now were altogether comfortlesse. But if that all fortune should fall out so contrary, that they could neyther recouer their Port, nor any of these aforesayde helpes, that yet they would not depart the Coast, as long as it was possible for them to tary there, but would lye off and on at Sea athwart the place. Therefore his finall conclusion was set downe thus, First, that the Thomas of Ipswich and the Moone should consort and keepe company together carefully with the Anne Francis, as neere as they could, and as true Englishmen and faithfull friends, should supply one anothers want in all fortunes and dangers. In the morning following, euery Shippe to send off his Boate with a sufficient Pylot, to search out and sound the harborougbs for the safe bringing in of their Shippes. And beeing arriued in harborough, where they might finde conuenient place for the purpose, they resolued foorthwith to ioyne and sette together the Pinnesse, wherewithall the Captaine of the Anne Francis might, according to his former determination, discouer vp into the streights. After these determinations thus set downe, the Thomas of Ipswich the night following lost company of the other Shippes, and afterward shaped a contrary course homeward, which fell out as it manifestly appeared, very much against their Captaine Master Tanfields minde, as by due examination before the Lordes of her Maiesties most honourable priuie Counsell it hath since bene prooued, to the great discredite of the Pilot Cox, who specially persuaded his company against the opinion of his sayd Captaine, to returne home. And as the Captaine of the Anne Francis doeth witnesse, euen at their conference togither, Captaine Tanfield tolde him, that he did not a little suspect the sayd Pilot Cox, saying that he had opinion in the man neither of honest duetie, manhoode, nor constancie. Notwithstanding the sayde Shippes departure, the Captaine of the Anne Francis being desirous to put in execution his former resolutions, went with his Shippe boate (being accompanied also with the Moones Skiffe) to prooue amongst the Ilands which lye vnder Hattons Hedland, if any conuenient harborough, or any knowledge of the Fleete, or any good Ore were there to be found. The Shippes lying off and on at Sea the while vnder Sayle, searching through many sounds, they sawe them all full of many dangers and broken ground: yet one there was, which seemed an indifferent place to harborough in, and which they did very diligently sound ouer, and searched againe. Here the sayde Captaine found a great blacke Island, whereunto hee had good liking, and certifying the company thereof, they were somewhat comforted, and with the good hope of his wordes rowed cheerefully vnto the place: where when they arriued, they found such plentie of blacke Ore of the same sort which was brought into England this last yeere, that if the goodnesse might answere the great plentie thereof, it was to be thought that it might reasonably suffice all the golde-gluttons of the worlde. [Sidenote: Bestes blessing.] This Iland the Captaine for cause of his good hap, called after his own name, Bestes blessing, and with these good tydings returning abord his Ship the ninth of August about tenne of the clocke at night, hee was ioyfully welcommed of his company, who before were discomforted, and greatly expected some better fortune at his handes. The next day being the tenth of August, the weather reasonably fayre, they put into the foresayde Harborough, hauing their Boate for the better securitie sounding before their Shippe. [Sidenote: Anne Francis in danger.] But for all the care and diligence that could bee taken in sounding the Channell ouer and ouer againe, the Anne Francis came aground vpon a suncken Rocke within the Harborough, and lay thereon more then halfe drye vntill the next flood, when by Gods Almighty prouidence, contrary almost to all expectation, they came afloat againe, being forced all that time to vndersette their Shippe with their mayne Yarde, which otherwise was likely to ouerset and put thereby in danger the whole company. They had aboue two thousand strokes together at the Pumpe, before they could make their Shippe free of the water againe, so sore shee was in brused by lying vpon the Rockes. [Sidenote: The Moone in harborough.] The Moone came safely, and roade at anchor by the Anne Francis, whose helpe in their necessitie they could not well haue missed. Now whilest the Mariners were romaging their Shippes, and mending that which was amisse, the Miners followed their labour for getting together of sufficient quantitie of Ore, and the Carpenters indeuoured to doe their best for the making vp of the Boate or Pinnesse: which to bring to passe, they wanted two speciall and most necessarie things, that is, certaine principall tymbers that are called knees, which are the chiefest strength of any Boate and also nayles, wherewithall to ioyne the plancks together. Whereupon hauing by chance a Smyth amongst them, (and yet vnfurnished of his necessary tooles to worke and make nayles withall) they were faine of a gunne chamber to make an Anuile to worke vpon, and to vse a pickaxe in stead of a sledge to beate withall, and also to occupy two small bellowes in steade of one payre of greater Smiths bellowes. And for lacke of small Yron for the easier making of the nayles, they were forced to breake their tongs, grydiron, and fireshouell in pieces. [Sidenote: Hattons Hedland.] The eleuenth of August the Captaine of the Anne Francis taking the Master of his Shippe with him, went vp to the top of Hattons Hedland, which is the highest land of all the straights, to the ende to descry the situation of the Countrey vnderneath, and to take a true plotte of the place, whereby also to see what store of Yce was yet left in the straights, as also to search what Mineral matter or fruite that soyle might yeeld: And the rather for the honour the said Captaine doeth owe to that Honourable name[87] which himselfe gaue thereunto the last yeere, in the highest part of this Hedland he caused his company to make a Columne or Crosse of stone, in token of Christian possession. [Sidenote: Pretie stones.] In this place there is plentie of Blacke Ore, and diuers pretie stones. [Sidenote: A mightie white Beare.] The seuenteenth of August the Captaines with their companies chased and killed a great white Beare, which aduentured and gaue a fierce assault vpon twentie men being weaponed. And he serued them for good meate many dayes. [Sidenote: A Pinnesse there built.] The eighteenth of August the Pinnesse with much adoe being set together, the sayd Captaine Best determined to depart vp the straights, to prooue and make tryall, as before was pretended, some of his companie greatly persuading him to the contrary, and specially the Carpenter that set the same together, who sayde that hee would not aduenture himselfe therein for fiue hundreth pounds, for that the boate hung together but onely by the strength of the nayles, and lacked some of her principall knees and tymbers. These wordes some what discouraged some of the company which should haue gone therein. Whereupon the Captaine, as one not altogether addicted to his owne selfe-will, but somewhat foreseeing how it might be afterwards spoken, if contrary fortune should happen him (Lo he hath followed his owne opinion and desperate resolutions, and so thereafter it is befallen him) calling the Master and Mariners of best iudgement together, declared vnto them how much the cause imported him to his credite to seeke out the Generall, as well to conferre with him of some causes of weight, as otherwise to make due examination and tryall of the Goodnesse of the Ore, whereof they had no assurance but by gesse of the eye, and it was well like the other: which so to cary home, not knowing the goodnesse thereof, might be as much as if they should bring so many stones. And therefore hee desired them to deliuer their plaine and honest opinion, whether the Pinnesse were sufficient for him so to aduenture in or no. It was answered, that by careful heede taking thereunto amongst the yce, and the foule weather, the Pinnesse might suffice. And hereupon the Masters mate of the Anne Francis called Iohn Gray, manfully and honestly offering himselfe vnto his Captaine in this aduenture and seruice, gaue cause to others of his Mariners to follow the attempt. [Sidenote: They aduenture by the streights in a weake Pinnesse.] And vpon the nineteenth of August the sayd Captaine being accompanied with Captaine Vpcote of the Moone, and eighteene persons in the small Pinnesse, hauing conuenient portions of victuals and things necessary, departed upon the sayd pretended Voyage, leauing their shippe at anchor in a good readinesse for the taking in of their fraight. And hauing little winde to sayle withall, they plyed alongst the Souther shore, and passed aboue 30. leagues, hauing the onely helpe of mans labour with Oares, and so intending to keepe that shore aboord vntil they were got vp to the farthest and narrowest of the streights, minded there to crosse ouer and to search likewise alongst the Northerland vnto the Countesses sound, and from thence to passe all that coast along, whereby if any of the Fleete had bene distressed by wrecke of rocke or yce, by that meanes they might be perceiued of them, and so they thereby to giue them such helpe and reliefe as they could. They did greatly feare, and euer suspect that some of the Fleete were surely cast away, and driuen to seeke sowre sallets amongst the colde cliffes. [Sidenote: 40 leagues within the streights.] And being shotte vp about fortie leagues within the Streights, they put ouer towardes the Norther shore, which was not a little dangerous for their small boates. [Sidenote: Gabriels Ilands.] And by meanes of a sudden flawe were dryuen, and faine to seeke harborough in the night amongst all the rockes and broken ground of Gabriels Ilands, a place so named within the streights aboue the Countesse of Warwicks sound: And by the way where they landed, they did finde certaine great stones set vp by the Countrey people as it seemed for markes, where they also made many Crosses of stone, in token that Christians had been there. The 22. of August they had sight of the Countesses sound, and made the place perfect from the toppe of a hill, and keeping along the Norther shore, perceiued the smoke of a fire vnder a hils side: whereof they diuersely deemed. When they came neere the place, they perceiued people which wafted vnto them, as it seemed, with a flagge or ensigne. And because the Countrey people had vsed to do the like, when they perceiued any of our boats to passe by, they suspected them to be the same. And comming somewhat neerer, they might perceiue certaine tents, and discerne this ensigne to be of mingled colours, blacke and white, after the English Fashion. But because they could see no Shippe, nor likelihood of harborough within fiue or sixe leagues about, and knewe that none of our men were woont to frequent those partes, they could not tell what to iudge thereof, but imagined that some of the ships being carried so high with the storme and mistes, had made shipwracke amongst the yce or the broken Islands there, and were spoyled by the countrey people, who might vse the sundry coloured flagge for a policie, to bring them likewise within their danger. Whereupon the sayd Captaine with his companies, resolued to recouer the same ensigne, if it were so, from those base people, or els to lose their liues and all together. In the ende they discerned them to be their countreymen, and then they deemed them to haue lost their Ships, and so to be gathered together for their better strength. On the other side, the companie ashoare feared that the Captaine hauing lost his Shippe, came to seeke forth the Fleete for his reliefe in his poore Pinnesse, so that their extremities caused eche part to suspect the worst. [Sidenote: Proximus sum egomet mihi.] The Captaine now with his Pinnisse being come neere the shoare, commanded his Boate carefully to be kept aflote, lest in their necessitie they might winne the same from him, and seeke first to saue themselues: for euery man in that case is next himselfe. They haled one another according to the manner of the Sea, and demaunded what cheere? and either partie answered the other, that all was well: whereupon there was a sudden and ioyful outshoote, with great flinging vp of caps, and a braue voly of shotte to welcome one another. And truely it was a most strange case to see how ioyfull and gladde euery partie was to see themselues meete in safetie againe, after so strange and incredible dangers: Yet to be short, as their dangers were great, so their God was greater. [Sidenote: Captain York arriued.] And here the company were working vpon new Mines, which Captaine York being here arriued not long before, had found out in this place, and it is named the Countesse of Sussex Mine. After some conference with our friends here, the captaine of the Anne Francis departed towards the Countesse of Warwicks sound, to speake with the Generall, and to haue tryall made of such mettall as he had brought thither, by the Goldfiners. And so he determined to dispatch againe towards his ship. And hauing spoken with the General, he receiued order for all causes, direction as well for the bringing vp of the Shippe to the Countesses sound, as also to fraight his Ship with the same Oare which he himselfe had found, which vpon triall made, was supposed to be very good. The 23. of August, the sayde Captaine mette together with the other Captaines (Commissioners in counsell with the Generall) aboorde the Ayde, where they considered and consulted of sundry causes, which being particularly registred by the Notarie, were appoynted where and how to be done against another yeere. The 24. of August, the Generall with two Pinnesses and good numbers of men went to Beares sound, commanding the sayde Captaine with his Pinnesse to attend the seruice, to see if he could encounter or apprehend any of the people: for sundry times they shewed themselues busie thereabouts, sometimes with seuen or eyght Boates in one company, as though they minded to encounter with our company which were working there at the Mines, in no great numbers. [Sidenote: None of the people will be taken.] But when they perceiued any of our Shippes to ryde in that roade (being belike more amazed at the countenance of a Shippe, and a more number of men) they did neuer shewe themselues againe there at all. Wherefore our men sought with their Pinnesses to compasse about the Iland where they did vse, supposing there suddenly to intercept some of them. But before our men could come neere, hauing belike some watch in the toppe of the mountaines, they conueyed themselues priuilly away, and left (as it should seeme) one of their great dartes behinde them for haste, which we found neere to a place of their caues and housing. Therefore, though our Generall were very desirous to haue taken some of them to haue brought into England, they being now growen more wary by their former losses, would not at any time come within our dangers. About midnight of the same day, the captaine of the Anne Francis departed thence and set his course ouer the straights towards Hattons Hedland, being about 15. leagues ouer, and returned aboord his Shippe the 25. of August to the great comfort of his company, who long expected his comming, where hee found his Shippes ready rigged and loden. Wherefore he departed from thence againe the next morning towards the Countesses sound, where he arriued the 28. of the same. By the way he set his Miners ashore at Beares sound, for the better dispatch and gathering the Ore togither; for that some of the ships were behind hand with their fraight, the time of the yeere passing suddenly away. The thirtieth of August the Anne Francis was brought aground, and had 8. great leakes mended which she had receiued by meanes of the rockes and yce. [Sidenote: A house builded and left there.] This day the Masons finished a house which Captaine Fenton caused to be made of lyme and stone vpon the Countesse of Warwickes Island, to the ende we might proue against the next yeere, whither the snow could ouerwhelme it, the frost brake it vp, or the people dismember the same. And the better to allure those brutish and vnciuill people to courtesie against other times of our comming, we left therein diuers of our Countrey toyes, as belles, and kniues, wherein they specially delight, one for the necessary vse, and the other for the great pleasure thereof. Also pictures of men and women in lead, men on horsebacke, looking glasses, whistles, and pipes. Also in the house was made an Ouen, and bread left baked therein for them to see and taste. We buried the timber of our pretended fort. Also here we sowed pease, corne, and other graine, to proue the fruitfulnesse of the soyle against the next yeere. [Sidenote: M. Wolfall a godly preacher.] Master Wolfall on Winters Fornace preached a godly sermon, which being ended, he celebrated also a Communion vpon the land, at the partaking whereof was the Captaine of the Anne Francis, and many other Gentlemen and Souldiers, Mariners, and Miners with him. The celebration of the diuine mystery was the first signe, seale, and confirmation of Christs name, death, and passion euer knowen in these quarters. The said M. Wolfall made sermons, and celebrated the Communion at sundry other times, in seuerall and sundry ships, because the whole company could neuer meet together at any one place. [Sidenote: Consultation for a further discouery.] The Fleet now being in some good readinesse for their lading, the Generall calling together the Gentlemen and Captaines to consult, told them that he was very desirous that some further discouery should be attempted, and that he would not onely by Gods helpe bring home his ships laden with Ore, but also meant to bring some certificate of a further discouery of the Countrey, which thing to bring to passe (hauing sometime therein consulted) they found very hard, and almost inuincible. And considering that already they had spent sometime in searching out the trending and fashion of the mistaken straites, therefore it could not be sayd, but that by this voyage they haue notice of a further discouery, and that the hope of the passage thereby is much furthered and encreased, as appeared before in the discourse thereof. Yet notwithstanding if any meanes might be further deuised, the Captaines were contented and willing, as the Generall shoulde appoynt and commaund, to take any enterprise in hand. Which after long debating was found a thing very impossible, and that rather consultation was to be had of returning homeward, especially for these causes following. First the darke foggy mists, the continuall falling snowe and stormy weather which they commonly were vexed with, and now daily euer more and more increased, haue no small argument of the Winters drawing neere. And also the frost euery night was so hard congealed within the sound, that if by euill hap they should bee long kept in with contrary winds, it was greatly to be feared, that they should be shut vp there fast the whole yeere, which being vtterly vnprouided, would be their vtter destruction. Againe, drinke was so scant throughout all the Fleet by meanes of the great leakage, that not onely the prouision which was layd in for the habitation was wanting and wasted, but also each shippes seuerall prouision spent and lost, which many of our company to their great griefe found in their returne since, for all the way homewards they dranke nothing but water. And the great cause of this leakage and wasting was, for that the great timber and seacole, which lay so weighty vpon the barrels, brake, bruised, and rotted the hoopes insunder. [Sidenote: Broken Ilands in maner of an Archipelagus.] Yet notwithstanding these reasons alleaged the Generall himselfe (willing the rest of the Gentlemen and Captaines euery man to looke to his seuerall charge and lading, that against a day appointed, they should be all in a readinesse to set homeward) went in a Pinnesse and discouered further Northward in the straights, and found that by Beares sound and Halles Island, the land was not firme, as it was first supposed, but all broken Islands in maner of an Archipelagus, and so with other secret intelligence to himselfe, he returned to the Fleet. Where presently vpon his arriuall at the Countesses sound, he began to take order for their returning homeward, and first caused certaine Articles to be proclaimed, for the better keeping of orders and courses in their returne, which Articles were deliuered to euery Captaine. The Fleetes returning homeward. [Sidenote: Returne homeward.] Hauing now receiued articles and directions for our returne homewards, all other things being in forwardnesse and in good order, the last day of August the whole Fleete departed from the Countesses sound, excepting the Iudith, and the Anne Francis, who stayed for the taking in of fresh water and came the next day and mette the Fleete off and on, athwart Beares sound, who stayed for the Generall, which then was gone ashore to despatch the two Barkes and the Busse of Bridgewater, for their loading, whereby to get the companies and other things aboord. The Captaine of the Anne Francis hauing most part of his company ashore, the first of September went also to Beares sound in his Pinnesse to fetch his men aboord, but the wind grewe so great immediatly vpon their landing, that the shippes at sea were in great danger, and some of them forcibly put from their ankers, and greatly feared to be vtterly lost, as the Hopewell, wherein was Captaine Carew and others, who could not tell on which side their danger was most: for hauing mightie rockes threatening on the one side, and driuing Islands of cutting yce on the other side, they greatly feared to make shipwracke, the yce driuing so neere them that it touched their bolt-sprit. And by meanes of the Sea that was growne so hie, they were not able to put to sea with their small Pinnesses to recouer their shippes. And againe, the shippes were not able to tarie or lie athwart for them, by meanes of the outragious windes and swelling seas. The Generall willed the Captaine of the Anne Francis with his company, for that night to lodge aboord the Busse of Bridgewater, and went himselfe with the rest of his men aboord the Barkes. But their numbers were so great, and the prouision of the Barkes so scant, that they pestered one another exceedingly. They had great hope that the next morning the weather would be faire whereby they might recouer their shippes. But in the morning following it was much worse, for the storme continued greater, the Sea being more swollen, and the Fleete gone quite out of sight. So that now their doubts began to grow great: for the ship of Bridgewater which was of greatest receit, and whereof they had best hope and made most account, roade so farre to leeward of the harborowes mouth, that they were not able for the rockes (that lay betweene the wind and them) to lead it out to Sea with a saile. And the Barks were already so pestered with men, and so slenderly furnished with prouision, that they had scarce meat for sixe dayes for such numbers. The Generall in the morning departed to Sea in the Gabriel to seeke the Fleete, leauing the Busse of Bridgewater, and the Michael behind in Beares sound. The Busse set sayle, and thought by turning in the narrow channell within the harborow to get to windward: but being put to leeward more, by that meanes was faine to come to anker for her better safetie, amongst a number of rockes, and there left in great danger of euer getting forth againe. The Michael set sayle to follow the Generall, and could giue the Busse no reliefe, although they earnestly desired the same. And the Captaine of the Anne Francis was left in hard election of two euils: eyther to abide his fortune with the Busse of Bridgewater, which was doubtfull of euer getting forth, or else to bee towed in his small Pinnesse at the sterne of the Michael thorow the raging Seas, for that the Barke was not able to receiue or relieue halfe his company, wherein his danger was not a little perillous. So after hee resolued to commit himselfe with all his company vnto that fortune of God and Sea, and was dangerously towed at the sterne of the Barke for many miles, vntill at length they espyed the Anne Francis vnder sayle, hard vnder their Lee, which was no small comfort vnto them. For no doubt, both those and a great number more had perished for lacke of victuals, and conuenient roome in the Barks without the helpe of the said Ship. But the honest care that the Master of the Anne Francis had of his Captaine, and the good regarde of duetie towardes his Generall, suffered him not to depart, but honestly abode to hazard a dangerous roade all the night long, notwithstanding all the stormy weather, when all the Fleete besides departed. And the Pinnesse came no sooner aboord the shippe, and the men entred, but shee presently shiuered and fell to pieces and sunke at the ships sterne, with all the poore mens furniture: so weake was the boat with towing, and so forcible was the sea to bruise her in pieces, But (as God would) the men were all saued. At this present in this storme many of the Fleete were dangerously distressed, and were seuered almost all asunder. Yet, thanks be to God, all the Fleete arriued safely in England about the first of October, some in one place and some in another. [Sidenote: An vnknowen channell into the Northeast discouered by the Busse of Bridgewater.] But amongst other, it was most maruellous how the Busse of Bridgewater got away, who being left behind the Fleete in great danger of neuer getting forth, was forced to seeke a way Northward thorow an vnknowen channell full of rocks, vpon the backe side of Beares sound, and there by good hap found out a way into the North sea, a very dangerous attempt; save that necessitie, which hath no law, forced them to trie masteries. This aforesayd North sea is the same which lyeth vpon the backe side of Frobishers straits, where first the Generall himselfe in his Pinnesses, and after some other of our company haue discouered (as they affirme) a great foreland, where they would also haue a great likelihood of the greatest passage towards the South sea, or Mar del Sur. [Sidenote: A fruitful new Island discouered.] The Busse of Bridgewater, as she came homeward, to the Southeastward of Friseland, discouered a great Island in the latitude of 57 degrees and an halfe, which was neuer yet found before, and sailed three dayes alongst the coast, the land seeming to be fruitfull, full of woods, and a champion[88] countrey. There died in the whole Fleete in all this voyage not aboue forty persons, which number is not great, considering how many ships were in the Fleet, and how strange fortunes we passed. A generall and briefe description of the Countrey, and condition of the people, which are found in Meta Incognita. Hauing now sufficiently and truly set forth the whole circumstance, and particuler handling of euery occurrent in the 3. voyages of our worthy Generall, Captaine Frobisher, it shal not be from the purpose to speake somewhat in generall of the nature of this Countrey called Meta Incognita, and the condition of the sauages there inhabiting. [Sidenote: A Topographical description of Meta Incognita.] First therefore touching the Topographical description of the place. It is now found in the last voyage, that Queene Elizabeths Cape being situate in latitude at 61. degrees and a halfe, which before was supposed to be part of the firme land of America, and also al the rest of the South side of Frobishers straites, are all seuerall Islands and broken land, and like wise so will all the North side of the said straites fall out to be as I thinke. And some of our company being entred aboue 60. leagues within the mistaken straites in the third voyage mentioned, thought certainely that they had discryed the firme land of America towards the South, which I thinke will fall out so to be. These broken lands and Islands being very many in number, do seeme to make there an Archipelagus, which as they all differ in greatnesse, forme, and fashion one from another; so are they in goodnesse, colour, and soyle much vnlike. They all are very high lands, mountaines, and in most parts couered with snow euen all the Sommer long. The Norther lands haue lesse store of snow, more grasse, and are more plaine Countreys: the cause whereof may be, for that the Souther Ilands receiue all the snow, that the cold winds and piercing ayre bring out of the North. And contrarily, the North parts receiue more warme blasts of milder ayre from the South, whereupon may grow the cause why the people couet to inhabit more vpon the North parts then the South, as farre as we yet by our experience perceiue they doe. [Sidenote: The people of Meta Incognita like vnto Samoeds.] These people I iudge to be a kind of Tartar, or rather a kind of Samoed, of the same sort and condition of life that the Samoeds bee to the Northeastwards beyond Moscouy, who are called Samoeds, which is as much to say in the Moscouy tongue as eaters of themselues, and so the Russians their borderers doe name them. And by late conference with a friend of mine (with whom I did sometime trauell in the parts of Moscouy) who had great experience of those Samoeds and people of the Northeast, I find that in all their maner of liuing, those people of the Northeast, and those of the Northwest are like. [Sidenote: Their natiue colour.] They are of the colour of a ripe Oliue, which how it may come to passe, being borne in so cold a climate I referre to the iudgement of others, for they are naturally borne children of the same colour and complexion that all the Americans are, which dwell vnder the Equinoctiall line. They are men very actiue and nimble. They are a strong people and very warlike, for in our sight vpon the toppes of the hilles they would often muster themselues, and after the maner of a skirmish trace their ground very nimbly, and mannage their bowes and dartes with great dexterity. [Sidenote: Their apparel.] They go clad in coates made of the skinnes of beasts, as of Seales, Deere, Beares, Foxes, and Hares. They haue also some garments of feathers, being made of the cases of Foules, finely sowed and compact togither. Of all which sorts wee brought home some with vs into England, which we found in their tents. In Sommer they vse to weare the hairie side of their coates outward, and sometime goe naked for too much heate. And in Winter (as by signes they haue declared) they weare foure or fiue folde vpon their bodies with the haire (for warmth) turned inward. Hereby it appeareth, that the ayre there is not indifferent, but either it is feruent hote, or els extreme cold, and farre more excessiue in both qualities, then the reason of the climate should yeeld. For there it is colder, being vnder 62 degrees in latitude, then it is at Wardhouse in the voyage to Saint Nicholas in Moscouie, being at about aboue 72. degrees in latitude. [Sidenote: The accidental cause of cold ayre at Meta Incognita.] The reason hereof may be, that this Meta Incognita is much frequented and vexed with Easterne and Northeastern winds, which from the sea and yce bringeth often an intollerable cold ayre, which was also the cause that this yeere our straits were so long shut vp with so great store of yce. But there is great hope and likelihood, that further within the Straights it will bee more constant and temperate weather. These people are in nature very subtill and sharpe witted, ready to conceiue our meaning by signes, and to make answere well to be vnderstood againe. And if they haue not seene the thing whereof you aske them, they will wincke, or couer their eyes with their hands, as who would say, it hath bene hid from their sight. If they vnderstand you not whereof you should aske them, they wil stop their eares. They will teach vs the names of each thing in their language which wee desire to learne, and are apt to learne any thing of vs. [Sidenote: The sauages delight in Musicke.] They delight in Musicke aboue measure, and will keepe time and stroke to any tune which you shall sing, both with their voyce, head, hand and feete, and will sing the same tune aptly after you. They will row with our Ores in our boates, and keepe a true stroke with our Mariners, and seeme to take great delight therein. [Sidenote: Hard kind of Living.] They liue in Caues of the earth, and hunt for their dinners or praye, euen as the beare or other wild beastes do. They eat raw flesh and fish, and refuse no meat howsoeuer it be stinking. They are desperate in their fight, sullen of nature, and rauenous in their maner of feeding. Their sullen and desperate nature doth herein manifestly appeare, that a company of them being enuironed by our men on the top of a hie cliffe, so that they could by no meanes escape our hands, finding themselues in this case distressed, chose rather to cast themselues headlong down the rocks into the sea, and so be bruised and drowned, rather than to yeeld themselues to our mens mercies. [Sidenote: Their weapons.] For their weapons to offend their enemies or kill their prey withall, they haue darts, slings, bowes, and arrowes headed with sharpe stones, bones, and some with yron. They are exceeding friendly and kind hearted one to the other, and mourne greatly at the losse or harme of their fellowes, and expresse their griefe of mind, when they part one from another with a mourneful song, and Dirges. [Sidenote: Their chastity.] They are very shamefast in betraying the secrets of nature, and very chaste in the maner of their liuing: for when the man, which wee brought from thence into England the last voyage, should put off his coat or discouer his whole body for change, he would not suffer the woman to bee present, but put her forth of his Cabin. And in all the space of two or three moneths, while the man liued in company of the woman, there was neuer any thing seene or perceiued betweene them, more then ought haue passed betweene brother and sister: but the woman was in all things very seruiceable for the man, attending him carefully when he was sicke, and he likewise in all the meates which they did eate together, woulde carue vnto her of the sweetest, fattest, and best morsels they had. They wondred much at all our things, and were afraid of our horses and other beasts out of measure. They began to grow more ciuill, familiar, pleasant, and docible amongst vs in very short time. [Sidenote: Their boates.] They haue boates made of leather, and couered cleane ouer sauing one place in the middle to sit in, planked within with timber, and they vse to row therein with one Ore, more swiftly a great deale, then we in our boates can doe with twentie. They haue one sort of greater boates wherein they can carrie aboue twentie persons, and haue a Mast with a saile thereon, which saile is made of thinne skinnes or bladders, sowed togither with the sinewes of fishes. They are good Fishermen, and in their small Boates being disguised with their coates of Seales skinnes, they deceiue the fish, who take them rather for their fellow Seales, then for deceiuing men. They are good marke-men. With their dart or arrow they will commonly kill a Ducke, or any other foule in the head, and commonly in the eye. When they shoote at a great fish with any of their darts, they vse to tye a bladder thereunto, whereby they may the better find them againe, and the fish not able to cary it so easily away (for that the bladder doth boy the dart) will at length be wearie, and dye therewith. [Sidenote: Traffique with some other nation vnknowen.] They vse to traffike and exchange their commodities with some other people, of whom they haue such things as their miserable Countrey, and ignorance of Art to make, denieth them to haue, as barres of yron, heads of yron for their darts, needles made foure square, certaine buttons of copper, which they vse to weare vpon their forehads for ornament, as our Ladies in the Court of England doe vse great pearle. [Sidenote: Gold.] Also they haue made signes vnto vs, that they haue seene gold, and such bright plates of mettals, which are vsed for ornaments amongst some people with whom they haue conference. We found also in their tents a Guiny Beane of redde colour, the which doth vsually grow in the hote Countreys: whereby it appeareth they trade with other nations which dwell farre off, or else themselues are great trauellers. [Sidenote: Their fewell.] They haue nothing in vse among them to maker fire withall, sauing a kinde of Heath and Mosse which groweth there. [Sidenote: How they make fire.] And they kindle their fire with continuall rubbing and fretting one sticke against another, as we doe with flints. They drawe with dogges in sleads vpon the yce, and remooue their tents therewithall wherein they dwell in Sommer, when they goe a hunting for their praye and prouision against Winter. [Sidenote: Their kettles and pannes.] They doe sometime parboyle their meat a little and seeth the same in kettles made of beast skins; they haue also pannes cut and made of stones very artificially; they vse prety ginnes wherewith they take foule. The women carry their sucking children at their backes, and doe feede them with raw flesh, which first they do a little chaw in their owne mouths. The women haue their faces marked or painted ouer with small blewe spots: they haue blacke and long haire on their heads, and trimme the same in a decent order. The men haue but little haire on their faces, and very thinne beards. For their common drinke, they eate yce to quench their thirst withall. [Sidenote: The people eate grasse and shrubs.] Their earth yeeldeth no graine or fruit of sustenance for man, or almost for beast to liue vpon: and the people will eate grasse and shrubs of the ground, euen as our kine doe. They haue no wood growing in their Countrey thereabouts, and yet wee finde they haue some timber among them, which we thinke doth growe farre off to the Southwards of this place, about Canada, or some other part of New found land: for there belike, the trees standing on the cliffes of the sea side, by the waight of yce and snow in Winter ouercharging them with waight, when the Sommers thaw commeth aboue, and the Sea vnderfretting beneath, which winneth dayly of the land, they are vndermined and fall downe from those cliffes into the Sea, and with the tydes and currents are driuen to and fro vpon the coastes further off, and by conjecture are taken vp here by these Countrey people, to serue them to planke and strengthen their boates withall, and to make dartes, bowes, and arrowes, and such other things necessarie for their vse. And of this kind of drift wood we find all the Seas ouer great store, which being cut or sawed asunder, by reason of long driuing in the Sea is eaten of wormes, and full of holes, of which sort theirs is found to be. [Sidenote: A strange kind of gnat.] We haue not yet found any venomous Serpent or other hurtfull thing in these parts, but there is a kind of small flie or gnat that stingeth and offendeth sorely, leauing many red spots in the face, and other places where she stingeth. They haue snow and haile in the best time of their Sommer, and the ground frosen three fadome deepe. [Sidenote: Inchanters.] These people are great inchanters, and vse many charmes of witchcraft: for when their heads doe ake, they tye a great stone with a string vnto a sticke, and with certaine prayers and wordes done to the sticke, they lift vp the stone from ground, which sometimes with all a mans force they cannot stirre, and sometime againe they lift as easily as a fether, and hope thereby with certaine ceremonious wordes to haue ease and helpe. And they made vs by signes to vnderstand, lying groueling with their faces vpon the ground, and making a noise downeward, that they worship the deuill vnder them. [Sidenote: The beasts and foules of the Countrey.] They have great store of Deere, Beares, Hares, Foxes, and innumerable numbers of sundry sorts of wild foule, as Seamewes, Gulles, Wilmotes, Ducks, &c. whereof our men killed in one day fifteene hundred. They haue also store of haukes, as Falkons, Tassels, &c. whereof two alighted vpon one of our ships at their returne, and were brought into England, which some thinke wil proue very good. There are also great store of rauens, larkes, and partriges, whereof the countrey people feed. All these foules are farre thicker clothed with downe and fethers, and haue thicker skinnes then any in England haue: for as that countrey is colder, so nature hath provided a remedie thereunto. Our men haue eaten of the Beares, Hares, Patriges, Larkes, and of their wild foule, and find them reasonable good meat, but not so delectable as ours. Their wild foule must be all fleine, their skins are so thicke: and they tast best fryed in pannes. The Countrey seemeth to be much subiect to Earthquakes. The ayre is very subtile, piercing and searching, so that if any corrupted or infected body, especially with the disease called Morbus Gallicus come there, it will presently breake forth and shew it selfe, and cannot there by any kind of salue or medicine be cured. Their longest Sommers day is of great length, without any darke night, so that in Iuly al the night long, we might perfitly and easily write and reade whatsoeuer had pleased vs, which lightsome nights were very beneficiall vnto vs, being so distressed with abundance of yce as we were. [Sidenote: The length of their day.] The Sunne setteth to them in the Euening at a quarter of an houre after tenne of the clocke, and riseth againe in the morning, at three quarters of an houre after one of the clocke, so that in Sommer their Sunne shineth to them twenty houres and a halfe, and in the night is absent three houres and a halfe. And although the Sunne bee absent these 3. houres and a halfe, yet it is not darke that time, for that the Sunne is neuer aboue three or foure degrees vnder the edge of their Horizon; the cause is that the Tropicke of Cancer doth cut their Horizon at very vneuen and oblique Angles. [Sidenote: A full reuolution of the Moone aboue their Horizon.] But the Moone at anytime of the yeere being in Cancer, hauing North latitude; doth make a full revolution aboue their Horizon, so that sometime they see the Moone about 24. houres togither. Some of our company of the more ignorant sort, thought we might continually haue seene the Sunne and the Moone, had it not bene for two or three high mountaines. The people are now become so warie, and so circumspect, by reason of their former losses, that by no meines we can apprehend any of them, although wee attempted often in this last voyage. But to say trueth wee could not bestow any great time in pursuing them, because of our great businesse in lading, and other things. * * * * * The Letters patents of the Queenes Maiestie, granted to Master Adrian Gylbert and others, for the search and discouery of the Northwest Passage to China. Elizabeth by the grace of God of England, France, and Ireland Queene, defender of the faith, &c. To all, to whome these presents shall come, greeting: Forasmuch as our trustie and welbeloued subiect Adrian Gylbert of Sandridge in the Countie of Deuon, Gentleman, to his great costes and charges, hath greatly and earnestly trauelled and sought, and yet doth trauell and seeke, and by diuers meanes indeuoureth and laboureth, that the Passage vnto China and the Iles of the Moluccas, by the Northwestward, Northeastward, or Northward, vnto which part of the world, none of our loyall Subiects haue hitherto had any traffique or trade, may be discouered, knowen, and frequented by the Subiects of this our Realme: Knowe yee therefore that for the considerations aforesayd and for diuers other good considerations vs thereunto specially moouing. We of our grace especiall, certaine knowledge, and meere motion, haue giuen and granted, and by these presents for vs, our heires and successors, doe giue and grant free libertie, power, and full authoritie to the sayd Adrian Gylbert, and to any other person by him or his heires to be assigned, and to those his associates and assistants, whose names are written in a Scedule hereunto annexed, and to their heires, and to one assigne of each of them, and each of their heires at all times, and at any time or times after the date of these presents, vnder our Banners and Ensignes freely, without let, interruption, or restraint, of vs, our heires or successors, any law, statute proclamation, patent charter, or prouiso to the contrary notwithstanding, to saile, make voyage, and by any maner of meanes to passe and to depart out of this our Realme of England, or any our Realmes, Dominions, or Territories into all or any Isles, Countreys, Regions, Prouinces, Territories, Seas, Riuers, Portes, Bayes, Creekes, armes of the Sea, and all Hauens, and all maner of other places whatsoeuer, that by the sayde Northwestward, Northeastward, or Northward, is to be by him, his associates or assignes discouered, and for and in the sayd sayling, voyage, and passage, to haue and vse so many shippes, Barkes, Pinnesses, or any vessels of any qualitie or burthen, with all the furniture, of men, victuals, and all maner of necessary prouision, armour, weopons, ordinance, targets, and appurtinances, whatsoeuer, as to such a voyage shall or may be requisite, conuenient or commodious, any lawe, statute, ordinance or prouiso to the contrary thereof notwithstanding. And also we doe giue and grant to the sayde Adrian Gylbert, and his sayde associates, and to such assignee of him, and his heires, and to the heires and one assignee of euery of his sayde associates for euer, full power and absolute authoritie to trade and make their residance in any of the sayde Isles, Countreys, Regions, Prouinces, Territories, Seas, Riuers, Portes, Bayes, and Hauens, and all maner of other places whatsoeuer with all commodities, profites, and emoluments in the sayde places or any of them, growing and arising, with all maner of priuiledges, prerogatives, iurisdictions and royalties both by sea and land whatsoeuer, yeelding and paying therefore vnto vs, our heires and successors, the tenth part of all such golde and siluer oare, pearles, iewels, and precious stones, or the value thereof, as the sayd Adrian Gylbert and his sayd associates, their heires and assignes, servants, factors, or workemen, and euery or any of them shall finde, the sayd tenth to bee deliuered duely to our Customer, or other officers by vs, our heires or successors thereunto assigned, in the Fortes of London, Dartmouth, or Plimmouth, at which three places onely the sayde Adrian Gylbert and his sayde associates, their sayde heires and assignes, shall lade, charge, arriue, and discharge all maner of wares, goods, and merchandizes whatsoeuer to the sayde voyage, and newe trade belonging or appertaining. And moreouer, wee haue giuen, granted, and authorized, and by these presents for vs, our heires and successors, of our grace especiall, certaine knowledge, and meere motion, doe giue, graunt, and authorize the said Adrian Gilbert, and his said associats for euer, their heires and their said assignes and euery of them, that if the aforesayd Isles, Countreys, Regions, Prouinces, Territories, Seas, Riuers, Ports, Bayes, or Hauens, or any other of the premises by the sayd Adrian Gylbert or his associates, their heires and their said assignes or any of them, to be found by them, discouered and traffiqued vnto by any trade as aforesayd, shall be by any other our subiects visited, frequented, haunted, traded vnto or inhabited by the wayes aforesayd, without the special licence in writing of the said Adrian Gylbert and his associats, and their heires and assignes for euer, or by the most part of them, so that the sayd Adrian Gilbert, his heires or assignes be one of them, that then aswell their ship, or ships in any such voyage or voyages be vsed, as all and singuler their goods, wares, and marchandizes, or any other things whatsoeuer, from or to any of the places aforesayd transported, that so shall presume to visit, frequent, haunt, trade vnto, or inhabite, shall be forfaited and confiscated, ipso facto, the one halfe of the same goods and marchandizes, or other things whatsoeuer, or the value thereof to be to the vse of vs, our heires or successours, and the other moytie thereof to be to the vse of the sayd Adrian Gylbert and his said associats their heires and assignes for euer: [Sidenote: The colleagues of the fellowship for the discouery the Northwest passage.] and vnto the sayd Adrian Gylbert and his sayd associats, their heires and assignes wee impose, giue, assigne, create and confirme this, name peculiar to be named by, to sue and to be sued by, that is to wit, by the name of the Colleagues of the fellowship for the discouerie of the Northwest passage, and them for vs, our heires and successours by that name doe incorporate, and doe erect and create as one body corporate to haue continuance for euer. Moreouer vnto the sayd Adrian Gylbert, and his said associats, and vnto their heires and their sayd assignes for euer, by name of the Colleagues of the fellowship for the discouerie of the Northwest passage, we haue giuen, granted, and confirmed, and doe by these presents giue, grant, and confirme full power and authoritie from time to time, and at all times hereafter, to make order, decree and enact, constitute and ordeine, and appoynt all such ordinances, orders, decrees, lawes, and actes, as the sayd new corporation or body politique, Colleagues of the fellowship for the discouerie of the Northwest passage, shall thinke meete, necessary, and conuenient, so that they or any of them be not contrary to the lawes of this realme, and of this our present graunt. And we by our Royall prerogatiue, and fulnesse of our authority, of our grace especiall, certaine knowledge and meere motion, do establish, confirme and ratifie all such ordinances, orders, decrees, lawes and acts to be in so full and great power and authority, as we, our heires or successours may or can in any such case graunt, confirme, or ratifie. And further for the better incouragement of our louing subiects in this discouerie, we by our Royall prerogatiue, and fulnesse of authority for vs, our heires and successours, doe giue, graunt, establish, confirme, ordeine, ratifie and allow by these presents, to the sayd Adrian Gylbert and to his associates, and to the heires and assignes of them and euery of them for euer, and to all other person or persons of our louing subiects whatsoeuer that shall hereafter trauaile, sayle, discouer, or make voyage as aforesayd to any of the Iles, Mainelands, Countreys or Teritories whatsoeuer, by vertue of this our graunt to be discouered; [Sidenote: Free Denization granted.] that the heires and assignes of them and euery of them being borne within any of the Iles, Mainelands and Countreys, or Territories whatsoeuer before mentioned, shall haue and enioy all the privileges of free Denizens, as persons natiue borne within this our Realme of England, or within our allegiance for euer, in such like ample maner and forme, as if they were or had bene borne and personally resiant within our sayd Realme, any law, statute, proclamation, custome or vsage to the contrary hereof in any wise notwithstanding. Moreouer, for the consideration aforesayd by vertue hereof, we giue and graunt vnto the sayd Adrian Gylbert, his heires and assignes for euer, free libertie, licence and priuilege, [Sidenote: This Patent remained in force fiue yeeres.] that during the space of fiue yeeres next and immediately ensuing the date hereof, it shall not be lawfull for any person or persons whatsoeuer, to visit, haunt, frequent, trade, or make voyage to any Iles, Mainlands, Countreys, Regions, Prouinces, Territories, Seas, Riuers, Ports, Bayes, and Hauens, nor to any other Hauens or places whatsoeuer hitherto not yet discouered by any of our subiects by vertue of this graunt to be traded vnto, without the special consent and good liking of the said Adrian Gylbert, his heires or assignes first had in writing. And if any person or persons of the associats of the sayd Adrian, his heires or assignes or any other person or persons whatsoeuer, free of this discouery, shall do any act or acts contrary to the tenour and true meaning hereof, during the space of the sayd fiue yeeres, that then the partie and parties so offending, they and their heires for euer shall loose (ipso facto) the benefite and priuilege of this our graunt, and shall stand and remaine to all intents and purposes as persons exempted out of this graunt. [Sidenote: Authoritie to proceede at Sea against mutiners.] And further by vertue hereof wee giue and graunt, for vs, our heires and successours at all times during the space of fiue yeers next ensuing the date hereof, libertie and licence, and full authority to the sayd Adrian Gylbert, and his heires and assignes, that if it shall happen any one or moe in any ship or ships sayling on their sayd voyage, to become mutinous, seditious, disordered, or any way vnruly to the preiudice or hinderance of the hope for the successe in the attempt or prosecuting of this discouerie or trade intended, to vse or execute vpon him or them so offending, such punishment, correction, or execution, as the cause shall be found in iustice to require by the verdict of twelue of the companie sworne thereunto, as in such a case apperteineth: That expresse mention of the certaintie of the premisses, or of other gifts or graunts by vs to the sayd Adrian Gylbert and his associats before this time made is not mentioned in these presents, or any other lawe, act, statute, prouiso, graunt, or proclamation heretofore made or hereafter to be made to the contrary hereof in any wise notwithstanding. [Sidenote: 1583.] In witnesse whereof we haue made these our Letters to bee made patents: Witnesse our selfe at Westminster, the sixt day of Februarie, in the sixe and twenty yeere of our reigne. * * * * * The first voyage of M. Iohn Davis, undertaken in June 1585. for the discouerie of the Northwest passage, Written by M. Iohn Ianes Marchant, sometimes seruant to the worshipfull Master William Sanderson. Certaine Honourable personages, and worthy Gentlemen of the Court and Countrey, with diuers worshipful Marchants of London and of the West Countrey, mooued with desire to aduance Gods glory and to seeke the good of their natiue Countrey, consulting together of the likelyhood of the Discouerie of the Northwest passage, which heretofore had bene attempted, but vnhappily giuen ouer by accidents vnlooked for, which turned the enterprisers from their principall purpose, resolued after good deliberation, to put downe their aduentures to prouide for necessarie shipping, and a fit man to be chiefe Conductor of this so hard an enterprise. The setting forth of this action was committed by the aduenturers, especially to the care of M. William Sanderson Marchant of London, who was so forward therein, that besides his trauaile which was not small, he became the greatest aduenturer with his purse, and commended vnto the rest of the companie one M. Iohn Davis, a man very well grounded in the principles of the Arte of Nauigation, for Captaine and chiefe Pilot of this exployt. Thus therefore all things being put in a readines, wee departed from Dartmouth the seuenth of Iune, towards the discouerie of the aforesayd Northwest passage, with two Barkes, the one being of 50. tunnes, named the Sunneshine of London, and the other being 35. tunnes, named the Mooneshine of Dartmouth. In the Sunneshine we had 23. persons, whose names are these following, M. Iohn Dauis Captaine, William Eston Master, Richard Pope masters mate, Iohn Iane Marchant, Henry Dauie gunner, William Crosse boatswayne, Iohn Bagge, Walter Arthur, Luke Adams, Robert Coxworthie, Iohn Ellis, Iohn Kelley, Edward Helman, William Dicke, Andrew Maddocke, Thomas Hill, Robert Wats Carpenter, William Russel, Christopher Gorney boy: [Sidenote: Musitians.] Iames Cole, Francis Ridley, John Russell, Robert Cornish Musicians. The Mooneshine had l9. persons, William Bruton Captaine Iohn Ellis Master, the rest Mariners. The 7. of Iune the Captaine and the Master drewe out a proportion for the continuance of our victuals. The 8. day the wind being at Southwest and West Southwest, we put in for Falmouth, where we remained vntill the 13. The 13. the wind blew at North, and being faire weather we departed. The 14. with contrary wind we were forced to put into Silley. The 15. wee departed thence, hauing the wind North and by East moderate and faire weather. The 16. wee were driuen backe againe, and were constrained to arriue at newe Grymsby in Silley: here the winde remained contrary 12. dayes, and in that space the Captaine, the Master and I went about all the Ilands, and the Captaine did plat out and describe the situation of all the Ilands, rocks and harboroughs to the exact vse of Nauigation, with lines and scale thereunto conuenient. [Sidenote: They depart from Silley.] The 28. in Gods name we departed the wind being Easterly but calme. [Sidenote: Iuly.] The first of Iuly wee sawe great store of Porposes; The Master called for an harping yron, and shot twise or thrise: sometimes he missed, and at last shot one and strooke him in the side, and wound him into the ship: when we had him aboord, the Master sayd it was a Darlie head. The 2. we had some of the fish sodden, and it did eat as sweete as any mutton. The 3. wee had more in sight, and the Master went to shoote at them, but they were so great, that they burst our yrons, and we lost both fish, yrons, pastime and all: yet neuerthelesse the Master shot at them with a pike, and had welnigh gotten one, but he was so strong that he burst off the barres of the pike and went away: then he tooke the boate-hook, and hit one with that, but all would not preuaile, so at length we let them alone. The 6. we saw a very great Whale, and euery day we saw whales continually. [Sidenote: Great store of whales.] The 16. and 17. we saw great store of Whales. The 19. of Iuly we fell into a great whirling and brustling of a tyde, setting to the Northwards: and sayling about halfe a league wee came into a very calme Sea, which bent to the Southsouthwest. Here we heard a mighty great roaring of the Sea, as if it had bene the breach of some shoare, the ayre being so fogie and fulle of thicke mist, that we could not see the one ship from the other, being a very small distance asunder: so the Captaine and the Master being in distrust how the tyde might set them, caused the Mooneshine to hoyse out her boate and to sound, but they could not finde ground in 300 fathoms and better. Then the Captaine, Master, and I went towards the breach, to see what it should be, giuing the charge to our gunners that at euery glasse they should shoote off a musket shot, to the intent we might keepe ourselues from loosing them. [Sidenote: The rouling of the yce together made a great roaring.] Then coming nere to the breach, we met many Ilands of yce floting, which had quickly compassed vs about: then we went vpon some of them, and did perceiue that all the roaring which we heard, was caused onely by the rowling of this yce together: [Sidenote: Yce turned into water.] Our companie seeing vs not to returne according to our appoyntment, left off shooting muskets, and began to shoote falkonets, for they feared some mishap had befallen vs, but before night we came aboord againe with our boat laden with yce, which made very good fresh water. Then wee bent our course toward the North, hoping by that meanes to double the land. [Sidenote: The land of Desolation.] The 20. as we sayled along the coast the fogge broke, and we discouered the land, which was the most deformed rockie and mountainous land that euer we saw: The first sight whereof did shew as if it had bene in forme of a sugar-loafe, standing to our sight aboue the cloudes, for that it did shew ouer the fogge like a white liste in the skie, the tops altogether covered with snow, and the shoare beset with yce a league off into the Sea, making such yrkesome noyse as that it seemed to be the true patterne of desolation, and after the same our Captaine named it, The land of Desolation. The 21. the winde came Northerly and ouerblew, so that we were constrained to bend our course South againe, for we perceiued that we were runne into a very deepe Bay, where wee were almost compassed with yce, for we saw very much toward the Northnortheast, West, and Southwest: and this day and this night wee cleared our selues of the yce, running Southsouthwest along the shoare. Vpon Thursday being the 22. of this moneth, about three of the clocke in the morning, wee hoysed out our boate, and the Captaine with sixe sayles went towards the shore, thinking to find a landing place, for the night before we did perceiue the coast to be voyde of yce to our iudgement, and the same night wee were all perswaded that we had seene a Canoa rowing along the shoare, but afterwards we fell in some doubt of it, but we had no great reason so to doe. The Captaine rowing towards the shoare, willed the Master to beare in with the land after him, and before he came neere the shoare by the space of a league, or about two miles, hee found so much yce, that hee could not get to land by any meanes. Here our mariners put to their lines to see if they could get any fish, because there were so many seales vpon the coast, and the birds did beate vpon the water, but all was in vaine: [Sidenote: Very blacke water.] The water about this place was very blacke and thicke like to a filthy standing poole, we sounded and had ground in 120. fathoms. [Sidenote: Floting wood.] While the Captaine was rowing to the shoare, our men sawe woods vpon the rocks like to the rocks of Newfoundland, but I could not discerne them, yet it might be so very well, for we had wood floting vpon the coast euery day, and the Moone-shine tooke vp a tree at Sea not farre from the coast being sixtie foote of length and fourteene handfuls about, hauing the roote vpon it: After this the Captaine came aboord, the weather being very calme and faire we bent our course toward the South, with intent to double the land. The 23. we coasted the land which did lie Eastnortheast and Westsouthwest. The 24. the winde being very faire at East, we coasted the land which did lie East and West, not being able to come neere the shoare by reason of the great quantitie of yce. [Sidenote: Colde by reason of yce.] At this place, because the weather was somewhat colde by reason of the yce, and the better to encourage our men, their allowance was increased: the captaine and the master tooke order that euery messe, being fiue persons, should haue halfe a pound of bread and a kan of beere euery morning to breakfast. The weather was not very colde, but the aire was moderate like to our April-weather in England: when the winde came from the land, or the ice, it was somewhat colde, but when it came off the sea it was very hote. [Sidenote: They saile Northwestward aboue foure dayes.] The 25. of this moneth we departed from sight of this land at sixe of the clocke in the morning, directing our course to the Northwestward, hoping in Gods mercy to finde our desired passage, and so continued aboue foure dayes. [Sidenote: Land in 64 degrees 15 min.] The 29. of Iuly we discouered land in 64 degrees 15 minutes of latitude, bearing Northeast from vs. The winde being contrary to goe to the Northwestwards, we bare in with this land to take some view of it, being vtterly void of the pester yce and very temperate. Comming neere the coast, we found many faire sounds and good roads for shipping, and many great inlets into the land, whereby we iudged this land to be a great number of Islands standing together. Heere hauing mored our barke in good order, we went on shoare vpon a small Island to seeke for water and wood. [Sidenote: The sound where our ships did ride was called Gilberts Sound.] Vpon this Island we did perceiue that there had bene people: or we found a small shoo and pieces of leather sowed with sinewes, and a piece of furre, and wooll like to Beuer. Then we went vpon another Island on the other side of our shippes: and the Captaine, the master, and I, being got vp to the top of an high rocke, the people of the countrey hauing espied vs, made a lamentable noise, as we thought, with great outcries and skreechings: we hearing them, thought it had bene the howling of wolues. At last I hallowed againe, and they likewise cried. Then we perceiuing where they stood, some on the shoare, and one rowing in a Canoa about a small Island fast by them, we made a great noise, partly to allure them to vs, and partly to warne our company of them. [Sidenote: Musicians.] Whereupon M. Bruton and the Master of his shippe, with others of their company, made great haste towards vs, and brought our Musicians with them from our shippe, purposing either by force to rescue vs, if need should so require, or with courtesie to allure the people. When they came vnto vs, we caused our Musicians to play, our selues dancing, and making many signes of friendship. [Sidenote: The people of the countrey came and conferred with our men.] At length there came tenne Canoas from the other Islands, and two of them came so neere the shoare where we were, that they talked with vs, the other being in their boats a prety way off. Their pronunciation was very hollow thorow the throat, and their speech such as we could not vnderstand: onely we allured them by friendly imbracings and signes of courtesie. At length one of them pointing vp to the Sunne with his hand, would presently strike his breast so hard that we might heare the blow. This hee did many times before hee would any way trust vs. Then Iohn Ellis the Master of the Mooneshine was appointed to vse his best policie to gaine their friendship; who strooke his breast, and pointed to the Sunne after their order: which when he had diuers time done, they beganne to trust him, and one of them came on shoare, to whom we threw our cappes, stockings, and gloues, and such other things as then we had about vs, playing with our musicke, and making signes of ioy, and dauncing. So the night comming, we bade them farewell, and went aboord our barks. [Sidenote: Thirty seuen Canoas. Their musicke.] The next morning being the 30. of Iuly there came 37 Canoas rowing by our ships, calling to vs to come on shoare: we not making any great haste vnto them, one of them went vp to the toppe of the rocke, and leapt and daunced as they had done the day before, shewing vs a seales skinne, and another thing made like a timbrell, which he did beat vpon with a sticke, making a noise like a small drumme. Whereupon we manned our boats and came to them, they all staying in their Canoas: we come to the water side where they were: and after we had sworne by the Sunne after their fashion, they did trust vs. [Sidenote: Great familiarity with the Sauages.] So I shooke hands with one of them, and he kissed my hand, and we were very familiar with them. We were in so great credit with them vpon this single acquaintance, that we could haue any thing they had. We bought fiue Canoas of them: we bought their clothes from their backs, which were all made of seales skinnes and birds skinnes; their buskins, their hose, their gloues, all being commonly sowed and well dressed: so that we were fully perswaded that they haue diuers artificers among them. We had a paire of buskins of them full of fine wool like beuer. Their apparell for heat was made of birds skinnes with their feathers on them. We saw among them leather dressed like Glouers leather, and thicke thongs like white leather of a good length. We had of their darts and oares, and found in them that they would by no meanes displease vs, but would giue vs whatsoeuer we asked of them, and would be satisfied with whatsoeuer we gaue them. They tooke great care of one another: for when we had bought their boats, then two other would come and cary him away betweene them that had solde vs his. They are very tractable people, void of craft or double dealing, and easie to be brought to any civility or good order: but we iudge them to be idolaters and to worship the Sunne. [Sidenote: Diuers sorts of wood.] During the time of our abode among these Islands we found reasonable quantitie of wood, both firre, spruse and iuniper; which whether it came floating any great distance to these places where we found it, or whether it grew in some great Islands neere the same place by vs not yet discouered, we know not; but we iudge that it groweth there further into the land then we were, because the people had great store of darts and oares which they made none account of, but gaue them to vs for small trifles, as points and pieces of paper. [Sidenote: They may make much traine, if they had meanes how to vse it.] We saw about this coast marueilous great abundance of seales skulling together like skuls of small fish. We found no fresh water among these Islands, but onely snow water, whereof we found great pooles. The cliffes were all of such oare as M. Frobisher brought from Meta incognita. [Sidenote: Moscouie glasse.] We had diuers shewes of Study or Muscouy glasse shining not altogether vnlike to Christall. [Sidenote: A fruit like corinths.] We found an herbe growing vpon the rocks whose fruit was sweet, full of red iuice, and the ripe ones were like corinths. We found also birch and willow growing like shrubbes low to the ground. These people haue great store of furres as we iudge. They made shewes vnto vs the 30 of this present, which was the second time of our being with them, after they perceiued we would haue skinnes and furres, that they would go into the countrey and come againe the next day with such things as they had: but this night the winde comming faire, the captaine and the master would by no meanes detract the purpose of our discouery. And so the last of this moneth about foure of the clocke in the morning in God's name we set saile, and were all that day becalmed vpon the coast. [Sidenote: August.] The first of August we had a faire winde, and so proceeded towards the Northwest for our discouery. [Sidenote: Land in 66 degrees 40 min.] The sixt of August we discouered land in 66 degrees 40 minuts of latitude, altogether void from the pester of ice: we ankered in a very faire rode vnder a braue mount, the cliffes whereof were as orient as golde. This Mount was named Mount Raleigh. The rode where our ships lay at anker was called Totnes rode. The sound which did compasse the mount was named Exeter sound. The foreland towards the North was called Diers cape. The foreland towards the South was named Cape Walsingham. [Sidenote: Foure white beares.] So soone as we were come to an anker in Totnes rode vnder Mount Raleigh, we espied foure white beares at the foot of the mount: we supposing them to be goats or wolues, manned our boats and went towards them: but when we came neere the shore, we found them to be white beares of a monstrous bignesse: we being desirous of fresh victuall and the sport, began to assault them, and I being on land, one of them came downe the hill right against me: my piece was charged with hailshot and a bullet: I discharged my piece and shot him in the necke; he roared a litle, and tooke the water straight, making small account of his hurt. Then we followed him with our boat, and killed him with boare-speares, and two more that night. We found nothing in their mawes: but we iudged by their dung that they fed vpon grasse, because it appeared in all respects like the dung of an horse, wherein we might very plainly see the very strawes. The 7 we went on shore to another beare which lay all night vpon the top of an Island vnder Mount Raleigh, and when we came vp to him he lay fast asleep. [Sidenote: A large white beare.] I leuelled at his head, and the stone of my piece gaue no fire: with that he looked vp, and layed downe his head againe: then I shot being charged with two bullets, and strooke him in the head: he being but amazed fell backwards: wherevpon we ran all vpon him with boare-speares, and thrust him in the body: yet for that he gript away our boare-speares, and went towards the water; and as he was going downe, he came backe againe. Then our Master shot his boare-spear, and strooke him in the head, and made him to take the water, and swimme into a coue fast by, where we killed him, and brought him aboord. The breadth of his forefoot from one side to the other was fourteene inches ouer. They were very fat, so as we were constrained to cast the fat away. We saw a rauen vpon Mount Raleigh. We found withies also growing like low shrubs and flowers like Primroses in the sayd place. The coast is very mountainous, altogether without wood, grasse, or earth, and is onely huge mountaines of stone; but the brauest stone that euer we saw. The aire was very moderate in this countrey. The 8 we departed from Mount Raleigh, coasting along the shoare, which lieth Southsouthwest, and Eastnortheast. The 9 our men fell in dislike of their allowance, because it was too small as they thought: whereupon we made a new proportion; euery messe being fiue to a messe should haue foure pound of bread a day, twelue wine quarts of beere, six Newland fishes; and the flesh dayes a gill of pease more: so we restrained them from their butter and cheese. The 11 we came to the most Southerly cape of this land, which we named The Cape of Gods mercy, as being the place of our first entrance for the discouery. The weather being very foggy we coasted this North land; at length when it brake vp, we perceiued that we were shot into a very faire entrance or passage, being in some places twenty leagues broad, and in some thirty, altogether void of any pester of ice, the weather very tolerable, and the water of the very colour, nature and quality of the maine ocean, which gaue vs the greater hope of our passage. Hauing sailed Northwest sixty leagues in this entrance we discouered certaine Islands standing in the midst thereof, hauing open passage on both sides. Wherupon our ships diuided themselues, the one sailing on the North side, the other on the South side of the sayd Isles, where we stayed fiue dayes, hauing the winde at Southeast, very foggy and foule weather. The 14 we went on shoare and found signes of people, for we found stones layed vp together like a wall, and saw the skull of a man or a woman. The 15 we heard dogs houle on the shoare, which we thought had bene wolues, and therefore we went on shoare to kill them. When we came on land the dogges came presently to our boat very gently, yet we thought they came to pray vpon vs, and therefore we shot at them, and killed two: and about the necke of one of them we found a leatherne coller, whereupon we thought them to be tame dogs. There were twenty dogs like mastiues with prickt eares and long bush tailes: we found a bone in the pizels of their dogs. [Sidenote: Timber sawen.] Then we went farther, and found two sleads made like ours in England: the one was made of firre, spruse and oken boords sawen like inch boords: the other was made all of whale bone, and there hung on the tops of the sleads three heads of beasts which they had killed. [Sidenote: Fowle.] We saw here larks, rauens, and partridges. [Sidenote: An image.] The 17 we went on shoare, and in a little thing made like an ouen with stones I found many small trifles, as a small canoa made of wood, a piece of wood made like an image, a bird made of bone, beads hauing small holes in one end of them to hang about their necks, and other small things. The coast was very barren without wood or grasse: the rocks were very faire like marble, full of vaines of divers colours. We found a seale which was killed not long before, being fleane, and hid vnder stones. [Sidenote: Probabilities for the passage.] Our Captaine and Master searched for probabilities of the passage, and first found, that this place was all Islands, with great sounds passing betweene them. [Sidenote: Wee neuer came into any bay before or after, but the waters colour was altered very blackish.] Secondly the water remained of one colour with the maine ocean without altering. Thirdly we saw to the West of those Isles three or foure whales in a skull, which they iudged to come from a Westerly sea, because to the Eastward we saw not any whale. Also as we were rowing into a very great sound lying Southwest, from whence these whales came, vpon the sudden there came a violent counter-checke of a tide from the Southwest against the flood which we came with, not knowing from whence it was mainteined. Fiftly, in sailing twenty leagues within the mouth of this entrance we had sounding in 90 fadoms, faire grey osie sand, and the further we ran into the Westwards the deeper was the water; so that hard aboord the shoare among these Isles we could not haue ground in 330 fadoms. Lastly, it did ebbe and flow sixe or seuen fadome vp and downe, the flood comming from diuers parts, so as we could not perceiue the chiefe maintenance thereof. The 18 and 19 our Captaine and Master determined what was best to doe, both for the safegard of their credits, and satisfying of the aduenturers, and resolued, if the weather brake vp, to make further search. The 20 the winde came directly against vs: so they altered their purpose, and reasoned both for proceeding and returning. The 21 the winde being Northwest, we departed from these Islands; and as we coasted the South shoare we saw many faire sounds, whereby we were perswaded that it was no firme land but Islands. The 23 of this moneth the wind came Southeast, with very stormy and foule weather: so we were constrained to seeke harborow vpon the South coast of this entrance, where we fell into a very faire sound, and ankered in 25 fadoms greene osie sand. [Sidenote: Faulcons.] Here we went on shore, where we had manifest signes of people where they had made their fire, and layed stone like a wall. In this place we saw foure very faire faulcons; and M. Bruton tooke from one of them his prey, which we iudged by the wings and legs to be a snite, for the head was eaten off. The 24 in the afternoone, the winde comming somewhat faire, we departed from this road, purposing by Gods grace to returne for England. [Sidenote: Their returne.] The 26 we departed from sight of the North land of this entrance, directing our course homewards vntill the tenth of the next moneth. [Sidenote: September.] The 10. of September wee fell with The land of desolation, thinking to goe on shoare, but we could get neuer a good harborough. That night wee put to sea againe, thinking to search it the next day: but this night arose a very great storme, and separated our ships, so that we lost the sight of the Mooneshine. [Sidenote: They saile from The land of desolation to England in 14. dayes.] The 13. about noone (hauing tried all the night before with a goose wing) we set saile, and within two houres after we had sight of the Mooneshine againe: this day we departed from this land. The 27. of this moneth we fell with sight of England. This night we had a marueilous storme and lost the Mooneshine. The 30. of September wee came into Dartmouth, where wee found the Mooneshine being come in not two houres before.[89] * * * * * The second voyage attempted by M. Iohn Dauis with others, for the Discouery of the Northwest passage, in Anno 1586. The 7. day of May, I departed from the port of Dartmouth for the discouery of the Northwest passage, with a ship of an hundred and twentie tunnes named the Mermayd, a barke of 60. tunnes named the Sunneshine, a barke of 35. tunnes named the Mooneshine, and a pinnesse of tenne tunnes named the North starre. [Sidenote: Land discouered in 60. degrees.] And the 15. of Iune I discouered land in the latitude of 60. degrees, and in longitude from the Meridian of London Westward 47. degrees, mightily pestered with yce and snow, so that there was no hope of landing; the yce lay in some places tenne leagues, in some 20. and in some 50. leagues off the shore, so that wee were constrained to beare into 57. degrees to double the same, and to recouer a free Sea, which through Gods fauourable mercy we at length obtained. The 29. of Iune after many tempestuous storms we againe discouered land, in longitude from the Meridian of London 58. degr. 30. min. and in latitude 64. being East from vs: into which course sith it please God by contrary winds to force vs, I thought it very necessary to beare in with it, and there to set vp our pinnesse, prouided in the Mermayd to be our scout for this discouery, and so much the rather because the yere before I had bene in the same place, and found it very conuenient for such a purpose, wel stored with flote wood, and possessed by a people of tractable conversation: so that the 29. of this moneth we arriued within the Isles which lay before this land, lying North northwest, and South southeast, we knew not how farre. This land is very high and mountainous, hauing before it on the West side a mighty company of Isles full of faire sounds, and harboroughs. This land was very little troubled with snow, and the sea altogether voyd of yce. [Sidenote: Gentle and louing Sauages.] The ships being within the sounds wee sent our boates to search for shole water, where wee might anker, which in this place is very hard to finde: and as the boat went sounding and searching, the people of the countrey hauing espied them, came in their Canoas towards them with many shoutes and cries: but after they had espied in the boat some of our company that were the yeere before here with vs, they presently rowed to the boate, and tooke hold on the oare, and hung about the boate with such comfortable ioy, as would require a long discourse to be uttered: they came with the boates to our ships, making signes that they knewe all those that the yeere before had bene with them. After I perceiued their ioy and small feare of vs, myselfe with the Merchants and others of the company went a shoare, bearing with me twentie kniues: I had no sooner landed, but they lept out of their Canoas and came running to mee and the rest, and embraced vs with many signes of heartie welcome: at this present there were eighteene of them, and to eche of them I gaue a knife: they offered skinnes to me for reward, but I made signes that they were not solde, but giuen them of courtesie: and so dismissed them for that time, with signes that they should returne againe after certaine houres. [Sidenote: An 100 Canoas with diuers commodities.] The next day with all possible speed the pinnesse was landed vpon an Isle there to be finished to serue our purpose for the discouerie, which Isle was so conuenient for that purpose, as that we were very wel able to defend ourselues against many enemies. During the time that the pinesse was there setting vp, the people came continually vnto vs sometime an hundred Canoas at a time, sometime fortie, fiftie, more and lesse, as occasion serued. They brought with them seale skinnes, stagge skinnes, white hares, Seale fish, salmon peale, smal cod, dry caplin, with other fish, and birds such as the countrey did yeeld. My selfe still desirous to haue a further search of this place, sent one of the shipboates to one part of the land, and my selfe went to another part to search for the habitation of this people, with straight commandement that there should be no iniurie offered to any of the people, neither any gunne shot. [Sidenote: Images, trane oyle, and Seale skins in tan tubs.] The boates that went from me found the tents of the people made with seale skinnes set vp vpon timber, wherein they found great store of dried Caplin, being a little fish no bigger than a pilchard: they found bags of Trane oyle, many litle images cut in wood, Seale skinnes in tan-tubs, with many other such trifles, whereof they diminished nothing. [Sidenote: A plaine champion countrey. A goodly riuer.] They also found tenne miles within the snowy mountaines a plaine champion countrey, with earth and grasse, such our moory and waste grounds of England are: they went vp into a riuer (which in the narrowest place is two leagues broad) about ten leagues, finding it still to continue they knewe not howe farre: but I with my company tooke another riuer, which although at the first it offered a large inlet, yet it proued but a deepe bay, the ende whereof in foure houres I attained, and there leauing the boat well manned, went with the rest of my company three or foure miles into the countrey, but found nothing, nor saw any thing; saue onely gripes, rauens, and small birds, as larkes and linnets. The third of Iuly I manned my boat, and went with fifty Canoas attending vpon me vp into another sound where the people by signes willed mee to goe, hoping to finde their habitation: at length they made signes that I should goe into warme place to sleepe, at which place I went on shore, and ascended the toppe of an high hill to see into the countrey, but perceiuing my labour vaine, I returned againe to my boate, the people still following me, and my company very diligent to attend vs, and to helpe vs vp the rockes, and likewise downe: at length I was desirous to haue our men leape with them, which was done, but our men did ouerleape them: from leaping they went to wrestling, we found them strong and nimble, and to haue skil in wrestling, for they cast some of our men that were good wrestlers. The fourth of Iuly we lanched our pinnesse, and had fortie of the people to help vs, which they did very willingly: at this time our men againe wrestled with them, and found them as before, strong and skillfull. [Sidenote: A graue with a crosse layd ouer. The Tartars and people of Iapon are also smal eyed.] The fourth of Iuly the Master of the Mermayd went to certaine Ilands to store himselfe with wood, where he found a graue with diuers buried in it, only couered with seale skinnes, hauing a crosse laid ouer them, The people are of good stature, wel in body proportioned, with small slender hands and feet, with broad visages, and smal eyes, wide mouthes, the most part vnbearded, great lips, and close toothed. Their custome is as often as they go from vs, still at their returne to make a new truce, in this sort, holding his hand vp to the Sun with a lowd voice he crieth Ylyaoute, and striketh his brest with like signes, being promised safety, he giueth credit. These people are much giuen to bleed, and therefore stop their noses with deeres haire, or haire of an elan. They are idolaters and haue images great store, which they weare about them, and in their boats, which we suppose they worship. They are witches, and haue many kinds of inchantments, which they often vsed, but to small purpose, thankes be to God. [Sidenote: Their maner of kindling fire like to theirs in America.] Being among them at shore the fourth of Iuly, one of them making a long oration, beganne to kindle a fire in this maner: he tooke a piece of a board wherein was a hole halfe thorow: into that hole he puts the end of a round stick like vnto a bedstaffe, wetting the end thereof in Trane, and in fashion of a turner with a piece of lether, by his violent motion doeth very speedily produce fire: [Sidenote: A fire made of turfes.] which done, with turfes he made a fire, into which with many words and strange gestures, he put diuerse things, which wee supposed to be a sacrifice: my selfe and diuers of my company standing by, they were desirous to haue me go into the smoke, I willed them likewise to stand in the smoke, which they by no meanes would do. I then tooke one of them, and thrust him into the smoke, and willed one of my company to tread out the fire, and to spurne it into the sea, which was done to shew them that we did contemne their sorcery. [Sidenote: Great theeues.] These people are very simple in all their conuersation, but marueillous theeuish, especially for iron, which they haue in great account. They began through our lenitie to shew their vile nature: they began to cut our cables: they cut away the Moonelights boat from her sterne, they cut our cloth where it lay to aire, though we did carefully looke vnto it, they stole our oares, a caliuer, a boare speare, a sword, with diuers other things, whereat the company and Masters being grieued, for our better securitie, desired me to dissolue this new friendship, and to leaue the company of these theeuish miscreants: whereupon there was a caliuer shot among them, and immediatly vpon the same a faulcon, which strange noice did sore amaze them, so that with speed they departed: notwithstanding their simplicitie is such, that within ten hours after they came againe to vs to entreat peace: which being promised, we againe fell into a great league. They brought vs Seale skinnes, and sammon peale, but seeing iron, they could in no wise forbeare stealing: which when I perceiued, it did but minister vnto mee an occasion of laughter, to see their simplicitie, and I willed that, in no case they should bee any more hardly used, but that our owne company should be the more vigilant to keepe their things, supposing it to be very hard in so short time to make them know their euils. [Sidenote: Their rude diet.] They eate all their meat raw, they liue most vpon fish, they drinke salt water, and eate grasse and ice with delight: they are neuer out of the water, but liue in the nature of fishes, saue only when dead sleepe taketh them, and then vnder a warme rocke laying his boat vpon the land, hee lyeth downe to sleepe. [Sidenote: Their weapons.] Their weapons are all darts, but some of them haue bow and arrowes and slings. [Sidenote: Strange nets.] They make nets to take their fish of the finne of a whale: they do their things very artificially: [Sidenote: These Islanders warre with the people of the maine.] and it should seeme that these simple theeuish Islanders haue warre with those of the maine, for many of them are sore wounded, which wounds they receiued vpon the maine land, as by signes they gaue vs to vnderstand. We had among them copper oare, blacke copper, and red copper: [Sidenote: Copper oare.] they pronounce their language very hollow, and deepe in the throat: these words following we learned from them. [Sidenote: Their language.] Kesinyoh, Eate some. Madlycoyte, Musicke. Aginyoh, go fetch. Yliaoute, I meane no harme. Ponameg, A boat. Paaotyck, An oare. Asanock, A dart. Sawygmeg, A knife. Vderah, A nose. Aoh, Iron. Blete, An eye. Vnuicke, Giue it. Tuckloak, A stagge or ellan. Panygmah, A neddle. Aob, The Sea. Mysacoah, Wash it. Lethicksaneg, A seale skinne. Canyglow, Kiss me. Vgnera, My sonne. Acu, Shot. Conah, Leape. Maatuke, Fish. Sambah, Below. Maconmeg, Will you haue this. Cooah, Go to him. Aba, fallen downe. Icune, Come hither. Awennye, Yonder. Nugo, No. Tucktodo, A fogge. Lechiksa, A skinne. Maccoah, A dart. Sugnacoon, A coat. Gounah, Come downe. Sasobneg, A bracelet. Vgnake, A tongue. Ataneg, A seale. Macuah, A beard. Pignagogah, A threed. Quoysah, Giue it to me. The 7. of Iuly being very desirous to search the habitation of this countrey, I went myselfe with our new pinnesse into the body of the land, thinking it to be a firme continent, and passing vp a very large riuer, a great flaw of winde tooke me, whereby wee were constrained to seeke succour for that night, which being had, I landed with the most part of my company, and went to the top of a high mountaine, hoping from thence to see into the countrey: but the mountaines were so many and so mighty as that my purpose preuailed not: [Sidenote: Muscles.] [Sidenote: A strange whirlwind.] whereupon I againe returned to my pinnesse, and willing diuers of my company to gather muscles for my supper, whereof in this place there was great store, myselfe hauing espied a very strange sight, especially to me that neuer before saw the like, which was a mighty whirlewinde taking vp the water in very great quantitie, furiously mounting it into the aire, which whirlewinde, was not for a puffe or blast, but continual, for the space of three houres, with very little intermission, which sith it was in the course that I should passe, we were constrained that night to take vp our lodging vnder the rocks. [Sidenote: Great Ilands.] The next morning the storme being broken vp, we went forward in our attempt, and sailed into a mighty great riuer directly into the body of the land, and in briefe, found it to be no firme land, but huge waste, and desert Isles with mighty sounds, and inlets passing betweene Sea and Sea. Whereupon we returned towards our shippes, and landing to stoppe a floud, we found the burial of these miscreants; we found of their fish in bagges, plaices, and calpin dried, of which wee tooke onely one bagge and departed. The ninth of this moneth we came to our ships, where we found the people desirous in their fashion, of friendship and barter: [Sidenote: Slings.] our Mariners complained heauily against the people, and said that my lenitie and friendly vsing of them gaue them stomacke to mischiefe: for they haue stollen an anker from vs, they haue cut our cable very dangerously, they haue cut our boats from our sterne, and now since your departure, with slings they spare vs not with stones of halfe a pound weight: and wil you stil indure these iniuries? It is a shame to beare them. I desired them to be content, and said, I doubted not but all should be wel. The 10. of this moneth I went to the shore, the people following mee in their Canoas: I tolled them on shoare, and vsed them with much courtesie, and then departed aboord, they following me, and my company. I gaue some of them bracelets, and caused seuen or eight of them to come aboord, which they did willingly, and some of them went into the top of the ship: and thus curteously vsing them, I let them depart: the Sunne was no sooner downe, but they began to practice they deuilish nature, and with slings threw stones very fiercely into the Mooneshine, and strake one of her men then boatswaine, that he ouerthrew withall: whereat being moued, I changed my curtesie, and grew to hatred, my self in my owne boate well manned with shot, and the barks boat likewise pursued them, and gaue them diuers shot, but to small purpose, by reason of their swift rowing: so smally content we returned. The 11. of this moneth there came fiue of them to make a new truce: the master of the Admiral came to me to shew me of their comming, and desired to haue them taken and kept as prisoners vntill we had his anker againe: but when he sawe that the chiefe ringleader and master of mischiefe was one of the fiue, he then was vehement to execute his purpose, so it was determined to take him: he came crying Iliaout, and striking his brest offered a paire of gloues to sell, the master offered him a knife for them: so two of them came to vs, the one was not touched, but the other was soone captiue among vs: then we pointed to him and his fellowes for our anker, which being had, we made signes that he should be set at libertie: [Sidenote: One of the people taken which after dyed.] within one houre after he came aboord the winde came faire, wherevpon we weyed and set saile, and so brought the fellow with vs: one of his fellowes still following our ship close aboord, talked with him and made a kind of lamentation, we still vsing him wel with Yliaout, which was the common course of curtesie. At length this fellow aboord vs spake foure or fiue words vnto the other and clapped his two hands vpon his face, whereupon the other doing the like, departed as we suppose with heauie chere. We iudged the couering of his face with his hands and bowing of his body downe, signified his death. At length he became a pleasant companion among vs. I gaue him a new sute of frize after the English fashion, because I saw he could not indure the colde, of which he was very ioyful, he trimmed vp his darts, and all his fishing tooles, and would make okam, and set his hand to a ropes end vpon occasion. He liued with the dry Caplin that I tooke when I was searching in the pinnis, and did eate dry Newfoundland fish. All this while, God be thanked, our people were in very good health, onely one young man excepted, who dyed at sea the fourteenth of this moneth, and the fifteenth, according to the order of the sea, with praise giuen to God by seruice, was cast ouerboord. [Sidenote: A huge quantitie of yce in 63. degrees of latitude.] The 17 of this moneth being in the latitude of 63. degrees 8. minuts, we fell vpon a most mighty and strange quantitie of yce in one entire masse, so bigge as that we knew not the limits thereof, and being withall so high in forme of a land, with bayes and capes and like high cliffe land, as that we supposed it to be land, and therefore sent our pinnesse off to discouer it: but at her returne we were certainely informed that it was onely yce, which bred great admiration to vs all considering the huge quantitie thereof, incredible to be reported in trueth as it was, and therefore I omit to speake any further thereof. This onely I thinke, that the like before was neuer seene: and in this place we had very stickle and strong currents. [Sidenote: The nature of fogges.] We coasted this mightie masse of yce vntill the 30 of Iuly, finding it a mighty barre to our purpose: the ayre in this time was so contagious and the sea so pestered with yce, as that all hope was banished of proceeding: for the 24 of Iuly all our shrowds, ropes and sailes were so frosen, and compassed with yce, onely by a grosse fogge, as seemed to me more then strange, sith the last yeere I found this sea free and nauigable, without impediments. Our men through this extremity began to grow sicke and feeble, and withall hopelesse of good successe: whereupon very orderly, with good discretion they intreated me to regard the state of this business, and withall aduised me, that in conscience I ought to regard the saftie of mine owne life with the preseruation of theirs, and that I should not through my ouer-boldnes leaue their widowes and fatherlesse children to giue me bitter curses. This matter in conscience did greatly moue me to regard their estates: yet considering the excellencie of the business if it might be attained, the great hope of certaintie by the last yeeres discouery, and that there was yet a third way not put in practice, I thought it would growe to my great disgrace if this action by my negligence should grow into discredite: whereupon seeking helpe from God, the fountaine of all mercies, it pleased his diuine maiestie to moue my heart to prosecute that which I hope shall be to his glory, and to the contentation of euery Christian minde. Whereupon falling into consideration that the Mermaid, albeit a very strong and sufficient ship, yet by reason of her burthen was not so conuenient and nimble as a smaller bark, especially in such desperate hazzards; further hauing in account her great charge to the aduenturers being at 100. li. the moneth, and that at doubtfull seruice: all the premisses considered with diuers other things, I determined to furnish the Moonelight with reuictualling and sufficient men, and to proceede in this action as God should direct me. Whereupon I altered our course from the yce, and bare Eastsoutheast to recouer the next shore where this thing might be performed: so with fauourable winde it pleased God that the first of August we discouered the land in Latitude 66. degrees, 33. min. and in longitude from the Meridian of London 70. degrees voyd of trouble without snow or ice. The second of August we harboured our selues in a very excellent good road, where with all speed we graued the Moonelight, and reuictualled her: wee searched this countrey with our pinnesse while the bark was trimming, which William Eston did: he found all this land to be onely Ilands, with a Sea on the East, a Sea on the West, and a Sea on the North. [Sidenote: Great heat.] In this place wee found it very hot and wee were very much troubled with a flie which is called Muskyto, for they did sting grieuiously. The people of this place at our first comming in caught a Seale and with bladders fast tied to him sent him vnto vs with the floud, so as hee came right with our shippes, which we took as a friendly present from them. The fift of August I went with the two Masters and others to the toppe of a hill, and by the way William Eston espied three Canoas lying vnder a rocke, and went vnto them: there were in them skinnes, darts, with diuers superstitious toyes, whereof wee diminished nothing, but left vpon euery boat a silke point, a bullet of lead, and a pinne. The next day being the sixt of August, the people came vnto vs without feare and did barter with vs for skinnes, as the other people did: they differ not from the other, neither in their Canoas nor apparel, yet is their pronuntiation more plaine then the others, and nothing hollow in the throat. Our Sauage aboord vs kept himselfe close, and made shew that he would faine haue another companion. Thus being prouided, I departed from this lande the twelft of August at sixe. [Sidenote: 66. degrees 19. minutes.] of the clocke in the morning, where I left the mermayd at an anker: the fourteenth sailing West about fiftie leagues, we discouered land, being in latitude 66. degrees 19 minuts: this land is 70. leagues from the other from whence we came. This fourteenth day from nine a clocke at night till three a clocke in the morning, wee ankered by an Island of yce, twelue leagues off the shore, being mored to the yce. The fifteenth day at three a clocke in the morning we departed from this land to the South, and the eighteenth of August we discouered land Northwest from vs in the morning, being a very faire promontory, in latitude 65. degrees, hauing no land on the South. [Sidenote: Great hope of a passage.] Here wee had great hope of a through passage. This day at three a clocke in the afternoone wee againe discouered lande Southwest and by South from vs, where at night wee were becalmed. [Sidenote: 64. degr. 20. min.] The nineteenth of this moneth at noone, by obseruation, we were in 64. degrees 20 minuts. [Sidenote: A great current to the West.] From the eighteenth day at noone vnto the nineteenth at noone, by precise ordinary care, wee had sailed 15. leagues South and by West, yet by art and more exact obseruation, we found our course to be Southwest, so that we plainely perceiued a great current striking to the West. This land is nothing in sight but Isles, which increaseth our hope. This nineteenth of August at sixe a clocke in the afternoone, it began to snow, and so continued all night with foule weather, and much winde, so that we were constrained to lie at hull all night fiue leagues off the shore: In the morning being the twentieth of August, the fogge and storme breaking vp, we bare in with the lande, and at nine a clocke in the morning wee ankered in a very faire and safe road and lockt for all weathers. [Sidenote: Ilands.] At tenne of the clocke I went on shore to the toppe of a very high hill, where I perceiued that this land was Islands: at foure of the clocke in the afternoone wee weyed anker, hauing a faire North northeast winde, with very faire weather; at six of the clocke we were cleare without the land, and so shaped our course to the South, to discouer the coast, where by the passage may be through Gods mercy found. We coasted this land till the eight and twentieth of August [Sidenote: They runne 8 dayes Southward from 67 to 57. degrees vpon the coast.] finding it still to continue towards the South, from the latitude of 67. to 57. degrees: we found marueilous great store of birds, guls and mewes, incredible to be reported, whereupon being calme weather, we lay one glasse vpon the lee, to proue for fish, in which space we caught 100. of cod, although we were but badly prouided for fishing, not being our purpose. [Sidenote: A harborough in 56. degrees.] This eight and twentieth hauing great distrust of the weather, we arriued in a very faire harbour in the latitude of 56. degrees, and sailed 10. leagues into the same, being two leagues broad, with very faire woods on both sides: in this place wee continued vntil the first of September, in which time we had two very great stormes. [Sidenote: Faire woods.] I landed, and went sixe miles by ghesse into the countrey, and found that the woods were firre, pineaple, alder, yew, withy, and birch: here we saw a blacke beare: this place yeeldeth great store of birds, as fezant, partridge, Barbary hennes or the like, wilde geese, ducks, black birdes, ieyes, thrushes, with other kinds of small birds. [Sidenote: Store of cod.] Of the partridge and fezant we killed great store with bow and arrowes: in this place at the harborough mouth we found great store of cod. The first of September at ten a clocke wee set saile, and coasted the shore with very faire weather. The thirde day being calme, at noone we strooke saile, and let fall a cadge anker, to proue whether we could take any fish, being in latitude 54. degrees 30. minuts, in which place we found great abundance of cod, so that the hooke was no sonner ouerboord, but presently a fish was taken. It was the largest and the best fed fish that euer I sawe, and diuers fisher men that were with me sayd that they neuer saw a more suaule or better skull of fish in their liues: yet had they seene great abundance. The fourth of September at fiue a clocke in the afternoone we ankered in a very good road among great store of Isles, the countrey low land, pleasant and very full of fayre woods. [Sidenote: A perfect hope of the passage about 54. degrees and an halfe.] To the North of this place eight leagues, we had a perfect hope of the passage, finding a mightie great sea passing betweene two lands West. The Southland to our iudgement being nothing but Isles: we greatly desired to goe into the sea, but the winde was directly against vs. We ankered in foure fathome fine sand. In this place is foule and fish mightie store. The sixt of September having a faire Northnorthwest winde hauing trimmed our Barke we proposed to depart, and sent fiue of our sailers yong men a shore to an Island, to fetch certaine fish which we purposed to weather, and therefore left it al night couered vpon the Isle: the brutish people of this countrey lay secretly lurking in the wood, and vpon the sudden assaulted our men; which when we perceiued, we presently let slip our cables vpon the halse, and vnder our foresaile bare into the shoare, and with all expedition discharged a double musket vpon them twise, at the noyse whereof they fled: [Sidenote: Two of our men slaine by the Sauages.] notwithstanding to our very great griefe, two of our men were slaine with their arrowes, and two grieuously wounded, of whom at this present we stand in very great doubt, onely one escaped by swimming, with an arow shot thorow his arme. These wicked miscreants neuer offered parly or speech, but presently executed their cursed fury. This present euening it pleased God further to increase our sorrowes with a mighty tempestuous storme, the winde being Northnortheast, which lasted vnto the tenth of this moneth very extreme. We vnrigged our ship, and purposed to cut downe our masts, the cable of our shutanker brake, so that we onely expected to be driuen on shoare among these Canibals for their pray. Yet in this deepe distresse the mightie mercie of God, when hope was past, gaue vs succour, and sent vs a faire lee, so as we recouered our anker againe, and newe mored our ship: where we saw that God manifestly deliuered vs: for the straines of one of our cables were broken, and we only roade by an olde iunke. Thus being freshly mored a new storme arose, the winde being Westnorthwest, very forcible, which lasted vnto the tenth day at night. The eleuenth day with a faire Westnorthwest winde we departed with trust in Gods mercie, shaping our course for England, and arriued in the West countrey in the beginning of October. * * * * * Master Dauis being arriued, wrote his letter to M. William Sanderson of London, concerning his voyage, as followeth. Sir, the Sunneshine came into Dartmouth the fourth of this moneth: she hath bene at Island, and from thence to Groenland, and so to Estotiland, from thence to Desolation, and to our Marchants, where she made trade with the people, staying in the countrey twentie dayes. They haue brought home fiue hundred seales skinnes, and an hundred and fortie halfe skinnes and pieces of skinnes. I stand in great doubt of the pinnesse, God be mercifull vnto the poore men, and preserue them, if it be his blessed will. I haue now experience of much of the Northwest part of the world, and haue brought the passage to that likelihood, as that I am assured it must bee in one of the foure places, or els not at all. And further I can assure you vpon the perill of my life, that this voyage may be performed without further charge, nay with certaine profite to the aduenturers, if I may haue but your fauour in the action. I hope I shall finde fauour with you to see your Card. I pray God it be so true as the Card shal be which I will bring you: and I hope in God, that your skill in Nauigation shall be gaineful vnto you, although at the first it hath not proued so. And thus with my humble commendations I commit you to God, desiring no longer to liue, then I shall be yours most faithfully to command. Exon this fourteenth of October. 1586. Yours to command IOHN DAVIS. * * * * * The relation of the course which the Sunshine a barke of fiftie tunnes, and the Northstarre a small pinnesse, being two vessels of the fleete of M. Iohn Dauis, helde after hee had sent them from him to discouer the passage betweene Groenland and Island, written by Henry Morgan seruant to M. William Sanderson of London. [Sidenote: May.] The seuenth day of May 1586. wee departed out of Dartmouth hauen foure sailes, to wit, the Mermaid, the Sunshine, the Mooneshine, and the Northstarre. In the Sunshine were sixteene men, whose names were these: Richard Pope Master, Marke Carter Masters mate, Henry Morgan Purser, George Draward, Iohn Mandie, Hugh Broken, Philip Iane, Hugh Hempson, Richard Borden, Iohn Philpe, Andrew Madock, William Wolcome, Robert Wag carpenter, Iohn Bruskome, William Ashe, Simon Ellis. Our course was Westnorthwest the seuenth and eight dayes: and the ninth day in the morning we were on head of the Tarrose of Silley. Thus coasting along the South part of Ireland the 11. day, we were on head of the Dorses: and our coarse was Southsouthwest vntill sixe of the clocke the 12. day. The 13. day our course was Northwest. [M. Dauis in the latitude of 60. deg. diuideth his fleete into 2. parts.] We remained in the company of the Mermaid and the Mooneshine vntill we came to the latitude of 60. degrees: and there it seemed best to our Generall M. Dauis to diuide his fleete, himself sayling to the Northwest, and to direct the Sunshine, wherein I was, and the pinnesse called the Northstarre, to seeke a passage Northward between Groenland and Island to the latitude of 80. degrees, if land did not let vs. [Sidenote: The 7. of Iune.] So the Seuenth day of Iune wee departed from them: and the ninth of the same we came to a firme land of yce, which we coasted along the ninth, the tenth, and the eleuenth dayes of Iune: [Sidenote: Island descryed.] and the eleuenth day at sixe of the clocke at night we saw land which was very high, which afterward we knew to be a Island: and the twelft day we harboured there, and found many people: [Sidenote: 66. degrees.] the land lyeth East and by North in 66. degrees. [Sidenote: Their commodities.] Their commodities were greene fish, and Island lings, and stockfish, and a fish which is called Scatefish: of all which they had great store. They had also kine, sheep and horses, and hay for their cattell, and for their horses. Wee saw also their dogs. [Sidenote: Their dwellings.] Their dwelling houses were made on both sides with stones, and wood layd crosse ouer them, which was couered ouer with turfes of earth, and they are flat on the tops, and many of these stood hard by the shore. [Sidenote: Their boats.] Their boates were made with wood and yron all along the keele like our English boates: and they had nayles for to naile them withall, and fish-hookes and other things for to catch fish as we haue here in England. They had also brasen kettles, and girdles and purses made of leather, and knoppes on them of copper, and hatchets, and other small tooles as necessary as we haue. They drie their fish in the Sun, and when they are dry, they packe them vp in the top of their houses. If we would goe thither to fishing more then we doe, we should make it a very good voyage: for wee got an hundreth greene fish in one morning. Wee found heere two English men with a shippe, which came out of England about Easter day of this present yeere 1586, and one of them came aboord of vs, and brought vs two lambs. [Sidenote: M. Iohn Roydon of Ipswich.] The English mans name was M. Iohn Roydon of Ipswich marchant: hee was bound for London with his ship. And this is the summe of that which I obserued in Island. [Sidenote: They departed from Island Northwest.] We departed from Island the sixteenth day of Iune in the morning, and our course was Northwest, and we saw on the coast two small barkes going to an harborough: we went not to them, but saw them a farre off. Thus we continued our course vnto the end of this moneth. [Sidenote: Iuly.] The third day of Iuly we were in betweene two firme lands of yce, and passed in betweene them all that day vntill it was night: and then the Master turned backe againe, and so away we went towards Groenland. [Sidenote: Groneland discouered.] And the seuenth day of Iuly we did see Groenland, and it was very high, and it looked very blew: we could not come to harborough into the land, because we were hindered by a firme land as it were of yce, which was along the shoares side: but we were within three leagues of the land, coasting the same diuers dayes together. [Sidenote: The land of Desolation.] The seuenteenth day of Iuly wee saw the place which our Captaine M. Iohn Dauis the yeere before had named The land of Desolation, where we could not goe on shore for yce. The eighteenth day we were likewise troubled with yce, and went in amongst it at three of the clocke in the morning. [Sidenote: Groenland coasted from the 7. till the last of Iuly.] After wee had cleared our selues thereof, wee ranged all along the coast of Desolation vntill the ende of the aforesayd moneth. [Sidenote: August.] The third day of August we came in sight of Gilberts sound in the latitude of 64. deg. 15. min which was the place where we were appoynted to meete our Generall and the rest of our Fleete. Here we came to an harborough at 6. of the clocke at night. The 4. day in the morning the Master went on shore with 10. of his men, and they brought vs foure of the people rowing in their boats aboord of the ship. And in the afternoone I went on shore with 6. of our men, and there came to vs seuen of them when we were on land. We found on shore three dead people, and two of them had their staues lying by them, and their olde skinnes wrapped about them and the other had nothing lying by, wherefore we thought it was a woman. [Sidenote: The houses of Gronland.] We also saw their houses neere the Sea side, which were made with pieces of wood on both sides, and crossed ouer with poles and then couered ouer with earth: we found Foxes running vpon the hilles: as for the place it is broken land all the way that we went, and full of broken Islands. The 21. of August the Master sent the boate on shore for wood with sixe of his men, and there were one and thirtie of the people of the countrey which went on shore to them, and they went about to kill them as we thought, for they shot their dartes towards them, and we that were aboord the ship, did see them goe on shore to our men: whereupon the Master sent the pinnesse after them, and when they saw the pinnesse comming towards them, they turned backe, and the Master of the pinnesse did shoote off a caliuer to them the same time, but hurt none of them, for his meaning was onely to put them in feare. [Sidenote: Our men play at footeball with the Sauages.] Diuers times they did waue vs on shore to play with them at the football, and some of our company went on shore to play with them, and our men did cast them downe as soone as they did come to strike the ball. And thus much of that which we did see and do in that harborough where we arriued first. The 23. day wee departed from the Merchants Isle, where wee had beene first, and our course from thence was South and by West, and the wind was Northeast, and we ran that day and night about 5. or 6. leagues, vntill we came to another harborough. The 24. about eleuen of the clocke in the forenoone wee entred into the aforesayd new harborow, and as wee came in, we did see dogs running vpon the Islands. When we were come in, there came to vs foure of the people which were with vs before in the other harborough, and where we rode, we had sandie ground. [Sidenote: Sweete wood found.] We saw no wood growing, but found small pieces of wood vpon the Islands, and some small pieces of sweete wood among the same. We found great Harts hornes, but could see none of the Stagges where we went, but we found their footings. As for the bones which we receiued of the Sauages I cannot tell of what beasts they be. The stones that we found in the countrey were black, and some white, as I think they be of no value, neuerthelesse I haue brought examples of them to you. The 30. of August we departed from this harborough towards England, and the wind tooke vs contrary, so that we were faine to go to another harborough the same day at 11. of the clocke. And there came to vs 39. of the people, and brought vs 13. Seale skins, and after we receiued these skins of them, the Master sent the carpenter to change one of our boates which wee had bought of them before, and they would haue taken the boate from him perforce, and when they sawe they could not take it from vs, they shot with their dartes at vs, and stroke one of our men with one of their dartes, and Iohn Philpe shot one of them into the brest with an arrow. [Sidenote: A skirmish between the Sauages and our men.] And they came to vs againe, and foure of our men went into the shipboate, and they shot with their dartes at our men: but our men tooke one of their people in his boate into the shipboate, and he hurt one of them with his knife, but we killed three of them in their boates: two of them were hurt with arrowes in the brests, and he that was aboord our boat, was shot in with an arrow, and hurt with a sword, and beaten with staues, whome our men cast ouerboord, but the people caught him and carried him on shore vpon their boates, and the other two also, and so departed from vs. And three of them went on shore hard by vs, where they had their dogs, and those three came away from their dogs, and presently one of their dogs came swimming towards vs hard aboord the ship, whereupon our Master caused the Gunner to shoote off one of the great pieces towards the people, and so the dog turned backe to land and within an noure after there came of the people hard aboord the ship, but they would not come to vs as they did come before. The 31. of August we departed from Gylberts sound for England, and when we came out of the harborough there came after vs 17. of the people looking which way we went. The 2. of September we lost sight of the land at 12. of the clocke at noone. [Sidenote: The pinnesse neuer returned home.] The third day at Night we lost sight of the Northstarre our pinnesse in a very great storme, and lay a hull tarying for them the 4. day, but could heare no more of them. Thus we shaped our course the 5. day Southsoutheast, and sayling vntill the 27. of the sayd moneth, we came in sight of Cape Clere in Ireland. The 30. day we entred our owne chanell. The 2. of October we had sight of the Isle of Wight. The 3. we coasted all along the shore, and the 4. and 5. The 6. of the said moneth of October wee came into the riuer of Thames as high as Ratcliffe in safetie God be thanked. * * * * * The third voyage Northwestward, made by M. Iohn Dauis Gentleman, as chiefe captaine and Pilot generall, for the discouery of a passage to the Isles of the Moluccas, or the coast of China, in the yeere 1587. Written by M. Iohn Ianes. May. The 19. of this present moneth about midnight wee weyed our ankers, set sayle, and departed from Dartmouth with two Barkes and a Clincher, the one named the Elizabeth of Dartmouth, the other the Sunneshine of London, and the Clincher called the Helene of London: thus in Gods name we set forwards with the wind at Northeast a good fresh gale. About 3. houres after our departure, the night being somewhat thicke with darknesse, we had lost the pinnesse: the Captaine imagining that the men had runne away with her, willed the Master of the Sunshine to stand to Seawards, and see if we could descry them, we bearing in with the shore for Plimmouth. At length we descried her, bare with her, and demanded what the cause was: they answered that the tiller of their helme was burst. So shaping our course Westsouthwest, we went forward, hoping that a hard beginning would make a good ending, yet some of vs were doubtfull of it, falling in reckoning that she was a Clincher; neuerthelesse we put our trust in God. The 21. we met with the Red Lion of London, which came from the coast of Spaine, which was afrayd that we had bene men of warre, but we hailed them, and after a little conference, we desired the Master to carie our Letters for London directed to my vncle Sanderson, who promised vs a safe deliuerie. And after wee had heaued them a lead and a line, wherevnto wee had made fast our letters, before they could get them into the ship, they fell into the Sea, and so all our labour and theirs also was lost; notwithstanding they promised to certifie our departure at London, and so we departed, and the same day we had sight of Silley. The 22. the wind was at Northeast by East with faire weather, and so the 23. and 24. the like. The 25. we layd our ships on the Lee for the Sunneshine, who was a romaging for a leake, they had 500. strokes at the pumpe in a watch, the wind at Northwest. The 26. and 27. wee had faire weather, but this 27. the Pinnesses foremast was blowen ouerboord. The 28. the Elizabeth towed the pinnesse, which was so much bragged of by the owners report before we came out of England, but at Sea she was like a cart drawen with oxen. Sometimes we towed her because she could not saile for scant wind. The 31. day our Captaine asked if the pinnesse were stanch, Peerson answered that she was as sound and stanch as a cup. This made vs something glad, when we sawe she would brooke the Sea, and was not leake. Iune. The first 6. dayes wee had faire weather: after that for 5 dayes wee had fogge and raine, the winde being South. The 12. wee had cleare weather. The Mariners in the Sunneshine and the Master could not agree: the Mariners would goe on their voyage a fishing, because the yeere began to waste: the Master would not depart till hee had the companie of the Elizabeth, whereupon the Master told our Captaine that hee was afrayd his men would shape some contrary course while he was asleepe, and so he should lose vs. At length after much talke and many threatnings, they were content to bring vs to the land which we looked for daily. [Sidenote: Land descried.] The 14. day we discouered land at fiue of the clocke in the morning, being very great and high mountaines, the tops of the hils being couered with snow. Here the wind was variable, sometimes Northeast, Eastnortheast, and East by North: but we imagined ourselues to be 16. or 17. leagues off from the shore. The 16. we came to an anker about 4. or 5. of the clocke afternoone, the people came presently to vs after the old maner, with crying Ilyaoute, and shewing vs Scales skinnes. The 17. we began to set vp the pinnesse that Peerson framed at Dartmouth, with the boords which hee brought from London. The 18. Peerson and the Carpenters of the ships began to set on the plankes. [Sidenote: Salt kerned on the rockes.] The 19. as we went about an Island, were found blacke Pumise stones, and salt kerned on the rockes very white and glistering. This day also the Master of the Sunneshine tooke of the people a very strong lusty yoong fellow. The 20. about two of the clocke in the morning, the Sauages came to the Island where our pinnace was built readie to bee launched, and tore the two vpper strakes, and carried them away onely for the loue of the yron in the boords. While they were about this practise, we manned the Elizabeths boate to goe a shore to them: our men being either afrayd or amazed, were so long before they came to shore, that our Captaine willed them to stay, and made the Gunner giue fire to a Saker, and layd the piece leuell with the boate which the Sauages had turned on the one side because wee should not hurt them with our arrowes, and made the boate their bulwarke against the arrowes which we shot at them. Our Gunner hauing made all things readie, gaue fire to the piece, and fearing to hurt any of the people, and regarding the owners profite, thought belike hee would saue a Sakers shot, doubting wee should haue occasion to fight with men of warre, and so shot off the Saker without a bullet: we looking stil when the Sauages that were hurt should run away without legs, at length wee could perceiue neuer a man hurt, but all hauing their legges could carie away their bodies: wee had no sooner shot off the piece, but the Master of the Sunneshine manned his boate, and came rowing toward the Island, the very sight of whom made each of them take that hee had gotten, and flee away as fast as they could to another Island about two miles off, where they tooke the nayles out of the timber, and left the wood on the Isle. When we came on shore, and sawe how they had spoiled the boat, after much debating of the matter, we agreed that the Elizabeth should haue her to fish withall: whereupon she was presently caryed aboord, and stowed. Now after this trouble, being resolued to depart with the first wind, there fell out another matter worse then all the rest, and that was in this maner. Iohn Churchyard one whom our Captaine had appoynted as Pilot in the pinnace, came to our Captaine, and Master Brutton, and told them that the good ship which we must all hazard our liues in, had three hundred strokes at one time as she rode in the harbour: This disquieted vs all greatly, and many doubted to goe in her. At length our Captaine by whom we were all to be gouerned, determined rather to end his life with credite, then to returne with infamie and disgrace, and so being all agreed, wee purposed to liue and die together, and committed our selues to the ship. [Sidenote: Isles in 64 degrees.] Now to 21. hauing brought all our things aboord, about 11. or 12. of the clocke at night, we set saile and departed from those Isles, which lie in 64. degrees of latitude, our ships being now all at Sea, and wee shaping our course to goe, coasting the land to the Northwards vpon the Easterne shore, which we called the shore of our Merchants, because there we met with people which traffiqued with vs, but here wee were not without doubt of our ship. [Sidenote: Store of Whales in 67. degrees.] The 24. being in 67. degrees, and 40. minutes, wee had great store of Whales, and a kinde of sea birds which the Mariners call Cortinous. This day about sixe of the clocke at night, we espied two of the countrey people at Sea, thinking at the first they had bene two great Seales, vntill wee sawe their oares glistering with the Sunne: they came rowing towardes vs, as fast as they could, and when they came within hearing, they held vp their oares, and cryed Ilyaoute, making many signes: and at last they came to vs, giuing vs birdes for bracelets, and of them I had a darte with a bone in it, or a piece of Vnicorns horne, as I did iudge. This dart he made store of, but when he saw a knife, he let it go, being more desirous of the knife then of his dart: these people continued rowing after our ship the space of 3. houres. The 25. in the morning at 7. of the clocke we descried 30. Sauages rowing after vs, being by iudgement 10. leagues off from the shore: they brought vs Salmon Peales, Birdes, and Caplin, and we gaue them pinnes, needles, bracelets, nailes, kniues, bels, looking glasses, and other small trifles, and for a knife, a naile or a bracelet, which they call Ponigmah, they would sell their boate, coates, or any thing they had, although they were farre from the shore. Wee had but few skinnes of them, about 20. but they made signes to vs that if wee would goe to the shore, wee should haue more store of Chichsanege: they stayed with vs till 11. of the clocke, at which time wee went to prayer, and they departed from vs. [Sidenote: 72 deg. and 12 min. Betweene Gronland and the North of America aboue 40. leagues.] The 28. and 29. were foggie with cloudes, the 30. day wee tooke the heigth, and found our selues in 72. degrees and 12 minutes of latitude both at noone and at night, the Sunne being 5. degrees aboue the Horizon. [Sidenote: The Great variation of the compasse.] At midnight the compasse set to the variation of 28. degrees to the Westward. [Sidenote: London coast.] Now hauing coasted the land, which wee called London coast, from the 21. of this present, till the 30. the Sea open all to the Westwards and Northwards, the land on starboard side East from vs, the winde shifted to the North, whereupon we left that shore, naming the same Hope Sanderson, and shaped our course West, and ranne 40. leagues and better without the sight of any land. Iuly. [Sidenote: A mightie banke of yce lying North and South.] The second of Iuly wee fell with a mightie banke of yce West from vs, lying North and South, which banke wee would gladly haue doubled out to the Northwards, but the winde would not suffer vs, so that we were faine to coast it to the Southwards, hoping to double it out, that wee might haue ran so farre West till wee had found land, or els to haue beene thorowly resolued of our pretended purpose. The 3. wee fell with the yce againe, and putting off from it, we sought to the Northwards, but the wind crossed vs. The 4. was foggie: so was the 5. also with much wind at the North. The 6. being very cleare, we put our barke with oares through a gap in the yce, seeing the Sea free on the West side, as we thought, which falling out otherwise, caused vs to returne after we had stayed there betweene the yce. The 7. and 8. about midnight, by Gods helpe we recouered the open Sea, the weather being faire and calme, and so was the 9. The 10. we coasted the yce. The 11. was foggie, but calme. The 12. we coasted againe the yce, hauing the wind at Northnorthwest. [Sidenote: Extreme heate of the Sunne.] The 13, bearing off from the yce, we determined to goe with the shoare and come to an anker, and to stay 5. or 6. dayes for the dissoluing of the yce, hoping that the Sea continually beating it, and the Sunne with the extreme force of heat which it had alwayes shining vpon it, would make a quicke dispatch, that we might haue a further search vpon the Westerne shore. Now when we were come to the Easterne coast, the water something deepe, and some of our companie fearefull withall, we durst not come to an anker, but bare off into the Sea againe. The poore people seeing vs goe away againe, came rowing after vs into the Sea, the waues being somewhat loftie. We truckt with them for a few skinnes and dartes, and gaue them beads, nailes, pinnes, needles and cardes, they poynting to the shore, as though they would shew vs some great friendship: but we little regarding their curtesie, gaue them the gentle farewell, and so departed. [Sidenote: They were driuen West sixe points out of their course in 67. degrees, 45. minutes.] The 14. wee had the wind at South. The 15. there was some fault either in the barke, or the set of some current, for wee were driuen sixe points beyond our course West. The 16. wee fell with the banke of yce West from vs. The 17. and 18. were foggie. [Sidenote: Mount Raleigh.] The 19.at one a clocke after noone, wee had sight of the land which we called Mount Raleigh, and at 12. of the clocke at night, we were thwart the streights which we discouered the first yeere. The 20. wee trauersed in the mouth of the streight, the wind being at West, with faire and cleare weather. The 21. and 22. wee coasted the Northerne coast of the streights. [Sidenote: The Earle of Cumberlands Isles.] The 23. hauing sayled threescore leagues Northwest into the streights, at two a clocke after noone wee ankered among many Isles in the bottome of the gulfe, naming the same The Earle of Cumberlands Isles, where riding at anker, a Whale passed by our ship and went West among the Isles. [Sidenote: The variation of the compasse 30. deg. Westward.] Heere the compasse set at thirtie degrees Westward variation. The 23. wee departed, shaping our course Southeast to recouer the Sea. The 25. wee were becalmed in the bottome of the gulfe, the ayre being extreme hot. Master Bruton and some of the Mariners went on shoare to course dogs, where they found many Graues and Trane split on the ground, the dogs being so fat that they were scant able to run. The 26. wee had a prety storme, the winde being at Southeast. The 27. and 28. were faire. The 29. we were cleare out of the streights, hauing coasted the South shore, and this day at noone we were in 62. degrees of latitude. [Sidenote: The land trendeth from this place Southwest and by South. My Lord Lumleys Inlet.] The 30. in the afternoone wee coasted a banke of yce, which lay on the shore, and passed by a great banke or Inlet, which lay between 63. and 62. degrees of latitude, which we called Lumlies Inlet. We had oftentimes, as we sailed alongst the coast, great ruttes, the water as it were whirling and ouerfalling, as if it were the fall of some great water through a bridge. [Sidenote: Warwicks Forland.] The 31. as we sayled by a Headland, which we named Warwicks Foreland, we fell into one of these ouerfals with a fresh gale of wind, and bearing all our sailes, wee looking vpon an Island of yce betweene vs and the shoare, had thought that our barke did make no way, which caused vs to take markes on the shoare: [Sidenote: A very forcible current Westward.] at length wee perceiued our selues to goe very fast, and the Island of yce which we saw before, was carried very forcibly with the set of the current faster then our ship went. This day and night we passed by a very great gulfe the water whirling and roaring as it were the meetings of tydes. August [Sidenote: Chidleys cape.] The first of August hauing coasted a banke of ice which was driuen out at the mouth of this gulfe, we fell with the Southernmost cape of the gulfe, which we named Chidleis cape, which lay in 61 degrees and 10 minutes of latitude. The 2 and 3 were calme and foggie, so were the 4, 5, and 6. The 7 was faire and calme: so was the 8, with a litle gale in the morning. The 9 was faire, and we had a little gale at night. The 10 we had a frisking gale at Westnorthwest. The 11. faire. [Sidenote: The lord Darcies Island.] The 12 we saw fiue deere on the top of an Island, called by vs Darcies Island. And we hoised out our boat, and went ashore to them, thinking to haue killed some of them. But when we came on shore, and had coursed them twise about the Island, they tooke the sea and swamme towards Islands distant from that three leagues. When we perceiued that they had taken the sea we gaue them ouer because our boat was so small that it could not carrie vs, and rowe after them, they swamme so fast: but one of them was as bigge as a good prety Cow, and very fat, their feet as bigge as Oxe feet. Here vpon this Island I killed with my piece a gray hare. The 13 in the morning we saw three or foure white beares, but durst not go on shore to them for lacke of a good boat This day we stroke a rocke seeking for an harborow, and receiued a leake: and this day we were in 54. degrees of latitude. The 14 we stopt our leake in a storme not very outragious, at noone. [Sidenote: The fishing place betweene 54 and 55 degrees of latitude.] The 15 being almost in 52 degrees of latitude, and not finding our ships, nor (according to their promise) any kinde of marke, token, or beacon, which we willed them to set vp, and they protested to do so vpon euery head land, Island or cape, within twenty leagues euery way off from their fishing place, which our captaine appointed to be betweene 54 and 55 degrees: This 15 I say we shaped our course homewards for England, hauing in our ship but litle wood, and halfe a hogshead of fresh water. Our men were very willing to depart, and no man more forward then Peerson, for he feared to be put out of his office of stewardship: but because euery man was so willing to depart, we consented to returne for our owne countrey: and so we had the 16 faire weather, with the winde at Southwest. [Sidenote: Abundance of whales in 52 degrees.] The 17 we met a ship at sea, and as farre as we could iudge it was a Biskaine: we thought she went a fishing for whales; for in 52 degrees or thereabout we saw very many. The 18 was faire, with a good gale at West. The 19 faire also, with much winde at West and by South. [They arrive at Dartmouth the 15 of September.] And thus after much variable weather and change of winds we arriued the 15 of September in Dartmouth anno 1587, giuing thanks to God for our safe arriuall. * * * * * A letter of the sayd M. Iohn Dauis written to M. Sanderson of London concerning his forewritten voyage. Good M. Sanderson, with Gods great mercy I haue made my safe returne in health, with all my company, and haue sailed threescore leagues further then my determination at my departure. I haue bene in 73 degrees, finding the sea all open, and forty leagues betweene land and land. The passage is most probable, the execution easie, as at my comming you shall fully know. Yesterday the 15 of September I landed all weary; therefore I pray you pardon my shortnesse. Sandridge this 16 of September anno 1587. Yours equall as mine owne, which by triall you shall best know, IOHN DAVIS. * * * * * A Traverse-Booke made by M. Iohn Davis in his third voyage for the discouerie of the Northwest passage. Anno 1587. [In the following chart, the final column, THE DISCOVRSE, is moved to the line after which it is aligned in the original--KTH] Moneth D H Course. L Eleva- The winde. THE DISCOVRSE a o e tion y u a of the e r g pole. s. e u D M s. e e i s. g. n. May 19 w.s.w. 50 30 n.e. Westerly. This day we departed from Dartmouth at two of the clocke at night. 20 21 35 w.s.w. 50 50 n.e. Westerly. This day we descried Silly N. W. by W. from vs. 22 15 w.n.w. 14 n.e. by e. This day at noone we departed from Silly. 22 6 w.n.w. 6 n.e. by e. 22 3 w.n.w. 2 23 15 n.w. by w. 18 n.e. 23 39 w.n.w. 36 50 40 The true course, distance and latitude. 3 w.n.w. 2 n.n.e. 6 n.w. by w. 5 n.e. by n. 3 w.n.w. 3 n.n.e. 12 w.n.w. 12 n.e. Noone the 24 24 w.n.w. 25 51 16. Northerly. The true course, distance and latitude. 3 w.n.w. 3 n.n.e. 3 w.n.w. 2-1/2 n. by e. 6 w. by n. 5 n. 6 w. by n. 5 n. 2 s. 1/2 n. Now we lay vpon the lee for the Sunshine, which had taken a leake of 500 strokes a watch. Noone the 25 24 w. by n. 20 51 30 The true course, distance and latitude. Noone the 25 3 w. 3 n.n.w. 3 w.s.w. 2 n.w. 1 s.w. 1 w.n.w. 2 w.n.w. 1-1/2 n. 3 w.n.w. 1-1/2 n. 3 Calme 4 w.n.w. 4 s.s.e. 5 w. 6 s.s.e. Noone the 26 24 w by n. 23 51 40 The true course, distance, &c. Westerly. 11 w. 16 s.s.e. 6 w.n.w. 2 s.s.e. We lay at hull with winde, raine, and fog. 7 w. 5 s.e. Noone the 27 24 w. northerly 23 The common course supposed. Noone the 28 24 w. 20 52 13 e.s.e. We towed the pinnesse 18 houres of this day. Noone the 28 28 w. by n. 43 52 13 Northerly. The true course, distance, &c. Noone the 29 24 n.w. 30 s. by e. 6 n.w. 10 s. 3 n. by w. 2 w. by n. 3 w. by w. 3 w. by s. 12 n. w. 12 s.s.w Noone the 30 48 n.w. by n. 65 54 50 The true course, &c. 9 n.w. 12 s.w. 9 n.w. by w. 12 s.s.w. 3 w.n.w. 3 n.n.e. Noone the 30 3 w. by n. 4 n. 30 24 w. n. w. 27 55 30 Northerly. The true course, &c. Iune 1 12 w. 10 n.n.w. 9 n.w. 8 e.n.e. 3 n.w. 2-1/2 e.n.e. 1 24 w.n.w. 17 55 45 Westerly. The true course, &c. 12 n.w. 16 e.s.e. 6 n.w. 7 s. 6 n.w. 8 s.s.w. Noone the 2 24 n.w. 32 56 55 Northerly The true course, &c. Noone the 5 72 w. by s. 45 56 20 Southerly The true course &c., drawen from diurs trauerses. Noone the 6 24 s.w. 16 w.n.w. 7 s.w. by w. 6 w. by n. 5 Calme. 3 w.n.w. 1 s. Noone the 7 9 w.n.w. 12 s. 12 w.n.w 20 s. 3 w.n.w. 4 s. Noone the 8 9 w.n.w. 7 s. 12 w.n.w. 5 s. Noone the 9 12 w.n.w. 13 s.e. Noone the 9 12 w.n.w 86 57 30 Northerly The true course, distance, and latitude for 96 houres. Noone the 9 3 w.n.w. 4 s.e. 3 w.n.w. 2 s.e. 6 w.n.w. 1 Calme Noone the 10 12 w.n.w. 16-1/2 e. 7 w.n.w. 12 e. 2 n.w. 2 e. Noone the 11 15 n.w. 18 e.n.e. 12 n.w. 12 e.n.e. 12 n.w. 13 e. by s. Noone the 12 72 n.w. by w. 78 59 50 Northerly The true course, &c. for 72 houres. Noone the 13 24 n.n.w. 26 60 58 e. by n. Westerly Noone the 14 24 n.n.w. 32 62 30 n.e. 9 w.n.w. 7 n. 3 n.w. 2 n.n.e. 3 n.w. by n. 2 n.e. by n. This day in the morning at fiue of the clocke we discouered land being distant from vs at the neerest place sixteene leagues, This land in generall lay Northwest and to the Westwards, being very mountainous. The winde was this day variable, and the aire sometime foggie, and sometime cleere. The foresayd land bare from vs (so neere as we could iudge) North, Northwest, and Southeast. 15 9 n.n.w. 8 n.e. Noone the 15 24 n.w. Northerly 22 63 20 The true course, &c. Noone the 16 24 n.n.e. 14 64 Easterly The true course, &c. This 16 of Iune at 5 of the clocke in the afternoone, being in the latitude of 64 degrees, through Gods helpe we came to an anker among many low islands which lay before the high land. Noone the 17 This 17 of Iune we set vp our pinnesse. 20 The 20 she was spoiled by Sauages. At midnight the 21 of Iune wee departed from this coast, our two barks for their fishing voyage, and myself in the pinnesse for the discouery. From midnight the 21 we shaped our course as followeth. At mid- night the 21 8 w.n.w 7 s.e. Noone the 22 4 n.w. 6 s.e. 13 n.w. 18 s.e. 11 n. 13 s.e. At this time we saw great store of whales. Noone the 23 36 n.w. by n. 42 65 40 The true course, &c. Noone the 24 24 n. by e. 41 67 40 s.s.e. northerly 2 The true course &c. Here the weather was very hot. This 24 of Iune at 6 of the clocke at night we met two sauages at sea in their small canoas, vnto whom we gaue bracelets, and nailes, for skins and birds. At 9 of the clocke they departed from vs. Noone the 26 48 n. s. 3 n.w. 2 s.w. The next day at 7 of the clocke in the morning, there came vnto vs 30 sauages 20 leagues off the shore, intreating vs to goe to the shore. We had of them fish, birds, skinnes, darts, and their coats from their backs, for bracelets, nailes, kniues, &c. They remained with vs foure houres, and departed. 7 n.n.e. 10 s. 6 n. 8 s.w. 8 w.n.w. 5 s.e. Noone the 27 72 n. westerly 52 70 4 The true course for, &c. 72 houres. Noone the 29 72 n. 43 72 12 30 The true course, &c. Since the 21 of this moneth I haue continually coasted the shore of Gronland, hauing the sea all open towards the West, and the land on the starboord side East from me. For these last 4 dayes the weather hath bene extreame hot and very calme, the Sunne being 5 degrees aboue the horison at midnight. The compasse in this place varieth 28 degrees toward the West. Iuly 1 30 w. by s. 44 71 36 n.w. by n. westerley The true course, &c. this day at noone we coasted a mighty banke of ice West from vs. 2 24 s.e. 12 71 9 Noone the 3 8 n.n.w. 11 71 40 n. This day we fell againe with the ice, seeking to double it out by the North. Noone the 5 48 s.s.e. 36 70 n. The true course, &c. 6 24 s.s.w. 22 69 variable. 7 8 The true course, &c. This 6 of Iuly we put our barke thorow the ice, seeing the sea free on the West side: and hauing sailed 5 leagues West, we fell with another mighty barre, which we could not passe: and therefore returning againe, we freed our selues the 8 of this moneth at midnight, and so recouered the sea through Gods fauour, by faire winds, the weather being very calme. Noone the 9 72 e.s.e. 7 68 50 calme. The true course, &c. 10 24 s.e. by s. 8 68 30 calme. The true course, &c. This day we coasted the ice. 11 24 e.n.e. 11-1/2 68 45 variable. The true course, &c. 12 24 s.s.e. 16 68 n.n.w. The true course, &c. 13 24 e. by s. 20 s. This day the people came to vs off the shore, and bartered with vs. Being within the Isle, and not finding good ankorage, we bare off again into the sea. 14 24 w. by n. 11 67 50 s. The true course, &c. 15 24 w.s.w. 5 67 45 e. The true course, &c. This day a great current set vs West 6 points from our course. 16 24 s.w. by w. 23 67 10 s. westerly The true course, &c. This day we fell with a mighty banke of ice West of vs. Noone the 18 48 s. by w. 30 65 33 n. fog. The true course, &c. Collected by diuers experiments. 19 24 w. 13 65 30 s. fog. southerly The true course, &c. This 19 of Iuly at one a clocke in the afternoone we had sight of the land of Mount Ralegh, and by 12 of the clocke at night wee were thwart the Streights which (by Gods helpe) I discouered the first yere. 20 The 20 day wee trauersed in the mouth of the sayd Streights with a contrary winde, being West and faire weather. 23 This 23 day at 2 of the clocke in the afternoone, hauing sailed 60 leagues Northwest, we ankered among an huge number of Isles lying in the bottome of the sayd supposed passage, at which place the water riseth 4 fadome vpright. Here as we rode at anker, a great whale passed by vs, and swam West in amongst the isles. In this place a S. W. by W. moone maketh a full sea. Here the compasse varied 30 degrees. 24 The 24 day at 5 of the clocke in the morning we set saile, departing from this place, and shaping our course S.E. to recouer the maine Ocean againe. 25 This 25 we were becalmed almost in the bottome of the Streights, and had the weather maruellous extreme hot. 26 s.e. This day being in the Streights, we had a very quicke storme. 27 s. Being still in the Streight, we had this day faire weather. Noone the 29 64 At this present we got cleere of the Streights, hauing coasted the South shore, the land trending from hence S. W. by S. Noone the 30 s.s.w. 22 63 This day we coasted the shore, a banke of ice lying thereupon. Also this 30 of Iuly in the afternoone we crossed ouer the entrance or mouth of a great inlet or passage, being 20 leagues broad, and situate betweene 62 and 63 degrees. In which place we had 8 or 9 great rases, currents or ouerfals, lothsomly crying like the rage of the waters vnder London bridge, and bending their course into the sayd gulfe. Noone the 31 24 s. by w. 27 62 n.w. This 31 at noone, comming close by a foreland or great cape, we fell into a mighty rase, where an island of ice was carried by the force of the current as fast as our barke could saile with lum wind, all sailes bearing. This cape as it was the most Southerly limit of the gulfe which we passed ouer the 30 day of this moneth, so was it the North promontory or first beginning of another very great inlet, whose South limit at this present wee saw not. Which inlet or gulfe this afternoone, and in the night, we passed ouer: where to our great admiration we saw the sea falling down into the gulfe with a mighty ouerfal, and roring, and with diuers circular motions like whirlepooles, in such sort as forcible streames passe thorow the arches of bridges. August Noone the 1 24 s.e. by s. 16 61 10 w.s.w. The true course, &c. This first of August we fell with the promuntory of the sayd gulfe or second passage, hauing coasted by diuers courses for our sauegard, a great banke of the ice driuen out of that gulfe. Noone the 3 48 s.s.e. 16 60 26 variable. Noone the 6 72 s.e. 22 59 35 variable southerly with calme. The true course, &c. 7 24 s.s.e. 22 58 40 w.s.w. The true course, &c. 8 24 s.e. 13 58 12 w. fog. variable. The true course, &c. 9 24 s. by w. 13 57 30 variable and calme. The true course, &c. Noone the 10 24 s.s.e. 17 56 40 s.w. by w. The true course, &c. 11 24 s.e. 40 55 13 w.n.w. easterly The true course, &c. 12 24 s.e. 20 54 32 w.s.w. easterly The true course, &c. 13 24 w.s.w. 4 54 n.w. This day seeking for our ships that went to fish, we stroke on a rocke, being among many iles, and had a great leake. Noone the 14 24 s.s.e. 28 52 40 n.w. This day we stopped our leake in a storme. The 15 of August at noon, being in the latitude of 52 degrees 12 min. and 16 leagues from the shore, we shaped our course for England, in Gods name, as followeth. Noone the 15 52 12 s.s.w. The true latitude. 16 20 e.s.e. 50 51 s.w. halfe point s. The true course, &c. 17 24 e. by s. 30 50 40 s. The true course, &c. This day upon the banke we met a Biscaine bound for the Grand Bay or for the passage. He chased vs. 18 24 e. by n. 49 51 18 w. northerly. The true course, &c. 19 24 s. halfe 51 51 35 variable point north. w. & s. The true course, &c. 20 24 e.s.e. 31 50 50 s.w. The true course, &c. 22 48 e. by n. 68 51 30 s.s.w. The true course, &c. 23 24 e. by n. 33 51 52 s. northerly. The true course, &c. 24 24 e. by n. 31 52 10 variable. The true course, &c. This 24 of August obseruing the variation, I found the compass to vary towards the East from the true Meridian, one degree. Noone the 27 72 e. 40 52 22 variable northerly & calme. The true coruse, &c for 72 houres. Noone the 29 48 e.s.e. 47 51 28 variable w. & n. The true course, &c. Noone the 31 48 s.e. by e. 14 51 9 variable. easterly The true course, &c. 2 48 e. 65 51 n.w. southerly. The true course, &c. 3 24 e. by s. 24 50 50 w.n.w. easterly. The true course, &c. 4 24 s.e. by e. 20 50 21 n.n.e. The true course, &c. 5 24 s.e. by e. 18 49 48 n.n.e. The true course, &c. Now we supposed our selues to be 55 leagues from Sillie. 6 24 e. by s. 15 49 40 n. The true course, &c. 7 24 e.s.e. 20 49 15 n.n.w. The true course, &c. 8 24 n.e. 18 49 40 9 24 w.s.w. 7 49 42 10 24 s.e. by e. 8-1/2 49 28 variable. 11 24 n.e. by e. 10 49 45 variable. 12 24 n.w. by w. 6 50 n.e. 13 24 e. by s. 15 49 47 n.e. southerly 15 This 15 of September 1587 we arriued at Dartmouth. Vnder the title of the houres, where any number exceedeth 24, it is the summe or casting vp of so many other dayes and partes of dayes going next before, as conteine the foresayd summe. * * * * * A report of Master Iohn Dauis of his three Voyages made for the discouerie of the Northwest passage, taken out of a Treatise of his. Intituled the worlds Hydrographicall description. Now there onely resteth the North parts of America, vpon which coast my selfe haue had most experience of any in our age: for thrise I was that way imployed for the discouery of this notable passage, by the honourable care and some charge of Syr Francis Walsingham knight, principall secretary to her Maiestie, with whom diuer noble men and worshipfull marchants of London ioyned in purse and willingnesse for the furtherance of that attempt, but when his honour dyed the voyage was friendlesse, and mens mindes alienated from aduenturing therein. [Sidenote: The 1. voyage.] In my first voyage not experienced of the nature of those climates, and hauing no direction either by Chart, Globe, or other certaine relation in what altitude that passage was to be searched, I shaped a Northerly course and so sought the same toward the South, and in that my Northerly course I fell vpon the shore which in ancient time was called Groenland, fiue hundred leagues distant from the Durseys Westnorthwest Northerly, the land being very high and full of mightie mountaines all couered with snowe, no viewe of wood, grasse or earth to be seene, and the shore two leagues off into the sea so full of yce as that no shipping could by any meanes come neere the same. The lothsome view of the shore, and irksome noyse of the yce was such, as that it bred strange conceits among vs, so that we supposed the place to be wast and voyd of any sensible or vegitable creatures, whereupon I called the same Desolation: so coasting this shore towards the South in the latitude of sixtie degrees, I found it to trend towards the West, I still followed the leading thereof in the same height, and after fifty or sixtie leagues it fayled and lay directly North, which I still followed, and in thirtie leagues sayling vpon the West side of this coast by me named desolation, we were past al the yce and found many greene and pleasant Iles bordering vpon the shore, but the maine were still couered with great quantities of snow, I brought my ship among those Isles and there moored to refresh our selues in our weary trauell, in the latitude of sixtie foure degrees or thereabout. The people of the countrey hauing espied our shippes came downe vnto vs in their Canoas, and holding vp their right hand to the Sunne and crying Yliaout, would strike their breasts: we doing the like the people came aboard our shippes, men of good stature, vnbearded, small eyed and of tractable conditions, by whome as signes would permit, we vnderstood that towards the North and West, there was a great sea, and vsing the people with kindeness in giuing them nayles and kniues which of all things they most desired, we departed, and finding the sea free from yce supposing our selves to be past al daunger we shaped our course Westnorthwest thinking thereby to passe for China, but in the latitude of sixtie sixe degrees we fell with another shore, and there found another passage of twenty leagues broad directly West into the same, which we supposed to be our hoped straight, we entred into the same thirtie or fortie leagues, finding it neither to wyden nor streighten, then considering that the yeere was spent (for this was the fiue of August) not knowing the length of the straight and dangers thereof, we tooke it our best course to returne with notice of our good successe for this small time of search. And so returning in a sharpe fret of Westerly windes the 19 of September we arriued at Dartmouth. [Sidenote: The 2. voyage.] And acquainting Master Secretary Walsingham with the rest of the honourable and worshipfull aduenturers of all our proceedings, I was appointed againe the second yere to search the bottome of this straight, because by all likelihood it was the place and passage by vs laboured for. In this second attempt the marchants of Exeter, and other places of the West became aduenturers in the action, so that being sufficiently furnished for sixe moneths, and hauing direction to search these straights, vntill we found the same to fall into another sea vpon the West side of this part of America, we should againe returne: for then it was not to be doubted, but shipping with trade might safely be conueied to China, and the parts of Asia. We departed from Dartmouth, and arriuing vpon the South part of the coast of Desolation coasted the same vpon his West shore to the latitude of sixtie six degrees, and there anchored among the Isles bordering vpon the same, where we refreshed our selues, the people of this place came likewise vnto vs, by whom I vnderstood through their signes that towards the North the sea was large. At this place the chiefe ship whereupon I trusted, called the Mermayd of Dartmouth, found many occasions of discontentment, and being vnwilling to proceed shee there forsook me. Then considering how I had giuen my faith and most constant promise to my worshipfull good friend Master William Sanderson, who of all men was the greatest aduenturer in that action, and tooke such care for the performance thereof, that he hath to my knowledge at one time disbursed as much money as any fiue others whatsoever, out of his purse, when some of the companie haue bene slacke in giuing in their aduenture: And also knowing that I should loose the fauour of M. Secretary Walsingham, if I should shrink from his direction; in one small barke of 30 Tonnes, whereof M. Sanderson was owner, alone without farther company I proceeded on my voyage, and arriuing at these straights followed the same 80 leagues, vntill I came among many Islands, where the water did ebbe and flow sixe fadome vpright, and where there had bene great trade of people to make traine. [Sidenote: The North Parts of America all Islands.] But by such things as there we found, wee knew that they were not Christians of Europe that had vsed that trade: in fine by searching with our boat, we found small hope to passe any farther that way, and therefore recouered the sea and coasted the shore towards the South, and in so doing (for it was too late to search towards the North) we found another great inlet neere 40 leagues broad, where the water entred in with violent swiftnesse, this we also thought might be a passage; for no doubt the North partes of America are all Islands by ought that I could perceiue therein: but because I was alone in a small barke of thirtie tunnes, and the yeere spent, I entred not into the same, for it was now the seuenth of September, but coasting the shore towards the South wee saw an incredible number of birds: hauing diuers fishermen aboord our Barke they all concluded that there was a great skull of fish, we being vnprouided of fishing furniture with a long spike nayle made a hooke, and fastened the same to one of our sounding lines, before the baite was changed we tooke more then fortie great Cods, the fish swimming so abundantly thicke about our barke as is incredible to bee reported, of which with a small portion of salt that we had we preserved some thirtie couple, or thereaboutes, and so returned for England. And hauing reported to M. Secretarie Walsingham the whole successe of this attempt, he commanded me to present vnto the most honourable Lord high Treasurour of England, some part of that fish: which when his Lordship saw, and heard at large the relation of this second attempt, I receiued fauourable countenance from his honour, aduising me to prosecute the action, of which his Lordship conceiued a very good opinion. The next yere, although diuers of the aduenturers fell from the Action, as all the Westerne marchants, and most of those in London: yet some of the aduenturers both honourable and worshipfull continued their willing fauour and charge, so that by this meanes the next yere two shippes were appointed for the fishing and one pinnesse for the discouerie. [Sidenote: The 3. voyage.] Departing from Dartmouth, thorough Gods mercifull fauour, I arriued at the place of fishing, and there according to my direction I left the two ships to follow that busines, taking their faithful promise not to depart vntill my returne vnto them, which should be in the fine of August, and so in the barke I proceeded for this discouerie: but after my departure, in sixeteene dayes the two shippes had finished their voyage, and so presently departed for England, without regard of their promise: my selfe not distrusting any such hard measure proceeded for the discouerie, and followed my course in the free and open sea betweene North and Northwest to the latitude of 67 degrees, and there I might see America West from me, and Gronland, which I called Desolation, East: then when I saw the land of both sides I began to distrust it would prooue but a gulfe: notwithstanding desirous to know the full certainty I proceeded, and in 68 degrees the passage enlarged, so that I could not see the Westerne shore: thus I continued to the Latitude of 73 degrees in a great sea, free from yce, coasting the Westerne shoure of Desolation: the people came continually rowing out vnto me in their Canoas, twenty, forty, and one hundred at a time, and would giue me fishes dryed, Salmon, Salmon peale, Cod, Caplin, Lumpe, Stone-base and such like, besides diuers kinds of birds, as Partrige, Fesant, Guls, Sea birds, and other kinds of flesh: I still laboured by signes to know from them what they knew of any sea toward the North, they still made signes of a great sea as we vnderstood them, then I departed from that coast, thinking to discouer the North parts of America: and after I had sailed towards the West 40 leagues, I fel vpon a great banke of yce: the winde being North and blew much, I was constrained to coast the same toward the South, not seeing any shore West from me, neither was there any yce towards the North, but a great sea, free, large, very salt and blew, and of an vnsearchable depth: So coasting towards the South I came to the place where I left the ships to fish, but found them not. Then being forsaken and left in this distresse referring my self to the mercifull prouidence of God, I shaped my course for England, and vnhoped for of any, God alone releeuing me, I arriued at Dartmouth. By this last discouery it seemed most manifest that the passage was free and without impediment toward the North: but by reason of the Spanish Fleete and vnfortunate time of M. Secretaries death, the voyage was omitted and never sithens attempted. The cause why I vse this particular relation of all my proceedings for this discouery, is to stay this obiection, why hath not Dauis discouered this passage being thrise that wayes imploied? How far I proceeded and in what forme this discouery lieth, doth appeare vpon the Globe which M. Sanderson to his very great charge hath published, for the which he deserueth great fauor and commendations.[90] * * * * * The discouerie of the Isles of Frisland, Iseland, Engroneland, Estotiland, Drogeo and Icaria: made by two brethren, namely M. Nicholas Zeno, and M. Antonio his brother: Gathered out of their letters by M. Francisco Marcolino. In the yere of our Lord 1200 there was in the Citie of Venice a famous Gentleman, named Messer Marino Zeno, who for his great vertue and singular wisdome, was called and elected gouernour in certaine common wealths of Italy: in the administration whereof he bore himselfe so discretly, that he was beloued of all men, and his name greatly reuerenced of those that neuer knew or saw his person. And amongst sundry his worthy workes, this is recorded of him, that he pacified certaine grieuous ciuile dissentions that arose among the citizens of Verona: whereas otherwise, if by his graue aduise and great diligence they had not bene preuented, the matter was likely to broke out into hot broyles of warre. He was the first Podesta, or Ruler, that the Common wealth of Venice appointed in Constantinople in the yeere 1205 when our state had rule thereof with the French Barons. This Gentleman had a sonne named Messer Pietro, who was the father of the Duke Rinieri, which Duke dying without issue, made his heire M. Andrea, the sonne of M. Marco his brother. This M. Andrea was Captaine Generall and Procurator, a man of great reputation for many rare partes, that were in him. He had a sonne M. Rinieri, a worthy Senatour and prudent Counsellour: of whom descended M. Pietro Captaine Generall of the league of the Christians against the Turkes, who was called Dragon, for that in his shield, in stead of a Manfrone which was his armes at the first, he bare a Dragon. He was father to M. Carlo Il grande the famous Procurator and Captaine generall against the Genowayes in those cruell warres, when as almost all the chiefe Princes of Europe did oppugne and seeke to ouerthrow our Empire and libertie, wherein by his great valiantie and prowesse, as Furius Camillus deliuered Rome, so he deliuered his countrey from the present perill it was in, being ready to become a pray and spoile vnto the enemie: wherefore he was afterward surnamed the Lyon, and for an eternall remembrance of his fortitude and valiant exploits he gaue the Lyon in his armes. M. Carlo had two brethren, M. Nicolo, the knight and M. Antonio, the father of M. Dragon, of whom issued M. Caterino, the father M. Pietro da i Grocecchieri. This M. Pietro had sonnes M. Caterino, that died the last yere, being brother vnto M. Francisco, M. Carlo, M. Battista, and M. Vincenzo: Which M. Caterino was father to M. Nicola, that is yet liuing. Now M. Nicolo, the knight being a man of great courage, after this aforesaid Genouan warre of Chioggia, that troubled so our predecessours, entred into a great desire and fansie to see the fashions of the worlde and to trauell and acquaint himselfe with the maners of sundry nations, and learne their languages, whereby afterwards vpon occasions he might be the better able to doe seruice to his countrey, and purchase to himselfe credite and honour. Wherefore he caused a ship to be made, and hauing furnished her at his proper charges (as he was very wealthy) he departed out of our seas and passing the straites of Gibraltar, he sailed for certaine dayes vpon the Ocean, keeping his course still to the Northwards, with intent to see England and Flanders. [Sidenote: The ship of M. N. Zeno cast away vpon Frisland in Anno 1380.] Where being assailed in those Seas by a terrible tempest, he was so tossed for the space of many dayes with the sea and winde, that he knew not where he was, till at length he discouered land, and not being able any longer to susteine the violence of the tempest the ship was cast away vpon the Isle of Friseland. The men were saued and most part of the goods that were in the ship. And this was in the yere 1380. The inhabitants of the Island came running in great multitudes with weapons to set vpon M. Nicolo and his men, who being sore weather-beaten and ouer-laboured at sea and not knowing in what part of the world they were, were not able to make any resistance at all, much lesse to defend themselues couragiously, as it behooued them in such a dangerous case. [Sidenote: A forraine prince hapning to be in Frisland with armed men, when M. Zeno suffered shipwracked there came vnto him and spake Latine.] And they should haue bene doubtlesse very discourteously intreated and cruelly handled, if by good hap there had not beene hard by the place a prince with armed people. Who vnderstanding that there was euen at that present a great ship cast away vpon the Island, came running at the noyse and outcryes that they made against our poore Mariners, and dryuing away the inhabitants, spake in Latine and asked them what they were and from whence they came, and perceiuing that they came from Italy and that they were men of the sayd Countrey, he was surprised with maruelous great ioy. Wherefore promising them all, that they should receiue no discourtesie, and that they were come into a place where they should be well vsed and very welcome, he tooke them into his protection vpon his faith. [Sidenote: Zichmni prince of Porland or Duke of Zorani.] This was a great Lord, and possessed certaine Islands called Porland, lying on the South side of Frisland, being the richest and most populous of all those parts, his name was Zichmni: and beside the said little Islands, he was Duke of Sorani, lying ouer against Scotland.[91] Of these North parts I thought good to draw the copie of a Sea carde, which amongst other antiquities I haue in my house, which although it be rotten through many yeres, yet it falleth out indifferent well: and to those that are delighted in these things, it may serue for some light to the vnderstanding of that, which without it cannot so easily be conceiued. Zichmni being Lord of those Sygnories (as is said) was a very warlike and valiant man and aboue all things famous in Sea causes. [Sidenote: Frisland the king of Norwayes.] And hauing the yere before giuen the ouerthrow to the king of Norway, who was Lord of the Island, being desirous to winne fame by feates of armes, hee was come on land with his men to giue the attempt for the winning of Frisland, which is an Island much bigger then Ireland. Wherefore seeing that M. Nicolo was a man of iudgement and discretion, and very expert both in sea matters and martiall affaires, hee gaue him commission to goe aboord his Nauy with all his men, charging the captaine to honor him and in all things to use his counsaile. This Nauy of Zichmni was of thirteene vessels, whereof two onely were rowed with oares, the rest small barkes and one ship, with the which they sayled to the Westwards and with little paines wonne Ledouo and Ilofe and diuers other small Islands: and turning into a bay called Sudero, in the hauen of the towne named Sanestol, they tooke certaine small barks laden with fish. And here they found Zichmni, who came by land with his armie conquering all the countrey as he went: they stayed here but a while, and led on their course to the Westwards till they came to the other Cape of the gulfe or bay, then turning againe, they found certaine Islandes and broken lands which they reduced al vnto the Signorie and possession of Zichmni. These seas for as much as they sailed, were in maner nothing but sholds and rocks, in so much that if M. Nicolo and the Venetian mariners had not bene their Pilots, the whole fleete in iudgement of all that were in it, had bene cast away, so small was the skill of Zichmnis men, in respect of ours, who had bene trained vp in the arte and practise of Nauigation all the dayes of their life. Now the fleete hauing done such things as are declared, the Captaine, by the counsaile of M. Nicolo, determined to goe a land, at a towne called Bondendon, to vnderstand what successe Zichmni had in his warres: where they heard to their great content, that he had fought a great battell and put to flight the armie of his enemie: by reason of which victory, they sent Embassadours from all parts of the Island to yeeld the countrey vp into his handes, taking downe their ensignes in euery towne and castle: they thought good to stay in that place for his comming, it being reported for certaine that hee would be there very shortly. At his comming there was great congratulation and many signes of gladnesse shewed, as well for the victory by land, as for that by sea: for the which the Venetians were honoured and extolled of all men, in such sort that there was no talke but of them, and of the great valour of M. Nicolo. Wherefore the prince, who was a great fauourer of valiant men and especially of those that could behaue themselues well at sea, caused M. Nicolo to be brought before him, and after hauing commended him with many honourable speeches, and praysed his great industrie and dexteritie of wit, by the which two things he acknowledged himselfe to haue receiued an inestimable benefite, as the sauing of his fleet and the winning of many places without any great trouble, he made him knight, and rewarded his men with many rich and bountiful gifts. Then departing from thence they went in tryumphing maner toward Frisland, the chiefe citie of that Island. In this gulf or bay there is such great abundance of fish taken, that many ships are laden therewith to serue Flanders, Britain, England, Scotland, Norway, and Denmarke, and by this trade they gather great wealth. And thus much is taken out of a letter, that M. Nicolo sent to M. Antonio his brother, requesting that he would seeke some meanes to come to him. Wherefore he who had as great desire to trauaile as his brother, bought a ship, and directed his course that way: and after he had sailed a great while and escaped many dangers, he arriued at length in safetie with M. Nicolo, who receiued him very ioyfully, for that he was his brother not onely in flesh and blood, but also in valour and good qualities. M. Antonio remained in Frisland and dwelt there for the space of 14 yeres, 4 yeeres with M. Nicolo, and 10 yeres alone. Where they came in such grace and fauour with the Prince, that he made M. Nicolo Captaine of his Nauy, and with great preparation of warre they were sent forth for the enterprise of Estland, which lyeth vpon the coast betweene Frisland and Norway, where they did many dammages, but hearing that the king of Norway was coming towardes them with a great fleet, they departed with such a terrible flaw of winde, that they were driuen vpon certaine sholds: were a great part of their ships were cast away, the rest were saued vpon Grisland, a great Island but dishabited. The king of Norway his fleete being taken with the same storme, did vtterly perish in those seas: Whereof Zichmni hauing notice, by a ship of his enemies that was cast by chance vpon Grisland, hauing repayred his fleet, and perceiuing himself Northerly neere vnto the Islands, determined, to set vpon Island, which together with the rest, was subiect to the king of Norway: but he found the countrey so well fortified and defended, that his fleete being so small, and very ill appointed both of weapons and men, he was glad to retire. And so he left that enterprise without performing any thing at all: and in the chanels, he assaulted the other Isles called Islande, which are seuen, Talas, Broas, Iscant, Trans, Mimant, Dambere, and Bres: and hauing spoyled them all, hee built a fort in Bres, where he left M. Nicolo with certaine small barkes and men and munition. And now thinking he had done wel for this voyage, with those few ships which were left he returned safe into Frisland. [Sidenote: Engroneland.] M. Nicolo remaining nowe in Bres, determined in the spring to go forth and discouer land: wherefore arming out three small barkes in the moneth of Iuly, he sayled to the Northwards, and arriued in Engroneland. [Sidenote: Preaching fryers of Saint Thomas.] Where he found a Monasterie of Friers, of the order of the Predicators, and a Church dedicated to Saint Thomas, hard by a hill that casteth forth fire, like Vesuuius and Etna. There is a fountaine of hot burning water with the which they heate the Church of the Monastery and the Fryers chambers, it commeth also into the kitchin so boyling hot, that they vse no other fire to dresse their meate: and putting their breade into brasse pots without any water, it doth bake as it were in an hot ouen. They haue also smal gardens couered ouer in the winter time, which being watered with this water, are defended from the force of the snow and colde, which in those partes being situate farre vnder the pole, is very extreme, and by this meanes they produce flowers and fruites and herbes of sundry sorts, euen as in other temperate countries in their seasons, in such sort that the rude and sauage people of those partes seeing these supernaturall effects, doe take those Fryers for Gods, and bring them many presents, as chickens, flesh, and diuers other things, they haue them all in great reuerence as Lords. When the frost and snowe is great, they heate their houses in maner before said, and wil by letting in the water or opening the windowes, at an instant, temper the heate and cold at their pleasure. In the buildings of the Monasterie they vse no other matter but that which is ministred vnto them by the fire: for they take the burning stones that are cast out as it were sparkles or cinders at the fierie mouth of the hill, and when they are most enflamed, cast water vpon them, whereby they are dissolued and become excellent white lime and so tough that being contriued in building it lasteth for euer. And the very sparkles after the fire is out of them doe serue in stead of stones to make walles and vautes: for being once colde they will neuer dissolue or breake, except they be cut with some iron toole, and the vautes that are made of them are so light that they need no sustentacle, or prop to holde them vp, and they will endure continually very faire and whole. By reason of these great commodities, the Fryers haue made there so many buildings and walles that it is a wonder to see. The couerts or roofes of their houses for the most part are made in maner following: first they rayse vp the wall vp to his full height, then they make it enclinining or bowing in by little and litle in fourme of a vaut. [Sidenote: Winter of 9 moneths.] But they are not greatly troubled with raine in those partes, because the climate (as I haue saide) is extreme colde: for the first snow being fallen, it thaweth no more for the space of nine moneths, for so long dureth their winter. They feede of the flesh of wilde foule and of fish: for wheras the warme water falleth into the sea, there is a large and wide hauen, which by reason of the heate of the water, doeth neuer freeze all the winter, by meanes whereof there is such concourse and flocks of sea foule and such abundance of fish, that they take thereof infinite multitudes, whereby they maintaine a great number of people round about, which they kepe in continuall worke, both in building and taking of foules and fish, and in a thousand other necessarie affaires and busines about the Monasterie. Their houses are built about the hill on euery side, in forme round, and 25 foote broad, and in mounting vpwards they goe narower and narower, leauing at the top a litle hole, whereat the aire commeth in to giue light to the house, and the flore of the house is so hot, that being within they feele no cold at all. Hither in the Summer time come many barkes from the Islands there about, and from the cape aboue Norway, and from Trondon, and bring to the Friers al maner of things that may be desired, taking in change thereof fish, which they dry in the sunne or in the cold, and skins of diuers kindes of beasts. [Sidenote: Trade in summer time from Trondon to S. Thomas Friers in Groneland. Resort of Fryers from Norway and Sueden, to the Monastery in Engroneland, called S. Tho.] For the which they haue wood to burne and timber very artificially carued, and corne, and cloth to make them apparell. For in change of the two aforesaid commodities all the nations bordering round about them couet to trafficke with them, and so they without any trauell or expences haue that which they desire. To this Monasterie resort Fryers of Norway, of Suetia and of other countreys, but the most part are of Islande. There are continually in that part many barks, which are kept in there by reason of the sea being frozen, waiting for the spring of the yere to dissolue the yce. The fishers boates are made like into a weauers shuttle: taking the skins of fishes, they fashion them with the bones of the same fishes, and sowing them together in many doubles they make so sure and substanciall, that it is miraculous to see, howe in tempests they will shut themselues close within and let the sea and winde cary them they care not whether, without any feare either of breaking or drowning. [Marginal note: M. Frobisher brought these kinde of boats from these parts into England.] And if they chance to be driuen vpon any rocks, they remaine sound without the least bruse in the world: and they haue as it were a sleeue in the bottome, which is tyed fast in the middle, and when there commeth any water into the boat, they put it into the one halfe of the sleeue, then fastening the ende thereo with two pieces of wood and loosing the band beneath, they conuey the water forth of the boats: and this they doe as often as they haue occasion, without any perill or impediment at all. Moreouer, the water of the Monastery, being of sulphurious or brimstonie nature, is conueyed into the lodgings of the principall Friers by certaine vesselles of brass, tinne, or stone, so hot that it heateth the place as it were a stone, nor carying with it any stinke or other noysome smell. Besides this they haue another conueyance to bring hot water with a wall vnder the ground, to the end it should not freeze, vnto the middle of the court, where it falleth into a great vessel of brasse that standeth in the middle of a boyling fountaine, and this is to heat their water to drinke and to water their gardens, and thus they haue from the hill the greatest commodities that may be wished: and so these Fryers employ all their trauaile and studie for the most in trimming their gardens and in making faire and beautifull buildings, but especially handsome and commodious: neyther are they destitute of ingenious and paineful artificers for the purpose; for they giue very large payment, and to them that bring them fruits and seedes they are very bountifull, and giue they care not what. So that there is great resort of workemen and masters in diuers faculties, by reason of the good gaines and large allowance that is there. [Sidenote: In the Monastery of Saint Thomas most of them spake the Latine tongue.] The most of them speake the Latine tongue, and specially the superiours and principals of the Monastery. And this is as much as is knowen of Engroneland, which is all by the relation of M. Nicolo, who maketh also particular description of a riuer that he discouered, as is to be seene in the carde that I drew. And in the end M. Nicolo, not being vsed and acquainted with these cruell coldes, fel sicke, and a litle while after returned into Frisland, where he dyed. [Sidenote: The end of the 2. letter.] He left behind him in Venice, two sonnes, M. Giouanni and M. Toma, who had two sonnes, M. Nicolo the father of the famous Cardinal Zeno, and M. Pietro of whom descended the other Zenos, that are liuing at this day. [Sidenote: M. Zeno dyed in Frisland.] Now M. Nicolo being dead, M. Antonio succeeded him both in his goods, and in his dignities and honour and albeit he attempted diuers wayes, and made great supplication, he could neuer obtaine licence to returne into his countrey. For Zichmni, being a man of great courage and valour, had determined to make himself Lord of the sea. Wherefore vsing alwayes the counsaile and seruice of M. Antonio, he determined to send him with certaine barks to the Westwards, for that towards those parts, some of his fishermen had discouered certaine Islands very rich and populous: which discovery M. Antonio, in a letter to his brother M. Carlo, recounteth from point to point in this maner, sauing that we haue changed some old words, leauing the matter entire as it was. Sixe and twentie yeeres agoe there departed foure fisher boats, the which, a mightie tempest arising, were tossed for the space of many dayes very desperately ypon the Sea, when at length, the tempest ceasing, and the wether waxing faire, they discouered an Island called Estotiland, lying to the Westwards aboue 1000 Miles from Frisland, vpon the which one of the boats was cast away, and sixe men that were in it were taken of the inhabitants and brought into a faire and populous citie, where the king of the place sent for many interpreters, but there was none could be found that vnderstood the language of the fishermen, except one that spake Latine, who was also cast by chance vpon the same Island, who in behalfe of the king asked them what countreymen they were: [Sidenote: Sixe were fiue yeeres in Estotiland.] and so vnderstanding their case, rehearsed it vnto the king, who willed that they should tary in the countrey: wherefore they obeying his commandement, for that they could not otherwise doe, dwelt fiue yeres in the Island, and learned the language, and one of them was in diuers partes of the Island, and reporteth that it is a very rich countrey, abounding with all the commodities of the world, and that it is litle lesse then Island, but farre more fruitfull, hauing in the middle thereof a very high mountaine, from the which there spring foure riuers that passe through the whole countrey. The inhabitants are very wittie people, and haue all artes and faculties, as we haue: and it is credible that in time past they haue had trafficke with our men, for he said, that he saw Latin bookes in the kings Librarie, which they at this present do not understand: they haue a peculiar language, and letters or caracters to themselues. They haue mines of all maner of mettals, but especial they abound with gold. They haue their trade in Engroneland, from whence they bring furres, brimstone and pitch and he saith, that to the Southwards, there is a great populous countrey very rich of gold. [Sidenote: Many cities and castles.] They sow corne, and make beere and ale, which is a kinde of drinke that North people do vse as we do wine. They haue mighty great woods, they make their buildings with wals, and there are many cities and castles. They build small barks and haue sayling, but they haue not the load stone, nor know not the vse of the compasse. [Sidenote: A countrey called Drogio.] Wherefore these fishers were had in great estimation, insomuch that the king sent them with twelue barks to the Southwards to a countrey which they call Drogio: but in their voyage they had such contrary weather, that they thought to haue perished in the sea: but escaping that cruell death, they fell into another more cruell: for they were taken in the countrey and the most part of them eaten by the Sauage people, which fed vpon mans flesh, as the sweetest meat in their iudgements that is. [Sidenote: The 6 fishermen of Frisland onely saved, by shewing the maner to take fish.] But that fisher with his fellowes shewing them the maner of taking fish with nets, saued their liues: and would goe euery day a fishing to the sea and in fresh riuers, and take great abundance of fish and giue it to the chiefe men of the countrey, whereby he gate himselfe so great fauour, that he was very well beloued and honoured of euery one. The fame of this man being spread abroad in the countrey, there was a Lord there by, that was very desirous to haue him with him, and to see how he vsed his miraculous arte of catching fish, in so much that he made warre with the other Lord with whom he was before, and in the end preuailing, for that he was more mightie and a better warriour, the fisherman was sent vnto him with the rest of his company. [Sidenote: In the space of 13 yeeres he serued 25 lords of Drogio.] And for the space of thirteene yeres that he dwelt in those parts, he saith, that he was sent in this order to more than 25 Lords, for they had continuall war amongst themselues, this Lord with that Lord, and he with another, onely to haue him to dwell with them: so that wandring vp and downe the countrey without any certaine abode in one place, he knew almost all those parts. He saith, that it is a very great countrey and as it were a new world: the people are very rude and voide of all goodnesse, they go all naked so that they are miserably vexed with colde, neither haue they the wit to couer their bodyes with beasts skins which they take in hunting, they haue no kinde of mettal, they liue by hunting, they carry certaine lances of wood made sharpe at the point, they haue bowes, the strings whereof are made of beasts skins: they are very fierce people, they make cruell warres one with another, and eate one another, they haue gouernours and certaine lawes very diuers among themselues. But the farther to the Southwestwards, the more ciuilitie there is, the ayre being somewhat temperate, so that there they haue cities and temples to idols, wherein they sacrifice men and afterwards eate them, they haue there some knowledge and vse of gold and siluer. Now this fisherman hauing dwelt so many yeeres in those countreys purposed, if it were possible, to returne home into his countrey, but his companions despairing euer to see it againe, let him goe in Gods name, and they kept themselues where they were. Wherefore he bidding them farwell, fled through the woods towards Drogio, and was very well receiued of the Lord that dwelt next to that place; who knew him and was a great enemie of the other Lord: and so running from one Lord to another, being those by whom he had passed before, after long time and many trauels he came at length to Drogio, where he dwelt three yeres. When as by good fortune he heard by the inhabitants, that there were certaine boates arriued vpon the coast: wherefore entring into good hope to accomplish his intent, he went to the sea side, and asking them of what countrey they were; they answered of Estotiland, whereat he was exceeding glad, and requested that they would take him in to them, which they did very willingly, and for that he had the language of the countrey, and there was none that could speake it, they vsed him for their interpreter. [Sidenote: He returned from Estotiland to Frisland.] And afterward he frequented that trade with them in such sort, that he became very rich, and so furnishing out a barke of his owne, he returned into Frislande, where he made reporte vnto this Lord of that wealthy countrey. And he is throughly credited because of the mariners, who approue many strange things, that he reporteth to be true. [Sidenote: Zichmni minded to send M. Antonio Zeno with a fleete towards those parts of Estotiland.] Wherefore this Lord is resolued to send me forth with a fleet towards those parts, and there are so many that desire to go in the voyage, for the noueltie and strangenesse of the thing, that I thinke we shall be very strongly appointed, without any publike expence at all. And this is the tenour of the letter before mentioned, which I haue here set downe to giue intelligence of another voyage that M. Antonio made, being set out with many barkes, and men, notwithstanding he was not captaine, as he had thought at the first he should: for Zichmni went in his owne person: and concerning that matter I haue a letter in forme following. [Sidenote: The 4. letter.] [Sidenote: The fisherman dyed that should haue bene interpreter. Certaine mariners taken in his steede, which came with him from Estotiland.] One great preparation for the voyage of Estotiland was begun in an vnlucky houre: for three dayes before our departure the fisherman died that should haue bene our guide: notwithstanding this Lord would not giue ouer the enterprize, but instead of the fisherman tooke certaine mariners that returned out of the Island with him: and so making our Nauigation to the Westwards, we discouered certaine Islands subiect to Frisland, and hauing passed certaine shelues we stayed at Leduo for the space of 7 daies to refresh our selues, and to furnish the fleet with necessarie prouision. [Sidenote: Isle Ilof.] Departing from thence we arriued the first of Iuly at the Isle of Ilofe: and for that the wind made for vs, we stayed not there, but passed forth, and being vpon the maine sea, there arose immediately a cruel tempest, wherewith for eight dayes space we were miserably vexed, not knowing where we were: and a great part of the barks were cast away, afterward the weather waxing faire, we gathered vp the broken peices of the barkes that were lost, and sayling with a prosperous winde we discovered land at West. [Sidenote: Zichmni his discouerie of the Island Iscaria.] Wherefore keeping our course directly vpon it, we arriued in a good and safe harborough, where we saw an infinit companie of people ready in armes, come running very furiously to the water side, as it were for defence of the Iland. [Sidenote: An Island man in Icaria.] Wherefore Zichmni causing his men to make signes of peace vnto them, they sent 10 men vnto vs that coulde speake ten languages, but we could vnderstand none of them, except one that was of Island. [Sidenote: The kings of Icaria called Icaria after the name of the first king of that place, who as they report, was sonne to Dedalus the king of the Scots.] He being brought before our prince and asked, what was the name of the Island, and what people inhabited it, and who gouerned it, answered that the Island was called Icaria, and that all the kings that reigned there, were called Icari, after the name of the first king of that place, which as they say was the sonne of Dedalus king of Scotland, who conquered that Island, left his sonne there for king, and left them those lawes that they retaine to this present, and after this, he desiring to sayle further, in a great tempest that arose, was drowned, wherefore for a memoriall of his death, they call those seas yet, the Icarian Sea, and the kings of the Island Icari, and for that they were contented with that state, which God had giuen them, neither would they alter one iote of their lawes and customes, they would not receiue any stranger: wherefore they requested our prince, that hee would not seeke to violate their lawes, which they had receiued from that king of worthy memory and obserued very duly to that present: which if he did attempt, it would redound to his manifest destruction, they being all resolutely bent rather to leaue their life, then to loose in any respect the vse of their lawes. [Sidenote: The people of Icaria desirous of the Italian tongue.] Notwithstanding, that we should not thinke they did altogether refuse conuersation and traffick with other men, they tolde vs for conclusion that they would willingly receiue one of our men, and preferre him to be one of the chiefe amongst them, onely to learne my language the Italian tongue, and to be informed of our manners and customes, as they had already receiued those other ten oftensundry nations, that came into their Island. [Sidenote: Infinite multitudes of armed men in Icaria.] To these things our Prince answered nothing at all, but causing his men to seke some good harborough, he made signes as though he would depart, and sayling round about the Island, he espied at length a harborough on the East side of the Island, where hee put in with all his Fleet: the mariners went on land to take in wood and water, which they did with as great speede as they could, doubting least they should be assaulted by the inhabitants, as it fell out in deed, for those that dwelt thereabouts, making signes vnto the other with fire and smoke, put themselues presently in armes and the other comming to them, they came all running downe to the sea side vpon our men, with bowes and arrowes, and other weapons, so that many were slaine and diuers sore wounded. And we made signes of peace vnto them, but it was to no purpose, for their rage increased more and more, as though they had fought for land and liuing. [Sidenote: Zichmni departed from Icaria Westwards.] Wherefore we were forced to depart, and to sayle along in a great circuite about the Islande, being alwayes accompanyed vpon the hil tops and the sea coastes with an infinite number of armed men: and so doubling the Cape of the Island towards the North, we found many great sholdes, amongst the which for the space of ten dayes we were in continuall danger of loosing our whole fleet, but that it pleased God all that while to send vs faire weather. Wherefore proceeding on till we came to the East cape, we saw the inhabitants still on the hill tops and by the sea coast keepe with vs, and in making great outcryes and shooting at vs a farre off, they vttered their old spitefull affection towards vs. Wherefore wee determined to stay in some safe harborough, and see if wee might speake once againe with the Islander, but our determination was frustrate: for the people more like vnto beasts then men, stood continually in armes with intent to beat vs back, if we should come on land. Wherefore Zichmni seeing he could not preuaile, and thinking if he should haue perseuered and followed obstinately his purpose, their victuals would haue failed them, he departed with a fayre wind and sailed sixe daies to the Westwards, but the winde changing to the Southwest, and the sea waxing rough, wee sayling 4 dayes with the wind the powp, and at length discouering land, were afraid to approch nere vnto it, the sea being growen, and we not knowing what land it was: but God so prouided for vs, that the wind ceasing there came a great calme. Wherefore some of our company rowing to land with oares, returned and brought vs newes to our great comfort, that they had found a very good countrey and a better harborough: [Sidenote: 100 men sent to discrie the countrey.] vpon which newes we towed our ships and smal barks to land, and being entred into the harborough, we saw a farre off a great mountain, that cast forth smoke, which gaue vs good hope that we should finde some inhabitants in the Island, neither would Zichmni rest, although it were a great way off, but sent 100 souldiers to search the countrey and bring report what people they were that inhabited it, and in the meane time they tooke in wood and water for the prouision of the fleete, and catcht great store of fish and sea foule and found such abundance of birds egges that our men that were halfe famished, were filled therewithall. Whiles we were riding here, began the moneth of Iune, at which time the aire in the Island was so temperate and pleasant, as is impossible to express; but when we could see no people at al, we suspected greatly that this pleasant place was desolate and dishabited; We gaue name to the hauen calling it Trin, and the point that stretched out into the sea, we called Capo de Trin. [Sidenote: The 100 souldiers returned which had bene through the Island, report what they saw and found.] The 100 souldiers that were sent forth, 8 dayes after returned, and brought word that they had bene through the Island and at the mountaine, and that the smoke was a naturall thing proceeding from a great fire that was in the bottome of the hill, and that there was a spring from which issued a certaine water like pitch which ran into the sea, and that thereabouts dwelt great multitudes of people halfe wilde, hiding themselues in caues of the ground, of small stature, and very fearefull: for as soone as they saw them they fled into their holes, and that there was a great riuer and a very good and safe harborough. Zichmni being thus informed, and seeing that it had a holesome and pure aire, and a very fruitfull soyle and faire riuers, with sundry commodities, fell into such liking of the place, that he determined to inhabite it, and built there a citie. But his people being weary and faint with long and tedious trauell began to murmure, saying that they would returne into their countrey, for that the winter was at hand, and if they entred into the harborough, they should not be able to come out againe before the next Summer. Wherefore he retaining onely the barks with Oares and such as were willing to stay with him, sent all the rest with the shippes backe againe, [Sidenote: M. Antonio Zeno, made chiefe captaine of those ships which went back to Frisland.] and willed that I (though vnwilling) should be their captaine. I therefore departing, because I could not otherwise chuse, sayled for the space of twenty dayes to the Eastwards without sight of any land: then turning my course towards the Souteast, in 5. dayes I discouered land, and found my selfe vpon the Isle of Neome, and knowing the countrey, I perceiued I was past Island: wherefore taking in some fresh victuals of the inhabitants being subiect to Zichmni, I sayled with a faire winde in three dayes to Frisland, where the people, who thought they had lost their prince, because of his long absence, in this our voyage receiued vs very ioyfully. What followed after this letter I know not but by coniecture, which I gather out of a peice of another letter, which I will set down here vnderneath: That Zichmni built a towne in the port of the Iland that he discouered, and that he searched the countrey very diligently and discouered it all, and also the riuers on both sides of Engroneland, for that I see it particularly described in the sea card, but the discourse or narration is lost. The beginning of the letter is thus. [Sidenote: The 5 letter.] Concerning those things that you desire to know of me, as of the men and their maners and customes, of the beasts, and of the countries adioyning, I haue made therof a particuler booke, which by Gods help I will bring with me: wherein I haue decribed the countrey, the monstrous fishes, the customes and lawes of Frisland, Island, Estland, the kingdome of Norway, Estotiland, Drogio, and in the end the life of M. Nicolo, the knight our brother, with the discouery which he made, and the state of Groneland. I haue also written the life and acts of Zichmni, a prince as worthy of immortall memory, as euer liued, for his great valiancie and singular humanitie, wherein I haue described the discouery of Engroneland on both sides, and the citie that he builded. Therefore I will speake no further hereof in this letter, hoping to be with you very shortly, and to satisfie you in sundry other things by word of mouth. All these letters were written by M. Antonio to Messer Carlo his brother: and it grieueth me, that the booke and diuers other writings concerning these purposes, are miserably lost: for being but a child when they came to my hands, and not knowing what they were, (as the maner of children is) I tore them, and rent them in pieces, which now I cannot cal to remembrance but to my exceeding great griefe. Notwithstanding, that the memory of so many good things should not bee lost: whatsoeuer I could get of this matter, I haue disposed and put in order in the former discourse, to the ende that this age might be partly satisfied, to the which we are more beholding for the great discoueries made in those partes, then to any other of the time past, being most studious of the newe relations and discoueries of strange countries, made by the great mindes, and industrie of our ancestours. For the more credite and confirmation of the former Historie of Messer Nicolas and Messer Antonio Zeni (which for some fewe respects may perhaps bee called in question) I haue heere annexed the iudgement of that famous Cosmographer Abraham Ortelius, or rather the yealding and submitting of his iudgement thereunto: who in his Theatrum Orbis, fol. 6. next before the map of Mar del Zur, boroweth proofe and authoritie out of this relation, to shew that the Northeast parte of America called Estotiland, and in the original alwayes affirmed to bee an Islande, was about the yeere 1390 discouered by the aforesayd Venetian Gentleman Messer Antonio Zeno, aboue 100 yeeres before euer Christopher Columbus set saile for those Westerne Regions; and that the Northren Seas were euen then sayled by our Europæan Pilots through the helpe of the loadstone: with diuers other particulars concerning the customes, religion and wealth of the Southern Americans, which are most euidently confirmed by all the late and moderne Spanish Histories of Nueua Espanna and Peru. And here I shall not (as I suppose) commit any great inconuenience, or absurditie, in adding vnto this History of the new world, certaine particulars as touching the first discouery thereof, not commonly known. Which discouerie al the writers of our time ascribe (and that not vnworthily) vnto Christopher Columbus. For by him it was in a maner first discouered, made knowen, and profitably communicated vnto the Christian world, in the yeere of our Lord 1492. [Sidenote: Estotiland first discouered.] [Sidenote: The second discouerie thereof.] Howbeit I finde that the North part thereof called Estotiland, (which most of all extendeth toward our Europe and the Ilands of the same, namely, Groneland, Island, and Frisland) was long ago found out by certaine fishers of the Isle of Frisland, driuen by tempest vpon the shore thereof: and was afterward about the yeere 1390 discouered a new by one Antonio Zeno a gentleman of Venice; which sayled thither vnder the conduct of Zichmni king of the saide Isle of Frisland, a prince in those parts of great valour, and renowned for his martiall exploits and victories. Of which expedition of Zichmni there are extant in Italian certaine collections or abridgements gathered by Francisco Marcolino out of the letters of M. Nicolo and Antonio Zeni two gentlemen of Venice which liued in those partes. Out of which collections I doe adde concerning the description of Estotiland aforesaid these particulars following. Estotiland (saith he) aboundeth with all things necessary for mankinde. In the mids thereof standeth an exceeding high mountaine, from which issue foure riuers that moisten all the countrie. The inhabitants are wittie and most expert in Mechanicall arts. They haue a kinde of peculiar language and letters. Howbeit in this Kings Librarie are preserued certaine Latine bookes which they vnderstand not, being perhaps left there many yeeres before by some Europeans, which traffiqued thither. They haue all kinde of mettals; but especially golde, wherewith they mightily abound. They trafficke with the people of Groneland: from whence they fetch skinnes, pitch and brimstone. The inhabitants report that towardes the South, there are regions abounding with gold, and very populous: they haue many and huge woods, from whence they take timber for the building of ships and cities, whereof and of castles there are great store. The vse of the loadstone for Navigation is vnknowen vnto them. [Sidenote: Drogio.] They make relation also of a certaine region toward the South, called Drogio, which is inhabited by Canibals, vnto whom mans flesh is delicate meat: wherof being destitute they liue by fishing, which they vse very much. Beyond this are large regions, and as it were a newe world: but the people are barbarous and goe naked: howbeit against the colde they cloth themselues in beastes skinnes. These haue no kinde of metall: and they liue by hunting. Their weapons are certaine long staues with sharpe points, and bowes. They wage warres one against another. They haue gouernours, and obey certaine lawes. But from hence more towardes the South the climate is much more temperate: and there are cities, and temples of idoles, vnto whom they sacrifice liuing men, whose flesh they afterwards deuoure. These nations haue the vse of siluer and gold. This much of this tract of landes out of the aforesaide collections and abridgements. Wherein this also is worthy the obseruation, that euen then our Europæan Pilots sayled those seas by the helpe of the loadstone. For concerning the vse thereof in Nauigation, I suppose there is not to be found a more ancient testimonie. And these things I haue annexed the rather vnto this table of Mar del Zur; considering that none of those Authours which haue written the Histories of the Newe world, haue in any part of their writings, mentioned one word thereof. Hitherto Ortelius. THE NAUIGATIONS, VOYAGES, TRAFFIQUES, AND DISCOUERIES, OF THE ENGLISH NATION, TO NEWFOVNDLAND, TO THE ISLES OF RAMEA AND THE ISLES OF ASSUMPTION OTHERWISE CALLED NATISCOTEC. SITUATE AT THE MOUTH OF THE RIVER OF CANADA, AND TO THE COASTES OF CAPE BRITON, AND ARAMBEC, CORRUPTLY CALLED NORUMBEGA, WITH THE PATENTS, LETTERS, AND ADUERTISEMENTS THEREUNTO BELONGING. The voyage of the two ships, whereof the one was called the Dominus vobiscum, set out the 20 day of May in the 19 yere of king Henry the eight, and in the yere of our Lord God 1527. for the the discouerie of the North partes. Master Robert Thorne of Bristoll, a notable member and ornament of his country, as wel for his learning, as great charity to the poore, in a letter of his to king Henry the 8 and a large discourse to doctor Leigh, his Ambassadour to Charles the Emperour, (which both are to be seene almost in the beginning of the first volume of this my work) exhorted the aforesayd king with very waighty and substantial reasons, to set forth a discouery euen to the North Pole. And that it may be knowne that this his motion tooke present effect, I thought it good herewithall to put downe the testimonies of two of our Chroniclers, M. Hall, and M. Grafton, who both write in this sort. This same moneth (say they) king Henry the 8 sent 2 faire ships wel manned and victualled, hauing in them diuers cunning men to seeke strange regions, and so they set forth out of the Thames the 20 day of May in the 19 yeere of his raigne, which was the yere of our Lord. 1527. And whereas master Hal, and master Grafton say, that in those ships there were diuers cunning men, I haue made great enquirie of such as by their yeeres and delight in Nauigation, might giue me any light to know who those cunning men should be, which were the directors in the aforesaid voyage. And it hath bene tolde me by sir Martine Frobisher, and M. Richard Allen, a knight of the Sepulchre, that a Canon of Saint Paul in London, which was a great Mathematician, and a man indued with wealth, did much aduance the action, and went therein himselfe in person, but what his name was I cannot learne of any. And further they told me that one of the ships was called the Dominus vobiscum, which is a name likely to be giuen by a religious man of those dayes: and that sayling very farre Northwestward, one of the ships was cast away as it entred into a dangerous gulph, about the great opening, betweene the North parts of Newfoundland, and the countrey lately called by her Maiestie, Meta Incognita. Whereupon the other ship shaping her course towards Cape Briton, and the coastes of Arambec, and oftentimes putting their men on land to search the state of these vnknowen regions, returned home about the beginning of October, of the yere aforesayd. And this much (by reason of the great negligence of the writers of those times, who should haue vsed more care in preseruing of the memories of the worthy actes of our nation,) is all that hitherto I can learne, or finde out of this voyage. * * * * * The voyage of M. Hore and diuers other gentlemen, to Newfoundland, and Cape Briton, in the year 1536 and in the 28 yere of king Henry the 8. One master Hore of London, a man of goodly stature and of great courage, and giuen to the studie of Cosmographie, in the 28 yere of king Henry the 8 and in the yere of our Lord 1536 encouraged diuers Gentlemen and others, being assisted by the kings fauor and good countenance, to accompany him in a voyage of discouerie vpon the Northwest parts of America: wherein his perswaions tooke such effect, that within short space many gentlemen of the Innes of court, and of the Chancerie, and diuers others of good worship, desirous to see the strange things of the world, very willingly entered into the action with him, some of whose names were as followeth: M. Weekes a gentleman of the West countrey of fiue hundred markes by the yeere liuing. M. Tucke a gentleman of Kent. M. Tuckfield. M Thomas Buts the sonne of Sir William Buts knight, of Norfolke, which was lately liuing, and from whose mouth I wrote most of this relation. M. Hardie, M. Biron, M. Carter, M. Wright, M. Rastall Serieant Rastals brother, M. Ridley, and diuers other, which all were in the Admyrall called the Trinitie, a ship of seuen score tunnes, wherein M. Hore himselfe was imbarked. [Sidenote: M. Armigil Wade.] In the other ship whose name was the Minion, went a very learned and vertuous gentleman one M. Armigil Wade, Afterwards Clerke of the Counsailes of king Henry the 8 and king Edward the sixth, father to the worshipfull M. William Wade now Clerke of the priuie Counsell, M. Oliuer Dawbeney marchant of London, M. Ioy afterward gentleman of the Kings Chappell, with diuers other of good account. The whole number that went in the two tall ships aforesaid to wit, the Trinitie and the Minion, were about six score persons, whereof thirty were gentlemen, which all were mustered in warlike maner at Grauesend, and after the receiuing of the Sacrament, they embarked themselues in the ende of Aprill. 1526. [Sidenote: Cape Briton. The Island of Penguin standeth about the latitude of 30 degrees.] From the time of their setting out from Grauesend, they were very long at sea, to witte, aboue two moneths, and neuer touched any land vntill they came to part of the West Indies about Cape Briton, shaping their course thence Northeastwardes, vntill they came to the Island of Penguin, which is very full of rockes and stones, whereon they went and found it full of great foules white and gray, as big as geese, and they saw infinite numbers of their egges. They draue a great number of the foules into their boates vpon their sayles, and tooke vp many of their egges, the foules they flead and their skinnes were very like hony combes full of holes being flead off: they dressed and eate them and found them to be very good and nourishing meat. They saw also store of beares both blacke and white, of whome they killed some, and tooke them for no bad foode. [Sidenote: M. Dawbneys report to M. Richard Hakluyt of the Temple.] M. Oliuer Dawbeny, which (as it is before mentioned) was in this voyage, and in the Minion, told M. Richard Hakluyt of the middle Temple these things following: to wit, [Sidenote: They behold the Sauages of Newfoundland.] That after their arriuall in Newfoundland, and hauing bene there certaine dayes at ancre, and not hauing yet seene any of the naturall people of the countrey, the same Dawbeney walking one day on the hatches, spied a boate with Sauages of those parts, rowing down the Bay toward them, to gaze vpon the ship, and our people, and taking viewe of their comming aloofe, hee called to such as were vnder the hatches, and willed them to come vp if they would see the natural people of the countrey, that they had so long and so much desired to see: whereupon they came vp, and tooke viewe of the Sauages rowing toward them and their ship, and vpon the viewe they manned out a ship-boat to meet them and to take them. But they spying our ship-boat making towards them, returned with maine force and fled into an Island that lay vp in the Bay or riuer there, and our men pursued them into the Island, and the Sauages fledde and escaped: but our men found a fire, and the side of a beare on a wooden spit left at the same by the Sauages that were fled. There in the same place they found a boote of leather garnished on the outward side of the calfe with certaine braue trailes, as it were of rawe silke, and also found a certaine great warme mitten: And these caryed with them, they returned to their shippe, not finding the Sauages, nor seeing any thing else besides the soyle, and the things growing in the same, which chiefely were store of firre and pine trees. And further, the said M. Dawbeny told him, that lying there they grew into great want of victuals, and that there they found small reliefe, more then that they had from the nest of an Osprey, that brought hourely to her yong great plentie of diuers sorts of fishes. [Sidenote: Extreme famine.] But such was the famine that increased amongst them from day to day, that they were forced to seeke to relieue themselues of raw herbes and rootes that they sought on the maine: but the famine increasing, and the reliefe of herbes being to little purpose to satisfie their insatiable hunger, in the fieldes and desertes here and there, the fellowe killed his mate while he stooped to take vp a roote for his reliefe, and cutting out pieces of his bodie whom he had murthered, broyled the same on the coles and greedily deuoured them. By this meane the company decreased, and the officers knew not what was become of them; And it fortuned that one of the company driuen with hunger to seeke abroade for reliefe found [Sidenote: Our men eate one another for famine.] out in the fieldes the sauour of broyled flesh, and fell out with one for that he would suffer him and his fellowes to sterue, enioying plentie as he thought: and this matter growing to cruell speaches, he that had the broyled meate, burst out into these wordes: If thou wouldest needes know, the broyled meate that I had was a piece of such a mans buttocke. The report of this brought to the ship, the Captaine found what became of those that were missing and was perswaded that some of them were neither deuoured with wilde beastes, nor yet destroyed by Sauages: [Sidenote: The Captaines Oration.] And hereupon hee stood vp and made a notable Oration, containing, Howe much these dealings offended the Almightie, and vouched the Scriptures from first to last, what God had in cases of distresse done for them that called vpon them, and told them that the power of the Almighty was then no lesse, then in al former time it had bene. And added, that if it had not pleased God to haue holpen them in that distresse, that it had bene better to haue perished in body, and to haue liued euerlastingly, then to haue relieued for a poore time their mortal bodyes, and to bee condemned euerlastingly, both body and soule to the vnquenchable fire of hell. And thus hauing ended to that effect, be began to exhort to repentance, and besought all the company to pray, that it might please God to looke vpon their miserable present state and for his owne mercie to relieue the same. The famine increasing, and the inconuenience of the men that were missing being found, they agreed amongst themselues rather then all should perish, to cast lots who should be killed: [Sidenote: The English surprise a French ship, wherein they returned home.] And such was the mercie of God, that the same night there arriued a French ship in that port, well furnished with vittaile, and such was the policie of the English, that they became masters of the same, and changing ships and vittailing them, they set sayle to come into England. [Sidenote: Haukes and other foules.] In their iourney they were so ferre Northwards, that they sawe mighty Islands of yce in the sommer season, on which were haukes and other foules to rest themselues being weary of flying ouer farre from the maine. [Sidenote: Foules supposed to be Storkes.] They sawe also certaine great white foules with red bils and red legs, some what bigger then Herons, which they supposed to be Storkes. They arriued at S. Iues in Cornewall about the ende of October. From thence they departed vnto a certairie castle belonging to sir Iohn Luttrel, where M. Thomas Buts, and M. Rastall and other Gentlemen of the voyaye were very friendly entertained: after that they came to the Earle of Bathe at Bathe, and thence to Bristoll, so to London. M. Buts was so changed in the voyage with hunger and miserie, that sir William his father and my Lady his mother knew him not to be their sonne, vntill they found a secret marke which was a wart vpon one of his knees, as hee told me Richard Hakluyt of Oxford himselfe, to whom I rode 200. miles onely to learne the whole trueth of this voyage from his own mouth, as being the onely man now aliue that was in this discouerie. [Sidenote: The French royally recompenced by king Henry the 8.] Certaine moneths after, those Frenchmen came into England, and made complaint to king Henry the 8: the king causing the matter to be examined, and finding the great distresse of his subiects, and the causes of the dealing so with the French, was so mooued with pitie, that he punished not his subiects, but of his owne purse made full and royall recompence vnto the French. In this distresse of famine, the English did somewhat relieue their vitall spirits, by drinking at the springs the fresh water out of certaine wooden cups, out of which they had drunke their Aqua composita before. * * * * * An act against the exaction of money or any other thing by any officer for licence to traffique into Iseland and Newfoundland, made in An 2. Edwardi sexti. Forasmuch as within these few yeeres now last past, there haue bene leuied, perceiued and taken by certaine of the officers of the Admiraltie, of such Marchants, and fishermen as haue vsed and practised the aduentures and iourneys into Iseland, Newfoundland, Ireland, and other places commodious for fishing, and the getting of fish, in and vpon the Seas or otherwise, by way of Marchants in those parties, diuers great exactions, as summes of money, doles or shares of fish, and such other like things, to the great discouragement and hinderance of the same Marchants and fishermen, and to no little dammage of the whole common wealth, and thereof also great complaints haue bene made, and informations also yeerely to the kings Maiesties most honourable councell: for reformation whereof, and to the intent also that the sayd Marchants and fishermen may haue occasion the rather to practise and vse the same trade of marchandizing, and fishing freely without any such charges and exactions, as are before limited, whereby it is to be thought that more plentie of fish shall come into this Realme, and thereby to haue the same at more reasonable prices: Be it therefore enacted by the king our soueraigne Lord, and the lords and commons in this present parliament assembled, and by authoritie of the same, that neither the Admiral, nor any officer, or minister, officers or ministers of the Admiraltie for the time being, shall in any wise hereafter exact, receiue, or take by himselfe, his seruant, deputie, seruants, or deputies of any such Marchant or fisherman, any summe or summes of money, doles or shares of fish, or any other reward, benefit or aduantage whatsoeuer it be, for any licence to passe this Realme to the sayd voyages or any of them, nor vpon any respect concerning the said voyages, nor any of them, vpon paine to forfeit for the first offence treble the summe, or treble the value of the reward, benefite or aduantage, that any such officer or minister shall hereafter haue or take of any such Marchants or fishermen. For the which forfeiture the party grieued, and euery other person or persons whatsoeuer he or they be, shall and may sue for the same by information, bill, plaint, or action of debt in any of the kings courts of recorde: The king to haue the one moitie, and the party complaining the other moitie: in which suite no essoigne, protection, or wager of law shall be allowed. And for the second offence the party so offending not only to lose and forfeite his or their office or offices in the Admiraltie, but also to make fine and ransome at the kings will and pleasure. By this acte it appeareth, that the trade out of England to Newfound land was common and frequented about the beginning of the raigne of Edward the 6. namely in the yeere 1548. and it is much to be marueiled, that by negligence of our men, the countrey in all this time hath bene no better searched. * * * * * A letter to M. Richard Hakluyt of the middle Temple, conteining a report of the true state and commodities of Newfoundland, by M. Anthonie Parkhurst Gentleman, 1578. Master Hakluyt, after most heartie commendations, with like thankes for your manifold kindnesse to me shewed, not for any merits that hitherto haue been mine, but wholly proceeding, I must needs confesse, of your owne good nature, which is so ready prest to benefit your countrey and all such poore men as haue any sparke in them of good desires, that you do not onely become their friend, but also humble your selfe as seruant in their affaires: for which I would to God I were once in place where I might cause your burning zeale to bee knowen to those that haue authoritie, power, and abilitie to recompense your trauelling mind and pen, wherewith you cease not day nor night to labour and trauell to bring your good and godly desires to some passe, though not possibly to that happy ende that you most thirst for: for such is the malice of wicked men the deuils instruments in this our age, that they cannot suffer any thing (or at least few) to proceed and prosper that tendeth to the setting forth of Gods glory, and the amplifying of the Christian faith, wherein hitherto princes haue not bene so diligent as their calling required. Alas, the labourers as yet are few, the haruest great, I trust God hath made you an instrument to increase the number, and to mooue men of power, to redeeme the people of Newfoundland and those parts from out of the captiuitie of that spirituall Pharao, the deuil. Now to answer some part of your letter touching the sundrie nauies that come to Newfoundland, or Terra noua, for fish: you shal vnderstand that some fish not neere the other by 200. leagues, and therefore the certaintie is not knowen; and some yeres come many more then other some, as I see the like among vs: who since my first trauell being but 4. yeeres, are increased from 30. sayle to 50 which commeth to passe chiefly by the imagination of the Westerne men, who thinke their neighbours haue had greater gaines then in very deed they haue, for that they see me to take such paines yeerely to go in proper person: they also suppose that I find some secret commoditie by reason that I doe search the harbors, creekes and hauens, and also the land much more then euer any Englishman hath done. Surely I am glad that it so increaseth, whereof soener it springeth. But to let this passe, you shall vnderstand that I am informed that there are aboue 100. saile of Spaniards that come to take Cod (who make all wet, and do drie it when they come home) besides 20. or 30. more that come from Biskaie to kill Whale for Traine. These be better appoynted for shipping and furniture of munition then any nation sauing the Englishmen, who commonly are lords of the harbors where they fish, and doe vse all strangers helpe in fishing if need require, according to an old custome of the countrey, which thing they do willingly, so that you take nothing from them more then a boate or twaine of salte, in respect of your protection of them from rouers or other violent intruders, who do often put them from good harbor, &c. As touching their tunnage, I thinke it may be neere fiue or sixe thousand tunne. But of Portugals there are not lightly aboue 50 saile, and they make all wet in like sorte, whose tunnage may amount to three thousand tuns, and not vpwarde. Of the French nation and Britons, are about one hundred and fiftie sailes, the most of their shipping is very small, not past fortie tonnes, among which some are great and reasonably well appointed, better then the Portugals, and not so well as the Spaniards, and the burden of them may be some 7000. tunne. Their shipping is from all parts of France and Britaine, and the Spaniards from most parts of Spaine, the Portugals from Auiero[92] And Viana[93] and from 2. or 3. ports more. The trade that our nation hath to Island maketh, that the English are not there in such numbers as other nations. [Sidenote: The fertility of Newfoundland.] Now to certifie you of the fertilitie and goodnesse of the countrey, you shall vnderstand that I haue in sundry places sowen Wheate, Barlie, Rie, Oates, Beanes, Pease and seedes of herbes, kernels, Plumstones, nuts, all which haue prospered as in England. The countrey yeeldeth many good trees of fruit, as Filberds in some places, but in all places Cherie trees, and a kind of Pearetree meet to graffe on. As for roses, they are as common as brambles here: Strawberies, Dewberies, and Raspis, as common as grasse. The timber is most Firre, yet plentie of Pineapple trees: fewe of these two kinds meete to maste a ship of threescore and ten: But neere Cape Briton, and to the Southward, big and sufficient for any ship. There be also Okes and thornes, there is in all the countrey plentie of Birch and Alder, which be the meetest wood for cold, and also willow, which will serue for many other purposes. [Sidenote: Seueral sortes of fish.] As touching the kindes of Fish beside Cod, there are Herrings, Salmons, Thornebacke, Plase, or rather wee should call them Flounders, Dog fish, and another most excellent of taste called of vs a Cat, Oisters, and Muskles, in which I haue found pearles aboue 40. in one Muskle, and generally all haue some, great or small. I heard of a Portugall that found one woorth 300. duckets: There are also [Sidenote: Called by Spaniards Anchouas, and by the Portugals Capelinas.] other kinds of Shel-fish, as limpets, cockles, wilkes, lobsters, and crabs: also a fish like a Smelt which commeth on shore, and another that hath like propertie, called a Squid: there be the fishes, which (when I please to bee merie with my olde companions) I say doe come on shore when I commaund them in the name of the 5 ports, and coniure them by such like words: These also bee the fishes which I may sweepe with broomes on a heape, and neuer wet my foote, onely two or three wordes whatsoeuer they be appointed by any man, so they heare my voyce: the vertue of the wordes be small, but the nature of the fish great and strange. For the Squid, whose nature is to come by night as by day, I tell them, I set him a candle to see his way, with which he is much delighted, or els commeth to wonder at it as doth our fresh water fish, the other commeth also in the night, but chiefly in the day, being forced by the Cod that would deuoure him, and therefore for feare comming so neare the shore, is driuen drie by the surge of the sea on the pibble and sands. Of these being as good as a Smelt you may take vp with a shoue net as plentifully as you do Wheat in a shouell, sufficient in three or four houres for a whole Citie. There be also other fishes which I tell those that are desirous of stange newes, that I take as fast as one would gather vp stones, and them I take with a long pole and hooke. Yea marrie say they, wee beleeue so, and that you catch all the rest you bring home in that sort, from Portugals and Frenchmen. No surely, but thus I doe: with three hookes stretched foorth in the ende of a pole, I make as it were an Eele speare, with which I pricke these Flounders as fast as you would take vp fritters with a sharpe pointed sticke, and with that toole I may take vp in lesse then halfe a day Lobsters sufficient to finde three hundred men for a dayes meate. This pastime ended, I shewe them that for my pleasure I take a great Mastiue I haue, and say no more then thus: Goe fetch me this rebellious fish that obeyeth not this Gentleman that commeth from Kent and Christendome, bringing them to the high water marke, and when hee doubteth that any of those great Cods by reason of sheluing ground bee like to tumble into the Sea againe, hee will warily take heede and carrie him vp backe to the heape of his feilowes. This doeth cause my friendes to wonder, and at the first hearing to iudge them notorious lies, but they laugh and are merrie when they heare the meanes howe each tale is true. I told you once I doe remember how in my trauaile into Africa and America, I found trees that bare Oisters which was strange to you, till I tolde you that their boughes hung in the water, on which both Oisters and Muskies did sticke fast, as their propertie is, to stakes and timber.[94] Nowe to let these merrie tales passe, and to come to earnest matters againe, you shall vnderstand, that Newfoundland is in a temperate Climate, and not so colde as foolish Mariners doe say, who finde it colde sometimes when plentie of Isles of yce lie neere the shore: but vp in the land they shall finde it hotter then in England in many parts of the countrey toward the South. This colde commeth by an accidental meanes, as by the yce that commeth fleeting from the North partes of the worlde, and not by the situation of the countrey, or nature of the Climate. The countrey is full of little small riuers all the yeere long proceeding from the mountains, ingendred both of snow and raine: few springs that euer I could finde or heare of, except it bee towards the South: in some places or rather in most places great lakes with plentie of fish, the countrey most couered with woods of firre, yet in many places indifferent good grasse, and plentie of Beares euery where, so that you may kill of them as oft as you list: their flesh is as good as yong beefe, and hardly you may know the one from the other if it be poudred but two dayes. Of Otters we may take like store. There are Sea Guls, Murres, Duckes, wild Geese, and many other kind of birdes store, too long to write, especially at one Island named Penguin, where wee may driue them on a planke into our ship as many as shall lade her. These birdes are also called Penguins, and cannot flie, there is more meate in one of these then in a goose: the Frenchmen that fish neere the grand baie, doe bring small store of flesh with them, but victuall themselues alwayes with these birdes. Nowe againe, for Venison plentie, especially to the North about the grand baie, and in the South neere Cape Race, and Pleasance: there are many other kinds of beasts, as Luzarnes and other mighty beastes like to Camels in great likenesse, and their feete were clouen, I did see them farre off not able to discerne them perfectly, but their steps shewed that their feete were clouen, and bigger then the feete of Camels, I suppose them to bee a kind off Buffes which I read to bee in the countreyes adiacent, and very many in the firme land. There bee also to the Northwards, Hares, and Foxes in all parts so plentifully, that at noone dayes they take away our flesh before our faces within lesse then halfe a paire of buts length, where foure and twentie persons were turning of drie fish, and two dogs in sight, yet stoode they not in feare till wee gaue shot and set the dogs vpon them: the Beares also be as bold, which will not spare at midnight to take your fish before your face, and I beleeue assuredly would not hurt any bodie vnlesse they be forced. Nowe to showe you my fancie what places I suppose meetest to inhabite in those parts discouered of late by our nation: There is neere about the mouth of the grand Bay, an excellent harbour called of the Frenchmen Chasteaux,[95] and one Island in the very entrie of the streight called Bell Isle,[96] which places if they be peopled and well fortified (as there are stones and things meete for it throughout all Newfoundland) wee shall bee lordes of the whole fishing in small time, if it doe so please the Queenes Maiestie, and from thence send wood and cole with all necessaries to Labrador lately discouered: but I am of opinion, and doe most stedfastly beleeue that we shall finde as rich Mines in more temperate places and Climates, and more profitable for fishing then any yet we haue vsed, where wee shall haue not farre from thence plentie of salt made vndoubtedly, and very likely by the heate of the Sunne, by reason I find salt kerned on the rockes in nine and fortie and better: these places may bee found for salte in three and fortie. I know more touching these two commodities last remembred then any man of our nation doeth; for that I haue some knowledge in such matters, and haue most desired the finding of them by painefull trauaile, and most diligent inquirie. Now to be short, for I haue bene ouer long by Master Butlers means, who cryed on mee to write at large, and of as many things as I call to minde woorthy of rembrance: wherefore this one thing more. I could wish the Island in the mouth of the riuer of Canada[97] should be inhabited, and the riuer searched, for that there are many things which may rise thereof as I will shew you hereafter. I could find in my heart to make proofe whether it be true or no that I haue read and heard of Frenchmen and Portugals to bee in that riuer, and about Cape Briton. I had almost forgot to speake of the plentie of wolues, and to shew you that there be foxes, blacke, white and gray: other beasts I know none saue those before remembered. I found also certain Mines of yron and copper in S. Iohns, and in the Island of Yron, which might turne to our great benefite, if our men had desire to plant thereabout, for proofe whereof I haue brought home some of the oare of both sortes. And thus I ende, assuring you on my faith, that if I had not beene deceiued by the vile Portugals descending of the Iewes and Iudas kinde, I had not failed to haue searched this riuer, and all the coast of Cape Briton, what might haue bene found to haue benefited our countrey: but they breaking their bands, and falsifying their faith and promise, disappointed me of the salte they should haue brought me in part of recompence of my good seruice in defending them two yeeres against French Rouers, that had spoyled them, if I had not defended them. By meanes whereof they made me lose not onely the searching of the countrey, but also forced mee to come home with great losse aboue 600. li. For recompence whereof I haue sent my man into Portugall to demand iustice at the Kings hand, if not, I must put vp my supplication to the Queenes Maiesty and her honourable councell, to grant me leaue to stay here so much of their goods as they haue damnified mee, or else that I may take of them in Newfound land, as much fish as shall be woorth 600. li. or as much as the salte might haue made. I pray you aduertise mee what way I were best to take, and what hope there will bee of a recompence if I follow the suite: many there are that doe comfort me, and doe bid me proceede, for that her Maiestie and the councell doe tender poore fisher men, who with me haue susteined three hundred pound losse in that voyage. And to conclude, if you and your friend shall thinke me a man sufficient and of credite, to seeke the Isle of S. Iohn, or the riuer of Canada, with any part of the firme land of Cape Briton, I shall giue my diligence for the true and perfect discouerie, and leaue some part of mine owne businesse to further the same: and thus I end, committing you to God. From Bristow the 13. of Nouember, 1578. Yours to vse and command, ANTHONY PARCKHVRST. * * * * * The Letters Patents graunted by her Maiestie to Sir Humfrey Gilbert, knight, for the inhabiting and planting of our people in America. Elizabeth by the grace of God Queene of England, &c. To all people to whom these presents shall come, greeting. Know ye that of our especiall grace, certaine science and meere motion, we haue giuen and granted, and by these presents for vs, our heires and successours, doe giue and graunt to our trustie and welbeloued seruant Sir Humfrey Gilbert of Compton, in our Countie of Deuonshire knight, and to his heires and assignes for euer, free libertie and licence from time to time and at all times for euer hereafter, to discouer, finde, search out, and view such remote, heathen and barbarous lands, countreys and territories not actually possessed of any Christian prince or people, as to him, his heirs and assignes, and to euery or any of them, shall seeme good: and the same to haue, hold, occupie and enioy to him, his heires and assignes for euer, with all commodities, iurisdictions and royalties both by sea and land: and the sayd sir Humfrey and all such as from time to time by licence of vs, our heires and successours, shall goe and trauell thither, to inhabite or remaine there, to build and fortifie at the discretion of the sayde sir Humfrey, and of his heires and assignes, the statutes or actes of Parliament made against Fugitiues, or against such as shall depart, remaine, or continue out of our Realme of England without licence, or any other acte, statute, lawe, or matter whatsoeuer to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding. And wee doe likewise by these presents, for vs, our heires and successours, giue full authoritie and power to the saide Sir Humfrey, his heires and assignes, and euery of them, that hoe and they, and euery, or any of them, shall and may at all and euery time and times hereafter, haue, take, and lead in the same voyages, to trauell thitherward, and to inhabite there with him, and euery or any of them, such and so many of our subiects as shall willingly accompany him and them, and euery or any of them, with sufficient shipping, and furniture for their transportations, so that none of the same persons, nor any of them be such as hereafter shall be specially restrained by vs, our heires and successors. And further, that he, the said Humfrey, his heires and assignes, and euery or any of them shall haue, hold, occupy and enioy to him, his heires, or assignes, and euery of them for euer, all the soyle of all such lands, countries, and territories so to be discouered or possessed as aforesaid, and of all Cities, Townes and Villages, and places, in the same, with the rites, royalties and iurisdictions, as well marine as other, within the sayd lands or countreys of the seas thereunto adioining, to be had or vsed with ful power to dispose thereof; and of euery part thereof in fee simple or otherwise, according to the order of the laws of England, as nere as the same conueniently may be, at his, and their will and pleasure, to any person then being, or that shall remaine within the allegiance of vs, our heires and successours, paying vuto vs, for all seruices, dueties and demaunds, the fift part of all the oare of gold and siluer, that from time to time, and at all times after such discouerie, subduing and possessing shall be there gotten: all which lands, countreys, and territories, shall for euer bee holden by the sayd Sir Humfrey, his heires and assignes of vs, our heires and successours by homage, and by the sayd payment of the sayd fift part before reserued onely for all seruices. And moreouer, we doe by those presents for vs, our heires and successours, giue and graunt licence to the sayde Sir Humfrey Gilbert, his heires or assignes, and to euery of them, that hee and they, and euery or any of them shall, and may from time to time and all times for euer hereafter, for his and their defence, encounter, expulse, repell, and resist, as well by Sea, as by land, and by all other wayes whatsoeuer, all, and euery such person and persons whatsoever, as without the speciall licence and liking of the sayd Sir Humfrey, and of his heires and assignes, shall attempt to inhabite within the sayd countreys, or any of them, or within the space of two hundreth leagues neere to the place or places within such countreys as aforesayd, if they shall not be before planted or inhabited within the limites aforesayd, with the subiects of any Christian prince, being in amitie with her Maiesty, where the said sir Humfirey, his heires or assignes, or any of them or his or their, or any of their associates or companies, shall within sixe yeeres next ensuing, make their dwellings and abidings, or that shall enterprise or attempt at any time hereafter vnlawfully to annoy either by Sea or land, the said sir Humfrey, his heires and assignes, or any of them, or his or their, or any of their companies: giuing and graunting by these presents further power and authoritie to the sayd sir Humfrey, his heires and assignes, and euery of them from time to time, and at all times for euer hereafter to take and surprise by all maner of meanes whatsoeuer, all and euery person and persons, with their shippes, vessels, and other goods and furniture, which without the licence of the said sir Humfrey, or his heires or assignes as aforesayd, shall bee found traffiquing into any harborough or harboroughs, creeke or creekes within the limites aforesayde, (the subiects of our Realmes and dominions, and all other persons in amitie with vs, being driuen by force of tempest or shipwracke onely excepted) and those persons and euery of them with their ships, vessels, goods, and furniture, to detaine and possesse, as of good and lawfull prize, according to the discretion of him, the sayd sir Hnmfrey, his heires and assignes, and of euery or any of them. And for vniting in more perfect league and amitie of such countreys, landes and territories so to bee possessed and inhabited as aforesayde, with our Realmes of England and Ireland, and for the better encouragement of men to this enterprise: we doe by these presents graunt, and declare, that all such countreys so hereafter to bee possessed and inhabited as aforesayd, from thencefoorth shall bee of the allegiance of vs, our heires and successours. And wee doe gaunt to the sayd sir Humfrey, his heirs and assignes, and to all and euery of them, and to all and euery other person and persons, being of our allegiance, whose names shall be noted or entred in some of our courts of Record, within this our Realme of England, and that with the assent of the said sir Humfrey, his heires or assignes, shall nowe in this iourney for discouerie, or in the second iourney for conquest hereafter, trauel to such lands, countries and territories as aforesaid, and to their and euery of their heires: that they and euery or any of them being either borne within our sayd Realmes of England or Ireland, or within any other place within our allegiance, and which hereafter shall be inhabiting within any the lands, countreys and territories, with such licence as aforesayd, shall, and may haue, and enioy all priuileges of free denizens and persons natine of England, and within our allegiance: any law, custome, or vsage to the contrary notwithstanding. And forasmuch, as vpon the finding out, discouering and inhabiting of such remote lands, countreys and territories, as aforesayd, it shall be necessarie for the safetie of all men that shall aduenture themselues in those iourneys or voiages, to determine to liue together in Christian peace and ciuill quietnesse each with other, whereby euery one may with more pleasure and profit, enioy that whereunto they shall attaine with great paine and perill: wee for vs, our heires and successors are likewise pleased and contented, and by these presents doe giue and graunt to the sayd sir Humfrey and his heires and assignes for euer, that he and they, and euery or any of them, shall and may from time to time for euer hereafter within the sayd mentioned remote lands and countreys, and in the way by the Seas thither, and from thence, haue full and meere power and authoritie to correct, punish, pardon, gouerne and rule by their, and euery or any of their good discretions and pollicies, as well in causes capitall or criminall, as ciuill, both marine and other, all such our subiects and others, as shall from time to time hereafter aduenture themselues in the sayd iourneys or voyages habitatiue or possessiue, or that shall at any time hereafter inhabite any such lands, countreys or territories as aforesayd, or that shall abide within two hundred leagues of any the sayd place or places, where the sayd sir Humrrey or his heires, or assignes, or any of them, or any of his or their associats or companies, shall inhabite within sixe yeeres next ensuing the date hereof, according to such statutes, lawes and ordinances, as shall be by him the said sir Humfrey, his heires and assignes, or euery, or any of them deuised or established for the better gouernment of the said people as aforesayd: so alwayes that the sayd statutes, lawes and ordinances may be as neere as conueniently may, agreeable to the forme of the lawes and pollicy of England: and also, that they be not against the true Christian faith or religion now professed in the church of England, nor in any wise to withdraw any of the subiects or people of those lands or places from the allegiance of vs, our heires or successours, as their immediate Soueraignes vnder God. And further we doe by these presents for vs, our heires and successours, giue and graunt full power and authority to our trustie and welbeloued counseller, sir William Cecill knight, lord Burleigh, our high treasurer of England, and to the lord treasurer of England of vs, for the time being, and to the priuie counsell of vs, our heires and successours, or any foure of them for the time being, that he, they, or any foore of them, shall, and may from time to time and at all times hereafter, vnder his or their handes or seales by vertue of these presents, authorize and licence the sayd sir Humfrey, his heires and assignes, and euery or any of them by him and themselues, or by their or any of their sufficient atturneys, deputies, officers, ministers, factors and seruants, to imbarke and transport out of our Realmes of England and Ireland, all, or any of his goods, and all or any the goods of his or their associates and companies, and euery or any of them, with such other necessaries and commodities of any our Realmes, as to the said lord treasurer or foure of the priuie counsell of vs, our heires, or successours for the time being, as aforesayd, shall be from time to time by his or their wisedoms or discretions thought meete and conuenient for the better reliefe and supportation of him the sayd sir Humfrey, his heires and assignes, and euery or any of them, and his and their, and euery or any of their said associates and companies, any act, statute, lawe, or other thing to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding. Prouided alwayes, and our will and pleasure is, and wee doe hereby declare to all Christian Kings, princes and states, that if the said Sir Humfrey his heires or assignes, or any of them, or any other by their licence or appointment, shall at any time or times hereafter robbe or spoile by Sea or by land, or doe any act of vniust and vnlawfull hostilitie to any of the Subiects of vs, our heires, or successours, or any of the Subiects of any King, prince, ruler, gouernour or state being then in perfect league and amitie with vs, our heires or successours: and that vpon such iniurie, or vpon iust complaint of any such prince, ruler, gouernour or state, or their subiects, wee, our heires or successours shall make open proclamation within any the portes of our Realme of England commodious, that the said Sir Humfrey, his heires or assignes, or any other to whom those Letters patents may extend, shall within the terme to be limited by such proclamations, make full restitution and satisfaction of all such iniuries done, so that both we and the saide Princes, or others so complayning, may holde vs and themselues fully contended: And that if the saide Sir Humfrey, his heires and assignes, shall not make or cause to bee made satisfaction accordingly, within such time so to be limited: that then it shall bee lawfull to vs, our heires and successours, to put the said Sir Humfrey, his heires and assignes, and adherents, and all the inhabitants of the said places to be discouered as is aforesaid, or any of them out of our allegiance and protection, and that from and after such time of putting out of our protection the saide Sir Humfrey, and his heires, assignes, adherents and others so to be put out, and the said places within their habitation, possession and rule, shal be out of our protection and allegiance, and free for all princes and others to pursue with hostilitie as being not our Subiects, nor by vs any way to bee aduowed, maintained or defended, nor to be holden as any of ours, nor to our protection, dominion or allegiance any way belonging, for that expresse mention &c. In witness whereof, &c. Witnesse ourselfe at Westminster the 11. day of Iune, the twentieth yeere of our raigne. Anno Dom. 1578. Per ipsam Reginam, &c. * * * * * De Nauigatione Illustris et Magnanimi Equiris aurati Humfredi Gilberti, ad deducendam in nomun Orbem coloniam susceptâ, Carmen hepizatikou Stephani Parmenii Bvdeii. Ad eundem illustrem equitem autoris præfatio. Reddenda est, quàm fieri potest breuissime, in hoc vestibulo, ratio facti mei, et cur ita homo nouus et exterus, in tanta literatissimorum hominum copia, quibus Anglia beat est, versandum in hoc argumento mihi putanerim: ita enim tu, fortissime Gilberte, foetum hunc nostrom in lucem exire voluisti. In seruitute et barbarie Turcica, Christianis tamen, magno immortalis Dei beneficio, parentibus natus, aliquam etiam ætatis partem educatus; postquam doctissimorum hominum opera, quibus tum Pannoniæ nostræ, tum imprimis saluæ adhuc earum reliquiæ florescunt, in literis adoleuissem, more nostrorum hominum, ad inuisendas Christiani orbis Academias ablegatus fui. Qua in peregrinatione, non solùm complura Musarum hospitia, sed multas etiam sapienter institutas respublicas, multarum Ecclesiarum probatissimas administrationes introspeximus, iam fermè triennio ea in re posito. Fuerat hæc nostra, profectio ita à nobis comparata, vt non tantùm mores et vrbes gentium videndum, sed in familiaritatem, aut saltem notitiam illustriorum hominum introeundum nobis putaremus, Cæterum, vt hoc à nobis sine inuidia dici possit, (certè enim taceri absque malicia nullo modo protest) non locus, non natio, non respublica vlla nobis æquè ac tua Britannia complacuit, quamcunque in partem euentum consilij mei considerem. Accedit, quòd præter omnem expectationem meam ab omnibus tuis ciuibus, quibus comaliqua consuetudo mihi contigit, tanta passìm humanitate acceptus essem, vt iam (sit hoc saluo pietate à me dictum) suauissimæ Anglorum amicitiæ fermè aboleuerint desiderium et Pannoniarum et Budæ meæ, quibus patriæ nomen debeo. Quas ab caussas cùm sæpenumero animus fuisset significationem aliquam nostræ huius voluntatis et existimationis edendi; accidit vtique secundùm sententiam, vt dum salutandis et cognoscendis excellentibus viris Londini operam do, ornatissimus ac doctissimus amicas meus Richardus Hakluytus ad te me deduxerit, explicato mihi præclarissimo tuo de ducenda propediem colonia in nouum orbem instituto. Quæ dum aguntu, agnoscere portui ego illud corpus et animum tuum sempiterna posteritatis commemoratione dignum, et agnoui profectò, eaque tali ac tanta obseruantia prosequi coepi; vt cum paulò post plura de tuis virtutibus, et rebus gestis passim audissem, tempus longè accommodatissimum existimarem esse, quo aliqua parte officij studijque nostri, ergà te et tuam gentem perfungerer. Hoc est primum ouum, vnde nostrum [Greek: hepizatikon] originem ducit. Reliquum est, vt eas et redeas quàm prosperrimè, vir nobilissime, et beneuolentia tua, autoritate, ac nomine, tueare studium nostrum. Vale pridie Kalen. Aprilis 1583. Ad Thamesin. Amnis, inoffensa qui tàm requiete beatus Antipodum quæris iam tibi in orbe locum: Nunc tibi principium meritæ, pro tempore, laudis Fecimus, et raucæ carmina prima tubæ. Tum cum reddideris, modo quam dimittimus, Argo, Ornatu perages gaudia festa nouo. Quæ noua tàm subitò mutati gratia coeli? Vnde graues nimbi vitreas tenuantur in auras? Duffugiunt nebulæ, puroque nitentior ortu Illustrat terras, clementiaque æquora Titan? Nimirum posuere Noti, meliorque resurgit Evrys, et in ventos soluuntur vela secundos, Vela quibus gentis decus immortale Brittanniæ Tendit ad ignotum nostris maioribus orbem Vix notis Gilebertvs aquis. Ecquando licebit Ordiri heroas laudes, et fecta nepotum Attonitis memoranda animis? Si coepta silendum est Illa, quibus nostri priscis ætatibus audent Conferri, et certare dies: quibus obuia plano Iamdudum Fortvna solo, quibus omne per vndas Nereidvm genus exultat, faustoque tridenti Ipse pater Netevs placabile temperat æquor. Et passim Oceano curui Delphines ab imo In summos saliunt fluctus, quasi terga pararent In quibus euectæ sulcent freta prospera puppes, Et quasi diluuium, tempestatesque minatur Follibus inflatis inimica in uela physeter. Et fauet AEGAEON, et qui Neptvnia PROTEVS Armenta, ac turpes alit imo in gurgite phocas. Atque idem modò ab antiqua virtute celebtat Sceptra Chaledonidvm: seclis modò fata futuris Pandit, et ad seros canit euentura minores. Vt pacis bellique bonis notissima vasto Insula in Oceano, magni decus Anglia mundi; Postquam opibus diues, populo numerosa frequenti, Tot celebris factis, toto caput extulit orbe; Non incauta sui, ne quando immensa potestas Pondere sit ruitura suo, noua moenia natis Quærat, et in longum extendat sua regna recessum: Non aliter, quàm cùm ventis sublimibus aptæ In nidis creuere grues, proficiscitur ingens De nostra ad tepidum tellure colonia Nilvm. Euge, sacrum pectus, tibi, per tot secula, soli Seruata est regio nullis regnata Monarchis. Et triplici quondam mundi natura notata Margine, et audacim quarto dignata Colvmbvm; Iam quintâ lustranda plagâ tibi, iamque regenda Imperio superest. Evropam Asiamqve relinque, Et fortunatam nimiùm, nisi sole propinquo Arderet, Libyen: illis sua facta viasque Terminet Alcides: abs te illustranda quietscit Parte alis telus, quam non Babylonia sceptra, Non Macedvm inuictæ vires, non Persica virtus Attigit, aut vnquam Latiæ feriere secures. Non illo soboles Mahometi mugijt orbe: Non vafer Hispanvs, coelo, superisque relictis, Sacra Papæ humano crudelia sanguine fecit. Illic mortales hominumque iguota propago; Siue illi nostræ veniant ab origine gentis, Seu tandem à prisca Favnorvm stirpe supersint Antiqua geniti terra, sine legibus vrbes Syluasque et pingues habitant ciuilibus agros: Et priscos referunt mores, vitamque sequuntur Italiæ antiquæ, et primi rude temporis æuum: Cum genitor nati fugiens Satvrus ob iram In Latio posuit sedem, rudibusque regendos In tenues vicos homines collegit ab agris. Aurea in hoc primùm populo coepisse feruntur Secula, sicque homines vitam duxisse beati; Vt simul argenti percurrens tempora, et æris, Degener in durum chalybem vilesceret ætas; Rursus in antiquum, de quo descenderat, aurum (Sic perhibent vales) æuo vertente rediret. Fallor an est tempus, reuolutoque orbe videntur Aurea pacificæ transmittere secula gentes? Fallor enim, si quassatas tot cladibus vrbes Respicio, et passim lacerantes regna tyrannos: Si Mahometigenis Asiam Libyamqve cruento Marte premi, domitaque iugum ceruice subire: Iamque per Evropæ fines immane tribunal Barbari adorari domini, Dacisqve, Pelasgisqve Æmathiisqve, omnique solo quod diuidit Hebrvs, Et quondam bello inuictis, nunc Marte sinistro Angustos fines, paruamque tuentibus oram Pannoniæ populis, et prisca in gente Libvrnis. Tum verò in superos pugnas sine fine cieri Patribus Avsoniis; ardere in bella, necesque Sarmaticas gentes: et adhuc à cæde recenti Hispanvm sancto Gallvmqve madere cruore. Non sunt hæc auri, non sunt documenta, sed atrox Ingenio referunt ferrum, et si dicere ferro Deteriora mihi licet, intractabile saxum. At verò ad niueos alia si parte Britannos Verto oculos animumque, quot, ô pulcherrima tellus Testibus antiquo vitam traducis in auro? Namque quòd hoc summum colitur tibi numen honore Quo superi, atque omnis geniorum casta iuuentus Ilius ad sacra iussa vices obit, arguit aurum. Quòd tàm chara Deo tua sceptra gubernat Amazon, Quàm Dea, cum nondum coelis Astræa petitis Inter mortales regina erat, arguit aurum. Quòd colit haud vllis indusas moenibus vrbes Aurea libertas, et nescia ferre tyrannum Securam ætatem tellus agit, arguit aurum. Quòd regio nullis iniuria gentibus, arma Arma licet ferruginea rubicunda quiete, Finitimis metuenda gerit tamen, arguit aurum. Quòd gladij, quòd mucrones, quòd pila, quòd hastæ In rastros abiere, et bello assueta iuuentus Pacem et amicitias dulces colit, arguit aurum. Denique si fas est auro connectere laudes Æris, et in pacis venerari tempore fortes; Quot natos bello heroas, quot ahænea nutris Pectora? Sint testes procerum tot millia, testes Mille duces, interque duces notissima mille Illa cui assurgunt Mvsæ, quam conscia Pallas Lætior exaudit, Gileberti gloria nostri. Illius auxillum, et socialia prælia amici Mirantur Belgæ, et quamuis iniustus Ibervs Commemorat iustas acies, domitasque per oras Martia victrices formidat Hibernia turmas. Illum oppugnatæ quassatis turribus arces, Ilium expugnatæ perruptis moenibus vrbes, Fluminaque et portus capti, hostilique notatum Sanguine submersæ meminere sub æquore classes. Hic vbi per medios proiectus Seqvana Celtas Labitur, et nomen max amissurus, et vndas. Omnia si desint, quantum est ingentibus ausis Humani generis pro pace bonoque pacisci Tàm varies casus, freta tanta, pericula tanta? Linquere adhuc teneram prolem, et dulcissima sacri Oscula coniugij, numerantemque ordine longo Avcheriam digitis in mollibus, æquora mille Formidanda modis, atque inter pauca relatos Avcherios exempla suos, fratremque patremque; Qui dum pro patria laudem et virtute sequuntur, Obsessi in muris soli portisque Caleti, Præposuere mori, quàm cum prodentibus vrbem, Et decus Albionvm, turpi superesse salute. Quòd si parua loquor, nec adhuc fortasse fatenda est Aurea in hoc iterum nostro gens viuere mundo, Quid vetat ignotis vt possit surgere terris? Auguror, et faueat dictis Devs, auguror annos, In quibus haud illo secus olim principe in vrbes Barbara plebs coeat, quàm cùm noua saxa vocaret Amphion Thebas, Troiana ad moenia Phoebvs. Atque vbi sic vltrò iunctas sociauerit ædes, Deinde dabit leges custodituras easdem; In quibus ignari ciues fraudumque, dolique, A solida assuescant potius virtute beari; Quàm genio et molli liquentia corpora vita In Venerem ignauam, pinguemque immergere luxum: Quàm nummos, quam lucra sequi, quam propter honores Viuere ad arbitrium stolidæ mutabile plebis. Non illic generi virtus, opibusue premetur Libertas populi, non contrà in deside vulgo Oppugnabit opes ciuis sub nomine pauper: Quisque suo partem foelix in iure capesset. Tum sua magna parens ingenti foenore tellus Exiguo sudore dabit bona: cura iuuentam Nulla adiget senio, nec sic labor ocia tollet, Quo minus è virtute petant sua commoda ciues. O mihi foelicem si fas conscendere puppim: Et tecum patria (pietas ignosce) relicta Longinquum penetrare fretum, penetrare sorores Mecum vnà Aonias, illic exordia gentis Prima nouæ ad seros transmittere posse nepotes! Sed me fata vetant, memoraturumque canora Inclyta facta tuba, ad clades miserabilis Istri Inuitum retrahunt. His his me fata reseruent: Non deerit vates, illo qui cantet in orbe Aut veteres populos, aut nostro incognita coelo Munera naturæ; dum spreto Helicone manebit Ilia Aganippæis sacrata Oxonia Musis. Dum loquor in viridi festinant gramine Nymphæ, Impediuntque comas lauro, et florentis oliuæ Frondibus armantur, dominatricemque frequentes Oceani immensi longè venerantur Elisam. Illa autem ad gelidum celsis de turribus amnem Prospicit, et iamiam Tamesino in patre tuetur Paulatim obliquis Gilebertum albescere velis. Sic dea Peliaco spectasse è vertice Pallas Fertur Iasonios comites, ad Phasidos vndas Vix benè dum notis committere carbasa ventis. Diva faue, nutuque tuo suscepta parari Vela iuua; Si sola geris dignissima totum Talibus auspicijs proferri sceptra per orbem. Proptereà quia sola tuos ita pace beasti Tranquilla populos, vt iam te principe possint Augere imperij fines. Quia sola videris Quo niueae Charites, quo corpore Delia virgo Pingitur, et iusto si sit pro teste vetustas. Talibus audimus quondam de matribus ortos Semideos homines: tali est de sanguine magnus Siue Hector genitus, siue Hectore maior Achilles: Duntaxat sine fraude vlla, sine crimine possint Vila tibi veterum conferri nomina matrum, Quæ sexum factis superas, quæ patribus audes, Nympha, dijs dignas laudes æquare Latinis. Mentior infoelix, nisi sic in corpore virtus Lucet formoso, ceu quæ preciosior auro est Gemma, tamen pariter placituro clauditur auro. Mentior, et taceo, nisi sola audiris vbique Induperatorum timor aut amor, inter et omnes Securam requiem peragis tutissima casus: Dum reliqui reges duro quasi carcere clausi Sollicitis lethi dapibus, plenoque fruuntur Terrificis monstris furtiua per ocia somno. Mentior et taceo, solam nisi viuere ciues Æternùm cupiunt: quando nec verbere toruo, Nec cædis poenæue thronum formtdine firmas: Sed tibi tot meritis maiestas parta, et inermis Ad patulos residet custos clementia postes: Vt quot penè rei iustum meruere tribunal, Tot veniam grato narrent sermone clientes. Nec tamen admittis, nisi quod iustumque piumque Agnoscit probitas, et quæ potes omnia, solis Legibus vsurpas cautas sanctissima vires. Nec mala formidas: si quidem quasi fune ligatur Consilio fortuna tibi: Nullum impia terret In castris Bellona tuis: Quin pronus adorat Gradivvs tua iussa pater, sequiturque vocantem Quacunque ingrederis grato victoria plausu. Dumque fores alijs, vitamque et regna tuetur Ianitor externus, cingunt tua limina ciues: Dumque alijs sordet sapientia regibus, almo Pegasidvm tu fonte satur, tot Appollinis artes Aurea vaticina fundis quasi flumina lingua. Nil nostri inuenere dies, nil prisca vetustas Prodidit, in linguis peragunt commercia nullis Christiadvm gentes, quas te, diuina virago, Iustius Aoniæ possint iactare sorores. Audijt hæc inundus, cunctisque in finibus ardet Imperio parere tuo: et quæ fortè recusat Miratur vires regio tamen. Hinc tua sceptra Incurua Mahometigenæ ceruice salutant: Hinc tua pugnaces properant ad foedera Galli: Dumque sibi metuit toties tibi victus Ibervs, Nescia Romano Germania Marte domari Quærit amicitias Britonvm: procul oscula mittit Virgineis pedibus Lativm, longéque remoti Pannones in tutos optant coalescere fines. Quinetiam quæ submisso diademate nuper Obtulit inuictis fascesque fidemque Britannis.[A] Nonne vides passis vt crinibus horrida dudum Porrigit ingentem lugubris America dextram? Et numquid lacrymas, inquit, soror Anglia, nostras Respicis, et dura nobiscum in sorte gemiscis? An verò nescisse potes, quæ tempora quantis Cladibus egerimus? postquam insatiabilis auri, Nam certè non vllus amor virtutis Iberos In nostrum migrare soluum, pietasue coegit. Ex illo, quæ sacra prius væsana litabam Manibus infernis, sperans meliora tuumque Discere posse Devm, iubeor mortalibus aras Erigere, et mutas statuas truncosque precata Nescio quod demens Romanvm numen adoro. Cur trahor in terras? si mens est lucida, puris Cur Devs in coelis rectà non quæritur? aut si A nobis coelum petitur, cur sæpe videmus Igne, fame, ferro subigi, quocunque reatu Oenotriæ sedis maiestas læsa labascit? Non sic relligio, non sic me iudice gaudet Defendi sua regna Devs, quod si optimus ille est; Quòd si cuncta potest, et nullis indiget armis. Mitto queri cædes, exhaustaque moenia bello: Mitto queri in viles tot libera corpora seruos Abiecta, immanique iugum Busiride dignum. Te tantum fortuna animet tua, te tua virtus: Si tibi tam plenis habitantur moenibus vrbes, Vt nisi in excelsum crescant, coeloque minentur Ædes aeriæ; quanquam latissima, desit Terra tamen populo: Si tot tua flumina nigrant Turrigeras arces imitatæ mole carinæ, Quot non illa natant eadem tua flumina cygni. Si tibi iam sub sole iacens penetratus vtroque est Mundus, vtroque iacens peragrata est terra sub axe. Ni frustrà gelidam vectus Wilobeivs [B] ad arcton Illa in gente iacet, cui dum Sol circinat vmbras, Dimidio totus vix forsitan occidit anno. Ni frustrà quæsiuit iter, duraque bipenni Illo Frobiservs [C] reditum sibi in æquore fecit, Horridum vbi semper pelagus, glacieque perenni Frigora natiuos simulant immitia montes. Ni frustrà per Cimmerios, syluisque propinqua Flumina Riphæis eoa profectus ad vsque est Moenia Iencisonvs, [D] Persasqve et proxima Persis Bactra, et Bactrorvm confines regibus Indos. Ni frustrà, quod mortali tot secla negarant, Hac tuus immensum nuper Dracvs [E] ambijt orbem, Quà patri Oceano clausas circumdare terras Concessit natura viam, mediaque meare Tellure, et duplici secludere littore mundos. Iam si fortuna, iam si virtute sequare Digna tua; sunt monstra mihi, sunt vasta gigantum Corpora, quæ magno cecidisse sub Hercvle non sit Dedecus, Ogigivs non quæ aspernetur Iaccvs. Quæ si indigna putas, tantaque in pace beata Auersare meos multo vt tibi sanguine fines Inuidiosa petas: est nobis terra propinqua, Et tantum bimari capiens discrimen in Isthmo. Hanc tibi iamdudum primi inuenere Brittanni, Tum cum magnanimus nostra in regione Cabotvs [F] Proximus à magno ostendit sua vela Colvmbo. Hæc neque vicina nimiùm frigescit ab arcto, Sole nec immodico in steriles torretur arenas: Frigus et æstatem iusto moderamine seruat, Siue leues auras, grati spiracula coeli, Seu diæ telluris opes, et munera curas. Pone age te digno tua sceptra in honore, meoque Iunge salutarem propius cum littore dextram. Sit mihi fas aliquam per te sperare quietem, Vicinoque bono lætum illucescere Solem. Quòd si consilijs superum, fatisque negatum est Durare immensum magna infortunia tempus: Quòd si de immerita iustum est ceruice reuelli Ignarum imperij dominum, populique regendi; Quòd si nulla vnquam potuit superesse potestas, Ni pia flexilibus pareret clementia frenis Obsequium. A mita quæsita potentia Cyro Amissa est sæuæ soboli. Parcendo subegit Tot reges Macedvm virtus, tot postera sensim Abscidit a parto tandem inclementia regno. Et quod Romvleis creuit sub patribus olim Imperium, diri semper minuêre Nerones. [Sidenote A: Noua Albion.] [Sidenote B: Hugo Willobeius eques auratus.] [Sidenote C: Martinus Frobisherus eques auratus.] [Sidenote D: Antonius Ienkinsonus.] [Sidenote E: Franciscus Dracus eques auratus.] [Sidenote F: Sebastianus Cabotus.] * * * * * A report of the voyage and successe thereof, attempted in the yeere of our Lord 1583 by sir Humfrey Gilbert knight, with other gentlemen assisting him in that action, intended to discouer and to plant Christian inhabitants in place conuenient, vpon those large and ample countreys extended Northward from the cape of Florida, lying vnder very temperate Climes, esteemed fertile and rich in Minerals, yet not in the actuall possession of any Christian prince, written by M. Edward Haies gentleman, and principall actour in the same voyage, who alone continued vnto the end, and by Gods speciall assistance returned home with his retinue safe and entire. Many voyages haue bene pretended, yet hitherto neuer any thorowly accomplished by our nation of exact discouery into the bowels of those maine, ample and vast countreys, extended infinitely into the North from 30 degrees, or rather from 25 degrees of Septentrionall latitude, neither hath a right way bene taken of planting a Christian habitation and regiment vpon the same, as well may appeare both by the little we yet do actually possesse therein, and by our ignorance of the riches and secrets within those lands, which vnto this day we know chiefly by the trauell and report of other nations, and most of the French, who albeit they can not challenge such right and interest vnto the sayd countreys as we, neither these many yeeres haue had opportunity nor meanes so great to discouer and to plant (being vexed with the calamnities of intestine warres) as we haue had by the inestimable benefit of our long and happy peace: yet haue they both waies performed more, and had long since attained a sure possession and settled gouernment of many prouinces in those Northerly parts of America, if their many attempts into those forren and remote lands had not bene impeached by their garboils at home. [Sidenote: The coasts from Florida Northward first discouered by the English nation.] The first discouery of these coasts (neuer heard of before) was well begun by Iohn Cabot the father, and Sebastian his sonne, an Englishman borne, who were the first finders out of all that great tract of land stretching from the cape of Florida vnto those Islands which we now call the Newfoundland: all which they brought and annexed vnto the crowne of England. Since when, if with like diligence the search of inland countreys had bene followed, as the discouery vpon the coast, and out-parts therof was performed by those two men: no doubt her Maiesties territories and reuenue had bene mightily inlarged and aduanced by this day. And which is more: the seed of Christian religion had bene sowed amongst those pagans, which by this time might haue brought foorth a most plentifull haruest and copious congregation of Christians; which must be the chiefe intent of such as shall make any attempt that way: or els whatsoeuer is builded vpon other foundation shall neuer obtaine happy successe nor continuance. And although we can not precisely iudge (which onely belongeth to God) what haue bene the humours of men stirred vp to great attempts of discouering and planting in those remote countreys, yet the euents do shew that either Gods cause hath not bene chiefly preferred by them, or els God hath not permitted so abundant grace as the light of his word and knowledge of him to be yet reuealed vnto those infidels before the appointed time. But most assuredly, the only cause of religion hitherto hath kept backe, and will also bring forward at the time assigned by God, an effectuall and compleat discouery and possession by Christians, both of those ample countreys and the riches within them hitherto concealed: whereof notwithstanding God in his wisdome hath permitted to be reuealed from time to time a certaine obscure and misty knowledge, by little and little to allure the mindes of men that way (which els will be dull enough in the zeale of his cause) and thereby to prepare vs vnto a readinesse for the execution of his will against the due time ordeined, of calling those pagans vnto Christianity. [Sidenote: A fit consideration.] In the meane while, it behooueth euery man of great calling, in whom is any instinct of inclination vnto this attempt, to examine his owne motions: which if the same proceed of ambition or auarice, he may assure himselfe it commeth not of God, and therefore can not haue confidence of Gods protection and assistance against the violence (els irresistable) both of sea, and infinite perils vpon the land; whom God yet may vse an instrument to further his cause and glory some way, but not to build vpon so bad a foundation. Otherwise, if his motiues be deriued from a vertuous and heroycall minde, preferring chiefly the honour of God, compassion of poore infidels captiued by the deuill, tyrannizing in most woonderfull and dreadfull maner ouer their bodies and soules; aduancement of his honest and well disposed countreymen, willing to accompany him in such honourable actions: reliefe of sundry people within this realme distressed: all these be honourable purposes, imitating the nature of the munificent God, wherewith he is well pleased, who will assist such an actour beyond expectation of man. [Sidenote: Probable coniectures that these lands North of Florida, are reserued for the English nation to possesse.] And the same, who feeleth this inclination in himselfe, by all likelihood may hope, or rather confidently repose in the preordinance of God, that in this last age of the world (or likely neuer) the time is compleat of receiuing also these Gentiles into his mercy, and that God will raise him an instrument to effect the same: it seeming probable by euent or precedent attempts made by the Spanyards and French sundry times, that the countreys lying North of Florida, God hath reserued the same to be reduced vnto Christian ciuility by the English nation. For not long after that Christopher Columbus had discouered the Islands and continent of the West Indies for Spayne, Iohn and Sebastian Cabot made discouery also of the rest from Florida Northwards to the behoofe of England. [Sidenote: The Spanyards prosperous in the Southerne discoueries, yet vnhappy in the Northerne.] And whensoeuer afterwards the Spanyards (very prosperous in all their Southerne discoueries) did attempt any thing into Florida and those regions inclining towards the North they proued most vnhappy, and were at length discouraged vtterly by the hard and lamentable successe of many both religous and valiant in armes, endeauouring to bring those Northerly regions also vnder the Spanish iurisdiction; as if God had prescribed limits vnto the Spanish nation which they might not exceed; as by their owne gests recorded may be aptly gathered. [Sidenote: The French are but vsurpers vpon our right.] The French, as they can pretend lesse title vnto these Northerne parts then the Spanyard, by how much the Spanyard made the first discouery of the same continent so far Northward as vnto Florida, and the French did but reuiew that before discouered by the English nation, vsurping vpon our right, and imposing names vpon countreys, riuers, bayes, capes, or head lands, as if they had bene the first finders of those coasts: [Sidenote: The French also infortunate in those North parts of America.] which iniury we offered not vnto the Spaniards, but left off to discouer when we approached the Spanish limits: euen so God hath not hitherto permitted them to establish a possession permanent vpon anothers right, notwithstanding their manifolde attempts, in which the issue hath bene no lesse tragicall then that of the Spanyards, as by their owne reports is extant. [Sidenote: A good incouragement for the English nation, to proceed in the conquests of the North America.] Then seeing the English nation onely hath right vnto these countreys of America from the cape of Florida Northward by the priuilege of first discouery, vnto which Cabot was authorised by regall authority, and set forth by the expense of our late famous king Henry the seuenth: which right also seemeth strongly defended on our behalfe by the powerfull hand of almighty God, withstanding the enterprises of other nations: it may greatly incourage vs vpon so iust ground, as is our right, and vpon so sacred an intent, as to plant religion (our right and intent being meet foundations for the same) to prosecute effectually the full possession of those so ample and pleasant countreys apperteining vnto the crowne of England: [Sidenote: The due time approcheth by all likelihood of calling these heathens vnto Christianity.] the same (as is to be coniectured by infallible arguments of the worlds end approching) being now arriued vnto the time by God prescribed of their vocation, if euer their calling vnto the knowledge of God may be expected. [Sidenote: The word of God moueth circularly.] Which also is very probable by the reuolution and course of Gods word and religion, which from the beginning hath moued from the East, towards, and at last vnto the West, where it is like to end, vnlesse the same begin againe where it did in the East, which we were to expect a like world againe. But we are assured of the contrary by the prophesie of Christ, whereby we gather, that after his word preached thorowout the world shalbe the end. And as the Gospel when it descended Westward began in the South, and afterward spread into the North of Europe: euen so, as the same hath begunne in the South countreys of America, no lesse hope may be gathered that it will also spread into the North. These considerations may helpe to suppresse all dreads rising of hard eueuts in attempts made this way by other nations, as also of the heauy successe and issue in the late enterprise made by a worthy gentleman our countryman sir Humfrey Gilbert knight, who was the first of our nation that caried people to erect an habitation and gouernment in those Northerly countreys of America. About which, albeit he had consumed much substance, and lost his life at last, his people also perishing for the most part: yet the mystery thereof we must leaue vnto God, and iudge charitably both of the cause (which was iust in all pretence) and of the person, who was very zealous in prosecuting the same, deseruing honourable remembrance for his good minde, and expense of life in so vertuous an enterprise. Whereby neuerthelesse, least any man should be dismayd by example of other folks calamity, and misdeeme that God doth resist all attempts intended that way: I thought good, so farre as my selfe was an eye witnesse, to deliuer the circumstance and maner of our proceedings in that action: in which the gentleman was so incumbred with wants, and woorse matched with many ill disposed people, that his rare iudgement and regiment premeditated for these affaires, was subiected to tolerate abuses, and in sundry extremities to holde on a course, more to vpholde credite, then likely in his owne conceit happily to succeed. [Sidenote: The planting of Gods word must be handled with reuerence.] The issue of such actions, being alwayes miserable, not guided by God, who abhorreth confusion and disorder, hath left this for admonition (being the first attempt by our nation to plant) vnto such as shall take the same cause in hand hereafter not to be discouraged from it: but to make men well aduised how they handle his so high and excellent matters, as the carriage of his word into those very mighty and vast countreys. [Sidenote: Ill actions coloured by pretence of planting vpon remote lands.] An action doubtlesse not to be intermedled with base purposes; as many haue made the same but a colour to shadow actions otherwise scarse iustifiable: which doth excite Gods heauy iudgements in the end, to the terrifying of weake mindes from the cause, without pondering his iust proceedings: and doth also incense forren princes against our attempts how iust soeuer, who can not but deeme the sequele very dangerous vnto their state (if in those parts we should grow to strength) seeing the very beginnings are entred with spoile. And with this admonition denounced vpon zeale towards Gods cause, also towards those in whom appeareth disposition honourable vnto this action of planting Christian people and religion in those remote and barbarous nations of America (vnto whom I wish all happinesse) I will now proceed to make relation briefly, yet particularly, of our voyage vndertaken with sir Humfrey Gilbert, begun, continued, and ended aduersly. [Sidenote: The first and great preparation of sir Humfrey Gilbert.] When first sir Humfrey Gilbert vndertooke the Westerne discouery of America, and had procured from her Maiesty a very large commission to inhabit and possesse at his choice all remote and heathen lands not in the actuall possession of any Christian prince, the same commission exemplified with many priuileges, such as in his discretion he might demand, very many gentlemen of good estimation drew vnto him, to associate him in so commendable an enterprise, so that the preparation was expected to grow vnto a puissant fleet, able to encounter a kings power by sea: neuerthelesse, amongst a multitude of voluntary men, their dispositions were diuers, which bred a iarre, and made a diuision in the end, to the confusion of that attempt euen before the same was begun. And when the shipping was in a maner prepared, and men ready vpon the coast to go aboord: at that time some brake consort, and followed courses degenerating from the voyage before pretended: Others failed of their promises contracted, and the greater number were dispersed, leauing the Generall with few of his assured friends, with whom he aduentured to sea: where hauing tasted of no lesse misfortune, he was shortly driuen to retire home with the losse of a tall ship, and (more to his griefe) of a valiant gentleman Miles Morgan.[98] [Sidenote: A constant resolution of sir Humfrey Gilbert.] Hauing buried onely in a preparation a great masse of substance, wherby his estate was impaired, his minde yet not dismaid he continued his former designment and purpose to reuiue this enterprise, good occasion seruing. Vpon which determination standing long, without meanes to satisfy his desire; at last he granted certaine assignments out of his commission to sundry persons of meane ability, desiring the priuilege of his rank, to plant and fortifie in the North parts of America about the riuer of Canada, to whom if God gaue good successe in the North parts (where then no matter of moment was expected) the same (he thought) would greatly aduance the hope of the South, and be a furtherance vnto his determination that way. And the worst that might happen in that course might be excused without prejudice vnto him by the former supposition, that those North regions were of no regard: but chiefly a possession taken in any parcell of those heathen countreys, by vertue of his grant, did inuest him of territories extending euery way two hundred leagues: which induced sir Humfry Gilbert to make those assignments, desiring greatly their expedition, because his commission did expire after six yeres, if in that space he had not gotten actuall possession. [Sidenote: A second preparation of sir Humfrey Gilbert.] Time went away without any thing done by his assignes: insomuch that at last he must resolue himselfe to take a voyage in person, for more assurance to keepe his patent in force, which then almost was expired, or within two yeres. In furtherance of his determination, amongst others, sir George Peckam knight shewed himselfe very zealous to the action, greatly aiding him both by his aduice and in the charge. Other gentlemen to their ability ioyned vnto him, resoluing to aduenture their substance and liues in the same cause. Who beginning their preparation from that time, both of shipping, munition, victual, men, and things requisit, some of them continued the charge two yeeres compleat without intermission. Such were the difficulties and crosse accidents opposing these proceedings, which tooke not end in lesse then two yeres: many of which circumstances I will omit. The last place of our assembly, before we left the coast of England, was in Causet bay neere vnto Plimmouth: then resolued to put vnto the sea with shipping and prouision, such as we had, before our store yet remaining, but chiefly the time and season of the yeere, were too farre spent. Neuerthelesse it seemed first very doubtfull by what way to shape our course, and to begin our intended discouery, either from the South Northward, or from the North Southward. [Sidenote: Consultation about our course.] The first, that is, beginning South, without all controuersie was the likeliest, wherein we were assured to haue commodity of the current, which from the cape of Florida setteth Northward, and would haue furthered greatly our nauigation, discouering from the foresayd cape along towards cape Briton, and all those lands lying to the North. [Sidenote: Commodities in discouering from South Northward.] Also the yere being farre spent, and arriued to the moneth of Iune, we were not to spend time in Northerly courses, where we should be surprised with timely Winter, but to couet the South, which we had space enough then to haue attained: and there might with lesse detriment haue wintred that season, being more milde and short in the South then in the North where winter is both long and rigorous. These and other like reasons alleged in fauour of the Southerne course first to be taken, to the contrary was inferred: that foras much as both our victuals, and many other needfull prouisions were diminished and left insufficient for so long a voyage, and for the wintering of so many men, we ought to shape a course most likely to minister supply; and that was to take the Newfoundland in our way, which was but seuen hundred leagues from our English coast. Where being vsually at that time of the yere, and vntill the fiue of August, a multitude of ships repairing thither for fish, we should be relieued abundantly with many necessaries, which after the fishing ended, they might well spare, and freely impart vnto vs. Not staying long vpon that Newland coast, we might proceed Southward, and follow still the Sunne, vntill we arriued at places more temperate to our content. By which reasons we were the rather induced to follow this [Sidenote: Cause why we began our discouery from the North.] Northerly course, obeying vnto necessity, which must be supplied. [Sidenote: Incommodities in beginning North.] Otherwise, we doubted that sudden approch of Winter, bringing with it continuall fogge, and thicke mists, tempest and rage of weather; also contrariety of currents descending from the cape of Florida vnto cape Briton and cape Rase, would fall out to be great and irresistable impediments vnto our further proceeding for that yeere, and compell vs to Winter in those North and colde regions. Wherefore suppressing all obiections to the contrary, we resolued to begin our course Northward, and to follow directly as we might, the trade way vnto Newfoundland: from whence after our refreshing and reparation of wants, we intended without delay (by Gods permission) to proceed into the South, not omitting any riuer or bay which in all that large tract of land appeared to our view worthy of search. Immediatly we agreed vpon the maner of our course and orders to be obserued in our voyage; which were deliuered in writing vnto the captaines and masters of euery ship a copy in maner following. Euery shippe had deliuered two bullets or scrowles, the one sealed vp in waxe, the other left open: in both which were included seuerall watch-words. That open, seruing vpon our owne coast or the coast of Ireland: the other sealed was promised on all hands not to be broken vp vntill we should be cleere of the Irish coast; which from thencefoorth did serue vntill we arriued and met altogether in such harbors of the Newfoundland as were agreed for our Rendez vouz. The sayd watch-words being requisite to know our consorts whensoeuer by night, either by fortune of weather, our fleet dispersed should come together againe: or one should hale another; or if by ill watch and steerage one ship should chance to fall aboord of another in the darke. The reason of the bullet sealed was to keepe secret that watch-word while we were vpon our owne coast, lest any of the company stealing from the fleet might bewray the same: which knowen to an enemy, he might boord vs by night without mistrust, hauing our owne watch-word. Orders agreed vpon by the Captaines and Masters to be obserued by the fleet of Sir Humfrey Gilbert. First the Admirall to cary his flag by day, and his light by night. 2 Item, if the Admirall shall shorten his saile by night, then to shew two lights vntill he be answered againe by euery ship shewing one light for a short time. 3 Item, if the Admirall after his shortening of saile, as aforesayd, shall make more saile againe: then he to shew three lights one aboue another. 4 Item, if the Admirall shall happen to hull in the night, then to make a wauering light ouer his other light, wauering the light vpon a pole. 5 Item, if the fleet should happen to be scattered by weather, or other mishap, then so soone as one shall descry another to hoise sailes twise, if the weather will serue, and to strike them twise againe; but if the weather serue not, then to hoise the maine top saile twise, and forthwith to strike it twise againe. 6 Item, if it shall happen a great fogge to fall, then presently euery shippe to beare vp with the admirall, if there be winde: but if it be a calme, then euery ship to hull, and so to lie at hull till it be cleere. And if the fogge do continue long, then the Admirall to shoot off two pieces euery euening, and euery ship to answere it with one shot: and euery man bearing to the ship, that is to leeward so neere as he may. 7 Item, euery master to giue charge vnto the watch to looke out well, for laying aboord one of another in the night, and in fogges. 8 Item, euery euening euery ship to haile the admirall, and so to fall asterne him sailing thorow the Ocean: and being on the coast, euery ship to haile him both morning and euening. 9 Item, if any ship be in danger any way, by leake or otherwise, then she to shoot off a piece, and presently to hang out one light, whereupon euery man to beare towards her, answering her with one light for a short time, and so to put it out againe; thereby to giue knowledge that they haue seene her token. 10 Item, whensoeuer the Admirall shall hang out her ensigne in the maine shrowds, then euery man to come aboord her, as a token of counsell. 11 Item, if there happen any storme or contrary winde to the fleet after the discouery, whereby they are separated: then euery ship to repaire vnto their last good port, there to meete againe. Our course agreed vpon. The course first to be taken for the discouery is to beare directly to Cape Rase, the most Southerly cape of Newfound land; and there to harbour ourselues either in Rogneux or Fermous, being the first places appointed for our Rendez vous, and the next harbours vnto the Northward of cape Rase: and therefore euery ship separated from the fleete to repaire to that place so fast as God shall permit, whether you shall fall to the Southward or to the Northward of it, and there to stay for the meeting of the whole fleet the space of ten dayes: and when you shall depart, to leaue marks. A direction of our course vnto the Newfound land. Beginning our course from Silley, the neerest is by Westsouthwest (if the winde serue) vntill such time as we haue brought our selues in the latitude of 43 or 44 degrees, because the Ocean is subiect much to Southerly windes in Iune and Iuly. Then to take trauerse from 45 to 47 degrees of latitude, if we be inforced by contrary windes: and not to go to the Northward of the height of 47 degrees of Septentrionall latitude by no meanes; if God shall not inforce the contrary; but to do your indeuour to keepe in the height of 46 degrees, so nere as you can possibly, because cape Rase lieth about that height. Notes. If by contrary windes we be driuen backe vpon the coast of England, then to repaire vnto Silley for a place of our assembly or meeting. If we be driuen backe by contrary winds that we can not passe the coast of Ireland, then the place of our assembly to be at Beare hauen or Baltimore hauen. If we shall not happen to meete at cape Rase, then the place of Rendez vous to be at cape Briton, or the neerest harbour vnto the Westward of cape Briton. If by meanes of other shipping we may not safely stay there, then to rest at the very next safe port to the Westward; euery ship leauing their marks behinde them for the more certainty of the after commers to know where to finde them. The marks that euery man ought to leaue in such a case, were of the Generals priuate deuice written by himselfe, sealed also in close waxe, and deliuered vnto euery shippe one scroule, which was not to be opened vntill occasion required, whereby euery man was certified what to leaue for instruction of after commers: that euery of vs comming into any harbour or riuer might know who had bene there, or whether any were still there vp higher into the riuer, or departed, and which way. [Sidenote: Beginning of the voyage.] Orders thus determined, and promises mutually giuen to be obserued, euery man withdrew himselfe vnto his charge, the ankers being already weyed, and our shippes vnder saile, hauing a soft gale of winde, we began our voyage vpon Tuesday the eleuenth day of Iune, in the yere of our Lord 1585, hauing in our fleet (at our departure from Causet[99] Bay) these shippes, whose names and burthens, with the names of the captaines and masters of them, I haue also inserted, as followeth: 1 The Delight aliàs The George, of burthen 120 tunnes, was Admirall: in which went the Generall, and William Winter captaine in her and part owner, and Richard Clearke master. 2 The Barke Raleigh set forth by M. Walter Raleigh, of the burthen of 200 tunnes, was then Vice-admirall: in which went M. Butler captaine, and Robert Dauis of Bristoll master. 3 The Golden hinde, of burthen 40 tunnes, was then Reare-admirall: in which went Edward Hayes captaine and owner, and William Cox of Limehouse master. 4 The Swallow, of burthen 40 tunnes: in her was captaine Maurice Browne. 5 The Squirrill, of burthen 10 tunnes: in which went captaine William Andrewes, and one Cade master. [Sidenote: Our fleet consisted of fiue sailes, in which we had about 260 men. Prouisions fit for such discoueries.] We were in number in all about 260 men: among whom we had of euery faculty good choice, as Shipwrights, Masons, Carpenters, Smithes, and such like, requisite to such an action: also Minerall men and Refiners. Besides, for solace of our people, and allurement of the Sauages, we were prouided of Musike in good variety: not omitting the least toyes, as Morris dancers, Hobby horsse, and Maylike conceits to delight the Sauage people, whom we intended to winne by all faire meanes possible. And to that end we were indifferently furnished of all petty haberdasherie wares to barter with those people. In this maner we set forward, departing (as hath bene said) out of Causon bay the eleuenth day of Iune being Tuesday, the weather and winde faire and good all day, but a great storme of thunder and winde fell the same night. [Sidenote: Obserue.] Thursday following, when we hailed one another in the euening according (to the order before specified) they signified vnto vs out of the Vizadmirall that both the Captaine, and very many of the men were fallen sicke, And about midnight the Vizeadmirall forsooke vs, notwithstanding we had the winde East, faire and good. But it was after credibly reported, that they were infected with a contagious sicknesse, and arriued greatly distressed at Plimmoth: the reason I could neuer vnderstand. Sure I am, no cost was spared by their owner Master Raleigh in setting them forth: Therfore I leaue it vnto God. By this time we were in 48 degrees of latitude, not a little grieued with the losse of the most puissant ship in our fleete: after whose departure, the Golden Hind succeeded in the place of Vizadmirall, and remooued her flagge from the mizon vnto the foretop. From Saturday the 15 of Iune vntill the 28, which was vpon a Friday, we neuer had faire day without fogge or raine, and windes bad, much to the West northwest, whereby we were driuen Southward vnto 41 degrees scarse. About this time of the yere the winds are commonly West towards the Newfound land, keeping ordinarily within two points of West to the South or to the North, whereby the course thither falleth out to be long and tedious after Iune, which in March, Apriell and May, hath bene performed out of England in 22 dayes and lesse. We had winde alwayes so scant from West northwest, and from West southwest againe, that our trauerse was great, running South vnto 41 degrees almost, and afterward North into 51 degrees. [Sidenote: Great fogges vpon the Ocean sea Northward.] Also we were incombred with much fogge and mists in maner palpable, in which we could not keepe so well together, but were disseuered, losing the company of the Swallow and the Squirrill vpon the 20. day of Iuly, whom we met againe at seuerall places vpon the Newfound land coast the third of August, as shalbe declared in place conuenient. Saturday the 27 of Iuly, we might descry not farre from vs, as it were mountaines of yce driuen vpon the sea, being then in 50 degrees, which were caried Southward to the weather of vs: whereby may be coniectured that some current doth set that way from the North. Before we come to Newfound land about 50 leagues on this side, we passe the banke, [Marginal note: The banke in length vnknowen, stretcheth from North into South, in bredth 10. leagues, in depth of water vpon it 30. fadome.] which are high grounds rising within the sea and vnder water, yet deepe enough and without danger, being commonly not lesse then 25 and 30 fadome water vpon them: the same (as it were some vaine of mountaines within the sea) doe runne along, and from the Newfound land, beginning Northward about 52 or 53 degrees of latitude, and do extend into the South infinitly. The bredth of this banke is somewhere more, and somewhere lesse: but we found the same about 10 leagues ouer, hauing sounded both on this side thereof, and the other toward Newfound land, but found no ground with almost 200 fadome of line, both before and after we had passed the banke.[100] [Sidenote: A great fishing vpon the banke.] The Portugals, and French chiefly, haue a notable trade of fishing vpon this banke, where are sometimes an hundred or more sailes of ships: who commonly beginne the fishing in Apriell, and haue ended by Iuly. That fish is large, alwayes wet, hauing no land neere to drie, and is called Corre fish. [Sidenote: Abundance of foules.] During the time of fishing, a man shall know without sounding when he is vpon the banke, by the incredible multitude of sea foule houering ouer the same, to prey vpon the offalles and garbish of fish throwen out by fishermen, and floting vpon the sea. [Sidenote: First sight of land.] Vpon Tuesday the 11 of Iune, we forsooke the coast of England. So againe Tuesday the 30 of Iuly (seuen weekes after) we got sight of land, being immediatly embayed in the Grand bay, or some other great bay: the certainty whereof we could not iudge, so great hase and fogge did hang vpon the coast, as neither we might discerne the land well, nor take the sunnes height. But by our best computation we were then in the 51 degrees of latitude. Forsaking this bay and vncomfortable coast (nothing appearing vnto vs but hideous rockes and mountaines, bare of trees, and voide of any greene herbe) we followed the coast to the South, with weather faire and cleare. [Sidenote: Iland and a foule named Penguin.] We had sight of an Iland named Penguin, of a foule there breeding in abundance, almost incredible, which cannot flie, their wings not able to carry their body, being very large (not much lesse then a goose) and exceeding fat: which the French men vse to take without difficulty vpon that Iland, and to barrell them vp with salt. But for lingering of time we had made vs there the like prouision. [Sidenote: An Iland called Baccaloas, of the fish taken there.] Trending this coast, we came to the Iland called Baccalaos, being not past two leagues from the maine: to the South thereof lieth Cape S. Francis, 5. leagues distant from Baccalaos, between which goeth in a great bay by the vulgar sort called the bay of Conception. Here we met with the Swallow againe, whom we had lost in the fogge, and all her men altered into other apparell: whereof it seemed their store was so amended, that for ioy and congratulation of our meeting, they spared not to cast vp into the aire and ouerboord, their caps and hats in good plenty. The Captaine albeit himselfe was very honest and religious, yet was he not appointed of men to his humor and desert: who for the most part were such as had bene by vs surprised vpon the narrow seas of England, being pirats and had taken at that instant certaine Frenchmen laden, one barke with wines, and another with salt. Both which we rescued, and tooke the man of warre with all her men, which was the same ship now called the Swallow, following still their kind so oft, as (being separated from the Generall) they found opportunitie to robbe and spoile. And because Gods iustice did follow the same company, euen to destruction, and to the ouerthrow also of the Captaine (though not consenting to their misdemeanor) I will not conceale any thing that maketh to the manifestation and approbation of his iudgements, for examples of others, perswaded that God more sharpely tooke reuenge vpon them, and hath tolerated longer as great outrage in others: by how much these went vnder protection of his cause and religion, which was then pretended. [Sidenote: Misdemeanor of them in the Swallow.] Therefore vpon further enquiry it was knowen, how this company met with a barke returning home after the fishing with his fraight: and because the men in the Swallow were very neere scanted of victuall, and chiefly of apparell, doubtful withall where or when to find and meete with their Admiral, they besought the captaine they might go aboord this Newlander, only to borrow what might be spared, the rather because the same was bound homeward. Leaue giuen, not without charge to deale fauourably, they came aboord the fisherman, whom they rifled of tackle, sailes, cables, victuals, and the men of their apparell: not sparing by torture (winding cords about their heads) to draw out else what they thought good. This done with expedition (like men skilfull in such mischiefe) as they tooke their cocke boate to go aboord their own ship, it was ouerwhelmed in the sea, and certaine of these men were drowned: the rest were preserued euen by those silly soules whom they had before spoyled, who saued and deliuered them aboord the Swallow. What became afterward of the poore Newlander, perhaps destitute of sayles and furniture sufficient to carry them home (whither they had not lesse to runne then 700 leagues) God alone knoweth, who tooke vengeance not long after of the rest that escaped at this instant: to reueale the fact, and iustifie to the world Gods iudgements inflicted vpon them, as shal be declared in place conuenient. Thus after we had met with the Swallow, we held on our course Southward, vntill we came against the harbor called S. Iohn, about 5 leagues from the former Cape of S. Francis: where before the entrance into the harbor, we found also the Frigate or Squirrill lying at anker. Whom the English marchants (that were and alwaies be Admirals [Marginal note: English ships are the strongest and Admirals of other fleetes, fishing vpon the South parts of Newfound land.] by turnes interchangeably ouer the fleetes of fisherman within the same harbor) would not permit to enter into the harbor. Glad of so happy meeting both of the Swallow and Frigate in one day (being Saturday the 3. of August) we made readie our fights, and prepared to enter the harbor, any resistance to the contrarie notwithstanding, there being within of all nations, to the number of 36 sailes. But first the Generall dispatched a boat to giue them knowledge of his comming for no ill intent, hauing Commission from her Maiestie for his voiage he had in hand. And immediatly we followed with a slacke gale, and in the very entrance (which is but narrow, not aboue 2 buts length) the Admirall fell vpon a rocke on the larboard side by great ouersight, in that the weather was faire, the rocke much aboue water fast by the shore, where neither went any sea gate. But we found such readinesse in the English Marchants to helpe vs in that danger, that without delay there were brought a number of boates, which towed off the ship, and cleared her of danger. Hauing taken place conuenient in the road, we let fall ankers, the Captaines and Masters repairing aboord our Admirall: whither also came immediatly the Masters and owners of the fishing fleete of Englishmen to vnderstand the Generals intent and cause of our arriuall there. They were all satisfied when the General had shewed his commission, and purpose to take possession of those lands to the behalfe of the crowne of England, and the aduancement of Christian religion in those Paganish regions, requiring but their lawfull ayde for repayring of his fleete, and supply of some necessaries, so farre as might conueniently be afforded him, both out of that and other harbors adioyning. In lieu whereof, he made offer to gratifie them, with any fauour and priueledge, which vpon their better aduise they should demand, the like being not to be obteyned hereafter for greater price. So crauing expedition of his demand, minding to proceede further South without long detention in those partes, he dismissed them, after promise giuen of their best indeuour to satisfie speedily his so reasonable request. The marchants with their Masters departed, they caused forthwith to be discharged all the great Ordinance of their fleete in token of our welcome. [Sidenote: Good order taken by English marchants for our supply in Newfound land.] It was further determined that euery ship of our fleete should deliuer vnto the marchants and Masters of that harbour a note of all their wants: which done, the ships aswell English as strangers, were taxed at an easie rate to make supply. And besides, Commissioners were appointed, part of our owne companie and part of theirs, to go into other harbours adioyning (for our English marchants command all there) to leauie our prouision: whereunto the Portugals (aboue other nations) did most willingly and liberally contribute. Insomuch as we were presented (aboue our allowance) with wines, marmalads, most fine ruske or bisket, sweet oyles and sundry delicacies. Also we wanted not of fresh salmons, trouts, lobsters and other fresh fish brought daily vnto vs. Moreouer as the maner is in their fishing, euery weeke to choose their Admirall a new, or rather they succeede in orderly course, and haue weekely their Admirals feast solemnized: [Sidenote: Good entertainment in Newfound land.] euen so the General, Captaines and masters of our fleete were continually inuited and feasted. [Sidenote: No Sauages in the South part of Newfound land.] To grow short, in our abundance at home, the intertainment had bene delightfull, but after our wants and tedious passage through the Ocean, it seemed more acceptable and of greater contentation, by how much the same was vnexpected in that desolate corner of the world: where at other times of the yeare, wilde beasts and birds haue only the fruition of all those countries, which now seemed a place very populous and much frequented. The next morning being Sunday and the 4 of August, the Generall and his company were brought on land by English marchants, who shewed vnto vs their accustomed walks vnto a place they call the Garden. But nothing appeared more then Nature it selfe without art: who confusedly hath brought forth roses abundantly, wilde, but odoriferous, and to sense very comfortable. Also the like plentie of raspis berries, which doe grow in euery place. [Sidenote: Possession taken.] Monday following, the Generall had his tent set vp, who being accompanied with his own followers, summoned the marchants and masters, both English and strangers to be present at his taking possession of those Countries. Before whom openly was read and interpreted vnto the strangers his Commission: by vertue whereof he tooke possession in the same harbour of S. Iohn, and 200 leagues euery way, inuested the Queenes Maiestie with the title and dignitie thereof, had deliuered vnto him (after the custome of England) a rod and a turffe of the same soile, entring possession also for him, his heires and assignes for euer: And signified vnto al men, that from that time forward, they should take the same land as a territorie appertaining to the Queene of England, and himselfe authorised vuder her Maiestie to possesse and enioy it, And to ordaine lawes for the gouernement thereof, agreeable (so neere as conueniently might be) vnto the lawes of England: vnder which all people coming thither hereafter, either to inhabite, or by way of traffique, should be subiected and gouerned. [Sidenote: Three Lawes.] And especially at the same time for a beginning, he proposed and deliuered three lawes to be in force immediatly. That is to say: the first for Religion, which in publique exercise should be according to the Church of England. The 2. for maintenance of her Maiesties right and possession of those territories, against which if any thing were attempted preiudiciall the partie or parties offending should be adiudged and executed as in case of high treason, according to the lawes of England. The 3. if any person should vtter words sounding to the dishonour of her Maiestie, he should loose his eares, and haue his ship and goods confiscate. These contents published, obedience was promised by generall voyce and consent of the multitude aswell of Englishmen as strangers, praying for continuance of this possession and gouernement begun. After this, the assembly was dismissed. And afterward were erected not farre from that place the Armes of England ingrauen in lead, and infixed vpon a pillar of wood. [Sidenote: Actuall possession maintained in Newfound land.] Yet further and actually to establish this possession taken in the right of her Maiestie, and to the behoofe of Sir Humfrey Gilbert knight, his heires and assignes for euer: the Generall granted in fee farme diuers parcels of land lying by the water side, both in this harbor of S. Iohn, and elsewhere, which was to the owners a great commoditie, being thereby assured (by their proper inheritance) of grounds conuenient to dresse and to drie their fish, whereof many times before they did faile, being preuented by them that came first into the harbor. For which grounds they did couenant to pay a certaine rent and seruice vnto sir Humfrey Gilbert, his heires or assignes for euer, and yeerely to maintaine possession of the same, by themselues or their assignes. Now remained only to take in prouision granted, according as euery shippe was taxed, which did fish vpon the coast adioyning. [Sidenote: Men appointed to make search.] In the meane while, the Generall appointed men vnto their charge: some to repaire and trim the ships, others to attend in gathering togither our supply and prouisions: others to search the commodities and singularities of the countrey, to be found by sea or land, and to make relation vnto the Generall what eyther themselues could knowe by their owne trauaile and experience, or by good intelligence of English men or strangers, who had longest frequented the same coast. Also some obserued the eleuation of the pole, and drewe plats of the country exactly graded. And by that I could gather by each mans seuerall relation, I haue drawen a briefe description of the Newfoundland, with the commodities by sea or lande alreadie made, and such also as are in possibilitie and great likelihood to be made: Neuerthelesse the Cardes and plats that were drawing, with the due gradation of the harbors, bayes, and capes, did perish with the Admirall: wherefore in the description following, I must omit the particulars of such things. A briefe relation of the Newfound lande, and the commodities thereof. [Sidenote: New found land is al Islands or broken lands.] That which we doe call the Newfound land, and the Frenchmen Bacalaos, is an Iland, or rather (after the opinion of some) it consisteth of sundry Ilands and broken lands, situate in the North regions of America, vpon the gulfe and entrance of the great riuer called S. Laurence in Canada. Into the which, nauigation may be made both on the South and North side of this Iland. The land lyeth South and North, containing in length betweene three and 400 miles, accounting from cape Race (which is 46 degrees 25 minuts) vnto the Grand bay in 52 degrees of Septentrionall latitude. [Sidenote: Goodly roads and harbours.] The Iland round about hath very many goodly bayes and harbors, safe roads for ships, the like not to be found in any part of the knowen world. [Sidenote: New found land is inhabitable.] The common opinion that is had of intemperature and extreme cold that should be in this countrey, as of some part it may be verified, namely the North, where I grant it is more colde then in countries of Europe, which are vnder the same eleuation: euen so it cannot stand with reason and nature of the clime, that the South parts should be so intemperate as the brute hath gone. For as the same doe lie vnder the climats of Briton, Aniou, Poictou in France, betweene 46 and 49 degrees, so can they not so much differ from the temperature of those countries: vnlesse vpon the outcast lying open vnto the Ocean and sharper windes, it must in deede be subiect to more colde, then further within the land, where the mountaines are interposed, as walles and bulwarkes, to defend and to resist the asperitie and rigor of the sea weather. Some hold opinion, that the Newfound land might be the more subiect to cold, by how much it lyeth high and neere vnto the middle region. I grant that not in Newfound land alone, but in Germany Italy and Afrike, euen vnder the Equinoctiall line, the mountaines are extreme cold, and seldome vncouered of snow, in their culme and highest tops, which commeth to passe by the same reason that they are extended towards the middle region: yet in the countries lying beneth them, it is found quite contrary. [Sidenote: Cold by accidentall meanes.] Euen so all hils hauing their discents, the valleis also and low grounds must be likewise hot or temperate, as the clime doeth giue in Newfound land: though I am of opinion that the Sunnes reflection is much cooled, and cannot be so forcible in the Newfound land, nor generally throughout America, as in Europe or Afrike: by how much the Sunne in his diurnal course from East to West passeth ouer (for the most part) dry land and sandy countries, before he arriueth at the West of Europe or Afrike, whereby his motion increaseth heate, with little or no qualification by moyst vapours. Where, on the contrary he passeth from Europe and Afrike vnto America ouer the Ocean, from whence it draweth and carieth with him abundance of moyst vapours, which doe qualifie and infeeble greatly the Sunnes reuerberation vpon this countrey chiefly of Newfound land, being so much to the Northward. Neuerthelesse (as I sayd before) the cold cannot be so intollerable vnder the latitude of 46 47 and 48 (especiall within land) that it should be vnhabitable, as some do suppose, seeing also there are very many people more to the North by a great deale. And in these South parts there be certaine beastes, Ounces or Leopards, and birdes in like maner which in the Sommer we haue seene, not heard of in countries of extreme and vehement coldnesse. Besides, as in the monethes of Iune, Iuly, August and September, the heate is somewhat more then in England at those seasons: so men remaining vpon the South parts neere vnto Cape Race, vntill after Hollandtide, haue not found the cold so extreme, nor much differing from the temperature of England. Those which haue arriued there after November and December, haue found the snow exceeding deepe, whereat no maruaile, considering the ground vpon the coast, is rough and uneuen, and the snow is driuen into the places most declyning as the like is to be seene with vs. The like depth of snow happily shall not be found within land vpon the playner countries, which also are defended by the mountaines, breaking off the violence of winds and weather. But admitting extraordinary cold in those South parts, aboue that with vs here: it can not be as great as in Sweedland, much lesse in Moscouia or Russia: [Sidenote: Commodities.] yet are the same countries very populous, and the rigor and cold is dispensed with by the commoditie of Stoues, warme clothing, meats and drinkes: all which neede not be wanting in the Newfound land, if we had intent there to inhabite.[101] In the South parts we found no inhabitants, which by all likelihood haue abandoned those coastes, the same being so much frequented by Christians: But in the North are sauages altogether harmelesse. Touching the commodities of this countrie, seruing either for sustentation of inhabitants, or for maintenance of traffique, there are and may be made diuers: so that it seemeth Nature hath recompenced that only defect and incommodities of some sharpe cold, by many benefits: [Sidenote: Fish of sea and fresh water.] viz. With incredible quantitie, and no lesse varietie of kindes of fish in the sea and fresh waters, as Trouts, Salmons, and other fish to vs vnknowen: Also Cod, which alone draweth many nations thither, and is become the most famous fishing of the world. Abundance of Whales, for which also is a very great trade in the bayes of Placentia and the Grand bay, where is made Traine oiles of the Whale: Herring the largest that haue bene heard of, and exceeding the Malstrond[102] herring of Norway: but hitherto was neuer benefit taken of the herring fishing: There are sundry other fish very delicate, namely the Bonito, Lobsters, Turbut, with others infinite not sought after: Oysters hauing peare but not orient in colour: I tooke it by reason they were not gathered in season. Concerning the inland commodities, aswel to be drawen from this land, as from the exceeding large countries adioyning: there is nothing which our East and Northerly countries of Europe doe yeelde, but the like also may be made in them as plentifully by time and Industrie: Namely rosen, pitch, tarre, sopeashes, dealboord, mastes for ships, hides, furres, flaxe, hempe, corne, cordage, linnen-cloth, mettals and many more. All which the countries will aford, and the soyle is apt to yeelde. The trees for the most in those South parts are Firre trees Pine and Cypresse, all yeelding Gumme and Turpentine. Cherrie trees bearing fruit no bigger than a small pease. Also peare trees but fruitlesse. Other trees of some sorts to vs vnknowen. The soyle along the coast is not deepe of earth, bringing forth abundantly peason small, yet good feeding for cattell. Roses passing sweet, like vnto our muske roses in forme, raspases, a berry which we call Hurts, good and holesome to eat. The grasse and herbe doth fat sheepe in very short space, proued by English marchants which haue caried sheepe thither for fresh victuall and had them raised exceeding fat in lesse then three weekes. Peason which our countreymen haue sowen in the time of May, haue come vp faire, and bene gathered in the beginning of August, of which our Generall had a present acceptable for the rarenesse, being the first fruits comming vp by art and industrie in that desolate and dishabited land. Lakes or pooles of fresh water, both on the tops of mountaines and in the valies. In which are said to be muskles not vnlike to haue pearle, which I had put in triall, if by mischance falling vnto me, I had not bene letted from that and other good experiments I was minded to make. Foule both of water and land in great plentie and diuersitie. All kind of greene foule: Others as bigge as Bustards, yet not the same. A great white foule called by some a Gaunt. Vpon the land diuers sorts of haukes as Faulcons, and others by report: Partridges most plentifull larger than ours, gray and white of colour, and rough footed like doues, which our men after one flight did kill with cudgels, they were so fat and vnable to flie. Birds some like blackbirds, linnets, Canary birds, and other very small. Beasts of sundry kindes, red deare, buffles or a beast, as it seemeth by the tract and foote very large in maner of an oxe. Beares, ounces or leopards, some greater and some lesser, wolues, Foxes, which to the Northward a little further are black, whose furre is esteemed in some Countries of Europe very rich. Otters, beuers, and marternes: And in the opinion of most men that saw it, the Generall had brought vnto him a Sable aliue, which he sent vnto his brother sir John Gilbert knight of Deuonshire: but it was neuer deliuered, as after I vnderstood. [Sidenote: Newfound land doth minister commodities abundantly for art and industrie.] We could not obserue the hundreth part of creatures in those vnhabited lands: but these mentioned may induce vs to glorifie the magnificent God, who hath superabundantly replenished the earth with creatures seruing for the vse of man, though man hath not vsed a fifth part of the same, which the more doth aggrauate the fault and foolish slouth in many of our nation, chusing rather to liue indirectly, and very miserably to liue and die within this realme pestered with inhabitants, then to aduenture as becommeth men, to obtaine an habitation in those remote lands, in which Nature very prodigally doth minister vnto mens endeuours, and for art to worke vpon. For besides these alreadie recounted and infinite moe, the mountaines generally make shew of minerall substance: Iron very common, lead, and somewhere copper. I will not auerre of richer mettals: albeit by the circumstances following, more then hope may be conceiued thereof. For amongst other charges giuen to inquire but the singularities of this countrey, the Generall was most curious in the search of mettals, commanding the minerall man and refiner, especially to be diligent. The same was a Saxon borne, honest and religious, named Daniel. Who after search brought at first some sort of Ore, seeming rather to be yron then other mettal. [Sidenote: Siluer Ore brought vnto the Generall.] The next time he found Ore, which with no small shew of contentment he deliuered vnto the General, vsing prostestation, that if siluer were the thing which might satisfie the Generall and his followers, there it was, aduising him to seeke no further: the perill whereof he vndertooke vpon his life (as deare vnto him as the Crowne of England vnto her Maiestie, that I may vse his owne words) if it fell not out accordingly. My selfe at this instant liker to die then to liue, by a mischance, could not follow this confident opinion of our refiner to my owne satisfaction: but afterward demanding our Generals opinion therein, and to haue some part of the Ore, he replied: Content your selfe, I haue seene ynough, and were it but to satisfie my priuate humor, I would proceede no further. [Sidenote: Reasons why no further search was made for the siluer mine.] The promise vnto my friends, and necessitie to bring also the South countries within compasse of my Patent neere expired, as we haue alreadie done these North parts, do only perswade me further. And touching the Ore, I haue sent it aboord, whereof I would haue no speech to be made so long as we remaine within harbor: here being both Portugals, Biscains, and Frenchmen not farre off, from whom must be kept any bruit or muttering of such matter. When we are at sea proofe shalbe made: if it be to our desire, we may returne the sooner hither againe. Whose answere I iudged reasonable, and contenting me well: wherewith will I conclude this narration and description of the Newfound land, and proceede to the rest of our voyage, which ended tragically.[103] [Sidenote: Misdemeanour in our companie.] While the better sort of vs were seriously occupied in repairing our wants, and continuing of matters for the commoditie of our voyage: others of another sort and disposition were plotting of mischiefe. Some casting to steale away our shipping by night, watching opportunitie by the Generals and Captaines lying on the shore: whose conspiracies discouered, they were preuented. Others drew togither in company, and carried away out of the harbors adioyning, a ship laden with fish, setting the poore men on shore. A great many more of our people stole into the woods to hide themselues, attending time and meanes to returne home by such shipping as daily departed from the coast. Some were sicke of fluxes, and many dead: and in briefe, by one meanes or other our company was diminished, and many by the Generall licenced to returne home. Insomuch as after we had reuiewed our people, resolued to see an end of our voyage, we grewe scant of men to furnish all our shipping: it seemed good therefore vnto the Generall to leaue the Swallowe with such provision as might be spared for transporting home the sicke people. [Sidenote: God brought togither these men into the ship ordained to perish, who before had committed such outrage.] The Captaine of the Delight or Admirall returned into England, in whose stead was appointed Captaine Maurice Browne, before Captaine of the Swallow: who also brought with him into the Delight all his men of the Swallow, which before haue bene noted of outrage perpetrated and committed vpon fishermen there met at sea. [Sidenote: Why sir Humf. Gilbert went in the Frigate.] The Generall made choise to goe in his frigate the Squirrell (whereof the Captaine also was amongst them that returned into England) the same Frigate being most conuenient to discouer vpon the coast, and to search into euery harbor or creeke, which a great ship could not doe. Therefore the Frigate was prepared with her nettings and fights, and ouercharged with bases and such small Ordinance, more to giue a shew, then with iudgement to foresee vnto the safetie of her and the men, which afterward was an occasion also of their ouerthrow. [Sidenote: Liberalitie of the Portugals.] Now hauing made readie our shipping, that is to say, the Delight, the golden Hinde, and the Squirrell, and put aboord our prouision, which was wines, bread or ruske, fish wette and drie, sweete oiles: besides many other, as marmalades, figs, lymmons barrelled, and such like: Also we had other necessary prouision for trimming our ships, nets and lines to fish withall, boates or pinnesses fit for discouery. In briefe, we were supplied of our wants commodiously, as if we had bene in a Countrey or some Citie populous and plentifull of all things. [Sidenote: S. Iohns in 47 deg. 40 min.] We departed from this harbor of S. Iohns vpon Tuesday the twentieth of August, which we found by exact obseruation to be in 47 degrees 40 miuutes. And the next day by night we were at Cape Race, 25 leagues from the same harborough. This Cape lyeth South Southwest from S. Iohns: it is a low land, being off from the Cape about halfe a league: within the sea riseth vp a rocke against the point of the Cape, which thereby is easily knowen. [Sidenote: Cape Race in 46 degrees 25 minutes.] It is in latitude 46 degrees 25 minutes. [Sidenote: Fish large and plentifull.] Vnder this cape we were becalmed a small time, during which we layd out hookes and lines to take Codde, and drew in lesse then two houres, fish so large and in such abundance, that many dayes after we fed vpon no other prouision. From hence we shaped our course vnto the Island of Sablon, if conueniently it would so fall out, also directly to Cape Briton. [Sidenote: Cattell in the Isle of Sablon.] Sablon lieth to the sea-ward of Cape Briton about 25 leagues, whither we were determined to goe vpon intelligence we had of a Portugal, (during our abode in S. Iohns) who was himselfe present, when the Portugals (aboue thirty yeeres past) did put into the same Island both Neat and Swine to breede, which were since exceedingly multiplied. This seemed vnto vs very happy tidings, to haue in an Island lying so neere vnto the maine, which we intended to plant vpon, such store of cattell, whereby we might at all times conueniently be relieued of victuall, and serued of store for breed. In this course we trended along the coast, which from Cape Race stretcheth into the Northwest, making a bay which some called Trepassa. Then it goeth out againe toward the West, and maketh a point, which with Cape Race lieth in maner East and West. But this point inclineth to the North: to the West of which goeth in the bay of Placentia. [Sidenote: Good soile.] We sent men on land to take view of the soyle along this coast, whereof they made good report, and some of them had wil to be planted there. They saw Pease growing in great abundance euery where. The distance betweene Cape Race and Cape Briton is 87 leagues. In which Nauigation we spent 8 dayes, hauing many times the wind indifferent good; yet could we neuer attaine sight of any land all that time, seeing we were hindred by the current. At last we fell into such flats and dangers, that hardly any of vs escaped: where neuerthelesse we lost our Admiral with al the men and prouision, not knowing certainly the place. Yet for inducing men of skill to make coniecture, by our course and way we held from Cape Race thither (that thereby the flats and dangers may be inserted in sea Cards, for warning to others that may follow the same course hereafter) I haue set downe the best reckonings that were kept by expert men, William Cox Master of the Hind, and Iohn Paul his mate, both of Limehouse. Reckonings kept in our course from Cape Race towards Cape Briton, and the Island of Sablon, to the time and place where we lost our Admirall. August 22. {West, 14. leagues. {West and by South, 25. {Westnorthwest, 25. {Westnorthwest, 9. {Southsouthwest, 10. {Southwest, 12. {Southsouthwest, 10. August 29. {Westnorthwest, 12. Here we lost our Admiral. Summe of these leagues, 117. The reckoning of Iohn Paul masters mate from Cape Race. August 22. {West, 14. leagues. 23 {Northwest and by West, 9. 24 {Southwest and by South, 5. 25 {West and by South, 40. 26 {West and by North, 7. 27 {Southwest, 3. 28 {Southwest, 9. {Southwest, 7. {Westsouthwest, 7. 29 {Northwest and by West, 20. Here we lost our Admirall. Summe of all these leagues, 121. Our course we held in clearing vs of these flats was Eastsoutheast, and Southeast, and South 14 leagues with a marueilous scant winde. The maner how our Admirall was lost. [Sidenote: August 27.] Vpon Tewsday the 27 of August, toward the euening, our Generall caused them in his frigat to sound, who found white sande at 35. fadome, being then in latitude about 44 degrees. Wednesday toward night the wind came South, and wee bare with the land all that night, Westnorthwest, contrary to the mind of master Cox: neuerthelesse wee followed the Admirall, depriued of power to preuent a mischiefe, which by no contradiction could be brought to hold other course, alleaging they could not make the ship to worke better, nor to lie otherwaies. [Sidenote: Predictions before the wracke.] The euening was faire and pleasant, yet not without token of storme to ensue, and most part of this Wednesday night, like the Swanne that singeth before her death, they in the Admiral, or Delight, continued in sounding of Trumpets, with Drummes, and Fifes: also winding the Cornets, Haught boyes: and in the end of their iolitie, left with the battell and ringing of doleful knels. Towards the euening also we caught in the Golden Hinde a very mighty Porpose, with a harping yron, hauing first striken diuers of them, and brought away part of their flesh, sticking vpon the yron, but could recouer onely that one. These also passing through the Ocean, in heardes, did portend storme. I omit to recite friuolous reportes by them in the Frigat, of strange voyces, the same night, which scarred some from the helme. Thursday the 29 of August, the wind rose, and blew vehemently at South and by East, bringing withal raine, and thicke mist, so that we could not see a cable length before vs. [Sidenote: Losse of our Admirall.] And betimes in the morning we were altogether runne and folded in amongst flats and sands, amongst which we found shoale and deepe in euery three or foure shippes length, after wee began to sound: but first we were vpon them vnawares, vntill master Cox looking out, discerned (in his iudgement) white cliffes, crying (land) withal, though we could not afterward descrie any land, it being very likely the breaking of the sea white, which seemed to be white cliffes, through the haze and thicke weather. Immediatly tokens were giuen vnto the Delight, to cast about to seaward, which, being the greater ship, and of burden 120 tunnes, was yet formost vpon the breach, keeping so ill watch, that they knew not the danger before he felt the same, to late to recouer it: for presently the Admirall strooke a ground, and had soone after her sterne and hinder partes beaten in pieces: whereupon the rest (that is to say, the Frigat in which was the Generall and the Golden Hinde) cast about Eastsoutheast, bearing to the South, euen for our liues into the windes eye, because that way caried vs to the seaward. Making out from this danger, wee sounded one while seuen fadome, then fiue fadome, then foure fadome and lesse, againe deeper, immediatly foure fadome, then but three fadome, the sea going mightily and high. At last we recouered (God be thanked) in some despaire, to sea roome enough. In this distresse, wee had vigilant eye vnto the Admirall, whom we sawe cast away, without power to giue the men succour, neither could we espie any of the men that leaped ouerboord to saue themselues, either in the same Pinnesse or Cocke, or vpon rafters, and such like meanes, presenting themselues to men in those extremities: for we desired to saue the men by euery possible meanes. But all in vaine, sith God had determined their ruine: yet all that day, and part of the next, we beat vp and downe as neere vnto the wracke as was possible for vs, looking out, if by good hap we might espie any of them. This was a heavy and grieuous euent, to lose at one blow our chiefe shippe freighted with great prouision, gathered together with much trauell, care, long time, and difficultie. But more was the losse of our men, which perished to the number almost of a hundreth soules. [Sidenote: Stephanus Parmenius a learned Hungarian.] Amongst whom was drowned a learned man, an Hungarian, borne in the citie of Buda, called hereof Budæus, who of pietie and zeale to good attempts, aduentured in this action, minding to record in the Latine tongue, the gests and things worthy of remembrance, happening in this discouerie, to the honour of our nation, the same being adorned with the eloquent stile of this Orator, and rare Poet of our time. [Sidenote: Daniel a refiner of metal.] Here also perished our Saxon Refiner and discouerer of inestimable riches, as it was left amongst some of vs in vndoubted hope. No lesse heauy was the losse of the Captaine Maurice Browne, a vertuous, honest, and discreete Gentleman, ouerseene onely in liberty giuen late before to men, that ought to haue bene restrained, who shewed himselfe a man resolued, and neuer vnprepared for death, as by his last act of this tragedie appeared, by report of them that escaped this wracke miraculously, as shall bee hereafter declared. For when all hope was past of recouering the ship, and that men began to giue ouer, and to saue themselues, the Captaine was aduised before to ship also for his life, by the Pinnesse at the sterne of the ship: but refusing that counsell, he would not giue example with the first to leaue the shippe, but vsed all meanes to exhort his people not to despaire, nor so to leaue off their labour, choosing rather to die, then to incurre infamie, by forsaking his charge, which then might be thought to haue perished through his default, shewing an ill president vnto his men, by leauing the ship first himselfe. With this mind hee mounted vpon the highest decke, where hee attended imminent death, and vnauoidable; how long, I leaue it to God, who withdraweth not his comfort from his seruants at such times. [Sidenote: A wonderfull scape and deliuerance. A great distresse. A desperate resolution.] In the meane season, certaine, to the number of fourteene persons, leaped into a small Pinnesse (the bignes of a Thames barge, which was made in the New found land) cut off the rope wherewith it was towed, and committed themselues to Gods mercy, amiddest the storme, and rage of sea and windes, destitute of foode, not so much as a droppe of fresh water. The boate seeming ouercharged in foule weather with company, Edward Headly a valiant souldier, and well reputed of his companie, preferring the greater to the lesser, thought better that some of them perished then all, made this motion to cast lots, and them to bee throwen ouerboord vpon whom the lots fell, thereby to lighten the boate, which otherwayes seemed impossible to liue, offred himselfe with the first, content to take his aduenture gladly: which neuerthelesse Richard Clarke, that was Master of the Admirall, and one of this number, refused, aduising to abide Gods pleasure, who was able to saue all, as well as a few. [Sidenote: Two men famished.] The boate was caried before the wind, continuing sixe dayes and nights in the Ocean, and arriued at last with the men (aliue but weake) vpon the New found land, sauing that the foresayd Headly, (who had bene late sicke) and another called of vs Brasile, of his trauell into those Countries, died by the way, famished and lesse able to holde out, then those of better health. For such was these poore mens extremitie, in cold and wet, to haue no better sustenance then their own vrine, for sixe dayes together. Thus whom God deliuered from drowning, hee appointed to bee famished, who doth giue limits to mans times, and ordaineth the manner and circumstance of dying: whom againe he will preserue, neither Sea nor famine can confound. For those that arriued vpon the Newe found land, were brought into France by certaine French men, then being vpon that coast. After this heauie chance, wee continued in beating the sea vp and downe, expecting when the weadier would cleere vp, that we might yet beare in with the land, which we iudged not farre off, either the continent or some Island. For we many times, and in sundry places found ground at 50, 45, 40 fadomes, and lesse. The ground comming vpon our lead, being sometimes oazie sand, and otherwhile a broad shell, with a little sand about it. [Sidenote: Causes inforcing vs to returne home againe.] Our people lost courage dayly after this ill successe, the weather continuing thicke and blustering, with increase of cold, Winter drawing on, which tooke from them all hope of amendment, setling an assurance of worse weather to growe vpon vs euery day. The Leeside of vs lay full of flats and dangers ineuitable, if the wind blew hard at South. Some againe doubted we were ingulphed in the Bay of S. Laurence, the coast full of dangers, and vnto vs vnknowen. But aboue all, prouision waxed scant, and hope of supply was gone, with losse of our Admirall. Those in the Frigat were already pinched with spare allowance, and want of clothes chiefly: Whereupon they besought the Generall to returne for England, before they all perished. And to them of the Golden Hinde, they made signes of their distresse, pointing to their mouthes, and to their clothes thinne and ragged: then immediately they also of the Golden Hinde, grew to be of the same opinion and desire to returne home. The former reasons hauing also moued the Generall to haue compassion of his poore men, in whom he saw no want of good will, but of meanes fit to performe the action they came for, resolued vpon retire: and calling the Captaine and Master of the Hinde, he yeelded them many reasons, inforcing this vnexpected returne, withall protesting himselfe greatly satisfied with that hee had seene, and knew already. Reiterating these words. Be content, we haue seene enough, and take no care of expence past: I will set you foorth royally the next Spring, if God send vs safe home. Therefore I pray you let vs no longer striue here, where we fight against the elements. Omitting circumstance, how vnwillingly the Captaine and Master of the Hinde condescended to this motion, his owne company can testifie: yet comforted with the Generals promises of a speedie returne at Spring, and induced by other apparent reasons, prouing an impossibilitie, to accomplish the action at that time, it was concluded on all hands to retire. [Sidenote: August 31.] So vpon Saturday in the afternoone the 31 of August, we changed our course, and returned backe for England, [Sidenote: A monster of the sea.] at which very instant, euen in winding about, there passed along betweene vs and towards the land which we now forsooke a very lion to our seeming, in shape, hair and colour, not swimming after the maner of a beast by moouing of his feete, but rather sliding vpon the water with his whole body (excepting the legs) in sight, neither yet diuing vnder, and againe rising aboue the water, as the maner is, of Whales, Dolphins, Tunise, Torposes, and all other fish: but confidently shewing himselfe aboue water without hiding: Notwithstanding, we presented our selues in open view and gesture to amase him, as all creatures will be commonly at a sudden gaze and sight of men. Thus he passed along turning his head to and fro, yawning and gaping wide, with ougly demonstration of long teeth, and glaring eies, and to bidde vs a farewell (comming right against the Hinde) he sent forth a horrible voyce, roaring or bellowing as doeth a lion, which spectacle wee all beheld so farre as we were able to discerne the same, as men prone to wonder at euery strange thing, as this doubtlesse was, to see a lion in the Ocean sea, or fish in shape of a lion. What opinion others had thereof, and chiefly the Generall himselfe, I forbeare to deliuer: But he tooke it for Bonum Omen, reioycing that he was to warre against such an enemie, if it were the deuill. The wind was large for England at our returne, but very high, and the sea rough, insomuch as the Frigat wherein the Generall went was almost swalowed vp. [Sidenote: September 2.] Munday in the afternoone we passed in the sight of Cape Race, hauing made as much way in little more then two dayes and nights backe againe, as before wee had done in eight dayes from Cape Race, vnto the place where our ship perished. Which hindrance thitherward, and speed back againe, is to be imputed vnto the swift current, as well as to the winds, which we had more large in our returne. This Munday the Generall came aboord the Hind to haue the Surgeon of the Hind to dresse his foote, which he hurt by treading vpon a naile: At what time we comforted ech other with hope of hard successe to be all past, and of the good to come. So agreeing to cary out lights alwayes by night, that we might keepe together, he departed into his Frigat, being by no meanes to be intreated to tarie in the Hind, which had bene more for his security. Immediatly after followed a sharpe storme, which we ouerpassed for that time. Praysed be God. [Sidenote: Our last conference with our Generall.] The weather faire, the Generall came aboord the Hind againe, to make merrie together with the Captaine, Master and company which was the last meeting, and continued there from morning untill night. During which time there passed sundry discourses, touching affaires past, and to come, lamenting greatly the losse of his great ship, more of the men, but most of all of his bookes and notes, and what els I know not, for which hee was out of measure grieued, the same doubtles being some matter of more importance then his bookes, which I could not draw from him: yet by circumstance I gathered, the same to be the Ore which Daniel the Saxon had brought vnto him in the New found land. [Sidenote: Circumstances to be well obserued in our Generall, importing the Ore to be of a Siluer mine.] Whatsoeuer it was, the remembrance touched him so deepe, as not able to containe himselfe, he beat his boy in great rage, euen at the same time, so long after the miscarrying of the great ship, because vpon a faire day, when wee were becalmed vpon the coast of the New found land, neere vnto Cape Race, he sent his boy aboord the Admirall, to fetch certaine things: amongst which, this being chiefe, was yet forgotten and left behind. After which time he could neuer conueniently send againe aboord the great ship, much lesse hee doubted her ruine so neere at hand. Herein my opinion was better confirmed diursely, and by sundry coniectures, which maketh me haue the greater hope of this rich Mine. For where as the Generall had neuer before good conceit of these North parts of the world: now his mind was wholly fixed vpon the New found land. And as before he refused not to grant assignements liberally to them that required the same into these North parts, now he became contrarily affected, refusing to make any so large grants, especially of S. Iohns, which certaine English merchants made suite for, offering to imploy their money and trauell vpon the same: yet neither by their owne suite, nor of others of his owne company, whom he seemed willing to pleasure, it could be obtained. Also laying downe his determination in the Spring following, for disposing of his voyage then to be reattempted: he assigned the Captaine and Master of the Golden Hind, vnto the South discouery, and reserued vnto himselfe the North, affirming that this voyage had wonne his heart from the South, and that he was now become a Northerne man altogether. Last, being demanded what means he had at his arriuall in England, to compasse the charges of so great preparation as he intended to make the next Spring: hauing determined vpon two fleetes, one for the South, another for the North: Leaue that to mee (hee replied) I will aske a pennie of no man. I will bring good tidings vnto her Maiesty, who wil be so gracious, to lend me 10000 pounds, willing vs therefore to be of good cheere: for he did thanke God (he sayd) with al his heart, for that he had seene, the same being enough for vs all, and that we needed not to seeke any further. And these last words he would often repeate, with demonstration of great feruencie of mind, being himselfe very confident, and setled in beliefe of inestimable good by his voyage: which the greater number of his followers neuertheles mistrusted altogether, not being made partakers of those secrets, which the Generall kept vnto himselfe. Yet all of them that are liuing, may be witnesses of his words and protestations, which sparingly I have deliuered. Leauing the issue of this good hope vnto God, who knoweth the trueth only, and can at his good pleasure bring the same to light: I will hasten to the end of this tragedie, which must be knit vp in the person of our Generall. [Sidenote: Wilfulnes in the Generall.] And as it was Gods ordinance vpon him, euen so the vehement perswasion and intreatie of his friends could nothing auaile, to diuert him from a wilfull resolution of going through in his Frigat, which was ouercharged vpon their deckes, with fights, nettings, and small artillerie, too cumbersome for so small a boate, that was to passe through the Ocean sea at that season of the yere, when by course we might expect much storme of foule weather, whereof indeed we had enough. [Sidenote: A token of a good mind.] But when he was intreated by the Captaine, Master, and other his well willers of the Hinde, not to venture in the Frigat, this was his answere: I will not forsake my little company going homeward, with whom I haue passed so many stormes and perils. And in very trueth, hee was vrged to be so ouer hard, by hard reports giuen of him, that he was afraid of the sea, albeit this was rather rashnes, then aduised resolution, to preferre the wind of a vaine report to the weight of his owne life. Seeing he would not bend to reason, he had prouision out of the Hinde, such as was wanting aboord his Frigat. And so we committed him to Gods protection, and set him aboord his Pinnesse, we being more then 300 leagues onward of our way home. By that time we had brought the Islands of Açores South of vs, yet wee then keeping much to the North, vntill we had got into the height and eleuation of England: we met with very foule weather, and terrible seas, breaking short and high Pyramid wise. The reason whereof seemed to proceede either of hilly grounds high and low within the sea, (as we see hilles and dales vpon the land) vpon which the seas doe mount and fall: or else the cause proceedeth of diuersitie of winds, shifting often in sundry points: al which hauing power to moue the great Ocean, which againe is not presently setled, so many seas do encounter together, as there had bene diuersitie of windes. Howsoeuer it commeth to passe, men which all their life time had occupied the Sea, neuer saw more outragious Seas. We had also vpon our maine yard, an apparition of a little fire by night, which seamen doe call Castor and Pollux. But we had onely one, which they take an euill signe of more tempest: the same is vsuall in stormes. [Sidenote: A resolute and Christianlike saying in a distresse.] Munday the ninth of September, in the afternoone, the Frigat was neere cast away, oppressed by waues, yet at that time recouered: and giuing foorth signes of ioy, the Generall sitting abaft with a booke in his hand, cried out vnto vs in the Hind (so oft as we did approch within hearing) We are as neere to heauen by sea as by land. Reiterating the same speech, well beseeming a souldier, resolute in Iesus Christ, as I can testifie he was. [Sidenote: Sir Humfrey Gilbert drowned.] The same Monday night, about twelue of the clocke, or not long after, the Frigat being ahead of vs in the Golden Hinde, suddenly her lights were out, whereof as it were in a moment, we lost the sight, and withall our watch cryed, the Generall was cast away, which was so true. For in that moment, the Frigat was deuoured and swallowed vp of the Sea. Yet still we looked out all that night, and euer after, vntill wee arriued vpon the coast of England: Omitting no small saile at sea, vnto which we gaue not the tokens betweene vs, agreed vpon, to haue perfect knowledge of each other, if we should at any time be separated. [Sidenote: Arriuall in England of the Golden Hinde.] In great torment of weather, and perill of drowning, it pleased God to send safe home the Golden Hinde, which arriued in Falmouth, the 22 day of September, being Sunday, not without as great danger escaped in a flaw, comming from the Southeast, with such thicke mist, that we could not discerne land, to put in right with the Hauen. From Falmouth we went to Dartmouth, and lay there at anker before the Range, while the captaine went aland, to enquire if there had bene any newes of the Frigat, while sayling well, might happily haue bene there before vs. [Sidenote: A fit motion of the Captain vnto Sir Humfrey Gilbert.] Also to certifie Sir Iohn Gilbert, brother vnto the Generall of our hard successe, whom the Captaine desired (while his men were yet aboord him, and were witnesses of all occurents in that voyage,) It might please him to take the examination of euery person particularly, in discharge of his and their faithfull endeauour. Sir Iohn Gilbert refused so to doe, holding himselfe satisfied with report made by the Captaine: and not altogether dispairing of his brothers safetie, offered friendship and curtesie to the Captaine and his company, requiring to haue his barke brought into the harbour: in furtherance whereof, a boate was sent to helpe to tow her in. Neuerthelesse, when the Captaine returned aboord his ship, he found his men bent to depart, euery man to his home: and then the winde seruing to proceede higher vpon the coast: they demanded monie to carie them home, some to London, others to Harwich, and elsewhere, (if the barke should be caried into Dartmouth, and they discharged, so farre from home) or else to take benefite of the wind, then seruing to draw neerer home, which should be a lesse charge vnto the Captaine, and great ease vnto the men, hauing els farre to goe. Reason accompanied with necessitie perswaded the Captaine, who sent his lawfull excuse and cause of his sudden departure vnto Sir Iohn Gilbert, by the boate at Dartmouth, and from thence the Golden Hind departed, and tooke harbour at Waimouth. [Sidenote: An ill recompense.] Al the men tired with the tediousnes of so vnprofitable a voyage to their seeming: in which their long expence of time, much toyle and labour, hard diet and continuall hazard of life was vnrecompensed: their Captaine neuerthelesse by his great charges, impaired greatly thereby, yet comforted in the goodnes of God, and his vndoubted prouidence following him in all that voyage, as it doth alwaies those at other times, whosoeuer haue confidence in him alone. Yet haue we more neere feeling and perseuerance of his powerfull hand and protection, when God doth bring vs together with others into one same peril, in which he leaueth them, and deliuereth vs, making vs thereby the beholders, but not partakers of their ruine. Euen so, amongst very many difficulties, discontentments, mutinies, conspiracies, sicknesses, mortalitie, spoylings, and wracks by sea, which were afflictions, more then in so small a Fleete, or so short a time may be supposed, albeit true in euery particularitie, as partly by the former relation may be collected, and some I suppressed with silence for their sakes liuing, it pleased God to support this company, (of which onely one man died of a maladie inueterate, and long infested): the rest kept together in reasonable contentment and concord, beginning, continuing, and ending the voyage, which none els did accomplish, either not pleased with the action, or impatient of wants, or preuented by death. [Sidenote: Constancie in sir Humfrey Gilbert.] Thus haue I deliuered the contents of the enterprise and last action of sir Humfrey Gilbert knight, faithfully, for so much as I thought meete to be published: wherein may alwaies appeare, (though he be extinguished) some sparkes of his vertues, he remaining firme and resolute in a purpose by all pretence honest and godly, as was this, to discouer, possesse, and to reduce vnto the seruice of God, and Christian pietie, those remote and heathen Countreys of America, not actually possessed by Christians, and most rightly appertaining vnto the Crowne of England: vnto the which, as his zeale deserueth high commendation: euen so, he may iustly be taxed of temeritie and presumption (rather) in two respects. [Sidenote: His temeritie and presumption.] First, when yet there was onely probabilitie, not a certaine and determinate place of habitation selected, neither any demonstration of commoditie there in esse, to induce his followers: neuertheles, he both was too prodigall of his owne patrimony, and too careles of other mens expences, to imploy both his and their substance vpon a ground imagined good. The which falling, very like his associates were promised, and made it their best reckoning to bee salued some other way, which pleased not God to prosper in his first and great preparation. Secondly, when by his former preparation he was enfeebled of abilitie and credit, to performe his designements, as it were impatient to abide in expectation better opportunitie and meanes, which God might raise, he thrust himselfe againe into the action, for which he was not fit, presuming the cause pretended on Gods behalfe, would carie him to the desired ende. Into which, hauing thus made reentrie, he could not yeeld againe to withdraw though hee sawe no encouragement to proceed, lest his credite, foyled in his first attempt, in a second should vtterly be disgraced. Betweene extremities, hee made a right aduenture, putting all to God and good fortune, and which was worst refused not to entertaine euery person and meanes whatsoeuer, to furnish out this expedition, the successe whereof hath bene declared. But such is the infinite bountie of God, who from euery euill deriueth good. [Sidenote: Afflictions needfull in the children of God.] For besides that fruite may growe in time of our trauelling into those Northwest lands, the crosses, turmoiles, and afflictions, both in the preparation and execution of this voyage, did correct the intemperate humors, which before we noted to bee in this Gentleman, and made vnsauorie, and lesse delightful his other manifold vertues. Then as he was refined, and made neerer drawing vnto the image of God: so it pleased the diuine will to resume him vnto himselfe, whither both his, and euery other high and noble minde, haue alwayes aspired. * * * * * Ornatissimo viro, Magistro Richard Hakluyto Oxonij in Collegio ædis Christi, Artium et Philosophiæ Magistro, amico, et fratri suo. S. Non statueram ad te scribere, cùm in mentem veniret promissum literarum tuarum. Putabas te superiore iam Iunio nos subsecuturum. Itaque de meo statu ex doctore Humfredo certiorem te fieri iusseram. Verùm sic tibi non esset satisfactum. Itaque scribam ad te ijsdem ferè verbis, quia noua meditari et [Greek: sunonumixein] mihi hoc tempore non vacat. Vndecimo Iunij ex Anglia reuera tandem et seriò soluimus, portu et terra apud Plemuthum simul relictis. Classis quinque nauibus constabat: maxima, quam [Marginal note: Dominus Ralegh.] frater Amiralij accommodauerat, ignotum quo comsilio, statim tertio die à nobis se subduxit. Reliqui perpetuò coniunctim nauigauimus ad. 23. Iulij, quo tempore magnis nebulis intercepto aspectu alij aliam viam tenuimus: nobis seorsim prima terra apparuit ad Calendas Augusti, ad gradum circiter 50. cùm vltrà 41. paucis ante diebus descendissemus spe Australium ventorum, qui tamen nobis suo tempore nunquam spirauêre. [Sidenote: Insula penguin.] Insula est ea, quam vestri Penguin vocant, ab auium eiusdem nominis multitudine. Nos tamen nec aues vidimus, nec insulam accessimus, ventis aliò vocantibus. Cæterùm conuenimus omnes in eundum locum paulò ante portum in quem communi consilio omnibus veniendum erat, idqúe intra duas horas, magna Dei benignitate et nostro gaudio. Locus situs est in Newfoundlandia, inter 47. et 48. gradum, Diuum Ioannem vocant. Ipse Admiralius proter multitudinem hominum et angustiam nauis paulò afflictiorem comitatum habuit et iam duos dysentericis fioloribus amisit: de cæteris bona spes est. Ex nostris (nam ego me Mauricio Browno verè generoso iuueni me coniunxeram) duo etiam casu quodam submersi sunt. Cæteri salui et longè firmiores. Ego nunquam sanior. In hunc locum tertio Augusti appulimus: quinto autem ipse Admiralius has regiones in suam et regni Angliæ possessionem potestatemque vendicauit, latis quibusdam legibus de religione et obsequio Reginæ Angliæ. Reficimur hoc tempore paulò hilariùs et lautiùs. Certè enim et qualibus ventis vsi simus, et quàm fessi esse potuerimus tam longi temporis ratio docuerit, proinde nihil nobis deerit. Nam extra Anglos, 20 circiter naues Lusitanicas et Hispanicas nacti in hoc loco sumus: eæ nobis impares non patientur nas esurire. Angli etsi satis firmi, et à nobis tuli, authoritate regij diplomatis omni obsequio et humanitate prosequuntur. Nunc narrandi erant mores, regiones, et populi. Cæterùm quid narrem mi Hakluyte, quando præter solitudinem nihil video? Piscium inexhausta copia: inde huc commeantibus magnus quæstus. Vix hamus fumdum attigit, illicò insigni aliquo onustus est. Terra vniuersa [Marginal note: In the south side of Newefoundland, there is store of plaine and champion Countrey, as Richard Clarke found.] montana et syluestris: arbores vt plurimùm pinus: ex partim consenuêre, partim nunc adolescunt: magna pars vetustate collapsa, et aspectum terræ, et iter euntium ita impedit, vt nusquam progredi liceat. Herbæ omnes proceræ: sed rarò à nostris diuersæ. Natura videtur velle niti etiam ad generandum frumentum. Inueni enim gramina, et spicas in similitudinem secales: et facilè cultura et satione in vsum humanum assuefieri posse videntur. Rubi in syluis vel potiùs fraga arborescentia magna suauitate. Vrsi circa tuguria nonnunquam apparent, et conficiuntur: sed albi sunt, vt mihi ex peliibus coniicere licuit, et minores quàm nostri. Populus an vllus sit in hac regione incertum est: Nec vllum vidi qui testari posset. Et quis quæso posset, cùm ad longum progredi non liceat? Nee minùs ignotum est an aliquid metalli sub sit montibus. Causa eadem est, etsi aspectus eorum mineras latentes præ se ferat. Nos Admiralio authores fuimus syluas incendere, quo ad inspiciendam regionem spacium pateret: nec displicebat illi consilium, si non magnum incommodum allaturum videretur. [Sidenote: The great heate of the sunne in summer.] Confirmatum est enim ab idoneis hominibus, cum casu quopiam in alia nescio qua statione id accidisset, septennium totum pisces non comparuisse, ex acerbata maris vnda ex terebynthina, quæ conflagrantibus arboribus per riuulos defluebat. Coelum hoc anni tempore ita feruidum est, vt nisi pisces, qui arefiunt ad solem, assidui inuertantur, ab adustione defendi non possint. Hyeme quàm frigidum sit, magnæ moles glaciei in medio mari nos docuere. Relatum est à comitibus mense Maio sexdecim totos dies interdum se inter tantam glaciem hæsisse, vt 60. orgyas altæ essent insulæ: quarum latera soli apposita cum liquescerent, liberatione quadam vniuersam molem ita inuersam, vt quòd ante pronum erat, supinum euaderet, magno præsentium discrimine, vt consentaneum est. Aer in terra mediocriter clarus est: ad orientem supra mare perpetuæ nebulæ: Et in ipso mari circa Bancum (sic vocant locum vbi quadraginta leucis à terra fundus attingitur, et pisces capi incipiunt) nullus ferme dies absque pluuia. Expeditis nostris necessitatibus in hoc loco, in Austrum (Deo iuuante) progrediemur, tantò indies maiori spe, quò plura de iis quas petimus regionibus commemorantur. Hæc de nostris. Cupio de vobis scire: sed metuo ne incassum. Imprimis autem quomodo Vntonus meus absentiam meam ferat, præter modum intelligere velim: Habebit nostrum obsequium et officium paratum, quandiu vixerimus. Reuera autem spero, hanc nostram peregrinationem ipsius instituo vsui futuram. Nunc restat, vt me tuum putes, et quidem ita tuum, vt neminem magis. Iuuet dei filius labores nostros eatenus, vt tu quoque participare possis. Vale amicissime, suauissime, onrnatissime Hakluyle, et nos ama. In Newfundlandia apud portum Sancti Iohannis 6. Augusti 1583. STEPHANVS PARMENIVS Budeius, tuus. The same in English. To the worshipfull, Master Richard Hakluit at Oxford in Christchurch Master of Arts, and Philosophie, his friend and brother. I had not purposed to write vnto you, when the promise of your letters came to my mind: You thought in Iune last to haue followed vs your selfe, and therefore I had left order that you should be aduertised of my state, by Master Doctor Humfrey: but so you would not be satisfied: I will write therefore to you almost in the same words, because I haue no leasure at this time, to meditate new matters, and to vary or multiply words. The 11. of Iune we set saile at length from England in good earnest, and departed leauing the hauen and land behind vs at Plimmouth: our Fleete consisted of fiue shippes: the greatest, which the Admirals brother had lent vs, withdrew her selfe from vs the third day, wee know not vpon what occassion: with the rest we sailed still together till the 23 of Iuly: at which time our view of one another being intercepted by the great mists, some of vs sailed one way, and some another: to vs alone the first land appeared, the first of August, about the latitude of 50. degrees, when as before we had descended beyond 41 degrees in hope of some Southerly windes, which notwithstanding neuer blew to vs at any fit time. It is an Island which your men call Penguin, because of the multitude of birdes of the same name. Yet wee neither sawe any birds, nor drew neere to the land, the winds seruing for our course directed to another place, but wee mette altogether at that place a little before the Hauen, whereunto by common Councell we had determined to come, and that within the space of two houres by the great goodnesse of God, and to our great ioy. The place is situate in Newfound land, betweene 47. and 48. degres called by the name of Saint Iohns: the Admirall himselfe by reason of the multitude of the men, and the smalnesse of his ship, had his company somewhat sickly, and had already lost two of the same company, which died of the Flixe: of the rest we conceiue good hope. Of our company (for I ioyned my selfe with Maurice Browne, a very proper Gentleman) two persons by a mischance were drowned, the rest are in safetie, and strong; for mine owne part I was neuer more healthy. Wee arriued at this place the third of August: and the fift the Admirall tooke possession of the Countrey, for himselfe and the kingdome of England: hauing made and published certaine Lawes, concerning religion, and obedience to the Queene of England: at this time our fare is somewhat better, and dantier, then it was before: for in good sooth, the experience of so long time hath taught vs what contrary winds wee haue found, and what great trauell wee may endure hereafter: and therefore wee will take such order, that wee will want nothing: for we found in this place about twenty Portugall and Spanish shippes, besides the shippes of the English: which being not able to match vs, suffer vs not to bee hunger starued: the English although they were of themselues strong ynough, and safe from our force, yet seeing our authoritie, by the Queenes letters patents, they shewed vs all maner of duety and humanitie. The maner of this Countrey and people remaine now to be spoken of. But what shall I say, my good Hakluyt, when I see nothing but a very wildernesse: Of fish here is incredible abundance, whereby great gaine growes to them, that trauell to these parts: the hooke is no sooner throwne out, but it is eftsoones drawne vp with some goodly fish: the whole land is full of hilles and woods. The trees for the most part are Pynes and of them some are very olde, and some yong: a great part of them being fallen by reason of their age, doth so hinder the sight of the land, and stoppe the ways of those that seeke to trauell, that they can goe no whither: all the grasse here is long, and tall, and little differeth from ours. It seemeth also that the nature of this soyle is fit for corne: for I found certaine blades and eares in a manner bearded, so that it appeareth that by manuring and sowing, they may easily be framed for the vse of man: here are in the woodes bush berries, or rather straw berries growing vp like trees, of great sweetnesse. Beares also appeare about the fishers stages of the Countrey, and are sometimes killed, but they seeme to bee white, as I conjectured by their skinnes, and somewhat lesse then ours. Whether there bee any people in the Countrey I knowe not, neither haue I seene any to witnesse it. And to say trueth, who can, when as it is not possible to passe any whither: In like sort it is vnknowne, whither any mettals lye vnder the hilles: the cause is all one, although the very colour and hue of the hilles seeme to haue some Mynes in them: we mooued the Admirall to set the woods a fire, that so wee might haue space, and entrance to take view of the Countrey, which motion did nothing displease him, were it not for feare of great inconuenience that might thereof insue: for it was reported and confirmed by very credible persons, that when the like happened by chance in another Port, the fish neuer came to the place about it, for the space of 7. whole yeeres after, by reason of the waters made bitter by the Turpentine, and Rosen of the trees, which ranne into the riuers vpon the firing of them. The weather is so hote this time of the yeere, that except the very fish, which is layd out to be dryed by the sunne, be euery day turned, it cannot possibly bee preserued from burning; but how cold it is in the winter, the great heapes, and mountaines of yce, in the middest of the Sea haue taught vs: some of our company report, that in May, they were sometimes kept in, with such huge yce, for 16. whole dayes together, as that the Islands thereof were threescore fathoms thicke, the sides whereof which were toward the Sunne, when they were melted, the whole masse or heape was so inuened and turned in maner of balancing, that that part which was before downeward rose vpward, to the great perill of those that are neere them, as by reason wee may gather. The ayre vpon land is indifferent cleare, but at Sea towards the East there is nothing els but perpetuall mists, and in the Sea it selfe, about the Banke (for so they call the place where they find ground fourty leagues distant from the shore, and where they beginne to fish) there is no day without raine. When we haue serued, and supplied our necessitie in this place, we purpose by the helpe of God to passe towards the South, with so much the more hope every day, by how much the greater the things are, that are reported of those Countreys, which we go to discouer. Thus much touching our estate. Now I desire to know somewhat concerning you, but I feare in vaine, but specially I desire out of measure to know how my Patrone master Henry Vmptom doth take my absence: my obedience, and duetie shall alwayes bee ready toward him as long as I liue: but in deede I hope, that this iourney of ours shalbe profitable to his intentions. It remaineth that you thinke me to be still yours, and so yours as no mans more. The sonne of God blesse all our labors, so farre, as that you your selfe may be partaker of our blessing. Adieu, my most friendly, most sweete, most vertuous Hakluyt: In Newfound land, at Saint Iohns Port, the 6. of August, 1583. STEVEN PARMENIVS of Buda, yours. * * * * * A relation of Richard Clarke of Weymouth, master of the ship called the Delight, going for the discouery of Norembega, with Sir Humfrey Gilbert 1583. Written in excuse of that fault of casting away the ship and men, imputed to his ouersight. Departing out of Saint Iohns Harborough in the Newfound land the 20. of August vnto Cape Raz, from thence we directed our course vnto the Ile of Sablon or the Isle of Sand, which the Generall Sir Humfrey Gilbert would willingly haue seene. [Sidenote: 20 Leagues from the Isle of Sablon.] But when we came within twentie leagues of the Isle of Sablon, we fell to controuersie of our course. The Generall came vp in his Frigot and demanded of mee Richard Clarke master of the Admirall what course was best to keepe: I said that Westsoutwest was best: because the wind was at South and night at hand and vnknowen sands lay off a great way from the land. The Generall commanded me to go Westnorthwest. [Sidenote: 15 Leagues from the Isle of Sablon.] I told him againe that the Isle of Salon was Westnorthwest and but 15. leagues off; and that he should be vpon the Island before day, if hee went that course. The Generall sayd, my reckoning was vntrue, and charged me in her Maiesties name, and as I would shewe myselfe in her Countrey to follow him that night. [Sidenote: Herin Clarke vntruely chargeth sir Humfrey Gilbert.] I fearing his threatenings, because he presented her Maiesties person, did follow his commaundement, and about seuen of the clocke in the morning the ship stroke on ground, where shee was cast away. Then the Generall went off to Sea, the course that I would haue had them gone before, and saw the ship cast away men and all, and was not able to saue a man, for there was not water vpon the sand for either of them much lesse the Admirall, that drew fourteene foote. [Sidenote: The ship cast away on Thursday being the 29 of August 1583.] Now as God would the day before it was very calme, and a Souldier of the ship had killed some foule with his piece, and some of the company desired me that they might hoyse out the boat to recouer the foule, which I granted them: and when they came aboord they did not hoyse it in againe that night. And when the ship was cast away the boate was a sterne being in burthen one tunne and an halfe: there was left in the boate one oare and nothing els. Some of the company could swimme, and recouered the boate and did hale in out of the water as many men as they coulde: among the rest they had a care to watch for the Captaine or the Master: They happened on my selfe being the master, but could neuer see the Captaine: [Sidenote: Sixteene gate into the shipboate.] Then they halled into the boate as many men as they could in number 16. whose names hereafter I will rehearse. And when the 16. were in the boate, some had small remembrance, and some had none: for they did not make account to liue, but to prolong their liues as long as it pleased God, and looked euery moment of an houre when the Sea would eate them vp, the boate being so little and so many men in her, and so foule weather, that it was not possible for a shippe to brooke halfe a course of sayle. Thus while wee remayned two dayes and two nights, and that wee saw it pleased God our boate liued in the Sea (although we had nothing to helpe vs withall but one oare, which we kept vp the boate withall vpon the Sea, and so went euen as the Sea would driue vs) there was in our company one Master Hedly that put foorth this question to me the Master. [Sidenote: Master Hedlyes vngodly proposition.] I doe see that it doth please God, that our boate lyueth in the Sea, and it may please God that some of vs may come to the land if our boate were not ouerladen. Let vs make sixteene lots, and those foure that haue the foure shortest lots we will cast ouerboord preseruing the Master among vs all. I replied vnto him, saying, no we will liue and die together. Master Hedley asked me if my remembrance were good: I answered I gaue God prayse it was good, and knewe how farre I was off the land, and was in hope to come to the land within two or three dayes, and sayde they were but threescore leagues from the lande, (when they were seuentie) all to put them in comfort. Thus we continued the third and fourth day without any sustenance, saue onely the weedes that swamme in the Sea, and salt water to drinke. The fifth day Hedly dyed and another moreouer: then wee desired all to die: for in all these fiue dayes and fiue nights we saw the Sunne but once and the Starre but one night, it was so foule weather. Thus we did remaine the sixt day: then we were very weake and wished all to die sauing only my selfe which did comfort them and promised they should come soone to lande by the helpe of God: but the company were very importunate, and were in doubt they should neuer come to land, but that I promised them that the seuenth day they should come to shore, or els they should cast me ouer boord: [Sidenote: They came on land the 7 day after their shipwracke.] which did happen true the seuenth day, for at eleuen of the clocke wee had sight of the land, and at 3. of the clocke at afternoone we came on land. All these seuen dayes and seuen nights, the wind kept continually South. If the wind had in the meanetime shifted vpon any other point, wee had neuer come to land: we were no sooner come to the land, but the wind came cleane contrary at North within halfe an houre after our arriuall. But we were so weake that one could scarcely helpe another of vs out of the boate, yet with much adoe being come all on shore we kneeled downe ypon our knees and gaue God praise that he had dealt so mercifully with vs. Afterwards those which were strongest holpe their fellowes vnto a fresh brooke, where we satisfied our selues with water and berries very well. [Sidenote: The fruitfulnesse of the south part of Newfound land.] There were of al sorts of berries plentie, and as goodly a Countrey as euer I saw: we found a very faire plaine Champion ground that a man might see very farre euery way: by the Sea side was here and there a little wood with goodly trees as good as euer I saw any in Norway, able to mast any shippe, of pyne trees, spruse trees, firre, and very great birch trees. Where we came on land we made a little house with boughes, where we rested all that night. In the morning I deuided the company three and three to goe euery way to see what foode they could find to sustaine thenselues, and appointed them to meete there all againe at noone with such foode as they could get. As we went aboord we found great store of peason as good as any wee haue in England: a man would thinke they had bene sowed there. We rested there three dayes and three nights and liued very well with pease and berries, wee named the place Saint Laurence, because it was a very goodly riuer like the riuer of S. Laurence in Canada, and we found it very full of Salmons. When wee had rested our selues wee rowed our boate along the shore, thinking to haue gone to the Grande Bay to haue come home with some Spanyards which are yeerely there to kill the Whale: And when we were hungry or a thirst we put our boate on land and gathered pease and berries. Thus wee rowed our boate along the shore fiue dayes: about which time we came to a very goodly riuer that ranne farre vp into the Countrey and saw very goodly growen trees of all sortes. [Sidenote: Foureteen of our men brought out of Newfound land in a ship of S. Iohn de Luz.] There we happened vpon a ship of Saint Iohn de Luz, which ship brought vs into Biskay to an Harborough called The Passage. The Master of the shippe was our great friend, or else we had bene put to death if he had not kept our counsayle. For when the visitors came aboord, as it is the order in Spaine, they demanding what we were, he sayd we were poore fishermen that had cast away our ship in Newfound land and so the visitors inquired no more of the matter at that time. Assoone as night was come he put vs on land and bad vs shift for our selues. Then had wee but tenne or twelue miles into France, which we went that night, and then cared not for the Spanyard. And so shortly after we came into England toward the end of the yeere 1583. * * * * * A true report of the late discoueries, and possession taken in the right of the Crowne of England of the Newfound lands, By that valiant and worthy Gentlemen, Sir Humfrey Gilbert, Knight. Wherein is also briefly set downe, her highnesse lawfull Title thereunto, and the great and manifold commodities, that are likely to grow therby, to the whole Realme in generall, and to the aduenturers in particular: Together with the easinesse and shortness of the Voyage. Written by Sir George Peckham Knight, the chiefe aduenturer and furtherer of Sir Humfrey Gilberts voyage to Newfound Land. The first Part, wherein the Argument of the Booke is contained. [Sidenote: Master Edward Hays.] It was my fortune (good Reader) not many dayes past, to meete with a right honest and discreete Gentleman, who accompanied that valiant and worthy Knight Sir Humfrey Gilbert, in this last iourney for the Westerne discoueries, and is owner and Captaine of the onely vessell which is as yet returned from thence. By him I vnderstand that Sir Humfrey departed the coast of England the eleuenth of Iune last past, with fiue sayle of Shippes, from Caushen bay neere Plimmouth, whereof one of the best forsooke his company, the thirteenth day of the same moneth, and returned into England. The other foure (through the assistance of Almighty God) did arriue at Saint Iohns Hauen, in Newfoundland, the 3. of August last. [Sidenote: Sir Humfrey Gilbert did arriue at Saint Iohn's Hauen in Newfound land, the 3. of August, Anno 1583.] Vpon whose arriuall all the Masters and chiefe Mariners of the English Fleet, which were in the said Hauen, before endeuouring to fraight themselues with fish, repaired vnto Sir Humfrey, whom he made acquainted with the effect of his Commission: which being done, he promised to intreat them and their goods well and honourably as did become her Maiesties Lieutenant. They did all welcome him in the best sort that they could, and shewed him and his all such courtesies as the place could affoord or yeelde. Then he went to view the Countrey, being well accompanied with most of his Captaines and souldiers. [Sidenote: Among these there was found the tract of a beast of 7. ynches and 2 halfe ouer.]They found the same very temperate, but somewhat warmer then England at that season of the yeere, replenished with Beasts and great store of Foule of diuers kinds: And Fish of sundry sortes, both in the salt water, and in the fresh, in so great plentie as might suffice to victuall an Armie, and they are very easily taken. What sundry other commodities for this Realme right neccssarie, the same doeth yeelde, you shall vnderstand in this treatise hereafter, in place more conuenient. On Munday being the fifth of August, the Generall caused his tent to be set vpon the side of an hill, in the vieweof all the Fleete of English men and strangers, which were in number betweene thirtie and fourtie sayle: then being accompanied with all his Captaines, Masters, Gentlemen and other souldiers, he caused all the Masters, and principall Officers of the ships, aswell Englishmen as Spanyards, Portugales, and of other nations, to repayre vnto his tent: [Sidenote: Sir Humfrey tooke possession of the Newfound land in right of the Crowne of England.] And then and there, in the presence of them all, he did cause his Commission vnder the great scale of England to bee openly and solemnely read vnto them, whereby were granted vnto him, his heires, and assignes, by the Queenes most excellent Maiestie, many great and large royalties, liberties, and priueledges. The effect whereof being signified vnto the strangers by an Interpreter, hee tooke possession of the sayde land in the right of the Crowne of England by digging of a Turffe and receiuing the same with an Hassell wand, deliuered vnto him, after the maner of the law and custome of England. Then he signified vnto the company both strangers and others, that from thencefoorth, they were to liue in that land, as the Territories appertayning to the Crowne of England, and to be gouerned by such lawes as by good aduise should be set downe, which in all points (so neere as might be) should be agreeable to the Lawes of England: And for to put the same in execution, presently be ordained and established three Lawes. [Sidenote: Three lawes established there by Sir Humfrey.] First, that Religion publiquely exercised, should be such, and none other, then is vsed in the Church of England. The second, that if any person should bee lawfully conuicted of any practise against her Maiestie, her Crowne and dignitie, to be adiudged as traitors according to the lawes of England. The third, if any should speake dishonourably of her Maiestie, the partie so offending, to loose his eares, his ship and goods, to be confiscate to the vse of the Generall. All men did very willingly submit themselues to these lawes. Then he caused the Queenes Majesties Armes to be ingraued, set vp, and erected with great solemnitie. [Sidenote: Sundry persons became Tenants to Sir Humfrey and doe mainteine possession for him in diuers places there.] After this, diuers Englishmen made sute vnto Sir Humfrey to haue of him by inheritance, their accustomed stages, standings, and drying places, in sundry places of that land for their fish, as a thing they doe make great accompt of, which he granted vnto them in fee farme. And by this meanes he hath possession maintained for him, in many parts of that Countrey. To be briefe, he did let, set, giue and dispose of many things, as absolute Gouernour there, by vertue of her Maiesties letters patents. And after their ships were repaired, whereof one he was driuen to leaue behind, both for want of men sufficient to furnish her, as also to carrie home such sicke persons as were not able to proceede any further: He departed from thence the 20 of August, with the other three, namely, the Delight, wherein was appointed Captaine in M. William Winters place, (that thence returned immediatly for England) M. Maurice Browne: the Golden Hinde, in which was Captaine and owner, M. Edward Hays: and the little Frigat where the Generall himselfe did goe seeming to him most fit to discouer and approch the shore. The 21 day they came to Cape Race, toward the South partes whereof, lying a while becalmed, they tooke Cod in largness and quantitie, exceeding the other parts of Newfound land, where any of them had bene. And from thence, trending the coast West toward the Bay of Placentia, the Generall sent certaine men a shore, to view the Countrey, which to them as they sayled along, seemed pleasant. Whereof his men at their returne gaue great commendation, liking so well of the place, as they would willingly haue stayed and wintred there. But hauing the wind faire and good, they proceeded on their course towards the firme of America, which by reason of continuall fogs, at that time of the yeere especially, they could neuer see, till Cox Master of the Golden Hinde did discerne land, and presently lost sight thereof againe, at what time they were all vpon a breach in a great and outragious storme, hauing vnder 3. fathome water. But God deliuered the Frigat and the Golden Hind, from this great danger. And the Delight in the presence of them all was lost, to their vnspeakable griefe, with all their chiefe victuall, munition, and other necessary prouisions, and other things of value not fit here to be named. Whereupon, by reason also that Winter was come vpon them, and foule weather increased with fogs and mists that so couered the land, as without danger of perishing they could not approch it: Sir Humfrey Gilbert and M. Hays were compelled much against their willes to retyre homewards: And being 300. leagues on their way, were after by tempestuous weather separated the one from the other, the ninth of September last, since which time M. Hays with his Barke is safely arriued, but of Sir Humfrey as yet they heare no certaine newes. [Sidenote: Plutarch.] Vpon this report (together with my former intent to write some briefe discourse in the commendation of this so noble and worthy an enterprise) I did call to my remembrance, the Historie of Themystocles the Grecian, who (being a right noble and valiant Captaine) signified vnto his Countreymen the Citizens of Athens, that he had inuented a deuise for their common wealth very profitable: but it was of such importance and secrecie, that it ought not to be reuealed, before priuate conference had with some particular prudent person of their choyse. The Athenians knowing Aristides the Philosopher, to be a man indued with singular wisedome and vertue, made choyse of him to haue conference with Themystocles, and thereupon to yeelde his opinion to the Citizens concerning the said deuise: which was, that they might set on fire the Nauie of their enemies, with great facilitie, as he had layde the plot: Aristides made relation to the Citizens, that the stratageme deuised by Themystocles was a profitable practise for the common wealth but it was dishonest. The Athenians (without further demaund what the same was) did by common consent reiect and condemne it, preferring honest and vpright dealing before profite. By occasion of this Historie, I drewe my selfe into a more deepe consideration of this late vndertaken Voyage, whether it were as well pleasing to almightie God, as profitable to men; as lawfull, as it seemed honourable: as well gratefull to the Sauages as gainefull to the Christians. And vpon mature deliberation I found the action to be honest and profitable, and therefore allowable by the opinion of Aristides if he were now aliue: which being by me herein sufficiently prooued, (as by Gods grace I purpose to doe) I doubt not but that all good mindes will endeauour themselues to be assistants to this so commendable an enterprise, by the valiant and worthy Gentlemen our Countrey men already attempted and vndertaken. Now whereas I doe vnderstand that Sir Himfrey Gilbert his adherents, associates and friends doe meane with a conuenient supply (with as much speede as may be) to maintaine, pursue and follow this intended voyage already in part perfourmed, and (by the assistance of almightie God) to plant themselues and their people in the continent of the hither part of America, betweene the degrees of 30. and 60. of septentrionall latitude: Within which degrees by computation Astronomicall and Cosmographicall are doubtlesse to bee found all things that be necessarie, profitable, or delectable for mans life: The clymate milde and temperate, neyther too hote nor too colde, so that vnder the cope of heauen there is not any where to be found a more conuenient place to plant and inhabite in: which many notable Gentlemen, both [Marginal note: Englishmen, Msster Iohn Hawkins; Sir Francis Drake; M. Willliam Winter; M. Iohn Chester; M. Martin Frobisher; Anhony Parkhurst; William Battes; Iohn Louel; Dauid Ingram. Strangers, French, Iohn Ribault; Iaques Cartier; Andrew Theuet; Monsieur Gourgues: Monsieur Laudonniere. Italians, Christopher Columbus; Ioha Verazanus.] of our owne nation and strangers, (who haue bene trauailers) can testifie: and that those Countries are at this day inhabited with Sauages (who haue no knowledge of God:) Is it not therefore (I say) to be lamented, that these poore Pagans, so long liuing in ignorance and idolatry, and in sort thirsting after Christianitie, (as may appeare by the relation of such as haue trauailed in those partes) that our heartes are so hardened, that fewe or none can be found which will put to their helping hands, and apply themselues to the relieuing of the miserable and wretched estate of these sillie soules? Whose Countrey doeth (as it were with armes aduanced) aboue the climates both of Spaine and France, stretch out it selfe towards England only: In maner praying our ayde and helpe, as it is not not onely set forth in Mercators generall Mappe, but it is also found to be true by the discouerie of our nation, and other strangers, who haue oftentimes trauailed vpon the same coasts. [Sidenote: God doth not alwayes begin his greatest workes by the greatest persons.] Christopher Columbus of famous memorie, the first instrument to manifest the great glory and mercy of Almightie God in planting the Christian faith, in those so long vnknowen regions, hauing in purpose to acquaint (as he did) that renoumed Prince, the Queenes Majesties grandfather King Henry the seuenth, with his intended voyage for the Westerne discoueries, was not onely derided and mocked generally even here in England, but afterward became a laughing stocke to the Spaniards themselues, who at this day (of all other people) are most bounden to laude and prayse God, who first stirred vp the man to that enterprise. And while he was attending there to acquaint the King of Castile (that then was) with his intended purpose, by how many wayes and meanes was he derided? [Sidenote: His custome was to bowe himselfe very lowe in making of courtesie.] Some scorned the wildnesse of his garments, some tooke occasion to iest at his simple and silly lookes, others asked if this were he that lowts so lowe,[104] which did take vpon him to bring men into a Countrey that aboundeth with Golde, Pearle, and Precious stones? If hee were any such man (sayd they) he would cary another matter of countenance with him, and looke somewhat loftier. Thus some iudged him by his garments, and others by his looke and countenance, but none entred into the consideration of the inward man. [Sidenote: Hernando Cortes. Francisco Pizarro.] In the ende, what successe his Voyage had, who list to reade the Decades, the Historie of the West Indies, the conquest of Hernando Cortes about Mexico, and those of Francisco Pizarro in Peru about Casamalcha and Cusco may know more particularly. All which their discoueries, trauailes and conquests are extant to be had in the English tongue. This deuise was then accounted a fantasticall imagination, and a drowsie dreame. But the sequele thereof hath since awaked out of dreames thousands of soules to knowe their Creator, being thereof before that time altogether ignorant: And hath since made sufficient proofe, neither to be fantasticke nor vainely imagined. Withall, how mightily it hath enlarged the dominions of the Crowne of Spaine, and greatly inriched the subiects of the same, let all men consider. Besides, it is well knowen, that sithence the time of Columbus his first discouerie, through the planting, possessing, and inhabiting those partes, there hath bene transported and brought home into Europe greater store of Golde, Siluer, Pearle, and Precious stones, then heretofore hath bene in all ages since the creation of the worlde. I doe therefore heartily wish, that seeing it hath pleased almightie God of his infinite mercy, at the length to awake some of our worthy Countrey men out of that drowsie dreame, wherein we haue so long slumbered: That wee may now not suffer that to quaile for want of maintenance, which by these valiant Gentlemen our Countreymen is so nobly begun and enterprised. For which purpose, I haue taken vpon me to write this simple short Treatise, hoping that it shall be able to perswade such as haue bene, and yet doe continue detractors and hinderers of this iourney, (by reason perhaps that they haue not deliberately and aduisedly entred into the iudgement of the matter) that yet now vpon better consideration they will become fauourable furtherers of the same. And that such as are already well affected thereunto will continue their good disposition: [Sidenote: A reasonable request.] And withall, I most humbly pray all such as are no nigards of their purses in buying of costly and rich apparel, and liberall Contributors in setting forth of games, pastimes, feastings and banquets, (whereof the charge being past, there is no hope of publique profile, or commoditie) that henceforth they will bestowe and employ their liberality (heretofore that way expended) to the furtherance of these so commendable purposed proceedings. And to this ende haue I taken pen in my hand, as in conscience thereunto mooued, desiring much rather, that of the great multitude which this Realme doth nourish, farre better able to handle this matter then I my selfe am, it would haue pleased some one of them to haue vndertaken the same. But seeing they are silent, and that it falleth to my lotte to put pen to the paper, I will endeuour my selfe, and doe stand in good hope (though my skill and knowledge bee simple, yet through the assistence of almightie God) to probue that the [Sidenote: The argument of the booke.] Voyage lately enterprised, for trade, traffique, and planting in America, is an action tending to the lawfull enlargement of her Maiesties Dominions, commodious to the whole Realme in general, profitable to the aduenturers in particular, benefciall to the Sauages, and a matter to be atteined without any great danger or difficultie. And lastly, (which is most of all) A thing likewise tending to the honour and glory of Almightie God. And for that the lawfulnesse to plant in those Countreys in some mens iudgements seemeth very doubtfull, I will beginne the proofe of the lawfulnesse of trade, traffique, and planting. END OF VOL XII. APPENDICES. Appendices. I. Greenland. Greenland is an extensive country, the greater part of which belongs to Denmark, situated between Iceland and the continent of America. Its southern extremity, Cape Farewell, is situated in 59 deg. 49 min. N. lat, and 43 deg. 54 min. W. lon. The British Arctic expedition of 1876 traced; tee northern shores as far as Cape Britannia, in lat. 82 deg. 54 min. The German Arctic expedition of 1870 pursued the east coast as high as 77 deg. N., so that between Koldeway's furthest in 1870 and Beaumont's farthest in 1876 there remains an interval of more than 500 miles of the Greenland coast yet unexplored. The estimated area of the whole country is about 340,000 square miles. The outline forming the sea-coast of Greenland is in general high, rugged, and barren; close to the water's edge it rises into tremendous precipices and lofty mountains, covered with inaccessible cliffs, which may be seen from the sea at a distance of more than 60 miles. The vast extent of Greenland, together with its peculiar position between Europe and America, secures for it a very special interest. From its most northern discovered point, Cape Britannia, it stretches southward, in a triangular form, for a distance of 1500 miles. Its interior is nearly a closed book to us, but the coast has been thoroughly explored and examined on the western side from Cape Farewell to Upernavik, a distance of about 800 miles, as well as along the western shores of the channels leading from Smith's Sound; and from Cape Farewell to the Danebrog Islands and Cape Bismarck on the east side. These belts of coast line consist of the most glorious mountain scenery--lofty peaks, profound ravines, long valleys, precipices and cliffs, vast glaciers, winding fiords often running 100 miles into the interior, and innumerable islands. Greenland was discovered in 981 or 983 by an Icelander or Norwegian named Gunbiorn, and was soon afterwards colonized by a number of families from Iceland, of whom all historical traces soon disappeared; they appear to have formed their settlement on the western coast. The country was called Greenland because its southern extremity was first seen in spring-time, and presented a pleasing appearance, but it was speedily found to be little better than an icebound region. Davis rediscovered Greenland in his voyage, 1585-87; and in the beginning of the seventeenth century the Dutch government fined out several expeditions to re-establish a communication with the lost colony. II. Nenewfoundland. Newfoundland is, as it were, a stepping-stone between the Old World and the New. At its south-western extremity it approaches within 50 miles of the island of Cape Breton, while its most eastern projection is but 1640 miles distant from Ireland. Its population in 1881 was 161,384, and its area was estimated at 42,006 square miles; but, strange as it seems, up to the present time the interior is almost unknown, while the mere existence of certain splendid fertile valleys in portions of the island has only been discovered in quite recent times. The appearance of the coast is rocky and forbidding, but there are a great number of deep bays and fiords, containing magnificent harbours, and piercing the land for 80 or 100 miles, while the sides present varied scenes of beauty, such as are rarely surpassed in the world's most favoured lands. The effect of these inlets is to give the island the enormous coast line, compared to its area, of more than 2000 miles. The loftiest range of mountains, the Long Range, has a few summits of more than 2000 feet, but the elevations of the island rarely exceed 1500 feet. Lakes are very numerous. The mines are very valuable, and Newfoundland now ranks as the sixth copper-producing country in the world. Lead mines have also been discovered and worked. There is good reason for believing that gold and coal will yet be found. III. Polar Ice It is believed on good grounds of inference, but absolutely without positive evidence, that the south pole is covered with a great cap of ice, and some physiographers have gone so far as to assert its thickness as possibly six miles at the centre. But as to the ice of the north pole, thanks to the efforts to discover a north-west passage which showed us the breach in the wall of the polar fortress, we know very much more. Sir Edward Belcher encountered ice 106 feet thick drifting into and grounding on the shores of Wellington Channel. It was in Banks Strait that Sir Edward Parry was finally stopped by the great undulating floes, reaching 102 feet in thickness, that he tells us he had never seen in Baffin's Sea or in the land-locked channels the had left behind him, but which filled the whole sea before him. Such floes are the edge of a pack which we may conjecture extends uninterruptedly from shore to shore of the Polar Sea. IV. Icebergs Icebergs are masses of ice rising to a great height above the level of the sea, presenting a singular variety in form and appearance. They are masses broken off from glaciers, or from barrier lines of ice-cliff, and owe their origin to the circumstance of glaciers being in a continual state of progress. Glaciers reach the sea shore in many places in the Arctic regions. When pushed forward into deep water, vast masses are lifted up by their inherent buoyancy, and, broken off at the landward end, are borne away by the winds, or on tides and currents, to parts of the sea far removed from their place of formation. Owing to the expansion of water when freezing, and the difference in density between salt and fresh water, the usual relative density of sea water to an iceberg is as 1 to 91674, and hence the volume of ice below water is about nine times that above the surface. The largest icebergs are met with in the Southern Ocean; several have been ascertained to be from 800 to 1000 feet in height, and the largest are nearly three miles long. One was met with 20 deg. south of the Cape of Good Hope, between Marion and Bouvet Isles, which was 960 feet high, and therefore more than 9000 feet, or 1-3/4 mile in thickness. TABLE OF CONTENTS. VOL. XII. Dedication to Sir Robert Cecil I. The most ancient voyage and discouery of the West Indies performed by Madoc, Anno 1170. taken out of the history of Wales, &c. II. The verses of Meredith the sonne of Rhesus making mention of Madoc III. The offer of the discouery of the West Indies by Christoper Columbus to K. Henry the 7. February the 13. Anno 1488; with the Kings acceptance of the said offer IV. Another testimony concerning the foresaid offer made by Bartholomew Columbus to K. Henry the seuenth, on the behalfe of his brother Christopher Columbus V. The letters patents of K. Henry the 7. granted vnto Iohn Cabot and his 3. sonnes, Anno 1495 VI. The signed bill of K. Henry the 7. on the behalfe of Iohn Cabot VII. The voyage of Sebastian Cabota to the North part of America, for the discouery of a Northwest passage, as farre as 58. degrees of latitude, confirmed by 6. testimonies VIII. A briefe extract concerning the discouery of Newfoundland IX. The large pension granted by K. Edward the 6. to Sebastian Cabota, Anno 1549 X. A discourse written by sir Humfrey Gilbert knight, to prooue a passage by the Northwest to Cataya, and the East Indies XI. The first voyage of M. Martin Frobisher to the Northwest for the search of a passage to China, anno 1576 XII. The second voyage of M. Martin Frobisher to the West and Northwest regions, in the yeere 1577 XIII. The third and last voyage of M. Martin Frobisher for the discouery of a Northwest passage, in the yere 1578 XIV. Notes by Richard Hakluyt XV. Experiences and reasons of the Sphere to prooue all parts of the worlde habitable, and thereby to confute the position of the fiue Zones XVI. A letter of M. Martin Frobisher to certaine Englishmen, which were trecherously taken by the Saluages of Meta incognita in his first voyageo XVII. Articles and orders prescribed by M. Martin Frobisher to the Captaines and company of euery ship, which accompanied him in his last Northwestern voyage XVIII. A generall and briefe description of the country and condition of the people, which are founde in Meta incognita XIX. The letters patents of her Maiesty graunted to M. Adrian Gilbert and others for the search and discouery of a Northwest passage to China XX. The first voyage of M. Iohn Dauis for the discouery of a Northwest passage, 1585 XXI. The second voyage of M. Iohn Dauis for the discouery of the Northwest pass. 1586 XXII. A letter of M. I. Dauis to M. Wil. Sanderson of London, concerning, his second voyage XXIII. The voyage and course which the Sunshine and the Northstarre held, after M. I. Davis had sent them from him to discouer a passage betweene Greenland and Ise-land, 1587 XXIV. The third voyage of M. Iohn Dauis, 1587 XXV. A letter of M. Iohn Dams to M. Wil. Sanderson of London, concerning his 3. voyage XXVI. A trauerse booke of M. Iohn Dauis XXVII. A report of M. Iohn Dauis concerning his three voyages made for the discouery of the Northwest passage, taken out of a treatise of his intituled The worlds hydrographical description XXVIII. The voyage of M. Nicolas Zeno and M. Anthony his brother, to the yles of Frisland, etc., begun in the yeere 1380 XXIX. The voyage of two ships, for the discouery of the North parts XXX. The voyage of M. Hore, in the yere 1536 XXI. An act against the exaction of money, etc. made Anno 2. Edwardi sexti. XXXII. A letter written to M. Richard Hakluyt of the Midle Temple, by M. Antony Parkhurst, 1578 XXXIII. The letters patents granted by her Maiestie to sir Humfrey Gilbert knight, for inhabiting some part of America 1578 XXXIV. A Poeme written in Latine, concerning the voyage of sir Humfrey Gilbert XXXV. The voyage of Sir Humfrey Gilbert to Newfoundland, An. 1583 XXXVI. Orders agreed vpon by the Captaines and Masters, to bee obserued by the fleete of sir Humfrey Gilbert XXXVII. A briefe relation of Newfound-land, and the commodities thereof XXXVIII. A letter of the learned Hungarian Stephanus Parmenius Budeius to master Richard Hakluyt the collectour of these voyages XXXIX. A relation Of Richard Clarke of Weymouth master of the ship called the Delight. Part I. XL. Appendices Table of Contents FOOTNOTES: 1. Son of William Cecil, Lord Burleigh, minister of Elizabeth, and himself minister to the same queen and to James I. A clever but unscrupulous man, he was never popular, and his share in the fate of Essex and Raleigh has obscured his fame. He was created Earl of Salisbury. His secret correspondence is to be found in Goldsmid's Collectanea Adamantaea. Born 1565. Died 1612. 2. Hakluyt here merely condenses the researches of Grotius, who had published, in 1542, his famous but rare Tract "On the Origin of the Native American Races," a translation of which the present Editor issued in his "Bibliotheca Curiosa," Edinburgh, 1884. Hakluyt was evidently ignorant of Gunnbjorn's glimpse of a Western land in 876, of Eric the Red's discovery of Greenland about 985, of Bjarni's and Leif's discoveries, or indeed of any of the traditions of the Voyages of the Northmen, or he would certainly have included them in his Collection. Those who are interested in these matters should consult Wheaton's History of the Northmen, London, 1831; Antiquitates Americanæ, edited by the Royal Society of Northern Antiquarians, Hafniæ, 1837; The Discovery of America by the Northmen, by N. L. Beamish, London, 1841; Historia Vinlandiæ Antiquæ, by Thermodus Torfoeus, Hafniæ, 1705; and the edition of the Flateyan MSS., lately published at Copenhagen. 3. I have, to the best of my ability, in Vols. I. to XI. of this edition, arranged the contents of Hakluyt's first two volumes in the order he would have desired, had he not "lacked sufficient store." 4. The History of Wales, written by Caradoc of Llancarvan, Glamorganshire, in the British Language, translated into English by Humphrey Llwyd, and edited by Dr. David Powel in 1584, is the book here quoted. It is very rare. 5. If Madoc ever existed, it seems more probable that the land he discovered was Madeira or the Azores. Such at least is the view taken by Robertson, and also by Jeremiah Belknap (American Biography, 8vo, Boston, 1774). Southey founded one of his poems on this tradition. 6. In Welsh, Meridith ap Rhees. 7. Marginal note.--These verses I receiued of my learned friend M. William Camden. 8. The most interesting life of Columbus is that by Lamartine, a translation of which appeared in the "Bibliotheca Curiosa." 9. Nothing is known of Cabot's early years. In the Archives of Venice is the record of his naturalization, dated 28 March 1476, which shows he had lived there fifteen years. (Archives of Venice: Senato Terra, 1473-1477. Vol vii p. 109.) 10. This patent was granted in reply to the following application by John Cabot: "To the Kyng our Souvereigne lord, "Please it your highnes of your moste noble and haboundant grace to graunt vnto Iohn Cabotto, citezen of Venes, Lewes, Sebestyan and Sancto his sonneys your gracious lettres patentes vnder youir grete seale in due forme to be made accordying to the tenour hereafter ensuying. And they shall during their lyves pray to God for the prosperous continuance of your moste noble and royale astate long to enduer." (Public Records, Bill number 51.) Consult also Rymer's Foedera; London, 1727, folios 595-6. 11. Armed with this authority, John Cabot sailed from Bristol in the spring of 1497, with two ships, one being called the Matthew. (The History and Antiquities of the city of Bristol, by William Barrett, 1789). 12. In the National Library, Paris, is a large map of the world on the margin of which is written: "Sebastian Caboto capitan, y piloto mayor de la S. c c. m. del Imperador don Carlos quinto deste nombre, y rey nuestro sennor hizo esta figura extensa en plano, anno del nasciem de nro saluador Jesu Christo de m.d. xliii. annos, tirada por grados de latitud y longitud con sus uientos como carta de marear, imitando en parte al Ptolomeo, y en parte alos modernos descobridores, asi Espannoles como Portugueses, y parte por su padre, y por el descubierto." I give a facsmile of part of this map. As will be seen the words "Prima tierra vista" are opposite a cape about the 48th parallel, which would be Cape Breton. In a letter written to the Duke of Milan by Raimondo di Soncino, his minister in London, and dated the 18th Dec. 1497, a very interesting account is given of Cabot's voyage. Archives of Milan. Annuario scientifico, Milan, 1866 p 700. 13. Query, July. 14. J. B. Ramusio compiled in Italian a celebrated collection of maritime voyages. The most complete edition is formed by joining vol. I. of 1574 to vol. II. of 1555 and vol. III. of 1554. He died 1557, aged 72. 15. Ramosius has evidently mixed up the two voyages of John Cabot with those of his son. John's second and last voyage was in 1498, with five ships; though little is known of the result, that little has been collected by Mr. Weise in his "Discoveries of America." 16. A celebrated Icelandic astronomer, a disciple of Tycho-Brahe. The opinion here quoted appears in his _Specimen Historicorum Islandiæ et magnâ ex parte chorographicum_; Amsterdam, 1643. When aged 91, he is said to have married a young girl. Born 1545; died 1640. 17. An error for John Cabot 18. His _Chronicle of England and France_, by a London tradesman, was first printed in 1516. 19. This celebrated Antiquary was born in 1525. Originally a tailor, his tastes procured him the encouragement of Archbishop Parker and the Earl of Leicester. His principal works are _Flores Historiarum_ (1600) and his _Survey of London_, first published in 1598. Died a beggar in 1605. 20. If Cabot's discoveries extended from 38° to 58°, he cannot have gone south of Cape Hatteras, in North Carolina. 21. Gilbert was half brother to Sir Walter Raleigh. This "discourse" was published in 1576, and two years later be himself sailed on a voyage of discovery to Newfoundland, but on the return journey his ship foundered with all on board. 22. Luke Marinæus, chaplain to Charles V. author of _Obra de las cosas memorabiles de Espana_, Alcala, 1543; folio, the work here referred to. 23. Ficinus, (born 1433, died 1499); a protégé of the Medici, translated Plato and Plotinus. These translations will be found in his collected works, published at Bâle in 1591, 2 vols. folio. Herein he tries to prove Plato a Christian, as he also does in his _Thelogia Platonica_; Florence, 148; folio. The original editions of his works are extremely rare. 24. Crantor's opinion is only known to us by Cicero's refetence, his works being all lost. He flourished about 315 B.C. 25. Born in 412, at Constantinople. Studied at Alexandria and Athens, and succeeded Syrianus in the Neo Platonic School. Died 485, Several of his works are extant. 26. Philo of Alexandria was well versed in the philosophy of Plato, and tried to show its harmony with the books of Moses. A fine edition of his works was published in 1742, in 2 vols. folio, edited by Mangey. 27. Amerigo Vespucci, born at Florence, 1451, was sent by his father to Spain. Fired by the example of Columbus, he became a navigator, and made three voyages to the New World, which ultimately was named after him, though the honour should belong to Columbus. Died at Seville 1512. 28. It has also been supposed by many ancient writers that Atlantis was situated between the 20th and 30th degrees of north latitude, and the 40th and 60th degrees of west longitude, in that part of the Atlantic known as the Sargasso sea. 29. Born 1493; died 1541. He was the first to publish the Almagestes of Ptolemy in Greek at Bâle, 1538, folio. He was the friend of Luther and Melancthon. 30. The first Edition of his chronological tables is that of Berne, 1540. Little is known of him except that he was born at Rotweil in Germany and was a councillor of the city of Berne, in the library of which town is a unique copy of his History of Berne, 3 vols. folio, in German. 31. Guicciardini, the author of the celebrated _History of the events between_ 1494 _and_ 1532. 32. FRISIUS was born at Dorkum in Frisia, his real name being John Gemma. His map of the world was published in 1540. Died at Louvain in 1555. GASTALDUS was a Genoese and wrote many tracts on Geography. He was the father of Jerome Gastaldus, the author of a celebrated work on the Plague. TRAMASINUS was a celebrated Venetian printer of the 16th Century. ANDREAS VAVASOR is probably an error for Francis Vavasor, the Jesuit. MUNSTER, APPIANUS, PUTEANUS, PETER MARTYR, and ORTELIUS are well known, but HUNTERUS, DEMONGENITUS, and TRAMONTANUS are unknown to me. 33. Octher's voyage will be found in Vol. I., p. 51, of this Edition of Hakluyt. 34. See Vol. I. of this Edition of Halkluyt. 35. See Vol. II. p. 60 (note) of this Edition 36. Giovanni Verrzzani is evidently meant. A Florentine by birth, he entered the service of Francis I., and in 1524 discovered New France. An account of his travels and tragic death is to be found in Ramusius. In the Strozzi library, at Florence, a manuscript of Verazzani's is preserved. 37. Born at St Malo. Discovered part of Canada in 1534. His _Brief récit de la Navigation faite ès îles de Canada, Hochelage, Saguenay et autres_, was published at Paris in 1546, 8vo. 38. BAROS, who had been appointed treasurer of the Indies, wrote a _History of Asia and of India_ in 4 decades which were published between the years 1552 and 1602. It has been translated from Portuguese into Spanish, and considering that it contains many facts not to be found elsewhere, it is surprising that there should have been neither a French nor English Edition. Baros was born in 1496 and died in 1570. 39. This is probably an error for Peter Nonnius, professor of Mathematics at the University of Coimbra who published two books _De Arte Navigandi_ in 1573. 40. Little is known of this writer. He appears to have been the son of Jerome Fracastor, a Veronese who obtained a certain celebrity as a poet at the beginning of the 16th Century. 41. In a former passage it is stated that Cabot did not get beyond the 58th degree of latitude. 42. It is now well known that the diminished saltness of the sea off the Siberian coast is due to the immense masses of fresh water poured into it by the Ob, the Lena, and other Siberian rivers. 43. Either Salvaterra or the Frier must have possessed a vivid imagination. The former at any rate thoroughly took in Sir Humphrey Gilbert. 44. It seems very strange to us after the Northwest passage has been discovered by M'Clure in 1852 and the North East passage by Nordenskiold in 1879 to read the arguments by which each of the upholders of the two routes sought to prove that his opponent's contention was impossible. Of the two disputants we must confess that Jenkinson's views now appear the likeliest to be realised, for M'Clure only made his way from Behring Straits to Melville island by abandoning his ship and travelling across the ice, while Nordenskiold carried the Vega past the North of Europe and Siberia, returning by Behring's straits and the Pacific. 45. Cape Chudley. 46. Born near Doncaster. He made several attempts to find the Northwest passage. (See post.) In 1585 he accompanied Drake to the West Indies; assisted in defeating the Spanish Armada, and was mortally wounded in 1594 at the attack on Fort Croyzan, near Brest. Some relics of his Arctic expedition were discovered by Captain F. C. Hall in 1860-62, and described in his delightful book, "Life with the Esquimaux." 47. Midway between Orkney and Shetland. 48. Foula, the most westerly of the Shetlands, round in form, is 12 miles in circuit. 49. Esquimaux. 50. Far from coming from Newfoundland, this drift-wood is carried into the Arctic Ocean by the Yenisei and other large rivers of Siberia. 51. Contrary to the opinion of Mr. Weise, who insists that Friseland is Iceland, I am inclined to believe that the East coast of Greenland is meant. 52. Lieutenant Nansen's expedition across Greenland negatives this supposition, but the West coast is more habitable than the East. 53. Frobisher Bay: it is not a strait. Hall's _Island_ is Hall's Peninsula. 54. twisted 55. Long. From Saxon _sid_. (See BEN JONSON, _New Inn_, v. 1.) 56. Raisins. 57. In a very short time. Sometimes written _giffats_ 58. It is almost in the exact latitude of Gaboon Bay. 59. Our author is wrong. Morocco lies between the _annual_ Isothermal lines of 68º Fahr. (or 20 Cent.), whilst the mean temperature at the Equator was considered by Humboldt to be 81.4° Fahr. and by Atkinson (Memoirs of the Royal Astronomical Society) 84.5°. 60. Our author means the _fifth_ proposition of the _first_ book of Euclid, the celebrated _Pons Asinorum_. 61. John Holywood, so named after the place of his birth near York, after studying at Oxford, settled in Paris where he became famous. He died in 1256, leaving two works of rare power considering the century they were written in, viz, _de Spheri Mundi_, and _de Computo Ecclesiastico_. They are to be found in one volume 8vo, Paris, 1560. 62. John Gonzalvo d'Oviedo, born 1478. Was Governor of the New World, and wrote a _Summario de la Historia general y natural de las Indias Occidentales_. Best edition, _Salamanca_ 1535, and _Toledo_, 1536, folio. This is the work here quoted. 63. This is not the case. 64. Blank in original. 65. Kirkwall. 66. Blank in original. 67. Blank in original. 68. Probably a Narwal. 69. Good. 70. Blank in the original. 71. Blank in original. 72. Blank in original. 73. Blank in original. 74. Blank in original. 75. Blank in original. 76. Muddy. 77. Blank in original. 78. Blank in original. 79. Blank in original. 80. Blank in original. 81. South Equatorial Current. 82. Gulf Stream. 83. The elimination of salt from sea-water by cold was evidently unknown to the writer. 84. The writer was evidently not a convert to the System of Copernicus, but agreed with Ptolemy that the Heavens were solid and moved round the earth, which was the centre of the Universe. 85. _Pirrie_, a sudden storm at sea. According to Jamieson, _Pirr_, in Scotch, means a gentle breeze. "A pirrie came, and set my ship on sands." _Mirror for Magistrates_, p. 194. 86. _Yer_ = ere. 87. Sir Christopher Hatton. 88. Flat. 89. Thus the only result of Davis's Voyage was the discovery of the broad piece of water since known as Davis's Straits, extending between Greenland on the East and Cumberland Island on the West. It connects the Atlantic with Baffin's Bay. In the next voyage, Davis seems to have crossed the mouth of Hudson's Straits, without entering them. 90. The full text of Davis's account is given in Vol. vi., p. 250 of this Edition. 91. It seems probable that either Zeno was wrecked on one of the Shetlands, and that by _Sorani_ is meant Orkney, or that Iceland is the true Frisland. 92. Aveiro, province of Beira, 31 miles N.W. of Coimbra. 93. Viana do Castello, province of Minho, 40 miles N. of Oporto. 94. See Vol ix., p. 143 of this Edition. 95. (?) Chateau-Richer on the St. Lawrence, 15 miles below Quebec. 96. Near Cape Charles. 97. The St. Lawrence. 98. This refers to Gilbert's first voyage in 1578. 99. Causand. 100. The Newfoundland Banks are rather a submarine Plateau than banks in the ordinary sense. The bottom is rocky, and generally reached at 25 to 95 fathoms: length and breadth about 300 miles: the only shallow region in the Atlantic. 101. The cold on the coast is partly due to the quantities of ice descending from Baffin's Bay. 102. Maëlstrom. 103. Silver, and even gold, has been found in Newfoundland. 104. Bends.
10673 ---- This file was produced from images generously made available by the Canadian Institute for Historical Microreproductions. THE PRINCIPAL Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques, AND Discoveries OF THE ENGLISH NATION. Collected by RICHARD HAKLUYT, PREACHER AND Edited by EDMUND GOLDSMID, F.R.H.S. VOL. IX. ASIA. PART II. Nauigations, Voyages, Traffiques, and Discoueries OF THE ENGLISH NATION IN ASIA. CAPVT. 38. De territorio Cathay, et moribus Tartarorum. Totum Imperium Imperatoris Grand Can distinctum est in 12. magnas prouincias, iuxta numerum duodecim filiorum primi Genitoris Can, quarum quælibet in se continet circiter 6. millia ciuitatum, præter villas non numeratas quæ sunt Velut ábsque numero. Habent et singulæ prouinciæ regem principalem, hoc est 12. reges prouinciales, et horum quisque sub se reges Insularum plurimos, alij 50. alij centum, alij plures, qui omnes et singuli subiectissimè obediunt Grand Can Imperatori. Harum prouinciarum maior, et nobilior dícitur Cathay, qui consistit in Asia profunda. Tres enim sunt Asiæ, scilicet quæ profunda dicitur, et Asia dicta maior quæ nobis est satis propinquior et tertia minor intra quam est Ephesus beati Ioannis Euangelistæ sepultura, de qua habes in præcedentibus. Audistis statum magnatum et nobilium esse permagnificum, et gloriosum, sed sciatis longè secus esse apud communes et priuatos homines tam in ciuitatibus quam in forensibus totius Tartariae. In prouincijs autem Cathay habetur tantum de mercimonijs specierum, et de operibus sericosis; quòd multis facilius acquirere esset praetiosum indumentam, quàm camisium de lino. Vnde et quicunque sunt alicuius honestatis non carent desuper precioso vestimento. Omnes tam viri quam faemina similibus in forma vestibus inducuntur, videlicet valdè latis, et breuibus vsque ad genua cum apertura in lateribus quam firmant (dum volunt) ansis quibusdam, nam vtérque sexus est brachijs seu femoralibus plenè tectus. Nunquam vtuntur toga aut collobio, sed nec caputio vndè nec per aspectum indumentorum potest haberi differentia inter virum et mulierem innuptam. Sed nupta (vt supra dictum est) gestat per aliquod tegumentum in capite formam pedes viri. Nubit illic vir quotquot placet mulieribus, vt nonnulli habeant decem vel duodecim vxores aut plures. Nam quísque maritus iungitur licentèr cuilibet mulieri, exceptis matre, et amita, sorore, et filia. Sicut viri equitant, tendunt, et currunt per patriam pro negotijs sic et mulieres, quoniam et ipse operantur omnia ferè artificia mechanica sicut pannos et quicquid efficiter de panno, corio, sericoque, minantque carrucas, et vehicula, sed viri fabricant de ferro et de omni metallo, lapidibus atque ligno, nec vir nec mulier nobilis aut degener comedit vltra semel in die communiter. Multa nutriunt pecora sed nullos porcos, parum comeditur ibi de pane exceptis magnatibus et diuitibus, sed carnes edunt pecorum, bestiarum, et bestiolarum vtpote boum, ouium, caprarum, equorum, asinorum, canum, cattorum, murium, et rattorum, ius carnium sorbentes, et omnis generis lac bibentes. Nobiles autem bibunt lac equarum, seu lamentorum, pro nobilissimo potu et pauperes aquam bullitam cum modico mellis, quia nec vinum ibi habetur, nec ceruisia confictur: et multi ac plurimi fontes consulunt in sua siti, per villas, et rura. Domus, et habitacula rotundae sunt formae, compositae et contextae paruis lignis, et flexilibus virgulis, ad modum cauearum quas nos facimus pro auiculis, habentes rotundam in culmine aperturam praestantem duo beneficia habitationi, quoniam et ignis quem in medio domus constituunt, fumum emittit, et pro aspiciendo lumen immittit. Intrinsecus sunt parietes vndíque de filtro, sed et tectum filtreum est: has domus, dum locum habitandi mutare volunt, vel dum indiuitina expeditione procedunt, ducunt secum in plaustris quasi tentoria. Multas superuacuas obseruant ceremonias, quia respiciunt in vanitates et insanias falsas: solem et lunam praecipuè adorant, eisque frequentèr genua curuant, et ad nouilunium, quicquid est magni estimant inchoandum. Nullus omnino vtitur calcaribus in equitando, sed cogunt equum flagello scorpione, reputantes peccatum non leue si quis ad hoc flagellum appodiat, aut iumentum percuteret suo freno, pleráque similia, quæ parum aut nihil nocent, ponderant vt grauia, sicut imponere cultellum in igne, os osse confringere, lac seu aliud potabile in terram effundere, nec non et huiusmodi multa. [Sidenote: Mingere intra dominum peccatum capitale.] Sed super hæc, tenent pro grauiori admisso mingere intra domum quæ inhabitatur, et qui de tanto crimine proclamaretur assuetus, mitteretur ad mortem. Et de singulis necesse est vt confiteatur peccator Flamini suæ legis, et soluat summam pecuniarum delicti. Et si peccatum deturpationis habitaculi venerit in publicum, oportebit reconciliari domum per sacerdotem, priusquam vllus audebit intrare. Insuper et peccatorem necesse erit pertransire ignem, semel, bis, dut ter iuxta iudicium Flaminis, quatenus per ignis acrimoniam purgetur à tanti inquinatione peccati. Neminem hominum prohibent inter se habitare, sed indifferentèr receptant, Iudæos, Christiános, Saracenos, et homines cuiuscúnque nationis, vel legis, dicentes se satis putare suum ritum non ita securum ad salutem, nisi quandóque; traherentur ad ritum magis salutarem, quem tamen determinate nunc ignorant, imò multi de nobilibus sunt iam in Christianitate baptizati. Attamen qui illorum sunt curiales Imperatoris non vellent in palatio publicari. Poenè oblitus eram, quod nunc hic dico notandum, quia dum ab extra Imperium, quis veniens nuntius aut legatus cupit tradere proprijs manibus literas Imperatori [Marginal note: Seu Gubernatorum.], vel deponere coram illo mandata, non permittitur, donec prius in puris transeat liueas ad venum ad minus regurn pro sui purgatione, ne quid forsitan afferat cuius visu, vel odoratu seu tactu rex possit grauari. [Sidenote: Arma Tartarorum.] Porrò Tartari in præcincto expeditionis habent singuli duos arcus, cum magna pluralitate teloram: Nam omnes sunt sagittarij ad manum et cum rigida et longa lancea. Nobilis autem in equis preciosè phaleratis ferunt gladios, ver spatas breues et latas, scindentes pro vno latere, et in capitibus galeas, de corio cocto, non altas, sed ad capitis formara depressas. Quicúnque de suis fugerit de prælio, ipso facto conseriptus est, vt siquando inuentus fuerit occidatur. Si Castrum vel ciuitas obsessa se illis reddere voluerit, nullam acceptant conditionem nisi cum morte omnium inimicorum, vel si quis homo singularis se dederit victum nihilominus ábsque vlla miseratione occidunt, detruncantes illi protinus aures, quas postea coquentes, et in aceto (dum habuerint) ponentes mittunt inuicem ad conuiuia pro extremo ferculo: [Sidenote: Tartari retro sagittantes.] dumque ipsi in bellis arte fugam simulant, periculosum est eos insequi, quoniam iaciunt sagittas à tergo, quibus equos et homines occidere norunt. Et quando in prima acie comparant ad bellandum, mirabilitèr sese constringunt, vt media pars numeri eoram vix credatur. Generalitèr noueritis, omnes Tartaros habere paruos oculos, et modicam vel raram barbam: in proprijs locis raro inter se litigant, contendunt, aut pugnant, timentes legum pergraues emendas. Et inuenitur ibi rarius vespilio, latro, fur, homicida, iniurians, adulter, aut fornicarius, quia tales criminatores inuestigatione sollicita requiruntur, et sine redemptione aliqua perimuntur. Dum quis decumbit infirmus figitur lancea iuxta illum in terra, et cum appropinquauerit morti, nullus remanet ìuxta ipsum, cum verò mortuus esse scitur, confestim in campis, et cum lancea sepelitur. The English Version. And zee schulle undirstonde, that the empire of this gret Chane is devyded in 12 provynces; and every provynce hathe mo than 2000 cytees; and of townes with outen nombre. This contree is fulle gret. For it hathe 12 pryncypalle kynges, in 12 provynces. And every of tho kynges han many kynges undre hem; and alle thei ben obeyssant to the gret Chane. And his lond and his lordschipe durethe so ferre that a man may not gon from on hed to another, nouther be see ne lond, the space of 7 zeer. And thorghe the desertes of his lordschipe, there as men may fynde no townes, there ben innes ordeyned be every iorneye, to resceyve bothe man and hors; in the whiche thei schalle fynde plentee of vytaylle, and of alle thing, that hem nedethe, for to go be the contree. And there is a marveylouse custom in that contree, (but is profitable) that zif ony contrarious thing, that scholde ben preiudice or grevance to the Emperour, in ony kynde, anon the Emperour hathe tydynges there of and fulle knowleche in a day, thoughe it be 3 or 4 iorneys fro him or more. For his ambassedours taken here dromedaries or hire hors, and thei priken in alle that evere thei may toward on of the innes: and whan thei comen there, anon thei blowen an horne; and anon thei of the in knowen wel y now that there ben tydynges to warnen the Emperour of sum rebellyoun azenst him. And thanne anon thei maken other men redy, in alle haste that thei may, to beren lettres, and pryken in alle that evere thei may, tille thei come to the other innes with here lettres: and thanne thei maken fressche men redy, to pryke forthe with the lettres, toward the Emperour; whille that the laste bryngere reste him, and bayte his dromedarie or his hors. And so fro in to in, tille it come to the Emperour. And thus anon hathe he hasty tydynges of ony thing, that berethe charge, be his corrours, that rennen so hastyly, thorghe out alle the contree. And also whan the Emperour sendethe his corrours hastyly, thorghe out his lond, everyche of hem hathe a large thong fulle of smale belles; and whan thei neyghen nere to the innes of other corroures, that ben also ordeyned be the iorneyes, thei ryngen here belles, and anon the other corrours maken hem redy, and rennen here weye unto another in: and thus rennethe on to other, fulle spedyly and swyftly, till the Emperours entent be served, in alle haste. And theise currours ben clept chydydo, aftre here langage, that is to seye, a messagere. Also whan the Emperour gothe from o contree to another, as I have told you here before, and he passe thorghe cytees and townes, every man makethe a fuyr before his dore, and puttethe there inne poudre of gode gommes, that ben swete smellynge, for to make gode savour to the Emperour. And alle the peple knelethe doun azenst him, and don him gret reverence. And there where religyouse Cristene men dwellen, as thei don in many cytees in thei lond, thei gon before him with processioun with cros and holy watre; and thei seyngen, _Veni Creator, spiritus_, with an highe voys, and gon towardes him. And whan he herethe hem, he commaundethe to his lordes to ryde besyde him, that the religiouse men may come to him. And whan thei ben nyghe him, with the cros, thanne he dothe a down his galaothe, that syt upon his hede, in manere of a chapelet, that is made of gold and preciouse stone and grete perles. And it is so ryche, that, men preysen it to the value of a roialme, in that contre. And than he knelethe to the cros. And than the prelate of the religiouse men seythe before him certeyn orisouns, and zevethe him a blessynge with the cros: and he enclynethe to the blessynge fulle devoutly. And thanne the prelate zevethe him sum maner frute, to the nombre of 9, in a platere of sylver, with peres or apples or other manere frute. And he takethe on; and than men zeven to the othere lordes, that ben aboute him. For the custom is suche, that no straungere schalle come before him, but zif he zeve hym sum manere thing, aftre the olde lawe, that seythe, _Nemo accedat in conspectu meo vacuus_. And thanne the Emperour seythe to the religious men, that thei withdrawe hem azen, that thei ne be hurt ne harmed of the gret multytude of hors that comen behynde him. And also in the same maner don the religious men, that dwellen there, to the Emperesses, that passen by hem, and to his eldest sone; and to every of hem, thei presenten frute. And zee schulle undirstonde, that the people, that he hathe so many hostes offe, abouten hym and aboute his wyfes and his sone, thei dwelle not contynuelle with him: but alle weys, whan him lykethe, thei ben sent fore; and aftre whan thei han don, thei retournen to hire owne housholdes; saf only thei that ben dwellynge with hym in houshold, for to serven him and his wyfes and his sones, for to governen his houshold. And alle be it, that the othere ben departed fro him, aftre that thei han perfourmed hire servyse, zit there abydethe contynuelly with him in court, 50000 men at horse, and 200000 men a fote; with outen mynstrelles, and tho that kepen wylde bestes and dyverse briddes, of the whiche I have tolde zou the nombre before. Undre the firmament, is not so gret a lord, ne so myghty, ne so riche, as the gret Chane: nought Prestre Johan, that is Emperour of the highe Ynde, ne the Sowdan of Babylone, ne the Emperour of Persye. Alle theise ne ben not in comparisoun to the grete Chane; nouther of myght, ne of noblesse, ne of ryaltee, ne of richesse: for in alle theise, he passethe alle erthely princes. Wherfore it is gret harm, that he belevethe not feithfully in God. And natheles he wil gladly here speke of God; and he suffrethe wel, that Cristene men duelle in his lordschipe, and that men of his feythe ben made Cristene men, zif thei wile, thorghe out alle his contree. For he defendethe no man to holde no lawe, other than him lykethe. In that contree, sum man hathe an 100 wyfes, summe 60, mo, somme lesse. And thei taken the nexte of hire kyn, to hire wyfes, saf only, that thei out taken hire modres, hire doughtres, and hire sustres on the fadir syde, of another womman, thei may wel take; and hire bretheres wyfes also aftre here dethe; and here step modres also in the same wyse. Of the Lawe and customs of the Tartarienes, duellynge in Chatay; and how that men don, whan the Emperour schal dye, and how he schal be chosen. [Sidenote: Cap. XXIII.] The folk of that contree usen alle longe clothes, with outen furroures. And thei ben clothed with precious clothes of Tartarye; and of clothes of gold. And here clothes ben slytt at the syde; and thei ben festned with laces of silk. And thei clothen hem also with pylches, and the hyde with outen. And thei usen nouther cappe ne hood. And in the same maner as the men gon, the wommen gon; so that no man may unethe knowe the men fro the wommen, saf only tho wommen, that ben maryed, that beren the tokne upon hire hedes of a mannes foot, in signe that thei ben undre mannes fote and undre subieccioun of man. And here wyfes ne dwelle not to gydere but every of hem be hire self. And the husbonde may ligge with whom of hem, that him lykethe. Everyche hathe his hous, bothe man and womman. And here houses ben made rounde of staves; and it hathe a rounde wyndowe aboven, that zevethe hem light, and also that servethe for delyverance of smoke. And the helynge of here houses, and the wowes and the dores ben alle of wode. And whan thei gon to werre, thei leiden hire houses with hem, upon chariottes; as men don tentes or pavyllouns. And thei maken hire fuyr, in the myddes of hire houses. And thei han gret multytude of alle maner of bestes, saf only of swyn: for thei bryngen non forthe. And thei beleeven wel, o God, that made and formede alle thinges. And natheles zit han thei ydoles of gold and sylver, and of tree, and of clothe. And to tho ydoles, thei offren alle weys hyre first mylk of hire bestes, and also of hire metes, and of hire drynkes, before thei eten. And thei offren often tymes hors and bestes. And the clepen the God of Kynde, Yroga. And hire Emperour also, what name that evere behave, thei putten evermore therto Chane. And whan I was there, hire Emperour had to name Thiaut; so that he was clept Thiaut Chane. And his eldeste sone was clept Tossue. And whanne he schalle ben emperour, he schalle ben clept Tossue Chane. And at that tyme, the Emperour hadde 12 sones, with outen him; that were named, Cuncy, Ordii, Chahaday, Buryn, Negu, Nocab, Cadu, Siban, Cuten, Balacy, Babylan and Garegan, And of his 3 wyfes, the firste and the pryncypalle, that was Prestre Johnes doughtre, hadde to name Serioche Chan; and the tother Borak Chan; and the tother Karanke Chan. The folk of that contree begynnen alle hire thinges in the newe mone: and thei worschipen moche the mone and the sonne, and often tyme knelen azenst hem. And alle the folk of the contree ryden comounly with outen spores: but thei beren alle weys a lytille whippe in hire hondes, for to chacen with hire hors. And thei had gret conscience, and holden it for a gret synne, to casten a knyf in the fuyr, and for to drawe flessche out of a pot with a knyf, and for to smyte an hors with the handille of a whippe, or to smyte an hors with a brydille, or to breke o bon with another, or for to caste mylk or ony lykour, that men may drynke, upon the erthe, or for to take and sle lytil children. And the moste synne, that ony man may do, is to pissen in hire houses, that thei dwellen in. And who so that may be founden with that synne, sykerly thei slen hym. And of everyche of theise synnes, it behovethe hem to ben schryven of hire prestes, and to paye gret somme of silver for hire penance. And it behovethe also, that the place, that men han pissed in, be halewed azen; and elles dar no man entren there inne. And whan thei han payed hire penance, men maken hem passen thorghe a fuyr or thorghe 2, for to clensen hem of hire synnes. And also whan ony messangere comethe and bryngethe lettres or ony present to the Emperour, it behovethe him, that he with the thing that he bryngethe, passe thorghe 2 brennynge fuyres, for to purgen hem, that he brynge no poysoun ne venym, ne no wykked thing, that myght be grevance to the lord. And also, zif ony man or womman be taken in avowtery or fornycacyoun, anon thei sleen him. Men of that contree ben alle gode archeres, and schooten right welle, bothe men and women, als wel on hors bak, prykynge, as on fote, rennynge. And the wommen maken alle thinges and alle maner mysteres and craftes; as of clothes, botes and other thinges; and thei dryven cartes, plowes and waynes and chariottes; and thei maken houses and alle maner of mysteres, out taken bowes and arwes and armures, that men maken. And alle the wommen weren breech, as wel as men. Alle the folk of that contree ben fulle obeyssant to hire sovereynes; ne thei fighten not ne chiden not, on with another. And there ben nouther thefes ne robboures in that contree; and every man worschipethe othere: but no man there dothe no reverence to no straungeres, but zif thei ben grete princes. And thei eten houndes, lyounes, lyberdes, mares and foles, asses, rattes and mees, and alle maner of bestes, grete and smale; saf only swyn, and bestes that weren defended by the olde lawe. And thei eaten alle the bestes, with outen and with inne, with outen castynge awey of ony thing, saf only the filthe. And thei eten but litille bred, but zif it be in courtes of grete lordes. And thei have not, in many places, nouther pesen ne benes, ne non other potages, but the brothe of the flessche. For littile ete thei ony thing, but flessche and the brothe. And whan thei han eten, thei wypen hire hondes upon hire skirtes: for thei use non naperye, ne towaylles, but zif it be before grete lordes: but the common peple hathe none. And whan thei han eten, thei putten hire dissches unwasschen in to the pot or cawdroun, with remenant of the flessche and of the brothe, till thei wole eten azen. And the ryche men drynken mylk of mares or of camaylles or of asses or of other bestes. And thei wil ben lightly dronken of mylk, or of another drynk, that is made of hony and of watre soden to gidre. For in that contree is nouther wyn ne ale. Thei lyven fulle wrecched liche; and thei eten but ones in the day, and that but lyttle, nouther in courtes ne in other places. And in soothe, o man allone in this contree wil ete more in a day, than on of hem will ete in 3 dayes. And zif ony straunge messagre come there to a lord, men maken him to ete but ones a day, and that fulle litille. And whan thei werren, thei werren fulle wisely, and alle weys don here besynes, to destroyen hire enemyes. Every man there berethe 2 bowes or 3, and of arwes gret plentee, and a gret ax. And the gentyles han schorte speres and large, and fulle trenchant on that o syde: and thei han plates and helmes, made of quyrboylle; and hire hors covertoures of the same. And who so fleethe fro the bataylle, thei sle him. And whan thei holden ony sege abouten castelle or toun, that is walled and defensable, thei behoten to hem that ben with inne, to don alle the profite and gode, that it is marveylle to here: and thei graunten also to hem that ben with inne, alle that thei wille asken hem. And aftre that thei ben zolden, anon thei sleen hem alle, and kutten of hire eres, and sowcen hem in vynegre, and there of thei maken gret servyse for lordes. Alle here lust and alle here ymaginacioun, is for to putten alle londes undre hire subieccioun. And thei seyn, that thei knowen wel be hire prophecyes, that thei schulle ben overcomen by archieres, and be strengthe of hem: but they knowe not of what nacioun, ne of what lawe thei schulle ben offe, that schulle overcomen hem. And therfore thei suffren, that folk of alle lawes may peysibely duellen amonges hem. Also whan thei wille make hire ydoles, or an ymage of ony of hire frendes, for to have remembrance of hym, thei maken alle weys the ymage alle naked, with outen any maner of clothinge. For thei seyn, that in gode love scholde be no coverynge, that man scholde not love for the faire clothinge, ne for the riche aray, but only for the body, suche as God hathe made it, and for the gode vertues that the body is endowed with of nature; but only for fair clothinge, that is not of kyndely nature. And zee schulle undirstonde, that it is gret drede for to pursue the Tartarines, zif thei fleen in bataylle. For in fleynge, thei schooten behynden hem, and sleen bothe men and hors. And whan thei wil fighte, thei wille schokken hem to gidre in a plomp; that zif there be 20000 men, men schalle not wenen, that there be scant 10000. And thei cone wel wynnen lond of straungeres, but thei cone not kepen it. For thei han grettre lust to lye in tentes with outen, than for to lye in castelle or in townes. And thei preysen no thing the wytt of other naciouns. And amonges hem, oyle of olyve is fulle dere: for thei holden it for fulle noble medicyne. And alle the Tartarienes han smale eyen and litille of berd, and not thikke hered, but schiere. And thei ben false and traytoures: and thei lasten noghte that thei behoten. Thei ben fulle harde folk, and moche peyne and wo mow suffren and disese, more than ony other folk: for thei ben taughte therto in hire owne contree, of Zouthe: and therfore thei spenden, as who seythe, right nought. And whan ony man schalle dye, men setter a spere besyde him: and whan he drawethe towardes the dethe, every man fleethe out of the hous, tille he be ded; and aftre that, thei buryen him in the feldes. CAPVT. 39. De sepultura Imperatoris Grand Can, et creatione successoris. Imperator Grand Can postquam eius cognita fuerit defunctio defertur mox à paucis viris in parco palatij, ad præuisum locum vbi debeat sepeliri. Et nudato prius toto illo loco à graminibus cum cespite figitur ibi tentorium, in quo velut in solio regali de ligno corpus defuncti residens collocatur, paraturque mensa plena coram eo cibarijs præciosis, et potu de lacte iumentorum. Instabulatur ibi et equa cum suo pullo, sed et ipse albus, nobilitèr phaleratus, et onustatus certo pondere auri et argenti. Et est totum Tentorij pauimentum de mundo stramine stratum. Tuncque effodiunt in circuitu fossam latam valdè, et profundam vt totum tentorium cum omnibus contentis descendat in illam. Eoque facto ita equalitèr terram planificantes adoperiunt graminibus, vt in omni tempore locus sepulturæ non valeat apparere. Et quoniam ignorantiæ nubilo turpiter excæcati putant in alio seculo homines delectationibus frui, dicunt quòd tentorium erit ei pro hospitio, cibi ad edendum, lac ad potandum, equus ad equitandum, aurum et argentum ad respiciendum, sed et equa lac sempèr præstabit, et pullos equinos successiue generabit. Post has itaque Imperatoris defuncti miseras exequias, nullus omnino audebit de ipso loqui coram vxoribus et filijs, et propinquis, sed nec nominare, quia per hoc putarent derogari paci, et quieti illius, qua non dubitant eum dominari, in maiori satis gloria Paradisi quam hic stetit. Igitur Imperatore Grand Can sepulto obliuioni tradito, conueniunt quàm citò nobiles de septem tribubus prouinciæ Cathay, et cui Imperium ex propinquitate competit, dicunt sic. Ecce volumus, ordinamus, atque precamur, vt sis noster Dominus et Imperator. Qui respondet Si vultis me super vos, sicut et iuris mei est, imperare, oportebit vos fore mihi obedientes tam ad mortem quàm ad vitam. Et respondentes dicunt. Nos faciemus quicquid praeceperitis. Túncque Imperator addit hæc verba: Ergo scitote, quod ex nunc verbum meum acutum et scindens erit vt meus ensis: [Sidenote: i. cathedra.] Pergit quóque sessum in suo Philtro nigro super pauimentum in conspectu throni expanso, et cum ipso Philtro eleuatur ab omnibus, et infertur Imperij solio, ac coronatur diademate præcedentis Imperatoris. De inde singuli principes, et singuæ ciuitates, oppida, et villæ per vniuersum imperium mittunt ei munera iocalia, vasa, pannos, equos, elephantes, aurum, argentum, et lapides preciosos, quorum, qualium, et quantorum vix vel in numero haberi potest aestimatio. CAPVT. 40. De multis regionibus Imperio Tartariae subiectis. Breuitèr et nunc intendo cursum describere aliquarum magnarum regionum et Insularum Imperij Tartariæ. Et primò illas quæ descendunt à prouincia Cathay per septentrionalem plagam, vsque ad fines Christianitatis Prussiae, et Russiae. Ergò prouincia Cathay descendens in sui oriente à regno Tharsis iungitur ab occidente regno Turquescen, in quo et sunt plurimae ciuitates, quarum formosior dicitur Octopar. Ipsum autem Turquescen regnum iungitur ad occidentem sui regno, seu Imperio. Persiae, et ad septentrionem regno Corasinae, quod spaciosum este valde, habens versus orientem sui vltra centum diaetas deserti: hoc regnum est multis bonis abundans, et appellatur eius melior ciuitas etiam Corasine. Isti quoque regno iungitur in occidente versus partes nostras regnum Commanorum, quod et similiter longum est, et latum, sed in paucis sui locis inhabitatum: Nam in quibusdam est frigus nimium, in alijs nimius calor, et in nonnullis nimia muscarum multitudo. De istis Commanis venit olim fugata quædam pluralitas populi vsque in terram Ægypti quae ibidem succreta nunc ita inualuit, vt suppressis indigenis videatur regnare: Nam et de seipsis constituerunt hunc, qui modo est Soldanus, Melech Mandibron. Per Commanorum regnum decurrit Grandis fluuius Echil, qui omni hyemali tempore in magna spissitudine gelatur; in superiori quoque parte huius regni inter duo freta Caspiæ, et Oceani, mons sublimis est valde Chocas. Nota quod à nostris partibus non possit vsque in Indiam superiorem duci magnus exercitus per terras, nisi per tres tantummodo transitus, quorum iste est vnus, qui tamen non valet transiri nisi tempore glaciei, et hic appellatus est Lodekonc. Alter per Turquescen, et per Persiam, tamen ibi sunt deserta plurium dietarum, in quibus nisi esset exercitus bene prouisus, posset perire. Tertius ad primos fines regni Commanorum, transfretando tamen mare vsque in regnum Abchaz: principalis ciuitas Commanorum dicitur Sarach. Ab hoc regno versus partes nostras inuenitur regio Laiton quae est vltima paganismi, iungitur iste finis terræ Christianitatitis regno Prussiæ, et Russiæ. Post potestatem Imperij Tartariæ descendendo à prouincia Cathay in Australem plagam venitur versus Persiam, Syriam, et Greciam. Versus terram Christianorum possum aliqualiter in summa (quantum conuenit huic scripto) connotare. Dixi supra iam prouinciam Cathay iungi regno Turquescen ad occidentem, et illud quòque iungi regno seu Imperio Persiæ. Ad quod sciendum, quamuis rex Persiæ habet etiam ab olim nomen Imperatoris; quia (cum tenet aliquas terras sui Imperij ab Imperatore Tartarorum) necesse est vt in tanto subiectus sit illi. Sunt autem in Persia duæ regiones: vna altæ Persiæ, quæ à regno Turquescen descendens, iungitur ad occidentem sui fluuis Pyson. In ista habentur renominatæ ciuitates, quarum meliores duæ dicuntur Bocura et Seonargant, quam aliqui appellant Samarkand. Et altera Regio bassæ Persiæ, descendens à flumine Pyson, qui ad sui occidentem iungiter regno Mediæ et terræ minoris Armeniæ, et ad Aquilonem mari Caspio, et ad Austrum terræ minoris Indiæ. In hac bassa Persia tres principaliores ciuitates sunt Aessabor, Saphaon, Sarmasaule. In terra autem maioris Armeniæ quondam habebantur quatuor regna quæ nunc dicuntur subesse Imperio Persarum, habétque famam terræ nobilis, et ad occidentem sui iungitur Regno Turciæ. Hec Armenia multas valdè bonas continet ciuitates, quarum famosior est Taurisa. Regnum Mediæ quod subest Regi Persarum quamuis non latum est, tamen longum est, et ad occidentem sui regno Chaldeæ coniunctum. In Media meliores duæ ciuitates sunt, Seras, et Keremen. [Sidenote: Georgia. Abchas, aliàs Alchaz.] Hinc ad occidentem sui, iuncta est regio Georgiæ, quæ modo constat diuisa in duo regna: Nam pars superior, quæ iungitur Mediæ, reseruauit sibi nomen Georgiæ, sed inferior pars dicitur regnum Abchaz. Ambo hæc regna, et regis eorum, sunt de fide Christiana, et homines ita deuoti vt ad minus semel in hebdomada communicent sacramentis, iuxta ritum Græcorum confectis. Et quidem regnum Georgiæ subiacet imperio Grand Can: sed Abchaz nunquam ab ipso Imperatore Tartariæ, neque Persarum, neque Medorum domino subdi potuit, eo quòd munitum est aquis et rupibus et alijs prouisionibus contra impugnationes hostiles. [Sidenote: In parte regni Georgiæ sunt tenebrae.] Iuxta hoc regnum Abchaz habetur vnum minum et mirabile, nam magnus est territorij locus dictus Hamson, et continens in circuitu spacium viæ quatuor diætarum: videter semper opertus tenebris densis vt nemo audeat illic intrare profundè, quoniam si qui presumpserint, non sunt visi reuerti. Attamen fatentur vicini sub illis se tenebris audisse nonnunquam clamores hominum, hinnitus, mugitus, rugitus, et boatus pecudum, et bestiarum, sed et cantus gallorum, vt per hæc et alia signa constet ibi habitare gentes: nam et fluuius decurrens monstrat signa sæpè certissima in suo exitu: ignoratur tamen si tenebræ per totum territorium sint eiusdem densitatis, an forte sint in circuitu per aliquod spacium, et intrinsecus plus luminosum. Dicuntur autem tenebræ istæ olim per diuinum miraculum aduenisse. Saboere enim Imperatore Persarum, circa annum Gratiæ ducentessimum quinquagessimum in persecutione Christianorum tendente cum pleno exercitu per hunc locum, et Christianis tyrannidem eius fugientibus, contigit ex improuiso eos ità arctari, vt se effugere desperarent, quapropter statim ad orationis refugium omnes se sternentes clamauerunt ad Christum auxiliatorem suum: Et deus, qui pro puro corde Christianos ad se orantes semper exaudit, expleuit illic literam vaticinij Isaiæ: quia ecce tenebræ operient terram et caligo populos, monstrans per tenebram terrenam, quam eis superduxit, quas passuri essent inimici nominis Christi tenebras infernales, indicansque per temporalem vitam, quam sibi fidelibus conseruauit, eam quam possessuri sunt viri Christiani vitam perpetuam, et coelestem. Itaque hoc regnum Abchaz ad occidentem sui iungitur regno Turciæ, quod in longo et lato valdè extensum multas continet prouincias scilicet Iconiæ, Cappadociæ, Sauræ, Brike, Besicon, Patan, et Gennoch; hij omnes Turci, cum tota Syria et Arabia vsque ad Galliziam Hispaniæ, subsunt Imperatori Babyloniæ Soldano, et sunt in singulis prouinciis et regionibus ciuitates magnæ, ac multæ nimis. Consequentèr huic regno Turciæ ad Occidentem sui in ciuitate Cathasa [Marginal note: Vel Sathata.] iungitur per mare Greciæ superior pars potestatis Imperatoris Constantinopolitani, et quasi ad Aquilonem contiguatur regno Syriæ: cuius vna prouincia est terra promissionis, prout hoc satis dictum est suprà. Sunt et aliæ terre, et Insulæ, et patriæ latæ, et spatiosæ, continentes in se multa regna, et reges, et gentes diuersas, de quibus nunc per singula pertractare non est consilij. Ad supradictam Chaldæam iungitur Mesopotamia, et minor Armenia, et velut ad Austrum eius Æthiopia, Mauritania, Lybia alta et bassa, et Nubia. [Sidenote: Extensio Imperij Grand Can.] Excepto ergò duntaxat districtu Imperij Persiæ, et potestate Soldani, omnes sæpè pertractatæ terræ, regiones, regna et Insulæ descendendo tam par Aquilonem, quam ad Austrum à prouincia Cathay, vsque ad Christianitatem sunt de Imperio Tartariæ Grand Can. [Sidenote: Distantia à Roma ad Cathayam per Institores.] Et notandum de spacio distantiæ, quod institores de Roma, vel Venetia festinantes tam per terras, quàm per mare, expendunt de tempore 11. menses, et quandoque duodecim, priusquam in Cathay valeant peruenire. Hijs itaque visis describam saltem aliquas à prouincia Cathay in orientem terras Imperij Tartarorum. [Sidenote: Cadilla Regio orientalior Cathay. Angli nostri hanc bestiolam nuper viderunt in Persia.] Illic habetur regio Cadilla spaciosa multum, simul et speciosa: crescunt namque in ea fructus ad quantitatem magnorum Cawardorum, in quibus inuenitur vna bestiola, in carne et sanguine ad formam agnelli absque lana, et manducatur totus fructus cum bestiola. Sunt et alij plures diuersi fructus, quorum penes nos non est respectus nec vsus. Nam et sunt ibi nonnullæ speciales vites ferentes botros incredibiliter magnos, quorum vnum vix virilis vir valet in hasta portare. Et deinde in meridiem per aliquas diætas, potest perueniri ad primas Caspiæ alpes, quæ descendendo descendunt vsque ad Amazoniam, insulam mulierum, de qua tractatum est. Inter has Alpes retinetur maxima multitudo Iudæorum decem tribum Israel, per Dei voluntatem ita inclusa, vt in copiosa numerositate non possint à nostra parte exire, quamuis aliqui pauci nonnunquam sunt visi transisse. Haberent autem competentem exitum circa insulam Amazoniæ, sed illum diligenter regina obseruat. [Sidenote: Bacchariæ Regnum vel Boghariæ.] Porrò de regione Cadilla in orientem venitur ad regnum Backariae, in qua mali et multum crudeles habitant homines, nec est securum itinerare per illam, quòd ad modicam occasionem (si Deus non conseruaret) occiderent viatorem et manducarent. [Sidenote: Arbor Lanifera.] Illic sunt arbores ferentes lanam velut ouium, ex qua texunt pannos ad vestimenta. Hypocentauri sunt ibi pro media superiori parte in forma humana, et pro inferiori figura equorum, seu taurorum, venantes in terris, et piscantes in aquis quod comedunt, et super omnia carnes hominum, quos capere possunt. [Sidenote: Gryphones, de quibus Paulus Venetæ] Nec non et gryphi illic apparent pro media posteriori parte in forma leonis, pro anteriori in forma aquilæ. Sed sciatis, corpus magni gryphi maius esse octo leonibus de partibus istis. Nam postquam equum, bouem vel hominem, etiam asinum occiderit, leuat et asportat pleno volatu: tanquam cornua bouis aut vaccae sunt illi vngulæ, de quibus etiam fieri solent ciphi ad bibendum, qui plurimùm reputantur preciosi. Fiunt quóque de pennis alarum eius arcus rigidi, et fortes ad iaciendum missilia et sagittas. Ad istius regni Baccariae extremitates in Orientum finitur terra potestatis Grand Can: Et iungitur ei terra potestatis magni Imperatoris Indiæ, qui semper vocatur Præsbyter Ioannes. Notandum, quoties per prouincias totius Imperij Grand Can, quicquam accidit, quod Imperatorem non oportet latere, confestim mittuntur per reges aut barones nuncij in dromedarijs aut equis, qui celerrimè festinant ad certa hospitia, ad hoc ipsum, velut ábsque numero per imperium instituta: Isque nuncius hospitio appropinquans, et cornu resonans, dum auditor paratur minicius alter, qui de manu suscipiens literas, per recentem dromedarium festinat ad aliud hospitium, et sic in breui tempore perferuntur rumores ad curia aures. [Sidenote: Cursores, Chidibo Tartaricè dicti.] Similique modo nuncij pedites permutantur de hospitio in hospitium, vt citiùs percipiatur negocium huius nuncij: appellantur sua lingua Chidibo. [Sidenote: Charita Mandeuilli.] Ergò per præmissa satis elucet magnam esse nobilitatem, potestatem, reuerentiam, et dominationem Imperatoris Tartariæ Grand Can de Cathay, et quòd nullus ab ista parte Imperator nec Persiæ, nec Babylonia, nec Greciæ, sed nec Romæ est illi comparandus. Vndè et multum miserandum est, quia ipse cùm toto Imperio nec est fide Catholica illustratus, nec salutari lauachro regeneratus: et hoc oremus vt in breui eueniat, per Iesum Christum Dominum nostrum. Explicit pars secunda huius opens. The English Version. And whan the emperour dyethe, men setten him in a chayere in myddes the place of his tent: and men setten a table before him clene, covered with a clothe, and there upon flesche and dyverse vyaundes, and a cuppe fulle of mares mylk: And men putten a mare besyde him, with hire fole, and an hors saddled and brydeled; and thei leyn upon the hors gold and silver gret quantytee: and thei putten abouten him gret plentee of stree: and than men maken a gret pytt and a large; and with the tent and alle theise other thinges, then putten him in erthe. And thei seyn, that whan he schalle come in to another world, he schalle not ben with outen an hows, ne with owten hors, ne with outen gold and sylver: and the mare schalle zeven him mylk, and bryngen him forthe mo hors, tille he be wel stored in the tother world. For thei trowen, that aftre hire dethe, thei schulle be etynge and drynkynge in that other world, and solacynge hem with hire wifes, as thei diden here. And aftre tyme, that the emperour is thus entered, no man schalle be so hardy to speke of him before his frendes, And zit natheles somtyme fallethe of manye, that thei maken hem to ben entered prevylly be nyghte, in wylde places, and putten azen the grasse over the pytt for to growe: or elle men coveren the pytt with gravelle and sond, that no man schalle perceyve where, ne knowe where the pytt is, to that entent, that never aftre, non of his frendes schulle han mynde ne rememberance of him. And thanne thei seyn, that he is ravissht in to another world where he is a grettre lord, than he was here. And thanne aftre the dethe of the emperour, the 7 lynages assemblen hem to gidere, and chesen his eldest sone, or the nexte aftre him, of his blood: and thus thei seye to him; wee wolen and wee preyen and ordeynen, that zee ben oure lord and oure emperour. And thanne he answerethe, zif yee wile, that I regne over zou, as lord, do eyeryche of zou, that I schalle commanden him, outher to abyde or to go; and whom soever that I commaunde to ben slayn, that anon he be slayn. And thei answeren alle with o voys, what so evere zee commanden, it schalle be don. Thanne seythe the emperour, now undirstondethe wel, that my woord from hens forthe, is scharp and bytynge as a swerd. After men setten him upon a blak stede, and so men bryngen him to a cheyere fulle richely arrayed, and there thei crownen hym. And thanne alle the cytees and gode townes senden hym ryche presentes; so that at that iourneye, he schalle have more than 60 chariottes charged with gold and sylver, with outen jewelles of gold and precyouse stones, that lordes zeven hym, that ben withouten estymacioun: and with outen hors and clothes of gold and of Camakaas and Tartarynes, that ben with outen nombre. Of the Roialme of Thurse and the Londes and Kyngdomes towardes the Septentrionale parties, in comynge down from the Lond of Cathay. This lond of Cathay is in Asye the depe. And aftre, on this half, is Asyetthe more. The kyngdom of Cathay marchethe toward the west, unto the kyngdom of Tharse; the whiche was on of the kinges, that cam to presente our Lord in Betheleem. And thei that ben of the lynage of that kyng, arn somme Cristene. In Tharse, thei eten no flessche, ne thei drynken no wyn. And on this half, towardes the west, is the kyngdom of Turquesten, that strecchethe him toward the west, to the kyngdom of Persie; and toward the Septrentionalle, to the kyngdom of Chorasme. In the contre of Turquesten, ben but fewe gode cytees: but the beste cytee of that lond highte Octorar. There ben grete pastures; but fewe Coornes; and therfore, for the most partie, thei ben alle herdemen: and thei lyzn in tentes, and thei drynken a maner ale, made of hony. And aftre, on this half, is the kyngdom of Chorasme, that is a gode lond and a plentevous, with outen wyn. And it hathe a desert toward the est, that lastethe more than an 100 iourneyes. And the beste cytee of that contree is clept Chorasme. And of that cytee, berethe the contree his name. The folk of that contree ben hardy werryoures. And on this half is the kyngdom of Comanye, where of the Comayns that dwelleden in Grece, somtyme weren chaced out. This is on of the grettest kyngdomes of the world: but it is not alle enhabyted. For at on of the parties, there is so gret cold, that no man may dwelle there: and in another partie, there is so grete hete, that no man may endure it. And also there ben so many flyes, that no man may knowe on what syde he may turne him. In that contree is but lytille arberye, ne trees that beren frute, ne othere. Thei lyzn in tentes. And thei brenen the dong of bestes for defaute of wode. This kyngdom descendeth on this half toward us, and toward Pruysse, and toward Rossye. And thorghe that contree rennethe the ryvere of Ethille, that is on of the grettest ryveres of the world. And it fresethe so strongly alle zeres, that many tymes men han foughten upon the Ise with grete hostes, bothe parties on fote, and hire hors voyded for the tyme: and what on hors and on fote, mo than 200000 persones on every syde. And betweene that ryvere and the grete see ocean, that thei clepen the see maure, lyzn alle theise Roialmes. And toward the hede benethe in that Roialme, is the mount Chotaz, that is the hiest mount of the world: and it is betwene the see Maure and the see Caspy. There is fulle streyt and dangerous passage, for to go toward Ynde. And therfore Kyng Alysandre leet make there a strong cytee, that men clepen Alizandre, for to kepe the contree, that no man scholde passe with outen his leve. And now men clepen that cytee, the Zate of Helle. And the princypalle cytee of Comenye is clept Sarak, that is on of the 3 weyes for to go in to Ynde: but be the weye, ne may not passe no gret multytude of peple, but zif it be in wyntre. And that passage men clepen the Derbent. The tother weye is for to go fro the citee of Turquesten, be Persie: and be that weye, ben manye iourneyes be desert. And the thridde weye is that comethe fro Comanye, and than to go be the grete see and be the kyngdom of Abchaz. And zee schulle undirstonde, that alle theise kyngdomes and alle theise londes aboveseyd, unto Pruysse and to Rossye, ben alle obeyssant to the grete Chane of Cathay; and many othere contrees, that marchen to other costes. Wherfore his powere and his lordschipe is fulle gret, and fulle myghty. Of the Emperour of Persye, and of the lond of darknesse and of other Kyngdomes, that belongen to the grete Chane of Cathay, and other Londes of his, unto the See of Greece. [Sidenote: Cap. XXV.] Now sithe I have devysed zou the londes and the kyngdoms toward the parties septentrionales, in comynge down from the lond of Cathay, unto the londes of the Cristene, towardes Pruysse and Rossye; now schalle I devyse zou of other londes and kyngdomes, comynge doun be other costes, toward the right syde, unto the see of Grece, toward the lond of Cristene men: and therfore that, aftre Ynde and aftre Cathay, the Emperour of Persie is the gretteste lord. Therfore I schalle telle zou of the kyngdom of Persie. First, where he hathe 2 kyngdomes; the firste kyngdom begynnethe toward the est, toward the kyngdom of Turquesten, and it strecchethe toward the west, unto the ryyere of Phison, that is on of the 4 ryveres, that comen out of paradys. And on another syde, it strecchethe toward the septemtrion, unto the see of Caspye: and also toward the southe, unto the desert of Ynde. And this contree is gode and pleyn and fulle of peple. And there ben manye gode cytees. But the 2 princypalle cytees ben theise, Boyturra and Seornergant, that sum men clepen Sormagant. The tother kyngdom of Persie strecchethe toward the ryvere of Phison, and the parties of the west, unto the kyngdom of Mede: and fro the grete Armenye, and toward the septemtrion, to the see of Caspie; and toward the southe, to the land of Ynde. That is also a gode lond and a plentefous; and it hath 3 grete princypalle cytees, Messabor, Caphon and Sarmassane. And thanne aftre is Armenye, in the which weren wont to ben 4 kyngdomes: that is a noble contree, and fulle of godes. And it begyinnethe at Persie, and strecchethe toward the west in lengthe, unto Turkye. And in largenesse, it durethe to the cytee of Alizandre, that now is clept the Zate of Helle, that I spak offe beforn, undre the kyngdom of Mede. In this Armenye ben fulle manye gode cytees: but Tanrizo is most of name. Aftre this, is the kyngdom of Mede, that is fulle long: but it is not fulle large, that begynnethe toward the est, to the land of Persie, and to Ynde the lesse. And it strecchethe toward the west, toward the kyngdom of Caldee, and toward the septemtrion, descendynge toward the litille Armenye. In that kyngdom of Medee, ther ben many grere hilles, and litille of pleyn erthe. There duellen Sarazines, and another maner of folk, that men clepen Cordynes. The beste 2 cytees of that kyngdom, ben Sarras and Karemen. Aftre that, is the kyngdom of George, that begynnethe toward the est; to the gret mountayne, that is clept Abzor; where that duellen many dyverse folk of dyverse naciouns. And men clepen the contree Alamo. This kyngdom strecchethe him towardes Turkye, and toward the grete see: and toward the south, it marchethe to the grete Armenye. And there ben 2 kyngomes in that contree; that on is the kyngdom of Georgie, and that other is the kyngdom of Abcaz. And alle weys in that contree ben 2 kynges, and thei ben bothe Cristene: but the Kyng of Georgie is in subieccioun to the grete Chane. And the King of Abcaz hathe the more strong contree: and he alle weyes vigerously defendethe his contree; azenst alle tho that assaylen him; so that no man may make him in subieccioun to no man. In that kyngdom of Abcaz is a gret marvaylle. For a provynce of the contree, that hathe wel in circuyt 3 iorneyes, that men clepen Hanyson, is alle covered with derknesse, with outen ony brightnesse or light; so that no man may see ne here, ne no man dar entren in to hem. And natheles, thei of the contree seyn, that som tyme men heren voys of folk, and hors nyzenge, and cokkes crowynge. And men witen wel, that men duellen there: but thei knowe not what men. And thei seyn, that the derknesse befelle be myracle of God. For a cursed Emperour of Persie, that highte Saures, pursuede alle Cristene men, to destroye hem, and to compelle hem to make sacrifise to his ydoles; and rood with grete host, in alle that ever he myghte, for to confounde the Cristene men. And thanne in that contree, dwellen manye gode Cristene men, the whiche that laften hire godes, and wolde han fled in to Grece: and whan they weren in a playn, that highte Megon, anon this cursed emperour mett with hem, with his hoost, for to have slayn hem, and hewen hem to peces. And anon the Cristene men kneleden to the grounde, and made hire preyeres to God to sokoure hem. And anon a gret thikke clowde cam, and covered the emperour and alle his hoost: and so thei enduren in that manere, that thei ne mowe not gon out, on no syde; and so schulle thei ever more abyden in derknesse, tille the day of dome, be the myracle of God. And thanne the Cristene men wenten, where hem lykede best, at hire own plesance, with outen lettynge of ony creature; and hire enemyes enclosed and confounded in derknesse, with outen ony strok. Wherfore we may wel seye, with David, _A Domino factum est istud; et est mirable in oculis nostris_. And that was a gret myracle, that God made for hem. Wherfore methinkethe, that Cristene men scholden ben more devoute, to serven oure Lord God, than ony other men of ony other secte. For with outen ony drede, ne were cursednesse and synne of Cristene men, thei scholden be lordes of alle the world. For the banere of Jesu Crist is alle weys displayed, and redy on alle sydes, to the help of his trewe lovynge servauntes: in so moche, that o gode Cristene man, in gode beleeve, scholde overcomen and out chacen a 1000 cursed mysbeleevynge men: as David seyth in the Psautere, _Quoniam persequebatur unus mille, et duo fugarent decem milia_. Et, _Cadent a latere tuo mille, et decem milia a dextris tuis_. And how that it myghte ben, that on scholde chacen a 1000, David himself seythe, folewynge, _Quia manus Domini fecit hæc omnia_. And oure Lord himself seythe, be the prophetes mouth, _Si in viis meis ambulaveritis, super tribulantes vos misissem manum meam_. So that wee may seen apertely, that zif wee wil be gode men, non enemye ne may not enduren azenst us. Also zee schulle undirstonde, that out of that lond of derknesse, gothe out a gret ryvere, that schewethe wel, that there ben folk dwellynge, be many redy tokenes: but no man dar not entre in to it. And wytethe well, that in the kyngdoms of Georgie, of Abchaz and of the litile Armenye, ben gode Cristene men and devoute. For thei schryven hem and howsele hem evermore ones or twyes in the woke. And there ben many of hem, that howsele hem every day: and so do wee not on this half; alle be it that Seynt Poul commandethe it, seyenge, _Omnibus diebus dominicis ad communicandum hortor_. Thei kepen that commandement: but wee ne kepen it not. Also aftre, on this half, is Turkye, that marchethe to the gret Armenye. And there ben many provynces, as Capadoche, Saure, Brique, Quesiton, Pytan and Gemethe. And in everyche of theise ben many gode cytees. This Turkye strecchethe unto the cytee of Sachala, that sittethe upon the see of Grece; and so it marchethe to Syrie. Syrie is a gret contree and a gode, as I have told zou before. And also it hathe, aboven toward Ynde, the kyngdom of Caldee, that strecchethe fro the mountaynes of Calde, toward the est, unto the cytee of Nynyvee, that sittethe upon the ryvere of Tygre: and in largenesse, it begynnethe toward the northe, to the cytee of Maraga; and it strecchethe toward the southe, unto the see occean. In Caldee is a pleyn contree, and fewe hilles and few ryveres. Aftre is the kyngdom of Mesopotayme, that begynnethe toward the est, to the flom of Tygre, unto a cytee that is clept Moselle: and it strecchethe toward the west, to the flom of Eufrate, unto a cytee that is clept Roianz: and in lengthe it gothe to the mount of Armenye, unto the desert of Ynde the lesse. This is a gode contree and a pleyn; but it hathe fewe ryveres. It hathe but 2 mountaynes in that contree: of the whiche, on highte Symar, and that other Lyson. And this lond marchethe to the kyngdom of Caldee. Zit there is, toward the parties meridionales, many contrees and many regyouns; as the lond of Ethiope, that marchethe, toward the est, to the grete desertes; toward the west, to the kyngdom of Nubye; toward the southe, to the kyngdom of Moretane; and toward the north to the Rede See. Aftre is Moretane, that durethe fro the mountaynes of Ethiope, unto Lybie the hize. And that contree lyzth a long fro the see ocean, toward the southe; and toward the northe, it marchethe to Nubye, and to the highe Lybye. (Theise men of Nubye ben Cristene.) And it marchethe fro the londes aboveseyd to the desertes of Egypt. And that is the Egypt, that I have spoken of before. And aftre is Libye the hye, and Lybye the lowe, that descendethe down lowe, toward the grete see of Spayne. In the whiche contree ben many kyngdomes and many dyverse folk. Now I have devysed zou many contrees, on this half the kyngdom of Cathay: of the whiche, many ben obeyssant to the grete Chane. Of the Contrees and Yles, that ben bezonde the Lond of Cathay; and of the Frutes there; and of 22 Kynges enclosed within the Mountaynes. [Sidenote: Cap. XXVI.] Now schalle I seye zou sewyngly of contrees and yles, that ben bezonde the contrees that I have spoken of. Wherfore I seye zou, in passynge be the lond of Cathaye, toward the highe Ynde, and toward Bacharye, men passen be a kyngdom, that men clepen Caldilhe; that is a fulle fair contree. And there growethe a maner of fruyt, as thoughe it weren gowrdes: and whan thei ben rype, men kutten hem a to, and men fynden with inne a lytylle best, in flessche, in bon and blode, as though it were a lytylle lomb, with outen wolle. And men eten bothe the frut and the best: and that is a gret marveylle. Of that frute I have eten; alle thoughe it were wondirfulle: but that I knowe wel, that God is marveyllous in his werkes. And natheles I told hem, of als gret a marveylle to hem, that is amonges us: and that was of the Bernakes. For I tolde hem, that in oure contree weren trees, that beren a fruyt, that becomen briddes fleeynge: and tho that fellen in the water, lyven; and thei that fallen on the erthe, dyen anon: and thei ben right gode to mannes mete. And here of had thei als gret marvaylle, that summe of hem trowed, it were an impossible thing to be. [Footnote: The Barnacle-bearing trees are said to have grown in Ireland.] In that contree ben longe apples of gode savour; where of ben mo than 100 in a clustre, and als manye in another; and thei han gret longe leves and large, of 2 fote long or more. And in that contree, and in other contrees there abouten, growen many trees, that beren clowe gylofres and notemuges, and grete notes of Ynde and of canelle and of many other spices. And there ben vynes, that beren so grete grapes, that a strong man scholde have y now to done, for to bere o clustre with alle the grapes. In that same regioun ben the mountaynes of Caspye, that men clepen Uber in the contree. Betwene the mountaynes, the Jewes of 10 lynages ben enclosed, that men clepen Gothe and Magothe: and thei mowe not gon out on no syde. There weren enclosed 22 kynges with hire peple, that duelleden betwene the mountaynes of Sythye. There Kyng Alisandre chacede hem betwene tho mountaynes; and there he thoughte for to enclose hem thorghe werk of his men. But whan he saughe, that he myghte not don it, ne bryng it to an ende, he preyed to God of Nature, that he wolde parforme that that he had begonne. And alle were it so, that he was a Payneme and not worthi to ben herd, zit God of his grace closed the mountaynes to gydre: so that thei dwellen there, alle faste y lokked and enclosed with highe mountaynes alle aboute, saf only on o syde; and on that syde is the see of Caspye. Now may sum men asken, Sithe that the see is on that o syde, wherfore go thei not out on the see syde, for to go where that hem lykethe? But to this question, I schal answere, That see of Caspye gothe out be londe, undre the mountaynes, and rennethe be the desert at o syde of the contree; and aftre it strecchethe unto the endes of Persie. And alle thoughe it be clept a see, it is no see, ne it touchethe to non other see; but it is a lake, the grettest of the world. And thoughe thei wolden putten hem in to that see, thei ne wysten never, where that thei scholde arryven. And also thei conen no langage, but only hire owne, that no man knowethe but thei: and therfore mowe thei not gon out. And also zee schulle undirstond, that the Jewes han no propre lond of hire owne for to dwellen inne, in alle the world, but only that lond betwene the mountaynes. And zit thei zelden tribute for that lond to the Queen of Amazoine, the whiche makethe hem to ben kept in cloos fulle diligently, that thei schalle not gon out on no syde, but be the cost of hire lond. For hire lond marchethe to tho mountaynes. And often it hathe befallen, that summe of the Jewes han gon up the mountaynes, and avaled down to the valeyes: but gret nombre of folk ne may not do so. For the mountaynes ben so hye and so streghte up, that thei moste abyde there, maugre hire myghte. For thei mowe not gon out, but be a littille issue, that was made be strengthe of men; and it lastethe wel a 4 gret myle. And aftre, is there zit a lond alle desert, where men may fynde no watre, ne for dyggynge, ne for non other thing. Wherfore men may not dwellen in that place: so it is fulle of dragounes, of serpentes and of other venymous bestes, that no man dar not passe, but zif it be strong wyntre. And that streyt passage, men clepen in that contree, Clyron. And that is the passage, that the Queen of Amazoine makethe to ben kept. And thoghe it happene, sum of hem, be fortune, to gon out; thei conen no maner of langage but Ebrow: so that thei can not speke to the peple. And zit natheles, men seyn, thei schalle gon out in the tyme of Antecrist, and that thei schulle maken gret slaughtre of Cristene men. And therfore alle the Jewes, that dwellen in alle londes, lernen alle weys to speken Ebrew, in hope that whan the other Jewes schulle gon out, that thei may undirstonden hire speche, and to leden hem in to Cristendom, for to destroye the Cristene peple. For the Jewes seyn, that they knowen wel, be hire Prophecyes, that thei of Caspye schulle been undre hire subieccioun, als longe as they had ben in subieccioun of hem. And zif that zee wil wyte, how that thei schulle fynden hire Weye, aftre that I have herd seye, I schalle telle zou. In the time of Antecrist, a fox schalle make there his trayne, and mynen an hole, where Kyng Alisandre leet make the Zates: and so longe he schalle mynen and perce the erthe, till that he schalle passe thorghe, towardes that folk. And whan thei seen the fox thei schulle have gret marveylle of him, be cause that thei saughe never suche a best. For of alle other bestes, thei han enclosed amonges hem, saf only the fox. And thanne thei schullen chacen him and pursuen him so streyte, tille that he come to the same place, that he cam fro. And thanne thei schullen dyggen and mynen so strongly, tille that thei fynden the zates, that Kyng Alisandre leet make of grete stones and passynge huge, wel symented and made stronge for the maystrie. And tho zates thei schulle breken, and so gon out, be fyndynge of that issue. Fro that lond, gon men toward the lond of Bacharie, where ben fulle cruelle. In that lond ben trees, that beren wolle, as thoghe it were of scheep; where of men maken clothes, and alle thing that may ben made of wolle. In that contree ben many Ipotaynes, that dwellen somtyme in the watre, and somtyme on the lond: and thei ben half man and half hors, as I have seyd before: and thei eten men, whan thei may take hem. And there ben ryveres of watres, that ben fulle byttere, three sythes more than is the watir of the see. In that contree ben many Griffounes, more plentee than in ony other contree. Sum men seyn, that thei han the body upward, as an eagle, and benethe as a Lyoun: and treuly thei seyn sothe, that thei ben of that schapp. But o griffoun hathe the body more gret and is more strong thanne 8 lyouns, of suche lyouns as ben o this half; and more gret and strongere, than an 100 egles, suche as we han amonges us. For o griffoun there will bere, fleynge to his neste, a gret hors, or 2 oxen zoked to gidere, as thei gon at the plowghe. For he hathe his talouns so longe and so large and grete, upon his feet, as thoughe thei weren hornes of grete oxen or of bugles or of Kyzn; so that men maken cuppes of hem, to drynken of: and of hire ribbes and of the pennes and of hire wenges, men maken bowes fulle stronge, to schote with arwes and quarelle. From thens gon men, be many iourneyes, thorghe the lond of Prestre John, the grete Emperour of Ynde. And men clepen his Roialme, the Yle of Pentexoire, END OF PART II. MANDEVILLE'S VOYAGES. PART III. Tertia pars. CAPVT. 41. De magnificentia Imperatoris Indiæ et preciositate Palatij. [Sidenote: Seu Pentoxoria Ciuitas Nyse] Cum in præcedentibus Imperator Indiæ dictus sit magnus, restat de illius magnificentia aliquid poni hoc loco: cuius vtique gloria, nobilitas, et potestas, dici non habetur minor, est tamen in aliquibus satis maior, quia omne æquale non est idem cum illo cui æquatur: itáque à finibus regni Bachariæ supradicti vbi contiguatur Imperio Indiæ, eundo per multas diætas intratur in Pentoxyriæ quod est magnæ latitudinis, et abundantiæ in multis bonis: huius nominatior ciuitas, dicitur Nyse, et in ea habet Imperator palatium Imperiale, in quo residet dum sibi placet. Imperator iste semper vocitatus est Præsbyter Ioannes, cuius nominis causam audieram quandoque non veram: sed in illis partibus accepi rationem indubitatam, quam breuiter hîc enarro. [Sidenote: Narratio de rebus gestis Ogeri Ducis Daniæ.] Circa annum ab incarnatione Domini octingentessimum, dux Ogerus de Danemarchia, cum quindecim cognationis suæ baronibus, et armatis viginti milibus transiuit mare Greciæ, et fauente sibi Deo conquisiuit Christianitati per multa prælia pené omnes terras, regiones, et insulas, quas esse de potestate Grand Can prædixi, nec non et omnes, quæ sunt de potestate Imperij huius Imperatoris Indiæ. Eratque inter Barones vnus denominatus Ioannes filius Goudebucf, regis Frisonum: qui dictus Ioannes Deo deuotus fuit, et dum licuit Ecclesiarum limina iniuit, vnde et barones ei dabant quasi per iocum Præsbyter Ioannes vocabulum. [Sidenote: Vndè Presbyter Ioannis sit dictus. 4000. Insulæ.] Dum ergo Ogerus dictas regiones expugnatas diuideret in hijs quindecim suis cognatis, et quemlibet eorum in suo loco constitueret regem, quatenus Christiana religio in illa orbis superficie semper stabilis permaneret, tradidit isti Præsbytero Ioanni superiorem Indiam, cum 4000. insulis, regionibus, et ipsum præfecit Imperatorem super reliquos cognatos, vt ei certa tributa impenderent, et in omnibus obedirent, átque ex tunc omnes successores Indiæ sunt vocati Præsbyter Ioannes et vsque in hodiernum tempus boni manserunt Christiani, et religionis æmulatores. Interim cum causa matrimoniorum aut procurationis filiorum dispersa est primi Imperij integritas, et multæ de insulis conuersæ vel potius peruersæ retrocesserunt ad vetustum squalorem paganismi primi. Nota. Recedens à Cambalu versus orientem post 50. dietas ad terram Præsbyteri Ioannes, principalis ciuitas terræ vocatur Cosan, satis parua sicut Vincentia: habet etiam sub se multas alias ciuitates. Ex pacto semper habet in vxorem vnam de filiabus Grand Can. Per multas peruenitur ad prouinciam Casan, quæ est secunda melior de mundo, vbi subtilior est, habet dietas 50. longior, 60. et est vna de duodecim partibus Imperij Grand Can. Odericus. Vide infra capitulo 49. de Cassan, et de Epulone. Deinde venitur in Thebeth prouinciam, quæ India est confinis. Itaque Rex et Imperator iste tenet spatiosissimum Imperium plenum valdè multis Regionibus et Insulis amplis, diuisum inter quatuor flumina magna de Paradiso terrestri descendentia, Pyson, Gyon, Tygrim, et Euphratem. Nam vltra fines orientales eius Imperij, et terrestram Paradisum, nullus hominum habitat vel domitatur. Præterea imperat multis alijs regionibus et insulis quæ distinguntur per brachia maris Oceani, et in quibus singulis continetur grandis numerositas ciuitatum ac villarum, et multitudo innumera populorum præ abundantia, et præciositate omnium terrenorum bonorum. Imperium Indiæ habetur famosum per vniuersum orbem. Sed et famosius haberetur si mercatores mundi communitèr possint et auderent adire sicut Cathay, Nostratibus enim perrarus est illic accessus, tam præ longinquitate, quàm præ marinis periculis. Nam exceptis alijs sunt ibi quamplures Adamantini colles, ad oram maris, et intra mare, qui sua virtute attrahunt sibi naues ferrum continentes. Quoniam et mihi nauiganti monstrabatur per nautas à remotis quasi paruula Insula in mari, quam asserebant totalitèr ab antiquis temporibus paulatim ibi cumulatam de nauibus per Adamantes retentis. [Sidenote: Latitudo Imperij Præsbyteri Ioannis est 4. mensium iter.] Estimatur autem latitudo huius Imperij per dietas quatuor mensium, sed longitudini non datur estimatio, eo quòd tenditur vsque Paradisum vbi nullus accedit. Distinctum est Imperium per duodecim prouincias, quibus totidem præsunt reges principales seu prouinciales, et quorum singuli habent sub se Reges, Duces, Marchiones, et Barones, praestantes atque reddentes Praesbytero Ioanni promptam obedientiam, et certa tributa. Saepius et communitèr tenet Sedem Imperator in palatio vrbis Imperialis Suse. Hoc autem Palatium tale et tantum est, vt per me non credatur debite estimandum. Istud tamen dico audentèr in summa, quòd grandius, nobilius, preciosius, et placidius est, in auro, gemmis, structuris, et schemate supra descripto palatio Grand Can in Caydo. Et ex speciali sciatis, istius palatij principales portas esse de Sardonico, vndìque in ebore circumcluso: sed et transuersæ lineæ sunt omnes Eburneæ, aularum et cubiculorum fenestræ christallinæ. Mensarum quaedam Smaragdinæ, aliquæ Haematistinæ, caeterorumque lapidum preciosorum per aurum sibimet coniunctorum. Et nonnullæ in toto aureæ vel gemmunculis disseminatæ, et vnaquaeque de mensis cum stabilimento proprij generis. De throni quoque preciositate, quia meæ demonstrationis excellit modum, solummodo dico, singulos ascensionis gradus esse singulorum lapidum preciosorum: Primum onychis, secundum christallai, tertium iaspidis, quartum haematisti, quintum sardij, sextum cornelij. Et septimus qui est sub sedentis Imperatoris pedibus, ipse est, chrysolitus, omnes circumfusi, et inclusoria arte formati, auro splendida relucentes. Sed et ambo throni reclinatoria ex smaragdis auro combinatis, eoque distincto nobilissimis granis, et gemmis: cuncti pilarij in camera Regis dormitoria consistunt de auro fuluo, disseminati baccis, et quampluribus carbunculorum rubetis, totum de nocte habitaculum illustrantibus. Et nihilominus in ea christallina lampas plena balsamo pistico sed ardens et lucens, tam pro augendo lumine, quàm pro corrigendo aere, tamen etiam pro ministrando optimo odore. Forma lecti Imperatoris compacta est de puris et nobilissimis Saphyris, conclusi vtique aureis vel eburneis ligaturis, vt virtute lapidum capiat suauem somnum, motusque carnis inhonesti stimuli, in eo refrenentur. Nunquam enim iungitur mulieri nisi soli coniugi propriæ, sed nec illi nisi quatuor quindenis anni videlicet in capite hyemis, veris, æstatis, et autumni causa sobolis generandæ. Vtque breuitèr transeam de multa huius palatij nobilitate, mirabile hoc solummodò praemissis super addo. Quia circa medium illius in summo apice turris maioris, duo sunt nodi seu pomella de decoctissimi auri metallo miræ magnitudinis, et serenæ resplendentiæ, et in ipsis formati duo carbunculi grandes, et lati, sua virtute tenebras effugantes, et velut splendorem plenilunij nocturno tempore mentientes. The English Version. Of the Ryalle estate of Prestre John; and of a riche man, that made a marveyllous Castelle, and cleped it Paradys; and of his Sotyltee. [Sidenote: Chap. XXVII.] This Emperour Prestre John holt fulle gret lond, and hathe many fulle noble cytees and gode townes in his royalme, and many grete dyvene yles ond large. For alle the contree of Ynde is devysed in yles, for the grete flodes, that comen from Paradys, that departen alle the lond in many parties. And also in the see, he hathe fulle manye yles. And the beste cytee in the yle of Pentexoire is Nyse, that is a fulle ryalle cytee and a noble, and fulle riche. This Prestre John hathe undre him many kynges and many yles and many dyverse folk of dyverse condiciouns. And this lond is fulle gode and ryche; but not so riche as is the lond of the grete Chane. For the marchauntes come not thidre so comounly, for to bye marchandises, as thei don in the lond of the gret Chane: for it is to fer to travaylle to. And on that other partie, in the yle of Cathay, men fynden alle maner thing, that is nede to man; clothes of gold, of silk, and spycerie. And therfore, alle be it that men han grettre chep in the yle of Prestre John, natheles men dreden the longe wey and the grete periles in the see, in tho parties. For in many places of the see ben grete roches of stones of the adamant, that of his propre nature drawethe iren to him. And therfore there passen no schippes, that han outher bondes or nayles of iren with in hem: and zif there do, anon the roches of the adamantes drawen hem to hem, that never thei may go thens. I my self have seen o ferrom in that see, as thoughe it hadde ben a gret yle fulle of trees and buscaylle, fulle of thornes and breres, gret plentee. And the schipmen tolde us, that alle that was of schippes, that weren drawen thidre be the adamauntes, for the iren that was in hem. And of the rotenesse and other thing that was with in the schippes, grewen suche buscaylle and thornes and breres and grene grasse and suche maner of thing; and of the mastes and the seylle zerdes; it semed a gret wode or a grove. And suche roches ben in many places there abouten. And therfore dur not the marchauntes passen there, but zif thei knowen wel the passages, or elle that thei han gode lodes men. And also thei dreden the longe weye: and therfore thei gon to Cathay; for it is more nyghe: and zit is not so nyghe, but that men moste ben travayllynge be see and lond, 11 monethes or 12, from Gene or from Venyse, or he come to Cathay. And zit is the lond of Prestre John more ferr, be many dredfulle iourneyes. And the marchauntes passen be the kyngdom of Persie, and gon to a cytee that is clept Hermes: for Hermes the philosophre founded it. And aftre that, thei passen an arm of the see, and thanne thei gon to another cytee that is clept Golbache: and there thei fynden marchandises, and of popengayes, as gret plentee as men fynden here of gees. And zif thei will passen ferthere, thei may gon sykerly i now. In that contree is but lytylle whete or berley: and therfore thei eten ryzs and hony and mylk and chese and frute. This Emperour Prestre John takethe alle weys to his wif, the doughtre of the grete Chane: and the gret Chane also in the same wise, the doughtre of Prestre John. For theise 2 ben the grettest lordes undir the firmament. In the lond of Prestre John, ben manye dyverse thinges and many precious stones, so gret and so large, that men maken of hem vesselle: as plateres, dissches and cuppes. And many other marveylles ben there; that it were to cumbrous and to long to putten it in scripture of bokes. CAPVT 42. De frequentia palatij et comitatu Imperatoris. Seruiunt et praestò sunt iugitèr Domino Imperatori septem reges, qui in capite singulorum mensium, alijs septem regibus pro illis palatium ingredientibus recedunt ad propria, donec reuoluatur eis tempus statutum. Hij curam habent de gubernatione administrationum in aula maiori per subiectos eis 72. duces, et 300. et 63. comites seu barones, quorum vnusquisque optimè nouit et diligentèr intendit proprio ministerio. Nam isti sunt Imperatoris Cubicularij, isti Camerarij, isti scindunt Regi morsellos: alij de apponendis curam gerunt ferculis et deponendis, deafferendis, deasportandis, alij pincernæ, Archimandritæ, ostiarij, et sic de singulis. Nec non absque iam dictis, manducant omni die in aula coràm Imperatore, duodecim Archiepiscopi, 220. Episcopi, quibus etiam alij totidem certis temporibus succedunt per vices. Verumtamem ad quotidianas expensas vsque praemissas, veniunt de Curia 300. millia personarum, sed non ampliùs: sed sicut praedixi de Curia praecedentis Imperatoris sic nullus hic, cuiuscunque sit status, aut sexus, comedit vltrà semel in die, et hoc ipsum sobriè satis: quoniam prout æstimare possum, expensæ duodecim hominum de nostris communitèr compensarent triginta hominum in partibus illis. Dum Ioannem Presbyterum contingit procedere cum exercitu in plena exhibitione, non deferuntur vexilla, sed tredecim cruces magnæ altitudinis et grossitudinis, de auro distincto pretiosissimis petris, in honorem Christi et suorum Apostolorum duodecim. Hæ vectantur in singulis curribus, et singularum ad hoc maximis curribus cum custodia cuiuscunque crucis, decem mille equitum, et centum mille peditum, nec tamen hic numerus auget vel minuit principalem exercitum Paganorum. Tempore pacis per terras proprias de palatio ad palatium, aut de regno ad regnum, dum tendere ei placet, comitatur vtique magna multitudine hominum antè et retrò, et ex vtroque laterum. Tùncque portantur coràm eo tria valdè notabilia, quæ tam illi quàm omnibus ea dignè notantibus esse possunt salutaria. Praecedit enim eum in spatio circiter octodecim passuum discus onustus velut omni genere pretiosorum vasorum auri et argenti, gemmarum, et inæstimabilis artificij. Illumque discum subsequitur propinquiùs Imperatori ad spatium centum passuum, alia crux lignea nullo penitùs auro, nulloue colore aut preciositate artificialis operis adornata. Dehinc ad sex passuum succedit ibidem propinquans Imperatori discus aureus terra nigerrima plenus. Sunt enim prædicti comitatus in custodiam et honorem personæ Imperatoris, discus vassorum in ostensionem diuitiarum, et maiestatis Imperialis. Crux in recordatione passionis et mortis, quam in cruce ligni simplice Christus passus est pro nobis. Et terra nigra in memoriam diræ mortis, qua caro ipsius Imperatoris, quæ terra est, in terram ibit corruptionis. The English Version. But of the princypalle yles and of his estate and of his lawe, I schalle telle zou som partye. This Emperour Prestre John is Cristene; and a gret partie of his contree also; but zit thei have not alle the articles of oure feythe, as wee have. Thei beleven wel in the Fadre, in the Sone and in the Holy Gost: and thei ben fulle devoute, and righte trewe on to another. And thei sette not be no barettes, ne by cawteles, ne of no disceytes. And he hathe undre him 72 provynces; and in every provynce is a kyng. And theise kynges han kynges undre hem; and alle ben tributaries to Prestre John. CAPVT. 43. De quibusdam miris per regiones Indiæ. Licèt plurima mira habeantur in terra Imperij Presbyteri Ioannis, ne materia operis nimiùm proteletur, multa tego silentio: et solùm de quibusdam in principalibus Insulis narro. [Sidenote: Magnum mare arenosum] Ergò in primis dico vidisse me magnum mare arenosum, quod de solùm minuta arena sine vlla aqua cum lapillorum granellis currit, et fluit per altas eleuationes, et depressiones ad similitudinem maris aquæ, nec vnquam quiescit: et quòd ipse non cesso stupere, inueniuntur pisces ad littus proiecti, qui cum sint alterius formæ et speciei, quàm de nostro mari, videntur tamen gustui in edendo delicatiores. [Sidenote: In orientali India vsque hodie venti anniuersarij arenis ostia fluminum suffocant.] Nullo tamen humano ingenio videtur hoc mare transuadari, aut nauigari, aut illo piscari, sed nec propter sui longitudinem, et plura impedimenta de propè circuiri. Item ab hoc latere maris per tres dietas habentur magnæ montium alpes, inter quas venit quasi oriens de Paradiso fluuius decurrentibus petris, nihil penitùs habens aquæ, in quibus æstimandæ sunt plurimum magnarum esse virtutum, quamuis de singulis humanæ scientiæ constare non potest. Hîc petrarum fluuius currit ad intercisum tempus, quasi in tribus septimanæ diebus, per spatium deserti Indiæ plurium dietarum, velut fluuius, quousque tandem se perdat in mare arenosum praedictum, atque ex tunc ipsi lapides penitùs non comparent. Tempore autem sui cursus nullus appropinquare praesumit, præ strepitu eius et motu: sed tempore quietis aditur sine periculo vitæ. In Orientem versus fluuij originem ad ingressum deserti magni inter quosdam de montibus, cernitur grandis terræ planicies tanquam spatiosi campi totalitèr arenosi, in quo videntur ad Solis ortum exurgere de arena, et secundùm eleuationem Solis excrescere quaedam virgulta, atque in feruore meridiei producere fructum. Ac de illo in Solis decliuo fructus cum arbustulis paulatim minui, et in occasu penitùs deperire, vnde et nullus hominum audet illorum vti fructibus, ne sit quid fantasticum et nociuum. In huius deserti interioribus, vidi homines in toto syluestres, qui etsi in superioribus formam praetendere videantur humanam, descendunt in subterioribus ad formam bestiæ alicuius. Horum quidam frontes gerunt cornibus asperatas, grinientes vt feræ vel apri: alij nonnulla vti videntur loquela, quam nemo rationalium nonit, et quibusdam signis concepta depromunt. Et est illic pluralitas syluestrium canum, qui dicuntur papiones, quibus postquam edomiti, et ad venandum instructi fuerint, valent capi multæ bestiæ per desertum. [Sidenote: Papagalli.] Est et copiositas papingonum auium viridium in colore quas appellant phicake, et quarum diuersa sunt genera, nobiliores habent latas in rostro linguas, et in vtroque pede digitos duos. Et quaedam ex istis naturaliter loquuntur verba aut prouerbia, seu salutationes, in patriæ idiomate, vt euidenter salutes, concedant, et reddant viatoribus, et nonnunquam debitum iter errantibus per desertum ostendant. Minus autem nobiles non loquuntur ex natura, sed si latas habent linguas, et non sunt vltrà duorum annorum ætatis, possunt per assiduitatem instrui ad loquelam. Aliæ nec loquuntur, nec eradiuntur, sed solùm clamitant pro voce milui, et nisi tres digitos habent in pede. Nota: in quarta orientali Deus dedit fratribus minoribus magnam gratiam, vnde in magna Tartaria ita expellunt ab obsessis daemones, sicut de domo canes: vnde quandoque per decem dietas ad eos adducuntur daemoniaci alligati, et statim fratribus praecipientibus in nomine Iesu Christi, exeunt, et liberati baptizantur, et comburunt idola, et plures credunt, et quandoque exeunt idola de igne, et fratres proijciunt aquam benedictam, et clamat daemon, Vide, de meo habitaculo expellor propter fratres minores. Ita multi credunt, et baptizantur. Odericus. [Sidenote Melescorde Regio. Vel regionis.] Item nota: dum recederem de terra Praesbyteri Ioannis versos occidentem, applicui ad contratam vnam, quæ dicitur Melescorde, quæ pulchra est, et multùm fertilis: inter montes duos huius contratæ fecerat quidam murum circundantem montem, et in eo fontes nobilissimos, et omne detectabile. Et hunc locum dicebant paradisum, sicut hic ferè continetur. Ideò Odericus, qui posteà narrat de valle infausta in hoc se terminat. [Sidenote: Mischorach.] Ad supradictum Indiæ regnum Pentexoriæ satis propè, et lata est et longa Insula, Mischorach, bonis copiosè referta, de qua vnum scribo praeteritum mirum. Ante paucos hos annos, villanus ditissimus, sibi valdè preciosum construxerat palatium, quasi pro Paradiso terrestri, circundatum, munitum fortalitijs, ac repletum omnibus corporalibus delicijs. Illic areæ, turres, cameræ, cubicula, cum alijs ædificijs, in multo numero, et gloria permagnifica, ac historiarum picturis, inter quas, nonnunquam prodigioso artificio bestiæ et bestiolæ, aues et auiculæ discurrebant, volitibant, et per pugnas, garritus, collusiones, mentiebantur viuere. [Sidenote: Ditissimi villani paradisus fictitius.] Illic prata, et pometa, et seruatoria circà deliciosi collis congestum, distincta velut omni genere florum, arborum, et herbarum, cum multis fontibus et riuulis, quorum perspicuitas, et fluxus in glaris suauem et auditui praestabant refectionem, et super aliquos fuerunt exceptioris artificij, circumstructi auro, et argento, et gemmis, et tres principales fontes emittentes ad palatium Domini per occultas conductas, riuulos vini, lactis, et mellis. Copiosus quoque numerus formosorum puerorum, et puellarum, ætatis inter decem et sex decem annos, indutorum torquibus, et cycladibus exauratis, exercentium inter iocos cantus et spectacula, ac seruientium suo Domino prope nutum. Audiebantur ex turrium custodibus, nec non videbantur dulcisonæ, symphoniæ, generum diuersorum, vt certissimè putares, non hominum, sed Angelorum: et in istis, ac similibus, deliciebatur iste villanus. Sed et aurum liuido nil iuuat, imò nocet: quia enim hic inuidiæ et otij facibus super ingenuitatem mentis omnium generaliter nobilium principum verebatur in corde: (ingenuitas enim, et rusticitas nunquam cohabitant in cordis vno domicilio) Composuerat ista sibi in hunc finem, vt per se singulos aduocaret aliquos vasallos corpore robustos, menteque audaces, atque ad omnem proteruiam benè procliues: et cuilibet pro placitis muneribus commisit vt illum seu illum principem seu Baronem, quem dicebat sibi aduersarium, clàm per insidias vel impetum, occideret, promittens quenquam post factum ad se recepturum perpetuò in hunc locum: sed et velut vaticinans pseudo praedicauit, si quem illorum pro his flagitijs contigeret corporaliter tradi morti, nihilominùs animam eius in hunc amoenum Paridisum recipi, et viuere in æeternum. [Sidenote: Mandeuillus oculatus testis.] Per hunc igitur modum nonnulis nobilibus occisis, et interfectis, tandem nudabatur eius nequitia tanta, et congregati regionis Barones miserum occiderunt, eius opera destruentes. Ipse ego inibi ductus vidi fontium loca, et multa rei vestigia. CAPVT. 44. De loco et dispositione vallis infaustæ. Huius ad insulæ extremitates non procul à fluuio Pyson, habetur locus mirabilis pariter et terribilis, vltrà omne mundanum, penè et procul: de euentibus, ac laboribus infinitis, quæ mihi meísque in tempore itinerationis acciderunt hucusque subticui, cùm iam vnum de maioribus ecce narro. Est illic in alpibus vallis infausta, quatuor fermè leucarum: longitudo vallis, quasi ad quatuor milliaria Lombardica, appellata vallis incantationis, seu periculosa, seu propiùs daemoniosa: intrà quam diebus ac noctibus resonant boatus et tumultus tonitruorum, tempestatum, clamorum, et stridorum, diuersique generis sonituum terribilium, quos illic exercet multitudo spirituum malignorum. Propè ad vallis medium sub vna rupium, apparet omni tempore visibiliter integrum ac maximum caput daemonis vsque ad humeros tantùm, cuius speciem præ horrore nullus pleno intuitu humanus audet diu oculus sustinere: nam respicientes contrà aspicit truculentèr, agitans oculos minacitèr, tanquam ex palpebris eiecturus (quæ et scintillant) flammas in altum. Totumque caput sese rotat ad minas, et variat terribilitèr modum et continentiam sub repentè diuersis maneriebus. Exitque de illo per totum ignis obscuratus fumo, et foetor, tantus, quòd per magnum spatium viæ pessimam vallem infectat. Ingredi autem volentibus, apparet semper ad introitum vallis, magna copia auri, argenti, vasorum, vestium, et rerum pretiosarum, quas proculdubio ibi daemones confingunt, quibus et ab olim multi insipientium hominum concupiscentia tracti intrarunt, et vsque nunc intrant pro colligendo thesauro: sed de Infidelibus paucissimi reuertuntur, imò nec de Christianis, qui auaritiæ causa ingrediuntur: per vallis autem semitam, quæ inter montes et monticulos, tortuosa et aspera est, gradientes vident, et audiunt, daemoniacos spiritus multos volutantes, et imaginibus corporum visibilium, serpentum, volucrum, vlularum, lamiarum, et huiusmodi specierum horribilium dentibus minitantes, vngulas erigentes, incognitos sibilos spirantes propè super capita ad aures transgredientium. Sempérque minuitur lumen aeris, donec ventum fuerit ad terribilissimum locum capitis antedicti. Si quis autem sinceræ fidei Christianus per contritionem veram et confessionem, se posuerit in statu saluationis, munitus corporis Christi mysterijs, ac signo crucis, cum intentione ibidem agendi poenitentiam de admissis, et cauendi de admittendis, putatur posse hanc transire vallem securus quidem à morte, non tamen liber à laboribus, horroribus, et tormentis, et exire, de omnibus culpis praeteritis corruptis, ac de futuris magis solito cautus, sicut scriptum est, territi purgabuntur. Nota aliud mirabile magnum. Vidi cùm irem per vnam vallem positam iuxta flumen quod egreditur de paradiso, vidi in ea multa corpora mortuorum, in qua etiam audiui multa genera Musicorum, qui ibi mirabilitèr pulsabant: tantus erat ibi tinnitus Musicorum, quòd incussit mihi timorem horribilem. Est autem longitudo illius vallis quasi ad quatuor milliaria Lombardica, in qua si vnus Infidelis intrat, nunquam egreditur, sed sine mora moritur: Et licet sciui, quòd intrantes moriuntur, tamen acceptaui intrare, vt viderem quid ibi esset. Dum intrassem tot humana cadauera ibi vidi, quod nisi quis videret, credere non posset. In hac valle, ab vno eius latere, vidi faciem hominis valdè horribilem, qui tantum horrorem mihi incussit, quòd putaui me spiritum exhalare, propter quod saepè repetij verbum vitæ, scilicet, verbum Caro factum est. Ad illam faciem non audebam accedere, nisi ad distantiam octo passuum: posteà iui ad caput vallis, et ascendi super montem arenosum, in quo vndique circumspiciens, nihil videbam, nisi instrumenta musicalia, quæ audiebam fortitèr pulsare. Cùm fuissem in capite montis, reperi multum argentum congregatum ibi in similitudinem squamarum piscium, vnde posui in gremio, sed quod de ipso non curabam, dimisi illud, et sic illaesus transiui Deo concedente. Sarraceni cùm hoc scirent, reuerebantur me esse baptizatum, et sanctum: mortuos nunc in valle dicebant, homines infernales. Odericus ad literam hic terminat suum librum: non fuit tot perpessus in valle, sicut ego. Anno Domini 1331. Ianuarij nono, migrauit ad Christum, in conuentu Minorum: cuius vitam statim in fine, et vsque nunc claris miraculis diuina prouidentia approbat, et commendat, prout continebatur in quaterno, à quo concordantias hic superseminaui. CAPVT. 45. De periculo et tormentis in valle eadem. Itaque dico vobis, cùm sodalibus, qui simul eramus, quatuordecim diuersarum nationum ante ingressum huius tanti periculi peruenissemus, nos tractatu longo, et deliberatione acuta consiliabamur, vtrùmnam ingredi deberemus, et quidam affirmabant, alii verò negabant. Erant autem in numero duo deuoti fratres, de religione beati Francisci, natione Lombardi, qui videbantur pro seipsis non multum curare ingressum, nisi quia noluerunt nos animare ad ingressum, dicentes, si qui nostrum per confessionem, et Eucharistiæ susceptionem se ibidem praemunirent, ingrederentur cum illis: quo, ab omnibus mediante debita prouisione, quam ipsi fratres penes se gerebant peracto, parauimus mentes nostras cum pedibus ad intrandum. Sed ecce quinque de nobis, duo Graeci et tres Hispani, semetipsos ab alijs segregantes, visi sunt alium requirere introitum nos praecedere cupientes, et certè nos illos exinde non vidimus, et quid eis acciderit an periculum subierint, velne ignoramus. Nos autem nouem per vallem processimus in silentio, et cum cordis ea deuotione, quam quisque sibi potuerit obtinere: et ecce in breui transacto spatio apparuerunt cumuli massarum auri et argenti, et preciosorum copia vasorum. Sed dico vobis pro parte mea, quia nihil horum tetigi, reputans id fallaciam daemonum confinxisse ad mittendum concupiscentiam in cor nostram, imò sine intermissione conabar cor meum custodire ad deuotionem inceptam. Procedentibus igitur nobis lux coeli minuebator paulatim et augebatur horror, quoniam propè nos vndique etiam sub pedibus nostris apparebant iacere cadauera mortuorum hominum penitùs defuncta: alia adhuc spirantia, et nonulla semiuiua, super quæ dum nos aliquando calcare contingeret, conquerebantur, ac dolorosè submurmurabant. Et licèt non certum id habebam, æstimaui hoc fieri in parte vel in toto fictione daemonum, reputans in breui tempore tantam multitudinem hominum spontaneè vallem intrasse, et si à longo tempore in ea perijssent putrefactos fuisse. Ergò in initio nostri processus quasi propè leucam inuenitur iter sub pedibus satis promptum, sed lumine tanquam ad medium nobis sufficiente, via torquebatur nimis, et asperabatur: et ecce figuræ daemonum, circum et suprà in aere se ferentium, ad imagines horribilium luporum, leonum, laruarum, megerarum, iuxtà cuiuscunque genus vlulantium, rugentium, stridentium, gannientium, hiantes ore, intentantes dentibus, rostris, ac vnguibus, nos terrere, mordere, discerpere, deglutire. Quapropter pro breui interdum soluto silentio nos inuicèm hortabamur, ne quis pro pusillanimitate terrori cederet, et tanto deficeret in agone. Hoc igitur modo per secundam leucam expirante nobis vsque ad tenebras lumine, quousque quis vix vmbram proximi agnoscere possit, praeter praedicta in aere tormenta, incurrebant nobis ad tibias, et pedes pluralitas quasi porcorum, vrsorum, et caprarum grinnientium, et impellentium nos ad lapsum, quod vel ad tertium, vel quartum, aut sextum passum solatenus cadebamus in palmas, seu genua, vel prosternebamur in faciem, aut supini. Ac superuenere praeter hoc ventorum turbines, fulgurum coruscationes, tonitruorum boatus, drandium casus et exundatio pluuiarum, quantas et quales nunquam accepimus in hoc mundo, quibus iactabamur, ruebamus, quassabamur, et periclitati fuimus extrà narrandum. Interdum quoque sensimus tanquam graues baculorum ictus, per humeros, dorsa, latera, et ad renes, alij quidem grauiores, alij vt puta secundum demeritum vniuscuiusque. Et certè dum per tanta tormenta, quasi exhaustis totis viribus, iam propè medium locum vallis erat ventum, accidit repentè, sub vnico instanti temporis, quibusdam nostrum expalmatio ita dura, vt omnes paritèr collisi, et prostrati iaceremus in extasi per vnam vul duas forsitan horas. Et isto defectu vidit quilibet suo modo spiritualem visionem supermirabilem, et excedentem omne dictum, et scriptum. Ego verò de visione mea nihil ausus sum scribere, vel loqui, quia et fratres singuli inhibuerunt, nisi de his, quæ corporalitèr intuebamur, et passi sumus. Grauissimum singuli sustinuimus ictum per corporis loca diuersa, vnus in facie, alius in pectore, ad costas, in dorso, vel ad humerum, et mansit cuique signum percussuræ nigerrimum, ad formam virilis manus humanæ: [Sidenote: Mirabilis ictus.] Ictum autem meum in colli ceruice tali ac tanta passione, vt putabam caput abscissum de corpore auolare: et hinc ad octodecimum annum mansit mihi in prima magnitudine signum: sed et vsque nunc variato colore locus ille demonstrat penissimè cicatricem, donec cum cadauere tota mutabitur in sepulchro: porrò vbi nos ab extasi in his tenebris separauimus singuli per diuinam gratiam respirando, loquendo, palpando, erigendo nos ipsos mutua humanitate, vt potuimus, recollegimus, et cohortabamur, cùm subitò nobis apparuit sub tenebroso lumine, vel potiùs fumosa caligine, locus ille spatiosus mediæ vallis, continens antedictum horribile caput daemonis, plenus foetore inaestimabili, et iugi occupatus exercitatione innumerorum spirituum malignorum. Hunc ergo locum ineptum cùm vitare vellemus in toto nequiuimus extremitatem eius, quocunque girantes, nullus nostrorum perfecto aspectu audebat respicere quæ gerebantur ibidem, quia inuadens tremor statuebat horripilationem extrahebat, sudorem, et pudorem omnes extinguere videbantur. Nec tamen potuit esse consilium de reuertendo, ne propter immutatum propositum confestim à daemonibus strangularemur. Transiuimus, Dei gratia nobis opitulante, sed non sine maximo horroris, foetorisque tormento: rursumque ex tunc procedentes nos apprehendebat tenebrosa, validaque tempestas, ventorum, coruscationum, tonitruum, grandinum, et pluuiarum, cuius, quassatione collabebamur in facies, et in dorso dextrorsum, et sinistrorsum, interuoluente ad tibias, sicut priùs multitudine grinnientium bestiarum, nec dubito scribere quoque ampliùs, quàm 500. vicibus per hanc vallem quisque nostrum sternebatur ad terram. Post verò exactam tertiam leucam, coepit nobis augeri lux aeris, ex quo animosiores effecti, in vno tranquilliori loco nos parùm pausantes, gratias Deo palmis extensis in caelum, reddidimus immensas, et praecipuè quod nullus deesset de nouenario numero sociorum. Nihilominùs tamen spiritus in aere nobis minari non cessabant, pretendentes in derisionem sua pudenda simul, et foeda virilia et posteriora. Pro certo ergò habeatis de his quæ vidi, et sensi, nullam possum vobis tradere æquipollentiam verborum, cùm quia grauissima erant, tum quia, singulis ne mihi deuotionem minueret non attendebam, tum etiam, quod præ horrore, labore, et dolore multa memoriæ non commendabam. Per quartam autem leucam (ductrice gratia) leuiùs transeuntes, sustinuimus tamen sub pedibus hominum cadauera mortuorum, propè vallis exitum rerum tentamina preciosarum. Nunc itaque obsecro magno cordis effectu, haec legentes et audientes ego, qui in illa hora quid erga me agebat misericordissimi Dei pietas ignorabam, vt velitis pro me, simul et mecum ex mentis intimo collaudare ipsum Dominum, qui tunc de potestate tenebrarum illarum eripuit me indignum, et prout confido, à delictis iuuentutis me purgauit, quatenùs de posteà commissis, et committendis, mihi propitiùs fore dignetur, cùm iam senior sim effectus. Quoniam etsi ex tunc proposui mores corrigere, ex nunc statuo in melius emendare, per filium eius Iesum Christum Dominum nostrum. Ad hoc, addo breuitèr, quòd non auderem hortari quenquam, me consulentem, vt spontaneè ingrederetur hanc vallem infaustam, quamuis ego curiosus intraui. Venientes posthac ad proximas habitationes, necesse fuit nobis intendere ad recreandum corpora cibarijs, et balneis, et ad medendum vulneribus, et quassaturis, donec per aliquod tempus vnusquisque acciperet deliberationem super suo futuro. CAPVT. 46. De quibusdam alijs admirandis per Indorum insulas. [Sidenote: Gigantes Anthropophagi.] Vt modò procedam in tractatu. Sciatis ad paucas inde dietas grandem insulam haberi gigantum, ad straturam altitudinis viginti quinque pedum nostrorum, de quibus ipse vidi nonnullos, sed extrà terram eorum, et audiuimus esse intrinsecùs quosdam triginta pedum, et vltrà: hi operiuntur non vestibus, sed bestiarum pellibus vtcunque sibi appensis, comedentes animalium carnes crudas, et lac pro potu sorbentes, atque appetentes super omnem esum carnes humanas. Istorum non curaui intrare insulam: nam et audiui quòd ad maris littus solent insidiari nauigantibus, nauesque submergere, nisi interdum redimantur tribus aut quatuor per sortem hominibus sibi datis. [Sidenote: Letiferi aspectus mulierum.] Versus Austrum hinc in mari Oceano, habetur inter alias insulas vna, vbi crudelibus quibusdam mulieribus nascitur in oculis lapis rarus, et malus, quæ si per iram respexerint hominem, more Basilisci interficiunt solo visu. Et vltrà hanc insulam alia maior et populosior, vbi cùm multi sint vsus nobis insueti, vnum describo. [Sidenote: Insula vbi virgines vitiantur antequam nubant.] Dum desponsauerit vir puellam, virginem, mandat hominem incompositum, velut ribaldum, qui sua idonea claue per expertos super hoc diligentèr considerata, si reputatur idonea reseret et vestiget sub nocte vnica virginalem conclauem, pro mercede sibi tradita competenti. Et si postera nocte accedens sponsus ita non inuenerit, poterit, et consueuit hominem impetere ad mortis iudicium indeclinabile. Cumque huius moris discere voluissem causam, accepi responsum, pro certis temporibus apud eos, virgines habuisse in matricibus paruos serpentes, quibus nocebantur primi ad illas intrantes. Ideoque et viri, que pro mercede tantum subeunt periculum, vocant sua loquela cadibrum, est, stultos desperatos. Ex hac, apparet Insula in qua inter alios vsus, peruersæ sunt matres contra naturam et scripturam, cum pepererent contristantur, et dum proles moritur iocundantur, iactantes in magno igne cum conuiuio et exultatione, dumque maritus ante vxorem decidit, patebit vxoris plena dilectio, si cum corpore mariti, quod rogo traditur se iactat cremandum, vt quia in isto seculo steterunt amoris vinculo colligati, non sint alio separati. Nec tamen intelligunt illud seculum, nisi quod sibi confingunt terrestrem Paradisum. Purum aut minorem annis, trahet mater secum si placet, sed ætatis puer perfectæ, eliget pro proprio placito viuere superstes, aut mori iuxta parentes. Hic etiam non succedunt Reges per generationem sed per electionem, vt assumatur non nobilior, aut fortior, sed morigeratior, et iustior, 50 ad minus annorum, nullam habens sobolem aut vxorem, seruaturque illic iusticiæ rigor in plena censura, in omnibus et contra omnes, etiamsi forefecerit ipse Rex, qui nec eximitur a traditis legibus pro concupiscentia vel contemptione quarumlibet personarum. Veruntamen Rex si peccauerit non occiditur ob reuerentiam, sed quòd sub poena mortis, publicè inhibetur, ne quispiam in Regione ei verbo vel vllo facto communicet, et quoniam sui loco alter rex constituitur, necesse est illi breui vita degere vel perpetuò exulare. Constat post ipsam, et alia Insula, multis bonis locuples, et hominibus populosa, de qua recolo scribendum, quod nulla occasione comedunt tria genera carnium, gallinarum, leporam, et aucarum, quas etsi nutriant in copijs, vtuntur duntaxat pellibus aut plumis. Caeterarum vero bestiarum et animalium licitè vescuntur carnibus pro victu, et lacte pro potu. Ibi quisque vir licitè potest coniungi cuique mulieri; quantumcunque propinquet, exceptis progenitoribus, patre matre. Nam cohabitatio, et commixtio omnium virorum ad singulas mulieres apparet ibi communis, vnde mater natum paruulum suum, adicit pro sui placito cuicunque viro, qui circa generationis tempus secumn dormierit, nec valet vllus virorum esse certus de proprio generato, quem modum exlegem arbitror et turpem. Sicut ergò praefatus sum, multa mira videntur per Regiones Indorum, mira quidem nobis, sed illis assueta, quibus si nostra recitarentur assueta, audirent pro miris. Nam et dum quibusdam dixi aucas viuas apud nos nasci in arboribus, admirati sunt satis. In multis locis seminatur singulis annis sementum de Cothon, quod nos dicimus lanam arboream, exurgunt ei modica arbusta, vel potius arbustula de quibus talis lana habetur: est arbor luniperus, de cuius ligno desiccato, si carbones viuos sub proprijs cineribus tenueris diligenter opertos, igniti seruabuntur ad annum. Est et genus Nucum incredibilis magnitudinis ad quantitatem magni capitis: et bestia vocata, oraflans, vel serfans, corpore in nostrorum aldtudine caballorum, et collo in 20 longitudine cubitorum ad prospiciendum vltra domos et muros, quorum posteriora apparent vt hinniculi siue lerni. Genus est etiam Camelionum ad formam hynnulorum, qui semper patulo tendunt ore, vel nil manducantes. Viuunt de aere, quæ etiam ad suum libitum videntur sibi variare colorem, exceptis (vt dicitur) albo vel rubeo. Maximi quóque serpentes, inuicem qualitate, et genere differentes atque colore. Aliqui cristam in capite gerunt, quidam more hominum ad duos pedes erecti incedunt, et nonnulli qui dicuntur Reguli, venenum per ora distillare non cessant, nec non quam plures cocodrilli, de quibus aliquid in praecedentibus retuli; [Sidenote: Apri ingentes. Leones albi. Louheraus.] et apri in nostrorum magnitudine boum, spinosi ericij, in quantitate porcorum, leones albi in altitudine dextrariorum. Louheraus, seu Edouches per Indiam habentur, quod ferarum genus satis est maius nostris communibus equis, geren in fronte tetri capitis tria longa cornua, ad formam pugionis, ex vtraque parte scindentia, vt eis nonnunquam interficiant Elephantes. Aliæ quoque bestiæ crudeles vt vrsi cum capitibus ferè aprorum et habentes pedes senos, qui finduntur latis vngulis bis acutis, et cum caudis leonum siue pardorum. Et quod vix credetur, mures pro quantitate, 10, aut 12. nostrorum et vespertiliones ad modum coruorum. Sed et aucæ in triplo maiores nostris, plumis indutæ rubris, nisi quod in pectore et collo apparet nigredo. Et breuiter tam ibi quàm alibi, habentur pisces, bestiæ, volucres, aut vermes diuersorum generum, aut specierum, de quibus hoc loco, vel inutilis, vel prolixa posset fieri narratio, quod nec illis qui nunquam propria exierunt, credibilis videretur. The English Version. And he hathe in his lordschipes many grete marveyles. For in his contree, is the see that men clepen the Gravely See, that is alle gravelle and sond, with outen ony drope of watre: and it ebbethe and flowethe in grete wawes, as other sees don: and it is never stille ne in pes, in no maner cesoun. And no man may passe that see be navye, be no maner of craft: and therfore may no man knowe, what lond is bezond that see. And alle be it that it have no watre, zit men fynden there in and on the bankes, fulle gode fissche of other maner of kynde and schappe, thanne men fynden in ony other see; and thei ben of right goode tast, and delycious to mannes mete. And a 3 iourneys long fro that see, ben gret mountaynes; out of the whiche gothe out a gret flood, that comethe out of paradys: and it is fulle of precious stones, with outen ony drope of water: and it rennethe thorghe the desert, on that o syde; so that it makethe the see gravely: and it berethe in to that see, and there it endethe. And that flomme rennethe also, 3 dayes in the woke, and bryngethe with him grete stones, and the roches also therewith, and that gret plentee. And anon as thei ben entred in to the gravely see, thei ben seyn no more; but lost for evere more. And in tho 3 dayes, that that ryvere rennethe, no man dar entren in to it: but in the other dayes, men dar entren wel y now. Also bezonde that flomme, more upward to the desertes, is a gret pleyn alle gravelly betwene the mountaynes: and in that playn, every day at the sonne risynge, begynnen to growe smale trees; and thei growen til mydday, berynge frute: but no man dar taken of that frute; for it is a thing of fayrye. And aftre mydday, thei discrecen and entren azen in to the Erthe, so that at the goynge doun of the Sonne, thei apperen no more; and so thei don every day; and that is a gret marvaille. In that desert ben many wylde men, that ben hidouse to loken on: for thei ben horned; and thei speken nought, but thei gronten, as pygges. And there is also gret plentee of wylde Houndes. And there ben manye popegayes, that thei clepen psitakes in hire langage: and thei speken of hire propre nature, and salven men that gon thorghe the desertes, and speken to hem als appertely, as thoughe it were a man. And thei that speken wel, han a large tonge, and han 5 toos upon a Fote. And there ben also of other manere, that han but 3 toos upon a fote; and thei speken not, or but litille: for thei cone not but cryen. This Emperour Prestre John, whan he gothe in to battaylle, azenst ony other Lord, he hathe no baneres born before him: but he hathe 3 crosses of gold, fyn, grete and hye, fulle of precious stones: and every of the crosses ben sett in a chariot, fulle richely arrayed. And for to kepen every cros, ben ordeyned 10000 men at Armes, and mo than 100000 men on Fote, in maner as men wolde kepe a Stondard in oure Contrees, whan that wee ben in lond of werre. And this nombre of folk is with outen the pryncipalle Hoost, and with outen Wenges ordeynd for the bataylle. And he hathe no werre, but ridethe with a pryvy meynee, thanne he hathe bore before him but o cross of tree, with outen peynte peynture, and with outen gold or silver or precious stones; in remembrance, that Jesus suffred dethe upon a cros of tree. And he hathe born before him also a plater of gold fulle of erthe, in tokene that his noblesse and his myghte and his flessche schalle turnen to erthe. And he hathe born before him also a vesselle of silver, fulle of noble jewelles of gold fulle riche, and of precious stones, in tokene of his lordschipe and of his noblesse and of his myght. He duellethe comounly in the cytee of Suse; and there is his principalle palays, that is so riche and so noble, that no man wil trowe it by estymacioun, but he had seen it. And aboven the chief tour of the palays, ben 2 rounde pomeles of gold; and in everyche of hem ben 2 carboncles grete and large, that schynen fulle brighte upon the nyght. And the principalle zates of his palays ben of precious ston, that men clepen sardoyne: and the bordure and the barres ben of ivorye: and the wyndowes of the halles and chambres ben of cristalle: and the tables where on men eten, somme ben of emeraudes, summe of amatyst and summe of gold, fulle of precious stones; and the pileres, that beren up the tables, ben of the same precious stones. And the degrees to gon up to his throne, where he sittethe at the mete, on is of oniche, another is of cristalle, and another of jaspre grene, another of amatyst, another of sardyne, another of corneline, and the sevene that he settethe on his feet, is of crisolyte. And alle theise degrees ben bordured with fyn gold, with the tother precious stones, sett with grete perles oryent. And the sydes of the sege of his throne ben of emeraudes, and bordured with gold fulle nobely, and dubbed with other precious stones and grete perles. And alle the pileres in his chambre, ben of fyne gold with precious stones, and with many carboncles, that zeven gret lyght upon the nyght to alle peple. And alle be it that the charboncle zeve lyght right y now, natheles at alle tymes brennethe a vesselle of cristalle fulle of bawme, for to zeven gode smelle, and odour to the emperour, and to voyden awey alle wykkede eyres and corrupciouns. And the forme of his bedd is of fyne saphires bended with gold, for to make him slepen wel, and to refreynen him from lecherye. For he wille not lyze with his wyfes, but 4 sithes in the zeer, aftre the four cesouns: and that is only for to engendre children. He hathe also a fulle fayr palays and a noble, at the cytee of Nyse, where that he dwellethe, whan him best lykethe; but the ayr is not so attempree, as it is at the cytee of Suse. And zee schulle undirstonde, that in alle his contree, ne in the contrees there alle aboute, men eten noghte but ones in the day, as men don in the court of the grete Chane. And so thei eten every day in his court, mo than 30000 persones, with outen goeres and comeres. But the 30000 persones of his contree, ne of the contree of the grete Chane, ne spenden noghte so moche gode, as don 12000 of oure contree. This Emperour Prestre John hathe evere more 7 kynges with him, to serve him: and thei departen hire service be certeyn monethes. And with theise kynges serven alle weys 72 dukes and 360 erles. And alle the dayes of the zeer, there eten in his houshold and in his court, 12 erchebysshoppes and 20 bisshoppes. And the patriark of Seynt Thomas is there, as is the Pope here. And the erchebisshoppes and the bisshoppes and the abboties in that contree, ben alle kynges. And everyche of theise grete lordes knowen wel y now the attendance of hire servyse. This on is mayster of his houshold, another is his chamberleyn, another servethe him of a dissche, another of the cuppe, another is styward, another is mareschalle, another is prynce of his armes: and thus is he fulle nobely and ryally served. And his lond durethe in verry brede 4 moneths iorneyes, and in lengthe out of measure; that is to seyn, alle the yles undir erthe, that wee supposen to ben undir us. Besyde the yle of Pentexoire, that is the lond of Prestre John, is a gret yle long and brode, that men clepen Milsterak; and it is in the lordschipe of Prestre John. In that yle is gret plentee of godes. There was dwellynge somtyme a ryche man, and it is not longe sithen, and men clept him Gatholonabes; and he was fulle of cauteles and of sotylle disceytes; and he hadde a fulle fair castelle, and a strong, in a mountayne, so strong and so noble, that no man cowde devise a fairere ne a strangere. And he had let muren alle the mountayne aboute with a strong walle and a fair. And with inne tho walles he had the fairest gardyn, that ony man myghte beholde; and therein were trees berynge alle maner of frutes, that ony man cowde devyse; and there in were also alle maner vertuous herbes of gode smelle, and alle other herbes also, that beren faire floures. And he had also in that gardyn, many faire welles; and beside tho welles, he had lete make faire halles and faire chambres, depeynted alle with gold and azure. And there weren in that place many a dyverse thinges and many dyverse stories: and of bestes and of bryddes, that songen fulle delectabely; and meveden be craft, that it semede that thei weren quyke. And he had also in his gardyn alle maner of foules and of bestes that ony man myghte thenke on, for to have pley or desport to beholde hem. And he had also in that place, the faireste zonge Damyseles, that myghte ben founde undir the age of 15 zere, and the faireste zonge striplynges, that men myghte gete of that same age: and alle thei weren clothed in clothes of gold fully richely: and he seyde, that tho weren aungeles. And he had also let make 3 welles, faire and noble, and alle envyround with ston of jaspre, of cristalle, pyapred with gold, and sett with precious stones and grete orient perles. And he had made a conduyt undir erthe, so that the 3 weles, at his list, on scholde renne milk, another wyn, and another hony. And that place he clept paradys. And whan that ony gode knyghte, that was hardy and noble, cam to see this rialtee, he wolde lede him into his paradys, and schewen him theise wondirfulle thinges, to his desport, and the marveyllous and delicious song of dyverse briddes, and the faire damyseles, and the faire welles of mylk, wyn and hony, plentevous rennynge. And he wolde let make dyyerse Instrumentes of Musick to sownen in an highe Tour, so merily that it was joye for to here; and no man scholde see the craft thereof: and tho, he seyde, weren aungeles of God, and that place was paradys, that God had behighte to his frendes, seyenge, _Dabo vobis terram fluentem lacte et mel_. And thanne wolde he maken hem to drynken of certeyn drynk, where of anon thei scholden be dronken. And thanne wolde hem thinken gretter delyt, than thei hadden before. And than wolde he seye to hem, that zif thei wolde dyen for him and for his love, that aftir hire dethe, thei scholde come to his paradys; and thei scholde ben of the age of the damyseles, and thei scholde pleyen with hem, and zit ben maydenes. And aftir thai, zit scholde he putten hem in a fayrere paradys, where that thei schold see God of Nature visibely, in His majestee and in His blisse. And than wolde He schewe hem His entent, and seye hem, that zif thei wolde go sle suche a Lord, or suche a man, that was his enemye, or contrarious to his list, that thei scholde not dred to done it, and for to be slayn therefore hemself: for aftir hire dethe, he wold putten hem into another paradys, that was an 100 fold fairer than ony of the tothere; and there schode thei dwellen with the most fairest damyselles that myghte be, and play with hem ever more. And thus wenten many dyverse lusty bacheleres for to sle grete lords, in dyverse countrees, that weren his enemyes, and maden hem self to ben slayn, in hope to have that paradys. And thus often tyme, he was revenged of his enemyes, be his sotylle disceytes and false cauteles. And whan the worthi men of the contree hadden perceyved this sotylle falshod of this Gatholonabes, thei assembled hem with force, and assayleden his castelle, and slowen him, and destroyden alle the faire places, and alle the nobletees of that paradys. The place of the welles and of the walles and of many other thinges, ben zit apertly sene: but the richesse is voyded clene. And it is not longe gon, sithe that place was destroyed. Of the Develes Hede in the Valeye perilous; and of the Customs of folk in dyverse Yles, that ben abouten, in the Lordschipe of Prestre John. [Sidenote: Chap. XXVIII.] Besyde that Yle of Mistorak, upon the left syde, nyghe to the ryvere of Phison, is a marveylous thing. There is a vale betwene the mountaynes, that durethe nyghe a 4 myle: and summen clepen it the Vale Enchaunted; some clepen it the Vale of Develes, and some clepen it the Vale Perilous. In that vale, heren men often tyme grete tempestes and thondres and grete murmures and noyses, alle dayes and nyghtes: and gret noyse, as it were sown of tabours and of nakeres and trompes, as thoughe it were of a gret feste; This ale is alle fulle of develes, and hathe ben alle weyes. And men seyn there, that it is on of the entrees of helle. In that vale is gret plentee of gold and sylver: wherefore many mysbelevynge men, and manye Christene men also, gon in often tyme, for to have of the thresoure, that there is: but fewe comen azen; and namely of the mys belevynge men, ne of the Cristene men nouther: for thei ben anon strangled of develes. And in mydde place of that vale, undir a roche, is an hed and the visage of a devyl bodyliche, fulle horrible and dreadfulle to see, and it schewethe not but the hed, to the schuldres. But there is no man in the world so hardy, Cristene man ne other, but that he wolde ben a drad for to beholde it: and that it wolde semen him to dye for drede; so is it hidous for to beholde. For he beholdethe even man so scharply, with dreadfulle eyen, that ben evere more mevynge and sparklynge, as fuyr, and chaungethe and sterethe so often in dyverse manere, with so horrible countenance, that no man dar not neighen towardes him. And fro him comethe out smoke and stynk and fuyr, and so moche abhomynacioun, that unethe no man may there endure. But the gode Cristene men, that ben stable in the feythe, entren welle withouten perile. For thei wil first schryven hem, and marken hem with the tokene of the Holy Cros; so that the fendes ne han no power over hem. But alle be it that thei ben with outen perile, zit natheles ne ben thei not with outen drede, whan that thei seen the develes visibely and bodyly alle aboute hem, that maken fully dyverse assautes and manaces in eyr and in erthe, and agasten hem with strokes of thondre blastes and of tempestes. And the most drede is, that God wole taken vengeance thanne, of that men han mys don azen his wille. And zee schulle undirstonde, that whan my fellows and I weren in that vale, wee weren in gret thought, whether that wee dursten putten oure bodyes in aventure, to gon in or non, in the proteccioun of God. And somme of oure fellowes accordeden to enter, and somme noght. So there weren with us 2 worthi men, Frere Menoures, that weren of Lombardye, that seyden, that zif ony man wolde entren, thei wolde gon in with us. And when thei hadden seyd so, upon the gracyous trust of God and of hem, wee leet synge masse, and made every man to ben schryven and houseld: and thanne wee entreden 14 personnes; but at oure goynge out, wee weren but 9. And so we wisten nevere, whether that oure fellowes weren lost, or elle turned azen for drede: but wee ne saughe hem never after: and tho weren 2 men of Grece and 3 of Spayne. And oure other fellows, that wolden not gon in with us, thei wenten by another coste, to ben before us, and so thei were. And thus wee passeden that perilous vale, and founden thereinne gold and sylver and precious stones and riche jewelles gret plentee, both here and there, as us semed: but whether that it was, as us semede, I wot nere: for I touched none, because that the develes ben so subtyle to make a thing to seme otherwise than it is, for to disceyve mankynde; and therfore I towched none; and also because that I wolde not ben put out of my devocioun: for I was more devout thanne, than evere I was before or after, and alle for the drede of fendes, that I saughe in dyverse figures; and also for the gret multytude of dede bodyes, that I saughe there liggynge be the weye, be alle the vale, as thoughe there had ben a bataylle betwene 2 kynges and the myghtyest of the contree, and that the gretter partye had ben discomfyted and slayn. And I trowe, that unethe scholde ony contree have so moche peple with in him, as lay slayn in that vale, as us thoughte; the whiche was an hidouse sight to seen. And I merveylled moche, that there weren so manye, and the bodyes all hole, with outen rotynge. But I trowe, that fendes made hem semen to ben so hole, with outen rotynge. But that myghte not ben to myn avys, that so manye scholde have entred so newely, ne so manye newely slayn, with outen stynkynge and rotynge. And manye of hem were in habite of Cristene men: but I trowe wel, that it weren of suche, that wenten in for covetyse of the thresoure, that was there, and hadden over moche feblenesse in feithe; so that hire hertes ne myghte not enduren in the beleve for drede. And therfore weren wee the more devout a gret del: and zit wee weren cast doun and beten down many tymes to the hard erthe, be wyndes and thondres and tempestes: but evere more God of His grace halp us: and so we passed that perilous vale, with outen perile and with outen encombrance. Thanked be alle myghty Godd. Aftre this, bezonde the vale, is a gret yle, where the folk ben grete geauntes of 28 fote longe or of 30 fote longe; and thei han no clothinge, but of skynnes of bestes, that thei hangen upon hem: and thei eten no breed, but alle raw flesche: and thei drynken mylk of bestes; for thei han plentee of alle bestaylle. And thei have none houses, to lyen inne. And thei eten more gladly mannes flessche, thanne ony other flesche. In to that yle dar no man gladly entren: and zif thei seen a schipp and men there inne, anon thei entren in to the see, for to take hem. And men seyden us, that in an yle bezonde that, weren geantes of grettere stature: summe of 45 fote, or 50 fote long, and as some men seyn, summe of 50 cubytes long: but I saghe none of tho; for I hadde no lust to go to tho parties, because that no man comethe nouther in to that yle ne in to the other, but zif he be devoured anon. And among tho geauntes ben scheep, als grete as oxen here; and thei beren gret wolle and roughe. Of the scheep I have seyn many tymes. And men han seyn many tymes tho geauntes taken men in the see out of hire schippes, and broughte hem to lond, 2 in on hond and 2 in another, etynge hem goynge, alle rawe and alle quyk. Another yle is there toward the northe, in the see occean, where that ben fulle cruele and ful evele wommen of nature; and thei han precious stones in hire eyen: and thei ben of that kynde, that zif thei beholden ony man with wratthe, thei slen him anon with the beholdynge, as dothe the basilisk. Another yle is there, fulle fair and gode and gret, and fulle of peple, where the custom is suche, that the firste nyght that thei ben maryed, thei maken another man to lye be hire wifes, for to have hire maydenhode: and therfore thei taken gret huyre and gret thank. And ther ben certeyn men in every town, that serven of non other thing; and thei clepen hem Cadeberiz, that is to seyne, the foles of Wanhope. For thei of the contree holden it so gret a thing and so perilous, for to haven the maydenhode of a woman, that hem semethe that thei that haven first the maydenhode, puttethe him in aventure of his lif. And zif the husbonde fynde his wif mayden, that other next nyghte, aftre that she scholde have ben leyn by of the man, that is assigned therefore, perauntes for dronkenesse or for some other cause, the husbonde schalle pleyne upon him, that he hathe not don his deveer, in suche cruelle wise, as thoughe he wolde have him slayn therfore. But after the firste nyght, that they ben leyn by, thei kepen hem so streytely, that thei ben not so hardy to speke with no man. And I asked hem the cause, whi that thei helden suche custom: and thei seyden me, that of old tyme, men hadden ben dede for deflourynge of maydenes, that hadden serpentes in hire bodyes, that stongen men upon hire zerdes, that thei dyeden anon: and therfore thei helden that custom, to make other men, ordeyn'd therefore, to lye be hire wyfes, for drede of dethe, and to assaye the passage be another, rather than for to putte hem in that aventure. Aftre that, is another yle, where that wommen maken gret sorwe, whan hire children ben y born: and whan thei dyen, thei maken gret feste and gret joye and revelle, and thanne thei casten hem into a gret fuyr brennynge. And tho that loven wel hire husbondes, zif hire husbondes ben dede, thei casten hem also in the fuyr, with hire children, and brennen hem. And thei seyn, that the fuyr schalle clensen hem of alle filthes and of alle vices, and thei schulle gon pured and clene in to another world, to hire husbondes, and thei schulle leden hire children with hem. And the cause whi that they wepen, when hire children ben born, is this, for whan thei comen in to this world, thei comen to labour, sorwe and hevynesse: and whi thei maken ioye and gladnesse at hire dyenge, is be cause that, as thei seyn, thanne thei gon to Paradys, where the ryveres rennen mylk and hony, where that men seen hem in ioye and in habundance of godes, with outen sorwe and labour. In that yle men maken hire kyng evere more be eleccioun: and thei ne chese him nought for no noblesse ne for no ricchesse, but suche an on as is of gode maneres and of gode condiciouns, and therewith alle rightfulle; and also that he be of gret age, and that he have no children. In that yle men ben fulle rightfulle, and thei don rightfulle iuggementes in every cause, bothe of riche and pore, smale and grete, aftre the quantytee of the trespas, that is mys don. And the kyng may nought deme no man to dethe, with outen assent of his barouns and other wyse men of conseille, and that alle the court accorde therto. And zif the kyng him self do ony homycydie or ony cryme, as to sle a man, or ony suche cas, he schalle dye therefore; but he schalle not be slayn, as another man, but men schulle defende in peyne of dethe, that no man be so hardy to make him companye, ne to speke with hym, ne that no man zeve him ne selle him ne serve him nouther of mete ne drynk: and so schalle he dye in myschef. Thei spare no man that hath trespaced, nouther for love ne for favour ne for ricchesse ne for noblesse, but that he schalle have aftre that he hathe don. Bezonde that yle, is another yle, where is gret multytude of folk; and thei wole not for nothing eten flesche of hares, ne of hennes, ne of gees: and zit thei bryngen forthe y now, for to seen hem and to beholden hem only. But thei eten Flesche of alle other bestes, and drynken mylk. In that contre, thei taken hire doughtres and hire sustres to here wyfes, and hire other kynneswomen. And zif there ben 10 or 12 men or mo dwellynge in an hows, the wif of eyeryche of hem schalle ben comoun to hem alle, that duellen in that hows; so that every man may liggen with whom he wole of hem, on o nyght. And zif sche have ony child, sche may zeve it to what man sche list, that hathe companyed with hire; so that no man knoweth there, whether the child be his or anotheres. And zif ony man seye to hem, that thei norrischen other mennes children, thei answeren, that so don other men hires. In that contre and be all Ynde, ben gret plentee of cokodrilles, that is the maner of a longe serpent, as I haye seyd before. And in the nyght, thei dwellen in the watir, and on the day, upon the lond, in roches and caves. And thei ete no mete in all the wynter: but thei lyzn as in a drem, as don the serpentes. Theise serpentes slen men, and thei eten hem wepynge: and whan thei eten, thei meven the over Jowe, and noughte the nether Jowe; and thei have no Tonge. In that contree, and in many other bezonde that, and also in manye on this half, men putten in werke the sede of cotoun: and thei sowen it every zeer, and than growthe it in smale trees, that beren cotoun. And so don men every zeer; so that there is plentee of cotoun, at alle tymes. Item, in this yle and in many other, there is a manner of wode, hard and strong: who so coverethe the coles of that wode undir the assches there offe, the coles wil duellen and abyden alle quyk, a zere or more. And that tre hathe many leves, as the gynypre hathe. And there ben also many trees, that of nature thei wole never brenne ne rote in no manere. And there ben note trees, that beren notes, als grete as a mannes hed. There also ben many bestes, that ben clept orafles. [Footnote: Giraffes.] In Arabye, thei ben clept gerfauntz; that is a best pomelee or apotted; that is but a litylle more highe, than is a stede; but he hathe the necke a 20 cubytes long: and his croup and his tayl is as of an hert: and he may loken over a gret highe Hous. And there ben also in that contree manye camles, that is a lytille best as a goot, that is wylde and he lyvethe be the eyr, and etethe nought ne drynkethe nought at no tyme. And he chaungethe his colour often tyme: for men seen him often scithes, now in o colour and now in another colour: and he may chaunge him in to alle maner of coloures that him list, saf only in to red and white. There ben also in that contree passynge grete serpentes, sume of 120 Fote long, and thei ben of dyverse coloures, as rayed, rede, grene and zalowe, blewe and blake, and alle spekelede. And there ben othere, that han crestes upon hire hedes: and thei gon upon hire feet upright: and thei ben wel a 4 fadme gret or more: and thei duellen alle weye in roches or in mountaynes: and thei han alle wey the throte open, of whens thei droppen venym alle weys. And there ben also wylde swyn of many coloures, als gret as ben oxen in oure contree, and thei ben alle spotted, as ben zonge fownes. And there ben also urchounes, als gret as wylde swyn here. Wee clepen hem poriz de spyne. And ther ben lyouns alle whyte gret and myghty. And ther ben also of other bestes, als grete and more gretter than is a destrere: and men clepen hem loerancz: and sum men clepen hem odenthos: and thei han a blak hed and 3 longe hornes trenchant in the front, scharpe as a sword; and the body is sclender. And he is a fulle felonous best: and he chacethe and sleethe the olifaunt. There ben also manye other bestes, fullye wykked and cruelle, that ben not mocheles more than a bere; and thei han the hed lyche a bore; and thei han 6 feet: and on every foote 2 large clawes trenchant: and the body is lyche a bere, and the tayl as a lyoun. And there ben also myse, als gret as houndes; and zalowe myse, als grete as ravenes. And ther ben gees alle rede, thre sithes more gret than oure here: and thei han the hed, the necke and the brest alle black. And many other dyverse bestes ben in tho contrees, and elle where there abouten: and manye dyverse briddes also; of the whiche, it were to longe for to telle zou: and therefore I passe over at this tyme. CAPVT. 47. De Bracmannorum et aliorum Insulis. Bracmannorum Insula quasi ad medium Imperij consistit Praesbyteri Ioannis. Hic licet Christiani non sunt, viuunt tamen naturali optimo more. Rudes enim et incomparati, simplices, et inscij omnis artis apparent. Non cupidi, superbi, inuidi, iracundi, gulosi, aut luxuriosi nec iurant, fraudant, aut mentiuntur. Laborant corpora, sed intendunt animo implere quo ad valent naturale mandatum, hoc facias alijs quod tibi vis fieri: credentes et adorantes omnium creatorum Deum, et sperantes ab ipso simpliciter Paradisum. Sobrij quoque sunt, quapropter et longo tempore viuunt: et si quis ab eorum moribus degenerat, proscribitur perpetuò sine mora, omnibus nulla posita differentia personarum, vnde et in iusto Dei iudicio, quòd naturalem exercere iustitiam contendunt, Elementa eis naturaliter obsequuntur, et rarò eos tangit tempestas, aut fames, pestilentia aut gladius. [Sidenote: Flumen Chene.] Magna riparia dicta Chene currit per Insulam, ministrans piscium et aquarum copiam: Istos olim Alexander rex Grecorum debellare cupiens, misit eis literas comminationis, cui inter caetera notabilia remandauerunt, nihil se habere curiosi, quod Rex tantus deberet concupiscere, nihilque ita se timere perdituros sicut pacem bonam, quam hactenus habuerunt inconcussam: sicque diuino nutu est actum vt Rex truculentus ad alia se verteret, atque in breui postmodùm caderet, quia dissipat Dominus eos, qui bella volunt, et istis manet pax multa diligentibus eam. [Sidenote: Pytan.] Pytan Insula breuis continet paucos et breues habitatores, Pygmaeis modico longiores, qui decoris vultibus nullo vnquam cibo vescentes, specialis pomi quod secum portant sustentantur odore, quo si carerent ad parum, color in vultu marcesceret, et die tertia vita periret. Discretio et rationabilitas ijs adest modica, nec enim habent laborare nisi pro vestitu, quem sibi circa arbusta colligunt: Et conficit vnusquisque pro 12 annis vitæ suæ. Vltra hanc Insulam siluestres, et fortes habentur homines, sed bestiales, vestiti per totum corpus proprijs capillis et pilis, exceptis palmis, et faciebus, qui videntur penitus gubernatione et politia carere: venantur carnes per siluas, et discurrunt piscantes in aquis, omnia cruda vorantes. [Sidenote: Fluius Briemer.] Huius ad terræ metas manat fluuius Briemer latitudinis duarum leucarum, et semis, quem nos transire nequiuimus, nec ausi fuimus. Quoniam illo transmisso instant deserta 15, aut plurium diætatum inhabitata nunc temporis (prout audieramus) diuersis et nobis ignotis generibus bestiarum, serpentum, draconum, gryphium, aspidum, dypsarum, et colubrorum in multitudine tanta, vt centum millia armatorum simul pertingere vsquè ad arbores, quæ ibi dicuntur solis et lunæ, vix possent. Attamen suo tempore Alexander magnus scribitur pertigisse, et quaedam ab arboribus fictitia succepisse responsa. [Sidenote: Balsamum indicum.] Circa has arbores excolitur Balsamum, cuius liquoris comparatio nusquam scitur contineri sub coelo. Nam ibidem homines, de istarum arborum fructibus et Balsamo vtentes dicuntur illorum virtute quadringentis aut pluribus annis viuere. Peruenit autem et Dux Danus Ogerus, ac manducauit de illis, vnde et nonnulli præ sensus stoliditate vel fidei leuitate putant ipsum adhuc alibi viuere in terris. Ego autem quia tantum pro dilatanda Christianitate laborauit arbitror magis, eum regnare cum Christo in coelis. [Sidenote: Taprobana Insula, et eius descriptio.] Versus Orientales partes Indorum consistit magna regio Taprobane exuberans optimis terrenorum bonorum, in quam nauigio intrauimus in octo vel circa diaetis per aquam satis tenuem, haud profundam. Ibi, sicut et in alijs multis Insulis, rex non nascitur sed eligitur per partes terræ: et est haec vna de quindecim nominatis Regionibus conquisitionis Ogeri. Ista, cum modicum declinet à circulo terræ sub Æquatore, patitur in anno duas æstates, et duas hyemes, si tamen hyems aliqua dici debeat, et non magis æstas, quia nullus hic dies anni caret fructu, flore, germine. Habitatores sunt discreti, et honesti, vnde et mercatores de remotis partibus libenter cum ijs communicant: et sparsim per regionem habitant plurimi diuites Christiani. [Sidenote: Orilla. Argita.] Hijs iunguntur duæ insulæ (quas nos vocamus, Orilla, et Argita), quanquam illa lingua aliter nominentur. In quarum prima sunt multæ mineriæ auri, in secunda argenti, et propter quandam crassitudinem aeris continuam, perpauca apparent sydera, praeter vnum quod dicunt Canopum, quod æstimo planetam Veneris. [Sidenote: Hunc locum notat Gerardus Mercator in sua charta generali.] Et quod mirum est valdè de omni lunatione ijs apparet nisi 2. quarta. Cuius rei probabilis ratio effugit etiam Astronomos valdè peritos. Atque per has Insulas quoddam rubrum mare à mari Oceano segregatur. Itaque in Orilla in locis multis effoditur, colligitur, et conflatur optimum auri metallum, per viros, mulieres, et paruulos in hoc instructos, sed et in nonnullis ibi montibus monstrantur congregationes bestiolarum in quantitate nostrorum catulorum, in formicarum forma ac natura totali: qui pro suis viribus effodiunt, purificant, et colligunt cum intenta occupatione auri minutias, eas reponentes, et repositas retrahentes de cauernis et specubus in cauernas et specus. Et in conseruando sum diligentes et acres, vt nemo audeat de facili propinquare, nisi quod interdum ab illis pausantibus; seu ab æstu se occultantibus, aliqui non sine periculo in dromedarijs et veredarijs rapiunt, vel furantur. Solet etiam ab eis obtineri, quòd excogitato ingenio super equam quæ nuper foetum ediderit, imponentes homines duas de ligno cistulas, seu cophinos nouos, vacuos, et apertos à lateribus dependentes propè terram: hanc famelicam dimittunt vt se pascat ad herbas in montem: Quam formicæ videntes solam salientes et iocantes, colludunt ad eam et ad eius confines pro nouitate: et quoniam eis est naturale, vt circa se omne vacuum implere conentur comportant certatim aurum suum in vasculis suis mundis. Cumque homines a remotis tempus obseruauerint, emittunt pellum equæ vt videat matrem, cuius aspectu iam diu stetit priuatus, ad cuius hinnitum protinus equa reuertitur onusta de auro. Hijs ergò et similibus modis homines aurum diripiunt à formicis. CAPVT. 48. Aliquid de loco Paradisi terrestris per auditum. A Finibus Imperij Indiæ recta linea in orientem nihil est habitatum vel habitabile, propter rupium, et montium altitudinem, et asperitatem, et propter aeris inter Alpes diuersitatem: nam in multis locis, licet quandoque aer sit serenus, nunc fit spissus nunc fumosus, vel venenosus, et frequenter die medio tenebrosus. Durantque aut potius aggrauescunt huiusmodi difficultates, vsque ad illum amænissimum Paradisi locum, quem protoplausti per inobedientiam sibi et posteris perdidisse noscuntur, quod spacium si metiri posset, est multarum vtique diætarum. Quia iam non vlterius processi, nec procedere quiui, pauca duntaxat de illo loco referam verisimilia, quæ didici per auditum. [Sidenote: Descriptio Paradisi.] Paradisus terrestris dicitur locus spaciosus ad amplitudinem quasi quinque Insularum nostrarum, Angliæ, Normanniæ, Hiberniæ, Scotiæ, et Noruegiæ, aut forsan satis plurium. Cuius situs est pertingens in altitudine ad aeris supremam superficiem, eò quod illic terra vel terræ orbis sit multum spissior quàm alibi per modum excentricum à vero centro mundi, nec valet hoc deinde ab aliquo experto refelli, scriptura veritatis clamante, quòd ibi sit fons irrigans vniuersam superficiem terrae: aquae enim est natura semper fluere ad Ima. Exeunt autem ab illo fonte versus nostri partes hemispherij, hoc est nobis de illo loco in occidentem quatuor flumina, Pyson, Gyon, Tygris, et Euphrates, ab ista dimidia parte terrae circa Æquatoris circulum terrae influentes, quapropter et merito credendum videtur, exire de eodem fonte et alia quatuor flumina irrigantia terram oppositam, quae est circa alteram dimidiam partem circuli Æquatoris, quamuis nos eorum fluminum loca, virtutes, et nomina ignoramus, quòd homines habitant ab alia parte Æquinoctij. [Sidenote: Gentes ad austrum Aequatoris.] Hoc tamen volo sciri pro vero et audiui, illic terræ faciem inhabitatam in maxima multitudine ciuitatum, vrbium, et regionum, quoniam et eorum institores Indiam frequentant, et nunciant sibi inuicem gentes et principes per literas, ac alijs modis destinare sunt visi. [Sidenote: Ganges fluuius.] Vnus nostrorum fluuiorum Pyson currit per Indiam, et per eius deserta quandoque sub terra, sed saepiùs supra, qui et Ganges illic appellatus est, ab illo vltimo Paganitatis rege, quem Dux Ogerus deuictum cùm baptizari renueret in ipso flumine proiectum submersit. Ad littus huius reperiuntur multi lapides praeciositatis immensæ et metalli grani carissimi, nec non et auri mineriæ, multumque descendit in eo natans lignum Aloes ex Paradiso, quod rebus miræ virtutis inserit Salomon in Canticis. Hinc secundus fluuius Gyon, currit per Aethiopiam, vnde dum venit in Ægyptum, accipit nomen Nilus. Tertius Tygris veniens per Assyriam influit maiorem Armeniam et Persiam: tandemque fluuij singuli per loca singula se iactant in mare per quod defluunt vsque ad Nador, id est, ad oppositum diametrum paradisi: Ideoque merito æstimantur omnes vniuerso orbe aquæ dulces originem capere, à supradicto paradisi fonte, quamuis secundum distantiam maiorem vel minorem, et secundum naturas rerum per quas meant diuersos habere inueniuntur sapores, atque virtutes. Porrò ipsum Paradisi locum audiui à tribus plagis, orientali, meridionali, et septentrionali, inaccessibilem tam hominibus quàm bestijs, eo quòd apparet ripis perpendiculariter abscissa, tanquam inestimabilis altitudinis. Et ab occidente id est nostra parte tanquam super omnium humanorum intuitum rogus ardens, qui in scripturis rumphea flammea appellator, vt nulli creaturæ terrenæ ascensus in eum credatur nisi quibusdam volatilibus, prout decreuit iusti iudicij Deus. Ambulantibus enim illuc siue repentibus hominibus obstarent tenebræ imo rupes, aer infestus, bestiæ, serpentes, frigus, et camua. Nauigare autem contra ictum fluminis nitentes impediret intrinsecus recursus, ac impetuosus et quandoque subterraneus aquæ cursus descendentis cum vehementia ab euectissimo, vt dictum est, loco, qui suo quoque strepitu, per petras atque strictos aliosque diuersos cadens gurgites, efficeret surdos, et aeris mutatio caecos, vnde et multi tam nobiles quàm ignobiles, fatua sese audacia in isto ponentes periculo perierunt, alijs excoecatis, alijs absurdatis, et nonnullis in ipso accessu subitanea morte peremptis. Ex quo nimirum credi habetur isto Deum displicere conatum. Quapropter et ego ex illo loco statui animum ad repatriandum, quatenus Deo propitio, Anglia quæ me produxit seculo viuentem, usciperet morientem. Of the Godenesse of the folk of the Yle of Bragman. Of Kyng Alisandre: and wherfore the Emperour of Ynde is clept Prestre John. [Sidenote: Cap. XXIX.] And bezonde that yle, is another yle, gret and gode, and, plentyfous, where that ben gode folk and trewe, and of gode lyvynge, aftre hire beleve, and of gode feythe. And alle be it that thei ben not cristned, ne have no perfyt lawe, zit natheles of kyndely lawe, thei ben fulle of alle vertue, and thei eschewen alle vices and alle malices and alle synnes. For thei ben not proude ne coveytous ne envyous ne wrathefulle ne glotouns ne leccherous; ne thei don to no man other wise than thei wolde that other men diden to hem: and in this poynt, thei fullefillen the 10 commandementes of God: and thei zive no charge of aveer ne of ricchesse: and thei lye not, ne thei swere not, for non occasioun; but thei seyn symply, ze and nay. For thei seyn, He that swerethe, wil disceyve his neyghbore: and therfore alle that thei don, thei don it with outen othe. And men clepen that yle, the Yle of Bragman: and somme men clepen it the Lond of Feythe. And thorgh that lond runnethe a gret ryvere, that is clept Thebe. And in generalle, alle the men of tho yles and of alle the marches there abouten, ben more trewe than in ony othere contrees there abouten, and more righte fulle than othere, in alle thinges. In that yle is no thief, ne mordrere, ne comoun woman, ne pore beggere, ne nevere was man slayn in that contree. And thei ben so chast, and leden so gode lif, as tho thei weren religious men: and thei fasten alle dayes. And because thei ben so trewe and so rightfulle and so fulle of alle gode condiciouns, thei weren nevere greved with tempestes ne with thondre ne with leyt ne with hayl ne with pestylence ne with werre ne with hungre ne with non other tribulaccioun, as wee ben many tymes amonges us, for our synnes. Wherfore it semethe wel, that God lovethe hem and is plesed with hire creance, for hire gode dedes. Thei beleven wel in God, that made alle thinges; and him thei worschipen. And thei preysen non erthely ricchesse; and so thei ben alle right fulle. And thei lyven fulle ordynatly, and so sobrely in met and drynk, that thei lyven right longe. And the most part of hem dyen with outen syknesse, whan nature faylethe hem for elde. And it befelle in Kyng Alisandres tyme, that he purposed him to conquere that yle, and to maken hem to holden of him. And whan thei of the contree herden it, thei senten messangeres to him with lettres, that seyden thus: What may ben y now to that man, to whom alle the world is insuffisant: thou schalt fynde no thing in us, that may cause the to warren azenst us: for wee have no ricchesse, ne none wee coveyten: and alle the godes of our contree ben in comoun. Oure mete, that we susteyne with alle oure bodyes, is our richesse: and in stede of tresoure of gold and sylver, wee maken oure tresoure of accord and pees, and for to love every man other. And for to apparaylle with oure bodyes, wee usen a sely litylle clout, for to wrappen in oure carcynes. Oure wyfes ne ben not arrayed for to make no man plesance, but only connable array, for to eschewe folye. Whan men peynen hem to arraye the body, for to make it semen fayrere than God made it, thei don gret synne. For man scholde not devise no aske grettre beautee, than God hathe ordeyned man to ben at his birthe. The erthe mynystrethe to us 2 thynges; our liflode, that comethe of the erthe that wee lyve by, and oure sepulture aftre oure dethe. Wee have ben in perpetuelle pees tille now, that thou come to disherite us; and also wee have a kyng, nought for to do justice to every man, for he schalle fynde no forfete amonge us; but for to kepe noblesse, and for to schewe that wee ben obeyssant, wee have a kyng. For justice ne hathe not among us no place: for wee don no man otherwise than wee desiren that man don to us; so that rightwisnesse ne vengeance han nought to don amonges us; so that no thing thou may take fro us, but oure god pes, that alle weys hath dured amonge us. And whan Kyng Alisandre had rad theise lettres, he thoughte that he scholde do gret synne, for to trouble hem: and thanne he sente hem surteez, that thei scholde not ben aferd of him, and that thei scholde kepen hire gode maneres and hire gode pees, as thei hadden used before of custom; and so he let hem allone. Another yle there is, that men clepen Oxidrate; and another yle, that men clepen Gynosophe, where there is also gode folk, and fulle of gode feythe: and thei holden for the most partye the gode condiciouns and customs and gode maneres, as men of the contree above seyd: but thei gon alle naked. In to that yle entred Kyng Alisandre, to see the manere. And when he saughe hire gret feythe and hire trouthe, that was amonges hem, he seyde that he wolde not greven hem: and bad hem aske of him, what that they wolde have of hym, ricchesse or ony thing elles; and thei scholde have it with gode wille. And thei answerden, that he was riche y now, that hadde mete and drynke to susteyne the body with. For the ricchesse of this world, that is transitorie, is not worthe: but zif it were in his power to make hem immortalle, there of wolde thei preyen him, and thanken him. And Alisandre answerde hem, that it was not in his powere to don it, because he was mortelle, as thei were. And thanne thei asked him, whi he was so proud and so fierce and so besy, for to putten alle the world undre his subieccioun, righte as thou were a god; and hast no terme of this lif, neither day ne hour; and wylnest to have alle the world at thi commandement, that schalle leve the with outen fayle, or thou leve it. And righte as it hathe ben to other men before the, right so it schalle ben to othere aftre the: and from hens schal thou bere no thyng; but as thou were born naked, righte so alle naked schalle thi body ben turned in to erthe, that thou were made of. Wherfore thou scholdest thenke and impresse it in thi mynde, that nothing is immortalle, but only God, that made alle thing. Be the whiche answere, Alisandre was gretly astoneyed and abayst; and alle confuse departe from hem. And alle be it that theyse folk han not the articles of oure feythe, as wee han, natheles for hire gode feythe naturelle, and for hire gode entent, I trowe fulle, that God lovethe hem, and that God take hire servyse to gree, right as he did of Job, that was a Paynem, and held him for his trewe servaunt. And therfore alle be it that there ben many dyverse lawes in the world, zit I trowe, that God lovethe alweys hem that loven him, and serven him mekely in trouthe; and namely, hem that dispysen the veyn glorie of this world; as this folk don, and as Job did also: and therfore seyde oure Lorde, be the mouthe of Ozee the prophete, _Ponam eis multiplices leges meas_. And also in another place, _Qui totum orbem subdit suis legibus_. And also our Lord seythe in the Gospelle, _Alias oves habeo, que non sunt ex hoc ovili_; that is to seyne, that he hadde othere servauntes, than tho that ben undre Cristene lawe. And to that acordethe the avisioun, that Seynt Petir saughe at Jaffe, how the aungel cam from Hevene, and broughte before him diverse bestes, as serpentes and other crepynge bestes of the erthe, and of other also gret plentee, and bad him take and ete. And Seynt Petir answerde; I ete never, quoth he, of unclene bestes. And thanne seyde the aungelle, _Non dices immunda, que Deus mundavit_. And that was in tokene, that no man scholde have in despite non erthely man, for here diverse lawes: for wee knowe not whom God lovethe, ne whom God hatethe. And for that ensample, whan men seyn _De profundis_, thei seyn it in comoun and in generalle, with the Cristene, _pro animabus omnium defunctorum, pro quibus sit orandum_. And therfore seye I of this folk, that ben so trewe and so feythefulle, that God lovethe hem. For he hathe amonges hem many of the prophetes, and alle weye hathe had. And in tho yles, thei prophecyed the incarnacioun of oure Lord Jesu Crist, how he scholde ben born of a mayden; 3000 zeer or more or oure Lord was born of the Virgyne Marie. And thei beleeven wel in the incarnacioun, and that fulle perfitely: but thei knowe not the manere, how be suffred his passioun and dethe for us. And bezonde theise yles, there is another yle, that is clept Pytan. The folk of that contree ne tyle not, ne laboure not the erthe: for thei eten no manere thing: and thei ben of gode colour, and of faire schap, aftre hire gretnesse: but the smalle ben as dwerghes: but not so litylle, as ben the pigmeyes. Theise men lyven be the smelle of wylde apples, and whan thei gon ony fer weye, thei beren the apples with hem. For zif the hadde lost the savour of the apples, thei scholde dyen anon. Thei ne ben not fulle resonable: but thei ben symple and bestyalle. Aftre that, is another yle, where the folk ben alle skynned, roughe heer, as a rough best, saf only the face and the pawme of the hond. Theise folk gon als wel undir the watir of the see, as thei don above the lond, alle drye. And thei eten bothe flessche and fissche alle raughe. In this yle is a great ryvere, that is wel a 2 myle and an half of brede, that is clept Beumare. And fro that rivere a 15 journeyes in lengthe, goynge be the desertes of the tother syde of the ryvere, (whoso myght gon it, for I was not there: but it was told us of hem of the contree, that with inne tho desertes) weren the trees of the sonne, and of the mone, that spaken to Kyng Alisandre, and warned him of his dethe. And men seyn, that the folk that kepen tho trees, and eten of the frute and of the bawme that growethe there, lyven wel 400 zeere or 500 zere, be vertue of the frut and of the bawme. For men seyn, that bawme growethe there in gret plentee, and no where elles, saf only at Babyloyne, as I have told zou before. Wee wolde han gon toward the trees fulle gladly, zif wee had myght: but I trowe, that 100000 men of armes myghte not passen the desertes safly, for the gret multytude of wylde bestes, and of grete dragouns, and of grete multytude serpentes, that there ben, that slen and devouren alle that comen aneyntes hem. In that contre ben manye white olifantes with outen nombre, and of unycornes, and of lyouns of many maneres, and many of suche bestes, that I have told before, and of many other hydouse bestes with outen nombre. Many other yles there ben in the lond of Prestre John, and many grete marveyles, that weren to long to tellen alle, bothe of his ricchesse and of his noblesse, and of the gret plentee also of precious stones, that he hathe. I trow that zee knowe wel y now, and have herd seye, wherefore the Emperour is clept Prestre John. But nathales for hem that knowen not, I schalle seye zou the cause. It was somtyme an Emperour there, that was a worthi and a fulle noble prynce, that hadde Cristene knyghtes in his companye, as he hathe that is how. So it befelle, that he hadde gret list for to see the service in the chirche, among Cristen men. And than dured Cristendom bezonde the zee, alle Turkye, Surrye, Tartarie, Jerusalem, Palestyne, Arabye, Halappee, and alle the lond of Egypte. So it befelle, that this emperour cam, with a Cristene knyght with him, into a chirche in Egypt: and it was the Saterday in Wyttson woke. And the bishop made ordres. And he beheld and listend the servyse fulle tentyfly: and he askede the Cristene knight, what men of degree thei scholden ben prestes. And than the emperour seyde, that he wolde no longer ben clept kyng ne emperour, but preest; and that he wolde have the name of the first preest, that went out of the chirche: and his name was John. And so evere more sithens, he is cleped Prestre John. In his lond ben manye Cristene men of gode feythe and of gode lawe; and namely of hem of the same contree; and han comounly hire prestes, that syngen the messe, and maken the sacrement of the awtier of bred, right as the Grekes don: but thei seyn not so many thinges as the messe, as men don here. For thei seye not but only that, that the apostles seyden, as oure Lord taughte hem: righte as seynt Peter and seynt Thomas and the other apostles songen the messe, seyenge the Pater-noster, and the wordes of the sacrement. But wee have many mo addiciouns, that dyverse popes han made, that thei ne knowe not offe; Of the Hilles of Gold, that Pissemyres kepen: and of the 4 Flodes, that comen fro Paradys terrestre. [Sidenote: Cap. XXX.] Toward the est partye of Prestre Johnes lond, is an yle gode an gret, that men clepen Taprobane, that is fulle noble and fulle fructuous: and the kyng thereof is fulle ryche, and is undre the obeyssance of Prestre John. And alle weys there thei make hire king be eleccyoun. In that ile ben 2 someres and 2 wyntres; and men harvesten the corn twyes a zeer. And in alle the cesouns of the zeer ben the gardynes florisht. There dwellen gode folke and resonable, and manye Cristene men amonges hem, that ben so riche, that thei wyte not what to done with hire godes. Of olde tyme, whan men passed from the lond of Prestre John unto that yle, men maden ordynance for to passe by schippe, 23 dayes or more: but now men passen by schippe in 7 dayes. And men may see the botme of the see in many places: for it is not fulle depe. Besyde that yle, toward the est, ben 2 other yles: and men clepen that on Orille, and that other Argyte; of the whiche alle the lond is myne of gold and sylver. And tho yles ben right where that the Rede See departethe fro the see occean. And in tho yles men seen ther no sterres so clerly as in other places: for there apperen no sterres, but only o clere sterre, that men clepen Canapos. And there is not the mone seyn in alle the lunacioun, saf only the seconde quarteroun. In the yle also of this Taprobane ben gret hilles of gold, that Pissemyres kepen fulle diligently. And thei fynen the pured gold, and casten away the unpured. And theise Pissemyres ben gret as houndes: so that no man dar come to tho hilles: for the Pissemyres wolde assaylen hem and devouren hem anon; so that no man may gete of that gold, but be gret sleighte. And therfore whan it is gret hete, the Pissemyres resten hem in the erthe, from pryme of the day in to noon: and than the folk of the con tree taken camayles, dromedaries and hors and other bestes and gon thidre, and chargen hem in alle haste that thei may. And aftre that thei fleen away, in alle haste that the bestes may go, or the Pissemyres comen out of the erthe. And in other tymes, whan it is not so hote, and that he Pissemyres ne resten hem not in the erthe, than thei geten gold be this sotyltee: thei taken mares, that han zonge coltes or foles, and leyn upon the mares voyde vesselles made therfore; and thei ben alle open aboven, and hangynge lowe to the erthe: and thanne thei sende forth tho mares for to pasturen aboute the hilles, and with holden the foles with hem at home. And whan the Pissemyres sen tho vesselles, thei lepen in anon, and thei han this kynde, that thei lete no thing ben empty among hem, but anon thei fillen it, be it what maner of thing that it be: and so thei fillen tho vesselles with gold. And whan that the folk supposen, that the vesselle ben fulle, thei putten forthe anon the zonge foles, and maken hem to nyzen aftre hire dames; and than anon the mares retornen towardes hire foles, with hire charges of gold; and than men dischargen hem, and geten gold y now be this sotyltee. For the Pissemyres wole suffren bestes to gon and pasturen amonges hem; but no man in no wyse. And bezonde the lond and the yles and the desertes of Prestre Johnes lordschipe, in goynge streyght toward the est, men fynde nothing but mountaynes and roches fulle grete: and there is the derke regyoun, where no man may see, nouther be day ne be nyght, as thei of the contree seyn. And that desert, and that place of derknesse, duren fro this cost unto Paradys terrestre; where that Adam oure foremost fader, and Eve weren putt, that dwelleden there but lytylle while; and that is towards the est, at the begynnynge of the erthe. But that is not that est, that wee clep oure est, on this half, where the sonne risethe to us: for whenne the sonne is est in tho partyes, toward Paradys terrestre, it is thanne mydnyght in oure parties o this half, for the rowndenesse of the erthe, of the whiche I have towched to zou before. For oure Lord God made the erthe alle round, in the mydde place of the firmament. And there as mountaynes and hilles ben, and valeyes, that is not but only of Noes flode, that wasted the softe ground and the tendre, and felle doun into valeyes: and the harde erthe, and the roche abyden mountaynes, whan the soft erthe and tendre wax nessche, throghe the water, and felle and becamen valeyes. Of Paradys, ne can not I speken propurly: for I was not there. It is fer bezonde; and that forthinkethe me: and also I was not worthi. But as I have herd seye of wyse men bezonde, I schalle telle zou with gode wille. Paradys terrestre, as wise men seyn, is the highest place of erthe, that is in alle the world: and it is so highe, that it touchethe nyghe to the cercle of the mone, there as the mone makethe hire torn. For sche is so highe, that the flode of Noe ne myght not come to hire, that wolde have covered alle the erthe of the world alle aboute, and aboven and benethen, saf Paradys only allone. And this Paradys is enclosed alle aboute with a walle; and men wyte not wherof it is. For the walles ben covered alle over with mosse; as it semethe. And it semethe not that the walle is ston of nature. And that walle strecchethe fro the southe to the northe; and it hathe not but on entree, that is closed with fyre brennynge; so that no man, that is mortalle, ne dar not entren. And in the moste highe place of Paradys, evene in the myddel place, is a welle, that castethe out the 4 flodes, that rennen be dyverse londes: of the whiche, the first is clept Phison or Ganges, that is alle on: and it rennethe thorghe out Ynde or Emlak: in the whiche ryvere ben manye preciouse stones, and mochel of lignum aloes, and moche gravelle of gold. And that other ryvere is clept Nilus or Gyson, that gothe be Ethiope, and aftre be Egypt. And that other is clept Tigris, that rennethe be Assirye and be Armenye the grete. And that other is clept Eufrate, that rennethe also be Medee and be Armonye and be Persye. And men there bezonde seyn, that alle the swete watres of the world aboven and benethen, taken hire begynnynge of the welle of Paradys: and out of that welle, alle watres comen and gon. The firste ryvere is clept Phison, that is to seyne in hire langage, Assemblee: for many other ryveres meten hem there, and gon in to that ryvere. And sum men clepen it Ganges; for a kyng that was in Ynde, that highte Gangeres, and that it ran thorge out his lond. And that water is in sum place clere, and in sum place trouble: in sum place hoot, and in sum place cole. The seconde ryvere is clept Nilus or Gyson: for it is alle weye trouble: and Gyson, in the langage of Ethiope, is to seye trouble: and in the langage of Egipt also. The thridde ryvere, that is clept Tigris, is as moche for to seye as faste rennynge: for he rennethe more faste than ony of the tother. And also there is a best, that is cleped Tigris, that is faste rennynge. The fourthe ryvere is clept Eufrates, that is to seyne, wel berynge: for there growen manye godes upon that ryvere, as cornes, frutes, and othere godes y nowe plentee. And zee schulle undirstonde, that no man that is mortelle, ne may not approchen to that paradys. For be londe no man may go for wylde bestes, that ben in the desertes, and for the highe mountaynes and gret huge roches, that no man may passe by, for the derke places that ben there, and that manye: and be the ryveres may no man go; for the water rennethe so rudely and so scharply, because that it comethe doun so outrageously from the highe places aboven, that it rennethe in so grete wawes, that no schipp may not rowe ne seyle azenes it: and the watre rorethe so, and makethe so huge noyse, and so gret tempest, that no man may here other in the schipp, thoughe he cryede with alle the craft that he cowde, in the hyeste voys that he myghte. Many grete lordes han assayed with gret wille many tymes for to passen be tho ryveres toward paradys, with fulle grete companyes: but thei myghte not speden in hire viage; and manye dyeden for werynesse of rowynge azenst tho stronge wawes; and many of hem becamen blynde, and many deve, for the noyse of the water: and summe weren perisscht and loste, with inne the wawes: so that no mortelle man may approche to that place, with outen specyalle grace of God: so that of that place I can seye zou no more. And therfore I schall holde me stille, and retornen to that that I have seen. CAPVT. 49. In reuertendo de Cassan, et Riboth, et de diuite Epulone. [Sidenote: Via per quam Mandeuillus redijt in Angliam.] Ex hinc de illis quæ in reuertendo vidi scribo cursim pauca, ne modum excedere videatur materia. [Sidenote: Cassan.] Reuertebar itaque quasi per Aquilonare latus Imperij Presbyteri Ioannis, et nunc terræ, non mari nos commendantes, transiuimus Deo Ductore, multas Insulas in multis diaetis, et peruenimus ad regionem magnam Cassan: haec cum sit vna de quindecim habens longitudinem diaetarum 60. et latitudinem propè 30. posset esse nominatior omnibus ibi circa prouincijs, si a nostris frequentaretur. Notandum. Cassan (secundum Odericum) est melior prouincia de mundo, vbi strictior est, habet diaetas 50. vbi longior 60, et est vna de 12. prouincijs Imperij Grand Can. Est ista populosa, distincta ciuitatibus, vt quisque à quacunque plaga de vna exeat ciuitate nouerit aliam in media diaeta propinquam. Tenétque istam regionem Cassan rex diues et potens, pro parte de Imperio Praebyteri Ioannis, et pro parte de Imperio Grand Can. [Sidenote: Riboth.] De ista in reuersione nostra venimus ad Regnum Riboth, quod similiter est vnum de quindecim, latum, et speciosum, in quo de multis bonis, habetur plena copia. Hoc tenetur in toto de Imperio Tartarorum. [Sidenote: Labassi, summus idolorum pontifex.] Vna est ibi inter et super omnes ciuitas Sacerdotalis, et Regia, in qua Rex habet suum magnificum palatium, et summus Idolorum Pontifex quem Labassi appellant, cui omnes Regni obediunt et populi sicut Domino Papæ nos Christiani quoniam et iubet, et benedicit, ac confert sacerdotibus beneficia idolorum. Ciuitatis vndique muri sunt compacti albis et nigris lapidibus conquadratis ad modum scakarij, omnesque contractæ simili pauimento sunt stratæ. Tanta est illic reuerentia sacrificiorum vt si quis vel in modica quantitate, sanguinem hominis, seu immolaticiæ pecudis fudisse deprehensus fuerit, nequaquam iudicium mortis euadet. Et inter innumeras superstitiones est illic vna talis. Haeres cuius pater defungitur, si alicuius vult esse reputationis, mandat cognatos, amicos, Relligiosos, et sacerdotes pro posse, qui certo Die conuenientes sub magno Symphoniæ festo, corportant defuncti cadauer, in montis sublime cacumen. Ibi accedens dignior Praelatorum, funeris caput abscindit, tradens haeredi in aureo disco decantanti sub deuotione suas orationes cum suis in propria lingua. Atque interim aues regionis rapaces, et immundæ, vt corui, vultures, et aquilæ, quæ pro consuetudine optimè morem norunt, aduolant magno numero in aere: Tuncque Relligiosi cum sacerdotibus detruncant corpus in frusta velut in macello, proijcientes pecias in altum auibus, ac decantantes certam ad hoc compositam orationem, tanquam si nostri sacerdotes cantarent. Subuenite sancti Dei, etc. Et habet eorum oratio, hunc sensum in sua lingua. Respice quàm iustus et sanctus extitit homo iste, quem Angeli Dei conueniunt accipere et in Paradisum deferre. Talique diabolico errore delusi, putant filius, et amici, quod defunctus sit in Paradisum translatus, viuat illic sempiterne beatus, quoniam, vbi plures conuenere volucrum, ibi maiorem laetantur et iactant fuisse numerum Angelorum. Hinc deinde reuertentes, cum choris, et resonantia Musicorum, filius paratum praestat omnibus conuiuium, in cuius fine pro extremo ferculo, tradit singulis particulam, de patris capite summa cum devotione. Hanc etiam capitis caluariam filius facit postmodum debitè formari et poliri sibi pro cypho, in quo bibit in conuijs, ob recordationem amantissimi patris. Ab hoc Regno decem dietis per potestatem Imperatoris Grand Can, inuenitur Insula delectabilis, et speciosa satis: cuius Rex est praepotens in gloria, et in diuitijs superabundans, et de multis quæ illic geruntur admirandis vnum recito solum. [Sidenote: Diues Epulo.] Quòd est ibi homo quidam ditissimus nullius dignitatis nomine honoratus, sed bysso, ac serico adornatus, et splendide omni tempore epulatus: non ergo vult dici princeps, Dux, comes, miles, aut huiusmodi, licet superioritatem habeat super marchiones aliquos et barones. Eius possessionis valor æstimatur in anno 30. cuman de assinarijs bladi, et risi, nec quærit nisi delitiosè viuere in isto seculo, vt cum diuite Epulone sepeliatur in inferno. Cum etiam sibi derelictus sit, iste viuendi modus a retrogenitoribus, eum et ipse posteris derelinquet. Hic tanquam Imperiali residet palatio, cuius muri ambitus ad tractum leucæ tenditur, continens arbusta, vineta, rinulos, fontes et stagna, aulas, et cubicula auro strata depictaque mirè, et sculpta artificiosè, vltra quam vales explicare, et inter omnia ad medium palatium in celso vertice atrium amaenum, valdè tamen modico, sed cunctis praeciosius, ædificio, quasi ad seema nostrarum Ecclesiarium, cum turribus, pilarijs, et columnis, in quibus nihil prominet indignius auro. Nunquam vel rarò hic exit de suo palatio cum solis pulchris quos sibi conuocat et conuariat paruis pueris et puellis, non excedentibus 16. annos ætatis. Tendit dum libet pedibus, quandoque vectatur equo, interdum ducitur vehiculo, nonnunquam vult ferri gestatorio, vel certè puellaribus brachijs, et visitat saepissimè praefatum praeciosius ædificium: atque hijs et modis alijs excogitat delectare visum pulchris, auditum suauibus, olfactum redolentibus, tactum lenibus, et gustum pascere delicatis. Electas semper habet praesto 50. puellas ei, et de proximo exquisitissimè ministrantes tam ad mensam quàm ad cubiculum, et ad omne libitum. [Sidenote: Versus.] Hæ ad prandium recumbenti afferunt processionis more pro singulo ferculo semper 5. genera dapum nobilium cum dulcisonæ resonantia cantilenæ, quarum aliquæ ei singulos detruncant genu flexo morsellos, aliquæ ponunt in ore, mundis tergentes comedentis labia mappis. Nam ipse quidem in mensa continet iacentes manus puras et quietas. Post deseruitionem ferculi primi, seruitur pro secundo in 5. alijs dapum generibus modo quo supra, et renouatur in apponendo cantus suauior melodia. Ista àbsque vlla Domini cura per ministros quotidiè reparantur etiam in maiori satis quam effor nobilitate, nisi dum ipse pro placito iusserit, quandoque temperari. Deliciosius igitur quo vult deducit carnem, non curans animam, sed nec probitatem curans terrenam, pascit sterilem, et viduæ non benefacit. Et Quia viuit sicut porcus, Morientem suscipit orcus. [Sidenote: Longitudo vnguium. Vtunturetiam in Florida principes longis vnguibus.] Porrò quod eum dixi manus tenere quietas, noueritis nimirum nil posse manibus capere vel tenere, propter longitudinem, et recuruitatem vnguium in digitis, qui sibi nullo tempore praescinduntur. Seruatur enim hoc pro nobili more patriæ, et viri diuites delicati, qui proprios possunt habere ministros nunquàm sibi dimittunt vngues resecare, vnde et nonnullis circumdantur vndique manus, acsi uiderentur armatæ. [Sidenote: Noua historia Chinensis hoc testatur.] Foeminarum autem mos est nobilis si habeant paruos pedes, vnde et generosarum in cunis strictissimè simè obuoluuntur, vt vix ad medium debitæ quantitatis excrescere possint. The English Version. Of the Customs of Kynges, and othere that dwellen in the Yles costynge to Prestre Johnes Lond. And of the Worschipe that the Sone dothe to the Fader, whan he is dede. [Sidenote: Cap. XXXI.] From tho yles, that I have spoken of before, in the lond of Prestre John, that ben undre erthe as to us, that ben o this half, and of other yles, that ben more furthere bezonde; who so wil, pursuen hem, for to comen azen right to pursuen hem, for to comen azen right to the parties that he cam fro; and so environne alle erthe: but what for the yles, what for the see, and what for strong rowynge, fewe folk assayen for to passen that passage; alle be it that men myghte don it wel, that myght ben of power to dresse him thereto; as I have seyd zou before. And therfore men returnen from tho yles aboveseyd, be other yles costynge fro the lond of Prestre John. And thanne comen men in returnynge to an yle, that is clept Casson: and that yle hathe wel 60 jorrneyes in lengthe, and more than 50 in brede. This is the beste yle, and the beste kyngdom, that is in alle tho partyes, out taken Cathay. And zif the merchauntes useden als moche that contre an thei don Cathay, it wolde ben better than Cathay, in a schort while. This contree is fulle well enhabyted, and so fulle of cytees, and of gode townes, and enhabyted with peple, that whan a man gothe out of o cytee, men seen another cytee, evene before hem: and that is what partye that a man go, in alle that contree. In that yle is gret plentee of alle godes for to lyve with, and of alle manere of spices. And there ben grete forestes of chesteynes. The kyng of that yle is fulle ryche and fulle myghty: and natheles he holt his lond of the grete Chane, and is obeyssant to hym. For it is on of the 12 provynces, that the grete Chane hathe undre him, with outen his propre lond, and with outen other lesse yles, that he hathe: for he hathe fulle manye. From that kyngdom comen men, in returnynge, to another yle, that is clept Rybothe: and it is also under the grete Chane. That is a fulle gode contree, and fulle plentefous of alle godes and of wynes and frut, and alle other ricchesse. And the folk of that contree han none houses: but thei dwellen and lyggen all under tentes, made of black ferne, by alle the contree. And the princypalle cytee, and the most royalle, is alle walled with black ston and white. And alle the stretes also ben pathed of the same stones. In that cytee is no man so hardy, to schede Blode of no man, ne of no best, for the reverence of an ydole, that is worschipt there. And in that yle dwellethe the pope of hire lawe, that they clepen Lobassy. This Lobassy zevethe alle the benefices, and alle other dignytees, and all other thinges, that belongen to the ydole. And alle tho that holden ony thing of hire chirches, religious and othere, obeyen to him; as men don here to the Pope of Rome. In that yle thei han a custom, be alle the contree, that whan the fader is ded of ony man, and the sone list to do gret worchipe to his fader, he sendethe to alle his frendes, and to all his kyn, and for religious men and preestes, and for mynstralle also, gret plentee. And thanne men beren the dede body unto a gret hille, with gret joye and solempnyte. And when thei han brought it thider, the chief prelate smytethe of the hede, and leythe it upon a gret platere of Gold and of sylver, zif so be he be a riche man; and than he takethe the hede to the sone; and thanne the sone and his other kyn syngen and seyn manye orisouns: and thanne the prestes, and the religious men, smyten alle the body of the dede man in peces: and thanne thei seyn certeyn orisouns. And the fowles of raveyne of alle the contree abouten knowen the custom of long tyme before, and comen fleenge aboyen in the eyr, as egles, gledes, ravenes and othere foules of raveyne, that eten flesche. And than the preestes casten the gobettes of the flesche; and than the foules eche of hem takethe that he may, and gothe a litille thens and etethe it: and so thei don whils ony pece lastethe of the dede body. And aftre that, as preestes amonges us syngen for the dede, _Subvenite sancti Dei_, &c. right so the preestes syngen with highe voys in hire langage, beholdethe how so worthi a man, and how gode a man this was, that the aungeles of God comen for to sechen him, and for to bryngen him in to paradys. And thanne semethe in to the sone, that he is highliche worschipt, whan that many briddes and foules and raveyne comen and eten his fader. And he that hathe most nombre of foules, is most worschiped. Thanne the sone bryngethe hoom with him alle his kyn, and his frendes, and alle the othere to his hows, and makethe hem a gret feste. And thanne alle his frendes maken hire avaunt and hire dalyance, how the fowles comen thider, here 5, here 6, here 10, and there 20, and so forthe: and thei rejoyssen hem hugely for to speke there of. And whan thei ben at mete, the sone let brynge forthe the hede of his fader, and there of he zevethe of the flesche to his most specyalle frendes, in stede of entre messe, or a sukkarke. And of the brayn panne, he letethe make a cuppe, and there of drynkethe he and his other frendes also, with great devocioun, in remembrance of the holy man, that the aungeles of God han eten. And that cuppe the sone schalle kepe to drynken of, alle his lif tyme, in remembrance of his fadir. From that lond, in returnynge be 10 jorneyes thorghe out the lond of the grete Chane, is another gode yle, and a gret kyngdom, where the kyng is fulle riche and myghty. And amonges the riche men of his contree, is a passynge riche man, that is no prince, ne duke ne erl; but he hathe mo that holden of him londes and other lordschipes: for he is more riche. For he hathe every zeer of annuelle rente 300000 hors charged with corn of dyverse greynes and of ryzs: and so he ledethe a fulle noble lif, and a delycate, aftre the custom of the contree. For he hathe every day, 50 fair damyseles, alle maydenes, that serven him everemore at his mete, and for to lye be hem o nyght, and for to do with hem that is to his pleasance. And whan he is at the table, they bryngen him hys mete at every tyme, 5 and 5 to gedre. And in bryngynge hire servyse, thei syngen a song. And aftre that, thei kutten his mete, and putten it in his mouthe; for he touchethe no thing ne handlethe nought, but holdethe evere more his hondes before him, upon the table. For he hathe so long nayles, that he may take no thing, ne handle no thing. For the noblesse of that contree is to have longe nayles, and to make hem growen alle weys to ben as longe as men may. And there ben manye in that contree, that han hire nayles so longe, that thei envyronne alle the hond: and that is a gret noblesse. And the noblesse of the wommen, is for to haven smale feet and litille: and therfore anon as thei ben born, they leet bynde hire feet so streyte, that thei may not growen half as nature wolde; and alle weys theise damyseles, that I spak of beforn, syngen alle the tyme that this riche man etethe: and whan that he etethe no more of his firste cours, than other 5 and 5 of faire damyseles bryngen him his seconde cours, alle weys syngynge, as thei dide beforn. And so thei don contynuelly every day, to the ende of his mete. And in this manere he ledethe his lif. And so dide thei before him, that weren his auncestres; and so schulle thei that comen aftre him, with outen doynge of ony dedes of armes: but lyven evere more thus in ese, as a swyn, that is fedde in sty, for to ben made fatte. He hathe a fulle fair palays and fulle riche, where that he dwellethe inne: of the whiche, the walles ben in circuyt 2 myle: and he hathe with inne many faire gardynes, and many faire halles and chambres, and the pawment of his halles and chambres ben of gold and sylver. And in the myd place of on of his gardynes, is a lytylle mountayne, wher there is a litylle medewe: and in that medewe, is a litylle toothille with toures and pynacles, alle of gold: and in that litylle toothille wole he sytten often tyme, for to taken the ayr and to desporten hym: for that place is made for no thing elles, but only for his desport. Fro that contree men comen be the lond of the grete Chane also, that I have spoken of before. And ze schulle undirstonde, that of alle theise contrees, and of alle theise yles, and of alle the dyverse folk, that I have spoken of before, and of dyverse lawes, and of dyverse beleeves that thei han; zit is there non of hem alle, but that thei han sum resoun with in hem and undirstondynge, but zif it be the fewere: and that han certeyn articles of oure feithe and summe gode poyntes of oure beleeve: and that thei beleeven in God, that formede alle thinges and made the world; and clepen him God of Nature, aftre that the prophete seythe, _Et metuent cum omnes fines terre_: and also in another place, _Omnes gentes servient ei_; that is to seyn, _Alle folke schalle serven Him_. But zit thei cone not speken perfytly; (for there is no man to techen hem) but only that thei cone devyse be hire naturelle wytt. For thei han no knouleche of the Sone, ne of the Holy Gost: but thei cone alle speken of the Bible: and namely of Genesis, of the prophetes lawes, and of the Bokes of Moyses. And thei seyn wel, that the creatures, that thei worschipen, ne ben no goddes: but thei worschipen hem, for the vertue that is in hem, that may not be, but only be the grace of God. And of simulacres and of ydoles, thei seyn, that there ben no folk, but that thei han simulacres: and that thei seyn, for we Cristene men han ymages, as of Oure Lady, and of othere seyntes, that wee worschipen; nohte the ymages of tree or of ston, but the seyntes, in whoos name thei ben made aftre. For righte as the bokes of the Scripture of hem techen the clerkes, how and in what manere thei schulle beleeven, righte so the ymages and the peyntynges techen the lewed folk to worschipen the seyntes, and to have hem in hire mynde, in whoos name that the ymages ben made aftre. Thei seyn also, that the aungeles of God speken to hem in tho ydoles, and that thei don manye grete myracles. And thei seyn sothe, that there is an aungele with in hem: for there ben 2 maner of aungeles, a gode and an evelle; as the Grekes seyn, Cacho and Calo; this Cacho is the wykked aungelle, and Calo is the gode aungelle: but the tother is not the gode aungelle, but the wykked aungelle, that is with inne the ydoles, for to disceyven hem, and for to meyntenen hem in hire errour. CAPVT. 50. De compositione huius tractatus in nobili ciuitate Leodiensi. In reuertendo igitur venitur ab hac insula per prouincias magnas Imperij Tartarorum, in quibus semper noua, semper mira, imo nonnunquam incredibilia viator potest videre, percipere, et audire. Et Noueritis, vt praedixi, me pauca eorum vidisse, quæ in terris sunt mirabilium, sed nec hic scripsisse centessimam partem eorum quæ vidi, quod nec omnia memoriæ commendare potui, et de commendatis multa subticui, proptèr modestiam, quam decet omnibus actibus addi. Idcirco vt et alijs, qui vel antè me in partibus illis steterunt, vel ituri sunt, maneat locus narrandi siue scribendi, modum huius pono tractatus, potius decurtans quàm complens, quoniam aliàs loquendi non esset finis, nec aures implerentur auditu. [Sidenote: Concludit opus suum.] Itàque anno à natiuitate Domini nostri Iesu Christi 1355. in patriando, cum ad nobilem Legiæ, seu Leodij ciuitatem peruenissem, et præ grandeuitate ac artericis guttis illic decumberem in vico qui dicitur, Bassessanemi, consului causa conualescendi aliquos medicos ciuitatis: Et accidit, Dei nutu, vnum intrare physicum super alios ætate simul et canicie venerandum, ac in sua arte euidenter expertum, qui ibidem dicebatur communiter, Magister Ioannes ad barbam. Is, dum paritèr colloqueremur, interseruit aliquid dictis, per quod tandem nostra inuicem renouabatur antiqua notitia, quam quondam habueramus in Cayr Aegypti apud Melech Mandibron Soldanum, prout suprà tetigi in 7. capitulo libri. Qui cum in me experientiam artis suæ excellenter monstrasset, adhortabatur ac praecabatur instanter, vt de hijs quæ videram tempore peregrinationis, et itinerationis meæ per mundum, aliquid digererem in scriptis ad legendum, et audiendum pro vtilitate. Sicque tandem illius monitu et adiutorio, compositus est iste tractatus, de quo certè nil scribere proposueram, donec saltem ad partes proprias in Anglia peruenissem. [Sidenote: Edwardus tertius.] Et credo praemissa circa me, per prouidentiam et gratiam Dei contigisse, quoniam à tempore quo recessi, duo reges nostri Angliæ, et Franciæ, non cessauerunt inuicem exercere destructiones, depraedationes, insidias, et interfectiones, inter quas, nisi à Domino custoditus, non transissem sine morte, vel mortis periculo, et sine criminum grandi cumulo. Et ecce nunc egressionis meæ anno 33. constitutus in Leodij ciuitate, quæ à mari Angliæ distat solum per duas diætas, audio dictas Dominorum inimicitias, per gartiam Dei consopitas: quapropter et spero, ac propono de reliquo secundum maturiorem ætatem me posse in proprijs, intendere corporis quieti, animaeque saluti. Hie itaque finis sit scripti, in nomine Patris, et Filij, et spiritus sancti, AMEN. Explicit itinerarium à terra Angliæ, in partes Hierosolimitanas, et in vlteriores transmarinas, editum primò in lingua Gallicana, à Domino Ioanne Mandeuille milite, suo authore, Anno incarnationis Domini 1355. in Ciuitate Leodiensi: Et Paulò post in eadem ciuitate, translatum in dictam formam Latinam. The English Version. There ben manye other dyverse contrees and manye other marveyles bezonde, that I have not seen: wherfore of hem I can not speke propurly, to telle zou the manere of hem. And also in the contrees where I have ben, ben many dyversitees of manye wondir fulle thinges, mo thanne I make mencioun of. For it were to longe thing to devyse zou the manere. And therfore that that I have devised zou of certeyn contrees, that I have spoken of before, I beseche zoure worthi and excellent noblesse, that it suffise to zou at this tyme. For zif that I devysed zou alle that is bezonde the see, another man peraunter, that wolde peynen him and travaylle his body for to go in to tho marches, for to encerche tho contrees, myghten ben blamed be my wordes, in rehercynge many straunge thynges. For he myghten not seye no thing of newe, in the whiche the hereres myghten haven outher solace or desport or lust or lykynge in the herynge. For men seyn alle weys, that newe thynges and newe tydynges ben plesant to here. Wherfore I wole holde me stille, with outen ony more rehercyng of dyversiteez or of marvaylles, that ben bezonde, to that entent and ende, that who so wil gon in to the contrees, he schalle fynde y nowe to speke of, that I have not touched of in no wyse. And zee schulle undirstonde, zif it lyke zou, that at myn hom comynge, I cam to Rome, and schewed my lif to oure holy fadir the Pope, and was assoylled of alle that lay in my conscience, of many a dyverse grevous poynt: as men mosten nedes, that ben in company, dwellyng amonges so many a dyverse folk of dyverse secte and of beleeve, as I have ben. And amonges alle, I schewed hym this tretys, that I had made aftre informacioun of men, that knewen of thinges, that I had not seen my self; and also of marveyles and customes, that I hadde seen my self; as fer as God wolde zeve me grace: and besoughte his holy fadirhode, that my boke myghten be examyned and corrected be avys of his wyse and discreet conscille. And oure holy fadir, of his special grace, remytted my boke to ben examyned and preved be the avys of his seyd conscille. Be the whiche, my boke was preeved for trewe; in so moche that thei schewed me a boke, that my boke was examynde by, that comprehended fulle moche more, ben an hundred part; be the whiche, the _Mappa Mundi_ was made after. And so my boke (alle be it that many men ne list not to zeve credence to no thing, but to that that thei seen with hire eye, ne be the auctour ne the persone never so trewe) is affermed and preved be oure holy fadir, in maner and forme as I have seyd. And I John Maundevylle knyghte aboveseyd, (alle thoughe I ben unworthi) that departed from oure contrees and passed the see, the zeer of grace 1322, that have passed many londes and manye yles and contrees, and cerched manye fulle straunge places, and have ben in manye a fulle gode honourable comyanye, and at many a faire dede of armes, (alle be it that I dide none my self, for myn unable insuffisance) now I am comen hom (mawgree my self) to reste: for gowtes, artetykes, that me distreynen, tho diffynen the ende of my labour, azenst my wille (God knowethe). And thus takynge solace in my wrecched reste, recordynge the tyme passed, I have fulfilled theise thinges and putte hem wryten in this boke, as it wolde come in to my mynde, the zeer of grace 1356 in the 34 zeer that I departede from oure contrees. Wherfore I preye to alle the rederes and hereres of this boke, zif it plese hem, that thei wolde preyen to God for me: and I schalle preye for hem. And alle tho that seyn for me a _Pater nostre_, with an _Ave Maria_, that God forzeve me my synnes, I make hem parteneres, and graunte hem part of alle the gode pilgrymages and of alle the gode dedes, that I have don, zif ony be to his plesance: and noghte only of tho, but of alle that evere I schalle do unto my lyfes ende. And I beseche Almighty God, fro whom alle godenesse and grace comethe fro, that he vouchesaf, of his excellent mercy and habundant grace, to fulle fylle hire soules with inspiracioun of the Holy Gost, in makynge defence of alle hire gostly enemyes here in erthe, to hire salvacioun, bothe of body and soule; to worschipe and thankynge of Him, that is three and on, with outen begynnynge and withouten endynge; that is, with outen qualitee, good, and with outen quantytee, gret; that in alle places is present, and alle thinges conteynynge; the whiche that no goodnesse may amende, ne non evelle empeyre; that in perfeyte Trynytee lyvethe and regnethe God, be alle worldes and be alle tymes. Amen, Amen, Amen. * * * * * Richardi Hakluyti breuis admonitio ad Lectorem. Ioannem Mandeuillum nostratem, eruditum et insignem Authorem (Balaeo, Mercatore, Ortelio, et alijs, testibus) ab innumeris Scribarum et Typographorum mendis repurgando, ex multorum, eorumque optimorum exemplarium collatione, quid praestiterim, virorum doctorum, et eorum praecipuè, qui Geographiæ et Antiquitatis periti sunt, esto iudicium. Quæ autem habet de monstriferis hominum formis itinerarij sui praecedentis capitibus trigessimo, trigessimo primo, trigessimo tertio, et sparsim in sequentibus, quanquam non negem ab illo fortasse quædam eorum alicubi visa fuisse, maiori tamen ex parte ex Caio Plinio secundo hausta videntur, vt facile patebit ca cum his Plinianis, hic ideo a me appositis, collaturo, quæ idem Plinius, singulis suis authoribus singula refert, in eorum plærisque fidem suam minimè obstringens. Vale, atque aut meliora dato, aut his vtere mecum. * * * * * Ex libro sexto Naturalis historiæ C. Plinij secundi. Cap. 30. Vniuersa verò gens Ætheria appellata est, deinde Atlantia, mox à Vulcani filio Æthiope Æthiopia. Animalium hominumque effigies monstriferas circa extremitates eius gigni minimè mirum, artifici ad formanda corpora effigiésque caelandas mobilitate ignea. Ferunt certè ab Orientis parte intimatgentes esse sine naribus. æquali totius oris planitie. Alias superiore labro orbas, alias sine linguis. Pars etiam ore concreto et naribus carens, vno tantùm foramine spirat, potùmque calamis auenæ trahit, et grana eiusdem auenæ, sponte prouenientis ad vescendum; Quibusdam pro sermone nutus motùsque membrorum est, &c. * * * * * Ex libro eiusdem Plinij septimo. Cap. 2. cui titulus est, De Scythis, et aliarum diversitate gentium. Esse Scytharum genera, et quidem plura, quæ corporibus humanis vescerentur, indicauimus. Idipsum incredibile fortasse, ni cogitimus in medio orbe terrarum, ac Sicilia et Italia fuisse, gentes huius monstri, Cyclopas et Laestrigonas, et nuperrimè trans Alpes hominem immolari gentium carum more solitum: quod paulum à mandendo abest. Sed et iuxta eos, qui sunt ad Septentrionem versi, haud procul ab ipso Aquilonis exortu, specuque eius dicto, quem locum Gesclitron appellant, produntur Arimaspi, duos diximus, vno oculo in fronte media insignes: quibus assiduè bellum esse circa metalla cum gryphis, ferarum volucri genere, quale vulgò traditur, eruente ex cuniculis aurum, mira cupiditate et feris custodientibus, et Arimaspis rapientibus, multi, sed maximè illustres Herodotus, et Aristeas Proconnesius scribunt. Super alios autem Anthropophagos Scythas, in quadam conualle magna Imai montis, regio est, quæ vocatur Abarimon, in qua syluestres viuunt homines, auersis post crura plantis, eximiæ velocitatis, passim cum feris vagantes. Hos in alio non spirare coelo, ideoque ad finitimos reges non pertrahi, neque ad Alexandrum magnum pertractos, Beton itinerum eius mensor prodidit. Priores Anthropophagos, quos ad Septentrionem esse diximus decem dierum itinere supra Borysthenem amnem, ossibus humanorum capitum bibere, cutibusque cum capillo pro mantelibus ante pectora vti, Isigonus Nicænsis. Idem in Albania gigni quosdam glauca oculorum acie, à pueritia statim canos, qui noctu plusquàm interdiu cernant. Idem itinere dierum x. supra Borysthenem, Sauromatas tertio die cibum capere semper. Crates Pergamenus in Hellesponto circa Parium, genus hominum fuisse tradit, quos Ophiogenes vocat serpentum ictus contactu leuare solitos, et manu imposita venena extrahere corpori. Varro etiam nunc esse paucos ibi, quorum saliuæ contra ictus serpentum medeantur. Similis et in Africa gens Psyllorum fuit, vt Agatharchides scribit, à Psyllo rege dicta, cuius sepulchrum in parte Syrtium maiorum est. Horum corpori ingenitum fuit virus exitiale serpentibus, vt cuius odore sopirent eas. Mos verò, liberos genitos protinus obijciendi saeuissimis earum, eòque genere pudicitiam coniugum experiendi, non profugientibus adulterino sanguine natos serpentibus. Haec gens ipsa quidem prope internicione sublata est à Nasamonibus, qui nunc eas tenent sedes: genus tamen hominum ex his qui profugerant, aut cùm pugnatum est, abfuerant, hodièque remanent in paucis. Simile et in Italia Marsorum gentis durat, quos à Circes filio ortos seruant, et ideo inesse ijs vim naturalem eam. Et tamen omnibus hominibus contra serpentes inest venenum: ferùntque ictas saliua, vt feruentis aquæ contactum fugere. Quòd si in fauces penetrauerit, etiam mori: idque maximè humani ieiuni oris. Supra Nasamonis confinésque illis Machlyas, Androginos esse vtriusque naturæ, inter se vicibus coeuntes, Calliphanes tradit. Aristoteles adijcit, dextram mamman ijs virilem, lacuam muliebrem esse. In eadem Africa familias quasdam effascinantium, Isigonus et Nymphodorus tradunt quarum laudatione intereant probata, arescant arbores, emoriantur infantes. Esse eiusdem generis in Triballis et Illyrijs, adijcit Isigonus, qui visu quoque effascinent, interimantque quos diutius intueantur. Iratis praecipuè oculis: quod eorum malum faciliùs sentire puberes. Notabilius esse quòd pupillas binas in oculis singulis habeant. Huius generis et foeminas in Scythia, quæ vocantur Bithyæ, prodit Apollonides. Philarchus et in Ponto Thibiorum genus, multosque alios eiusdem naturæ: quorum notas tradit in altero oculo geminam pupillam, in altero equi effigiem. Eosdem praetereà non posse mergi, ne veste quidem degrauatos. Haud dissimile ijs genus Pharnacum in Æthiopia prodidit Damon, quorum sudor tabem contactis corporibus afferat. Foeminas quidem omnes vbique visu nocere, quæ duplices pupillas habeant, Cicero quoque apud nos autor est. Adeò naturæ, cùm ferarum morem vescendi humanis visceribus in homine genuisset, gignere etiam in toto corpore et in quorundam oculis quoque venena placuit: ne quid vsquam mali esset, quod in homine non esset. Haud procul vrbe Roma in Faliscorum agro familiæ sum paucæ, quæ vocantur Hirpiæ: quæ sacrificio annuo, quod fit ad montem Soractem Apollini, super ambustam ligni struem ambulantes non aduruntur. Et ob id perpetuo senatusconsulto militiæ omniumque aliorum numerum vacationem habent. Quorundam corpore partes nascuntur ad aliqua mirabiles sicut Pyrrho regi pollex in dextero pede: cuius tactu lienosis medebatur. Hunc cremari cum reliquo corpore non potuisse tradunt, conditumque loculo in templo. Praecipuè India Æthiopumque tractus, miraculis scatent. Maxima in India gignuntur animalia, Indicio sunt canes grandioris caeteris. Arbores quidem tantæ proceritatis traduntur, vt sagittis superari nequeant. Haec facit vbertas soli, temperies coeli, aquarum abundantia (si libeat credere) vt sub vna ficu turmæ condantur equitum. Arundines verò tantæ proceritatis, vt singula internodia alueo nauigabili ternos interdum homines ferant. Multos ibi quina cubita constat longitudine excedere: non expuere: non capitis, aut dentium, aut oculorum vllo dolore affici, rarò aliarum corporis partium: tam moderato Solis vapore durari. Philosophos eorum quos Gymnosophystas vocant, ab exortu ad Occasum praestare, contuentes Solem immobilibus oculis: feruentibus harenis toto die alternis pedibus insistere. In monte cui nomen est Milo, homines esse auersis plantis, octonos digitos in singulis pedibus habentes, autor est Megasthenes. In multis autem montibus genus hominum capitibus caninis, ferarum pellibus velari, pro voce latratum edere, vnguibus armatum venatu et aucupio vesci. Horum supra centum viginti millia fuisse prodente se, Ctesias scribit: et in quadam gente Indiæ, foeminas semel in vita parere, genitosque confestim canescere. Item hominum genus, qui Monosceli vocarentur, singulis cruribus, miræ pernicitatis ad saltum: eosdemque Sciopodas vocari, quòd in maiori æstu humi iacentes resupini, vmbra se pedum protegant, non longè eos à Troglodytis abesse. Rursusque ab his Occidentem versus quosdam sine ceruice, oculos in humeris habentes. Sunt et Satyri subsolanis Indorum montibus (Cartadalorum dicitur Regio) pernicissimum animal, tum quadrupedes, tum rectè currentes humana effigie propter velocitatem, nisi senes aut ægri, non capiuntur. Choromandarum gentem vocat Tauron siluestrem sine voce, stridoris horrendi, hirtis corporibus, oculis glaucis, dentibus caninis. Eudoxus in meridianis Indiæ viris plantas esse cubitales, foeminis adeò paruas, vt Struthopodes appellentur. Megastenes gentem inter Nomadas Indos narium loco foramina tantùm habentem, anguium modo loripedem, vocarit Syrictas. Ad extremos fines Indiæ ab Oriente, circa fontem Gangis, Astomorum gentem sine ore, corpore toto hirtam vestiri frondium lanugine, halitu tantùm viuentem et odore quem naribus trahant: nullum illis cibum, nullumque potum: tantum radicum florumque varios odores et syluestrium malorum, quæ secum portant longiore itinere, ne desit olfactus, grauiore paulò odore haud difficulter examinari. Supra hos extrema in parte montium Spithamaei Pygmaei narrantur, ternas spithamas longitudine, hoc est, ternos dodrantos non excedentes, salubri caelo, sempérque vernante, montibus ab Aquilone oppositis, quos à gruibus infestari Homerus quoque prodidit: Fama est, insidentes arietum, caprarumque dorsis, armatos sagittis, veris tempore, vniuerso agmine ad mare descendere, et oua pullosque earum alitum consumere, ternis expeditionem eam mensibus confici, aliter futuris gregibus non resisti. Casas eorum luto, pennisque, et ouorum putaminibus construi. Aristotelis in cauernis viuere Pygmaeos tradit. Caetera de his, vt reliqui. Cyrnos Indorum genus Isigonus annis centenis quadragenis viuere. Item Aethiopas Marcrobios, et Seras existimat, et qui Athon montem incolant: hos quidem quia viperinis carnibus alantur, itaque nec capiti, nec vestibus eorum noxia corpori inesse animalia. Onesicritus, quibus in locis Indiæ vmbræ non sint, corpora hominum cubitorum quinum, et binorum palmorum existere, et viuere annos centum triginta, nec senescere, sed vt medio æuo mori. Crates Pergamenus Indos, qui centenos annos excedant Gymnætas appelat, non pauci Macrobios. Ctesias gentem ex his, quæ appellatur Pandore, in conuallibus sitam, annos ducenos viuere, in iuuenta candido capillo, qui in senectute nigrescat. Contra alios quadragenos non excedere annos, iunctos Macrobijs, quorum foeminæ semel pariant: idque et Agatharchides tradit, prætereà locustis eos ali, et esse pernices. Mandrorum nomen ijs dedit Clitarchus et Megastenes, trecentosque eorum vicos annumerat. Foeminas septimo ætatis anno parere, senectam quadragesimo anno accedere. Artemidorus, in Taprobana insula longissimam vitam sine vllo corporis languore traduci. Duris, Indorum quosdam cum feris coire, mistosque et semiferos esse partus. In Calingis eiusdem Indiæ gente quinquennes concipere foeminas, octauum vitæ annum non excedere, et alibi cauda villosa homines nasci pernicitatis eximiæ, alios auribus totos contegi. Oritas ab Indis Arbis fluuius disterminat. Ii nullum alium cibum nouere, quàm piscium, quos vnguibus dissectos sole torreant, atque ita panem ex his faciunt, vt refert Clitarchus. Troglodytas super Aethiopiam velociores esse equis, Pergamenus Crates. Item Aethiopas octona cubita longitudine excedere. Syrbotas vocari gentem eam Nomadum Aethiopum, secundùm flumen Astapum ad Septentrionem vregentium. [Marginal note: Vel vergentium.] Gens Menisminorum appellata, abest ab oceana dierum itinere viginti, animalium que Cynocephalos vocamus, lacte viuit, quorum armenta pacscit maribus interemptis, praeterquam sobolis causa. In Africæ solitudinibus hominum species obuiæ subinde fiunt, momentoque euanescunt. Haec atque talia, ex hominum genere ludibria sibi, nobis miracula, ingeniosa fecit natura: et singula quidem, quæ facit indies, ac propè horas, quis enumerare valeat? Ad detegendam eius potentiam, satis sit inter prodigia posuisse gentes. END OF MANDEVILLE'S VOYAGES. * * * * * Anthony Beck bishop of Durisme was elected Patriarch of Hierusalem, and confirmed by Clement the fift bishop of Rome: in the 34 yere of Edward the first. Lelandus. Antonius Beckus episcopus Dunelmensis fuit, regnante Edwardo eius appelationis ab aduentu Gulielmi magni in Angliam primo. Electus est in patriarcham Hierosolymitanum anno Christo 1305, et a Clemente quinto Rom. pontifice confirmatus. Splendidus erat supra quàm decebat episcopum. Construxit castrum Achelandæ, quatuor passuum millibus a Dunelmo in ripa Vnduglessi fluuioli. Elteshamum etiam vicinum Grenouico, ac Somaridunum castellum Lindianæ prouinciæ, ædificijs illustria reddidit. Deinde et palatium Londini erexit, quod nunc Edwardi principis est. Tandem ex splendore nimio, et potentia conflauit sibi apud nobilitatem ingentem inuidiam, quam viuens nunquam extinguere potuit. Sed de Antonio, et eius scriptis fusiùs in opere, cuius titulus de pontificibus Britannicis, dicemus. Obijt Antonius anno a nato in salutem nostram Christo, 1310, Edwardo secundo regnante. The same in English. Anthony Beck was bishop of Durisme in the time of the reigne of Edward the first of that name after the inuasion of William the great into England. This Anthony was elected patriarch of Ierusalem in the yeere of our Lord God 1305, and was confirmed by Clement the fift, pope of Rome. He was of greater magnificence then for the calling of a bishop. He founded also the castle of Acheland foure miles from Durisme, on the shore of a prety riuer called Vnduglesme. [Footnote: Probably Barnard Castle, on the Tees.] He much beautified with new buildings Eltham mannor nere vnto Greenwich, and the castle Somaridune in the county of Lindsey. [Footnote: Lindsey is the popular name for the north part of County Lincoln.] And lastly, he built new out of the ground the palace of London, which now is in possession of prince Edward. Insomuch, that at length, through his ouer great magnificence and power he procured to himselfe great enuy among the nobility, which he could not asswage during the rest of his life. But of this Anthony and of his writings we will speake more at large in our booke intituled of the Britain bishops. This Anthony finished his life in the yere of our Lord God, 1310, and in the reigne of king Edward the second. * * * * * Incipit Itinerarium fratris Odorici fratrum minorum de mirabilibus Orientalium Tartarorum. Licet multa et varia de ritibus et conditionibus huius mundi enarrentur a multis, ego tamen frater Odoricus de foro Iulij de portu Vahonis, volens ad partes infidelium transfretare, magna et mira vidi et audiui, quæ possum veracitèr enarrare. Primò transiens Mare Maius me de Pera iuxta Constantinopolim transtuli Trapesundam, quæ antiquitùs Pontus vocabatur: Haec terra benè situata est, sicut scala quaedam Persarum et Medorum, et eorum qui sunt vltra mare. In hac terra vidi mirabile quod mihi placuit, scilicet hominem ducentem secum plusquam 4000 perdicum. Homo autem per terram gradiebatur, perdices vero volabant per aera, quas ipse ad quoddam castrum dictum Zauena duxit, distans à Trapesunda per tres dietas. Hæ perdices illius conditionis erant, cùm homo ille quiescere voluit, omnes se aptabant circa ipsum, more pullorum gallinarum, et per illum modum duxit eas vsque ad Trapesundam, et vsque ad palatium imperatoris, qui de illis sumpsit quot voluit, et residuas vir ille ad locum vnde venerat, adduxit. In hac ciuitate requiescit corpus Athanasij supra portem ciuitatis. [Sidenote: Armenis maior.] Vltra transiui vsque in Armeniam maiorem, ad quandam ciuitatem quæ vocatur Azaron, quæ erat multùm opulenta antiquitus, sed Tartari eam pro magna parte destruxterunt: In ea erat abundantia panis et carnium, et aliorum omnium victualium praeterquam vini et fructuum. Hæc ciuitas est multum frigida, et de illa dicitur quòd altius situatur quàm aliqua alia in hoc mundo: haec optimas habet aquas, nam venæ illarum aquarum oriri videntur et scaturire à flumine magno Euphrate quod per vnam dietam ab ciuitate distat: haec ciuitas via media eundi Taurisium. Vltra progressus sum ad quendam montem dictum Sobissacato. In ilia contrau est mons ille supra quem requicscit arca Noe; in quem libenter ascendissem, si societas mea me praestolare voluisset: A gente tamen illius contratæ dicitur quòd nullus vnquam illum montem ascendere potuit, quia vt dicitur, hoc Deo altissimo non placet. [Sidenote: Tauris ciuitas Persiæ.] Vltra veni Tauris ciuitatem magnam et regalem, quæ antiquitus Susis dicta est. Haec ciuitas melior pro mercenarijs reputatur, quàm aliqua quæ sit in mundo, nam nihil comestibile, nec aliquid quod ad mercimonium pertinet, reperitur, quod illic in bona copia non habetur. Haec ciuitas multum benè situatur: Nam ad eam quasi totus mundus pro mercimonijs confluere potest: De hac dicunt Christiani qui ibi sunt, quòd credunt Imperatorem plus de ea accipere, quám Regem Franciæ de toto regno suo: Iuxta illam ciuitatem est mons salinus praebens sal ciuitati, et de illo sale vnusquisque tantum accipit, quantum vult, nihil soluendo alicui. In hac ciuitate multi Christiani de omni natione commorantur, quibus Saraceni in omnibus dominantur. [Sidenote: Sultania.] Vltra iui per decem dietas ad ciuitatem dictam Soldania, in qua imperator Persarum tempore æstiuo commoratur; In hyeme autem vadit ad ciuitatem aliam sitam supra mare vocatam Bakuc: Praedicta autem ciuitas magna est, et frigida, in se habens bonas aquas, ad quam multa mercimonia portantur. Vltra cum quadam societate Carauanorum iui versus Indiam superiorem, ad quam dum transissem per multas dietas perueni ad ciuitatem trium Magorum quæ vocatur Cassan, [Marginal note: Vel Cassibin.] quæ regia ciuitas est et nobilis, nisi quod Tartari eam in magnaparte destruxerunt: haec abundat pane, vino, et alijsbonis multis. Ab hac ciuitate vsque Ierusalem quo Magi iuerunt miraculosè, sunt L. dietiæ, et multa mirabilia sunt in hac ciuitate quæ pertranseo. [Sidenote: Gest.] Inde recessi ad quandam ciuitatem vocatam Gest a qua distat mare arenosum per vnam dietam, quod mirè est mirabile et periculosum: In hac ciuitate est abundantia omnium victualium, et ficuum potissimè, et vuarum siccarum et viridium, plus vt credo quàm in alia parte mundi. Haec est tertia cuitas melior quam Rex Persarum habet in toto regno suo: De illa dicunt Saraceni, quod in ea nullus Christianus vltra annum viuere vnquam potest. [Sidenote: Como.] Vltra per multas dietas iui ad quandam ciuitatem dictam Comum quæ maxima ciuitas antiquitùs erat, cuius ambitus erat ferè L. Miliaria, quæ magna damna intulit Romanis antiquis temporibus. In ea sunt palatia integra non habitata, tamen multis victualibus abundat. Vltra per multas terras transiens, perueni ad terram Iob nomine Hus quæ omnium victualium plenissima est, et pulcherrimè situata; iuxta eam sunt montes in quibus sunt pascua multa pro animilibus: Ibi manna in magna copia reperitur. Ibi habentur quatuor perdices pro minori, quam pro vno grosso: In ea sunt pulcherrimi senes, vbi homines nent et filant, et faeminæ non: haec terra correspondet Chaldeæ versus transmontana. De moribus Chaldæorum, et de India. Indè iui in Chaldaeam quæ est regnum magnum, et transiui iuxta turrim Babel: Haec regio suam linguam propriam habet, et ibi sunt homines formosi, et foeminæ turpes: et homines illius regionis vadunt compti crinibus, et ornati, vt hîc mulieres, et portant super capita sua fasciola aurea cum gemmis, et margaritis; mulieres verò solum vnam vilem camisiam attingentem vsque ad genua, habentem manicas longas et largas, quæ vsque ad terram protenduntur: Et vadunt discalceatæ portantes Serablans vsque ad terram. Triceas non portant, sed capilli earum circumquaque disperguntur: et alia multa et mirabilia sunt ibidem. Indé veni in Indiam quæ infra terram est, quam Tartari multum destruxerunt; et in ea vt plurimum homines tantum dactilos comedunt, quarum xlij, libræ habentur pro minori quam pro vno grosso. [Sidenote: Ormus.] Vltra transsiui per multas dietas ad mare oceanum, et prima terra, ad quam applicui, vocatur Ormes, quæ est optime murata, et multa mercimonia et diuitiæ in ea sunt; in ea tantus calor est, quod virilia hominum exeunt corpus et descendunt vsque ad mediam tibiarum: ideò homines illius terræ volentes viuere, faciunt vnctionum, et vngunt illa, et sic vncta in quibusdam sacculis ponunt circa se cingentes, et aliter morerentur: In hac terra homines vtuntur nauigio quæ vocatur Iase, suitium sparto. [Sidenote: Thana.] Ego autem ascendi in vnum illorum in quo nullum ferrum potui reperrire, et in viginta octo dietis perueni ad ciuitaten Thana, in qua pro fide Christi quatuor de fratribus nostris martyrizati sunt. Hæc terra est optimè situata, et in ea abundantia panis et vini, et aliorum victualium. Hæc terra antiquitus fuit valde magna, et fuit regis Pori, qui cum rege Alexandro prælium magnum commisit. Huius terræ populus Idolatrat, adorans ignem serpentes, et arbores: Et istam terram regunt Saraceni, qui vio lenter eam acceperunt, et subiacent imperio regis Daldili. Ibi sunt diuersa genera bestiarum, leones nigri in maxima quantitate: sunt et ibi simiæ, gatimaymones, et noctuae magnæ sicut hic habentur columbæ; ibi mures magni sunt, sicut sunt hîc scepi, et ideò canes capiunt ibi mures, quia murelegi non valent. Ad hæc, in illa terra quilibet homo habet ante domum suam vnum pedem fasciculorum, ita magnum sicut esset vna columna, et pes ille non desiccatur, dummodò adhibeatur sibi aqua. Multæ nouitates sunt ibi, quas pulcherrimum esset audire. De martyrio fratrum. Martyrium autem quatuor fratrum nostrorum in illa ciuitate Thana fuit per istum modum; dum praedicti fratres fuerant in Ormes, fecerunt pactum cum vna naui vt nauigarent vsque Polumbrum, et violentèr deportati sunt vsque Thanam vbi sunt 15. domus Christianorum, qui Nestoriani sunt et Schismatici, et cum illic essent, hospitati sunt in domo cuiusdam illorum; contigit dum ibi manerent litem oriri inter virum domus, et vxorem eius, quam sero ver fortiter verberauit, quæ suo Kadi, i. Episcopo conquesta est; à qua interrogauit Kadi, vtrum hoc probari posset? quæ dixit, quod sic; quia 4. Franchi, i. viri religiosi erant in domo hoc videntes, ipsos interrogate, qui dicent vobis veritatem: Muliere autem sic dicente, Ecce vnus de Alexandria praesens rogauit Kadi vt mitteret pro eis, dicens eos esse homines maximæ scientiæ et scripturas bene scire, et ideo dixit bonum esse cum illis de fide disputare: Qui misit pro illis, et adducti sunt isti quatuor, quorum nomina sunt frater de Tolentino de Marchia, frater Iacobus de Padua, frater Demetrius Laicus, Petrus de Senis. Dimisso autem fratre Petro, vt res suas custodiret, ad Kadi perrexerunt, qui coepit cum illis de fide nostra disputare; dicens Christum tantum hominem esse et non Deum. E contra frater Thomas rationibus et exemplis Christum verum Deum et hominem esse euidenter ostendit, et in tantum confudit Kadi, et infideles qui cum eo tenuerunt, quod non habuerunt quid rationabiliter contradicere: Tunc videns Kadi se sic confusum, incepit clamare sic; Et quid dicis de Machometo? Respondit frater Thomas: Si tibi probauimus Christum verum Deum et hominem esse, qui legem posuit inter homines, et Machometus è contrario venit, et legem contrariam docuit, si sapiens sis optime scire poteris, quid de eo dicendum sit. Iterum Kadi et alij Saraceni clamabant, Et tu quid iterum de Machometo dicis? Tunc frater T. respondit: vos omnes videre potestis, quid dico de eo. Tum ex quo vultis quod plane loquar de eo, dico quod Machometus vester filius perditionis est, et in inferno cum Diabolo patre suo. Et non solum ipse, sed omnes ibi erunt qui tenent legem hanc, quia ipsa tota pestifera est, et falsa, et contra Deum, et contra salutem animæ. Hoc audientes Saraceni, coeperunt clamare, moriatur, moriatur ille, qui sic contra Prophetam locutus est. Tunc acceperunt fratres et in sole vrente stare permiserunt, vt ex calore solis adusti, dira morte interirent. Tantus enim est calor solis ibi, quòd si homo in eo per spacium vnius missæ persisteret, moreretur; fratres tamen illi sani et hilares à tertia vsque ad nonam laudantes et glorificantes dominum in ardore solis permanserunt, quod videntes Saraceni stupefacti ad fratres venerunt, et dixerunt, volumus ignem accendere copiosum, et in illum vos proijcere, et si fides vestra sit vt dicitis, ignis non poterit vos comburere: si autem vos combusserit, patebit quòd fides vestra nulla sit. Responderunt fratres; parati sumus pro fide nostra ignem, carcerem, et vincula, et omnium tormentorum genera tolerare: verum tamen scire debetis, quòd si ignis potestatem habeat comburendi nos hoc non erit propter fidem nostram, sed propter peccata nostra: fides enim nostra perfectissima et verissima est, et non est alia in mundo in qua animsæ hominum possunt saluæ fieri; Dum autem ordinaretur quòd fratres conburerentur, rumor insonuit per totam ciuitatem, de qua omnes senes, et iuuenes, viri et mulieres, qui ire poterant, accurrerunt ad illud spectaculum intuendum. Fratres autem ducti fuerunt ad plateam ciuitatis, vbi accensus est ignis copiosus, in quen frater Thomas voluit se proijcere, sed quidam Saracenus cepit eam per caputium et retraxit dicens; Non vadus tu cum sis senex, quia carmen aliquod vel experimentum habere posses super te, quare te ignis non posset laedere, sed alium ire in ignem permittas. Tunc 4 Saraceni sumentes fratrem Iacobum, eum in ignem proijcere volebant; quibus ille, permittatis, me quia libenter pro fide mea ignem intrabo: Cui Saraceni non adquiescentes eum violentèr in ignem proiecerunt: ignis autem ita accensus erat, quòd nullus eum videre poteret, vocem tamen eius audierunt, inuocantem semper nomen virginis gloriosæ; Igne autem totalitèr consumpto stetit frater Iacobus super prunas illaesus, et laetus, manibus in modum crucis eleuatis, in coelum respiciens, et Deum laudans et glorificans, qui sic declararet fidem suam: nihil autem in eo nec pannus, nec capillus laesus per ignem inuentus est; Quod videns populus vnanimitèr conclamare coepit, sancti sunt, sancti sunt, nefas est offendere eos, modò videmus quia fides eorum bona et sancta est. Tunc clamare coepit Kadi: sanctus non est ille, quia combustus non est, quia tunica quam portat est de lana terræ Habraæ, et ideò nudus exspolietur, et in ignem proijciatur, et videbitur si comburetur vel non. Tunc Saraceni pessimi ad praeceptum Kadi ignem in duplo magis quàm priùs accenderunt, et fratrem Iacobum nudantes, corpus suum abluerunt, et oleo abundantissimè vnxerunt, insuper et oleum maximum in struem lignorum ex quibus ignis fieret, fuderunt, et igne accenso fratrem in ipsum proiecerunt. Frater autem Thomas, et frater Demetrius extra populum in loco separato flexis genibus orantes cum lachrymis deuotioni se dederunt Frater autem Iocobus iterum ignem exiuit illaesus sicut prius fecerat: quod videns omnis populus clamare coepit, peccatum est, deccatum est, offendere eos, quià sancti sunt. Hoc autem tantum miraculum videns Melich. i. potestas ciuitatis, vocauit ad se fratrem Iacobum, et fecit eum ponere indumenta, sua, et dixit, videte fratres, Ite cum gratia Dei, quia nullum malum patiemini a nobis, modò benè videmus vos sanctos esse, et fidem vestram bonam ac veram esse; et ideo consulimus vobis, vt de ista terra exeatis, quàm citiùs poteritis, quia Kadi pro posse suo vobis nocere curabit, quia sic confudistis eum: Hora autem tunc erat quasi completorij, et dixerunt illi de populo, attoniti, admirati, et stupefacti, tot, et tanta mirabilia vidimus ab istis hominibus, quòd nescimus quid tenere et obseruare debemus. Melich verò fecit duci illos tres fratres vltra vnum paruum brachium maris in quendam Burgum modicum ab illa ciuitate distantem: ad quem etiam ille in cuius iam domo fuerant hospitati associauit eos, vbi in domo cuiusdam idolatri recepti sunt. Dum haec argerenter, Kadi iuit ad Melich, dicens quid facimus? Lex Machometi destructa est, veruntamen hoc scire debes, quod Machomet praecepit in suo Alcorano, quod si quis vnum Christianum interficeret, tantum mereretur, ac si in Mecha ad ipsum peregrinaretur. Est enim Alkoranus lex Sarracenorum sicut Euangelium, Mecha, verò est locus vbi iacet Machomet. Quem locum ita visitant Saraceni, sicut Christiani sepulchram Christi. Tunc Melich respondet, vade, et fac sicut vis: quo dicto statim Kadi accepit quatuor homines armatos vt irent, et illos fratres interficerent, qui cùm aquam transijssent, facta est nox, et illo sero eos non inuenerunt, statim Melieh omnes Christianos in ciuitate capi fecit, et incarcerauit, media autem nocte fratres surrexerunt dicere matutinum, quos illi Saraceni qui missi fuerant, inuenerunt, et extra burgum, sub quadam arbore adduxerunt, dixerunt eis. Sciatis fratres nos mandatum habere a Kadi et Melich interficere vos, quod tamen faciemus inuiti, quia vos estis boni homines et sancti, sed non audemus aliter facere; quia si iussa sua non perficeremus, et nos cum liberis nostris et vxoribus moreremur. Tunc fratres responderunt, vos qui huc venistis, et tale mandatum recepistis, vt per mortem temporalem vitam æternam adipiscamur, quod vobis iniunctum est perficite; quia pro amore domini nostri Iesu Christi, qui pro nobis crucifigi et mori dignatus est, et pro fide nostra, parati sumus omnia tormenta, et etiam mortem libenter sustinere. Christianas autem qui fratres comitabatur, multum cum illis quatuor armatis altercatus est dicens, quod si gladium haberet, vel eos à nece tam sanctorum hominum impediret, vel ipse cum eis interfectus esset. Tunc armati fecerunt fratres se exspoliare, et frater Thomas primus iunctis manibus in modum crucis genuflectens capitis abscissionem suscepit: Fratrem verò Iacobum vnus percussit in capite, et eum vsque ad oculos scidit, et alio ictu totum caput abscidit. Frater autem Demetrius, primò percussus est cum gladio in pectore, et secundò caput suum abscissum est: Statim vt fratres suum martyrium compleuerunt, aer ita lucidus effectus est, quod omnes admirati sunt, et luna maximam claritatem ostendit. Statim quasi subito tanta tonitrua, et fulgura, et coruscationes, et obscuritas fiebant, quòd omnes mori crediderunt: Nauis etiam illa quæ illos debuerat deportasse submersa est cum omnibus quæ in se habuit, ita quod nunquam de illa posteà aliquid scitum est. Facto mane misit Kadi pro rebus fratrum prædictorum nostrorum, et tunc inuentus est frater Petrus de Senis quartus socius fratrum prædictorum, quem ad Kadi duxerunt: Cui Kadi, et alij Saraceni maxima promittentes persuaserunt quòd fidem suam renueret, et legem Machometi confiteretur, et teneret. Frater autem Petrus de illis truffabat, eos multum deridendo, quem de mane vsque ad meridiem diuersis pænarum ac tormentorum generibus affixerunt ipso semper constantissimè in fide, et in Dei laudibus persistente, et fidem illorum Machometi deridente et destruente. Videntes autem Saraceni eum non posse a suo proposito euelli, eum super quandam arborem suspenderunt, in qua de nona vsque ad noctem viuus et illaesus pependit: nocte verò ipsum de arbore sumpserunt, et videntes illum laetum, viuum et illaesum per medium suum corpus diuiserunt, mane autem facto nihil de corpore eius inuentum est, vni tamen personæ fide dignæ reuelatum est, quod Deus corpus eius occultauerat reuelandum in certo tempore, quandò Deo placuerit Sanctorum corpora manifestare. Vt autem Deus ostenderet animas suorum martyrum iam in coelis consistere, et congaudere cum Deo et Angelis et alijs Sanctis eius, die sequenti post martyrium fratrum praedictorum Melich dormitioni se dedit, et ecce apparuerunt sibi isti fratres gloriosi, et sicut Sol, lucidi, singulos enses tenentes in manibus, et supra eum eos sic vibrantes, quod vt si eum perfodere ac diuidere vellent: qui excitatus horribilitèr exclamauit sic, quòd totam familiam terruit: quæ sibi accurrens quaesiuit, quid sibi esset? quibus ille, Illi Raban Franchi quos interfici iussi, venerunt hac ad me cum ensibus, volentes me interficere. Et statim Melich misit pro Kadi, referens sibi visionem et petens consilium, et consolationem, quia timuit per eos finaliter interire. Tunc Kadi sibi consuluit, vt illis maximas eleemosynas faceret, si de manibus interfectorum euadere vellet. Tunc misit pro Christianis quos in carcere intrudi praeceperat: A quibus cum ad eum venissent indulgentiam petijt pro facto suo, dicens se esse amodo socium eorum, et confratrem: Praecepit autem et legem statuit, quòd pro tempore suo, si quis aliquem Christianum offenderet, statim moreretur, et sic omnes illaesos, et indemnes abire permisit: Pro illis autem quatuor fratribus interfectis quatuor mosquetas. (i.) Ecclesias ædificari fecit, quas per Sacerdotes Saracenorum inhabitari fecit. Audiens autem imperator Dodsi istos tres fratres talem sententiam subijsse, misit pro Melich, vt vinctus ad eum duceretur, A quo cùm adductus esset, quaesiuit imperator, quare ita crudeliter illos fratres iusserat interfici, respondit, quia subuertere volebant legem nostram, et malum et blasphemiam de propheta nostro dicebant: et imperator ad eum; O crudelissime canis, cùm videres quod Deus omnipotens bis ab igne eos liberauerit, quo modo ausus fuisti illis mortem inferre tam crudelem. Et edicta sententia, ipsum Melich cum tota sua familia per medium scindi fecit, sicut ipse talem mortem fratri inflixerat. Kadi verò audiens, de terra illa, et etiam de imperatoris illius dominio clàm fugit, et sic euasit. De miraculis quatuor fratrum occisorum Est autem consuetudo in terra illa, quòd corpora mortua non traduntur sepulturæ, sed in campis dimittuntur, et ex calore Solis citò resoluuntur, et sic consumantur: Corpora autem trium fratrum praedictorum per 14. dies illic in fuerore Solis iacuerunt, et ita recentia et redolentia inuenta fuerunt sicut illa die quandò martirizati erant: quod videntes Christiani qui in illa terra habitabant, praedicta corpora ceperunt, et honorificè sepelierunt. Ego autem Odoricus audiens factum et martyrium illorum fratrum, iui illuc, et corpora eorum effodi, et ossa omnia mecum accepi, et in pulchris towallijs colligaui, et in Indiam superiorem ad vnum locum fratrum nostrorum ea deportaui, habens mecum socium, et vnum famulum. Cum autem essemus in via, hospitabamus in domo cuiusdam hospitarij, et ipsa ossa capiti meo supposui, et dormiui: Et dùm dormirem domus illa à Saracenis subitò accendebatur, vt me cum domo comburerent. Domo autem sic accensa, socius meus et famulus de domo exierunt, et me solum cum ossibus dimiserunt, qui videns ignem supra me, ossa accepi et cum illis in angulos domus recollegi. Tres autem anguli domus statim combusti fuerunt, angulo in quo steti cum ossibus saluo remanente: Supra me autem ignis se tenuit in modum aeris lucidi, nec descendit quamdiu ibi persistebam; quàm citò autem cum ossibus exiui, statim tota pars illa sicut aliæ priores igne consumpta est, et multa alia loca circumadiacentia combusta sunt. Aliud miraculum contigit, me cum ossibus per mare proficiente ad ciuitatem Polumbrum vbi piper nascitur abundantèr, quia nobis ventus totaliter defecit: quapropter venerunt Idolatræ adorantes Deos suos pro vento prospero, quem tamen non obtinuerunt: Tunc Saraceni suas inuocationes, et adorationes laboriose fecerunt, sed nihil profecerunt: Et praeceptum est mihi et socio meo vt orationes funderemus Deo nostro: Et dixit rector nauis in Armenico mihi, quod alij non intelligerent: quòd nisi possemus ventum prosperum à Deo nostro impetrare, nos cum ossibus in mare proijcerent: Tunc ego et socius fecimus orationes, vouentes multas missas de beata virgine celebrare, sic quòd ventum placeret sibi nobis impetrare. Cum autem tempus transiret, et ventus non veniret, accepi vnum de ossibus, et dedi famulo, vt ad caput nauis iret, et clàm in mare proijceret; quo proiecto statim affuit ventus prosper qui nunquam nobis defecit, vsquequò peruenimus ad portum, meritis istorum martyrum cum salute. Deinde ascendimus aliam nauem vt in Indiam superiorem iremus; Et venimus ad quandam ciuitatem vocatam Carchan in qua sunt duo loca fratrum nostrorum, et ibi reponere istas reliquias volebamus. In naui autem illa erant plus 700. mercatores et alij: Nunc illi Idolatræ istam consuetudinem habebant, quòd semper antequàm ad portum applicuerint, totam nauem perquirerent, si isti aliqua ossa mortuorum animalium inuenirent, qui reperta statim in mare proijcerent, et per hoc bonum portum attingere, et mortis periculum euadere crederent. Cùm autem frequentèr perquirerent, et illa ossa frequenter tangerent, semper oculi delusi fuerunt, sic quòd illa non perpenderunt; et sic ad locum fratrum deportauimus cum omni reuerentia, vbi in pace requiescunt; vbi etiam inter idolatras Deus continuè miracula operatur. Cum enim aliquo morbo grauantur, in terra illa vbi fratres passi sunt ipsi vadunt; et de terra vbi corpora sanguinolenta iacuerunt sumunt quam abluunt, et ablutionem bibunt, et sic ab infirmitatibus suis liberantur. Quo modo habetur Piper, et vbi nascitur. [Sidenote: Malabar.] Vt autem videatur quo modo habetur piper, sciendum quòd in quodam imperio ad quod applicui, nomine Minibar, nascitur, et in nulla parte mundi tantum, quantum ibi; Nemus enim in quo nascitur, continet octodecim dietas, et in ipso nemore sunt duæ ciuitates vna nomine Flandrini, alia nomine Cyncilim: In Flandrina habitant Iudaei aliqui et aliqui Christiani, inter quos est bellum frequenter, sed Christiani vincunt Iudaeos semper: In isto nemore habetur piper per istum modum. Nam primò nascitur in folijs olerum, quæ iuxta magnas arbores plantantur, sicut nos ponimus vites; et producunt fructum, sicut racemi nostri producunt vuas; sed quandò maturescunt sunt viridis coloris, et sic vindemiantur vt inter nos vindemiantut vuæ, et ponuntur grana ad solem vt desiccentur: quæ desiccata reponuntur in vasis terreis, et sic fit piper, et custoditur. In isto autem nemore sunt flumina multa in quibus sunt Crocodili multi, et multi alij serpentes sunt in illo nemore, quos homines per stupam et paleas comburunt, et sic ad colligendum piper securé accedunt. [Sidenote: Polumbrum ciuitas. Adoratio bouis.] A capite illius nemoris versus meridiem est ciuitas Polumbrum in qua maxima mercimonia cuiuscunque generis reperiuntur Omnes autem de terra illa bouem viuum sicut Deum suum adorant, quem 6. annis faciunt laborare, et in septimo faciunt ipsum quiescere ab omni opere; ponentes ipsum in loco solemni, et communi, et dicentes ipsum esse animal sanctum. Hunc autem ritum obseruant: quolibet mane accipiunt duas pelues de auro, vel de argento, et vnam submittunt vrinæ bouis, et aliam stercori, de vrina lauant sibi faciem et oculos, et omnes 5. sensus: de stercore verò ponunt in vtròque oculo, posteà liniunt summitates genarum, et tertiò pectus, et ex tunc dicunt se sanctificatos pro toto die illo: et sicut facit populus, ita etiam facit rex et regina. Isti etiam aliud idolum mortuum adorant, quod in medietate vna superior est homo, et in alia est bos, et iliud idolum dat eis responsa, et aliquotièns pro stipendio petit sanguinem, 40. virginum: et ideo homines illius regionis ita vouent filias suas et filios, sicut Christiani aliqui alicui religioni, vel sancto in coelis. Et per istum modum immolant filios et filias, et multi homines per istum ritum moriuntur ante idolum illud, et multa alia abominabilia facit populus iste bestialis, et multa mirabilia vidi inter eos quæ nolui hic inserere. [Sidenote: Combustio mortuorum.] Aliam consuetudinem vilissimam habet gens illa: Nam quamdo homo moritur, comburunt ipsum mortuum, et si vxorem habet, ipsam comburunt viuam, quia dicunt quod ipsa ibit in aratura, et cultura cum viro suo in alio mundo: si autem vxor illa habeat liberos ex viro suo, potest manere cum eis si velit sine verecundia et improperio, communiter tamen omnes praeeligunt comburi cum marito; si autem vxor praemoriatur viro, lex illa non obligat virum, sed potest aliam vxorem ducere. Aliam consuetudinem habet gens illa, quòd foeminæ ibi bibunt vinum, et homines non: foeminæ etiam faciunt sibi radi cilia, et supercilia, et barbam, et homines non: et sic de multis alijs vilibus contra naturam sexus eorum. [Sidenote: Mobar regnum vel Maliapor.] Ab isto regno iui decem dietas ad iliud regnum dictum Mobar, quod habet in se multas ciuitates, et in illo requiescit in vna ecclesia corpus beati Thomæ Apostoli, et est ecclesia illa plena idolis, et in circuitu ecclesiæ simul Cononici viuunt in 15 domibus Nestoriani, id est, mali Christiani, et schismatici. De quodam idolo mirabili, et de quibusdam ritibus eorum. In hoc regno est vnum Idolum mirabile, quod omnes Indi reuerentur: et est statura hominis ita magni, sicut noster Christophorus depictus, et est totum de auro purissimo et splendidissimo, et circa collum habet vnam chordulam sericam cum lapidibus pretiosissimis, quorum aliquis valet plus quàm vnum regnum: Domus idoli est tota de auro, scilicet in tecto, et pauimento, et superficie parietum interius et exterius. Ad illud idolum peregrinantur Indi, sicut nos ad S. Petrum: Alij veniunt cum chorda ad collum, alij cum manibus retro ligatis, alij cum cultello in brachio vel tibia defixo, et si post peregrinationem fiat brachium marcidum, illum reputant sanctum, et benè cum Deo suo. Iuxta ecclesiam illius idoli est lacus vnus manufactus, et manifestus, in quem peregrini proijciunt aurum et argentum, et lapides pretiosos in honorem Idoli, et ad ædificationem ecclesiæ suæ, et ideo quando aliquid debet ornari, vel reparari, vadunt homines ad hunc lacum, et proiecta extrahunt: die autem annua constructionis illius idoli, rex et regina, cum toto populo et omnibus peregrinis accedunt, et ponunt illud idolum in vno curru pretiosissimo ipsum de ecclesia educentes cum Canticis, et omni genere musicorum, et multae virgines antecedunt ipsum binæ et binæ, processionaliter combinatæ modulantes: [Sidenote: Crudelissima Satanæ tyrannis, et carnificina.] Peregrini etiam multi ponunt se sub curru, vt transeat Deus supra eos; et omnes super quos currus transit, comminuit, et per medium scindit, et interficit, et per hoc reputant se mori pro deo suo, sanctè et securè: et in omni anno hoc modo moriuntur in via sub idolo plusquam 500. homines, quorum corpora comburuntur, et cineres sicut reliquiæ custodiuntur, quia sic pro Deo suo moriuntur. Alium ritum habent, quando aliquis homo offert se mori pro deo suo, conueniunt omnes amici eius et parentes cum histrionibus multis, facientes sibi festum magnum, et post festum appendunt collo eius 5 cultellos acutissimos ducentes eum ante idolum, quo cum peruenerit, sumit vnum ex cultellis, et clamat alta voce, pro deo meo incido mihi de carne mea, et frustum incisum proijcit in faciem idoli: vltima vero incisione per quam seipsum interficit, dicit, me mori pro deo meo permitto, quo mortuo corpus eius comburitur, et sanctum fore ab omnibus creditur. Rex illius regionis est ditissimus in auro et argento, et gemmis pretiosis; ibi etiam sunt margaritæ pulchriores de mundo. Indè transiens iui per mare oceanum versus meridiem per 50 dietas ad unam terram vocatam Lammori, in qua ex immensitate caloris, tam viri quam foeminæ omnes incedunt nudi in toto corpore: Qui videntes me vestitum, deridebant me, dicentes Deum, Adam et Euam fecisse nudos. In illa regione omnes mulieres sunt communes, ita quod nullus potest dicere, haec est vxor mea, et cùm mulier aliqua parit filium vel filiam dat cui vult de hijs qui concubuerunt: Tota etiam terra illius regionis habetur in communi, ita quod non meum et tuum in diuisione terrarum, domos tamen habent speciales: Carnes humanæ quando homo est pinguis ita benè comeduntur, sicut inter nos bouinæ: et licet gens sit pestifera, tamen terra optima est, et abundat in omnibus bonis, carnibus, bladis, riso, auro, argento, et lignis Aloe, canfari, et multis alijs. Mercatores autem cum accedunt ad hanc regionem ducunt secum homines pingues vendentes illos genti illius regionis, sicut nos vendimus porcos, qui statim occidunt eos et comedunt. [Sidenote: Simoltra vel Samotra.] In hac insula versus meridiem est aliud regnum vocatum Symolcra, in quo tam viri quam mulieres signant se ferro calido in facie, in 12. partibus, Et hij semper bellant cum hominibus nudis in alia regione. Vltra transiú ad aliam insulam quæ vocatur Iaua cuius ambitus per mare est trium millium milliarium, et rex illius insulæ habet sub se 7. reges coronatos, et haec insula optimè inhabitatur, et melior secunda de mundo reputatur. In ea nascuntur in copia garyophylli, cubibez, et nuces muscatæ: et breuiter omnes species ibi sunt, et maxima abundantia omnium victualium praeterquam vini. Rex illius terræ habet palatium nobilissimum inter omnia quæ vidi altissime stat, et gradus et scalas habet altissimos, quorum semper vnus gradus est aureus, alius argenteus: Pauimentum vero vnum laterem habet de auro, alium de argento. Parietes vero omnes interius sunt laminati laminis aureis, in quibus sculpti sunt Equites de auro habentes circa caput circulum aureum plenum lapidibus pretiosis: Tectum est de auro puro. Cum isto rege ille magnus Canis de Katay frequenter fuit in bello: Quem tamen semper ille Rex vicit et superauit. De arboribus dantibus farinam, et mel, et venenum. Iuxta istam Insulam est alia contrata vocata Panten, vel alio nomine Tathalamasim, [Marginal note: Vel Malasmi.] et Rex illius contratæ multas insulas habet sub se. In illa terra sunt arbores dantes farinam, et mel, et vinum, et etiam venenum periculosius quod sit in mundo, quia contra illud non est remedium, nisi vnum solum, et est illud. Si aliquis illud venenum sumpsisset, si velit liberari, sumat stercus hominis et cum aqua temperet, et in bona quantitate bíbat, et statim fugat venenum faciens exire per inferiores partes. Farinam autem faciunt arbores hoc modo, sunt magnæ et bassæ, et quandò inciduntur cum securi propè terram, exit de stipite liquor quidam secut gummæ, quem accipiunt homines et ponunt in sacculis de folijs factis, et per quindecim dies in sole dimittunt, et in fine decimi quinti diei ex isto liquore desiccato fit farina, quam primò ponunt in aqua maris, posteà lauant eam cum aqua dulci, et fit pasta valdè bona et odorifera, de qua faciunt cibos vel panes sicut placet eis. De quibus panibus ego comedi, et est panis exterius pulcher, sed interius aliquantulum niger. [Sidenote: Mare quod semper currit versus meridiem.] In hac contrata est mare mortuum quod semper currit versus meridiem, in quod si homo ceciderit, nunquam posteà comparet. In contrata illa inueniuntur Cannæ longissimæ plures passus habentes quàm 60 et sunt magnæ vt arbores. Aliæ etiam Cannæ sunt ibi quæ vocantur Cassan quæ per terram diriguntur vt gramen, et in quolibet nodo earum ramuli producuntur qui etiam prolongantur super terram per vnum miliare ferè: in hijs Cannis reperiuntur lapides, quorum si quis vnum super se portauerit, hon poterit incidi aliquo ferro, et ideò, communiter homines illius contratæ portant illos lapides super: Multi etiam faciunt pueros suos dum sunt parui incidi in vno brachio, et in vulnere ponunt vnum de illis lapidibus, et faciunt vulnus recludere se per vnum puluerem de quodam pisce, cuius nomen ignoro, qui puluis statim vulnus consolidat et sanat: et virtute illorum lapidum communitèr isti homines triumphant in bellis, et in mari, nec possent isti homines laedi per aliqua arma ferra: Vnum tamen remedium est, quod aduersarij illius gentis scientes virtutem lapidum, prouident sibi propugnacula ferrea contra spicula illorum, et arma venenata de veneno arborum, et in manu portant palos ligneos accutissimos et ita duros in extremitate sicut esset ferrum: Similitér sagittant cum sagittis sino ferro, et sic confundunt aliquos et perforant inermes ex lapidum securitate. [Sidenote: Vela ex arundinibus facta.] De istis etiam Cannis Cassan faciunt sibi vela pro suis nauibus et domunculas paruas, et multa sibi necessaria. [Sidenote: Campa.] Inde recessi per multas dietas ad aliud regnum vocatum Campa, pulcherrimum, et opulentissimum in omnibus victualibus. Cuius rex quamdo fui ibi tot habuit vxores, et alias mulieres, quod de illis 300. filios et filias habuit. Iste rex habet decies millesies et quatuor elephantum domesticorum, quos ita facit custodiri sicut inter nos custodiunt boues, vel greges in pascuis. De multitudine Piscium, qui se proijciunt in aridam. In hac contrata vnum mirabile valde reperitur, quod vnaquaeque generatio piscium in mari ad istam contratam venit in tanta quantitate, quod per magnum spatium maris nil videtur nisi dorsa piscium, et super aridam se proijciunt quando prope ripam sunt, et permittunt homines per tres dies venire, et de illis sumere quantum placuerint, et tunc redeunt ad mare: Post illam speciem per illum modum venit alia species, et offert se, et sic de omnibus speciebus, semel tamen tantum hoc faciunt in anno. Et quaesiui à gente illa quomodo et qualiter hoc possit fieri? responderunt quod hoc modo pisces per naturam docentur venire, et imperatorem suum reuereri. [Sidenote: Testitudines magnæ.] Ibi etiam sunt testudines ita magnæ sicut est vnus furnus, et multa alia vidi quæ incredibilia forent, nisi homo illa vidisset. In illa etiam contrata homo mortuus conburitur, et vxor viua cum eo, sicut superius de alia contrata dictum est, quia dicunt homines illi quod illa vadit ad alium mundum ad morandum cum eo, ne ibi aliam vxorem accipiat. [Sidenote: Moumoran.] Vltra transiui per mare Oceanum versus meridiem, et transiui per multas contratas et insulas, quarum vna vocatur Moumoran, et habet in circuitu 2000. milliaria, in qua homines portant facies caninas et mulieres similitèr, et vnum bouem adorant pro Deo suo, et ideo quilibet vnum bouem aureum vel argenteum in fronte portat: Homines illius contratæ et mulieres vadunt totaliter nudi, nisi quod vnum pannum lineum portant ante verenda sua. Homines illius regionis sunt maximi et fortissimi, et quia vadunt nudi, quando debent bellare, portant vnum scutum de ferro, quod cooperit eos à capite vsque ad pedes, et si contingat eos aliquem de aduersarijs capere in bello qui pecunia non possit redimi, statim comedunt eum; si autem possit se redimere pecunia, illum abire permittunt: Rex eorum portat 300. margaritas ad collum suum maximas et pulcherrimas, et 300. orationes omni die dicit Deo suo: Hic etiam portat in digito suo vnum lapidem longitudinis vnius spansæ, et dum habet illum videtur ab alijs quasi vna flamma ignis, et ideò nullus audet sibi appropinquare, et dicitur quòd non est lapis in mundo pretiosior illo. Magnus autem imperator Tartarorum de Katai, nunquam vi, nec pecunia, nec ingenio illum obtinere potuit, cùm tamen circa hoc laborauerit. De Insula Ceilan, et de monte vbi Adam planxit Abel filium suum. [Sidenote: Ceilan insula.] Transiui per aliam insulam vocatam Ceilan, quæ habet in ambitu plusquam duo millia milliaria, in qua sunt serpentes quasi infiniti, et maxima multitudo leonum, vrsarum, et omnium animalium rapacium, et siluestrium, et potissimè elephantum. In illa contrata est mons maximus, in quo dicunt gentes illius regionis quod Adam planxit Abel filium suum 500. annis. In medio illius montis est planicies pulcherrima, in qua est lacus paruus multum habens de aqua, et homines illi dicunt aquam illam fuisse de lachrymis Adæ et Euæ, sed probaui hoc falsum esse, quia vidi aquam in lacu scaturire: haec aqua plena est hirudinibus et sanguisugis, et lapidibus pretiosis; istos lapides rex non accepit sibi, sed semel vel bis in anno permittit pauperes sub aqua ire pro lapidibus, et omnes quot possunt colligere illis concedit, vt orent pro anima sua. Vt autem possint sub aqua ire accipiunt lymones, et cum illis vngunt se valdè benè, et sic nudos se in aquam submergunt, et sanguisugæ illis nocere non possunt. Ab isto lacu aqua exit et currit vsque ad mare, et in transitu quando retrahit se, fodiuntur Rubiæ, et adamantes, et margaritæ, et aliæ gemmæ pretiosæ: vndè opinio est quod rex ille magis abundat lapidibus pretiosis, quàm aliquis in mundo. In contrata illa sunt quasi omnia genera animalium et auium; et dixerunt mihi gentes illæ quod animalia illa nullum forensem inuadunt, nec offendunt, sed tantum homines illius regionis. Vidi in illa insula aues ita magnas sicut sunt hic anseres, habentes duo capita, et alia mirabilia quæ non scribo. [Sidenote: Bodin Insula.] Vltra versus meridiem transiui, et applicui, ad insulam quandam quæ vocatur Bodin, quod idem est quod immundum in lingua nostra. In ea morantur pessimi homines, qui comedunt carnes crudas, et omnem immunditiam faciunt quæ quasi excogitari non poterit; nam pater comedit filium et filius patrem, et maritus vxorem, et è contrario, et hoc per hunc modum: si pater alicuius infirmetur, filius vadet ad Astrologum sacerdotem, scz. rogans eum quod consulat Deum suum, si pater de tali infirmitate euadet, vel non. Tunc ambo vadunt ad idolum aureum, vel argenteum, facientes orationes in hac forma. Domine, tu es Deus noster, te adoramus, et rogamus vt nobis respondeas, debetnè talis à tali infirmitate mori vel liberari? Tunc Daemon respondet, et si dicat, viuet, filius vadit et ministrat illi vsque ad plenam conualescentiam: Si autem dicat, morietur, Sacerdos ibit ad eum, et vnum pannum super os eius ponet, et suffocabit eum, et ipsum mortuum incidet in frusta, et inuitabuntur omnes amici, et parentes eius ad comedendum eum cum canticis, et omni laetitia, ossa tamen eius honorificè sepelient. Cum autem ego eos de tali ritu reprehendi, quaerens causam: Respondit vnus mihi, hoc facimus ne vermes carnes eius comedant, tunc eius anima magnam poenam sustinerit, nec poteram euellere eos ab isto errore: et multæ aliæ nouitates sunt ibi, quas non crederent, nisi qui viderent. Ego autem coram Deo nihil hic refero, nisi illud de quo certus sum sicut homo certificari poterit. De ista insula inquisiui à multis expertis, qui omnes vno ore responderunt mihi, dicentes, quod ista India 4400. insulas continet sub se, siue in se, in qua etiam sunt 64. reges coronati, et etiam dicunt quod maior pars illius insulæ benè inhabitatur. Et hic istius Indiæ facio finem. De india superiori, et de Prouincia Manci. In primis refero, quòd cum transirem per mare Oceanum per multas dietas versus Orientem, perueni ad illam magnam prouinciam Manci, quæ India vocatur à Latinis. De ista India superiori inquisiui à Christianis, Saracenis, idolatris, et omnibus, qui officiales sunt domini Canis magni, qui omnes vno ore responderunt, quod hæ prouincia Manci habet plusquam 2000, magnarum ciuitatum, et in ipsa est maxima copia omnium victualium, puta, panis, vini, risi, carnium, piscium, &c. Omnes homines istius prouinciæ sunt artifices et mercatores, qui pro quacunque penuria, dummodo proprijs manibus iuuare se possent per labores, nunquam ab aliquo eleemosynam peterent. Viri istius prouinciæ sunt satis formosi, sed pallidi, et rasas et paruas barbas habentes; foeminæ vero sunt pulcherrimæ inter omnes do mundo. Prima ciuitas ad quam veni de ista India vocatur Ceuskalon, [Marginal note: Vel Ceuscala.] et distat à mari per vnam dietam, positaque est super flumen, cuius aqua propè mare cui contignatur, ascendit super terram per 12. dietas. Totus populus illius Indiæ idolatrat. Ista autem ciuitas tantum nauigium habet, quod incredibile foret nisi videnti. [Sidenote: Hi sunt alcatrarsi vel onocratoli.] In hac ciuitate vidi quod 300. libræ de bono et recenti zinzibero habentur pro minori quam pro vno grosso: Ibi sunt anseres grossiores et pulchriores, et maius forum de illis, quam sit in mundo, vt credo, et sunt albissimi sicut lac, et habent vnum os super caput quantitatis oui, et habet colorem sanguineum, sub gula habent vnam pellem pendentem semipedalem: Pinguissimi sunt, et optimi fori: et ita est de anatibus, et gallinis, quæ magnæ sunt valdé in illa terra plusquam duæ de nostris. Ibi sunt serpentes maximi, et capiuntur et a gente illa comeduntur: vnde qui faceret festum solemne, et non daret serpentes, nihil reputaret se facere; breuiter in hac ciuitate sunt omnia victualia in maxima abundantia. Indè transiui per ciuitates multas, et veni ad ciuitatem nomine Kaitan, [Marginal note: Vel Zaiton.] in qua fratres Minores habent duo loca, ad quæ portaui de ossibus fratrum nostrorum pro fidi Christi interfectorum, de quibus supra. In hac est copia omnium victualium pro leuissimo foro, haec ciuitas ita magna est, sicut bis Bononia, et in ea multa monasteria religiosorum, qui omnes idolis seruiunt. In vno autem istorum monasteriorum ego fui, et dictum est mihi quòd inerant 3000. religiosorum habentium 11000. idoloram, et vnum illorum, quod quasi paruum inter caetera mihi videbatur, est ita magnum sicut Christophorus noster. Isti religiosi omni die pascunt Deos suos, vnde semel iui ad videntum comestionem illam, et vidi quòd illa quæ detulerunt sibi comestibilia sunt, et calidissima, et multum fumigantia, ita quòd fumus ascendit ad idola, et dixerunt Deos illo fumo recreari. Totum autem cibum illi reportauerunt et comederunt, et sic de fumo tantum Deos suos pauerunt. De Ciuitate Fuko. Vltra versus Orientem veni ad ciuitatem quæ vocatur Fuko, [Marginal note: Vel Foqaien.] cuius circuitus continet 30. milliaria, in qua sunt Galli maximi et pulcherrimi, et gallinæ ita albæ sicut nix, lanam solum pro pennis habentes sicut pecudes. Haec ciuitas pulcherrima est, et sita supra mare. Vltra iui per 18. dietas, et pertransij multas terras et ciuitates, et in transitu veni ad quendam montem magnum, et vidi quod in vno latere montis omnia animalia erant nigra vt carbo, et homines et mulieres diuersum modum viuendi habent: ab alio autem latere omnia animalia erant alba sicut nix, et homines totaliter diuersè ab alijs vixerunt. Ibi omnes foeminæ quæ sunt desponsatæ portant in signum quod habent maritos vnum magnum barile de cornu in capita. [Sidenote: Magnum flumen.] Inde transiui per 18. dietas alias, et veni ad quoddam magnum flumen, et intraui ciuitatem vnam, quæ transuersum illius fluminis habet pontem maximum, et hospitabar in domo vnius hospitarij, qui volens mihi complacere, dixit mihi: si velis videre piscari, veni mecum; et duxit me super pontem, et vidi in brachijs suis mergos ligatos super perticas, ad quorum gulam vbi ille ligauit vnum filum, ne illi capientes pisces, comederent eos: Postea in brachio vno posuit 3. cistas magnas, et tunc dissoluit mergos de perticis, qui statim in aquam intrauerunt, et pisces ceperunt, et cistas illas repleuerunt in pania hora, quibus repletis vir ille dissoluit fila à collis eorum, et ipsi reintrantes flumen se de piscibus recreauerunt, et recreati ad perticas redierunt, et se ligari sicut priùs permiserunt: Ego autem de illis piscibus comedi, et optimi mihi videbantur. [Sidenote: Aliâs Cansai, vel Quinzai.] Inde transiens per multas dietas veni ad vnam ciuitatem quæ vocatur Kanasia, quæ sonat in lingua nostro ciuitas coeli: Nunquam ita magnam ciuitatem vidi, Circuitus enim eus continet 100. millaria, nec in ea vidi spatium quin benè inhabitaretur; Imo vidi multas domus habentes 10. vel 12. solaria vnum supra aliud: haec habet suburbia maxima continentia maiorem populum quàm ipsa ciuitas contineat 12. portas habet principales, et in via de qualibet illarum portarum ad 8. milliaria sunt ciuitates fortè maiores vt æstimo, quàm est ciuitas Venetiarum, et Padua. Haec ciuitas sita est in aquis quæ semper stant, et nec fluunt, nec refluunt, vallum tamen habet propter ventum sicut ciuitas Venetiarum. In ea sunt plus decem mille et 2. pontium, quorum multos numeraui et transiui, et in qualibet ponte stant custodes ciuitatis continuè custodientes ciuitatem pro magno Cane imperatore Catai. Vnum mandatum dicunt gentes illius ciuitatis a domino se recepisse. Nam quilibet ignis soluit vnum balis, i. 5. cartas bombicis, qui unum florenum cum dimidio valent, et 10. vel 12. supellectiles facient vnum ignem, et sic pro vno igne soluent. Isti ignes sunt benè 85. Thuman, eum alijs 4. Saracenorum quæ faciunt 89. Thuma vero vnum decem milia ignium facit, reliqui autem de populo ciuitatis sunt alij Christiani, alij mercatores, et alij transeuntes per terram, vndè maximè fui miratus quo modo tot corpora hominum poterant simul habitare: in ea est maxima copia victualium, scz. panis et vini, et carnium de porco praecipué cum alijs necessarijs. De monasterio vbi sunt multa animalia diuersa in quodam monte. In illa ciuitate 4. fratres nostri conuerterant vnum potentem ad fidem Christi, in cuius hospitio continué habitabam, dum fui ibi, qui semèl dixit mihi, Ara, i. pater, vis tu venire et videre ciuitatem istam: et dixi quòd sic, et ascendimus vnam barcham, et iuimus ad vnum monasterium maximum, de quo vocauit vnum religiosum sibi notum, et dixit sibi de me. Iste Raban Francus, i. religiosus venit de indé vbi sol occidit, et nunc vadit Cambaleth, vt deprecetur vitam pro magno Cane, et ideò ostendas sibi aliquid, quòd si reuertatur ad contratas suas possit referre quod tale quid nouum vidi in Canasia ciuitate: tunc sumpsit ille religiosus duos mastellos magnos repletos reliquijs quæ supererant de mensa, et duxit me ad vnam perclusam paruam, quam aperuit cum claue, et aparuit, viridarium gratiosum et magnum in quod intrauimus, et in illo viridario stat vnas monticulus sicut vnum campanile, repletus amoenis herbis et arboribus, et dum staremus ibi, ipse sumpsit cymbalum, et incoepit percutere ipsum sicut percutitur quando monachi intrant refectorium, ad cuius sonitum multa animalia diuersa descenderunt de monte illo, aliqua vt simiæ, aliqua vt Cati, Maymones, et aliqua faciem hominis habentia, et dum sic starem congregauerunt se circa ipsum, 4000. de illis animalibus, et se in ordinibus collocauerunt, coram quibus posuit paropsidem et dabat eis comedere, et cum comedissent iterum cymbalum percussit, et omnia ad loca propria redierunt. Tunc admiratus inquisiui quæ essent animalia ista? Et respondit mihi quod sunt animæ nobilium virorum, quas nos hic pascimus amore Dei, qui regit orbem, et sicut vnus homo fuit nobilis, ita anima eius post mortem in corpus nobilis animalis intrat. Animæ verò simplicium et rusticorum, corpora vilium animalium intrant. Incoepi istam abusionem improbare, sed nihil valuit sibi, non enim poterat credere, quòd aliqua anima posset sine corpore manere. [Sidenote: Chilenso.] Indè transiui ad quandam ciuitatem nomine Chilenso, cuius muri per 40. milliaria circuerunt. In ista ciuitate sunt 360. pontes lapidei pulchriores quàm vnquam viderim, et benè inhabitatur, et nauigium maxinium habet, et copiam omnium victualium et aliorum bonorum. [Sidenote: Thalay. Kakam.] Inde iui ad quoddam flumen dictum Thalay, quod vbi est strictius habet in latitudine 7. milliaria, et illud flumen per medium terræ Pygmæorum transit, quorum ciuitas vocatur Kakam, quæ de pulchrioribus ciuitatibus mundi est. Isti Pigmaei habent longitudinem trium spansarum mearum, et faciunt maiora et meliora goton, et bombicinam quàm aliqui homines in mundo. Indè per illud flumen transiens, veni ad vnam ciuitatem Ianzu, in qua est vnus locus fratrum nostrorum, et sunt in ea tres ecclesiæ Nestorianorum: haec ciuitas nobilis est, et magna, habens in se 48. Thuman ignium, et in ea omnia victualia, et animalia in magna copia, de quo Christiani viuunt: Dominus istius ciuitatis solum de sale habet in redditibus 50. Thuman Balisi, et valet balisus vnum florenum cum dimidio: Ita quod vnum Thuman facit 15. millia florenorum, vnam tamen gratiam facit dominus populo, quia dimittit ei, ne sit caristia in eo, 200. Thuman. Habet haec ciuitas consuetudinem, quod quando vnus vult facere conuiuium amicis suis, ad hoc sunt hospitia deputata, et vbi ille circuit per hospites, dicens sibi tales amicos meos habebis, quos festabis nomine meo, et tantum in festo volo expendere, et per illum modum meliùs conuiuant amici in pluribus hospitijs quam facerent in vno. [Sidenote: Montu.] Per 10. milliaria ab ista ciuitate in capite fluminis Thalay est vna ciuitas vocata Montu, quæ maius nauigium habet, quàm viderim in toto mundo; Et omnes naues ibi sunt albæ sicùt nix, et in ipsis sunt hospitia, et multa alia quæ nullus homo crederet nisi viderentur. De ciuitate Cambaleth. [Sidenote: Caramoran.] Indè transiui per 8. dietas per multas terras et ciuitates, et veni tandem per aquam dulcem ad quandam ciuitatem nomine Leneyn, quæ est posita super flumen vocatum Caramoran, quod per medium Catai transit, et magnum damnum sibi infert, quando erumpit. Indè transiens per flumen versus Orientem per multas dietas et ciuitates, veni ad vnam ciuitatem nomine Sumacoto, quæ maiorem copiam habet de serico, quàm aliqua ciuitas in mundo: Quando enim est maior caristia Serici, ibi 40. libræ habentur pro minori quàm pro 8. grossis. In ea est copia omnium mercimoniorum et omnium victualium, panis, vini, carnium, piscium, et omnium specierum electarum. [Sidenote: Cambalec.] Inde transiui versus Orientem per multas ciuitates, et veni ad illam nobilem, et nominatam Cambaleth quæ est ciuitas multum antiqua, et veni ad Catai, et eam ceperunt Tartari: Et iuxta eam ad dimidium miliare aliam ciuitatem fecerunt, quæ vocatur Caido et haec 12. portas habet, et semper inter vnam et aliam sunt duo miliaria, et medium inter illas ciuitates benè inhabitatur, ita quòd faciunt quasi vnam ciuitatem; Et ambitus istarum duarum ciuitatum est plusquàm 40. milliaria. [Sidenote: Mandeuil cap. 33.] In hac ciuitate magnus imperator Canis habet sedem suam principalem, et suum magnum palatium, cuius muri bene 4. miliaria continent; et infra illud palatium sunt multa alia palatia dominorum de familia sua. In palatio etiam illo est vnus mons pulcherrimus consitus arboribus, propter quod mons viridis nominatur, et in monte palatium amoenissimum in quo communitèr Canis residet: A latere autem montis est vnus lacus magnus, supra quem pons pulcherrimus est factus, et in illo lacu est magna copia anserum et anatum, et omnium auium aquaticarum; et in silua montis copia omnium auium et ferarum siluestrium, et ideo quando dominus Canis vult venari non oportet eum exire palatium suum. Palatium vero principale, in quo sedes sua est, est magnum valde, et habet interius 14. columnas aureas, et omnes muri eius cooperti sunt pellibus rubeis quæ dicuntur nobiliores pelles de mundo: Et in medio palatij est vna pigna altitudinis duorum passuum, quæ tota est de vno lapide pretioso nomine merdochas; et est tota circumligata auro, et in quolibet angulo eius est vnum serpens de auro qui verberatos fortissimé: Habet etiam haec pignaretia de margaritis, et per istam pignam defertur potus per meatus et conductus qui in curia regis habetur; et iuxta eam pendent multa vasa aurea cum quibus volentes bibere possunt. In hoc autem palatio sunt multi pauones de auro; et cùm aliquis Tartarus facit festum domino suo, tunc quando conuiuantes collidunt manus suas præ gaudio et læticia, pauones emittunt alas suas, et expandunt caudas, et videntur tripudiare; Et hoc credo factura arte Magica, vel aliqua cautela subterranea. De gloria magni Canis. Qvando autem magnus ille Imperator Canis in sede sua imperiali residet, tunc a sinistro latere sedet Regina, et per vnum gradum inferius duo mulieres quas ipse tenet pro se; quando non potest ad Reginam accedere: In infimo autem gradu resident omnes dominae de sua parentela. Omnes autem mulieres nuptæ portant supra caput suum vnum pedem hominis, longitudinis vnius brachij cum dimidio; et subter illum pedem sunt pennæ gruis, et totus ille pes ornatur maximis margaritis. A latero verò dextro ipsius Canis residet filius eius primogenitus, regnaturus post ipsum, et inferius ipso omnes qui sunt de sanguine regio: Ibi etiam sunt 4. scriptores scribentes omnia verba quæ dicit rex; Ante cuius conspectum sunt Barones sui, et multi alij nobiles cum sua gente maxima, quorum nullus audet loqui nisi a domino licentia petatur exceptis fatuis et histrionibus, qui suum dominum consolari habent; Illi etiam nihil audent facere, nisi secundum quod Dominus voluerit eis legem imponere. Ante portam palatij sunt Barones custodientes, ne aliquis limen portæ tangat. Cùm autem ille Canis voluerit facere conuiuium, habet secum 14000. Barones portantes circulos, et coronulas in capite, et domino suo seruientes; Et quilibet portat vnam vestem de auro et margaritis tot quot valent plus quam decies millies florenorum. Curia eius optime ordinatur per denarios, centenarios, et millenarios, et taliter quòd quilibet in suo ordine peragit officium sibi deputatum, nec aliquis defectus reperitur. Ego frater Odoricus fui ibi per tres annos, et multotiens in istis festis suis fui, quià nos fratres minores in sua curia habemus locum nobis deputatum, et oportet nos semper ire, et dare sibi nostram benedictionem: et inquisiui ab illis de curia, de numero illorum qui sunt in curia domini, et responderunt mihi quod de histrionibus sunt bene 18. Thuman; Custodes autem canum et bestiarum, et auium sunt. 15. Thuman; Medici vero pro corpore Regis sunt 400. Christiani autem 8. et vnus Saracenus. Et ego quando fui ibi, hij omnes omnia necessaria tam ad victum, quam ad vestitum habebant de Curia domini Canis. Quando autem vult equitare de vna terra ad aliam, habet 4. exercitus equitum, et vnus per vnam dietam ipsum antecedit, secundus aliam, et tertius similitèr, et quartus; ita quod semper ipse se tenet in medio in modum crucis; et ita omnes exercitus habent omnes dietas suas ordinatas, quod inueniunt omnia victualia parata sine defectu. Illémet autem dominus Canis per illum modum vadit; Sedet in curru cum duabus rotis in quo facta est pulcherrima sella tota de lignis Aloe, et auro ornata, et margaritis maximis, et lapidibus pretiosis; et 4. Elephantes bene ordinati ducunt istum currum, quos praecedunt 4. equi altissimi optime cooperti. Iuxta currum à lateribus sunt 4. Barones tenentes currum, ne aliquis appropinquet domino suo. Supra currum sedent duo Gerfalcones albissimi, et dùm videt aues quos vult capere, dimittit Falcones volare, et capiunt eas; Et sic habet solatium suum equitando, et per iactum vnius lapidis nullus audet appropinquare currui nisi populus assignatus: vnde incredibile esset homini qui non vidisset de numero gentis suæ, et reginæ, et primogeniei sui. Istæ Dominus Canis imperium suum diuisit in 12. partes, et vna habet sub se 200. magnarum ciuitatum: vnde ita latum et longum est suum imperium, quod ad quamcunque partem iret, satis haberes facere in sex mensibus, exceptis insulis, quæ sunt bene 5000. De hospitijs paratis per totum imperium pro transeuntibus. Iste Dominus, vt transeuntes habeant omnia necessaria sua per totum suum imperium, fecit hospitia praeparari vbique per vias; in quibus sunt omnia parata quæ ad victualia pertinent: Cum autem aliqua nouitas oritur in imperio suo, tunc si distat, ambassiatores super equos vel dromedarios festinant, et cùm lassantur in cursu, pulsant cornu, et proximum hospitium parat vnum similitèr, equum, qui quando alius venit fessus accipit literam, et currit ad hospitium, et sic per hospitia, et per diuersos cursores rumor per 30. dietas, vno die naturali venit ad imperatorem; et ideò nihil ponderis potest fieri in imperio suo, quin statim scitur ab eo. Cum autem ipse Canis vult ire venatum; istum modum habet. Extra Cambaleth ad 20. dietas, est vna foresta quæ 6. dietas continet in ambitu; in qua sunt tot genera animalium et auium quòd mirabile est dicere: Ad illud nemus vadit in fine trium annorum vel quatuor cum tota gente, cum qua ipsum circuit, et canes intrare permittit, qui animalia, scilicet leones, ceruos, et alia animalia reducunt ad vnam planitiem pulcherrimam in medio nemoris, quia ex clamoribus canum maximè tremunt omnes bestiæ syluæ. Tunc accedit magnus Canis super tres elephantes et 5. sagittas mittit in totam multitudinem animalium, et post ipsum omnes Barones, et post ipsos alij de familia sua emittunt sagittas suas; et omnes sagittæ sunt signatæ certis signis et diuersis: Tunc vadit ad animalia interfecta, dimittens viua nemus reintrare vt aliàs habeat ex eis venationem suam, et quilibet illud animal habebit in cuius corpere inuenit sagittam suam quam iaciebat. De quatuor festis quæ tenet in anno Canis in curia. Quatuor magna festa in anno facit Dominus Canis, scilicet festum natiuitatis, festum circumcisionis, coronationis, et desponsationis suæ; et ad ista festa conuocat omnes Barones, et histriones, et omnes de parentela sua. Tunc domino Cane in suo throno sedente, accedunt Barones cum circulis et coronis in capite, vestiti vario modo, quia aliqui de viridi, scilicet primi, secundi de sanguineo, et tertij de croceo, et tenent in manibus vnam tabulam eburneam de dentibus Elephantum, et cinguntur cingulis aureis vno semisse latis, et stant pedibus silentium tenentes. Circa illos stant histriones cum suis instrumentis: In vno autem angulo cuiusdam magni palatij resident Philosophi omnes ad certas horas, et puncta attendentes: et cum deuenitur ad punctumn et horam petitam à philosopho, vnus praeco clamat valentèr. Inclinetis vos omnes imperatori vestro: tunc omnes Barones cadunt ad terram; et iterum clamat, Surgite omnes, et illi statim surgunt. Iterum philosophi ad aliud punctum attendunt, et cùm peruentum fuerit, iterum praeco clamat; ponite digitum in aurem, et statim dicit, extrahite ipsum; iterùm ad aliud punctum clamat, Buratate farinam: et multa alia faciunt, quæ omnia dicunt certam signifcationem habere, quæ scriberi nolui, nec curaui, quia vana sunt et risu digna. Cùm autem peruentum fuerit ad horam histrionum, time Philosophi dicunt, facite festum domino, et omnes pulsant instrumenta sua, et faciunt maximum sonitum; et statim alius clamat; Taceant omnes, et omnes tacent: Tunc accedunt histrionatrices ante dominum dulcitèr modulantes, quod mihi plus placuit. Tunc veniunt leones, et faciunt reuerentiam domino Cani; Et tunc histriones faciunt ciphos aureos plenos vino volare per aerem, et ad ora hominum se applicare vt bibant. Haec et multa alia mirabilia in curia illius Canis vidi, quæ nullus crederet nisi videret; et ideò dimitto ea. De alio mirabili audiui à fide dignis, quòd in vno regno istius Canis in quo sunt montes Kapsei (et dicitur illud regnum Kalor) nascuntur pepones maximi, qui quando sunt maturi aperiuntur, et intùs inuenitur vna bestiola similis vni agnello: sicut audiui quòd in mari Hybernico stant arbores supra ripam maris et portant fructum sicut essent cucurbitæ, quæ certo tempore cadunt in aquam et fiunt aues vocatæ Bernakles, et illud est verum. De diuersis Prouincijs et ciuitatibus. De isto imperio Katay recessi post tres annos, et transiui 50. dietas versus Occidentem; et tandem veni ad terram Pretegoani, cuius ciuitas principalis Kosan vocatur, quæ multas habet sub se ciuitates. [Sidenote: Casan.] Vltra per multas dietas iui, et perueni ad vnam prouinciam vocatam Kasan; et haec est secunda melior prouincia mundi, vt dicitur, et est optimè habitata: Sic quod quando exitur à porta vnius ciuitatis, videntur portæ alterius ciuitatis, sicut egomet vidi de multis. Latitudo Prouinciæ est 50. dietarum, et longitudo plusquam 60. In ea est maxima copia omnium victualium, et maximè castaneorum; et haec est vna de 12. prouincijs magni Canis. [Sidenote: Tibec regio aliàs Tebet Guillielmo de Rubricis.] Vltra veni ad vnum regnum vocatum Tibek quod est subiectum Cani, in quo est maior copia panis et vini, quam sit in toto mundo vt credo. Gens illius terræ moratur communiter in tenorijs factis ex feltris nigris: Principalis ciuitas sua murata est pulcherrimè ex lapidibus albissimis, et nigerrimis interescalariter dispositis et curiosè compositis, et omnes viæ eius optimè pouatæ. In ista contrata nullus audet effundere sanguinem hominis, nec alicuius animalis, ob reuerentiam vnius Idoli. In ista ciuitate moratur Abassi i. Papa eorum, qui est caput et princeps omnium Idolatrarum; quibus dat et distribuit beneficia secundum morem eorum; sicut noster Papa Romanus est caput omnium Christianorum. Foeminæ in hoc regno portant plusquam centum tricas, et habent duos dentes in ore ita longos sicut apri. Quando etiam pater alicuius moritur, tunc filius conuocat omnes sacerdotes et histriones, et dicit se velle patrem suum honorare, et facit eum ad campum duci sequentibus parentibus omnibus, amicis, et vicinis, vbi sacerdotes cum magna solemnitate amputant caput suum, dantes illud filio suo, et tunc totum corpus in frusta concidunt, et ibi dimittunt, cum orationibus cum eo redeuntes; [Sidenote: Eadem historia de eodem populo apud Guilielmum de Rubricis.] Tunc veniunt vultures, de monte assuefacti ad huiusmodi, et carnes omnes asportant: Et ex tunc currit fama de eo quòd sanctus est, quia angeli domini ipsum portant in paradisum: Et iste est maximus honor, quem reputat filius posse fieri patri suo mortuo: Tunc filius sumit caput patris, et coquit ipsum, et comedit, de testa eius faciens ciphum in quo ipse cum omnibus de domo et cognatione eius bibunt cum solemnitate et laetitia in memoriam patris comesti. Et multa vilia et abominabilia facit gens illa quæ non scribo, quia non valent, nec homines crederent nisi viderent. De diuite qui pascitur à 50. Virginibus. Dum fui in prouincia Manzi transiui iuxta palatium vnius hominis popularis, qui habuit 50. domicellas virgines sibi continuè ministrantes, in omnibus pascentes eum sicut auis auiculas, et habet semper 5. fercula triplicata; et quando pascunt eum, continuè cantant dulcissimè: Iste habet in redditibus Tagaris risi 30. Thuman, quorum quodlibet decies millies facit: vnum autem Tagar pondus est asini. Palatium suum duo millaria tenet in ambitu; cuius pauimentum semper vnum laterem habet aureum, alium argenteum: Iuxta ambitum istius palatij est vnus monticulus artificialis de auro et argento, super quo stant Monasteria, et campanilia, et alia delectabilia pro solatio illius popularis; Et dictum fuit mihi, quòd quatuor tales homines sunt in regno illo. [Sidenote: Mulierum parui pedes.] Nobilitas virorum est longos habere vngues in digitis, praecipue pollicis quibus circueunt sibi manus: Nobilitas autem et pulchritudo mulierem est pauos habere pedes: Et ideò matres quando filiæ suæ sunt tenellæ ligant pedes earum, et non dimittunt crescere. [Sidenote: Milestorite.] Vltra transiens versus meridiem applicui ad quandam contratam, quæ vocatur Milestorite, quæ pulchra est valdè et fertilis: Et in ista contrata erat vnus vocatus Senex de monte, qui inter duos montes fecerat sibi vnum murum circumuentem istos montes. Infra istum murum erant fontes pulcherrimi de mundo; Et iuxta fontes erant pulcherrimæ virgines in maximo numero, et equi pulcherrimi, et omni illud quod ad suauitatem, et delectationem corporis fieri poterit, et ideo illum locum vocant homines illius contratæ Paradisum. Iste senex cùm viderit aliquem iuuenem formosum et robustum, posuit eum in illo paradiso; Per quosdam autem conductus descendere facit vinum et lac abundantèr. Iste Senex cùm voluerit se vindicare, vel interficere regem aliquem vel Baronem, dicit illi qui præerat illi paradiso vt aliquem de notis illius regis, vel Baronis introduceret in paradisum illum, et illum delicijs frui permitteret, et tunc daret sibi potionem vnam, quæ ipsum sopiebat in tantum, quòd insensibilem redderet, et ipsum sic dormientem faceret extra paradisum deportari: qui excitatus et se extra paradisum conspiciens, in tanta tristitia positus foret, quòd nesciret quid faceret: Tunc ad illum senem iret, rogans eum, vt interùm in paradisum introduceretur: qui sibi dicit, tu illic introduci non poteris, nisi talem vel talem interficias; et siue interfeceris, siue non, reponam te in paradiso, et ibidem poteris semper manere; Tunc ille sic faceret, et omnes seni odiosos interficeret; Et ideò omnes reges orientales illum senem timuerunt, et sibi tributum magnum dederunt. De morte Senis de monte. Cum autem Tartari magnam partem mundi cepissent, venerunt ad istum Senem, et dominium illius Paradisi ab eo abstulerunt, qui multos sicarios de Paradiso illo emisit, et nobiliores Tartarorum interfici fecit. Tartari autem hoc videntes ciuitatem, in qua erat senex obsederunt, eum ceperunt, et pessima morte interfecerunt. Hanc gratiam habent fratres ibidem, quod citissimè per virtutem nominis Christi Iesu, et in virtute illius sanguinis pretiosi, quem effudit in cruce pro salute generis humani, daemonia ab obsessis corporibus expellunt; et quia multi ibidem sum obsessi, ducuntur per decem dietas ad fratres ligati, qui liberati statim credunt in Christum, qui liberauit ebs habentes ipsum pro Deo suo, et baptizati sunt, et idola sua, et pecorum suorum statim dant fratribus, quæ sunt communitèr de feltro, et de crinibus mulierum et fratres ignem in communi loci faciunt ad quem populus confluit, vt videat Deos vicinorum suorum comburi et fratres coram populo Idola in ignem proijciunt; Et prima vice de igne exierunt; Tunc fratres ignem cum aqua benedicta conspercerunt, et interùm Idola in ignem proiecerunt, et daemones in effigie fumi nigerrimi fugerunt, et Idola remanserunt, et combusta sunt. Posteà auditor clamor per aerem talis, vide, vide, quo modo de habitatione mea expulsus sum. Et per istum modum fratres maximam multitudinem baptizant, qui citò recidiuant ad idola pecorum: qui fratres continuò quasi stent cum illis, et illos informent. Aliud terribile fuit quod ego vidi ibi. Nam cùm irem per vnam vallem quæ sita est iuxta fluuium deliciarum, multa corpora mortua vidi, et in illa valle audiui sonos musicos dulces et diuersos, et maximè de cytharis, vndè multum timui. Haec vallis habet longitudinem septem, vel octo milliarium ad plus, in quam si quis intrat, moritur, et nunquam viuus potest transire per medium illius vallis, et ideò omnes de contrata declinant à latere: Et tentatus eram intrare, et videre, quid hoc esset. Tandem oratis et Deo me recommendans, et cruce signans, in nomine Iesu intraui, et vidi tot corpora mortua ibi, quòd nullus crederet nisi videret In hac valle ab vno eius latere, in vno saxo vnam faciem hominis vidi, quæ ita terribilitèr me respexit, quòd omnino credidi ibi fuisse mortuus: Sed semper hoc verbum (verbum caro factum est et habitauit in nobis) protuli, et cruce me signaui, nec propiùs quàm per 7. passus, vel 8. accedere capiti ausus fui: Iui autem fugiens ad aliud caput vallis, et super vnum monticulum arenosum ascendi, in quo vndique circumspiciens nihil vidi nisi cytharas illas, quas per se (vt mihi videbatur) pulsari et resonare mirabiliter audiui. Cùm vero fui in cacumine montis, inueni ibi argentum in maxima quantitate, quasi fuissent squamæ piscium. Congregans autem inde in gremio meo pro mirabili ostendendo, sed ductus conscientia, in terram proieci, nihil mecum reseruans, et sic per gratiam Dei liber exiui. Cùm autem homines illius contratæ sciuerunt me viuum exisse, reuerebantur me multum, dicentes me baptizatum et sanctum: et corpora illa fuisse daemonum infernalium qui pulsant cytharas vt homines alliciant intare, et interficiant. Haec de visis certudinalitér ego frater Odoricus hic inscripsi; et multa mirabilia omisi ponere, quia homines hon credidissent nisi vidissent. De honore et reuerentia factis Domino Cani. Vnum tantùm referam de magno Cane quod vidi. Consuetudo est in partibus illis quòd quando praedictus dominus per aliquam contratam transit, homines ante ostia sua accendunt ignem et apponunt aromata, ac faciunt fumum, vt dominus transiens suauem sentiat adorem, et multi obuiam sibi vadunt. Dum autem semel veniret in Cambeleth, et fama vndique diuulgaretur de suo aduentu, vnus noster Episcopus, et aliqui nostri minores fratres et ego iuimus obuiàm sibi benè per duas dietas: Et dum appropinquaremus ad eum, posuimus crucem super lignum, et ego habebam mecum in manu thuribulum, et incepimus cantare alta voce dicentes: Veni creator spiritus: Et dum sic cantaremus audiuit voces, nostras, fecítque nos vocari, ac iussit nos ad eum accedere; cùm vt suprà dictum est, nullus audeat appropinquare currui suo ad iactum lapidis, nisi vocatus, exceptis illis qui currum custodiunt. Et dum iuissemus ad eum, ipse deposuit galerum suum, sine capellum inestimabilis quasi valoris, et fecit reuerentiam Cruci; et statim incensum posui in thuribulo; Episcopus noster accepit thuribulum, et thurificauit eum; ac sibi praedictus Episcopus dedit benedictionem suam. Accedentes verò ad praedictum dominum, sempèr sibi aliquid offerendum deferunt; secum illam antiquam legem obseruantes; Non apparebis in conspectu meo vacuus; Idcirco portauimus nobiscum poma, et ea sibi super vnum incisorium reuerentèr obtulimus; et ipse duo accepit, et de vno aliquantulum comedit: Et tunc fecit nobis signum quod recederemus, ne equi venientes in aliquo nos offenderent; statimque ab eo discessimus, atque diuertimus, et iuimus ad aliquos Barones per fratres nostri ordinis ad fidem conuersos, qui in exercitu eius erant, et eis obtulimus de pomis praedictis, qui cum maximo gaudio ipsa accipientes ita videbantur laetari, ac si praebuissemus eis familiaritèr magnum munus. Haec praedicta frater Guilelmus de Solangna in scriptis redegit, sicùt praedictus frater Odoricus ore tenus exprimebat. Anno Domini 1330, mense Maij in loco Sancti Antonij de Padua; Nec curauit de latino difficili, et stilo ornato; Sed sicut ipse narrabat ad hoc vt homines faciliùs intelligerent quæ dicuntur. Ego frater Odoricus de Foro Iulij de quadam terra quæ dicitur Portus Vahonis de ordine minorum testificor, et testimonium perhibeo reuerendo patri Guidoto ministro prouinciæ Sancti Antonij in Marchia Triuisana, cùm ab eo fuerim per obedientiam requisitus, quòd haec omnia quæ superiùs scripta sunt, aut proprijs oculis ego vidi, aut a fide dignis audiui: Communis etiam loquutio illarum terrarum illa quæ nec vidi testatur esse; Multa etiam alia ego dimisissem, nisi illa proprijs oculis conspexissem. Ego autem de die in diem me propono contratas seu terras accedere, in quibus mori, et viuere me dispono, si placuerit Deo meo. De morte fratris Odorici. Anno igitur Domini 1331. disponente se praedicto fratre Odorico ad perficiendum iter suæ peregrinationis, prout mente conceperat, et etiam vt via et labor esset sibi magnis ad meritum, decreuit primò praesentiam adire Domini et patris omnium summi Pontificis Domini Ioannis Papæ 22: cuius benedictione obedientiaque recepta cum societate fratrum secum ire volentium ad partes infidelium se transferret: Cùmque sic eundo versus summum Pontificem, non multum distaret à ciuitate Pisana, in quadam via occurrit sibi quidam senex in habitu peregrini eum salutans ex nomine, Aue (inquiens) frater Odorice: Et cùm frater quaereret quo modo ipsius haberet noticiam? Respondit, Dum eras in India noui te, tuùm qui noui sanctum propositum; Sed et tu modò ad conuentum vndè venisti reuertere, quia die sequenti decimo ex hoc mundo migrabis. Verbis igitur senis attonitus et stupefactus, praesertim cùm Senex ille statim post dictum ab eius aspectu disparuit; reuerti decreuit; Et reuersus est in bona prosperitate nullam sentiens grauedinem corporis, seu aliquam infirmitatem; Cùmque esset in conuentu suo Vtinensi. N. in prouincia Paduana decimo die, prout facti sibi fuir reuelatio, accepta communione, ipsoque ad Deum disponente, etiam corpore existens incolumis in Domino foeliciter requieuit: Cuius sacer obitus Domino summo Pontifici praefato sub manu Notarij publici transmittitur; qui sic scribet. Anno Domini 1331. decima quarta die mensis Ianuarij obijt in Christo Beatus Odoricus ordinis fratrum Minorum, cuius precibus omnipotens Deus multa, et varia miracula demonstrauit; quæ ego Guetelus notarius communis Vtini, filius domini Damiani de portu Gruario, de mandato et voluntate nobilis viri Domini Conradi de Buardigio Castaldionis, et consilij Vtini, scripsi, sicut potui, bona fide, et fratribus Minoribus exemplum dedi; sed non de omnibus, quià sunt innumerabilia, et mihi difficilia ad scribendum. The same in English. Here beginneth the iournall of Frier Odoricus, one of the order of the Minorites, concerning strange things which hee sawe among the Tarters of the East. Albeit many and sundry things are reported by diuers authors concerning the fashions and conditions of this world: notwithstanding I frier Odoricus of Friuli, de portu Vahonis being desirous to trauel vnto the foreign and remote nations of infidels, sawe and heard great and miraculous things, which I am able truely to auoch. [Sidenote: Pera. Trapesunda.] First of al therefore sayling from Pera by Constantinople, I arrived at Trapesunda. This place is right commodiously situate, as being an hauen for the Persians and Medes, and other countreis beyonde the sea. In this lande I behelde with great delight a very strange spectacle, namely a certaine man leading about with him more then foure thousande partriges. The man himselfe walked vpon the ground, and the partriges flew in the aire, which he ledde vnto a certaine castle called Zauena, being three dayes iourney distant from Trapesunda. The saide partriges were so tame, that when the man was desirous to lie downe and rest, they would all come flocking about him like chickens. And so hee led them vnto Trapesunda, and vnto the palace of the Emperour, who tooke as many of them as he pleased, and the rest the saide man carried vnto the place from whence he came. In this citie lyeth the body of Athanasius, vpon the gate of the citie. [Sidenote: The citie of Azaron in Armenia maior.] And then I passed on further vnto Armenia maior, to a certaine citie called Azaron, which had bene very rich in olde time, but nowe the Tarters haue almost layde it waste. In the saide citie there was abundance of bread and flesh, and of all other victuals except wine and fruites. This citie also is very colde, and is reported to be higher situated, then any other city in the world. It hath most holesome and sweete waters about it: for the veines of the said waters seeme to spring and flow from the mighty riuer of Euphrates, which is but a dayes iourney from the saide city. Also, the said citie stands directly in the way to Tauris. [Sidenote: Sobissacalo.] And I passed on vnto a certaine mountaine called Sobissacalo. In the foresaide countrey there is the very same mountalne whereupon the Arke of Noah rested: vnto the which I would willingly haue ascended, if my company would haue stayed for me. Howbeit the people of that countrey report, that no man could euer ascend the said mountaine, because (say they) it pleaseth not the highest God. [Sidenote: Tauris a citie of Persia.] And I trauailed on further vnto Tauris that great and royal city, which was in old time called Susis. This city is accompted for traffique of marchandize the chiefe city of the world: for there is no kinde of victuals, nor anything else belonging vnto marchandize, which is not to be had there in great abundance. This city stands very commodiously: for vnto it all the nations of the whole worlde in a maner may resort for traffique. Concerning the saide citie, the Christians in those parts are of opinion, that the Persian Emperour receiues more tribute out of it, then the King of France out of all his dominions. Neare vnto the said city there is a salt-hill yeelding salt vnto the city: and of that salt ech man may take what pleaseth him, not paying ought to any man therefore. In this city many Christians of all nations do inhabite, ouer whom the Saracens beare rule in alle things. Then I traueiled on further vnto a city called Soldania, [Marginal note: Or, Sultania.] wherein the Persian Emperour lieth all Sommer time: but in winter hee takes his progresse vnto another city standing upon the sea called Baku. [Marginal note: The Caspian sea.] Also the foresaid city is very great and colde, hauing good and holesome waters therein, vnto the which also store of marchandize is brought. Moreouer I trauelled with a certaine company of Carauans toward vpper India: and in the way, after many days iourney, I came vnto the citie of the three wise men called Cassan [Marginal Note: Or Cassibin.], which is a noble and renowmed city, sauing that the Tartars haue destroyed a great part thereof, and it aboundeth with bread, wine, and many other commodities. From this city vnto Ierusalem (whither the three foresaid wise-men were miraculously led) it is fiftie days iourney. There be many wonders in this citie also, which, for breuities sake, I omit [Sidenote: Geste.] From thence I departed vnto a certaine city called Geste, whence the Sea of Sand is distant, one dayes iourney, which is a most wonderful and dangerous thing. In this city there is abundance of all kinds of victuals, and especially of figs, reisins, and grapes; more (as I suppose) then in any part of the whole world besides. This is one of the three principall cities in all the Persian Empire. Of this city the Saracens report, that no Christian can by any meanes liue therein aboue a yeere. [Sidenote: Como.] Then passing many dayes ioumey on forward, I came vnto a certaine citie called Comum, which was an huge and mightie Citie in olde time, conteyning well nigh fiftie miles in circuite, and hath done in times past great damage vnto the Romanes. In it there are stately palaces altogether destitute of inhabitants, notwithstanding it aboundeth with great store of victuals. From hence traueiling through many countreys, at length I came vnto the land of Iob named Hus, which is fulle of all kinde of victuals, and very pleasantly situated. Thereabouts are certaine mountains hauing good pastures for cattell upon them. Here also Manna is found in great aboundance. Four partriges are here solde for lesse than a groat In this countrey there are most comely olde men. Here also the men spin and card, and not the women. This land bordereth vpon the North part of Chalddæa. Of the maners of the Chaldaeans, and of India. [Sidenote: The Tower of Babel.] From thence I traueled into Chaldæa which is a great kingdome, and I passed by the tower of Babel. This region hath a language peculiar vnto it selfe, and there are beautifull men, and deformed women. The men of the same countrey vse to haue their haire kempt, and trimmed like vnto our women: and they weare golden turbants vpon their heades richly set with pearle, and pretious stones. The women are clad in a coarse smock onely reaching to their knees, and hauing long sleeues hanging downe to the ground. And they goe bare-footed, wearing breeches which reach to the ground also. Thei weare no attire vpon their heads, but their haire hangs disheaueled about their eares: and there be many other strange things also. From thence I came into the lower India, which the Tartars ouerran and wasted. And in this countrey the people eat dates for the most part, whereof 42. li. are there sold for lesse than a groat. [Sidenote: Ormus.] I passed further also many dayes iourney vnto the Ocean sea, and the first land where I arriued, is called Ormes, being well fortified, and hauing great store of marchandize and treasure therein. Such and so extreme is the heat in that countrey, that the priuities of men come out of their bodies and hang down euen vnto their mid-legs. And therefore the inhabitants of the same place, to preserue their own liues, do make a certaine ointment, and anointing their priuie members therewith, do lap them up in certaine bags fastened vnto their bodies, for otherwise they must needs die. Here also they vse a kinde of Bark or shippe called Iase being compact together onely with hempe. [Sidenote: Thana, whereof Frederick Cæsar maketh mention.] And I went on bourd into one of them, wherein I could not finde any yron at all, and in the space of 28 dayes I arriued at the city of Thana, wherein foure of our friers were martyred for the faith of Christ. This countrey is well situate, hauing abundance of bread and wine, and of other victuals therein. This kingdome in olde time was very large and vnder the dominion of king Porus, who fought a great battell with Alexander the great. The people of this countrey are idolaters worshipping fire, serpents and trees. And ouer all this land the Saracen do beare rule, who tooke it by maine force, and they themselues are in subjection unto King Daldilus. There be diuers kinds of beasts, as namely blacke lyouns in great abundance, and apes also, and monkeis, and battes as bigge as our doues. Also there are mise as bigge as our countrey dogs, because cats are not able to incounter them. Moreouer in the same countrey euery man hath a bundle of great boughs standing in a water-pot before his doore, which bundle is as great as a pillar, and it will not wither, so long as water is applied thereunto: with many other nouelties and strange things, the relation whereof would breed great delight. How peper is had: and where it groweth. [Sidenote: Malabar.] Moreouer, that it may be manifest how peper is had, it is to be vnderstood that it groweth in a certaine kingdome whereat I my selfe arriued, being called Minibar, and it is not so plentifull in any other part of the worlde as it is there. For the wood wherein it growes conteineth in circuit 18 dayes iourney. And in the said wood or forrest there are two cities, one called Flandrina, and the other Cyncilim. In Flandrina both Iewes and Christians doe inhabite, betweene whom there is often contention and warre: howbeit the Christians ouercome the Iewes at all times. In the foresaid wood pepper is had after this maner: first it groweth in leaues like vnto pot-hearbs, which they plant neere vnto great trees as we do our vines, and they bring forth pepper in clusters, as our vines doe yeeld grapes, but being ripe, they are of a greene colour, and are gathered as we gather grapes, and then the graines are layed in the Sunne to be dried, and being dried are put into earthen vessels: and thus is pepper made and kept. Now, in the same wood there be many riuers, wherein are great store of Crocodiles, and of other serpents, which the inhabitants thereabout do burne vp with straw and with other dry fewel, and so they go to gather their pepper without danger. [Sidenote: Polumbrum.] At the South end of the said forrest stands the city of Polumbrum, which aboundeth with marchandize of all kinds. All the inhabitants of that countrey do worship a liuing oxe, as their god, whom they put to labour for sixe yeres, and in the seuenth yere they cause him to rest from al his worke, placing him in a solemne and publique place, and calling him an holy beast Moreouer they vse this foolish ceremonie: Euery morning they take two basons, either of siluer, or of gold, and with one they receiue the vrine of the oxe, and with the other his dung. With the vrine they wash their face, their eyes, and all their fiue senses. Of the dung they put into both their eyes, then they anoint the bals of the cheeks therewith, and thirdly their breast: and then they say that they are sanctified for all that day; And as the, people doe, euen so doe their King and Queene. This people worshippeth also a dead idole, which, from the nauel vpward, resembleth a man, and from the nauel downeward an oxe. The very same Idol deliuers oracles vnto them, and sometimes requireth the blood of fourtie virgins for his hire. And therefore the men of that region do consecrate their daughters and their sonnes vnto their idols, euen as Christians do their children vnto some Religion or Saint in heauen. Likewise they sacrifice their sonnes and their daughters, and so, much people is put to death before the said Idol by reason of that accursed ceremony. Also, many other hainous and abominable villanies doeth that brutish beastly people commit: and I sawe many moe strange things among them which I meane not here to insert. [Sidenote: The burning of their dead.] Another most vile custome the foresaide nation doeth retaine: for when any man dieth they burne his dead corps to ashes: and if his wife suruiueth him, her they burne quicke, because (say they) she shall accompany her husband in his tilthe and husbandry, when he is come into a new world. Howbeit the said wife hauing children by her husband, may if she will, remain with them, without shame or reproach; notwithstanding, for the most part, they all of them make choice to be burnt with their husbands. Now, albeit the wife dieth before her husband, that law bindeth not the husband to any such inconuenience, but he may mary another wife also. Likewise, the said nation hath another strange custome, in that their women drink wine, but their men do not. Also the Women haue the lids and brows of their eyes and beards shauen, but the men haue not: with many other base and filthy fashions which the said women do vse contrary to the nature of their sexe. [Sidenote: Mobar, or Maliapor.] From that kingdom I traueiled 10. daies iourney vnto another kingdome called Mobar, which containeth many cities. Within a certaine church of the same countrey, the body of S. Thomas the Apostle is interred, the very same church being full of idols: and in 15. houses round about the said Church, there dwell certaine priests who are Nestorians, that is to say, false, and bad Christians, and schismatiques. Of a strange and vncouth idole: and of certaine customes and ceremonies. In the said kingdome of Mobar there is a wonderfull strange idole, being made after the shape and resemblance of a man, as big as the image of our Christopher, et [sic passim--KTH] consisting all of most pure and glittering gold. And about the neck thereof hangeth a silke riband, ful of most rich and precious stones, some one of which is of more value then a whole kingdome. The house of this idol is all of beaten gold, namely the roofe, the pauement, and the sieling of the wall within and without. Vnto this idol the Indians go on pilgrimage, as we do vnto S. Peter. Some go with halters about their necks, some with their hands bound behind them, some others with kniues sticking on their armes or legs: and if after their peregrination, the flesh of their wounded arme festereth or corrupteth, they esteeme that limme to be holy, and thinke that their God is wel pleased with them. Neare vnto the temple of that idol is a lake made by the hands of men in an open et common place, whereinto the pilgrimes cast gold, siluer, and precious stones, for the honour of the idol and the repairing of his temple. And therefore when any thing is to be adorned or mended, they go vnto this lake taking vp the treasure which was cast in. Moreouer at euery yerely feast of the making or repairing of the said idol, the king and queene, with the whole multitude of the people, and all the pilgrimes assemble themselues, and placing the said idol in a most stately and rich chariot, they cary him out of their temple with songs, and with all kind of musical harmonie, and a great company of virgins go procession-wise two and two in a rank singing before him. Many pilgrims also put themselues vnder the chariot wheeles, to the end that their false god may go ouer them: and al they ouer whom the chariot runneth, are crushed in pieces, and diuided asunder in the midst, and slaine right out. Yea, and in doing this, they think themselues to die most holily and securely, in the seruice of their god. And by this meanes euery yere, there die vnder the said filthy idol, mo then 500. persons, whose carkases are burned, and their ashes are kept for reliques, because they died in that sort for their god. Moreouer they haue another detestable ceremony. For when any man offers to die in the seruice of his false god, his parents, and all his friends assemble themselues together with a consort of musicians, making him a great and solemne feast: which feast being ended, they hange 5. sharpe kniues about his neck carying him before the idol, and so soone as he is come thither, he taketh one of his kniues crying with a loud voice, For the worship of my god do I cut this my flesh, and then he casteth the morsel which is cut, at the face of his idol: but at the very last wound wherewith he murthereth himselfe, he vttereth these words: Now do I yeeld my self to death in the behalfe of my god, and being dead, his body is burned, and is esteemed by al men to be holy. The king of the said region is most rich in gold, siluer, and precious stones, and there be the fairest vnions in al the world. Traueling from thence by the Ocean sea 50. daies iourney southward, I came vnto a certain land named Lammori, [Marginal note: Perhaps he meaneth Comori.] where, in regard of extreeme heat, the people both men and women go stark-naked from top to toe: who seeing me apparelled scoffed at me, saying that God made Adam et Eue naked. In this countrey al women are common, so that no man can say, this is my wife. Also when any of the said women beareth a son or a daughter, she bestowes it vpon any one that hath lien with her, whom she pleaseth. Likewise al the land of that region is possessed in common, so that there is not mine and thine, or any propriety of possession in the diuision of lands: howbeit euery man hath is owne house peculiar vnto himselfe. Mans flesh, if it be fat, is eaten as ordinarily there, as beefe in our country. And albeit the people are most lewd, yet the country is exceedingly good, abounding with al commodities, as flesh, corne, rise, siluer, gold, wood of aloes, Campheir, and many other things. Marchants comming vnto this region for traffique do vsually bring with them fat men, selling them vnto the inhabitants as we sel hogs, who immediatly kil and eat them. [Sidenote: Sumatra.] In this island towards south, there is the another kingdome called Simoltra, where both men and women marke themselues with red-hot yron in 12. sundry spots of their faces: and this nation is at continual warre with certaine naked people in another region. [Sidenote: Iaffa.] Then I traueled further vnto another island called Iaua, the compasse whereof by sea is 3000. miles. The king of this Iland hath 7. other crowned kings vnder his iurisdiction. The said Island is throughly inhabited, and is thought to be one of the principall Ilands of the whole world. In the same Iland there groweth great plenty of cloues, cubibez, and nutmegs, and in a word all kinds of spices are there to be had, and great abundance of all victuals except wine. The king of the said land of Iaua hath a most braue and sumptuous pallace, the most loftily built, that euer I saw any, and it hath most high greeses and stayers to ascend vp to the roomes therein contained, one stayre being of siluer, and another of gold, throughout the whole building. Also the lower roomes were paued all ouer with one square plate of siluer, and another of gold. All the wals vpon the inner side were seeled ouer with plates of beaten gold, whereupon were engrauen the pictures of knights, hauing about their temples, ech of them a wreath of golde, adorned with precious stones. The roofe of the palace was of pure gold. With this king of Iaua the great Can of Catay hath had many conflictes in war: whom notwithstanding the said king hath alwayes ouercome and vanquished. Of certaine trees yeelding meale, hony, and poyson. Nere vnto the said Iland is another countrey called Panten, or Tathalamasin. And the king of the same country hath many Ilands vnder his dominion: In this land there are trees yeelding meale, hony, and wine, and the most deadly poison in all the whole world: for against it there is but one only remedy: and that is this: if any man hath taken of the poyson, and would be deliuered from the danger thereof, let him temper the dung of a man in water, and so drinke a good quantitie thereof, and it expels the poyson immediatly, making it to auoid at the fundament. Meale is produced out of the said trees after this maner. They be mighty huge trees, and when they are cut with an axe by the ground, there issueth out of the stocke a certain licour like vnto gumme, which they take and put into bags made of leaues, laying them for 15 daies together abroad in the sun, and at the end of those 15 dayes, when the said licour is throughly parched, it becommeth meale. Then they steepe it first in sea water, washing it afterward with fresh water, and so it is made very good and sauorie paste, whereof they make either meat or bread, as they thinke good. Of which bread I my selfe did eate, and it is fayrer without and somewhat browne within. [Sidenote: A sea running still Southward.] By this countrey is the sea called Mare mortuum, which runneth continually Southward, into the which whoseuer falleth is neuer seene after. In this countrey also are found canes of an incredible length, namely 60 paces high or more, and they are as bigge as trees. Other canes there be also called Cassan, which overspread the earth like grasse, and out of euery knot of them spring foorth certaine branches, which are continued vpon the ground almost for the space of a mile. In the sayd canes there are found certaine stones, one of which stones, whoseuer carryeth about with him, cannot be wounded with any yron: and therefore the men of that countrey for most part, carry such stones with them, whithersoeuer they goe. Many also cause one of the armes of their children, while they are yong, to be launced, putting one of the said stones in the wound, healing also, and closing vp the said wound with the powder of a certaine fish (the name whereof I do not know) which powder doth immediatly consolidate and cure the said wound. And by the vertue of these stones, the people aforesaid doe for the most part triumph both on sea and land. Howbeit there is one kind of stratageme, which the enemies of this nation, knowing the vertue of the sayd stones, doe practise against them: namely, they prouide themselues armour of yron or steele against their arrowes, and weapons also poisoned with the poyson of trees, and they carry in their hands wooden stakes most sharpe and hard-pointed, as if they were yron: likewise they shoot arrowes without yron heads, and so they confound and slay some of their vnarmed foes trusting too securely vnto the vertue of their stones. [Sidenote: Sayles made of reedes.] Also Of the foresayd canes called Cassan they make sayles for their ships, and litle houses, and many other necessaries. [Sidenote: Campa.] From thence after many dayes trauell, I arrived at another kingdome called Campa, a most beautiful and rich countrey, and abounding with all kind of victuals: the king whereof, at my being there, had so many wiues and concubines, that he had 300 sonnes and daughters by them. This king hath 10004 tame Elephants, which are kept euen as we keepe droues of oxen, or flocks of sheepe in pasture. Of the abundance of fishes, which cast themselues vpon the shore. In this countrey there is one strange thing to be obserued, that euery seueral kind of fishes in those seas come swimming towards the said countrey in such abundance, that, for a great distance into the sea, nothing can be seene but the backs of fishes: which, casting themselues vpon the shore when they come neare vnto it, do suffer men, for the space of 3. daies, to come and to take as many of them as they please, and then they returne againe vnto the sea. After that kind of fishes comes another kind, offering it selfe after the same maner, and so in like sort all other kinds whatsoeuer: notwithstanding they do this but once in a yere. And I demaunded of the inhabitants there, how, or by what meanes this strange accident could come to passe: They answered, that fishes were taught, euen by nature, to come and to do homage vnto their Emperour. [Sidenote: Tortoises.] There be Tortoises also as bigge as an ouen. Many other things I saw which are incredible, vnlesse a man should see them with his own eies. In this country also dead men are burned, and their wiues are burned aliue with them, as in the city of Polumbrum above mentioned: for the men of that country say that she goeth to accompany him in another world, that he should take none other wife in marriage. [Sidenote: Moumoran.] Moreouer I traueled on further by the ocean-sea towards the south, and passed through many countries and islands, whereof one is called Moumoran, and it containeth in compasse ii. M. miles, wherein men and women haue dog faces, and worship an oxe for their god: and therefore euery one of them cary the image of an oxe of gold or siluer vpon their foreheads. The men and the women of this country go all naked, sauing that they hang a linen cloth before their priuities. The men of the said country are very tall and mighty, and by reason that they goe naked, when they are to make battell, they cary yron or steele targets before them, which do couer and defend their bodies from top to toe: and whomsoeuer of their foes they take in battel not being able to ransom himselfe for money, they presently deuoure him: but if he be able to redeeme himselfe for money, they let him go free. Their king weareth about his necke 300. great and most beautifull vnions, and saith euery day 300. prayers vnto his god. He weareth vpon his finger also a stone of a span long which seemeth to be a flame of fire, and therefore when he weareth it, no man dare once approch vnto him: and they say that there is not any stone in the whole world of more value then it. Neither could at any time the great Tartarian Emperour of Katay either by force, money, or policie obtaine it at his hands: notwithstanding that he hath done the vtmost of his indeuour for this purpose. Of the Island of Sylan: and of the mountaine where Adam mourned for his sonne Abel. I passed also by another island called Sylan, which conteineth in compasse aboue ii. M. miles: wherein are an infinit number of serpents, and great store of lions, beares, and al kinds of rauening and wild beasts, and especially of elephants. In the said country there is an huge mountaine, whereupon the inhabitants of that region do report that Adam mourned for his son Abel the space of 500. yeres. In the midst of this mountain there is a most beautiful plain, wherin is a litle lake conteining great plenty of water, which water the inhabitants report to haue proceeded from the teares of Adam and Eue: howbeit I proued that to be false, because I saw the water flow in the lake. This water is ful of hors-leeches, and blood-suckers, and of precious stones also: which precious stones the king taketh not vnto his owne vse, but once or twise euery yere he permitteth certaine poore people to diue vnder the water for the said stones, and al that they can get he bestoweth vpon them, to the end they may pray for his soule. But that they may with lesse danger diue vnder the water, they take limons which they pil, anointing themselues throughly with the iuice therof, and so they may diue naked vnder the water, the hors-leeches not being able to hurt them. From this lake the water runneth euen vnto the sea, and at a low ebbe the inhabitants dig rubies, diamonds, pearls, and other pretious stones out of the shore: wherupon it is thought, that the king of this island hath greater abundance of pretious stones, then any other monarch in the whole earth besides. In the said country there be al kinds of beasts and foules: and the people told me, that those beasts would not inuade nor hurt any stranger, but only the natural inhabitants. I saw in this island fouls as big as our countrey geese, hauing two heads, and other miraculous things, which I will not here write off. Traueling on further toward the south, I arriued at a certain island called Bodin, [Marginal note: Or, Dadin.] which signifieth in our language vnclean. In this island there do inhabit most wicked persons, who deuour and eat raw flesh committing al kinds of vncleannes and abominations in such sort, as it is incredible. For the father eateth his son, and the son his father, the husbande his owne wife, and the wife her husband: and that after this maner. If any mans father be sick, the son straight goes vnto the soothsaying or prognosticating priest, requesting him to demand of his god, whether his father shall recouer of that infirmity of no: Then both of them go vnto an idol of gold or of siluer, making their praiers vnto it in maner folowing: Lord, thou art our God, and thee we do adore, beseeching thee to resolue vs, whether such a man must die, or recouer of such an infirmity or no: Then the diuel answereth out of the foresaid idol: if he saith (he shal liue) then returneth his son and ministreth things necessary vnto him, til he hath attained vnto his former health: but if he saith (he shal die) then goes the priest vnto him, and putting a cloth into his mouth doth strangle him therewith: which being done, he cuts his dead body into morsels, and al his friends and kinsfolks are inuited vnto the eating thereof, with musique and all kinde of mirth: howbeit his bones are solemnely buried. And when I found fault with that custome demanding a reason thereof, one of them gaue me this answer: this we doe, least the wormes should eat his flesh, for then his soule should suffer great torments, neither could I by any meanes remooue them from that errour. Many other nouelties and strange things there bee in this countrey, which no man would credite, vnles he saw them with his owne eyes. Howbeit, I (before almighty God) do here make relation of nothing but of that only, whereof I am as sure, as a man may be sure. Concerning the foresaid islands I inquired of diuers wel-experienced persons, who al of them, as it were with one consent, answered me saying, That this India contained 4400. islands vnder it, or within it: in which islands there are sixtie and foure crowned kings: and they say moreouer, that the greater part of those islands are wel inhabited. And here I conclude concerning that part of India. Of the vpper India: and of the prouince of Mancy. First of al therefore, hauing traueled many dayes iourney vpon the Ocean-sea toward the East, at length I arriued at a certaine great prouince called Mancy, being in Latine named India. Concerning this India I inquired of Christians, of Saracens, and of Idolaters, and of al such as bare any office vnder the great Can. Who all of them with one consent answered, that this prouince of Mancy hath mo then 2000. great cities within the precincts thereof, and that it aboundeth with all plenty of victuals, as namely with bread, wine, rise, flesh, and fish. All the men of this prouince be artificers and marchants, who, though they be in neuer so extreme penurie, so long as they can helpe themselues by the labor of their hands, wil neuer beg almes of any man. The men of this prouince are of a faire and comely personage, but somewhat pale, hauing their heads shauen but a litle: but the women are the most beautiful vnder the sunne. The first city of the said India which I came vnto, is called Ceuskalon, [Marginal note: Or, Ceuskala.] which being a daies iourney distant from the sea, stands vpon a riuer, the water whereof, nere vnto the mouth, where it exonerateth it selfe into the sea, doth ouerflow the land for the space of 12. daies iourney. All the inhabitants of this India are worshippers of idols. The foresaid city of Ceuskalon hath such an huge nauy belonging thereunto, that no man would beleeue it vnlesse he should see it. In this city I saw 300. li. of good and new ginger sold for lesse than a groat. There are the greatest, and the fairest geese, and most plenty of them to be sold in al the whole world, as I suppose: [Sidenote: He meaneth Pellicans, which the Spaniards cal Alcatrarzi.] they are as white as milke, and haue a bone vpon the crowne of their heads as bigge as an egge, being of the colour of blood: vnder their throat they haue a skin or bag hanging downe halfe a foot. They are exceeding fat and wel sold. Also they haue ducks and hens in that country, one as big as two of ours. There be monstrous great serpents likewise, which are taken by the inhabitants and eaten: whereupon a solemne feast among them without serpents is not set by: and to be briefe, in this city there are al kinds of victuals in great abundance. From thence I passed by many cities, and at length I came vnto a city named Caitan, [Marginal note: Or, Zaiton.] wherin the friers Minorites haue two places of aboad, vnto the which I transported the bones of the dead friers, which suffred martyrdom for the faith of Christ, as it is aboue mentioned. In this city there is abundance of al kind of victuals very cheap. The said city is as big as two of Bononia, and in it are many monasteries of religious persons, al which do worship idols. I my selfe was in one of those Monasteries, and it was told me, that there were in it iii. M. religious men, hauing xi. M. idols: and one of the said idols which seemed vnto me but litle in regard of the rest, was as big as our Christopher. These religious men euery day do feed their idol-gods: wherupon at a certeine time I went to behold the banquet: and indeed those things which they brought vnto them were good to eat, and fuming hote, insomuch that the steame of the smoke thereof ascended vp vnto their idols, and they said that their gods were refreshed with the smoke: howbeit all the meat they conueyed away, eating it vp their owne selues, and so they fed their dumb gods with the smoke onely. Of the citie Fuco. Traueling more eastward, I came vnto a city named Fuco, which conteineth 30. miles in circuit, wherin be exceeding great and faire cocks, and al their hens are as white as the very snow, hauing wol in stead of feathers, like vnto sheep. It is a most stately and beautiful city, and standeth vpon the sea. Then I went 18. dates iourney on further, and passed by many prouinces and cities, and in the way I went ouer a certain great mountaine, vpon the one side whereof I beheld al liuing creatures to be as black as a cole, and the men and women on that side differed somwhat in maner of liuing from others: howbeit, on the other side of the said hil euery liuing thing was snow-white, and the inhabitants in their maner of liuing, were altogether vnlike vnto others. There, all maried women cary in token that they haue husbands, a great trunke of horne vpon their heads. [Sidenote: A great riuer.] From thence I trauelled 18. dayes journey further, and came vnto a certaine great riuer, and entered also into a city, whereunto belongeth a mighty bridge, to passe the said riuer. And mine hoste, with whom I soiourned, being desirous to shew me some sport, said vnto me: Sir, if you will see any fish taken, goe with me. [Sidenote: Foules catching fish.] Then he led me vnto the foresaid bridge, carying in his armes with him certaine diue-doppers or water-foules, bound vnto a company of poles, and about euery one of their necks he tied a threed, lest they should eat the fish as fast as they tooke them: and he carried 3. great baskets with him also: then loosed he the diue doppers from the poles, which presently went into the water, and within lesse then the space of one houre, caught as many fishes as filled the 3. baskets: which being full, mine hoste vntyed the threeds from about their neckes, and entering the second time into the riuer they fed themselues with fish, and being satisfied they returned and suffered themselues to be bound vnto the saide poles as they were before. And when I did eate of those fishes, me thought they were exceeding good. Trauailing thence many dayes iourneys, at length I arriued at another city called Canasia, [Marginal note: Or Cansai, or Quinzai.] which signifieth in our language, the city of heauen. Neuer in all my life did I see so great a citie; for it conteineth in circuit an hundreth miles: neither sawe I any plot thereof, which was not throughly inhabited: yea, I sawe many houses of tenne or twelue stories high, one aboue another. It hath mightie large suburbs containing more people than the city it selfe. Also it hath twelue principall gates: and about the distance of eight miles, in the high way vnto euery one of the saide gates standeth a city as big by estimation as Venice, and Padua. The foresaid city of Canasia is situated in waters or marshes, which alwayes stand still, neither ebbing nor flowing: howbeit it hath a defence for the winde like vnto Venice. In this city there are mo than 10002. bridges, many whereof I numbred and passed ouer them: [Sidenote: The Italian copy in Ramusius, hath 11000. bridges.] and vpon euery of those bridges stand certaine watchmen of the citie, keeping continuall watch and ward about the said city, for the great Can the Emperour of Catay. The people of this countrey say, that they haue one duetie inioyned vnto them by their lord: for euery fire payeth one Balis in regard of tribute: and a Balis is fiue papers or pieces of silke, which are worth one floren and an halfe of our coine. Tenne or twelue housholds are accompted for one fire, and so pay tribute but for one fire onely. Al those tributary fires amount vnto the number of 85. Thuman, with other foure Thuman of the Saracens, which make 89. in al; And one Thuman consisteth of 10000. fires. The residue of the people of the city are some of them Christians, some marchants, and some traueilers through the countrey: whereupon I marueiled much howe such an infinite number of persons could inhabite and liue together. There is great aboundance of victuals in this citie, as namely of bread and wine, and especially of hogs-flesh, with other necessaries. Of a Monastery where many strange beastes of diuers kindes doe liue vpon an hill. In the foresaide citie foure of our friers had conuerted a mighty and riche man vnto the faith of Christ, at whose house I continually abode, for so long time as I remained in the citie. Who vpon a certaine time saide vnto me: Ara, that is to say, Father, will you goe and beholde the citie? And I said, yea. Then embarqued we our selues, and directed our course vnto a certaine great Monastery: where being arrived, he called a religious person with whom he was acquainted, saying vnto him concerning me: this Raban Francus, that is to say, this religious Frenchman commeth from the Westerne parts of the world, and is now going to the city of Cambaleth to pray for the life of the great Can, and therefore you must shew him some rare thing, that when hee returnes into his owne countrey, he may say, this strange sight or nouelty haue I seene in the city of Canasia. Then the said religious man tooke two great baskets full of broken reliques which remained of the table, and led me vnto a little walled parke, the doore whereof he vnlocked with his key, and there appeared vnto vs a pleasant faire green plot, into the which we entred. In the said greene stands a litle mount in forme of a steeple, replenished with fragrant herbes and fine shady trees. And while we stood there, he tooke a cymball or bell, and rang therewith, as they vse to ring to dinner or beuoir in cloisters, at the sound whereof many creatures of diuers kinds came downe from the mount, some like apes, some like cats, some like monkeys and some hauing faces like men. And while I stood beholding of them, they gathered themselues together about him, to the number of 4200. of those creatures, putting themselues in good order, before whom he set a platter, and gaue them the said fragments to eate. And when they had eaten he rang vpon his cymbal the second time, and they al returned vnto their former places. Then, wondring greatly at the matter, I demanded what kind of creatures those might be? They are (quoth he) the soules of noble men which we do here feed, for the loue of God who gouerneth the world: and as a man was honorable or noble in this life, so his soule after death, entreth into the body of some excellent beast or other, but the soules of simple and rusticall people do possesse the bodies of more vile and brutish creatures. Then I began to refute that foule error: howbeit my speach did nothing at all preuaile with him: for he could not be perswaded that any soule might remaine without a body. [Sidenote: Chilenso.] From thence I departed vhto a certaine citie named Chilenso, the walls whereof conteined 40. miles in circuit. In this city there are 360. bridges of stone, the fairest that euer I saw: and it is wel inhabited, hauing a great nauie belonging thereunto, and abounding with all kinds of victuals and other commodities. [Sidenote: Thalay.] And thence I went vnto a certaine riuer called Thalay, which where it is most narrow, is 7. miles broad: [Sidenote: Cakam.] and it runneth through the midst of the land of Pygmæi, whose chiefe city is called Cakam, and is one of the goodliest cities in the world. These Pigmæans are three of my spans high, and they make larger and better cloth of cotten and silke, then any other nation vnder the sunne. [Sidenote: Ianzu.] And coasting along by the saide riuer, I came vnto a certaine citie named Ianzu, in which citie there is one receptacle for the Friers of our order, and there be also three Churches of the Nestorians. This Ianzu is a noble and great citie, containing 48 Thuman of tributarie fiers, and in it are all kindes of victuals, and great plenty of such beastes, foules and fishes, as Christians doe vsually liue vpon. The lord of the same citie hath in yeerely reuenues for salt onely, fiftie Thuman of balis, and one balis is worth a floren and a halfe of our coyne: insomuch that one Thuman of balis amounteth vnto the value of fifteene thousand florens. Howbeit the sayd lord fauoureth his people in one respect, for sometimes he forgiueth them freely two hundred Thuman, least there should be any scarcity or dearth among them. There is a custome in this citie, that when any man is determined to banquet his friends, going about vnto certaine tauernes or cookes houses appointed for the same purpose, he sayth vnto euery particular hoste, you shall haue such, and such of my friendes, whom you must intertaine in my name, and so much I will bestowe vpon the banquet. And by that means his friendes are better feasted at diuerse places, then they should haue beene at one. Tenne miles from the sayde citie, about the head of the foresayd riuer of Thalay, there is a certaine other citie called Montu, which hath the greatest nauy that I saw in the whole world. All their ships are as white as snow, and they haue banqueting houses in them, and many other rare things also, which no man would beleeue, vnlesse he had seene them with his owne eyes. Of the citie of Cambaleth. [Sidenote: Karamoron.] Traueiling eight dayes iourney further by diuers territories and cities, at length I came by fresh water vnto a certaine citie named Lencyn, standing vpon the riuer of Karauoran, which runneth through the midst of Cataie, and doeth great harme in the countrey when it ouerfloweth the bankes, or breaketh foorth of the chanell. [Sidenote: Sumacoto.] From thence passing along the riuer Eastward, after many dayes trauell, and the sight of the diuers cities, I arriued at a citie called Sumakoto, which aboundeth more with silke then any other citie in the world: for when there is great scarcitie of silke, fortie pound is sold for lesse then eight groates. In this citie there is abundance of all merchandize, and all kindes of victuals also, as of bread, wine, flesh, fish, with all choise and delicate spices. Then traueiling on still towards the East by many cities, I came vnto the noble and renowmed citie of Cambaleth, which is of great antiquitie being situate in the prouince of Cataie. This citie the Tartars tooke, and neare vnto it within the space of halfe a mile, they built another citie called Caido. The citie of Caido hath twelue gates, being each of them two miles distant from another. Also the space lying in the midst betweene the two foresayd cities is very well and throughly inhabited, so that they make as it were but one citie betweene them both. The whole compasse or circuit of both cities together, is 40. miles. In this citie the great emperour Can hath his principall seat, and his Imperiall palace, the wals of which palace containe foure miles in circuit: and neere vnto this his palace are many other palaces and houses, of his nobles which belong vnto his court. Within the precincts of the sayd palace Imperiall, there is a most beautiful mount, set and replenished with trees, for which cause it is called the Greene mount, hauing a most royall and sumptuous palace standing thereupon, in which, for the most part, the great Can is resident. Vpon the one side of the sayd mount there is a great lake, whereupon a most stately bridge is built, in which lake is great abundance of geese, ducks, and all kindes of water foules: and in the wood growing vpon the mount there is great store of all birds, and wilde beasts. And therefore when the great Can will solace himselfe with hunting or hauking, he needs not so much as once to step forth of his palace. Moreouer, the principall palace, wherein he maketh his abode, is very large, hauing within it 14 pillers of golde, and all the walles thereof are hanged with red skinnes, which are sayd to be the most costly skinnes in all the world. In the midst of the palace standes a cisterne of two yards high, which consisteth of a precious stone called Merdochas, and is wreathed about with golde, and at ech corner thereof is the golden image of a serpent, as it were, furiously shaking and casting forth his head. This cisterne also hath a kind of networke of pearle wrought about it. Likewise by the sayd cisterne there is drinke conueyed thorow certeine pipes and conducts, such as vseth to be drunke in the emperors court, vpon the which also there hang many vessels of golde, wherein, whosoeuer will may drinke of the sayd licour. In the foresayd palace there are many peacocks of golde: and when any Tartar maketh a banquet vnto his lord, if the guests chance to clap their hands for ioy and mirth, the sayd golden peacocks also will spread abroad their wings, and lift vp their traines, seeming as if they danced: and this I suppose to be done by arte magike or by some secret engine vnder the ground. Of the glory and magnificence of the great Can. Moreouer, when the great emperor Can sitteth in his imperiall throne of estate, on his left hand sitteth his queene or empresse, and vpon another inferior seate there sit two other women, which are to accompany the emperor, when his spouse is absent, but in the lowest place of all, there sit all the ladies of his kindred. All the maried women weare vpon their heads a kind of ornament in shape like vnto a mans foote, of a cubite and a halfe in length, and the lower part of the sayd foote is adorned with cranes feathers, and is all ouer thicke set with great and orient pearles. Vpon the right hand of the great Can sitteth his first begotten sonne and heire apparent vnto his empire, and vnder him sit all the nobles of the blood royall. There bee also foure Secretaries, which put all things in writing that the emperor speaketh. In whose presence likewise stand his Barons and diuers others of his nobilitie, with great traines of folowers after them, of whom none dare speake so much as one word, vnlease they haue obtained licence of the emperor so to doe, except his iesters and stage-players, who are appointed of purpose to solace their lord. Neither yet dare they attempt to doe ought, but onely according to the pleasure of their emperor, and as hee inioineth them by lawe. About the palace gate stand certaine Barons to keepe all men from treading vpon the threshold of the sayd gate. When it pleassth the great Can to solemnize a feast, he hath about him 14000. Barons, carying wreathes and litle crownes vpon their heads, and giuing attendance vpon their lord, and euery one of them weareth a garment of gold and precious stones, which is woorth ten thousand Florens. His court is kept in very good order, by gouernours of tens, gouernours of hundreds, and gouernours of thousands, insomuch that euery one in his place performeth his duetie committed vnto him, neither is there any defect to bee found. I Frier Odoricus was there present in person for the space of three yeeres, and was often at the sayd banquets; for we friers Minorites haue a place of aboad appointed out for vs in the emperors court, and are enioined to goe and to bestow our blessing vpon him. And I enquired of certaine Courtiers concerning the number of persons pertaining to the emperors court? And they answered mee that of stage-players, musicians, and such like, there were eighteene Thuman at the least, and that the keepers of dogs, beasts and foules were fifteene Thuman, and the physicians for the emperours body were foure hundred; the Christians also were eight in number, together with one Saracen. At my being there, all the foresayd number of persons had all kind of necessaries both for apparell and victuals out of the emperors court. Moreouer, when he will make his progresse from one countrey to another, hee hath foure troupes of horsemen, one being appointed to goe a dayes iourney before, and another to come a dayes iourney after him, the third to march on his right hand, and the fourth on his left, in the manner of a crosse, he himselfe being in the midst, and so euery particular troupe haue their daily iourneys limited vnto them, to the ende they may prouide sufficient victuals without defect. Nowe the great Can himselfe is caried in maner following; hee rideth in a chariot with two wheeles, vpon which a maiesticall throne is built of the wood of Aloe, being adorned with gold and great pearles, and precious stones, and foure elephants brauely furnished doe drawe the sayd chariot, before which elephants, foure great horses richly trapped and couered doe lead the way. Hard by the chariot on both sides thereof, are foure Barons laying hold and attending thereupon, to keepe all persons from approaching neere vnto their emperour. Vpon the chariot also two milke-white Ier-falcons doe sit, and seeing any game which hee would take, hee letteth them flie, and so they take it, and after this maner doeth hee solace himselfe as hee rideth. Moreover, no man dare come within a stones cast of the chariot, but such as are appointed. The number of his owne followers, of his wiues attendants, and of the traine of his first begotten sonne and heire apparent, would seeme incredible vnto any man, vnlesse hee had seene it with his owne eyes. The foresayd great Can hath diuided his Empire into twelue partes or Prouinces, and one of the sayd prouinces hath two thousand great cities within the precincts thereof. Whereupon his empire is of that length and breadth, that vnto whatsoeuer part thereof he intendeth his iourny, he hath space enough for six moneths continual progresse, except his Islands which are at the least 5000. Of certaine Innes or hospitals appointed for trauailers throughout the whole empire. The foresayd Emperor (to the end that trauailers may haue all things necessary throughout his whole empire) hath caused certaine Innes to be prouided in sundry places vpon the high wayes, where all things pertaining vnto victuals are in a continuall readinesse. And when any alteration or newes happen in any part of his Empire, if he chance to be farre absent from that part, his ambassadors vpon horses or dromedaries ride post vnto him, and when themselues and their beasts are weary, they blow their horne, at the noise whereof, the next Inne likewise prouideth a horse and a man, who takes the letter of him that is weary and runneth vnto another Inne: and so by diuers Innes, and diuers postes, the report, which ordinarily could skarce come in 30. dayes, is in one naturall day brought vnto the emperor: and therefore no matter of any moment can be done in his empire, but straightway he hath intelligence thereof. Moreouer, when the great Can himselfe will go on hunting, he vseth this custome. Some twenty dayes iourney from the citie of Kambaleth there is a forrest containing sixe dayes iourney in circuit, in which forrest there are so many kinds of beasts and birds, as it is incredible to report. Vnto this forrest, at the ende of euery third or fourth yere, himselfe with his whole traine resorteth, and they all of them together enuiron the sayd forrest, sending dogs into the same, which by hunting do bring foorth the beasts: namely, lions and stags, and other creatures, vnto a most beautifull plaine in the midst of the forrest, because all the beasts of the forrest doe tremble, especially at the cry of hounds. Then commeth the great Can himselfe, being caried vpon three elephants, and shooteth fine arrowes into the whole herd of beasts, and after him all his Barons, and after them the rest of his courtiers and family doe all in like maner discharge their arrowes also, and euery mans arrow hath a sundry marke. Then they all goe vnto the beasts which are slaine (suffering the liuing beasts to returne into the wood that they may haue more sport with them another time) and euery man enjoyeth that beast as his owne, wherein he findeth his arrow sticking. Of the foure feasts which the great Can solemnizeth euery yeere in his Court. Foure great feasts in a yeere doeth the emperor Can celebrate: namely the feast of his birth, the feast of his circumcision, the feast of his coronation, and the feast of his mariage. And vnto these feasts he inuiteth all his Barons, his stage-players, and all such as are of his kinred. Then the great Can sitting in his throne, all his Barons present themselues before him, with wreaths and crownes vpon their heads, being diuersly attired, for some of them are in greene, namely the principall: the second are in red, and the third in yellow, and they hold each man in his hand a little Iuorie table of elephants tooth, and they are girt with golden girdles of halfe a foote broad, and they stand vpon their feete keeping silence. About them stand the stage-players or musicians with their instruments. And in one of the corners of a certaine great pallace, all the Philosophers or Magicians remaine for certaine howers, and doe attend vpon points or characters: and when the point and hower which the sayd Philosophers expected for, is come, a certaine crier crieth out with a loud voyce, saying, Incline or bowe your selues before your Emperour: with that all the Barons fall flat vpon the earth. Then hee crieth out againe; Arise all, and immediately they all arise. Likewise the Philosophers attend vpon a point or character the second time, and when it is fulfilled, the crier crieth out amaine; Put your fingers in your eares: and foorthwith againe he saieth; Plucke them out. Againe, at the third point he crieth, Boult this meale. Many other circumstances also doe they performe, all which they say haue some certaine signification: howbeit, neither would I write them, nor giue any heed vnto them, because they are vaine and ridiculous. And when the musicians hower is come, then the Philosophers say, Solemnize a feast vnto your Lord: with that all of them sound their instruments, making a great and a melodious noyse. And immediately another crieth, Peace, peace, and they are all whist. Then come the women-musicians and sing sweetly before the Emperour, which musike was more delightfull vnto me. After them come in the lions and doe their obeisance vnto the great Can. Then the iuglers cause golden cups full of wine to flie vp and downe in the ayre, and to apply themselues vnto mens mouthes that they may drinke of them. These and many other strange things I sawe in the court of the great Can, which no man would beleeue vnlesse he had seen with his owne eies, and therefore I omit to speake of them. [Sidenote: A lambe in a gourd.] I was informed also by certaine credible persons, of another miraculous thing, namely, that in a certaine kingdome of the sayd Can, wherein stand the mountains called Kapsei (the kingdomes name is Kalor) there grewe great Gourds or Pompions, which being ripe, doe open at the tops, and within them is found a little beast like vnto a yong lambe, euen as I my selfe haue heard reported, that there stand certaine trees vpon the shore of the Irish sea, bearing fruit like vnto a gourd, which, at a certaine time of the yeere doe fall into the water, and become birds called Bernacles, and this is most true. [Footnote: This report is first found in the writings of Giraldus Cambreusis, tutor to King John.] Of diuers prouinces and cities. And after three yeeres I departed out of the empire of Cataie, trauailing fiftie dayes iourney towards the West. [Sidenote: His returne Westward.] And at length I came vnto the empire of Pretegoani, whose principall citie is Kosan, which hath many other cities vnder it. [Sidenote: Casan] From thence passing many dayes trauell, I came vnto a prouince called Casan, which is for good commodities, one of the onely prouinces vnder the Sunne, and is very well inhabited, insomuch that when we depart out of the gates of one city we may beholde the gates of another city, as I my selfe saw in diuers of them. The breadth of the sayd prouince is fifty dayes iourney, and the length aboue sixty. In it there is great plenty of all victuals, and especially of chesnuts, and it is one of the twelue prouinces of the great Can. Going on further, I came vnto a certaine kingdome called Tebek, [Marginal note: Or Thebet.] which is in subiection vnto the great Can also, wherein I thinke there is more plenty of bread and wine then in any other part of the whole world besides. The people of the sayd countrey do, for the most part, inhabit in tents made of blacke felt. Their principall city is inuironed with faire and beautifull walles, being built of most white and blacke stones, which are disposed chekerwise one by another, and curiously compiled together: likewise all the high wayes in this countrey are exceedingly well paued. In the sayd countrey none dare shed the bloud of a man, or of any beast, for the reuerence of a certaine idole. In the foresayd city their Abassi, that is to say, their Pope is resident, being the head and prince of all idolaters (vpon whom he bestoweth and distributeth gifts after his maner) euen as our pope of Rome accounts himselfe to be the head of all Christians. The women of this countrey weare aboue an hundreth tricks and trifles about them, and they haue two teeth in their mouthes as long as the tushes of a boare. When any mans father deceaseth among them, his sonne assembleth together all the priests and musicians that he can get, saying that he is determined to honour his father: then causeth he him to be caried into the field (all his kinsfolks, friends, and neighbours, accompanying him in the sayd action) where the priests with great solemnity cut off the father's head, giuing it vnto his sonne, which being done, they diuide the whole body into morsels, and so leaue it behinde them, returning home with prayers in the company of the sayd sonne. So soone as they are departed, certaine vultures, which are accustomed to such bankets, come flying from the mountaines, and cary away all the sayd morsels of flesh: and from thenceforth a fame is spread abroad, that the sayd party deceased was holy, because the angels of God carried him into paradise. And this is the greatest and highest honour, that the sonne can deuise to performe vnto his deceased father. [Sidenote: The same story concerning the very same people is in William de Rubricis.] Then the sayd sonne taketh his fathers head, seething it and eating the flesh thereof, but of the skull he makes a drinking cup, wherein himselfe with all his family and kindred do drinke with great solemnity and mirth, in the remembrance of his dead and deuoured father. Many other vile and abominable things doth the said nation commit, which I meane not to write, because men neither can nor will beleeue, except they should haue the sight of them. Of a certaine rich man, who is fed and nourished by fiftie virgins. While I was in the prouince of Mancy, I passed by the palace of a certaine famous man, which hath fifty virgin damosels continually attending vpon him, feeding him euery meale, as a bird feeds her yoong ones. Also he hath sundry kindes of meat serued in at his table, and three dishes of ech kinde; and when the sayd virgins feed him, they sing most sweetly. This man hath in yeerely reuenues thirty thuman of tagars of rise, euery of which thuman yeeldeth tenne thousand tagars, and one tagar is the burthen of an asse. His palace is two miles in circuit, the pauement whereof is one plate of golde, and another of siluer. Neere vnto the wall of the sayd palace there is a mount artificially wrought with golde and siluer, whereupon stand turrets and steeples and other delectable things for the solace and recreation of the foresayd great man. And it was tolde me that there were foure such men in the sayd kingdome. [Sidenote: Long nailes.] It is accounted a great grace for the men of that countrey to haue long nailes vpon their fingers, and especially vpon their thumbes which nailes they may fold about their hands: but the grace and beauty of their women is to haue small and slender feet: and therefore the mothers when their daughters are yoong, do binde vp their feet, that they may not grow great. [Sidenote: Melistorte.] Trauelling on further towards the South, I arriued at a certaine countrey called Melistorte, which is a pleasant and fertile place. And in this countrey there was a certeine man called Senex de monte, who round about two mountaines had built a wall to inclose the sayd mountaines. Within this wall there were the fairest and most chrystall fountaines in the whole world: and about the sayd fountaines there were most beautifull virgins in great number, and goodly horses also, and in a word, euery thing that could be deuised for bodily solace and delight, and therefore the inhabitants of the countrey call the same place by the name of Paradise. The sayd olde Senex, when he saw any proper and valiant yoong man, he would admit him into his paradise. Moreouer, by certaine conducts he makes, wine and milke to flow abundantly. This Senex, when he hath a minde to reuenge himselfe or to slay any king or baron, commandeth him that is gouernor of the sayd paradise, to bring thereunto some of the acquaintance of the sayd king or baron, permitting him a while to take his pleasure therein, and then to giue him a certaine potion being of force, to cast him into such a slumber as should make him quite voide of all sense, and so being in a profound sleepe to conuey him out of his paradise: who being awaked, and seeing himselfe thrust out of the paradise would become so sorrowfull, that he could not in the world deuise what to do, or whither to turne him. Then would he goe vnto the foresaid old man, beseeching him that he might be admitted againe into his paradise: who saith vnto him, You cannot be admitted thither, vnlesse you will slay such or such a man for my sake, and if you will giue the attempt onely, whether you kill him or no, I will place you againe in paradise, that there you may remaine alwayes: then would the party without faile put the same in execution, indeuouring to murther all those against whom the sayd olde man had conceiued any hatred. And therefore all the kings of the east stood in awe of the sayd olde man, and gaue vnto him great tribute. Of the death of Senex de monte. And when the Tartars had subdued a great part of the world, they came vnto the sayd olde man, and tooke from him the custody of his paradise: who being incensed thereat, sent abroad diuers desperate and resolute persons out of his forenamed paradise, and caused many of the Tartarian nobles to be slaine. The Tartars seeing this, went and besieged the city wherein the said olde man was, tooke him, and put him to a most cruell and ignominious death. The friers in that place haue this speciall gift and prerogatiue: namely, that by the vertue of the name of Christ Iesu, and in the vertue of his pretious bloud, which he shedde vpon the crosse for the saluation of mankinde, they doe cast foorth deuils out of them that are possessed. And because there are many possessed men in those parts, they are bound and brought ten dayes iourney unto the sayd friers, who being dispossessed of the vncleane spirits, do presently beleeue in Christ who deliuered them, accounting him for their God, and being baptized in his name, and also deliuering immediatly vnto the friers all their idols, and the idols of their cattell, which are commonly made of felt or of womens haire: then the sayd friers kindle a fire in a publike place (whereunto the people resort, that they may see the false gods of their neighbors burnt) and cast the sayd idols thereinto: howbeit at the first those idols came out of the fire againe. Then the friers sprinkled the sayd fire with holy water, casting the idols into it the second time, and with that the deuils fled in the likenesse of blacke smoake, and the idols still remained till they were consumed vnto ashes. Afterward, this noise and outcry was heard in the ayre: Beholde and see how I am expelled out of my habitation. And by these meanes the friers doe baptize great multitudes, who presently reuolt againe vnto their idols: insomuch that the sayd friers must eftsoones, as it were, vnderprop them, and informe them anew. There was another terrible thing which I saw there: for passing by a certaine valley, which is situate beside a pleasant riuer, I saw many dead bodies, and in the sayd valley also I heard diuers sweet sounds and harmonies of musike, especially the noise of citherns, whereat I was greatly amazed. This valley conteineth in length seuen or eight miles at the least; into the which whosoeuer entreth, dieth presently, and can by no meanes passe aliue thorow the middest thereof: for which cause all the inhabitants thereabout decline vnto the one side. Moreouer, I was tempted to go in, and to see what it was. At length, making my prayers, and recommending my selfe to God in the name of Iesu, I entred, and saw such swarmes of dead bodies there, as no man would beleeue vnlesse he were an eye witnesse thereof. At the one side of the foresayd valley vpon a certaine stone, I saw the visage of a man, which beheld me with such a terrible aspect, that I thought verily I should haue died in the same place. But alwayes this sentence, the word became flesh, and dwelt amongst vs, I ceased not to pronounce, signing my selfe with the signe of the crosse, and neerer then seuen or eight pases I durst not approach vnto the said head: but I departed and fled vnto another place in the sayd valley, ascending vp into a little sand mountaine, where looking round about, I saw nothing but the sayd citherns, which me thought I heard miraculously sounding and playing by themselues without the help of musicians. And being vpon the toppe of the mountaine, I found siluer there like the scales of fishes in great abundance: and I gathered some part thereof into my bosome to shew for a wonder, but my conscience rebuking me, I cast it vpon the earth, reseruing no whit at all vnto my selfe, and so, by Gods grace I departed without danger. And when the men of the countrey knew that I was returned out of the valley aliue, they reuerenced me much, saying that I was baptised and holy, and that the foresayd bodies were men subiect vnto the deuils infernall, who vsed to play vpon citherns, to the end they might allure people to enter, and so murther them. Thus much concerning those things which I beheld most certainely with mine eyes, I frier Odoricus haue heere written: many strange things also I haue of purpose omitted, because men will not beleeue them vnlesse they should see them. Of the honour and reuerence done vnto the great Can. I will report one thing more, which I saw, concerning the great Can. It is an vsuall custome in those parts, that when the forsayd Can traueileth thorow any countrey, his subiects kindle fires before their doores, casting spices thereinto to make a perfume, that their lord passing by may smell the sweet and delectable odours thereof, and much people come forth to meet him. And vpon a certaine time when he was cumming towardes Cambaleth, the fame of his approch being published, a bishop of ours with certaine of our minorite friers and my selfe went two dayes iourney to meet him: and being come nigh vnto him, we put a crosse vpon wood, I my selfe hauing a censer in my hand, and began to sing with a loud voice: Veni creator spiritus. And as we were singing on this wise, he caused vs to be called, commanding vs to come vnto him: notwithstanding (as it is aboue mentioned) that no man dare approach within a stones cast of his chariot, vnlesse he be called, but such onely as keepe his chariot. And when we came neere vnto him, he vailed his hat or bonet being of an inestimable price, doing reuerance vnto the crosse. And immediatly I put incense into the censer, and our bishop taking the censer perfumed him, and gaue him his benediction. Moreouer, they that come before the sayd Can do alwayes bring some oblation to present vnto him, obseruing the antient law: Thou shall not appeare in my presence with an empty hand. And for that cause we carried apples with vs, and offered them in a platter with reuerence vnto him: and taking out two of them he did eat some part of one. And then he signified vnto vs, that we should go apart, least the horses comming on might in ought offend vs. With that we departed from him, and turned aside, going vnto certaine of his barons, which had bene conuerted to the faith by certeine friers of our order, being at the same time in his army: and we offered vnto them of the foresayd apples, who receiued them at our hands with great ioy, seeming vnto vs to be as glad, as if we had giuen them some great gift. All the premisses abouewritten friar William de Solanga hath put downe in writing euen as the foresayd frier Odoricus vttered them by word of mouth, in the yeere of our Lord 1330. in the moneth of May, and in the place of S. Anthony of Padua. Neither did he regard to write them in difficult Latine or in an eloquent stile, but euen as Odoricus himselfe rehearsed them, to the end that men might the more easily vnderstand the things reported. I frier Odoricus of Friuli, of a certaine territory called Portus Vahonis, and of the order of the minorites, do testifie and beare wimesse vnto the reuerend father Guidotus minister of the prouince of S. Anthony, in the marquesate of Treuiso (being by him required vpon mine obedience so to doe) that all the premisses aboue written, either I saw with mine owne eyes, or heard the same reported by credible and substantiall persons. The common report also of the countreyes where I was, testifieth those things, which I saw, to be true. Many other things I haue omitted, because I beheld them not with mine owne eyes. Howbeit from day to day I purpose with my selfe to trauell countreyes or lands, in which action I dispose myselfe to die or to liue, as it shall please my God. Of the death of frier Odoricus. In the yeere therefore of our Lord 1331 the foresayd frier Odoricus preparing himselfe for the performance of his intended iourney, that his trauel and labour might be to greater purpose, he determined to present himselfe vnto Pope Iohn the two and twentieth, whose benediction and obedience being receiued, he with a certaine number of friers willing to beare him company, might conuey himselfe vnto all the countreyes of infidels. And as he was trauelling towards the pope, and not farre distant from the city of Pisa, there meets him by the waye a certaine olde man, in the habit and attire of a pilgrime, saluting him by name, and saying: All haile frier Odoricus. And when the frier demaunded how he had knowledge of him: he answered: Whiles, you were in India I knew you full well, yea, and I knew your holy purpose also: but see that you returne immediatly vnto the couer from whence you came, for tenne dayes hence you shall depart out of this present world. Wherefore being astonished and amazed at these wordes (especially the olde man vanishing out of his sight, presently after he had spoken them) he determined to returne. And so he returned in perfect health, feeling no crazednesse nor infirmity of body. And being in his couen at Vdene in the prouince of Padua, the tenth day after the foresayd vision, hauing receiued the Communion, and preparing himselfe vnto God, yea, being strong and sound of body, hee happily rested in the Lord; whose sacred departure was signified vnto the Pope aforesaid, vnder the hand of the publique notary in these words following. In the yeere of our Lord 1331, the 14. day of Ianuarie, Beatus Odoricus a Frier minorite deceased in Christ, at whose prayers God shewed many and sundry miracles, which I Guetelus publique notarie of Vtina, sonne of M. Damianus de Porto Gruaro, at the commandement and direction of the honorable Conradus of the Borough of Gastaldion, and one of the Councell of Vtina, haue written as faithfully as I could, and haue deliuered a copie thereof vnto the Friers minorites: howbeit not of all, because they are innumerable, and too difficult for me to write. * * * * * The voyage of the Lord Iohn of Holland, Earle of Huntington, brother by the mothers side to King Richard the second, to Ierusalem and Saint Katherins mount. [Sidenote: 1394. Froyssart.] The Lord Iohn of Holland, Earle of Huntington, was as then on his way to Ierusalem, and to Saint Katherins mount, and purposed to returne by the Realme of Hungarie. For as he passed through France (where he had great cheere of the King, and of his brother and vncles) hee heard how the king of Hungary and the great Turke should haue battell together: therefore he thought surely to be at that iourney. * * * * * The voiage of Thomas lord Moubray duke of Norfolke to Ierusalem, in the yeere of our Lord 1399. written by Holinshed, pag. 1233. Thomas lord Moubray, second sonne of Elizabeth Segraue and Iohn lord Moubray her husband, was advanced to the dukedome of Norfolke in the 21. yeere of the reigne of Richard the 2. Shortly after which, hee was appealed by Henry earle of Bullingbroke of treason; and caried to the castle of Windsore, where he was strongly and safely garded, hauing a time of combate granted to determine the cause betweene the two dukes, the 16. day of September, in the 22. of the sayd king, being the yeere of our redemption 1398. But in the end the matter was so ordered, that this duke of Norfolke was banished for euer: whereupon taking his iourney to Ierusalem, he died at Venice in his returne from the said citie of Ierusalem, in the first yeere of King Henry the 4. about the yeere of our redemption, 1399. * * * * * The Voiage of the bishop of Winchester to Ierusalem, in the sixt yeere of the reigne of Henry the fift, which was the yeere of our Lord, 1417. Thomas Walsingham. Vltimo die mensis Octobris, episcopus Wintoniensis accessit ad concilium Constanciense, peregrinaturus Hierosolymam post electionem summi pontificis celebratam, vbi tantum valuit eius facunda persuasio, vt et excitaret dominos Cardinales ad concordiam, et ad electionem summi pontificis se ocyùs præpararent. The same in English. The last day of October the bishop of Winchester came to the Councell of Constance, which after the chusing of the Pope determined to take his iourney to Ierusalem: where his eloquent perswasion so much preuailed, that he both perswaded my lords the Cardinals to vnity and concord, and also moued them to proceed more speedily to the election of the Pope. * * * * * A preparation of a voyage of King Henrie the fourth to the Holy land against the infidels in the yere 1413, being the last yere of his reigne: wherein he was preuented by death: written by Walsingham, Fabian, Polydore Virgile, and Holenshed. [Sidenote: Order taken for building of ships and gallies.] In this fourteenth and last yere of king Henries reigne a councell was holden in the White friers in London, at the which among other things, order was taken for ships and gallies to be builded and made ready, and all other things necessary to be prouided for a voyage, which he meant to make into the Holy land, there to recouer the city of Ierusalem from the infidels: for it grieued him to consider the great malice of Christian princes, that were bent vpon a mischieuous purpose to destroy one another, to the perill of their owne soules, rather than to make warre against the enemies of the Christian faith, as in conscience, it seemed to him, they were bound. We finde, sayeth Fabian in his Chronicle, that he was taken with his last sickeness, while he was making his prayers at Saint Edwards shrine, there as it were, to take his leaue, and so to proceede foorth on his iourney. He was so suddenly and grieuously taken, that such as were about him feared least he would haue died presently: wherefore to relieue him, if it were possible, they bare him into a chamber that was next at hand, belonging to the Abbot of Westminster, where they layd him on a pallet before the fire, and vsed all remedies to reuiue him. At length he recouered his speech, and perceiuing himselfe in a strange place which he knew not, he willed to knowe if the chamber had any particular name, whereunto answere was made, that it was called Ierusalem. Then sayde the king, Laudes be giuen to the father of heauen: for now I knowe that I shall die here in this chamber, according to the prophesie of mee declared, that I should depart this life in Ierusalem. * * * * * Of this intended voyage Polydore Virgile writeth in manner following. Post haec Henricus Rex memor nihil homini debere esse antiquius, quàm ad officium iustitiæ, quæ ad hominum vtilitatem pertinet, omne suum studium conferre, protinùs omisso ciuili bello, quo pudebat videre Christianos omni tempore turpitèr occupari, de republica Anglica benè gubernanda, de bello in hostes communes sumendo, de Hierosolymis tandem aliquando recipiendis plura destinabat, classemque iam parabat, cum ei talia agenti atque meditanti casus mortem attulit: subito enim morbo tentatus, nulla medicina subleuari potuit. Mortuus est apud Westmonasterium, annum agens quadragesimum sextum, qui fuit annus salutis humanæ, 1413. The same in English. Afterward, King Henry calling to minde, that nothing ought to be more highly esteemed by any man, then to doe the vtmost of his indeuour for the performance of iustice, which tendeth to the good and benefite of mankinde; altogether abondoning ciuill warre (wherewith he was ashamed to see, how Christians at all times were dishonourably busied) entered into a more deepe consideration of well gouerning his Realme of England, of waging warre against the common enemie, and of recouering, in processe of time the citie of Ierusalem, yea, and was prouiding a nauie for the same purpose, whenas in the very midst of this his heroicall action and enterprise, he was surprised with death: for falling into a sudden disease, he could not be cured by any kinde of physicke. He deceased at Westminster in the 46 yeare of his age, which was in the yeere of our Lord, 1413. * * * * * The voyage of M. Iohn Locke to Ierusalem. In my voyage to Ierusalem, I imbarked my selfe the 26 of March 1553 in the good shippe called the Mathew Gonson, which was bound for Liuorno, or Legorne and Candia. It fell out that we touched in the beginning of Aprill next ensuing at Cades in Andalozia, where the Spaniardes, according to their accustomed maner with all shippes of extraordinarie goodnes and burden, picked a quarell against the company, meaning to haue forfeited, or at least to haue arrested the sayd shippe. And they grew so malicious in their wrongfull purpose that I being vtterly out of hope of any speedie release, to the ende that my intention should not be ouerthrowen, was inforced to take this course following. Notwithstanding this hard beginning, it fell out so luckily, that I found in the roade a great shippe called the Caualla of Venice, wherein after agreement made with the patron, I shipped my selfe the 24. of May in the said yere 1553. and the 25 by reason of the winde blowing hard and contrary, we were not able to enter the straits of Gibraltar, but were put to the coast of Barbarie, where we ankered in the maine sea 2. leagues from shore, and continued so vntill two houres before sunne set, and then we weighed againe, and turned our course towards the Straits, where we entered the 26 day aforesayd, the winde being calme, but the current of the straites very fauourable. The same day the winde beganne to rise somewhat, and blew a furthering gale, and so continued at Northwest vntill we arriued at Legorne the third of Iune. And from thence riding ouer land vnto Venice, I prepared for my voyage to Ierusalem in the Pilgrimes shippe. [Sidenote: The ship Fila Cauena departeth for Ierusalem. Rouigno a port in Istria.] I John Locke, accompanied with Maister Anthony Rastwold, and diuers other, Hollanders, Zelanders, Almaines and French pilgrimes entered the good shippe called Fila Cauena of Venice, the 16 of July 1553. and the 17 in the morning we weighed our anker and sailed towardes the coast of Istria, to the port of Rouigno, and the said day there came aboard of our ship the Perceuena of the shippe named Tamisari, for to receiue the rest of all the pilgrimes money, which was in all after the rate of 55. Crownes for euery man for that voyage, after the rate of fiue shillings starling to the crowne: This done, he returned to Venice. [Sidenote: Sancta Eufemia.] The 19 day we tooke fresh victuals aboard, and with the bote that brought the fresh provision we went on land to the Towne, and went to see the Church of Sancta Eufemia, where we sawe the bodie of the sayd Saint. [Sidenote: Monte de Ancona.] The 20 day wee departed from Rouignio, and about noone we had sight of Monte de Ancona, and the hilles of Dalmatia, or else of Sclauonia both at one time, and by report they are 100. miles distant from ech other, and more. [Sidenote: Il Pomo.] The 21 we sayled still in sight of Dalmatia, and a little before noone, we had a sight of a rocke in the midst of the sea, called in the Italian il Pomo, it appeareth a farre off to be in shape like a sugarloafe. [Sidenote: Sant Andrea.] Also we sawe another rocke about two miles compasse called Sant Andrea; on this rocke is only one Monasterie of Friers: [Sidenote: Lissa an Iland.] we sayled betweene them both, and left S. Andrea on the left hand of vs, and we had also kenning of another Iland called Lissa, all on the left hande, these three Ilands lie East and West in the sea, and at the sunne setting we had passed them. [Sidenote: Lezina Iland.] Il pomo is distant from Sant Andrea 18 miles, and S. Andrea from Lissa ten miles, and Lissa from another Iland called Lezina, which standeth betweene the maine of Dalmatia and Lissa, tenne miles. This Iland is inhabited and hath great plentie of wine and frutes and hereagainst we were becalmed. [Sidenote: Catza. Pelagosa.] The 22. we had sight of another small Iland called Catza, which is desolate and on the left hand, and on the right hand, a very dangerous Iland called Pelagosa, this is also desolate, and lyeth in the midst of the sea betweene both the maines: it is very dangerous and low land, and it hath a long ledge of rockes lying out sixe miles into the sea, so that many ships by night are cast away vpon them. There is betweene Catza and Pelagosa 30 miles, and these two Ilands are distant from Venice 400. miles. [Sidenote: Augusta.] There is also about twelue miles eastward, a great Iland called Augusta, about 14 miles in length, somewhat hillie, and well inhabited, and fruitfull of vines, corne and other fruit, this also we left on the left hand: and we haue hitherto kept our course from Rouignio East southeast. [Sidenote: Meleda. Mount Sant Angelo.] This Iland is vnder the Signiorie or gouernement of Ragusa, it is distant from Ragusa 50 miles, and there is by that Iland a greater, named Meleda, which is also vnder the gouernement of Ragusa, it is about 30 miles in length, and inhabited, and hath good portes, it lyeth by East from Augusta, and ouer against this Iland lyeth a hill called Monte S. Angelo, vpon the coast of Puglia in Italy, and we had sight of both landes at one time. The 23 we sayled all the day long by the bowline alongst the coast of Ragusa, and towardes night we were within 7. or 8. miles of Ragusa, that we might see the white walles, but because it was night, we cast about to the sea, minding at the second watch, to beare in againe to Ragusa, for to know the newes of the Turkes armie, but the winde blew so hard and contrary, that we could not. [Sidenote: Ragusa paieth 14000. Sechinos to the Turke yerely.] This citie of Ragusa paieth tribute to the Turke yerely fourteene thousand Sechinos, and euery Sechino is of Venetian money eight liuers and two soldes, besides other presents which they giue to the Turkes Bassas when they come thither. The Venetians haue a rocke or cragge within a mile of the said towne, for the which the Raguseos would giue much money, but they doe keepe it more for the namesake, then for profite. This rocke lieth on the Southside of the towne, and is called Il Cromo, there is nothing on it but onely a Monasterie called Sant Ieronimo. The maine of the Turkes countrie is bordering on it within one mile, for the which cause they are in great subiection. This night we were put backe by contrarie winds, and ankered at Melleda. The 24 being at an anker vnder Melleda, we would haue gone on land, but the winde came so faire that we presently set sayle and went our course, and left on the right hand of vs the forenamed Iland, and on the left hand betweene vs and the maine the Iland of Zupanna, and within a mile of that vnder the maine by East, another Iland called Isola de Mezo. This Iland hath two Monasteries in it, one called Santa Maria de Bizo, and the other Sant Nicholo. Also there is a third rocke with a Frierie called Sant Andrea: these Ilands are from the maine but two miles, and the channell betweene Melleda and Zupanna is but foure or fiue miles ouer by gesse, but very deepe, for we had at an anker fortie fathoms. The two Ilands of Zupanno and Mezo are well inhabited, and very faire buildings, but nothing plentie saue wine onely. This night toward sunne set it waxed calme, and we sayled little or nothing. The 24 we were past Ragusa 14 miles, and there we mette with two Venetian ships, which came from Cyprus, we thought they would haue spoken with vs, for we were desirous to talke with them, to knowe the newes of the Turkes armie, and to haue sent some letters by them to Venice. About noone, we had scant sight of Castel nouo, which Castell a fewe yeeres past the Turke tooke from the Emperour, in which fight were slaine three hundred Spanish souldiers, besides the rest which were taken prisoners, and made gallie slaves. This Castell is hard at the mouth of a channell called Boca de Cataro. The Venetians haue a hold within the channell called Cataro, this channell goeth vp to Budoa, and further vp into the countrey. About sunne set we were ouer against the hilles of Antiueri in Sclauonia, in the which hilles the Venetians haue a towne called Antiueri, and the Turkes haue another against it called Marcheuetti, the which two townes continually skirmish together with much slaughter. At the end of these hils endeth the Countrey of Sclauonia, and Albania beginneth. These hilles are thirtie miles distant from Ragusa. The 27 we kept our course towards Puglia, and left Albania on the left hand. The 28. we had sight of both the maines, but we were neere the coast of Puglia, for feare of Foystes. It is betweene Cape Chimera in Albania and Cape Otranto in Puglia 60 miles. Puglia is a plaine low lande, and Chimera in Albania is very high land, so that it is seene the further. Thus sayling our course along the coast of Puglia, we saw diuerse white Towers, which serue for sea-markes. About three of the clocke in the after noone, we had sight of a rocke called Il fano, 48 miles from Corfu, and by sunne set we discouered Corfu. Thus we kept on our course with a prosperous winde, and made our way after twelue mile euery houre. Most part of this way we were accompanied with certaine fishes called in the Italian tongue Palomide, it is a fish three quarters of a yard in length, in colour, eating, and making like a Makarell, somewhat bigge and thick in body, and the tayle forked like a halfe moone, for the which cause it is said that the Turke will not suffer them to be taken in all his dominions. The 29 in the morning we were in sight of an Iland, which we left on our left hande called Cephalonia, it is vnder the Venetians, and well inhabited, with a faire towne strongly situated on a hill of which hill the Iland beareth her name, it hath also a very strong fortresse or Castle, and plentie of corne and wine, their language is Greek, it is distant from the maine of Morea, thirtie miles, it is in compasse 80 miles. One houre within night we sayled by the towne standing on the South cape of Cephalonia, whereby we might perceiue their lights. There come oftentimes into the creeks and riuers, the Turkes foystes and gallies where at their arriual, the Countrey people doe signifie vnto their neighbours by so many lights, as there are foistes or gallies in the Iland, and thus they doe from one to another the whole Iland ouer. Aboute three of the clocke in the afternoone the winde scanted, and wee minded to haue gone to Zante, but we could not for that night. [Sidenote: Zante.] This Iland of Zante is distant from Cephalonia, 12 or 14 miles, but the towne of Cephalonia, from the towne of Zante, is distant fortie miles. This night we went but little forward. The 30 day we remained still turning vp and downe because the winde was contrary, and towards night the winde mended, so that we entered the channell betweene Cephalonia, and Zante, the which chanell is about eight or tenne miles ouer, and these two beare East and by South, and West and by North from the other. The towne of Zante lieth within a point of the land, where we came to an anker, at nine of the clocke at night. [Sidenote: Iohn Locke, and fiue Hollanders goe on land.] The 31 about sixe of the clocke in the morning, I with fiue Hollanders went on land, and hosted at the house of Pedro de Venetia. After breakfast we went to see the towne, and passing along we went into some of the Greeke churches, wherein we sawe their Altares, images, and other ornaments. [Sidenote: Santa Maria de la Croce.] This done, wee went to a Monasterie of Friers called Sancta Maria de la Croce, these are westerne Christians, for the Greekes haue nothing to doe with them, nor they with the Greekes, for they differ very much in religion. There are but 2. Friers in this Friery. [Sidenote: The tombe of M. T. Cicero.] In this Monasterie we saw the tombe that M. T. Cicero was buried in, with Terentia Antonia, his wife. This tombe was founde about sixe yeeres since, when the Monastery was built, there was in time past a streete where the tombe stoode. At the finding of the tombe there was also found a yard vnder ground, a square stone somewhat longer then broad, vpon which stone was found a writing of two seuerall handes writing, the one as it seemed, for himselfe, and the other for his wife, and vnder the same stone was found a glasse somewhat proportioned like an vrinall, but that it was eight square and very thicke, wherein were the ashes of the head and right arme of Mar. T. Cicero, for as stories make mention he was beheaded as I remember at Capua, for insurrection. And his wife hauing got his head and right arme, (which was brought to Rome to the Emperor) went from Rome, and came to Zante, and there buried his head and arme, and wrote vpon his tombe this style M. T Cicero. Haue. [Marginal note: Or, Aue.] Then followeth in other letters, _Et tu Terentia Antonia_, which difference of letters declare that they were not written both at one time. [Sidenote: The Description of the tombe.] The tombe is long and narrowe, and deepe, walled on euery side like a graue, in the botome whereof was found the sayd stone with the writing on it, and the said glasse of ashes, and also another litle glasse of the same proportion, wherein, as they say, are the teares of his friendes, and in those dayes they did vse to gather and bury with them, as they did vse in Italy and Spaine to teare their haire, to bury with their friendes. In the sayde tombe were a fewe bones. After dinner we rested vntill it drew towards euening by reason of the heat. [Sidenote: Sant Elia, but one Frier.] And about foure of the clocke we walked to another Frierie a mile out of the towne called Sant Elia, these are white Friers, there were two, but one is dead, not sixe dayes since. This Frierie hath a garden very pleasant, and well furnished with Orenges, Lemons, pomegranates, and diuers other good fruites. The way to it is somewhat ragged, vp hill and downe, and very stonie, and in winter very durtie. It standeth very plesantly in a clift betweene two hilles, with a good prospect. From thence we ascended the hill to the Castle, which is situated on the very toppe of a hill. [Sidenote: The description of the Castle of Zante.] This Castle is very strong, in compasse a large mile and a halfe, which being victualed, (as it is neuer vnfurnished) and manned with men of trust, it may defende itselfe against any Princes power. This Castle taketh the iust compasse of the hill, and no other hill neere it, it is so steepe downe, and so high and ragged, that it will tyre any man or euer he be halfe way vp. Very nature hath fortified the walles and bulwarkes: It is by nature foure square, and it commandeth the towne and porte. The Venetians haue alwayes their Podesta, or Gouernour, with his two Counsellours resident therein. The towne is welle inhabited, and hath great quantity of housholders. The Iland by report is threescore and tenne miles about, it is able to make twentie thousand fighting men. They say they have alwayes fiue or sixe hundred horsemen readie at an houres warning. They saye the Turke hath assayed it with 100. Gallies, but he could neuer bring his purpose to passe. It is strange to mee how they should maintains so many men in this Iland, for their best sustenance is wine, and the rest but miserable. The first of August we were warned aboord by the patron, and towards euening we set sayle, and had sight of a Castle called Torneste, which is the Turkes, and is ten miles from Zante, it did belong to the Venetians, but they haue now lost it, it standeth also on a hill on the sea side in Morea. All that night we bare into the sea, because we had newes at Zante of twelue of the Turkes gallies, that came from Rhodes, which were about Modon, Coron, and Candia, for which cause we kept at the sea. The second of August, we had no sight of land, but kept our course, and about the thirde watch the winde scanted, so that we bare with the shore, and had sight of Modon and Coron. The third we had sight of Cauo Mattapan, and all that day by reason of contrary windes, which blew somewhat hard, we lay a hull vntill morning. The fourth we were still vnder the sayd Cape, and so continued that day, and towardes night there grewe a contention in the ship amongst the Hollanders, and it had like to haue bene a great inconuenience, for we had all our weapons, yea euen our kniues, taken from vs that night. The fift, we sayled by the Bowline, and out of the toppe we had sight of the Iland of Candia, and towardes noone we might see it plaine, and towards night the winde waxed calme. The sixt toward the breake of day we saw two small Ilands called Gozi, and towards noone we were betweene them: the one of these Ilands is fifteene miles about, and the other 10. miles. In those Ilands are nourished store of cattell for butter and cheese. There are to the number of fiftie or sixtie inhabitants, which are Greekes, and they liue chiefly on milke and cheese. The Iland of Candia is 700 miles about, it is in length, from Cape Spada, to Cape Salomon, 300 miles, it is as they say, able to make one hundred thousand fighting men. We sayled betweene the Gozi, and Candia, and they are distant from Candia 5 or 6 miles. The Candiots are strong men, and very good archers, and shoot neere the marke. This Ilande is from Zante 300 miles. The seuenth we sayled all along the sayd Iland with little winde and vnstable, and the eight day towards night we drew to the East end of the Iland. The 9 and 10 we sayled along with a prosperous winde and saw no land. The 11 in the morning, we had sight of the Iland of Cyprus, and towards noone we were thwart the Cape called Ponta Malota, and about foure of the clocke we were as farre as Baffo, and about sunne set we passed Cauo Bianco, and towards nine of the clocke at night we doubled Cauo de la gatte, and ankered afore Limisso, but the wind blew so hard, that we could not come neere the towne, neither durst any man goe on land. The towne is from Cauo de le gatte twelue miles distant. The 12. of August in the morning wee went on land to Limisso: this towne is ruinated and nothing in it worth writing, saue onely in the midst of the towne there hath bene a fortresse, which is now decayed, and the wals part ouerthrowen, which a Turkish Rouer with certaine gallies did destroy about 10. or 12. yeeres past. [Sidenote: Caualette is a certaine vermine in the Island of Cyprus.] This day walking to see the towne, we chanced to see in the market place, a great quantitie of certaine vermine called in the Italian tongue Caualette. It is as I can learne, both in shape and bignesse like a grassehopper, for I can iudge but little difference. Of these many yeeres they haue had such quantitie that they destroy all their corne. They are so plagued with them, that almost euery yeere they doe well nie loose halfe their corne, whether it be the nature of the countrey, or the plague of God, that let them iudge that can best define. But that there may no default be laied to their negligence for the destruction of them, they haue throughout the whole land a constituted order, that euery Farmor or husbandmen (which are euen as slaues bought and sold to their lord) shall euery yeere pay according to his territorie, a measure full of the seede or egges of these forenamed Caualette, the which they are bound to bring to the market, and present to the officer appointed for the same, the which officer taketh of them very straight measure, and writeth the names of the presenters, and putteth the sayd egges or seed, into a house appointed for the same, and hauing the house full, they beate them to pouder, and cast them into the sea, and by this pollicie they doe as much as in them lieth for the destruction of them. This vermine breedeth or ingendereth at the time of corne being ripe, and the corne beyng had away, in the clods of the same ground do the husbandmen find the nestes, or, as I may rather terme them, cases of the egges, of the same vermine. Their nests are much like to the keies of a hasel-nut tree, when they be dried, and of the same length, but somewhat bigger, which case being broken you shall see the egges lie much like vnto antes egges, but somewhat lesser. This much I haue written at this time, because I had no more time of knowledge, but I trust at my returne to note more of this island, with the commodities of the same at large. [Sidenote: The pilgrimes going to the Greeke churches.] The 13. day we went in the morning to the Greeks church, to see the order of their ceremonies, and of their communion, of the which to declare the whole order with the number of their ceremonious crossings, it were to long. Wherefore least I should offend any man, I leaue it vnwritten: but onely that I noted well, that in all their Communion or seruice, not one did euer kneele, nor yet in any of their Churches could I euer see any grauen images, but painted or portrayed. Also they haue store of lampes alight, almost for euery image one. Their women are alwayes separated from the men, and generally they are in the lower ende of the Church. This night we went aboord the ship, although the wind were contrary, we did it because the patrone should not find any lacke of vs, as sometimes he did: when as tarying vpon his owne businesse, he would colour it with the delay of the pilgrimes. The 14. day in the morning we set saile, and lost sight of the Island of Cyprus, and the 15. day we were likewise at Sea, and sawe no land: and the 16. day towards night, we looked for land, but we sawe none. But because we supposed our selues to be neere our port, we tooke in all our sailes except onely the foresaile and the mizzen, and so we remained all that night. The 17. day in the morning, we kept by report of the Mariners, some sixe miles from Iaffa, but it prooued contrary. But because we would be sure, wee made to an anker seuen miles from the shore, and sent the skiffe with the Pilot and the master gunner, to learne the coast, but they returned, not hauing seen tree nor house, nor spoken with any man. But when they came to the sea side againe, they went vp a little hill standing hard by the brinke, whereon as they thought, they sawe the hill of Ierusalem, by the which the Pilot knew (after his iudgement) that we were past our port. And so this place where we rode was, as the mariners sayd, about 50. mile from Iaffa. This coast all alongst is very lowe, plaine, white, sandie, and desert, for which cause it hath fewe markes or none, so that we rode here as it were in a gulfe betweene two Capes. [Sidenote: A great currant.] The 18. day we abode still at anker, looking for a gale to returne backe, but it was contrary: and the 19. we set saile, but the currant hauing more force then the winde, we were driuen backe, insomuch that the ship being vnder saile, we cast the sounding lead, and (notwithstanding the wind) it remained before the shippe, there wee had muddie ground at fifteene fadome. The same day about 4. of the clocke, wee set saile againe, and sayled West alongst the coast with a fresh side-winde. [Sidenote: A Cat fallen into the sea and recouered.] It chanced by fortune that the shippes Cat lept into the Sea, which being downe, kept her selfe very valiauntly aboue water, notwithstanding the great waues, still swimming, the which the master knowing, he caused the Skiffe with halfe a dozen men to goe towards her and fetch her againe, when she was almost halfe a mile from the shippe, and all this while the ship lay on staies. I hardly beleeue they would haue made such haste and meanes if one of the company had bene in the like perill. They made the more haste because it was the patrons cat. This I haue written onely to note the estimation that cats are in, among the Italians, for generally they esteeme their cattes, as in England we esteeme a good Spaniell. The same night about tenne of the clocke the winde calmed, and because none of the shippe knewe where we were, we let fall an anker about 6 mile from the place we were at before, and there wee had muddie ground at twelue fathome. The 20 it was still calme, and the current so strong still one way, that we were not able to stemme the streame: moreouer we knew not where we were, whereupon doubting whither wee were past, or short of our port, the Master, Pilot, and other Officers of the shippe entered into counsell what was best to doe, wherevpon they agreed to sende the bote on lande againe, to seeke some man to speake with all, but they returned as wise as they went. Then we set sayle againe and sounded euery mile or halfe mile, and found still one depth, so we not knowing where we were, came againe to an anker, seuen or eight miles by West from the place we were at. Thus still doubting where we were, the bote went on land againe, and brought newes that wee were short 80 miles of the place, whereas we thought wee had beene ouershot by east fiftie miles. Thus in these doubts we lost foure dayes, and neuer a man in the shippe able to tell where we were, notwithstanding there were diuerse in the shippe that had beene there before. [Sidenote: They met with two Moores on land.] Then sayd the Pylot, that at his comming to the shore, by chance he saw two wayfaring men, which were Moores, and he cryed to them in Turkish, insomuch that the Moores, partly for feare, and partly for lacke of vnderstanding, (seeing them to be Christians) beganne to flie, yet in the end with much a doe, they stayed to speake with them, which men when they came together, were not able to vnderstand ech other, but our men made to them the signe of the Crosse on the sande, to giue them to vnderstand that they were of the shippe that brought the pilgrims. Then the Moores knowing (as al the country else doth) that it was the vse of Christians to go to Ierusalem, shewed them to be yet by west of Iaffa. Thus we remained ail that night at anker, and the farther west that we sayled, the lesse water we had. The 21 we set sayle againe and kept our course Northeast, but because we would not goe along the shore by night, wee came to an anker in foure and twentie fathome water. [Sidenote: The two towers of Iaffa. Scolio di Santo Petro.] Then the next morning being the 22 we set sayle againe, and kept our course as before, and about three of the clocke in the afternoone, wee had sight of the two towers of Iaffa, and about fiue of the clocke, wee were with a rocke, called in the Italian tongue, Scolio di Santo Petro, on the which rocke they say he fished, when Christ bid him cast his net on the right side, and caught so many fishes. This rocke is now almost worne away. It is from Iaffa two or three mile: here before the two towers we came to an anker. Then the pilgrimes after supper, in salutation of the holy lande, sang to the prayse of God, Te Deum laudamus, with Magnificat, and Benedictus, but in the shippe was a Frier of Santo Francisco, who for anger because he was not called and warned, would not sing with vs, so that he stood so much vpon his dignitie, that he forgot his simplicitie, and neglected his deuotion to the holy land for that time, saying that first they ought to haue called him yer they did beginne, because he was a Fryer, and had beene there, and knewe the orders. [Sidenote: A messenger departeth for Ierusalem.] The 23 we sent the bote on land with a messenger to the Padre Guardian of Ierusalem. [Sidenote: Mahomet is clothed in green.] This day it was notified vnto mee by one of the shippe that had beene a slaue in Turkie, that no man might weare greene in this land, because their prophet Mahomet went in greene. This came to my knowledge by reason of the Scriuanello, who had a greene cap, which was forbidden him to weare on the land. The 24. 25. and 26 we taryed in the shippe still looking for the comming of the Padre guardian, and the 26 at night we had a storme which lasted all the next day. [Sidenote: The Guardian of Ierusalem commeth to Iaffa, with the Cady, and Subassi.] The 27 in the morning, came the Cadi, the Subassi, and the Meniwe, with the Padre guardian, but they could not come at vs by reason of the stormy weather: in the afternoone we assayed to send the bote on land, but the weather would not suffer us. Then againe towards night the bote went a shore, but it returned not that night. [Sidenote: A cloud called of the Italians Cion most dangerous.] The same day in the afternoone we sawe in the element, a cloud with a long tayle, like vnto the tayle of a serpent, which cloud is called in Italian Cion, the tayle of this cloud did hang as it were into the sea: and we did see the water vnder the sayde cloude ascend, as it were like a smoke or myste, the which this Cion drew vp to it. The Marriners reported to vs that it had this propertie, that if it should happen to haue lighted on any part of the shippe, that it would rent and wreth sayles, mast, shroudes and shippe and all in manner like a wyth: on the land, trees, houses, in whatsoeuer else it lighteth on, it would rent and wreth. [Sidenote: A coniuration.] These marriners did vse a certaine coniuration to breake the said tayle, or cut it in two, which as they say doth preuaile. They did take a blacke hafted knife, and with the edge of the same did crosse the said taile as if they would cut it in twain, saying these words, Hold thou Cion, eat this, and then they stucke the knife on the ship side with the edge towards the said cloude, and I saw it therewith vanish in lesse than one quarter of an houre. But whether it was then consumed, or whether by vertue of the Inchantment it did vanish I knowe not, but it was gone. Hereof let them iudge that know more then I. This afternoone we had no winde, but the sea very stormy, insomuch that neither cheste, pot, nor any thing else could stand in the shippe, and wee were driuen to keepe our meate in one hand, and the pot in the other, and so sit downe vpon the hatches to eate, for stand we could not, for that the Seas in the very port at an anker went so high as if wee had bene in the bay of Portugall with stormy weather. The reason is, as the Mariners said to me, because that there meete all the waues from all places of the Straights of Gibralter, and there breake, and that in most calmes there go greatest seas, whether the winde blow or not. The 28. the weather growing somewhat calme, we went on land and rested our selues for that day, and the next day we set forward toward the city of Ierusalem. What I did, and what places of deuotion I visited in Ierusalem, and other parts of the Holy land, from this my departure from Iaffa, vntill my returne to the said port, may briefly be seene in my Testimoniall, vnder the hand and seale of the Vicar generall of Mount Sion, which for the contentment of the Reader I thought good here to interlace. Vniuersis et singulis præsentes litteras inspecturis salutem in Domino nostro Iesu Christo. Attestamur vobis ac alijs quibuscunque qualiter honorabilis vir Iohannes Lok ciuis Londoniensis, filius honorabilis viri Guilhelmi Lok equitis aurati, ad sacratissima terræ sanctæ loca personaliter se contulit, sanctissimum Domini nostri Iesu Christi sepulchrum, equo die tertia gloriosus à mortuis resurrexit, sacratissimum Caluariæ montem, in quo pro nobis omnibus cruci affixus mori dignatus est, Sion etiam montem vbi coenam illam mirificam cum discipulis suis fecit, et vbi spiritus sanctus in die sancto Pentecostes in discipulos eosdem in linguis igneis descendit, Oliuetique montem vbi mirabiliter coelos ascendit, intemeratæ virginis Mariæ Mausoleum in Iosaphat vallis medio situm, Bethaniam quoque Bethlehem ciuitatem Dauid in qua de purissima virgine Maria natus est, ibique inter animalia reclinatus, pluraque loca alia tam in Hierusalem ciuitate sancta terre Iudææ, quàm extra, à modernis peregrinis visitari solita, deuotissimè visitauit, pariterque adorauit. In quorum fidem, ego frater Anthonius de Bergamo ordinis fratrum minorum regularis obseruantiæ prouinciæ diui Anthonij Sacri conuentus montis Sion vicarius (licet indignus) necnon aliorum locorum terræ Sanctæ, apostolica authoritate comissarius et rector, has Sigillo maiori nostri officij nostraque subscriptione muniri volui. Datum Hierosolymis apud sacratissimum domini coenaculum in sæpè memorato monte Sion, Anno Domini millesimo quingentesimo, quinquagesimo tertio, die vero sexto mensis Septembris. Frater Antonius qui supra. [Sidenote: The pilgrims returne from Ierusalem. Mount Carmel.] The 15. of September being come from our pilgrimage, we went aborde our shippe, and set saile, and kept our course West toward the Island of Cyprus, but al that night it was calme, and the 16. the winde freshed, and we passed by Mount Carmel. The 17. the winde was very scant, yet we kept the sea, and towards night wee had a guste of raine whereby wee were constrained to strike our sailes, but it was not very stormie, nor lasted very long. The 18. 19. 20. and 21. we kept still the sea and saw no land because we had very little winde, and that not very fauourable. The 22. at noone the Boatswaine sent some of the Mariners into the boat, (which we toed asterne from Iaffa) for certaine necessaries belonging to the ship, wherein the Mariners found a certaine fish in proportion like a Dace, about 6 inches long (yet the Mariners said they had seene the like a foote long and more) the which fish had on euery side a wing, and toward the taile two other lesser as it were finnes, on either side one, but in proportion they were wings and of a good length. These wings grow out betweene the gils and the carkasse of the same fish. [Sidenote: Pesce columbini.] They are called in the Italian tongue Pesce columbini, for in deede, the wings being spred it is like to a flying doue, they say it will flie farre and very high. So it seemeth that being weary of her flight she fell into the boate, and not being able to rise againe died there. The 23. 24. and 25. we sailed our direct course with a small gale of winde, and this day we had sight of the Island of Cyprus. [Sidenote: Cauo de la Griega.] The first land that we discouered was a headland called Cauo de la Criega, and about midnight we ankered by North of the Gape. This cape is a high hil, long and square, and on the East corner it hath a high cop, that appeareth vnto those at the sea, like a white cloud, for toward the sea it is white, and it lieth into the sea Southwest. This coast of Cyprus is high declining toward the sea, but it hath no cliffes. The 26. we set saile againe, and toward noone we came into the port of Salini, where we went on land and lodged that night at a towne one mile from thence called Arnacho di Salini, this is but a village called in Italian, Casalia. This is distant from Iaffa 250. Italian miles. The 27. we rested, and the 28. we hired horses to ride from Arnacho to Sulina, which is a good mile. The salt pit is very neere two miles in compasse, very plaine and leuell, into the which they let runne at the time of raine a quantitie of water comming from the mountaines, which water is let in vntil the pit be full to a certaine marke, which when it is full, the rest is conueyed by a trench into the sea. The water is let runne in about October, or sooner or later, as the time of the yeere doth afforde. There they let it remaine vntill the ende of Iuly or the middest of August, out of which pits at that time, in stead of water that they let in they gather very faire white salt, without any further art or labour, for it is only done by the great heate of the sunne. This the Venetians haue, and doe maintaine to the vse of S. Marke, and the Venetian ships that come to this Island are bound to cast out their ballast, and to lade with salt for Venice. Also there may none in all the Iland buy salt but of these men, who maintaine these pits for S. Marke. This place is watched by night with 6. horsemen to the end it be not stolne by night. Also vnder the Venetians dominions no towne may spende any salt, but they must buy it of Saint Marke, neither may any man buy any salt at one towne to carie to another, but euery one must buy his salt in the towne where he dwelleth. Neither may any man in Venice buy more salt then he spendeth in the city, for if he be knowen to carte but one ounce out of the due and be accused, hee looseth an eare. The most part of all the salt they haue in Venice commeth from these Salines, and they have it so plentifull, that they are not able, neuer a yeere to gather the one halfe, for they onely gather in Iuly, August, and September, and not fully these three moneths. Yet notwithstanding the abundance that the shippes carie away yeerely, there remaine heapes like hilles, some heapes able to lade nine or tenne shippes, and there are heapes of two yeeres gathering, some of three and some of nine or tenne yeeres making, to the value of a great somme of golde, and when the ships do lade, they neuer take it by measure, but when they come at Venice they measure it. This salt as it lyeth in the pit is like so much ice, and it is sixe inches thicke: they digge it with axes, and cause their slaues to cary it to the heapes. This night at midnight we rode to Famagusta, which is eight leagues from Salina, which is 24 English miles. The 29 about two houres before day we alighted at Famagusta, and after we were refreshed we went to see the towne. This is a very faire strong holde, and the strongest and greatest in the Iland. The walks are faire and new, and strongly rampired with foure principall bulwarkes, and bettweene them turrions responding one to another, these walks did the Venetians make. They haue also on the hauen side of it a Castle, and the hauen is chained, the citie hath onely two gates, to say, one for the lande and another for the sea, they haue in the towne continually, be it peace or warres, 800 souldiers, and fortie and sixe gunners, besides Captaines, petie Captaines, Gouernour and Generall The lande gate hath alwayes fiftie souldiers, pikes and gunners with their harnes, watching thereat night and day. At the sea gate fiue and twenties upon the walles euery night doe watch fifteene men in watch houses, for euery watch house fiue men, and in the market place 30 souldiers continually. There may no souldier serue there aboue 5 yeres, neither will they without friendship suffer them to depart afore 5. yeres be expired, and there may serue of all nations except Greekes. [Sidenote: Morenigo.] They haue euery pay which is 45 dayes, 15 Morenigos, which is 15 shillings sterling. [Sidenote: Solde of Venice] Their horsemen haue only sixe soldes Venetian a day, and prouender for their horses, but truth I maruell how they liue being so hardly fed, for all the sommer they feede only vpon chopt strawe and barley, for hay they haue none, and yet they be faire, fat and seruiceable. [Sidenote: Castellani] The Venetians send euery two yeres new rulers, which they call Castellani. The towne hath allotted it also two gallies continually armed and furnished. [Sidenote: Saint Katherens Chappel in old Famagusta.] The 30. in the morning we ridde to a chappell, where they say Saint Katherin was borne. This Chappell is in olde Famagusta, the which was destroyed by Englishmen, and is cleane ouerthrowne to the ground, to this day desolate and not inhabited by any person, it was of a great circuit, and there be to this day mountaines of faire, great, and strong buildings, and not onely there, but also in many places of the Iland. [Sidenote: Diuvers coines vnder ground.] Moreouer when they digge, plowe, or trench they finde sometimes olde antient coines, some of golde, some of siluer, and some of copper, yea and many tombes and vautes with sepulchers in them. This olde Famagusta is from the other, foure miles, and standeth on a hill, but the new towne on a plaine. [Sidenote: Cornari, a family of Venice maried to king Iaques.] Thence we returned to new Famagusta againe to dinner, and toward euening we went about the towne, and in the great Church we sawe the tombe of king Iaques, which was the last king of Cyprus, and was buried in the yere of Christ one thousand foure hundred seuentie and three, and had to wife one of the daughters of Venice, of the house of Cornari, the which family at this day hath great reuenues in this Island, and by means of that mariage the Venetians, chalenge the kingdome of Cyprus. The first of October in the morning, we went to see the reliefe of the watches. That done, we went to one of the Greekes Churches to see a pot or Iarre of stone, which is sayd to bee one of the seuen Iarres of water, the which the Lord God at the mariage conuerted into wine. It is a pot of earth very faire, white enamelled, and faireiy wrought vpon with drawen worke, and hath on either side of it, instead of handles, eares made in fourme as the painters make angels wings, it was about an elle high, and small at the bottome, with a long necke and correspondent in circuit to the botome, the belly very great and round, it holdeth full twelue gallons, and hath a tap-hole to drawe wine out thereat, the Iarre is very auncient, but whether it be one of them or no, I know not. The aire of Famagusta is very vnwholesome, as they say, by reason of certaine marish ground adioyning vnto it. They haue also a certaine yeerely sicknesse raigning in the same towne, aboue all the rest of the Island: yet neuerthelesse, they haue it in other townes, but not so much. It is a certaine rednesse and paine of the eyes, the which if it bee not quickly holpen, it taketh away their sight, so that yeerely almost in that towne, they haue about twentie that lose their sight, either of one eye or both, and it commeth for the most part in this moneth of October, and the last moneth: for I haue met diuers times three and foure at once in companies, both men and women. [Sidenote: No vitailes must be sold out of the city of Famagusta.] Their liuing is better cheape in Famagusta then in any other place of the Island, because there may no kinde of prouision within their libertie bee solde out of the Citie. The second of October we returned to Arnacho, where wee rested vntill the sixt day. [Sidenote: Greate ruines in Cyprus.] This towne is a pretie Village, there are thereby toward the Sea side diuers monuments, that there hath bene great ouerthrow of buildings, for to this day there is no yere when they finde not, digging vnder ground, either coines, caues, and sepulcres of antiquities, as we walking, did see many, so that in effect, all alongst the Sea coast, throughout the whole Island, there is much ruine and ouerthrow of buildings, [Sidenote: Cyprus 36. yeres disinhabited for lacke of water.] for as they say, it was disinhabited sixe and thirtie yeres, before Saint Helens time for lacke of water. [Sidenote: Cypr. ruinated by Rich. the I.] And since that time it hath bene ruinated and ouerthrowen by Richard the first of that name king of England, which he did in reuenge of his sisters rauishment comming to Ierusalem, the which inforcement was done to her by the king of Famagusta. The sixt day we rid to Nicosia, which is from Arnacho seuen Cyprus miles, which are one and twentie Italian miles. This is the ancientest citie of the Iland, and is walled about, but it is not strong neither of walles nor situation: It is by report three Cyprus miles about, it is not throughly inhabited, but hath many great gardens in it, and also very many Date trees, and plentie of Pomegranates and other fruites. There dwell all the Gentilitie of the Island, and there hath euery Cauallier or Conte of the Island an habitation. [Sidenote: A fountaine that watereth al the gardens in the citie.] There is in this citie one fountaine rented by saint Marke, which is bound euery eight dayes once, to water all the gardens in the towne, and the keeper of this fountaine hath for euery tree a Bizantin, which is twelue soldes Venice, and sixpence sterling. [Sidenote: A Bizantin is 6. d. sterling.] He that hath that to farme, with a faire and profitable garden thereto belonging, paieth euery yeere to saint Marke, fifteene hundred crownes. The streetes of the citie are not paued, which maketh it with the quantitie of the gardens, to seeme but a rurall habitation. But there be many faire buildings in the Citie, there be also Monasteries both of Franks and Greekes. [Sidenote: S. Sophia is a Cathedral church of Nicosia.] The Cathedrall church is called Santa Sophia, in the which there is an old tombe of Iaspis stone, all of one piece, made in forme of a cariage coffer, twelue spannes long, sixe spannes broad, and seuen spannes high, which they say was found vnder ground. It is as faire a stone as euer I haue seene. The seuenth day we rid to a Greeke Frierie halfe a mile without the towne. It is a very pleasaunt place, and the Friers feasted vs according to their abilitie. These Friers are such as haue bene Priests, and their wiues dying they must become Friers of this place, and neuer after eate flesh, for if they do, they are depriued from saying masse: neither, after they haue taken vpon them this order, may they marry againe, but they may keepe a single woman. These Greekish Friers are very continent and chast, and surely I haue seldome seen (which I haue well noted) any of them fat. The 8. day we returned to Arnacho, and rested there. [Sidenote: Monte de la Croce.] The 9. after midnight my company rid to the hill called Monte de la Croce (but I not disposed would not go) which hill is from Arnacho 15. Italian miles. Vpon the sayd hill is a certaine crosse, which is, they say, a holy Crosse. This Crosse in times past did by their report of the Island, hang in the ayre, but by a certaine earthquake, the crosse and the chappeil it hung in, were ouerthrowen, so that neuer since it would hang againe in the aire. But it is now couered with siluer, and hath 3. drops of our lordes blood on it (as they say) and there is in the midst of the great crosse, a little crosse made of the crosse of Christ; but it is closed in the siluer, you must (if you will) beleeue it is so, for see it you cannot. This crosse hangeth nowe by both endes in the wall, that you may swing it vp and downe, in token that it did once hang in the aire. This was told me by my fellow pilgrimes, for I sawe it not. The 10. at night we went aboard by warning of the patron: and the 11. in the morning we set saile, and crept along the shore, but at night we ankered by reason of contrary windes. [Sidenote: Limisso.] The 12. we set saile toward Limisso, which is from Salines 50. miles, and there we went on land that night. The 13. and 14. we remained still on land, and the 15. the patrone sent for vs; but by reason that one of our company was not well, we went not presently, but we were forced afterward to hire a boate, and to ouertake the ship tenne miles into the sea. At this Limisso all the Venetian ships lade wine for their prouision, and some for to sell, and also vineger. [Sidenote: Carrobi.] They lade also great store of Carrobi: for all the countrey thereabout adioning, and all the mountaines are full of Carrobi trees, they lade also cotton wooll there. [Sidenote: Vulture.] In the sayd towne we did see a certaine foule of the land (whereof there are many in this Island) named in the Italian tongue Vulture. It is a foule that is as big as a Swanne, and it liueth vpon carion. The skinne is full of soft doune, like to a fine furre, which they vse to occupie when they haue euill stomocks, and it maketh good digestion. This bird (as they say) will eat as much at one meale as shall serue him fortie dayes after, and within the compasse of that time careth for no more meate. The countrey people, when they have any dead beast, they cary it into the mountaines, or where they suppose the sayd Vultures to haunt, they seeing the carion doe immediately greedily seize vpon it, and doe so ingraft their talents, that they cannot speedily rise agayne, by reason whereof the people come and kill them: sometimes they kill them with dogs, and sometimes with such weapons as they haue. This foule is very great and hardy, much like an Eagle in the feathers of her wings and backe, but vnder her great feathers she is onely doune, her necke also long and full of doune. She hath on the necke bone, betweene the necke and the shoulders a heape of fethers like a Tassell, her thighs vnto her knees are couered with doune, her legs strong and great, and dareth with her talents assault a man. [Sidenote: Great pleny of very fat birds.] They haue also in this Island a certaine small bird, much like vnto a Wagtaile in fethers and making, these are so extreme fat that you can perceiue nothing els in all their bodies: these birds are now in season. They take great quantitie of them, and they vse to pickle them with vineger and salt, and to put them in pots and send them to Venice and other places of Italy for presents of great estimation. They say they send almost 1200. Iarres or pots to Venice, besides those which are consumed in the Island, which are a great number. These are so plentifull that when there is no shipping, you may buy then for 10. Carchies, which coine are 4. to a Venetian Soldo, which is peny farthing the dozen, and when there is store of shipping, 2 pence the dozen, after that rate of their money. [Sidenote: The Famagustans obserue the French statutes.] They of the limites of Famagusta do keep the statutes of the Frenchmen which sometimes did rule there. And the people of Nicosia, obserue the order of the Genoueses, who sometimes also did rule them. All this day we lay in the sea with little wind. The 16. we met a Venetian ship, and they willing to speake with vs, and we with them, made towards each other, but by reason of the euil stirrage of the other ship, we had almost boorded each other to our great danger. [Sidenote: Cauo Bianco.] Toward night we ankered vnder Cauo Bianco, but because the winde grew faire, we set saile againe presently. [Sidenote: Another Cion.] The 17. 18. 19, and 20 we were at sea with calme sommer weather, and the 20. we had some raine, and saw another Cion in the element. [Sidenote: A ship called el Bonna.] This day also we sawe, and spake with a Venetian ship called el Bonna, bound for ciprus. The 21. we sailed with a reasonable gale, and saw no land vntil the 4. of Nouember. [Sidenote: A great tempest.] This day we had raine, thunder, lightening, and much wind and stormie weather, but God be praised we escaped all dangers. [Sidenote: Candia, Gozi.] The 4. of Nouember we had sight of the Island of Candia, and we fell with the Islands called Gozi, by south of Candia. [Sidenote: Antonie Gelber departed this life.] This day departed this present life, one of our company named Anthonie Gelber of Prussia, who onely tooke his surfet of Cyprus wine. This night we determined to ride a trie, because the wind was contrary, and the weather troublesome. The 5. we had very rough stormie weather. This day was the sayd Anthonie Gelber sowed in a Chauina filled with stones and throwen into the sea. By reason of the freshnes of the wind we would haue made toward the shore, but the wind put vs to the sea, where we endured a great storme and a troublesome night. The 6. 7. and 8. we were continually at the sea, and this day at noone the wind came faire, whereby we recouered the way which we had lost, and sayled out of sight of Candia. [Sidenote: Cauo Matapan. Modon.] The 9. we sailed all day with a prosperous wind after 14. mile an houre: and the 10. in the morning, wee had sight of Cauo Matapan, and by noone of Cauo Gallo, in Morea, with which land we made by reason of contrary wind, likewise we had sight of Modon, vnder the which place we ankered. This Modon is a strong towne, and built into the sea, with a peere for litle ships and galleis to harbour in. [Sidenote: Sapientia.] It hath on the South side of the chanell, the Iland of Sapientia, with other litle Ilands all disinhabited. The chanell lieth Southwest and Northeast betweene the Islands and Morea, which is firme land. This Modon was built by the Venetians, but as some say it was taken from them by force of the Turke, and others say by composition: [Sidenote: Coron. Napolis de Romania.] in like case Coron, and Napolis de Romania, which is also in Morea. This night the Flemmish pilgrimes being drunke, would have slaine the patrone because he ankered here. The 11. day we set saile againe, and as we passed by Modon, we saluted them with ordinance, for they that passe by this place, must salute with ordinance, (if they haue) or els by striking their top sailes, for if they doe not, the towne will shoot at them. [Sidenote: Prodeno. Zante and Cephalonia.] This day toward 2. of the clocke wee passed by the Island of Prodeno, which is but litle, and desert, vnder the Turke. About 2. houres before night, we had sight of the Islands of Zante and Cephalonia, which are from Modon one hundreth miles. The 12. day in the morning, with the wind at West, we doubled between Castle Torneste, and the Island of Zante. [Sidenote: Castle Torneste vnder the Turke.] This castle is on the firme land vnder the Turke. This night we ankered afore the towne of Zante, where we that night went on land, and rested there the 13. 14. and 15. at night we were warned aboord by the patrone. This night the ship tooke in vitailes and other necessaries. The 16. in the morning we set saile with a prosperous wind, and the 17. we had sight of Cauo de santa Maria in Albania on our right hand, and Corfu on the left hand. This night we ankered before the castles of Corfu, and went on land and refreshed our selues. [Sidenote: The description of the force of Corfu.] The 18. by meanes of a friend we were licenced to enter the castle or fortresse of Corfu, which is not onely of situation the strongest I haue seene, but also of edification. It hath for the Inner warde two strong castles situated on the top of two high cragges of a rocke, a bow shoot distant the one from the other: the rocke is vnassaultable, for the second warde it hath strong walles with rampiers and trenches made as well as any arte can deuise. For the third warde and vttermost, it hath very strong walles with rampires of the rocke it selfe cut out by force and trenched about with the sea. The bulwarkes of the vttermost warde are not yet finished, which are in number but two: there are continually in the castle seuen hundred souldiours. Also it hath continually foure wardes, to wit, for the land entrie one, for the sea entrie another, and two other wardes. Artillerie and other munition of defence alwayes readie planted it hath sufficient, besides the store remaining in their storehouses. The Venetians hold this for the key of all their dominions, and for strength it may be no lesse. This Island is very fruitfull and plentifull of wine and corne very good, and oliues great store. This Island is parted from Albania with a chanell, in some places eight and ten, and in other but three miles. Albania is vnder the Turke, but in it are many Christians. All the horseman of Corfu are Albaneses; the Island is not aboue 80. or 90. miles in compasse. The 19. 20. and 21. we remained in the towne of Corfu. The 22. day wee went aboord and set saile, the wind being very calme wee toed the ship all that day, and toward Sunne set, the castle sent a Fragatta vnto us to giue vs warning of three Foistes comming after vs, for whose comming wee prepared and watched all night, but they came not. The 23. day in the morning being calme, wee toed out of the Streight, vntill wee came to the olde towne, whereof there is no thing standing but the walles. There is also a new Church of the Greekes called Santa Maria di Cassopo, and the townes name is called Cassopo. It is a good porte. About noone wee passed the Streight, and drew toward the ende of the Iland, hauing almost no wind. This night after supper, by reason of a certaine Hollander that was drunke, there arose in the ship such a troublesome disturbance, that all the ship was in an vprore with weapons, and had it not bene rather by Gods helpe, and the wisedome and patience of the patrone, more then by our procurement, there had bene that night a great slaughter. But as God would, there was no hurt, but onely the beginner was put vnder hatches, and with the fall hurt his face very sore. All that night the wind blew at Southeast, and sent vs forward. The 24. in the morning wee found ourselues before an Island called Saseno, which is in the entrie to Valona, and the wind prosperous. The 25. day we were before the hils of Antiueri, and about sunne set wee passed Ragusa, and three houres within night we ankered within Meleda, hauing Sclauonia or Dalmatia on the right hand of vs, and the winde Southwest. The 26. in the morning we set sayle, and passed the chanell between Sclauonia and Meleda, which may be eight mile ouer at the most. This Iland is vnder the Raguses. At after noone with a hard gale at west and by north we entered the chanell betweene the Iland Curzola and the hilles of Dalmatia, in which channell be many rockes, and the channell not past 3 miles ouer, and we ankered before the towne of Curzolo. This is a pretie towne walled about and built vpon the sea side, hauing on the toppe of a round hill a faire Church. This Iland is vnder the Venetians, there grow very good vines, also that part toward Dalmatia is well peopled and husbanded, especially for wines. In the said Iland we met with the Venetian armie, to wit, tennie gallies, and three foystes. All that night we remained there. The 27 we set sayle and passed along the Iland, and towards afternoone we passed in before the Iland of Augusta, and about sunne set before the towne of Lesina, whereas I am informed by the Italians, they take all the Sardinas that they spend in Italy. This day we had a prosperous winde at Southeast. The Iland of Lesina is vnder the Venetians, a very fruitfull Iland adioyning to the maine of Dalmatia, we left it on our right hand, and passed along. [Sidenote: The gulfe of Quernero. Rouigno.] The 28 in the morning we were in the Gulfe of Quernero, and about two houres after noone we were before the cape of Istria, and at sunne set we were at anker afore Rouignio which is also in Istria and vnder the Venetians, where all ships Venetian and others are bound by order from Venice to take in their pilots to goe for Venice. All the sommer the Pilots lie at Rouignio, and in winter at Parenzo, which is from Rouignio 18 miles by West. [Sidenote: Parenzo.] The 29 we set sayle and went as farre as Parenzo, and ankered there that day, and went no further. [Sidenote: S. Nicolo an Iland.] The 30 in the morning we rowed to Sant Nicolo a litle Island hard by vninhabited, but only it hath a Monastery, and is full of Oliue trees, after masse wee returned and went aboord. This day we hired a Barke to imbarke the pilgrims for Venice, but they departed not. In the afternoone we went to see the towne of Parenzo, it is a pretie handsome towne, vnder the Venetians. After supper wee imbarked our selues againe, and that night wee sayled towardes Venice. The first of December we past a towne of the Venetians, standing on the entery to the Palude or marshes of Venice: which towne is called Caorle, and by contrary windes we were driuen thither to take port. This is 60 miles from Parenzo, and forty from Venice, there we remayned that night. The second two houres before day, with the winde at Southeast, we sayled towards Venice, where we arriued (God be praysed) at two of the clocke after dinner, and landed about foure, we were kept so long from landing, because we durst not land vntill we had presented to the Prouidor de la Sanita, our letter of health. * * * * * The first voyage or iourney, made by Master Laurence Aldersey, Marchant of London, to the Cities of Ierusalem, and Tripolis, &c. in the yeere 1581. Penned and set downe by himselfe. I departed from London the first day of April in the yeere of our Lord 1581, passing through the Nether-land and vp the riuer Rhene by Colen, and other cities of Germanie. And vpon Thursday, the thirde day of May, I came to Augusta, where I deliuered the letter I had to Master Ienise, and Master Castler, whom I found very willing to pleasure me, in any thing that I could or would reasonably demaund. He first furnished me with a horse to Venice, for my money, and then tooke me with him a walking, to shew me the Citie, for that I had a day to tary there, for him that was to be my guide. He shewed me first the Statehouse, which is very faire, and beautiful: then be brought mee to the finest garden, and orchard, that euer I sawe in my life: for there was in it a place for Canarie birdes, as large as a faire Chamber, trimmed with wier both aboue and beneath, with fine little branches of trees for them to sit in, vhich was full of those Canarie birdes. There was such an other for Turtle dooues: also there were two pigeon houses ioyning to them, hauing in them store of Turtle dooues and pigeons. In the same garden also were sixe or seuen fishponds, all railed about, and full of very good fish. Also, seuen or eight fine fountaines, or water springs, of diuers fashions: as for fruite, there wanted none of all sorts, as Orenges, figges, raisons, wallnuts, grapes, besides apples, peares, fillbirds, small nuts, and such other fruite, as wee haue in England. Then did hee bring mee to the water tower of the same Citie, that by a sleight and deuise hath the water brought vp as high as any Church in the towne, and to tel you the strange deuises of all, it passeth my capacitie. Then he brought me to another faire garden, called the Shooters hoose, where are buts for the long bowe, the cross bowe, the stone bowe, the long peece, and for diuers other exercises more. After this, we walked about the walles of the Citie, where is a great, broade, and deepe ditch, vpon one side of the towne, so full of fish, as euer I saw any pond in my life, and it is reserued onely for the States of the Citie. And vpon the other side of the Citie is also a deepe place all greene, wherein Deere are kept, and when it pleaseth the States to hunt for their pleasure, thither they resort, and haue their courses with grayhounds, which are kept for that purpose. The fift of May, I departed from Augusta towards Venice, and came thither vpon Whitsunday the thirteenth of the same moneth. It is needlesse to speake of the height of the mountaines that I passed ouer, and of the danger thereof, it is so wel knowen already to the world: the heigth of them is marueilous, and I was the space of sixe dayes in passing them. I came to Venice at the time of a Faire, which lasted foureteene dayes, wherein I sawe very many, and faire shewes of wares. I came thither too short for the first passage, which went away from Venice about the seuenth or eight of May, and with them about three score pilgrims, which shippe was cast away at a towne called Estria, two miles from Venice, and all the men in her, sauing thirtie, or thereabout, lost. Within eight dayes after fell Corpus Christi day, which was a day amongst them of procession, in which was shewed the plate and treasure of Venice, which is esteemed to be worth two millions of pounds, but I do not accompt it woorth halfe a quarter of that money, except there be more than I sawe. To speake of the sumptuousnesse of the Copes and Vestments of the Church, I leaue, but the trueth is, they be very sumptuous, many of them set all ouer with pearle, and made of cloth of golde. And for the Iesuits, I thinke there be as many at Venice, as there be in Colen. The number of Iewes is there thought to be 1000, who dwell in a certaine place of the Citie, and haue also a place, to which they resort to pray, which is called the Iewes Sinagogue. They all, and their offspring vse to weare red caps, (for so they are commaunded) because they may thereby be knowen from other men. For my further knowledge of these people, I went into their Sinagogue vpon a Saturday, which is their Sabbath day: and I found them in their seruice or prayers, very deuoute: they receiue the fiue bookes of Moses, and honour them by carying them about their Church, as the Papists doe their crosse. Their Synagogue is in forme round, and the people sit round about it, and in the midst, there is a place for him that readeth to the rest: as for their apparell, all of them weare a large white lawne ouer their garments, which reacheth from their head, downe to the ground. The Psalmes they sing as wee doe, hauing no image, nor vsing any maner of idolatrie: their error is, that they beleeue not in Christ, nor yet receiue the New Testament. This Citie of Venice is very faire, and greatly to bee commended, wherein is good order for all things: and also it is very strong and populous: it standeth vpon the maine Sea, and hath many Islands about it, that belong to it. To tell you of the duke of Venice, and of the Seigniory: there is one chosen that euer beareth the name of a duke, but in trueth hee is but seruant of his Seigniorie, for of himselfe hee can doe litle: it is no otherwise with him, then with a Priest that is at Masse vpon a festiual day, which putting on his golden garment, seemeth to be a great man, but if any man come vnto him, and craue some friendship at his handes, hee will say, you must goe to the Masters of the Parish, for I cannot pleasure you, otherwise then by preferring to your suite: and so it is with the duke of Venice, if any man hauing a suite, come to him and make his complaint, and deliuer his supplication, it is not in him to helpe him, but hee will tell him, You must come this day, or that day, and then I will preferre your suite to the Seigniorie, and doe you the best friendship that I may. Furthermore, if any man bring a letter vnto him, hee may not open it, but in the presence of the Seigniorie, and they are to see it first, which being read, perhaps they will deliuer it to him, perhaps not. Of the Seigniory there be about three hundreth, and about fourtie of the priuie Counsell of Venice, who vsually are arayed in gownes of crimsen Satten, or crimsen Damaske, when they sit in Counsell. In the citie of Venice, no man may weare a weapon, except he be a souldier for the Seigniorie, or a scholler of Padua, or a gentleman of great countenance, and yet he may not do that without licence. As for the women of Venice, they be rather monsters then women. Euery Shoomakers or Taylors wife will haue a gowne of silke, and one to carie vp her traine, wearing their shooes very neere halfe a yarde high from the ground: if a stranger meete one of them, he will surely thinke by the state that she goeth with, that he meeteth a Lady. I departed from this citie of Venice, vpon Midsommer day, being the foure and twentieth of Iune, and thinking that the ship would the next day depart, I stayed, and lay a shippeboord all night, and we were made beleeue from time to time, that we should this day, and that day depart, but we taried still, till the fourteenth of July, and then with scant winde we set sayle, and sayled that day and that night, not aboue fiftie Italian miles: and vpon the sixteene day at night the winde turned flat contrary, so that the Master knewe not what to doe: and about the fift houre of the night, which we reckon to be about one of the clocke after midnight, the Pilot descried a saile, and at last perceiued it to be a Gallie of the Turkes, whereupon we were in great feare. The Master being a wise fellowe, and a good sayler, beganne to deuise howe to escape the danger, and to loose litle of our way: and while both he, and all of vs were in our dumps, God sent vs a merry gale of winde, that we ranne threescore and tenne leagues before it was twelue a clocke the next day, and in sixe dayes after we were seuen leagues past Zante. And vpon Munday morning, being the three and twentie of the same moneth, we came in the sight of Candia which day the winde came contrary, with great blasts and stormes, vntill the eight and twentie of the same moneth: in which time, the Mariners cried out vpon me, because I was an English man, and sayd, I was no good Christian, and wished that I were in the middest of the Sea, saying, that they, and the shippe, were the worse for me. I answered, truely it may well be, for I thinke my selfe the worst creature in the worlde, and consider you your selues also, as I doe my selfe, and then vse your discretion. The Frier preached, and the sermon being done, I was demaunded whether I did vnderstand him: I answered, yea, and tolde the Frier himselfe, thus you saide in your sermon, that we were not all good Christians, or else it were not possible for vs to haue such weather: to which I answered, be you well assured, that we are not indeede all good Christians, for there are in the ship some that hold very vnchristian opinions: so for that time I satisfied him, although (they said) that I would not see, when they said the procession, and honoured their images, and prayed to our Lady and S. Marke. There was also a Gentleman, an Italian, which was a passenger in the ship, and he tolde me what they said of me, because I would not sing, Salue Regina and Aue Maria, as they did: I told them, that they that praied to so many, or sought helpe of any other, then of God the Father, or of Iesus Christ his onely sonne, goe a wrong way to worke, and robbed God of his honour, and wrought their owne destructions. All this was told of the Friers, but I heard nothing of it in three daies after: and then at euening prayer, they sent the purser about with the image of our Lady to euery one to kisse, and I perceiuing it went another way from him, and would not see it: yet at last he fetched his course about, so that he came to me, and offered it to me as he did to others, but I refused it: whereupon there was a great stirre: the patron and all the friers were told of it, and euery one saide I was a Lutheran, and so called me: but two of the friers that were of greatest authoritie, seemed to beare me better good will then the rest, and trauelled to the patron in my behalfe, and made all well againe. The second day of August we arriued in Cyprus, at a towne called Missagh: the people there be very rude, and like beasts, and no better they eat their meat sitting vpon the ground, with their legges a crosse like tailors, their beds for the most part be hard stones, but yet some of them haue faire mattraces to lie vpon. Vpon Thursday the eight of August we came to Ioppa in a small barke, which we hired betwixt Missagh and Salina, and could not be suffered to come on land till noone the next day, and then we were permitted by the great Basha, who sate vpon the top of a hill to see vs sent away. Being come on land, we might not enter into any house for victuals, but were to content our selues with our owne prouision, and that which we bought to carie with vs was taken from vs. I had a paire of stirrops, which I bought at Venice to serue me in my journey, and trying to make them fit for me, when the Basha saw me vp before the rest of the companie, he sent one to dismount me, and to strike me, whereupon I turned me to the Basha, and made a long legge, saying, Grand mercie Signior: and after a while we were horsed vpon litle asses, and sent away, with about fiftie light horsemen to be our conduct through the wildernesse, called Deserta foelix, who made vs good sport by the way with their pikes, gunnes, and fauchins. That day being S. Laurence day we came to Rama, which is tenne Italian miles from Ioppa, and there we stayed that night, and payed to the captaine of the castell euery man a chekin, which is seuen shillings and two pence sterling. So then we had a new gard of souldiers, and left the other. The house we lodged in at Rama had a doore so low to enter into, that I was faine to creepe in, as it were vpon my knees, and within it are three roomes to lodge trauellers that come that way: there are no beds, except a man buy a mat, and lay it on the ground, that is all the prouision, without stooles or benches to sit vpon. Our victuals were brought vs out of the towne, as hennes, egges, bread, great store of fruite, as pomgranates, figges, grapes, oringes, and such like, and drinke we drue out of the well. The towne it selfe is so ruinated that I take it rather to be a heape of stones then a towne. Then the next morning we thought to haue gone away, but we could not be permitted that day, so we stayed there till two of the clocke the next morning, and then with a fresh gard of souldiers we departed toward Ierusalem. We had not ridde fiue English miles, but we were incountred with a great number of the Arabians, who stayed vs, and would not suffer vs to passe till they had somewhat, so it cost vs for all our gard aboue twentie shillings a man betwixt Ioppa and Ierusalem. These Arabians troubled vs oftentimes. Our Truchman that payed the money for vs was striken down, and had his head broken because be would not giue them as much as they asked: and they that should haue rescued both him and vs, stood sill and durst do nothing, which was to our cost. Being come within sight of Ierusalem, the maner is to kneele downe, and giue God thankes, that it hath pleased him to bring vs to that holy place, where he himselfe had beene: and there we leaue our horses and go on foote to the towne, and being come to the gates, there they tooke our names, and our fathers names, and so we were permitted to go to our lodgings. The gouernour of the house met vs a mile out of the towne, and very curteously bade vs all welcome, and brought vs to the monasterie. The gates of the citie are all couered with yron, the entrance into the house of the Christians is a very low and narrow doore, barred or plated with yron, and then come we into a very darke entry: the place is a monastery: there we lay, and dieted of free cost, we fared reasonable well, the bread and wine was excellent good, the chambers cleane, and all the meat well serued in, with cleane linnen. We lay at the monasterie two days, Friday and Saturday, and then we went to Bethlem with two or three of the friers of the house with vs: in the way thither we saw many monuments, as: The mountaine where the Angell tooke vp Abacuck by the haire, and brought him to Daniel in the Lions denne. The fountaine of the prophet Ieremie. The place where the wise men met that went to Bethlem to worship Christ, where is a fountaine of stone. Being come to Bethlem we sawe the place where Christ was borne, which is now a chappell with two altars, whereupon they say masse: the place is built with gray marble, and hath bene beautifull, but now it is partly decayed. Neere thereto is the sepulchre of the innocents slaine by Herod, the sepulchres of Paul, of Ierome, and of Eusebius. Also a little from this monasterie is a place vnder the ground, where the virgine Mary abode with Christ when Herod sought him to destroy him. We stayed at Bethlem that night, and the next day we went from thence to the mountaines of Iudea, which are about eight miles from Ierusalem, where are the ruines of an olde monasterie. In the mid way from the monasterie to Ierusalem is the place where Iohn Baptist was borne, being now an olde monasterie, and cattell kept in it. Also a mile from Ierusalem is a place called Inuentio sanctæ crucis, where the wood was found that made the crosse. In the citie of Ierusalem we saw the hall where Pilate sate in iudgement when Christ was condemned, the staires whereof are at Rome, as they told vs. A litle from thence is the house where the virgin Mary was borne. There is also the piscina or fishpoole where the sicke folkes were healed, which is by the wals of Ierusalem. But the poole is now dry. The mount of Caluaria is a great church, and within the doore thereof, which is litle, and barred with yron, and fiue great holes in it to looke in, like the holes of taverne doores in London, they sit that are appointed to receiue our money with a carpet vnder them vpon a banke of stone, and their legges a crosse like tailors: hauing paid our money, we are permitted to go into the church: right against the church doore is the graue where Christ was buried, with a great long stone of white marble ouer it, and rayled about, the outside of the sepulchre is very foule, by meanes that euery man scrapes his name and marke vpon it, and is ill kept. Within the sepulchre is a partition, and in the further part thereof is a place like an altar, where they say masse, and at the doore thereof is the stone whereupon the Angell sate when he sayde to Marie, He is risen, which stone was also rowled to the doore of the sepulchre. The altar stone within the sepulchre is of white marble, the place able to confeine but foure persons, right ouer the sepulchre is a deuise or lanterne for light, and ouer that a great louer such as are in England in ancient houses. There is also the chappell of the sepulchre, and in the mids thereof is a canopie as it were of a bed, with a great sort of Estridge egges hanging at it, with tassels of silke and lampes. Behinde the sepulchre is a litle chappell for the Chaldeans and Syrians. Vpon the right hand comming into the church is the tombe of Baldwine king of France, and of his sonne: and in the same place the tombe of Melchisedech. There is a chappell also in the same church erected to S. Helen, through which we go vp to the place where Christ was crucified: the stayres are fiftie steps high, there are two altars in it: before the high altar is the place where the crosse stood, the hole whereof is trimmed about with siluer, and the depth of it is halfe a mans arme deepe: the rent also of the mountaine is there to be seene in the creuis, wherein a man may put his arme. Vpon the other side of the mount of Caluarie is the place where Abraham would haue sacrificed his sonne. Where also is a chapell, and the place paued with stones of diuers colours. There is also the house of Annas the high Priest, and the Oliue tree whereunto Christ was bound to when he was whipt. Also the house of Caiphas, and by it the prison where Christ was kept, which is but the roome of one man, and hath no light but the opening of the doore. Without Ierusalem in the vally of Iosaphat is a church vnder the ground, like to the shrouds in Pauls, where the sepulchre of the virgin Mary is: the staires be very broad, and vpon the staires going downe are two sepulchres: vpon the left hand lieth Iosaphat, and vpon the right hand lieth Ioachim and Anna, the father and mother of the virgin Mary. Going out of the valley of Iosaphat we came to mount Oliuet, where Christ praied vnto his father before his death: and there is to be seene (as they tolde me) the water and blood that fell from the eyes of Christ. A litle higher vpon the same mount is the place where the Apostles slept, and watched not. At the foot of the mount is the place where Christ was imprisoned. Vpon the mountaine also is the place where Christ stood when he wept ouer Ierusalem, and where he ascended into heauen. Now hauing seene all these monuments, I with my company set from Ierusalem, the 20 day of August, and came againe to Ioppa the 22 of the same moneth, where wee tooke shipping presently for Tripolis, and in foure dayes we came to Mecina the place where the ships lie that come for Tripolis. The citie of Tripolis is a mile and a halfe within the land, so that no ship can come further then Mecina: so that night I came thither, where I lay nine daies for passage, and at last we imbarked our selues in a good ship of Venice called the Naue Ragasona. We entred the ship the second of September, the fourth we set saile, the seuenth we came to Salina, which is 140 miles from Tripolis: there we stayed foure dayes to take in more lading, in which meane time I fell sicke of an ague, but recouered againe, I praise God. Salina is a ruinated citie, and was destroyed by the Turke ten yeeres past: there are in it now but seuenteene persons, women and children. A litle from this citie of Salina is a salt piece of ground, where the water groweth salt that raineth vpon it. Thursday the 21 of September, we came to Missagh, and there we stayed eight dayes for our lading: the 18 of September before we came to Missagh, and within ten miles of the towne, as we lay at an anker, because the winde was contrary, there came a great boat full of men to boord vs, they made an excuse to seeke for foure men which (they said) our ship had taken from theirs about Tripolis, but our captaine would not suffer any of them to come into vs. The next morning they came to vs againe with a great gally, manned with 500 men at the least, whereupon our captaine sent the boat to them with twelue men to know their pleasure: they said they sought for 4 men, and therefore would talke with our maister: so then the maisters mate was sent them, and him they kept, and went their way; the next morning they came againe with him, and with three other gallies, and then would needes speake with our captaine, who went to them in a gowne of crimson damaske, and other very braue apparell, and fiue or sixe other gentlemen richly apparelled also. They hauing the Turkes safe conduct, shewed it to the captaine of the gallies, and laid it vpon his head, charging him to obey it: so with much adoe, and with the gift of 100 pieces of golde we were quit of them, and had our man againe. That day as aforesaid, we came to Missagh, and there stayed eight dayes, and at last departed towards Candie, with a scant winde. The 11 day of October we were boorded with foure gallies, manned with 1200 men, which also made a sleeuelesse arrant, and troubled us very much, but our captaines pasport, and the gift of 100 chekins discharged all. The 27 of October we passed by Zante with a merrie winde, the 29 by Corfu, and the third of Nouember we arriued at Istria, and there we left our great ship, and tooke small boates to bring vs to Venice. The 9 of Nouember I arriued again at Venice in good health, where I staied nine daies, and the 25 of the same moneth I came to Augusta, and staied there but one day. The 27 of Nouember I set towards Nuremberg where I came the 29, and there staied till the 9 of December, and was very well interteined of the English marchants there: and the gouernors of the towne sent me and my company sixteene gallons of excellent good wine. From thence I went to Frankford, from Frankford to Collen, from Collen to Arnam, from Arnam to Vtreight, from Vtreight to Dort, from Dort to Antwerpe, from Antwerpe to Flushing, from Flushing to London, where I arriued vpon Twelue eue in safetie, and gaue thanks to God, hauing finished my iourney to Ierusalem and home againe, in the space of nine moneths and fiue dayes. * * * * * The passeport made by the great Maister of Malta vnto the Englishmen in the barke Raynolds. 1582. Frere Hugo de Loubeux Verdala, Dei gratia sacræ domus hospitalis sancti Ioannis Hierosolymitani, magister humilis, pauperumque Iesu Christi custos, vniuersis et singulis principibus ecclesiasticis et secularibus, archiepiscopis, episcopis, ducibus, marchionibus, baronibus, nobilibus, capitaneis, vicedominis, præfectis, castellanis, admiralijs, et quibuscunque triremium vel aliorum nauigiorum patronis, ac ciuitatum rectoribus, potestatibus ac magistratibus, cæterisque officialibus, et quibuscunque personis cuiusuis dignitatis, gradus, status et conditionis fuerint, vbilibet locorum et terrarum constitutis, salutem. Notum facimus et in verbo veritatis attestamur, come nel mese di Maggio prossime passato le nostre galere vennero dal viaggio di Barberia, doue hauendo mandato per socorrere a vn galionetto de Christiani che hauea dato trauerso in quelle parti, essendo arriuati sopra questa isola alla parte de ponente trouarono vno naue Inglesa, sopra cargo de essa il magnifico Giouanni Keale, et Dauid Filly patrono, volendo la reconoscere che naue fosse, han visto, che se metteua in ordine per defendersi, dubitando che dette nostre galere fossero de inimici: et per che vn marinaro riuoltose contra la volonta de detti magnifico Giouanni Keale et Dauid Filly, habbi tirato vn tiro di artiglieria verso vna de dette galere, et che non se amangnaua la vela de la Maiestra secondo la volonta de detti magnifico Giouanni Keale et Dauid Filly patrono, furimensata detta naue nel presente general porto di Malta, secondo l'ordine del venerando Generale de dette galere, et essendo qua, monsignor Inquisitore ha impedita quella per conto del sancto officio, et si diede parte alla santita di nostro signor Gregorio papa xiij. A la fin fu licenciata per andarsene al suo viaggio. Han donque humilmente supplicato detti magnifico Giouanni Keale et Dauid Filly per nome et parte delli magnifici Edwardo Osborn senatore et Richardo Staper merchanti Inglesi della nobile citta di Londra, et anco di Tomaso Wilkinson scriuano, piloti, nocheri, et marinari, gli volessimo dare le nostre lettere patente et saluo condutto, accioche potranno andare et ritornare quando gli parera commodo con alcuna roba et mercantia a loro benuista: si come noi, essendo cosa giusta et che retornera commoda a nostra relligione et a questi forrestieri, per tenor de li presenti se gli habiamo concesse con le conditione però infra scritte, videlicet: Che ogni volta che detti mercadanti con sopradetta naue o con altra non porterano mercantie de contrabando, et che constara per fede authentica et con lettere patente de sanita, poteran liberalmente victualiarse de tutte le victuarie necessarie, et praticare in questa isola et dominij, et poi partisene et seguire suo viaggio per doue volessero in leuante o altroue, come tutti altri vaselli et specialmente de Francesi et aitri nationi, et die venderi et comprare qual si voglia mercantia a loro benuista. Item, che potera portare poluere de canone et di archibuso, salnitro, carboni di petra rosetta, platine de rame, stagno, acciale, ferro, carisée commune, tela grossa bianca per far tende de galere, balle de ferro de calibro, petre de molino fine, arbore et antenne de galere, bastardi et alteri. Et in conclusione, hauenda visto che loro per il tempo che restarano qua, si portorno da fideli et Catholici Christiani, et che sua sanctita habbia trouata bono il saluo condutto del gran Turko a loro concesso, per il timor della armata Turkesca et di altri vaselli de inimici, inherendo alla volonta di sua sanctità, et massime per che hauera de andare et passare per diuersi lochi et tanto lontani come Ingilterra, Flandra, et tutti patri di ponente, et in altroue, a noi ha parso farle le presente nostre lettere patente com fidele conuersatore nostro, accio piu securamente et sensa obstaculo possa andare et ritornare quando li parera con detta naue o con altre, a loro benuista. Per tanto donque tutti et ciascun di voi sudetti affectuosamente pregamo, che per qual si voglia de vostra iurisditione, alla quale detto magnifico Giouanni Keale et Dauid Filly anome quo supra con la naue et marinari de detti loro principali o altri caschera, nauigare, passare, et venire sicuramente, alla libera, sensa alcuno disturbo o altro impedimento li lasciate, et facciate lasciare, stare, et passare, tornare, et quando li parera partire, talmente che per amore et contemplatione nostra il detto magnifico Giouanni Keale a nome quo supra con le naue, marinari, et mercantia non habbi difficulta, fastidio et ritentione alcuna, anzi se gli dia ogni agiuto et fauore, cosa degnadi voi, giusta, et a noi gratissima, de recompensaruila con vagule et maggior seruitio, quando dall'occasione ne saremo rechiesti. Et finalmente commandammo a tutti et qual si voglia relligiosi et frati de nostra relligione di qual si voglia conditione, grado et stato che siano, et a tutti riceuitori et procuratori nostri in tutti et qual si voglia priorati nostri deputati et deputandi in vertu di santa obedientia, et attuti nostri vassalli et alla giurisditione di nostri relligione sogetti, che in tale et per tale tenghino et reputino il detto magnifico Giouanni Keale a nome vt supra, naue, marinari, et mercantia, sensa permittere, che nel detto suo viaggio, o in alcun altro Iuogo sia molestato, o in qual si voglia manera impedito, anzi rutte le cose sue et negotij loro sian da voi agioutati et continuamente fauoriti. In cuius rei testimonium Bulla nostra magistralis in cera nigra præsentibus est impressa. Datæ Melitæ in conuentu nostro die duodecimo Mensis Iulij. 1582. The same in English Frier Hugo of Loubeux Verdala, by the grace of God, master of the holy house, the hospital of S. Iohn at Ierusalem, and an humble keeper of the poore of Iesus Christ, to all and euery prince ecclesiastical and secular, archbishops, bishops, Dukes, Marqueses, Barons, Capteines, Vicelords, Maiors, Castellanes, Admirals, and whatsoeuer patrons of Gallies, or other greater officers and persons whatsoeuer, of what dignitie, degree, state and condition soeuer they be, dwelling in all places and landes, greeting. We make it knowne, and in the word of truth do witnesse, that in the moneth of May last past, our gallies came on the voyage from Barbarie, where hauing commandement to succour a little ship of the Christians which was driuen ouer into that part being arriued vpon this Iland on the West part they found one English ship vnder the charge of the worshipfull Iohn Keele, and Dauid Fillie master: and our men willing to know what ship it was, they seemed to put themselues in order for their defence, doubting that the said our gallies were of the enemies, and therefore one mariner attempted contrary to the will of the worshipfull Iohn Keele, and Dauid Fillie maister: and had shot off a piece of artillerie against one of the said gallies, and because she would not strike amaine her sayle, according to the will of the saide worshipfull Iohn Keele, and Dauid Fillie master, the said ship was brought backe again vnto the present port of Malta, according to the order of the reuerend generall of the said gallies: and in being there maister Inquisitor staid it by authoritie of the holy office, and in that behalfe by the holinesse of our Lord pope Gregorie the thirteenth, in the end was licenced to depart on her voyage. They therefore the said worshipfull Iohn Keele and Dauid Fillie, in the name and behalfe of the worshipfull master Edward Osborne and Alderman, and Richard Staper, English marchants of the noble citie of London, haue humbly besought together with Thomas Wilkinson the purser, pilots, master and mariners, that we would giue our letters patents, and safe conducts, that they might goe and returne, when they shall see opportunitie, with their goods and marchandizes at their pleasure: whereupon the thing seeming vnto vs iust, and that it might be for the profite of our religion, and of these strangers, by the tenor of these presents we haue graunted the same to them: yet, with the conditions hereunder written, viz. That euery time the said marchants of the said ship, or with any other, shall not bring such merchandize as is forbidden, and that sufficient proofe and letters testimonial it appeareth that they are free from the infections of the plague, they may vituall themselues with all necessarie victuals, and traffike with vs, and in this Iland and dominion, and afterwarde may depart and follow their voyage whither they will into the Luant or else where, as all other vessels, and especially of France and other nations do, and sell and buy whatsoeuer marchandize they shal thinke good. Item, that they may bring powder for cannon and harquebush, saltpeeter, cole of Newcastle, plates of lattin, tinne, steele, yron, common karsies white, course canuas to make saile for the gallies, balles of yron for shot, fine milstones, trees and masts for gallies, litle and others, and in conclusion, hauing seene that they for the time of their abode here, did behaue themselues like faithfull and catholike Christians, and that his holines hath allowed the safeconduct of the great Turke to them granted for feare of the Turkish armie, and other vessels of the enemie, submitting our selues to the pleasures of his holinesse, and especially because our people haue occasion to passe by diuers places so farre off, as England, Flanders, and all parts Westwards, and in other places, we haue vouchsafed to make these our letters patents, as our faithfull assistant, so as more surely, and with let they may go and returne when they shall thinke good, with the said ship or with others at their pleasure. We therefore pray all and euery of your subiects effectually that by what part soeuer of your iurisdiction, vnto the which the said worshipful Iohn Keele and Daniel Fillie by name abouesaid, with the ship and mariners of the said principall place or other, shall haue accesse, saile, and passe, and come safely with libertie without any disturbance or other impediment, that you giue leaue, and cause leaue to be giuen that they may passe, stay and returne, and when they please, depart, in such sort, that for loue and contention the said worshipfull Iohn Keele, with the ship and mariners haue no let, hinderance, or retention, also that you giue all helpe and fauour, a thing worthy of your iustice, and to vs most acceptable, to be recompenced with equall and greater seruice, when vpon occasion it shalbe required. And finally, we command all, and whatsoeuer religious people, and brothers of our religion, of whatsoeuer condition, degree, and state they be, and all other receiuers and procurators, in all and whatsoeuer our priories deputed, and to be deputed by vertue of the holy obedience, and all our people, and all that are subiect to the iurisdiction of our religion, that in, and by the same they hold, and repute the said worshipfull Iohn Keele in the name as abouesaid, the ship, mariners, and merchandize, without let in the same their voyage, or in any other place, that they be not molested, not in any wise hindered, but that in all their causes and businesse they be of you holpen, and furthered continually. In witnesse whereof, our seale of gouernment is impressed to these presents in blacke waxe. Giuen at Malta in our Conuent, the twelfth of the moneth of Iuly, in the yeere 1582. * * * * * Commission giuen by M. William Harebourne the English Ambassadour, to Richard Foster, authorising him Consul of the English nation in the parts of Alepo, Damasco, Aman, Tripolis, Ierusalem, &c. I William Harborne, her Maiesties Ambassadour, Ligier with the Grand Signior, for the affaires of the Leuant doe in her Maiesties name confirme and appoint Richart Foster Gentleman, my Deputie and Consull in the parts of Alepo, Damasco, Aman, Tripolis, Ierusalem and all other ports whatsoeuer in the prouinces of Syria, Palestina, and Iurie, to execute the office of Consull ouer all our Nation her Maiesties subiects, of what estate or quality soeuer: giuing him hereby full power to defend, protect, and maintaine all such her Maiesties subiects as to him shall be obedient, in all honest and iest causes whatsoeuer: and in like case no lesse power to imprison, punish, and correct any and all such as he shall finde disobedient to him in the like causes, euen in such order as I myselfe might doe by virtue to her Maiesties Commission giuen me the 26 of Nouember 1582, the copie whereof I haue annexed to this present vnder her Maiesties Seale deliuered me to that vse. Straightly charging and commanding all her Maiesties subiects in those parts, as they will auoid her Highnesse displeasure and their owne harmes, to honour his authoritie, and haue due respect vnto the same, aiding and assisting him there with their persons and goods in any cause requisit to her Maiesties good seruice and commoditie of her dominions. In witnesse whereof I haue confirmed and sealed these these presents at Rapamat my house by Pera ouer against Constantinople, to 20 of Iune 1583. * * * * * A letter of directions of the English Ambassadour to M. Richard Forster, appointed the first English Consull at Tripolis in Syria. Cousin Forster, these few words are for your remembrance when it shall please the Almighty to send you safe arriuall in Tripolis of Syria. When it shall please God to send you thither, you are to certifie our Nation at Tripolis of the certaine day of your landing, to the end they both may haue their house in a readinesse, and also meet you personally at your entrance to accompany you, being your selfe apparelled in the best manner. The next, second, or third day, after your comming, giue it out that you be crazed and not well disposed, by meanes of your trauell at Sea, during which time, you and those there are most wisely to determine in what manner your are to present your selfe to the Beglerbi, Cadi, and other officers: who euery of them are to be presented according to the order accustomed of others formerly in like office: which after the note of Iohn Blanke, late Vice-consull of Tripolis for the French, deliuered you heerewith, is very much: and therefore, if thereof you can saue any thing, I pray you doe it, as I doubt not but you will. They are to giue you there also another Ianizarie according as the French hath: whose outward procedings you are to imitate and follow, in such sort as you be not his inferour, according as those of our Nation heeretofore with him resident can informe you. Touching your demeanour after your placing, your [sic--KTH] are wisely to proceede considering both French and Venetian will haue an enuious eye on you: whome if they perceiue wise and well aduised, they will feare to offer you any iniurie. But if they shall perceiue any insufficiencie in you, they will not omitte any occasion to harme you. They are subtile, malicious, and disembling people, wherefore you must alwayes haue their doings for suspected, and warily walke in all your actions: wherein if you call for Gods diuine assistance, as doth become euery faithfull good Christian, the same shall in such sort direct you as he shall be glorified, your selfe preserued, your doings blessed, and your enemies confounded. Which if contrarywise you omit and forget, your enemies malice shalbe satisfied with your confusion, which God defend, and for his mercies sake keepe you. Touching any outlopers of our nation, which may happen to come thither to traffike, you are not to suffer, but to imprison the chiefe officers, and suffer the rest not to traffike at any time, and together enter in such bonds as you thinke meete, that both they shall not deale in the Grand Signiors dominions, and also not harme, during their voyage, any his subiects shippes, vessels, or whatsoeuer other, but quitely depart out of the same country without any harme doing. And touching those there for the company, your are to defend them according to your priuiledge and such commandements as you haue had hence, in the best order you may. In all and euery your actions, at any hand, beware of rashnesse and anger, after both which repentance followeth. Touching your dealings in their affaires of marchandise, you are not to deale otherwise then in secret and counsell. You are carefully to foresee the charge of the house, that the same may be in all honest measure to the companies profit and your owne health through moderation in diet, and at the best hand, and in due time to prouide things needfull to saue what may be: for he that buyeth euery thing when he needed it, harmeth his owne house, and helpeth the retailer. So as it is, in mine opinion, wisdome to foresee the buying of all things in their natiue soile, in due time, and at the first hand euery yeere, as you are to send the company the particular accounts of the same expenses. Touching your selfe, your [sic--KTH] are to cause to be employed fifty or threescore ducats, videlicet, twenty in Sope, and the rest in Spices, whereof the most part to be Pepper, whereof we spend very much. The Spices are to be prouided by our friend William Barrat, and the Sope buy you at your first arriuall, for that this shippe lading the same commodity will cause it to amount in price. From our mansion Rapamat, the fift of September 1583. * * * * * A commandement for Chio. Vobis, Beg et Cadi et Ermini, qui estis in Chio, significamus: quòd serenissimæ Reginæ Maiestatis Angliæ orator, qui est in excelsa porta per literas significauit nobis, quod ex nauibus Anglicis vna nauis venisset ad portum Chico, et illinc Constantinopolim recto cursu voluisset venire, et contra priuilegium detenuistis, et non siuistis venire. Hæc prædictus orator significauit nobis: et petiuit a nobis in hoc negocio hoc mandatum, vt naues Anglicæ veniant et rediant in nostras ditiones Cæsareas. Priuilegium datum et concessum est ex parte Serenitatis Cæsareæ nostræ: et huius priuilegij copia data est sub insigni nostro: Et contra nostrum priuilegium Cæsareum quod ita agitur, quæ est causa? Quando cum hoc mandato nostro homines illorum ad vos venerint ex prædicta Anglia, si nauis venerit ad portum vestrum, et si res et merces ex naue exemerint, et vendiderint, et tricessimam secundam partem reddiderint, et res quæ manserint Constantinopolim auferre velint, patiantur: Et si aliquis contra priuilegium et articulos eius aliquid ageret, non sinatis, nec vos facite: et impediri non sinatis eos, vt rectà Constantinopolim venientes in suis negotiationibus sine molestia esse possint. Et quicunque contra hoc mandatum et priuilegium nostrum aliquid fecerit, nobis significate. Huic mandato nostro et insigni fidem adhibete. In principio mensis Decembris. * * * * * A description of the yeerely voyage or pilgrimage of the Mahumitans, Turkes and Moores vnto Mecca in Arabia. Of the Citie of Alexandria. Alexandria the most ancient citie in Africa situated by the seaside containeth seuen miles in circuite, and is enuironed with two walles one neere to the other with high towers, but the walles within be farre higher than those without, with a great ditch round about the same: yet is not this Citie very strong by reason of the great antiquitie, being almost halfe destroyed and ruinated. The greatnesse of this Citie is such, that if it were of double habitation, as it is compassed with a double wall, it might be truely said, that there were two Alexandrias one builded vpon another, because vnder the foundations of the said City are great habitations, and incredible huge pillers. True it is, that this part vnderneath remaineth at this day inhabitable, because of the corrupt aire, as also for that by time, which consumeth all things, it is greately ruinated. It might well be sayd, that the founder hereof, as he was worthy in all his enterprises, so likewise in building hereof he did a worke worthy of himselfe, naming it after his owne name. This Citie hath one defect, for it is subiect to an euill ayre, which onely proceedeth of that hollownesse vnderneath, out of the which issueth infinite moisture: and that this is true the ayre without doth evidently testifie, which is more subtile and holesome then that beneath. The waters hereof be salt, by reason that the soile of it selfe is likewise so. And therefore the inhabitants, at such time as the riuer Nilus floweth, are accustomed to open a great ditch, the head wherof extendeth into the said riuer, and from thence they conueigh the same within halfe a mile of Alexandria, and so consequently by meanes of conduct-pipes the water commeth vnto the cesternes of Alexandria, which being full serue the citie from one inundation to another. Within the citie is a Pyramide mentioned of in Histories, but not of great importance. Without the citie is La colonna di Pompeio, or the pillar of Pompey, being of such height and thicknesse, that it is supposed there is not the like in the whole world besides. Within the citie there is nothing of importance saue a litle castle which is guarded with 60 Ianizaries. Alexandria hath three portes, one towardes Rossetto, another to the land ward, and the third to the sea ward, which is called Babelbar, without which appeareth a broad Iland called Ghesira in the Moores tongue, which is not wholy an Iland, because a litle point or corner thereof toucheth the firme lande, and therefore may be called Peninsula, that is to say, almost an Iland. Hereupon are builded many houses of the Iewes, in respect of the aire. This Peninsula is situate betweene two very good ports, one of them being much more safe then the other, called The old port, into the which only the vessels of Barbarie, and the sixe Gallies of the Grand Signior deputeth for the guard of Alexandria doe enter. And this port hath vpon the right hand at the mouth or enterance thereof a castle of small importance, and guarded but with fifteene men or thereabouts On the other side of this Iland is the other called The new port, which name is not vnfitly giuen vnto it, for that in all mens iudgement in times past there hath not beene water there, because in the midst of this port, where the water is very deepe, there are discouered and found great sepulchres and other buildings, out of the which are dayly digged with engines Iaspar and Porphyrie stones of great value, of the which great store are sent to Constantinople for the ornament of the Mesquitas or Turkish Temples, and of other buildings of the Grand Signior. Into this port enter all such vessels as traffique to this place. This port hath on ech side a castle, whereof that vpon the Peninsula is called Faraone, vpon the toppe whereof euery night there is a light set in a great lanterne for direction of the ships, and for the guard thereof are appointed 200 Ianizaries: the other on the other side is but a litle castle kept by 18. men. It is certeine, that this hauen of Alexandria is one of the chiefest hauens in the world: for hither come to traffique people of euery Nation, and all sorts of vessels which goe round about the citie. It is more inhabited by strangers, marchants, and Christians, then by men of the countrey which are but a few in number. [Sidenote: Fontecho signifieth an house of trafique, as the Stilyard.] Within the citie are fiue Fontechi, that is to say, one of the Frenchmen, where the Consul is resident, and this is the fairest and most commodious of all the rest. Of the other foure, two belong to the Venetians, one to the Raguseans, and the fourth to the Genoueses. And all strangers which come to traffique there, except the Venetians, are vnder the French Consull. It is also to be vnderstood, that all the Christians dwell within their Fontechi, and euery euening at the going downe of the sunne, they which are appointed for that office goe about and shut all the gates of the saide Fontechi outward, and the Christians shut the same within: and so likewise they doe on the Friday (which is the Moores and the Turkes Sabboth) till their deuotions be expired. And by this meanes all parties are secure and voide of feare: for in so doing the Christians may sleepe quietly and not feare robbing, and the Moores neede not doubt whiles they sleepe or pray, that the Christians should make any tumult, as in times past hath happened. Of the coast of Alexandria. [Sidenote: Bichier.] On the side towardes Barbarie along the sea-coast for a great space there is founde neither hold, nor any thing worthy of mention: but on the other side towards Syria 13 miles from Alexandria standeth a litle castle called Bichier kept by fiftie Turkes, which castle is very olde and weake, and hath a port which in times past was good, but at this present is vtterly decayed and full of sand, so that the vessels which come thither dare not come neere the shoare, but ride far off into the sea. [Sidenote: Rossetto] Fortie miles further is Rossetto, which is a litle towne without walles, and is situate vpon the banke of Nilus three miles from the sea, at which place many times they build ships and other vessels, for gouernement whereof is appointed a Saniacbey, without any other guard: it is a place of traffique, and the inhabitants are very rich, but naughtie varlets and traytours. Further downe along the sea-side and the riuer banke is another litle castle like vnto the abouesayde, and because the Moores beleeue, that Mecca will in short time be conquered by the Christians, they holde opinion, that the same being lost shall be renued in this place of Rossetto, namely, that all their prayers, vowes, and pilgrimages shall be transported to Rossetto, as the religious order of Saint Iohn of the Rhodes is translated thence to Malta. Further forwarde thirtie miles standes another castle of small importance called Brulles, kept continually by fourtie Turkes, which hath a good and secure port, in forme like to a very great lake or ponde, wherein is taken great quantitie of fish, whith they salt, and the marchants of Candie and Cyprus come thither to lade the same, and it is greatly esteemed, especially of the Candiots, who hauing great abundance of wine aduenture abroad to seeke meate fitte for the taste of the sayd wine. Distant from Brulles fiue and thirtie miles there is anothet castle like vnto the abouesayd kept by an Aga with fourtie men or thereabout. More within the lande by the riuers side is Damiata an auncient citie enuironed with walles contayning fiue miles in circuit, and but of small strength. For the gouernement of this place is a Sanjaco with all his housholde and no other companie. This citie is very large, delightfull, and pleasant, abounding with gardens and faire fountaines. Other fortie miles further is Latma, a castle of very small importance, and kept as other with fortie Turkes vnder an Aga. In this place is no port, but a roade very daungerous, and without other habitation. Passing this place we enter Iudea. But because our intent is to reason simply of the voyage to Mecca, we will proceede no further this way, but returning to our first way, let it suffice to say, that from Alexandria to Cairo are two hundred miles, in which way I finde nothing woorthie of memorie. Of the mightie Citie of Cairo. Cairo containeth in circuit eighteene miles, being so inhabited and replenished with people, that almost it cannot receiue more; and therefore they haue begunne to builde newe houses without the citie and about the walles. In Cairo are people of all Nations, as Christians, Armenians, Abexins, Turkes, Moores, Iewes, Indians, Medians, Persians, Arabians, and other sortes of people, which resort thither by reason of the great traffique. This citie is gouerned by a Basha, which ministreth iustice, together with the Cadie throughout the whole kingdome. Also there are two and twentie Saniackes, whose office is onely to ouersee and guarde the kingdome of euery good respect. There are also seuen thousand Turkes in pay, to wit, three thousand Ianizaries, and foure thousand horsemen: The rest of the people in Cairo are for the most part marchants which goe and come, and the remnant are Moores and other base people. About two miles from Cairo there is another little Cairo called The olde Cairo, which containeth in circuit litle more then tenne miles, and the better halfe is not inhabited, but destroyed, whereof I neede not make any other mention. The new Cairo answereth euery yeere in tribute to the grand Signior, 600000 ducates of gold, neat and free of all charges growing on the same, which money is sent to Constantinople, about the fine of September, by the way of Aleppo, alwayes by lande, vnder the custodie of three hundred horsemen, and two hundred Ianizaries footmen. The citie of Cairo is adorned with many faire Mesquitas rich, great, and of goodly and gorgeous building, among which are fiue principall. The first is called Morastano, that is to say, The hospitall, which hath of rent fiue hundred ducats of golde euery day left vnto it by a king of Damasco from auncient times; which king hauing conquered Cairo, for the space of fiue daies continually put the people thereof to the sword, and in the end repenting him of so great manslaughter, caused this cruelty to cease, and to obtaine remission for this sinne committed, caused this hospitall to be built, enriching it as is abouesaid. The second famous monument of Cairo is called Neffisa, of one Neffisa buried there, who was a Dame of honour, and mooued by lust, yeelded her body voluntarily without rewarde, to any that required the same, and sayde she bestowed this almes for the loue of her Prophet Mahomet, and therefore at this day they adore her, reuerence her, and finally haue canonized her for a Saint, affirming that shee did many miracles. The third is called Zauia della Innachari, who was one of the foure Doctors in the law. The fourth is called Imamsciafij, where is buried Sciafij the second Doctor of this law. Of the other two Doctors one is buried in Damasco, the other in Aleppo. The fift and last famous monument is Giamalazar, that is, the house of Lazarus: and this is the generall Vniuersity of the whole kingdome of Egypt. [Sidenote: 1566.] In this place Anno 1566 in the moneth of Ianuary by misfortune of fire were burned nine thousand bookes of great value, as well for that they were written by hand, as also wrought so richly with golde, that they were worth 300 and 400 ducats a piece, one with another. And because it could neuer be knowen yet how this fire beganne, they haue and doe holde the same for a most sinister augurie, and an euident and manifest signe of their vtter ruine. The houses of Cairo without are very faire, and within the greater number richly adorned with hangings wrought with golde. Euery person which resorteth to this place for traffiques sake, is bound to pay halfe a duckat, except the gentlemen Venetians, Siotes, and Rhaguseans, because they are tributarie to the Grand Signior. [Sidenote: The description of Cairo.] Cairo is distant from the riuer Nilus a mile and more, being situate on a plaine, saue that on the one side it hath a faire little hill, on the toppe, whereof stands a faire castle, but not strong, for that it may be battered on euery side, but very rich and large, compassed about with faire gardens into the which they conueigh water for their necessitie out of Nilus, with certaine wheeles and other like engines. This magnificent citie is adorned with very fruitfull gardens both pleasant and commodious, with great plenty of pondes to water the same. Notwithstanding the great pleasures of Cairo are in the moneth of August, when by meanes of the great raine in Ethiopia the riuer Nilus ouerfloweth apd watereth all the countrey, and then they open the mouth of a great ditch, which extendeth into the riuer, and passeth through the midst of the citie, and entring there are innumerable barkes rowing too and fro laden with gallant girles and beautifull dames, which with singing, eating, drinking and feasting, take their solace. The women of this countrey are most beautifull, and goe in rich attire bedeked with gold, pretious stones, and iewels of great value, but chiefely perfumed with odours, and are very libidinous, and the men likewise, but foule and hard fauoured. The soile is very fertile and abundant, the flesh fat which they sell without bones, their candles they make of the marowe of cattell, because the Moores eate the tallow. They vse also certaine litle furnaces made of purpose, vnder the which they make fire, putting into the furnace foure or fiue hundred egges, and the said fire they nourish by litle and litle, vntill the chickens be hatched, which after they be hatched, and become somewhat bigger, they sell them by measure in such sort, as we sell and measure nuts and chestnuts and such like. Of certaine notable monuments without the citie of Cairo. Without the Citie, sixe miles higher into the land, are to be seene neere vnto the riuer diuerse Piramides, among which are three marueilous great, and very artificially wrought. Out of one of these are dayly digged the bodies of auncient men, not rotten, but all whole, the cause whereof is the qualitie of the Egyptian soile, which will not consume the flesh of man, but rather dry and harden the same, and so alwayes conserueth it. And these dead bodies are the Mummie which the Phisitians and Apothecaries doe against our willes make vs to swallow. Also by digging in these Pyramides oftentimes are found certaine Idoles or Images of gold, siluer, and other mettall, but vnder the other piramides the bodies are not taken vp so whole as in this, but there are found legges and armes comparable to the limmes of giants. Neare to these piramides appeareth out of the sand a great head of stone somewhat like marble, which is discouered so farre as the necke ioyneth with the shoulders, being all whole, sauing that it wanteth a little tippe of the nose. The necke of this head contayneth in circuit about sixe and thirty foot, so that it may be according to the necke considered, what greatnesse the head is of. The riuer Nilus is a mile broad, wherein are very many great Croccodiles from Cairo vpward, but lower than Cairo passeth no such creature: and this, they say, is by reason of an inchantment made long since which hindereth their passage for comming any lower then Cairo. Moreouer of these creatures there are sometimes found some of an incredible bignesse, that is to say, of fourtie foot about. The males haue their members like to a man, and the females like to a woman. These monsters oftentimes issue out of the water to feede, and finding any small beasts, as sheepe, lambes, goates, or other like, doe great harme. And whiles they are foorth of the water, if they happen at vnawares vpon any man, woman or childe, whom they can ouercome, they spare not their liues. In the yeere of our Lord one thousand fiue hundred and sixtie it happened, that certaine poore Christians trauelling by Cairo towardes the countrey of Prete Ianni to rescue certaine slaues, were guided by a Chaus, and iourneyed alongst the banke of the said riuer. The Chaus remained lingering alone behinde to make his prayers (as their custome is) at a place called Tana, whom being busie in his double deuotion one of these Crocodiles ceazed by the shoulders, and drew him vnder water, so that he was neuer after seene. And for this cause they haue made in sundry places certaine hedges as bankes within the water, so that betwixt the hedge and banke of the riuer there remaineth so much water, that the women washing may take water without danger at their pleasure. This countrey is so fruitfull, that it causeth the women as other creatures to bring foorth one, two, and oft-times three at a birth. Fiue miles southwarde of Cairo is a place called Matarea, where the balme is refined: and therefore some will say, that the trees which beare the balme growe in the said place, wherein they are deceiued: for the sayde trees growe two dayes iourney from Mecca, in a place called Bedrihone, which yeeldeth balme in great plenty, but saluage, wilde, and without vertue, and therefore the Moores carying the same within litle chests from Bedrihone to Matarea, where the trees being replanted (be it by vertue of the soyle, or the water, aire, or any other thing whatsoeuer) it sufficeth that heare they beare the true balme and licour so much in these dayes esteemed of. In this place of Matarea there are certaine little houses, with most goodly gardens, and a chappell of antiquity, where the very Moores themselues affirme, that the mother of the blessed Christ fleeing from the fury of wicked Herode there saued her selfe with the childe, wherein that saying of the Prophet was fulfilled, Ex Ægypto vocaui fillium meum. The which Chappell in the yeare of our Lorde one thousand fiue hundred and foure, the Magnifico Daniel Barbaro first Consull of that place went to visite, and caused it to be renued and reedified, so that in these dayes there resort thither many Christians, who oftentimes bring with them a Priest, to say masse there. Also about an Harque-buz-shotte from Matarea is a spire of great height like to that at Rome, and more beautifull to beholde. Neere vnto the olde Cairo are yet twelue storehouses of great antiquitie, but now very much decayed, and these till late dayes serued to keepe corne for behoofe of the kingdome, concerning which many are of opinion, that the founder hereof was Ioseph the sonne of Iacob, for consideration of the seuen deare yeares. [Sidenote: Olde Thebes.] Also passing higher vp by the banke of Nilus, there is to bee seene a fayre Citie ouerflowed with water, the which at such time as Nilus floweth lyeth vnder water, but when the water returneth to the marke, there plainely appeare princely palaces, and stately pillars, being of some called Thebes, where they say that Pharao was resident. Moroeuer three dayes iourney higher vp are two great images of speckled marble, all whole, and somewhat sunke into the earth, being things wonderfull to consider of, for the nose of either is two spannes and a halfe long, and the space from one eare to the other conteineth tenne spannes, the bodies being correspondent to their heads, and grauen in excellent proportion, so that they are shapes of maruellous hugenesse, and these they call The wife, and The daughter of Pharao. Of the patriarke of Greece. In Cairo are two Patriarkes, one of the Greekes, and another of the Iacobites. The Greeke Patriarke called Gioechni, being about the age of one hundred and thirteene yeeres, was a very good and holy man. They say, that when Soldan Gauri of Egypt reigned, there was done this miracle following; this good patriarke being enuied at by the Iewes of the countrey, for none other cause, but for his good workes, and holy life, it happened (I say) that being in disputation with certaine of the Hebrewes in presence of the Sultan, and reasoning of their lawe and faith, it was sayd vnto him by one of these Miscreants: sith thou beleeuest in the faith of Christ, take and drinke this potion which I will giue thee; and if thy Christ be true Messias and true God, he will (sayd he) deliuer thee from daunger. To whom the auncient patriarke answered, that he was content: whereupon that cursed Iewe brought him a cuppe of the most venemous and deadly poyson that could be found, which the holy Patriarke hauing perceiued, said: In the name of the father, of the sonne, and of the holy Ghost: and hauing so sayde he dranke it quite vp; which done, he tooke a droppe of pure water, putting it into that very cup, and gaue it vnto the Iewe, saying vnto him, I in the name of my Christe haue drunke thy poyson, and therefore in the name of thy expected Messias drinke this water of mine within thine owne cuppe. Whereupon the Iewe tooke the cup out of the hand of the Patriarke, and hauing drunke the water, within halfe an houre burst a sunder. And the Patriarke had none other hurt, saue that he became somewhat pale in sight, and so remained euer after. And this miracle (which meriteth to be called no lesse) was done to the great commendation of the holy Patriarke in the presence of a thousand persons, and namely of the Soldan of Egypt: who seeing the despight of the Iewes, vnto their owne cost and confusion compelled them to make the conduct, which with so many engines commeth into the castle from Nilus aboue mentioned. And this triumphant Patriarke not long since was aliue, and in perfect health, which God continue long time. Of the preparation of the Carouan to goe to Mecca. As touching the Carouan which goeth to Mecca, it is to be vnderstoode, that the Mahometans obserue a kinde of lent continuing one whole moone, and being a moueable ceremonie, which sometimes falleth high, sometimes lowe in the yeere called in their tongue Ramazan, and their feast is called Bairam. During this time of lent all they which intende to goe vnto Mecca resort vnto Cairo, because that twentie dayes after the feast the Carouan is readie to depart on the voyage: and thither resort a great multitude of people from Asia, Grecia, and Barbaria to goe on this voyage, some mooued by deuotion, and some for traffiques sake, and some to passe away the time. Nowe, within fewe dayes after the feast they which goe on the voyage depart out of the citie two leagues vnto a place called Birca, where they expect the Captaine of the Carouan. This place hath a great pond caused by the inundation of Nilus, and so made that the camels and other beastes may drinke therein: whereof, namely, of Mules, Camels, and Dromedaries there are at least fortie thousand, and the persons which followe the Carouan euerie yeere are about fiftie thousand, fewe more or lesse, according to the times. Moreouer euery three yeeres they renue the Captaine of the Carouan, called in the Arabian tongue Amarilla Haggi, that is, the Captaine of the Pilgrimes, to whom the Grand Signior giueth euery voyage eighteene purses, conteyning each of them sixe hundred twentie and fiue ducates of golde, and these be for the behoofe of the Carouan, and also to doe almes vnto the needfull pilgrimes. This Captaine, besides other seruingmen which follow him, hath also foure Chausi to serue him. Likewise he hath with him for the securitie of the Carouan foure hundred souldiers, to wit, two hundred Spachi or horsemen mounted on Dromedaries, and two hundred Ianizaries riding vpon Camels. The Chausi and the Spachi are at the charge of the Captaine, but the Ianizaries not so, for their prouision is made them from Cairo. The Spachi weare caps or bonnets like to the caps of Sergeants, but the Ianizaries after another sort, with a lappe falling downe behinde like a French-hoode, and hauing before a great piece of wrought siluer on their heads. The charge of these is to cause the Carouan to march in good array when neede requireth; these are not at the commaundement of any but of the Captaine of the Carouan. Moreouer the Captaine hath for his guide eight pilots, the office of whom is alwayes stable and firme from heire to heire, and these goe before guiding the Carouan, and shewing the way, as being well experienced in the place, and in the night they gouerne them as the mariners, by the starre. [Sidenote: Pieces of dry wood in stead of torches.] These also vse to sende before foure or fiue men carying pieces of dry wood which giue light, because they should not goe out of the way, and if at any time through their ill hap they wander astray out of the way, they are caste downe and beaten with so many bastonadoes vpon the soles of their feete, as serue them for a perpetuall remembrance. The Captaine of the Carouan hath his Lieutenant accompanied continually with fifteene Spachi, and he hath the charge to set the Carouan in order, and to cause them to depart on their iourney when neede requireth: and during the voyage their office is some whiles to goe before with the forewarde, sometimes to come behinde with the rereward, sometimes to march on the one side, and sometimes on the other, to spy, that the coast be cleare. The Carouan carrieth with it sixe pieces of ordinance drawen by 12 camels, which serue to terrifie the Arabians, as also to make triumph at Mecca, and other places. The marchants which followe the Carouan, some carry for marchandise cloth of silke, some Corall, some tinne, others wheat, rise, and all sorts of graine. Some sell by the way, some at Mecca, so that euery one bringeth something to gaine by, because all marchandise that goeth by land payeth no custome, but that which goeth by sea is bound to pay tenne in the hundred. The beginning of the voyage. The feast before the Carouan setteth forth, the Captaine with all his retinue and officers resort vnto the castle of Cairo before the Basha, which giueth vnto euery man a garment, and that of the Captaine is wrought with golde, and the others are serued according to their degree. Moreouer he deliuereth vnto him the Chisua Talnabi, which signifieth in the Arabian tongue, The garment of the Prophet: this vesture is of silke, wrought in the midst with letters of golde, which signifie: La illa ill'alla Mahumet Resullala: that is to say, There are no gods but God, and his ambassadour Mahumet. This garment is made of purpose to couer from top to botome a litle house in Mecca standing in the midst of the Mesquita, the which house (they say) was builded by Abraham or by his sonne Ismael. After this he deliuereth to him a gate made of purpose for the foresaid house of Abraham wrought all with fine golde, and being of excellent workmanship, and it is a thing of great value. Besides, he deliuereth vnto him a couering of greene veluet made in maner of a pyramis, about nine palmes high, and artificially wrought with most fine golde, and this is to couer the tombe of their prophet within Medina, which tombe is built in manner of a pyramis: and besides that couering there are brought many others of golde and silke, for the ornament of the sayde tombe. Which things being consigned, the Basha departeth not from his place; but the Captaine of the Carouan taketh his leaue with all his officers and souldiers, and departeth accompanied with all the people of Cairo orderly in manner of a procession, with singing, shouting and a thousand other ceremonies too long to recite. From the castle they goe to a gate of the citie called Bab-Nassera, without the which standes a Mosquita, and therein they lay vp the sayd vestures very well kept and guarded. And of this ceremony they make so great account, that the world commeth to see this sight, yea the women great with childe, and others with children in their armes, neither is it lawfull for any man to forbid his wife the going to this feast, for that in so doing the wife may separate her selfe from her husband, and may lie with any other man, in regard of so great a trespasse. Now this procession proceeding from the castle towardes the Mosquita, the Camels which bring the vestures are all adorned with cloth of golde, with many little belles, and passing along the streete you may see the multitude casting vpon the said vesture thousands of beautifull flowers of diuers colours, and sweete water, others bringing towels and fine cloth touch the same, which euer after they keepe as reliques with great reuerence. Afterward hauing left the vesture in the Mosquita, as is aforesaid, they returne againe into the citie, where they remaine the space of 20 dayes, and then the captaine departeth with his company, and taking the vestures out of the Mosquita, carieth the same to the foresaid place of Birca, where the Captaine hauing pitched his tent with the standard of the grand Signior ouer the gate, and the other principall tents standing about his, stayeth there some tenne dayes and no more: in which time all those resort thither that meane to follow the Carouan in this voyage to Mecca. Where you shall see certaine women which intend to goe on this voiage accompanied with their parents and friends mounted vpon Camels, adorned with so many tryfles, tassels, and knots, that in beholding the same a man cannot refraine from laughter. The last night before their departure they make great feasting and triumph within the Carouan, with castles and other infinite deuises of fireworke, the Ianizaries alwayes standing round about the tent of the Captaine with such shouting and ioy, that on euery side the earth resoundeth, and this night they discharge all their ordinance, foure or sixe times, and after at the breake of the day vpon the sound of a trumpet they march forward on their way. What times the Carouan trauelleth, and when it resteth. It is to be noted, that from Cairo to Mecca they make 40 dayes iourney or thereabout, and the same great dayes iourneies. For the custome of the Carouan is to trauell much and rest little, and ordinarily they iourney in this maner: They trauell from two a clock in the morning vntill the sunne rising, then hauing rested till noone, they set forward, and so continue till night, and then also rest againe, as is abouesaid, till two of the clocke; and this order they obserue vntill the end of the voiage, neuer changing the same, except in some places, whereof we will hereafter speake, where for respect of water they rest sometimes a day and an halfe, and this they obserue to refresh themselues, otherwise both man and beast would die. In what order the Carouan trauelleth. The maner and order which the Carouan obserueth in marching is this. It goeth diuided into three parts, to wit, the foreward, the maine battell, and the rereward. In the foreward go the 8 Pilots before with a Chaus, which hath foure knaues, and ech knaue carrieth a sinew of a bul, to the end that if occasion requireth, the bastonado may be giuen to such as deserue the same. These knaues cast offendours downe, turning vp the soles of their feete made fast to a staffe, giuing them a perpetuall remembrance for them and the beholders. This Chaus is as the Captaine of the foreward, which commandeth lights to be carried before when they trauell in the night. Also there go in this foreward 6 Santones with red turbants vpon their heads, and these eat and ride at the cost of the Captaine of the Carouan. These Santones when the Carouan arriueth at any good lodging, suddenly after they haue escried the place, cry with an horrible voyce saying, good cheare, good cheare, we are neere to the wished lodging. For which good newes the chiefe of the company bestow their beneuolence vpon them. In this foreward goeth very neere the third part of the people of the Carouan, behind whom go alwayes 25 Spachi armed with swords, bowes and arrowes to defend them from thieues. Next vnto the foreward, within a quarter of a mile, followeth the maine battell, and before the same are drawen the sayd sixe pieces of ordinance, with their gunners, and fifteene Spachi Archers. And next vnto these commeth the chiefe physicion, who is an olde man of authoritie, hauing with him many medicines, oyntments, salues, and other like refreshings for the sicke, hauing also camels with him for the sicke to ride on, which haue no horse nor beast. Next vnto him goeth one Camell alone, the fairest that can be found: for with great industrie is sought the greatest and fairest which may be found within the dominions of the Grand Signior. This camell also is decked with cloth of golde and silke, and carieth a little chest made of pure Legmame made in likenesse of the arke of the olde Testament: but, as is abouesayd, made of pure Legmame, without golde or any other thing of cost. Within this chest is the Alcoran all written with great letters of golde, bound betweene two tables of massie golde, and the chest during their voyage is couered with Silke, but at their entring into Mecca it is all couered with cloth of golde adorned with iewels, and the like at the enterance into Medina. The Camell aforesayd which carrieth the chest, is compassed about with many Arabian singers and musicians, alwayes singing and playing vpon instruments. After this folow fiftene other most faire Camels, euery one carying one of the abouesayd vestures, being couered from toppe to toe with silke. Behind these goe twentie other Camels which carrie the money, apparell, and prouision of the Amir el Cheggi captaine of the Carouan. After foloweth the royall Standard of the Grand Signior, accompanied continually with the musicians of the captaine, and fiue and twentie Spachi archers, with a Chaus before them, and about these marueilous things goe all the people and Camels which follow the Carouan. Behind these, lesse then a mile, foloweth the rereward, whereof the greater part are pilgrimes: the occasion whereof is, for that the merchants seeke alwayes to be in the foreward for the securitie of their goods, but the pilgrimes which haue litle to loose care not though they come behind. Behind these alwayes goe fiue and twentie other Spachi well armed with another Chaus their captaine, and fortie Arabians all Archers for guard of the rereward. And because the Carouan goeth alwayes along the red sea banke, which in going forth they haue on their right hand, therfore the two hundred Ianissaries parted into three companies goe vpon their left hand well armed and mounted vpon Camels bound one to another, for vpon that side is all the danger of thieues, and on the other no danger at all, the captaine of the Carouan alwayes going about his people, sometimes on the one side, and sometimes on the other, neuer keeping any firme place, being continually accompanied with a Chaus and 25. Spachi, armed and mounted vpon Dromedaries, and 8. musicians with violes in their handes, which cease not sounding till the captaine take his rest, vpon whom they attend, till such time as he entreth his pauillion, and then licencing all his attendants and folowers to depart, they goe each man to their lodging. Of things notable which are seene in this voyage by the way. Because in the way there are not many things found woorthy memorie, for that the Carouan seldome resteth in places of habitation, of which in the way there are but fewe, yea rather the Carouan resteth altogether in the field: therefore in this our voyage wee will onely make mention of certaine Castles found in the way, which bee these, namely Agerut, Nachel, Acba, Biritem, Muel and Ezlem. Of which fiue the two first are kept of Moores, and the other three of Turkes, and for guard they haue eight men or tenne at the most in euery Castle, with foure or fiue Smerigli, which serue to keepe the water from the Arabians, so that the Carouan comming thither may haue wherewithall to refresh it selfe. Agerut is distant from Suez a port of the red sea eight miles, where are alwayes resident fiue and twentie gallies of the Grand Signior for the keeping of that Sea. Nachel is distant from the Sea a dayes iourney. The walles of Acba are founded vpon the red Sea banke. Biritem and Muel likewise are dashed by the waues of the Sea. Ezlem is distant from thence aboue a dayes iourney. These fiue Castles abouesayd are not of force altogether to defend themselues agaynst an hundred men. The Carouan departing from Birca vntill Agerut findeth no water by the way to drinke, neither from Agerut till Nachel, nor from Nachel till Acba, but betweene Acba and Biritem are found two waters, one called Agiam el Cassap, and the other Magarraxiaibi, that is to say, the riuer of Iethro the father in lawe of Moses, for this is the place mentioned in the second chapter of Exodus, whither it is sayd that Moses fledde from the anger of Pharao, who would haue killed him, because hee had slaine the Ægyptian, which fought with the Hebrew, in which place stoode the citie of Midian; and there are yet the pondes, neere vnto the which Moses sate downe. And from that place forward they finde more store of water by the way, and in more places, though not so good. It is also to bee noted, that in this voiage it is needfull and an vsuall thing, that the captaine put his hand to his purse, in these places, and bestow presents, garments, and turbants vpon certaine of the chiefe of the Arabians, to the ende they may giue him and his Carouan, free passage: who also promise, that their followers likewise shall doe no damage to the Carouan, and bind themselues to accomplish the same, promising also by worde of mouth, that if the Carouan bee robbed, they will make restitution of such things as are stollen: but notwithstanding the Carouan is by them oftentimes damnified, and those which are robbed haue no other restitution at the Arabians handes then the shewing of them a paire of heeles, flying into such places as it is impossible to finde them. Nowe the Carouan continuing her accustomed iourneys, and hauing passed the abouesayd castles, and others not woorthie mention, at length commeth to a place called Iehbir, which is the beginning and confine of the state and realme of Serifo the king of Mecca: where, at their approching issueth out to meete them the gouernour of the land, with all his people to receiue the Carouan, with such shouting and triumph, as is impossible to expresse, where they staie one whole day. This place aboundeth with fresh and cleare waters, which with streames fall downe from the high mountaines. Moreouer, in this place are great store of dates, and flesh great store and good cheape, and especially laced muttons which willingly fall downe, and here the weary pilgrimes haue cummoditie to refresh themselues, saying, that this wicked fact purgeth them from a multitude of sinnes, and besides increaseth deuotion to prosecute the voiage. Touching the building in these places, it is to bee iudged by the houses halfe ruinated, that it hath bene a magnificent citie: but because it was in times past inhabited more with thieues then true men, it was therefore altogether destroyed by Soldan Gauri king of Ægypt, who going on pilgrimage vnto Mecca, and passing by this place, there was by the inhabitants hereof some iniurie done vnto his Carauan, which he vnderstandeng of, dissembled till his returne from Mecca, and then caused it to bee burned and destroyed in pitifull sort for reuenge of the iniurie done vnto the Carouan. The Carouan hauing rested and being refreshed as is abouesayd, the next day departed on the way, and the first place they arriue at woorthy mention is called Bedrihonem, in which place (as is aforesayd) grow those little shrubbes whereout Balme issueth. And before the Carouan arriueth at this place a mile from the citie is a large and great field enuironed about with most high and huge mountaines. And in this field, according to the Alcoran, their prophet Mahomet had a most fierce and cruel battell giuen by the Christians of the countrey and other people which set themselues agaynst them, and withstood his opinion, so that hee was ouercome and vanquished of the Christians, and almost halfe of his people slaine in the battell. Whereupon the Phrophet seeing himselfe in such extremitie, fell to his prayers, and they say, that God hauing compassion vpon his deare friend and prophet, heard him, and sent him infinite thousands of angels, wherewith returning to the battell, they conquered and ouercame the conquerour. And therefore in memorie of this victorie, the Carouan lodgeth euery yeere one night in this place, making great bonefires with great mirth. And they say that as yet there is heard vpon the mountaines a litle drumme, which while the Carouan passeth, neuer ceaseth sounding. And they say further, that the sayd drumme is sounded by the angels in signe of that great victory graunted of God to their prophet. Also the Mahumetan writings affirme, that after the ende of the sayd battell, the prophet commaunded certaine of his people to goe and burie all the Mahumetans which were dead in the fields, who going, knew not the one from the other, because as yet they vsed not circumcision, so they returned vnto him, answering, that they had bene to doe his commaundement, but they knew not the Musulmans from the Christians. To whom the prophet answered, saying. Turne againe, and all those which you shall finde with their faces downeward, leaue them, because all they are misbeleeuers: and the other which you shall finde with their faces turned vpward, them burie, for they are the true Musulmani, and so his commaundement was done. The next morning by Sunne rising, the Carouan arriueth at Bedrihomen, in which place euery man washeth himselfe from toppe to toe, as well men as women, and leauing off their apparell, hauing each a cloth about their priuities, called in their tongue Photah, and another white one vpon their shoulders, all which can goe to Mecca in this habite, doe so, and are thought to merite more then the other, but they which cannot doe so make a vowe to sacrifice a Ramme at the mountaine of pardons; and after they bee washed, it is not lawfull for any man or women, to kill either flea or lowse with their handes, neither yet to take them with their nailes, vntill they haue accomplished their vowed orations in the mountaine of pardons abouesayd: and therefore they cary with them certaine stickes made of purpose in maner of a File, called in their language Arca, Cassah Guch, with which they grate their shoulders. And so the Carouan marching, commeth within two miles of Mecca, where they rest that night. In the morning at the breake of day, with all pompe possible they set forward toward Mecca, and drawing neere thereunto, the Seripho issueth foorth of the citie with his guard, accompanied with an infinite number of people, shouting, and making great triumph. And being come out of the citie a boweshoote into a faire field, where a great multitude of tents are pitched, and in the middest the pauillion of the captaine, who meeting with the Serifo, after salutations on each side, they light from their horses and enter the pauillion, where the king of Mecca depriueth himselfe of all authoritie and power, and committeth the same to the aboue named captaine, giuing him full licence and authoritie to commaund, gouerne, and minister Justice during his aboad in Mecca with his company, and on the other side the captaine to requite this liberalitie vsed toward him by the Serifo giueth him a garment of cloth of gold of great value, with certaine iewels and other like things. After this, sitting downe together vpon carpets and hides they eate together, and rising from thence with certaine of the chiefest, and taking with them the gate abouesayd, they goe directly to the Mosxuita, attended on but with a fewe, and being entered, they cause the olde to be pulled downe, and put the newe couerture vpon the house of Abraham, and the olde vesture is the eunuchs which serue in the sayde Mosquita, who after sell it vnto the pilgrimes at foure or fiue serafines the pike: and happy doth that man thinke himselfe, which can get neuer so litle a piece thereof, to conserue euer after as a most holy relique: and they say, that putting the same vnder the head of a man at the houre of his death, through vertue thereof all his sinnes are forgiuen. Also they take away the old doore, setting in the place the new doore, and the old by custome they giue vnto the Serifo. After hauing made their praiers with certaine ordinarie and woonted ceremonies, the Serifo rematneth in the citie, and the captaine of the pilgrimage returneth vnto his pauillion. Of the Serifo the king of Mecca. The Serifo is descended of the prophet Mahomet by Fatma daughter of that good prophet, and Alli husband to her, and sonne in lawe to Mahumet, who had no issue male, saue this stocke of the Serifo, to the eldest sonne whereof the realme commeth by succession. This realme hath of reuenues royall, euery yeere halfe a million of golde, or litle more: and all such as are of the prophets kinred, or descended of that blood (which are almost innumerable) are called Emyri, that is to say, lordes. These all goe clothed in greene, or at the least haue their turbant greene, to bee knowen from the other. Neither is it permitted that any of those Christians which dwell or traffique in their Countrey goe clothed in greene, neither may they haue any thing of green about them: for they say it is not lawfull for misbeleeuers to weare that colour, wherein that great friend the prophet of God Mahomet was woont to be apparelled. Of the citie of Mecca. The Citie of Mecca in the Arabian tongue is called Macca, that is to say, an habitation. This citie is inuironed about with exceeding high and barren mountaines, and in the plaine betweene the sayde mountaines and the citie are many pleasant gardens, where groweth great abundaunce of figges, grapes, apples, and melons. There is also great abundance of good water and fleshe, but not of bread. This citie hath no walles about it, and containeth in circuite fiue miles. The houses are very handsome and commodious, and are built like to the houses in Italie. The palace of the Serifo is sumptuous and gorgeously adorned. The women of the place are courteous, iocund, and louely, faire, with alluring eyes, being hote and libidinous, and the most of them naughtie packes. The men of this place are giuen to that abhominable, cursed, and opprobrious vice, whereof both men and women make but small account by reason of the pond Zun Zun, wherein hauing washed themselues, their opinion is, that although like the dog they returne to their vomite, yet they are clensed from all sinne whatsoeuer, of which sin we will hereafter more largely discourse. In the midst of the city is the great Mosquita, with the house of Abraham standing in the very middest thereof, which Mosquita was built in the time when their prophet liued. It is foure square, and so great, that it containeth two miles in circuit, that is to say, halfe a mile each side. Also it is made in maner of a cloister, for that in the midst thereof separate from the rest, is the abouesayd house of Abraham, also the galleries round about are in maner of 4. streetes, and the partitions which diuide the one street from the other are pillars, whereof some are of marble, and others of lime and stone. This famous and sumptuous Mosquita hath 99. gates, and 5. steeples, from whence the Talismani call the people to the Mosquita. And the pilgrimes which are not prouided of tents, resort hither, and for more deuotion the men and women lie together aloft and beneath, one vpon another, so that their house of praier becommeth worse sometimes then a den of thieues. Of the house of Abraham. The house of Abraham is also foure square, and made of speckled stone, 20. paces high, and 40 in circuit. And vpon one side of this house within the wall, there is a stone of a span long, and halfe a span broad, which stone (as they say) before this house was builded, fell downe from heauen, at the fall whereof was heard a voyce, that wheresoeuer this stone fell, there should be built the house of God, wherein God will heare sinners. Moreouer, they say that when this stone fell from heauen, it was not blacke as now, but as white as the whitest snow, and by reason it hath bene so oft kissed by sinners, it is therewith become blacke: for all the pilgrimes are bound to kisse this stone, otherwise they cary their sinnes home with them again. The entrance into this house is very small, made in maner of a window, and as high from the ground as a man can reach, so that it is painful to enter. This house hath without 31. pillars of brasse, set vpon cubike or square stones being red and greene, the which pillars sustaine not ought els saue a threed of copper, which reacheth from one to another, whereunto are fastened many burning lampes. These pillars of brasse were caused to be made by Sultan Soliman grandfather to Sultan Amurath now Emperor. After this, hauing entred with the difficultie abouesayd, there stand at the entrance two pillars of marble, to wit, on each side one. In the midst there are three of Aloes-wood not very thicke, and couered with tiles of India 1000. colours which serue to vnderproppe the Terratza. It is so darke, that they can hardly see within for want of light, not without an euill smell. Without the gate fiue pases is the abouesayd pond Zun Zun, which is that blessed pond that the angell of the Lord shewed vnto Agar whiles she went seeking water for her sonne Ismael to drinke. Of the ceremonies of the pilgrimes. In the beginning we haue sayd how the Mahumetans haue two feasts in the yeere. The one they call Pascha di Ramazaco, that is to say, The feast of fasting, and this feast of fasting is holden thirtie dayes after the feast, wherein the Carouan trauelleth to Mecca. The other is called the feast of the Ramme, wherin all they which are of abilitie are bound to sacrifice a Ramme, and this they call Bine Bairam, that is to say, The great feast. And as the Carouan departeth from Cairo, thirtie dayes after the little feast, so likewise they come hither fiue or sixe dayes before the great feast, to the ende the pilgrimes may haue time before the feast to finish their rites and ceremonies, which are these. Departing from the Carouan, and being guided by such as are experienced in the way, they goe vnto the citie twentie or thirtie in a company as they thinke good, walking through a streete which ascendeth by litle and litle till they come vnto a certaine gate, whereupon is written on each side in marble stone, Babel Salema, which in the Arabian tongue signifieth, the gate of health. And from this place is descried the great Mosquita, which enuironeth the house of Abraham, which being descried, they reuerently salute twise, saying, Salem Alech Iara sul Alia, that is to say, Peace to thee, ambassadour of God. This salutation being ended, proceeding on the way, they finde an arche vpon their right hand, whereon they ascend fiue steps, vpon the which is a great voyd place made of stone: after, descending other fiue steps, and proceeding the space of a flight-shoot, they finde another arche like vnto the first, and this way from the one arche to the other they go and come 7. times, saying alwaies some of their prayers, which (they say) the afflicted Agar sayd, whiles she sought and found not water for her sonne Ismael to drinke. This ceremonie being ended, the pilgrimes enter into the Mosquita, and drawing neere vnto the house of Abraham, they goe round about it other seuen times, alwayes saying: This is the house of God, and of his seruant Abraham: This done they goe to kisse the black stone abouesayd. After they go vnto the pond Zun Zun, and in their apparell as they be, they wash themselues from head to foote, saying, Tobah Allah, Tobah Allah, that is to say, Pardon Lord, Pardon Lord, drinking also of that waier, which is both mudie, filthie, and of an ill sauour, and in this wise washed and watered, euery one returneth to his place of abode, and these ceremonies euery one is bound to doe once at the least. But those which haue a mind to ouergoe their fellowes, and to goe into paradise before the rest, doe the same once a day while the Carouan remaineth there. What the Carouan doeth after hauing rested at Mecca. [Sidenote: The mountaine of pardons.] The Carouan hauing abode within the citie of Mecca fiue dayes, the night before the euening of their feast, the captaine with all his company setteth forward towards the mountaine of pardons, which they call in the Arabian tongue, Iabel Arafata. This mountaine is distant from Mecca 15. miles, and in the mid way thereto is a place called Mina, that is to say, The hauen, and a litle from thence are 4. great pillars, of which hereafter we will speake. Now first touching the mountaine of Pardons, which is rather to be called a litle hill, then a mountain, for that it is low, litle, delightful and pleasant, containing in circuit two miles, and enuironed round about with the goodliest plaine that euer with mans eie could be seen, and the plaine likewise compassed with exceeding high mountains, in such sort that this is one of the goodliest situations in the world: and it seemeth verily, that nature hath therein shewed all her cunning, in making this place vnder the mountaine of pardons so broad and pleasant. Vpon the side towards Mecca there are many pipes of water cleare, faire, and fresh, and aboue all most wholesome, falling down into certaine vessels made of purpose, where the people refresh and wash themselues, and water their cattel. And when Adam and Euah were cast out of paradise by the angel of the Lord, the Mahumetans say, they came to inhabite this litle mountaine of pardons. Also they say, that they had lost one another, and were separated for the space of 40. yeeres, and in the end met at this place with great ioy and gladnesse, and builded a litle house vpon the top of this mountaine, the which at this day they call Beyt Adam, that is to say, the house of Adam. Of the three Carouans. The same day that the Carouan of Cairo commeth to this place, hither come 2. Carouans also, one of Damasco, the other of Arabia, and in like maner all the inhabitants for ten dayes iourney round about, so that at one time there is to be seene aboue 200000. persons, and more then 300000. cattell. Now all this company meeting together in this place the night before the feast, the three hostes cast themselues into a triangle, setting the mountaine in the midst of them: and all that night there is nothing to be heard nor seene, but gunshot and fireworkes of sundry sortes, with such singing, sounding, shouting, halowing, rumors, feasting, and triumphing, as is wonderfull. After this, the day of the feast being come, they are all at rest and silence, and that day they attend on no other thing, then to sacrifice oblations and prayers vnto God, and in the euening all they which haue horses mount thereon, and approch as nigh vnto the mountaine as they can, and those which haue no horses make the best shift they can on foote, giuing euer vnto the captaine of Cairo the chiefe place, the second to the captaine of Damasco, and the third to the captaine of Arabia, and being all approched as is abouesayd, there commeth a square squire, one of the Santones, mounted on a camell well furnished, who at the other side of the mountain ascendeth fiue steps into a pulpit made for that purpose, and all being silent, turning his face towards the people he maketh a short sermon of the tenour folowing. The summe of the Santones sermon. The summe of this double doctors sermon is thus much in briefe. He sheweth them how many and how great benefits God hath giuen to the Mahumetan people by the hand of his beloued friend and prophet Mahomet, hauing deliuered them from the seruitude of sinne and from idolatry, in which before time they were drowned, and how he gaue vnto them the house of Abraham wherein they should be heard, and likewise the mountaine of pardons, by meanes whereof they might obtaine grace and remission of their sinnes: adding, that the mercifull God, who is a liberall giuer of all good things, commaunded his secretarie Abraham to build him an house in Mecca, where his successours might make their prayers vnto him and bee heard, at which time all the mountains in the world came together thither with sufficiencie of stones for building hereof, except that litle and low hill, which for pouertie could not go to discharge this debt, for the which it became sorrowful, weeping beyond all measure for the space of thirtie yeeres, at the ende whereof the eternall God hauing pitie and compassion vpon this poore Mountaine, saide vnto it: Weepe no more (my daughter) for thy bitter plaints haue ascended vp into mine eares, therefore comfort thy selfe: for I will cause all those that shall goe to visite the house of my friend Abraham, that they shall not be absolued from their sinnes, vnlesse they first come to doe thee reuerence, and to keepe in this place their holiest feast. And this I haue commanded vnto my people by the mouth of my friend and prophet Mahumet. This said, he exhorteth them vnto the loue of God, and to prayer and almes. The sermon being done at the Sunne-setting they make 3. prayers, namely the first for the Serifo, the second for the Grand Signior with his hoste, and the third for all the people: to which prayers all with one voice cry saying; Amni Ia Alla, Amni Ia Alla, that is to say, Be it so lord, be it so Lord. Thus hauing had the Santones blessing and saluted the Mountaine of pardons, they returne the way they came vnto Mina, whereof wee haue made mention. In returning at the end of the plaine are the abouesaid 4. pillers, to wit, two on ech side of the way, through the midst whereof they say it is needfull that euery one passe, saying, that who so passeth without looseth all that merit which in his pilgrimage he had gotten. Also from the mountaine of pardons vntill they be passed the said pillers none dare looke backward, for feare least the sinnes which he hath left in the mountains returne to him againe. Being past these pillers eueryone lighteth downe, seeking in this sandy field 50. or 60. litle stones, which being gathered and bound in an hankerchiffe they carry to the abouesaid place of Mina, where they stay 5. dayes, because at that time there is a faire free and franke of al custome. And in this place are other 3. pillers, not together, but set in diuers places, where (as their prophet saith) were the three apparitions which the diuel made vnto Abraham, and to Ismael his sonne; for amongst them they make no mention of Isaac, as if he had neuer bene borne. So they say, that the blessed God hauing commanded Abraham his faithfull seruant to sacrifice his first begotten Ismael, the old Abraham went to do according to God's wil, and met with the infernall enemie in the shape of a man, and being of him demanded whither he went, he answered, that he went to sacrifice his sonne Ismael, as God had commanded him. Against whom the diuel exclaiming said: Oh doting old man, sith God in thine old age hath marueilously giuen thee this son (in whom all nations shalbe blessed) wherefore giuing credite vnto vaine dreames, wilt thou kill him whom so much thou hast desired, and so intirely loued. But Abraham shaking him off proceeded on his way, whereupon the diuel seeing his words could not preuaile with the father attempted the sonne, saying; Ismael, haue regard vnto thyselfe betimes in this thing which is so dangerous. Wherefore? answered the childe. Because (saith the diuel) thy doting father seeketh to take away thy life. For what occasion, said Ismael? Because (saith the enemie) he saith, that God hath commanded him. Which Ismael hearing hee tooke vp stones and threw at him, saying, Auzu billahi minal scia itanil ragini, which is to say, I defend me with God from the diuel the offender, as who would say, wee ought to obey the commandement of God and resist the diuel with al our force. But to returne to our purpose, the pilgrimes during their abode there goe to visite these three pillers, throwing away the little stones which before they gathered, whiles they repeat the same words which they say, that Ismael said to the diuell, when he withstoode him. From hence halfe a mile is a mountaine, whither Abraham went to sacrifice his sonne, as is abouesaid. In this mountaine is a great den whither the pilgrims resort to make their prayers, and there is a great stone naturally separated in the midst; and they say, that Ismael, while his father Abraham was busie about the sacrifice, tooke the knife in hand to prooue how it would cut, and making triall diuided the stone in two parts. The fiue dayes being expired, the captaine ariseth with all the Carouan, and returneth againe to Mecca, where they remaine other fiue dayes. And while these rest, we will treat of the city and port of Grida vpon the Red Sea. Of Grida. [Grida a port neere Mecca.] Therefore wee say that from Mecca to Grida they make two small dayes iourney: and because in those places it is ill traueiling in the day-time by reason of the great heat of the Sunne, therefore they depart in the euening from Mecca, and in the morning before Sunne-rising they are arriued halfe way, where there certaine habitations well furnished, and good Innes to lodge in, but especially women ynough which voluntarily bestowe their almes vpon the poore pilgrims: likewise departing the next euening, the morning after, they come vnto Grida. This citie is founded vpon the Red Sea banke, enuironed with wals and towers to the land-ward, but through continuance of time almost consumed and wasted: on the side to seaward it stands vnwalled. Grida hath three gates, one on eche side, and the thirde in the midst towarde the lande, which is called the port of Mecca, neere vnto which are 6. or 7. Turks vpon the old towers for guard thereof with foure faulcons vpon one of the corners of the city to the land-ward. Also to sea-ward where the wall ioyneth with the water, there is lately made a fort like vnto a bulwarke, where they haue planted 25 pieces of the best ordinance that might be had, which are very well kept and guarded. More outward towards the sea vpon the farthest olde tower are other fiue good pieces with 30 men to guard them. [Sidenote: The Portugals greatly feared in the Red Sea.] On the other side of the city at the end of the wall there is lately builded a bulwarke strong and well guarded by a Saniaccho with 150 Turks wel prouided with ordinance and all other necessaries and munition, and all these fortifyings are for none other cause then for feare and suspition of the Portugals. And if the port were good this were in vaine: but the port cannot be worse nor more dangerous; being all full of rocks and sands, in such wise, that the ships cannot come neere, but perforce ride at the least two miles off. [Sidenote: Forty or fifty rich ships arriue yeerely at Grida.] At this port arriue euery yeere forty or fifty great shippes laden with spices and other rich marchandize which yeeld in custome 150000 ducats, the halfe whereof goeth vnto the Grand Signior, and the other halfe to the Serifo. And because there is none other thing worthy mention in Grida we wil returne to our Carouan which hath almost rested enough. Of their going to Medina. The Carouan departeth for Medina returning the same way they came vnto Bedrihonem abouesayd, where they leaue their ordinance and other cariages, whereof they haue no need, with the pilgrims which haue seene Medina aforetime, and desire not to see it againe, but stay in that place, expecting the carouan, and resting vntill the carouan go from Bedrihonem to Medina, where they alwayes finde goodly habitations, with abundance of sweet waters, and dates enough, and being within foureteene miles of Medina they come vnto a great plaine called by them Iabel el salema, that is to say, the mountaine of health, from which they begin to descry the citie and tombe of Mahomet, at which sight they light from their horses in token of reuerence. And being ascended vp the sayd mountaine with shouting which pierceth the skies they say, Sala tuua salema Alaccha Iarah sul Allah. Sala tuua Salema Alaccha Ianabi Allah, Sala tuua Salema Allaccha Iahabit Allah: which words in the Arabian tongue signifie: Prayer and health be vnto thee, oh prophet of God: prayer and health be vpon thee, oh beloued of God. And hauing pronounced this salutacion, they proceed on their iourney, so that they lodge that night within three miles of Medina: and the next morning the captaine of the pilgrimage ariseth, and proceeding towards the city, and drawing neere, there commeth the gouernour vnder the Serifo, accompanied with his people to receiue the Carouan, hauing pitched their tents in the midst of a goodly field where they lodge. Of Medina. Medina is a little city of great antiquity, containing in circuit not aboue two miles, hauing therein but one castle, which is olde and weake, guarded by an Aga with fifty pieces of artillery, but not very good. The houses thereof are faire and well situated, built of lime and stone, and in the midst of the city stands a fouresquare Mosquita, not so great as that of Mecca, but more goodly, rich, and sumptuous in building. Within the same in a corner thereof is a tombe built vpon foure pillers with a vault, as if it were vnder a pauement, which bindeth all the foure pillers together. The tombe is so high, that it farre exceedeth in heighth the Mosquita, being couered with lead, and the top all inamelled with golde, with an halfe moone vpon the top: and within the pauement it is all very artificially wrought with golde. Below there are round about very great staires of yron ascending vp vntill the midst of the pillers, and in the very midst thereof is buried the body of Mahomet, and not in a chest of yron cleauing to the adamant, as many affirme that know not the trueth thereof. Moreouer, ouer the body they haue built a tombe of speckled stone a brace and a halfe high, [Marginal note: Or, a fathom.] and ouer the same another of Legmame fouresquare in maner of a pyramis. After this, round about the sepulture there hangeth a curtaine of silke, which letteth the sight of those without that they cannot see the sepulture. Beyond this in the same Mosquita are other two sepulchres couered with greene cloth, and in the one of them is buried Fatma the daughter of Mahomet, and Alli is buried in the other, who was the husband of the sayd Fatma. The attendants vpon these sepulchres are fifty eunuches white and tawny, neither is it granted to any of them to enter within the tombe, sauing to three white eunuches the oldest and best of credit; vnto whom it is lawfull to enter but twise in the day, to light the lamps, and to doe other seruices. All the other eunuchs attend without to the seruice of the Mosquita, and the other two sepulchres of Fatma, and Alli, where euery one may go and touch at his pleasure, and take of the earth for deuotion, as many do. Of things without the City. Without the city and on euery side are most faire gardens, with many fountaines of most sweet water, infinite pondes, abundance of fruit, with much honest liuing, so that this place is very pleasant and delightfull. This city hath three gates, one of which is an hospitall caused to be built by Cassachi, called the Rosel who was wife to Sultan Solimam grandfather to this emperour. The sayd Hospitall hath nought els woorthy mention, saue that it is fairely built, and hath large reuenues belonging thereunto, and nourisheth many poore people. A mile from the city are certaine houses whereof they affirme one to be the same, where Mahumet in his lifetime dwelt. This house hath on euery side very many faire date trees, amongst which there are two which grow out of one stocke exceeding high, and these, they say, their Prophet graffed with his owne hand: the fruit thereof is alwayes sent to Constantinople, to be presented vnto the Grand Signior, and is sayd to be that blessed fruit of the Prophet. Nere vnto the date trees is a faire fountaine of cleere and sweet water, the which by a conduct pipe is brought into the city of Medina. Also there is a little Mosquita, wherein three places are counted holy, and greatly reuerenced: the first they affirme, that their Prophet made his first prayer in, after he knew God: the second is that whither he went when he would see the holy house of Abraham, where when he sate down to that intent, they say the mountaines opened from toppe to bottome to shew him the house, and after closed againe as before: the third holy place is in the midst of the sayd Mosquita, where is a tombe made of lime and stone fouresquare, and full of sand, wherein, they say, was buried that blessed camel which Mahumet was alwayes woont to ride vpon. On the other side of the city are other tombes of holy Mahumetans, and euery one or them hath a tombe built vpon foure pillers, amongst which three were the companions of Mahumet, to wit, Abubacar; Ottoman, and Omar; all which are visited of the pilgrims as holy places. The offering of the vestures vnto the sepulchres. The Carouan being come to Medina two houres before day, and resting there till the euening, the captaine then with his company and other pilgrims setteth forward, with the greatest pompe possible: and taking with him the vesture which is made in maner of a pyramis, with many other of golde and silke, departeth, going thorow the midst of the city, vntill he come to the Mosquita, where hauing praied, he presenteth vnto the tombe of his prophet (where the eunuchs receiuing hands are ready) the vesture for the sayd tombe: and certaine eunuchs entring in take away the old vesture, and lay on the new, burning the olde one, and diuiding the golde thereof into equall portions. After this are presented other vestures for the ornament of the Mosquita. Also the people without deliuer vnto the eunuchs ech man somewhat to touch the tombe therewith, which they keepe as a relique with great deuotion. This ceremony being ended, the captaine resteth in Medina two dayes, to the end the pilgrims may finish their deuotion and ceremonies: and after they depart to Iambor. A good dayes iourney thence is a steepe mountaine, ouer which is no passage, sauing by one narrow path called Demir Capi, which was in times past called the yron gate. Of this gate the Mahumetans say, that Ally the companion and sonne in law of Mahumet, being here pursued by many Christians, and comming vnto this mountaine, not seeing any way whereby to flee, drew out his sword, and striking the said mountaine, diuided it in sunder, and passing thorow saued his life on the other side. Moreouer, this Alli among the Persians is had in greater reuerence than Mahumet, who affirme, that the sayd Alli hath done greater things and more miraculous than Mahumet, and therefore they esteeme him for God almighty his fellow. But to returne to our matter, the captaine with the carouan within two dayes after returneth for Cairo, and comming to Ezlem, findeth there a captaine with threescore horses come thither to bring refreshments to the said captaine of the pilgrimage, as also to sell vnto the pilgrims some victuals. From thence they set forward, and comming to Birca within two leagues of Cairo, there is the master of the house of the Bassha of Cairo with all his horsemen come thither to receiue him with a sumptuous and costly banket made at the cost of the Basha for the captaine and his retinue, who after he is well refreshed departeth toward the castle of Cairo to salute the Basha, who receiuing him with great ioy and gladnesse in token of good wil presenteth him with a garment of cloth of golde very rich: and the captaine taking the Alcaron out of the chest presenteth it to the Basha, who hauing kissed it, commandeth to lay it vp againe. Some there are which affirme, that being arriued at Cairo, they kill that goodly camell which caried the Alcaron, and eate him; which is nothing so: for they are so superstitious to the contrary, that to gaine all the world they would not kill him. But if by casuality he should die, in this case happy and blessed they thinke themselues, which can get a morsell to eat. And thus much concerning the voyage of the captaine of the carouan of Cairo. * * * * * The voyage and trauell of M. Cæsar Fredericke, Marchant of Venice, into the East India, and beyond the Indies. Wherein are conteined the customes and rites of those countries, the merchandises and commodities, as well of golde and siluer, as spices, drugges, pearles, and other iewels: translated out of Italian by M. Thomas Hickocke. Cæsare Fredericke to the Reader. [Sidenote: Cæsare Fredericke trauelled eighteene yeeres in the East Indies.] I hauing (gentle Reader) for the space of eighteene yeeres continually coasted and trauelled, as it were, all the East Indies, and many other countreys beyond the Indies, wherein I haue had both good and ill successe in my trauels: and hauing seene and vnderstood many things woorthy the noting, and to be knowen to all the world, the which were neuer as yet written of any: I thought it good (seeing the Almighty had giuen me grace, after so long perils in passing such a long voyage to returne into mine owne countrey, the noble city of Venice) I say, I thought it good, as briefly as I could, to write and set forth this voyage made by me, with the maruellous things I haue seene in my trauels in the Indies: The mighty Princes that gouerne those countreys, their religion and faith that they haue, the rites and customes which they vse, and liue by, of the diuers successe that happened vnto me, and how many of these countreys are abounding with spices, drugs, and iewels, giuing also profitable aduertisement to all those that haue a desire to make such a voyage. And because that the whole world may more commodiously reioyce at this my trauell, I haue caused it to be printed in this order: and now I present it vnto you (gentle and louing Readers) to whom for the varieties of things heerein contented, I hope that it shall be with great delight receiued. And thus God of his goodnesse keepe you. A voyage to the East Indies, and beyond the Indies, &c. [Sidenote: The authours going from Venice to Cyprus and Tripoly.] In the yere of our Lord God 1653, I Cæsar Fredericke being in Venice, and very desirous to see the East parts of the world, shipped my selfe in a shippe called the Gradaige of Venice, with certaine marchandise, gouerned by M. Iacomo Vatica, which was bound to Cyprus with his ship, with whom I went: and when we were arriued in Cyprus, I left that ship, and went in a lesser to Tripoly in Soria, where I stayed a while. Afterward, I tooke my iourney to Alepo, and there I acquainted my selfe with marchants of Armenia, and Moores, that were marchants, and consorted to go with them to Ormus, and wee departed from Alepo, and in two dayes iourney and a halfe, we came to a city called Bir. Of the city called Bir. Bir is a small city very scarse of all maner of victuals, and nere vnto the walles of the city runneth the riuer of Euphrates. [Sidenote: The river Euphrates.] In this city the marchants diuide themselues into companies, according to their merchandise that they haue, and there either they buy or make a boat to carry them and their goods to Babylon downe the riuer Euphrates, with charge of a master and mariners to conduct the boat in the voyage: these boats are in a maner flat bottomed, yet they be very strong: and for all that they are so strong, they will serue but for one voyage. They are made according to the sholdnesse of the riuer, because that the riuer is in many places full of great stones, which greatly hinder and trouble those that goe downe the riuer. These boats serue but for one voyage downe the riuer vnto a village called Feluchia, because it is impossible to bring them vp the riuer backe againe. [Sidenote: Feluchia a small city on Euphrates.] At Feluchia the marchants plucke their boats in pieces, or else sell them for a small price, for that at Bir they cost the marchants forty or fifty chickens a piece, and they sell them at Feluchia for seuen or eight chickens a piece, because that when the marchants returne from Babylon backe againe, if they haue marchandise or goods that oweth custome, then they make their returne in forty dayes thorow the wildernesse, passing that way with a great deale lesser charges then the other way. [Sidenote: Mosul.] And if they haue not marchandise that oweth custome, then they goe by the way of Mosul, where it costeth them great charges both the Carouan and company. From Bir where the marchants imbarke themselues to Feluchia ouer agains Babylon, if the riuer haue good store of water, they shall make their voyage in fifteene or eighteene dayes downe the riuer, and if the water be lowe, and it hath not rained, then it is much trouble, and it will be forty or fifty dayes journey downe, because that when the barks strike on the stones that be in the riuer, then they must vnlade them, which is great trouble, and then lade them againe when they haue mended them: therefore it is not necessary, neither doe the marchants go with one boat alone, but with two or three, that if one boat split and be lost with striking on the sholdes, they may haue another ready to take in their goods, vntil such time as they haue mended the broken boat, and if they draw the broken boat on land to mend her, it is hard to defend her in the night from the great multitude of Arabians that will come downe there to robbe you: [Sidenote: The Arabian theeues are in number like to Ants.] and in the riuers euery night, when you make fast your boat to the banckeside, you must keepe good watch against the Arabians which are theeues in number like to ants, yet when they come to robbe, they will not kill, but steale and run away. Harquebuzes are very good weapons against them, for that they stand greatly in feare of the shot. And as you passe the riuer Euphrates from Bir to Feluchia, there are certein places which you must passe by, where you pay custome certaine medines vpon a bale, which custome is belonging to the sonne of Aborise king of the Arabians and of the desert, who hath certaine cities and villages on the riuer Euphrates. Feluchia and Babylon. [Sidenote: The olde Babylon hath great trade with marchants still.] Feluchia is a village where they that come from Bir doe vnbarke themselues and vnlade their goods, and it is distant from Babylon a dayes iourney and an halfe by land: Babylon is no great city but it is very populous, and of great trade of strangers because it is a great thorowfare for Persia, Turkia, and Arabia: and very often times there goe out from thence Carouans into diuers countreys: and the city is very copious of victuals, which comme out of Armenia downe the riuer of Tygris, on certaine Zattares or Raffes made of blowen hides or skinnes called Vtrij. This riuer Tygris doeth wash the walles of the city. These Raffes are bound fast together, and then they lay boards on the aforesayd blowen skinnes, and on the boards they lade the commodities, and so come they to Babylon, where they vnlade them, and being vnladen, they let out the winde out of the skinnes, and lade them on cammels to make another voyage. This city of Babylon is situate in the kingdome of Persia, but now gouerned by the Turks. On the other side of the riuer towards Arabia, ouer against the city, there is a faire place or towne, and in it a faire Bazarro for marchants, with very many lodgings, where the greatest part of the marchants strangers which come to Babylon do lie with their marchandize. [Sidenote: A bridge made of boats.] The passing ouer Tygris from Babylon to this Borough is by a long bridge made of boates chained together with great chaines: prouided, that when the riuer waxeth great with the abundance of raine that falleth, then they open the bridge in the middle, where the one halfe of the bridge falleth to the walles of Babylon, and the other to the brinks of this Borough, on the other side of the riuer: and as long as the bridge is open, they passe the riuer in small boats with great danger, because of the smalnesse of the boats, and the ouerlading of them, that with the fiercenesse of the streame they be ouerthrowen, or els the streame doth cary them away, so that by this meanes, many people are lost and drowned: this thing by proofe I haue many times seene. Of the tower of Babylon. The Tower of Nimrod or Babel is situate on that side of Tygris that Arabia is, and in a very great plaine distant from Babylon seuen or eight miles: which tower is ruinated on euery side, and with the falling of it there is made a great mountaine, so that it hath no forme at all, yet there is a great part of it standing which is compassed and almost couered with the aforesayd fallings: this Tower was builded and made of foure square Brickes, which Brickes were made of earth, and dried in the Sunne in maner and forme following: first they layed a lay of Brickes, [Footnote: These bricks be in thicknes six or seuen inches, and a foot and a halfe square.] then a Mat made of Canes, square as the Brickes, and in stead of lime, they daubed it with earth: these Mats of Canes are at this time so strong, that it is a thing woonderfull to beholde, being of such great antiquity: I haue gone round about it, and haue not found any place where there hath bene any doore or entrance: it may be in my iudgement in circuit about a mile, and rather lesse then more. This Tower in effect is contrary to all other things which are seene afar off, for they seeme small, and the more nere a man commeth to them the bigger they be: but this tower afar off seemeth a very great thing, and the nerer you come to it the lesser. My iudgment and reason of this is, that because the Tower is set in a very great plaine, and hath nothing more about to make any shew sauing the ruines of it which it hath made round about, and for this respect descrying it a farre off, that piece of the Tower which yet standeth with the mountaine that is made of the substance that hath fallen from it, maketh a greater shew then you shall finde comming neere to it. Babylon and Basora. From Babylon I departed for Basora, shipping my selfe in one of the barks that vse to go in the riuer Tigris from Babylon to Basora, and from Basora to Babylon: which barks are made after the maner of Fusts or Galliots with a Speron and a couered poope: they haue no pumpe in them because of the great abundance of pitch which they haue to pitch them with all: which pitch they haue in abundance two dayes iourney from Babylon. Nere vnto the riuer Euphrates, there is a city called Heit, nere vnto which city there is a great plaine full of pitch, very maruellous to beholde, a thing almost incredible, that out of a hole [Footnote: This hole where out commeth this pitch is most true, and the water and pitch runneth into the valley or Iland where the pitch resteth, and the water runneth into the riuer Euphrates, and it maketh all the riuer to be as it were brackish with the smell of pitch and brimstone.] in the earth, which continually throweth out pitch into the aire with continuall smoake, this pitch is throwen with such force, that being hot it falleth like as it were sprinckled ouer all the plaine, in such abundance that the plaine is alwayes full of pitch: the Mores and Arabians of that place say, that that hole is the mouth of hell: and in trueth, it is a thing very notable to be marked: and by this pitch the whole people haue great benefit to pitch their barks, which barks they call Daneck and Saffin. When the riuer of Tygris is well replenished with water, you may passe from Babylon to Basora in eight or nine dayes, and sometimes more and sometimes lesse: we were halfe so much more which is 14 or 15 daies, because the waters were low: they may saile day and night, and there are some places in this way where you pay so many medins on a baile: if the waters be lowe, it is 18 dayes iourney. Basora. [Sidenote: Zizarij an ancient people.] Basora is a city of the Arabians, which of olde time was gouerned by those Arabians called Zizarij, but now it is gouerned by the great Turke where he keepeth an army to his great charges. The Arabians called Zizarij haue the possession of a great countrey, and cannot be ouercome by the Turke, because that the sea hath deuided their countrey into an Iland by channels with the ebbing and flowing of the sea, and for that cause the Turke cannot bring an army against them, neither by sea nor by land, and another reason is, the inhabitants of that Iland are very strong and warlike men. [Sidenote: At the castle of Corna the riuer Euphrates and Tygris do meet.] A dayes iourney before you come to Basora, you shall haue a little castle or fort, which is set on that point of the land where the riuers of Euphrates and Tygris meet together, and the castle is called Corna: at this point, the two riuers make a monstrous great riuer, that runneth into the sea, which is called the gulfe of Persia, which is towards the South: Basora is distant from the sea fifteene miles, and it is a city of great trade of spices and drugges which come from Ormus. Also there is a great store of corne, Rice, and Dates, which the countrey doth yeeld. [Sidenote: Ormus is the barrenest Iland in all the world.] I shipped my selfe in Basora to go for Ormus, and so we sailed, thorow the Persian sea six hundred miles, which is the distance from Basora to Ormus, and we sailed in small ships made of boards, bound together with small cords or ropes, and in stead of calking they lay betweene euery board certaine straw which they haue, and so they sowe board and board together, with the straw betweene, wherethorow there commeth much water, and they are very dangerous. [Sidenote: Carichij an Iland in the gulfe of Persia.] Departing from Basora we passed 200 miles with the sea on our right hand, along the gulfe, vntil at length we arriued at an Iland called Carichij, fro whence we sailed to Ormus in sight of the Persian shore on the left side, and on the right side towards Arabia we discouered infinite Ilands. Ormus. Ormus [Footnote: Ormus is alwayes replenished with abundance of victuall, and yet there is none that groweth in the Iland.] is an Iland in circuit fiue and twenty or thirty miles, and it is the barrenest and most drie Iland in all the world, because that in it there is nothing to be had, but salt water, and wood, all other things necessary for mans life are brought out of Persia twelue miles off, and out of other Ilands neere thereunto adioyning, in such abundance and quantity, that the city is alwayes replenished with all maner of store: there is standing neere vnto the waters side a very faire castell, in the which the captaine of the king of Portugall is alwayes resident with a good band of Portugalles, and before this castell is a very faire prospect: in the city dwell the maried men, souldiers and marchants of euery nation, amongst whom there are Moores and Gentiles. [Sidenote: Great trade of merchandise in Ormus.] In this city there is very great trade for all sorts of spices, drugges, silke, cloth of silke, brocardo, and diuers other sorts of marchandise come out of Persia: and amongst all other trades of marchandise, the trade of Horses is very great there, which they carry from thence into the Indies. This Iland hath a Moore king of the race of the Persians, who is created and made king by the Captaine of the castle, in the name of the king of Portugall. At the creation of this king I was there, and saw the ceremonies that they vse in it, which are as followeth. The olde King being dead, the Captaine of the Portugals chuseth another of the blood royall, and maketh this election in the castle with great ceremonies, and when hee is elected, the Captaine sweareth him to be true and faithfull to the King of Portugall, as his Lord and Gouernour, and then he giueth him the Scepter regall. After this with great feasting and pompe, and with great company, he is brought into the royall palace in the city. This King keepeth a good traine, and hath sufficient reuenues to maintaine himselfe without troubling of any, because the Captaine of the castle doth mainteine and defend his right, and when that the Captaine and he ride together, he is honoured as a king, yet be cannot ride abroad with his traine, without the consent of the Captaine first had: it behooueth them to doe this, and it is necessary, because of the great trade that is in the city: their proper language is the Persian tongue. There I shipped my selfe to goe for Goa, a city in the Indies, in a shippe that had fourescore horses in her. [Sidenote: A priuilege for Marchants.] This is to aduertise those Marchants that go from Ormus to Goa to shippe themselues in those shippes that carry horses, because euery shippe that carrieth twenty horses and vpwards is priuileged, that all the marchandise whatsoeuer they carry shall pay no custome, whereas the shippes that carry no horses are bound to pay eight per cento of all goods they bring. Goa, Diu, and Cambaia. Goa is the principall city that the Portugals haue in the Indies, where is resident the Viceroy with his Court and ministers of the King of Portugall. From Ormus to Goa is nine hundred foure score and ten miles distance, in which passage the first city that you come to in the Indies, is called Diu, [Footnote: Off South extremity of Kathiawar Peninsula, Bombay Presidency.] and is situate in a little Iland in the kingdome of Cambaia, which is the greatest strength that the Portugals haue in all the Indies, yet a small city, but of great trade, because there they lade very many great ships for the straights of Mecca and Ormus with merchandise, and these shippes belong to the Moores and Christians, but the Moores can not trade neither saile into those seas without the licence of the Viceroy of the King of Portugall, otherwise they are taken and made good prises. The marchandise that they lade these ships withall commeth from Cambaietta a port in the kingdome of Cambaia, which they bring from thence in small barks, because there can no great shippes come thither, by reason of the sholdnesse of the water thereabouts, and these sholds are an hundred or fourescore miles about in a straight or gulfe, which they call Macareo, which is as much as to say, as a race of a tide, because the waters there run out of that place without measure, so that there is no place like to it, vnlesse it be in the kingdome of Pegu, where there is another Macareo, where the waters run out with more force than these doe. The principall city in Cambaia is called Amadauar, it is a dayes iourney and an halfe from Cambaietta, it is a very great city and very populous, and for a city of the Gentiles it is very well made and builded with faire houses and large streets, with a faire place in it with many shippes, and in shew like to Cairo, but not so great: also Cambaietta is situate on the seas side, and is a very faire city. The time that I was there, the city was in great calamity and scarsenesse, so that I haue seene the men of the countrey that were Gentiles take their children, their sonnes and their daughters, and haue desired the Portugals to buy them, and I haue seene them sold for eight or ten larines a piece, which may be of our money x.s. or xiii.s. iiii.d. For all this if I had not seene it, I could not haue beleeued that there should be such a trade at Cambaietta as there is: for in the time of euery new Moone and euery full Moone, the small barks (innumerable) come in and out, for at those times of the Moone the tides and waters are higher then at other times they be. These barkes be laden with all sorts of spices, with silke of China, with Sandols, with Elephants teeth, Veluets of Vercini, great quantity of Pannina, which commeth from Mecca, Chickinos which be pieces of golde woorth seuen shillings a piece sterling, with money, and with diuers sorts of other marchandize. Also these barks lade out, as it were, an infinite quantity of cloth made of Bumbast of all sorts, as white stamped and painted, with great quantity of Indico, dried ginger and conserued, Myrabolans drie and condite, Boraso in paste, great store of sugar, great quantity of Cotton, abundance of Opium, Assa Fetida, Puchio, with many other sorts of drugges, turbants made in Diu, great stones like to Corneolaes, Granats, Agats, Diaspry, Calcidonij, Hematists, and some kinde of naturall diamonds. There is in the city of Cambaietta an order, but no man is bound to keepe it, but they that will; but all the Portugall marchants keepe it, the which is this. There are in this city certain Brokers which are Gentiles and of great authority, and haue euery one of them fifteene or twenty seruants, and the Marchants that vse that countrey haue their Brokers, with which they be serued: and they that haue not bene there are informed by their friends of the order, and of what Broker they shall be serued. [Sidenote: Marchants that trauell to the Indies must cary their prouision of houshold with them.] Now euery fifteene dayes (as abouesayd) that the fleet of small shippes entreth into the port, the Brokers come to the water side, and these Marchants assoone as they are come on land, do giue the cargason of all their goods to that Broker that they will haue to do their businesse for them, with the marks of all the fardles and packs they haue; and the marchant hauing taken on land all his furniture for his house, because it is needful that the Marchants that trade to the Indies carry prouision of housholde with them, because that in euery place where they come they must haue a new house, the Broker that hath receiued his cargason, commandeth his seruants to carry the Marchants furniture for his house home, and load it on some cart, and carry it into the city, where the Brokers haue diuers empty houses meet for the lodging of Marchants, furnished onely with bedsteads, tables, chaires, and empty iarres for water: then the Broker sayth to the Marchant, Goe and repose your selfe, and take your rest in the city. The Broker tarrieth at the water side with the cargason, and causeth all his goods to be discharged out of the ship, and payeth the custome, and causeth it to be brought into the house where the marchant lieth, the Marchant not knowing any thing thereof, neither custome, nor charges. These goods being brought to this passe into the house of the Marchant, the Broker demandeth of the Marchant if he haue any desire to sell his goods or marchandise, at the prises that such wares are worth at that present time? And if he hath a desire to sell his goods presently, then at that instant the Broker selleth them away. After this the Broker sayth to the Marchant, you haue so much of euery sort of marchandise neat and cleare of euery charge, and so much ready money. And if the Marchant will employ his money in other commodities, then the Broker telleth him that such and such commodities will cost so much, put aboord without any maner of charges. The Marchant vnderstanding the effect, maketh his account; and if he thinke to buy or sell at the prices currant, he giueth order to make his marchandise away: and if he hath commodity for 20000 dukets, all shalbe bartred or solde away in fifteene dayes without any care or trouble: and when as the Marchant thinketh that he cannot sell his goods at the prise currant, he may tary as long as he will, but they cannot be solde by any man but by that Broker that hath taken them on land and payed the custome: and purchance tarying sometimes for sale of their commodity, they make good profit, and sometimes losse: but those marchandise that come not ordinarily euery fifteene dayes, in tarying for the sale of them, there is great profit. [Sidenote: Great store of men of warre and rouers on the coast of Cambaia.] The barks that lade in Cambaietta go for Diu to lade the ships that go from thence for the streights of Mecca and Ormus, and some go to Chaul and Goa: and these ships be very well appointed, or els are guarded by the Armada of the Portugals, for that there are many Corsaires or Pyrats which goe coursing alongst that coast, robbing and spoiling: and for feare of these theeues there is no safe sailing in those seas, but with ships very well appointed and armed, or els with the fleet of the Portugals, as is aforesayd. In fine the kingdome of Cambaia is a place of great trade, and hath much doings and traffique with all men, although hitherto it hath bene in the hands of tyrants, because that at 75 yeeres of age the true king being at the assault of Diu, was there slaine: whose name Sultan Badu. At that time foure or fiue captaines of the army diuided the kingdome amongst themselues, and euery one of them shewed in his countrey what tyranny he could: but twelue yeeres ago the great Mogul a Moore king of Agra and Delly, forty dayes iourny within the land of Amadauar, became the gouernour of all the kingdome of Cambaia without any resistance, because he being of great power and force, deuising which way to enter the land with his people, there was not any man that would make him any resistance, although they were tyrants and a beastly people, they were soone brought vnder obedience. [Sidenote: A maruellous fond delight in women.] During the time I dwelt in Cambaietta I saw very maruellous things: there were an infinite number of artificers that made bracelets called Mannij, or bracelets of elephants teeth, of diuers colours, for the women of the Gentiles, which haue their armes full decked with them. And in this occupation there are spent euery yeere many thousands of crownes: the reason whereof is this, that when there dieth any whatsoeuer of their kindred, then in signe and token of mourning and sorrow, they breake all their bracelets from their armes, and presently they go and buy new againe, because that they had rather be without their meat then without their bracelets. Daman. Basan. Tana. Hauing passed Diu, I came to the second city that the Portugals haue, called Daman, situated in the territory of Cambaia, distant from Diu an hundred and twenty miles: it is no towne of merchandise, saue Rice and corne, and hath many villages vnder it, where in time of peace the Portugals take their pleasure, but in time of warre the enemies haue the spoile of them; in such wise that the Portugals haue little benefit by them. Next vnto Daman you shall haue Basan, which is a filthy place in respect of Daman: in this place is Rice, Corne, and Timber to make shippes and gallies. And a small distance beyond Bassan is a little Iland called Tana, a place very populous with Portugals, Moores, and Gentiles: these haue nothing but Rice, there are many makers of Armesie, and weauers of girdles of wooll and bumbast blacke and redde like to Moocharies. Of the cities of Chaul, and of the Palmer tree. Beyond this Iland you shall finde Chaul in the firme land; and they are two cities, one of the Portugals, and the other of the Moores: that city which the Portugals haue is situate lower then the other, and gouerneth the mouth of the harbour, and is very strongly walled: and as it were a mile and an halfe distant from this is the city of Moores, gouerned by their king Zamalluco. In the time of warres there cannot any great ships come to the city of the Moores, because the Portugals with their ordinance will sincke them, for that they must perforce passe by the castles of the Portugals: both the cities are ports of the sea, and are great cities, and haue vnto them great traffique and trade of merchandise, of all sorts of spices, drugges, silke, cloth of silke, Sandols, Marsine, Versin, Porcelane of China, Veluets and Scarlets that come from Portugall and from Meca: with many other sortes of merchandise. There come euery yeere from Cochin, and from Cananor tenne or fifteene great shippes laden with great Nuts cured, and with sugar made of the selfe same Nuts called Giagra: the tree whereon these Nuts doe grow is called the Palmer tree: and thorowout all the Indies, and especially from this place to Goa there is great abundance of them, and it is like to the Date tree. In the whole world there is not a tree more profitable and of more goodnesse then this tree is, neither doe men reape so much benefit of any other tree as they doe of this, there is not any part of it but serueth for some vse, and none of it is woorthy to be burnt. With the timber of this tree they make shippes without the mixture of any other tree, and with the leaues thereof they make sailes, and with the fruit thereof, which be a kinde of Nuts, they make wine, and of the wine they make Sugar and Placetto, which wine they gather in the spring of the yeere: out of the middle of the tree where continually there goeth or runneth out white liquour like vnto water, in that time of the yeere they put a vessel vnder euery tree, and euery euening and morning they take it away full, and then distilling it with fire it maketh a very strong liquour: and then they put it into buts, with a quantity of Zibibbo, white or blacke and in short time it is made a perfect wine. After this they make of the Nuts great store of oile: of the tree they make great quantity of boordes and quarters for buildings. Of the barke of this tree they make cables, ropes, and other furniture for shippes, and, as they say, these ropes be better then they that are made of Hempe. They make of the bowes, bedsteds, after the Indies fashion, and Scauasches for merchandise. The leaues they cut very small, and weaue them, and so make sailes of them, for all maner of shipping, or els very fine mats. And then the first rinde of the Nut they stampe, and make thereof perfect Ockam to calke shippes, great and small: and of the hard barke thereof they make spoones and other vessels for meat, in such wise that there is no part thereof throwen away or cast to the fire. When these Mats be greene they are full of an excellent sweet water to drinke: and if a man be thirsty, with the liquour of one of the Mats he may satisfie himselfe: and as this Nut ripeneth, the liquour thereof turneth all to kernell. There goeth out of Chaul for Mallaca, for the Indies, for Macao, for Portugall, for the coasts of Melinde, for Ormus, as it were an infinite number and quantity of goods and merchandise that come out of the kingdome of Cambaia, as cloth of bumbast white, painted, printed, great quantity of Indico, Opium, Cotton, Silke of euery sort, great store of Boraso in Paste, great store of Fetida, great store of yron, corne, and other merchandise. [Sidenote: Great ordinance made in pieces, and yet seruiceable.] The Moore king Zamalluco is of great power, as one that at need may command, and hath in his camp, two hundred thousand men of warre, and hath great store of artillery, some of them made in pieces, which for their greatnesse can not bee carried to and fro: yet although they bee made in pieces, they are so commodious that they worke with them maruellous well, whose shotte is of stone, and there hath bene of that shot sent vnto the king of Portugall for the rarenes of the thing. The city where the king Zamalluco hath his being, is within the land of Chaul seuen or eight dayes iourney, which city is called Abneger. Three score and tenne miles from Chaul, towards the Indies, is the port of Dabul, an hauen of the king Zamalluco: from thence to Goa is an hundred and fifty miles. Goa. [Sidenote: The chiefe place the Portugals have in the Indies.] Goa is the principall city that the Portugals haue in the Indies, wherein the Viceroy with his royall Court is resident, and is in an Iland which may be in circuit fiue and twenty or thirty miles: and the city with the boroughs is reasonable bigge, and for a citie of the Indies it is reasonable faire, but the Iland is farre more fairer: for it is as it were full of goodly gardens, replenished with diuers trees and with the Palmer trees as is aforesayd. This city is of great trafique for all sorts of marchandise which they trade withall in those parts: and the fleet which commeth euery yeere from Portugall, which are fiue or sixe great shippes that come directly for Goa, arriue there ordinarily the sixth or tenth of September, and there they remaine forty or fifty dayes, and from thence they goe to Cochin, where they lade for Portugall, and often times they lade one shippe at Goa and the other at Cochin for Portugall. Cochin is distant from Goa three hundred miles. The city of Goa is situate in the kingdome of Dialcan a king of the Moores, whose chiefe city is vp in the countrey eight dayes iourney, and is called Bisapor: the king is of great power, for when I was in Goa in the yeere of our Lord 1570, this king came to giue assault to Goa, being encamped neere vnto it by a riuer side with an army of two hundred thousand men of warre, and he lay at this siege foureteene moneths in which time there was peace concluded, and as report went amongst his people, there was great calamity and mortality which bred amongst them in the time of Winter, and also killed very many elephants. [Sidenote: A very good sale for horses.] Then in the yeere of our Lord 1567, I went from Goa to Bezeneger the chiefe city of the king dome of Narsinga eight dayes iourney from Goa, within the land, in the company of two other merchants which carried with them three hundred Arabian horses to that king: because the horses of that countrey are of a small stature, and they pay well for the Arabian horses: and is requisite that the merchants sell them well, for that they stand them in great charges to bring them out of Persia to Ormus, and from Ormus to Goa, where the ship that bringeth twenty horses and vpwards payeth no custome, neither ship nor goods whatsoeuer; whereas if they bring no horses, they pay 8 per cento of all their goods: and at the going out of Goa the horses pay custome, two and forty pagodies for euery horse, which pagody may be of sterling money sixe shillings eight pence, they be pieces of golde of that value. So that the Arabian horses are of great value in those countreys, as 300, 400, 500 duckets a horse, and to 1000 duckets a horse. Bezeneger. The city of Bezeneger was sacked in the yeere 1565, by foure kings of the Moores, which were of great power and might: the names of these foure kings were these following, the first was called Dialcan, the second Zamaluc, the third Cotamaluc, and the fourth Viridy: and yet these foure kings were not able to ouercome the city and the king of Bezeneger, but by treason. The king of Bezeneger was a Gentile, and had, amongst all other of his captaines, two which were notable, and they were Moores: and these two captaines had either of them in charge threescore and ten or fourescore thousand men. These two captaines being of one religion with the foure kings which were Moores, wrought meanes with them to betray their owne king into their hands. [Footnote: A most vnkind and wicked treason against their prince: this they haue for giuing credit to strangers, rather then to their owne natiue people.] The king of Bezeneger esteemed not the force of the foure kings his enemies, but went out of his city to wage battell with them in the fieldes; and when the armies were ioyned, the battell lasted but a while not the space of foure houres, because the two traitourous captaines, in the chiefest of the fight, with their companies turned their faces against their king, and made such disorder in his armie, that as astonied they set themselues to flight. Thirty yeeres was this kingdome gouerned by three brethren which were tyrants, the which keeping the rightful king in prison, it was their vse euery yeere once to shew him to the people, and they at their pleasures ruled as they listed. These brethren were three captaines belonging to the father of the king they kept in prison, which when he died, left his sonne very yong, and then they tooke the gouernment to themselues. The chiefest of these three was called Ramaragio, and sate in the royall throne, and was called the king: the second was called Temiragio, and he tooke the gouernment on him: the third was called Bengatre, and he was captaine generall of the army. These three brethren were in this battell, in the which the chiefest and the last were neuer heard of quicke nor dead. [Sidenote: The sacking of the city.] Onely Temiragio fled in the battel, hauing lost one of his eyes: when the newes came to the city of the ouerthrow in the battell, the wiues and children of these three tyrants, with their lawfull king (kept prisoner) fled away, spoiled as they were, and the foure kings of the Moores entred the city Bezeneger with great triumph, and there they remained sixe moneths, searching vnder houses and in all places for money and other things that were hidden, and then they departed to their owne kingdomes because they were not able to maintaine such a kingdome as that was, so farre distant from their owne countrey. When the kings were departed from Bezeneger, this Temiragio returned to the city, and then beganne for to repopulate it, and sent word to Goa to the Merchants, if they had any horses, to bring them to him, and he would pay well for them, and for this cause the foresayd two Merchants that I went in company withall, carried those horses that they had to Bezeneger. [Sidenote: An excellent good policy to intrap men.] Also this Tyrant made an order or lawe, that if any Merchant had any of the horses that were taken in the foresayd battell or warres, although they were of his owne marke, that he would giue as much for them as they would: and besides he gaue generall safe conduct to all that should bring them. When by this meanes he saw that there were great store of horses brought thither vnto him, hee gaue the Merchants faire wordes, vntill such time as he saw they could bring no more. Then he licenced the Merchants to depart, without giuing them any thing for their horses, which when the poore men saw, they were desperate, and as it were mad with sorrow and griefe. I rested in Bezeneger seuen moneths; although in one moneth I might haue discharged all my businesse, for it was necessary to rest there vntill the wayes were cleere of theeues, which at that time ranged vp and downe. And in the time I rested there, I saw many strange and beastly deeds done by the Gentiles. First, when there is any Noble man or woman dead, they burne their bodies: and if a married man die, his wife must burne herselfe aliue, for the loue of her husband, and with the body of her husband: so that when any man dieth, his wife will take a moneths leaue, two or three, or as shee will, to burne her selfe in, and that day being come, wherein shee ought to be burnt, that morning shee goeth out of her house very earely, either on horsebacke or on an eliphant, or else is borne by eight men on a smal stage: in one of these orders she goeth, being apparelled like to a Bride, carried round about the City, with her haire downe about her shoulders, garnished with iewels and flowers, according to the estate of the party, and they goe with as great ioy as Brides doe in Venice to their nuptials: shee carrieth in her left hand a looking glasse, and in her right hand an arrow, and singeth thorow the City as she passeth, and sayth, that she goeth to sleepe with her deere spowse and husband. [Sidenote: A discription of the burning place.] She is accompanied with her kindred and friends vntill it be one or two of the clocke in the afternoone, then they goe out of the City, and going along the riuers side called Nigondin, which runneth vnder the walles of the City, vntill they come vnto a place where they vse to make this burning of women, being widdowes, there is prepared in this place a great square caue, with a little pinnacle hard by it, foure or fiue steppes vp: the foresayd caue is full of dried wood. [Sidenote: Feasting and dancing when they should mourne.] The woman being come thither, accompanied with a great number of people which come to see the thing, then they make ready a great banquet, and she that shall be burned eateth with as great ioy and gladnesse, as though it were her wedding day: and the feast being ended, then they goe to dancing and singing a certeine time, according as she will. After this, the woman of her owne accord, commandeth them to make the fire in the square caue where the drie wood is, and when it is kindled, they come and certifie her thereof, then presently she leaueth the feast, and taketh the neerest kinseman of her husband by the hand, and they both goe together to the banke of the foresayd riuer, where shee putteth off all her iewels and all her clothes, and giueth them to her parents or kinsefolke and couering herselfe with a cloth, because she will not be seene of the people being naked, she throweth herselfe into the riuer, saying, O wretches, wash away your sinnes. Comming out of the water, she rowleth herselfe into a yellow cloth of fourteene braces long: and againe she taketh her husbands kinseman by the hand, and they go both together vp to the pinnacle of the square caue wherein the fire is made. When she is on the pinnacle, shee talketh and reasoneth with the people, recommending vnto them her children and kindred. Before the pinnacle they vse to set a mat, because they shall not see the fiercenesse of the fire, yet there are many that will haue them plucked away, shewing therein an heart not fearefull, and that they are not affrayd of that sight. When this silly woman hath reasoned with the people a good while to her content, there is another women that taketh a pot with oile, and sprinckleth it ouer her head, and with the same she anoynteth all her body, and afterwards throweth the pot into the fornace, and both the woman and the pot goe together into the fire, and presently the people that are round about the fornace throw after her into the caue great pieces of wood, so by this meanes, with the fire and with the blowes that she hath with the wood throwen after her, she is quickly dead, and after this there groweth such sorrow and such lamentation among the people, that all their mirth is turned into howling and weeping, in such wise, that a man could scarse beare the hearing of it. [Sidenote: Mourning when they should reioice.] I haue seene many burnt in this maner, because my house was neere to the gate where they goe out to the place of burning: and when there dieth any great man, his wife with all his slaues with whom hee hath had carnall copulation, burne themselues together with him. Also in this kingdome I haue seene amongst the base sort of people this vse and order, that the man being dead, he is carried to the place where they will make his sepulchre, and setting him as it were vpright, then commeth his wife before him on her knees, casting her armes about his necke, with imbracing and clasping him, vntill such time as the Masons haue made a wall round about them, and when the wall is as high as their neckes, there commeth a man behinde the women and strangleth her: then when she is dead, the workemen finish the wall ouer their heads, and so they lie buried both together. Besides these, there are an infinite number of beastly qualities amongst them, of which I haue no desire to write. [Sidenote: The cause why the women do so burne themselues.] I was desirous to know the cause why these women would so wilfully burne themselues against nature and law, and it was told mee that this law was of an antient time, to make prouision against the slaughters which women made of their husbands. For in those dayes before this law was made, the women for euery little displeasure that their husbands had done vnto them, would presently poison their husbands, and take other men, and now by reason of this law they are more faithfull vnto their husbands, and count their liues as deare as their owne, because that after his death her owne followeth presently. In the yeere of our Lord God 1567, for the ille successe that the people of Bezeneger had, in that their City was sacked by the foure kings, the king with his Court went to dwell in a castle eight dayes iourney vp in the land from Bezenger, called Penegonde. Also sixe dayes iourney from Bezenger, is the place where they get Diamants: I was not there, but it was tolde me that it is a great place, compassed with a wall, and that they sell the earth within the wall, for so much a squadron, and the limits are set how deepe or how low they shall digge. Those Diamante that are of a certaine sise and bigger then that sise, are all for the king, it is many yeeres agone, since they got any there, for the troubles that haue bene in that kingdome. The first cause of this trouble was, because the sonne of this Temeragio had put to death the lawfull king which he had in prison, for which cause the Barons and Noblemen in that kingdome would not acknowledge him to be their king, and by this meanes there are many kings, and great diuision in that kingdome, and the city of Bezeneger is not altogether destroyed, yet the houses stand still, but empty, and there is dwelling in them nothing, as is reported, but Tygers and other wilde beasts. The circuit of this city is foure and twentie miles about, and within the walles are certeine mountaines. The houses stand walled with earth, and plaine, all sauing the three palaces of the three tyrant brethren, and the Pagodes which are idole houses: these are made with lime and fine marble. I haue seene many kings Courts, and yet haue I seene none in greatnesse like to this of Bezeneger, I say, for the ordes of his palace, for it hath nine gates or ports. First when you goe into the place where the king did lodge, there are fiue great ports or gates: these are kept with Captaines and souldiers: then within these there are foure lesser gates: which are kept with Porters. Without the first gate there is a little porch, where there is a Captaine with fiue and twentie souldiers, that keepeth watch and ward night and day: and within that another, with the like guard, wherethorow they come to a very faire Court, and at the end of that Court there is another porch as the first, with the like guard, and within that another Court. And in this wise are the first fiue gates guarded and kept with those Captaines: and then the lesser gates within are kept with a guard of Porters: which gates stand open the greatest part of the night, because the custome of the Gentiles is to doe their businesse, and make their feasts in the night, rather then by day. The city is very safe from theeues, for the Portugall merchants sleepe in the streets, or vnder porches, for the great heat which is there, and yet they neuer had any harme in the night. At the end of two monethes, I determined to goe for Goa in the company of two other Portugall Marchants, which were making ready to depart, with two palanchines or little litters, which are very commodious for the way, with eight Falchines which are men hired to cary the palanchines, eight for a palanchine, foure at a time: they carry them as we vse to carry barrowes. [Sidenote: Men ride on bullocks and trauell with them on the way.] And I bought me two bullocks, one of them to ride on, and the other to carry my victuals and prouision, for in that countrey they ride on bullocks with pannels, as we terme them, girts and bridles, and they haue a very good commodious pace. From Bezeneger to Goa in Summer it is eight dayes iourney, but we went in the midst of Winter, in the moneth of Iuly, and were fifteene dayes comming to Ancola on the sea coast, so in eight dayes I had lost my two bullocks: for he that carried my victuals, was weake and could not goe, the other when I came vnto a riuer where was a little bridge to passe ouer, I put my bullocke to swimming, and in the middest of the riuer there was a little Iland, vnto the which my bullocke went, and finding pasture, there he remained still, and in no wise we could come to him: and so perforce, I was forced to leaue him, and at that time there was much raine, and I was forced to go seuen dayes a foot with great paines: and by great chance I met with Falchines by the way, whom I hired to carry my clothes and victuals. We had great trouble in our iourney, for that euery day wee were taken prisoners, by reason of the great dissension in that kingdome: and euery morning at our departure we must pay rescat foure or fiue pagies a man. And another trouble wee had as bad as this, that when as wee came into a new gouernours countrey, as euery day we did, although they were al tributary to the king of Bezeneger, yet euery one of them stamped a seueral coine of Copper, so that the money that we tooke this day would not serue the next: at length, by the helpe of God, we came safe to Ancola, which is a country of the Queene of Gargopam, tributary to the king of Bezeneger. [Sidenote: The marchandise that come in and out to Bezeneger euery yere.] The marchandise that went euery yere from Goa to Bezeneger were Arabian Horses, Veluets, Damasks, and Sattens, Armesine of Portugall, and pieces of China, Saffron, and Skarlets: and from Bezeneger they had in Turky for their commodities, iewels, and Pagodies which be ducats of golde: [Sidenote: the apparell of those people.] the apparell that they vse in Bezeneger is Veluet, Satten, Damaske, Scarlet, or white Bumbast cloth, according, to the estate of the person with long hats on their heads, called Colae, made of Veluet, Satten, Damaske, or Scarlet, girding themselues in stead of girdles with some fine white bombast doth: they haue breeches after the order of the Turks: they weare on their feet plaine high things called of them Aspergh, and at their eares they haue hanging great plenty of golde. Returning to my voyage, when we were together in Ancola, one of my companions that had nothing to lose, tooke a guide, and went to Goa, whither they goe in foure dayes, the other Portugall not being disposed to go, tarried in Ancola for that Winter. [Sidenote: Their Winter is our Summer.] The Winter in those parts of the Indies beginneth the fifteenth of May, and lasteth vnto the end of October: and as we were in Ancola, there came another Marchant of horses in a palanchine, and two Portugall souldiers which came from Zeilan, and two cariers of letters, which were Christians borne in the Indies; all these consorted to goe to Goa together, and I determined to goe with them, and caused a pallanchine to be made for me very poorely of Canes; and in one of them Canes I hid priuily all the iewels I had, and according to the order, I tooke eight Falchines to cary me: and one day about eleuen of the clocke wee set forwards on our iourney, and about two of the clocke in the afternoone, as we passed a mountains which diuideth the territory of Ancola and Dialcan, I being a little behinde my company was assaulted by eight theeues, foure of them had swordes and targets, and the other foure had bowes and arrowes. When the Falchines that carried me vnderstood the noise of the assault, they let the pallanchine and me fall to the ground, and ranne away and left me alone, with my clothes wrapped about me: presently the theeues were on my necke and rifeling me, they stripped me starke naked, and I fained my selfe sicke, because I would not leaue the pallanchine, and I had made me a little bedde of my clothes; the theeues sought it very narrowly and subtilly, and found two pursses that I had, well bound vp together, wherein I had put my Copper money which I had changed for foure pagodies in Ancola. The theeues thinking it had beene so many duckats of golde, searched no further: then they threw all my clothes in a bush, and hied them away, and as God would haue it, at their departure there fell from them an handkercher, and when I saw it, I rose from my Pallanchine or couch, and tooke it vp, and wrapped it together within my Pallanchine. Then these my Falchines were of so good condition, that they returned to seeke mee, whereas I thought I should not haue found so much goodnesse in them: because they were payed their mony aforehand, as is the vse, I had thought to haue seene them no more. Before their comming I was determined to plucke the Cane wherein my iewels were hidden, out of my coutch, and to haue made me a walking staffe to carry in my hand to Goa, thinking that I should haue gone thither on foot, but by the faithfullness of my Falchines, I was rid of that trouble, and so in foure dayes they carried me to Goa, in which time I made hard fare, for the theeues left me neither money, golde, nor siluer, and that which I did eat was giuen me of my men for Gods sake: and after at my comming to Goa I payed them for euery thing royally that I had of them. [Sidenote: Foure small fortes of the Portugals.] From Goa I departed for Cochin, which is a voyage of three hundred miles, and betweene these two cities are many holdes of the Portugals, as Onor, Mangalor, Barzelor, and Cananor. The Holde or Fort that you shall haue from Goa to Cochin that belongeth to the Portugals is called Onor, which is in the kingdome of the queene of Battacella, which is tributary to the king of Bezeneger: there is no trade there, but onely a charge with the Captaine and company he keepeth there. And passing this place, you shall come to another small castle of the Portugals called Mangalor, and there is very small trade but onely for a little Rice: and from thence you goe to a little fort called Bazelor, there they haue good store of Rice which is carried to Goa: and from thence you shall goe to a city called Cananor, which is a harquebush shot distant from the chiefest city that the king of Cananor hath in his kingdome being a king of the Gentiles: and he and his are very naughty and malicious people, alwayes hauing delight to be in warres with the Portugales, and when they are in peace, it is for their interest to let their merchandize passe: there goeth out of this kingdom of Cananor, all the Cardamomum, great store of Pepper, Ginger, Honie, ships laden with great Nuts, great quantitie of Archa, which is a fruit of the bignesse of Nutmegs, which fruite they eate in all those partes of the Indies and beyond the Indies, with the leafe of an Herbe which they call Bettell, the which is like vnto our Iuie leafe, but a litle lesser and thinner: [Sidenote: Bettel is a very profitable herbe in that countrey.] they eate it made in plaisters with the lime made of Oistershels, and thorow the Indies they spend great quantitie of money in this composition, and it is vsed daily, which thing I would not haue beleeued, if I had not seene it. The customers get great profite by these Herbes, for that they haue custome for them. When this people eate and chawe this in their mouthes, it maketh their spittle to bee red like vnto blood, and they say, that it maketh a man to haue a very good stomacke and a sweete breath, but sure in my iudgement they eate it rather to fulfill their filthie lustes, and of a knauerie, for this Herbe is moyst and hote, and maketh a very strong expulsion. [Sidenote: Enimies to the king of Portugall.] From Cananor you go to Cranganor, which is another smal Fort of the Portugales in the land of the king of Cranganor, which is another king of the Gentiles, and a countrey of small importance, and of an hundreth and twentie miles, full of thieues, being vnder the king of Calicut, a king also of the Gentiles, and a great enemie to the Portugales, which when hee is alwayes in warres, hee and his countrey is the nest and resting for stranger theeues, and those bee called Moores of Carposa, because they weare on their heads long red hats, and these thieues part the spoyles that they take on the Sea with the king of Calicut, for hee giueth leaue vnto all that will goe a rouing, liberally to goe, in such wise, that all along that coast there is such a number of thieues, that there is no sailing in those Seas but with great ships and very well armed, or els they must go in company with the army of the Portugals from Cranganor to Cochin is 15. miles. Cochin. [Sidenote: Within Cochin is the kingdom of Pepper.] Cochin is, next vnto Goa, the chiefest place that the Portugales haue in the Indies, and there is great trade of Spices, drugges, and all other sortes of merchandize for the kingdome of Portugale, and there within the land is the kingdome of Pepper, which Pepper the Portugales lade in their shippes by bulke and not in sackes: [Marginal note: The Pepper that the Portugals bring, is not so good as that which goeth for Mecca, which is brought hither by the streights.] the Pepper that goeth for Portugale is not so good as that which goeth for Mecca, because that in times past the officers of the king of Portugale made a contract with the king of Cochin, in the name of the king of Portugale, for the prizes of Pepper, and by reason of that agreement betweene them at that time made, the price can neither rise nor fall, which is a very lowe and base price, and for this cause the villaines bring it to the Portugales, greene and full of filthe. The Moores of Mecca that giue a better price, haue it cleane and drie, and better conditioned. All the Spices and drugs that are brought to Mecca, are stollen from thence as Contrabanda. Cochin is two cities, one of the Portugales, and another of the king of Cochin: that of the Portugales is situate neerest vnto the Sea, and that of the king of Cochin is a mile and a halfe vp higher in the land, but they are both set on the bankes of one riuer which is very great and of a good depth of water, which riuer commeth out of the mountaines of the king of the Pepper, which is a king of the Gentiles, in whose kingdom are many Christians of saint Thomas order: the king of Cochin is also a king of the Gentiles and a great faithfull friend to the king of Portugale, and to those Portugales which are married, and are Citizens in the Citie Cochin of the Portugales. And by this name of Portugales throughout all the Indies, they call all the Christians that come out of the West, whether they bee Italians, Frenchmen, or Almaines, and all they that marrie in Cochin do get an office according to the trade he is of: [Sidenote: Great priuiledges that the citizens of Cochin haue.] this they haue by the great priuileges which the Citizens haue of that city, because there are two principal commodities that they deale withal in that place, which are these. The great store of Silke that commeth from China, and the great store of Sugar which commeth from Bengala: the married Citizens pay not any custome for these two commodities: for they pay 4. per cento custome to the king of Cochin, rating their goods at their owne pleasure. Those which are not married and strangers, pay in Cochin to the king of Portugale eight per cento of all maner of merchandise. I was in Cochin when the Viceroy of the king of Portugale wrought what hee coulde to breake the priuilege of the Citizens, and to make them to pay custome as other did: at which time the Citizens were glad to waigh their Pepper in the night that they laded the ships withall that went to Portugale and stole the custome in the night. The king of Cochin hauing vnderstanding of this, would not suffer any more Pepper to bee weighed. Then presently after this, the marchants were licensed to doe as they did before, and there was no more speach of this matter, nor any wrong done. This king of Cochin is of a small power in respect of the other kings of the Indies, for hee can make but seuentie thousand men of armes in his campe: hee hath a great number of Gentlemen which hee calleth Amochi, and some are called Nairi: these two sorts of men esteeme not their liues any thing, so that it may be for the honour of their king, they will thrust themselues forward in euery danger, although they know they shall die. These men goe naked from the girdle vpwardes, with a clothe rolled about their thighs, going barefooted, and hauing their haire very long and rolled vp together on the toppe of their heads, and alwayes they carrie their Bucklers or Targets with them and their swordes naked, these Nairi haue their wiues common amongst themselues, and when any of them goe into the house of any of these women, hee leaueth his sworde and target at the doore, and the time that hee is there, there dare not any bee so hardie as to come into that house. The kings children shall not inherite the kingdome after their father, because they hold this opinion, that perchance they were not begotten of the king their father, but of some other man, therfore they accept for their king, one of the sonnes of the kings sisters, or of some other woman of the blood roial, for that they be sure, they are of the blood roiall. [Sidenote: A very strange thing hardly to be beleeued.] The Nairi and their wiues vse for a brauerie to make great holes in their eares, and so bigge and wide, that it is incredible, holding this opinion, that the greater the holes bee, the more noble they esteeme themselues. I had leaue of one of them to measure the circumference of one of them with a threed, and within that circumference I put my arme vp to the shoulder, clothed as it was, so that in effect they are monstrous great. Thus they doe make them when they be litle, for then they open the eare, and hang a piece of gold or lead thereat, and within the opening, in the whole they put a certaine leafe that they haue for that purpose, which maketh the hole so great. They lade ships in Cochin for Portugale and for Ormus, but they that goe for Ormus carrie no Pepper but by Contrabanda, as for Sinamome they easilie get leaue to carrie that away, for all other Spices and drugs they may liberally carie them to Ormus or Cambaia, and so all other merchandize which come from other places, but out of the kingdom of Cochin properly they cary away with them into Portugale great abundance of Pepper, great quantitie of Ginger dried and conserued, wild Sinamon, good quantity of Arecca, great store of Cordage of Cairo, made of the barke of the tree of the great Nut, and better then that of Hempe, of which they carrie great store into Portugale. [Sidenote: Note the departing of ships from Cochin.] The shippes euery yeere depart from Cochin to goe for Portugall, on the fift day December, or the fift day of Ianuary. Nowe to follow my voyage for the Indies: from Cochin I went to Coulam, distant from Cochin seuentie and two miles, which Coulam is a small Fort of the king of Portugales, situate in the kingdom of Coulam, which is a king of the Gentiles, and of small trade: at that place they lade onely halfe a ship of Pepper, and then she goeth to Cochin to take in the rest, and from thence to Cao Comori is seuentie and two miles, and there endeth the coast of the Indies: and alongst this coast, neere to the water side, and also to Cao Comori, downe to the lowe land of Chialon, which is about two hundred miles, the people there are as it were all turned to the Christian faith: there are also Churches of the Friers of S. Pauls order, which Friers doe very much good in those places in turning the people, and in conuerting them, and take great paines in instructing them in the law of Christ. The fishing for Pearles. [Sidenote: The order how they fish for pearles.] The Sea that lieth betweene the coast which descendeth from Cao Comori, to the lowe land of Chiaoal, and the Iland Zeilan, they call the fishing of Pearles, which fishing they make euery yeere, beginning in March or Aprill, and it lasteth fiftie dayes, but they doe not fishe euery yeere in one place, but one yeere in one place, and another yeere in another place of the same sea. When the time of this fishing draweth neere, then they send very good Diuers, that goe to discouer where the greatest heapes of Oisters bee vnder water, and right agaynst that place where greatest store of Oisters bee, there they make or plant a village with houses and a Bazaro, all of stone, which standeth as long as the fishing time lasteth, and it is furnished with all things necessarie, and nowe and then it is neere vnto places that are inhabited, and other times farre off, according to the place where they fishe. The Fishermen are all Christians of the countrey, and who so will may goe to fishing, paying a certaine dutie to the king of Portugall, and to the Churches of the Friers of Saint Paule, which are in that coast. All the while that they are fishing, there are three or foure Fustes armed to defend the Fishermen from Rouers. It was my chance to bee there one time in my passage, and I saw the order that they vsed in fishing, which is this. There are three or foure Barkes that make consort together, which are like to our litle Pilot boates, and a litle lesse, there goe seuen or eight men in a boate: and I haue seene in a morning a great number of them goe out, and anker in fifteene or eighteene fadome of water, which is the Ordinarie depth of all that coast. When they are at anker, they cast a rope into the Sea, and at the ende of the rope, they make fast a great stone, and then there is readie a man that hath his nose and his eares well stopped, and annointed with oyle, and a basket about his necke, or vnder his left arme, then hee goeth downe by the rope to the bottome of the Sea, and as fast as he can he filleth the basket, and when it is full, he shaketh the rope, and his fellowes that are in the Barke hale him vp with the basket: and in such wise they goe one by one vntill they haue laden their barke with oysters, and at euening they come to the village, and then euery company maketh their mountaine or heape of oysters one distant from another, in such wise that you shall see a great long rowe of mountaines or heapes of oysters, and they are not touched vntill such time as the fishing bee ended, and at the ende of the fishing euery companie sitteth round about their mountaine or heape of oysters, and fall to opening of them, which they may easilie doe because they bee dead, drie and brittle: and if euery oyster had pearles in them, it would bee a very good purchase, but there are very many that haue no pearles in them: when the fishing is ended, then they see whether it bee a great gathering or a badde: there are certaine expert in the pearles whom they call Chitini, which set and make the price of pearles [Marginal note: These pearles are prised according to the caracts which they weigh, euery caract is 4. graines, and these men that prise hem haue an instrument of copper with holes in it, which be made by degrees for to sort the perles withall.] according to their carracts, beautie, and goodnesse, making foure sortes of them. The first sort bee the round pearles, and they be called Aia of Portugale, because the Portugales doe buy them. The second sorte which are not round, are called Aia of Bengala. The third sort which are not so good as the second, they call Aia of Canara, that is to say, the kingdome of Bezeneger. The fourth and last sort, which are the least and worst sort, are called Aia of Cambaia. Thus the price being set, there are merchants of euery countrey which are readie with their money in their handes, so that in a fewe dayes all is bought vp at the prises set according to the goodnesse and caracts of the pearles. In this Sea of the fishing of pearles is an Iland called Manar, which is inhabited by Christians of the countrey which first were Gentiles, and haue a small hold of the Portugales being situate ouer agaynst Zeilan: and betweene these two Ilands there is a chanell, but not very big, and hath but a small depth therein; by reason whereof there cannot any great shippe passe that way, but small ships, and with the increase of the water which is at the change or the full of the Moone, and yet for all this they must vnlade them and put their goods into small vessels to lighten them before they can passe that way for feare of Sholdes that lie in the chanell, and after lade them into their shippes to goe for the Indies, and this doe all small shippes that passe that way, but those shippes that goe for the Indies Eastwardes, passe by the coast of Coromandel, on the other side by the land of Chilao which is betweene the firme land and the Iland Manor: and going from the Indies to the coast of Coromandel, they loose some shippes, but they bee emptie, because that the shippes that passe that way discharge their goods at an Iland called Peripatane, and there land their goods into small flat bottomed boates which drawe litle water, and are called Tane, and can run ouer euery Shold without either danger or losse of any thing, for that they tarrie in Peripatane vntill such time as it bee faire weather. Before they depart to passe the Sholds, the small shippes and flat bottomed boates goe together in companie, and when they haue sailed sixe and thirtie miles, they arriue at the place where the Sholdes are, and at that place the windes blowe so forciblie, that they are forced to goe thorowe, not hauing any other refuge to saue themselues. The flat bottomed boates goe safe thorow, where as the small shippes if they misse the aforesayd chanell, sticke fast on the Sholdes, and by this meanes many are lost: and comming backe for the Indies, they goe not that way, but passe by the chanell of Manar as is abouesayd, whose chanell is Oazie, and if the shippes sticke fast, it is a great chance if there be any danger at all. The reason why this chanell is not more sure to goe thither, is, because the windes that raigne or blowe betweene Zeilan and Manar, make the chanell so shalow with water, that almost there is not any passage. From Coa Comori to the Iland of Zeilan is 120. miles ouerthwart. Zeilan. [Footnote: Ceylon.] Zeilan is an Iland, in my iudgement, a great deale bigger then Cyprus: on that side towards the Indies lying Westward is the citie called Columba, which is a hold of the Portugales, but without walles or enimies. It hath towards the Sea a free port, the awfull king of that Iland is in Colombo, and is turned Christian, and maintained by the king of Portugall, being depriued of his kingdome. The king of the Gentiles, to whom this kingdome did belong, was called Madoni, which had two sonnes, the first named Barbinas the prince; and the second Ragine. This king by the pollicie of his yoonger sonne, was depriued of his kingdome, who because hee had entised and done that which pleased the armie and souldiours, in despight of his father and brother being prince, vsurped the kingdome, and became a great warriour. First, this Iland had three kings; the King of Cotta with his conquered prisoners: the king of Candia, which is a part of that Iland, and is so called by the name of Candia, which had a reasonable power, and was a great friend to the Portugals, which sayd that hee liued secretly a Christian; the third was the king of Gianifampatan. In thirteene yeeres that this Ragine gouerned this Iland, he became a great tyrant. In this Iland there groweth fine Sinamom, great store of Pepper, great store of Nuttes and Arochoe: there they make great store of Cairo [Footnote: Cairo is a stuffe that they make rope with, the which is the barke of a tree.] to make Cordage: it bringeth foorth great store of Christall Cats eyes, or Ochi de Gati, and they say that they finde there some Rubies, but I haue sold Rubies well there that I brought with me from Pegu. I was desirous to see how they gather the Sinamom, or take it from the tree that it groweth on, and so much the rather, because the time that I was there, was the season which they gather it in, which was in the moneth of Aprill, at which time the Portugals were in armes, and in the field, with the king of the countrey; yet I to satisfie my desire, although in great danger, tooke a guide with mee and went into a wood three miles from the Citie, in which wood was great store of Sinamome trees growing together among other wilde trees; and this Sinamome tree is a small tree, and not very high, and hath leaues like to our Baie tree. In the moneth of March or Aprill, when the sappe goeth vp to the toppe of the tree, then they take the Sinamom from that tree in this wise. [Sidenote: The cutting and gathering of Sinamom.] They cut the barke of the tree round about in length from knot to knot, or from ioint to ioint, aboue and belowe, and then easilie with their handes they take it away, laying it in the Sunne to drie, and in this wise it is gathered, and yet for all this the tree dieth not, [Sidenote: A rare thing.] but agaynst the next yeere it will haue a new barke, and that which is gathered euery yeere is the best Sinamome: for that which groweth two or three yeares is great, and not so good as the other is; and in these woods groweth much Pepper. Negapatan. From the Iland of Zeilan men vse to goe with small shippes to Negapatan, within the firme land, and seuentie two miles off is a very great Citie, and very populous of Portugals and Christians of the countrey, and part Gentiles: it is a countrey of small trade, neither haue they any trade there, saue a good quantitie of Rice, and cloth of Bumbast which they carie into diuers partes: it was a very plentifull countrey of victuals but now it hath a great deale lesse; and that abundance of victuals caused many Portugales to goe thither and build houses, and dwell there with small charge. This Citie belongeth to a nobleman of the kingdome of Bezeneger being a Gentile, neuerthelesse the Portugales and other Christians are well intreated there, and haue their Churches there with a monasterie of Saint Francis order, with great deuotion and very well accommodated, with houses round about: yet for all this, they are amongst tyrants, which alwayes at their pleasure may doe them some harme, as it happened in the yeere of our Lord God one thousand fiue hundred, sixtie and fiue: [Sidenote: A foolish feare of Portugals.] for I remember very well, how that the Nayer, that is to say, the lord of the citie, sent to the citizens to demaund of them certaine Arabian horses, and they hauing denied them vnto him, and gainesayd his demaund, it came to passe that this lord had a desire to see the Sea, which when the poore citizens vnderstood, they doubted some euill, to heare a thing which was not woont to bee, they thought that this man would come to sacke the Citie, and presently they embarked themselues the best they could with their mooueables, marchandize, iewels, money, and all that they had, and caused the shippes to put from the shore. When this was done, as their euill chance would haue it, the next night following, there came such a great storme that it put all the shippes on land perforce, and brake them to pieces, and all the goods that came on land and were saued, were taken from them by the souldiours and armie of this lord which came downe with him to see the Sea, and were attendant at the Sea side, not thinking that any such thing would haue happened. Saint Thomas or San Tome. [Sidenote: St. Thomas his sepulchre.] From Negapatan following my voyage towards the East an hundred and fiftie miles, I found the house of blessed Saint Thomas, which is a Church of great deuotion, and greatly regarded of the Gentiles for the great miracles they haue heard to haue bene done by that blessed Apostle: neere vnto this Church the Portugals haue builded them a Citie in the countrey subiect to the king of Bezeneger, which Citie although it bee not very great, yet in my iudgement, it is the fairest in all that part of the Indies: and it hath very faire houses and faire gardens in vacant places very well accommodated: it hath streetes large and streight, with many Churches of great deuotion, their houses be set close one vnto another, with little doores, euery house hath his defence, so that by that meanes it is of force sufficient to defend the Portugals against the people of that countrey. The Portugals there haue no other possession but their gardens and houses that are within the citie: the customes belong to the king of Bezeneger, which are very small and easie, for that it is a countrey of great riches and great trade: there come euery yeere two or three great ships very rich, besides many other small ships: one of the two great ships goeth for Pegu, and the other for Malacca, laden with fine Bumbast [Marginal Note: A painted kind of cloth and died of diuers colours which those people delight much in, and esteeme them of great price.] cloth of euery sort, painted, which is a rare thing, because those kinde of clothes shew as they were gilded, with diuers colours, and the more they be washed, the liuelier the colours will shew. Also there is other cloth of Bumbast which is wouen with diuers colours, and is of great value: also they make in Sant Tome great store of red Yarne, which they die with a roote called Saia, and this colour will neuer waste, but the more it is washed, the more redder it will shew: they lade this yarne the greatest part of it for Pegu, because that there they worke and weaue it to make cloth according to their owne fashion, and with lesser charges. It is a maruelous thing to them which haue not seene the lading and vnlading of men and marchandize in S. Tome as they do: it is a place so dangerous, that a man cannot bee serued with small barkes, neither can they doe their businesse with the boates of the shippes, because they would be beaten in a thousand pieces, but they make certaine barkes (of purpose) high, which they call Masadie, they be made of litle boards; one board being sowed to another with small cordes, and in this order are they made. And when they are thus made, and the owners will embarke any thing in them, either men or goods, they lade them on land, and when they are laden, the Barke-men thrust the boate with her lading into the streame, and with great speed they make haste all that they are able to rowe out against the huge waues of the sea that are on that shore, vntill that they carie them to the ships: and in like maner they lade these Masadies at the shippes with merchandise and men. When they come neere the shore, the Barke-men leap out of the Barke into the Sea to keepe the Barke right that she cast not athwart the shore, and being kept right, the Suffe of the Sea setteth her lading dry on land without any hurt or danger, and sometimes there are some of them that are ouerthrowen, but there can be no great losse, because they lade but a litle at a time. All the marchandize they lade outwards, they emball it well with Oxe hides, so that if it take wet, it can haue no great harme. [Sidenote: In the Iland of Banda they lade Nutmegs for there they grow.] In my voyage, returning in the yeere of our Lord God one thousand, fiue hundred, sixtie and sixe, I went from Goa vnto Malacca, in a shippe or Gallion of the king of Portugal, which went vnto Banda for to lade Nutmegs and Maces: from Goa to Malacca are one thousand eight hundred miles, we passed without the Iland Zeilan, and went through the chanell of Nicubar, or els through the chanell of Sombero, which is by the middle of the Iland of Sumatra, called in olde time Taprobana: [Sidenote: In the Ilands of Andemaon, they eate one another.] and from Necubar to Pegu is as it were a rowe or chaine of an infinite number of Ilands, of which many are inhabited with wilde people, and they call those Ilands the Ilands of Andemaon, and they call their people sauage or wilde, because they eate one another: also these Ilands haue warre one with another, for they haue small Barkes, and with them they take one another, and so eate one another: and if by euil chance any ship be lost on those Ilands, as many haue bene, there is not one man of those ships lost there that escapeth vneaten or vnslaine. These people haue not any acquaintance with any other people, neither haue they trade with any, but liue onely of such fruites as those Ilands yeeld: and if any ship come neere vnto that place or coast as they passe that way, as in my voyage it happened as I came from Malacca through the chanell of Sombrero, there came two of their Barkes neere vnto our ship laden with fruite, as with Mouces which wee call Adam apples, with fresh Nuts, and with a fruite called Inani, which fruite is like to our Turneps, but is very sweete and good to eate: they would not come into the shippe for any thing that wee could doe: neither would they take any money for their fruite, but they would trucke for olde shirtes or pieces of olde linnen breeches, these ragges they let downe with a rope into their Barke vnto them, and looke what they thought those things to bee woorth, so much fruite they would make fast to the rope and let vs hale it in: and it was told me that at sometimes a man shall haue for an old shirt a good piece of Amber. Sumatra. This Iland of Sumatra is a great Iland and deuided and gouerned by many kings, and deuided into many chanels, where through there is passage: upon the headland towardes the West is the kingdom of Assi gouerned by a Moore king: this king is of great force and strength, as he that beside his great kingdom, hath many Foists and Gallies. In his kingdom groweth great store of Pepper, Ginger, Beniamin: he is an vtter enemy to the Portugals, and hath diuers times bene at Malacca to fight against it, and hath done great harme to the boroughes thereof, but the citie alway withstood him valiantly, and with their ordinance did great spoile to his campe. At length I came to the citie of Malacca. The Citie Malacca. Malacca is a Citie of marueilous great trade of all kind of marchandize, which come from diuers partes, because that all the shippes that saile in these seas, both great and small, are bound to touch at Malacca to paie their custome there, although they vnlade nothing at all, as we do at Elsinor: and if by night they escape away, and pay not their custome, then they fall into a greater danger after: for if they come into the Indies and haue not the seale of Malacca, they pay double custome. I haue not passed further then Malacca towards the East, but that which I wil speake of here is by good information of them that haue bene there. The sailing from Malacca towards the East is not common for all men, as to China and Iapan, and so forwards to go who will, but onely for the king of Portugall and his nobles, with leaue granted vnto them of the king to make such voiage, or to the iurisdiction of the captaine of Malacca, where he expecteth to know what voiages they make from Malacca thither, and these are the kings voiages, that euery yere there departeth from Malacca 2. gallions of the kings, one of them goeth to the Moluccos to lade Cloues, and the other goeth to Banda to lade Nutmegs and Maces. These two gallions are laden for the king, neither doe they carie any particular mans goods, sauing the portage of the Mariners and souldiers, and for this cause they are not voiages for marchants, because that going thither, they shal not haue where to lade their goods of returne; and besides this, the captaine wil not cary any marchants for either of these two places. There goe small shippes of the Moores thither, which come from the coast of Iaua, and change or guild their commodities in the kingdom of Assa, and these be the Maces, Cloues, and Nutmegs, which go for the streights of Mecca. The voiages that the king of Portugall granteth to his nobles are these, of China and Iapan, from China to Iapan, and from Iapan to China, and from China to the Indies, and the voyage of Bengala, Maluco, and Sonda, with the lading of fine cloth, and euery sort of Bumbast cloth. Sonda is an Iland of the Moores neere to the coast of Iaua, and there they lade pepper for China. [Sidenote: The ship of drugs, so termed of the Portugals.] The ship that goeth euery yeere from the Indies to China, is called the ship of Drugs, because she carieth diuers drugs of Cambaia, but the greatest part of her lading is siluer. From Malacca to China is eighteene hundred miles: and from China to Iapan goeth euery yeere a shippe of great importance laden with Silke, which for returne of their Silke bringeth barres of siluer which they trucke in China. The distance betweene China and Iapan is foure and twentie hundred miles, and in this way there are diuers Ilands not very bigge, in which the Friers of saint Paul, by the helpe of God, make many Christians there like to themselues. From these Ilands hitherwards the place is not yet discouered for the great sholdnesse of Sandes that they find. The Portugals haue made a small citie neere vnto the coast of China called Macao, whose church and houses are of wood, and it hath a bishoprike, but the customs belong to the king of China, and they goe and pay the same at a citie called Canton which is a citie of great importance and very beautifull two dayes iourney and a halfe from Macao. The people of China are Gentiles, and are so iealous and fearefull, that they would not haue a stranger to put his foote within their land: so that when the Portugals go thither to pay their custome, and to buy their merchandize, they will not consent that they shall lie or lodge within the citie, but send them foorth into the suburbes. The countrey of China [Marginal note: China is vnder the gouernment of the great Tartar.] is neere the kingdom of great Tartria, and is a very great countrey of the Gentiles and of great importance, which may be iudged by the rich and precious marchandize that come from thence, then which I beleeue there are not better nor in greater quantitie, in the whole world besides. First, great store of golde, which they carie to the Indies, made in plates like to little shippes, and in value three and twentie caracts a peece, very great aboundance of fine silke, cloth of damaske and taffata, great quantitie of muske, great quantitie of Occam in barres, great quantitie of quicksiluer and of Cinaper, great store of Camfora, an infinite quantitie of Porcellane, made in vessels of diuerse sortes, great quantitie of painted cloth and squares, infinite store of the rootes of China: and euery yeere there commeth from China to the Indies, two or three great shippes, laden with most rich and precious merchandise. [Sidenote: A yeerely Carouan from Persia to China.] The Rubarbe commeth from thence ouer lande, by the way of Persia, because that euery yeere there goeth a great Carouan from Persia to China, which is in going thither sixe moneths. The Carouan arriueth at a Citie called Lanchin, the place where the king is resident with his Court. I spake with a Persian that was three yeeres in that citie of Lanchin, and he tolde me that it was a great Citie and of great importance. The voiages of Malacca which are in the iurisdiction of the Captaine of the castle, are these: Euery yeere he sendeth a small shippe to Timor to lade white Sandols, for all the best commeth from this Iland: there commeth some also from Solor, but that is not so good: also he sendeth another small ship euery yere to Cauchin China, to lade there wood of Aloes, for that all the wood of Aloes commeth from this place, which is in the firme land neere vnto China, and in that kingdome I could not knowe how that wood groweth by any meanes. [Sidenote: A market kept aboord of the ships.] For that the people of the countrey will not suffer the Portugales to come within the land, but onely for wood and water, and as for all other things that they wanted, as victuals or marchandise, the people bring that a boord the ship in small barkes, so that euery day there is a mart kept in the ship, vntill such time as she be laden: also there goeth another ship for the said Captaine of Malacca to Sion, to lade Verzino: all these voiages are for the Captaine of the castle of Malacca, and when he is not disposed to make these voiages he selleth them to another. The citie of Sion, or Siam. [Sidenote: A prince of marueilous strength and power.] Sion was the imperiall seat, and a great Citie, but in the yeere of our Lord God one thousand five hundred sixtie and seuen, it was taken by the king of Pegu, which king made a voyage or came by lande foure moneths iourney with an armie of men through his lande, and the number of his armie was a million and foure hundreth thousand men of warre: when hee came to the Citie, he gaue assault to it, and besieged it one and twentie moneths before he could winne it, with great losse of his people, this I know, for that I was in Pegu sixe moneths after his departure, and sawe when that his officers that were in Pegu, sent fiue hundreth thousand men of warre to furnish the places of them that were slaine and lost in that assault: yet for all this, if there had not beene treason against the citie, it had not beene lost: for on a night there was one of the gates set open, through the which with great trouble the king gate into the citie, and became gouernour of Sion: and when the Emperour sawe that he was betrayed, and that his enemie was in the citie, he poysoned himselfe: and his wiues and children, friends and noblemen, that were not slaine in the first affront of the entrance into the citie, were all caried captiues into Pegu, where I was at the comming home of the king with his triumphs and victorie, which comming home and returning from the warres was a goodly sight to behold, to see the Elephants come home in a square, laden with golde, siluer, iewels, and with Noble men and women that were taken prisoners in that citie. Now to returne to my yoyage: I departed from Malacca in a great shippe which went for Saint Tome, being a Citie situate on the coast of Coromandel: and because the Captaine of the castles of Malacca had vnderstanding by aduise that the king of Assi [Marginal note: Or Achem.] would come with a great armie and power of men against them, therefore vpon this he would not giue licence that any shippes should depart: Wherefore in this ship wee departed from thence in the night, without making any prouision of our water: and wee were in that shippe foure hundreth and odde men: [Sidenote: The mountaines of Zerzeline.] we departed from thence with intention to goe to an Iland to take in water, but the windes were so contrary, that they would not suffer vs to fetch it, so that by this meanes wee were two and fortie dayes in the sea as it were lost, and we were driuen too and fro, so that the first lande that we discouered, was beyonde Saint Tome, more then fiue hundreth miles, which were the mountaines of Zerzerline, neere vnto the kingdome of Orisa, and so wee came to Orisa with many sicke, and more that were dead for want of water: and they that were sicke in foure dayes dyed; and I for the space of a yeere after had my throat so sore and hoarse, that I could neuer satisfie my thirst in drinking of water: I iudge the reason of my hoarsenesse to bee with soppes that I wet in vineger and oyle, wherewith I susteyned my selfe many dayes. There was not any want of bread nor of wine: but the wines of that countrey are so hot that being drunke without water they will kill a man: neither are they able to drinke them: when we beganne to want water, I sawe certaine Moores that were officers in the ship, that solde a small dish full for a duckat, after this I sawe one that would haue giuen a barre of Pepper, which is two quintalles and a halfe, for a litle measure of water, and he could not haue it. Truely I beleeue that I had died with my slaue, whom then I had to serue mee, which cost mee verie deare: but to prouide for the daunger at hand, I solde my slaue for halfe that he was worth, because that I would saue his drinke that he drunke, to serue my owne purpose, and to saue my life. Of the kingdome of Orisa, and the riuer Ganges. Orisa was a faire kingdome and trustie, through the which a man might haue gone with golde in his hande without any daunger at all, as long as the lawefull King reigned which was a Gentile, who continued in the citie called Catecha, which was within the lande size dayes iourney. This king loued strangers marueilous well, especially marchants which had traffique in and out of his kingdome, in such wise that hee would take no custome of them, neither any other grieuous thing. [Sidenote: The commodities that go out of Orisa.] Onely the shippe that came thither payde a small thing according to her portage, and euery yeere in the port of Orisa were laden fiue and twentie or thirtie ships great and small, with ryce and diuers sortes of fine white bumbaste cloth, oyle of Zerzeline which they make of a seed, and it is very good to eate and to fry fish withal, great store of butter, Lacca, long pepper, Ginger, Mirabolans dry and condite, great store of cloth of herbes, which is a kinde of silke which groweth amongst the woods without any labour of man, [Marginal note: This cloth we call Nettle cloth.] and when the bole thereof is growen round as bigge as an Orenge, then they take care onely to gather them. About sixteene yeeres past, this king with his kingdome were destroyed by the king of Patane, which was also king of the greatest part of Bengala, and when he had got the kingdome, he set custome there twenty pro cento, as Marchants paide in his kingdome: but this tyrant enioyed his kingdome but a small time, but was conquered by another tyrant, which was the great Mogol king of Agra, Delly, and of all Cambaia, without any resistance. I departed from Orisa to Bengala, to the harbour Piqueno, which is distant from Orisa towardes the East a hundred and seuentie miles. [Sidenote: The riuer of Ganges.] They goe as it were rowing alongst the coast fiftie and foure miles, and then we enter into the riuer Ganges: from the mouth of this riuer, to a citie called Satagan, where the marchants gather themselues together with their trade, are a hundred miles, which they rowe in eighteene houres with the increase of the water: in which riuer it floweth and ebbeth as it doth in the Thamis, and when the ebbing water is come, they are not able to rowe against it, by reason of the swiftnesse of the water, yet their barkes be light and armed with oares, like to Foistes, yet they cannot preuaile against that streame, but for refuge must make them fast to the banke of the riuer vntill the next flowing water, and they call these barkes Bazaras and Patuas: they rowe as well as a Galliot, or as well as euer I haue seene any. A good tides rowing before you come to Satagan, you shall haue a place which is called Buttor, and from thence vpwards the ships doe not goe, because that vpwardes the riuer is very shallowe, and litle water. Euery yeere at Buttor they make and vnmake a Village, with houses and shoppes made of strawe, and with all things necessarie to their vses, and this village standeth as long as the ships ride there, and till they depart for the Indies, and when they are departed, euery man goeth to his plot of houses, and there setteth fire on them, which thing made me to maruaile. For as I passed vp to Satagan, I sawe this village standing with a great number of people, with an infinite number of ships and Bazars, and at my returne comming downe with my Captaine of the last ship, for whom I tarried, I was al amazed to see such a place so soone razed and burnt, and nothing left but the signe of the burnt houses. The small ships go to Satagan, and there they lade. Of the citie of Satagan. [Sidenote: The commodities that are laden in Satagan.] In the port of Satagan euery yeere lade thirtie or fiue and thirtie ships great and small, with rice, cloth of Bombast of diuerse sortes, Lacca, great abundance of sugar, Mirabolans dried and preserued, long pepper, oyle of Zerzeline, and many other sorts of marchandise. The citie of Satagan is a reasonable faire citie for a citie of the Moores, abounding with all things, and was gouerned by the king of Patane, and now is subiect to the great Mogol. I was in this kingdome foure moneths, whereas many marchants did buy or fraight boates for their benefites, and with these barkes they goe vp and downe the riuer of Ganges to faires, buying their commoditie with a great aduantage, because that euery day in the weeke they haue a faire, now in one place, and now in another, and I also hired a barke, and went vp and downe the riuer and did my businesse, and so in the night I saw many strange things. The kingdome of Bengala in times past hath bene as it were in the power of Moores, neuerthelesse there is great store of Gentiles among them; alwayes whereas I haue spoken of Gentiles, is to be vnderstood Idolaters, and whereas I speak of Moores I meane Mahomets sect. [Sidenote: A ceremony of the gentiles when they be dead.] Those people especially that be within the land doe greatly worship the riuer of Ganges: for when any is sicke, he is brought out of the countrey to the banke of the riuer, and there they make him a small cottage of strawe, and euery day they wet him with that water, whereof there are many that die, and when they are dead, they make a heape of stickes and boughes and lay the dead bodie thereon, and putting fire thereunto, they let the bodie alone vntill it be halfe rosted, and then they take it off from the fire, and make an emptie iarre fas about his necke, and so throw him into the riuer. These things euery night as I passed vp and downe the riuer I saw for the space of two moneths, as I passed to the fayres to buy my commodities with the marchants. And this is the cause that the Portugales will not drinke of the water of the riuer Ganges, yet to the sight it is more perfect and clearer then the water of Nilus is. From the port Piqueno I went to Cochin, and from Cochin to Malacca, from whence I departed for Pegu being eight hundred miles distant. That voyage is woont to be made in fiue and twentie or thirtie dayes, but we were foure moneths, and at the ende of three moneths our ship was without victuals. The Pilot told vs that wee were by his altitude not farre from a citie called Tanasary, in the kingdome of Pegu, and these his words were not true, but we were (as it were) in the middle of many Ilands, and many vninhabited rockes, and there were also some Portugales that affirmed that they knew the land, and knewe also where the citie of Tanasari was. [Sidenote: Marchandise comming from Sion.] This citie of right belongeth to the kingdome of Sion, which is situate on a great riuers side, which commeth out of the kingdome of Sion: and where this riuer runneth into the sea, there is a village called Mirgim, in whose harbour euery yeere there lade some ships with Verzina, Nypa, and Beniamin, a few cloues, nutmegs and maces which come from the coast of Sion, but the greatest marchandise there is Verzin and Nypa, which is an excellent wine, which is made of the flower of a tree called Nyper. [Sidenote: Niper wine good to cure the French disease.] Whose licquour they distill, and so make an excellent drinke cleare as christall, good to the mouth, and better to the stomake, and it hath an excellent gentle vertue, that if one were rotten with the French pockes, drinking good store of this, he shall be whole againe, and I haue seene it proued, because that when I was in Cochin, there was a friend of mine, whose nose beganne to drop away with that disease, and he was counselled of the doctors of phisicke, that he should goe to Tanasary at the time of the new wines, and that he should drinke of the myper wine, night and day, as much as he could before it was distilled, which at that time is most delicate, but after that it is distilled, it is more strong, and if you drinke much of it, it will fume into the head with drunkennesse. This man went thither, and did so, and I haue seene him after with a good colour and sound. This wine is very much esteemed in the Indies, and for that it is brought so farre off, it is very deare: in Pegu ordinarily it it good cheape, because it is neerer to the place where they make it, and there is euery yeere great quantitie made thereof. And returning to my purpose, I say, being amongst these rockes, and farre from the land which is ouer against Tanasary, with great scarcitie of victuals, and that by the saying of the Pylot and two Portugales, holding then firme that wee were in front of the aforesayd harbour, we determined to goe thither with our boat and fetch victuals, and that the shippe should stay for vs in a place assigned. We were twentie and eight persons in the boat that went for victuals, and on a day about twelue of the clocke we went from the ship, assuring our selues to bee in the harbour before night in the aforesaid port, wee rowed all that day and a great part of the next night, and all the next day without finding harbour, or any signe of good landing, and this came to passe through the euill counsell of the two Portugales that were with vs. For we had ouershot the harbour and left it behind vs, in such wise that we had lost the lande inhabited, together with the shippe, and we eight and twentie men had no maner of victuall with vs in the boate, but it was the Lords will that one of the Mariners had brought a little rice with him in the boate to barter away for some other thing, and it was not so much but that three or foure men would haue eaten it at a meale: I tooke the gouernment of this Ryce, promising that by the helpe of God that Ryce should be nourishment for vs vntil it pleased God to send vs to some place that was inhabited: [Sidenote: Great extemitie at sea.] and when I slept I put the ryce into my bosome because they should not rob it from me: we were nine daies rowing alongst the coast, without finding any thing but countreys vninhabited, and desert Ilands, where if we had found but grasse it would haue seemed sugar vnto vs, but wee could not finde any, yet we found a fewe leaues of a tree, and they were so hard that we could not chewe them, we had water and wood sufficient, and as wee rowed, we could goe but by flowing water, for when it was ebbing water, wee made fast our boat to the banke of one of those Ilandes, and in these nine dayes that we rowed, we found a caue or nest of Tortoises egges, wherein were one hundred fortie and foure egges, the which was a great helpe vnto vs: these egges are as bigge as a hennes egge, and haue no shell about them but a tender skinne, euery day we sodde a kettle full of those egges, with an handfull of rice in the broth thereof: it pleased God that at the ende of nine dayes we discouered certaine fisher men, a fishing with small barkes, and we rowed towardes them, With a good cheare, for I thinke there were neuer men more glad then we were, for wee were so sore afflicted with penurie, that we could scarce stande on our legges. Yet according to the order that we set for our ryce, when we sawe those fisher men, there was left sufficient for foure dayes. [Sidenote: Tauay under the king of Pegu.] The first village that we came to was in the gulfe of Tauay, vnder the king of Pegu, whereas we found great store of victuals: then for two or three dayes after our arriuall there, we would eate but litle meate any of vs, and yet for all this, we were at the point of death the most part of vs. From Tauay to Martauan, in the kingdome of Pegu, are seuentie two miles. We laded our bote with victuals which were aboundantly sufficient for sixe moneths, from whence we departed for the port and Citie of Martauan, where in short time we arriued, but we found not our ship there as we had thought we should, from whence presently we made out two barkes to goe to looke for her. And they found her in great calamitie and neede of water, being at an anker with a contrary winde, which came very ill to passe, because that she wanted her boat a moneth, which should haue made her prouision of wood and water, the shippe also by the grace of God arriued safely in the aforesaid port of Martauan. The Citie of Martauan. [Sidenote: Martauan a citie vnder the king of Pegu.] We found in the Citie of Martauan ninetie Portugales of Merchants and other base of men, which had fallen at difference with the Retor or gouernour of the citie, and all for this cause, that certaine vagabondes of the Portugales had slaine fiue falchines of the king of Pegu, which chaunced about a moneth after the king of Pegu was gone with a million and foure hundred thousand men to conquere the kingdome of Sion. [Sidenote: A custome that these people haue when the king is in the warres.] They haue for custome in this Countrey and kingdome, the king being wheresoeuer his pleasure is to bee out of his kingdome, that euery fifteene dayes there goeth from Pegu a Carouan of Falchines, with euery one a basket on his head full of some fruites or other delicates or refreshings, and with cleane clothes: it chaunced that this Carauan passing by Martauan, and resting themselues there a night, there happened betweene the Portugales and them wordes of despight, and from wordes to blowes, and because it was thought that the Portugales had the worse, the night following, when the Falchines were a sleepe with their companie, the Portugales went and cut off their heads. [Sidenote: A law in Pegu for killing of men.] Now there is a law in Pegu, that whosoeuer killeth a man, he shall buy the shed blood with his money, according to the estate of the person that is slaine, but these Falchines being the seruants of the king, the Retors durst hot doe any thing in the matter, without the consent of the king, because it was necessarie that the king should knowe of such a matter. When the king had knowledge thereof, he gaue commaundement that the malefactors should be kept vntill his comming home, and then be would duely minister iustice, but the Captaine of the Portugales would not deliuer those men, but rather set himselfe with all the rest in armes, and went euery day through the Citie marching with his Drumme und ensignes displayd. [Sidenote: Great pride of the Portugales.] For at that time the Citie was emptie of men, by reason they were gone all to the warres, and in businesse of the king: in the middest of this rumour wee came thither, and I thought it, a strange thing to see the Portugales vse such insolencie in another mans Citie. And I stoode in doubt of that which came to passe, and would not vnlade my goods because that they were more sure in the shippe then on the land, the greatest part of the lading was the owners of the shippe, who was in Malacca, yet there were diuerse marchants there, but their goods were of small importance, all those marchants tolde me that they would not vnlade any of their goods there, vnlesse I would vnlade first, yet after they left my counsell and followed their owne, and put their goods a lande and lost euery whit. The Retor with the customer sent for mee, and demaunded why I put not my goods a lande, and payed my custome as other men did? To whom I answered, that I was a marchant that was newly come thither, and seeing such disorder amongst the Portugales, I doubted the losse of my goods which cost me very deare, with the sweate of my face, and for this cause I was determined not to put my goods on lande, vntil such time as his honour would assure me in the name of the king, that I should haue no losse, and although there came harme to the Portugales, that neither I nor my goods should haue any hurt, because I had neither part nor any difference with them in this tumult: my reason sounded well in the Retors eares, and so presently he sent for the Bargits, which are as Counsellors of the Citie, and then they promised mee on the kings head or in the behalfe of the king, that neither I nor my goods should haue any harme, but that we should be safe and sure: of which promise there were made publike notes. And then I sent for my goods and had them on land, and payde my custome, which is in that countrey ten in the hundreth of the same goods, and for my more securitie I tooke a house right against the Retors house. The Captaine of the Portugales, and all the Portugall marchants were put out of the Citie, and I with twentie and two poore men which were officers in the shippe had my dwelling in the Citie. [Sidenote: A reuenge on the Portugales.] After this the Gentiles deuised to be reuenged of the Portugales; but they would not put it in execution, vntil such time as our small shippe had discharged all her goods, and then the next night following came from Pegu foure thousand souldiers with some Elephants of warre; and before that they made any tumult in the citie, the Retor sent, and gaue commaundement to all Portugales that were in the Citie, when they heard any rumour or noyse, that for any thing they should not goe out of their houses, as they tendered their owne health. Then foure houres within night I heard a great rumour and noyse of men of warre, with Elephants which threw downe the doores of the ware-houses of the Portugales, and their houses of wood and strawe, in the which tumult there were some Portugales wounded, and one of them slaine; and others without making proofe of their manhoode, which the day before did so bragge, at that time put themselues to flight most shamefully, and saued themselues a boord of litle shippes, that were at an anker in the harbour, and some that were in their beds fled away naked, and that night they caried away all the Portugalles goods out of the suburbes into the Citie, and those Portugales that had their goods in the suburbes also. After this the Portugales that were fledde into the shippes to saue themselues, tooke a newe courage to themselues, and came on lande and set fire on the houses in the suburbes, which houses being made of boorde and strawe, and the winde blowing fresh, in small time were burnt and consumed, with which fire halfe the Citie had like to haue beene burnt; when the Portugales had done this, they were without all hope to recouer any part of their goods againe, which goods might amount to the summe of sixteene thousand duckats, which, if they had not set fire to the towne, they might haue had againe without any losse at all. Then the Portugales vnderstanding that this thing was not done by the consent of the king, but by his Lieutenant and the Retor of the citie were very ill content, knowing that they had made a great fault, yet the next morning following, the Portugales beganne to bende and shoot their ordinance against the Citie, which batterie of theirs continued foure dayes, but all was in vaine, for the shotte neuer hit the Citie, but lighted on the top of a small hill neere vnto it, so that the citie had no harme. When the Retor perceiued that the Portugales made battery against the Citie, be tooke one and twentie Portugales that were there in the Citie, and sent them foure miles into the Countrey, there to tarry vntill such time as the other Portugales were departed, that made the batterie, who after their departure let them goe at their owne libertie without any harme done vnto them. I my selfe was alwayes in my house with a good guard appointed me by the Retor, that no man should doe me iniurie, nor harme me nor my goods; in such wise that hee perfourmed all that he had promised me in the name of the king, but he would not let me depart before the comming of the king, which was greatly to my hinderance, because I was twenty and one moneths sequestred, that I could not buy nor sell any kinde of marchandise. Those commodities that I brought thither, were peper, sandols, and Porcellan of China: so when the king was come home, I made my supplication vnto him, and I was licenced to depart when I would. From Martauan I departed to goe to the chiefest Citie in the kingdome of Pegu, which is also called after the name of the kingdome, which voyage is made by sea in three or foure daies: they may goe also by lande, but it is better for him that hath marchandize to goe by sea and lesser charge. And in this voyage you shall haue a Macareo, which is one of the most marueilous things [Marginal note: A thing most marueilous, that at the comming of a tide the earth should quake.] in the world that Nature hath wrought, and I neuer saw any thing so hard to be beleeued as this, to wit, the great increasing and diminishing of the water there at one push or instant, and the horrible earthquake and great noyse that the said Macareo maketh where it commeth. We departed from Martauan in barkes, which are like to our Pylot boates, with the increase of the water, and they goe as swift as an arrowe out of a bow, so long as the tide runneth with them, and when the water is at the highest, then they drawe themselues out of the Channell towardes some banke, and there they come to anker, and when the water is diminished, then they rest on dry land: and when the barkes rest dry, they are as high from the bottome of the Chanell, as any house top is high from the ground. [Sidenote: This tide is like to the tides in our riuer of Seuerne.] They let their barkes lie so high for this respect, that if there should any shippe rest or ride in the Chanell, with such force commeth in the water, that it would ouerthrowe shippe or barke: yet for all this, that the barkes be so farre out of the Chanell, and though the water hath lost her greatest strength and furie before it come so high, yet they make fast their prowe to the streme, and oftentimes it maketh them very fearefull, and if the anker did not holde her prowe vp by strength, shee would be ouerthrowen and lost with men and goods. [Sidenote: These tides make their iust coarse as ours doe.] When the water beginneth to increase, it maketh such a noyse and so great that you would think it an earthquake, and presently at the first it maketh three waues. So that the first washeth ouer the barke, from stemme to sterne, the second is not so furious as the first, and the thirde rayseth the Anker, and then for the space of sixe houres while the water encreaseth, they rowe with such swiftnesse that you would thinke they did fly: in these tydes there must be lost no iot of time, for if you arriue not at the stagions before the tyde be spent, you must turne back from whence you came. For there is no staying at any place, but at these stagions, and there is more daunger at one of these places then at another, as they be higher and lower one then another. When as you returne from Pegu to Martauan, they goe but halfe the tide at a time, because they will lay their barkes vp aloft on the bankes, for the reason aforesayd. I could neuer gather any reason of the noyse that this water maketh in the increase of the tide, and in deminishing of the water. There is another Macareo in Cambaya, [Sidenote: The Macareo is a tide or a currant.] but that is nothing in comparison of this. By the helpe of God we came safe to Pegu, which are two cities, the olde and the newe, in the olde citie are the Marchant strangers, and marchants of the Countrey, for there are the greatest doings and the greatest trade. This citie is not very great, but it hath very great suburbes. Their houses be made with canes, and couered with leaues, or with strawe, but the marehants haue all one house or Magason, which house they call Godon which is made of brickes, and there they put all their goods of any valure, to saue them from the often mischances that there happen to houses made of such stuffe. In the newe citie is the pallace of the king, and his abiding place with all his barons and nobles, and other gentlemen; and in the time that I was there, they finished the building of the new citie: it is a great citie, very plaine and flat, and foure square, walled round about and with ditches that compasse the wals about with water, in which ditches are many crocodils, it hath no drawe bridges, yet it hath twentie gates, fiue for euery square on the walles, there are many places made for centinels to watch, made of wood and couered or guilt with gold, the streetes thereof are the fayrest that I haue seene, they are as straight as a line from one gate to another, and standing at the one gate you may discouer to the other, and they are as broad as 10 or 12 men may ride a breast in them: [Sidenote: A rich and stately palace.] and those streetes that be thwart are faire and large, these streetes, both on the one side and on the other, are planted at the doores of the houses, with nut trees of India, which make a very commodious shadowe, the houses be made of wood and couered with a kind of tiles in forme of cups, very necessary for their vse, the kings palace is in the middle of the citie, made in forme of a walled castle, with ditches full of water round about it, the lodgings within are made of wood all ouer gilded, with fine pinacles, and very costly worke, couered with plates of golde. Truely it may be a kings house: within the gate there is a faire large court, from the one side to the other, wherein there are made places for the strongest and stoutest Eliphants appointed for the seruice of the kings person, and amongst all other Eliphants, he hath foure that be white, a thing so rare that a man shall hardly finde another king that hath any such, and if this king knowe any other that hath white Eliphantes, he sendeth for them as for a gift. The time that I was there, there were two brought out of a farre Countrey, and that cost me something the sight of them, for they commaund the marchants to goe to see them, and then they must giue somewhat to the men that bring them: the brokers of the marchants giue for euery man halfe a duckat, which they call a Tansa, [Marginal note: This money called Tansa is halfe a duckat which may be three shillings and foure pence.] which amounteth to a great summe, for the number of merchants that are in that citie; and when they haue payde the aforesayde Tansa, they may chuse whether they will see them at that time or no, because that when they are in the kings stall, euery man may see them that will: but at that time they must goe and see them, for it is the kings pleasure it should be so. This king amongst all other his titles, is called the King of the white Eliphantes and it is reported that if this king knewe any other king that had any of these white Eliphantes, and woud not send them vnto him, that he would hazard his whole kingdome to conquer them, he esteemeth these white Eliphantes very deerely, and they are had in great regard, and kept with very meete seruice, euery one of them is in a house, all guilded ouer, and they haue their meate giuen them in vessels of siluer and golde, there is one blacke Eliphant the greatest that hath bene seene, and is kept according to his bignesse, he is nine cubites high, which is a marueilous thing. [Sidenote: A warlike policie.] It is reported that this king hath foure thousand Eliphantes of warre, and all haue their teeth, and they vse to put on their two vppermost teeth sharpe spikes of yron, and make them fast with rings, because these beastes fight, and make battell with their teeth; hee hath also very many yong Eliphants that haue not their teeth sprowted foorth: also this king hath a braue deuise in hunting to take these Eliphantes when hee will, two miles from the Citie. [Sidenote: An excellent deuise to hunt, and take wilde Elephants.] He hath builded a faire pallace all guilded, and within it a faire Court, and within it and rounde about there are made an infinite number of places for men to stande to see this hunting: neere vnto this Pallace is a mighty great wood, through the which the hunts-men of the king ride continually on the backs of the feminine Eliphants, teaching them in this businesse. Euery hunter carieth out with him fiue or sixe of these feminines, and they say that they anoynt the secret places with a certaine composition that they haue, that when the wilde Eliphant doeth smell thereunto, they followe the feminines and cannot leaue them: when the hunts-men haue made prouision and the Eliphant is so entangled, they guide the feminines towards the Pallace which is called Tambell, and this Pallace hath a doore which doth open and shut with engines, before which doore there is a long streight way with trees on both the sides, which couereth the way in such wise as it is like darkenesse in a corner: the wilde Eliphant when he commeth to this way, thinketh that he is in the woods. At end of this darke way there is a great field, when the hunters haue gotten this praye, when they first come to this field, they send presently to giue knowledge thereof to the Citie, and with all speed there go out fiftie or sixtie men on horsebacke, and doe beset the fielde rounde about: in the great fielde then the females which are taught in this businesse goe directly to the mouth of the darke way, and when as the wilde Eliphant is entred in there, the hunters shoute and make a great noyse, as much as is possible, to make the wilde Eliphant enter in at the gate of that Pallace, which is then open, and as soone as he is in, the gate is shut without any noyse, and so the hunters with the female Eliphants and the wilde one are all in the Court together, and then within a small time the females withdraw themselues away one by one out of the Court, leauing the wilde Eliphant alone: [Sidenote: An excellent pastime of the Eliphants.] and when he perceiueth that he is left alone, he is so madde that for two or three houres to see him, it is the greatest pleasure in the world: he weepeth, hee flingeth, hee runneth, he iustleth, hee thrusteth vnder the places where the people stand to see him, thinking to kil some of them, but the posts and timber is so strong and great, that hee cannot hurt any body, yet hee oftentimes breaketh his teeth in the grates; at length when hee is weary and hath laboured his body that hee is all wet with sweat, then hee plucketh in his truncke into his mouth, and then hee throweth out so much water out of his belly, that he sprinckleth it ouer the heades of the lookers on, to the vttermost of them, although it bee very high: and then when they see him very weary, there goe certaine officers into the Court with long sharpe canes [Marginal note: These canes are like to them in Spain which they call Ioco de tore.] in their hands, and prick him that they make him to goe into one of the houses that is made alongst the Court for the same purpose: as there are many which are made long and narrow, and when the Eliphant is in, he cannot turne himself to go backe againe. And it is requisite that these men should be very wary and swift, for although their canes be long, yet the Eliphant would kill them if they were not swift to saue themselues: at length when they haue gotten him into one of those houses, they stand ouer him in a loft and get ropes vnder his belly and about his necke, and about his legges, and binde him fast, and so let him stand foure or fiue dayes, and giue him neither meate nor drinke. At the ende of these foure or fiue dayes, they vnloose him and put one of the females vnto him, and giue him meate and drinke, and in eight dayes he is become tame. In my. iudgement there is not a beast so intellectiue as are these Eliphants, nor of more vnderstanding in al the world: for he wil do all things that his keeper saith, so that he lacketh nothing but humaine speech. It is reported that the greatest strength that the king of Pegu hath is in these Eliphants, for when they goe to battell, they set on their backes a Castle of wood bound thereto, with bands vnder their bellies: and in euery Castle foure men very commodiously set to fight with harqubushes, with bowes and arrowes, with darts and pikes, and other launcing weapons: and they say that the skinne of this Eliphant is so hard, that an harquebusse will not pierce it, vnlesse it bee in the eye, temples, or some other tender place of his body. [Sidenote: A goodly order in a barbarous people.] And besides this, they are of great strength, and haue a very excellent order in their battel, as I haue seene at their feastes which they make in the yeere, in which feastes the king maketh triumphes, which is a rare thing and worthy memorie, that in so barbarous a people should be such goodly orders as they haue in their armies, which be distinct in squares of Eliphants, of horsemen, of harquebushers and pikemen, that truly the number of men are infinite: but their armour and weapons are very nought and weake as well the one as the other: they haue very bad pikes, their swords are worse made, like long kniues without points, his harquebushes are most excellent, and alway in his warres he hath eightie thousand harquebushes, and the number of them encreaseth dayly. Because the king will haue them shoote every day at the Plancke, and so by continuall exercise they become most excellent shot: also hee hath great ordinance made of very good mettall; to conclude there is not a King on the earth that hath more power or strength then this king of Pegu, because hee hath twentie and sixe crowned kings at his commaunde. He can make in his campe a million and a halfe of men of warre in the fielde against his enemies. The state of his kingdome and maintenance of his army, is a thing incredible to consider, and the victuals that should maintaine such a number of people in the warres: but he that knoweth the nature and quality of that people, will easily beleeue it. [Sidenote: Eating of serpents.] I haue seene with mine eyes, that those people and souldiers haue eaten of all sorts of wild beastes that are on the earth, whether it bee very filthie or otherwise all serueth for their mouthes: yea, I haue seene them eate Scorpions and Serpents, also they feed of all kinde of herbes and grasse. So that if such a great armie want not water and salt, they will maintaine themselues a long time in a bush with rootes, flowers and leaues of trees, they cary rice with them for their voyage, and that serueth them in stead of comfits; it is so daintie vnto them. This king of Pegu hath not any army or power by sea, but in the land, for people, dominions, golde and siluer, he farre exceeds the power of the great Turke in treasure and strength. [Sidenote: The riches of the king of Pegu.] This king hath diuers Magasons full of treasure, as gold, and siluer, and euery day he encreaseth it more and more, and it is neuer diminished. Also hee is Lord of the Mines of Rubies, Safires and Spinels. Neere vnto his royall pallace there is an inestimable treasure whereof hee maketh no accompt, for that it standeth in such a place that euery one may see it, and the place where this treasure is, is a great Court walled round about with walles of stone, with two gates which stand open euery day. And within this place or Court are foure gilded houses couered with lead, and in euery one of these are certaine heathenish idoles of a very great valure. In the first house there is a stature of the image of a man of gold very great, and on his head a crowne of gold beset with most rare Rubies and Safires, and round about him are 4. litle children of gold. In the second house there is the stature of a man of siluer, that is set as it were sitting on heapes of money: whose stature in height, as hee sitteth, is so high, that his highnesse exceeds the height of any one roofe of an house; I measured his feete, and found that they were as long as all my body was in height, with a crowne on his head like to the first. And in the thirde house, there is a stature of brasse of the same bignesse, with a like crowne on his head. In the 4. and last house there is a stature of a man as big as the other, which is made of Gansa, which is the metall they make their money of, and this metall is made of copper and leade mingled together. This stature also hath a crowne on his head like the first: this treasure being of such a value as it is, standeth in an open place that euery man at his pleasure may go and see it: for the keepers therof neuer forbid any man the sight thereof. I say as I haue said before, that this king euery yere in his feastes triumpheth: and because it is worthy of the noting, I thinke it meet to write therof, which is as foloweth. [Sidenote: The great pompe of the king.] The king rideth on a triumphant cart or wagon all gilded, which is drawen by 16. goodly horses: and this cart is very high with a goodly canopy ouer it, behind the cart goe 20. of his Lords and nobles, with euery one a rope in his hand made fast to the cart for to hold it vpright that it fal not. The king sitteth in the middle of the cart; and vpon the same cart about the king stande 4. of his nobles most fauored of him, and before this cart wherein the king is goeth all his army as aforesaid, and in the middle of his army goeth all his nobilitie, round about the cart, that are in his dominions, a marueilous thing it is to see so many people, such riches and such good order in a people so barbarous as they be. This king of Pegu hath one principal wife which is kept in a Seralio, he hath 300. concubines, of whom it is reported that he hath 90. children. [Sidenote: The order of Iustice.] This king sitteth euery day in person to heare the suites of his subiects, but he nor they neuer speake one to another, but by supplications made in this order. [Sidenote: No difference of persons before the King in controuersies or in iustice.] The king sitteth vp aloft, in a great hall, on a tribunall seat, and lower vnder him sit all his Barons round about, then those that demaund audience enter into a great Court before the king, and there set them downe on the ground 40. paces distant from the kings person, and amongst those people there is no difference in matters of audience before the king, but all alike, and there they sit with their supplications in their hands, which are made of long leaues of a tree, these leaues are 3. quarters of a yard long, and two fingers broad, which are written with a sharpe iron made for that purpose, and in those leaues are their supplications written, and with their supplications, they haue in their hands a present or gift, according to the waightines of their matter. Then come the secretaries downe to read these supplications, taking them and reading them before the king, and if the king think it good to do to them that fauour or iustice that they demaund, then he commandeth to take the presents out of their hands: but if he thinke their demand be not iust or according to right, he commandeth them away without taking of their gifts or presents. In the Indies there is not any marchandise that is good to bring to Pegu, vnlesse it bee at some times by chance to bring Opium of Cambaia, and if he bring money he shall lose by it. Now the commodities that come from S. Tome are the onely marchandise for that place, which is the great quantity of cloth made, which they vse in Pegu: which cloth is made of bombast wouen and painted, so that the more that kinde of cloth is washed, the more liuelie they shewe their colours, which is a rare thing, and there is made such accompt of this kinde of cloth which is so great importance, that a small bale of it will cost a thousand or two thousand duckets. Also from S. Tome they layd great store of red yarne, of bombast died with a roote which they call Saia, as aforesayd, which colour will neuer out. With which marchandise euery yeere there goeth a great shippe from S. Tome to Pegu, of great importance, and they vsually depart from S. Tome to Pegu the 11. or 12. of September, and if she stay vntill the twelfth, it is a great hap if she returne not without making of her voiage. Their vse was to depart the sixt of September, and then they made sure voyages, and now because there is a great labour about that kind of cloth to bring it to perfection, and that it be well dried, as also the greedinesse of the Captaine that would made an extraordinary gaine of his fraight, thinking to haue the wind alwayes to serue their turne, they stay so long, that at sometimes the winde turneth. For in those parts the windes blow firmely for certaine times, with the which they goe to Pegu with the winde in poope, and if they arriue not there before the winde change, and get ground to anker, perforce they must returne backe againe: for that the gales of the winde blowe there for three or foure moneths together in one place with great force. But if they get the coast and anker there, then with great labour they may saue their voyage. Also there goeth another great shippe from Bengala euery yeere, laden with fine cloth of bombast of all sorts, which arriueth in the harbour of Pegu, when the ship that commeth from S. Tome departeth. The harbour where these two ships arriue is called Cosmin. From Malaca to Martauan, which is a port in Pegu, there come many small ships, and great, laden with pepper, Sandolo, Porcellan of China, Camfora, Bruneo and other marchandise. The ships that come from Mecca enter into the port of Pegu and Cirion, and those shippes bring cloth of Wooll, Scarlets, Veluets, Opium, and Chickinos, [Sidenote: The Chikinos are pieces of gold worth sterling 7. shillings.] by the which they lose, and they bring them because they haue no other thing that is good for Pegu: but they esteeme not the losse of them, for they make such great gaine of their commodities that they cary from thence out of that kingdome. Also the king of Assi his ships come thither into the same port laden with peper; from the coast of S. Tome of Bengala, out of the Sea of Bara to Pegu are three hundreth miles, and they go it vp the riuer in foure daies, with the encreasing water, or with the flood, to a City called Cosmin, and there they discharge their ships, whither the Customers of Pegu come to take the note and markes of all the goods of euery man, and take the charge of the goods on them, and conuey them to Pegu, into the kings house, wherein they make the custome of the marchandize. When the Customers haue taken the charge of the goods and put them into barks, the Retor of the City giueth licence to the Marchants to take barke, and goe vp to Pegu with their marchandize; and so three or foure of them take a barke and goe vp to Pegu in company. [Sidenote: Great rigour for the stealing of customes.] God deliuer euery man that hee giue not a wrong note, and entrie, or thinke to steale any custome: for if they do, for the least trifle that is, he is vtterly vndone, for the king doeth take it for a most great affront to bee deceiued of his custome: and therefore they make diligent searches, three times at the lading and vnlading of the goods, and at the taking of them a land. In Pegu this search they make when they goe out of the ship for Diamonds, Pearles, and fine cloth which taketh little roome: for because that all the iewels that come into Pegu, and are not found of that countrey, pay custome, but Rubies, Safyres, and Spinels pay no custome in nor out: because they are found growing in that Countrey. I haue spoken before, how that all Marchants that meane to goe thorow the Indies, must cary al manor of houshold stuffe with them which is necessary for a house, because that there is not any lodging nor Innes nor hostes, nor chamber roome in that Countrey, but the first thing a man doth when he commeth to that City is to hier a house, either by the yeere or by the moneth, or as he meanes to stay in those parts. In Pegu their order is to hire their houses for sixe moneths. Nowe from Cosmin to the Citie of Pegu they goe in sixe houres with the flood, and if it be ebbing water, then they make fast their boate to the riuer side, and there tary vntil the water flow againe. [Sidenote: Description of the fruitfulnesse of that soyle.] It is a very commodious and pleasant voyage, hauing on both sides of the riuers many great vilages, which they call Cities: in the which hennes, pigeons, egges, milke, rice, and other things be very goode cheape. It is all plaine, and a goodly Countrey, and in eight dayes you may make your voyage vp to Macceo, distant from Pegu twelue miles, and there they discharge their goods, and lade them in Carts or waines drawen with oxen, and the Marchants are caried in a closet which they call Deling, [Sidenote: Deling is a small litter carried with men as is aforesaid.] in the which a man shall be very well accommodated, with cushions under his head, and couered for the defence of the Sunne and raine, and there he may sleep if he haue will thereunto: and his foure Falchines cary him running away, changing two at one time and two at another. The custome of Pegu and fraight thither, may amount vnto twentie or twentie two per cento, and 23. according as he hath more or lesse stolen from him that day they custome the goods. It is requisite that a man haue his eyes watchfull, and to be carefull, and to haue many friendes, for when they custome in the great hall of the king, there come many gentlemen accompanied with a number of their slaues, and these gentlemen haue no shame that their slaues rob strangers; whether it be cloth in shewing of it or any other thing, they laugh at it. And although the Marchants helpe one another to keepe watch, and looke to their goods, they cannot looke therto so narrowly but one or other will rob something, either more or lesse, according as their marchandise is more or lesse: and yet on this day there is a worse thing then this: although you haue set so many eyes to looke there for your benefit, that you escape vnrobbed of the slaues, a man cannot choose but that he must be robbed of the officers of the custome house. For paying the custome with the same goods oftentimes they take the best that you haue, and not by rate of euery sort as they ought to do, by which meanes a man payeth more then his dutie. At length when the goods be dispatched out of the custome house in this order, the Marchant causeth them to be caried to his house, and may do with them at his pleasure. There are in Pegu 8. brokers of the kings, which are called Tareghe, who are bound to sell all the marchandize which come to Pegu, at the common or the currant price: then if the marchants wil sell their goods at that price, they sel them away, and the brokers haue two in the hundreth of euery sort of marchandise, and they are bound to make good the debts of those goods, because they be sold by their hands or meanes, and on their wordes, and oftentimes the marchant knoweth not to whom he giueth his goods, yet he cannot lose anything thereby, for that the broker is bound in any wise to pay him, and if the marchant sel his goods without the consent of the broker, yet neuerthelesse he must pay him two per cento, and be in danger of his money: [Sidenote: A lawe for Bankrupts.] but this is very seldom seene, because the wife, children, and slaues of the debtor are bound to the creditor, and when his time is expired and paiment not made, the creditor may take the debtor and cary him home to his house, and shut him vp in a Magasin, whereby presently he hath his money, and not being able to pay the creditor, he may take the wife, children, and slaues of the debtor and sel them, for so is the lawe of that kingdome. [Sidenote: Euery man may stampe what money he wil.] The currant money that is in this city, and throughout all this kingdom is called Gansa or Ganza, which is made of Copper and leade: It is not the money of the king, but euery man may stamp it that wil, because it hath his iust partition or value: but they make many of them false, by putting ouermuch lead into them, and those will not passe, neither will any take them. With this money Ganza, you may buy golde or siluer, Rubies and Muske, and other things. For there is no other money currant amongst them. And Golde, siluer and other marchandize are at one time dearer than another, as all other things be. This Ganza goeth by weight of Byze, and this name of Byza goeth for the accompt of the weight, and commonly a Byza of a Ganza is worth (after our accompt) halfe a ducat, litle more or lesse: and albeit that Gold and siluer is more or lesse in price, yet the Byza neuer changeth: euery Byza maketh a hundreth Ganza of weight, and so the number of the money is Byza. [Sidenote: How a man may dispose himselfe for the trade in Pegu.] He that goeth to Pegu to buy Iewels, if he wil do well, it behoueth him to be a whole yere there to do his businesse. For if so be that he would return with the ship he came in, he cannot do any thing so conueniently for the breuitie of the time, because that when they custome their goods in Pegu that come from S. Tome in their ships, it is as it were about Christmas: and when they haue customed their goods, then must they sell them for their credits sake for a moneth or two: and then at the beginning of March the ships depart. The Marchants that come from S. Tome take for the paiment of their goods, gold and siluer, which is neuer wanting there. [Sidenote: Good instructions.] And 8. or 10. daies before their departure they are all satisfied: also they may haue Rubies in paiment, but they make no accompt of them: and they that will winter there for another yere, it is needfull that they be aduertized, that in the sale of their goods, they specifie in their bargaine, the terme of two or 3. moneths paiment, and that their paiment shal be in so many Ganza, and neither golde nor siluer: because that with the Ganza they may buy and sel euery thing with great aduantage. And how needfull is it to be aduertized, when they wil recouer their paiments, in what order they shal receiue their Ganza? Because he that is not experienced may do himselfe great wrong in the weight of the Gansa, as also in the falsenesse of them: in the weight he may be greatly deceiued, because that from place to place it doth rise and fall greatly: and therefore when any wil receiue money or make paiment, he must take a publique wayer of money, a day or two before he go about his businesse, and giue him in paiment for his labour two Byzaes a moneth, and for this he is bound to make good all your money, and to maintaine it for good, for that hee receiueth it and seales the bags with his scale: and when hee hath receiued any store, then hee causeth it to bee brought into the Magason of the Marchant, that is the owner of it. That money is very weightie, for fortie Byza is a strong Porters burden; and also where the Marchant hath any payment to be made for those goods which he buyeth, the Common wayer of money that receiueth his money must make the payment thereof. So that by this meanes, the Marchant with the charges of two Byzes a moneth, receiueth and payeth out his money without losse or trouble. [Sidenote: The marchandizes that goe out of Pegu.] The Marchandizes that goe out of Pegu are Gold, Siluer, Rubies, Saphyres, Spinelles, great store of Beniamin, long peper, Leade, Lacca, rice, wine, some sugar, yet there might be great store of sugar made in the Countrey, for that they haue aboundance of Canes, but they giue them to Eliphants to eate, and the people consume great store of them for food, and many more doe they consume in vaine things, as these following. In that kingdome they spend many of these Sugar canes in making of houses and tents which they call Varely for their idoles, which they call Pagodes, whereof there are great aboundance, great and smal, and these houses are made in forme of little hilles, like to Sugar loaues or to Bells, and some of these houses are as high as a reasonable steeple, at the foote they are very large, some of them be in circuit a quarter of a mile. The saide houses within are full of earth, and walled round about with brickes and dirt in steade of lime, and without forme, from the top to the foote they make a couering for them with Sugar canes, and plaister it with lime all ouer, for otherwise they would bee spoyled, by the great aboundance of raine that falleth in those Countreys. [Sidenote: Idol houses couered with gold.] Also they consume about these Varely or idol houses great store of leafe-gold, for that they ouerlay all the tops of the houses with gold, and some of them are couered with golde from the top to the foote: in couering whereof there is great store of gold spent, for that euery 10. yeeres they new ouerlay them with gold, from the top to the foote, so that with this vanitie they spend great aboundance of golde. For euery 10. yeres the raine doth consume the gold from these houses. And by this meanes they make golde dearer in Pegu then it would bee, if they consumed not so much in this vanitie. Also it is a thing to bee noted in the buying of iewels in Pegu, that he that hath no knowledge shall haue as good iewels, and as good cheap, as he that hath bene practized there a long time, which is a good order, and it is in this wise. There are in Pegu foure men of good reputation, which are called Tareghe, or brokers of Iewels. These foure men haue all the Iewels or Rubies in their handes, and the Marchant that wil buy commeth to one of these Tareghe and telleth him, that he hath so much money to imploy in Rubies. [Sidenote: Rubies exceeding cheape in Pegu.] For through the hands of these foure men passe all the Rubies: for they haue such quantitie, that they knowe not what to doe with them, but sell them at most vile and base prices. When the Marchant hath broken his mind to one of these brokers or Tareghe, they cary him home to one of their Shops, although he hath no knowledge in Iewels: and when the Iewellers perceiue that hee will employ a good round summe, they will make a bargaine, and if not, they let him alone. The vse generally of this Citie is this: that when any Marchant hath bought any great quantitie of Rubies, and hath agreed for them, hee carieth them home to his house, let them be of what value they will, he shall haue space to looke on them and peruse them two or three dayes: and if he hath no knowledge in them, he shall alwayes haue many Marchants in that Citie that haue very good knowledge in Iewels; with whom he may alwayes conferre and take counsell, and may shew them vnto whom he will; and if he finde that hee hath not employed his money well, hee may returne his Iewels backe to them whom hee had them of, without any losse at all. Which thing is such a shame to the Tareghe to haue his Iewels returned, that he had rather beare a blow on the face then that it should be thought that he solde them so deere to haue them returned. [Sidenote: An honest care of heathen people.] For these men haue alwayes great care that they afford good peniworths, especially to those that haue no knowledge. This they doe, because they woulde not loose their credite: and when those Marchants that haue knowledge in Iewels buy any, if they buy them deere, it is their own faults and not the brokers: yet it is good to haue knowledge in Iewels, by reason that it may somewhat ease the price. [Sidenote: Bargaines made with the nipping of fingers vnder a cloth.] There is also a very good order which they haue in buying of Iewels, which is this; There are many Marchants that stand by at the making of the bargaine, and because they shall not vnderstand howe the Iewels be solde, the Broker and the Marchants haue their hands vnder a cloth, and by touching of fingers and nipping the ioynts they know what is done, what is bidden, and what is asked. So that the standers by knowe not what is demaunded for them, although it be for a thousand or 10. thousand duckets. For euery ioynt and euery finger hath his signification. For if the Marchants that stande by should vnderstand the bargaine, it would breede great controuersie amongst them. And at my being in Pegu in the moneth of August, in Anno 1569, hauing gotten well by my endeuour, I was desirous to see mine owne Countrey, and I thought it good to goe by the way of S. Tome, but then I should tary vntil March. In which iourney I was counsailed, yea, and fully resolued to go by the way of Bengala, with a shippe there ready to depart for that voyage. And then wee departed from Pegu to Chatigan a great harbour or port, from whence there goe smal ships to Cochin, before the fleete depart for Portugall, in which ships I was fully determined to goe to Lisbon, and so to Venice. [Sidenote: This Touffon is an extraordinary storme at Sea.] When I had thus resolued my selfe, I went a boord of the shippe of Bengala, at which time it was the yeere of Touffon: concerning which Touffon ye are to vnderstand, that in the East Indies often times, there are not stormes as in other countreys; but euery 10. or 12. yeeres there are such tempests and stormes, that it is a thing incredible, but to those that haue seene it, neither do they know certainly what yeere they wil come. [Sidenote: The Touffon commeth but euery 10. or 12. yeeres.] Vnfortunate are they that are at sea in that yere and time of the Touffon, because few there are that escape that danger. In this yere it was our chance to be at sea with the like storme, but it happened well vnto vs, for that our ship was newly ouer-plancked, and had not any thing in her saue victuall and balasts, Siluer and golde, which from Pegu they cary to Bengala, and no other kinde of Marchandise. This Touffon or cruel storme endured three dayes and three nights: in which time it caried away our sailes, yards, and rudder; and because the shippe laboured in the Sea, wee cut our mast ouer boord: which when we had done she laboured a great deale more then before, in such wise, that she was almost full with water that came ouer the highest part of her and so went downe: and for the space of three dayes and three nights sixtie men did nothing but hale water out of her in this wise, twentie men in one place, and twentie men in another place, and twentie in a thirde place: and for all this storme, the shippe was so good, that shee tooke not one iot of water below through her sides, but all ran downe through the hatches, so that those sixtie men did nothing but cast the Sea into the Sea. And thus driuing too and fro as the winde and Sea would, we were in a darke night about foure of the clocke cast on a sholde: yet when it was day, we could neither see land on one side nor other, and knew not where we were: And as it pleased the diuine power, there came a great waue of the Sea, which draue vs beyonde the should. [Sidenote: A manifest token of the ebbing and flowing in those Countries.] And when wee felt the shippe aflote, we rose vp as men reuiued, because the Sea was calme and smooth water, and then sounding we found twelue fadome water, and within a while after wee had but sixe fadome, and then presently we came to anker with a small anker that was left vs at the sterne, for all our other were lost in the storme: and by and by the shippe stroke a ground, and then we did prop her that she should not ouerthrow. When it was day the shippe was all dry, and wee found her a good mile from the Sea on drie land. [Sidenote: This Island is called Sondiua.] This Touffon being ended, we discouered an Island not farre from vs, and we went from the shippe on the sands to see what Island it was: and wee found it a place inhabited, and, to my iudgement, the fertilest Island in all the world, the which is diuided into two parts by a chanell which passeth betweene it, and with great trouble we brought our ship into the same chanel, which parteth the Island at flowing water, and there we determined to stay 40. dayes to refresh vs. And when the people of the Island saw the ship, and that we were comming a land: presently they made a place of bazar or a market, with shops right ouer against the ship with all maner of prouision of victuals to eate, which they brought downe in great abundance, and sold it so good cheape, that we were amazed at the cheapenesse thereof. I bought many salted kine there, for the prouision of the ship, for halfe a Larine a piece, which Larine may be 12. shillings sixe pence, being very good and fat; and 4. wilde hogges ready dressed for a Larine, great fat hennes for a Bizze a piece, which is at the most a pennie: and the people told vs that we were deceiued the halfe of our money, because we bought things so deare. Also a sacke of fine rice for a thing of nothing, and consequently all other things for humaine sustenance were there in such aboundance, that it is a thing incredible but to them that haue seene it. [Sidenote: Sondiua is the fruitfullest Countrey in al the world.] This Island is called Sondiua belonging to the kingdome of Bengala, distant 120. miles from Chatigan, to which place wee were bound. The people are Moores, and the king a very good man of a Moore king, for if he had bin a tyrant as others be, he might haue robbed vs of all, because the Portugall captaine of Chatigan was in armes against the Retor of that place, and euery day there were some slaine, at which newes we rested there with no smal feare, keeping good watch and ward aboord euery night as the vse is, but the gouernour of the towne did comfort vs, and bad vs that we should feare nothing, but that we should repose our selues securely without any danger, although the Portugales of Chatigan had slaine the gouernour of that City, and said that we were not culpable in that fact: and moreouer he did vs euery day what pleasure he could, which was a thing contrary to our expectations considering that they and the people of Chatigan were both subiects to one king. [Sidenote: Chatigan is a port in Bengala, whither the Portugales go with their ships.] We departed from Sondiua, and came to Chatigan the great port of Bengala, at the same time when the Portugales had made peace and taken a truce with the gouernours of the towne, with this condition that the chiefe Captaine of the Portugales with his ship should depart without any lading: for there were then at that time 18. ships of Portugales great and small. This Captaine being a Gentleman and of good courage, was notwithstanding contented to depart to his greatest hinderance, rather than hee would seeke to hinder so many of his friends as were there, as also because the time of the yeere was spent to go to the Indies. The night before he departed, euery ship that had any lading therein, put it aboord of the Captaine to helpe to ease his charge and to recompense his courtesies. [Sidenote: The King of Rachim, or Aracam, neighbour to Bengala.] In this time there came a messenger from the king of Rachim to this Portugal Captaine, who saide in the behalfe of his king, that hee had heard of the courage and valure of him, desiring him gently that he would vouchsafe to come with the ship into his port, and comming thither he should be very wel intreated. This Portugal went thither and was very well satisfied of this King. This King of Rachim hath his seate in the middle coast betweene Bengala and Pegu, and the greatest enemie he hath is the king of Pegu: which king of Pegu deuiseth night and day how to make this king of Rachim his subiect, but by no meanes hee is able to doe it: because the king of Pegu hath no power nor armie by Sea. And this king of Rachim [Marginal note: Or, Aracam.] may arme two hundreth Galleyes or Fusts by Sea, and by land he hath certaine sluses with the which when the king of Pegu pretendeth any harme towards him, hee may at his pleasure drowne a great part of the Countrey. So that by this meanes hee cutteth off the way whereby the king of Pegu should come with his power to hurt him. [Sidenote: The commodities that goe from Chatigan to the Indies.] From the great port of Chatigan they cary for the Indies great store of rice, very great quantitie of Bombast cloth of euery sort, Suger, corne, and money, with other marchandize. And by reason of the warres in Chatigan, the Portugall ships taried there so long, that they arriued not at Cochin so soone as they were wont to doe other yeeres. For which cause the fleete that was at Cochin [Marginal note: The Portugal ships depart toward Portugall out of the harbor of Cochin.] was departed for Portugal before they arriued there, and I being in one of the small shippes before the fleete, in discouering of Cochin, we also discouered the last shippe of the Fleete that went from Cochin to Portugall, where shee made saile, for which I was marueilously discomforted, because that all the yeere following, there was no going for Portugale, and when we arriued at Cochin I was fully determined to goe for Venice by the way of Ormus, [Sidenote: Goa was besieged.] and at that time the Citie of Goa was besieged by the people of Dialcan, but the Citizens forced not this assault, because they supposed that it would not continue long. For all this I embarked my selfe in a Galley that went for Goa, meaning there to shippe my selfe for Ormus: but when we came to Goa, the Viceroy would not suffer any Portugal to depart, by reason of the warres. And being in Goa but a small time, I fell sicke of an infirmitie that helde mee foure moneths: which with phisicke and diet cost me eight hundreth duckets, and there I was constrained to sell a smal quantitie of Rubies to sustaine my neede: and I solde that for fiue hundreth duckets, that was worth a thousand. And when I beganne to waxe well of my disease, I had but little of that money left, euery thing was so scarse: For euery chicken (and yet not good) cost mee seuen or eight Liuers, which is sixe shillings, or sixe shillings eight pence. Beside this great charges, the Apothecaries with their medicines were no small charge to me. At the ende of sixe moneths they raised the siege, and then I beganne to worke, for Iewels were risen in their prices: for whereas before I sold a few of refused Rubies, I determined then to sell the rest of all my Iewels that I had there, and to make an other voyage to Pegu. [Sidenote: Opium a good commoditie in Pegu.] And for because that at my departure from Pegu, Opium was in great request, I went then to Cambaya to imploy a good round summe of money in Opium, and there I bought 60. percels of Opium, which cost me two thousand and a hundreth duckets, euery ducket at foure shillings two pence. Moreouer I bought three bales of Bombast cloth, which cost me eight hundred duckats, which was a good commoditie for Pegu: when I had bought these things, the Viceroy commanded that the custome of the Opium should be paide in Goa, and paying custome there I might cary it whither I would. I shipped my 3. bales of cloth at Chaul in a shippe that went for Cochin, and I went to Goa to pay the aforesaid custome for my Opium, and from Goa I departed to Cochin in a ship that was for the voyage of Pegu, and went to winter then at S. Tome. When I come to Cochin, I vnderstood that the ship that had my three bales of cloth was cast away and lost, so that I lost my 800. Serafins or duckats: and departing from Cochin to goe for S. Tome, in casting about for the Island of Zeilan the Pilote was deceiued, for that the Cape of the Island of Zeilan lieth farre out into the sea, and the Pilot thinking that he might haue passed hard aboord the Cape, and paying roomer in the night; when it was morning we were farre within the Cape, and past all remedy to go out, by reason the winds blew so fiercely against vs. So that by this meanes we lost our voyage for that yere, and we went to Manar with the ship to winter there, the ship hauing lost her mastes, and with great dilligence we hardly saued her, with great losses to the Captaine of the ship, because he was forced to fraight another ship in S. Tome for Pegu with great losses and interest, and I with my friends agreed together in Manar to take a bark to cary vs to S. Tome; which thing we did with al the rest of the marchants; and arriuing at S. Tome I had news through or by the way of Bengala, that in Pegu Opium was very deare, and I knew that in S. Tome there was no Opium but mine to go for Pegu that yere, so that I was holden of al the marchants there to be very rich: and so it would haue proued, if my aduerse fortune had not bin contrary to my hope, which was this. At that time there went a great ship from Cambaya, to the king of Assi, with great quantitie of Opium, and there to lade peper: in which voyage there came such a storme, that the ship was forced with wether to goe roomer 800. miles, and by this meanes came to Pegu, whereas they arriued a day before mee; so that Opium which was before very deare, was now at a base price: so that which was sold for fiftie Bizze before, was solde for 2. Bizze and an halfe, there was such quantitie came in that ship; so that I was glad to stay two yeres in Pegu vnlesse I would haue giuen away my commoditie: and at the end of two yeres of my 2100. duckets which I bestowed in Cambaya, I made but a thousand duckets. Then I departed againe from Pegu to goe for the Indies for Chaul, and from Chaul to Cochin, and from Cochin to Pegu. Once more I lost occasion to make me riche, for whereas I might haue brought good store of Opium againe, I brought but a little, being fearefull of my other voyage before. In this small quantitie I made good profite. And now againe I determined to go for my Countrey, and departing from Pegu, I tarried and wintered in Cochin, and then I left the Indies and came for Ormus. I thinke it very necessary before I ende my voyage, to reason somewhat, and to shewe what fruits the Indies do yeeld and bring forth. First, In the Indies and other East parts of India there is Peper and ginger, which groweth in all parts of India. And in some parts of the Indies, the greatest quantitie of peper groweth amongst wilde bushes, without any maner of labour: sauing, that when it is ripe they goe and gather it. The tree that the peper groweth on is like to our Iuie, which runneth vp to the tops of trees wheresoeuer it groweth: and if it should not take holde of some tree, it would lie flat and rot on the ground. This peper tree hath his floure and berry like in all parts to our Iuie berry, and those berries be graines of peper: so that when they gather them they be greene, and then they lay them in the Sunne, and they become blacke. The Ginger groweth in this wise: the land is tilled and sowen, and the herbe is like to Panizzo, and the roote is the ginger. These two spices grow in diuers places. The Cloues come all from the Moluccas, which Moluccas are two Islands, not very great, and the tree that they grow on is like to our Lawrell tree. The Nutmegs and Maces, which grow both together, are brought from the Island of Banda, whose tree is like to our walnut tree, but not so big. All the good white Sandol is brought from the Island of Timor. Canfora being compound commeth all from China, and all that which groweth in canes commeth from Borneo, and I thinke that this Canfora commeth not into these parts: for that in India they consume great store, and that is very deare. The good Lignum Aloes commeth from Cauchinchina. The Beniamin commeth from the kingdome of Assi and Sion. Long pepper groweth in Bengala, Pegu, and Iaua. Muske [Marginal note: This Muske the Iewes doe counterfeit and take out halfe the good muske and beat the flesh of an asse and put in the roome of it.] commeth from Tartaria, which they make in this order, as by good information I haue bene told. There is a certaine beast in Tartaria, which is wilde and as big as a wolfe, which beast they take aliue, and beat him to death with small staues that his blood may be spread through his whole body, then they cut it in pieces and take out all the bones, and beat the flesh with the blood in a morter very smal, and dry it, and make purses to put it in of the skin, and these be the cods of muske. Truely I know not whereof the Amber is made, and there are diuers opinions of it, but this is most certaine, it is cast out of the Sea, and throwne on land, and found vpon the sea bankes. The Rubies, Saphyres, and the Spinels be gotten in the kingdome of Pegu. The Diamants come from diuers places; and I know but three sorts of them. That sort of Diamants that is called Chiappe, commeth from Bezeneger. Those that be pointed naturally come from the land of Delly, and from Iaua, but the Diamants of Iaua are more waightie then the other. I could neuer vnderstand from whence they that are called Balassi come. [Sidenote: The Balassi grow in Zeilan.] Pearles they fish in diuers places, as before in this booke is showne. From Cambaza commeth the Spodiom which congeleth in certaine canes, whereof I found many in Pegu, when I made my house there, because that (as I haue sayd before) they make their houses there of wouen canes like to mats. From Chaul they trade alongst the coast of Melinde in Ethiopia, [Marginal note: On the coast of Melynde in Ethiopia, in the land of Cafraria, the great trade that the Portugals haue.] within the land of Cafraria: on that coast are many good harbors kept by the Moores. Thither the Portugals bring a kinde of Bombast cloth of a low price, and great store of Paternosters or beads made of paltrie glasse, which they make in Chaul according to the vse of the Countrey: and from thence they cary Elephants teeth for India, slaues called Cafari, and some Amber and Gold. On this coast the king of Portugall hath his castle called Mozambique, which is of as great importance as any castle that hee hath in all his Indies vnder his protection, and the Captaine of this castle hath certaine voyages to this Cafraria, to which places no Marchants may goe, but by the Agent of this Captaine: [Sidenote: Buying and selling without words one to another.] and they vse to goe in small shippes, and trade with the Cafars, and their trade in buying and selling is without any speach one to the other. In this wise the Portugals bring their goods by litle and litle alongst the Sea coast, and lay them downe: and so depart, and the Cafar Marchants come and see the goods, and there they put downe as much gold as they thinke the goods are worth, and so goe their way and leaue their golde and the goods together, then commeth the Portugal, and finding the golde to his content, hee taketh it and goeth his way into his ship, and then commeth the Cafar, and taketh the goods and carieth them away: and if he finde the golde there still, it is a signe that the Portugals are not contented, and if the Cafar thinke he hath put too little, he addeth more, as he thinketh the thing is worth: and the Portugales must not stand with them too strickt; for if they doe, then they will haue no more trade with them: For they disdaine to be refused, when they thinke that they haue offered ynough, for they bee a peeuish people, and haue dealt so of a long time: [Sidenote: Golden trades that the Portugals haue.] and by this trade the Portugals change their commodities into gold, and cary it to the Castle of Mozambique, which is an Island not farre distant from the firme land of Cafraria on the coast of Ethiopia, and is distant from India 2800. miles. Nowe to returne to my voyage, when I came to Ormus, I found there Master Francis Berettin of Venice, and we fraighted a bark together to goe for Basora for 70. duckets, and with vs there went other Marchants, which did ease our fraight, and very commodiously wee came to Basora and there we stayed 40. dayes for prouiding a Carouan of barks to go to Babylon, because they vse not to goe two or 3. barkes at once, but 25. or 30. because in the night they cannot go, but must make them fast to the banks of the riuer, and then we must make a very good and strong guard, and be wel prouided of armor, for respect and safegard of our goods, because the number of theeues is great that come to spoile and rob the marchants. And when we depart for Babylon we goe a litle with our saile, and the voyage is 38. or 40. dayes long, but we were 50. dayes on it. When we came to Babylon we stayed there 4. moneths, vntill the Carouan was ready to go ouer the wildernes, or desert for Alepo; in this city we were 6. Marchants that accompanied together, fiue Venetians and a Portugal: whose names were as followeth, Messer Florinasa with one of his kinsmen, Messer Andrea de Pola, the Portugal and M. Francis Berettin and I, and so wee furnished our selues with victuals and beanes for our horses for 40. dayes; [Marginal note: An order how to prouide to goe ouer the Desert from Babylon to Alepo.] and wee bought horses and mules, for that they bee very good cheape there, I my selfe bought a horse there for 11. akens, and solde him after in Alepo for 30. duckets. Also we bought a Tent which did vs very great pleasure: we had also amongst vs 32. Camels laden with marchandise: for the which we paid 2. duckets for euery camels lading, and for euery 10. camels they made 11, for so is their vse and custome. We take also with vs 3. men to serue vs in the voyage, which are vsed to goe in those voyages for fiue D d. a man, and are bound to serue vs to Alepo: so that we passed very well without any trouble: when the camels cried out to rest, our pauilion was the first that was erected. The Carouan maketh but small iourneis about 20. miles a day, and they set forwards euery morning before day two houres, and about two in the afternoone they sit downe. We had great good hap in our voyage, for that it rained: For which cause we neuer wanted water, but euery day found good water, so that we could not take any hurt for want of water. Yet we caried a camel laden alwayes with water for euery good respect that might chance in the desert, so that wee had no want neither of one thing, nor other that was to bee had in the countrey. For wee came very well furnished of euery thing, and euery day we eat fresh mutton, because there came many shepheards with vs with their flocks, who kept those sheepe that we bought in Babylon, and euery marchant marked his sheepe with his owne marke, and we gaue the shepheards a Medin, which is two pence of our money for the keeping and feeding our sheep on the way and for killing of them. And beside the Medin they haue the heads, the skinnes, and the intrals of euery sheepe they kil. We sixe bought 20. sheepe, and when we came to Alepo we had 7. aliue of them. And in the Carouan they vse this order, that the marchants doe lende flesh one to another, because they will not cary raw flesh with them, but pleasure one another by lending one one day and another another day. [Sidenote: 36. Dayes iourney ouer the wildernes.] From Babylon to Alepo is 40. dayes iourney, of the which they make 36. dayes ouer the wildernes, in which 36. dayes they neither see house, trees nor people that inhabite it, but onely a plaine, and no signe of any way in the world. The Pilots goe before, and the Carouan followeth after. And when they sit downe all the Carouan vnladeth and sitteth downe, for they know the stations where the wells are. I say, in 36. dayes we pass ouer the wildernesse. For when wee depart from Babylon two dayes we passe by villages inhabited vntil we haue passed the riuer Euphrates. And then within two dayes of Alepo we haue villages inhabited. [Sidenote: An order how to prouide for the going to Ierusalem.] In this Carouan there goeth alway a Captaine that doth Iustice vnto all men: and euery night they keepe watch about the Carouan, and comming to Alepo we went to Tripoli, whereas Master Florin, and Master Andrea Polo, and I with a Frier, went and hired a barke to goe with vs to Ierusalem. Departing from Tripolie, we arriued at Iaffa: from which place in a day and a halfe we went to Ierusalem, and we gaue order to our barke to tary for vs vntill our returne. [Sidenote: The author returned to Venice 1581.] Wee stayed in Ierusalem 14. dayes, to visite those holy places: from whence we returned to Iaffa, and from Iaffa to Tripolie, and there wee shipped our selues in a ship of Venice called the Bagazzana: And by the helpe of the deuine power, we arriued safely in Venice the fift of Nouember 1581. If there be any that hath any desire to goe into those partes of India, let him not be astonied at the troubles that I haue passed: because I was intangled in many things: for that I went very poore from Venice with 1200. duckets imployed in marchandize, and when I came to Tripolie, I fell sicke in the house of Master Regaly Oratio, and this man sent away my goods with a small Carouan that went from Tripolie to Alepo, and the Carouan was robd, and all my goods lost sauing foure chests of glasses which cost me 200. duckets, of which glasses I found many broken: because the theeues thinking it had bene other marchandize, brake them vp, and seeing they were glasses they let them all alone. And with this onely stocke I aduentured to goe into the Indies: And thus with change and rechange, and by diligence in my voyage, God did blesse and helpe mee, so that I got a good stocke. I will not be vnmindfull to put them in remembrance, that haue a desire to goe into those parts, how they shall keepe their goods, and giue them to their heires at the time of their death, [Marginal note: A very good order that they haue in those Countreys for the recouering of the goods of the dead.] and howe this may be done very securely. In all the cities that the Portugales haue in the Indies, there is a house called the schoole of Sancta misericordia comissaria: the gouernours whereof, if you giue them for their paines, will take a coppy of your will and Testament, which you must alwayes cary about you; and chiefly when you go into the Indies. In the countrey of the Moores and Gentiles, in those voyages alwayes there goeth a Captaine to administer Iustice to all Christians of the Portugales. Also this captaine hath authoritie to recouer the goods of those Marchants that by chance die in those voyages, and they that haue not made their Wills and registred them in the aforesayde schooles, the Captaines wil consume their goods in such wise, that litle or nothing will be left for their heires and friends. Also there goeth in these same voyages some marchants that are commissaries of the schoole of Sancta misericordia, that if any Marchant die and haue his Will made, and hath giuen order that the schoole of Misericordia shall haue his goods and sell them, then they sende the money by exchange to the schoole of Misericordia in Lisbone, with that copie of his Testament, then from Lisbon they giue intelligence thereof, into what part of Christendome soeuer it be, and the heires of such a one comming thither, with testimoniall that they be heires, they shall receiue there the value of his goods: in such wise that they shall not loose any thing. But they that die in the kingdome of Pegu loose the thirde part of their goods by antient custome of the Countrey, that if any Christian dieth in the kingdome of Pegu, the king and his officers rest heires of a thirde of his goods, and there hath neuer bene any deceit or fraude vsed in this matter. I haue knowen many rich men that haue dwelled in Pegu, and in their age they haue desired to go into their owne Countrey to die there, and haue departed with al their goods and substance without let or troubles. [Sidenote: Order of apparel in Pegu.] In Pegu the fashion of their apparel is all one, as well the noble man as the simple: the onely difference is in the finenes of the cloth, which is cloth of Bombast one finer then another, and they weare their apparell in this wise: First a white Bombast cloth which serueth for a shirt, then they gird another painted bombast cloth of foureteene brases, which they binde vp betwixt their legges, and on their heads they weare a small tock of three braces, made in guize of a myter, and some goe without tocks, and cary (as it were) a hiue on their heades, which doeth not passe the lower part of his eare, when it is lifted vp: they goe all bare footed, but the Noble men neuer goe on foote, but are caried by men in a seate with great reputation, with a hat made of the leaues of a tree to keepe him from the raine and Sunne, or otherwise they ride on horsebacke with their feete bare in the stirops. [Sidenote: The order of the womens apparel in Pegu.] All sorts of women whatsoeuer they be, weare a smocke downe to the girdle, and from the girdle downewards to the foote they weare a cloth of three brases, open before; so straite that they cannot goe, but they must shewe their secret as it were aloft, and in their going they faine to hide it with their hand, but they cannot by reason of the straitnes of their cloth. They say that this vse was inuented by a Queene to be an occasion that the sight thereof might remoue from men the vices against nature, which they are greatly giuen vnto; which sight should cause them to regard women the more. Also the women goe bare footed, their armes laden with hoopes of golde and Iewels: And their fingers full of precious rings, with their haire rolled vp about their heads. Many of them weare a cloth about their shoulders instead of a cloake. Now to finish that which I haue begunne to write, I say, that those parts of the Indies are very good, because that a man that hath litle, shall make a great deale thereof; alwayes they must gouerne themselues that they be taken for honest men. For why? to such there shal neuer want helpe to doe wel, but he that is vicious, let him tary at home and not go thither, because he shall alwayes be a beggar, and die a poore man. * * * * * The money and measures of Babylon, Balsara, and the Indies, with the customes, &c. written from Aleppo in Syria, An. 1584. by M. Will. Barret. BABYLON: The weight, measure, and money currant there, and the customes of marchandize. A Mana of Babylon is of Aleppo 1 roue 5 ounces and a halfe: and 68 manas and three seuenth parts, make a quintall of Aleppo, which is 494 li. 8 ounces of London: and 100 manas is a quintall of Babylon, which maketh in Aleppo 146 roues, and of London 722 li. and so much is the sayd quintall: but the marchants accord is by so much the mana, and in the sayd place they bate the tare in all sorts of commodities, according to the order of Aleppo touching the tare. The measure of Babylon is greater then that of Aleppo 21 in the 100. For bringing 100 pikes of any measurable ware from Aleppo thither, there is found but 82 pikes in Babylon, so that the 100 pikes of Babylon is of Aleppo l2l pikes, very litle lesse. The currant mony of Babylon are Saies, which Say is 5 medines, as in Aleppo, and 40 medines being 8 Saies make a duckat currant, and 47 medines passe in value as the duckat of gold of Venice, and the dollars of the best sort are worth 33 medines. The roials of plate are sold by the 100 drams at prise, according as they be in request: but amongst the marchants they bargaine by the 100 metrals, which are 150 drams of Aleppo, which 150 drams are 135 single roials of plate: but in the mint or castle, they take them by the 100 drams, which is 90 roials of plate, and those of the mint giue 5 medines lesse in each 100 drams then they are woorth to be sold among the marchants, and make paiment at the terme of 40 dayes in Sayes. The custome in Babylon, as wel inward as outward, is in this maner: Small wares at 6 per 100, Coral and amber at 5 and a halfe per 100, Venice cloth, English cloth, Kersies, Mockairs, Chamblets, Silks, Veluets, Damasks, Sattins and such like at 5 per 100: and they rate the goods without reason as they lust themselues. The Toafo, Boabo, and other exactions 6 medines per bale, all which they pay presently in ready mony, according to the custome and vse of the emperor. To the Ermin of the mint the ordinarie vse is to giue 30 Saies in curtesie, otherwise he would by authoritie of his office come aboord, and for despight make such search in the barke, that he would turne all things topsie teruie. BALSARA: The weight, measure, and money in the citie of Balsara. A Mana of Balsara answereth 5 roues 2 ounces and a halfe of Aleppo weight, and 19 manas and one 4 part of Balsara, answereth the quintall of Aleppo, which is 494 roues, 8 ounces English, and 20 manas is the quintall of Balsara, which is 104 Alepine, and of London 514 li. 8. ounces, and so much is the sayd quintall, but the marchants bargaine at so much the mana or wolsene (which is all one) and they abate the tare in euery mana, as the sort of spice is, and the order taken therefore in that place. The measure of Balsara is called a pike, which is iust as the measure of Babylon, to say, 100 pikes of Balsara make of Aleppo 121 pikes, vt supra in the rate of Babylon. The currant mony of Balsara is as foloweth. There is a sort of flusses of copper called Estiui, whereof 12 make a mamedine, which is the value of one medine Aleppine, the said mamedine is of siluer, hauing the Moresco stampe on both sides, and two of these make a danine, which is 2 medines Aleppine. The said danine is of siluer, hauing the Turkesco stampe on both sides, and 2 and a halfe of these make a Saie, which is in value as the Saie of Aleppo. The said Saie is of the similitude and stampe of Aleppo, being (as appeares) 60 estiues. Also one Say and 20 estiues make a larine, which is of Aleppo money 6 medines and a halfe. The sayd larine is a strange piece of money, not being round as all other currant money in Christianitie, but is a small rod of siluer of the greatnesse of the pen of a goose feather, wherewith we vse to write, and in length about one eight part thereof, which is wrested, so that the two ends meet at the iust halfe part, and in the head thereof is a stampe Turkesco, and these be the best currant money in all the Indias, and 6 of these larines make a duckat, which is 40 medines or eight Saies of Aleppo. The duckat of gold is woorth there 7 larines, and one danine, which is of Aleppo money 48 medines and a halfe. The Venetian money is worth larines 88 per hundred meticals which is 150 drams of Aleppo, vt supra. The roials of plate are worth 88 larines by the 100 meticals, and albeit among the marchants they sel by the 100 meticals, yet in the mint or castle, they sel by the 100 drams, hauing there lesse then the worth 5 medines in each hundred drams, and haue their paiment in 40 dayes made them in Saies or larines. The custome of the said places, aswell inward as outward, are alike of all sorts of goods, to say 6 by the 100, and Toafo, Boabo, and scriuan medines 6 by the bale inward and outward, to say, 3 inward, and as much outward: but whoso leaueth his goods in the custome house paieth nothing, where otherwise at the taking thereof away, he should pay 3 med. by the bale, and of the said goods there is no other duty to pay, and this commeth to passe when the customers esteeme the goods too high. For in such a case they may be driuen to take so much commoditie as the custome amounteth to, and not to pay them in money, for such is the order from the Grand Signior. Hauing paid the custome, it behoueth to haue a quittance or cocket sealed and firmed with the customers hand, in confirmation of the dispatch and clearing, and before departure thence, to cause the sayd customer to cause search to be made, to the end that at the voiages returne there be no cauilation made, as it oftentimes happeneth. Note that 100 meticals of Balsara weigh 17 ounces and a halfe sottile Venetian, and of Aleppo drams 150, vt supra. The fraight of the barkes from Ormuz to Balsara, I would say from Balsara to Ormuz, they pay according to the greatnesse thereof. To say, for cariage of 10 cares 180 larines, those of 15 cares 270 larines, those of 20 cares 360 larines, those of 30 cares 540 larines. Note that a cara is 4 quintals of Balsara. They pay also to the pilot of the bark for his owne cariage one care, and to all the rest of the mariners amongst them 3. cares fraight, which is in the whole 4 cares, and paying the abouesayd prises and fraights, they are at no charges of victuals with them, but it is requisite that the same be declared in the charter partie, with the condition that they lade not aboord one rotilo more then the fraight, vnder paines that finding more in Ormuz, it is forfeit, and besides that to pay the fraight of that which they haue laden. And in this accord it behoueth to deale warilie, and in the presence of the Ermin or some other honest man (whereof there are but few) for they are the worst people in all Arabia. And this diligence must be put in execution, to the end the barks may not be ouerladen, because they are to passe many sands betwixt Balsara and Ormuz. ORMVZ: The weight, measure, and money currant in the kingdom of Ormuz: Spices and drugs they weigh by the bar, and of euery sort of goods the weight is different. To say, of some drugs 3 quintals, and 3 erubi or roues, and other some 4 quintals 25 rotiloes, and yet both is called a barre, which barre, as well as great as litle, is 20 frasoli, and euery frasoll is 10 manas, and euery mana 23 chiansi, and euery chianso 10 meticals and a halfe. [Sidenote: What a rotilo is.] Note that euery quintall maketh 4 erubi or roues, and euery roue 32 rotiloes, and euery rotilo 16 ounces, and euery ounce 7 meticals, so that the quintall commeth to be 128 rotiloes, which is Aleppine 26 rotiloes and one third part, which is 132 li. English weight. And contrarywise the quintal of Aleppo (which is 494 rotiloes 8 ounces English) maketh 477 rotiloes and a halfe of Ormuz, which is 3 quintals 2 roues, 29 rotiloes and a halfe. Note that there are bars of diuers weights, vt supra, of which they bargaine simply, according to the sort of commoditie, but if they bargaine of the great barre, the same is 7 quintals and 24 rotiloes, which is 958 li. 9 ounces of London weight, and of Aleppo 193 rotiloes and a halfe. Touching the money of Ormuz, they bargaine in marchandize at so many leches by the barre, which lech is 100 Asaries, and maketh larines 100 and a halfe, which maketh pardaos 38, and larines one halfe, at larines 5 by the pardao. One asarie is sadines 10, and euery sadine is 100. danarie. The larine is worth 5 sadines and one fourth part, so that the sadine is worth of Aleppo mony 1 medine and 1 fourth part, and the larine as in Balsara worth of Aleppo mony 6 medines and a half. The pardao is 5 larines of Balsara. There is also stamped in Ormuz a seraphine of gold, which is litle and round, and is worth 24 sadines, which maketh 30 medines of Aleppo. The Venetian mony is worth in Ormuz larines 88 per 100 meticals, and the roials are worth larines 86 lesse one sadine, which is euery thousand meticals, 382 asures: but those that will not sel them, vse to melt them, and make them so many larines in the king of Ormuz his mint, whereby they cleare 2 per 100, and somewhat more: and this they doe because neither Venetian money nor roials run as currant in Ormuz, per aduise. The measure of Ormuz is of two sorts, the one called codo which increaseth vpon the measure of Aleppo 3 per 100, for bringing 100 pikes of any measurable wares from Aleppo to Ormuz, it is found in Ormuz to be 103 codes. Also these measures of Ormuz increase vpon those of Balsara and Babylon 25 and two third parts per 100: for bringing 100 pikes of any measurable wares from Balsara or Babylon, there is found in Ormuz 125 codes and two third parts. The other measure is called a vare, which was sent from the king of Portugall to the India, by which they sell things of small value, which measure is of 5 palmes or spans, and is one code and two third parts, so that buying 100 codes of any measurable wares, and returning to measure it by the sayd vare, there are found but 60 vares, contrarywise 100 vares make 166 codes and two third parts. Note that al such ships as lade horses in Ormuz for Goa or any other place of India, lading 10 horses or vpwards, in what places soeuer the said horses be taken a shore in the India, the marchandize which is to be discharged out of that ship wherein the said horses come, are bound to pay no custome at all, but if they lade one horse lesse then ten, then the goods are bound to pay the whole custome. And this law was made by Don Emanuel king of Portugall, but it is to be diligently foreseene, whither all those horses laden be bound to pay the king his custome: for many times by the king of Portugall his commandement, there is fauour shewed to the king of Cochin his brother in armes, so that his horses that come in the same ship, are not to answere custome. As for example: If there were 4 horses laden in one ship, all which were to pay custome to the king, and one other of the king of Cochins which were not to pay any custome, the same causeth all the marchandize of that ship to be subiect to pay custome, per aduise. But if they lade ten horses vpon purpose to pay the king his custome in Goa, and in the voyage any of them should die in that case, if they bring the taile of the dead horse to the custome in Goa, then the marchandize is free from all custome, because they were laden in Ormuz to pay custome in Goa. Moreouer, if the horses should die before the midst of the voyage, they pay no custome at all, and if they die in the midst of the voyage, then they pay halfe custome, but if any horse die after the mid voiage, they pay custome no lesse than if they arriue safe. Notwithstanding, the marchandize (whether the said horses die before or in the mid voyage or after the mid voiage) are free from all custome. The custome of Ormuz is eleuen in the 100, to say, 10 for the king, and 1 for the arming of the foists: but for small wares as glasses, and looking glasses of all sorts, and such like, made for apparell, pay no custome. But cloth of Wooll, Karsies, Mockaires, Chamlets, and all sortes of Silke, Saffron, and such like, pay custome, being esteemed reasonably. There is also another custome, which they call caida, which is, that one bringing his goods into Ormuz, with purpose to send the same further into India, the same are bound to pay 3 by the 100, but none other are bound to pay this custome, except the Armenians, Moores, and Iewes: for the Portugals and Venetians pay nothing thereof. Note that in Ormuz they abate tare of all sorts of commodities, by an order obserued of custome. The fraight from Ormuz to Chaul, Goa, and Cochin, is as followeth: Mokaires, larines 6 per table of 60 pikes. Aquariosa 8 larines by ordinarie chist, raisins 10 by chist, which is a quintall of roues 128. Ruuia of Chalangi larines 10 per quintall, glasses larines 8 per chist, of 4 foote and a halfe, glasses in great chists 14 and 15 larines by chist. Small wares larines 12 by chist of fiue foot. Tamari for Maschat sadines 2 and a half, and 3 by the fardle. Tamarie for Diu and Chaul 4 sadines, and 4 and a halfe by bale. Other drugs and things which come from Persia pay according to the greatnesse of the bales. The fraight mentioned, they pay as appeareth, when they ship the sayd goods in ships where horses goe: otherwise not hauing horses, they pay somewhat lesse, because of the custom which they are to pay. The vse of the India ships is, that the patrones thereof are not at any charge neither with any passenger, not yet with any mariner in the ship, but that euery one at the beginning of the voyage doe furnish to maintaine his owne table (if he will eate) and for drinke they haue a great iarre of water, which is garded with great custodie. GOA. The weight, measure, and mony currant in Goa. The quintall of Goa is 5 manas, and 8 larines, and the mana is 24 rotilos, so that the quintall of Goa is 128 rot. and euery rot. is 16 ounces, which is of Venice weight 1 li. and a halfe, so that the quintall of Goa is 192 li. sotile Venice, which is 26 rotiloes 8 ounces Aleppine, and of London weight 132 li. English, as the weight of Ormuz. All the marchandize, spices and drugs, are sold by this quintal, except some drugs, as lignum de China, Galanga, and others, whereof they bargaine at so much per candill, aduertising that there be two sorts of candill, one of 16 manas, the other of 20 manas, that of 16 manas commeth to be iust 3 quintals, and that of 26 manas, 3 quintals, 3 roues. Note that 4 roues make a quintall, and the roue is 32 rotiloes, as in Ormuz. There is also another weight which they call Marco, which is eight ounces or halfe a rotilo of Goa, and 9 ounces of Venice sotile: with this they weigh amber, corall, muske, ambracan, ciuet, and other fine wares. There is also another sort of weight called Mangiallino, which is 5 graines of Venice weight and therewith they weigh diamants and other iewels. [Sidenote: Muske of Tartarie by the way of China.] Note that in Goa they vse not to abate any tare of any goods, except of sacks or wraps, and therefore it requireth great aduisement in buying of the goods, especially in the muske of Tartaria which commeth by way of China in bladders, and so weigh it without any tare rebating. The measure of Goa is called a tode, which encreaseth vpon the measure of Babylon and Balsara after the rate of 17 and one eight part by the 100, so that bringing 100 pikes of any measurable ware from thence to Goa, it is found 117 pikes 7 eight parts, and bringing 100 codes from Ormuz to Goa, there is found but 93 codes and one fourth part. There is also the vare in Goa, which is iust as the vare of Ormuz, and therewith they measure onely things that are of small value. For the mony of Goa, there is a kind of mony made of lead and tin mingled, being thicke and round, and stamped on the one side with a spheare or globe of the world, and on the other side two arrowes and 5 rounds: and this kind of mony is called Basaruchi, and 15 of these make a vinton of naughty mony, and 5 vintons make a tanga, and 4 vintenas make a tanga of base money: so that the tanga of base mony is 60 basaruchies, and the tanga of good mony 75. basaruchies, and 5 tangas make a seraphine of gold, which in merchandize is worth 5 tangas good money: but if one would change them into basaruchies, he may haue 5 tangas, and 16 basaruchies, which ouerplus they cal cerafagio, and when they bargain of the pardaw of gold, each pardaw is ment to be 6 tangas good mony, but in merchandise they vse not to demaund pardawes of gold in Goa, except it be for iewels and horses, for all the rest they take of seraphines of siluer, per aduiso. The roials of plate, I say, the roial of 8 are worth per custome and commandement of the king of Portugall 400 reies, and euery rey is one basaruchie and one fourth part, which maketh tangas 6, and 53 basaruchies as their iust value, but for that the said roials are excellent siluer and currant in diuers places of the India, and chiefly in Malacca, when the ships are to depart at their due times (called Monsons) euery one to haue the said roials pay more then they are worth, and the ouerplus, as is abouesaid they call serafagio. And first they giue the iust value of the 100 roials of 8, at 5 tangas 50 basaruchies a piece, which done, they giue seraphins 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 12, 15, vntill 22 by the 100, according as they are in request. The ducket of gold is worth 9 tangas and a halfe good money, and yet not stable in price, for that when the ships depart from Goa to Cochin, they pay them at 9 tangas and 3 fourth partes, and 10 tangas, and that is the most that they are woorth. The larines are woorth by iust value basaruchies 93 and 3 fourth parts, and 4 larines make a seraphine of siluer, which is 5 tangas of good money, and these also haue serafagion of 6, 7, 8, 10, vntill 16, by the hundred, for when the ships depart for the North, to say, for Chaul, Diu, Cambaia, or Bassaim, all cary of the same, because it is money more currant then any other. There is also a sort of seraphins of gold of the stampe of Ormuz, whereof there are but fewe in Goa, but being there, they are woorth fiue larines and somewhat more, according as they are in request. There is also another litle sort of mony, round, hauing on the one side a crosse, and on the other side a crowne, which is woorth one halfe a tanga of good money, and another of the same stampe lesse than that which they call Imitiuo de buona moneda, which is worth 18 basaruches 3 fourth parts a piece. Note that if a man bargaine in marchandize, it behooueth to demaund tangas of good money: for by nominating tangas onely, is vnderstood to be base money of 60 basaruches, which wanteth of the good money vt supra. The custome of Goa is 8 in the 100 inwards, and as much outward, and the goods are esteemed iustly rather to the marchants aduantage then the kings. The custome they pay in this order. Comming with a ship from Ormuz to Goa without horses, they pay 8 in the 100 whether they sell part or all, but if they would carie of the sayd marchandise to any other place, they pay none other custome, except others buy it and carie it foorth of the countrey, and then they pay it 8 in the 100. And if one hauing paied the custome should sell to another with composition to passe it forth as for his proper accounts to saue the custome, this may not be, because the seller is put to his oth, whether he send the goods for his owne account, or for the account of any others that haue bought the same, and being found to the contrary they pay custome as abouesaid. And in this order the marchants pay of all the goods which come from any part of the Indies. But if they come from Ormuz to Goa with horses, they are not subiect to pay any custome inward, notwithstanding if they send all or any part thereof for any other place, or returne it to Ormuz, they pay the custome outward, although they could not sell. They vse also in Goa amongst the common sort to bargaine for coales, wood, lime, and such like, at so many braganines, accounting 24 basaruches for one braganine, albeit there is no such mony stamped. The custome of the Portugals is, that any Moore or Gentile, of what condition or state soeuer he be, may not depart from Goa to go within the land, without licence of certaine deputies deputed for that office, who (if they be Moores or Gentiles) doe set a seale vpon the arme, hauing thereon the armes of Portugal, to be knowen of the porters of the citie, whether they haue the said licence or no. COCHIN. The weight, measure, and money, currant in Cochin. All the marchandise which they sell or buy within the sayd citie, they bargaine for at so many serafines per quintal, which is 128. rotilos of iust weight, with the quintal and rotilo of Goa and Ormuz: aduertising that there are diuers sorts of bars according to the sorts of commodities, and in traffiquing, they reason at so much the bar. Note that there are bars of 3 quintals and 3 quintals and halfe, and 4 quintals. They abate a vsed tare of all marchandize, according to the sort of goods, and order taken for the same. The measure of Goa and Cochin are all one. The money of Cochin are all the same sorts which are currant in Goa, but the duckat of gold in value is 10 tangas of good money. The custome of Cochin as wel inward as outward for all strangers is eight in the hundred, but those that haue bene married foure yeere in the countrey pay but foure in the hundred, per aduiso. MALACCA. The weight, measure, and money of Malacca. For the marchandise bought and sold in the citie they reckon at so much the barre, which barre is of diuers sorts, great and small, according to the ancient custome of the said citie, and diuersitie of the goods. But for the cloues they bargaine at so much the barre, which barre is 3 quintals, 2 roues and 10 rotilos. As I haue abouesaid, all kind of drugs haue their sorts of barres limited. Note that euery quintal is 4 roues, and euery roue 32 rotilos, which is 128 rotilos the quintall, the which answereth to Aleppo 95 rotilos, and to London 472 li. per quintal. The measures of Malacca are as the measures of Goa. In Malacca they abate tare according to their distinction and agreement, for that there is no iust tare limited. For the money of Malacca, the least money currant is of tinne stamped with the armes of Portugall, and 12 of these make a Chazza. The Chazza is also of tinne with the said armes, and 2. of these make a challaine. The Challaine is of tinne with the said armes, and 40 of these make a tanga of Goa good money, but not stamped in Malacca. There is also a sort of siluer money which they call Patachines, and is worth 6 tangas of good money, which is 360 reyes, and is stamped with two letters, S. T. which is S. Thomas on the one side, and the armes of Portugall on the other side. There is also a kind of mony called Cruzados stamped with the atmes of Portugall, and is worth 6 tangas good mony, the larines are euery 9 of them worth 2 cruzados, which is 12 tangas good mony, and these larines be of those which are stamped in Balsara and Ormuz. The roials of 8 they call Pardaos de Reales, and are worth 7 tangas of good money. The custome of Malacca is 10 in the 100 as wel inward as outward, and those which pay the custome inwards, if in case they send the same goods for any other place within terme of a yeere and a day, pay no custome for the same. A note of charges from Aleppo to Goa, as foloweth. For camels from Aleppo to Birrha. Medines 60 per somme.[A] For mules from Aleppo to Birrha, med. 45. per somme. For custome at Birrha, med. 10. per somme. For Auania of the Cady at Birrha, med. 200. For 4 dishes raisins, and 20 pounds sope, med. 35. For a present to the Ermine the summe of med. 400. For a barke of 30 or 35 sommes. Duc. 60 is med. 2400. per barke. For meat for the men the summe of med. 200. For custome at Racca the summe of med. 5. per somme. For 3 platters of raisins, and 15 pounds of sope, med. 25. For custome to king Aborissei, Duc. 20 is med. 800 For custome at Dea the summe of med. 230. per barke For 4 dishes raisins, and 20 pounds of sope, med. 35. For custom at Bosara, the summe of med. 10. per barke. For 2 dishes raisins, and 10 pound of sope, med. 17. For custome in Anna, in 10 per summe, med. 10. per somme. For 4 dishes of raisins and 20 pound of sope, med. 35. For custome in Adite, medines 10 per barke, med. 10. per barke. For 2 dishes raisins, and 10 pound of sope, med. 17. For custome at Gweke, med. 10. per barke. For 2 dishes raisins, and 20 pound of sope, med. 17. For custome at Ist, med. 10. per somme. For 4 platters raisins, and 20 pound of sope, med. 35. Charges of presents at Felugia, med. 30. For camels from Felugia to Babylon, med. 30. per somme. For custome in Babylon, as in the booke appeareth. For a barke from Babylon to Balsara, med. 900. For custome of small wares, at Corno med. 20. per somme. For custome of clothes at Corno, the summe of med. per somme. For 3 dishes raisins, and 20 pound of sope, med. 26. For fraight from Balsara to Ormus, according to the greatnesse, as in this booke appeareth. For custome in Ormus, as is abouesaid in this booke. For fraight from Ormus to Goa, as is in this booke shewed. For custome in Goa, as is abouesaid. [A: Or, by the Camels burden.] A declaration of the places from whence the goods subscribed doe come. Cloues, from Maluco, Tarenate, Amboina, by way of Iaua. Nutmegs, from Banda. Maces from Banda, Iaua, and Malacca. Pepper Gawrie, from Cochin. Pepper common from Malabar. Sinnamon, from Seilan. Tinne, from Malacca. Sandals wilde, from Cochin. Sandales domestick, from Malacca. Verzini, from S. Thomas, and from China. Spicknard from Zindi, and Lahor. Quicksiluer, from China. Galls, from Cambaia, Bengala, Istria and Syria. Ginger Dabulin, from Dabul. Ginger Belledin, from the Countrie within Cambaia. Gmger Sorattin, from Sorat within Cambaia. Ginger Mordassi, from Mordas within Cambaia. Ginger Meckin, from Mecca. Mirabolans of all sorts, from Cambaia. White sucket, from Zindia, Cambaia, and China. Corcunia, from diuers places of India. Corall of Leuant, from Malabar. Chomin, from Balsara. Requitria, from Arabia Felix. Garble of Nutmegs from Banda. Sal Armoniacke, from Zindi and Cambaia. Zedoari, from diuers places of India. Cubeb, from China. Amomum, from China. Camphora, from Brimeo neere to China. Myrrha, from Arabia Felix. Costo dulce, from Zinde, and Cambaia. Borazo, from Cambaia, and Lahor. Asa fetida, from Lahor. Waxe, from Bengala. Seragni, from Persia. Cassia, from Cambaia, and from Gran Cayro. Storax calamita, from Rhodes, to say, from Aneda, and Canemarie within Caramania. Storax liquida, from Rhodes. Tutia, from Persia. Cagiers, from Malabar, and Maldiua. Ruuia to die withall, from Chalangi. Alumme di Rocca, from China, and Constantinople. Chopra, from Cochin and Malabar. Oppopanax, from Persia. Lignum Aloes, from Cochin, China, and Malacca. Demnar, from Siacca and Blinton. Galangæ, from China, Chaul, Goa, and Cochin. Laccha, from Pegu, and Balaguate. Carabbe, from Almanie. Coloquintida, from Cyprus. Agaricum, from Alemania. Scamonea, from Syria, and Persia. Bdellium, from Arabia felix, and Mecca. Cardamomum small, from Barcelona. Cardamomum great, from Bengala. Tamarinda, from Balsara. Aloe Secutrina, from Secutra. Aloe Epatica, from Pat. Safran, from Balsara, and Persia. Lignum de China, from China. Rhaponticum, from Persia, and Pugia. Thus, from Secutra. Turpith, from Diu, and Cambaia. Nuts of India, from Goa, and other places of India. Nux vomica, from Malabar. Sanguis Draconis, from Secutra. Armoniago, from Persia. Spodio di Cana, from Cochin. Margaratina, from Balaguate. Muske from Tartarie, by way of China. Ambracban, from Melinde, and Mosombique. Indico, from Zindi and Cambaia. Silkes fine, from China. Long pepper, from Bengala and Malacca. Latton, from China. Momia, from the great Cayro. Belzuinum Mandolalo, from Sian, and Baros. Belzuinum burned, from Bonnia. Castorium, from Almania. Corallina, from the red sea. Masticke, from Sio. Mella, from Romania. Oppium, from Pogia, and Cambaia. Calamus Aromaticus, from Constantinople. Capari, from Alexandria and other places. Dates, from Arabia felix and Alexandria. Dictamnum album, from Lombardia. Draganti, from Morea. Euphorbium, from Barbaria. Epithymum, from Candia. Sena, from Mecca. Gumme Arabike, from Zaffo. Grana, from Coronto. Ladanum, from Cyprus and Candia. Lapis lazzudis, from Persia. Lapis Zudassi, from Zaffetto. Lapis Spongij is found in sponges. Lapis Hæmatites, from Almanie. Manna, from Persia. Auripigmentum, from manie places of Turkie. Pilatro, from Barbaria. Pistaches, from Doria. Worme-seede, from Persia. Sumack, from Cyprus. Sebesten, from Cyprus. Galbanum from Persia. Dente d'Abolio, from Melinde, and Mosambique. Folium Indicum, from Goa, and Cochin. Diasprum viride, from Cambaia. Petra Bezzuar, from Tartaria. Sarcacolla, from Persia. Melleghete, from the West parts. Sugo di Requillicie, from Arabia felix. Chochenillo, from the West India. Rubarbe, from Persia, and China. The times or seasonable windes called Monsons, wherein the ships depart from place to place in the East Indies. Note that the Citie of Goa is the principall place of all the Orientall India, and the winter there beginneth the 15 of May with very great raine, and so continueth till the first of August, so that during that space, no shippe can passe ouer the barre of Goa, because through the continuall shoures of raine all the sandes ioyne together neere vnto a mountaine called Oghane, and all these sandes being ioyned together, runne into the shoales of the barre and port of Goa, and can haue no other issue, but to remaine in that port, and therefore it is shut vp vntill the first of August, but at the 10 of August it openeth by reason of the raine which ceaseth, and the sea doeth then scoure the sands away againe. The monson from Goa to the Northward, to say, for Chaul, Diu, Cambaia, Daman, Basaim, and other places. The ships depart from betwixt the tenth and 24 of August, for the Northward places abouesayde, and to these places they may saile all times of the yeere, except in the winter, which beginneth and endeth at the times abouesaid. The monson from the North parts, for Goa. The ships depart from Chaul, Diu, Cambaia, and other places Northwards for Goa, betwixt the 8 and 15 of Ianuarie, and come to Goa about the end of Februarie. The first monson from Diu for the straight of Mecca. The ships depart from Diu about the 15 of Ianuarie, and returne from the straights to Diu in the moneth of August. The second monson from Diu for the straight of Mecca. The ships depart betwixt the 25 and first of September, and returne from the straights to Diu, the first and 15 of May. The monson from Secutra for Ormus. The ships depart about the tenth of August for Ormus: albeit Secutra is an Iland and hath but few ships, which depart as abouesaid. The monson wherein the Moores of the firme land come to Goa. About the fifteenth of September the Moores of the firme lande beginne to come to Goa, and they come from all parts, as well from Balaguate, Bezenegar, as also from Sudalacan, and other places. The monson wherein the Moores of the firme land depart from Goa. They depart from Goa betwixt the 10 and 15 day of Nouember. Note that by going for the North is ment the departing from Goa, for Chaul, Diu, Cambaia, Daman, Basaim, Ghassain, and other places vnto Zindi: and by the South is vnderstood, departing from Goa, for Cochin, and all that coast vnto Cape Comori. The first monson from Goa for Ormus. The shippes depart in the moneth of October from Goa, for Ormus, passing with Easterly windes along the coast of Persia. The second monson from Goa to Ormus. The ships depart about the 20 of Ianuarie passing by the like nauigation and windes as in the first monson, and this is called of the Portugals and Indians Entremonson. The third monson from Goa to Ormus. The ships depart betwixt the 25 of March, and 6 of Aprill, hauing Easterly windes, till they passe Secutra, and then they find Westerly windes, and therefore they set their course ouer for the coast of Arabia, till they come to Cape Rasalgate and the Straight of Ormus, and this monson is most troublesome of all: for they make two nauigations in the heigth of Seylan, which is 6 degrees and somewhat lower. The first monson from Ormus for Chaul, and Goa. The ships depart from Ormus for Chaul, and Goa in the moneth of September, with North and Northeast windes. The second monson from Ormus for Chaul and Goa. The second monson is betwixt the fiue and twentie and last of December, with like winds as the former monson. The third monson from Ormus for Chaul and Goa. The third monson the ships depart from Ormus, for Chaul and Goa, betwixt the first and 15. of April, and they saile with Southeast windes, East and Northeast windes, coasting vpon the Arabia side from Cape Mosandon vnto Cape Rasalgate, and hauing lost the sight of Cape Rasalgate, they haue Westerly windes, and so come for Chaul and Goa, and if the said ships depart not before the 25 of April, they are not then to depart that monson, but to winter in Ormus because of the winter. The first monson from Ormus for Zindi. The ships depart from Ormus betwixt the 15 and 26 of Aprill. The second monson from Ormus for Zindi. The ships depart betwixt the 10 and 20 of October for Zindi from Ormus. The monson from Ormus for the red sea. The ships depart from Ormus betwixt the first and last of Ianuarie. Hitherto I haue noted the monsons of the ships departing from Goa to the Northward: Now follow the monsons wherein the ships depart from Goa, to the Southward. The Monson from Goa for Calicut, Cochin, Seilan, and all that coast. The ships depart from those places betwixt the 1 and 15 of August, and there they find it nauigable all the yeere except in the winter, which continueth as is aforesayd, from the 15 of May till the 10 of August. [Sidenote: Note.] In like maner the ships come from these places for Goa at euery time in the yeere except in the winter, but of all other the best time is to come in Nouember, December and Ianuary. The first monson from Goa, for Pegu. The ships depart from Goa, betwixt the 15 and 20 of April, and winter at S. Thomas, and after the 5 of August, they depart from S. Thomas for Pegu. The second monson from Goa, for Pegu. The ships depart from Goa betwixt the 8 and 24 of August, going straight for Pegu, and if they passe the 24 of August, they cannot passe that monson, neither is there any more monsons till April as is aforesaid. [Sidenote: Marchandize good for Pegu.] Note that the chiefest trade is to take money of S. Thomas rials, and patechoni, and to goe to S. Thomas, and there to buy Tellami, which is fine cloth of India, whereof there is great quantitie made in Coromandel, and brought thither, and other marchandise are not good for that place except some dozen of very faire Emeraulds orientall. For of golde, siluer, and Rubies, there is sufficient store in Pegu. The monson from Pegu for the Indies. The ships depart from Pegu betwixt the 15 and 25 of Ianuarie, and come to Goa about the 25 of March, or in the beginning of April. Note, that if it passe the 10 of May before the sayde ships be arriued in Goa, they cannot come thither that monson, and if they haue not then fet the coast of India, they shall with great perill fetch S. Thomas. The first monson from Goa for Malacca. The ships depart betwixt the 15 and last of September, and arriue in Malacca about the end of October. The second monson from Goa to Malacca. The ships depart about the 5 of May from Goa, and arriue in Malacca about the 15 of Iune. The first monson from Malacca to Goa. The ships depart about the 10 of September, and come to Goa about the end of October. The second monson from Malacca to Goa. The ships depart from Malacca about the 10 of February, and come to Goa about the end of March. But if the said ships should stay till the 10 of May they cannot enter into Goa, and if at that time also they should not be arriued at Cochin, they are forced to retume to Malacca, because the winter and contrary windes then come vpon them. The monson from Goa for China. The ships depart from Goa in the moneth of April. The monson from China for Goa. The ships depart to be the 10 of May in Goa, and being not then arriued, they turne backe to Cochin, and if they cannot fetch Cochin, they returne to Malacca. The monson from Goa to the Moluccaes. The ships depart about 10 or 15 of May, which time being past, the shippes can not passe ouer the barre of Goa for the cause abouesaid. The monson of the ships of the Moluccaes arriuall in Goa. The ships which come from the Moluccaes arriue vpon the bar of Goa about the 15. of April. The monsons of the Portingall ships for the Indies. [Sidenote: Note.] The ships which come from Portugall depart thence ordinarily betwixt the tenth and fifteenth of March, comming the straight way during the moneth of Iuly to the coast of Melinde, and Mosambique, and from thence goe straight for Goa, and if in the moneth Iuly they should not be at the coast of Melinde, they can in no wise that yeere fetch Melinde, but returne to the Isle of Saint Helena, and so are not able, that time being past, to fetch the coast of India, and to come straight for Goa. Therefore (as is abouesaid) they returne to the Island of Saint Helena, and if they cannot make the said Island, then they runne as lost vpon the Coast of Guinea: but if the said ships be arriued in time vpon the coast of Melinde, they set forwardes for Goa, and if by the fifteenth of September they cannot fetch Goa, they then goe for Cochin, but if they see they cannot fetch Cochin, they returne to Mosambique to winter there vpon the sayd coast. [Sidenote: Note.] Albeit in the yeere of our Lord 1580 there arriued the ship called San Lorenzo, being wonderfull sore sea-beaten, the eight of October, which was accounted as a myracle for that the like had not beene seene before. The monson from India for Portugall. The shippes depart from Cochin betweene the fifteenth and last of Ianuary, going on till they haue sight of Capo de buona speranza, and the Isle of Saint Helena, which Islande is about the midway, being in sixteene degrees to the South. And it is a litle Island being fruitfull of all things which a man can imagine, with great store of fruit: and this Island is a great succour to the shipping which returne for Portugall. And not long since the said Island was found by the Portugales, and was discouered by a shippe that came from the Indies in a great storme, in which they found such abundance of wilde beastes, and boares, and all sort of fruite, that by meanes thereof that poore ship which had been foure moneths at sea, refreshed themselues both with water and meate very well, and this Island they called S. Helena, because it was discouered vpon S. Helens day. And vndoubtedly this Island is a great succour, and so great an ayde to the ships of Portugall, that many would surely perish if that helpe wanted. And therefore the king of Portugall caused a Church to be made there for deuotion of S. Helena: where there are onely resident Eremits, and all other are forbidden to inhabite there by the kings commaundement, to the ende that the ships may be the more sufficiently furnished with victuals, because the ships which come from India come but slenderly victualled, [Sidenote: Note.] because there groweth no corne there, neither make they any wine: but the ships which come from Portugall to the Indies touch not in the sayd Island, because they set out being sufficiently furnished with bread and water from Portugall for eight moneths voyage. Any other people then the two Eremites abouesaid, cannot inhabite this Island, except some sicke man that may be set there a shore to remaine in the Eremites companie, for his helpe and recouery. The monson from Goa to Mosambique. The ships depart betwixt the 10 and 15 of Ianuarie. The monson from Mosambique to Goa. The ships depart betweene the 8 and last of August, and arriue in Chaul or Goa in the moneth of October, till the 15 of Nouember. The monson from Ormus to Bengala. The ships depart betwixt the 15 and 20 of Iune, and goe to winter at Teue and depart thence about the 15 of August for Bengala. * * * * * A briefe extract specifying the certaine dayly paiments, answered quarterly in time of peace, by the Grand Signior, out of his Treasurie, to the Officers of his Seraglio or Court, successiuely in degrees: collected in a yeerely totall summe, as followeth. For his owne diet euery day, one thousand and one aspers, according to a former custome receiued from his auncestors: notwithstanding that otherwise his diurnall expence is very much, and not certainly knowen, which summe maketh sterling mony by the yere, two thousand, one hundred, 92. pounds, three shillings, eightpence. The fiue and fourtie thousand Ianizaries dispersed in sundry places of his dominions, at sixe aspers the day, amounteth by the yeere to fiue hundreth, fourescore and eleuen thousand, and three hundreth pounds. The Azamoglans, tribute children, farre surmount that number, for that they are collected from among the Christians, from whom betweene the yeeres of sixe and twelue, they are pulled away yeerely perforce: whereof I suppose those in seruice may be equall in number with the Ianizaries abouesayd, at three aspers a day, one with another, which is two hundred fourescore and fifteene thousand, sixe hundred and fiftie pounds. The fiue Bassas, whereof the Viceroy is supreme, at one thousand aspers the day, besides their yerely reuenues, amounteth sterling by the yeere to ten thousand, nine hundred and fiftie pounds. The fiue Beglerbegs, chiefe presidents of Greece, Hungary, and Sclauonia, being in Europe, in Natolia, and Caramania of Asia, at one thousande aspers the day: as also to eighteene other gouernours of Prouinces, at fiue hundred aspers the day, amounteth by the yeere, to thirtie thousand sixe hundred, and threescore pounds. The Bassa, Admirall of the Sea, one thousand aspers the day, two thousand, one hundred foure score and ten pounds. The Aga of the Ianizaries, generall of the footemen, fiue hundred aspers the day, and maketh by the yeere in sterling money, one thousand, foure score and fifteene pounds. The Imbrahur Bassa, Master of his horse, one hundred and fiftie aspers the day, is sterling money, three hundred and eight and twenty pounds. The chiefe Esquire vnder him, one hundred and fiftie aspers, is three hundred and eight and twenty pounds. The Agas of the Spahi, Captaines of the horsemen, sixe, at one hundred and fiftie aspers to either of them, maketh sterling, one thousand, nine hundred, three score and eleuen pounds. The Capagi Bassas head porters foure, one hundred and fiftie aspers to ech, and maketh out in sterling money by the yeere, one thousand, three hundred, and fourteene pounds. The Sisinghir Bassa, Controller of the housholde, one hundred and twentie aspers the day, and maketh out in sterling money by the yeere, two hundred, threescore and two pounds, sixteene shillings. The Chaus Bassa, Captaine of the Pensioners, one hundred and twentie aspers the day, and amounteth to by the yeere in sterling money, two hundred, threescore and two pounds, sixteene shillings. The Capigilar Caiasi Captaine of his Barge, one hundreth and twentie aspers the day, and maketh out by the yeere in sterling money, two hundred, threescore and two poundes, sixteene shillings. The Solach Bassi, Captaine of his guard, one hundred and twentie aspers, two hundred, three score and two pounds, sixteene shillings. The Giebrigi Bassi, master of the armoury, one hundred and twentie aspers, two hundred, three score and two pounds, sixteene shillings. The Topagi Bassi, Master of the artillerie, one hundred and twentie aspers, two hundred, three score and two pounds, sixteene shillings. The Echim Bassi, Phisition to his person, one hundred and twentie aspers, two hundred, three score and two pounds, sixteene shillings. To fourtie Phisitions vnder him, to ech fourtie aspers, is three thousand, eight hundred, three score and sixe pounds, sixteene shillings. The Mustafaracas spearemen, attending on his person, in number fiue hundred, to either three score aspers, and maketh sterling, threescore and fiue thousand, and seuen hundred pounds. The Cisingeri gentlemen, attending vpon his diet, fourtie, at fourtie aspers ech of them, and amounteth to sterling by the yeere, three thousand, fiue hundred and foure pounds. The Chausi Pensioners, foure hundred and fourtie, at thirtie aspers, twenty eight thousand, nine hundred and eight pounds. The Capagi porters of the Court and City, foure hundred, at eight aspers, and maketh sterling money by the yeere, seuen thousand, and eight pounds. The Solachi, archers of his guard, three hundred and twenty, at nine aspers, and commeth vnto in English money, the summe of sixe thousand, three hundred and sixe pounds. The Spahi, men of Armes of the Court and the City, ten thousand, at twenty fiue asters, and maketh of English money, fiue hundred, forty and seuen thousand, and fiue hundred pounds. The Ianizaires sixteene thousand, at six aspers, is two hundred and ten thousand, and two hundred and forty pounds. The Giebegi furbushers of armor, one thousand, fiue hundred, at sixe aspers, and amounteth to sterling money, nineteene thousand, seuen hundred, and fourescore pounds. The Seiesir, seruitors in his Equier or stable, fiue hundred, at two aspers, and maketh sterling money, two thousand, one hundred, fourescore and ten pounds. The Saesi, Sadlers and bit makers, five hundred, at seuen aspers, seuen thousand, six hundred, threescore and fiue pounds. The Catergi, Carriers vpon Mules, two hundred, at fiue aspers, two thousand, one hundred, fourescore and ten pounds. The Cinegi, Carriers vpon Camels, one thousand, fiue hundred, at eight aspers, and amounteth in sterling money, to twenty sixe thousand, two hundred, and fourescore pounds. The Reiz, or Captaines of the Gallies, three hundred, at ten aspers, and amounteth in English money by the yeere, the summe of sixe thousand, fiue hundred, threescore and ten pounds. The Alechingi, Masters of the said Gallies, three hundred, at seven aspers, foure thousand, fiue hundred, fourescore and nineteene pounds. The Getti, Boateswaines thereof, three hundred, at sixe aspers, is three thousande, nine hundred, fourty and two pounds. The Oda Bassi, Pursers, three hundred, at fiue aspers, maketh three thousand two hundred, and fourescore pounds. The Azappi souldiers two thousand sixe hundred at foure Aspers, whereof the six hundred do continually keepe the gallies, two and twentie thousand, seuen hundred fourscore and six pounds. The Mariers Bassi masters over the shipwrights and kalkers of the navie, nine, at 20. Aspers the piece, amounteth to three thousand fourescore and foure pound, foure shillings. The Master Dassi shipwrights and kalkers, one thousand at fourteene aspers, which amounteth by the yeere, to thirtie thousand, sixe hundred threescore pound. Summa totalis of dayly paiments amounteth by the yeere sterling, one million, nine hundred threescore eight thousand, seuen hundred thirty fiue pounds, nineteene shillings eight pence, answered quarterly without default, with the summe of foure hundred fourescore twelue thousand, one hundred fourescore and foure pounds foure shillings eleven pence, and is for every day fiue thousand three hundred, fourescore and thirteene pounds, fifteene shillings ten pence. Annuities of lands neuer improued, fiue times more in value then their summes mentioned, giuen by the saide Grand Signior, as followeth. To the Viceroy for his Timar or annuitie 60. thousand golde ducats. To the second Bassa for his annuitie 50. thousand ducats. To the third Bassa for his annuitie 40. thousand ducats. To the fourth Bassa for his annuitie 30. thousand ducats. To the fifth Bassa for his annuitie 20. thousand ducats. To the Captaine of the Ianizaries 20. thousand ducats. To the Ieu Merhorbassi master of his horse 15. thousand ducats. To the Captaine of the pensioners 10. thousand ducats. To the Captaine of his guard 5. thousand ducats. Summa totalls 90. thousand li. sterling. Beside these aboue specified, be sundry other annuities giuen to diuers others of his aforesaid officers, as also to certaine called Sahims, diminishing from three thousand to two hundred ducats, esteemed treble to surmount the annuitie abouesaid. The Turkes chiefe officers. The Viceroy is high Treasurer, notwithstanding that vnder him be three subtreasurers called Teftadars, which bee accomptable to him of the receipts out of Europe, Asia and Africa, saue their yeerely annuitie of lands. The Lord Chancellor is called Nissangi Bassa, who sealeth with a certaine proper character such licences, safe conducts, passeports, especiall graunts, &c. as proceed from the Grand Signior: notwithstanding all letters to forreine princes so firmed be after inclosed in a bagge, and sealed by the Grand Signior, with a signet which he ordinarily weareth about his necke, credited of them to haue bene of ancient appertayning to king Salomon the wise. The Admirall giueth his voyce in the election of all Begs, Captaines of the Islandes, to whom hee giueth their charge, as also appointeth the Subbasses, Bayliffes or Constables ouer Cities and Townes vpon the Sea coastes about Constantinople, and in the Archipelago, whereof hee reapeth great profit. The Subbassi of Pera payeth him yeerely fifteene thousande ducats, and so likewise either of the others according as they are placed. The Ressistop serueth in office to the Viceroy and Chancellor, as Secretary, and so likewise doeth the Cogie Master of the Rolls, before which two, passe all writings presented to, or granted by the said Viceroy and Chancellor, offices of especiall credite and like profile, moreouer rewarded with annuities of lands. There are also two chiefe Iudges named Cadi Lesker, the one ouer Europe, and the other ouer Asia and Africa, which in Court doe sit on the Bench at the left hand of the Bassas. These sell all offices to the vnder Iudges of the land called Cadies, whereof is one in euery Citie or towne, before whom all matters in controuersie are by iudgement decided, as also penalties and corrections for crimes ordained to be executed vpon the offenders by the Subbassi. The number of Souldiers continually attending vpon the Beglerbegs the gouernours of Prouinces and Saniacks, and their petie Captaines mainteined of these Prouinces. The Beglerbegs of Græcia, fourtie thousand persons. Buda, fifteene thousand persons. Sclauonia, fifteene thousand persons. Natolia, fifteene thousand persons. Caramania, fifteene thousand persons. Armenia, eighteene thousand persons. Persia, twentie thousand persons. Vsdrum, fifteene thousand persons. Chirusta, fifteene thousand persons. Caraemiti, thirtie thousand persons. Gierusal, two and thirtie thousand persons. The Beglerbegs of Bagdat, fiue and twentie thousand persons. Balsara, two and twenty thousand persons. Lassaija, seuenteene thousand persons. Alepo, fiue and twentie thousand persons. Damasco, seuenteene thousand persons. Cayro, twelue thousand persons. Abes, twelue thousand persons. Mecca, eight thousand persons. Cyprus, eighteene thousand persons. Tunis in Barbary, eight thousand persons. Tripolis in Syria, eight thousand persons. Alger, fourtie thousand persons. Whose Sangiacks and petie Captaines be three hundred sixtie eight, euery of which retaining continually in pay from fiue hundreth to two hundreth Souldiers, may be one with another at the least, three hundreth thousand persons. Chiefe officers in his Seraglio about his person. Be these-- Capiaga, High Porter. Alnader Bassi, Treasurer. Oda Bassi, Chamberlaine. Killergi Bassi, Steward. Saraiaga, Comptroller. Peskerolen, Groome of the chamber. Edostoglan, Gentleman of the Ewer. Sehetaraga, Armour bearer. Choataraga, he that carieth his riding cloake. Ebietaraga, Groome of the stoole. There be many other maner Officers, which I esteeme superfluous to write. The Turkes yeerely reuenue. The Grand Signiors annual reuenue is said to be fourteene Millions and an halfe of golden ducats, which is sterling fiue millions, eight score thousand pounds. The tribute payd by the Christians his Subiects is one gold ducat yeerely for the redemption of euery head, which may amount vnto not so litle as one Million of golden ducats, which is sterling three hundred threescore thousand pounds. Moreouer, in time of warre, he exacteth manifolde summes for maintenance of his Armie and Nauie of the said Christians. The Emperour payeth him yeerely tribute for Hungary, threescore thousand dollers, which is sterling thirteene thousand pound, besides presents to the Viceroy and Bassas, which are said to amount to twentie thousand dollers. Ambassadors Allowances. The Ambassadour of the Emperour is allowed one thousand Aspers the day. The Ambassadour of the French king heretofore enioyed the like: but of late yeeres by meanes of displeasure conceiued by Mahumet then Viceroy, it was reduced to sixe crownes the day, beside the prouision of his Esquire of his stable. The Ambassadours of Poland, and for the state of Venice are not Ligiers as these two abouesaid. The said Polack is allowed 12. Frenche crownes the day during his abode, which may be for a moneth. Very seldome do the state of Venice send any Ambassador otherwise, then enforced of vrgent necessity: but in stead thereof keepe their Agent, president ouer other Marchants of them termed a bailife, who hath none allowance of the Grand Signior, although his port and state is in maner as magnifical as the other aforesaid Ambassadors. The Spanish Ambassador was equall with other in Ianizaries: but for so much as he would not according to custome folow the list of other Ambassadors in making presents to the Grand Signior, he had none alowance. His abode there was 3. yeres, at the end whereof, hauing concluded a truce for six yeres, taking place from his first comming in Nouember last past 1580. he was not admitted to the presence of the Grand Signior. * * * * * To the Worshipfull and his very loving Vncle M. Rowland Hewish, Esquier, at Sand in Devonshire. Sir, considering the goodnesse of your Nature which is woont kindely to accept from a friend, euen of meane things being giuen with a good heart, I haue presumed to trouble you with the reading of this rude discourse of my trauels into Turkie, and of the deliuerie of the present with such other occurrents as there happened woorthie the obseruation: of all which proceedings I was an eie-witnesse, it pleasing the Ambassadour to take mee in with him to the Grand Signior. If for lacke of time to put it in order I haue not performed it so well as it ought, I craue pardon, assuring you that to my knowledge I haue not missed in the trueth of any thing. If you aske me what in my trauels I haue learned, I answere as a noble man of France did to the like demaund, Hoc vnum didici, mundi contemptum: and so concluding with the wise man in the booke of the Preacher, that all is vanitie, and one thing onely is necessarie, I take my leaue and commit you to the Almightie. From London the 16. March 1597. Your louing Nephew Richard Wrag. A description of a Voiage to Constantinople and Syria, begun the 21. of March 1593. and ended the 9. of August, 1595. wherein is shewed the order of deliuering the second Present by Master Edward Barton her maiesties Ambassador, which was sent from her Maiestie to Sultan Murad Can, Emperour of Turkie. We set saile in the Ascension of London, a new shippe very well appointed, of two hundred and three score tunnes (whereof was master one William Broadbanke, a prouident and skilfull man in his facultie) from Grauesend the one and twentie of March 1593. And vpon the eight of Aprill folowing wee passed the streights of Gibraltar, and with a small Westerne gale, the 24. of the same, we arriued at Zante an Iland vnder the Venetians. The fourth of May wee departed, and the one and twentie wee arriued at Alexandretta in Cilicia in the very bottome of the Mediterrane sea, a roade some 25. miles distance from Antioch, where our marchants land their goods to bee sent for Aleppo. From thence wee set saile the fift of Iune, and by contrary windes were driuen vpon the coast of Caramania into a road neere a litle Iland where a castle standeth, called Castle Rosso, some thirtie leagues to the Eastwards of the Rhodes, where after long search for fresh water, we could finde none, vntil certaine poore Greekes of the Iland brought vs to a well where we had 5 or 6 tuns. That part of the country next the sea is very barren and full of mountains, yet found we there an olde tombe of marble, with an epitaph of an ancient Greeke caracter, by antiquity neere worne out and past reading; which to the beholders seemed a monument of the greatnesse of the Grecian monarchy. [Sidenote: Candie.] From thence we went to the Rhodes, and by contrary windes were driuen into a port of Candy, called Sittia: this Iland is vnder the Venetians, who haue there 600 souldiers, besides certaine Greeks, continually in pay. Here with contrary winds we stayed six weeks, and in the end, hauing the winde prosperous, we sailed by Nicaria, Pharos, Delos, and Andros, with sight of many other Ilands in the Archipelago, and arriued at the two castles in Hellespont the 24 of August. Within few dayes after we came to Galipoli some thirty miles from this place, where foure of vs tooke a Parma or boat of that place, with two watermen, which rowed us along the Thracian shore to Constantinople, which sometime sailing and sometime rowing, in foure dayes they performed. The first of September we arriued at the famous port of the Grand Signior, where we were not a little welcome to M. Edward Barton vntil then her Maiesties Agent, who (with many other great persons) had for many dayes expected the present. [Sidenote: The Ascension arriued at the 7 towers.] Fiue or sixe dayes after the shippe arriued neere the Seuen towers, which is a very strong hold, and so called of so many turrets, which it hath, standing neere the sea side, being the first part of the city that we came vnto. [Sidenote: The ship saluteth the grand Signior.] Heere the Agent appointed the master of the Ascension to stay with the shippe vntill a fitte winde and opportunity serued to bring her about the Seraglio to Salute the Grand Signior in his moskyta or church: for you shall vnderstand that he hath built one neere the wall of his Seraglio or pallace adioyning to the Sea side; whereunto twise or thrise a weeke he resorteth to performe such religious rites as their law requireth: where hee being within few dayes after, our shippe set out in their best maner with flagges, streamers and pendants of diuers coloured silke, with all the mariners, together with most of the Ambassadours men, hauing the winde faire, and came within two cables length of this his moskita, where (hee to his great content beholding the shippe in such brauery) they discharged first two volies of small shot, and then all the great ordinance twise ouer, there being seuen and twentie or eight and twentie pieces in the ship. Which performed, he appointed the Bustangi-Bassa or captaine of the great and spacious garden or parke, to giue our men thankes, with request that some other day they would shew him the like sporte when hee would have the Sultana or Empresse a beholder thereof, which few dayes after at the shippes going to the Custome-house they performed. The grand Signiors salutation thus ended, the master brought the ship to an anker at Rapamat neere the ambassadors house, where hee likewise saluted him with all his great ordinance once ouer, and where he landed the Present, the deliuerie whereof for a time was staied: the cause of which staie it shall neither be dishonorable for our nation, or that woorthie man the ambassador to shew you. [Sidenote: The cause of staying the present.] At the departure of Sinan Bassa the chiefe Vizir, and our ambassadors great friend toward the warres of Hungarie there was another Bassa appointed in his place, a churlish and harsh natured man, who vpon occasion of certaine Genouezes, escaping out of the castles standing toward the Euxine Sea, nowe called the black Sea, there imprisoned, apprehended and threatened to execute one of our Englishmen called Iohn Field, for that hee was taken thereabouts, and knowen not many dayes before to haue brought a letter to one of them: vpon the soliciting of whose libertie there fell a iarre betweene the Bassa (being now chiefe Vizir) and our ambassador, and in choler he gaue her maiesties ambassador such words, as without sustaining some great indignitie hee could not put vp. [Sidenote: An Arz to the grand Signior] Whereupon after the arriual of the Present, he made an Arz, that is, a bill of Complaint to the grand Signior against him, the manner in exhibiting whereof is thus performed. The plaintifes expect the grand Signiors going abroad from his pallace, either to Santa Sophia or to his church by the sea side, whither, with a Perma (that is one of their vsuall whirries) they approch within some two or three score yards, where the plaintife standeth vp, and holdeth his petition ouer his forehead in sight of the grand Signior (for his church is open to the Sea side) the rest sitting still in the boat, who appointeth one of his Dwarfes to receiue them, and to bring them to him. A Dwarfe, one of the Ambassadors fauorites, so soone as he was discerned, beckned him to the shore side, tooke his Arz, and with speed caried it to the grand Signior. Now the effect of it was this; that except his highnesse would redresse this so great an indignitie, which the Vizir his slaue had offered him and her maiestie in his person, he was purposed to detaine the Present vntill such time as he might by letters ouer-land from her maiestie bee certified, whither she would put vp so great an iniurie as it was. [Sidenote: The great hall of Iustice.] Whereupon he presently returned answere, requesting the ambassador within an houre after to goe to the Douan of the Vizir, vnto whom himselfe of his charge would send a gowne of cloth of gold, and commaund him publikely to put it vpon him, and with kind entertainment to imbrace him in signe of reconciliation. [Sidenote: Reconceliation with the Vizir made.] Whereupon our ambassador returning home, tooke his horse, accompanied with his men, and came to the Vizirs court, where, according to the grand Signiors command, he with all shew of kindnesse embraced the ambassador, and with curteous speeches reconciled himselfe, and with his own hands put the gowne of cloth of gold vpon his backe. Which done, hee with his attendants returned home, to the no small admiration of all Christians, that heard of it, especially of the French and Venetian ambassadors, who neuer in the like case against the second person of the Turkish Empire durst haue attempted so bold an enterprise with hope of so friendly audience, and with so speedie redresse. This reconciliation with the great Vizir thus made, the ambassador prepared himselfe for the deliuerie of the Present, which vpon the 7 of October 1593. in this maner he performed. [Sidenote: The ambassador goeth to the court with the present.] The Ascension with her flags and streamers, as aforesaid, repaired nigh vnto the place where the ambassador should land to go vp to the Seraglio: for you must vnderstand that all Christian ambassadors haue their dwelling in Pera where most Christians abide, from which place, except you would go 4 or 5 miles about, you cannot go by land to Constantinople, whereas by Sea it is litle broder then the Thames. Our Ambassador likewise apparelled in a sute of cloth of siluer, with an vpper gowne of cloth of gold, accompanied with 7 gentlemen in costly sutes of Sattin, with 40 other of his men very well apparelled, and all in one liuerie of sad French russet cloth gownes, at his house tooke boate: at whose landing the ship discharged all her ordinance, where likewise attended 2 Bassas, with 40 or 50 Chauses to accompany the ambassador to the court, and also horses for the ambassador and his gentlemen, very richly furnished, with Turkish seruants attendant to take the horses when they should light. [Sidenote: The Ambass. came to the Seraglio.] The ambassador thus honorably accompanied, the Chauses foremost, next his men on foote all going by two and two, himselfe last with his Chause and Drugaman or Interpreter, and 4 Ianissaries, which he doeth vsually entertaine in his house to accompany him continually abroad, came to the Seraglio about an Engush mile from the water side, where first hee passed a great gate into a large court (much like the space before Whitehall gate) where he with his gentlemen alighted and left their horses. From hence they passed into an other stately court, being about 6 score in bredth, and some 10 score yards long, with many trees in it: where all the court was with great pompe set in order to entertaine our ambassador. [Sidenote: All these are captaines of hundreds and of fifties.] Vpon the right hand all the length of the court was a gallerie arched ouer, and borne vp with stone pillars, much like the Roiall Exchange, where stood most of his guard in rankes from the one end to the other in costly aray, with round head pieces on their heads of mettall and gilt ouer, with a great plume of fethers somewhat like a long brush standing vp before. On the left hand stood the Cappagies or porters, and the Chauses. All these courtiers being about the number of 2000. (as I might well gesse) most of them apparelled in cloth of gold, siluer, veluet, sattin and scarlet, did together with bowing their bodies, laying their hands vpon their brests in curteous maner of salutation, entertain the Ambassador: who likewise passing between them, and turning himself sometime to the right hand and sometime to the left, answered them with the like. [Sidenote: The ambassador receiued by the Vizir with all kindnesse.] As he thus passed along, certaine Chauses conducted him to the Douan, which is the seat of Iustice, where certaine dayes of the weeke the grand Vizir, with the other Vizirs, the Cadi-lesker or lord chiefe Iustice, and the Mufti or high priest do sit to determine vpon such causes as be brought before them, which place is vpon the left side of this great court, whither the ambassador with his gentlemen came, where hee found the Vizir thus accompanied as aforesayd, who with great shew of kindnes receiued him: and after receit of her maiesties letters, and conference had of the Present, of her maiesties health, of the state of England, and such other matters as concerned our peaceable traffique in those parts: [Sidenote: Diner brought in.] dinner being prepared was by many of the Courtiers brought into another inner roome next adioining, which consisted of an hundred dishes or therabouts, most boiled and rosted, where the ambassador accompanied with the Vizirs went to dinner, his gentlemen likewise with the rest of his men hauing a dinner with the like varietie prepared vpon the same side of the court, by themselues sate downe to their meat, 40 or 50 Chauses standing at the vpper end attending vpon the gentlemen to see them serued in good order; their drinke was water mingled with rose water and sugar brought in a Luthro (that is a goates skinne) which a man carieth at his backe, and vnder his arme letteth it run out at a spout into cups as men will call for it. [Sidenote: Diner taken away] The dinner thus with good order brought in, and for halfe an houre with great sobrietie and silence performed, was not so orderly taken vp; for certaine Moglans officers of the kitchin (like her maiesties black guard) came in disordered maner and tooke away the dishes, and he whose hungry eie one dish could not satisfie, turned two or three one into the other, and thus of a sudden was a cleane riddance made of all. The ambassador after dinner with his gentlemen, by certaine officers were placed at the vpper ende vpon the left side of the court, nere vnto a great gate which gaue entrance to a third court being but litle, paued with stone. [Sidenote: Gownes of cloth of gold for the ambassador and his gentlemen.] In the midst whereof was a litle house built of marble, as I take it, within which sate the grand Signor, according to whose commandement giuen there were gownes of cloth of gold brought out of the wardrope, and put vpon the ambassador and 7 of his gentlemen, the ambassador himselfe hauing 2, one of gold and the other of crimosin veluet, all the rest one a piece. [Sidenote: The Present.] Then certaine Cappagies had the Present, which was in trunks there ready, deliuered them by the ambassadors men, it being 12 goodly pieces of gilt plate, 36 garments of fine English cloth of al colors, 20 garments of cloth of gold, 10 garments of sattin, 6 pieces of fine Holland, and certaine other things of good value; al which were caried round about the court, each man taking a piece, being in number very neere 100 parcels, and so 2 and 2 going round that all might see it, to the greater glory of the present, and of him to whom it was giuen: [Sidenote: The Present viewed.] they went into the innermost court passing by the window of that roome, where the grand Signior sate, who, as it went by to be laid vp in certaine roomes adioining, tooke view of all. Presently after the present followed the ambassador with his gentlemen; at the gate of which court stoode 20 or 30 Agaus which be eunuchs. Within the court yard were the Turkes Dwarfes and Dumbe men, being most of them youths. At the doore of his roome stood the Bustangi-bassa, with another Bassa to lead the ambassador and his folowers to the grand Signior who sate in a chaire of estate, apparelled in a gowne of cloth of siluer. The floore vnder his feete, which part was a foote higher then the rest, was couered with a carpet of green sattin embrodered most richly with siluer, orient perles and great Turkesses; the other part of the house was couered with a carpet of Cornation sattin imbrodered with gold, none were in the roome with him, but a Bassa who stood next the wall ouer against him banging down his head, and looking submissely vpon the ground as all his subjects doe in his presence. [Sidenote: The ambassador kisseth the grand Signiors hand.] The ambassador thus betwixt two which stood at the doore being led in, either of them taking an arme, kissed his hand, and so backward with his face to the Turke they brought him nigh the dore againe, where he stood vntill they had likewise done so with all the rest of his gentlemen. [Sidenote: The ambassadors demands granted.] Which ended, the ambassador, according as it is the custome when any present is deliuered, made his three demaunds, such as he thought most expedient for her maiesties honor, and the peaceable traffique of our nation into his dominions: whereunto he answered in one word, Nolo, which is in Turkish as much as, it shal be done: for it is not the maner of the Turkish emperor familiarly to confer with any Christian ambassador, but he appointeth his Vizir in his person to graunt their demaunds if they be to his liking: as to our ambassador he granted all his demands, and gaue order that his daily allowance for his house of mony, flesh, wood, and haie, should be augmented with halfe as much more as it had bene before. Hereupon the ambassador taking his leaue, departed with his gentlemen the same way he came, the whole court saluting him as they did at his comming in: and comming to the second court to take our horses, after we were mounted, we staied halfe an houre, vntil the captain of the guard with 2000 horsemen at the least passed before, after whom folowed 40 or 50 Chauses next before the ambassador to accompany him to his house. And as before at his landing, so now at his taking boat, the ship discharged all her great ordinance, where arriuing, he likewise had a great banquet prepared to entertaine those which came to bring him home. [Sidenote: The Sultanas present.] The pompe and solemnitie of the Present, with the day thus ended, he shortly after presented the Sultana or empresse who (by reason that she is mother to him which was heire to the crown Imperial) is had in far greater reuerence then any of his other Queens or concubines. The Present sent her in her maiesties name was a iewel of her maiesties picture, set with some rubies and diamants, 3 great pieces of gilt plate, 10 garments of cloth of gold, a very fine case, of glass bottles siluer and gift, with 2 pieces of fine Holland, which so gratefully she accepted, as that she sent to know of the ambassador what present he thought she might return that would most delight her maiestie: who sent word that a sute of princely attire being after the Turkish fashion would for the rarenesse thereof be acceptable in England. [The Sultanas present to the Queene. Letters sent for England.] Whereopon she sent an vpper gowne of cloth of gold very rich, an vnder gowne of cloth of siluer, and a girdle of Turkie worke, rich and faire, with a letter of gratification, which for the rarenesse of the stile, because you may be acquainted with it, I haue at the ende of this discourse hereunto annexed, which letter and present, with one from the grand Signor, was sent by M. Edward Bushell, and M. William Aldridge ouer-land the 20 of March, who passed through Valachia and Moldauia, and so through Poland, where Michael prince of Valachia, and Aron Voiuoda prince of Moldauia receiuing letters from the ambassador, entertained them with al curtesie, through whose meanes by the great fauour which his lordship had with the grand Signior, they had not long before both of them bene aduanced to their princely dignities. [Sidenote: The other Vizirs presented.] Hee likewise presented Sigala the Admirall of the Seas, with Abrim Bassa, who maried the great Turkes daughter, and all the other Vizirs with diuers pieces of plate, fine English cloth and other costly things: the particulars whereof, to auoid tediousnesse, I omit. [Sidenote: The Ascension departeth.] All the presents thus ended, the ship shooting ten pieces of ordinance at the Seraglio point, as a last farewell, departed on her iourney for England the first of Nouember, my selfe continuing in Constantinople vntill the last of Iuly after. This yere in the spring there was great preparation for the Hungarian wars: and the great Turke threatned to goe himselfe in person: but like Heliogabalus, his affections being more seruiceable to Venus then to Mars, he stayed at home. Yet a great army was dispatched this yere; who, as they came out of Asia to goe for Hungary, did so pester the streets of Constantinople for the space of two moneths in the spring time, as scarse either Christian or Iew could without danger of losing his money passe vp and downe the city. What insolencies, murders and robberies were committed not onely vpon Christians but also vpon Turks I omit to write, and I pray God in England the like may neuer be seene: and yet I could wish, that such amongst vs as haue inioyed the Gospel with such great and admirable peace and prosperity vnder her Maiesties gouerment this forty yeeres, and haue not all this time brought forth better fruits of obedience to God, and thankfulnesse to her Maiesty, were there but a short time to beholde the miserable condition both of Christians and others liuing vnder such an infidell prince, who not onely are wrapped in most palpable and grosse ignorance of minde, but are cleane without the meanes of the true knowledge of God: I doubt not but the sight hereof (if they be not cleane void of grace) would stirre them vp to more thankefulnesse to God, that euer they were borne in so happy a time, and vnder so wise and godly a prince professing the true religion of Christ. The number of souldiours which went to the warres of Hungary this yeere were 470000, as by the particulars giuen by the Admirall to the Ambassadour hereunder doe appeare. Although all these were appointed and supposed to goe, yet the victories which the Christians in the spring had against the Turks strooke such a terrour in many of the Turkish souldiours, as by report diuers vpon the way thither left their Captaines and stole away. The number of Turkish souldiours which were appointed to goe into Hungary against the Christian Emperour. May 1594. Sinan Bassa generall, with the Saniacke masould, that is, out of office, with the other Saniacks in office or of degree, 40000. Achmigi, that is, Aduenturers, 50000. The Agha or Captaine with his Ianisaries, and his Giebegies, 20000. The Beglerbeg of Græcia, with all his Saniacks, 40000. The company of Spaheis or horsemen, 10000. The company of Silitari, 6000. The company of Sagbulue and of Solbulue both together, 8000. The Bassa of Belgrad. } The Bassa of Temiswar. } The Bassa of Bosna. } 80000. The Bassa of Buda. } The Siniack of Gersech. } Out of Asia. The Bassa of Caramania. } The Bassa of Laras. } The Bassa of Damasco. } The Bassa of Suas. } 120000 The Bassa of Van or Nan. } The Bassa of Vsdrum. } Of Tartars there be about 100000. } Thus you may see that the great Turke maketh warre with no small numbers. And in anno 1597, when Sultan Mahomet himselfe went in person into Hungary, if a man may beleeue reports, he had an army of 600000. For the city of Constantinople you shall vnderstand that it is matchable with any city in Europe, as well in bignesse as for the pleasant situation thereof, and commodious traffike and bringing of all maner of necessary prouision of victuals, and whatsoeuer els mans life for the sustentation thereof shall require, being seated vpon a promontory, looking toward Pontus Euxinus vpon the Northeast, and to Propontis on the Southwest, by which two seas by shipping is brought great store of all maner of victuals. The city it selfe in forme representeth a triangular figure, the sea washing the walles vpon two sides thereof, the other side faceth the continent of Thracia; the grand Signiors seraglio standeth vpon that point which looketh into the sea, being cut off from the city by a wall; so that the wall of his pallace conteineth in circuit about two English miles: the seuen towers spoken of before stand at another corner, and Constantines olde pallace to the North at the third corner. The city hath a threefolde wall about it; the innermost very high, the next lower then that, and the third a countermure and is in circuit about ten English miles: it hath foure and twentie gates: and when the empire was remooued out of the West into the East, it was inriched with many spoiles of olde Rome by Vespasian and other emperours, hauing many monuments and pillars in it worthy the obseruation; amongst the rest in the midst of Constantinople standeth one of white marble called Vespasians pillar, of 38 or 40 yards high, which hath from the base to the top proportions of men in armour fighting on horsebacke: it is likewise adorned with diuers goodly buildings and stately Mesquitas, whereof the biggest is Sultan Solimans a great warriour, which liued in the time of Charles the fifth; but the fairest is Santa Sophia, which in the time of the Christian emperours was the chiefe cathedrall church, and is still in greatest account with the great Turke: it is built round like other Greekish churches, the pavements and walles be all of marble, it hath beneath 44 pillars of diuers coloured marble of admirable height and bignesse, which stand vpon great round feet of brasse, much greater then the pillars, and of a great height, some ten yards distant from the wall: from which vnto these pillars is a great gallery built, which goeth round about the church; and vpon the outside of the gallery stand 66 marble pillars which beare vp the round roofe being the top of the church: it hath three pulpits or preaching places, and about 2000 lampes brought in by the Turke. Likewise vpon one side in the top is the picture of Christ with the 12 Apostles, but their faces are defaced, with two or three ancient tombs of Christians: to the West sticketh an arrow in the toppe of the Church, which, as the Turks report, Sultan Mahomet shot when he first tooke the city. Neere adioyning be two chapels of marble, where lie buried most of the emperours with their children and sultanas. The 16 of Iuly, accompanied with some other of our nation we went by water to the Blacke sea, being 16 miles distant from Constantinople, the sea al the way thither being little broader then the Thames; both sides of the shore are beautified with faire and goodly buildings. At the mouth of this Bosphorus lieth a rocke some fourescore yards from the maine land, wherevpon standeth a white marble pillar called Pompeys pillar, the shadow whereof was 23 foote long at nine of the clocke in the forenoone: over against it is a turret of stone upon the maine land 120 steps high, hauing a great glass-lanthorne in the toppe foure yards in diamiter and three in height, with a great copper pan in the midst to holde oile, with twenty lights in it, and it serueth to giue passage into this straight in the night to such ships as come from all parts of those seas to Constantinople: it is continually kept by a Turke, who to that end hath pay of the grand Signior. And thus hauing spent eleuen moneths in Constantinople, accompanied with a chause, and carying certaine mandates from the grand Signior to the Bassa of Aleppo for the kinde vsage of our nation in those parts, the 30 of Iuly I tooke passage in a Turkish carmosale or shippe bound for Sidon; and passing thorow Propontis, hauing Salimbria with Heraclia most pleasantly situated on the right hand, and Proconesus now called Marmora on the left, we came to Gallipoly, and so by Hellespont, betweene the two castles before named called Sestos and Abydos, famous for the passages made there both by Xerxes and great Alexander, the one into Thracia, the other into Asia, and so by the Sigean Promontory, now called Cape Ianitzary, at the mouth of Hellespont vpon Asia side, where Troy stood, where are yet ruines of olde walles to be seene, with two hils rising in a piramidall forme, not vnlikely to be the tombs of Achilles and Ajax. From thence we sailed along, hauing Tenedos and Lemnos on the right hand, and the Troian fields on the left: at length we came to Mitylen and Sio long time inhabited by the Genoueses, but now vnder the Turke. The Iland is beautified with goodly buildings and pleasant gardens, and aboundeth with fruits, wine, and the gum masticke. From thence sailing alongst the gulfe of Ephesus with Nicaria on the right hand, Samos and Smirna on the left, we came to Patmos, where S. Iohn wrote the Revelation. The Iland is but small, not aboue five miles in compasse: the chiefe thing it yeeldeth is corn: it hath a port for shipping, and in it is a monastery of Greekish Caloieros. From thence by Cos (now called Lango) where Hipocrates was borne: and passing many other Ilands and rocks, we arriued at Rhodes, one of the strongest and fairest cities of the East: here we stayed three or foure dayes; and by reason of a By which went in the ship to Paphos in Cyprus, who vsed me with all kindnesse, I went about the city, and tooke the view of all: which city is still with all the houses and walles thereof maintained in the same order as they tooke it from the Rhodian knights. Ouer the doores of many of the houses, which be strongly built of stone, do remaine vndefaced, the armes of England, France, Spaine, and many other Christian knights, as though the Turkes in the view thereof gloried in the taking of all Christendome, whose armes they beholde. From thence we sailed to Paphos an olde ruinous towne standing vpon the Westerne part of Cyprus, where S. Paul in the Acts conuerted the gouernor. Departing hence, we came to Sidon, by the Turkes called Saytosa, within tenne or twelue miles of the place where Tirus stood, which now being eaten in by the sea, is, as Ezekiel prophesied, a place for the spreading out of a net. Sidon is situated in a small bay at the foot of mount Libanus, vpon the side of an hill looking to the North: it is walled about, with a castle nigh to the sea, and one toward the land which is ruinated, but the walle thereof standeth. Some halfe mile vp toward the mountaine be certaine ruines of buildings, with marble pillars, remaining: heere for three dayes we were kindly entertained of the Captaine of the castle: and in a small barke we sailed from hence along the shore to Tripoli, and so to Alexandretta, where the 24 of August we arriued. From thence with a Venetian carauan we went by land to Aleppo, passing by Antioch, which is seated vpon the side of an hill, whose walles still stand with 360 turrets upon them, and neere a very great plaine which beareth the name of the city, thorow which runneth the riuer Orontes, in Scripture called Farfar. In Aleppo I stayed vntill February following; in this city, as at a mart, meete many nations out of Asia with the people of Europe, hauing continuall traffike and interchangeable course of marchandise one with another: the state and trade of which place, because it is so well knowen to most of our nation I omitte to write of. The 27 of February I departed from Aleppo, and the fifth of March imbarked my selfe at Alexandretta in a great ship of Venice called the Nana Ferra, to come to England. The 14 we put into Salino in Cyprus, where the ship staying many dayes to lade cotton wool, and other commodities, in the meane time accompanied with M. William Barret my countrey man, the master of the ship a Greeke, and others wee tooke occasion to see Nicosia, the chiefe city of this Iland, which was some twenty miles from this place, which is situated at the foot of an hill: to the East is a great plaine, extending it selfe in a great length from the North to the South: it is walled about, but of no such strength as Famagusta (another city in this Iland neere the Sea side) whose walles are cut out of the maine rocke. In this city be many sumptuous and goodly buildings of stone, but vninhabited; the cause whereof doth giue me iust occasion to shew you of a rare iudgement of God vpon the owners sometime of these houses, as I was credibly informed by a Cipriot, a marcham of, great wealth in this city. [Sidenote: A great iudgement of God vpon the noble men of Cyprus.] Before it came in subiection to the Turks, while it was vnder the Venetians, there were many barons and noble men of the Cipriots, who partly by vsurping more superiority ouer the common people then they ought, and partly through their great reuenues which yeerly came in by their cotton wooll and wines, grew so insolent and proud, and withall so impiously wicked, as that they would at their pleasure command both the wiues and children of their poore tenants to serue their vncleane lusts, and holding them in such slauery as though they had beene no better then dogges, would wage them against a grayhound or spaniell, and he who woon the wager should euer after holde them as his proper goods and chattels, to doe with them as he listed, being Christians as well as themselues, if they may deserue so good a name. As they behaued themselues most vnchristianly toward their brethren, so and much more vngodly (which I should haue put in the first place) did they towards God: for as though they were too great, standing on foot or kneeling to serue God, they would come riding on horsebacke into the church to heare their masse: which church now is made a publicke basistane or market place for the Turkes to sell commodities in: but beholde the iudgement of the righteous God, who payeth the sinner measure for measure. The Turkes the yeere before the ouerthrowe giuen them at Lepanto by Don Iohn tooke Cyprus. These mighty Nimrods fled some in holes and some into mountaines to hide themselues; whereupon the Turkes made generall proclamation, that if they would all come in and yeeld themselues, they would restore them to their former reuenues and dignities: who not mistrusting the mischieuous pretense of the Turkes, assembled together to make themselues knowen; whom after the Turkes had in possession, they (as the Lords executioners) put them with their wiues and children all to the sword, pretending thereby to cut of all future rebellion, so that at this day is not one of the noble race knowen aliue in the Iland, onely two or three remaine in Venice but of litle wealth, which in the time of the warres escaped. After we had stayed in this Iland some thirty dayes, we set saile in the foresayd shippe being about the burthen of 900 tunnes, hauing in her passengers of diuers nations, as Tartars, Persians, Iewes, and sundry Christians. Amongst all which I had often conference with a Iew, who by reason of his many yeeres education at Safet a place in Iudea neere Ierusalem, where they study the Rabbines with some other arts as they thinke good, as also: for his trauels into Persia and Ormus, he seemed to be of good experience in matters abroad, who related vnto me such conference as he had with a Baniane at Ormus, being one of the Indians inhabiting the countrey of Cambaia. [Sidenote: Indians skilful in Astronomy.] This Baniane being a Gentile had skill in Astronomie, as many of that nation haue, who by his books written in his owne tongue and Characters, could tell the time of Eclipses both of Sunne and Moone, with the Change and Full, and by iudgement in Astrologie gaue answere to any question demanded. Being asked concerning his opinion in religion, what he thought of God? He made answere that they held no other god but the sun, (to which planet they pray both at the rising and setting) as I haue seene sundry doe in Aleppo: his reason was drawen from the effects which it worketh in giuing light to the moone and other starres, and causing all things to grow and encrease vpon the earth: answere was made, that it did moue with the rest as the wheeles of a clocke, and therefore of force must haue a moouer. Likewise in the Eclipse being darkened it is manifestly prooued that it is not god, for God is altogether goodnesse and brightnesse, which can neither be darkened nor receiue detriment or hurt: but the Sunne receiueth both in the Eclipse, as is aparant: to which hee could not answere; but so they had receiued from their ancestors, that it was without beginning or ende, as in any Orbicular or round body neither beginning or end could be found. He likewise sayd, that there were other Gentiles in the Indies which worship the moone as chiefe, and their reason is. The moone when she riseth goeth with thousands of starres accompanied like a king, and therefore is chiefe: but the Sunne goeth alone, and therefore not so great. Against whom the Banianes reason, that it is not true; because the Moone and starres receiue their light from the Sunne, neither doth the Sunne vouchsafe them his company but when he list, and therefore like a mighty prince goeth alone, yet they acknowledge the Moone as Queene or Viceroy. Law they hold hone, but only seuen precepts which they say were giuen them from their father Noe, not knowing Abraham or any other. [Sidenote: The seven precepts of Banianes.] First, to honor father and mother; secondly, not to steale; thirdly not to commit adultery; fourthly not to kill any thing liuing; fiftly, not to eat any thing liuing; sixtly not to cut their haire; seuenthly to go barefoot in their churches. These they hold most strictly, and by no means will breake them: but he that breaketh one is punished with twenty stripes; but for the greatest fault they will kill none, neither by a short death nor a long, onely he is kept some time in prison with very little meat, and hath at the most not aboue twenty or fiue and twenty stripes. In the yeere they haue 16 feasts, and then they go to their church, where is pictured in a broad table the Sun, as we vse to paint it, the face of a man with beames round about, not hauing any thing els in it. At their feast they spot their faces in diuers parts with saffron all yellow, and so walke vp and downe the streets; and this they doe as a custome. They hold, there shalbe a resurrection, and all shall come to iudgement, but the account shalbe most streight, insomuch that but one of 10000 shalbe receiued to fauor, and those shall liue againe in this world in great happinesse: the rest shalbe tormented. And because they will escape this iudgdment, when any man dieth, he and his wife be both burnt together euen to ashes, and then they are thrown into a river, and so dispersed as though they had neuer bene. If the wife will not burne with her dead husband, she is holden euer after as a whore. And by this meanes they hope to escape the iudgement to come. As for the soule, that goeth to the place from whence it came, but where the place is they know not. That the body should not be made againe they reason with the philosophers, saying, that of nothing nothing can be made (not knowing that God made the whole world and their god the Sun of nothing) but beholding the course of nature, that nothing is made but by a meanes, as by the seed of a man is made another, and by corne cast into the ground there commeth vp new corne: so, say they, man cannot be made except some part of him be left, and therefore they burne the whole: for if he were buried in the earth, they say there is a small bone in the necke which would neuer be consumed: or if he were eaten by a beast, that bone would not consume, but of that bone would come another man; and then the soule being restored againe, he should come into iudgement, whereas now the body being destroyed, the soule shall not be iudged: for their opinion is, that both body and soule must be vnited together, as they haue sinned together, to receiue iudgement; and therefore the soule alone cannot. Their seuen precepts which they keepe so strictly are not for any hope of reward they haue after this life, but onely that they may be blessed in this world, for they thinke that he which breaketh them shall haue ill successe in all his businesse. They say, the three chiefe religions in the world be of the Christians, Iewes, and Turks, and yet but one of them true: but being in doubt which is the truest of the three, they will be of none: for they hold that all these three shall be iudged, and but few of them which be of the true shall be saued, the examination shall be so straight; and therefore, as I haue sayd before, to preuent this iudgement, they burne their bodies to ashes. They say, these three religions haue too many precepts to keepe them all wel, and therefore wonderfull hard it wil be to make account, because so few doe obserue all their religion aright. And thus passing the time for the space of three moneths in this sea voyage, we arriued at Venice the tenth of Iune: and after I had seene Padua, with other English men, I came the ordinary way ouer the Alpes, by Augusta, Noremberg and so for England; where to the praise of God I safely arriued the ninth of August 1595. END OF VOL. IX.
39013 ---- [Transcriber's Note: This author often uses "run" where we to-day would use "ran." This was retained.] [Illustration: Captain C. F. Hall. See page 289] NORTH-POLE VOYAGES: EMBRACING SKETCHES OF THE IMPORTANT FACTS AND INCIDENTS IN THE LATEST AMERICAN EFFORTS TO REACH THE NORTH POLE FROM THE SECOND GRINNELL EXPEDITION TO THAT OF THE POLARIS. BY REV. Z. A. MUDGE, AUTHOR OF "VIEWS FROM PLYMOUTH ROCK," "WITCH HILL," "ARCTIC HEROES," ETC., ETC. Five Illustrations. NEW YORK: NELSON & PHILLIPS CINCINNATI: HITCHCOCK & WALDEN. SUNDAY-SCHOOL DEPARTMENT. Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1875, by NELSON & PHILLIPS, in the Office of the Librarian of Congress at Washington. PREFACE. FOR more than three hundred years an intense desire has been felt by explorers to discover and reveal to the world the secrets of the immediate regions of the North Pole. Nor has this desire been confined to mere adventurers. Learned geographers, skillful navigators, and scientific men of broad and accurate study, have engaged in these enterprises with enthusiastic interest. The great governments of the Christian world have bestowed upon them liberally the resources of their wealth and science, and never to a greater extent than within the last three years. Failure seems but to stimulate exertion. Scarcely have the tears dried on the faces of the friends of those who have perished in the undertaking before we hear of the departure of a fresh expedition. Something like a divine inspiration has attended these explorations from the first, and their moral tone has been excellent. This volume sketches the latest American efforts, second to no others in heroism and success, and abounding in instructive and intensely interesting adventures both grave and gay. We have followed in this volume, as in its companion volume, "The Arctic Heroes," the orthography of Professor Dall, of the Smithsonian Institution, in some frequently-occurring Arctic words. CONTENTS. CHAPTER PAGE I. NORTHWARD 9 II. ANCHORED AT LAST 17 III. THRILLING INCIDENTS 23 IV. LOST AND RESCUED 31 V. MORE HEROIC EXCURSIONS 43 VI. THE OPEN SEA 53 VII. AN IMPORTANT MOVEMENT 60 VIII. TREATY MAKING 68 IX. ARCTIC HUNTING 75 X. THEE ESCAPING PARTY 89 XI. A GREEN SPOT 99 XII. NETLIK 109 XIII. THE HUT 120 XIV. ESQUIMO TREACHERY 131 XV. LIGHTS AND SHADOWS 142 XVI. DRUGGED ESQUIMO 150 XVII. BACK AGAIN 160 XVIII. SCARES 171 XIX. SEEKING THE ESQUIMO 179 XX. DESERTERS 186 XXI. CLOSING INCIDENTS OF THE IMPRISONMENT 194 XXII. HOMEWARD BOUND 201 XXIII. NARROW ESCAPES 209 XXIV. ESQUIMO KINDNESS 216 XXV. MELVILLE BAY 221 XXVI. SAVED 228 XXVII. OFF AGAIN 234 XXVIII. COLLIDING FLOES 241 XXIX. THE WINTER HOME 249 XXX. GLACIERS 255 XXXI. A STRANGE DREAM AND ITS FULFILLMENT 263 XXXII. THE CROWNING SLEDGE JOURNEY 270 XXXIII. LAST INCIDENTS OF THE EXPEDITION 279 XXXIV. SOMETHING NEW 287 XXXV. A FEARFUL STORM 295 XXXVI. THE AURORA 304 XXXVII. THE DYING ESQUIMO 311 XXXVIII. CUNNING HUNTERS 317 XXXIX. ROUND FROBISHER BAY 326 XL. THE "POLARIS" 333 XLI. DISASTER 344 XLII. THE LAST OF THE "POLARIS" 357 XLIII. THE FEARFUL SITUATION 364 XLIV. THE WONDERFUL DRIFT 371 XLV. THE WONDERFUL ESCAPE 380 Illustrations. CAPTAIN C. F. HALL 2 WALRUSES--A FAMILY PARTY 81 CAPTAIN BUDDINGTON 337 UNLOADING STORES FROM THE "POLARIS" 345 PERILOUS SITUATION OF THE "POLARIS" 354 NORTH-POLE VOYAGES. CHAPTER I. NORTHWARD. THE readers who have been with us before into the arctic regions will recollect the good American brig Advance, and her wonderful drift during live months, in 1851, from the upper waters of the Wellington Channel, until she was dropped in the Atlantic Ocean by the ice-field which inclosed her. Dr. Kane, then her surgeon, took command of this same vessel, in 1853, for another search for the lost Franklin. We have seen that the place of Franklin's disasters and death was found while Kane was away on this voyage, so the interest of the present story will not connect with that great commander, except in the noble purposes of its heroes. The Advance left New York on the thirtieth of May, having on board, all counted, eighteen men. Kind hearts and generous purses had secured for her a fair outfit in provisions for the comfort of the adventurers, in facilities for fighting the ice and cold, and in the means of securing desired scientific results. Of the thousands who waved them a kind adieu from the shore many said sadly, "They will never return." We shall make the acquaintance of the officers and men as we voyage with them, and a very agreeable acquaintance we are sure it will be. The rules by which all agreed to be governed were these and no others: "Absolute obedience to the officer in command; no profane swearing; no liquor drunk except by special order." The voyagers touched at St. John's, and among other kindnesses shown them was the gift by the governor of a noble team of nine Newfoundland dogs. At Fiskernaes, the first Greenland port which they entered, they added to their company Hans Christian, an Esquimo hunter, nineteen years of age. Hans was expert with the Esquimo spear and kayak. He will appear often in our story, and act a conspicuous part; he at once, however, prepossesses us in his favor by stipulating with Dr. Kane to leave two barrels of bread and fifty pounds of pork with his mother in addition to the wages he is to receive. The doctor made his cup of joy overflow by adding to these gifts to his mother the present for himself of a rifle and new kayak. The expedition next touched at Lichtenfels. Dr. Kane obtained here a valuable addition to his outfit of fur clothing. Stopping at Proven, a supply of Esquimo dogs was completed; lying to briefly at Upernavik, the most northern port of civilization, their equipment in furs, ice-tools, and other necessary articles known to arctic voyagers, was rendered still more complete. At this last port the services of Carl Petersen were engaged for the expedition. We have met this intelligent, heroic Dane among our "Arctic Heroes." He will for a long time appear in the shifting scenes of our story. On the twenty-seventh of July the "Advance" drew near to Melville Bay. The reader who has accompanied the earlier arctic explorers into this region will remember their terrific experience in this bay. Every arctic enemy of the navigator lurks there. Their attacks are made singly and in solid combinations. At one time they steal upon their victim like a Bengal tiger; at other times they rush upon him with a shout and yell, like a band of our own savages. Giant icebergs; fierce storms; cruel nips; silent, unseen, irresistible currents; with ever-changing, treacherous "packs" and "floes," and the all-pervading, relentless cold, are some of these enemies. A favorite movement of these forces is to so adjust themselves as to promise the advancing explorer or whaler a speedy and complete success; then, suddenly changing front, to crush and sink him at once, or to bind him in icy fetters, a helpless, writhing victim, for days, weeks, or months, and finally, perhaps, to bury both ship and men in the dark, deep waters of the bay. The "Advance" was at this time treated by these guardians of the approach to the North Pole with exceptional courtesy. We suspect that they secretly purposed to follow them into more northern regions, and there to attack them at even greater advantage. This they certainly did. But just to show them what it could and was minded to do, the evil spirit of the bay invited them at one time to escape impending danger by fastening to a huge berg. This they did, after eight hours of warping, heaving, and planting ice-anchors, a labor of prostrating exhaustion. Hardly had they begun to enjoy the invited hospitality of the berg, when it began to shower upon them, like big drops from a summer cloud, pieces of ice the size of a walnut, accompanied by a crackling, threatening noise from above. A gale from out of its hiding-place on shore came sweeping upon them at the same time, driving before it its icy supporter. Mischief was evidently intended. The "Advance" retreated from the berg with all possible haste, and had barely gone beyond its reach when it launched after it its whole broadside, which came crashing into the water with a roar like a whole park of artillery. Could any thing be rougher? But then it was true to its icebergy character. The "Advance" was not injured, but the ice held as a trophy more than two thousand feet of good whale line, which had to be cut in the retreat. These bergs, though thus harsh and treacherous as a rule, _can_ do a generous thing. May be, like some people, they are all the more dangerous on account of exceptional generosity. The loose ice, soon after this incident, was drifting south, and would have borne the navigators with it back from whence they had come, perhaps for hundreds of miles. But a majestic berg came along whose sunken base took hold of the deep water current, and so, impelled by this current, it sailed grandly northward, sweeping a wide path through the rotten floes. It condescendingly offered to do tugboat service for the "Advance," and invited its captain to throw aboard an ice-anchor. We wonder he dared to trust it, but he did, and, grappling its crystal sides, made good headway for awhile until other means of favorable voyaging were presented. Soon after the explorers parted from this bergy friend the midnight sun came out over its northern crest, kindling on every part of its surface fires of varied colors, and scattering over the ice all around blazing carbuncles, sparkling rubies, and molten gold. August fifth the "Advance," fairly clearing the hated Melville Bay, sailed along the western coast of the "North Water" of Baffin Bay. At Northumberland Island, at the mouth of Whale Sound, their eyes were again delighted by an exhibition of beautiful colors, delicately tinted, but this time not made by a gorgeous sunrise over a gigantic iceberg. The snow of the island and its vicinity bore, over vast areas, a reddish hue, and great patches of beautiful green mosses broke its monotony, while here and there the protruding sandstone threw in a rich shading of brown. So God paints the dreariest lands in colors of great beauty, and scatters over them profusely at times the richest sunlit gems. On the sixth of August they passed the frowning headland of Smith's Sound, known as Cape Alexander. It stands like the charred trunk and limbs of some mighty oak, at the entrance of an unexplored, gloomy forest, seen in the murky darkness. Cape Alexander seemed a mighty sentinel of evil purpose, toward all who dared pass to the mysterious regions beyond. It inspired the sailors with superstitious fear, and admonished their officers that eternal vigilance must be the price of safety in the waters beyond. Arriving at Littleton Island, our explorers built a monument of stones as a conspicuous object from the sea, surmounted by the stripes and stars, put under it a record of their voyage thus far, and, two miles north and east, upon the mainland, deposited a metallic life-boat, with provisions and various stores. These were for a resort in case of accident in their further progress. While making this deposit they discovered the remains of Esquimo huts, and graves of some of their former occupants. The dead had been buried in a sitting posture, their knees drawn close to their bodies; the few simple implements belonging to the deceased were buried with them. In one grave was a child's toy spear. So even the rude Esquimo child has its toys, and, no doubt, the mother looks upon its trinkets, as she lays them beside its dead body, with tearful interest. Soon after making these deposits in the life-boat, the "Advance," while making a vigorous struggle with the broken ice, was borne into a land-locked inlet, which Dr. Kane called Refuge Harbor. It was rather a cosy place for an arctic shore, and in it the explorers waited for the movement of the ice. While here they were much annoyed by their dogs, fifty in number. Two bears had been shot, which were the only game which had been taken for them. They were now on short allowance, and were as ravenous as wolves. They gulped down almost any thing which could go down their throats, even devouring at one time a part of a feather-bed. Dr. Kane's specimens of natural history fared hard at their jaws. He happened once to set down in their way two nests of large sea-fowl. They were filled with feathers, filth, moss and pebbles--a full peck, but the dogs made a rush for them and gobbled down the whole. There were plenty of wolves not far from the brig, on which they delighted to feed. But the hunters had no luck in trying to take them. Rifle balls glanced from their thick hides as if they had been peas from a toy gun. They needed the Esquimo harpoon and the Esquimo skill. But fortunately a dead narwhal, or sea-unicorn, was found. Under its soothing influence, when fed out to them, the dogs became more quiet. After remaining a few days at Refuge Harbor, a desperate push was made to get the vessel farther north and east. For twelve days they manfully battled with the ice, and made forty miles. This brought them to the bottom of a broad shallow bay, which they named Force Bay. Here they fastened the brig to a shelving, rocky ledge near the shore. CHAPTER II. ANCHORED AT LAST. ON Wednesday, August seventeenth, the heralds of a storm from the South reached the brig. They made their announcement by hurling against her sides some heavy floe-pieces. Understanding this hint of what was coming, the explorers clung to their rocky breakwater by three heavy hawsers. Louder and louder roared the blast, and more fiercely crashed the ice which it hurled against the ledge. At midnight one of the cables, the smaller of the three, parted, and the storm seemed to shout its triumph at this success as it assailed the writhing vessel more vigorously. But the ledge broke the power in a measure of the wind and ice, and was, indeed, a godsend to the imperiled men, so they put it down on their chart as Godsend Ledge. The next day the huge, human-faced walrus came quite near the brig in great numbers, shaking their grim, dripping fronts. The dovekies, more cheerful visitors, scud past toward the land. Both walrus and fowls proclaimed in their way the terribleness of the increasing tempest. The place of the broken hawser had been supplied, and the worried craft strained away at three strong lines which held on bravely. Everything on board was stowed away, or lashed securely, which could invite an assault by the wind. Saturday, late in the afternoon, Dr. Kane, wet, and weary with watching, went below and threw himself for rest and warmth into his berth. Scarcely had he done this before a sharp, loud twang brought him to his feet. One of the six-inch hawsers had parted; its sound had scarcely been lost in the uproar before a sharp and shrill "twang! twang!" announced the snapping of the whale line. The brig now clung to the ledge by a single cable--a new ten-inch manilla line, which held on grandly. The mate came waddling down into the cabin as the doctor was drawing on his last article of clothing to go on deck. "Captain Kane," he exclaimed, "she wont hold much longer; it's blowing the devil himself." All hands now gathered about the brave manilla line on which their fate seemed to depend. Its deep Eolian chant mingled solemnly with the rattle of the rigging and the moaning of the shrouds, and died away in the tumult of the conflicting wind and sea. The sailors were loud in its praises as they watched it with bated breath. It was singing its death song, for, with the noise of a shotted gun, and a wreath of smoke, it gave way, and out plunged the brig into the rushing current of the tempest-tossed ice. Two hours of hard and skillful labor were bestowed on the vessel to get her back to the ledge; first by beating, or trying to do so, up into the wind; and then by warping along the edge of the solid floe, but all in vain. A light sail was then set, that they might keep command of the helm, and away they scud through a tortuous lead filled with heavy, broken ice. At seven o'clock on Sunday morning the vessel was heading, under full way, upon huge masses of ice. The heaviest anchor was thrown out to stay her speed. But the ice-torrent so crowded upon the poor craft that a buoy was hastily fastened to the chain, and it was slipped, and away went "the best bower," the sailor's trusted friend in such dangers. The vessel now went banging and scraping against the floes, one of which was forty feet thick, and many of which were thirty feet. These collisions smashed in her bulwarks, and covered her deck with icy fragments. Yet the plucky little brig returned to the conflict after every blow with only surface wounds. These assaults failing to turn back or to destroy the little invading stranger, the arctic warriors now brought into the field their mightiest champions. Not far ahead, and apparently closing the lead, was a whole battalion of icebergs. It was an unequal light, and down upon them, with unwilling haste, came the "Advance." As it approached it was seen that a narrow line of clear water ran between the bergs and the solid, high wall of the floe. Into this the vessel shot, with the high wind directly after it. The sailors, caps in hand, were almost ready to send to the baffled enemy a shout of triumph, when the wind died away into a lull, which amounted, for a moment, to almost a dead calm. But on that moment the fate of the expedition appeared to hang. The enemy saw his opportunity and began to close up. There seemed no possible escape for the brig. On one side was the steep ice-wall of the floe, on which there could be no warping. On the other were the slowly but steadily advancing bergs in a compact line. Just in time, the anxious, waiting, and almost breathless crew, hailed their deliverer. It was a broad, low, platform-shaped berg, over which the water washed. It came sailing swiftly by, and into it they planted an ice-anchor attached to a tow line. Away galloped their crystal racer, outrunning the "pale horse" which followed them! So narrow became the channel between the bergs and floe e'er they reached the open water beyond, that the yards had to be "squared" to prevent them from being carried away, and the boats suspended over the sides were taken on deck to prevent them from being crushed. They came round under the lee of a great berg, making the enemy of a moment ago their protector now. Dr. Kane says: "Never did heart-tried men acknowledge with greater gratitude their merciful deliverance from a wretched death." But the fight was not over. A sudden flaw puffed the "Advance" from its hiding-place, and drove it again into the drifting ice along the edge of the solid floe. Once she was lifted high in the air on the crest of a great wave, and, as it slipped from under her, she came down with tremendous force against the floe. The masts quivered like reeds in the wind, and the poor craft groaned like a struck bullock. At last they reached a little pond of water near the shore. They had drifted since morning across Force Bay, ten miles. A berg, with pretended friendliness, came and anchored between the brig and the storm. The situation seemed to warrant a little rest, and the men went below and threw themselves into their bunks. Dr. Kane was yet on deck, distrusting the treacherous ice. Scarcely had the men begun to sleep before the vessel received a thump and a jerk upward. All hands were instantly on deck. Great ice-tables, twenty feet thick, crowding forward from the shore side with a force as from a sliding mountain, pressed the vessel against the shore front of the berg; had this been a perpendicular wall, no wood and iron wrought into a vessel could have prevented a general crash. But the unseen Hand was apparent again. The berg was sloping, and up its inclined plane the vessel went, in successive jerks. The men leaped upon the ice to await the result. Personal effects, such as could be carried and were deemed indispensable, were in readiness in the cabin for leave-taking. Sledge equipments and camping conveniences were put in order and placed at hand. The explorers had experienced a midnight assault, and were ready for the flight. But Dr. Kane bears warm testimony concerning the coolness and self-possession of every man. While awaiting the fate of the vessel, on which hung their own fate also, not a sound was heard save the roaring of the wind, the crashing ice, and the groaning of the vessel's timbers, as she received shock after shock, and mounted steadily up the ice-mountain. Having attained a cradle high and dry above the sea, the brig rested there several hours. Finally she quietly settled down into her old position among the ice rubbish of the sea. When the escape was apparent, there was for a moment a deep-breathing silence among the men, before the rapturous outburst of joyful congratulation. While this last thrilling incident had been transpiring, four of the men were missing. They had gone upon the ice some hours before to carry out a warp, and had been carried away on an ice-raft. When the morning came, and the vessel grounded in a safe place, a rescue party was sent out, who soon returned with them. A little rest was now obtained by all. CHAPTER III. THRILLING INCIDENTS. AFTER a brief rest our explorers continued their voyage. They warped the vessel round the cape near which they found shelter, into a bay which opened to the north and west. Along the shore of this bay they toiled for several days and reached its head. It seemed impossible to go farther, for the ice was already thick and the winter at hand. A majority of the officers, in view of these facts, advised a return south. But Dr. Kane thought they might winter where they were, or further north if the vessel could be pushed through the ice, and their explorations be made with dog-sledges. To learn more fully the practicability of his view he planned a boat excursion. While this was in contemplation an incident came near ending all further progress of the expedition. The brig grounded in the night, and was left suddenly by the receding tide on her beam ends. The stove in the cabin, which was full of burning coal, upset and put the cabin in a blaze. It was choked by a pilot-cloth overcoat until water could be brought. No other harm was done than the loss of the coat and a big scare. About the first of September the doctor and seven volunteers started in the boat "Forlorn Hope" to see the more northern shore-line. The boat was abandoned at the end of twenty-four hours, all the water having turned to ice, and the party tramped many a weary mile, carrying their food and a few other necessary things. Dr. Kane attained an elevation of eleven hundred feet, from which, with his telescope, he looked north beyond the eightieth degree of latitude, and through a wide extent of country east and west. From this observation he decided that sledging with dogs into and beyond this region was practicable. This had seemed doubtful before. He therefore returned with the decision to put the "Advance" into winter-quarters immediately. A few facts interesting to the scientific were learned on this excursion. A skeleton of a musk ox was found, showing they had been, at no distant time, visitors to this coast. Additions were made to their flowering plants, and up to this date twenty-two varieties had been found. The brig was now drawn in between two islands, and the mooring lines carried out. The explorers were in a sheltered, and, as to the ice, safe winter home. They called it Rensselaer Harbor. Near them an iceberg had anchored as if to watch their movements. A fresh-water pond on the upland promised them its precious treasure if they would _cut_ for it. An island a few rods distant they named Butler Island, and on this they built a store-house. A canal was cut from the brig to this island, and kept open by renewed cutting every morning. They then run the boat through this canal, thus transferring the stores from the hold to the store-house. While one party was thus engaged, others were equally busy in other directions. The scientific corps selected a small island which they called Fern Rock, and put up a rude "observatory," from which not only the stars were to be watched, but the weather, the meteors, and the electrical currents were to be noted. While this outside work was going on Dr. Kane was taxing his ingenuity to arrange the brig, now made roomy by the removal of the stores, so as to have it combine the greatest convenience, warmth, and healthfulness. A roof was put over the upper deck, which was then made to answer for a promenade deck for pleasure and health. Even the wolfish Esquimo dogs were remembered in this general planning. A nice dog house, cozy and near, was made for them on Butler Island. But the dogs had notions of their own about their quarters. Though so savage at all times as to be willing to eat their masters if not kept in abject fear, yet they refused to sleep out of the sound of their voices. They would leave their comfortable quarters on the island and huddle together in the snow, exposed to the severest cold, to be within the sound of human voices. So they had to be indulged with kennels on deck. While these matters were being attended to the hunters scoured the country to learn what the prospect was for game. They extended their excursions ninety miles, and returned with a report not very encouraging. They saw a few reindeer, and numerous hares and rabbits. It was plain that hunting would not make large returns. The winter came on with its shroud of darkness. On the tenth of September the sun made but a short circuit above the horizon before it disappeared again. In one month it would cease to show its disk above the surrounding hills; then would come a midday twilight for a few days, followed by nearly a hundred days of darkness in which no man could work. Even now, at noon, the stars glowed brightly in the heavens, though but few of them were the familiar stars of the home sky. While the work of which we have spoken was going on Dr. Kane's thoughts were much upon the necessity of establishing, before the winter nights fully set in, provision depots at given distances northward for at least sixty miles. These would be necessary for a good start in the early spring of a dog-sledge journey North Poleward. For the spring work the Newfoundland dogs, of which he had ten, were in daily training. Harnessed to a small, strong, beautifully made sledge called "Little Willie," the doctor drove his team around the brig in gallant style. These Newfoundlanders were a dependence for heavy draught. The Esquimo dogs were in reserve for the long, perilous raids of the earnest exploration into darkness and over hummocks. While all this busy preparation was going on the morning and evening prayers were strictly maintained, bringing with them a soothing assurance of the Divine care. On the twentieth of September the provision deposit party started on an experimental journey. It consisted of seven men in all, M'Gary and Bonsall officers. They carried about fourteen hundred pounds of mixed stores for the "cairns." They took these stores upon the strong, thorough-built sledge "Faith," and drew it themselves, by a harness for each man, consisting of a "rue-raddy," or shoulder-belt, and track-line. The men then generously did a service they would in future have the dogs do. While this party was gone the home work went on, enlivened by several incidents involving the most appalling dangers, yet not without some comic elements. The first was occasioned by rats. What right these creatures had in the expedition is not apparent; nor do we see what motive impelled them to come at all. If it was a mere love of adventure, they, as do most adventurers, found that the results hardly paid the cost. They were voted a nuisance, but how to abate it was a difficult question. The first experiment consisted of a removal of the men to a camp on deck for a night, and a fumigation below, where the rats remained, of a vile compound of brimstone, burnt leather, and arsenic. But the rats survived it bravely. The next experiment was with carbonic acid gas. This proved a weapon dangerous to handle. Dr. Hays burnt a quantity of charcoal, and the hatches were shut down after starting three stoves. The gas generated below rapidly, and nobody was expected, of course, to go where it was. But the French cook, Pierre Schubert, thinking his soup needed seasoning, stole into the cook room. He was discerned by Morton, staggering in the dark; and, at the risk of his own life, he sprung to his relief, and both reached the deck bewildered, the cook entirely insensible. Soon after this Dr. Kane thought he smelt a strange odor. The hatches were removed and he went below. After a short tour between decks, he was passing the door which led to the carpenter's room, and he was amazed to see three feet of the deck near it a glowing fire. Beating a hasty retreat, he fell senseless to the floor at the foot of the stairs which led to the upper deck. The situation was critical. A puff of air might envelope the hold in flames, with the doctor an easy victim; but the divine Hand still covered him. Mr. Brooks, reaching down, drew him out. Coming to the air the doctor recovered immediately and communicated his startling discovery quietly to those only near him. Water was passed up from the "fire-hole" along side, kept open for just such emergencies. Dr. Kane and Ohlsen went below, water was dashed on, and they were safe. The dead bodies of twenty-eight rats were the net result of this onslaught with carbonic acid gas. But they were but few among so many. The rat army was yet in fighting order. The other incident was less serious, yet quite on the verge of fatal consequences. Several Esquimo dogs became the mothers of nice little families. Now these young folks in the kennels were considered intruders by the master of the vessel--rather hard on them since they were not to blame in the matter. But it happens with dogs as with the human race, that they sometimes suffer without fault of their own. Six puppies were thrown overboard; two died for the good their skins might do as mittens; and, alas! seven died more dreadful deaths--they were eaten by their mammas! Whether these puppy calamities bore heavily upon the brains of the dog mothers or not we cannot tell, but the fact recorded is that one of them went distracted. She walked up and down the deck with a drooping head and staggering gait. Finally she snapped at Petersen, foamed at the mouth, and fell at his feet. "She is mad!" exclaimed Petersen. "Hydrophobia!" was the dreadful cry which passed about the deck. Dr. Kane ran for his gun. He was not a moment too soon in reappearing with it. The dog had recommenced her running and snapping at those near. The Newfoundland dogs were not out of her reach, and the hatches leading below were open. But a well-directed shot ended at once her life and the danger. It was now the tenth of October. The sun, though just appearing above the horizon to the surrounding country, only sparkled along the edge of the hill-tops to the gazers from the "Advance." The depot party had been gone twenty days, and Dr. Kane was beginning to feel anxious about them. He harnessed four of his best Newfoundlanders into the "Little Willie," and, accompanied by John Blake, started in search of them. For a little time the party progressed very well. But after awhile the new ice between the broken floes was found thin. The seams thus frozen had to be leaped. Sometimes they were wide, and the dogs in their attempts to spring across broke in. Three times in less than as many hours one had received an arctic bath. The men trotted along side, leaping, walking, running, and shouting to the dogs. Extended and exhausting diversions were made to avoid impassable chasms or too steep hummocks. Thus four days had passed in a fruitless search for the missing ones. On the morning of the fifth day, about two hours before the transient sun showed his glowing disk, Dr. Kane climbed an iceberg to get a sight of the road ahead. In the dim distance on the snow a black spot was seen. Is it a bear? No, it now stretches out into a dark line. It is the sledge party! They see their leader's tent by the edge of a thinly-frozen lead; into this they launch their boat and come on, singing as they come. The doctor, in breathless suspense, waits until they draw near, and counts them: one, two, three, four, five, six, seven! They are all safe! Three cheers go up from both parties, followed by hearty hand-shaking and congratulations. The depot enterprise was a success. CHAPTER IV. LOST AND RESCUED. THE sun had disappeared, but the moon completed her circuit in the heavens with great beauty. Her nearest approach to the horizon was twenty-five degrees. For eight days after the return of the party to the vessel it shone with almost unclouded brightness, as if to give them a joyful welcome. When November came our explorers were well settled in their winter-quarters. They had made them by judicious ventilation and a careful distribution of heat tolerably comfortable. Below decks they had a uniform temperature of sixty-five degrees above zero, and under the housing of the upper deck it never went below zero, while outside the thermometer averaged twenty-five degrees minus. While shut up in the darkness, relieved only by the light from the sparkling stars and the glowing moon, the daily routine of the ship's' duties were strictly performed. Each had his assigned work. The monotonous meals came at the stated hour, and the bell noted the changing watches. The morning and evening prayers, and the religious observance of the Sabbath, were pleasant and profitable prompters to serious thought. These became more and more needed as the inactive season progressed. The continued darkness without, made dense often by heavy clouds, wore upon the spirits of the men; besides, their light within became less cheerful by the failure of the supply of oil. The lamps refused to burn poor lard, and muddy corks and wads of cotton floating as tapers in saucers filled with it gave but a lurid light and emitted an offensive smoke and odor. It would be strange, indeed, if in this ice-imprisoned company there were no homesick ones, however bravely the feeling might be suppressed. Hans, the Esquimo, at one time packed his clothes and shouldered his rifle to bid the brig's company good-bye. A desperate, lone journey homeward he would have had of it! It was whispered that in addition to his drawings to his mother there was at Fiskernes a lady-love. He, however, was persuaded to stay on shipboard, and Dr. Kane gave him for his sickness a dose of salts and promotion. They worked well, and he seems to have been very contented afterward. The usual resort was had to dramatic performances, fancy balls, and the publication of a paper called the "Ice-blink." A favorite sport was the "fox-chase," in which each sailor in turn led off as fox in a run round the upper deck, followed by the rest in chase. Dr. Kane offered a Guernsey shirt as a prize to the man who held out the longest in the chase. William Godfrey sustained the chase for fourteen minutes, and _wore_ off the shirt. November twenty-seventh the commander sent out a volunteer party under Bonsall to see if the Esquimo had returned to the huts which had been seen in the fall. The darkness at noonday was too great for reading, and the cold was terrible. The party returned after one night's encamping, the sledge having broken, and the tent and luggage being left behind. A few days after Morton started alone to recover the lost articles. In two days and a half he returned bringing every thing. He tramped in that time, with the cold forty degrees below zero, sixty-two miles, making only three halts. The darkness during the time was such that a hummock of ice fifty paces ahead could hardly be seen. The effect of the darkness on the dogs was very marked, but so long as there was any sledging for them to do their spirits kept up. One of the Newfoundlands, named Grim, was a character. He was noted for a profound appreciation of his dinner, of which he never had enough, for a disrelish for work, and a remarkable knowledge of the arts of hypocrisy. His cunning fawning, and the beseeching wink of his eye, procured for him warm quarters in the deck-house, and a bed on the captain's fur coat, while his fellows had to be content with their kennel. Though Grim thus proved his knowledge of the best place at the dog-table, and the best bits it afforded, as well as the best place to sleep, he never could understand a call to the sledge-harness. He always happened at such times to be out of the way. Once, when the dog-team was about to start, he was found hid in a barrel, and was bid join the party. But Grim was equal to the occasion. He went limping across the deck, as much as to say, Would you have a poor lame dog go? The joke was so cute that he was allowed to remain at home, and after that he became suddenly lame as soon as a movement toward the sledges was made. Grim thus attained the usual success of shallow-brained, flattering hypocrisy--many favors and universal contempt. His end, too, was very befitting his life. His master, thinking he was becoming too fat in his lazy dignity, commanded him to join a sledge party. Grown presumptuous by indulgence, he refused, and showed his teeth, besides pleading lameness. But the order was peremptory this time, and a rope was put round his body and attached to the sledge, and he was made to trot after his faithful fellows. At the first halt he contrived to break the rope, and, carrying a few feet of it dragging after him, started in the darkness for the ship. Not having come home when the party returned, search was made for him with lanterns, as it was thought the rope might have caught and detained him in the hummock. His tracks were found not far from the vessel, and then they led away to the shore. Old Grim was never seen again. Grim could be spared, but the explorers were much alarmed soon after his death by a strange disease among the whole pack. They were at times frenzied, and then became stupid. They were taken below, nursed, tended, and doctored with anxiety and care, for on them much depended. But all died except six. Their death threw a cloud over the prospect of further successful exploration. But a still darker event threatened the explorers. Every man was more or less touched with the scurvy, except two, and some were prostrate. It was with great joy, therefore, that, on the twenty-first of January, 1854, they saw the orange-colored tints of the sun faintly tracing the top of the distant hills. Daylight and game would be important medicines for the sick. A month later and Dr. Kane made a long walk, and a hard scramble up a projecting crag of a headland of the bay, and bathed in his welcome rays. It was about a week later before he was seen from the deck of the "Advance." A very busy company now was that on board the brig, making preparations for spring work. The carpenter was making and mending sledges; the tinker making and mending cooking apparatus for the journeys; many busy hands were at work on the furs and blankets for a complete renewed outfit for wearing and sleeping. But though March had come, the average cold was greater than at any time before. Still a sledge party was in readiness to start by the middle of the month, to carry provisions for a new deposit beyond those made in the fall. The party consisted of eight men. A new sledge had been made, smaller than the "Faith," and adapted to the reduced dog-team. To this the load was lashed, a light boat being, placed on top. The men harnessed in but could hardly start it. The boat was then removed and two hundred pounds of the load, and thus relieved away they went, cheered by the hearty "God bless you!" of their shipmates. Dr. Kane had added to their provisions by the way, as an expression of good-will, the whole of his brother's "great wedding cake." But as they started their ever watchful commander thought he saw more good-will than ability to draw the load, and a suspicion, too, impressed him that the new sledge was not all right. So he followed, and found them in camp only five miles away. He said nothing about any new orders for the morning, laughed at the rueful faces of some of them, and heard Petersen's defense of _his_ new sledge as the best which could be made. He saw them all tucked away in their buffaloes, and returned to the brig. We have before referred to a sledge called the "Faith." It was built by Dr. Kane's order, after an English pattern, except that the runners were made lower and wider. It had been thought too large for the present party. The doctor now called up all his remaining men. The "Faith" was put on deck, her runners polished, lashings, a canvas covering, and track-lines were adjusted to her. By one o'clock that night the discarded two hundred pounds of provisions and the boat were lashed on, and away the men went for their sleeping comrades. They were still sound asleep when the "Faith" arrived. The load of the new boat was quietly placed upon it, all put in traveling order, and it was started off on an experimental trip with five men. The success was perfect. The sleepers were then awakened, and all were delighted at the easier draught of the heavier load. Dr. Kane and his party returned to the vessel with the discarded sledge. Ten days slipped away, and no tidings from the depot party. The work of clearing up the ship, and putting the finishing touch to the preparation for the distant northern excursion, which was to crown the efforts of the expedition, and unlock, it was hoped, at last, some of the secrets of the North Pole, progressed daily. At midnight of the eleventh day a sudden tramp was heard on deck, and immediately Sontag, Ohlsen, and Petersen entered the cabin. Their sudden coming was not so startling as their woe-begone, bewildered looks. It was with difficulty that they made their sad tale known. Brooks, Baker, Wilson, and Schubert were all lying on the ice, disabled, with Irish Tom Hickey, who alone was able to minister to their wants. The escaped party had come, at the peril of their own lives, to get aid. They had evidently come a long distance, but how far, and where they had left the suffering ones, they could not tell, nor were they in a condition to be questioned. While the urgent necessities of the new comers were being attended to, Dr. Kane and others were getting ready the "Little Willie," with a buffalo cover, a small tent, and a package of prepared meat called pemmican. Ohlsen seemed to have his senses more than the others, though he was sinking with exhaustion, having been fifty hours without rest. Dr. Kane feeling that he _must_ have a guide or fail to find the lost ones, Ohlsen was put in a fur bag, his legs wrapped up in dog-skins and eider down, and then he was strapped on the sledge. Off dashed the rescue party, nine men besides their commander, carrying only the clothes on their backs. The cold was seventy-eight degrees below the freezing point. Guided by icebergs of colossal size, they hurried across the bay, and traveled sixteen hours with some certainty that they were on the right track. They then began to lose their way. Ohlsen, utterly exhausted, had fallen asleep, and when awakened was plainly bewildered. He could tell nothing about the way, nor the position of the lost ones. He had before said that it was drifting heavily round them when they were left. The situation of the rescue party was becoming critical, and the chance of helping the lost seemed small indeed; they might be anywhere within forty miles. Thus situated Dr. Kane moved on ahead, and clambered up some ice-piles and found himself upon a long, level floe. Thinking the provision party might have been attracted by this as a place to camp, he determined to examine it carefully. He gave orders to liberate Ohlsen, now just able to walk, from his fur bag, and to pitch the tent; then leaving tent, sledge, and every thing behind, except a small allowance of food taken by each man, he commanded the men to proceed across the floe at a good distance from each other. All obeyed cheerfully and promptly, and moved off at a lively step to keep from freezing; yet somehow, either from a sense of loneliness, or involuntarily, there was a constant tendency of the men to huddle together. Exhaustion and cold told fearfully upon them; the stoutest were seized with trembling fits and short breath, and Dr. Kane fell twice fainting on the snow. They had now been eighteen hours out without food or rest, and the darkness of their situation seemed to have no ray of light, when Hans shouted that he thought he saw a sledge track. Hardly daring to believe that their senses did not deceive them, they traced it until footsteps were apparent; following these with religious care they came after awhile in sight of a small American flag fluttering from a hummock. Lower down they espied a little Masonic banner hanging from a tent pole barely above the drift. It was the camp of the lost ones! It was found after an unfaltering march of twenty-one hours. The little tent was nearly covered by the drift. Dr. Kane was the last to come up, and when he reached the tent his men were standing in solemn silence upon each side of it. With great kindness and delicacy of feeling they intimated their wish that he should be the first to go in. He lifted the canvas and crawled in, and in the darkness felt for the poor fellows, who were stretched upon their backs. A burst of welcome within was answered by a joyful shout without. "We expected you," said one, embracing the doctor; "we _knew_ you would come!" For the moment all perils, hunger, and exhaustion were forgotten amid the congratulations and gratitude. The company now numbered fifteen, the cold was intense, but one half the number had to keep stirring outside while the rest crowded into the little tent to sleep. Each took a turn of two hours, and then preparations were made to start homeward. They took the tent, furs for the rescued party, and food for fifty hours, and abandoned every thing else. The tent was folded and laid on the sledge, a bed was then made of eight buffalo skins, the sick, having their limbs carefully sewed up in reindeer skins, were then put in a reclining position on the bed, and other furs and blanket bags thrown around them. The whole was lashed together, allowing only a breathing place opposite the mouth. This _embalming_ of the sufferers, and getting them a good meal, cost four hours of exposure in a cold that had become fifty-five degrees minus. Most of the rescuers had their fingers nipped by the frost. When all was ready the whole company united in a short prayer. Now commenced the fearful journey. The sledge and its load weighed eleven hundred pounds. The hummocks were many; some of them were high, and long deviations round them must be made; some which they climbed over, lifting the sledge after them, were crossed by narrow chasms filled with light snow--fearful traps into which if one fell his death was almost certain. Across these the sledge was drawn, some of them being too wide for it to bridge them, so it had to be sustained by the rope, and steadily too, for the sick could not bear to be lashed so tight as not to be liable to roll off, and the load was top-heavy. In spite of these obstacles all went bravely for six hours. The abandoned tent was nine miles ahead, the sledge on which life depended bravely bore every strain, the new floe was gained, and the traveling improved, so that good hope was entertained that the tent, its covert and rest, would be gained. Just then a strange feeling came over nearly the whole party. Some begged the privilege of sleeping. They were not cold, they said; they did not mind the wind now; all they wanted was a little sleep. Others dropped on the snow and refused to get up. One stood bolt upright, and, with closed eyes, could not be made to speak. The commander boxed, jeered, argued, and reprimanded his men to no purpose. A halt was made and the tent pitched. No fire could be obtained, for nobody's fingers were limber enough to strike fire, so no food or water could be had. Leaving the company in charge of M'Gary, with orders to come on after four hours' rest, Dr. Kane and Godfrey went forward to the tent to get ready a fire and cooked food. They reached the tent in a strange sort of stupor. They remembered nothing only that a bear trotted leisurely ahead of them, stopping once to tear a jumper to pieces which one of the men had dropped the day before, and pausing to toss the tent contemptuously aside. They set it up with difficulty, crept into their fur bags, and slept intensely for three hours. They then arose, succeeded in lighting the cooking lamp, and had a steaming soup ready when the rest arrived. Refreshed with food and rest, the feeble re-adjusted, they commenced the home stretch. Once the old sleepiness came over them, and they in turn slept three minutes by the watch and were benefited. They all reached the brig at one o'clock P.M. All were more or less delirious when they arrived, and could remember nothing of what had happened on the way, with slight exception. The rescue party had been out seventy-two hours; of this time only eight hours were spent in halting. They had traveled about eighty-five miles, most of the distance dragging their sledge. Dr. Hayes took the sick in hand. Two lost one or more toes; and two, Jefferson Baker, a boyhood playfellow of Dr. Kane, and Pierre Schubert, the French cook, died. CHAPTER V. MORE HEROIC EXCURSIONS. ON the seventh of April, a week after the return of the party just noted, our explorers were startled by shouts from the shore. Dark figures were seen standing along the edges of the land ice, or running to and fro in wild excitement. It was not difficult to make them out as a company of Esquimo. Dr. Kane, seeing by their wild gesticulations that they were unarmed, walked out and beckoned to a brawny savage, who seemed to be a leader, to approach. He understood the sign, and came forward without fear. He was full a head taller than the doctor, and his limbs seemed to have the strength of those of the bear. He was dressed with a fox skin, hooded jumper, white bear-skin trousers, and bear-skin boots tipped with the claws. Though he had evidently never before seen a white man, he manifested no fear. His followers soon crowded around and began to use great freedom, showing an inclination to rush on board the ship. This they were made to understand they must not do. Petersen came out and acted as interpreter, and matters went on more smoothly. The leader, whose name was Metek, was taken on board, while the rest remained on the ice. They brought up from behind the floes fifty-six dogs and their sledges, and, thrusting a spear into the ice, picketed them about the vessel. While Dr. Kane and Metek were having their interview in the cabin, word was sent out that others might come on board. Nine or ten mounted the ladder with boisterous shouts, though ignorant of how Metek had fared. They went every-where, handled every thing, talked and laughed incessantly, and stole whatever they could. Finally all hands had to be mustered, and restraint laid upon the Esquimo to keep them within due bounds. This they took good naturedly; ran out and in the vessel, ate, and finally _sat_ down like tired children, their heads drooping upon their breasts, and slept, snoring the while most famously. In the morning, before they departed, the commander assembled them on deck for an official interview. He enlarged upon his wonderful qualities as a chief, and the great benefits to his visitors of his friendship. He then entered into a treaty with them, the terms of which were very few and simple, that it might be understood, and the benefits mutual, that it might be kept. He then showed his beneficence by buying all their spare walrus meat and four dogs, enriching them in compensation with a few needles, beads, and treasures of old cask staves. The Esquimo were jubilant. They voted, in their way, Dr. Kane a great captain, promised vociferously to return in a few days with plenty of walrus meat, and loan their dogs and sledges for the great northern journey, all of which they never remembered to do. When the visitors had gone, it was ascertained that an ax, a saw, and some knives, had gone with them. Besides, the store-house on Butler Island had been entered, and a careful survey of the vicinity revealed the fact that a train of sledges were slyly waiting behind some distant hummocks for a freight of its treasures. All this had a hard look for friendly relations with the Esquimo; but our explorers felt that conciliation, with quiet firmness, was their best policy. The savages could do their sledge excursions much harm, and, if they would, could greatly aid them. The next day there came to the vessel five natives--two old men, a middle aged man, and two awkward boys. They were treated with marked kindness, some presents were given them, but they were told that no Esquimo would in future be admitted to the brig until every stolen article was restored. They were overjoyed at the gifts, and departed, lifting up their hands in holy horror on the mention of theft; yet in passing round Butler Island they bore away a coal barrel. M'Gary was watching them, and he hastened their departure by a charge of fine shot. Notwithstanding all this, one of the old men, known afterward as Shung-hu, made a circuit round the hummocks, and came upon an India-rubber boat which had been left upon the floe, and cut it in pieces and carried off the wood of the frame-work. Soon after this a sprightly youth, good-looking, with a fine dog team, drove up to the vessel in open day. When asked his name, he replied promptly, "Myouk I am." He spoke freely of his place of residence and people, but when asked about the stolen articles he affected great ignorance. Dr. Kane ordered him to be confined in the hold. He took this very hard, at first refusing food. He soon after began to sing in a dolorous strain, then to talk and cry, and then to sing again. The hearts of his captors were made quite tender toward him, and when in the morning it was found that the prisoner had lifted the hatches and fled, taking his dogs with him, even the commander secretly rejoiced. April twenty-fifth, M'Gary and five men started with the sledge "Faith," on another exploring excursion. They took a small stock only of provisions, depending on the supply depots which had been made in the fall. The plan this time was, to follow the eastern coast line a while, which run north and west, cross over Smith Sound to the American side, where it was hoped smooth ice would be found; and once on such a highway, they anticipated that the Polar Sea would greet their delighted vision, and may be speak to them of the fate of the lost Franklin. Two days after M'Gary's party left, Dr. Kane and Godfrey followed with the dog sledge loaded with additional comforts for the journey, the men trotting by its side. Only three dogs remained of the original supplies, which, harnessed with the four purchased of the Esquimo, made a tolerable team. Ten men, four in health and six invalids, were left to keep the vessel. Orders were left by the commander to treat the Esquimo, should they come again, with fairness and conciliation, but if necessity demanded to use fire arms, but to waste no powder or shot. The credit of the gun must be sustained as the bearer of certain death to the white man's enemies. Dr. Kane and his companions overtook the advanced party in two days. They pushed forward together with tolerable success for four days more, when they all became involved in deep snow-drifts. The dogs floundered about nearly suffocated, and unable to draw the sledge. The men were compelled to take the load on their backs, and kick a path for the dogs to follow. In the midst of these toils the scurvy appeared among the men, and some of the strongest were ready to yield the conflict altogether. The next day, May fourth, Dr. Kane, while taking an observation for latitude fainted, and was obliged to ride on the sledge. Still the party pushed on; but they soon met with an obstacle no heroism could overcome. They were without food for further journeying! The bears had destroyed their carefully deposited stores. They had removed stones which had required the full strength of three men to lift. They had broken the iron meat casks into small pieces. An alcohol cask, which had cost Dr. Kane a special journey in the late fall to deposit, was so completely crushed that a whole stave could not be found. On the fifth of May Dr. Kane became delirious, and was lashed to the sledge, while his brave, though nearly fainting, men took the back track. They arrived at the brig in nine days, and their commander was borne to his berth, where he lay for many days, between life and death, with the scurvy and typhoid fever. Thus closed another effort to unlock the secrets of the extreme polar region. Hans made himself exceedingly useful at this time. He was promoted to the post of hunter, and excused from all other duties; he was besides promised presents to his lady-love on reaching his home at Fiskernaes. He brought in two deer, the first taken, on the day of this special appointment. The little snow-birds had come, of which he shot many. The seal, too, were abundant, and some of them were added to the fresh provisions. These wonderfully improved those touched by the scurvy. One day Hans was sent to hunt toward the Esquimo huts, that he might get information concerning the nearness to the brig of clear water. He did not come back that night, and Dr. Hays and Mr. Ohlsen were sent with the dog-sledge to hunt him up. They found him lying on the ice about five miles from the vessel, rolled up in his furs and sound asleep. At his side lay a large seal, shot, as usual, in the head. He had dragged this seal seven hours, and, getting weary, had made his simple camp and was resting sweetly. May twentieth, Dr. Hays and Godfrey started with the dog team, to make another attempt to cross Smith Strait and reach, along the American side, the unknown north. The doctor was a fresh man, not having been with any previous party. The dogs were rested, well fed, and full of wolfish energy. The second day he fortunately struck into a track free from heavy ice, and made fifty miles! But this success was after the arctic fashion, made to give bitterness to immediate failure. On the third day they encountered hummocks, piled in long ridges across their path; some of them were twenty feet high. Over some of these they climbed, dragging after them both sledge and dogs. Long diversions were made at other times, and their path became in this way so very tortuous that in making ninety miles advance northward they traveled two hundred and seventy miles! Snow-blindness seized Dr. Hays in the midst of these toils. But, nothing daunted, after short halts, in which his sight improved, he pushed on. But Godfrey soon broke down, though one of the hardiest of explorers. Their dogs, too, began to droop; the provisions were running low, and so the homeward track was taken. Before they reached the vessel they were obliged to lighten their load by throwing away fifty pounds weight of furs, the heaviest of which had been used as sleeping bags. This excursion resulted in valuable additions to the extreme northern coast-line survey. On the afternoon of June fourth, M'Gary, with four men, started on a last desperate effort to push the survey, on the Greenland side, a hundred miles farther, by which Dr. Kane thought the limits of the ice in that direction might be reached. Morton, one of the company, was to keep himself as fresh as possible, so that when the rest came to a final halt he might be able to push on farther. Hans was kept at the vessel until the tenth, four days later, when he started light with the dog-sledge to join them. His part was to accompany Morton on the final run. The hunter of the vessel being gone, Dr. Kane, who was now much better, took his rifle to try his skill at seal hunting. This animal is not easily taken by unpracticed game seekers. He lies near the hole which he keeps open in the ice, and at the slightest noise plunges out of sight. Seeing one lying lazily in the sun, the doctor lay down and drew himself along softly behind the little knobs of ice. It was a cold, tedious process, but finally getting within a long rifle shot, the seal rolled sluggishly to one side, raised his head, and strained his neck, as if seeing something in an opposite direction. Just then the doctor saw with surprise a rival hunter. A large bear lay, like himself, on his belly, creeping stealthily toward the game. Here was a critical position. If he shot the seal, the bear would probably have no scruples about taking it off his hands, and, perhaps, by way of showing that might makes right, take him before his rifle could be reloaded. While the doctor was debating the matter the seal made another movement which stirred his hunter blood, and he pulled the trigger. The cap only exploded. The seal, alarmed, descended into the deep with a floundering splash; and the bear, with a few vigorous leaps, stood, a disappointed hunter, looking after him from the edge of the hole. Bruin and Dr. Kane were now face to face. By all the rules of game-taking the bear should have eaten the man; he was the stronger party, the gun was for the moment useless, he was hungry, and had lost his dinner probably by the intrusive coming of the stranger, and, as to running, there was no danger of his escape in that way. But the bear magnanimously turned and ran away. Not to be outdone in Courtesy, Dr. Kane turned and ran with all his might in the opposite direction. On the twenty-sixth, M'Gary, Bonsall, Hickey, and Riley returned. The snow had almost made them blind; otherwise they were well. They had been gone about three weeks, had made valuable surveys, and fully satisfied the expectations of their commander. Hans caught up with them after two weeks of heroic travel alone with his dogs and sledge. He and Morton had, in accordance with the programme, pressed on farther northward. The returned party had their adventure with a bear to tell. They had all lain down to sleep in their tent after a wearisome day of travel. The midnight hour had passed when Bonsall felt something scratching at the snow near his head, and, starting up, ascertained that a huge bear was making careful observations around the outside of the tent. He had, in looking round, already observed, no doubt, the important fact that the guns, and every thing like a defensive weapon, were left on the sledge some distance off, though perhaps the importance to him of this fact he did not appreciate. There was consternation, of course, in the camp, and a council of war was called. It had hardly convened before bruin, as a party concerned, thrust his head into the tent door. A volley of lucifer matches was fired at him, and a paper torch was thrust into his face. Without minding these discourteous acts, the bear deliberately sat down and commenced eating a seal which had been shot the day before and happened to be in his way. By the laws of arctic hospitality this should have been considered fair by the tent's company, for strangers are expected to come and go as they please, and eat what they find, not even saying, "By your leave." But the stranger did not conform to the usage of the country. Tom Hickey cut a hole in the back of the tent, seized a boat-hook, which made one of its supporters, and attacked the enemy in the rear. He turned on his assailant and received a well-aimed blow on his nose, by which he was persuaded to retire beyond the sledge and there to pause and consider what to do next. While the bear was thus in council with himself, Hickey sprang forward, seized a rifle from the sledge, almost under the nose of the enemy, and fell back upon his companions. Bonsall took the deadly weapon and sent a ball through and through the bear, and the disturber of the rest of our explorers afforded them many bountiful repasts. CHAPTER VI. THE OPEN SEA. MORTON and Hans returned to the brig on the tenth of July, after having been on their separate exploration three weeks and a half. Their story is full of thrilling incidents and important results. The first day they made twenty-eight miles, and were greatly encouraged. The next day the arctic enemies of exploration appeared on the field, skirmishing with deep snow through which dogs and men had to wade. Next came a compact host of icebergs. They were not the surface-worn, dingy-looking specimens of Baffin Bay, but fresh productions from the grand glacier near which they lay. Their color was bluish white, and their outlines clearly and beautifully defined. Some were square, often a quarter of a mile each side. Others were not less than a mile long, and narrow. Now and then one of colossal size lifted its head far above its fellows, like a grand observatory. Between these giant bergs were crowded smaller ones of every imaginable size and form. Through these our explorers had to pick their way. Beginning one night at eight, they dashed along through a narrow lane, turning this way and that, for seven hours. Then they came against the face of a solid ice-cliff, closing the path altogether. Back they urged their weary dogs, and their own weary selves, looking for an opening by which they might turn north, but none appeared until they reached the camp from which they had started. Resting awhile, they commenced anew. Sometimes they climbed over an ice hillock, making a ladder of their sledge. Morton would climb up first, and then draw up the dogs, around whose bodies Hans tied a rope; then the load was passed up; lastly Hans mounted, and drew up the sledge. Having broken through the bergy detachment of their arctic foes and reached smoother ice, other opposing columns met them. Dense mists, giving evidence of open water, chilled and bewildered them; but the welcome birds, giving other proof of the nearness of the Polar Sea, cheered them on. The next attack was in the form of insecure ice. The dogs were dashing on in their wild flight when it began to yield beneath them. The dogs trembled with fear and lay down, as is their habit in such cases. Hans, by a skillful mingling of force and coaxing, succeeding in getting the party out of the danger. At one time a long, wide channel presented its protest to their farther progress. To this they were obliged so far to yield as to go ten miles out of their way to reach its northern side. Their right of way was also challenged by seams in the ice often four feet deep, filled with water, and too wide for their best jumping ability. These they filled up by attacking the nearest hummocks with their axes and tumbling the fragments into it until a bridge was made. This work often caused hours of delay. The signs of open water became more and more apparent. The birds were so plenty that Hans brought down two at one shot. Soon they struck the icy edge of a channel. Along this they coasted on the land side. It brought them to a cape around which the channel run close to a craggy point. Here they deposited a part of their provisions to lighten the sledge. Morton went ahead to learn the condition of the land-ice round the point. He found it narrow and decaying, so that he feared there would be none on their return; yet, forward! was the word. The dogs were unloosed and driven forward alone; then Hans and Morton tilted the sledge edgewise and drew it along, while far below the gurgling waters were rushing southward with a freight of crushed ice. The cape passed, they opened into a bay of clear water extending far and wide. Along its shore was a wide, smooth ice-belt. Over this the dogs scampered with their sledge and men with wonderful fleetness, making sixty miles the first day! The land grew more and more sloping to the bay as they advanced until it opened from the sea into a plain between two elevated rocky ranges. Into this they entered, steering north, until they struck the entrance of a bay; but the rugged ice across their path forbid farther sledge-travel in that direction. So they picketed, securely, as they thought, the dogs, took each a back load of provisions, and went forward. Their trusty rifles were in hand, and their boat-hook and a few scientific instruments were carefully secured to their persons. Thus equipped, they had tramped about nine miles from the last camp when an exciting scene occurred. It was a bear fight, shaded this time with the tender and tragic. A mother-bear and her child came in sight. They were a loving couple, and had plainly been engaged in a frolic together. Their tracks were scattered profusely about, like those of school children at recess in a recent snow. There were also long furrows down the sloping side of an ice-hill, upon and around which the footprints were seen. Morton declared that they had been coasting down this slope on their haunches, and this opinion was supported by the fact that Dr. Kane did, at another time, see bears thus coasting! Five of the dogs had broken away from their cords and had overtaken their masters. So they were on hand for the fight. Mother and child fled with nimble feet, and the dogs followed in hot pursuit. The bear, being overtaken by her enemies, began a most skillful and heroic skirmishing. The cub could not keep up with its mother, so she turned back, put her head under its haunches and threw it some distance ahead, intimating to it to run, while she faced the dogs. But the little simpleton always stopped just where it alighted, and waited for mamma to give it another throw! To vary the mode of operation, she occasionally seized it by the nape of the neck and flung it out of harms way, and then snapped at the dogs with an earnestness that meant business. Sometimes the mother would run a little ahead and then turn, as if to coax the little one to run to her, watching at the same time the enemy. For a while the bear contrived to make good speed; but the little one became tired and she came to a halt. The men came up with their rifles and the fight became unequal, yet the mother's courage was unabated. She sat upon her haunches and took the cub between her hind legs, and fought the dogs with her paws. "Never," says Morton, "was animal more distressed; her roaring could have been heard a mile! She would stretch her neck and snap at the nearest dog with her shining teeth, whirling her paws like the arms of a windmill." Missing her intended victim, she sent after him a terrific growl of baffled rage. When the men came up the little one was so far rested as to nimbly turn with its mother and so keep front of her belly. The dogs, in heartless mockery of her situation, continued a lively frisking on every side of her, torturing her at a safe distance for themselves. Such was the position of the contending parties when Hans threw himself upon the ice, rested upon his elbows, took deliberate aim, and sent a ball through the heroic mother's head. She dropped, rolled over, relieved at once of her agony and her life. The cub sprung upon the dead body of its mother and for the first time showed fight. The dogs, thinking the conflict ended, rushed upon the prostrate foe, tearing away mouthfuls of hair. But they were glad to retreat with whole skins to their own backs. It growled hoarsely, and fought with genuine fury. The dogs were called off, and Hans sent a ball through its head; yet it contrived to rise after falling, and climbed again upon its mother's body. It was mercifully dispatched by another ball. The men took the skin of the mother and the little one for their share of the spoils, and the dogs gorged themselves on the greater carcass. After this incident the journey of our explorers soon ended. Hans gave out, and was ordered to turn leisurely aside and examine the bend of the bay into which they had entered. Morton continued on toward the termination of a cape which rose abruptly two thousand feet. He tried to get round it, but the ice-foot was gone. He climbed up its sides until he reached a position four hundred and forty feet, commanding a horizon of forty miles. The view was grand. The sea seemed almost boundless, and dashed in noisy surges below, while the birds curveted and screamed above. Making a flag-staff of his walking-stick, he threw to the wind a Grinnell flag. It had made the far southern voyage with Commodore Wilkes, and had come on a second arctic voyage. It now floated over the most northern known land of the globe. Feasting his eyes with the scenery for an hour and a half, Morton struck his flag and rejoined Hans. The run home had its perils and narrow escapes, but was made without accident, and with some additional surveys. CHAPTER VII. AN IMPORTANT MOVEMENT. IT was now well into July. The last proposed survey was made, and all hands were on shipboard. But the arctic fetters still bound the "Advance," with no signs of loosening. The garb of midwinter was yet covering land and sea, and in every breeze there was a dismal whisper to the explorers of another winter in the ice. The thought was appalling to both officers and men. They had neither health, food, nor fuel for such an experience. To abandon the vessel and try to escape with the boats and sledges was impossible in the prostrate condition of the men. Having carefully studied the situation Dr. Kane resolved to try to reach Beechy Island, and thus communicate with the British exploring expedition, or by good luck with some whaler, and so secure relief. This island we have often visited in our voyages with the "Arctic Heroes." It is, it will be recollected, at the mouth of Wellington Channel. When this plan was announced to the officers it was approved cordially. Both officers and men were ready to volunteer to accompany him; he chose five only--M'Gary, Morton, Riley, Hickey, and Hans. Their boat was the old "Forlorn Hope." The outfit was the best possible, though poor enough. The "Hope" was mounted on the sledge "Faith;" the provisions were put on a "St. John's sledge." The "Faith" started off ahead; the smaller sledge, to which Dr. Kane and two of the men attached themselves, followed. It took five days of incessant toil, with many head flows, to reach the water and launch the "Hope," though the distance from the brig was only twenty miles. The boat behaved well, and they reached Littleton Island, where they were rejoiced to see numerous ducks. Watching their course as they flew away, the explorers were led to several islets, whose rocky ledges were covered with their nests, and around which they hovered in clouds. The young birds were taking their first lesson in flying, or were still nestling under their mothers' wings. In a few hours over two hundred birds were taken, the gun bringing down several at one shot, and others were knocked over with stones. But the men were not the only enemies of the ducks. Near by was a settlement of a large, voracious species of gull. They swooped down, seized, gobbled up, and bore away to their nests the young eiders, without seeming to doubt that they were doing a fair and, to themselves, a pleasant business. The gulls would seize the little eiders with their great yellow bills, throw their heads up, and then their victims would disappear down their throats, and in a few moments after they would be ejected into their nests and go down the throats of their young. The ducks fought the gulls bravely in the interests of their brood, but the victory was with the stronger. Our voyagers pitied, of course, the bereaved eider mothers, despised the cormorant gulls, but gladly increased their stock of needed provisions with both. They filled four large india rubber bags with these sea-fowl after cleaning and rudely boning them. Leaving this profitable camping place, the boat was soon in the open sea-way. One day's pleasant sailing was quite as much in that way as experience taught them to expect. A violent storm arose, the waves ran high, and their clumsy boat, trembling under the strain, was in danger of sinking at any moment. The safety of the whole company depended entirely upon the skill and nerve of M'Gary. For twenty-two successive hours he held in his strong grasp the steering oar and kept the head of the boat to the sea. A break of the oar or a slip from his hand and all was lost! They finally grappled an old floe in a slightly sheltered place, and rode out the storm. For twelve days heroic exertions were made to get the boat through the pack which now beset them, with the view of working south and west. Little progress was made and the men, wet, weary, and worn, began to fail. In view of this state of things the commander directed his course to Northumberland Island, near which they were coasting. Here they found three recently occupied, but now forsaken, Esquimo huts. The foxes were abundant, and their young ones greeted the strangers with vociferous barking. They found here, too, what was more valuable--the scurvy grass. Rest, fresh fowl, and cochlearia greatly refreshed the whole party. Seeing the utter impossibility of going south, they made the best of their way back to the brig. It was a sad and joyful meeting with their old comrades. Their return safely was joyful, but the return spoke of another winter. By great exertions the brig was loosened from her icy cradle and warped to a position more favorable for an escape should the open water reach the vicinity. On the seventeenth of August, instead of a glad breaking up of the old ice, came the formation of new ice, thick enough to bear a man. The question of an escape of the brig seemed settled. The allowance of wood was fixed to six pounds a meal; this gave them coffee twice a day and soup, once. Darkness was ahead, and if the fuel utterly failed it would be doubly cheerless. The Sabbath rest and devotions became more solemn. The prayer, "Lord, accept our gratitude and bless our undertakings," was changed to, "Lord, accept our gratitude and restore us to our homes." Affairs looked so dark that Dr. Kane deemed it wise to leave a record of the expedition on some conspicuous spot. A position was selected on a high cliff which commanded an extensive view over the icy waste. On its broad, rocky face the words, "'Advance,' A. D. 1853-54," were painted in large letters which could be read afar off. A pyramid of heavy stones was built above it and marked with a cross. Beneath it they reverently buried the bodies of their deceased companions. Near this a hole was worked into the rock, and a paper, inclosed in a glass vessel sealed with lead, was deposited. On this paper was written the names of the officers and crew, the results in general thus far of the expedition, and their present condition. They proposed to add to the deposit a paper containing the date of their departure, should they ever get away, and showing their plans of escape. Now, more earnestly than ever, the winter and what to do was looked in the face. Some thought that an escape to South Greenland was still possible, and even the best thing to do. The question of detaching a part of the company to make the experiment was debated, but the commander arrived at a settled conviction that such an enterprise was impracticable. In the mean time the ice and tides were closely examined for a considerable distance, for the slightest evidence of a coming liberation of the poor ice-bound craft. As early as August twenty-fourth all hopes of such a liberation seemed to have faded from every mind. The whole company, officers and crew, were assembled in council. The commander gave the members his reasons in full for deeming it wise to stand by the vessel. He then gave his permission for any part of the company who chose to do so to depart on their own responsibility. He required of such to renounce in writing all claims upon the captain and those who remained. The roll was then called, and nine out of the seventeen decided to make the hazardous experiment. At the head of this party was Dr. Hayes and Petersen. Besides the hope of a successful escape, they were influenced in the course they were taking by the thought that the quarters in the brig were so straitened that the health and comfort of those remaining would be increased, and the causes of disease and death diminished by their departure; and still further, if the withdrawing party perished, an equal number was likely to die if all remained. The decision having been made, Dr. Kane gave them a liberal portion of the resources of the brig, a good-bye blessing, with written assurances of a brother's welcome should they return. They left August twenty-eight. Those who remained with Dr. Kane were Brooks, M'Gary, Wilson, Goodfellow, Morton, Ohlsen, Hickey, and Hans. The situation of these was increasedly dreary on the departure of half of their companions. They felt the necessity of immediate systematic action to drive away desponding thoughts, as well as to make the best possible preparation for the coming struggle with darkness, cold, poverty, and disease. The discipline of the vessel, with all its formality of duties, was strictly maintained. The ceremonies of the table, the religious services, the regular watching, in which every man took his turn unless prevented by sickness, the scientific observations of the sky, the weather and the tides, the detailed care of the fire and the lights, all went on as if there was no burdens of mind to embarrass them. In view of the small stock of fuel, they commenced turning the brig into something like an Esquimo igloë or hut. A space in the cabin measuring twenty feet by eighteen was set off as a room for all hands. Every one then went to work, and, according to his measure of strength, gathered, moss. With this an inner wall was made for the cabin, reaching from the floor to the ceiling. The floor itself was calked with plaster of Paris and common paste, then two inches of Manilla oakum was thrown over it, and upon this a canvas carpet was spread. From this room an avenue three feet high, and two and a half feet wide, was made. It was twelve feet long, and descended four feet, opening into the hold. It was moss-lined, and closed with a door at each end. It answered to the _tossut_ of the Esquimo hut, or the sort of tunnel through which they creep into their one room. All ingress and egress of our explorers were through this avenue on their hands and knees. From the dark hold they groped their way to the main hatchway, up which, by a stairway of boxes, they ascended into the open air. The quarter-deck also was well padded with turf and moss. When this was done, no frost king but the one presiding over the polar regions could have entered. Even he had to drop his crown of icicles at the outer door of the avenue. The next step was to secure, so far as possible, a supply of fuel for the coming darkness. A small quantity of coal yet remained for an emergency. They began now, September tenth, to strip off some of the extra planking outside of the deck, and to pile it up for stove use. Having thus put the brig itself into winter trim, they went diligently to work to arrange its immediate vicinity on the floe. Their beef-house came first, which was simply a carefully stowed pile of barrels containing their water-soaked beef and pork. Next was a kind of block-house, made of the barrels of flour, beans, and dried apples. From a flag-staff on one corner of this fluttered a red and white ensign, which gave way on Sundays to a Grinnell flag. From the block-house opened a traveled way, which they called New London Avenue. On this were the boats. Around all this was a rope barrier, which said to the outside world, Thus far only shalt thou come! Outside of this was a magnificent hut made of barrel frames and snow, for the special use of Esquimo visitors. It was in great danger of a tearing down for its coveted wood. CHAPTER VIII. TREATY MAKING. THE stock of fresh provisions was now alarmingly low. To secure a fresh supply, Dr. Kane and Hans started with the dog team on a seal hunt. The doctor was armed with his Kentucky rifle, and Hans with a harpoon and attached line. They carried a light Esquimo boat to secure the prey if shot. They expected to find seal after a ten miles' run, but the ice was solid until they had traveled another hour. Now they entered upon an icy plain smooth as a house floor. On the dogs galloped, in fine spirits, seeming to anticipate the shout which soon came from Hans--"Pusey, puseymut!"--seal, seal! Just ahead were crowds of seals playing in the water. But the joy of the hunters was instantly turned into a chill of horror. The ice was bending under the weight of the sledge, and rolling in wavy swells before it, as if made of leather. To pause was certain death to dogs and men. The solid floe was a mile ahead. Hans shouted fiercely to his dogs, and added the merciless crack of his whip to give speed to his team; but the poor creatures were already terror-stricken, and rushed forward like a steam-car. A profound silence followed, as painful as the hush of the wind before the destructive tornado. Nothing more could be done; the faithful dogs were doing their utmost to save themselves and their masters. They passed through a scattered group of seals, which, breast-high out of water, mocked them with their curious, complacent gaze. The rolling, crackling ice increased its din, and, when within fifty paces of the solid floe the frightened dogs became dismayed, and they paused! In went the left runner and the leading dog, then followed the entire left-hand runner. In the next instant Dr. Kane, the sledge and dogs, were mixed up in the snow and water. Hans had stepped off upon ice which had not yet given way, and was uttering in his broken English, piteous moans, while he in vain reached forward to help his master. He was ordered to lay down, spread out his hands and feet, and draw himself to the floe by striking his knife into the ice. The doctor cut the leader's harness and let him scramble out, for he was crying touchingly, and drowning his master by his caresses. Relieved of the dog he tried the sledge, but it sunk under him; he then paddled round the hole endeavoring to mount the ice, but it gave way at every effort, thus enlarging the sphere of operation most uncomfortably, and exhausting his strength. Hans in the mean time had reached solid footing, and was on his knees praying incoherently in English and Esquimo, and at every crushing-in of the ice which plunged his master afresh into the sea exclaimed, "God!" When the fatal crisis was just at hand, deliverance came by a _seeming_ accident. How often does God deliver by such seeming accidents! One of the dogs still remained attached to the sledge, and in struggling to clear himself drew one of the runners broadside against the edge of the circle. It was the drowning man's last chance. He threw himself on his back so as to lessen his weight, and placed the nape of his neck on the rim of the ice opposite to but not far from the sledge. He then drew his legs up slowly and placed the ball of his moccasin foot against the runner, pressing cautiously and steadily, listening the while to the sound of the half-yielding ice against which the other runner rested, as to a note which proclaimed his sentence of life or death. The ice, holding the sledge, only faintly yielded, while he felt his wet fur jumper sliding up the surface; now his shoulders are on; now his whole body steadily ascends; he is safe. Hans rubbed his master with frantic earnestness until the flesh glowed again. The dogs were all saved, but the sledge, Esquimo boat, tent, guns, and snow-shoes were all left frozen in to await a return trip. A run of twelve miles brought them, worn and weary, but full of gratitude, to the brig. The fire was kindled, one of the few remaining birds cooked, a warm welcome given, so that the peril was forgotten except in the occasion it gave for increased love to the _Deliverer_. We have had no occasion to notice the Esquimo since the escape from prison of young Myouk. Soon after Dr. Hayes's party left, three natives came. They had evidently noted the departure of half of the number of the strangers, and came to learn the condition of those left behind. It was Dr. Kane's policy to conciliate them, while carrying toward them a steady, and when needed, as it was often, a restraining hand. These visitors were quartered in a tent in the hold. A copper lamp, a cooking-basin, and a full supply of fat for fuel, was given them. They ate, slept, awoke, ate and slept again. Dr. Kane left them eating at two o'clock in the morning when he retired to the cabin to sleep. They seemed soon after to be sleeping so soundly that the watch set over them also slept. In the morning there were no Esquimo on board. They had stolen the lamp, boiler, and cooking-pot used at their feast; to these they added the best dog--the only one not too weary from the late excursion to travel. Besides, finding some buffalo robes and an india-rubber cloth accidentally left on the floe, they took them along also. This would not do. The savages must be taught to fear as well as to respect and love the white men. Morton and Riley, two of the best walkers, were sent in hot pursuit. Reaching the hut at Anoatok, they found young Myouk with the wives of two absent occupants, the latter making themselves delightfully comfortable, having tailored already the stolen robes into garments worn on their backs. By searching, the cooking utensils, and other articles stolen from the brig but not missed, were found. The white officers of the law acted promptly, as became their dignity. They stripped the women of these stolen goods and tied them. They were then loaded with all the articles stolen, to which was added as much walrus meat of their own as would pay their jail fees. The three were then marched peremptorily back to the brig; though it was thirty miles they did not complain, neither did their police guardians in walking the twice thirty. It was scarcely twenty-four hours after these thieves had left the brig with their booty before they were prisoners in the hold. "A dreadful white man" was placed over them as keeper, who never spoke to them except in words of terrifying reproof, and whose scowl exhibited a studied variety of threatening and satanic expressions. The women were deprived of the comfort of even Myouk's company. He was dispatched to Metek, "head-man of Etah and others," "with the message of a melo-dramatic tyrant," to negotiate for their ransom. For five long days the women sighed and cried, and sung in solitary confinement, though their appetites continued excellent. At last the great Metek and another Esquimo notable arrived, drawing quite a sledge load of returned stolen goods. Now commenced the treaty making. There were "big talks," and a display on the part of Dr. Kane of the splendors and resources of his capital, its arts and sciences, not forgetting the "fire-death," whose terrific power so amazed the Etah dignitaries. On the part of the Esquimo there were many adjournments of the diplomatic conferences to eat and sleep. This was well for the explorers no doubt, as plenty of sleep and a good dinner are very pacific, it is well known, in their influence even on savages. In the final result the Esquimo agreed: Not to steal, to bring fresh meat, to sell or lend dogs, to attend the white men when desired, and to show them where to find the game. On the part of _Kablunah_ (the white men) Dr. Kane promised: Not to visit the _Inuit_ (Esquimo) with death or sorcery; to shoot for them on the hunt; to welcome them on board the ship; to give them presents of needles, pins, two kinds of knives, a hoop, three bits of hard wood, some kinds of fat, an awl, and some sewing-thread; to trade with them of these, and all other things they might want, for walrus and seal meat of the first quality. Dr. Kane sent Hans and Morton to Etah, on the return of Metek, as his representatives, and this treaty was there ratified in a full assembly of its people. This treaty was really of much importance to the famishing, ice-bound, scurvy-smitten strangers. It was faithfully kept on the part of the natives, but it was believed that the example of the white man's prodigious power given by Morton and Riley, in the tramp of sixty miles in twenty-four hours, had quite as much to do with its faithful observance as any regard to their promise. They might not understand the binding nature of promises however solemnly made, but they could comprehend the meaning of strong arms and swift feet. Having made peace with the Etahites, Dr. Kane sent M'Gary and Morton to the hut at Anoatok on a like errand. They found there of men, Myouk, Ootuniah, and Awatok--Seal Bladder--who were at first shy. The rogue, Myouk, suspected their visit might mean to him another arrest. Seeing it did not, all went merry as a marriage-bell. The treaty was ratified by acclamation. CHAPTER IX. ARCTIC HUNTING. EARLY in October the Esquimo disappeared from the range of travel from the brig. Hans and Hickey were sent to the hunting grounds, and they returned with the unwelcome news, no walrus, no Esquimo. Where could they have gone? Were they hovering on the track of the escaping party under Dr. Hayes? and where were these? Would the natives return from a trip south, and bring any news of the battle they were fighting with the ice and cold? While such queries may have been indulged by the brig party, they had serious thoughts concerning their own condition. Their fresh provisions were nearly exhausted. Without walrus or bear meat, their old enemy, scurvy, would come down upon them like an armed man. There was now plainly another occasion for one of those accidental occurrences, through which the eye of a devout Christian sees God's kind hand. In the midst of these painful thoughts the shout by Hans was heard ringing through the brig: "Nannook! nannook!" "A bear! a bear!" chimed in Morton. The men seized their guns and ran on deck. The dogs were already in battle array with the bear, which was attended by a five-months-old cub. Not a gun was in readiness on the instant, and while they were being loaded the canines were having rough sport with bruin. Tudla, a champion fighter, had been seized twice, by the nape of his neck, and made to travel several yards without touching the ground. Jenny, a favorite in the sledge, had made a grand somerset by a slight jerk of the head of the bear, and had alighted senseless. Old Whitey, brave but not bear-wise, had rushed headlong into the combat, and was yelping his utter dissatisfaction with the result while stretched helpless upon the snow. Nannook considered the field of battle already won, and proceeded, as victors have always done, to a very cool investigation of the spoils. She first turned over a beef barrel, and began to nose out the choice bits for herself and child. But there was a party interested in this operation whom she had not consulted. Their first protest was in the form of a pistol ball in the side of her cub. This, to say the least, was rather a harsh beginning. The next hint was a rifle ball in the side of the mother, which she resented by taking her child between her hind legs and retreating behind the beef-house. Here, with her strong forearms, she pulled down three solid rows of beef barrels which made one wall of the house. She then mounted the rubbish, seized a half barrel of herring with her teeth, and with it beat a retreat. Turning her back on the enemy was not safe, for she immediately received, at half pistol range, six buck shots. She fell, but was instantly on her feet again, trotting off with her cub under her nose. She would have escaped after all but for two of the dogs. These belonged to the immediate region, and had been trained for the bear hunt. They embarrassed her speed but did not attack her. One would run along ahead of her, so near as to provoke the bear to attempt to catch him, and then he would give her a useless chase to the right or left, the other one, at the right moment, making a diversion by a nip in her rear. So coolly and systematically was this done that poor Nannook was hindered and exhausted without being able to hurt her tormentors in the least. This game of the dogs brought again Dr. Kane and Hans on the field of conflict. They found the bear still holding out in the running fight, and making good speed away from the brig. Two rifle balls brought her to a stand-still. She faced about, took her little one between her fore legs, and growled defiance. It took six more balls to lay her lifeless on the blood-stained snow! This method of conquering the foe was no doubt, from the bear point of view, mean and cowardly; instead of the hand-to-paw fight, recognized as the Arctic lawful way of fighting, it was sending fire-death at a safe distance for the attacking party. With her own chosen weapons--two powerful arms, and a set of almost resistless teeth--the bear was the stronger party. But then it was the old game of brains against brute force, with the almost sure result. As to the cruelty, the bear had no reason to complain. She came to the brig seeking, if haply she might find, a man, or men, to appease her craving hunger and feed her child. The men sought and obtained her life that they might stay the progress of their bitter enemy, the scurvy, and save their own lives! When the mother fell, her child sprung upon her body and made a fierce defense. After much trouble, and, we should think, some danger from her paws and teeth, both of which she used as if trained for the fight, she was, caught with a line looped into a running knot between her jaws and the back of her head, somewhat as farmers catch hogs for the slaughter. She was marched off to the brig and chained outside, causing a great uproar among the dogs. The mother-bear's carcass weighed when cleaned three hundred pounds; before dressing, the body weighed six hundred and fifty. The _little_ one weighed on her feet one hundred and fourteen pounds. They both proved most savory meat, and were eaten with gratitude, as the special gifts of the great Giver. This bear capture was soon followed by one no less exciting and truly Arctic in its character. It was the hunt and capture of a walrus, the lion of the sea, as the bear is the tiger of the ice. The story is as follows:--- About the middle of October Morton and Hans were sent again to try to find the Esquimo. They reached on the fourth day a little village beyond Anoatok, seventy miles from the brig. Here they found four huts, two occupied and two forsaken. In one was Myouk, his parents and his brother and sister; in the other was Awahtok, Ootuniah, their wives, and three young children. The strangers were made to feel at home. Their moccasins were dried, their feet rubbed, two lamps set ablaze to cook them a supper, and a walrus skin spread on the raised floor for them to stretch and rest their weary limbs. The lamps and the addition to the huts' company sent the thermometer up to ninety degrees above zero, while outside it was thirty below. The natives endured this degree of heat finely, as the men and children wore only the apparel nature gave them, and the women made only a slight, but becoming, addition to it. The strangers after devouring six small sea-birds a piece enjoyed a night of profuse perspiration and sound sleep. In the morning Morton perceived that Myouk and his father were preparing for a walrus hunt, and he cordially invited himself and Hans to go with them. The two strangers accepted the invitation thus given, and the party of four were soon off. A large size walrus is eighteen feet long, with a tusk thirty inches. His whole development is elephantine, and his look grim and ferocious. The Esquimo of this party carried three sledges; one they hid under the snow and ice on the way, and the other two were carried to the hunting ground at the open water, about ten miles from the huts. They had nine dogs to these two sledges, and by turns one man rode while the other walked. As they neared the new ice, and saw by the murky fog that the open water was near, the Esquimo removed their hoods and listened. After a while Myouk's countenance showed that the wished-for sound had entered his ear, though Morton, as attentively listening, could hear nothing. Soon they were startled by the bellowing of a walrus bull; the noise, round and full, was something between the mooing of a cow and the deep baying of a mastiff, varied by an oft-repeated quick bark. The performer was evidently pleased with his own music, for it continued without cessation while our hunters crept forward stealthily in single file. When within half a mile of some discolored spots showing very thin ice surrounded by that which was thicker, they scattered, and each man crawled toward a separate pool, Morton on his hands and knees following Myouk. Soon the walruses were in sight. They were five in number, at times rising altogether out of the deep, breaking the ice and giving an explosive puff which might have been heard, through the thin, clear atmosphere, a mile away. Two grim-looking males were noticeable as the leaders of the group. [Illustration: Walruses--A Family Party.] Now came the fight between Myouk, the crafty, expert hunter, and a strong, maddened, persistent walrus. Morton was the interested looker-on, following the hunter like a shadow, ready, if it had been wanted, to put in his contribution to the fight in the form of a rifle-ball. When the walrus's head is above water, and peering curiously around, the hunter is flat and still. As the head begins to disappear in the deep he is up and stirring, and ready to dart toward the game. From his hiding-place behind a projecting ice knoll the hunter seems not only to know when his victim will return, but where he will rise. In this way, hiding and darting forward, Myouk, with Morton at his heels, approaches the pool near the edge of which the walruses are at play. Now the stolid face of Myouk glows with animation; he lies still, biding his time, a coil of walrus hide many yards in length lying at his side. He quickly slips one end of the line into an iron barb, holding the other, the looped end, in his hand, and fixes the barb to a locket on the end of a shaft made of a unicorn's horn. Now the water is in motion, and only twelve feet from him the walrus rises, puffing with pent up respiration, and looks grimly and complacently around. What need _he_ fear, the mighty monarch of the Arctic sea! Myouk coolly, slowly rises, throws back his right arm, while his left arm lies close to his side. The walrus looks round again and shakes his dripping head. Up goes the hunter's left arm. His victim rises breast-high to give one curious look before he plunges, and the swift, barbed shaft is buried in his vitals! In an instant the walrus is down, down in the deep, while Myouk is making his best speed from the battlefield, holding firmly the looped end of his harpoon-line, at the same time paying out the coil as he runs. He has snatched up and carries in one hand a small stick of bone rudely pointed with iron; he stops, drives it into the ice and fastens his line to it, pressing it to the ice with his foot. Now commence the frantic struggles of the wounded walrus. Myouk keeps his station, now letting out his line, and then drawing it in. His victim, rising out of the water, endeavors to throw himself upon the ice, as if to rush at his tormenter. The ice breaks under his great weight, and he roars fearfully with rage. For a moment all is quiet. The hunter knows what it means, and he is on the alert. Crash goes the ice, and up come two walrusses only a few yards from where he stands; they aimed at the very spot but will do better next time. But when the game comes up where he last saw the hunter he has pulled up his stake and run off, line in hand, and fixed it as before, but in a new direction. This play goes on until the wounded beast becomes exhausted, and is approached and pierced with the lance by Myouk. Four hours this fight went on, the walrus receiving seventy lance thrusts, dangling all the while at the end of the line with the cruel harpoon fixed in his body. When dying at last, hooked by his tusk to the margin of the ice, his female, which had faithfully followed all his bloody fortune, still swam at his side; she retired only when her spouse was dead, and she herself was pricked by the lance. Morton says the last three hours wore the aspect of a doubtful battle. He witnessed it with breathless interest. The game was, by a sort of "double purchase," a clever contrivance of the Esquimo, drawn upon the ice and cut up at leisure. Its weight was estimated at seven hundred pounds. The intestines and the larger part of the carcass, were buried in the crevices of an iceberg--a splendid ice-house! Two sledges were loaded with the remainder, and the hunters started toward home. As they came near the village the women came out to meet them; the shout of welcome brought all hands with their knives. Each one having his portion assigned, according to a well understood Esquimo rule, the evening was given up to eating. In groups of two or three around a forty pound joint, squatting crook-legged, knife in hand, they cut, ate, and slept, and cut and ate again. Hans, in his description of the feast to Dr. Kane, says: "Why, Cappen Ken, sir, even the children ate all night. You know the little two-year-old that Aroin carried in her hood--the one that bit you when you tickled it?" "Yes." "Well, Cappen Ken, sir, that baby cut for herself, sir, with a knife made out of an iron hoop, and so heavy it could hardly lift it, cut and ate, sir, and ate and cut, as long as I looked at it." Morton and Hans returned to the brig with two hundred pounds of walrus meat and two foxes, to make glad the hearts of their comrades. Besides these Arctic monsters of the sea, and shaggy prowlers of the land and ice, there was another sort of game, requiring a different kind of hunting, found nearer home. We have related the experiment, a year before this, of the explorers with the rats. They had failed to smoke them out by a villainous compound, and, as the experience came near burning up the vessel, it was not repeated. They bred like locusts in spite of the darkness, cold, and short rations, and went every-where--under the stove, into the steward's drawers, into the cushions, about the beds, among the furs, woolens, and specimens of natural history. They took up their abode among the bedding of the men in the forecastle, and in such other places as seemed to them cosy and comfortable. When their rights as tenants were disputed they fought for them with boldness and skill. At one time a mother rat had chosen a bear-skin mitten as a homestead for herself and family of little ones. Dr. Kane thrust his hand into it not knowing that it was occupied, and received a sharp bite. Of course his hand left the premises in rather quick time, and before he could suck the blood from his finger the family had disappeared, taking their home with them. Rhina, a brave bear-dog, which had come out of encounters with his shaggy majesty with special honors, was sent down into the citadel of the rats. She lay down with composure and slept for a while. But the vermin gnawed the horny skin of her paws, nipped her on this side, and bit her on that, and dodged into their hiding-places. They were so many, and so nimble, that poor Rhina yelled in vexation and pain. She was taken on deck to her kennel, a cowed and vanquished dog. Hans, true to his hunter's propensity, amused himself during the dreary hours of his turn on the night watch, by shooting them with his bow and arrow. Dr. Kane had these carefully dressed and made into a soup, of which he educated himself to eat, to the advantage of his health. No other one of the vessel's company cared to share his pottage. Hans had one competitor in this "small deer" hunting, as the sailors called it. Dr. Kane had caught a young fox alive, and domesticated it in the cabin. These "deer" were not quick enough to escape his nimble feet and sharp teeth. But unfortunately he would kill only when and what he wanted to eat. December came in gloomily. Nearly every man was down with the scurvy. The necessary work to be done dragged heavily. The courage of the little company was severely taxed but not broken. But where were the escaping party under Dr. Hayes? Were they yet dragging painfully over their perilous way? were they safe at Upernavik? or had they perished? While such queries might have occupied the thoughts of the dwellers in the "Advance," on the seventh of the month Petersen and Bonsall of that party returned; five days later Dr. Hayes arrived, with the remainder of his company. Their adventures had been marvelous, and their escape wonderful. It will be a pleasant fancy for us to consider ourselves as sitting down in the cabin of the "Advance," and listening to their story from the lips of one of their party. CHAPTER X. THE ESCAPING PARTY. HAVING, as has been seen, provided for all the contingencies of our journey as well as circumstances permitted, we moved slowly down the ice-foot away from the brig. The companions we were leaving waved us a silent adieu. A strong resolution gave firmness to our step, but our way was too dark and perilous for lightness of heart. At ten miles distance we should reach a cape near which we expected to find open water, where we could exchange the heavy work of dragging the sledges for the pleasanter sailing in the boat. This we reached early the second day. But here we experienced our first keen disappointment. As far as the eye could reach was only ice. Before us, a thousand miles away, was Upernavik, at which we aimed, the first refuge of a civilized character in that direction. As we gazed at this intervening frozen wilderness it did indeed seem afar off. Yet every man stood firm through fourteen hours of toil before we encamped, facing a strong wind and occasional gusts of snow. After this the shelter of our tent, and a supper of cold pork and bread with hot coffee, made us almost forget the wind, which began to roar like a tempest. We looked out in the morning, after a good night's rest, hoping to see the broken floe fleeing before the gale, giving us our coveted open sea. But no change had taken place. We had no resort but to weary sledging. We carried forward our freight in small parcels, a mile on our journey, finally bringing up the boat. We took from under a cliff of the cape the boat "Forlorn Hope," which Dr. Kane had deposited there. It was damaged by the falling of a stone upon it from a considerable height. Petersen's skillful mending made it only a tolerable affair. Thus wearied and baffled in our efforts at progress, we returned early to our tent, and slept soundly until three o'clock in the morning, when we were aroused by shouting without. It came from three Esquimo, a boy eighteen years old, and two women. The boy we had before seen, but the women were strangers. They were filthy and ragged--in fact scarcely clothed at all. The matted hair of the women was tied with a piece of leather on the top of the head; the boy's hair was cut square across his eyebrows. One of the women carried a baby about six months old. It was thrust naked, feet foremost, into the hood of her jumper, and hung from the back of her neck. It peered innocently out of its hiding-place, like a little chicken from the brooding wing of its mother. They shivered with cold, and asked for fire and food, which we readily gave them, and they were soon off down the coast in good spirits. These visitors were only well started when Hans rushed into our camp, excited and panting for breath. He was too full of wrath to command his poor English, and he rattled away to Petersen in his own language. When he had recovered somewhat his breath, we caught snatches of his exclamations as he turned to us with, "Smit Soun Esquimo no koot! no koot! all same dog! Steal me bag! steal Nalegak buffalo." The fact finally came out that our visitors had been to the brig and stolen, among other things, a wolf-skin bag and a small buffalo skin belonging to Hans, presents from Dr. Kane. Hans took a lunch, a cup of coffee, and continued his run after the thieves. The ice had now given way a little, and small leads opened near us. Loading the boat, we tried what could be done at navigation. But the water in the lead soon froze over and became too thick for boating, while yet it was too thin for sledging; so after trying various expedients we again unloaded the boats and took to the land-ice. But this was too sloping for the sledges, so we took our cargo in small parcels on our backs, carrying them forward a mile and a half, and finally bringing the sledges and boat. Bonsall had, on one of these trips, taken a keg of molasses on the back of his neck, grasping the two ends with his hands. This was an awkward position in which to command his footing along a sideling, icy path. His foot slipped, the keg shot over his head, and glided down into the sea. Coffee without molasses was not pleasant to think of, and then it was two hours after our day's work was done before we could find even water. Our supper was not eaten and we ready to go to bed until ten. We slept the better, however, from hearing, just as we were retiring, that Bonsall and Godfrey had recovered the keg of molasses from four feet of water. The next morning we resolved to try the floe again. It was plain we could make no satisfactory progress on the land-ice, so we loaded first the small sledge and run it safely down the slippery slope. Then the large sledge, "Faith," was packed with our more valuable articles. Cautiously it was started, men in the rear holding it back by ropes. But the foothold of the men being insecure, they slipped, lost their control both of themselves and the sledge, and away it dashed. The ice as it reached the floe was thin; first one runner broke through, now both have gone down; over goes the freight, and the whole is plunged into the water! Fortunately every thing floated. A part of our clothes were in rubber bags and was kept dry; all else was thoroughly wet. No great damage was done except in one case. Petersen had a bed of eider-down, in which he was wont snugly to stow himself at night. When moving it was compressed into a ball no larger than his head. It was a nice thing, costing forty Danish dollars. It was, of course, spoiled. So rueful was his face that, though we really pitied him, we could not repress a little merriment as he held up his dripping treasure. Seeing a smile on Dr. Hayes's face, he hastily rolled it up into a wad, and, in the bitterness of his vexation, hurled it among the rocks, muttering something in Danish, of which we could detect only the words "doctor" and "Satan." Our situation seemed gloomy enough. The men's courage was giving way, and one took a final leave and returned to the "Advance." Yet we pressed forward; we were not long in readjusting the load of the "Faith," and met with no further accident during the day; but our fourteen hours toil left us six more hours of ice-travel before we could reach what seemed to be a long stretch of clear sea. Hans returned from his pursuit, having overtaken the thieves, but did not find about them the stolen goods. He proposed to remain and help us, but we could go no farther that night. We encamped, and obtained much needed rest and sleep. We were awakened at midnight to a new and unexpected discouragement. M'Gary and Goodfellow arrived from the "Advance" bringing a peremptory order from Dr. Kane to bring back the "Faith." We could not understand this. We had been promised its use until we reached the open sea. We had only one other, which was very poor and utterly insufficient for our purpose. We were sure it was not needed at the brig; what could the order mean? But there it was in black and white, so we delivered it up, and the messengers returned with it on the instant. This journey of Goodfellow and M'Gary was a wonderful exhibition of endurance. They had worked hard all day; having eaten supper, they were dispatched with the message. They were back to the brig to breakfast, having traveled in all to and fro thirty miles without food or rest. Our sledging, almost insufferable before, was more difficult now. Petersen exhausted his skill in improving our poor sledge with little success. We made about six miles during the day, gained the land at the head of Force Bay, and pitched our tent. We had shipped and unshipped our cargo, and had experienced the usual variety of boating and sledging. Several of us had broken through the ice and been thoroughly wet. Old rheumatic and scurvy complaints renewed their attacks upon the men. While the supper was cooking, three of the officers climbed a bluff and looked out upon the icy sea. To our joy they reported the open water only six miles away. With a good sledge we could reach it in one day's pull. With our shaky affair it would take three. Indeed, it seemed a hopeless task to make at all six miles with it. Such was the situation when our supper was eaten and we had lain down to sleep. Its solace had scarcely come to our relief when Morton's welcome voice startled us. He had come to bring back the "Faith." How timely! And then he brought also a satisfactory explanation of its being taken away. Dr. Kane had been informed that a dissension existed among us, and that the sledge was not in the hands of the officers. The next morning the good sledge "Faith" was loaded, and the men, now in good spirits, made fine speed toward the open sea. Morton pushed on after the thieves. Late in the afternoon he returned with them. He had overtaken them where they had halted to turn their goods into clothing. They had thrown aside their rags, and were strutting proudly in the new garments they had made of the stolen skins. Morton soon left, with his prisoners, to return to the "Advance." We did not reach the open water until midnight. Every thing was now put on board the boat, and we sailed about two miles and drew up against Esquimo Point, pitched our tent on a grounded ice-raft, and obtained brief rest. In the morning, Riley, who had been sent to us for that purpose, returned to the "Advance" with the "Faith." We packed away eight men and their baggage in the "Forlorn Hope." It was an ordinary New London whale-boat rigged with a mainsail, foresail, and a jib. Her cargo and passengers on this occasion brought her gunwale within four inches of the water. But for five miles we made fine progress. Then suddenly the ice closed in upon us, compelling us to draw the "Hope" up upon a solid ice-raft, where we encamped for the night. Near was a stranded berg from which we obtained a good supply of birds, of which we ate eight for supper. In the morning, while our breakfast was cooking, the ice scattered and a path for us through the sea was again opened, and we bore away joyously for the capes of "Refuge Harbor." With varying fortune, we passed under the walls of Cape Heatherton, and sighted the low lands of Life-boat Bay. There, as has been stated, in August, 1853, Dr. Kane left a Francis metallic life-boat. Could we reach this bay and possess ourselves of this life-boat, a great step would have been taken, we thought, toward success. For awhile all went well; then came the shout from the officer on the lookout, "Ice ahead!" We run down upon it before a spanking breeze, and got into the bend of a great horseshoe, while seeking an open way through the floe. We could turn neither to the right nor left, and we were too deep in the water to attempt to lay-to. The waves rolled higher and higher, and the breeze was increasing to a tempest. Our cargo, piled above the sides of the boat, left no room to handle the oars, if they had been of any use. There was no resort but to let her drive against the floe. John sat in the stern, steering-oar in hand; Petersen stood on the lookout to give him steering orders; Bonsall and Stephenson stood by the sails; the rest of us, with boat-hooks and poles, stood ready to "fend off." The sails were so drawn up as to take the wind out of them. Petersen directed the boat's head toward that part of the ice which seemed weakest, and on we bounded. "'See any opening, Petersen!' 'No sir.' An anxious five minutes followed, 'I see what looks like a lead. We must try for it.' 'Give the word, Petersen.' On flew the boat. 'Let her fall off a little--off! Ease off the sheet--so--steady! A little more off--so! Steady there--steady as she goes.'" Petersen, cool and skillful, was running us through a narrow lead which brought us into a small opening of clear water. We were beginning to think that we should get through the pack when he shouted, "I see no opening! Tight every-where! Let go the sheet! Fend off." Thump went the boat against the floe! But the poles and boat-hooks, in strong, steady hands, broke the force of the collision. Out sprang every man upon the ice. No serious damage was done to our craft. Our first thought was that we were in a safe, ice-bound harbor. But no! See, the floe is on the move! We unshipped the cargo in haste, and drew up the "Hope" out of the way of the nips. The stores were next removed farther from the water's edge, the spray beginning to sprinkle them. The whole pack was instantly in wild confusion, ice smiting ice, filling the air with dismal sounds. But it was a moment for _action_, not of moping fear. Our ice-raft suddenly separated, the crack running between the cargo and the "Hope!" This would not do! A boat without a cargo, or a cargo without a boat, were neither the condition of things we desired; but as the ice bearing the boat shot into the surging water, it was evident no _human_ power could hinder it. Yet _divine_ power could and did prevent it--just that Hand always so ready to help us in our time of need, and seeming now almost visible. The boat's raft, after whirling in the eddying waters, swung round, and struck one corner of ours. In a minute of time the "Hope" was run off, and boat, cargo, and men were once more together. Soon the commotion brought down a heavy floe against that on which we had taken refuge, and no open water was within a hundred yards of us. CHAPTER XI. A GREEN SPOT. WE seemed now to be in a safe resting-place. Dr. Hayes and Mr. Bonsall, accompanied by John and Godfrey, took the advantage of this security to go in search of the life-boat, which they judged was not more than two miles away. After a walk over the floe of one hour they found it. It had not been disturbed, and the articles deposited under it were in good order. There were, besides the oars and sails, two barrels of bread, a barrel of pork, and one of beef; thirty pounds of rice, thirty pounds of sugar, a saucepan, an empty keg, a gallon can of alcohol, a bale of blankets, an ice anchor, an ice chisel, a gun, a hatchet, a few small poles, and some pieces of wood. They took of these a barrel of bread, the saucepan filled with sugar, a small quantity of rice, the gun, the hatchet, and the boat's equipments. They were to carry this cargo, and drag the life-boat, back to the camp, unless a fortunate lead should enable them to take to the boat. They ascended a hill, before starting, to get a view of the present state of the fickle ice. All was fast in the direct line through which they came. But, a mile away, washing a piece of the shore of Littleton Island, was open water. They concluded to push forward in that direction, and wait the coming of their companions in the "Hope." They reached this open water in six hours--a slow march of one mile--but it must be remembered that they had to carry their cargo, piece by piece, then go back and draw along the boat, thus going over the distance many times. Besides, they had to climb the hummocks with their load, and lower it down the other side and tumble about generally over the rough way. The island thus reached was three fourths of a mile in diameter. They landed in a tumultuous sea, which only a life-boat could survive. There was no good hiding-place from the storm, which was increasing. They were completely wet by the spray, and ready to faint with cold and hunger. In a crevice of the rock a fire was kindled, the saucepan half filled with sea water, and an eider duck John had knocked over with his oar was put into it to stew. To this was added four biscuit from the bread barrel. The hot meal thus cooked refreshed them, but it was their only refreshment. Bonsall and Godfrey crept under the sail taken from the boat, and, from sheer exhaustion, fell asleep. John and Dr. Hayes sought warmth in a run about the island. Dr. Hayes wandered to a rocky point, which commanded a view of the channel between the island and the "Hope." He watched every object, expecting to see her and her crew adrift. He had not watched long before a dark object was seen upon a whirling ice-raft. After a close and careful second look, he saw that it was John. He called but received no answer. John's raft now touched the floe and away he went, jumping the fearful cracks, and disappearing in the darkness. What could inspire so reckless an adventure? Had he seen the "Hope" in peril, and was this a manly effort to save her and his comrades? He was going in the direction in which he had left them. Bonsall and Godfrey were soon frozen out of their comfortless tent, and joined Dr. Hayes on the rocky point. They took places of observation a short distance apart, and watched with intense anxiety both for the "Hope" and John. The morning came, the sea grew less wild, and the wind subsided, but nothing was seen of the boat. Leaving Dr. Hayes and his party thus watching on the island, we will glance at the experience of those of us who were left in the camp. Soon after they left, the wind and the waves played free and wild. The spray wet our clothes, buffaloes, and blankets, as it flew past us in dense clouds. Our bread-bag, wrapped in an india rubber cloth, was kept dry. We pitched our tent in the safest place possible, but were driven out by the increasing deluge of spray. We tried to cook our supper, but the water put out the lamp. So we obtained for thirty hours neither rest nor a warm meal. Dry, hard bread without water, was our only food. Finally the floe broke up, and, hastily packing, ourselves and stores into the "Hope," we went scudding through the leads, earnestly desiring but scarcely daring to hope that we should fall in with Dr. Hayes and his party. As we approached Littleton Island the lead closed, and the pack for a moment shut us in. As we waited and watched, we saw a dark object moving over the floe in the misty distance. Had we been on the lookout for a bear, we might have sent a bullet after it at a venture. But a moment only intervened before John, nimbly jumping the drifting ice-cakes, sprung into the boat! He brought the welcome news of the whereabouts of our companions with the life-boat, and his needed help in our peril. Soon a change of tide brought open water, through which, with all sails set, we bore down on the island. About eight o'clock we saw Dr. Hayes watching for our coming from his bleak, rocky lookout. So rough was the sea that we could not land, but rowed round Cape Ohlsen, the nearest main-land, where we found a snug harbor with a low beach. The life-boat and her crew followed. The cargoes were taken from the boats, and they were hauled up. From a little stream of melted snow which trickled down the hill-side our kettles were filled. The camp was set ablaze, some young eiders and a burgomaster, shot just before we landed, were soon cooked, a steaming pot of coffee served up, and we talked over our adventures as we satisfied our craving hunger. John was questioned concerning his wild adventure. He had not seen the "Hope," nor did he know where she was. But he was concerned about her, and "wanted to hunt her up." After dinner we set ourselves at work, preparing the boats for a renewed voyage, which we had some reason to hope would be one of fewer interruptions. The "Hope" was repatched and calked by Petersen. A mast and sail was put into the life-boat, which we named the "Ironsides." The heavier part of the freight was put on board the "Hope," of which Petersen took command, with Sontag, George Stephenson, and George Whipple as companions and helpers. Dr. Hayes commanded in the "Ironsides," with whom was Bonsall, John, Blake, and William Godfrey. Having spread our sails to a favoring breeze, we gave three cheers and bore away for Cape Alexander, about fourteen miles distant. As we sped onward the scene was delightful. On our left was Hartstene Bay, with its dark, precipitous shore-line, and white glacier fields in the background. The outlines of Cape Alexander grew clearer over our bows, and cheered us onward. But a dark, threatening cloud crept up the northern sky, sending after us an increasing breeze, and tipping the waves with caps of snowy whiteness. The storm-king came on in frequent squalls, giving earnest of his wrath. We could not turn back, nor did such a course at all accord with our wishes; nor could we run toward the shore on the left, where only frowning rocks awaited us. We could only scud before the tempest toward Cape Alexander, come what would. The wind roared louder and the waves rolled higher, yet on we flew. We came within half a mile of the cape unharmed. Now the current, as it swept swiftly round the cape, produced a "chopping sea." The "Hope," being made for a heavy sea, rounded the point in good style. The "Ironsides" was shorter, stood more out of the water, and was, therefore, less manageable. John, who was intrusted with the steering-oar, in minding the business of Bonsall and Godfrey instead of his own, let it fly out of the water, and so permitted the boat to come round broadside to the current. Of course the sea broke over us at its pleasure, filling every part which could be filled and sinking us deep in the water. But for its metallic structure and air-tight apartment we should have sunk; as it was we held fast to the sides and mast to prevent being washed overboard, and thus we drifted ingloriously round the cape. Here we found our consort, ready to come to our assistance; but as the water was smooth under sheltering land, we bailed out our boat, took in our sails, unshipped the mast, and rowed for a small rock called Sutherland's Island, hoping to find a harbor. But we found none, nor was it safe to land anywhere upon the island. There was nothing to do but to pull back again in the face of the wind. The men were weary and disheartened; the sun had set and it was growing dark; our clothes were frozen and unyielding as a coat of mail; cutting sleet pelted our faces, and we were often compelled to lose for a moment part of what we had with such toil gained. But the sheltering main-land of the cape was at last gained, and we coasted slowly along for some distance looking for a haven. We finally came to a low rocky point, behind which lay a snug little harbor. "A harbor! here we are boys; a harbor!" shouted the lookout. The men responded with a faint cheer--they were too much exhausted for "a rouser." The boats were unladen and drawn upon the land. Every thing in the "Ironsides" was wet, but the stores of the "Hope" were in perfect order. We pitched our tent, cooked our supper, and lay down to sleep. The sea roared angrily as its waves broke upon the rocky coast, and the wind howled as it came rushing down the hill-side; but they did but lull us to rest as we slept away our weariness and disappointment. Two days we were detained in this place. Once a little fox peered at us from the edge of the cliff, which set our men upon a fruitless hunt for either his curious little self or some of his kindred. We greatly desired a fox stew, but fox cunning was too much for us. We started for Northumberland Island on the eighth of September. To reach it we must pass through a wide expanse of sea which was now clear; not a berg greeted our vision, no fragments of drifting ice-packs met our sight. The wind was nearly "after us," and the boats glided through the waves as gloriously as if carrying a picnic party in our own home waters. The spirits of the men run over with glee. "Isn't this glorious?" cried Whipple as the boats came near enough together to exchange salutations; "we have it watch and watch about." "And so have we," replied Godfrey. "We're shipping a galley and mean to have some supper," shouted Stephenson. "And we have got ours already!" exclaimed John. "Look at this!" he added, flourishing in the air a pot of steaming coffee. But these joys were emphatically of the _arctic_ kind, which are in themselves prophecies of ill. Bergs were soon seen lifting their unwelcome heads in the distance, and sending through the intervening waters their tidings of evil. Next came long, narrow lines of ice; then these were united together by a thin, recent formation. We were now compelled to dodge about to find open lanes. Coming to a full stop, the officers climbed an iceberg to get a view of the situation. The pack was every-where, though in no direction was it without narrow runs of open water. Then and there they were compelled, after careful consultation, to decide a question deeply concerning our enterprise. It was this: Should we take the outer passage, or the one lying along shore. The first would afford a better chance of open water, but if this failed us, as it was even likely to do at this late season, we must certainly perish. The second gave us a smaller chance of boating, but some chance to live if it failed. But we were on a desperate enterprise, and were inclined to desperate measures. But Petersen, who had twenty years' experience in these waters, counseled the inner route, and by his counsel the officers felt bound to abide. While this consultation was going on the sea became calm, and the boats could be urged only by the oars. It was night before we found a sheltered, sloping land behind a projecting rock. The boats were anchored in the usual way--by taking out their loads and lifting them upon the land. The tents were pitched upon a terrace a few yards above the boats. This terrace, we were surprised to find, was covered with a green sod, full of thrifty vegetation. The sloping hill-side above had the same greenness. A little seeking brought to our wondering sight an abundant supply of sorrel and "_cochlearia_," anti-scurvy plants which our men much needed. Some of the men soon filled their caps with them. A fox had been shot and was already in the cook's steaming pot, to which a good supply of the green plants was added. Such a supper as we had! Nothing like it had been tasted since we left home! Our scurvy plague spots disappeared before its wonderful healing power. The men became as hilarious as boys when school is out. They reveled and rolled upon the green arctic carpet like young calves in a newly found clover field. They smoked their pipes, "spun yarns," and laughed cheerily, as if their lives had not just now been in peril, and as if no imminent dangers lay at their door. Our camp had indeed been pitched by the all-guiding Hand in a goodly place. The men declared on retiring that they felt the healing _cochlearia_ in their very bones, and it is certain that we all felt the glow of our changed condition throughout our whole being. The next day two of us climbed the highest land of the island for a glance at our situation. We found it as depressing as our paradise of greenness had been encouraging. We could see southward the closed ice-pack for twenty miles, and faint indications of the same condition of the sea could be discerned for twenty more miles. We returned, and a council was called in which all, men and officers, were called upon freely to discuss, and finally to decide by vote, the question, Shall we go forward or attempt to return to the "Advance." All the facts so far as known were fairly brought out. Upernavik was six hundred miles in a straight line; the brig was four hundred. Dangers, if not death, were everywhere, yet none desponded. Whipple, or "Long George," as his messmates called him, made a heroic speech which expressed the feelings of all. He exclaimed: "The ice can't remain long; I'll bet it will open to-morrow. The winter is a long way off yet. If we have such luck as we have had since leaving Cape Alexander, we shall be in Upernavik in two weeks. You say it is not more than six hundred miles there in a straight line. We have food for that time and fuel for a week. Before that's gone we'll shoot a seal." We voted with one voice--"Upernavik or nothing." The decision was made. CHAPTER XII. NETLIK. WE were unwillingly detained on the island several days more. During the detention we were visited by an Esquimo, who came most unexpectedly upon us. His name was Amalatok. He had been at the ship last winter, and had seen Dr. Kane in his August trip. His dress was strikingly arctic--a bird-skin coat, feathers turned in; bear-skin pants, hair outward; seal-skin boots; and dog-skin stockings. He carried in his hand two sea birds, a bladder filled with oil, some half-putrid walrus flesh, and a seal thong. He sat down on a rock and talked with animation. While thus engaged he twisted the neck from one of the birds, inserted the fore-finger of his right hand under the skin of its neck, drew it down its back, and thus instantly skinned it. Then running his long thumb nail along the breastbone, he produced two fine fat lumps of flesh, which he offered in turn to each of our company. These were politely declined, to his great disgust, and he bolted them down himself, sending after them a hearty draught of oil from the bladder. The other bird, the remaining oil, and the coil of seal-hide we purchased of him for three needles. Soon after Amalatok's wife came up with a boy--her nephew. The woman was old, and exceedingly ugly looking; the boy was fine looking, wide-awake, and thievish--we watched him narrowly. In the evening the Esquimo left for their home on the easternly side of the island. In the afternoon of the fourteenth of September we left the island, and set our course toward Cape Parry. The sky had been clear, the air soft and balmy, and the open sea invited us onward. But a cold mist soon settled down upon us, succeeded by a curtain of snow, shutting out all landmarks, and leaving us in great doubt as to our course. The compass refused to do its office, the needle remaining where it was placed. We struck into an ice-field and became perfectly bewildered. As we groped about we struck an old floating ice-island, about twelve feet square. On this we crawled and pitched our tent. The cook contrived, with much perseverance and delay, to light the lamp, melt some snow, and make a pot of coffee. This warmed and encouraged us. But as the snow fell faster and faster, we could not unwrap our bedding without getting it wet; so we huddled together under the tent to keep each other warm. None slept, and the night wore slowly away as our ice-island floated we knew not whither. There was great occasion for despondency, but the men were wonderfully cheerful. Godfrey sung negro melodies with a gusto; Petersen told the stories of his boyhood life in Copenhagen and Iceland; John gave items of a "runner's" life in San Francisco; Whipple related the horrors of the forecastle of a Liverpool packet; and Bonsall "brought down the house" by striking up, "Who wouldn't sell his farm and go to sea?" During this merriment a piece of our raft broke off, and came near plunging two of the men into the sea. The morning dawned and showed the dim outlines of some large object near us, whether iceberg or land we could not tell. Before we could well make it out we were near a sandy beach covered with bowlders. We tumbled into the boats and were soon ashore. As we landed, Petersen's gun brought down two large sea-fowl. We were in a little time high on the land, our tent pitched, and all but John, the cook, lay down in the dry, warm buffalo-skins and slept away our weariness. John in the meantime contended through six long hours with the wind, which put out his lamp, the snow, which wet his tinder when he attempted to relight it, and the cold, which froze the water in the kettle during the delay, as well as chilled his fingers and face, and cooked us at last a supper of sea-fowl and fox. As we ate with appetites sharpened by a fast of twenty-four hours, we heard the storm, which raged fearfully, with thankfulness for our timely covert. God, and not our wisdom, had brought us hither. When the morning broke we learned that we had drifted far up Whale Sound, and were camped on Herbert Island. After a little delay we entered our boats, rowed for several hours through "the slush" the snow had created near the shore, and then spreading our canvas, we sailed for the mainland. We struck the coast twenty miles above Cape Parry. We had scarcely time to glance at our situation before we heard the "Huk! Huk! Huk!" of Esquimo voices. It was the hailing cry of a man and a boy who came running to the shore. While Petersen talked with the man, the boy scampered off. The man was Kalutunah, "the Angekok" or priest of his tribe. He had been, as will be recollected, at the ship in the winter. He said the village was only a short distance up the bay, where was plenty of blubber and meat, which we might have if we would allow him to enter our "oomiak" and pilot us there! While we were talking with Kalutunah, the boy had spread the news of our visit through the village. On came a troop of men, women, and children, rushing along the shore, and throwing their arms about, and shouting merrily, with howling dogs at their heels. The "Kablunah" and "Oomiak"--white men and ship--had come and they were happy. We took on board Kalutunah from a rocky point, before the crowd could reach it, and pushed off and rowed up the bay. Our passenger was delighted, having never before voyaged in this wise. He stood up in the boat and called to his envious countrymen who ran abreast of us along the shore, exclaiming, "See me! See me!" We landed in a little cove, at the head of which we pitched our tent. The sailors drew up the boat over the gentle slope, shouting, "Heave-oh!" At this the natives broke out into uproarious laughter. Nothing of all the strange shouts and sights brought to their notice so pleased them. They took hold of the ropes and sides of the boats, and tugged away shouting, "I-e-u! I-e-u! I-e-u!" the nearest approach they could make to the strange sound of the white faces. A short distance from the beach, on the slope, stood the _settlement_--two stone huts twenty yards apart. They were surrounded by rocks and bowlders, looking more like the lurking places of wild beasts than the abodes of men. The entertainment given us by our new friends was most cordial. A young woman ran off to the valley with a troop of boys and girls at her heels, and filled our kettles with water. Kalutunah's wife brought us a steak of seal and a goodly piece of liver. The lookers-on laughed at our canvas-wick lamp, as it sputtered and slowly burned, and the chief's daughter ran off and brought their lamp of dried moss and seal fat. We gave them some of our supper, as they expected of course that we would. They made wry faces at the coffee, and only sipped a little; but Kalutunah with more dignity persevered and drank freely of it. We passed round some hard biscuit, which they did not regard as food until they saw us eat them. They then nibbled away, laughing and nibbling awhile until their teeth seemed to be sore. They then thrust them into their boots, the general receptacles of curious things. After supper the white men lighted their pipes. This to the natives was the crowning wonder. They stared at the strangers, and then looked knowingly at each other. The solemn faces of the smokers, the devout look which they gave at the ascending smoke from their mouths as it curled upward, impressed the Esquimo that this was a religious ceremony. They, too, preserved a becoming gravity. But the ludicrous scene was too much for our men, and their faces relaxed into smiles. This was a signal for a general explosion. The Esquimo burst into loud laughter, springing to their feet and clapping their hands. The religious meeting was over. The "Angekok," who seemed desirous to show his people that he could do any thing which the strangers could, desired to be allowed to smoke. We gave him a pipe, and directed him to draw in his breath with all his might. He did so, and was fully satisfied to lay the pipe down. His awful grimaces brought down upon him shouts and laughter from his people. The mimic puffs, and the poorly executed echoes of the sailors' "Heave-oh," went merrily round the village. Having established good feeling between ourselves and the Esquimo, we entered upon negotiations for such articles of food as they could spare. But they in fact had only a small supply. They wanted, of course, our needles, knives, wood, and iron, and were profuse in their promises of what they would do, but their game was in the sea. It was midnight before the Esquimo retired and we lay down to sleep. Dr. Hayes and Stephenson remained on guard, for our very plausible friends were not to be trusted where any thing could be stolen. The stars twinkled in the clear atmosphere while yet the twilight hung upon the mountain, and all nature was hushed to an oppressive silence, save when it was broken by the sudden outburst of laughter from the Esquimo, or the cawing of a solitary raven. Leaving Stephenson on guard, Dr. Hayes walked toward the huts. Kalutunah hearing his footsteps came out to meet him, expressing his welcome by grinning in his face and patting his back. The huts were square in front and sloped back into the hill. They were entered by a long passage-way--tossut--of twelve feet, at the end of which was an ascent into the hut through an opening in the floor near the front. Into this the chief led the way, creeping on all fours, with a lighted torch of moss saturated with fat. Snarling dogs and half-grown puppies were sleeping in this narrow way, who naturally resented in their own amiable way this midnight disturbance. Arriving at the upright shaft, the chief crowded himself aside to let his visitor pass in. A glare of light, suffocating odors, and a motley sight, greeted the doctor. Crowded into the den, on a raised stone bench around three sides, were human beings of both sexes, and of all ages. They huddled together still closer to make room for the stranger, whom they greeted with an uproarious laugh. In one of the front corners, on a raised stone bench, was a mother-dog with a family of puppies. In the other corner was a joint of meat. The whole interior was about ten feet in diameter, and five and a half high. The walls were made of stone and the bones of animals, and chinked with moss. They were not arched, but drawn in from the foundation, and capped above with slabs of slate-stone. The doctor's visit was one of curiosity, but the curiosity of the Esquimo in reference to him was more intense and must first be gratified. They hung upon his arms and legs and shoulders; they patted him on the back, and stroked his long beard, which to these beardless people was a wonder. The woolen clothes puzzled them, and their profoundest thought was at fault in deciding the question of the kind of animal from whose body the material was taken. They had no conception of clothing not made of skins. The boys' hands soon found their way into the doctor's pockets, and they drew out a pipe, which passed with much merriment from hand to hand, and mouth to mouth. Kalutunah drew the doctor's knife from its sheath, pressed it fondly to his heart, and then with a mischievous side glance stuck it into his own boot. The doctor shook his head, and it was returned with a laugh to its place. A dozen times he took it out, hugged it, and returned it to its place, saying beseechingly, "Me! me! give me!" He did want it _so much_! The visitor's pistol was handled with great caution and seriousness. They had been given a hint of its power at the sea-shore, where Bonsall had brought a large sea-fowl down into their midst by a shot from his gun. While this examination of the doctor was going on he examined more closely the objects about him. There was a window, or opening, above the entrance, over which dried intestines, sewed together, were stretched to let in light. The wall was covered with seal and fox skins stretched to dry. There were in the hut three families and one or two visitors, in all eighteen or twenty persons. The female head of each family was attending in different parts of the hut, to her family cooking. They had each a stone, scooped out like a clam shell, in which was put a piece of moss soaked in blubber. This was both lamp and stove, and was kept burning by feeding with fat. Over this a stone pot was hung from the ceiling, in which the food was kept simmering. These, and the animal heat of the inmates, made the hut intensely warm. Seeing the white man panting for breath, some boys and girls laid hold of his clothes to strip him, after their own fashion. This act of Esquimo courtesy he declined. They then urged him to eat, and he answered, "Koyenuck"--I thank you--at which they all laughed. Though he had dreaded this invitation, he did not think it good policy to declare it. A young girl brought him the contents of one of the stone pots in a skin dish, first tasting it herself to see if it was too hot. All eyes were upon the visitor. Not to take their proffered pottage would be a great affront. To him the dose seemed insufferable, though of necessity to be taken. Shutting his eyes, and holding his nose, he bolted it down. He was afterward informed that it was one of the delicacies of their table, made by boiling together blood, oil, and seal intestines! After thus partaking of their hospitality, the doctor left the Esquimo quarters, escorted by "the Angekok" and his daughter. We were astir at dawn, preparing to leave this little village known as Netlik. We had obtained a valuable addition to our slender store of blubber, and a few pairs of fur boots and mittens, for which we amply paid them. Knowing that the Esquimo had never heard of the commandment, "Thou shalt not covet," and that they did not understand well the law of "mine" and "thine," we watched them closely as our stores were being passed into the boat. When we were ready to push off it was ascertained that the hatchet was missing. Petersen openly charged them, as they stood upon the shore, with the theft. They all threw up their hands with expressions of injured innocence. "My people _never_ steal!" exclaimed the affronted chief. One fellow was so loud in his protestations of innocence that Petersen suspected him. The Dane approached him with a flash of anger in his eye, which told its own story. The Esquimo stepped back, stooped, picked up the hatchet, on which he had been standing, and gave it to Petersen with one hand, and with the other presented him a pair of mittens as a peace-offering. We pushed off, and they stood shouting upon the beach until their voices died away in the distance as we pulled across the bay. CHAPTER XIII. THE HUT. WE now made for Cape Parry with all speed, though this was slow speed. The young ice which covered the bay was too old for us, or, at any rate, it was too strong for easy progress. It was sunset when we reached the cape. Beyond this there had been open water seen by us for many days past, from the elevated points of observation which we had sought. From this point, therefore, we expected free sailing southward, and rapid progress toward safety and our homes. But here we were at last at Cape Parry against a pack which extended far southward. In our desperation we tried to force the boats through. The "Ironsides" was badly battered, and the "Hope" made sadly leaky by the operation, and no progress was made. We then pushed slowly down the shore through a lead, and having gone about seven miles, darkness and the ice brought us to a stand, and we drew up for the night. In the morning we observed a lead going south from the shore at a point twelve miles distant. For six days, bringing us to the twenty-seventh of September, we fought hard to reach the lead, but failed. We could now neither retreat nor go forward. Ice and snow were every-where. The sun was running low in the heavens, seeming to rise only to set; and soon the night, which was to have no sunrise morning until February, would be upon us. Our food was sufficient for not more than two weeks, and our fuel of blubber for the lamp only was but enough for eight or ten days. Our condition seemed almost without hope, but it had entered into our calculations as a possible contingency, and we girded ourselves for the struggle for life, trusting in the Great Deliverer. We were about sixteen miles below Cape Parry, and about midway between Whale Sound and Wolstenholme Sound. We pitched our tent thirty yards from the sea on a rocky upland. After securing in a safe place the boats and equipments, we began to look about us for a place to build a hut. It was, indeed, a dreary, death-threatening region. Time was too pressing for us to think of building an Esquimo hut, if, indeed, our strength and skill was sufficient. While we were looking round and debating what to build and where, one of our party found a crevice in a rock. This crevice ran parallel with the coast, and was opposite to, and near, the landing. It was eight feet in width, and level on the bottom. The rock on the east side was six feet high, its face smooth and perpendicular, except breaks in two places, making at each a shelf. On the other--the ocean side--the wall was scarcely four feet high, round and sloping; but a cleft through it made an opening to the crevice from the west. We at once determined to make our hut here, as the natural walls would save much work in its construction. The only material to be thought of was rocks. These we had to find beneath the snow, and then loosen them from the grasp of the frost. For this we fortunately had an ice-chisel--a bar of iron an inch in diameter and four feet long, bent at one end for a handle, and tempered and sharpened at the other. With this Bonsall loosened the rocks, and others bore them on their shoulders to the crevice. When a goodly pile was made we began to construct the walls. Instead of mortar we had sand to fill in between the stones. This was as hard to obtain as the stones themselves, as it had to be first picked to pieces with the ice-chisel, then scooped up with our tin dinner plates into cast-off bread-bags, and thus borne to the builders. This work was done by four of us only, the other four being engaged in hunting, to keep away threatened starvation. In two days our walls were up. They run across the crevice, that is, east and west, were fourteen feet apart, four feet high, and three thick. The natural walls being eight feet apart, our hut was thus in measurement fourteen feet by eight. The entrance was through the cleft, from the ocean side. We laid across the top of this door-way the rudder of the "Hope," and erected on it the "gable." One of the boat's masts was used for a ridgepole, and the oars for rafters. Over these we laid the boats' sails, drew them tightly, and secured them with heavy stones. Being sadly deficient in lumber, Petersen constructed a door of light frame-work and covered it with canvas; he hung it on an angle, so that when opened it shut of its own weight. A place was left for a window over the door-way, across which we drew a piece of old muslin well greased with blubber, and through which the somber light streamed when there was any outside. We then endeavored to thatch the roof and "batten" the cracks every-where with moss. But to obtain this article we had to scour the country far and near, dig through the deep snow, having tin dinner plates for shovels, wrench it from the grip of the frost with our ice-chisel, put it in our bread-bags and "back it" home. In four days, in spite of all obstacles, our hut assumed a homelike appearance--at least homelike compared with our present quarters. We said: "To-morrow we shall move into it and be comparatively comfortable." But that day brought the advance force of a terrific storm of wind and snow. It caught some of us three miles from the tent. We huddled together in our thin hemp canvas tent and slept as best we could. Two of our company crawled out in the morning to prepare our scanty meal. They found the hut half full of snow, which had sifted through the crevices. But they brought to the tent's company a hot breakfast after some hours' toil; we ate and our spirits revived. We tried all possible expedients to pass away the time, but the hours moved slowly. The storm continued to howl and roar about us with unceasing fury for four days. Our little stock of food was diminishing, our hut was unfinished, and winter was upon us in earnest. Our situation was one of almost unmitigated misery. On Friday, October sixth, the storm subsided, and nature put on a smiling face. We renewed our work on the hut, clearing it of snow with our dinner-plate shovels, and then, under greater difficulties than ever, because the snow was deeper and our strength less, we finished it. The internal arrangements were as follows: an aisle or floor, three feet wide, extended from the door across the hut. On the right, as one entered, was a raised platform of stone and sand about eighteen inches high. On this we spread our skins and blankets. Here five of us were to sleep. On the back corner of the other side was a similar platform, or "breck" as the Esquimo would call it; here three men were to sleep. In the left-hand corner, near the door, Petersen had extemporized a stove out of some tin sheathing torn from the "Hope," with a funnel of the same material running out of the roof. This sort of fire-place stove held two lamps, a saucepan, and kettle. On a post which supported the roof hung a small lamp. Into this hut we moved October ninth. Compared with the tent it was comfortable. It was evening when we were settled. At sundown Petersen came in with eight sea-fowl, so we celebrated the occasion with a stew of fresh game, cooked in our stove with the staves of our blubber kegs, and we added to our meal a pot of hot coffee. The supper done, we talked by the dim light of our moss taper. A storm, which was heralded during the day, was raging without in full force, burying us in a huge snow-bank. We discussed calmly our duties and trials, and we all lay down prayerfully to sleep. What shall we do now? was the question of the morning. Indeed, it was the continual question. John reported our stores thus: "There's three quarters of a small barrel of bread, a capful of meat biscuit, half as much rice and flour, a double handful of lard--and that's all." Our vigilant hunting thus far had resulted in seventeen small birds; that was all. Some of us had tried to eat the "stone moss," a miserable lichen which clung tenaciously to the stones beneath the snow. But it did little more than stop for awhile the gnawings of hunger, often inducing serious illness; yet this seemed our only resort. The storm still raged. We were all reclining upon the brecks except John, who was trying to cook by a fire which filled our hut with smoke, when we were startled by a strange sound. "What is it?" we asked. We could not get out, so we listened at the window. "It was the wind," we said, for we could hear nothing more. In a half hour it was repeated clearer and louder. We opened the door by drawing the snow into the house, and made a little opening through the drift so we could see daylight. "It was the barking of a fox," says one. "No," said another, "it was the growling of a bear." Whipple, who was half asleep, muttered, "It was just nothing at all." While these remarks were being made the Esquimo shout was clearly recognized. Petersen put his mouth to the aperture in the snow and shouted, "Huk! huk! huk!" After much shouting, two bewildered Esquimo entered our hut. They were from Netlik, the village we had last left, and one was Kalutunah. Their fur dress had a thick covering of snow, and, hardy though they were, they looked weary almost to faintness. They each held in one hand a dog-whip, and in the other a piece of meat and blubber. They threw down the food, thrust their whip-stocks under the rafters, hung their wet outer furs upon them, and at once made themselves at home. The chief hung around Dr. Hayes, saying fondly, "Doctee! doctee!" John put out his smoking fire, at the Angekok's request, and used his blubber in cooking a good joint of the bear meat. We all had a good meal at our guests' expense. Necessity was more than courtesy with hungry men. While the cooking and eating were going on, we listened to the marvelous story of the Esquimo. They left Netlik, forty miles north, the morning of the previous day on a hunting excursion with two dog-sledges. The storm overtook them far out upon the ice in search of bear, and they sheltered themselves in a snow hut for the night. Fearing the ice might break up they turned to the land, which they happened to strike near our boats and tent. Knowing we must be near, they picketed their dogs under a sheltering rock and commenced tramping and shouting. The supper eaten, the story told, and the curiosity of our visitors satisfied in closely observing every thing, we made for them the best bed possible, tucked them in, and they were soon snoring lustily. In the morning we tunneled a hole from our door through the snow. Kalutunah and Dr. Hayes went to the sea-shore. The dogs were howling piteously, having been exposed to all the fury of the storm during the night without the liberty of stirring beyond their tethers. Besides, they had been forty-eight hours without food, having come from home in that time through a widely deviating track. Every thing about them was carefully secured which could be eaten, and they were loosened. Dr. Hayes turned toward the hut, and having reached the snow-tunnel he was about to stoop down to crawl through it, when he observed the whole pack of thirteen snapping, savage brutes at his heels. Had he been on his knees they would have made at once a meal of him. They stood at bay for a moment, but seeing he had no means of attack, one of them commenced the assault by springing upon him. Dr. Hayes caught him on his arm, and kicked him down the hill. This caused a momentary pause. No help was near, and to run was sure death. It was a fearful moment, and his blood chilled at the prospect of dying by the jaws of wolfish dogs, whose fierce and flashing eyes assured him that hunger had given them a terrible earnestness. His eye improved the moment's respite in sweeping the circle of the enemy for the means of escape, and he caught a glimpse of a dog-whip about ten feet off. Instantly he sprang as only a man thus situated could spring, and clearing the back of the largest of the dogs, seized the whip. He was now master of the situation. Never amiable, and terribly savage when prompted by hunger, yet the Esquimo dog is always a coward. Dr. Hayes's vigorous blows, laid on at right and left with much effect and more sound and fury, sent the pack yelping away. In our discussions of the question of subsistence, we had about decided that we must draw our supplies from the Esquimo or perish. Our hunting was a failure, and our supply of food was about exhausted. So when Kalutunah came back we proposed to him through Petersen to purchase blubber and bear meat with our treasures of needles, knives, etc., so valuable in the eyes of the natives. He looked at our sunken cheeks and desolate home with a knowing twinkle of his eye, and a crafty expression on his besotted face. This was followed by the questions, "How much shoot with mighty guns? how much food you bring from ship?" These questions, and the speaking eye and tell-tale face, were windows through which we saw into the workings of his dark heathen mind. They meant, as we understood them, "If you are going to starve we had better let you. We shall then get your nice things without paying for them." But Petersen understood and outmanaged the crafty chief. "How we going to live?" he boldly exclaimed, facing the questioner. "Live! Shoot bear when we get hungry, sleep when we get tired; Esquimo will bring us bear, we shall give them presents, and sleep all the time. White man easily get plenty to eat. Always plenty to eat, plenty sleep." The glory of life from the Esquimo point of view is plenty to eat and nothing to do. They held those who had attained to this high estate in profound respect. The starving could scarcely be brought within the range of their consideration. Hence the policy adopted by Petersen, and it had its desired effect. Kalutunah and his companion tarried another night, and departed promising to return with such food as the hunt afforded, and exchange it for our valuables. Two weeks--days of misery--passed before their return. We set fox-traps, constructed much after the style of the rabbit-traps of the boys at home, tramping for this purpose over the coast-line for ten miles. One little prisoner only rewarded our pains, while the saucy villains showed themselves boldly by day, barking at us from the top of a rock, dodging across our path at the right and left, and even following us within sight of the hut. But all this was done at a safe distance from our guns. Petersen went far out to sea on the ice, but neither bear nor seal rewarded his toil. We had burned up our lard keg for our semi-daily fire to cook our scanty meals, and now, with a sorrow that went to our hearts, began to break up the "Hope." We knew this step argued badly for the future, but what could we do? Besides, it was poor, water-soaked fuel, and would last but a little while. We saved the straightest and best pieces for trade with the Esquimo. Our scanty meals, badly helped by the stone moss, told upon our health. Stephenson gasped for breath with a heart trouble; Godfrey fainted, and was happily saved a serious fall by being caught in John's arms. CHAPTER XIV. ESQUIMO TREACHERY. THE kind Providence which had interfered for us in so many cases came with timely help. October twenty-sixth, Kalutunah and his companion returned. They had been south to Cape York, nearly a hundred miles, calling on their way at the village called Akbat, thirty miles off. They had killed three bears, the most of which they had upon their sledges. They sold us, reluctantly, enough for a few days. We ate of the refreshing meat like starving men, as we really were. Our sunken eyes and hollow cheeks _seemed_ to leave us at a single meal. The faint revived, and our despondency departed. Our past sufferings were for the moment at least forgotten, and we looked hopefully upon the future. The next day the Esquimo called and left a little more meat and blubber. We caught two small foxes, one of them in a trap, and the other was arrested by a shot from Dr. Hayes's gun. The audacious little fellow run over the roof of our hut and awoke the doctor, who, without dressing, seized his double-barreled gun, and bolted into the cold without. It was dark, and he fired at random. The first shot missed, but the second wounded him, and he went limping down the hill. The doctor gave chase and returned with the game, but came near paying dear for his prize, barely escaping without frozen feet. On Sunday, the twenty-ninth, in the midst of pensive allusions, and more pensive thoughts, concerning home, in which even Petersen's weather-beaten face betrayed a tear, an Esquimo boy came in from Akbat. His bearing was manly, his countenance fresh and agreeable, if not handsome, and his dress, of the usual material, was new. He drove a fine team with decided spirit. He was evidently somebody's pet, and we thought we saw a mother's partial stamp upon him. He was on his way to Netlik, and our curious inquiries brought from him the blushing acknowledgment that he was going "a courting!" He was nothing loath to talk of his sweetheart, and he bore her a bundle of bird-skins to make her an under garment as love-token. We gave him a pocket-knife and a piece of wood, to which we added two needles for his lady-love. He was full of joy at this good fortune, but when Sontag added a string of beads for her his cup run over. He had on his sledge two small pieces of blubber, a pound of bear's meat, a bit of bear's skin. These he laid at our feet, and dashed off toward Netlik in fine spirits. When he was gone we renewed our ever-returning, perplexing, never-settled question, What shall we do? We could agree on no plans of escape, for all seemed impossible of execution. Yet we did agree in the expediency of opening a communication with the brig. But how to do it was the question. Our dependence upon the Esquimo growing more humiliatingly absolute every day, pained us. We feared their treachery, of which we already saw some signs. "What _shall we do_?" was ever repeated. While thus perplexed, Kalutunah made his appearance. With him were a young hunter, and a woman with a six months' old baby. The little one was wrapped in fox-skin, and thrust into its mother's hood, which hung on her neck behind. It peered out of its hiding-place with a contented and curious expression of face. Its mother had come forty miles, sometimes walking over the hummocky way, with the thermometer thirty-eight degrees below zero, with a liability of encountering terrific storms, and all to see the white men and their _igloë_. Mother and child arrived in good condition. We conversed with the chief about our plan of going to Upernavik on sledges, and proposed to buy teams of his people, or hire them to drive us there. He received the proposal with a decided dissent, amounting almost to resentment. His people, he said, would not sell dogs at any price; they had only enough to preserve their own lives. This we knew to be false. We offered a great price, but he scorned the bribe, and talked with an expression of horror about our plan of passing with sledges over the Frozen Sea, as he called Melville Bay. While we were urging the sale by him of dogs and sledges he looked quizzically at our emaciated forms and sunken cheeks, and turning to the woman with a significant twinkle in his eye, he sucked in his cheeks. She returned the knowing glance, and sucked in her cheeks. This meant: We shall get all the white men's coveted things without paying when we find them starved and dead. This was a comforting view of the case--for them. We dropped the plan of going south, and proposed to the chief to carry some of our party to the ship. This he readily assented to, and said at least four sledges should go with Petersen, if to each driver should be given a knife and piece of wood. We closed the bargain gladly, and Petersen was to start in the morning. Guests and entertainers now sought rest. We gave the mother and child our bed in the corner. This was to us a self-denying act of courtesy, compelled by policy. We had usually given a good distance between us and such lodgers on account of certain specimens of natural history which swarmed upon their bodies, which, though starving, we did not desire. But to put her in a meaner place would be a serious affront, for which we might be obliged to pay dearly. About midnight voices were heard outside, and soon our young lover, the boy-hunter, entered, accompanied by a widow who was neither young, nor beautiful. The hut was in instant confusion. There was but little more sleep for the night, which was peculiarly hard on Petersen, who was to start in the morning on his long journey. We had no food with which to treat our guests, which they saw, and so supped upon the provisions which they brought. The widow ate raw young birds, of which she brought a supply saved over from the summer. The Angekok had decided that her husband's spirit had taken temporary residence in a walrus, so she was forbidden that animal. She chewed choice bits of her bird and offered them to us. We tried _politely_ to decline the kindness, but our refusal plainly offended her. The widow's husband had been carried out to sea on an ice-raft on the sudden breaking up of the floe, and had never been heard from. Whenever his name was mentioned she burst into tears. Petersen told us that, according to Esquimo custom in such cases, we were expected to join in the weeping. At the first attempt our success was very indifferent. On the next occasion we equaled in sincerity and naturalness the expressed sorrow of the heirs of a rich miser over his mortal remains. Even the tears we managed so well that the widow, charitably forgetting our former affront, offered us more chewed meat. In the morning Petersen was off, Godfrey accompanying him at his own option. The same evening John and Sontag went south with the widow and young hunter. Thus four of us only were left in the hut, and of these, one, Stephenson, was seriously sick. His death at any time would not have been a surprise to us. The hut was colder than ever, and our food nearly gone. A few books, among which was a little Bible, the gift of a friend, were a great source of comfort. In a few days John and Sontag returned. They had fared well during their absence. They were accompanied by two Esquimo, who brought us food for a few days, for which they demanded an exorbitant price. They, like people claiming a higher civilization, took advantage of our necessity. When they were about to depart on a bear hunt, Dr. Hayes proposed that two of us accompany them with our guns, but they declined. We went with them to the beach, saw them start, watched them as they swiftly glided over the ice, and, dodging skillfully around the hummocks, faded into a black speck in the distance. The day was spent as one of rest by four of our number, while two of us visited the traps, returning as usual with nothing. The evening came. A cup of good coffee revived us. The temperature of our den _came up_ to the freezing point. We were in the midst of this feast of hot coffee and increased warmth, when we heard a footfall. We hailed in Esquimo, but no answer. Soon the outer door of our passage way opened, a man entered and fell prostrate with a deep moan. It was Petersen. He crept slowly in as we opened the door, staggered across the hut, and fell exhausted on the breck. Godfrey soon followed, even more exhausted. They both called piteously for "water! water!" They were in no condition to explain what had happened. We stripped them of their frozen garments, rubbed their stiffened limbs, and rolled them in warm blankets. We gave them of our hot coffee, and the warmth of the hut and dry clothes revived them, but the sudden and great change was followed by a brief cloud over their minds. They fell into a disturbed sleep, and their sudden starts, groans, and mutterings, told of some terrible distress. Petersen, while sipping his coffee, had told us that the Esquimo had thrown off their disguise and had attempted to murder them; that he and Godfrey had walked all the way from Netlik with the Esquimo in hot pursuit. We must watch, he said, for if off our guard they might overwhelm us with numbers. This much it was necessary for us to know; the details of their terrible experience he was in no mood to give. We immediately set a watch outside, who was relieved every hour; he was armed with Bonsall's rifle. Our other guns we fired off and carefully reloaded, hanging them upon their pegs for instant use. Petersen and Godfrey awoke once, ate, and lay down to their agitated sleep. No others slept, or even made the attempt. The creak of the boots of the sentinel as he tramped his beat near the hut, on a little plain cleared of snow by the wind, was the only sound which broke the solemn silence. The enemy would not dare attack us except unawares, knowing, as they did, that there were eight of us, armed with guns. At midnight noises were heard about the rocks of the coast. They were watching, but seeing the sentinel, and finding it a chilling business to wait for our cessation of vigilance, they sneaked away. In the morning one of our men visited the rocky coverts and found their fresh tracks. We received at the earliest opportunity the details of Petersen's story. They left us on the third of November, and were gone four days. They arrived in Netlik in nine hours, and were lodged one in each of the two _igloës_. Their welcome had a seeming heartiness. They had a full supply set before them of tender young bear-steak and choice puppy stew. Many strangers were present, and they continued to come until the huts were crowded. The next day the hunters all started early on the chase, to get, as Kalutunah said, a good supply for their excursion to the ship, as well as a store for their families. This looked reasonable, but when night came the chief and a majority of the men returned not, nor did they appear the next day. The moon had just passed its full, no time could be spared for trifling, and Petersen grew uneasy. This feeling was increased by the strangers which continued to come, the running to and fro of the women, the side glances, and the covert laugh among the crowd. Kalutunah returned on the evening of the third day of our men at the hut. Several sledges accompanied him, and one of them was driven by a brawny savage by the name of Sipsu. He had shown his ugly face once at our hut. He was above the usual height, broad-chested and strong limbed. He had a few bristly hairs upon his chin and upper lip, and dark, heavy eyebrows overshadowed his well set, evil-looking eyes. He was every inch a savage. While the crowd laughed, joked, and fluttered curiously about the strangers, Sipsu was dignified, sullen, or full of dismal stories. He had, he said, killed two men of his tribe. They were poor hunters, so he stole upon them from behind a hummock, and harpooned them in the back. Whatever shrewdness Sipsu possessed, he did not have wit enough to hide his true character from his intended victims. About twelve sledges were now collected, and Petersen supposed they would start early in the morning for the "Advance," so he ventured to try to hurry them a few hours by suggesting midnight for the departure. To this suggestion they replied that they would not go at all, and that they never intended to go. The crowd in the hut greeted this announcement with uproarious laughter. Petersen maintained a bold bearing. He rose and went to the other hut and put Godfrey upon the watch, telling him what had happened. He then returned and demanded good faith from the chiefs. They only muttered that they could not go north; they could not pass that "blowing place"--Cape Alexander. He then asked them to sell him a dog-team; he would pay them well. They evaded this question, and Sipsu said to Kalutunah, in a side whisper, "We can get his things in a cheaper way." Now commenced the game of wait and watch between the two parties; the chiefs waited and watched to kill Petersen, and he waited and watched not to be killed. He had his gun outside, because the moisture of the hut condensing on the lock might prevent it from going off. He had told the crowd that if they touched it it might kill them, and this fear was its safety. Those inside thought he had a pistol concealed under his garments. They had seen such articles, and witnessed their deadly power. Their purpose now was to get possession of this weapon, and Sipsu was the man to do it. Petersen, cool as he was prompt and skillful, had not betrayed his suspicions of them; so he threw himself upon the breck and feigned himself asleep, to draw out their plans. The strategy worked well. The gossiping tongues of men, women, and children loosened when they thought him asleep, and they revealed all their secrets. Petersen and Godfrey were to be killed on the spot, and our hut was to be surprised before Sontag and John returned from the south. Sipsu the while moved softly toward Petersen to search for the pistol. Just at this moment Godfrey came to the window and hallooed to learn if his chief was alive. Petersen rose from his sham sleep and went out. A crowd were at the door and about the gun, but they dared not touch it. The intended victims kept a bold front, and coolly proposed a hunt. This the natives declined, and they declared they would go alone. It was late in the night when our beset and worried men started. They were watched sullenly until they were two miles away, and then the sledges were harnessed for the pursuit. Fifty yelping dogs mingled their cries with those of the men, and made a fiendish din in the ears of the flying fugitives. What could they do if the dogs were let loose upon them, having only a single rifle! One thing they intended should be sure; Sipsu or Kalutunah should die in the attack. When the pursuers seemed at the very heels of our men, _that one gun_ made cowards of the Esquimo chiefs. They seemed to understand _their_ danger. The whole pack of dogs and men turned seaward, and disappeared among the hummocks. They meant a covert attack. Keeping the shore and avoiding the hiding-places, Petersen and Godfrey pressed on. The night was calm and clear, but the cold was over fifty degrees below zero. When half way, at Cape Parry, they well-nigh fainted and fell. But encouraging each other, they still hurried onward, and made the fifty miles (it was forty in a straight line) in twenty-four hours. The reader understands why they arrived in such distress and exhaustion. CHAPTER XV. LIGHTS AND SHADOWS. DURING the two days following the return of Petersen and Godfrey we spent our working hours in building a wall about our hut. It was made of frozen snow, sawed in blocks by our small saw. This wall served a double purpose, that of breaking the wind from our hut, and as a defense against the Esquimo. It gave our abode the appearance of a fort, and we called it Fort Desolation. John muttered: Better call it Fort Starvation! This was in fact no unfitting designation. Our food was nearly gone. Those who alone could keep us from starving were seeking our lives. A feeble, flickering light made the darkness of our hut visible. Darkness, and dampness, and destitution were within, and without were fears. We could not be blamed, perhaps, if the death which threatened us seemed more desirable than life. Yet we could not forget Him who had so often snatched us from the jaws of our enemies--cold, hunger, and savages--and we trusted him to again deliver us. And this he did, for the next day Kalutunah and another hunter appeared. They did not come as enemies, but as angel messengers of mercy from the All-Merciful! The chief was at first shy, nor could he so far lay aside the cowardice of conscious guilt as to lay down for a moment his harpoon, at other times left at the hut door. He brought, to conciliate us, a goodly piece of walrus meat. After spending an hour with us he dashed out upon the ice on a moonlight hunt for bears. Petersen spent the day in making knives for the Esquimo, in anticipation of restored friendship. With an old file he filed down some pieces of an iron hoop, punching rivet holes with the file, and whittling a handle from a fragment of the "Hope." Though the knife, when done, was not like one of "Rogers's best," it was no mean article for an Esquimo blubber and bear meat knife. The next day four sledges and six Esquimo made us a call. One of them was our old friend the widow, with her bundle of birds under her arm. They were all shy at first, showing a knowledge at least of the wrong intended us, but we soon made them feel at home. It was indeed for our interest to do so. They bartered gladly walrus, seal, bear, and bird meat, a hundred pounds in all. It made a goodly pile, enough for four days, but, alas! the duty of hospitality, which we could not wisely decline, compelled us to treat our guests with it, and they ate one third! In three hours they were off toward Netlik. The next day an Esquimo man came from Northumberland Island; we had not seen him before, and he did not appear to have been in the council of the plotters against us. He sold us walrus meat, blubber, and fifty little sea fowl. Our health absolutely demanding a more generous diet, we ate three full meals, such as we had not had since leaving the ship. Our new friend's name was Kingiktok--which is, by interpretation, a rock. Mr. Rock was a man of few words, and of very civil behavior. We fancied him, and courted his favor by a few presents for himself and wife. They were gifts well bestowed, for he at once opened his mouth in valuable and startling communications. He said that he and his brother Amalatok were the only two men in the tribe who were friendly to us. Amalatok was the man we met on Northumberland Island, who will be remembered as skinning a bird so adroitly, and offering us lumps of fat scraped from its breast-bone with his thumb nail. Mr. Rock's talk run thus: He and this brother were in deadly hostility to Sipsu. The reason of this hostility was very curious. The brother's wife, whom we thought decidedly hag-like in her looks, was accounted a witch. _Why_ she was so regarded was not stated. Now the law of custom with this people is that witches may be put to death by any one who will do it by stealth. She may be pounced upon from behind a hummock and a harpoon or any deadly weapon may deal the fatal blow in the back, but a face to face execution was not allowed. It was understood that Sipsu assumed the office of executioner, and was watching the favoring circumstances. On the other hand the husband, and his brother, Mr. Rock, watched with courage and vigilance in behalf of the accused, while she lacked neither in her own watching. Thus the family had no fraternal relations with the villagers, though visits were exchanged between them. Concerning the conspiracy, Mr. Rock thus testified: Sipsu had for a long time counseled the tribe not to visit nor sell food to the white men, holding that they could not kill the bear, walrus, and seal, and would soon starve, and so all the coveted things would fall into Esquimo hands. Kalutunah, on the other hand, held that their "booms"--guns--could secure them any game, and that our poverty of food was owing to a dislike of work. There had arisen, too, a jealousy about the presents we gave. Sipsu's let-alone policy caused his wife to complain that she only of the women was without even a needle. This drove him to a reluctant visit to us in which he got but little, so the matter was not bettered. Besides this, the condition of apparent starvation, in which the visitors found us from time to time, finally gave popularity to Sipsu's position, and Kalutunah yielded to the older and stronger chief. When Petersen and Godfrey arrived at Netlik, Kalutunah went fifty miles to inform Sipsu at his home of the good occasion offered to kill them. Sipsu was to lead the attack, and Kalutunah follow. The arrangement was as we have stated, but failed on account of Sipsu's fear of the "auleit"--pistol. Having failed, his chagrin and anger led to the hot pursuit, in which he intended to set the dogs upon our men. But this failed when he saw how near he must himself venture to the "_boom_." This story agreed so well with what Petersen and Godfrey saw and suspected that we fully believed it. Mr. Rock left us in the morning, and that evening eleven natives, one of whom was Kalutunah, called upon us on their way from Akbat to Netlik. The Angekok was full of talk and smiles. He gave us a quarter of a young bear, for which we gave him one of Petersen's hoop-iron knives. He was not pleased with it, for he had learned before the difference between iron and steel. He attempted to cut a piece of frozen liver with it and it bent. He then bent it in the form of a U, and threw it spitefully away, grunting, "No good." We satisfied him with a piece of wood to patch his sledge. Among our guests were two widows having each a child. One of the little ones was stripped to the skin, and turned loose to root at liberty. It was three years old, and plainly the dirt upon its greasy skin had been accumulating just that length of time. One of the hunters was attended by his wife and two children--a girl four, and boy seven years old. The fat fires of the several families were soon in full blaze, which, added to the heat of nineteen persons, warmed our hut as it was never warmed before. The heat set the ceiling and walls dripping with the melted frost-work, and every thing was wet or made damp. Besides, the air became insufferable with bad odors. It was now Fort Misery. But the frozen meat at which we had been nibbling was soon thrown aside for hot coffee, steaming stew, and thawed blubber. Strips of blubber varying from three inches to a foot in length and an inch thick circulate about the hut. Strips of bear and walrus also go round. These strips are seized with the fingers, the head is thrown back, and the mouth is opened, one end is thrust in a convenient distance, the teeth are closed, it is cut off at the lips, and the piece is swallowed quickly, with the least possible chewing, that dispatch may be made, and the process repeated. The seven-year-old boy stood against a post, astride a big chunk of walrus, naked to the waist, as all the guests were. He was sucking down in good style a strip of blubber, his face and hands besmeared with blood and fat, which ran in a purple stream off his chin, and from thence streamed over the shining skin below. Our disconsolate widow supped apart, as usual, on her supply of sea-fowls. Four, each about the size of a half-grown domestic hen, was all she appeared to be able to eat! We all ate, and had enough. Then followed freedom of talk such as is wont to follow satisfied appetites, and jokes and songs went round. Godfrey amused the women and children with negro melodies, accompanied by a fancied banjo. Dr. Hayes and Kalutunah try to teach each other their languages. Bonsall looks on and helps. The chief is given "yes" and "no," and taught what Esquimo word they stand for. He tries to pronounce them, says "ee's" and "noe," and inquiringly says, "_tyma?_" (right?) Dr. Hayes nods, "tyma" with an encouraging smile, at which the chief laughs at the "_doctee's_" badly pronounced Esquimo. They try to count, and the Angekok says "_une_" for one, strains hard at "too" for two, and fails utterly at the "th" in three. The "doctee" tries the Esquimo one, gets patted on the back with "tyma! tyma!" accompanied with merry laughs. The chief tries again, gets prompted by punches in the ribs, and significant commendation in twitches of his left ear. Having reached ten, the Esquimo numerals are exhausted. Sontag, with the help of Petersen, questions one of the hunters about his people's astronomy. The result in part is as follows, and is very curious. The heavenly bodies are the spirits of deceased Esquimo, or of some of the lower animals. The sun and moon, are brother and sister. The stars we call "the dipper" are reindeer. The stars of "Orion's belt" are hunters who have lost their way. The "Pleiades" are a pack of dogs in pursuit of a bear. The _aurora borealis_ is caused by the spirits at play with one another. It has other teachings on the science of the heavens equally wise. But they are close observers of the movements of the stars. We went out at midnight to look after the dogs, and Petersen asked Kalutunah when they intended to go. He pointed to a star standing over Saunders Island, in the south. Passing his finger slowly around to the west he pointed at another star, saying, "When that star gets where the other is we will start." Our guests at last lay down to sleep, but we could not lie down near them nor allow them our blankets; so we watched out the night. CHAPTER XVI. DRUGGED ESQUIMO. THE visitors left in the morning. We were now all well except Stephenson. Though we had just eaten and were refreshed, in a few days we might be starving, so we renewed our planning. To open a communication with the "Advance" seemed a necessity. Petersen volunteered to make another effort if he could have one companion. Bonsall promptly answered, "I will be that companion," at which we all rejoiced, as he was the fittest man for the journey next to the Dane. A dog-team and a sledge were an acquisition now most needed for the proposed enterprise. In a few days an old man came in whom we had never seen, belonging far up Whale Sound; then came a hunter from Akbat with his family. Of these men after much bartering we purchased four dogs. Petersen commenced at once the manufacture of a sledge out of the wood left of the "Hope." All of his excellent skill was needed to make a serviceable article with his poor tools and materials. On the twentieth of November the sledge was nearly finished, and a breakfast on our last piece of meat assured us that what was done for our rescue must be done soon. But God's hand was, as usual, opened to supply us; in the evening a fox was found in our trap. Stephenson, who had been cheered by our tea, received the last cup. We were reduced to stone-moss, boiled in blubber, and coffee, and a short allowance of these, when two hunters left us three birds, on which we supped. We were now out of food. The Esquimo had, most of them, gone north, owing to the failure of game at the south; soon all would be gone. Further discussion led us to the conclusion that we must all return to the "Advance," and start soon unless we chose to die where we were. So we commenced preparations for the desperate enterprise. To carry out this plan it was absolutely necessary to have two more dogs, for which we must trust to our Esquimo visitors. A sledge drawn by six dogs could convey our small outfit and poor invalid Stephenson. We purposed to direct our course straight for Northumberland Island, which we hoped to reach by lodging one night in a snow-hut. For each person there must be a pair of blankets. Our clothing was wholly insufficient for such a journey, so we set at work to improve it the best we could. Our buffalo robes had been spread upon the stone breck for beds. They were of course frozen down; in some places solid ice of several inches' thickness had accumulated, into which they were imbedded. When disengaged, as they had to be with much care and great labor, the under side was covered with closely adhering pebble-stones. The robes were hung up to dry before we could work upon them. We now slept on a double blanket spread on the stones and pebbles--a sleeping which refreshed us as little as our moss food. We now, under the instructions of Petersen, cut up the buffalo robes and sewed them into garments to wear on our journey. We refreshed ourselves with frequent sips of coffee, of which, fortunately, we had a plenty, and made out one meal at night on walrus hide boiled or fried in oil, as we fancied. It was very tough eating. At the close of the second day's tailoring four hunters came in from Akbat, with five women and seven children. We stowed them all away for the night, and gladly did so for the opportunity of purchasing forty-eight small birds, a small quantity of dried seal meat, and some dried seal intestines imperfectly cleansed; but better, if possible, was the purchase of two dogs. Our team of six was complete. The hand of the great Provider was plainly manifested. The visitors were soon gone, but the four hunters came back the next day. They were bent on mischief. They stole, or tried to steal, whatever they saw, and seemed glad to annoy us. Unfortunately for us, close upon their heels came another party, from the south also, and equally bent on mischief. Among them was an old evil-eyed woman. Whatever she saw she coveted, and all that she could she stole. Going to her sledge as the party was about to start, we found a mixed collection of our articles, some of which could have been of no use to her. But we had missed two drinking cups which we could not find. We charged her with the theft, but she protested innocence. We threatened to search her sledge, and she straightway produced them, and, to conciliate us, threw down three sea-fowl. We were gladly thus conciliated. The whole party became so troublesome that we were compelled to drive them away. The hunters lingered about, intending, we feared, to steal our dogs, two of which were purchased of them. We set a watch until they seemed to have left the vicinity, but no sooner was the sentinel's back turned than one of them and one of the dogs were seen scampering off together. Bonsall seized his rifle, and a sudden turn round a rock by the thief saved him from the salutation of an ounce of lead. On the twenty-ninth of November we were ready for a start. Our outfit was meager enough. It consisted of eight blankets, a field lamp and kettle, two tin drinking cups, coffee for ten days, eight pounds of blubber, and two days' meat. This last consisted of sea-fowls boiled, boned, and cut into small pieces. They were frozen into a solid lump. We hoped to be at Northumberland Island in two days, and get fresh supplies. The sled was taken out through the roof of the hut, loaded, and the load well secured, and poor Stephenson carried out and placed on top of it. The dogs were then harnessed, and we moved away. The thermometer was forty-four degrees below zero when we left the hut, but it was calm, and the moon shone with a splendid light. We were weary and ready to faint at the end of one hour, how then could we endure days of travel! The sledge was a poor one, the runners, the best our material afforded, were rough, and the dogs could not drag the sledge without two of us pushed, which we did in turn. We had thus gone about eight miles when Stephenson said he would walk. This we refused to let him do, knowing his extreme weakness. But soon after he slid off the sledge. Dr. Hayes assisted him to rise, and supported his attempt to walk. He had thus gone about a mile when he fell and fainted. Near us was an iceberg in whose side was a recess something like a grotto. Into this we bore our companion, and added to the shelter by piling up blocks of snow. The lamp was lighted to prepare him hot coffee. For some time he remained insensible, and when he came to himself he begged us to leave him and save ourselves. He could never, he said, reach the "Advance," and he might as well die then as at a later hour. Go without Stephenson we would not. Go with him seemed impossible. In fact we were all too weary to take another step, so we concluded to camp. But this, after unloading our sledge and making some effort, we could not do. We had no strength to make a hut, and we were already bitten by the frost; so we resolved to repack the sledge and return to the hut. All arrived at the hut that day, but how and exactly at what time we did not know, only that some were an hour behind others, and that several finished the journey by creeping on their hands and knees. We had just enough consciousness left to bring in our blankets and spread them on those we left on the breck, and to close up the hole in the roof. We then lay down and slept through uncounted hours. When we awoke it was nearly noon. Though hungry, cold, and weak, we were not badly frost-bitten. The first desirable thing was a fire. The tinder-box with its fixings could not be found. The one having it in charge remembered it was used at the berg, and this we all knew, and that was all any one knew about it. Without this we could have no fire. Never before in all our exigencies was such a feeling of despair expressed on our countenances. In this plight one in attempting to walk across the tent struck something with his foot. We all knew the tinder-box by its rattle. Our lamp was soon lighted, coffee was made, and half of our meat warmed. The other half was given to Petersen and Bonsall, who started immediately to go, as we had once before planned, to the brig, while the rest remained in the hut. Dr. Hayes and Sontag accompanied them to the shore. The last words of the noble Petersen were: "If we ever reach the ship we will come back to you, or perish in the attempt, so sure as there is a God in heaven." Four days passed, after our companions left us, of accumulating misery. The hut was colder than ever, and we were in utter darkness most of the time. Our food was now scraps of old hide, so hard that the dogs had refused it. In this our condition of absolute starvation, three hunters, with each a dog-team, came to us from Netlik, one of whom was Kalutunah. They entered our hut with only two small pieces of meat in their hands, enough for a scanty meal for themselves. We appropriated one piece to ourselves without ceremony. The visitors frowned and protested, but this was not a moment with us for words. We soon satisfied, or seemed to satisfy, them by presents, and both pieces were soon steaming. Dr. Hayes renewed his proposal for the Netlik people to carry us to the "Advance." Kalutunah refused curtly. Would they _let_ teams to us for that purpose? No! The spirit of the refusal was, We won't help you. We know you must starve, and we desire you to do so that we may possess your goods. It was evident they understood our desperate condition perfectly. These convictions of their purposes and feelings were confirmed when one of our number found buried in the snow, near their sledges, several large pieces of bear and walrus meat. This they were evidently determined we should not taste. Kalutunah did not pretend that destitution or short supplies at Netlik made a journey to the brig inconvenient, but, as if to taunt us, said that a bear, a walrus, and three seals had been taken the day before. The case then, as we saw it, stood thus: Six civilized men must die because three savages, who had plenty, choose to let them, that they might be benefited by their death. We at once and unanimously decided that it should not be so, and that the Esquimo should not thus leave us. Not willing to do them unnecessary harm, Dr. Hayes proposed to give them a dose of opium; then to take the dogs and sledge and push forward to Northumberland Island, leaving them to come along at their leisure when they awoke. We could, we thought, push forward fast enough to be out of the reach of any alarm that might reach Netlik. To this proposal all agreed. To carry it into execution we became specially sociable, and free with our presents. To crown the freeness of our hospitality we set before them the stew just prepared, into which Dr. Hayes had turned slyly when it was over the fire a small vial of laudanum. To prevent any one getting an over dose it had been turned out into three vessels, an equal portion for each. It was, of course, very bitter. They at first swallowed it very greedily, but tasting the bitter ingredient only ate half of it. The next few moments were those of intense anxiety. Would it stupefy them? Soon, however, their eyes looked heavy, and their heads drooped. They begged to lie down, and we tucked them up this time in our blankets. We were in our traveling suits ready for a start, dog-whips at hand. As a last act Godfrey reached up to a shelf for a cup, and down came its entire contents with a startling noise. Dr. Hayes put out the light with his mitten, and cuddled down instantly by the side of Kalutunah. The chief awoke, as was feared, grunted, and asked what was the matter. The "doctee" patted him and whispered, "Singikok," (sleep.) He laughed, muttered something, and was soon snoring. Fearing from this incident that we could not trust the soundness nor length of time of their sleep, we carried off their boots, coats, and mittens, that they might be detained in the tent until relief came. Stephenson was, most fortunately, better than he had been for some time, being able to carry a gun and walk. All the firearms being secured, Dr. Hayes stood at one side of the door outside with a double-barrelled shot-gun, and Stephenson on the other with a rifle. The purpose was if they awoke to compel them, at the mouth of the guns, to drive us north. Sontag and the others brought up the most of the meat which was buried in the snow, and put it in the passage way. This would last five or six days, and keep the prisoners from starving until help came. The dogs being harnessed, we mounted the sledges and once more turned our backs on Fort Desolation. The dogs objected decidedly to this whole proceeding; they especially disliked their new masters, and were determined on mischief. John and Godfrey were given by their team a ride a mile straight off the coast instead of alongside of it, as they desired to go. Dr. Hayes was worse used by his. They drew in different directions, went pell-mell, first this way, then that, at one time carrying him back nearly to the hut. Finally they became subdued apparently, and sped swiftly in the way they were guided. The other sledges had in the mean time dropped into the desired course. All seemed to be going well, when, just as the doctor's dogs had shot by the other teams, they suddenly turned round, some to the right and others to the left, turning the sledge over backward, and rolling the men into a snow-drift. The doctor grasped firmly the "up-stander" of the sledge, and was dragged several yards before he recovered his feet. As the dogs at this moment were plunging through a ridge of hummocks, the point of the runner caught a block of ice. The traces of all the dogs excepting two snapped, and away went the freed dogs to their imprisoned masters. They yelped a taunting defiance as they disappeared in the distance. The doctor and Mr. Stephenson, taking each a dog, went to the other teams, and we were again on the fly, leaving the third sledge jammed in the hummock. We reached in safety the southern point of Cape Parry, found a sheltering cave, and camped. CHAPTER XVII. BACK AGAIN. WE tarried in our camp full two hours. We obtained a pot of hot coffee and rest. The whips had been used so freely that they required repairing, for without their efficient help there could be no progress. All being in readiness, we were about starting when three Esquimo came in sight. They were those we had left asleep in our hut! Dr. Hayes and Mr. Sontag seized their guns, and rushed down the ice-foot to meet them. They stood firm until our men, coming within a few yards, leveled their guns at them. They instantly turned round and threw their arms wildly about, exclaiming in a frantic voice, "Na-mik! na-mik! na-mik!"--don't shoot! don't shoot! don't shoot! Dr. Hayes lowered his rifle and beckoned them to come on. This they did cautiously, and with loud protestations of friendship. By this time Whipple had come up. Each of our men seized a prisoner, and marched him into the camp. Reaching the mouth of the cave, the doctor turned Kalutunah round toward his sledge, pointed to it with his gun, and then turning north, gave him to understand, mostly by signs, that if he took the whip which lay at his feet, and drove us to the "Oomeaksoak" (ship) he should have his dogs, sledge, coat, boots, and mittens; but if they did not do so that he and his companions would be shot then and there; and to give emphasis to his words, he pushed him away and leveled his gun. The chief went sideling off, crying, "Na-mik, na-mik!" at the same time imitated the motion of a dog--driving with his right hand, and pointed north with the other. His declaration was, "Don't shoot! I'll drive you to the ship!" Dr. Hayes seeing he was understood, told Kalutunah that the dogs and sledges were the white men's until the promise was fulfilled, to which he answered, "tyma"--all right, approaching with smiles and the old familiarity, as though some great favor had been done him. He could respect pluck and strength if nothing else. The prisoners had been awakened by our escaped dogs, which, on arriving at the hut, run over the roof and howled a startling alarm. Their masters starting up, found means of lighting a lamp, and being refreshed by sleep and the food we left, entered at once on the pursuit. Coming to the abandoned sledge, they harnessed the dogs and made good time on our trail, bringing away with them as many of our treasures as they could well carry. They were rare looking Esquimo just at this moment. They had cut holes in the middle of our blankets and thrust their heads through. One had found a pair of cast-off boots and put them on; the others had bundled their feet up in pieces of blanket. Neither of them had suffered much from cold. We expressed our confidence in their promises by restoring their clothes. They jumped into them, happy as Yankee children on the Fourth of July. They were as obedient, too, as recently whipped spaniels. They touched neither dogs, sledge, nor whip until they were bidden. "Onward to Netlik!" we shouted as we mounted our sledges and dashed away. Our distant approach was greeted by the howling of a pack of dogs, which snuffed our coming in the breeze. As we drew nearer, men, women, and children ran out to meet us. As soon as we halted fifty curious and wondering savages crowded around us, pressing the questions why we were brought by their friends, and why we came at all. But our bearing was that of those who came because they pleased to come without condescending to give reasons why. We told Kalutunah that three of us would go to each of the two huts, and stop long enough to eat and sleep, and then we would continue our journey. A renewed leveling at him of our guns, and pointing northward, brought out the prompt "tyma," giving the gaping bystanders a hint of the nature of our arguments for the services of their friends. When we had entered the huts, the crowd rushed in too, making quite too many for comfort or safety. We told our hosts to order out all but the regular occupants of the huts, as many strangers had come in who were lodging in the adjoining snow-huts. They did not understand our right to give such a command until a hint about our "booms" convinced them. Ours was the right of self-preservation by superior strength. We had traveled fifteen successive hours, making in the time fifty miles. So weary were we that even these Esquimo dens, affording as they did refreshment and rest without danger of freezing, were delightful places of entertainment. The women kindly removed our mittens, boots, and stockings, and hung them up to dry. They then brought us frozen meat, which intense hunger compelled us to try to eat, but the air of the hut was one hundred and twenty degrees warmer than that without, and we fell asleep with the food between our teeth. Having taken a short nap we were aroused by the mistress of the house, who had prepared a plentiful meal of steaming bear-steak. We ate and slept alternately until the stars informed us that we had rested twenty-seven hours. We intimated to Kalutunah that we would be going, and in a few moments he had every thing in readiness. Our next halting place was Northumberland Island, a distance, as we traveled, of thirty miles, which we made in six hours. Here we found two huts belonging to our old friends, Amalatok and his brother, "Mr. Rock." We divided ourselves into companies of threes as before, and made ourselves at home in the two households. Mr. Rock, aided by his wife, and the witch-wife of his brother, was kindly attentive. Our fare was varied by abundant supplies of sea-birds, which in their season swarm here. We tarried until our physical strength was sensibly increased. We learned that Petersen and Bonsall had been at this hospitable halting-place, eaten and rested, and pushed northward under the guidance of Amalatok. Our next run was to Herbert Island, and, passing round its northwestern coast, we struck across to the mainland, and halted near Cape Robertson, at the village of Karsooit. We were on the northern shore of the mouth of Whale Sound. We had made a run of fifty miles, halting to eat our frozen food only once. We had walked much of the way to prevent being frozen, and to lighten the load of the dogs over a rough way. The village consisted of two huts half a mile apart. One of them belonged to Sipsu, our old enemy. He received us gruffly, and because he felt that he must. His only kindness was a fear of our _booms_. The huts were crowded, there being here, as at Netlik, many stranger visitors from the south. We were almost suffocated on entering, passing as we did from a temperature of fifty degrees below zero to one seventy-five above. Our entertainers immediately laid hold of our clothes and began to strip us. They were much surprised at our persistence in retaining a certain part of them. We feasted on seal flesh, slept, were refreshed and encouraged. Our stay was short, and our next run was to a double hut, a distance of thirty miles, which we made in five hours. We had been joined at Karsooit by an old hunter named Ootinah. We were on four sledges, the dogs were in good condition, the ice smooth, the drivers full of merriment and shouts of "Ka! ka!" by which their teams were stimulated onward. Our next run was to be one of sixty miles, including the rounding of Cape Alexander, and ending at Etah. It was to be a terrific adventure we well knew. At the mention of it our drivers shrugged their shoulders. The natives dread the storms of this cape, with their blinding snows, as the wandering Arabs of the desert do a tempest-cloud of sand. The first twenty miles was made comfortably. But we were yet many miles from the rocky fortress guarding the Arctic Sea, when we were saluted with a stunning squall. It cut us terribly, though it was but an eddy, for the wind was at our backs; it was only a rough hint of what we might expect when the giant of the cape sent his blast squarely in our faces. The night came on, lighted only by the twinkling stars. The ice was smooth, and the wind at our backs drove our sledges upon the heels of the dogs, who ran howling at the top of their speed to keep out of their way. The cliffs, a thousand feet above us, threw their frowning shadows across our path, pouring upon the plain clouds of snow sand, and shouting in the roaring wind their defiance at our approach. Yet we sped swiftly on, until a dark line was seen ahead with wreaths of "frost-smoke" curling over it. "Emerk! emerk!" shouted the Esquimo. "Water! water!" echoed our men. Our teams "reined up" within a few yards of a recently opened crack, now twenty feet across and rapidly widening. We were quite near Cape Alexander, but between it and us was ice, across which numerous cracks had opened. Against the cape was open water, whose sullen surges fell dismally upon our ears. It was plain that we could not go forward upon the floe; to mount the almost perpendicular wall to the land above was impossible; to turn back and thus face the storm would be certain death. Our case seemed desperate. Even the hardy Esquimo shrunk at the situation and proposed the return trail, against which to us, at least, ruinous course they could not be persuaded until the pistol argument was used. In our peering through the darkness for some way of escape we caught a glimpse of the narrow ice-foot, hanging over the water at the bottom of the cliff. Along this we determined to attempt a passage. We ascended this ice-foot by a ladder made of the sledges. Then we ran along the smooth surface and soon passed the open water below; but we had advanced a short distance only before a glacier barred our progress and turned us to the floe again. A short run on this brought us to another yawning crack with its impassable water. We ran along its margin with torturing anxiety, looking for an ice bridge. Finding a place where a point of ice spanned the chasm, within about four feet, Dr. Hayes made a desperate leap to gain the other side. Lighting upon this point, it proved to be merely a loose, small ice-raft which settled beneath his feet. Endeavoring to balance himself upon it to gain the solid floe beyond he fell backward, and would have gone completely under the water; but Stephenson, standing on the spot from which the doctor jumped, caught him under the arms and drew him out. As it was he had sunk deep into the cold stream, filling his boots and wetting his pants. In the mean time a better crossing was found, and Dr. Hayes followed the last of the party to the other side. We returned to the ice-foot and found a level and sufficiently wide drive-way, and made good progress, soon reaching and running along that part of the icy road which overlooked the open water below. We met with no interruption until we came to the extreme rocky projection of the cape. Here the ice-foot was sloping, and for several feet was only fifteen inches wide! Twenty feet directly below was the icy cold, dark water, sending up its dismal roar as it waited to receive any whose foot might slip in attempting the perilous passage. The wind howled fearfully as it swept over the cliff and along the ice-foot in our rear, pelting us incessantly with its snow sand. "Halt!" was passed along the line, and the whole party, men and dogs, crouched under the overhanging rocks, seeming for the moment like beings doomed to die a miserable death in a horrid place. There was no time for indecision, and the pause was but for a moment. Dr. Hayes, taking off his mittens, and clinging with his bare hands to the crevices of the rock, was the first to make the desperate experiment. His shout announcing his safe landing on the broad belt beyond the dangerous place, welling up as it did from a heart overflowing with emotions of joy and gratitude, sent a thrill of gladness along the shivering and shrinking line, of which even our poor dogs seemed to partake. The teams, each driven by its master, were next brought up, as near as safety permitted, to the narrow, slippery pathway. The dogs were then seized by their collars, and one by one dragged across safely. Next the sledges were brought forward. Turning them upon one runner, they were pushed along until the dogs could make them feel the traces; then a fierce shout from their drivers caused a sudden and vigorous spring of the animals, which whirled the sledges beyond the danger of sliding off the precipice. Cautiously, one by one, then came the remaining members of the party, all holding their breath in painful suspense, and each, we trust, in silent prayer, until all were safe over. The Divine arm and eye had been with us! We could not have gone back, nor have turned to the right or left. A few inches less of width in the ice-foot, or slightly more slope, and we had all perished! Except some frost bites on our fingers, every man was all right. We had traveled five miles on the ice shelf above the foaming sea. We now had a smooth, safe ice-foot, which conducted us soon to the solid ice-field of Etah Bay. Across this, fifteen miles, we scampered with joyous speed, and arrived at the village of our old Esquimo friends, a worn and weary, but thankful party. Good news met us at the hut. Petersen and Bonsall had, we were told, preceded us, and arrived safely at the ship. But our trials were not ended. There was a sledge journey of ninety-one miles yet awaiting us. Dr. Hayes's frosted feet gave him intense pain and he could not sleep. There was danger, if the heat of the hut thawed them, that he would lose them altogether. So, after only four hours' rest, he whispered his intention of a speedy departure toward the "Advance," to Sontag, who was to take charge of the party; he then crept stealthily out of the hut, accompanied by Ootinah, the faithful Esquimo from Karsooit. Sontag was not to mention his departure to his comrades until they were rested and refreshed. He had hardly started before the rest of our company were at his heels. They did not wish their leader to endure the perils of the journey without them; besides, they too had reason for a desire to be speedily at the brig. The wind was high, the floe full of hummocks, the cold intense, and altogether the journey was not unlike in its dangers that already endured. Whipple, ere they had reached the end, began to whisper that he was not cold, and finally fell from the rear sledge, benumbed and senseless, and was not missed until he was a hundred yards behind. He was lifted again to the sledge, but others gave signs of the approach of the same insensibility. But the track becoming smoother, the drivers cracked their whips and shouted fiercely, goading onward their teams to their utmost speed in the fearful race for life. Now old familiar landmarks are passed; the hull of the dismantled ship opens in the distance, and its outlines grow clearer until we shout with feeble voices, but in gladness of heart, "_Back again!_" During the last forty hours we had been in almost continual exposure, with the thermometer eighty degrees below zero, in which time we had traveled a hundred and fifty miles. During the run of ninety-one miles from Etah to the "Advance" we encamped once only, but failing to light our lamp, or to secure any protection from the cold, we immediately decamped and finished our run of forty-one miles. CHAPTER XVIII. SCARES. WHEN the Esquimo arrived with Bonsall and Petersen, Dr. Kane resolved at once to send them back with supplies for the remaining portion of Dr. Hayes's company, supposed to be, if living, at the miserable old hut. Petersen and Bonsall were utterly unable to accompany them. Of the scanty ship's store he caused to be cleaned and boiled a hundred pounds of pork; small packages of meat-biscuit, bread-dust, and tea were carefully sewed up, all weighing three hundred and fifty pounds; and the whole was intrusted to the returning convoy, who gave emphatic assurances that these treasures, more precious than gold to those for whom they were intended, should be promptly and honestly delivered. But this promise, we have seen, they did not keep, and, probably, did not intend to keep; they ate or wasted the whole. This untrustworthy trait of the Esquimo character goes far to show that nothing but Dr. Hayes's "boom" could have assured their help in his desperate necessities. When Dr. Hayes arrived it was midnight. Dr. Kane met him at the gangway and gave him a brother's welcome. All were taken at once into the cabin. Ohlsen was the first to recognize Hayes as he entered, and, kissing him, he threw his arms around him and tossed him into the warm bed he had just left. The fire was set ablaze, coffee and meat-biscuit soup were prepared, and, with wheat bread and molasses, were set before them. In the mean time their Esquimo apparel was removed and hung up to dry. They ate and slept; but many weary days passed, under skillful treatment by Dr. Kane, and kind care by all, before they fully recovered from the strain of their terrible exposures and fearful journey. When the returned comrades were duly cared for, Dr. Kane turned his attention to the conciliation of the Esquimo who had accompanied them back. They, of course, had their complaints to make, and, may be, meditated revenge, though they were, as usual, full of smiles. It was the white chief's policy to impress them with his great power and stern justice. He assembled both parties, the Hayes men and their Esquimo, in conference on deck. Both were questioned as if it were a doubt who had been the offenders. This done, he graciously declared to the savage members of the council his approval of their conduct, which he made emphatic, in the Esquimo way, by pulling their hair all around. The great Nalekok having thus expressed his good will, showed it still further by introducing his guests, now to be considered friends, into the mysterious _igloë_ below where they had not before been permitted to enter. Their joy was that of indulged children during a holiday. They were seated in state on a red blanket. Four pork-fat lamps burned brilliantly; ostentatiously paraded were old worsted damask curtains, hunting knives, rifles, chronometers, and beer-barrels, which, as they glowed in the light, astonished the natives. With a princely air, which, no doubt, seemed to the recipients almost divine, he dealt out to each five needles, a file, and a stick of wood. To the two head men, Kalutunah and Shunghu, knives and other extras were given. A roaring fire was then made and a feast cooked. This eaten, buffaloes were spread about the stove, and the guests slept. They awoke to eat, and ate to sleep again. When they were ready to go, the white chief explained that the sledges, dogs, and some furs, which his men had taken, had been taken to save life, and were not to be considered as stolen goods, and he then and there restored them. They laughed, voted him in their way a good fellow, and, in fine spirits, dashed away, shouting to their wolfish dogs. They had taken special care, however, to add to the treasures so generously given, a few stolen knives and forks. As the whole company are now crowded into the little cabin, and the darkness is without, so that the days pass without much incident, except that all are crowded with heavy burdens upon mind and body, we will listen to a few of the yet untold stories of the earlier winter. At one time Dr. Kane attempted a walrus hunt. Morton, Hans, Ootuniah, Myouk, and "a dark stranger," Awahtok, accompanied him. He took a light sledge drawn by seven dogs, intending to reach the farthest point of Force Bay by daylight. But as the persistency of the Esquimo had overladen the sledge, they moved slowly, and were overtaken by the night on the floe in the midst of the bay. The snow began to drift before an increasing storm. While driving rapidly, they lost the track they had been following; they could see no landmarks, and in their confusion, turned their faces to the floating ice of the sound. The Esquimo, usually at home on the floe, whether by night or by day, were quite bewildered. The dogs became alarmed, and spread their panic to the whole party. They could not camp, the wind blew so fiercely, so they were compelled to push rapidly forward, they knew not whither. Checking, after a while, their speed, Dr. Kane gave each a tent-pole to feel their way more cautiously, for a murmur had reached his ear more alarming than the roar of the wind. Suddenly the noise of waves startled him. "Turn the dogs!" he shouted, while at the same moment a wreath of frost smoke, cold and wet, swept over the whole party, and the sea opened to them with its white line of foam, about one fourth of a mile ahead. The floe was breaking up by the force of the storm. The broken ice might be in any direction. They could now guess where they were, and they turned their faces toward an island up the bay. But the line of the sea, with its foaming waves, followed them so rapidly that they began to feel the ice bending under their feet as they ran at the sides of the sledge. The hummocks before them began to close up, and they run by them at a fearful risk as they hurried cautiously forward, stumbling over the crushed fragments between them and the shore. It was too dark to see the island for which they were steering, but the black outline of a lofty cape was dimly seen along the horizon, and served as a landmark. As they approached the shore edge of the floe they found it broken up, and its fragments surging against the base of the ice-foot to which they desired to climb. Being now under the shadow of the land, it was densely dark. Dr. Kane went ahead, groping for a bridge of ice, having a rope tied round his waist, the other end of which was held by Ootuniah, who followed, at whose heels came the rest of the party. The doctor finally succeeded in clambering upon the ice-foot, and the rest one after another followed with the dogs. The joy of their escape broke out into exultation when they ascertained that the land was Anoatok, only a short distance from the familiar Esquimo huts. God had guided them with his all-seeing eye to where they would find needed refreshment! In less than an hour they were feasting on a smoking stew of walrus meat. Having eaten their stew and drank their coffee they slept--slept eleven hours! Well they might "after an unbroken ice-walk of forty-eight miles, and twenty haltless hours!" The Esquimo sung themselves to sleep with a monotonous song, in compliment to the white chief, the refrain of which was, "Nalegak! nalegak! nalegak! soak!"--"Captain! captain! great captain!" Without further special incident the party returned to the brig. At one time an alarm was brought to Dr. Kane that a wolf was prowling among the meat barrels on the floe. Believing that a wolf would be more profitably added to their store of meat than to have him take any thing from it, he seized a rifle and ran out. Yes, there he is, a wolf from the tip of his nose to the end of his tail! Bang goes the rifle, whiz goes the ball, making the hair fly from the back of--one of the sledge-dogs! He was not hurt much, but he came near paying with his life for the crime of running away from Morton's sledge. The fox-traps made occasion for many long walks, great expectations of game, and grievous disappointment. Dr. Kane and Hans were at one time examining them about two miles from the brig. They were, unfortunately, unarmed. The doctor thought he heard the bellow of a walrus. They listened. No, not a walrus, but a bear! Hark, hear him roar! They sprung to the ice-foot, about ten feet above the floe. Another roar, round and full! He is drawing nearer! He has a fine voice, and, no doubt, is large, and fat, and savory! But then a bear must be killed before he is eaten, and that is just where the difficulty lies. It don't do for two men to run, for that is an invited pursuit, and bears are good runners. "Hans!" exclaimed Dr. Kane, "run for the brig, and I will play decoy!" Hans is a good runner, and this time he did "his level best." Dr. Kane remains on the ice-foot alone. It is too dark to see many yards off, and the silence is oppressive, for the bear says nothing, and so Kane makes no reply. He queries whether, after all, there is any bear. How easy it is for the imagination to be excited amid these shadowy hummocks, and this dreary waste through which the wind roars so dismally! He gets down from his comparatively safe elevation upon the floe, puts his hand over his eyes, and peers into the darkness. No bear after all! But what's that rounded, shadowy thing? Stained ice? Yes, stained ice! But the stained ice speaks with a voice which wakes the Arctic echoes, and charges on our explorer. It is a hungry bear! Dr. Kane's legs are scurvy-smitten affairs, but this time they credit the fleetness of those of the deer. He drops a mitten, and his pursuer stops to smell of it, to examine it carefully, and to show his disgust at such game, by tearing it to pieces. These bears are famous for losing the bird by stopping to pick up his feathers. The man stops not, but drops another mitten as he flies. Before these articles are duly examined he has reached the brig. Dr. Kane has escaped, and the bear has lost his supper. It is now bruin's turn to run, for fresh hunters and loaded rifles are after him. He does run, and escapes! But if there were fears without the brig, there were fightings with a fearful enemy within. The crowded condition of the cabin, after the Hayes party returned, made it necessary for the pork-fat lamps to be set up outside the avenue, in a room parted off in the hold for their use. A watch was set over them, but he deserted his post, the fat flamed over and set the room ablaze. Eight of the men lay in their berths at the time helplessly disabled. The fire was only a few feet from the tinder-like moss which communicated with the cabin. The men able to work seized buckets, and formed a line to the well in the ice always kept open. In the mean time Dr. Kane rushed into the flames with some fur robes which lay at hand, and checked it for the moment. The water then came, and the first bucket full thrown caused a smoke and steam which prostrated him. Fortunately, in falling he struck the feet of the foremost bucket-man. He was taken to the deck, his beard, forelock, and eyebrows singed away, and sad burns upon his forehead and palms. Nearly all received burns and frost-bites, but in a half hour the fire was extinguished. The danger was horrid, and the escape wonderful! Neither wild beasts nor the flames hurt whom God protects! CHAPTER XIX. SEEKING THE ESQUIMO. DECEMBER twenty-fifth came, and our ice-bound, darkness-enshrouded, sick, or, in a measure, health-broken explorers tried to make it a merry Christmas. They all sat down to dinner together. "There was more love than with the stalled ox of former times, but of herbs none." They tried, at least, to forget their discomforts in the blessings they still retained, and to look hopefully on the long distance, and the many conflicts between them and their home and friends. Immediately after Christmas a series of attempts were commenced to open a communication with the Esquimo at Etah, ninety-one miles away. The supply of fresh meat was exhausted. The traps yielded nothing, and Hans's hunting could not go on successfully in the dark. The scurvy-smitten men were failing for the want of it, and so every thing must be periled to make the journey. The first thing to be done was to put the dogs, if possible, into traveling order. They were now few in number, for fifty had died, and the survivors had been kept on short rations. Their dead companions, which had been preserved in a frozen state, were boiled and fed to them for fresh food. Dog _did_ eat dog, and relished and grew stronger on the diet. Dr. Kane and Petersen made the first attempt, starting on the twenty-ninth of December. They had scarcely reached the forsaken huts of Anoatok, "the wind-loved spot," so often used as a resting place, when the dogs failed. A storm, with a bitter, pelting snow-drift, confined them awhile. An incident occurred here--one of the many which happened to the explorers--which shows plainly the unseen, but ever present, eye and hand which attended them. They were just losing themselves in sleep when Petersen shouted: "Captain Kane, the lamp's out!" His commander heard him with a thrill of horror! The storm was increasing, the cold piercing, and the darkness intense. The tinder had become moist and was frozen solid. The guns were outside, to keep them from the moisture of the hut. The only hope of heat was in relighting the lamp. A lighted lamp and heat they _must_ have. Petersen tried to obtain fire from a pocket-pistol, but his only tinder was moss, and after repeated attempts he gave it up. Dr. Kane then tried. He says:-- "By good luck I found a bit of tolerably dry paper in my jumper; and, becoming apprehensive that Petersen would waste our few percussion caps with his ineffectual snappings, I took the pistol myself. It was so intensely dark that I had to grope for it, and in doing so touched his hand. At that instant the pistol became distinctly visible. A pale, bluish light, slightly tremulous but not broken, covered the metallic parts of it, the barrel, lock, and trigger. The stock too was clearly discernible, as if by the reflected light, and, to the amazement of both of us, the thumb and two fingers with which Petersen was holding it, the creases, wrinkles, and circuit of the nails, clearly defined upon the skin. The phosphorescence was not unlike the ineffectual fire of the glowworm. As I took the pistol my hand became illuminated also, and so did the powder-rubbed paper when I raised it against the muzzle. "The paper did not ignite at the first trial, but the light from it continuing, I was able to charge the pistol without difficulty, rolled up my paper into a cone, filled it with moss sprinkled over with powder, and held it in my hand while I fired. This time I succeeded in producing flame, and we saw no more of the phosphorescence." When the storm subsided they made further experiment to reach Etah. But dogs and men found the wading impossible, and they returned to the brig, the dogs going ahead and the men walking after them. They made the forty-four miles of their circuitous route in sixteen hours! Thus closed the year 1854. The three following weeks were mainly occupied by Dr. Kane in a careful preparation for another attempt to reach Etah, this time with Hans. Old Yellow, one of the five dogs on which success in a measure depended, stalked about the deck with "his back up," as much as to say, "I must have more to eat if I am going." Jenny, a mother dog, had quite a family of little ones. Yellow being very hungry, and not seeing the use of such young folks, gobbled one of them down before his master could say, "Don't you." Dr. Kane taking the hint, and thinking that the puppies would not be dogs soon enough for his use, shared with Yellow the rest of the litter. So both grew stronger for the journey. The new year, 1855, came in with a vail of darkness over the prospects of our explorers. The sick list was large, and threatened to include the whole party. A fox was caught occasionally, and beyond this stinted supply there was no fresh meat. On Tuesday, January twenty-third, the commander and Hans, with the dog-team, turned their faces toward the Esquimo. All went well for a while, until hope rose of accomplishing the journey, getting savory walrus, and cheering their sinking comrades. Suddenly, Big Yellow, in spite of nice puppy soup, gave out, and went into convulsions. Toodla, the next best animal, failed soon after. The moon went down, and the dark night was upon the beset but not confounded heroes. Groping for the ice-foot, they trudged fourteen wretched hours, and reached the old _igloë_ at Anoatok. The inevitable storm arose, with its burden of snow driven by a strange, moistening southeast wind, burying the hut deep and warm. The temperature rose seventy degrees! An oppressive sensation attacked Dr. Kane and Hans, and alarming symptoms were developed. Water ran down from the roof, the doctor's sleeping bag of furs was saturated, and his luxurious eider down, God's wonderful cold defier, was "a wet swab." After two days in this comfortless hut, the storm having subsided, they once again pushed toward Etah! Their sick, failing comrades were the spur to this desperate effort. But it was in vain, for the deep, moist snow, the hummocks and the wind, defied even desperate courage. They returned to the hut and spent another wretched night. In the morning, in spite of short provisions, exhaustion, continued snowing, they climbed the ice-foot, and for four haltless hours faced toward the Esquimo! But in vain. Dr. Kane says: "My poor Esquimo, Hans, adventurous and buoyant as he was, began to cry like a child. Sick, worn out, strength gone, dogs fast and floundering, I am not ashamed to admit that, as I thought of the sick men on board, my own equanimity was at fault." Dr. Kane scrambled up a familiar hill that was near and reconnoitered. He was delighted to see, winding among the hummocks, a level way! He called Hans to see it. With fresh dogs and fresh supplies, they could certainly reach Etah. So, after another night at the hut, they returned to the brig, comforting the sick with the assurance that success would come on the next trial. The month closed with only five effective men, including the commander, and of these some were about as much sick as well. Dr. Kane could not be spared from his patients, so, February third, Petersen and Hans tried another Etah adventure. In three days they returned, with a sorrowful tale from poor Petersen of heroic efforts ending in exhaustion and defeat. But God always sent many rays of light through the densest darkness besetting our explorers to cheer them and inspire hope. The yellow tints of coming sunlight were at noonday faintly painted on the horizon. The rabbits prophesied the spring by appearing abroad, and two were shot. They yielded a pint of raw blood, which the sickest drank as a grateful cordial. Their flesh was also eaten raw, and with great thankfulness. Following these moments of comfort came a dismal and anxious night. Thick clouds over-spread the sky, a heavy mist rendered the darkness appalling, followed by a drifting snow and a fearful storm. The wind howled and shrieked through the rigging of the helpless, battered brig, as if in mockery of her condition and the sufferings of her inmates. Goodfellow had gone inland with his gun during the brief day, and had not returned. Roman candles and bluelights were burned to guide him homeward. Altogether it was a night to excite the superstitious fears of the sailors, and they proved to be not beyond the reach of such fears. Tom Hickey, the cook, having been on deck while the gale was in its full strength, to peer into the darkness for him, ran below declaring that he had seen Goodfellow moving cautiously along the land-ice and jump down on the floe. He hurried up his supper to give the tired messmate a warm welcome, but no one came. Dr. Kane went out with a lantern, looked carefully around for some hundreds of yards, but found no fresh footsteps. Tom seriously insisted that he had seen Goodfellow's apparition! Such was the state of things when one of the sailors went on deck. There was hanging in the rigging an old seal-skin bag containing the remnant of the ship's furs. Its ghostly appearance in ordinary darkness had been the occasion of much jesting. Now, to the excited imagination of the sailor, it pounded the mast like the gloved fist of a giant boxer, glowed with a ghastly light, and muttered to him an unearthly story. He did not stop to converse with it, but hastened below with the expression of his fears. His messmates laughed and jeered at his tale, but their merriment was but the whistling to inspire their own courage. The morning came and so did Goodfellow, none the worse for his night's experience. The storm subsided, Hans killed three rabbits, they all tasted a little and felt better, and the seal-skin bag was never known from that time to utter a word. _Fears_ may endure for a night but joy cometh in the morning! Dr. Kane devoutly remarks: "See how often relief has come at the moment of extremity; see, still more, how the back has been strengthened to its increasing burden, and the heart cheered by some unconscious influence of an unseen POWER." CHAPTER XX. DESERTERS. HANS had been for some time promising the hungry company a deer. He had seen their tracks, and he was watching for them with a good rifle, a keen eye, and a steady hand. He came in on the evening of February twenty-second with the good news that he had lodged a ball in one at a long range, and that he went hobbling away. He was sure he should find him dead in the morning. The morning came and the game was found, having staggered, bleeding, only two miles. He was a noble fellow, measuring in length six feet and two inches, and five feet in girth. He weighed about one hundred and eighty pounds when dressed. The enfeebled men with difficulty drew him on board. His presence caused a thrill of joy, and his luscious flesh sent its invigoration through their emaciated frames. The following Sunday, as Dr. Kane was standing on deck thinking of their situation, he lifted up his eyes toward a familiar berg, for many months shrouded in darkness, and saw it sparkling in the sunlight. The King of Day was not yet above the intervening hills, but he had sent his sheen to proclaim his coming. Glad as a boy whom the full mid-winter moon invites to a coasting frolic, he started on a run, climbed the elevations, and bathed in his refreshing rays. During the month of February, Petersen, Hans, and Godfrey had been sent out on the track of the Esquimo, but they returned and declared that Etah could not be reached. Their commander said, "Nay, it can!" By the sixth of March the brig was again without fresh meat. The sick were once more suffering for it, and the well growing feeble. Hans, the resort in such emergencies, was given a light sledge, the two surviving dogs, and to him was committed the forlorn hope. His departure called forth from his commander a "God bless you!" and prayers followed him. His story is simple and touching. He lodged the first night in the "wind-loved," forsaken, desolate, yet friendly hut of Anoatok. He slept as well as he could in a temperature fifty-three degrees below zero. The next night he slept in a friendly hut at Etah. The oft-tried feat was accomplished. But he found the Etahites lean and hungry. Hollow cheeks and sunken eyes spoke of famine. The skin of a young sea-unicorn, their last game, was all of food which remained to the settlement. They had even eaten their light and fire blubber, and were seated in darkness, gloomily waiting for the sun and the hunt. They had eaten, too, all but four of their ample supply of dogs. They hailed the coming of Hans with a shout. He proposed to join them in a hunt, but they shook their heads. They had lost a harpoon and line in the attempt to take a walrus the day before. The ice was yet thick, and the huge monster in his struggles had broken the line over its sharp edge. Hans showed them his "boom," and bidding them come on, started for the hunting-grounds. Metek--Mr. Eider Duck--speared a fair-sized walrus, and Hans gave him five conical balls in quick succession from a Marston rifle, and he surrendered at discretion. The return of the hunters caused great joy in the city of Etah, whose two huts poured out their inhabitants to greet their coming, and aid in rendering due honors to the game itself. As usual they laughed, feasted, and slept, to awake, laugh, eat, and sleep again. Hans and his boom were great in their eyes, but the Kablunah, whose representative he was, rose before their vision as the glorious sun which scatters the long winter darkness. Hans obtained a hunter's share, and his appearance on the deck of the "Advance," heralded by the yelping of the dogs, sent a thrill of joy through every heart. As Dr. Kane grasped his hand on the deck, and began to listen to his story, he exclaimed: "Speak louder, Hans, that they may hear in the bunks!" The bunks did hear, and feel too, as the good news came home to their hunger-wasted bodies in refreshing food. As the commander had requested, Hans brought Myouk with him to assist in hunting. The smart young hunter was delighted to be with the white men, though his itching fingers would secrete cups, spoons, and other valuables, which were made to come back to their proper places by sundry cuffs and kicks, which, though perhaps not altogether pleasant of themselves, caused him to cuddle down in his buffalo at his master's feet like a whipped spaniel, and their relations grew daily more enjoyable. Hans and Myouk made soon after an unsuccessful hunt. This made the fresh meat question come up again with its emphatic importance. The fuel question, too, was becoming more and more a cause of concern. The manilla cable had been chopped up and burned, and such portions of the brig as could be spared, and not destroy her sea-going value, had gone in the same way. Now the nine feet of solid ice in which she was imbedded seemed to say that she would never float again, so she might as well yield her planks to the fire. But to see her thus used went to the hearts of her gallant men. On the nineteenth of March Hans was dispatched to the Esquimo, well supplied with the first quality of cord for their harpoons, and such other prompters to, and helps in, the walrus hunt as occurred to his commander. He would bless thereby and please these starving people, hoping that the blessing would return in the form of fresh walrus to him and his suffering men. During the absence of Hans there were unusual and painful developments at the brig. William Godfrey and John Blake had given Dr. Kane much trouble from the first. They were now evidently bent on mischief, and made constant watchfulness over them a necessity. Just as Hans left they feigned sickness, and were suspected of desiring rest and recruited strength for desertion. Their plan was believed to be to waylay Hans and get his sledge and dogs. Dr. Kane contrived so shrewdly to keep one of them at work under his eye, and the other in some other place, that they did not perceive his suspicions of them. One night Bill was heard to say that some time during the following day he should leave, and this was reported to the commander by a faithful listener. He was, of course watched, and at six o'clock was called to prepare breakfast. This he commenced doing uneasily, stealing whispers with John. Finally he seemed at his ease, and cooked and served the breakfast. Dr. Kane believed he meant to slip out the first opportunity, meet John on deck, and desert; he therefore armed himself, threw on his furs, made Bonsall and Morton acquainted with his plans, and crept out of the dark avenue and hid near its entrance. After an hour of cold waiting John crept out, grunting and limping, for he had been feigning lameness, looked quickly round, and seeing no one, mounted nimbly the stairs to the deck. Ten minutes later Godfrey came out, booted and fur-clad for a journey. As he emerged from the tossut his commander confronted him, pistol in hand. He was ordered back to the cabin, while Morton compelled John's return, and Bonsall guarded the door preventing any one passing out. In a few moments John came creeping into the cabin, awful lame and terribly exhausted in his effort to breathe a little fresh air on deck. He looked amazed as by the glare of the light he saw the situation. The commander then explained to the company the offenses of the culprits, giving from the log-book the details of their plotting. He had prepared himself for the occasion, and Bill, the principal, was punished on the spot. He confessed his guiltiness, promised good behavior, and in view of the few men able to work, his hand-cuffs were removed and he was sent about his customary business. In an hour after he deserted. Dr. Kane was at the moment away hunting, and his escape was not noticed until he was beyond the reach of a rifle ball. The next two weeks were weary, anxious weeks, though the ever-watchful Hand tendered in good time occasion for hope. Six sea-fowl and three hares were shot by Petersen, and gave indispensable refreshment to the sick. On the second of April, just before noon, a man was seen, with a dog-sledge, lurking behind the hummocks near the brig. Dr. Kane went out armed to meet him. It proved to be Godfrey the deserter, who, seeing his old comrades, left the sledge and run. Leaving Bonsall with his rifle to make sure of the sledge, the doctor gave chase, and the fugitive, seeing but one following, stopped and turned around. He said he had made up his mind to spend the rest of his life with Kalutunah and the Esquimo, and that no persuasion nor force should prevent him. A loaded pistol presented at his head did, though, persuade him to return to the brig. When he reached the gangway he refused to budge another step. Petersen was away hunting, Bonsall and Dr. Kane were so weak that they could barely stand, and all the other men, thirteen, were prostrated with the scurvy, so that they could not compel him by physical force. As the doctor was desirous not to hurt him, he left him under the guardianship of Bonsall's weapons while he went below for irons. Just as he returned to the deck Godfrey turned and fled. Bonsall presented his pistol, which exploded the cap only. Kane seized a rifle, but being affected by the cold, it went off in the act of cocking. A second gun, fired in haste at a long range, missed its mark. So the rebel made good his retreat. He had come back with Hans' sledge and dogs, and reported him sick at Etah from over exhaustion. But there was one consolation in the affair--the sledge was loaded with walrus-meat. The feast that followed revived the drooping men wonderfully. They ate, were thankful, and looked hopefully on the future. Godfrey was suspected of having come back to get John. The desertion of two well men when so many were sick would imperil the lives of all. The commander felt that the safety of the whole required the faithfulness of each man, he therefore explained the situation to the men and declared his determination to punish desertion, or the attempt to desert, by the "sternest penalty." Hans became now the subject of anxiety. Some unfair dealing toward him on the part of Godfrey was feared. It was thought but just that he should be sought, and, if in trouble, relieved. But who should go? Dr. Kane finally resolved to go after him himself. Besides, the question of more walrus was again pressing. April tenth the doctor was off. The first eleven hours the dogs carried him sixty-four miles, a most remarkable speed for their short rations. While thus speeding along, far out on the floe, he spied a black speck in-shore away to the south. Was it some cheat of refraction? He paused, took his gun, and sighted the object, a device of old Arctic travelers to baffle refraction. It is an animal--yes, a man! Away went the dogs, ten miles an hour, while the rider cheated them with the shout, "Nannook! nannook!"--a bear! a bear! In a few moments Hans and the doctor were in grateful, earnest talk. He had really been sick. He had been down five days, and, as he expressed it, still felt "a little weak." He took his commander's place on the sledge and both went to the friendly hut at Anoatok, where hot tea and rest prepared both for the return to the brig. CHAPTER XXI. CLOSING INCIDENTS OF THE IMPRISONMENT. HANS had his story of adventure while at Etah. But the most important item in his estimation, and that which might prove far reaching in its results, was the fact that a young daughter of Sunghu appointed herself his nurse during his sickness, bestowing upon him care, sympathy, and bewitching smiles. She had evidently done what Godfrey tried in vain to do--she had entrapped him, at the expense, too, of a young Esquimo lady at Upernavik. Hans had been successful in the hunt, and, besides what he had sent by Godfrey, had deposited some walrus at Littleton Island. He was at once sent after this, and intrusted at the same time with an important commission. Dr. Kane had been for some time meditating another trip toward the polar sea. To do this he desired more dogs. The Esquimo had been reducing their stock to keep away starvation, but Kalutunah had retained four. These, and such others as he could find, Hans was authorized to buy or hire, at almost any price. This northern trip made, the next move might be toward the abandonment of the "Advance." She could never float, it was plain, for now, late in April, the open water was eighty miles south. While Hans was gone, the sick, yet numbering two thirds of the whole, and in a measure all of the other third, except the commander, were without fresh food, as they had been for several days. Yet the sunshine and the occasional supplies had put them all on the improving list. They could sit up, sew or job a little, making themselves useful, and keeping up good spirits. But, hark! what sound is that breaking on the still, clear air. It comes nearer. Bim, bim, bim, sounds upon the deck. It is Hans, whose coming is ever like the coming of the morning. A rabbit-stew and walrus liver follow his arrival, and over such royal dainties good cheer pervades the family circle. Hans brought Metek with him, and Metek's young nephew, Paulik, a boy of fourteen. Metek and Hans spoke sadly of the condition of the Esquimo settlements. We have seen that the escaping party found those of the south flying northward from starvation. The report now was that they had huddled together at Northumberland Island until that yielded to the famine, and now they had come farther north. It was a sad sight to see men, women, and children fleeing over the icy desert before their relentless foe. Yet, says Hans, they sung as they went, careless of present want, and thoughtless of the morrow. Many had died, and thus year by year these few, scattered, improvident people decline, giving earnest that in a few years all will be gone. Though light-hearted, death did bring its sorrows to these benighted heathen. Kalutunah lost a sister; her body was sewed up in skins, not in a sitting posture but extended, and her husband, unattended, carried it out to burial, and, with his own hand, placed upon it stone after stone, making at once a grave and a monument. A blubber lamp was burning outside the hut while he was gone, and when he returned his friends were waiting to listen to his rehearsal of the praises of the dead, and to hear the expressions of his sorrow, while they showed their grief by dismal chantings. If sorrow did not keep the deceased in the memory of the living, imposed self-denials did. The Angekok, or medicine man, as our Indians would call him, determines the penance of the mourner, who is sometimes forbidden to eat the meat of a certain bird or beast, under the idea that the spirit of the departed has entered into it; at another time the mourner must not draw on his hood, but go with uncovered head; or he may be forbidden to go on the bear or walrus hunt. The length of time of these penances may be a few months or a year. The reader will recollect the widow with her birds, who appeared so often in the narrative of the escaping party. Though thus mourning for the dead, these Esquimo do not hold life as a very sacred trust. The drones and the useless are sometimes harpooned in the back merely to get rid of them. Infants are put out of the way when they greatly annoy their parents. Hans, on one of his returns from Etah, had a story to tell illustrative of this. Awahtok, a young man of twenty-two, had a pretty wife--_pretty_ as Esquimo beauty goes--sister of Kalutunah, and about eighteen years old. Dr. Kane had regarded this couple with some interest, and the husband "stuck to him as a plaster." Their first-born was a fine little girl. Well, Hans reported with becoming disgust and indignation that they had buried it alive under a pile of stones! When Dr. Kane next visited Etah he inquired of his friends Awahtok and his wife after the health of the baby, affecting not to have heard about its hard fate. They pointed with both hands earthward, but did not even shed the cheap, customary tear. The only reason reported for this murder was, that certain of its habits, common to all infants, were disagreeable to them! Such is the mildest heathenism without Christianity. These and other similar gross sins were common among the South Greenland Esquimo, but have disappeared before the teachings of the Moravian missionaries. Hans returned with the walrus he had deposited at Littleton Island, but he had made no progress in getting dogs, so Dr. Kane resolved to go to Etah for that purpose himself. Besides, having learned that Godfrey was playing a high game there and defying capture, and also fearing his influence over the friendly relations of the Esquimo, he resolved to bring him back to the brig. Metek was just starting for Etah, so he invited himself to return with him, while Paulik, his nephew, remained with Hans. This arrangement effected, Dr. Kane was soon approaching Etah, perfectly disguised in the hood and jumper of Paulik, whose place on the sledge he occupied. The whole city ran out to meet their chief, among whom was the deserter, who shouted, and then threw up his arms with the most savage of them. He did not perceive his commander until a certain well understood summons entered his ear, and a significant pistol barrel gleamed in the sunlight near his eyes. He surrendered to this "boom" argument without discussion, and trotting or walking, he kept his assigned place ahead of the sledge through the eighty and more miles to the brig, halting only at Anoatok. We hear nothing of further attempt at desertion. A little later Dr. Kane made another visit to Etah. The hunt had become successful, and the famine was broken; all was activity and good cheer. The women were preparing the green hides for domestic use. Great piles of walrus tushes were preserved for various useful purposes; some of these the children had selected as bats, and were engaged in merry sport. Their game was to knock a ball made of walrus bone up the slanting side of a hummock, and then, in turn, hit it as it rolled down, and so keep it from reaching the floe. They shouted and laughed as the game went on, much as our boys do over their sports. Dr. Kane observed on this trip a way of taking walrus which has not, we think, been noted before. The monster at this early season sometimes finds the ice open near a berg only. He comes on the ice to sun himself; finds the change from the cold sea very agreeable, stays too long, the water freezes solid, and he cannot return. As he is unable to break the ice from above, he either waits for the current about the berg to open the ice again, or works himself clumsily to some already open place. In this helpless state the dogs scent him afar off, and the hunters, following their lead, make him an easy prey. Hans came in on the twenty-fourth of April, accompanied by Kalutunah, Shanghee, and Tatterat, each of the Esquimo having sledges, and sixteen dogs in all. Hans had been sent to Cape Alexander, where Kalutunah was sojourning, to invite him to the brig in order to secure his aid in the proposed northern trip. He was fed well, and propitiated by a present of a knife and needles. He said, "Thank you," and added, "I love you well," which might uncharitably be taken to mean, "I love your presents well." The result of the presents, feasting, and flattery was a start north by the three Esquimo, with Dr. Kane and Hans, all the dog teams accompanying. The old route across Kennedy Channel to the west side, and so north-poleward, was attempted. First came a very fair progress; then came the hummocks, over which, by the aid of their dogs, they clambered until thirty miles from the brig had been made. Then Shanghee burrowed into a snow-bank and slept, the cold being thirty degrees below zero; the rest camped in the snow and lunched. Just as a fair start was again made, the party neared a huge male bear in the act of lunching on seal. In vain the doctor attempted to control either dogs or drivers. "Nannook! nannook!" shouted the Esquimo as they clung to their sledges, and the dogs flew over the ice in wild and reckless pursuit. After an exciting chase the bear was brought to a halt and to a fight, which the rifles and spears soon terminated against bruin. A feast by dogs and men, and a night's halt on the ice followed, to Dr. Kane, at least, both vexatious and comfortless. The next day he would press on to the north. But bear tracks were every-where, and the savage chiefs preferred hunting to exploring; besides, they had, they said, their families to support, and there was no use trying to cross the channel so high up. The English of it was, we are "going in" for the bears, and you may help yourself. A day more was spent in a wild hunt among the bergs, and the party returned to the brig. A little later still another attempt was made to unlock further the secrets of the extreme icy north, this time by only Kane and Morton with a six-dog sledge, the explorers walking. This, the last effort of the kind, ended in the usual way, excepting some additions to the surveys. CHAPTER XXII. HOMEWARD BOUND. THE final escape from the brig must now be commenced. From the early fall its necessity had been thought of, and preparations for it commenced. Since the sick had begun to improve, the work in reference to it had been going on with system. Coverlets of eider down, beds, or furs which could be used as such, boots, moccasins, a full supply to meet emergencies, were prepared. Provision bags were made and filled with powder, ship-bread, pork-fat, and tallow melted down, and cooked concentrated bean soup. The flour and meat biscuit were put in double bags. Two boats had been made from the ship's beams twenty-six feet long, seven feet across, and three feet deep. Incredible toil by weak and sick men had been expended upon these boats. A neat "housing" of light canvas was raised over each of them. One other boat, the "Red Eric," was in readiness. There was no assurance that either of these boats would long float, yet all was done which the circumstances allowed to make them sea-worthy. The three boats were mounted on sledges. The necessary outfit, so far as they could bear, was to be stowed away in them. Every thing being in readiness, a vast amount of _thinking_ having been employed by the commander in reference to all contingencies, a peremptory order of march was issued for the seventeenth of May. The men were given twenty-four hours to get ready eight pounds of such personal effects as they chose. From the date of starting the strictest discipline and subordination was to be observed, which came hard upon the long-indulged, improving sick ones. The perfectness of the preparations had a good effect, yet there were many moody doubters. Some insisted that the commander only meant to go further south, holding the brig to fall back upon; some thought he would get the sick nearer the hunting grounds; others believed that his purpose was to secure some point of lookout for the English explorers, or whaling vessels. When the memorable day of departure came, the boats were in the cradle on the sledges, and the men, with straps over their shoulders and drag-ropes from these to the sledges, started for the ice-foot along which they were to travel. They had not yet received their loads, so they glided off easily, exciting a smile on some rueful countenances. In twenty-four hours the boats were laden, on the elevated drive-way, covered with their canvas roof, and, with a jaunty flag flying, were ready for a final leave the next day. The exhausted men, for nearly all of them were yet invalids, returned to the vessel, ate the best supper the supplies afforded, "turned in," prepared for their first effort at dragging the boat-laden sledges. But one sledge could be moved at once, with all hands attached; the first day they made two miles only with this one. For several days they made short distances and returned early to a hearty supper and warm beds in their old quarters, so that they marched back to the drag-ropes in the morning refreshed. The weather was, by the kind, overruling Hand, "superb." The final leave-taking was somewhat ceremonious. All the men were assembled in the dismantled room which had been so long both a prison and providential home. It was Sunday; all listened to a chapter of the Bible, and prayers. Then, all silently standing, the commander read a prepared report of what had been done, and the reasons for the step about to be taken. He then addressed the company, honestly conceding the obstacles in the way of escape, but assuring them that energy and subordination would secure success. He reminded them of the solemn claims upon them of the sick and wounded; called to their minds the wonderful deliverance granted them thus far by the infinite Power, and exhorted them still confidently to commit all to the same Helper. The response to this appeal was most cheering to Dr. Kane. The following engagement was drawn up by one of the officers and signed by every man:-- "The undersigned, being convinced of the impossibility of the liberation of the brig, and equally convinced of the impossibility of remaining in the ice a third winter, do fervently concur with the commander in his attempt to reach the south by means of boats. "Knowing the trials and hardships which are before us, and feeling the necessity of union, harmony, and discipline, we have determined to abide faithfully by the expedition and our sick comrades, and to do all that we can, as true men, to advance the objects in view." The party now went on deck, hoisted a flag and hauled it down again, and then marched once or twice around the vessel. The figure head--the fair Augusta--"the little blue girl with pink cheeks," was taken by the men and added to their load. She had been nipped and battered by the ice, and a common suffering made her dear to them. When Dr. Kane remonstrated against the additional burden, they said: "She is, at any rate, wood, and if we cannot carry her far we can burn her." The final departure was too serious for cheers, and when the moment came they all hurried off to the boats and the drag-ropes. Four men were sick, and had to be carried; and Dr. Kane was with the dog-team the common carrier and courier, as we shall see, so that there were but twelve men to the boats; these were organized into two companies, six each, for the two sledges; M'Gary having command of the "Faith," and Morton command of the "Hope." Each party was separate in matters of baggage, sleeping, cooking, and eating; both were concentrated, in turns, upon each sledge under the command of Brooks. Both morning and evening of each day all gathered round, with uncovered heads, to listen to prayers. Every one had his assigned place at the track-line; each served in turn as cook, except the captains. From an early day of the preparations, Dr. Kane had been at work refitting and furnishing the broken-down, forsaken hut at Anoatok. For this purpose many trips were made to it with the dog-team; it was made tight as possible; the filth carefully removed; cushions and blankets were spread upon the raised floor at the sides and a stove set up; blankets were hung up against the walls, and the whole made to look as cheerful as possible. While the sledges were approaching this place by short stages, Dr. Kane, with his team, brought to the hut the four sick men; they were Goodfellow, Wilson, Whipple, and Stephenson. Dr. Hayes, yet limping on his frozen foot, bravely adhered to the sledges. When the sick entered the hut none could wait upon the others, except Stephenson, who could barely light the lamp, to melt the snow and heat the water. But Dr. Kane made them frequent visits, supplying their wants, and reporting the daily progress toward them of their whole company. They grew better, and were able to creep out into the sunshine. Besides carrying the sick to Anoatok, Dr. Kane had, with his dogs, conveyed there and stocked near the hut most of the provisions for their march and voyage; eight hundred pounds out of fifteen were now there, and he proposed to convey the rest. This was done to relieve the overladen sledges. The red boat--"Red Eric"--joined the party on the floe a few days after the start, increasing their burden, but assuring them of increased comfort and safety when they reached the open water. One incident of this period will illustrate its hardships and the Christian courage with which they were met. It was soon after the last sick man was borne to the hut that Dr. Kane, having, in one of his dog-team trips, camped on the floe, came upon the boat party early in the morning. They were at prayers at the moment, and, as they passed to the drag-ropes, he was pained at the evidence of increased scurvy and depression. Brooks's legs were sadly swollen, and Hayes ready to faint with exhaustion. They must have more generous meals, thought the noble-hearted commander. Taking Morton, he hastened back to the brig. As they entered a raven flew croaking away; he had already made his home there. Lighting the fires in the old cook-room, they melted pork, cooked a large batch of _light_ bread without salt, saleratus, or shortening, gathered together some eatable, though damaged, dried apples and beans, and, the dogs having fed, hastened back to the men on the floe. Distributing a good supper to their comrades as they passed, and taking Godfrey along with them, they hastened to the hut. The poor fellows confined in it were rejoiced to see them. They had eaten all their supplies, their lamp had gone out, the snow had piled up at the door so that they could not close it, and the arctic wind and cold were making free in their never-too-warm abode. The poor fellows were cold, sick, and hungry. The coming of their commander was as the coming of an angel messenger of good tidings. He closed their door, made a fire of tarred rope, dried their clothes and bedding, cooked them a porridge of pea-soup and meat-biscuit, and set their lamp-wick ablaze with dripping pork-fat. Then, after all had joined in prayer of thankfulness, a well relished meal was eaten. This was followed by a cheerful chat, and a long, refreshing forgetfulness in their sleeping-bags of all privations. When they awoke the gale had grown more tempestuous, with increasing snow. But they went on burning rope and fat until every icicle had disappeared, and every frost mark had faded out. On their arrival at the hut the night before, Dr. Kane, seeing the condition of things, sent Godfrey forward to Etah for fresh supplies of game. After a time he returned with Metek, and the two sledges well laden with meat. A part of this was hurried off to the toilers at the drag-ropes. Having blessed by his coming these weary voyagers, Dr. Kane, with Morton, Metek, and his sledge, went once more to the brig. They baked a hundred and fifty pounds of bread and sent it by Metek to Mr. Brooks, and the faithful messenger, having delivered it, returned immediately for another load. While he was gone, a hundred pounds of flour pudding was made, and two bagfuls of pork-fat tried out. This done, the three lay down upon the curled hair of the old mattresses, they having been ripped open and their contents drawn out to make the most comfortable bed the place afforded. They slept as soundly "as vagrants on a haystack." The next day they set their faces toward the sledge company and Anoatok, both sledges having heavy loads, which included the last of the fifteen hundred pounds of provisions. Dr. Kane had made one of his last trips to the brig: he would return for provisions only; but all his specimens of Natural History, collected with much toil, his books, and many of his well-tested instruments, he was compelled to leave. His six dogs had carried him, during the fortnight since the company left the brig, between seven and eight hundred miles, averaging about fifty-seven miles a day. But for their services the sick could scarcely have been saved, and the rest would have suffered more intensely. Leaving, as usual, a part of the food with Mr. Brooks's party, they hastened on to replenish the stores and cheer the hearts of the lonely dwellers in the hut. CHAPTER XXIII. NARROW ESCAPES. HAVING brought forward the provisions to Anoatok, Dr. Kane, with the help of Metek and his dogs, began to remove them still farther south, making one deposit near Cape Hatherton, and the other yet farther, near Littleton Island. But an immediate journey to Etah for walrus had become necessary. The hard-working men were improving on this greasy food, and they wanted it in abundance. Dr. Kane found the Etahites fat and full. He left his weary, well-worn dogs to recruit on their abundance, and returned with their only team, which was well fed and fresh. They made the trade without any grumbling. When he came back the Brooks party were within three miles of Anoatok. They were getting along bravely and eating voraciously, and the old cry, "more provisions!" saluted the commander. Leaving the dogs to aid in transferring the stores to the southern stations, Dr. Kane and Irish Tom Hickey started afoot to the brig to do another baking. It was a sixteen hours' tramp. But ere they slept they converted nearly a barrel of flour, the last of the stock, into the staff of life. An old pickled-cabbage cask was used as a kneading trough, and sundry volumes of the "Penny Cyclopedia of Useful Knowledge" were burned during the achievement. Tom declared the work done to be worthy of his own country's bakers, and he had been one "of them same," so he deemed that praise enough. When the doctor lamented that the flour so used was the last of the stock, Tom exclaimed: "All the better, sir, since we'll have no more bread to make." Godfrey came to the brig on the third day, with the dogs, to carry back the baking. But a howling storm delayed them all on board. It was Sunday, and the last time that Dr. Kane expected to be in the cabin with any of his men. He took down a Bible from one of the berths and went through the long-used religious service. The dreary place was less dreary, and their burdened hearts were no doubt made lighter by thus drawing near to God. The commander and Tom left the next day with the sledge load, leaving Godfrey to come on after farther rest. But scarcely had the sledge party delivered their load of bread, and begun the sound sleep which follows hard work, when Godfrey came in out of breath with the hot haste of his journey. He reluctantly confessed the occasion of his sudden departure from the brig. He had lain down on the contents of the mattresses to sleep. Suddenly Wilson's guitar, left with other mementoes of two winters' imprisonment, sent forth music soft and sad. Bill was sure he heard aright, for he was awake and in his right mind. He fled on the instant, and scarcely looked behind until he reached his companions. He had never heard of the musical genius of Eolus, and it was not strange that the old forsaken, mutilated, ghostly, looking brig should excite the imagination of the lonely lodger. The invalids of the huts were now doing well. Their housekeeping assumed a home-like appearance--after the fashion of Arctic homes--and they welcomed the doctor with a dish of tea, a lump of walrus flesh, and a warm place. The Brooks party were not afar off. A storm which out-stormed all they had yet seen or felt of storms came down upon our explorers at this time. When the storm had blown past, Morton was dispatched to Etah with the dogs, accompanied by two Etahites who had been storm-bound with the boat-parties. His mission was to demand aid of these allies on the ground of sacred treaty stipulations, and well-recognized Esquimo laws of mutual help. Dr. Kane took his place with the men on the floe. Sledging was now not only made by the storm and advancing season more laborious, but very dangerous; around the bergs black water appeared, and over many places there were to be seen pools of water. The boats were unladen, and their cargoes carried in parcels by sledges, yet serious accidents occurred. At one time a runner of the sledge carrying the "Hope" broke in, and the boat came near being lost; as it was, six men were plunged into the water. Sick and well men worked for dear life, and affairs were growing more than cloudy when the helping hand of the great Helper was seen as it had been so often. Morton returned from Etah, having been entirely successful in his appeal to the natives for aid. They came with every sound dog they possessed, and with sledges loaded with walrus. The dogs alone were equal to ten strong men added to the expedition. Dr. Kane took one of the teams, and with Metek made his last trip to the brig, and on his return commenced bringing down the invalids of the hut to the boats. As he came near the floe-party he found Ohlsen sitting on a lump of ice alone, some distance in their rear. He had prevented the "Hope's" sledge from breaking through the ice by taking for a moment its whole weight on a bar which he had slipped under it. He was a strong man, and the act was heroic, but he was evidently seriously injured. He was pale, but thought his only difficulty was "a little cramp in the small of his back," and that he should be better soon. Dr. Kane gave him Stephenson's seat on the sledge, carried him to the boat, and gave him its most comfortable place, and muffled him up in the best buffalo robes. Dr. Hayes gave him tender and constant attention all that night, but he declined rapidly. Having stowed the sick away in the boats, the morning prayers being offered, the men on the sixth of June started anew at the drag-ropes. Two hours' drawing sufficed to show all hands their insufficiency for the task. Just then a spanking breeze started up. They hoisted the sails of the boats, and the wind increased to a gale and blew directly after them. Away the sledges sped toward the provision depot near Littleton Island. Ridges in the ice which would have delayed them at the drag-ropes for hours, but gave them the rise and fall as they glided over them of a ship on the waves. God, who "holds the wind in his fist," had unloosed it for their benefit. The foot-sore, weary men, who a few moments ago felt that an almost impossible task was theirs, were now jubilant, and broke out into song--the first sailor's chorus song they had sung for a year. They came to a halt at five o'clock P. M., having made under sail the distance of five drag-rope days. While here they were joined by old Nessark, and by Sipsu, the surly chief who appears so conspicuously in the narrative of Dr. Hayes's escaping party. They came with their fresh dog-teams, and offered their services to the explorers. Nessark was sent after the last of the sick men at the hut. The following five or six days were those of peril and discouragement. At one time a sledge had broken in, carrying with it several of the men, bringing affairs to a gloomy crisis. But the men scrambled out, and, to still further lift the burdens from the party, five sturdy Esquimo appeared, with two almost equally strong women. They laid hold of the drag-ropes with a will, and worked the rest of the day without demanding any reward. So there was always help in their time of need. Nessark came in good time with Wilson and Whipple, the last of the sick; the old hut was now deserted, and all were with the boats except one. Hans had been missing for nearly two months. Early in April he came to his commander with a long face and a very plausible story; he had, he said, no boots; he wanted to go to one of the Esquimo settlements a little south to get a stock of walrus-hides. He did not want the dogs; he would walk, and be back in good time. But the hitherto faithful and trusted Hans had not returned. When inquiry was made of the people of Etah they said he certainly called there, and engaged of one of the women a pair of boots, and then pushed on to Peteravik, where Shanghee and his pretty daughter lived. The last information they had of him they gave with a shrug of the shoulders and a merry twinkle of the eye. He had been seen by one of their people once since he left Etah; he was then upon a native sledge, Shanghee's daughter at his side, bound south of Peteravik. He had forsaken the explorers for a wife! The party were one day feeling their way along cautiously, pioneers going ahead and trying the soundness of the ice by thumping with boat hooks and narwhal horns. Suddenly a shout of distress was heard. The "Red Eric" had broken in! She contained the document box of the expedition, the loss of which would make their whole work profitless to the world even should the party be saved. She had on board too many provision bags. But, after great exposure and labor, all was saved in good condition, and the boat hauled upon the ice. Several of the men had narrow escapes. Stephenson was caught as he sunk by the sledge runner, and Morton was drawn out by the hair of his head as he was disappearing under the ice. A grateful shout went up from all hands that nothing serious resulted from the accident. CHAPTER XXIV. ESQUIMO KINDNESS. THE company made slow and tiresome progress by Littleton Island, and were carrying their entire load forward in parcels to the mainland at the northern opening of Etah Bay, when the sad news was whispered to Dr. Kane, who was with the advanced party, that Ohlsen was dead. A gloom spread over the whole company. The fact was carefully concealed from the Esquimo, who were sent to Etah under the pretext of bringing back a supply of birds, the entire dog force being given them to hasten their departure. The funeral service, though attended by sincere grief, was necessarily brief. The body was sewed up in Ohlsen's own blankets, the burial service read, the prayer offered, and it was borne by his comrades in solemn procession to a little gorge on the shore, and deposited in a trench made with extreme difficulty. A sheet of lead, on which his name and age was cut, was laid upon his breast; a monument of stones was erected over it, to preserve it from the beasts of prey, and to mark the spot. They named the land which overshadowed the spot Cape Ohlsen. Having given two quiet hours, after the funeral service, to the solemn occasion, the work at the drag-ropes was continued. The Esquimo returned in full force, and with abundant provisions. They took their turn at the drag-ropes with a shout; they carried the sick on their sledges, and relieved the whole expedition from care concerning their supplies. They brought in one week eight dozen sea-fowl--little auks--caught in their hand-nets, and fed men and dogs. All ate, hunger was fully satisfied, care for the time departed, the men broke out into their old forecastle songs, and the sledges went merrily forward with laugh and jest. Passing round Cape Alexander, down Etah Bay, a short distance toward the settlement, the expedition encamped. The long-sought, coveted open water was only three miles away; its roar saluted their ears, and its scent cheered their hearts. The difficult and delicate work of preparing the boats for the sea-voyage now commenced. In the mean time the people of Etah, men, women, and children, came and encamped in their midst, leaving only three persons--two old women and a blind old man--in the settlement. They slept in the "Red Eric," and fed on the stew cooked for them in the big camp-kettle. Each one had a keepsake of a file, a knife, a saw, or some such article of great value. The children had each that great medicine for Esquimo sickness, a piece of soap, for which they merrily shouted, "Thank you, thank you, big chief." There was joy in the Esquimo camp which knew but one sorrow--that of the speedy departure of the strangers. At the mention of this one woman stepped behind a tent screen and wept, wiping her teary face with a bird-skin. Dr. Kane rode to Etah to bid the aged invalids good-bye. Then came the last distribution of presents. Every one had something, but the great gift of amputating knives went to the chief, Metek, and the patriarch, Nessark. The dogs were given to the community at large, excepting Toodla-mik and Whitey; these veterans of many well-fought battle-fields were reserved to share the homeward fortunes of their owners. Toodla was no common dog, but earned for himself a place in dog history. As we are to meet the dogs no more in our narrative, we will give Toodla's portrait to be set up with our pen sketches. He was purchased at Upernavik, and so he received the advantages of, at least, a partially civilized education. His head was more compact, his nose less pointed than most dogs of his kind, and his eye denoted affection and self-reliance, and his carriage was bold and defiant. Toodla, at the commencement of the cruise, appointed himself general-in-chief of all the dogs. Now it often happens, with dogs as well as with men, that to assume superiority is much easier than to maintain it. But Toodla's generalship was never successfully disputed. The position, however, cost him many a hard-fought battle, for the new comers naturally desired to test his title to rule. These he soundly whipped on their introduction to the pack. He even often left the brig's side, head erect, tail gracefully curled over his back, and moved toward a stranger dog with a proud, defiant air, as much as to say, "I am master here, sir!" If this was doubted, he vindicated his boasting on the spot. Such tyranny excited rebellions of course, and strong combinations were formed against him; but dogs which had been trounced individually make weak organizations, and the coalitions gave way before Toodla's prowess. It is but fair, however, to say that he had strong allies upon whom he fell back in great emergencies--the sailors. Toodla died in Philadelphia, and still lives--that is, his stuffed skin still exists in the museum of the Philadelphia Academy of Natural Sciences. His reputation is of the same sort as that of many of the heroes of history, and worth as much to the world. Dr. Kane having distributed the presents and disposed of the dogs, there was nothing now but the farewell address to render the parting ceremony complete. Dr. Kane called the natives about him and spoke to them through Petersen as interpreter. He talked to them as those from whom kindness had been received, and to whom a return was to be made. He told them about the tribes of their countrymen farther south whom he knew, and from whom they were separated by the glaciers and the sea; he spoke of the longer daylight, the less cold, the more abundant game, the drift-wood, the fishing-nets, and kayaks of these relatives. He tried to explain to them that under bold and cautious guidance they might, in the course of a season or two, reach this happier region. During this talk they crowded closer and closer to the speaker, and listened with breathless attention to his remarks, often looking at each other significantly. Having thus parted with the natives, our exploring party hauled their boats to the margin of the ice. The "Red Eric" was launched, and three cheers were given for "Henry Grinnell and Homeward Bound." But the storm king said, "Not yet!" He sounded an alarm in their ears, and they drew the "Eric" from the water and retreated on the floe, which broke up in their rear with great rapidity. Back, back, they tramped, wearily and painfully, all that night, until the next day they found a sheltering berg near the land, where they made a halt. Here they rested until the wind had spent its wrath, and the sea had settled into a placid quiet. Their voyaging on the floe with drag-ropes and sledges was ended. CHAPTER XXV. MELVILLE BAY. ON the nineteenth of June the boats were launched into the sea, now calm, the "Faith" leading under Kane, and the "Eric" under Bonsall, and the "Hope" under Brooks following. The sea birds screamed a welcome to the squadron, and flew about them as if to inquire why they came back in three vessels instead of one, as when they sailed northward two years before. But there was no leisure for converse with birds. They had just passed Hakluyt Island, when the "Eric" sunk. Her crew, Bonsall, Riley, and Godfrey, struggled to the other boats, and the "Faith" took the sunken craft in tow. Soon after Brooks shouted that the "Hope" was leaking badly, and threatening to sink. Fortunately the floe was not far off, and into one of its creek-like openings they run the boats, fastened them to the ice, and the weary men lay down in their bunks without drawing the boats from the water and slept. The next day they drew their leaking crafts ashore, and calked them for another sea adventure. For several days they struggled with varying fortunes until they brought up, weary, disheartened, and worn down by work and an insufficient diet of bread-dust, and fastened to an old floe near the land. Scarcely were they anchored when a vast ice raft caught upon a tongue of the solid floe about a mile to the seaward of them, and began to swing round upon it as a pivot, and to close in upon our explorers. This was a new game of the ice-enemy. Nearer and nearer came the revolving icy platform, seeming to gather force with every whirl. At first the commotion that was made started the floe, to which they were fastened, on a run toward the shore as if to escape the danger. But it soon brought up against the rocks and was overtaken by its pursuer. In an instant the collision came. The men sprang, by force of discipline, to the boats and the stores, to bear them back to a place of safety, but wild and far-spread ruin was around them. The whole platform where they stood crumbled and crushed under the pressure, and was tossed about and piled up as if the ice-demon was in a frenzy of passion. Escape for the boats seemed for the moment impossible, and none expected it; and none could tell when they were let down into the water, nor hardly how, yet they found themselves whirling in the midst of the broken hummocks, now raised up and then shaken as if every joint in the helpless, trembling boats was to be dislocated. The noise would have drowned the uproar of contending armies as ice was hurled against ice, and, as it felt the awful pressure, it groaned harsh and terrific thunder. The men, though utterly powerless, grasped their boat-hooks as the boats were borne away in the tumultuous mass of broken ice and hurried on toward the shore. Slowly the tumult began to subside, and the fragments to clear away, until the almost bewildered men found themselves in a stretch of water making into the land, wide enough to enable them to row. They came against the wall of the ice-foot, and, grappling it, waited for the rising tide to lift them to its top. While here the storm was fearful, banging the boats against the ice-wall, and surging the waves into them, thus keeping the imperiled men at work for dear life in bailing out the water. They were at last lifted by the tide to the ice-foot, upon which they pulled their boats, all uniting on each boat. They had landed on the cliff at the mouth of a gorge in the rock; into this they dragged the boats, keeping them square on their keels. A sudden turn in the cave placed a wall between them and the storm, which was now raging furiously. While they were drawing in the last boat, a flock of eider ducks gladdened their hearts as they flew swiftly past. God had not only guided them to a sheltered haven, but had assured them of abundant food on the morrow. They were in the breeding home of the sea-fowl. Thus comforted they lay down to sleep, though wet and hungry. They named their providential harbor the "Weary Man's Rest," and remained in it three days, eating until hunger was appeased, and gathering eggs at the rate of twelve hundred a day, and laughing at the storms which roared without. On the fourth of July, after as much of a patriotic celebration as their circumstances allowed, they again launched into the sea. For some days they moved slowly south, but it was only by picking their way through the leads, for they found the sea nearly closed. As they approached Cape Dudley Digges their way was entirely closed. They pushed into an opening that led to the bottom of its precipitous cliff. Here they found a rocky shelf, overshadowed by the towering rocks, just large enough and in the right position at high tide to make a platform on which they could land their boats. Here they waited a whole week for the ice toward Cape York to give way. The sea-fowl were abundant and of a choice kind. The scurvy-killing cochlearia was at hand, which they ate with their eggs. It was indeed a "providential halt," for the fact was constantly forced upon them that they had come here, as they had to "Weary Man's Rest," by no skill or knowledge of their own. It was the eighteenth of July before the condition of the ice was such as to make the renewal of their voyage possible. Two hundred and fifty choice fowl had been skinned, cut open, and dried on the rocks, besides a store of those thrown aboard as they were caught. They now sailed along the coast, passing the "Crimson Cliffs" of Sir John Ross. The birds were abundant, their halting-places on the shore were clothed with green, and the fresh-water streams at which they filled their vessels were pouring down from the glaciers. They built great blazing fires of dry turf which cost nothing but the gathering. After a day's hard rowing the sportsmen brought in fresh fowl, and, gathered about their camp-fire, all ate, and then stretched themselves on the moss carpet and slept. They enjoyed thankfully this Arctic Eden all the more as they all knew that perils and privations were just before them. They wisely provided during these favored days a large stock of provisions, amounting to six hundred and forty pounds, besides their dried birds. Turf fuel, too, was taken on board for the fires. They reached Cape York on the twenty-first of July. From this place they were to try the dangers of Melville Bay, across which in their frail boats they must sail. It had smiled upon their northward voyage; would it favor their escape now? It certainly did not hold out to them flattering promises. The inshore ice was solid yet, and terribly hummocky. The open sea was far to the west, but along the margin of the floe were leads, and fortunately there was one beginning where they had halted. The boats were hauled up, examined, and as much as possible repaired. The "Red Eric" was stripped, her cargo taken out, and her hull held in reserve for fuel. A beacon was erected from which a red flannel skirt was thrown as a pennant to the wind to attract attention. Under this beacon records were left which told in brief the story of the expedition. This done, and the blessing of God implored, the voyagers entered the narrow opening in the ice. For a while all went well, but one evening Dr. Kane was hastily called on deck. The huge icebergs had bewildered the helmsman in the leading boat, and he had missed the channel, and had turned directly toward the shore until the boat was stopped by the solid floe. The lead through which they had come had closed in their rear, and they were completely entangled in the ice! Without telling the men what had happened, the commander, under the pretense of drying the clothes, ordered the boats drawn up, and a camp was made on the ice. In the morning Kane and M'Gary climbed a berg some three hundred feet high. They were appalled by their situation; the water was far away, and huge bergs and ugly hummocks intervened. M'Gary, an old-whaleman, familiar from early manhood with the hardships of Arctic voyaging, wept at the sight. There was but one way out of this entanglement; the sledges must be taken from the sides of the boats, where they had been hung for such emergencies, the boats placed on them, and the old drag-rope practice must be tried until the expedition reached the edge of the floe. One sledge, that which bore the "Red Eric," had been used for fuel; so the "Red Eric" itself was knocked to pieces, and stowed away for the same use. About three days were consumed in thus toiling before they reached the lead which they had left, launched once more into waters, and sailed away before a fine breeze. Thus far the boats had kept along the outer edge of the floe, following the openings through the ice. But as this was slow work, though much safer, they now ventured a while in the open sea farther west; but they were driven back to the floe by heavy fogs, and on trying to get the boats into a lead, one of those incidents occurred so often noticed, in which God's hand was clearly seen. All hands were drawing up the "Hope," and she had just reached a resting-place on the floe, when-the "Faith," their best boat, with all their stores on board, went adrift. The sight produced an almost panic sensation among the men. The "Hope" could not possibly be launched in time to overtake her, for she was drifting rapidly. But before they could collect their thoughts to devise the means of her rescue, a cake of ice swung round, touched the floe where they stood, reaching at the same time nearly to the "Faith," thus bridging over the chasm. Instantly Kane and M'Gary sprung upon it, and from it into the escaping boat. She was saved. CHAPTER XXVI. SAVED. MATTERS were getting into a serious condition. The delays had been so many that the stock of birds had been eaten, and the men had been for several days on short allowance, which showed itself in their failing strength. They were far out to sea, midway of the Melville Bay navigation, and the boats were receiving a rough handling, and required continual bailing to keep them from sinking. It was just at this crisis that the ever timely aid came. A large seal was seen floating upon a small patch of ice, seeming to be asleep. A signal was given for the "Hope" to fall astern, while the "Faith" approached noiselessly upon him, with stockings drawn over the oars. Petersen lay in the bow with a large English rifle, and as they drew near, the men were so excited that they could scarcely row; the safety of the whole company seemed staked upon the capture of that seal. When within three hundred yards, the oars were taken in, and the boat moved silently on by a scull-oar at the stern. The seal was not asleep, for when just beyond the reach of the ball he raised his head. The thin, care-worn, almost despairing faces of the men showed their deep concern as he appeared about to make his escape. Dr. Kane gave the signal to fire; but poor Petersen, almost paralyzed by anxiety, was trying nervously to get a rest for his gun on the edge of the bow. The seal rose on his fore-flipper, looked curiously around, and coiled himself up for a plunge. The rifle cracked at the instant, and the seal at the same moment drooped his head one side, and stretched his full length on the ice at the brink of his hole. With a frantic yell the men urged the boats to the floe, seized the seal, and bore him to a safer place. They brandished their knives, cut long strips of the seal, and went dancing about the floe, eating and sucking their bloody fingers in wild delight. The seal was large and fat, but not an ounce of him was wasted. A fire was built that night on the floe, and the joyous feast went on until hunger was appeased; they had driven away its gnawings, and, happily, it returned no more. On the first of August they had passed the terrible bay, and sighted land on its southern side. Familiar landmarks of the whalers came in sight. They passed the Duck Islands and Cape Shackelton, and coasted along by the hills, seeking a cove in which to land. One was soon found, the boats drawn up, a little time spent in thanksgiving and congratulations, and then they lay down on the dry land and slept. They continued to coast near the shore, dodging about among the islands, and dropping into the bays, and landing for rest at night. It was at one of these sleeping-halts on the rocks that Petersen saw one of the natives, whom he recognized as an old acquaintance; he was in his kayak seeking eider-down among the rocks. Petersen hailed him, but the man played shy. "Paul Zacharias," shouted Petersen, "don't you know me? I am Carl Petersen!" "No," replied the man; "his wife says he's dead." The native stared at the weather-beaten, long-bearded man for a moment as he loomed up through the fog, and then turned the bow of his boat, and paddled away as if a phantom was pursuing him. Two days after this the explorers were rowing leisurely along in a fog, which had just began to lift and dimly reveal the objects on shore. At this moment a familiar sound came to them over the water. It was the "huk" of the Esquimo, for which they had often taken the bark of a fox or the startling screech of the gulls; but this "huk! huk!" died away in the home-thrilling "halloo!" "Listen, Petersen! what is it?" Petersen listened quietly for a moment, and then, trembling with emotion, said, in an undertone, "Dannemarkers!" Then the whole company stood up and peered into the distant nooks, in breathless silence to catch the sound again. The sound came again, and all was a moment silent. It was the first Christian voice they had heard beyond their own party for two years. But they saw nothing. Was it not a cheat after all of their nervous, excited feelings? The men sat down again and bent to their oars, and their boats swept in for the cape from which the sound proceeded. They scanned narrowly every nook and green spot where the strangers might be found. A full half hour passed in this exciting search. At last the single mast of a small shallop was seen. Petersen, who had kept himself during the search very still and sober, burst into a fit of crying, relieved by broken exclamations of English and Danish, gulping down his words at intervals, and wringing his hands all the while. "'Tis the Upernavik oil-boat!" "The Mariane has come! and Carlie Mossyn--" Petersen had hit the facts. The annual ship, Mariane, had arrived at Proven, and Carlie Mossyn had come up to get the year's supply of blubber from Kinqatok. Here our explorers listened while Carlie, in answer to their questions, gave them a hint of what had been going on in the civilized world during their long absence. The Crimean war had been begun and was in bloody progress, but "Sebastopol wasn't taken!" "Where and what is Sebastopol?" they queried. "But what of America?" Carlie didn't know much about that country, for no whale ships were on the coast, but said "a steamer and a bark passed up a fortnight ago seeking your party." "What of Sir John Franklin?" they next inquired. Carlie said the priest had a German newspaper which said traces of his boats and dead had been found! Yes, found a thousand miles away from the region where our explorers had been looking for them! One more row into the fog and one more halting on the rocks. They all washed clean in the fresh water of the basins, and brushed up their ragged furs and woolens. The next morning they neared the settlement of Upernavik, of which Petersen had been foreman, and they heard the yelling of the dogs as its snowy hill-top showed itself through the mist, and the tolling of the workmen's bells calling them to their daily labor came as sweet music to their ears. They rowed into the big harbor, landed by an old Brewhouse, and hauled their boats up for the last time. A crowd of merry children came round them with cheerful faces and curious eyes. In the crowd were the wife and children of Petersen. Our explorers were safe; their perils were over! Having lived in the open air for eighty-four days, they felt a sense of suffocation within the walls of a house. But divided among many kind, hospitable homes, they drank their coffee and listened to hymns of welcome sung by many voices. The people of Upernavik fitted up a loft for the reception of the wayfarers, and showed them great kindness. They remained until the sixth of September, and then embarked on the Danish vessel "Mariane," whose captain was to leave them at the nearest English port on his way to Denmark. The boat "Faith" was taken on board, as a relic of their perilous adventure; the document box containing their precious records, and the furs on their backs--these were all that were saved of the heroic brig "Advance." The "Mariane" made a short stay at Godhavn. The searching company under Captain Hartstene had left there for the icy north one the twenty-first of July, since which nothing was known of them. The "Mariane" was on the eve of leaving with our explorers when the lookout shouted from the hill-top that a steamer was in the distance. It drew near with a bark in tow, both flying the stars and stripes. The "Faith" was lowered for the last time, and, with Brooks at the helm, Dr. Kane went out to meet them. As they came alongside Captain Hartstene hailed: "Is that Dr. Kane?" "Yes!" Instantly the men sprung into the rigging and gave cheers of welcome; and the whole country, on the arrival of the long-lost explorers, repeated the glad shout of welcome; and the Christian world echoed, "Welcome!" CHAPTER XXVII. OFF AGAIN. DR. KANE'S party came home, as we have seen, in the fall of 1855. Dr. Hayes, with whom we have become acquainted as one of that number, began immediately to present the desirableness of further exploration in the same direction to the scientific men of the country, and to the public generally. His object was to sail to the west side of Smith's Sound, instead of the east, as in the last voyage, and to gather additional facts concerning the currents, the aurora, the glaciers, the directions and intensity of "the magnetic force," and so to aid in settling many interesting scientific questions. He aimed also, of course, to further peer into the mysteries of the open Polar Sea. These efforts resulted in the fitting out for this purpose, in the summer of 1860, the schooner "United States," and the appointment of Dr. Hayes as commander. She left Boston July sixth, manned by fourteen persons all told. The vessel was small, but made for arctic warfare, and as she turned her prow North Poleward, she bore a defiant spirit, and, like all inexperienced warriors, reckoned the victory already hers. But if the vessel was "green" her commander was not. He was well able to help her in the coming battle with icebergs and floes. Among her men were only two besides the doctor who had seen arctic service, one of whom was Professor August Sontag, who had been of Kane's party, and had also been of the number who accompanied Dr. Hayes in the attempt to escape. Of the rest of the crew were two young men nearly of an age, about eighteen, who are represented as joining the expedition because they would, and in love of adventure. Their names were George F. Knorr, commander's clerk, and Collins C. Starr. Both pressed their desire to go upon Dr. Hayes, and Starr told him that he would go in _any_ capacity. The commander told him he might go in the forecastle with the common sailors, and the next day, to the surprise of the doctor, he found him on board, manfully at work with the roughest of the men, having doffed his silk hat, fine broadcloth, and shining boots of the elegant young man of the day before. The commander was so pleased with his spirit that he promoted him on the spot, sending him off to be sailing-master's mate. In a little less than four weeks of prosperous sailing, the "United States" was at the Danish port of Proven, Greenland. It was the intention of the commander to get a supply here of the indispensable dog-teams, but disease had raged among them, and none could be bought. The vessel was delayed, in order that the chief trader, Mr. Hansen, who was daily expected from Upernavik, might be consulted in the matter. When he arrived he gave a gloomy account of the dog-market, but kindly _gave_ the expedition his own teams. The couriers which had been sent out to scour the country for others, returned with four old dogs and a less number of good ones. On the evening of the twelfth of August the explorers arrived at Upernavik. The Danish brig "Thialfe" lay at anchor in the harbor, about to sail for Copenhagen with a cargo of skins and oil, so the first letters to the dear ones at home were hastily written to send by her. They bore sad news to at least one family circle. Mr. Gibson Caruther retired to his berth well on the evening of their arrival, and in the morning was found dead. He had escaped the perils of the first Grinnell Expedition under Capt. De Haven to die thus suddenly ere those of his second voyage had begun. He was beloved, able, and intelligent, and his death was a great loss to the enterprise. His companions laid him away in the mission burial-ground, the missionary, Mr. Anton, officiating. Before leaving Upernavik, Dr. Hayes secured the services of an Esquimo interpreter, one Peter Jensen, who brought on board with him one of the best dog-teams of the country; and soon after he came, two more Esquimo hunters and dog-drivers were enlisted; and a still better addition to the expedition were two Danish sailors, one of whom is our old friend whom we left here some five years ago rejoicing in re-union with wife and children--Carl Christian Petersen. Petersen enlisted as carpenter as well as sailor. With these six persons added to her company, making it twenty in all, the "United States" left Upernavik to enter upon the earnest work of the expedition. The settlement had scarcely faded in the distance, when the icebergs were seen marshaling their forces to give the little voyager battle. A long line of them was formed just across her course, some more than two hundred feet high and a mile long. They were numberless, and at a distance seemed to make a solid, jagged ice-wall. When the schooner was fairly in among them, the sunlight was shut out as it is from the traveler in a dense forest. She felt the wind in a "cat's-paw" now and then, and so the helm lost its control of her, and she went banging against first one berg and then another. The bergs themselves minded not the little breeze which was blowing, but swept majestically along by the under current. The navigators were kept on the alert to keep the vessel from fatal collision with its huge, cold, defiant enemies, as the surface current drove it helplessly onward. Sometimes, as they approached one, the boats were lowered, and the vessel was towed away from danger; at another crisis, as it neared one berg, an anchor was planted in another in an opposite direction, and she was warped into a place of security. Occasionally they tied up to a berg and waited for a chance for progress. While thus beset with dangers, there were occasions of some pleasant excitement. The birds were abundant and of many varieties, affording sport for the hunters and fresh food for the table; the seals sported in the clear water, and were shot for the larder of the dogs; and Dr. Hayes and Professor Sontag found employment with their scientific instruments. Such had been the state of things for four days, when one morning the vessel was borne toward a large berg, of a kind the sailors called "touch-me-nots." It was an old voyager, whose jagged sides, high towers, deep valleys and swelling hills, showed that time, the sun, and the tides, had laid their hands upon it. Such bergs are about as good neighbors as an avalanche on a mountain side, just ready for a run into the valley below. Warps and tow-boats, instantly and vigorously used, failed to stop the schooner's headway. She touched the berg, and down dropped fragments of it larger than the vessel, followed by a shower of smaller pieces; but they went clear of the vessel. Now the berg began to revolve, turning toward the explorers, and as its towering sides settled slowly over them, fragments poured upon the deck--a fearful hail-storm. There was no safety for the men except in the forecastle, and there appeared to be no escape for the schooner. But just in time an immense section of the base of the berg, which seemed to be far below the water line, broke off, and rose to the surface with a sudden rush, which threw the sea into violent commotion. The balance of the berg was changed; it paused, and then began, slowly at first but with increasing rapidity, to turn in the opposite direction. If this was intended as a retreat of the bergy foe, it defended well its rear. At its base, from which the piece had just been broken, was an icy projection toward the vessel; as the berg revolved, this tongue came up and struck the keel. It seemed intent upon tossing the vessel into the air, or rolling her over and leaving her bottom side up upon the sea. The men seized their poles and pushed vigorously to launch the vessel from the perilous position, but in vain. Just in time again the unseen Hand interfered for their deliverance. Deafening reports, like a park of artillery, saluted their ears, and a misty smoke arose above the berg. Its opposite side was breaking up, and launching its towering peaks into the sea. The berg paused again and began to roll back, and thus for the moment released the vessel. The boat had in the meantime fastened an anchor in a grounded berg, and the welcome shout came, "Haul in!" Steadily and with a will the men drew upon the rope, and the vessel moved slowly from the scene of danger, not, however, before the returning top of the berg had launched upon her deck a shower of ice-fragments, in fearful assurance that its whole side would soon follow and bury them as the shepherd's hut is buried by a mountain slide. A few moments later and the side came down with a tremendous crash, sending its spray over the escaped vessel, and tossing it as the drift-wood is tossed in the eddies beneath a water-fall. All that day the roar of the icy cannon was continued, as if a naval battle was in progress for the empire of the north, and berg after berg went down, strewing the sea with their shattered fragments, while misty clouds floated over the field of conflict. CHAPTER XXVIII. COLLIDING FLOES. AFTER this ice encounter the expedition put into a little port called Tessuissak, to complete their outfit of dogs. An impatient tarry of two days enabled them to count, on the deck of the little vessel, thirty first-class, howling dogs, whose amiable tempers found expression in biting each other, and making both day and night hideous with their noise. This port was left on the twenty-third of August, and, much to the joy of all, the dreaded Melville Bay was clear of the ice-pack; the icebergs, however, kept their watch over its storm-tossed waters. Through these waters driven before a fierce wind, and buried often in a fog so dense that the length of the vessel could not be seen, the "United States" sped. Its anxious commander was on deck night and day, not knowing the moment when an icy wall, as fatal to the vessel as one of granite, might arrest its course and send it instantly to the bottom of the sea. Once they passed so near a berg just crossing their track that the fore-yard grazed its side, and the spray from its surf-beaten wall was thrown upon the deck. A berg at one time hove in sight with an arch through it large enough for a passage-way for the schooner. The explorers declined, however, the novel adventure. The passage of Melville Bay was made, with sails only, in fifty-five hours. The pack which had invariably troubled explorers seemed to have been enjoying a summer vacation, and the bergs were off duty. The expedition had reached the North Water and lay off Cape York. The ocean current which sweeps past this cape, and opens the way to the other side of Baffin Bay, is wonderful. It is the great Polar current which comes rushing down through Spitzbergen Sea, along the eastern coast of Greenland, laden with ice, and taking the waters of its rivers with their freight of drift-wood as it passes. Leaving most of the wood along its shore, a welcome gift to the people, it sweeps around Cape Farewell, courses near the western shore in its run north until it has passed Melville Bay. When it has crossed over to the American shore near Jones Strait, it joins the current from the Arctic Sea, turns south, and makes the long journey until it reaches our own coast, dropping its ice freight as it goes, and sending its cooling air through the heat-oppressed atmosphere of our summer. As our explorers approached the shore of Cape York they looked carefully for the natives. Soon a company of Esquimo were seen making their wild gesticulations to attract attention. A boat was lowered, and Dr. Hayes and Professor Sontag went ashore, and as they approached the landing-place one of the Esquimo called them by name. It was our old friend Hans, of the Kane voyage, who, the reader will recollect, left his white friends for an Esquimo wife. The group consisted, besides Hans, of his wife and baby, his wife's mother, an old woman having marked talking ability, and her son, a bright-eyed boy of twelve years. Hans had found his self-imposed banishment among the savages of this extreme north rather tedious. He had removed his family to this lookout for the whale ships, and had watched and waited. It was the dreariest of places, and his hut, pitched on a bleak spot the better to command a view of the sea, was the most miserable of abodes. It had plainly cost him dear to break his faith with his confiding commander and the friends of his early Christian home. Dr. Hayes asked Hans if he would go with the expedition. He answered promptly, "Yes." "Would you take your wife and baby?" "Yes." "Would you go without them?" "Yes." He was taken on board with his wife and baby. The mother and her boy cried to go, but the schooner was already overcrowded. Leaving Cape York, the vessel spread her sails before a "ten-knot" breeze, and dodging the icebergs with something of a reckless daring, seemed bent on reaching the Polar Sea before winter set in. At one time what appeared to be two icebergs a short distance apart lay in the course of the vessel. The helmsman was ordered to steer between them, for to go round involved quite a circuit. On dashed the brave little craft for the narrow passage. When she was almost abreast of them the officer on the lookout shuddered to see that the seeming bergs were but one, and that the connecting ice appeared to be only a few feet below the surface. It was too late to stop the headway of the vessel, or to turn her to the right or left. She rushed onward, but the water of the opening proved to be deeper than it appeared, and her keel but touched once or twice, just to show how narrow was the escape. Hans was delighted with his return to ship life. His wife seemed pleased and half bewildered by the strange surroundings. The baby crowed, laughed, and cried, and ate and slept--like other babies. The sailors put the new comers through a soap-and-water ordeal, to which was added the use of scissors and combs. Esquimo do not bathe, nor practice the arts of the barber, and consequently they keep numerous boarders on their persons. When this necessary cleansing and cropping was done, they donned red shirts and other luxuries of civilization. With the new dresses they were delighted, and they were never tired of strutting about in them. But the soap and water was not so agreeable. At first it was taken as a rough joke, but the wife soon began to cry. She inquired of her husband if it was a religious ceremony of the white men. The vessel made good time until she came within three miles of Cape Alexander. It was now August twenty-eighth, and so it was time these Arctic regions should begin to show their peculiar temper. A storm came down upon them, pouring the vials of its wrath upon the shivering vessel for about three days. During a lull in the storm the schooner was hauled under the shelter of the highlands of Cape Alexander and anchored. She rocked and plunged fearfully. At one time when these gymnastics were going on, the old Swedish cook came to the commander in the cabin with refreshments, but he was hardly able to keep his "sea legs." He remarks as he comes in, "I falls down once, but de commander sees I keeps de coffee. It's good an' hot, and very strong, and go right down into de boots." "Bad night on deck, cook," remarks the captain. "O, it's awful, sar! I never see it blow so hard in all my life, an' I's followed de sea morn'n forty years. An' den it's so cold! My galley is full of ice, and de water, it freeze on my stove." "Here, cook, is a guernsey for you. It will keep you warm." "Tank you, sar!" says the cook, starting off with his prize. But encouraged by the kind bearing of his captain, he stops and asks, "Would the commander be so kind as to tell me where we is? De gentlemen fool me." "Certainly, cook. The land over there is Greenland; the big cape is Cape Alexander; beyond that is Smith's Sound, and we are only about eight hundred miles from the North Pole." "De Nort Pole! vere's dat?" The commander explains as well as he can. "Tank you, sar. Vat for we come--to fish?" "No, not to fish, cook; for science." "O, dat it! Dey tell me we come to fish. Tank you, sar." The old cook pulls his greasy cap over his bald head and thinks. "Science!" "De Nort Pole!" He don't get the meaning of these through his cap, and he "tumbles up" the companion-ladder, and goes to the galley to enjoy his guernsey. Dr. Hayes and Knorr went ashore and climbed to the top of the cliffs, twelve hundred feet. The wind was fearfully breezy, and Knorr's cap left and went sailing like a feather out to sea. The view was full of arctic grandeur, but not flattering to the storm-bound navigators. Ice was evidently king a little farther north. Soon after the explorer's return to the vessel the storm gathered fresh power, and the anchors began to drag. Soon one hawser parted, and away went the schooner, with fearful velocity, and brought up against a berg. The crash was appalling, and the stern boat flew into splinters. The spars were either bent or carried away; and, as they attempted to hoist the mainsail, it went to pieces. The crippled craft was with difficulty worked back into the projecting covert of Cape Alexander. Her decks were covered with ice, and the dogs were perishing with wet and cold, three having died. Having repaired damages as well as they could, they again pushed into the pack of Smith's Sound, which lay between them and open water, visible far to the north. Entering a lead under full sail, they made good progress for awhile; but suddenly a solid floe shot across the channel, and the vessel, with full headway, struck it like a battering ram. The cut-water flew into splinters, and the iron sheathing of the bows was torn off as if it had been paper. Pushing off from the floe, and passing through a narrow lead, they emerged into an area of open water. But the floe was on the alert. This began to close up, and, taking a hint of foul play, the explorers steered toward the shore. But the ice battalions moved with celerity, piled up across the vessel's bow, and closed in on every side. In an hour they held her as in a vice, while the reserve force was called up to crush her to atoms. The foe was jubilant, for the power at his command was kindred to that of the earthquake. An ice-field of millions of tons, moved by combined wind and current, rushed upon the solid ice-field which rested against the immovable rocks of the shore. Between these was the schooner--less than an egg-shell between colliding, heavily laden freight trains. As the pressure came steadily, in well assured strength, she groaned and shrieked like a thing of conscious pain, writhing and twisting as if striving to escape her pitiless adversary. Her deck timbers bowed, and the seams of the deck-planks opened, while her sides seemed ready to yield. Thus far the closing forces were permitted to strike severely on the side of the helpless vessel, to show that they could crush her as rotten fruit is crushed in a strong man's hand. Then He, without whose permission no force in nature moves, and at whose word they are instantly stayed, directed the floe under the strongly timbered "bilge" of the hull, and, with a jerk which sent the men reeling about the deck, lifted the vessel out of the water. The floes now fought their battle out beneath her, as if they disdained, like the lion with the mouse in his paw, to crush so small a thing. Great ridges were piled up about her, and one underneath lifted her high into the air. Eight hours she remained in this situation, while the lives of all on board seemed suspended on the slenderest thread. Then came the yielding and breaking up of the floes. Once, at the commencing of the giving way, an ice prop of the bows suddenly yielded, let the forward end of the vessel down while the stern was high in the air. But finally the battered craft settled squarely into the water. She was leaking badly, and the pumps were kept moving with vigor. The rudder was split, and two of its bolts broken; the stern-post started, and fragments of the cut-water and keel were floating away. But, strange to say, no essential injury was done. She was slowly navigated into Hartstene or _Etah_ Bay, where we have been so often, anchored safely, and repairs immediately commenced. CHAPTER XXIX. THE WINTER HOME. ONE more effort, after the repairs were finished, was made to push through the ice-floe of Smith's Sound. This resulting in failure, it was plainly impossible to get farther north. The vessel was brought into Etah Bay again, a harbor found eight miles north-east of Cape Alexander, and eighty by the coast from the harbor of the "Advance," though only twenty in a straight line, and preparations were at once begun for winter. Peter, the Esquimo dog-driver, and Hans were appointed a hunting party. Sontag, the astronomer, with three assistants, was mainly engaged in scientific observations and experiments. There was work for all the rest. Some were engaged in unloading the cargo and lifting it by a derrick to a terrace on the shore, far above the highest tide, where a storehouse was made for it. The hold of the schooner was cleared, scrubbed, and white-washed, a stove set up, and made a home for the sailors. The sails and yards were "sent down," the upper deck roofed in, making a house eight feet high at the ridge, and six and a half at the sides. The crew moved into their new quarters on the first of October. The event was celebrated by a holiday dinner. There was joy on shipboard; thankful for escapes granted by the great Protector, trustful for the future, and, greatly encouraged by present blessings, none were unhappy. The hunters were very successful, bringing in every day game of the best kind, and in great abundance. A dozen reindeer were suspended from the shrouds, and clusters of rabbits and foxes were hung in the rigging; besides these, deposits of reindeer were made in various directions. The hard-working men ate heartily of the relishing fresh food, and laughed to scorn the scurvy. They called the place of their winter quarters Port Foulke. When the floe became frozen, the sledges were put in readiness for the dog-teams. The dogs having been well fed, were in fine condition. Blocks of ice were used to make a wall about the vessel, from the floe to the deck, between which and her sides the snow was crowded, making a solid defense against the cold. On the fifteenth of October the sun bade them farewell for four months, and they anticipated the coming darkness under circumstances certainly much better than had been often granted to arctic sojourners. As there was yet a long twilight, dog-trips were very exhilarating. Dr. Hayes once rode behind his dogs twelve measured miles in an hour and one minute, without a moment's halt. Sontag and the captain raced their teams, the captain beating, as was becoming, by four minutes. The dogs were made to know their masters--a knowledge quite necessary for the good of all. Jensen observed that one of his team was getting rebellious. "You see dat beast," he said. "I takes a piece out of his ear." The long lash unrolls, the sinewy snapper on its tip touches the tip of the dog's ear, and takes out a piece as neatly as a sharp knife would have done. The same day Jensen's skill at dog driving was put to a severe test. A fox crossed their path. Up went their tails, curling over their backs, their short ears pricked forward, and away they went in full chase. In such a case woe be to the driver who cannot take a piece of flesh out of any dog in the team at each snap of his merciless whip. Jensen was usually master of such a situation, but it so happened that a strong wind blew directly in the face of the team and carried the lash back before it reached its victim. Missing its terrible bite, the dogs became for a while unmanageable and raced after the fox at full speed. To make matters worse, treacherous ice lay just ahead. The dogs were already on the heels of the fox, and about to make a meal of him, when Jensen regained full control of his whip. It stung severely, now this one and then that. Their tails dropped, their ears drooped, and they paused and obeyed their master. But they were greatly provoked at the loss of the game, and at the harsh subjection, and, with characteristic amiability, they commenced to snap at and bite each other. Jensen jumped from the sledge and laid the whip-stock on them, knocking them to the right and left, until, it is presumed, made very loving by the process, they went about their assigned business. Parties of the explorers were out nearly every day, hunting, or pursuing the scientific inquiries. Knorr, the secretary of the commander, was off with Hans. He had his adventure to talk about on his return. He wounded in the valley a reindeer, which hobbled on three legs up a steep hill. The young hunter followed, and, getting within easy range, brought it down by a well-aimed shot. The deer being in a line with Knorr, came sliding down the hill, and, knocking against him, both went tumbling down together. Fortunately he carried no broken bones, but only bruises to the vessel as mementoes of his deer hunt. Sontag, on the same day, had his perilous incident. He had climbed to the top of a glacier by cutting steps in the ice. Across the ice was a crack, bridged over with thin ice, but entirely concealed by it. Stepping on this he broke through and fell into the chasm; fortunately it was a narrow one, and the barometer which he carried, crossing the creek, broke the fall and probably saved his life. On what a slender thread hangs this mortal existence! During this sledging season Dr. Hayes visited the homes of our old acquaintance at Etah, which was only four miles from the schooner; but they were deserted. Near the huts was a splendid buck, busily engaged in pawing up and eating the moss from under the snow. He seemed so unsuspecting, and withal so honestly engaged, that the doctor, though he had crept on the leeward side, within easy range, was reluctant to fire. Twice he aimed, and twice dropped his gun from its level. Bringing it to sight the third time he fired, and the ball went crashing through the noble animal. We hear nothing of compunction in eating him on the part of any on shipboard, and probably the pitying reader would have had none. Our old friend Hans does not appear so favorably in the present narrative as he did in that of Dr. Kane. His five years of chosen exile among his purely heathen countrymen does not seem to have left many traces of his Christian education. Some allowance, however, must be made for a difference of estimate of his character by his former and present commander. In Dr. Hayes's judgment, "he is a type of the worst phase of the Esquimo character." Hans's domestic relations are represented as not of the most happy kind. His wife's name is Merkut, but is known to the sailors as "Mrs. Hans." She passes for a "beauty," as Esquimo beauty goes; has a flush of red on rather a fair cheek when, exceptionally, she uses soap and water enough for it to be seen through the usual coating of dirt. Their baby, ten months' old, bears the pleasant name of Pingasuk--"Pretty One." Hans has a household of his own. He pitched a tent, when the schooner went into winter-quarters, under the roof of the upper deck. The Esquimo Marcus and Jacob make a part of his family. Here, wrapped in their furs, where they choose to be, they huddle together, warm "as fleas in a rug," though the temperature is seldom higher than about the freezing point. Little "Pretty One" creeps out of the tent about the deck, having for covering only the ten months' accumulation of grease and dirt, not unfrequently accompanied by its mother, who on such occasion is guiltless of "costly array," or much of any whatever. Hans's gentlemen lodgers were taken on board as dog-drivers, but they seemed to have been of no possible use except to give occasion for the mirthful jokes of the sailors. Peter, chief dog manager, a converted Esquimo, brother to Jacob, gave his commander excellent satisfaction and stood high in his esteem. He was skillful, industrious, and trustworthy. Between him and Hans an intense jealousy existed. Hans had, under Dr. Kane, no rival in his sphere. Peter was now, at least, a peer, and so the glory of his exaltation from Esquimo hut-life was greatly eclipsed. His master even preferred Peter before him; but Prof. Sontag clung, with a little of the Dr. Kane partiality, to the favorite of the former voyage. Hans had no reason, however, to complain of the consideration shown him by his chief. At one time he gave him, to quiet his jealousy, a new suit of clothes, with the very reddest of flannel shirts. In these he appeared at the Sunday inspection and religious service, quite as elated at his personal adornment, though probably not more so, as the "fine gents" of our home Sabbath assemblies. CHAPTER XXX. GLACIERS. THE glacier is one of the wonderful things of the northern regions. We will visit one with Dr. Hayes, and, on our return to the vessel, listen to some curious and interesting facts concerning it. Although there was no sunshine at the time of the first glacier excursion, the twilight was long and clear; it was October twenty-first. The run was made to the foot of the glacier from the vessel, with the dogs, in forty minutes. It appeared here as a great ice-wall, one hundred feet high and a mile broad. The glacier in descending the valley extended in breadth not quite to the slope of the hills, so it left between them and each of its sides a gorge. It is very curious that the ice should not lean against the hills as it slips along and thus fill up all the valley as water would. Our party first stopped and examined the front face of the glacier. It was nearly perpendicular, but bulging out a little in the middle. It was worn in places by the summer streams which run over it, and marred in other parts by the fall of great fragments into the valley below. While our visitors were gazing at it a crystal block came down as an angry hint for them to stand from under. Wisely heeding the warning, they turned up one of the gorges between the glacier side and the hill. Here was rough traveling, and, we should think, dangerous too. There were strewed along in their path ice fragments from the glacier on one side, and rocks and earth which had slid down the hill on the other. If the glacier was as evil disposed as its children, the icebergs, it might let loose some of its projecting crags on their heads. Finding a favorable place, they began to cut steps in the side of the glacier in order to mount to its surface. Having reached the top they cautiously walked to the center of the icy stream, drove two stakes on a line in it, and then two half way between these and the sides of the glacier. Then they measured the distance of these stakes from each other, and sighted from their tops fixed objects on the hills. They purposed to come in the spring and examine the distance apart of the stakes, and sight from them the fixed objects, so as to determine how fast the frozen river was moving down the valley. Having set the stakes they scampered back to the vessel. After a little rest another journey to the glacier was made, this time without the dogs, the sledges, having a light outfit, being drawn by the men. These were young Knorr, the sailor M'Donald, Mr. Heywood, a landsman from the west--an amateur explorer--the Dane, Petersen, and the Esquimo, Peter. When they arrived at the gorge, the way was so rough that they were compelled to carry the sledge loads in parcels on their backs. It was rough work, and they sought an early camp; but with the frowning ice-cliffs on one side and hill-crags on the other, both evil-minded in the use of their icy and rocky missiles, and with also the uneven bed of rocks beneath them, no wonder they did not sleep. They were soon astir, pushed farther up the gorge, and finding a favorable place, began to cut steps up the glacier. The first one who attempted to mount reached some distance, then slipped, and in sliding down carried with him his companions who were following, and the whole company were promiscuously tumbled into the gorge. The one going ahead had better luck the next trial, carrying a rope by which the sledge was drawn up, and all mounted in safety. They now started off up this ice-river toward the great sea of ice from whence it flowed. The surface was at first rough, and of course slightly descending toward its front edge. Dr. Hayes walked in advance of the sledge party, carrying a pole over his head grasped by both hands, being fearful of the treacherous cracks hidden by their ice. Soon down he went into one, but the pole reached across the chasm and he scrambled out. The depth of the chasm remains a mystery to this day. The ice grew smoother as they proceeded, and they made about five miles, pitched their canvas tents, cooked with their lamp a good supper, made coffee, ate and drank like weary men, crept into their fur sleeping bags, and slept soundly though the thermometer was about fifteen degrees below zero. The next day they traveled thirty miles, and came upon an even plain where the surface of the ice-sea was covered with many feet of snow, the crust of which broke through at every step. This made very hard traveling, yet the following day they tramped twenty-five miles more. Now came the ever-at-hand Arctic storm. They camped, but lower and lower fell the temperature, and fiercer and fiercer blew the wind. They could not sleep, so they decided to turn their faces homeward. The frost nipped their fingers, and assailed their faces, as they hastily packed up and started. They were five thousand feet above the level of the sea, and seventy miles from the coast, and were standing in the midst of a vast icy desert. There was neither mountain nor hill in sight. As in mid-ocean the sailor beholds the sea bounded only by the sky, so here they beheld only ice, which stretched away to the horizon on every side--truly a sea of ice. Clouds of snow whirled along its surface, at times rising and disappearing in the cold air, or drifted across the face of the setting moon--beautiful clouds of fleecy whiteness to the eye, but "burning" the flesh as they pelted the retreating explorers, like the fiery sand-clouds of the Great Sahara. They scud before the wind, which they dared not for a moment face, nor halted until they had traveled forty miles and descended two thousand feet. They then pitched their tents, the cold and wind having lessened though yet severe. They arrived at the ship the next evening, not seriously the worse for their daring "sea-voyage" on foot. Having been refreshed by food and rest, no doubt our explorers discussed the great glacier problem, and pleasantly chased away many an hour in talk about what they had seen and what they had read on this interesting subject. We think their conversation included some of the following facts:-- The ice upon which they had been voyaging is a part of a great ocean of ice covering the central line of Greenland from Cape Farewell on the south to the farthest known northern boundary, a distance of at least twelve hundred miles. Instead of being formed of drops of water like more southern oceans, it is made up of crystallized dew-drops and snow-flakes, which have been falling for ages, and which in these cold regions have no summer long enough, nor of sufficient heat, to convert them into water again. But if the crystal dews and snows continue to fall for ages, and never melt, what prevents them from piling up to the sky, and sinking the very continent? The all-wise Director of the universe has made a very curious arrangement to prevent such a result. This ice-ocean runs off into the sea in great ice-rivers which find their way to the shore on both sides of the continent, just as the water does which falls from the clouds on the top of the Andes of South America. There we see the mighty Amazon, one of its rivers, almost an ocean of itself, as it sweeps along its banks between mountains, and through immense forests. Greenland has its Amazons in vastness and grandeur, as well as its smaller rivers and little streams. It has also its lakes and sublime Niagaras, its falls and cascades. But they are ice instead of water; that is all the difference between this Arctic circulation and that of warmer regions. But of course this ice is not like that which many of the readers see every winter. It is a half-solid, pasty kind of substance. It holds together, yet slides along from the higher land where it accumulates, filling up the valleys, breaking through the openings in the mountain and hilly ridges, and pouring over the precipices; slowly, silently, but with mighty force, ever pressing onward until it reaches the sea. These ice rivers move very slowly. It will be remembered that Dr. Hayes drove some stakes down in the one he visited in October. In the following July he visited the glacier again, and compared the relation of these to the landmarks he had noted. He thus found that this ice-river moved over one hundred feet a year. It had come down the valley ten miles. Two more miles would bring it to the sea. Some glacier streams which they visited were yet many miles from the shore, one as far away as sixty miles. The Great Glacier of Humboldt, farther north, was several times visited by Dr. Kane and parties of his explorers. Its face is a solid, glassy wall three hundred feet above the water-level, and in extending from Cape Agassiz, a measured distance north, of sixty miles, and then disappearing in the unknown polar regions. Surely this must be the mouth of the Amazon of glacier rivers. But the history of these rivers does not end when they reach the sea. When their broad and high glassy front touches the water it does not melt away nor fall to pieces, but goes down to the bottom, and if it be a shallow bay or arm of the sea, pushes the water back and fills up the whole space, it may be for many miles. When it reaches water so deep that more than seven eighths of its front is below the surface, it begins to feel an upward pressure, just as a piece of wood when forced below its natural water-line will spring back. So after a while this upward pressure breaks off the massive front, perhaps miles in extent, and many hundred feet in height. As this is launched into the sea its thunder crash is heard for miles, and the water boils like a caldron, while the disengaged mass rolls and plunges until, finding its equilibrium, it sails away a majestic ICEBERG. Hereafter the snow will at times cover it with a mantle of pure whiteness; the fierce storms will beat upon its defiant brow; the beams of the rising and setting sun will display their sparkling glories on its craggy top, or, falling upon the misty cloud which envelopes it, will encircle it with all the varying hues of the rainbow. As it voyages in stately dignity southward, anchored, it may be, at times for months, it will pass in sullen silence the drear, long, dark Arctic night, and emerge into the brief summer to be enlivened as the home of innumerable sea-fowl, who will rear their young upon its cold breast. Ultimately it will go back to the drops of water from which it came, to make a part of the great ocean, and possibly to sail away in clouds over the frozen regions, and to drop again upon its glassy plain in sparkling crystals. CHAPTER XXXI. A STRANGE DREAM AND ITS FULFILLMENT. THE winter was fully settled down upon Port Foulke, but the dwellers in the schooner "United States" knew nothing of the anxieties and suffering from cold and hunger which most of the arctic voyagers have known. There was one foe, however, which they, in common with all who had gone before them, had to fight; namely, depression of mind produced by the weeks of inactivity and darkness. We have seen how many means were used by earlier as well as later explorers to meet and vanquish this foe. Dr. Hayes availed himself of the hints given by his predecessors, and had some devices peculiarly his own. To the "school of navigation," dramatic performances, and the publishing of a weekly "newspaper," was added the pleasant stimulus of a celebration of the birthday of every man on board. Such occasions were attended by special dinners, the passing of complimentary notes of invitations to the intended guests, which included all, and by fun-making, at which all laughed as a matter of course. On Sunday all assembled in their clean and best suits. Brief religious service was performed in the presence of all, and the day was spent in reading or conversation, save the performance of the necessary routine work. During the favoring light of the moon some excursions were attempted. One was made by Professor Sontag, accompanied by Hans and Jensen with two dog sledges. The object was to reach the harbor where Dr. Kane's "Advance" had been left, and ascertain if possible her fate. He started early in November, but returned in a few days, baffled by the hummocks and wide intervening, treacherous ice-cracks. The party had an encounter with and captured a bear and her cub. The mother fought with maternal fury for her child, tossed the dogs one after another until some of the stoutest and bravest retired bleeding and yelping from the field, and at times charged upon and scattered the whole pack, while the cub itself behaved bravely in its own defense. When the men came up they threw in, of course, the fatal odds of rifle balls. Once Hans, his gun having failed to go off, seized an Esquimo lance and ran at the beast. Accepting the challenge of a hand-to-hand fight, she made at him with such spirit that he dropped the lance and ran, and nothing saved the cub from supping on Esquimo meat but two well-directed balls, which whizzed at the right moment from the guns of Sontag and Jensen. The bears made a splendid resistance to the unprovoked attack upon them in the peaceable pursuit of an honest calling, that of getting a living, but were conquered and eaten. Among the sad events of the winter was a fatal disease among the dogs. They all died but nine by the middle of December. This was alarming, for upon them depended mainly the spring excursions North Poleward. Such being the situation, Sontag took at this time the surviving dogs, and, on a sledge with Hans as a driver, started south in pursuit of Esquimo. If they could be brought with their dogs into the vicinity of the ship and fed, there would be a fair chance of having dog-sledges when they were wanted. The nearest known Esquimo family was at Northumberland Island, a hundred miles off, and others were at the south side of Whale Sound, fifty miles farther--perhaps all had gone to the most distant point. They departed in fine spirits, and well equipped. Hans cracked his whip, and the dogs, well fed and eager for a run, caused the sledge to glide over the ice with the velocity of a locomotive. Their companions sent after them a "hip! hip, hurrah!" and a "tiger." The moon shed her serene light on their path, and all seemed to promise a speedy and successful return. The second night after their departure the solicitous commander had a strange, disquieting dream. He says in the journal of the following morning: "I stood with Sontag far out upon the frozen sea, when suddenly a crash was heard through the darkness, and in an instant a crack opened in the ice between us. It came so suddenly and widened so rapidly that he could not spring over it to where I stood, and he sailed away on the dark waters of a troubled sea. I last saw him standing firmly upon the crystal raft, his erect form cutting sharply against a streak of light which lay upon the distant horizon." Christmas came and was duly regarded. Stores of nice things, the gifts of friends far away, were brought out from secret corners where they had been hid. The tables were loaded with that which satisfied the appetite and gratified the eye, while the rooms of officers and men blazed with cheerful lights. Outside a feeble aurora seemed to be trying to exhibit an inspiring illumination, which contrasted strongly with its cloudy background. January, 1861, came, and half its days passed, yet no tidings came from Sontag. The twilight had returned, and already the coming sun was heralded along the golden horizon. The commander was becoming uneasy concerning the missing ones, and began to devise ways of knowing what had become of them. Mr. Dodge was sent to follow their tracks, which he did as far as Cape Alexander, where he lost them and returned. A party was instantly put in readiness for farther search, and was about to start on the morning of January twenty-seventh, when a violent storm arose, detaining it two days. As it was on the instant of starting again, two Esquimo suddenly appeared at the vessel's side. One of them was Ootiniah, who appears so creditably in the narrative of Dr. Hayes's boat voyage. They were bearers of sad news. Professor Sontag was dead. Hans was on his way to the vessel with his wife, father and mother, and their son, a lad who was left behind with mother when Hans was first taken on board of the schooner. Some of the dogs had died, and the family were necessarily moving slowly. Two days later Hans came in with the boy only, having left the dogs and the old people near Cape Alexander and come on for help. He was very cold and much exhausted, and both were sent below for food, warmth, and rest, before being questioned concerning the disastrous journey. The large sledge, drawn by fresh men, was sent for those left behind. The old people were found coiled up in an excavation made in a snow bank, and the dogs huddled together near them, neither dogs nor Esquimo being able to stir, and so all were bundled in a heap on the sledge and drawn to the schooner. The hardy savages soon revived under the influence of good quarters and good eating, but the dogs, five in number, the remnant of the strong force of thirty-six, lay on the deck unable to stir, and not disposed to eat. Hans's story was this:-- They made a good run the first day, passing Cape Alexander, and camped in a snow hut on Sunderland Island. The next day they reached an Esquimo settlement, but found its huts forsaken. Resting and eating here, they started for Northumberland Island, and having traveled about five miles, Sontag, becoming chilled, sprang from the sledge and ran ahead of the dogs for warmth by exercise. Hans having occasion to halt the team to disentangle a trace fell some distance behind. He was urging forward his team to overtake his master when he saw him sinking. He had come upon thin ice covering a recently open crack, and had broken through. Hans hastened up and helped him from the water. A light wind was blowing, which disposed Sontag not to attempt to change his wet clothes--the fatal error. They hastened back to the hut in which they had spent the night. At first the professor ran, but after a while jumped on the sledge, and when he reached the hut he was stiff and speechless. Hans lifted him into the hut, drew off his wet clothes, and placed him into his sleeping bag. Having tightly closed the hut, he set the lamp ablaze, and administered to him a portion of brandy from a flask found on the sledge. But the cold had done its fatal work; he remained speechless and unconscious for nearly twenty-four hours, and died. Hans closed up the hut to prevent beasts of prey from disturbing the body, continued south, and on the second night came upon a village where he was rejoiced to find several native families, who were living in the midst of abundance. Here Hans rested until two Esquimo boys, whom he hired with the Sontag presents, could go to Cape York after his wife's parents and their son. They over-drove or starved four of the dogs, which were left by the way. The natives whom he found were ready on the moment of his arrival to return to the vessel with him, and Ootiniah and his companion were the first to show their good-will by starting with Hans on his return. A few weeks later the body of Sontag was brought to the vessel, a neat coffin was made for it, and the whole ship's company followed it, mourning, to its last resting-place. The burial service was read, and it was carefully secured from molestation. At a later period a mound was raised over it, and a chiseled stone slab, with his name and age, marked the head. August Sontag was only twenty-eight years of age when thus suddenly cut off. His loss to the expedition was very great. Hans's parents and brother were added to his own family on deck, and proved to be much more efficient helpers in domestic affairs than Mrs. Hans. The boy was washed and scrubbed and combed by the sailors, with whom he became a great favorite, filling much the place on board as a pet monkey, and proved to be full as annoying to the old cook, who, in his extreme vexation at his mischievous tricks, threatened to "kill him--_a le-e-t-le_." The old folks getting tired of the close quarters on board, built after a while a snow hut on the floe, and set up housekeeping for themselves. CHAPTER XXXII. THE CROWNING SLEDGE JOURNEY. "THE glorious sun" reappeared February eighteenth, tarrying only a moment, but giving a sure prophecy of a coming to stay. Scarcely less welcome was the appearance soon after of Kalutunah, Tattarat, and Myouk, all old acquaintance whom the reader will not fail to recognize. Kalutunah was Angekok and Nalegak--priest and chief. His gruff old rival, who advised the starvation policy toward the escaping party in the miserable old hut, had been harpooned in the back and buried alive under a heap of stones. These comers brought the much-desired dogs, and they were followed by other old friends from Northumberland Island with additional dog-teams. These natives were treated with consideration--the were made content with abundant food and flattered with presents, all of which told favorably upon the success of the enterprise of the generous donors. In the middle of March the northward excursions commenced. The first consisted of a party of three, Dr. Hayes and Kalutunah driving a team of six dogs, and Jensen with a sledge of nine. It was to be a trial trip, and the experiment began rather roughly. A few miles only had been made when Jensen, whose team was ahead, broke through the ice, and dogs and man went floundering together into a cold bath. The other team, fortunately, was just at hand, so they were drawn out, and all returned to the vessel for a fresh and warm start. The next trial they were gone four days, and traversed the Greenland shore to Cape Agassiz and to the commencement of the Great Glacier. The cold at one time was sixty-eight and a half degrees below zero. Yet the sun's rays through even such an atmosphere blistered the skin! The grains of snow became like gravel, and the sledge runners grated over it as if running on the summer sand of our own sea-shore. Kalutunah had an ingenious remedy for this. He dissolved snow in his mouth, and pouring the water into his hand coated the runners with it. It instantly freezing, made something like a glass plating for them. Kalutunah was greatly puzzled in attempting to understand why this journey was made. But his perplexity took the form of disgust when the fresh tracks were seen of a bear and cub, and the white chief forbade the chase. He argued in the interest of Dr. Hayes, who might thereby have a new fur coat, pointed to the hungry dogs, and finally pleaded for his own family, who were longing for bear meat. But all in vain. The circumstances had changed since, in the same spot nearly, he had urged the dogs after a bear in spite of Dr. Kane, and thus defeated the purpose of his long trip. On their return they turned into Van Rensselaer Harbor, the place made so famous by Dr. Kane's expedition. Every thing there was changed. Instead of smooth ice, over which Dr. Kane's party came and went so often, there were hummocks piled up every-where in the wildest confusion. Where the "Advance" was left when her men took a last look at her was an ice-pile towering as high as were her mast-heads. Old localities were undiscernible from the snow and icy aggressions. A small piece of a deck-plank picked up near Butler Island was all that could be found of the "Advance." The Esquimo told nearly as many diverse stories of her history after the white men left her as there were persons to testify, and some individuals, apparently to increase the chance of saying some item of truth, told many different stories. According to these witnesses she drifted out to sea and sunk, (the most probable statement,) she was knocked to pieces so far as possible and carried off by the Esquimo, and she was accidentally set on fire and burned. The graves of Baker and Pierre remained undisturbed, but the beacon built over them was broken down and scattered. The result of this experimental trip was the decision of the commander not to attempt to reach the Open Polar Sea by the Greenland shore, but to cross Smith Sound at Cairn Point, a few miles north of the schooner. To this point provisions were immediately carried on the sledges for the summer journey beyond. On the third of April the grand effort to reach the North Pole commenced. The party consisted of twelve persons, who were early at their assigned positions alongside of the schooner. Jensen was at the head of the line of march, on the sledge "Hope," to which were harnessed eight dogs; Knorr came next, "the whip" of the "Perseverance," with six dogs. Then came a metallic life-boat with which the Polar Sea was to be navigated, mounted on a sledge and drawn by men each with shoulder strap and trace. Flags fluttered from boat and sledges, all was enthusiasm, and at the word "march" the dogs dashed away, the men bent bravely to their earnest work, the "swivel" on deck thundered its good-bye, and the party were soon far away. The very first day's exposure nearly proved fatal to several of the party. One settled himself down in the snow muttering, "I'm freezing," and would have proved in a half hour his declaration had not two more hardy men taken him in charge. The spirits of the men ran low, and they were two hours in building a snow-hut in which to hide from the pitiless wind. A rest at Cairn Point and increased experience gave them more energy, and the next snow-hut was made in less than one hour. They proved the snow-shovel a fine heat generator. On the fifth night out they were overtaken by a storm, and were detained two days in their hut. This was a pit in the snow eighteen feet long, eight wide, and four deep. Across its top were placed the boat-oars; across these the sledge was laid; over the sledge was thrown the boat's sails; and over the sails snow was shoveled. They crawled into this hut through a hole which they filled up after them with a block of snow. Over the floor--a leveled snow floor--they spread an India-rubber cloth; on this was laid a carpet of buffalo-skins, and over this another of equal size. Between these they crept to sleep, the outside man of the row having no little difficulty in preventing his companions from "pulling the clothes off." The wind without blew its mightiest blow, and piled the snow up over the poor dogs, which were huddled together for mutual warmth, and were kept restless in poking their noses above the drift. The cooks were obliged to call to their help the commander in order to keep the lamp from being puffed out, and two hours were consumed in getting a steaming pot of coffee. But after a while the bread and coffee, and dried meat and potato hash, were abundantly and regularly served, and the men contrived to pass in talk and song and sleep the hours of the really dreary imprisonment. Before the storm had fully subsided, the party went on the back track to bring up to this point a part of the provisions they had been obliged to deposit. This done, they put their faces to the opposite, or American side of the sound. But the difficulties were truly fearful. The ice, like great bowlders, was scattered over the entire surface, now piled in ridges ten, twenty, and even a hundred feet high, and then scattered over a level area with only a narrow and ever-twisting way between them. Over these ridges the sledges had to be lifted, the load often taken off and carried up in small parcels, and the sledges and boat drawn up and let down again. Frequently in the midst of this toil a man would fall into a chasm up to his waist; another would go out of sight in one. These terrible traps were so covered with a crust of snow that they could not be discerned. The boat was, of course, capsized often, and much battered. When a ridge had been scaled, and the party had picked their way for a time through the winding path among the ice-bowlders, they would come to a sudden impassable barrier, and be obliged to retrace their steps. A whole day of gigantic exertion, and of many miles of zigzag travel, would sometimes advance them only a rifle-shot in a straight line. Of course it was simply impossible to carry the boat, and it was abandoned. They were yet only about thirty miles from Cairn Point, but had traveled perhaps five times that distance. For several days after this the heroic explorers struggled on. A fresh snow with a half-frozen crust was added to their other obstacles. Hummocks and ridges and pitfalls grew worse and worse. The sledges broke, the limbs of the men were bruised and sprained, their strength exhausted, and at last their spirits failed. They had toiled twenty-five days, advanced half way across the sound, and brought along about eight hundred pounds of food. On the twenty-eighth of April the main party were sent homeward. Dr. Hayes, Knorr, M'Donald, and Jensen, pushed on toward the American shore. Their way was, as one of the party remarked, like a trip through New York over the tops of the houses. They progressed a mile and a half, and traveled at least twelve, carrying their provisions over the ground by repeating the journey many times. Such was the daily experience, varied by many exciting incidents. Jensen sprained a leg which had been once broken; the dogs were savage as the wildest wolves with hunger, though having a fair amount of food; once Knorr in feeding them stumbled and fell into the midst of the pack, and would have doubtless been devoured as a generous morsel of food tossed to them, had not M'Donald pounced upon them at the moment with lusty blows from a whip-stock. All four of the explorers held out bravely in this fearful strain on mind and body, even young Knorr never shrinking from the hardest work, nor the longest continued exertions. On the eleventh of May the party encamped under the shadow of Cape Hawkes, on Grinnell Land, off the American coast. The distance from Cairn Point, in a straight line northwest, was eighty miles. They had been traveling thirty-one days, and made a twisting and clambering route of five hundred miles. The travel up the coast had the usual variety of dangers, hair-breadth escapes, and exhausting toil. A little flag-staff, planted by Dr. Hayes during the Kane expedition, was found bravely looking out upon the drear field it was set to designate, but the flag it bore had been blown away. Remains of Esquimo settlements long deserted were found. A raven croaked a welcome to the strangers, or it may be a warning, and followed them several days. On the fourth day up the coast Jensen, the hardiest of the vessel's company, utterly failed. He had strained his back as well as leg, and groaned with pain. What could be done? The party could not proceed with a sick man, nor would they for a moment think of leaving him alone. So the following course was adopted by the commander: M'Donald was left in the snow-hut with Jensen, with five days' food and five dogs, with orders to remain five days, and then, if Hayes and Knorr, who were to continue on, had not returned, to make his best way with Jensen back to the vessel. The journey of Dr. Hayes and Knorr was continued two full days. On the morning of the third day they had proceeded but a few miles when they came to a stand. They had on their left the abrupt, rocky, ice-covered cliffs of the shore; on their right were high ridges of ice, through which the waters of an open sea broke here and there into bays and inlets which washed the shore. Farther progress north by land or ice was impossible. They climbed a cliff which towered eight hundred feet above the sea, whose dark waters were lost in the distance toward the north-east. North, standing against the sky, was a noble headland, the most northern known land, and only about four hundred and fifty miles from the North Pole. The spot on which our explorers stood was about one degree farther north than that occupied by Morton, of Kane's Expedition, yet on the shore of the same open water. Now, if they only had the boat they were obliged to leave among the hummocks in Smith Sound, with the provisions and men they had _hoped_ to bring to this point, how soon would they solve the mystery locked up from the beginning, and in the keeping of his Frosty Majesty of the Pole itself! But, alas! there were neither boat nor provisions, and the movement of the treacherous floes warned the daring strangers that the bridge of ice over which they had come to this side might soon be torn away, and make a return impossible. They built a monument of stones, raised on it a flag of triumph, deposited beneath it a record of their visit placed in a bottle, and turned their faces homeward. CHAPTER XXXIII. LAST INCIDENTS OF THE EXPEDITION. DR. HAYES and Knorr were buffeted by a fierce storm soon after starting. They were over fifty miles from M'Donald and Jensen, only ten of which were traversed before they were obliged to encamp. But the storm howled, and tossed the snow-clouds about them, making it impossible to build a snow hut. After a brief halt, and feeding the dogs with the last morsel of food which remained, they pushed on. The snow was deep, often nearly burying the dogs as they plunged along; the hummocks and rocks over which they climbed lay across their path, and the wind blew with unabated fury; yet they halted not until the remaining forty or more miles were accomplished, and they tumbled into the hut of their companions. The dogs rolled themselves together on the snow the moment they were left, utterly exhausted. The weary men slept a long, sound sleep. When they awoke a steaming pot of coffee and an abundant breakfast awaited them. They had fasted thirty-four hours, and traveled in the last twenty-two over forty miles, which the hummocks and deep snow made equal to double that distance of smooth sledging. The last few miles were made in a state of partial bewilderment, so their final safety was another of their many marked deliverances. The remaining run to the vessel had its daily perils and escapes. As they were approaching the American shore they stepped across a crack on the ice. They had traveled but a short distance when they perceived that there was an impassable channel between them and the land ice. They ran back to recross the crack, and that had become twenty yards wide. They were, in fact, on an ice-raft, and were sweeping helplessly out to sea! They had hardly collected their thoughts after this terrifying surprise before one of the shore corners of their raft struck a small grounded iceberg, and on this, as on a pivot, the outer edge swung toward the shore, struck its margin, allowed them to scamper off, and then immediately swung again into the open water, and shot out to sea. The poor dogs, being insufficiently fed, and necessarily overworked, now began to fail. Jensen's lameness compelling him to ride, increased their burden. One died just before the party left the hummocks, and two soon after. A fourth having failed, the commander, thinking to shorten his misery, shot him. The ball only wounding him, he set up a terrible cry, at which his companions flew at him, tore him in pieces, and, almost before his last howl had died away in the dreary waste, they had eaten the flesh from his bones. They arrived at the schooner safely after two months' absence, during which they had traveled thirteen hundred miles. The commander was cheered to learn that the party who returned under M'Cormick had reached Port Foulke in safety. The whole ship's company were in good health. The vessel was immediately thoroughly examined and put in sailing order. As the summer came on, the birds, the green mosses, hardy little flowers, several species of moths and spiders, and even a yellow winged butterfly, appeared to greet its coming. The open water was daily coming nearer the schooner. While awaiting the loosening of its icy fetters, a boat's crew had an exciting walrus hunt. Dr. Hayes had been on a hill-top which overlooked the bay, when the hoarse bellowing of distant walrus saluted his ears. Drifting ice-rafts were coming down the sound, on which great numbers of these monsters could be seen. He hurried to the vessel, and called for volunteers. Soon a whale-boat was manned, and the men, armed with three rifles and a harpoon and line, dragged it to the open water, launched it, and rowed into the midst of the drift-ice. The first cake of ice which they approached contained a freight of twenty-four walruses, pretty well covering it. The lubberly, ugly looking sea-hogs appeared as content as their very distant relatives of our sties, while they huddled together and twisted for the sunniest spot, and bellowed in one another's ears. Our hunters were all eager for the fight as they approached with muffled oars, but on coming near to the floe, it was apparent that the hunt was not to be all fun, nor the fighting on one side only. The hides of the monsters looked like an iron plating, and were, in fact, an inch thick, smooth, hairless, and tough, suggesting a good defensive ability; while their great tusks, projecting from a jaw of elephantine strength, hinted unpleasantly to the invaders that their antagonists were prepared for assault as well as defense. Very likely if one could have seen at that moment the countenances of our boat's crew, they would have shown more of a wish to be in the vessel's cabin than they would have cared to confess with their lips. But there was no flinching. There were two male walruses in the herd--huge, fierce-looking fellows, which roused up a moment to scan the strangers, and then, giving each other a punch in the face with their tusks, stretched out again upon the ice to sleep. In this walrus party there were, besides the two fathers, mothers with children of various ages, from the "little ones" of four hundred pounds, to the "young folks." Of course they were a loving, happy group. The boat came within a few times its length of the ice-raft. Miller, an old whaleman, was in the bow of the boat with a harpoon. Hayes, Knorr, and Jensen stood in the stern with their rifles leveled each at his selected victim, while the oarsmen bent forward to their oars. At the word the rifles cracked, and the oarsmen at the same moment shot the boat into the midst of the startled walrus. Jensen hit one of the males in the neck, not probably doing him much harm; Hayes's ball struck the other bull in the head, at which he roared lustily. Knorr killed a baby walrus dead, but he disappeared from the raft with the rest, probably pushed off by his mamma. When the old fellow which was wounded by the commander rolled into the water, Miller planted his harpoon in him with unerring skill, and the line attached spun out over the gunwale with fearful velocity. There were a few moments of suspense, and then up came the herd, a few yards from the boat, the wounded bull with the harpoon among them. They uttered one wild, united shriek, and answering shrieks from thousands of startled walruses, on the walrus laden ice-rafts for miles around, filled the air. It was an agonized cry for help, and the answering cry was, "we come!" There was a simultaneous splash from the ice-rafts, and the hosts, as if by the bugle call, came rushing on, heads erect, and uttering the defiant "huk, huk, huk!" They came directly at the boat, surrounding it, and blackening the waters with their numbers. The wounded bull, attached still to Miller's line, led the attack. The hunters had aroused foemen worthy of their steel, and they must now fight or die. It seemed to be the purpose of the walruses to get their tusks over the side of the boat, and so easily tear it to pieces or sink it, and then, having its audacious crew in the water, make short work of them. As they came on, Miller, in the bow, pricked them in the face with his lance, the rowers pushed them back with their oars, while Hayes, Jensen, and Knorr sent, as fast as they could load and fire, rifle-balls crashing through their heads. At one time a huge leader had come within a few feet of the boat. Hayes and Jensen had just fired, and were loading, but Knorr was just in time to salute him with a ball. The men were becoming weary, while the walrus assaulting column was constantly supplied with fresh troops. The situation was now critical, when, as if to crush his enemy and end the conflict in victory on his side, a walrus Goliath, with tusks three feet long, led on a solid column of undismayed warriors. Two guns had just been fired, as before. His terrible weapons were fearfully near the gunwale, when Knorr's gun came to the rescue; its muzzle was so near his open mouth that the ball killed him instantly, and he sunk like lead. This sent consternation through the walrus ranks. They all dove at once, and when they came up they were a considerable distance off, their tails to their foes, and retreating with a wild shriek. The battle was ended, and the saucy explorers were victors. The sea in places was red with blood. The harpooned bull and one other were carried as trophies to the vessel. On the twelfth of July the schooner floated, after an ice imprisonment of ten months. The Esquimo seeing that the white friends were about to leave them, gathered on the shore in sorrowful interest. They had been the receivers of gifts great in their estimation, and they had rendered the strangers no small favors, especially in the use of their dogs, without which no excursions of importance could have been made. Kalutunah actually wept on parting with Dr. Hayes. He had enjoyed under his patronage the Esquimo paradise--"plenty to eat, plenty sleep, no work, no hunt." He spoke feelingly of the fading away of his people. "Come back," he said, "and save us; come soon or we shall be all gone." He had reason to express these fears concerning his people. Since Dr. Kane left thirty-four had died, and there had been in the same time only nineteen births. There seemed to be in all the settlements, from Cape York to Etah, only a hundred! The explorers bid adieu to Port Foulke on the fourteenth, and sailed away to the west side of Smith Sound, and reached a point about ten miles south of Cape Isabella. The hope was entertained by the commander that he might work his way with the vessel north through the now loosening ice over which he had just been traveling with sledges, get through even Kennedy Channel, to the open sea on the shore of which he had so lately stood, and then sail away to the North Pole. What a stimulating thought! But he found the schooner ice-battered, and, weakened by the "nips" she had experienced, was unequal to the required fight with the defiant pack which every-where filled the sound. So the explorers turned homeward. They arrived at Upernavik on the twelfth of August after many exciting incidents but no accident. Here they learned the startling news of the commencement of the great Rebellion. During their absence President Lincoln had been inaugurated, the black cloud of war had settled heavily over the whole country, and the bloody battle of Bull Run had been fought. They were now to return home and transfer their interest in fighting ice-packs, bergs, and Polar bears, to the conflicts of civil war. CHAPTER XXXIV. SOMETHING NEW. WHILE the civilized world were awaiting with deep interest the results of the search for Sir John Franklin, and while learned geographers and practical navigators to the regions of cold were devising new methods of search for him, a young engraver was working out a problem in reference to this great enterprise peculiarly his own. Without special educational advantages, without the resources of wealth or influential friends, but with the inspiration of one feeling, "a divine call" to the undertaking, he matured his plans and began to publish them abroad. He seems to have at once imparted his own enthusiasm to others. The mayor of his own city, Cincinnati, the governor and senator of his own State, Ohio, the latter the eminent Salmon P. Chase, late Chief-Justice of the United States, became his patrons. Coming east, many of the great and wise men of our large cities gave him an attentive hearing, and not a few encouraged his project. The princely merchant, Henry Grinnell, who had already done so much in the Franklin search, took him at once into kindly sympathy. From New York he went to New London. From the old whalemen, at least from individuals of them of marked character and large experience in Arctic navigation, he obtained encouraging words. His plan of search which thus so readily commended itself was this: He would go into the region where it was now known that Franklin and some of his men had died; he would live with the Esquimo, learn their language, adopt their habits of life, and thus learn all that they knew of the history of the ill-fated expedition. He assumed that many of its men might yet be alive, and if they were, the natives would know it, know where they were, and could guide him to them. To prepare himself for this work he became conversant with Arctic literature, learning all that the books on the subject taught; he applied himself closely to the study of the practical science bearing on his enterprise, learning the use of its instruments. He sought interviews and correspondence with returned explorers and whalemen. In fact, his heart was in the work with a downright enthusiasm. The marked features of his plan seemed to be two--it was inexpensive and new. As to the manning of his expedition, he proposed to go alone; as to vessels, he asked none. He only asked to be conveyed to the proposed Esquimo country, and to be left with its natives. We might name a third attractive feature of this plan, one which always inspires interest--it was bold, bordering on the audacious! We need hardly say to our readers that the name of this new candidate for Arctic perils and honors was Charles Francis Hall--a name now greatly honored and lamented.[A] Mr. Hall was born in Rochester, New Hampshire, in 1821, where he worked a while at the blacksmith's trade, but left both the trade and his native place in early life for the Queen City of the West. The result of Mr. Hall's enthusiastic appeals was an offer by the firm of Williams & Haven, whale-ship owners of New London, to convey him and his outfit in their bark "George Henry" to his point of operations, and if ever desired, to give him the same free passage home in any of their ships. The "George Henry" was going, of course, after whales, and proposed thus to convey him as an obliging incident of the trip. This proposal was made in the early spring of 1860. On the twenty-ninth of May he sailed. His outfit was simple, and had the appearance of a private, romantic excursion. It consisted of a good sized, staunch whale-boat built for his special use, a sledge, a few scientific instruments, a rifle, six double-barreled shot-guns, a Colt's revolver, and the ammunition supposed to be necessary for a long separation from the source of supply. A start was given him in a small store of provisions; beyond that he was to supply himself. A tolerable supply of trinkets were added as a basis of trade with the natives. What funds this miniature exploring expedition required was given largely by Mr. Grinnell. The "George Henry" was accompanied by _a tender_, a small schooner named the "Rescue," having already an Arctic fame. The officers and crew of both vessels numbered twenty-nine, under command of Captain S. O. Buddington. We have spoken of Mr. Hall as the only man of his exhibition; he had after all one companion. The previous year Captain Buddington had brought home an Esquimo by the name of Kudlago, who was now returning to his fatherland and to his wife and children. Upon him Mr. Hall largely depended as an interpreter, a friend, and guide, in his work. The run of the "George Henry" to the Greenland coast was made with but one marked incident. That was to Mr. Hall a very sad one, giving him the first emphatic lesson in the uncertainty of his most carefully devised schemes. It was the death and burial at sea of Kudlago. He had left New London in good health, taken cold in the fogs of Newfoundland, and declined rapidly. He prayed fervently to be permitted to see his wife and children--only that, and he would die content. He inquired daily while confined to his berth if any ice was in sight. His last words were, "_Teiko seko? teiko seko?_"--Do you see ice? do you see ice? The Greenland shore was just in sight when he departed, and his home and family were three hundred miles away. The "George Henry" and her tender, the "Rescue," sailed north, along the Greenland coast, as far as Holsteinberg, where Mr. Hall purchased six Esquimo dogs. The vessel then stood southwest across Davis Strait and made, August eighth, a snug harbor, which Mr. Hall called Grinnell Bay, a little north of what is known as Frobisher Strait. Here Mr. Hall was to land and commence his Esquimo life, alone and far away from a Christian home, while the vessel went about its business capturing whales. His feelings on the voyage are indicated by the following extract from his diary: "A good run with a fair breeze yesterday. Approaching the north axis of the earth! Aye, nearing the goal of my fondest wishes. Every thing relating to the arctic zone is deeply interesting to me. I love the snows, the ices, the icebergs, the fauna and the flora of the North. I love the circling sun, the long day, _the arctic night, when the soul can commune with God in silent and reverential awe_! I am on a mission of love. I feel to be in the performance of a duty I owe to mankind, myself, and God! Thus feeling I am strong at heart, full of faith, ready to do or die in the cause I have espoused." How he felt when actually engaged in his "mission of love," we shall see. We must not, however, think of Mr. Hall in a region comparable to that which included the winter-quarters of Kane and Hayes in the expeditions we have just described. They were at least twelve degrees farther north, Mr. Hall being south of the arctic circle, so that his winter nights were shorter and milder. His present field of operation was on a coast visited by the whale-ships, and where they at times wintered. Besides, natives had been for many years in contact with white men, and were in _some_ respect more agreeable companions. He will therefore, as we follow him, lead us into new scenes of peculiar interest, and show us novel features in the character of the Esquimo. The whale-ship "Black Eagle," Captain Allen, lay in Grinnell Bay on the arrival of our voyagers, and the captain soon appeared on the deck of the "George Henry," with several Esquimo. One of these natives, named Ugarng, especially attracted Mr. Hall's attention. He was intelligent, possessing strong lines of character, and a marked physical development. He had spent a year on a visit to the United States. Speaking of New York, he said with a sailor's emphasis: "No good! too much horse! too much house! too much white people! Women? Ah! women great many--good!" Ugarng will become a familiar acquaintance. Mr. Hall had been giving special attention on the voyage across Davis Strait to his dogs, and they were now to become a chief dependence. He fed them on _capelin_, or dried fish. One day he called them all around him, each in his assigned place, to receive in turn his fish. Now there was one young, shrewd dog, Barbekark, who had not heard, or had never cared to heed the proverb that "honesty is the best policy." He said to himself, "If I can get _two_ of the fish while the other dogs get but one, it will be a nice thing to do;" so, taking his place near the head of the row, he was served with his capelin. Then, slipping out, he crowded between the dogs farther down, and with a very innocent look awaited his turn. His master thought this so sharp in young Barbekark that he pretended not to see the trick, and dealed him a fish as if he had received none. On going the round again his master found him near the head of the row and then at the foot, so the rogue obtained Benjamin's portion. Seeing his success, he winked his knowing eye as much as to say, "Ain't I the smartest dog in the pack!" But Barbekark had entered on a rough road with many turns, as all rogues do. After going round several times, during which the trick was a success, Mr. Hall _skipped_ the trickster altogether. It mattered not what place he crowded into, there was no more fish for him. The upshot was that he received many less than did his companions. Never did a dog look more ashamed. From that time he kept his place when fish were distributed. Mr. Hall, making the vessel his home, made frequent visits ashore, and received many Esquimo visitors on board, and was thus becoming acquainted with the people. An early visitor was Kokerjabin, wife of Kudlago, accompanied by her son. She had learned in her tent that her anxiously awaited husband had been left in the deep sea. She entered the cabin and looked at her husband's white friends, and at the chest which contained his personal goods, with deep emotion; but when Captain Buddington opened the chest, the tears flowed freely; and when she, in taking out things, came to those Kudlago had obtained in the States for herself and her little girl, she sat down, buried her face in her hands, and wept with deep grief. She soon after went ashore with her son to weep alone. Another very marked character was Paulooyer, or, as the white men called him, Blind George. He was now about forty years of age and had been blind nearly ten years, from the effects of a severe sickness. To this blindness was added domestic sorrow. His wife Nikujar was very kind to him for five years after his loss of sight, sharing their consequent poverty. But Ugarng, who had already several wives, offered her a place in his tent as his "household wife"--the place of honor in Esquimo esteem. The offer was tempting, for Ugarng was "a mighty hunter," and rich at all times in blubber, in furs and skin tents and snow huts. So she left poor George, taking with her their little daughter, called Kookooyer. This child became a pet with Ugarng, as she was with her blind father. FOOTNOTE: [A] See Frontispiece. CHAPTER XXXV. A FEARFUL STORM. WHILE the "George Henry" lay at Grinnell Bay, Mr. Hall talked much with the masters of the whale-ships and with the most intelligent of the natives concerning his proposed journey to King William's Land. This was a far-away region, where the remains of the Franklin expedition had been found. He proposed to secure the company of one or more Esquimo and make an attempt to reach it with a dog-sledge, and to take up his abode with its natives in search of information of the lost ones. But both his white and Esquimo advisers agreed that it was too late in the season to begin such a journey. Mr. Hall would then take the whale-boat built for him, man it with natives, and make the attempt by water. But this was deemed impracticable until spring. So he decided to make his home on board the vessel so long as she remained on the coast, and pursue his study of the Esquimo language and his survey of the region of country, with this home as a base of operations. On his return from one of his inland excursions with Kudlago's son, whom the whites called _captain_, he saw his widow, apart from all the people, weeping for her great bereavement. Her son ran to her and tried to comfort her, but she would not be comforted. When Mr. Hall approached she pointed to the spot where their tent was pitched when Kudlago left for the United States. She also showed him the bones of a whale which he had assisted in capturing. Soon after this the widow visited the vessel with her daughter, Kimmiloo, who had been the idol of her father. She looked sad on the mention of her father's name, but, child-like, her eyes gleamed with joy on seeing the fine things his chest contained for her. Captain B.'s wife had sent her a pretty red dress, necktie, mittens, belt, and other like valuables of little white girls. But Mr. Hall suggested that Kimmiloo's introduction to the dress of civilization should be preceded by soap and water. The process of arriving at the little girl through layers of dirt was very slow. When this was done, her kind friend Hall took a _very coarse_ comb, and commenced combing her hair. This had never been done before, and of course the comb "pulled" in spite of the care of the operator, but Kimmiloo bore it bravely. Her locks were filled with moss, greasy bits of seal, and disgusting reindeer hairs, besides other things both _active_ and numerous. A full hour was spent on the hair, but when the comb went through it easily, then the little girl run her fingers into it and braided quickly a tag on each side of her head; she then drew these through brass rings which Mr. Hall had given her. Her Esquimo fur trowsers and coat were thrown off, and the now clean and really beautiful girl put on the red dress. Her happiness would have been complete had her father been there to share her joy. Mr. Hall's kindly nature led him to study the natives in these incidents, and to record them in his journals. Ugarng was one time in the cabin when Mr. Hall had put a few small balls of mercury on a sheet of white paper. It was a new article to the Esquimo, and he tried to pick it up with his thumb and finger, but it escaped his grasp. His efforts would scatter it over the sheet in small globules, and then as he lifted the corners of the paper it would run together, and Ugarng would commence catching it with new vigor. He continued his efforts for a full half hour. Amused at first, but finally losing his temper, he gave it up, exclaiming petulantly that there was an evil spirit in it. Blind George became a constant visitor. At one time Mr. Hall gave him a much worn coat, showing one of the several holes in it. George immediately took a needle, and, bringing his tongue to the aid of his hands, threaded it, and mended _all_ of the rents very neatly. At another time Mr. Hall put into George's hand a piece of steel with a magnet attached. The way the steel flew from his hand to the magnet amazed him. At first he seemed to think it was not really so; but when he clearly felt the steel leap from his fingers, he threw both steel and magnet violently upon the floor. But feeling he was not hurt, and that some little girls laughed at him, he tried it again more deliberately, and was better satisfied. Mr. Hall next gave him a paper of needles, desiring him to bring the magnet near them. He did so, and when the needles flew from his hand by the attraction he sprung to his feet as if an electric current had touched him, and the needles were scattered in every direction over the floor. He declared that Mr. Hall was an "Angekok." On the fourteenth of August another whaling vessel belonging to the owners of the "George Henry" arrived at Grinnell Bay. Her name was the "Georgiana," Captain Tyson; so there were now four vessels near each other--the "Rescue" and "Black Eagle," besides those just named. There were social, merry times. But Captain Buddington, having built a hut here that some of his men might remain to fish, took his vessels farther south, for winter-quarters, into a bay separated from Frobisher Bay on the south by only a narrow strip of land. This Mr. Hall named Field Bay. Here, snugly hid in an inlet of its upper waters, the vessels proposed to winter. The Esquimo were not long in finding the new anchorage of the whites, and in a few days a fleet of kayaks containing seven families appeared. Among them was Kudlago's oldest daughter, now married to a native the sailors called Johnny Bull. She had not heard of her father's death, and stepped on deck elated at the thought of meeting him. "Where is my father?" she inquired of Ugarng's wife. When she was tenderly told the sad story of his death she wept freely. Mr. Hall was at once busy visiting the "tupics," summer tents made of skins, pitched by the natives near the shore. He also rowed to the islands in various directions, generally accompanied by one or more Esquimo. On one of these visits to an island with a boy he had a narrow escape. After several hours' ramble they returned to the landing, where they had left their boat fastened to a rock. The tide had risen and the boat was dancing on the waves out of reach. Here was a "fix!" They were far away from the vessel, the night, cold and dark, was coming on, and they were without shelter. But necessity sharpens one's wits, After some delay and perplexity, Mr. Hall hit upon this plan: He took the seal-skin strings from his boots, and the strings by which various scientific instruments were attached to his person, tied them together, and thus made quite a long and strong line. To this he tied a moderate sized stone. Holding one end of the line in his hand, he tossed the stone into the boat and gently drew it to him, jumped into it, and was soon at the vessel. If Mr. Hall had not been a _green_ boatman he would not have fastened his boat below high-water mark when the tide was coming in! He probably did not again. One day the crew of the "Henry" captured a whale in the bay, and the Esquimo joined with others in towing the monster to the ship. In one of the boats was an Esquimo woman with a babe; she laid her child in the bow of the boat and pulled an oar with the strongest of the white men. Before they reached the vessel the wind blew a gale, the sea ran high, and at times the spray shot into the air and came down in plentiful showers into the boat. The mother cast anxious glances at her child, and, as if it was for its life, rowed with giant strength. At last the prize was safely moored to the "Henry," and the natives were rewarded with generous strips of its black skin, which they ate voraciously, raw and warm from the animal. They carried portions of it to their tupics on shore for future use. This skin is about three fourths of an inch thick, and, in even Mr. Hall's estimation, is "good eating" when raw, "but better soused in vinegar." Soon after this, Captain Tyson brought the "Georgiana" round into Field Bay, and the crews of the two vessels were often together when a whale made its appearance, a circumstance sometimes the occasion of strife when he is captured. One day Smith, an officer of the "Henry," fastened a harpoon in a whale, and was devising means to secure his prey. Captain Tyson, who was near in his boat, killed the monster with his lances, and without a word, left Smith to enjoy the pleasure of taking it to his vessel. The generous act was appreciated on board the "Henry." On the twenty-sixth of December a terrible storm commenced, causing the boats which were cruising for whales to scud home. The three vessels--the "Henry," "Rescue," and "Georgiana"--were anchored near each other, and near an island toward which the wind was blowing. It was about noon when the storm began, and as the day declined the wind increased, bringing on its wings a cloud of snow. When the night came on it was intensely dark, and the waves rose higher and higher as, driven by the tempest, they rolled swiftly by and dashed upon the rocky shore. The vessels labored heavily in the billows and strained at their anchors, now dipping their bows deep in the water, then rising upon the top of a crested wave, and leaping again into the trough of the sea, as if impatient of restraint and eager to rush upon the rocks to their own destruction. The roar of the sea and the howling of the winds through the shrouds were appalling to all on board, while they awaited with breathless interest the integrity of the anchors, on which their lives depended. As the night wore on the watch on deck, peering through the darkness, saw the dim outlines of the "Rescue" steadily and slowly moving toward the shore. "She drags her anchors!" were the fearful words which passed in whispers through the "George Henry." But all breathed easier to hear the report from the watch soon after that she had come to a pause nearly abreast of the "Henry." About midnight the storm put forth all the fury of its power, and the small anchor of the "Georgiana" gave way, and the others went plowing along their ocean beds, and, as the vessel neared the island, her destruction and the loss of all on board seemed certain. The endangered craft worried round a point of rocks, pounding against them as she went, and reached smoother and safer waters, where her anchors remained firm. The ghostly-looking forms of her men were soon after seen on the island, to which they had escaped! In the mean time the men on the "Henry" were in constant fear that their vessel would be dashed upon rocks. Just as the morning was breaking the "Rescue" broke away and went broadside upon the island. With a crash the breakers hurled her against the rocks, and seemed to bury her in their white foam. She was at once a hopeless wreck, but her crew still clung bravely to her. When the morning light had fully come, at the first lull in the storm, while yet the waves rolled with unabated fury, a whale-boat was lowered into the sea from the stern of the "Henry" with a strong line attached, and mate Rogers and a seaman stepped into it. Cautiously and skillfully it was guided to the stern of the "Rescue." Into it her men were taken, and drawn safely to the "Henry." All were saved! A shout of joy mingled with the tumult of the elements! The "Henry" safely outrode the storm. The "Georgiana" was not seriously injured, and her men returned to her and sailed away for other winter-quarters. The "Rescue" was a complete wreck, and, what was a stunning blow to the enterprise of Mr. Hall, his expedition boat, in which, with an Esquimo crew, he had hoped to reach the far-away land of his lone sojourn and search for the Franklin men, was totally wrecked too! What now should he do? That was to him the question of questions. One thing he resolved _not_ to do--he would not abandon his mission. Captain Buddington thought at first that he might spare him one of the ship's boats in which to reach King William's Land; but, on careful inquiry, he found that the only one he could part with was rotten and untrustworthy. So waiting and watching became his present duty. CHAPTER XXXVI. THE AURORA. MR. HALL had an eye for the beautiful in nature. The aurora deeply impressed him, inspiring feelings of awe and reverence. It will be noticed that explorers in the low latitude of Frobisher Bay are treated to displays of the aurora on a scale of magnificence and beauty never seen in the high latitudes of the winter-quarters of Dr. Kane and Hayes. Night after night through the months of October, November, and December Mr. Hall's sensitive nature was in raptures at the wonderful sights. The heavens were aglow. The forms of brightness, and colors of every hue, changed with the rapidity of fleecy clouds driven before the wind. Before the mind had comprehended the grandeur of one scene, it had changed into another of seeming greater beauty of form, color, and brightness. Thousands of such changes occurred while he gazed. No wonder he exclaims: "Who but God could conceive such infinite scenes of glory! Who but God execute them, painting the heavens in such gorgeous display!" Again he exclaims: "It seemeth to me as if the very doors of heaven have opened to-night, so _mighty_ and _beauteous_ and _marvelous_ were the waves of golden light which swept across the azure deep, breaking forth anon into floods of wondrous glory. God made his wonderful works to be remembered." Mr. Hall had been on deck several times, witnessing the enrapturing display, and had returned into the cabin to go to bed, when the captain shouted down the companion-way: "Come above, Hall, at once! _The world is on fire!_" Mr. Hall hastened on deck. He says: "There was no sun, no moon, yet the heavens were flooded with light. Even ordinary print could be read on deck. Yes, flooded with _rivers_ of light!--and _such_ light! light all but inconceivable! The golden hues predominated; but in rapid succession prismatic colors leaped forth. "We looked, we saw, and we trembled; for even as we gazed the whole belt of aurora began to be alive with flashes. Then each pile or bank of light became myriads; some now dropping down the great pathway or belt, others springing up, others leaping with lightning flash from one side, while more as quickly passed into the vacated space; some, twisting themselves into folds, entwining with others like enormous serpents, and all these movements as quick as the eye could follow. It seemed as though there was a struggle with these heavenly lights to reach and occupy the dome above our heads. Then the whole arch above became crowded. Down, down it came! nearer and nearer it approached us! Sheets of golden flames, coruscating while leaping from the auroral belt, seemed as if met in their course by some mighty agency that turned them into the colors of the rainbow. "While the auroral fires seemed to be descending upon us, one of our number exclaimed, 'Hark! hark!' Such a display, as if a warfare were going on among the beauteous lights, seemed impossible without noise. But all was silent." After the watchers, amazed at what they saw, retired to the cabin, they very naturally commenced a lively conversation on what they had witnessed. Captain Buddington declared that, though he had spent most of his time for eleven years in the northern regions, he had never witnessed so grand and beautiful a scene. And he added in an earnest tone: "To tell you the truth, friend Hall, I do not care to see the like again!" In November Mr. Hall became acquainted with two remarkable Esquimo whom we shall often meet. Their names were Ebierbing and his wife Tookoolito, but were known among the white people as Joe and Hannah. They had been taken to England in 1853, and lionized there for two years. They had visited the great and good of that land at their homes, and had aptly learned many of the refinements of civilization. Queen Victoria had honored them with an audience, and they had dined with Prince Albert. Joe declared that the queen was "pretty--yes, quite pretty;" and the prince was "good--very good." They made their visit on shipboard in a full-blown English dress, but when Mr. Hall returned their visit in their _tupic_ on shore they were in the Esquimo costume. Yet Tookoolito busied herself with her _knitting_ during his call. She said, as they conversed: "I feel very sorry to say that many of the whaling people are bad, making the Innuits bad too; they swear very much, and make our people swear. I wish they would not do so. Americans swear a great deal--more and worse than the English. I wish no one would swear. It is a very bad practice I believe." Tookoolito's spirit and example had done much to improve her people, especially the women; these, many of them, had adopted her habit of dressing her hair, and of cleanliness of person and abode. In her and her husband, whom we shall meet often, we shall see the Esquimo as modified by a partial Christian civilization. Mr. Hall made frequent visits to the Esquimo village on shore, mingling with the people, conforming to their habits, and studying their character. Their summer, skin-covered huts--tupics--had now given way to the _igloos_, the snow-house, essentially like those we have before seen. We will accompany Mr. Hall in a visit made in October. He found on creeping into a hut a friend whom he knew as a pilot and boatman; his name was Koojesse. He was sitting in the midst of a group of women drinking with a gusto hot seal blood. Our white visitor joined them, and pronounced the dish excellent. On going out he was met by blind George. "Mitter Hall! Mitter Hall!" shouted the blind man on hearing Mr. Hall's voice. There was a pensive earnestness in the call which arrested his attention. "Ugarng come to-day!" continued George. "He come to-day. My little Kookooyer way go! She here now. Speak-um, Ugarng! My little pickaninny way go! Speak-um." The facts were these: Ugarng, who, as we have stated, had married George's wife, and taken with the mother his little daughter, was at the village attended by the latter. George, who was very fond of the child, desired her company for a while. Mr. Hall did of course "speak-um." Ugarng and the darling Kookooyer were soon seen in happy intimacy with her father. Mr. Hall's attention was attracted by an excited crowd, who were listening to the harangue of a young man. He was evidently master of the situation, for at one moment his audience clenched their fists and raved like madmen, and then, under another touch of his power, they were calm and thoughtful, or melted to tears. He was an _Angekok_, and was going through a series of _ankootings_, or incantations. His howlings and gesticulations were not unlike those of the heathen priests of the East, and of the medicine men of our Indians. On seeing Mr. Hall the Angekok left his snow-platform, from which he had been speaking, and ran to him with the blandest smiles and honied words. He put his arm in his and invited him into his tent, or place of worship, as it might be called; others ran ahead, and it was well filled with worshipers. Koojesse, who was passing at the time with water for the ship, on a wave of the Angekok's hand set his pail down and followed. All faithful Esquimo in this region obey the Angekok. If he sees one smoking, and signifies that he wishes the pipe, the smoker deposits it in the Angekok's pocket. When in the tent the Angekok placed Koojesse on one side, and Mr. Hall facing him on the other side. Now commenced the service. The Angekok began a rapid clapping of his hands, lifting them at times above his head, then passing them round in every direction, and thrusting them into the faces of the people, muttering the while wild, incoherent expressions. The clapping of his hands was intermitted by a violent clapping of the chest on which he sat, first on the top, then on the sides and end. At times he would cease, and sit statue-like for some moments, during which the silence of death pervaded the audience. Then the clapping and gesticulations broke forth with increased violence. Now and then he paused, and stared into the farthest recess of the tent with the fiery eyes and the hideous countenance of a demon. At the right time, to heighten the effect, the wizard, by a quick sign or sharp word, ordered Koojesse to fix his eyes on this point of the tent, then on that, intimating in mysterious undertones that in such places _Kudlago's spirit shook the skin covering_! Koojesse, though one of the most muscular and intelligent of the natives, obeyed with trembling promptness, while the profuse sweat stood in drops upon his nose, (Esquimo perspire freely _only_ on the nose,) and his countenance beamed with intense excitement. The climax was at hand. The Angekok's words began to be plain enough for Mr. Hall's ears. Kudlago's spirit was troubled. Would the white man please give it rest? One of his double-barreled guns would do it! White man! white man! give Kudlago's spirit rest! Give the double-barreled gun! The cunning wizard! But Mr. Hall, who, though brimful of laugh, had been a sober-looking listener, was not to be caught with this chaff, _except in his own interest_. He whispers to Koojesse, "Would the Angekok be a good man to go with me in the spring to King William's Land?" "Yes," was the reply. Then Mr. Hall turned to the Angekok and said aloud, "If you go with me next spring on my explorations you shall have one of my best guns." Thinking the gift was to be given immediately, his crafty reverence shouted, thanked Mr. Hall, threw his arms about his neck, and danced with an air of triumph about the tent, seeming to say as he looked upon his amazed followers, "I have charmed a kablunah"--white man. Mr. Hall tried to set him right about the terms of the gift--that it was to be when he had served him in the spring. But he would understand it as he would have it. His joy found a fullness of expression when, pointing to his two wives, he said to Mr. Hall, "One shall be yours; take your choice." He was disgusted when the white man told him that he had a wife, and that kabluna wanted but one wife. CHAPTER XXXVII. THE DYING ESQUIMO. CHRISTMAS and New Year's (1861) were not forgotten as holidays by the sojourners in the regions of cold and ice. Mr. Hall gave his friend Tookoolito a Bible as a memento of December twenty-fifth. She was much pleased, and at once spelled out on the title-page, _Holy Bible_. Mr. Hall having heard that an Esquimo named Nukerton was seriously sick, invited Tookoolito to visit her with him. Sitting down with the sick one, with Tookoolito as an interpreter, Mr. Hall spoke to her of Jesus and the resurrection, while many of her friends stood listening with intense interest. Tookoolito bent over her sick friend weeping, and continued the talk about God, Christ, and heaven, after Mr. Hall had ceased. Mr. Hall visited the sick one daily, administering to her bodily and spiritual wants. Going to see her on the fourth of January, he found that a new snow-hut had been built for the dying one, and her female friends had carried her into it, opening, to pass her in, a hole on the back side. It was at once her dying chamber and her tomb. For this purpose it was built in conformity to the Esquimo usage. He found Nukerton in her new quarters of stainless snow, on a bed of snow covered with skins, happy at the change though she knew that she had been brought there to die, _and to die alone_, as was the custom of her people. Mr. Hall proposed to carry her to die on board the ship. But even Tookoolito objected to this. It was better she should die alone; such was the custom of their fathers. Mr. Hall remained to watch alone with the dying one, but, on his leaving her igloo to do an errand at a neighboring tent, her friends sealed up its entrance. He threw back the blocks of snow piled against it and crept in. Nukerton was not dead; she breathed feebly; the lamp burned dimly, and the cold was intense; the solemn stillness of the midnight hour had come; sound of footsteps were heard, and a rustling at the entrance. Busy hands were fastening it up, not knowing, perhaps, that Mr. Hall was within. "Stop! stop!" he shouted, and all was silent as the grave. "Come in!" he again said. Koodloo, Nukerton's cousin, and a woman came in. They remained a few moments and left. Mr. Hall was alone again, and remained until the spirit of the dying woman departed. He gently closed her eyes, laid out the body as if for Christian burial, closed up the igloo, and departed. Mr. Hall knew cases, later in his stay with this people, in which the dying were for some time alone before the vital spark was extinguished. The only attendance that the sick have is the howling and mummery of the Angekoks, who are sometimes women. They give no medicine. Mr. Hall made several sledge excursions with his Innuit friends. One to Cornelius Grinnell Bay was full of thrilling incidents, of storms, of perils by the breaking up suddenly of the ice on which he had encamped, and one showing the wolfish rapacity of Esquimo dogs. He also had a bear chase and capture. But these, though full of exciting interest, are similar to those of other explorers, already related. The Esquimo themselves, with all their knowledge of the ice and storms, have many desperate adventures. A party of them was once busily engaged in spearing walrus, when the floe broke up and they went out to sea, and remained three months on their ice-raft! The walrus were plenty, and they had a good time of it, and returned safely. We have given our readers an incident relating to Mr. Hall's dog, Barbekark--a not very creditable incident, it will be remembered, so far as that dog's discernment of moral right is concerned. But then we must remember that heathen dogs are not supposed to know much in that respect. Barbe, as we will call him for shortness, appears again in our story in a way which shows that he was very knowing about some matters at least. One day, at nine in the morning, a party of the ship's company, attended by the native Koojesse, started for an excursion into Frobisher Bay. When well out of sight of the vessel a blinding storm arose, making farther progress both difficult and dangerous. Koojesse counseled an immediate construction of a snow-hut, and a halt until the storm subsided, which was the right thing to do. But the white leader ordered a return march. The dogs, as they generally will with a fierce wind blowing in their face, floundered about in reckless insubordination. Their leader, a strong animal, finally assumed his leadership, and dragged them for a while toward some islands just appearing in sight. But Barbe set back in his harness, pricked up his ears, and took a deliberate survey of the situation. To be sure he could _see_ only a few rods in any direction, but his mind was made up. He turned his head away from the islands, and drew with such vigor and decision that all, both men and dogs, yielded to his guidance. Through the drifts, and in the face of bewildering clouds of snow which darkened their path, he brought the party straight to the ship! A few hours more of exposure and all would have perished. Young Barbe was a brave hunter as well as skillful guide. On a bright morning in March, the lookout on the deck of the "Henry" shouted down the gangway that a herd of deer were in sight. Immediately the excitement of men and dogs was at fever-heat. The dogs, however, did not get the news until Koojesse had crept out, and from behind an island had fired upon the deer. His ball brought down no game, but the report of the gun called out Barbe with the whole pack of wolfish dogs at his heels, in full pursuit of the flying, frightened deer. The fugitives made tortuous tracks, darting behind the islands, now this way, and then off in another direction. But Barbe struck across their windings along the straight line toward the point at which they were aiming, while the rest of the dogs followed their tracks, and so fell behind. Koojesse returned to the vessel, the hope which just now was indulged of a venison dinner was given up, and the affair was nearly forgotten, except that some anxiety was felt lest the dogs should come to harm in their long and reckless pursuit. About noon Barbe came on board having his mouth and body besmeared with blood. He ran to this one, and then to that, looking beseechingly into their faces, and then running to the gangway stairs, where he stopped and looked back, as much as to say, "An't you coming? Do come, I'll show you something worth seeing!" His strange movements were reported to Mr. Hall in the cabin, but being busy writing he took no notice of it. One of the men having occasion to go toward the shore Barbe followed him, but finding that he did not go in the right direction he whined his disappointment, and started out upon the floe, and then turned and said as plainly as a dog could speak, "Come on; this is the way!" A party from the ship determined now to follow. Barbe led them a mile northward, then, leaving them to follow his foot-prints in the snow, he scampered off two miles in a western direction. This brought the men to an island, under the shelter of which they found the dogs. Barbe was sitting at the head of a slaughtered deer, and his companions squatting round as watchful sentinels. The deer's throat had been cut with Barbe's teeth, the jugular vein being severed as with a knife. The roots of the tongue, with bits of the windpipe, had been eaten, the blood sipped up, but nothing more. Several crows were pecking away at the carcass unforbidden by Barbe, who petted crows as his inferiors. Barbe wagged his tail and shook his head as the men came up, and said in expressive dog-language, "See here, now! didn't I tell you so!" The disturbed and blood-stained snow around showed that the deer had fought bravely. One of his legs was somewhat broken in the bloody conflict, which incident might have determined Barbe's victory. The men skinned the deer, and bore the skin and dissected parts to the vessel. CHAPTER XXXVIII. CUNNING HUNTERS. OUR sketch of Mr. Hall's Esquimo life brings us to the early summer of 1861. He had made many excursions in and about Frobisher and Field Bays which we have not noted. Their results were mainly valuable for the relics obtained of the visits here of the famous old explorer Frobisher, nearly three hundred years ago. There were, too, he ascertained, traditions among the natives of these visits, as well as that of Parry, nearly fifty years before, which so well accorded with the known facts as to show the reliability of such traditions. An incident occurred during one of these excursions which illustrates the deceitful effect of refraction in the northern atmosphere. He landed on a headland in Frobisher Bay, and secured an enchanting view of land and sea. Points of historic interest were under his eye, and nature was clothed with a wild Arctic beauty. But an object of still more thrilling interest comes in view. A steamer! Yes, there is her hull and smoke-pipe, all very unmistakable! See, she tacks, now this way, then that, working her way no doubt toward the land on which he stands. Mr. Hall ran to the camp, and told the good news to Koojesse and Ebierbing, his companions. His mind was fairly bewitched with visions of news from civilization, from his country, and perhaps letters from his dear ones of the family circle. Each shouldered his loaded gun, and walked round to the point on the shore toward which the steamer was coming. They would make a loud report with their guns, and _compel_ those on board to notice them. When they reached the spot there was no steamer. The Esquimo looked with blank amazement, and turned inquiringly toward Mr. Hall. Had she sailed away? No, that was impossible. It was only that rock yonder, half buried in snow! There, it does even now look like a steamer! Wait a while. No, it no more looks like a steamer than it looks like a cow! It is a cruel "sell!" It will be recollected that the "George Henry" had made her winter-quarters in a little nook in Field Bay called Rescue Harbor. From his home in her cabin Mr. Hall was going forth on his explorations. But the whalers had made a "whaling depot" on a cape of Frobisher Bay, which commanded a view of its waters and of the waters of Davis Strait. Here they watched for whales, or made excursions after them. To this depot Mr. Hall made an excursion with Koojesse about the middle of June. On their way over the ice, Koojesse gave illustrations of two Esquimo methods of taking seal that were very peculiar. The dogs scented the seal and broke into a furious run, making the sledge "spin" over the ice. Soon Koojesse perceived him lying with his head near his hole. On the instant the dogs and their driver set up a vociferous, startling yell. The seal lifted up his head, frightened almost out of his wits, so that the dogs were within a few rods of him before he so far recovered his senses as to plunge into his hole and escape. Koojesse said that only young seals are so caught. In this case fright had nearly cost the poor seal his life. At another time Koojesse saw a seal sunning himself, and lying, as is their habit, near his hole. The hunter stopped the sledge, took his gun, and, keeping back the dogs, lay down and drew himself along upon his breast, making at the same time a peculiar, plaintive sound, varied in intonation. To this "seal talk," as the Esquimo term it, the animal listens, and is charmed into a pleasant persuasion that some loving friend is near. He looks, listens, and then lays his head languidly upon the ice. So the wily hunter approaches within easy range, the rifle cracks, and the fatal ball goes through the vitals of the confiding seal. Thus seals, like men, sometimes die of alarm, and are sometimes taken in the flatterer's snare. Mr. Hall found the whale depot a busy place. Numerous tents of the white men and Esquimo were grouped together, in the midst of which, on a substantial flag-staff, the stars and stripes were waving. The Esquimo and dogs proclaimed their welcome in their peculiar way, and the officers and crew made the visitor feel at home. The question soon discussed concerned a boat for Mr. Hall's journey to King William's Land. Captain Buddington said seriously that the question had been much on his mind, and had been anxiously considered, and his painful conclusion was that he had no whale-boat adequate for the undertaking. The boat made on purpose for that service, which had been lost when the "Rescue" was wrecked, was the only one brought into those waters which could convey him safely. To go in any other would be to throw away his life. So Mr. Hall said heroically: "I will make the best of my stay here, in explorations and study of the Esquimo traits and language. Do you return to the States, get another suitable boat, and, God willing, I will yet go to King William's Land." Touching incidents of Innuit life were constantly passing before Mr. Hall. Here is one. There was a young man, Etu, about twenty-five years of age, whom our old acquaintance, Ugarng, had taken into his favor. Etu had the misfortune to be born spotted all over his body, precisely like the snow-white and black spotting of the skin of one species of seal. His heathen parents seemed on this account to have loathed their child, for, after enduring his presence a few years in the family, the father carried him to an unfrequented barren island to die. But God, who cared for the child Ishmael and the little Moses, watched over Etu. He caught the sea-birds which flocked to the land _with his hands_--an extraordinary exploit. The summer thus passed and winter came, and the boy yet lived. It so happened--shall we not the rather say, God so ordered--that a kayak of natives rowed that way. They were surprised when they saw a boy alone on a drear island, and the child was frightened at their presence. But when they made friendly signs he rushed into their arms. The boy returned to his people, but being shunned and slighted he became discouraged and indolent. Such was his situation when Ugarng took him into his family. One day Mr. Hall entered the tent of Ebierbing and found there a girl thirteen years of age, Ookoodlear, weeping as though her heart would break. She also was of Ugarng's family, but had been staying with the kind Tookoolito, wife of Ebierbing. Her trouble was that Ugarng was coming to take her away and make her the wife of Etu! Marry a seal-spotted man! the thought was awful! Then, she was so young! Ebierbing took with him a friend, and called upon Etu and told him the dislike felt toward him of the girl. Poor Etu! Then Tookoolito agreed with Ugarng to take charge of Ookoodlear, so the marriage was prevented. Marriage contracts among the Esquimo are made by the parents or other friends, often in the childhood of the parties. Those immediately concerned seldom have any thing to do or say in the matter. Among the Esquimo of Whale Sound the proposed bridegroom was sometimes required to be able to carry off to his igloo, in spite of herself, his intended bride. The resistance in such cases on the part of the woman is supposed to depend upon circumstances. There is no marriage ceremony. In these Esquimo communities the two great events, marriage and death, transpire without special note. Among the natives of the region we are now visiting the newborn child generally first sees the light alone with its mother, and in an igloo built expressly for her. Late in July the ice broke up and liberated the "George Henry" from her icy prison. The sailors returned on board, and she sailed away on a whaling cruise. Mr. Hall was left alone with his Innuit friends. He had planned a voyage of exploration in his whale-boat with a crew of them, to be absent about two months. On his return, if he found the whalers in those regions he would go to the States in one of them; if not, he would remain in Esquimo life until their return. Ebierbing and Tookoolito were of course to be of his party. But Ebierbing was taken seriously sick and so was prevented from accompanying him, much to his regret. His crew, as finally selected, were Koojesse and wife, Charley (his Esquimo name is too long to write) and his wife, Koodloo, and a widow, Suzhi, remarkable for her great size and strength, weighing two hundred. The party were off the ninth of August. They passed through Lupton Channel, a narrow run of water connecting Field Bay with Frobisher Bay. A white whale preceded them, leisurely keeping the lead, as if conscious that there were no harpoons in the boat; perhaps he assumed his safety from the presence of the women. The sea-fowl were abundant. The Esquimo, to save ammunition, adopted one of their own amusing yet cruel ways of capturing them. They rowed softly and swiftly to a cluster of them in the water. Just as the birds were about to fly the whole crew set up a most terrific yell, at the same time stamping and throwing their arms about with wild gesticulations. Down go the frightened birds, diving, instead of flying, to escape the enemy. The crew now seize their oars, and the steerer guides the boat by the disturbed surface of the water to the spot where they come up. The moment they show their heads the uproar is renewed. Down go the birds again without taking breath. This course, though exciting sport to the hunters, is soon death to the poor birds, which, exhausted and finally drowned, are picked from the surface of the water. One of the ducks taken in this way was a mother with a fledgeling. As the parent gasped in its dying agony, the child would put its little bill in her mouth for food, and then nestle down under her for protection. The explorers having entered Frobisher Bay, sailed west along its northern shore. They camped at night on the land, and made slow progress by day. The Esquimo were in no hurry, while Mr. Hall would make good time to the extreme west of the bay and survey that line of coast, as the waters had hitherto been deemed a strait. But his free and easy companions were more disposed to have a good time than to add to geographical knowledge. At one time Koojesse, taking up Mr. Hall's glass, saw a bear some miles away on an island. Fresh duck was plenty on board, and a chase after "_ninoo_" at the expense of time was unnecessary. But it would be _fun_; that settled the matter. Away sped the rickety old whale-boat, impelled by strong hands. Bruin soon snuffed the strangers, stood and looked, then comprehending the danger, turned and ran over to the other side of the island. Soon the boat was in sight of him, and he plunged into the water. The Esquimo now adopted a part of the game they had played so successfully on the ducks. They occasionally made a sudden and deafening uproar. Ninoo would stop and turn round to see what was the matter, and so time was gained by his pursuers. But he made good speed for the main land, and after a while began so far to comprehend the situation that no noise arrested his course. On he went for dear life. The balls soon reached him and dyed his coat in crimson, yet he halted not until one struck his head. This enraged him; he deemed the play decidedly foul. He turned, showed his teeth, and this brought the boat to a stand-still. The hunters did not care for a hand-to-paw fight. The rifle settled the unequal conflict, and ninoo's body was towed ashore. The bladder of the bear was inflated, and with some other _charms_, put on a staff to be elevated on the top of the tupic when the party encamped, and in the bow of the boat when sailing. This insured good luck according to Esquimo notions. The explorers were, while in camp at one time, in want of oil for their lamp. Koodloo found some strips of sea-blubber and carried it to Suzhi, who was "in tuktoo"--that is, in bed. She sat up, rested upon her elbows, put a dish before her, took the blubber, bit off pieces, chewed it and sucked the oil out, and then spirted it out into the dish. In this way she "milled" oil enough to fill two large lamps. This done she lay down again and slept, with unwashen hands and face. There were no white sheets to be soiled. CHAPTER XXXIX. ROUND FROBISHER BAY. THE explorers found occasionally during their voyage encampments of natives. In these many incidents occurred illustrating Esquimo habits. At one place the women were busily employed on seal-skins, making women's boots. One of them was diligently sewing while her big boy _stood_ at her breast nursing! Before reaching the head of the bay Mr. Hall's party was joined by a boat load of Esquimo, and several women canoes. A beautiful river emptied into the bay here which abounded with salmon, which proved most excellent eating. Vegetation was abundant. The women brought Mr. Hall a good supply of berries, resembling, in size and color, blueberries. They were deemed a great luxury. Wolves barked and howled about the camp. The aurora danced and raced across the heavens in strange grandeur. The deer roamed about the rocky coast undisturbed except by the occasional visits of the Innuits. Mr. Hall, having pretty thoroughly explored the head of the bay, purposed to return on the side opposite that on which he came. Here were hills covered with snow. It had no attractions for his Esquimo companions, and they muttered their discontent at the route. Ascending one of these hills, Mr. Hall planted on it, with much enthusiasm, a flag-staff from which floated the stripes and stars. On returning to the encampment he found his tent occupied by several Esquimo busily engaged in various items of work. One of the women having done him a favor he gave her some beads, asking her at the same time what she had done with those he had given her on a former occasion. She said she had given them to the Angekok for his services in her sickness. Mr. Hall went to a tin box and took out a copy of the Bible and held it up before the woman, saying, "This talks to me of heaven!" Instantly, as though a light from heaven had flashed upon them all, both men and women left their work, and springing to their feet looked at Mr. Hall. At first they seemed terrified; then a smile of joy came over their faces, and they said, "Tell us what it talks of heaven." As well as he was able, with but a slight knowledge of their language, he unfolded to them the great truths of Revelation. When he paused one of his hearers pointed downward, inquiring if it talked of the grave, or perhaps meaning the place of the wicked. When he answered "Yes," they looked at each other with solemnity and surprise. But an incident which occurred soon after showed that these Esquimo did not feel the presence of eternal things. A white whale had been seen and chased by the men and women. He escaped, and the men returned in bad humor. As one of the women was helping to unload the boat her husband threw a seal-hook at her with great force. She parried the blow, and it caught in her jacket. She calmly removed it, and continued at her work as if nothing had happened. Esquimo men are generally the mildest, if not the most affectionate, of savages in their relation of husbands; yet in their fits of passion they throw any thing that is at hand at their wives, a hatchet, stone, knife, or spear, as they would at a dog. At one time the Esquimo men all left Mr. Hall's boat on a hunt. He continued his voyage with the three women rowers. The boat was pleasantly gliding along, when in passing an island it fell into a current which rushed over a bed of slightly covered rocks with the rapidity of a mill-race, seething and whirling in its course. The women, though frightened, rowed with great vigor, Suzhi showing herself more than an ordinary man in the emergency. For some time the struggle was fearful and uncertain. To go with the current was certain death; to get out of it seemed impossible. At last slowly, steadily, they gained on the rushing current, and then the boat shot into a little cove in tranquil waters. They landed and rested six hours. Mr. Hall had now, September twelfth, been out thirty-five days, and he determined to return to Rescue Harbor, hoping to find that the "George Henry" had returned from her whaling trip. This pleased the Esquimo, but they did not like his south-side route. Koojesse would, in spite of Mr. Hall, steer the boat toward the opposite side, and the rowers enjoyed the joke. At one time our explorer wished to stop and make further examination of a certain locality, but Koojesse was heading the boat northward. His captain urged him to stop, and he replied with savage sharpness, "You stop; I go!" Even the women rowers when alone with Mr. Hall set up an independent authority at one time, and it was only after considerable urging that they yielded to the white man. Once when Koojesse was acting contrary to orders, Mr. Hall turned upon him with tones of authority and a show of determination. He yielded, and five minutes afterward the whole Esquimo crew were as jovial as if nothing had occurred. Yet it was not quite certain that this was a safe course. The life of the lone white man was in their hands. During this voyage Mr. Hall was treated without stint to the delights of one Esquimo practice. We have spoken of the wild songs of their incantations, rising often into a dismal howl. One of the crew, a woman, had a gift in this way, and when she _ankooted_ the rest accompanied, or came in on the chorus. In this way they often made the night of their encampment hideous. One day the boat was gliding smoothly along under the steady strokes of the rowers. The unemployed were nestling down in their furs, dreamily musing, while the dreary expanse of sky and sea was profoundly still, save the distant screech of the sea-fowl, and the occasional bark of the seal. Suddenly the female enchanter commenced her mystical song. Her voice was shrill as a night-bird's, and varied by sharp and sudden cracks, like fourth-of-July firecrackers. The Esquimo crew came in on the chorus, and the rowers put forth at the same time a frantic energy, their eyes glaring and countenances fearfully distorted. The whole scene was intensely demoniac. The enchanters seemed intoxicated with their howlings, and continued them through the night and most of the two following days. Only one incident more of a noticeable character occurred on this excursion. When one of their nightly encampments had just commenced _a gold fever_ seized the Esquimo, and shook the little community as if they had been white folks. A huge lump of gold had been found! It was precisely the article for which the sovereign of England and her savans had sent here, three hundred years before, the sturdy Frobisher, with a fleet of empty ships. It was emphatically _fool's gold_. Friday, September twenty-seventh, 1861, the explorers arrived at Rescue Harbor. The "George Henry" was already there. Her energetic officers and crew had toiled through all the season and taken nothing! The explorer and the ship's commander, after a warm supper, sat in the cabin talking over the incidents of their experience while separated until a late hour of the night. The whole community were jubilant at their return, as fears were indulged that the crazy craft had sunk with all its occupants. Mr. Hall was not long in finding the tupic of his friends, Ebierbing and wife. When the wife of Tookoolito saw him she buried her face in her hands and burst into tears so great was her joy. While chatting with them, Mr. Hall heard the plaintive sound of an infant voice. Turning back the folds of Tookoolito's fur wrapper a little boy was seen only twenty-four days old, an only child. October twentieth came, and the whalers had secured three whales--an encouraging success after a long failure. But her captain had not intended to stay another winter. His time was out, and so, nearly, were his provisions. But while Rescue Harbor was yet clear of ice, and he was getting ready to return, purposing to take with him the still enthusiastic explorer, the heavy "pack" was outside of the harbor in Davis Strait. It had come, an untimely, unwelcome voyager from the north. While the anxious whalemen were looking for a "lead" to open and permit them to sail homeward the Frosty King of the north waved his icy scepter, and Davis Strait was as unnavigable as the solid land. Another winter was spent in Rescue Harbor, and it was not until early in August, 1862, that the vessel was set free and spread her sails for home. This year, too, was diligently improved by Mr. Hall in explorations and the further study of the Esquimo language and character. He confidently expected to return, after a short stay in the United States, and carry out his proposed plan of explorations in King William's Land. He took home with him Ebierbing and Tookoolito, with their infant boy, Tuk-e-lik-e-ta. The dog Barbekark made one of the returning party. They arrived in New London September thirteenth, 1862, after an absence of two years and three and a half months. CHAPTER XL. THE "POLARIS." WE have seen that Mr. Hall's enthusiasm for arctic research was unabated when he returned from his first adventure. In 1864 he was off again. He sailed from New London in the whaler "Monticello," accompanied by his Esquimo friends, Ebierbing and Tookoolito. The "Monticello" entered Hudson Bay, landed the daring explorers on its northern shores, and left them to their fortunes. From thence they made the long, dreary journey to King William's Land, where the relics of Franklin's party had been found, some of whom Hall hoped to find alive. For five years he lived an Esquimo life, experiencing many thrilling adventures, and escaping many imminent dangers. At one time he saved his own life only by shooting an assailant who was leading against him a party who had conspired to murder him. The result of his long sojourn in this region of cold was a store of knowledge of the Esquimo habits and language, but nothing important relating to the fate of the Franklin expedition. Many sad confirmations were indeed found of the fact before generally accepted, that they had all miserably perished. On his return, Mr. Hall, nothing daunted by hardships and failures, commenced writing and lecturing on the theory of an open Polar Sea. As he had done before, so now he succeeded in impressing not only the popular mind but scientific men and statesmen with the plausibility of his theory and the practicability of his plans. Another North Pole expedition was proposed; Congress appropriated to it fifty thousand dollars, and Mr. Hall was appointed its commander. A craft of about four hundred tons, being larger than either of its predecessors on the same errand, was selected, and named the "Polaris." She was a screw-propeller, and rigged as a fore-topsail schooner. Her sides were covered with a six-inch white oak planking, nearly doubling their strength. Her bows were nearly solid white oak, made sharp, and sheathed with iron. One of her boilers was fitted for the use of whale or seal oil, by which steam could be raised if the coal was exhausted. She was supplied with five extraordinary boats. One of these must have been the last Yankee invention in the boat line. It is represented as having a capacity to carry twenty-five men, yet weighing only two hundred and fifty pounds; when not in use it could be folded up and packed snugly away. The "Polaris" was, of course, amply equipped and ably manned, and great and useful results were expected from her. President Grant is said to have entered with interest into this enterprise of Captain Hall, and the nation said, "God bless him and his perilous undertaking!" though many doubted the wisdom of any more Arctic expeditions. A few days before his departure Mr. Hall received from the hand of his friend, Henry Grinnell, a flag of historic note. It had fluttered in the wind near the South Pole with Lieutenant Wilkes, in 1838; had been borne by De Haven far northward; it had gone beyond De Haven's highest in the Kane voyage, and was planted still farther North Poleward by Hayes. "I believe," exclaimed Captain Hall, on receiving it, "that this flag, in the spring of 1872, will float over a new world, in which the North Pole star is its crowning jewel." The "Polaris" left New York June 29, 1871, tarried for a few days at New London, and was last heard from as she was ready to steam northward, the last of August, from Tussuissak, the most northern of the Greenland outposts. At this place Captain Hall met our old acquaintance, Jensen, of the Hayes expedition. He was flourishing as "governor" of a few humble huts occupied by a few humbler people, and he put on consequential airs in the presence of his white brother. He would not be a dog-driver again to an Arctic exploration--not he! Hall says he had "a face of brass in charging for his dogs." But the full complement of sixty was made up here, and his stock of furs was increased. As our voyagers are now about to enter upon the terribly earnest conflicts of North Pole explorers, and as their complement of men _and women_ are complete, we will further introduce them to our readers. The commander, Hall, they know; he is well-proportioned, muscular, of medium height, quiet, but completely enthusiastic in his chosen line of duty, believing thoroughly in himself and his enterprise, yet believing well too easily of others, especially of the rough men of his command, some of whom have grown up under the harsh discipline of the whale-ship or the naval service. The next in command is the sailing-master, Captain S. O. Buddington of our last narrative. Captain Tyson, commissioned as assistant navigator to the expedition, has been introduced to the reader at Frobisher Bay, while in command there of a whale-ship. We shall have occasion to become very intimate with him. Here is our old acquaintance, William Morton, whom we knew so favorably by his heroic deeds in the Dr. Kane expedition; he is second mate now. Of course, Captain Hall's old friends of his first and second Arctic experience, Ebierbing and Tookoolito, his wife, are here. They are now known as Joe and Hannah, and although it does some violence to our taste to drop their Esquimo names, we will conform to the usage about us, and know them in this narrative by these English names. They are accompanied by an adopted daughter from among their people, about ten years old, whom they call Puney. [Illustration: Captain Buddington.] And here, too, is our old friend Hans, taken on board at Upernavik. Having been with Kane and Hayes, nothing daunted by the perils of their voyages, he is here to see, if possible, with Hall, the North Pole, though no doubt thinking much more of his twenty-five dollars a month as hunter and dog-driver than of the desired discoveries. His wife and their three children are with him, for, like a good husband and father, he would not be separated from his family. The children are Augustina, a girl about thirteen years, heavy built, and most as large as her mother; Tobias, a boy of perhaps eight, and a little girl, Succi, of four years. Think of such a group daring the known and unknown perils of Arctic ice and cold! With the rest of the ship's company we shall form acquaintance as our narrative progresses. On the twenty-fourth of August the "Polaris" left Tussuissak, and fairly began her Arctic fight in the ice, current, and wind encounters of Melville Bay. But on she steamed, passing in a few days through the Bay into the North Water, into Smith Sound, passing Hayes's winter-quarters, yet steaming on by Dr. Kane's winter-quarters, not even pausing to salute our old friends Kalutunah and Myouk, sailing up the west side of Kennedy Channel, the scene of Dr. Hayes's conflicts and heroic achievements, the "Polaris" finally brings up in the ice barriers of north latitude 82° 16´. The highest points of previous voyages in this direction are far south. That new world of which the North Pole star is "the crowning jewel," is less than six hundred miles farther. If that open sea located in this latitude by confident explorers was only a fact, how easily and how soon would the brave "Polaris" be there! But the ice-floe, strong and defiant, and the southern current, were facts, and the open sea nowhere visible. The "Polaris" was taken in hand by the ice and current in the historic, Arctic fashion, and set back about fifty miles. The Ice King had said, "Thus far and no farther," and pointed with his frosty fingers southward. The "Polaris" early in September was glad to steam in under the land, anchor to an iceberg, and make her winter-quarters. Captain Hall called the harbor "Thank-God Harbor," and the friendly anchorage "Providence Berg." He had a right here now, for a little farther north, at a place he called "Repulse Harbor," he went ashore, threw the stripes and stars to the breeze, and took possession of the land "in the name of God and the President of the United States." We shall not expect to hear that a territorial representative from this land enters the next Congress. If this part of our national domain has a representative in the life-time of our distinguished acquaintance, Kalutunah, we nominate him for the position, as one of the nearest known inhabitants. Now commenced in earnest preparations for an Arctic winter. We have seen how this is done, and Hall and some, at least, of his officers knew how to do it. The hunters were abroad at once, and an early prize was a musk-ox weighing three hundred pounds. His meat was tender and good, having no musky odor. This was but the beginning of the good gunning afforded by this far northern region. Two seals were soon after shot. The country was found to abound in these, and in geese, ducks, rabbits, wolves, foxes, partridges, and bears. The scurvy was not likely to venture near our explorers. A pleasant incident occurred on shipboard about this time which the reader will better appreciate as our story progresses. It was September twenty-fourth. The Sabbath religious service of the preceding day had been conducted by Chaplain Bryant in his usual happy manner. At its close Commander Hall made some kind, earnest remarks to the men by which their rough natures were made tender, and they sent a letter from the forecastle to the cabin expressing to him their thanks. To this he replied in the following note:-- "SIRS: The reception of your letter of thanks to me of this date I acknowledge with a heart that deeply feels and fully appreciates the kindly feeling that has prompted you to this act. I need not assure you that your commander has, and ever will have, a lively interest in your welfare. You have left your homes, friends, and country; indeed, you have bid farewell for a time to the whole civilized world, for the purpose of aiding me in discovering the mysterious, hidden parts of the earth. I therefore must and shall care for you as a prudent father cares for his faithful children." October tenth, after careful preparation, Captain Hall started northward on an experiment in the way of sledging. He purposed more extended sledge journeys in the spring, until the Pole itself should be reached. He took two sledges, drawn by seven dogs each. Captain Hall and Joe accompanied one, and Mr. Chester, the mate, and Hans, the other. Their experience on this trip was simply of the Arctic kind, of which we have seen so much. Deep snows, treacherous ice, which was in a state of change by the action of winds and currents, intense cold, and vexed and vicious dogs, all put in their appearance. But Captain Hall says, "These drawbacks are nothing new to an Arctic traveler. We laugh at them, and plod on determined to execute the service faithfully to the end." The sledge expedition was gone two weeks, and traveled north fifty miles. They discovered a lake and a river. They came to the southern cape of a bay which they had seen from the "Polaris" in her drift from above. They named the bay Newman Bay, and attached Senator Sumner's name to the cape. From the top of an iceberg they surveyed the bay, and believed it extended inland thirty miles. Crossing the mouth of the bay they clambered up its high northern cape, which they called Brevoort. Here they looked westward over the waters up which a good distance past this point the "Polaris" had sailed, and which they had named Robeson Strait. They peered longingly into the misty distance, and fondly hoped to penetrate it with sledge or steamer in the spring. Joe, the architect of the journey, built here their sixth snow-hut. It was warmer than at Thank-God Harbor, and birds, musk-oxen, foxes, and rabbits, were seen, and bear and wolf tracks were in the vicinity. Captain Hall was joyous at the future prospect. He wrote a dispatch from this high latitude in which he says, "We have all been well up to this time." A copy of it was placed in a copper cylinder and buried under a pile of stones. The party turned their faces homeward; Captain Hall's Arctic explorations were ended. CHAPTER XLI. DISASTER. [Illustration: Unloading Stores from the "Polaris."] ABOUT noon of October twenty-fourth Captain Hall and his party were seen in the distance approaching the ship. Captain Tyson, the assistant navigator, went out to meet them. Not even a dog had been lost, and Captain Hall was jubilant over his trip and the future of the expedition. While he was absent the work of banking up the "Polaris" with snow as an increased defense against the cold, the building of a house on shore for the stores, and their removal to it from the ship, had gone forward nearly to completion. He looked at the work, greeted all cheerfully, and entered the cabin. He obtained water, and washed and put on clean underclothes. The steward, Mr. Herron, asked him what he would have to eat, expressing at the same time a wish to get him "something nice." He thanked him, but said he wanted only a cup of coffee, and complained of the heat of the cabin. He drank a part of the cup of coffee and set it aside. Soon after he complained of sickness at the stomach, and threw himself into his berth. Chester, the mate, and Morton, second mate, watched with him all night, during which he was at times delirious. It was thought he was partially paralyzed. The surgeon, Dr. Bessel, was in constant attendance, but after temporary improvement he became wildly delirious, imagining some one had poisoned him, and accused first one, then another. He thought he saw blue gas coming from the mouths of persons about him. He refused clean stockings at the hand of Chester, thinking they were poisoned, and he made others taste the food tendered him before taking it himself, even that from sealed cans opened in his cabin. During the night of November seventh he was clear in his mind, and as Surgeon Bessel was putting him to bed and tucking him in, he said in his own kind tone, "Doctor, you have been very kind to me, and I am obliged to you." Early in the morning of November eighth he died, and with his death the American North Polar Expedition was ended. The grave of their beloved commander was dug by the men under Captain Tyson, inland, southeast, about a half mile from the "Polaris." The frozen ground yielded reluctantly to the picks, and the grave was of necessity very shallow. On the eleventh a mournful procession moved from the "Polaris" to the place of burial. Though not quite noon it was Arctic night. A weird, electric light filled the air, through which the stars shone brilliantly. Captain Tyson walked ahead with a lantern, followed by Commander Buddington and his officers, and then by the scientific corps, which included the chaplain, Mr. Bryan; the men followed, drawing the coffin on a sled, one of their number bearing another lantern. The fitting pall thrown over the coffin was the American flag. Following the sled were the Esquimo--last in the procession but not the least in the depth and genuineness of their sorrow. At the grave, Tyson held the light for the chaplain to read the burial service. As the solemn, yet comforting words were uttered, "I am the resurrection and the life, saith the Lord," all were subdued to tears. Only from the spirit of the Gospel, breathing its tender influence through these words, was there any cheerful inspiration. The day was cold and dismal, and the wind howled mournfully. Inland over a narrow snow-covered plain, and in the shadowy distance, were huge masses of slate-rock, the ghostly looking sentinels of the barren land beyond. Seaward was the extended ice of Polaris Bay, and the intervening shore strown with great ice-blocks in wild confusion. About five hundred paces away was the little hut called an observatory, and from its flag-staff drooped at half-mast the stars and stripes. Far away were his loved family and friends, whose prayers had followed him during his adventures in the icy north, who even now hoped for his complete success and safe return; and far away the Christian burial place where it would have been to them mournfully pleasant to have laid him. But he who had declared that he loved the Arctic regions, and to whose ears there was music in its wailing winds, and to whose eyes there was beauty in its rugged, icy barrenness, had found his earthly resting-place where nature was clothed in its wildest Arctic features. A board was erected over his grave in which was cut:-- "TO THE MEMORY OF C. F. HALL, _Late Commander of the North Polar Expedition._ Died November 8, 1871, Aged fifty years." When the funeral procession had returned to the ship, all moved about in the performance of their duty in gloomy silence. It is sad to record that the great affliction caused by the death of Hall was rendered more intense by the moral condition of the surviving party. Two hideous specters had early in the expedition made their appearance on board the "Polaris." They were the spirits of Rum and Discord! Commander Hall had forbidden the admission of liquor on shipboard, but it had come _with_ the medicines whether _of_ them or not. It was put under the key of the locker, but it broke out--no, we will not do injustice even to this foulest of demons: _an officer_, selected to guard the safety and comfort of the ship's company, broke open the locker and let it out. This brought upon him a reprimand from Captain Hall, and later a letter of stricture upon his conduct. The doctor's alcohol could not be safely kept for professional purposes, which raised "altercations" on board. So Rum and Discord, always so closely allied, went stalking through the ship, with their horrid train. Insubordination, of course, was from the first in attendance. Hall had, it would seem, in part _persuaded_ into submission this ghastly specter. Where, on shipboard, the lives of all depend upon submission to one will, rebellion becomes, in effect, murder. We have seen that Dr. Kane argued down this bloody intruder by a pistol in a steady hand leveled at the head of the chief rebel; and that Dr. Hayes saved his boat party by the same persuasive influence over Kalutunah. But Hall was not reared in the navy, and was cast in a gentle mold. On the Sunday following the burial of Hall it was announced that from that time the Sunday service would be omitted. "Each one can pray for himself just as well," it was remarked. The faithful chaplain, however, seems to have held religious service afterward for such as pleased to attend. Hall had taken great pleasure in it, and it had, we think, attended every Arctic expedition through which we have carried the reader. After such a purpose to dismiss public worship from the vessel we are not surprised to learn that "the men made night hideous by their carousings." Nature without had ceased to distinguish night from day, and our explorers did not follow the example of their predecessors in this region, and _make_ day and night below decks by requiring the light to be put out at a stated hour. So the noise and card-playing had all hours for their own. Under these circumstances, as if to make the "Polaris" forecastle the counterpart of one of our city "hells," pistols were put into the hands of the men. Discord was now armed, and Alcohol was at the chief place of command. The Christmas came, but no religious service with it. New-Year's day brought nothing special. The winter dragged along but not the wind, which roared in tempests, and rushed over the floe in currents traveling fifty-three miles an hour. It played wild and free with the little bark which had intruded upon its domains, breaking up the ice around it, and straining at its moorings attached to the friendly berg. Spring came at last. Hunting became lively and successful. His majesty, the bear, became meat for the hunters after a plucky fight, in which two dogs had their zeal for bear combat fairly subdued. Musk-oxen stood in stupid groups to be shot. White foxes would not be hit at any rate. Birds, trusting to their spread wings, were brought low, plucked and eaten. Seals coming out of their holes, and stretching themselves on the ice to enjoy dreamily a little sunshine, to which they innocently thought they had a right as natives of the country, were suddenly startled by the crack of the rifles of Hans and Joe, and often under such circumstances died instantly of lead. It seemed hardly fair. In fact we are confident that the animals about Polaris Bay contracted a prejudice against the strangers, except the white foxes, who could not see what _hurt_ these hunters did--at least to foxes--and they were of a mind that it was decided fun to be hunted by them. The Esquimo have been in this high latitude in the not distant past, as a piece of one of their sledges was found. Soon after Hall's death the chief officers had mutually pledged in writing that, "It is our honest intention to honor our flag, and to hoist it upon the most northern point of the earth." During the spring and summer some journeys northward were made, but were not extended beyond regions already visited. The eye which would have even now looked with hope and faith to the region of the star which is the "crowning jewel" of the central north, was dim in death. Captain Buddington, now in chief command, had faith and hope in the homeward voyage only. [Illustration: Perilous Situation of the "Polaris."] On the twelfth of August, 1872, the "Polaris" was ready, with steam up, for the return trip. On that very day there was added to the family of Hans a son. All agreed to name him Charlie Polaris, thus prettily suggesting the name of the late commander and of the ship. Little Charlie was evidently disgusted with his native country, for he immediately turned his back upon it, the ship steaming away that afternoon. The "Polaris" had made a tolerably straight course up, but now made a zig-zag one back. On she went, steaming, drifting, banging against broken floes, through the waters over which we have voyaged with Kane and Hayes, until they came into the familiar regions of Hayes's winter-quarters. On the afternoon of the fifteenth of October the wind blew a terrific gale from the north-west. The floe, in an angry mood, _nipped_ the ship terribly. She groaned and shrieked, in pain but not in terror, for with her white oak coat of mail she still defied her icy foe, now rising out of his grasp, and then falling back and breaking for herself an easier position. The hawsers were attached to the floe, and the men stood waiting for the result of the combat on which their lives depended. At this moment the engineer rushed to the deck with the startling announcement that the "Polaris" had sprung a leak, and that the water was gaining on the pumps. "The captain threw up his arms, and yelled the order to throw every thing on the ice." No examination into the condition of the leak seems to have been made. A panic followed, and overboard went every thing in reckless confusion, many valuable articles falling near the vessel, and, of course, were drawn under by her restless throes and lost. Overboard went boats, provisions, ammunition, men, women, and children, nobody knew what nor who. It was night--an intensely dark, snowy, tempestuous night. It was in this state of things, when the ship's stores and people were divided between the floe and her deck, that the anchors planted in the floe tore away, and the mooring lines snapped like pack-thread, and away went the "Polaris" in the darkness, striking against huge ice-cakes, and drifting none knew where. "Does God care for sparrows?" and will he not surely care for these imperiled explorers, both those in the drifting steamer, and those on the floe whom he alone can save, unhoused in an Arctic night on which no sun will rise for many weeks, exposed to the caprice of winds, currents, and the ever untrustworthy ice-raft on which they are cast? We will leave the floe party awhile in His care, and follow the fortunes of the brave little vessel and her men. CHAPTER XLII. THE LAST OF THE "POLARIS." THOSE left on board of the "Polaris" were oppressed with fears both for themselves and those on the floe. The leak in the ship was serious, and the water was gaining in the hold, and threatened to reach and put out the fires, and thus render the engine useless. Besides, the deck pumps were frozen up, and only two lower ones could be used. But "just before it was too late," hot water was procured from the boiler and poured in buckets-full into the deck-pumps, and they were thawed out. The men then worked at the pumps with an energy inspired by imminent danger of death. They had already been desperately at work for six unbroken hours, and ere long the fight for life was on the verge of failure. Just then came to the fainting men the shout "steam's up," and tireless steam came to the rescue of weary muscles. As the dim light of the morning of October sixteenth dawned on the anxious watchers, they saw that they had been forced by the violent wind out of Baffin Bay into Smith Sound. Not until now, since the hour of separation, had they counted their divided company. The assistant navigator, the meteorologist, all the Esquimo, and six seamen were missing; part of the dogs had also gone with the floe party. Fourteen men remained, including the commander and the mate, the surgeon, and the chaplain. Men were sent to the mast-head to look for the missing ones, but the most careful gaze with the best glass failed to discern them. Hope of their safety was inspired by the fact that they had all the boats, even to the little scow; yet it was not certainly known that the boats had not been sunk or drifted off in the darkness, and thus lost to them. So all was tantalizing uncertainty. An examination revealed the encouraging fact that a good supply of fuel and provisions remained on board. A breeze sprung up at noon by whose aid the "Polaris" was run eastward, through a fortunate lead, as near to the land as possible. Here lines were carried out on the floe and made fast to the hummocks, all the anchors having been lost. She lay near the shore, and grounded at low water. An examination showed that the vessel was so battered and leaky, that surprise was excited that she had not gone down before reaching the shore. It was decided at once that she could not be made to float longer. The steam-pumps were stopped, the water filled her hold, and decided her fate. The sheltered place into which the "Polaris" had by Divine guidance entered was Life-Boat Cove, only a little north of Etah Bay, every mile of which we have surveyed in former visits. The famous city of Etah with its two huts was not far away, but out of it and its vicinity had come timely blessings to other winter-bound explorers. Our party at once commenced to carry ashore the provisions, clothing, ammunition, and all such articles from the vessel as might make them comfortable. The spars, sails, and some of the heavy wood-work of the cabin, were used in erecting a house. When done their building was quite commodious, being twenty-two feet by fourteen. The sails aided in making the roof, which proved to be water-tight, and the snow thrown up against the sides made it warm. Within, it was one room for all, and for all purposes. "Bunks" were made against the sides for each of the fourteen men. A stove with cooking utensils was brought from the ship and set up; lamps were suspended about the room, and a table with other convenience from the cabin were put in order. But before this was done a party of Esquimo with five sledges made their appearance. They stopped at a distance, and signified their friendly purpose by their customary wild gesticulations and antics. The white men at first took them for the floe party, and raised three rousing cheers of welcome. We doubt not, though it is not stated, that they were led on by our special friend, Kalutunah. The surly Sipsu, it will be remembered, had received what he had sought to give to another, a harpoon planted in the back, and was dead. So there was left none to rival Kalutunah. Myouk, the boy that was, in Kane's day, was reported as an old man now. Esquimo grow old rapidly. The whole party went to work with a will, having pleasant visions before them of a new stock of needles, knives, and other white-man treasures. They clambered over the hummocky floe, bringing loads of coal from the ship, and with their sleds brought fresh-water ice for the melting apparatus. Several families finally came, built their huts near the vessel, and spent the winter. The ship-wrecked whites had nearly worn out their fur suits, and their supply had been greatly reduced by the losses on the floe. So the Esquimo replenished their stock, and their women repaired the worn ones. Thus God makes the humblest and the weakest able at times to render essential help to the strong, and none need be useless. The winter wore off. There was no starvation, nor even short rations. The coal burned cheerfully in the stove until February, and then fuel torn from the "Polaris" supplied its place. The friendly natives brought fresh walrus meat, and scurvy was kept away. For all their valuable services the Esquimo felt well repaid in the coveted treasures which were given them. The time during the sunless days was passed in reading, writing, amusements, and discussions, according to the taste and inclination of each. Of course there were some daily domestic duties to be done. The scientific men pursued their inquiries so far as circumstances allowed. The dismal story which has so often pained our ears concerning the Esquimo was true of them generally during the winter--they were suffering with cold and hunger, and three, one of whom was Myouk, died. The explorers returned the Esquimo kindness by sharing with them, in a measure, their own stock of provisions. The spring came, and with it successful hunting. One deer was shot, and some hares caught. Chester, the mate, who seems to have been _the_ Yankee of the party, planned, and assisted the carpenter in building two boats. The material was wrenched from the "Polaris." They were each twenty-five feet long and five feet wide, square fore and aft, capable of carrying, equally divided between them, the fourteen men, two months' provisions, and other indispensable articles. When these were done they made a smaller boat, and presented it to the Esquimo; it would aid them in getting eggs and young birds about the shore. Clear water did not reach Life-Boat Cove until the last of May. On its appearance in the immediate vicinity the waiting explorers put every thing in readiness for their departure. The boats were laden, and each man assigned his place. Bags were made of the canvas sails in which to carry the provisions. What remained of the "Polaris" was given to the Esquimo chief--we guess to our friend Kalutunah--as an acknowledgment of favors received. On the third of June, in fine spirits and good health, the explorers launched their boats and sailed southward. At first the boats leaked badly, but they sailed and rowed easily, and proved very serviceable. It was continuous day, and the weather favorable. Seals could be had for the pains of hunting them, and the sea-fowl were so plenty that ten were at times brought down at a shot. On the downward trip old localities were touched, such as Etah, Hakluyt Island, and Northumberland Island. The average amount of Arctic storms were encountered, the drift ice behaved in its usual manner, though not as badly as it has been known to do. The little crafts had their hair-breadth escapes, and were battered not a little. Every night, when the toils of the day were over, the boats were drawn upon the floe, every thing taken out, and the only hot meal of the day was prepared. Each boat carried pieces of rope from the "Polaris," and a can of oil. With these a fire was made in the bottom of an iron pot. Over this fire they made their steaming pots of tea. The party halted a while at Fitz Clarence Rock in Booth Bay, about sixteen miles south of Cape Parry, and within sight of the high, bleak plain on which Dr. Hayes's boat-party spent their fearful winter. On the tenth day of their voyaging they had reached Cape York. In comparison to Dr. Kane's trip over the same waters, theirs was as a summer holiday excursion. But Melville Bay was now before them with its defiant bergs, hummocks, currents, stormy winds, and blinding snows--a horrid crew! No wonder that the fear prevailed among them that if not rescued they could never reach any settlement. Chester, however, said, "We can, and will." But the rescuers were not afar off. For another ten days they were made to feel that their battle for life was to be a hard-fought one. On the twenty-third they saw, away in the distance, what appeared to be a whaler. Could it be! They dared scarcely trust their eyes, for the object was ten miles away. Yes, it was a steamer, and beset, too, so she could not get away. New courage was inspired, and they toiled on. But for this timely spur to their zeal they would have lost heart, for one of the boats in being lifted over the hummocks was badly stove, and their provisions were giving out, though they had calculated that they had two months' supply. Soon after they saw the steamer they were seen by the watch from the mast-head. They were taken for Esquimo, but a sharp lookout was kept upon their movement, which soon showed them to be white men. Signals of recognition were immediately given, and eighteen picked men were sent to their relief. Seeing this, Captain Buddington sent forward two men, and the rescuers soon met and returned with them. With even this addition to their strength, it took six hours to drag the boats the twelve miles which intervened between them and the whaler. They were received with a kind-hearted welcome by the noble Scotchman, Captain Allen, of the "Ravenscraig," of Dundee. Their toils were over, and their safety insured. We will return to those on the floe. CHAPTER XLIII. THE FEARFUL SITUATION. ONE of the anchors of the "Polaris," in starting on the night of the separation, tore off a large piece of the floe with three men upon it. As the "Polaris" swept past them they cried out in agony, "What shall we do?" Captain Buddington shouted back, "We can do nothing for you. You have boats and provisions; you must shift for yourselves." This was the last word from the "Polaris." Seeing the sad plight of these men, Captain Tyson, who from the first had been upon the floe, took "the donkey," a little scow which had been tossed upon the ice, and attempted to rescue them. But the donkey almost at once sunk, and he jumped back upon the floe and launched one of the boats. Some of the other men started in the other boat at the same time, and the three men were soon united to the rest of the floe party. One of the last things Tyson drew out of the way of the vessel as its heel was grinding against the parting floe were some musk-ox skins. They lay across a widening crack, and in a moment more would have been sunk in the deep, or crushed between colliding hummocks. Rolled up in one of them, and cozily nestling together, were two of Hans's children! Does not God care for _children_! Our darkness and storm-beset party did not dare to move about much, for they could not tell the size of the ice on which they stood, nor at what moment they might step off into the surging waters. So they rolled themselves up in the musk-ox skins and _slept_! Captain Tyson alone did not lie down, but walked cautiously about during the night. The morning came, and with it a revelation of their surroundings. Huge bergs were in sight which had in the storm and darkness charged upon the floe, and caused the breaking up of the preceding night. It had been a genuine Arctic assault. Their own raft was nearly round, and about four miles in circumference, and immovably locked between several grounded bergs. It was snow-covered, and full of hillocks and intervening ponds of water which the brief summer sun had melted from their sides. Those who had laid down were covered with snow, and looked like little mounds. When the party roused, the first thing they thought of was the ship. But she was nowhere to be seen. A lead opened to the shore inviting their escape to the land. Captain Tyson ordered the men to get the boats in immediate readiness, reminding them of the uncertainty of the continued opening of the water, and of the absolute necessity of instant escape from the floe in order to regain the ship and save their lives. But the men were in no hurry, and obedience to orders had long been out of their line. They were hungry and tired, and were determined to eat first; and they didn't want a cold meal, and so they made tea and chocolate, and cooked canned meat. This done they must change their wet clothes for dry ones. In the mean time the drifting ice _was_ in a hurry and had shut up in part the lead. But Tyson was determined to try to reach the shore though the difficulties had so greatly increased during the delay. The boats were laden and launched, but when they were about half way to the shore the lead closed, and they returned to the floe and hauled up the boats. Just then the "Polaris" was seen under both steam and sail. She was eight or ten miles away, but signals were set to attract her attention, and she was watched with a glass with intense interest until she disappeared behind an island. Soon after, Captain Tyson sent two men to a distant part of the floe to a house made of poles, which he had erected for the stores soon after they began to be thrown from the vessel. In going for these poles the steamer was again seen, apparently fast in the ice behind the island. She could not then come to the floe party, being beset and without boats, and so Tyson ordered the men to get the boats ready for another attempt to reach the land, and thus in time connect with the vessel. He lightened the boats of all articles not absolutely necessary, that they might be drawn to the water safely and with speed. He then went ahead to find the nearest and best route for embarking. The grounded bergs in the mean while, relaxed their grasp upon the explorers' ice-raft, and they began to drift southward. With malicious intent, on came a terrific snow-storm at the same time. Tyson hurried back to hasten up the men. They were in no hurry, but, with grumbling and trifling, finally made ready as they pretended, one boat crowded with every thing both needful and worthless. When at last it was dragged to the water's edge, it was ascertained that the larger part of the oars and the rudder had been left at the camp far in the rear. In this crippled condition the boat was launched. But not only oars and rudder, but _will_ on the part of the men was wanting. So the boat was drawn upon the floe, and left with all its valuables near the water. The night was approaching, the storm was high, and the men were weary, so no attempt was made to return it to the old camp. All went back to the middle of the floe. Tyson, Mr. Meyers, one of the scientific corps, and the Esquimo, made a canvas shelter, using the poles as a frame, and the others camped near them. Captain Tyson, after eating a cold supper, rolled himself in a musk-ox skin, and lay down for the first sleep he had sought for forty-eight hours. His condition seemed to be a specially hard one. While, on the night of the great disaster, he was striving to save the general stores, the saving of which proved the salvation of the company, others were looking after their personal property, so they had their full supply of furs and fire-arms, while his were left in the ship. He, however, slept soundly until the morning, when he was startled by a shriek from the Esquimo. The floe had played them an Arctic trick; it had broken and set the whole party adrift on an ice-raft not more than one hundred and fifty yards square. What remained of their old floe of four miles' circumference contained the house made of poles, in which remained six bags of bread, and the loaded boat, in which were the greater part of their valuables. Here was a fearful state of things! Yet one boat remained with which they might have gone after the other one, but the men seemed infatuated and refused to go. Away the little raft sailed, crumbling as it went, assuring its passengers that they must all stow away in their one boat or soon be dropped in the sea. For four days they thus drifted, during which the Esquimo shot several seals. On the twenty-first Joe was using the spy-glass, and suddenly shouted for joy. He had spied the lost boat lodged on a part of the old floe which had swung against the little raft of our party. He and Captain Tyson, with a dog-team, instantly started for it, and after a hard pull returned with boat and cargo. Soon after, their old floe, in an accommodating mood, thrust itself against the one they were on, the boats were passed over, and every thing was again together--boats and provisions. Let us now look around upon our party more critically. The whole number was twenty, including the ten weeks' old Charlie Polaris, who, of course, was somebody. As we have stated, _all_ the Esquimo were of this party. Both the cook and steward were here. Much the larger number of the dogs belonging to the expedition were on the floe, but no sledges. Fortunately, in addition to the two boats, one of the kayaks had been saved. It might, in the skillful hands of a Joe, meet some emergency. As there was only faint hope now of again seeing the "Polaris," and as their ice-boat seemed to sail farther and farther from the shore, they began to make the best winter-quarters their circumstances allowed. Under the direction of Joe, as architect and builder, several snow houses were put up. One was occupied by Captain Tyson and Mr. Myers; one by Joe and family; a larger one by the men; and one was used for the provisions, and one for a cook house. All these were united by an arched passage way. Hans and family located their house apart from the others, but near. The huts erected, their next pressing need was sledges. The men, with great difficulty, dragged some lumber from the old store-house, and a passable one was made. Though the quantity of provisions was quite large, yet with nineteen persons to consume it, (not to reckon little Charlie's mouth, who looked elsewhere for his supply,) and with possibly no addition for six months, it was alarmingly small. Besides, in their unprincipled greed, some of the party broke into the store-room and took more than a fair allowance. So the party agreed upon two meals a day, and a weighed allowance at each meal. It was now the last of October. The sun had ceased to show his pleasant face, and the long night was setting in. To add to their discomfort, the question of light and fuel assumed a serious aspect. The men, either from want of skill or patience, or both, did not succeed well in using seal fat for these purposes, in the Esquimo fashion; so they began, with a reckless disregard to their future safety, to break up and burn one of the boats. Hans, with a true Esquimo instinct, when the short allowance pinched him, began to kill and eat the dogs. He might be excused, however. Four children, with their faces growing haggard, looked to him for food. Thus situated, our floe party drifted far away from the land--drifting on and on, whether they slept or woke--drifting they knew not to what end. CHAPTER XLIV. THE WONDERFUL DRIFT. EARLY in November Captain Tyson saw through his glass, about twelve miles off to the southeast, the Cary Islands, so they were in the "North water" of Baffin Bay, and south-west from Cape Parry, where we have been so many times. From this cape, or a little south of it, it would not be a great sledge trip to where they last saw the "Polaris," and where they had reason to think she now was. So our party made one more effort to reach the shore. The boats being in readiness the night before, they started early in the morning. Of course their day was now only a noon twilight, and the _morning_ was most midday. But the floe was not in a favoring mood. The hummocks were as hard in their usage of the boats and men as usual. The deceitful cracks in the ice at one time put the lives of the dogs and men in great peril; and, as if these obstacles were not enough, a storm brought up its forces against them. They had dragged the boats half way to the shore when they retreated "before superior forces." Their huts being of perishable material, were reconstructed. A little later the men built a large snow hut as "a reserve." All were weak through insufficient food. Mr. Meyers was nearly prostrate, and went to live with the men; Captain Tyson, whose scanty clothing, added to care and short rations, caused him to suffer much, took up his quarters with Joe and Hannah, and their little Puney. Not the least of the trial in the Esquimo huts were the piteous cries of the children for food. Joe and Hans were out with their guns every day during the three hours' twilight, hunting seals. The first one captured was shot by Joe, November sixth. Nearly two weeks passed before any further success attended the hunters; then several were shot, and Captain Tyson, who was ready to perish, had one full meal--a meal of uncooked seal meat, skin, hair, and all, washed down with seal blood. _Some_ others had not been so long without a full meal, as the bread continued to be stolen. The _home_ Thanksgiving Day came. A little extra amount of the canned meat was allowed each one, and all had a taste of mock-turtle soup and canned green corn, kept for this occasion, to which was added a few pieces of dried apple. How far it all fell short of the _home_ feast may be judged by the fact that Captain Tyson, to satisfy the fierce hunger which remained after dinner, finished "with eating strips of frozen seals' entrails, and lastly seal skin, hair and all." The hunters had seen tracks of bears, so they were on the lookout for them while they hunted seal. One day Joe and Hans went out as usual with their guns. They lost sight of each other and of the camp. Joe returned quite late, expecting to find Hans already in his hut. When he learned that he had not returned, he, as well as others, felt concerned about him. Accompanied by one of the men, he went in search of him. As the two, guns in hand, were stumbling over the hummocks, they saw in the very dim twilight, as they thought, a bear. Their guns were instantly leveled and brought to the sight, and their mouths almost tasted a bear-meat supper. "Hold on there! That's not a bear! what is it?" "Why, it's Hans!" Well, he _did_ look in the darkness like a bear, as in his shaggy coat he clambered, on all-fours, over the ice-hills. December came in with its continuous night. Seals could not be successfully hunted in the darkness, and where seals could not be seen bears would not make their appearance. The rations became smaller than ever, and ghastly, horrid starvation seemed encamped among our drifting, forlorn party. Under these circumstances a specter even _worse_ than starvation appeared to Joe. To him, at least, it was a terrifying reality. It was the demon form of Cannibalism! He had looked into the eyes of the men in the big hut, and they spoke to him of an intention to save themselves by first killing and eating Hans and family, and then taking him and his. He and Hannah were greatly terrified, and he handed his pistol to Captain Tyson, which he was not willing to part with before. He was assured that the least child should not be touched for so horrid a purpose without such a defense as the pistol could give. Christmas came. The last ham had been kept for this occasion, and it was divided among all, with a few other dainties, in addition to the usual morsel. The shore occasionally appeared in the far away distance. They were drifting through Baffin Bay toward the _western_ side, so that their craft evidently did not intend to land them at any of the familiar ports of Greenland. It seemed to have an ambition to drop them nearer home. As the year was going out, and Joe's family were gnawing away at some _dried_ seal skin, submitted, to be sure, to a process Hannah called cooking, a shout was heard from him. "Kayak! kayak!" he cried. He had shot a seal, and it was floating away. Fortunately the kayak was at hand, and the game was bagged. As usual, it was divided among all. The _eyes_ were given to Charlie Polaris, and they were nice in his eyes, and mouth, too. New Year's came, and Captain Tyson dined on two feet of frozen seal entrails, and a little seal fat. There was now nothing to burn except what little seal blubber they could spare for that purpose. One boat had been burned, their only sled had gone the same way, and the reckless, desperate men could hardly be restrained from burning the only one now remaining, and thus cut off all good hope of final escape. To be sure, their provocation to this act was very great; the temperature was thirty-six below zero! In their strait, the desperate expedient was entertained of trying to get to land. The emaciated men would have to drag the loaded boat over the hummocky ice without a sledge. The women and children must be added to the load or abandoned. It would be a struggle for life against odds more fearful than that which now oppressed them. But what _should_ they do! God knew! Hark! what shout is that! "Kayak! kayak!" The kayak was at hand, but it had to be carried a mile. Yet it paid, for a seal shot by Joe was secured just in time to keep the men from utter desperation. To this item of comfort another was added a few days later. The sun reappeared January nineteenth, after an absence of eighty-three days, and remained shining upon them two hours. He brought hope to fainting hearts. Through January there was a seal taken at long intervals, but one always came just before it was too late! The men continued to grumble and deceive themselves with the idea of soon getting to Disco, "where rum and tobacco were plenty." How sad that man can sink _below_ the brute, which, however hungry, never cries out for "rum and tobacco!" Leaving for a moment the white men, let us look into the Esquimo huts and see how the terrible condition of things affects them. The men are almost always out hunting, but just now, as we step into Joe's snow dwelling, he is at home. The only light or fire is that which comes from the scanty supply of seal oil. Captain Tyson is trying to write with a pencil in his journal, but he appears cold in his scanty covering of furs, and looks weak and hungry. Joe and Hannah are striving to pass away the weary hours by playing checkers on an old piece of canvas which the captain has marked into squares with his pencil. They are using buttons for men, and seem quite interested in the game. Little Puney is sitting by, wrapped in a musk-ox skin, uttering at intervals a low, plaintive cry for food. It is the most cheerful home "on board" the floe, but surely it is cheerless enough. We shall not wish to tarry long in the hut of Hans, for besides the unavoidable misery of the place, Mr. and Mrs. Hans are noted for the boarders they keep--about their persons. Under the most favorable circumstances they regard bathing as one of the barbarous customs of civilization. The reader will recollect that the first experience Mrs. Hans had of a personal cleansing was on board Dr. Hayes's vessel, and she then thought it a joke imposed by the white people's religion, too grievous to be borne. On another exploring vessel she and her husband were cruelly required to put off their long-worn garments, wash and put on clean ones, and put the old "in a strong pickle," for an obvious reason. It is not certainly known that they were ever washed at any other times. Mrs. Hans's hut is not in the most tidy order, but the circumstances must be taken into the account, and also the fact of the sad neglect of her early domestic education. We have just drifted from her native land--or, rather, _ice_--where she was married, in Dr. Kane's time, it being a runaway match, at least on the part of the husband. Well, here they are, father, mother, and four children, on a voyage unparalleled in the history of navigation. Mr. and Mrs. Hans do not play any household games; they do not know what to do at home, except to eat, and feed the children, and make and mend skin clothing. We know full well to what sad disadvantage the eating is subjected at the time of our call, and we are authorized to say, to the credit of Mrs. Hans, that as to the making and mending, she has been of real service to the men on this voyage. The children of Hans cannot fail to attract our attention and sympathy. Augustina, the first-born, usually fat and rugged if not ruddy, is thin and pale now, and sits chewing a bit of dried seal skin, or something of the sort, and trying to get from it a drop of nourishment; her brother, Tobias, has thrown his head into her lap as she sits on the ground. The poor little fellow has been sick, unable to eat even the small allowance of meat given him, and has lived, one hardly knows how, on a little dry bread. Succi, the four-year-old girl, squats on the ground--that is, the canvas-covered ice floor--hugging her fur skin about her, and in a low, moaning tone repeats, "I is _so_ hungry!" Her mother is trying to pick from the lamp, for the children, a few bits of "tried-out" scraps of blubber. Little Charlie's head is just discernible in the fur hood which hangs from the mother's neck at her back. If he gets enough to eat, which we fear is not the case, he is sweetly ignorant of the perils of this, his first trip, in the voyage of life. We shall not want to stay longer in this sad place. February was a dreadful month on board the floe. The huts were buried under the snow. It was with difficulty that Joe and Hans, almost the entire dependence of the party, could go abroad for game, and when they did they secured a few seals only, very small, and now and then a dovekie, a wee bit of a pensive sea-bird. Norwhal, the sea unicorn, were shot in several instances, but they sunk in every case and were lost. Hunger and fear seemed to possess the men in the large tent, and Joe and Hannah began to be again terrified by the thought that these hunger-mad men would kill and eat them. Now, will not God appear to help those in so helpless a condition? Yes, his hand has ever been wonderfully apparent in all Arctic perils. On the second of March, just when the dark cloud of these drifting sufferers was never darker, it parted, and a flood of light burst upon their camp. Joe shot an _oogjook_, belonging to the largest species of seal. He was secured and dragged by all hands to the huts. He measured nine feet, weighed about seven hundred pounds, and contained, by estimation, thirty gallons of oil. There was a shout of seal in the camp! The warm blood was relished like new milk, and drank freely. All eat and slept, and woke to eat again, and hunger departed for the time from the miserable huts it had so long haunted. Joe and Hannah dismissed their horrid visions of cannibalism. God was, the helper of these hungry ones, and they _were_ helped. CHAPTER XLV. THE WONDERFUL ESCAPE. OUR voyagers needed all the strength and courage which the timely capture of the great seal had given them. They had drifted into a warmer sea, and windy March was well upon them. Their floe began to herald its fast approaching dissolution. The weary and anxious drifters were startled by day, and awakened suddenly by night, by a rumbling, mingled with fearful grindings and crashes underneath them. Heavy ice-cakes, over-rode by the heavier floe, ground along its under surface, and when finding an opening of thin ice, rushed with a thundering sound to the upper surface. The din was at times so great that it seemed to combine all alarming sounds:-- "Through all its scale the horrid discord ran; Now mocked the beast--now took the groan of man." On the eleventh a storm commenced. Whole fleets of icebergs, having broken away from the icy bands in which the floe had held them, hovered round to charge upon the helpless campers. The vast area of ice on which they had been riding for so many months was lifted in places by mighty seas beneath, causing it to crack with a succession of loud reports and dismal sounds, some of which seemed to be directly under them. The wind drove before it a dense cloud of snow, so that one could scarcely see a yard. Night came with a darkness that could be felt. The icy foundation of their camp might separate at any moment, and tumble their huts about their ears, or plunge them in the sea. They gathered their few treasures together, and stood ready to fly--but where? Death seemed to guard every avenue of escape. Suddenly, soon after the night set in, the disruption came. Their floe was shattered, with a fearful uproar, into hundreds of pieces, and they went surging off among the fragments on a piece less than a hundred yards square. They were within twenty yards of its edge, but God had kindly forbid the separation to run through their camp and sever them from their boat or from each other. After raging sixty hours the storm abated, and their little ice-ship drifted rapidly in the pack. A goodly number of seals were shot, and they began to breathe more freely. After a short time another _oogjook_ was captured, so food was plenty. March wore away, seals were plenty, and readily taken; and though the bergs ground together and made fierce onsets into the pack, our ice-ship held gallantly on her way. One night the inmates of Joe's hut were about retiring, when a noise was heard outside. "What is it, Joe? is the ice breaking up?" Joe does not stop to answer, but rushes out. But in ten seconds he comes back in a greater hurry, pale and breathless. "There's a bear close to my kayak," he exclaims in an excited tone. Now the situation was this: The kayak was within ten paces of the entrance to the hut, and the loaded guns, which can never be kept in an Esquimo hut on account of the moisture, were in and leaning against the kayak. If the bear should take a notion to put his nose at the hut door, and, liking the odor, knock down the snow wall with his strong paw, and commence a supper on one of its inmates, what was to hinder him? But bears, like many young people, often fail to improve their golden opportunities. He found some seal fat and skins in the kayak, and these he pulled out, and walked off with them a rod or two to enjoy the feast. Joe crept out of the hut, and ran to alarm the men. Captain Tyson followed, slipped softly up to the kayak and seized his gun, but in taking it he knocked down another one and alarmed the bear, who looked up and growled his objections to having his supper disturbed. Tyson leveled his rifle, snapped it, but it missed fire. He tried a second and third time, and it did not go--but _he_ did, for his bearship was taking the offensive. Content to see his enemy flee, the bear returned to his supper. How many foolish bears have we seen on our explorations lose their lives by an untimely _eating_; but some men, more foolish, lose _more than life_ BY DRINKING. The captain returned to the field with a new charge in his gun. This time it sent a ball _through_ the bear; the ball entering the left shoulder and passing through the heart, came out at the other side. He staggered, but before he fell Joe had sent another ball into his vitals. He dropped dead instantly. This affair occurred when it was too dark to see many yards, and was much pleasanter in its results than in its duration. The seal hunting was successful, and with bear meat and blubber, a full store, there was no hunger unappeased; but the wind blew a gale, and the sailless, rudderless, oarless little ice-ship, now banging against a berg, and now in danger of being run down by one, all the while growing alarmingly smaller, finally shot out into the open sea away from the floe. This would not do. So, feeling that they might soon be dropped into the sea, they loaded the boat with such things as was strictly necessary, and all hands getting aboard, sailed away. A part of their ammunition, their fresh meat, a full month's supply, and many other desirable things, were abandoned. The boat, only intended to carry eight persons, was so overloaded with its twenty, including children, that it was in danger of being swamped at any moment. The frightened children cried, and the men looked sober. They sailed about twenty miles west, and landed on the first tolerably safe piece of ice which they met. Hans and family nestled down in the boat, and the rest, spreading on the floe what skins they had, set up a tent, and all, after eating a dry supper of bread and pemmican, lay down to rest. Thus, boating by day, and camping on the ice at night for several days, they drew up on the fourth of April upon a solid looking floe. Snow-huts were built, seals were taken, and hope revived. But what is hope, resting on Arctic promises? The gale was abroad again, the sea boisterous, and their floe was thrown into a panic. Fearful noises were heard beneath and around them, and their icy foundations quaked with fear. Joe's snow-hut was shaken down. He built it again, and then lot and house fell off into the sea and disappeared. Thus warned, the camp was pushed farther back from the water. But they did not know where the crack and separation would next come. Thus they lived in anxious watchings through weary days, the gale unabated. Finally, one night, the feared separation came. All hands except Mr. Meyers were in the tent; near them, so near a man could scarcely walk between, was the boat, containing Meyers and the kayak; but with mischievous intent, the crack run so as to send the boat drifting among the breaking and over-lapping ice. Mr. Meyers could not manage it, of course, under such circumstances, and the kayak was of no use to any but an Esquimo, so he set it afloat, hoping it would drift to the floe-party. Here was a fearful situation! The floe-party, as well as Mr. Meyers, was sure to perish miserably if the boat was not returned. There was only a dim light, and objects at a short distance looked hazy. It was a time for instant and desperate action. Joe and Hans took their paddles and ice-spears and started for the boat, jumping from one piece of floating, slippery ice to another. They were watched in breathless suspense until they _seemed_, in the shadowy distance, to have reached the boat, and then all was shut out in the darkness. The morning came, and the floe party were glad to see that the boat had three men in it. It was a half mile off, and the kayak was as far away in another direction. It was soon clear that the boat could not be brought back without a stronger force. Tyson led the way, and finally all but two of the men made the desperate passage of the floating ice to the imperiled craft. It was with difficulty that, with their combined force, the boat was returned to the floe. The kayak was also recovered. For a brief time there was quiet all around. The aurora gleamed, and displayed its wonderful beauty of form and motion; while the majestic icebergs, in every varied shape, reflected its sparkling light. The grandeur of sea and sky seemed a mockery to the danger-beset voyagers. The elements might be grand, but they had combined to destroy them, for a new form of peril now appeared. The sea came aboard of their icy craft. They were sitting one evening under their frail tent, the boat near, when a wave swept over their floe, carrying away tent, clothing, provisions--every thing except what was on their persons or in the boat. The women and children had been put on board in fear of such an occurrence, and the men had just time to save themselves by clinging to the gunwale. The boat itself was borne into the middle of the floe. When the wave subsided the boat was dragged back, lest another push by a succeeding one might launch it into the sea from the other side. It was well they did this, for another wave bore it to the opposite edge and partly slipped it into the water. This game of surging the boat from one side to the other of the floe, was kept up from nine o'clock in the evening to seven in the morning. All this time the men were in the water, fighting the desperate battle for its safety, and the preservation of their own lives; the conflict being made more terrible by the fact that every wave bore with it ice-blocks from a foot square to those measuring many yards, having sharp edges and jagged corners, with which it battered their legs until they were black and blue. It was the severest test of their courage and endurance yet experienced. But God was their helper. Not one perished, and when the defeated sea was by his voice commanded to retire, and the day appeared, they were not seriously harmed. But they were cold and wet, without a change of clothes and utterly provisionless. It is not surprising that after their rough handling on the floe they should seek a larger and safer one. This they did, launching their crowded boat into the turbulent sea, and, working carefully along, succeeded in landing safely on one stronger looking; nothing worse happening than the tumbling overboard of the cook, who was quickly rescued. Here, cold, half-drowned, hungry, and weary to faintness, they tried to dry and warm themselves in the feeble rays of the sun, and wait for their food at the hand of the great Provider in the use of such means as were yet left to them. They had preserved their guns and a small supply of powder and shot. Snow and rain came on, and continued until noon of the next day, April twenty-second. Their hunger was fearful. Mr. Meyers had been slightly frost-bitten when drifting away alone in the boat, his health seemed broken, and he was actually starving. In the afternoon of this day Joe went as usual with his gun. He had caught nothing on this floe, and now there were no signs of seals, though it was his fourth time out that day. What should they do? God had their relief all arranged. Joe saw what he did not expect to see, and what was seldom seen so far south--a bear! He ran back to the boat, called Hans with his trusty rifle, and the two lay down behind the hummocks. All were ordered to lie down, keep perfectly quiet, and feign themselves seals, the Esquimo helping out the deception by imitating the seal bark. Bruin came on cautiously. He, too, was hungry. What are those black objects, and what is that noise, he seemed to say? They don't look _quite_ like seals! The noise is not _just_ like the seal cry! But hunger is a weighty reason with men and bears, on the side of what they desire to believe, so the bear came on. When fairly within an easy range both rifles cracked, and he fell dead. The whole party arose with a shout. Polar was dragged to the boat and skinned. His warm blood slaked their raging thirst. His meat, tender and good, satisfied their gnawing hunger. They were saved from a terrible death! Seals were secured soon after, and hope again revived. It was not long before their ice-craft crumbled away, so they were obliged to repeat the experiment, always full of danger, of launching into the sea and making for a larger and safer one. April twenty-eighth they were beset by a fleet of bergs, which were crashing against each other with a thundering noise, and occasionally turning a threatening look toward the frail craft of our drifters. So angrily at last did one come down upon them that they abandoned their floe and rowed away. Surely there is no peace for them by night or day, on the floe or afloat in their boat. They dare not lie down a moment without keeping one half of their number on the watch. But what is that in the distance? A steamer! A thrill of joy goes through the boat's company. Every possible signal is given, but she does not see them, and another night is spent on the floe. The next morning every eye was straining to see a whaler. Soon one appears. They shout, raise their signals, and fire every gun at once. But she passes out of sight. April thirtieth, as the night was setting in foggy and dark, the shout from the watch of "steamer" brought all to their feet. She was right upon them in the fog before she was seen. Hans was soon alongside of her in his kayak, telling their story as best he could. In a few moments the whaler was alongside of their piece of ice. Captain Tyson removed his old well-worn cap, called upon his men, and three cheers were given, ending with a "tiger" such as the poor fellows had not had a heart to give for many long months. The cheers were returned by a hundred men from the rigging and deck of the vessel. It was the sealer "Tigress," Captain Bartlett, of Conception Bay, Newfoundland. They soon had the planks of a good ship beneath them instead of a treacherous floe; curious but kind friends beset them, instead of threatening bergs; and every comfort succeeded to utter destitution. They had been on the floe six months, and floated more than sixteen hundred miles. They were speedily conveyed, by the way of Conception Bay and St. Johns, to their own homes, the telegraph having flashed throughout the length and breadth of the land their coming, and the nation rejoiced. But there were tears mingled with the joy, that one, the noble, the true, the Christian commander of the expedition, Charles Francis Hall, lay in his icy grave in the far north. As speedily as possible the "Tigress" was purchased and fitted out by the United States Government in search of the "Polaris" party. Captain Tyson and Joe were among her men. She reached Life-boat Cove about two months after Captain Buddington and his men had left. They learned that, much to the grief of the natives, the "Polaris" had floated off and sunk. The Buddington party arrived home in the fall, by the way of England. As we may not meet our Esquimo friends again, with whom we have made so many voyages, the reader will want to know the last news from them. Hans and his family returned to Greenland in the "Tigress." Joe has bought a piece of land and a house near New London, Connecticut, and intends, with his family, to remain there, getting a living by fishing. Thus ended the last American North Pole Expedition. The last from other Governments have not been more successful. Yet, while we write, England and Austria are reported as getting ready further North Polar expeditions to start in the spring of 1875. It must be allowed that the icy sceptered guardian of the North has made a good fight against the invaders into his dominions. 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Original read (utter darkness the most) Page 276, "coaked" changed to "croaked" (raven croaked a welcome) Page 277, "clifts" changed to "cliffs" (ice-covered cliffs of) Page 292, "been" added to text (Hall had been giving special) Page 321, "Tookolito" changed to "Tookoolito" (with the kind Tookoolito) Page 365, "Hugh" changed to "Huge" (Huge bergs were in) Page 394, "Live" changed to "Life" (Love in Daily Life)
48528 ---- THE GREAT PROBABILITY OF A NORTH WEST PASSAGE. [Illustration: _A_ General Map _OF_ _the DISCOVERIES of_ ADMIRAL DE FONTE, Exhibiting _the great Probability of a_ North-west Passage BY Thomas Jefferys, _Geographer to the KING._ ] THE GREAT PROBABILITY OF A NORTH WEST PASSAGE: DEDUCED FROM OBSERVATIONS ON THE Letter of Admiral DE FONTE, Who sailed from the _Callao_ of _Lima_ on the Discovery of a Communication BETWEEN THE SOUTH SEA and the ATLANTIC OCEAN; And to intercept some Navigators from _Boston_ in _New England_, whom he met with, Then in Search of a NORTH WEST PASSAGE. PROVING THE AUTHENTICITY of the Admiral's LETTER. With Three Explanatory MAPS. 1st. A Copy of an authentic _Spanish_ Map of _America_, published in 1608. 2d. The Discoveries made in _Hudson_'s Bay, by Capt. _Smith_, in 1746 and 1747. 3d. A General Map of the Discoveries of Admiral _de Fonte_. By THOMAS JEFFERYS, Geographer to the King. WITH AN APPENDIX. Containing the Account of a Discovery of Part of the Coast and Inland Country of LABRADOR, made in 1753. The Whole intended for The Advancement of TRADE and COMMERCE. LONDON: Printed for THOMAS JEFFERYS, at Charing Cross. MDCCLXVIII. TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE WILLS EARL OF HILLSBOROUGH, _&c._ _&c._ _&c._ ONE OF HIS MAJESTY'S PRINCIPAL SECRETARIES OF STATE, FIRST LORD COMMISSIONER OF TRADE AND PLANTATIONS, ONE OF HIS MAJESTY'S MOST HONOURABLE PRIVY COUNCIL, AND F.R.S. The Discovery of a North-west Passage having deserved the particular Attention of that great Minister of State Sir _Francis Walsingham_, with the Approbation of the greatest Princess of that Age, I presumed to ask the Permission to inscribe the following Sheets, on the same Subject, to your Lordship, wrote with no View of setting any further Expeditions on Foot, or with respect to any particular System, but as a candid and impartial Enquiry, to shew the great Probability there is of a North-west Passage. The Importance of the Subject, treated with the greatest Regard to Truth, are the only Pretensions I have to merit your Patronage. Your Lordship will appear, to the latest Posterity, in the amiable Light of being zealous for the Glory of his Majesty, the Honour of the Nation, for promoting the commercial Interests, the Happiness of his Majesty's Subjects in general, and of those in _America_ in particular. I therefore have the most grateful Sense of your Benevolence and Humanity in condescending to grant me this Favour, as it will be known for Part of that Time that I had the Honour to be YOUR LORDSHIP'S MOST HUMBLE AND OBEDIENT SERVANT, THE AUTHOR. THE PREFACE. The Opinion of there being a North-west Passage between the _Atlantic_ and _Southern Ocean_ hath continued for more than two Centuries; and though the Attempts made to discover this Passage have not been attended with the desired Success, yet in Consequence of such Attempts great Advantages have been received, not by the Merchant only but by the Men of Science. It must be a Satisfaction to the Adventurer, though disappointed in his principal Design, that his Labours have contributed to the Improvement of Science, and the Advancement of Commerce. There was a Generosity with respect to the Discovery of a North-west Passage, or a Respect to the great Abilities of those who promoted the various Undertakings for making such Discovery, to the Crown which patronized them, and the Estates of the Kingdom who promised a most munificent Reward to such who should compleat such Discovery, that those who were of a contrary Opinion treated the Subject with a becoming Decency. But the Censures that have been of late made by our Countrymen, and more particularly by Foreigners, our Ancestors have been treated as so many Fools, or infatuated Persons, busied to compleat an impracticable and a merely chimerical Project, and are accused by a foreign Geographer to have proceeded so far as to forge a fictitious Account under the Title of a Letter of Admiral _de Fonte_. That the Iniquity of the _English_ Writers is not such (neither was ever known to be such) nor, was it in their Inclination, could they so easily deceive the World; and the Falshood of this Assertion could be no otherway made apparent than by considering such Letter with a just Criticism, and examining the Circumstances relating thereto. Though the present Age may not pay much Regard to these Censures, yet if they are passed unnoticed, might hereafter be considered as Truths unanswerable at the Time those Censures were made. Therefore to do Justice to the Character of our Ancestors, to the present Age in which such great Encouragement hath been given to these Undertakings, and that Posterity might not be deceived, were Motives (had they been duly considered without a Regard to the Importance of the Subject) which might incite an abler Pen to have undertaken to vindicate the Authenticity of _de Fonte_'s Letter. As for a long Time nothing of this Kind appeared, nor could I hear that any Thing was undertaken of this Sort, by any Person to whom I could freely communicate my Sentiments, and the Informations which I had collected on this Subject, as the Discovery of a North-west Passage hath been the Object of my Attention for some Years, considered myself under the disagreeable Necessity of becoming an Author in an Age of such refined Sentiments, expressed in the greatest Purity of Language: But if I have succeeded in the greater Matters, I hope to be excused in the lesser. I have inserted the Letter of _de Fonte_, as first published in the _Monthly Miscellany_, or _Memoirs of the Curious_, in _April_ and _June_ 1708, very scarce or in very few Hands; not only as I thought it consistent with my Work, but that the Curious would be glad to have a Copy of such Letter exactly in the same Manner in which it was first published, to keep in their Collections. As to the Observations respecting the Circumstances of the Letter of _de Fonte_, the Manner by which it was attained, its being a Copy of such Letter which the Editors procured to be translated from the _Spanish_, and as to such Matters as are to be collected from the Title of such Letter, and from the Letter in Support of its Authenticity, I submit those Observations to superior Judgments: If confuted, and it appears I have misapprehended the Matter, am not tenacious of my Opinion, but shall receive the Conviction with Pleasure, being entirely consistent with my Design, which is, That the Truth may be discovered, whether this Account is authentick or not. In my Remarks of the Letter I have endeavoured to distinguish what was genuine, from what hath been since added by other Hands; have made an exact Calculation of the Courses; have considered the Circumstances of such Letter, giving the Reasons of the Conduct that was used in the various Parts of the Voyage, and shewing the Regularity and Consistency there is through the Whole, and without Anachronisms or Contradictions as hath been objected, part of which I was the better enabled to do from some Experience which I have had in Affairs of this Sort. I must observe, the Calculations were made without any Regard had to the Situation of _Hudson_'s or _Baffin_'s Bay; but begun at the _Callao_ of _Lima_, and pursued as the Account directs from the Westward: And it was an agreeable Surprize to find what an Agreement there was as to the Parts which, by such Courses, it appeared that the Admiral and his Captain were in, consistent with the Purpose they were sent on, and the Proximity of where they were to _Hudson_'s and _Baffin_'s Bay. To state particularly all the Objections which have been made to this Account, I thought would have greatly increased the Bulk of the Work. There is no material Objection which I have any where met with, but is here considered. Also to have added all the Authorities which I have collected and made Use of, would have made it more prolix; so have contented myself with only giving such Quotations as appeared absolutely necessary to insert and then to mention the Authors particularly. I think I have not perverted the Meaning, or forced the Sense, of any Author made Use of, to serve my Purpose. To shew the Probability of a Passage, have traced the Opinions relating to it from the Time such Opinions were first received; and also determined where it was always supposed to be or in what Part such Passage was: Have considered the various Evidence that there is relating to such Passage; and proposed what appears to be the properest Method at present for prosecuting the Discovery. There are three Maps, all of which appeared necessary for the better understanding this Account. The one contains Part of _Asia_ and the _Russian_ Discoveries on the Coast of _America_; the Expedition of _de Fonte_, and clears up that seeming Inconsistency of the _Tartarian_ and _Southern Ocean_ being contiguous in that Part of _America_, from the Authority of the _Japanese_ Map of _Kempfer_, which must be of some Repute, as it is so agreeable to the _Russian_ Discoveries: If true in that Part, there is no Reason to suppose but it is in like Manner true as to the other Part which is introduced into this Map. This Map exhibits the Streight that _de Fuca_ went up, the Communication which there may be supposed agreeable to the Lights which the Accounts afford us between the Sea at the Back of _Hudson_'s Bay with that Bay, or with the _North Sea_ by _Hudson_'s Streights, or through _Cumberland_ Isles. There is also added a second Map, to shew what Expectations may be had of a Passage from _Hudson_'s Bay, according to the Discoveries made in the Year 1747. The third Map is an exact Copy from that published in the _Monarquia Indiana de Torquemada_, in which the Sea Coast of _America_ is exhibited in a different Manner from what it usually was in the Maps of that Time, compleated by the Cosmographers of _Philip_ the Third. The Work itself is in few Hands, and the Map, as far as appears, hath been only published in that Book, is now again published, as it illustrates this Work, and may be otherwise agreeable to the Curious; having a Desire not to omit any Thing which would render the Work compleat, or that would be acceptable to the Publick. I have used uncommon Pains to be informed as to what could be any way serviceable to render this Work more compleat; and must make this publick Acknowledgement, as to the Gentlemen of the _British Museum_, who, with great Politeness and Affability, gave me all the Assistances in their Power to find if the Copy from which the Translation was made was in their Possession, which after an accurate Search for some Weeks it did not appear to be, and also their Assistance as to any other Matters which I Supposed would be of Service. I cannot pass by Mr. _Jefferys_'s Care and Exactness in executing the Maps, whose Care and Fidelity to the Publick not to impose any Thing that is spurious, but what he hath an apparent and real Authority for, is perhaps not sufficiently known. The Voyage, an Extract from which is added by Way of Appendix, was made from _Philadelphia_, in a Schooner of about sixty Tons, and fifteen Persons aboard, fitted out on a Subscription of the Merchants of _Maryland_, _Pennsylvania_, _New York_, and _Boston_, on a generous Plan, agreeable to Proposals made them, with no View of any Monopoly which they opposed, not to interfere with the _Hudson_'s Bay Trade, or to carry on a clandestine Trade with the Natives of _Greenland_, but to discover a North-west Passage, and explore the _Labrador_ Coast, at that Time supposed to be locked up under a pretended Right, and not frequented by the Subjects of _England_, but a successful Trade carried on by the _French_; to open a Trade there, to improve the Fishery and the Whaling on these Coasts, cultivate a Friendship with the Natives, and make them serviceable in a political Way: Which Design of theirs of a publick Nature, open and generous, was in a great Measure defeated by private Persons interfering, whose Views were more contracted. They did not succeed the first Year as to their Attempt in discovering a North-west Passage, as it was a great Year for Ice; that it would be late in the Year before the Western Part of _Hudson_'s Bay could be attained to, and then impossible to explore the _Labrador_ that Year, therefore the first Part of the Design was dropped, and the _Labrador_ was explored. The next Year a second Attempt was made as to a Passage; but three of the People who went beyond the Place appointed by their Orders, and inadvertently to look for a Mine, Samples of which had been carried home the Year before, and this at the Instigation of a private Person before they set out from home, without the Privity of the Commander, were killed by the _Eskemaux_, and the Boat taken from them. After which Accident, with some disagreeable Circumstances consequent thereon amongst the Schooner's Company, and after an Experiment made of their Disinclination to proceed on any further Discovery, it was thought most prudent to return. This short Account is given by the Person who commanded in this Affair, to prevent any Misrepresentation hereafter of what was done on these Voyages. CONTENTS. Page Letter of Admiral _de Fonte_ as published in _April_ 1708 1 ---- ---- ---- ---- ---- ---- ---- ---- _June_ 6 OBSERVATIONS _on the Title affixed_, &c. 11 The Reason of this Work. The Translation made from a Copy of the Letter. Title and the Copy of the Letter wrote in the _Spanish_ Language. Copiest assured there was such an Expedition as this of Admiral _de Fonte_ 12 An Account of this Expedition not published in _Spain_. The Consequence of such Expedition not being published 14 The Knowledge or Certainty of this Expedition from Journals only 15 Mons. _de Lisle_ his Account of a Journal. This Account by Mons. _de Lisle_ defended 17 This Translation of _de Fonte_'s Letter how considered when first published. Don _Francisco Seyxas y Lovera_ his Account of a Voyage of _Thomas Peche_ 18 Observations on that Account 19 The Tradition of there being a Passage between the _Atlantic_ and _Southern Ocean_ credible 20 Accounts received from various Persons relating thereto not to be discredited. _Indians_, their Account of the Situation of such Streight how to be considered 21 The Reasons why we cannot obtain a particular Information as to the original Letter of _de Fonte_ 22 Evidence relating to this Account of _de Fonte_, which Distance of Time or other Accidents could not deface, yet remains 24 No authenticated Account of the Equipment of the Fleet to be expected from _New Spain_ 25 This Account of _de Fonte_ authentick, and no Forgery. The Editors published this Account as authentick 26 The Reflection that this Account is a Forgery of some _Englishman_ obviated 27 The Design in publishing this Translation. The Purpose of _de Fonte_'s writing this Letter not understood by the Editors 28 The Editors unjustly reproached with a Want of Integrity. The Censures as to the Inauthenticity of this Account of _de Fonte_ not founded on Facts. Invalidity of the Objection that no Original hath been produced. The Suspicion of the Account being a Deceit or Forgery from whence. The original Letter was in the _Spanish_ Language 29 Observations as to the Name _Bartholomew de Fonte_ 30 _De Fonte_ was a Man of Family 31 The _Spanish_ Marine not in so low a Condition as they were under a Necessity to apply to _Portugal_ for Sea Officers to supply the principal Posts. What is to be understood of _de Fonte_ being President of _Chili_ 31 REMARKS _on the Letter of Admiral_ de Fonte. The Advice of the Attempt from _Boston_, in what Manner transmitted from _Old Spain_ to the Viceroys. The Appellation of industrious Navigators conformable to the Characters of the Persons concerned. The Court of _Spain_ knew that the Attempt was to be by _Hudson_'s Bay. This Attempt particularly commanded the Attention of the Court of _Spain_ 34 As to the Computation by the Years of the Reign of King _Charles_. The Times mentioned in the Letter do not refer to the Times the Voyage was set out on. There was sufficient Time to equip the four Ships 35 How the Design of this Attempt might come to the Knowledge of the Court of _Spain_. Reasons why both Viceroys should be informed 36 _De Fonte_ received his Orders from _Old Spain_. Wrote his Letter to the Court of _Spain_. _De Fonte_ and the Viceroys did not receive their Orders from the same Persons 37 What is the Purpose of the introductory Part of this Letter. The Names of the Ships agreeable to the _Spanish_ Manner. _From_ Callao _to_ St. Helena. Observations as to the Computation of Course and Distance in the Voyage of _de Fonte_ 38 From whence _de Fonte_ takes his Departure. As to the Distance between the _Callao_ of _Lima_ and _St. Helena_, no Fault in the Impression. An Account of the Latitude and Longitude made Use of, which agrees with _de Fonte_'s Voyage. Remarks as to the Expression, anchored in the Port of _St. Helena_ within the Cape 39 An Interpolation of what is not in the original Letter. Observations as to the taking the Betumen aboard. An Error as to Latitude corrected 40 An Error as to the Course corrected. _From_ St. Helena _to the River_ St. Jago. Observations as to _de Fonte_ taking fresh Provision aboard at the River _St. Jago_ 41 A Comment or spurious Interpolation. The Course _de Fonte_ sailed from the River _St. Jago_. _From_ St. Jago _to_ Realejo. A Proof that Glosses and Comments have been added to the original Text 42 The Latitude not mentioned in the original Letter of _de Fonte_. The Times that _de Fonte_ is sailing between the respective Ports from the _Callao_ to _Realejo_ no Objection to the Authenticity of this Account. Boats provided for _de Fonte_ before he arrived at _Realejo_ 43 _From_ Realejo _to the Port of_ Salagua. Observations as to the Islands of _Chiametla_. ---- ---- ---- Port of _Salagua_. ---- ---- ---- Master and Mariners 44 An Interpolation or Comment added. The Translator not exact as to his Translation. Remark as to the Information _de Fonte_ received as to the Tide at the Head of the Bay of _California_ 45 _Pennelossa_ appointed to discover whether _California_ was an Island. The Account given of _Pennelossa_, as to his Descent, not in the original Letter. _From the Port of_ Salagua _to the_ Archipelagus _of_ St. Lazarus _and_ Rio Los Reyes. _De Fonte_ leaves _Pennelossa_ within the Shoals of _Chiametla_ 46 Course corrected. Remark as to Cape _Abel_. ---- as to the Weather and the Time he was running eight Hundred and sixty Leagues 47 A Neglect as to inserting a Course. Computation of Longitude altered 48 The Course _de Fonte_ steered, he accounts as to the Land being in a Latitude and Longitude agreeable to the late _Russian_ Discoveries. Acts with great Judgment as a Seaman. The Agreement of the Table of Latitude and Longitude with the _Russian_ Discoveries. And the _Suesta del Estrech D'Anian_ not laid down on a vague Calculation 49 Former Authorities for it. So named by the _Spaniards_. A superior Entrance to that of _Martin Aguilar_ and of _de Fuca_. The _Archipelago_ of _St. Lazarus_, properly so named by _de Fonte_. A North-east Part of the _South Sea_ that _de Fonte_ passed up 50 His Instructions were to fall in with the Islands which formed the _Archipelago_, and not the main Land. _Rio los Reyes_, in what Longitude. A further Proof that his Course was to the Eastward 51 _Proceedings of Admiral_ de Fonte _after his Arrival at_ Rio de los Reyes. The Translation very inaccurate in this Part. The Date of the 22d of _June_ an Error. _De Fonte_ dispatches one of his Captains to _Bernarda_ with Orders. Jesuits had been in those Parts, from whose Accounts the Instructions were formed 52 Remarks as to the Orders sent _Bernarda_. De Fonte _sails up_ Rio de los Reyes. _De Fonte_ sets out on his Part of the Expedition 53 Was at the Entrance of _Los Reyes_ the 14th of _June_. Observed the Tides in _Los Reyes_ and _Haro_. Precaution to be used in going up the River. An additional Note as to the Jesuits. Observations as to the Jesuits. Knew not of a Streight 54 Could not publish their Mission without Leave. De Fonte _arrives at_ Conosset. Receives a Letter from _Bernarda_ dated 27th of _June_ 55 The 22d of _June_ was not the Time _Bernarda_ received his Dispatches. The Letter is an Answer to the Dispatches he received from _de Fonte_. Remarks on the Letter. Alters the Course directed by _de Fonte_. Assures _de Fonte_ he will do what was possible, and is under no Apprehension as to a Want of Provisions 56 The Name of _Haro_, and of the Lake _Velasco_, a particular Compliment. This Letter of _de Fonte_ wrote in _Spanish_. _Description of_ Rio de los Reyes _and Lake_ Belle. _De Fonte_ not inactive from the 14th to the 22d of _June_ 57 Very particular in his Account. Shews how far the Tides came to from Westward. De Fonte _leaves his Ships before the Town of_ Conosset. The Time _de Fonte_ had staid at _Conosset_ 58 Was before acquainted with the Practicability of _Bernarda_ sending a Letter. How the Letter from _Bernarda_ was sent. _De Fonte_ waited to receive the Letter before he proceeded. _Parmentiers_, whom he was. _Frenchmen_ were admitted into _Peru_. Reasons for the Jesuits coming into these Parts without passing the intermediate Country 59 _Parmentiers_ had been before in these Parts. His Motive for going into those Parts, and surveying the River _Parmentiers_ 60 The People Captain _Tchinkow_ met with, no Objection to the Character of the _Indians_ in these Parts. _Parmentiers_ not a general Interpreter 61 Voyages had been made to these Parts. An Omission in the Translator. _A Description of the River_ Parmentiers, _Lake_ de Fonte, _and the adjacent Country._ The Form of the Letter again observed by the Translator 62 Lake _de Fonte_, so named in Compliment to the Family he was of. Lake _de Fonte_ a Salt Water Lake. A Comparison of the Country with other Parts. Why _de Fonte_ stopped at the Island South of the Lake 63 De Fonte _sails out of the East North-east End of the Lake_ de Fonte, _and passes the Streight of_ Ronquillo. An additional Comment. _De Fonte_'s Observation as to the Country altering for the worse. A purposed Silence as to the Part come into after passing the Streight of _Ronquillo_. De Fonte _arrives at the_ Indian _Town, and receives an Account of the Ship._ A further Instance of _Parmentiers_ having been in these Parts 64 _De Fonte_ had been on the Inquiry. _The Proceedings of_ de Fonte _after meeting with the Ship._ The Reason of the Ship's Company retiring to the Woods 65 _De Fonte_ had particularly provided himself with some _Englishmen_. _Shapley_, the Navigator of the Ship, first waits on the Admiral. Particulars as to _Shapley_. A Disappointment of the Intelligence the Author hoped to attain 66 A Tradition amongst the antient People of there having been such a Voyage. _Major Gibbons_, an Account of him 67 _Seimar Gibbons_, a Mistake of the Translator 68 _Massachusets_, the largest Colony in _New England_ at that Time. The Ship fitted out from _Boston_. Remarks on _de Fonte_'s Address to _Major Gibbons_, and Conduct on this Occasion. _De Fonte_ only mentions what is immediately necessary for the Court to know 70 The _Boston_ Ship returned before _de Fonte_ left those Parts. A remarkable Anecdote from the Ecclesiastical History of _New England_. The Circumstances of which Account agree with this Voyage 72 A further Tradition as to _Major Gibbons_. That the Persons met by _Groseliers_ were not _Major Gibbons_ and his Company. De Fonte _returns to_ Conosset. The various Courses, Distances, _&c._ from _Rio de los Reyes_ to the Sea to the Eastward of _Ronquillo_ 73 The prudent Conduct observed in the Absence of the Admiral 74 De Fonte _receives a Letter from_ Bernarda. The Latitude and Longitude of _Conibasset_, &c. 75 Observations as to the Messenger who carried the first Letter from _Bernarda_. Observations as to the Messenger with the second Letter 76 The various Courses, Distances, _&c._ that _Bernarda_ went. The Probability of sending a Seaman over Land to _Baffin_'s Bay. Remarks on the Report made by the Seaman 77 _Bernarda_ going up the _Tartarian Sea_ is agreeable to the _Japanese_ Map. A Parallel drawn between _Conosset_ and Port _Nelson_. The physical Obstacles considered 78 _Bernarda_'s Observations as to the Parts he had been in. Whether the Parts about _Baffin_'s Bay were inhabited 79 An Objection as to the Affability of the Inhabitants further considered. As to the Dispatch used by _Indians_ in carrying Expresses. _Bernarda_ directed by the Jesuits as to the Harbour where he meets _de Fonte_. _De Fonte_ sent a Chart with his Letter 80 _Miguel Venegas_, a _Mexican_ Jesuit, his Observation as to the Account of _de Fonte_'s Voyage, _&c._ The Design with which his Work was published. Arguments for putting into immediate Execution what he recommends 81 _Don Cortez_ informs the King of _Spain_ that there is a Streight on the Coast of the _Baccaloos_. Attempts made by _Cortez_ 82 What is comprehended under the Name of _Florida_. King of _Portugal_ sends _Gasper Corterealis_ on Discovery. The Name _Labrador_, what it means. _Promonterum Cortereale_, what Part so named. _Hudson_'s Streights named the River of _Three Brothers_ or _Anian_. When the finding a Streight to Northward became a Matter of particular Attention of the _Spaniards_ 83 Undertaken by the Emperor. By _Philip_ the Second. By _Philip_ the Third, and the Reasons 84 The Opinions of _Geographers_ as to the North Part of _America_. How the Maps were constructed at that Time 85 Unacquainted with what _Cortez_ knew of the Streight 86 Instanced by the Voyage of _Alarcon_ that the Land was thought to extend farther to Northward than afterwards supposed by the Voyage of _Juan Roderique de Cabrillo_ 87 _Vizcaino_, his Voyage, and the Discovery of _Aguilar_. _Spaniards_ never meant by the Streights of _Anian_, _Beerings_ Streight 88 Remarks on the Deficiency of the _Spanish_ Records. Uncertainty of attaining any Evidence from such Records. Father _Kimo_'s Map of _California_ altered by Geographers 90 The Objection of _Venegas_ as to the Authenticity of _de Fonte_'s Account considered 91 Misrepresents the Title of the Letter 92 Doth not deny but that there was such a Person as _de Fonte_. The _Jesuits_ and _Parmentiers_ having been before in these Parts not improbable 93 Master and Mariners mentioned by _de Fonte_, a probable Account. Whence the Tide came at the Head of the Gulph of _California_ 94 _De Fonte_ retires, Command taken by Admiral _Cassanate_. _Seyxas y Lovera_, the Authority of his Account defended 95 _Venegas_ omits some Accounts for Want of necessary Authenticity. Most of the Discoveries are reported to be made by Ships from the _Moluccas_ 96 What Ships from the _Moluccas_ or _Philippines_ were forced to do in case of bad Weather. The Probability of a Discovery made by a Ship from the _Philippines_ or _Moluccas_. The People of the _Philippine_ Islands those who most talked of a Passage. _Salvatierra_, his Account of a North-west Passage discovered 97 This Account gained Credit 98 Was the Foundation of _Frobisher_'s Expedition. _Thomas Cowles_, his Account defended 99 _Juan de Fuca_, his Account 100 Remarks on that Account 101 Expeditions which the Court of _Spain_ order correspond in Time with the Attempts for Discovery from _England_ 103 The Discovery of the Coast of _California_ for a Harbour for the _Aquapulco_ Ship not the Sole Design 104 Reasons that induced _Aguilar_ to think the Opening where he was was the Streight of _Anian_ 105 Observation on the preceding Accounts. Have no certain Account of what Expeditions were in those Parts 106 An exact Survey of those Coasts not known to have been made until the Year 1745. The Streight of _Anian_ at present acknowledged 107 The first Discoverers gave faithful Accounts. Reasons for _de Fonte_'s Account being true 108 Accounts of Voyages not being to be obtained no just Objection to their Authenticity. As to the Inference in _de Fonte_'s Letter of there being no North-west Passage 109 The Proximity of the _Western Ocean_ supposed by all Discoverers 111 Observations on the Northern Parts of _America_ being intermixed with Waters. The Objection as to the Distance between the _Ocean_ and the _Sea_ at the Back of _Hudson_'s Bay 112 Reasons why a Passage hath not been discovered. A great Channel to Westward by which the Ice and Land Waters are vented. Accounts of _de Fonte_, _de Fuca_, and _Chacke_, agree 113 _Indians_ mentioned by _de Fonte_ and those by _de Fuca_ not the same. Why _de Fonte_ did not pass up the North-east Part of the _South Sea_ 114 The Persons who were in those Parts got no Information of a Streight 115 The Representation of the _Jesuits_ the Foundation of _de Fonte_'s Instructions. The Court of _Spain_ not of the same Opinion with _de Fonte_ or the Jesuits on his Return 116 There is a Sea to Westward of _Hudson_'s Bay 117 _Joseph le France_, his Account considered 118 Agrees with the Account of _de Fonte_ and _de Fuca_ 119 Improbability of the _Tete Plat_ inhabiting near the Ocean 120 Which Way the _Boston_ Ship made the Passage, uncertain. Whether through _Hudson_'s Bay 122 Observations as to _Chesterfield_'s Inlet. As to _Pistol_ Bay and _Cumberland_ Isles 123 A Quotation from _Seyxas y Lovera_. Observations thereon 124 Observations as to its having been the constant Opinion that there was a North-west Passage 125 The great Degree of Credibility there is from the Circumstances of _de Fonte_'s Voyage. What Foundation those who argue against a North-west Passage have for their Argument 126 Where the Passage is supposed, and an Explanation of the Map 127 Remarks as to Expeditions to be made purposely for the Discovery. The Inconveniencies which attended on former Expeditions. Prevented for the future by a Discovery of the Coast of _Labrador_. The advantageous Consequences of that Attempt 128 Method to be pursued in making the Discovery. APPENDIX. Fall in with the Coast of _Labrador_ 131 Stand more to Southward. Tokens of the Land 132 Meet with the _Eskemaux_. Enter a Harbour 133 The Country described. People sent to the Head of the Harbour report they had seen a House 134 A more particular Account. The Report of Persons sent to survey the Country. Proceed on a further Discovery 136 Enter up an Inlet. Prevented proceeding in the Schooner by Falls 137 Proceed in a Boat, meet with Falls. Description of the Country. Sail out of the Inlet and go to Northward 139 See Smokes and go in Pursuit of the Natives 140 Proceed up a third Inlet. See Smokes again. Enter a fourth Inlet. Meet with a _Snow_ from _England_ 143 The Captain of the _Snow_, his Account and other Particulars. Observations as to the _Eskemaux_ 145 _Snow_ had joined Company with a _Sloop_ from _Rhode Island_. An Account of where the _Eskemaux_ trade 147 _Eskemaux_ come along-side 147 _Schooner_ leaves the _Snow_. _Eskemaux_ come aboard the Schooner 148 Mate of _Snow_ comes aboard the _Schooner_, and his Account 150 Why mentioned 151 The Trade in these Parts could only be established by the Regulations of the _Government_. _Eskemaux_ coming to trade with the Schooner intercepted. The Inlet searched 152 Pass into three other Inlets. An Account of them and the Country. Reasons for leaving off the Discovery 153 _Fishing Bank_ sought for and discovered. An Island of Ice of a surprising Magnitude and Depth. MEMOIRS for the CURIOUS. [Sidenote: April 1708.] _A Letter from Admiral_ Bartholomew de Fonte, _then Admiral of_ New Spain _and_ Peru, _and now Prince of_ Chili; _giving an Account of the most material Transactions in a Journal of his from the Calo of_ Lima _in_ Peru, _on his Discoveries, to find out if there was any North West Passage from the_ Atlantick _Ocean into the South and Tartarian Sea._ The Viceroys of _New Spain_ and _Peru_, having advice from the Court of _Spain_, that the several Attempts of the _English_, both in the Reigns of Queen _Elizabeth_, King _James_, and of Capt. _Hudson_ and Capt. _James_, in the 2d, 3d and 4th Years of King _Charles_, was in the 14th Year of the said King _Charles_, A. D. 1639, undertaken from some Industrious Navigators from _Boston_ in _New England_, upon which I Admiral _de Fonte_ received Orders from _Spain_ and the Viceroys to Equip four Ships of Force, and being ready we put to Sea the 3d of _April_ 1640, from the Calo of _Lima_, I Admiral _Bartholomew de Fonte_ in the Ship _St Spiritus_, the Vice-Admiral _Don Diego Pennelossa_, in the Ship _St Lucia_, _Pedro de Bonardæ_, in the Ship _Rosaria_, _Philip de Ronquillo_ in the _King Philip_. The 7th of _April_ at 5 in the Afternoon, we had the length of _St Helen_, two hundred Leagues on the _North_ side of the Bay of _Guajaquil_, in 2 Degrees of _South_ Lat. and anchored in the Port _St Helena_, within the Cape, where each Ship's Company took in a quantity of _Betumen_, called vulgarly _Tar_, of a dark colour with a cast of Green, an excellent Remedy against the Scurvy and Dropsie, and is used as Tar for Shipping, but we took it in for Medicine; it Boils out of the Earth, and is there plenty. The _10th_ we pass'd the Equinoctial by Cape _del Passao_, the _11th_ Cape _St Francisco_, in one Degree and seven Minutes of Latitude North from the Equator, and anchor'd in the Mouth of the [1]River _St Jago_, where with a Sea-Net we catch'd abundance of good Fish; and several of each Ship's Company went ashoar, and kill'd some Goats and Swine, which are there wild and in plenty; and others bought of some Natives, 20 dozen of _Turkey_ Cocks and Hens, Ducks, and much excellent Fruit, at a Village two _Spanish_ Leagues, six Mile and a half, up the River _St Jago_, on the Larboard side or the Left hand. The River is Navigable for small Vessels from the Sea, about 14 _Spanish_ Leagues _South East_, about half way to the fair City of _Quita_, in 22 Minutes of _South_ Latitude, a City that is very Rich. The _16th_ of _April_ we sailed from the River _St Jago_ to the Port and Town _Raleo_, 320 Leagues W. N. W. a little Westerly, in about 11 Degrees 14 Min. of N. Latitude, leaving Mount _St Miguel_ on the Larboard side, and Point _Cazamina_ on the Starboard side. The Port of _Raleo_ is a safe Port, is covered from the Sea by the Islands _Ampallo_ and _Mangreza_, both well inhabited with Native _Indians_, and 3 other small Islands. [2]_Raleo_ is but 4 Miles over Land from the head of the Lake _Nigaragua_, that falls into the North Sea in 12 Degrees of North Latitude, near the Corn or Pearl Islands. Here at the Town of _Raleo_, where is abundance of excellent close grain'd Timber, a reddish Cedar, and all Materials for building Shipping; we bought 4 long well sail'd Shallops, built express for sailing and riding at Anchor and rowing, about 12 Tuns each, of 32 foot Keel. The _26th_, we sailed from _Raleo_ for the Port of _Saragua_, or rather of _Salagua_, within the Islands and Shoals of _Chamily_, and the Port is often call'd by the _Spaniards_ after that Name; in 17 Degrees 31 Minutes of North Latitude, 480 Leagues North West and by West, a little Westerly from _Raleo_. From the Town of _Saragua_, a little East of _Chamily_ at _Saragua_, and from _Compostilo_ in the Neighbourhood of this Port, we took in a Master and six Mariners accustomed to Trade with the Natives on the East side of _California_ for Pearl; the Natives catch'd on a Bank in 19 Degrees of Latitude North from the _Baxos St Juan_, in 24 Degrees of North Latitude 20 Leagues N. N. E. from Cape St _Lucas_, the South East point of _California_. The Master Admiral _de Fonte_ had hir'd, with his Vessel and Mariners, who had informed the Admiral, that 200 Leagues North from Cape St _Lucas_, a Flood from the North, met the South Flood, and that he was sure it must be an Island, and _Don Diego Pennelossa_ (Sisters Son of [3]_Don Lewis de Haro_) a young Nobleman of great Knowledge and Address in Cosmography and Navigation, and undertook to discover whether _California_ was an Island or not; for before it was not known whether it was an Island or a _Peninsula_; with his Ship and the 4 Shallops they brought at _Raleo_, and the Master and Mariners they hir'd at _Salagua_, but Admiral _de Fonte_ with the other 3 Ships sailed from them within the Islands _Chamily_ the _10th_ of _May_ 1640. and having the length of Cape _Abel_, on the W. S. W. side of _California_ in 26 Degrees of N. Latitude, 160 Leagues N. W. and W. from the Isles _Chamily_; the Wind sprung up at S. S. E. a steady Gale, that from the _26th_ of _May_ to the _14th_ of _June_, he had sail'd to the River _los Reyes_ in 53 Degrees of N. Latitude, not having occasion to lower a Topsail, in sailing 866 Leagues N. N. W. 410 Leagues from Port _Abel_ to Cape Blanco, 456 Leagues to _Rio los Reyes_, all the time most pleasant Weather, and sailed about 260 Leagues in crooked Channels, amongst Islands named the [4]_Archipelagus de St Lazarus_; where his Ships Boats sail'd a mile a head, sounding to see what Water, Rocks and Sands there was. The 22d of _June_, Admiral _Fonte_ dispatched one of his Captains to _Pedro de Barnarda_, to sail up a fair River, a gentle Stream and deep Water, went first N. and N. E. N. and N. W. into a large Lake full of Islands, and one very large _Peninsula_ full of Inhabitants, a Friendly honest People in this Lake; he named Lake _Valasco_, where Captain _Barnarda_ left his Ship; nor all up the River was less than 4, 5, 6, 7 and 8 Fathom Water, both the Rivers and Lakes abounding with Salmon Trouts, and very large white Pearch, some of two foot long; and with 3 large _Indian_ Boats, by them called _Periagos_, made of two large Trees 50 and 60 foot long. Capt. _Barnarda_ first sailed from his Ships in the Lake _Valasco_, one hundred and forty Leagues West, and then 436 E. N. E. to 77 Degrees of Latitude. Admiral _de Fonte_, after he had dispatch'd Captain _Barnarda_ on the Discovery of the North and East part of the _Tartarian_ Sea, the Admiral sail'd up a very Navigable River, which he named _Rio los Reyes_, that run nearest North East, but on several Points of the Compass 60 Leagues at low Water, in a fair Navigable Channel, not less than 4 or 5 Fathom Water. It flow'd in both Rivers near the same Water, in the River _los Reyes_, 24 foot Full and Change of the Moon; a S. S. E. Moon made high Water. It flow'd in the River _de Haro_ 22 foot and a half Full and Change. They had two [5]Jesuits with them that had been on their Mission to the 66 Degrees of North Latitude, and had made curious Observations. The Admiral _de Fonte_ received a Letter from Captain _Barnarda_, dated the 27th of _June_, 1640. that he had left his Ship in the Lake _Valasco_, betwixt the Island _Barnarda_ and the Peninsula _Conibasset_, a very safe Port; it went down a River from the Lake, 3 falls, 80 Leagues, and fell into the _Tartarian_ Sea in 61 Degrees, with the Pater Jesuits and 36 Natives in three of their Boats, and 20 of his _Spanish_ Seamen; that the Land trended away North East; that they should want no Provisions, the Country abounding with Venison of 3 sorts, and the Sea and Rivers with excellent Fish (Bread, Salt, Oyl and Brandy they carry'd with them) that he should do what was possible. The Admiral, when he received the Letter from Captain _Barnarda_, was arrived at an _Indian_ Town called _Conosset_, on the South-side the Lake _Belle_, where the two Pater Jesuits on their Mission had been two Years; a pleasant Place. The Admiral with his two Ships, enter'd the Lake the 22d of _June_, an Hour before high Water, and there was no Fall or Catract, and 4 or 5 Fathom Water, and 6 and 7 generally in the Lake _Belle_, there is a little fall of Water till half Flood, and an Hour and quarter before high Water the Flood begins to set gently into the Lake _Belle_; the River is fresh at 20 Leagues distance from the Mouth, or Entrance of the River _los Reyes_. The River and Lake abounds with Salmon, Salmon-Trouts, Pikes, Perch and Mullets, and two other sorts of Fish peculiar to that River, admirable good, and Lake _Belle_; also abounds with all those sorts of Fish large and delicate: And Admiral _de Fonte_ says, the Mullets catch'd in _Rios Reyes_ and Lake _Belle_, are much delicater than are to be found, he believes, in any part of the World. The rest shall be incerted in our next. [1] _Eighty Leagues N. N. W. and 25 Leagues E. and by S._ [2] _The great Ships that are built in_ New Spain _are built in_ Raleo. [3] Don Lewis de Haro _was great Minister of_ Spain. [4] _So named by_ de Fonte, _he being the first that made that Discovery._ [5] _One of those that went with Capt._ Barnarda _on his Discovery._ MEMOIRS for the CURIOUS. [Sidenote: June 1708.] _The Remainder of Admiral_ Bartholomew de Fonte'_s Letter; giving an Account of the most material Transactions in a Journal of his from the Calo of_ Lima _in_ Peru, _on his Discoveries to find out if there was any North West Passage from the_ Atlantick _Ocean into the South and Tartarian Sea; which for want of Room we could not possibly avoid postponing._ [Sidenote: _See the Memoirs for April 1708, and you'll find the beginning of this Curious Discovery._] We concluded with giving an Account of a Letter from Capt. _Barnarda_, dated the 27th of _June_, 1640. on his Discovery in the Lake _Valasco_. The first of _July_ 1640, Admiral _de Fonte_ sailed from the rest of his Ships in the Lake _Belle_, in a good Port cover'd by a fine Island, before the Town _Conosset_ from thence to a River I named _Parmentiers_, in honour of my Industrious Judicious Comrade, Mr _Parmentiers_, who had most exactly mark'd every thing in and about that River; we pass'd 8 Falls, in all 32 foot, perpendicular from its Sourse out of _Belle_; it falls into the large Lake I named Lake _de Fonte_, at which place we arrived the 6th of _July_. This Lake is 160 Leagues long and 60 broad, the length is E. N. E. and W. S. W. to 20 or 30, in some places 60 Fathom deep; the Lake abounds with excellent Cod and Ling, very large and well fed, there are several very large Islands and 10 small ones; they are covered with shrubby Woods, the Moss grows 6 or 7 foot long, with which the Moose, a very large sort of Deer, are fat with in the Winter, and other lesser Deer, as Fallow, _&c._ There are abundance of wild Cherries, Strawberries, Hurtleberries, and wild Currants, and also of wild Fowl Heath Cocks and Hens, likewise Partridges and Turkeys, and Sea Fowl in great plenty on the South side: The Lake is a very large fruitful Island, had a great many Inhabitants, and very excellent Timber, as Oaks, Ashes, Elm and Fur-Trees, very large and tall. The 14th of _July_ we sailed out of the E. N. E. end of the Lake _de Fonte_, and pass'd a Lake I named _Estricho de Ronquillo_, 34 Leagues long, 2 or 3 Leagues broad, 20, 26, and 28 Fathom of Water; we pass'd this strait in 10 hours, having a stout Gale of Wind and whole Ebb. As we sailed more Easterly, the Country grew very sensibly worse, as it is in the North and South parts of _America_, from 36 to the extream Parts North or South, the West differs not only in Fertility but in Temperature of Air, at least 10 Degrees, and it is warmer on the West side than on the East, as the best _Spanish_ Discoverers found it, whose business it was in the time of the Emperor _Charles_ the V. to _Philip_ the III. as is noted by _Aloares_ and a _Costa_ and _Mariana_, &c. The 17th we came to an _Indian_ Town, and the _Indians_ told our Interpreter Mr _Parmentiers_, that a little way from us lay a great Ship where there had never been one before; we sailed to them, and found only one Man advanced in years, and a Youth; the Man was the greatest Man in the Mechanical Parts of the Mathematicks I had ever met with; my second Mate was an _English_ Man, an excellent Seaman, as was my Gunner, who had been taken Prisoners at _Campechy_, as well as the Master's Son; they told me the Ship was of _New England_, from a Town called _Boston_. The Owner and the whole Ships Company came on board the 30th, and the Navigator of the Ship, Capt. _Shapley_, told me, his Owner was a fine Gentleman, and Major General of the largest Colony in _New England_, called the _Maltechusets_; so I received him like a Gentleman, and told him, my Commission was to make Prize of any People seeking a North West or West Passage into the South Sea but I would look upon them as Merchants trading with the Natives for Bevers, Otters, and other Furs and Skins, and so for a small Present of Provisions I had no need on, I gave him my Diamond Ring, which cost me 1200 Pieces of Eight, (which the modest Gentleman received with difficulty) and having given the brave Navigator, Capt. _Shapley_ for his fine Charts and Journals, 1000 Pieces of Eight, and the Owner of the Ship, _Seimor Gibbons_ a quarter Cask of good _Peruan_ Wine, and the 10 Seamen each 20 Pieces of Eight, the 6th of _August_, with as much Wind as we could fly before, and a Currant, we arrived at the first Fall of the River _Parmentiers_, the 11th of _August_, 86 Leagues, and was on the South side of the Lake _Belle_ on board our Ships the 16th of _August_, before the fine Town _Conosset_, where we found all things well; and the honest Natives of _Conosset_ had in our absence treated our People with great humanity, and Capt. _de Ronquillo_ answer'd their Civility and Justice. The 20th of _August_ an _Indian_ brought me a Letter to _Conosset_ on the Lake _Belle_, from Capt. _Barnarda_, dated the 11th of _August_, where he sent me word he was returned from his Cold Expedition, and did assure me there was no Communication out of the _Spanish_ or _Atlantick_ Sea, by _Davis_ Strait; for the Natives had conducted one of his Seamen to the head of _Davis_ Strait, which terminated in a fresh Lake of about 30 Mile in circumference, in the 80th Degree of North Latitude; and that there was prodigious Mountains North of it, besides the North West from that Lake, the Ice was so fix'd, that from the Shore to 100 Fathom Water, for ought he knew from the Creation; for Mankind knew little of the wonderful Works of God, especially near the North and South Poles; he writ further, that he had sailed from _Basset_ Island North East, and East North East, and North East and by East, to the 79th Degree of Latitude, and then the Land trended North, and the Ice rested on the Land. I received afterwards a second Letter from Capt. _Barnarda_, dated from _Minhanset_, informing me, that he made the Port of _Arena_, 20 Leagues up the River _los Reyes_ on the 29th of _August_, where he waited my Commands. I having store of good Salt Provisions, of Venison and Fish, that Capt. _de Ronquillo_ had salted (by my order) in my absence, and 100 Hogsheads of _Indian_ Wheat or Mais, sailed the 2d of _September_ 1640. accompanied with many of the honest Natives of _Conosset_, and the 5th of _September_ in the Morning about 8, was at an Anchor betwixt _Arena_ and _Mynhanset_, in the River _los Reyes_, sailing down that River to the North East part of the South Sea; after that returned home, having found that there was no Passage into the South Sea by that they call the North West Passage. The Chart will make this much more demonstrable. _Tho the Style of the foregoing Piece is not altogether so Polite, (being writ like a Man, whose livelihood depended on another way) but with abundance of Experience and a Traveller, yet there are so many Curious, and hitherto unknown Discoveries, that it was thought worthy a place in these_ Memoirs; _and 'tis humbly presum'd it will not be unacceptable to those who have either been in those Parts, or will give themselves the trouble of reviewing the Chart._ OBSERVATIONS ON _The Title affixed, and on other Circumstances relating to the Letter of Admiral_ de Fonte, _shewing the Authenticity of that Letter, and of the Account therein contained._ Observations have been made by several Geographers of different Nations on the Letter of Admiral _de Fonte_, to shew that such Letter is not deserving of Credit, is to be thought of as a mere Fiction or Romance, and is a Forgery composed by some Person to serve a particular Purpose. But it will appear, as we proceed in a more particular Consideration of the Title and Circumstances relative to the Letter of Admiral _de Fonte_ than hath been hitherto used, and from the following Remarks on the Subject of such Letter[6], That those Observations made by the Geographers have many of them no just Foundation, the rest afford not a sufficient Evidence to invalidate the Authenticity of that Letter, and of the Account it contains. [6] Memoires et Observations Geographiques et Critiques sur la Situation de Pays Septientrionaux, &c. a Lausanne, 1765.--Pa. 115, &c. It is only from a Copy of the Letter of _de Fonte_ that the Translation hath been made, which is now published, as is plain from a Title being affixed, _A Letter from Admiral_ Bartholomew de Fonte, _then Admiral of_ New Spain _and_ Peru, _and now Prince of_ Chili. As _Prince_ is never used in this Sense with us, it is apparently a literal Translation of the _Spanish_ Word _Principe_, consequently this Title was wrote in the _Spanish_ Language, and we cannot otherwise conclude but in the same Language with the Letter. From this and other Defects of the like Sort, which will be noticed as we proceed in our Observations, the Translator must be acquitted from all Suspicion of being any way concerned in this pretended Forgery. By the Copiest affixing this Title, it is evident he was well assured that there had been such an Expedition. The Anecdotes, as to the Vice-admiral _Pennelossa_, in the Body of the Letter, what is therein mentioned as to the Jesuits, evidence that a minute and particular Inquiry was made by the Copiest; that he had thoroughly informed himself of every Particular of this Affair; that he was assured that the Account by him copied contained the most material Transactions in a Journal of _de Fonte_'s, and that _de Fonte_ was then, probably from his advanced Age, in the Service of the Government in another Station. This Expedition not being solely to intercept the Navigators from _Boston_, but also to discover whether there was a Passage in those Parts thro' which the _English_ expected to make a Passage, _viz._ by the back Part of _Virginia_, by _Hudson_'s or by _Baffin_'s Bay; it was an Undertaking which required that the Person who had the conducting of it should not only be a Man of good Understanding, but a judicious and experienced Seaman. The Time required to attain such Qualifications implies, that _de Fonte_ must have been of a mature Age when he went on this Command; and _de Fonte_ being alive at the Time that the Copy was taken, it must have been taken within twenty Years, or in a less Time after such Expedition, as the Copiest speaks of _Pennelossa_ as a young Nobleman. The Copiest therefore could not be imposed on, as his Inquiries were made in such a Time, either with respect to the Persons concerned, or with respect to the Letter not being a genuine Account of the Voyage. A Person might be so circumstanced as to attain the Favour of copying such Letter, induced by some private Motive, without an Intention of making it publick, as Publications were not at that Time so frequent as of late Days; neither is it less probable that a Copy so taken may, in Process of Time, come into other Hands and then be published. Mr. _Gage_ observes, in his Dedication to Lord _Fairfax_, 'The Reason of his publishing a New Survey of the _West Indies_ to be, because that nothing had been written of these Parts for these hundred Years last past, which is almost ever since from the first Conquest thereof by the _Spaniards_, who are contented to lose the Honour of that Wealth and Felicity, which they have since purchased by their great Endeavours, so that they may enjoy the Safety of retaining what they have formerly gotten in Peace and Security.' And though _de Fonte_ declares that there was no North-west Passage, yet that there should be no Publication of the Account of the Voyage is consistent with this established Maxim. The North-west Passage he mentions is not to be understood, in an unlimited Sense, for a Passage between the _Atlantick_ and Western Ocean to the Northward, but the Meaning is confined to that Passage expected by _Hudson_'s Bay: For _de Fonte_ says, that he was to make a Prize of _any seeking a North-west or West Passage_[7]; by the latter he meant where _Pennelossa_ was sent to search; and _Bernarda_ says, there was no Communication out of the _Spanish_ or _Atlantick_ Sea, by _Davis_ Streight; and there was an Extent of Coast which _de Fonte_ only ran along, and had, but at Times, a distant View of; and as to the Jesuits, by whatever Means they got into those Parts, it is evident they had not seen all the intermediate Country. Therefore tho' the Court of _Spain_ was satisfied that the Passage was not where _de Fonte_ had searched; yet there might be a Passage where he had not searched, and publishing this Account of the Voyage would be an Assistance to the Adventurers, as it would confine them in their Searches to those other Parts which were cursorily passed by _de Fonte_, and where perhaps they might succeed: Or this Account particularly describing the Northern and Western Part of _America_, not hitherto known, would be of great Service to Rovers, who had already found their Way into those Seas, by directing them to the Coast and Harbours, and giving them an Account of a Country where they could retire to with tolerable Security from any Interruption from the _Spaniards_, a good Climate, hospitable People, and a Plenty of Provisions to be had; Circumstances which might enable them to continue their cruizing in those Seas much longer than without such Lights as they would receive from this Account they would be enabled to do. [7] Vide Letter. It is well known that the _Spaniards_ claimed all to the Northward as their Dominion, which they intended in due Time to acquire the Possession of, and the Publication might give an Insight to the _English_; Settlers in _America_ to be beforehand with them in attaining a Settlement in those Parts. Their Attempt to intercept the _English_ Subjects, when made Publick to the World, would have given Umbrage to the Court and People of _England_, which the _Spaniards_ would not unnecessarily, and especially at a Time when they had their Hands full of a War with the _French_, who had also incited the _Catalonians_ to rebel, and had joined them with their Troops. The _Spaniards_ were, at the same Time, endeavouring to recover the Dominions of _Portugal_. And _de Fonte_ had respect to the critical Situation their Affairs were in, even before he set out on his Voyage, hence his political Behaviour when he met with the Navigators from _Boston_, committed no Act of Hostility, yet made Use of the most effective Means to prevent their proceeding further. As no Publication was permitted of this Expedition, this therefore could come but to the Knowledge only of a very few Persons in _Old Spain_. Such a singular Transaction being soon, from their Attention to other Matters, and their Ministry soon after entirely changed, no more talked of, unless it should have been revived by something of the like Nature again happening on the Part of the _English_. As no Attempt was made by the _English_ for almost a Century, this Transaction, in that Time, fell into Oblivion. At the Time such Attempt was renewed, then the _Spaniards_ were better acquainted with the Purpose of our settling in _America_, they had altered their Designs of extending their own Possessions, there was also another Power who might pretend that such Passage, if made, was Part in their Dominion, so obstruct our free proceeding and interrupt our settling; the _Spaniards_ therefore having no immediate Occasion for any Researches back to the Records to acquaint themselves as to the Practicability or Impracticability of our Attempts, or to take Directions for their own Proceedings, the Remembrance of this Expedition continued dormant. In _New Spain_, the fitting four Ships to go on Discovery, as such Undertakings had been very frequent, it would not engage any extraordinary Attention of the Publick there; it often happened that what was done on such Voyages was kept a Secret. The more curious and inquisitive Persons would attain but an imperfect Account, by Inquiry from the People on board the Ships, as the Ships were divided, and they would receive no satisfactory Information of what was most material, and the principal Object of their Inquiry by those who went in the Boats, as Seamen delighting in Stories often tell what they neither heard or saw. The Consequences of the Voyage not known, because not understood, a weak Tradition of this Expedition would remain to Posterity; and the only Knowledge or Certainty to be acquired, as to this Expedition, would be from Journals accidentally preserved, of some Persons who had gone the Voyage. Mons. _de Lisle_ gives us an Extract of a Letter from Mons. _Antonio de Ulloa_, wrote from _Aranguer_ the 19th of _June_ in the Year 1753[8], to Mons. _Bouguer e le Mounier_, to answer the Queries they had made on the Subject of the Letter of Admiral _de Fuente_. That curious and able _Spanish_ Officer sent them in Answer, That in the Year 1742 he commanded a Ship of War the _Rose_, in the South Sea; he had on board him a Lieutenant of the Vessel named _Don Manuel Morel_, an antient Seaman, who shewed him a Manuscript; _Mons. Ulloa_ forgot the Author's Name, but believes it to be _Barthelemi de Fuentes_, the Author in that Manuscript reported, that in Consequence of an Order which he had received from the then Viceroy of _Peru_, that he had been to the Northward of _California_, to discover whether there was a Passage by which there was a Communication between the North and South Sea; but having reached a certain Northern Latitude, which _Mons. Ulloa_ did not recollect, and having found nothing that indicated such Passage, he returned to the Port of _Callao_, &c. _Mons. Ulloa_ adds, he had a Copy of such Relation, but he lost it when he was taken by the _English_ on his return from _America_. [8] Novelles Cartes des Decovertes de L'Amiral de Fonte, et autres Navigateurs, &c. Par de Lisle. Paris 1753.--P. 30. It is evident, from this Account being seen in 1742, it is not the same from which the Translation is made which we now have, that being published in 1708. And as _Mons. de Lisle_ asserts, that the Letter is conformable with what _Mons. Ulloa_ said at _Paris_ three Years before, with this Difference only, that he said positively at that Time, that the Relation which he had seen at _Peru_, and of which he had taken a Copy, was of Admiral _de Fonte_, this Manuscript, which contained the Account of the Voyage, may rather be supposed to be a Relation, or Journal kept by some Person, who was aboard Admiral _de Fonte_'s Ship, a Friend or Ancestor of _Morel_, than a Copy the same with this Letter, as it only mentioned the Purport of the Voyage, seems not to have the particular Circumstances as to intercepting the _Boston_ Men. This Account is an Evidence so far in Favour of this Letter, as it proves that this Letter is not the only Account that there is of this Voyage, and that another Account was seen and copied at _Peru_ many Years after this Letter was published in _England_. But if it be supposed that it is one and the same Account, and that from the _English_, it would not have been accepted of and kept by _Morel_, and shewed as a Curiosity, unless he was satisfied that it was a true genuine Account of such Voyage, and as to which he would naturally inquire, being on the Spot, where he might probably be informed, and unless he was at a Certainty that what that Account contained was true, would he have produced the Manuscript, or permitted his Captain to take a Copy of it as genuine; yet we may with greater Probability suppose, that this Manuscript which _Morel_ had was no Translation from the _English_, but in itself an Original. Mons. _Ulloa_ speaking of _Morel_ as an antient Seaman, cannot mean that he was in the Expedition of _de Fonte_, only implies his being acquainted with some one who was, with whom, from his Course of Years, he might have sailed, and attained this Journal. What is said in the Letter of Mons. _Ulloa_, that he forgot the Name of the Author of the Manuscript, but believes it was _Bartelemi de Fuentes_, that the Author of that Manuscript gave an Account of. It must be considered, that when Mons. _Ulloa_ wrote he was in _Old Spain_, many Years after he had seen the Account, and three Years after he was at _Paris_; and though he genteelly answers the Inquiries sent him, agreeable to his Conversation at _Paris_, yet does not express himself so positively as when at _Paris_, as in the Letter he only believes it to be _Bartelemi de Fonte_. _Mons. Ulloa_ would sooner not have answered the Letter than deny what he had formerly said; and if Mons. _de Lisle_ had advanced that for which he had no proper Authority, both as a Gentleman and an Officer he would not have submitted to such a Falshood: But from Mons. _Ulloa_ being tender in the Account, being of a Matter which might not make any great Impression on him at the Time he received it, ten Years since, out of his Hands, and three Years after he was at _Paris_, this Account is more worthy of Credit, and he might be more cautious, now he was to give it under his Hand, to soften the Reproach of his Countrymen for his not acting like a true _Spaniard_, in being so communicative in this Matter. The Account which Mons. _de Lisle_ hath given, was with a Permission of Mons. _Ulloa_ to make Use of his Name, as the Letter Mons. _Ulloa_ sent testifies. Where Mons. _de Lisle_ hath not the Liberty to mention the Name of his Author, he only says, that there was a Person equally curious, and as well instructed in the Affair as Mons. _de Ulloa_, who assured him positively that there was such a Relation. Though Mons. _de Lisle_ had a particular System to support, yet, at the same Time, he had a great publick Character to preserve. Mons. _Bougier_, _Mounier_, and _Ulloa_, were living at the Time he gave this Account to the Publick; they would be asked as to what they knew of the Affair; and a more particular Inquiry would be made of Mons. _de Lisle_, as to the Information he received from the nameless Person; and as there were several of his Countrymen who did not adopt his System, a Trip in this Affair, as to the Evidence he brings in Support of the Authority of this Account of _de Fonte_, would have given them an Advantage which they would not have neglected, and have done Justice to the Publick, by letting them know there was little of Truth in this Account; but as no Reflections have appeared, we have no Reason to question the Veracity of Mons. _de Lisle_ in this Relation, on any Surmises of Strangers, on no better Authority than meer Opinion, without a single Reason produced in Support of what they insinuate. This Letter, when published in 1708, was considered only as an Account that was curious; was looked on as of no Importance, and did not engage the Attention of the Publick until the Discovery of the North-west Passage became the Topick of common Conversation, and would have lain, without having any further Notice taken of it, had not the Attempts to discover a North-west Passage been revived. It is from their being produced in a proper Season, that Accounts of this Sort become permanent, assisting in some favourite Design, being thus useful they are preserved from Obscurity and Oblivion. We have an Account, the Author Captain _Don Francisco de Seixas_, a Captain in the _Spanish_ Navy, and is frequently quoted by the _Spanish_ Writers, though he is little known amongst us.--He says, P. 71. '_Thomas Peche_, an _Englishman_, having been at Sea twenty-eight Years, and made eight Voyages to the _East-Indies_ and _China_ during sixteen Years of that Time, spent the other twelve in Trading and Piracies in the _West-Indies_, from whence he returned to _England_ in 1669; and, after continuing there four Years, in 1673, with other Companions, fitted out at the Port of _Bristol_ one Ship of five hundred Tons, with forty-four Guns, and two light Frigates of one hundred and fifty Tons, and in each eighteen Guns, giving out that he was bound on a trading Voyage to the _Canaries_; whence they bore away with the three Vessels, and went through the Streight _Le Maire_, with two hundred and seventy Men, which he carried directly to trade at the _Moluccas_ and _Philippinas_. 'And after continuing in those Parts twenty-six Months and some Days, it appearing to the said _Thomas Peche_ that from the _Philippinas_ he could return to _England_ in a shorter Time by the Streight of _Anian_ than by the East or Streight _Magellan_, he determined to pass this Rout with his large Ship, and one small one, the other having lost Company by bad Weather, or worse Design in those who commanded it. 'And having, as he says, sailed one hundred and twenty Leagues within the Streights of _Anian_, relates, that as the Month of _October_ was far advanced, in which the northerly Winds reign much, and drove the Waters from the North to the South, that the Currents of the said Streight of _Anian_ were such, and so strong, that had they continued longer they must, without Doubt, have been lost; wherefore, finding it necessary to return back, sailing along the Coast of _California_ (after having sailed out of the Channel of _Anian_) and those of _New Spain_ and _Peru_, he went through the Streight of _Magellan_ into the North Sea in sixteen Hundred and seventy-seven, with the Vessels and much Riches, great Part whereof was of a _Spanish_ Vessel which they took on the Coast of _Lugan_.' Wherefore passing over all the rest of what the Author says in his Voyage, only mentioning what regarded the Currents, he relates, that when he entered into the Streight of _Anian_ he found, from Cape _Mendocino_ in _California_, for above twenty Leagues within the Channel, the Currents set to the N. E. all which and much more the Curious will find in the Voyage of the said _Thomas Peche_, which in sixteen Hundred and seventy-nine was printed in _French_ and _English_, in many Parts of _Holland_, _France_, and _England_, in less than twenty Sheets Quarto: And (he adds) further I can affirm, that I have seen the Author many Times in the Year eighty-two, three and four in _Holland_, who had along with him a _Spanish_ Mestize born in the _Philippinas_, together with a _Chinese_. It can scarce be imagined the Whole is without Foundation, though no such Voyage is at present to be come at, _Seyxas_ publishing his Work soon after the Publication by _Peche_, to which he particularly refers, seems to obviate all Doubt of his Sincerity; and there are too many Circumstances, which are collateral Evidence, mentioned, to imagine he could be entirely deceived. He published his Work at _Madrid_ in sixteen Hundred and eighty-eight, dedicated to the King, as President in his Royal Council of the _Indies_, and to the Marquis _de les Velez_; the Work intituled, _Theatro Naval Hydrographico de Los Fluxos_, &c. This Account was received as a true and faithful Relation of a Voyage performed, as it was published in various Languages; yet the Want of this Account is a Particular, some Reason for Exception with us, that we cannot receive it as a Certainty. And we are more suspicious as to the Truth of any Accounts that we have received relating to the North-west Part of _America_, than to any other Part of the Globe. Our Opinion being in a great Measure influenced by the System we embrace, as, Whether there is a North-west Passage, or not? And for this Reason only, no Part of the Globe hath more engaged the Attention of the Geographers, and with respect to which they had more different Opinions. Those whose Opinion it was that _Asia_ and _America_ were contiguous, had, for many Years, their Opinion rejected, but now confirmed to be true by the _Russian_ Discoveries; and we may conclude they had a good Authority for what they advanced, which was not transmitted down to us, as they had such an Assurance of what they had advanced, as they supposed there could never be the least Doubt of it. Those who advanced that there was Passage between the _Atlantick_ and Southern Ocean, by a Streight in the Northern and Western Parts of _America_, and very likely on a good Authority, have their Opinion opposed, all Accounts of Voyagers treated as fabulous, and for the same Reason that the Opinion of _Asia_ and _America_ being contiguous was rejected, as they could produce nothing further for it than Tradition, and as to which the Tradition now appears to have had its Foundation in Truth. Soon after _America_ was discovered, and the _Spaniards_ had settled in _New Spain_, the Report of there being a Streight prevailed, the Truth of this Report hath not been disproved, and we have no just Reason to reject this Tradition for positive Assertions which are produced without any Evidence, but that our Attempts have not succeeded. Which is an Inference deduced from a false Principle, for our not having had the expected Success hitherto, doth not imply that we may not succeed hereafter, as we proceed in our future Attempts; and all that hath been said, as to there being no North-west Passage, is not adequate to the Tradition of there being such a Passage. This Tradition is also supported by a few Accounts, which we reject too absolutely. These Accounts are given by various Persons, at different Times, without any Concern, Connection, or even Acquaintance the one with the other; which Accounts shew that the Opinion of their being such a Streight prevailed. These Accounts were given by Foreigners; we could not receive them from any other, as we did not frequent those Seas, and at present have no ready Access to them. And as it was but occasionally that any Persons went into those Parts, it is but by a few Persons only we could receive any Information respecting thereto. Nor could we attain such Information as we have in another Manner, than from what our own Countrymen accidentally picked up, as a regular Publication of such Account was not permitted, and as some thought themselves interested to keep the most material Part a Secret, in hopes to turn it to Advantage, by being employed, or receiving a Gratuity for their Discovery. And Allowances should be made, without declaring a Person immediately too credulous, who reports what he hears only in Conversation from another; he may, in such Conversation, omit many Circumstances which it would have been necessary for him to be informed of, in order to give that Satisfaction to others to whom he reports this Information, which he himself received of the Truth of what was related to him at the Time of the Conversation. And we have no Reason to censure those as too credulous who have published these Accounts, until we get a more perfect Information as to the North-west Parts of _America_, which at present remain unknown. A Dispute arises as to the Situation of such a Streight; and Accounts given by _Indians_ are produced to prove that the Streight cannot be in such a Part, where it is supposed to be so far to the Southward as to have its Entrance from the South Sea, in Latitude 51; whereas, on a little Examination, it would appear that those _Indians_, whose Accounts are produced, are almost equal Strangers as to those Parts with the _Europeans_. They do not seek inhospitable Countries, where there is little Produce, no Plenty of Fuel, great and frequent Waters, Mountains and Swamps, having no Inducement from Trade or on Account of War, as they would not go into those Parts to seek their Enemy, whom, with less Hazard and a greater Certainty of finding them, they could attack when returned from their Summer hunting and fishing to their Retirements, where they live more comfortably than in those Parts into which, by Necessity, they are obliged to go on Account of the Chace, as they could not otherwise subsist themselves and Families. And on due Examination it will appear all the Accounts we have from the _Indians_ are erroneously made use of, to evince that there is no Streight in the Part that is contended for. Instead of too severe a Censure on the Credulity of others, we should be cautious that our Diffidence does not lead us into an unreasonable Incredulity, and prevent our using such Testimony as is presented to us so candidly as we ought to do, and prevent our getting a true Insight into an Affair of such Importance; and the utmost that can be said of it is, that it is a Point yet undetermined, whether there is a North-west Passage or not. As to the original Letter of _de Fonte_, we interest ourselves in the important Matter it contains, and therefore become more suspicious and diffident, as to its Authenticity, than upon a due Use of our Reason it will appear that we ought to be. As we have no Reason, as is apparent from what hath been said, that the original Letter should ever come to our Hands; and if it appear, as we proceed, that it is rather to be attributed to inevitable Accidents, than there not having been such a Letter, that we cannot attain any particular Information respecting thereto. If it is considered that we have a Publication of such Letter, the Deficiencies in which are not, as it will appear, any other than the Errors of the Translator and Printer. That there are a great many concurring Circumstances in Support of and conformable with what the Letter contains. And the Account is composed of such Particulars as exceed the Industry and Ingenuity of those who employ their Fancy in composing ingenious Fictions. These various Branches of Evidence cannot be rejected, if we make a fair Judgment in this Matter: There must be a Prepossession from common Fame, a Prejudice from a prior Opinion, or an Interest and Design to support a particular System, that prevents our accepting of it, as a Probability next to a Certainty, of this being a true Account; and there is only wanting, to our receiving it absolutely as such, that the Copy be produced from which the Translation was made, or a full and compleat Evidence as to what is become of such Copy. Why we cannot obtain a particular Information as to the original Letter of _de Fonte_, appears from the Account, which shews that the Court of _Spain_ had a secret Intelligence of this Undertaking. And as that Court would not openly declare that they had such an Information, or how they intended to defeat the Design, the Orders sent, and consequently the Account of the Execution of those Orders, and whatever related thereto, would be _secret_ Papers, and as such kept in a Manner that few Persons would have a free Access; and by those few who had, as the publick Business did not require it, might never be taken in Hand, unless they accidentally catched the Eye of some who was particularly curious. Thus neglected, in a Century of Time it might not be known, if the Subject was revived, where they were deposited, and being so few in Number would take up but a small Space, which might make it difficult to find them. The Politeness and Civility which prevail in this Age, will not admit of such a Complaisance to curious Inquirers as to gratify them in that, which, in Policy, from good Reasons of State, might as well be omitted. There are Instances of late Discoveries being made, as to the Whole of which, from particular Views, as it is said, the Curious have not been gratified. And if this Expedition of _de Fonte_ was remembered, and the Papers relating thereto could be brought to light, it might immediately encourage us to proceed on making a further Attempt for the Discovery of a North-west Passage, therefore we can have no Reason to expect the Court of _Spain_ would assist us with what might determine us to a Proceeding at which they must take Umbrage, as we are now become the only Power who share _North America_ with them, from the Advantages that such a Discovery would give us in case of a future Rupture between the two Crowns; though our present Intention is to increase our Commerce, by opening a Trade to _Japan_, and carrying on a Trade in a more advantageous Manner to _China_. We cannot be assured, if full Permission was given to find these Papers, and more particular Pains and Application used, than is customary with People in publick Offices, when the Occasion of the Search being to little other Purpose than satisfying Curiosity, whether such Search might not be rendered unsuccessful, by such Papers being burnt amongst many other State Papers, in the Fire in the _Escurial_, the common Depository for State Papers at that Time. If we consider the Changes that have happened, as to the Succession to the Crown of _Spain_, the Changes in the Ministry, Foreigners introduced into their Ministry, there must have been many Particulars, not only of this but of other Kinds, which they are not at present acquainted with, the Ministry having no Occasion to give themselves any Concern about them. _Don Olivarez_, who was the Minister at this Time, was known to do his Business by Juntos of particular People, as the Resolutions of Government thereby remained an inviolable Secret, which was not always the Case when the Business was managed by publick Councils. They also gave their Advice in a particular Manner, by written Billets, which were handed to the King, that every Thing was conducted in a very mysterious Manner during the Time that he was in the Ministry, contrary to the former Practice, and which was also disused afterwards. If Inquiry hath been made by the most intelligent amongst the _Spaniards_ as to this Expedition, and the Commands of the Monarch to make Discovery of these Papers, and the Orders relating thereto, have been duly executed, but they cannot be found. The Reasons are apparent, the Voyage being scarce spoke of at the Time, went soon out of Remembrance, and whatever may be in private Hands relating thereto, is not immediately recollected by the Possessors, and the Originals, if not secreted or mislaid, are burnt in the _Escurial_ in the Year 1671, the usual Residence of the Court, and therefore where this Letter may be supposed to be received and lodged. For the Evidence relative to this Account, which the Distance of Time or other Accidents could not deface, yet remains. If _de Fonte_ was Governor or President of _Chili_, from the Nature of his Office it must appear, amongst some Records or Instruments of Writing, and we accordingly are informed, that there was a Person in that Office named _Fuente_, which is synonymous. That we have not more minute Particulars, is by reason that the Account is from those Parts where we have not a free and ready Access to make our Enquiries, and from a People, excepting a few Individuals, who are not very communicative to Foreigners. But where we have not laboured under the like Disadvantage, we have found that there was one _Gibbons_, also _Shapley_, Persons exactly circumstanced as the Letter mentions, upon the Authority of Records, the Tradition of antient Men, in those Parts where they had lived, and also other Accounts, supporting the Authenticity of this Letter, as will be shewn when we proceed to consider of the Subject of the Letter. There is therefore just Reason to conclude, was it possible to have the like Pains taken in _New Spain_ or _Peru_, we might meet with Particulars respecting this Matter, which would put the Truth of this Account out of all Doubt; and any Failure in the Inquiries there, may be owing to their not having been made with an equal Industry, and which it is not in our Power to procure in those Parts so distant and inaccessable. The Circumstances of the Inhabitants of _Boston_, and the neighbouring Provinces, during this Period of Time since the Expedition of _de Fonte_, have been very different, they have not been subjected to the like fatal Accidents with the People of _Lima_, and that Neighbourhood, who several Times have had their City laid in Ruins, and almost entirely depopulated by Earthquakes, particularly in _April_ 1687, and in the Year 1746. The Buildings becoming an entire Heap of Ruins, and many People perishing, must lessen the Force of Tradition, and affect, in some sort, the publick Records; and if the Marine Office was at the _Calloa_ of _Lima_, the _Calloa_ having been twice overwhelmed by the Sea, then there is no Reason to expect from _New Spain_ an authenticated Account of the Equipment of this Fleet under the Command of Admiral _de Fonte_. Those who argue against the Authenticity of this Account, must admit that he was a Person of Capacity and Abilities who composed it, and should assign us some Reason, if a Fiction, why a sensible Person should undertake it, as there could be no Inducement either in Point of Reputation or Profit: For, if a Fiction, it is neither entertaining or instructive. Neither can any political Motive be urged for this Undertaking, as the Subject must then have been treated in a Manner entirely different; so managed as to shew that a North-west Passage was absolutely impracticable, and to let nothing be introduced that would afford the least Incitement to Adventurers to come into those Parts. But it is apparent, that in this Account the Facts are related in a plain and simple Manner, without any Violation of Truth, as they are related without any Consideration of their Consequences. The Representations made, as to the Tides, as to the different Sorts of Fish that came into the Waters from Westward and Eastward, would have been an Encouragement to a further Trial as to a North-west Passage, had such Account been published; and if the Phænomena as to the Tides, and the Difference as to the Fish, was not from its communicating with the _South Sea_, and the Attempt had proved successless as to the Discovery of a North-west Passage, yet to countervail, in some Measure, that Disappointment, there was a Prospect of a lucrative Trade, in all Appearance to be carried on in those Western Parts where _de Fonte_ is represented to have been in, with greater Convenience than that which had been carried on by the _Boston_ People from the East before and at this Time in _Hudson_'s Bay, and the _English_ might be invited, if successful in their Trading, to make a Settlement, an Event which the _Spaniards_ were apprehensive of, and earnestly desirous to prevent. These are Defects which the Capacity and Abilities of the Author would not permit him to run into, if he was writing a fictitious Account, as he must easily see that such Representations to destroy the Notion of a North-west Passage, and prevent the _English_ settling there, were absolutely contrary to his Purpose. To give a greater Plausibility to a fictitious Tale, the Scene may be laid in distant Parts, by this Means introducing, more securely, Names and Characters of Persons as real who never were; and though this Account mentions Persons who lived at a great Distance, and in an obscure Part, yet there were such Persons as the Account mentions. Also the Period of Time when this Voyage was performed, so corresponds with their Transactions, as the Author could fix on no other Period so agreeing with the Circumstance of Major _Gibbons_ being so long, and at that very Time, absent from home; and his Absence can be attributed to no other Cause than his being out on a Voyage. Here is more Plainness and Consistency than is usual in Fiction, with such a Variety of Particulars, and so circumstanced, as would perplex the most pregnant Fancy to invent, which can be no Way so naturally accounted for as by admitting that the Letter contains a genuine Account of a Voyage made by Admiral _de Fonte_, not a Forgery to support political Views; or that it is the Production of a sporting Fancy to contrast some other Performance, or in order to expose the Credulous to publick Ridicule. The Editors of this Letter, whose Business it was to know whether this Account was authentick, gave an entire Credit to it as being authentick, not only as they assured the Publick in a general Way, and with respect to all their Pieces that they should publish, that they would only exhibit such as were of unquestionable Authority, but by their annexing an Advertisement to the Letter, have given us a particular Assurance of the Account being authentick; and we have just Reason to conclude they _could_ have given us that further Satisfaction we now desire; but what they have done was thought by them sufficient, as they had no Idea of the _Importance_ of the Subject. They comprehended not further of this Account, _Than that it contained many curious and unknown Discoveries; and they humbly presumed_, being Strangers to any further Merit that it had, _that it would not, on that Account, be unacceptable to the Publick_. Had this Letter been published at a Time a North-west Passage was under Consideration of the Publick, there might be some Suspicion that the Editors had some further Design. But as to a North-west Passage after the Voyage of Captain _James_, and after the Discovery was entrusted to a Company, and no Success consequent, it was generally received, many Years before this Letter was published, that to find such a Passage was a Thing impracticable. The Opinion of there being such a Passage was treated as a Chimera: And the Affair of a North-west Passage lay in a State of Silence and Oblivion near thirty Years after the Publication was made. We may observe, that there is no Art in the Composition of this Advertisement; it was inserted by Men of Honour and Veracity, who had no other Intention in publishing these Memoirs than the Advancement of Science; who, from their general Knowledge, could not be imposed on, and cannot, from their known Characters, be supposed to have a Design to impose on others. And what further or other Evidence than that which they have given could be expected from the Editors, unless they had been acquainted with the Importance which the Letter now appears to be of? It was all that was at that Time necessary, as they did not expect that there would be any invidious Imputation of Forgery, for then they would have vindicated it from all Suspicion in a more particular Manner than they have done. They thought it a sufficient Proof of its Authenticity their receiving it into their Collection. As to that mean Reflection that this Account is a Forgery of some _Englishman_, it is thoroughly obviated if we consider on what a Foundation such a Supposition must be grounded, which is, That some _Englishman_ composed this Account, translated it into _Spanish_, though there were but few and very indifferent Linguists at that Time in _England_, to be again translated by the Editors, the better to impose on them and the Publick. The Publick is a Name which comprehends many Persons of Curiosity and Sagacity, for whom chiefly these Memoirs were published; and by these Persons, as well as by all others, the Account was received at that Time as genuine, without the least Suspicion of there being any Fraud or Imposture. The principal Object or Design of the Publication was, that the Account contained a Discovery made of those Parts, as to the Knowledge of which the Geographers were at that Time very deficient; and the Editors being satisfied as to the Authenticity, all they thought necessary was to give a Translation of the Letter. And, from their Avocations to their own private Affairs, did not consider it in so minute a Manner as it required, as is plain from their Apology made as to the Stile of the Letter, not being _altogether so polite, being wrote like a Man whose Livelihood depended on another Way, and with an Abundance of Experience_. Whereas the Politeness of Stile would have been an absolute Objection as to the Authenticity of the Account. That as it was a Letter wrote by Admiral _de Fonte_ to lay before the Court of _Spain_, what had passed in the Course of the Voyage, though _de Fonte_ might express himself in proper and well chosen Terms, yet he was to use a Stile that was natural and simple. On the several Lights in which the Editors have been considered, as to the Part which they undertook, it must appear that they are unjustly reproached with Want of Integrity; they acted consistently, having no Occasion to say more with respect to this Account than they have done. Their Neglect was not from Want of Penetration or Design. Their genuine Characters were such as they could not suppose it would be ever suspected, that they could have any Inducement to impose a spurious Account on the Publick. Those who censure this Account of _de Fonte_ as a Cheat and a Forgery imposed by some one on the World, have produced no Evidence from Facts, or urged any Thing to shew the Improbability of this Account; as to the Argument they so strongly insist on that the Original was never produced, it is highly improbable that the Original ever should be produced in these Parts; and there is a Uniformity in the Circumstance that a Copy only came to the Hands of the Editors, which turns the Argument against the Objectors. The Suspicion of there being any Deceit or Forgery, hath arose from there having been different Systems advanced by Geographers respecting these Parts: Those in whose System this Account is not adopted have been the Occasion of such Suspicions being raised, and have given some Countenance to such their Suspicions from the imperfect Manner in which this Account hath been exhibited; though that is not to be attributed to the Account in its genuine Dress, but as broken and disfigured by the Translator and Printer. The Glosses and Comments added by the Person who took the Copy, and those added by the Translator in Explanation of the Text, are inserted in the same Character, and without any Distinction from the Text, and those by the Translator ignorantly introduced. Marginal Notes are inserted as Part of the Narration; Courses are omitted; others mistaken from the Translator's Inattention to the _Spanish_ Compass; Dates misplaced by the Printer: The Translator also deviates from the Mode of Expression, and renders, in an inaccurate, confused and obscure Manner, a very material Part in this Account. Many of these Faults we may attribute to Precipitation, from the Translator wanting due Time to study the Letter, occasioned by a Persecution of the Printer, who pressed him to finish that the Printer might compleat his monthly Number, and, from the same Necessity, the immediate Publication, it may be that the Faults of the Press are so many. Such numerous Defects make it evident that this Account could never have been originally constructed in this Manner; and it is on these Defects only that they rely, or from which their principal Arguments are drawn to invalidate the Authenticity of this Account. They might have perceived that a Relation, so mutilated and impaired, must have had a more uniform or regular Shape at one Time or other: And the Editors, in their Index, when the Year's Numbers were compleated, stile it _an original and very entertaining Letter of Admiral de Fonte_, by which they mean for the Curious; and by stiling it an Original, they are not only to be understood that it was never before published, but also that it was wrote by _de Fonte_; which implies that they had a _Spanish_ Account, and of which, as being consistent with their Purpose, they gave only a Translation: Also the Impression of the first Part, being so uncorrect and full of Faults, the second Part more correct, and the Mode of Expression resumed, shews that the first Composition is not their own, but that it is a Translation which the Editors have given us. The Defects and Imperfections of which being pointed out, we shall comprehend what little Reason there is to dispute the Authenticity of this Account, from the Disfigurements which have prevented our seeing it in its proper Shape, and for suspecting those Persons to be Authors of the Fiction who meant well; but their Fault consisted in their Inattention to the Translator, who did not therefore give a successful Conclusion to their good Design, as by rendering the Account obscure and unintelligible, he afforded Matter for Cavil and Dispute as to this Account of the Voyage, whether credible or not, and which a just Translation would have confirmed to be true. As to the Name _Bartholomew de Fonte_, we may observe that when the Translator can render the Names in the _Spanish_ by _English_ Names which are answerable thereto, he doth not insert the _Spanish_ Names, but the _English_. Thus, as to the Ships, he calls one the King _Philip_; but when they cannot be rendered by a resembling Denomination in the _English_, and the Name hath its Original from the _Latin_, he passes by the new Name, or as it is wrote in the _Spanish_, and gives us the antient Name, or according to the Latin _St. Spiritus_, _St. Lucia_, _Rosaria_, for _de Espiritu Santo_, _Santa Lucia_, _del Rosaria_. Hath rendered _Bartholomew de Fonte_, _Philip de Ronquillo_ both in _English_ and _Latin_. From which Management of the Translator, in giving the Name according to the _Latin_ and not giving it as it hath been transformed or changed agreeable to the _Spanish_ Orthography, there is just Reason to conclude the Name which is here rendered _Fonte_, was _Fuente_ or _Fuentes_ in the Original. But if it was wrote _Fonte_, it was in the provincial Dialect, different from the Manner of writing the good Writers introduced, which did not immediately prevail in all Parts alike, but was gradually received. For Instance, they wrote _Fuenterabia_ in _Castile_, when the _Biscayners_ continued to write _Fonterabia_; and it is as often spelt the one Way as the other in our Books and Maps. _Fuente_ and _Fuentes_ are not of one Termination. _Fonte_ or _Fuente_, in the Titles of the _Marquis Aguila de Fuente_, so in _de Fuente de Almexi_, is of the singular Number, or the Title is taken from the Water of _Almexi_. But _Fuentes_, in the Titles of the _Marquis de Fuentes_, and in _Conde Fuentes de Valde Pero_, or of _Don Pedro Enriques Conde de Fuentes_, expresses a plural Number, which the Translator, through his Indifference as to the Subject which he was employed to translate, might not observe. _Don Pedro Enriques Conde de Fuentes_ was raised to the Honour of being a Grandee by _Philip_ the Third, in the Year 1615, in respect to his great Services in the Wars; was descended from a Branch of that illustrious Family the _Enriques_. Nine of which Family were successively Admirals of _Castile_; and the ninth, _Don Joan Alonso Enriques_, was in that high Post at the Time of this Expedition. There were Intermarriages between the Families of _Enriques_ and _Valasco_; and _Don Pedro_ was succeeded in his Estate and Title by _Don Luis de Haro_, of the principal House of _Valasco_, and Son-in-Law to _Don Olivarez_. These Circumstances considered, we have a further Reason to suspect that the Name _de Fonte_ is not duly rendered by the Translator, as there is a Consistency in a Relation of the _Conde de Fuentes_ being advanced to be Admiral of _New Spain_ and _Peru_, which coincides with what is reported from _New Spain_, of the Name being _Fuentes_ of the Person who was President of _Chili_. It was also apparent that _de Fonte_ was a Man of Family, from those who took the respective Commands under him. _Pennelossa_, of whom more particular mention is made in the Letter: _Philip de Ronquillo_, seemingly allied to _John de Ronquillo_, who did considerable Service in the Year 1617, and was Governor of the _Philippine_ Islands. There was also _Ronquillo_ a Judge, sent to reduce the Insurgents at the City of _Segovia_, in the Time of the Civil Wars in _Spain_. _Pedro de Bonardæ_, who is afterwards called Captain _Barnarda_: Of him we must have the least to say; and we could not expect to be any Way successful in our Inquiries from this Inaccuracy. He seems not to have had so distinguished an Alliance as the others, and employed on this Expedition on the Account of his Abilities, being allotted to a Service not like that of _Pennelossa_, or _Ronquillo_, disagreeable in respect to the Climate, fatiguing and hazardous. That he was a Gentleman by his Descent, is evident from his being named _de Bonardæ_. The _Spanish_ Fleet was but in a mean Condition at the Conclusion of the Ministry of the Duke of _Lerma_; but when an Expedition was set out to recover _St. Salvador_ in the Year 1626, was much improved; the _Portuguese_ had twenty-six Sail, but the _Spanish_ Fleet were now numerous. It doth not appear that the Fleets from _Lisbon_, when _Portugal_ was under the Crown of _Spain_, were sent otherwhere than to the _East Indies_, _Brazil_, and the Perlieus; and those from _Old Spain_, that sailed from _Cadiz_, went to _New Spain_, and the Islands under that Dominion. In the Year 1596, when Sir _Francis Drake_ took _Cadiz_, he burnt the Fleet that was lying there bound for _Mexico_; and Mr. _Gage_, in the Year 1625, sailed with a Fleet of sixteen Sail, all for _Mexico_, and to the _West Indies_ seventeen Sail, besides eight Galleons for a Convoy, all under two _Spanish_ Admirals. The Inconsistency that _de Fonte_, a _Portugueze_, should be in such a Post as _Admiral of New Spain_, a great Objection to the Authenticity of this Account, is removed by the Observations that have been made as to the Name _de Fonte_, by which it appears that he was not a _Portugueze_, and their having Sea Commanders, _Spaniards_ by Birth, with whom they could supply the principal Posts in the Marine, without being under the Necessity of applying to _Portugal_ for Persons qualified to fill those Stations. As to _de Fonte_ being afterwards President of _Chili_, it is meant of the _Audience of Chili_, subordinate to the _Viceroy of Peru_. REMARKS ON The LETTER of Admiral DE FONTE. The Viceroys of _New Spain_ and _Peru_, having Advice from the Court of _Spain_, and not from _the Court_ and the _Council of Spain_; which latter is the common Form of Expression used in any Matter which had been under the Consideration of the _Supreme Council of the Indies_, implies that such Advice must have proceeded from the Secret Council, or from the King through his Minister, that the Design of the Equipment of the four Ships, and the Attempt of the Industrious Navigators from _Boston_ might remain a Secret. The Appellation of Industrious Navigators was conformable to the Characters of _Gibbons_ and _Shapley_. Sir _Thomas Button_, in the Extract which there is from his Journal, gives _Gibbons_ a great Eulogium as to his being an able Navigator; and this was the Character of _Shapley_ amongst his Cotemporaries. The Court of _Spain_ knew that this Attempt to discover a Passage between the _Atlantick_ and the _Western Ocean_, was intended by the Northward and Westward; and though they allude to all the Attempts to make such Discovery which had been at any Time made, by mentioning the several Reigns in which any such Attempts were made, yet they hint more particularly, that they expect this Attempt will be by _Hudson_'s Bay, as they mention expresly in their Advice the two Voyages of _Hudson_ and _James_. For what is here said, _That the several Attempts_, &c. is a Recital from the Advice sent by the Court to the Viceroys, or from the Orders that _de Fonte_ received. This Expedition from _Boston_ particularly commanded the Attention of the Court of _Spain_, as Captain _James_ had not absolutely denied there was a North-west Passage; and _Fox_, though not mentioned here, had published an Account in 1635, by which he had positively declared that there was a North-west Passage; and Sir _Thomas Button_, who kept his Journal a Secret, was very confident of a Passage, and is said to have satisfied King _James_ the First. The Death of his Patron _Prince Henry_ prevented his being fitted out again. _Gibbons_, his Intimate, had made the Voyage with him: Afterwards had made a second Attempt by himself, but lost his Season by being detained in the Ice. And now, though a married Man, had a Family, a Person in Trust and Power where he resided, engages in a third Attempt from _Boston_. _The second, third, and fourth Year of the Reign of King Charles_ refers solely to the Voyage of Captain _James_; to the Time he was engaging Friends to fit him out; and the Time when such Voyage was concluded on. As the _English_ used the _Julian_, and the _Spaniards_ the _Gregorian_ Account, these Transactions which refer to Captain _James_'s Expedition, could not be made to coalesce as to the Time, from the Difference there was between these two Computations, in any other Manner than by putting the Year of the King of _England_'s Reign. As King _Charles_ began his Reign the 27th of _March_ 1625, two Days after the Commencement of the Year, according to the _Julian_ Account, and the second Year of his Reign would not begin until the 27th of _March_ 1626, two Days also after that Year commenced, but according to the _Gregorian_ Account, the Year 1626 began in _January_; from the 1st of _January_ to the 27th of _March_, the Year 1626, according to the _Gregorian_ Account, would correspond with the first Year of the Reign of King _Charles_. As to this Expedition from _Boston_, it is mentioned to be in the Year 1639, and in the fourteenth Year of the Reign of King _Charles_; but the Year 1639, according to the _Julian_ Account, is the fifteenth Year of that King's Reign; but according to the _Gregorian_ Account, the Year 1639 corresponds from _January_ to _March_ with the fourteenth Year of that King's Reign. The Times mentioned in this Letter do not refer to the Times when the Voyages were actually set out on, but when undertaken or resolved on, as it is expressed in the Letter, _undertaken_ by some industrious Navigators from _Boston_. Captain _James_ did not sail until the Year one Thousand six Hundred and Thirty-one, not getting the King's Protection early enough in one Thousand six Hundred and Thirty, to proceed that Year, or in the fourth Year of the King's Reign. That is, he did not get it early enough in Spring to be ready by the latter End of _March_, as he must have been to proceed that Year; so the fourth Year of the King well agrees with this Proceeding. And _de Fonte_ did not sail until one Thousand six Hundred and Forty, which was a Year after the Court of _Spain_ had received Intelligence of such Undertaking from _Boston_. Which they would use the first Opportunity to transmit to _New Spain_; _de Fonte_ therefore had at least six Months for the Equipment of the four Ships to go on this Expedition; a Time sufficient, in so fine a Climate, and every Thing that was necessary to be done was enforced by Orders of the Crown. Had this Equipment been executed in a much smaller Space of Time, there would have been nothing so admirable in it: Therefore the Objection, as to the Impossibility that Ships should be fitted between the Time the Court received this Information, and their sailing, drops to the Ground. It is not any way strange that this Design, as it appears to have been, was made known to the Court of _Spain_ the Year before that it was set out on; as that Court entertained a continual Jealousy of these Undertakings, as is apparent from their sending Vessels to intercept _Davis_; their having Informations as to Captain _James_'s Voyage also, and the Consequences of it, as may be collected from this Letter. Major General _Gibbons_, if he had not the King's Protection, yet he had Friends at the Court of _England_ who made Application for him to be Captain of the Fort at _Boston_, and one of the Council, the latter End of the Year one Thousand six Hundred and Thirty-eight, or in the Beginning of the Year one Thousand six Hundred and Thirty-nine. That the most secret Affairs of the Court were at that Time betrayed, I believe will be admitted, and the Secret of his designed Attempt might be known, by his applying for Leave of Absence from his Post during the Time that he should be engaged in this Undertaking. Or the Persons with whom he corresponded in _England_ might be apprized of his intended Voyage, as he could not, at that Time of Day, be supplied with every Thing that was necessary thereto in _America_; and as he intended to trade, he would be for procuring his Goods from _England_. By some of these Means probably his Design perspired, and was secretly and unexpectedly, transmitted to the Court of _Spain_. There are several Reasons to be assigned why both Viceroys should be informed, not only the Viceroy of _Peru_, in whose District the Ships were to be fitted, but the Viceroy of _New Spain_ also. That if a Passage was made by any other Way than where the Ships were to be stationed to intercept the _Boston_ Men, or they accidentally passed such Ships, the Viceroys might order a Look-out also to be kept. And such a Provision being made, it would be scarce possible, if a Passage was obtained, that the _Boston_ People should get clear out of those Seas, and not fall into the Hands of the _Spaniards_. Another Reason is, that such Particulars as _de Fonte_ was to put in for on the Coast of _Mexico_ might be ready, that _de Fonte_ might not meet with the least Delay, as such Delay might occasion the Disappointment of his Design. The Letter proceeds, 'Upon which, I Admiral _de Fonte_, received Orders from _Spain_ and the Viceroys to equip four Ships of Force.' These Words, _upon which_, I understand not to allude to the Advice given the Viceroys, but refer to the Attempt intended from _Boston_, and as to which he had received his Orders from _Spain_. But from the Viceroys he received Orders only as to the Equipment of the four Ships, as Orders of that Nature would regularly proceed from them. If it was otherwise, and he had also received his Orders from them, containing Instructions as to the Conduct of his Voyage, he would have made his Report to the Viceroys as to the Manner in which he had conducted his Voyage, and they would have reported it to the Court. _De Fonte_ mentioning the Viceroys so simply and plainly, without any respectful or distinguishing Additions, is an Instance that this Letter was wrote to the Court of _Spain_, it not being proper, in a Letter so addressed, to mention the Viceroys in any other Manner; and as it is also evident from the Expression, _I Admiral de Fonte_, that he did not write this Letter in his private Capacity, but as an Admiral, therefore this Letter could not be otherwhere addressed than to such Court, to transmit an Account how he had executed these Orders, which he had received immediately from _Spain_. _De Fonte_ mentioning that the Advice which the Viceroys received was from the Court of _Spain_, and that the Orders he received were from _Spain_, carries a Distinction with it as though the Advice and the Orders were not transmitted from the same Persons. Those who transmitted the Advice to the Viceroys were not seemingly in the Secret, as to the particular Orders or Instructions which were sent to _de Fonte_, as to the Manner in which he was to conduct his Voyage. It was the Province of the Admiral of _Castile_, who was stiled Captain General of the Sea, who was subject to no Controul but the King's, to issue all Orders relative to maritime Affairs, and therefore _de Fonte_'s Orders might come from him. Or otherwise these Orders were immediately transmitted by the _Conde de Olivarez_, who was on ill Terms with the Admiral, and regarded no Forms, under the Sanction of the Favour he had with the King, whom he influenced to authorize all his Measures. It is also consistent with the Conduct of _Don Olivarez_ that this Affair should be managed in this Manner, who was always mysterious, confided in his own Judgment, singular in his Manners, and therefore was called a Lover of Projects, and supposed a meer Visionary in some of them. He did not want for Persons of the greatest Abilities to assist him, and the Accuracy with which the Orders are composed that were sent to _de Fonte_, (as may be collected from the Manner in which the Voyage is conducted, and in which it cannot be supposed _de Fonte_ was left to his Discretion) is an Instance there had been no Want of the Assistance of able, sagacious and experienced Persons in the composing of such Orders and Instructions. The Design of this introductory Part is to shew the Proceedings in this Affair previous to his Voyage; that the Advice was received, and the Orders subsequent were obeyed; and it is drawn with peculiar Care and a Conciseness which would be censured in a Voyage Writer, but is used with the greatest Propriety on this Occasion. The Names of the Ships are agreeable to the Manner that the _Spaniards_ name theirs; and by Ships of Force is not meant either their Caracks or Galeons, but Country Ships, which the Equipment seems to imply, made defensible against any Attacks of the Natives, and to have nothing to fear from the _Boston_ Men, and these Ends could be obtained in Vessels which had no great Draught of Water, as the Rivers they were to pass up and the Lakes required, and of a Tonnage suitable to those Northern Seas, therefore _de Fonte_ only expresses their Names, and their Commanders, says nothing of their Rates. _De Fonte_, in his Course from the _Callao_ of _Lima_, and in all his subsequent Courses through the Voyage, computes his Distance after the Marine Manner, from that Land from where he takes his Departure to the Land made when he enters a Harbour, or the Termination of the Land which makes such Harbour to Seaward; and here takes his Departure from the extreme Part of the _Callao_ of _Lima_, which is in the Latitude 11° 5´ S. Longitude 80° 39´ W. and from which to _St. Helena_, being North of the Bay of _Guiaguil_, in Lat. 2° 5´ S. Long. 84° 6´ W. is two hundred Leagues; and there is no Fault in the Impression, as hath been supposed. Though these Words, _on the North Side of the Bay_ of _Guiaguil_ seem to be an Interpolation. The Distance said to be run between the _Callao_ of _Lima_ and _St. Helena_ is not reconcileable with the Accounts published by _Dampier_, _Wood Rogers_, or the Accounts in general, excepting with a Copy of a _Spanish_ Manuscript, of the Latitudes and Longitudes of the most noted Places in the _South Seas_, corrected from the latest Observations, by _Manuel Monz. Prieto_, Professor of Arts in _Peru_, whose Computation of Longitude is from the Meridian of _Paris_; but he fixes _Lima_ at full eighty Degrees. I use _Prieto_'s Tables in this, and principally in all my subsequent Computations, though _de Fonte_ no where mentions the Longitude in this Letter, as he only regards the Difference of the Meridian of _Lima_. And it by no Means invalidates but favours the Authenticity of this Account, that _de Fonte_ differs in his Computation from the _English_ and _French_ Accounts at, and after those Times, which also differ from each other, as they only ranged along the Coasts of those Seas, judged of their Distances according to their Journals, and must have made many vague Observations, as to the Latitude of Places, by Inspection of the Land from Sea, and which Land they might not certainly know. Their best Directions they got from Manuscript Journals, or Sea Waggoners, composed for their own Use by Coasters. But the navigating of the King's Ships were better provided for in this respect; and we may well suppose that _de Fonte_ was not, on this Occasion, deficient in Artists well versed in the Theory as well as the Practice of Navigation, and under this Character of an Artist we may consider _Parmentiers_. The Truth, as to the Latitude, once fixed is not variable by Time; and in this respect _de Fonte_ and _Prieto_ must agree, though a Century between the Time of their Computations. The Expression, 'anchored in the Port of _St. Helena_ (in _Spanish_, _Santa Elena_) _within the Cape_,' hath something more particular in it than appears on a transient View. The Point of _St. Helena_ is thus described in the sailing Directions in the _Atlas Maritimus_, published in 1728. 'The Point itself is high, but as you come nearer in there is a lower Point runs out sharpening towards the Sea. And there are two distinct Anchorages within this Port, one within the lower Point, here Vessels ride without Shelter, and amongst Banks and Shoals. Under the high Land, there is the other Anchorage, deep Water, and secure riding.' Under this high Land, being called the Port within the Cape, is a Distinction which I do not find made by the Voyage Writers, or in any other of the sailing Directions for these Parts that I have seen; and _de Fonte_ particularly mentions, as it may be supposed, being in Conformity with his Instructions. _De Fonte_ taking in the _Betumen_ must have been in pursuance of his Instructions, and there provided for him by Order of the Viceroy. That which follows, called vulgarly Tar, _&c._ seems to be an Interpolation, or additional Comment, though not distinguished as such; and it may be observed here is a different Mode of Expression, and a Want of that Conciseness which apparently precedes. If with these Words took _a Quantity of Betumen_, we connect _on the 10th we passed the Equinoctial_, then that Conciseness and Simplicity of the Narration is preserved. It is inconsistent that _de Fonte_ should inform the Court, that it was not for Want of Tar that he put into this Port, and that he did not procure this _Betumen_ to use instead of Tar, but to make Use of it as Medicine. The taking the _Betumen_ aboard sufficiently intimated his Compliance with his Instructions. The Expression, _we took it in for Medicine_, hath something particular in it, seems to be a Note or Memorandum added by some Person who made the Voyage, to instruct a Friend for whom he made, or to whom he gave, a Copy of this Letter. The one Degree seven Minutes of Latitude is misplaced, Cape _St. Francisco_ being by no Geographers or Voyage Writers placed in that Latitude; the one Degree seven Minutes is the Latitude of the River _St. Jago_, and which _Prieto_ lays down in one Degree eight Minutes. As to the Courses and Distances eighty Leagues N. N. W. and twenty-five Leagues E. and by S. which were placed in the Margin in the first Edition, but are since crept into the Text. N. N. W. is a Course entirely contrary, and instead of one there is two Courses, North and North East, and which two Courses are consistent with the E. and by S. Course twenty-five Leagues, as that Course will then terminate in the Latitude and Longitude of the River _Jago_. This Error of North West for North East may be accounted for by remarking, that in the _Spanish_ Compass North East and North West are rendered _Nord Este_ and _Nord Oeste_: The Omission of the _O_ in _este_ is a Fault which may be committed even by a careful Transcriber, or may be a Mistake in the Translator, for Want of due Attention to the Compass. In the Passage from _St. Helena_ he would keep the Coast aboard, for the Benefit of a fair and fresh Wind, and which he would have without any Interruption from the Land Breezes, and by standing N. W. to clear the Islands of _Solango_ and _Paita_, and then stand North Easterly would form a North Course of one Hundred and Thirty-two Miles, or forty-four Leagues, and then be off Cape _Passao_, in N. Lat. 8´. Long. 83° 59´ W. and well in with such Cape, as it is evident he was from the Expression in the Letter by the Cape _del Passao_ with a North East Course, thirty-six Leagues, they would be in Lat. 1° 23´ North, Long. 82° 50´, and so have passed Cape _Francisco_, N. Lat. 50´, Long. 82° 55´, and with an East and by South Course twenty-five Leagues, would be in the Lat. 1° 8´, Long. 81° 36´, the Latitude and Longitude of the River _St. Jago_. There was not such a Provision Country, it appears from later Accounts, on any Part of the Coast between this and _Lima_; nor could the Ships be any where brought up with greater Safety: _St. Helena_ is described as a poor and barren Part of the Country. The Health of his People, liable to scorbutick Disorders in the northern Climates whither he was going, was an Object that must be attended to, in order that the Voyage should meet with the desired Success. Therefore after the _Betumen_, he recruits what he had consumed of his fresh Provision in his run from _Lima_, and lays in a great additional Store, as is apparent if we consider that their Consumption in this respect is not proportionable to ours, from their Mode of dressing it. And we may judge from having so great a Quantity of Fowl ready, with Goats and Hogs, the People had received Orders to be thus provided against the Ships Arrival; the Sailors would be a great Assistance in curing the Provisions, the Flesh as well as the Fish, and would do it in the most suitable Manner for the Sea Service; a Number of Hands, gave an Expedition so as the Provisions would not be spoiled by the Heat of the Sun; and his Victualling detained _de Fonte_ four Days. _Six Miles and a half, or the Left Hand the River is navigable for small Vessels_, and all that follows seems by Way of Comment, and to be a spurious Interpolation, as also, _which are there wild and in plenty_. 'The 16th of _April_ we sailed from the River of _St. Jago_ to the Port and Town _Raleo_, 320 Leagues W. N. W. a little westerly, in about 11 Degrees 14 Min. of N. Latitude, leaving Mount _St. Miguel_, &c.' The Point of _Yeaxos_, or the _Sandy Strand_, in Lat. 11° 58´, Long. 93° 31´, which covers the Port of _Raleo_ (or _Realejo_) is three Hundred and twenty Leagues from the River _St. Jago_; but the Course N. 47° 30´ W. or N. W. almost a Quarter West, and by the Expression _a little_ Westerly, the W. N. W. seems to mean, he steered first West from the River _St. Jago_, until he made the high Land, and then North-west, a little Westerly. Between Mount _Miguel_ and Point _Cazarnina_ (rightly _Caravina_) is the Entrance in the Bay of _Amapalla_, which is to the Northward of the Port of _Realejo_; therefore the leaving Mount _St. Miguel_ on the Larboard, _&c._ being an absolute Contradiction to _de Fonte_ entering the Port of _Realejo_, is an Interpolation and not inserted by the Person who wrote the Letter, but a Comment very injudiciously added by Way of Explanation. From this Circumstance the Truth of my Assertion appears, as to there being Glosses and Comments added to the original Text, and that I had good Reason to believe several Places in the preceding Part of this Account to be Interpolations added by Way of Comment. The great Ships that are built in _New Spain_ are built in _Raleo_ is disposed in the Margin in the first Edition; but in all the subsequent Editions hath crept into the Text. We may suppose the W. N. W. Course hath crept into the Text in the first Edition to make room for this Comment, as may be judged from the Course between _St. Helena_ and _St. Jago_ being placed in the Margin: And there is an apparent Reason for the Course and Distances being so placed, for when inserted in the Text, they interrupt the Attention; and as the Courses and Distances were all that was necessary to be mentioned, the Latitudes have been since added by some injudicious Person.--The Latitude of _Passao_, of Cape _St. Francisco_, is not mentioned, and the Latitude of _Raleo_ is wrong, which the Course and Distance shews, and its Latitude is in most Maps agreeable to the Course and Distance here given. The Run, allowing _de Fonte_ eight Days, would be but one hundred Miles in twenty-four Hours, which is very moderate going. Nor can there be any Objection, as to the Truth of this Account, from the Time that _de Fonte_ is sailing between the _Callao_ of _Lima_ to _St. Helena_, from _St. Helena_ to _St. Jago_. All that belongs to the original Letter I take to be this, The 16th of _April_ we sailed from the River _St. Jago_ to the Port and Town of _Raleo_; here we bought (which probably might as well be rendered procured) four long well-sailed Shallops, built express for sailing, riding at Anchor, _&c._ The 320 Leagues W. N. W. a little Westerly, I suppose to have been placed in the Margin. It cannot be supposed that Boats so fitted, and four of them, could be procured in so small a Time as _de Fonte_ staid here, it implies they were previously provided before that he arrived, to be ready at the Arrival of the Ships. 'The _26th_ we sailed from _Raleo_ for the Port of _Saragua_, or rather of _Salagua_, within the Islands and Shoals of _Chamily_, 480 Leagues N. W. and by West, a little Westerly from _Raleo_. From the Town of _Saragua_, a little East of _Chamily_ at _Saragua_, and from _Compostilo_ in the Neighbourhood of this Port, we took in a Master and six Mariners accustomed to trade with the Natives for Pearl the Natives catched on a Bank in 19 Degrees of Latitude North from the _Baxos_ of _St. Juan_ in 24 Degrees of North Latitude, 20 Leagues N. N. E. from Cape _Saint Lucas_, the South-east Point of _California_.' The Point of _Yeaxos_ is laid down in Lat. 11 Deg. 58 Min. Long. 93 Deg. 31 Min. and with a Course North-west and by West, a little Westerly, Distance four Hundred and eighty Leagues, _de Fonte_ would be at the Islands of _Chiametlas_, in Lat. 22 Deg. 10 Min. Long. 114 Deg. 29 Min. The Port of _Saragua_, or rather of _Salagua_ (which is properly _Zuelagua_) is thus described. 'The Mount of _Sant Jago_ is in the Port of _Zuelagua_. There are two very good Harbours which have good anchoring Ground, and will hold a great many Ships, by reason they are great and are called the _Calletas_. On the North-west Side of the said Bay is another very good Port, which is called likewise the Port of _Zuelagua_. You will find in it a River of fresh Water, and several Plantations. At the Sea Side is a Pathway that leads to the Town of _Zuelagua_, being four and a half Miles from the Port within Land. Between the Port of _Zuelagua_ and the white Ferrelon (or Rock) is a very good Port, in which you are Land-locked from all Winds.' From this Description it is easy to comprehend what is _de Fonte_'s Meaning as to the Port of _Zuelagua_, where he took in his Master and Mariners on the North-west Side of the Bay, and which he expresses by, at _Saragua_ a little East of _Chamily_; and which Master and Mariners were not promiscuously taken, but were chosen Men, as they were taken both from _Zuelagua_ and _Compostilo_, in the Neighbourhood of the Port. _Zuelagua_ seems originally the City which was called _Xalisco_; but from its unhealthy Situation, _Compostilo_ was built more within Land; yet the former continuing to be a Port, some Inhabitants remained there. The Islands and Shoals of _Chiametla_, which the Translation renders _Chamily_, which is a Name given to Islands South of Cape _Corientes_. But the Distinction is the Islands to Northward of Cape _Corientes_ are called _Chiametla_, those to Southward _Chametla_ and _Camilli_. _Prieto_ agrees with _de Fonte_'s Account first mentioning the Islands of _Chiametlas_ in Lat. 22. 10. Long. 114. 29. and then _El mal Pays y mal outradu_. This Master and Mariners were accustomed to trade with the Natives for Pearl, which the Natives catched on a Bank in nineteen Degrees of Latitude, being North from the _Baxos of St. Juan_, or the Bank of _St. John_, which is in twenty-four Degrees of North Latitude, and twenty Leagues North North-east from Cape _Saint Lucas_, the South-east Point of _California_; and this Account _de Fonte_ had either from themselves, or the Character that was sent with them, to shew the most proper Persons had been provided to answer the Purpose for which they were procured. And all that belongs to the Text is, which the Natives catched on a Bank North from the _Baxos St. Juan_, twenty Leagues N. N. E. from Cape _St. Lucas_. 'The Master Admiral _de Fonte_ had hired, with his Vessel and Mariners, who had informed the Admiral that, 200 Leagues North from Cape _St. Lucas_, a Flood from the North met the South Flood, and that he was sure it must be an Island, and _Don Diego Pennelossa_ undertook to discover whether it was an Island or not, with his Ship and the four Shallops they bought at _Raleo_, and the Master and Mariners they hired at _Zuelagua_.' Here the Thread of the Letter is broke, and the Translator proceeds as with a common Narrative of a Voyage. The Master might be easily deceived as to the Tide, as Time hath shewn in many Instances as to other Persons having been deceived in like Manner in other Parts. That we have no Account of what was the Event of this Expedition _Pennelossa_, who had undertaken the Charge, being no more to join _de Fonte_, as it was unnecessary and to no Purpose, _Pennelossa_ would return first and send his Account to Court. _De Fonte_ could in this Case do no further than shew he had sent him on this Service, it must be supposed, agreeable to his Instructions. Which, from the Boats brought from _Realejo_, (and must be of a particular Constructure, the like of which were not to be any where else on the Coast) and the Master and Mariners hired here, it is evident, was before proposed, that _Pennelossa_ should go on this Part of the Expedition, not on the Master's declaring that there was a Tide from the Northward, and so _California_ an Island. This was only mentioned by _de Fonte_, to shew what Intelligence he had got in this Affair. The Account given of _Pennelossa_ could be evidently no Part of the Letter. What is said as to his Descent, his being a Nobleman, his Address to Cosmography, and the Undertaking of this Discovery, must evidence as already said, whoever inserted the Account was satisfied as to their being such a Person so accomplished, and who aspired to undertake this Part of the Expedition. A Discovery of these Parts would carry, at this Time particularly, great Reputation and Honour with it, and by this Opportunity to intercept Persons on a Design so prejudicial to the Interests of the Court of _Spain_ in those Parts, as it was then thought, had _Pennelossa_ succeeded; he would have had no small Share of Merit; or if he did not succeed, the Merit of the Attempt would be accounted of, and not unjustly, it would be a Means of his Promotion through the Connections he had, as they would urge he did not pursue those Sciences for Speculation only, but to carry them into Practice for the Service of his Country. And according to the Regulations Don _Olivarez_ had made, there was no Preferment but what was in consequence of Service. Sister's Son of _Don Lewis de Haro_, and a young Nobleman, expresses as of the Time present, when the Copy was taken from which we have the Publication; and _Don Haro, Prime Minister of Spain_, was a Gloss added by another Hand. Neither is _Don Luis de Haro_ the Person here meant, for he does not seem to have been of an Age to have had a Sister who could be Mother to _Don Pennelossa_; but _Don Lopez de Haro_ is the Person meant, _Marquis de Carpio_, the Father of _Don Luis_, who was at that Time Gentleman of the Chamber to the King, and afterwards Prime Minister, and must be understood the Son of his Wife's Sister, who was a Daughter of _Olivarez_, married to the _Marquis de Valderiabano_. 'But Admiral _de Fonte_, with the other three Ships, sailed from them within the Islands of _Chamilly_ the 10th _May_ 1640, and having the Length of Cape _Abel_ on the W. S. W. Side of _California_, in 26 Degrees of N. Latitude, 160 Leagues N. W. and W. from the Isles _Chamilly_; the Wind sprung up at S. S. E. a steady Gale, that from the _26th_ of _May_ to the _14th_ of _June_ he had sailed to the River _Los Reys_, in 53 Degrees of North Latitude, not having Occasion to lower a Topsail, in sailing 866 Leagues N. N. W. 410 Leagues from Port _Abel_ to Cape _Blanco_, 456 Leagues to _Rio los Reyes_, all the Time most pleasant Weather, and sailed about 260 Leagues in crooked Channels, amongst Islands named the _Archipelagus de St. Lazarus_; where his Ships Boats always sailed a Mile a-head, sounding to see what Water, Rocks, and Sands, there was.' _De Fonte_ and _Pennelossa_ both put out to Sea together; but as their Courses were various, one to the Westward of _California_, and the other to enter the Gulf. They parted within the Shoals of _Chiametla_ the tenth of _May_ 1640; and _de Fonte_ attaining the Length of _Cape Abel_ in Latitude 26, one Hundred and sixty Leagues North North-west and West from the Isles of _Chiametla_, he then meets with a fair Wind from South South-east. By the Latitude of Cape _Abel_, and the Distance run, it is apparent that the Islands _Chiametla_ mentioned, are the Islands here meant. _De Fonte_, after running one Hundred and sixty Leagues from the Isles of _Chiametla_, in Lat. 22 Deg. 10 Min. and Long. 114 Deg. 29 Min. attaining the Length of Cape _Abel_ in Latitude 26, his Course could not be North-west and West, but North-west by West westerly, or 61° 22´. _and_, instead of, _by_, may be supposed an Error of the Press. Dr. _Heylin_ mentions a convenient Haven named _St. Abad_, who wrote near these Times. But it is _Christabel_, or _Christeval_, the Name of a Cape the Extremity of the Land, which forms a Harbour or Port of the same Name _Christabel_. _Prieto_ mentions no Place on the main Land but the three Islands of _Casonas_, which lie off at Sea, so more to Westward than this Cape. They are in Lat. 26 Deg. Long. 122 Deg. 24 Min. the Longitude of Cape _Abel_ I make in 122 Deg. 11 Min. and he lays down the Point of _Madelena_ in 26 Deg. 30 Min. and the Long. 123 Deg. 24 Min. which seems to be the northermost Land of such Harbour. By _de Fonte_ mentioning the Latitude of this Cape, and not any other, he may be supposed to take from hence a new Departure, as was usual with the _Spaniards_ when they came to this Length in these Seas, so _Prieto_ mentions _Las Bajas de los Abraja, Primier Meridiano_. Lat. 25° 15´. Long. 121 Deg. 54 Min. from _Lima_. _De Fonte_ in his Run from _Chiametla_ met with contrary Winds; but when the Length of Cape _Abel_, he had Wind and Weather rather unexpected in those Parts; and the Spring not being much advanced, he rather expected to have been, at Times, under his Courses, which is meant by the Expression afterwards used, that he never had occasion to lower a Topsail, and is conformable with its being a steady Gale, or did not overblow. As the Run to _Los Reys_ terminated the fourteenth of _June_, _de Fonte_, for the whole eight Hundred and sixty Leagues, sailed after the Rate of forty-five Leagues in twenty-four Hours, which is consistent with and agreeable to the Seamens common Experience, when favoured with such Wind and Weather. Amongst the Islands would have the Assistance of the Floods, and Wind enough to stem the Ebbs. The Computation of the eight Hundred and sixty-six Leagues is four Hundred and ten Leagues to Cape _Blanquial_, to which there is a Course assigned North North-west; and as to four Hundred and fifty-six Leagues to _Rio los Reys_, no Courses are added, which we may assign to the Courses being originally in the Margin, when one was introduced into the Copy the other was neglected. And we have just Reason to suspect the Carelessness here, as it is first called _Cape Abel_, then _Port Abel_, and the River _Los Reys_ in 53 Degrees, and afterwards _Rio los Reys_, as tho' they were distinct and separate. With the N. N. W. Course _Rio los Reys_ could not be in the Latitude _de Fonte_ mentions. _Port Abel_, Latitude 26, Long. 122° 11´, and the _Callao_ of _Lima_, being laid down Longitude 60 West from the first Meridian of _Fero_, and hitherto we have carried on our Computation of Longitude 80 from _Paris_, we shall hereafter compute from _Fero_ and _London_; and Cape _Christabel_ we compute 102° 11´ from the Meridian of _Fero_, or 119° 46´ from the Meridian of _London_. The Course four Hundred and ten Leagues North North-west, _de Fonte_ made Cape _Blanquial_ in Latitude 45, Longitude from _London_ 129° 28´, from the Meridian of _Fero_ 111° 53´, to Northward and Westward of the Entrance of _Martin Aquilar_. Sufficient Observations have not been made to determine by the Geographers as to the true Latitudes and Longitudes of these Places, and, until they attain more perfect Informations, must disagree. The Course from _Blanquial_ is not inserted, but is to be determined by the Distance two Hundred and sixty Leagues, ending in Latitude 53 at _Rio los Reys_. _De Fonte_ had, during the whole Time between _Abel_ and _Los Reys_, the Wind in his Favour. Therefore his Course must have been to the Northward of the East; and if he run two Hundred and sixty Leagues, with a Course East 52° North, he would make 2 Deg. 1 Min. Latitude, and 20 Deg. 24 Min. Longitude. To correspond with which _de Fonte_ must, for the one Hundred and ninety-six Leagues, made his Course North 52 Deg. West, which would determine in Latitude 50 Deg. 59 Min. and in Long. 141 Deg. 12 Min. from _London_, in 123 Deg. 27 Min. West from _Fero_. _De Fonte_ would then be about thirty Leagues from the Land, agreeable to the _Russian_ Discoveries, tho' this Voyage was made so many Years before that Attempt; a great Evidence of the Authenticity of this Account. His Conduct also in this Case was necessary, consistent with the Character of a good Seaman, not to make the Coast direct, or immediately engage with this _Archipelago_, to which he was a Stranger, and in Parts unknown, or where he had no sailing Directions but to form such Course as gradually to fall in with the Land, and, as the Wind was, if he saw Occasion, could at any Time stand off. _De Fonte_ by this Course, agreeable to the Latitude of the _Suesta del Estrech D'Anian_, which is laid down by _Prieto_ in Latitude 51, would be to the Southern Part of the Entrance into such _Archipelago_, had he been Northward, as the Wind was, he would have regained it with great Difficulty and Loss of Time. As this Table of _Prieto_ was composed before the _Russian_ Discoveries, and this Land, the _Suesta del Estrech D'Anian_, is computed in Longitude 141 Deg. 47 Min. computing _Lima_ at 80 Deg. answerable to 238 Deg. 13 Min. East Longitude from _Fero_, it is a little singular that these Accounts should agree so well, as to the Longitude of this Part of _America_; is an Instance that _Prieto_ did not proceed upon vague Calculations; had acquired a more exact Account than could be even supposed in these unfrequented Parts, and in his Care and Exactness, as to the more known Parts, we have no Reason to doubt but he hath laid down the Latitude and Longitude of the _Suesta del Estrech de Anian_, with the greatest Certainty that he could attain to. I shall not controvert it whether these are the proper Streights of _Anian_. This Entrance was commonly called amongst the Navigators into those Parts by that Name, as is evident from former Accounts; and _Hornius_, from his Maps, which may be seen in _Purchase_, lays it down in the same Manner. My Intention is answered in producing an Authority from the _Spaniards_ of _New Spain_, that there is an Entrance here agreeable to the Account in this Letter; also, in all Appearance, a superior Entrance to that of _Martin Aguilar_, which _Prieto_ doth not expresly mention; neither could he properly; but inserts Cape _Escondido_ in Lat. 43, and Cape _Blanquial_ in Lat. 45, an intermediate Distance of one Hundred and twenty Miles. Again mentions the Port of _Salagua_ in Lat. 46, and then the Port of _Salado_ in Lat. 48; in which Interspace the Entrance of _de Fuca_ is supposed to be. By the Name _Archipelago_, _de Fonte_, who would give the Name with Propriety, expresses it to be a Sea; and on his Return says, he sailed down the River _Los Reys_ to the North-east _Part_ of the _South Sea_; after that returned home. Where the Word _Part_, properly speaking, or to use the Word as it really imports, can be no otherwise understood than as an Arm or Branch of the _South Sea_. Had he steered eight Hundred and sixty-six Leagues North North-west, he must necessarily have traversed the Courses of those brave Discoverers Capt. _Beering_ and _Tschirikow_, which were from Lat. 45 in _Asia_, to Lat. 56 and 58 in _America_, and who were not interrupted by any such Islands. Capt. _Tschirikow_ positively says, the Coast was without Islands where he was in Lat. 56; by Capt. _Beering_'s Account in Lat. 58, the Islands lay only _along_ the Coast; and _de Fonte_ in his Account mentions, that he sailed in crooked Channels, amongst Islands. These various Descriptions shew that these Accounts relate to various Parts. As _de Fonte_ could not, in the whole Extent between _Asia_ and _America_, meet with such Islands, and yet was under a Necessity to pass up crooked Channels, with no small Hazard, as the Boats being a-head express, his Course must have been to the Eastward of where Captain _Tschirikow_ fell in with the Land, and for the Distance of the two Hundred and thirty Leagues before _de Fonte_ came to a River, to _Los Reyes_, was then passing up the North-east Part of the _South Sea_, as he terms it, and in some Part of which there were Islands, which he names the _Archipelagus of St. Lazarus_. There is a Singularity of Expression in the Letter, _where_ his Boats always sailed a-head, the Word _where_ limits the Islands to a certain Space, and that they were not extended the whole two Hundred and thirty Leagues, which is consistent with the Expedition he made, as otherwise the Ships must have often shortened sail, and it could not be avoided, and must have frequently brought up at Night. As _de Fonte_ did neither make the South or North Shore of this Streight, the most comprehensive Way of expressing himself was to say, he passed up these Islands, by which those who had composed his Instructions well knew the Parts he meant. It must be considered _de Fonte_ was not as to this Part on Discovery, the Whole would be pointed out to him by his Instructions, which being to fall in with the Islands, or Entrance in such a Latitude, to mention either the North or South Limit of the Entrance would be improper; whereas the contrary was the Case as to Cape _St. Helena_, _Francisco_, _Passao_, and Cape _Abel_, as his Instructions were express, as to the making these Lands. As _de Fonte_ made a true Course East 81° North, subtract the Longitude 20 Deg. 24 Min. from the Longitude 141 Deg. 12 Min. from _London_, and from the 123 Deg. 27 Min. from _Fero_. The Entrance to the River _Los Reys_ lies in Lat. 53 Deg. Long. 120 Deg. 48 Min. from _London_, and 103 Deg. 3 Min. West from _Fero_. And that his Course was now Easterly is plain from the subsequent Words of the Letter, _as they sailed more Easterly_. It was also confident with the Purpose they were sent on, to meet a Vessel from _Boston_. 'The 22d of _June_ Admiral _de Fonte_ dispatched one of his Captains to _Pedro de Barnarda_, to sail up a fair River, a gentle Stream, and deep Water, went first N. and N. E. N. and N. W. into a large Lake full of Islands, and one very large _Peninsula_ full of Inhabitants, a friendly honest People in this Lake, he named Lake _Valasco_, where Captain _Barnarda_ left his Ship; nor all up the River was less than 4, 5, 6, 7, and 8 Fathom Water, both the Rivers and Lakes abounding with Salmon Trouts, and very large white Perch, some of two Foot long; and with three large _Indian_ Boats, by them called _Periagos_, made of two large Trees 50 or 60 Foot long. Capt. _Barnarda_ first sailed from his Ships in the Lake _Valasco_, one Hundred and forty Leagues West, and then 436 E. N. E. to 77 Degrees of Latitude. Admiral _de Fonte_, after he had dispatched Capt. _Barnarda_ on the Discovery of the North and East Part of the _Tartarian Sea_.' We may suppose, from the Manner in which this Part was managed, that there was a great Necessity to get the Translation finished in any Manner. As the Difficulties of the Translation increased, the Design of this Account being only Amusement, the Translator thought it would answer the Purpose to give the Account in gross. The Date, the 22d _June_, is an apparent Error, by reason _de Fonte_ did not enter into Lake _Belle_, as will be shewn hereafter, until that Time. Admiral _de Fonte_ dispatched one of his Captains to _Pedro de Barnarda_, to sail up a fair River, gentle Stream, and deep Water. Then the Translation breaks off abruptly, and the Translator renders the following Part as an Account of _Bernarda_'s Voyage, not observing how just a Connection there is with _de Fonte_ dispatching one of his Captains to _Bernarda_; and what follows being the Orders sent by him, and the Instructions for _Bernarda_; instead of being _Bernarda_'s Account of his Expedition, and not observing how consistent it is with being a summary Recital of those Instructions these Words are which follow, Admiral _de Fonte_, after he had dispatched Captain _Bernarda_ on the Discovery, _&c._ As to his dispatching one of his Captains, he must be supposed to have besides the Captain of the Ship he was in, also one called an Admiral's Captain. The Instructions were of such Consequence, that a less Person might not be so properly employed, nor consistent with the Respect due to _Bernarda_. _De Fonte_ and _Bernarda_ were Strangers here; but these Parts had been already discovered, as it is expresly said that _two Pater Jesuits_ had been here two Years, and made Observations as far as the Latitude 66. From their Discoveries we may conclude, that these Instructions were formed which _Bernarda_ received, and those of the whole Course of the Voyage; and it was necessary that _de Fonte_ should not only mention that he had dispatched _Bernarda_, but should also, with the Brevity due to a Letter, mention the Orders with which he dispatched him. And further from what is expressed in those Orders, as to the River, the Course and Soundings, what Fish were in the River and Lake, the Road or Harbour which was to be found in the Lake, the Temper and Disposition of the Inhabitants, it evidently appears that there had been a prior Discovery of these Parts, and Observations made of every Thing worthy of Consideration, and necessary also at this Time to be mentioned to _Bernarda_. To let him know that his Ship could pass up the River, would find a Harbour in the Lake, he had nothing to fear from the Natives, and would meet with Provisions. There leaving his Ship he might be furnished with _Periagos_ to proceed. And I understand his Directions to steer first North and North-east, then North and North-west, that he might make no Mistake by pursuing or entering into any other Openings which might present themselves in his Course up, and which from their Appearance might perplex him, as to which of them he was to enter; no uncommon Thing, as those who have been to Northward on like Undertakings will allow. 'The Admiral sailed up a very navigable River, which he named _Rio los Reys_, that run nearest N. E. but on several Points of the Compass 60 Leagues, at low Water, in a fair navigable Channel, not less than 4 or 5 Fathom Water. It flowed on both Rivers near the same Water, in the River _Los Reys_, 24 Feet Full and Change of the Moon; a S. S. E. Moon made high Water. It flowed in the River _Haro_, 22 Feet and a half Full and Change. They had two Jesuits with them, that had been on their Mission to 66 Degrees of North Latitude, and had made curious Observations.' _De Fonte_, having dispatched _Bernarda_, sets out on his Part of the Expedition, and proceeds up the River _Los Reys_, at the Entrance of which he had arrived the fourteenth of _June_. During his Stay, until _Bernarda_ was dispatched and sailed, he seems to have taken an accurate Account of the Tides in both Rivers. The Distance up the River was more than sixty Leagues, and though a good navigable Channel, yet would require a great Precaution in his Proceeding with the two Ships; Tide Times and the Night would make it necessary for him to bring too; for had he touched the Ground with either of them, the Delay that might have followed on such Accident, might have defeated this Part of the Undertaking, and the most important, and which, therefore, was allotted to him to execute. Their having had two Jesuits with them seems an additional Note. That two Jesuits should be sent into those Parts to make Observations, is but consistent with the general Practice of the Jesuits to go on Missions into all Parts of the Globe, engaged by a special Vow, not injoined any other Order, to be always ready to go and preach whithersoever they shall be sent. These Jesuits are by no Means a singular Instance of the People of that Order being great Adventurers, when we consider those who ventured to the _Philippinas_ and _Japan_, enforced by the Vow, puffed up with the Vanity of popular Applause, the Favour of the President, and the Hope of being acceptable to the rest of the Order on their return from such Mission, expecting by such Mission to add to the Wealth or Reputation of the Order. The Effect of this Mission seems to have been they had acquired the Favour of the Natives. Had made some Observations of the Country, but principally to Northward, as to which they seem not to have got a perfect Account; though they did a great deal for the Time, the Unseasonableness of the Winter, and the melting Weather in the Spring considered; nor is it strange they should not get a perfect Account, in a Country so intermixed with Waters, which hide themselves in their Courses between inaccessible Mountains; and in many Places where they are to be come at, are deceitful in their Appearance, as to what they really are, whether Lakes, Gulphs of the Sea, or Inlets. As they proceeded to the Northward, they thought it the Part that principally claimed their Observation. Were of Opinion as to the Northward, that it was Part of the Continent of _New Spain_, or they would not have lead _de Fonte_ to _Los Reys_, but caused him to proceed up that Streight which separated the Part they had been in from _New Spain_. As to this Mission not being known to the Publick, these Jesuits must have been sent from _Europe_ into _New Spain_; and they would so far regard their Obedience to the Pope, as to pay due Respect to the King of _Spain_'s Authority, in observing the established Maxim of the Time, as to keep their Discoveries a Secret from the Publick or other Nations. And as to all Missionaries who went into _New Spain_, the King of _Spain_ hath a Power to call them to Account, by the Pope's Permission, though not permitted in _Old Spain_ to meddle with ecclesiastical Affairs, or ecclesiastical Men. 'A Letter from Captain _Barnarda_, dated the 27th of _June_ 1740, that he had left his Ship in the Lake _Valasco_, betwixt the Islands _Barnarda_ and the Peninsula _Conibasset_, a very safe Port; it went down the River from the Lake 3 Falls, 80 Leagues, and fell into the _Tartarian_ Sea in 61 Deg. with the Pater Jesuits, and 36 Natives, in three of their Boats, and 20 of his _Spanish_ Seamen; that the Land trended away North East; that they should want no Provision, the Country abounding with Venison of three Sorts, and the Sea and Rivers with excellent Fish (Bread, Salt, Oil, and Brandy they carried with them) that he should do what was possible. The Admiral, when he received the Letter from Captain _Barnarda_, was arrived at an _Indian_ Town called _Conosset_, on the South Side Lake _Belle_, where the two Pater Jesuits on their Mission had been two Years; a pleasant Place. The Admiral, with his two Ships, enter'd the Lake the 22d of _June_.' The Letter from _Bernarda_ being dated the 27th of _June_, it is impossible he should finish all that Business in four Days, which he gives _de Fonte_ an Account of: This also confirms its being a Mistake as to the 22d of _June_, being the Time he received his Dispatches. It might well take _Bernarda_ from the fourteenth of _June_ to the twenty-seventh to receive his Dispatches, to pass up the River, and to the Peninsula in Lake _Valasco_, procure the Natives, who were not under his Command, get all Things fitted, and set out. And what this Letter contains, makes it evident it could be no Account of his Voyage that was before-mentioned. This Letter is apparently an Answer to the Dispatches _Bernarda_ received from _de Fonte_. He mentions, that he had left his Ship, agreeable to Orders, and in a safe Port; gives an Account how he was equipped to proceed; the Number of the Persons he had with him; that he had thirty-six of the Natives, which is conformable to the Character given of them, a friendly honest People, and shews the Influence of the Jesuits. These Natives, by joining in the Expedition, were Hostages for the good Behaviour of the others towards his People left behind, and an Assurance to _Bernarda_ for the Security of his Ship left at the Port, were of great Use as Pilots as to the Coast, and also in sailing and managing their _Periagos_. Their having these _Periagos_ implies they had a Country abounding with Waters; and it was their usual Way of passing from one Part to another, Time and Experience had made them expert in the Management of them; and by shifting from one Part to the other as the Seasons required for hunting or fishing, and by Excursions out of their own Country either for War or Curiosity, as is the Nature of _Indians_, they were become acquainted not only with the inland Waters, but also the Sea Coasts. _De Fonte_ had ordered Captain _Bernarda_ that he should sail one Hundred and fifty Leagues West (but is rather to be believed a Mistake from not understanding the Compass, _Oeste_ and _Este_ being so similar) and then four Hundred and thirty-six Leagues East North East to 77 Degrees of Latitude. In Answer to which _Bernarda_ here mentions, that from the Lake _Valasco_ there was a River in which there was three Falls, eighty Leagues in Distance, and fell into the _Tartarian Sea_, in Latitude 61; that the Land trended away North East, and that he would do what was possible. By which Expression it is plain, that he did not pursue the exact Course that _de Fonte_ directed; probably that Course was pointed out to _Bernarda_ by which the Jesuits had travelled to Latitude 66, but pursued a Course more immediate and direct to attain to Latitude 77, the Back of _Baffin_'s Bay, as to which the Natives had informed him; and that though he did not pursue the Course directed by _de Fonte_, which he found not to be so consistent with the Design he was sent on, yet he would do all that was possible to answer that Design. And the Expression also implies, that he was sensible he should meet with Difficulties, which he might expect from the Climate, the Ice, and the Fatigue; but as to the Article of Provisions, was in no Fear on that Account. As to what is mentioned as to Venison of three Sorts, they were the small Deer, the Moose, and the Elk, all which are in the Northern Parts about _Hudson_'s Bay, and the _Labrador_ Coast. The Name of _Haro_ given to the River is a particular Compliment to _Don Haro_, who was the Head of the Houses of _Valasco_; and the Name of _Valasco_, in Compliment to the other Houses, of that Family. Which Respect shewn by _de Fonte_ seems to indicate a particular Connection with, or his being related to that Family, as already mentioned. _Valasco_, as here wrote, with a _va_, as those Families did write it at that Time, and one of that Family, who was Constable of _Castile_, in his Titles is named _John Ferdinandes de Vallasco_, Constable of _Castilia_, &c. now Lord of the Houses of _Vallasco_, &c. and by the Orthography in the Letter being so conformable with that which was used at that Time, and not with a _ve_ as at present, we have very good Reason to suppose, that the Letter was not only wrote in _Spanish_, but also by _de Fonte_ on his return from his Voyage. Don _Ferdinandez_ was living in 1610, and succeeded by his Son, in his Title and Honour of Constable of _Castile_, _Don Bernardino_, who was living at the Time of the Voyage. 'The Admiral entered the Lake an Hour before high Water, and there was no Fall or Cataract, and 4 and 5 Fathom Water, and 6 and 7 Fathom Water generally in the Lake _Belle_. There is a little Fall of Water half Flood, and an Hour and Quarter before high Water the Flood begins to set gently into Lake _Belle_: The River is fresh at 20 Leagues Distance from the Mouth or Entrance of the River _Los Reyes_. The River and Lake abounds with Salmon, Salmon Trouts, Pikes, Perch and Mullets, and two other Sorts of Fish peculiar to that River, admirable good; and Lake _Belle_ also abounds with all those Sorts of Fish large and delicate: And Admiral _de Fonte_ also says, the Mullets catched in _Rios Reyes_ and Lake _Belle_, are much delicater than are to be found, he believes, in any Part of the World.' _De Fonte_ was not inactive from the 14th to the 22d of _June_. Various Courses, contrary Winds, waiting for the Tides at times; from the Circumstance of the Tide as to Lake _Belle_, that there is a Fall until half Flood, and it is an Hour and Quarter only before high Water that the Flood makes in, evidences that there was a Current against him; and it is further evident, as on his return he was but two Days running from _Conosset_ to the Entrance of the River _Los Reyes_. _De Fonte_ is very particular in his Account, being now to take a Survey of the Parts through which a Passage was expected, and in which Parts he now was. He mentions the Trial of the Tides at _Los Reyes_ and _Haro_; gives a particular Account of the Navigation up _Los Reyes_, and to Lake _Belle_; that it was fresh Water after they were sixty Miles up the River; and what is no immaterial Circumstance in this Affair, shews how far the Waters from Westward flowed up, which he instances in the Account of the Fish. That such as came out of the Sea into the Land or fresh Waters to spawn at those Seasons, and afterwards return to the Sea, went no further than Lake _Belle_; for here he found the Mother Fish, as he describes them, large and delicate, superior to those in the River, and indulges his Fancy, so delicate as, he believes, they are not to be exceeded in any other Part of the World. _De Fonte_, in his Orders to _Bernarda_, shewed it was fresh Water in Part of _Haro_, and in the Lake _Conibasset_, from the Salmon and Perch, in which he means Sea Perch, which come into fresh Waters at this Season of the Year. 'The first of _July_ 1640, Admiral _de Fonte_ sailed from the rest of his Ships in the Lake _Belle_, in a good Port, covered by a fine Island, before the Town of _Conosset_, from thence to a River I named _Parmentiers_, in Honour of my industrious judicious Comrade Mr. _Parmentiers_, who had most exactly marked every Thing in and about that River.' We now proceed to consider the Remainder of Admiral _de Fonte_'s Letter, which was published in _June_ 1708. Admiral _de Fonte_, when he received the Letter from Capt. _Bernarda_, was arrived at an _Indian_ Town called _Conosset_, in the Lake _Belle_; and as he entered such Lake the twenty-second, probably arrived at the Town the same Day; staid eight Days, and then sailed the first of _July_. That _Bernarda_ should write, as to the Situation of his Affairs, must have been before concerted between them, they having been informed by the Jesuits or _Parmentiers_, that it was practicable for _Bernarda_ to send such Message, that the Admiral might know whether _Bernarda_ had met with any Accident as to his Ship, or any other Obstacle to his Proceeding, as he might assist him from those Ships Companies then with the Admiral. How the Letter was conveyed is not expressed; probably by a Seaman with an _Indian_ Guide (the Distance between the Admiral and _Bernarda_, at this Time, will be considered hereafter) who would use all possible Expedition both by Land and Water: Had the Advantage of very short Nights. _De Fonte_ would not proceed until he received this Account, though ready as soon as he received it. As _de Fonte_ sailed on the first of _July_, that Account must have come to his Hand the thirtieth of _June_. The Ships being secure in a good Harbour, and the Command left with _Ronquillo_, the Admiral proceeds to the River _Parmentiers_, so named in Honour of Mons. _Parmentiers_, whom he stiles his Comrade, and commends his Industry and Judgment in the Survey of such River, and the Parts adjacent. From his being stiled his Comrade, he was in no Command, as he could not have a Commission without having been bred in the Service, and a Native of _Spain_. Therefore being a Person immediately necessary for to have on this Occasion, he is introduced under the Character of a Friend and Companion. Mr. _Gage_ mentions, Chap. xv. of his new Survey of the _West Indies_, one _Thomas Rocalono_, a _Frenchman_, a Prior of the Cloister of _Cemitlan_, who, with himself, was the only Stranger in that Country, by which he means in that Part where he was; and it implies there being others in other Parts, which falsifies the Assertion that no _Frenchman_ was ever admitted in _Peru_. The Countries of _Quivira_ and _Anian_ were represented, at that Time, to be barren or desolate; as is also evident from the Description of the Inhabitants eating raw Flesh, drinking Blood, and in all Respects suitable to the Character of the _Eskemaux Indians_, who by Choice, not Necessity, make Use of such Diet when out a hunting or travelling, which expresses those Parts to be very inhospitable, and where the _Indians_ only frequent at certain Seasons, in Pursuit of the wild Game, and for fishing. And _Cibola_ is represented as a Country which hath a Cultivation, where the _Indians_ constantly live, and seem a different People from those of _Quivira_ and _Anian_. This is agreeable to the Accounts given at that Time, which is sufficient to shew that the Jesuits could not expect that they should be able, or would undertake to pass through such a Country as _Quivira_ and _Anian_ in Pursuit of their Discoveries to Northward; therefore must have taken some Opportunity of being conveyed there, which could only be by some Persons who had been on these Coasts, and had, through Necessity, Interest, or Curiosity, passed up these Waters, and surveyed the adjacent Country in Pursuit of something which might turn out to their private Emolument: Nor were such Attempts unprecedented, even on our Parts, though the Hazards were much greater. The private Trade carried on by the People from _Boston_, in _Hudson_'s Bay, before there was a Grant to the Company; which Trading might not have come to the Knowledge of the People in _England_, or been known to the Publick for a Series of Years, had it not been for an Accident which happened to Captain _Gillam_, who thereupon made a Discovery of this Trade. Nor is there the least Improbability but that _Parmentiers_ had, on some Occasion, introduced himself into these Parts, had invited the Jesuits to a Mission there, who, on other Missions, had undertaken what hath been much more hazardous, and succeeded. There were sufficient Motives for that Undertaking; the Northern Bounds were then unknown, so that they could not affirm _America_ to be Continent, nor certainly to be an Island distinguished from the old World. This is the Account Mr. _Gage_ gives us, Chap. xiii. and mentioning that he will not write, as many do, by Relation and Hearsay, but by more sure Intelligence, Insight and Experience. He says _Quivira_ is seated on the most Western Part of _America_, just over against _Tartary_; from whence, being not much distant, some suppose that the Inhabitants came into this new World. The West Side of _America_, if it be not Continent with _Tartary_, it yet disjoined by a small Streight. Here then was a sufficient Matter to encourage a Mission of this Sort, and to keep a Progress to the Eastward, or in _America_, with the Discoveries that were going on by the Missionars sent to _Japan_; and there was a Propriety in this being done, as the Coasts of both were supposed to be at no great Distance from each other: And this was expresly the Purpose of their Mission, as it is said they had been to Latitude 66, and made curious Observations, on which Account they were with _Bernarda_. As _Parmentiers_ went to the Eastward with _de Fonte_, who must have had a different Motive from them for coming into those Parts, he must have had his own private Emolument in view, his better Success in which depended on his Secrecy, as he thereby prevented others from interfering; which Consideration would prevail with him, as with all Traders, superior to any Satisfaction the Publick might have from his Informations; and as Trade would be carried on most successfully where the Inhabitants were more numerous, we find he had found his Way to Eastward, apparently the most populous, as the Jesuits had gone to the Northward and Westward, principally as most consistent with their Plan; tho' _Conosset_ was where the Jesuits had been first introduced, where their courteous Behaviour and Management of the Natives, would be of Advantage to _Parmentiers_. In searching for the most popular and inhabited Part of the Country, he would become acquainted with the Geography of those Parts necessarily, Depths of Water, Shoals, Tides, which his own Preservation, and the better conducting of himself would naturally lead him to observe; but there might be a more particular Reason for his Observation of the River _Parmentiers_, and of all the Parts about it; and therefore he had been so exact as to the Falls, which were the Obstruction of the Ship Navigation through to the Eastern Sea, that lay beyond the Streights of _Ronquillo_, for his own private Advantage; by opening a new and extensive Trade, he would have greatly promoted it if he had found this Communication practicable for Ships of Burthen. The People that Captain _Tchirikow_ met with on the Coast is no Objection to the Character given of those within Land in this Letter, as it is from Experience known that the _Eskemaux_, who are along the Coast of the _Labrador_, are cruel and thievish; but that _Indians_ of a different Disposition live within Land. As to _Parmentiers_ being the general Interpreter for all, he is not said to be so. He would, for the Benefit it would be to him in his Trade, endeavour to learn the Language, and would of course acquire something of it unavoidably, as he frequented amongst the _Indians_: And it must be observed, though there are many different Nations, and there is a Difference in Dialect, yet there is a Language which all those Nations will understand, called the Council Language. That Voyages had been made to these Parts more than once is evident, as the Jesuits staid there two Years, therefore did not return with the same Opportunity by which they came there, but another; and it is probable that there had been a Voyage prior to that, which had encouraged them to undertake this Mission. In what Manner _de Fonte_ proceeded, the Boats and Number of Persons he had with him, the Translator hath omitted. It is mentioned, that _de Fonte_ sailed from the rest of his Ships; the River _Parmentiers_ hath Falls of thirty-two Feet perpendicular Height from its Source to where it issues into Lake _de Fonte_; so again, on the South Side Lake _Belle_ on board our Ships; and had it been with his Ship, his Inference that there was no North-west Passage would have been unjust, as his meeting with this Ship the Vessel from _Boston_, would have effectually proved the contrary. 'We passed eight Falls, in all 32 Foot, perpendicular from its Source out of Lake _Belle_; it falls into the large Lake I named Lake _de Fonte_, at which Place we arrived the 6th of _July_. This Lake is 160 Leagues long, and 60 broad; the Length is East North East, and West South West, to twenty or thirty, in some Places sixty Fathom deep; the Lake abounds with excellent Cod and Ling, very large and well fed; there are several very large Islands, and ten small ones; they are covered with shrubby Woods; the Moss grows six or seven Foot long, with which the Moose, a very large Sort of Deer, are fat with in the Winter, and other lesser Deer, as Fallow, _&c._ There are Abundance of wild Cherries, Strawberries, Hurtleberries, and wild Currants; and also of wild Fowls, Heath Cocks and Hens; likewise Partridges and Turkeys; and Sea Fowl in great Plenty. On the South Side the Lake is a very large fruitful Island, had a great many Inhabitants, and very excellent Timber, as Oaks, Ashes, Elm and Fir Trees, very large and tall.' We here again see the Form of the Letter, _de Fonte_ expressing himself, as in the first Part of the Letter, _I named Parmentiers_, _my industrious_; and there are other Instances. The River _Parmentiers_, which is the Communication by which the Waters of Lake _Belle_ are conveyed into the Lake _de Fonte_, so named we may suppose not in Compliment to himself, which would be absurd, but of his Family, as the Expression is, _I named Lake de Fonte_, though it almost deserves the Name of a Mediterranean Sea; but from having a superior Water near it, with which it communicated, _de Fonte_ calls it a Lake. It is not a casual naming of Places, or Waters, as _Hudson_'s Bay, given to that great Mediterranean Sea, and continued, but the Names of the Waters he passed through, would be given with Exactness and Propriety. In the Lake _de Fonte_ there was a great Depth of Water, also Banks, as there is said to be in some Parts twenty or thirty Fathom Water, as is also evident from the Cod and Ling there, and which instance it to be a Salt Water Lake. It was the Season when these Fish come to the Northward to spawn. The shrubby Wood on the Islands, the Moss for the Subsistence of the Deer hanging on the Trees, the wild Cherries and other Fruits ripening at that Season of the Year, are all corresponding Tokens of his being advanced to the North-east Part of _America_, is agreeable in all the above Respects to the Country Northward and Westward in _Canada_, about the River _St. Lawrence_, to the interior Parts of the Country of _Labrador_, in Lat. 56; but as you proceed further to Northward, the high rocky Mountains, which in this Part are only confined to the Coast, then extend more inland, increase in their Height, and in Lat. 59° and 60°, the whole Country, as far as _Baffin_'s Bay, seems to consist only of Ridges of barren Mountains, interspersed with Waters; and the Progress of the Productions, as to Trees and Plants, gradually decreases from a more flourishing to an inferior Sort, as you proceed to Northward; in Lat. 59, on the Western Side of _Hudson_'s Bay to the Northward of _Seal_ River, there is no Wood, only Grass and a small Shrub of about a Foot in Heighth, which continues, as far as it is known to Westward, and a thin Soil, with a hard rocky Stone just below the Surface, and very frequently there are large Ponds of standing Water. _De Fonte_ seems to have made a Stop at the Island at the South of Lake _de Fonte_, to take Refreshment, and make Inquiry as to the _Boston_ Ship, it being out of his Course, or on any other Account to go there. 'The 14th of _July_ we sailed out of the East North-east End of the Lake _de Fonte_, and passed a Lake I named the _Estricho de Ronquillo_, thirty-four Leagues long, two or three Leagues broad, twenty, twenty-six and twenty-eight Fathom of Water; we passed this Streight in ten Hours, having a stout Gale of Wind, and a whole Ebb. As we sailed more Easterly the Country grew very sensibly worse.' What follows, 'as it is in the North and South Parts of _America_,' appears to me an additional Comment. _De Fonte_ mentions, as he went more Easterly the Country grew worse; from which it may be supposed he found the Alteration to begin when he was come to the Eastern Part of the Lake, and more so, as he passed the Streights of _Ronquillo_. Where the Streight of _Ronquillo_ terminated _de Fonte_ makes no mention; gives us no Account of the Soundings or Tides; but his Silence here, and the preceding Circumstances, sufficiently prove that he thought himself then in some Branch of the _Atlantick Ocean_. And it is to be observed there is the same affected Silence here as to the Part he was come into, as when he had left the Western Ocean and entered the North-east Part of the _South Sea_ to pass up to _Los Reys_. 'The 17th we came to an _Indian_ Town, and the _Indians_ told our Interpreter Mons. _Parmentiers_, that a little Way from us lay a great Ship, where there never had been one before.' The _Indian_ telling the Interpreter _Parmentiers_, which expresses a Kind of Acquaintance made between them, and _de Fonte_'s passing out of the Lake into the Sea, coming to a Town, and _Parmentiers_ knowing the Language, is an Evidence of _Parmentiers_' having been there before. And we may suppose, that from the Time they left the River _Parmentiers_, _de Fonte_ had been on the Inquiry, it being now Time to expect the People from _Boston_; and what the _Indian_ told him was in pursuance of such Inquiry. 'We sailed to them, and found only one Man advanced in Years, and a Youth; the Man was the greatest Man in the Mechanical Parts of the Mathematicks, I had ever met with; my second Mate was an _Englishman_, an excellent Seaman, as was my Gunner, who had been taken Prisoners at _Campechy_, as well as the Master's Son; they told me the Ship was of _New England_, from a Town called _Boston_. The Owner and the whole Ship's Company came on board the thirtieth; and the Navigator of the Ship, Captain _Shapley_, told me, his Owner was a fine Gentleman, and _Major General_ of the largest Colony in _New England_, called the _Maltechusets_; so I received him like a Gentleman, and told him my Commission was to make a Prize of any People seeking a North-west or West Passage into the _South Sea_; but I would look on them as Merchants trading with the Natives for Bevers, Otters and other Furs and Skins, and so for a small Present of Provisions I had no need on, I gave him my Diamond Ring, which cost me twelve Hundred Pieces of Eight (which the modest Gentleman received with difficulty) and having given the brave Navigator _Captain Shapley_, for his fine Charts and Journals, a Thousand Pieces of Eight, and the Owner of the Ship, _Seimor Gibbons_, a quarter Cask of good _Peruan_ Wine, and the ten Seamen, each twenty Pieces of Eight, the sixth of _August_, with as much Wind as we could fly before and a Current, we arrived at the first Fall of the River _Parmentiers_.' _De Fonte_ makes no Delay, but immediately proceeds as the Case required; finds an old Man aboard, the Man (as being a great Mechanick might be very useful on such an Expedition) and a Youth, might venture to stay, their Age would plead as to any Severity that might be intended by _de Fonte_; and through the Fear of which Severity the others retired into the Woods, where they could manage without being sensible of those Difficulties which _Europeans_ apprehend. To leave the Ship without any one aboard, _de Fonte_ could of Course have taken her as being deserted; and by their Retirement into the Woods, his Pursuit of them there would have alarmed the _Indians_, and more especially if he had attempted any Severity, it might have been fatal to him and his Company, from the Resistance they might have met with, not only from the _Boston_ People, but the _Indians_ assisting them, as they would have considered it as an Insult, an Exercise of Power which they would apprehend he had no Right to use in those Parts, as to a People who were trading with them, and been the Occasion that the _Spaniards_ would have been no more received as Friends in those Parts. _De Fonte_ had particularly provided himself with some _Englishmen_, who, by a friendly Converse with the People from _Boston_, might endeavour to learn their Secrets, and prepare them the better by what they would be instructed to tell them to come to a Compliance with the Admiral's Intentions. The Result of this Affair _de Fonte_ only mentions; but they would not have staid away so long, would have returned sooner aboard, had they only left the Ship on Account of Trade. Trade was only a secondary Object, the Discovery was the principal, and they would not have staid in one Place, at this Season, had they not been necessitated through a Fear of _de Fonte_ so to do. It may be supposed the _Englishmen_ who were with _de Fonte_, two of whom were from _Campechy_, and the other become Catholick, as he was married to the Master's Daughter, they would not act either with much Sincerity or Truth as to their own Countrymen, but managed with the old Man to bring the Owner, Navigator, and rest of the Crew aboard. On their return the Navigator of the Ship was the first who waited on the Admiral, and he calls him Captain _Shapley_, his Name _Nicholas Shapley_, who was famous as a Navigator, for his Knowledge in the Mathematicks and other Branches of Science, that the common People supposed he dealt in the Magick Art, and had the Name given him of _Old Nick_, not by the People of _Boston_, but by a Set of Libertines as they termed them, and who had separated from the People of _Boston_, and gone to live by themselves at _Piscatua_, where he was settled at a Place called _Kittery_, in the Province of _Main_; the Name of _Kittery_ given by his Brother _Alexander Shapley_, to a Tract of Land he had settled on there; and they write the Name _Shapley_ exactly in the Manner in which it is wrote in the Letter. The Brother _Alexander_ was a Cotemporary at _Oxford_ with Captain _James_, who went on Discovery, and his Acquaintance. The Descendants of _Alexander_, a genteel People, were not many Years since living at _Kittery_; but _Nicholas Shapley_ retired to _New London_, where he had a Son that was living in the Year one Thousand seven Hundred and fifty-two, a Fisherman. The Family at _Kittery_ were very shy as to giving any Information as to what they knew in this Affair, upon an Application by the Author of these Observations, or looking into _Alexander_'s Papers, as an officious Person had got beforehand, and discouraged them from giving any Gratification of this Sort, under Pretence, if their Papers were seen, it might give some Insight into a Lawsuit depending between the Branches of the Family, or expected to be commenced; and that there was a great Reward for the Discovery of a North-west Passage, which, if the Account was attained from them they would be intitled to a Part, which by this Means they would be deprived of. Jealousies of this Kind raised by a pretended, at least an ignorant Friend, against the Application of a Stranger, who assured them he was superior to any Trick of that Sort, and would give them any Satisfaction in his Power as they should propose, occasioned a Disappointment. The Son of Captain _Nicholas_, upon an Application made by the Author likewise, had nothing but his Father's Sea Chest, in which, there were once a great many Papers, and which his Mother, the Wife of Captain _Nicholas_, made a great Account of; but the Son being an illiterate Man, had made Use of them in the Family as waste Paper. I have mentioned him as illiterate, but he was a well meaning Man, and he had heard his Mother talk something about such an Affair; but I shall not lay a Stress upon the Account he gave, as he may be supposed prompted by the earnest Manner of the Inquiry to give grateful Answers, in Expectation of a Reward. The Number of Settlers in all _Piscatua_, the Province of _Main_ included, did not at that Time exceed four Hundred People, but is now become a well settled Country; yet there was amongst the antient People about _Kittery_, a Tradition of Captain _Nicholas_ having been on such a Voyage, and as to which, on proper Application to Persons who have Influence, and will make due Inquiry, it appears to me the Publick will receive a farther Satisfaction than they may at present expect. A considerable Merchant who lived at _Falmouth_ in _Piscatua_, a Man of Character, no Way biassed for or against a North-west Passage, but as he is since dead, I may take the Liberty to say, married a Daughter of his late Excellency Governor _Weymouth_, mentioned an Anecdote respecting his Father, who was a very antient Man: That when the Dispute was between the late Governor _Dobbs_ and Captain _Middleton_, he said, Why do they make such a Fuzz about this Affair, our _Old Nick_ (meaning Captain _Shapley_) was through there? And this antient Gentleman had been an Intimate of Captain _Shapley_'s. Early in the Year before this Voyage Major General _Gibbons_ went with others over to _Piscatua_, to have a Conference about Church Matters; and Mr. _Alexander Shapley_ was one on the Part of the Settlers in _Piscatua_, and who had but returned from _England_ the Fall before. At this Meeting, probably, they fixed on the Time and Manner of executing the Design, which they had before concerted. This whole Affair was concerted in an obscure Part, the Affair not known to the People of _Boston_, as it was more to the Purpose of those who undertook it to keep it a Secret; and probably Major _Gibbons_ was more inclined it should be so, as he had before met with two Disappointments. The Characters of the Persons were such, as by whom it is very reasonable to suppose such an Expedition might be undertaken. Mr. _Alexander Shapley_ was a Merchant, a lively, active, enterprising Man; sufficient to this Purpose hath been said of his Brother: And we may add to the Character of Major General _Gibbons_, it was said of him, that he was much of a Gentleman, a brave, social and friendly Man, had the latter End of the Year 1639 a Commission to be Captain of the Fort, was one of the Council, also concerned in Church Matters, as appears from Records. But during the Time that this Voyage was making, that worthy Pastor of _Boston_ and great Antiquarian Mr. _Prince_, who, from a generous Disposition to get at the Truth, used extraordinary Industry in this Affair, by searching the Records in the old Church there in the Year 1752, could not find his Hand set to any Thing, or any Matters relating to Major General _Gibbons_, tho' he found Papers signed by him frequently before, and other Transactions in which he is mentioned to be concerned, also after the Time of this Voyage, and the only Objection that he could find was, that the Wife of Major General _Gibbons_ must have had a seven Months Child, if he went on such Voyage, as it was a Custom in the Church of _Boston_, at that Time, that the Child should be brought to be baptized the _Sunday_ after it was born; and by the Register it appears that this was the Case, according to the Time that it must be supposed he returned. The Name was _Edward Gibbons_; and _Seimor_ is a Mistake of the Translator, not observing that as _de Fonte_ respectfully stiles _Shapley_ Captain, he would not mention the Owner by his Christian Name only, a fine Gentleman and a Major General, but stiles him agreeable thereto after the _Spanish_ Manner _Sennor_; and this Mistake of the Translator, as to the Name, and not observing that the _Major General_ and the Owner were one and the same Person, shews that the Translator and Editors knew nothing of the Persons mentioned. What is said of the largest Colony in _New England_, called the _Maltechusets_: The Dominions of _New England_ consisted, at that Time, of the Colonies of _Plymouth_, _Massachusets_, and _Connecticut_, of which _Massachusets_ was the largest, as _New Hampshire_, _Piscatua_, and the Province of _Main_, were under its Jurisdiction: And it is a little remarkable that the Admiral should call it the _Maltechusets_; he apprehended it a Mistake, though so exact as to the Names _Shapley_ and _Gibbons_; seems to have given the Alteration agreeable to his own Ideas, and that it must have Reference to _Malta_. The old Man told them the Ship was of _New England_, from the Town called _Boston_, which was the only Place where they could fit out properly or conveniently, the Part where _Shapley_ lived consisting only of a few scattered Houses, and as it was very frequent from _Boston_ to make Voyages to the Northward, their true Design for further Discoveries might remain a Secret to all but themselves. _De Fonte_'s Address to _Gibbons_ as the Owner, represented so on this Occasion to serve the Purpose, though the Vessel seems to have been _Alexander Shapley_'s, implies that he understood, or took the Advantage on finding they had been trading with the _Indians_, that they had two Purposes in their Undertaking, to discover a Passage, and to trade. As to the first, _de Fonte_ tells him he had an Order to make a _Prize of any People seeking a West or North-west Passage_, speaking in general Terms, not of them only, so concealing the Advice he had received as to their particular undertaking of this Discovery; nor could it be peculiarly understood as to the Subjects of _England_, for the _Danes_ also, to their immortal Honour, had before attempted the same Discovery; and in Consequence let him know that the Part he was in was of the Dominions of the Crown of _Spain_, as his Commission could be of no Force beyond the Extent of that Dominion. _De Fonte_'s Address likewise implied, that as he would consider them only as Traders, that he would not make Prisoners of them on that Account; but expected after this Adventure that others would learn to keep nearer home, for Fear of falling into a like Accident, and meeting not with the same favourable Treatment. Nevertheless he takes effectual Measures to embarrass them on their Return, and obliges them to stay no longer in those Parts, as he takes from them what _de Fonte_ calls a small Present of Provisions, which he had no Need on, but he knew they might, and as to which, the Affair of Provisions, he gave such an Attention to, through the Course of his Voyage; and though small what he accepted in respect to the Subsistance of those he had with him, yet as the Sequel will shew, was afterwards the Occasion of infinite Distress to the _Boston_ People. The Gift in return, which is pompously mentioned at twelve Hundred Pieces of Eight, when we consider the Price Things bore of this Sort where he purchased it, in _Peru_, as he estimates by Pieces of Eight, the Manner of Valuation in those Parts, would not be to _Gibbons_ a Hundred Pounds Sterling; and the Present to the Seamen must be considered as in lieu of these Provisions; and by this Means of mutual Presents countenanced what was absolutely extorted by Force, as was the Case with _Shapley_, as to his Charts and Journals, which he would not have parted with, but constrained through Fear; and by his _English_ Seamen _de Fonte_ could let them know that the Provisions, Charts, and Journals would be acceptable. He executed his Design in this Manner, that if the _Boston_ People returned there could be no proper Foundation for the Court of _England_ to take Umbrage at his Proceeding. The Generosity of _de Fonte_ so exceeding what their Present and the Charts and Journals could be worth, would be considered as to make them some Satisfaction for their Disappointment; for the Fears they had been put into, and their being detained there; the Gift of Wine, might be from a Respect to _Major General Gibbons_, as an Officer, whom _de Fonte_ stiles modest, tho' he might perceive it to be the Effect of his Uneasiness on being thus intercepted. In all other Respects, what he gave was a Debt which the Crown of _Spain_ would pay, would be considered as Money advanced in their Service; a Sum of no Consideration with them, as he had met with these People, procured their Charts by which they got into the Secret, by what Way they had advanced so far, and probably very particular Charts and Journals of the other Voyagers whom _Gibbons_ was acquainted with; and he would endeavour to be furnished with all Materials which he could probably procure before that he set out. It would be greatly commended by the Court of _Spain_ the artful Management of _de Fonte_ in distressing these People, and not with a seeming Intention, and giving an absolute Discouragement to other Adventurers, who would be afraid of falling into the _Spaniards_ Hands, whom it would be supposed constantly frequented those Parts. _De Fonte_ only mentions the Issue of this Affair, what would be immediately necessary for the Court to know; he mentions no intervening Circumstances, nor what Time there was between their Examination and the Presents, whether he or they sailed first, but it must be supposed they were more than a Day together, and that _de Fonte_ would see them out of those Parts, as, if they had staid longer, they might probably have supplied themselves well with Provisions, and proceeded further; but as they were circumstanced, they would be put under a Necessity to set out for home, would be glad to leave him the first Opportunity; and as _de Fonte_ seems to be waiting for a Wind, which he had the sixth of _August_, and it had in the interim been fair for the _Boston_ People, they were certainly gone before that _de Fonte_ set out on his Return. In the Ecclesiastical History of _New England_, by the Reverend _Cotton Mather_, published at _London_ in 1702, in Folio, in his Account of wonderful Sea Deliverances, Book the sixth, is _The wonderful Story of Major Gibbons_. 'Among remarkable _Sea Deliverances_, no less than three several Writers have published that wherein Major _Edward Gibbons_ was concerned. A Vessel bound from _Boston_ to some other Parts of _America_, was, through the Continuance of contrary Winds, kept so long at Sea, that the People aboard were in extreme straits for Want of Provision, and seeing that nothing here below could afford them any Relief, they looked upwards unto Heaven, in humble and fervent Supplications. The Winds continuing still as they were, one of the Company made a sorrowful Motion that they should, by a _Lot_, single out _One_ to die, and by Death to satisfy the ravenous Hunger of the rest. After many a doleful and fearful Debate upon this Motion, they came to a Result, that _it must be done_! The _Lot_ is cast; one of the Company is taken; but where is the Executioner that shall do the terrible Office upon a poor Innocent? It is a Death now to think who shall act this bloody Part in the Tragedy: But before they fall upon this involuntary and unnatural Execution, they once more went unto their zealous _Prayers_; and, behold, while they were calling upon God, he answered them, for there leaped a mighty Fish into their Boat, which, to their double Joy, not only quieted their outrageous Hunger, but also gave them some Token of a further Deliverance: However, the Fish is quickly eaten; the horrible _Famine_ returns, the horrible Distress is renewed; a black Despair again seizes their Spirits: For another Morsel they come to a second _Lot_, which fell upon another Person; but still they cannot find an Executioner: They once again fall to their importunate Prayers; and, behold, a second Answer from above; a great Bird lights, and fixes itself on the mast; one of the Men spies it, and there it stands until he took it by the Wing with his Hand. This was a second _Life from the Dead_. This Fowl, with the Omen of a further Deliverance in it, was a sweet Feast unto them. Still their Disappointments follow them; they can see no Land; they know not where they are: Irresistable Hunger once more pinches them: They have no Hope to be saved but by _a third Miracle_: They return to another _Lot_; but before they go to the Heart-breaking Talk of slaying the Person under _Designation_, they repeat their Addresses unto the God of Heaven, their former _Friend in Adversity_; and now they look and look again, but there is nothing: Their Devotions are concluded, and nothing appears; yet they hoped, yet they staid, yet they lingered: At last one of them spies a Ship, which put a new Hope and Life into them all: They bear up with their Ship; they man their Longboat; they go to board the Vessel, and are admitted. It proves a _French_ Pyrate: Major _Gibbons_ Petitions for a little Bread, and offers all for it; but the Commander was one who had formerly received considerable Kindnesses of Major _Gibbons_ at _Boston_, and now replied chearfully, Major _Gibbons_, not an Hair of you, or your Company, shall _perish if it lies in my Power to_ preserve _you_. Accordingly he supplied their Necessities, and they made a comfortable End of their Voyage.' There are nine other Accounts, in each of which the Places the Persons were bound to are particularly mentioned. In this Account (the Design being only to shew the wonderful Deliverance of _Gibbons_) Dr. _Mather_ could not mention the Place to which the Voyage had been made in any other Manner, than _to some other Parts of America_, which hath an exact Correspondence with the Voyage in which Major _Gibbons_ was intercepted by _de Fonte_; for that Voyage was properly to several Parts, not being to one particular Part of _America_; which Parts were, at that Time, nameless. It is said further, that their Misfortune was occasioned by contrary Winds. _De Fonte_ had a fair Wind from the sixth of _August_ to the fifth of _September_, and for a longer Time, so contrary to the _Boston_ Ship; afterwards they had the Wind again contrary, when they came into the Ocean, being North-west or to Westward of it, as they could see no Land; the Land expected to be seen may be supposed the Land of _Newfoundland_, or they were to Eastward and Southward of the Gulph of _St. Lawrence_: And which Account of the Weather is agreeable to the Time of the Year that they were there, the latter End of _September_, or Beginning of _October_, being the Equinoctial Gales. Also as to the Fish which must have been a Sturgeon, which Fish frequently jump into Boats; and shews, as the Boat was out, that they had then moderate Weather, but contrary; though a hard Gale succeeded, as one of the Birds of Passage, which are also then going to Southward, was blown off the Coast and tired, rested on the Mast. Far be it from me to reckon these as mere Accidents, and not the Assistances of the Almighty, but a Relief which the Almighty sent them by Contingencies which are natural: And as to the Ship, which was a _French_ Pirate, she had probably come with a fresh Wind out of the Gulph of _St. Lawrence_, and Standing to Eastward of _Sables_ to clear that Island and _Nautuchet_, for which she had a fair Wind; and it is said the Commander had an Acquaintance with Major _Gibbons_, and received Favours from him at _Boston_; but I must add an Anecdote, to shew that there might also be another Reason assigned, which would not be suitable to be published with that Account; _Alexander Shapley_ had used to hold a Correspondence with these Kind of Gentry, as is evident from a severe Censure on him on that Account, recorded in the Council Book at _Boston_. It was a _Ship_ that Major _Gibbons_ was in when intercepted by _de Fonte_; and this Account also mentions a Ship. After the Death of _Major Gibbons_, his Family, according to the Account of a very ancient Gentlewoman at _Boston_, removed to _Bermuda_; which Lady, who was near ninety Years of Age, had some traditional Account of the _Major_ having been such a Voyage to discover a new Way to the _East Indies_, and suffered much from the Snow and Ice, went through a great many Hardships, and, she said, she thought it was from _Boston_ that he set out. The Persons discovered by Mons. _Groseliers_, at what he calls an _English_ Settlement, near Port _Nelson_, as it is now termed, were _Benjamin_ the Son of Captain _Zachary Gillam_, and some others, from _Boston_, who were the same Year taken to _Canada_, whose Journal of that Voyage the Author hath seen, and this Circumstance is mentioned in it, which Persons have been mistaken for Major _Gibbons_ and his Company. 'We arrived at the River _Parmentiers_ the 11th of _August_ 86 Leagues, and was on the South Side Lake _Belle_ on board our Ships the 16th of _August_, before the fine Town _Conosset_, where we found all Things well, and the honest Natives of _Conosset_ had, in our Absence, treated our People with great Humanity, and Capt. _de Ronquillo_ answered their Civility and Justice.' We have been before told, that the Admiral went sixty Leagues up _Los Reyes_, which I take to be the whole Distance between the Entrance of _Los Reyes_ to _Conosset_ in Lake _Belle_; and if we transpose the above Words, 'arrived at _Parmentiers_ the eleventh of _August_, and was on the South Side Lake _Belle_ eighty-six Leagues on board our Ships the sixteenth of _August_,' then we have the Distances respecting every Part of _de Fonte_'s Course thro' Land, from _Los Reyes_ to _Conosset_ sixty Leagues, from _Conosset_ to Lake _de Fonte_ _eighty-six Leagues_, from the Entrance of Lake _de Fonte_ to the Streight of _Ronquillo_ one Hundred and sixty Leagues, from the Entrance of the Streight of _Ronquillo_ to the Sea thirty-six Leagues. The Time that _de Fonte_ was passing down the River of _Parmentiers_, and the Time he took to return, are equal, which is plainly owing to his being obliged to wait the Tides for getting over the Falls both Ways. The sixth of _July_ they had entered the Lake _de Fonte_, and by the fifteenth were through the Streights of _Ronquillo_, and at the _Indian_ Town the seventeenth, so they were eleven Days from their Entrance into the Lake _de Fonte_; but in their return the same Way only five, favoured by a strong Current which the Wind occasioned to set into the Lake, and having as much Wind as they could fly before, and now came directly back; whereas in their Passage out they had made some Delays. The Course to _Conosset_ being nearest North-east, I compute it to be in Lat. 56 Deg. Long. 118° 2´ from _London_. The Entrance of Lake _de Fonte_ (supposing the Course of the River _Parmentiers_ and from _Conosset_ East North East) in Lat. 59° 4´. Long. 113°. The Entrance of the Streights of _Ronquillo_ East North East, in Lat. 61 Deg. 8 Min. Long. 98 Deg. 48 Min. the Course through the Streights to enter the Sea North by East, such Entrance to be in Lat. 62 Deg. 48 Min. Long. 98 Deg. 2 Min. which Course must be consistent with _de Fonte_'s Account that a strong Current set in, as by this Course such Current must be accelerated, if it set to the Southward, by the Wind from the Northward, or if it was from the Southward, would be opposed in going to the Northward. _De Fonte_ proceeds to give an Account of the good Estate in which he found all Things on his Return; mentions the Honesty and Humanity of the Natives, and the prudent Conduct of Captain _Ronquillo_, who answered their Civility and Justice. For they had, during the Time of _de Fonte_'s Absence, procured, by dealing with the Natives, Store of good Provisions to salt, Venison, Fish; also one Hundred Hogsheads of _Indian_ Maiz; besides the Service this would be of on their Return, procured pursuant to _de Fonte_'s Order, it employed the People, with the other necessary Work about the Ships after so long a Run, and kept them from brangling with the Natives. The Natives were also employed to their Interest, which preserved them in good Humour; and a Justice in dealing preserved their Friendship. 'The 20th of _August_ an _Indian_ brought me a Letter to _Conosset_, on the Lake _Belle_, from Captain _Bernarda_, dated the 11th of _August_, where he sent me Word he was returned from his cold Expedition, and did assure me there was no Communication out of the _Spanish_ or _Atlantick_ Sea, by _Davis_ Streight; for the Natives had conducted one of his Seamen to the Head of _Davis_ Streight, which terminated in a fresh Lake, of about 30 Mile in Circumference, in the 80th Degree of North Latitude; and that there was prodigious Mountains North of it, besides the North-west from that Lake the Ice was so fixed, that from the Shore to 100 Fathom of Water, for ought he knew from the Creation; for Mankind knew little of the wonderful Works of God, near the North and South Poles: He writ further, that he had sailed from _Basset_ Island North East, and East North East, and North East and by East, to the 79th Degree of Latitude, and the Land trended North, and the Ice rested on the Land.' The Orders _Bernarda_ received were to sail up a River North and North East, North and North West, which River I suppose to have emptied itself near to _Los Reyes_ into the South-east Part of the _South Sea_; and it is not uncommon, in _America_, that two great Rivers should have their Entrances contiguous to each other; and I suppose _Conabasset_, afterwards called _Basset_, to be in Lat. 58 Deg. 10 Min. to the Westward of _Los Reyes_ in Long. 122 Deg. 9 Min. from _London_. The Course up the River _Haro_ North 14 Deg. West; and as _Conosset_ is laid down in Lat. 56 Deg. Long. 118 Deg. 2 Min. the Distance from _Basset_ to _Conosset_ is one Hundred and seventy-seven Miles; the Course North 46 Deg. West. The Letter by the first Messenger was dated the 27th of _June_, and is received the fourth Day, as he could not come a direct Course, we may suppose he travelled fifty Miles a Day, which is an extraordinary Allowance, the greatest Part by Water, and Light most of the Night. We know he would go Part by Water in Lake _Belle_, and Lake _Belle_ issuing its Waters both by _Los Reyes_ and the River _Parmentiers_, must receive some considerable Influx of Waters by which it is formed, as well as to give a constant Supply of the Waters that issue from it, and which must be principally or only from the Northward, for it cannot be supposed to receive its Waters from the Southward, and discharge them there again, and which the Messenger would make Use of as soon as possible, and come down Stream. The second Messenger, who is expresly mentioned to be an _Indian_, is nine Days a coming. But _Bernarda_ mentions nothing as to his Ship or People in this Account, only says he is returned from his cold Expedition, therefore probably he sent away the _Indian_ as soon as he could after he entered the River, which ran into the _Tartarian_ Sea, in Lat. 61. If this was the Case, we may suppose that the Waters which came into the Lake _Belle_ head a great Way up in the Country. _Bernarda_ had Directions, after he left Lake _Valasco_, to sail one Hundred and forty Leagues West, and then four Hundred and thirty Leagues North East by East to seventy-seven Degrees of Latitude. _Bernarda_, in his Letter of the 27th of _June_ observes, there was a River eighty Leagues in Length, not comprehended in his Instructions or Orders, and emptied itself in the _Tartarian_ Sea; and says, in his Letter of the 11th of _August_, that he sailed from the Island _Basset_ North-east; with that Course, when he entered the _Tartarian_ Sea, in Latitude 61, his Longitude would be 116 Deg. he then begins the Course _de Fonte_ directed him, one Hundred and forty Leagues East North East; and he mentions on his Return he had steered that Course, keeping the Land aboard. So that _West_ and the Land trending _North East_, are Mistakes in the Publication in _April_; but the mentioning how the Land trended, shews he was then entering the Sea; for to talk of Land, with respect to a River, is absurd; and with the Course and Distance he steered would be in Lat. 63 Deg. 39 Min. and Long. 110 Deg. from _London_: Then he steers four Hundred and thirty-six Leagues North East and by East, and that brings him into Latitude 79 Deg. Long. 87 Deg. from _London_. But the Land trending North, and with Ice, which would be dangerous for the _Periagos_; and as the Land trended North, where he was appearing to him to be the nearest Part he could attain to to go to the Head of _Davis_ Streight; and as to the Distance over Land, and the Propriety of sending a Messenger, the _Indians_ would inform him; he sends a Seaman over with an _Indian_ to take a Survey of the Head of such Streights, by us called _Baffin_'s Bay; which Name was not at that Time generally received. Which Seaman reports, that it terminated in the eightieth Degree of Latitude, in a Lake of about thirty Miles in Circumference, with prodigious Mountains North of it, which indeed formed that Lake, or is a Sound, as that of Sir _James Lancaster_ and of _Alderman Jones_; and along the Shore, from the Lake North-west, the Ice was fixed, lying a great Distance out, which was very consistent with there being no Inlets there, the Waters from which would have set it off. The Distance that the _Indian_ and Sailor travelled would not exceed fifty Miles; and their mentioning the high Mountains to Northward imply, that they were in a more level Country where they were to take this View. Light all Night, the Snow off the Ground, and the Heighth of Summer there. It is no vain Conjecture to suppose that the Journey was practicable, even if performed all the Way by Land, and much easier, which is not the least improbable, if they had an Opportunity of making Part of it by Water. _Bernarda_ proceeding thus far in the _Tartarian_ Sea, and entering in Latitude 61, is no Way contradictory to the _Russian_ Discoveries; and by the _Tartarian_ Sea is meant, the Sea which washes the Northern Coasts of _Tartary_, and is supposed to extend round the Pole. Those Discoveries are agreeable to the _Japanese_ Map, as to the North-east Parts of _Asia_, and North-west Parts of _America_, brought over by _Kemper_, and in which Map there is expressed a Branch of the _Tartarian_ Sea or Gulph, extending to the Southward, agreeable to this Account of _de Fonte_. Who calls it, with respect to _Asia_, the North and East Part of the _Tartarian_ Sea. Which compared with what _de Fonte_ says, as to sailing down the River to the North-east Part of the _South Sea_, these Expressions cast a mutual Light on each other, and that the _Archipelagus of Saint Lazarus_ is a Gulph or Branch of the Sea, in the like Manner. Places which are in one and the same Latitude, have not an equal Degree of Heat or Cold, or are equally fertile or barren, the Difference in these Respects chiefly consists in their Situation. The Country of _Labrador_, which is to Eastward of _Hudson_'s _Bay_, in Latitude 56, almost as high a Latitude as Port _Nelson_, is a Country capable of being improved by Agriculture, and would supply all the Necessaries of Life, though intermixed with rugged and craggy Mountains. The Winter's not so severe as in the more Southern Parts of _Hudson_'s _Bay_, as the Earth is not froze there, as it is in the same and lower Latitudes about that Bay: Also People have wintered in the _Labrador_, wearing only their usual Cloathing: Therefore drawing a Parallel between Port _Nelson_ and _Conosset_, as to the Infertility of one, therefore the other being in the same Latitude, could not produce Maiz to supply _Ronquillo_, is an Objection which hath no Foundation in it. The higher the Latitude the quicker is the Vegetation; and as _Indian Corn_ or _Maiz_ may be planted and gathered in three Months in lower Latitudes, it may be in an equal or less Time in higher Latitudes, in a good Soil. As to Port _Nelson_, or _York Fort_, in _Hudson_'s _Bay_, it is a low Country through which two large Rivers pass, with the Bay in Front, and nothing is certainly known of the more inland Parts. The physical Obstacles that are produced against our giving Credit to this Account of _de Fonte_, from the Depth of the Falls at the Entrance of Lake _Belle_ in the River _Parmentiers_, and from the River _Bernarda_ passed up, are, from not understanding what is expressed by the Word Falls amongst the _Americans_. They mean by a Fall wherever there is the least Declivity of the Water; and the Fall of thirty-two Feet in the River _Parmentiers_, doth not mean a perpendicular Fall, as the Objector would have it understood, however ridiculous to suppose it, but eight gradual Descents, from the Beginning of which to the Extremity of the last there was a Difference of thirty-two Feet, and which became level or even at the Time of high Water. What _Bernarda_ says as to his cold Expedition, a Person used to the Climate of _Peru_ might justly say so, of the Nights and Evenings and Mornings, at that Time of the Year, in the Latitude of seventy-nine, though temperate in Latitude fifty-six; and the whole Disposition of the Country, the immense high Lands, their barren and desert Aspect, in Places their Summits covered with perpetual Snow, the Ice fixed to the Shores, Sheets of floating Ice in the Waters, the immense Islands, frequently seeing Whales, Sea-horse, and a great Variety of the Inhabitants of those Waters, which do not frequent the Southern Parts: The Whole a Scene so different from the Verdure and Delights of the Plains about _Lima_, and from the pleasing Views that present themselves on running along the Coasts of _Peru_, _Bernarda_ might well be affected with such Scene as to express himself, that Mankind knew little of the wonderful Works of God, especially near the North and the South Poles. But he was not so ignorant as to report, that he saw Mountains of Ice on the Land, as well as in the Sea, though he might see them forming between Points of Land, which jetted out into the Sea; and such a Column of Ice would appear to him as something very curious. That these Parts were inhabited does not appear, for it was a Native of _Conibasset_ that conducted the Seaman over the Land; and, at that Season of the Year, the fresh Waters are thawed, no Snow on the low and level Lands, only on the extreme Summits of the Hills. What is objected as to the Affability of the Inhabitants, that it is not consistent with the Character of the _Indians_. Hospitality is the Characteristick of the _Indians_ towards Strangers, until such Time as they are prejudiced from some ill Treatment; and by the Account given by Sir _Francis Drake_, as to the _Indians_ of _California_, and by the _Spaniards_ who surveyed the Western Coasts, and the Islands lying off, they are represented in general as a kind, tractable People, and of a docile Temper. As to the Dispatch used by _Indians_ in carrying Expresses, or their Runners as they term them, to carry Messages from one Nation to another, they will gird themselves up with the Rhind of Trees, and keep going incessantly great Distances with a surprising Agility Night and Day, taking little either of Sleep or other Refreshments, and keep a direct Course, and in the Night steer either by the Moon or Stars. Nor is there any Thing miraculous in these Journeys, which the Expresses performed, either as to Distance or as to Time, especially as they passed through a Country abounding with Waters, and which Country being inhabited they could be supplied with Canoes, or they would find Floats at the Places where they usually pass the Waters. _Bernarda_ meeting _de Fonte_ at a Port up the River _Rio los Reyes_, shews he had Persons aboard who could direct him there, therefore must have been previously there; and they can be supposed to be no other than the Jesuits, which is a further Proof of the Jesuits having been before in these Parts. It was consistent that the Ships should join and return home together. From where _Bernarda_ came to with his Ship was one Hundred and twenty Miles to _Conosset_: His Letter from thence was dated the 29th of _August_, and _de Fonte_ sailed the second of _September_: It may be supposed the Letter came to Hand the first of _September_, which is four Days, and the Express had now all the Way by Water, and mostly against Stream. _De Fonte_, to shew that he had preserved the Affection of the Natives, mentions that he was accompanied with them; and they were of Assistance to him in the Pilotage down the River. _De Fonte_ adds, he had sent a Chart with the Letter, which is misunderstood, as if such Chart had come to the Hands of the Editors; _which will make this much more demonstrative_, were Words added by them; but it was usual in all the Naval Expeditions to have Persons aboard whom they called _Cosmographers_, to take Draughts of Places, and compose their Charts, and at that Time a very reputable Employment. _Miguel Venegas_, a _Mexican_ Jesuit, published at _Madrid_ in 1758, a Natural and Civil History of _California_; a Translation of which was published in _London_ in 1759, in two Volumes; and Vol. i. P. 185, says, 'To this �ra (the last Voyage he mentions was in 1636) belongs the Contents of a Paper published at _London_, under the Title of the Narrative of _Bartholomew de Fuentes_, Commander in Chief of the Navy in _New Spain_ and _Peru_, and President of _Chili_, giving an Account of the most remarkable Transactions and Adventures in this Voyage, for the Discovery of a Passage from the _South Sea_, to that of the North in the Northern Hemisphere, by Order of the Viceroy of _Peru_ in the Year 1640. This Writing contains several Accounts relating to _California_; but without entering into long Disputes, let it suffice to say, that little Credit is to be given to this Narrative. For the same Reason we have before omitted the Accounts of Voyages made from the _South Sea_ to the North round beyond _California_, and those of a contrary Direction, of which an Account is given by Captain _Seixas_ and _Lobero_, in _Theatro Naval_, in _Spanish_ and _French_; and particularly of that _Spaniard_ who is supposed, in three Months, to have come from _Puerto de Navidad_ and _Cabo Corientes_ to _Lisbon_. These and other Accounts dispersed in different Books, we designedly omit, as they want the necessary Authenticity.' This Work was published with a Design to induce the Court of _Spain_ to a further Conquest of, an intire Reduction of, and the full settling of _California_, as of the utmost Importance to Religion and the State; and one of the Arguments is, for their immediate putting what he recommends in Execution, the repeated Attempts of the _English_ to find a Passage into the _South Sea_. And observes, 'Should they one Day succeed in this, why may not the _English_ come down through their Conquests, and even make themselves Masters of _New Mexico_, _&c._' which implies, that he did not look on such an Attempt as void of all Hopes of Success; and he again says, 'Whoever is acquainted with the present Disposition of the _English_ Nation, and has heard with what Zeal and Ardour the Project for a North-west Passage has been espoused by many considerable Persons, will be convinced that the Scheme is not romantick, and it would not be surprizing if the Execution of it should one Day come under Deliberation.' Thus artfully hints, should the Scheme come under Deliberation, the Event would be to be feared; and though he ascribes his Opinion of its not being romantick, is, to many considerable Persons having espoused the Scheme, yet he tacitly applies to their own Knowledge, to what the Court of _Spain_ knows as to this Passage. He then proceeds, 'If this should ever happen,' the Deliberation, 'what would be the Condition of our Possessions?' The Deliberation would, from Consequences that would follow on such a Deliberation, endanger our Possessions. _Don Cortez_ informed the King, by a Letter of the 15th of _October_ 1524, that he was building two Ships, to get a Knowledge of the Coast yet undiscovered between the River of _Panaco_ and _Florida_, and from thence to the Northern Coast of the said Country of _Florida_, as far as the _Baccaloo_, 'It being certain, as he expresses himself, that on that Coast is a Streight running into the _South Sea_'--'God grant that the Squadron may compass the End for which it is designed, namely, to discover the Streight, which I am fully persuaded they will do, because in the Royal Concerns of your Majesty nothing can be concealed; and no Diligence or Necessaries shall be wanting in me to effect it.' Again, 'I hereby inform your Majesty, that by the Intelligence I have received of the Countries on the upper Coast of the sending the Ships along, it will be attended with great Advantage to me, and no less to your Majesty. But acquainted as I am with your Majesty's Desire of knowing this Streight, and likewise of the great Service it would be to your Royal Crown.' Vol. i. P. 130. Agreeable to this Letter several Attempts were made by Sea to discover whether _Florida_ was Part of the Continent, or separated by a Streight; but whether _Cortez_ pursued his Design by searching between _Florida_ along the Coast of _Baccaloos_, _Newfoundland_, and the _Terra de Labrador_, for a Streight, by which there was a Passage from the _North_ to the _South Sea_ is uncertain. _Florida_ comprehended the Country from the Cape of _Labrador_ to the Cape _de los Martires_, or of _Martyrs_, opposite to the Island of _Cuba_. From thence to the Streights of _Magellan_ was called _Peruan Part_. The King of _Portugal_, with a View of finding a shorter Passage to those Parts of the _Indies_, which he had discovered, than by the Cape of _Good Hope_, sent, in the Year fifteen Hundred, _Gasper de Corte Real_ to the North of _America_, who landed on the _Terra de Labrador_; also gave his Name to a Promontory on that Coast which he called _Promonterium Corteriale_. The Name of _Labrador_ implies a fertile Country, and given in Distinction from the high barren mountainous Country to Northward, which _Gasper_ discovered in Latitude sixty, and to the Southward of it. But this Distinction seems to have been soon lost, and the Name of _Labrador_ is now given to the whole Coast. From the Knowledge we have of these Parts we may conclude, that the _Promonterium Corteriale_ was what we at present name _Cape Chidley_, and the Islands _de Demonios_, where _Gasper_ lost a Vessel, those Islands now named _Button_'s Islands; and it was _Hudson_'s Streights to which he gave the Name of the River of the _Three Brothers_, though the Reason of his giving that Name is not known to us. We may perceive from this Account of _Gasper_'s Voyage, who did not proceed to Westward to make a Passage, but coasted down the main Land, the Accounts of their being a _Portuguese_ who made a Voyage through the Streights of _Anian_, calling a Promontory after his Name _Promonterium Corteriale_, hath had some Foundation in Truth; and in what is said by _Frisius_, an antient Geographer, calling it the Streights of _Three Brothers_, or _Anian_ (which that Word imports) because three Brothers had passed through a Streight from the _North_ to the _South Sea_. It is also apparent that the Name of _Anian_ was first given by _Gasper Corterialis_ (for some particular Reason unknown to us) to that Part, which is now _Hudson_'s Streights. Though in Time this became a proper Name to express a Streight by which there is a Passage from the _North_ to the _South Sea_, and is contended for to be the proper Name of the Streight that divides _Asia_ from _America_, by which there is a Communication with the _Tartarian_ and _Southern Ocean_. After a Discovery of these Coasts had been made to Northward, the following Year the King of _Portugal_ sent _Americus Vespusino_ to Southward, to discover the Land there. _Cortez_'s Designs seem to have their Foundation in these Expeditions of the _Portuguese_; but it was not until after the Year 1513, that the _South Sea_ was discovered, and the _Portugueze_ had discovered the _Moluccas_, that the finding a Streight to the Northward, by which a Passage might be made to the _South Sea_, became a Matter of particular Attention, and was the first and principal Object of _Cortez_'s Attention after he had become Master of the Capital of _Mexico_ in 1521; and this Opinion of a Passage to Northward continued during the Reign of _Charles_ the Fifth. Who in the Year 1524 sent from _Old Spain_ to discover a Passage to the _Moluccas_ by the North of _America_, without Success; but _Esteven Gomez_, who was sent on that Expedition, brought some _Indians_ home with him. Then in the Year 1526 _Charles_ the Fifth wrote to _Cortez_, in Answer to his Letters, and orders him to send the Ships at _Zacapila_ to discover a Passage from _New Spain_ to the _Moluccas_. From this Time, the Year 1526, the Opinion of there being a Streight was generally received, though on what Foundation does not appear. It was certainly on some better Reason than _Gasper_'s Discoveries; and a Consideration of the Importance such a Passage would be of to the King of _Spain_ with respect to the _Spice_ Islands. It is not consistent with the Characters of the Emperor _Charles_ the Fifth, and of _Cortez_, when there were so many other solid Projects to pursue and this was preferred, to suppose that they should go, at that Time, on a meer visionary Scheme. The same Opinion of a Passage to Northward prevailed in the Time of _Philip_ the Second, and in the Year 1596 he sent Orders to the Viceroy of _Mexico_ for discovering and making Settlements in proper Parts of _California_, and one Reason assigned was, 'There was much Talk about the Streight of _Anian_, through which the _South Sea_ was said to communicate with that of the _North_, near _Newfoundland_; and should the _English_ find out a practicable Passage on that Side, our Dominions, which then included all _Portuguese India_, would be no longer secure, all the Coast from _Acapulco_ to _Culiacan_ being quite defenceless, and from _Culiacan_ Northward, not one single Settlement was made on the whole Coast.' Hist. Cal. V. i. P. 163. That now not only the Opinion of there being a Streight prevailed, but it was also fixed as to the Part, and had the Name of _Anian_. The Opinion of a Passage still existed in the Reign of _Philip_ the Third; and the same political Motives induced him to order the Conquest of _California_ to be undertaken with all possible Expedition; and one Reason assigned is, 'His Majesty also found among other Papers a Narrative delivered by some Foreigners to his Father, giving an Account of many remarkable Particulars which they saw in that Country, when driven thither by Stress of Weather from the Coast of _Newfoundland_; adding, they had passed from the _North Sea_ to the _South_, by the Streight of _Anian_, which lies beyond Cape _Mendocino_; and that they had arrived at a populous and opulent City, walled and well fortified, the Inhabitants living under a regular Policy, and were a sensible and courteous People; with many other Particulars well worth a further Enquiry.' It must be considered this is given us in the History of _California_, V. ii. P. 239, from the _Monarchia Indiana_ of _Juan Torquemada_, a learned _Franciscan_, published at _Madrid_ in 1613, and republished in 1723, Vol. i. P. 629, That a Paper of this Sort was found in the Cabinet of _Philip_ the Second, was thought deserving the Attention of _Philip_ the Third. However the Matter of it is represented here, for nothing could be published but what was first perused and altered, so as to make it consistent with the Interest of Holy Church, the State, or good Manners, before it was licensed, such Paper must have contained some material Intelligence as to a Passage; and if is said to have contained _some remarkable Particulars_. Neither would the Work have been licensed, if what is related as to their having been such a Paper, had not been true. _Torquemada_, Vol. i. P. 20, quotes _Francisco Lopez de Gomara_, deemed a careful Writer, and Author of the History of the _Indies_. Who says the Snowy Mountains are in forty Degrees, and the furthermost Land that is laid down in our Maps; but the Coast runs to the Northward until it comes to form an Island by the _Labrador_, or as separated from _Greenland_; and this Extremity of the Land is five Hundred and ten Leagues in Length. As to what is said as to the Latitude of forty Degrees in this Quotation from _Gomara_, _Torquemada_ hath prefixed a Map to his Work, _agreeable_ to that formed by the King's Cosmographers, in which he hath made the most Western and Northern Part of the Land in almost forty-seven Degrees, and then the Land trends to the Eastward, and the _Serras Nevadas_ are represented to extend a great Length along the Coast, and to Latitude 57 Degrees. Mentions, Vol. i. P. 16, the Royal Cosmographers do not insert any Thing in their Charts of the Sea Coasts but what they have upon Oath, or from creditable Persons; and 'They make a Supputation in the Northern Parts of Islands, which do not lie near or contiguous to the Lands of _Europe_; as to which Islands, not long since discovered, the one is called _Iceland_, the other _Greenland_, which are the Bounds, Limits, or Marks, that divide the Land of the _Indies_ from any other Part howsoever situated or disposed;' afterwards observes, which Islands are not far from the _Labrador_; from which it is plain he calls _America_ an Island. And this is agreeable to what _Acosta_ says, in the Sense which I understand him, that _Quivira_ and _Anian_ extend to the Western Extremity of _America_; and that the Extremity of the Kingdom of _Anian_ to the North extends under the _Polar_ or _Artick_ Circle, and, if the Sea did not prevent it, would be found to join the Countries of _Tartary_ and _China_; and the Streight of _Anian_ takes its Course through the Northern Region, under the Polar Circle, towards _Greenland_, _Iceland_, _England_, and to the Northern Parts of _Spain_. By _Greenland_ I understand the Land to Northward, which is the North Part of _Hudson_'s Streights, and _Cumberland_ Isles; and that this Streight should determine here is agreeable to what _Cortez_ says he would send to search as far as the _Baccallaos_, (which was a Name given by _Cabot_ in 1496) for the Streight by which he expected a Passage from the _North_ to the _South Sea_. By _Iceland_ is meant, as is apparent from a View of such Map hereunto annexed, the Land to Northward of Cape _Farewel_, or the _Proper Greenland_. _Gomara_ mentions these Islands had not been long discovered. It is apparent from the Map, that they had a very imperfect Account of these Discoveries, which were made by _Frobisher_ and _Davis_, who also were far from being exact in their Computations of the Longitude. In this Map prefixed to _Torquemada_'s Work, and here annexed, the Southern Part of _Newfoundland_ is laid down in Lat. 55, nine Degrees more to the Northward than it ought to be, for which Reason the _Labrador_, _Greenland_, and _Iceland_, are placed much further to Northward than they ought to be placed, and are made to extend beyond the Polar Circle. It is from this Supposition of _Newfoundland_ being in so high a Latitude that _Acosta_ says, _the Streight of Anian_ takes its Course through the Northern Region under the Polar Circle towards _Greenland_ and _Iceland_. In the same Map the extremest Point of _California_, answerable to Cape _St. Lucas_, is laid down in Longitude 105 Degrees from the Meridian of _Ferro_, and the Extremity of the Land to Westward a Cape to Northward of Cape _Fortunes_, but to which no Name is given, and in Latitude 47, is placed in 135 Degrees from the Meridian of _Ferro_; the Difference of Longitude is 30 Degrees. This Map, published by _Torquemada_, was constructed before the Year 1612, therefore prior to a Map published in _Holland_ in 1619, under the Title of _Nova Totius Orbis Descriptio_, prefixed to the Voyage of _George Spilbergen_, in which the Errors of _Torquemada_'s Map, as to the Situation of _Newfoundland_, and the Places to Northward are corrected; yet great Errors are committed as to the Parts to Westward of _America_, making eighty-five Degrees of Longitude between Cape _St. Lucas_ and the Extremity of the Land to Westward and Northward in Lat. 42; and ninety-five Degrees between Cape _St. Lucas_ and the Extremity of the Land nearest to _Asia_. The Reason of this Difference is plain, they both err with respect to those Parts, of which they had not authenticated Accounts. [Illustration: Map of the Americas. _The_ Original _from which this_ Map _is copied was published in 1608 by the authority of_ Philip IV. King of Spain, _in the 1^(st) Edition of_ Torquemadas MONARQUIA INDIANA _Vol. 1._] _Cortez_ wrote to the Emperor that he had sent People on Discovery, both by Land and Water, it was not designed that their Discoveries should be communicated, as _Cortez_ intended to turn them to his own private Advantage. But when _Mendoza_ fitted out two Armaments, one by Land under the Command of _Coronado_, and the other by Sea under _Alarcon_; _Alarcon_ was ordered to Latitude 53, to join the Land Forces, and to make a Survey of the Coast, and see if there was a Passage or a Communication by Water through those Countries which _Coronado_ was to discover and subdue, with the _South Sea_. As to _Coronado_, the _Franciscans_ had been before in those Parts, and they gave Information and Direction as to his Part of the Expedition; but as to the Part that _Alarcon_ had, on what Information he was ordered to go to Latitude 53, and what Probability there was that it was possible for him to find such Passage, and join the Land Forces, does not appear. But from his not finding such Passage, not joining the Land Forces, and proceeding no further than the Lat. 36, though his Reason for not going further is, that the Land then trended to the Northward, which he supposed would put him further off from the Army, whom he knew were in ten Days March of him, and the Excuse of Sickness and ill Condition of his Vessels, occasioned him to return before his Time; yet his Conduct threw the whole Disgrace of the ill Success of that Expedition on _Alarcon_, both with the Emperor and the Viceroy: And what he wrote to the Emperor was not attended to. He wrote to the Emperor, 'That it was for him only, and not in Subordination to the Viceroy, that he had conquered, discovered, and entered on the _Californias_, and all those Lands on the Coasts of the _South Sea_; that he had learnt that some of those Lands were not far from the Coasts of _Grand China_; that there was but a small Navigation to the _Spice_ Islands, which he knew was wished for at that Time; that it engaged all his Thoughts, and was his most ardent Desire to undertake such Navigation.' _Torquem._ Vol. i. P. 609. On _Alarcon_'s Return _Juan Rodrique de Cabrillo_ was fitted out, who went as far as Lat. 44. Sickness, Want of Provisions, and his Ships not being of sufficient Strength for those Northern Seas, obliged him to return, though he was designed to go further to Northward. The Ships returning from the _Philippines_, which was also an Expedition in the Time of Viceroyship of _Mendoza_, fell in with the Land in Lat. 42, and found it all to be _Terra Firma_, from a Cape there, which they named _Mendocino_ to the Port of _La Navidad_. In 1602 _Vizcaino_ went, and then the Discovery was made by _Martin de Aguilar_; and _Torquemada_ tells us, Vol. i. Lib. 5. P. 725. That if there had not been, only fourteen healthy Persons when they were at Cape _Blanco_, they were resolved to pass thro' the Streight, which they named _Anian_, and which Streight is said to be there; and P. 719, speaking of the Entrance of _Martin Aguilar_, it is understood to be a River, by which you may pass to a great City, which the _Hollanders_ discovered coming through the Streight, which is the Streight of _Anian_, and which City, he says, was named _Quivira_. These Voyages, and we have Accounts of no others, could not have furnished the Cosmographers the principal Materials for composing their Map, and it must have been agreeable to those Materials, besides the Accounts of these Voyages sent to _Old Spain_, that they set down the utmost Limits of the Western Coast to be in the Longitude of 135 Decrees from the Meridian of _Ferro_. Therefore it was their Opinion at that Time that one Hundred and thirty-five Degrees was near the Difference of Longitude of the Entrance of the Streight of _Anian_ in the _South Sea_, accounting the Longitude from the Meridian of _Ferro_. For which Reason the _Spaniards_ can never be understood to mean by the Streight of _Anian_ the Streight which separates _Asia_ and _America_, now named _Beering_'s _Streight_, and by which there is a Communication between the Sea of _Tartary_, or the _Frozen Ocean_, and the _South Sea_. It is something remarkable, and supports what hath been before said as to Deficiency of the _Spanish_ Records, what Jesuit _Venegas_, the Author of the History of _California_, says, Vol. ii. P. 228, 'I was extremely desirous of finding Capt. _Sebastian Vizcaino_'s Narrative, and the Representations of the Council to his Majesty _Philip_ the Third, especially the Maps, Plans, Charts of his Voyage and Discoveries, in order to communicate the Whole to the Publick. Accordingly at my Request Search was made in the Secretary's Office of the Council of the _Indies_: But in this Intention of being serviceable to the Publick I have been disappointed.' And he again observes, on the Governor of _Cinaloa_ being ordered to pass over and take a Survey of the Coasts, Islands, Bays, Creeks, and the Disposition of the Ground of _California_, in the Year 1642, Vol. i. P. 188, 'There would have been little Occasion, says he, for this preparatory Survey, after so many others which had been continually making for above a Century, had the Reports, Narratives, Charts, Draughts and Maps, which were made, or should have been made, by so many Discoveries still continued in being. But these are the Effects of a Want of a proper Care in preserving Papers, a Fault to be regretted by Persons in Power, to whom they would be of Service in the Conduct of Affairs, and by private Persons, on the Account of their Interest, or as Entertainments of a commendable Curiosity.'--'But by the Loss of some Papers, either thro' a Change in the Government, or Irregularity in the Records, the whole Advantage of an Expedition is lost.' From this Declaration by one who being a Jesuit, and of _Mexico_, composing a Work entirely for the publick Service, under the Direction of the Jesuits; by their Influence could attain the Sight of any Papers which were thought interesting as to the Work he was composing; and his last Reflection is not confined to the Records of _Old Spain_ only; it is apparent what Uncertainty there is of attaining any Evidence from such Records, as to the Discoveries made in the first Century after the Conquest of _Mexico_, and for a long Time after. The Narrative of _Vizcaino_'s Voyage, and every Thing thereto relating, as to any remaining Records might have become disputable, had not _Torquemada_ collected it, and published it amongst other Accounts; yet what _Torquemada_ hath preserved is but imperfect, as is apparent from a Journal of that Voyage, preserved in a private Hand at _Manilla_, and a Sight of large Extracts from which the Author hath been favoured by a Gentleman in _London_. It is owing to what _Torquemada_ and some others have collected of the Accounts which the Religious were the Authors of, that the Publick have the Accounts of those Parts; but such Voyages and Accounts as have not met with the same Means of being preserved, the Publick, from such Neglect, know nothing of them. It is plain from _Gomara_'s Account, also from _Acosta_'s, that great Discoveries had been made in these Parts, but as to many of such Discoveries, by whom is not known; and _Venegas_ says, Vol. i. P. 30, the River _Santo Thome_ was discovered in the Year 1684; 'And tho' I do not find, says he, in the Narratives of that Expedition (of Admiral _Otondo_) that _Otondo_ ever went ashore only to visit the Harbours of the Eastern Coast and the Gulph; yet from the ardent Curiosity of Father _Kino_, and the great Concern he had in the Affairs of _California_, I cannot think that he should be mistaken in any Particular relating to the Discovery: That Father _Kino_, both in his large Manuscript Map, and likewise in the lesser Impression, places the River of _Santo Thome_ as rising between the 26th and 27th Degrees of N. Latitude, and, after crossing the whole Peninsula, discharging itself into the _South Sea_, in the 26th Deg. and forming at its Mouth a large Harbour, which he calls _Puerto de Anno Nuevo_, being discovered in the Year 1685. On both Sides the River are Christian Villages, as is evident from their Names; _Santiago_, _Santo Innocentes_, _&c._ yet, in the Accounts of that Time, I do not meet with any Intelligence of this Discovery; to which I must add, that in the subsequent Relations no mention is made of any such River, Settlements or Harbours, though even little Brooks, are taken Notice of.' And he observes many other Difficulties occur about this Coast. This Harbour made by the River _Santo Thome_, is evidently that which _de Fonte_ and others call _Christabel_. Some Settlements had been made there, as these Names were given, but either deserted from the Barrenness of the Country, or had been only frequented by those who went out private Adventurers, in order to trade with the Natives. But as to which River, Settlements and Harbour, were not the Names preserved by Father _Kino_, it would not have been known that any Persons had been in those interior Parts of _California_, or that there were such River and Harbour. Father _Kino_ looked upon it as a Thing so well known, as he had no Occasion to defend himself, by giving the Reason of his inserting those Names to protect himself from the Reproach of Posterity. And _Venegas_ before tells us, that as to the Discoveries which had been made for a Century passed, the Papers were lost. Between the Year sixteen Hundred and eighty-five, and the Time of _Venegas_'s Publication, though in the Year sixteen Hundred and eighty-five, it was well known that there was such a River as _St. Thome_, this River is exploded out of the Maps by the Geographers, on Account of the Uncertainty; not duly considering that there was as full a Proof as could be required with respect to so unfrequented a Part. The Account being from a Person whose Business it was to make Observations there, who had been so laborious and accurate as to discover, what had been so long desired to be known, whether _California_ was an Island or not, as to which he was believed; and the Truth hath been confirmed by later Observations of what he had reported, That it was not an Island. Therefore there was no Foundation for any Uncertainty in this Case, the same as with respect to the Letter of _de Fonte_, owing to the Neglect of a proper Enquiry into the Circumstances relating to it, by such an Inquiry the Uncertainty would have been removed. What hath been said is to shew that the Argument on which so great a Stress is laid, that there is no Account of this Voyage amongst the _Spanish_ Records, is an Argument of no Weight against the Authenticity of this Account; and that as a Publication of this Voyage was not permitted, an Account of such Voyage could not be perpetuated by the Religious, the only probable Means at that Time of preferring it from Oblivion. As it was intended what was the Effect of this Expedition should be kept a Secret, it is not consistent there should be many written Accounts of it; the Officers concerned would be cautious of letting Transcripts be made from their Journals; and it may be attributed to an extraordinary Accident, rather than to what could be expected, that a Copy of the Letter of _de Fonte_ should ever come into the Possession of the _English_. These Observations being previously made, we are better enabled to consider, what we have before inserted, the Objection of _Venegas_ for not inserting this Account of _de Fonte_, as being of little Credit; but he seems rather to wish that we would be of his Opinion, than to imagine that he could convince us by any Arguments; therefore excuses himself as to the Length of the Dispute he might be engaged in. His Manner of expressing himself with respect to this Disappointment in the Secretary's Office, shews he hath a Manner of Address that his Words will admit of a further constructive Meaning than what is set down. The principal Object of his Writing is to incite the Court of _Spain_ to prepare in Time against the ill Consequences of the _English_ making a Discovery of a Passage; and he is to be understood, that it is not only his Opinion that the finding of such a Passage is practicable, but he apprehends it is of the Opinion of the Court also. Declares, that such Opinion hath prevailed from the first settling of _Mexico_, and that there really is a Passage in such a Manner as a Person who published an Account of this Sort would be permitted to express himself, to have it pass the Approbation of the Licenser; and does not desire to suppress the Account of _de Fonte_, as it is an absolute Contradiction to what he would infer, there being a Passage, and in such Letter it is declared there is no North-west Passage. For he must have had further and better Authorities for his Assertions of there being a Passage than such, as that single Assertion would prevail against. But desired to suppress this Account, as it was an Account which he knew it was more consistent with the Designs of the Court, it should be continued in Oblivion than revived. Mentions it therefore as the _Contents of a_ Paper published in _London_, which contained a Narrative of little Credit; and to give the better Authority to what he says, as he could not trust to the Opinion that might be had of such Account on a fair Representation of the Title; to support the Character he gave of it, therefore uses Art, misrepresenting such Title; says it was _by Order of the Viceroy of_ Peru, _in the Year_ 1640, and _giving an Account of the most material Transactions and Adventures in this Voyage_. Was the Letter so entituled, the _Transactions_ and _Adventures_ of a Commander in Chief of the Navy, in _New Spain_, he would not be singular in his Opinion, but it would be understood by every one as a Romance, and not deserving of Credit. This Misrepresentation is intentionally done; for if he never saw the Letter, or had not a right Account of it, on what Authority could he assert it was of little Credit; and that it would engage him in a long Dispute, a Dispute which his Sagacity would point out to him how to determine in a very few Lines, by proving that there was no such Person as _de Fonte_, Admiral of _New Spain_; which it was in his Power to do had it been the Case. But what he mentions is so far from a Denial of there being such a Person Admiral of _New Spain_, that he gives us the Name, and sets forth the Character _de Fonte_ was in, in a more proper Manner than we have it expressed in the Title of the Letter. _Bartholomew de Fuentes, Commander in Chief of the Navy in New Spain and Peru, and President of Chili_; and he is to be understood not to mean that there was no such Person, but that the Narrative is not credible as to any such Voyage having been made by Admiral _de Fonte_. By a Schedule of the King of _Spain_ in 1606 to the Governor of the _Philippines_, _Vizcaino_ was to be again fitted out to discover a Harbour on the Western Coast of _California_, for the Reception of the _Aquapulco_ Ship; but the Death of _Vizcaino_ prevented that Design being carried into Execution; as the Court had found so many Disappointments, and such ill Success in these Undertakings, they did not think proper to entrust it to any other Person in the _Philippines_ or _New Spain_. And _Venegas_ says, Hist of _Cal._ Vol. i. P. 180. 'During the succeeding nine Years inconsiderable Voyages only were made to _California_, and these rather to fish for Pearls, or procure them by Barter, than to make any Settlement, and therefore they have been thought below any separate Account, especially as in the subsequent Royal Commissions they are only mentioned in general without any Circumstances.' Though Commissions were given to go into these Parts, without any Account remaining to whom, and on what particular Occasion; it is not to be doubted as in all Commissions of this Nature they would be under an Obligation to make a Report to the Court, and it is not to be understood that these Commissions were continued for nine Years only; and therefore what hath been said as to _Parmentiers_ and the Jesuits, their having been in these Parts, is not the least improbable. By these Commissions they were not confined to the Gulph of _California_, is evident from Father _Kino_, as already mentioned, giving Names in his Map to Villages, or occasional Settlements rather, on the River _Santo Thome_: And he says, P. 299, what made Father _Kino_ desirous of discovering whether _California_ was an Island or not, 'That all the Moderns had placed it as an Island, there being extant also some Journals of Mariners, according to which they went round _California_ through a Streight, and gave the Parts and Places through which they passed their own Names.' It appears from this Account they were permitted, by these Commissions, to rove about, though not to make Settlements, induced by their private Advantage, and the Advantage to the Government was from their Discoveries. Also Vol. i. P. 182, he mentions, 'That a great many private Persons, from the Coast of _Culiacan_ and _Chametla_, made Trips in small Boats to the Coast of _California_, either to fish for Pearls, or purchase them of the _Indians_;' which is agreeable to _de Fonte_'s Account of the Master and Mariners he procured at _Zalagua_ and _Compostilo_. We may also observe what the Missionaries say, as to the Tides at the Head of the Bay, which still adds to the Authenticity of this Account. 'In those Parts the Tide shifts every six Hours; the Flood, with a frightful Impetuosity, rises from three to seven Fathoms, overflowing the flat Country for some Leagues, and the Ebb necessarily returns with the same dangerous Violence.--However the Pilot went on Shore in the Pinnace, at several Parts, in order to make a complete Drawing of it for his Chart; was equally convinced that this Cape was the Extremity of the Gulph of _California_, and that the Waters beyond it were those of the River _Colorado_.' Therefore it was, from the exact Observation of the Tide which this Pilot took so much Pains to make, an unsettled Point from whence the Tide proceeded. Which, at the Time of _de Fonte_'s Expedition, was said to come from the Northward, agreeable to the then prevailing Opinion of _California_ being an Island. According to the usual Practice, though the true Cause of a Phænomena is unknown, to quote that Phænomena that favours a System which there is a Desire to establish as a Truth, not only in support of but to confirm such System, as to render the Truth of it unquestionable. After _Vizcaino_'s Death, and though the Court of _Spain_ was disappointed as to finding able and sufficient Persons in _New Spain_ whom they could intrust, yet Adventures were made by private Persons, at their own Expence, both for Discovery and Settlements; yet these could not be undertaken without the Permission of his Majesty, who had taken it into his own Hand to grant such Commissions, and mostly required a Voyage to _Old Spain_ to attain them; and the next Expedition that was made, at the Crown's Expence, was conducted by an Admiral from _Old Spain_, who arrived in _New Spain_ in 1643, Admiral _Cassanate_, with full Power and Necessaries to equip a Fleet, and make Settlements in _California_; and he sailed on such Expedition in 1644. By which it is apparent that there were Ships at that Time in _New Spain_ proper for such Expeditions. As he came into these Parts within three Years after _de Fonte_'s Expedition, and took the Command as Admiral of _New Spain_ when he arrived, it is to be supposed the Expedition _Cassanate_ was sent on was too fatiguing for _de Fonte_, who was therefore retired to his Government of _Chili_. In the Year 1649 Admiral _Cassanate_, in Reward for his Services, being after the same Manner promoted to the Government of _Chili_, _de Fonte_ must be dead at that Time. This Circumstance fixes the Period in which the Copy of this Letter was taken. As what _Venegas_ says as to the Account (which Account hath been before mentioned) given by _Seyxas y Lovera_, as to its wanting the necessary Authenticity. Besides the usual Licences, wherein the Licencers declare there is nothing contrary to good Manners, and besides being dedicated to the King in his Royal and Supreme Council of the _Indies_, _Seyxas_'s Book hath the Licence and Approbation of the Professor of Divinity in the University of _Alcara_, Preacher to the King, and Principal of a College of Jesuits in _Madrid_. Hath also the Approbation and Licence of the Professor of Erudition and Mathematicks in the Imperial College of the Company of the Jesuits at _Madrid_. What unfavourable Opinion soever we may entertain of the Principles of these Persons, we must have such an Opinion of their Prudence, that they would not sign their Approbation to a Book while it contained an unnecessary Lie, which could be easily expunged, or until they were satisfied as to the Authenticity of this Account which _Seyxas_ gives of _Peche_'s Voyage, having been published in various Places. And it is indisputable from the Countenance his Book received, he was looked on at that Time as a deserving honest Man. _Venegas_ designedly omits other Accounts dispersed in various Books for Want of necessary Authenticity; but it is not to be understood that he absolutely denies that such Accounts are true. Neither is there so great an Improbability in such Discoveries having been made, as some of these Accounts mention, as is imagined, when such Accounts are duly considered. We have already mentioned one Account which engaged the Attention of the King of _Spain_, therefore must have been of some Authority. There is another Account (unless it be the same Account differently represented) of a Ship that, to the Northward of Cape _Blanco_, on the Coast of _California_, passed through the Streight into the _North Sea_, and to _Old Spain_, which was also made known to the King of _Spain_, mentioned by _Torquemada_, Vol. i. P. 725. Most of the Discoveries are reported to have been made by Ships coming from the _Moluccas_, or from the _Philippine_ Islands to the Eastward, and which have met with bad Weather. And what, in those Times, Ships were necessitated to do, if there was a Continuance of hard Gales of Wind, we may learn from the Schedule of _Philip_ the Third, History of _California_, Vol. i. P. 175, after mentioning a Harbour found by _Vizcaino_, on the Western Coast of _California_, adds, 'And lies very convenient for Ships returning from the _Philippine_ Islands to put into, and thus, in case of Storms, avoid the Necessity of making for _Japan_, as they have several Times done, and expended great Sums of Money. Besides, they usually have Sight of the Coast of _China_, which is an additional Benefit, as knowing where they are, they will not as formerly, in case of bad Weather, make for _Japan_, or those Islands, as the same Winds which would carry them thither, bring them into this Harbour. Again, P. 177, considering how much it concerns the Security of Ships coming from those Islands, in a Voyage of no less than 2000 Leagues, on a wide and tempestuous Sea, that they should be provided with a Port where they might put in and furnish themselves with Water, Wood, and Provisions: That the said Port of _Monterey_ lies in 37 Degrees, nearly about half Way the Voyage.' A Ship flying before the Wind, and the People steering her towards the Coast of _America_, to avoid _Japan_ and the Islands, making a Cape Land on the Coast of _California_, would run for what they supposed a Harbour, and the bad Weather continuing might proceed up the Bay or Opening they were then in, to meet with the Inhabitants, in order to obtain Refreshments, and to learn where they were, by which Means find a Passage. As Ships were distressed in hard Gales of Wind, in the Manner the Schedule mentions, there is no Improbability of a Passage being first accidentally discovered by a single Ship coming from Sea with a leading Wind into a large Opening, in Expectation of a Harbour, though such Discovery hath not been made by Ships intentionally sent along Shore for that Purpose. It is to be observed, the People of the _Philippine_ Islands are those who most talked of a Passage: They informed _Peche_ and others; and it is easily accounted for why they should do so: For if the _Portugueze_ made the Discovery in a Ship from the _Moluccas_, there was a constant Intercourse between them and the People of the _Philippines_; and whether the Discovery was made by the _Spaniards_ or _Portugueze_, some of the Company who were aboard such Ship as had passed through the Streight from the _South_ to the _North Sea_, would return to the _Moluccas_ or the _Philippines_; and others would meet their Acquaintance from thence in _Portugal_ or _Old Spain_; who would take Pleasure in relating to them the Accounts of their Voyage, and which they who heard those Accounts would be equally fond of communicating to others, especially when they returned back to the _Indies_. By which Means it would be known that there had been such a Discovery; and it would be out of the Power of the King of _Spain_ or _Portugal_ to prevent its being so far known, but could prevent the Account of such Discovery being published, or the Particulars communicated to Foreigners. In the Year 1568 _Salvatierra_, a Gentleman of _Spain_, who had accidentally landed in _Ireland_ from the _West Indies_, gave an Account of a Passage having been made by one _Andrew Urdanietta_, and by the Circumstances of that Account it was about the Year 1556 or 1557. This _Urdanietta_ was a Friar, was with and greatly assisted _Andrew Miguel Lopez de Legaspi_ in the Expedition to the _Philippine_ Islands in the Year 1564, and was called the celebrated Religious _Andrew de Urdanietta_. His being thus employed, and so serviceable in this Expedition to the _Philippine_ Islands, as he is said to have been, implies, that he had a prior Knowledge of those Parts, and must have been there before; and the Character that _Salvatierra_ gave of him to Sir _Hugh Sydney_, then Lord Deputy of _Ireland_, and Sir _Humphrey Gilbert_, was, that he was the greatest Discoverer by Sea that was in that Age. _Salvatierra_ said that _a North-west Passage_ was constantly believed to be in _America_ navigable; and that _Urdanietta_ had shewed him at _Mexico_ eight Years before _Salvatierra_ arrived in _Ireland_, a Chart made from his own Observations in a Voyage in which he came from _Mare del Zur_ into _Germany_, through this North-west Passage, wherein such Passage was expressed, agreeing with _Ortelius_'s Map: That _Urdanietta_ had told the King of _Portugal_ of it as he came there from _Germany_ in his return home; but the King earnestly intreated him not to discover this Secret to any Nation: _For that_ (said he) _if_ England _had once a Knowledge and Experience of it, it would greatly hinder the King of_ Spain _and me_. And _Salvatierra_ was himself persuaded of a Passage by the Friar _Urdanietta_, and by the common Opinion of the _Spaniards_ inhabiting _America_. It was this Account with some other that gained the Attention of the greatest Men of that Age to pursue the Discovery of a North-west Passage. Neither would _Dudley_, _Walsingham_, or Sir _Humphrey Gilbert_, and other honourable Persons about the Court, be deceived with fictitious Stories, and pursue a Phantom. Could the great Abilities and Penetration of a _Walsingham_ be defective in this Respect, which was so perfect in all other Respects, as to be the Admiration of the present Age. Those who condemn this Account, and some other Accounts of this Sort, have not considered, that upon a slight Surmise or Suspicion only they put their Judgments in Competition with and in Contradiction to the Judgments of those great Men, who embraced no Opinion as to any Matter but what was founded in Reason, and all the Circumstances relating to which they had first fully considered, and which Opinion they adhered to. As to a North-west Passage, making a Distinction between the Disappointments as to the effecting the Discovery of a Passage, and the Probability there was of their being such Passage. The King of _Spain_ was equally successless as to the Execution, and at the same Time as much assured of the Practicability of making it; for which Reason Secretary _Walsingham_ was concerned at his Death, as the Attention of the Publick was drawn to a _North-east_ Passage, by which nothing more was proposed than a Trade to _Cathæy_ or _China_, and that a North-west Passage was neglected on the Part of the _English_. It was an Opinion received in _England_ in the Year 1560, or earlier, that there was such a Passage; and before the _Philippines_ were settled by the _Spaniards_. Soon after the Discovery of _Urdanietta_, _Frobisher_, who set out in 1576, is said to have projected his Design, and made an Application for fifteen Years before. Did not succeed in the City probably, as they might not see any certain Advantage; but when he applied to the Court he succeeded. On what Plan he went is also evident, to find an Entrance to Northward of the _Labrador_; for when he fell in with the South-west Part of _Greenland_, it was supposed by him to be the _Labrador_ Coast. There is another Account on the Oath of _Thomas Cowles_ of _Bedmester_, taken the 9th of _April_ 1579, at a Time when Oaths were considered by all People as solemn and sacred Obligations to declare the Truth. He says that six Years before, he heard a _Portugueze_ read a Book which he set out six Years before in print in the _Portugal_ Tongue, declaring that he, _Martin Chacke_, had found, now twelve Years past, a Way from the _Portugal Indies_ through the Gulph of _Newfoundland_, which he thought to be in Latitude 59° of the North Pole, by Means that he being in the said _Indies_ with four Ships of great Burthen, and he himself being in a small Ship of eighty Ton, far driven from the Company of the other four Ships with a West Wind; after that he had passed along by a great Number of Islands, which were in the Gulph of the said _Newfoundland_, and after that he overshot the Gulph, he set no more Sight on any other Land, until he fell in with the North-west Part of _Ireland_; and from thence he took his Course homeward, and by that Means came to _Lisbon_ four or five Weeks before the other Ships. But the Books were afterwards called in by the King's Order. This Passage was made about ten Years after that of _Urdanietta_; and it is probable _Chacke_ was encouraged to proceed through such Passage, from the Report or an Account which he had heard of such Passage having been before made. It is evident he met with some Difficulties in such Passage which delayed him, as the Ships were at _Lisbon_ so soon after him, and as he expresses that he was far driven from the other four Ships he left them in a low Latitude, and being got to the Northward, without any Expectation of rejoining them, proceeded intentionally to make his Voyage by the Passage; which he would not have done to the Hazard of losing his Vessel and Cargo, for he was not on Discovery, but returning to _Lisbon_ in Company with other loaden Vessels, from whom he was separated, unless he had been assured that what he undertook was practicable, and a Passage had been made by some Vessel before that Time. This Account was received as a Truth by the principal People of the Kingdom, who certainly made a due Enquiry as to the Character of the Person who made the Affidavit with respect to his Capacity, there would be a proper Precaution also, at the Time of administering such Affidavit, that it was exact and only what he knew positively as to this Matter, tho' there might be other Circumstances which he was not so positive in. And as this Account was at that Time believed, it must have been on better Reasons than can be at present urged by any one to call the Veracity of this Account in Question. _Juan de Fuca_ (the Account is from _Purchase_ and _North-west Fox_) was an ancient Pilot, who had been in the _West India_ of _Spain_ for near forty Years, and had sailed as Mariner and Pilot to many Places thereof in Service of the _Spaniards_. He was Pilot of three small Ships which the _Viceroy_ of _Mexico_ sent from thence, armed with a hundred Soldiers, under a _Spaniard_ Captain, to discover the Streights of _Anian_ along the Coast of the _South Sea_, and to fortify in that Streight, to resist the Passage of the _English_ Nation, but by Reason of a Mutiny which happened amongst the Soldiers, for some ill Practices of the Captain, the Voyage was overset, and they returned to _New Spain_. The Viceroy sent _de Fuca_ out again in 1592, with a small Caravel and Pinnace, armed with Mariners only, for the Discovery of the said Streights. Finding the Land to trend North and North-east, with a broad Inlet between 47 and 48, he entered it, and sailing therein more than twenty Days, found the Land trending still, sometimes North-west, sometimes North-east, and also South-eastward, far broader Sea than at the said Entrance; and passed by diverse Islands in that Entrance. He went upon Land in several Places, and saw some People on Land, clad in Beasts Skins; and that the Land was very fruitful, and rich of Gold and Silver, and Pearls, and other Things like _Nova Hispania_. Being entered thus far in the said Streight, and come into the _North Sea_ already, and finding the Sea wide enough every where, and to be about thirty or forty Leagues wide in the Streight where he entered; he thought he had well discharged his Office, and done the Thing he was sent to do; and that he not being armed to resist the Force of the savage People, that might happen to assault him, therefore set sail and returned to _Nova Hispania_, where he arrived at _Aquapulco, Anno 1592_, hoping to be well rewarded by the Viceroy for his Voyage so performed. The Viceroy received him kindly, and gave him Promises; but after an Expectation of two Years the Viceroy wished him to go to _Spain_, where the King would reward him; and he accordingly went. He was well received at Court; but after long Suit could get no Reward to his Content, so stole away and came to _Italy_, to live amongst his Kindred in his own Country, being very old, a _Greek_ by Birth, born in the Island of _Sepholonica_, and his proper Name _Apostollos Valerianos_. _De Fuca_ went first to _Leghorn_, then to _Florence_, where he met one _John Dowlass_, an _Englishman_, a famous Mariner, ready coming for _Venice_, to be a Pilot for a _Venetian_ Ship to _England_; they went in Company to _Venice_. _Dowlass_ being acquainted with Mr. _Lock_, at least a considerable Merchant if not a Consul there; gave him an Account of this _de Fuca_, and introduced him to Mr. _Lock_, who gave Mr. _Lock_ the preceding Account; and made a Proposal, if Queen _Elizabeth_ would make up the Loss which he had sustained aboard the _Aquapulco_ Ship taken by Captain _Cavendish_, which was to the Value of sixty Thousand Ducats, he would go to _England_, and serve her Majesty to discover the _North-west Passage_ into the _South Sea_, and engage his Life for the Performance, with a Ship of forty Tons and a Pinnace. They had two several Meetings on this Occasion; and _Lock_, at _de Fuca_'s Request, wrote to the old Lord _Treasurer Cecil_, Sir _Walter Rawleigh_, and Mr. _Richard Hackluit_, the Cosmographer, desiring a Hundred Pounds for to pay his Passage to _England_. His Friends wrote _Lock_ Word, the Action was very well liked, if the Money could be procured. As no great Expectations were to be had from this Answer, _de Fuca_ left _Venice_ in a Fortnight after, pursued his Design of going to _Greece_, and there died. There is nothing in this Relation but what is very natural and simple. _De Fuca_'s Demand was excessive, for which Reason, probably, as a Man who over-rated his Services, he was not rewarded by the _Viceroy_ or the _King_; yet the _Viceroy_ availed himself of him, by sending him to Court to give an Account of his Voyage, which he might be ordered to do, as another Expedition was desired, and a Representation for that Purpose made by the Viceroy _Luis Velasco_, as is mentioned in the Schedule of the King. History of _California_, P. 173. It did not appear that he could certainly perform what he undertook, concluding he was in the _North Sea_, from such Sea returned back to _New Spain_, therefore had not acquired a Knowledge of the Entrance into the Streights from the Eastward; which was the Difficulty that obstructed this Discovery on the Part of the _English_, and had been so much sought after, but unsuccessfully. His Age was also a very material Objection, that he would scarce be able to bear the Fatigue of such a Voyage, his Desire to undertake which immediately proceeded from his Avarice: Nor was it confident that the Hundred Pounds should be sent over to bring him to _England_, if the other Part of the Terms could not be complied with; which seems to be the Meaning of the Expression, the Action is well liked of if the Money could be procured. And _de Fuca_, whose Motive for proposing this Undertaking, was to be satisfied for his Loss by Captain _Cavendish_, would not have altered his Design of going into his own Country, and proceeded to _England_, unless he was assured of his being so gratified on a Performance of what he undertook. _Dowlass_, who was a good Mariner, as he travelled with him, and kept his Company, would have had particular and frequent Conversation with _de Fuca_, and who, as a Mariner, was more capable of finding out if his Account was true, and was thoroughly satisfied it was so, as he spoke to Mr. _Lock_ about him. Neither _Lock_ nor _Dowlass_ could have any sinister Views, but only animated by a publick Spirit to do their Country so acceptable a Service, which it was thought to be in _England_, as it is said the Action is well liked of. As to _de Fuca_ being taken Prisoner by Captain _Cavendish_, and how did he escape out of the Hands of the _English_? When the Ship was taken all the People were put ashore on the Coast of _California_, the Goods were taken out, and then the Ship was set a Fire, which burnt to the Water Mark, the Wreck floated ashore, they erected Jury-masts in her, and fortunately got to _Aquapulco_. _De Fuca_ says, the Cause he thought of the ill Reward he had of the _Spaniards_ was, that they understood very well the _English_ Nation had now given over all their Voyages for the Discovery of a _North-west Passage_, wherefore they feared not them to come any more that Way into the _South Sea_; and therefore they needed not his Service therein any more: Which is so far agreeable to the Accounts of those Times, that, after the Death of Sir _Francis Walsingham_, the Discovery of a North-west Passage had no Patron at Court; and Sir _Francis_ had particularly interested himself in procuring _Davis_ to go on his last Expedition. The Discovery was not re-assumed until the Year 1602, by the _Muscovy_ Company, who had never engaged as a Company in this Discovery; but having made some successless Attempts, as to the North-east Passage, fitted out Capt. _George Weymouth_ for the Discovery of a North-west Passage, which it is observable was the same Year with _Vizcaino_'s Expedition. And it is observable the next Expedition for the Discovery of a North-west Passage, was not until the Year 1606, when Mr. _John Knight_ was fitted out; and the same Year the King of _Spain_ orders _Vizcaino_ on a third Expedition, but _Vizcaino_ died, though in the interim _Vizcaino_ had been to _Old Spain_, to make Application to make a fresh Attempt, at his own Expence, and he could not obtain Permission of his Majesty. As the Expeditions which the Court of _Spain_ order peremptorily to be undertaken, correspond as to the Time with those from _England_, shews a Jealousy on the Part of the King of _Spain_ that the _English_ might succeed as to a Passage through the Streights. And though it is mentioned as the principal Design in the Expeditions by Order of the King of _Spain_, is the Discovery of a Harbour for the _Aquapulco_ Ship, the Publick understood there was yet a farther Design, and as much may be collected from the King of _Spain_'s Schedule in 1606. Count _de Monterey_, 'by pursuing the Discovery intended by _Don Luis de Velasco_, wrote to me concerning, and was of Opinion that small Vessels from the Harbour of _Aquapulco_ were the fittest; and that in the Discovery might be included the Coasts and Bays of the Gulph of _California_, and of the Fishery, to which, in my Letter of the 27th of _September_ 1599, I ordered to be answered, that the Discovery, and making Draughts, with Observations of that Coast, and the Bays along it, having appeared to me _highly convenient_, it was my Will he should immediately put it in Execution, without troubling himself about _California_, unless occasionally--And _Sebastian Vizcaino_ carefully informed himself of these _Indians_, and many others, whom he discovered along the Coast for above eight Hundred Leagues; and they all told him, that up the Country there were large Towns, Silver, and Gold; whence he is inclined to believe that great Riches may be discovered, especially as, in some Parts of the Land, Veins of Metal are to be seen; and that the Time of their Summer being known, a farther Discovery might be made of them by _going within_ the Country, and that the Remainder of it may be discovered along the Coast, as it reaches beyond 42 Degrees, the Limits specified to the said _Sebastian Vizcaino_ in his Instructions.' Though these Orders were received in _Mexico_ in 1599, no Voyage was set out on until 1602, the Time that _Weymouth_ sailed, then probably enforced by additional Orders from the Court of _Spain_. The Expedition which was overturned by the Mutiny of the Soldiers, seems to have been about the Time of Captain _Davis_'s Expedition; for _de Fuca_ says, after the Voyage was so ill ended, the Viceroy set him out again in 1592, which implies a Distance of Time between the first and second Voyage. The Instructions _Vizcaino_ had in the first Voyage were given by the Viceroy, for it was the Viceroy who appointed him, and were formed according to the Opinion that the Land beyond forty-two Degrees took a Course to Westward and Southward of West. And the Maps were constructed agreeable thereto, therefore the King says, '_Vizcaino_ had represented to him that the Coast, as far as 40 Degrees, lies North-west and South-east, and that in the two other Degrees, which makes up the 42 Degrees, it lies North and South,' and, as before mentioned, says, 'and that the Remainder of it may be discovered along the Coasts, as it reaches beyond 42 Degrees, the Limits specified to the said _Sebastian Vizcaino_ in his Instructions.' Therefore when _Martin Aguilar_ got to 43 Degrees and found an Opening, he concluded, as the Coast was represented to be terminated to the Northward, by the Maps and Charts in Use, that this must be the desired Streights; and therefore said on their Return, 'they should have performed a great deal more, had their Health not failed them; for it is certain that only fourteen Persons enjoyed it at _Cape Blanco_. The General and those that were with him had a mind to go through the Streight, which they call of _Anian_, and is said to be thereabouts. It had been entered by the foreign Ship, who gave Intelligence of it to the King, describing its Situation, and how through that Passage one might reach the _North Sea_, and then sail back to _Spain_, along _Newfoundland_ and the Islands of _Baccalaos_, to bring an Account of the Whole to his Majesty.' _Torquemada_, Vol. i. P. 725. But it is very plain the King had another Information of this Matter, and as to the Extent of the Land to Northward. _Luis de Velasco_ was the Viceroy in whose Time the Expedition of _de Fuca_ was; and the Expedition of _Vizcaino_ was under the Direction of the Count _de Monterey_, who was either not informed of what had been done by _de Fuca_, or might not think _de Fuca_'s Account of sufficient Authority to justify him, the Viceroy, in drawing his Instructions agreeable thereto; contrary to the general Opinion of the Cosmographers at that Time, and the Description they gave of the Coasts in their Maps. It must appear from what hath been said that there are no such great Improbabilities in the Accounts of _Salvatierre_, _Chacke_, or _de Fuca_, as hath been represented. It is also evident that the _English_ had great Expectations of succeeding; and the Court of _Spain_ had great Apprehensions we should meet with Success, and be enabled to attain a Passage by the Streight of _Anian_ into the _South Sea_; for which there must have been some reasonable Foundation both on the Part of the one and the other. The _English_ were first induced to attempt the Discovery of such a Passage, from the Accounts which they had from _Spain_ of there being such a Passage. The Court of _Spain_ entertained, as hath been shewn, an Opinion of there being such a Passage from the Time they conquered _Mexico_; and, agreeable to what _Torquemada_ says, had a certain Account of it, or at least an Account which appeared to the King to be authentick. What that Account really contained we do not know, nor was it consistent that it should be made publick; therefore what is said as to the Particulars of it are but Conjecture, and Representations upon Reports, for which the Reporters could have no real Authority. As _Vizcaino_ regretted being prevented, by the Sickness of his People that he could not go round the World, and have carried home to _Old Spain_ his Account of his Expedition. This firm Persuasion that he should have accomplished his Passage to _Old Spain_, by the Streight of _Anian_, must have been from some Information which he had received before he set out, that such Passage was practicable: Neither is it mentioned as if he proposed making a Discovery of it, but as of a Thing before done. It was the Opinion of all those who were with him, that it was practicable; which is agreeable to what _Salvatierra_ informed Sir _Hugh Sydney_, and Sir _Humphrey Gilbert_, That a _North-west Passage from us to_ Cathay _was constantly believed in_ America _navigable_. _Vizcaino_, who is represented as a Commander of great Conduct and Discretion (and which the Account of his Voyage expresses him to have been) would not have attempted to make a Passage thro' such Streights, to the Hazard, perhaps entire Loss, of the King's Ships, and what he had before done rendered of no Effect, unless he had a discretionary Power either to pass to _Old Spain_ by these Streights, or return to _Aquapulco_. After the Expedition of _Knight_ failed, and _Vizcaino_ died, we hear of no other Expeditions at the Expence of or by the positive Order of the Court of _Spain_ until that of Admiral _Cassanate_, who went the third Year after the Expedition of _de Fonte_, to make a Survey of the Coast of _California_; yet we have no Reason to conclude there were no other Expeditions, but it is rather to be supposed that, after the _English_ had proceeded in their Discoveries as far as _Hudson_'s Bay, the Court of _Spain_ thought it necessary, and found an effectual Way of keeping their Expeditions, both in respect to their Equipment and what was done on such Expeditions a Secret, by sending Officers from _Old Spain_ to conduct them, and as to which the Religious would not think themselves at Liberty to make any Publication without the Permission of the Court. Having no Intercourse by Trade with those Parts, we cannot be acquainted with what is transacted in those Parts, any further than what the _Spanish_ Writers are permitted to inform us, and the imperfect and uncertain Intelligence of those who have been cruizing in those Seas. The _Spanish_ Nation have been particularly cautious of keeping the Knowledge of their Coast secret: Neither was it known, in the Year 1745, that an exact Survey was made of those Coasts until _Pasco Thomas_ annexed to his Account of Lord _Anson_'s Expedition, published in 1745, a Copy of a Manuscript, which Manuscript contained an Account of the Latitudes and Longitudes of all the most noted Places in the _South Sea_, corrected from the latest Observations by _Manuel Monz Prieto_, Professor of Arts in _Peru_, and are composed with as much Precision and Exactness, as Tables of that Sort are usually made; but when these Coasts were surveyed to the Northward, to attain a Knowledge of which was formerly attended with such immense Difficulty; and to what Purpose and what Trade is carried on there, we are at present entire Strangers to. It is by Accident only that we have this Account; and if the _Spanish_ Nation have used this Precaution, with respect to the Knowledge of their Coasts, undoubtedly they would use the same Caution with respect to giving us any Insight as to how we might find a more ready Access to such Coasts by a _North-west_ Passage. The Point of _Sueste del Estrech d'Anian_, inserted in such Tables, shews the Opinion of the Streights is far from being exploded; but it is acknowledged by the Geographers of _Peru_ and _New Spain_, at the present Time, that there are such Streights. The naming the _South Point_ of the _Streight_ implies there is Land to the Northward, as to which it doth not seem to be consistent with the Purpose of the Person who composed this Table to take any Notice, but that there is such Land is confirmed by the _Russian_ Discoveries. The Extent of _America_ to Northward and Westward, that _America_ and _Asia_ were contiguous and only separated by a Streight, that _California_ was an Island, that a _Passage_ by the _North-east_ was practicable, have been by later _Geographers_ treated as _Chimeras_, contrary to the earliest Accounts, and the Reports of the first Discoverers, and which, by later Accounts, the Consequence of actual Observations are found to be true. There was a Simplicity and Honour in the People of that Age; there was no Motive for telling the Lie, that they faithfully reported the Discoveries they made, and if a Falshood was discovered it might be dangerous in the Consequences; their Voyages were not lucrative Jobs, in Hopes of a Repetition of which they formed their Accounts accordingly. There was no particular System to support, for the Parts they went to were entirely unknown, that a Reward and Reputation should be procured through a prevailing Interest to such as spoke in Favour of the System. While those to whose Fidelity and Assiduity alone it would be owing that such Discoveries were made, though repeated Endeavours were used to render the Undertaking ineffectual; and through whose Means alone the Truth would be made known to the Publick; should be ill spoken of, accused of Bribery, discountenanced, and the whole Merit ascribed to, where it would be least deserved, and, in Truth, where there could not be the least Pretension. Nevertheless the Reward given would be an Instance of a generous Regard in those who had Power to bestow of rewarding Merit, though they were inevitably deceived as to the proper Persons to whom such Reward should have been given. No Authorities have been produced from Tradition or History which oppose the Probability of there being a North-west Passage, or the Reality of this Account of _de Fonte_, which the more we examine the less there appears to be of a Falsity, the Circumstances of it so consistent and united, and there are so many extra Circumstances which concur with that Account, that we cannot but admit to be an incontestable Truth. We have not had a full Account of the Voyages and Expeditions of the _Spaniards_ in _New Spain_, as some of them have not been permitted to be published. _Venegas_ particularly mentions, Vol. i. P. 14, and in other Parts, There are also Accounts of Voyages made to other Parts of the World, which are only preserved in the Collections of the Curious, and it is known but to few Persons that such Voyages were ever made. There are some Voyages which are mentioned to have been made, but cannot, after the most diligent Inquiries, be procured; yet it is no just Objection to the Authenticity of such Voyages, or as to their not having been made. What the first Discoverers represented as to the Extent of _America_, its being contiguous to _Asia_, as to _California_, and as to a North-east Passage, being in all Respects found to be true, there is the greatest Reason to believe that there is a North-west Passage; and it is consistent with that Precaution which the _Spanish_ Nation have made Use of, that we should not have any authentick Accounts relating to such Passage, which they were desirous of discovering as a shorter Way to the _Spice_ Islands and the _Indies_. But when the King of _Portugal_ and _Spain_ came to an Agreement as to the _Moluccas_, the principal Reason for making such Discovery was determined, and it became their mutual Interest that it should not be known that there was such a Passage. Their continued Silence with respect to such Passage, implies they are acquainted with there being such a Passage, though not to an Exactness. It cannot imply they are dubious, when we consider the Number of Circumstances there are already mentioned, which express the contrary. There are Circumstances in _de Fonte_'s Account which shew the Inference of there being no _North-west Passage_ is not just, though just as far as it appeared to _de Fonte_, as the River _Parmentiers_ was not navigable for Shipping. One Circumstance is, that in the River _Haro_, and Lake _Velasco_, there were Salmon Trouts and large white Perch; also in _Los Reyes_ and Lake _Belle_, but in Lake _de Fonte_ excellent Cod and Ling; which are Fish that always abide in the Salt Water, the others come out of the Salt Water into the fresh Waters to spawn. Which _de Fonte_ would account for that they came into the Lake _de Fonte_ from the _North Sea_, and when he passed the Streight of _Ronquillo_, supposed himself to be in that Sea, or from the Intelligence that he obtained from _Shapley_ that he was in a Gulph or Branch of it. Another Circumstance, as it flowed in the River _Los Reyes_ twenty-two Feet, and in _Haro_ twenty-four, and but a small Tide went into Lake _Belle_, _de Fonte_ concluded that the Western Tide terminated there, and that as the Waters rose to such a Heighth at the Entrance of those Rivers, that it was a Gulph he was in which confined these Waters and occasioned their rise at such Entrances of the Rivers. That the Tides in _Parmentiers_, Lake _de Fonte_, and the Streights of _Ronquillo_, were from the _North Sea_. But by later Observations of the Rise of the Tides, a Tide cannot proceed from _Hudson_'s Bay to that Sea where _Shapley_ was met by _de Fonte_, than through the Streights of _Ronquillo_ into the great Lake of _de Fonte_, and afterwards to rise so high in the River _Parmentiers_. Neither can such a Tide proceed through the broken Land to Northwards of _Hudson_'s Streights, named _Cumberland_ Isles (formerly _Estotland_) and which extend as far as Latitude 70; for it is evident the Strength of such Tides is spent in _Hudson_'s Bay and _Baffin_'s Bay: For at the Bottom of _Hudson_'s Bay it flowed but two Feet, at the Bottom of _Fretum Davis_ or _Baffin_'s Bay, but one Foot. Which is agreeable to the Opinion of all the Discoverers of that Time, as to the Eastern Tide from the Proportion that the great Spaces or Seas which were to receive it bore to the Inlets by which it came in, that the Force of such Tide must be consumed in such Seas, and therefore expected to meet with a Tide from Westward, which counterchecked the Eastern Tide. On the other Hand, if we consider this Tide to be from the Western Ocean, such Tide forced through various Entrances up a Streight as that of _de Fuca_, must enter the Sea where _Shapley_ was met, with great Impetuosity; rise in Heighth proportionable to the Width in all Openings that there are to receive it. As it is the Tide round _Greenland_, and that which comes from the Southward along the Coast of _Labrador_, being both received in those Indraughts of _Hudson_'s Streights, and the broken Lands of _Cumberland_ Isles, which causes the Rise of the Tides there. It may be supposed that the _North-east_ Part of the _South Sea_, and the Streight of _de Fuca_, received the Tides which set to Eastward along the Western Main from _Beering_'s Streights, and the Tide which comes from the Southward along the Coast of _California_. That the Tide is not from the _Tartarian Sea_, in Lake _de Fonte_, _&c._ is evident from _Bernarda_'s Account, who shews there is no Communication with that Sea and the Sea that _Shapley_ was met in. As to the Cod and Ling in Lake _de Fonte_, or as to Salmon, it is not known that there are either Cod, Ling or Salmon in _Hudson_'s Bay: Neither have there been found Shoals or Banks to which the Cod could repair; nor is it known that any Cod have been catched beyond Latitude 57; an Article to which _Davis_ was particularly attentive: Therefore it is not probable that they should come from the _North Sea_ through _Hudson_'s Bay to Lake _de Fonte_. _De Fonte_ mentions Shoals in the North-east Part of the _South Sea_, which he passed up. And in _Vizcaino_'s Voyage there is an Account that, off the Island _Geronymo_ on the Coast of _California_, the Ships Companies supplied themselves with Cod and Ling; which shews there are Cod and Ling in those Seas. It was reasonable for _de Fonte_ to suppose that the Cod and Ling came from the Eastward from the _Baccaloos_, neither could he otherwise suppose, as the contrary is only known from Observations made much later than that Time. _Fox_ had advanced in 1635, when he published the Account of his Voyage, that there was a free and open Communication of the Western Ocean with _Hudson_'s Bay: Which was looked on as an incontestable Fact until the Voyage of Captain _Middleton_. What _Fox_ said was consistent with the Opinion which all the Discoverers had of the Proximity of the Western Ocean; who therefore judged of the Probability of their Success in the Parts they went into, from the Course of the Tides, which if there was no Western Tide there was no Passage. This probably prevented that Success, as to a Discovery of a Passage, which through their Assiduity might otherwise have been obtained, had they not paid such a Regard to the Tides, but made a due Survey of the Inlets and Openings of the Coast, which on their not finding that a Western Tide came from thence they deserted, which was also the Case as to Captain _Moor_ in the Search of _Pistol Bay_ as called, to Southward of Lord _Southwell_'s Isles, there was no Western Tide; therefore a compleat Discovery of that Part was not made. It is to be considered that the Northern and Eastern Parts of _America_, are more intermixed with Waters than the Parts to Southward are, being a high mountainous Country. The Mountains chiefly consisting of a brown rocky Substance, not penetrable by the melting Snows or Spring Rains, which therefore run off into the Levels and Valleys, and form inland Seas, great Lakes, and Inlets, which vent their Waters into the Ocean, necessary for carrying off that great Quantity and vast Bodies of Ice which are formed in the Winter in those Parts, not to be dissolved, as the greater Part is which is formed to the Southward, by the Influence of the Sun. The Northern and Westward Part of _America_ is also mountainous, and high Ridges of Mountains were seen from the Head of _Wager_ Bay on the opposite Shore of what appeared to be a Lake; therefore there must be Lakes and Seas to Westward, Reservoirs for the melting Snows and Rains, also some Outlet or Channel to carry off the great Quantities of Ice also formed in those Parts; and with which _Barnarda_'s Account is consistent, and the greatest Reservoir and Discharge seems to be to the Northward by that North-east Part of the _Tartarian Sea_. The Lake _Velasco_, Lake _Belle_, Lake _de Fonte_, may be all supposed to proceed from the same Cause, the melting Snows and Rains, receive the Ice from the Waters which run into them, which, from the Strength of the Currents and Tides, is soon shot from the Shores of such Lakes, broken to Pieces and carried off into some Passage or Inlet into the _South Sea_; and such a Vent or Channel to carry off such Bodies of Ice must necessarily be, agreeable to what is known by Observation in other Parts. The Objection of the great Distance it is between the Ocean and the Sea at the Back of _Hudson_'s Bay, and where _Shapley_ was met, will appear of no Validity when we consider the Distance between the Streights of _Gibraltar_ and the Northern Part of the _Black Sea_. Between the Entrance of the _Sound_ to the Entrance of the _White Sea_, between which there is Communication of Waters, or very nearly so. And from Point _Comfort_ in _Hudson_'s Bay to Alderman _Smith_'s Sound in _Baffin_'s Bay, between which there is a Communication of Waters without entering into the _Ocean_ or _Davis_ Streights. From Lake _Superior_ to the Streights of _Belle Isle_ at the Back of _Newfoundland_, or to _Cape Breton_, is near forty Degrees of Longitude, or equal to 390 Leagues. And Lake _Superior_ hath a Communication with _Hudson_'s Bay. This great Afflux of Waters form such Meanders and Labyrinths, as it is impossible to say whether there is a Communication of Waters, or whether the Waters are divided by smaller or larger Tracts or Slips of Land, without an absolute Survey. The Lands so double or fold one within the other, that unless you get a proper Sight of such Lands so as to distinguish this, to discover the Opening that is between them, there is an Appearance of a Continuance of the Land, and consequently of a Termination of the Waters. So long as the Tide Argument prevailed it was not thought necessary to be so accurate in the Searches. A Sight of the Land trending a Course contrary to that Course which the Discoverers were to pursue to make a Passage, and the Tide coming from the Eastward, rendered a Search any further in those Parts unnecessary: and it may be owing to the great Impropriety of adopting a particular System, more than to any other Cause, that the Discovery of a North-west Passage was not made by those brave industrious Discoverers, who in a Series succeeded each other from _Frobisher_ to _James_ and _Fox_. This seems to be certain, that there must be one great Channel, as _Hudson_'s Streights are to Eastward, also to Westward though intricate by which the Waters to Westward pass into the _South Sea_, and as that to Northward, the North-east Part of the _Tartarian Sea_. We already know there is not a Communication by _Hudson_'s Bay, thro' any Inlet by which the Waters do come in there or sufficient for that Purpose; neither round the Head of _Repulse_ Bay, for then the Current would have been met coming from Westward. Therefore such Channel must be to Southward and Westward, consistent with _de Fuca_'s Account of a Streight, in some such Manner as is represented in the Map annexed. Which Account also agreeable to that of _Peche_. _De Fuca_ says, he sailed twenty-six Days up such Streight before he entered the Sea; that the Streight grew wider before he entered the Sea. If we allow him fifteen Leagues a Day, from the Entrance of such Streights out of the _South Sea_ to where he entered the Sea, by him supposed the _North Sea_, the Distance is 390 Leagues. As he mentions that he found it wide enough every where, this Expression shews that he did not suppose himself in the Ocean, but in a Gulph of the Ocean. And _Martin Chacke_ expresses himself, that after he overshot the _Gulph_, he set no more Sight on any other Land. Therefore the Distance is agreeable to that Distance which _de Fuca_ must have gone to come into that Sea where _de Fonte_ met _Shapley_; the Description that he saw both Shores, makes a Consistency also in those Accounts. Before _de Fonte_'s Expedition, _Hudson_'s Bay had been discovered, yet that Discovery made no Alteration as to the Accounts of _de Fuca_ and _Chacke_, as _Fox_ said beyond Lat. 64, round that Land there was incontestably a Communication with the Western Ocean. Here is an Agreement in three Accounts, by separate Persons at a Distance of Time, who had no Intelligence of what had been done by each other; for _Chacke_ was a _Portugueze_; and as _de Fuca_ had made his Report to the Viceroy of _New Spain_ of what he had done, and what he had done seems to be mostly accounted of by himself, therefore no Regard might be had to it in drawing _de Fonte_'s Instructions: All which three Accounts agree in there being a Sea to Westward of _Hudson_'s Bay. _De Fuca_ mentions he was ashore; saw Marks of Gold and Silver; Marquisates the same which was made such an Account of after _Frobisher_'s return from his first Voyage, and from which it may be inferred it was a barren mountainous Country which _de Fuca_ passed through. He was afraid of the Natives, who were clad in Beast Skins; and from whose Behaviour he must have had some Apprehension that they would cut him off, as he mentions that he was not armed against them. _De Fonte_ is very express as to the civil Behaviour of those _Indians_ he met with, so contrary to the Character of those whom _de Fuca_ saw. Therefore those whom _de Fuca_ saw were the _Eskemaux_, who frequent the mountainous and desolate Parts, and near to the Salt Waters where they can catch Fish, also the Seal and the Whale, from which they get many Conveniencies besides what is necessary for their Subsistance; who are mentioned to be also on other Parts of the Coast of _California_; are represented as a fierce and barbarous People, who hold no Treaty or Amity with their Neighbours, who are always in Fear of them. That _de Fonte_ should not pass up the North-east Part of the _South Sea_, but go through Land, must have been, that the North-east Part of the _South Sea_ was represented as a Gulph, not a Streight, from some Observations made prior to that Expedition, as to which the Observers might be deceived, by its taking a Southerly Course through some Inlet or Opening obscured by Islands, or the Entrance narrow, that they concluded it only to be some small Branch which soon terminated; having, at the same Time, a large open Channel before them, which they finding afterwards surrounded with Land, concluded there was no Communication with any other Waters, but that they had seen the Extremity of these Waters to Eastward. That these Waters took a Course through that desert mountainous Country, until they joined with the Waters of the Streights that _de Fuca_ came up, the People of _Conosset_ might not be able to give a just Account of, as they lived so far to Northward and Eastward. Though they, as the Natives of _Conibasset_ also came occasionally into the North-east Part of the _South Sea_; the one mostly frequented to Northward and Eastward, the other to Northward and Westward, as is apparent from _de Fonte_'s Account; where they had level and fruitful Tracts, as they produced so much Maiz; a hunting Country, as there were three Sorts of Deer; also Fish in their Waters. Whereas the Country on the opposite Shore of the North-east Part of the _South Sea_, as is apparent from being the Resort of the _Eskemaux_, would be rugged, rocky, and remarkably barren, with little Intermixtures of level and fruitful Spots. Therefore the People of _Conosset_, or _Conibasset_, would have no Inducements to go into those Parts. May be supposed the opposite Coast was the Limits of their Enemy's Country, with whom if they went to War, and knew that the Waters of the North-east Part of the _South Sea_ did communicate to Southward with other Waters; yet it cannot be imagined that they went up those Waters so far in their Enemy's Country of so wild a Disposition, where they were always in Danger of being surprized, as to know whether those Waters joined with the Sea in which _Shapley_ was met. Might also be jealous if the Jesuits, or _Parmentiers_, or others who came there, were very particular in their Enquiries, that they intended to go and reside amongst their Enemies, which, as the Nature of _Indians_ is, would cause them to be on the Reserve, and slack in their Informations, as to those Parts. That those Persons who were in those Parts before this Expedition of _de Fonte_, got no Information of this Streight, or of the Waters, as to the Course of them to Southward, there must be a considerable main Land to Southward of Lake _Belle_ and Lake _de Fonte_, as is expressed in the Map, and as to the Sea to Eastward, that Part of it which was to Southward of _Ronquillo_, no more would be apprehended of it, being unacquainted as to the Streight, than that it was a Part of that Sea contiguous to _Hudson_'s Bay; and it not being known at that Time but the Tides came from the Eastward, would have no Reason to infer, from the Sea running to Southward, that it communicated with a Streight there. To take away the Improbability of what is here advanced, we should reflect what Assurances former Discoverers gave, that had but the Season permitted to proceed, they should certainly have made a Passage; though when an Attempt was again made they found their Mistake; and from Observations then made, they saw good Reason to have a different Opinion as to the Nature of the Passage from what they had before, and very reasonable, as their Searches were made in Parts entirely unknown; and as to the Appearance of the Land, the Course of the Waters, and the Set of the Tides, the most judicious might be deceived. The _Spanish_ Nation had not been able to make out a Passage by their various Attempts, agreeable to the Accounts of private Persons, which probably might give an Opportunity for the Representations of the Jesuits to be attended to, who would urge every Argument in Behalf of their Discovery, and endeavour to invalidate the former Accounts as to a Passage; which by that Time, from the ill Success as to discovering a Passage, might not be at that Time so much thought of; and as Difference in Time produces a Change in Opinions, whatever makes for the reigning Opinion is adopted, as every Thing that is contradictory is depreciated. The Arguments for the Opinion which prevailed before for a navigable Passage might be treated as fallacious and insignificant, and the Instructions for the Expedition of _de Fonte_ might be drawn agreeable to the Jesuits Plan, whom it is evident knew nothing of a Streight, but considered the Land of _America_ as one continued Continent to Latitude 66. And whatever Weight this Conjecture may have, it is apparent from the Consideration of _de Fonte_'s Letter, that the Instructions were drawn from the Information of some who had been before in those Parts: And by whom can it be supposed more properly that the Court received the Information which they had than from the Jesuits, whose Understanding and Character would admit them to a free Converse with the Minister on a less Occasion than they would now have, to give an Account of those Parts they had been in. The _Court_ of _Spain_ does not seem, from the Proceedings, to be of the same Opinion with the _Jesuits_, or _de Fonte_ after his return. As the Governor of _Cinoloa_ is immediately ordered to take a Survey of the Coasts and Harbours of _California_. And the next Year Admiral _Cassanate_ is sent from _Old Spain_; and it is probable the Court was not of the Opinion of the _Jesuits_ when they gave this Information, but formed the Instructions for _de Fonte_ agreeable thereto. As the most expedient Method, at that Time, for intercepting the People from _Boston_, was to go the Way they gave an Account of with the Boats through Land, as the Ships might meet with Difficulties and Delays in passing up the Streights, also ran great Hazard; the _Boston_ Ship might pass them unperceived. Whereas, on the Plan which was pursued, if they heard by the Natives that the _Boston_ Ship had passed, and taken her Course further to Southward or Westward, _de Fonte_ would have repaired aboard his Ship, proceeded down _Los Reyes_, and with the Diligence which he would have made Use of, fell in with the _Boston_ Ship either in such _North-east_ Part of the _South Sea_, or on the Coast of _California_, leaving Orders for _Barnardo_ how to act in this Respect on his return. From which Conduct, and the Look-out that was kept on the Coast of _Mexico_ and _Peru_, it would have been also impossible for the _Boston_ People, unacquainted with these Parts, and not expecting such a Diligence was used to intercept them, to have made a successful Voyage. That there is a Sea to the Westward of _Hudson_'s Bay is reported by the _Indians_, and is represented to have Ice in it like _Hudson_'s Bay. Governor _Dobbs_, in his Account of the Countries adjoining to _Hudson_'s Bay (P. 19.) mentions from _Joseph le France_, that their Savages reported that in the Bottom of the Northern Bay there is a Streight, they can easily discover Land on the other Side: They had never gone to the End of that Streight. They say there is Ice there all the Year, which is drove by the Wind, sometimes one Way sometimes another. The _Indians_, who are called _Northern Indians_, having their Habitations to North-west of _Churchill_, mention a Sea to the Westward of them, and which is from _Churchill_ Factory in _Hudson_'s Bay twenty-five Days Journey, not a direct Course, but from the round they are obliged to take. They speak of the _Eskemaux Indians_ to Eastward of them, but never give an Account of any other Nations to Northward or Westward of them. Mr. _Scroggs_, who was sent out by the _Hudson_'s Bay Company in 1722, had two Northern _Indians_, whom he carried with him, when he was in about Lat. 62. knew the Country very well, and had a great Desire to go home, saying they were but two or three Days Journey from their Family. And the Northern _Indians_ who were with Captain _Middleton_, were desirous of his going near the Shore, between Lat. 62 Deg. and 64. In Lat. 63° and 14´, Captain _Middleton_ put two of the _Indians_ ashore, who were desirous of returning to their own Country. And the Author saw an _Indian_, whose Daughter had married a Northern _Indian_ and been home with her, direct his own Son to sketch out on a Board with a burnt Stick, the Coast of that Sea, which his Son did, and the Father afterwards took and corrected it where he said the Son had mistook. Governor _Dobbs_, in the Account mentioned P. 45, mentions, 'that _Joseph le France_ was acquainted with an _Indian_, who lived at some Distance from _Nelson_ River in _Hudson_'s Bay, who, about 15 Years before that Time, went to War against a Nation living Northward on the Western Ocean of _America_. When they went they carried their Families with them, and hunted and fished from Place to Place for two Winters and one Summer, having left their Country in Autumn, and in _April_ following came to the Sea Side, on the Western Coast, where they immediately made their Canoes. At some little Distance they saw an Island, which was about a League and a Half long when the Tide was out, or Water fell, they had no Water betwixt them and the Island, but when it rose it covered all the Passage betwixt them and the Island, as high up as the Woods upon the Shore. There they left their Wives and Children, and old Men, to conduct them home and provide them with Provisions, by hunting and shooting for them on the Road; and he, with thirty Warriors, went in Quest of their Enemies the _Tete Plat_. After they parted with their Families they came to a Streight, which they passed in their Canoes. The Sea Coast lay almost East and West; for he said the Sun rose upon his Right Hand, and at Noon it was almost behind him as he passed the Streight, and always set in the Sea. After passing the Streight they coasted along the Shore three Months, going into the Country or Woods as they went along to hunt for Provisions. He said they saw a great many large black Fish spouting up Water in the Sea. After they had coasted for near three Months, they saw the Footsteps of some Men on the Sand; then judged they were near their Enemies, quitted their Canoes, went five Days through the Woods to the Banks of a River, found their Enemy's Town, made an Attack, the Enemy rallied and put them to flight.' Then proceeds, 'upon which they fled to the Woods, and from thence made their Escape to their Canoes before their Enemies overtook them, and after a great deal of Fatigue got to the Streight; and, after getting over, they all died one after the other, except this old Man, of Fatigue and Famine, leaving him alone to travel to his own Country, which took him up about a Year's Time.' When he reached the River _Sakie_ he met his Friends again, who relieved him. The _Indians_ that this antient _Indian_ went to War against, (and this _Indian_ was living at _York Fort_ in _Hudson_'s Bay in 1746) are mentioned to be the _Tete Plat_, or _Plascotez de Chicus_. The Part which they inhabit is variously laid down by the Geographers; by some in Lat. 67, Long. 265 East from _Ferro_, which is the extremest Longitude that their Country is laid down in. Mons. _de Lisle_ and others place them in Lat. 63, and Long. 280 East from _Ferro_, so their true Situation is uncertain. Yet it is apparent that they do not live near to or on the Coast of the _South Sea_, or Western Ocean. For what _Joseph le France_ in this Account, and so of all _Indians_, meant by the Word Sea is any Mass or Collection of Salt Waters which have a Tide. P. 38, in the same Work, giving an Account of the _Indians_ passing down to _York Fort_. 'The River _de Terre Rouge_, and from that Place they descend gradually to the Sea.' By which _Joseph le France_ means _Hudson_'s Bay. Governor _Dobbs_ mentioning the Western Ocean of _America_ is a Mistake, which he was led into as having a Consistency with the System which he had adopted. These Warriors left their own Country in Autumn, are said to have lived near _Port Nelson_ or _York Fort_, and were at the Sea Side in _April_. Their not being sooner is not to be attributed to the Length of the Journey but to the Season of the Year. The old _Indian_ was a Year returning to his own Country; but he was fatigued and almost famished, so labouring under a great Debility, and had his Food to seek in whatever Manner he could procure it. The Winter also came on soon after his return from the Enemy. They were on the Western Side of the Land, which separates _Hudson_'s Bay from that Sea, where they saw so great a Tide. Afterwards passed a Streight, which Streight lay North and South. The Sea they came from and the Sea they passed into after such Streight, laid East and West. They continually kept the Western Shore, as that was the Side on which their Enemy lived; and though they were so long as three Months in their Passage, they were obliged to go every Day ashore to hunt, being thirty in Company, required a pretty considerable Subsistance. Their Canoes can bear no Serge or Wave when the Wind blows, therefore are obliged to keep close to the Shore, and must go to the Bottom of each Bay. This Account agrees both with that of _de Fonte_ and _de Fuca_. The Sea they imbarked on was that at the Back of _Hudson_'s Bay, and the Streight might be formed by some Island, or both the Shores approach each other, tho' the Account is not sufficiently intelligible to make any Description of it in the Map. _De Fuca_ says the Streight grew wider when he entered such Sea, which seems to imply it had been narrow. And the _Indians_, as before-mentioned, said there was a Streight, and they can perceive the Land on the other Side. _De Fuca_ also mentions he went ashore, and found the Land fruitful, and rich of Gold and Silver and Pearls, and other Things, like _Nova Hispania_. Which shews it was a mixed Country; for a fruitful Country and a Produce of Gold and Silver is not a Description compatible with one and the same Part. The one we may suppose the Description of the Parts nearer the Ocean, the other of the Parts where the _Tete Plat_ live: But the old _Indian_ seems also to make a Distinction; for he says they went to hunt in the Country and the Woods. When they had passed the Streight, they came into the broader Part of the Streight of _Anian_, which appeared to them to be a Sea. As to the Place of their Imbarkation, they would be directed by where they could procure Birch to make their Canoes. The true Situation of the Part they went to, nor where they imbarked is not to be determined with any Certainty; but it doth not carry the least Probability that they went to War with a People more than a thousand Miles distant. It is scarce probable they had ever heard the Name of the Inhabitants of those Parts, much more so acquainted with their Situation as to be able to form a Plan of going to conquer them. There must have been some particular Cause for their going to War with a People so far off; what that was it would be difficult to imagine; if it was only to shew their Prowess, they must have had Enemies nearer home, against whom there was a greater Probability of succeeding. Neither could it be at that Distance, as they had one continued Scene of Fatigue until they reached the Streights; their Hearts broken by Reason of the Disappointment, the Heat of Summer, no venturing ashore but for a very short Time, either for Food or Refreshment, as they expected the Conquerors to follow them with Canoes, it would have been impossible for them to have reached the Streight. If they had a hundred Leagues a direct Course until they attained the Place of their Imbarkation, and by going round the Bays, might be near twice that Distance, the Current also against them, it would be sufficient, stout young Fellows, and full of Blood as they were, for what they underwent to be fatal to them. It is evident the Streight was not far from where they imbarked, and the Relation seems to express it so, as they had such a Fatigue in attaining to it. Allowing the _Tete Plat_ to be in Long. 108 Degrees from _London_, and the true Course was W. S. W. or E. N. E. on their return, with a Distance of a hundred Leagues, they would alter their Latitude 114 Miles, and make 277 Miles Departure, which, with 27 Miles to a Degree, would make the Place of their Imbarkation to be in Longitude 98 from _London_, about the Longitude of _Ronquillo_. As to the Latitude where the _Tete Plat Indians_ live, and as to the Longitude it is but conjecture; there is such a Discordancy and Contradiction in the Maps, there is such Uncertainty, that the North-west and West Parts beyond _Hudson_'s Bay in the Latitude of _Churchill_, seem to be entirely unknown. But this is to be observed, and which has been my Direction in these Observations, the _Northern Indians_ and the _Home Indians_ about the Factory of _York_ Fort, mention these _Tete Plat Indians_, and speak of them as their Enemies, therefore they cannot be at so great a Distance as the Western Ocean, neither further than where I have supposed their Country to be. For as the Time the _Indians_ were going there three Months, that is not to be considered so much with respect to the Distance, as they would choose a proper Season, when there were the fewest _Indians_ in the Towns, and were mostly engaged abroad in their Summer hunting. Perhaps there are no People who plan better in the Partizan Way, and execute with more Success. They fix the Time they intend to make their Attack before they set out, then proceed easily and gradually towards their Enemy's Country, allowing a Sufficiency of Time in which they may recover any Accident by which they might be delayed, as unseasonable Weather, Difficulty and Disappointments as to procuring Subsistance, or any Indisposition, that they go to Action in their full Strength and Vigour; as an _Indian_ who conducts an Expedition would be as much contemned for Want of Prudence, on his Return to the Towns, as he would for his Want of Conduct in leading his People to an Attack, and when the Enemy was too powerful not bringing them off without the Loss of a Scalp. In either of which Cases the young People, who observe freely the most exact Discipline, and implicitly obey what he orders, would not go any more to War with him. Which Way the _Boston_ Ship made this Passage is uncertain. _Gibbons_ was acquainted with _Bylot_, was Shipmate with him in Sir _Thomas Button_'s Voyage. _Bylot_ was also with _Gibbons_ the Time he lost his Season, by being detained in the Ice. _Bylot_ made an Expedition for Discovery of a Passage in the Year 1615, on Sir _Thomas Button_ having at a Trial of a Tide off the Island of _Nottingham_, in _Hudson_'s Streights, found it came from the North-west, and to be from an Opening at the Back of _Cary_'s _Swans-nest_, this Tide he went in Pursuit of; and was as far up as Lat. 65 Deg. 26 Min. then supposed where he was was nothing but a Bay, but could not (he had gone up the East) return down the West Shore. Whether _Gibbons_ took his Information from _Bylot_, and pursued his Plan, is uncertain, and found his Way round the Head of _Repulse_ Bay. He was also acquainted with what _Fox_ had done, who went into Lat. 66 Deg. 5 Min. so further than _Bylot_, who did not return down the Western Shore; but his People being indisposed, and not finding a North-west Tide, he hastened home. These Parts, therefore, were not properly searched, the Conclusion drawn for there not being a Passage there, being that the Tide came from the Eastward. Or whether _Gibbons_ went through _Hudson_'s Bay is equally uncertain. The undiscovered Parts of which Bay, or the Openings that were not determined in the Expedition in the Year 1747, are in a Map hereto annexed. But the Termination of _Chesterfield_'s or _Bowden_'s Inlet hath been since searched by the Direction of the _Hudson_'s Bay Company, and a Plan made of it, which I have not seen. Their Design was to go as far up such Inlet until it terminated, or there was a Passage into another Water. But as it is terminated by Land, and if there is no Inlet or Opening left on the North or South Shore unsearched, or a Survey taken from the Heights, by which they could be satisfied there was no Communication with any other Waters by which there could be a Passage, it is to be concluded that _Chesterfield_ Inlet is no Streight or Passage as was expected, and it appeared to be as far as the _Californias_ Boat went up, according to the Report made at that Time. The People who had been in the Boat belonging to the _California_, when the Ship was going up _Wager_ Bay, where, from the Depth of the Water, the Breadth between both Shores, the high mountainous Land, there was great Reason to believe there was a Streight or Passage: Those People declared, if there was a Streight they were assured that _Chesterfield_ Inlet was a Streight also. There remains then to be searched for the Discovery of a Passage, the Opening called _Pistol Bay_, in _Hudson_'s Bay. That Part which _Bylot_ and _Fox_ left undetermined, along the Coast to Southward of _Baffins_ Bay called _Cumberland_ Isles, which entirely consists of large Inlets and broken Lands. We may be too premature in our Conclusions as to the Impracticability of such a Passage from the high Latitude and the Shortness of the Season, as we have the Instance of the _Boston_ Ship, which was so far advanced in the Sea to Westward of _Hudson_'s Bay in the Month of _August_; and some Time would be taken up in finding out the Way. The strong Tides that set in, and the Current when to Westward, which there is apparently in the other Sea, may give an Expedition that may compensate against the Shortness of the Season. It is but a short Time that would be required to pass that Part of the Passage which lies in those high Latitudes, as the Course would be soon altered to the Southward. [Illustration: Map of The _DISCOVERIES_ made in the NORTH WEST PARTS _OF_ HUDSONS BAY. By Cap^t. Smith in 1746 & 1747.] _Seyxas y Lovera_, in his _Theatro Naval Hydrographico_, in the seventh Chapter, P. 426, says, 'North-east of _America_ there is the Coast of _Greenland_, from sixty to sixty-eight Degrees, where there is to the East the Entrance of the Streight of _Frobisher_. North-west in the different Islands which compose the Northern Parts of _America_, there is the Entrance of the Streight of _Hudson_, where the _North Sea_ communicates with the _South Sea_, passing out of the Entrance of the Streight of _Anian_, which runs North-east and South-west to the Northward of the Island of _California_, which Streight is hid by great Gulphs on the Part that is North of _America_, which contain such great Islands, as _Cumberland_ (or _Estoliland_) that are more than one hundred Leagues in Length from North-east to South-west, and their Extremity from East to West more than seventy Leagues.'--Page 44. 'Some hold it for certain that you can sail from _Spain_ to _China_ through those Streights, or to _Japan_, or to the Lands of _Eso_, in three Months. As says also Doctor _Pedro de Syria_; but it is the Opinion of _D. T. V. Y._ Author of the History of the _Imperial_ States of the World, that he holds it for uncertain whether there is such Streight by which you can pass from the _North_ to the _South Sea_.--P. 45. There were some of the Subjects of the King of _France_, who offered themselves, if they could get his Majesty's Licence, to perform that Voyage in four Months; entering the _Canal de Hudson_ from out of the Ocean, with a Course North-west or West North-west, taking always a Sight of the Coast at Noon, they should attain to the Height of the _Arctic_ Circle, or one Degree more, as in making that Voyage they will be favoured in that Part by the Currents and Winds from the East and South-east, and afterwards in their Passage by the Streight of _Anian_, the Winds and Currents would be from the North.--It is said that some Strangers (on what Occasion is not said) have gone that Rout; and that there is in the Archives of the Admiralty of _Lisbon_, and of the _Contratacion at Seville_, a Copy of such Rout; what I here observe is the same with what _Don Francisco de San Millan_ observes, from which or from the Copy of which Rout to be seen in various Languages, or the Disposition of the said Streights, he holds it for certain that there is such a Course, and relates, That a _Hollander_, on the Evidence of a _Spaniard_ who was aboard his Ship, from the North of _California_, forced by the Winds from South-west, attained to sixty-six Degrees North-east, afterwards took a Course East, and East South-east, came into fifty-eight Degrees, when he entered the _North Sea_ to Northward of _Terra Nova_, from thence to _Scotland_, and from _Scotland_ to _Lisbon_, in less than three Months from the Port of _Nativadad_ to _Lisbon_, of which Voyage he makes no Doubt.' And _Seyxas_ observes, he hath seen many other Accounts of Voyages made from _Holland_, also from _England_, to the _South Sea_ in three or four Months, which he much doubts, from the Shortness of the Time; also as in the _Spanish_ Historians they have an Account of what passes in the several Parts of the _South Sea_, in _Cathay_, and _China_, and no such Thing is to be found in the _Bibliotheca_ of the Licentiate _Antonio de Leon_, which sets forth all the Discoveries and Voyages which have been made from any Region from the Year 1200 in _America_. It is plain from the Account of _Seyxas_, he doth not determine absolutely for a Passage, but that there is a Passage is his Opinion. His chief Objection is to the Accounts from the Brevity of the Time in which the Voyages were said to be performed, and there being no Account in a careful Writer of the Discoveries made in those Parts. He doth not confine the Passage to _Hudson_'s Bay, as I understand him, but to the Streight and the other Openings to Northward through _Cumberland_ Isles, and that they go up into as high a Latitude as the _Arctic_ Circle. Which is agreeable to _Acosta_'s Account, and gives a further Explanation to his Meaning than I have already done. As to which Isles, and to the Northward and Eastward of _Cary_'s _Swans-nest_, it is apparent, from the Perusal of the Voyages, there hath been no certain Account on a compleat Discovery as to those Parts. What he says as to the Voyage of the _Hollander_, it must be observed it was while _Holland_ was under the _Spanish_ Government in the Reign of _Philip_ the Second, and seems to be the same Voyage, of which Mention hath been made that an Account was found amongst the Papers of that Prince. It hath been shewn to have been the constant Opinion of there being a North-west Passage, from the Time soon after which the _South Sea_ was discovered near the Western Part of _America_, and that this Opinion was adopted by the greatest Men not only in the Time they lived, but whose Eminence and great Abilities are revered by the present Age. That there is a Sea to Westward of _Hudson_'s Bay, there hath been given the concurrent Testimony of _Indians_; and of Navigators and _Indians_ that there is a Streight which unites such Sea with the Western Ocean. The Voyage which lead us into these Considerations, hath so many Circumstances relating to it, which, now they have been considered, shew the greatest Probability of its being authentick; which carry with them as much the Evidence of a Fact, afford as great a Degree of Credibility as we have for any Transaction done a long Time since, which hath not been of a publick Nature and transacted in the Face of the World, so as to fall under the Notice of every one, though under the Disadvantage that the Intent on one Part must have been to have it concealed and buried in Oblivion. Transacted also by Persons in a private Part of the World, who only spoke of it amongst their Friends at home, being themselves Strangers to what they had effected, and made little Account of their Voyage. Besides the Chagrin of their Disappointment, and the illnatured Reflections it might subject them to, they might think it also best not to communicate it to the Publick, as it might encourage others to the like Undertaking, and so they fall into the Hands of the _Spaniards_, not only at the Hazard of their Ship, but their Lives, or at least subject them to many Hardships such as they had sustained to no Purpose. Therefore they thought proper to say little about their Discovery, as it might only be a Means of entrapping some brave Adventurers, who might be animated by their Example to a like Undertaking. These would be and were, by its being so little published on their Parts, (and no Accounts of it in _England_, which shews their Friends were under an Injunction not to make it publick) the Resolutions of such sensible and sagacious Men as _Gibbons_ and _Shapley_ were agreeable to which they acted. All which Circumstances considered, what Degree of Evidence can be required more than hath been given to authenticate this Account of _de Fonte_? Those who argue against a North-west Passage have no better Foundation for their Arguments, Than that there is no Tide from Westward. Which is arguing only for the Truth of a System, and hath nothing to do with the Reality of a Passage, and in all Probability hath been the principal Occasion that a Passage hath not been compleated: For a different Course of the Land, and no Tide from Westward, concluded any further Searches in such Part, but on a due Survey made of the Map, as the Tide will enter up the Streight of _de Fuca_, and probably other contiguous Entrances which are not yet known, besides the North-east Branch of the _South Sea_, which we suppose to join with such Streight; the Tide would fill that Sea on the Back of _Hudson_'s Bay, and the Openings but be checked to the Northward by the Current; and may be hindered from coming into _Hudson_'s Bay through the Inlet from Causes not known, or there being great Indraughts on the opposite Shore, which may take off the Force of the Tide, and cause it to come but a small Way up such Inlet. There is Reason to believe the proper Passage is up the Streight of _de Fuca_, therefore that is the proper Streight of _Anian_, as _de Fonte_ proceeded no further than _Los Reyes_, and declared there was no North-west Passage; but the North-east Part of the _South Sea_ hath a Communication, as is expressed in the Map, in describing which a Certainty cannot be expected, or an Exactness but what may be contradicted if a Discovery be made. The Design of the Map, besides what relates to the Expedition of _de Fonte_, is to shew there is a Streight, called the Streight of _de Fuca_. A Sea at the Head of that Streight, at the Back of _Hudson_'s Bay, from which Sea there is a Passage either by an Inlet into _Hudson_'s Bay, or by a Streight at the Head of _Repulse_ Bay, and so to Northward of _Hudson_'s Bay; from which Streight there is a Passage into the _North Sea_, either to Eastward of the Land of _Cary_'s _Swans-nest_ into _Hudson_'s Streight, or by _Cumberland_ Isles, and expressed in the Map in the Manner that the respective Accounts represent, according to our Understanding of them, with a Submission to Correction and superior Judgment. But an absolute Contradiction without invalidating the Accounts on which such Map is constructed, or to say there is no North-west Passage, which it is impossible should be determined until a Search is made in the Parts which remain to be searched, are no Objections, are only Opinions, without any Authority to support them, which Time must rectify. To make an Expedition to discover whether there is a Passage by those Parts which remain unsearched, purposely from _England_, is what I think an honest, disinterested, or impartial Person cannot recommend, as such Expeditions might be repeated with great Expence, and the Event uncertain. The Government gave their Assistance, and the Generosity of the Merchants hath been sufficiently experienced, both in _England_ and _America_: Therefore it becomes every one whose Intention it is solely that such a beneficial Service should be done to avoid proposing what, might, in the Consequence, be an unnecessary Expence to Government, and abuse the Generosity of the Merchants. The Ships which went on these Expeditions, after they left the _Orkneys_, had no Place to put into, neither could they there Wood or Water, or conveniently repair a Damage. If they met with a Delay in passing _Hudson_'s Streights, they were obliged, from the small Part of the Season that was remaining, to go to the _Hudson_'s Bay Factories to winter; that they might have the more Time the next Year; were obliged to go to the Factories earlier than they were necessitated on Account of the Weather, in order to get their Ships laid up, and every other Convenience for wintering prepared before that the Winter set in. The _Hudson_'s Bay Company, jealous of a Design to interfere with their Trade, probably their Fears not ill grounded, the Consequence was, there was no Cordiality between the Factors and the Captains. The Ships People, by wintering, suffered in their Health, great Wages going on, a Consumption of Provisions, a Spirit of Discontent and Opposition amongst the inferior Officers, which obstructed the Success of the next Summer. To obviate all which in any future Proceedings, a Discovery was undertaken on the Coast of _Labrador_, to find Harbours on that Coast which Ships; could repair to if necessary on their Voyage out, or to repair to on their return, which they could be at sooner than at the Factories, stay longer on Discovery, and return the same Year to _England_. How well this Attempt answered the Design, may be collected from the Extract from a Journal of a Voyage hereunto annexed, performed in the Year 1753, giving an Account of the Coast of _Labrador_. As what is now to be done in the Discovery of a Passage in _Hudson_'s Bay may be effected in a Summer, and if there is the desired Success, an Inlet found by which there is a Passage into the Sea adjacent out of that Bay, the Vessel which makes such Discovery, and all Ships at their return by such Inlet, will have no Occasion to go to the Southern Part of the Bay, it will be out of their Course, but proceed through the Streights to _Labrador_, there Wood and Water, get fresh Fish, and other Refreshments; can repair any Damage either as to their Masts, or their Hull, and return the same Year to _England_ by the common Tract of the _Newfoundland_ Ships, and not to go to the _Orkneys_. That there was a good fishing Bank, a Coast convenient for carrying on a Fishery, a Fur Trade, also for Whalebone and Oil with the _Eskemaux Indians_, was a Discovery the Consequence of that Attempt from _America_. To take the Benefit of which Discovery seems now to be the Intention of the Publick. And a Survey of such Coast being ordered to be made by the Government, if such Survey is extended so far as to those Parts, in which as already mentioned such Passage must be, and without it is so far extended, the Design of attaining a true Geographical Account of the Northern Coasts of _America_ would be incompleat. By this Means it must be known whether there is such a Passage, the Probability of which is unquestionable. Also by such Survey a better Account will be got which Way the Whales take their Courses, and consequently where it is best to go in Pursuit of them. Also as to those _Eskemaux_ who frequent to Northward of _Hudson_'s Streights, where they retire to, and a proper Place be found to keep a Fair with them. As these _Eskemaux_ as well as those on _Greenland_ Side, who have not come into those Parts any long Duration of Time, being the same Kind of _Indians_ with those in the _South Sea_, and as they transport themselves and Families from one Part to another by Water, it seems highly probable that it is by such a Passage or Streight that they have got so far to Eastward. This Discovery of a Passage can be made without any additional Expence, wove in with other Services, as was in the Discoveries which were ordered to be made by the King of _Spain_ on the Coasts of _California_. The Propriety of a Vessel to make such a Survey, and the Abilities and Fidelity of the Persons will be undoubtedly taken Care for. The Run from _Labrador_, let it be from any Harbour, will be but small to any where, where it is necessary to make the Survey. The Persons sent will go fresh out of Harbour, whereas, with a Run from the _Orkneys_, the People are fatigued; will now be refreshed as if they had not come from _Europe_. Will be out from such Harbour but a few Weeks, in a fine Season of the Year, no Way debilitated by the Scurvy, and in a few Summers will be enabled to compleat their Survey of that Coast; using such an Assiduity as they proceed as not to leave any Part on Supposition or Trust, but being assured where any Inlet or Opening determines. A Person who understands _Eskemaux_, and one or more _Eskemaux_ to be procured, would be of Service as Pilots, and to give an Account of the adjacent Country. And there is no Vessel (it is mentioned as perhaps it is not so very well known) so proper and serviceable for this long-shore Work as a Marble-head Schooner, about sixty Tons, fortified as to the Ice, and would be at all Times a useful Tender, and a proper Boat if necessary to be left at the _Labrador_. What would give due Force to such Expeditions, would be the Commodore of the Man of War being so near, under whose Eye the Whole would be done, who would direct their fitting out, receive their Report on their return, order a Review if necessary, and be the Occasion of that due Subordination and Obedience both of Officers and Men, which it is often very difficult to effect on such Voyages. Merit will then be distinguished, and the Credulity of the Persons at home will not be imposed on, and no Discouragement of those who distinguish themselves in the Execution of such laudable Attempts. Such a Passage being discovered, and the Sea entered to Westward of _Hudson_'s Bay, the Manner of proceeding afterwards must be left to superior Judgment. APPENDIX. AN ACCOUNT Of Part of the Coast and Inland Part of THE LABRADOR: BEING An EXTRACT from a Journal of a Voyage made from _Philadelphia_ in 1753. The Coast of _Labrador_ to Northward of the Latitude of 57 Deg. 30 Min. is represented by Captain _Benjamin Gillam_ (an Extract of whose Journal the Author had) as a perilous Coast, and without any Inlets; therefore the Design was to fall in with the Land to Southward of that Latitude, which was attempted _August_ the 2d; a thick Fog, but expected when more in with the Land to have clear Weather. They saw Ice at times the whole Day, and in the Evening found themselves imbayed in a Body of Ice, and plainly perceiving Points of Rocks amongst the Ice, stood out again during the whole Night for a clear Sea, which they fortunately obtained the next Morning. It was then proposed to stand yet more Southward, to make the Land in Latitude 56°, and search the Inlet of _Davis_. From the 3d to the 9th had various Weather, the Air temperate, Calms and light Winds, thick Fogs for some Days, the latter Part of the Time haizey, with Rain, which was succeeded the 10th of _August_ with a hard Gale of Wind that moderated on the 11th, and clear Weather: Saw Rockweed, some Kelp, Land Birds, a Number of large Islands of Ice, but no flat Ice; concluded in the Afternoon that they saw the Looming of the Land in Lat. 56 Deg. 2 Min. Long. 56 Deg. 42 Min. at Eight at Night had Soundings 95 Fathom, at Ten at Night 80 Fathom. _August_ the 12th, fine pleasant Weather; at Eight o'Clock had 40 Fathom Soundings, and at Ten made the Land, bearing W. by S. ten Leagues. Many Islands of Ice, but the Wind contrary for _Davis_'s Inlet, stood towards another Opening which promised a good Harbour; but not being able to attain it before Night, stood on and off until the next Morning, fine pleasant Weather; and _August_ the 13th, by Four in the Morning, were in with the Land. A Whaleboat, with proper Hands, was sent to sound a-head, and find a Harbour. Soon after a Cry was heard from an Island to Northward; there appeared to be five Persons. Some Rings, Knives, Scissors, and Iron Hoop, being taken by the People into the Boat, after rowing about a League they entered into a small Harbour, near the Place where the five Persons were first seen, but who had retired. Entering the Harbour they saw Shallops built after the _Newfoundland_ Manner, at Anchor, with Buoys and Cables, a Mast, a square Yard athwart, with a Sail bent, a Tilt made of Seal Skins abaft. These Boats were tarred, that Summer's Work. Upon the Sight of these Boats a Doubt arose whether they were _Indians_ whom they had seen, or some unfortunate Shipwrecked People. When the Boat got further into the Harbour two _Eskemaux Indians_ came off, the one a Man in Years, the other a young Man. The elder Man had a small black Beard. The elder Man being presented with a Ring, immediately put it on his Finger; the young Man did the same when one was presented him. Both declined accepting Pieces of Iron Hoop, a very agreeable Present to the _Eskemaux_ on the Western Side _Hudson_'s Bay. They knew what Fire-arms were, which they saw in the Boat: Also asked for some Pork, which they saw, and had been taken into the Boat for Fear the Schooner and the Boat should be separated; and, on the Boatsmen not having a Knife immediately ready, they produced a Knife apiece; and the elder Man used the Word _Capitaine_ in his Address; had a Complaisance in his Behaviour. From these Circumstances it was plain they carried on a Trade with the _French_; tho' the latest _French_ Authors represented them as a savage People, who would never have any Commerce with them. And a Motive for this Undertaking was from an Opinion, that no Trade had been carried on in these Parts, either by _Europeans_ or _Americans_, the printed Accounts and common Report both agreed in this. It was apparent to whom these Boats belonged; and there were more than twenty _Eskemaux_ ashore, of various Sexes and Ages, who kept shaking of old Cloaths for Sale; and the elder Man pressed the People in the Boat very much to come ashore, also to bring the Schooner to an Anchor, which was standing on and off; but as the Day advanced, the Situation the Schooner was in, being many small Islands about, and a fine Opening which promised a good Harbour in the main Land, they declined the Invitation; and there was an _Eskemaux_ ready with a large Coil of Whalebone, seemingly for the Boat to warp in to a small Cove and make fast with. These Civilities were acknowledged by a Present being sent to those ashore, and after shewing where they intended for, the Boat returned aboard the Schooner. The People on board the Schooner, as they advanced towards the Inlet where they expected a Harbour, hoisted their Ensign, which was very large, and fired two Swivels by way of Salute; soon after the _Eskemaux_ displayed on the Rocks a large white Ensign, on a high Pole; and when there was Occasion to lower the Schooner's Colours, the _Eskemaux_ lowered theirs; the Schooner's Colours being again hoisted, they hoisted theirs; but a Squall of Sleet and Rain came on, which prevented their having a further Sight of each other. At Six in the Evening the Schooner was anchored in a convenient Harbour, a level Shore, with high rocky Land, bare in Spots, the other Parts covered with a good Herbage and large Groves of Trees, Firs, Spruce, and Pine. An Evening Gun was fired to give the Natives Notice where the Schooner was, and also a good Watch was set. _August_ the 14th, at Day, they fired a Swivel aboard the Schooner, and displayed their Colours as a Signal for Trade; and a Party went ashore to ascend the Heighths. The largest Trees did not exceed ten Inches Diameter, and fifty Feet in Heighth; many Runs of excellent Water, Ponds in level Spots; the Country had an agreeable Aspect, a plentiful Herbage, the Flowers were now blown, the Berries not ripened, and the _Angelica_, of which there was great Quantity, not seeded. They had a very laborious Walk before they attained the desired Summit; the Musquetoes very troublesome. Being on an extraordinary Eminence they saw the North and South Point of the main Land, or two Capes which form a Bay, the Northermost was computed to be something to the Northward of Latitude 56, and the Southermost in Latitude 55. The Shore high and bold, to Northward a Number of Reefs of Rocks lying out a great Way into the Sea, in the Southern Part of the Bay many Islands and two Inlets. Sixty Islands of Ice of large Dimensions in Sight. In the ascending this Heighth, saw many Moose Deer Paths, Tracts of other Animals; and in the Ponds Trouts of about ten Inches in Length. On the Shores few Fowl but Ducks, and a Plenty of Muscles. The Weather very warm and pleasant. The Schooner's People found a Barrel, a Hogshead Stave, and a Piece of hewed Wood, on which it was conjectured that this was no unfrequented Harbour. The next Morning, the 15th of _August_, the Boat was sent to carry two Persons to the Head of the Harbour, that they might travel to a Mountain about ten Miles off, to take a View of the inland Part of the Country. When the Boat returned, the People brought Word they had seen the Ruins of a Timber House. The Boat was again manned to go and take a Survey of it; and it appeared to have been a House built for some Persons to winter in, of Logs joined together, part standing, with a Chimney of Brick and Stone entire. The House consisted of three Rooms, a Log Tent near, and a Pit dug in which they seemed to have buried their Beer. The Ground cleared at a Distance round: The Woods burnt, several Hogsheads and Barrels, and seemingly a great Waste of Biscuit, Pork, Salt Fish, and other Provisions, which seemed as if those who had been here had retired with great Precipitation; neither had been long gone, as there were fresh Feet Marks on the Strand, and some Trees lately hewn. The Marks on the Cask shewed that the People were from _London_; and it was supposed that as the _Eskemaux_ had not come to trade, there had been a Fray between the _Eskemaux_ and these People; and when they considered the compleat Manner in which the Boats were equipped and rigged, doubted whether the _Eskemaux_ had not overpowered them, and had some of the People with them. The great Earnestness with which the elder of the _Eskemaux_ made Signs for the People in the Boat to go ashore, seemed to be with a particular Design: Therefore it was thought prudent to be very careful in the Watch at Night, to strike the Bell every half Hour, to keep a continual Walk on Deck, and call _All is well_, that the _Eskemaux_ might hear, if they should intend a Surprize, that the People aboard were on their Guard. The Morning of the 16th they run up to the Head of the Harbour with the Schooner, to Wood and Water, there being Plenty of Wood ready cut, and a Place conveniently dammed up to confine a fine Stream of excellent Water which came from the Heighths. There was then found several Pieces of printed Books, in _German_ and _English_, the _English Moravian_ Hymns. Peas, Beans, Turnips, and Radishes planted, which seemed as if they would come to no great Perfection, and judged to have been sowed about three Weeks. The wooding and watering was finished by Ten at Night, but with no small Trouble on Account of the Musquetoes, though great Smoaks made to keep them off. The two Persons who had been sent to view the inland Country returned in the Morning, after having spent a rainy Night in the Woods; gave an Account that they had been forced to go round several small Lakes, which made the Way longer than expected; and the Mountain was very steep and rugged: Saw several large Spots of excellent Meadow: The Timber much the same as that on the Shores of the Harbour: That they saw two Inlets to Northward, extending a great Way into the Land: That it was only the Branch of an Inlet that the Vessel was at Anchor in; but they saw the Termination of the Inlet to be in large Ponds. The 17th of _August_ the Schooner was to return to her first Anchorage, with an Intention to search the Inlets to Northward; but the Wind proved contrary, and a hard Gale, though the Weather pleasant. The 18th the Wind moderated, and the Schooner returned to her former Anchorage; but the Wind did not serve to quit the Harbour until the 19th in the Afternoon; the Interval of Time had been filled up in brewing Spruce Beer, and doing other necessary Work with respect to the Sails and Rigging. At Six in the Evening was close in with the Island, where they had seen the _Eskemaux_, but now gone. It was not until the 21st, by reason of Calms and Currents, that they attained to the Inlet to Northward. Those who had been sent out with the Boat to sound a-head, had seen on the Shore an _Eskemaux_ Encampment, from which they were but very lately retired, and brought from thence a Piece of a Jawbone of a Spermaceti Whale, which was cut with a Hatchet. It was plain from that the _Eskemaux_ were supplied with Iron Tools: They also found a Piece of an Earthen Jar. They judged there had been about eleven Tents. The 22d of _August_, in the Morning, the Ship's Company catched some Cod; they were but small, but fine full Fish. The Whaleboat was sent up with some Hands, to sound and find a Harbour: And three Persons went on Shore to a high Summit, about four Miles off, to view the Country: Saw in their Way many Tracts of Deer, a deep Soil, good Grass, and met with several large level Spots, with Ponds of Water; thick Groves of Timber, and a plentiful Herbage. The Country, from this Summit, appeared to consist of Ridges and Mountains; and as the Weather changed from fine and pleasant, to thick and hazey, they saw the Clouds settle on several Ridges of the Mountain, near them, as also on the Heighth where they were, and under them. And when they returned the People on board said they had had some smart Showers of Rain, which those who had been on the Heighth were not sensible of. In the Afternoon they proceeded with the Schooner to a Harbour which those who had been sent out with the Whaleboat had discovered, an extraordinary fine Harbour; and it may be here observed in general, that most of the Harbours are very fine ones. There are many of them, and not far the one from the other. There were on the Shore, in many Places, the Remainder of _Eskemaux_ Encampments, but some Time since they had been there. Timbers of Boats, on the Shores, which were much decayed, had laid long in the Weather; in the Carpenter's Opinion the Boats they had belonged to must have been built fifteen or twenty Years, seemed to be the Timbers of such Boats as had been seen with the _Eskemaux_. The succeeding Day there was such Weather as they could not proceed; the Day after, the 25th, run up the Inlet about eight Leagues from the Harbour, which was about eighteen Leagues from the Entrance of the Inlet. As they proceeded they found the Country more level, thick Woods, intermixed with Birch Trees, and both Shores afforded a pleasant Verdure. They could not proceed further with the Schooner, by Reason of Falls; which, being surveyed the next Day, might be passed with the Schooner, but with some Difficulty. Therefore early in the Morning of the 27th, at a proper Time of Tide, when the Falls were level, a Party went in a Whaleboat, with a small Boat in tow loaded with Provisions, Bedding, and a Sail for a Tent, to explore the Head of the Inlet. The furthest they could get with the Boat was about five Leagues, being intercepted by impassable Falls, about 300 Feet in Length, and forty Feet their perpendicular Height, though of gradual Descent. The Fall Rocks, but the Bank of the Northern Shore, which was steep, was a Kind of Marl, without any Mixture of Stone; and no frozen Earth here, or in any other Part, usual in _Hudson_'s Bay, as was proved by repeated Experiments: Therefore it may be concluded that this is a more temperate Climate in Winter than in any Part about _Hudson_'s Bay, in the same or lower Latitudes. From the first Falls to the second there were large Levels along Shore, the Mountains at a considerable Distance within Land, especially those on the North Side. The Mountains and Shores thick cloathed with Pine, Spruce, Birch, and Alder, much larger and of better Growth than those Trees nearer the Sea Coast; some Pines measured twenty-five Inches in Diameter. In a Pond, on the North Shore, saw two Beaver Houses, and there were Plenty of Beaver Marks, as Dams, Trees barked and felled by them. The Water was fresh between the first and second Falls. Poles of _Indian_ Tents in many Places along Shore, Lodgments only for single Families, tied together with Strips of Deer Skin, and no Encampments after the _Eskemaux_ Manner, shewed that a different _Indians_ from the _Eskemaux_ resorted into this Part. The whole Country had a pleasant Appearance; but as they came near to the upper Falls, the Verdure of the Woods, barren Points of Rocks that exalted themselves, terminating the View, the Disposition of the Woods which had all the Regularity of Art, joined to the Freedom of Nature, the Gloom of the Evening, the slow steady Course of the Water, and the Echoes of the rumbling Fall, afforded such a Scene as affected even those that rowed; and they said, it was the pleasantest Place they had ever seen. On a level Point, beautifully green, situated at a small Distance from an Opening in the Woods, and in full View of and Hearing of the Falls, there were the Poles of an _Indian_ Tent, which, from the Ashes scarce cold, a Breast-bone of a wild Goose, with some little Meat on it that had been broiled, Pieces of Birch Bark left, seemed to have been not long deserted, and the Situation was such as expressed the late Inhabitants to have the softest Sensations. In coming up the Inlet they had found where there had been a small Fire made, as supposed, to dress Victuals, but put out or covered with Turf, a usual Practice amongst Southern _Indians_ to conceal the Smoke, when they suppose the Enemy is near. The Boats were securely harboured, a Tent erected, with a good Fire before it, and the People rested securely all Night. The next Day, _August_ the 28th, two Persons were detached to a Summit, in Appearance about twelve Miles off, others went and hung Strings of Beads, Combs, Knives, and other Peltry, on the Trees, some at a Mile, and others at a further Distance, from where they kept their Camp all Day, to invite the _Indians_ to a Converse with them; but no _Indians_ were seen, nor any Thing meddled with. Those who had walked to take the View from the Summit, saw the Water above the Falls extend a great Distance into the Country, but not the Termination of it, passing through Meadow Lands of large Dimensions, and by the Foot of small rising Land, they saw a large high Ridge of blue Mountains at a great Distance, running North and South, which was supposed to be the Bounds of the new discovered Sea in _Hudson_'s Bay: Saw several other Ridges of Land, but seemingly more level than those to Seaward; passed over in travelling several Spots of excellent Soil, the Timber of good Size and Growth. There was a great Plenty of Grass and Herbage; walked a great Way in an _Indian_ Path, and saw several marked Trees, as is practised amongst the Southern _Indians_. They returned in the Evening, much fatigued with the Heat of the Sun, and swelled with the Bites of Musquetoes, and a small black Fly, like those in _England_ called a Midge. Those that staid at the Encampment were also much plagued with these Insects. The Latitude of the upper Falls was 54 Deg. 48 Min. near the imaginary Line that bounded the _English_ and _French_ Limits in these Parts; and it being supposed that the two Inlets, seen from the Height above the Harbour where they first anchored, would terminate in the _French_ Limits; they therefore had declined making any Search there, and proceeded to search the Inlet to Northward. The next Morning they set out to return to the Schooner, with a Design to search the other Inlet to Northward, seen from the Mountain at the Back of the first Harbour, but not seen since by Reason of a high Ridge of Mountains, as it was supposed, that covered it. In the Night there had been a sharp Frost, and early in the Morning a thick Fog. About Ten in the Morning they were returned to the Schooner. Several of the People, contrary to the written Instructions which were left, had rambled from the Vessel, got on the Heights, rolled down the _Indian_ Marks, which are Stones that they put up one on another on the Knolls and Summits of Hills, to direct them in their journeying; a Proceeding which was highly dissatisfactory to the Commander, considering the Disposition which it was found the Natives were in, and whom, with the greatest Industry, they could not get a Sight of. The People had shot some few Fowl, which were plentier in this Inlet than any where that they had seen, but very shy and wild. They sailed that Afternoon to the Harbour which they were at when they first entered this Inlet. _August_ the 29th they sailed out of this Inlet to go to the Northward, keeping within a Ledge of Islands, as they might pass no Part of the Coast unsearched. Met with some Difficulties amongst the Shoals and Rocks; but about Four in the Afternoon were clear of all, and plyed to Windward to enter the third or more Northern Inlet, which they had now open. Saw at the Head of a pretty deep Cove, on the South Side in that Inlet, a strong Smoke arise, and that immediately answered by a lesser Smoke on the Northern Side of the Inlet. The Smoke on the Northern Side the Inlet continued towering and freshening; on seeing which they immediately steered for the Cove, supposing the Smoke to be made by the Natives as a Signal for Trade; but were delayed entering by the Tide of Ebb. At Sunset were surprised with a Squall of Wind, which came on in a Moment, and the Schooner in extreme Danger of being ashore on the Rocks. A hard Gale succeeded, but they fortunately attained a Harbour, which had been before discovered by the Boat, and rode secure. The 31st of _August_, the Weather being moderate, two Persons went over the Heights to the Head of the Cove, in Pursuit of the Natives; and three Persons went in a Boat to the Head of the Cove, with some trading Goods, and to pass the two who walked, over the Water if it ran up into the Country, and the Natives should be on the opposite Shore; but after rowing up about two Leagues they found a Termination of the Water, landed and ascended the Heights, where they found a very large Plain, without Ponds, and a fine Soil, which they passed over and descended into a Valley, thick Groves, good Grass, and large Ponds. Here they met with a Bear; which one of the People firing too precipitately missed. Several Bears had been seen before, some Foxes, many Tracts of Wolves, both on the Shores and Inland, and in one Place Otter Paths. Three of the People were sent to return with the Boat aboard, and two set out to go up a Mountain which promised a good Sight of the Country, and seemed possible that they might attain to the Summit of it, and return to the Schooner that Night; but were deceived by the Height of the Mountain as to the Distance they were from it. In the Ascent they found great Declivities and Hollows in the Sides of the Mountain, the Rocks rent in a most surprising Manner, having Rents or Fissures in them from thirty to seventy Feet in Depth; some tremendous to look down, and not above two or three Feet in Breadth. The Dogs that were with them would not, after looking down, jump over them, but howled and took a Sweep round. In the Levels and Hollows on the Side there lay great Heaps of fallen Rock. Some Stones or solid Pieces of ten or fifteen Tons Weight, besides innumerable lesser Pieces. And found a Patch of Snow in one of the Hollows, about forty Feet in Breadth, and fourteen Feet in perpendicular Height, frozen solid, and seemed of the same Consistence with the Islands of Ice. The Persons, though constantly labouring, did not attain to the Top of the Mountain until about Half an Hour before Sunset, where they found a thin Air, and a fresh sharp cold Wind; though below, and in their Ascent, they had experienced pleasant warm Weather, and little Wind. From the Mountain they perceived a Smoke, about ten Miles off more inland, the usual Practice of the _Indians_ in the Evenings, when they form their Camps, to make a Fire to dress their Provisions, and to be by all Night; and it was then suspected that they were flying more inland, and that the Smokes seen the Night before were Signals from one Party to another to retire on seeing the Schooner, supposing us Enemies. It was too late that Night to return to the Head of the Cove, therefore encamped that Night on the Side of the Mountain in the Woods, near to a level Spot without the least Unevenness of above six Hundred Feet in Breadth, and three Hundred over, exactly resembling a Pavement without any Fissure or Opening in it. The next Day got to the Head of the Cove, near twelve Miles from the Mountain; on a Signal made the Boat fetched them aboard, where the People expressed in their Countenances a universal Joy at seeing their Commander safe returned, which was a great Satisfaction to him, as it was an Instance more sincerely expressed than by formal Words addressed to him, that they looked on their Security to depend on his Preservation. The Wind was contrary to their getting out of the Harbour that Afternoon; but the Boats were employed in seeking the best Channel for the Schooner to go out at. The Morning of _September_ the 2d, the Wind proved favourable, and that Evening they got a good Way up the third Inlet. When they were some Way up the Inlet, they discovered a Smoke upon an Island at the Entrance of the Inlet, and, when at Anchor, a Smoke also on the North Shore. Therefore by Day-light, _September_ the 3d, the Time when Smokes are most discernable and looked out for by the _Indians_, a Person was sent to fire the Brush on an Eminence ashore, to answer that Smoke seen on the North Shore the Night before. Then the Schooner proceeded up the Inlet, and by Ten o'Clock was come to the Extremity of it, which terminated in a Bay of very deep Water, surrounded by very steep Mountains, with Groves of Trees on them; but they found a good Anchorage in a Cove, and an excellent Harbour. The Heights being ascended, it was perceived there was a narrow Streight out of this Inlet, which communicated with Ponds. And that there was a fourth Inlet to Northward, and which extended further to Westward than the Inlet which the Vessel was now in, and about four Miles off, beyond the Hills there appeared a towering Smoke, upon the Sight of which the Persons who went to take the View returned aboard to get some Provisions, and a Parcel of trading Goods, and set out again with an Intention to seek the Natives, and spend the Night amongst them. The Boat put them ashore where it was thought most convenient and nearest Place to the Smoke, but it proved otherwise; for after travelling about three Miles they fell in with a Chain of Ponds, which they were forced to go round. Hot sultry Weather, the Woods thick, without the least Breath of Wind, infinite Number of Musquetoes and Midges. But by being thus to go round the Ponds, had the Satisfaction of seeing several Beavers Dams made to keep out the Tide Waters. They saw a Continuance of the Smoke, and shaped a Course for it; but when on the Heights perceived that the Smoke was on an Island about two Miles off the Shore in the fourth Inlet, therefore returned to the Vessel that Night. The 4th of _September_, in the Morning, they towed out of the Harbour they were in, the Wind soon after sprung up, and by Night they go out of the Inlet, and anchored amongst some Islands, just at the Entrance of the fourth Inlet. The next Morning, _September_ the 5th, entered the fourth Inlet; but being becalmed a small Time catched above fifty Cod, much such as they had before taken. By Twelve o'Clock were abreast of the Island where they had seen the Smoke on the 3d, and which was four Leagues from the Entrance: Could perceive no Natives, but several Fires, and that there had been a great burning of the Brush; soon after saw a Snow lying at an Anchor, which hoisted _English_ Colours, and fired a Gun. They hoisted the Colours aboard the Schooner, fired a Swivel, and bore away for the Snow. The Wind was fresh, and, as the Schooner was entering the Harbour, two People came running over the Rocks, hailed, but it could not be well understood what they said; but it was a friendly Precaution as to some Rocks which lay off there. The Snow's People then took to their Boat, and made a Trip to view the Schooner as she was coming to an Anchor, and then returned aboard. A Whaleboat was hoisted out, and a Person sent in it to go aboard the Snow, and know where she was from, and to let the Captain know they would be glad to see him aboard the Schooner. The Person sent, and Capt. _Elijah Goff_ the Commander of the Snow, returned aboard in a short Time; and the Particulars of what the Captain related were, That the Snow was fitted out by Mr. _Nesbit_, a Merchant in _London_: That he, the present Captain, had been the Year before Mate of the same Vessel on this Coast: That she was then fitted out by _Bell, Nesbit_ and Company; the intended Voyage kept a great Secret. They had, the Year before as a Captain, a _Dane_ who had used the _Greenland_ Trade, and could talk the _Eskemaux_ Language. That the Snow had been at _Newfoundland_, and afterwards came on the _Labrador_ Coast; but being Strangers to the Coast, and the Captain very obstinate, the Vessel was several Times in Danger, which raised a Mutiny amongst the People, who had formed a Resolution of seizing the Ship, and bearing away for _Newfoundland_; which Mutiny was appeased, and the People consented to go to the _Labrador_, where they harboured _July_ the 20th, in the same Harbour which the Schooner first entered this Year. They brought with them four of the _Unitas Fratrum_, or _Moravian_ Brethren, who were to remain during the Winter, to attain an Acquaintance with the Natives, and lay a Foundation of Trade: That the House, the Ruins of which the Discoverer saw, was built for the Residence of these Brethren; and, being compleated by the Beginning of _September_, the Snow left them in Possession of it, and set out to make Discoveries, and pursue a Trade to Northward: That they had some Trade in _Nesbit_'s Harbour, the Name they had given to the Harbour where the House was, and also on the Coast before they arrived at the Harbour: That when they went to Northward; in about Lat. 55° 40´ off the Islands, amongst which the Schooner had harboured the preceding Night, some _Eskemaux_ came aboard, and told the _Dane_ Captain there were some trading Boats come from the Northward, with Plenty of Trade, and advised the Captain to come where they were. The Captain asked, Why they would not come along Side? The _Eskemaux_ said, It was dangerous on Account of the Surf. The Captain and six others went in the Ship's Boat, with a Quantity of Goods to trade, but had no Fire Arms with them, though advised to take them; but the Captain said, No, they were very honest Fellows. Captain _Goff_ saw the Boat go round an Island, upon which there was a Number of Natives; but the Island hindered him from having any further Sight of the Boat. After the Boat had been gone about an Hour, he saw one or two of the _Eskemaux_ with his Glass peep over the Rocks; but never after saw any more of the Boat, the Snow's People, or the _Eskemaux_. That the Snow lay at a League Distance from the Island; he had no other Boat, one being left with the _Moravian_ Brethren. Capt. _Goff_ waited three Days, and then returned with the Snow to the Harbour where the House was. The Snow being short of Hands, he took the _Moravian_ Brethren aboard, leaving a Quantity of Provisions sufficient to subsist the unhappy People who were missing should they come there, until his Return. They put the Key of the House and a Letter in a Hole of a Tree; but on his Return this Year found the House in Ruins, the Casks and Hogsheads broke to Pieces, and the Key and Letter gone. That what was sowed there was by Way of Experiment. Capt. _Goff_ judged that the _Eskemaux_ traded with the _French_, as their Fishgiggs, Knives, and Boats, were _French_; and the _Eskemaux_ told them there was a Settlement of twenty _Europeans_ to Southward, which they supposed to be somewhere to Southward of Lat. 55, the Latitude of the Cape they had named Cape _Harrison_, which is the Southermost Cape that forms the Bay in which is _Nesbit_'s Harbour, and the high Saddleback Land within, which is first seen off at Sea they named _St. John_'s. He said that one of the _Eskemaux_ offered a Quantity of Whalebone for a Cutlass, which they are very fond of; the _Danish_ Captain insisted on having more, the _Eskemaux_ answered, If he would not take it that Capt. _Saleroo_ would; alluding, as supposed, to the Captain or Factor at the _French_ Settlement. The Boats the _Eskemaux_ had were _French_: They spoke many _French_ Words. And the Women worked the Boats, turned them to Windward, and were very expert in the Management of them. The Account given by the Master who went in the Schooner's Boat to fish for Cod (Capt. _Goff_ not having yet got any) to the People in the Boat was, That Mr. _Nesbit_ was only, in this Case, an Agent or Factor for the _Moravian_ Brethren, who aimed at a Settlement in these Parts, and to attain a Propriety by a prior Possession, but that no Propriety would be allowed of by our Government: That Petitions had been flung into the Board of Trade for Patents for the _Labrador_, but were rejected, and a free Trade would be permitted to all the Subjects of _Great Britain_; which open Trade was the original Design on which this Discovery was undertaken by the People in _America_; the Execution of which was not only interrupted by private Persons stealing the Scheme, and being before hand, but hath been a great Hindrance to the Fisheries being carried on in those Parts, a Trade established with the inland _Indians_ and the _Eskemaux_, and further Advantages which will be known, on our being better acquainted with those Parts. For as to this Severity of the _Eskemaux_, inexcusably barbarous, yet there were some Provocations which might have been avoided, and which incited those _Eskemaux_ to this Act, whose Hatred and Revenge, the Character of most _Indians_, are rouzed at the slightest Causes. It appears from a Journal of the Boatswain, wherein he makes a Valuation of the Trade, that they had bought a Hundred Weight of Whalebone for Six-pence. The _Eskemaux_ were also treated with great Contempt and Rudeness. A Person aboard had bought a Pair of _Eskemaux_ Boots; and carrying them into his Cabbin, an _Eskemaux_ followed claiming the Boots as his, saying that he who sold them had no Right to sell them; and the Buyer settled the Matter by presenting a Pistol at his Head. On which the _Eskemaux_ cried out in the _French_, _Tout_, _Comerado_, and retired. Capt. _Goff_ came this Year in Hopes to recover the People who were missing with the Boat, and to make a further Essay as to the Trade, but brought no Settlers with him, intended immediately for the Coast, which he could not attain to on Account of the Ice, and went to _Trinity_ Bay in _Newfoundland_, where he staid some Time. Sailed from thence the 27th of _June_; the 2d of _July_ saw _French_ Ships in the Streights of _Belle Isle_, retarded by the Ice; and the 9th of _July_ joined Capt. _Taylor_ in a Sloop of about 35 Tons, fitted out from _Rhode Island_ to go in Pursuit of a _North-west Passage_; and if not successful to come down on the Coast of _Labrador_. Capt. _Goff_ said he had learned by Capt. _Taylor_ that the _Philadelphia_ Schooner would be out, and he should have suspected this to be her, but she entered the Inlet so readily, and came up with that Boldness as could not but think that the Schooner was a _French_ Vessel acquainted with the Coast; and he had received Orders to avoid any Harbour in which a _French_ Ship should appear. Capt. _Taylor_ had seen a large _French_ Sloop in Latitude 53, and to the Northward three hundred _Eskemaux_, who had nothing to trade but their old Cloaths, and who were going further to Northward, but were hindered by the Ice. Capt. _Goff_ and _Taylor_, who had entered into an Agreement to associate, were eight Days grappled to the Ice, and did not arrive at _Nesbit_'s Harbour until the 20th of _July_. But had traded with some of the _Eskemaux_ before, though for small Matters, and had some of these _Eskemaux_ aboard for three successive Days, who then left them, and came no more aboard the Vessels. Capt. _Goff_ suspected, though he had altered his Dress, that they had then recollected him. The 1st of _August_ they sailed from _Nesbit_'s Harbour, and attained to this Inlet where he now was; and on the 11th sailed to the Northward, when Capt. _Taylor_ left him; and on the 25th returned here again. That the Smoke which the Persons saw on the Island when they travelled over Land, and which the Schooner passed that Day, was made by his Order, but that he had not made any other Smoke, and this was for a Direction for his Longboat, gone to the Northward to trade, and to signify to Capt. _Taylor_ his being in the Harbour, whose Return he expected. Capt. _Goff_ said he had been in no Inlet but _Nesbit_'s Harbour, and in this where the Snow was; and that Capt. _Taylor_, in the Snow's Longboat, had searched the Head of this Inlet, shewed a Draught of the Coast, which was defective, as he knew nothing of the intermediate Inlets. Had no Account of the inland Country; of there being any Beaver or other Furs to be acquired there; or of there being any Mines, of which the Schooner's People had seen many Instances, and had collected some Ore. Capt. _Goff_ had two _Dutch_ Draughts of the Coast, made from late Surveys; but they were very inaccurate, the Views taken from Sea, and there the Land appeared close and continued; the Inlets, excepting that in which they now were, appearing like small Bays, their Entrance being covered by Islands. They had, this Year, found the Corpse of one of those who went in the Boat, stripped and lying on an island. It being rainy Weather, and the Wind contrary to the Schooner's going up the Inlet, they were detained, and on _September_ the 8th the Snow's Longboat returned, after having been out fourteen Days, with some Whalebone, and a Quantity of _Eskemaux_ Cloathing, which being examined to find out if the _Eskemaux_ wore Furs, there was only seen a small Slip of Otter Skin on one of the Frocks. And Capt. _Goff_, being asked, said he never saw any Furs amongst them. It is pretty evident the _Eskemaux_ only pass along this Coast, to go and trade with the _Eskemaux_ in _Hudson_'s Streights, and occasionally put in as Weather or other Occasions may make it necessary, which keeps the Native or inland _Indians_ from the Coast, as they are their Enemies. The _Eskemaux_ go up to Latitude 58, or further North; there leave their great Boats, pass a small Neck of Land, taking their Canoes with them, and then go into another Water which communicates with _Hudson_'s Streights. Carry their Return of Trade into _Eskemaux_ Bay, where they live in Winter; and the _French_ made considerable Returns to _Old France_, by the Whalebone and Oil procured from these People. And this Account is agreeable to the best Information that could be procured. While the Schooner's People were viewing the Cloaths, Word was brought that the _Eskemaux_ were coming, who may be heard shouting almost before that they can be discerned, the Schooner's People repaired aboard. On the Colours aboard the Snow being hoisted, the Schooner's People displayed theirs; but the Snow being the nearest, and the Snow's People so urged the _Eskemaux_ to come along-side them, that they were afraid to pass. The _Eskemaux_ had no large Boats with them, only their Canoes, three of which came afterwards along-side the Schooner. It was perceived that none of the leading People were in the Canoes; they exposed no Marks or Shew of any Trade they had, which was usual for them to lay on the Outside their Canoes; nevertheless they were presented with Rings. It was some Time before they began to trade with the Snow's People, and then it was carried on in a very peremptory Manner. The People in the Schooner, a light Wind springing up, weighed Anchor, with a Design to proceed up the Inlet, expecting to be followed by the _Eskemaux_, when they saw that they were not Associates with the Snow's People, so to have a future Opportunity of trading with them. It was also consistent with the Design they had of searching this Inlet, the first Opportunity that offered. They took their Leave of Capt. _Goff_ as they passed, and when advanced further beat their Drum. The _Eskemaux_ quitted the Snow and came after the Schooner. The Fire Arms were all primed and in order aboard the Schooner, but concealed; each Man had his Station; and they were ordered to treat the _Eskemaux_ as Men, and to behave to them in an orderly Manner; no hallooing, jumping, or wrestling with them when they came aboard; not to refuse some of the _Eskemaux_ to come aboard, and let others, as there were but nine Canoes in all. As the _Eskemaux_ came along-side the Schooner, they were presented each with a Biscuit, a Person standing in the main Chains with a Basket of Biscuit for that Purpose. Then they aboard the Schooner shewed a Kettle, a Hatchet, and some other Things, which seemed much to please the _Eskemaux_. One of them attempting to get into the Schooner, two of the People helped him in: He was received civilly on the Quarter-deck; the trading Box shewed him, a Spoon, a Knife, and a Comb with which he touched his Hair and seemed desirous of, were given him. Other _Eskemaux_ were by this Time aboard. They were presented with Fish-hooks, small Knives, Combs, and a King _George_'s Shilling apiece, which they carefully put into their Sleeves. In the interim the _Eskemaux_ who came first aboard was gone to the Side, and called to another yet in the Canoe under the Title of _Capitaine_. The _Eskemaux_ so called to immediately came aboard, saluted the Commander with three Congees, and kissed each Cheek. He was presented with a Spoon and a Knife. Being shewn the Goods, appeared very desirous of a File, offering old Cloaths for it. But the Commander signified he would not trade for old Cloaths, but _Shoeeock_ (which is Whalebone in their Language) or Skins; and the latter he denoted to the _Capitaine_ by a Piece of white Bear Skin that the _Capitaine_ had brought in his Hand. The _Capitaine_ expressed by his Action that he had not either Bone or Skins: He was then presented with the File; was shewed a Matchcoat, which he surveyed very accurately; signed to the Commander if he was not come round from the South-west, meaning, as supposed, from _Quebeck_ or the Gulph of _St. Lawrence_. Afterwards took the Commander under his Arm, and shewed a Desire of going into the Cabbin, which was complied with. He passed the Door first, and sat down in as regular a Manner as any _European_, having first accurately looked about him; but there were no Fire-Arms in Sight. Refused Wine, drank Spruce Beer; was shewed a Sample of all the Kind of Goods, with which he seemed well pleased; and it was signified to him that there was Plenty of them. While in the Cabbin the other _Eskemaux_ who were on Deck, called to their _Capitaine_, they were invited down. Three of the _Eskemaux_ came, but it was observable the _Capitaine_ covered the Goods with a Woollen Cloth, which lay on the Table. They were presented with Beef and Pudding, which they took, and returned on Deck. The _Eskemaux Capitaine_ put the Goods into the Box himself very honestly, and seeming to admire a small Brass-handled Penknife, it was presented to him. He then returned on Deck, pointed to the Sun, lowered his Hand a little, then made a Sign of sleeping by shutting his Eyes, and laying his Hand to his Cheek, and shewed with his Hand to have the Schooner to come to an Anchor just above. By which it was understood that a little after that Time the next Day he would be there with Trade. The Schooner, being by this Time opposite to a narrow Passage or Streight formed by Islands, through which the _Eskemaux_ had come into this Inlet, the _Capitaine_ ordered his People into their Canoes, and retired with a Congee himself, after repeating the Commander's Name, to see if he had it right, and which he had been very industrious to learn while he was in the Cabbin. The Commander attended him to the Side; and seeing in his Canoe a War-bow and Arrows, which are of a curious Construction, pressed him to let him have them, though the same Thing as asking a Man to part with the Sword he wore. The _Capitaine_, by Signs, shewed he could not part with it, and seemed to express it with great Reluctance that he could not. This Circumstance, and their having no Women with them, caused the Schooner's People to think they looked upon themselves, when they set out, as coming amongst their Enemies. The Drum was beat until they were out of Sight; and the _Capitaine_, just before he lost Sight of the Schooner by being shut in by the Islands, pointed to the Sun, and the anchoring Place. The _Eskemaux_, while aboard, behaved with great Decency and Silence; though at first they began to jump and halloo, as they had done aboard the Snow; but finding the People of the Schooner not so disposed, soon left off. Soon after the Schooner was anchored in an excellent Harbour, the Snow's Boat came along-side, with the first Mate and Agent. They were asked to mess; and it being enquired of them how far they had been with the Longboat in the last Trip, said to Latitude 57° 14´: Had seen no _Eskemaux_, but within a few Days, though they had been out fourteen Days. The Mate said, that he had chased a trading Boat, with two _Eskemaux_ in it, who had endeavoured to avoid them, and dodged amongst the Islands; but he came up with them as though he had been a Privateer's Boat; run bolt aboard them, and so frightened the _Eskemaux_ that they fell on their Knees, cried out, _Tout Comerado_, and they would have given him all they had. He said they took out the Whalebone, which he brought aboard, about a Hundred and fifty Weight, and paid them for it as much as he saw the Captain give. He saw other _Eskemaux_ at times ashore, where they invited him, but would not venture; and fired a Blunderbuss, charged with thirteen Bullets, over them, which caused some of them to fall down, others to bow. Some _Eskemaux_ came along-side, and traded their Cloaths; but with great Fear, crying out, _Tout Comerado_, as he had four Men armed standing in the Bow of the Boat. Said that those _Eskemaux_ had, who were just gone from the Schooner, the Peoples Cloaths who had been trepanned the last Year, particularly a brown Waistcoat, which had had white Buttons on it, and a white Great-coat. The Great-coat meant was a _French_ Matchcoat, which the _Eskemaux_ Captain had on, made up in a Frock according to the Manner that they wear them. The supposed brown Jacket was a _French_ brown Cloth, and there were two _Eskemaux_ who had them. The Mate said the Schooner's People had talked of some Inlets; but no Answer was made, on which he declared there was no Inlet between _Nesbit_'s Harbour and where they then were, nor any Inlet to Northward between that and Latitude 57° 14´. After making some Enquiries, as to what the Schooner's People further intended, quitted, and made for the Streight the _Eskemaux_ had passed through. This is mentioned as an Instance of what Caution should be used, as to the Choice of Persons sent on Expeditions to explore unfrequented or unknown Parts, as the Adventurers may be Sufferers, and the Reason of their being so a Secret, and thereon pronounce decisively no Advantages are to be made, thus deprived of what might be greatly to their private Emolument in Time under a proper Conduct, and to the Benefit of the Publick. And there is a further Misfortune attending an improper Choice, which every social and generous Man will consider. That according to the Impressions that _Indians_ receive on the first Acquaintance, a lasting Friendship may be expected, or an Enmity and Jealousy very difficult to remove, who, in the interim, will execute their Revenge; not on those who gave the Offence, but on all indiscriminately of the same Complexion, when an Opportunity offers. Reasons would be unnecessarily urged in Support of what Experience proves, and of which there have been several melancholy Examples on this Coast. By a Privateer from _New York_, some Years since, the first Offence was given; those who have gone since have done nothing to mollify or abate this Enmity and Revenge. There could be no Expectation of a Reconciliation with these _Indians_, to the great Improvement of Commerce in various Branches, but by the Measures taken, the sending some of his Majesty's Ships into these Parts to explore and get a Knowledge of the Coast; and the Commanders to establish a Regulation, which will be a Satisfaction and Encouragement to every fair Trader; and where the Trade long since might have been brought to some Perfection, had it not been from the little dirty Avarice of those employed by private Adventurers, who hindered the original Design having a due Effect; and by interfering the one with the other, to their mutual Prejudice, they prevented those Returns on their Voyages which might have been otherwise made. The Consequence was, all future Attempts were dropt, and it was indeed rendered almost impossible that any fresh Undertakings should meet with Success, by the Difficulties flung in the Way on Account of the Natives, but which will now be effectually removed by the Government giving their Assistance. The next Morning three People were sent from the Schooner to go on the Heights, to discover the Water the _Eskemaux_ had gone into, and to see if the _Eskemaux_ were coming. The Account brought back was, that there was seen an _Indian_ trading Boat or Shallop under Sail, which presently tacked and stood towards four other Shallops. They all lowered Sail, and the _Eskemaux_ seemed to be consulting together. Soon after the People saw the Snow's Longboat coming, the Shallops hoisted Sail, then went one Canoe, afterwards two more, to the Snow's Longboat, while the Shallops crouded away. The Schooner's People, after this Time, had no Opportunity of seeing the _Eskemaux_; and attributed their coming no more to their Fear of meeting the Longboat, or the bad Weather, it being wet and blustering for the several succeeding Days. But they learned, after the Schooner had returned to _Philadelphia_, that those in the Snow's Longboat followed the Shallops, came up with them, and took what they had. The Reason is apparent for their not coming to the Schooner as they had no Trade, and as they might have a Suspicion that the Schooner's People had a Connivance with those in the Boat, especially as they might see the three People from the Schooner standing on the Heights. The Commander searched the Head of this Inlet, the Shores of which were the most barren of any that had yet been seen, from the Sea to the Head of it, about nine Leagues. Upon their Return they found the Snow gone; they then went through the Streight by which they saw the _Eskemaux_ pass to explore that Water. From this the Discoverer passed between Islands, without going out to Sea into a second Inlet; and from that to a third from where he had met the Snow, and the seventh from _Nesbit_'s Harbour. And the seventh or last Inlet ran a North and Westerly Course, and terminated the furthest inland, or had the most Western Longitude of any of the Inlets; and its Head about fifteen Leagues from the Sea. These last three Inlets to Seaward are separated by very large Islands, and have Islands lying off directly athwart their Entrance, so that it is difficult to discover, when within these Islands, that there is any Outlet to the Sea. The Islands have little Wood on them, and are mostly barren Rock; but the main Land much as in the other Parts, only the Inland more level. The blue Ridge of Mountains appeared plainer than from any other Part. The Latitude of the furthest Inlet about 56. Having explored these respective Waters and adjacent Country, and _Davis_'s Inlet, consequently, though it is difficult to which properly to affix the Name; and the Autumn being far advanced, as was apparent from the Birch Leaves becoming yellow, the Berries Frost-bit, the Pines and Spruce turning brown, severe Gales, Snow and Sleet at times, and excessive cold on the high Land; so as nothing further could be carried on with any Spirit, but excessive Fatigue, and the Health of the People, as well preserved as on first setting out, would be now impaired, with no certain Prospect of doing any Thing further that was material, sufficient Harbours having been found; on the 20th of _September_ they set out on their Return. Leaving the Land favoured with pleasant Weather, an Opportunity waited for to make an accurate Survey of the Fishing Bank, and to find the Distance it lay from the Land, which from the Soundings on making the Land, the seeing the Islands of Ice aground, and the Account of _Davis_, was known to be there, and named by him _Walsingham_'s Bank, after the true Patriot and generous Patron of a Discovery of a North-west Passage. Sounding about a League from Land, with one Hundred and fifty Fathom of Line, had no Ground. At about six Leagues from Land, twenty-five Fathoms afterwards various Soundings, and catched a great many Cod, large and full fed, reckoned by the People aboard, to be very extraordinary Fish, some of whom from _Boston_ followed the Employ of fishing for Cod. The Bank was concluded to be about nine Leagues broad, and ninety Fathom Soundings on the going off it, on the Eastern Side; and it was concluded, on a pretty good Assurance, that it reaches from Lat. 57 to Lat. 54, if not further; but the Weather proving boisterous, as they ran to the Southward, could not continue their Soundings. The Schooner sounded with a Hundred and fifty Fathom of Line, close by an Island of Ice, of a surprising Magnitude, between the Bank and the Shore, which was aground, and they did not get Soundings. FINIS. ERRATA. Page 16. L. 23. de Fuentes. The, _read_ de Fuentes, the. 44. L. 11. de Fonte's, _read_ de Fonte's Account. 45. L. 36. Don Ronquillo, _read_ Don Pennelossa. 49. L. 18. from, _read_ in. 54. L. 11. to the Southward, _read_ to the Northward. 61. L. 15. it, _read_ this Mission. 67. L. 29. as that worthy, _read_ that worthy. 82. L. 6. New Spain, _read_ Florida. L. 9. Florida, _read_ Peruan Part. 83. L. 28. is consistent, _read_ is not consistent. 90. L. 17. Rivers and Harbours, _read_ River and Harbour. 106. L. 32. in the Year 1746, _read_ until the Year 1745. 111. L. 6. between the Sea, _read_ the Ocean and the Sea. 136. L. 14. nigh Summit, _read_ high Summit. DIRECTIONS for placing the MAPS. Map of _de Fonte_'s Discoveries, in Front. Map of _New Spain_, from _Torquemada_, Page 86. Map of the Discoveries in _Hudson_'s Bay, Page 122. Just published, in QUARTO, Very proper to be bound with this Book, I. VOYAGES from ASIA to AMERICA, Made by the _Russians_ for completing the Discoveries of the North-west Coast of _America_. Translated from the _High Dutch_ of M. MULLER, of the Royal Academy of _Petersburgh_. Illustrated with Maps. The Second Edition. II. The History of KAMTSCHATKA and the KURILSKI ISLANDS, with the Countries adjacent. Illustrated with Maps and Cuts. Published at _Petersburgh_ in the _Russian_ Language, by Order of her Imperial Majesty; and translated into _English_ by JAMES GRIEVE, M.D. * * * * * Transcriber's Notes The sidenotes April 1708 and June 1708 were printed at the beginning of each page of the chapter in the original. This duplication has been removed. The corrections in the Errata list have been implemented, the first of which is on page 15, not 16. Hyphenation has been standardised. Obvious typographical errors have been silently corrected. Other variations in spelling, punctuation and accents are as in the original. Italics are represented thus _italic_. The long s has been replaced throughout.
60948 ---- [Frontispiece: The Summit of Mount Everest. (_By permission of the Mount Everest Committee._)] THE LAST SECRETS The Final Mysteries of Exploration By JOHN BUCHAN THOMAS NELSON AND SONS, LTD. LONDON, EDINBURGH, AND NEW YORK _First Impression, September 1923_ PRINTED IN GREAT BRITAIN AT THE PRESS OF THE PUBLISHERS TO THE MEMORY OF BRIG.-GEN. CECIL RAWLING, C.M.G., C.I.E. WHO FELL AT THE THIRD BATTLE OF YPRES AN INTREPID EXPLORER A GALLANT SOLDIER AND THE BEST OF FRIENDS PREFACE The first two decades of the twentieth century will rank as a most distinguished era in the history of exploration, for during them many of the great geographical riddles of the world have been solved. This book contains a record of some of the main achievements. What Nansen said of Polar exploration is true of all exploration; its story is a "mighty manifestation of the power of the Unknown over the mind of man." The Unknown, happily, will be always with us, for there are infinite secrets in a blade of grass, and an eddy of wind, and a grain of dust, and human knowledge will never attain that finality when the sense of wonder shall cease. But to the ordinary man there is an appeal in large, bold, and obvious conundrums, which is lacking in the _minutiæ_ of research. Thousands of square miles of the globe still await surveying and mapping, but most of the exploration of the future will be the elucidation of details. The main lines of the earth's architecture have been determined, and the task is now one of amplifying our knowledge of the groyning and buttresses and stone-work. There are no more unvisited forbidden cities, or unapproached high mountains, or unrecorded great rivers. "The world is disenchanted; oversoon Must Europe send her spies through all the land." It is in a high degree improbable that many geographical problems remain, the solving of which will come upon the mind with the overwhelming romance of the unveilings we have been privileged to witness. The explorer's will still be a noble trade, but it will be a filling up of gaps in a framework of knowledge which we already possess. The morning freshness has gone out of the business, and we are left with the plodding duties of the afternoon. Some of the undertakings described in these pages have not been completed. The foot of man has not yet stood on the last snows of Everest, or on the summit of Carstensz. One notable discovery I have not dealt with--the great Turfan Depression in the heart of Central Asia, far below the sea level, the existence of which was first established by the Russian, Roborowski, before the close of last century, and the details of which have been described by Sir Aurel Stein in his _Ruins of Desert Cathay_ and _Serindia_. But Sir Aurel's interest was chiefly in the antiquities of the place, and the more strictly geographical results have not yet been given to the world. Today, if we survey the continents, we find nothing of which the main features have not been already expounded. The Amazon basin might be regarded as an exception, and only a little while ago men dreamed of discovering among the wilds of the Bolivian frontier the remains, perhaps even the survival, of an ancient civilization. It would appear that these dreams are baseless. The late President Roosevelt did, indeed, succeed in putting upon the map a new river, the Rio Roosevelt, 1,500 kilometres long, of which the upper course was entirely unknown, and the lower course explored only by a few rubber collectors--a river which is the chief affluent of the Madeira, which is itself the chief affluent of the Amazon. But now all the tributaries have been traced, and though there is much unexplored ground in the Amazon valley, it consists of forest tracts lying between the rivers, all more or less alike in their general character, and with nothing to repay the explorer except their flora and fauna. Africa is now an open book, even though many parts have been little travelled. The map of Asia alone holds one blank patch which may well be the last of the great secrets--the Desert of Southern Arabia, which lies between Yemen and Oman, 800 by 500 miles of waterless sands. Long ago there were routes athwart it, and hidden in its recesses some great news may await the traveller. But its crossing will be a hazardous affair for whoever undertakes it, since he will have to lean upon the frail reed of milk camels for food and transport. For the rest, the problems are now of survey and scientific enquiry rather than of exploration in the grand manner. I have many acknowledgments to make. My thanks are due in the first place to Mr. Charles Turley Smith, who has contributed the chapters on Arctic and Antarctic Exploration, subjects on which he is specially equipped to write; and, in order to put the conquest of the two Poles in its proper light, has supplied a sketch of the long story of Polar exploration. I am deeply indebted to Mr. Arthur R. Hinks, the Secretary, and to Mr. Edward Heawood, the Librarian, of the Royal Geographical Society for their help and advice. I have also to express my thanks to Messrs. Constable and Company for permission to reproduce illustrations and to quote from works published by them; to Major G. H. Putnam and Messrs. Seeley, Service, and Company for the same kindness; to Major F. M. Bailey, C.I.E., the British Political Officer in Sikkim, for the story of the Brahmaputra Gorges; and to my friends of the Mount Everest Committee for their assent to my use of their beautiful photographs of that mountain. J. B. CONTENTS I. Lhasa II. The Gorges of the Brahmaputra III. The North Pole IV. The Mountains of the Moon V. The South Pole VI. Mount McKinley VII. The Holy Cities of Islam VIII. The Exploration of New Guinea IX. Mount Everest LIST OF PLATES The Summit of Mount Everest ... _Frontispiece_ View of the Potala Monastery at Lhasa, with the Chortan in the foreground Ruwenzori from the Hill near Kaibo The Valley to the West of Mount Baker Mount McKinley: View of the Southern Approach The Summit of Mount McKinley View of Medina View of Mecca New Guinea Canoes New Guinea Pygmies contrasted with ordinary Natives The _massif_ of Mount Everest The Chang La from the Lhakpa La, with Mount Everest on the left LIST OF MAPS The Expedition to Lhasa The Gorges of the Brahmaputra North Polar Regions The Peaks and Valleys of Ruwenzori The Route to Ruwenzori South Polar Regions Mount McKinley Wavell's Journey to Mecca The Exploration of New Guinea The Route of the Mount Everest Expedition I LHASA LHASA (_Map_, p. 24.) Till the summer of 1904 if one had been asked what was the most mysterious spot on the earth's surface the reply would have been Lhasa. It was a place on which no Englishman had cast an eye for a hundred years and no white man for more than half a century. In our prosaic modern world there remained one city among the clouds about which no tale was too strange for belief. The greatest of mountain barriers shut it off from the south, and on the north it was guarded by leagues of waterless desert. Explorer after explorer had set out on the quest, but all had stopped short before the golden roofs of the sacred city could be seen from any hill-top. Even in early days the place had never been explored, for the visitors had been jealously watched and hurried quickly away. In the Potala might be treasures of a culture long hidden to the world, lost treatises of Aristotle, unknown Greek poems, relics, perhaps, of the mystic kingdom of Kubla Khan, riches of gold and jewels drawn from the four corners of Asia..... And then suddenly in 1904 we went there, not as apologetic travellers taken by side paths, but as an armed force marching along the highway to the very heart of the mystery, and letting loose at once upon the world a flood of accurate knowledge. For a moment we were carried centuries away from high politics and every modern invention, and were back in the great ages of discovery: with the Portuguese in their quest for Ophir or Prester John, or with Raleigh looking for Manoa the Golden. It was impossible for the least sentimental to avoid a certain regret for the drawing back of that curtain which had meant so much to the imagination of mankind. The shrinkage of the world goes on so fast, our horizon grows so painfully clear, that the old untiring wonder which cast its glamour over the ways of our predecessors is vanishing from the lives of their descendants. With the unveiling of Lhasa fell the last stronghold of the older romance. I Tibet had always been a forbidden land, and, as a rule, adventurers only penetrated its fringes. Somewhere about the year 1328 a certain Friar Odoric of Pordenone, travelling from Cathay, is said to have entered Lhasa; and in the middle of the sixteenth century, Fernao Mendes Pinto may have reached it. In 1661 the Jesuits, Grueber and D'Orville, made a journey from Peking to Lhasa, and thence by way of Nepal into India. In the early part of the eighteenth century there was a temporary unveiling, and a Capuchin Mission was established in the Holy City. Various Jesuits also reached the place, notably one Desideri; and in 1730 came Samuel Van der Putte, a Doctor of Laws of Leiden, who stayed long enough to learn the language. In 1745 the Capuchin Mission came to an end, and the curtain descended. In 1774 George Bogle of the East India Company was in Tibet on a mission from Warren Hastings, but the first Englishman did not reach Lhasa till 1811, when Thomas Manning, of Caius College, Cambridge, a friend of Charles Lamb, arrived and stayed for five months on his unsuccessful journey from Calcutta to Peking. Till 1904 Manning was the solitary Englishman who was known for certain to have entered the sacred city, though there was a tale of one William Moorcroft reaching the place in 1826, and living there for twelve years in disguise. In 1844 the French missionaries, Huc and Gabet, reached Lhasa from China, and recorded their experiences in one of the most delightful of all books of travel. They were the last Europeans to have the privilege up to the entry of the British army. But throughout the last half of the nineteenth century Indian natives in the Government service were employed in the survey of Tibet, men of the type of the Babu whom Mr. Kipling has described in _Kim_. The whole business was kept strictly secret. The agents were known only by the letters of the alphabet, and when they crossed the Tibetan borders they were aware that they had passed beyond the protection of the British Raj. More than one reached Lhasa by fantastic routes, with the result that the Indian Government had accurate information about the city filed in its archives, while the world at large knew the place only from the story of Huc and Gabet, and from the drawing of the Potala made by Grueber in the seventeenth century. Of the later European travellers none reached the capital. Mr. Littledale in 1895 was not stopped by the Tibetan authorities till he was within fifty miles of the city, and Sven Hedin in 1901 got within fourteen days of Lhasa from the north. But meantime events were happening which were to impel the Government of India to interfere more actively in Tibetan policy than by merely sending native agents to collect news. The traditional policy was to preserve Tibet as a sanctuary, but a sanctuary is only a sanctuary if all the neighbours combine to hold it inviolate. In 1903 the position of Britain and Tibet was like that of a big boy at school who is tormented by an impertinent youngster. He bears it for some time, but at last is compelled to administer chastisement. The Convention of 1890 and the Trade Regulations of 1893 were outraged by the Tibetans in many of their provisions; our letters of protest were returned unopened; and, since news travels fast upon the frontier, our protected peoples began to wonder what made the British Raj so tolerant of ill-treatment. This was bad enough for our prestige in the East, but the danger became acute when we discovered that the Dalai Lama was in treaty with Russia, and that an avowed Russian agent, one Dorjieff, was in residence at his court. The two powers in Lhasa were the Dalai Lama, who speedily fell under Russian influence, and the Tsong-du, or Council, composed of representatives of the great priestly caste, who suspected all innovations, and were in favour of maintaining the traditional policy of exclusion against Russia and Britain alike. China, though the nominal suzerain, was impotent, her Viceroy, the Amban, being partially insulted by both parties. In these circumstances Britain could only make her arrangements by going direct to headquarters. Dorjieff had played his cards with great skill, and seemed to be winning everywhere. The Dalai Lama was wholly with him, and had received from the Tsar a complete set of vestments of a Bishop of the Greek Church. The Russian monarch was recognized as a Bodisat incarnation, representing no less a person than Tsong-kapa, the Luther of Lamaism; and Russia was popularly believed to be a Buddhist Power, or, at any rate, the sworn protector of the Buddhist faith. It is difficult to overestimate the significance of these doings; but at the same time Russian influence was rather potential than actual. The Cossacks who accompanied Sven Hedin were headed off from the Holy City as vigorously as any English explorer, and the tales of arming with Russian rifles which filtered through to India were rather intelligent anticipations than records of facts. There were thus two parties in Tibet pulling against each other, but both in different ways hostile to our interests. The Dalai Lama and Dorjieff favoured a departure from the traditional Tibetan policy in favour of Russia. The Tsong-du and the Lamaist hierarchy in general were all for exclusion, but in their wilfulness declined to observe treaties or behave with neighbourly honesty. This internal strife, which alone made possible the success of our expedition, also made its dispatch inevitable, for neither party was prepared to listen to any argument but force. Few enterprises have ever been undertaken by Britain more unwillingly, and her decision was only arrived at under the compulsion of stark necessity. There were many who reprobated what they assumed to be a violation of the sacred places of an ancient, pure, and pacific religion. But there was no need for compunction on that score, since Lamaism was the grossest perversion of Buddhism in all Asia. Spiritually it had more kinship with the aboriginal devil-worship of Tibet than the gentle creed of Gautama. Practically it was a political tyranny of monks, who battened upon a mild and industrious population and ruled them with coarse theological terrors. Our reception by the monasteries was sufficiently gruff; but to the common people we came rather in the guise of friends. In July, 1903, Colonel Younghusband, as he then was, Mr. White, and Captain O'Connor went to Khamba Jong, a place in Southern Tibet, just north of Sikkim. There they met the Abbot of Tashilhunpo and certain emissaries from Lhasa, but nothing could be done; and, with the concurrence of the Indian Office, it was arranged that a Mission should go to Gyangtse, the chief town of Southern Tibet, accompanied by a small escorting force. While troops were being collected, the Commissioner, Colonel Younghusband, went to Tuna, on the bleak plain above the Tang La, where he waited through three weary winter months. Meanwhile General Macdonald, a soldier who had had a distinguished record in Central Africa, took up his quarters at Chumbi, while Major Bretherton, the chief transport and supply officer, accumulated stores in that valley and prepared the line of communications. Those were anxious months of waiting for the Mission, for the Tibetans were in force in the neighbourhood, and daily threatened to attack the small post; but nothing happened till the escort joined them in the end of March, 1904, and all things were ready for the advance. [Illustration: The Expedition to Lhasa.] It is worth while looking back upon the road to Tuna from the plains of Bengal, surely one of the most wonderful of the Great North Roads of the world. At Siliguri the little toy railway to Darjeeling runs up the hill-side; but the path for the troops lay along the gorge of the Teesta River, through forests of sal and gurjun, which give place in turn to teak and bamboo, till the altitude increases and the tree-fern and rhododendron take their places, and at last the pines are reached and the fringe of the snows is near. From the glorious sub-tropical vegetation of Gangtok, the capital of Sikkim, the road runs through difficult ravines till it passes the tree-line at Lagyap and climbs over the frozen summit of the Natu La. From this point Tibet is visible, with the majestic snows of Chumulhari hanging like a cloud in the north. Then you descend to the Chumbi valley, the Debatable Land of Tibet, where stands Ta-Karpo, the great White Rock which recalls a famous passage in the Odyssey. Right under Chumulhari and just south of the Tang La, lies Phari Jong, the first of the minor Tibetan fortalices, which looks as if it were a bad copy of some European model. A little farther and you are over the pass and on the great plateau of Tuna, where icy winds blow from the hills and drive the gritty soil in blizzards about the traveller. There are few places in the world where in so short a time so complete a climatic and scenic change can be experienced. II On the 31st March the expedition left Tuna; and after an unfortunate encounter with the Tibetans, which cost the latter many lives, and in which Mr. Edmund Candler, the distinguished war correspondent, was wounded, the enemy made a further stand at Red Idol Gorge. Nothing of importance, however, occurred till the town of Gyangtse was reached and occupied without a shot. Very soon it became apparent that no more could be done here than at Khamba Jong, and the Government of India were obliged to sanction a farther advance to Lhasa. For this preparations must be made; so the Commissioner, with a small escort, took up his quarters at Gyangtse, while General Macdonald returned to Chumbi for reinforcements. The jong was found to be deserted, but, unfortunately, was neither held nor destroyed, the Mission residing in the plain below. At first the waiting among those iris-clad meadows was pleasant and idyllic enough; the country people brought abundant supplies, and members of the staff rode through the neighbourhood and had tea with various dignitaries of the Church; but early in May things took a turn for the worse. It was reported that the Tibetans were fortifying the Karo La, the next pass on the Lhasa road; and, since it is the first principle of frontier warfare to strike quickly, Colonel Brander was dispatched with the larger part of the garrison to disperse them. He performed the task with conspicuous success, and the incident is remarkable for one of the strangest pieces of fighting in our military history. It was necessary to enfilade a sangar in which the enemy was ensconced, and a native officer, Wassawa Singh, with twelve Gurkhas, was detached for the work. They climbed by means of cracks and chimneys up a 1,500 feet cliff--an exploit which would have done credit to any Alpine club, even if the climbers had not been cumbered with weapons, exposed to fire, and labouring at a height of nearly 19,000 feet. During the engagement disquieting news arrived from Gyangtse that the jong had been reoccupied by the enemy and that the Mission was undergoing a continuous bombardment. Colonel Brander hurried back, to find that the world had moved fast in his absence, and that there was a new type of Tibetan army to be faced--a type possessed of both dash and persistence, with some notion of strategy, and with guns which, at short range, could do real execution. So began the blockade of the Mission house; an imperfect blockade, for the telegraph wires remained intact, the mail was delivered with fair regularity, and the besieged endured no special privations. "The honours," says Mr. Perceval Landon,* "were pretty evenly divided. Neither the Tibetans nor we were able to storm the other's defences; a mutual fusillade compelled each side to protect its occupants by an elaborate system of traverses; and straying beyond the narrow tracts of the fortifications was, on either side, severely discouraged by the other." * _Lhasa_, by Perceval Landon. An attempt to cut our communications failed, and by the capture of Pala the garrison greatly strengthened its position. Our troops had an experience of the type of fighting which has scarcely been known since the great sackings of the Thirty Years' War. In an upland country we expect attacks on fortified hilltops, and long-range encounters, such as we saw in South Africa. But in an episode like the capture of Naini, it was mediæval street fighting that we had to face. The Castle of Otranto provided no more endless labyrinths than those Tibetan monasteries. "Bands of desperate swordsmen were found in knots under trap-doors and behind sharp turnings. They would not surrender, and had to be killed by rifle shots fired at a distance of a few feet." On the 26th June General Macdonald arrived with a relieving force, and soon after came the Tongsa Penlop, the temporal ruler of Bhutan, a genial potentate in rich vari-coloured robes and a Homburg hat. The Tibetan offensive had weakened, but the jong had to be taken before the Mission could advance. Down the middle of the precipitous south-eastern face of the great rock ran a deep fissure, across which walls had been built. It was decided to breach these walls by our gun fire and then to attack by way of the cleft. The actual assault was a brilliant and intrepid exploit, for which Lieutenant Grant of the 8th Gurkhas most deservedly received the Victoria Cross. With our guns battering the walls above, he and his men scrambled up the ravine, while masses of rubble poured down on them, and every now and then carried off a man. Then the Gurkhas' bugles warned the guns to cease, and the last climb began up a face so steep that there was no possible shelter from the enemy's fire. By such desperate mountaineering the invaders at last reached the wreckage of the Tibetan wall. Grant and one of the Gurkhas were the first two men over, and to the observers below their death seemed a certainty. They were two against the whole enemy force in the Jong, and had the Tibetans reserved their fire and waited at the bastions, they could have picked off every man of the assault as his head appeared above the breach. But the bold course proved the wise one, and presently the garrison surrendered. Rarely has the Victoria Cross been better earned, and it is satisfactory to know that Lieutenant Grant reaped the reward of perfect fearlessness and received only a slight wound. III On the 14th July the expedition moved out from Gyangtse along the road to Lhasa. Grass and a glory of flowers covered the glens which led up to the Karo La. The serious fighting was over, and the second crossing of that pass was remarkable only for the fact that some rock platforms and caves had to be cleared by our panting troops at an altitude of over 19,000 feet. In the rest of the story the soldier finds little place, and the interest attaches itself to the durbars of the Commissioner and the treasure-house of natural and artistic wonders which the Mission was approaching. For after Gyangtse the resistance of the Tibetans was at an end. Half-sullenly and half-curiously they permitted our advance, delaying us a little with fruitless negotiations, while in Lhasa the game of high politics which the Dalai Lama had played was turning against him, and, like another deity, he was meditating a pilgrimage. After the Karo La came the Yam-dok--or, as some call it, the Yu-tso or Turquoise Lake--the most wonderful natural feature of the plateau. Its curious shape, its pale blue waters, its shores of white sand fringed with dog-roses and forget-me-nots, the cloud of fable which has always brooded over it, and its august environment, make it unique among the lakes of the world. I quote a fragment of Mr. Landon's description:-- "Below lie both the outer and the inner lakes, this following with counter-indentations the in-and-out windings of the other's shore-line. The mass and colour of the purple distance is Scotland at her best--Scotland, too, in the slow drift of a slant-roofed raincloud in among the hills. At one's feet the water is like that of the Lake of Geneva. But the tattered outline of the beach, with its projecting lines of needle-rocks, its wide, white curving sandspits, its jagged islets, its precipitous spurs, and, above all, the mysterious tarns strung one beyond another into the heart of the hills, all these are the Yam-dok's own, and not another's. If you are lucky, you may see the snowy slopes of To-nang gartered by the waters, and always on the horizon are the everlasting ice-fields of the Himalayas, bitterly ringing with argent the sun and colour of the still blue lake. You will not ask for the added glories of a Tibetan sunset; the grey spin and scatter of a rain-threaded afterglow, or the tangled sweep of a thundercloud's edge against the blue, will give you all you wish, and you will have seen the finest view in all this strange land." On the shore lies the convent of Samding, the home of the Dorje Phagmo, or pig goddess, which was jealously respected by the troops, since its abbess had nursed Chundra Dass, one of the adventurous agents of the Indian Government, when he fell sick during his travels. The present incarnation, a little girl of six, declined to reveal herself. Nothing was more satisfactory in the whole tale of the expedition than the way in which any service done at any time to a British subject, white or black, met with full recognition. Such conduct cannot have failed to have raised the prestige of the Power which showed itself so mindful of its servants. Prestige and reputation of a kind, indeed, we already possessed. Tibetan monasteries had a trick of sending their most valuable belongings to the nearest convent, for, they argued, the English do not enter nunneries or war with women. [Illustration: View of the Potala Monastery at Lhasa, with the Chortan in the foreground.] On July 24th the expedition crossed the Khamba La and descended to the broad green valley of the Tsangpo. The crossing of that river, a work of real difficulty, was made tragic by the death of Major Bretherton, the brilliant transport officer, to whom, perhaps, more than to any other soldier, the military success in the enterprise was due. Not the least of the mysteries of Tibet was this secret stream, which the traveller, after miles of bleak upland, finds flowing among English woods and meadows. In Assam and Bengal it was the Brahmaputra; but when it entered the hills it was as unknown to civilized man as Alph or the Four Rivers of Eden. What its middle course was like and how it broke through the mountain barrier were questions which no one had answered,* nor at the time was there any accurate knowledge of its upper valleys. * See Chapter II. Once on the north bank Lhasa was but a short way off, and in growing excitement the expedition covered the last stages. It was one of the great moments of life, and we can all understand and envy the final hurried miles, till through the haze the eye caught the gleam of golden roofs and white terraces. The first prospect brought no disappointment. If the streets were squalid, they were set in a green plain seamed with waters; trees and gardens were everywhere; while, above, the huge Assisi-like citadel of the Potala typified the massive secrecy of generations, and the ring of dark hills reminded the onlooker that this garden ground was planted on the roof of the world. Meanwhile the expedition set itself down outside the gates to abide the pleasure of the sullen and perturbed masters. The deity of the place had gone on a journey, no one quite knew whither. He had kept his moonlight flitting a secret, and had gone off on the northern road with Dorjieff and a small escort to claim the hospitality of his spiritual brother of Urga. He had played his impossible game with spirit and subtlety, and he had a pretty taste for romance in its ending. "When one looks for mystery in Lhasa," wrote Mr. Candler, "one's thoughts dwell solely on the Dalai Lama and the Potala. I cannot help dwelling on the flight of the thirteenth incarnation. It plunges us into mediævalism. To my mind there is no picture so engrossing in modern history as that exodus when the spiritual head of the Buddhist Church, the temporal ruler of six millions, stole out of his palace by night, and was borne away in his palanquin." The romance which Mr. Candler saw in the Potala, Mr. Landon found most conspicuously in the church of the Jo-kang. The palace was magnificent from the outside, but within it was only a warren of small rooms and broken stairways. The great cathedral, on the other hand, was hidden away among trees and streets, so that its golden roof could only be seen from a distance, but inside it was a shrine of all that was mysterious and splendid. The contrast was allegorical of the difference between the temporal ruler of Lamaism--gaudy, tyrannical, and hollow--and the sway of the Buddhist Church, which by hidden ways and unseen agencies dominated the imagination of Asia. The Chinese Amban, having a natural desire to pay back the people who had so grossly neglected him, invited certain members of the Mission to enter this Holy of Holies. The visitors were the first white men to approach the inner sanctuary of the Buddhist faith. They were stoned on leaving the building, but the sight was one worth risking much to see. In the central shrine sat the great golden Buddha, roped with jewels, crowned with turquoise and pearl, surrounded by dim rough-hewn shapes which loomed out fitfully in the glare of the butter-lamps, while the maroon-clad monks droned their eternal chant before the silver altar. And the statue was as strange as its environment. "For this is no ordinary presentation of the Master. The features are smooth and almost childish; beautiful they are not, but there is no need of beauty here. There is no trace of that inscrutable smile which, from Mukden to Ceylon, is inseparable from our conception of the features of the Great Teacher. Here there is nothing of the saddened smile of the Melancholia, who has known too much and has renounced it all as vanity. Here, instead, is the quiet happiness and the quick capacity for pleasure of the boy who had never yet known either pain, or disease, or death. It is Gautama as a pure and eager prince, without any thought for the morrow or care for to-day." Mr. Landon has other pictures of almost equal charm. He takes us to the famous Ling-kor, the sacred road which encircled the town, worn with the feet of generations of men seeking salvation. We see the unclean abode of the Ragyabas, that strange unholy caste of beggar scavengers; we walk in the gardens of the Lu-kang, by the willow-fringed lake and the glades of velvet turf; and, not least, we visit the temple of the Chief Wizard, where every form of human torment is delicately portrayed in fresco and carving. But if we wish to realize the savagery at the heart of this proud theocracy, we must go with Mr. Candler to the neighbouring Depung monastery on the quest for supplies, and see the tribe of inquisitors buzzing out like angry wasps, and submitting only when the guns were trained on them. For these weeks of waiting in Lhasa were an anxious time for all concerned. Our own position was precarious in the extreme, and, had the Lhasans once realized it, impossible. Winter was approaching, the Government was urging the Mission to get its Treaty and come home, and yet day after day had to pass without result, and the Commissioner could only wait, and oppose to the obstinacy of the monks a stronger and quieter determination. Sir Francis Younghusband was indeed almost the only man in the Empire fitted for the task. "He sat through every durbar," says Mr. Candler, "a monument of patience and inflexibility, impassive as one of their own Buddhas. Priests and councillors found that appeals to his mercy were hopeless. He, too, had orders from his King to go to Lhasa; if he faltered, his life also was at stake; decapitation would await him on his return. That was the impression he purposely gave them. It curtailed palaver. How in the name of all their Buddhas were they to stop such a man?" At last on 1st September, when after a month's diplomacy the Tibetans had only admitted two of our demands, the time came to deliver our ultimatum. The delegates were told that if all our terms were not accepted within a week, General Macdonald would consider the question of using stronger arguments. Our forbearance was justified by its results, for the opposition suddenly subsided, and we gained what we asked without any coercion. It was a diplomatic triumph of a high order, obtained in the face of difficulties which seemed to put diplomacy out of the question. The final scene came on 7th September, when in the audience chamber of the Potala the Treaty was signed by the Commissioner, and by the acting Regent, who affixed the seal of the Dalai Lama, the four Shapes, a representative of the Tsong-du, and the heads of the great monasteries. Thereafter came a limelight photograph of the gathering, and with this very modern climax the great Asian mystery became a thing of the past. The Dalai Lama had already been formally deposed, his spiritual powers were transferred to our friend the Tashe Lama, and, with the Treaty in our baggage and a real prestige in our wake, we began the homeward march. IV What were the results of the expedition? Geographically they appeared a little barren, for we stuck too close to the highroad to solve many of the greater mysteries. One fact of cardinal importance was established: our conception of Tibet was revolutionized, and instead of an arid plateau we learned that about one-third of it was nearly as fertile and well-watered as Kashmir. For the rest, the two most interesting expeditions were forbidden--down the Brahmaputra to Assam, and to the mountains, nine days north of Lhasa, which had formed the southern limit of Sven Hedin's exploration. One valuable expedition was, however, undertaken. Western Tibet had hitherto been the best known part of the tableland, and now our knowledge of it was linked on to the Lhasan district. On 10th October Captains Ryder, Rawling, and Wood, and Lieutenant Bailey,* with six Gurkhas, left Gyangtse, and made their way by Shigatse up the Tsangpo. They explored the river to its source, and, passing the great Manasarowar lakes, arrived at Gartok, on the Upper Indus. Thence they entered the Sutlej valley, and, crossing the Shipki Pass of over 18,000 feet, reached Simla in the first week of January 1905. Much was added also to our knowledge of the Himalaya. The fact was established that the old report of northern rivals to Everest was unfounded; and, moreover, the highest mountain in the world was seen from the northern side, where the slopes are easier, and the possibility of an attempt on it occurred to various minds--a hope which seventeen years later was realized.** * See Chapter II. ** See Chapter IX. On the political side the true achievement was not the formal Treaty, but the going to Lhasa. We taught the Tibetans that their mysterious capital could not be shut against our troops, and that Russian promises were less real than British performances. We showed ourselves strong, and, above all things, humane, and we earned respect, and, it would also appear, a kind of affection. When the venerable Regent solemnly blessed the Commissioner and General Macdonald for their clemency, and presented each with a golden image of Buddha--an honour rarely granted to the faithful, and never before to an unbeliever--he gave expression to the general feeling of the people. Tibet was enveloped once more in its old seclusion--a deeper seclusion, indeed, since we guaranteed it. A final result was that we vindicated our claim to protect our subjects and those who served us. We took our Gurkhas into the forbidden land, which their native traditions had invested with a miraculous power, and showed them the truth. As for Bhutan, up to 1904 it was as obscure as Tibet and its people were strangers. They were now, in the Commissioner's phrase, "our enthusiastic allies." Their ruler in his Homburg hat joined us in the march, and acted as master of ceremonies in introducing us to the Lhasa notables. Nearly twenty years have passed, and much water has since run under the bridges. In 1906 China adhered to the Treaty, and in 1907 came the Anglo-Russian Convention which provided for the secluding of the country by both Powers, and recognized China's suzerain rights. In 1909 the Dalai Lama, who had been restored, was ejected by Chinese troops, and in 1910 he was at Darjeeling, a refugee claiming our hospitality. Once again he was reinstated, and he has ever since been a faithful ally of Britain. At the outbreak of the Great War he offered 1,000 Tibetan troops, and informed the King that lamas through the length and breadth of Tibet were praying for the success of the British arms and for the happiness of the souls of the fallen. Since 1904 both China and Russia have crumbled into anarchy. There is no peril to India through the eastern Himalayan passes, and the strategic importance of Tibet has dwindled. It is still a forbidden country, but it is no longer a secret one. Posts run regularly to Lhasa, and a telegraph line has been laid to that mysterious capital. But it is mysterious only by a literary convention. The true mystery is gone; the secret, such as it was, has been revealed, and the human mind can no longer play with the unknown. Childe Roland had reached the dark tower and found it not so marvellous after all. It is hard not to sympathize with Mr. Candler's plaint: "There are no more forbidden cities which men have not mapped and photographed. Our children will laugh at modern travellers' tales. They will have to turn again to Gulliver and Haroun al Raschid. And they will soon tire of these. For now that there are no real mysteries, no unknown land of dreams, where there may still be genii and mahatmas and bottle-imps, that kind of literature will be tolerated no longer. Children will be sceptical and matter-of-fact and disillusioned, and there will be no sale for fairy stories any more. But we ourselves are children. Why could we not have left at least one city out of bounds?" These reflections do not detract from the romance of the expedition itself and the privilege of the fortunate men who shared in it. For them it was assuredly a great adventure--one which could never be repeated. It may be summed up, as Mr. Landon has summed it up, in certain famous lines from the _Odyssey_ which have not only a curious local application, but embody the true spirit of the adventure:-- "Over the tides of Ocean on they pressed, On past the great White Rock beside the stream, On, till, through God's high bastions east and west, They reached the plains with pale-starred iris dressed, And found at last the folk of whom men dream." II THE GORGES OF THE BRAHMAPUTRA THE GORGES OF THE BRAHMAPUTRA (_Map_, p. 48.) Fifty years ago one of the questions most debated among geographers was the origin of the Brahmaputra. The great river, navigable for 800 miles from its mouth, was familiar enough in its course through the plains of India; but it flowed from the wild Abor country, and no part of the Indian borders was less known than those north-eastern foothills. Meantime in Tibet, north of the main chain of the Himalayas, there was a large river, the Tsangpo, flowing from west to east. Did the Tsangpo ultimately become the Brahmaputra, or did it flow into the Irrawadi, or even into the Yang-tse Kiang? All three views were held, but there was no evidence to decide between them. In 1874 a native explorer, the pundit Nain Singh, started on his famous journey from Leh to Lhasa, and was instructed, if possible, to follow the Tsangpo and see where it went. He reached Lhasa, and on his return struck the Tsangpo at Tsetang, well to the east of the point where the British expedition crossed in 1904. He followed its course for thirty miles farther down, but was prevented from continuing his journey and compelled to return by the direct route to India. In 1878 another native explorer, G.M.N., seems to have followed the Tsangpo down as far as Gyala, which is not far from the point where the river turns sharply to the south, but his reports were not considered reliable. In 1884 another native, Kinthup, succeeded in following the Tsangpo to a point called Pemakochung. There he found an enormous gorge, and was compelled to make a detour out to the north and east, rejoining the stream where it entered the Abor country. Kinthup's report was of the highest interest. He had stood at the beginning of an apparently impassable gorge, and he reported a fall at Pemakochung of 150 feet. He was, however, quite illiterate and was only able to make his report from memory, and it presently appeared that the height might be only 50 feet, and that the higher fall was not in the main stream but in a small tributary. One fact, however, of the utmost importance had been established by his expedition. The Tsangpo was beyond reasonable doubt the Brahmaputra in its upper course. [Illustration: The Gorges of the Brahmaputra.] The Lhasa expedition in 1904 would fain have traced the river to the plains had not the Government interposed a veto. In the years that followed, the source of the Tsangpo was discovered by Captain Rawling. In 1911 the Abor expedition increased our knowledge of the course of the Brahmaputra right up to the skirts of the main range. The problem now was not the linking up of the Tsangpo and the Brahmaputra, but what happened to the river in the hairpin bend between Pemakochung and its debouchment in the Abor valleys. The elevation of the stream at the point where the main road to Lhasa crossed it was in the neighbourhood of 12,000 feet. From there as far as Pemakochung we knew that there was no very great loss in altitude, but when the Brahmaputra appeared in the Abor foothills it was only between 1,000 and 2,000 feet above the sea. The stretch of unknown course was perhaps 200 miles, and in that section the river broke through the main range of the Himalaya. It was possible--nay, it was probable--that somewhere in those gorges, which Kinthup had thought impassable, lay hidden the most tremendous waterfall in the world. The secret of the Brahmaputra gorges was one of the topics that most fascinated geographers between the years 1904 and 1913. In that latter year the mystery was solved, and the _ignotum_ proved not to be the _magnificum_. This is the story of the solution. The course of the Brahmaputra through Assam is roughly from north-east to south-west, but at a place called Sadiya the main stream, there known as the Dihang, turns sharply to the north. At that point, too, it receives an important tributary on its left bank called the Dibang. During the winter of 1912-13 Captain F. M. Bailey, an officer of the Indian Political Service, was employed by the Government to survey the Dibang basin, while another party had gone through the Abor country to survey the Dihang. Early in 1913 Captain Bailey and Captain Morshead of the Royal Engineers collected what stores they could and started off from the village of Mipi on the upper waters of the Dibang. Their aim was to cross into the Dihang valley, and to follow the river upstream to the Tibetan plateau. Captain Bailey had been with the Lhasa expedition, and had had a long record of exploration in different parts of Tibet, so he had all the qualifications needed by the pioneer. But his party was imperfectly equipped, since it started more or less on the spur of the moment, and had no time to obtain proper stores from India. He trusted to the prestige won by the Abor expedition, and his experience of the ways of the Tibetans, to furnish him with coolies and local supplies. The reader's attention is now prayed for the map. The first business was to cross the high passes separating the Dibang from the Dihang. The weather proved abominable, and for part of the route only half rations could be issued. As they descended into the valley of the Dihang they found once more cultivation and villages, and they were able to supplement their stores by shooting game, especially pheasants, which teemed by the roadside. It was necessary to establish touch with the Abor Survey party lower down the river, and accordingly they had to halt for some days. At a place called Kapu they managed to take the altitude in the river bed, and found the height above sea level to be 2,610 feet--an important result, for they were able to take no other observation at water level below the main gorges. These foothills of the Himalaya were inhabited chiefly by savage tribes akin to the Abors, who were known generically as Lopas. But as the expedition advanced up the river they came to the country of the Pobas, who were under Tibetan influence. At Lagung, which is about the centre of the hairpin bend, the course of the river turned west. It might have been possible for them to have followed it some thirty miles farther, but they were pressed by a Poba official, with whom they made friends, to go north-east into the absolutely unknown country of Po-me, which would enable them to make a circuit and reach Gyala at the head of the gorges. Captain Bailey considered that it would be easier to explore the gorges by going downstream. On 21st June they crossed a pass of over 13,000 feet into the valley of the river known as the Po-Tsangpo, an affluent of the Brahmaputra. It was a stream 80 yards wide, and of such rapidity that its current was one whirl of foam. The natives were in great fear of the Chinese, and it was necessary to go boldly to Showa, the capital, where a letter could be received from the Abor Survey party vouching for their respectability. The Chinese had burned the place, killed the chief, and decapitated the council, and the inhabitants looked askance at the travellers because of the Chinese writing on a tablet of Indian ink which they carried. After three days, however, a letter arrived from the Abor party, which persuaded them that Captain Bailey and Captain Morshead were at any rate servants of the English King. The explorers now moved north-eastwards down the Po-Tsangpo, finding great difficulty in crossing the tributaries, where the bridges had mostly been destroyed. It was a beautiful land, bright with primula, iris, and blue poppy, and the roads were lined with raspberries. They were now leaving the Po-me country and travelling among a more civilized type of Tibetan, who wore hats like clergymen, made out of yak's hair. After crossing a pass of over 15,000 feet they returned to the main stream of the Tsangpo. This country was under the charge of Tzongpen of Tsela, who came to meet the travellers--an urbane gentleman whose son was at Rugby and a promising cricketer. They were now on the Tsangpo above the mysterious gorges. They had left behind them the hot valleys of the lower stream and found a dry Tibetan dale, where the chief crops were barley and buckwheat. The river was broad and slow, at one point stretching into a lake 600 yards wide, and its altitude was 9,680 feet. The problem was now to follow it down from that point to the point of their last observation, where the altitude was only 2,610 feet. Somewhere in the intervening tract of gorge it must make the enormous descent of over 7,000 feet. The first stage was the twenty-two miles down to Gyala, which had been visited in 1878. The stream was in flood owing to melting snows, and the water-side track was difficult. Four days' march below Gyala they reached Pemakochung, the limit of Kinthup's exploration. So far they had passed various small rapids, but nothing in the nature of a fall. A mile below Pemakochung they came on Kinthup's cascade. It proved to be only some 30 feet high and not vertical. The road now became extraordinarily intricate. Great spurs ran down to the river and blocked the glen, and it was necessary to cut paths through dense forest and thickets of rhododendron to surmount them. There was no track of any kind, and the tributaries descending from the adjacent glaciers were often hard to cross. They ran short of food, and could get no reliable information as to the possibility of their descending the stream. Captain Morshead and the coolies accordingly returned to Gyala, and Captain Bailey, with one man and fifteen pounds of flour, attempted to descend the Tsangpo by the route which a party of Monbas was said to have recently taken. He found the Monbas, but they were wild and suspicious and far from helpful. They refused to take him to their village, and declined to show him the road round the difficult cliffs. Apparently they considered that a traveller who had only one servant, and who carried most of his baggage himself, must be a person of small importance and not worth troubling about. He managed, however, to pick up from them certain news about the lower valley. He returned to Gyala and rejoined Captain Morshead, and they proceeded to piece their knowledge together. At Gyala a small stream drops from the cliffs, making a waterfall, in which the god Shingche Chogye is concealed. The image of the deity is carved or painted in the rock behind the fall, but it is only possible to see it in winter when there is little water. This, apparently, was Kinthup's fall of 150 feet. Now, why should so meagre a natural feature have attained such celebrity among the Tibetans, for the fame of it had spread far and wide over the country? The reason seems to be that it is unique, because there are no other high falls. Had this deduction been made from Kinthup's evidence, the mystery of the Brahmaputra gorges would have been solved long ago. The travellers collected their observations on the altitude of the river level and the speed of the current. At Pe, where they had first struck the Tsangpo, the height was 9,680 feet; thirty-four miles below it the river level was 8,730 feet, giving a drop of 28 feet a mile. At Pemakochung the altitude was 8,380 feet, and the drop 24 feet a mile. Three miles farther down the altitude was 8,090, giving a drop of 97 feet a mile, which included the 30-feet drop of Kinthup's fall. At the lowest point Captain Bailey reached in the river bed the altitude was 7,480 feet, giving a drop of 48 feet a mile. The next point on the river which they had visited was Lagung, below the gorges, where they could not take an observation in the river bed; but forty-five miles downstream the altitude was 2,610 feet. There remained, therefore, some fifty miles of gorge which had not been, and could not be, explored, and the information about it was only indirect. From Lagung upstream to where the Po-Tsangpo joined the Tsangpo, lay a stretch which many natives had visited. The altitude of the junction was estimated at 5,700 feet, which would give a drop of 3,090 feet in the seventy-five miles down to their observation of 2,610 feet--a fall of some 41 feet per mile. Here there was clearly no waterfall. From the junction of the two streams to the point where Captain Bailey turned back was not more than twenty miles, and the drop 1,780 feet, giving a fall of 89 feet a mile. The Monbas whom he met told him that they had hunted on the right bank of the stream throughout this unknown stretch, and that, though there were many rapids, there were no big cascades. We are not concerned with the rest of the journey of Captain Bailey and Captain Morshead, which took them upstream to Tsetang, where Nain Singh had gone in 1874, and back to India by the wild country of the Bhutan border. Their evidence may be considered to have finally solved the riddle of how the great river breaks through the highest range on the globe. It does it by means of a hundred miles of marvellous gorges, where the stream foams in rapids, but there is no fall more considerable than can be found in many a Scottish salmon river. I am not sure that the reality is not more impressive than the romantic expectation. The mighty current is not tossed in spray over a great cliff, but during the æons it has bitten a deep trough through that formidable rock wall. Curiously enough, the rivers which break through the Himalaya chose the highest parts of the range through which to cut. South of Pemakochung is the great peak of Namcha Barwa, 25,445 feet high; north of it is the peak of Gyala Peri, 23,460 feet. The distance between these mountains is only some fourteen miles, and through this gap, at an altitude of just under 9,000 feet, flows the great river. III THE NORTH POLE THE NORTH POLE (_Map_, p. 80.) I When sceptical people say that Polar exploration has been of no benefit to mankind, it is permissible to think that their judgment is as unsound as their point of view is limited. Not only have Polar explorers added enormously to the scientific knowledge of the world, but they have also materially aided commerce. But even if these voyages had been barren of scientific and commercial results, they would have been infinitely worth making. For among Polar explorers are many men who must be universally regarded as heroes. No training was more rigorous and dangerous, no work has ever called for more endurance, resource, and courage. A nation which is without its heroes is in a sad plight; a nation which has them and ignores their example can only be looked upon with pity. The spirit of high adventure is one that no country can afford to neglect. The history of geographical discovery is, in its initial stages, almost solely one of conquest. Men, either for their own or their country's profit--and sometimes for both--went out in search of unknown lands because they wanted to trade with them. Pytheas, who has been described as "one of the most intrepid explorers the world has ever seen," was the first man to bring news of the Arctic regions to the civilized world. He did not pretend to have visited them, but in or about 330 B.C. he set out from Marseilles and journeyed north. During this voyage, which must have lasted for several years, he visited Britain, and then, proceeding to the most northerly point of the British Isles, he heard of an Arctic land called Thule, which at one time of the year enjoyed perpetual day, and at another had to endure perpetual night. With a leap over a few hundred years we come to Ptolemy, whose influence on geography was almost paramount from the second century to comparatively modern times. No one is more dangerous than a bad cartographer, or more valuable than a good one; but although Ptolemy made many mistakes, he also did such splendid work that it is quite easy to forget them. To him we owe the names of latitude and longitude, and it has been well said of him that he held the extraordinary "distinction of being the greatest authority on astronomy and geography for over fifteen hundred years." Ptolemy's work may have required to be corrected and amplified, but, at least, he gave the world something which was worthy of correction. In the eighth and ninth centuries the Norsemen became terrors in Europe. "Harold of the fair hair" reigned from 860 to 930 A.D., and these seventy years formed a period of great adventure. During Harold's reign the Norsemen colonized Iceland, and in 983 Erik the Red founded a colony in Greenland, which flourished until the Norwegians ceased to take an interest in it. Not until the fifteenth century did English seamen begin to turn their attention to the North. They were more or less forced to do so. Portugal and Spain were all-powerful in the East and West, and so England began earnestly to think of discovering a way to Cathay and the Spice Islands by a northern route. But if we were a little slow in beginning to pay attention to the Arctic regions, we have every cause to be satisfied with our work after we had once begun it. The fifteenth century saw considerable activity as regards Scandinavia, but it was not until 1505 that a charter was granted to the Company of Merchant Adventurers, and from that year we can date our real interest in Arctic discovery. It is well, perhaps, to bear in mind, while thinking of Polar exploration, that there is a marked difference between the two Polar regions. The Arctic is an ocean surrounded by continental lands; the Antarctic is a continental land surrounded by oceans. In 1553 Sir Hugh Willoughby set out to try and find a north-east passage to the Indies. On this voyage--in which Willoughby lost his life--Novaya Zemlya was discovered, and Richard Chancellor, who took part in the expedition, reached Archangel; and then, travelling overland to Moscow, was received graciously by Ivan the Terrible, the Tsar of Russia. This visit was of importance, because it helped to establish trade between England and Russia. Competition to find a route northwards to China and the Indies had by this time become acute in Europe, and many bold navigators set out from England. Among the sailors who were maintaining her high record on the seas Sir Martin Frobisher deserves especially to be mentioned. In 1576 he set out, cheered doubtless by knowing that Queen Elizabeth had "good liking of their doings," to find a north-west passage. On three occasions Frobisher voyaged northwards, and he reached Greenland and discovered the strait that was named after him. "He is not worthy," Sir Humphrey Gilbert wrote in the latter part of the sixteenth century, "to live at all who, for fear of danger or death, shunneth his country's service or his own honour, since death is inevitable, and the fame of virtue immortal." Most assuredly our Elizabethan sailors did not shun their "country's service," and Elizabeth herself was the first to appreciate and encourage their enterprise. In 1585 yet another distinguished explorer, John Davis, embarked upon his career, and during his voyages he made discoveries that "converted the Arctic regions from a confused myth into a defined area." He found several passages towards the west, and thus strengthened the hope of finding a north-west passage; and he also reached "the farthest north," 72° 12' N., some eleven hundred miles from the geographical North Pole. As yet no one had turned his thoughts to the North Pole itself, but it may truly be said that Davis and men of his calibre were already beginning to prepare the way for the time when it would be reached. For his discoveries, like those of many of the earlier explorers, were both important in themselves and also acted as a guide and incentive to those who followed. In the meantime, Davis had obtained the record for the "farthest north," a record which Great Britain, with the exception of a very few years, continued to hold until 1882. Many English navigators did great work in maintaining this record, and among them was Henry Hudson, who set out in 1607 with the object of finding a north-west passage to the Indies. Hudson, in this voyage, reached 80° N., and did most valuable work in the Spitzbergen quadrant. It is also reported that two of his men saw a mermaid, which may at least be taken as evidence that they were more than ordinarily observant. Both geographically and commercially, Hudson's voyages were of the first importance. He not only made many discoveries, including that of the river which bears his name, but he also brought back the news that led directly to the establishment of the Spitzbergen whale fishery, an industry that was extremely lucrative to Holland. In 1615 William Baffin discovered the land that is called after him; and then, for some time, English discovery in the Arctic regions ceased to be noteworthy. Baffin made no less than five voyages to the North, and, scientifically, his observations were permanently valuable to subsequent explorers. Apart from geographical discovery, these Arctic voyages had so far been a great stimulant to trade. In Greenland, Davis Strait, and the Spitzbergen seas, trade had followed discovery, and what had happened in those parts of the Arctic also took place in Hudson Bay, after the Hudson's Bay Company was formed in 1668. In fact, for the time being, the desire to make geographical discoveries was almost obliterated by the desire to trade. It is, however, pleasant to note that during the eighteenth century some of our Governments took an intelligent interest in geographical discovery. They offered a reward of £5,000 for reaching 89° N., and £20,000 was offered to any one who could find the North-West Passage. In the earlier part of the eighteenth century the part that the Russians took in Arctic discovery must not be omitted. In 1728 Peter the Great sent out an expedition under the command of Vitus Bering, a Dane, in which Bering Strait and other discoveries were made; and although it is impossible to mention them in detail, the contributions that the Russians made in revealing the New World to the Old were most creditable to them as a nation. In 1773 Captain Phipps conducted an expedition, which now derives its chief interest from the fact that Horatio Nelson, then a young midshipman, took part in it. "Great," says Sir Clements Markham, "as are the commercial advantages obtained from Arctic discovery, and still greater as are its scientific results, the most important of all are its uses as a nursery for our seamen, as a school for our future Nelsons, and as affording the best opportunities for distinction to young naval officers in time of peace." And it is incontestably true that many of our finest sailors have learnt their trade in the severe school of geographical exploration. With the advent of the nineteenth century many expeditions were sent to the Far North. The desire actually to reach the North Pole itself did not enter the thoughts of these courageous navigators, the main object of their voyages being either to find the North-West Passage round North America to the Indies, or the North-East Passage round Asia. Nevertheless, each one of these voyages added to the store of knowledge that was being accumulated, each expedition solved some of the mysteries of the North and prepared the way for the solution of what came to be considered the greatest mystery of all. In 1819 Sir Edward Parry embarked upon the first of the Arctic voyages which have made his name famous in the annals of exploration. A sailor by profession, Parry was happy in possessing the qualities that fitted him to lead men. During his first expedition, the prize offered by the English Government to the first navigator who passed the 110th meridian was won. Parry and his party spent a winter in the Arctic--a winter which, thanks to their leader's careful preparations, was passed without mishap; and then, when the winter was over, an expedition to explore the interior of Melville Island was made. Thus Arctic travelling was inaugurated by Parry. Other successful voyages under the same leadership followed, and when, in 1827, our Admiralty began favourably to consider the idea of getting as near as possible to the Pole by way of Spitzbergen, Parry was naturally chosen to command the expedition. So, for the fourth time, Parry sailed northwards, and having reached the north coast of Spitzbergen, he found a good harbour for his ship, the _Hecla_, and left her there. The explorers had taken specially-fitted boats with them, and these they hoped to be able to haul over the ice. The summer, however, had begun to break up the floes, and in consequence the travellers had constantly to take the steel runners off the boats so that the stretches of open water could be crossed. Moreover, the floes that they did find seemed to resent such treatment, for most of them were small and bestrewn with most obstructive hummocks. Not until they had been pulling and hauling for nearly a month did they meet with large floes, and by that time the southerly drift of the ice was in full swing. However hard Parry and his men pulled, they found that the drift was as strong as they were--or stronger. After terrific labour Parry reached 82° 45', a higher latitude than any reached during the next fifty years. It was a great attempt by a man whose devotion to his duty is beyond all praise. Before we come to the most tragic story in the history of Arctic exploration, reference must be made to the discoveries of Captain John Ross. In his first expedition to the North, Captain Ross was not successful; but in his second voyage, when he was accompanied by his nephew, James C. Ross (who afterwards gained distinction in the Antarctic), the magnetic North Pole was discovered, and the British flag fixed there in 70° 5' 17" N., and 76° 16' 4" W. Ross's expedition spent four consecutive winters in the Far North, discovered over two hundred miles of coastline, and returned with a bountiful crop of scientific knowledge. We may well admire the love of adventure and the desire to make geographical and scientific discoveries which induced these constant expeditions to parts of the world that cannot possibly be called inviting. Honour was, and is, due to the men who undertook them, but to John Franklin's memory especial honour is paid, for his name is connected with both heroism and tragedy. As a boy, Franklin, in spite of his father's opposition, determined to be a sailor. At the age of fourteen he was in the _Polyphemus_ at the battle of Copenhagen, and subsequently he was present at the battle of Trafalgar. Peace, then as always, brought unemployment for sailors with it, and at the age of twenty-nine Franklin found himself unwanted in the Navy. When, however, the Admiralty decided, in 1818, to send expeditions to find the North Pole and the North-West Passage, Franklin was chosen to command the _Trent_. This ship was totally unsuited for such a task, and owing to official economy--not to say parsimony--Franklin had to return without achieving any success. In the following year he was again sent out with orders to explore the northern coast of Arctic America, and "the trending of that coast from the mouth of the Coppermine eastwards." Not until 1822 did this expedition of discovery come to a close, after 5,550 miles had been covered by water and land. The tale of its adventures, extraordinary as they were, is only the preface to Franklin's life as an explorer. So famous indeed was he, that when, in 1844, he returned from Tasmania, where he had been Governor for seven years, he was offered the command of an important Arctic expedition. At this time he was nearly sixty years old, but he was anxious to resume his exploratory work, and in 1845 he sailed with the _Erebus_ and the _Terror_ (ships that had already won their laurels under Sir James Ross in the Antarctic). In the hope of finding the North-West Passage, so much coveted and so long concealed, Franklin was instructed to try a route by Wellington Channel, if ice did not block the way. The channel was found to be clear, and the explorers made their way up it, until they reached 77° N. Then their advance was blocked by ice, and they turned south and found winter quarters off Beechey Island. All, so far, had gone well, and when the ships were released from the ice at the end of the winter, hopes of further success must have run high. But presently a mistake was made that had fatal results--a mistake due to an error of the chart-makers. For some time the ships sailed gaily on, important discoveries being made from day to day. Then came the fatal decision. All was open to the south. "If they had continued on their southerly course, the two ships would have reached Bering Strait. There was the navigable passage before them. But, alas! the chart-makers had drawn an isthmus (which only existed in their imagination) connecting Boothia with King William Land. They altered their course to the west, and were lost."* Soon the ships were surrounded by a dense ice-pack, and were dangerously imprisoned. In the spring of 1847 travelling parties were sent out, and one of them, under Graham Gore's command, discovered a North-West Passage, and consequently proved the connection between the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans. When the parties returned Franklin was seriously ill, and he died on 11th June, 1847. * Markham's _The Lands of Silence_ (Cambridge University Press). No more beautiful epitaph has ever been written than the one in Westminster Abbey, which Tennyson wrote in honour of John Franklin, his uncle-in-law:-- "Not here! The cold North hath thy bones, and thou, Heroic sailor soul, Art passing on thy happier voyage now Towards no earthly pole." A terrible winter for this gallant band of explorers followed. For months and months the ice remained impenetrable, and at last the ships had to be abandoned. Even if the _Erebus_ and the _Terror_ could have been freed from the ice, it was more than doubtful if they would float, so battered were they by their long, slow drift. Food was both inadequate in quantity and poisonous in quality. Twenty-two officers and men died during that winter of horror; the rest were so weak from privations that, although they knew their only chance was to retreat by Back's Fish River, none of them had the strength successfully to undertake such a march. It is useless to dwell over the sufferings of these heroic men. Captain Crozier and Captain Fitzjames took every precaution, and made all preparations that were under the circumstances possible, but the dice were too heavily loaded against them. With their two heavy boat-sledges they started on 22nd April, 1848, to make their desperate effort. Not one of them survived. The _Erebus_ sank when the ice released her. The _Terror_ also sank, but not until she had drifted on to the American coast and been plundered by Eskimos. It is pitiable to think that prompt action from England might have saved some, at least, of these valuable lives. But at first, although there was considerable anxiety about their fate, no effort was made to find them. Not until 1848 were expeditions sent out in search of Franklin's party, and neither of these was successful in finding any traces. One of these expeditions was, however, noteworthy, for Leopold M'Clintock, who subsequently became so renowned as a sledge-traveller, took part in it. By 1850 the whole country had become thoroughly aroused, and the Government decided to send out strongly equipped expeditions. The _Enterprise_ and the _Investigator_, under Captains Collinson and M'Clure, were sent out to search by way of Bering Strait; and four ships, under Captain Austin, were to seek for traces of the missing party by way of Lancaster Sound. Austin's expedition failed to find the missing men, but it was excellently conducted and organized, and its sledge-travellers (among whom was M'Clintock) covered over 7,000 miles, and discovered more than 1,200 miles of new land. When Captain Austin returned to England nothing had been heard of the _Enterprise_ and the _Investigator_, and after some discussion and consequent delay, it was resolved again to send the four ships to the Arctic. Not only Franklin's men, but also the _Enterprise_ and the _Investigator_ had now to be searched for. It was a case of search-parties looking for search-parties. In their main object--that of clearing up the mystery of Franklin and his companions--these expeditions were not successful, but in other ways they more than justified themselves. Both Collinson in the _Enterprise_ and M'Clure in the _Investigator_ succeeded in finding a North-West Passage, and much-needed help was brought to M'Clure by the expedition sent out partly for the purpose of aiding him and Collinson. Further, the sledge journeys of M'Clintock and Mecham during these expeditions were unrivalled in result and a real triumph of organization. Owing to the outbreak of the Crimean War in 1854, popular interest in the fate of the Franklin expedition diminished, but Lady Franklin remained loyal to the object to which so many years of her life had been dedicated; and after the Government had refused to assist her further, she decided to fit out a private expedition, of which Captain M'Clintock took command. In June, 1857, the _Fox_, a steam yacht of 177 tons, started on her voyage to Greenland, but on reaching Melville Sound, M'Clintock found it extraordinarily packed with ice. The little vessel was firmly imprisoned, and had to spend the winter in the drifting pack. During eight months she drifted southward for nearly 1,200 geographical miles, and she was not liberated from her prison until April, 1858. After such an experience many leaders would have made for a port in which to refit, but M'Clintock was of a different temper. No sooner had the _Fox_ freed herself from her perilous position than he turned her head towards the north, and once more took up the work that he had been sent out to do. And this determination to concentrate, at all costs, on the definite object in hand ultimately met with its sad reward. In June, 1859, it was proved beyond any doubt that the report of the Eskimos (which had been received in England in 1854), to the effect that they had seen the dead bodies of several of Franklin's men, was true. "All the coastline along which the retreating crews performed their fearful march must," M'Clintock wrote, "be sacred to their names alone." Among the many feats that M'Clintock and his men performed during this last search, were a march round King William Island, the discovery of the one navigable North-West Passage, and the discovery of some 800 miles of new coastline. As far as geographical discovery was concerned, the main result of the many expeditions sent out in search of Franklin was that the islands to the north of North America had been mapped out. In 1853 an American expedition, under Elisha Kane, which was sent out in search of Franklin, to the north of Smith Sound, was fruitful in geographical discovery, and outlined what has been called the American route to the Pole. Interest in the Smith Sound route began to grow in England, and was stimulated by another American expedition, led by Charles Hall, in 1871. But although the desire to undertake more Arctic research was strongly felt by many Englishmen, it cannot be said that it was encouraged in official circles. In 1872 Mr. Lowe and Mr. Goschen did receive a deputation of Arctic enthusiasts, but were by no means encouraging in their replies. An expedition, however, under Commander Albert Markham, set out in 1873, and succeeded in capturing twenty-eight whales, which were worth nearly £19,000; and the result of this voyage was to stimulate the idea of further Arctic enterprise. In November, 1874, Lord Beaconsfield, who was at the time Prime Minister, announced that an Arctic expedition to encourage maritime enterprise and to explore the regions round the Pole would be sent out. Sir Clements Markham and other Arctic enthusiasts in England were delighted with this announcement, but their delight was short-lived. These enthusiasts had for years been advocating that exploratory work should be undertaken in the region round the Pole, but they did not consider that a mere rush to the Pole should be undertaken until, at any rate, work of more value to mankind had been done. The conduct of the projected expedition was taken over by the Admiralty, and great was the consternation of Sir Clements and his friends when it was announced that "the main object of the expedition was to attain the highest latitude and, if possible, to reach the North Pole." However displeasing such an object was to these enthusiasts, they could not but rejoice at the interest shown in the expedition, and in the fact that Captain Nares was appointed to command it. At the end of May, 1875, the ships sailed from Portsmouth, and on arriving in the Arctic regions Nares had to bear in mind his definite instructions. In short, exploratory work was to give way to an effort to reach, if possible, the Pole itself. But anxious as he was to carry out his orders, one terrible scourge stood in his way. Scurvy, that deadly disease, attacked his party during the winter, and nearly half of his men suffered from it. Under such conditions he was severely handicapped, but he decided to send out three sledge-parties--eastward, westward, and to the north. Lieutenant Pelham Aldrich was in charge of the western party, and although most of the sledge crew were weakened by scurvy, they marched over 600 miles, and succeeded in reaching 82° 48' N., a few miles farther north than Parry had reached some fifty years previously. In 1882 an American expedition, under Lieutenant Greely, although terribly unfortunate in some respects, was successful in wresting the record for "farthest north" from the British. [Illustration: North Polar Regions.] We must turn aside for a moment from these efforts to get farther and farther north, to mention the exploits of that distinguished Swedish explorer, Adolf Erik Nordenskiöld. As early as 1873 Nordenskiöld began to think that the North-East Passage by the Siberian coast might, when found, prove to be of great commercial value, and after some preliminary expeditions he, in 1878, set out in the _Vega_ on his great voyage, and in August the ship passed Cape Chelyuskin, the most northerly point of the Old World. By September, however, the _Vega_, when very near to the completion of her task, was so surrounded by ice that she could proceed no farther, and for ten months she was held a prisoner. Not until the following July was the Vega free to resume her voyage, and shortly afterwards she rounded East Cape, and saluted "the easternmost coast of Asia in honour of the completing of the North-East Passage." Nordenskiöld, both as an explorer and as a man of science, has left the world greatly in his debt, and it has been well said that "when he died, a vast amount of knowledge died with him." Nordenskiöld's name, like Fridtjof Nansen's, is intimately connected with exploratory work in Greenland. Nansen was born in 1861, and he was only twenty-seven years of age when his devotion to discovery led him to make an expedition on lines that were as courageous as they were original. Up to this date, 1888, the recognized method employed in Polar exploratory work had been to establish a base where stores were placed, and from this base to march as far as possible in various directions. But when Nansen determined to cross Greenland from east to west, he paid no attention to recognized methods. With five companions he, in June, 1888, was taken in the _Jason_ to the ice's edge on the east coast of Greenland, and there the explorers, hoping shortly to reach land, took to their boats. Some time, however, passed before they could make a landing, but eventually a suitable place was found, and then they began their great march. With no base to which they could return, the party had literally taken their lives into their hands, for failure almost certainly meant death. Starting on 22nd August, the party, four days later, had mounted to a height of 6,000 feet, and by the middle of September had reached the summit (8,250 feet). Eventually the explorers managed to reach the Danish settlement at Godthaab, and in the following year returned to Norway. It was a fine effort, fruitful alike in geographical discovery and in meteorological results; and, famous as Nansen's name subsequently and deservedly became, by no means his least claim to honour is derived from this great march across Greenland. Between 1892 and 1895 the American Lieutenant Peary, using dogs for purposes of traction, made two successful marches across Greenland, and so prepared himself for the attacks on the North Pole itself--attacks which he was ultimately to bring to a successful conclusion. The date 1893 will always be renowned in the history of Arctic exploration, for during that year Nansen embarked upon his remarkable voyage in his no less remarkable ship, the _Fram_. From careful observations and investigations Nansen was convinced that there was a continuous drift of ice from the north-east shore of Siberia across the Arctic Ocean. Hitherto, Arctic explorers had struggled hard to avoid being beset by ice. Far from following in their wake, it was Nansen's plan to get his vessel frozen in the pack, and then to drift towards the Pole. It would be untruthful to say that his plan was encouraged by the majority of Arctic experts, but Nansen was not the man to be dissuaded from any project which, after consideration, he had taken in hand. For such a voyage an especially constructed ship was necessary, and so Mr. Colin Archer was instructed to build a vessel specially designed to resist ice-pressure. The main object of Nansen and Archer was that "she should slip like an eel out of the embraces of the ice." Nansen calculated that the drift would take about three years, and he provisioned the _Fram_ for five years. On this historic voyage Nansen was accompanied by twelve other adventurous men. Sailing from Norway in July, 1893, the Kara Sea was crossed, and early in September Cape Chelyuskin was rounded. About a fortnight later the ship was frozen in, and the great drift began. During the next months the _Fram_ was given ample opportunity to prove her worth, and she seized it nobly. In October great pressure from the ice was experienced, but both then and later the ship resisted, and rose to, the pressure. During her first year in the ice the _Fram_ drifted a distance of 189 miles. During the second winter, Nansen, taking Frederik Johansen with him, and leaving Otto Sverdrup in charge of the ship, decided to leave the _Fram_ and try to reach the Pole. A start was made in March, 1895, and in less than a month 86° 28' N. was reached. At that point the explorers had to turn south, and after many perilous adventures, they landed, at the end of August, on an island of the Franz-Josef group. There they decided to winter, and there they had to remain for nine long months. When at last they were able to proceed, a grave disaster was only prevented by Nansen's promptitude and courage. The explorers were on shore, when Johansen noticed that their kayaks (Eskimo canoes of light wooden framework covered with seal skins) were adrift. The loss of these boats could scarcely have meant less than death to the explorers, and Nansen immediately jumped into the icy water and swam to retrieve them. It was an action as prompt as it was heroic, and it saved the situation; but Nansen's condition, when he brought back the kayaks to land, has been described as "more dead than alive," and some time passed before he fully recovered from the results of his effort. Some weeks later the kayaks were once more made as seaworthy as was possible under the circumstances, and Nansen and Johansen were again embarking on their adventurous voyage when, by good fortune, they were found by Frederick Jackson, the leader of the Jackson-Harmsworth Expedition, which did such good work in Franz-Josef Land. This meeting between Nansen and Jackson has been compared with the famous one between Livingstone and Stanley, and even if the latter was the more dramatic, the former was as opportune, for there is no gainsaying that Nansen and his companion were in a most perilous position. In the meantime the drift of the _Fram_ under Sverdrup's able leadership continued, and she did not return to Norway until August, 1896. The results of the _Fram_ expedition were exceptionally important. "They threw," Sir Clements Markham wrote, "new light on the whole Arctic problem. Nansen lifted the veil, and his expedition was the most important in modern times. It was discovered that there was a deep-sea ocean to the north of Spitzbergen and Franz-Josef Land, extending beyond the Pole...." In 1897 a meeting was held in the Albert Hall in honour of Nansen, whose work, both geographically and scientifically, more than deserved the great welcome given to him in England. In an introduction to his _In the Northern Mists: Arctic Exploration in Early Times_, Nansen quotes words from the old Norse chronicle, the _King's Mirror_, that are curiously illuminating:-- "If you wish to know what men seek in this land [the Arctic regions], or why men journey thither in so great danger of their lives, then it is the threefold nature of man that draws him thither. One part of him is emulation and desire of fame, for it is a man's nature to go where there is likelihood of great danger, and to make himself famous thereby. Another part is the desire of knowledge, for it is man's nature to wish to know and see those parts of which he has heard, and to find out whether they are as it was told him or not. The third part is the desire of gain, seeing that men seek after riches in every place where they learn that profit is to be had, even though there is great danger in it." And, indeed, it may well be admitted that the factors which have helped to make the modern world are mainly a desire for fame, a desire for knowledge, and a desire for riches; and woe betide the nation that forgets the first and second of these factors, and loses its soul in concentration upon the last of them. II During the years succeeding Nansen's expedition the desire to reach the North Pole itself took possession of the minds of many brave men. Bit by bit the Arctic regions had been mapped out; gradually the obstacles that maintained the Pole in its splendid isolation were being overcome. Some years were to pass before its mysteries were unveiled, but in those years there was an almost continuous effort to probe those mysteries. Nansen had discovered beyond any doubt that the Pole lay in an ice-covered sea, an inhospitable place enough; but this fact did not prevent explorers from wanting actually to locate it, and in 1900 the Duke of the Abruzzi tried to reach it by way of Franz-Josef Land. Owing to a frost-bitten hand, the Duke could not take part in the main journey of his expedition, and so Captain Cagni commanded it. The Pole withstood this effort, but Cagni did succeed in reaching 86° 33' N., and thus beat Nansen's record for "farthest north." Previous to the Abruzzi expedition, Robert Peary had launched his first great attack upon the Pole. This expedition lasted for four years--1898 to 1902--but Peary encountered such dense packs of ice, which blocked his way to the Polar Ocean, that he failed in his main object. Another attempt followed in 1906, and although this was not crowned with complete success, Peary made a world's record for "farthest north" by reaching 87° 6'. In this expedition he nearly lost his life, but he returned to America with the grim determination to make yet another attempt. Experience had been bought by Peary in abundance and at a great cost, and to this was added an energy that was remarkable even among Polar explorers. This third voyage to the Polar regions had, in the nature of things, to be his last. He was, when he set out upon it, fifty-three years of age, and although, after spending over twenty years in Arctic work, he had an experience that was invaluable, even experience cannot make an Arctic explorer forget that youth is also a great asset in the Polar regions. In May, 1908, Peary published his programme, the main features of which are worthy of record. He decided to use the same ship, the _Roosevelt_, which had taken him to the north in his 1906 expedition. His route was to be by way of Smith Sound; his winter quarters were to be at Cape Sheridan, or even nearer to the Pole if the ship could proceed farther; he intended to use sledges and Eskimo dogs for traction; and, lastly, he placed his confidence in Eskimos, the Arctic Highlanders, as the rank-and-file of his sledge parties. Most careful preparations were made for this expedition, and while Peary was making them he received much practical support, but also some suggestions that were not notably helpful. For instance, one cheerful crank invited him to become a "human cannon-ball"--some sort of machine was to be taken to the North, and then, when it was pointed towards the Pole, the inventor assured Peary that it would shoot him there in no time. The explorer did not see his way to accepting such an abrupt means of transit! When the _Roosevelt_ sailed on 17th July, 1908, she had twenty-two men on board, including Peary himself, Robert Bartlett, master of the _Roosevelt_, George Wardwell, Dr. Goodsell, Professor Marvin, Donald McMillan, George Borop, and Matthew Henson, Peary's negro assistant, who had accompanied him on many expeditions. When Peary's vast knowledge of the Polar regions is remembered, his remarks on the essentials required in an Arctic sledge journey must admittedly be valuable. "The essentials, and the only essentials," he writes, "needed in a serious Arctic sledge journey, no matter what the season, the temperature, or the duration of the journey--whether one month or six--are four: pemmican, tea, ship's biscuit, condensed milk."* And it is interesting to note that of these commodities he took 50,000 lbs. of pemmican, 10,000 lbs. of biscuit, 800 lbs. of tea, and 100 cases of condensed milk on this expedition. * Robert Peary's _The North Pole_ (Hodder and Stoughton). The _Roosevelt_ reached Cape York, Greenland, on 1st August, and there she said a temporary good-bye to the civilized world. There also Peary met the Eskimos, whose friendship he had gained by many and continuous acts of kindness. The Eskimos are, within their limits, a lovable and loyal people; their good qualities are those of nice children, their bad qualities those of mischievous children. "I have made it a point," Peary says, "to be firm with them, but to rule them by love and gratitude rather than by fear and threats. An Eskimo, like an Indian, never forgets a broken promise--nor a fulfilled one." These Eskimos live on the verge of starvation for many months in the year, but if they are not troubled by questions of morality in one sense of the word, they are at any rate ready to share what they have got in the way of food, or of means to obtain it, with those who are less fortunate than themselves. Religion, as we understand it, does not enter into their scheme of things, but they pay studious attention to spirits--especially to Tornarsuk, who is the devil himself, and consequently leader of all evil spirits. One can appreciate the childlikeness of people who will rip an old garment to shreds so that the devil may be prevented from wearing it! After leaving Cape York, Peary transferred himself for some days to the _Erik_, his auxiliary supply steamer, so that he could collect as many Eskimos and dogs as he required. By 11th August the _Erik_ reached Etah, and rejoined the _Roosevelt_. Finally, Peary selected 49 Eskimos and 246 dogs, and having transferred them to the _Roosevelt_, the explorers set out to fight their way through the 350 miles of ice-blocked water that separated Etah from Cape Sheridan. And the ice during that journey was in no gentle mood. So great were the risks that the ship might at any time be crushed, that the boats, fully equipped and provisioned, were always ready to be lowered at a moment's notice. A terrific battle with that uncompromising opponent, the ice, followed, but not until 30th August did the struggle reach its climax. On that day the ship was "kicked about by the floes as if she had been a football," and the pressure was so terrific that Peary decided to dynamite the ice. This operation was successful in relieving the situation, but some days passed before even the greatest optimist in the ship could consider her free from danger. But on 5th September the _Roosevelt_ managed to fight her way through to Cape Sheridan; and after a project to take her on to Porter Bay had been abandoned, the work of unloading her was begun, and with her lighter load Captain Bartlett proceeded to get her as near the shore as possible. The first stage on the way to the Pole was behind the explorers, and if the next stage was shorter in distance, it was no less important a part of the whole scheme. This second stage consisted of the transportation of supplies from Cape Sheridan to Cape Columbia, ninety miles north-west of the ship. Cape Columbia is the most northerly point of Grant Land, and from there Peary had determined to make his dash over the ice to the Pole. But to move an enormous quantity of supplies over such a distance was work that needed much thought and care, for in the first place some of Peary's companions were unused to driving sledges, and, secondly, neither the weather nor the track were likely to give them much assistance. These sledging parties on the way to Cape Columbia were soon organized, and, in addition, hunting parties were sent out, and a supply of fresh meat for the winter was obtained. "Imagine us," Peary wrote, "in our winter home on the _Roosevelt_ ... the ship held tight in her icy berth, a hundred and fifty yards from the shore, the ship and the surrounding world covered with snow, the wind creaking in the rigging, whistling and shrieking round the corners of the deck houses, the temperatures ranging from zero to sixty below, and the ice-pack in the channel outside groaning and complaining with the movement of the tides." In these words Peary gives us an excellent picture of the explorers' winter home--a home upon which the sun never shone for many months, but which, in spite of the darkness, was a home of unceasing industry and preparation. And among the innumerable activities that took place, none was more important than the task of attending to the dogs. Early in November, Peary had become anxious about these all-important factors of his expedition. Over fifty of them were already dead, and a few days later only 160 dogs out of the 245 with which he had arrived were left. A change of diet from whale to walrus meat put an end to these appalling losses; but Peary's anxiety until he discovered a way to prevent them can be easily imagined. For without any adequate supply of dogs he knew all too well that neither he nor any one else would ever reach the Pole. By the end of the autumn season snow igloos had been built on the track to Cape Columbia. We have the best authority--namely, Peary's--for saying that one of these snow-houses can be built by four good workmen in an hour. Into this shelter the traveller literally crawls, for the only means of entrance is a hole at the bottom of one side, and when the last man of the party has got in, this opening is closed up by a block of snow already cut for the purpose. Except for one most alarming experience, when in a terrific gale the ice made a stupendous attempt against the invading ship, the winter was spent rather with anxiety about the future than with worry about the present. No wonder that Peary speculated over what awaited him when he started upon his great march. After leaving Cape Columbia, over 400 miles separated him from his goal, and these miles had to be travelled over the ice of the Polar sea. "There is no land," he writes, "_between Cape Columbia and the North Pole, and no smooth and very little level ice._" But even ice through which the traveller must sometimes pick-axe his way is not the most serious impediment to those who would reach the Pole. The great obstacles--the ever-present source of anxiety--are the "leads" which constantly appear. These "leads" are really patches of open water, varying in extent, which the winds and tides cause in the ice's movement. For no reason that is apparent, these dangerous obstacles suddenly block the explorer's advance, and little can be done save to wait for them to remove themselves. These "leads" were to be Peary's greatest impediment in his march, and were destined to be fatal to one valued member of his party. The final attack on the Pole began on 15th February, 1909, when Bartlett, with a pioneer party, left the Roosevelt, and a week later Peary started on his way. At this time 7 members of the expedition, 19 Eskimos, 140 dogs, and 28 sledges, divided into various parties, were engaged in the great effort to reach the Pole. It was arranged that all of these parties should meet Peary at Cape Columbia on the last day of February; and on that day Bartlett and Borop started from the cape with advance parties. The duties of these advance parties were as onerous as they were important. For it was to Bartlett that Peary looked for a trail by which the main party could travel. On the second day's march, after Peary had left Cape Columbia and the land behind him, he met with his first open "lead," and a slight delay occurred. But on the following day this "lead" was covered with young ice, and Peary determined to cross it. "If the reader," he wrote, "will imagine crossing a river on a succession of gigantic shingles, one, two, or three deep, and all afloat and moving, he will perhaps form an idea of the uncertain surface over which we crossed this 'lead.' Such a passage is distinctly trying, as any moment may lose a sledge and its team, or plunge a member of the party into the icy water." And later on, when Borop was crossing an open crack, his dogs fell into the water, and the loss both of the dogs and the sledge with its invaluable load of provisions was only prevented by Borop's exceptional quickness and strength. The explorers had advanced nearly 50 miles from Cape Columbia, when they were held up by a big "lead," which refused most obstinately to cover itself with ice strong enough to bear the sledges. For a week this open water delayed the expedition, and Peary had good reason to wonder if his most careful preparation and organization were once more to miss the success that they deserved. On 11th March, however, the parties managed to cross the "lead," and on the march that followed they crossed the 84th parallel. When the explorers started on this journey, Peary did not announce how far each one of his companions was to accompany him on the march, and presently Dr. Goodsell and MacMillan, with Eskimos, sledges, and dogs, turned back. Then the main expedition consisted of 16 men, 12 sledges, and 100 dogs. On 19th March, Peary revealed the programme he intended to follow to Bartlett, Marvin, Borop, and Henson. First of all Borop was to turn back; five marches farther on Marvin was to go; and after another five marches Bartlett was to leave the Polar party, which would then consist of 6 men, 40 dogs, and 5 sledges. Unlike most programmes, this one of Peary's was faithfully carried out. Borop returned when 85° 23' was reached, and during the next days the explorers advanced so rapidly that they succeeded in passing both Nansen's and the Duke of the Abruzzi's record for farthest north. In turn, first Bartlett and then Marvin started upon the homeward track, and Peary was left with 4 Eskimos--Egingwah, Seegloo, Ootah, and Ooqueah--Henson, 5 sledges, and 40 dogs. Of these Eskimos, Ooqueah was the only one who had not been in any previous expedition; but all the same he was the most romantic of the party, because he was intent upon winning the rewards that would enable him to marry the girl of his choice. Glimmering before his eyes Ooqueah saw a whale-boat, a rifle, and other prizes which Peary had promised to those who went with him to the farthest point. Not for a moment was there any doubt about Ooqueah's keenness, for he was spurred on by two of the greatest incentives that any young man can have--a desire to be wealthy, and a desire to marry. Left alone with Henson and the Eskimos, Peary still had 133 nautical miles* to travel before he reached his goal. This distance he intended to cover in five marches, and, provided that the gales would leave him in peace and not open the "leads" of water, he had every hope of carrying out his intention. * A nautical mile is approximately 2,026 yards. Up to this stage in the march Peary had been whipper-in, but in the last stages he led the van. And during the concluding stages it must be admitted that fortune smiled upon the travellers. True, that in this almost breathless rush for the Pole "leads" were not entirely absent, but such as were encountered did not seriously delay the marches. As, however, Peary got nearer and nearer to the Pole, the fear that the prize might at the last moment be snatched away from him by an impassable "lead" was constantly with him. On 5th April the party reached 89° 25' N., and were within 35 miles of the Pole. So near, indeed, were they, that Peary writes: "By some strange shift of feeling the fear of the "leads" had fallen from me completely. I now felt that success was certain...." And his confidence was justified. On April 6, 1909, Peary, with his coloured assistant, Matthew Henson, and the four Eskimos, reached the Pole, and there the leader of this successful party wrote the following note;-- "90° N. Lat., North Pole, 6_th April_ 1909. "I have to-day hoisted the national ensign of the United States of America at this place, which my observations indicate to be the North Pole axis of the earth, and have formally taken possession of the entire region and adjacent, for and in the name of the President of the United States of America. I leave this record and United States flag in possession. "ROBERT E. PEARY, "United States Navy." The explorers spent thirty hours at the Pole, and then started upon the long journey back to the coast of Grant Land. By 23rd April, favoured by beautiful weather, the party had reached Cape Columbia; so favoured, indeed, had they been that Ootah remarked on their arrival that "the devil is asleep or having trouble with his wife, or we should never have come back so easily." On that same day Peary wrote in his diary: "I have got the North Pole out of my system after twenty-three years of effort, hard work, disappointments, hardships, privations, more or less suffering, and some risks." The joy of success, tremendous as it was, could not but be dimmed by the news that awaited Peary on his return to the ship. For Marvin had lost his life, on the return journey, in trying to cross some young and treacherous ice, and the loss of this gallant and able man illustrates all too sadly the "some risks" of which Peary wrote--risks which all explorers in greater or less measure have to run. As a conclusion to this chapter of adventure and determined effort, the words of that prince of explorers, Fridtjof Nansen, seem peculiarly appropriate. "From first to last," he wrote, "the history of Polar exploration is a single mighty manifestation of the power of the Unknown over the mind of man." IV THE MOUNTAINS OF THE MOON THE MOUNTAINS OF THE MOON (_Map_, p. 112.) Twenty-four centuries ago a line of Æschylus--"Egypt nurtured by the snow"--embodied a geographical theory which descended from Heaven knows what early folk-wandering. Aristotle with his _'aryuroun oros_, the Mountain of Silver from which the Nile flowed, continued the tradition in literature. Meantime Sabæan Arabs, trading along the east coast of Africa, and making expeditions to the interior, came back with stories of great inland seas and snow mountains near them. What they saw may have been only Kilimanjaro and Kenia, but the popular acceptance of their reports points to the earlier tale linking the snows with the Nile valley. Greek and Roman travellers spread the rumour, and presently it found its way, probably through Marinus of Tyre, into the pages of the geographer Ptolemy. Ptolemy had no doubt about these snows. He called them the Mountains of the Moon, and definitely fixed them as the source of the river of Egypt. For centuries after him the question slumbered, and men were too busied with creeds and conquests to think much of that fount of the Nile which Alexander the Great saw in his dreams. When the exploration of Equatoria began in last century the story revived, and the discovery of Kenia and Kilimanjaro seemed to have settled the matter. It was true that these mountains were a long way from the Nile watershed, but then Ptolemy had never enjoyed much of a reputation for accuracy. Still doubt remained in some minds, and explorers kept their eyes open for snow mountains which should actually feed the Nile, since, after all, so ancient a tradition had probably some ground of fact. Speke in 1861 thought he had discovered them in the chain of volcanoes between Lake Kivu and Lake Albert Edward, but these mountains held no snow. He received a hint, however, which might have led to success, for he heard from the Arabs of Unyamwezi of a strange mountain west of Lake Victoria, seldom visible, covered with white stuff, and so high and steep that no man could ascend it. In 1864 Sir Samuel Baker was within sight of Ruwenzori, and actually saw dim shapes looming through the haze, to which he gave the name of "Blue Mountains." In 1875 Stanley encamped for several days upon the eastern slopes, but he did not realize the greatness of the heights above him. He thought they were something like Elgon, and he christened them Mount Edwin Arnold (a name happily not continued); but he had no thought of snow or glacier, and he disbelieved the native stories of white stuff on the top. In 1876 Gordon's emissary, Gessi, recorded a strange apparition, "like snow mountains in the sky," which his men saw, but he seems to have considered it a hallucination. Stranger still, Emin Pasha lived for ten years on Lake Albert and never once saw the range--a fact which may be partly explained by his bad eyesight. Ruwenzori keeps its secret well. The mists from the Semliki valley shroud its base, and only on the clearest days, and for a very little time, can the traveller get such a prospect as Mr. Grogan got on his famous walk from the Cape to Cairo--"a purple mass, peak piled upon peak, black-streaked with forest, scored with ravine, and ever mounting till her castellated crags shoot their gleaming tops far into the violet heavens." The true discoverer was Stanley, who, in 1888, suddenly had a vision of the range from the south-west shore of Lake Albert. Every one remembers the famous passage:-- "While looking to the south-east and meditating upon the events of the last month, my eyes were directed by a boy to a mountain said to be covered with salt, and I saw a peculiar-shaped cloud of a most beautiful silver colour, which assumed the proportions and appearance of a vast mountain covered with snow. Following its form downward, I became struck with the deep blue-black colour of its base, and wondered if it portended another tornado; then as the sight descended to the gap between the eastern and western plateaus I became for the first time conscious that what I gazed upon was not the image or semblance of a vast mountain, but the solid substance of a real one, with its summit covered with snow.... It now dawned upon me that this must be Ruwenzori, which was said to be covered with a white metal or substance believed to be rock, as reported by Kavali's two slaves." Stanley had neither the time nor the equipment for mountain expeditions, though to the end of his life Ruwenzori remained for him a centre of romance. It was his "dear wish," as he told the Royal Geographical Society shortly before his death, that some lover of Alpine climbing would take the range in hand and explore it from top to bottom. In 1889 one of his companions, Lieutenant Stairs, made an attempt from the north-west, and reached a height of nearly 11,000 feet. Two years later Dr. Stuhlmann, a member of Emin's expedition, made a bold journey up the Butagu valley on the west, discovered the wonderful mountain vegetation, and nearly reached the snow level. In 1895 came Mr. Scott Elliot, who was primarily a botanist, but who, in spite of bad malaria, managed to struggle as far as 13,000 feet. Then followed troubles in Uganda, and it was not till 1900 that the work of exploration was resumed. To make the story clear, it is necessary to explain that the range runs practically north and south, and that about half-way it is cut into by two deep valleys--the Mobuku running to the east and the Butagu running to the Semliki on the west. Fort Portal at the northern end is the nearest station; and as from it the eastern side is the more accessible, it was natural that the Mobuku valley should be chosen as the best means of access. In 1900 Mr. Moore reached its head, and ascended the mountain called Kiyanja to the height of 14,900 feet. He had no sight of the range as a whole, but he believed this to be the highest peak, and put the summit at about 16,000 feet. In the same year Sir Harry Johnston followed this route. He ascended to the height of 14,828 feet on Kiyanja, and saw from the Mobuku valley a mountain to the north, which he named Duwoni. He came to the conclusion that the highest altitude of the range was not under 20,000 feet, and in this view he was followed by other travellers, like Mr. Wylde, Mr. Grogan, and Major Gibbons, none of whom, however, actually made ascents of any peak. The first serious mountaineering expedition was made in 1905 by Mr. Douglas Freshfield and Mr. A. L. Mumm, who suffered from such appalling weather that they had to give up the attempt. Being experienced mountaineers, however, they reached some valuable conclusions. From the plains they had a clear view of the tops, and ascertained that the mountain called Kiyanja at the head of the Mobuku valley was certainly lower than a twin-peaked snow mountain beyond it to the west. They also placed the extreme height of the range at no more than 18,000 feet. Meanwhile Lieutenant Behrens, of the Anglo-German Boundary Commission, had made an elaborate triangulation, and gave to the twin tops of the highest peak altitudes of 16,625 feet and 16,549 feet--measurements, let it be noted, which were only a few hundred feet out. One other expedition, which occupied the close of the same year and the beginning of 1906, deserves mention. Mr. A. F. R. Wollaston, of a British Museum party, found an old ice-axe in a hut (probably left by Mr. Freshfield), and, with a few yards of rotten rope, set off with a companion to climb Kiyanja. He reached a height of 16,379 feet, and also climbed a peak to the north, which he believed wrongly to be Duwoni, and which now very properly bears his name. The whole performance was a brilliant adventure, and Mr. Wollaston has published the story of his travels in a delightful book.* * _From Ruwenzori to the Congo_ (John Murray). Such was the position when, in April, 1906, the Duke of the Abruzzi and his party left Italy to solve once and for all the riddle of the mountains. The Duke was perhaps the greatest of living mountaineers. As a rock-climber his fame has filled the Alps, and no name is more honoured at Courmayeur or the Montanvert. He had led Polar expeditions, and had made the first ascent of the Alaskan Mount St. Elias. His experience, therefore, had made him not only a climber but an organizer of mountain travel. It was to this latter accomplishment that he owed his success, for Ruwenzori was not so much a climber's as a traveller's problem. The actual mountaineering is not hard, but to travel the long miles from Entebbe to the range, to cut a path through the dense jungles of the valleys, and to carry supplies and scientific apparatus to the high glacier camps, required an organizing talent of the first order. The Duke left no contingency unforeseen. He took with him four celebrated Courmayeur guides, and a staff of distinguished scientists, as well as Cav. Vittorio Sella, the greatest of living mountain photographers. So large was the expedition that two hundred and fifty native porters were required to carry stores from Entebbe to Fort Portal. It was not a bold personal adventure, like Mr. Wollaston's, but a carefully planned, scientific assault upon the mystery of Ruwenzori. The Duke did not only seek to ascend the highest peak, but to climb every summit, and map accurately every mountain, valley, and glacier. The story of the work has been officially written,* not indeed by the leader himself, who had no time to spare, but by his friend and former companion, Sir Filippo de Filippi. It is an admirable account, clear and yet picturesque, and it is illustrated by photographs and panoramas which have not often been equalled in mountaineering narratives. * _Ruwenzori; An Account of the Expedition of H.R.H. the Duke of the Abruzzi_ (London: Constable). The charm of the book is its strangeness. It tells of a kind of mountaineering to which the world can show no parallel. When Lhasa had been visited, Ruwenzori remained, with the gorges of the Brahmaputra, one of the few great geographical mysteries unveiled. Happily the unveiling has not killed the romance, for the truth is stranger than any forecast. If the Mountains of the Moon are lower than we had believed, they are far more wonderful. Here you have a range almost on the Equator, rising not from an upland, like Kilimanjaro, but from the "Albertine Depression," which is 600 or 700 feet below the average level of Uganda; a range of which the highest peaks are 1,000 feet higher than Mont Blanc, which is draped most days of the year in mist, and accessible from the plains only by deep-cut glens choked with strange trees and flowers. The altitude would in any case give every stage of climate from torrid to arctic, but the position on the Line adds something exotic even to familiar mountain sights, draping a glacier moraine with a tangle of monstrous growths, and swelling the homely Alpine flora into portents. The freakish spirit in Nature has been let loose, and she has set snowfields and rock _arêtes_ in the heart of a giant hothouse. [Illustration: The Peaks and Valleys of Ruwenzori. The Route to Ruwenzori.] The Duke of the Abruzzi was faced at the start with a deplorable absence of information. Even the season when the weather was most favourable was disputed. Mr. Freshfield, following Sir Harry Johnston's advice, tried November, and found a perpetual shower-bath. Warned by this experience, the Duke selected June and July for the attempt, and was fortunate enough to get sufficient clear days to complete his task, though he was repeatedly driven into camp by violent rain. Another matter in doubt was the best means of approach to the highest snows. The obvious route was the Mobuku valley, but by this time it was pretty clear that Kiyanja, the peak at its head, was not the highest, and it was possible that there might be no way out of the valley to the higher western summits. Still, it had been the old way of travellers, and since the alternative was the Butagu valley right on the other side of the range, the Duke chose to follow the steps of his predecessors. Just before Butiti he got his first sight of the snow, and made out that a double peak, which was certainly not Johnston's Duwoni, was clearly the loftiest. Duwoni came into view again in the lower Mobuku valley, and the sight, combined with the known locality of Kiyanja, enabled the expedition to take its bearings. Duwoni was seen through the opening of a large tributary valley, the Bujuku, which entered the Mobuku on the north side between the Portal Peaks. Now it had been clear from the lowlands that the highest snows were to the south of Duwoni, and must consequently lie between that peak and the Mobuku valley. The conclusion was that the Bujuku must lead to the foot of the highest summits, while the Mobuku could not. The discovery was the key of the whole geography of the range. But the Duke did not at once act upon it. He wisely decided to explore Kiyanja first; so, thinning out his caravan and leaving his heavier stores at the last native village, he with his party pushed up the Mobuku torrent. The Mobuku valley falls in stages from the glacier, and at the foot of each stage is a cliff face and a waterfall. The soil everywhere oozes moisture, and where an outcrop of rock or a mat of dead boughs does not give firmer going, it is knee-deep in black mud. The first stage is forest land--great conifers with masses of ferns and tree-ferns below, and above a tangle of creepers and flaming orchids. At the second terrace you come to the fringe of Alpine life. Here is the heath forest, of which let the narrative tell:-- "Trunks and boughs are entirely smothered in a thick layer of mosses which hang like waving beards from every spray, cushion and englobe every knot, curl and swell around each twig, deform every outline and obliterate every feature, till the trees are a mere mass of grotesque contortions, monstrous tumefactions of the discoloured leprous growth. No leaf is to be seen save on the very topmost twigs, yet the forest is dark owing to the dense network of trunks and branches. The soil disappears altogether under innumerable dead trunks, heaped one upon another in intricate piles, covered with mosses, viscous and slippery when exposed to the air; black, naked, and yet neither mildewed nor rotten where they have lain for years and years in deep holes. No forest can be grimmer and stranger than this. The vegetation seems primeval, of some period when forms were uncertain and provisory." But the third terrace is stranger still. There one is out of the forest and in an Alpine meadow between sheer cliffs, with far at the head the gorge of Bujongolo and the tongue of the glacier above it. But what an Alpine meadow!-- "The ground was carpeted with a deep layer of lycopodium and springy moss, and thickly dotted with big clumps of the papery flowers, pink, yellow, and silver white, of the helichrysum or everlasting, above which rose the tall columnar stalks of the lobelia, like funeral torches, beside huge branching groups of the monster senecio. The impression produced was beyond words to describe; the spectacle was too weird, too improbable, too unlike all familiar images, and upon the whole brooded the same grave deathly silence." It is a commonplace to say that in savage Africa man is surrounded by a fauna still primeval; but in these mountains the flora, too, is of an earlier world--that strange world which is embalmed in our coal seams. Under the veil of mist, among cliffs which lose themselves in the clouds, the traveller walks in an unearthly landscape, with the gaunt candelabra of the senecios, the flambeaus of the lobelias, and the uncanny blooms of the helichryse like decorations at some ghostly feast. The word "helichryse" calls up ridiculous Theocritean associations, as if the sunburnt little "creeping-gold" of Sicily were any kin to these African marvels! Our elders were wise when they named the range the Mountains of the Moon, for such things might well belong to some lunar gorge of Mr. Wells's imagination. Beyond Kiyanja the Duke found a little lake where a fire had raged and the senecios were charred and withered. It was a veritable Valley of Dry Bones. [Illustration: Ruwenzori from the Hill near Kaibo. (_By permission of Messrs. Arch. Constable & Co., Ltd._)] Bujongolo offered the expedition a stone-heap overhung by a cliff, and there the permanent camp was fixed. Among mildews and lichens and pallid mist and an everlasting drip of rain five weeks were passed with this unpromising spot as their base. The first business was to ascend Kiyanja. This gave little trouble, for the ridge was soon gained, and an easy _arête_ to the south led to the chief point. The height proved to be 15,988 feet, and the view from the summit settled the geography of the range and confirmed the Duke's theories. For it was now clear that the ridge at the head of the Mobuku was no part of the watershed of the chain, and that the Duwoni of Johnston was to the north, not of the Mobuku, but of the Bujuku. The highest summits stood over to the west, rising from the col at the head of the Bujuku valley. The Duke saw that they might also be reached by making a detour to the south of Kiyanja, and ascending a glen which is one of the high affluents of the Butagu, the great valley on the west side of the system. It may be convenient here to explain the main features of the range, giving them the new names which the expedition invented, and which are now adopted by geographers. Kiyanja became Mount Baker, and its highest point is called Edward Peak after the then King of England. Due south, across the Freshfield Pass, stands Mount Luigi di Savoia, a name given by the Royal Geographical Society and not by the Duke, who wished to christen it after Joseph Thomson the traveller. Due north from Mount Baker, and separated from it by the upper Bujuku valley, is Mount Speke (the Duwoni of Johnston), with its main summit called Vittorio Emanuele. West of the gap between Baker and Speke stands the highest summit of all, Mount Stanley, with its twin peaks Margherita and Alexandra. North of Mount Speke is Mount Emin, and east of the latter is Mount Gessi. Five of the great massifs cluster around the Bujuku valley, while the sixth, Mount Luigi di Savoia, stands by itself at the south end of the chain. The assault on Mount Stanley was delayed for some days by abominable weather. At last came a clear season, and the Duke with his guides crossed Freshfield Pass and ascended the valley at the back of Mount Baker. There they spent an evening, which showed what Ruwenzori could be like when clouds are absent. They found a little lake, embosomed in flowers, under the cliffs, and looking to the west they saw the sun set in crimson and gold over the great spaces of the Congo Forest. Next day they reached the col which bears the name of Scott Elliot, and encamped on one of the Mount Stanley glaciers at the height of 14,817 feet. At 7.30 on the following morning they reached the top of the first peak, Alexandra, 16,749 feet high. A short descent and a difficult piece of step-cutting through snow cornices took them to the summit of Margherita (16,815 feet), the highest point of the range:-- "They emerged from the mist into splendid clear sunlight. At their feet lay a sea of fog. An impenetrable layer of light ashy-white cloud-drift, stretching as far as the eye could reach, was drifting rapidly north-westward. From the immense moving surface emerged two fixed points, two pure white peaks sparkling in the sun with their myriad snow crystals. These were the two extreme summits of the highest peaks. The Duke of the Abruzzi named these summits Margherita and Alexandra, 'in order that, under the auspices of these two royal ladies, the memory of the two nations may be handed down to posterity--of Italy, whose name was the first to resound on these snows in a shout of victory, and of England, which in its marvellous colonial expansion carries civilization to the slopes of these remote mountains.' It was a thrilling moment when the little tricolor flag, given by H.M. Queen Margherita of Savoy, unfurled to the wind and sun the embroidered letters of its inspiring motto, 'Ardisci e Spera.'" The conquest of Mount Stanley was the culminating point of the expedition. After that, the topography being known, it only remained to ascend the four massifs of Speke, Emin, Gessi, and Luigi di Savoia. In addition, the Bujuku valley, with its tributary the Migusi, was thoroughly explored. The aim of the Duke being completeness, many of the peaks were ascended several times to verify the observations. There is an account of how from one peak in a sudden blink of fine weather the leader saw two portions of the expedition in different parts of the range moving about their allotted tasks. The result of this wise organization is that to-day the world knows every peak, glacier, and valley in Ruwenzori far more minutely than many habitable parts of the East African plateau. The expedition was not only a fine adventure, but a wonderful piece of solid and enduring scientific work. No Englishman will grudge that the honours of the pioneer fell to so brilliant a climber and so unwearied a traveller as the Duke of the Abruzzi. The Italian name has always stood high in mountaineering annals, and the Duke has long ago earned his place in that inner circle of fame which includes Mummery and Guido Rey, Moore and Zsigmondy. [Illustration: The Valley to the West of Mount Baker. (_By permission of Messrs. Arch. Constable & Co., Ltd._)] The riddle of equatorial snow has been solved, and there is nothing very startling in the answer. The upper part of the mountains has no marvels to show equal to the giant groundsels and lobelias and the forests of heath on the lower slopes. The glaciers are all small, without tributaries, as in Norway; and there are no real basins, but merely "a sort of glacier caps from which ice digitations flow down at divers points." All the same, the glacier formation is more respectable than Mr. Freshfield thought, for he saw only the small ice-stream at the head of the Mobuku, and was not aware of the much greater one from Mount Stanley which descends to the upper Bujuku valley. The limit of perpetual snow is about 14,600 feet. Mr. Freshfield was so struck by the small size of the Mobuku torrent where it issues from the glacier, and by its clearness, that he thought it must come from some underground spring rather than from a real melting of the ice. He maintained that tropical glaciers were consumed mainly by evaporation and only in a small degree by melting. The Duke has, however, made it clear that the glaciers of Ruwenzori are subject to the same conditions as those of the Alps, and that their streams are true glacier torrents. The limpidity of the water he ascribes to their almost complete immobility, which means that there is no grinding of the detritus in their beds. On the whole, the range offers no great scope for the energies of the mountaineer. The ice and snow work is easy, and even the huge cornices, such as are found on Margherita, are fairly safe for the climber, owing to the way in which they are propped by a forest of ice stalactites caused by the rapid melting of the snow. On the other hand, there is abundance of rock climbing of every degree of difficulty, for the mountains below the snow-line fall very sheer to the valleys. Luigi di Savoia, Emin, and Gessi are virtually rock peaks; an isolated summit, Mount Cagni, is wholly rock; and there are fine rock faces on Mount Baker and the Edward and Savoia Peaks of Mount Stanley. I doubt, however, if Ruwenzori will ever be a centre for the rock gymnast. The weather would damp the ardour of the most earnest _habitué_ of Chamonix or San Martino. A few hours of sunshine once a week are not enough in which to plan out routes up cliffs whose scale far exceeds the measure of the Alps. The Grepon or the Dru would have long remained virgin if their crags had been for ever slimy with moisture and draped in mist, and the climber had to descend to no comfortable Montanvert, but to a clammy tent among swamps and mildews. And yet those peaks remain almost the strangest of the world's wonders, and their ascent will always be one of the finest of human adventures. They are Mountains of the Moon rather than of this common earth. The first discoverers brought back tales which were scarcely credible--ice-peaks of Himalayan magnitude, soaring out of flame-coloured tropic jungles. For long mountaineers were consumed with curiosity as to what mysteries lay behind that veil of mist. For all they knew, equatorial snow might be difficult beyond the skill of man, and Ruwenzori the eternal and unapproachable goal of the adventurer's ambition. The truth is prosaic beside these imaginings. Any man who can afford the time and the money, who selects the right time of year, and is sound in wind and limb, can stand on the dome of Margherita. But the experience will still be unique, for these mountains have no fellows on the globe. There is a certain kinship between the tale of the first ascent of Mount McKinley in Alaska,* and that of the Duke of the Abruzzi. That gaunt icy peak is as unlike the ordinary snow mountain as Ruwenzori. The climb began from the glacier at a height of 1,000 feet, and 19,000 feet of snow and ice had to be surmounted. The Alaskan giant and the Mountains of the Moon stand at the opposite poles of climate, but both are alike in being outside the brotherhood of mountains. They are extravagances of Nature, moulded without regard to human needs. For mountains, when all has been said, belong to the habitable world. They are barriers between the settlements of man, and from their isolation the climber looks to the vineyards and cornlands and cities of the plains. An ice-peak near the Pole and a range veiled in the steaming mists of the Line are solitudes more retired and sanctuaries more inviolate. The common mountain-top lifts a man above the tumult of the lowlands, but these seem to carry him beyond the tumult of the world. * See Chapter VI. V THE SOUTH POLE THE SOUTH POLE (_Map_, p. 144.) I The imaginations of bold men were captured by the idea of Arctic exploration for centuries before the Antarctic was even thought of as a field for discovery. The Arctic regions have a history dating back to the days of King Alfred; the Antarctic can make no such boast as this, and it is true to say that attention was first drawn to the Far South by the map-makers. Much praise is due to the early map-makers; but as regards the Far South it must be admitted that they indulged in considerable guesswork. Ortelius, for instance, in his map of the world which was published in Antwerp in 1570, had the temerity to draw the coast of "Terra Australia nondum cognita" round the world as far north, in two places, as the Tropic of Capricorn. Hakluyt did, in 1599, omit the Southern continent from his celebrated map of the world, an abstinence on his part that deserves to be mentioned. But fictions, in spite of Hakluyt, continued to appear in later maps; and if they did nothing else, they were at least useful in directing the thoughts of navigators towards the Antarctic. Accident rather than design was, however, responsible for the first discoveries in the South. In 1520 Magellan found the strait which is known by his name, and during the sixteenth century what discoveries were made in the direction of the South were due to contrary winds. Owing to gales, Sir Francis Drake, in 1578, reached in latitude 56° S. "the uttermost part of the land towards the South Pole," and so, sadly against his will, made discoveries. And it was owing to what has happily been called "a discovery-causing gale" that some Dutch ships, which had set out in 1598 for the exciting but scarcely laudable purpose of plundering the coasts of Chile and Peru, were scattered in all directions. One of these ships, a mere baby of 18 tons, was driven to 64° S., and there her captain, Dirk Gerritsz, sighted "high land with mountains covered with snow, like the land of Norway." If proof of the universal ignorance of the South at the beginning of the seventeenth century is needed, we have the expedition of Pedro Fernandez de Quiros. Quiros was commissioned by the King of Spain, Philip III., to undertake a voyage for the purpose of annexing the South Polar continent; and after this annexation had been completed, he was commanded to convert the inhabitants to the true faith. It was an ambitious programme, and it was far indeed from being carried out. In fact, the result of the expedition was almost comical. Quiros discovered the largest island of the New Hebrides, and in the belief that it was part of the Southern continent, he not only annexed it, but also the South Pole itself, to the Crown of Spain! This expedition must be considered the first Antarctic expedition, but there is no denying that its results were more ludicrous than encouraging. Little progress was made during the seventeenth century in adding to the world's knowledge of the South, but in one way and another the map-makers received severe buffets. Towards the end of that century and the beginning of the next, some ships reached 62° S. and 63° S., and encountering great icebergs, gained knowledge that tended to disperse the idea of a huge continent, from which men could reap wealth and live in comfort while reaping it. In spite, however, of this waning belief in a fertile and populous Southern continent, several voyages were undertaken to look for it; but it is to be noted that the men who made these adventurous journeys were not in the least interested in exploration for exploration's sake. The reason why they made these expeditions was mainly because they hoped to enrich themselves. Not until the latter half of the eighteenth century was there any change in what may be called the spirit of exploration; and then, in 1764, the English Government issued instructions to Commodore Byron which clearly showed that the importance of discovery, for discovery's sake alone, was beginning to be realized. Science had been making progress, and the desire really to know, and no longer to guess at, the extent and nature of the world, perceptibly increased. Scientists, engaged solely on scientific work, accompanied both the expeditions of Marion and Kerguelen, and when Captain James Cook sailed in 1772 from Deptford, on what was the first British Antarctic expedition, he was also accompanied by scientists. The name of James Cook will always be given a place of honour among explorers, for, quite apart from the discoveries that he made, he set an example of courage in facing dangers and difficulties that can never be forgotten. He and all the earlier navigators, we must remember, had to undertake their voyages in ships that were totally unfit to encounter ice. And when this fact is realized, we are compelled to admire the pertinacity with which they carried out their work, and to recognize that the results of their efforts were, under the circumstances, magnificent. It has been well said that James Cook defined the Antarctic region and that James Ross discovered it; and, indeed, it would be difficult to overestimate the importance either of Cook's voyages or of those subsequently undertaken by Ross. January 17, 1773, was a red-letter day in the annals of exploration, for during its forenoon Cook crossed the Antarctic Circle for the first time. Icebergs and loose pack-ice were then surrounding him, but he pushed on until he sighted closely packed ice. In his opinion he might possibly have pushed his way through this ice, but in such a ship as the _Resolution_ (462 tons) he did not consider himself justified in making so dangerous an experiment. The latitude that he reached was 71° 10' S., longitude 106° 54' W. Cook's expedition returned to Portsmouth in July, 1775, and then the value of his voyage was recognized. He had made the circuit of the Southern ocean in a high latitude, and had for ever crushed the idea of a fertile and fruitful Southern continent. If land lay beyond the Antarctic Circle, Cook thought that it must consist of "countries condemned to everlasting rigidity by Nature, never to yield to the warmth of the sun, for whose wild and desolate aspect I find no words." Cook, in short, had revealed the limits of the habitable globe, and his accounts of what he had encountered in the Far South did not encourage men, who were anxious to find land in which fortunes could quickly be made, to think longingly of the Antarctic. After Cook's return no serious attempt at geographical discoveries in the South was made until the Russian Government, in 1819, sent an expedition, under Captain Bellingshausen, to the Southern seas. Bellingshausen's ambition was to rival Cook's feat of making the circuit of the Southern ocean in high latitude, and he achieved it. He was also the first explorer definitely to discover land within the Antarctic Circle. Two or three years later James Weddell, whose real business was sealing, reached a latitude of 74° 15' S., more than three degrees to the south of Cook's farthest point; and for nearly twenty years Weddell's record remained intact. During the first half of the nineteenth century the Southern seas became the scene of extensive sealing industries, and however much we may regret the wholesale slaughter that took place, we have to confess that some of these sealers made important geographical discoveries. Both Captain John Biscoe and Captain John Balleny were engaged in the Antarctic sealing trade, but they were fortunate enough to be employed by the firm of Enderby. Charles Enderby instructed his captains not to neglect geographical discovery, and his instructions were faithfully carried out. To the enterprise of Enderby, and to the courage and perseverance of his captains, we owe the discovery of Graham Land, Enderby Land, Kempe Island, and Sabrina Land. A French expedition under Captain D'Urville, and an American one under Captain Wilkes, followed in 1840. D'Urville, who encountered so many icebergs that he felt as if he was "in the narrow streets of a city of giants," sighted land in latitude 66° S., longitude 140° E., and named this coast Adélie Land. Wilkes also claimed to have discovered land; but of his claims one of our greatest explorers has written: "Had he been more circumspect in his reports of land, all would have agreed that his voyage was a fine performance." Two or three years before D'Urville and Wilkes set out upon their voyages, Colonel Sabine, at a meeting of the British Association, read a paper on the subject of terrestrial magnetism, and the result was that Polar exploration received a great incentive. By this time the importance of terrestrial magnetism in regard to the navigation of ships was admitted, and the Government was petitioned to send a naval expedition for the purpose of increasing our knowledge of this science in the South. A favourable reply was received from Lord Melbourne, and in 1839 Sir James Ross was appointed to command an expedition whose object was rather magnetic research than geographical discovery. Two old bomb vessels, the _Erebus_ (370 tons) and the _Terror_ (340 tons), were selected by Ross, and when their bows had been strengthened he had at his disposal the first vessels that could be navigated among the Southern pack-ice. A detailed account of Ross's achievements cannot be given, but of them Captain Scott wrote: "The high mountain ranges and the coastline of Victoria Land were laid down with comparative accuracy from Cape North in latitude 71 to Wood Bay in latitude 74, and their extension was indicated less definitely to McMurdo Bay in latitude 77½.... Few things could have looked more hopeless than an attack upon that ice-bound region which lay within the Antarctic Circle; yet out of this desolate prospect Ross wrested an open sea, a vast mountain region, a smoking volcano (Erebus), and a hundred problems of interest to the geographer."* * _The Voyage of the "Discovery"_ (John Murray), page 16. The highest latitude reached by Ross was 78° 10' S., and he described the huge wall of ice which he sighted there and named the Great Barrier, as a "mighty and wonderful object, far beyond anything we could have thought of or conceived." This Barrier was in later years found to be 400 miles wide, and of even greater length. Slowly, very slowly, the Far South was being compelled to reveal some of its secrets, but in spite of the interest and enthusiasm caused by Ross's discoveries, many years passed, after his return to England in 1843, before further steps were taken to make geographical discoveries in the Antarctic. But during this period, in which geographical enterprise languished, scientific research was being carried on. A great desire to increase the knowledge of the science of oceanography had sprung up, and as a practical outcome of the labours of scientists and inventors, the Challenger expedition, excellently equipped for scientific research, set out under the command of Captain Nares in January 1873. This expedition was in itself most important, but it is not belittling it to say that part of its value in the history of Antarctic exploration lies in the fact that it stimulated interest in the Far South, and this interest gradually increased until the wish to solve the mysteries of the South Polar regions became dominant in the minds of many men in England and Germany. In 1885 the British Association appointed an Antarctic Committee, and some two years later this Committee reported in favour of further exploration. Great difficulties, chiefly financial, had, however, to be faced by the supporters of this expedition, and a shrewd blow was received when the Board of Trade refused to recommend a grant of money because there were no trade returns from the Antarctic regions!--a reply that might produce a derisive smile from the most zealous of economists. For the moment the idea of Antarctic exploration had received a decided setback. But determined men were working to conquer the practical difficulties; and none more determined than Sir Clements Markham, who was elected President of the Royal Geographical Society in May 1893. No sooner was it generally known that a real effort was being made in England to make further discoveries in Antarctica--as it was by this time called--than several other countries were stimulated at various dates to send out expeditions. Borchgrevink, a Norwegian, De Gerlache, a Belgian, Otto Nordenskiöld, a Swede, and Charcot, a Frenchman, led expeditions, all of which did valuable work in the South. II In November, 1893, a meeting of the Royal Geographical Society was held, and the duties of the projected British expedition were stated. The first duty was "to determine the nature and extent of the Antarctic continent;" the fifth was "to obtain as complete a series as possible of magnetic and meteorological observations." Such an expedition was intended both to encourage maritime enterprise and to add to the world's knowledge. From the outset the promoters had decided that their expedition should be under naval control, but the Government could not be persuaded to take charge of it. The Admiralty, however, assisted both with the loan of instruments and by granting leave to officers and men on full pay. Innumerable obstacles continued to hamper the promoters on every side, but they were slowly removed, and at last the ship was launched at Dundee in March, 1901, and christened the _Discovery_. Sir Clements Markham, fourteen years before, had, in his own mind, selected the fittest commander if an expedition to the South ever became practicable. The name of this commander was Robert Falcon Scott, and after much opposition had been overcome--opposition which Sir Clements described as "harder to force a way through than the most impenetrable of ice-packs"--Scott's appointment was confirmed. A great attack upon the Antarctic regions was about to be made, but it is worthy of record that in the instructions issued to Captain Scott no mention of the South Pole as an objective was made. By July the labour of preparation for the expedition was almost finished, and on August 5, 1901, the _Discovery_ was visited by King Edward VII. and Queen Alexandra, and then started on her adventurous voyage. We can easily understand Scott's anxiety to be up and away, for he had no Polar experience to help and guide him, and his desire to justify the confidence placed in him must have been intense. In the _Discovery_, in addition to Scott himself, were several men whose names were destined to become famous in the history of Polar exploration. Ernest H. Shackleton was a second-lieutenant; Ernest A. Wilson was described as surgeon, artist, and vertebrate zoologist; Edgar Evans was a petty officer; Frank Wild and Thomas Crean were A.B.'s; William Lashley was a stoker. Surely the nucleus of a goodly company. Lyttelton, New Zealand, had been chosen for the headquarters of the expedition in the South, and the _Discovery_ arrived there on 30th November. She stayed for three weeks to re-fit and take in provisions, and then started upon the next stage of her eventful journey. The Antarctic Circle was crossed on 3rd January, and soon afterwards the pack was on all sides of the ship; but she behaved splendidly, and Scott was delighted with the way she forced herself through the ice. Scott's original intention had been that the _Discovery_ should not winter in the Antarctic, but that, having landed a party of men, she should return northward before the ice made such a journey impossible. A hut had been provided for this party, but in February a spot was found in McMurdo Sound in which it was thought that the ship would pass the winter in safety. Consequently Scott decided to use the _Discovery_ as his headquarters, and to utilize the hut for other purposes. The task of erecting the huts (in addition to the main hut there were two smaller ones for magnetic work) was difficult, but it was eventually accomplished, and the party began to settle down to spend the approaching winter. Before, however, the winter set in, Scott, knowing how ignorant he and his companions were of sledging, was anxious to gain as much experience as possible. And the result of the sledging expeditions that were made only showed how urgently this experience was needed. "Even at this time [early in March]," Scott wrote, "I was conscious how much there was to be learnt, and felt that we must buy our experience through many a discomfort; and on looking back I am only astonished that we bought that experience so cheaply, for clearly there were the elements of catastrophe as well as of discomfort in the disorganized condition in which our sledge-parties left the ship."* * _The Voyage of the "Discovery,"_ page 170. When the _Discovery_ was brought into McMurdo Sound there was good reason to suppose that she would soon be frozen in. But weeks passed before the sea became frozen, and until the ship was firmly fixed in the ice there was always a chance that she might be driven away by a gale and be unable to return. This uncertainty hampered operations for some time, and it was not until the last days of March, 1902, that the ship was satisfactorily frozen in. The sun departed at the end of April, and during the long winter that followed the party of explorers had much to occupy them and to discuss. Scott had taken dogs with him for sledging purposes, but although he knew that they must increase his radius of action, he always detested the idea of using them because of the suffering that must necessarily be caused. But the question of using dogs was only one of the many problems in connection with sledging that was debated during that Antarctic winter. In judging the journeys that followed in the spring, it is to be remembered that as far as the Antarctic regions are concerned they were pioneer efforts, and also that the conditions of Antarctic sledging differ considerably from those of the Arctic. In these journeys Scott and his companions were taught lessons that were afterwards of the greatest value to other explorers as well as to themselves--lessons that nothing except experience could teach. The journey that Scott, with Wilson, Shackleton, and several dogs, began on 2nd November with the object of pushing as far south as possible, was accompanied at the outset by a supporting party; but this party turned back by the 15th, and Scott, Wilson, and Shackleton had immediate cause to know how strenuous a task they had before them. The dogs were already causing anxiety, and were quite unable to do the work expected from them. Relay work, which meant that each mile had to be travelled three times, became the order of the day, and in consequence the advance towards the South was greatly hindered. Soon afterwards the men themselves began to suffer from blistered noses, cracked lips, and painful eyes; but on the 21st Scott took a meridian altitude, and found the latitude to be 80° 1'. In spite of all discomforts and anxieties, Scott was in a happy mood that night when he wrote: "All our charts of the Antarctic regions show a plain white circle beyond the eightieth parallel.... It has always been our ambition to get inside that white space, and now we are there the space can no longer be a blank; this compensates for a lot of trouble." [Illustration: South Polar Regions.] As the advance laboriously continued, the condition of the dogs, to Scott's poignant sorrow, went from bad to worse, and by 21st December the question of turning back had to be considered. At this time additional anxiety was caused by Shackleton, who was showing symptoms of scurvy; but Christmas Day was in sight, and as on that festival the travellers had decided to have a really satisfying meal, they resolved to push on farther. Their meal on Christmas Day put new life into the party; but they realized all too acutely that their food supplies were so inadequate that, if they were to continue the advance they must be prepared to face the risk of famine. There were, however, strong incentives to urge them on their way. Each day took them farther and farther into regions hitherto untrodden by the feet of men. Who can blame them for taking the risks that were involved in their determination to continue the march? But on 27th December, Wilson, whose industry in sketching and determination not to give in were beyond praise, was suffering so severely from snow-blindness that he had to march blindfold; and at last the decision to turn back had to be made. Observations taken at their last camp showed that they had reached between 82° 16' and 82° 17' S.--a finer record than Scott anticipated, after he had realized that the dogs were unable to fulfill the hopes placed in them. The return march was a prolonged period of suspense. By January 9, 1903, only four out of the nineteen dogs which had started on the journey were alive, and on the 15th the last of them had to be killed. "I think," Scott wrote, "we could all have wept." Even more serious was the fact that at this time Shackleton became seriously ill. A grim struggle followed, for although Shackleton showed unending courage he was suffering severely from scurvy, and Scott and Wilson, who were themselves attacked in a lesser degree by this disease, often had cause to wonder whether this return journey was not beyond their powers. It was with feelings of profound thankfulness that, at the beginning of February, Scott and his companions reached the ship. For ninety-three days they had been on the march, and during that time they had travelled 960 statute miles. When the explorers reached their goal they found that the relief ship, the _Morning_, had arrived, and Shackleton returned in her; but the _Discovery_, after being so reluctant to freeze firmly into the ice, refused entirely to thaw out, and consequently Scott and most of his original party spent a second winter in the Antarctic. During this additional year Scott, with Edgar Evans and Lashley as his companions, made a wonderful western journey, in which adventures enough to last ordinary men for a lifetime were almost part of the daily routine. Not until February, 1904, was the _Discovery_ freed from the ice, and on 10th September she reached Spithead after an absence from England of over three years. In those years a crop of most useful information had been gathered, and many geographical discoveries had been made. Among the latter were King Edward Land, Ross Island, and the Victoria Mountains, and--most important of all--the great ice-cap on which the South Pole is situated. Not for some years yet was the South Pole to reveal its secret, but Scott's first expedition may truthfully be said to have shown the way towards that revelation. In the years to come Amundsen frankly admitted how carefully he and his companions studied the accounts of Scott's and Shackleton's expeditions. III After Scott's return from his first visit to the Antarctic no further attempt was immediately made to visit the Far South. But that great explorer, Ernest Shackleton, had seen enough of the South to be gripped by the desire to solve more of its problems, and in the _Geographical Journal_ of March, 1907, he stated the programme of a proposed expedition. In this programme Shackleton said: "I do not intend to sacrifice the scientific utility of the expedition to a mere record-breaking journey, but say frankly, all the same, that one of my great efforts will be to reach the southern geographical Pole." The financial difficulties that seemed to be inseparable from Polar expeditions followed, but they were ultimately removed, and on July 30, 1907, the _Nimrod_ sailed for New Zealand. Bearing in mind the failure of the dogs in Scott's expedition, Shackleton decided to use Manchurian ponies as his principal means of traction. The utmost care was taken in preparing the equipment and in choosing the staff to accompany the expedition. Shackleton intended to land a shore party, and among this party were Frank Wild and Ernest Joyce (who had been with Scott), Douglas Mawson, Lieutenant J. B. Adams, Dr. E. Marshall, Raymond Priestley, and G. E. Marston. Before leaving England, Shackleton decided, if possible, to establish his winter quarters on King Edward VII. Land in preference to Scott's old quarters at Hut Point in McMurdo Sound; but he was unable to carry out this plan, and ultimately he landed close to Cape Royds on the east coast of Ross Island. On February 22, 1908, his ship, the _Nimrod_, started upon her journey to New Zealand. The winter quarters that had necessarily to be chosen were separated from Hut Point by some 20 miles of frozen ice, and Shackleton was greatly disappointed that he was prevented from landing on King Edward VII. Land, where he would not only have broken fresh ground, but would also have been considerably nearer to the Pole. In the light of subsequent events it is of interest to note that Shackleton, in his search for winter quarters off the Barrier, looked with eagerness upon a bay which he named "The Bay of Whales," but owing to the conditions of the ice he thought it necessary to leave this spot as quickly as possible. In another respect this expedition met with poor fortune--namely, in the loss of ponies. When the party settled down to spend the winter only four ponies were still alive, and it is no cause for wonder that they were watched with the closest attention. And as a Manchurian pony has been endowed with more than his fair share of original sin, he requires a very great deal of watching. Before the winter set in, an attempt was made to reach the top of Mount Erebus, and this attempt met with a success that acted as a tonic both to those who took part in it and to those who had remained in winter quarters. As soon as mid-winter day had passed, Shackleton began to make arrangements for the sledging work that had to be done in the approaching spring. Depots had to be laid in the direction of the South Pole, which was over 880 statute miles distant from Cape Royds. These preparations went on apace, and with a view to starting on the Southern march from the nearest possible point to the Pole, stores, etc., were transferred to Hut Point, and depots were also laid to help the travellers on their way. Adams, Marshall, and Wild were chosen to accompany Shackleton in this determined effort to reach the South Pole, and on 29th October they set out with the four ponies and the four sledges. By 3rd November they had left the sea-ice and were on the Barrier; but instead of finding a better surface they found it increasingly difficult. At the outset, however, the ponies did splendid work, though one of them, on 9th November, nearly disappeared into "a great fathomless chasm." At the time the travellers were in a nest of crevasses, and Adams's pony suddenly went down a crack. Fortunately, with help from Wild and Shackleton, the pony and the sledge were saved from falling into this abyss; but it was an alarming incident, for, as all the cooking gear and biscuits and a large portion of the oil were on this sledge, the loss of it would have been an irretrievable disaster to the Southern journey. The 26th November was a day to be remembered by Shackleton and his companions, for at night they found that they had reached latitude 82° 18' S., and so had passed Scott's "farthest south." On 1st December, latitude 83° 16' S. was reached, but by this time three of the ponies had been killed, and only one was left. A few days later this last pony disappeared down a crevasse, and nearly took Wild and the sledge with him. Serious as the loss of this gallant pony was, there was great cause for thankfulness that Wild and the sledge had almost miraculously been saved. Had the sledge gone, only two sleeping bags would have been left for the four men, and the equipment would have been so short that the explorers could scarcely have got back to winter quarters. Presently the travellers left the Barrier and attacked the great Beardmore Glacier which was between them and the plateau. On 9th December, 340 geographical miles lay between them and the Pole, and progress was painfully slow, for the surface consisted mainly of rotten ice through which their feet continually broke. A week later they had travelled over nearly 100 miles of crevassed ice, and had risen 6,000 feet; but the plateau which they so eagerly longed to reach still lay ahead of them. "Never," Shackleton wrote, "do I expect to meet anything more tantalizing than the plateau." Appalling surfaces, to walk on which Wild described as like walking over the glass roof of a station, continued after the plateau had been reached, and before Christmas arrived it was obvious, if the advance was to be continued, that absolute hunger, amounting almost to starvation, stared the explorers in the face. On the evening of New Year's Day, 1909, the Pole was only 172½ miles distant, but the men's strength was nearly exhausted. The thermometer remained obstinately below zero, and on 6th January there were over 50 degrees of frost, with a blizzard and drift. A last dash onwards followed, and on 9th January Shackleton and his party reached 88° 23' S., and left the Union Jack flying on the plateau. The attempt to reach the Pole had failed; but it was a gallant attempt, and the homeward marches that followed show clearly enough that to have advanced farther was beyond the powers of the men. Indeed, the return journey was a terrible experience--a grim struggle against starvation; and to add to the misery of it, dysentery--owing, in Shackleton's opinion, to eating diseased pony's meat--attacked each member of the party. All that was possible had been done, and had not the wind been behind the explorers during one of their acutest periods of suffering, it is improbable that they would ever have reached their winter quarters. While Shackleton was making his great march, a party, consisting of David, Mawson, and Mackay, had set out, with a view to determining the position of the south magnetic Pole. In this they were successful, the mean position of the magnetic Pole being marked down by Mawson as in latitude 72° 25' S., longitude 155° 16'. This was a great triumph for the explorers, and, needless to say, it was not gained without many perilous adventures and narrow escapes. In March, 1909, the _Nimrod_ returned safely to Lyttelton, New Zealand, where Shackleton and his men met with the warmest of welcomes. Once again the South Pole had resisted the attempt to locate it, but the time was drawing near for its mysteries to be disclosed. IV When, on September 13, 1909, Captain Scott published his plans for a British Antarctic expedition in the following year, Roald Amundsen was not thinking about the Far South. The _Fram_, it is true, was being prepared for a third voyage, but the Arctic was again to be her destination. Then, during the September of 1909 came the news that Peary had reached the North Pole. One of the great secrets of the world had been revealed; but another was still undiscovered, and Amundsen's thoughts were promptly turned from the Arctic to the Antarctic. For various reasons Amundsen did not announce his change of plans, and when the _Fram_ sailed in August, 1910, only a very few people knew where she was bound for. Not until the ship left Madeira did Amundsen announce his destination to the men who were accompanying him, and they received the news with joy. In two or three respects Amundsen's expedition differed considerably from Scott's new expedition. Amundsen, for instance, relied on dogs for his motive power; Scott relied on ponies. Then, again, Amundsen decided to make his winter headquarters off the Bay of Whales, which was a degree farther south than McMurdo Sound, where Scott wintered. Scott was to take the Beardmore Glacier as his route to the South Pole; Amundsen's plan, when he set out for the Pole, was to leave Scott's route alone and push straight south from his starting-place. "Our starting-point lay 350 geographical miles," Amundsen wrote, "from Scott's winter quarters in McMurdo Sound, so there could be no question of encroaching upon his sphere of action." Lastly, it must be mentioned that the Norwegians were as at home on ski as they were on their feet, while most of Scott's men were at their best only moderate performers upon ski. All went well with the _Fram_ on her voyage to the South. She crossed the Antarctic Circle on January 2, 1911, and twelve days later she was in the Bay of Whales. In landing on the Great Barrier, Amundsen knew that he was taking a considerable amount of risk, for there was no certainty that it was not afloat where he landed on it from the Bay of Whales. In Amundsen's opinion, however, the Barrier there rests "upon a good solid foundation, probably in the form of small islands, skerries, or shoals."* * Amundsen's _The South Pole_ (John Murray), Vol. I., page 49. And indeed the Barrier treated him well. The landing was performed with supreme ease, and enough seals were found to relieve any possible anxiety as to the supply of fresh meat. Penguins, those delightful birds which provide both humour and food for visitors to Antarctica, were not plentiful, and those that were seen were chiefly of the Adélie species. "Framheim," the hut in which the South Pole party were to live during the winter, was soon erected, and Amundsen found infinite satisfaction in the number of dogs which were safely landed. So far from losing dogs on the voyage, he had started with 97 and finished with 116, a most welcome addition. The _Fram_, leaving eight men to winter on shore, was due to sail in the middle of February upon an oceanographical cruise, but before leaving she received some unexpected visitors. On 4th February, Captain Scott's ship, the _Terra Nova_, with the party which had vainly hoped to land on King Edward VII. Land, came into the Bay of Whales. The news that Amundsen was safely established reached Scott on 22nd February, and he could not fail to be impressed by it. "One thing only," he wrote characteristically, "fixes itself definitely in my mind. The proper, as well as the wiser, course for us is to proceed exactly as though this had not happened; to go forward and do our best for the honour of the country without fear or panic. There is no doubt that Amundsen's plan is a very serious menace to ours. He has a shorter distance to the Pole by 60 miles. I never thought he could have got so many dogs safely to the ice. But above and beyond all, he can start his journey early in the season--an impossible condition with ponies."* Words that, in the light of future events, are more than ordinarily significant. * _The Voyages of Captain Scott_ (John Murray), page 259. Before the winter set in Amundsen determined to deposit food, etc., on the way to the Pole, and on 10th February he set out on his first journey with three men, three sledges, and eighteen dogs. This first trip upon the Barrier was full of exciting possibilities. Amundsen was without knowledge of the ground over which he had to travel, and he did not know whether the dogs would respond to the demands made upon them, or if his outfit would stand the severe test to which it was to be put. This was essentially a trial trip, and the travellers were naturally anxious that it should be successful. Eighty degrees South was reached, and in every respect save one Amundsen was satisfied with his journey. The only fly in his ointment was that time had been wasted in preparations before the party was ready to start in the mornings. But it was only a small fly, and Amundsen knew that with thought it could easily be removed. The dogs had responded so splendidly to the calls made upon them, that perhaps the most important question of all had been satisfactorily answered. More depot-laying expeditions followed, and before the winter closed around the explorers, they had placed three tons of supplies at depots in latitudes 80°, 81°, and 82° S. Amundsen and his men could, therefore, settle down for their period of waiting with justifiable hopes that the great spring march to the Pole would end in triumph. The winter was spent in paying attention to the minutest details of equipment, and the inhabitants of "Framheim" were kept gloriously busy and contented. But with the coming of spring Amundsen began to be impatient to be up and away on his great journey. Temperatures, however, remained very low--somewhere in the neighbourhood of -60° F.--and until they ceased "to grovel in the depths," no start could be made. With the beginning of September the temperatures began to improve, and Amundsen was determined to start as soon as he possibly could, arguing that he could turn round and come back if he found that he had started too soon. So on 8th September he did set out, and soon discovered that the dogs could not endure the intense cold. On the 11th the temperature was -67.9° F.; on the following day it was -61.6° F., with a breeze dead against the travellers. On reaching the 80° S. depot, Amundsen deposited more stores, and then returned to "Framheim." More than a month passed before the South Pole party was able to make another start, and it is of interest to note that, whereas Amundsen ultimately got off on 19th October, Scott was unable to start before 1st November. The South Pole party which set out from "Framheim" consisted of Amundsen, Hanssen, Wisting, Hassel, and Bjaaland, and they were accompanied by fifty-two dogs drawing four sledges. As an illustration of the dangers that lay between the explorers and the Pole, it is enough to say that on the first day's journey a terrible disaster was only avoided by a few inches. In the thick weather they had steered too far to the east, and almost fell into what Amundsen describes as "a yawning black abyss, large enough to have swallowed us all, and a little more." On the 21st Bjaaland's sledge sank down a crevasse, and had to be unloaded before it could be brought again to the surface. Wisting, with the Alpine rope fastened round him, went down and unloaded the sledge, and when he came up again and was asked if he was not glad to be out of such a position, he replied, "It was nice and warm down there." It is true that such events are far from unusual in the lives of Polar explorers, but Wisting's answer is worth quoting, because it is typical of the cheerful spirit shown by Amundsen's companions during the whole of the journey. In temperament they were admirably suited for the task that they had undertaken. With a view to landmarks on the return journey, Amundsen, rightly leaving nothing more to chance than he could help, decided to build snow-beacons. The first beacon was built in 80° 23' S., and altogether 150 beacons were erected, six feet in height. Up to 82° S. the course had already been travelled by depot-laying parties, but when, on 6th November, they left 82° S. behind them, their journey was absolutely into the unknown. At this time they were marching about 23 miles daily, and at this rate they advanced a degree in three days. On reaching 83° S., the explorers deposited provisions for five men and twelve dogs for four days, and depots were subsequently made at 84° S., and 85° S. It was from the latter depot that they decided to make what may, without exaggeration, be called their dash for the Pole. From their camp at 85° S., the distance to the Pole and back was 683 miles. After consideration Amundsen determined to take forward provisions, etc., for sixty days on the sledges, and depot the rest of the supplies and outfit. A weary ascent to the plateau lay before the explorers, and they started upon it on 17th November. Three days later they had reached the plateau, but although they were happy enough in having accomplished a long and dangerous climb, their first camp on the plateau was not one of happy memory. Grim work had to be done. Amundsen arrived on the plateau with forty-two dogs, but twenty-four of them had to be killed when the plateau was reached. It was a sacrifice that had to be made if the success of the expedition was to be considered; but no one can read Amundsen's account of it without recognizing how bitterly he and his companions regretted the necessity. This camp, not without reason, was called "The Butcher's Shop," and as both the men and dogs required rest before setting out on the final stages of their march, it had been decided to remain there for two days. The eighteen remaining dogs were divided into three teams, with six dogs in each team, and one sledge was left behind. But owing to the weather the explorers could not leave this hated "Butcher's Shop" until 25th November, and when they did set out again a blizzard was blowing. So tired, however, were they of waiting in such an inhospitable and gruesome spot, that all of them were eager to quit it--whatever the conditions of the weather might be. Fog subsequently impeded the party, and again and again Amundsen blessed the assistance that they received from ski. "I am not," he wrote, "giving too much credit to our excellent ski when I say that they not only played a very important part, but possibly the most important of all, on our journey to the South Pole. Many a time we traversed stretches of surface so cleft and disturbed that it would have been an impossibility to get over them on foot."* * _The South Pole_, Vol. II., page 89. The 7th December was a great day for the expedition, because during it they passed Shackleton's "farthest south," 88° 23' S. They proceeded for another two miles, and then determined to make their last depot. So important to them was this depot that they not only marked it at right angles to their course, but also by snow beacons at every two miles to the south. As the explorers approached the Pole, Amundsen, very naturally, was beset by nervousness. "Would he be there first?" was a question that kept on recurring in his mind. There was no cause to worry. Blessed by fine weather, he and his companions reached the South Pole on December 14, 1911, and the five of them together planted the pole from which the Norwegian flag flew. "Thus we plant thee, beloved flag, at the South Pole, and give to the plain on which it lies the name of King Haakon VII.'s Plateau." On this day Scott was still struggling on his great march to the same destination, which he reached in the third week of January. The calculations that Amundsen carried out at the South Pole gave its latitude as 89° 56' S. Amundsen had won the race, and with his victory had revealed one of the great secrets of the world. His success had been gained by strenuous labour, great courage, and infinite care. And if Britons connect Scott's name inseparably with the South Pole, and honour it as that of one of their heroes, they do not for a moment grudge Amundsen the honour due to him as one of the greatest explorers of all time. For Amundsen was the first to discover the South Pole, and no one wishes, or is likely, to forget it. The Norwegians reached the Pole with seventeen dogs, one of which had to be killed there, and they travelled back with two sledges, a team of eight dogs in each sledge. On his return journey Amundsen was fortunate enough to meet with favourable winds and weather, and the explorers arrived at "Framheim" on January 25, 1912, having travelled 1,860 miles in ninety-nine days. It was a glorious achievement, a great victory over conditions that are scarcely conceivable to any one unacquainted with the Antarctic or Arctic regions. V To pass from Amundsen's expedition to Scott's last expedition is to turn from one splendid exploit to another. Scott, as every one knows, was beaten in the actual race for the South Pole. But he and his friends reached their goal, and the tale of their struggle against misfortune after reaching it is one of the finest and most pathetic in the world. When Scott's intentions to lead another Antarctic expedition were known, no less than eight thousand applicants volunteered to go with him, and among this enormous number were several men whose names will for ever find a place in the history of Polar exploration. When the _Terra Nova_ sailed from Lyttelton, New Zealand, for the Antarctic regions, on November 29, 1910, she carried both ponies and dogs. Three motor-sledges, one of which was lost in landing, were also taken, and Scott, with his intense dislike for the cruelty inseparably connected with the use of animals for motive power, hoped that these sledges would do much to save the ponies and dogs. Owing to engine trouble these hopes were not realized, but in connection with them Sir Clements Markham has written: "Captain Scott was quite on the right tack, and, with more experience, his idea of Polar motors will hereafter be made feasible, a consummation which was very dear to his heart."* * _The Lands of Silence_ (John Murray), page 490. The _Terra Nova_ was by no means as fortunate as the _Discovery_ in making her way to the Antarctic. At the beginning of December she encountered a prolonged and terrific storm, and subsequently she had to fight her passage through some 370 miles of ice. Not until January 3, 1911, did she reach the Barrier, five miles east of Cape Crozier. Here Scott had hoped to make his winter quarters, but owing to the swell no landing could be made, and on the following day he decided to land at Cape Evans, 14 miles north of the _Discovery's_ winter quarters. Strenuous work followed, and in a few days everything necessary had been landed from the ship, the house was soon built, and the explorers were ready to start laying depots in preparation for the march to the Pole. On his first depot-laying journey Scott was accompanied by eleven men, eight ponies, and twenty-six dogs. He was more than a little doubtful about the dogs, but thought his ponies were bound to be a success. "They work," he wrote, "with such extraordinary steadiness.... The great drawback is the ease with which they sink into soft snow--they struggle pluckily, but it is trying to watch them." This depot-laying party reached latitude 79° 29' S., and there left over a ton of stores; consequently the name of One Ton Camp was bestowed upon it. On the return journey disasters happened that seriously affected the success of the expedition, for six out of the eight ponies were lost. "Everything out of joint with the loss of our ponies, but mercifully with all the party alive and well," is Scott's comment on this grave misfortune. Ten ponies still remained. During the winter Wilson, Bowers, and Cherry-Garrard started on June 27, 1911, upon their famous journey to Cape Crozier to visit the Emperor penguin rookery, and they did not return to Cape Evans until 1st August. During these weeks they had to fight against appallingly low temperatures. When, for instance, they started from Cape Evans, their three sleeping-bags weighed 52 lbs., but owing to the ice that had collected upon them these three bags weighed 118 lbs. when the travellers returned. Scott considered that no praise was too high for men who would face such weather during the Polar winter. With the beginning of August preparations for the great march went on apace, but it was not until 1st November that a start could be made from Cape Evans. Night-marching was decided upon, and the order of marching was at first settled by the speed of the ponies, for some of them were slow, some fairly fast, and some were "fliers." The motors, with E. R. Evans, Day, Lashley, and Hooper with them, had already started, and the dogs, under the control of Meares and Demetri, were to follow behind the last detachment of men and ponies. Very soon, however, the motor-party were in trouble, and this party had to abandon their machines and push on as a man-hauling party. By 15th November Scott reached One Ton Camp, and fears about the ponies began to take shape. At Camp 19 the explorers were within 150 miles of the Beardmore Glacier, but some of the ponies were beginning to fail, and at the next camp the first of them ("the gallant Jehu") had to be shot. From this camp it was arranged that Day and Hooper should turn back. At Camp 22 the Middle Barrier depot was made in latitude 81° 35', and then for some days the march was impeded by extraordinarily foul weather. Scott's desire was to take the ponies as far as the entrance to the Beardmore Glacier; but although, on 29th November, at Camp 5, they were only 70 miles from what he calls his "pony-goal," some of the willing animals were very tired. At Camp 29 six ponies were still left out of the ten which had started, but although the chances of getting through successfully to the glacier were good, the weather still remained as obstructive as possible. On 5th December a terrific fall of snow added to the anxieties of the explorers, who found themselves within 12 miles of the glacier, but hopelessly held up by such a violent and unexpected storm. It was natural enough for Scott to be anxious, for on 7th December the food that he had hoped only to use after the glacier was reached had to be begun on. Two days later, however, by marching under terrible conditions, the entrance to the glacier was gained, and then at Camp 31, which was called Shambles Camp, the last of the ponies were killed. On 9th December, Wilson wrote: "Nobby [Wilson's special pony] had all my biscuits last night and this morning, and by the time we camped I was just ravenously hungry. Thank God the horses are now all done with, and we begin the heavy work ourselves." At Camp 32 the Lower Glacier depot was built, and soon afterwards Meares and Demetri, with the dogs, turned back for home. At this time the parties were made up of-- Sledge 1. Scott, Wilson, Gates, and P. O. Evans. Sledge 2. E. Evans, Atkinson, Wright, and Lashley. Sledge 3. Bowers, Cherry-Garrard, Crean, and Keohane. But by 21st December, in latitude 85° S., Scott had to send back four of these men, and Atkinson, Wright, Cherry-Garrard, and Keohane returned. The Upper Glacier depot was made, and the returning men took back a letter from Scott in which he wrote: "So here we are practically on the summit, and up to date in the provision line. We ought to get through." On New Year's Day, 1912, the party were within 170 miles of the Pole. Three Degree depot was made. Then in latitude 87° 32' S., Scott was compelled to send back E. B. Evans, Crean, and Lashley. When all of the men were so anxious to go on it was hard to have to part with any of them; but questions of food made it absolutely necessary that some of the party should return. The ages of the five men who marched on to the Pole were: Scott, forty-three years old; Wilson, thirty-nine; P. O. Evans, thirty-seven; Gates, thirty-two; and Bowers, twenty-eight. Again and again Scott expressed his admiration of his four companions: Wilson, "never wavering from start to finish"; Evans, "a giant worker"; Bowers, "a marvel--he is thoroughly enjoying himself"; Gates, "goes hard all the time." With such men Scott felt confident, in spite of terrible surfaces, of reaching the Pole. But as he approached it, fears that Amundsen had already arrived were constantly besetting him; and on 16th January, when within a few miles of the longed-for goal, there was no longer any doubt that the Norwegian party had won the race. Sledge and ski tracks and the traces of dogs were all too evident. Faced by such a grievous blow, not one of Scott's party could sleep that night, but on the day following they marched on some 14 miles and reached the Pole. "The Pole," Scott wrote, "yes, but under very different circumstances from those expected." It is impossible to conceive a greater blow, and when it is remembered that Scott and his four companions were already fatigued--if not completely exhausted--by their tremendous labours, it is easy to realize how heavily the disappointment hung on their minds. Nevertheless they had set out to reach the Pole, and they had reached it. All honour is due to them; and the fact that Amundsen had preceded them in no way diminished the glory of their achievement. The altitude of the Pole, as estimated by Scott, is about 9,500 feet. A cairn was built, and the Union Jack hoisted. And then on Thursday, 18th January, they turned their backs upon their goal, and began the long march that separated them from Cape Evans. Anxiety about food began at once--not until Three Degree depot was reached could it be lessened; and very soon anxiety at Evans's condition was added to the danger of the scarcity of food. On Wednesday, 31st January, the weary travellers reached the Three Degree depot, but by this time Evans had dislodged two finger-nails, and his general condition was very bad. Their next objective was the Upper Glacier depot, and on Monday night, 5th February, they were within from 25 to 30 miles of it; but so critical had the health of Evans become that Scott was desperately eager to get off the plateau. "Things," he wrote, "may mend for him [Evans] on the glacier, and his wounds get some respite under warmer conditions." On the evening of 7th February they reached the Upper Glacier depot, and then, after turning aside to collect geological specimens (which proved to be most valuable), they met with terrible surfaces and weather. On 14th February, with 30 miles still to go before the Lower Glacier depot was reached, Scott's anxiety about the condition of the party was acute. Indeed, poor Evans had almost reached the limit of human endurance, and during the night of 17th February he became unconscious, and died quietly at 12.30 a.m. It was a terrible experience for men, already supremely fatigued both in mind and body, to meet, and it was a sorrowful party which, on Sunday afternoon, arrived at Shambles Camp. There horse meat in plenty awaited them, and this gave them the renewal of strength that was sadly needed. For the moment the prospects of the explorers looked a little more hopeful, but from this point of their march they began to suffer from a lack of oil. When, at length, they succeeded in arriving at the Middle Barrier depot, on 2nd March, they found so little oil that it was scarcely enough, however economically used, to carry them on to the next depot, which was 71 miles distant. Another irretrievable disaster was the fact that Oates's feet were very badly frost-bitten. On 4th March, Scott wrote: "I don't know what I should do if Wilson and Bowers weren't so determinedly cheerful over things." And in all truth the position had become desperate. On the 7th, when still 16 miles short of Mount Hooper depot, Oates, though wonderfully brave, was in terrible pain. During the next day they arrived at Mount Hooper, but the shortage of oil was not relieved. Over 70 miles separated the exhausted travellers from One Ton Camp, and they struggled onwards with death staring them ever nearer and nearer in the face. With no helping wind, and bad surfaces, they could not advance more than six miles a day, and on the night of the 11th, Scott reckoned up the situation in these words: "We have seven days' food, and should be about 55 miles from One Ton Camp to-night; 6x7=42, leaving us 13 miles short of our distance, even if things get no worse." Unhappily, instead of any improvement in the situation, misfortunes became more and more plentiful. It was obvious that Oates was near the end, and on the morning of the 15th or 16th, when the blizzard was blowing, he walked out of the tent. "I am just going outside, and may be some time," were the last words he spoke to his companions in distress. "We knew," said Scott, who still continued to write his journal, "that poor Oates was walking to his death ... it was the act of a brave man and an English gentleman." Oates sacrificed himself in the hope of helping the others, and no brave man ever performed a braver act. But his sacrifice was of no avail. Fortune had declared too strong a hand against the explorers for them to be able to resist it. By midday on 18th March, Scott, Wilson, and Bowers had struggled on to within 21 miles of One Ton depot, and during the afternoon of the following day they managed to advance another 10 miles. And then they made what was destined to be their last camp. The men themselves were in a pitiable condition, and blizzard following blizzard, they were utterly unable to march a step farther. On 29th March, Scott wrote: "Since the 21st we have had a continuous gale from W.S.W. and S.W. We had fuel to make two cups of tea apiece, and bare food for two days on the 20th. Every day we have been ready to start for our depot, _eleven miles_ away, but outside the door of the tent it remains a scene of whirling drift.... We shall stick it out to the end, but we are getting weaker, of course, and the end cannot be far. It seems a pity, but I do not think I can write more." And then follows those pathetic words: "Last entry. For God's sake, look after our people." It was not until 30th October that Atkinson, on whom the leadership of the expedition had fallen, was able to take out a search party. And nearly a fortnight later the bodies of these three friends and explorers were found. No more fitting words could be found with which to conclude this chapter of great deeds than those which were left in the metal cylinder on the grave of these heroes:-- "November 12, 1912, latitude 79° 50' S. This cross and cairn are erected over the bodies of Captain Scott, C.V.O., R.N.; Doctor E. A. Wilson, M.B., B.C. (Cantab.); and Lieutenant H. R. Bowers, Royal Indian Marine. A slight token to perpetuate their successful and gallant attempt to reach the Pole. This they did on January 17, 1912, after the Norwegian expedition had already done so. Inclement weather, with lack of fuel, was the cause of their death. Also to commemorate their two gallant comrades, Captain L. E. G. Oates, of the Inniskilling Dragoons, who walked to his death in a blizzard to save his comrades, about 18 miles south of this position; also of Seaman Edgar Evans, who died at the foot of the Beardmore Glacier. "The Lord gave and the Lord taketh away; blessed be the name of the Lord." VI MOUNT McKINLEY MOUNT McKINLEY (_Map_, p. 184.) The ascent of Ruwenzori unriddled the mystery of equatorial snows. There now remained the question of great peaks in the extreme North, where the mountaineering problems must obviously be very different from those found at a similar altitude in the temperate zones. Something had been done to solve the problem by the ascent of Mount St. Elias, in Alaska, on July 31, 1897. But Mount St. Elias was only just over 18,000 feet, and it was peculiarly accessible, for it lies close to the coast, on the borders of British and American territory. The eyes of explorers began to turn towards Mount McKinley, the highest peak in North America, which reached a height of 20,300 feet. Its latitude was 63° N., and so within 250 miles of the Arctic Circle. The nearest salt water, Cook Inlet, was 140 miles from the southern face as the crow flies. It was therefore almost unreachable, lying as it did in the midst of an unexplored wilderness and surrounded by a mighty glacier system. On the south these glaciers were drained by the Susitna River, with its tributaries the Yentna and the Chulitna, and on its northern face by the affluents of the Yukon. If the traveller attempted to reach it in summer he might find a difficult waterway up to the beginning of the glaciers, but then he had thirty miles of ice to cross before he reached the base, and over these he must transport everything on his back. In winter the journey might be made by dogs, but winter in those latitudes was scarcely the time to travel. Moreover, Mount McKinley, unlike the other great peaks in the world, rose from a low elevation. In the case of the South American and Himalayan peaks climbing does not begin until an altitude of at least 10,000 feet has been reached, and their line of perpetual snow is very high. It is possible, for example, to cover the 22,860 feet of Aconcagua without ever touching snow. But in Mount McKinley the snow-line was not much more than 2,500 feet, and there was something like 15,000 feet of climbing. Again, its position so far north did not permit the snows to melt properly in the summer, or to grow hard and pack. Its snowfall was so great that the snow never got into the condition which eases the path of the mountaineer. Finally--and this applied especially to a winter journey--it was situated in a land of desperate storms. The severest weather conditions ever recorded by the American Meteorological Bureau occurred at Mount Washington, which is only 6,000 feet above the sea, where the temperature was 40 degrees below zero and the wind 180 miles an hour. What might the climber expect 20,000 feet up in the sky, with nothing between him and the North Pole? The attempt on Mount McKinley, therefore, was not a thing to be lightly undertaken. It meant a journey to the remote Alaskan coast, and then some 200 miles through difficult and little known country before even the base was reached. What the climbing would be like no one could tell. The obvious route, as the map will show, was the Susitna River, by which, indeed, its first explorer, a young Princeton graduate called Dickey, had approached it in 1896. It was he who christened it Mount McKinley. He fell into an argument with another prospector who was a rabid champion of free silver, and after many weary days' dispute retaliated by naming the mountain after the champion of the gold standard. In 1903 an expedition, led by the too famous Dr. Cook, reached the base from the north, but failed to do any climbing. Then, in 1906, began the explorations of Professor Parker and Mr. Belmore Browne, who were destined six years later to be the conquerors of the peak. I The 1906 expedition may be roughly sketched, for, though it was a failure, it at least taught its leaders what routes were not possible. They started with pack-horses and a motor-boat, with the intention of trying the north-western face. They ascended the Yentna River, which enters the Susitna from the west, but found it impossible to cross the southern flanks of the Alaskan range. They then turned up the south side of the range, and reached the glacier out of which the Tokositna River flows. By this time their transport was in a precarious condition, and their horses could go no farther. They were within view of Mount McKinley, and saw not only the impossibility of the southern face, but the extraordinary difficulties of approaching even its base from that direction. They accordingly returned to the coast, where Dr. Cook left them, announcing that he intended to make one final desperate attempt on the mountain. [Illustration: Mount McKinley.] Presently Professor Parker and Mr. Belmore Browne heard, to their surprise, the rumour that Dr. Cook had succeeded. Knowing that the feat was impossible in so short a time, they disbelieved the tale, and stated their views publicly in New York. Then appeared Dr. Cook's notorious book; but before it was published he had departed for the Arctic regions. Geographical circles in America were torn with the controversy. A committee of the Explorers' Club investigated the question, but Dr. Cook refused to give evidence. Professor Parker and Mr. Belmore Browne were meantime busy with their own plans for another attempt. The 1910 expedition was again directed to the southern face. Their reasons were that for most of the journey to that face a water route was possible, and that if they failed there they believed they would be able to go on to the southern North-East ridge, which, from what they had heard and seen, they believed to be the most promising avenue of attack. They also wished to duplicate the photographs which Dr. Cook had published, and so prove or disprove his bona fides. Also, the northern side of the great mountain had been already fairly well mapped, but nothing had been done on the south side. The notion of a pack train was discarded, and all their energies were directed towards designing the right kind of boat in which to ascend the Susitna and its tributary the Chulitna till they reached the glaciers. The party consisted of eight, including a young man from Seattle, Mr. Merl La Voy, who was exceptionally fitted by Providence for the work of a pioneer. The present writer had many dealings with Mr. La Voy during the Great War, and can confidently say that he never met any one more intrepid, audacious, and resourceful. It was a summer-time expedition, and the party left Susitna station on the 26th May. The ascent of the two rivers was difficult and exciting enough, but they reached without misadventure the foot of the Tokositna tributary, where they established their base camp. This camp was thirty-seven and a half miles from Mount McKinley, and a few miles away was the terminal moraine of a great glacier, which they hoped would give them a roadway to the mountain. Up that glacier they would have to carry all their belongings on their backs. In Mr. Belmore Browne's narrative there is an interesting passage describing the process by which men are hardened to wilderness work. "The day's work consisted in travelling through brush, soft sand, swamps, and glacier streams for about ten hours. With the exception of one or two men, who put a biscuit in their pockets, we took no food with us. The day's work was in no way difficult, for we carried (during the preliminary reconnaissance) no loads; our condition from the _civilized standpoint_ was splendid; we were well-fed, sun-browned, and fairly hard--and yet we all came into camp _thoroughly tired out_. Two months after our adventures on Mount McKinley's ice flanks we came down through the same stretch of country. The snow, however, had melted, leaving dense thickets through which we had to chop our way; mosquitoes hung in clouds, and four of us ... were carrying packs running from 95 to 120 lbs. From the civilized standpoint _we were not well-fed_ and we did not look well--our eyes and cheeks were sunken and our bodies were worn down to bone and sinew; and yet we came into camp as fresh and happy as children, and after a bite to eat and a smoke we could have gone on cheerfully." It was no light task carrying an outfit of 1,200 lbs. over the thirty-seven and a half miles of glacier, a distance which by the actual route used was much farther. Most of the weight was in pemmican and alcohol for the stoves. The pemmican consisted of pulverized raw meat, mixed with sugar, raisins, currants, and tallow. Their principal drink was tea. On 11th June they had their last wood fire, and after that there was only the stove. The days were spent in sheer hard navvy labour, trudging along on snow-shoes under heavy packs, and trotting back for others. They had various misadventures. Frequent blizzards of wind and snow compelled them to shut up their tent fast at night, with the result that on one occasion they were nearly asphyxiated. On 27th June they reached the head of the main glacier, beyond which, through a narrow gorge, a secondary glacier descended from the mountains, Another glacier came down on their right, and here they achieved an interesting piece of detective work. At the top of it they saw some peaks which recalled an illustration in Dr. Cook's book. The illustration purported to be the summit of Mount McKinley, and showed on the left a rock shoulder which Dr. Cook described as a cliff of 8,000 feet. It was really a faked picture of the small peaks at the head of this glacier, miles and miles from the main mountain, and the cliff of 8,000 feet turned out only to rise 300 feet above the floor, and to be only 5,300 feet above sea-level. One legend at any rate had been dispelled for ever. Now began the patient relaying of provisions up the great gorge. It was desperately hard manual labour, their faces were burnt black by the glare of the sun, and every now and then there would be a slip into a crevasse, which only the highest good fortune saved from being a tragedy. After thirty-six days of hard travelling, they were at last within two miles of the base of the southern cliffs of Mount McKinley. They found themselves in a great ice basin, hemmed in by colossal precipices down which avalanches thundered. Before them rose the mountain, 15,000 feet of rock and ice. Their glasses showed them that the South-West ridge became utterly unclimbable after an altitude of about 15,000 feet. The southern North-East ridge looked more promising, and to this they turned their attention. In that Northern summer there was no dark. "The advance and retreat of the night shadows went on with scarcely a pause, and sometimes we would be uncertain whether the Alpine glow on the big mountain's icy crest was the light of the rising or the setting sun." They had now a short spell of rest from their toil; and as the mind of man on such occasions turns to food, they invented out of their scanty larder a new pudding. Here is the recipe. "First soak three broken hard-tack in snow-water until they are soft. Add 60 raisins and pemmican the size of 4½ eggs. Stir slowly but energetically until the mess is thoroughly amalgamated. Boil slowly over an alcohol stove, add three tablespoonfuls of granulated sugar, and serve in a granite-ware cup." But between them and the North-East ridge lay a gigantic _serac_. For a day and a half they lay storm-bound under it, and then, on the morning of 11th July, tried to cut their way up the ice wall. It proved most difficult and dangerous work, and presently, owing to the diminishing provisions, they realized it was impossible. Again and again they attempted it, for only that way was there a road to the North-East ridges. But at last they had to give it up as hopeless, and turn their attention to the South-West _arête_. This, too, proved too hard for them. They laboured on under constant ice-falls and avalanches, and reached a height of 10,300 feet, where they had perforce to halt. During these days they saw some marvellous mountain scenery. "The whole of the great cliffs of the box-cañon appeared at first glance to be on fire. Unnumbered thousands of tons of soft snow were avalanching from the southern flanks of Mount McKinley on to the glacier floor 5,000 feet below. The snow fell so far that it was broken into heavy clouds that rolled downward like heavy waves. The force of the rolling mass was terrific, and as it struck the blue-green glacier mail it threw a great snow cloud that raced like a live thing for 500 feet; whirling in the wind the avalanche had caused, the white wall swept across the valley, and almost before we were aware of it we were struggling and choking in a blinding and stinging cloud of ice dust." They began their retreat, and their return to greenery and summer out of a hyperborean hell was like a man's recovery from a dangerous illness. Though the expedition failed, they were a merry party, for though every man was sunken-eyed and lean and hatchet-faced, he was in the pink of condition. It was nothing to them to carry a load of 120 lbs., which would have broken their backs in the first days. The party included men of diverse temperaments and multifarious attainments, and Mr. La Voy observed, "It is an education to travel with a bunch like ours; if anything should happen you can listen to a whole dictionary." In the end they came to their cache on the Chulitna, and they emptied it as children empty their Christmas stockings. "We were actually ravenous," says Mr. Belmore Browne, "and as jars of chow-chow, cans of maple-syrup, and tins of meat appeared we hugged them in our arms and danced delirious dances on the sand! One of the great truths of life that one learns to understand in the North is that it is well worth while to go without the things one wants, for the greater the sacrifice the greater the reward when the wish is consummated. I have eaten with all manner of hungry men, from the sun-browned riders of the sage to the bidarka-men of the Aleutians, and I have feasted joyously on 'seal-liver,' 'seagull-omelets,' and 'caribou spinach'; but never have I seen men eat more, or better food!" II As soon as the explorers returned to civilization they began to plan a third attempt. It was clear to them that the western and southern faces of the mountain were impracticable, and that their best chance was on the North-East ridge. This, however, could not be approached from the south; so it became their object to get in on the north side. Their explorations in 1910 had proved the difficulties of a summer trip, for loads had to be transported on men's backs over many miles of glacier. They therefore decided to make a winter expedition of it and to use Alaskan dog teams. The best route seemed to be up the Susitna and Chulitna rivers, and they hoped somewhere near the head of the Chulitna to find a pass in the Alaskan range which would take them round the north face of Mount McKinley. [Illustration: Mount McKinley: View of the Southern Approach. (_From the painting by Mr. Belmore Browne. By permission of Messrs. Putnam's Sons._)] In October, 1911, Mr. La Voy began to relay supplies up the Chulitna, the plan being for him to join Professor Parker and Mr. Belmore Browne at Susitna in February of 1912. As Cook Inlet is choked by ice during winter the travellers had to leave the steamer at Seward, and make a long and difficult overland journey by way of Glacier City and the Knik fjord to the Susitna River. There they found Mr. La Voy with the dog teams. He reported that he had taken the bulk of the outfit to a cache on the Chulitna, several miles beyond the mouth of the Tokositna. The journey up the Susitna, which was now a flat snow trail, went easily and pleasantly. When they reached the cache they found to their disgust that a wolverine, which is the arch-fiend of those northern wildernesses, had managed to break in, though it was placed for greater security on a platform of logs among the trees. The brute had destroyed a good deal of the dog-feed and bacon, and a new and expensive camera of Mr. La Voy's, which had been swung on the top of a 30-foot pole. The wolverine had climbed the pole, cut off the corners of the leather case, and gnawed its way into the camera! From the cache began a long system of relays, for it was impossible to carry all the equipment in one journey. There was now no trail, and a road had to be "broken" before each stage. The route lay up the Chulitna, and the travellers hoped to find some large stream coming down on their left which would indicate a gap in the Alaskan range. Any such gap would, of course, be filled with glaciers, the water from which must form a river. On the whole, winter travelling compared favourably with summer. The men used snow-shoes to break the trail, and after equipment had been transported for five miles, returned on the empty sleds for new loads. Winter had not killed all signs of wild life, though hunting was difficult, and the snow was dotted with the tracks of innumerable wild things. Even a finch was heard singing. Camping was perfectly comfortable, and in a tent with the stove lit and beds of green spruce prepared, the nights were warm and peaceful. At last, as the trees began to thin, they came to a point where the valley split and a great cañon turned north towards the range. Travel now became rougher, for the broad level flats gave way to snow-covered rapids and big drifts. As they advanced up the gorge a glacier was seen winding down from the centre of the mountains. One night Mr. Belmore Browne had an accident which might have proved serious. He went out to shoot an owl for food, and as the ejector of his little rifle had been removed the cartridge came back on his eye and just missed his right eyeball. It gave him an eerie feeling to see the friendly dogs lapping up the bloodstained snow. Shortly after he made a reconnaissance of twenty-five miles ahead, and found the glacier they had seen from afar off running like a great white road into the hills. The route seemed possible, but there were ugly ice precipices at the head which suggested that the crossing of the pass might not be easy. A second reconnaissance took him to the head of the glacier. At first no crossing could be discerned, but suddenly at the head of the right-hand basin the mountains broke away and he saw a smooth snow-field leading to the crest. He climbed to the top of it, and at first saw nothing but a sheer precipice. At length, however, he discovered on the right a gentle snow slope leading down into a great snow cup, and realized that the pass could be crossed. On 3rd April the main camp was pushed up to a height of 6,000 feet. Then came a delay from a blizzard, which confined the explorers for twenty-four hours to their tents. It was bitterly cold, and everything, including the alarm clock, froze stiff. They managed, however, to get a little fire with an empty pemmican case, and, with the stove, had a sort of party in the tent--men, dogs, and everything. The party was, however, unceremoniously broken up by one of the dogs backing into the stove, and filling the tent with a cloud of smoke from singed hair. Next morning they crossed the divide, partly shooting and partly lowering their belongings over the 1,000-feet drop into the hollow. They were no sooner across when another blizzard arrived, and they were storm-bound for thirty-six hours. But their spirits were high. For the time they were done with uphill climbs, and they saw that by crossing a low pass at the head of another glacier they could reach the great Muldrow Glacier, which had been known to the world since 1902. This glacier would take them into the very heart of the mountain. Without much difficulty they crossed the pass, and, descending to the Muldrow moraine, they realized with joy that they were on the northern side of the Alaskan range. It was now nearly the middle of April, and they found themselves in the kind of country that hunters dream of. There was a chance of fresh meat, and, to men who had been seventeen days on the ice, the hope of a change in their menu and the sight of vegetation were an intoxication. Mr. Belmore Browne went out one morning, and fell in with a herd of white sheep (_Ovis Dalli_). He secured three, and that night the camp feasted. "In cold weather," he writes, "one has a craving for fat, and in the wilderness one is less particular about the way meat is cooked. Our desire for fat was so intense that we tried eating the raw meat, and finding it good beyond words, we ate freely of the fresh mutton. I can easily understand now why savage tribes make a practice of eating uncooked flesh." The white sheep was not the only game. There was a special variety of caribou; there was the Alaskan moose; there was an occasional grizzly; and there were quantities of ptarmigan. The travellers showed the most sportsmanlike spirit in refraining from killing females or immature beasts. From the Muldrow Glacier they turned westward and struck the McKinley fork of the Kantishna River, which flows to the Yukon. Presently they were in timber country, and realized that they had crossed the Alaskan range "from wood to wood," and incidentally had added two new glacier systems to the map. After snow and ice and pemmican they had greenery and fresh meat, and, as they worked their way to the lowlands, the first flush of spring. Above all, they had the North-East ridges (of which there were three) above them to offer an apparently possible route to the summit. They saw a glacier running between the central and northern North-East ridges which they decided would be their road. Mr. Belmore Browne went out to prospect, and, climbing the head of a valley, found himself looking down upon the upper Muldrow Glacier, which he now realized was split in two by the central North-East ridge. He saw also that the northern branch of it gave a road to the very base of the central peak. A base camp was established on 24th April, and four days later began the chief reconnaissance. They took with them a dog team, and, for equipment, their mountain tent, instruments, alcohol lamps, and provisions of pemmican, chocolate, hard-tack, sugar, and raisins. The total outfit weighed about 600 lbs. They started at night, when the snow was in better condition, and found the northern branch of the Muldrow, which they called the McKinley Glacier, rising in steps like a huge staircase. Camp was pitched at the base of a serac between two great cliffs of solid blue ice. On 3rd May they reached the top of the serac at an altitude of 8,500 feet, after a very difficult journey. Mr. La Voy, who was leading, fell into a crevasse, and the strain on the rope pulled Mr. Belmore Browne to the very edge. Mr. La Voy, however, stuck on a ledge of ice, which eased the strain; without that ledge it may well be that the whole expedition would have ended in tragedy. Bit by bit they fought their way to the head of the glacier, suffering severely from the glare of the sun, though the temperature was only one degree above freezing. They had now attained an altitude of 11,000 feet, and saw a low col on the mountain ridge, where they decided to make a high camp. This would be about 12,000 feet high, which would leave them between 3,000 and 5,000 more feet to climb before they reached the basin between the north and south peaks. It was now time to send the dogs home; so, after caching their equipment, they started back for the base camp, which they reached on the evening of 8th May. Some pleasant days were spent at the base camp. When they left it the countryside had still been in the grip of winter, but now everywhere there were grass and flowers and running streams. So far they had managed well. They had crossed the Alaskan range early enough to find the snow in good condition for dog sledding, and they had cached 300 lbs. weight of mountain provisions at 11,000 feet. They could therefore afford to wait till the days lengthened before venturing on a final climb. Here is Mr. Belmore Browne's picture of the landscape:-- "The mountain country at the northern base of Mount McKinley is the most beautiful stretch of wilderness that I have ever seen, and I will never forget those wonderful days when I followed up the velvety valleys or clambered among the high rocky peaks as my fancy led me. In the late evening I have trotted downward through valleys that were so beautiful that I was forced against my will to lie down in the soft grass and drink in the wild beauty of the spot, although I knew that I would be late for supper, and that the stove would be cold. The mountains were bare of vegetation, with the exception of velvety carpets of green grass that swept downward from the snow-fields; in the centres of the cup-shaped hollows ran streams of crystal-clear water; as the sun sank lower and lower the hills would turn a darker blue, until the cold, clean air from the snow-fields would remind you that night was come and that camp was far away." [Illustration: The Summit of Mount McKinley. (_From photographs by Mr. Belmore Browne. By permission of Messrs. Putnam's Sons._)] The sight of big avalanches on Mount McKinley warned the explorers that great risks had to be faced. On the 5th day of June they started out for their final attack. Unfortunately the weather became very bad, and soon they were enveloped in a heavy snowstorm. Mr. La Voy had hurt his knee hunting, and the ascent through the seracs was for him very arduous. The nervous strain, too, was great, for they had to be perpetually on the outlook for avalanches. They feared that one might have buried their cache, and it was an immense relief when they reached the 11,000-feet point and saw the top of their sled sticking out of the snow. They now moved their supplies up to a camp on the col of the ridge at a height of 11,800 feet. On 19th June they made a reconnaissance, taking with them food for six days, and intending to climb up to the big basin between the two main peaks. They reached a height of 13,200 feet up a sensational _arête_, when Mr. La Voy's knee gave out and they were compelled to return. Three days later they made a camp on the ridge at 13,600 feet. It was a wild and most laborious journey, with a drop of 5,000 feet on the left and of 2,000 on the right. It would take them two hours of hard work to make 500 feet. Apart from the handicap of Mr. La Voy's knee, Mr. Belmore Browne's eyes were very bad. They now realized that they could not reach the summit with their food supply of six days' rations, and they were forced to change their plans, and go back for more food. They returned to the camp on the col and packed up ten days' rations. With tremendous difficulty they transported them up to a 15,000-feet camp on the ridge, where they were on the edge of the big glacier-filled basin between the two summits. All three found their health beginning to suffer. The pemmican proved to be impossible food, giving them all violent stomach pains, and they were forced to confine themselves to tea and hard-tack. The cold was intense, and inside the tent, with the alcohol stove burning and the warmth of three bodies, the temperature at 7.30 p.m. was five degrees below zero, and three hours later nineteen degrees below zero. "Despite elaborate precautions," says Mr. Belmore Browne, "I can say in all honesty that I did not have a single night's normal sleep above 15,000 feet on account of the cold." By this time their appearance was, as Mr. La Voy said, "sufficient to frighten children into the straight and narrow path." All were more or less snow-blind, burnt black, unshaven, with lips, noses, and hands swollen, cracked, and bleeding. On 27th June the packs were carried in relays to just under the last serac, which was the highest point in the big basin. The altitude was 16,615 feet. Their one comfort was that a snow-field seemed to lead easily up to the sky-line of the central North-East ridge, and that from there they saw what appeared to be a reasonable gradient to the final summit. On 28th June they rested and prepared for their last effort. They were now convinced that nothing could stop them except storm. The night was fine, and the weather promised well for the morrow. The summit appeared to them to be nearly flat with a slight hummocky rise, which must be the highest point in North America. On 29th June they left camp at 6 a.m., moving very quietly and steadily and conserving their strength. Mr. La Voy and Mr. Belmore Browne led alternately. Slowly they made their way up the snow slopes at the rate of about 400 feet an hour. At 18,500 feet they stopped and congratulated each other, for they had beaten the Duke of the Abruzzi's record on Mount St. Elias. Presently they were on the sky-line of the ridge, and looking down on the arena where they had struggled two years before. Now, for the first time, came a threat from the weather. The sky was clear to the north, but from the south a great sea of clouds rolled against the mountain like surf on a shore. As they moved up the ridge breathing became more difficult. At 19,000 feet they had passed the last rock, and were looking at the summit. It rose as innocently as a snow-covered tennis court, but now the wind was rising and the southern sky darkening, and just at the base of the last lift the gale broke. In a fierce scurry of snow they crawled up the round dome, Mr. La Voy leading and hacking steps. Then came Mr. Belmore Browne's turn, and he realized that his hands were freezing, and that the bitter wind was cutting through his flesh. He dare not get dry mittens from his rucksack lest his hands should be frozen during the change. When his second turn was three-fourths finished, Professor Parker's barometer registered 20,000 feet, and they were within 300 feet of the top. The rest was an evil dream. To each man the other two seemed to be lost in the ice mist, and the cold was freezing their marrow. The storm was growing fiercer, and as they topped a little rise its full fury burst upon them. The story must be given in Mr. Belmore Browne's own words:-- "The breath was driven from my body, and I held to my axe with stooped shoulders to stand against the gale; I could not go ahead. As I brushed the frost from my glasses and squinted upward through the stinging snow I saw a sight that will haunt me to my dying day. _The slope above me was no longer steep_! That was all I could see. What it meant I will never know for certain--all I can say is that we were close to the top!" There was no going on in the teeth of that gale. The three chopped a seat in the ice, trying to find a shelter; but they were not huddled there a second before they discovered they were freezing. There was nothing for it but to return, for the snow was obliterating their back trail. Dead tired and sick at heart they began the journey back, and found that the steps they had cut had disappeared. It took them nearly two hours to go down an easy slope of 1,000 feet. They reached the base of the dome, guiding themselves only by the direction of the wind, and at last at 7.35 p.m. crawled into their upper camp. All their apparel down to their underclothes was filled with ice. They were beaten by the wind, and by the wind only. On a conservative estimate its pace was fifty-five miles an hour, and the temperature fifteen degrees below zero. Otherwise they suffered little from the altitude. Mr. Belmore Browne was able to roll and smoke a cigarette between 18,000 and 19,000 feet. They spent a day in their tent, trying to thaw their clothes. Pemmican they could not touch, their chocolate was finished, and their food was tea, sugar, hardtack, and raisins. It was a cruel fate that they had lost ten days' rations in useless pemmican since leaving their 13,200-feet camp, and they had not only lost the food but carried useless weight. They made one more attempt on the summit, and reached the base of the final dome; but there another storm assailed them, and, after waiting an hour, they went back. There was now a real risk of being caught with insufficient food in a blizzard which would destroy life, and they made haste down the mountain. They had spent seven days above 15,000 feet, six days above 16,000 feet, and four days above 16,650 feet. As they descended their health improved, and at last they came off the glacier on to the moraine, and lay down on the bare earth. It was the first time for thirty days that they had lain on anything but snow and ice. They slept like logs till the afternoon, and when they awoke a warm wind was blowing up the pass, carrying with it the smell of grass and flowers. "Never can I forget," says Mr. Belmore Browne, "the flood of emotions that swept over me. Professor Parker and La Voy were equally affected by this first smell of the lowlands, and we were wet-eyed and chattered like children as we prepared our packs for the last stage of our journey." How dangerous was the climatic condition of the mountain may be judged from what happened on the evening of 6th July. From their camp in the foothills they saw the sky suddenly turn a sickly green. There came a deep rumbling from the Alaskan range, and as they looked the mountains melted into mist and the earth began to heave and roll. In front of them a boulder weighing 200 lbs. broke loose from the earth and moved. The surface of the hills seemed to open and the cracks to spout liquid mud. The whole range was wrapped in dust, and as it cleared they saw the peaks spouting avalanches. Had this earthquake overtaken them on the high ground all must have perished. III The story has always seemed to me one of the boldest and most patient adventures in the history of mountaineering. Slowly the travellers fought their way to the discovery of the only practical route. Mount McKinley was conquered, though they had failed to cover the hundred or so feet which would have given them the actual summit. They had blazed the path to the top and solved its mysteries. Only that maleficent blizzard at the last moment robbed them of the full fruit of six years' pioneering. Next year the actual summit was reached. The late Dr. Hudson Stuck, the Archdeacon of the Yukon, ever since he came to the country nine years before, had contemplated an attempt on the mountain. In the autumn of 1912 he sent on supplies by way of the Kantishna River to a point fifty miles from the base. In March, 1913, he and Mr. W. P. Karstens set out to reach the peak from the north. At their base camp, 4,000 feet up, they made a fresh supply of caribou pemmican which proved more satisfactory than that used by Professor Parker and Mr. Belmore Browne. The road taken was the same as that of their predecessors--up the Muldrow Glacier and then up the central North-East ridge. They found that the earthquake of 1912 had completely changed the character of that ridge, and instead of being a reasonable snow gradient, it had become a confused mass of rock and ice, most difficult to surmount. Bit by bit they forced their way up it till they reached the upper basin, and then, being favoured with clear, bright, still weather, they managed to attain the highest point, the southern summit. There had been a story of two miners, called McGonogall and Anderson, who had reached the top in 1910. Dr. Stuck discovered that the top they had reached was the lesser northern peak, for he saw the remains of their flagstaff. With this ascent the story of the conquest of Mount McKinley is complete.* * Dr. Stuck argued with much reason that the present name of the mountain is unsuitable, and that the Indian name "Denali"--which means "the Great One"--should be restored. It is to be feared that the suggestion comes too late in the day. Ever since the expedition of 1906 Mount McKinley has become too familiar a name in the Western Hemisphere to be readily changed for another. The story of the Parker-Browne expedition is contained in _The Conquest of Mount McKinley_ (New York, Putnams, 1913), and that of Dr. Stuck in _The Ascent of Denali_ (New York, Scribners, 1914). VII THE HOLY CITIES OF ISLAM THE HOLY CITIES OF ISLAM (_Map_, p. 216.) The "spell of far Arabia" has been a potent thing from the days when the Egyptians drew wealth from the spice-land of Punt, and Greek traders brought stories of the gums and jewels of Araby the Blessed. But ever since it became the Holy Land of Islam a veil of secrecy, other than that of its stern climate and inhospitable deserts, has descended upon it. It is one of the oldest of arenas of adventure, and it is still one of the least exploited; indeed, in its great Southern Desert it holds one of the few unriddled mysteries of the globe. Except for the semi-mythical Gregorio, who may be read of in Albuquerque's Commentaries, no one who did not profess the creed of Islam has entered its two Holy Cities and lived. But the greatest tale of Arabian exploration is not concerned with Mecca and Medina. It is to be found rather in the journeys of the English soldier Captain Sadlier in Nejd; of Sir Richard Burton in the land of Midian; of Wallin, who crossed the great Nafud sands; of William Gilford Palgrave, who may, or may not, have been an agent of Napoleon III.; and, above all, of Charles Montague Doughty, who, as an avowed Christian, explored the Northern Hedjaz, and in his _Arabia Deserta_ has written one of the foremost classics of travel in the English tongue. Compared with some of these wanderings, a visit to the Holy Cities was a simple matter, requiring only a firm nerve, a good knowledge of Arabic and of Mohammedan ritual, and a real or professed adherence to the creed of Islam. At the beginning of this century the list of Europeans who had entered Mecca and Medina was a long one. They were mostly renegades--French, English, Irish, Scottish, and Italian. In 1807 a certain Domingo Badia y Leblich of Cadiz, travelling as a Moslem prince called Ali Bey, and probably in the pay of Napoleon, entered Mecca in state; but he had become a genuine Mussulman. In 1815 one Thomas Keith, a deserter from the 72nd Highlanders, was Governor of Medina--surely one of the strangest posts ever held even by a Scot! The great European travellers like Burckhardt, Wallin, and Burton went to the Holy Cities in order that by attaining the rank and fame of a Hadji they might win an advantage for travelling in other Moslem lands. More than one of them has described minutely the interior of both Mecca and Medina and the ritual of the great ceremonies. The Holy Places, though few Western eyes had seen them, were sufficiently well known to the Western world. Their true unveiling may be said to have come about during the Great War, when Hussein, the Sherif of Mecca, fought as an ally with the British, and, as King of the Hedjaz, proclaimed his independence of Turkey. Yet one journey was taken just before the Great War which must rank by itself. It told the world nothing that was not known before; but it had the merit of giving a picture of Mecca and Medina under the latest conditions--a picture drawn with such vigour and in such detail that it may fairly claim to have revealed the Holy Cities in a new light to the ordinary man. Mr. A. J. B. Wavell greatly distinguished himself in command of Arab scouts in East Africa in the early part of the Great War, and was responsible for the brilliant affair at Gazi. In that campaign he gave his life for his country.* He had been at Winchester, and in 1908, when he made the plan for visiting Mecca, had been living for some time at Mombasa, where he had acquired Arabic and Swahili, and a considerable knowledge of Moslem customs. His motive was partly curiosity, partly, as he says, to accustom himself to Arab ways, with a view to further explorations in Arabia, and partly in order to obtain the useful prestige of a Hadji. He chose as his companions a certain Abdul Wahid, an Arab from Aleppo who was established in Berlin, and Masaudi, a Mombasa native. The three met at Marseilles on September 23, 1908. They started in good time, for though the pilgrimage was not to take place till the beginning of the following January, Mr. Wavell wanted to go first to Medina, and also to prepare himself by a preliminary discipline in Eastern life. He managed to secure a Turkish passport, which described him as one Ali bin Mohammed, aged twenty-five, a subject of Zanzibar on his way to Mecca. * He fell on January 8, 1916. The three found a vessel at Genoa which took them to Alexandria, where they managed, not without trouble, to get their medicine chest, pistols, and ammunition past the Customs. They then took passages on a Khedivial mail ship for Beyrout. Mr. Wavell had feared that the language difficulty would be serious, but he found it less formidable than he expected, since the dialects of Arabic are many. He explained to those who found imperfections in his accent that in Zanzibar the colloquial language was Swahili and that no one talked Arabic; and on the few occasions when he had to speak Swahili he inverted the story, announcing that, having been born in Muscat, his real language was Arabic. As Sir Richard Burton discovered in his own journey, it was rare indeed to find any one sufficiently well acquainted with both languages to find him out. Meantime he had changed at Alexandria into Arab clothes and shaved his head. [Illustration: Wavell's Journey to Mecca.] They reached Beyrout safely, and proceeded at once by rail to Damascus. As they did not propose to start for Medina for some weeks, they took rooms and settled down, devoting great attention to the various Moslem ceremonies, and picking up the right kind of phrases and quotations and greetings. It is on such small things that the efficacy of a disguise depends. "There are nearly as many white men at Mecca," Mr. Wavell writes in his account of his adventures,* "as there are men black or brown in colour. Syrian 'Arabs' not infrequently have fair hair and blue eyes, as likewise have some of the natives of the Holy Cities themselves. I was once asked what colour I stained myself for this journey. The question reveals the curious ignorance that lies at the bottom of the so-called race prejudice, of which some people are so proud. You might as well black yourself all over to play Hamlet!" * _A Modern Pilgrim in Mecca_, by A. J. B. Wavell (Constable, 1912). Abdul Wahid had brought letters of introduction to a local merchant, who was most hospitable, and supervised the preparations for the journey. They passed safely through the period of Ramadan, and so complete was Mr. Wavell's get-up, and so stalwart his Moslem respectability, that it was with some difficulty that he prevented a middle-aged lady and her two daughters from joining his party for the pilgrimage. He bought the "Ihram," the white robes which are required when entering Mecca, a full camp equipment, and a certain number of stores, and deposited his money with his merchant friend, who gave him two cheques on his agents, one at Medina and one at Mecca. He proposed to travel to Medina by the Hedjaz railway, a very different method from those used by earlier adventurers when aiming at Mecca. The third-class carriages were desperately crowded, and the train started to the accompaniment of gramophones--a modern invention which is very popular in the Hedjaz. On the way Mr. Wavell had a touch of malaria, and his fellow pilgrims showed him every kindness. Presently the train reached Medain Salih, the boundary of the Hedjaz, which no infidel is permitted to pass. On the fourth day the rocky hills opened, and through a gap appeared the minarets of the Prophet's mosque. They arrived at Medina in the middle of a battle, for the Turkish garrison had come to loggerheads with the neighbouring Bedawin, and the Holy City was more or less in a state of siege. The railway was spoiling trade for the neighbouring tribes, and they were demanding compensation, which Constantinople would not pay. Medina lies in an open plain some 3,000 feet above sea-level. To the south the country is open, but on the north and west, between five and ten miles distant, rise rocky mountains. The city, which has a population of some 30,000, lives entirely on the pilgrims, as an English watering-place lives on summer visitors. The pilgrims are classified by their lands of origin, and there are official guides, called Mutowifs, attached to each group. The first trouble arose from these guides. If Mr. Wavell went about with the Zanzibar Mutowifs he was certain to meet some one who knew him in Mombasa, even if he were not caught out in the language. So it was arranged that Abdul Wahid should profess to come from Bagdad, while Mr. Wavell passed as "a Derweish," and Masaudi as his slave. A "Derweish," which denotes properly a member of certain monastic orders, is a title occasionally assumed by pilgrims who do not wish to be identified with any particular nationality. Happily, at the station there were no Zanzibar guides, and the party were able to find rooms in a retired corner at the moderate rate of £2 a month. The landlord was an Abyssinian called Iman, a man of some private means, who had been captured as a child by Arab slavers and sold in Mecca. He proved a most useful friend to the party during their stay. So began a curious life of endless religious observations. Apart from the sacred places, which few European eyes had beheld, there was a perpetual interest in the study of the pilgrims. "A large caravan came in from Yembu, bringing crowds of Indians, Javanese, and Chinamen. Every Eastern race might be identified in the motley crowd, and every variety of costume, till the whole resembled nothing so much as a fancy dress ball. In the same line of prayer stand European Turks, with their frock coats and stick-up collars; Anatolians, with enormous trousers and fantastic weapons; Arabs from the West, who look as if they were arrayed for burial; the Bedou (Bedawin), with their spears and scimitars; and Indians, who, in spite of their being the richest class there, managed, as usual, to look the most unkempt and the least clean. Then, besides, were the Persians, Chinese, Javanese, Japanese, Malayans, a dozen different African races, Egyptians, Afghans, Baluchies, Swahilis, and 'Arabs' of every description." Representatives of half the races of the globe may be picked out in the mosque any day during the month before the pilgrimage. The behaviour of the pilgrims, who now saw with their own eyes the tomb of the Prophet, which from their childhood they had been taught to regard with awe, was a proof of the living reality of the Islamic faith. "Many burst into tears and frantically kissed the railings: I have seen Indians and Afghans fall down apparently unconscious. They seem to be much more affected here than before the Kaaba itself. At Mecca the feeling is of awe and reverence; here the personal element comes in. The onlooker might fancy that they were visiting the tomb of some dear friend, one whom they had actually known and been intimate with in his lifetime. With frantic interest they listen to their guides as they describe the surroundings. Here is the place where the Prophet prayed, the pulpit he preached from, the pillar against which he leant; there, looking to the mosque, is the window of Abu Bakar's house, where for long he stayed as a guest; and beyond is the little garden planted by his daughter Fatima." Moreover, there is no suggestion of infidel authority, the Moslem standards float over the town, Moslem cannon protect its gates, and no unbeliever may enter. But there are startling touches of modernity. In the shops you may buy European tinned goods and note advertisements of Cadbury's chocolates and Huntley and Palmer's biscuits! The party had brought introductions from Damascus and Abdul Wahid had made various friends, so they saw a good deal of society. The time was just after the rising of the Young Turks and the grant of the Constitution. Mr. Wavell, who was a staunch Tory, found to his disgust that every one talked parliamentarianism and Liberal principles. England and the English were everywhere in high favour because of our attitude in the recent quarrel with Austria over the annexation of Bosnia. "I am afraid I managed to give the impression that Zanzibar is a sadly backward state, or that I myself am peculiarly stupid. Not to know a word of any European language is to be held very ignorant, even in Medina. Most people of the class with whom I associated had at any rate a smattering of French, and sometimes of English too. I was careful never to know anything." Their stay in Medina was much enlivened by the Bedawin siege. Mr. Wavell tried to get enlisted in the defence force, and when that plan failed, succeeded in getting into a very warm corner just outside the gates. They visited like industrious tourists every possible place of interest, and few pilgrims can have spent a more enlightening three weeks. During the whole time they were never in real danger. They had, indeed, a scuffle with a Persian Mutowif, who would insist that Mr. Wavell was a Persian; but by vigorous bluffing they made him apologize, and afterwards employed him as a guide. Once only was there a hint of trouble. Masaudi, standing in the mosque one day before the noonday prayer, found himself face to face with five Mombasa Swahilis who knew him intimately, and, what was worse, knew Mr. Wavell. Masaudi showed remarkable gifts of mendacity. He said he had left Mr. Wavell in England, and having saved a little money thought the present was a good time to perform the pilgrimage. He was in Medina, he said, as a servant of some rich Egyptian pilgrims. As he walked back after prayer he dropped his string of beads. The Swahilis asked where his house was, and he promised to show it them; but half-way up the street he suddenly remembered the beads, bolted back, and lost himself in the crowd. The incident convinced Mr. Wavell that he had better start without delay for Mecca. Their plan was to go to the coast at Yembu, for which a caravan was starting at once. They arranged for three camels, one to carry a _shugduf_, which is a cross between a pannier and a howdah, and the other two for luggage; and they bought the necessary food. They took with them a Persian called Jaffa as cook, and his brother Ibrahim as general servant. The luggage was carried down to the big square where the caravan was parked, and where the travellers had to pass the night. That evening there occurred an untoward event. Mr. Wavell was going to a shop for some small purchase, when he met two Mutowifs who demanded to know his nationality. The Mutowifs, being a strict trades union, were convinced that he was defrauding the brotherhood. He took a high line and showed his pistol, and, fortunately, his late landlord came down the street at the moment and took his side. What might have been an ugly experience ended in a minor street brawl. [Illustration: View of Medina. (_By permission of Messrs. Arch. Constable & Co., Ltd._)] The journey to Yembu was little better than a nightmare. The fashionable road from Medina to Mecca is overland, or back to Damascus and so direct to Jiddah by the Suez Canal. Only poor people go by the Yembu route, which is supposed to be the most hazardous and the roughest in the Hedjaz. There were no escort or police arrangements, no daily market, and each traveller had to carry his own provisions and water. The Bedawin hired out the camels, which numbered about 5,000, and a Bedawi sheikh was in charge. The countryside was infested by robbers who constantly cut off stragglers. The ground, too, was difficult going, being a rough mountain-land, and, while the noons were scorching, the nights were bitterly cold. Every night an encampment was made, roughly circular in shape, into which the whole caravan was packed in the smallest possible space. "While I was trying to get warm a man stumbled against me and nearly knocked me into the fire. Turning round, I was shocked to see a figure, stained almost from head to foot with blood from a tremendous gash in the head, obviously a sword cut. He asked for water, and I went into the tent to get him some, but returning, found him gone. We heard the next day that no less than six men had been murdered that night and many others wounded; and so it went on till we reached Yembu. These unfortunates were mostly people who could not afford camels, and so had to perform the journey on foot. Straying from the main body in search of firewood they got picked up by the marauders hanging on the flanks, who seized every opportunity to plunder such stragglers of their miserable possessions, and killed unhesitatingly any who resisted." It was in this country that Charles Doughty spent part of his time, and Mr. Wavell thinks that one reason of his success was that he carried nothing worth stealing. The fact that Doughty denied neither his religion nor his nationality seemed to him not the most remarkable fact about the achievement. "The Bedou themselves are not fanatical on these points, and he did not attempt to enter the forbidden cities. Of course, the fact of a stranger being a Christian is always a good excuse for knocking him on the head; but failing it they will soon find another if they want to do so, and will be quite uninfluenced by it if they don't." They had one row with their camel man, Saad, who tried to extort bakhsheesh. Suddenly he quieted down, and became all politeness to the end of the journey. The reason for this was that that resourceful liar Ibrahim had told him that Mr. Wavell was a nephew of the Governor of Yembu. This story served the travellers well. It spread through the caravan, and many of the pilgrims who were being blackmailed by their camel-men came to him and begged his protection, and received it. At last, on the dawn of the sixth day, after trekking without a stop for the last twenty hours, they reached the gates of Yembu. Here they were delayed some time, owing to the fact that the pilgrim ship to take them to Jiddah--an old Greek vessel chartered by a syndicate of Persians--would not start till its owners considered that sufficient pilgrims had arrived. Abdul Wahid now became the popular leader. At the head of a mob of passengers he seized the Persians and carried them off to the Governor. Mounted on a pile of sugar bags he delivered an impassioned address, concluding with "We had better be dealing with Christians than Moslems, who cheat their brethren in this fashion." "Murmurs of protest," says Mr. Wavell, "deprecated this revolting comparison. We all thought he was going a little too far." The Persians finally capitulated, and the ship got under way. But there came one last _contretemps_. A party of Megribi Arabs had passed the quarantine and were half-way out to the ship when one of them died. The shore authorities refused to let them land again and the Persians declined to take the corpse aboard. The Arabs could not throw it into the sea because there were certain ceremonial washings to be performed and certain prayers to be said. An Egyptian lawyer on board gave it as his opinion that the man, having taken his ticket, was entitled to his passage, dead or alive, there being no saving clause in the contract. Finally the Megribis got sick of arguing, swarmed over the bulwarks, and hoisted up their departed comrade. Their fierce faces and long knives settled the point of law. At half-past four in the afternoon the syren blew to announce that the pilgrims were within that latitude where they must exchange their ordinary clothes for the Ihram--the garb which has to be worn by all travellers who attain a certain distance from Mecca. The costume consists of two white bath towels, one worn round the loins and the other over the shoulders. The head is unprotected, but deaths from sunstroke are singularly few. The costume is not becoming, especially in the case of a fat man. "A party of elderly European Turks close to us looked peculiarly ludicrous, their appearance suggesting members of the Athenæum Club suddenly evicted from a Turkish bath." The party remained four days at Jiddah, visiting among other places the tomb of Eve, who apparently was about a quarter of a mile in height, so it was a tiring business to make the necessary perambulation of her sepulchre. Owing to their behaviour at Yembu they had acquired much kudos among the pilgrims and had no difficulties during their stay. The only anxiety was about the Mombasa Swahilis, and also about a certain Mombasa sheikh who knew Mr. Wavell and was proposing to go to Mecca that year. As neither sheikh nor Swahilis arrived, they decided to risk it and go on to Mecca, after Mr. Wavell had left a letter for the sheikh requesting him to hold his tongue. They found a Mutowif who was a local agent of one of the principal Mecca guides, to whom he wrote recommending them. They never intended to employ this guide, but the recommendation gave them an excuse to refuse to employ others. Having taken every precaution they could think of, they prepared for the last stage of the journey. "Abdul Wahid made a vow that if he returned safely he would present three dollars to the poor of Jiddah. We told him we thought he was asking the Almighty to do it too cheaply and that he had much better make it a sovereign. To our disgust, when he did get back, he utterly declined to disgorge the promised sum." The journey from Jiddah to Mecca can be performed in a day, for it is only some forty miles. The road is protected by a line of blockhouses, every mile or so there is a restaurant or a booth for refreshment, and all day long during the pilgrimage season there is a continuous caravan. A strange silence broods over everything. There is no shouting or singing or firing of guns, and the camels move over the deep soft sand with scarcely a sound, for to the Moslem it is the approach to the holy of holies. "To him it is a place hardly belonging to this world, overshadowed like the Tabernacle of old by the almost tangible presence of the deity. Five times daily throughout his life has he turned his face towards this city, whose mysteries he is now about to view with his own eyes. Moreover, according to the common belief, pilgrimage brings certain responsibilities and even perils along with its manifold blessings. Good deeds in Mecca count many thousand times their value elsewhere, but sin that is committed there will reap its reward in hell." Mr. Wavell and his companions, decently but simply clad in their bath towels, approached the city repeating the ceremonial prayers. To one which began, "O Lord, Who hast brought me in safety to this place, do Thou bring me safely out again," he said a fervid "Amen." Mecca lies in a deep-cut hollow of the hills, and is not visible till travellers are at its gates. Presently they found themselves in the great square which contains the Kaaba, the black covering of which is in startling contrast with the dazzling white marble of the pavement. The Kaaba itself is a cube about forty feet square, built of granite blocks, and let into the wall is a great black stone. This stone is believed to have fallen from heaven, which it probably did, as it is clearly a meteorite. Barefooted, the little party moved round it the requisite seven times, chanting the proper prayers. Then a small circular patch of hair was shaved from their heads, and the first part of the ceremony was over. Mecca was then under the semi-independent rule of Sherif Hussein, and, on the whole, seemed to be well governed; but the problem of the municipal authorities in looking after the vast crowd of pilgrims was no easy one. As at Medina, every race on earth was represented there. Mr. Wavell was most struck by the Javanese, who were present in great numbers, for there was then a strong Islamic revival in the Far East. The party found comfortable lodgings in a quiet street, and, as at Medina, went much into society, owing to the wide acquaintance of Abdul Wahid. Mecca is one of the few places remaining where there is an open slave-market, and female slaves may be bought for prices ranging from £20 to £100, though Georgians and Circassians fetch more. Masaudi discovered an acquaintance in a boy called Kepi from Mombasa, whose father had died on the pilgrimage, and was now left destitute. Kepi was accordingly attached to the party. Mr. Wavell heard the good news that the Mombasa sheikh, whose coming he had been warned of, had now written saying that he would not arrive that year. [Illustration: View of Mecca. (_By permission of Messrs. Arch. Constable & Co., Ltd._)] The time passed pleasantly in sight-seeing and giving and receiving hospitality. Mr. Wavell gave one dinner to no less than twelve guests, which, since he had an excellent cook, was very successful. There are few more curious incidents in the literature of travel than this party given by a disguised Christian in the Moslem holy of holies to a company which included Arabs from Bussorah and Mecca, two Persian merchants, and a Turkish officer from the Bagdad Corps. Most Western luxuries can be obtained in Mecca, including ice cream, which, according to Mr. Wavell, is a frozen mixture of tinned milk, dirty water, and cholera germs! Alcoholic liquor can also be got if you know where to go for it. The great festival was now approaching. A white linen band was fastened round the black covering of the Kaaba, which remained there till the great day, when the covering was changed. A new covering is brought every year from Egypt, made of dull black silk and cotton, embroidered with the name of God on every square foot. It is prepared in Constantinople, and is said to cost £3,600. The main ceremony of the festival is as follows: On a certain fixed day all adults must leave the city before nightfall, and go to a village called Mina, some five miles to the north. They pass the night there, and go nine miles farther on the next morning to Mount Arafat, where they remain till sunset. They then return, and sleep at Nimrah, half-way between Arafat and Mina. The third day they must be back at Mina in the morning, go through the ceremony of throwing stones at the Three Devils, proceed to Mecca for other ceremonies, and return to Mina for the night. The fourth day is spent at Mina, and at noon on the fifth day they return to Mecca. The bath towels of the Ihram are now relinquished, and the pilgrim dons the best new clothes which he can afford. He is then entitled to the name of Hadji, and thereafter through life can wear a special headgear, such as a green turban. The exodus from the city to Mina was a strange sight. The different holy carpets were escorted by regiments and brass bands, that of Egypt marching to the tune of the "Barren Rocks of Aden." Sherif Hussein was there on horseback, accompanied by a crowd of spearmen and a squadron of racing camels. The ride to Mina beggared description. "The best idea of what it is like," Mr. Wavell wrote, "will be gained by considering that at least half a million people are traversing these nine miles of road between sunrise and ten o'clock this day; that about half of them are mounted, and that many of them possess baggage animals as well. The roar of this great column is like a breaking sea, and the dust spreads for miles over the surrounding country. When, passing through the second defile, we came in sight of Arafat itself, the spectacle was stranger still. The hill was literally black with people, and tents were springing up around it, hundreds to the minute, in an ever-widening circle. As we approached, the dull murmur caused by thousands of people shouting the formula, 'Lebéka, lebéka, Allahooma lebéka,' which had long been audible, became so loud that it dominated every other sound. In the distance it sounded rather ominous, suggestive of some deep disturbance of great power, like the rumble of an earthquake." The hygienic conditions of the exodus were of course abominable. Tanks and springs were soon fouled by people bathing in them, and the condition of the hill-side was filthy beyond description. Often some infectious disease like cholera decimates the pilgrims, but our travellers were fortunate in escaping it. They went through all the proper ceremonies, and stoned the Three Devils at Mina with gusto. The Three Devils are three stone pillars, and, in a mob of many thousands of bad shots, a good many pilgrims are bound to suffer. They bought a sheep to sacrifice, like the others, and a mess of offal and blood was soon added to the attractions of the countryside. They then went back to Mecca, kissed the Black Stone, had another square inch of hair shaved from their temples, and were free to put off the bath towels. Now was the moment for the new clothes. Abdul Wahid appeared in a bilious yellow garment brought from Damascus; Masaudi in an obsolete regimental mess waistcoat; while Mr. Wavell was chastely arrayed in white cloth robes, a black jubba, and a gold sash with a dagger. Thus attired they set out again for Mina for the last ceremonies. In the night a thief got into their tent, and carried off Masaudi's new turban, £5 in gold, and various oddments, including a couple of pistols. In the morning they went to salute the Sherif, and when they had returned and were sitting in their tent, passed through the most dangerous moment of the adventure. The wall of the tent was down, as is usual in the heat of the day, and they were squatting on the carpet, when suddenly they heard an exclamation from Masaudi. Looking round, they saw, standing within a few feet of them and looking straight into the tent, three of the Mombasa Swahilis whom they had met at Medina. It scarcely seemed possible that they could miss seeing Masaudi, and if they did they would certainly come into the tent to greet him, when Mr. Wavell was bound to be recognized. The morning sun, however, was shining right in their eyes, so they saw nothing, and passed on. As soon as they had turned their backs Mr. Wavell and Masaudi ran out of the tent on the other side and mingled with the crowd. They returned to Mecca, to be congratulated by their friends on the successfully accomplished pilgrimage, and Mr. Wavell was free to go into the world as Hadji Ali bin Mohammed. It was now their business to get out of Mecca as soon as possible, especially as money was running low. They paid the necessary farewell visits, hired the transport, and started, intending to do the journey in one day. They were, however, held up by a sentry on the road, and had to spend a cold and comfortless night in the open, and did not enter Jiddah till sunrise. At Jiddah they separated; Masaudi went to Mombasa, Abdul Wahid to Persia, and Mr. Wavell to Egypt. In summing up the expedition, Mr. Wavell was disposed to attribute his success not to any histrionic gifts of his own, but to the ignorance of the inhabitants of the Holy Cities, and their lack of interest in the outside world, even the Islamic world. "There are so many different sects in Islam, and its adherents are found in so many different countries, that I seriously believe that if some one invented for himself a country and a language that did not exist at all, and journeyed thus to Mecca, no one there would know enough geography to find him out. Yet with all, they are quick enough in their way, and if some Mutowif would take the trouble to write a book on ethnography in its relation to the Islam of to-day, and classify the different races that come to Mecca, such a deception as I practised would become impossible." They did, as a matter of fact, excite a certain suspicion, and their two servants, though they were Persians and knew little Arabic, must have had their own views. The great assets of the travellers were their knowledge of Arabic and Moslem ceremonial, and the fact that Mr. Wavell took up his disguise long before he approached the Hedjaz. He considered that Medina was much the more dangerous place of the two, and that no traveller should go there who was not thoroughly at home in his oriental character. Whatever may be said, the journey is one of extreme danger and delicacy, and demands not only great knowledge, but perpetual vigilance. It must be remembered that a European is all the time in the midst of a fanatical and devout people, and that the highest merit would be acquired by any one who might discover and denounce the unbeliever. In spite of every precaution there must be an enormous element of luck, and Mr. Wavell's conclusion is that his escape was due rather to a series of happy chances than to his own good management. VIII THE EXPLORATION OF NEW GUINEA THE EXPLORATION OF NEW GUINEA (_Map_, p. 248.) Almost every part of the globe has suffered some change in the past century. It may have altered its appearance by settlement and cultivation and the growth of cities; or, if it still remains a wilderness, there are routes of commerce through it which bring it to the knowledge of the world. But the great island of New Guinea is almost as little changed to-day by the advent of white adventurers as when, in the year 1527, Jorge de Meneses, the Portuguese Governor of the Spice Islands, first landed on its swampy shores. In 1545, eighteen years later, it received the name by which it is known to-day. The Portuguese Empire decayed, and during the seventeenth century the Dutch appeared. In the eighteenth century many famous voyagers, like Dampier, Carteret, and Captain Cook, touched the island, and in the last century the rapid opening up of the world by travellers and missionaries bore fruit even in those remote seas. The Dutch held the western end; in 1884 Germany laid claim to the north-eastern part; and that same year the south-eastern section, which had been formally taken over in 1883 by Queensland, was annexed to the British Crown. In 1899 the Dutch boundary was delimited, and Holland, with the assent of the Powers, assumed direct control of her share. The one change to-day in these arrangements is that the former German section is now administered under mandate by the Commonwealth of Australia. The first decade of this century saw great exploring activity on the part of all three European masters. The Dutch especially did excellent work, and Dr. Lorentz was the first man to reach the snows of the inland mountains. But few of the secrets of the island--geographical, zoological, and botanical--have yet been unriddled. The place is so remote from Europe, its climate is so deadly, its inhabitants so treacherous, and its forests and swamps so impenetrable, that exploration there is in many ways a more desperate undertaking than anywhere else on the globe. I have selected two expeditions as an example of what the pioneer must undergo. In 1910 the Ornithologists' Union sent out an expedition to investigate the New Guinea fauna and collect specimens. Captain Cecil Rawling, whose thirst for the unknown was unquenchable, accompanied it on the geographical side, and Mr. A. F. R. Wollaston as medical officer. There was no proper survey equipment, as the mission was primarily one of naturalists. Ten Gurkhas were enlisted from India, and the Dutch Government supplied a certain number of Javanese troops. Coolies also were recruited in Java, who turned out to be hopelessly unsuitable both in physique and character for any serious travel in the wilds. The majority were about sixteen years of age, and they appeared in the jungle decently dressed in black frock coats and bowler hats! The part selected was the southern coast of the Dutch territory, and it was Captain Rawling's hope that they would be able to penetrate to that belt of snow mountains, at the head of the coastal rivers, running from the Nassau Range in the west to Wilhelmina Peak in the east, where Dr. Lorentz had been the pioneer. Obviously it was vital to find a river which would take them direct to the hills. But they had no previous information to go upon, and were compelled to select their stream at random. Had they gone farther east, and chosen the Utakwa, they would have found a current navigable for an ocean-going steamer for seventeen miles from its mouth, and for launches for many miles more--a river, moreover, running directly from the highest snows of Mount Carstensz. As it was, they hit upon a river called the Mimika, a small jungle-fed stream rising in the low foothills sixty miles to the west of Carstensz, and twenty miles or so short of the main range. The Mimika, too, was full of endless windings and liable to sudden and violent floodings. Hence it was of little use to the expedition in the way of transport. This was the more regrettable since transport was the essence of the problem. From the foothills of the mountains to the sea lies a belt of forest like a barbed-wire entanglement. This forest is so dense that the cutting of a road can only progress at the rate of 100 yards a day. It is swampy, and often, in flood-time, under water, and filled with every form of noxious insect life. Unless this nightmare land can be circumvented by the use of a broad river channel, it must take even a strong party many months before they reach the base of the hills. This was what happened to Captain Rawling. On January 26, 1910, after a base camp had been established at Wakatimi, not far from the Mimika mouth, he set off to ascend the river. Here is his description of the country:-- "It is quite impossible for any one who has not visited these parts of New Guinea to realize the density of the forest growth. The vegetation, through which only the scantiest glimpses of the sky can be obtained, appears to form, as it were, two great horizontal strata. The first comprises the giant trees, whose topmost boughs are 150 feet or more above the ground; the other, the bushes, shrubs, and trees of lesser growth, which never attain a greater height than 30 to 40 feet. Such is the richness of the soil that not one square foot remains untenanted, and the never-ending struggle to reach upwards towards the longed-for light goes on silently and relentlessly. Creepers and parasites in endless variety cling to every stem, slowly but surely throttling their hosts. From tree to tree their tentacles stretch out, seizing on to the first projecting branch and limb, and forming such a close and tangled mass that the dead and dying giants of the forest are prevented from falling to the ground.... "The various devices recommended in the books of one's childhood, and, it may be added, in learned books as well, whereby the traveller is enabled to recover a lost trail or regain the right direction, are here of no avail. For instance, moss does not grow more on one side of a tree-trunk than on the other; trees do not lean away from the prevailing wind; nor is the position of the sun a guide, for it is seldom visible. In fact, the traveller has nothing to rely upon but the compass or a local guide, and even the latter is often at fault. Hopeless indeed does the outlook appear when the wanderer, hedged in by a wall of scrub and creeper which limits his vision to a distance of ten or twelve yards, realizes that he has lost his bearings; when the vastness of the forest seems to press upon him, and there is no sound to be heard but the drip, drip of the water-laden trees and the bubbling of the stinking bog underfoot. His only chance of escape is to find a stream, and follow it down till it joins a main river." The first big episode was the discovery of the Pygmies who lived in the foothills, and were assiduously hunted by the forest tribes. The average height of these little men was 4 feet 7 inches, and Captain Rawling penetrated to their village in a clearing above the head waters of the Mimika. The Mimika source was reached, but led them nowhere, and they fared no better with another small stream to the west, called the Kapare. Then by accident a secret native path was discovered running eastward--a mere tunnel in the matted forest. By this route they were able to reach a parallel river, called the Tuaba, which was a tributary of the larger Kamura. From a village called Ibo as a centre, the expedition made various casts east and north, but found it impossible to get near the skirts of the hills. Captain Rawling returned to the coast and made excursions along the eastern shore, but found no adjacent river mouth which promised better. By this time it was June, and the floods began with such vigour that practically the whole country between the mountains and the sea was under water. When the floods ebbed, a resolute attempt was made to push east from Ibo, and with a good deal of trouble another parallel stream was reached, called the Wataikwa. The party founded a camp there, and explored the upper waters of that stream. Travelling was extremely difficult, because the only decent road was the river bed, and this route was promptly made impossible by a new spate. The travellers had to face the fact that the farther they went eastward the greater became the labour of carrying supplies, for their base camp remained on the Mimika. Still, an effort must be made unless the expedition was to admit failure. It was decided that the best plan was to try and cut a road through the forest to the next stream on the east, in the hope that it would lead them into the hills. This was done, and the Iwaka River was reached after much severe toil. They had entered a desperate country, strewn with moss-covered boulders and seamed with gullies covered with an impenetrable mass of timber. The density of this growth was unbelievable; through it no man could force a way unless with an axe in hand, and as most of the trees were of very hard wood--the stems varying from four to eight inches in diameter--and clothed from top to bottom with damp earth covered with moss, progress at times became impossible. An idea of the labour involved in the task of clearing a two-foot path through this forest may be judged by the fact that a stretch of five thousand yards required three weeks' constant work before a man could pass freely along. On one day two cutters achieved a length of two hundred and ten yards, and on another, when Captain Rawling was working by himself, all he could add was a piece of ninety yards in length. No wonder he asks, "Can this forest, with its horrible monotony and impregnability, be equalled by any other in the world?" [Illustration: The Exploration of New Guinea] Down came the rain again, and in August the country was all under water. The advance was not renewed till the beginning of 1911, when fresh supplies had arrived from England, and the old motor-boat had been put in repair. So far, a year's hard labour had not taken the explorers within measurable distance of their goal. With the help of a launch, food supplies for eight weeks were stored at the head of the Mimika. One story may be quoted as a piece of comic relief in a very grim campaign. On 4th January two men quarrelled in camp and killed each other. "The sergeant who, by the way, was a foreigner, took charge of the burial ceremonials, and was evidently quite determined that, for his part, nothing should be lacking which the importance of the occasion demanded. Drawing his sword, and placing himself between the graves, he harangued the spectators. 'Men,' he said, 'this day two servants of the Government have lost their lives at the hands of each other. Were they not both good men? hein.' 'One man very bad man,' chipped in an officious convict, but a glance from the offended sergeant made him wish that he had never spoken. 'Whether they will both go to heaven I cannot say,' exclaimed he, 'but I think Allah'--pointing upwards with his sword--'will first purge them with a fire. Take this as a lesson.' Then, drawing himself up to his full height as befitted the occasion, he returned his sword with a clank to the scabbard, and, as far as the public was concerned, the ceremony was at an end. The sergeant, however, had not yet finished. Returning to his hut, he refreshed himself with a few glasses of gin, and played on the mouth-organ the national anthems of the three flags under which he had served. This terminated the funeral obsequies, and with the exception of the official report and the entry in the accounts 'To one bottle gin for disinfecting corpse,' nothing remained to mark the sanguinary affair." The Iwaka was safely reached, and the last stage began. At first the advance was up its right bank, but this only brought the travellers back to the upper glen of the Wataikwa, which they had already found impossible. It was clear that the Iwaka must be crossed and the ridges to the east ascended. Getting over that stream was an ugly business, and it was achieved only by the heroism of one of the Gurkhas, who managed to haul himself hand over hand along a thin rope. Captain Rawling records that it was "one of the best actions carried out in cold blood that I have ever had the good fortune to witness." A rough bridge was constructed, and on the morning of February 8, 1911, thirteen months after their first landing on the coast, the party had at last a road to the upper ridges. It was thick, misty weather, and of the farther mountains they only had occasional glimpses. Camp was pitched at an altitude of 5,400 feet, but not on solid ground, for all the climbing had been done on the top of live or dead timber. The following morning they hacked their way to a clear space on the ridge at a height of 5,600 feet, and there they were at last favoured with the view for which they had longed, and were able to fix the position of the main peaks. Looking southward they saw the sea, and between it and them the dark green of the forest through which they had struggled for so many months. The gloom was broken at rare intervals by a streak of light, which was a river. Nearly five miles away stood Mount Godman, and beyond it the huge southern face of the range, a gigantic black cliff, eighty miles from east to west, with a clear drop of nearly a mile and three-quarters--by far the greatest precipice in the world. Behind this scarp rose the snow mountains--Mount Leonard Darwin, to the north-west, 13,882 feet; and to the north-east Mount Idenburg, 15,379 feet, and the glittering top of Carstensz, which is almost 16,000 feet. The great peaks seemed, below, a mass of wild, black precipices, cleft with fissures; but, above, a long, easy snow-field, curving gently to the summits. It was such a view as the old Portuguese adventurers might have had when, after struggling for months through the coastal jungles, they suddenly came in sight of Kenya or Kilimanjaro. But for Captain Rawling and his party it would be no more than a Pisgah-sight. Advance was impossible. The fatal choice of the Mimika route meant that they had taken the worst road conceivable to the great snows. The attainment of the peaks must be left to their successors. He who would understand the full difficulties and miseries of that expedition must read Captain Rawling's own narrative.* * _The Land of the New Guinea Pygmies_, by Captain C. G. Rawling (Seeley, Service, and Co., 1913). Rarely has a more thoroughly comfortless expedition been undertaken. To begin with, the food was bad and unsuitable, for they had the surplus stores from Shackleton's Antarctic expedition, and the joys of bully-beef, pea-soup, and pickles under an equatorial sky may be imagined. It was impossible to get good local assistance, for the natives were a preposterous race, treacherous and unreliable when they were not actively malevolent. They were subject to sudden panics, when they fled to the jungle, and to wild outbursts of sorrow, when they would weep and sob for hours. The imported Javanese were, if possible, more hopeless. Then there was every kind of noxious insect--mosquitoes without end, gigantic leeches dangling from every leaf which made a speciality of attacking the eyeballs, ticks, stinking caterpillars, immense blue-bottles which swarmed in clouds over any food left uncovered, crickets which ate a man's clothes up in a night, and a plague of minute bees which settled in myriads on the heated face of the traveller. Above all, there was the rain. The whole country was water-logged by the flooding rivers and the incessant deluge. In the dry season the average rainfall was about two and a half inches a day! Mr. Wollaston took the trouble to keep a meteorological diary, and found that during the first year rain fell on 330 days, and that on 295 days it was accompanied by thunder and lightning. Of the 400 men of all races employed during the first year, 12 per cent. died in the country from hardships, and 83 per cent. of the total force was invalided from New Guinea. Of the Europeans and natives who landed during that year, only eleven lasted out the whole fifteen months of the expedition. Of these eleven, four were Europeans, four Gurkhas, two Javanese soldiers, and one a convict. When it is remembered that eight months is the maximum period allowed by the Dutch authorities for continued service in New Guinea, the marvel is that these eleven escaped with their lives. It was with no regret that Captain Rawling said farewell to what must be by far the most unpleasant land on earth. "Wild shrieks had greeted us on our first arrival in the country, and wild shrieks echoed down the still reach of the river as the boats crept towards the sea." [Illustration: New Guinea Canoes. [It was in such canoes that Mr. Staniforth Smith made part of his journey.] (_By permission of Messrs. Seeley, Service, & Co._)] Mount Carstensz still awaits its conqueror. Since the Rawling expedition much has been done in the exploration of the central mountains. In 1913 Mount Wilhelmina (15,580 feet), of which Dr. Lorentz had trodden the lower snows, was finally ascended by Captain Herderschee. In 1921 Captain Kremer reached the same summit from the north, and found a means of crossing the range at a height of 13,480 feet. A German expedition under Dr. Moszkowski, which was projected in 1913 to attempt Carstensz from the north, was stopped by the war. Meantime, in September, 1912, Mr. Wollaston, Captain Rawling's companion, had returned to New Guinea and ascended the Utakwa River. Its head waters led him direct to Carstensz, and by establishing a series of depots for food in the foothills, he was able to reach the main massif of the mountain. Above 8,000 feet he left the jungles behind; but the mountain proved very difficult, and the rain, as usual, fell without intermission. At 14,200 feet he reached the snow-line, and on February 1, 1913, from a camp above 12,000 feet, he climbed to 14,866 feet, a thousand feet or so below the summit. There he was stopped by an ice fall, and lack of provisions and the weakness of his party prevented him from finding a way to turn it. The top of the mountain is an ice cap which breaks down very sheer on the south side, and Mr. Wollaston is of opinion that the easiest ascent would be from the north. This closes for the present the history of the exploration of Carstensz. For the second story we move east into British territory. There the general configuration is the same--swamps near the shore, then a tangled forest, then a range of inland mountains, though these are much less conspicuous than the ranges in Dutch territory, and scarcely rise above 6,000 feet. In 1911 the Hon. Miles Staniforth Smith, who had been Mayor of Kalgoorlie, and a senator representing West Australia in the Commonwealth Parliament, and was at the time Administrator of Papua, set out across the centre of the unexplored part of his province to investigate the sources of the rivers emptying into the Papuan Gulf. As the travelling was of the roughest, and the aim was exploration rather than scientific research, the party was kept very small--three white men, Mr. Staniforth Smith, Mr. Bell, the Chief Inspector of Native Affairs, and Mr. Pratt, a Staff Surveyor, together with eleven native police and seventeen carriers. They started from the head of the navigable waters of the Kikor or Aird River, meaning to push north to the top of Mount Murray, and then traverse to the west along the ridge. Mount Murray, which is some 6,000 feet high, was safely reached, and the explorers found themselves moving along a high limestone plateau, much fissured by streams and diversified by parallel ranges. They hoped ultimately to reach the Strickland River, which is a tributary of the great Fly River, and so complete the rest of their journey by rafts. Presently they found such a river running in a deep gorge, and from certain rapids which had been noted by earlier explorers, they assumed it to be the Strickland. Now began their adventures. The stream seemed to be a series of wild rapids; but as the Strickland had already been descended in rafts, the risks appeared to be justifiable, and four rafts were built. Mr. Staniforth Smith started out first with three police and two carriers, and Mr. Bell and Mr. Pratt arranged to follow in quick succession with the rest. In two hundred yards the first raft was upset, but its occupants managed to hang on. Instead of the rapids disappearing they grew worse, and after four or five wild miles the party dashed into a timber block. One of the natives was so seriously injured that he died next morning. Mr. Staniforth Smith then started to go back along the river, in the hope of joining his companions, but found that he was on an island with swift streams on either side. Next morning the party tried to ford the river, and with some difficulty succeeded. As they were cutting a track up a bank they met two of the police, who had lost their rifles, and who informed them that Mr. Bell and Mr. Pratt were on the other bank of the river, and that several of the carriers had been drowned. The party had now been two days without food, so Mr. Staniforth Smith resolved to turn and travel down the stream in the hope of finding smoother water and a native village. They had no means of making a fire, and in any case there were no sago or bread-fruit trees in the neighbourhood. [Illustration: New Guinea Pygmies contrasted with ordinary Natives. (_By permission of Messrs. Seeley, Service, & Co._)] For five and a half days the explorers hacked their way downstream. During all that time they had no food of any kind, and no shelter from torrential rains except a few palm leaves. On the sixth day, after travelling twenty miles, they saw natives on the opposite bank. They built a rough raft and managed to cross. It was just in time, for they were now utterly exhausted; but the food which the natives gave them revived them. Curiously enough, as they were at their meal the party of Mr. Bell and Mr. Pratt came out of the jungle. They had, if possible, suffered even worse disasters. Both the white men, though powerful swimmers, had been nearly drowned, and seven of the carriers had lost their lives. They would certainly have perished had they not had the luck the day before to shoot a wild pig. By this time it was clear that whatever stream they were on it was not the Strickland, for the Strickland flowed south-west, and this river ran nearly due east. The natives, who had never seen a white man before, took them to their village and treated them kindly. The good repute of the British official throughout the wilds now stood them in good stead. They hoped that the river would soon be clear of rapids; but to their consternation there was nothing but gorges and whirlpools for another hundred miles. The stream was the Kikor in its middle reaches, the same stream as they had ascended from the coast. It took them twenty-nine days to pass the hundred miles of gorges, and during that time they rarely had a full meal. On one occasion the whole party worked for seven days without getting anything to eat except a few handfuls of soup-powder and a few tins of cocoa, saved from the capsized rafts. They had no matches, so they had to keep a fire burning day and night. They slept in caves and under palm leaves, which made no pretence of keeping out the rain. By the twenty-ninth day the river seemed smooth enough for rafts, and the explorers again embarked, and managed to cover fifty miles without any serious misadventure. But next day the rapids began again, and their two canoes, made of hollow logs, were upset. They descended the rapids for ten miles, hanging on to the upturned logs, before they could land. That night they spent in the rain, without food; and starting again at daybreak, they suddenly saw, to their immense relief, European tents, and were welcomed by an officer of the constabulary, who had been sent out to look for them. They had reached the exact spot from which they had struck north to Mount Murray at the beginning of their journey! When, two days later, they arrived at the coast, they had travelled in fifteen weeks approximately 524 miles through utterly unknown country--374 miles on foot and 150 by river. Mr. Staniforth Smith encountered every misfortune that can meet the traveller except one--he had no trouble with the natives. Indeed, by his tact and patience he made friends everywhere with the bushmen, and the survivors of the party owed to them their lives. By some strange system of bush telegraphy the repute of the white men was spread from village to village. It was the one piece of good fortune that befell the explorers, and it was final in its effect, for it made the difference between life and death. I do not know any narrative of exploration which contains adventures more desperate than those whirling voyages on upturned rafts through black ravines; or that month when starving men hacked their way through the jungle along the torrent's bank in a perpetual tempest of rain.* * For this journey Mr. Staniforth Smith received in 1923 the gold medal of the Royal Geographical Society. IX MOUNT EVEREST MOUNT EVEREST (_Map_, p. 272.) I The Himalaya not only contain the loftiest peaks on the globe, but can boast at least eighty summits loftier than those of any other range. The Andes come next, but their highest point, Aconcagua, is only 23,060 feet. In the huge mountain land which bounds India on the north, and which stretches as great a distance as from the English Channel to the Caspian, there are more than eighty peaks above 24,000 feet, some twenty above 26,000, and six above 27,000. Mount Everest, the highest, is, according to the latest measurements, 29,140 feet high. Its true character was not always recognized. At one time Chimborazo, in the Andes, was thought to "outsoar Himalay." In the middle of last century Kanchenjunga, which fills the eye of the traveller who looks north from Darjeeling, was believed to be the loftiest of the world's mountains. At that time officers of the Indian Government were conducting the great Trigonometrical Survey, during which they discovered a summit for which they could find no native name, and which they labelled Peak XV. In 1852, when the observations had been worked out, an official rushed breathlessly into the room of the Surveyor-General in Calcutta with the news that Peak XV. proved to be 29,002 feet high, and was therefore the chief mountain in the world. As its native name was unknown, it was called after Sir George Everest, who had been in charge of the survey. The name is beautiful in itself, and may well stand; though, had the circumstances been otherwise, there would have been much to be said for the Tibetan name, "Chomolungmo," which means "Goddess Mother of the Mountains." The ascent of Everest was a project which only slowly entered into men's minds. When the great peak was first discovered mountaineering was still in its infancy, and for a generation afterwards climbers were preoccupied with the Alps. Then mountaineers began to look farther afield, and first the Caucasus and then the Andes were conquered, till some thirty years ago the ambitious began to turn their eyes to the Himalaya. Gradually the limit of achievement on high snows was extended. On Trisul, Dr. Longstaff in ten and a half hours ascended from 17,450 feet to the summit of 23,360 feet. On Kamet, Mr. Charles Meade took coolies up to a camp of 23,600 feet. The Duke of the Abruzzi, after his ascent of Ruwenzori, attacked, with a splendidly equipped party, K2, that icy lump in the Karakoram, the second highest of the world's mountains, and reached a height of 24,600 feet, which, till the year 1921, remained the world's record. In 1920 Dr. Kellas found that on reasonable snow he could ascend at a rate of 600 feet an hour above 21,000 feet. It was inevitable that, when the Great War was over, lovers of high places should fix their thoughts on Everest. It had long been a dream of mountaineers. Lord Curzon, when Viceroy of India, had suggested the exploration of Everest to the Royal Geographical Society and the Alpine Club. But there were political difficulties connected with the journey through Tibet or Nepal, and even a reconnaissance of the mountain proved impossible. Cecil Rawling (who fell at the Third Battle of Ypres as a Brigadier-General with the 21st Division), during his journey in 1904 to the head waters of the Brahmaputra, saw for the first time, from a distance of sixty miles, the north side of Everest, and believed that it might be climbed. I well remember how in the year before the war he and I planned an expedition which was to cover two seasons, and explore that northern side. In March, 1919, Captain Noel urged the Royal Geographical Society to undertake the work, and Sir Francis Younghusband, the President of the Society in the following year, in conjunction with the Alpine Club, entered into negotiations with the Government of India. Permission was obtained from the Tibetan authorities, and in January 1921 a Joint Committee of the Royal Geographical Society and the Alpine Club proceeded to organize an expedition. There were many to ask what was the use of such an enterprise, which would be costly, difficult, and certainly dangerous. The answer is that it was no earthly use, and that in that lay its supreme merit. The war had called forth the finest qualities of human nature, and with the advent of peace there seemed a risk of the world slipping back into a dull materialism. Men had begun to ask of everything its cash value, and to cherish, as if it were a virtue, a narrow utilitarian commonsense. To embark upon something which had no material value was a vindication of the essential idealism of the human spirit. In Sir Francis Younghusband's words, "The sight of climbers struggling upwards to the supreme pinnacle would have taught men to lift their eyes to the hills--to raise them off the ground and divert them, if only for a moment, to something pure and lofty and satisfying to that inner craving for the worthiest which all men have hidden in their souls. And when they see men thrown back at first, but returning again and again to the assault, till, with faltering footsteps and gasping breaths, they at last reach the summit, they will thrill with pride. They will no longer be obsessed with the thought of what mites they are in comparison with the mountains--how insignificant they are beside their material surroundings. They will have a proper pride in themselves, and a well-grounded faith in the capacity of spirit to dominate material." These are almost the words of Theophile Gautier's defence of mountaineers: "Ils sont la volonté protestante contre l'obstacle aveugle, et ils plantent sur l'inaccessible le drapeau de l'intelligence humaine." If the climber wants a further statement of his creed let it be that of Mr. Belloc, when he first saw the Alps from the ridge of the Jura. "Up there, the sky above and below them, the great peaks made communion between that homing, creeping part of me which loves vineyards, and dances, and a slow movement among pastures, and that other part which is only properly at home in Heaven.... These, the great Alps, seen thus, link one in some way to one's immortality. Nor is it possible to convey, or even to suggest, these few fifty miles and these few thousand feet; there is something more. Let me put it thus: that from the height of Weissenstein I saw, as it were, my religion. I mean humility, the fear of death, the terror of height or of distance, the glory of God, the infinite potentiality of reception, whence springs that divine thirst of the soul; my aspiration also towards completion and my confidence in the dual destiny. For I know that we laughers have a gross cousinship with the most high, and it is this constant and perpetual quarrel which feeds the spring of merriment in the soul of a sane man. Since I could now see such a wonder, and it could work such things in my mind, therefore some day I should be part of it. That is what I feel. That it is also which leads some men to climb mountain-tops, but not me, for I am afraid of slipping down."* * _The Path to Rome._ And now for the great mountain itself. First of all, it is a rock peak. All the upper part is a great pyramid of stone, with three main _arêtes_--the West, the South-West, and the North-East. It lies exactly on the frontier between Tibet and Nepal, and from the Nepalese side and the plains of India it is hard to get a good view of it, for only a wedge of white is seen peeping between and over other peaks. On the Tibetan side, however, it stands clear, and its pre-eminence over its neighbours is patent. Now, in all attacks upon a great peak the first question is how to get to it--a problem most difficult in the case of other Himalayan summits like K2, and of peaks like Mount McKinley in Alaska and Mount Robson in Canada. It is not only the question of the climbers getting there, but of transporting the food and tents and accessories required by a well-equipped expedition. Had the only route to Everest lain through the deep-cut gorges of Nepal, the transport problem might have been insuperable. But here came in the value of Tibet, which is a high plateau, averaging twelve or thirteen thousand feet. It was possible to take a large party, with baggage animals, up through the passes of Sikkim to the Kampa Dzong (Kampa Jong), and then westwards along the north side of the range to a base camp at Tingri Dzong, due north of the mountain. Everest itself would be forty or fifty miles from such a base camp, but there was a clear road to it by the upper glens and glaciers of the Arun, which flows north and east before it turns south and cuts its way through the Himalayan wall. The problem of access to the base was, therefore, not a hard one. The problem of the ascent was two-fold--part physiological, part physical. Could human beings survive at an altitude of 29,000 feet--human beings who were forced to carry loads and to move their limbs? Aviators, of course, had risen to greater heights, but they had not been compelled to exert themselves. Could a man in action support life in that rarified air? Above 20,000 feet a cubic foot of air contains less than half the oxygen which it holds at sea-level. As the working of the body depends upon the oxygen supplied through the lungs, this fact was bound to lessen enormously man's physical energy. On the other hand, it had been found that the human frame could adapt itself to great altitudes by increasing the number of red blood corpuscles. Dr. Kellas had been able to climb 600 feet an hour above 21,000 feet, and Mr. Meade had camped in comparative comfort at 23,600 feet. Still, the highest altitude yet reached had been only 24,600 feet, and no one could say what difference the extra 4,500 feet might make. Clearly, before the final climbing began it would be necessary to acclimatize the party. In the last resort oxygen might be artificially supplied to the climbers. The physiological problem was of the kind which could only be solved in practice. The second was the physical. A man might live and even move slowly above, say, 26,000 feet, but it was quite certain that no human being would be capable of the severe exertions required by difficult climbing. If the last stage of Everest proved to be like the last stages of many Himalayan mountains, then the thing was strictly impossible. The hope was that on the Tibetan side the _arêtes_ might be easy going. It all depended upon finding an easy route, and being able to make an ultimate camp at some point like 26,000 feet. There was good hope that the first might be possible, judging from Rawling's survey at a distance of sixty miles and the known geographical features of the Tibetan side of the range. The other physical difficulties would be the gigantic scale of Himalayan obstacles, the hugeness of the ice-fields and glaciers, the immensity of the rock-falls and avalanches. Also at a great height there would be the bitter cold to lower vitality, and the likelihood of violent winds. Much would depend on the weather, which was still an unknown quantity. Indeed, all the physical factors were in the region of speculation; only a reconnaissance could determine them. It might be that the expedition would have to turn back at once, confessing its task impossible. General Bruce, who was the chief living authority on Himalayan travelling, was unable to accompany the party, so Colonel Howard-Bury was selected as leader. An elaborate scientific equipment was prepared, and steps were taken to get the full scientific value out of the journey. But the primary object was mountaineering: first a reconnaissance, and then, if fortune favoured, an effort to reach the summit. The four climbers chosen were Mr. Harold Raeburn, who, in 1920, had done good work on the spurs of Kanchenjunga; Dr. Kellas, who had reached 23,400 feet on Kamet; and two younger men, Mr. George Leigh Mallory and Mr. Bullock, distinguished members of the Alpine Club, who had been together at Winchester. In India they were to be joined by Major Morshead and Major Wheeler, of the Indian Survey. Early in May 1921, the party assembled at Darjeeling. II The start from Darjeeling was on 18th May. The first stage through Sikkim, and by way of the Chumbi valley to the Tibetan plateau, was over familiar ground, which need not be described. There was a good deal of trouble with the mules, which had been badly chosen, but no incident of importance happened till Dochen was reached, the point where their road left the main road to Lhasa. At Kampa Dzong, Dr. Kellas died suddenly from heart failure--an irreparable loss to the expedition, for he had been one of the mountaineers from whom most was looked for, and he was the only member of the party qualified by his medical knowledge to carry out experiments in oxygen and blood pressure. There, too, Mr. Raeburn fell sick, and had to return to Sikkim. [Illustration: The Route of the Mount Everest Expedition.] The expedition made its way almost due west behind the main chain of the Himalaya, until one evening its members saw, almost due south of them, a beautiful peak which was apparently very high. The natives called it Chomo-Uri, which means the "Goddess of the Turquoise Peak," and from observations next morning it was clear that it was Everest. They passed some wonderful monasteries perching on the face of perpendicular crags, and eventually, on 19th June, they reached Tingri Dzong, after a month's travelling from Darjeeling. This was the spot they had decided upon for their base camp. The obvious route to Everest seemed to be by way of the Rongbuk valley, where the great Rongbuk Glacier flowed from its northern face. There, accordingly, the two climbers, Mr. Mallory and Mr. Bullock, established themselves. The preliminary reconnaissance, however, proved to be a somewhat intricate matter. It was soon plain that there were no easy approaches from the west, so Colonel Howard-Bury moved his headquarters to Kharta, on the east side, close to the Arun. That river, which there is about one hundred yards wide, a little farther down enters great gorges, in which, within a course of twenty miles, it drops from 12,000 feet to 7,500 feet, or over 200 feet in a mile--a far more wonderful spectacle than anything on the Brahmaputra. On 2nd August, Mr. Mallory and Mr. Bullock started their exploration of the eastern approaches to the mountain. This was no easy business, for the valleys were separated by ridges, the lowest point of which was higher than any mountain in Europe, and every route had to be explored personally, for no information could be had from the natives. The two main valleys running down on the east side of Everest are the Kharta and, farther south, the Kama. The latter valley was first explored, and it was found that it ended under the precipitous eastern face of the mountain, and that there was no way from it of reaching the North-East ridge. It was a marvellous valley for scenery, but for mountaineering impracticable. A move was accordingly made to the Kharta valley to the north. Mr. Mallory and Mr. Bullock proceeded up this till they reached the glacier of the Kharta River, and at last found a valley which seemed to lead them straight to the North-East ridge. It was now, however, early August, the monsoon was blowing, and everywhere there was deep, soft, fresh snow. They returned accordingly to the camp at Kharta to wait till weather conditions became better. What was called the Advance Base Camp was established in the Kharta valley at a height of 17,350 feet, in a grassy hollow well sheltered from the wind, and amid a glory of Alpine flowers. Meantime Mr. Mallory and Mr. Bullock spent their time in carrying wood and stores to a camp higher up the valley. This was finally established at a height of some 20,000 feet, well up the Kharta Glacier. At the glacier head was a pass called the Lhakpa La, or "Windy Gap," and the next step was to form a camp there at a height of 22,350 feet. It was in this neighbourhood that the tracks, probably of a wolf, were found, which the coolies attributed to the "Wild Men of the Snows." From the Lhakpa La the mountaineers were now looking straight at Everest, and at last were able to unriddle its tangled topography. The attention of the reader is called to the map. It will be seen that the great Rongbuk Glacier, which descends from the western side of the northern face, receives as a feeder the East Rongbuk Glacier. The entrance to the latter is so small that Mr. Mallory and Mr. Bullock had failed to notice it in their exploration of the main glacier. This lesser Rongbuk Glacier ends on the eastern part of the northern face of the mountain, and between its head and that of the main glacier is the pass called the Chang La, or North Col. From the Lhakpa La one looks into the East Rongbuk Glacier with the North Col straight in front. If the North Col could be attained, it seemed to the mountaineers to be possible, by working up the easy northern face, to attain the North-East ridge at a point above the main difficulties. The camp on the Lhakpa La was not a comfortable place, with a howling wind, 34 degrees of frost, and little stuffy tents which gave dubious protection and inevitable headaches. It was decided that the two expert Alpine climbers, with a few picked coolies, should alone attempt the North Col, and, if fortune favoured, prospect the farther route, while the others returned to the 20,000-feet camp. We are now concerned with the doings only of Mr. Mallory and Mr. Bullock, who were to attempt the North Col. In the weeks since their arrival in the neighbourhood of Everest they had been studying its contours with the eyes of trained mountaineers. They saw that it was a great rock mass, "coated often with a thin layer of white powder, which is blown about its sides, and bearing perennial snow only on the gentler ledges and on several wide faces less steep than the rest." They saw that from the point of the North-East shoulder a more or less broad _arête_ fell northward to the snow col called the Chang La. If they could reach that snow col the road to the North-East ridge looked reasonably simple. They had seen that the Chang La would be very difficult of attainment from the Rongbuk Glacier, and that was why they had turned their minds to an eastern approach. Here is their conclusion, in Mr. Mallory's words, reached about the third week in July: "If ever the mountain were to be climbed, the way would not lie along the whole length of any one of its colossal ridges. Progress could only be made along comparatively easy ground, and anything like a prolonged sharp crest or a series of towers would inevitably bar the way, simply by the time it would require to overcome such obstacles. But the North _arête_, coming down to the gap between Everest and the North Peak, Changtse, is not of this character. From the horizontal structure of the mountain there is no excrescence of rock pinnacles in this part, and the steep walls of rock which run across the north face are merged with it before they reach this part, which is comparatively smooth and continuous, a bluntly rounded edge.... The great question before us now was to be one of access. Could the North Col be reached from the east, and how could we attain this point?" We have seen the two climbers as far on their journey as the Lhakpa La, looking over the East Rongbuk Glacier to the North Col. The chief difficulty, it was soon evident, would be the wall under the col, which must be over 500 feet high, and appeared to be very steep. On the morning of 23rd September, Mr. Mallory, Mr. Bullock, and Mr. Wheeler started from the camp on the Lhakpa La with ten coolies, some of whom were mountain-sick, and all of whom were affected by the height. They started late, and resolved to make an easy day, pitching their tents that night in the open snow under the North Col. They had looked for a sheltered camp, but the place proved to be a temple of the winds, and no one that night had much sleep. Next morning, the 24th, a few hours after sunrise, they began to climb the slopes under the wall, and found them easier than they had feared. By 11.30 the party was on the col. Only three coolies had accompanied them, two of whom were already very tired. Of the three sahibs, only Mr. Mallory was in anything like good condition. The place was scourged by icy blasts, and frequently in a whirl of powdery snow, but there could be no doubt that the _arête_ in front of them was accessible. In that gale, however, they dare not attempt it, so they struggled back to their camp below the wall. Next morning, the 25th, a council of war was held. It was clear that they must either go on or go back. In their plan they had dreamed of making a camp at 26,000 feet, but that was now out of the question. It was too late in the season, the weather was too bad, and the party was too weak. There was nothing for it but to return, and accordingly they struggled over the Lhakpa La, back to the Kharta valley and the road to England. The reconnaissance of 1921 had established certain facts of the first importance. The first was as to the proper season for the attempt. The rainfall in the Himalaya that year was abnormal, and the monsoon began and finished later than usual. But it was clear that between its end and the coming of winter there was not sufficient time to give the climbers a chance of good weather. The next attempt must obviously be made before the coming of the monsoon--that is, in May or June. The second fact established was the best way of attempting the summit. The only feasible route lay from the Chang La up the subsidiary ridge to the shoulder of the North-East _arête_. The distance from the Chang La to the top was not more than two miles, and the rise not more than 6,000 feet. So far as the climbers on the pass could judge--and their conclusion was supported by numerous photographs from other points--there seemed to be no very great difficulties on this route in the shape of steep rocks. It looked as if it might be practicable to find a site for a camp at about 26,000 feet. By this route the North-East _arête_ would be reached at about 28,000 feet. The thousand feet from that point to the summit looked slightly more difficult, and appeared to possess certain rook towers, which, however, might be circumvented. The actual top seemed to be a cap of snow with a steep blunt edge on the side of the ridge. [Illustration: The _massif_ of Mount Everest.] The transport question must always be difficult. The thousand feet from the East Bongbuk Glacier to the Chang La, half of which was very steep, might give trouble to laden coolies, especially earlier in the season when the ice was uncovered by snow. An advanced base camp on the Chang La would, of course, be essential if a high camp were to be made at 26,000 feet. But the physical problem might be regarded as solved--at any rate as far as the shoulder of the North-East _arête_. On the physiological question little light had been thrown. The climbers in September 1921 were all more or less tired from spending long periods in high camps, and could not be regarded as at the top of their form. Yet in the case of most members of the party the process of acclimatization had been rapid, and Mr. Mallory on the Chang La was remarkably fit. What would happen, however, at the higher altitudes? The effect of these upon the human body had not been decided. The conclusion from the year's work was that while no insuperable difficulty had been proved in the problem, yet for success there must be a combination of happy chances in the shape of weather, the condition of the snow, the endurance of the transport coolies, and the bodily fitness of the climbers. A second attempt would be justified, but it could not be regarded with anything like confidence. The enterprise was seriously and responsibly envisaged, and no better expression of the spirit of those who undertook it can be found than in Mr. Mallory's own words: "It might be possible for two men to struggle somehow to the summit, disregarding every other consideration. It is a different matter to climb the mountain as mountaineers would have it climbed. Principles, time-honoured in the Alpine Club, must, of course, be respected in the ascent of Mount Everest. The party must keep a margin of safety. It is not to be a mad enterprise, rashly pushed on regardless of danger. The ill-considered acceptance of any and every risk has no part in the essence of persevering courage. A mountaineering enterprise may keep sanity and sound judgment, and remain an adventure. And of all principles to which we hold, the first is that of mutual help. What is to be done for a man who is sick or abnormally exhausted at these high altitudes? His companions must see to it that he is taken down at the first opportunity, and with an adequate escort; and the obligation is the same whether he be sahib or coolie. If we ask a man to carry our loads up the mountain, we must care for his welfare at need." III The 1922 party had as its leader Brigadier-General the Hon. C. G. Bruce, the supreme authority upon the Himalaya, to the exploration of which he had devoted much of his life. He knew the hill people, too, as no other man knew them, and his advice was invaluable in the selection of porters. The climbers were Mr. Mallory, Mr. Finch (who had been selected for the expedition of the year before, but had been unable to accompany it), Mr. Norton, and Mr. Somervell--all of whom were trained mountaineers; and Captain Geoffrey Bruce, who had never done any serious climbing before. Major Morshead was also of the party. The 1921 expedition had discovered what seemed a possible route to the summit by the North Col, and the new expedition proposed to follow its tracks. It was stronger in _personnel_ than its predecessor, and much stronger in equipment, for it had learned many lessons from the experiences of the year before. Among other things, it carried a supply of oxygen in bottles, and the necessary apparatus to use it. The party, being resolved to make the attempt before the monsoon broke, made straight for the old advanced base camp in the Kharta valley. Thanks to General Bruce's consummate skill in the organization of mountain travel, it reached that point on the date fixed and with everybody in good health. The next duty was to establish an advanced camp one stage before the North Col, up to which porters could be brought without undue fatigue. The summit of the Lhakpa La was abandoned, and an advanced base, known as Camp No. 3, was established under the west side of the pass, close to the East Rongbuk Glacier. The next step was to ascertain whether the road to the North Col was practicable, for when Mr. Mallory's party had travelled it the year before there had been fresh snow, and at this early season there was a danger of bare ice. Mr. Somervell and Mr. Mallory, on 13th May, with one coolie, set forth from Camp No. 3 on a reconnaissance, and found that the route they had followed the year before was one sheet of glittering ice. They saw, however, that they could cut their way into a corridor filled with good snow, which would lead them up to the foot of the final slope, and that final slope proved also to be snow and not ice. On the North Col they found a difficulty they had not looked for. Between the point at which they reached it and Everest itself was an ice cliff, which the year before they had circumvented. Now they found their way barred by a hopeless crevasse. Ultimately they discovered a route at the far end of the ice cliff, and reached the level snow from which the north ridge of Everest springs. The next few days were occupied in bringing up supplies to Camp 4 on the North Col. They had only nine porters available, and this decided them that it would not be feasible to make two camps on the face of the mountain. They resolved to attempt to make one camp at about 26,000 feet, and from that to make their final effort. On the 19th the four climbers, Mr. Mallory, Mr. Norton, Major Morshead, and Mr. Somervell, left Camp 3 at a quarter to nine in the morning, and an hour after mid-day were busy putting up tents and arranging stores at Camp 4 on the North Col. The sun set at 4.30, and they turned in for the night in the best of spirits. On the morrow they proposed to carry up two of the small tents, two double sleeping-sacks, food for a day and a half, cooking-pots, and two thermos flasks. They would make four loads of the stuff, which would give two porters to each load, with a man to spare. On 20th May, Mr. Mallory got up at 5 a.m., and found that there was no sign of life in the tents in which the nine porters were quartered. The coolies had shut themselves in so hermetically that they were all unwell, and four of them were suffering badly from mountain-sickness. Only five were able to embark on the day's work. Breakfast was a slow business, because everything was frozen hard, and the dish of spaghetti which they had promised themselves could only be prepared after an elaborate process of thawing. A start was made at 7 a.m., and everything went smoothly at first, for ropes had been fixed between their camp and the col itself, so as to help them on their return. From the col a broad snow ridge went up at an easy angle, and all the climbers felt that bodily fitness which is the assurance of success. Then their troubles began. The first was the cold. The sun had no more warmth in it than a candle, and a bitter wind began to blow from the west. They came to an end of the ridge of stones on which they had been progressing easily, and realized that they must get some shelter from the wind by moving to the east side of the shoulder. Step-cutting was now necessary, and at that height the exertion required was extraordinarily severe. Moreover, the cold was telling upon them, and the porters especially suffered badly. After some 300 feet of steps they rested about noon under the shelter of some rocks at 25,000 feet. It seemed to them that they could not get their loads much higher, and that they had better look out for a camp, for the porters had to return to the North Col. But a camping ground was not easy to find. At last, on the east side of the ridge, they discovered a steep slab, up to which they could level the ground. It was a poor place, for the incline was sharp, most of the floor was composed of broken rocks, and men lying down would inevitably slip on top of each other. There, however, they placed the little tents, each with its double sleeping-bag, and melted snow for their makeshift supper. The porters started back for the North Col, and the climbers, two in each bed, did their best to keep warm. All four had suffered a good deal from the cold. Mr. Norton's ear was badly swollen, three of Mr. Mallory's fingers were touched with the frost, and Major Morshead was chilled to the bone and clearly unwell. The wind dropped in the evening, and during the night fresh snow fell. At 6.50 on the morning of 21st May they crawled from their sleeping-bags and made a laborious and exiguous breakfast, for only one thermos flask had turned up. At eight o'clock they started, none of them feeling their best after the stuffy, headachy night. Major Morshead was unable to go with them, for his illness had increased, and most regretfully the other three went on without him. A good deal of fresh snow had fallen, but the first hours of climbing were not very difficult. The worst trouble was the perverse stratification of the mountain, for all the ledges tilted the wrong way. Slowly they crawled up, first regaining the ridge by turning west, and then following the ridge itself in the direction of the point of the North-East _arête_. They decided that they must turn back at about two o'clock if they were to make the descent in reasonable safety. Besides, they had to consider Major Morshead left alone in Camp 5. [Illustration: The Chang La from the Lhakpa La, with Mount Everest on the left. (_By permission of the Mount Everest Committee._)] At 2.15 they reached the head of the rocks, about 500 feet below the point where the north shoulder joined the North-East _arête_. Here they had a clear view of the summit. The aneroid gave the elevation as 26,800 feet, but it is possible that it may have been nearly 200 feet more. Their advance had for some time been reduced to a very slow crawl, but none of the party were really exhausted. It was wise, however, to turn while they had sufficient strength to get back to Camp 4. They tried moving westward, where there seemed to be more snow, but they found that the snow slopes were a series of slabs with an ugly tilt under a thin covering of new snow; so they went back to the ridge and followed their old tracks. At four o'clock they reached Camp 5, and picked up Major Morshead and their tents and sleeping-bags. After that the going became more difficult, as the fresh-fallen snow had made even easy ground treacherous. One slip did occur, and the three men were held only by the rope secured round Mr. Mallory's ice axe. The descent now became a race with the fast-gathering darkness. When they got to the snow ridge they could find no trace of the steps they had made the day before, and had to cut them over again. At this point they were in sight of the watchers far below at Camp 3 on the glacier. Major Morshead was suffering severely and could only move a few steps at a time. As the night drew in, lightning began to flicker from the clouds in the west, but happily the wind did not rise. They were soon at the crevasses and the ice cliff, and, as the air was calm, it was possible to light a lantern to guide them. They hunted desperately to find the fixed rope, which would take them down to the terrace, where they could see their five tents awaiting them, but the rope was covered with snow, and at that moment the lantern gave out. Happily somebody hooked up the buried rope, and after that it was plain going to the tents. They reached them at 11.30, and could find no fuel or cooking-pots. Their mouths were parched with thirst, and the best beverage they could concoct was a mixture of jam and snow with frozen condensed milk. Mr. Mallory ascribes to the influence of this stuff "the uncontrollable shudderings, spasms of muscular contraction in belly and back, which I suffered in my sleeping-bag, and which caused me to sit up and inhale again great whiffs from the night air, as though the habit of deep breathing had settled upon me indispensably." The four men did not waste time next morning on the North Col, for they were tormented by thirst and hunger. It took them six hours to reach Camp 3, for they had to make a staircase beneath the new snow which the porters could use, in order to fetch down their baggage, since they did not intend to spend the night at Camp 3 without their sleeping-bags. At midday they were back in comparative comfort, with certain solid conclusions as the result of the venture. One was as to the difficulties of new snow and the precariousness of the weather; another was as to the unexpected capacity of the porters. But the most important was as to the need of oxygen. They had reached a point very little below 27,000 feet, and that left 2,000 feet to be surmounted before the summit was reached. For success, a higher camp was needed than Camp 5, and the men who started from it must, if possible, have an extra stimulus to counteract the malign effects of altitude. If Everest chose to clothe itself with air containing less oxygen than a man needed, the defect must be supplied. If a climber used extra clothes to counteract the cold, he must use some extra device to supplement the atmosphere. IV We come now to the second attempt of 1922, in which oxygen was used. Certain eminent scientists at home had held that Everest could never be conquered without its aid, and the expedition had brought a very full equipment--oxygen stored in light steel cylinders, and a somewhat complex apparatus for its use. There had been oxygen drill parades among the party, and perhaps it might have been well had they used it straight away for one main attempt, instead of making the first effort without it. Unfortunately the apparatus needed overhauling, and it was not till 22nd May, when Mr. Mallory and his party were coming down from the mountain, that four sets were ready for use. As to the legitimacy of such a device in mountaineering, Mr. Finch's arguments are final. "Few of us, I think, who stop to ponder for a brief second, will deny that our very existence in this enlightened twentieth century, with all its amenities of modern civilization is ... 'artificial.' Most of us have learned to respect progress, and to appreciate the meaning and advantages of adaptability. For instance, it is a fairly firmly established fact that warmth is necessary to life. The mountaineer, acting on this knowledge, conserves, as far as possible, his animal heat by wearing especially warm clothing. No one demurs; it is the commonsense thing to do. He pours his hot tea from a thermos bottle--and never blushes! Nonchalantly, without fear of adverse criticism, he doctors up his insides with special heat- and energy-giving foods and stimulants! From the sun's ultra-violet rays and the wind's bitter cold he boldly dares to protect his eyes with Crookes' anti-glare glasses. Further, he wears boots that to the average layman look ridiculous! The use of caffeine, to supply just a little more buck to an almost worn-out frame, is not cavilled at, despite its being a synthetic drug, the manufacture of which involves the employment of complicated plant and methods. If science could prepare oxygen in tabloid form, or supply it to us in thermos flasks that we might imbibe it like our hot tea, the stigma of 'artificiality' would, perhaps, be effectually removed. But when it has to be carried in special containers, its whole essence is held to be altered, and, by using it, the mountaineer is taking a sneaking, unfair advantage of the mountain! In answer to this grave charge, I would remind the accuser that, by the inhalation of a little life-giving gas, the climber does not smooth away the rough rocks of the mountain, or still the storm; nor is he an Aladdin who, by a rub on a magic ring, is wafted by invisible agents to his goal. Oxygen renders available more of his store of energy, and so hastens his steps, but it does not, alas! fit the wings of Mercury to his feet. The logic of the anti-oxygenist is surely faulty." On 20th May, Mr. Finch and Captain Geoffrey Bruce arrived at Camp 3, accompanied by Tejbir, one of the four Gurkha non-commissioned officers lent to the expedition. There they found the oxygen apparatus in bad condition, and had to tinker at it for four days. During this period they made a trial trip to Camp 4 on the North Col, using oxygen. A good deal of new step-cutting had to be done, for fresh snow had fallen, but in spite of that, the oxygen enabled them to get to the col in three hours and to return in fifty minutes, with halts to take three dozen photographs. On 24th May, Mr. Finch, Captain Bruce, Captain Noel, the official photographer, and Tejbir, with twelve porters, went up to the North Col and camped for the night. Next morning, the 25th, brought a clear, windy sky, and at eight o'clock the twelve porters, with the camp outfit, provisions for one day, and the oxygen cylinders, started up the North ridge, followed an hour and a half later by Mr. Finch, Captain Bruce, and Tejbir, each carrying a load of over thirty pounds. All fifteen used oxygen. It was their intention to make a camp above 26,000 feet; but after one o'clock the wind freshened and snow began, so it was deemed advisable, in order to ensure the safe return of the porters to the North Col, to camp at 25,500 feet. The camping place was no better than that which Mr. Mallory had found; the place was on the actual crest of the ridge, for the west side was scourged by wind, and there was no good position on the east side. The tent was pitched on a little platform on the edge of precipices falling to the East Rongbuk Glacier, 4,000 feet below. The tent was secured as well as possible by guy-ropes; but when the climbers got into their sleeping-bags it was both blowing and snowing hard, and minute flakes filled the tent. Snow was melted, and a tepid meal was cooked--a really warm meal was out of the question, for at that altitude water boils at so low a temperature that a man can hold his hand in it without discomfort. As the night closed in, the two climbers comforted themselves with the assurance that next day they would get to the top. But after sunset the wind increased to a gale so furious that even the ground sheet with the three men lying on it was lifted completely off the earth. They blocked up the small openings as well as they could, but before midnight everything inside was covered with spindrift. It was impossible to sleep. They had to be constantly on the watch to prevent the flaps being torn open and to hold the tent down; for they realized that if once the gale got hold of their shelter the whole outfit would be blown on to the glacier below. Few adventurers have ever spent a more awful night. Tejbir had all the placidity of his race, and Captain Bruce, who was making his first serious mountaineering expedition on the highest of the world's mountains, was as cheerful as if he had been sleeping in an ordinary Alpine _cabane_. Here is Mr. Finch's own description:-- "By one o'clock on the morning of the 26th the gale reached its maximum. The wild flapping of the canvas made a noise like that of machine-gun fire. So deafening was it that we could scarcely hear each other speak. Later there came interludes of comparative lull, succeeded by bursts of storm more furious than ever. During such lulls we took it in turn to go outside to tighten up slackened guy-ropes, and also succeeded in tying down the tent more firmly with our Alpine rope. It was impossible to work in the open for more than three or four minutes at a stretch, so profound was the exhaustion induced by this brief exposure to the fierce cold wind." Morning broke with no lull in the violence of the elements. They prepared a make-shift meal, and spent the forenoon hours in desperate anxiety. At midday the storm seemed to reach the summit of its fury, and matters were made more awkward by a stone cutting a great hole in the tent. Mercifully an hour later the wind suddenly dropped, and the anxious occupants of the tent could prospect the weather. The sensible thing would have been to make a retreat to the North Col, but there was no thought of giving up. The party were unanimous in resolving to hang on and make the attempt the following day. With the last of their fuel they cooked supper--a frugal meal, for, since they had only carried provisions for one day, they were now on very short rations. As they settled down for the night voices were heard outside, and the porters from the North Col appeared, bringing thermos flasks of hot beef-tea and tea, sent by Captain Noel. In a little more comfort they tried to sleep. All three, however, were strained and weak from their labours of the past twenty-four hours, and they felt a numbing cold creeping up their limbs. Mr. Finch had the happy inspiration to use oxygen, and so arranged the apparatus that each could breathe a small quantity throughout the night. "The result was marvellous. We slept well and warmly. Whenever the tube delivering the gas fell out of Bruce's mouth as he slept, I could see him stir uneasily in the eerie greenish light of the moon as it filtered through the canvas. Then, half unconsciously replacing the tube, he would fall once more into a peaceful slumber." Next morning, the 27th, they woke well and hungry, and after a struggle with their boots, which were frozen stiff, started off at 6.30, Captain Bruce and Mr. Finch carrying each over forty pounds, and Tejbir some fifty pounds. Their plan was to take Tejbir as far as the North-East shoulder, and there to relieve him of his load and send him back. It was cold clear weather, and the wind was not too strong. Presently, however, it began to freshen, and after they had gained a few hundred feet it was Tejbir who showed the first signs of weakness. He collapsed entirely, and had to be relieved of his cylinders and sent back. The height was about 26,000 feet, the highest point which any native had yet reached. In order to move more quickly, Mr. Finch and Captain Bruce dispensed with the rope. The rocks were quite easy, and at 26,500 feet they had passed two admirable sites for a camp. But the wind was steadily increasing in force, and they were compelled to leave the ridge and traverse out across the great north face. This was bad luck, for the ridge was easy climbing and the face was not. The stratification of the rocks was most awkward, and it was hard to find any good footholds. The climbers were unroped, and it was a severe test of Captain Bruce, who had had no mountaineering experience to give him confidence. Sometimes they were on treacherous slopes, sometimes on more treacherous snow, and they often had to cross heaps of scree that moved with every step. They stopped occasionally to replace an empty cylinder of oxygen with a new one, each of which meant five pounds off their load. Presently the aneroid gave their height as 27,000 feet. They now ceased traversing, and began to climb straight upward to a point on the North-East ridge, half way between the shoulder and the summit. Soon they were at 27,300 feet, and the top of Everest was the only mountain they could see without looking down. The peaks which had seemed so formidable from the glacier had now sunk into insignificant humps. They were 1,700 feet below the summit, well within half a mile of it, and they could distinguish stones and a patch of scree just under its highest point. But it was very clear that they could go no farther. Weak with hunger and the anxiety and labours of the past forty-eight hours, it was plain to Mr. Finch that if they went on even for another 500 feet they would not both get back alive. Like wise and brave men they decided to retreat. It was now about midday, and for greater safety they roped together. At first they followed their old tracks, and then moved towards the North ridge at a point higher than where they had left it. They reached the ridge at two o'clock, and there reduced their burden by dumping four oxygen cylinders at a place to which future climbers could be directed. The weather was getting worse. A violent wind from the west was bringing up mist, but happily there was no snow. Half an hour later they reached their camp of the night before, where they found Tejbir sound asleep, wrapped up in all the three sleeping-bags. The porters from the North Col were a mile below, and Tejbir was instructed to go down with them. The rest of the descent was a nightmare. The knees of the climbers knocked together, and their limbs did not seem to respond to the direction of the brain. Often they staggered and slipped, and often they were forced to sit down. But at four o'clock in the afternoon they reached the North Col. Happily they still felt famished; they had not yet reached the limit of a man's strength when hunger vanishes. At the North Col they had hot tea and spaghetti, and three-quarters of an hour later they started off for Camp 3 in the company of Captain Noel. The journey was made in record time--forty minutes--and at 5.30 they had reached Camp 3, having descended since midday 6,000 feet. That evening made amends for the long hours of famine. "Four whole quails, truffled in _paté de foie gras_, followed by nine sausages, left me asking for more. The last I remember of that long day was going to sleep, warm in the depths of our wonderful sleeping-bag, with the remains of a tin of toffee tucked away in the crook of my elbow." Captain Brace's feet were badly frost-bitten, but Mr. Finch had come off scot-free, which was neither more nor less than a physical miracle. As Captain Bruce, on the way down to the base camp, turned to take his last close view of Everest, his farewell was: "Just you wait, old thing. You will be for it soon." It was the logical conclusion. He and Mr. Finch had got to 27,300 feet after exertions and deprivations which might well have unfitted a man for the ascent of the Rigi. These misfortunes were accidental and not inevitable. The value--the superlative value--of oxygen had been abundantly proved. It may be fairly said that the 1922 expedition, though it had not set foot on the summit, had solved the secret of Everest. The mountain could almost certainly be climbed, provided a little luck attended the climbers. Now that the quality of the native porters has been proved, there seems no reason why, with the help of oxygen, a sixth camp could not be arranged on one of the flat places under 27,000 feet which Mr. Finch noted. A night in such a camp would be no more trying than a night at 25,000 feet. If the climbers, starting from 27,000 feet, and, after a good night, fell in with reasonable weather, there seems little doubt that the remaining 2,000 feet could be ascended and the peak conquered, with a good prospect of a safe return on the same day to the North Col. There remains, of course, the possibility of physical breakdown, such as happened to Major Morshead and Tejbir. But against this may be set the fact that Mr. Mallory, Mr. Somervell, Mr. Norton, Mr. Finch, and Captain Bruce, at great altitudes and after severe physical labour, were not specially distressed, and suffered no bad effects afterwards. The conquest of Everest will always remain one of the most difficult adventures which man can undertake. But it is a reasonable adventure, and not a piece of crazy foolhardiness, which could only succeed by the help of the one chance in a million. The two reconnaissance expeditions have shown that for its achievement every available human resource is necessary. But granted the utilization of these resources, and the possibility, which our familiarity with the lower slopes may soon permit, of waiting upon a spell of kindly weather, the ultimate conquest would seem to be assured. The secret of Everest has been solved. We know now that there is a way to the top, and we know what that way is.* * The narratives on which the above account is based will be found in _Mount Everest: The Reconnaissance_ (Edwin Arnold, 1921), and the papers by Mr. Mallory and Mr. Finch in the _Alpine Journal_ of November, 1922. THE END. PRINTED IN GREAT BRITAIN AT THE PRESS OF THE PUBLISHERS.
12693 ---- Proofreading Team from images generously made available by the Canadian Institute for Historical Microreproductions ** Transcriber's Notes ** The printed edition from which this e-text has been produced retains the spelling and abbreviations of Hakluyt's 16th-century original. In this version, the spelling has been retained, but the following manuscript abbreviations have been silently expanded: - vowels with macrons = vowel + 'n' or 'm' - q; = -que (in the Latin) - y'e = the; y't = that; w't = with This edition contains footnotes and two types of sidenotes. Most footnotes are added by the editor. They follow modern (19th-century) spelling conventions. Those that don't are Hakluyt's (and are not always systematically marked as such by the editor). The sidenotes are Hakluyt's own. Summarizing sidenotes are labelled [Sidenote: ] and placed before the sentence to which they apply. Sidenotes that are keyed with a symbol are labeled [Marginal note: ] and placed at the point of the symbol, except in poetry, where they are placed at a convenient point. Additional notes on corrections, etc. are signed 'KTH' ** End Transcriber's Notes ** THE PRINCIPAL NAVIGATIONS, VOYAGES, TRAFFIQUES AND DISCOVERIES OF THE ENGLISH NATION, VOLUME XI AFRICA Collected by RICHARD HAKLUYT, PREACHER. AND Edited by EDMUND GOLDSMID, F.R.H.S. Nauigations, Voyages, Traffiques, and Discoueries OF THE ENGLISH NATION IN AFRICA. * * * * * The voyage of Henrie Eatle of Derbie, after Duke of Hereford, and lastly Henry the fourth King of England, to Tunis in Barbarie, with an army of Englishmen mitten by Polidore Virgill. pag. 1389. Franci interim per inducias nacti ocium, ac simul Genuensium precibus defatigati, bellum in Afros, qui omnem oram insulásque Italiae latiocinijs infestas reddebant, suscipiunt. Richardus quoque rex Angliæ rogatus auxilium, mittit Henricum comitem Derbiensem cum electa Anglicæ pubis manu ad id bellum faciendum. Igitur Franci Anglíque viribus et animis consociatis in Africam traijciunt, qui vbi littus attigere, eatenus à Barbaris descensione prohibiti sunt, quoad Anglorum sagittariorum virtute factum est, vt aditus pateret: in terram egressi recta Tunetam vrbem regiam petunt, ac obsident. Barbari timore affecti de pace ad eos legates mittunt, quam nostris dare placuit, vt soluta certa pecuniae summa ab omni deinceps Italiae, Galliaeque ora mamis abstinerent. Ita peractis rebus post paucos menses, quàm eo itum erat, domum repediatum est. The same in English. The French in the meane season hauing gotten some leasure by meanes of their truce, and being sollicited and vrged by the intreaties of the Genuois vndertooke to wage warre against the Moores, who robbed and spoyled all the coasts of Italy, and of the Ilandes adiacent. Likewise Richard the second, king of England, being sued vnto for ayde, sent Henry the Earle of Derbie with a choice armie of English souldiers vnto the same warfare. Wherefore the English and French, with forces and mindes vnited, sayled ouer into Africa, who when they approached vnto the shore were repelled by the Barbarians from landing, vntill such time as they had passage made them by the valour of the English archers. Thus hauing landed their forces, they foorthwith marched vnto the royall citie of Tunis, and besieged it. Whereat the Barbarians being dismayed, sent Ambassadours vnto our Christian Chieftaines to treat of peace, which our men graunted vnto them, vpon condition that they should pay a certaine summe of money, and that they should from thencefoorth abstaine from piracies vpon all the coasts of Italy and France. And so hauing dispatched their businesse, within a fewe moneths after their departure they returned home. This Historie is somewhat otherwise recorded by Froysard and Holenshed in manner following, pag 473. In the thirteenth yeere of the reigne of King Richard the second, the Christians tooke in hand a iourney against the Saracens of Barbarie through sute of the Genouois, so that there went a great number of Lords, Knights, and Gentlemen of France and England, the Duke of Burbon being their Generall. Out of England there went Iohn de Beaufort bastarde sonne to the Duke of Lancaster (as Froysard hath noted) also Sir Iohn Russell, Sir Iohn Butler, Sir Iohn Harecourt and others. They set forwarde in the latter ende of the thirteenth yeere of the Kings reigne, and came to Genoa, where they remayned not verie long, but that the gallies and other vessels of the Genouois were ready to passe them ouer into Barbarie. And so about midsomer in the begining of the foureteenth yere of this kings reigne the whole army being embarked, sailed forth to the coast of Barbary, where neere to the city of Africa they landed: [Sidenote: The Chronicles of Genoa] at which instant the English archers (as the Chronicles of Genoa write) stood all the company in good stead with their long bowes, beating backe the enemies from the shore, which came downe to resist their landing. After they had got to land, they inuironed the city of Africa (called by the Moores Mahdia) with a strong siege: but at length, constrained with the intemperancy of the scalding ayre in that hot countrey, breeding in the army sundry diseases, they fell to a composition vpon certaine articles to be performed in the behalfe of the Saracens: and so 61 dayes after their arriuall there they tooke the seas againe, and returned home, as in the histories of France and Genoa is likewise expressed. Where, by Polidore Virgil it may seeme, that the lord Henry of Lancaster earle of Derbie should be generall of the English men, that (as before you heard) went into Barbary with the French men and Genouois. * * * * * The memorable victories in diuers parts of Italie of Iohn Hawkwood English man in the reigne of Richard the second, briefly recorded by M. Camden. Ad alteram ripam fluuij Colne oppositus est Sibble Heningham, locus natalis, vt accepi, Ioannis Hawkwoodi (Itali Aucuthum corruptè vocant) quem illi tantopere ob virtutem militarem suspexerunt, vt Senatus Florentinus propter insignia merita equestri statua et tumuli honore in eximiæ fortitudinis, fideíque testimonium ornauit. Res eius gestas Itali pleno ore prædicant; Et Paulus Iouius in elogijs celebrat: sat mihi sit Iulij Feroldi tetrastichon adijcere. Hawkoode Angloram decus, et decus addite genti Italicæ, Italico presidiúmque solo, Vt tumuli quondam Florentia, sic simulachri Virtutem Ionius donat honore tuam. William Thomas in his Historie of the common wealthes of Italy, maketh honorable mention of him twise, to wit, in the commonwealth of Florentia and Ferrara. * * * * * The Epitaph of the valiant Esquire M. Peter Read in the south Ile of Saint Peters Church in the citie of Norwich, which was knighted by Charles the fift at the winning of Tunis in the yeere of our Lord 1538. Here vnder lieth the corpes of Peter Reade Esquire, who hath worthily serued, not onely his Prince and Countrey, but also the Emperour Charles the fift, both at his conquest of Barbarie, and at his siege at Tunis, and also in other places. Who had giuen him by the sayd Emperour for his valiant deedes the order of Barbary. Who dyed the 29 day of December, in the yeere of our Lord God 1566. * * * * * The voyage of Sir Thomas Chaloner to Alger with Charles the fift 1541, drawen out of his booke De Republica instauranda. Thomas Chalonerus patria Londinensis, studio Cantabrigensis, educatione aulicus, religione pius, veréque Christianus fuit. Itaque cum iuuenilem ætatem, mentémque suam humanioribus studijs roborasset, Domino Henrico Kneuetto à potentissimo rege Henrico eius nominis octauo ad Carolum quintum imperatorem transmisso legato, vnà cum illo profectus est, tanquam familiaris amicus, vel eidem, à consilijs. Quo quidem tempore Carolo quinto nauali certamine à Genua et Corsica in Algyram in Africa contra Turcas classem soluente ac hostiliter proficiscente, ornatissimo illo Kneuetto legato regis, Thoma Chalonero, Henrico Knolleo, et Henrico Isamo, illustribus viris eundem in illa expeditione suapte sponte sequentibus, paritérque militantibus, mirifice vitam suam Chalonerus tutatus est. Nam triremi illa, in qua fuerat, vel scopulis allisa, vel grauissimis pro cellis conquassata, naufragus cum se diù natatu defendisset, deficientibus viribus, brachijs manibusque languidis ac quasi eneruatis, prehensa dentibus cum maxima difficultate rudenti, quæ ex altera triremi iam propinqua tum fuerat eiecta, non sine dentium aliquorum iactura sese tandem recuperauit, ac domum integer relapsus est. The same in English. Thomas Chaloner was by birth a Londiner, by studie a Cantabrigian, by education a Courtier, by religion a deuout and true Christian. Therefore after he had confirmed his youth and minde in the studies of good learning, when Sir Henry Kneuet was sent ambassadour from the mighty Prince Henry the 8. to the Emperour Charles the fift, he went with him as his familiar friend, or as one of his Councell. At which time the said Charles the 5. passing ouer from Genoa and Corsica to Alger in Africa in warlike sort, with a mighty army by sea, that honourable Kneuet the kings ambassadour, Thomas Chaloner, Henry Knolles, and Henry Isham, right worthy persons, of their owne accord accompanied him in that expedition, and serued him in that warre, wherin Thomas Chaloner escaped most wonderfully with his life. For the galley wherein he was, being either dashed against the rockes, or shaken with mighty stormes, and so cast away, after he had saued himselfe a long while by swimming, when his strength failed him, his armes and hands being faint and weary, with great difficulty laying hold with his teeth on a cable, which was cast out of the next gally, not without breaking and losse of certaine of his teeth, at length recouered himselfe, and returned home into his countrey in safety. * * * * * The woorthy enterprise of Iohn Foxe an Englishman in deliuering 266. Christians out of the captiuitie of the Turkes at Alexandria, the 3 of Ianuarie 1577. Among our Merchants here in England, it is a common voiage to traffike into Spaine: whereunto a ship, being called The three halfe Moones, manned with 38. men, and well fensed with munitions, the better to encounter their enemies withall, and hauing wind and tide, set from Portsmouth, 1563. and bended her iourney toward Siuill a citie in Spaine, intending there to traffique with them. [Sidenote: Iohn Foxe taken 1563.] And felling neere the Streights, they perceiued themselues to be beset round with eight gallies of the Turkes, in such wise, that there was no way for them to flie or escape away, but that either they must yeeld or els be sunke. Which the owner perceiuing, manfully encouraged his company, exhorting them valiantly to shew their manhood, shewing them that God was their God, and not their enemies, requesting them also not to faint in seeing such a heape of their enemies ready to deuour them; putting them in mind also, that if it were Gods pleasure to giue them into their enemies hands, it was not they that ought to shew one displeasant looke or countenance there against; but to take it patiently, and not to prescribe a day and time for their deliuerance, as the citizens of Bethulia did, but to put themselues vnder his mercy. And againe, if it were his mind and good will to shew his mighty power by them, if their enemies were ten times so many, they were not able to stand in their hands; putting them likewise in mind of the old and ancient woorthinesse of their countreymen, who in the hardest extremities haue alwayes most preuailed and gone away conquerors, yea, and where it hath bene almost impossible. Such (quoth he) hath bene the valiantnesse of our countreymen, and such hath bene the mightie power of our God. With other like incouragements, exhorting them to behaue themselues manfully, they fell all on their knees making their prayers briefly vnto God: who being all risen vp againe perceiued their enemies by their signes and defiances bent to the spoyle, whose mercy was nothing els but crueltie, whereupon euery man tooke him to his weapon. Then stood vp one Groue the master, being a comely man, with his sword and target, holding them vp in defiance agaynst his enemies. So likewise stood vp the Owner, the Masters mate, Boateswaine, Purser, and euery man well appointed. Nowe likewise sounded vp the drums, trumpets and flutes, which would haue encouraged any man, had he neuer so litle heart or courage in him. Then taketh him to his charge Iohn Foxe the gunner in the disposing of his pieces in order to the best effect, and sending his bullets towards the Turkes, who likewise bestowed their pieces thrise as fast toward the Christians. But shortly they drew neere, so that the bowmen fel to their charge in sending forth their arrowes so thicke amongst the Gallies, and also in doubling their shot so sore vpon the gallies, that there was twise so many of the Turkes slaine, as the number of the Christians were in all. But the Turks discharged twise as fast against the Christians, and so long, that the ship was very sore stricken and bruised vnder water. Which the Turkes perceiuing, made the more haste to come aboord the Shippe: which ere they could doe, many a Turke bought it deerely with the losse of their liues. Yet was all in vaine, and boorded they were, where they found so hote a skirmish, that it had bene better they had not medled with the feast. For the Englishmen shewed themselues men in deed, in working manfully with their browne bils and halbardes: where the owner, master, boateswaine, and their company stoode to it so lustily, that the Turkes were halfe dismaied. [Sidenote: The valour and death of their Boatswaine.] But chiefly the boateswaine shewed himself valiant aboue the rest: for he fared amongst the Turkes like a wood Lion: for there was none of them that either could or durst stand in his face, till at the last there came a shot from the Turkes, which brake his whistle asunder, and smote him on the brest, so that he fell downe, bidding them farewell, and to be of good comfort, encouraging them likewise to winne praise by death, rather then to liue captiues in misery and shame. Which they hearing, in deed intended to haue done, as it appeared by their skirmish: but the prease and store of the Turkes was so great, that they were not able long to endure, but were so ouerpressed, that they could not wield their weapons: by reason whereof, they must needs be taken, which none of them intended to haue bene, but rather to haue died: except onely the masters mate, who shrunke from the skirmish, like a notable coward, esteeming neither the valure of his name, nor accounting of the present example of his fellowes, nor hauing respect to the miseries, whereunto he should be put. But in fine, so it was, that the Turks were victors, whereof they had no great cause to reioyce, or triumph. Then would it haue grieued any hard heart to see these Infidels so violently intreating the Christians, not hauing any respect of their manhood which they had tasted of, nor yet respecting their owne state, how they might haue met with such a bootie, as might haue giuen them the ouerthrow; but no remorse hereof, or any thing els doth bridle their fierce and tirannous dealing, but that the Christians must needs to the gallies, to serue in new offices: and they were no sooner in them, but their garments were pulled ouer their eares, and torne from their backes, and they set to the oares. I will make no mention of their miseries, being now vnder their enemies raging stripes. I thinke there is no man wil iudge their fare good, or their bodies vnloden of stripes, and not pestered with too much heate, and also with too much cold: but I will goe to my purpose, which is, to shew the ende of those, being in meere miserie, which continually doe call on God with a steadfast hope that he will deliuer them, and with a sure faith that he can doe it. Nigh to the citie of Alexandria, being a hauen towne, and vnder the dominion of the Turkes, there is a roade, being made very fensible with strong wals, whereinto the Turkes doe customably bring their gallies on shoare euery yeere, in the winter season, and there doe trimme them, and lay them vp against the spring time. In which road there is a prison, wherein the captiues and such prisoners as serue in the gallies, are put for all that time, vntill the seas be calme and passable for the gallies, euery prisoner being most grieuously laden with irons on their legges, to their great paine, and sore disabling of them to any labour taking. [Sidenote: The Englishmen carried prisoners vnto an Hauen nere Alexandria.] Into which prison were these Christians put, and fast warded all the Winter season. But ere it was long, the Master and the Owner, by meanes of friends, were redeemed: the rest abiding still by the miserie, while that they were all (through reason of their ill vsage and worse fare, miserably starued) sauing one Iohn Fox, who (as some men can abide harder and more miserie, then other some can, so can some likewise make more shift, and worke more deuises to helpe their state and liuing, then other some can doe) being somewhat skilfull in the craft of a Barbour, by reason thereof made great shift in helping his fare now and then with a good meale. Insomuch, til at the last, God sent him fauour in the sight of the keeper of the prison, so that he had leaue to goe in and out to the road, at his pleasure, paying a certaine stipend vnto the keeper, and wearing a locke about his leg: which libertie likewise, sixe more had vpon like sufferance: who by reason of their long imprisonment, not being feared or suspected to start aside, or that they would worke the Turkes any mischiefe, had libertie to go in and out at the sayd road, in such maner, as this Iohn Fox did, with irons on their legs, and to returne againe at night. In the yeere of our Lord 1577. in the Winter season, the gallies happily comming to their accustomed harborow, and being discharged of all their mastes, sailes, and other such furnitures, as vnto gallies doe appertaine, and all the Masters and mariners of them being then nested in their owne homes: there remained in the prison of the said road two hundred threescore and eight Christian prisoners, who had bene taken by the Turks force, and were of sixteen sundry nations. Among which there were three Englishmen, whereof one was named Iohn Foxe of Woodbridge in Suffolke, the other William Wickney of Portsmouth, in the Countie of Southampton, and the third Robert Moore of Harwich in the Countie of Essex. Which Iohn Fox hauing bene thirteene or fourteene yeres vnder their gentle entreatance, and being too too weary thereof, minding his escape, weighed with himselfe by what meanes it might be brought to passe: and continually pondering with himself thereof, tooke a good heart vnto him, in hope that God would not be alwayes scourging his children, and neuer ceassed to pray him to further his pretended enterprise, if that it should redound to his glory. Not farre from the road, and somewhat from thence, at one side of the Citie, there was a certaine victualling house, which one Peter Vnticaro had hired, paying also a certaine fee vnto the keeper of the road. This Peter Vnticaro was a Spaniard borne, and a Christian, and had bene prisoner about thirtie yeeres, and neuer practised any meanes to escape, but kept himselfe quiet without touch or suspect of any conspiracie: vntill that nowe this John Foxe vsing much thither, they brake one to another their mindes, concerning the restraint of their libertie and imprisonment. So that this Iohn Fox at length opening vnto this Vnticaro the deuise which he would faine put in practise, made priuie one more to this their intent. Which three debated of this matter at such times as they could compasse to meete together: insomuch, that at seuen weekes ende they had sufficiently concluded how the matter should be, if it pleased God to farther them thereto: who making fiue more priuie to this their deuise, whom they thought they might safely trust, determined in three nights after to accomplish their deliberate purpose. Whereupon the same Iohn Fox, and Peter Vnticaro, and the other sixe appointed to meete all together in the prison the next day, being the last day of December: where this Iohn Fox certified the rest of the prisoners, what their intent and deuise was, and how and when they minded to bring their purpose to passe: who thereunto perswaded them without much a doe to further their deuise. Which the same Iohn Fox seeing, deliuered vnto them a sort of files, which he had gathered together for this purpose, by the meanes of Peter Vnticaro, charging them that euery man should be readie discharged of his yrons by eight of the clocke on the the next day at night. [Sidenote: Januarie.] On the next day at night, this said Iohn Fox, and his sixe other companions, being all come to the house of Peter Vnticaro, passing the time away in mirth for feare of suspect, till the night came on, so that it was time for them to put in practise their deuise, sent Peter Vnticaro to the master of the roade, in the name of one of the Masters of the citie, with whom this keeper was acquainted, and at whose request he also would come at the first: who desired him to take the paines to meete him there, promising him, that he would bring him backe againe. The keeper agreed to goe with him, willing the warders not to barre the gate, saying, that he would not stay long, but would come againe with all speede. In the meane season, the other seuen had prouided them of such weapons, as they could get in that house: and Iohn Fox tooke him to an olde rustie sword blade, without either hilt or pomell, which he made to serue his turne, in bending the hand ende of the sword, in steed of a pomell, and the other had got such spits and glaiues as they found in the house. The keeper now being come vnto the house, and perceiuing no light, nor hearing any noyse, straight way suspected the matter: and returning backward, Iohn Fox standing behind the corner of the house, stepped foorth vnto him: who perceiuing it to be Iohn Fox, saide, O Fox, what haue I deserued of thee, that thou shouldest seeke my death? Thou villaine (quoth Fox) hast bene a bloodsucker of many a Christians blood, and now thou shalt know what thou hast deserued at my handes: wherewith he lift vp his bright shining sword of tenne yeeres rust, and stroke him so maine a blowe, as therewithall his head claue a sunder, so that he fell starke dead to the ground. Whereupon Peter Vnticaro went in, and certified the rest how the case stood with the keeper: who came presently foorth, and some with their spits ranne him through, and the other with their glaiues hewed him in sunder, cut off his head, and mangled him so, that no man should discerne what he was. Then marched they toward the roade, whereinto they entered softly, where were six warders, whom one of them asked, saying, who was there? quoth Fox and his company, all friendes. Which when they were all within, proued contrary: for, quoth Fox, my masters, here is not to euery man a man, wherefore looke you play your parts. Who so behaued themselues in deede, that they had dispatched these sixe quickly. Then Iohn Fox intending not to be barred of his enterprise, and minding to worke surely in that which he went about, barred the gate surely, and planted a Canon against it. Then entred they into the Gailers lodge, where they found the keyes of the fortresse and prison by his bed side, and there had they all better weapons. In this chamber was a chest, wherein was a rich treasure, and all in duckats, which this Peter Vnticaro, and two more, opening, staffed themselues so full as they could, betweene their shirts and their skinne: which Iohn Fox would not once touch, and sayde, that it was his and their libertie which he sought for, to the honour of his God, and not to make a marte of the wicked treasure of the Infidels. Yet did these words sinke nothing into their stomakes, they did it for a good intent: so did Saul saue the fattest Oxen, to offer vnto the Lord, and they to serue their owne turnes. But neither did Saul scape the wrath of God therefore, neither had these that thing which they desired so, and did thirst after. Such is Gods iustice. He that they put their trust in, to deliuer them from the tyrannous hands of their enemies, he (I say) could supply their want of necessaries. Nowe these eight being armed with such weapons as they thought well of, thinking themselues sufficient champions to encounter a stronger enemie, and coming vnto the prison, Fox opened the gates and doores thereof, and called forth all the prisoners, whom he set, some to ramming vp the gate, some to the dressing vp of a certaine gallie, which was the best in all the roade, and was called the captaine of Alexandria, whereinto some caried mastes, sailes, oares, and other such furniture as doth belong vnto a gallie. At the prison were certaine warders, whom Iohn Fox and his companie slewe: in the killing of whom, there were eight more of the Turkes, which perceiued them, and got them to the toppe of the prison: vnto whom Iohn Fox, and his company, were faine to come by ladders, where they found a hot skirmish. For some of them were there slaine, some wounded, and some but scarred, and not hurt. As Iohn Fox was thrise shot through his apparell, and not hurt. Peter Vnticaro, and the other two, that had armed them with the duckats, were slaine, as not able to weild themselues, being so pestered with the weight and vneasie carying of the wicked and prophane treasure: and also diuerse Christians were aswell hurt about that skirmish, as Turkes slaine. Amongst the Turkes was one thrust thorowe, who (let vs not say that it was ill fortune) fell off from the toppe of the prison wall, and made such a lowing, that the inhabitants thereabout (as here and there scattering stoode a house or two) came and dawed [Footnote: To awaken: here to bring back to his senses. I know of no other instance where it bears just this meaning. "The other side from whence the morning daws." (_Polyolbion X._)] him, so that they vnderstood the case, how that the prisoners were paying their ransomes: wherewith they raised both Alexandria which lay on the west side of the roade, and a Castle which was at the Cities end, next to the roade, and also an other Fortresse which lay on the Northside of the roade: so that nowe they had no way to escape, but one, which by mans reason (the two holdes lying so vpon the mouth of the roade) might seeme impossible to be a way for them. So was the red sea impossible for the Israelites to passe through, the hils and rockes lay so on the one side, and their enemies compassed on the other. So was it impossible, that the wals of Iericho should fall downe, being neither vndermined, nor yet rammed at with engines, nor yet any mans wisedome, pollicie, or helpe set or put thereunto. Such impossibilities can our God make possible. He that helde the Lyons iawes from renting Daniel asunder, yea, or yet from once touching him to his hurt: can not he hold the roring cannons of this hellish force? He that kept the fiers rage in the hot burning Ouen, from the three children, that praised his name, can not he keepe the fiers flaming blastes from among his elect? Now is the road fraught with lustie souldiers, laborers, and mariners, who are faine to stand to their tackling, in setting to euery man his hand, some to the carying in of victuals, some munitions, some oares, and some one thing, some another, but most are keeping their enemie from the wall of the road. But to be short, there was no time mispent, no man idle, nor any mans labour ill bestowed, or in vaine. So that in short time, this gally was ready trimmed vp. Whereinto euery man leaped in all haste, hoyssing vp the sayles lustily, yeelding themselues to his mercie and grace, in whose hands are both winde and weather. Now is this gally on flote, and out of the safetie of the roade: now haue the two Castles full power vpon the gally, now is there no remedy but to sinke: how can it be auoided? The canons let flie from both sides, and the gally is euen in the middest, and betweene them both. What man can deuise to saue it? there is no man, but would thinke it must needes be sunke. There was not one of them that feared the shotte, which went thundring round about their eares, nor yet were once scarred or touched, with fiue and forty shot, which came from the Castles. Here did God hold foorth his buckler, he shieldeth now this gally, and hath tried their faith to the vttermost. Now commeth his speciall helpe: yea, euen when man thinks them past all helpe then commeth he himselfe downe from heauen with his mightie power, then is his present remedie most readie prest. For they saile away, being not once touched with the glaunce of a shot, and are quickly out of the Turkish canons reach. Then might they see them comming downe by heapes to the water side, in companies like vnto swarmes of bees, making shew to come after them with gallies, in bustling themselues to dresse vp the gallies, which would be a swift peece of worke for them to doe, for that they had neither oares, mastes, sailes, gables, nor any thing else ready in any gally. But yet they are carrying them into them, some into one gally, and some into another, so that, being such a confusion amongst them, without any certaine guide, it were a thing impossible to ouertake them: beside that, there was no man that would take charge of a gally, the weather was so rough, and there was such an amasednes amongst them. And verely I thinke their God was amased thereat: it could not be but he must blush for shame, he can speake neuer a word for dulnes, much lease can he helpe them in such an extremitie. Well, howsoeuer it is, he is very much to blame, to suffer them to receiue such a gibe. But howsoeuer their God behaued himselfe, our God shewed himselfe a God indeede, and that he was the onely liuing God: for the seas were swift vnder his faithfull, which made the enemies agast to behold them, a skilfuller Pilot leades them, and their mariners bestirre them lustily: but the Turkes had neither mariners, Pilot, nor any skilfull Master, that was in a readinesse at this pinch. When the Christians were safe out of the enemies coast, Iohn Fox called to them all, willing them to be thankfull vnto almighty God for their deliuerie, and most humbly to fall downe vpon their knees, beseeching him to aide them vnto their friends land, and not to bring them into an other daunger, sith hee had most mightily deliuered them from so great a thraldome and bondage. Thus when euery man had made his petition, they fell straight way to their labour with the oares, in helping one another, when they were wearied, and with great labour striuing to come to some Christian land, as neere as they could gesse by the starres. But the windes were so diuers, one while driuing them this way, that they were now in a newe maze, thinking that God had forsaken them, and left them to a greater danger. And forasmuch as there were no victuals now left in the gally, it might haue beene a cause to them (if they had beene the Israelites) to haue murmured against their God: but they knew how that their God, who had deliuered them out of Ægypt, was such a louing and mercifull God, as that hee would not suffer them to be confounded, in whom he had wrought so great a wonder: but what calamitie soeuer they sustained, they knew it was but for their further triall, and also (in putting them in mind of their farther miserie) to cause them not to triumph and glory in themselues therefore. [Sidenote: Extremity of famine.] Hauing (I say) no victuals in the galley, it might seeme that one miserie continually fel vpon an others neck: but to be briefe, the famine grew to be so great, that in 28 dayes, wherein they were on the sea, there died eight persons, to the astonishment of all the rest. So it fell out, that vpon the 29 day, after they set from Alexandria, they fell on the Isle of Candie, and landed at Gallipoli, where they were made much of by the Abbot and Monks there, who caused them to stay there, while they were well refreshed and eased. [Sidenote: John Fox his sword kept as a monument in Gallipoli.] They kept there the sworde, wherewith Iohn Fox had killed the keeper, esteeming it as a most precious iewell, and hung it vp for a monument. When they thought good, hauing leaue to depart from thence, they sayled along the coast, till they arriued at Tarento, where they solde their gallie, and deuided it, euery man hauing a part thereof. The Turkes receiuing so shamefull a foile at their hand, pursued the Christians, and scoured the seas, where they could imagine that they had bent their course. And the Christians had departed from thence on the one day in the morning, and seuen gallies of the Turkes came thither that night, as it was certified by those who followed Fox, and his companie, fearing least they should haue bene met with. And then they came a foote to Naples, where they departed a sunder, euery man taking him to his next way home. From whence Iohn Fox tooke his iourney vnto Rome, where he was well entertayned of an Englishman, who presented his worthy deede vnto the Pope, who rewarded him liberally, and gaue him his letters vnto the king of Spaine, where he was very well entertained of him there, who for this his most worthy enterprise gaue him in fee twenty pence a day. From whence, being desirous to come into his owne countrie, he came thither at such time as he conueniently could, which was in the yeere of our Lorde God, 1579. Who being come into England, went vnto the Court, and shewed all his trauell vnto the Councell: who considering of the state of this man, in that hee had spent and lost a great part of his youth in thraldome and bondage, extended to him their liberalitie, to helpe to maintaine him now in age, to their right honour, and to the incouragement of all true hearted Christians. * * * * * The copie of the certificate for Iohn Fox, and his companie, made by the Prior, and the brethren of Gallipoli, where they first landed. We the Prior, and Fathers of the Couent of the Amerciates, of the city of Gallipoli, of the order of Preachers doe testifie, that vpon the 29 of Ianuary last past, 1577, there came into the said citie a certaine gally from Alexandria, taken from the Turkes, with two hundreth fiftie and eight Christians, whereof was principal Master Iohn Fox, an Englishman, a gunner, and one of the chiefest that did accomplish that great worke, whereby so many Christians haue recouered their liberties. In token and remembrance whereof, vpon our earnest request to the same Iohn Fox, he hath left here an olde sworde, wherewith he slewe the keeper of the prison: which sword we doe as a monument and memoriall of so worthy a deede, hang vp in the chiefe place of our Couent house. And for because all things aforesaid, are such as we will testifie to be true, as they are orderly passed, and haue therefore good credite, that so much as is aboue expressed is true, and for the more faith thereof, we the Prior, and Fathers aforesaide, haue ratified and subscribed these presents. Geuen in Gallipoly, the third of Februarie 1577. I Frier Vincent Barba, Prior of the same place, confirme the premisses, as they are aboue written. I Frier Albert Damaro, of Gallipoly, Subprior, confirme as much. I Frier Anthony Celleler of Gallipoly, confirme as aforesaid. I Frier Bartlemew of Gallipoly, confirme as aboue said. I Frier Francis of Gallipoly, confirme as much. * * * * * The Bishop of Rome his letters in the behalfe of Iohn Fox. Be it knowen vnto all men, to whom this writing shall come, that the bringer hereof Iohn Fox Englishman, a Gunner, after he had serued captiue in the Turkes gallies, by the space of foureteene yeeres, at length, thorough God his helpe, taking good opportunitie, the third of Ianuarie last past, slew the keeper of the prison, (whom he first stroke on the face) together with four and twentie other Turkes, by the assistance of his fellow prisoners: and with 266. Christians (of whose libertie he was the author) launched from Alexandria, and from thence arriued first at Gallipoly in Candie, and afterwardes at Tarento in Apulia: the written testimony and credite of which things, as also of others, the same Iohn Fox hath in publike tables from Naples. Vpon Easter eue he came to Rome, and is now determined to take his iourney to the Spanish Court, hoping there to obtaine some reliefe toward his liuing: wherefore the poore distressed man humbly beseecheth, and we in his behalfe do in the bowels of Christ, desire you, that taking compassion of his former captiuitie, and present penurie, you doe not onely suffer him freely to passe throughout all your cities and townes, but also succour him with your charitable almes, the reward whereof you shall hereafter most assuredly receiue, which we hope you will afford to him, whom with tender affection of pitie wee commende vnto you. At Rome, the 20 of Aprill 1577. Thomas Grolos Englishman Bishop of Astraphen. Richard Silleum Prior Angliæ. Andreas Ludouicus Register to our Soueraigne Lord the Pope, which for the greater credit of the premises, haue set my seale to these presents. At Rome, the day and yeere aboue written. Mauricius Clement the gouernour and keeper of the English Hospitall in the citie. * * * * * The King of Spaine his letters to the Lieutenant, for the placing of Iohn Fox in the office of a Gunner. To the illustrious Prince, Vespasian Gonsaga Colonna, our Lieutenant and Captaine Generall of our Realme of Valentia. Hauing consideration, that Iohn Fox Englishman hath serued vs, and was one of the most principall, which tooke away from the Turkes a certaine gallie, which they haue brought to Tarento, wherein were two hundred, fiftie, and eight Christian captiues: we licence him to practise, and giue him the office of a Gunner, and haue ordained, that he goe to our said Realme, there to serue in the said office in the Gallies, which by our commandement are lately made. And we doe commaund, that you cause to be payed to him eight ducats pay a moneth, for the time that he shall serue in the saide Gallies as a Gunner, or till we can otherwise prouide for him, the saide eight duckats monethly of the money which is already of our prouision, present and to come, and to haue regarde of those which come with him. From Escuriall the tenth of August, 1577. I the King, Iuan del Gado. And vnder that a confirmation of the Councell. * * * * * The voyage made to Tripolis in Barbarie, in the yeere 1583. with a ship called the Iesus, wherein the aduentures and distresses of some Englishmen are truely reported, and other necessary circumstances obserued. Written by Thomas Sanders. This voyage was set foorth by the right worshipfull sir Edward Osborne knight, chiefe merchant of all the Turkish company, and one master Richard Staper, the ship being of the burden of one hundred tunnes, called the Iesus, she was builded at Farmne a riuer by Portsmouth. The owners were master Thomas Thomson, Nicholas Carnaby, and Iohn Gilman. The master was one Aches Hellier of Black-wall, and his Mate was one Richard Morris of that place: their Pilot was one Anthonie Ierado a Frenchman, of the prouince of Marseils: the purser was one William Thomson our owners sonne: the merchants factors were Romane Sonnings a Frenchman, and Richard Skegs seruant vnto the said master Staper. The owners were bound vnto the marchants by charter partie therevpon, in one thousand markes, that the said ship by Gods permission should goe for Tripolis in Barbarie, that is to say, first from Portsmouth to Newhauen in Normandie, from thence to S. Lucar, otherwise called Saint Lucas, in Andeluzia, and from thence to Tripolie, which is in the East part of Africa, and so to returne vnto London. [Sidenote: Man doth purpose, and God doth dispose.] But here ought euery man to note and consider the workes of our God, that many times what man doth determine God doth disappoint. The said master hauing some occasion to goe to Farmne, tooke with him the Pilot and the Purser, and returning againe by meanes of a perrie of winde, the boat wherein they were, was drowned, with the said master, the purser, and all the company: onely the said Pilot by experience in swimming saued himselfe: these were the beginnings of our sorrowes. [Sidenote: A new master chosen.] After which the said masters mate would not proceed in that voiage, and the owner hearing of this misfortune, and the unwillingnesse of the masters mate, did send downe one Richard Deimond, and shipped him for master, who did chuse for his Mate one Andrew Dier, and so the said ship departed on her voiage accordingly: that is to say, about the 16. of October, in An. 1583. she made saile from Portsmouth, [Sidenote: The new master died.] and the 18 day then next following she arriued at Newhauen, where our saide last master Deimond by a surfeit died. The factors then appointed the said Andrew Dier, being then masters mate, to be their master for that voiage, who did chuse to be his Mates the two quarter masters of the same ship, to wit, Peter Austine, and Shillabey, and for Purser was shipped one Richard Burges. Afterward about the 8. day of Nouember we made saile forthward, and by force of weather we were driuen backe againe into Portesmouth, where we renued our victuals and other necessaries, and then the winde came faire. About the 29. day then next following we departed thence, and the first day of December by meanes of a contrarie winde, we were driuen to Plimmouth. The 18. day then next following, we made foorthward againe, and by force of weather we were driuen to Falmouth, where we remained vntill the first day of Ianuary: at which time the winde comming faire, we departed thence, and about the 20. day of the said moneth we arriued safely at S. Lucar. [Sidenote: The Iesus arriued in Tripolis.] And about the 9. day of March next following, we made saile from thence, and about the 18. day of the same moneth we came to Tripolis in Barbarie, where we were verie well intertained by the king of that countrey, and also of the commons. The commodities of that place are sweete oiles: the king there is a merchant, and the rather (willing to preferre himselfe before his commons) requested our said factors to traffique with him, and promised them that if they would take his oiles at his owne price, they should pay no maner of custome, and they tooke of him certaine tunnes of oile: and afterwarde perceiuing that they might haue farre better cheape notwithstanding the custome free, they desired the king to licence them to take the oiles at the pleasure of his commons, for that his price did exceede theirs: whereunto the king would not agree, but was rather contended to abate his price, insomuch that the factors bought all their oyles of the king custome free, and so laded the same aboord. [Sidenote: Another ship of Bristow came to Tripolis.] In the meane time there came to that place one Miles Dickenson in a ship of Bristow, who together with our said Factors tooke a house to themselues there. Our French Factor Romane Sonnings desired to buy a commodity in the market, and wanting money, desired the saide Miles Dickenson to lend him an hundred Chikinoes vntill he came to his lodging, which he did, and afterward the same Sonnings mette with Miles Dickenson in the streete, and deliuered him money bound vp in a napkin: saying, master Dickenson there is the money I borrowed of you, and so thanked him for the same: hee doubted nothing lesse then falshoode, which is seldome knowne among marchants, and specially being together in one house, and is the more detestable betweene Christians, they being in Turkie among the heathen. The said Dickenson did not tell the money presently, vntill he came to his lodging, and then finding nine Chikinoes lacking of his hundred, which was about three pounds, for that euery Chikino is woorth seuen shillings of English money, he came to the sayde Romane Sonnings and deliuered him his handkerchiefe, and asked him howe many Chikinoes hee had deliuered him! Sonnings answered, an hundred: Dickenson, said no: and so they protested and swore on both parts. But in the ende the said Romane Sonnings did sweare deepely with detestable othes and curses, and prayed God that he might shewe his workes on him, that other might take ensample thereby, and that he might be hanged like a dogge, and neuer come into England againe, if he did not deliuer vnto the sayde Dickenson an hundred Chikinoes. And here beholde a notable example of all blasphemers, curses and swearers, how God rewarded him accordingly: for many times it cometh to passe, that God sheweth his miracles vpon such monstrous blasphemers, to the ensample of others, as nowe hereafter you shall heare what befell to this Romane Sonnings. There was a man in the said towne a pledge, whose name was Patrone Norado, who the yere before had done this Sonnings some pleasure there. The foresaid Patrone Norado was indebted vnto a Turke of that towne in the summe of foure hundred and fiftie crownes, for certain goods sent by him into Christendome in a ship of his owne, and by his owne brother, and himselfe remained in Tripolis as pledge vntill his said brothers returne: and, as the report went there, after his brothers arriual into Christendome, he came among lewde companie, and lost his brothers said ship and goods at dice, and neuer returned vnto him againe. [Sidenote: A conspiracie practiced by the French Factor, to deceiue a Turkish marchant of 450 crowns.] The said Patrone Norado being voyde of all hope, and finding now opportunitie, consulted with the said Sonnings for to swimme a seaboorde the Islands, and the ship being then out of danger, should take him in (as after was confessed) and so to goe to Tolan in the prouince of Marseilis with this Patrone Norado, and there to take in his lading. The shippe being readie the first day of May, and hauing her sayles all aboorde, our sayde Factors did take their leaue of the king, who very courteously bidde them farwell, and when they came aboorde, they commanded the Master and the companie hastily to get out the ship: the Master answered that it was vnpossible, for that the winde was contrary and ouer-blowed. And he required vs vpon forfeiture of our bandes, that we should doe our endeuour to get her foorth. Then went wee to warpe out the shippe, and presently the king sent a boate aboord of vs, with three men in her, commaunding the saide Sonnings to come a shoare: at whose coming, the king demaunded of him custome for the oyles: Sonnings answered him that his highnesse had promised to deliuer them custome free. But notwithstanding the king weighed not his said promise, and as an infidell that hath not the feare of God before his eyes, nor regarde of his worde, albeit he was a king, hee caused the sayde Sonnings to pay the custome to the vttermost penie. And afterwarde willed him to make haste away, saying, that the Ianizaries would haue the oyle ashoare againe. These Ianizaries are souldiers there vnder the great Turke, and their power is aboue the Kings. And so the saide Factor departed from the king, and came to the waterside, and called for a boate to come aboorde, and he brought with him the foresaid Patrone Norado. [Sidenote: The beginning of their troubles, and occasion of all their miserie.] The companie inquisitiue to know what man that was, Sonnings answered, that he was his countrymen, a passenger: I pray God said the companie, that we come not into trouble by this man. Then said Sonnings angerly, what haue you to do with any matters of mine? if any thing chance otherwise then well, I must answer for all. Now the Turke vnto whom this Patrone Norado was indebted, missing him (supposed him to be aboorde of our shippe) presently went vnto the King, and tolde him that hee thought that his pledge Patrone Norado was aboord of the English ship, whereupon the King presently sent a boat aboord of vs, with three men in her commanding the said Sonnings to come a shoare, and not speaking any thing as touching the man, he saide that he would come presently in his owne boate, but as soone as they were gone, he willed vs to warp foorth the ship, and saide that he would see the knaues hanged before he would goe a shoare. And when the king sawe that he came not a shoare, but still continued warping away the shippe, he straight commaunded the gunner of the bulwarke next vnto vs, to shoote three shootes without ball. Then we came all to the said Sonnings, and asked of him what the matter was that we were shot at, he said that it was the Ianizaries who would haue the oyle a shoare againe, and willed vs to make haste away, and after that he had discharged three shots without ball, he commaunded all the gunners in the towne to doe their indeuour to sinke vs, but the Turkish gunners could not once strike vs, wherefore the king sent presently to the Banio: (this Banio is the prison whereas all the captiues lay at night) and promised if that there were any that could either sinke vs, or else cause vs to come in againe, he should haue a hundred crownes, and his libertie. With that came foorth a Spaniard called Sebastian, which had bene an olde seruitor in Flanders, and he said, that vpon the performance of that promise, hee would vndertake either to sinke vs, or to cause vs to come in againe, and therto he would gage his life, and at the first shotte he split our rudders head in pieces, and the second shotte he shotte vs vnder the water, and the third shotte he shotte vs through our foremast with a Coluering shot, and thus he hauing rent both our rudder and maste, and shot vs vnder water, we were inforced to goe in againe. This Sebastian for all his diligence herein, had neither his liberty, nor an hundred crownes, so promised by the said king, but after his seruice done was committed againe to prison, whereby may appeare the regard that the Turke or infidell hath of his worde, although he be able to performe it, yea more, though he be a king. Then, our merchants seeing no remedie, they together with fiue of our companie went a shoare, and then they ceased shooting: they shot vnto vs in the whole, nine and thirtie shootes, without the hurt of any man. And when our marchants came a shoare, the King commaunded presently that they with the rest of our companie that were with them, should be cheined foure and foure, to a hundred waight of yron, and when we came in with the ship, there came presently aboue an hundred Turks aboord of vs, and they searched vs, and stript our very clothes from our backes, and brake open our chests, and made a spoyle of all that we had: and the Christian caitifes likewise, that came a boord of vs made spoyle of our goods, and vsed vs as ill as the Turkes did. And our masters mate hauing a Geneua Bible in his hand, there came the kings chiefe gunner, and tooke it out from him, who shewed me of it, and I hauing the language, went presently to the kings treasurer, and tolde him of it, saying, that sith it was the will of God that we should fall into their handes, yet that they should grant us to vse our consciences to our owne discretion, as they suffered the Spaniards and other nations to vse theirs, and he graunted vs: then I told him that the maister gunner had taken away a Bible from one of our men: the Treasurer went presently and commaunded him to deliuer vp the Bible againe, which he did: and within a litle after he tooke it from the man againe, and I shewed the Treasurer of it, and presently he commaunded him to deliuer it againe: saying, thou villaine, wilt thou turne to Christianitie againe? for he was a Renegado, which is one that first was a Christian, and afterwards becommeth a Turke, and so he deliuered me the Bible the second time. And then I hauing it in my hand, the gunner came to me, and spake these wordes, saying, thou dogge, I wil haue the booke in despight of thee, and tooke it from me, saying: If thou tell the kings treasurer of it any more, by Mahomet I will be reuenged of thee. Notwithstanding I went the third time vnto the kings Treasurer, and tolde him of it, and he came with me, saying thus unto the gunner: by the head of the great Turke, if thou take it from him againe, thou shalt haue an hundred bastonadoes. And foorthwith he deliuered me the booke, saying, he had not the value of a pin of the spoyle of the ship, which was the better for him, as hereafter you shall heare: for there was none, neither Christian nor Turke that tooke the value of a peniworth of our goods from vs, but perished both bodie and goods within seuenteene moneths following, as hereafter shall plainely appeare. Then came the Guardian Basha, which is the keeper of the kings captiues, to fetch vs all a shoare, and then I remembring the miserable estate of poore distressed captiues, in the time of their bondage to those infidels, went to mine owne chest, and tooke out thereof a iarre of oyle, and filled a basket full of white Ruske to carie a shoare with me, but before I came to the Banio, the Turkish boyes had taken away almost all my bread, and the keeper saide, deliuer me the iarre of oyle, and when thou commest to the Banio thou shalt haue it againe, but I neuer had it of him any more. But when I came to the Banio, and sawe our Marchants and all the rest of our company in chaines, and we all ready to receiue the same reward, what heart in the world is there so hard, but would haue pitied our cause, hearing or seeing the lamentable greeting there was betwixt vs: all this happened the first of May 1584. [Sidenote: The Englishmen arraigned.] And the second day of the same moneth, the King with all his counsell sate in Judgment vpon vs. The first that were had forth to be arraigned, were the Factors, and the Masters, and the King asked them wherefore they came not a shoare when he sent for them. And Romaine Sonnings answered, that though he were king on shoare, and might commaunde there, so was hee as touching those that were vnder him: and therefore said, if any offence be, the fault is wholly in my selfe, and in no other. Then foorthwith the king gaue iudgement, that the saide Romaine Sonnings should be hanged ouer the Northeast bulwarke: from whence he conueyed the forenamed Patrone Norado, and then he called for our Master Andrew Dier, and vsed fewe wordes to him, and so condemned him to be hanged ouer the walles of the Westermost bulwarke. Then fell our other Factor (named Richard Skegs) vpon his knees before the king, and said, I beseech your highnesse either to pardon our Master, or else suffer me to die for him, for he is ignorant of this cause. And then the people of that countrey fauouring the said Richard Skegs besought the king to pardon them both. So then the king spake these wordes: Beholde for thy sake, I pardon the Master. Then presently the Turkes shouted, and cried, saying: Away with the Master from the presence of the king. And then he came into the Banio whereas we were, and tolde vs what had happened, and we all reioyced at the good hap of master Skegs, that hee was saued, and our Master for his sake. [Sidenote: Master Dier condemned to be hanged ouer a bulwarke.] But afterward our ioy was turned to double sorrow, for in the meane time the kings minde was altered: for that one of his counsell had aduised him, that vnlesse the Master died also, by the lawe they could not confiscate the ship nor goods, neither captive any of the men: whereupon the king sent for our Master againe, and gaue him another iudgement after his pardon for one cause, which was that hee should be hanged. Here all true Christians may see what trust a Christian man may put in an infidels promise, who being a King pardoned a man nowe, as you haue heard, and within an houre after hanged him for the same cause before a whole multitude: and also promised our Factors their oyles custome free, and at their going away made them pay the vttermost penie for the custome thereof. [Sidenote: A Frenshman turned Turke, in hope of his life, and afterwards was hanged.] And when that Romaine Sonnings saw no remedy but that he should die, he protested to turne Turke, hoping thereby to haue saued his life. Then said the Turke, if thou wilt turne Turke, speake the words that thereunto belong: and he did so. Then saide they vnto him, Now thou shalt die in the faithe of a Turke, and so hee did, as the Turkes reported that were at his execution. And the forenamed Patrone Norado, whereas before he had libertie and did nothing he then was condemned slaue perpetuall, except there were paiment made of the foresaid summe of money. Then the king condemned all vs, who were in number sixe and twentie, of the which, two were hanged (as you haue heard) and one died the first day wee came on shoare, by the visitation of Almightie God: and the other three and twentie he condemned slaues perpetually vnto the great Turke, and the ship and goods were confiscated to the vse of the great Turke: and then we all fell downe vpon our knees, giuing God thankes for this sorrowfull visitation, and giuing our selues wholy to the Almightie power of God, vnto whom all secrets are knowen, that he of his goodnesse would vouchsafe to looke vpon vs. Here may all true Christian hearts see the wonderfull workes of God shewed vpon such infidels, blasphemers, whoremasters, and renegate Christians, and so you shall reade in the ende of this booke, of the like vpon the vnfaithfull king and all his children, and of as many as tooke any portion of the said goods. [Sidenote: Euery fiue men allowed but two pence of bread a day.] But first to shewe our miserable bondage and slauerie, and vnto what small pittance and allowance wee were tied, for euery fiue men had allowance but fiue aspers of bread in a day, which is but two pence English: and our lodging was to lye on the bare boards, with a very simple cape to couer vs, wee were also forceably and most violently shauen, head and beard, and within three dayes after, I and six more of my fellowes, together with fourescore Italians and Spaniards were sent foorth in a Galeot to take a Greekish Carmosell, which came into Africa to steale Negroes, and went out of Tripolis vnto that place, which was two hundred and fourtie leagues thence, but wee were chained three and three to an oare, and wee rowed naked aboue the girdle, and the Boteswaine of the Galley walked abaft the maste, and his Mate afore the maste, and eche of them a bulls pissell dried in their handes, and when their diuelish choller rose, they would strike the Christians for no cause: and they allowed vs but halfe a pound of bread a man in a day without any other kinde of sustenance, water excepted. And when we came to the place whereas wee saw the Carmosell, we were not suffered to haue neither needle, bodkin, knife, or any other weapon about vs, nor at any other time in the night, vpon paine of one hundred bastonadoes: wee were then also cruelly manackled in such sort, that we could not put our handes the length of one foote asunder the one from the other, and euery night they searched our chaines three times, to see if they were fast riueted: Wee continued fight with the Carmosell three houres, and then wee tooke it, and lost but two of our men in that fight, but there were slaine of the Greekes fiue, and foureteene were cruelly hurt, and they that were sound, were presently made slaues and chained to the oares: and within fifteene dayes after we returned againe into Tripolis, and then wee were put to all maner of slauerie. [Sidenote: The Turkes builded a church.] I was put to hewe stones, and other to cary stones, and some to draw the Cart with earth, and some to make morter, and some to draw stones, (for at that time the Turkes builded a church:) And thus we were put to all kinde of slauerie that was to be done. And in the time of our being there, the Moores that are the husbandmen of the countrey rebelled against the king, because he would haue constrained them to pay greater tribute then heretofore they had done, so that the Souldiours of Tripolis marched foorth of the towne to haue ioyned battell against the Moores for their rebellion, and the King sent with them foure pieces of Ordinance, which were drawen by the captiues twenty miles into the Country after them, and at the sight thereof the Moores fled and then the Captaines returned backe againe. Then I and certaine Christians more were sent twelue miles into the countrey with a Cart to lode timber, and we returned againe the same day. [Sidenote: The Christians sent 3. times a weeke 30 miles to fetch wood.] Nowe the king had 18. captiues, which three times a weeke went to fetch wood thirtie miles from the towne: and on a time he appointed me for one of the 18. and wee departed at eight of the clocke in the night, and vpon the way as wee rode vpon the camels, I demaunded of one of our company, who did direct vs the way? he sayd, that there was a Moore in our company which was our guide: and I demavnded of them how Tripolis and the wood bare one of the other? and hee said, East Northeast and West Southwest. And at midnight or neere thereabouts, as I was riding vpon my camel, I fell asleepe, and the guide and all the rest rode away from me, not thinking but I had bene among them. When I awoke, and finding my selfe alone durst not call nor hallow for feare least the wilde Moores should heare me, because they holde this opinion, that in killing a Christian they do God good seruice: and musing with my selfe what were best for me to do, if I should goe foorth, and the wilde Moores should hap to meete with mee, they would kill mee: and on the other side, if I should returne backe to Tripolis without any wood or company, I should be most miserably vsed: therefore of two euils, rather I had to goe foorth to the loosing of my life, then to turne backe and trust to their mercie, fearing to bee vsed as before I had seene others: for vnderstanding by some of my company before, howe Tripolis and the saide wood did lie one off another, by the North starre I went forth at aduenture, and as God would haue it, I came right to the place where they were, euen about an houre before day: there altogether wee rested and gaue our camels prouender, and assoone as the day appeared, we rode all into the wood: and I seeing no wood there, but a sticke here and a sticke there, about the bignesse of a mans arme growing in the sand, it caused mee to maruile how so many camels should be loden in that place. The wood was Iuniper, we needed no axe nor edge toole to cut it, but pluckt it vp by strength of hands rootes and all, which a man might easily do, and so gathered it together, a little at one place and so at another, and laded our camels, and came home about seuen of the clocke that night following: because I fell lame, and my camel was tired, I left my wood in the way. [Sidenote: Eighteene captiues run away from Tripolis.] There was in Tripolis that time a Venetian, whose name was Benedetto Venetiano, and seuenteene captiues more of his company, which ranne away from Tripolis in a boate, and came in sight of an Island called Malta, which lieth fourtie leagues from Tripolis right North, and being within a mile of the shoare, and very faire weather, one of their company said, In dispetto de Dio adesso venio a pilliar terra, which is as much to say: In the despite of God I shall now fetch the shoare, [Sidenote: The iudgement of God vpon blasphemers.] and presently there arose a mighty storme, with thunder and raine and the wind at North, their boate being very small, so that they were inforced to beare vp roome, and to sheare right afore the winde ouer against the coast of Barbarie from whence they came, and rowing vp and downe the coast, their victuals being spent, the 21. day after their departure they were inforced through the want of food to come ashoare, thinking to haue stolne some sheepe: but the Moores of the country very craftily perceiuing their intent, gathered together a threescore horsemen, and hid themselues behinde a sandie hill, and when the Christians were come all a shoare, and past vp halfe a mile into the countrey, the Moores rode betwixt them and their boate, and some of them pursued the Christians, and so they were all taken and brought to Tripolis, from whence they had before escaped: and presently the king commaunded that the foresaide Benedetto with one more of his company should lose their eares, and the rest should be most cruelly beaten, which was presenly done. [Sidenote: The Greene Dragon.] This king had a sonne which was a ruler in an Island called Gerbi, whereunto arriued an English shippe called the Greene Dragon, of the which was Master one M. Blonket, who hauing a very vnhappy boy in that shippe, and vnderstanding that whosoeuer would turne Turke should be well enterteined of the kings sonne, this boy did runne a shoare, and voluntarily turned Turke. Shortly after the kings sonne came to Tripolis to visite his father, and seeing our company, hee greatly fancied Richard Burges our Purser, and Iames Smith: they were both yong men, therefore he was very desirous to haue them to turne Turkes, but they would not yeeld to his desire, saying: We are your fathers slaues, and as slaues wee will serue him. Then his father the king sent for them, and asked them if they would turne Turkes? And they saide: If it please your highnesse, Christians we were borne, and so we will remaine, beseeched the king that they might not bee inforced thereunto. [Sidenote: The Kings sonne had a captiue that was sonne to one of the Queenes Maiesties guard, that was forced to turne Turke.] The king had there before in his hosue a sonne of a yeoman of our Queenes guard, whom the kings sonne had inforced to turne Turke, his name was Iohn Nelson: him the king caused to be brought to these yong men, and thea said vnto them: Wil not you beare this your countreymen company, and be Turke as hee is? And they saide, that they would not yeeld thereunto during life. But it fell out, that within a moneth after, the kings sonne went home to Gerbi againe, being sixe score miles from Tripolis, and carried our two foresaid yong men with him, which were Richard Burges, and Iames Smith: and after their departure from vs, they sent vs a letter, signifying that there was no violence shewed vnto them as yet, but within three dayes after they were violently vsed, for that the kings sonne demaunded of them againe, if that they would turne Turke? Then answered Richard Burges, a Christian I am, and so I will remaine. Then the kings sonne very angerly said vnto him: By Mahomet thou shall presently be made Turke. Then called he for his men, and commaunded them to make him Turke, and they did so, and circumcised him, and would haue had him speake the wordes that thereunto belonged, but he answered them stoutly that he would not: and although they had put on him the habite of a Turke, yet sayd he, A Christian I was borne, and so I will remaine, though you force me to doe otherwise. And then he called for the other, and commaunded him to be made Turke perforce also: but he was very strong, for it was so much as eight of the kings sonnes men could doe to holde him, so in the ende they circumcised him, and made him Turke. Now to passe ouer a little, and so to shewe the maner of our deliuerance out of that miserable captiuitie. [Sidenote: The first motion for those Engmens deliuerie.] In May aforesaid, shortly after our apprehension, I wrote a letter into England vnto my father dwelling in Tauistoke in Deuonshire, signifying vnto him the whole estate of our calamities: and I wrote also to Constantinople, to the English Embassadour, both which letters were faithfully deliuered. But when my father had receiued my letter, and vnderstood the trueth of our mishap, and the occasion thereof, and what had happened to the offenders, he certified the right honourable the earle of Bedford thereof, who in short space acquainted her highnesse with the whole cause thereof, and her Maiestie like a most mercifull princesse tendering her Subiects, presently tooke order for our deliuerance. Whereupon the right worshipful sir Edward Osborne knight directed his letters with all speed to the English Embassadour in Constantinople, to procure our deliuery: and he obtained the great Turkes Commission, and sent it foorthwith to Tripolis, by one Master Edward Barton, together with a Iustice of the great Turkes, and one souldiour, and another Turke, and a Greeke which was his interpretour, which could speake besides Greeke, Turkish, Italian, Spanish and English. And when they came to Tripolis, they, were well interteined. And the first night they did lie in a Captaines house in the towne: all our company that were in Tripolis came that night for ioy to Master Barton and the other Commissioners to see them. Then master Barton said vnto vs, welcome my good countreymen, and louingly interteined vs, and at our departure from him, he gaue vs two shillings, and said, Serue God, for to morrow I hope you shall be as free as euer you were; We all gaue him thankes and so departed. The next day in the morning very early, the King hauing intelligence of their comming, sent word to the keeper, that none of the Englishmen (meaning our company) should goe to worke. Then he sent for Master Barton and the other Commissioners, and demaunded of the saide Master Barton his message: the Iustice answered, that the great Turke his Souereigne had sent them vnto him, signifying that he was informed that a certaine English shippe, called the Iesus, was by him the saide king confiscated, about twelue months since, and nowe my saide Souereigne hath here sent his especiall commission by vs vnto you, for the deliuerance of the saide shippe and goods, and also the free libertie and deliuerance of the Englishmen of the same shippe, whom you haue taken and kept in captiuitie. [Sidenote: The Englishmen released.] And further the same Iustice saide, I am authorized by my said soueraigne the great Turke to see it done: And therefore I commaund you by vertue of this commission, presently to make restitution of the premisses or the value thereof: and so did the Justices deliuer vnto the King the great Turkes commission to the effect aforesaide, which commission the king with all obedience receiued: and after the perusing of the same, he foorthwith commanded all the English captiues to be brought before him, and then willed the keeper to strike off all our yrons, which done, the king said, You Englishmen, for that you did offend the lawes of this place, by the same lawes therefore some of your company were condemned to die as you knowe, and you to bee perpetuall captiues during your liues: notwithstanding; seeing it hath pleased my soueraigne lord the great Turke to pardon your said offences, and to giue you your freedome and libertie, beholde, here I make deliuery of you to this English Gentleman: so hee deliuered vs all that were there, being thirteene in number, to Master Barton, who required also those two yong men which the Kings sonne had taken with him. Then the king answered that it was against their lawe to deliuer them, for that they were turned Turkes: and touching the ship and goods, the king said, that he had solde her, but would make restitution of the value, and as much of the goods as came vnto his hands, and so the king arose and went to dinner, and commaunded a Iew to goe with Master Barton and the other commissioners, to shew them their lodging, which was a house prouided and appointed them by the said king. And because I had the Italian and Spanish tongues, by which their most trafique in that countrey is, Master Barton made me his Cater to buy his victuals for him and his company, and deliuered me money needfull for the same. Thus were wee set at libertie the 28. day of April, 1585. [Sidenote: The plagues and punishments that happened to the King and his people.] Nowe to returne to the kings plagues and punishments, which Almighty God at his will and pleasure sendeth vpon men in the sight of the world, and likewise of the plagues that befell his children and others aforesaide. First when we were made bondmen, being the second day of May 1584. the king had 300. captiues, and before the moneth was expired, there died of them of the plague 150. [Sidenote: The king lost 150. camels taken by the wilde Moores.] And whereas they were 26. men of our company, of whom two were hanged, and one died the same day that wee were made bondslaues: that present moneth there died nine more of our company of the plague, and other two were forced to turne Turkes as before is rehearsed: and on the fourth day of June next following the king lost 150 camels, which were taken from him by the wilde Moores: and on the 28. day of the saide moneth of Iune, one Geffrey Maltese, a renegado of Malta, ranne away to his countrey, and stole a Brigandine which the king had builded for to take the Christians withall, and carried with him twelue Christians more which were the kings captiues. Afterward about the tenth day of Iuly next following, the king road foorth vpon the greatest and fairest mare that might be seene, as white as any swanne: hee had not ridden fourtie paces from his house, but on a sudden the same mare fell downe vnder him starke dead, and I with sixe more were commaunded to burie her, skinne, shoes and all, which we did. And about three moneths after our deliuerie, Master Barton, with all his residue of his company departed from Tripoli to Zante, in a vessell, called a Settea, of one Marcus Segoorus, who dwelt in Zante, and after our arriuall at Zante we remained fifteene dayes there aboorde our vessell, before wee could haue Platego, (that is, leaue to come a shoare) because the plague was in that place, from whence wee came: and about three dayes after we came a shoare, thither came another Settea of Marseils bound for Constantinople. [Sidenote: Two Englishmen shipped to Constantinople with M. Barton.] Then did Master Barton, and his company, with two more of our company, shippe themselues as passengers in the same Settea, and went to Constantinople. But the other nine of vs, that remained in Zante, about three moneths after, shipt our selues in a ship of the said Marcus Segoorus, which came to Zante, and was bound for England. [The souldiers of Tripolis kil the king.] In which three moneths, the souldiers of Tripolie killed the said king. And then the kings sonne, according to the custome there, went to Constantinople, to surrender vp all his fathers treasure, goods, captiues, and concubines, vnto the great Turke, and tooke with him our saide Purser Richard Burges, and Iames Smith, and also the other two Englishmen, which he the said kings sonne had inforced to become Turkes, as is aforesayd. And they the said Englishmen finding now some opportunitie, concluded with the Christian captiues which were going with them vnto Constantinople, being in number about one hundred and fiftie, to kill the kings sonne, and all the Turkes which were aboorde of the Galley, and priuily the saide Englishmen conueyed vnto the saide Christian captiues, weapons for that purposes. And when they came into the maine Sea, towards Constantinople (vpon the faithfull promise of the sayde Christian captiues) these foure Englishmen lept suddenly into the Crossia, that is, in the middest of the Galley, where the canon lieth, and with their swordes drawne, did fight against all the foresaid Turkes, and for want of helpe of the saide Christian captiues, who falsly brake their promises, the said Master Blonkets boy was killed, and the sayde Iames Smith, and our Pursser Richard Surges, and the other Englishman, were taken and bound into chaines, to be hanged at their arriual in Constantinople: and as the Lordes will was, about two dayes after, passing through the gulfe of Venice, at an Island called Cephalonia, they met with two of the duke of Venice his Gallies, [Marginal Note: Two Gallies of Venice tooke the King of Tripolie his galley, and killed the kings sonne, and all the Turkes in it, and released all the Christians being in number 150.] which tooke that Galley, and killed the kings sonne, and his mother, and all the Turkes that were there, in number 150. and they saued the Christian captiues, and would haue killed the two Englishmen because they were circumcised, and become Turkes, had not the other Christian captiues excused them, saying, that they were inforced to be Turkes, by the kings sonne, and shewed the Venetians also, how they did enterprise at sea to fight against all the Turks, and that their two fellowes were slaine in that fight. Then the Venetians saued them, and they, with all the residue of the said captiues, had their libertie, which were in number 150. or thereabouts, and the said Gallie, and all the Turkes treasure was confiscated to the vse of the state of Venice. And from thence our two Englishmen traueiled homeward by land, and in this meane time we had one more of our company, which died in Zante, and afterward the other eight shipped themselues at Zante, in a shippe of the said Marcus Segorus, which was bound for England: and before we departed thence, there arriued the Assension, and the George Bonauenture of London in Cephalonia, in a harbour there, called Arrogostoria, whose Marchants agreed with the Marchants of our shippe, and so laded all the marchandise of our shippe into the said ships of London, who tooke vs eight in as passengers, and so we came home, and within two moneths after our arriuall at London, our said Purser Richard Surges, and his fellow came home also: for the which we are bound to praise Almightie God, during our liues, and as duetie bindeth vs, to pray for the preseruation of our most gracious Queene, for the great care her Maiestie had ouer vs, her poore Subjects, in seeking and procuring of our deliuerance aforesaide: and also for her honourable priuie Counsell, and I especiall for the prosperitie and good estate of the house of the late deceased, the right honourable the Earle of Bedford, whose honour I must confesse, most diligently at the suite of my father now departed, traueiled herein: for the which I rest continually bounden to him, whose soule I doubt not, but is already in the heauens in ioy, with the Almightie, vnto which place he vouchsafe to bring vs all, that for our sinnes suffered most vile and shameful death vpon the Crosse, there to liue perpetually world without ende, Amen. * * * * * The Queenes letters to the Turke 1584. for the restitution of the shippe called the Iesus, and the English captiues detained in Tripolie in Barbarie, and for certaine other prisoners in Argier. ELIZABETHA, Dei ter maxhni et vnici coeli terræque conditoris gratia, Angliæ, Franciæ, et Hiberniæ Regina, fidei Christianæ contra omnes omnium inter Christianos degentium, Christíque nomen falsò profitentium idololatrias, inuistissima et potentissima defensatrix: augustissimo, inuictissimôque principi, Zultan Murad Can, Musulmanici regni dominatori potentissimo, imperijque Orientis Monarchæ, supra omnes soli et supremo salutem, et multos cum summa rerum optimarum affluentia foelices et fortunatos annos. Augustissime et potentissime Imperator, biennio iam peracto, ad Cæsaream vestram Maiestatem scripsimus, vt dilectus noster famulus Guilielmus Harebornus, vir ornatissimus pro legato nostro Constantinopoli, alijsque Musulmanici imperij ditionibus, sublimi vestra authoritate reciperetur: simul etiam Angli subditi nostri commercium et mercaturam, in omnibus illis prouincijs exerceant, non minùs liberè quàm Galli, Poloni, Veneti, Germani, cæteríque vestri confoederati, qui varias Orientis partes peragrant, operam nauantes, vt mutuis commercijs coniungatur Oriens, cum Occidente. Quæ priuilegia, cum nostris subditis Anglis inuictissima vestra Maiestas literis et diplomate suo liberalissimè indulserit, facere non potuimus, quin quas maximas animus noster capere potest gratias, eo nomine ageremus: sperantes fore, vt hæc instituta commerciorum ratio maximas vtilitates, et commoda vtrinque, tam in imperij vestri ditiones, quàm regni nostri prouincias secum adferat. Id vt planè fiat, cûm nuper subditi nostri nonnulli Tripoli in Barbaria et Argellæ ab eius loci incolis voluntatem vestram fortè nescientibus malè habiti fuerint, et immaniter diuexati, Cæsaream vestram Maiestatem beneuolè rogamus, vt per Legatum nostrum eorum causam cognoscas, et postremò earum prouinciarum proregibus ac præfectis imperes, vt nostri liberè in illis locis, sine vi aut iniuria deinceps versari, et negotia gerere possint. Et nos omni opera vicissim studebimus ea omnia præstare, quæ Imperatoriæ vestræ Maiestati vllo pacto grata fore intelligemus: quam Deus vnicus mundi conditor optimus maximus diutissimè incolumem et florentem seruet. Datæ in palatio nostro Londini, quinto die Mensis Septembris: anno IESV CHRISTI Seruatoris nostri, 1584. Regni verò nostri vicessimo sexto. The same in English. Elizabeth, by the grace of the most high God, and onely maker of heauen and earth, of England, France and Ireland Queene, and of the Christian faith, against all the Idolaters and false professors of the Name of CHRIST dwelling among the Christians, most inuincible and puissant defender: to the most valiant and invincible Prince, Zultan Murad Can, the most mightie ruler of the kingdome of Musulman, and of the East Empire the onely and highest Monarch aboue all, health and many happy and fortunate yeres, with great aboundance of the best things. Most noble and puissant Emperour, about two yeeres nowe passed, wee wrote vnto your Imperiall Maiestie, that our welbeloued seruant, William Hareborne, a man of great reputation and honour, might be receiued vnder your high authoritie, for our Ambassadour in Constantinople, and other places, vnder the obedience of your Empire of Musulman: And also that the Englishmen, being our Subiects, might exercise entercourse and marchandize in all those Prouinces, no lesse freely then the French, Polonians, Venetians, Germanes, and other your confederats, which traueile through diuers of the East parts: endeuouring that by mutuall trafique, the East may be ioyned and knit to the West. Which priuileges, when as your most puissant Maiestie, by your letters and vnder your dispensation most liberally and fauourably granted to our Subiects of England, wee could no lesse doe, but in that respect giue you as great thankes, as our heart could conceiue, trusting that it wil come to passe, that this order of trafique, so well ordeined, will bring with it selfe most great profits and commodities to both sides, as well to the parties subiect to your Empire, as to the Prouinces of our kingdome. Which thing that it may be done in plaine and effectuall maner, whereas some of our Subiects of late at Tripolis in Barbarie, and at Argier, were by the inhabitants of those places (being perhaps ignorant of your pleasure) euill intreated and grieuously vexed, wee doe friendly and louingly desire your Imperial Maiestie, that you will vnderstand their causes by our Ambassadour, and afterward giue commaundement to the Lieutenants and Presidents of those Prouinces, that our people may henceforth freely, without any violence, or iniurie, traueile, and do their businesse in those places. And we againe with all endeuour, shall studie to performe all those things, which we shall in any wise vnderstand to be acceptable to your Imperiall Maiestie, which God, the onely maker of the world, most best and most great, long keepe in health, and flourishing. Given in our pallaice at London, the fift day of the moneth of September, in the yeere of IESVS CHRIST our Saviour, 1534. And of our raigne, the 26. * * * * * The Turkes letter to the King of Tripolis in Barbarie, commanding the restitution of an English ship, called the Iesus, with the men, and goods, sent from Constantinople, by Mahomet Beg, a Iustice of the Great Turkes, and an English Gentleman, called Master Edward Barton. Anno 1584. Honourable, and worthy Bassa Romadan Beglerbeg, most wise and prudent Iudge of the West Tripolis, wee wish the ende of all thy enterprises happie, and prosperous. By these our highnesse letters, wee certifie thee, that the right honourable, William Hareborne, Ambassadour in our most famous Porch, for the most excellent Queenes Maiestie of England, in person, and by letters hath certified our highnesse, that a certaine shippe, with all her furniture, and artillerie, worth two thousand duckets, arriuing in the port of Tripolis, and discharged of her lading and marchandize, paide our custome according to order, and againe, the marchants laded their shippe with oyle, which by constraint they were inforced to buy of you and hauing answered in like maner the custome for the same, determined to depart: a Frenchman assistant to the Marchant, vnknowen to the Englishmen, caried away with him another Frenchman indebted to a certaine Moore in foure hundred duckets, and by force caused the Englishmen, and shippe to depart: who neither suspecting fraude, nor deceite, hoised sailes. In the meane time, this man, whose debter the Frenchman had stollen away, went to the Bassa with the supplication, by whose meanes, and force of the Castle, the Englishmen were constrained to returne into the port, where the Frenchman, author of the euill, with the Master of the ship an Englishman, innocent of the crime were hanged, and sixe and twentie Englishmen, cast into prison, of whom through famine, thirst, and stinke of the prison, eleuen died, and the rest like to die. Further, it was signified to our Maiestie also, that the marchandise and other goods, with the shippe, were worth 7600. duckets: which things if they be so, this is our commandemeht, which was granted and giuen by our Maiestie, that the English shippe, and all the marchandize, and whatsoeuer else taken away bee wholy restored, and that the Englishmen be let goe free, and suffered to returne into their countrey. Wherefore when this our commaundement shall come vnto thee, wee straightly commaund, that the foresaid businesse be diligently looked vnto, and discharged. And if it be so, that a Frenchman, and no Englishman hath done this craft, and wickednesse vnknowen to the Englishmen, and as authour of the wickednesse is punished, and that the Englishmen committed nothing against the peace and league, or their articles: also if they payd custome according to order, it is against law, custome of Countreys, and their priuilege, to hinder or hurt them. Neither is it meete, their shippe, marchandise, and all their goods taken, should be withholden. We will therefore, that the English shippe, marchandize, and all other their goods, without exception, be restored to the Englishmen: also that the men bee let goe free, and if they will, let none hinder them, to returne peaceably into their Countrey: do not commit, that they another time complaine of this matter, and how this businesse is dispatched, certifie vs at our most famous porche. Dated in the Citie of Constantinople, in the 992. yeere of Mahomet, and in the ende of the moneth of October; and in the yeere of IESVS 1584. * * * * * A letter of Master William Hareborne, the English Ambassadour, Ligier in Constantinople, to the Bassa Romadan, the Beglerbeg of Tripolis in Barbarie, for the restoring of an English shippe called the Iesus, with the goods, and men, detained as slaues, Anno 1585. Molto magnifico Signor, Noi ha stato significato per diuerse lettere di quanto ha passato circa diuina naue nostra chiamata Iesus, sopra il quale in agiuto di Ricciardo Skegs, vno de gli nostri mercanti di essa gia morto, veniua vn certo Francese per sopra cargo, chiamato Romano Sonings, il quale per non esser ben portato secondo che doueua, volendo importer seco vn altro Francese debitore a certi vostri sensa pagarcene, per giusticia era appiccato col patron Inglese Andre Dier, che come simplice credendo al detto Francese, senza auedercene de la sua ria malitia non retornaua, quando da vostra magnifica Signoria gli era mandato. La morte del detto tristo Francese approuiamo como cosa benfatta. [Sidenote: Edoardo Barton et Mahumed Beg.] Ma al contrario, doue lei ha confiscato la detta naue e mercantia en essa, et fatto sciaui li marinari, como cosa molto contraria a li priuilegij dal Gran Signor quattro anni passati concessi, et da noi confirmati di parte de la Serenissima Magesta d'Ingilterra nostra patrona, e molto contraria a la liga del detto Gran Signor, il quale essendo dal sopra detto apieno informato, noi ha conceduto il suo regale mandamento di restitutione, la qual mandiamo a vostra magnifica Signoria col presente portator Edoardo Barton, nostro Secretario, et Mahumed Beg, droguemano di sua porta excelsa, con altre lettere del excellentissimo Vizir, et inuictissimo capitan di mar: chiedendo, tanto di parte del Gran Signor, quanto di sua Serenissima Magesta di V. S. M. che gli huomini, oglij, naue col fornimento, danare, et tutti altri beni qualconque, da lei et per vestro ordine da gli nostri tolti siano resi à questo mio Secretario liberamente senza empacho alcuno, como il Gran Signor da sua gratia noi ha conceduto, specialmente per esser detti oglij comprati per ordine di sua Serenissima Magestà, per prouisione della Corte sua. Il qual non facendo, protestiamo per questa nostra al incontra di esso tutti futuri danni che puono succedere per questa cagione, como authore di quelli, contrario à la Santa liga giurata de li duoi Rei, patroni nostri, como per li priuilegij, che lei mostrerà il nostra, consta: per obseruatione de gli quali noi stiamo di fermo en questa excelsa Porta. Et cosi responderete nel alro mondo al solo Iddio, et quà al Gran Signor questo massimo peccato commesso da lei al incontra di tanti poueracchi, che per questa crudeltà sono in parte morti, in parti retenuti da esso en duro cattiuerio. Al contrario, piacendo lei euitar questo incommodo et restarcene en gratia del Signor Iddio, et li nostri patroni, amicheuolmente, (como conuien à par vostro di mostrarsi prudente gouernatore, et fidel seruitor al patrono) ad impirete questa nostra guistissima domanda, per poter resultarui à grand honore et commodò per la tratta di marchantia, che faronno a laduenire li nostri in quella vostra prouincia. Li quali generalmente, tanto quelli, como tutti altri che nel mar riscontrarete, siano, secondo che manda il Grand Signor, de vostra Signoria magnifica amicheuolmente recolti et receunti: Et noi non mancharemo al debito di ottimo amico en qualconche occurenza vostra, piacendo lei amicitia nostra como desideramo. Il Signor Iddio lei conceda (adimpiendo questa nostra giusta rechiesta, per cauar noi di piu futura fatica in questo negocio, et lei di disgratia) ogni vera felicità, et supremo honore. Data in Palazzo nostro che fu da Rapamat appresso Pera di 15. di Genero 1585. Il Ambassiatore de la Majesta Serenissima d'Ingilterra, amico de vostra Signoria magnifica, piacendo lei. The same in English. Right honourable Lord, it hath bene signified vnto vs by diuers letters, what hath fallen out, concerning a certaine shippe of ours, called the Iesus, into which, fore the helpe of Richard Skegs, one of our Marchants in the same, nowe deceased, there was admitted a certaine Frenchman called Romaine Sonnings, which for his ill behauiour, according to his deserts, seeking to cary away with him another Frenchman, which was indebted to certaine of your people, without paying his creditours, was hanged by sentence of iustice, together with Andrew Dier, the master of the said ship, who simply and without fraude, giuing credite to the said Frenchman, without any knowledge of his euil fact, did not returne when hee was commaunded, by your honourable Lordship. The death of the said lewde Frenchman we approue as a thing well done, but contrarywise, whereas your Lordship hath confiscated the said ship with the goods therein, and hath made slaues of the Mariners, as a thing altogether contrary to the priuileges of the Grand Signior, granted foure yeeres since, and confirmed by vs on the behalfe of the most excellent the Queenes Maiestie of England our Mystresse, and altogether contrary to the league of the saide Grand Signior, who being fully informed of the aforesaid cause, hath granted vnto vs his royall commandement of restitution, which we send vnto your honourable Lordship, by the present bearer Edward Barton our Secretaire, and Mahomet Beg, one of the Iustices of his stately Court, with other letters of the most excellent Admirall, and most valiant Captaine of the Sea, requiring your honourable Lordship, as well on the behalfe of the Grand Signior, as of the Queenes most excellent Maiestie, my Mystresse, that the men, oyles, shippe, furniture, money, and all other goods whatsoeuer, by your Lordship, and your order taken from our men, be restored vnto this my Secretary freely, without delay, as the Grand Signior of his goodnesse hath graunted vnto vs, especially in regard that the same oyles were bought by the commaundement of our Queenes most excellent Maiestie, for the prouision of her Court. Which if you performe not, wee protest by these our leters against you, that you are the cause of all the inconueniences which may ensue vpon this occasion, as the authour thereof, contrary to the holy league sworne by both our Princes, as by the priuileges, which this our seruant will shewe you, may appeare. For the seeing of which league performed, wee remaine here as Ligier in this stately Court. And by this meanes you shall answere in another world vnto God alone, and in this world vnto the Grand Signior, for this hainous sinne committed by you against so many poore soules, which by this your cruelty are in part dead, and in part detained by you in most miserable captiuitie. Contrarywise, if it shall please you to auoyd this mischiefe, and to remaine in the fauour of Almighty God, and of our Princes, you shall friendly fulfill this our iust demaund (as it behooueth you to shew your selfe a prudent Gouernour, and faithfull seruant vnto your Lord) and the same may turne to your great honour, and profite, by the trade of marchandize, which our men in time to come, may vse in that gouernment of yours: which generally, as well those poore men, as all others, which you shall meete at the sea, ought to be according to the commandement of the Grand Signior, friendly entertained and receiued of your honourable Lordship, and we will not faile in the dueties of a speciall friend, whensoeuer you shall haue occasion to vse vs, as we desire. Almighty God grant vnto your Lordship (in the fulfilling of this our iust request, whereby wee may be deliuered from further trouble in this matter, and your selfe from further displeasure) all true felicitie, and increase of honour. Giuen in our Pallace from Rapamat in Pera, the 15 of Ianuarie 1585. * * * * * The voyage passed by sea into Aegypt, by Iohn Euesham Gentleman. Anno 1586. The 5 of December 1586 we departed from Grauesend in the Tiger of London, wherein was Master vnder God for the voyage Robert Rickman, and the 21. day at night we came to the Isle of Wight: departing from thence in the morning following we had a faire winde, so that on the 27 day wee came in sight of the rocke of Lisbone, and so sayling along we came in sight of the South Cape, the 29 of the same, and on the morrowe with a Westerly winde we entered the straights: and the second of Ianuary being as high as Cape de Gate, we departed from our fleete towards Argier. And the 4 day we arriued at the port of Argier aforesaid, where we staied till the first of March. [Sidenote: Tunis.] At which time we set saile towardes a place called Tunis, to the Eastward of Argier 100 leagues, where we arriued the 8 of the same. This Tunis is a small citie vp 12 miles from the sea, and at the port or rode where shipping doe ride, is a castle or fort called Goletta, sometimes in the handes of the Christians, but now of the Turkes; at which place we remained till the third of Aprill: at which time wee set saile towardes Alexandria, and hauing sometime faire windes, sometime contrary, we passed on the 12 day betweene Sicilia and Malta (where neere adioyning hath beene the fort and holde of the knights of the Rhodes) and so the 19 day we fell with the Isle of Candy, and from thence to Alexandria, where we arriued the 27 of April, and there continued till the 5 of October. [Sidenote: The description of Alexandria.] The said citie of Alexandria is an old thing decayed or ruinated, hauing bene a faire and great citie neere two miles in length, being all vauted vnderneath for prouision of fresh water, which water commeth thither but once euery yeere, out of one of the foure riuers of paradise (as it is termed) called Nilus, which in September floweth neere eighteene foote vpright higher then his accustomed manner, and so the banke being cut, as it were a sluce, about thirty miles from Alexandria, at a towne called Rossetto, it doth so come to the saide Citie, with such aboundance, that barkes of twelue tunne doe come vpon the said water, which water doth fill all the vaults, cesternes, and wels in the said Citie, with very good water, and doth so continue good, till the next yeere following: for they haue there very litle raine or none at all, yet have they exceeding great dewes. Also they haue very good corne, and very plentifull; all the Countrey is very hot, especially in the moneths of August, September, and October. Also within the saide Citie there is a pillar of Marble, called by the Turkes, King Pharaoes needle, and it is foure square, euery square is twelue foote, and it is in height 90 foote. Also there is without the wals of the said Citie, about twentie score paces, another marble pillar, being round, called Pompey his pillar: this pillar standeth vpon a great square stone, euery square is fifteene foote, and the same stone is fifteene foote high, and the compasse of the pillar is 37 foote, and the height of it is 101 feete, which is a wonder to thinke how euer it was possible to set the said pillar vpon the said square stone. The port of the said Citie is strongly fortified with two strong Castles, and one other Castle within the citie, being all very well planted with munition: [Sidenote: Cayro.] and there is to the Eastward of this Citie, about three dayes iourney the citie of Grand Cayro, otherwise called Memphis: it hath in it by report of the registers bookes which we did see, to the number of 2400 Churches, and is wonderfully populous, and is one dayes iourney about the wals, which was iourneyed by one of our Mariners for triall thereof. Also neere to the saide citie there is a place called the Pyramides, being as I may well terme it, one of the nine wonders of the world: that is, seuen seuerall places of flint and marble stone, foure square, the wals thereof are seuen yards thicke in those places that we did see: the squarenes is in length about twentie score euery square, being built as it were a pointed diamond, broad at the foote, and small or narrow at the toppe: the heigth of them, to our judgement, doth surmount twise the heighth of Paules steeple: within the said Pyramides, no man doth know what there is, for that they haue no entrance but in the one of them, there is a hole where the wall is broken, and so we went in there, hauing torch light with vs, for that it hath no light to it, and within the same, is as it were a great hall, in the which there is a costly tombe, which tombe they say, was made for kinq Pharao in his life time, but he was not buried there, being drowned in the red sea: also there are certaine vauts or dungeons, which goe downe verie deepe vnder those Pyramides with faire staires, but no man dare venter to goe downe into them, by reason that they can cary no light with them, for the dampe of the earth doth put out the light: the red sea is but three dayes iourney from this place, and Ierusalem about seuen dayes iourney from thence: but to returne to Cayro. There is a Castle wherein is the house that Pharaoes wiues were kept in, and in the Pallace or Court thereof stande 55 marble pillars, in such order, as our Exchange standeth in London: the said pillars are in beigth 60 foote: and in compasse 14 foote: also in the said Citie is the castle were Joseph was in prison, where to this day they put in rich men, when the king would haue any summe of money of them: there are seuen gates to the sayd prison, and it goeth neere fiftie yardes downe right: also, the water that serueth this castle, commeth out of the foresaide riuer of Nilus, vpon a wall made with arches, fiue miles long, and it is twelue foote thicke. Also there are in old Cayro two Monasteries, the one called S. Georges, the other S. Maries: and in the Courts where the Churches be, was the house of king Pharao. In this Citie is great store of marchandize, especially pepper, and nutmegs, which come thither by land, out of the East India: and it is very plentifull of all maner of victuals, especially of bread, rootes, and hearbes: to the Eastwards of Cayro, there is a Well, fiue miles off called Matria, and as they say, when the Virgin Marie fled from Bethleem, and came into Ægypt, and being there, had neither water, nor any other thing to sustaine them, by the prouidence of God, an Angell came from heauen, and strake the ground with his wings, where presently issued out a fountaine of water: and the wall did open where the Israelites did hide themselues, which fountains or well is walled foure square till this day. [Sidenote: Carthage.] Also we were at an old Citie, all ruinated and destroyed, called in olde time, the great Citie of Carthage where Hannibal and Queene Dido dwelt: this Citie was but narrow, but was very long: for there was, and is yet to bee seene, one streete three mile long, to which Citie fresh water was brought vpon arches (as afore) aboue 25 miles, of which arches some are standing to this day. [Sidenote: Argier.] Also we were at diuers other places on the coast, as we came from Cayro, but of other antiquities we saw but few. The towne of Argier which was our first and last part, within the streights standeth vpon the side of an hill, close vpon the sea shore: it is very strong both by sea and land, and it is very well victualed with all manner of fruites bread and fish good store, and very cheape. It is inhabited with Turkes, Moores, and Iewes, and so are Alexandria and Cayro. In this towne are a great number of Christian captiues, whereof there are of Englishmen onely fifteene, from which port we set sayle towardes England, the seuenth of Ianuarie, Anno 1587, and the 30 day of the sayd moneth, we arriued at Dartmouth on the coast of England. * * * * * The second voyage of M. Laurence Aldersey, to the Cities of Alexandria, and Cayro in Aegypt. Anno 1586. I Embarked my selfe at Bristoll, in the Hercules, a good ship of London, and set saile the 21 day of Februarie, about ten of the clocke in the morning, hauing a merry winde: but the 23 day, there arose a very great storme, and in the mids of it we descried a small boate of the burden of ten tunnes, with foure men in her, in very great danger, who called a maine for our helpe. Whereupon our Master made towards them, and tooke them into our ship, and let the boate, which was laden with timber, and appertained to Chepstow, to runne a drift. The same night about midnight arose another great storme, but the winde was large with vs, vntill the 27 of the same moneth, which grew then somewhat contrary: yet notwithstanding we held on our course, and the tenth day of March, we described a saile about Cape Sprat, which is a little on this side the streight of Gibraltare, but we spake not with her. The next day we described twelue saile more, with whom we thought to haue spoken, to haue learned what they were, but they made very fast away, and we gaue them ouer. Thursday the 16 of March, we had sight of the streights, and of the coast of Barbary. The 18 day we passed them, and sailed towards Patras. Vpon the 23 of March, we met with the Centurion of London which came from Genoa, by whom we sent letters to England, and the foure men also which we tooke in, vpon the coast of England, before-mentioned. The 29th of March we came to Goleta a small Iland, and had sight of two shippes, which we iudged to be of England. Tuesday the fourth of April, we were before Malta, and being there becalmed, our Maister caused the two ship boates to be had out, and they towed the ship, till we were out of sight of the Castle of Malta. The 9 day of April we came to Zante, and being before the towne, William Aldridge, seruant to Master Thomas Cordall of London, came aboord us, with whom our Master and twelue more of our company, thought to haue gone on shoare: but they could not be permitted: so we all came aboard againe, and went to Patras, where we arriued vpon good Friday, and lay there with good enterteinement at the English house, where was the Consull Master Grimes, Ralph Ashley, and Iohn Doddington, who very kindly went with vs, and shewed vs the pleasures of the towne. They brought vs to the house of the Cady, who was made then to vnderstand of the 20 Turks that wee had aboard, which were to goe to Constantinople, being redeemed out of captiuitie, by sir Francis Drake in the West Indies, and brought with him into England, and by order of the Queenes Maiestie sent now into their Countrey. Whereupon the Cady commanded them to be brought before him, that he might see them: and when, he had talked with them, and vnderstood howe strangely they were deliuered, he marueiled much, and admired the Queenes Maistie of England, who being but a woman, is notwithstanding of such power and renowne amongst all the princes of Christendome, with many other honourable wordes of commending her Maiestie. So he tooke the names of those 20 Turkes, and recorded them in their great bookes, to remaine in perpetuall memory. After this, our foresaid countreyman brought mee to the Chappel of S. Andrew where his tombe or sepulchre is, and the boord vpon which he was beheaded, which boord is now so rotten, that if any man offer to cut it, it falleth to powder, yet I brought some of it away with me. Vpon Tuesday in Easter weeke, wee set out towards Zante againe, and the 24. of April with much adoe, wee were all permitted to come on shoare, and I was caried to the English house in Zante, where I was very well entertained. The commodities of Zante are Currants and oyle: the situation of the Towne is vnder a very great hill, vpon which standeth a very strong Castle, which commaundeth the Towne. At Zante wee tooke in a Captaine and 16. souldiers, with other passengers. Wee departed from Zante vpon Tuesday the 15. of April, and the next day we ankered at a small Iland, called Striualia, which is desolate of people, sauing a fewe religious men, who entertained vs well, without taking any money: but of courtesie we bestowed somewhat vpon them for their maintenance, and then they gaue vs a couple of leane sheepe, which we caried aboord. The last day of Aprill, wee arriued at Candie, at a Castle, called Sowday, where wee set the Captaine, Souldiers, and Mariners ashoare, which wee tooke in at Zante, with all their carriage. [Sidenote: The Islands of Milo, in olde time called Sporades.] The second day of May wee set saile againe, and the fourth day came to the Islands of Milo, where we ankered, and found the people there very courteous, and tooke in such necessaries as we wanted. The Islands are in my iudgement a hundred in number, and all within the compasse of a hundred miles. The 11. day, the Chaus, which is the greatest man there in authoritie, for certaine offences done in a little Chappell by the water side, which they saide one of our shippe had done, and imputed it to mee, because I was seene goe into it three dayes before, came to vs, and made much a doe, so that we were faine to come out of our shippe armed: but by three pieces of golde the brabling was ended, and we came to our shippe. This day wee also set saile, and the next day passed by the Castle of Serpeto, which is an old ruinated thing, and standeth vnder a hils side. The 13. day we passed by the Island of Paris, and the Island of the bankes of Helicon, and the Island called Ditter, where are many boares, and the women bee witches. The same day also wee passed by the Castle of Timo, standing vpon a very high mountaine, and neere vnto it is the Island of Diana. The 15. of May, wee came to Sio, where I stayed thirtie and three dayes. In it is a very proper Towne, after the building of that Countrey, and the people are civil: and while we were here there came in sixe Gallies, which had bene at Alexandria, and one of them which was the Admiral, had a Prince of the Moores prisoner, whom they tooke about Alexandria, and they meant to present him to the Turke. The towne standeth in a valley, and a long the water side pleasantly. There are about 26. winde-mils about it, and the commodities of it are cotton wooll, cotton yarne, mastike, and some other drugs. As we remained at Sio, there grew a great controuersie betweene the mariners of the Hercules, and the Greekes of the towne of Sio, about the bringing home of the Turkes, which the Greekes took in ill part, and the boyes cried out, Viue el Re Philippe: whereupon our men beate the boyes, and threwe stones, and so a broile beganne, and some of our men were hurt: but the Greekes were fetcht out of their houses, and manacled together with yrons, and threatned to the Gallies: about fortie of them were sent to the prison, and what became of them when we were gone, we know not, for we went thence within two dayes after, which was the 19. of Iune. The 20. day wee passed by the Island of Singonina, an Island risen by the casting of stones in that place: the substance of the ground there is brimstone, and burneth sometimes so much that it bloweth vp the rockes. The 24. of Iune wee came to Cyprus, and had sight in the way of the aforesaide sixe Gallies, that came from Alexandria, one whereof came vnto vs, and required a present for himselfe, and for two of the other Gallies, which we for quietnesse sake gaue them. The 27. of Iune, wee came to Tripolie, where I stayed till the fift of Iuly, and then tooke passage in a smal barke called a Caramusalin, which was a passage boat, and was bound for Bichieri, thirteene miles on this side Alexandria, which boate was fraighted with Turkes, Moores, and Iewes. The 20. day of Iuly, this barke which I passed in ranne vpon a rocke, and was in very great danger, so that we all began some to be ready to swimme, some to leape into the shippe boate, but it pleased God to set vs quickly off the rocke, and without much harme. [Sidenote: The English house in Alexandria.] The 28. of Iuly I came to Bichieri, where I was well entertained of a Iewe which was the Customer there, giuing me Muskadine, and drinking water himselfe: hauing broken my fast with him, he prouided mee a Camell for my carriage, and a Mule for mee to ride vpon, and a Moore to runne by me to the City of Alexandria, who had charge to see mee safe in the English house, whether I came, but found no Englishmen there: but then my guide brought me aboord a ship of Alderman Martins, called the Tyger of London, where I was well receiued of the Master of the said ship, whose name was Thomas Rickman, and of all the company. The said Master hauing made me good cheere, and made me also to drinke of the water of Nilus, hauing the keyes of the English house, went thither with me himselfe, and appointed mee a faire chamber, and left a man with me to prouide me all things that I needed, and euery day came himselfe to me, and caried me into the City, and shewed me the monuments thereof, which be these. [Sidenote: The monuments of Alexandria.] Hee brought mee first to Pompey his pillar, which is a mighty thing of gray marble, and all of one stone, in height by estimation about 52. yards, and the compasse about sixe fadome. The City hath three gates, one called the gate of Barbaria, the other of Merina, and the thirde of Rossetto. He brought me to a stone in the streete of the Citie, whereupon S. Marke was beheaded: to the place where S. Katerine died, hauing there hid herselfe, because she would not marry: also to the Bath of S. Katerine. I sawe there also Pharaos needle, which is a thing in height almost equall with Pompeys pillar, and is in compasse fiue fadome, and a halfe, and all of one stone. I was brought also to a most braue and daintie Bath, where we washed our selues: the Bath being of marble, and of very curious workemanship. The Citie standeth vpon great arches, or vawtes, like vnto Churches, with mightie pillars of marble, to holde vp the foundation: which arches are built to receiue the water of the riuer of Nilus, which is for the vse of the Citie. It hath three Castles, and an hundred Churches: but the part that is destroyed of it, is sixe time more then that part which standeth. The last day of Iuly, I departed from Alexandria towards Cayro in a passage boate, wherein first I went to Rossetto, standing by the riuer side, hauing 13. or 14. great churches in it, their building there is of stone and bricke, but as for lodging, there is little, except we bring it with vs. From Rosetto wee passed along the riuer of Nilus, which is so famous in the world, twise as broad as the Thames at London: on both sides grow date trees in great abundance. The people be rude, insomuch that a man cannot traueile without a Ianizary to conduct him. [Sidenote: The Turkes Lent.] The time that I stayed in Ægypt, was the Turkes and Moores Lent, in all which time they burne lamps in their churches, as many as may hang in them: their Lent endureth 40. dayes, and they haue three Lents in the yere: during which time they neither eate nor drinke in the day time, but all the night they do nothing else. Betwixt Rossetto and Cayro there are along the water side three hundred cities and townes, and the length of the way is not aboue three hundred miles. To this famous Citie of Cayro I came the fift day of August, where I found M. William Alday, and William Cæsar, who intertained me in very good sort. M. Cæsar brought mee to see the Pyramides which are three in number, one whereof king Pharao made for his owne tombe, the tombe it selfe is almost in the top of it: the monuments bee high and in forme 4. square, and euery of the squares is as long as a man may shoote a rouing arrowe, and as high as a Church, I sawe also the ruines of the Citie of Memphis hard by those Pyramides. The house of Ioseph is yet standing in Cayro, which is a sumptuous thing, hauing a place to walke in of 56. mighty pillars, all gilt with gold, but I saw it not, being then lame. The 11. day of August the lande was cut at Cayro, to let in the water of the riuer of Nilus, which was done with great ioy and triumph. The 12. of August I set from Cayro towards Alexandria againe, and came thither the 14. of August The 26. day there was kept a great feast of the Turkes and Moores, which lasted two dayes, and for a day they neuer ceased shooting off of great Ordinance. [Sidenote: The English Consul at Argier.] From Alexandria I sailed to Argier, where I lay with M. Typton Consull of the English nation, who vsed me most kindly, and at his owne charge. Hee brought mee to the kings Court, and into the presence of the King, to see him, and the maners of the Court: the King doeth onely beare the name of a king, but the greatest gouernment is in the hands of the souldiers. The king of Potanca is prisoner in Argier, who comming to Constantinople, to acknowledge a duety to the great Turke, was betrayed by his owne nephew, who wrote to the Turke, that he went onely as a spy, by that meanes to get his kingdome. I heard at Argier of seuen Gallies that were at that time cast away at a towne called Formentera: three of them were of Argier, the other foure were the Christians. We found here 13. Englishmen, which were by force of weather put into the bay of Tunis, where they were very ill vsed by the Moores, who forced them to leaue their barke: whereupon they went to the Councell of Argier, to require a redresse and remedy for the iniurie. They were all belonging to the shippe called the Golden Noble of London, whereof Master Birde is owner. The Master was Stephen Haselwood, and the Captaine Edmond Bence. The thirde day of December, the pinnesse called the Mooneshine of London, came to Argier with a prize, which they tooke vpon the coast of Spaine, laden with sugar, hides, and ginger: the pinnesse also belonging to the Golden Noble: and at Argier they made sale both of shippe and goods, where wee left them at our comming away, which was the seuenth day of Ianuarie, and the first day of February, I landed at Dartmouth, and the seuenth day came to London, with humble thankes to Almightie God, for my safe arriuall. * * * * * A letter of the English Ambassadour to M. Haruie Millers, appointing him Consull for the English nation in Alexandria, Cairo, and other places of Egypt. Hauing to appoint our Consull in Cayro, Alexandria, Egypt, and other parts adiacent, for the safe protection of body and goods of her Maiesties subiects; being well perswaded of your sufficient abilitie; in her Maiesties name I doe elect and make choise of you, good friend Haruie Millers, to execute the same worshipfull office, as shall be required for her Maiesties better seruice, the commodity of her subiects, and my contentation: hauing and enioying for merit of your trauell in the premises the like remuneration incident to the rest of ours in such office in other parts of this Empire. Requiring you (all other affaires set aside) to repaire thither with expedition, and attend vpon this your charge, which the Almighty grant you well to accomplish. For the due execution whereof, wee heerewith send you the Grand Signiors Patent of priuilege with ours, and what els is needfull therefore, in so ample maner, as any other Consull whosoeuer doeth or may enioy the same. In ayd whereof, according to my bounden duety to her Maiesty our most gracious Mistresse, I will be ready alwayes to employ my selfe to the generall benefit of her Maiesties subiects, for your maintenance in all iust causes incident to the same. And thus eftsoones requiring and commanding you as aboue sayd, to performe my request, I bid you most heartily well to fare, and desire God to blesse you. From my mansion Rapamat night Pera this 25 of April 1583. * * * * * A letter to the right honourable William Hareborne her Majesties Ambassadour with the Grand Signior from Alger. Right honorable, we haue receiued your honors letters dated in Constantinople the 5. of Nouember, and accordingly deliuered that inclosed to the king of this place, requiring of him, according as you did command vs in her Maiesties name, that he would vouchsafe to giue order to all his Captaines and Raies that none of them should meddle with our English shippes comming or going to or from these parts, for that they haue order not to passe by the Christian coast, but vpon the coast of Barbary, and shewing him of the charter giuen by the Grand Signior, requiring him in like case that for the better fulfilling of the amity, friendship and holy league betweene the Grand Signior and her Maiesty, he would giue us fiue or six safe-conducts for our ships, that meeting with any of his gallies or galliots, they might not meddle with them neither shoot at them: who made me answere he would neither giue me any safe conduct nor commission to his men of war not to meddle with them, for that he trusted to take some of them this yere, and made good account thereof. In like maner I spake to the chiefe of the Ianisers and the Leuents, who made me answere, the best hope they had this yere was to take some of them, and although they haue the Grand Signiors commandement we care not therefore: for we will by policy, or one meanes or other prouoke them to shoot some ordinance, which if they do but one piece, the peace is broken, and they be good prizes. And some of them say further, we care not for his safe-conduct, for if they shew it vs, we will conuey it away, we are sure the dogs cannot be beleeued against vs. The premisses considered, your honour is with all speed to procure the Grand Signior his fauorable letters directed to Hazan, the Cady, Captaines, Ianisers, and Leuents, and another like to Romadan Bassa, king of Tripolis, commanding them in no maner whatsoeuer to deale with our English ships bound into those parts or returning thence with their commodities, although they should shoot one at another: for when our ships shall meet them, for that, as your honor is aduertised, the gallies of Carthagena, Florence, Sicilia and Malta haue made a league to take all our ships comming in or going out of the Grand Signiors dominions, therefore if they meet with any of these gallies of Alger or Tripolis, thinking they be of them, and not knowing them a far off, they may shoot at them, which if therefore they should make them prizes, were against Gods lawes, the Grand Signior his league, all reason and conscience, considering that all the world doth know that Marchants ships laden with marchandise do not seeke to fight with men of warre, but contrariwise to defend themselues from them, when they would do them harme. Wherefore if your honour do not get out two letters of the Grand Signior as aforesayd, and send them hither with all speed by some one of your gentlemen accompanied with a chaus of the Court, or some other of the Grand Signiors servants, it is impossible that our English ships can escape freely from these or the Christians: for either they must of force go on the Christian coast, and so fall into their hands, or els on this coast, and fall into the kings of this towne, or Tripolis, their hands which if they should, will neuer be recouered. And if your honor cannot obtaine this thing, I beseech your honour in the behalfe of all the English marchants (who sent me hither to follow such order as your honour should giue me) to certifie her Maiesty, to the end that they may be commanded to leaue off traffique, and not to lose their goods, and her poore subiects the Mariners. And thus humbly taking my leaue, I desist from troubling your honor. From Algier the tenth of February 1583. * * * * * A letter of M. Harborne to Mustapha, challenging him for his dishonest dealing in translating of three of the Grand Signior his commandements. Domine Mustapha, nescimus quid sibi velit, cum nobis mandata ad finem vtilem concessa perperàm reddas, quæ male scripta, plus damni, quàm vtilitatis adferant: quemadmodum constat ex tribus receptis mandatis, in quibus summum aut principale deest aut aufertur. In posterum noli ita nobiscum agere. Ita enim ludibrio erimus omnibus in nostrum et tuum dedecus. Cum nos multarum actionum spem Turcicè scriptarum in tua prudentia reponimus, ita prouidere debes, vt non eueniant huiusmodi mala. Quocirca deinceps cum mandatum aut scriptum aliquod accipias, verbum ad verbum conuertatur in Latinum sermonem, ne damnum insequatur. Nosti multos habere nos inimicos conatibus nostris inuidentes, quorum malitiæ vestræ est prudentiæ aduersari. Hi nostri, Secretarius et minimus interpres ex nostra parte dicent in tribus illis receptis mandatis errata. Vt deinceps similes errores non eueniant precamur. Ista emendes, et cætera Serenissimæ regiæ Maiestatis negocia, vti decet vestræ conditionis hominem, meliùs cures. Nam vnicuique suo officio strenuè est laborandum vt debito tramite omnia succedant: quod spero te facturum. Bene vale. * * * * * The Pasport in Italian granted to Thomas Shingleton Englishman, by the king of Algier. 1583. Noi Assan Basha Vicere et lochotenente e capitan della iurisditione de Algier doniamo e concediamo libero saluo condutto a Thomas Shingleton mercadante, che possi con suo vassello e marinare de che natione se siano, e mercadantia di qual si voglia natione, andare et venire, e negotiari, e contrattare liberamente in questa citta de Algier et altri locha de la nostra iurisditione cosi di ponente comi di Leuante: et cosi anchora commandiamo al capitan di maare di Algier et d'altri lochi de nostra iurisditione, Rais de Vasselli et Capitani de Leuante, et altri capitani di vasselli tanto grossi como picholi, si comnanda a qual si voglia, che truando il sopradetto Thomas Shingleton Inglese nelli mari di Genua, Francia Napoli, Calabria, e Sardigna con suo vassello e mercantia, et homini de che nationi si siano, non gli debba molestare, ne piggliare, ne toccare cosa de nessuna manero tanto di denare, como di qual si voglia altra robba, sotto la pena e disgratia di perdir la vita et la robba: Et per quanto hauete a caro la gratia del Gran Signor nostro patrone Soltan Murates Ottomano, lo lasciarete andare per suo camino senza dargli nessuno impedimento. Dato in Algieri in nostro regio Palazzo, sigillato del nostro reggio sigillo, e fermato della gran ferma, et scritto del nostro reggio Secretario, il di 23 de Ienaro, 1583. The same in English. We Assan Bassha Viceroy and lieutenant, and captaine of the iurisdiction of Algier, giue and grant free safeconduct to Thomas Singleton marchant, that with his ship and mariners, of what nation soeuer they be, and with his marchandize of what countrey soeuer, he may go and come, and trade and traffique freely in this city of Algier, and other places of our iurisdiction, as well of the West as of the East. And in like sort we further command the captaine of the sea of Algier, and other places of our iurisdiction, the Reiz of vessels and captaines of the Leuant, and other captaines of vessels aswell great as small, whosoeuer they be, we do command them, that finding the forsayd Thomas Shingleton Englishman in the seas of Genua, France, Naples, Calabria, and Sardinia, with his ship and merchandize, and men of what nation soeuer they be, that they molest them not, neither take nor touch any kind of thing of theirs, neither money nor any other kind of goods, vnder paine and peril of loosing of their liues and goods: and as you make account of the fauour of the Grand Signor our lord Sultan Murates Hottoman, so see you let him passe on his way without any maner of impediment. Dated at Alger in our kingly palace, signed with our princely Signet, and sealed with our great seale, and writen by our Secretarie of estate, the 23. of Ianuarie, 1583. * * * * * A letter written in Spanish by Sir Edward Osborne, to the king of Alger, the 20. of Iuly, 1584 in the behalfe of certeine English captiues there detained. Muy alto y poderoso Rey, Sea seruida vostra alteza. Como la muy alta y potentissima magestad del Gran Sennor tiene hecho articulos de priuilegios con la Serenissima Magestad de nuestra Reyna d'Inglatierra, para los vassalos della poder libremente yr y boluer, y tratar por mar y tierra en los dominios de su potentissima Magestad, Como a la clara paresce por los dichos articulos, de che embiamos el tractado al Senor Iuan Tipton nuestro commissario, para le muestrar a vostra Alteza. Contra el tenor de los quales articulos por dos galeras de su ciudad de Alger ha sido hechado al fondo en la mar vn des nuestros nauios que venia de Patras, que es en la Morea, cargado de corintes y otras mercaderias, que alla se compraron, y las mas de la gente del la matados y ahogados en la mar, y el resto est an detenidos por esclauos: cosa muy contraria a los dichos articulas y priuilegios. Que es occasion, que por esto supplicamos a vostra Alteza muy humilmente, que, pues que la potentissimo magestad del grand Sennor es seruida nos fauorescer por los dichos articulos, tambien sea seruida vostra Alteza assistimos en ellos, otorgandonos por vostra autoridad su auida y fauor, segun que esperamos, para que puedan estar libres, y boluer para aca aquellos pobres hombres ansi hechos esclauos, como dicho es. Y ansi mismo, que mande vostra Alteza dar orden a los capitanes, maestres y gente de las galeras, que nos dexen de aqui adelante hazer nuestro trafico con seys naos cada anno para Turquia a los dominios del Gran Sennor a paz y a saluo, por no cotrariar a los dichos nuestros priuilegios, Lleuando cada vna de nuestras dichas naos pot se conoscer vn saluo condutto de su alta et potentissima magestad. Y con esta vostra tan senallada merced y fauor que en esso reciberemos, quedaremos nosotros con grandissima obligation a vostra Alteza de seruir la por ello, segun que el dicho Sennor Iuan Tipton, a quien nos reportamos de todo lo demas, mejor informira vostra Alteza: Cuya serenissima persona y estado supplicamos y pidimos a Dios omnipotente prosperu y accrescente con toda felicitad y honra. Del la ciuidad de Londres a los veynte dias de Iulio del mil y quinientos y ocbenta y quatro annos. Al seruitio de vuestra Alteza per y en hombre de todos los tratantes en Tutquia, lo el Mayor de Londres, Edward Osborne. The same in English. Right high and mightie king, May it please your highnesse to vnderstand, that the most high and most mightie maiestie of the Grand Signor hath confirmed certaine articles of priuileges with the most excellent maiestie of our Queene of England, that her subjects may freely go and come, and traffique by sea and land in the dominions of his most mighty maiesty, as appeareth more at large by the said articles, whereof we haue sent the copy vnto M. Iohn Tipton our Commissarie to shew the same vnto your highnes. [Sidenote: An English ship sunke by two gallies of Alger.] Against the tenor of which articles, one of our ships which came from Patras which is in Morea, laden with corants and other merchandizes which were bought in those parts, was sunke by 2. gallies of your citie of Alger, and the greatest number of the men thereof were slain and drowned in the sea, the residue being detained as slaues: An acte very contrary to the meaning of the aforesaid articles and priuileges: which is the occasion that by these presents we beseech your highnesse very humbly that since it hath pleased the most mightie maiestie of the Grand Signor to fauour vs with the sayd priuileges, it would please your Highnesse in like maner to assist vs in the same, graunting vs by your authoritie, your ayde and fauour, according as our hope is that these poore men so detained in captiuitie, as is aforesaid, may be set at libertie, and returne into their countrey. And likewise that your highnesse would send to giue order to the captaines, masters and people of your gallies, that from hencefoorth they would suffer vs to vse our traffique with sixe ships yerely into Turkie vnto the dominions of the Grand Signor in peace and safetie, that they do not withstand those our said priuileges, euery one of our foresaid ships carying with them a passeport of his most high and most mightie maiestie to be knowen by. And for that your so singular fauour and curtesie which in so doing we shall receiue, we on our part with all bounden duetie vnto your highnesse, will seeke to honour you in that behalfe, according as the sayd Master Iohn Tipton (to whom wee referre our selues touching all other circumstances) shall more at large informe your highnesse, whose most excellent person and estate, we pray and beseech Almighty God to prosper and increase with all felicitie and honour. From the Citie of London, the 20. of Iuly, 1584. At the seruice of your highnesse, for and in the name of our whole company trading into Turkie, I Maior of London. Edward Osburne. * * * * * Notes concerning the trade of Alger. The money that is coined in Alger is a piece of gold called Asiano, and Doublaes, and two Doublaes make an Asiano, but the Doubla is most vsed, for all things be sold by Doublaes, which Doubla is fiftie of their Aspers there. The Asper there is not so good by halfe and more, as that in Constantinople; for the Chekin of gold of the Turkes made at Constantinople is at Alger worth an 150 Aspers, and at Constantinople, it is but 66. Aspers. The pistolet and roials of plate are most currant there. The said pistolet goeth for 130. Aspers there: and the piece of 4 roials goeth for 40 Aspers, but oftentimes is sold for more, as men need them to carie vp into Turkie. Their Asianos and Doublaes are pieces of course gold, worth here but 40. s. the ounce, so the same is currant in no place of Turkie out of the kingdom of Alger, neither the Aspers, for that they be lesse then others be, for they coine them in Alger. The custome to the king is inward 10. per centum, to the Turke, to be paid of the commoditie it selfe, or as it shall be rated. There is another custome to the Ermine, of one and an halfe per centum, which is to the Iustice of the Christians: the goods for this custome are rated as they are for the kings custome. Hauing paid custome inwards, you pay none outwards for any commoditie that you doe lade, more then a reward to the gate keepers. The waight there is called a Cantare for fine wares, as mettals refined, and spices &c. which is here 120. li. subtil. Mettall not refined, as lead, iron, and such grosse wares, are sold by a great Cartare, which is halfe as big againe: so it is 180. li. subtil of ours here. The measure of corne is by a measure called a Curtia, which is about 4. bushels of our measure, and corne is plentiful there and good cheape, except when there hapneth a very dry yeere. The surest lodging for a Christian there is in a Iewes house: for if he haue any hurt, the Iew and his goods shall make it good, so the Iew taketh great care of the Christian and his goods that lieth in his house, for feare of punishment. An Englishman called Thomas Williams, which is M. Iohn Tiptons man, lieth about trade of merchandize in the streete called The Soca of the Iewes. * * * * * Notes concerning the trade in Alexandria. Alexandria in Egypt is a free port, and when a man commeth within the castles, presently the Ermyn sends aboord to haue one come and speake with him to know what goods are aboord: and then hee will set guards aboord the ship to see all the goods discharged. And then from the Ermin you goe to the Bye, [Marginal note: This is another officer.] onely for that he will inquire newes of you, and so from thence to the Consuls house where you lie. The Venetians haue a Consul themselues. But all other nations goe to the French nations Consul, who will giue you a chamber for your selues apart, if you will so haue it. The customs inward of all commodities are ten in the hundred, and the custome is paid in wares also that you buy: for the same wares in barter you pay also ten in the hundred, at the lading of the wares. [Marginal note: Other smal customs you pay besides, which may be at two in the hundred: and for Consulage you pay two in the hundred.] But if you sell for mony, you pay no more custome but the ten aforesaid, and one and a halfe in the hundred, which is for the custome of the goods you lade for the sayd mony, for more custome you pay not. But for all the money you bring thither you pay nothing for the custome of the same. And if you sell your wares for mony, and with the same money buy wares, you pay but two in the hundred for the custome thereof. And if you steale any custome, if it be taken, you pay double custome for that you steale. The weight of Alexandria is called Pois Forforeine, which is a kintal in that place, which maketh at Marseils 109. li. of Marseils waight, at 15 ounces the pound, which is 103. li. of 16. ounces to the li. There is another waight called Pois Gerrin, which is 150. li. of Marseils waight, by which are sold all things to eate: but spice is sold by the former waight. From Alexandria to Cairo is three daies journey, but you must take a Ianissarie with you: and to go vp thither by water it is 8. dayes journey. Roials of Spaine are currant mony there, and are the best money you can cary. And 4. roials are worth 13. Medins, and 2. Medins, are 3. Aspers. Pistolets and crownes of France and Dollers will goe, but of all Roials are best. Rice is not permitted to goe out of the land, but is kept for a victuall. But with a present to the Bye and Ermine some may passe. All sortes of spices be garbled after the bargaine is made, and they be Moores which you deale withall, which be good people and not ill disposed. And after you be searched and haue leaue to passe, you must presently depart out of the port, and if you doe not, they will search you againe. And you must depart in the day, for in the night the castles will not suffer you to depart. The duetie to the Consul is 2 in the hundred, for his aide, and meate, and drinke and all. And the port of Alexandria is good when one is within it with good ankers and cables. Silver is better currant then gold in Alexandria, but both are good. Commonly the Carauans come thither in October from Mecca to Cairo, and from thence to Alexandria, where the merchants be that buy the spices, and therefore the spices are brought most to Alexandria, where each Christian nation remaineth at the Consuls houses. Yet oftentimes the Christians go vp to Cairo to buy drugs and other commodities there, as they see cause. And the commodities there vendible are all sorts of kersies, but the most part blewes, and of clothes all colours except mingled colours and blacks. Pepper is usually sold for 24. ducats the quintal, Ginger for 14. ducats. You most take canuas to make bags to put your commoditie in from Alexandria, for there is none. There is also fine flaxe, and good store of Buffe hides. * * * * * A letter of the English ambassador to M. Edward Barton. Master Barton I send you 3. commandements in Turkish, with a copy thereof in English, to the ende our ships might not come in danger of breach of league, if they should shoote at the gallies of those of Algier, Tunis, and Tripolis in the West: which after you haue shewed the Bassas, receiue againe into your hands, and see them registred, and then deliuer one of them to our friend M. Tipton, and the like you are to do with the priuilege which you cary with you, and see them iointly registered in the Cadies booke, deliuering the copy of the said priuilege sealed by the Cadi, also to the sayd our friend M. Tipton, taking a note of his hand for the receipt thereof, and for deliuerie at all times to vs or our assignes. And require them in her maiesties and the grand Signors name, that they will haue our ships passing too and fro vnder licence and safeconduct for recommended in friendly maner. Touching your proceedings in Tripolis with Romadan, as I haue not receiued any aduise thereof, since your departure, so must I leaue you to God and my former direction. The ship patronised of Hassan Rayes, which you wrote to be ours, prooued to be a Catalonian. As for ours, by report of that Hassan and other Iewes in his ship, it was affirmed to be sold to the Malteses, which with the rest you are to receiue there. And hauing ended these affaires and registred our priuilege, and these three commandements, in Tripolis, Tunis, and Alger, I pray you make speedy returne, and for that which may be recouered, make ouer the same either to Richard Rowed for Patrasso in Morea, or otherwise hither to Iohn Bate in the surest maner you may, if the registring of that your priuilege and these commandements will not suffer you in person to returne with the same. From my mansion Rapamat in Pera this 24. of Iune 1584. * * * * * The commaundement obtained of the Grand Signior by her Maiesties ambassador M. Wil. Hareborne, for the quiet passing of her subiects to and from his dominions, sent in An. 1584 to the Viceroyes of Algier, Tunis, and Tripolis in Barbary. To our Beglerbeg of Algier. We certifie thee by this our commandement, that the right honorable Will. Hareborne ambassador to the Queenes maiestie of England hath signified vnto vs, that the ships of that countrey in their comming and returning to and from our Empire, on the one part of the Seas haue the Spaniards, Florentines, Sicilians, and Malteses, on the other part our countreis committed to your charge: which abouesaid Christians will not quietly suffer their egresse and regresse, into, and out of our dominions, but doe take and make the men captiues, and forfeit the shippes and goods, as the last yeere the Maltese did one, which they tooke at Gerbi, and to that end do continually lie in wait for them to their destruction, whereupon they are constrained to stand to their defence at any such time as they might meet with them. Wherefore considering by this means they must stand vpon their guard, when they shall see any gallie afarre off, whereby if meeting with any of your gallies and not knowing them, in their defence they do shoot at them, and yet after when they doe certainly know them, do not shoote any more, but require to passe peaceably on their voiage, which you would deny, saying, the peace is broken because you haue shot at vs, and so make prize of them contrary to our priuileges, and against reason: for the preuenting of which inconuenience the said ambassadour hath required this our commaundement. We therefore command thee, that vpon sight hereof thou doe not permit any such matter in any sort whatsoeuer, but suffer the sayd Englishmen to passe in peace according to the tenour of our commandement giuen, without any disturbance or let by any meanes vpon the way, although that meeting with thy gallies, and not knowing them afarre off, they taking them for enemies should shoote at them, yet shall you not suffer them to hurt them therefore, but quietly to passe. Wherefore looke thou that they may haue right, according to our priuilege giuen them, and finding any that absenteth himself, and wil not obey this our commandement, presently certify vs to our porch, that we may giue order for his punishment, and with reverence giue faithfull credite to this our commandement, which hauing read, thou shalt againe returne it vnto them that present it. From our palace in Constantinople, the 1. of Iune 1584. * * * * * A letter of the honorable M. Wil. Hareborne her maiesties ambass. with the grand Signior to M. Tipton, appointing him Consul of the English in Algier, Tunis, and Tripolis of Barbarie. Master Tipton, I haue receiued among others, yours of the 10. of Nouember 1584. by Soliman Sorda, certifying the receipt of mine of the 24. of Iune 1584. with the 3. commandements, which not being registred, let it now be done. Where you write the force of the priuilege to be broken by our ships in shooting, and therefore be lawfully taken, you are deceiued, for of those taken in then, hath the grand Signior now deliuered vs free, Wil. Moore, and Rob. Rawlings, and further promised the rest in like case, wheresoeuer they be, and that hereafter no violence shalbe shewed, considering ours be merchants ships which go peaceably in their voiage, and were ignorant of the orders of Algier, neither knew afar off, whether they were friends or the Christians gallies in league with vs, of whom they most doubted, who not suffring our ships to come into these parts, wil make prize of the goods and captiue the men, so as they are not to let them come nigh them: and since ours haue not done contrary to the articles of the same priuilege, wherein is no order for Algier prescribed vs, as both by the originall now sent vs, and also by the copy now sent you from London you may perceiue, they according to right are as abouesaid to be set free, and their goods restored, which if it be not there accomplished as the grand Signior hath now commanded, and most faithfully promised, neither yet in case of their denial, those offenders punished here, and our injuries redressed, we are to demand our Congie, and command our merchants her maiesties subiects, to end their traffike here, which in our countrey commodities is prooued and found by the great Signior to be so beneficial to his countries as we are assured so well thereof, as also for the honor which his ancestors neuer had of friendship with so mighty a prince as is her maiesty, he wil not but maintaine the faith promised her, and the intercourse in due force. And where you say that the grand Signor his letters, in the behalf of the French, were no more accepted there, then of a mean man, nor tooke no place, that is not material to vs, our letters are after another sort much more effectuall. For our case and theirs be found far different, in that they be not onely now out of fauour with him, but also the commodities which they bring hither, as sugar, paper, bracelets, ropes of bast, almonds, &c., all which may be here wel spared, and we contrarily so wel esteemed, as he neuer denied vs any thing since our comming demanded, which neither their ambassador, nor the Venetian could haue here, and therefore we rest perswaded, knowing the wisdom of the Beglebeg, who is aduised by his friends from hence, of this our credite with his master, he wil so respect his commandements, as to accomplish the tenor thereof according to our desire. And where you say that the Ianizers rule all there, I know right wel that if things be not done as the grand Signior commandeth, his lieutenant must answer it. And therefore I am fully perswaded if he doe what he may they dare not resist him, for if they should, those rebels should not be vnpunished of the grand Signior. And though they speake their pleasures among themselues there, yet they be not so brutish, but they wel consider that their master the grand Signior may not be gainsaid or mocked of any. For vpon his word dependeth the life or death euen of the chiefest, as I have seene since my comming hither. So whatsoever these Ianizaries say, they will be better aduised in their deedes then to withstand their Viceroy, if he himselfe wil vse his lawfull power, which if hee doe not, hee cannot purge himselfe here of their euill proceedings against the grand Signiors friends: for the feet may not rule the bodie, but contrarywise, the head, the feete, and all the rest of the members. And for that neither for feare, affection or otherwise you omit as a faithfull true subiect to her maiestie to do your dutie, I do by my warrant going herewith charge you, and in her maiesties name, to the vttermost to vse your good and faithfull endeuour, as becommeth a true subiect, and in all things that may concerne her maiesties good seuice, assisting the Chaus with the rest of our messengers in counsel, trauel, and what els shall be thought requisite for your good discharge of your duetie. And to the end you may boldly proceed herein as also for the good opinion sir Edward Osborne and the company haue of you, and I no lesse perswaded of youre wisedome, vpright dealing, and good experience in those parts, do send you herewith the grand Signiors and our patents for exercising the office of Consul there, in Tripolis and Tunis: by virtue of which authoritie you may without feare proceed as the office doeth chalenge in defence of our priuilege, to redresse all iniuries offred our nation. Which if you cannot get reformed there of the Beglerbies vpon your complaint, I thereof aduertised, shal doe it here, and to the vttermost maintaine you in al rightful causes whatsoeuer, doubt you not. And hereafter according to your aduise, I wil and doe giue our ships order not to fight with any gallies of Alger, but to hoise out their skiffe and go aboord to shew them their safeconduct, and to present the captain with a garment, and you there in such like case are to take order that they do not forceably take any thing from them. [Sidenote: The Inuentorie of our ships and goods sunke and taken by the gallies of Alger.] Nothing doubting but the Viceroy (whose friendship in her maiesties behalfe I desire) will not onely performe the same your iust request, and according to right, restore to libertie our men since the priuilege taken, but also cause those that tooke and sunke our ships to answere the value, which I haue set down truly, and rather with the least in the Inuentorie translated into Turkish, whereof the inclosed is the copy in English, which I send to the end you may be the better informed of my demand by this our Chaus Mahomet, with whom in all things you are to conferre of matters expedient, for the honor of her maiesties countrey, and the commoditie, and libertie of poore captiues, which if the Viceroy do wel consider, according to his wisdome, as the grand Signior doeth thereof, he shal wel perceiue it not onely a great honour to his master as aforesaid, to continue this amitie with her maiestie, but chiefly to the whole estate of his kingdom exceeding profitable, which by this means shall be abundantly serued with the chiefest commodities they want, with many other things of more importance to the grand Signior his contentation, not herein to be mentioned. For I know the Viceroies experienced wisdom can wel consider thereof, in such sort as he wil not deny to accomplish his masters commandement, and our earnest request in so small a matter as this we require, whereof I expect no refusall: for thereby he shall increase his honor with the grand Signior, be in credite with her maiestie, be void of trouble which hereafter by future suite against him may happen, and his gallies free of such doubtful issue as doeth chance, fighting with our ships. Which, as it is well knowen to all the world, haue so great hearts as neuer cowardly to yeeld to their enemies. And that therefore in that respect (after the prouerbe, like esteeme of their like) they are the more of such a valiant prince as is their Viceroy and his couragious souldiers to be in all friendship cherished and better esteemed. If the captaine Bassa had bene returned from Capha, I would in like maner haue procured his letters, which for that he is not, I doubt nothing but that the grand Signiors will suffise. Thus commending your selfe and these proceedings to the almighty his merciful direction, I bid you most heartily wel to fare. From my mansion Rapamat nigh Pera, this 30. of March, 1585. * * * * * Series vel registrum valoris nauium, bonorum, et hominum per triremes Argerienses ereptorum, vna cum captiuorum hominum nominibus, Beglerbego Argeriensi Hassano. 1 Salomon de Plimmouth habuit 36. homines, onerata cum sale, onere trecentorum doliorum, valore Florenorum 5600. 2 Elizabetha de Garnesey cum decem hominibus Anglis, reliquis Britonibus, valore Florenorum 2000. 3 Maria Martin de London onere centum et triginta doliorum, rectore Thoma More cum triginta quinque hominibus, reuertens de Patrasso cum mandato Cæsareo, valore Florenorum 1400. 4 Elizabeth Stokes de London, rectore Dauid Fillie de London, Patrassum veniens cum mandato Cæsareo: huius præcipuus valor erat in talleris numeratis, quos habuit Richardus Gibben, qui adduxit etiam Serenissimæ Reginæ: maiestatis literas Cæsari et oratori. Valor reliquus in mercibus vna cum superiori in talleris, effecit Florenorum 21500. 5 Nicolaus de London, rectore Thoma Forster, onerata cum vuis siccis, valore Florenorum 4800. In tempore Romadan Beglerbegi Argiræ spoliatæ et ereptæ naues, merces, et homines. 1 Iudith de London, rectore Iacobo Beare, cum hominibus 24. valore Florenorum 3100. 2 Iesus de London, rectore Andræa Dier, cum 21. hominibus. Valorem huius et 14. homines, reliquis mortuis, reddidit Romadan Bassa Tripolitanus Secretario legati, Edwardo Barten, valore Florenorum 9000. Nomina hominum mancipatorum et viuentium tunc temporis, quando Cæsar illustrissimus, et dominus Orator Chauseum Mahumetem miserunt Algiram. 1 Ante foedus initum in naue Peter de Bristow. Iohn Winter, Robert Barton. 2 In naue Swallow de London. Rich. Crawford, Anthony Eluers, Wil. Rainolds. Post foedus initum in naue Britona. Iames Yoong. 1 In naue Rabnet de Hampton. Thomas Lisney. 1 In naue Salomon. Iohn Tracie, Wil. Griffith, Wil. Cocke. 1 In naue Elizabeth. Iohn Woodward, Giles Naper, Leonard Iames, Oliuer Dallimore, and Richard Maunsell. 2 In naue Maria Martin. Thomas Moore, Wil. White, Wil. Palmer, Nich. Long, Peter March, Rich. Haslewood, Wil. Dewly, Wil. Cowel, Iohn Franke, Henry Parker, Iohn Cauendish, Moises Robinson, Iames Sotherich, Henry Howel, Nich. Smith, Henry Ragster, Rich. Dauison, Rich. Palmer. 3 In naue Elizabeth Stokes. Dauid Fillie, Walter Street, Laurence Wilkins, Morgan Dauis, Iohn Quinte, Ambrose Harison, Iohn Peterson, Tristram Vois, Roger Ribbe. 4 In naue Nicholas, Thomas Forster rector nauis et eius nautæ. * * * * * To Assan Aga, Eunuch and Treasurer to Hassan Bassa king of Alger, which Assan Aga was the sonne of Fran. Rowlie of Bristow merchant, taken in the Swalow. I receiued your letters of Will. Hamor gentleman my seruant very thankfully, aswel for the feruant faith that by his report I heare you haue in our lord Iesus Christ, by whose onely merits and bloodshedding, you together with vs and all other good Christians so truly beleeuing, shalbe saued, as also for your faithfull obedience like a true subiect to her Maiestie, naturally louing your countrey and countreymen, declared in your fauourable furtherance of the said Wil. Hamore, procuring their redemption. Of which your good and vertuous actions, as I reioice to vnderstand, so wil I impart the same to your singuler commendation, both to our mistresse her Maiestie, and her most honorable counsellors the nobilitie of England, to whom assure your selfe the report shalbe very welcome. And now this second time I am inforced by duetie to God and her maiesty, as also by the smal regard your master had of the Grand Signors former commandements, to complaine vnto him, though not so vehemently as I had occasion by his most vnworthy answer. But I hope, and the rather by your means, he will not contrary this second commandement, threatning him, not obseruing the same, losse of office and life. The due execution whereof by your vertuous and careful industry procured, wil manifest to all the world, especially to her maiesty, and me her ambassador, your true Christian mind and English heart, intentiuely bent to Gods honor, and the libertie of the poore men, for which I trust you be ordained another Ioseph, to folow his example in true pietie, in such sort that notwithstanding your body be subiect to Turkish thraldom, yet your vertuous mind free from those vices, next vnder God addict to the good seruice of your liege Lady and soueraigne princes, her most excellent maiesty, wil continually seeke by all good meanes to manifest the same in this and the like faithful seruice to your singuler commendation, wherby both my selfe and others in that place hauing found you in all good offices faithfully affectionated, may in like case performe the like towards you, when and where you may haue occasion to vse me: which as I for my part do assuredly promise, and wil no lesse faithfully performe: so accordingly I expect herein, and hereafter the like of you, whom most heartily saluted I commend to the diuine tuition and holy direction. From my house Rapamar, this 28. of June 1586. Your louing and good friend her Maiesties Ambassador with the Grand Signor, Wil. Hareborne. * * * * * The originall of the first voyage for traffique into the kingdom of Marocco in Barbarie, begun in the yeere 1551. with a tall ship called the Lion of London, whereof went as captaine Master Thomas Windam, as appeareth by this extract of a letter of Iames Aldaie, to the worshipfull master Michael Locke, which Aldaie professeth himselfe to haue bene the first inuentor of this trade. Worshipful Sir, hauing lately bene acquainted with your intent to prosecute the olde intermitted discouerie for Catai, if therein with my knowledge, trauell or industrie I may doe you seruice, I am readie to doe it and therein to aduenture my life to the vttermost point. Trueth it is, that I haue bene by some men (not my friends) euill spoken of at London, saying that although I be a man of knowledge in the Arte of Nauigation and Cosmographie, and that I haue bene the inuentor of some voyages that be now growen to great effect; yet say they maliciously and without iust cause, that I haue not bene willing at any season to proceed in those voyages that I haue taken in hand, taking example especially of two voyages. The one was when I was master in the great Barke Aucher of the Leuant, in which voyage I went not, but the causes they did not know of my let from the same, nor of the other. But first the very trueth is, that I was from the same voyage letted by the Princes letters, which my Master Sebastian Gabota had obtained for that purpose, to my great griefe. And as touching the second voyage which I inuented for the trade of Barbarie, the liuing God knoweth that I say most true, that when the great sweate was, (whereon the chiefe of those with whom I ioyned in that voyage died, that is to say, Sir Iohn Lutterell, Iohn Fletcher, Henry Ostrich and others) I my selfe was also taken with the same sweate in London, and after it, whether with euill diet in keeping, or how I know not, I was cast into such an extreame feuer, as I was neither able to ride nor goe: and the shippe being at Portesmouth, Thomas Windam had her away from thence, before I was able to stand vpon my legges, by whom I lost at that instant fourescore pound. Besides I was appointed by them that died (if they had liued) to haue had the whole gouernment both of shippe and goods, because I was to them the sole inuenter of that trade. In the first voyage to Barbary there were two Moores, being noblemen, whereof one was of the Kings blood, conuayed by the said Master Thomas Windham into their Countrey out of England, Yours humble at your commandement, Iames Alday. * * * * * The second voyage to Barbary in the yeere 1552. Set foorth by the right worshipfull Sir Iohn Yorke, Sir William Gerard, Sir Thomas Wroth, Master Frances Lambert, Master Cole and others; Written by the relation of Master Iames Thomas then Page to Master Thomas Windham chiefe Captaine of this voyage. The shippes that went on this voyage were three, whereof two were of the Riuer of Thames, That is to say, the Lyon of London, whereof Master Thomas Windham was Captaine and part owner, of about an hundred and fiftie tonnes: The other was the Buttolfe about fourescore tunnes, and a Portugall Carauel bought of certaine Portugals in Newport in Wales, and fraightened for this voyage, of summe sixtie tunnes. The number of men in the Fleete were an hundred and twentie. The Master of the Lyon was one Iohn Kerry of Mynhed in Somersetshire, his Mate was Dauid Landman. The chiefe Captaine of this small Fleete was Master Thomas Windham a Norffolke gentlemen borne, but dwelling at Marshfield-parke in Somerset shire. This Fleete departed out of King-rode neere Bristoll about the beginning of May 1552. being on a Munday in the morning: and the Munday fortnight next ensuing in the euening came to an ancker at their first port in the roade of Zafia, or Asafi on the coast of Barbarie, standing in 32. degrees of latitude, and there put on land part of our Marchandise to be conueied by land to the citie of Marocco: which being done, and hauing refreshed our selues with victuals and water, we went to the second port called Santa Cruz, where we discharged the rest of our goods, being good quantitie of linnen and woollen cloth, corall, amber, Iet, and diuers other things well accepted of the Moores. In which road we found a French ship, which not knowing whether it were warre or peace betweene England and France, drewe her selfe as neere vnder the towne wals as she could possible, crauing aide of the towne for her defence, if need were, which in deed seeing vs draw neere, shot at vs a piece from the wals, which came ouer the Lion our Admirall, between the maine mast and her foremast. [Sidenote: The English were at Santa Cruz the yere before being 1551.] Whereupon we comming to an anker, presently came a pinnes aboord vs to know what we were, who vnderstanding that we had bene there the yere before, and came with the good leaue of their king in marchant wise, were fully satisfied, and gaue vs good leaue to bring our goods peaceably on shore, where the Viceroy, whose name was Sibill Manache, within short time after came to visite vs, and vsed vs with all curtesie. But by diuers occasions we spent here very neere three moneths before we could get in our lading, which was Sugar, Dates, Almonds, and Malassos or sugar Syrrope. And for all our being here in the heate of the Sommer, yet none of our company perished by sicknesse. Our ships being laden, we drew into the Sea for a Westerne wind for England. But being at sea, a great leake fell vpon the Lion, so that we were driuen to Lancerota, and Forteuentura, where, betweene the two Ilands, we came to a road, whence wee put on land out of our sayd ship 70. chests of Sugar vpon Lancerota, with some dozen or sixteene of our company, where the inhabitants supposing we had made a wrongfull prize of our carauell, suddenly came with force vpon our people, among whom I my selfe was one, tooke vs prisoners, and spoiled the sugars: which thing being perceiued from our ships, they manned out three boates, thinking to rescue vs, and draue the Spaniards to flight, whereof they slew eighteene, and tooke their gouernour of the Iland prisoner, who was a very aged gentleman about 70 yeeres of age. But chasing the enemies so farre, for our recouerie, as pouder and arrowes wanted, the Spaniardes perceiuing this, returned, and in our mens retire they slew sixe of them. Then a Parle grew, in the which it was agreed, that we the prisoners should be by them restored, and they receiue their olde gouernour, giuing vs a testimonie vnder his and their hands, what damages wee had there receiued, the which damages were here restored, and made good by the king of Spaine his marchants vpon our returne into England. After wee had searched and mended our leake, being returned aboord, we came vnder saile, and as wee were going to the sea on the one side of the Iland, the Cacafuego and other ships of the king of Portugals Armada entered at the other, and came to anker in the road from whence we were but newly departed, and shot off their great ordinance in our hearing. And here by the way it is to bee vnderstood that the Portugals were much offended with this our new trade into Barbarie, and both in our voiage the yeere before, as also in this they gaue out in England by their marchants, that if they tooke vs in those partes, they would vse vs as their mortall enemies, with great threates and menaces. But by God and good prouidence wee escaped their hands. From this Iland shaping our coast for England, we were seuen or eight weekes before we could reach the coast of England. The first port wee entered into was the hauen of Plimmouth, from whence within short time wee came into the Thames, and landed our marchandise at London, about the ende of the moneth of October, 1552. * * * * * A voiage made out of England vnto Guinea and Benin in Affrike, at the charges of certaine marchants Aduenturers of the Citie of London, in the yeere of our Lord 1553. I was desired by certaine of my friends to make some mention of this Voiage, that some memorie thereof might remaine to our posteritie, if either iniquitie of time consuming all things, or ignorance creeping in by barbarousness and contempt of knowledge should hereafter bury in obliuion so woorthie attempts, so much the greatlier to bee esteemed, as before neuer enterprised by Englishmen, or at the least so frequented, as at this present they are, and may bee, to the great commoditie of our marchants, if the same be not hindered by the ambition of such, as for the conquering of fortie or fiftie miles here and there, and erecting of certaine fortresses, thinke to be Lordes of half the world, enuying that other should enioy the commodities, which they themselues cannot wholly possesse. And although such as haue bene at charges in the discouering and conquering of such landes ought by good reason to haue certaine priuileges, preheminences, and tributes for the same, yet (to speake vnder correction) it may seeme somewhat rigorous, and agaynst good reason and conscience, or rather agaynst the charitie that ought to be among Christian men, that such as inuade the dominions of other should not permit other friendly to vse the trade of marchandise in places neerer, or seldome frequented of them, whereby their trade is not hindered in such places, where they themselues haue at their owne election appointed the Martes of their traffike. But forasmuch as at this present it is not my intent to accuse or defend, approoue or improoue, I will cease to speake any further hereof, and proceed to the description of the first voyage, as briefly and faithfully as I was aduertised of the same, by the information of such credible persons, as made diligent inquisition to know the trueth thereof, as much as shall be requisite, omitting to speake of many particular things, not greatly necessarie to be knowen: which neuerthelesse, with also the exact course of the navigation, shall be more fully declared in the second voiage. And if herein fauour or friendship shall perhaps cause some to thinke that some haue bene sharply touched, let them lay apart fauour and friendship, and giue place to trueth, that honest men may receiue prayse for well doing, and lewd persons reproch, as the iust stipend of their euill desertes, whereby other may be deterred to doe the like, and vertuous men encouraged to proceed in honest attempts. But that these voyages may be more plainly vnderstood of all men, I haue thought good for this purpose, before I intreat hereof, to make a briefe description of Africa, being that great part of the world, on whose West side beginneth the coast of Guinea at Cabo Verde, about twelue degrees in latitude, on this side the Equinoctiall line, and two degrees in longitude from the measuring line, so running from the North to the South, and by East in some places, within 5, 4, and 3 degrees and a halfe vnto the Equinoctiall, and so foorth in maner directly East and by North, for the space of 36 degrees or thereabout, in longitude from the West to the East, as shall more plainly appeare in the description of the second voyage. A briefe description of Afrike gathered by Richard Eden. In Africa the lesse are these kingdoms: the kingdom of Tunis and Constantina, which is at this day under Tunis, and also the region of Bugia, Tripoli, and Ezzah. This part of Afrike is very barren by reason of the great deserts, as the deserts of Numidia and Barca. The principall ports of the kingdome of Tunis are these: Goletta, Bizerta, Potofarnia, Bona, and Stora. The chiefe cities of Tunis are Constantina and Bona, with diuers other. Vnder this kingdom are many Ilands, as Zerbi, Lampadola, Pantalarea, Limoso, Beit, Gamelaro, and Malta, where at this present is the great master of the Rhodes. Vnder the South of this kingdom are the great deserts of Lybia. All the nations in this Africa the lesse are of the sect of Mahomet, and a rusticall people, liuing scattred in villages. The best of this part of Afrike is Barbaria lying on the coast of the sea Mediterraneum. Mauritania (now called Barbaria) is diuided into two parts, as Mauritania Tingitana, and Cæsariensis. Mauritania Tingitania is now called the kingdom of Fes, and the kingdom of Marocco. The principall citie of Fes is called Fessa: and the chiefe citie of Marocco is named Marocco. Mauritania Cæsariensis is at this day called the kingdom of Tremisen, with also the citie called Tremisen or Telensin. This region is full of deserts, and reacheth to the Sea Mediterraneum, to the citie of Oram, with the port of Mersalquiber. The kingdom of Fes reacheth vnto the Ocean Sea, from the West to the citie of Argilla: and the port of the sayd kingdom is called Sala. The kingdom of Marocco is also extended aboue the Ocean Sea, vnto the citie of Azamor and Azafi, which are vpon the Ocean Sea, toward the West of the sayd kingdom. Nere Mauritania Tingitana (that is to say, by the two kingdoms of Fes, and Marocco) are in the Sea, the Ilands of Canarie, called in old time, The fortunate Ilands. Toward the south of this region is the kingdom of Guinea, with Senega, Ialofo, Gambra, and many other regions of the Blacke Moores, called Aethiopians or Negros all which are watered with the riuer Negro, called in old time Niger. In the sayd regions are no cities, but onely certaine lowe cottages made of boughes of trees, plastered with chalke, and couered with strawe. In these regions are also very great deserts. The kingdom of Marocco hath vnder it these seuen kingdoms: Hea, Sus, Guzula, the territorie of Marrocca, Duccala, Hazchora, and Tedle. The kingdom of Fes hath as many: as Fes, Temesne, Azgar, Elabath, Errif, Garet, and Elcair. The kingdom of Tremisen hath these regions: Tremisen, Tenez, and Elgazair, all which are Machometists. But all the regions of Guinea are pure Gentiles, and idolatrous, without profession of any religion, or other knowledge of God, then by the law of nature. Africa the great is one of the three parts of the world, knowen in old time, and seuered from Asia, on the East by the riuer Nilus, on the West from Europe by the pillars of Hercules. The hither part is now called Barbarie, and the people Moores. The inner part is called Lybia and Aethiopia. Afrike the lesse is in this wise bounded: On the West it hath Numidia; On the East Cyrenaica: On the North, the sea called Mediterraneum. In this countrey was the noble city of Carthage. In the East side of Afrike beneath the red sea, dwelleth the great and mighty Emperour and Christian king Prester Iohn, well knowen to the Portugales in their voyages to Calicut. His dominions reach very farre on euery side: and hath vnder him many other Kings both christian and heathen that pay him tribute. This mightie prince is called Dauid the Emperour of Aethiopia. Some write that the king of Portugall sendeth him yeerely eight ships laden with marchandize. His kingdom confineth with the red Sea, and reacheth far into Afrike toward Aegypt and Barbarie. Southward it confineth with the Sea toward the Cape de Bona Speranza: and on the other side with the sea of sand, called Mare de Sabione, a very dangerous sea lying between the great citie of Alcair, or Cairo in Aegypt, and the country of Aethiopia: In the which way are many vnhabitable deserts, continuing for the space of fiue dayes iourney. And they affirme, that if the sayd Christian Emperour were not hindered by those deserts (in the which is great lacke of victuals, and especially of water) he would or now haue inuaded the kingdom of Egypt, and the citie of Alcair. The chiefe city of Ethiopia, where this great emperor is resident, is called Amacaiz, being a faire citie, whose inhabitants are of the colour of an Oliue. There are also many other cities, as the city of Saua vpon the riuer of Nilus, where the Emperour is accustomed to remaine in the Sommer season. There is likewise a great city named Barbaregaf, and Ascon, from whence it is said that the Queene of Saba came to Hierusalem to heare the wisedom of Salomon. This citie is but litle, yet very faire, and one of the chiefe cities in Ethiope. In this prouince are many exceeding high mountains, vpon the which is said to be the earthly paradise: and some say that there are the trees of the Sunne and Moone, whereof the antiquitie maketh mention: yet that none can passe thither by reason of great deserts of an hundred daies iourney. Also beyond these mountains is the Cape of Bona Speranza. And to haue said thus much of Afrike it may suffice. The first voiage to Guinea and Benin. In the yeere of our Lord 1553. the twelfth day of August, sailed from Portsmouth two goodly ships, the Primerose and the Lion, with a pinnas called the Moone, being all well furnished aswell with men of the lustiest sort, to the number of seuen score, as also with ordinance and victuals requisite to such a voiage: hauing also two captaines, the one a stranger called Anthonie Anes Pinteado, a Portugall, borne in a towne named The Port of Portugall, a wise, discreet, and sober man, who for his cunning in sailing, being as well an expert Pilot as a politike captaine, was sometime in great fauour with the king of Portugall, and to whom the coasts of Brasile and Guinea were committed to be kept from the Frenchmen, to whom he was a terrour on the Sea in those parts, and was furthermore a gentleman of the king his masters house. But as fortune in maner neuer fauoureth but flattereth, neuer promiseth but deceiueth, neuer raiseth but casteth downe againe: and as great wealth and fauour haue alwaies companions, emulation and enuie, he was after many aduersities and quarels made against him, inforced to come into England: where in this golden voyage he was euil matched with an vnequal companion, and vnlike match of most sundry qualities and conditions, with vertues few or none adorned. Thus departed these noble ships vnder saile on their voyage: But first captaine Windam putting forth of his ship at Portsmouth a kinsman of one of the head marchants, and shewing herein a muster of the tragicall partes hee had conceiued in his braine, and with such small beginnings nourished so monstrous a birth, that more happy, yea and blessed was that yong man being left behind, then if he had bene taken with them, as some do wish he had done the like by theirs. Thus sailed they on their voyage, vntill they came to the Iland of Madera, where they tooke in certaine wines for the store of their ships, and paid for them as they agreed of the price. At these Ilands they met with a great Galion of the king of Portugall, full of men and ordinance: yet such as could not haue preuailed if it had attempted to withstand or resist our ships, for the which cause it was set foorth, not onely to let and interrupt these our shippes of their purposed voiage, but al other that should attempt the like: yet chiefly to frustrate our voiage. For the king of Portugall was sinisterly informed, that our ships were armed to his castle of Mina in those parties, whereas nothing lesse was ment. After that our ships departed from the Iland of Madera forward on their voiage, began this worthy captaine Pinteados sorow, as a man tormented with the company of a terrible Hydra, who hitherto flattred with him, and made him a faire countenance and shew of loue. Then did he take vpon him to command all alone, setting nought both by captain Pinteado, and the rest of the marchants factors, sometimes with opprobrious words, and sometimes with threatnings most shamfully abusing them, taking from Pinteado the seruice of the boies and certain mariners that were assigned him by the order and direction of the worshipful merchants, and leauing him as a common mariner, which is the greatest despite and grief that can be to a Portugale or Spaniard, to be diminished of their honor, which they esteem aboue all riches. Thus sailing forward on their voiage, they came to the Ilands of Canarie, continuing their course from thence vntil they arriued at the Iland of S. Nicholas, where they victualled themselues with fresh meat, of the flesh of wild goats, whereof is great plenty in that Iland, and in maner of nothing els. From hence following on their course and tarying here and there at the desert Ilands in the way, because they would not come too timely to the countrey of Guinea for the heat, and tarying somewhat too long (for what can be well ministred in a common wealth, where inequalitie with tyrannie wil rule alone) they came at the length to the first land of the country of Guinea, where they fel with the great riuer of Sesto, where they might for their marchandizes haue laden their ships with the graines of that countrey, which is a very hote fruit, and much like vnto a fig as it groweth on the tree. For as the figs are full of small seeds, so is the said fruit full of graines, which are loose within the cod, hauing in the mids thereof a hole on euery side. This kind of spice is much vsed in cold countries, and may there be sold for great aduantage, for exchange of other wares. But our men, by the perswasion or rather inforcement of this tragicall captaine, not regarding and setting light by that commoditie, in comparison of the fine gold they thirsted, sailed an hundred leagues further, vntil they came to the golden land: where not attempting to come neere the castle pertaining to the king of Portugall, which was within the riuer of Mina, they made sale of their ware only on this side and beyond it, for the gold of that country, to the quantitie of an hundred and fiftie pounds weight, there being in case that they might haue dispatched all their ware for gold, if the vntame braine of Windam had, or could haue given eare to the counsell and experience of Pinteado. For when that Windam not satisfied with the gold which he had, and more might haue had if he had taried about the Mina, commanding the said Pinteado (for so he tooke vpon him) to lead the ships to Benin, being vnder the Equinoctial line, and an hundred and fifty leagues beyond the Mina, where he looked to haue their ships laden with pepper: and being counselled of the said Pinteado, considering the late time of the yeere, for that time to go no further, but to make sale of their wares such as they had for gold, wherby they might haue bene great gainers: Windam not assenting hereunto, fell into a sudden rage, reuiling the sayd Pinteado, calling him Iew, with other opprobrious words, saying, This whoreson Iew hath promised to bring vs to such places as are not, or as he cannot bring vs vnto: but if he do not, I will cut off his eares and naile them to the maste. Pinteado gaue the foresaid counsell to go no further for the safegard of the men and their liues, which they should put in danger if they came too late, for the Rossia which is their Winter, not for cold, but for smothering heate, with close and cloudie aire and storming weather, of such putrifying qualitie, that it rotted the coates of their backs: or els for comming to soone for the scorching heat of the sunne, which caused them to linger in the way. [Sidenote: The king of Benin his court.] But of force and not of will brought he the ships before the riuer of Benin, where riding at an Anker, they sent their pinnas vp into the riuer 50 or 60 leagues, from whence certaine of the marchants with captaine Pinteado, Francisco, a Portugale, Nicholas Lambert gentleman, and other marchants were conducted to the court where the king remained, ten leagues from the riuer side, whither when they came, they were brought with a great company to the presence of the king, who being a blacke Moore (although not so blacke as the rest) sate in a great huge hall, long and wide, the wals made of earth without windowes, the roofe of thin boords, open in sundry places, like vnto louers to let in the aire. And here to speake of the great reuerence they giue to their king, it is such, that if we would giue as much to our Sauior Christ, we should remooue from our heads many plagues which we daily deserue for our contempt and impietie. So it is therefore, that when his noble men are in his presence, they neuer looke him in the face, but sit cowring, as we vpon our knees, so they vpon their buttocks, with their elbowes vpon their knees, and their hands before their faces, not looking vp vntil the king command them. And when they are comming toward the king, as far as they do see him, they do shew such reuerence, sitting on the ground with their faces couered as before. Likewise when they depart from him, they turn not their backs toward him, but goe creeping backward with like reuerence. [Sidenote: The communication between the king of Benin and our men.] And now to speake somewhat of the communication that was between the king and our men, you shall first vnderstand that he himselfe could speake the Portugall tongue, which he had learned of a child. Therefore after he had commanded our men to stand vp, and demanded of them the cause of their comming into that countrey, they answered by Pinteado, that they were marchants trauelling into those parties for the commodities of his countrey, for exchange of wares which they had brought from their countries, being such as should be no lesse commodious for him and his people. The king then hauing of old lying in a certaine store house 30 or 40 kintals of Pepper (euery kintall being an hundred weight) willed them to looke vpon the same, and againe to bring him a sight of such marchandizes as they had brought with them. [Sidenote: The kings gentlenes towards our men. ] And thereupon sent with the captaine and the marchants certaine of his men to conduct them to the waters side, with other to bring the ware from the pinnas to the court. Who when they were returned and the wares seen, the king grew to this ende with the merchants to prouide in 30 dayes the lading of al their ships with pepper. And in case their merchandizes would not extend to the value of so much pepper, he promised to credite them to their next returne, and thereupon sent the country round about to gather pepper, causing the same to be brought to the court: So that within the space of 30 dayes they had gathered fourescore tunne of pepper. In the meane season our men partly hauing no rule of themselues, but eating without measure of the fruits of the countrey, and drinking the wine of the Palme trees that droppeth in the night from the cut of the branches of the same, and in such extreme heate running continually into the water, and vsed before to such sudden and vehement alterations (then the which nothing is more dangerous) were thereby brought into swellings and agues: insomuch that the later time of the yeere comming on, caused them to die sometimes three and sometimes 4 or 5 in a day. Then Windam perceiuing the time of the 30 daies to be expired, and his men dying so fast, sent to the court in post to Captaine Pinteado, and the rest to come away and to tary no longer. But Pinteado with the rest, wrote backe to him againe, certifying him of the great quantity of pepper they had alreadie gathered, and looked daily for much more: desiring him furthermore to remember the great praise and name they should win, if they came home prosperously, and what shame of the contrary. With which answere Windam not satisfied, and many of their men dying dayly, willed and commaunded them againe either to come away forthwith, or els threatened to leaue them behinde. When Pinteado heard this answere, thinking to perswade him with reason, hee tooke his way from the court toward the ships, being conducted thither with men by the kings commandement. [Sidenote: The Death of Windham.] In the meane season Windam all raging, brake vp Pinteados Cabin, brake open his chestes, spoiled such prouision of cold stilled waters and suckets as he had prouided for his health, and left him nothing, neither of his instruments to saile by, nor yet of his apparell: and in the meane time falling sicke, himselfe died also. Whose death Pinteado comming aboord, lamented as much as if he had bene the deerest friend he had in the world. [Sidenote: Pinteado euill vsed of the mariners.] But certaine of the mariners and other officers did spit in his face, some calling him Iewe, saying that he had brought them thither to kill them: and some drawing their swords at him, making a shew to slay him. Then he perceiuing that they would needs away, desired them to tarry that he might fetch the rest of the marchants that were left at the court, but they would not grant this request. Then desired he them to giue him the ship-boate, with as much of an old saile as might serue for the same, promising them therwith to bring Nicholas Lambert and the rest into England, but all was in vaine. [Sidenote: This Lambert was a Londiner borne, whose father had bin Lord Maior of London.] Then wrote he a letter to the court to the marchants, informing them of all the matter, and promising them if God would lend him life to returne with all haste to fetch them. And thus was Pinteado kept ashipboord against his will, thrust among the boyes of the ship, not vsed like a man, nor yet like an honest boy, but glad to find fauour at the cookes hand. Then departed they, leauing one of their ships behind them, which they sunke for lacke of men to cary her. [Sidenote: The death of Pinteado.] After this, within 6 or 7 dayes sayling, dyed also Pinteado for uery pensiuenesse and thought that stroke him to the heart. A man worthy to serue any prince, and most vilely vsed. And of seuenscore men came home to Plimmouth scarcely forty, and of them many died. [Sidenote: Pinteado first perswaded our men to the voiage of Guinea.] And that no man should suspect these words which I haue saide in commendation of Pinteado, to be spoken vpon fauour otherwise then trueth, I haue thought good to adde hereunto the copie of the letters which the king of Portugall and the infant his brother wrote vnto him to reconcile him, at such time as vpon the king his masters displeasure (and not for any other crime or offence, as may appeare by the said letters) he was only for pouertie inforced to come into England, where he first perswaded our marchants to attempt the said voyages to Guinea. But as the king of Portugall too late repented him that he had so punished Pinteado, vpon malicious informations of such as enuied the mans good fortune: euen so may it hereby appeare that in some cases euen Lions themselues may either be hindered by the contempt, or aided by the helpe of the poore mise, according vnto the fable of Esope. * * * * * The copie of Anthonie Anes Pinteado his letters patents, whereby the king of Portugall made him knight of his house, after all his troubles and imprisonment, which, by wrong information made to the king, he had susteined of long time, being at the last deliuered, his cause knowen and manifested to the king by a gray Friar the kings Confessor. [Sidenote: Seven hundred reis are ten shillings. Alcayre is halfe a bushell.] I the king doe giue you to vnderstand lord Francis Desseaso, one of my counsell and ouerseer of my house, that in consideration of the good seruice which Anthony Anes Pinteado, the sonne of Iohn Anes, dwelling in the towne called the Port, hath done vnto me, my will and pleasure is, to make him knight of my house, allowing to him in Pension seuen hundred reis monethly, and euery day one alcayre of barly, as long as he keepeth a horse, and to be paid according to the ordinance of my house. Prouiding alwaies that he shall receiue but one marriage gift. And this also in such condition, that the time which is accepted in our ordinance, forbidding such men to marry for getting such children as might succeede them in this allowance, which is 6 yeres after the making of this patent, shalbe first expired before he do marry. I therfore command you to cause this to be entred in the booke called the Matricula of our houshold, vnder the title of knights. And when it is so entred, let the clarke of the Matricula, for the certeintie therof, write on the backside of this Aluala, or patent, the number of the leafe wherein this our grant is entred. Which done, let him returne this writing vnto the said Anthonie Anes Pinteado for his warrant. I Diego Henriques haue written this in Almarin the two and twentie day of September, in the yeere of our Lord 1551. And this beneuolence the king gaue vnto Anthonie Anes Pinteado, the fiue and twentie day of Iuly this present yeere. Rey. The Secretaries declaration written vnder the kings grant. Your Maiestie hath vouchsafed, in respect and consideration of the good seruice of Anthonie Anes Pinteado, dwelling in the port, and sonne of Iohn Anes, to make him knight of your house, with ordinarie allowance, of seuen hundred reis pension by the moneth, and one alcaire of barley by the day, as long as he keepeth a horse: and to be paide according to the ordinance of your house, with condition that hee shall haue but one marriage gift: and that not within the space of sixe yeres after the making of these letters Patents. The Secretaries note. Entred in the booke of the Matricula. Fol. 683. Francisco de Siquera. The copie of the letter of Don Lewes the infant, and brother to the king of Portugall, sent into England to Anthonie Anes Pinteado. Anthony Anes Pinteado, I the infant brother to the king, haue me heartily commended vnto you. Peter Gonsalues is gone to seeke you, desiring to bring you home againe into your countrey. And for that purpose he hath with him a safe conduct for you, granted by the king, that therby you may freely and without all feare come home. And although the weather be foule and stormie, yet faile not to come: for in the time that his Maiestie hath giuen you, you may doe many things to your contentation and gratifying the king, whereof I would be right glad: and to bring the same to passe, I will do all that lieth in me for your profite. But forasmuch as Peter Gonsalues will make further declaration hereof vnto you, I say no more at this present. Written in Lisbone, the eight day of December. Anno 1552. The infant Don Lewes. All these foresaid writings I saw vnder seale, in the house of my friend Nicholas Liese, with whom Pinteado left them, at his vnfortunate departing to Guinea. But, notwithstanding all these friendly letters and faire promises, Pinteado durst not attempt to goe home, neither to keepe companie with the Portugals his countrey men, without the presence of other: forasmuch as he had secrete admonitions that they intended to slay him, if time and place might haue serued their wicked intent. * * * * * The second voyage to Guinea set out by Sir George Barne, Sir Iohn Yorke, Thomas Lok, Anthonie Hickman and Edward Castelin, in the yere 1554. The Captaine whereof was M. Iohn Lok. As in the first voiage I haue declared rather the order of the history, then the course of the nauigation, whereof at that time I could haue no perfect information: so in the description of this second voyage, my chiefe intent hath beene to shew the course of the same, according to the obseruation and ordinarie custome of the mariners, and as I receiued it at the handes of an expert Pilot, being one of the chiefe in this voyage, who also with his owne handes wrote a briefe declaration of the same, as he found and tried all things, not by coniecture, but by the art of sayling, and instruments perteining to the mariners facultie. Not therefore assuming to my selfe the commendations due vnto other, neither so bold as in any part to change or otherwise dispose the order of this voyage so well obserued by art and experience, I haue thought good to set forth the same, in such sort and phrase of speech as is commonly vsed among them, and as I receiued it of the said Pilot, as I haue said. Take it therefore as followeth. [Sidenote: Robert Gainsh was master of the Iohn Euangelist.] In the yeere of our Lord 1554 the eleuenth day of October, we departed the riuer of Thames with three goodly ships, the one called the Trinitie, a ship of the burden of seuenscore tunne, the other called the Bartholomew, a ship of the burden of ninetie, the third was the Iohn Euangelist, a ship of seuen score tunne. With the sayd ships and two pinnesses (wherof the one was drowned on the coast of England) we went forward on our voyage, and stayed at Douer fourteene dayes. We staied also at Rie three or foure dayes. Moreouer last of all we touched at Dartmouth. The first day of Nouember at nine of the clocke at night, departing from the coast of England, we set off the Start, bearing Southwest all that night in the sea, and the next day all day, and the next night after, vntill the third day of the said moneth about noone, making our way good, did runne threescore leagues. The 17. day in the morning we had sight of the Ile of Madera, which doth rise to him that commeth in the Northnortheast part vpright land in the west part of it, and very high: and to the Southsoutheast a low long land, and a long point, with a saddle thorow the middest of it, standing in two and thirtie degrees: and in the West part, many springs of water running downe from the mountaine, and many white fieldes like vnto corne fields, and some white houses to the Southeast part of it: and the toppe of the mountaine sheweth very ragged, if you may see it, and in the Northeast part there is a bight or bay as though it were a harborow: Also in the said part, there is a rocke a little distance from the shoare, and ouer the sayd bight you shall see a great gappe in the mountaine. The 19 day at twelue of the clocke we had sight of the isle of Palmes and Teneriffa and the Canaries. The Ile of Palme riseth round, and lieth Southeast and Northwest, and the Northwest part is lowest. In the South is a round hill ouer the head land, and another round hill aboue that in the land. There are between the Southeast part of the Ile of Madera and the Northwest part of the Ile of Palme seuen and fifty leagues. This Isle of Palme lieth in eight and twenty degrees. And our course from Madera to the Ile of Palme was South and South and by West, so that we had sight of Teneriffa and of the Canaries. The Southeast part of the Ile of the Palme, and the Northnortheast of Teneriffa lie Southeast and Northwest, and betweene them are 20 leagues. Teneriffa and the great Canary called Gran Canaria, and the West part of Forteuentura stande in seuen and twenty degrees and a halfe. Gomera is a faire Island but very ragged, and lieth Westsouthwest off Teneriffa. And whosouer wil come betweene them two Ilands must come South and by East, and in the South part of Gomera is a towne and a good rode in the said part of the Iland: and it standeth in seuen and twentie degrees and three terces. Teneriffa is an high land, with a great high pike like a sugar loafe, and vpon the said pike is snow throughout all the whole yeere. And by reason of that pike it may be knowen aboue all other Ilands, and there we were becalmed the twentieth day of Nouember, from sixe of the clocke in the morning, vntill foure of the clocke at afternoone. The two and twentieth day of Nouember, vnder the Tropike of Cancer the Sunne goeth downe West and by South. Vpon the coast of Barbarie fiue and twentie leagues by North Cape blanke, at three leagues off the maine, there are fifteene fadomes and good shelly ground, and sande among and no streames, and two small Ilands standing in two and twentie degrees and a terce. From Gomera to Cape de las Barbas is an hundred leagues, and our course was South and by East. The said Cape standeth in two and twentie and a halfe: and all that coast is flatte, sixteene or seuenteene fadome deepe. Seuen or eight leagues off from the riuer del Oro or Cape de las Barbas, there vse many Spaniardes and Portugals to trade for fishing, during the moneth of Nouember: and all that coast is very low lands. Also we went from Cape de las Barbas Southsouthwest, and Southwest and by South, till we brought our selues in twentie degrees and a halfe, reckoning our selues seuen leagues off: and there were the least sholes of Cape Blanke. Then we went South vntil we brought our selues in 13 degrees, reckoning our selues fiue and twentie leagues off. And in 15 degrees we did reare the Crossiers, and we might haue reared them sooner if we had looked for them. They are not right a crosse in the moneth of Nouember, by reason that the nights are short there. Neuertheless we had the sight of them the 29 day of the said moneth at night. The first of December, being in 13 degrees we set our course South and by East, vntill the fourth day of December at 12 of the clocke the same day. Then we were in nine degrees and a terce, rekoning our selues 30 leagues of the sholes of the riuer called Rio Grande, being Westsouthwest off them, the which sholes be 30 leagues long. The fourth of December we beganne to set our course Southeast, we being in sixe degrees and a halfe. The ninth day of December we set our course Eastsoutheast: the fourteenth day of the sayde moneth we set our course East, we being in fiue degrees and a halfe, reckoning our selues thirty and sixe leagues from the coast of Guinea. The nineteenth of the said moneth we set our course East and by North, reckoning our selues seuenteene leagues distant from Cape Mensurado, the said Cape being Eastnortheast of vs, and the riuer of Sesto being East. The one and twentieth day of the said moneth, we fell with Cape Mensurado to the Southeast, about two leagues off. This Cape may be easily knowen, by reason yet the rising of it is like a Porpose-head. Also toward the Southeast there are three trees, whereof the Eastermost tree is the highest, and the middlemost is like a hie stacke, and the Southermost like vnto a gibet: and vpon the maine are foure or fiue high hilles rising one after another like round hommocks or hillocks. And the Southeast of the three trees, brandiernwise: and all the coast along is white sand. The said Cape standeth within a litle in sixe degrees. The two and twentieth of December we came to the riuer of Sesto, and remained there vntill the nine and twentieth day of the said moneth. Here we thought it best to send before vs the pinnesse to the riuer Dulce, called Rio Dulce, that they might haue the beginning of the market before the comming of the Iohn Euangelist. At the riuer of Sesto we had a tunne of graines. This riuer standeth in sixe degrees, lacking a terce. From the riuer of Sesto to Rio Dulce are fiue and twentie leagues. Rio Dulce standeth in fiue degrees and a halfe. The river of Sesto is easie to be knowen, by reason there is a ledge of rockes on the Southeast part of the Rode. And at the entring into the hauen are fiue or sixe trees that beare no leaues. The is a good harborow, but very narow at the entrance into the riuer. There is also a rocke in the hauens mouth right as you enter. And all that coast betweene Cape de Monte, and cape de las Palmas, lieth Southeast and by East, Northwest and by West, being three leagues off the shore. And you shal haue in some places rocks two leagues off: and that, betweene the riuer of Sesto and cape de las Palmas. Betweene the riuer of Sesto and the riuer Dulce are fiue and twentie leagues: and the high land that is betweene them both, is called Cakeado, being eight leagues from the riuer of Sesto. And to the Southeastwarde of it is a place called Shawgro, and another called Shyawe or Shauo, where you may get fresh water. Off this Shyawe lieth a ledge of rockes: and to the Southeastwarde lieth a hedland called Croke. Betweene Cakeado and Croke are nine or ten leagues. To the Southeastward off, is a harborow called S. Vincent: Right ouer against S. Vincent is a rocke vnder the water two leagues and a halfe off the shore. To the Southeastward of that rocke you shal see an island about three or foure leagues off: this island is not past a league off the shore. To the Eastsoutheast of the island, is a rocke that lieth aboue the water, and by that rocke goeth in the riuer Dulce, which you shall know by the said riuer and rocke. The Northwest side of the hauen is flat sand, and the Southeast side thereof is like an Island, and a bare plot without any trees, and so is it not in any other place. In the Rode you shall ride in thirteene or foureteene fadomes, good oaze and sand, being the markes of the Rode to bring the Island and the Northeast land together, and here we ankered the last of December. The third day of Ianuarie, we came from the riuer Dulce. Note that Cape de las Palmas is a faire high land, but some low places thereof by the water side looke like red cliffes with white strakes like hie wayes, a cable length a piece, and this is the East part of the cape. This cape is the Southermost land in all the coast of Guinea, and standeth in foure degrees and a terce. The coast from Cape de las Palmas to Cape Trepointes, or de Tres Puntas, is faire and cleare without rocke or other danger. Twentie and fiue leagues from Cape de las Palmas, the land is higher then in any place, vntill we come to Cape Trepointes: And about ten leagues before you come to Cape Trepointes, the land riseth still higher and higher, vntill you come to Cape Trepointes. Also before you come to the said Cape, after other 5 leagues to the Northwest part of it, there is certaine broken ground, with two great rockes, and within them in the bight of a bay, is a castle called Arra, perteining to the king of Portugall. You shall know it by the said rockes that lie off it: for there is none such from Cape de las Palmas to Cape Trepointes. This coast lieth East and by North, West and by South. From Cape de las Palmas to the said castle is fourescore and fifteene leagues. And the coast lieth from the said castle to the Westermost point of Trepoyntes, Southeast and by South, Northwest and by North. Also the Westermost point of Trepoyntes is a low lande, lying halfe a mile out in the sea: and vpon the innermost necke, to the land-ward, is a tuft of trees, and there we arriued the eleuenth day of Ianuary. The 12 day of Ianuary we came to a towne called Samma or Samua, being 8 leagues from Cape Trepointes toward Eastnortheast. Betweene Cape Trepointes and the towne of Samua is a great ledge of rockes a great way out in the sea. [Sidenote: The pledge was sir Iohn Yorke his Nephew.] We continued foure dayes at that Towne, and the Captaine thereof would needs haue a pledge a shore. But when they receiued the pledge, they kept him still, and would trafficke no more, but shot off their ordinance at vs. They haue two or three pieces of ordinance and no more. The sixteenth day of the said month we made reckoning to come to a place called Cape Corea, where captaine Don Iohn dwelleth, whose men entertained vs friendly. This Cape Corea is foure leagues Eastwarde of the castle of Mina, otherwise called La mina, or Castello de mina, where we arriued the 18 day of the month. [Sidenote: The castle of Mina perteining to the king of Portugall.] Here we made sale of all our cloth, sauing two or three packes. The 26 day of the same moneth we weighed anker, and departed from thence to the Trinitie, which was seuen leagues Eastward of vs, where she solde her wares. Then they of the Trinitie willed vs to go Eastward of that eight or nine leagues, to sell part of their wares, in a place called Perecow, and another place named Perecow Grande, being the Eastermost place of both these, which you shal know by a great round hill neere vnto it, named Monte Rodondo, lying Westward from it, and by the water side are many high palme trees. From hence did we set forth homeward the thirteenth day of February, and plied vp alongst till we came within seuen or eight leagues to Cape Trepointes. About eight of the clocke the 15 day at afternoone, wee did cast about to seaward: and beware of the currants, for they will deceiue you sore. Whosoeuer shall come from the coast of Mina homeward, let him be sure to make his way good West, vntill he reckon himselfe as farre as Cape de las Palmas, where the currant setteth alwayes to the Eastward. And within twentie leagues Eastward of Cape de las Palmas is a riuer called De los Potos, where you may haue fresh water and balast enough, and plenty of iuory or Elephants teeth. This riuer standeth in foure degrees, and almost two terces. [Sidenote: Cabo de las Palmas.] And when you reckon your selfe as farre shot as Cape de las Palmas, being in a degree, or a degree and a halfe, you may go West, and West by North, vntill you come in three degrees: and then you may go Westnorthwest, and Northwest and by West, vntill you come in fiue degrees, and then Northwest. And in sixe degrees, we met Northerly windes, and great ruffling of tides. And as we could iudge, the currants went to the Northnorthwest. Furthermore betweene Cape de Monte, and Cape Verde, go great currants, which deceiue many men. The 22 day of Aprill, we were in 8 degrees and two terces: and so we ran to the Northwest, hauing the winde at Northeast and Eastnortheast, and sometimes at East, vntill we were at 18 degrees and a terce, which was on May day. And so from 18 and two terces, we had the winde at East and Eastnortheast, and sometimes at Eastsoutheast: and then we reckoned the Island of Cape verde Eastsoutheast of vs, we iudging our selues to be 48 leagues off. And in 20 and 21 degrees, we had the winde more Easterly to the Southward then before. And so we ran to the Northwest and Northnorthwest, and sometimes North and by West and North, until we came into 31 degrees, where we reckoned our selues a hundred and fourescore leagues Southwest and by South of the Island de los Flores, and there wee met with the winde at Southsoutheast, and set our course Northeast. In 23 degrees we had the winde at the South and Southwest, and then we set our course Northnortheast, and so we ran to 40 degrees, and then we set our course Northeast, the winde being at the Southwest, and hauing the Ile de Flores East of us, and 17 leagues off. In the 41 degrees we met with the winde at Northeast, and so we ran Northwestward, then we met with the winde Westnorthwest, and at the West within 6 leagues, running toward the Northwest, and then we cast about, and lay Northeast, vntill we came in 42 degrees, where we set our course Eastnortheast, iudging the Ile of Coruo South and by West of vs, and sixe and thirty leagues distant from vs. A remembrance, that the 21st day of May we communed with Iohn Rafe, and he thought it best to goe Northeast, and iudged himselfe 25 leagues Eastward to the Isle de Flores, and in 39 degrees and a halfe. Note, that on the fourth day of September, vnder nine degrees, we lost the sight of the North starre. Note also, that in 45 degrees, the compasse is varied 8 degrees to the West. Item, in 40 degrees the compasse did varie 15 degrees in the whole. Item, in 30 degrees and a halfe, the compasse is varied 5 degrees to the West. Be it also in memory that two or three daies before we came to Cape de 3 puntas, the pinnesse went alongst the shore, thinking to sell some of our wares, and so we came to anker three or foure leagues West and by South of the Cape de 3 puntas, where we left the Trinitie. Then our pinnesse came aboord with all our men, the pinnesse also tooke in more wares. They told me moreouer that they would goe to a place where the Primrose was, and had receiued much gold at the first voyage to these parties, and tolde me furthermore that it was a good place: but I fearing a brigantine that was then vpon the coast, did wey and follow them, and left the Trinitie about foure leagues off from vs, and there we rode against that towne foure dayes: so that Martine by his owne desire, and assent of some of the Commissioners that were in the pinnesse, went a shoare to the towne, and there Iohn Berin went to trafique from vs, being three miles off trafiquing at an other towne. The towne is called Samma or Samua, for Samma and Sammaterra, are the names of the two first townes, where we did trafique for gold, to the Northeast of Cape de 3 puntas. Hitherto continueth the course of the voyage, as it was described by the sayde Pilot. Nowe therefore I will speake somewhat of the countrey and people, and of such things as are brought from thence. They brought from thence at the last voyage foure hundred pound weight and odde of gold, of two and twentie carrats and one graine in finenesse: also sixe and thirtie buts of graines, and about two hundred and fiftie Elephants teeth of all quantities. Of these I saw and measured, some of nine spans in length, as they were crooked. Some of them were as bigge as a mans thigh aboue the knee, and weyed about fourescore and ten pound weight a peece. They say that some one hath bin seene of an hundred and fiue and twentie pound weight. Other there were which they call the teeth of calues, of one or two or three yeeres, whereof some were a foot and a halfe, some two foot, and some 3 or more, according to the age of the beast. These great teeth or tusks grow in the vpper iaw downeward, and not in the nether iaw vpward, wherein the Painters and Arras workers are deceiued. At this last voyage was brought from Guinea the head of an Elephant, of such huge bignesse, that onely the bones or cranew thereof, beside the nether iaw and great tusks, weighed about two hundred weight, and was as much as I could well lift from the ground: insomuch that considering also herewith the weight of two such great teeth, the nether iaw with the lesse teeth, the tongue, the great hanging eares, the bigge and long snout or troonke, with all the flesh, braines, and skinne, with all other parts belonging to the whole head, in my iudgement it could weigh litle lesse then fiue hundred weight. [Sidenote: Sir Andrew Iudde. The contemplation of Gods works.] This head diuers haue seene in the house of the worthy marchant sir Andrew Iudde, where also I saw it, and beheld it, not only with my bodily eyes, but much more with the eye of my mind and spirit, considering by the worke, the cunning and wisedome of the workemaister: without which consideration, the sight of such strange and wonderfull things may rather seeme curiosities, then profitable contemplations. [Sidenote: The decription and properties of the Elephant.] The Elephant (which some call an Oliphant) is the biggest of all foure footed beasts, his forelegs are longer then his hinder, he hath ancles in the lower part of his hinder legges, and fiue toes on his feete vndiuided, his snout or tronke is so long, and in such forme, that it is to him in the stead of a hand: for he neither eateth nor drinketh but by bringing his tronke to his mouth, therewith he helpeth vp his Master or keeper, therewith he ouerthroweth trees. Beside his two great tusks, he hath on euery side of his mouth foure teeth, wherewith he eateth and grindeth his meate: either of these teeth are almost a span in length, as they grow along in the iaw, and are about two inches in height, and almost as much in thicknesse. The tuskes of the male are greater then of the female: his tongue is very litle, and so farre in his mouth, that it cannot be seene: of all beastes they are most gentle and tractable, for by many sundry wayes they are taught, and doe vnderstand: insomuch that they learne to doe due honor to a king, and are quick sense and sharpenesse of wit. When the male hath once seasoned the female, he neuer after toucheth her. The male Elephant liueth two hundreth yeeres, or at the least one hundred and twentie: the female almost as long, but the floure of their age is but threescore yeres, as some write. They cannot suffer winter or cold: they loue riuers, and will often go into them vp to the snout, wherewith they blow and snuffe, and play in the water: but swimme they cannot, for the weight of their bodies. Plinie and Soline write, that they vse none adulterie. If they happen to meete with a man in wildernesse being out of the way, gently they wil go before him, and bring him into the plaine way. Ioyned in battel, they haue no small respect vnto them that be wounded: for they bring them that are hurt or weary into the middle of the army to be defended: they are made tame by drinking the iuise of barley. [Sidenote: Debate between the Elephant and the Dragon.] They haue continual warre against Dragons, which desire their blood, because it is very cold: and therefore the Dragon lying awaite as the Elephant passeth by, windeth his taile (being of exceeding length) about the hinder legs of the Elephant, and so staying him, thrusteth his head into his tronke and exhausteth his breath, or else biteth him in the eare, whereunto he cannot reach with his tronke, and when the Elephant waxeth faint, he falleth downe on the serpent, being now full of blood, and with the poise of his body breaketh him: so that his owne blood with the blood of the Elephant runneth out of him mingled together, which being colde, is congealed into that substance which the Apothecaries call Sanguis Draconis, (that is) Dragons blood, otherwise called Cinnabaris, although there be an other kinde of Cinnabaris, commonly called Cinoper or Vermilion, which the Painters vse in certaine colours. [Sidenote: Three kinds of Elephants.] They are also of three kinds, as of the Marshes, the plaines, and the mountaines, no lesse differing in conditions. Philostratus writeth, that as much as the Elephant of Libya in bignes passeth the horse of Nysea, so much doe the Elephants of India exceed them of Libya: for the Elephants of India, some haue bene seene of the height of nine cubits: the other do so greatly feare these, that they dare not abide the sight of them. Of the Indian Elephants onely the males haue tuskes, but of them of Ethiopia and Libya both kindes are tusked: they are of diuers heights, as of twelue, thirteene, and fourteene dodrants, euery dodrant being a measure of nine inches. Some write that an Elephant is bigger then three wilde Oxen or Buffes. They of India are black, or of the colour of a mouse, but they of Ethiope or Guinea are browne: the hide or skinne of them all is very hard, and without haire or bristles: their eares are two dodrants broad, and their eyes very litle. Our men saw one drinking at a riuer in Guinea, as they sailed into the land. Of other properties and conditions of the Elephant, as of their marueilous docilitie, of their fight and vse in the warres, of their generation and chastitie, when they were first seene in the Theatres and triumphes of the Romanes, how they are taken and tamed, and when they cast their tusks, with the vse of the same in medicine, who so desireth to know, let him reade Plinie, in the eight booke of his naturall history. He also writeth in his twelft booke, that in olde time they made many goodly workes of iuory or Elephants teeth: as tables, tressels, postes of houses, railes, lattesses for windowes, images of their gods, and diuers other things of iuory, both coloured, and vncoloured, and intermixt with sundry kindes of precious woods, as at this day are made certaine chaires, lutes, and virginals. They had such plenty thereof in olde time, that (as far as I remember) Iosephus writeth, that one of the gates of Hierusalem was called Porta Eburnea, (that is) the Iuory gate. The whitenesse thereof was so much esteemed, that it was thought to represent the natural fairenesse of mans skinne: insomuch that such as went about to set foorth (or rather corrupt) naturall beautie with colours and painting, were reproued by this prouerbe, Ebur atramento candefacere, that is, To make iuory white with inke. The Poets also describing the faire necks of beautifull virgins, call them Eburnea colla, that is, Iuory necks. And to haue said thus much of Elephants and Iuory, it may suffice. [Sidenote: The people of Africa.] Now therefore I will speake somewhat of the people and their maners, and maner of liuing, with an other briefe description of Africa also. It is to be vnderstood, that the people which now inhabite the regions of the coast of Guinea, and the midle parts of Africa, as Libya the inner, and Nubia, with diuers other great and large regions about the same, were in old time called Æthiopes and Nigritæ, which we now call Moores, Moorens, or Negroes, a people of beastly liuing, without a God, lawe, religion, or common wealth, and so scorched and vexed with the heat of the sunne, that in many places they curse it when it riseth. Of the regions and people about the inner Libya (called Libya interior) Gemma Phrysius writeth thus. Libya interior is very large and desolate, in the which are many horrible wildernesses and mountaines, replenished with diuers kinds of wilde and monstrous beastes and serpents. First from Muritania or Barbary toward the South is Getulia, a rough and sauage region, whose inhabitants are wilde and wandering people. After these follow the people called Melanogetuli and Pharusij, which wander in the wildernesse, carrying with them great gourdes of water. [Sidenote: Æthiopes, Nigritæ. The riuer Nigritis or Senega.] The Ethiopians called Nigritæ occupy a great part of Africa, and are extended to the West Ocean. Southward also they reach to the riuer Nigritis, whose nature agreeth with the riuer of Nilus, forasmuch as it is increased and diminished at the same time, and bringeth forth the like beasts as the Crocodile. By reason whereof, I thinke this to be the same riuer which the Portugals called Senega: For this riuer is also of the same nature. It is furthermore marueilous and very strange that is said of this river: And this is, that on the one side thereof, the inhabitants are of high stature and black, and on the other side, of browne or tawne colour, and low stature, which thing also our men confirme to be true. [Sindenote: People of Libya.] There are also other people of Libya called Garamantes, whose women are common: for they contract no matrimonie; neither haue respect to chastitie. After these are the nations of the people called Pyrei, Sathiodaphnitæ, Odrangi, Mimaces, Lynxamatæ, Dolopes, Aganginæ, Leuci Ethiopes, Xilicei Ethiopei, Calcei Ethiopes, and Nubi. These haue the same situation in Ptolome that they now giue to the kingdome of Nubia. Here are certaine Christians vnder the dominion of the great Emperour of Æthiopia, called Prester Iohn. From these toward the West is a great nation of people called Aphricerones, whose region (as faire as may be gathered by coniecture) is the same that is now called Regnum Orguene, confining vpon the East parts of Guinea. From hence Westward, and somewhat toward the North, are the kingdoms of Gambra and Budomel, not farre from the riuer of Senega. And from hence toward the inland regions, and along by the sea coast, are the regions of Ginoia or Guinea, which we commonly call Ginnee. [Sidenote: The Portugals Nauigation to Brasile.] On the Westside of these regions toward the Ocean, is the cape or point called Cabo verde, or Caput viride, (that is) the greene cape, to the which the Portugals first direct their course when they saile to America, or the land of Brasile. Then departing from hence, they turne to the right hand toward the quarter of the winde called Garbino, which is betweene the West and the South. But to speake somewhat more of Æthiopia: although there are many nations of people so named, yet is Æthiopia chiefly diuided into two parts, whereof the one is called Aethiopia vnder Aegypt, a great and rich region. To this perteineth the Island Meroe, imbraced round about with the stremes of the riuer Nilus. In this Island women reigned in old time. Iosephus writeth, that it was sometime called Sabea: and that the Queene of Saba came from thence to Ierusalem, to heare the wisedom of Salomon. [Sidenote: Prester Iohn Emperour of Aethiopia.] From hence toward the East reigneth the said Christian Emperour Prester Iohn, whom some cal Papa Iohannes, and other say that he is called Pean Iuan (that is) great Iohn, whose Empire reacheth far beyond Nilus, and is extended to the coasts of the Red sea and Indian sea. The middle of the region is almost in 66. degrees of longitude, and 12. degrees of latitude. [Sidenote: People of the Eastside of Africa.] About this region inhabite the people called Clodi, Risophagi, Bobylonij, Axiuntæ, Molili, and Molibæ. After these is the region called Troglodytica, whose inhabitants dwel in caues and dennes: for these are their houses, and the flesh of serpents their meat, as writeth Plinie, and Diodorus Siculus. They haue no speach, but rather a grinning and chattering. There are also people without heads, called Blemines, hauing their eyes and mouth in their breast. Likewise Strucophagi, and naked Ganphasantes: Satyrs also, which haue nothing of men but onely shape. Moreouer Oripei, great hunters. Mennones also and the region of Smyrmophora, which bringeth foorth myrrhe. After these is the region of Azania, in the which many Elephants are found. A great part of the other regions of Africke that are beyond the Aequinoctiall line, are now ascribed to the kingdome of Melinde, whose inhabitants are accustomed to trafique with the nations of Arabia, and their king is ioyned in friendship with the king of Portugal, and payeth tribute to Prester Iohn. The other Ethiope, called Æthiopia interior (that is) the inner Ethiope, is not yet knowne for the greatnesse thereof, but onely by the sea coastes: yet is it described in this manner. First from the Aequinoctiall toward the South, is a great region of Aethiopians, which bringeth forth white Elephants, Tygers, and the beastes called Rhinocerotes. Also a region that bringeth foorth plenty of cynamome, lying betweene the branches of Nilus. Also the kingdome of Habech or Habasi, a region of Christian men, lying both on this side and beyond Nilus. Here are also the Aethiopians, called Ichthiopagi (that is) such as liue onely by fish, and were sometimes subdued by the warres of great Alexander. Furthermore the Aethiopians called Rhapsij, and Anthropophagi, that are accustomed to eat mans flesh, inhabite the regions neere vnto the mountains called Montes Lunæ (that is) the mountaines of the Moone. Gazati is vnder the Tropike of Capricorne. After this followeth the front of Afrike, the Cape of Buena Speranza, or Caput Bonæ Spei, that is, the Cape of good hope, by the which they passe that saile from Lisbon to Calicut. But by what names the Capes and gulfes are called, forasmuch as the same are in euery globe and card, it were here superfluous to rehearse them. Some write that Africa was so named by the Grecians, because it is without colde. For the Greeke letter Alpha or A signifies priuation, voyd, or without: and Phrice signifies colde. For in deed although in the stead of Winter they haue a cloudy and tempestuous season, yet is it not colde, but rather smothering hote, with hote showres of raine also, and somewhere such scorching windes, that what by one meanes and other, they seeme at certaine times to liue as it were in fornaces, and in maner already halfe way in Purgatorie or hell. Gemma Phrisius writeth, that in certaine parts of Africa, as in Atlas the greater, the aire in the night season is seene shining, with many strange fires and flames rising in maner as high as the Moone: and that in the element are sometime heard as it were the sound of pipes, trumpets and drummes: which noises may perhaps be caused by the vehement and sundry motions of such firie exhalations in the aire, as we see the like in many experiences wrought by fire, aire and winde. [Sidenote: The middle region of the aire is cold.] The hollowness also, and diuers reflexions and breaking of the cloudes may be great causes hereof, beside the vehement colde of the middle region of the aire, whereby the said fiery exhalations, ascending thither, are suddenly stricken backe with great force: for euen common and dayly experience teacheth vs, by the whissing of a burning torch, what noise fire maketh in the aire, and much more where it striueth when it is inclosed with aire, as appeareth in gunnes, and as the like is seene in onely aire inclosed, as in Organ pipes, and such other instruments that go by winde. [Sidenote: The strife of Elements. Winde.] For winde (as say the Philosophers) is none other then aire vehemently moued, as we see in a paire of bellowes, and such other. [Sidenote: The heate of the Moone.] Some of our men of good credite that were in this last voiage to Guinea, affirme earnestly that in the night season they felt a sensible heat to come from the beames of the moone. [Sidenote: The nature of the starres.] The which thing, although it be strange and insensible to vs that inhabite cold regions, yet doeth it stand with good reason that it may so be, forasmuch as the nature of starres and planets (as writeth Plinie) consisteth of fire, and conteineth in it a spirit of fire, which cannot be without heat. And, that the Moone giueth heate vpon the earth the Prophet Dauid seemeth to confirme in his 121. Psalme, where speaking of such men as are defended from euil by Gods protection, hee saith thus: Per diem Sol non exuret te, nec Luna per noctem. That is to say, In the day the Sunne shall not burne thee, nor the Moone by night. They say furthermore, that in certaine places of the sea they saw certaine streames of water, which they call spouts, falling out of the aire into the sea, and that some of these are as bigge as the great pillars of Churches: insomuch that sometimes they fall into shippes, and put them in great danger of drowning. Some faine that these should be the Cataracts of heauen, which were all opened at Noes floud. But I thinke them rather to be such fluxions and eruptions as Aristotle in his booke de Mundo saith, to chance in the sea. For speaking of such strange things as are seene often times in the sea, he writeth thus. Oftentimes also euen in the sea are seene euaporations of fire, and such eruptions and breaking foorth of springs, that the mouthes of riuers are opened. Whirlepooles, and fluxions are caused of such other vehement motions, not only in the middest of the sea, but also in creeks and streights. At certaine times also, a great quantity of water is suddenly lifted vp and carried about with the Moone, &c. By which wordes of Aristotle it doth appeare that such waters be lifted vp in one place at one time, and suddenly fall downe in an other place at another time. [Sidenote: A strange thing.] And hereunto perhaps perteineth it that Richard Chancellor told me that he heard Sebastian Cabot report, that (as farre as I remember) either about the coasts of Brasile or Rio de Plata, his shippe or pinnesse was suddenly lifted from the sea, and cast vpon land, I wot not howe farre. [Sidenote: The power of nature.] The which thing, and such other like wonderfull and strange workes of nature while I consider, and call to remembrance the narrownesse of mans vnderstanding and knowledge, in comparison of her mightie power, I can but cease to maruell and confesse with Plinie, that nothing is to her impossible, the least part of whose power is not yet knowen to men. Many things more our men saw and considered in this voyage, woorthy to be noted, whereof I haue thought good to put some in memory, that the reader may aswell take pleasure in the variety of things, as knowledge of the historie. Among other things, therefore touching the maners and nature of the people, this may seeme strange, that their princes and noble men vse to pounce and rase their skinnes with pretie knots in diuers formes, as it were branched damaske, thinking that to be a decent ornament. [Sidenote: Fine iewels. A bracelet.] And albeit they goe in maner all naked, yet are many of them, and especially their women, in maner laden with collars, bracelets, hoopes, and chaines, either of gold, copper, or iuory. I my selfe haue one of their brassets of Iuory, weighing two pound and sixe ounces of Troy weight, which make eight and thirtie ounces: this one of their women did weare vpon her arme. It is made of one whole piece of the biggest part of the tooth, turned and somewhat carued, with a hole in the midst, wherein they put their handes to wear it on their arme. Some haue on euery arme one, and as many on their legges, wherewith some of them are so galled, that although they are in maner made lame thereby, yet will they by no meanes leaue them off. Some weare also on their legges great shackles of bright copper, which they thinke to bee no lesse comely. They weare also collars, bracelets, garlands, and girdles, of certain blew stones like beads. Likewise some of their women weare on their bare armes certaine foresleeues made of the plates of beaten golde. On their fingers also they weare rings, made of golden wires, with a knot or wreath, like vnto that which children make in a ring of a rush. Among other things of golde that our men bought of them for exchange of their wares, were certaine dog-chaines and collers. They are very wary people in their bargaining, and will not lose one sparke of golde of any value. They vse weights and measures, and are very circumspect in occupying the same. They that shall haue to doe with them, must vse them gently: for they will not trafique or bring in any wares if they be euill vsed. At the first voyage that our men had into these parties, it so chanced, that at their departure from the first place where they did trafick, one of them either stole a muske Cat, or tooke her away by force, not mistrusting that that should haue hindered their bargaining in another place whither they intended to goe. But for all the haste they coulde make with full sailes, the fame of their misusage so preuented them, that the people of that place also, offended thereby, would bring in no wares: insomuch that they were inforced either to restore the Cat, or pay for her at their price before they could trafique there. Their houses are made of foure postes or trees, and couered with boughes. Their common feeding is of roots, and such fishes as they take, whereof they haue great plenty. There are also such flying fishes as are seene in the sea of the West Indies. Our men salted of their fishes, hoping to prouide store thereof: but they would take no salt, and must therefore be eaten forthwith as some say. Howbeit other affirme, that if they be salted immediately after they be taken, they wil last vncorrupted ten or twelue dayes. But this is more strange, that part of such flesh as they caried with them out of England, which putrified there, became sweete againe at their returne to the clime of temperate regions. They vse also a strange making of bread, in this maner. They grinde betweene two stones with their handes as much corne as they thinke may suffice their family, and when they haue thus brought it to floure, they put thereto a certaine quantitie of water, and make thereof very thinne dough, which they sticke vpon some post of their houses, where it is baked by the heate of the Sunne: so that when the master of the house or any of his family will eate thereof, they take it downe and eate it. They haue very faire wheate, the eare whereof is two handfuls in length, and as bigge as a great Bulrush, and almost foure inches about where it is biggest. The stemme or straw seemeth to be almost as bigge as the litle finger of a mans hand, or litle lesse. The graines of this wheate are as big as our peason, round also, and very white, and somewhat shining, like pearles that haue lost their colour. Almost all the substance of them turneth into floure, and maketh little bran or none. I told in one eare two hundred and threescore graines. The eare is inclosed in three blades longer than it selfe, and of two inches broad a piece. And by this fruitfulnes the Sunne seemeth partly to recompence such griefes and molestations as they otherwise receiue by the feruent heate thereof. It is doubtlesse a worthy contemplation to consider the contrary effects of the sunne: or rather the contrary passions of such things as receiue the influence of his beames, either to their hurt or benefit. Their drinke is either water, or the iuise that droppeth from the cut branches of the barren Date trees, called Palmitos. For either they hang great gourdes at the said branches euery euening, and let them so hang all night, or else they set them on the ground vnder the trees, that the droppes may fall therein. They say that this kinde of drinke is in taste much like vnto whey, but somewhat sweeter, and more pleasant. They cut the branches euery euening, because they are seared vp in the day by the heate of the Sunne. They haue also great beanes as bigge as chestnuts, and very hard, with a shell in the stead of a huske. Many things more might be saide of the maners of the people, and of the wonders and monstrous things that are engendered in Africke. But it shall suffice to haue saide this much of such things as our men partly sawe, and partly brought with them. And whereas before speaking of the fruit of graines, I described the same to haue holes by the side (as in deede it hath, as it is brought hither) yet was I afterward enfourmed, that those holes were made to put stringes or twigges through the fruite, thereby to hang them vp to dry at the Sunne. They grew not past a foote and a halfe, or two foote from the ground, and are as red as blood when they are gathered. The graines themselues are called of the Phisicions Grana Paradisi. [Sidenote: Shels that cleaue to ships.] At their comming home the keeles of their shippes were marueilously ouergrowne with certaine shelles of two inches length and more, as thicke as they could stand, and of such bignesse that a man might put his thumbe in the mouthes of them. They certainely affirme that in these there groweth a certaine slimie substance, which at the length slipping out of the shell and falling in the sea, becommeth those foules which we call Barnacles. The like shelles haue bene seene in ships returning from Iseland, but these shels were not past halfe an inch in length. Of the other that came from Guinea, I sawe the Primerose lying in the docke, and in maner couered with the said shels, which in my iudgement should greatly hinder her sayling. Their ships were also in many places eaten with the wormes called Bromas or Bissas, whereof mention is made in the Decades. These creepe betweene the plankes, which they eate through in many places. [Sidenote: A secret.] Among other things that chanced to them in this voyage, this is worthy to be noted, that whereas they sailed thither in seuen weekes, they could returne in no lesse space then twentie weekes. The cause whereof they say to be this: That about the coast of Cabo Verde the winde is euer at the East, by reason whereof they were enforced to saile farre out of their course into the maine Ocean, to finde the winde at the West to bring them home. [Sidenote: The death of our men.] There died of our men at this last voyage about twentie and four, whereof many died at their returne into the clime of the colde regions, as betweene the Islands of Azores and England. [Sidenote: Fiue blacke Moores brought into England. Colde may be better abiden then heate.] They brought with them certaine black slaues, whereof some were tall and strong men, and could wel agree with our meates and drinkes. The colde and moyst aire doth somewhat offend them. Yet doubtlesse men that are borne in hot Regions may better abide colde, then men that are borne in colde Regions may abide heate, forasmuch as vehement heate resolueth the radicall moysture of mens bodies, as colde constraineth and preserueth the same. This is also to be considered as a secret worke of nature, that throughout all Africke, vnder the Æquinoctial line, and neere about the same on both sides, the regions are extreeme hote, and the people very blacke. Whereas contrarily such regions of the West Indies as are vnder the same line are very temperate, and the people neither blacke, nor with curlde and short wooll on their heads, as they of Afrike haue, but of the colour of an Oliue, with long and blacke heare on their heads: the cause of which variety is declared in diuers places in the Decades. It is also worthy to be noted that some of them that were at this voyage told me: That is, that they ouertooke the course of the Sunne, so that they had it North from them at noone, the 14. day of March. And to haue said thus much of these voyages, it may suffice. * * * * * The first voyage made by Master William Towrson Marchant of London, to the coast of Guinea, with two Ships, in the yeere 1555. Vpon Munday the thirtieth day of September wee departed from the Isle of Wight, out of the hauen of Neuport with two good shippes, the one called the Hart, the other the Hinde, both of London, and the Masters of them were Iohn Ralph, and William Carter, for a voyage to bee made vnto the Riuer de Sestos in Guinea, and to other hauens thereabout. It fell out by the varietie of windes, that it was the fourteenth day of October before wee coulde fetch Dartmouth: and being there arriued wee continued in that roade sixe dayes, and the 20. of October we warpt out of the hauen, and set saile, directing our course towards the Southwest, and the next morning we were runne by estimation thirty leagues. The first of Nouember we found our selues to be in 31. degrees of latitude by the reckoning of our Master. This day we ranne about 40. leagues also. The second day we ranne 36. leagues. The third day we had sight of Porto Santo, which is a small Island lying in the sea, about three leagues long, and a league and a halfe broad, and is possessed by Portugals. It riseth as we came from the Northnorthwest like two small hilles neere together. The East end of the same Island is a high land like a saddle with a valley, which makes it to beare that forme. The West ende of it is lower with certaine small round hillocks. This Island lieth in thirty and three degrees. The same day at 11. of the clocke we raysed the Isle of Madera, which lieth 12. leagues from Porto Santo, towards the Southwest: that Island is a faire Island and fruitfull, and is inhabited by Portugals, it riseth afarre off like a great whole land and high. By three of the clocke this day at after noone we were thwart of Porto Santo, and we set our course Southwest, to leaue the Isle of Madera to the Eastward, as we did Porto Santo. These two Islands were the first land that we saw since wee left the coast of England. About three of the clocke after midnight wee were thwart of Madera, within three leagues of the West ende of it, and by meanes of the high hilles there, we were becalmed: We suppose we ranne this day and night 30. leagues. The fourth day we lay becalmed vnder thejsle of Madera, vntill one of the clocke at afternoone, and then, the winde comming into the East, wee went our course, and ranne that day fifteene leagues. The 5. day we ranne 15. leagues more. The 6. day in the morning we raysed the Isle of Tenerif, otherwise called the Pike, because it is a very high Island, with a pike vpon the top like a loafe of suger. The same night we raised the Isle of Palma, which is a high land also, and to the Westward of the Isle of Tenerif. The 7. day we perceiued the Isle of Gomera, which is an Island standing betwixt Tenerif and Palma, about 12. leagues Eastward from Palma, and 8. leagues Westward from Tenerif: and for feare of being becalmed with the Isle of Tenerif, we left both it, and Gomera to the Eastward of vs, and went betwixt Palma and Gomera. We ranne this day and night 30. leagues. Note that these Islands be 60. leagues from Madera, and that there are 3 Islands more to the Westward of Tenerif, named the Grand Canaria, Forte-ventura, and Lancerot, of which Island we came not in sight: they being inhabited by Spaniards. This day also we had sight of the Isle of Ferro, which is to the Southwards 13. leagues from the other Islands, and is possessed by Spaniards. All this day and night by reason of the winde we could not double the point of the Isle of Ferro, except we would haue gone to the Westward of it, which had bene much out of our course: therefore we kept about, and ranne backe fiue houres Eastnortheast to the ende we might double it vpon the next boord, the winde continuing Southeast, which hath not bene often seene vpon that coast by any traueilers: for the winde continueth there for the most part Northeast, and East Northeast: so vpon the other boord by the next morning we were in a maner with the Island, and had roome ynough to double the same. The 8. day we kept our course as neere the winde as wee could, because that our due course to fetch the coast of Barbary was Southeast and by East, but by the scant winde we could not goe our due course, but went as neere it as we could, and ranne this day and night 25. leagues. The 9. day we ranne 30. leagues, the 10. 25. leagues, the 12. 24. The 12. day we saw a saile vnder our Lee, which was as we thought a fishermen, so that wee went roome to haue spoken with him, but within one houre there fell such a fogge, that wee could not see the shippe nor one of vs the other: we shot off diuers pieces to the Hinde, but she heard them not: at afternoone she shot off a piece which wee heard, and made her answere with another: and within one halfe houre after the fogge brake vp, and we were within 4. leagues of the shoare vpon the coast of Barbary, and wee sounded and had 14. fadom water. The Barke also came roome with vs and their ankered by reason of the contrary winde. When we fell with the land, we could not iudge iustly what part of the land it was, because the most part of that coast is lowe land, and no part to be iudged of it but the fore part of the shoare, which is white like chalke or sand, and very deepe vnto the hard shoare: there immediatly we began to fish, and found great store of a kinde of fish which the Portugals commonly fish for vpon that coast, which they cal Pergosses, the Frenchmen call them Saders, and our men salt-water breames. Before the clearing vp of the fogge, the shippe which we followed shaped such a course that we could see her no more, by reason of our shooting off to finde the Hinde againe. This part of the coast of Barbary, by our Pilots reckoning, is about 16. leagues to the Eastwards of the riuer del Oro. The 13. day in the afternoone wee spyed a saile comming towards vs, which wee iudged to be the saile that wee sawe the day before, and as soone as we spied him, wee caused the Hinde to way her ancre and to goe towardes him, and manned out our Skiffe in like case to lay him aboorde, or to discerne what hee was, and wee our selues within halfe an houre after wayed also: but after the saile had espied vs, hee kept about, and turned backe againe, and shortly after there fell such another fogge, that wee coulde not see him: which fogges continued all that night, so that wee were constrained to leaue the chase. This afternoone the winde came about, and wee went our course Southwest and by West, to goe cleare off the coast, wee ranne that night sixteene leagues. The foureteenth day in the morning was verie foggie: but about twelue a clocke wee espied a Caruell of 60. tunne which was fishing, and we sent our Skiffe to him with fiue men, and all without any weapon sauing their Oares. [Sidenote: A Caruell taken.] The Caruell for haste let slippe her ancre, and set saile; and they seeing that, fearing that they should not fetch her, would tarry for no weapons, and in the ende ouertooke the Caruel, and made her to strike saile, and brought her away, although they had foureteene or fifteene men aboord, and euery man his weapon, but they had not the hearts to resist our men. After they were come to vs, they let fall their ancre, for wee had cast ancre because the winde was not good: I caused then the Skiffe to come for mee, and I went aboorde of them to see that no harme should bee done to them, nor to take any thing but that which they might spare vs for our money. [Sidenote: Great store of fish vpon the coast of Barbary.] So wee tooke of them 3. Tapnets of figges, two small pots of oyle, two pipes of water, foure hogsheads of saltfish which they had taken vpon the coast, and certaine fresh fish which they did not esteeme, because there is such store vpon that coast, that in an houre and sometime lesse, a man may take as much fish as will serue twentie men a day. For these things, and for some wine which wee dranke aboord of them, and three or foure great Cannes which they sent aboord of our shippes, I payed them twentie and seuen Pistoles, which was twise as much as they willingly would haue taken: and so let them goe to their ancre and cable which they had let slippe, and got it againe by our helpe. After this wee set saile, but the winde caused vs to ancre againe about twelue leagues off the riuer del Oro, as the Portugals tolde vs. There were fiue Caruels more in this place, but when they sawe vs, they made all away for feare of vs. The 15. day we ridde still because of the winde. [Sidenote: The Tropike of Cancer in 23. and a halfe.] The 16. day we set saile and ranne our course 40. leagues. This day, by the reckoning of our Pilots, we were right vnder the Tropike of Cancer. The 17. we ranne 25. leagues within sight for the most part of the coast of Barbary. The 18. day wee ranne thirtie leagues, and at twelue of the clocke by the reckoning of our Pilots we were thwart of Cape Blanke. The 22. day our Pilots reckoned vs to be thwart Cape Verde. [Sidenote: The coast of Guinea.] The 12. day of December we had sight of land of Guinea, which as soone as we saw we halled into the land Northeast, and about 12. of the clocke at night we were neere the shoare within lesse then 2. leagues: and then we kept about and sounded, and found 18. fadom water. Afterwards we saw a light towards the shoare, which we thought to haue bene a ship, and thereby iudged it to be the riuer de Sestos, which light as soone as we espied, we came to an anker and armed our tops, and made all things ready to fight, because we doubted that it might be some Portugal or French man: this night we remained at an anker, but in the morning we saw no man, only we espied 4. rockes about 2. English miles from vs, one great rocke, and the 3. other smal ones, which when we sawe, we supposed that the light came from the shore, and so wayed, and set saile East Southeast along the shoare, because the Master did not well know the place, but thought that we were not so farre to the East as the riuer de Sestos. This land all along is a low land, and full of very high trees all along the shoare, so that it is not possible to know the place that a man doth fall withall, except it be by the latitude. In these 24. houres I thinke we ran 16. leagues, for all the night we had a great gale as we were vnder saile, and had withall store of thunder and lightnings. The 13. day for the most part we ran East Southeast all along the shoare, within two leagues alwayes of the same, and found the land all as at the first, ful of woods and great rocks hard aboord the shoare, and the billow beating so sore, that the seas brake vpon the shoare as white as snow, and the water mounted so high that a man might easily discerne it 4. leagues off, in such wise that no boate could land there. Thus we ran vntil 12. of the clocke, and then they tooke the Sunne and after iudged themselues to be 24. leagues past the riuer de Sestos to the Eastwards, by reason whereof we halled into the shoare within two English miles, and there ancred and found fifteene fadom water, and all off from the shoare the sea so smooth, that we might wel haue rid by an Hawser. All that after-noone we trimmed our boate and made her a saile, to the ende that she might go along by the shoore to seeke some place to water in: for wee could not goe back againe to the riuer de Sestos, because the winde blowes alwayes contrary, and the Currant runneth alwayes to the Eastwards, which was also against vs. The 14. day we set saile and went back againe along the coast, and sent our boats hard aboord the shoare to seeke a watering place, which they found about 12. of the clock, and we being farre into the sea, met with diuers boats of the Countrey, small, long and narrow, and in euery boate one man and no more: we gaue them bread which they did eat, and were very glad of it. About 4. of the clocke our boats came to vs with fresh water: and this night we ankered against a Riuer. The 15. day we wayed and set saile to goe neere the shoare, and with our leade wee sounded all the way, and found sometimes rockes, and sometimes faire ground, and at the shallowest found 7. fadoms alwayes at the least. So in fine we found 7. fadom and a halfe within an English mile of the shoare, and there we ankered in a maner before the mouth of the Riuer, and then wee sent our boats into the Riuer for water, which went about a mile within the Riuer, where they had very good water. [Sidenote: Riuer S. Vincent.] This Riuer lieth by estimation 8. leagues beyond the Riuer de Sestos, and is called in the Carde Riuer S. Vincent, but it is so hard to finde, that a boat being within halfe a mile of it shall not be able to discerne that it is a Riuer: by reason that directly before the mouth of it there lyeth a ledge of rockes, which is much broader then the Riuer, so that a boate must runne in along the shoare a good way betwixt the rockes and the shoare before it come to the mouth of the Riuer, and being within it, it is a great Riuer and diuers other Riuers fall into it: The going into it is somewhat ill, because that at the entring the seas doe goe somewhat high, but being once within it, it is as calme as the Thames. [Sidenote: Cloth made of the barke of trees.] There are neere to the sea vpon this Riuer diuers inhabitants, which are mighty bigge men and go al naked except some thing before their priuie parts, which is like a clout about a quarter of a yard long made of the barke of trees, and yet it is like a cloth: for the barke is of that nature, that it will spin small after the maner of linnen. [Sidenote: The Negroes race their skinnes.] Some of them also weare the like vpon their heades being painted with diuers colours, but the most part of them go bare headed, and their heads are clipped and shorne of diuers sorts, and the most part of them haue their skin of their bodies raced with diuers workes, in maner of a leather Ierkin. The men and women goe so alike, that one cannot know a man from a woman but by their breastes, which in the most part be very foule and long, hanging downe like the vdder of a goate. The same morning we went into the Riuer with our Skiffe, and caried certaine basons, manels, &c. [Sidenote: Graines of Guinea.] And there we tooke that day one hogs-head and 100 li. waight of Graines, and two Elephants teeth at a reasonable good reckoning. We solde them both basons, and Manellios, and Margarits, but they desired most to haue basons: For the most part of our basons wee had by estimation about 30. li. for a piece, and for an Elephants tooth of 30. li. waight, we gaue them 6. The 16. day in the morning we went into the riuer with our Skiffe, and tooke some of euery sort of our marchandize with vs, and shewed it to the Negroes, but they esteemed it not, but made light of it, and also of the basons, Manellios and Margarits, which yesterday they did buy: howbeit for the basons they would haue giuen vs some graines, but to no purpose, so that this day wee tooke not by estimation aboue one hundreth pound waight of Graines, by meanes of their Captaine, who would suffer no man to sell any thing but through his hands, and at his price: he was so subtile, that for a bason hee would not giue 15. pound waight of Graines, and sometimes would offer vs smal dishfuls whereas before wee had baskets full, and when he saw that wee would not take them in contentment, the Captaine departed, and caused all the rest of the boates to depart, thinking belike that wee would haue followed them, and haue giuen them their owne askings. [Sidenote: The description of their townes and houses.] But after that we perceiued their fetch, wee wayed our Grapnel and went away, and then wee went on land into a small Towne to see the fashions of the Countrey, and there came a threescore of them about vs, and at the first they were afraid of vs, but in the end perceiuing that wee did no hurt, they would come to vs and take vs by the hand and be familiar with vs, and then we went into their Townes, which were like to twentie small houels, all couered ouer with great leaues and baggage, and all the sides open, and a scaffolde vnder the house about a yarde high, where they worke many pretie things of the barkes of trees, and there they lye also. In some of their houses they worke yron and make faire dartes, and diuers other things to worke their boates, and other things withall, and the women worke as well as the men. But when wee were there diuers of the women to shew vs pleasure danced and sung after their maner, full ill to our eares. Their song was thus: Sakere, sakere, ho, ho. Sakere, sakore, ho, ho. And with these words they leape and dance, and clap their hands. Beastes we could see none that they had, but two goates, small dogges, and small hennes: other beastes we saw none. After that we had well marked all things we departed and went aboord our ships: which thing the Captaine of the other towne perceiuing, sent two of his seruants in a boat with a basket of Graines, and made vs signes that if when wee had slept wee would come againe into their riuer, wee should haue store of Graines, and so shewed vs his Graines and departed. The 17. day in the morning because we thought that the Negroes would haue done something because the Captaine sent for vs, I required the Master to goe on shoare, and sent the rest of our Marchants with him, and taried aboord my selfe by reason that the last day he esteemed our things so litle: so when the Master and the rest came into the riuer, the captaine with diuers others came to them, and brought Graines with them, and after that he saw that I was not there, he made signes to know where I was, and they made signes to him againe that I was in the ships: [Sidenote: Diago the name of a Captaine.] and then hee made signes to know who was Captaine by name of Diago, for so they call their Captaine, and they pointed to the master of the ship: then he began to shew his Graines, but he held them so vnreasonably, that there was no profit to be made of them: which things the Master perceiuing, and seeing that they had no store of Graines, came away, and tooke not aboue 50. pound waight of Graines. Then he went a shoare to the litle Towne where we were the day before, and one of them plucked a Gourd, wherewith the Negroes were offended, and came many of them to our men with their darts and great targets, and made signes to them to depart: which our men did, hauing but one bow and two or three swords, and went aboord the boate and came away from them: and assoone as they were come aboord we wayed and set saile, but the winde was off the Sea, so that we could not get out cleare of certaine rocks, and therefore we came to an ancre againe. [Sidenote: The latitude of S. Vincent riuer is 4. degrees and a halfe.] This riuer is called Riuer S. Vincent, standing in 4. degrees and a halfe, and ebbeth and floweth there every 12. houres, but not much water when it ebbeth the most: while wee were there, it ebbeth one fadome and a halfe water. [Sidenote: Leaues of exceeding length.] This countrey as farre as we could perceiue is altogether woody, and al strange trees, whereof wee knewe none, and they were of many sorts, with great leaues like great dockes, which bee higher then any man is able to reach the top of them. [Sidenote: Long pease stalkes.] There are certaine peason by the Sea side, which grow vpon great and very long stalkes, one of the stalkes I measured and found it 27. paces long, and they grow vpon the sand like to trees, and that so neere the Sea, that sometimes the Sea floweth into the woods as we might perceiue by the water markes. [Sidenote: Long womens breasts.] The trees and all things in this place grow continually greene. Diuers of the women haue such exceeding long breasts, that some of them wil lay the same vpon the ground and lie downe by them, but all the women haue not such breasts. At this place all the day the winde bloweth off the Sea, and all the night off the land, but wee found it to differ sometimes, which our Master marueiled at. This night at 9. of the clocke the winde came vp at the East, which ordinarily about that time was wont to come out of the North Northwest off the shoare: yet we wayed and halled off South with that winde all night into the Sea, but the next morning we halled in againe to the lande, and tooke in 6. Tunnes of water for our ship, and I thinke the Hinde tooke in as much. I could not perceiue that here was any gold, or any other good thing: for the people be so wilde and idle, that they giue themselues to seeke out nothing: if they would take paines they might gather great store of graines, but in this place I could not perceiue two Tunne. There are many foules in the Countrey, but the people will not take the paines to take them. I obsetued some of their words of speach, which I thought good here to set downe. Bezow, bezow, Is their salutation. Manegete afoye, Graines ynough. Crocow, afoye, Hennes ynough. Zeramme, afoye, Haue ynough. Begge sacke Giue me a knife. Begge come, Giue me bread Borke, Holde your peace. Coutrecke. Ye lye. Veede, Put foorth, or emptie. Brekeke, Rowe. Diago, Their Captaine, and some call him Dabo. These and other wordes they speake very thicke, and oftentimes recite one word three times together, and at the last time longer then at the two first. The 18. day towards night, as we were sailing along the coast, we met with certaine boats in the sea, and the men shewed vs that there was a riuer thwart of vs, where there were Graines to be sold, but we thought it not good to tary there, least the other ships should get before vs. This riuer hath lying before it three great rockes, and 5. small rocks, one great tree, and a little tree right by the riuer, which in height exceeded all the rest: we halled this night along the coast 16. leagues. The 19. day as we coasted the shoare, about twelue of the clocke there came out to vs 3. boates to tell vs that they had graines, and brought some with them for a shew, but we could not tary there. We proceeded along the coast, and ancred by the shore all the night, and ran this day 10. leagues. The 20. day the Hinde hauing ankered by vs amongst rockes, and foule gronnd, lost a small anker. At noone, as we passed along the coast, there came forth a Negro to vs, making signes, that if we would goe a shoare, wee should haue Graines, and where wee ankered at night, there came another to vs, and brought Graines, and shewed vs them, and made signes that wee should tary, and made a fire vpon the land in the night, meaning thereby to tell vs where we should land, and so they did in diuers other places vpon the coast, where they saw vs to anker. [Sidenote: The tides and nature of the shore.] In al the places where we haue ancred, since we came from our watring place, we haue found the tide alwayes running to the Westwards, and all along the coast many rockes hard aboord the shoare, and many of them a league off the shoare or more, we ran this day 12. leagues. The 21 day, although we ranne all day with a good gale of winde, yet the tides came so sore out of the coast, that we were not able to runne aboue sixe leagues: and this day there came some Negroes to vs, as there had done other times. The 22. wee ranne all day and night to double a point, called Das Palmas, and ranne sixteene leagues. The 23. day about 3. of the clocke we were thwart of the point, and before we came to the Westermost part of it, we saw a great ledge of rocks, which lie West from the Cape about 3. leagues and a league or more from the land. Shortly after we had sight of the Eastermost part of the Cape, which lieth 4. leagues from the Westermost part, and vpon the very corner thereof lie two greene places, as it were closes, and to the Westwards of the Cape the land parted from the Cape, as it were a Bay, whereby it may well be knowen. Foure leagues more beyonde that there lieth a head-land in the sea, and about two leagues beyond the head-land there goeth in a great Bay, as it were a riuer, before which place we ankered all that night, which wee did, least in the night wee should ouerrunne a riuer where the last yeere they had all their Elephants teeth. [Sidenote: That was the yeere 1554.] This Cape Das palmas lieth vnder foure degrees and a halfe, and betwixt the said Cape, and the riuer de Sestos is the greatest store of Graines to be had, and being past the said Cape there is no great store else where. Where we ankered this night, we found that the tide, which before ran alwayes to the Westward, from this Cape runneth all to the Eastward: this day we ranne some 16. leagues. The 24. day running our course, about eight of the clock there came forth to vs certaine boats, which brought with them small egges, which were soft without shels, and they made vs signes, that there was within the land fresh water, and Goates: and the Master thinking that it was the riuer which we sought, cast ancker and sent the boate on shoare, with one that knew the riuer, and comming neere the shoare, hee perceiued that it was not the riuer, and so came backe againe, and went along the shoare, with their oares and saile, and wee weyed and ranne along the shoare also: and being thirteene leagues beyond the Cape, the Master perceiued a place which he iudged to be the riuer, when wee were in deede two miles shot past it: yet the boate came from the shoare, and they that were in her saide, that there was no riuer: notwithstanding wee came to an ancker, and the Master and I tooke fiue men with vs in the boat, and when hee came neere the shoare, hee perceiued that it was the same riuer which hee did seeke: so we rowed in, and found the entrance very ill, by reason that the sea goeth so high: and being entred, diuers boats came to vs, and shewed vs that they had Elephants teeth, and they brought vs one of about eight pound, and a little one of a pound, which we bought: then they brought certaine teeth to the riuer side, making signes, that if the next day we would come againe, they would sell vs them: so we gaue vnto two Captaines, to either of them a manillio, and so we departed, and came aboord, and sent out the other boate to another place, where certaine boats that came into the sea, made vs signes that there was fresh water: and being come thither, they found a towne, but no riuer, yet the people brought them fresh water, and shewed them an Elephants tooth, making signes that the next day they would sel them teeth, and so they came aboord. This riuer lieth by the Carde thirteene leagues from the Cape Das palmas, and there lieth to the Westwards of the same a rocke about a league in the sea, and the riuer it selfe hath a point of lande comming out into the Sea, whereupon grow fiue trees, which may well bee discerned two or three leagues off, comming from the Westward, but the riuer cannot bee perceiued vntill such time as a man be hard by it, and then a man may perceiue a litle Towne on ech side the riuer, and to ech Towne there belongeth a Captaine. The riuer is but small, but the water is good and fresh. Two miles beyond the riuer, where the other towne is, there lieth another point into the Sea, which is greene like a close, and not aboue sixe trees vpon it, which growe one of them from the other, whereby the coast may well be knowen: for along all the coast that we haue hitherto sailed by, I haue not seene so much bare land. In this place, and three or foure leagues to the Westward of it, al along the shoare, there grow many Palme trees, whereof they make their wine de Palma. These trees may easily be knowen almost two leagues off, for they be very high and white bodied, and streight, and be biggest in the midst: they haue no boughes, but onely a round bush in the top of them: and at the top of the same trees they boare a hoale, and there they hang a bottell, and the iuyce of the tree runneth out of the said hole into the bottle, and that is their wine. From the Cape das Palmas, to the Cape Tres puntas, there are 100. leagues: and to the port where we purpose to make sales of our cloth beyond the Cape Tres puntas, 40. leagues. Note, that betwixt the riuer De Sestos, and the Cape Das palmas, is the place where all the graines be gathered. The language of the people of this place, as far as I could perceiue, differeth not much from the language of those which dwel where we watred before: but the people of this place be more gentle in nature then the other, and goodlier men: their building and apparel is all one with the others. Their desire in this place was most of all to haue Manillios and Margarites: as for the rest of our things, they did litle esteeme them. [Sidenote: Their maner of swearing by the water of the Sea.] About nine of the clocke there came boates to vs foorth, from both of the places aforsaid, and brought with them certaine teeth, and after they had caused me to sweare by the water of the Sea that I would not hurt them, they came aboord our ship three or foure of them, and we gaue them to eate of all such things as we had, and they did eate and drinke of all things, as well as we our selues. Afterwards we bought all their teeth, which were in number 14. and of those 14. there were 10. small: afterwards they departed, making vs signes that the next day we should come to their Townes. [Sidenote: Two townes.] The 26. day because we would not trifle long at this place I required the Master to goe vnto one of the townes, and to take two of our marchants with him, and I my selfe went to the other, and tooke one with me, because these two townes stand three miles asunder. To these places we caried somewhat of euery kind of marchandize that we had: and hee had at the one Towne, nine teeth, which were but small, and at the other towne where I was, I had eleuen, which were also not bigge, and we left aboord with the Master certaine Manillios, wherewith he bought 12. teeth aboord the ship, in our absence: and hauing bought these of them, wee perceiued that they had no more teeth: so in that place where I was one brought to me a small goat, which I bought, and to the Master at the other place they brought fiue small hennes, which he bought also, and after that we saw there was nothing else to be had, we departed, and by one of the clocke we met aboord, and then wayed, and went East our course 18. leagues still within sight of land. The 28. the wind varied, and we ranne into the sea, and the winde comming againe off the sea, wee fell with the land againe, and the first of the land which we raised shewed as a great red cliffe round, but not very high, and to the Eastward of that another smaller red cliffe, and right aboue that into the land a round hammoke and greene, which we tooke to be trees. We ranne in these 24. houres, not aboue foure leagues. The 29. day comming neere to the shoare, we perceiued the red cliffe aforesaide to haue right vpon the top of it a great heape of trees, and all to the Westwards of it ful of red cliffes as farre as we could see, and all along the shoare, as well vpon the cliffes, as otherwise, full of wood: within a mile of the said great cliffe there is a riuer to the Eastwards, and no cliffes that we could see, except one small cliffe, which is hard by it. We ran this day and night 12. leagues. The windes that wee had in this place by the reports of the people and of those that haue bene there, haue not bene vsuall, but in the night, at North off the lande, and in the day South off the Sea, and most commonly Northwest, and Southwest. The 31. day we went our course by the shoare Northwards: this land is al along a low shoare, and full of wood, as all the coast is for the most part, and no rockes. This morning came out many boates which went a fishing, which bee greater boates then those which we sawe before, so that in some of them there sate 5. men, but the fashion of the boats is all one. In the afternoone about three of the clocke wee had sight of a Towne by the sea side, which our Pilots iudged to be 25. leagues to the Westwards of the Cape Tres puntas. The third of Ianuary in the morning we fell with the Cape Tres puntas, and in the night passed, as our Pilots saide, by one of the Portugals castles, which is 8. leagues to the Westwards of the Cape: vpon the first sight of the Cape wee discerned it a very high land, and all growen ouer with trees, and comming neere to it, we perceiued two head lands, as it were two Bayes betwixt them, which opened right to the Westward, and the vttermost of them is the Easterne Cape, there we perceiued the middle Cape, and the Eastermost Cape: the middle Cape standeth not aboue a league from the West Cape, although the Card sheweth them to be 3. leagues one from the other: and that middle Cape hath right before the point of it a small rocke so neere to it, that it cannot be discerned from the Cape, except a man be neere to the shoare, and upon the same Cape standeth a great heape of trees, and when a man is thwart the same Cape to the Eastward, there riseth hard by it a round greene hommoke, which commeth out of the maine. The thirde Cape is about a league beyond the middle Cape, and is a high land like to the other Capes, and betwixt the middle, and the thirde commeth out a little head or point of a land out of the maine, and diuers rocks hard aboord the shoare. Before we came to the Capes, being about 8. leagues off them, wee had the land Southeast, and by East, and being past the Capes, the land runneth in againe East Northeast. About two leagues beyond the farthest Cape there is a lowe glade about two miles long, and then the land riseth high againe, and diuers head lands rise one beyond another, and diuers rockes lie at the point of the first head-land. The middest of these Capes is the neerest to the Southwards, I meane, further into the sea than any of the other, so that being to the Eastward of it, it may be discerned farre off, and being so to the Eastward it riseth with two small rockes. This day we ankered for feare of ouershooting a towne called S. Iohns. Wee ran this day not aboue 8. leagues. In the afternoone this day there came a boate of the countrey from the shoare, with fiue men in her, and went along by vs, as we thought, to discerne our flagges, but they would not come neere vs, and when they had well looked vpon vs, they departed. The fourth day in the morning, sailing by the coast, we espied a ledge of rockes by the shoare, and to the Westwards of them two great grene hils ioyning together, so that betweene them it was hollow like a saddle: and within the said rockes the Master thought the aforenamed Towne had stoode, and therefore we manned our boates, and tooke with vs cloth, and other marchandize, and rowed ashoare, but going along by the coast, we sawe that there was no towne, therefore wee went aboord againe. From these two hils aforesaid, about two leagues to the Eastward, lie out into the Sea almost two miles a ledge of rockes, and beyond that a great Bay, which runneth into the North Northwestward, and the land in this place lieth North Northeast along the shoare: but the vttermost point of land in that place that we could see, lay Northeast, and by East from vs. After that we were with a small gale of winde runne past that vttermost head-land, we sawe a great red cliffe, which the Master againe iudged to be the towne of S. Iohns, and then wee tooke our boate with marchandize, and went thither, and when we came thither, we perceiued that there was a towne vpon the toppe of the hill, and so wee went toward it, and when we were hard by it, the people of the towne came together a great sort of them, and waued vs to come in, with a peece of cloth, and so we went into a very faire Bay, which lieth to the Eastward of the cliffe, whereupon the towne standeth, and being within the cliffe, wee let fall our grapnell, and after that we had taried there a good space, they sent a boate aboord of vs, to shewe vs that they had golde, and they shewed us a peece about halfe a crowne weight, and required to know our measure, and our weight, that they might shewe their Captaine thereof: and wee gaue them a measure of two elles, and a waight of two Angels to shew vnto him, which they tooke, and went on shoare, and shewed it vnto their Captaine, and then they brought vs a measure of two elles, one quarter and a halfe, and one Crusado-weight of gold, making vs signes that so much they would giue for the like measure, and lesse they would not haue. After this, we taried there about an houre, and when we sawe that they would doe no otherwise, and withall vnderstood, that all the best places were before vs, wee departed to our shippes and wayed, and ranne along the shoare, and went before with our boate, and hauing sailed about a league, we came to a point where there lay foorth a ledge of rockes, like to the others before spoken of, and being past that people, the Master spied a place which hee saide plainely was the towne of Don Iohn: and the night was come vpon vs, so that we could not well discerne it, but we ankered as neere vnto the place as we could. [Sidenote: The towne of Don Iohn.] The fift day in the morning we perceiued it to be the same towne in deede, and we manned our boates and went thither, and because that the last yeere the Portugals at that place tooke away a man from them, and after shot at them with great bases, and did beate them from the place, we let fall our grapnel almost a base shot off the shoare, and there we lay about two houres, and no boats came to vs. Then certaine of our men with the Hindes boate went into the Bay which lieth to the Eastward of the towne, and within that Bay they found a goodly fresh riuer, and afterwards they came and waued to vs also to come in, because they perceiued the Negroes to come downe to that place, which we did: and immediately the Negroes came to vs, and made vs signes that they had golde, but none of them would come aboord our boates, neither could we perceiue any boates that they had to come withall, so that we iudged that the Portugals had spoiled their boates, because we saw halfe of their towne destroyed. Wee hauing stayed there a good space, and seeing that they would not come to vs, thrust our boates heads a shoare, being both well appointed, and then the Captaine of the Towne came downe being a graue man: and he came with his dart in his hand, and sixe tall men after him, euery one with his dart and his target, and their darts were all of yron, faire and sharpe, and there came another after them which caried the Captaines stoole: wee saluted him, and put off our caps, and bowed our selues, and hee like one that thought well of himselfe, did not mooue his cap, nor scant bowed his body, and sate him downe very solemnly, vpon his stoole: but all his men put off their caps to vs, and bowed downe themselues. He was clothed from the loines down with a cloth of that Countrey making, wrapped about him, and made fast about his loynes with a girdle, and his cap of a certaine cloth of the Countrey also, and bare legged, and bare footed, and all bare aboue the loynes, except his head. His seruants, some of them had cloth about their loines, and some nothing but a cloth betwixt their legges, and made fast before, and behinde to their girdles, and cappes of their owne making, some like a basket, and some like a great wide purse of beasts skinnes. [Sidenote: Their weapons.] All their cloth, cordes, girdles, fishing lines, and all such like things which they haue, they make of the bark of certaine trees, and thereof they can worke things very pretily, and yron worke they can make very fine, of all such things as they doe occupy, as darts, fishhookes, hooking yrons, yron heads, and great daggers, some of them as long as a woodknife, which be on both sides exceeding sharpe, and bended after the maner of Turkie blades, and the most part of them haue hanging at their left side one of those great daggers. Their targets bee made of such pils as their cloth is made of, and very closely wrought, and they bee in forme foure square, and very great, and somewhat longer then they bee broad, so that kneeling downe, they make their targets to couer their whole body. Their bowes be short, and of a pretie strength, as much as a man is able to draw with one of his fingers, and the string is of the barke of a tree, made flat, and about a quarter of an inch broad: as for their arrowes, I haue not as yet seene any of them, for they had wrapped them vp close, and because I was busie I could not stand about it, to haue them open them. Their golde also they worke very well. When the Captaine was set, I sent him two elles of cloth, and two basons, and gaue them vnto him, and hee sent againe for a waight of the same measure, and I sent him a weight of two Angels, which he would not take, nether would hee suffer the towne to buy any thing, but the basons of brasse: so that wee solde that day 74. basons vnto the men of the towne, for about half an Angel weight, one with another, and nine white basons, which we solde for a quarter of an Angell a peece, or thereabouts. We shewed them all our other things which we had, but they did not esteeme them. About two of the clocke, the Captaine who did depart in the morning from vs, came againe, and brought with him to present mee withall, a henne, and two great rootes, which I receiued, and after made me signes that the countrey would come to his towne that night, and bring great store of gold, which in deed about 4. of the clocke they did: for there came about 100. men vnder 3. Captaines, well appointed with their darts and bowes, and when they came to vs, euery man sticked downe his dart vpon the shoare, and the Captaines had stooles brought them, and they sate downe, and sent a young man aboord of vs, which brought a measure with him of an ell, and one fourth part, and one sixteenth part, and he would haue that foure times for a waight of one Angell and twelue graines: I offered him two elles, as I had done before for two Angels weight, which he esteemed nothing, but still stucke at his foure measures aforesaide: yet in the ende, when it grew very late, and I made him signes, that I would depart, he came to foure elles for the weight abouesaid, and otherwise he would not deale, and so we departed. This day we tooke for basons sixe ounces and a halfe and one eight part. The sixt day in the morning we manned our boates and the skiffe well, for feare of the Portugals which the last yeere had taken away a man from the other ships, and went on shoare, and landed, because they had no boates to come to vs, and so the young man which was with vs the night before was sent aboord, who seemed to haue dealt and bargained before with the Portugals for he could speake a litle Portuguise, and was perfect in weights and measures: at his comming be offered vs, as he had done before, one Angell, and twelue graines for four elles, and more he would not giue, and made signes, that if we would not take that, we should depart, which we did: but before we did indeede depart, I offered him of some rotten cloth three elles for his waight of an Angell and twelue graines, which he would not take, and then we departed making signes to him that we would go away, as indeede we would haue done, rather then haue giuen that measure, although the cloth was ill, seeing we were so neere to the places, which we iudged to be better for sale. Then we went aboord our ships which lay about a league off, and came backe againe to the shoare for sand and balaste: and then the Captaine perceiuing that the boats had brought no marchandize but came onely for water and sand, and seeing that we would depart, came vnto them, making signes againe to know whether would we not giue the foure elles, and they made signes againe, that we would giue them but three, and when they sawe that the boates were ready to depart, they came vnto them and gaue them the weight of our Angell and twelue graines, which we required before and made signes, that if we would come againe, they would take three elles. So when the boates came aboord, we layde wares in them both, and for the speedier dispatch I and Iohn Sauill went in one boat, and the Maister Iohn Makeworth, and Richard Curligin, in the other, and went on shoare, and that night I tooke for my part fiftie and two ounces, and in the other boate they tooke eight ounces and a quarter, all by one weight and measure, and so being very late, we departed and went aboord, and took in all this day three pound. The seuenth day we went a shoare againe, and that day I tooke in our boate three pound 19 ounces, so that we dispatched almost all the cloth that we caried with us before noone, and then many of the people were departed and those that remained had litle golde, yet they made vs signes to fetch them some latten basons which I would not because I purposed not to trifle out the time, but goe thence with speede to Don Iohns towne. But Iohn Sauill and Iohn Makeworth were desirous to goe againe: and I, loth to hinder them of any profite, consented, but went not my selfe: so they tooke eighteene ounces of gold and came away, seeing that the people at a certaine crie made, were departed. While they were at the shoare, there came a young fellow which could speake a little Portuguise, with three more with him, and to him I solde 39 basons and two small white sawcers, for three ounces, &c., which was the best reckoning that we did make of any basons: and in the forenoone when I was at the shoare, the Master solde fiue basons vnto the same fellow, for halfe an ounce of golde. [Sidenote: 60. Portugales in the castle of Mina.] This fellow, as farre as we could perceiue, had bene taken into the Castle by the Portugales, and was gotten away from them, for he tolde vs that the Portugales were bad men, and that they made them slaues if they could take them, and would put yrons vpon their legges, and besides he tolde vs, that as many Frenchmen or Englishmen, as they could take (for he could name these two very well) they would hang them: he tolde vs further, that there were 60 men in the castle, and that euery yeere there came thither two shippes, one great, and one small caruell, and further, that Don Iohn had warres with the Portugals, which gaue mee the better courage to goe to his towne, which lieth not foure leagues from the Castle, wherehence our men were beaten the last yeere. [Sidenote: The English in anno 1544 tooke away 5 Negroes.] This fellowe came aboord our shippe without much feare, and assoone as he came, he demaunded, why we had not brought againe their men, which the last yeere we tooke away, and could tell vs that there were fiue taken away by Englishmen: we made him answere, that they were in England well vsed, and were there kept till they could speake the language, and then they should be brought againe to be a helpe to Englishmen in this Countrey: and then he spake no more of that matter: Our boates being come aboord, we wayed and set saile and a litle after spied, a great fire vpon the shoare, and by the light of the fire we might discerne a white thing, which they tooke to be the Castle, and for feare of ouersbooting the towne of Don Iohn we there ankered two leagues off the shoare, for it is hard to fetch vp a towne here, if a ship ouershoot it. This day we tooke seuen pound, and fiue ounces of gold. This towne lieth in a great Bay, which is very deepe. The people in this place desired most to haue basons and cloth. They would buy some of them also many trifles, as kniues, horsetailes, hornes: and some of our men going a shoare, sold a cap, a dagger, a hat, &c. They shewed vs a certain course cloth, which I thinke to be made in France, for it was course wooll, and a small threed, and as thicke as wosted, and striped with stripes of greene, white, yellow &c. Diuers of the people did weare about their neckes great beades of glasse of diuerse colours. Here also I learned some of their language, [Marginal note: This language seemeth partly to be corrupt.] as followeth: Mattea, mattea, Is their salutation. Dassee, dassee, I thanke you. Sheke, Golde. Cowrte, Cut. Cracca, Kniues. Bassina, Basons. Foco, foco, Cloth. Molta, Much, or great store. [Sidenote: Sight of the casle of Mina.] The eight day in the morning we had sight of the Castle, but by reason of a miste that then fell we could not haue the perfect sight of it, till we were almost at the towne of Don Iohn, and then it cleared vp, and we saw it and a white house, as it were a Chappell, vpon the hill about it, and then we halled into the shoare, within two English miles of Don Iohns towne, and there ankered in seuen fadome water. Here, as in many other places before, we perceiued that the currant went with the winde. The land here is in some places low and in some high, and full of wood altogether. [Sidenote: Don Iohns towne described.] The towne of Don Iohn is but litle, of about twentie houses, and the most part of the towne is walled in with a wall of a mans height, made with reede or sedge, or some such thing. Here we staied two or three houres after we had ankered, to see if any man would come vnto vs: and seeing that none did come, we manned our boates and put in marchandize, and went and ankered with our boates neere to the shoare: then they sent out a man to vs who made vs signes that that was the towne of Don Iohn, and that he himselfe was in the Countrey, and would be at home at the going downe of the Sunne, and when he had done, he required a reward, as the most part of them will doe which come first aboord, and I gaue him one ell of cloth and he departed, and that night we heard no more of him. The ninth day in the morning we went againe with our boates to the shoare, and there came foorth a boate to vs, who made signes that Don Iohn was not come home, but would be at home this day: and to that place also came another boate from the other towne a mile from this, which is called Don Deuis, and brought with him gold to shew vs, making signes that we should come thither. I then left in this place Iohn Sauill, and Iohn Makeworth, and tooke the Hinde, and went to the other towne and there ankered, and tooke cloth and went to shore with the boate, and by and by the boates came to vs and brought a measure of foure yards long and a halfe, and shewed vs a weight of an angell and twelue graines, which they would giue for so much, and not otherwise: so I staied and made no bargaine. And all this day the barke lay at Don Iohns towne, and did nothing, hauing answere that he was not come home. The tenth day we went againe to the shoare, and there came out a boat with good store of gold, and hauing driuen the matter off a long time, and hauing brought the measure to a nayle lesse then three elles, and their weight to an angell and twentie graines, and could not bring them to more, I did conclude with them and solde, and within one quarter of an houre I tooke one pound and a quarter of an ounce of golde: and then they made me signes to tary, till they had parted their cloth vpon the shoare as their manner is, and they would come againe, and so they went away, and layde the cloth all abroad vpon the sande peece by peece, and by and by one came running downe from the towne to them, and spake vnto them, and foorthwith euery man made as much haste as he could away, and went into the woods to hide his golde and his cloth: we mistrusted some knauery, and being waued by them to come a shoare, yet we would not, but went aboorde the Hinde, and perceiued vpon the hill 30 men whom we iudged to be Portugals: and they went vp to the toppe of the hill and there mustered and shewed themselues, hauing a flagge with them. Then I being desirous to knowe what the Hart did, tooke the Hindes boate and went towards her, and when I came neere to them they shot off two pieces of ordinance which I marueiled at: I made as much haste as I could to her, and met her boate and skiffe comming from the shoare in all haste, and we met aboord together. [Sidenote: The Portugales of the castle of Mina inuaded our men.] They shewed me that they had beene a shoare all that day, and had giuen to the two sonnes of Don Iohn, to either of them three yardes and a halfe of doth, and three basons betwixt them, and had deliuered him 3 yards of cloth more and the weight of an angell and 12 graines, and being on land did tarie for his answere, and in the meane time the Portugals came running from the hill vpon them, whereof the Negroes a litle before had giuen them warning, and bad them to go away, but they perceiued it not. The sonne of Don Iohn conspired with the Portugales against them, so that they were almost vpon them, but yet they recouered their boate and set off from the shoare, and the Portugales shot their calieuers at them, but hurt no man, and then the shippe perceiuing it, shot off the two peeces aforesayde among them. Hereupon we layde bases in both the boates, and in the Skiffe and manned them well, and went a shoare againe, but because of the winde we could not land, but lay off in the sea about ten score and shot at them, but the hill succoured them, and they from the rockes and from the hilles shot at vs with their halfe hakes, and the Negroes more for feare then for loue stoode by them to helpe them, and when we saw that the Negroes were in such subiction vnto them that they durst not sell vs any thing for feare of them we went aboord, and that night the winde kept at the East, so that we could not with our ship fetch the Hinde, but I tooke the boate in the night and went aboord the barke to see what was there to be done, and in the morning we perceiued the towne to be in like case layde with Portugales, so we wayed and went along the coast. [Sidenote: The towne of Don Iohn de Viso.] This towne of Iohn de Viso standeth vpon an hill like the towne of Don Iohn, but it hath beene burned, so that there are not passing sixe houses in it: the most part of the golde that comes thither comes out of the countrey, and no doubt if the people durst for feare of the Portugals bring forth their gold, there would be had good store: but they dare not sell any thing, their subiection is so great to the Portugales. The 11 day running by the shoare we had sight of a litle towne foure leagues from the last towne that we came from, and about halfe a league from that, of another towne vpon a hill, and halfe a league from that also of another great towne vpon the shoare: whither we went to set what could there be done: if we could doe nothing, then to returne to the other towne, because we thought that the Portugales would leaue the towne vpon our departure. Along from the castle vnto this place are very high hilles which may be seene aboue all other hilles, but they are full of wood, and great red cliffes by the sea side. The boates of these places are somewhat large and bigge, for one of them will carie twelue men, but their forme is alike with the former boates of the coast. There are about these townes few riuers: their language differeth not from the language vsed at Don Iohns towne: but euery one can speake three or foure words of Portuguise, which they vsed altogether to vs. We sawe this night about 5 of the clocke 22 boates running along the shoare to the Westward, whereupon we suspected some knauery intended against vs. The 12 day therefore we set sayle and went further along the coast, and descried more townes wherein were greater houses then in the other townes, and the people came out of the townes to looke vpon vs, but we could see no boates. Two mile beyond the Eastermost towne are blacke rocks, which blacke rockes continue to the vttermost cape of the land, which is about a league off, and then the land runnes in Eastnortheast, and a sandy shoare againe: vpon these blacke rockes came downe certaine Negroes, which waued vs with a white flagge, but we perceiuing the principall place to be neere, would not stay, but bare still along the shoare: and as soone as we had opened the point of the land, we raysed another headland about a league off the point, which had a rocke lying off it into the sea, and that they thought to be the place which we sought. When we came thwart the place they knew it, and we put wares into our boate, and the ship being within halfe a mile of the place ankered in fiue fadome water and faire ground. We went on shoare with our boate, and ankered about ten of the clocke in the forenoone: we saw many boates lying vpon the shoare, and diuers came by vs, but none of them would come neere vs, being as we iudged afraid of vs: [Sidenote: Foure men taken away by the English.] because that foure men were taken perforce the last yeere from this place, so that no man came to vs, whereupon we went aboord againe, and thought here to haue made no saile: yet towardes night a great sort came downe to the water side, and waued vs on shoare with a white flagge, and afterwarde their Captaine came downe and many men with him, and sate him downe by the shoare vnder a tree: which when I perceiued, I tooke things with me to giue him: at last he sent a boat to call to vs, which would not come neere vs, but made vs signes to come againe the next day: but in fine, I got them to come aboord in offering them things to giue to their captaine, which were two elles of cloth, one latten bason, one white bason, a bottle, a great piece of beefe, and sixe bisket cakes, which they receiued making vs signes to come againe the next day, saying, that their Captain was Grand Capitane as appeared by those that attended vpon him with their darts and targets, and other weapons. This towne is very great and stands vpon a hill among trees, so that it cannot well be seene except a man be neere it: to the Eastward of it vpon the hill hard by the towne stand 2. high trees, which is a good marke to knowe the towne. And vnder the towne lieth another hill lower then it, whereupon the sea beates: and that end next the sea is all great blacke rockes, and beyonde the towne in a bay lieth another small towne. The 13 day in the morning we tooke our boate and went to shoare, and stayed till ten a clocke and no man came to vs: we went about therefore to returne aboord, and when the Negroes saw that, they came running downe with a flagge to waue vs againe, so we ankered againe, and then one shewed vs that the Captaine would come downe by and by: we sawe a saile in the meane time passe by vs but it was small, and we regarded it not. [Sidenote: The like they doe in the countrey of Prette Ianni.] Being on shore we made a tilt with our oares and sayle, and then there came a boate to vs with fiue men in her, who brought vs againe our bottle, and brought me a hen, making signes by the sunne, that within two houres the marchants of the countrey would come downe and buy all that we had: so I gaue them sixe Manillios to carry to their Captaine, and they made signes to haue a pledge of vs, and they would leaue vs another man: and we willing to do so, put one of our men in their boate, but they would not giue vs one of theirs, so we tooke our man againe, and there tarried for the marchants: and shortly after one came downe arrayed like their Captaine with a great traine after him, who saluted us friendly, and one of the chiefest of them went and sate downe vnder a tree, where the last yere the Captaine was wont to sit: and at last we perceiued a great many of them to stand at the ende of a hollow way, and behinde them the Portugales had planted a base, who suddenly shotte at vs but ouershot vs, and yet we were in a manner hard by them, and they shot at vs againe before we could ship our oares to get away but did no hurt. Then the Negroes came to the rocks hard by vs, and disharged calieuers at vs, and againe the Portugales shot off their base twise more, and then our ship shot at them, but the rockes and hilles defended them. [Sidenote: Master Robert Gainshes voyage to Guinea in anno 1554.] Then we went aboord to goe from this place, seeing the Negroes bent against vs, because that the last yeere M. Gainsh did take away the Captaines sonne and three others from this place with their golde, and all that they had about them: [Sidenote: The English were offered to build a towne in Guine.] which was the cause that they became friends with the Portugales, whom before they hated, as did appeare the last yeere by the courteous intertainement which the Trinitie had there, when the Captaine came aboord the shippe, and brought them to his towne, and offered them ground to build a Castle in, and there they had good sales. The 14 day we wayed and plyed backe againe to seeke the Hinde, which in the morning we met, and so we turned both back to the Eastwardes to see what we could doe at that place where the Trinitie did sell her eight frises the last yeere. The Hinde had taken eighteene ounces and a halfe more of golde of other Negroes, the day after that we left them. This day about one of the clocke we espied certaine boates vpon the sand and men by them and went to them with marchandizes, and tooke three ounces of gold for 18 fuffs of cloth, euery fuffe three yards and a halfe after one angell and 12 graines the fuffe, and then they made me signes that the next day I should haue golde enough: so the Master took the Hinde with Iohn Sauill and Iohn Makeworth, and went to seeke the place aforesaid, and I with Richard Pakeman remained in this place to see what we could do the next day: and when the Negroes perceiued our ship to go away, they feared that the other would follow, and so sent forth 2 boats to vs with 4 men in them, requiring vs to tary and to giue them one man for a pledge, and 2 of them should tary with vs for him, so Edward M. Morleis seruant seeing these men so earnest therein offered himselfe to be pledge, and we let him goe for two of them, one whereof had his waights and scales, and a chaine of golde aboute his necke, and another about his arme. They did eate of such things as we had and were well contented. In the night the Negroes kept a light vpon the shoare thwart of vs, and about one of the clocke we heard and saw the light of a base which shot off twise at the said light, and by and by discharged two calieuers, which in the end we perceiued to be the Portugals brigandine which followed vs from place to place, to giue warning to the people of the countrey, that they should not deale with vs. The 15 day in the morning the Captaine came downe with 100 men with him, and brought his wife, and many others brought their wiues also, because their towne was 8 miles vp in the countrey, and they determined to lie by the sea side till they had brought what they would. When he was come he sent our man aboord, and required to haue two men pledges, and he himselfe would come aboord, and I sent him two, of whom he tooke but one, and so came aboord vs, he and his wife with diuers of his friends, and brought me a goate and two great rootes, and I gaue him againe a latten bason, a white bason, 6 manillios, and a bottell of Malmesie, and to his wife a small casket. After this we began to make our measure and weight: and he had a weight of his owne which held one angell and 14 graines, and required a measure of 4 elles and a halfe. In fine we concluded the 8 part for one angell and 20 graines, and before we had done, they tooke mine owne weight and measure. The 16 day I tooke 8 li. 1 ounce of gold: and since the departure of the Hinde I heard not of her, but when our pledge went into the countrey the first night, he said he saw her cast anker aboue fiue leagues from this place. The 17 day I sold about 17 pieces of cloth, and tooke 4 li. 4 ounces and a halfe of gold. The 18 day the captaine desired to haue some of our wine, and offered halfe a ducket of gold for a bottell: but I gaue it him freely, and made him and his traine drinke besides. And this day also I tooke 5 li. 5 ounces of gold. The 19 day we sold about 18 clothes, and tooke 4 li. 4 ounces and one quarter of golde. The 20 day tooke 3 li. sixe ounces and a quarter of golde. The 21 we tooke 8 li. 7. ounces and a quarter. The 22. 3. li. 8. ounces and a quarter. And this night about 4 of the clocke the Captaine who had layen all this while vpon the shoare, went away with all the rest of the people with him. The 23 day we were waued a shoare by other Negroes, and sold them cloth, caskets, kniues, and a dosen of bels, and tooke 1 li. 10 ounces of gold. The 24 likewise we sold bels, sheetes, and thimbles, and tooke two li. one ounce and a quarter of gold. The 25 day we sold 7 dosen of smal bels and other things, and then perceiuing their gold to be done, we wayed and set sayle and went to leeward to seeke the Hinde, and about 5 of the clocke at night we had sight of her, and bare with her, and understood that shee had made some sales. The 26 day wee receiued out of the Hinde 48 li. 3 ounces and one eight part of golde, which they had taken in the time that we were from them. And this day vpon the request of a Negro that came vnto vs from a captaine, we went to shoare with our marchandize, and tooke 7 li. and one ounce of gold. At this place they required no gages of vs, but at night they sent a man aboord vs, which lay with vs all night, because we might knowe that they would also come to vs the next day. The 27 day in both our shippes we tooke 8. li. one ounce, three quarters and halfe a quarter of golde. The 28 we made sales for the companie, and tooke one pound and half an ounce of gold. The 29 day in the morning we heard two calieuers shot off vpon the shore, which we iudged to be either by the Portugales or by the Negroes of the Portugales: we manned our boates and armed our selues and went to shoare, but coulde finde nothing: for they were gone. The 30 day we made more sales for the companie and for the Masters. The 31 we sent our boate to shoare to take in sand for balast, and there our men met the Negroes, with whom they had made sale the day before a fishing which did helpe them to fill sand, and hauing no gold, sold fish to our men for their handkerchiefs and nightkerchiefes. The 1 day of February we wayed and went to another place, and tooke 1 li. 9. ounces 3 quarters of gold. The 2 day we made more sales: but hauing viewed our victuals we determined to tarie no long time vpon the coast, because the most part of our drinke was spent, and that which remained grew sowre. [Sidenote: They returne for England.] The 3 and 4 dayes we made some sales, though not great, and finding the wind this 4. day to come off the shoare, we set saile and ranne along the shoare to the Westwards: vpon this coast we found by experience that ordinarily about 2 of the clocke in the night the winde comes off the shoare at Northnortheast, and so continueth vntil eight of the clocke in the morning: and all the rest of the day and night it comes out of Southwest: and as for the tide or currant vpon this shoare, it goeth continually with the winde. The 5 day we continued sayling and thought to haue met with some English ships, but found none. The sixt day we went our course Southwest to fetch vnder the line, and ranne by estimation 24 leagues. The 13 day wee thought our selues by our reckoning to be cleare off the Cape das Palmas, and ranne 12 leagues. The 22 day we were thwart of the Cape de Monte, which is to the Westward of the Riuer de Sestos, about 30 leagues. The first day of March in a Ternado we lost the Hinde, whereupon we set vp a light and shot off a piece but could not heare of her, so that then we strooke our saile and taried for her, and in the morning had sight of her againe three leagues a sterne off vs. Vpon the 22 day we found our selues to be in the height of Cape Verde, which stands in 14 degrees and a halfe. From this day till the 29 day we continued our course, and then we found our selues to be in 22 degrees. This day one of our men called William King, who had bene long sicke, died in his sleepe, his apparel was distributed to those that lackt it, and his money was kept for his friends to be deliuered them at his comming home. The 30 day we found our selues to be vnder the Tropike. The 31 day we went our course, and made way 18 leagues. From the first day of Aprill to the 20 we went our course, and then found our selues to bee in the height of the Asores. The seuenth day of May we fell with the South part of Ireland, and going on shoare with our boate had fresh drinke, and two sheepe of the countrey people, which were wilde Kernes, and we gaue them golde for them, and bought further such other victuals as we had neede of, and thought would serue vs till we arriued in England. The 14. day with the afternoone tide we went into the Port of Bristoll called Hungrode, and there ankered in safetie and gaue thankes to God for our safe arriuall. * * * * * The second voyage made by Maister William Towrson to the coast of Guinea, and the Castle of Mina, in the yeere 1556. with the Tiger of London, a ship of 120 tunnes, the Hart of London of 60 tunnes, and a Pinnesse of sixteene tunnes. The fourteenth day of September, the yeere abouesayd, we departed from Harwich, and directed our course for the Isle of Sillie, to meete there with the Hart and Pinnesse, which were rigged and victualed at Bristoll, but arriuing there the eight and twientieth day we found them not, and therefore after long lying at Hull to tarrie for them, but not espying them, we turned backe to Plimmouth the 12 day of October, and being there, the Hart and the Pinnesse came to vs, so that the 15 of Nouember we all departed together from Plimmouth at one of the clocke in the after noone, and the 28 day we had sight of the Isle of Porto Santo, and the next day in the morning of Madera. The third day of December we fell with the Ile of Palma, and the 9 we were thwart of Cape Blanke, and found there certaine Carauels fishing for Pargoes. The 19 we found our selues in the height of Sierra Leona, and all this day we ranne thwart of certaine Currants, which did set to the West Southwestward so fast as if it had bene the ouerfall of a sand, making a great noyse like vnto a streame or tide-gate when the water is shoale: and to prooue whither we could finde ground in this place, we sounded and had 150 fadome, and no ground, and so departed. The 30 of December we fell with the coast of Guinea, and had first sight of it about 4 leagues off. The best marke that we could take of the place to knowe it was three hilles, which lay Northeast and by East from vs: betwixt the Northermost two hilles there are two high and great trees standing in sight as it were a sailes breadth one from another, and a litle more to the Northwestwards are certaine hommocks. Hauing sayled somewhat into the shoare wee tooke our selues to be shotte somewhat past the riuer de Sestos, so that we kept about to fetch it. And a litle after we had sight of three sayles of shippes and two pinnesses which were in the weather of vs, and hauing sight of them we made our selues readie to meete them, and halled off our ships to fetch the winde as neere as we could: and hauing sayled about an houre or two, they also went about, and went as we went to make themselues readie, and when we had them in chase, they went away from vs: but when they had made themselues readie, they kept about againe, and came with vs verie finely appointed with their streamers, and pendants and ensignes, and noyse of trumpets very brauely: so when we met, they had the weather of vs, and we being determined to fight, if they had bene Portugals, waued them to come vnder our Lee, which they denied stoutly: then we demaunded of them whence they were, and they sayd of France, we told them againe that we were of London in England. They asked of vs what Portugals wee had seene, we answered, none but Fishermen: then they told vs that there were certaine Portugall ships gone to the Mina to defend it, and that they met with another at the riuer de Sestos, which was a ship of two hundred which they had burned, and had saued none but the master and two or three Negroes, and certaine others which were sore burned which they left a shoare there. Then they desired to come aboord of vs with their boates to talke with vs, and wee gaue them leaue. Then the captaine of the Admirall and diuers others came aboord very friendly, desiring vs to keepe them company because of the Portugals, and to goe to the Mina with them: wee told them that we had not watered, and that we were but now fallen with the coast, and they shewed vs that we were fiftie leagues past the riuer de Sestos: notwithstanding there was water enough to be had, and they would helpe vs to water with their owne boates because they would haue our companie. And told vs further, that they had bene sixe weekes vpon the coast, and had gotten but three tunnes of graines amongst them all: and when wee had heard them, we made our reckoning that although the Mina were cleare, yet if they did goe before vs, they would marre our market; and if it were not cleare, then if the Portugals were there and did take them, they would vnderstand that we were behind, and so would waite for vs. [Sidenote: They admit certaine Frenchmen into their companie.] And further we made account that if we went with them we should doe as well as they, if the coast were cleare: if it were not cleare, then by them we were assured to be the stronger. Therefore hauing considered thus much of their gentle offers, we tolde them that the next day wee would conferre more largely of the matter. Whereupon they desired me to come the next day to dinner to them, and to bring the masters of our ships with me, and such merchants as I thought good, promising to giue vs water out of their owne ships if we would take it, or els to tarie with vs and helpe vs to water with their own boats and pinnasses. The 31 day in the morning the Admirall sent his boat aboord for me, and I tooke our masters and certaine of our marchants and went to him, who had prouided a notable banquet for vs, and intreated vs very friendly, desiring vs still to keepe his company, promising that what victuals were in his ships, or other things that might doe vs pleasure vntill the end, we should haue the one halfe of it, offering vs if we would to furle his Flags, and to bee at our commaundement in all things. In the ende we agreed to come to an anker, and to send our boat on shore with the Admirals boat, and one of his pinnasses, and an Almaine which they had brought out of France, to seeke water, as for our pinnasse she came to an anker to seaward of vs all, and would not come at vs. All this night the boats continued on shore. The first day of Ianuary our boats came to vs againe and had found no riuer. Whereupon we weighed and set saile, and ankred againe at another riuer. The 2 day we went into the riuer and bargained, and tooke 5 small Elephants teeth. The 3 day we tooke 5 more. [Sidenote: An assault vpon elephants.] The fourth day the French Admirall and wee tooke fifteene small teeth. This day wee tooke thirtie men with vs and went to seeke Elephants, our men being all well armed with harquebusses, pikes, long bowes, crossebowes, partizans, long swordes, and swordes and bucklers: wee found two Elephants which wee stroke diuers times with harquebusses and long bowes, but they went away from vs and hurt one of our men. The fift day we set saile and ranne along the coast. The 6 day we fell with the riuer de S. Andre, at which place the land is somewhat high to the Westward of the riuer, and a faire Baie also to the Westward of it: but to the Eastward of it it is lowe land. The 7 day we went into the Riuer and found no village, but certaine wild Negros not accustomed to trade. It is a very great riuer and 7 fadome water in some places at the entring. Here we filled water, and after set saile. The 8 day we sailed along the shore and came to the red cliffes, and went forward in sailing the 9 day also. The 10 day we came together to confer with captaine Blundel Admiral of the French ships, Ierom Baudet his vice admiral, and Iohn de Orleans master of a ship of 70 tunne, and with their marchants, and agreed that when God should send vs to any place where wee might make sale, that we should be of one accord and not one of vs hurt the market of the other, but certaine of our boates to make the price for all the rest, and then one boate to make sale for euery shippe. This night our boats going to the shore met with certaine Negros, who said that they had gold, and therefore we here cast anker. The 11 day all the day we tooke but one halfe angel weight of 4 graines, which we tooke by hand, for the people of this place had no weight: the Negros called this place Allow. The 12 day we ran along the coast and found but one towne, but no boates would come out to vs, and therefore we went our course. The 13 day I tooke my boat and went along the shore, and passed by diuers small townes, and was waued to come on shore at 3 places, but the sea went so high vpon the shore, that it was not possible for vs to land, neither could they come to vs if they had had boats, as I could see none but at one place, where there was one that would haue come vnto vs, but the Land-wash went so sore that it ouerthrew his boat, and one of the men was drowned, which the people lamented, and cried so sore, that we might easily heare them, and they got his body out of the sea, and caried it amongst them to their towne. [Sidenote: The castle of Mina.] The 14 day we came within Saker-shot of the castle, and straightway they set forth an Almade to descry vs, and when they perceiued that we were no Portugals, they ranne within the towne againe: for there is a great towne by the Castle which is called by the Negros Dondou. Without this there lie two great rockes like Ilands, and the castle standeth vpon a point which sheweth almost like an Iland. Before we came at this castle, we found the land for fiue or six leagues to be high land, and about seuen leagues before we came to the castle, lowe land, vntil we came at the castle, and then wee found the land high againe. This castle standeth about fiue leagues to the East of Cape de Tres puntas. Here I tooke the boate with our Negros and ranne alongst the shore till I came to the Cape and found two small townes, but no boates at them, neither any traffique to be had. At these places our Negros did vnderstand them well, and one of them went ashore at all the places and was well receiued of them. This night we ankred at the Cape de Tres puntas. The 15 day I tooke our boat and went along the shore, and about 3 leagues beyond the Eastermost part of the Cape we found a faire Bay where we ran in, and found a smal towne and certaine boates which belonged to the same towne, but the Negros in a long time would not come to vs, but at the last by the perswasion of our owne Negros, one boat came to vs, and with him we sent George our Negro a shore, and after he had talked with them, they came aboard our boates without feare, and I gaue to their captaine a bason, and two strings of Margarets, and they shewed vs about 5 duckats weight of gold, but they required so much for it that wee would not take it, because the Frenchman and we had agreed to make price of our goods all in one boat, and the price being made then euery man to sell in his owne boat, and no man to giue more then the price which should be set by vs al. This place is called Bulle, and here the Negros were very glad of our Negros, and shewed them all the friendship they could, when they had told them that they were the men that were taken away being now againe brought by vs. The Negros here shewed vs that a moneth since there were 3 ships that fought together, and the two shippes put the other to flight: and before that at the castle of Mina there were 4 ships of the Portugals which met with one Frenchman, which Frenchman caused them all to flee, which shippe we tooke to be the Roebarge: for the Frenchmen of our company iudged her to be thereabout that time with her pinnasse also. And further, that after her went a shippe of twelue score named the Shaudet all alone, and after her a ship of fourescore, and both for the Mina. And there were two others also which they left, one at Cape Verde called the Leuriere of Diepe, and another at the riuer De Sestos, besides these 3 which all this time be in our company, whose names be these: The Espoier of Hableneff which is the Admirall, whose captaine is Denis Blundell. The Leuriere of Roan Viceadmirall, whose master is Ierome Baudet. The other is of Hunfleur whose master is called Iohn de Orleans. The sixteenth day I went along the shore with two pinasses of the Frenchmen, and found a Baie and a fresh riuer, and after that went to a towne called Hanta, twelue leagues beyond the Cape. At this towne our Negros were well knowen, and the men of the towne wept for ioy when they saw them, and demanded of them where Anthonie and Binne had bene: and they told them that they had bene at London in England, and should bee brought home the next voyage. So after this, our Negros came aboord with other Negros which brought a weight with them, which was so small that wee could not giue them the halfe of that which they demaunded for it. The Negros here told vs that there were fiue Portugall shippes at the Castle, and one pinnasse, and that the Portugals did much harme to their Countrey, and that they liued in feare of them, and we told them againe, that we would defend them from the Portugals whereof they were very glad. The 17 day we went a shoare and the Frenchmen with vs, but did no great good, the Negros were so vnreasonable, we sold 80. Manellios for one ounce of gold. [Sidenote: The Negros brought home by our men.] Then wee departed and went to Shamma, and went into the riuer with fiue boates well appointed with men and ordinance, and with our noises of trumpets and drummes, for we thought here to haue found some Portugals but there were none: so wee sent our Negros on shoare, and after them went diuers of vs, and were very well receiued, and the people were very glad of our Negros, specially one of their brothers wiues, and one of their aunts, which receiued them with much ioy, and so did all the rest of the people, as if they had bene their naturall brethren: we comforted the captaine and told him that hee should not feare the Portugals, for wee would defend him from them: whereupon we caused our boats to shoote off their bases and harquebusses, and caused our men to come on shore with their long bowes, and they shot before the captaine, which he, with all the rest of the people, wondred much at, specially to see them shoot so farre as they did, and assaied to draw their bowes but could not. When it grew to be late, we departed to our ships, for we looked euery houre for the Portugals. And here the Negros shewed vs that there was an English ship at the Mina, which had brought one of the Negros againe, which Robert Gaynsh tooke away. The 18 day we went into the riuer with no lesse strength then before, and concluded with the Negros to giue them for euery Fuffe two yardes and three nailes of Cloth, and to take for it one angel-duckat: so that we tooke in all 70 Duckats, whereof the Frenchmen had fortie, and wee thirtie. The nineteenth day wee went a shore euery man for himselfe, and tooke a good quantitie of gold, and I for my part tooke foure pound and two ounces and a halfe of gold, and our Hartes boate tooke one and twentie ounces. At night the Negros shewed vs that the next day the Portugals would be with vs by land or by Sea: and when we were ready to depart, we heard diuers harquebusses shoote off in the woods by vs which wee knew to bee Portugals, which durst come no neerer to vs, but shot off in the woods to see if they could feare vs and so make vs to leaue our traffique. The 20 day we manned our fiue boats, and also a great boat of the Frenchmens with our men and the Admirals, 12 of them in their murrians and corsets, and the rest all well appoynted, with foure trumpets, a drumme and a Fife, and the boate all hanged with streamers of Silke and pendants very faire, and went into the riuer and traffiqued, our man of warre lying off and on in the riuer to waft vs, but we heard no more of the Portugals. This day the Negros told vs that there were certain ships come into Hanta, which towne is about two leagues to the Westward of this place. This 21 day we manned our boats againe and went to a place a league from this to the Westwards, and there found many Negros with another Captaine, and sold at the same rate that wee had done with the others. The 22 day we went ashore againe and traffiqued in like sort quietly, and I tooke 4 pound and six ounces of gold. The 23 day about night the Negros with their captaine came to vs and told vs that the king of Portugals ships were departed from the Castle, meaning the next day to plie to the windward to come to vs, giuing vs warning to take heed to our selues: we told them againe that wee were very glad of their comming, and would be ready at all times to meet them, and to assure them that wee were glad of it, wee sounded our trumpets, and shot off certaine bases whereof the Negros were very glad, and requested vs that if the Portugals sought to hinder our traffique, to shew them all the extremitie that we could, promising vs that if they came by land, they would aduertise vs thereof. The 24 we went a shore with our trumpets and drummes, and traffiqued, and I bade the captaine of the towne to dinner. [Sidenote: Fiue sailes of Portingals descried.] The 25 day we being a shore, our ships had descried fiue sailes of the king of Portugals, and our ships shot off ordinance to call vs away, and we threw euery man his caske ashore for water, and went to our ships, and by that time we had weighed and giuen order one to another what to do, it was night, so that that night nothing was done. We set saile and lay close all night to get the wind if we could: we were neere some of them, and one shot off a piece which wee iudged to be the Admirall of the Portugals, to cause the rest to come and speake with him: so all this night we made our selues ready for fight. The 26 we came in with the shore and had sight of the Portugals where they rid at anker, and we bare with them, and we gaue all our men white scarffes, to the ende that the Frenchmen might know one the other if we came to boording: but the night came vpon vs that we could not fetch them, but we ankered within demie-Culuering shot of them. [Sidenote: The fight with the Portugals.] The 27 day we weighed and so did the Portugals, and about eleuen of the clocke wee had the wind of them, and then we went roome with them, which when they pereeiued, they kept about to the shore againe, and wee after them, and when they were so neere the shore that they could not well runne any further on that boord, they kept about againe, and lay to the Seaward, and then we kept about with them, and were a head of them, and tooke in our topsailes and taried for them: and the first that came vp was a small barke which sailed so well that she cared not for any of vs, and caried good ordinance: and as soone as she came vp, she shot at vs, and ouershot vs, and then she shot at the Admirall of the Frenchmen, and shot him through in two or three places, and went forth a head of vs, because we were in our fighting sailes: then came vp another carauell vnder our Lee in like case which shot at vs and at the Frenchman, and hurt two of his men and shot him through the maine maste. And after them came vp the Admirall vnder our Lee also, but he was not able to doe vs so much harme as the small shippes, because he caried ordinance higher then they, neither were we able to make a good shot at any of them, because our shippe was so weake in the side, that she laid all her ordinance in the Sea: [Sidenote: The French forsake our men.] wherefore we thought to lay the great ship aboord, and as soone as the French Admirall went roome with him, be fell a sterne and could not fetch him, and after he fell asterne of two carauels more and could fetch none of them, but fell to Leeward of them all: and when he was to Leeward, he kept about to the shoreward, and left vs, and then we put out our topsailes and gaue them chase, and both the other Frenchmen kept the wind, and would not come neere vs, and our owne ship was a sterne so that she could not come to vs: and after we had folowed them about two houres to the seaward, they kept about againe towards the shore, thinking to pay vs as they went along by, and to haue the wind of the French Admirall which before ran in towards the shore, and we kept about with them, and kept still the wind of them thinking that our Viceadmiral and the other would haue folowed vs as wee willed them to do: but after that the Portugall was past by them, and euery one had shot at vs and our Viceadmirall, both our Viceadmirall and the two Frenchmen, and our owne pinnasse left vs in the laps, and ran to seaward, and we ran still along, and kept the wind of them to succour the French Admirall, who was vnder all of their Lees, and when they met with him, euery one went roome with him, and gaue him the broad side, and after they cast about againe, and durst not boord him, because they sawe vs in the weather of them, or els without doubt they had taken or sunke them, for three of them which were the smallest went so fast that it was not possible for a ship to boord them, and caried such ordinance that if they had had the weather of vs, they would haue troubled 3 of the best ships that we had, and as for their Admirall and Viceadmirall they were both notablie appointed. When the Frenchman was cleare of them, hee laie as neere the winde as hee could, and wee followed them still towardes the shore, and there the Admirall ranne to Sea after the rest, and left vs all alone: and when the Portugals perceiued that we were alone, and gaue them chase, they kept about with vs and we with them, to keepe the wind of them, and we ranne still within base shot of them, but they shot not at vs, because we had the weather of them, and sawe that they could do vs no hurt: and thus we folowed one another vntil night, and in the night we lost them, but as for all the rest of our ships, they packed on all the sailes that they could and ranne to sea, and as they themselues confesse, they praied for vs, but as for helpe at their hands we could haue none. The 28 day we met with our Viceadmirall, our pinnasse, and two of the Frenchmen, and the third was fled which was a ship of fourscore tunne, and belonged to Roan: and when I had the sight of the rest of our ships, I tooke our skiffe and went to them to know why they lost vs in such a case, and Iohn Kire made me answere that his ship would neither reare nor steere, and as for the pinnasse, Iohn Dauis made me answere that she would doe nothing, and that he could cary her no further, for her rudder was broken, so that the Hart was glad to towe her. Then I went to the French Admirall, and found himselfe to be a man of good stomacke, but the one halfe of his men were sicke and dead: and then I talked with the smaller Frenchman, and hee made me answere that he could doe nothing, saying, that his ship would beare no saile, and had 16 of his men dead and sicke, so he made vs plaine answere that he was able to doe nothing. After this the Frenchman durst not anker for feare of the Portugales. The 29 day the master of the pinnasse came to vs and sayd that they were not able to keepe her any longer, and then wee viewed her and seeing there was no remedie, her rudder with all the iron worke being broken both aloft and belowe, wee agreed to breake her vp and to put the men into the Hart. So wee tooke out of her foure bases, one anker, and certaine fire wood, and set her on fire, and afterwards ran along the coast. The thirtie day we went in to the shore, and spake with certaine Negros, who told vs that some French shippes had bene there, but wee could not bargaine with them they were so vnreasonable. The 31 day I went to shore but did not traffike. The 1 day of Februarie we weighed, seeing we could not bring the Negros to any reason, and came to another place which standeth vpon an hill. The third day I went to a towne foure leagues from vs, and shot off two pieces, and the Captaine came to vs, and I sent Thomas Rippen a land who knew the Captaine, and assoone as he came on shore, the Captaine knew him and diuers of the Negros who then began to aske for mee, and hauing told the Captaine that I was in the boate, hee made no longer tarying but by and by caused two boates to be put to the Sea, and came to me himselfe, and when he sawe me, he cryed to me before hee came to the boat and seemed to be the gladdest man aliue, and so did all the companie that knew mee, and I gaue him a reward as the maner of the Countrey is, and caused the Frenchman to giue another, promising the next day to giue him wine: and that night because it was late, he would not talke of any price but left me a pledge, and tooke another of me and so departed. The 4 day going on shore, I found that the ships of France which had bin there, had done much hurt to our markets but yet I tooke fiue ounces and a halfe of gold. The fift day I tooke eight ounces and one eight part of gold: but I saw that the Negros perceiued the difference in Cloth betwixt ours and that which the Frenchmen had, which was better, and broader then ours: and then I told captaine Blundel that I would goe to the Leeward, because I perceiued that being there where his Cloth was sold, I should do no good, whereof hee was sorie. The 6 day there came an almade and Negros aboord me, requesting me to come to their towne for they had much gold and many marchants: and so I went and found their old Captaine gone, and another in his place: but this night wee did no good, because the marchants were not come downe: so he required a pledge which I let him haue, and tooke another of him. The 7 day George our Negro came to vs, who had followed vs at the least 30 leagues in a small boat, and when he came, the Negros and we soone concluded of price. I tooke this day fiue pound and one ounce, and 3 quarters of gold. This Negro we had left at Shamma at the time of the fight, who said that he saw the fight being on shore, and that when we were gone from the Portugals, the Portugals came into their riuer, and told them that the Englishmen had slaine two Portugals with a piece, which was in deed out of our ship, and they required harbour there, but the captaine of Shamma would not suffer them. The 8 day we tooke nineteene pound three ounces and a halfe. The 9 day we tooke two pound six ounces and a halfe. The 10 day three pound. [Sidenote: The Frenchmen bridled by the English.] The 11 day came to vs Ierome Bawdet the Viceadmiral of the Frenchmen and his pinnasse, and he shewed vs that where we left them there was no good to be done, and sayd he would goe to the Eastward, but we told him hee should not: and thereupon commaunded him to goe to his company which he was appointed to bee with, which hee refused to doe vntill wee had shot three or foure pieces at their pinnasse, and when the ship sawe that, she kept about, and ranne to Seaward, and durst come no neerer to vs, so the pinnasse went after her. We tooke this day one pound fiue ounces. The 12 day there came one of the Frenchmens pinnasses to vs laden with cloth, and would haue made sale, but I would not suffer him, and therefore tooke him and sent him aboord of our ship, and caused him to ride there all day. We tooke fiue pound six ounces and a halfe. The 14 day we tooke of some Negros 4 ounces of gold. The 16 we came to another towne. The 17 day I went a shore and vnderstood that 3 of the Portugall ships were at the Castle, and the other two at Shamma. The captaine of this towne was gone to the principall towne, to speake with their king, and would returne shortly as they told me, and so he did, and brought me a weight and measure, and I sent a man to see that principall towne, and their king. The Portugall ships rid so neere vs, that within 3 houres they might be with vs, yet were all contented to tary for sales. The 18 day certaine of the kings seruants came to vs, and we tooke one pound two ounces, and one eight part of gold. The 10 day we tooke fiue pound one ounce. The 20 day one pound and foure ounces. The 21 I tooke foure pound and one ounce, and the Negroes enquired for fine cloth, and I opened two pieces which were not fine enough, as they sayd, but seeing that we had no other, they bought of them. At night I prouided a gift, or present, and sent one marchant and a mariner with it to the king, to certifie him of our want of victuals, by reason whereof we could not stay long: for in deed we searched our ship, and the most part of our beere was leaked out of all our barrels. The 22 day we tooke three ounces and a halfe. [Sidenote: The offer of the king to the English to build a Fort.] The 23 our men came from the king Abaan, and told vs, that he had receiued them very friendly, but he had litle gold, but promised, if we would tary, to send into all his countrey for gold for vs, and he willed our men at their comming home to speake to our king to send men and prouision into his countrey, to build a castle, and to bring Tailors with them, to make them apparell, and good wares, and they should be sure to sell them: but for that present the Frenchmen had filled them full of cloth. This towne standeth about foure leagues vp in the land, and is by the estimation of our men, as big in circuit as London, but the building is like to the rest of the countrey. They haue about this Towne great store of the wheate of the Countrey, and they iudge, that on one side of the towne there were one thousand rikes of Wheate, and another sorte of Corne which is called Mill, which is much vsed in Spaine. [Sidenote: A pretie deuise to descrie the enemie.] About this towne they keepe good watch euery night, and haue to warne the watchmen certaine cordes made fast ouer their wayes which lead into the town, and certaine bels vpon them, so that if any man touch the cordes, the bels ring, and then the watchmen runne foorth of their watch houses to see what they be: and if they be enemies, if they passe the cord, they haue prouision with certaine nets hanged ouer the wayes, where they must passe, to let fall vpon them, and so take them, and otherwise then by the wayes it is not possible to enter the towne, by reason of the thickets and bushes which are about the same, and the towne is also walled round about with long cords, and bound together with sedge and certaine barkes of tree. [Sidenote: The kings friendly entertainment of our men.] When our men came to the towne, it was about fiue of the clock in the morning, for there they trauell alwayes in the night by reason of the heate of the day: and about nine of the clocke, the king sent for them, for there may no man come to him before he be sent for, and then they would haue carried their present with them: but the Negros told them, that they must bee three times brought before him, before they might offer their gift: and when they came to him, he talked with them, and receiued them very friendly and kept them about half an hour, and then they departed, and after that sent for them againe three times, and last of all, they brought him their present, which he receiued thankfully, and then caused a pot of wine of Palme to be brought foorth, and made them drinke: and before they drinke, both here and in all the Countrey, they vse certaine ceremonies. [Sidenote: Their ceremonies in drinking.] First, they bring foorth their pot of drinke, and then they make a hole in the ground, and put some of the drinke into it, and they cast the earth vpon it, which they digged forth before, and then they set the pot vpon the same, then they take a little thing made of a goord, and with that they take out of the same drinke, and put it vpon the ground in three places, and in diuers places they haue certaine bunches of the pils of Palme trees set in the ground before them, and there they put in some drinke, doing great reuerence in all places to the same Palme trees. All these ceremonies first done, the king tooke a cup of gold, and they put him in wine, and hee dranke of it, and when he dranke, the people cried all with one voice, Abaan, Abaan, with certaine other words, like as they cry commonly in Flanders, vpon the Twelfe night, The kinning [sic--KTH] drinks: and when he had drunke, then they gaue drinke to euery one, and that done, the king licensed them to depart, and euery one that departeth from him boweth 3 times towards him, and waueth with both hands together, as they bow, and then do depart. The king hath commonly sitting by him 8 or 10 ancient men with gray beards. This day we tooke one pound and 10 ounces of gold. The 24 day we tooke 3 pound and 7 ounces. The 25 we tooke 3 ounces and 3 quarters. The 26 day we tooke 2 pound and 10 ounces. The 27 two pound and fiue ounces. The 28 foure pound, and then seeing that there was no more gold to be had, we weighed and went foorth. The first day of March we came to a towne called Mowre, but we found no boats nor people there: but being ready to depart, there came two Almades to vs from another towne, of whom we tooke two ounces and a halfe of gold: and they tolde vs that the Negros that dwelled at Mowre were gone to dwell at Lagoua. The second day we came thwart of the castle, and about two leagues off, and there saw all the fiue Portugall ships at anker, and this day by night we fetched Shamma. [Sidenote: Ships of Portugall.] The third day we had sight of one tall ship, of about two hundred tunnes in the weather of vs, and within lesse then two leagues of our ships, and then we saw two more a sterne of her, the one a ship of fiue hundred or more, and the other a pinnesse: and these were a new fleet at that present arriued out of Portugall. Whereupon we wayed, and made shift to double out of the land, and then the winde comming to the South-southwest, the Hart going roome with them fell three leagues to the leewards of vs. These Portugals gaue vs the chase from nine of the clocke in the morning, till fiue at night, but did no good against vs. At last, we perceiuing the Admirall to be farre a sterne of his company, because his maine topmast was spent, determined to cast about againe with them, because we were sure to weather them, and the winde being as it was, it was our best course: but the Hart was so farre to the leeward, that we could not doe it, except we would lose her company, so that we tooke in some of our sailes, and went roome with him: which when he perceiued, he looffed to, and was able to lie as neere as he did before. At night, when we came to him, he would not speake to vs: then we asked of his company why he went so roome; and they made excuse that they were able to beare no saile by, for feare of bearing their foretopmast ouer boord: but this was a simple excuse. The fourth day, being put from our watring place we began to seethe our meat in salt water, and to rebate our allowance of drinke, to make it indure the longer: and so concluded to set our course thence, for our owne countrey. The 12 of March I found my selfe thwart of Cape das Palmas. The 16 day we fell with the land, which we iudged to be the Cape Mensurado, about which place is very much high land. The 18 day we lost sight of the Hart, and I thinke the willfull Master ran in with the shore of purpose to lose vs, being offended that I tolde him of his owne folly. [Sidenote: Two small Ilands by Sierra Leona. Note.] The 27 day we fell in sight of two small Islands, which lie by our reckoning sixe leagues off the headland of Sierra Leona: and before we came in sight of the same Ilands, we made our reckoning to be forty or thirty leagues at the least off them. Therefore all they that saile this way are to regard the currents which set Northnorthwest, or els they may be much deceiued. The 14 of April we met with two great ships of Portugall, which although they were in the weather of vs, yet came not roome with vs, whereby we iudged that they were bound for Calicut. The 18 day we were in the heigth of Cape verde. The 24 we were directly vnder the tropike of Cancer. The first day of May Henry Wilson our Steward died: and the next day died Iohn Vnderwood. [Sidenote: A French brauado.] The 23 we had sight of a shippe in the weather of vs, which was a Frenchman of 90 tunne, who came with vs as stoutly and as desperately as might be, and comming neere vs perceiued that we had bene vpon a long voyage, and iudging vs to be weake, as in deed we were, came neerer vs, and thought to haue layed vs aboord, and there stept vp some of his men in armour, and commanded vs to strike saile: whereupon we sent them some of our stuffe, crossebarres, and chaineshot, and arrowes, so thicke, that it made the vpper worke of their shippe flit about their eares, and then we spoiled him with all his men, and toare his shippe miserably with our great ordinance, and then he began to fall a sterne of vs, and to packe on his sailes, and get away: and we seeing that, gaue him foure or fiue good pieces more for his farewell; and thus we were rid of this French man, who did vs no harme at all. We had aboord vs a French man a Trumpeter, who being sicke, and lying in his bed, tooke his trumpet notwithstanding, and sounded till he could sound no more, and so died. The 28 we conferred together, and agreed to go into Seuerne, and so to Bristoll, but the same night we had sight of the Lizard, and by reason of the winde, we were not able to double the lands end to go into Seuerne, but were forced to beare in with the Lizard. The 29 day, about nine of the clocke in the morning, we arriued safely in Plimmouth, and praised God for our good arriuall. * * * * * The third and last voyage of M. William Towrson to the coast of Guinie, and the Castle de Mina, in the yeere 1577. The thirtieth day of Ianuary, the yeere abouesayd, we departed out of the sound of Plimmouth, with three ships, and a pinnesse, whereof the names are these: 1 The Minion Admirall of the fleet. 2 The Christopher Viceadmirall. 3 The Tyger. 4 A pinnesse called the Vnicorne: being all bound for the Canaries, and from thence, by the grace of God, to the coast of Guinie. The next day, being the last of this moneth, [Marginal note: It is to be vnderstood, that at this time there was warre betwixt England and France.] we met with two hulks of Dantzick, the one called the Rose, a ship of foure hundred tunnes, and the other called the Vnicorne, of an hundred and fifty tunnes, the Master of the Rose was called Nicholas Masse, and the Master of the Vnicorne Melchior White, both laden at Bourdeaux, and for the most part with wines. When we came to them, we caused them to hoise foorth their boats, and to come and speake with vs, and we examined euery one of them apart, what French mens goods they had in their shippes, and they said they had none: but by the contrarieties of their tales, and by the suspicion which we gathered of their false chartar-parties, we perceiued that they had French mens goods in them: we therefore caused one of them to fetch vp his bils of lading, and because he denied that he had any, we sent certaine with him, who caused him to goe to the place where he had hid them, and by the differences of his billes of lading, and his talke, we gathered, as before, that they had Frenchmens goods. Whereupon we examined them straightly, and first the Purser of the Vnicorne, which was the smaller shippe, confessed that they had two and thirty tunnes and a hogs-head of a French mans. Then we examined the Master in like case, and he acknowledged the same to be true. Then we examined also the Master of the great ship, and he confessed that he had an hundred and eight and twenty tunnes of the same French mans, and more they would not confesse, but sayd that all the rest was laden by Peter Lewgues of Hamburg, to be deliuered to one Henry Summer of Camphire, notwithstanding all their letters were directed to Hamburg, and written in Dutch without, and within in French. When they had confessed that they had thus much French mens goods within their shippes, we conferred together what was best to be done with them. William Cretton and Edward Selman were of the opinion, that it should be good either to carry them into Spaine, and there to make sale of the goods, or els into Ireland, or to returne backe againe into England with them, if the winde would permit it. But I, waying what charge we had of our Masters, first by mouth, and afterwards by writing, that for no such matter we should in any case prolong the time, for feare of losing the voyage, and considering that the time of the yeere was very farre spent, and the money that we should make of the wines not very much, in respect of the commodity which we hoped for by the voyage, perswaded them that to goe into Ireland, the winde being Easterly as it was, might be an occasion that we should be locked in there with that winde, and so lose our voyage: and to cary them into Spaine, seeing they sailed so ill, that hauing all their sailes abroad, we kept them company onely with our foresailes, and without any toppe sailes abroad, so that in euery two dayes sailing they would haue hindered vs more then one; and besides that (the winde being Easterly) we should not be able to seaze the coast with them: besides all this the losse of time when we came thither was to be considered, whereupon I thought it not good to carry them any further. And as for carying them into England, although the winde had bene good, as it was not, considering what charge we had of our Masters, to shift vs out of the way for feare of a stay by reason of the warres, I held it not in any wise conuenient. But notwithstanding all this, certeine of our company not being herewith satisfied went to our Master to know his opinion therein, who made them a plaine answere, that to cary them into any place, it was not the best way nor the profit of their Masters. And he tolde them further, that if the time were prolonged, one moneth longer before they passed the Cape, but a few men would go the voyage. [Sidenote: The French mens goods seazed in the time of the warre vpon the losse of Cales.] All these things considered, we all paused, and determined at the last, that euery man should take out of the hulks so much as he could well bestow for necessaries, and the next morning to conclude what should be further done with them. So we tooke out of them for vs foureteene tunnes and a halfe of wine, and one tunne we put into the pinnesse. More we tooke out one hogshead of Aquauitæ. Sixe cakes of rozzen. A small halser for ties: and certeine chestnuts. The Christopher tooke out, Ten tunnes of wine, and one hogshead. A quantity of Aquauitæ. Shall-lines. Chesnuts. Sixe double bases with their chambers. And then men broke vp the hulks chests, and tooke out their compasses, and running glasses, the sounding leade and line, and candles: and cast some of their beefe ouer board, and spoiled them so much, that of very pity we gaue them a compasse, a running glasse, a leade and a line, certaine bread and candles, but what apparel of theirs we could finde in their ship, we gaue them againe, and some money also of that which William Crompton tooke for the ransome of a poore Frenchman, who being then Pilot downe the Riuer of Bordeux, they were not able to set him a shore againe, by reason of the foule weather. The Tyger also tooke out of the smaller hulke sixe or seuen tunnes of wine, one hogshead of Aquauitæ, and certeine rozzen, and two bases he tooke out of the great hulke. The first day of February in the morning we all came together againe sauing W. Crompton who sent vs word mat he was contented to agree to that order which we should take. Now Edward Selman was of this opinion, that it was not best to let the ships depart, but put men into them to cary them into England, which thing neither we nor our Master would agree vnto, because we thought it not good to vnman our ships going outward, considering how dangerous the time was: so that in fine we agreed to let them depart, and giue them the rest of the wine which they had in their ships of the Frenchmens for the fraight of that which we had taken, and for their ordinance, rozzen, aquauitæ, chesnuts, and other things which the company had taken from them. So we receiued a bill of their handes, that they confessed how much Frenchmens goods they had, and then we let them depart. The 10 day we reckoned our selues to be 25 leagues from the Grand Canarie, and this day about nine of the clocke our pinnesse brake her rudder, so that we were forced to towe her at the sterne of the Minion, which we were able to doe, and yet kept company with the rest of our ships. About eleuen of the clocke this day we had sight of the Grand Canarie. The 11 day when we came to the Iland we perceiued that it was the Ile of Tenerif, and then indeed wee had sight of the Grand Canarie, which lieth 12 leagues to the Eastwards of Tenerif: and because the road of Tenerif is foule ground, and nothing was there to be gotten for the helping of our pinnesse, hauing the winde long, we agreed to go with the Grand Canarie. The 12 day we came into the roade of the towne of Canarie, which lieth one league from the same towne. And after we had shot off diuers pieces of ordinance to salute the towne and the castle, the gouernour and captiues of the Iland sent to vs which were the captaines of the ships, requiring vs to come a shoare. [Sidenote: Two English Marchants Legiers in the Grand Canary.] And when we came to them they receiued vs very friendly, offering vs their owne Iennets to ride to the towne, and what other friendship they could shew vs: and we went to the towne with two English Marchants which lay there, and remained in their house that day. The second day following we came aboord to deliuer our marchandise, and to get our pinnesse mended. The 14 day came into the road the Spanish fleet which was bound to the Emperours Indies, which were in number nineteene saile, whereof sixe were ships of foure hundred and fiue hundred a piece, the rest were of two hundred, an hundred and fifty, and of an hundred. When they were come to an ancre they saluted vs with ordinance, and so we did them in like case. And afterwards the Admirall (who was a knight) sent his pinnesse to desire me to come to him; and when I came to him he receiued me friendly, and was desirous to heare somewhat of the state of England and Flanders. And after he had me a banquet, I departed; and I being gone vnto the boat, hee caused one of his gentlemen to desire Francisco the Portugall, which was my interpreter, to require me to furle my flagge, declaring that hee was Generall of the Emperours fleet. Which thing (being come aboord) Francisco shewed me: and because I refused to furle it, and kept it foorth still, certaine of the souldiers in the ships shot diuers harquebush shot about the ship, and ouer the flagge: and at the same time there came certeine gentlemen aboord our ship to see her: to whom I sayd, that if they would not cause those their men to leaue shooting, I would shoot the best ordinance I had thorow their sides. And when they perceuied that I was offended, they departed, and caused their men of warre and souldiers to shoot no more, and afterwards they came to me againe, and tolde me that they punished their men. That done, I shewed them the ship, and made them such cheere as I could, which they receiued very thankfully: and the day following they sent for mee to dine with them, and sent me word that their General was very sory that any man should require me to furle my flagge, and that it was without his consent: and therefore he requested me not to thinke any vngentlenesse to be in him, promising that no man of his should misdemeane himselfe. The 17 day we set saile in the road of Grand Canarie, and proceeded on our voyage. The 20 in the morning we had sight of the coast of Barbarie, and running along the shore we had sight of Rio del Oro, which lieth almost vnder the tropike of Cancer. The 21 day we found our selues to be in 20 degrees and a halfe, which is the heigth of Cape Blank. The 25 we had sight of the land in the bay to the Northward of Cape Verde. [Sidenote: Cape verde. Foure Ilands.] The 26 I tooke Francisco and Francis Castelin with me, and went into the pinnesse, and so went to the Tyger which was neerer the shore then the other ships, and went aboord her, and with her and the other ships we ranne West and by South, and West southwest, vntill about foure of the clocke, at which time we were hard aboord the Cape, and then we ran in Southwest, and beyond the Cape about foure leagues we found a faire Iland, and besides that two or three Ilands, which were of very high rocks being full of diuers sorts of sea foule, and of pigeons, with other sorts of land-foules, and so many, that the whole Iland was couered with the dung thereof, and seemed so white as if the whole Iland had bene of chalke; and within those Ilands was a very faire bay, and hard aboord the rocks eighteene fadom water, and faire ground. [Sidenote: A great trade of the Frenchmen at Cape verde.] And when we perceiued the bay, and vnderstanding that the Frenchmen had a great trade there, which we were desirous to know, we came to an ancre with the Tyger. And after that the Minion and the Christopher ancred in like case: then we caused the pinnesse to runne beyond another Cape of land, to see if there were any place to trade in there. It being neere night I took our cocke and the Tygers skiffe, and went to the Iland, where we got certaine foules like vnto Gannards: and then I came aboord againe and tooke two of the Gannards which we had taken, and caried them to the captaine of the Christopher, and when I had talked with him I found him not willing to tary there, neither was I desirous to spend any long time there, but onely to attempt what was to be done. The Master of the Christopher told me he would not tary, being not bound for that place. [Sidenote: A faire Iland where the French trade.] The 27 the Captaine of the Tyger and Edward Selman came to me, and Iohn Makeworth from the Christopher, and then we agreed to take the pinnessse, and to come along the shore, because that where we rid no Negros came to vs, and the night before our pinnesse brought vs word that there was a very faire Iland. And when I came beyond the point I found it so, and withall a goodly bay, and we saw vpon the maine certaine Negros which waued vs on shore, and then we came to an ancre with the pinnesse, and went a shore with our cocke, and they shewed vs where their trade was, and that they had Elephants teeth, muske, and hides, and offered vs to fetch downe their Captaine, if we would send a man with them, and they would leaue a pledge for him: then we asked him when any ship had bene there; and some of them sayd not in eight moneths, others, in sixe moneths, and others in foure and that they were Frenchmen. Then we perceuing, the Christopher not willing to tary, departed from them, and set saile with the pinnesse and went aboord the Tyger. The 10 day of March we fell with the coast of Guinea, fiue leagues to the Eastward of Cape de Monte, beside a riuer called Rio das Palmas. The 11 we went to the shore, and found one man that could speake some Portuguise, who tolde vs that there were three French ships passed by; one of them two moneths past, and the other one moneth past. At this place I receiued nineteene Elephants teeth, and two ounces and halfe a quarter of golde. The 12 we set saile to go to the riuer de Sestos. The 13 at night we fell with the same riuer. The 14 day we sent in our boats to take water, and rommaged our shippes, and deliuered such wares to the Christopher and Tyger, as they had need of. The 15 we came together, and agreed to send the Tyger to another riuer to take in her water, and to see what she could do for graines. After that we tooke marchandise with vs, and went into the riuer, and there we found a Negro which was borne in Lisbone, left there by a ship of Portugal which was burned the last yere at this riuer in fighting with three Frenchmen: and he told vs further, that two moneths past there were three Frenchmen at this place; and sixe weeks past there were two French ships at the riuer: and fifteene dayes past there was one. All which ships were gone towards the Mina. This day we tooke but few graines. The 19 day considering that the Frenchman were gone before vs, and that by reason of the vnholesome aires of this place foureteene of our men in the Minion were fallen sicke, we determined to depart, and with all speed to go to the Mina. The 21. wee came to the riuer de Potos, where some of our boats went in for water, and I went in with our cocke, and tooke 12 small Elephants teeth. The 23. day, after we had taken as many teeth as we could get, about nine of the clocke we set saile to go towards the Mina. The 31 we came to Hanta, and made sale of certaine Manillios. [Sidenote: They descrie fiue saile of the Portugals.] The first Aprill we had sight of fiue saile of Portugals, wherevpon we set saile and went off to sea to get the winde of them, which wee should haue had if the winde had kept his ordinary course, which is all the day at the Southwest, and West-southwest: but this day with a flaw it kept all the day at the East, and East-southeast, so that the Portugals had the winde of vs, and came roome with the Tyger and vs untill night, and brought themselues all saue one, which sailed not so well as the rest, within shot of vs: then it fell calme, and the winde came vp to the Southwest, howbeit it was neere night, and the Christopher, by meanes of her boat, was about foure leagues to the leewards of vs. We tacked and ranne into the weather of the Admirall, and three more of his company, and when we were neere him we spake to him, but he would not answere. [Sidenote: The fight.] Then we cast about and lay in the weather of him; and casting about he shot at vs, and then wee shot at him, and shot him foure or fiue times thorow. They shot diuers times thorow our sailes, but hurt no man. The Tyger and the pinnesse, because it was night, kept out their sailes, and would not meddle with them. After we had thus fought together 2 houres or more, and would not lay him aboord because it was night, we left shooting one at the other, and kept still the weather of them. Then the Tyger and the pinnesse kept about and came to vs, and afterwards being neere the shore, we three kept about and lay to the sea, and shot off a piece to giue warning to the Christopher. This night about 12 of the clocke, being very litle winde, and the Master of the Tyger asleepe, by the ill worke of his men the ship fel aboord of vs, and with her sheare-hooks cut our maine-saile, and her boat being betwixt vs was broken and suncke, with certaine marchandise in her, and the ships wales were broken with her outleger: yet in the ende we cleared her without any more hurt, but she was in hazzard to be broken downe to the water. The second day we had sight of the Christopher, and were neere vnto her, so that I tooke our boat and went to her. And when I came thither, they shewed me, that after the Portugals had left vs, they went all roome with him, and about twelue a clocke at night met him, and shot at him, and hee at them, and they shot him thorow the sailes in diuers places, and did no other great hurt. And when we had vnderstood that they had bene with him as well as with vs, we agreed altogether to seeke them (if wee might finde them) and keepe a weather our places of traffique. The third day we ran all day to the Southwestwards to seeke the Portugals, but could haue no sight of them, and halled into the shore. The fourth day, when we had sight of land, we found that the current had set vs thirty leagues to the Eastwards of our reckoning, which we woondered at: for the first land we made was Lagua. Then I caused our boat to be manned, and the Christophers also, and went to the shore and tooke our Negro with vs. And on shore we learned that there were foure French ships vpon the coast: one at Perinnen, which is six leagues to the Westward of Laguoa: another at Weamba, which is foure leagues to the Eastward of Laguoa; a third at Perecow, which is foure leagues to the Eastward of Weamba: and the fourth at Egrand, which is foure leagues to the Eastward of Perecow. When we had intelligence of these newes we agreed to go to the Eastwards with the Frenchmen to put them from their traffique, and shot off two or three pieces in our boats to cause the ships to way: and hauing bene about one houre vnder saile, we had sight of one of the French men vnder saile, halling off from Weamba to whome we gaue chase, and agreed in the night for feare of ouershooting them, that the Minion should first come to ancre, and after that about three houres, the Tyger and the Christopher to beare along all night. The 5. day we found three of the French ships at ancre: one called La foye de Honfleur, a ship of 220 tunnes, another called the Ventereuse or small Roebarge of Honfleur, of 100 tunnes, both appertaining to Shawdet of Honfleur, the third was called the Mulet de Batuille a ship of 120 tunnes, and this ship belonged to certaine Marchants of Roan. [Sidenote: the English boord the Frenchmen.] When we came to them, we determined to lay the Admiral aboord, the Christopher the Viceadmirall, and the Tyger the smallest: but when we came nere them they wayed, and the Christopher being the headmost and the weathermost man, went roome with the Admirall: the Roebarge went so fast that wee could not fetch her. The first that we came to was the Mullet, and her wee layed aboord, and our men entred and tooke her, which ship was the richest except the Admirall: for the Admirall had taken about 80 pound of golde, and Roeberge had taken but 22 pound: and all this we learned of the Frenchmen, who knew it very well: for they were all in consort together, and had bene vpon the coast of Mina two moneths and odde dayes: howbeit the Roebarge had bene there before them with another ship of Diepe, and a carauel, which had beaten all the coast, and were departed one moneth before our arriuing there, and they three had taken about 700 pound of golde. Assoone as we had layed the ship aboord, and left certaine men in her to keepe her, we set saile and gaue chase to the other two ships, and chased them all day and night, and the next day vntill three a clocke in the afternoone, but we could not fetch them: and therefore seeing that we brought our selues very farre to leeward of our place, we left the chase, and kept about againe to go with the shore. The 7 day I sent for the captaine, marchants and Masters of the other ships, and when they came we weighed the golde which we had from the Frenchmen, which weighed fifty pound and fiue ounces of golde: this done we agreed to put men out of euery ship into the prise to keepe her. The 12 day we came to the further place of the Mina called Egrand, and being come to an ancre, discharged all the marchants goods out of the prise, and would haue sold the ship with the victuals to the Frenchmen, but because she was leake they would not take her, but desired vs to saue their liues in taking them into our owne ships: then we agreed to take out the victuals and sinke the ship, and diuide the men among our ships. The 15 at night we made an end of discharging the prise, and diuided all the Frenchmen except foure which were sicke and not able to helpe themselues; which foure both the Christopher and the Tyger refused to take, leauing them in their ship alone in the night, so that about midnight I was forced to fetch them into our ship. The 15 of April, moouing our company for the voyage to Benin, the most part of them all refused it. The 16, seeing the vnwillingnesse of the company to goe thither, we determined to spend as much time vpon the coast as we could, to the end we might make our voyage, and agreed to leaue the Minion here at Egrand, the Tyger to go to Pericow which is foure leagues off, and the Christopher to goe to Weamba, which is ten leagues to the weatherward of this place: and if any of them both should haue sight of more sailes then they thought good to meddle withall to come roome with their fellowes; to wit, first the Christopher to come with the Tyger, and then both they to come with vs. We remained in this place called Egrand, vntill the last day of April, in which time many of our men fell sicke: and sixe of them died. And here we could haue no traffique with the Negros but three or foure dayes in the weeke, and all the rest of the weeke they would not come at vs. The 3 of May not hauing the pinnesse sent vs with cloth from the other ships, as they promised, we solde French cloth, and gaue but three yards thereof to euery fuffe. The 5 day the Negros departed, and told vs they would come to vs againe within foure dayes, which we determined there to tary, although we had diuers of our men sicke. The 8 day, all our cloth in the Minion being sold, I called the company together, to know whether they would tary the sale of the cloth taken in the prise at this place or no: they answered, that in respect of the death of some of their men, and the present sicknesse of twentie more, they would not tary, but repaire to the other ships, of whom they had heard nothing since the 27 of April: and yet they had our pinnesse with them, onely to cary newes from one to another. The 9 day we determined to depart hence to our fellowes, to see what they had done, and to attempt what was to be done at the towne of Don Iohn. The 10 day in the morning we sat saile to seeke the Christopher and the Tyger. The ll day the Captaine of the Christopher came to vs, and told vs that they could finde small doings at the places where they had bene. The 12 William Crompton and I in our small pinnesse went to the Tyger and the Christopher at Perenine. The 13 we sent away the Tyger to Egrand, because we found nothing to doe at Perenine, worth the tarying for. The 14 our great pinnesse came to vs, and presently we put cloth into her, and sent her backe to Weamba, where she had bene before, and had taken there ten pound of golde. The 15 the Minion came to vs, and the next day we went a shore with our boats, and tooke but one ounce of golde. The 19 day hauing set saile we came to an ancre before Mowre, and there we tarried two dayes, but tooke not an ounce of golde. The 21 we came to an ancre before Don Iohns towne. [Sidenote: the great towne of Don Iohn.] The 22 we manned our boats and went to shore, but the Negros would not come at vs; then the Captaine of the Christopher and I tooke a skiffe and eight men with vs, and went and talked with the Negros, and they sayd that they would send a man to the great towne, where Don Iohn himselfe lay, to aduertise him of our comming. The 23 we went ashore againe, and the Negros tolde vs that this day the marchants of Don Iohn would come downe: so we tarried there vntill night, and no man would come to vs: but diuers of the Negros made vs signes to depart. The 24 the Captaine of the Christopher tooke his boat and went to Mowre, and when he came thither, certaine Negros came to him to know the price of his wares, but in the end there came an Almade, which he iudged came from the castle, and caused all the Negros to depart from him: and when he saw they would come no more to him, he went ashore and tooke certaine men with him, and then the Negros cast stones at them, and would not suffer them to come vp to their towne. And when they saw that, they tooke certaine of the Almades, and put them to the sea, and afterwards departed. The same morning I went a shore at Don Iohns towne, and tooke a white flag with me, but none of the Negros could come to me, which caused vs to iudge that the Portugals were in the towne. After this, our boat came to vs well manned, and I sent one man vp to the towne with a white flag in his hand, but when he was come thither, all the Negros went away and would not speake with him. Then I sent one alone into the woods after them, but they in no case would come to vs. When we saw that, we tooke twelue goats and fourteene hennes, which we found in the towne, and went aboord without doing any farther hurt to the towne: and when I came aboord, I found our pinnesse come from Cormatin, which had taken there two pound and fiue ounces of golde. Then after much ado with the froward Mariners, we went thitherwards with our ship, and the Christopher went to Mowre. [Sidenote: A fight with the Negros.] The 25 day the Master of the Christopher sent his boat to the shore for balast, and the Negros would haue beaten the company from the shore, whereupon the company resisted them, and slew and hurt diuers of them, and hauing put them to flight, burned their towne, and brake all their boats. The 26 day our pinnesse came to vs from Cormatin, and had taken two pound and eleuen ounces of golde: and Iohn Shirife tolde vs that the Negros of that place were very desirous to haue a ship come back againe to their towne. The 27 we wayed and went to Cormatin. The 28 the Christopher came to vs from Mowre and traffiqued there two dayes. The second day of Iune the Tyger came to vs from Egrand, and the pinnesse from Weamba, and they two had taken about fifty pound of golde since they departed from vs. The 4 day we departed from Cormatin to plie vp to Shamma, being not able to tary any longer vpon the coast for lacke of victuals, and specially of drinke. The 7 day we had sight of fiue of the king of Portugals ships which came to an ancre besides the castle. The 8 day George and Binny came to vs, and brought with them two pound of golde. The 10 day in the morning I tooke our small pinnesse, and the Captaine of the Christopher with me, and manned her well, and went to the castle to view the Portugals ships, and there we found one ship of about 300 tunne, and foure carauels: when we had well viewed them, we returned backe againe to our ships which we found seuen leagues at sea. The 11 day in the morning we found our selues wel shot toward Shamma, and the Tyger with vs, but the Minion and the pinnesse had not wayed that night, so that we were out of sight of them: and hauing brought our selues in the weather of the Portugals ships, we came to an ancre to tary for the Minion, or els we might haue fetched Shamma. At night the Minion and the pinnesse came vp to vs, but could not fetch so farre to the weatherward as we, and therefore they ancred about a league a weather The castle, and we waied in the Christopher, and went roome with her. The 12 day the Tyger came roome with vs, and she and the Christopher finding themselues to stand in great need of victuals, would haue gone with the Portugals ships to haue fetched some of them forth: but our master and company would in no case consent to goe with them, for feare of hanging when we came home: and the other two ships being fully minded to haue gone, and fearing that their owne company would accuse them, durst not go to them. After this, by reason of the want of victuals in the pinnesse, which could receiue no victuals from the other shippes, but from vs onely, we tooke out all our men, and put twelue Frenchmen into her, and gaue them victuals to bring them to Shamma. The 19 day the Tyger and Minion arrived at Shamma, and the Christopher within two leagues off them, but could not fetch the winde by reason of the scantnesse of the winde, which hath bene so scant, that in fifteene dayes we haue plied to the windewards but twelue leagues, which before we did in one day and a night. The 20 day I tooke our pinnesse, and went to the towne of Shamma to speake with the captaine, and he tolde me that there was no golde there to be had, nor as much as a hen to be bought, and all by reason of the accord which he had made with the Portugals, and I seeing that departed peaceably from him. The 21 I put such things as we had into our small pinnesse, and tooke one marchant of our ship, and another of the Tyger, and sent her to Hanta, to attempt, if she could doe any thing there. That night they could doe nothing but were promised to haue golde the next day. The next day (which was the 22) being come, we sent our pinnesse to Hanta againe, but there neither the captaine nor the Negros durst traffike with vs, but intised vs from place to place, and all to no purpose. This day we put away our pinnesse, with fiue and twenty Frenchmen in her, and gaue them such victuals as we could spare, putting fifteene of them to the ransome of sixe crownes a man. The 23 of Iune our pinnesse came to vs from Hanta, and tolde vs that the Negros had dealt very ill with them, and would not traffike with them to any purpose. [Sidenote: Shamma burnt by the English.] The 24 we tooke our boat and pinnesse and manned them well, and went to the towne of Shamma, and because the Captaine thereof was become subiect to the Portugals we burned the towne, and our men seeking the spoile of such trifles as were there found a Portugals chest, wherein was some of his apparell, and his weights, and one letter sent to him from the castle, whereby we gathered that the Portugall had bene there of a long time. The 25 day, about three of the clocke at afternoone, we set saile, and put into the sea, for our returne to England. The last day of this moneth we fell with the shore againe, and made our reckoning to be eighteene leagues to the weatherward of the place where we set off. When we came to make the land, we found our selues to be eighteene leagues to the leeward of the place, where we set off, which came to passe, by reason of the extreme currant that runneth to the Eastward: when we perceiued our selues so abused, we agreed to cast about againe, and to lie as neere the winde as we could, to fetch the line. The seuenth of Iuly we had sight of the Ile of S. Thome, ana thought to haue sought the road to haue arriued there: but the next morning the wind came about, and we kept our course. The ninth, the winde varying, we kept about againe, and fell with the Iland of S. Thome, and seeking the road, were becalmed neere the Iland, and with the currant were put neere the shore, but could haue no ground to ancre: so that we were forced to hoise out our pinnesse, and the other ships their skiffs to towe from the Iland, which did litle good, but in the ende the winde put vs three leagues off the shore. The tenth day the Christopher and the Tyger cast about, whereby we iudged them to haue agreed together, to goe seeke some ships in the road, and to leaue vs: our men were not willing to goe after them, for feare of running in with the Iland againe, and of putting our selues into the same danger that we were in the night before: but we shot off a piece, and put out two lights, and they answered vs with lights againe: whereupon we kept our course, and thought that they had followed vs, but in the morning we could not see them, so that they left vs willingly, and we determined to follow them no more. But the eleuenth day we altered our opinion and course, and consented to cast about againe for the Iland, to seeke our ships; and about foure of the clocke in the afternoone we met with them. The 13 we fell againe with the Iland of S. Thome; and the same night we found our selues directly vnder the line. [Sidenote: The description of the Ile of S. Thome.] This Iland is a very high Iland, and being vpon the West side of it, you shall see a very high pike, which is very small, and streight, as it were the steeple of a church, which pike lieth directly vnder the line, and at the same South end of the Iland to the Westward thereof lieth a small Iland, about a mile from the great Iland. The third of August we departed from the Ile of S. Thome, and met the winde at the Southwest. The 12 day we were in the height of Cape Verde. The 22 day we fell with one of the Iles of Cape verde, called the Ile of Salt, and being informed by a Scotish man that we tooke among the Frenchmen vpon the coast, that there were fresh victuals to be had, we came to an ancre there. The 23 day in the morning we manned our skiffe, and went a shore, and found no houses, but we saw foure men, which kept themselues alwayes farre from vs, as for cattell we could finde none, but great store of goats, and they were so wilde, that we could not take aboue three or foure of them: but there we had good store of fish, and vpon a small Iland which lay by the same we had great store of sea-birds. At night the Christopher brake her cradle, and lost an ancre, so that she could tary no longer, so we all wayed, and set saile. Vpon the same Iland we left the Scotish man, which was the occasion of our going aland at that place, but how he was left we could not tell: but, as we iudged, the people of the Iland found him sleeping, and so caried him away; for at night I went my selfe to the Iland to seeke him, but could hear nothing of him. [Sidenote: The great inconuenience by late staying vpon the coast of Guinie.] The 24 day the Master of the Tyger came aboord vs, and tolde vs that his men were so weake, and the shippe so leake, that he was not able to keepe her aboue the water, and therefore requested vs to go backe againe to the Iland, that we might discharge her, and giue her vp: but we intreated him to take paine with her awhile, and we put a French Carpenter into her, to see if he could finde the leake. This day we tooke a view of all our men, both those that were hole, and the sicke also, and we found that in all the three ships, were not aboue thirty sound men. The 25 we had sight of the Ile of S. Nicholas, and the day following of the other Iles, S. Lucia, S. Vincent, and S. Anthony; which four Iles lie the one from the other Northwest, and by West, Souteast and by East. The 26 we came againe with the Iland of S. Anthony, and could not double the Cape. This day Philip Iones, the Master of the Christopher, came aboord vs, who had beene aboord the Tyger, and tolde vs that they were not able to keepe the Tyger, because she was leake, and the Master very weake, and sayd further, he had agreed with the Master and the company, that if the next day we could double the Iland, we should runne to the leeward of it, and there discharge her: but if we could not double it, then to put in betwixt the Iland of S. Vincent and S. Anthony, to see if we could discharge her. The third day of September I went aboord the Tyger, with the Master and Marchants with me, to view the shippe and men: and we found the shippe very leake, and onely six labouring men in her, whereof one was the Master gunner: so that we seeing that they were not able to keepe the ship, agreed to take in the men, and of the goods what we could saue, and then to put the ship away. The fift day we went to discharge the Tyger. The eight day, hauing taken out the artillery, goods, victuals, and gold of the Tyger, we gaue her vp 25 degrees by North the line. The 27 we had sight of two of the Iles of the Azores, S. Mary, and S. Michael. The fourth of October we found ourselues to be 41 degrees and a halfe from the line. The sixt day the Christopher came to vs, and willed vs to put with the Cape, for they also were so weake, that they were not able to keepe the sea, and we being weake also, agreed to go for Vigo, being a place which many English men frequent. The 10 day the Christopher went roome with the Cape, but we having a mery wind for England, and fearing the danger of the enemies, which ordinarily lie about the Cape: besides, not knowing the state of our countrey and Spaine, and although it were peace, yet there was little hope of friendship at their hands, considering the voyage that we had made, and we also being so weake, that by force and violence we could come by nothing, and doubting also that the king of Portugall knowing of our being there, might worke some way with the Counsell of Spaine to trouble vs: and further, considering that if we did put in with any harbor, we should not be able to come out againe, till we sent for more men into England, which would be a great charge, and losse of time, and meanes of many dangers. All these things pondred, we agreed to shoot off two pieces of ordinance, to warne the Christopher, and then we went our course for England: she hearing our pieces followed vs, and we carried a light for her, but the next day in the morning it was thicke, and we could not see her in the afternoone neither, so that we suspected that either she was gone with Spaine, or els that she should put foorth more sailes then we in the night, and was shot a head of vs, so that then we put forth our top-sailes, and went our course with England. At the time when the Christopher left vs, we were within 120 leagues of England, and 45 leagues Northwest and by West from Cape Finister: and at the same time in our ships we had not aboue sixe Mariners and sixe Marchants in health, which was but a weake company for such a ship to seeke a forren harbour. The 16 day about sixe of the clocke at night, we met with a great storme at the West-south-west, and West, and our men being weake, and not able to handle our sailes, we lost the same night our maine saile, foresaile, and spreetsaile, and were forced to lie a hulling, vntill the eighteenth day, and then we made ready an olde course of a foresaile, and put it to the yard, and therewith finding our selues far shot into the sleeue, we bare with our owne coast; but that foresaile continued not aboue two houres, before it was blowen from the yard with a freat, and then we were forced to lie a hull againe, vntil the nineteenth day of October in the morning, and then we put an olde bonnet to our foreyard, which, by the good blessing and prouidence of God, brought vs to the Ile of Wight, where we arriued the 20 of October in the afternoone. * * * * * The commodities and wares that are most desired in Guinie, betwixt Sierra Liona and the furthest place of the Mine. Manils of brasse, and some of loade. Basons of diuers sorts, but the most lattin. Pots of course tinne, of a quart and more. Some wedges of yron. Margarites, and certaine other sleight beads. Some blew Corall. Some horse tailes. Linnen cloth principally. Basons of Flanders. Some red cloth of low price, and some kersie. Kettles of Dutch-land with brasen handles. Some great brasse basons graued, such as in Flanders they set vpon their cupboords. Some great basons of pewter, and ewers grauen. Some lauers, such as be for water. Great kniues of a low price. Sleight Flanders-caskets. Chests of Roan of a lowe price, or any other chests. Great pinnes. Course French couerings. Packing sheets good store. Swords, daggers, frise mantels, and gownes, clokes, hats, red caps, Spanish blankets, axe heads, hammers, short pieces of yron, sleight belles, gloues of a lowe price, leather bags, and what other trifles you will. * * * * * Certaine Articles deliuered to M. Iohn Lok, by Sir William Gerard Knight, M. William Winter, M. Beniamin Gonson, M. Anthony Hickman, and M. Edward Castelin the 8 of September 1561, touching a voyage to Guinea. A remembrance for you M. Lok at your comming to the coast of Guinie. First, when God shal send you thither, to procure, as you passe alongst the coast, to understand what riuers, hauens, or harboroughs there be; and to make your selfe a plat thereof, setting those places which you shall thinke materiall in your sayd plat, with their true eleuations. Also you shall learne what commodities doe belong to the places where you shall touch, and what may be good for them. It is thought good, that hauing a fort vpon the coast of Mina in the king of Habaans country, [Marginal note: The English marchants intend to fortifie in Ghinea, in the king of Habaans country.] it would serve to great purpose: wherfore you are especially sent to consider where the fort might be best placed, and vpon what ground: wherein are to be noted these things following. 1. That the ground so serue, that it ioyne to the sea on the one part, so as shippes and boats may come to lade and vnlade. 2. What molde of earth the ground is of. 3. What timber or wood may be had, and how it will be caried. 4. What prouision of victuals may be had in the countrey: and what kinde of our victuals will best serve to continue. 5. The place must be naturally strong, or such as may be made strong with a small charge, and afterwards kept with a few men. 6. How water may be prouided, if there be none to be had in the ground where the fort shall stand, or neere to it. 7. What helpe is to be had from the people of the country, either for the building of it, or for the defence thereof. To mooue the king of Haban a farre off, for the making of a fort, and to note how he will like it; but vse your communication so, that although there might fall out good cause for the doing of it, yet he do not vnderstand your meaning. Search the countrey so farre as you may, both alongst the coast, and into the land. To learne what became of the marchants that were left at Benin. The matters which shall be of importance to be noted we nothing doubt that you will omit, wherefore we referre the order of these affaires to your discretion. Also we pray you as occasion shall serue that you ayd and helpe our factours, both with your counsell and otherwise; and thus God send you safely to returne. William Gerrard, William Winter, Beniamin Gonson, Anthony Hickman, Edward Castelin. * * * * * A letter of M. Iohn Lok to the worshipfull company of Marchants aduenturers for Guinie, written 1561, shewing reasons for his not proceeding in a voyage then intended to the foresayd countrey. Worshipfull sirs; since the arriuall of M. Pet and Buttoll Monioy (as I vnderstand) for the voyage it is concluded that the Minion shall proceed on her voyage, if within 20 dayes she may be repaired of those hurts she hath receiued by the last storme: or in the moneth of Ianuary also, if the wind wil serue therfore. Wherefore for that your worships shall not be ignorant of my determined purpose in the same, with the reasons that haue perswaded me thereunto; I haue thought good to aduertise you thereof, trusting that your worships will weigh them, as I vprightly and plainly meane them. And not for any feare or discouragement that I haue of my selfe by the raging of the stormes of the sea, for that (I thanke the Lord) these haue not beene the first that I haue abiden, neither trust I they shalbe the last. First the state of the ship, in which, though I thinke not but M. Pet can do more for her strengthening than I can conceiue, yet for all that, it will neither mend her conditions, nor yet make her so stanch that any cabin in her shalbe stanch for men to lie drie in: the which sore, what a weakening it will be to the poore men after their labour, that they neither can haue a shift of apparell drie, nor yet a drie place to rest in, I referre to your discretion. For though that at Harwich she was both bound and caulked as much as might be, both within and without, yet for all that she left not, afore this flaw, in other weathers, being stressed, to open those seames, and become in the state she was before; I meane, in wetting her men: notwithstanding her new worke. And my iudgement, with that litle experience I haue had, leadeth me to thinke that the ship whose water works and footings be spent and rotten cannot be but leake for men. Next, the vnseasonable time of the yeere which is now present. And how onely by meanes of the vnseasonable times in the returne from the voyage home, many thereby haue decayed, to the great misery and calamity of the rest, and also to the great slander of the voyage, (which I much respect) the last and other voyage haue declared. And what it is to make the voyage in vnseasonable time, that hath the second voyage also declared. Wherefore weying and foreseeing this (as I may wel terme it) calamity and vneuitable danger of men, and that by men she must be brought home againe (except that God will shew an extraordinary miracle) I purpose not nor dare I venture with a safe conscience to tempt God herein. Againe, forsomuch as she is alone, and hath so little helpe of boat or pinnesse in her trade, and also for her watering, where a long time of force must be spent, my going, to the accomplishment of your expectations, will be to small effect for this time, because I shall want both vessell and men to accomplish it. And I would not gladly so spend my time and trauell, to my great charges and paine, and after, for not falling out accordingly, to lose both pot and water, as the prouerbe is. As for the Primrose, if she be there, her trade will be ended or euer we come there, so that she of force, by want of prouision, must returne: yea, though we should carry with vs a supply for her, yet is the meeting of her doubtfull, and though we met her, yet will the men not tarry, as no reason is they should: howbeit my opinion of her is that she is put into Ireland. The Flowerdeluce was in Milford. Thus for that your worships might vnderstand the whole cause why I doe not proceed, I haue troubled you at this time with this my long Letter. And, as God is my Iudge, not for feare of the Portugals, which there we shall meet (and yet alone without ayde) as here is a shippe which was in Lisbon, whose men say that there are in a readinesse (onely to meet vs) foure great ships, of the which one is accounted 700 tunnes, and other pinnesses: yet not for feare of them, nor raging of the seas (whose rage God is aboue to rule) but onely for the premisses: the sequell whereof must by reason turne to a great misery to the men; the which I for my part (though it might turne me to as much gaine as the whole commeth to) yet would I not be so tormented, as the sight thereof would be a corsiue to my heart, and the more, because foreseeing the same, I should be so leud, as yeelding, to haue runne into the danger thereof, and therefore I haue absolutely determined with my selfe not to goe this voyage. Howbeit if in a seasonable time of the yeere I had but one ship sufficient, though much lesse by the halfe, I would not refuse (as triall being made thereof should appeare) or if I had ability of my selfe to venture so much, it should well be seene. And this I speake to giue you to vnderstand that I refuse not this for feare: If you purpose to proceed heerein, send some one whom you please; to whom I will not onely deliuer the articles which I haue receiued, but also will giue some particular notes which I haue noted in the affaires which you haue committed vnto mee, with the best helpe and counsell I can. Thus the liuing God keepe your worships all. Bristoll this 11 of December 1561. Your worships to comand to his power. Iohn Lok. * * * * * The relation of one William Rutter to M. Anthony Hickman his master touching a voyage set out to Guinea in the yeere 1562, by Sir William Gerard, Sir William Chester, M. Thomas Lodge, the sayd Anthony Hickman, and Edward Castelin, which voyage is also written in verse by Robert Baker. Worshipfull sir, my duty remembered, this shalbe to declare vnto you the discourse of this our voyage, since our departure out of England from Dartmouth; at which time I gaue you to vnderstand of our departure, which was the 25 of February 1562. Then hauing a prosperous winde we departed from thence, and sailed on our voyage vntill we arriued at Cauo verde the 20 of March, making no abode there, but sailed along the coast to our first appointed port Rio de Sestos, at which port we arriued the third of Aprill in the morning, hauing the sight of a Frenchman, who assoone as he perceiued vs, set saile and made to the sea: in the meane time we came to an anker in the rode: and after that he had espied our flag, perceiuing vs to be Englishman, he bare with the shore, and hailed our ships with his ordinance, at which time we the merchants of both the ships were in the riuer in traffike, and had vnderstanding of the Negroes that he had bene there three dayes before our comming: so we concluded together, that if he sent his pinnesse to traffike, we would not suffer him, vntill we had taken further order with their captaine and marchants. In the afternoone the pinnesse came into the riuer, whose men we willed to make no traffike vntill we had talked further with their captaine, whom we willed that night to come aboord our admirall: which was done. At which sayd time M. Burton and Iohn Munt went aboord the Minion where the Frenchmen were, and there concluded that they should tary by vs eight dayes, and suffer vs quietly to traffike, wherewith they were not well pleased. Wherevpon the next morning they departed from vs, sailing alongst the coast to the Eastward towards Potis, which he did to hinder our traffike that way: wherefore the marchants of the Minion and we concluded (forasmuch as at that present we vnderstood that were no sailes past alongst) that we should go before, to the end we might not be hindered of our traffike by the Frenchmen; which thing we did: and at our comming thither we found the Frenchmen in traffike to the West of Potis, by whom we passed, and arriued at Rio de Potis the 12 of April, where we remained in traffike vntill the 15 of the sayd moneth, and then departed from thence along the coast toward Sant Andre, where we appointed by agreement to tary for the Minion; and the 17 at night we came to the riuer of S. Andre, in which very day the Minion came vnto vs, telling vs that they met at cauo das Palmas a great ship and a caruell of the king of Portugals bound to the Mina, who gaue chase vnto them, and shot freely at them, and the Minion in her defence returned her the like: but God be praised the Minion had no hurt for that time. In the end we concluded to hasten towards cauo de tres puntus to haue put them from the castle, if by any meanes wee might; and when wee were come to the Cape, we lay a hull one night and two dayes, and doubting they had bene past, the Minion went neere the shore, and sent her merchants to a place called Anta, where beforetime we had traffike, and the next morning very early being the 21 of the sayd moneth, we againe had sight of the ship and the carauell a good way to sea-boord of vs. Then we presently set saile, and bare with the formost of them, hoping to haue got betweene the castle and them, but we came short of our purpose, which was no small griefe vnto vs all; and when they had gotten the castle to friend, they shot at vs freely, and we at them, and the castle at vs; but we profited litle. In the afternoone we set saile and came to the town of Don Iuan called Equi, where the 22 in the morning we went a shoare to traffike, but the Negros would not vntill they had newes from Don Luis, for at that time Don Iuan was dead, and the 23 came Don Luis his sonne and Pacheco minding to traffike with vs, at which said day came two gallies rowing along the shoare from the castle, minding to keepe vs from our traffike. The 24 we set saile and chased the galies to the castle againe. The Negroes being glad of that required vs to goe to Mowre, which is some 3 leagues behind, and thither would they come for that they stood in feare of the Portugals, and there we remained for the marchants that came out of the countrey which were come with their gold, but Anthonio don Luis his sonne, and Pacheco were aboord the Minion. And the 25 in the morning came the two galies from the castle againe vnto vs, the weather being very calme, they shot at vs and hit vs 3 times, and shortly after the wind came from the shore, at which instant we descried the ship, and the carauell comming toward vs, then we weighed and set saile, and bare as neere vnto them as we could: but it was night or euer wee met with them, and the night being very darke we lost them. The next day plying to the shore, at night we agreed to go with Cormantin, but the next morning being the 28 we were but a litle distant from the great ship and the 2 galies, hauing no wind at all, and the carauell hard aboord the shore. Then being calme, came the 2 galies rowing to the sterne of the Minion, and fought with her the most part of the forenoone: [Sidenote: Much hurt done in the Minion with firing a barrel of gunpouder.] and in the fight a mischance hapned in the Minions steward-roome by means of a barrell of pouder that tooke fire, wherewith were hurt the master gunner, the steward, and most part of the gunners: which the galies perceiuing, began to be more fierce vpon them, and with one shot cut halfe her foremast in twaine, that without present remedie shee was not able to beare saile, and presently vpon this the great ship sent her boat to the galies, who suddenly departed from vs. And after their departure we went aboord the Minion to counsell what were best to be done, at which time they were sore discomfited. Whereupon we deuised what was best to be done: and because wee knew that the Negros neither would nor durst traffike so long as the galies were on the coast it was therefore agreed that we should prepare our selues to depart to Rio de Sestos, and so we departed that day. [Sidenote: They returne.] The 14 of May in the rooming we fell with the land, and when wee came to it, we doubted what place it was, and sent our boates on land to know the trueth, and we found it to be Rio de Barbos, which is to be Eastward of sant Andre, and there remained in getting of water until the 21, where we lost the day before 5 of our men by meanes of overthrowing our black pinnasse. The 22 we departed from thence to Rio de Sesto, where we arriued the 2 of Iune, and the 4 wee departed from Rio de Sesto, and arriued (God bee thanked) the 6 of August within sight of the Stert in the West part of England, our men being very sicke and weake. We haue not at this present aboue 20 sound men that are able to labour, and we haue of our men 21 dead, and many more very sore hurt and sicke. Master Burton hath bene sicke this 6 weekes, and at this present (God strengthen him) is so weake that I feare he will hardly escape. Herein inclosed your worship shall receiue a briefe of all the goods sold by vs, and also what commodities we haue receiued for the same. Thus I leaue to trouble your worship, reseruing all things als to our generall meeting, and to the bringer hereof. From aboord the Primerose the 6 of August 1563. Your obedient seruant William Rutter. There are brought home this voiage An. 1363. Elephants teeth 166 weighing 1758 pounds. Graines 22 buts full. * * * * * A meeting at Sir William Gerards house the 11 of Iuly 1564. for the setting foorth of a voyage to Guinea, with the Minion of the Queens, the Iohn Baptist of London, and the Merline of M. Gonson. At this meeting were these chiefe aduenturers, Sir William Gerrard, sir William Chester, sir Thomas Lodge, Anthonie Hickman, and Edward Castelin. Where it was agreed that Francis Ashbie should be sent to Deptford to M. Gonson for his letters to Peter Pet to goe about the rigging of the Minion vpon the Queenes maiesties charges, and so the said Francis to repaire with the same letters to Gillingham with money to supplie our charge there. Also that euery one of the fiue partners shall foorthwith call vpon their partners to supply towards this new rigging and victualling, 29 li. 10s. 6d. for euery 100. li. value. Also that euery one of the fiue partners shall foorthwith bring in 50 li. towards the furniture of the premisses. Likewise it is agreed that if M. Gonson giue his consent that the Merline shall be brought about from Bristoll to Hampton, that a letter be drawen whereunto his hand shall be, before order be giuen for the same. * * * * * The successe of this Voiage in part appeareth by certaine briefe relations extracted out of the second voyage of Sir Iohn Hawkins to the West Indies, made in the sayd yeere 1564, which I thought good to set downe for want of further instructions, which hitherto I could not by any meanes come by, albeit I haue vsed all possible indeuour for the obtaining of the same: Take them therefore in the meane season as foloweth. Master Iohn Hawkins, with the Iesus of Lubeck a ship of 700. tonnes, and the Salomon, a ship of 7 score, the Tiger a barke of 50, and the Swalow 30 tonnes, being all well furnished with men to the number of one hundred threescore and ten, as also with ordinance and victuall requisite for such a voiage, departed out of Plimmouth the 18 day of October in the yeere of our Lord 1564. with a prosperous winde: at which departing, in cutting the foresaile, a marueilous misfortune happened to one of the officers in the ship, who by the pullie of the sheat was slaine out of hand, being a sorowfull beginning to them all. And after their setting out 10 leagues to the Sea, hee met the same day with the Minion a ship of the Queens Maiesties, whereof was captaine Dauid Carlet, and also her consort the Iohn Baptist of London being bound to Guinea likewise, who hailed one the other after the custome of the sea, with certaine pieces of ordinance for ioy of their meeting: which done, the Minion departed from him to seeke her other consort the Merline of London, which was a stone out of sight, leauing in M. Hawkins companie the Iohn Baptist her other consort. Thus sailing forwards on their way with a prosperous wind until the 21 of the same moneth, at that time a great storme arose, the wind being at Northeast about 9 of the clocke at night, and continued so 23 houres together, in which storme M. Hawkins lost the company of the Iohn Baptist aforesaid, and of his pinnasse called the Swallow, the other 3 ships being sore beaten with the storme. The 23 day the Swalow, to his no small reioicing, came to him againe in the night 10 leagues to the Northward of Cape Finister, hauing put roomer and not being able to double the Cape, in that there rose a contrary wind at Southwest. The 25 the wind continuing contrary, he put into a place in Galicia called Ferol, where he remained 5 daies and appointed all the masters of his ships an order for the keeping of good company. [Sidenote: The firing and sinking of the Merline bound for Guinea.] The 26 day the Minion came in also where he was, for the reioycing whereof he gaue them certaine pieces of ordinance after the curtesie of the Sea for their welcome, but the Minions men had no mirth because of their consort the Merline, whom at their departure from M. Hawkins vpon the coast of England, they went to seeke, and hauing met with her, kept company two dayes together, and at last by misfortune of fire (through the negligence of one of the gunners) the pouder in the gunners roome was set on fire, which with the first blast stroke out her poope, and therewithall lost 3 men, besides many sore burned (which escaped by the Brigandine being at her sterne) and immediatly to the great losse of the owners, and most horrible sight of the beholders, she sunke before their eies. The 30 day of the moneth M. Hawkins with his consorts and company of the Minion hauing now both the Brigandines at her sterne, weighed anker, and set saile on their voiage hauing a prosperous wind thereunto. The 4 of Nouember they had sight of the Iland of Madera, and the 6 day of Teneriffa, which they thought to haue bene the Canarie, in that they supposed themselues to haue bene to the Eastward of Teneriffa but were not: but the Minion beyng 3 or 4 leagues a head of vs kept on her course to Teneriffa, hauing better sight thereof then the other had, and by that means they parted company. The foresaid Sir Iohn Hawkins passing on his voiage by Cauo Verde and Sierra Leona, and afterward crossing ouer the maine Ocean comming to the towne of Burboroata vpon the coast of Terra firma in the West Indies, had further information of the euill successe of this Guinean voyage, as in the same hereafter is verbatim mentioned. The 29 of April, we being at anker without the road, a French ship called the green Dragon of Newhauen, whereof was captaine one Bon Temps came in, who saluted vs after the maner of the sea, with certaine pieces of ordinance, and we resaluted him with the like againe: with whom hauing communication, he declared that hee had bene at the Mina in Guinea, and was beaten off by the Portugals gallies, and enforced to come thither to make sale of such wares as he had: and further that the like was hapned vnto the Minion: also that captaine Dauid Carlet, and a marchant, with a dozen mariners were betraied by the Negros at their first arriuall thither, remaining prisoners with the Portugals, besides other misaduentures of the losse of their men hapned through the great lacke of fresh water, with great doubts of bringing home the ships: which was most sorrowfull for vs to vnderstand. * * * * * The voyage of M. George Fenner to Guinie, and the Islands of Cape Verde, in the yeere of 1566. with three ships, to wit the Admirall called the Castle of Comfort, the May Flower, and the George, and a pinnasse also: Written by Walter Wren. The 10 day of December, in the yeere abouesayd, we departed from Plimmouth, and the 12 day we were thwart of Vshant. The 15 day in the morning being Sunday, wee had sight of Cape Finister, and the same night we lost the company of our Admiral, wherefore we sayled along the coast of Portugall, hoping that our Admiral had bene before vs. The 18 day we met with a French ship of whom wee made inquirie for our Admirall, but he could not tell vs newes of him: so we followed our course to the Ilands of the Canaries. The 25 day in the morning we fell with a small Iland called Porto Santo, and within 3 houres wee had sight of another Iland called Madera which is 6 leagues from Porto Santo. The said 25 day being the day of the Natiuitie, we hoised out our boat, and fet Master Edward Fenner captaine of the May Flower aboord vs, being in the George, with the master whose name was Robert Cortise and others of the sayd shippe, and feasted them with such cheere as God had sent vs. The 28 day we fel with an Iland called Tenerif, which is 27 leagues from the said Iland, and on the East side thereof we came to an anker in 40 fadome water, within a base shot of the shore, in a little Baie wherein were 3 or 4 small houses: which Baie and houses were distant from a litle towne called Santa Cruz, a league or thereabout, and as we rode in the said Baie, we might see an Iland called The grand Canarie, which was 6 or 7 leagues from vs. The 29 day the May Flower for that she could not fet into ye road where we were at an anker, by reason the wind was off the shore, and because she bare more roomer from the land then we did, in the morning came bearing in with the towne of Santa Cruz, thinking to come to an anker in the road against the towne, and before she came within the reach of any of their ordinance, they shot at her foure pieces which caused her to come roome with vs, and came at last to an anker by vs. And about one of the clocke in the afternoone, the forenamed captaine of the May Flower wrote a letter a shoare, directing it to the head officer of the towne of Santa Cruz, to the intent to vnderstand the pretense of the shooting off the said ordinance. The letter being written, Robert Courtise master of the May Flower, and Walter Wren were appointed to deliuer the same a land at 3 or 4 houses to bee conueid to the foresayd towne, and so went with six men in the boate, and rowed to the shore as neere as they might, for setting the boate on ground, for the sea went cruelly at the shore. The people stood in number 30 persons with such armour as they had: the foresayd Wren called to them in Spanish, declaring to them that they had a letter which they would very gladly haue conueid vnto the towne, shewing that they would traffique with them as marchants, desiring their helpe for the conuenience of the same letter. With that one of the Spaniards willed vs to come on land, and we should be welcome, but doubting the worst, the said Walter answered them that they would not come on land, vntill they had answere of their letter which they had brought. Whereupon one of the Spaniards vnraied himselfe, and lept into the water, and swam to the boat, whom we receiued. And he saluted vs, and demaunded what our request was: we made him answere, that by misfortune we lost the companie of our Admirall, and being bound to this Iland to traffique for wines and other things necessary for vs, do here mind to stay vntill he come. Concerning our letter he made vs answere, that he would with all diligence cary it, and deliuer it according to the direction, and so the said Walter knit the letter in a bladder, and deliuered it unto him, and also gaue him foure roials of Spanish money for his paines: and promising that we should haue answere of it, he tooke his leaue and swamme againe on shore, where the people stood ready to receiue him. And after that they had talked with him, and vnderstood our meaning, some of them threw vp their hats, and the other put them off holding them in their hands, and made vs very curteous signes, alwaies desiring that the boat would come a land, but we resaluting them rowed backe againe aboord. The 30 day the Gouernors brother of Santa Cruz came aboord the May Flower with sixe or seuen Spaniards with him, who concluded with the Captaine that we might come a shoare and traffique with them, but that day we did not, for we had sufficient pledge of theirs for our assurance. Our Captaine entertained them well, and at their departure gaue them foure pieces of ordinance for a farewell, and bestowed vpon them two cheeses with other things. The said Gouernors brother promised our Captaine that hee should haue sufficient pledges the morrow following, which was not done, whereupon wee grew suspicious, and went not that day a shore. The first day of Ianuary our captaine sent Nicholas Day and Iohn Sumpter a shore, who were very well entertained with as many of our company as went after them. In the said Iland is a maruellous high hill called the Pike, which is a far off more like a cloud in the aire, then any other thing: the hill is round and somewhat small at the top, it hath not bene knowen that euer any man could goe vp to the top thereof. And although it stand in 28 degrees which is as hote in January, as it is in England at Midsommer, yet is the top of the said hil Winter and Sommer seldome without snow. In this Iland about two leagues from the said Santa Cruz is a citie called Anagona. The third day wee departed about the Westerne point of the Iland, about 12 or 14 leagues from Santa Cruz, into a Baie which is right agaynst the house of one Petro de Souses, in which Baie we came to an anker the 5 day, where we heard that our Admirall had bene there at an anker 7 dayes before vs, and was gone thence to an Iland called Gomera, whereupon we set saile presently to seeke him. The 6 day we came to an anker against the towne of Gomera, where we found our Admirall, which was very ioyfull of our comming, and we also of his sight. In the sayd road we found Edward Cooke, in a tall ship, and a shippe of the Coppersmiths of London, which the Portugals had trecherously surprised in the Baie of Santa Cruz, vpon the coast of Barbarie, which ship we left there all spoiled. Our General and merchants bought in the said towne for our provision, 14 buts of wine, which cost 15 duckats a but, which were offred vs at Santa Cruz in Tenerif for 8, 9, and 10 duckats. The 9 day we departed from this road to another Baie, about 3 leagues off and there tooke in fresh water: and so the 10 day we set saile towards Cape Blanke, which is on the coast of Guinea. The 12 day we fell into a Baie to the Eastward of Cape Pargos, which is 35 leagues from Cape Blanke. But hauing no knowledge of that coast, we went with Cape Blanke, and at the fall of the land we sounded and had 16 fadome water two leagues from the shore. The land is very lowe and white sand. [Sidenote: A good caueat.] Vpon the fall of the sayd coast beware how you borow in 12 or 10 fadome, for within 2 or 3 casts of the lead you may be on ground. The 17 day we set saile from Cape Blanke, directing our course South and by East and South among, and so fell into a Baie to the Eastward of Cape Verde, about 16 leagues, and about sixe leagues from the shore. The sayd land seemed vnto vs as if it had bene a great number of shippes vnder saile, being indeed nothing els but the land which was full of Hummoks, some high some lowe, with high trees on them. We bare with the said land till we were within 3 leagues of the shore, and then we sounded, and found 28 fadome water, black oase. This day we saw much fish in sundry sculs swimming with their noses with the brim of the water. Passing along this coast we might see two small round hils, seeming to vs about a league one from the other, which is the Cape, and betweene them are great store of trees, and in all our dayes sailing we saw no land so high as the said two hils. The 19 day we came to an anker at the Cape, in a roade fast by the Westermost side of two hils in 10 fadome of water where you may ride in fiue or sixe fadome, for the ground is faire, and alwayes you shall haue the winde off the shore. And as soone as we were all at an anker our Generall came aboord vs, and with him the master of the Admirall, whose name was William Bats, and with them the captaine of the Viceadmirall, whose name was master Edward Fenner, and Robert Curtise the master, and dined aboord of vs being in the George, wherein was Captaine Iohn Heiwood, and Iohn Smith of Hampton master, and there we concluded to goe a land, which was halfe a mile from vs: [Sidenote: The foolish rashness of Wil. Bats perswading company to land unarmed.] and by the counsel of William Bats both Captaine and marchants and diuers of the companie went without armour: for he sayd, that although the people were blacke and naked, yet they were ciuill: so that hee would needs giue the venter without the consent of the rest to go without weapon. Thus they rowed to shore, where we being in the shippe might see a great companie of Negros naked, walking to and fro by the sea side where the landing place was, waiting for the comming of our men, who came too soone, and landed to their losse as it fell out afterwards. There went a shore the Admirals skiffe, and the May Flowers boate, and in them the number of 20 persons or thereabouts, as M. George Fenner the Generall, his brother M. Edward Fenner, Thomas Valentine, Iohn Worme and Francis Leigh marchants, Iohn Haward, William Bats, Nicholas Day, Iohn Thomson and others. At their comming to the shore there were 100 Negros or vpward, with their bowes and arrowes: our Captaines and merchants talked with them, and according to the vse of the country, the one demanded pledges of the other, and they were content to deliuer 3 of their Negros for 5 of our men. Our 5 mens names were these, Iohn Haward, Wil. Bats, Nich. Day, Ioh. Tomson, and Iohn Curtise: these were deliuered them, and we receiued 3 Negros into our Admirals skiffe. Our men being a shore among the Negros, began to talke with them, declaring what ware and marchandize we had, as woollen cloth, linnen cloth, iron, cheese and other things. The Negros answered againe, they had ciuet, muske, gold and graines, which pleased our captaines and marchants very well. Then the Negros desired to haue a sight of some of our wares, to the which our marchants were content, and foorthwith sent aboord one of the boats for part of their marchandise, and in the meane time while the boate went to the ship, our fiue men were walking on the shore with the Negros, and our Generall and marchants staied in the other boat by the sea side, hauing the 3 Negros with them. Our boate then came againe and brought iron and other marchandise, with bread, wine, and cheese which they gave vnto him. Then two of the Negros (which were the pledges) made themselues sicke, desiring to goe a shore, promising to send other two for them. Captaine Haiward perceiuing that our men had let the Negros come a shore, asked what they meant, and doubting the worst began to drawe toward the boate, and two or three of the Negros folowed him. And when hee came to the boate they began to stay him, and he made signes vnto them that hee would fetch them more drinke and bread: notwithstanding, when he was entering into the boate, one of them caught him by the breeches and would haue staied him, but hee sprang from him and leapt into the boate, and as soone as hee was in, one of the Negros a shore beganne to blow a pipe, and presently the other Negro that was in our boate sitting on the boates side, and master Wormes sword by him, suddenly drew the sword out of the scabberd, and cast himselfe into the Sea, and swamme a shore, and presently the Negros laied handes on our men that were on shore, and tooke three of them with great violence, and tore all their apparell from their backes and left them nothing to couer them, and many of them shot so thicke at our men in our boates, that they could scarse set hand to any Oare to rowe from the shore, yet (by the helpe of God) they got from them with their boates although many of them were hurt with their poysoned arrowes: and the poison is vncurable, if the arrow enter within the skin and drawe blood, and except the poison be presently suckt out, or the place where any man is hurt bee foorthwith cut away, he dieth within foure dayes, and within three houres after they bee hurt or pricked, wheresoeuer it be, although but at the litle toe, yet it striketh vp to the heart, and taketh away the stomacke, and causeth the partie marueilously to vomite, being able to brooke neither meat nor drinke. The Negros hauing vsed our men with such cruelty, whose names were Nicholas Day, William Bats, and Iohn Tomson, led them away to a towne which was within a mile of the water side, or thereabout. The 20 day we sent to land a boate or skiffe wherein were eight persons, and one of them was the foresayd Iohn Tomson and our interpreter which was a Frenchman, (for there was one of the Negros which spake good French:) and they caried with them two harquebusses, two targets and a mantell. The cause of sending them was to learne what ransome they demaunded for Bats and Day whom they detained. And when they came to the shore and told the Negros what they desired, they went and fetched them from among the trees, and brought them loose among fortie or fiftie of them. And being come within a stones cast of the sea side, William Bats brake from them, and ran as fast as he could into the sea towards the boat, and he was not so soone in the water but hee fell downe, either breath or his foote failing him in the sand being soft: so that the Negros came and fell on him and tooke him and haled him, that we thought they had torne him in pieces: [Sidenote: The danger of poysoned arrowes.] for they tore againe all the apparell from his backe, so that some of them caried our men againe to the towne, and the rest shot at vs with their poisoned arrowes, and hurt one of our men called Androwes in the smal of the leg, who being come aboord, (for all that our Surgeons could do) we thought he would haue died. Our Generall (notwithstanding all this villanie) sent agayne to them, and offered them any thing that they desired for the raunsome of our men, but they would not deliuer them: giuing vs this answere: That there was in the foresayd roade, three weekes before we came, an English shippe which had taken three of their people, and vntill we did bring or send them againe, wee should not haue our men although wee would giue our three shippes with their furniture. The 21 day a French shippe of the burden of 80 tunnes (or thereabouts,) came to the place where we were, being bound to traffique at the Cape: we told them of the detaining of our two men by the Negros: and seeing that these Frenchmen were very well welcome to the Negros, we wished them to see whether they could procure them againe of the Negros, and bring them along with them, and our Generall promised the Frenchmen 100 li. to obtaine them. So wee committed the matter to the Frenchmen and departed. Of our men that were hurt by the Negros arrowes, foure died, and one to saue his life had his arme cut off. Androwes that was last of all hurt, lay lame not able to helpe himselfe: onely two recouered of their hurts. So we placed other men in the roomes of those that we lost, and set saile. The 26 day between Cape Verde and Bona vista we sawe many flying fishes of the bignesse of herrings, whereof two flew into our boat, which we towed at our sterne. The 28 day we fell with an Iland called Bona vista, which is from Cape Verde 86 leagues. The Northside of the sayde Iland is full of white sandie hils and dales, and somewhat high land. The sayd day wee came to an anker within the Westermost point, about a league within the point and found in our sounding faire sand in ten fadome water, but you may go neere till you be in fiue or six fadome, for the ground is faire. As soone as we were at an anker, our Generall sent his pinnasse a land, and found fiue or sixe small houses, but the people were fled into the mountains: and the next day he sent a shore againe, and met with two Portugals, who willingly went aboord with his men, and at their comming he welcommed them, although they were but poore and simple, and gaue each of them a paire of shoes, and so set them a shore againe. The 30 day we weighed and sailed into a Bay within a small Iland about a league from vs, and tooke plentie of diuers sortes of fishe. The foresayd Iland lieth in sixteene degrees. And if you meane to anker in the said Bay, you may borow in four or fiue fadome of the Southermost point of the sayd Iland, which you may see when you ride in the road. But beware of the middle of the Baie, for there lieth a ledge of rocks, which at lowe water breaketh, yet there is three fadome water ouer them. The last day of Ianuarie our Generall with certaine of his men went a shore in the Baie to the houses, where be found 12 Portugals. In all the Iland there were not aboue 30 persons, which were banished men for a time, some for more yeeres, some for lesse, and amongst them there was one simple man which was their captaine. They liue vpon goats flesh, cocks, hennes, and fresh water: other victuals they haue none, sauing fish, which they esteeme not, neither haue they any boats to take them. They reported that this Iland was giuen by the king of Portugall to one of his gentlemen, who hath let it foorth to rent for one hundreth duckats a yeere, which rent is reared onely in goates skinnes. For by their speaches there hath bene sent foorth of the sayd Iland into Portugall 40000 skins in one yeere. We were to these men marueilously welcome, and to their powers very wel entertained, and they gaue vs the flesh of as many hee-goates as wee would haue, and tooke much paines for vs in taking them, and bringing them from the mountains vpon their asses. They haue there great store of the oyle of Tortoises, which Tortoise is a fish which swimmeth in the Sea, with a shell on his backe as broad as a target. It raineth not in this Iland but in three moneths of the yeere, from the midst of Iuly to the midst of October, and it is here alwayes very hote. Kine haue bene brought hither, but by reason of the heate and drought they haue died. The 3 of February wee departed from this Iland, and the same day fell with another Iland called the Iland of Maiyo, which is 14 leagues from the other Iland: there is in the midst of the way between these two Ilands a danger which is alwayes to be seene. We ankred in the Northwest side of the sayd Ile in a faire Baie of eight fadomes water and faire sand, but here we staied not, but the fourth day weighed and sailed to another Iland called S. Iago, which lieth off the said Iland of Maiyo East and by South, and about fiue leagues one from the other. Being come within the Westermost point, we saw a faire road, and a small towne by the water side, and also a fort or platforme by it: there we purposed to come to anker, and our marchants to make some sale. But before we came within their shot, they let flie at vs two pieces, whereupon we went roomer and sailed along the shore two or three leagues from the road, where we found a small Baie and two or three small houses, where we came to an anker in 14 fadome faire ground. Within an houre after we had ankered we might see diuers horsemen and footmen on the land right against vs riding and running to and fro. The next day being the fift of Februarie, a great companie of their horsemen and footmen appeared on the shoare side, vnto whom our Generall sent to vnderstande whether they would quietly trafike with vs: And they sent him worde againe, desiring that they might speake with him, promising that if he came to trafike as a marchant he should be welcome, and also that he should haue any thing that he or the marchant would with reason demaund. When this answere was brought vnto our Generall he was very glad thereof and the whole companie, and presently (with as much speede as he could) he caused his boates to be made readie: but doubting the villanie of the Portugales, he armed his boates putting a double base in the head of his pinnesse, and two single bases in the head of the Skiffe, and so sent to the May-floure, and the George, and willed them in like sort to man their two boates. These boates being thus manned and well appointed, our Generall entered into his Skiffe, and with the rest rowed to the shoare where were threescore horsemen or more, and two hundreth footemen readie to receiue them. Our Generall marueiled that they came in so great a number and all armed, and therefore with a flagge of truce sent to them to knowe their pleasure: and they answered him with many faire promises and othes, that their pretence was all true, and that they meant like Gentlemen and Marchantes to trafike with him, declaring also that their Captaine was comming to speake with him, and therefore desired our Generall to come and speake with him himselfe. With this answere the boate returned, and then our Generall caused his pinnesse to rowe to them, and as he came neere the shoare they came in a great companie with much obeysance, opening their hands and armes abroade, bowing themselues with their bonnets off, with as much humble salutations outwardly as they might: earnestly desiring our Generall and Marchants to come on lande to them, wherevnto he would not agree without sufficient gages of Gentlemen and Marchants. At length they promised to sende two gages to our Generals contentment, promising fresh water, victuall, money, or Negroes for ware, if it were such as they liked: and therefore desired our Generall and Marchants to sende them a shoare in writing the quantitie of their wares, and the names of them: all which our Generall departed to performe, looking for their answere the morrowe following. And being gone a litle from the shoare, he caused his bases, curriers, and harquebusses to be shot off, and our ships in like case shot off fiue or sixe pieces of great ordinance, and so came aboord to prepare the note. The Portugales most of them departed, sauing those that were left to watch and to receiue the note, which about foure or five a clocke in the afternoone was sent, and it was receiued. [Sidenote: The treason of the Portugals in S. Iago to our men.] But all the purposes of the Portugal were villainously to betray vs, (as shal appeare hereafter) although we meant in truth and honestie, friendly to trafike with them. There was to the Westward of vs and about two leagues from vs, a towne behinde a point fast by the sea side, where they had certaine carauels, or shippes and also two Brigandines, whereof they (with all the speede that they might) made readie foure Carauels, and both the brigandines which were like two Gallies, and furnished them both with men and ordinance as much at they could carrie, and as soone as it was night, they came rowing and falling towardes vs: so that the land being high and the weather somewhat cloude or mystie, and they comming all the way close vnder the shoare we could not see them till they were right against one of our ships called the May-floure. By this time it was about one or two of the clocke in the morning, and the May-floure roade neerer them then the other two by a base shotte, so they made a sure account either to haue taken her or burnt her. In the meane time our men that had the watch (litle thinking of such villainous treacheries after so many faire wordes) were singing and playing one with the other and made such a noyse, that (being but a small gale of winde, and riding neere the lande) they might heare vs from the shoare: so that we supposed that they made account that we had espyed them, which indeede we had not, neither had any one piece of ordinance primed, or any other thing in a readinesse. They came so neere vs that they were within gunshot of vs, and then one of our men chanced to see a light, and then looking out spied the 4 ships, and suddenly cried out, Gallies, gallies, at which crie we were all amazed, and foorthwith they shot at vs all the great ordinance that they had, and their harquebusses, and curriers, and so lighted certaine tronkes or pieces of wilde fire, and all of them with one voice (as well they on the shoare as they in the shippes) gaue a great shoute, and so continued hallowing with great noyses, still approaching neerer and neerer vnto the May-floure. We (with all the speede that we might) made readie one piece of ordinance and shotte at them, which caused them somewhat to stay, so they charged their ordinance and shot at vs freshly againe, and while they shotte this second time at vs, we had made readie three pieces which we shot at them, but they approched still so neere, that at last we might haue shot a sheafe arrowe to them. Wherevpon we hauing a gale of winde off the shoare hoysed our foresayle, and cut our cable at the hawse, and went towarde our Admirall, and they continued following and shooting at vs, and sometime at our Admirall, but our Admirall shotte one such piece at them, that it made them to retire, and at length to worpe away like traiterous villaines, and although they thus suddenly shot all their shot at vs, yet they hurt neither man or boye of ours, but what we did to them we know not. But seeing the villanie of these men we thought it best to stay there no longer, but immediately set sayle towardes an Iland, called Fuego, 12 leagues from the said Iland of S. Iago. At which Island of Fuego we came to an anker the 11 day of this moneth, against a white chappell in the West end of the sayd Iland, within half a league of a litle towne, and with in a league or thereabout of the vtternost point of the said Island. In this Island is a marueilous high hill which doth burne continually, and the inhabitants reported that about three yeeres past the whole Island was like to be burned with the abundance of fire that came out of it. About a league from the chappel to the Westward is a goodly spring of fresh water, where we had as much as we would. Wheate they haue none growing here, but a certaine seede that they call Mill, and certaine peason like Guinie peason, which Mill maketh good breade, but they haue here good store of rother beasts and goates. [Sidenote: Cotton in Fuego.] Their marchandize is cotton, which groweth there. The inhabitants are Portugals which haue commandement from the king to trafike neither with Englishmen nor Frenchmen for victuall or any other thing, except they be forced so to doe. There lieth off this Iland another called Ila Braua, which is not passing two leagues ouer, it hath good store of goates and many trees, but there are not passing three or foure persons dwelling in it. [Sidenote: They returne.] The 25 day of February we departed towardes the Islands at Azores: and on the 23 day March we had sight of one of them called Flores, and then wee might see another Island to the Northward of it called Cueruo, lying two leagues or thereabouts off the other. The 27 we came to an anker in Cueruo ouer against a village of about twelue simple houses; but in the night by a gale of winde, which caused vs to drawe our anker after vs we hoysed sayle and went to the aforesayd Island of Flores, where we sawe strange streames of water running downe from the high cliffes by reason of the great abundance of raine that had suddenly fallen. The 29 day we came againe to Cueruo and cast anker, but a storme arose and continued seuen or eight houres together, so that we let slip a cable and anker, and after the storme was alayed we came againe thinking to haue recouered the same, but the Portugals had either taken it, or spoiled it: the cable was new and neuer wet before, and both the cable and anker were better worth then 40 li. So that we accompt our selues much beholding to the honest Portugales. The 18 day of April we tooke in water at the Island of Flores, and hauing ankered our cable was fretted in sunder with a rocke and so burst, where wee lost that cable and anker also, and so departed to our coast. Then wee set sayle to an Islande named Faial, about the which lie three other Islands, the one catted Pico, the other Saint George, and the other Graciosa, which we had sight of on the eight and twentieth day. The 29 we came to an anker in the Southwest side of Faial in a faire bay, and 22 fadom water against a litle towne where we had both fresh water and fresh victuall. In this Iland by the report of the inhabitants, there groweth certaine greene woad, which by their speeches is faire better then the woad of S. Michael or of Tercera. The 8 day of May we came to Tercera where we met with a Portugall ship, and being destitute of a cable and anker, our Generall caused vs to keepe her companie, to see if she could conueniently spare vs any. The next morning we might see bearing with vs a great shippe and two Carauels, which we iudged to be of the king of Portugals Armada, and so they were, wherevpon we prepared our selues for our defence. [Sidenote: A Portugall Galiasse of 400 tunnes.] The said ship was one of the kings Galliasses, about the burden of foure hundred tunnes, with about three hundred men in her, the shippe being well appointed with brasse pieces both great and small, and some of them so bigge that their shot was as great as a mans head, the other two Carauels were also very warlike and well appointed both with men and munition. [Sidenote: A fight betweene one English ship and 7 Portugals.] As soone as they were within shotte of vs, they waued vs amaine with their swords, we keeping our course, the greatest shippe shot at vs freely and the carauell also, and we prepared our selues, and made all things cleare for our safegard as neere as we could. Then the great shippe shot at vs all her broad side, and her foure greatest pieces that lay in her sterne, and therewith hurt some of our men, and we did the best we could with our shot to requite it. At last two other Carauels came off the shoare, and two other pinnesses full of men, and deliuered them aboord the great shippe, and so went backe againe with two men in a piece of them. The ship and the Carauell gave vs the first day three fights, and when the night was come they left off shooting, yet notwithstanding kept hard by vs all the night. In the meane time we had as much as wee could doe all the night to mende our ropes, and to strengthen our bulwarkes, putting our trust in God, and resoluing our selues rather to die in our defence then to bee taken by such wretches. The next day being the 10 of May in the morning, there were come to the aide the said Portugals foure great Armadas or Carauels more which made seuen, of which 4 three of them were at the least 100 tunnes a piece, the other not so bigge, but all well appointed and full of men. All these together came bearing with vs being in our Admirall, and one of the great Carauels came to lay vs aboorde (as we iudged) for they had prepared their false nettings, and all things for that purpose, so that the Gallias came vp in our larboord side, and the Carauell in our starboord side. Our Captaine and master perceiuing their pretence, caused our gunners to make all our ordinance readie with crossebarres, chaineshotte and haileshot: so the ship and Carauell came vp, and as soone as they were right in our sides, they shotte at vs as much ordinance as they could, thinking to haue layde vs presently aboord: whereupon we gaue them such a heate with both our sides, that they were both glad to fall asterne of vs, and so paused the space of two or three houres being a very small gale of winde. Then came vp the other fiue and shot all at vs, and so fell all asterne of vs, and then went to counsell together. Then our small barke named the George came to vs, and wee confered together a great space. And as the Portugall shippes and Carauels were comming to vs againe, our barke minding to fall asteme of vs and so to come vp againe, fell quickly vpon the lee, and by reason of the litle winde, it was so long before she could fill her sailes againe, that both the shippe and Carauels were came vp to vs, and she falling in among them made reasonable shift with them, but they got a head of her, so that she could not vs: then 5 of the Carauels followed her, but we saw she defended her selfe against them all. Then came the great shippe and the Carauell to vs, and fought with vs all that day with their ordinance. The May-floure our other consort being very good by the winde, tooke the benefite thereof and halde all that day close by the winde, but could not come neere vs. So when night againe was come, they gaue ouer their fight and followed vs all the night. In these many fights it could not otherwise be but needes some of our men must be slaine, (as they were indeede) and diuers hurt, and our tackle much spoyled: yet for all this we did our best indeuour to repaire all things, and to stand to it to the death with our assured trust in the mercie and helpe of God. This night the May-floure came vp to vs, and our Captaine tolde them his harmes and spoyles, and wished them if they could spare halfe a dosen fresh men to hoyse out their boate and sende them to him, but they could not spare any, and so bare away againe. Which when our enemies sawe in the next morning that we were one from another, they came vp to vs againe and gaue vs a great fight with much hallowing and hooping, making accompt either to boorde vs or els to sinke vs: but although our companie was but small, yet least they should see vs any whit dismayed, when they hallowed we hallowed also as fast as they, and waued to them to come and boorde vs if they durst, but that they would not, seeing vs still so couragious: [Sidenote: The 7 Portugals depart with shame from one English ship.] and hauing giuen vs that day foure fights, at night they forsooke vs with shame, as they came to vs at the first with pride. They had made in our ship some leakes with their shot which we againe stopped with al speed, and that being done, we tooke some rest after our long labour and trouble. The next day in the morning the May-floure came to vs, and brought vs sixe men in her boate which did vs much pleasure, and we sent to them some of our hurt men. Then we directed our course for our owne countrey, and by the second day of Iune we were neere to our owne coast and sounded being thwart the Lyzard. The third day we had sight of a shippe which was a Portugall, who bare with vs, and at his comming to vs (the weather being calme) our Captaine caused him to hoyse foorth his boate to come aboord to speake with him, and at their comming our Captaine and Marchants demanded of them what ware they had, and whether they were bound, and they made answere that their lading was sugar and cotton. Then our Captaine and Marchants shewed them fiue Negroes that we had, and asked them whither they would buy them, which they were very desirous to doe, and agreed to giue for them 40 chests of sugar, which chests were small hauiug not aboue 26 loaues in a piece: so they with their boate did fetch fiue of the chestes and deliuered them and went for more, and when they had laden their boate and were come againe, we might see bearing with vs a great ship and a small, which our Captaine supposed to be men of warre or Rouers, [Marginal Note: A Portugall ship (notwithstanding all their villanies) defended by our men from Rouers.] and then willed the Portugales to carie their sugar to their ship againe, purposing to make our selues readie for our defence. But the Portugales earnestly intreated our Captaine not so to forsake them, and promised him (if he would safegard them) to giue him aboue the bargain ten chests of sugar: whereupon our Captaine was content, and the Portugall not being good of sayle, we spared our topsayles for her; so at last the foresaid ship bare with vs, and (seeing that we did not feare them) gaue vs ouer. And the next morning came two others bearing with vs, and seeing vs not about to flie a iot from them forsooke vs also. The 5 day of Iune we had sight of the Stert, and about noone we were thwart of the bay of Lime, and so sounded and had 35 fadom water. The sixt day we came in at the Needles and so came to an anker vnder the Isle of Wight at a place called Meadhole, and from thence sayled to Southampton where we made an ende of this voyage. * * * * * The Ambassage of M. Edmund Hogan, one of the sworne Esquires of her Maiesties person, from her Highnesse to Mully Abdelmelech Emperour of Marocco, and king of Fes and Sus: in the yeere 1577, written by himselfe. I Edmund Hogan being appointed Ambassadour from the Queenes Maiestie to the aboue named Emperour and King Mully Abdelmelech, departed with my company and seruants from London the two and twentie day of April 1577, being imbarked in the good ship called the Gallion of London, and arriued in Azafi a port of Barbarie the one and twentie day of May next following. Immediatly I sent Leonell Edgerton a shoare with my letters directed to Iohn Williams and Iohn Bampton, who dispatched a Trottero to Marocco to knowe the kings pleasure for my repaire to the Court, which letters came to their hands on the Thursday night. They with all speede gaue the king understanding of it, who being glad thereof speeded the next day certaine Captaines with souldiers and tents, with other prouision to Azafi, so that vpon Whitsunday at night the said Captaines with Iohn Bambton, Robert Washborne, and Robert Lion, and the kings officers came late to Azafi. In the meane time I remained a boord, and caused some of the goods to be discharged for lightning of the shippe, and I wrote in my letter that I would not lande, till I knewe the Kings pleasure. The 22 day being Saturday, the Make-speede arriued in the roade about two of the clocke in the afternoone. The 27 day, being Whitsunday, came aboord the Gallion Iohn Bampton, and others, giuing me to vnderstande how much the King reioyced of my safe arriuall, comming from the Queenes Maiestie, and how that for my safe conduct to the Court he had sent foure Captaines and an hundred souldiers well appointed, with a horse furnished which he vsed himselfe to ride on with all other furniture accordingly: they wished mee also to come on lande in the best order I could, as well for my selfe as my men, which I did, hauing to the number of tenne men, whereof three were trumpetters. The ships being foure appointed themselues in the best order they could for the best shew, and shot off all their ordinance to the value of twentie Markes in powder. At my comming a shoare, I found all the souldiers well appointed on horsebacke, the Captaines and the Gouernour of the towne standing as neere the water side as they could, with a Iennet of the kings, and receiued mee from the boate declaring how glad his maiestie was of my safe arriuall, comming from the Queenes Maiestie my Mistresse, and that hee had sent them to attend vpon me, it being his pleasure that I should tarie there on shore fiue or sixe dayes for my refreshing. So being mounted vpon the Iennet, they conducted mee through the Towne into a faire fielde vpon the Sea-side where was a tent prouided for mee, and all the ground spread with Turkie carpets, and the Castle discharged a peale of ordinance, and all things necessarie were brought into my tent, where I both tooke my table and lodging, and had other conuenient tents for my seruants. The souldiers enuironed the tents, and watched about vs day and night as long as I lay there, although I sought my speedier dispatch. On the Wednesday towards night, I tooke my horse and traueiled ten miles to the first place of water that we could finde, [Marginal Note: In Barbarie they haue no Innes but they lodge in open fieldes where they can find water.] and there pitched our tents till the next morning, and so traueiled till ten of the clocke, and then pitched our tents till foure, and so traueiled as long as day light would suffer about 26 miles that day. The next day being Friday I traueiled in like order but eight and twentie miles at the most, and by a Riuer being about sixe miles within sight of the Citie of Marocco we pitched our tents. [Sidenote: The singular humanitie of the king to our Ambassadour.] Immediatly after came all our English marchants, and the French on horsebacke to meete me, and before night there came an Alcayde from the king with fiftie men, and diuers mules laden with victuall and banket, for my supper, declaring vnto me how glad the king shewed himselfe to heare of the Queenes Maiestie, and that his pleasere was I should be receiued into his country as neuer any Christian the like: and desired to knowe what time the next day I would come into his citie, because he would that all the Christians as also his nobilitie should meete me, and willed Iohn Bampton to be with him early in the morning, which he did. About seuen of the clocke being accompanied with the French and English marchants, and a great number of souldiers, I passed towards the citie, and by that time I had traueiled 2 miles, there met me all the Christians of the Spaniards and Portugals to receiue me, which I knowe was more by the kings commandement then of any good wils of themselues: for some of them although they speake me faire hung downe their heads like dogs, and especially the Portugales, and I countenanced them accordingly. [Marginal Note: The Spaniards and Portugales were commanded by the king in paine of death, to meete the English Ambassadour.] So I passed on till I came within two English miles of the Citie, and then Iohn Bampton returned, shewing me that the king was so glad of my comming, that hee could not deuise to doe too much, to shewe the good will that hee did owe to the Queenes Maiestie, and her Realme. His counsellors met me without the gates, and at the entrie of the gates, his footmen and guard were placed on both sides of my horse, and so brought me to the kings palace. The king sate in his chaire with his Counsell about him, as well the Moores as the Elchies, and according to his order giuen vnto me before, I there declared my message in Spanish, and made deliuerie of the Queenes Maiesties letters, and all that I spake at that present in Spanish, hee caused one of his Elchies to declare the same to the Moores present, in the Larbe tongue. Which done, he answered me againe in Spanish, yeelding to the Queenes Maiestie great thankes, and offering himselfe and his countrey to bee at her Graces commaundement, and then commaunded certaine of his Counsellers to conduct mee to my lodging, not being farre from the Court. The house was faire after the fashion of that countrey, being daily well furnished with al kind of victuall at the kings charge. The same night he sent for mee to the Court, and I had conference with him about the space of two houres, where I throughly declared the charge committed vnto mee from her Maiestie, finding him conformable, willing to pleasure and not to vrge her Maiestie with any demaundes, more then conueniently shee might willingly consent vnto, hee knowing that out of his countrey the Realme of England might be better serued with lackes, then bee in comparison from vs. [Sidenote: The king of Spaine sought to disgrace the Queene and her Ambassadour.] Further he gaue me to vnderstand, that the king of Spaine had sent vnto him for a licence, that an Ambassadour of his might come into his countrey, and had made great meanes that if the Queenes maiesty of England sent any vnto him, that he would not giue him any credit or intertainment, albeit (said he) I know what the king of Spaine is, and what the Queene of England and her Realme is: for I neither like of him nor of his religion, being so gouerned by the Inquisition that he can doe nothing of himselfe. Therefore when he commeth vpon the licence which I haue granted, he shall well see how litle account I will make of him and Spaine, and how greatly will extoll you for the Queenes maiestie of England. He shall not come to my presence as you haue done, and shall dayly: for I minde to accept of you as my companion and one of my house, whereas he shall attend twentie dayes after he hath done his message. After the end of this speech I deliuered Sir Thomas Greshams letters, when as he tooke me by the hand, and led me downe a long court to a palace where there ranne a faire fountaine of water, and there sitting himselfe in a chaire, he commanded me to sit downe in another, and there called for such simple Musicians as he had. [Sidenote: The king of Barbarie sent into England for Musicians.] Then I presented him with a great base Lute, which he most thankfully accepted, and then he was desirous to heare of the Musicians, and I tolde him that there was great care had to prouide them, and that I did not doubt but vpon my returne they should come with the first ship. He is willing to giue them good intertainment with prouision of victuall, and to let them liue according to their law and conscience wherein he vrgeth none to the contrary. I finde him to be one that liueth greatly in the feare of God, being well exercised in the Scriptures, as well in the olde Testament as also in the New, and he beareth a greater affection to our Nation then to others because of our religion, which forbiddeth worship of Idols, and the Moores called him the Christian king. [Sidenote: A rich gift bestowed upon our Ambassadour.] The same night being the first of Iune, I continued with him till twelue of the clocke, and he seemed to haue so good liking of me, that he tooke from his girdle a short dagger being set with 200 stones, rubies and turkies, and did bestow it vpon me, and so I being conducted returned to my lodging for that time. The next day because he knew it to be Sunday and our Sabbath day he did let me rest. But on the Munday in the afternoone he sent for me, and I had conference with him againe, and musicke. Likewise on the Tuesday by three of the clocke he sent for me into his garden, finding him layd vpon a silke bed complayning of a sore leg: yet after long conference he walked into another Orchard, where as hauing a faire banketting-house and a great water, and a new gallie in it, he went aboord the gallie and tooke me with him, and passed the space of two or three houres, shewing the great experience he had in Gallies, wherein (as he said) he had excercised himselfe eighteene yeeres in his youth. After supper he shewed me his horses and other commodities that he had about his house, and since that night I haue not seene him, for that he hath kept in with his sore legge, but he hath sent to me daily. The 13 of Iune at sixe of the clocke at night I had againe audience of the king, and I continued with him till midnight, hauing debated as well for the Queenes commission as for the well dealing, with her marchants for their traffike here in these parts, saying, he would do much more for the Queenes maiesty and the Realme offering that all English ships with her subiects may with good securitie enter into his ports and dominions as well in trade of marchandise, as for victuall and water, as also in time of warre with any her enemies to bring in prises and to make sales, as occasion should serue, or else to depart againe with them at their pleasure. Likewise for all English ships that shall passe along his coast of Barbarie, and thorow the straites into the Leuant seas, that he would graunt safe conduct that the said ships and marchants with their goods might passe into the Leuant seas, and so to the Turks dominions, and the king of Argiers, as his owne, and that he would write to the Turke and to the king of Argier his letters for the well vsing of our ships and goods. Also that hereafter no Englishmen that by any meanes be taken captiues, shall be solde within any of his dominions: whereupon I declared that the Queenes maiesty accepting of these his offers was pleased to confirme the intercourse and trade of our marchants within this his countrey, as also to pleasure him with such commodities as he should haue need of, to furnish the necessities and wants of his countrey in trade of marchandise, so as he required nothing contrarie to her honour and law, and the breach of league with the Christian princes her neighbours. [Sidenote: A good prouiso.] The same night I presented the king with the case of combes, and desired his maiestie to haue special regard that the ships might be laden backe againe, for that I found litle store of saltpeter in readinesse in Iohn Bamptons hands. He answered me that I should haue all the assistance therein that he could, but that in Sus he thought to haue some store in his house there, as also that the Mountayners had made much in a readinesse: I requested that he would send downe, which he promised to doe. The eighteene day I was with him againe and so continued there till night, and he shewed me his house with pastime in ducking with water-Spaniels, and baiting buls with his English dogges. At this time I moued him againe for the sending downe to Sus, which he granted to doe, and the 24. day there departed Alcayde Mammie, with Lionell Edgerton, and Rowland Guy to Sus, and caried with them for our accompts and his company the kings letters to his brother Muly Hammet, and Alcayde Shauan, and the Viceroy. The 23. day the king sent me out of Marocco to his garden called Shersbonare, with his gard, and Alcayde Mamoute, and the 24. at night I came to the court to see a Morris dance, and a play of his Elchies. He promised me audience the next day being Tuesday, but he put it off till Thursday: and the Thursday at night I was sent for to the king after supper, and then he sent Alcayde Rodwan, and Alcayde Gowry to conferre with me, but after a little talke I desired to be brought to the King for my dispatch. And being brought to him, I preferred two bils of Iohn Bamptons which he had made for prouision of Salt-peter: also two bils for the quiet traffique of our English marchants, and bils for sugars to be made by the Iewes, as well for the debts past, as hereafter, and for good order in the Ingenios. Also I mooued him againe for the Salt-peter, and other dispatches, which he referred to be agreed vpon by the two Alcaydes. But the Friday being the 20. the Alcaydes could not intend it, and vpon Saturday Alcayde Rodwan fell sicke, so on Sunday we made meanes to the King, and that afternoone I was sent for to conferre vpon the bargaine with the Alcaydes and others, but did not agree. Vpon Tuesday I wrote a letter to the King for my dispatch, and the same afternoone I was called againe to the Court, and referred all things to the King, accepting his offer of Salt-peter. That night againe the King had me into his Gallie, and the Spaniels did hunt the ducke. The Thursday I was appointed to way the 300. kintals grosse of Salt-peter, and that afternoone the Tabybe came vnto mee to my lodging, shewing mee that the king was offended with Iohn Bampton for diuers causes. The Sunday night late being the 7. of Iuly, I got the King to forgiue all to Iohn Bampton, and the King promised me to speake againe with me vpon Munday. Vpon Tuesday I wrote to him againe for my dispatch, and then hee sent Fray Lewes to mee, and said that he had order to write. Vpon Wednesday I wrote againe, and he sent me word that vpon Thursday I should come and be dispatched, so that I should depart vpon Friday without faile, being the twelfth of Iuly. [Sidenote: The Emperor of Maroco his priuileges to the English.] So the Friday after according to the kings order and appointment I went to the court, and whereas motion and petition was made for the confirmation of the demaunds which I had preferred, they were all granted, and likewise the priuileges which were on the behalfe of our English marchants requested, were with great fauour and readinesse yeelded vnto. And whereas the Iews there resident were to our men in certaine round summes indebted, the Emperors pleasure and commandement was, that they should without further excuse or delay, pay and discharge the same. And thus at length I was dismissed with great honour and speciall countenance, such as hath not ordinarily bene shewed to other Ambassadors of the Christians. And touching the priuate affaires intreated vpon betwixt her Maiestie and the Emperour, I had letters from him to satisfie her highnesse therein. So to conclude, hauing receiued the like honourable conduct from his Court, as I had for my part at my first landing, I embarked my selfe with my foresaid company, and arriuing not long after in England, I repaired to her Maiesties court, and ended my Ambassage to her highnesse good liking, with relation of my seruice performed. * * * * * The voyage of Thomas Stukeley, wrongfully called Marques of Ireland, into Barbary 1578. Written by Iohannes Thomas Freigius in Historia de cæde Sebastiani Regis Lusitaniæ. Venerant autem ad regem etiam sexcenti Itali, quos Papa subministrarat, Comiti Irlandiæ: qui cum Vlissiponem tribus instructis nauibus appulisset Regi operam suam condixit, eumque in bellum sequi promisit. Cap. 7. Totum exercitum diuisit in quatuor acies quadratas: In dextro latere primum agmen erat Velitum et militum Tingitanorum, eosque ducebat Aluarus Peresius de Tauara: sinistram aciem seu mediam tenebant Germani et Ital, quibus imperabat Marchio Irlandiæ, etc. Cap 11. Inter nobiles qui in hoc prælio ceciderunt, fuerunt, præter regem Sebastianum, dux de Auero, Episcopi Conimbricensis et Portuensis, Commissarius generalis à Papa missus Marchio Irlandiæ, Christophorus de Tauora, et plures alij. Cap. 13. The same in English. There came also to Don Sebastian the King of Portugal 600. Italians, whom the Pope sent vnder the conduct of the Marques of Irland: [Marginal note: Thomas Stukeley was wrongfully indued with this title.] who being arriued at Lisbone with three tall ships, proffered his seruice to the king, and promised to attend vpon him in the warres, &c. He diuided the whole Armie into 4 squadrons: vpon the right wing stood the first squadron, consisting of men lightly armed or skirmishers and of the souldiers of Tangier, Generall of whom was Don Aluaro Perez de Tauara: the left or midle squadron consisted of Germanes and Italians, vnder the command of the Marques of Irland, &c. cap. 7. Of Noblemen were slaine in this battel (besides Don Sebastian the king) the duke de Auero, the two bishops of Coimbra and of Porto, the Marques of Irland sent by the Pope as his Commissary generall, Christopher de Tauara, and many others, cap. 13. It is further also to be remembred, that diuers other English gentlemen were in this battell, whereof the most part were slaine; and among others M. Christopher Lyster was taken captiue, and was there long detained in miserable seruitude. Which gentleman although at length he happily escaped the cruel hands of the Moores; yet returning home into England, and for his manifold good parts being in the yeere 1586. employed by the honourable the Earle of Cumberland, in a voyage intended by the Streights of Magellan for the South sea, as Viceadmirall, (wherein he shewed singular resolution and courage) and appointed afterward in diuers places of speciall command and credite, was last of all miserably drowned in a great and rich Spanish prize vpon the coast of Cornwall. * * * * * Certaine reports of the prouince of China learned through the Portugals there imprisoned, and chiefly by the relation of Galeotto Perera, a gentleman of good credit, that lay prisoner in that Countrey many yeeres. Done out of Italian into English by Richard Willes. This land of China is parted into 13. Shires, the which sometimes were ech one a kingdome by it selfe, but these many yeeres they haue bene all subiect vnto one King. Fuquien is made by the Portugals the first Shire, because there their troubles began, and they had occasion thereby to know the rest. In the shire be 8 cities, but one principally more famous then others called Fuquieo, the other seuen are reasonably great, the best knowen whereof vnto the Portugals is Cinceo, in respect of a certaine hauen ioyning thereunto, whither in time past they were wont for marchandise. Cantan is the second shire, not so great in quantitie, as well accompted of, both by the king thereof, and also by the Portugals, for that it lieth neerer vnto Malacca then any other part of China, and was first discried by the Portugals before any other shire in that prouince: this shire hath in it seuen Cities. Chequeam is the third shire, the chiefest Citie therein is Donchion, therein also standeth Liampo, with other 13. or 14. boroughes: countrey townes therein are too too many to be spoken of. The fourth shire is called Xutiamfu, the principall Citie thereof is great Pachin, where the King is alwayes resident. In it are fifteene other very great Cities: of other townes therein, and boroughes well walled and trenched about, I will say nothing. The fift shire hath name Chelim: the great Citie Nanquin chiefe of other fifteene cities was herein of ancient time the royall seat of the Chinish kings. From this shire, and from the aforesaid Chequeam forward bare rule the other kings, vntil the whole region became one kingdome. [Sidenote: Quianci, or, Quinzi.] The 6. shire beareth the name Quianci, as also the principal City thereof, wherein the fine clay to make vessels is wrought. The Portugals being ignorant of this Countrey, and finding great abundance of that fine clay to be solde at Liampo, and that very good cheape, thought at the first that it had bene made there, howbeit in fine they perceiued that the standing of Quinzi more neere vnto Liampo then to Cinceo or Cantan was the cause of so much fine clay at Liampo: within the compasse of Quinci shire be other 12. cities. The 7. shire is Quicin, the 8. Quansi, the 9. Confu, the 10. Vrnan, the 11. Sichiua. In the first hereof there be 16. Cities, in the next 15: how many Townes the other 3. haue, wee are ignorant as yet, as also of the proper names of the 12. and 13. shires, and the townes therein. This finally may be generally said hereof, that the greater shires in China prouince may bee compared with mightie kingdomes. In eche one of these shires bee set Ponchiassini and Anchiassini, before whom are handled the matters of other Cities. There is also placed in ech one a Tutan, as you would say, a gouernour, and a Chian, that is a visiter, as it were: whose office is to goe in circuit, and to see iustice exactly done. By these meanes so vprightly things are ordered there, that it may be worthily accompted one of the best gouerned prouinces in all the world. The king maketh alwayes his abode in the great city Pachin, as much to say in our language, as by the name thereof I am aduertised, the towne of the kingdome. This kingdome is so large, that vnder fiue moneths you are not able to trauaile from the Townes by the Sea side to the Court, and backe againe, no not vnder three moneths in poste at your vrgent businesse. The post-horses in this Countrey are litle of body, but swift of foote. Many doe traueile the greater part of this iourney by water in certaine light barkes, for the multitude of Riuers commodious for passage from one Citie to another. The king, notwithstanding the hugenesse of his kingdome, hath such a care thereof, that euery Moone (for by the Moones they reckon their monethes) hee is aduertised fully of whatsoeuer thing happeneth therein, by these meanes following. The whole prouince being diuided into shires, and each shire hauing in it one chiefe and principall Citie, whereunto the matters of all the other Cities, Townes and boroughes, are brought, there are drawen in euery chiefe Citie aforesaid intelligences of such things as doe monethly fall out, and be sent in writing to the Court. If happely in one moneth euery Post be not able to goe so long a way, yet doeth there notwithstanding once euery moneth arriue one Poste out of the shire. Who so commeth before the new moone stayeth for the deliuery of his letters vntil the moone be changed. Then likewise are dispatched other Posts backe into all the 13. shires againe. Before that we doe come to Cinceo wee haue to passe through many places, and some of great importance. For this Countrey is so well inhabited neere the Sea side, that you cannot goe one mile but you shall see some Towne, borough or hostry, the which are so aboundantly prouided of all things, that in the Cities and townes they liue ciuily. Neuertheles such as dwel abrode are very poore, for the multitude of them euery where is so great, that out of a tree you shall see many times swarme a number of children, where a man would not haue thought to haue found any one at all. From these places in number infinite, you shall come vnto wo Cities very populous, and, being compared with Cinceo, not possibly to be discerned which is the greater of them. These Cities are as well walled as any Cities in all the world. As you come into either of them, there standeth so great and mighty a bridge, that the like thereof I haue neuer seene in Portugal nor else where. I heard one of my fellowes say, that hee tolde in one bridge 40. arches. The occasion wherefore these bridges are made so great is, for that the Countrey is toward the sea very plaine and low, and ouerflowed euer as the sea water encreaseth. The breadth of the bridges, although it bee well proportioned vnto the length thereof, yet are they equally built no higher in the middle then at either ende, in such wise that you may see directly from the one ende to the other: the sides are wonderfully well engraued after the maner of Rome-workes. But that we did most marueile at was therewithall the hugenesse of the stones, the like whereof, as we came into the Citie, we did see many set vp in places dis-habited by the way, to no small charges of theirs, howbeit to little purpose, whereas no body seeth them but such as doe come by. The arches are not made after our fashion, vauted with sundry stones set together: but paued, as it were, whole stones reaching from one piller to an other, in such wise that they lye both for the arches heads, and galantly serue also for the highway. I haue bene astonied to beholde the hugenesse of the aforesaid stones: some of them are xii. pases long and vpward, the least ii. good pases long, and an halfe. The wayes echwhere are galantly paued with fouresquare stone, except it be where for want of stone they vse to lay bricke: in this voyage wee trauailed ouer certaine hilles, where the wayes were pitched, and in many places no worse paued then in the plaine ground. This causes vs to thinke, that in all the world there bee no better workemen for buildings, then the inhabitants of China. The Countrey is so well inhabited, that no one foote of ground is left vntilled: small store of cattell haue we seene this day, we sawe onely certaine oxen wherewithall the countrey, men do plow their ground. One oxe draweth the plough alone not onely in this shire, but in other places also, wherein is greater store of cattell. These countreymen by arte do that in tillage, which we are constrained to doe by force. Here be solde the voydings of close stooles, although there wanteth not the dung of beastes: and the excrements of man are good marchandise throughout all China. The dungfermers seek in euery streete by exchange to buy this dirtie ware for herbs and wood. The custome is very good for keeping the Citie cleane. There is great aboundance of hennes, geese, duckes, swine, and goates, wethers haue they none: the hennes are solde by weight, and so are all other things. Two pound of hennes flesh, geese, or ducke, is worth two foi of their money, that is, d. ob. sterling. Swines flesh is sold at a penie the pound. Beefe beareth the same price, for the scarcitie thereof, howbeit Northward from Fuquieo and farther off from the seacoast, there is beefe more plentie and solde better cheape; We haue had in all the Cities we passed through, great abundance of all these victuals, beefe onely excepted. And if this Countrey were like vnto India, the inhabitants whereof eate neither henne, beefe, nor porke, but keepe that onely for the Portugals and Moores, they would be sold here for nothing. But it so falling out, that the Chineans are the greatest eaters in all the world, they do feed vpon all things, specially on porke, which, the fatter it is, is vnto them the lesse lothsome. The highest price of these things aforesaid I haue set downe, better cheap shal you sometimes buy them for the great plentie thereof in this countrey. Frogs are solde at the same price that is made of hennes, and are good meate amongst them, as also dogs, cats, rats, snakes, and all other vncleane meates. The Cities be very gallant, specially neere vnto the gates, the which are marueilously great, and couered with iron. The gate houses are built on high with towers, and the lower part thereof is made of bricke and stone, proportionally with the walls, from the walles vpward the building is of timber, and many stories in it one aboue the other. The strength of their townes is in the mightie walles and ditches, artillerie haue they none. The streetes in Cinceo, and in all the rest of the Cities we haue seene are very faire, so large and so straight, that it is wonderfull to behold. Their houses are built with timber, the foundations onely excepted, the which are layed with stone: in ech side of the streetes are pentises or continuall porches for the marchants to walke vnder: the breadth of the streets is neuertheless such, that in them 15. men may ride commodiously side by side. As they ride they must needs passe vnder many high arches of triumph that crosse ouer the streetes made of timber, and carued diuersly, couered with tiles of fine clay: vnder these arches the Mercers do vtter their smaller wares, and such as list to stand there are defended from raine and the heate of the Sunne. The greater gentlemen haue these arches at their doores: although some of them be not so mightily built as the rest. I shall haue occasion to speake of a certaine order of gentlemen that are called Louteas. I wil first therefore expound what this word signifieth. Loutea is as much to say in our language as Sir, and when any of them calleth his name, he answereth Sir: and as we do say, that the king hath made some gentlemen, so say they, that there is made a Loutea. And for that amongst them the degrees are diuers both in name and office, I will tell you onely of some principals, being not able to aduertise you of all. The maner how gentlemen are created Louteas, and do come to that honour and title, is by the giuing of a broad girdle, not like to the rest, and a cap, at the commaundement of the king. The name Loutea is more generall and common vnto mo, then the qualitie of honour thereby signified agreeth withall. Such Louteas as doe serue their prince in weightie matters for iustice, are created after trial made of their learning: but the other which serue in smaller affaires, as Captaines, constables, sergeants by land and sea, receiuers and such like, whereof there be in euery citie, as also in this, very many, are made for fauour: the chiefe Louteas are serued kneeling. The whole prouince of China is diuided, as I haue said, into 13. shires, in euery shire at the least is one gouernour called there Tutan, in some shires there be two. [Sidenote: Chian, or, Chaen.] Chiefe in office next vnto them be certaine other named Chians, that is, high Commissioners as you would say, visiters, with full authoritie in such wise, that they doe call vnto an accompt the Tutans themselues, but their authoritie lasteth not in any shire longer then one yere. Neuerthelesse in euery shire being at the least 7. cities, yea, in some of them 15. or 16. beside other boroughes and townes not well to be numbred, these visiters where they come are so honoured and feared, as though they were some great princes. At the yeres end, their circuit done, they come vnto that Citie which is chiefe of others in the shire, to do iustice there: finally busying themselues in the searching out of such as are to receiue the order of Louteas, whereof more shalbe said in another place. Ouer and beside these officers, in the chiefe Citie of ech one of these aforesaid 13. prouinces, is resident one Ponchiassi, Captaine thereof, and treasurer of all the kings reuenues. This Magistrate maketh his abode in one of the foure greatest houses that be in all these head Cities. And although the principall part of his function be to be Captaine, to be treasourer of the reuenues in that prouince, and to send these reuenues at appointed times to the Court: yet hath he notwithstanding by his office also to meddle with matters appertaining vnto iustice. [Sidenote: Anchiassi, or Hexasi.] In the second great house dwelleth an other Magistrate called Anchiassi, a great officer also, for he hath dealings in all matters of iustice. Who although he be somewhat inferior in dignitie vnto the Ponchiassi, yet for his great dealings and generall charge of iustice, whosoeuer seeth the affaires of the one house and the other might iudge this Anchiassi to be the greater. Tuzi, an other officer so called, lieth in the thirde house, a magistrate of importance, specially in things belonging vnto warfare, for thereof hath he charge. There is resident in the 4 house a fourth officer, bearing name Taissu. In this house is the principall prison of all the Citie. Ech one of these Magistrates aforesaide may both lay euill doers in prison, and deliuer them out againe, except the fact be heinous and of importance: in such a case they can do nothing, except they do meet al together. And if the deed deserueth death, all they together cannot determine thereof, without recourse made vnto the Chian wheresoeuer hee be, or to the Tutan; and eft soones it falleth put, that the case is referred vnto higher power. In all Cities, not onely chiefe in ech shire, but in the rest also, are meanes found to make Louteas. Many of them do study at the prince his charges, wherefore at the yeeres ende they resort vnto the head Cities, whither the Chians doe come, as it hath bene earst aside, as well to giue these degrees, as to sit in iudgement ouer the prisoners. The Chians go in circuit euery yeere, but such as are to be chosen to the greatest offices meete not but from three yeeres to three yeeres, and that in certaine large halles appointed for them to be examined in. Many things are asked them, whereunto if they doe answere accordingly, and be found sufficient to take their degree, the Chian by and by granteth it them: but the Cap and girdle, whereby they are knowen to be Louteas, they weare not before that they be confirmed by the king. Their examination done, and triall made of them, such as haue taken their degree wont to be giuen them with all ceremonies, vse to banquet and feast many dayes together (as the Chineans fashion is to ende all their pleasures with eating and drinking) and so remaine chosen to do the king seruice in matters of learning. The other examinates founde insufficient to proceed are sent backe to their studie againe. Whose ignorance is perceiued to come of negligence and default, such a one is whipped, and sometimes sent to prison, where lying that yere when this kinde of acte was, we found many thus punished, and demaunding the cause thereof, they saide it was for that they knew not how to answere vnto certaine things asked them. It is a world to see how these Louteas are serued and feared, in such wise, that in publike assemblies at one shrike they giue, all the seruitors belonging vnto iustice tremble thereat. At their being in these places, when they list to mooue, be it but euen to the gate, these seruitors doe take them vp, and carry them in seates of beaten gold. After this sort are they borne when they goe in the City, either for their owne businesse abroade, or to see ech other at home. For the dignitie they haue, and office they doe beare, they be all accompanied: the very meanest of them all that goeth in these seates is vshered by two men at the least, that cry vnto the people to giue place, howbeit they neede it not, for that reuerence the common people haue vnto them. They haue also in their company certaine Sergeants with their maces either siluered or altogether siluer, some two, some foure, other sixe, other eight, conueniently for ech one his degree. The more principal and chiefe Louteas haue going orderly before these Sergeants, many other with staues, and a great many catchpoules with rods of Indish canes dragged on the ground, so that the streets being paued, you may heare affarre off as well the noyse of the rods, as the voyce of the criers. These fellowes serue also to apprehend others, and the better to be knowen they weare liuery red girdles, and in their caps peacocks feathers. Behinde these Louteas come such as doe beare certaine tables hanged at staues endes, wherein is written in siluer letters, the name, degree, and office of that Loutea, whom they follow. In like maner they haue borne after them hattes agreeable vnto their titles: if the Loutea be meane, then hath he brought after him but one hat, and that may not be yealowe: but if he be of the better sort, then may he haue two, three, or foure: the principall and chiefe Louteas may haue all their hats yealow, the which among them is accompted great honour. The Loutea for warres, although he be but meane, may notwithstanding haue yealow hats. The Tutans and Chians, when they goe abroad, haue besides all this before them ledde three or foure horses with their guard in armour. Furthermore the Louteas, yea and all the people of China, are wont to eate their meate sitting on stooles at high tables as we doe, and that very cleanely, although they vse neither tableclothes nor napkins. Whatsoeuer is set downe vpon the boord is first carued before that it be brought in: they feede with two sticks, refraining from touching their meate with their hands, euen as we do with forkes: for the which respect they lesse do need any table clothes. Ne is the nation only ciuill at meate, but also in conuersation, and in courtesie they seeme to exceede all other. Likewise in their dealings after their maner they are so ready, that they farre passe all other Gentiles and Moores: the greater states are so vaine, that they line their clothes with the best silke that may be found. The Louteas are an idle generation, without all maner of exercises and pastimes, except it be eating and drinking. Sometimes they walke abroad in the fields to make the souldiers shoot at pricks with their bowes, but their eating passeth: they will stand eating euen when the other do draw to shoot. The pricke is a great blanket spread on certaine long poles, he that striketh it, hath of the best man there standing a piece of crimson Taffata, the which is knit about his head: in this sort the winners be honoured, and the Louteas with their bellies full returne home againe. The inhabitants of China be very great Idolaters, all generally doe worship the heauens: and, as wee are wont to say, God knoweth it: so say they at euery word, Tien Tautee, that is to say, The heauens doe know it. Some doe worship the Sonne, and some the Moone, as they thinke good, for none are bound more to one then to another. [Sidenote: After the Dutch fashion.] In their temples, the which they do call Meani, they haue a great altar in the same place as we haue, true it is that one may goe round about it There set they vp the image of a certaine Loutea of that countrey, whom they haue in great reuerence for certaine notable things he did. At the right hand standeth the diuel much more vgly painted then we doe vse to set him out, whereunto great homage is done by such as come into the temple to aske counsell, or to draw lottes: this opinion they haue of him, that he is malicious and able to do euil. If you aske them what they do thinke of the souls departed, they will answere that they be immortall, and that as soone as any one departeth out of this life, he becommeth a diuel if he haue liued well in this world, if otherwise, that the same diuel changeth him into a bufle, oxe, or dogge. [Marginal note: Pythagorean like.] Wherefore to this diuel they doe much honour, to him doe they sacrifice, praying him that he will make them like vnto himselfe, and not like other beastes. They haue moreouer another sort of temples, wherein both vpon the altars and also on the walls do stand many idols well proportioned, but bare headed; these beare name Omithofon, accompted of them spirits, but such as in heauen doe neither good nor euill, thought to be such men and women as haue chastly liued in this world in abstinence from fish and flesh, fed onely with rise and salates. Of that diuel they make some accompt: for these spirits they care litle or nothing at all. Againe they hold opinion that if a man do well in this life, the heauens will giue him many temporall blessings, but if he doe euil, then shall he haue infirmities, diseases, troubles, and penurie, and all this without any knowledge of God. Finally, this people knoweth no other thing then to liue and die, yet because they be reasonable creatures, all seemed good vnto them we speake in our language, though it were not very sufficient; our maner of praying especially pleased them, and truely they are well ynough disposed to receiue the knowledge of the trueth. Our Lord grant for his mercy all things so to be disposed, that it may sometime be brought to passe, that so great a nation as this is perish not for want of helpe. Our maner of praying so well liked them, that in prison importunately they besought vs to write for them somewhat as concerning heauen, the which we did to their contentation with such reasons as we knew, howbeit not very cunningly. As they do their idolatry they laugh at themselues. If at any time this countrey might be ioyned in league with the kingdome of Portugale, in such wise that free accesse were had to deale with the people there, they might all be soone conuerted. The greatest fault we doe finde in them is Sodomie, a vice very common in the meaner sort, and nothing strange among the best. This sinne were it left of them, in all other things so well disposed they be, that a good interpreter in a short space might do there great good: If, as I said, the countrey were ioyned in league with vs. Furthermore the Louteas, with all the people of China, are wont to solemnise the dayes of the new and full Moones in visiting one an other, and making great banquets: for to that end, as I earst said, do tend all their pastimes, and spending their dayes in pleasure. They are wont also to solemnise ech one his birth day, whereunto their kindred and friends do resort of custome with presents of iewels or money, receiuing againe for their reward good cheare. They keepe in like maner a generall feast with great banquets that day their king was borne. But their most principall and greatest feast of all, and best cheare, is the first day of new yeere, namely the first day of the new Moone of February, so that their first moneth is March, and they reckon the times accordingly, respect being had vnto the reigne of their princes: as when any deed is written, they date it thus, Made such a day of such a moone, and such a yeere of the reigne of such a king. And their ancient writings beare date of the yeeres of this or that king. Now will I speake of the maner which the Chineans doe obserue in doing of iustice, that it be knowen how farre these Gentiles do herein exceed many Christians, that be more bounden then they to deale iustly and in trueth. Because the Chinish king maketh his abode continually in the city of Pachin, his kingdome is so great, and the shires so many, as tofore it hath bene said: in it therefore the gouernours and rulers, much like vnto our Shireffs, be appointed so suddenly and speedily discharged againe, that they haue no time to grow naught. Furthermore to keepe the state in more securitie, the Louteas that gouerne one shire are chosen out of some other shire distant farre off, where they must leaue their wiues, children and goods, carying nothing with them but themselues. True it is, that at their comming thither they doe finde in a readinesse all things necessary, their house, furniture, seruants, and all other things in such perfection and plentie, that they want nothing. Thus the king is well serued without all feare of treason. In the principall Cities of the shires be foure chiefe Louteas, before whom are brought all matters of the inferiour Townes, throughout the whole Realme. Diuers other Louteas haue the managing of iustice, and receiuing of rents, bound to yeelde an accompt thereof vnto the greater officers. Other do see that there be no euil rule kept in the Citie: ech one as it behoueth him. [Sidenote: The Italians call it the strapado.] Generally all these doe imprison malefactors, cause them to be whipped and racked, hoysing them vp and downe by the armes with a cord, a thing very vsuall there, and accompted no shame. These Louteas do vse great diligence in the apprehending of theeues, so that it is a wonder to see a theefe escape away in any City, towne or village. Vpon the sea neere vnto the shoare many are taken, and looke euen as they are taken, so be they first whipped, and afterward layde in prison, where shortly after they all die for hunger and cold. At that time when we were in prison, there died of them aboue threescore and ten. If happely any one, hauing the meanes to get food, do escape, he is set with the condemned persons, and prouided for as they be by the King, in such wise as hereafter it shalbe said. Their whips be certaine pieces of canes, cleft in the middle, in such sort that they seeme rather plaine then sharpe. He that is to be whipped lieth groueling on the ground: vpon his thighes the hangman layeth on blowes mightily with these canes, that the standers by tremble at their crueltie. Ten stripes draw a great deale of blood, 20. or 30. spoile the flesh altogether, 50. or 60. will require long time to bee healed, and if they come to the number of one hundred, then are they incurable. The Louteas obserue moreouer this: when any man is brought before them to be examined, they aske him openly in the hearing of as many as be present, be the offence neuer so great. Thus did they also behaue themselues with vs: For this cause amongst them can here be no false witnesse, as daily amongst vs it falleth out. This good commeth thereof, that many being alwayes about the Iudge to heare the euidence, and beare witnesse, the processe cannot be falsified, as it happeneth sometimes with vs. The Moores, Gentiles, and Iewes haue all their sundry othes, the Moores do sweare by their Mossafos, the Brachmans by their Fili, the rest likewise by the things they do worship. The Chineans though they be wont to sweare by heauen, by the Moone, by the Sunne, and by all their Idoles, in iudgement neuertheless they sweare not at all. If for some offence an othe be vsed of any one, by and by with the least euidence he is tormented, so be the witnesses he bringeth, if they tell not the trueth, or do in any point disagree, except they be men of worship and credit, who are beleeued without any further matter: the rest are made to confesse the trueth by force of torments and whips. Besides this order obserued of them in examinations, they do feare so much their King, and he where he maketh his abode keepeth them so lowe, that they dare not once stirre. Againe, these Louteas as great as they be, notwithstanding the multitude of Notaries they haue, not trusting any others, do write all great processes and matters of importance themselues. Moreouer one vertue they haue worthy of great praise, and that is, being men so wel regarded and accompted as though they were princes, yet they be patient aboue measure in giuing audience. We poore strangers brought before them might say what we would, as all to be lyes and fallaces that they did write, ne did we stand before them with the usuall ceremonies of that Countrey, yet did they beare with vs so patiently, that they caused vs to wonder, knowing specially how litle any aduocate or Iudge is wont in our Countrey to beare with vs. For wheresoeuer in any Towne of Christendome should be accused vnknowen men as we were, I know not what end the very innocents cause would haue: but we in a heathen Countrey, hauing our great enemies two of the chiefest men in a whole Towne, wanting an interpreter, ignorant of that Countrey language, did in the end see our great aduersaries cast into prison for our sake, and depriued of their Offices and honour for not doing iustice, yea not to escape death: for, as the rumour goeth, they shalbe beheaded. Somewhat is now to be said of the lawes that I haue bene able to know in this Countrey, and first, no theft or murther is at any time pardoned: adulterers are put in prison, and the fact once prooued, are condemned to die, the womans husband must accuse them: this order is kept with men and women found in that fault, but theeues and murderers are imprisoned as I haue said, where they shortly die for hunger and cold. If any one happely escape by bribing the Gailer to giue him meate, his processe goeth further, and commeth to the Court where he is condemned to die. [Sidenote: A pillory boord.] Sentence being giuen, the prisoner is brought in publique with a terrible band of men that lay him in Irons hand and foot, with a boord at his necke one handfull broad, in length reaching downe to his knees, cleft in two parts, and with a hole one handfull downeward in the table fit for his necke, the which they inclose vp therein, nailing the boord fast together; one handfull of the boord standeth vp behinde in the necke: The sentence and cause wherefore the fellon was condemned to die, is written in that part of the table that standeth before. This ceremony ended, he is laid in a great prison in the company of some other condemned persons, the which are found by the king as long as they do liue. The bord aforesaid so made tormenteth the prisoners very much, keeping them both from rest, and eke letting them to eat commodiously, their hands being manacled in irons vnder that boord, so that in fine there is no remedy but death. In the chiefe Cities of euery shire, as we haue erst said, there be foure principall houses, in ech of them a prison: but in one of them, where the Taissu maketh his abode, there is a greater and a more principall prison then in any of the rest: and although in euery City there be many, neuerthelesse in three of them remaine onely such as be condemned to die. Their death is much prolonged, for that ordinarily there is no execution done but once a yeere, though many die for hunger and cold, as we haue seene in this prison. Execution is done in this maner. The Chian, to wit, the high Commissioner or Lord chiefe Iustice, at the yeres end goeth to the head City, where he heareth againe the causes of such as be condemned. Many times he deliuereth some of them, declaring that boord to haue bene wrongfully put about their necks: the visitation ended, he choseth out seuen or eight, not many more or lesse of the greatest malefactors, the which, to feare and keepe in awe the people, are brought into a great market place, where all the great Louteas meete together, and after many ceremonies and superstitions, as the vse of the Countrey is, are beheaded. This is done once a yeere: who so escapeth that day, may be sure that he shall not be put to death all that yeere following, and so remaineth at the kings charges in the greater prison. In that prison where we lay were alwayes one hundred and mo of these condemned persons, besides them that lay in other prisons. These prisons wherein the condemned caytifes do remaine are so strong, that it hath not bene heard, that any prisoner in all China hath escaped out of prison, for in deed it is a thing impossible. The prisons are thus builded. First all the place is mightily walled about, the walles be very strong and high, the gate of no lesse force: within it three other gates, before you come where the prisoners do lye, there many great lodgings are to be seene of the Louteas, Notaries, Parthions, that is, such as do there keepe watch and ward day and night, the court large and paued, on the one side whereof standeth a prison, with two mighty gates, wherein are kept such prisoners as haue committed enormious offences. This prison is so great, that in it are streets and Market places wherein all things necessary are sold. Yea some prisoners liue by that kind of trade, buying and selling, and letting out beds to hire: some are dayly sent to prison, some dayly deliuered, wherefore this place is neuer void of 7. or eight hundred men that go at libertie. Into one other prison of condemned persons shall you go at three yron gates, the court paued and vauted round about, and open aboue as it were a cloister. In this cloister be eight roomes with yron doores, and in ech of them a large gallerie, wherein euery night the prisoners do lie at length, their feet in the stocks, their bodies hampered in huge wooden grates that keep them from sitting, so that they lye as it were in a cage, sleepe if they can: in the morning they are losed againe, that they may go into the court. Notwithstanding the strength of this prison, it is kept with a garrison of men, part whereof watch within the house, part of them in the court, some keepe about the prison with lanterns and watch-bels answering one another fiue times euery night, and giuing warning so lowd, that the Loutea resting in a a chamber not neere thereunto, may heare them. In these prisons of condemned persons remaine some 15, other 20. yeres imprisoned, not executed, for the loue of their honorable friends that seeke to prolong their liues. Many of these prisoners be shoomakers, and haue from the king a certaine allowance of rise: some of them worke for the keeper, who suffreth them to go at libertie without fetters and boords, the better to worke. Howbeit when the Loutea called his checke roll, and with the keeper vieweth them, they all weare their liuerses, that is, boords at their necks, yronned hand and foot. When any of these prisoners dieth, he is to be seene of the Loutea and Notaries, brought out of a gate so narrow, that there can but one be drawen out there at once. The prisoners being brought forth, one of the aforesaid Parthions striketh him thrise on the head with an yron sledge, that done he is deliuered vnto his friends, if he haue any, otherwise the king hireth men to cary him to his buriall in the fields. Thus adulterers and theeues are vsed. Such as be imprisoned for debt once knowen, lie there vntill it be paied. [Sidenote: Of like the first lenders be the more wealthie.] The Taissu or Loutea calleth them many times before him by the vertue of his office, who vnderstanding the cause wherefore they do not pay their debts, appointeth them a certaine time to do it, within the compasse whereof if they discharge not their debts being debtors in deed, then they be whipped and condemned to perpetuall imprisonment: if the creditors be many, and one is to be paied before another, they do, contrary to our maner, pay him first of whom they last borrowed, and so ordinarily the rest, in such sort that the first lender be the last receiuer. The same order is kept in paying legacies: the last named receiueth his portion first. They accompt it nothing to shew fauour to such a one as can do the like againe: but to do good to them that haue litle or nothing, that is worth thanks, therefore pay they the last before the first, for that their intent seemeth rather to be vertuous then gainefull. When I said, that such as be committed to prison for theft and murther were iudged by the Court, I ment not them that were apprehended in the deed doing, for they need no triall, but are brought immediatly before the Tutan, who out of hand giueth sentence. Others not taken so openly, which do need trial, are the malefactors put to execution once a yere in the chiefe cities, to keepe in awe the people: or condemned, do remaine in prison, looking for their day. Theeues being taken are caried to prison from one place to another in a chest vpon mens shoulders, hired therefore by the king, the chest is 6. handfuls high, the prisoner sitteth therein vpon a bench, the couer of the chest is two boords, amid them both a pillery-like hole, for the prisoners necke, there sitteth he with his head without the chest, and the rest of his body within, not able to mooue or turne his head this way or that way, nor to plucke it in; the necessities of nature he voydeth at a hole in the bottome of a chest, the meate he eateth is put into his mouth by others. There abideth he day and night during his whole iourney: if happily his porters stumble, or the chest do iogge or be set down carelessly, it turneth to his great paines that sitteth therein, al such motions being vnto him hanging as it were. Thus were our companions carried from Cinceo, 7. dayes iourney, neuer taking any rest as afterward they told vs, and their greatest griefe was to stay by the way: as soone as they came, being taken out of the chests, they were not able to stand on their feet, and two of them died shortly after. When we lay in prison at Fuquieo, we came many times abroad, and were brought to the pallaces of noble men, to be seene of them and their wiues, for that they had neuer seene any Portugale before. Many things they asked vs of our Countrey, and our fashions, and did write euery thing, for they be curious in nouelties aboue measure. The gentlemen shew great curtesie vnto strangers, and so did we finde at their hands, and because that many times we were brought abroad into the City, somewhat wil I say of such things as I did see therein, being a gallant City, and chiefe in one of the 13. shires aforesaid. The City Fuquieo is very great, and mightily walled with square stone both within and without, and, as it may seeme by the breadth thereof, filled vp in the middle with earth, layd ouer with brick and couered with tyle, after the maner of porches or galleries, that one might dwel therein. The staires they vse are so easily made, that one may go them vp and downe a horse-backe, as eftsoones they do: the streets are paued, as already it hath bin said: there be a great number of Marchants, euery one hath written in a great table at his doore such things as he hath to sel. In like maner euery artisane painteth out his craft: the market places be large, great abundance of al things there be to be sold. The city standeth vpon water, many streames run through it, the banks pitched, and so broad that they serue for streets to the cities vse. Ouer the streams are sundry bridges both of timber and stone, which being made leuel with the streets, hinder not the passage of the barges too and fro, the chanels are so deepe. Where the streames come in and go out of the city, be certaine arches in the wal, there go in and out their Parai, that is a kind of barges they haue, and that in the day time only: at night these arches are closed vp with gates, so do they shut vp al the gates of the City. These streames and barges do ennoblish very much the City, and make it as it were to seeme another Venice. The buildings are euen, wel made, high, not lofted, except it be some wherein marchandize is laid. It is a world to see how great these cities are, and the cause is, for that the houses are built euen, as I haue said, and do take a great deale of roome. One thing we saw in this city that made vs al to wonder, and is worthy to be noted: namely, ouer a porch at the comming in to one of the aforesaid 4. houses, which the king hath in euery shire for his gouernors, as I haue erst said, standeth a tower built vpon 40. pillers, ech one whereof is but one stone, ech one 40. handfuls or spans long: in bredth or compasse 12, as many of vs did measure them. Besides this, their greatnesse is such in one piece, that it might seeme impossible to worke them: they be moreouer cornered, and in colour, length and breadth so like, that the one nothing differeth from the other. This thing made vs all to wonder very much. We are wont to cal this country China, and the people Chineans, but as long as we were prisoners, not hearing amongst them at any time that name, I determined to learne how they were called: and asked sometimes by them thereof, for that they vnderstood vs not when we called them Chineans, I answered them, that al the inhabitants of India named them Chineans, wherefore I praied them that they would tel me, for what occasion they are so called, whether peraduenture any city of theirs bare that name. Hereunto they alwayes answered me, that they haue no such name, nor euer had. Then did I aske them what name the whole Country bareth, and what they would answere being asked of other nations what countrymen they were? It was told me that of ancient time in this country had bin many kings, and though presently it were al vnder one, ech kingdom neuertheles enioyed that name it first had, these kingdomes are the prouinces I spake of before. [Sidenote: Tamen the proper name of China.] In conclusion they said, that the whole country is called Tamen, and the inhabitants Tamegines, so that this name China or Chineans, is not heard of in that country. I thinke that the neernesse of another prouince thereabout called Cochinchina, and the inhabitants thereof Cochinesses, first discovered before China was, lying not far from Malacca, did giue occasion to ech of the nations, of that name Chineans, as also the whole country to be named China. But their proper name is that aforesaid. I haue heard moreover that in the City of Nanquim remaineth a table of gold, and in it written a kings name, as a memory of that residence the kings were wont to keepe there. This table standeth in a great pallace, couered alwayes, except it be on some of their festiuall dayes, at what time they are wont to let it be seene, couered neuertheless as it is, all the nobilitie of the City going of duetie to doe it euery day reuerence. The like is done in the head Cities of all the other shires in the pallaces of the Ponchiassini, wherein these aforesaid tables doe stand with the kings name written in them, although no reuerence be done thereunto but in solemn feastes. [Sidenote: Pochan, or Pachin.] I haue likewise vnderstood that the city Pachin, where the king maketh his abode, is so great, that to go from one side to the other, besides the Suburbs, the which are greater then the City it selfe, it requireth one whole day a horseback, going hackney pase. In the suburbs be many wealthy marchants of all sorts. They tolde me furthermore that it was moted about, and in the moates great store of fish, whereof the King maketh great gaines. [Sidenote: Their enemies.] It was also told me that the king of China had no kings to wage battel withall, besides the Tartars, with whom he had concluded a peace more then 80. yeres ago. Neuerthelesse their friendship was not so great, that the one nation might marry with the other. [Sidenote: Marriage of the kings children.] And demanding with whom they married, they said, that in olde time the Chinish kings when they would marry their daughters, accustomed to make a solemne feast, whereunto came all sorts of men. The daughter that was to be married, stood in a place where she might see them all, and looke whom she liked best, him did she chuse to husband, and if happely he were of a base condition, hee became by and by a gentleman: but this custome hath bene left long since. Now a dayes the king marrieth his daughters at his owne pleasure, with great men of the kingdome: the like order he obserueth in the marriage of his sonnes. They haue moreouer one thing very good, and that which made vs all to maruelle at them being Gentiles: namely, that there be hospitals in all their Cities, alwayes full of people, we neuer saw any poore body begge. [Marginal note: He speaketh not here of all China, but of the Cities, for in other places there be beggers, as you haue seene already, swarming out of trees.] We therefore asked the cause of this: answered it was, that in euery City there is a great circuit, wherein be many houses for poore people, for blinde, lame, old folke, not able to trauaile for age, nor hauing any other meanes to liue. These folke haue in the aforesaid houses euer plentie of rice during their liues, but nothing else. Such as be receiued into these houses, come in after this maner. When one is sicke, blinde or lame, he maketh a supplication to the Ponchiassi, and prouing that to be true he writeth, he remaineth in the aforesaid great lodging as long as he liueth: besides this they keepe in these places swine and hennes, whereby the poore be relieued without going a begging. I said before that China was full of riuers, but now I minde to confirme the same anew: for the farther we went into the Countrey, the greater we found the riuers. Sometimes we were so farre off from the sea, that where we came no sea fish had bene seene, and salt was there very deare, of fresh water fish yet was there great abundance, and that fish very good: they keep it good after this maner. Where the riuers do meete, and so passe into the sea, there lieth great store of boats, specially where no salt-water commeth, and that in March and April. These boates are so many that it seemeth wonderfull, ne serue they for other then to take small fish. By the riuers sides they make leyres of fine and strong nettes, that lye three handfulls vnder water, and one aboue to keepe and nourish their fish in, vntill such time as other fishers do come with boates, bringing for that purpose certaine great chests lined with paper, able to holde water, wherein they cary their fish vp and downe the riuer, euery day renuing the chest with fresh water, and selling their fish in euery City, towne and village where they passe, vnto the people as they neede it: most of them haue net leyres to keepe fish in alwayes for their prouision. Where the greater boates cannot passe any further forward, they take lesser, and because the whole Countrey is very well watered, there is so great plenty of diuers sorts of fish, that it is wonderfull to see: assuredly we were amazed to behold the maner of their prouision. [Sidenote: Meanes to fat fish.] Their fish is chiefly nourished with the dung of Bufles and oxen, that greatly fatteth it. Although I said their fishing to be in March and April at what time we saw them do it, neuerthelesse they told vs that they fished at all times, for that vsually they do feed on fish, wherefore it behoueth them to make their prouision continually. When we had passed Fuquien, we went into Quicin shire, [Sidenote: He speaketh of Fuquien shire.] where the fine clay vessell is made, as I said before: and we came to a City, the one side whereof is built vpon the the foote of a hill, whereby passeth a riuer nauigable: there we tooke boat, and went by water toward the Sea: on ech side of the riuer we found many Cities, Townes and villages, wherein we saw great store of marchandize, but specially of fine clay: there did we land by the way to buy victuals and other necessaries. Going downe this riuer Southward, we were glad that wee drew neere vnto a warmer Countrey, from whence we had bene farre distant: this Countrey we passed through in eight dayes, for our iourney lay downe the streame. Before that I doe say any thing of that shire we came into, I will first speake of the great City of Quicin, wherein alwayes remaineth a Tutan, that is a gouernour, as you haue seene, though some Tutans do gouerne two or three shires. That Tutan that was condemned for our cause, of whom I spake before, was borne in this Countrey, but he gouerned Foquien shire: nothing it auailed him to be so great an officer. This Countrey is so great, that in many places where we went, there had bene as yet no talke of his death, although he were executed a Whole yere before. [Sidenote: Aliàs Cenchi.] At the Citie Quanchi whither we came, the riuer was so great it seemed a Sea, though it were so litle where we tooke water, that we needed small boats. One day about nine of the clocke, beginning to row neere the walls with the streame, we came at noone to a bridge made of many barges, ouerlinked al together with two mightie cheines. There stayed we vntill it was late, but we saw not one go either vp thereon or downe, except two Louteas that about the going downe of the Sunne, came and set them down there, the one on one side, the other on the other side. Then was the bridge opened in many places, and barges both great and small to the number of sixe hundred began to passe: those that went vp the streame at one place, such as came downe at an other. When all had thus shot the bridge, then was it shut vp againe. [Sidenote: The kings reuenues.] We heare say that euery day they take this order in all principall places of marchandize, for paying of the Custome vnto the king, specially for salt, whereof the greatest reuenues are made that the king hath in this Countrey. The passage of the bridge where it is opened, be so neere the shoare, that nothing can passe without touching the same. To stay the barges at their pleasure, that they goe no further forward, are vsed certaine iron instruments The bridge consisteth of 112. barges, there stayed we vntill the euening that they were opened, lothsomely oppressed by the multitude of people that came to see vs, so many in number, that we were enforced to go aside from the banke vntil such time as the bridge was opened: howbeit we were neuerthelesse thronged about with many boates full of people. And though in other Cities and places where we went, the people came so importunate vpon vs, that it was needfull to withdraw our selues: yet were we here much more molested for the number of people: and this bridge is the principall way out of the Citie vnto another place so wel inhabited, that were it walled about, it might be compared to the Citie. When we had shot the bridge, we kept along the Citie vntil it was night, and then met we with another riuer that ioyned with this, we rowed vp that by the walls vntill we came to another bridge gallantly made of barges, but lesser a great deale then that other bridge ouer the greater streame: here stayed we that night, and other two dayes with more quiet, being out of the preasse of the people. These riuers do meet without at one corner point of the City. In either of them were so many barges great and small, that we all thought them at the least to be aboue three thousand: the greater number thereof was in the lesser riuer, where we were. Amongst the rest here lay certaine greater vessels, called in their language Parai, that serue for the Tutan, when he taketh his voyage by other riuers that ioyne with this, towards Pachin, where the king maketh his abode. For, as many times I haue erst said, all this Countrey is full of riuers. Desirous to see those Parai we got into some of them, where we found some chambers set foorth with gilded beds very richly, other furnished with tables and seats, and all other things so neat and in perfection, that it was wonderfull. Quiacim shire, as farre as I can perceiue, lieth vpon the South. On that side we kept at our first entry thereinto, trauayling not farre from the high mountaines we saw there. Asking what people dwelleth beyond those monntaines, it was told me that they be theeues and men of a strange language. And because that vnto sundry places neere this riuer the mountaines doe approch, whence the people issuing downe do many times great harme, this order is taken at the entry into Quiacim shire. To guard this riuer whereon continually go to and fro Parai great and small fraught with salt, fish poudred with peper, and other necessaries for that countrey, they do lay in diuers places certaine Parai, and great barges armed, wherin watch and ward is kept day and night on both sides of the riuer, for the safety of the passage, and securitie of such Parai as do remaine there, though the trauailers neuer go but many in company. In euery rode there be at the least thirtie, in some two hundred men, as the passage requireth. This guard is kept vsually vntill you come to the City Onchio, where continually the Tutan of this shire, and eke of Cantan, maketh his abode. From that City vpward, where the riuer waxeth more narrow, and the passage more dangerous, there be alwayes armed one hundred and fiftie Parai, to accompany other vessels fraught with marchandize, and all this at the Kings charges. This seemed to me one of the strangest things I did see in this Countrey. When we lay at Fuquien, we did see certaine Moores, who knew so litle of their secte, that they could say nothing else but that Mahomet was a Moore, my father was a Moore, and I am a Moore, with some other wordes of their Alcoran, wherewithall, in abstinence from swines flesh, they liue vntill the diuel take them all. This when I saw, and being sure that in many Chinish Cities the reliques of Mahomet are kept, as soone as we came to the City where these fellowes be, I enfourmed my selfe of them, and learned the trueth. [Sidenote: Great ships comming from the North.] These Moores, as they tolde me, in times past came in great ships fraught with marchandise from Pachin ward, to a port granted vnto them by the king, as hee is wont to all them that traffique into this Countrey, where they being arriued at a litle Towne standing in the hauens mouth, in time conuerted vnto their sect the greatest Loutea there. When that Loutea with all his family was become Moorish, the rest began likewise to doe the same. In this part of China the people be at libertie, euery one to worship and folow what him liketh best. Wherefore no body tooke heede thereto, vntil such time as the Moores perceiuing that many followed them in superstition, and that the Loutea fauoured them, they began to forbid wholy the eating of swines flesh. But all these countreymen and women chosing rather to forsake father and mother, then to leaue off eating of porke, by no meanes would yeeld to that proclamation. For besides the great desire they all haue to eate that kinde of meate, many of them do liue thereby: and therefore the people complained vnto the Magistrates, accusing the Moores of a conspiracie pretended betwixt them and the Loutea against their king. In this countrey, as no suspition, no not one traiterous word is long borne withall, so was the king speedily aduertised thereof, who gaue commandement out of hand that the aforesaid Loutea should be put to death, and with him the Moores of most importance: the other to be layde first in prison, and afterward to be sent abroad into certaine Cities, where they remained perpetuall slaues vnto the king. To this City came by happe men and women threescore and odde, who at this day are brought to fiue men and foure women, for it is how twenty yeeres since this happened. [Sidenote: That is their temples.] Their offspring passeth the number of two hundreth, and they in this City, as the rest in other Cities whither they were sent, haue their Moscheas, whereunto they all resort euery Friday to keepe their holy day. But, as I thinke, that will no longer endure, then whiles they doe liue that came from thence, for their posteritie is so confused, that they haue nothing of a Moore in them but abstinence from swines flesh, and yet many of them doe eate thereof primly. [Sidenote: It should seeme by their voyage to be Cardandan in Ortelius.] They tell mee that their natiue Countrey hath name Camarian, a firme land wherein be many kings, and the Indish countrey well knowen vnto them. It may so be: for as soone as they did see our seruants (our seruants were Preuzaretes) they iudged them to be Indians: many of their wordes sounded vpon the Persian tongue, but none of vs coulde vnderstand them. I asked them whether they conuerted any of the Chinish nation vnto their secte: they answered mee, that with much a doe they conuerted the women with whom they doe marry, yeelding me no other cause thereof, but the difficultie they finde in them to be brought from eating swines flesh and drinking of wine. I am perswaded therefore, that if this Countrey were in league with vs, forbidding them neither of both, it would be an easie matter to draw them to our Religion, from their superstition, whereat they themselues do laugh when they do then idolatry. [Sidenote: A Northerne Sea.] I haue learned moreouer that the Sea, whereby these Moores that came to China were wont to trauaile, is a very great gulfe, that falleth into this Countrey out from Tartaria and Persia, leauing on the other side all the Countrey of China, and land of the Mogores, drawing alwayes toward the South: and of all likelyhood it is euen so, because that these Moores, the which we haue seene, be rather browne then white, whereby they shewe themselues to cone from some warmer Countrey then China is neere to Pachin, where the riuers are frosen in the Winter for colde, and many of them so vehemently that carts may passe ouer them. We did see in this Citie many Tartars, Mogores, Brames, and Laoynes, both men and women. The Tartars are men very white, good horsemen and archers, confining with China on that side where Pachin standeth, separated from thence by great mountaines that are bewixt these kingdomes. Ouer them be certaine wayes to passe, and for both sides, Castles continually kept with Souldiers: in time past the Tartars were wont alwayes to haue warres with the Chineans, but these fourescore yeeres past they were quiet, vntill the second yeere of our imprisonment. The Mogores be in like maner white, and heathen, we are aduertised that of one side they border vpon these Tartars, and confine with the Persian Tartars on the other side, whereof we sawe in them some tokens, as their maner of clothes, and that kinde of hat the Saracens doe weare. The Moores affirmed, that where the king lyeth, there be many Tartars and Mogores, that brought into China certaine blewes of great value: all we thought it to be Vanil of Cambaia wont to be sold at Ormus. So that this is the true situation of that Countrey, not in the North parts, as many times I haue heard say, confining with Germanie. As for the Brames we haue seene in this city Chenchi certaine men and women, amongst whom there was one that came not long since, hauing as yet her haire tied vp after the Pegues fashion: this woman, and other mo with whom a black Moore damsel in our company had conference, and did vnderstand them wel ynough, had dwelt in Pegu. This new come woman, imagining that we ment to make our abode in that citie, bid vs to be of good comfort, for that her countrey was not distant from thence aboue fiue dayes iourney, and that out of her countrey there lay a high way for vs home into our owne. Being asked the way, she answered that the first three daies the way lieth ouer certaine great mountaines and wildernesse, afterward people are met withall againe. [Sidenote: Southward from Chenchi to the sea.] Thence two dayes iourney more to the Brames countrey. Wherefore I doe conclude, that Chenchi is one of the confines of this kingdome, separated by certaine huge mountaines, as it hath bene alreadie said, that lie out towards the South. In the residue of these mountaines standeth the prouince of Sian, the Laoyns countrey, Camboia, Campaa, and Cochinchina. This citie chiefe of other sixteene is situated in a pleasant plaine abounding in all things necessarie, sea-fish onely excepted, for it standeth farre from the sea: of fresh fish so much store, that the market places are neuer emptie. The walles of this city are very strong and high: one day did I see the Louteas thereof go vpon the walles to take the view thereof, borne in their seates which I spake of before, accompanied with a troupe of horsemen that went two and two: It was tolde me they might haue gone three and three. We haue seene moreouer, that within this aforesayd Citie: the king hath moe then a thousande of his kinne lodged in great pallaces, in diuers partes of the Citie: their gates be redde, and the entrie into their houses, that they may be knowen, for that is the kings colour. These Gentlemen, according to their neerenesse in blood vnto the king, as soone as they be married receiue their place in honour: this place neither increaseth nor diminisheth in any respect as long as the king liueth, the king appointeth them their wiues and familie, allowing them by the moneth all things necessarie abundantly, as he doth to his gouernours of shires and Cities, howbeit, not one of these hath as long as he liueth any charge or gouernement at all. They giue themselues to eating and drinking, and be for the most part burly men of bodie, insomuch that espying any one of them whom we had not seene before, we might knowe him to be the King his cosin. They be neuerthelesse very pleasant, courteous, and faire conditioned: neither did we find, all the time wee were in that citie, so much honour and good intertainement any where as at their hands. They bid vs to their houses to eate and drinke, and when they found vs not, or we were not willing to go with them, they bid our seruants and slaues, causing them to sit downe with the first. Notwithstanding the good lodging these Gentlemen haue, so commodious that they want nothing, yet are they in this bondage, that during life they neuer goe abroad. The cause, as I did vnderstand, wherefore the king so vseth his cosins is, that none of them at any time may rebell against him: and thus he shutteth them vp in three or foure other cities. Most of them can play on the Lute, and to make that kinde of pastime peculiar vnto them onely, all other in the cities where they doe liue be forbidden that instrument, the Curtisans and blinde folke onely accepted, who be musicians and can play. This king furthermore, for the greater securitie of his Realme and the auoiding of tumults, letteth not one in all his countrey to be called Lord, except he be of his blood. Manie great estates and gouernours there be, that during their office are lodged Lord-like, and doe beare the port of mightie Princes: but they be so many times displaced and other placed a new, that they haue not the time to become corrupt. True it is that during their office they be well prouided for, as afterward also lodged at the kings charges, and in pension as long as they liue, payed them monethly in the cities where they dwell by certaine officers appointed for that purpose. The king then is a Lord onely, not one besides him as you haue seene, except it be such as be of his blood. A Nephew likewise of the king, the kings sisters sonne, lyeth continually within the walles of the citie in a strong pallace built Castlewise, euen as his other cousins do, remayning alwayes within doores, serued by Eunuches, neuer dealing with any matters. On their festiuall dayes, new moones, and full moones the magistrates make great bankets, and so do such as be of the king his blood. [Sidenote: Goa is a city of the Portugals in the East Indies.] The kings Nephew hath to name Vanfuli, his pallace is walled about, the wall is not high but fouresquare, and in circuit nothing inferiour to the wals of Goa, the outside is painted red, in euery square a gate, and ouer each gate a tower made of timber excellently well wrought: before the principall gate of the foure that openeth in to the high street no Loutea, be he neuer so great, may passe on horsebacke, or carried in his seat. Amidst this quadrangle standeth the pallace where that Nobleman lyeth, doubtlesse worth the sight, although we came not in to see it. By report the roofes of the towers and houses are glased greene, and the greater part of the quadrangle set with sauage trees, as Okes, Chesnuts, Cypresse, Pineapples, Cedars, and other such like that we do want, after the manner of a wood, wherein are kept Stags, Oxen, and other beasts, for that Lord his recreation neuer going abroad as I haue sayd. One preheminence this citie hath aboue the rest where we haue bene, and that of right, as we do thinke, that besides the multitude of market places wherein all things are to be sold through euery streete continually are cryed all things necessary, as flesh of all sortes, freshfish, hearbes, oyle, vineger, meale, rise: in summa, all things so plentifully, that many houses neede no servants, euery thing being brought to their doores. Most part of the marchants remaine in the suburbes, for that the cities are shut vp euery night, as I haue said. The marchants therefore, the better to attend their businesse, do chuse rather to make their abode without in the suburbes then within the citie. I haue seene in this riuer a pretie kinde of fishing, not to be omitted in my opinion, and therefore I will set it downe. [Marginal note: Odeicus writeth of the like.] The king hath in many riuers good store of barges full of sea-crowes that breede, are fedde and doe die therein, in certaine cages, allowed monethely a certaine prouision of rise. These barges the king bestoweth vpon his greatest magistrates, giuing to some two, to some three of them as be thinketh good, to fish therewithal after this manner. At the houre appointed to fish, all the barges are brought together in a circle, where the riuer is shalow, and the crowes tyed together vnder the wings are let leape downe into the water some vnder, some aboue, woorth the looking vpon: each one as he hath filled his bagge, goeth to his owne barge and emptieth it, which done, he returneth to fish againe. Thus hauing taken good store of fish, they set the crowes at libertie, and do suffer them to fish for their owne pleasure. There were in that city where I was, twentie barges at the least of these aforesayd crowes. I went almost euery day to see them, yet could I neuer be throughly satisfyed to see so strange a kind of fishing. * * * * * Of the Iland Iapan, and other litle Iles in the East Ocean. By R. Willes. The extreame part of the knowen world vnto vs is the noble Iland Giapan, written otherwise Iapon and Iapan. This Island standeth in the East Ocean, beyond all Asia, betwixt Cathayo and the West Indies sixe and thirtie degrees Northward from the Equinoctial line, in the same clime with the South part of Spain and Portugall, distant from thence by sea sixe thousand leagues: the trauile thither, both for ciuill discord, great pyracie, and often shipwracks is very dangerous. This countrey is hillie and pestered with snow, wherefore it is neither so warme as Portugall, nor yet so wealthy, as far as we can learne, wanting oyle, butter, cheese, milke, egges, sugar, honny, vinegar, saffron, cynamom and pepper. Barleybranne the Ilanders doe vse in stead of salt: medicinable things holsome for the bodie haue they none at all. Neuerthelesse in that Iland sundry fruites doe growe, not much vnlike the fruites of Spaine: and great store of Siluer mynes are therein to be seene. The people are tractable, ciuill, wittie, courteous, without deceit, in vertue and honest conuersation exceeding all other nations lately discouered, but so much standing vpon their reputation, that their chiefe Idole may be thought honour. The contempt thereof causeth among them much discord and debate, manslaughter and murther: euen for their reputation they doe honour their parents, keepe their promises, absteine from adulterie and robberies, punishing by death the least robbery done, holding for a principle, that whosoeuer stealeth a trifle, will, if he see occasion, steale a greater thing. It may be theft is so seuerely punished of them, for that the nation is oppressed with scarcitie of all things necessary, and so poore, that euen for miserie they strangle their owne children, preferring death before want. These fellowes doe neither eate nor kill any foule. They liue chiefely by fish, hearbes, and fruites, so healthfully, that they die very old. Of Rice and Wheat there is no great store. No man is ashamed there of his pouertie, neither be their gentlemen therefore lesse honoured of the meaner people, neither will the poorest gentleman there matche his childe with the baser sort for any gaine, so much they do make more account of gentry then of wealth. The greatest delight they haue is in armour, each boy at fourteene yeeres of ages, be he borne gentle or otherwise, hath his sword and dagger: very good archers they be, contemning all other nations in comparison of their manhood and prowesse, putting not vp one iniurie be it neuer so small in worde or deede, among themselues. They feede moderately, but they drinke largely. The vse of vines they knowe not, their drinke they make of Rice, vtterly they doe abhorre dice, an all games, accounting nothing more vile in a man, then to giue himselfe vnto those things that make vs greedy and desirous to get other mens goods. If at any time they do sweare, for that seldome they are wont to doe, they sweare by the Sunne: many of them are taught good letters, wherfore they may so much the sooner be brought vnto Christianitie. Each one is contented with one wife: they be all desirous to learne, and naturally inclined vnto honesty and courtesie: godly talke they listen vnto willingly, especially when they vnderstand it throughly. Their gouernment consisteth of 3 estates. The first place is due vnto the high Priest, by whose laws and decrees all publike and priuate matters appertayning to religion are decided. The sects of their clergie men, whom they doe call Bonzi, be of no estimation or authoritie except the high Priest by letters patent doe confirme the same: he confirmeth and alloweth of their Tundi, who be as it were Bishops, although in many places they are nominated by sundry Princes. These Tundi are greatly honoured of all sorts: they doe giue benefices vnto inferiour ministers, and do grant licences for many things as to eate flesh vpon those dayes they goe in pilgrimage to their Idoles with such like priuileges. Finally, this High Priest wont to be chosen in China for his wisedome and learning, made in Iapan for his gentry and birth, hath so large a Dominion and reuenues so great, that eftsones he beardeth the petie Kings and Princes there. Their second principal Magistrate, in their language Vo, is the chiefe Herehaught, made by succession and birth, honoured as a God. This gentleman neuer toucheth the ground with his foote without forfaiting of his office, he neuer goeth abroad out of his house, nor is at all times to be seene. At home he is either carried about in a litter, or els he goeth in wooden Choppines a foote high from the ground: commonly he sitteth in his chaire with a sword in one side, and a bow and arrows in the other, next his bodie he wearth blacke, his outward garments be red, all shadowed ouer with Cypresse, at his cappe hang certaine Lambeaux much like vnto a Bishop Miter, his forehead is painted white and red, he eateth his meat in earthen dishes. This Herehaught determineth in all Iapan the diuerse titles of honour, whereof in that Iland is great plentie, each one particularly knowen by his badge, commonly seene in sealing vp their letters, and dayly altered according to their degrees. About this Vo euery Noble man hath his Solicitor, for the nation is so desirous of praise and honour, that they striue among themselues who may bribe him best. By these meanes the Herehaught groweth so rich, that although hee haue neither land nor any reuenues otherwise, yet may he be accounted the wealthiest man in all Iapan. For three causes this great Magistrate may loose his office: first, if he touch the ground with his foote, as it hath beene alreadie said: next, if he kill any body: thirdly, if he be found an enemie vnto peace and quietnesse, howbeit neither of these aforesaid causes is sufficient to put him to death. Their third chiefe officer is a Iudge, his office is to take vp and to end matters in controuersie, to determine of warres and peace, that which he thinketh right, to punish rebels, wherein he may commaund the noble men to assist him vpon paine of forfeiting their goods: neuerthelesse at all times he is not obeyed, for that many matters are ended rather by might and armes, then determined by law. Other controuersies are decided either in the Temporall Court, as it seemeth good vnto the Princes, or in the Spirituall consistorie before the Tundi. Rebelles are executed in this manner, especially if they be noble men or officers. The king looke what day he giueth sentence against any one, the same day the partie, wheresoeuer he be, is aduertised thereof, and the day told him of his execution. The condemned person asketh of the messenger whether it may bee lawful for him to kill himselfe: the which thing when the king doeth graunt, the partie taking it for an honour, putteth on his best apparel and launcing his body a crosse from the breast downe all the belly, murthereth himselfe. This kind of death they take to be without infamie, neither doe their children for their fathers crime so punished, loose their goods. But if the king reserue them to be executed by the hangman, then flocketh he together his children, his seruants, and friends home to his house, to preserue his life by force. The king committeth the fetching of him out vnto his chiefe Iudge, who first setteth vpon him with bow and arrowes, and afterward with pikes and swords, vntill the rebell and family be slaine to their perpetuall ignominie and shame. The Indie-writers make mention of sundry great cities in this Iland, as Cangoxima a hauen towne in the South part thereof, and Meaco distant from thence three hundred leagues northward, the royall seat of the king and most wealthy of all other townes in that Iland. The people thereabout are very noble, and their language the best Iaponish. In Maco are sayd to be ninetie thousande houses inhabited and vpward, a famous Vniuersitie, and in it fiue principall Colleges, besides closes and cloysters of Bonzi, Leguixil, and Hamacata, that is, Priests, Monks and Nunnes. Other fiue notable Vniuersities there be in Iapan, namely, Coia, Negru, Homi, Frenoi, and Bandu. The first foure haue in them at the least three thousand and fiue hundred schollers: in the fift are many mo. For Bandu prouince is very great and possessed with sixe princes, fiue whereof are vassals vnto the sixt, yet he himselfe subiect vnto the Iaponish king, vsually called the great king of Meaco: lesser scholes there be many in diuers places of this Ilande. And thus much specially concerning this glorious Iland, among so many barbarous nations and rude regions, haue I gathered together in one summe, out of sundry letters written from thence into Europe, by no lesse faithfull reporters than famous trauellers. [Sidenote: Petrus Maffeius de rebus Iaponicis.] For confirmation wherof, as also for the knowledge of other things not conteyned in the premisses, the curious readers may peruse these 4 volumes of Indian matters written long ago in Italian, and of late compendiously made Latine, by Petrus Maffeius my old acquainted friend, entituling the same, De rubus Iaponicis. One whole letter out of the fift booke thereof, specially intreating of that countrey, I haue done into English word for word in such wise as followeth. Aloisius Froes to his companions in Iesus Christ that remaine in China and India. The last yeere, deare brethren, I wrote vnto you from Firando, how Cosmus Turrianus had appointed me to trauile to Meaco to helpe Gaspar Vilela, for that there the haruest was great, the labourers few, and that I should haue for my companion in that iourney Aloisius Almeida. It seemeth now my part, hauing by the helpe of God ended so long a voiage, to signifie vnto you by letter such things specially as I might thinke you would most delight to know. And because at the beginning Almeida and I so parted the whole labour of writing letters betwixt vs, that he should speake of our voyage, and such things as happened therein, I should make relation of the Meachians estate, and write what I could well learne of the Iapans manners and conditions: setting aside all discourses of our voyage, that which standeth me vpon I will discharge in this Epistle, that you considering how artificially, how cunningly, vnder the pretext of religion, that craftie aduersary of mankind leadeth and draweth vnto perdition the Iapanish mindes, blinded with many superstitions and ceremonies, may the more pitie this Nation. The inhabiters of Iapan, as men that had neuer had greatly to doe with other Nations, in their Geography diuided the whole world into three parts, Iapan, Sian, and China. And albeit the Iapans receiued out of Sian and China their superstitions and ceremonies, yet doe they neuertheless contemne all other Nations in comparison of themselues, and standing in their owne conceite doe far preferre themselues before all other sorts of people in wisedome and policie. Touching the situation of the countrey and nature of the soyle, vnto the things eftsoones erst written, this one thing I will adde: in these Ilands, the sommer to be most hot, the winter extreme cold. In the kingdom of Canga, as we call it, falleth so much snow, that the houses being buried in it, the inhabitants keepe within doores certaine moneths of the yeere, hauing no way to come foorth except they break vp the tiles. Whirlewindes most vehement, earthquakes so common, that the Iapans dread such kind of feares litle or nothing at all. The countrey is ful of siluer mines otherwise barren, not so much by fault of nature, as through the slouthfulnesse of the inhabitants: howbeit Oxen they keepe and that for tillage sake onely. The ayre is holesome, the waters good, the people very faire and well bodied: bare headed commonly they goe, procuring baldnesse with sorrow and teares, eftsoones rooting vp with pinsars all the haire of their heads as it groweth, except it be a litle behind, the which they knot and keepe with all diligence. Euen from their childhood they weare daggers and swords, the which they vse to lay vnder their pillowes when they goe to bed: in shew courteous and affable, in deede haughtie and proud. They delight most in warlike affaires, and their greatest studie is armes. Mens apparel diuersely coloured is worne downe halfe the legges and to the elbowes: womens attire made handsomely like vnto a vaile, is somewhat longer: all manner of dicing and theft they do eschewe. The marchant although he be wealthy, is not accounted of. Gentlemen, be they neuer so poore, retaine their place: most precisely they stand vpon their honour and worthinesse, ceremoniously striuing among themselues in courtesies and faire speeches. Wherein if any one happily be lesse carefull than he should be, euen for a trifle many times he getteth euill will. Want though it trouble most of them, so much they doe detest, that poore men cruelly taking pittie of their infantes newly borne, especially girles, do many times with their owne feete strangle them. Noble men, and other likewise of meaner calling generally haue but one wife a peece, by whom although they haue issue, yet for a trifle they diuorse themselues from their wiues, and the wiues also sometimes from their husbands, to marry with others. After the second degree cousins may there lawfully marry. Adoption of other mens children is much vsed among them. In great townes most men and women can write and reade. This Nation feedeth sparingly, their vsuall meat is rice and salets, and neere the sea side fish. They feast one another many times, wherein they vse great diligence, especially in drinking one to another, insomuch that the better sort, least they might rudely commit some fault therein, does vse to reade certaine bookes written of duties and ceremonies apperteyning vnto banquets. To be delicate and fine, they put their meate into their mouthes with litle forkes, accounting it great rudenesse to touch it with their fingers: winter and sommer they drinke water as hot as they may possibly abide it. Their houses are in danger of fire, but finely made and cleane, layde all ouer with strawe-pallets, whereupon they doe both sit in stead of stooles, and lie in their clothes with billets under their heads. For feare of defiling these pallets, they goe either bare foote within doores, or weare strawe pantofles on their buskins when they come abroad, the which they lay aside at their returne home againe. Gentlemen for the most part do passe the night in banketting, musicke, and vaine discourses, they sleepe the day time. In Meaco and Sacaio there is good store of beds, but they be very litle, and may be compared vnto our pues. In bringing vp children they vse words only to rebuke them, admonishing as diligently and aduisedly boyes of sixe or seuen yeeres of age, as though they were olde men. They are giuen very much to intertaine strangers, of whom most curiously they loue to aske euen in trifles what forraine nations doe, and their fashions. Such arguments and reasons as be manifest, and are made plaine with examples, doe greatly persuade them. They detest all kinde of theft, whosoeuer is taken in that fault may be slaine freely of any bodie. No publike prisons, no common gayles, no ordinary Iusticers: priuately each householder hath the hearing of matters at home in his owne house, and the punishing of greater crimes that deserue death without delay. Thus vsually the people is kept in awe and feare. About foure hundred yeeres past (as in their olde recordes we finde) all Iapan was subiect vnto one Emperour whose royall seat was Meaco, in the Iaponish language called Cubucama. But the nobtlitie rebelling against him, by litle and litle haue taken away the greatest part of his dominion, howbeit his title continually remayneth, and the residue in some respect doe make great account of him still, acknowledging him for their superior. Thus the Empyre of Iapan, in times past but one alone, is now diuided into sixtie sixe kingdomes, the onely cause of ciuill warres continually in that Iland, to no small hinderance of the Gospell, whilest the kings that dwell neare together inuade one another, each one coueting to make his kingdome greater. Furthermore in the citie Meaco is the pallace of the high Priest, whom that nation honoureth as a God, he hath in his house 306 Idoles, one whereof by course is euery night set by his side for a watchman. He is thought of the common people so holy, that it may not be lawfull for him to goe vpon the earth: if happily he doe set one foote to the ground, he looseth his office. He is not serued very sumptuously, he is maintained by almes. The heads and beards of his ministers are shauen, they haue name Cangues, and their authoritie is great throughout all Iapan. The Cubucama vseth them for Embassadores to decide controuersies betwixt princes, and to end their warres, whereof they were wont to make very great game. It is now two yeres since or there about, that one of them came to Bungo, to intreate of peace betwixt the king thereof and the king of Amanguzzo. This Agent fauouring the king of Bungo his cause more then the other, brought to passe that the foresayd king of Bungo should keepe two kingdomes, the which he had taken in warres from the king of Amanguzzo. Wherefore he had for his reward of the king of Bungo aboue 30000 ducats. And thus farre hereof. I come now to other superstitions and ceremonies, that you may see, deare brethren, that which I said in the beginning, how subtilly the diuell hath deceiued the Iaponish nation, and how diligent and readie they be to obey and worship him. And first, al remembrance and knowledge not onely of Christ our Redeemer, but also of that one God the maker of all things is cleane extinguished and vtterly abolished out of the Iapans hearts. Moreouer their superstitious sects are many, whereas it is lawfull for each one to follow that which liketh him best: but the principall sects are two, namely the Amidans and Xacaians. Wherefore in this countrey shall you see many monasteries, not onely of Bonzii men, but also of Bonziæ women diuersely attired, for some doe weare white vnder, and blacke vpper garments, other goe apparelled in ash colour, and their idole hath to name Denichi: from these the Amidanes differ very much. Againe the men Bonzii for the most part dwell in sumptuous houses, and haue great reuenues. These fellowes are chaste by commandement, marry they may not vpon paine of death. In the midst of their temple is erected an altar, whereon standeth a woodden Idole of Amida, naked from the girdle vpward, with holes in his eares after the manner of Italian gentlewomen, sitting on a wooden rose goodly to behold. They haue great libraries, and halles for them all to dine and sup together, and bels wherewith they are at certaine houres called to prayers. In the euening the Superintendent giueth each one a theame for meditation. After midnight before the altar in their Temple they do say Mattens at it were out of Xaca his last booke, one quier one verse, the other quier another. Early in the morning each one giueth himselfe to meditation one houre: they shaue their heads and beards. Their cloysters be very large, and within the precinct thereof, Chappels of the Fotoquiens, for by that name some of the Iapanish Saints are called: their holydaies yeerely be very many. Most of these Bonzii be gentlemen, for that the Iapanish nobility charged with many children, vse to make most of them Bonzii, not being able to leaue for each one a patrimony good enough. The Bonzii most coueteously bent, know all the wayes how to come by money. They sell vnto the people many scrolles of paper, by the helpe whereof the common people thinketh it selfe warranted from all power of the deuils. They borrow likewise money to be repayed with great vsury in an other worlde, giuing by obligation vnto the lender an assurance thereof, the which departing out of his life he may carry with him to hell. There is another great company of such as are called Inambuxu, with curled and staring haire. They make profession to finde out againe things either lost or stolen, after this sort. They set before them a child whom the deuill inuadeth, called vp thither by charmes: of that child then doe they aske that which they are desirous to know. These mens prayers both good and bad are thought greatly to preuaile, insomuch that both their blessings and their curses they sell vnto the people. The nouices of this order, before they be admitted, goe together two or three thousand in a company, vp a certaine high mountaine to doe pennance there, threescore dayes voluntarily punishing themselues. In this time the deuill sheweth himselfe vnto them in sundry shapes: and they like young graduats, admitted as it were fellowes into some certaine companie, are set foorth with white tassels hanging about their neckes, and blacke Bonnets that scarcely couer any more then the crawne of their heads. Thus attyred they range abroade in all Iapan, to set out themselues and their cunning to sale, each one beating his bason which he carieth alwayes about with him, to giue notice of their comming in al townes where they passe. There is also an other sort called Genguis, that make profession to shewe by soothsaying where stollen things are, and who were the theeues. These dwell in the toppe of an high mountaine, blacke in the face: for the continuall heate of the sunne, for the cold windes, and raines they doe continually endure. They marry but in their owne tribe and line: the report goeth that they be horned beasts. They climbe vp most high rockes and hilles, and go ouer very great riuers by the onely arte of the deuill, who to bring those wretches the more into errour, biddeth them to goe vp a certaine high mountaine, where they stande miserably gazing and earnestly looking for him as long as the deuill appointeth them. At the length at noonetide or in the euening commeth that deuill, whom they call Amida among them to shew himselfe vnto them: this shew breedeth in the braines and hearts of men such a kinde of superstition, that it can by no meanes be rooted out of them afterward. The deuill was wont also in another mountaine to shew himselfe vnto the Iapanish Nation. Who so was more desirous than other to go to heauen and to enioy Paradise, thither went he to see that sight, and hauing seene the deuill followed him (so by the deuill persuaded) into a denne vntil he came to a deepe pit. Into this pit the deuill was wont to leape and to take with him his worshipper whom he there murdred. This deceit was thus perceiued. An old man blinded with this superstition, was by his sonne diswaded from thence, but all in vaine. Wherefore his sonne followed him priuily into that denne with his bow and arrows, where the deuill gallantly appeared vnto him in the shape of a man. Whilest the old man falleth downe to worshippe the deuill, his sonne speedily shooting an arrow at the spirit so appearing, strooke a Foxe in stead of a man so suddenly was that shape altered. This olde manne his sonne tracking the Foxe so running away, came to that pit whereof I spake, and in the bottome thereof he found many bones of dead men, deceiued by the deuill after that sort in time past. Thus deliuered he his father from present death, and all other from so pestilent an opinion. There is furthermore a place bearing name Coia, very famous for the multitude of Abbyes which the Bonzii haue therein. The beginner and founder whereof is thought to be one Combendaxis a suttle craftie fellowe, that got the name of holinesse by cunning speech, although the lawes and ordinances he made were altogether deuillish: he is said to haue found out the Iapanish letters vsed at this day. In his latter yeeres this Sim suttle buried himselfe in a fouresquare graue, foure cubites deepe, seuerely forbidding it to be opened, for that then he died not, but rested his bodie wearied with continuall businesse, vntill many thousand thousands of yeeres were passed, after the which time a great learned man named Mirozu should come into Iapan, and then would he rise vp out of his graue againe. About his tombe many lampes are lighted, sent thither out of diuerse prouinces, for that the people are perswaded that whosoeuer is liberall and beneficiall towardes the beautifying of that monument shall not onely increase in wealth in this world, but in the life to come be safe through Combendaxis helpe. Such as giue themselues to worship him, liue in those Monasteries or Abbyes with shauen heads, as though they had forsaken all secular matters, whereas in deede they wallow in all sortes of wickednesse and lust. In these houses, the which are many (as I sayd) in number, doe remaine 6000 Bonzii, or thereabout besides the multitude of lay men, women be restrained from thence vpon paine of death. Another company of Bonzii dwelleth at Fatonochaiti. They teach a great multitude of children all tricks and sleights of guile and theft: whom they do find to be of great towardnes, those do they instruct in al the petigrues of princes, and fashions of the nobilitie, in chiualrie and eloquence, and so send them abroad into other prouinces, attired like yong princes, to this ende, that faining themselues to be nobly borne, they may with great summes of money borowed vnder the colour and pretence of nobilitie returne againe. Wherefore this place is so infamous in all Iapan, that if any scholer of that order be happily taken abroad, he incontinently dieth for it. Neuerthelesse these cousiners leaue not daily to vse their woonted wickednesse and knauerie. [Sidenote: A warrelike people 300 leagues to the North of Meaco.] North from Iapan, three hundred leagues out of Meaco, lieth a great countrey of sauage men clothed in beasts skinnes, rough bodied, with huge beards and monstrous muchaches, the which they hold vp with litle forkes as they drinke. These people are great drinkers of wine, fierce in warres, and much feared of the Iapans: being hurt in fight, they wash their wounds with salt water, other Surgerie haue they none. In their breasts they are sayd to cary looking glasses: their swordes they tie to their heads, in such wise, that the handle doe rest vpon their shoulders. Seruice and ceremonies haue they none at all, onely they are woont to worship heauen. To Aquita a great towne in that Iaponish kingdom, which we call Geuano, they much resort for marchandise, and the Aquitanes likewise doe trauell in to their countrey, howbeit not often, for that there many of them are slaine by the inhabiters. Much more concerning this matter I had to write: but to auoyd tediousnesse I will come to speake of the Iapans madnesse againe, who most desirous of vaine glory doe thinke then specially to get immortall fame, when they procure themselues to be most sumptuously and solemnly buried: their burials and obsequies in the citie Meaco are done after this maner. [Sidenote: The Iapanish funerals.] About one houre before the dead body be brought fourth, a great multitude of his friends apparelled in their best aray goe before vnto the fire, with them goe their kinswomen and such as bee of their acquaintance, clothed in white, (for that is the mourning colour there) with a changeable coloured vaile on their heads. Each woman hath with her also, according to her abilitie, all her familie trimmed vp in white mockado: the better sort and wealthier women goe in litters of Cedar artificially wrought and richly dressed. In the second place marcheth a great company of footemen sumptuously apparelled. Then afarre off commeth one of these Bonzii master of the ceremonies for that superstition, brauely clad in silkes and gold, in a large and high litter excellently well wrought, accompanied with 30 other Bonzii or thereabout, wearing hats, linnen albes, and fine blacke vpper garments. Then attired in ashe colour (for this colour also is mourning) with a long torch of Pineaple, he sheweth the dead body the way vnto the fire, lest it either stumble or ignorantly go out of the way. Well neere 200 Bonzii folow him singing the name of that deuill the which the partie deceassed chiefly did worship in his life time, and therewithall a very great bason is beaten euen to the place of fire instead of a bell. Then follow two great paper baskets hanged open at staues endes full of paper roses diuersly coloured, such as beare them doe march but slowly, shaking euer now and then their staues, that the aforesayd flowers may fall downe by litle and litle as it were drops of raine: and be whirled about with wind. This shower say they is an argument that the soule of the dead man is gone to paradise. After al this, eight beardles Bonzii orderly two and two drag after them on the ground long speares, the points backward, with flags of one cubite a piece, wherein the name also of that idole is written. Then there be caried 10 lanterns trimmed with the former inscription, ouercast with a fine vaile, and candles burning in them. [Sidenote: They burne their dead.] Besides this, two yoong men clothed in ashe colour beare pineaple torches, not lighted, of three foote length, the which torches serue to kindle the fire wherein the dead corpes is to bee burnt. In the same colour follow many other that weare on the crownes of their heads faire, litle, threesquare, blacke Lethren caps tied fast vnder their chinnes (for that is honorable amongst them) with papers on their heads, wherein the name of the deuill I spake of, is written. And to make it the more solemne, after commeth a man with a table one cubite long, one foot broad, couered with a very fine white vaile, in both sides whereof is written in golden letters the aforesayd name. At the length by foure men is brought fourth the corps sitting in a gorgeous litter clothed in white, hanging downe his head and holding his hands together like one that prayed: to the rest of his apparell may you adde an vpper gowne of paper, written full of that booke the which his God is sayd to haue made, when he liued in the world, by whose helpe and merites commonly they doe thinke to be saued. The dead man his children come next after him most gallantly set foorth, the yongest wherof carieth likewise a pineaple torch to kindle the fire. Last of all foloweth a great number of people in such caps as I erst spake of. When they are al come to the place appointed for the obsequie, al the Bonzii with the whole multitude for the space of one houre, beating pannes and basons with great clamours, call vpon the name of that deuill, the which being ended, the Obsequie is done in this maner. In the midst of a great quadrangle railed about, hanged with course linnen, and agreeably vnto the foure partes of the world made with foure gates to goe in and out at, is digged a hole: in the hole is laied good store of wood, whereon is raised gallantly a waued roofe; before that stand two tables furnished with diuers kindes of meates, especially drie Figs, Pomegranates and Tartes good store, but neither Fish nor Flesh: vpon one of them standeth also a chafer with coales, and in it sweete wood to make perfumes. When all this is readie, the corde wherewith the litter was caried, is throwen by a long rope into the fire: as many as are present striue to take the rope in their handes, vsing their aforesayd clamours, which done, they goe in procession as it were round about the quadrangle thrise. Then setting the litter on the wood built vp ready for the fire that Bonzius who then is master of the ceremonies, saieth a verse that no bodie there vnderstandeth, whirling thrise about ouer his head a torch lighted, to signifie thereby that the soule of the dead man had neither any beginning, ne shall haue at any time an ende, and throweth away the torch. Two of the dead man his children, or of his neere kinne, take it vp againe, and standing one at the East side of the litter, the other at the West, doe for honour and reuerence reach it to each other thrise ouer the dead corps, and so cast it into the pile of wood: by and by they throw in oyle, sweete wood, and other perfumes, accordingly as they haue plentie, and so with a great flame bring the corps to ashes: his children in the meane while putting sweete wood into the chafer at the table with odours, doe solemnly and religiously worship their father as a Saint: which being done, the Bonzii are paied each one in his degree. The master of the ceremonies hath for his pact fiue duckats, sometimes tenne, sometimes twentie, the rest haue tenne Iulies a piece, or els a certaine number of other presents called Caxæ. The meate that was ordained, as soone as the dead corps friends and all the Bonzii are gone, is left for such as serued at the obsequie, for the poore and impotent lazars. The next day returne to the place of obsequie the dead man his children, his kindred and friends, who gathering vp his ashes, bones, and teeth, doe put them in a gilded pot, and so carie them home, to bee set vp in the same pot couered with cloth, in the middest of their houses. Many Bonzii returne likewise to these priuate funerals, and so do they againe the seuenth day: then cary they out the ashes to be buried in a place appointed, laying thereupon a fouresquare stone, wherein is written in great letters drawen all the length of the stone, the name of that deuil the which the dead man worshipped in his life time. Euery day afterward his children resort vnto the graue with roses and warme water that the dead corps thirst not. Nor the seuenth day onely, but the seuenth moneth and yeere, within their owne houses they renue this obsequie, to no small commodities and gaine of the Bonzii: great rich men doe spend in these their funerals 3000 duckats or thereabout, the meaner sort two or three hundred. Such as for pouertie be not able to go to that charges, are in the night time darke long without all pompe and ceremonies buried in a dunghill. They haue another kinde of buriall, especially neere the Sea side, for them that bee not yet dead. These fellowes are such, as hauing religiously with much deuotion worshipped Amida, now desirous to see him, doe slay themselues. And first they goe certaine dayes begging almes, the which they thrust into their sleeues, then preach they in publique a sermon vnto the people, declaring what they mind to doe, with the great good liking of all such as doe heare them: for euery body wondreth at such a kinde of holinesse. Then take they hookes to cut downe briars and thornes that might hinder them in their way to heauen, and so embarke themselues in a new vessell, tying great stones about their neckes, armes, loines, thighes, and feete: thus they launching out into the main Sea be either drowned there, their shippe bouged for that purpose, or els doe cast themselues ouer-boord headlong into the Sea. The emptie barke is out of hand set a fire for honours sake by their friends that folow them in another boat of their owne, thinking it blasphemie that any mortall creature should afterward once touch the barke that had bene so religiously halowed. Truly when we went to Meaco, eight dayes before we came to the Ile of Hiu at Fore towne, sixe men and two women so died. To all such as die so the people erecteth a Chappell, and to each of them a pillar and a pole made of Pineaple for a perpetuall monument, hanging vp many shreds of paper in stickes all the roofe ouer, with many verses set downe in the walles in commendation of that blessed company. Wherefore vnto this place both day and night many come very superstitiously in pilgrimage. It happened euen then as Aloisius Almeida and I went to christen a childe wee traueiled that way at what time foure or fiue olde women came foorth out of the aforesayd chappell with beades in their handes (for in this point also the deuill counterfeiteth Christianitie) who partly scorned at vs for follie, partly frowned and taunted at our small deuotion, for passing by that holy monument without any reuerence or worship done thereunto at all. It remaineth now we speake two or three wordes of those Sermons the Bonzii are woont to make, not so many as ours in number, but assuredly very well prouided for. The Pulpit is erected in a great temple with a silke Canopie ouer it, therein standeth a costly seate, before the seate a table with a bell and a booke. At the houre of Sermon each sect of the Iapans resorteth to their owne doctors in diuers Temples. Vp goeth the doctor into the Pulpit, and being set downe, after that hee hath lordlike looked him about, signifieth silence with his bell, and so readeth a fewe wordes of that booke we spake of, the which he expoundeth afterward, more at large. These preachers be for the most part eloquent, and apt to drawe with their speach the mindes of their hearers. Wherefore to this ende chieflie (such is their greedinesse) tendeth all their talke, that the people bee brought vnder the colour of godlinesse to enrich their monasteries, promising to each one so much the more happinesse in the life to come, how much the greater costes and charges they bee at in Church matters and obsequies: notwithstanding this multitude of superstitious Sects and companies, and the diuersities thereof amongst themselues: yet in this principally all their Superintendents doe trauell so to perswade their Nouices in their owne tales and lies, that they thinke nothing els trueth, nothing els sure to come by euerlasting saluation, nothing els woorth the hearing. Whereunto they adde other subtleties, as in going grauitie, in countenance, apparell, and in all outward shew, comelinesse. Whereby the Iapans mindes are so nousled in wicked opinions, and doe conceiue thereby such trust and hope of euerlasting saluation, that not onely at home, but also abroad in euery corner of the towne continually almost they run ouer their beades, humbly asking of Amida and Xaca, wealth, honour, good health, and euerlasting ioyes. Thus then, deare brethren, may you thinke how greatly they need the helpe of God, that either doe bring the Gospell into this countrey, or receiuing it brought vnto them, doe forsake idolatrie and ioine themselues with Christ, being assaulted by so many snares of the deuill, troubled with the daily dissuasions of their Bonzii, and finally, so iniuriously, so hardly, so sharpely vexed of their kinred and friends, that except the grace of God obtained by the sacrifices and prayers of the Catholique church doe helpe vs, it cannot be chosen but that the faith and constancie of many, if not of all, in these first beginnings of our churches, will greatly be put in ieopardie. So much the more it standeth you vpon that so earnestly long for the health of soules, to commend specially these Iapanish flocks vnto our Lord. We came to Sacaio the eight and twentie day of Ianuary: Aloisius Almeida first for businesse, but afterward let by sicknesse, staied there some while, but I parting the next day from thence came thirteene leagues off to Meaco the last of Ianuarie. Of my comming all the Christians tooke great comfort, but specially Gaspar Vilela who in 6 yeres had seen none of our companie at Meaco: his yeeres are not yet fortie, but his grey haires shew him to be seuentie, so vehemently is his litle body afflicted and worne with extreme cold. Hee speaketh Iapanish so skilfully after the phrase of Meaco (the which for the renowne of this people and royal seat of the king is best accounted of) that hee doeth both confesse and preach in that language. Certaine godly bookes also he hath done into that speach, not omitting to translate other as laisure suffreth him. To make an ende, our Lord for his goodnesse vouchsafe to preserue vs all continually, and to giue vs ayde both rightly to interprete his will, and well to doe the same. From Meaco the 19 of February 1565. Other such like matter is handled both in other his letters, and also in the Epistles written by his companions to be seene at large in the aforesaid volume. Amongst the rest this seemed in my iudgement one of the principall, and therefore the rather I tooke vpon me to doe it into English. * * * * * Of the Iles beyond Iapan in the way from China to the Moluccas. Amongst other Iles in the Asian sea betwixt Canton a Chinish hauen in Cathaio and the Moluccas, much spoken of in the Indian histories and painted out in Maps, Ainan and Santianum are very famous. Ainan standeth 19 degrees on this side of the Equinoctiall line neere China, from whence the Chinish nation haue their prouision for shipping and other necessaries requisite for their Nauie. There staied Balthasar Gagus a great traueiler 5 moneths, who describeth that place after this maner. [Sidenote: De reb. Iap. li. 4.] Ainan is a goodly countrey ful of Indian fruits and all kinds of victuals, besides great store of iewels and pearle, well inhabited, the townes built of stone, the people rude in conditions, apparelled in diuers coloured rugs, with two oxe hornes, as it were, made of fine cypres hanging downe about their eares, and a paire of sharpe cyzers at their foreheads. The cause wherefore they go in such attire I could not vnderstand, except it bee for that they do counterfeit the deuil in the forme of a brute beast, offring themselues vp to him. Santianum is an Ile neere vnto the hauen Cantan in the confines likewise of China, famous for the death of that worthy traueiler and godly professour and painfull doctor of the Indian nation in matters concerning religion, Francis Xauier, who after great labours, many iniuries, and calamities infinite suffred with much patience, singular ioy and gladnesse of mind, departed in a cabben made of bowes and rushes vpon a desert mountaine, no lesse voyd of all worldly commodities, then endued with all spirituall blessings, out of this life, the 2 day of December, the yeere of our Lord 1552. after that many thousand of these Easterlings were brought by him to the knowledge of Christ. Of this holy man, his particular vertues, and specially trauell, and wonderfull works in that region, of other many litle Iles (yet not so litle, but they may right wel be written of at laisure) all the latter histories of the Indian regions are full. * * * * * An excellent treatise of the kingdome of China, and of the estate and gouernment thereof: Printed in Latine at Macao a citie of the Portugals in China, An. Dom. 1590. and written Dialogue-wise. The speakers are Linus, Leo, and Michael. LINUS. Concerning the kingdome of China (Michael) which is our next neighbour, we haue heard and daily do heare so many reports, that we are to request at your hands rather a true then a large discourse and narration thereof. And if there be ought in your knowledge besides that which by continual rumours is waxen stale among vs, we will right gladly giue diligent eare vnto it. MICHAEL. Because the report of this most famous kingdome is growen so common among vs, reducing diuers and manifold particulars into order, I will especially aime at the trueth of things receiued from the fathers of the societie, which euen now at this present are conuersant in China. [Sidenote: The situation and limites of China.] First of all therefore it is not vnknowen, that of all parts of the maine continent this kingdom of China is situate most Easterly: albeit certaine Ilands, as our natiue Iapon, and the Ile of Manilia stand more Easterly then China it selfe. As touching the limites and bounds of this kingdom, we may appoint the first towards the West to be a certaine Ile commonly called Hainan, which standeth in 19 degrees of Northerly latitude. For the continent next adioining vnto this Ile trendeth towardes the East, and that especially, where the promontorie of the citie called Nimpo or Liampo doeth extend it selfe. Howbeit, from that place declining Northward, it stretcheth foorth an huge length, insomuch that the farthest Chinian inhabitants that way doe behold the North pole eleuated, at least 50 degrees, and perhaps more also: whereupon a man may easilie coniecture (that I may speake like an Astronomer) how large the latitude of this kingdom is, when as it containeth about more then 540 leagues in direct extension towards the North. But as concerning the longitude which is accounted from East to West, it is not so exactly found out, that it may be distinguished into degrees. [Sidenote: Chinian Cosmographers.] Howbeit certaine it is, that according to the Map wherein the people of China describe the forme of their kingdom, the latitude thereof doeth not much exceed the longitude. This kingdom therefore is, without all peradventure, of all earthly kingdoms the most large and spacious: for albeit diuers other kings vnder their iurisdiction containing in dimensions more length and breadth then all China, do possesse very many kingdoms and far distant asunder: yet none of them all enioyeth any one kingdom so large and so ample, as the most puissant king of China doeth. [Sidenote: The rich reuenues of the king of China.] Now, if we shall make enquirie into his reuenues and tributes, true it is, that this king, of all others, is endued with the greatest and the richest, both in regard of the fertilitie and greatnes of his dominions, and also by reason of the seuere collection and exaction of his duties: yea, tributes are imposed vpon his subiects, not onely for lands, houses, and impost of marchandise, but also for euery person in each family. It is likewise to be understood, that almost no lord or potentate in China hath authoritie to leuie vnto himselfe any peculiar reuenues, or to collect any rents within the precincts of his seigniories, al such power belonging onely vnto the king: whereas in Europe the contrary is most commonly seen, as we haue before signified. In this most large kingdom are conteined 15 prouinces, euery one of which were in it selfe sufficient to be made one great kingdom. Six of these prouinces do border vpon the sea, namely (that I may vse the names of the Chinians themselues) Coantum, Foquien, Chequiam, Nanquin, Xantum, Paquin: the other 9 be in-land prouinces, namely, Quiansi, Huquam, Honan, Xiensi, Xansi, Suchuon, Queicheu, Iunan, Coansi. [Sidenote: The seats roiall of the king of China.] Amongst all the foresayd prouinces, two are allotted for the kings court and seat roial, that is to say, Paquin for his court in the North, and Nanquin for his court in the South. For the kings of China were woont to be resident altogether at the South court: but afterward by reason of the manifold and cruell warres mooued by the Tartars, they were constrained to defixe their princely seate and habitation in that extreme prouince of the North. Whereupon it commeth to passe, that those Northren confines of the kingdom doe abound with many moe fortresses, marciall engines, and garrisons of souldiers. LEO. I haue heard, amongst those munitions, a certaine strange and admirable wall reported of, wherewith the people of China doe represse and driue backe the Tartars attempting to inuade their territories. MICHAEL. Certes that wall which you haue heard tell of is most woorthie of admiration; for it runneth alongst the borders of three Northerlie prouinces, Xiensi, Xansit and Paquin, and is sayd to contayne almost three hundred leagues in length, and in such sort to bee built, that it hindereth not the courses and streames of any riuers, their chanels being ouerthwarted and fortified with wonderfull bridges and other defences. Yet is it not vnlikely, that the sayd wall is built in such sort, that onely lowe and easie passages bee therewith stopped and enuironed; but the mountaines running betweene those lowe passages are, by their owne naturall strength, and inaccessible heigth, a sufficient fortification agaynst the enemie. LINUS. Tell vs (Michael) whether the kingdome of China be so frequented with inhabitants, as wee haue often bene informed, or no? MICHAEL. It is (Linus) in very deed a most populous kingdom, as I haue bene certified from the fathers of societie: who hauing seene sundry prouinces of Europe renoumed for the multitude of their inhabitants, doe notwithstanding greatly admire the infinite swarmes of people in China. Howbeit these multitudes are not pel-mel and confusiuely dispersed ouer the land, but most conueniently and orderly distributed in their townes and famous cities: of which assemblies there are diuers kindes among the Chinians. For they haue certaine principal cities called by the name of Fu: other inferior cities called Cheu: and of a third kind also named Hien, which be indeed walled townes, but are not priuileged with the dignities and prerogatiues of cities. To these may be added two other kindes of lesser townes, which are partly villages, and partly garrisons of souldiers. Of the first and principall kind is that most noble citie standing neere vnto the port of Macao, called by the Chinians Coanchefu, but by the Portugals commonly termed Cantam, which is rather the common name of the prouince, then a word of their proper imposition. Vnto the third kind appertaineth a towne, which is yet nigher vnto the port of Macao, called by the Portugals Ansam, but by the Chinians Hiansanhien. Al the foresayd prouinces therefore haue their greater cities named Fu, and their lesser cities called Cheu, vnto both of which the other townes may be added. Moreouer in euery prouince there is a certain principal city which is called the Metropolitane thereof, wherein the chief magistrates haue their place of residence, as the principal citie by me last mentioned, which is the head of the whole prouince called Coantum. The number of the greater cities throughout the whole kingdom is more then 150, and there is the same or rather a greater multitude of inferiour cities. Of walled townes, not endued with the priuileges of cities there are mo then 1120: the villages and garrisons can scarce be numbred: ouer and besides the which conuents it is incredible what a number of countrie fames or granges there be: for it is not easie to find any place desert or void of inhabitants in all that land. [Sidenote: The Chinian riuers greatly inhabited.] Now in the sea, in riuers, and in barks there are such abundance of people, and of whole families inhabiting, that euen the Europæans themselues doe greatly wonder thereat: insomuch that some (albeit beyond measure) haue bene perswaded that there are as many people dwelling vpon the water as vpon the land. Neither were they induced so to thinke altogether without probabilitie: for whereas the kingdom of China is in all parts thereof interfused with commodious riuers, and in many places consisteth of waters, barges and boats being euery-where very common, it might easily bee supposed, that the number of watermen was equal vnto the land inhabitants. Howbeit, that is to be vnderstood by amplification, whereas the cities do swarme so ful with citizens and the countrie with peasants. [Sidenote: Holesome aire, plenty and peace in China.] LEO. The abundance of people which you tell vs of seemeth very strange: whereupon I coniecture the soile to be fertile, the aire to be holesome, and the whole kingdom to be at peace. MICHAEL. You haue (friend Leo) ful iudicially coniectured those three: for they do all so excel that which of the three in this kingdom be more excellent, it is not easie to discerne. And hence it is that this common opinion hath been rife among the Portugals, namely, that the kingdom of China was neuer visited with those three most heauy and sharpe scourges of mankind, warre, famine, and pestilence. But that opinion is more common then true: sithens there haue bene most terrible intestine and ciuile warres, as in many and most autenticall histories it is recorded: sithens also that some prouinces of the sayd kingdom, euen in these our dayes, haue bene afflicted with pestilence and contagious diseases, and with famine. [Sidenote: Chinian stories.] Howbeit, that the foresaid three benefits do mightily flourish and abound in China, it cannot be denied. For (that I may first speake of the salubritie of the aire) the fathers of the societie themselues are witnesses; that scarcely in any other realme there are so many found that liue vnto decrepite and extreme old age: so great a multitude is there of ancient and graue personages: neither doe they vse so many confections and medicines, nor so manifold and sundry wayes of curing diseases, as wee saw accustomed in Europe. For amongst them they haue no Phlebotomie or letting of blood: but all their cures, as ours also in Iapon, are atchieued by fasting, decoctions of herbes, and light or gentle potions. But in this behalfe let euery nation please themselues with their owne customes. Now, in fruitfulnes of soile this kingdom certes doth excel, far surpassing all other kingdoms of the East: yet it is nothing comparable vnto the plentie and abundance of Europe, as I haue declared at large in the former treatises. But the kingdom of China is, in this regard, so highly extolled, because there is not any region in the East partes that aboundeth so with marchandise, and from whence so much traffique is sent abroad. [Sidenote: The city of Coanchefu, _aliàs_ Cantam.] For whereas this kingdome is most large and full of nauigable riuers, so that commodities may easilie be conueyed out of one prouince into another: the Portugals doe find such abundance of wares within one and the same Citie, (which perhaps is the greatest Mart throughout the whole kingdome) that they are verily perswaded, that the same region, of all others, most aboundeth with marchandise: which notwithstanding is to be vnderstood of the Orientall regions: albeit there are some kindes of marchandise, wherewith the land of China is better stored then any other kingdom. [Sidenote: Great abundance of gold in China.] This region affordeth especially sundry kinds of mettals, of which the chiefe, both in excellencie and in abundance, is gold, whereof so many Pezoes are brought from China to India, and to our countrey of Iapon, that I heard say, that in one and the same ship, this present yeere, 2000 such pieces consisting of massie gold, as the Portugals commonly call golden loaues, were brought vnto vs for marchandise: and one of these loaues is worth almost 100 duckats. Hence it is that in the kingdom of China so many things are adorned with gold, as for example, beds, tables, pictures, images, litters wherein nice and daintie dames are caried vpon their seruants backes. Neither are these golden loaues onely bought by the Portugals, but also great plentie of gold-twine and leaues of gold: for the Chinians can very cunningly beate and extenuate gold into plates and leaues. [Sidenote: Great store of siluer.] There is also great store of siluer, whereof (that I may omit other arguments) it is no small demonstration, that euery yeere there are brought into the citie commonly called Cantam by the Portugal marchants to buie wares, at the least 400 Sestertium thereof, and yet nothing in a maner is conueied out of the Chinian kingdom: because the people of China abounding with all necessaries, are not greatly inquisitiue or desirous of any marchandise from other kingdomes. I doe here omit the Siluer mines whereof there are great numbers in China, albeit there is much circumspection vsed in digging the siluer thereout: for the king standeth much in feare least it may bee an occasion to stirre vp the couetous and greedie humour of many. Nowe their siluer which they put to vses is for the most part passing fine, and purified from all drosse, and therefore in trying it they vse great diligence. What should I speake of their iron, copper, lead, tinne, and other mettals, and also of their quick-siluer. Of all which in the realme of China there is great abundance, and from thence they are transported into diuers countreys. Hereunto may bee added the wonderfull store of pearles, which, at the Ile of Hainan, are found in shell-fishes taken very cunningly by certaine Diuers, and doe much enlarge the kings reuenues. [Sidenote: Great store of silke in China.] But now let vs proceed vnto the Silke or Bombycine fleece, whereof there is great plentie in China: so that euen as the husbandmen labour in manuring the earth, and in sowing of Rice; so likewise the women doe employ a great part of their time in preseruing of silke-wormes, and in keeming and weauing of Silke. Hence it is that euery yeere the King and Queene with great solemnitie come foorth into a publique place, the one of them touching a plough, and the other a Mulberie tree, with the leaues whereof Silke-wormes are nourished: and both of them by this ceremonie encouraging both men and women vnto their vocation and labour: whereas otherwise, all the whole yeere throughout, no man besides the principall magistrates, may once attaine to the sight of the king. [Sidenote: Silke brought into Iapon.] Of this Silke or Bombycine fleece there is such abundance, that three shippes for the most part comming out of India to the port of Macao, and at the least one euery yeere comming vnto vs, are laden especially with this fraight, and it is vsed not onely in India, but caried euen vnto Portugal. Neither is the Fleece it selfe onely transported thence, but also diuers and sundry stuffes wouen thereof, for the Chinians do greatly excel in the Art of weauing, and do very much resemble our weauers of Europe. Moreouer the kingdom of China aboundeth with most costlie spices and odours, and especially with cynamom (albeit not comparable to the cynamom of Zeilan) with camphire also and muske, which is very principal and good. Muske deriueth his name from a beast of the same name (which beast resembleth a Beuer) from the parts whereof bruseda and putrified proceedeth a most delicate and fragrant smel which the Portugals highly esteem, commonly calling those parts of the foresaid beasts (because they are like vnto the gorges of foules) Papos, and conuey great plenty of them into India, and to vs of Iapon. [Sidenote: Cotton wooll, whereof Calicut-cloth is made.] But who would beleeue, that there were so much gossipine or cotton-wool in China; whereof such variety of clothes are made like vnto linnen; which we our selues do so often vse, and which also is conueied by sea into so many regions? Let vs now intreat of that earthen or pliable matter commonly called porcellan, which is pure white, and is to be esteemed the best stuffe of that kind in the whole world: whereof vessels of all kinds are very curiously framed. I say, it is the best earthen matter in all the world, for three qualities; namely, the cleannesse, the beauty, and the strength thereof. There is indeed other matter to be found more glorious, and more costly, but none so free from vncleannes, and so durable: this I adde, in regard of glasse, which indeed is immaculate and cleane, but may easily be broken in pieces. This matter is digged, not thorowout the whole region of China, but onely in one of the fifteene prouinces called Quiansi, wherein continually very many artificers are employed about the same matter: neither doe they only frame thereof smaller vessels, as dishes, platters, salt sellers, ewers, and such like, but also certaine huge tunnes, and vessels of great quantity, being very finely and cunningly wrought, which, by reason of the danger and difficulty of carriage, are not transported out of the realme, but are vsed onely within it, and especially in the kings court. The beauty of this matter is much augmented by variety of picture, which is layed in certaine colours vpon it, while it is yet new, golde also being added thereunto, which maketh the foresayd vessels to appeare most beautifull. It is wonderfull how highly the Portugals do esteeme thereof, seeing they do, with great difficulty transport the same, not onely to vs of Iapon and into India, but also into sundry prouinces of Europe. Vnto the marchandize aboue-mentioned may be added diuers and sundry plants, the rootes whereof be right holesome for mens bodies, and very medicinable, which are brought vnto our Iles of Iapon, and vnto many other Ilands, amongst the which that wood may be reckoned, which (by a synechdoche) is called The Wood of China, being of notable force to expell out of mens bodies those humours, which would breed contagious diseases. To these you may adde sugar-canes (for in the realme of China there is great store of excellent sugar) which is conueyed by the Portugals very plentifully, both into our countrey, and also into India. My speeches vttered immediatly before concerned marchandize onely, in regard whereof this kingdome is beneficiall not to itselfe alone, but most profitable to many other nations also. [Sidenote: China in a maner destitute of corne, wine, and oile.] As for those fruits which pertaine to yerely sustenance and common food, they can scarse be numbred: albeit, of those three commodities which they of Europe so greatly account of; namely of cornes, vines, and oliues the land of China is not very capable: for the Chinians know not so much as the name of an Oliue tree (out of the fruit whereof oile is expressed) neither yet the name of a vine. The prouince of Paquin is not altogether destitute of wine, but whether it be brought from other places, or there made, I am not able to say: although it aboundeth with many other, and those not vnpleasant liquors, which may serue in the stead of wine it selfe. Now, as touching corne, there is indeed wheat sowen in all the prouinces, howbeit rise is in farre more vse and request then it: and so in regard of these two commodities profitable for mans life; namely, wine and come; the kingdome of China and our countrey of Iapon may be compared together. LEO. You haue discoursed (Michael) of the fruitfulnesse of China, whereof I haue often heard, that it is no lesse pleasant than fruitful, and I haue bene especially induced so to thinke, at the sight of the Chinian maps. MICHAEL. The thing it selfe agrees right well with the picture: for they that haue seene the mediterran or inner parts of the kingdome of China, do report it to be a most amiable countrey, adorned with plenty of woods, with abundance of fruits and grasse, and with woonderfull variety of riuers, wherewith the Chinian kingdome is watered like a garden; diuers of which riuers doe naturally flowe, and others by arte and industry are defined into sundry places. But now I will intreat of the tranquility and peace of China, after I haue spoken a word or two concerning the maners of the inhabitants. [Sidenote: The disposition and maners of the Chinians.] This nation is indued with excellent wit and dexterity for the attaining of all artes, and being very constant in their owne customes, they lightly regard the customes or fashions of other people. They vse one and the same kinde of vesture, yet so, that there is some distinction betweene the apparell of the magistrate and of the common subiect. They all of them do weare long haire vpon their heads, and, after the maner of women, do curiously keame their dainty locks hanging downe to the ground, and, hauing twined and bound them vp, they couer them with calles, wearing sundry caps thereupon, according to their age and conditon. It seemeth that in olde time one language was common to all the prouinces: notwithstanding, by reason of variety of pronunciation, it is very much altered, and is diuided into sundry idiomes or proprieties of speech, according to the diuers prouinces: howbeit, among the magistrates, and in publike assemblies of iudgement, there is one and the very same kinde of language vsed thorowout the whole realme, from the which (as I haue sayd) the speech of ech prouince differeth not a little. [Sidenote: Their loyaltie vnto their superiours.] Moreouer this people is most loyall and obedient vnto the king and his magistrates, which is the principall cause of their tranquility and peace. For whereas the common sort doe apply themselues vnto the discretion and becke of inferiour magistrates, and the inferiour magistrates of the superiour, and the superiour magistrates of the king himselfe, framing and composing all their actions and affaires vnto that leuell: a world it is to see, in what equability and indifferency of iustice all of them do leade their liues, and how orderly the publike lawes are administred. Which thing notwithstanding shall be handled more at large, when we come to intreat of the gouernment. LINUS. Tell vs now (Michael) of the industry of that people, whereof we haue heard great reports. MICHAEL. Their industry is especially to be discerned in manuary artes and occupations, and therein the Chinians do surpasse most of these Easterly nations. For there are such a number of artificers ingeniously and cunningly framing sundry deuices out of golde, siluer, and other mettals, as likewise of stone, wood and other matters conuenient for mans vse, that the streets of cities being replenished with their shops and fine workemanship, are very woonderfull to beholde. Besides whom also there are very many Painters, vsing either the pensill or the needle (of which the last sort are called Embrotherers) and others also that curiously worke golde-twine vpon cloth either of linnen or of cotton: whose operations of all kinds are diligently conueyed by the Portugals into India. Their industry doth no lesse appeare in founding of gunnes and in making of gun-powder, whereof are made many rare and artificiall fire-works. To these may be added the arte of Printing, albeit their letters be in maner infinite and most difficult, the portraitures whereof they cut in wood or in brasse, and with maruellous facilitie they dayly publish huge multitudes of books. Vnto these mechanicall and illiberall crafts you may adde two more; that is to say, nauigation and discipline of warre; both of which haue bene in ancient times most diligently practised by the inhabitants of China: for (as we haue before signified in the third dialogue) the Chinians sailing euen as farre as India, subdued some part thereof vnto their owne dominion: howbeit afterward, least they should diminish the forces of their realme by dispersing them into many prouinces, altering their counsell, they determined to containe themselues within their owne limits: within which limits (as I haue sayd) there were in olde time vehement and cruell wares, both betweene the people of China themselues, and also against the Tartarian king, who inuaded their kingdome, and by himselue and his successours, for a long season, vsurped the gouernment thereof. Howbeit the kings of the Tartarian race being worne out, and their stocke and family being vtterly abolished, the Chinians began to lift vp their heads, and to aduance themselues, inioying for these 200 yeeres last past exceeding peace and tranquility, and at this day the posterity of the same king that expelled the Tartars, with great dignity weareth the crowne, and wieldeth the royall scepter. Albeit therefore the people of China (especially they that inhabit Southerly from the prouince of Paquin) are, for the most part, by reason of continuall ease and quiet, growen effeminate, and their courage is abated, notwithstanding they would prooue notable and braue souldiers, if they ioyned vse and exercise vnto their naturall fortitude. As a man may easily obserue in them, that maintaine continuall warres against the most barbarous and cruell Tartars. Howbeit in this kingdome of China there is so great regard of military discipline, that no city nor towne there is destitute of a garison, the captaines and gouernours keeping ech man his order; which all of them, in euery prouince, are subiect vnto the kings lieutenant generall for the warres, whom they call Chumpin, and yet he himselfe is subiect vnto the Tutan or viceroy. Let vs now come vnto that arte, which the Chinians do most of all professe, and which we may, not vnfitly, call literature or learning. For although it be commonly reported, that many liberall sciences, and especially naturall and morall phylosophy are studied in China, and that they haue Vniuersities there, wherein such ingenuous artes are deliuered and taught, yet, for the most part this opinion is to be esteemed more popular then true; but I will declare, vpon what occasion this conceit first grew. The people of China doe, aboue all things, professe the arte of literature; and learning it most diligently, they imploy themselues a long time and the better part of their age therein. For this cause, in all cities and townes, yea, and in pety villages also, there are certaine schole-masters hired for stipends to instruct children: and their literature being (as ours in Iapon is also) in maner infinite, their children are put to schole euen from their infancy and tender yeeres, from whence notwithstanding such are taken away, as are iudged to be vnfit for the same purpose, and are trained vp to marchandize or to manuary sciences: but the residue do so dedicate themselues to the study of learning, that (a strange thing it is to consider) being conuersant in the principall books, they will easily tel you, if they be asked the question, how many letters be conteined in euery page, and where ech letter is placed. Now, for the greater progresse and increase of learning, they (as the maner is in Europe) do appoint three degrees to the attaining of noble sciences; that is to say, the lowest, the middle degree, and the highest. Graduates of the first degree are called Siusai, of the second Quiugin, and of the third Chinzu. And in each city or walled towne there is a publique house called the Schoole, and vnto that all they doe resort from all priuate and pety-schooles that are minded to obtaine the first degree; where they do amplifie a sentence or theame propounded vnto them by some magistrate: and they, whose stile is more elegant and refined, are, in ech city, graced with the first degree. Of such as aspire vnto the second degree triall is made onely in the metropolitan or principall city of the prouince, whereunto, they of the first degree, euery third yere, haue recourse, and, in one publike house or place of assembly, doe, the second time, make an oration of another sentence obscurer then the former, and doe vndergo a more seuere examination. Now, there is commonly such an huge multitude of people, that this last yere, in the foresayd famous city of Cantam, by reason of the incredible assembly of persons flocking to that publike act or commencement, at the first entrance of the doores, there were many troden vnder foot, and quelled to death, as we haue bene most certainly informed. Moreouer they that sue for the highest degree are subiect vnto a most seuere and exact censure, whereby they are to be examined at the Kings Court onely, and that also euery third yere next ensuing the sayd yere wherein graduates of the second degree are elected in ech prouince, and, a certaine number being prescribed vnto euery particular prouince, they do ascend vnto that highest pitch of dignity, which is in so great regard with the king himselfe, that the three principall graduates do, for honours sake, drinke off a cup filled euen with the Kings owne hand, and are graced with other solemnities. [Marginal note: Note the extraordinary honor vouchsafed by the great King of China vpon his learned graduates.] Out of this order the chiefe magistrates are chosen: for after that they haue attained vnto this third degree, being a while trained vp in the lawes of the realme, and in the precepts of vrbanity, they are admitted vnto diuers function. Neither are we to thinke that the Chinians be altogether destitute of other artes. For, as touching morall philosophy, all those books are fraught with the precepts thereof, which, for their instructions sake, are alwayes conuersant in the hands of the foresayd students, wherein such graue and pithy sentences are set downe, that, in men void of the light of the Gospell, more can not be desired. [Sidenote: Naturall philosophy.] They haue books also that intreat of things and causes naturall, but herein it is to be supposed, that aswell their books as ours do abound with errors. There be other books among them, that discourse of herbs and medicines, and others of chiualry and martiall affaires. Neither can I here omit, that certaine men of China (albeit they be but few, and rare to be found) are excellent in the knowledge of astronomy, by which knowledge of theirs the dayes of the new moone incident to euery moneth are truly disposed and digested, and are committed to writing and published: besides, they doe most infallibly foretell the eclipses of the Sun and Moone: and whatsoeuer knowledge in this arte we of Iapon haue, it is deriued from them. LEO. We doe freely confesse that (Michael) sithens our books intreating of the same arte are a great part of them, written in the characters or letters of China. [Sidenote: The politike gouernment of China.] But now, instruct you vs as touching their maner of gouernment, wherein the Chinians are sayd greatly to excell. MICHAEL. That, that, in very deed, is their chiefe arte, and vnto that all their learning and exercise of letters is directed. Whereas therefore, in the kingdome of China, one onely king beares rule ouer so many prouinces, it is strange what a number of Magistrates are by him created to admister publique afiaires. For (to omit them which in ech Towne and City haue iurisdiction ouer the townesmen and citizens) there are three principall Magistrates in euery prouince. The first is he that hath to deale in cases criminall, and is called Ganchasu: the second is the Kings Fosterer, and is called Puchinsu: the third is the Lieutenant-generall for the warres, named, as we sayd before, Chumpin. These three therefore haue their place of residence in the chiefe City of the prouince: and the two former haue certaine associates of their owne order, but of inferiour authority, appointed in diuers Cities and Townes, vnto whom, according to the variety of causes, the Gouernours of Townes and the Maiors of Cities doe appeale. Howbeit the three forenamed Magistrates are in subjection vnto the Tutan, that is, the Vice-roy, ordained in ech prouince. And all these Magistrates beare office for the space of three yeeres together: yet so, that for the gouerning of ech province, not any of the same prouince, but strangers, that is, men of another prouince, are selected: whereof it commeth to passe, that the Iudges may giue sentence with a farre more entire and incorrupt minde, then if they were among their owne kinesfolke and allies. Ouer and besides all these, there is an annuall or yeerely Magistrate, which is called Chaien, whose duety it is to make inquisition of all crimes, and especially the crimes of Magistrates, and also to punish common offences: but concerning the faults of the great magistrates to admonish the king himselfe. Of this order, euery yere, are sent out of the Kings Court, for ech prouince, one; and going ouer all the Cities and Townes thereof, they do most diligently ransacke and serch out all crimes, and vpon them which are imprisoned they inflict due punishment, or, being found not guilty, they dismisse them vnpunished. Hence it is, that all Magistrates greatly fearing to be called in question by the Chaien are well kept within the limits of their callings. [Sidenote: Two Senates or Counsels continually holden in China.] Besides all these Magistrates there is at either Court, namely in the North, and in the South, a Senate or honourable assembly of graue counsellors, vnto the which, out of all prouinces, according to the neerenesse and distance of the place, affaires of greater weight and moment are referred, and by their authority diuers Magistrates are created: howbeit the managing and expedition of principall affaires is committed vnto the Senate of Paquin. Moreouer there are euery yeere certaine Magistrates appointed in ech prouince, to goe vnto the king; and euery third yeere all the Gouernours of Cities and of Townes do visit him at once, what time triall is made of them that aspire vnto the third degree: vpon which occasion there is at the same time an incredible number of people at the Kings Court. [Sidenote: The causes of peace in China.] By reason of this excellent order and harmony of Magistrates placed one vnder another, it can scarse be imagined, what sweete peace and tranquility flourisheth thorowout the whole realme, especially sithens, after speedy inquisition, persons that are guilty be put (as the maner is there) to the punishment of the bastinado: neither yet are suits or actions any long time delayed. [Sidenote: Learning the only step to honour in China.] Also it is not to be omitted, that for the obtaining of any dignity or magistracy, the way is open, without all respect of gentry or blood, vnto all men, if they be learned, and especially if they haue attained vnto the third and highest degree aforesaid. [The stately and formidable procession of the Chinian magistrates.] Neither can it be expressed how obedient and duetifull the common sort are vnto their Magistrates, and with what magnificence and pompe the sayd Magistrates come abroad: for the most part of them haue fiftie or threescore Sergeants attending vpon them, and going before them, two and two in a ranke: some of them carrying Halberds, Maces and Battle-axes: some trailing yron chaines vpon the ground: others holding great roddes or staues of a certaine kinde of reede, wherewith malefactours are punished, in their hands: and two there are that carry, inclosed in a case, the Kings seale peculiar for ech office: and many others also, that shew sundry spectacles vnto the people: whereunto may be added the horrible out-cries and showtes, which betweene whiles they vtter, to strike a terrour into the hearts of all men: and at length come the Magistrates themselues, being carried in a throne vpon the backs of foure men, sixe men, or eight men, according to the dignity of their office. [Sidenote: The houses of the Chinian magistrates.] Now, as concerning their houses, they are very large and stately, being built and furnished with all necessary stuffe, at the Kings owne cost, in the which, so long as their magistracy lasteth, they leade a braue and an honourable life. The sayd houses are without variety of stories one aboue another, which in the kingdome of China and in our Iles of Iapon also are not ordinarily vsed for habitation, but either to keepe watch and ward, or els for solace and recreations sake (for the which purposes, eight most lofty turrets of nine stories high are built) or els for the defence of Cities. Howbeit in other regardes these buildings doe shew foorth no small magnificence: for they haue their cisternes for the receit of raine-water, which are adorned with beautifull trees, set in order, round about them: and they haue also their places designed for the administration of iustice, and diuers other conuenient roomes to bestow their wiues and families in. Within the doores of the foresayd habitations a certain number of Sergeants and officers, hauing cabbins or little houses allotted them on both sides, doe alwayes giue their attendance; and so long as matters of iudgement are in deciding, they be alwayes ready at hand, that, at the direction of the Magistrates they may either beat malefactours, or by torments constraine them to tell the trueth. [Sidenote: The magistrates barges.] The sayd Magistrates also haue their peculiar barges wherein to take the water; being in breadth and length not much vnlike to galleys of Europe, but for swiftnesse and multitude of orres, farre inferiour vnto them. The rowers, sitting vpon galleries without the hatches or compasse of the barge, doe mooue it on forward with their oares: whereupon it commeth to passe, that the middle part of the barge affordeth sufficient roome for the Magistrates themselues to abide in, containing chambers therein almost as conuenient and handsome, as in any of their foresayd publique houses, together with butteries and kitchins, and such other places necessary for the prouision and stowage of victuals. LEO. All these things agree right well with the reports, which we haue heard of the stately and renowmed kingdome of China: I would now right gladly know somewhat concerning the order which is obserued in the obtaining of magistracies. MICHAEL. You haue enquired of a matter most woorthy to be knowen, which I had almost omitted to entreat of. [Sidenote: The maner of electing magistrates in China.] The Chinians therefore doe vse a kinde of gradation in aduancing men vnto sundry places of authority, which for the most part is performed by the Senatours of Paquin. For first they are made iudges of townes: then of Cities: afterward they are elected to be of that order, which decreeth punishments in cases criminall without further appeale, or of their order, that are the kings fosterers. [Sidenote: Degrees vnto honour.] And in both of these Orders, which are very honourable, there are many places and degrees, so that from the inferiour place they must ascend vnto the superiour, vntill they haue attained vnto the highest dignity of all: and immediatly after that they come to be Vice-royes, howbeit this gradation is not alwayes accomplished in one and the same prouince, but in changing their offices they change places and prouinces also. Moreouer, next after the office of Vice-roy they are capable to be chosen Senatours of Nanquin, and last of all to be elected into the Senate of Paquin. Now, there is such an order and methode obserued in the ascending vnto these dignities, that all men may easily coniecture, what office any one is to vndertake. [Sidenote: Riding post.] And there is so great diligence and celerity vsed for the substitution of one into the roome of another, that for the same purpose, messengers are dispatched by land, vpon swift post-horses, vnto diuers prouinces, almost twenty dayes iourney from the Kings Court. And, to be short, there is such district seuerity in degrading those that vniustly or negligently demeane themselues, from an honourable vnto an inferiour and base office, or altogether in depriuing them of the kings authority: that all Magistrates doe stand in feare of nothing in the world more then of that. [Sidenote: Martiall dignities.] The same order, almost, is obserued among the Captaines and Lieu-tenants generall for the warres: except onely in them, that their birth and offspring is respected: for many there be, who descending by parentage from such men as haue in times past atchieued braue exploits in warfare, so soone as they come to sufficient yeeres, are created Centurions, Colonels, and Gouernours, vntill at last they attaine to be Lieu-tenants generall and Protectours of some whole prouince; who notwithstanding (as I haue sayd) are in all things subiect vnto the Vice-roy. All the foresayd Magistrates both of warre and of peace haue a set number of attendants allotted vnto them, enioying a stipend, and carying certaine ensignes and peculiar badges of their office: and (besides the ordinary watch, which souldiers appointed for the same purpose doe in the night season, after the City gates be shut, keepe in their forts) wheresoeuer any Magistrate is, either at his house or in his barge, the sayd attendants striking vpon a cymball of brasse, at certaine appointed times, do keepe most circumspect and continuall watch and ward about his person. LINUS. You haue (Michael) sufficiently discoursed of the Magistrates: informe vs now of the king himselfe, whose name is so renowmed and spread abroad. [Sidenote: The king of China.] MICHAEL. Concerning this matter I will say so much onely as by certaine rumours hath come to my knowledge; for of matters appertaining vnto the kings Court we haue no eye-witnesses, sithens the fathers of the society haue not as yet proceeded vnto Paquin, who so soone as (by Gods assistance) they shall there be arriued, will by their letters more fully aduertise vs. [Sidenote: Van-Sui.] The king of China therefore is honoured with woonderfull reuerence and submission thorowout his whole realme; and whensoeuer any of his chiefe Magistrates speaketh vnto him, he calleth him VAN-SVI, signifying thereby that be wisheth tenne thousands of yeeres vnto him. [Sidenote: The succession of the crowne.] The succession of the kingdome dependeth vpon the bloud royall: for the eldest sonne borne of the kings first and lawfull wife obtaineth the kingdome after his fathers decease: neither doe they depriue themselues of the kingly authority in their life time (as the maner is in our Ilands of Iapon) but the custome of Europe is there obserued. [Sidenote: The kings yonger brethren.] Now, that the safety and life of the king may stand in more security, his yoonger brethren, and the rest borne of concubines are not permitted to liue in the kings Court: but places of habitation are by the king himselfe assigned vnto them in diuers prouinces farre distant asunder, where they dwell most commodiously, being comparable vnto kings for their buildings and revenues: howbeit they exercise no authority ouer the people, but all the gouernment of those cities wherein they dwell concerneth the Magistrates, who notwithstanding haue the sayde Princes in high regard and honour, and doe visit them twise in a moneth, and salute them kneeling vpon their knees, and bowing their faces downe to the earth: and yet they communicate nothing vnto them as touching the administration of the Common-wealth. These are they which may properly be called the Peeres or Princes of the Realme of China: for they deriue their houses and reuenues vnto their posterity, and so are these royall families continually preserued. But to returne vnto the king himselfe, hee is most chary in obseruing the Chinian lawes and customes, and diligently exerciseth himselfe in learning so much as concernes his estate, sheweth himselfe dayly vnto his chiefe Magistrates, and communeth of matters appertaining to the publique commodity of the Realme. [Sidenote: Twelue chariots.] His palace is of woonderfull largenesse and capacity, out of the which he very seldome takes his progresse; and whensoeuer he doeth so, there are twelue chariots brought foorth, all of them most like one to another both in workemanship and in value, that no man may discerne in which the king himselfe is placed. [Sidenote: The idolatrous religion of the king.] He followeth in religion especially the opinions of the Magistrates, attributing diuine power vnto heauen and earth as vnto the parents of all, and with great solemnity sacrificing vnto them. He hath diuers most sumptuous Temples dedicated vnto his ancestours, whereunto likewise he ascribeth diuine honour, and yet ceaseth hee not to fauour Priests of other sects, yea, hee erecteth Temples vnto their Patrons, endowing them with most rich reuenues; and so often as any vrgent necessity requireth, he enioynes continuall fastings and prayers vnto them: and after this sort he doeth in a maner patronize all the idolatrous sects of his Realme, and shewing himselfe ready to embrace any false religion whatsoeuer, be liueth in sundry and manifolde kindes of superstition. [Sidenote: The ciuill gouernment of China most agreeable to the instinct of nature.] Out of all the former particulars by me alledged, you may easily coniecture that the administration of kingdome of China doeth, for the most parts agree with the instinct of nature, authority being committed, not vnto rude and vnskilfull persons, but vnto such as haue beene conuersant in the vse and exercise of learning, yea, and in promoting learned men vnto magistracies, great consideration is had of their wisedom, justice, and of other virtues esteemed by the Chinian: wherefore the way being open for all men, without any respect of degree or parentage, to obtaine any of the foresayd dignities, it can not be but that this most mighty and famous kingdome must needes enioy exceeding peace and tranquility. LEO. I would nowe (Michael) right gladly vnderstand, what kinde of vrbanity or ciuill demeanour both the common people and the Magistrates doe vse one towardes another: for it is not likely that where such due administration of iustice is, common ciuility, which so well beseemeth all men, should be wanting. [Sidenote: The fiue vertues principally esteemed among the Chinians.] MICHAEL. You haue hit euen the very naile on the head: for among the fiue vertues, which the Chinians principally regard, vrbanity or courtesy is one, the rest are piety, a thankefull remembrance of benefites, true dealing in contracts or bargaines, and wisedome in atchieuing of matters: with the praises and commendations of which vertues the Chinian bookes are full fraught. [Sidenote: Vrbanity.] Now as touching their vrbanity, it is much vnlike vnto ours in Iapan, and vnto that of Europe: howbeit vnder two principall kindes the rule of their vrbanity or courtesie may be comprehended: whereof one is obserued betweene equals, and the other betweene superiours and inferiours. For when men of equall dignity meet together, they stand bending their backes, and bowing their heads downe to the ground, and this they doe either once or twice, or sometimes thrise. Now when the inferiour meets with his superiour, the sayd inferiour, for the most part kneeling lowly on his knees, enclineth his countenance downe to the earth. But how often and when this obeizance is to be performed it is woonderfull what a number of rules and prescriptions are set downe, which to recount would require a long time. [Sidenote: The Chinians great piety towards their parents.] Somewhat also I wil say as touching their piety, and especially of the piety which they vse towards their parents, which verily is so exceeding great, that for the space of three whole yeres together, the sonnes being cladde in mourning vestures doe bewaile the death of their parents, which duety is performed not onely by the common sort, but euen by all the Magistrates themselues, and that most curiously and diligently. And that all men may wholly giue their attendance vnto this businesse, it is prouided by a most inuiolable law among the Chinians, that Magistrates, vpon the death of their parents, must foorthwith renounce their authority, and three whole yeeres, for the performance of their fathers exequies, must betake themselues vnto a priuate kinde of liuing: which also is most duely put in practise by the Senatours of the Kings owne Councell. For albeit a man be right gracious in the eyes of his Prince, yea, and such an one, as vpon whom the administration of the Realme doeth principally depend; yet hauing heard of the death of his parents, that is, of his father or his mother, he hies himselfe immediately home to solemnise their funerals: insomuch that if the king would retaine him still in his office, he should be esteemed by the people, as a transgressour of the lawes and customes of China: which accident (as it is recorded) in ancient times fel out euen so. [Sisdenote: A memorable story.] For whenas a certain king most familiarly vsed a certaine Senatour of his about the managing and expedition of publike affaires, and vnderstanding well how necessary the helpe of his foresayd Senatour was, would gladly, after the death of his father, haue retained him still in his office: yet a certaine other man, being a welwiller vnto the Chinian lawes, could in no case abide it, but checking his Prince with sharpe rebukes, obiected the transgression of the law against him. The king waxing wroth menaced present death vnto the man; but when the party being no wit danted with the terrour of death, persisted still in his sayings, the king changing his determination dismissed the Senatour to mourne for his father, but as for his reprehender be aduanced him vnto an higher dignity. LINUS. I perceiue (Michael) that drawing to an end of these dialogues, and being weary of your long race, you begin to affect breuity: yet let it not seeme troublesome vnto you to speake somewhat of the religion of China, which onely thing seemes to be wanting in this present dialogue. [Sidenote: The religion of China.] MICHAEL. I confesse indeed that I endeuour to be briefe, not so much in regard of wearisomnesse, as for feare least I haue bene ouer tedious vnto you: howbeit I will not faile but accomplish that which I haue vndertaken, and (according to your request) adde somewhat more concerning religion. Whereas therefore the kingdome of China hath hitherto bene destitute of true religion, and now the first beginnings thereof are included in most narrow bounds, that nation being otherwise a people most ingenious, and of an extraordinory and high capacity, hath alwayes liued in great errours and ignorance of the trueth, being distracted into sundry opinions, and following manifolde sects. [Sidenote: Three principall sectes among the Chinians.] And among these sects there are three more famous then the rest: [Sidenote: Confucius authour of the first sect.] the first is of them that professe the doctrine of one Confucius a notable philosopher. This man (as it is reported in the history of his life) was one of most vpright and incorrupt maners, whereof he wrote sundry treatises very pithily and largely, which aboue all other books, are seriously read and perused by the Chinians. The same doctrine do all Magistrates embrace, and others also that giue their mindes to the study of letters, a great part whereof Confucius is sayd to haue inuented: and he is had in so great honour, that all his followers and clients, vpon the dayes of the new and full Moone, doe assemble themselues at the common Schoole, which I haue aboue mentioned, and before his image, which is worshipped with burning of incense and with tapers, they doe thrise bend their knees, and bow their heads downe to the ground; which not onely the common scholars, but the chiefe Magistrates do performe. [The summe of Confucius his doctrine.] The summe of the foresayd doctrine is, that men should follow the light of nature as their guide, and that they should diligently endeuour to attaine vnto the vertues by me before mentioned: and lastly, that they should employ their labour about the orderly gouernment of their families and of the Common-wealth. All these things are in very deed praise-worthy, if Confucius had made any mention of almighty God and of the life to come, and had not ascribed so much vnto the heauens, and vnto fatall necessity, nor yet had so curiously intreated of worshipping the images of their forefathers. In which regard he can very hardly or not at all be excused from the crime of idolatry: notwithstanding it is to be granted, that none other doctrine among the Chinians approacheth so neere vnto the trueth as this doeth. [Sidenote: Xequiam author of the second sect, whose followers are called Cen or Bonzi.] The second sect is of them which followethe the instructions of Xaquam, or as the Chinians call him Xequiam, whose opinions, because they are well knowen amongst vs, it were bootlesse for me to repeat; especially sithens, in the Catechisme composed by our grave visitour, they are notably refuted. This doctrine doe all they embrace, which are in China called Cen, but with vs at Iapon are named Bonzi. [Sidenote: Note.] For this I doe briefly and by the way giue you to vnderstand, that all words of the Chinians language are of one sillable onely, so that if there be any word that consisteth of more sillables then one, it consisteth also of more wordes then one. These sectaries called Cen doe shaue their beards and their heads, and doe for the most part, together with diuers of their associates, inhabit the Temples of Xaquam, or of others which in regard of the same profession haue in their Kalenders beene canonized for Saints, and doe rehearse certaine prayers after their maner, either vpon books or beads, vsing other ceremonies after the maner of our Bonzi. These men haue some inckling of the life to come, and of the rewardes of good men, and the punishments of the wicked: howbeit all their assertions are fraught with errours. [Sidenote: The third sect.] The third sect is of them which are called Tauzu: and those doe imitate a certaine other man, to be adored, as they thinke, for his holinesse. These also are Priests after their kinde, howbeit they let their haire grow, and doe in other obseruations differ from the former. Now, because the sect of Confucius is the most famous of all the three, and the two other sects called Cen and Tauzu are not much adicted vnto learning, their religion preuailing onely among the common sort, the Priests of both the sayd sects doe leade a most base and seruile life amongst the Chinians, insomuch that they kneele downe before the Magistrates, and are not permitted to sit beside them, sometimes, if the Magistrate please, are abased vnto the punishment of the bastonado: whereas in our Iles of Iapon it is farre otherwise, Priests, euen of false religion, being had in so great honour among vs. [Sidenote: The superstition of the Saracens.] LEO. I heard also (Michael) that the Saracens superstition takes place in China: now, whether it doth or no, you can resolue vs. MICHAEL. That forren superstition was brought into China what time the Tartars inuaded the kingdome, and vsurped the gouernment thereof. All the Saracens therefore in China are originally descended of the Tartars, who, because they were an infinite number, could not vtterly be expelled and rooted out of the kingdome, but remaining still there, haue propagated their posterity, though not their religion. These therefore are souldiers for the greater part of them, and sometimes doe obtaine martiall dignities: and except a few ceremonies of their superstition which is nowe become stale and almost worne out, they doe liue, altogether after the Chinians fashion, their predecessours being brought into the same kingdome about foure hundred yeeres agoe. [Sidenote: Christian religion planted in China.] LINUS. Now (Michael) let vs heare you say somewhat of the Christian religion, which as we hope hath set most happy footing in that kingdome. MICHAEL. I could say much concerning those most wished and acceptable beginnings were they not already published in Iapon by the letters of the fathers: howbeit I will make a briefe rehearsall of all things, that I may not seem altogether to haue abandoned this labour. You know that from the time wherein the fathers of the society arriued in our Ilands, to the end they might augment Christian religion, they were in like sort most carefull how they might insinuate themselues into the innermost parts of the kingdome of China. In the middst of this endeauour and trauell Francis Xauier, a most deuout man of the foresayd society, departed out of this present life at the Ile of Sancian (which some call Sangiam) leauing an example vnto the rest of his associates, how they should likewise doe their best to plant the religion of Christ in that nation. [Sidenote: An ancient custome worthy the obseruation.] This man was seconded by others, who vsed all meanes, and left no practise vnattempted, that they might bring these good beginnings vnto a prosperours issue: howbeit they were greatly hindered by reason of an ancient custome in China, in regard whereof they doe not without great difficulty and circumspection admit any strangers into their dominions, except those which hauing a long time executed the office of ambassadours doe ordinarily euery third yeere present themselues before the king: in the admission of whom likewise there is maruellous care vsed, that they may not easily espie and become acquainted with the affaires of the Realme. [Sidenote: The Chinians contemne other nations.] Hereunto may be added, that the Chinians are great contemners of other nations, and most constant obseruers of their owne lawes and customes: in all which respects it came to passe that there was wonderfull labour and diligence employed aboue thirty yeeres together, onely to get an entrance, vntill in the yeere one thousand fiue hundred fourescore and three, two fathers of the foresayd society, that had pretty skill in the letters and language of China, vtterly despairing of mans helpe, and depending vpon the prouidence of almighty God, obtained licence of the Tutan or Vice-roy to build them an house and a Church in the City of Xauquin, which by reason of the commodiousnesse thereof is the seat of the Viceroy himselue. This worke being begunne, the sayd fathers of the society, for the nouelty therof, were a few yeeres right well entreated by the Magistrates: inasmuch that two others out of India had free and easie accesse vnto them, one couple remaining still in their foresayd house at Xauquin, and the other two taking their iourney for the inner prouinces, to conuert more people vnto the faith: who notwithstanding afterward, other Magistrates not approouing of their attempts, were constrained to retire. Nowe all the time wherein the foresayd fathers abode at Xauquin (being more then fiue yeeres) certaine of the common people were restrained from false superstition to Christian religion, and seuenty persons were baptised. But the enemy of mankinde, who omitteth none opportunity for the hinderance of Christian religion, suggested into the mindes of the Chinians (being, as I sayd, of their owne nature, a people estranged from the traffique and acquaintance of other nations, and alwayes being too suspicious of strangers) that they should exhibit letters of supplication vnto the Caien and the Tutan their principall Magistrates, to haue the fathers expelled out of Xauquin: which Magistrates repairing vnto their foresayed house and Church entered consultation how they might bannish them out of the sayd City of Xauquin: in which thing verily they vsed great moderation, not any way offending or exasperating the mindes of the fathers, but onely signifying that they had regard vnto the estate of their Common-wealth. For the Tutan or Vice-roy calling the fathers vnto him, and (to let passe other accidents) vsing courteous and familiar conference with them, declared by many arguments, that their habitation in the City of Xauquin was not conuenient, especially sithens so many Magistrates resorted vnto that City, who would take great offence at the presence of strangers. For the which cause he perswaded them to accept some part of the money which they had bestowed in the building of their house, and so to returne either home into their own countrey, or vnto the port of Macao. Howbeit, such was the instant supplication of the fathers, and so woorthy of compassion, that the Tutan or Vice-roy, in the extreame and mediterrane borders of the prouince of Coantum, assigned vnto them a new habitation at the city called Xaucheo, commending them also to a certaine Magistrate, who was come from the same place to salute him. Thither therefore the sayd others, not without great sorrow and griefe of the Christians, hied themselues, and as we are informed by their last letters, they haue euen now layed the foundation of their first building, and haue also written that they are like to liue much more peaceably and conueniently for the propagating of Christian religion. These be the first beginnings of Christianity in China, where, euen as in other places of the Christian Common-wealth, the seed is to be sowen with great labour and teares, that acceptable fruits may be reaped with gladnesse. LEO. It is euen as you haue sayd (Michael) and nowe for this your pleasant and eloquent discourse we do acknowledge our selues much bounden vnto you. * * * * * A Letter written from Goa, the principall City of all the East Indies, by one Thomas Steuens an English man, and sent to his father, M. Thomas Steuens: Anno 1579. After most humble commendations: These shall be to crave your dayly blessing, with like commendations vnto my mother; and withall, to certifie you of my being: according to your will and my duety. I wrote vnto you taking my iourney from Italy to Portugall, which letters I thinke are come to your hands, so that presuming therupon, I thinke I haue the lesse need at this time to tell you the cause of my departing, which nevertheless in one word I may conclude, if I do but name obedience. I came to Lisbon toward the end of March, eight dayes before the departure of the shippes, so late that if they had not bene stayed about some weighty matters, they had bene long gone before our comming: insomuch that there were others ordained to goe in our places, that the kings prouision and ours also might not be in vaine. Neuerthelesse our sudden comming tooke place, and the fourth of Aprill fiue ships departed for Goa, wherein besides shipmen and souldiers, there were a great number of children which in the seas beare out better than men, and no maruell, when that many women also passe very well. The setting foorth from the port I need not to tell how solemne it is with trumpets, and shooting of ordinance, you may easily imagine it, considering that they go in the maner of warre. The tenth of the foresayd moneth we came to the sight of Porto Santo neere vnto Madera, where an English shippe set vpon ours (which was then also alone) with a few shots, which did no harme, but after that our ship had layed out her greatest ordinance, they straight departed as they came. The English shippe was very faire and great, which I was sorry to see so ill occupied, for she went rouing about, so that we saw her againe at the Canarian Iles, vnto the which we came the thirteenth of the sayd moneth, and good leisure we had to woonder at the high mountaine of the Iland Tenerif, for we wandred betweene that and great Canaria foure dayes by reason of contrary windes: and briefly, such euill weather we had vntill the foureteenth of May, that they despaired, to compasse the Cape of Good hope that yeere. Neuertheless, taking our voyage betweene Guinea and the Ilands of Capo Verde, without seeing of any land at all, we arriued at length vnto the coast of Guinie, which the Portugals so call, chiefly that part of the burning Zone, which is from the sixt degree vnto the Equinoctiall, in which parts they suffered so many inconueniences of heats, and lacke of windes, that they thinke themselues happy when they haue passed it: for sometimes the ship standeth there almost by the space of many dayes, sometimes she goeth, but in such order that it were almost as good to stand still. And the greatest part of this coast not cleare, but thicke and cloudy, full of thunder and lightening, and raine so vnholesome, that if the water stand a little while, all is full of wormes, and falling on the meat which is hanged vp, it maketh it straight full of wormes. Along all that coast we often times saw a thing swimming vpon the water like a cocks combe (which they call a ship of Guinea) but the colour much fairer; which combe standeth vpon a thing almost like the swimmer of a fish in colour and bignesse, and beareth vnderneath in the water, strings which saue it from turning ouer. This thing is so poisonous, that a man cannot touch it without great perill. In this coast, that is to say, from the sixt degree vnto the Equinoctiall, we spent no lesse than thirty dayes, partly with contrary windes, partly with calme. The thirtieth of May we passed the Equinoctiall with contentation, directing our course as well as we could to passe the promontory, but in all that gulfe, and in all the way beside, we found so often calmes, that the expertest mariner wondred at it. And in places where there are alwayes woont to be most horrible tempests, we found most quiet calmes which was very troublesome to those ships which be the greatest of all other, and cannot go without good windes. Insomuch, that when it is tempest almost intollerable for other ships, and maketh them maine all their sailes, these hoise vp, and saile excellent well, vnlesse the waters be too furious, which seldome happened in our nauigation. You shall vnderstand, that being passed the line, they cannot straightway go the next way to the promontory: but according to the winde, they draw always as neere South as they can to put themselues in the latitude of the point, which is 35 degrees and an halfe, and then they take their course towards the East, and so compass the point. But the winde serued vs so, that at 33 degrees we did direct our course toward the point or promontory of Good hope. You know that it is hard to saile from East to West, or contrary, because there is no fixed point in all the skie, whereby they may direct their course, wherefore I shall tell you what helps God prouided for these men. There is not a fowle that appereth, or signe in the aire, or in the sea, which they haue not written, which haue made the voyages heretofore. [Sidenote: The variation of the compasse.] Wherfore, partly by their owne experience, and pondering withall what space the ship was able to make with such a winde, and such direction, and partly by the experience of others, whose books and nauigations they haue, they gesse whereabouts they be, touching degrees of longitude, for of latitude they be alwayes sure: but the greatest and best industry of all is to marke the variation of the needle or compasse, which in the Meridian of the Iland of S. Michael, which is one of the Azores in the latitude of Lisbon, is iust North, and thence swarueth towards the East so much, that betwixt the Meridian aforesayd, and the point of Africa it carrieth three or foure quarters of 32. And againe in the point of Afrike, a little beyond the point that is called Cape das Agulias (in English the needles) it returneth againe vnto the North, and that place passed, it swarueth againe toward the West, as it did before proportionally. [Sidenote: Signes about the Cape of Bona Speransa.] As touching our first signes, the neerer we came to the people of Afrike, the more strange kindes of fowles appeared, insomuch that when we came within no lesse then thirty leagues (almost an hundred miles) and sixe hundred miles as we thought from any Iland, as good as three thousand fowles of sundry kindes followed our ship: some of them so great that their wings being opened from one point to the other, contained seuen spannes, as the Mariners sayd. A maruellous thing to see how God prouided, so that in so wide a sea these fowles are all fat, and nothing wanteth them. The Portugals haue named them all according to some propriety which they haue: some they call Rushtailes, because their tailes be not proportionable to their bodies, but long and small like a rush, some forked tailes because they be very broad and forked, some Veluet sleeues, because they haue wings of the colour of veluet, and bowe them as a man boweth his elbow. This bird is alwayes welcome, for he appeareth neerest the Cape. I should neuer make an end if I should tell all particulars: but it shall suffice briefly to touch a few, which yet shall be sufficient, if you marke them, to giue occasion to glorifie almighty God in his wonderfull works, and such variety in his creatures. [Sidenote: Fishes on sea coast of Africa.] And to speake somewhat of fishes in all places of calme, especially in the burning Zone, neere the line (for without we neuer saw any) there waited on our ship fishes as long as a man, which they call Tuberones, they come to eat such things as from the shippe fall into the sea, not refusing men themselues if they light vpon them. And if they finde any meat tied in the sea, they take it for theirs. These haue waiting on them six or seuen small fishes (which neuer depart) with gardes blew and greene round about their bodies, like comely seruing men: and they go two or three before him, and some on euery side. Moreouer, they haue other fishes which cleaue alwayes vnto their body, and seeme to take such superfluities as grow about them, and they are sayd to enter into their bodies also to purge them if they need. The Mariners in time past haue eaten of them, but since they haue seene them eate men their stomacks abhorre them. Neuerthelesse, they draw them vp with great hooks, and kill of them as many as they can, thinking that they haue made a great reuenge. There is another kind of fish as bigge almost as a herring, which hath wings and flieth, and they are together in great number. These haue two enemies, the one in the sea, the other in the aire. In the sea the fish which is called Albocore, as big as a Salmon, followeth them with great swiftnesse to take them. This poore fish not being able to swim fast, for he hath no finnes, but swimmeth with moouing of his taile, shutting his wings, lifteth himselue aboue the water, and flieth not very hie: the Albocore seeing that, although he haue no wings, yet he giueth a great leape out of the water, and sometimes catcheth him, or els he keepeth himselfe vnder the water going that way on as fast as he flieth. And when the fish being weary of the aire, or thinking himselue out of danger, returneth into the water, the Albocore meeteth with him: but sometimes his other enemy the sea-crow, catcheth him before he falleth. [Sidenote: Note.] With these and like sights, but alwayes making our supplications to God for good weather and saluation of the ship, we came at length vnto the point, so famous and feared of all men: but we found there no tempest, only great waues, where our Pilot was a little ouerseene: for whereas commonly al other neuer come within sight of land, but seeing signes ordinary, and finding bottome, go their way sure and safe, he thinking himselfe to haue wind at will, shot so nigh the land that the winde turning into the South, and the waues being exceeding great, rolled vs so neere the land, that the ship stood in lesse then 14 fadoms of water, no more then sixe miles from the Cape, which is called Das Agulias, and there we stood as vtterly cast away: for vnder vs were rocks of maine stone so sharpe, and cutting, that no ancre could hold the ship, the shore so euill, that nothing could take land, and the land itselfe so full of Tigers, and people that are sauage, and killers of all strangers, that we had no hope of life nor comfort, but onely in God and a good conscience. Notwithstanding, after we had lost ancres, hoising vp the sailes for to get the ship a coast in some safer place, or when it should please God, it pleased his mercy suddenly, where no man looked for helpe, to fill our sailes with wind from the land, and so we escaped, thanks be to God. And the day following, being in the place where they are alwayes wont to catch fish, we also fell a fishing, and so many they tooke, that they serued all the ship for that day, and part of the next. [Sidenote: Corall.] And one of them pulled vp a corall of great bignesse and price. For there they say (as we saw by experience) that the corals doe grow in the maner of stalks vpon the rocks in the bottome, and waxe hard and red. The day of perill was the nine and twentieth of Iuly. [Sidenote: Two wayes beyond the cape of Good hope.] And you shall vnderstand that, the Cape passed, there be two wayes to India: one within the Ile of S. Lawrence, which they take willingly, because they refresh themselues at Mosambique a fortnight or a moneth, not without great need, and thence in a moneth more land in Goa. The other is without the Ile of S. Lawrence, which they take when they set foorth so late, and come so late to the point, that they have no time to take the foresayd Mosambique, and then they goe heauily, because in this way they take no port. And by reason of the long nauigation, and want of food and water, they fall into sundry diseases, their gummes waxe great, and swell, and they are faine to cut them away, their legges swell and all the body becommeth sore, and so benummed, that they cannot stirre hand nor foot, and so they die for weaknesse, others fall into fluxes and agues, and die thereby. And this way it was our chance to make: yet though we had more then one hundred and fifty sicke, there died not past seuen and twentie; which losse they esteemed not much in respect of other times. Though some of ours were diseased in this sort, yet, thanks be to God, I had my health, contrary to the expectation of many: God send me my health so well in the land, if it may be to his honour and seruice. This way is full of priuy rocks and quicke-sands, so that sometimes we durst not saile by night, but by the prouidence of God we saw nothing, nor neuer found bottom vntill we came to the coast of India. When we had passed againe the line, and were come to the third degree or somewhat more, we saw crabs swimming on the water that were red as though they had bene sodden: but this was no signe of land. After about the eleuenth degree, the space of many days, more than ten thousand fishes by estimation followed round about our ship, whereof we caught so many, that for fifteene days we did eate nothing els, and they serued our turne very well: for at this time we had neither meate nor almost any thing els to eate, our nauigation growing so long that it drew neere to seuen moneths, where as commonly they goe it in fiue, I mean when they saile the inner way. [Sidenote: They commonly sail from Lisbon to Goa in 5 moneths.] But these fishes were not signe of land, but rather of deepe sea. At length we tooke a couple of Birds which were a kinde of Hawks, whereof they ioyed much, thinking that they had bene of India, but indeed they were of Arabia, as we found afterward. And we that thought we had bene neere India, were in the same latitude neere Zocotoro, an Ile in the mouth of the Red sea. [Sidenote: Running seas very dangerous.] But there God sent vs great winds from the Northeast or Northnortheast, wherevpon vnwillingly they bare vp towards the East, and thus we went tenne dayes without seeing signe of land, whereby they perceived their errour: for they had directed their course before always Northeast, coueting to multiply degrees of latitude, but partly the difference of the Needle, and most of all the running seas, which at that time ran Northwest, had drawen vs to this other danger, had not God sent vs this winde, which at length waxed larger, and restored vs to our right course. These running seas be so perillous that they deceiue the most part of the gouernours, and some be so little curious, contenting themselues with ordinary experience, that they care not to seeke out any meanes to know when they swarue, neither by the compasse, nor by any other triall. [Sidenote: Certaine signs of land.] The first signe of land were certaine fowles which they knew to be of India: the second, boughes of palmes and sedges: the third, snakes swimming on the water, and a substance which they call by the name of a coine of money, as broad and as round as a groat, wonderfully printed and stamped of nature, like vnto some coine. And these two last signes be so certaine, that the next day after, if the winde serve, they see lande, which we did to our great joy, when all our water (for you know they make no beere in those parts) and victuals began to faile vs. [Sidenote: They arriued at Goa the 24 of October.] And to Goa we came the foure and twentieth day of October, there being receiued with passing great charity. The people be tawny, but not disfigured in their lips and noses, as the Moores and Cafres of Ethiopia. They that be not of reputation, or at least the most part, goe naked, sauing an apron of a span long, and as much in breadth before them, and a lace two fingers broad before them, girded about with a string and no more: and thus they thinke them as well as we with all our trimming. Of the fruits and trees that be here I cannot now speake, for I should make another letter as long as this. For hitherto I haue not seene a tree here whose like I haue seene in Europe, the vine excepted, which neuerthelesse here is to no purpose, so that all the wines are brought out of Portugall. The drinke of this countrey is good water, or wine of the Palme tree, or of a fruit called Cocos. And this shall suffice for this time. If God send me my health, I shall haue opportunity to write to you once againe. Now the length of my letter compelleth me to take my leaue, and thus I wish your most prosperous health. From Goa the tenth of Nouember, 1579. Your louing sonne Thomas Steuens. * * * * * A briefe relation of the great magnificence and rich traffike of the kingdome of Pegu beyond the East India, written by Frey Peter of Lisbon, to his cousin Frey Diego of Lisbon, from Cochin. [Sidenote: The coast of India greatly troubled with Moores.] I receiued your letters in the harbour of Damaon by a carauell of aduise that came from Malacca, which brought shot, powder, and other prouision for the furnishing of foure gallies and a great Gallion, which are now in building, to keepe our coast for feare of great store of men of warre, being Moores, which trouble vs very sore. At that instant when I receiued your letters I was newly come from the kingdome of Pegu, where I had remained one yeere and an halfe, and from thence I departed to the city of Cochin in October 1587. The newes which I can certifie you of concerning these countreys are: that this king of Pegu is the mightiest king of men, and the richest that is in these parts of the world: for he bringeth into the field at any time, when he hath warres with other princes, aboue a million of fightingmen: howbeit they be very leane and small people, and are brought vnto the field without good order. [Sidenote: Abundance of golde, siluer, pearles, and precious stones in Pegu.] He is lord of the Elephants, and of all the golde and siluer mines, and of all the pearles and precious stones: so that he hath the greatest store of treasure that euer was heard of in these parts. The countrey people call him the God of trueth and of iustice. I had great conference with this king, and with the head captaine of the Portugals, which is one of the countrey. They demanded of me many questions as touching the law and faith of Iesus Christ, and as touching the Ten Commandements. And the king gaue his consent that our Order should build a Church in his countrey, which was halfe builded; but our peruerse and malicious Portugals plucked it downe againe: [Sidenote: The great gaine of the Portugals in Pegu.] for whereas it is a countrey wherein our nation gaine very much by their commodities, they fearing that by the building of this Church there would be greater resort thither, and so their trade should be impaired if their great gaines should be knowen vnto others then those which found this countrey out first, therefore they were so vnwilling that the building of this church should goe forward. Our Portugals which are here in this realme are woorse people then the Gentiles. I preached diuers times among those heathen people; but being obstinate they say, that as their father beleeued so they will beleeue: for if their forefathers went to the diuell so they will. Whereupon I returned backe againe to our monastery to certifie our Father prouinciall of the estate of this new found countrey. It is the best and richest countrey in all this East India: and it is thought to be richer then China. [Sidenote: Pegu the best and richest countrey in all the East Indies.] I am afrayd that the warres which his Maiestie hath with England will be the vtter vndoing and spoile of Spaine: for these countreys likewise are almost spoiled with ciull warres, which the Moores haue against the Gentiles: for the kings here are vp in armes all the countrey ouer. Here is an Indian which is counted a prophet, which hath prophesied that there will a Dragon arise in a strange countrey, which will do great hurt to Spaine. How it will fall out onely God doth know. And thus I rest: from this monastery of Cochin the 28 of December, 1589. [Sidenote: A prophesie of an Indian against Spaine.] Your good cousin and assured friend frier Peter of Lisbon. * * * * * A voyage with three tall ships, the Penelope Admirall, the Marchant royall Viceadmirall, and the Edward Bonaduenture Rereadmirall, to the East Indies, by the Cape of Buona Speransa, to Quitangone neere Mosambique, to the Iles of Comoro and Zanzibar on the backeside of Africa, and beyond Cape Comori in India, to the Iles of Nicubar and of Gomes Polo, within two leagues of Sumatra, to the Ilands of Pulo Pinaom, and thence to the maine land of Malacca, begunne by M. George Raymond, in the yeere 1591, and performed by M. Iames Lancaster, and written from the mouth of Edmund Barker of Ipswich, his lieutenant in the sayd voyage, by M. Richard Hakluyt. Our fleet of the three tall ships abouenamed departed from Plimmouth the 10 of April 1591, and arrived at the Canarie-ilands the 25 of the same, from whence we departed the 29 of April. The second of May we were in the height of Cape Blanco. The fift we passed the tropique of Cancer. The eight we were in the height of Cape Verde. All this time we went with a faire winde at Northeast, alwayes before the winde vntil the 13 of the same moneth, when we came within 8 degrees of the Equinoctiall line, where we met with a contrary winde. Here we lay off and on in the sea vntil the 6 of Iune, on which day we passed the sayd line. While we lay thus off and on, we tooke a Portugal Carauel laden by merchants of Lisbon for Brasile, in which Carauel we had some 60 tunnes of wine, 1200 iarres of oyle, about 100 iarres of oliues, certaine barrels of capers, three fats of peason, with diuers other necessaries fit for our voyage; which wine, oyle, oliues and capers were better to vs then gold. [Sidenote: Three occasions of sicknes neere the line.] We had two men died before wee passed the line, and diuers sicke, which took their sicknesse in those hote climates: for they be wonderfull vnwholesome from 8 degrees of Northerly latitude vnto the line, at that time of the yeere: for we had nothing but Ternados, with such thunder, lightning, and raine, that we could not keep our men drie 3 houres together, which was an occasion of the infection among them, and their eating of salt victuals, with lacke of clothes to shift them. After we passed the line, we had the wind still at Eastsoutheast, which carried vs along the coast of Brasil 100 leagues from the maine, til we came in 26 degrees to the Southward of the line, where the wind came vp to the North, at which time we did account, that the Cape of Buona esperansa did beare off vs East and by South, betwixt 900 and 1000 leagues. Passing this gulfe from the coast of Brasil vnto the Cape we had the wind often variable as it is vpon our coast, but for the most part so, that we might lie our course. The 28 of Iuly we had sight of the foresayd Cape of Buona esperansa: vntill the 31 we lay off and on with the wind contrary to double the Cape, hoping to double it, and so to haue gone seuentie leagues further to a place called Agoada de S. Bras, before we would haue sought to haue put into any harbour. But our men being weake and sicke in all our shippes, we thought good to seeke some place to refresh them. With which consent we bare vp with the land to the Northward of the Cape, and going along the shoare, we espied a goodly Baie with an Iland lying to Seawards of it into which we did beare, and found it very commodious for our ships to ride in. [Sidenote: Agoada de Saldanha.] This Baie is called Agoada de Saldanha, lying 15 leagues Northward on the hither side of the Cape. The first of August being Sunday we came to an anker in the Baie, sending our men on land, and there came vnto them certaine blacke Saluages very brutish which would not stay, but retired from them. For the space of 15 or 20 dayes we could finde no reliefe but onely foules which wee killed with our pieces, which were cranes and geese: there was no fish but muskles and other shel-fish, which we gathered on the rockes. [Sidenote: Great store of Penguins and Seales.] After 15 or 20 dayes being here, our Admirall went with his pinnasse vnto the Iland which lieth off this Baie, where hee found great store of Penguines and Seales, whereof he brought good plenty with him. And twise after that we sent certain of our men, which at both times brought their bots lading vnto our ships. After we had bene here some time, we got here a Negro, whom we compelled to march into the countrey with vs, making signs to bring vs some cattel; but at this time we could come to the sight of none, so we let the Negro goe with some trifles. [Sidenote: Bullocks, oxen, and sheepe, dog-cheape.] Within 8 dayes after, he with 30 or 40 other Negroes, bought vs downe some 40 bullocks and oxen, with as many sheepe: at which time we brought but few of them. But within 8 dayes after they came downe with as many more, and then we bought some 24 oxen with as many sheepe. We bought an oxe for two kniues, a stirke for a knife, and a sheepe for a knife, and some we bought for lesse value then a knife. The oxen be very large and well fleshed, but not fat. The sheepe are very big and very good meat, they haue no woll on their backs but haire, and haue great tailes like the sheepe in Syria. There be diuers sorts of wild beests, as the Antilope, (whereof M. Lancaster killed one of the bignes of a yong colt) the red and fallow Deere, with other great beasts vnknowen vnto vs. Here are also great store of ouer-growen monkies. As touching our proceeding vpon our voyage, it was thought good rather to proceed with two ships wel manned, then with three euill manned: for here wee had of sound and whole men but 198, of which there went in the Penelope with the Admiral 101, and in the Edward with the worshipfull M. captaine Lancaster 97. We left behind 50 men with the Roiall marchant, whereof there were many pretily well recouered, of which ship was master and gouernour Abraham Kendal, which for many reasons we thought good to send home. The disease that hath consumed our men hath bene the skuruie. Our souldiers which haue not bene vsed to the Sea, haue best held out, but our mariners dropt away, which (in my iudgement) proceedeth of their euill diet at home. [Sidenote: Cape de Buona Speransa doubled. Cape dos Corrientes.] Sixe dayes after our sending backe for England of the Marchant Roiall from Agoada de Saldanha, our Admirall M. captaine Raimond in the Penelope, and M. Iames Lancaster in the Edward Bonaduenture, set forward to double the Cape of Buona esperansa, which they did very speedily. [Sidenote: Here they are seuered from the Penelope.] But being passed as far as Cape dos Corrientes the 14 of September we were encountred with a mighty storme and extreme gusts of wind, wherein we lost our Generals companie, and could neuer heare of him nor his ship any more, though we did our best endeuour to seeke him vp and downe a long while, and staied for him certaine dayes at the Iland of Comoro, where we appointed to stay one for another. [Sidenote: Foure men slaine with a clap of thunder.] Foure days after this uncomfortable seperation in the morning toward ten of the clocke we had a terrible clap of thunder, which slew foure of our men ovtright, the necks being wrung in sonder without speaking any word, and of 94 men there was not one vntouched, whereof some were striken blind, others were bruised in their legs and armes, and others in their brests, so that they voided blood two days after, others were drawen out at length as though they had been racked. But (God be thanked) they all recouered sauing onely the foure which were slain out right. Also with the same thunder our maine maste was torn very grieuously from the head to the decke, and some of the spikes that were ten inches into the timber, were melted with the extreme heate thereof. [Sidenote: The Shoulds of S. Laurence.] From thence we shaped our course to the Northeast, and not long after we fell vpon the Northwest end of the mighty Iland of S. Laurence: which one of our men espied by Gods good blessing late in the euening by Moone light, who seeing afarre off the breaking of the Sea, and calling to certaine of his fellowes, asked them what it was: which eft soones told him that it was the breaking of the Sea vpon the Shoulds. Whereupon in very good time we cast about to auoyd the danger which we were like to haue incurred. [Sidenote: Quitangone neere Mozambique.] Thus passing on forward, it was our lucke to ouer-shoote Mozambique, and to fall with a place called Quitangone two leagues to the Northward of it, and we tooke three or foure Barkes of Moores, which Barkes in their language they call Pangaias, laden with Millio, hennes and ducks, with one Portugall boy, going for the prouision of Mozambique. [Sidenote: The Ile of Comoro.] Within few dayes following we came to an Iland an hundred leagues to, the Northeast of Mozambique called Comoro, which we found exceedingly full of people, which are Moores of tawnie colour and good stature, but they be very trecherous and diligently to be taken heed of. Here wee desired to store our selues with water, whereof we stood in great need, and sent sixteene of our men well armed on in our boate: whom the people suffred quietly to land and water, and diuers of them with their king came aboord our ship in a gowne of crimosine Sattin pinked after the Moorish fashion downe to the knee, whom we entertained in the best maner, and had some conference with him of the state of the place and marchandises, vsing our Portugall boy which we had taken before for our interpreter, and in the end licensed the king and his company to depart, and sent our men againe for more water, who then also dispatched their businesse and returned quietly: the third time likewise we sent them for more, which also returned without any harme. [Sidenote: 32 of our men betraid at the Ile of Comoro.] And though we thought our selues furnished, yet our master William Mace of Radcliffe pretending that it might be long before we might finde any good watering place, would needes goe himselfe on shore with thirtie men, much against the will of our captaine, and hee and 16 of his company, together with one boat which was all that we had, and 16 others that were a washing ouer against our ship, were betrayed of the perfidious Moores, and in our sight for the most part slaine, we being not able for want of a boat to yeeld them any succour. [Sidenote: Zanzibar Iland.] From thence with heauie hearts we shaped our course for Zanzibar the 7 of Nouember, where shortly after we arriued and made vs a new boat of such boards as we had within boord, and rid in the road vntill the 15 of February, where, during our aboad, we sawe diuers Pangaias or boates, which are pinned with wooden pinnes, and sowed together with Palmito cordes, and calked with the husks of Cocos shels beaten, whereof they made Occam. [Sidenote: A Portugall Factorie in Zanzibar.] At length a Portugal Pangaia comming out of the harborow of Zanzibar, where they haue a small Factorie, sent a Canoa with a Moore which had bene christened, who brought vs a letter wherein they desired to know what wee were, and what we sought. We sent them word we were Englishmen come from Don Antonio vpon businesse to his friends in the Indies: with which answere they returned, and would not any more come at vs. Whereupon not long after wee manned out our boat and tooke a Pangaia of the Moores, which had a priest of theirs in it, which in their language they call a Sherife: whom we vsed very courteously: which the king tooke in very good part, hauing his priests in great estimation, and for his deliuerance furnished vs with two moneths victuals, during all which time we detained him with vs. These Moores informed vs of the false and spitefull dealing of the Portugals towards vs, [Marginal note: The treason of the Portugals towards the English.] which made them beleeue that we were cruell people and men-eaters, and willed them if they loued their safetie in no case to come neere vs. Which they did onely to cut us off from all knowledge of the state and traffique of the countrey. While we road from the end of Nouember vntil the middle of February in this harborough, which is sufficient for a ship of 500 tuns to ride in, we set vpon a Portugall Pangaia with our boat, but because it was very litle, and our men not able to stirre in it, we were not able to take the sayd Pangaia which was armed with 10 good shot like our long fouling pieces. [Sidenote: An excellent place for refreshing.] This place for the goodnesse of the harborough and watering, and plentifull refreshing with fish, whereof we tooke great store with our nets, and for sundry sorts of fruits of the countrey, as Cocos and others, which were brought vs by the Moores as also for oxen and hennes, is carefully to be sought for by such of our ships, as shall hereafter passe that way. [Sidenote: A gallie Frigate.] But our men had need to take good heed of the Portugals: for while we lay here the Portugall Admiral of the coast from Melinde to Mozambique, came to view and betray our boat if he could haue taken at any time aduantage, in a gallie Frigate of ten tunnes with 8 or 9 oares on a side. Of the strength of which Frigate and their trecherous meaning we were aduertised by an Arabian Moore which came from the king of Zanzibar diuers times vnto vs about the deliuerie of the priest aforesayd, and afterward by another which we caried thence along with vs: for whersoeuer we came, our care was to get into our hands some one or two of the countreys to learne the languages and states of those partes where we touched. [Sidenote: Another thunder-clap.] Moreouer, here againe we had another clap of thunder which did shake our foremast very much, which wee fisht and repaired with timber from the shore, whereof there is good store thereabout of a kind of tree some fortie foot high, which is a red and tough wood, and as I suppose, a kind of Cedar. [Sidenote: Heat in the head deadly. Letting of blood very necessary.] Here our Surgeon Arnold negligently catching a great heate in his head being on land with the master to seeke oxen, fell sicke and shortly died, which might haue bene cured by letting of blood before it had bin settled. Before our departure we had in this place some thousand weight of pitch, or rather a kind of gray and white gumme like vnto frankincense, as clammie as turpentine, which in melting groweth as blacke as pitch, and is very brittle of it selfe, but we mingled it with oile, whereof wee had 300 iarres in the prize which we tooke to the Northward of the Equinoctiall, not farre from Guinie, bound for Brasil. Sixe days before wee departed hence, the Cape marchant of the Factorie wrote a letter vnto our capitaine in the way of friendship, as he pretended, requesting a iarre of wine and a iarre of oyle, and two or three pounds of gunpowder, which letter hee sent by a Negro his man, and Moore in a Canoa: we sent him his demaunds by the Moore, but tooke the Negro along with vs because we vnderstood he had bene in the East Indies and knew somewhat of the Countrey. [Sidenote: A Iunco laden with pepper and drugs.] By this Negro we were aduertised of a small Barke of some thirtie tunnes (which the Moores call a Iunco) which was come from Goa thither laden with Pepper for the Factorie and seruice of that kingdome. Thus hauing trimmed our shippe as we lay in this road, in the end we set forward for the coast of the East Indie, the 15 of February aforesayd, intending if we could to haue reached to Cape Comori, which is the headland or Promontorie of the maine of Malauar, and there to haue lien off and on for such ships as should haue passed from Zeilan, Sant Tome, Bengala, Pegu, Malacca, the Moluccos, the coast of China, and the Ile of Japan, which ships are of exceeding wealth and riches. [Sidenote: The currents set to the North-west.] But in our course we were very much deceiued by the currents that set into the gulfe of the Red sea along the coast of Melinde. [Sidenote: Zocotora.] And the windes shortening vpon vs to the Northeast and Easterly, kept vs that we could not get off, and so with the putting in of the currents from the Westward, set vs in further vnto the Northward within fourscore leagues of the Ile of Zocotora, farre from our determined course and expectation. But here we neuer wanted abundance of Dolphins, Bonitos, and flying fishes. Now while we found our selues thus farre to the Northward, and the time being so farre spent, we determined to goe for the Red sea, or for the Iland of Zocotora, both to refresh our selues, and also for some purchase. But while we were in this consultation, the winde very luckily came about to the Northwest and caried vs directly toward Cape Comori. [Sidenote: The Isles of Mamale.] Before we should haue doubled this Cape, we were determined to touch at the Ilands of Mamale, of which we had aduertisement, that one had victuals, standing in the Northerly latitude of twelue degrees. Howbeit it was not our good lucke to finde it, which fell out partly by the obstinacie of our master: for the day before we fell with part of the Ilands the wind came about to the Southwest, and then shifting our course we missed it. So the wind increasing Southerly, we feared we should not haue bene able to haue doubled the Cape, which would haue greatly hazarded our casting away vpon the coast of India, the Winter season and Westerne Monsons already being come in, which Monsons continue on that coast vntil August. [Sidenote: Cape Comori doubled 1592.] Neuertheless it pleased God to bring the wind more Westerly, and so in the moneth of May 1592, we happily doubled Cape Comori without sight of the coast of India. From hence thus hauing doubled this Cape, we directed our course for the Ilands of Nicubar, which lie North and South with the Westerne part of Sumatra, and in the latitude of 7 degrees to the Northward of the Equinoctiall. From which Cape of Comori vnto the aforesayd Ilands we ranne in sixe days with a very large wind though the weather were foule with extreme raine and gustes of winde. These Ilands were missed through our masters default for want of due obseruation of the South starre. [Sidenote: The Iles of Gomes Polo.] And we fell to the Southward of them within the sight of the Ilands of Gomes Polo, [Sidenote: Sumatra.] which lie hard vpon the great Iland of Sumatra the first of Iune, and at the Northeast side of them we lay two or three dayes becalmed, hoping to haue had a Pilote from Sumatra, within two leagues whereof we lay off and on. [Sidenote: The Iles of Pulo Pinauo.] Now the Winter coming vpon vs with much contagious weather, we directed our course from hence with the Ilands of Pulo Pinaou, (where by the way it is to be noted that Pulo in the Malaian tongue signifieth an Iland) at which Ilands wee arriued about the beginning of Iune, where we came to an anker in a very good harborough betweene three Ilands: at which time our men were very sicke and many fallen. Here we determined to stay vntil the Winter were ouerpast. This place is in 6 degrees and a halfe to the Northward, and some fiue leagues from the maine betweene Malacca and Pegu. Here we continued vntil the end of August. Our refreshing in this place was very smal, onely of oysters growing on rocks, great wilks, and some few fish which we tooke with our hookes. Here we landed our sicke men on these vninhabited Ilands for their health, neuertheless 26 of them died in this place, whereof John Hall our master was one, and M. Rainold Golding another, a marchant of great honestie and much discretion. [Sidenote: Trees fit for mastes.] In these Ilands are abundance of trees of white wood, so right and tall, that a man may make mastes of them being an hundred foote long. The winter passed and hauing watered our ship and fitted her to goe to Sea, wee had left vs but 33 men and one boy, of which not past 22 were sound for labour and helpe, and of them not past a third part sailers: [Sidenote: Malacca.] thence we made saile to seeke some place of refreshing, and went ouer to the maine of Malacca. The next day we came to an anker in a Baie in six fadomes water some two leagues from the shore. Then master Iames Lancaster our captaine, and M. Edmund Barker his lieutenant, and other of the companie manning the boat, went on shoare to see what inhabitants might be found. And comming on land we found the tracking of some barefooted people which were departed thence not long before: for we sawe their fire still burning, but people we sawe none, nor any other living creature, saue a certaine kind of foule called oxe birds, which are a gray kind of Sea-foule, like a Snite in colour, but not in beake. Of these we killed some eight dozen with haile-shot being very tame, and spending the day in search, returned toward night aboord. The next day about two of the clocke in the afternoone we espied a Canoa which came neere vnto vs, but would not come aboord vs, hauing in it some sixteen naked Indians, with whom neuertheles going afterward on land, we had friendly conference and promise of victuals. [Sidenote: Three ships of Pegu laden with pepper.] The next day in the morning we espied three ships, being all of burthen 60 or 70 tunnes, one of which wee made to strike with our very boate: and vnderstanding that they were of the towne of Martabam, [Sidenote: Martabam.] which is the chiefe hauen towne for the great citie of Pegu, and the goods belonging to certaine Portugal Iesuites and a Biscuit baker a Portugall we tooke that ship and did not force the other two, because they were laden for marchants of Pegu, but hauing this one at our command, we came together to an anker. The night folowing all the men except twelue, which we tooke into our ship, being most of them borne in Pegu, fled away in their boate, leauing their ship and goods with vs. [Sidenote: Pera.] The next day we weighed our anker and went to the Leeward of an Iland hard by, and tooke in her lading being pepper, which shee and the other two had laden at Pera, which is a place on the maine 30 leagues to the South. Besides the aforesaid three ships we tooke another ship of Pegu laden with pepper, and perceiuing her to bee laden with marchants goods of Pegu onely, wee dismissed her without touching any thing. [Sidenote: Pulo Sambilam.] Thus hauing staied here 10 daies and discharged her goods into the Edward, which was about the beginning of September, our sicke men being somewhat refreshed and lustie, with such reliefe as we had found in this ship, we weighed anker, determining to runne into the streights of Malacca to the Ilands called Pulo Sambilam, which are some fiue and fortie leagues Northward of the citie of Malacca, to which Ilands the Portugals must needs come from Goa or S. Thome, for the Malucos, China, and Iapan. And when wee were there arriued, we lay too and agayne for such shipping as should come that way. [Sidenote: A ship of Negapatan taken.] Thus hauing spent some fiue dayes, vpon a Sunday we espied a saile which was a Portugall ship that came from Negapatan a towne on the maine of India ouer-against the Northeast part of the Ile of Zeilan; and that night we tooke her being of 250 tunnes: she was laden with Rice for Malacca. Captaine Lancaster commanded their captaine and master aboord our shippe, and sent Edmund Barker his lieutenant and seuen more to keepe this prize, who being aboord the same, came to an anker in thirtie fadomes water: for in that chanell, three or foure leagues from the shore you shall finde good ankorage. [Sidenote: A ship of S. Thome.] Being thus at an anker and keeping out a light for the Edward, another Portugall ship of Sant Thome of foure hundred tunnes, came and ankered hard by vs. The Edward being put to Leeward for lacke of helpe of men to handle her sailes, was not able the next morning to fetch her vp, vntil we which were in the prize with our boate, went to helpe to man our shippe. Then comming aboord we went toward the shippe of Sant Thome, but our ship was so foule that shee escaped vs. After we had taken out of our Portugall prize what we thought good, we turned her and all her men away except a Pilot and foure Moores. [Sidenote: The galeon of Malacca of 700 taken.] We continued here vntill the sixt of October, at which time we met with the ship of the captaine of Malacca of seuen hundred tunnes which came from Goa: we shot at her many shot, and at last shooting her maine-yard through, she came to an anker and yeelded. We commaunded her Captaine, Master, Pilot, and Purser to come aboord vs. But the Captaine accompanied by one souldier onely came, and after certaine conference with him, he made excuse to fetch the Master, and Purser, which he sayd would not come vnless he went for them: but being gotten from vs in the edge of the euening, he with all the people which were to the number of about three hundred men, women and children gote a shore with two great boates and quite abandoned the ship. [Sidenote: Wares fit to carry into the East India.] At our comming aboord we found in her sixteene pieces of brasse, and three hundred but of Canarie wine, and Nipar wine, which is made of the palme trees, and raisin wine which is also very strong: as also all kinds of Haberdasher wares, as hats, red caps knit of Spanish wooll, worsted stockings knit, shooes, veluets, taffataes, chamlets, and silkes, abundance of suckets, rice, Venice glasses, certaine paper full of false and counterfeit stones which an Italian brought from Venice to deceiue the rude Indians withall, abundance of playing cardes, two or three packs of French paper. Whatsoeuer became of the treasure which vsually is brought in roials of plate in this gallion, we could not find it. After that the mariners had disordredly pilled this rich shippe, the Captaine because they would not follow his commandement to vnlade those excellent wines into the Edward, abandoned her and let her driue at Sea, taking out of her the choisest things that she had. [Sidenote: The kingdom of Iunsaloam.] And doubting the forces of Malaca, we departed thence to a Baie in the kingdom of Iunsalaom, which is betweene Malacca and Pegu eight degrees to the Northward, to seeke for pitch to trimme our ship. Here we sent our souldier, which the captaine of the aforesaid galion had left behind him with vs, because he had the Malaian language, to deale with the people for pitch, which hee did faithfully, and procured vs some two or three quintals with promise of more, and certaine of the people came vnto vs. [Sidenote: Amber-greese. The hornes of Abath.] We sent commodities to their king to barter for Amber-griese, and for the hornes of Abath, whereof the king onely hath the traffique in his hands. [Sidenote: The female Vnicorne.] Now this Abath is a beast which hath one horne onely in her forehead, and is thought to be the female Vnicorne, and is highly esteemed of all the Moores in those parts as a most soueraigne remedie against poyson. We had only two or three of these hornes which are of the colour of a browne gray, and some reasonable quantitie of Amber-griese. At last the king went about to betray our Portugall with our marchandise: but he to get aboord vs, told him that we had gilt armour, shirtes of maile and halberds, which things they greatly desire: for hope whereof he let him returne aboord, and so he escaped the danger. [Marginal note: Some small quantitie hereof may be caried to pleasure those kings.] Thus we left this coast and went backe againe in sight of Sumatra, and thence to the Ilands of Nicubar, where we arriued and found them inhabited with Moores, [Sidenote: They arriue at the Iles of Nicubar, which are inhabited by Moores.] and after wee came to an anker, the people daily came aboord vs in their Canoas, with hennes, Cocos, plantans, and other fruits: and within two dayes they brought vnto vs roials of plate, giuing vs them for Calicut cloth: which roials they nude by diuing for them in the Sea, which were lost not long before in two Portugall ships which were bound for China and were cast away there. They call in their language the Coco Calambe, the Plantane Pison, a Hen Iam, a Fish Iccan, a Hog Babee. From thence we returned the 21 of Nouember to goe for the Iland of Zeilan, and arriued there about the third of December 1592, and ankered vpon the Southside in sixe fadomes water, where we lost our anker, the place being rockie and foule ground. Then we ranne along the Southwest part of the sayd Iland, to a place called Punta del Galle, where we ankered, determining there to haue remained vntill the comming of the Bengala Fleet of seuen or eight ships, and the Fleete of Pegu of two or three sailes, and the Portugall shippes of Tanaseri being a great Baie to the Southward of Martabam in the kingdome of Siam: which ships, by diuers intelligences which we had, were to come that way within foureteene daye to bring commodities to serue the Caraks, which commonly depart from Cochin for Portugall by the middest of Ianuarie. The commodities of the shippes which come from Bengala bee fine pauillions for beds, wrought quilts, fine Calicut cloth, Pintados and other fine workes, and Rice, and they make this voiage twise in the yeere. Those of Pegu bring the chiefest stones, as Rubies and Diamants, but their chiefe fraight is Rice and certaine cloth. Those of Tanaseri are chiefly freighted with Rice and Nipar wine, which is very strong, and in colour like vnto rocke water, somewhat whitish, and very hote in taste like vnto Aqua vitæ. Being shot vp to the place aforesayd, called Punta del Galle, wee came to an anker in foule ground and lost the same, and lay all that night a drift, because we had nowe but two ankers left vs, which were vnstocked and in hold. Whereupon our men tooke occasion to come home, our Captaine at that time lying very sicke more like to die then to liue. In the morning wee set our foresaile determining to lie vp to the Northward and there to keepe our selues to and againe out of the current, which otherwise would haue set vs off to the Southward from all knowen land. Thus hauing set our foresayle, and in hand to set all our other sayles to accomplish our aforesayd determination, our men made answere that they would take their direct course for England and would stay there no longer. Nowe seeing that they could not bee perswaded by any meanes possible, the captaine was constrained to giue his consent to returne, leauing all hope of so great possibilities. Thus the eight of December 1592, wee set sayle for the Cape of Buona Speransa, passing by the Ilands of Maldiua, and leauing the mightie Iland of S. Laurence on the starreboord or Northward in the latitude of 26 degrees to the South. In our passage ouer from S. Laurence to the maine we had exceeding great store of Bonitos and Albocores, which are a greater kind of fish; of which our captain, being now recouered of his sicknesse, tooke with a hooke as many in two or three howers as would serue fortie persons a whole day. And this skole of fish continued with our ship for the space of fiue or sixe weekes, all which while we tooke to the quantitie aforesayd, which was no small refreshing to vs. In February 1593 we fell with the Eastermost land of Africa at a place called Baia de Agoa some 100 leagues to the Northeast of the Cape of Good Hope: and finding the winds contrary, we spent a moneth or fiue weekes before we could double the Cape. After wee had doubled it in March following wee directed our course for the Iland of Santa Helena, and arriued there the third day of Aprill, where we staied to our great comfort nineteene dayes: in which meane space some one man of vs tooke thirtie goodly Congers in one day, and other rockie fishe and some Bonitos. After our arriual at Santa Helena, I Edmund Barker went on shore with foure or fiue Peguins or men of Pegu which we had taken, and our Surgion, where in an house by the Chappell I found an Englishman one Iohn Segar of Burie in Suffock, [Marginal note: Iohn Segar an Englishman left 18 moneths alone in the Ile of santa Helena.] who was left there eighteene moneths before by Abraham Kendall, who put in there with the Roiall marchant and left him there to refresh him on the Iland, being otherwise like to haue perished on shipboord: and at our comming wee found him as fresh in colour and in as good plight of body to our seeming as might be, but crazed in minde and halfe out of his wits, as afterwards wee perceiued: for whether he was put in fright of vs, not knowing at first what we were, whether friends or foes, or of sudden ioy when he vnderstand we were his olde consorts and countreymen, hee became idle-headed, and for eight dayes space neither night nor day tooke any naturall rest, and so at length died for lacke of sleepe. [Marginal note: A miraculous effect of extreme feare or extreme ioy.] Here two of our men, whereof the one was diseased with the skuruie, and the other had bene nine moneths sicke of the fluxe, in short time while they were on the Iland, recouered their perfect health. We found in this place great store of very holesome and excellent good greene figs, orenges, and lemons very faire, abundance of goates and hogs, and great plentie of partriges, Guiniecocks, and other wilde foules. [Marginal note: The description of the commodities of the ile of santa Helena.] Our mariners somewhat discontented being now watered and hauing some prouision of fish, contrary to the will of the capitaine, would straight home. The capitaine because he was desirous to goe for Phernambuc in Brasil, granted their request. And about the 12 of Aprill 1593. we departed from S. Helena, and directed our course for the place aforesayd. The next day our capitaine calling vpon the sailers to finish a foresaile which they had in hand, some of them answered that vnlesse they might goe directly home, they would lay their hands to nothing; whereupon he was constrained to folow their humour. And from thence-foorth we directed our course for our countrey, which we kept vntill we came 8 degrees to the Northward of the Equinoctiall, betweene which 8 degrees and the line, we spent some sixe weekes, with many calme and contrary winds at North, and sometimes to the Eastward, and sometimes to the Westward: which losse of time and expense of our victuals, whereof we had very smal store, made vs doubt to keepe our course and some of our men growing into a mutinie threatned to breake vp other mens chests, to the ouerthrow of our victuals and all our selues, for euery man had his share of his victuals before in his owne custody, that they might be sure what to trust to, and husband it more thriftily. [Sidenote: The gulfe of Paria, or Bocca del Dragone passed.] Our captaine seeking to preuent this mischiefe, being aduertised by one of our companie which had bene at the Ile of Trinidada in M. Chidleis voyage, that there we should be sure to haue refreshing, hereupon directed his course to that Iland, and not knowing the currents, we were put past it in the night into the gulfe of Paria in the beginning of Iune, wherein we were 8 dayes, finding the current continually setting in, [Sidenote: A good note.] and oftentimes we were in 3 fadomes water, and could find no going out vntil the current had put vs ouer to the Westernside vnder the maine land, where we found no current at all, and more deep water; and so keeping by the shore, the wind off the shore euery night did helpe vs out to the Northward. [Sidenote: The Ile of Mona.] Being cleare, within foure or fiue days after we fell with the Ile of Mona where we ankered and rode some eighteene dayes. In which time the Indians of Mona gaue vs some refreshing. And in the meane space there arriued a French ship of Cane in which was capitaine one Monsieur de Barbaterre, of whom wee bought some two buts of wine and bread, and other victuals. Then wee watered and fitted our shippe, and stopped a great leake which broke on vs as we were beating out of the gulfe of Paria. And hauing thus made ready our ship to goe to Sea, we determined to goe directly for Newfound-land. But before we departed, there arose a storme the winde being Northerly, which put vs from an anker and forced vs the Southward of Santo Domingo. [Sidenote: The Ile of Sauona enuironed with flats.] This night we were in danger of shipwracke vpon an Iland called Sauona, which is enuironed with flats lying 4 or 5 miles off; yet it pleased God to cleare vs of them, [Sidenote: Cape de Tiberon.] and so we directed our course Westward along the Iland of Santo Domingo, and doubled Cape Tiberon, and passed through the old channell betweene S. Domingo and Cuba for the cape of Florida: And here we met againe with the French ship of Caen, whose Captaine could spare vs no more victuals, as he said, but only hides which he had taken by traffike vpon those Ilands, wherewith we were content and gaue him for them to his good satisfaction. After this, passing the Cape of Florida, and cleere of the channell of Bahama, we directed our course for the banke of Newfound-land. Thus running to the height of 36 degrees, and as farre to the East as the Ile of Bermuda the 17 of September finding the winds there very variable, contrarie to our expectation and all mens writings, we lay there a day or two the winde being northerly, and increasing continually more and more, it grewe to be a storme and a great frete of wind: which continued with vs some 24 houres, with such extremetie, as it caried not onely our sayles away being furled, but also made much water in our shipppe, so that wee had six foote water in hold, and hauing freed our ship thereof with baling, the winde shifted to the Northwest and became dullerd: but presently vpon it the extremetie of the storme was such that with the labouring of our ship we lost our foremaste, and our ship grewe as full of water as before. The storme once ceased, and the winde contrary to goe our course, we fell to consultation which might be our best way to saue our liues. Our victuals now being vtterly spent, and hauing eaten hides 6 or 7 daies, we thought it best to beare back againe for Dominica, and the Islands adioyning, knowing that there we might haue some reliefe, whereupon we turned backe for the said Islands. But before we could get thither the winde scanted vpon vs, which did greatly endanger vs for lacke of fresh water and victuals; so that we were constrained to beare vp to the Westward to certaine other Ilandes called the Neublas or cloudie Ilands, towards the Ile of S. Iuan de porto Rico, where at our arriuall we found land-crabs and fresh water, and tortoyses, which come most on lande about the full of the moone. Here hauing refreshed our selues some 17 or 18 dayes, and hauing gotten some small store of victuals into our ship, we resolued to returne againe for Mona: vpon which our determination fiue of our men left vs, remaining still on the Iles of Neublas for all perswasions that we could vse to the contrary, which afterward came home in an English shippe. From these Iles we departed and arriued at Mona about the twentieth of Nouember 1593, and there comming to an anker toward two or three of the clocke in the morning, the Captaine, and Edmund Barker his Lieutenant with some few others went on land to the houses of the olde Indian and his three sonnes, thinking to haue gotten some foode, our victuals being all spent, and we not able to proceede any further vntill we had obteyned some new supply. We spent two or three daies in seeking prouision to cary aboord to relieue the whole companie. And comming downe to go aboord, the winde then being northerly and the sea somewhat growne, they could not come on shore with the boate, which was a thing of small succour and not able to rowe in any rough sea, whereupon we stayed vntill the next morning, thinking to haue had lesse winde and safer passage. But in the night about twelue of the clocke our ship did driue away with fiue men and a boy onely in it, our carpenter secretly cut their owne cable, leauing nineteene of vs on land without boate or any thing, to our great discomfort. In the middest of these miseries reposing our trust in the goodnesse of God, which many times before had succoured vs in our greatest extremities, we contented our selues with our poore estate, and sought meanes to preserue our liues. And because one place was not able to sustaine vs, we tooke our leaues one of another, diuiding our selues into seuerall companies. The greatest reliefe that we sixe which were with the Captaine could finde for the space of nine and twentie dayes was the stalkes of purselaine boyled in water, and now and then a pompion, which we found in the garden of the olde Indian, who vpon this our second arriual with his three sonnes stole from vs, and kept himselfe continually aloft in the mountaines. After the ende of nine and twentie dayes we espied a French shippe, which afterwards we vnderstood to be of Diepe, called the Luisa, whose Captaine was one Monsieur Felix, vnto whom wee made a fire, at sight whereof he tooke in his topsayles, bare in with the land, and shewed vs his flagge, whereby we iudged him French: so comming along to the Westerne ende of the Island there he ankered, we making downe with all speede vnto him. At this time the Indian and his three sonnes came downe to our Captaine Master Iames Lancaster and went along with him to the shippe. This night he went aboord the French man who gaue him good entertainement, and the next day fetched eleuen more of vs aboord entreating vs all very courteously. This day came another French shippe of the same towne of Diepe which remayned there vntil night expecting our other seuen mens comming downe: who, albeit we caused certaine pieces of ordinance to be shot off to call them, yet came not downe. Whereupon we departed thence being deuided sixe into one ship, and sixe into another, and leauing this Iland departed for the Northside of Saint Domingo, where we remained vntill April following 1594, and spent some two moneths in traffike with the inhabitants by permission for hides and other marchandises of the Countrey. In this meane while there came a shippe of New-hauen to the place where we were, whereby we had intelligence of our seuen men which wee left behinde vs at the Isle of Mona: which was, that two of them brake their neckes with ventring to take foules vpon the cliffes, other three were slaine by the Spaniards, which came from Saint Domingo, vpon knowledge giuen by our men which went away in the Edward, the other two this man of New-hauen had with him in his shippe, which escaped the Spaniards bloodie hands. From this place Captaine Lancaster and his Lieutenant Master Edmund Barker, shipped themselues in another shippe of Diepe, the Captaine whereof was one Iohn La Noe, which was readie first to come away, and leauing the rest of their companie in other ships, where they were well intreated, to come after him, on Sunday the seuenth of Aprill 1594 they set homewarde, and disbocking through the Caijcos from thence arriued safely in Diepe within two and fortie dayes after, on the 19 of May, where after two dayes we had stayed to refresh our selues, and giuen humble thankes vnto God, and vnto our friendly neighbours, we tooke passage for Rie and landed there on Friday the 24 of May 1594, hauing spent in this voyage three yeeres, sixe weekes and two dayes, which the Portugales performe in halfe the time, chiefely because wee lost our fit time and season to set foorth in the beginning of our voyage. We vnderstood in the East Indies by certaine Portugeles which we tooke, that they haue lately discouered the coast of China, to the latitude of nine and fiftie degrees, finding the sea still open to the Northward: giuing great hope of the Northeast or Northwest passage. Witnesse Master Iames Lancaster. * * * * * Certaine remembrances of an intended voyage to Brasill, and the Riuer of Plate, by the Edward Cotton, a ship of 260 Tunnes of Master Edward Cotton of Southampton, which perished through extreme negligence neare Rio Grande in Guinie, the 17 of July 1583. Articles of Couenants agreed vpon betweene Edward Cotton Esquier, owner of the good ship called the Edward Cotton of Southampton, and of all the marchandizes in her laden, of the one part, and William Huddie gentleman, Captaine of the said ship, Iohn Hooper his Lieutenant, Iohn Foster Master, Hugh Smith Pilot for the whole voyage, and William Cheesman marchant, on the other part. 1 To obserue and keepe the dayly order of Common prayer aboord the ships, and the companie to be called thereunto, at the least once in the day, to be pronounced openly. 2 Item, that they be ready with the first faire winde, to set saile and sailes in the voyage, and not to put into any port or harbour, but being forcibly constrained by weather, or other apparent and vrgent cause. 3 Item, that they take in, at or about the Isles of Cape Verde, to the quantitie of 25 or 30 tuns of salt, to be imployed among other the owners marchandize, at Santos, and S. Vincent, to his onely behoofe, and the rest of the salt, so much as shall be needed for victuall, and for sauing of the hides to be kept aboord, and the same salt to be prouided either at the fishermens hands neere the said Isles for trucke of commodities, or els to be taken in at the aforesayd Isles, at discretion of the aboue-named. 4 Item, vpon the due performance of this voiage, the owner bindeth himselfe by this deede, to yeeld vnto any such of the companie, as shall refuse their shares before they depart from the coast of England, 20 markes a single share, for the dutie of the whole voiage, making not aboue 75. shares single in the whole. 5 Item, the company according as they be appointed by the officers of the said ship aboue named, shall at all times be most ready to doe their painfull indeuor, not onely aboord, but in all labours at the land, according to the direction giuen by the aboue named officers, vpon paine of forfeiture of their shares and wages, the same to be diuided amongst the company. 6 Item, that the shares be taken at their returne out of al the traine oile, and hides of the seales, and of all other commodities gotten by their handie labour, and of the salt that shall be vended and other commodities, at, or neere the coast of Brasil, to allow after 9 li. the tunne freight, whereof one third to goe to the company. 7 Item, that if any man shall practise by any deuise or deuises whatsoeuer, to alter the voiage from the true purpose and intent of the owner, viz. to make their first port at Santos, and Saint Vincent, and there to revictuall and traffike, and from thence to the riuer of Plate to make their voyage by the traine, and hide of the seales, with such other commodities as are there to be had, according as the owner, with diuers that haue gouernment in the said ship, are bound to her highnesse by their deedes obligatorie in great summes, that all such practisers, vpon due proofe made, shall lose their whole intertainement due by shares or otherwise for this sayde voyage to be adiuged by the Captaine, his Lieutenant, the Master, Pilot, and marchant, or three of them at least, whereof the Captaine to be one. 8 Item, that the pinnesse be ready at al times to serue the marchants turne vpon his demand, to take in wares and commodities, and to cary and recary to and from the shore, when, and as oft as neede shall be, and to giue due attendance at the marchant and marchants direction during the whole voyage. 9 Item, that no head or chiefe officer being set downe for such an officer vnder the hand of the owner, at the going to sea of the said shippe, shall or may be displaced from his said place or office, without great cause, and his misdemeanor to be adiudged by the Captaine, and his Lieutenant, the Master, the Pilot, and the marchant, or by the consent of three of them at least. 10 Item, that vpon the returne of the shippe to the coast of England, the Maister and Pilot put not into any port or harbour, to the Westward of Southampton, but forced by weather, or such like vrgent cause. William Huddie. Iohn Hooper. Hugh Smith. John Foster. William Cheesman. * * * * * A direction as well for the Captaine, and other my friends of the shippe, as especially for William Cheesman Marchant, for the voyage to the riuer of Plate. [Sidenote: The Ile of S. Sebastian.] At your comming to the Isle of Saint Sebastian, vpon the coast of Brasill, you shall according to your discretions, make sale of such commodities, as you may thinke will be thereabout well vented, and likewise to buy commodities without making longer stay there then your victuals be prouiding, but rather to bespeake commodities against your returne from the riuer of Plate, especially of Amber, Sugar, Greene ginger, Cotton wooll, and some quantitie of the peppers of the countrey there. Also for Parats and Munkies, and the beast called Serrabosa. Also you shall barrell vp of the beefe called Petune, two or three barrels, and to lose no good opportunitie, to gather of the Indian figges, and the graines of them to preserue drie, in such quantitie as conueniently may be done: and touching the making of the traine, and preseruing of the hides, I leaue it wholly to the order and the discretion of the chiefe of the companie. Also that in any road where the ship shall ride vpon the coast of America, triall be made with the dragges, for the pearle Oisters, and the same being taken, to be opened and searched for pearle in the presence of the Captaine, his Lieutenant, the Master, the Pilot, and marchant, or three of them, whereof the Captaine or his Lieutenant to be one, and to remaine in the custodie of the Captaine and marchant, vnder two lockes, either of them to haue a key to his owne locke, and that a true inuentorie be deliuered also to the Master and Pilot of the said pearle or other iewels of price gotten in the said voiage, to the intent that no partie be defrauded of his due, and that no concealment be made of any such thing vpon forfeiture, the partie to lose his share and dutie for the voyage that shall so conceale and not reueale it vnto the officers aboue named. Also to doe your best indeuour to try for the best Ore of golde, siluer, or other rich mettals whatsoeuer. Forget not also to bring the kernels and seeds of strange plants with you, the Palmito with his fruit inclosed in him. Serue God, keepe good watch, and stand alwayes vpon your garde. Edward Cotton. These things being thus ordered, and the ship of the burden of 260 tunnes, with 83 men of all sortes furnished, and fully appointed for the voyage, began to set saile from Hurst Castle vpon Friday the 20 of May, Anno 1583, and the 17 day of Iuly ensuing fell with the coast of Guinie, to take in fresh water, where, through meere dissolute negligence, she perished vpon a sand, with the most part of the men in her, as appeareth by the confession of one that escaped, the substance and tenor whereof is this. * * * * * The confession of William Bends Masters Mate in the Edward Cotton, the 21 of October, Ann. 1584. He sayth, that the 17 day of Iuly, Anno 1583. hauing some lacke of fresh water, they put roome vpon the coast of Guinie, where they were set vpon a sand about 8 leagues from the shore, and this Examinate, with 29 more, got into the pinnesse, who arriued in an Island, being desolate of people, and fiue miles in compasse, where they rested 18 dayes through force of weather, hauing nought to eate but grasse. [Sidenote: Rio Grande.] The rest of the company the ship being splitted in two and in quarters, got them into one of the after quarters, and by the helpe of raftes came also a shore into another Island neere to Rio Grande, where they all died as he supposeth. The other 30 in the pinnesse, at the end of 18 dayes, departed that Island, and came to Saint Domingo, where comming on shore, they were taken of the Moores, and stripped naked. And they buried one Coxe [Marginal note: One Coxe an old English man buried aliue by the Moores of Rio Grande in Guinea.] an olde man aliue, notwithstanding his pitifull lamentation and skrikings: the rest hauing Rice and water allowed them, liued there a certaine time. This Examinate was at last sold to a Portugall, with whom he dwelt the space of a quarter of a yere, and in the end, a Portugall Carauel comming, thither, his master laded the same with Negroes, and he obtained leaue of his master to goe in the same Carauell, and by that meanes arriued at Lisbone, and from thence came into England the 17 of October, 1584, leauing behinde him of his companie aliue, Richard Hacker, Iohn Baker, Iohn Mathew, and a boy, with two others which were gone beyond Saint Domingo: all which, as he saith, were so sicke and diseased, that he iudged them to be long before this time dead. * * * * * The Letters patents or priuiledges granted by her Maiestie to certaine Noble men and Marchants of London, for a trade to Barbarie, in the yeere 1585. Elizabeth by the grace of God Queene of England, France, and Ireland, defender of the faith, &c. to the Treasurer & Barons of our Eschequer, and to al Maiors, shirifs, constables, customers, collectors of our customes and subsidies, controllers, searchers, and keepers of our hauens and creekes, ports and passages, within this our realme of England and the dominions of the same and to al our officers, ministers and subiects, and to all other whosoeuer to whom it shall or may appertaine, and to euery of them greeting. Whereas it is made euidently and apparently knowen vnto vs, that of late yeeres our right trustie and right welbeloued councellors, Ambrose Erle of Warwike, and Robert Erle of Leicester, and also our louing and naturall subiects, Thomas Starkie of our citie of London Alderman, Ierard Gore the elder, and all his sonnes, Thomas Gore the elder, Arthur Atie gentleman, Alexander Auenon, Richard Staper, William Iennings, Arthur Dawbeney, William Sherington, Thomas Bramlie, Anthony Garrard, Robert How, Henry Colthirst, Edward Holmden, Iohn Swinnerton, Robert Walkaden, Simon Lawrence, Nicholas Stile, Oliuer Stile, William Bond, Henrie Farrington, Iohn Tedcastle, Walter Williams, William Brune, Iohn Suzan, Iohn Newton, Thomas Owen, Roger Afield, Robert Washborne, Reinold Guy, Thomas Hitchcocke, George Lydiat, Iohn Cartwright, Henry Paiton, Iohn Boldroe, Robert Bowyer, Anthonie Dassell, Augustine Lane, Robert Lion, and Thomas Dod, all of London, Marchants now trading into the Countrey of Barbary, in the parts of Africa, vnder the gouernement of Muly Hammet Sheriffe, Emperor of Morocco, and king of Fesse and Sus, haue sustained great and grieuous losses, and are like to sustaine greater if it should not be preuented: In tender consideration whereof, and for that diuers Marchandize of the same Countries are very necessary and conuenient for the vse and defence of this our Realme of England, and for diuers other causes vs specially mouing, minding the reliefe and benefit of our said subiects, and the quiet trafique and good gouernment to be had, and vsed among them in their said trade, of our speciall grace, certaine knowledge, and meere motion haue giuen and granted, and by those presents for vs, our heires and successors, doe giue and grant vnto the saide Earles of Warwike and Leicester, Thomas Starkie, Ierard Gore the elder, Arthur Atie gentleman, Alexander Auenon, Richard Staper, William Iennings, Arthur Dawbenie, William Sherrington, Thomas Bramlie, Anthonie Gerrard, Robert Howe, Henry Colthirst, Edward Holmden, Iohn Swinnerton, Robert Walkaden, Simon Lawrence, Nicholas Stile, Oliuer Stile, William Bond, Henry Farrington, Iohn Tedcastle, Walter Williams, William Brune, Iohn Suzan, Iohn Newton, Thomas Owen, Roger Afild, Robert Washborne, Rainold Guie, Thomas Hitchcocke, George Lidiate, Iohn Cartwright, Henry Payton, Iohn Baldroe, Robert Bowyer, Anthony Dassell, Augustine Lane, Robert Lion, and Thomas Dod, that they and euery of them by themselues or by their factors or seruants, and none others, shall and may, for, and during the space of 12. yeeres, haue and enioy the whole freedome and libertie in the saide trafique or trade, vnto or from the said countrey of Barbary, or to or from any part thereof, for the buying and selling of all maner of wares and marchandizes whatsoeuer, that now or accustomably heretofore haue bene brought or transported, from, or to the said country of Barbary, or from or to any of the cities, townes, places, ports, roades, hauens, harbors, or creeks of the said country of Barbary, any law, statute, graunt, matter, customes or priuileges, to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding. And for the better establishing, ordering and gouerning of the said Erles of Warwike and Leicester, Thomas Starkie, &c. abouesaid, their factors, seruants and assignes in the trade aforesaid, we for vs, our heires and successors, doe by these presents giue and graunt full licence to the saide Thomas Starke, Ierard Gore the elder, and the rest aforesaide, and euery of them from time to time, during the said terme of twelue yeeres, at their pleasures to assemble and meete together in any place or places conuenient within our citie of London, or elsewhere, to consult of, and for the said trade, and with the consent of the said Erie of Leicester, to make and establish good and necessary orders and ordinances for and touching the same, and al such orders and ordinances so made, to put in vse and execute, and them or any of them with the consent of the said Erle of Leicester, to alter, change and make voyde, and if need be, to make new, at any time during the saide terme, they or the most part of them then liuing and trading, shall finde conuenient. Prouided alwayes, that the ordinances or any of them bee not contrary or repugnant to the lawes, statutes or customes of this our Realme of England. And to the intent that they onely to whom the said libertie of trafique is graunted by these our Letters patents, and none other our Subiects whatsoeuer, without their special consent and licence before had, should during the said terme haue trade or trafique for any maner of Marchandizes, to, or from the said countrey of Barbary, or to, or from any Citie, town, place, port, harbor or creeke within the said countrey of Barbary, to, or out of our said Realmes and dominions, wee doe by these presents straightly charge, commaund, and prohibite all and euery our Subiects whatsoeuer, other then only the said Erles of Warwike and Leicester, Thomas Starkie, and the rest abouesaid, and euery of them by themselues, or by their Factors or seruants during the saide terme, to trade or trafique, for or with any marchandize, to, or from the saide Countrey of Barbary, or to, or from any the dominions of the same, as they tender our fauour, and will auoyde our high displeasure, and vpon paine of imprisonment of his and their bodies, at our will and pleasure, and of forfeiting all the marchandizes, or the full value thereof, wherewith they or any of them during the saide terme, shall trade or trafique to or from the said countrey of Barbary, or to, or from the dominions of the same, contrary to this our priuilege and prohibition, vnlesse it be by and with the expresse licence, consent, and agreement of the saide Erles of Warwike and Leicester, Thomas Starkie, Ierard Gore the elder, and all his sonnes, Thomas Gore the elder, Arthur Atie Gentleman, Alexander Auenon, Richard Straper, William Iennings, Arthur Dawbnie, William Sherington, Thomas Bramlie, Anthonie Gerrard, Robert Howe, Henry Colthirst, Edward Holmden, Iohn Swinnerton, Robert Walkaden, Simon Lawrence, Nicholas Stile, Oliuer Stile, William Bond, Henry Farington, Iohn Tedcastle, Walter Williams, William Brune, Iohn Suzan, Iohn Newton, Thomas Owen, Roger Afield, Robert Washborne, Rainold Guy, Thomas Hitchcock, George Lidiate, &c. or by, and and with the expresse licence and consent of the more part of them then liuning and trading, first had and obtained, so alwayes, that the sayd Earle of Leicester be one, if hee bee liuing. And we further for vs, our heires and successors of our speciall grace, meere motion and certaine knowledge, do graunt to the said Erles of Warwike and Leicester, Thomas Starkie, and the rest abouesaid, and to euery of them, that nothing shall be done, to be of force or validitie touching the said trade or trafique, or the exercise thereof, without or against the consent of the saide Erles, Thomas Starkie, (and the others before named) during the time of these our Letters patents for 12. yeeres as aforesaid. And for that the said Erles, Thomas Starkie, &c. and euery of them aforesaid should not be preuented or interrupted in this their said trade, we do by these presents for vs, our heires and successours, straightly prohibite and forbid all maner of person or persons, as well strangers of what nation or countrey soeuer, as our owne Subiects, other then onely the said Erles, Thomas Starkie, &c. and euery of them as aforesaid, that they nor any of them from hencefoorth during the said terme of 12. yeeres, do or shall bring, or cause to be brought into this our Realme of England, or to any the dominions thereof, any maner of marchandizes whatsoeuer growing, or being made within the said Countrey of Barbary, or within any the dominions thereof, vnlesse it be by and with the license of the more part of them then liuing, first had and obtained, so alwayes that the sayd Erle of Leicester (if hee be liuing) be one, vnder the paine that euery one that shall offend or doe against this our present prohibition here last aboue mentioned in these presents, shall forfeite and lose all and singular the said marchandizes to be landed in any our realmes and dominions, contrary to the tenor and true meaning of this our prohibition in that behalfe prouided: the one moitie of all and euery which said forfaitures whatsoeuer mentioned or specified in these our present Letters patents, shalbe to vs, our heires and successors: And the other moity of al and euery the said forfaitures, we doe by these presents of our certaine knowledge and meere motion clearely and wholy for vs, our heires and successors giue and graunt vnto the said Erles, Thomas Starkie, &c. And these our Letters patents, vpon the onely sight thereof, without any further warrant, shal bee sufficient authoritie to our Treasurer of England for the time being, to our Barons of the Exchequer, and to all other our officers that shall haue to deale in this behalfe, to make full allowance vnto the said Erles, Thomas Starkie, &c. their deputies or assignes of the one moitie of all and singular the goods, marchandizes and things whatsoever mentioned in these our present Letters patents, to be forfaited at any time or times during the said terme of twelue yeres: which said allowance we doe straightly charge and commaund from time to time to be made to the sayd Erles, Thomas Starkie, &c. and to euery of them accordingly, without any maner of delay or deniall or any of our officers whatsoever, as they tender our fauour and the furtherance of our good pleasure. And wee doe straightly charge and commaund, and by these presents prohibite all and singular Customers and Collectors of our customes and subsidies, and comptrollers, of the same, of and within our Citie and port of London, and all other portes, creekes, and places within this our Realme of England, and euery of them, that they ne any of them take or perceiue, or cause, or suffer to be taken, receiued, or perceiued for vs and in our name, or to our vse, or to the vses of our heires or successors of any person or persons, any sum or summes of money, or other things whatsoeuer during the said terme of 12. yeeres, for, and in the name and liew or place of any custome, subsidy and other thing or duties to vs, our heires or successors due or to be due for the customes and subsidies of any marchandizes whatsoeuer growing, being made or comming out of the said countrey of Barbary, or out of the dominions thereof, nor make, cause, nor suffer to be made any entrie into our or their books of customs and subsidies, nor make any agreement for the subsidies and customs, of, and for any the said marchants, sauing onely with, and in the name of the said Erles, Thomas Starkie, &c. or the most part of them, as they and euery of them will answers at their vttermost perils to the contrary. And for the better and more sure obseruation of this our graunt, wee will, and grant for vs, our heires and successors by these presents, that the Treasurer and barons of our Exchequer for the time being, by force of this our graunt or enrolment thereof in the said court at al and euery time and times during the said terme of 12 yeeres, at and vpon request made vnto them by the said Erles, Thomas Starkie, &c. or by the atturneis, factors, deputies or assignes of them, or the most part of them then liuing and trading, shall and may make and direct vnder the seale of the said Exchequer, one or more sufficient writ or writs, close or patents, vnto euery or any of our said customers, collectors or controllers of our heires and successors in all and euery, or to any port or ports, creeke, hauens, or other places within this our realme of England, as the Erles, Thomas Starkie, &c. or any the atturneis, factors, deputies or assignes of them or the most part of them then liuing and trading, shall at any time require, commaunding and straightly charging them and euery of them, that they nor any of them at any time or times during the said term of 12. yeeres, make any entrie of any wares or marchandizes whatsoeuer, growing, being made or comming out or from the said countrey of Barbary, or the dominions thereof, nor receiue or take any custome, subsidie or other entrie, or make any agreement for the same, other then with or in the name of the said Erles, Thomas Starkie, &c, the factor or factors, deputies or assignes of them or the most part of them then liuing and trading, according to this our graunt, and the true meaning thereof, and according to our saide will and pleasure before in these presents declared. In witnesse whereof we haue caused these our Letters to be made patents. Witnesse our selfe at Westminster the 5. day of Iuly in the 27. yeere of our reigne. * * * * * The Ambassage of Master Henry Roberts, one of the sworne Esquires of her Maiesties person, from her highnesse to Mully Hamet Emperour of Morocco and the King of Fesse and Sus, in the yeere 1585: who remained there as Liger for the space of 3. yeeres. Written briefly by himselfe. Vpon an incorporation granted to the Company of Barbary Marchants resident in London, I Henry Roberts one of her Maiesties sworne Esquires of her person, was appointed her highnesse messenger, and Agent vnto the aforesaid Mully Hamet Emperor of Marocco, king of Fesse, and Sus. And after I had receiued my Commission, instructions, and her Maiesties letters, I departed from London the 14. of August in the yeere 1585. in a tall ship called the Ascension, in the company of the Minion and Hopewell, and we all arriued in safetie at Azafi a port of Barbary, the 14. of September next following. The Alcaide of the towne (being the kings officer there, and as it were Maior of the place) recalled mee with all humanitie and honour, according to the custome of the Countrey, lodging me in the chiefest house of the towne, from whence I dispatched a messenger (which in their language they call a Trottero) to aduertise the Emperour of my arriuall: who immediately gaue order, and sent certaine souldiers for my guard and conduct, and horses for my selfe, and mules for mine owne and my companies carriages. Thus being accompanied with M. Richard Euans, Edward Salcot, and other English Marchants resident there in the Countrey, with my traine of Moores and carriages, I came at length to the riuer of Tensist, which is within foure miles of Marocco: and there by the water side I pitched my tents vnder the Oliue trees: where I met with all the English Marchants by themselues, and the French and Flemish, and diuers other Christians, which attended my comming. And after we had dined, and spent out the heat of the day, about foure of the clocke in the afternoone we all set forward toward the Citie of Marocco, where we arriued the said day, being the 14. of September, and I was lodged by the Emperours appointment in a faire house in the Iudaria or Iurie, which is the place where the Iewes haue their abode, and is the fairest place, and quietest lodging in all the Citie. After I had reposed my selfe 3 dayes, I had accesse to the kings presence, delinered my message and her Maiesties letters, and was receiued with all humanitie, and had fauourable audience from time to time for three yeeres: during which space I abode there in his Court, as her Maiesties Agent and Ligier: and whensoeuer I had occasion of businesse, I was admitted either to his Maiestie himselfe, or to his vice Roy, whose name was Alcayde Breme Saphiana, a very wise and discreet person, and the chiefest about his Maiestie. The particulers of my seruice, for diuers good and reasonable causes, I forbeare here to put downe in writing. After leaue obtained, and an honourable reward bestowed by the Emperour vpon me, I departed from his Court at Marocco the 18. of August 1588. toward a garden of his, which is called Shersbonare, where he promised mee I should stay but one day for his letters: howbeit, vpon some occasion I was stayed vntil the 14. of September at the kings charges, with 40. or 50. shot attending vpon me for my guard and safetie. From thence at length I was conducted with all things necessary to the port of Santa Cruz, being sixe dayes iourney from Marocco, and the place where our shippes do commonly take in their lading, where I arriued the 21. of the same moneth. In this port I stayed 43. dayes, and at length the second of Nouember I embarqued my selfe, and one Marshok Reiz a Captaine and a Gentleman, which the Emperour sent with mee vpon an Ambassage to her Maiestie: and after much torment and foule weather at Sea, yet New-yeres day I came on land at S. Iues in Cornwall, from whence passing by land both together vp towards London, we were met without the Citie with the chiefest marchants of the Barbary Company, well mounted all on horsebacke, to the number of 40. or 50. horse, and so the Ambassadour and myselfe being both in Coche, entred the citie by torchlight, on Sunday at night the 12. of Ianuary 1589. * * * * * Este es vn traslado bien y fielmente sacado da vna carta real del Rey Muley Hamet de Fes y Emperador de Marruecos, cuyo tenor es este, que Segue. Con el nombre de Dios piadoso y misericordioso, &c. El sieruo de Dios soberano, el conquistador per su causa, el successor ensalçado por Dios, Emperador de los Moros, hijo del Emperador de los Moros, Iariffe, Haceni, el que perpetue su honora, y ensalçe su estado. Se pone este nuestro real mandado en manos de los criados de neustras altas puertas los mercadores Yngleses; para que por el sepan todos los que la presente vieren, come nuestro alto Conseio les anpara con el fauor de Dios de todo aquello, que les enpeciere y dannare en qualquiera manera, que fueren offendidos, y en qualquiera viaie, que fueren, ninguno les captinarà en estos nuestros reynos, y puertos, y lugares, que a nos pertenescen: y que les cubre el anporo de nuestro podor de qualquiera fatiga; y ningun los impida commano de enemistad, ni se darà causa, de que se agrauien en qualquiera manera con el fauor de Dios y de sua comparo. Y mandamos à los Alcaydes de los nuestros puertos y fortalezas, y à los que en estos nuestros reynos tienen cargo, y à toda la gente commun, que no les alleguen en ninguna manera, con orden, de que sean offendidos en ninguna manera; y esto serà necessariamente: Que es escrita en los medios dias de Rabel, segundo anno de nueue çientos, y nouenta y seys. Concorda el dia d'esta cara con veynte dias de Março del anno de mil y quiniento y ochenta y siete, lo qual yo Abdel Rahman el Catan, interprete per su Magestad saquè, y Romançe de verbo ad verbum, como en el se contiene, y en Fee dello firmo de my nombre, fecho vt supra. Abdel Rahman el Catan. The same in English. This is a copy well and truely translated of an edict of Muley Hamet king of Fez and Emperour of Marocco, whose tenor is as followeth: To wit, that no Englishmen should be molested or made slaues in any part of his Dominions, obtained by the aforesaid M. Henry Roberts. In the name of the pitifull and the mercifull God, &c. The seruant of the supreme God, the conqueror in his cause, the successor aduanced by God, the Emperour of the Moores, the sonne of the Emperour of the Moores, the Iariffe, the Haçeny, whose honour God long increase and aduance his estate. This our princely commandement is deliuered into the hands of the English marchants, which remaine in the protection of our stately palaces: to the ende that all men which shall see this present writing, may vnderstand that our princely counsaile wil defend them by the fauor of God, from any thing that may impeach or hurt them in what sort soeuer they shalbe wronged: and that, which way soeuer they shall trauaile, no man shall take them captiues in these our kingdomes, ports, and places which belong vnto vs, which also may protect and defend them by our authoritie from any molestation whatsoeuer: and that no man shall hinder them by laying violent hand vpon them, and shall not giue occasion that they may be grieued in any sort by the fauour and assistance of God. And we charge and command our officers of our hauens and fortresses, and all such as beare any authority in these our dominions, and likewise all the common people, that in no wise they do molest them, in such sort that they be no way offended or wronged. And this our commandement shall remaine inuiolable, being registred in the middest of the moneth of Rabel in the yeere 996. The date of this letter agreeth with the 20. of March 1587. which I Abdel Rahman el Catan, interpretour for his Maiestie, haue translated and turned out of the Arabian into Spanish word for word as is conteined therein: and in witnesse thereof haue subscribed my name as aforesaid. Abdel Rahman el Catan. * * * * * En nombre de Dios el piadoso piadador. Oracion de Dios sobre nuestro Sennor y Propheta Mahumet, y los allegados à el. [Sidenote: A letter of Mully Hamet to the Earle of Leicester.] El sieruo de Dios, y muy guerrero, y ensalsado por la graçia de Dios, Myra Momanyn, hijo de Myra Momanyn, nieto de Myra Momanyn, el Iarif, el Hazeny, que Dios sustenga sus reynos, y enhalse sus mandados, para el Sennor muy affamado y muy illustre, muy estimado, el Conde de Leycester, despues de dar las loores deuidas à Dios, y las oraçiones, y saludes deuidas à le propheta Mahumet. Seruirà esta por os hazer saber que llegò a qui à nuestra real Corte vuestra carta, y entendimos lo que en ella se contiene. Y vuestro Ambaxador, que aqui esti en nuestra corte me dio à entender la causa de la tardança de los rehenes hasta agora: el qual descuento reçebimos, y nos damos por satisfechos. Y quanta à lo que à nos escriueys por causa de Iuan Herman, y lo mesmo que nos ha dicho el Ambaxador sobre el, antes que llegâsse vuestra carta por la quexa del ambaxador, que se auia quexado del, ya auiamos mandado prender lo, y assi que da aora preso, y quedera, hasta que se le haga la iusticia que mas se le ha de hazer. Y con tanto nuestro Sennor os tenga en su guardia. Hecha en nuestra corte real en Marruecos, que Dios sostenga, et 28. dias del mes de Remodan anno 996. The same in English. In the Name of the mercifull and pitifull God. The blessing of God light vpon our Lord and prophet Mahumet, and those that are obedient vnto him. The seruant of God both mightie in warre and mightily exalted by the grace of God Myra Momanyn, the son of Myra Momanyn, the Iarif, the Hazeni, whose kingdoms God maintaine and aduance his authoritie: Vnto the right famous, right noble, and right highly esteemed Erle of Leicester, after due praises giuen vnto God, and due blessings and salutations rendered vnto the prophet Mahumet. These are to giue you to vnderstand, that your letters arriued here in our royal Court, and we wel perceiue the contents thereof. And your Ambassador which remaineth here in our Court told me the cause of the slownesse of the gages or pledges vntil this time: which reckoning we accept of, and holde our selues as satisfied. And as touching the matter wherof you write vnto vs concerning Iohn Herman, and the selfe same complaint which your Ambassador hath made of him, before the comming of your letter, we had already commaunded him to be taken vpon the complaint which your Ambassadour had made of him, whereupon he still remaineth in hold, and shall so continue vntil further iustice be done vpon him according to his desert. And so our Lord keepe you in his safeguard. Written at our royall court in Marocco, which God maintaine, the 28. day of the moneth Remodan, Anno 996. [Marginal note: Which is with vs 1587.] * * * * * The Queenes Maiesties letters to the Emperour of Marocco. [Sidenote: The Queenes letters to the Emperour.] Muy alto, y muy poderoso Sennor, Auiendo entendido de parte de nuestro Agente la mucha aficion, y volontad, que nos teneys, y quanta honta, y fauor le hazeys por amor nuestro, para dar nos tanto mayor testimonio de vuestra amistad, hemos recebido de lo vno y de le otro muy grande contento, y satisfacion; y assy no podemos dexar de agradesceroslo, como mereceys. Vuestras cartas hemos tambien recibido, y con ellas holgadonos infinitamente, por venir de parte de vn Principe, à quien tenemos tanta obligacion. Nuestro Agente nos ha escripto sobre ciertas cosas, que desseays ser os embiadas de aqui: Y, aunque queriamos poder os en ello puntualmente conplazer, como pidiz, ha succedido, que las guerras, en que stamos al presente occupadas, no nos lo consienten del todo: Hemos però mandado que se os satisfaga en parte, y conforme à lo que por agora la necessitad nos permite, como mas particularmente os lo declararà nuestro Agente: esperando, que lo reciberreys en buena parte y conforme al animo, con que os lo concedemos. Y porque nos ha sido referido, que aueys prometido de proceder contra vn Iuan Herman vassallo nuestro, (el qual nos ha grauemente offendido) de la manera, que os lo demandaremos, auemos dado orden à nuestro dicho Agente de deziros mas parcularmente lo que desseamos ser hecho a cerca deste negocio, rogando os, que lo mandeys assi complir: y que seays seruido de fauorescer siempre al dicho Agente, y tener lo en buen credito, como hasta agora aueys hecho, sin permiter, que nadie os haga mudar de parecer a cerca de las calumnias, que le podran leuantar, ny dudar, que no complamos muy por entero todo, lo que de nuestra parte os prometiere. Nuestro Sennor guarde vostra muy alta y muy poderosa persona: Hecha en nuestra Corte Real de Grenewich a 20. de Iulio 1587. The same in English. Right high and mightie Prince, Hauing vnderstood from our Agent the great affection and good wil which you beare vs, and how great honour and fauor you shew him for our sake, to the end to giue vs more ample testimonie of your friendship, we haue receiued very great contentment and satisfaction, as wel of the one as of the other: and withall we could not omit to magnifie you, according to your desert. We haue also receiued your letters, and do not a litle reioyce thereof, because they come from a prince vnto whom we are so much beholden. Or Agent hath written vnto vs concerning certaine things which you desire to bee sent vnto you from hence. And albeit we wish that we could particularly satisfie you, as you desire, yet it is fallen out, that the warres, wherein at this present we be busied wil not suffer vs fully to doe the same: neuerthelesse, wee haue commaunded to satisfie you in part, and according as the present necessitie doeth permit vs, as our Agent will declare vnto you more particularly, hoping you will receiue it in good part, and according to the good will wherewith wee graunt the same. [Sidenote: Iohn Herman an English rebel.] And because it hath bene signified vnto vs that you haue promised to proceed in iustice against one Iohn Herman our subiect, which hath grieuously offended vs, in such sort as wee haue sent word vnto you, wee haue giuen order to our said Agent, to informe you more particularly in that which we desire to be done in this busines, praying you also to command the same to be put in execution: and that it would please you alwayes to fauour our said Agent and to hold him in good credite, as you haue done hitherto, not suffering your selfe to be changed in your opinion, for all the false reports which they may raise against him, nor to doubt that wee will not accomplish at large all that he shall promise you on our behalfe. Our Lord keepe and preserue your right high and mightie person. Written in our royall Court at Greenwich the 20. of Iuly 1587. * * * * * A Patent granted to certaine Marchants of Exeter, and others of the West parts, and of London, for a trade to the Riuer of Senega and Gambia in Guinea, 1588. Elizabeth by the grace of God Queene of England, France and Ireland, defender of the faith, &c. To our Treasurer and Admirral of England, our Treasurer and Barons of our Exchequer, and all and euery our Officers, ministers and subiects whatsoeuer, greeting. Whereas our welbeloued subiects William Brayley, Gilbert Smith, Nicolas Spicer, and Iohn Doricot of our City of Exeter marchants, Iohn Yong of Coliton in our county of Deuon marchant, Richard Doderige of Barnstable in our saide County of Deuon Marchant, Anthonie Dassell, and Nicolas Turner of our Citie of London Marchants, haue bene perswaded and earnestly moued by certaine Portugals resident within our Dominions, to vndertake and set forward a voyage to certaine places on the coast of Guinea; Videlicit, from the Northermost part of the Riuer commonly called by the name of the Riuer of Senega, and from and within that Riuer all along that coast vnto the Southermost part of another Riuer commonly called by the name of Gambra, and within that Riuer: [Sidenote: A former voyage to Gambra.] which, as we are informed they haue already once performed accordingly: And for that we are credibly giuen to vnderstand that the further prosecuting of the same voyage, and the due and orderly establishing of an orderly trafique and trade of marchandize into those Countries, wil not only in time be very beneficial to these our Realmes and dominions, but also be a great succour and reliefe vnto the present distressed estate of those Portugals, who by our princely fauour liue and continue here vnder our protection: And considering that the aduenturing and enterprising of a newe trade cannot be a matter of small charge and hazard to the aduenturers in the beginning: we haue therefore thought it conuenient, that our said louing subiects William Brayley, Gilbert Smith, Nicholas Spicer, Iohn Doricot, Iohn Young, Richard Doderige, Anthonie Dassell, and Nicholas Turner, for the better incouragement to proceede in their saide aduenture and trade in the said Countreis, shal haue the sole vse and exercise thereof for a certaine time. In consideration whereof, and for other waightie reasons and considerations, vs specially moouing, of our speciall grace, certaine knowledge and meere motion, we haue giuen and graunted, and by these presents for vs, our heires and successors doe giue and graunt vnto the said William Brayley, Gilbert Smith, Nicholas Spicer, Iohn Doricot, Iohn Young, Richard Doderide, Anthony Dassell and Nicholas Turner, and to euery of them, and to such other our Subiects as they or the most part of them shall thinke conuenient to receiue into their Company and society, to be the traders with them into the said Contreis, that they and euery of them by themselues or by their seruants or Factors and none others, shall and may for and during the full space and terme of tenne yeeres next ensuing the date of these presents, haue and enioy the free and whole trafique, trade and feat of marchandise, to and from the said Northermost part of the said Riuer, commonly called by the name of the Riuer of Senega: and from and within that riuer all along the coast of Guinea, vnto the Southermost part of the said Riuer, commonly called by the name of the Riuer of Gambra, and within that Riuer also. And that they the said William Brayley, Gilbert Smith, Nicholas Spicer, Iohn Doricot, Iohn Yong, Richard Doderige, Anthony Dassel and Nicholas Turner, and euery of them, by themselues or by their seruants or Factors, and such as they or the most part of them shall receiue into their Company and societie, to be traders with them into the sayd Countreis (as is aforesaid) and none others, shall and may, for, and during the said space and terme of 10. yeres, haue and enioy the sole and whole trafique or trade of marchandize into and from the said places afore limitted and described, for the buying and selling, bartering and changing of and with any goods, wares, and marchandizes whatsoeuer, to be vented had or found, at or within any the cities, townes, or places situated or being in the countries, partes and coastes of Guinea before limitted, any law, statute, or graunt, matter, custome or priuileges to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding. And for the better ordering, establishing, and gouerning of the said societie and Company in the said trade and trafique of marchandizes, and the quiet, orderly, and lawfull exercise of the same, We for vs, our heires, and successors, do by these presents giue and graunt full license and authority vnto the said William Brayley, Gilbert Smith, Nicholas Spicer, Iohn Doricot, Iohn Yong, Richard Doderige, Anthonie Dassell, and Nicholas Turner, and to such others as they shall receiue into their saide societie and company to be traders into the said countreis, as is aforesaid, and to euery of them, that they or the most part of them shall and may at all conuenient times at their pleasures, assemble and meete together in any place or places conuenient, aswell within our citie of Exeter, as elsewhere within this our Realme of England, or other our dominions, during the said terme of ten yeere, to consult of, for, and concerning the saide trade and trafique of marchandize, and from time to time to make, ordaine, and stablish good, necessary, and reasonable orders, constitutions, and ordinances, for, and touching the same trade. And al such orders, constitutions, and ordinances so to be made, to put in vse and execute, and them, or any of them, to alter, change, and make voyd, and, if neede be, to make new, as at any time, during the said terme of ten yeeres, to them, or the most part of them then trading, as is aforesaide, shall be thought necessary and conuenient. Vnto all and euery which said orders, constitutions, and ordinances, they, and euery of them, and all other persons which shall hereafter be receiued into the saide societie and Company, shall submit themselues, and shall well and duely obserue, performe, and obey the same, so long as they shall stand in force, or else shall pay and incurre such forfeitures, paines, and penalties, for the breach thereof, and in such maner and forme, and to such vses and intents, as by the saide orders, constitutions, and ordinances shall be assessed, limitted and appointed. So alwayes, as the same orders, constitutions and ordinances be not repugnant or contrary to the lawes, statutes, and customes of this Realme of England, nor any penaltie to exceede the reasonable forme of other penalties, assessed by the Company of our Marchants, named Aduenturers. And to the intent that they onely, to whom the said power and libertie of trafique and trade of marchandize is graunted by these our letters patent aforesaid, and none others whatsoeuer, without their speciall consent and license before had, shall, during the said terme of ten yeeres, vse, or haue trade or trafique, with or for any maner of goods or marchandizes, to and from the saide coastes or parts of Guinea afore limited: Wee doe by these presents, by our royall and supreme authoritie, straightly charge and commaund, that no person or persons whatsoeuer, by themselues, or by their factors, or seruants, during the said terme of 10. yeres, shall in any wise trade or trafique, for or with any goods or marchandizes, to or from the said coasts and parts of Guinea afore limitted, other then the said William Brayley, Gilbert Smith, Nicholas Spicer, Iohn Doricot, Iohn Yong, Richard Doderige, Anthony Dassell, and Nicholas Turner, and such as from time to time, they, or the most part of them, shall receiue into their societie and company, to be traders with them, as is aforesaid, as they tender our fauour, and will auoyde our high displeasure, and vpon paine of imprisonment of his or their bodies, at our will and pleasure, and to lose and forfeit the ship or shippes, and all the goods, wares, and marchandizes, wherewith they, or any of them, shal, during the said terme of 10. yeres, trade, or trafique to or from the said Countries, or any part thereof, according to the limitation aboue mentioned, contrary to our expresse prohibition and restraint, in that behalfe. And further, we do by these presents giue and graunt full power and authoritie to the said William Braily, Gilbert Smith, Nicholas Spicer, Iohn Doricot, Iohn Yong, Richard Doderige, Anthony Dassell, and Nicholas Turner, and to such other persons, as they shal receiue into their society and company, to be traders with them, as is aforesaid, and the most part of them, for the time being: that they, and euery of them, by themselues, their factors, deputies, or assignes, shall and may, from time to time, during the said terme of 10. yeres, attach, arrest, take, and sease all, and all maner of ship, and ships, goods, wares, and marchandizes whatsoeuer, which shall be brought from, or caried to the said coasts and parts of Guinea afore limited, contrary to our will and pleasure, and the true meaning of the same, declared and expressed in these our letters patents. Of all and euery which said forfaitures whatsoeuer, the one third part shall be vnto vs, our heires, and successors, and another thirde part thereof we giue and graunt by these presents, for and towards the reliefe of the saide Portugals continuing here vnder our protection, as is aforesaid. And the other third part of al the same forfaitures, we do by these presents, of our certaine knowledge and meere motion, for vs, our heires and successors, giue and grant cleerely and wholy vnto the said William Brayley, Gilbert Smith, Nicholas Spicer, Iohn Doricot, Iohn Yong, Richard Doderige, Anthony Dassel, and Nicholas Turner, and such other persons, as they shall receiue into their societie, and company, as is aforesaid. And these our letters patents, or the inrolment or exemplification of the same, without any further or other warrant, shall from time to time, during the said tenne yeeres, be a sufficient warrant and authoritie to our Treasurer of England, for the time being, and to the barons of our Exchequer, and to all other our officers and ministers whatsoeuer, to whom it shall or may appertaine, to allow, deliuer, and pay one thirde part of all the said forfeitures, to the vse of the said Portugals, and one other thirde part of the same forfeitures, to the saide William Brayley, Gilbert Smith, Nicholas Spicer, Iohn Doricot, Iohn Yong, Richard Doderige, Anthony Dassell, and Nicholas Turner, and such other persons, as they shall receiue into their societie and Company, to be traders with them, as aforesaide, to their owne proper vse and behoofe: which said allowances and paiments thereof, our will and pleasure is, and we do straightly charge and commaund, to bee from time to time duely made and performed accordingly, without any delay or denial of any our officers aforesaid, or any other our officers or ministers whatsoeuer. And we do straightly charge and command, and by these presents probibite all and singular our customers, collectors, and farmers of our Customes and subsidies, and controllers of the same, of and within our ports of the citie of London, and the Citie of Exeter, and all other ports, creekes, and places, within this our Realme of England, and euery of them, and all other our officers and ministers whatsoeuer, which haue or shall haue any dealing or intermedling, touching our said Customes and subsidies, that they, ne any of them by themselues, their clearks, deputies, or substitutes, or any of them take or receiue, or in any wise cause or suffer to be taken or receiued for vs, or in our name, or to our vse, or for, or in the names or to the vses of our heires or successors, or any person, or persons, any summe or summes of money, or other things whatsoeuer, during the saide terme of ten yeeres, for, or in the name, lieu, or place of any Custome, subsidie, or other thing or duetie, to vs, our heires, or successors, due, or to be due, for the Customes or subsidies of any such goods, wares, or marchandizes, to be transported, caried, or brought to or from the priuileged places, before in these presents mentioned, or any of them: nor make, nor cause to be made any entry into, or of the bookes of subsidies or customes, nor make any agreement for the Customes or subsidies, of, or for any goods, wares or merchandizes, to bee sent to, or returned from any the priuleged places, before in these presents mentioned, sauing onely with, and in the name, and by the consent of the saide William Brayley, Gilbert Smith, Nicholas Spicer, Iohn Doricot, Iohn Yong, Richard Doderige, Antonie Dassel, and Nicholas Turner, or of some of them, or of such as they or the most part of them shall receiue into their societie and Company, as aforesaid. Prouided alwaies, that if at any time hereafter, we our selves, by our writing signed with our proper hand, or any sixe or more of our priuie Counsell, for the time being, shall by our direction, and by writing signed and subscribed with their hands, signifie and notifie to the said William Brayley, Gilbert Smith, Nicholas Spicer, Iohn Doricot, Iohn Yong, Richard Doderige, Anthony Dassell, and Nicholas Turner, or to any of them, or to any other, whom they or the most part of them shal receiue into their Companie and society, as is aforesaid, or otherwise to our officers in our ports of Exeter, or Plimouth, by them to be notified to such as shall haue interest in this speciall priuilege, that our will and pleasure is, that the said trade and trafique shal cease, and be no longer continued into the saide coastes and partes of Guinea before limited: then immediatly from and after the ende of sixe moneths next insuing, after such signification and notification so to be giuen to any of the said Company and societie, as is aforesaid, or otherwise to our Officers in our ports of Exeter or Plimouth, by them to be notified to such as shall haue interest in this speciall priuilege, these our present letters Patents, and our graunt therein contained shall be vtterly voyde, and of none effect, ne validitie in the lawe, to all intents and purposes: any thing before mentioned to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding. Witnesse our selfe at Westminster, the thirde day of May, in the thirtieth yere of our Reign 1588. * * * * * A voyage to Benin beyond the Countrey of Guinea, set foorth by Master Bird and Master Newton Marchants of London, with a shippe called the Richard of Arundell, and a Pinesse; Written by Iames Welsh, who was chiefe Master of the said voyage, begunne in the yeere 1588. Vpon the twelft of October wee wayed our ankers at Ratcliffe and went to Blackwall. And the next day sayling from thence, by reason of contrary winde and weather, wee made it the 25. of October before wee were able to reach Plimouth, and there we stayed (to our great expense of victuals) for lacke of winde and weather vnto the 14. of December. On Saturday the said 14. of December we put from thence, and about midnight were thwart of the Lizart. [Sidenote: Rio del oro is in 22. degrees and 47. min.] Thursday the second of Ianuary wee had sight of the land neere Rio del oro, God be thanked, and there had 22. degrees of latitude, and 47. minutes. [Sidenote: Cauo de las Barbas.] The thirde of Ianuary wee had sight of Cauo de las Barbas, and it bare Southeast fiue leagues off. [Sidenote: Crosiers.] The 4. we had sight of the Crosiers in the morning. [Sidenote: Cauo Verde in 14. degr. 43. m.] Tuesday the 7. day we had sight of Cauo verde, and I find this place to be in latitude 14. degrees, and 43. minutes, being 4. leagues from the shoare. [Sidenote: Cauo de Monte.] Friday the 17. Cauo de Monte bare off vs North Northeast, we sounded and had 50. fathom blacke oase, and at 2. of the clocke it bare North Northwest 8. leagues off. [Sidenote: Cauo Mensurado.] And Cauo Mensurado bare of vs East and by South, and wee went Northeast with the maine: here the current setteth to the East Southeast alongst the shoare, and at midnight wee sounded and had 26. fathome blacke oase. The 18. in the morning we were thwart of a land, much like Cauo verde, and it is as I iudge 9. leagues from Cauo Mensurado; it is a hill sadlebacked, and there are 4. or 5. one after another: and 7. leagues to the Southward of that, we saw a row of hils sadlebacked also, and from Cauo Mensurado are many mountaines. [Sidenote: Rio de Sestos. Cauo dos Baixos.] The 19. we were thwart Rio de Sestos, and the 20. Cauo dos Baixos was North and by West 4. leagues off the shoare, [Sidenote: Tabanoo.] and at afternoone there came a boate frome the shoare with 3. Negroes, from a place (as they say) called Tabanoo. And towards euening we were thwart of an Island, and a great many of small Islands or rockes to the Southward, and the currant came out of the Souther-boord: we sounded and had 35. fathomes. [Sidenote: A French ship at Ratire. Crua.] The 21. wee had a flat hill that bare North Northeast off vs, and wee were from the shoare 4. leagues, and at 2. a clocke in the afternoone we spake with a Frenchman riding neere a place called Ratire, and another place hard by called Crua. [Sidenote: A current to the Southeastward.] This Frenchman caried a letter from vs to M. Newton: wee layd it on hull while wee were writing of our letter; and the current set vs to the Southward a good pase alongst the shore South Southeast. The 25. we were in the bight of the Bay that is to the Westward of Capo de Tres puntas: the currant did set East Northeast. The 28. we lay sixe glasses a hull tarying for the pinesse. [Sidenote: Caou de tres puntas.] The last of Ianuary the middle part of Cape de tres puntas was thwart of vs three leagues at seuen of the clocke in the morning: and at eight the pinnesse came to an anker: and wee prooued that the current setteth to the Eastward: and at sixe at night the Vttermost lande bare East and by South 5. leagues, and we went Southwest, and Southwest and by South. Saturday the first of February 1588. we were thwart of a Round foreland, which I take to be the Eastermost part of Capo de tres puntas: and within the saide Round foreland was a great bay with an Island in the said bay. [Sidenote: The Castle of Mina.] The second of February wee were thwart of the Castle of Mina, and when the thirde glasse of our Looke-out was spent, we spied vnder our Larbord-quarter one of their Boates with certaine Negroes, and one Portugale in the Boate, wee haue had him to come aboord, but he would not. [Sidenote: Two white watch-houses.] And ouer the castle upon the hie rockes we did see as it might be two watch-houses, and they did shew very white: and we went eastnortheast. [Sidenote: Monte Redondo.] The 4 in the morning we were thwart a great high hill, and vp into the lande were more high ragged hilles, and those I reckoned to be but little short of Monte Redondo. Then I reckoned that we were 20 leagues Southeastward from the Mina, and at 11 of the clocke I sawe two hilles within the land, these hils I take to be 7 leagues from the first hils. And to sea-ward of these hilles is a bay, and at the east end of the bay another hill, and from the hils the landes lie verie low. We went Eastnortheast, and East and by North 22 leagues, and then East along the shore. [Sidenote: Villa longa.] The 6 we were short of Villa longa, and there we met with a Portugall Carauell. The 7 a faire temperate day, and all this day we road before Villa longa. The 8 at noone we set saile from Villa longa, and ten leagues from thence we ankered againe and stayed all that night in ten fadom water. [Sidenote: Rio de Lagos.] The ninth we set saile, and all alongst the shore were very thicke woodes, and in the afternoone we were thwart a riuer, and to the Eastward of the riuer a litle way off was a great high bush-tree as though it had no leaues, and at night we ankered with faire and temperate weather. The 10 we set sayle and went East, and East and by South 14 leagues along the shoare, which was so full of thicke woods, that in my iudgement a man should haue much to doe to passe through them, and towards night we ankered in 7 fadome with faire weather. [Sidenote: Very shallow water.] The 11 we sayled East and by South, and three leagues from the shore we had but 5 fadome water, and all the wood vpon the land was as euen as if it had beene cut with a paire of gardeners sheeres, and in running of two leagues we descerned a high tuft of trees vpon the brow of a land, which shewed like a Porpose head, and when wee came at it, it was but part of the lande, and a league further we saw a head-land very low and full of trees, and a great way from the land we had very shallow water, then we lay South into the sea, because of the sands for to get into the deepe water, and when we found it deepe, we ankered in fiue fadom thwart the riuer of Iaya, in the riuers mouth. The 12. in the morning we road still in the riuers mouth. This day we sent the pinnesse and the boat on land with the marchants, but they came not againe vntil the next morning. The shallowest part of this riuer is toward the West, where there is but 4 fadom and a halfe, and it is very broad. [Sidenote: Rio de Iaya.] The next morning came the boate aboord, and they also said it was Rio de Iaya. Here the currant setteth Westward, and the Eastermost land is higher then the Westermost Thursday the 13 we set saile, and lay South Southeast along the shore, where the trees are wonderfull euen, and the East shore is higher then the West shore, and when wee had sayled 18 leagues we had sight of a great riuer, then we ankered in three fadom and a halfe, and the currant went Westward. [Sidenote: Rio Benin.] This riuer is the riuer of Benin, and two leagues from the maine it is very shallowe. [Sidenote: A currant Westward.] The 15 we sent the boat and pinesse into the riuer with the marchants, and after that we set saile, because we road in shallow water, and went Southsoutheast, and the starboard tacke aboord vntill we came to fiue fadom water, where we road with the currant to the Westward: then came our boat out of the harbour and went aboord the pinnesse. The West part of the land was high browed much like the head of a Gurnard, and the Eastermost land was lower, and had on it three tufts of trees like stackes of wheate or corne, and the next day in the morning we sawe but two of those trees, by reason that we went more to the Eastward. And here we road still from the 14 of Februarie vntill the 14 of Aprill, with the winde at Southwest. The 16 of Februarie we rode still in fiue fadom, and the currant ranne still to the Westward, the winde at Southwest, and the boat and pinnesse came to vs againe out of the riuer, and told vs that there was but ten foote water vpon the barre. All that night was drowsie, and yet reasonable temperate. The 17 a close day, the winde at Southwest. Our marchants wayed their goods and put them aboord the pinnesse to goe into the riuer, and there came a great currant out of the riuer and set to the Westward. The 18 the marchants went with the boat and pinnesse into the riuer with their commodities. This day was close and drowsie, with thunder, raine, and lightning. The 24 a close morning and temperate, and in the afternoone the boat came to vs out of the riuer with our marchants. Twesday the 4 of March, a close soultry hot morning, the currant went to the Westward, and much troubled water came out of the riuer. [Sidenote: Sicknesse among our men.] The 16 our pinnesse came a boord and Anthonie Ingram in her, and she brought in her 94 bags of pepper, and 28 Elephants teeth, and the Master of her and all his company were sicke. This was a temperate day and the winde at Southwest. The 17. 18. and 19 were faire temperate weather and the winde at Southwest. This day the pinnesse went into the riuer againe, and carried the Purser and the Surgion. The 25 of the said moneth 1589 we sent the boate into the riuer. [Sidenote: The death of the Captaine. Pepper and Elephants Teeth.] The 30 our pinnesse came from Benin, and brought sorowfull newes, that Thomas Hemstead was dead and our Captaine also, and she brought with her 159 Cerons or sackes of pepper and Elephants teeth. [Sidenote: A good note.] Note that in all the time of our abiding here, in the mouth of the riuer of Benin, and in all the coast hereabout it is faire temperate weather, when the winde is at Southwest. And when the winde is at Northeast and Northerly, then it raineth, with lightning and thunder, and is very intemperate weather. The 13 of Aprill 1589 we set saile homewards in the name of Iesus. In the morning we sayled with the winde at Southwest, and lay West and by North, but it prooued calme all that night, and the currant Southeast. The 14 the riuer of Benin was Northeast 7 leagues from the shore, and there was little winde and towards night calme. The l7 a faire temperate day the winde variable, and we had of latitude foure degrees and 20 minutes. The 25 a faire temperate day the winde variable, and here we had three degrees and 29 minuts of latitude. [Sidenote: A deceiptfll currant.] The 8 of May we had sight of the shore, which was part of Cauo de Monte, but we did not thinke we had beene so farre, but it came so to passe by reason of the currant. In this place M. Towrson was in like maner deceiued with the currant. The 9 we had sight of Cauo de monte. The 17 a darke drowsie day, this was the first night that I tooke the North starre. The 26 a temperate day with litle winde, and we were in 12 degrees and 13 minutes of latitude. The 30 we met a great sea out of the Northwest. The 6 of Iune we found it as temperate as if we had beene in England, and yet we were within the height of the sunne, for it was declined 23 degrees, and 26 minuts to the Northward, and we had 15 degrees of latitude. The 8 faire and temperate as in England, here we met with a counter sea, out of the Southborde. The 15 a faire temperate day, the winde variable, here we had 18 degrees and fiftie nine minutes; [Sidenote: Rockweed or Saragasso all along the sea.] The 12 of Iuly in 30 degrees of latitude we met with great store of rockweed, which did stick together like clusters of grapes, and this continued with vs vntill the 17 of the said moneth, and then we saw no more, at which 17 day we were in two and thirtie degrees sixe and fortie minutes of latitude. The 25 at sixe of the clocke in the morning, we had sight of the Ile of Pike, it bare North and by East from vs, we being 15 leagues off. The 27 we spake with the poste of London and she told vs good newes of England. The nine and twentieth we had sight of the Island of Cueruo, and the 30 we saw the Island of Flores. The 27 of August in 41 degrees of latitude we saw 9 saile of Britons, and three of them followed vs vntill noone, and then gaue vs ouer. The 30 we had sight of Cape Finisterre. The eight of September at night wee put into Plimouth sound, and road in Causon Bay all night. The 9 we put into Catwater and there stayed vntill the 28 of September, by reason of want of men and sicknesse. The nine and twentieth we set sayle from Plimouth, and arriued at London the second of October 1589. The commodities that we caried in this voyage were cloth both linnen and woollen, yron worke of sundry sorts, Manillios or bracelets of copper, glasse beades, and corrall. The commodities that we brought home were pepper and Elephants teeth, oyle of palme, cloth made of Cotton wool very curiously wouen, and cloth made of the barke of palme trees. Their monie is pretie white shels, for golde and siluer we saw none. [Sidenote: Inamia, a kind of bread in Benin.] They haue also great store of cotton growing: their bread is a kind of roots, they call it Inamia, and when it is well sodden I would leaue our bread to eat of it, it is pleasant in eating, and light of digestion, the roote thereof is as bigge as a mans arme. Our men vpon fish-dayes had rather eate the rootes with oyle and vineger, then to eate good stockfish. [Sidenote: Wine of palm trees.] There are great store of palme trees, out of which they gather great store of wine, which wine is white and very pleasant, and we should buy two gallons of it for 20 shels. They haue good store of sope, and it smelleth like beaten violets. Also many pretie fine mats and baskets that they make, and spoones of Elephants teeth very curiously wrought with diuers proportions of foules and beasts made vpon them. There is vpon the coast wonderfull great lightning and thunder, in so much as I neuer hard the like in no Countrey, for it would make the decke or hatches tremble vnder our feete, and before we were well acquainted with it, we were fearefull, but God be thanked we had no harme. The people are very gentle and louing, and they goe naked both men and women vntill they be married, and then they goe couered from the middle downe to the knees. [Sidenote: Abundance of honey.] They would bring our men earthen pottes of the quantitie of two gallons, full of hony and hony combes for 100 shelles. They would also bring great store of Oranges and Plantans which is a fruit that groweth upon a tree, and is like vnto a Cucumber but very pleasant in eating. It hath pleased God of his mercefull goodnesse to give me the knowledge how to preserue fresh water with little cost, [Marginal note: This preseruatiue is wrought by casting into an hogshead of water an handful of bay-salt, as the author told me.] which did serve vs sixe moneths at the sea, and when we came into Plimmouth it was much wondered at, of the principal men of the towne, who said that there was not sweeter water in any spring in Plimmouth. Thus doth God prouide for his creatures, vnto whom be praise now and for euermore, Amen. * * * * * The voiage set forth by M. Iohn Newton, and M. Iohn Bird marchants of London to the kingdome and Citie of Benin in Africa, with a ship called the Richard of Arundell, and a pinnesse, in the yere 1588. briefly set downe in this letter following, written by the chiefe Factor in the voyage to the foresaid Marchants at the time of the ships first arriual at Plimouth. Worshipful Sirs, the discourse of our whole proceeding in this voyage wil aske more time and a person in better health then I am at this present, so that I trust you will pardon me, till my comming vp to you: in the meane time let this suffice. Whereas we departed in the moneth of December from the coast of England with your good ship the Richard of Arundell and the pinnesse, we held on our direct course towards our appointed port, and the 14 day of Februarie following we arriued in the hauen of Benin, where we found not water enough to carry the ship ouer the barre, so that we left her without in the road, and with the pinnesse and ship boat, into which we had put the chiefest of our marchandise, [Sidenote: Goto in Benin.] we went vp the riuer to a place called Goto, where we arriued the 20 of February, the foresaid Goto being the neerest place that we could come to by water, to go for Benin. [Sidenote: The great citie of Benin.] From thence we presently sent Negroes to the king, to certifie him of our arriuall, and of the cause of our comming thither: who returned to vs againe the 22 day with a noble man in their company to bring vs vp to the Citie, and with 200 Negroes to carrie our commodities: hereupon the 23 day we deliuered our marchandize to the Kings Factor, and the 25 day we came to the Citie of Benin, where we were well intertained: The sixe and twenty day we went to the Court to haue spoken with the king, which (by reason of a solemne feast then kept amongst them) we could not doe: but yet we spake with his Veadore, or chiefe man, that hath the dealing with the Christians: and we conferred with him concerning our trading, who answered vs, that we should have all thing to our desire, both in pepper and Elephants teeth. The first of March, we were admitted to the kings presence, and he made vs the like courteous answere for our traffike: the next day we went againe to the Court, where the foresaid Veadore shewed vs one basket of greene pepper, and another of dry in the stalkes: wee desired to haue it plucked from the stalks and made cleane, who answered, that it would aske time, but yet it should be done: and that against another yeere it should be in better readines, and the reason why we found it so vnprepared was, because in this kings time no Christians had euer resorted thither, to lade pepper. The next day there were sent vs 12 baskets, and so a litle euery day vntill the 9 of March at which time we had made vpon 64 serons of pepper, and 28 Elephants teeth. In this time of our being at Benin (our natures at this first time not so well acquainted with that climate) we fell all of vs into the disease of the feuer, whereupon the Captaine sent me downe with those goods which we alreadie had receiued, to the rest of our men at Goto: where being arriued, I found all the men of our pinnesse sicke also, and by reason of their weaknes not able to conuey the pinnesse and goods downe to the place where our ship road: but by good hap within two houres after my comming to Goto, the boate came vp from the ship, to see how all things stood with vs, so that I put the goods into the boat, and went downe towards the ship: but by that time I was come aboord, many of our men died: namely, Master Benson, the Cooper, the Carpenter, and 3 or 4 more, and my selfe was also in such a weake state that I was not able to returne againe to Benin. Whereupon I sent vp Samuel Dunne, and the Chirurgian with him to our men, that were about to let them blood, if it were thought needfull: who at their comming to Benin, found the Captaine and your sonne William Bird dead, and Thomas Hempsteede very weake, who also died within two dayes after their comming thither. This sorrowfull accident caused them with such pepper and teeth, as they could then find, speedily to returne to the ship, as by the Cargason will appeare: at their comming away the Veadore tolde them, that if they could or would stay any longer time, he would vse all possible expedition to bring in more commodities: but the common sicknesse so increased and continued amongst vs all, that by the time our men which remained were come aboord, we had so many sicke and dead of our companie, that we looked all for the same happe, and so thought to loose both our ship, life, countrey and all. Very hardly and with much adoe could we get vp our ankers, but yet at last by the mercie of God hauing gotten them vp, but leauing our pinnesse behind vs, we got to sea, and set saile, which was vpon the 13 of Aprill. After which by little and little our men beganne to gather vp their crums and to recouer some better strength: and so sailing betwixt the Ilands of Cape Verde, and the maine we came to the Islands of the Azores vpon the 25 of Iuly, where our men beganne a fresh to grow ill, and divers died, among whom Samuel Dun was one, and as many as remained liuing were in a hard case: but in the midst of our distresse, it fell so well out, by Gods good prouidence, that we met with your ship the Barke Burre, on this side the North cape, which did not only keepe vs good companie, but also sent vs sixe fresh men aboord, without whose helpe, we should surely haue tasted of many inconueniences. But by this good meanes we are now at the last arriued in Plimouth, this 9 day of September: and for want of better health at this time, I referre the further knowledge of more particularities till my comming to London. Yours to commaund Antony Ingram. * * * * * The second voyage to Benin, set foorth by Master Iohn Newton, and Master Iohn Bird Marchants of London in the yeere 1590 with a ship called the Richard of Arundell of the burthen of one hundreth tunnes, and a small pinnesse, in which voyage Master Iames Welsh was chiefe Maister. The third of September 1590 we set saile from Ratclife, and the 18 of the said moneth we came into Plimouth sound, and the two and twentieth we put to sea againe, and at midnight we were off the Lisart, and so passed on our voyage vntill the 14 of October, on which day we had sight of Forteuentura one of the Canarie Islands, which appeared very ragged as we sailed by it. The 16 of October, in the latitude of 24 degrees and nine minutes we met with a great hollow sea, the like whereof I neuer saw on this coast, and this day there came to the ships side a monstrous great fish (I thinke it was a Gobarto) which put vp his head to the steepe tubs where the cooke was in shifting the victuals, whom I thought the fish would haue caried away. The 21 in this latitude of 18 degrees we met with a countersea out of the North boord, and the last voyage in this very place we had the countersea out of the South, being very calme weather as now it is also. [Sidenote: A token of a Northerly winde.] The 24 we had sight of Cauo Verde, and the 25 we met with a great hollow sea out of the North, which is a common signe that the winde will be Northerly, and so it prooued. The 15 of Nouember we met with three currants out of the West and Northwest, one after another, with an houres time betweene each currant. This was in the latitude of 6 degrees and 42 minutes. [Sidenote: Great currants.] The 18 day we met with two other great currants out of the Southwest, and the 20 we saw another current out of the Northeast, and the 24 we had a great current out of the Southsouthwest, and at 6 of the clocke towards night we had 3 currents more. The 27 we thought that we had gone at the least 2 leagues and a halfe euery watch, and it fell out that we sailed but one league euery watch for the space of 24 houres, by meanes of a great billow and current that came still out of the South. The 5 of December in setting the watch we cast about and lay East Northeast, and Northeast, and here in 5 degrees and a halfe our pinnesse lost vs wilfully. The 7 at the going downe of the Sunne we saw a great blacke spot in the Sunne, and the 8. day both at rising and setting we saw the like, which spot to our seeming was about the bignesse of a shilling, being in 5 degrees of latitude, and still there came a great billow of the southerboord. The 14 we sounded and had 15 fadom water and grosse red sand, and 2 leagues from the shore the currant set Southeast along the shore with a billow still out of the southerboord. [Sidenote: Two rocks.] The 15 we were thwart a rocke somewhat like the Mewstone in England, it was 2 leagues from vs, here we sounded and had 27 fadom, but the rocke is not aboue a mile from the shore, and a mile farther we saw another rocke and betweene them both broken ground; here we sounded and had but 20 fadome and blacke sand, and we might see plaine that the rockes went not along the shore, but from the land to the seaward, and about 5 leagues to the Southwards we sawe a great bay, here we had 4 degrees and 27 minuts. [Sidenote: A French ship of Hunfleur.] The 16 we met with a French ship of Hunfleur, who robbed our pinnesse, we sent a letter by him, and this night we saw another spot in the sunne at his going downe. And towards euening we were thwart of a riuer, and right ouer the riuer was a high tuft of trees. [Sidenote: Cauo del las Palmas.] The 17 we ankered in the riuers mouth, and then we found the land to be Cauo de las Palmas, and betweene vs and the cape was a big ledge of rockes, one league and a halfe into the sea, and they bare to the West of the Cape, we saw also an Island off the point of the foreland, thus it waxed night that we could perceiue no more of the lande, but onely that it trended in like a bay, where there runneth a streame as if it were in the riuer of Thames, and this was the change day of the Moone. The 19 a faire temperate day, and the wind South, we went East, and the lande a sterne of vs West, and it shewed low by the water side like Islands, this was the East of Cauo de las Palmas, and it trended in with a great sound, and we went East all night, and in the morning wee were but 3 or 4 leagues from the shore. The 20 we were thwart of a riuer railed Rio de los Barbos. The 21 we went along the shore East, and 3 or 4 leagues to the West of Cauo de tres puntas, I find the bay to be set deeper then it is by 4 leagues, and at 4 of the clocke the land begun to shewe high, and the first part of it full of Palme trees. The 24 still going by the shore, the land was very low and full of trees by the water side, and at 12 of the clocke we ankered thwart of the riuer called, Rio de Boilas. Here we sent our boate a shore with the marchants, but they durst not put into the riuer because of a great billow that continually brake at the entrance vpon the barre. The 28 we sailed alongst the shore, and ankered at night in seuen fadom because a great current would haue put vs backe, which came from the East Southeast from Papuas. [Sidenote: Arda.] The 29 at noone we were thwart of Arda, and there we tooke a Carauel but the men were fled on land, then we went aboord her, but she had nothing in her but only a litle oyle of Palme trees, and a few roots. The next morning, our Captaine and marchants went to meete Portugals, that came in a boate to speake with vs, where they communed about the buying of the Carauell of our men againe, and the Portugals promised that we should haue for the Carauell, certaine bullocks and Elephants teeth, and they gaue vs one tooth and one bullocke presently, and sayd they would bring vs the rest the next day. [Sidenote: Ianuarie.] The first of Ianuarie our Captaine went on land to speake with the Portugales, but when he saw they did dissemble, he came aboord againe, and presently we vnrigged the Carauell, and set her on fire before the towne. Then we set saile and went along the coast, where we saw a Date tree, the like whereof is not in all that coast vpon the water side, also we fell on ground a litle in one place: [Sidenote: Villa longa.] Thus we went to Villa longa, and there ankered. [Sidenote: Rio de Lagoa.] The third we were as far shot as Rio de Lagoa, where our marchants went a shore and vpon the barre they found 3 fadom flat, but they went not in because it was late. There is also to the Eastward of this riuer a Date tree higher than all the rest of the other trees thereabout. Thus we went along the coast, and euery night ankered, and al the shore as we went was full of trees and thicke woods. [Sidenote: The riuer Iaya.] The 6 day in the morning it was very foggy, so that we could not see the land, and at three of the clocke in the afternoone it cleared vp, and then we found our selues thwart of the riuer of Iaya, and when we found the shallow water, we bare into the sea South, as we did the voyage before, and came to an ancre in fiue fadom water. [Sidenote: The riuer Benin.] The next day we set saile againe, and towards noone we were thwart of the riuer of Benin in foure fadom water. The 10 day our Captaine went on land with the shallop at 2 a clocke in the afternoone. All this weeke it was very foggy euery day vntill ten a clocke, and all this time hitherto hath beene as temperate as our summer in England. This day we went into the road and ankered, and the west point of the road bare East northeast off vs, wee riding in foure fadome water. [Sidenote: Goto.] The 21 a faire temperate day, this day M. Hassald went to the towne of Goto, to heare newes of the Captaine. The 23 came the Carauell, and Samuell in her, and she brought 63 Elephants teeth, and three bullocks. The 28 a faire temperate day, and towards night there fell much raine, lightning, and thunder, this day our boate came aboord from Goto. The 24 of Februarie, we tooke in 298 Cerons or sackes of pepper, and 4 Elephants teeth, and the winde was at Southeast. And the 26 we put the rest of our goods into the Carauell, and M. Hassald went with her to Goto. The 5 of March the Carauel came againe and brought 21 Cerons of pepper, and 4 Elephants teeth. The 9 of Aprill our Carauell came aboord with water for our prouision for the sea, and this day also we lost our shallope. The 17 a drowsie rainie day, and in the afternoone we saw 3 great spoutes of raine, two on our larbord side, and one right with the ships head, but God be thanked, they came not at vs, and this day we tooke in the last of our water for the sea, and the 26 we victualed our Carauell to go with vs to the sea. The 27 we set saile to goe homewarde with the winde at Southwest, and at two a clocke in the afternoone, the riuer of Benin was Northeast 8 leagues from vs. The 3 of May we had such a terrible gust with raine, lightning and thunder, that it tore and split our fore saile, and also the Carauels foresayle and maine-sayle, with the wind at Southeast. The 12 a faire temperate day, much like our sommer mornings in England, being but one degree and a halfe from the line, but at midnight we had a cruell gust of raine; and the wind at northeast. The 24 we were South from Cauo de las Palmas 37 leagues. The first of Iuly we had sight of the Iland of Braua, and it bare East 7 leagues off, and this Island is one of the Islands of Cauo Verde. The 13 of August we spake with the Queenes ships, the Lord Thomas Howard being Admirall, and sir Richard Greeneuill Viceadmirall. They kept vs in their company vntill the 15 day night, themselues lying a hull, in waight for purchase 30 leagues to the Southwest of the Island of Flores. [Sidenote: We departed in company of a prise.] The 15 we had leaue to depart with a fly-boat laden with sugar that came from Sant Thome, which was taken by the Queenes ships, whereof my Lord Admirall gaue me great charge, not to leaue her vntill she were harbored in England. The three and twentieth the Northeast part of the Island of Coruo bare of vs East and by South sixe leagues off. The 17 of September we met with a ship of Plimouth that came out of the West Indies, but she could tell vs no newes. The next day we had sight of another sayle, this day also one of our company named M. Wood died. The 23 we spake with the Dragon of my Lord of Cumberland, whereof Master Iuie was Maister. The second of October we met with a ship of New-castle which came from Newfoundland, and out of her we had 300 couple of Newland fish. The 6 we had sight of Sillie, and with raine and winde we were forced to put into S. Maries sound, where we staied all night, and 4 dayes after. The 11 we set saile againe, and comming out had three fadom vpon the barre at a high water, then we lay out Southeast, through Crow-sand, and shortly after we had sight of the lands end, and at ten of the clocke we were thwart of the Lysart. The 13 we were put into Dartmouth, and there we stayd vntill the 12 of December. From thence we put out with the winde at West, and the 18 of December, God be praised, we ankered at Limehouse in the Thames, where we discharged 589 sacks of Pepper, 150 Elephants teeth, and 32 barrels of oile of Palme trees. The commodities that we caried out this second voyage were Broad cloth, Kersies, Bayes, Linnen cloth, Yron vnwrought, Bracelets of Copper, Corall, Hawks belles, Horsetails, Hats, and such like. This voyage was more comfortable vnto vs then the first, because we had good store of fresh water, and that very sweet: for as yet we haue very good water in the shippe which we brought out of the riuer of Benin the first day of Aprill 1591. and it is at this day (being the 7 of Iune 1592.) to be seene aboord the ship as cleare and as sweet as any fountaine can yeeld. In this voyage we sailed 350 leagues within halfe a degree of the equinoctiall line, and there we found it more temperate than where we rode. [Marginal note: It is more temperate vnder the equinoctiall, then on the coast of Guinie and Benin.] And vnder the line we did kill great store of small Dolphines, and many other good fishes, and so did we all the way, which was a very great refreshing vnto vs, and the fish neuer forsooke vs vntil we were to the Northwards of the Ilands of Azores, and then we could see no more fish, but God be thanked wee met with good company of our countrey ships which were great comfort vnto vs, being fiue moneths before at Sea without any companie. By me Iames Welsh master of the Richard of Arundell, in both these voyages to the riuer of Benin. * * * * * An Aduertisement sent to Philip the second king of Spaine from Angola by one Baltazar Almeida de Sousa, touching the state of the forsayd countrey, written the 21 of May. 1591. The 26 of Iuly I certified your maiestie by Iohn Frere de Bendanha your majesties pay-master and commissioner, with the gouernour Paulo Dias, which is lately deceased, of all things that happened the 28 of December in the yere last past 1590. Now I thought it conuenient to aduertise your maiestie what hath fallen out since that time, which is as foloweth. The gouernour Luis Serrano encamped himselfe eight leagues from Cabasa, where the Negro king dwelleth with 350 Portugal souldiers: and afterward being there encamped, it hapned that the King of Matamba sent a strong and mightie army, and in warlike maner, with strange inuentions for the sayd purpose. [Sidenote: 114 Portugals slaine in Angola.] So the king of Angola gaue this other king battell, and the gouernour sent 114 souldiers Portugals to helpe the said king of Angola: in which battell it was the will of God that our army was ouerthrown and all slaine, as well our Portugals as the Moores which tooke part with them. So with this ouerthrow it happened that this realme the second time hath rebelled against your maiestie. Herevpon the Governour assembling the rest of his Portugal souldiers, to the number of 250 altogether, went to Amasanguano, which is now his place of abode. Moreouer, besides the manifold losses which haue befallen the Portugals in this realme, your maiestie hath sustained other great misfortunes in your lands and goods. And because I cannot personally come to certifie your maiestie thereof, I thought it good to write some part of the same whereby your maiestie may vnderstand the estate of this countrey. This realme for the most part thereof hath twise benne wonne, and twise lost for want of good gouernment For here haue bene many gouernours which haue pretended to do iustice, but haue pitifully neglected the same, and practised the cleane contrary. [Sidenote: The only way to reduce a rebellous kingdom vnto obedience.] And this I know to be most true. But the onely way to recouer this realme, and to augment your maiesties lands, goods and treasure, must be by sending some noble and mighty man to rule here, which must bring authoritie from your maiestie, and by taking streight order that euery captaine which doeth conquere here may bee rewarded according to his deserts. Likewise your maiestie must send hither 2000 good souldiers, with munition and sufficient store of prouision for them. And by this means your highnesse shall know what yeerely reuenue Angola will yeeld vnto your coffers, and what profit will grow thereof. Otherwise your maiestie shall reape but litle benefit here. If with my presence I may doe your maiestie any seruice in giuing information of the state of this realme, as one which haue had experience thereof, and haue seene the order of it, vpon the vnderstanding of your maiesties pleasure herein, I will do my best endeuour. [Sidenote: An vsuall trick of lewd gouernours.] And the cause whereof I haue not done this heretofore hath bene, by reason that the Gouernors of this realme would suffer none of the captaines which haue conquered this countrey to informe your maiestie of that which is needfull for your seruice, and the augmenting of this conquest. Our lord preserue your catholique person with increase of many kingdomes, and the augmentation of youre crowne. Written, in the conquest of the realme of Angola the 21 of May 1591. Your majesties most loiall subiect, Baltazar Almeida de Souza. * * * * * Confimatio treugarum inter Regem Angliæ Eduardum quartum, et Ioannem secundum Regem Portugalliæ, datarum in oppido montis Maioris 8 Februarij, et apud Westmonasterium 12 Septembris, 1482, anno regni 22 Regis Eduardi quarti, lingua Lusitanica ex opere sequenti excerpta. Libro das obras de Garcia de Resende, que tracta da vida è feitos del Rey dom Ioham secundo. Embaixada que el Ray mandou à el Rey d'Inglaterra, cap.33 Eda qui de Monte Mor mandou el Rey por embaixadores à el rey dom Duarte de Inglaterra Ruy de Sousa pessoa principal è de muyto bon saber é credito, de que el Rey muyto confiaua, é ho doutor Ioam d'Eluas, é Fernam de Pina por secretario. E foram por mar muy honradamente com muy boa companhia: hos quaes foram en nome del Rey confirmar as ligas antiquas com Inglaterra, que polla condisan dellas ho nouo Rey de hum reyno é do outro era obrigado à mandar confirmar: é tambien pera mostrarem ho titolo que el rey tinha no senhorio de Guinee, pera que depois de visto el rey d'Inglaterra defendesse em todos seus reynos, que ninguen armasse nem podesse mandar à Guinee: é assi mandasse desfazer buna armada, que pera las faziam, per mandado do Duque de Medina Sidonia, hum Ioam Tintam é hum Guilherme Fabiam Ingreses. Com ha qual embaixada el rey d'Inglaterra mostrou receber grande contentamento, é foy delle com muyta honra recebida, é em tudo fez inteiramente ho que pellos embaixadores lhe foy requerido. De que elles trouxeran autenticas [Marginal note: These writings are in the tower.] escrituras das diligencias que con pubricos pregones fizeram: é assi as prouisones das aprauasones que eran necessarias: é com tudo muyto ben acabado, é ha vontade del rey se vieram. The Ambassage which king Iohn the second, king of Portugall, sent to Edward the fourth king of England, which in part was to stay one Iohn Tintam, and one William Fabian English men, from proceeding in a voyage which they were preparing fot Guinea, 1481, taken out of the booke of the workes of Garcias de Resende, which intreateth of the life and acts of Don Iohn the second, king of Portugall. Chap. 33. And afterwards the king sent as Ambassadours from the towne of Monte maior to king Edward the fourth of England, Ruy de Sousa, a principall person, and a man of great wisedome and estimation, and in whom the king reposed great trust, with doctor Iohn d'Eluas, and Ferdinand de Pina, as secretarie. And they made their voyage by sea very honourably, being very well accompanied. [Sidenote: The first cause of this ambassage.] These men were sent on the behalfe of their king, to confirme the ancient leagues England, wherein it was conditioned that the new king of the one and of the other kingdome, should be bound to send to confirme the olde leagues. [Sidenote: The second cause.] And likewise they had order to shew and make him acquainted with the title which the king held in the segneury of Ginnee, to the intent that after the king of England had seene the same, he should giue charge thorow all his kingdomes, that no man should arme or set foorth ships to Ginnee: [Sidenote: The third cause.] and also to request him, that it would please him to giue commandement to dissolue a certaine fleet, which one Iohn Tintam and one William Fabian, English men, were making, by commandement of the duke of Medina Sidonia, to goe to the aforesayd parts of Ginnee. With which ambassage the king of England seemed to be very well pleased, and they were receiued of him with very great honour, and he condescended vnto all that the ambassadours required of him, at whose hands they receiued authenticall writings of the diligence which they had performed, with publication thereof by the heralds: and also prouisoes of those confirmations which were necessary. And hauing dispatched all things well, and with the kings good will, they returned home into their countrey. * * * * * A relation sent by Melchior Petoney to Nigil de Moura at Lisbon, from the Iland and Castle of Arguin, standing a little to the southward of Cape Blanco, in the Northerly latitude of 19 degrees, concerning the rich and secret trade from the inland of Africa thither: Anno 1591. [Sidenote: Commodities fit for Arguin.] As concerning the trade to this Castle and Iland of Arguin, your worship is to vnderstand, that if it would please the kings maiesty to send hither two or three carauels once in a yeere with Flanders and Spanish commodities, as Bracelets of glasse, Kniues, Belles, Linnen-cloth, Looking-glasses, with other kindes of small wares, his hignesse might do great good here. For 50 leagues vp into the land the Moores haue many exceedingly rich golde mines; insomuch that they bring downe their golde to this Castle to traffique with vs: and for a small trifle they will give vs a great wedge of gold. And because here is no trade, the sayd Moores cary their golde to Fez being 250 leagues distant from hence, and there doe exchange the same for the forsayd kindes of commodities. By this meanes also his maiesty might stop that passage, and keepe the king of Fez from so huge a mass of golde. [Sidenote: Scarlet and fine Purple cloth greatly accepted.] Scarlet-clothes, and fine Purples are greatly accepted of in these parts. It is a most fertile country within the land, and yeeldeth great store of Wheat, flesh of all kindes, and abundance of fruits. [Sidenote: A good harbor before the Castle of Arguin.] Therefore if it were possible, you should do well to deale with his maiesty, either himselfe to send a couple of carauels, or to giue your worship leaue to traffique here: for here is a very good harbour where ships may ride at ancre hard by the Castle. The countrey where all the golde-mines are is called The kingdome of Darha. [Marginal note: Concerning this kingdome reade Leo Africanus a little after the beginning of his 6 booke.] In this kingdome are great store of cities and townes; and in euery city and towne a Captaine with certaine souldiers; which Captaines are lords and owners of the sayd townes. One city there is called Couton, another Xanigeton, as also the cities of Tubguer, Azegue, Amader, Quaherque, and the towne of Faroo. The which townes and cities are very great and fairely built, being inhabited by rich Moores, and abounding with all kinde of cattell, Barley and Dates. And here is such plenty of golde found vpon the sands by the riuers side, that the sayd Moores usually cary the same Northward to Marocco, and Southward to the city of Tombuto in the land of Negros, which city standeth about 300 leagues from the kingdome of Darha; and this kingdome is but 60 leagues from this Iland and Castle of Arguin. Wherefore I beseech your worship to put his maiesty in remembrance hereof; for the sayd cities and townes are but ten dayes iourney from hence. I heartily wish that his maiesty would send two or three marchants to see the state of the Countrey, who might trauell to the aforesayd cities, to understand of their rich trade. For any man may go safe and come safe from those places. And thus without troubling of your worship any further, I humbly take my leaue. From the Iland and Castle of Arguin the 20 of Ianuary 1591. Your worships seruant Melchior Petoney. * * * * * The voyage of Richard Rainolds and Thomas Dassel to the riuers of Senega and Gambra adioning vpon Guinea, 1591 with a discourse of the treasons of certaine of Don Antonio his seruants and followers. By vertue of her Maiesties most gracious charter giuen in the yeere 1588, and in the thirtieth yeere of her Highnesse reigne, certaine English marchants are granted to trade, in and from the riuer of Senega to and in the riuer of Gambra, on the Westerne coast of Africa. The chiefest places of traffique on that coast betweene these riuers, are these: [Sidenote: The names of the chiefe places of traffike between Senega and Gambra.] 1 Senega riuer: The commodities be hides, gumme, elephants teeth, a few graines, ostrich feathers, amber-griece, and some golde. 2 Beseguiache, a towne by Capo Verde * [sic--KTH] leagues from Senega riuer: The commodities be small hides, and a few teeth. 3 Refisca Vieio, a towne 4 leagues from Beseguiache: The commodities be small hides, and a few teeth now and then. 4 Palmerin, a towne 2 leagues from Refisca: The commodities be small hides, and a few elephants teeth now and then. 5 Porto d'Ally, a towne 5 leagues from Palmerin: The commodities be small hides, teeth, amber-griece, and a little golde: and many Portugals are there. 6 Candimal, a towne halfe a league from Porto d'Ally: The commodities be small hides, and a few teeth now and then. 7 Palmerin, a towne 3 leagues from Candimal: The commodities be small hides, and a few teeth now and then. 8 Ioala, a towne 6 leagues from Palmerin: The commodities be hides, waxe, elephants teeth, rice, and some golde: and many Spaniards and Portugals are there. 9 Gambra riuer: The commodities are rice, waxe, hides, elephants teeth, and golde. The Frenchmen of Diepe and New-hauen haue traded thither aboue thirty yeres: and commonly with four or five ships a yere, whereof two small barks go into the riuer of Senega. The other were wont (vntill within these foure yeres, that our ships came thither) to ride with their ships in the road of Porto d'Ally and so sent their small shaloups of sixe or eight tunnes to some of these places on the Sea coast before repeated. Where in all places generally they were well beloued and as courteously entertained of the Negros, as if they had been naturally borne in the country. And very often the Negros come into France and returne againe, which is a further increasing of mutuall loue and amity. Since our comming to that coast the Frenchmen ride with their shippes at Refisca Vieio and suffered vs to ancre with our shippes at Porto d'Ally. The Frenchmen neuer vse to go into the riuer of Gambra: which is a riuer of secret trade and riches concealed by the Portugals. For long since one Frenchman entered the riuer with a small barke which was betrayed, surprised and taken by two gallies of the Portugals. In our second voyage and second yeere there were by vile treacherous meanes of the Portugals and the king of the Negros consent in Porto d'Ally and Ioala about forty Englishmen cruelly slaine and captiued, and most or all of their goods confiscated: whereof there returned onely two, which were marchants. And also by procurement of Pedro Gonsalues, one of Don Antonio the kings seruants, Thomas Dassel and others had bene betrayed, if it had not pleased Almighty God to reueale the same, whereby it was preuented. From the South side of Senega riuer on the Sea coast vnto about Palmerin is all one kingdome of Negros. The kings name is Melick Zamba, who dwelleth two dayes iourney within the land from Refisca. The 12 of Nouember 1591, I Richard Rainolds and Thomas Dassel factors in a ship called the Nightingale of London 125 tunnes, and a pinnesse called the Messenger of 40 tonnes arriued neere vnto Capo Verde at a little Iland called The Iland of liberty. At this Iland we set vp a small pinnesse, with which we cary our marchandise on land when wee traffique. And in the meane time Thomas Dassel went with the great pinnesse to traffike with Spaniards or Portugals in Porto d'Ally or Ioala. Ouer against the sayd Iland on the maine is an habitation of the Negros called Besegueache. The alcaide or gouernor thereof with a great traine came aboord in their canoas to receiue the kings dueties for ankerage and permitting the quiet setting vp of our pinnesse: who liked passing well that no Portugall came in the shippe, saying, we should be better thought of by the king and people, if we neuer did bring Portugall, but come of our selues as the Frenchmen euer did and doe. And to purchase the more loue, I Richard Rainolds gaue him and all his company courteous entertainment. Also vpon his intreaty, hauing sufficient pledge aboord, I and others went on land with him. At this instant there was great warre betweene this alcaide and another gouernor of the next prouince. Neuerthelesse vpon our arriuall truce was taken for a space; and I with our company conducted among both enemies to the gouernors house in Besegueache, and were gently and friendly feasted after their maner, and with some presents returned safe aboord againe. The next day the alcaide came aboord againe, to wil me to send some yron and other commodities in the boat to traffike with the Negros, and also requested me that I would go to Refisca with the ship; which I did. And one thing I noted, that a number of Negros attended the alcaides landing in warlike maner with bowes and poisoned arrowes, darts poisoned, and swords, (because that the enemies by reason of the truce taken were there also to view the ship) who for the most part approched to him kneeling downe and kissed the backe of his hand. The 17 of Nouember we weyed anker; and by reason no French ship was yet come, I went to the road of Refisca: where I sent for the alcaides interpreters, who came thither aboord, and receiued of me the kings duties for to haue free traffike with the Negros, with whom dayly I exchanged my yron and other wares for hides and some elephants teeth, finding the people very friendly and tractable. And the next day after our arriuall I went vp into the land about three miles to the towne of Refisca, where I was friendly vsed and well entertained of the alcaide, and especially of a yoong nobleman called Conde Amar Pattay, who presented me with an oxe for my company, goats and some yoong kids, assuring me that the king would be glad to heare of the arriuall of a Christians ship, whom they called Blancos, that is, white men: especially of an English ship. And so dayly the yong Conde came with a small company of horsemen to the sea side, feasting me very kindly and courteously. And the fift of December he with his traine came aboord to see the ship; which to them seemed woonderfull, as people that seldome had seene the like: who tolde me that his messenger from the king was returned; and the king reioyed much to heare that English men were come with a ship to trade in his ports; and being the first Englishman that euer came with a ship, I was the better welcome; promising that I or any Englishman hereafter should be wel intreated and find good dealing at their hands. And further the Conde on the kings behalfe and his owne, earnestly requested, that before my departure off the coast I would returne againe to his road to conferre with him for the better continuance and confirming of amity betweene them and Englishmen: which I agreed vnto. And so shewing him and his company the best friendship and courtesie I could, he went on shore, and should haue had the honor of our ordinance but that he desired the contrary, being amazed at the sight of the ship and noise of the gunnes, which they did greatly admire. The 13 of December at night we weighed anker, and arriued the 14 day at the road of Porto d'Ally, which is another kingdome: the king thereof is called Amar Meleck, and sonne to Meleck Zamba the other king, and dwelleth a dayes iourney and an halfe from Porto d'Ally. When we had ankered, the kings kinsmen being gouernors, with all the officers of that towne came aboord to receiue all duties for the ship and licence to traffike due to the king; who there generally seemed to be very glad that no Portugall was come in our ship out of England; saying it was the kings pleasure we should bring none hereafter; for that the king did esteeme them as people of no truth; and complained of one Francisco de Costa seruant to Don Antonio, how he had often and the last yere also abused and deluded their king Amar Meleck in promising to bring him certaine things out of England, which he neuer performed, and deemed that to be the cause of his staying behinde this voyage, and that neither Spaniard nor Portugall could abide vs, but reported very badly and gaue out hard speeches tending to the defamation and great dishonour of England: [Sidenote: The monstrous lies of a Portugall.] and also affirmed that at the arriuall of an English ship called The Command, of Richard Kelley of Dartmouth, one Pedro Gonsalues a Portugall that came in the sayd ship from Don Antonio reported vnto them, that we were fled out of England and come away vpon intent to rob and do great spoile vpon this coast to the Negros and Portugals, and that Thomas Dassel had murdered Francisco de Acosta since our comming from England, who was comming to their king in our ship with great presents from Don Antonio, and desired that at our arriuall stay might be made of our goods and our selues in secret maner; which they denied, not giuing credit to his report, hauing bene often abused by such friuolous and slanderous speeches by that nation; telling me their king was sory for the former murder and captiuity of our nation, and would neuer yeeld to the like, hauing the Portugals and Spaniards in generall hatred euer since, and conceiueth much better of our countrey, and vs, then these our enemies report of. [Sidenote: Port Dally the chief place of trade.] For which I yeelded them hearty thanks, assuring them they should finde great difference betweene the loyalty of the one and disloyalty of the other; and so payed their dueties: and for that it was the chiefe place of trade, I shewed them how I was resolued to goe to their king with certaine presents which we had brought out of England; which we determined for the more honor and credit of our countrey, and augmenting of their better affection toward vs. All this while Thomas Dassel was with our great pinnesse at the towne of Ioala, being in the kingdome of king Iocoel Lamiockeric, traffiking with the Spaniards and Portugals there. And the forenamed Pedro Gonsalues, which came out of England, was there also with other English marchants about the busines of Rich. Kelley; and as it should seeme, for that he could not obtaine his mischieuous pretended purpose against Thomas Dassel and others at the towne of Porto d'Ally, where I Richard Rainolds remained, he attempted with consent of other Portugals which were made priuy to his intent to betray the sayd Thomas Dassel at this towne, and had with bribes seduced the chiefe commanders and Negros to effect his wicked and most villanous practise: which as God would, was reuealed to the sayd Thomas Dassel by Rich. Cape an Englishman and seruant to the forenamed Rich. Kelley: to whom this sayd Pedro Gonsalues had disclosed his secret treachery, willing him with all expedition to stand vpon his guard. [The Cherubin of Lime at Ioala.] Whereupon Thomas Dassel went aboard a small English barke called The Cherubin of Lime, and there one Iohn Payua a Portugall and seruant of Don Antonio declared, that if he and one Garcia a Portugall of the sayd towne would haue consented with Pedro Gonsalues, the sayd Thomas Dassel had bene betrayed long before. And vpon this warning Thomas Dassel the next day hauing gotten three Portugals aboord, aduised for our better securities to send two on land, and detained one with him called Villa noua, telling them that if the next day by eight of the clocke, they would bring Pedro Gonsalues aboard to him, he would release the sayd Villa noua, which they did not. And Thomas Dassel hauing intelligence that certaine Negros and Portugals were ridden post ouerland to Porto d'Ally with intent to haue Richard Rainolds and his company stayd on land, being doubtfull what friendship soeuer the vnconstant Negros professed (by reason they be often wauering being ouercome with drinking wine) how they would deale, to preuent the dangerous wiles that might be effected in the road by Portugals, and for better strength, the 24 of December he came with his pinnesse and Portugall to ride in the road of Porto d'Ally, where our great shippe the Nightingall was: who was no sooner arriued but he had newes also from the shore from Iohn Baily Anthony Dassels seruant, who was there with our goods detained by the Portugals means, that aboue 20 Portugals and Spaniards were come from Ioala by land, and Pedro Gonsalues in their company, to take order for the releasing of Villa noua. So hauing had conference two or three dayes with the Commanders, the Negros, some Spaniards, and some Portugals, in the end by due examination of the matter the Negros seeing how vilely Pedro Gonsalues had delt, he being in their power, sayd he should suffer death or be tortured, for an example to others. But we in recompense of his cruelty pitied him and shewed mercy, desiring the Negros to intreat him well though vndeserued: and therevpon the Commanders brought him aboord the pinnesse to Thomas Dassel to do with him what he would: where at his comming from the shore, for lauish speeches which he used of Princes, he was well buffetted by a Spaniard, and might haue bene slaine, if for our sakes he had not bene rescued. [Sidenote: Note.] While I went on shore with Villa noua, the sayd Pedro Gonsalues confessed vnto Thomas Dassel that he did enquire of some Negros and Portugals if he might not stay him and his goods in the land, and that he did nothing but by commission from his king by his letters which he receiued from London in Dartmouth after we were departed from London, for that we presumed to come to Guinea to traffike without a seruant of his: and further, that he had power or procuration from Francisco de Costa the Portugall that stayed behinde in England to detaine the goods of Anthony Dassel in Guinea. By consent of M. Francis Tucker, Iohn Browbeare, and the rest of the factours of Richard Kelley, with whom this Pedro Gonsalues came, for auoiding further mischiefe that might be practised, we agreed that the sayd Pedro Gonsalues should stay aboord our shippe, and not goe any more on land vntill they departed. So the ninth of Ianuary he was deliuered aboord to goe for England in the same ship wherein he came: who was all the time of his abode in our shippe both courteously and friendly vsed at my hands, much against the mariners willes, who could not abide such a wicked creature and caitiue, that is nourished and relieued in our countrey, and yet by villanous meanes sought the destruction of vs all. The Spaniards and Portugals though they be dissemblers and not to be trusted, when they perceiued how king Amar Melicks Negros befriended and fauored vs, and that it would be preiudiciall to their trade for diuers respects, if we should any way be iniuried, renounced the sayd practises, detesting the author, and protested to defend vs in such cases with all faithfulnesse: desiring we would, as the king of Negros had commanded vs, neuer bring Portugal with vs more: vsing this phrase in disdaine of such as came out of England, let your Portugals be barres of yron: for in trueth in regard of the rich trade maintained by Frenchmen and by vs of late, they esteeme more of one barre of yron then of twenty Portugals which we should bring out of England: who at their comming thither very subtilly disaduantage vs, and doe great hurt to euery party. At the beginning of these broiles the king Amar Melick had sent his chiefe secretary and three horses for me Richard Rainolds: but I denied to goe by reason of the hurley burley, though I might haue had Negros of account for pledges aboord: yet we sent the presents vnto the king; who so soone as he vnderstood the cause why I came not to him, being sory and offended thereat, commanded presently by proclamation, that no iniury should be offered vs in his dominions by his owne people, or suffered to be done by Spaniards or Portugals. And if the Negros ioyning to his kingdome should confederate with the Spaniards and Portugals to molest or trouble vs; that his subiects the Negros should be ready to ayde, succor and defend vs. In which people appeared more confident loue and good will toward vs, then euer we shall finde either of Spaniards or Portugals, though we should relieue them of the greatest misery that can be imagined. In the riuer of Senega no Spaniard or Portugall vse to trade: and onely one Portugall called Ganigoga dwelleth farre within the riuer, who was maried to a kings daughter. [Sidenote: Note this trade.] In the townes of Porto d'Ally and Ioala, being townes of chiefest trade, and in the townes of Canton and Cassan in the riuer of Gambra are many Spaniards and Portugals resident by permission of the Negros; who haue rich trades there along the coast, especially to San Domingo and Rio grande, not far distant from Gambra riuer; whither they transport the yron which they buy of Frenchmen and vs, and exchange it for Negros; which be caried continually to the West Indies in such ships as came from Spaine. [Sidenote: A rich trade for golde in Rio grande.] Also by the gouernors order and Renters of Castel de Mina and other places, where golde is, vpon the coast of Guinea, they haue a place limited how farre they must go to trade within the riuer of Gambra; and further they may not go vpon paine of confiscation of their goods, and losse of life: for that the Renters themselues send at certaine times their owne barkes within the riuer to such places, where as they haue great store of golde. And in all these places hereabouts, where we vse to trade, they haue no Fort, Castle, or place of strength, but onely trading by the Negros safeconduct and permission. And the most part of the Spaniards and Portugals that be resident in these places be banished men or fugitiues, for committing most hainous crimes and incestuous acts, their life and conuersation being agreeable; and they are of the basest behauiour that we haue euer seene of these nations in any other countrey. * * * * * A briefe relation concerning the estate of the cities and prouinces of Tombuto and Gago written in Marocco the first of August 1594, and sent to M. Anthony Dassel marchant of London. My hearty commendations premised: your letter of late I receiued, and found that you would haue me discouer vnto you the estate and quality of the countreyes of Tombuto and Gago. And that you may not thinke me to slumber in this action, wherein you would be truely and perfectly resolued, you shall vnderstand, that not ten dayes past here came a Cahaia of the Andoluzes home from Gago, and another principall Moore, whom the king sent thither at the first with Alcaide Hamode, and they brought with them thirty mules laden with gold. I saw the same come into the Alcasaua with mine owne eies: and these men themselues came not poore, but with such wealth, that they came away without the kings commandement; and for that cause the king will pay them no wages for the time they haue beene there. On the other side they dare not aske the king for any wages. And when Alcaide Hamode saw that the Cahaia of the Andoluzes would not stay in Gago with him, he thought good to send these thirty mules laden with golde by him, with letters of commendations, by which the king smelled their riches that they brought with them: and this was the cause of the kings displeasure towards them. So now there remaineth in Gago Alcaide Hamode, and Alcaide Iawdara, and Alcaide Bucthare. And here are in a readinesse to depart in the end of next September Alcaide Monsor, Ben Abdrahaman Allies, Monsor Rico with fiue thousand men, most of the fettilase, that is to say, of fier match, and muskets. [Sidenote: Commodities for Gago.] There is gone good store of reds and yellowes: and this yere here was want of the same commodity; but I trust the next yere wil be no want. But in fine the king doth prosper wel in those parts, and here are many pledges come hither, and namely three of the kings sonnes of Gago and the Iustice; I saw them come in with the treasure. Now when Alcaide Monsor commeth to Gago, the which will be in Ianuary next, then returneth hither Alcaide Hamode with all the treasure, and Alcaide Monsor is to keepe Gago vntill the king take further order. And thus much for Gago. Thus not hauing any other thing to write at this present, I commend you to the mercifull tuition of the almighty. From Marocco the first of August 1594. Your assured friend Laurence Madoc. * * * * * Another briefe relation concerning the late conquest and exceeding great riches of the cities and prouinces Tombuth and Gogo, written from Morocco the 30 August 1594, to M. Anthony Dassel marchant of London aforesayd. Louing friend M. Dassel, two of your letters I haue receiued, one by the shippe called The Amity, the other by the Concord: the chiefest matter therein was to be satisfied of the king of Morocco his proceedings in Guinea. Therefore these are to let you vnderstand that there went with Alcaide Hamode for those parts seuenteene hundred men: who passing ouer the sands, for want of water perished one third part of them: [Sidenote: Tombuto taken.] and at their comming to the city of Tombuto, the Negros made some resistence: but to small purpose, for that they had no defence but with their asagaies or iauelings poisoned. [Sidenote: Gago taken.] So they tooke it, and proceeded to the city of Gago, where the Negros were in numbers infinite, and meant to stand to the vttermost for their countrey: but the Moores slew them so fest, that they were fain to yeeld, and do pay tribute by the yere. The rent of Tombuto is 60 quintals of golde by the yeere: the goodnesse whereof you know. What rent Gago will yeeld, you shall know at the Spring, for then Alcaide Hamode commeth home. The rent of Tombuto is come by the cafelow or carouan, which is, as aboue mentioned, 60 quintals. The report is, that Mahomed bringeth with him such an infinite treasure as I neuer heard of: it doth appeare that they haue more golde then any other parte of the world beside. The Alcaide winneth all the countrey where he goeth without fighting and is going downe towards the sea coast. The king of Marocco is like to be the greatest prince in the world for money, if he keepe this countrey. But I make account assoone as the king of Spaine hath quietnesse in Christendome, he wil thrust him out: for that the kings force is not great as yet; but he meaneth to be stronger. There is a campe ready to go now with a viceroy: the speech is with 3000 men: but I thinke they will be hardly 2000; for by report, 3000 men are enough to conquer all the countrey: for they haue no defence of importance against an enemy. I thinke Hamode will be returned home in Ianuary or thereabout: for he stayeth but for the comming of the viceroy. Mulley Balasen the kings sonne of Marocco was slaine in Guinea by his own men, and they were presently killed, because they should tell no tales. And thus leauing to trouble you, I commit you to God, who prosper you in all your proceedings. From Marocco the first of August 1594. Yours to command for euer Laurence Madoc. Of these two rich cities and kingdomes of Tombuto and Gago Leo Africanus writeth at large in the beginning of his seuenth booke of the description of Africa, which worthy worke is to be annexed vnto the end of this second volume. * * * * * A briefe extract of a patent granted to M. Thomas Gregory of Tanton, and others, for traffique betweene the riuer of Nonnia and the riuers of Madrabumba and Sierra Leona on the coast of Guinea, in the yeere 1592. In May the 34 yeere of our gracious soueraigne Queene Elizabeth, a patent of speciall licence was granted to Thomas Gregory of Tanton in the county of Somerset, and to Thomas Pope, and certaine other marchants to traffique into Guinea from the Northermost part of the riuer of Nonnia to the Southermost parts of the riuers of Madrabumba and Sierra Leona, and to other parts as well to the Southeast as to the Northwest, for a certaine number of leagues therein specified which amount to an hundred or thereabout. Which patent was granted for the terme of ten yeeres: as appeareth at large in the sayd patent recorded in the Rolles in her Majesties Chancery. * * * * * The maner of the taking of two Spanish ships laden with quicksiluer and the Popes bulles, bound for the West Indies, by M. Thomas White in the Amity of London, 1592. The 26 of Iuly 1592, in my returning out of Barbary in the ship called the Amity of London, being in the height of 36 degrees or thereabout, at foure of the clocke in the morning we had sight of two shippes, being distant from vs about three or foure leagues: by seuen of the clocke we fetched them vp, and were within gunshot: whose boldnesse, hauing the king of Spaines armes displayed, did make vs judge them rather ships of warre then laden with marchandise. And as it appeared by their owne speeches, they made full account to haue taken vs: it being a question among them, whether it were best to cary vs to S. Lucar, or to Lisbon. We waued ech other a maine. They hauing placed themselues in warlike order one a cables length before another, we began the fight. In the which we continued, so fast as we were able to charge and discharge, the space of fiue houres, being neuer a cables length distant either of vs from other. In which time we receiued diuers shot both in the hull of our ship, masts, and sailes, to the number of 32 great, besides 500 musket shot and harquebuzes a crocke at the least, which we tolde after the fight. And because we perceiued them to be stout, we thought good to boord the Biscaine, which was on head the other: where lying aboord about an houre, and plying our ordinance and small shot; in the end we stowed all his men. Now the other in the flieboat, thinking we had entred our men in their fellow, bare roome with vs, meaning to haue layed vs aboord, and so to haue intrapped vs betwixt them both: which we perceiuing, fitted our ordinance so for him, as we quitted our selues of him, and he boorded his fellow: by which meanes they both fell from vs. Then presently we kept our loofe, hoised our top-sailes, and weathered them, and came hard aboord the flieboat with our ordinance prepared, and gaue her our whole broad side, with the which we slew diuers of their men; so as we might see the blood run out at the scupper holes. After that we cast about, and new charged all our ordinance, and came vpon them againe, willing them to yeeld, or els we would sinke them: whereupon the one would haue yeelded, which was betweene winde and water; but the other called him traitor. Vnto whom we made answere, that if he would not yeeld presently also, we would sinke him first. [Sidenote: Marke this othe.] And thereupon he understanding our determination, presently put out a white flag, and yeelded, and yet refused to strike their own sailes, for that they were sworne neuer to strike to any Englishman. We then commanded their captaines and masters to come aboord vs; which they did. And after examination and stowing them, we sent certaine of our owne men aboord them, and strook their sailes, and manned their ships: finding in them both 126 persons liuing, and 8 dead, besides those which they themselues had cast ouerboord. So it pleased God to giue vs the victory being but 42 men and a boy, whereof 2 were killed and 3 wounded: for the which good successe we giue God the only praise. These two rich prizes laden with 1400 cheste of quicksiluer with the armes of Castile and Leon fastened vpon them, and with a great quantity of bulles or indulgences, and gilded Missals or Seruice books, with an hundred tonnes of excellent wines, we brought shortly after into the riuer of Thames vp to Blacke-wall. By the taking of this quicksiluer, about 1400 chests, the king of Spaine loseth for euery quintall of the same a quintall of siluer that should haue beene deliuered him by the masters of the mines there, which amounteth to 600000 pounds. More by taking of his bulles, to wit, two millions and 72 thousand for liuing and dead persons for the prouinces of Noua Hispania, Iucatan, Guatimala, the Honduras, and the Phillippinas, taxed at two reals the piece. And more for eighteene thousand bulles taxed at foure reals, amounteth all to 107700 pounds. Summa totalis 707700 li. More there were taken ten fardels of gilt missals and breuiaries sent for the kings account. So the hindrance that the king receiueth by the losse of his bulles and quicksiluer amounteth as is abouesaid: besides the sacking of his wines, about 100 tunnes, whereby his fleet is disappointed of a great part of their prouision. * * * * * A true report of the honourable seruice at Sea perfourmed by Sir Iohn Burrough Knight, Lieutenant generall of the fleet prepared by the honour. Sir Walter Ralegh Knight, Lord warden of the Stanneries of Cornwall and Deuon. Wherein chiefly the Santa Clara of Biscay, a ship of 600 tunnes was taken, and the two East Indian caraks, the Santa Cruz and the Madre de Dios were forced, the one burnt, and the other taken and brought into Dartmouth the seuenth of September, 1592. Sir Walter Ralegh vpon commission receiued from her Maiesty for an expedition to be made to the West Indies, slacked not his vttermost diligence to make full prouision of all things necessary, as both in his choise of good ships, and sufficient men to performe the action euidently appeared. For his shippes which were in numbre 14 or 15, those two of her Maiesties, the Garland and the Foresight were the chiefest; the rest either his owne or his good friends or aduenturers of London. For the gentlemen his consorts and officers, to giue them their right, they were so well qualited in courage, experience, and discretion, as the greatest prince might repute himselfe happy to be serued with their like. The honor of Lieutenant generall was imposed vpon sir Iohn Burrough, a gentleman, for his manifold good and heroicall parts, thought euery way worthy of that commandement: with whom after sir W. R. returned was ioyned in commission sir Martin Frobisher, who for his speciall skill and knowledge in marine causes had formerly caried imploiments of like or greater place. The rest such as heretofore had giuen to the world sufficient proofe of their valour in diuers seruices of the like nature. With these ships thus manned sir Walter Ralegh departed towards the West countrey, there to store himselfe with such further necessaries as the state of his voyage did needfully require: where the Westerly windes blowing for a long time contrary to his course, bound and constrained him to keepe harborough so many weeks, that the fittest season for his purpose was gone, the mindes of his people much altered, his victuals consumed: and withall, her Maiesty vnderstanding how crosly all this sorted, began to call the proceeding of this preparation into question: insomuch that, whereas the sixt of May was first come before sir Walter could put to sea, the very next day sir Martin Frobisher in a pinnesse of my lord Admirals called The Disdaine, met him, and brought to him from her Maiesty letters of reuocation, with commandement to relinquish (for his owne part) the intended attempt, and to leaue the charge and conduct of all things in the hands of sir Iohn Burrough and sir Martin Frobisher, But sir Walter finding his honor so farre engaged in the vndertaking of this voyage, as without proceeding he saw no remedy either to salue his reputation, or to content those his friends which had put in aduentures of great summes with him; and making construction of the Queenes letters in such sort as if her commandement had bene propounded in indifferent termes, either to aduance forward or to retire, at his owne discretion; would in no case yeeld to leaue his fleet now vnder saile. Wherefore continuing his course into the sea, he met within a day or two, with certaine sailes lately come from Spaine: among which was a ship appertaining to Monsieur Gourdon gouernor of Caleis, and found aboord her one M. Neuel Dauies an Englishman, who hauing endured a long and miserable captiuity for the space of twelue yeeres, partly in the inquisition in Spaine, was now by good fortune escaped, and vpon returne to his countrey. This man, among other things, reported for certaine, that there was little hope of any good this yeere to be done in the West India; considering that the king of Spaine had sent expresse order to all the Ports both of the Ilands and of Terra firma, that no ship should stirre that yeere, nor any treasure be layed aboord for Spaine. But neither this vnpleasant relation nor ought els could stay his proceedings, vntill a tempest of strange and vncouth violence arising vpon Thursday the 11 of May, when he was athwart the Cape Finister, had so scattered the greater part of the fleet, and sunke his boats and pinnesses, that as the rest were driuen and seuered, some this way and some that, sir Walter himselfe being in the Garland of her Maiesty was in danger to be swallowed vp of the Sea. Whereupon sir W. Ralegh finding that the season of the yere was too farre gone to proceed with the enterprise which he had vpon Panama, hauing bene held on the English coast from February till May, and thereby spent three moneths victuals; and considering withall, that to lie vpon the Spanish coast or at the Ilands to attend the returne of the East or West Indian fleets was rather a worke of patience then ought els: he gaue directions to sir Iohn Burgh and sir M. Frobisher to diuide the fleet in two parts; sir M. with the Garland, cap. George Gifford, cap. Henry Thin, cap. Grenuile and others to lie off the South cape, thereby to amaze the Spanish fleet, and to holde them on their owne coast; while sir I. Burgh, capt. Robert Crosse, capt. Tomson, and others should attend at the Ilands for the caraks or any other Spanish ships comming from Mexico or other parts of the West Indies. Which direction tooke effect accordingly; for the king of Spaines Admirall receiuing intelligence that the English fleet was come on the coast, attended to defend the South parts of Spaine, and to keepe himselfe as nere sir Mart. Frobisher as he could, to impeach him in all things which he might vndertake; and thereby neglected the safeconduct of the caraks, with whom it fared as hereafter shall appeare. Before the fleet seuered themselues they mette with a great Biscain on the Spanish coast called Santa Clara a ship of 600 tunnes. The noise of the artillery on both sides being heard, immediatly they drew to their fleet; where after a reasonable hot fight, the ship was entred and mastered, which they found freighted with all sorts of small yron-worke, as horse shoes, nailes, plough-shares, yron barres, spikes, boults, locks, gimbols, and such like, valued by vs at 6000 or 7000 li. but woorth to them treble the value. This Biscain was sailing towards S. Lucar, there to take in some further prouision for the West India. This ship being first roomaged, and after sent for England, our fleet coasted along towards the Southcape of S. Vincent, and by the way about the Rocke neere Lisbon, sir Iohn Burrough in the Robucke spying a saile a farre off, gaue her present chase; which being a flieboat and of good saile, drew him farre Southwards before he could fetch her; but at last she came vnder his lee and strooke saile. The master of which flieboat comming aboord him, confessed that the king indeed had prepared a great fleet in S. Lucar and Cadiz, and (as the report in Spaine was currant) for the West Indies. But indeed the Spanish king had prouided this fleet vpon this counsell. He receiued intelligence, that sir Walter Ralegh was to put out strong for the West India: to impeach him, and to ranconter his force he appointed this fleet; although looking for the arriuall of his East Indian caraks, he first ordained those ships to waft them from the Açores. But perswading himselfe, that if the fleet of sir Walter Ralegh did go for the West India, then the Ilands should haue none to infest them but some small men of warre, which the caraks of themselues would be well able to match; his order was to Don Alonso de Baçan brother to the Marques of Santa Cruz, and Generall of his armada, to pursue sir Walters fleet, and to confront him, what course soeuer he held. [Sidenote: Sir Iohn Burrough in great danger of the Spanish fleet.] And that this was true, our men in short time by proofe vnderstood: for sir Iohn Burrough, not long after the taking of his last prize the flieboat, as he sailed backe againe towards the rest of his company, discouered the Spanish fleet to sea-ward of him: which hauing likewise espied him betwixt them and the shore, made full account to bring him safe into Spanish harbour; and therefore spred themselues in such sort before him, that indeed his danger was very great: for both the liberty of the sea was brought into a narrow straight, and the shore being enemy could giue him no comfort of reliefe: so that trusting to Gods helpe onely and his good saile, he thrust out from among them in spight of all their force, and to the notable illusion of all their cunning, which they shewed to the vttermost, in laying the way for his apprehension. [Sidenote: The Ile of S. Michael.] But now sir Iohn Burrough hauing happily escaped their clouches, finding the coast guarded by this fleet, and knowing it was but folly to expect a meeting there with sir Martin Frobisher (who vnderstanding of this armada aswell as himselfe, would be sure not to come that way) beganne to shape his course to the Açores according to sir W. Raleghs direction, and came in sight of S. Michael, running so neere by Villa Franca, that he might easily discerne the shippes lying there at anker. [Sidenote: Diuers small ships taken.] Diuers small carauels both here and betweene S. Georges and the Pike in his course towards Flores he intercepted; of which no great intelligence for his affaires could be vnderstood. [Sidenote: Santa Cruz a village in the Ile of Flores.] Arriuing before Flores vpon Thursday the 21 of Iune, towards euening, accompanied onely with captaine Caufield and the Master of his shippe, the rest not being yet arriued, he made towards the shore with his boat, finding all the people of Santa Cruz, a village of that Iland, in armes, fearing their landing, and ready marshalled to defend their towne from spoile. Sir Iohn contrariwise made signes of amity vnto them by aduancing a white flagge, a common token of peace, which was answered againe of them with the like: whereupon ensued entercourses of good friendship; and pledges were taken on both sides, the captaine of the towne for them, and captaine Caufield for our: so that whatsoeuer our men wanted, which that place could supply either in fresh water, victuals, or the like, was very willingly granted by the inhabitants; and good leaue had they to refresh themselues on shore as much and as oft as they would without restraint. [Sidenote: Newes of the East Indian caraks.] At this Santa Cruz sir Iohn Burrough was informed, that indeed there was among them no expectation of any fleet to come from the west, but from the East, that no longer since then three dayes before his arriuall a carak was passed by for Lisbon, and that there were foure carafes more behinde, of one consort. Sir Iohn being very glad of this newes, stayed no longer on shore, but presently imbarqued himselfe, hauing onely in company a small barke of threescore tunnes belonging to one M. Hopkins of Bristoll. In the meane while that these things thus passed at Flores, part of the rest of the English fleet, which sir Iohn Burrough had left vpon the coast of Spaine, drew also towards the Açores: and whereas he quickly at sea had discouered one of the caraks, the same euening he might descry two or three of the Earle of Cumberlands ships (whereof one M. Norton was captaine) which hauing in like sort kenned the carak, pursued her by that course which they saw her to runne towards the Ilands. But on no side was there any way made by reason of a great calme which yeelded no breath to spread a saile. Insomuch that fitly to discouer her what she was, of what burthen, force, and countenance sir Iohn Burrough tooke his boat, and rowed the space of three miles, to make her exactly: and being returned, he consulted with the better sort of the company then present, vpon the boording her in the morning. [Sidenote: A carak called The Santa Cruz set on fire.] But a very mighty storme arising in the night, the extremity thereof forced them all to wey ankers, yet their care was such in wrestling with the weather not to lose the carak, that in the morning the tempest being qualified, and our men bearing againe with the shore, they might perceiue the carak very neere the land, and the Portugals confusedly carrying on shore such things as they could any maner of way conuey out of her; and seeing the haste our men made to come vpon them, forsook her; but first, that nothing might be left commodious to our men, set fire to that which they could not cary with them, intending by that meanes wholly to consume her; that neither glory of victory nor benefit of shippe might remaine to ours. And least the approch and industry of the English should bring meanes to extinguish the flame, thereby to preserue the residue of that which the fire had not destroyed; being foure hundred of them in number and well armed, they entrenched themselues on land so neere to the carak, that she being by their forces protected, and our men kept aloofe off, the fire might continue to the consumption of the whole. This being noted by sir Iohn Burrough he soone prouided a present remedy for this mischiefe. [Sidenote: An hundred of our men land.] For landing one hundred of his men, whereof many did swim and wade more then brest high to shore, and easily scattering those that presented themselues to guard the coast, he no sooner drew toward their new trenches, but they fled immediatly, leauing as much as the fire had spared to be the reward of our mens paines. Here was taken among others one Vincent Fonseca a Portugall, Purser of the carak, with two others, one an Almaine and the second a Low-dutchman, canoniers: who refusing to make any voluntary report of those things, which were demanded of them, had the torture threatened, the feare whereof at the last wrested from them this intelligence, that within fifteene dayes three other greater caraks then that lately fired would arriue at the same Iland: and that being fiue caraks in the fleet at their departure from Goa, to wit, the Buen Iesus admirall, the Madre de Dios, the S. Bernardo, the S. Christophoro, and the S. Cruz, (whose fortune you haue already heard) they had receiued speciall commandement from the king not to touch in any case at the Iland of S. Helena, where the Portugall caraks in their returne from the East India were alwayes till now woont to arriue to refresh themselues with water and victuals. And the kings reason was; because of the English men of warre, who (as he was informed) lay there in wait to intercept them. [Sidenote: Angola a new watering place for caraks.] If therefore their necessity of water should driue them to seeke supply any where, he appointed them Angola in the maine of Africa, with order there to stay onely the taking in of water to auoid the inconuenience of infections where unto that hot latitude is dangerously subiect. The last rendeuous for them all was the Iland of Flores, where the king assured them not to misse of his armada thither sent of purpose for their wafting to Lisbon. Vpon this information sir Iohn drew to counsel, meeting there Captaine Norton, captain Dountain, captain Abraham Cocke, captaines of three ships of the Earle of Cumberland, M. Tomson of Harwich cap. of the Dainty of sir Iohn Haukins, one of sir W. Raleghs fleet, and M. Christopher Newport cap. of the Golden dragon newly returned from the West India, and others. These being assembled, he communicated with them what he had vnderstood of the foresaid examinates, and what great presumptions of trueth their relation did cary: wishing that forasmuch as God and good fortune had brought them together in so good a season, they would shew the vttermost of their indeuors to bring these Easterlings vnder the lee of the English obedience. Hereupon a present accord on all sides followed not to part company or leaue of those seas till time should present cause to put their consultations in execution. The next day her Maiesties good ship the Foresight commanded by sir Rob. Crosse came in to the rest: and he likewise informed of the matter was soone drawen into this seruice. Thus sir Iohn with al these ships departing thence 6 or 7 leagues to the West of Flores, they spread themselues abroad from the North to the South, ech ship two leagues at the least distant from another. By which order of extension they were able to discouer the space of two whole degrees at sea. In this sort they lay from the 29 of Iune to the third of August, what time cap. Thomson in the Dainty had first sight of the huge carak called the Madre de Dios, one of the greatest receit, belonging to the crowne of Portugall. The Dainty being of excellent saile got the start of the rest of our fleet, and begun the conflict somewhat to her cost, with the slaughter and hurt of diuers of her men. Within a while after, sir Iohn Burrough in the Robucke of sir W. Raleghs, was at hand to second her, who saluted her with shot of great ordinance, and continued the fight within musket shot assisted by cap. Tomson and cap. Newport till sir R. Crosse viceadmirall of the fleet came vp being to leeward, at whose arriuall sir I. Burgh demanded of him what was best to be done, who answered, that if the carak were not boorded she would recouer the shore and fire herselfe as the other had done. Whereupon sir I. Burgh concluded to entangle her; and sir R. Crosse promised also to fasten himselfe to her together at the instant; which was performed: but after a while sir Iohn Burgh receiuing a shot with a canon perier vnder water and ready to sinke, desired sir R. C. to fall off, that he might also cleere himselfe, and saue his ship from sinking, which with difficulty he did: for both the Roebucke and the Foresight were so intangled, as with much adoe could they cleere themselues. [Sidenote: The Madre de Dios taken.] The same euening sir R. Crosse finding the carak then sure and drawing neere the Iland perswaded his company to boord her againe, or els there was no hope to recouer her: who after many excuses and feares, were by him incouraged, and so fell athwart her foreships all alone; and so hindered her sailing that the rest had time to come vp to his succour, and to recouer the carak yer she recouered the land: and so toward the euening after he had fought with her alone three houres single, my lord of Cumberlands two ships came vp, and with very little losse entred with sir R. Crosse, who had in that time broken their courages, and made the assault easie for the rest. The generall hauing disarmed the Portugals, and stowed them for better security on all sides, first had presented to his eyes the true proportion of the vast body of this carak, which did then and may still iustly prouoke the admiration of all men not formerly acquainted with such a sight. But albeit this first apparance of the hugenesse thereof yeelded sights enough to entertaine our mens eyes: yet the pitifull obiect of so many bodies slaine and dismembred could not but draw ech mans eye to see, and heart to lament, and hands to helpe those miserable people, whose limnes were so torne with the violence of shot, and paine made grieuous with the multitude of woundes. No man could almost steppe but vpon a dead carkase or a bloody floore, but specially about the helme, where very many of them fell suddenly from stirring to dying. For the greatnesse of the stirrage requiring the labour of twelue or fourteene men at once, and some of our shippes beating her in at the sterne with their ordinance often times with one shot slew foure or fiue labouring on either side of the helme; whose roomes being still furnished with fresh supplies, and our artillery still playing vpon them with continuall volleys, it could not be but that much bloud should be shed in that place. [Sidenote: Exceeding humanity shewed to the enemy.] Whereupon our Generall moued with singular commiseration of their misery, sent them his owne chyrurgions, denying them no possible helpe or reliefe that he or any of his company could affoord them. Among the rest of those, whose state this chance had made very deplorable, was Don Fernando de Mendoça Grand captaine and Commander of this Carake: who indeed was descended of the house of Mendoça in Spaine; but being married into Portugall, liued there as one of that nation; a gentleman well stricken in yeeres, well spoken, of comely personage, of good stature, but of hard fortune. In his seuerall seruices against the Moores he was twise taken prisoner, and both times ransomed by the king. In a former voyage of returne from the East India he was driuen vpon the Baxos or sands of Iuda nere the coast of Cephala, being then also captaine of a caracke which was there lost, and himselfe, though escaping the sea-danger, yet fell into the hands of infidels on land; who kept him vnder long and grieuous seruitude. Once more the king carying a louing respect to the man, and desirous to better his condition, was content to let him try his fortune in this Easterly nauigation, and committed vnto him the conduct of this caracke, wherein he went from Lisbon Generall of the whole fleet, and in that degree had returned, if the Vice-rey of Goa embarked for Portugall in the Bon Iesus had not, by reason of his late office, bene preferred. Sir Iohn intending not to adde too much affliction to the afflicted, moued with pity and compassion of humane misery, in the end resolued freely to dismisse this captaine and the most part of his followers, to their owne countrey, and for the same purpose bestowed them in certaine vessels furnished with all kindes of necessary prouision. This businesse thus dispatched, good leasure had he to take such view of the goods as conueniency might affoord. And hauing very prudently (to cut off the vnprofitable spoile and pillage whereunto he saw the minds of many inclined) seised vpon the whole to her Maiesties vse, after a short and slender romaging and searching of such things as first came to hand, he perceiued that the wealth would arise nothing disanswerable to expectation; but that the variety and grandure of all rich commodities would be more then sufficient to content both the aduenturers desire and the souldiers trauell. And here I cannot but enter into the consideration and acknowledgement of Gods great fauor towards our nation, who by putting this purchase into our hands hath manifestly discouered those secret trades and Indian riches, which hitherto lay strangely hidden, and cunningly concealed from vs; whereof there was among some few of vs some small and vnperfect glimse onely, which now is turned into the broad light of full and perfect knowledge. Whereby it should seeme that the will of God for our good is (if our weaknesse could apprehend it) to haue vs communicate with them in those East Indian treasures, and by the erection of a lawfull traffike to better our meanes to aduance true religion and his holy seruice. The caracke being in burden by the estimation of the wise and experienced no lesse then 1600 tunnes had full 900 of those stowed with the grosse bulke of marchandise, the rest of the tunnage being allowed, partly to the ordinance which were 32 pieces of brasse of all sorts, partly to the passengers and the victuals, which could not be any small quantity, considering the number of the persons betwixt 600 and 700, and the length of the nauigation. To giue you a taste (as it were) of the commodities, it shall suffice to deliuer you a generall particularity of them, according to the catalogue taken at Leadenhall the 15 of September 1592. [Sidenote: A briefe catalogue of the sundry rich commodities of the Madre de Dios.] Where vpon good view it was found, that the principall wares after the iewels (which were no doubt of great value, though they neuer came to light) consisted of spices, drugges, silks, calicos, quilts, carpets and colours, &c. The spices were pepper, cloues, maces, nutmegs, cinamom, greene ginger: the drugs were beniamin, frankincense, galingale, mirabolans, aloes zocotrina, camphire: the silks, damasks, taffatas, sarcenets, altobassos, that is, counterfeit cloth of gold, vnwrought China silke, sleaued silke, white twisted silke, curled cypresse. The calicos were book-calicos, calico-launes, broad white calicos, fine starched calicos, course white calicos, browne broad calicos, browne course calicos. There were also canopies, and course diaper-towels, quilts of course sarcenet and of calico, carpets like those of Turky; whereunto are to be added the pearle, muske, ciuet, and amber-griece. The rest of the wares were many in number, but lesse in value; as elephants teeth, porcellan vessels of China, coco-nuts, hides, eben-wood as blacke as iet, bedsteads of the same, cloth of the rindes of trees very strange for the matter, and artificiall in workemanship. All which piles of commodities being by men of approued iudgement rated but in reasonable sort amounted to no lesse then 150000 li. sterling, which being diuided among the aduenturers (whereof her Maiesty was the chiefe) was sufficient to yeeld contentment to all parties. [Sidenote: The capacity and dimensions of the Madre de Dios.] The cargazon being taken out, and the goods fraighted in tenne of our ships sent for London, to the end that the bignesse, heigth, length, bredth, and other dimensions of so huge a vessell might by the exact rules of Geometricall obseruations be truly taken, both for present knowledge, and deriuation also of the same vnto posterity, one M. Robert Adams, a man in his faculty of excellent skill, omitted nothing in the description, which either his arte could demonstrate, or any mans iudgement thinke woorthy the memory. After an exquisite suruey of the whole frame he found the length from the beak-head to the sterne (whereupon was erected a lanterne) to containe 165 foote. The breadth in the second close decke whereof she had three, this being the place where there was most extension of bredth, was 46 feet and ten inches. She drew in water 31 foot at her departure from Cochin in India, but not aboue 26 at her arriual in Dartmouth, being lightened in her voyage by diuers meanes some 5 foote. She caried in height 7 seuerall stories, one maine Orlop, three close decks, one fore-castle, and a spar-decke of two floores a piece. The length of the keele was 100 foote, of the maine-mast 121 foot, and the circuite about at the partners 10 foote 7 inches, the maine-yard was 106 foote long. By which perfect commensuration of the parts appeareth the hugenesse of the whole, farre beyond the mould of the biggest shipping vsed among vs either for warre or receit. Don Alonso de Baçan hauing a great Fleet and suffering these two caraks, the Santa Cruz to be burnt, and the Madre de Dios to be taken, was disgraced by his prince for this negligence. * * * * * The firing and sinking of the stout and warrelike Carack called Las Cinque Llaguas, or, The fiue Wounds, by three tall Ships set foorth at the charges of the right honorable the Erle of Cumberland and his friends: Written by the discreet and valiant captaine M. Nicholas Downton. In the latter ende of the yeere 1593. the right honourable Erle of Cumberland, at his owne charges and his friends, prepared 3 ships, all at equall rate, and either of them had like quantitie of victuals, and like numbers of men, there being embarked in all 3 ships 420 men of al sorts. [Marginal note: Besides these three ships there was a pinnas called the Violet, or the Why not I.] The Roial Exchange went as Admirall, wherein M. George Caue was captaine. The May-flower Viceadmirall vnder the conduct of William Anthonie: and the Sampson, the charge whereof it pleased his honour to commit vnto me Nicholas Dounton. Our directions were sent vs to Plimmouth, and we were to open them at sea. The sixt of Aprill 1594 we set sayle in the sound of Plimmouth, directing our course toward the coast of Spaine. The 24 of the sayd moneth at the Admirals direction wee diuided our selues East and West from ech other, being then in the heigth of 43 degrees, with commaundement at night to come together againe. The 27 day in the morning we descried the May-flower and the litle Pinnasse with a Prise that they had taken, being of Viana in Portugall, and bound for Angola in Africa. This Barke was of 28 tunnes, hauing some 17 persons in the same. [Sidenote: Commodities fit for Angola.] There were in her some 12 Buts of Galicia wine, whereof we tooke into euery shippe a like part, with some Ruske in chests and barrels, with 5 buts of blew course cloth, and certaine course linnen-cloth for Negros shirts, which goods were diuided among our fleet. The 4 of May we had sight of our Pinnasse, and the Admirals Shallop which had taken three Portugall Carauels, whereof they had sent two away and kept the third. The second of Iune we had sight of S. Michael. The third day in the morning we sent our small pinnasse, which was of some 24 tunnes, with the small Carauell which we had taken at the Burlings to range the road of all the Ilands, to see if they could get any thing in the same: appointing them to meet vs W. S. W. 12 leagues from Faiall. Their going from vs was to no purpose. They missed comming to vs when we appointed, as also we missed them, when we had great cause to haue vsed them. The 13 of Iune we met with a mightie Carack of the East. Indies, called Las cinque Llagas, or The fiue wounds. The May-flower was in fight with her before night. I, in the Sampson, fetched her vp in the euening, and as I commanded to giue her the broad side, as we terme it, while I stood very heedefully prying to discouer her strength: and where I might giue counsel to boord her in the night when the Admirall came vp to vs, and as I remember at the very first shot she discharged at vs, I was shot in a litle aboue the belly, whereby I was made vnseruiceable for a good while after, without touching any other for that night. Yet by meanes of an honest truehearted man which I had with me, one captaine Grant, nothing was neglected: vntill midnight when the Admirall came vp, the May-flower, and the Sampson neuer left by turnes to ply her with their great ordinance; but then captaine Caue wished vs to stay till morning, at what time each one of vs should giue her three bouts with our great ordinance, and so clap her aboord: but indeed it was long lingered in the morning vntil 10 of the clocke before wee attempted to boord her. The Admirall laid her a boord in the mid ship: the May-flower comming vp in the quarter, as it should seeme, to lie at the sterne of the Admirall on the larboord-side. The captaine of the sayd May-flower was slaine at the first comming vp: whereby the ship fell to the sterne of the out-licar of the Carack, which (being a piece of timber) so wounded her foresaile, that they sayd they could come no more to fight, I am sure they did not, but kept aloofe from vs. The Sampson went aboord on the bow, but hauing not rome enough, our quarter lay on the Exchanges bow, and our bowe on the Caracks bowe. The Exchange also at the first comming had her captaine M. Caue shot into both the legs, the one whereof he neuer recouered, so he for that present was not able to doe his office, and in his absence he had not any that would vndertake to lead out his company to enter vpon the enemie. My friend captaine Grant did lead my men on the Caracks side, which being not manfully backed by the Exchanges men, his forces being smal, made the enemie bolder than he would haue bene, whereby I had sixe men presently slaine and many more hurt, which made them that remained vnhurt to returne aboord, and would neuer more giue the assault. I say not but some of the Exchanges men did very well, and many more (no doubt) would haue done the like, if there had bene any principall man to haue put them forward, and to haue brought all the company to the fight, and not to haue run into corners themselues. But I must needs say, that their ship was as well prouided for defence, as any that I haue seene. And the Portugals peraduenture encouraged by our slacke working, plaied the men and had Barricados made, where they might stand without any danger of our shot. They plied vs also very much with fire, so that most of our men were burnt in some place or other: and while our men were putting out of the fire, they would euer be plying them with small shot or darts. This vnusuall casting of fire did much dismay many of our men and made them draw backe as they did. When we had not men to enter, we plied our great ordinance much at them as high vp as they might be mounted, for otherwise we did them little harme, and by shooting a piece out of our forecastle being close by her, we fired a mat on her beak head, which more and more kindled, and ran from thence to the mat on the bow-sprit, and from the mat vp to the wood of the bow-sprit, and thence to the top saile yard, which fire made the Portugals abaft in the ship to stagger, and to make shew of parle. But they that had the charge before encouraged them, making shew, that it might easily be put out, and that it was nothing. Whereupon againe they stood stifly to their defence. Anone the fire grew so strong, that I saw it beyond all helpe, although she had bene already yeelded to vs. Then we desired to be off from her, but had little hope to obtaine our desire; neuerthelesse we plied water very much to keep our ship well. Indeed I made little other reckoning for the ship, my selfe, and diuers hurt men, then to haue ended there with the Carak, but most of our people might haue saved themselues in boats. And when my care was most, by Gods prouidence onely, by the burning asunder of our spritsaile-yard with ropes and saile, and the ropes about the spritsaile-yarde of the Carack, whereby we were fast intangled, we fell apart, with burning of some of our sailes which we had then on boord. The Exchange also being farther from the fire, afterward was more easily cleared, and fell off from abaft And as soone as God had put vs out of danger, the fire got into the fore-castle, where, I think, was store of Beniamin, and such other like combustible matter, for it flamed and ran ouer all the Carack at an instant in a maner. The Portugals lept ouer-boord in great numbers. Then sent I captaine Grant with the boat, with leaue to vse his owne discretion in sauing of them. So he brought me aboord two gentlemen, the one an old man called Nuno Velio Pereira, which (as appeareth by the 4 chapter in the first booke of the woorthy history of Huighen de Linschoten) was gouernour of Moçambique and Cefala, in the yeere 1582. and since that time had bene likewise a gouernour in a place of importance in the East Indies. And the shippe wherein he was comming home was cast away a little to the East of the Cape of Buona Speranza, and from thence be traueiled ouer-land to Moçambique, and came as a passenger in this Carack. The other was called Bras Carrero, and was captaine of a Carack which was cast away neere Moçambique, and came likewise in this ship for a passenger. Also three men of the inferior sort we saued in our boat, onely these two we clothed and brought into England. The rest which were taken vp by the other ship boats, we set all on shore in the Ile of Flores, except some two or three Negros, whereof one was borne in Moçambique, and another in the East Indies. This fight was open off the Sound between Faial and Pico 6 leagues to the Southward. The people which we saued told vs that the cause why they would not yeeld, was, because this Carack was for the king, and that she had all the goods belonging to the king in the countrey for that yeere in her, and that the captaine of her was in fauor with the king, and at his returne into the Indies should haue bene Viceroy there. And withall this ship was nothing at all pestered neither within boord nor without, and was more like a ship of warre then otherwise: moreouer she had the ordinance of a Carak that was cast away at Moçambique, and the company of her, together with the company of another Carack that was cast away a little to the Eastwards of the Cape of Buona Speranza. Yet through sicknesse which they caught at Angola, where they watered, they say, they had not now aboue 150 white men, but Negros a great many. They likewise affirmed that they had three noblemen and three ladies in her, but we found them to differ in most of their talke. All this day and all the night she burned, but the next morning her poulder which was lowest being 60 barrels blew her abroad, so that most of the ship did swim in parts aboue the water. Some of them say, that she was bigger then the Madre de Dios, and some, that she was lesse: but she was much vndermastered, and vndersailed, yet she went well for a ship that was so foule. The shot which wee made at her in great Ordinance before we layde her aboord might be at seuen bouts which we had, and sixe or 7 shot at a bout, one with another, some 49 shot: the time we lay aboord might be two houres. The shot which we discharged aboord the Carack might be some twentie Sacars. And thus much may suffice concerning our daungerous conflict with that vnfortunate Carack. The last of Iune after long traversing of the seas we had sight of another mightie Carack which diuerse of our company at the first tooke to be the great S. Philip the Admiral of Spaine, but the next day being the first of Iuly fetching her vp we perceiued her indeede to be a Carack, which after some few shot bestowed vpon her we summoned to yeeld; but they standing stoutly to their defence vtterly refused the same. Wherefore seeing no good could be done without boording her I consulted what course we should take in the boording. But by reason that wee which were the chiefe captaines were partly slaine and partly wounded in the former conflict, and because of the murmuring of some disordered and cowardly companions, our valiant and resolute determinations were crossed: and to conclude a long discourse in few words, the Carack escaped our hands. After this attending about Coruo and Flores for some West Indian purchase, and being disappointed of our expectation, and victuals growing short, we returned for England, where I arriued at Portesmouth the 28 of August. * * * * * The casting away of the Tobie neere Cape Espartel corruptly called Cape Sprat, without the Straight of Gibraltar on the coast of Barbarie. 1593. The Tobie of London a ship of 250 tunnes manned with fiftie men, the owner whereof was the worshipful M. Richard Staper, being bound for Liuorno, Zante and Patras in Morea, being laden with marchandize to the value of 11 or 12 thousand pounds sterling, set sayle from Black-wall the 16 day of August 1593, and we went thence to Portesmouth where we tooke in great quantine of wheate, and set sayle foorth of Stokes bay in the Isle of Wight, the 6. day of October, the winde being faire: and the 16 of the same moneth we were in the heigth of Cape S. Vincent, where on the next morning we descried a sayle which lay in try right a head off vs, to which we gaue chase with very much winde, the sayle being a Spaniard, which wee found in fine so good of sayle that we were faine to leaue her and giue her ouer. Two dayes after this we had sight of mount Chiego, which is the first high-land which we descrie on the Spanish coast at the entrance of the Straight of Gibraltar, where we had very foule weather and the winde scant two dayes together. Here we lay off to the sea. The Master, whose name was George Goodley, being a young man, and one which neuer tooke charge before for those parts, was very proud of that charge which he was litle able to discharge, neither would take any counsel of any of his company, but did as he thought best himselfe, and in the end of the two dayes of foule weather cast about, and the winde being faire, bare in with the straights mouth. The 19 day at night he thinking that he was farther off the land than he was, bare sayle all that night, and an houre and an halfe before day had ranne our shippe ypon the ground on the coast of Barbarie without the straight foure leagues to the South of Cape Espartel. Whereupon being all not a litle astonied, the Master said vnto vs, I pray you forgiue me; for this is my fault and no mans else. The company asked him whether they should cut off the main mast: no said the Master, we will hoyse out our boate. But one of our men comming speedily vp, said, Sirs, the ship is full of water, well sayd the Master, then cut the mayne-mast ouer boord: which thing we did with all speede. But the afterpart suddenly split a sunder in such sort that no man was able to stand vpon it, but all fled vpon the foremast vp into the shrouds thereof; and hung there for a time: but seeing nothing but present death approch (being so suddenly taken that we could not make a raft which we had determined) we committed our selues vnto the Lord and beganne with dolefull tune and heauy hearts to sing the 12 Psalme. Helpe Lord for good and godly men &c. Howbeit before we had finished foure verses the waues of the sea had stopped the breathes of most of our men. For the foremast with the weight of our men and the force of the sea fell downe into the water, and vpon the fall thereof there were 38 drowned, and onely 12 by Gods prouidence partly by swimming and other meanes of chests gote on shoare, which was about a quarter of a mile from the wracke of the ship. The master called George Goodley, and William Palmer his mate, both perished. M. Cæsar also being captaine and owner was likewise drowned: none of the officers were saued but the carpenter. We twelue which the Lord had deliuered from extreme danger of the Sea, at our comming ashore fell in a maner into as great distresse. At our first comming on shore we all fell downe on our knees, praying the Lord most humbly for his merciful goodnesse. Our prayers being done, we consulted together what course to take, seeing we were fallen into a desert place, and we traueled all that day vntill night, sometimes one way and sometimes another, and could finde no kinde of inhabitants; onely we saw where wilde beasts had bene, and places where there had bene houses, which after we perceiued to haue bene burnt by the Portugals. So at night falling into certaine groues of oliue trees, we climed vp and sate in them to auoid the danger of lions and other wilde beasts, whereof we saw many the next morning. The next day we trauelled vntill three of the clocke in the afternoone without any food but water and wilde date roots: then going ouer a mountaine, we had sight of Cape Espartel; whereby we knew somewhat better which way to trauell, and then we went forward vntill we came to an hedgerow made with great long canes; we spied and looked ouer it, and beheld a number of men aswell horsemen as footmen, to the number of some fiue thousand in skirmish together with small shot and other weapons. And after consultation what we were best to do, we concluded to yeeld our selues vnto them, being destitute of all meanes of resistance. So rising vp we marched toward them, who espying vs, foorthwith some hundred of them with their iauelings in their hands came running towards vs as though they would haue run vs thorow: howbeit they onely strooke vs flatling with their weapons, and said that we were Spaniards: and we tolde them that we were Englishmen: which they would not beleeue yet. By and by the conflict being ended, and night approching, the captaine of the Moores, a man of some 56 yeres olde, came himselfe vnto vs, and by his interpreter which spake Italian, asked what we were and from whence we came. One Thomas Henmer of our company which could speake Italian, declared vnto him that we were marchants, and how by great misfortune our ship, marchandise, and the greatest part of our company were pitifully cast away vpon their coast. But he void of all humainity and all manhood, for all this, caused his men to strip vs out of our apparel euen to our shirts to see what money and iewels we had about vs: which when they had found to the value of some 200 pounds in golde and pearles they gaue vs some of our apparel againe, and bread and water onely to comfort vs. The next morning they carried vs downe to the shore where our shippe was cast away, which was some sixteene miles from that place. In which iourney they vsed vs like their slaues, making vs (being extreame weake,) to carry their stuffe, and offering to beat vs if we went not so fast as they. We asked them why they vsed vs so, and they replied, that we were their captiues: we said we were their friends, and that there was neuer Englishman captiue to the king of Marocco. So we came downe to the ship, and lay there with them seuen dayes, while they had gotten all the goods they could, and then they parted it amongst them. After the end of these seuen dayes the captaine appointed twenty of his men wel armed, to bring vs vp into the countrey: and the first night we came to the side of a riuer called Alarach, where we lay on the grasse all that night: so the next day we went ouer the riuer in a frigate of nine oares on a side, the riuer being in that place aboue a quarter of a mile broad: and that day we went to a towne of thirty houses, called Totteon: there we lay foure dayes hauing nothing to feed on but bread and water: and then we went to a towne called Cassuri, and there we were deliuered by those twenty souldiers vnto the Alcaide, which examined vs what we were: and we tolde him. He gaue vs a good answere, and sent vs to the Iewes house, where we lay seuen dayes. In the meane while that we lay here, there were brought thither twenty Spaniards and twenty Frenchmen, which Spaniards were taken in a conflict on land, but the Frenchmen were by foule weather cast on land within the Straights about Cape de Gate, and so made captiues. Thus at the seuen dayes end we twelue Englishmen, the twelue French, and the twenty Spaniards were all conducted toward Marocco with nine hundred souldiers horsemen and fotmen, and in two dayes iourney we came to the riuer of Fez, where we lodged all night, being prouided of tents. The next day we went to a towne called Salle, and lay without the towne in tents. From thence we trauelled almost an hundred miles without finding any towne, but euery night we came to fresh water, which was partly running water and sometime raine water. So we came at last within three miles of the city of Marocco, where we pitched our tents: and there we mette with a carrier which did trauel in the countrey for the English marchants: and by him we sent word vnto them of our estate; and they returned the next day vnto vs a Moore, which brought vs victuals, being at that instant very feeble and hungry: and withall sent vs a letter with pen, inke, and paper, willing vs to write vnto them what ship it was that was cast away, and how many and what men there were aliue. For said they we would knowe with speed, for to morow is the kings court: and therefore we would know, for that you should come into the citie like captiues. But for all that we were carried in as captiues and with ropes about our neckes as well English as the French and Spaniards. And so we were carried before the king: and when we came before him he did commit vs all to ward, where wee lay 15 dayes in close prison: and in the end we were cleared by the English Marchants to their great charges; for our deliuerance cost them 700 ounces, euery ounce in that country contayning two shillings. And when we came out of prison we went to the Alfandica, where we continued eight weekes with the English marchants. At the end of which time being well apparelled by the bountie of our marchants we were conueyed downe by the space of eight dayes iourney to S. Cruz, where the English ships road: where we tooke shipping about the 20 of March, two in the Anne Francis of London, and fiue more of vs fiue dayes after in the Expedition of London, and two more in a Flemish flie-boat, and one in the Mary Edward also of London, other two of our number died in the countrey of the bloodie-fluxe: the one at our first imprisonment at Marocco, whose name was George Hancock, and the other at S. Cruz, whose name was Robert Swancon, whose death was hastened by eating of rootes and other vnnatural things to slake their raging hunger in our trauaile, and by our hard and cold lodging in the open fields without tents. Thus of fiftie persons through the rashnesse of an vnskilfull Master ten onely suruiued of vs, and after a thousand miseries returned home poore, sicke, and feeble into our countrey. Richard Iohnson. William Williams Carpenter. Iohn Durham. Abraham Rouse. Iohn Matthewes. Thomas Henmore. Iohn Siluester. Thomas Whiting. William Church. Iohn Fox. * * * * * The letters of the Queenes most excellent Maiestie sent by one Laurence Aldersey vnto the Emperour of Aethiopia, 1597. Inuictissimo potentissimoque Abassenorum regi, magnoque vtriusque Aethiopiæ imperatori &c. Elizabetha Dei gratia Angliæ, Franciæ, et Hiberniæ regina, fidei defensor &c. summo ac potentissimo Æthiopiæ imperatori salutem. Quod ab omnibus qui vbiuis terrarum ac gentium sunt regibus principibusque præstari par et æquum est, vt quanquàm maximo locorum interuallo dissiti, et moribus ac legibus discrepantes, communem tamen generis humani societatem tueri et conseruare, mutuáque vt occasio ferret, charitatis et beneuolentiæ officia velint exercere: in eo nos de vestra fide atque humanitate spem certissimam concipientes huic subito nostro Laurentio Alderseio in regnum vestrum proficiscenti, hasce literas nostras, quibus et nostra erga vos beneuolentia testata sit, et illum hinc profectum esse constet, potissimùm vobis indicandus dedimus. Qui cùm orbis terrarum perscrutandi cognoscendique studio permotus, multis antehàc regionibus peragratis, iam tandem in eas regiones, quæ vestræ ditionis sunt, longum, periculosumque iter instituat: cùm ipse existimauit, tum nos etiam sumus in eadem opinione, ad incolumitatem suam, atque etiam ad gratiam apud vos, plurimum illi prafuturum, si diplomate nostro munitus, beneuolenentiæ nostræ et profectionis hinc suæ testimonium ad vos deferret. Nam cum summus ille mundi conditor rectorque præpotens Deus, regibus principibusque qui suam vicem gerunt, orbem terrarum, suis cuique finibus pro rata portione designatis, regendum atque administrandum dederit; eoque munere ius quoddam inter eos fraternæ necessitudinis, æternumque foedus ab illis colendum sanxerit: non erit (vt arbitramur) ingratum vobis, cùm beneuolentiæ nostræ significationem, tàm immensa maris ac terrarum spatia transgressam, ab vltima Britannia ad vos in Aetheiopiam perferri intellexeritis. Nobisque rursùs erit incundum, cùm subditorum nostrorum prædicatione, ab ipsis Nili fontibus, et ab ijs regionibus quæ solis cursum definiunt, fama vestri nominis ad nos recurret. Erit igitur humanitatis vestræ huic subdito nostro eam largiri gratiam, vt in ditionem vestram sub præsidio ac tutela vestri nominis intrare, ibique saluus et incolumis manere possit: quod ipsum etiam ab aliis principibus, per quorum regiones illi transeundum erit magnoperè petimus, nobisque ipsis illud honoris causa tributum existimabimus: néque tamèn maiorem hac in re gratiam postulamus, quàm vicissim omnium principum subditis, omniumque gentium hominibus ad nos commeantibus liberrimè concedimus. Datum Londini quinto die Nouembris: anno regni nostri tricesimo nono: annoque Dom. 1597. The same in English. To the most inuincible and puissant king of the Abassens, the mightie Emperour of Aethiopia the higher and the lower. Elizabeth by the grace of God Queene of England, France and Ireland, defender of the faith, &c. To the most high and mightie Emperour of Aethiopia greeting. Whereas it is a matter requisite and well beseeming all kings and princes of what lands or nations soeuer, be they neuer so much disseuered in place or differing in customes and lawes, to maintaine and preserue the common societie of mankinde, and, as occassion shall be offered, to performe mutuall duties of charitie and beneuolence: we for that cause concerning most undoubted hope of your princely fidelity and courtesie, haue giuen vnto this our subiect Laurence Aldersey intending to trauell into your dominions, these our letters to be deliuered without faile vnto your Highnesse, to the end they may be a testimony of our good will towards you and of our saide subiect his departure from England. Who, after his trauels in many forren countreys, being as yet enflamed with a desire more throughly to surueigh and contemplate the world, and now at length to vndertake a long and daungerous iourney into your territories and regions: both the sayd Laurence thought, and our selues also deemed, that it would very much auaile him, as well for his owne safetie as for the attayning of your fauour, if, being protected with our broad seale, hee might transport vnto your Highnesse a testimony of our louing affection and of his departure from hence. For sithence almightie God the highest creatour and gouernour of the world hath allotted vnto kings and princes his vicegerents [sic--KTH] ouer the face of the whole earth, their designed portions and limits to be ruled and administred by them; and by this his gift hath established among them a certaine law of brotherly kindnesse, and an eternall league by them to be obserued: it will not (we hope) seeme vnpleasant vnto your highnesse, when you shall haue intelligence of our louing letters sent so huge a distance ouer sea and land, euen from the farthest realme of England vnto you in Aethiopia. On the other side our selues shall take great solace and delight, when as by the relation of our owne subiects, the renowme of your name shall be brought vnto vs from the fountains of Nilus, and from those regions which are situate vnder the Southerne Tropike. May it please you therefore of your princely clemencie to vouchsafe so much fauour on this our subiect, that he may, vnder the safeguard and protection of your name, enter into your highnesse dominions, and there remaine safe and free from danger. Which fauour and courtesie wee doe likewise most earnestly request at the hands of other princes, through whose Seigniories our said subject is to passe; and we shall esteeme it as done vnto our selfe and for our honours sake. Neither do we require any greater fauour in this behalfe, then we are vpon the like occasion most ready to graunt unto the subiects of all princes and the people of all Nations, trauelling into our dominions. Given at London the fift day of Nouember, in the thirtie and ninth yeere of our reigne: and in the yeare of our Lord 1597. APPENDIX THE OMISSIONS OF CALES VOYAGE. [Footnote: The Editor takes this opportunity of making grateful acknowledgements to the Marquis of Stafford, for his permission to print this Tract from his curious Manuscript; and to the Reverend H. J. Todd, for furnishing him with the accurate transcript from which it is printed.] The first and greatest occasion let slip in our Voyage was, that we did not possess ourselues of the fleete that was bound for the Indies, the lading whereof would not onelie haue paid all charges of the iorneie, but haue enabled vs a great while to wage warre with Spaine, with the meanes of Spaine. To which I aunswere, that if either I had ben followed the first morning of our comminge before the harbor when I bare with it, or if we had entred the same Sundaie in the afternoone when we were vnder saile, and within cannon shot of the enemies fleete, or after the men of warre were taken and burnt, the nexte daie if anie shipping had gone vp as I vrged by mine owne speech sent by Sir Anthonie Ashlie, who being secretaire at wars was to record euerie mans seruice or omission; if anie of these had ben don, then I saie had that fleete ben easilie possessed. For the first morning they had neither their men aboard, as it was since confessed by our prisoners, nor were provided of any counsel what to doe. In the afternoone the same daie we had found the men of warre and the Marchaunts fleet altogether in one bodie, and engaged them both at once, so as at the same time we had defeated the one, we had possessed the other. And the next daie presentlie vpon the fight and victorie against the Kings shipps, we had found them all so amazed and confounded as they would haue thought of nothing but of sauing themselues, and we had taken the ships, the riches in them, and the fleet of gallies, without striking a blow; as both our prisoners and captaines out of the gallies haue assured vs. But the first morninge when I boare with the harbor, almost all the fleet came to an ancker by the point Saint Sebastian a league wide of me, and gaue the enemie leasure to send men and all necessaries aboard. When I was gon in, I could neither get my companion to waigh his anckor, nor most of those that were waied to goe in with me. And the next daie I had much a do to make our ships fight at all. And when God had giuen vs victorie, my perswasions nor protestations could make them that were sea-commaunders go or send vp to possess the fleet of the Indies, whiles we assailed the towne, so as the enemie had almost 48. howers to burne his owne shipps. The second imputation that maie be laid to vs, was, that we did abandon Cales, when we were possesst of it, whereas the holding of it would haue ben a naile not in the foote of this great monarch but in his side, and haue serued for a diversion of all the wars in these parts. To which I aunswere, that some of our sea-commaunders, and especiallie my colleague, did not onelie oppose themselues to that designe, (whose oppositions mine instructions made an absolute barre,) but when we came to see how the forces that should be left there might be victualed till succours came, the victualls were for the most part hidden and embeazled, and euery ship began at that instant to feare their wants, and to talke of goeing home; soe as I should neither haue had one ship to staie at Cales, nor victualls for the garrison for 2. moneths. And therefore I was forced to leaue Cales, and did not choose to abandon it. The third obiection we haue to aunswere is, whie we did not lie for the carricks and Indian ships, seing we were on the coast the verie time that is thought fittest for their intercepting and vsual of their retourne. In which I must first cite the testimonie of all our commanders by land and sea, that when we had in our retourne from Cales doubled the Cape St. Vincent comonlie called the South Cape, I vrged our going to th' Islands of Ozores, founding my selfe vpon these reasons: first, that it was more certaine to attend them at the land-fall where theie must needs touch, then to seeke them in the wide sea; and next, that the aduises sent out of Spaine and Portingall since our being of myght meete them at the Islands, and make them divert from coming thither. Besides, the Spaniards after theie saw vs engaged at Cales would neuer suspect or dreame of our goeing to the Islands. And when this counsell was reiected, and we come in the sight of Lisbon, I there againe pressed the lieing for them with a selected fleet, and offered vpon that condition to send home the land-forces, and all such ships as want of victualls, leaks sickness, or anie thing els had made vnfit to staie out at sea. But first the L. Admirall and Sr. Wa[l]ter Rawligh did directlie by attestation vnder their hands contradict the first proposition that I made, that some ships should attend that seruice. And when we came to the hypothesis, which were fitt and their captaines content to staie out in all the fleet, except the Low Countrie Squadron, there could be found but two, my L. Thom. Howard and my selfe; so as by the whole counsell at wars, it was resolued that as well my offer and opinion, as euerie mans els amongst vs, should be kept vnder his hand, for our particuler discharges, and I be barred of staieing, except my L. Admirall would assent to leaue some 8. or 10. of the Marchaunts ships besides 2. of the Queenes: which he refused to doe: and soe our dessigne brake of. The last omission maie seeme to be in this, that since all our seruice consisted in taking or distroyinge the Spanish shipping and sea prouisions, that we did not looke into all his chiefe ports, and do him in that kind as much hurt as we might haue done. To which I aunswere, that first my end in going to Cales was not onlie because it was a principall port and the likeliest to be held by vs, by cause of the seat and naturall strength of it; but also for that it was the farthest good porte south-ward; so as beginning with it we might, if some greater seruice did not diuert vs, goe to all the good ports betwixt that and the northmost ports of Biskaie: which was a better waie then to haue begonne or giuen the enemie an alarum in the middest of his Countrie, or the neerest ports to vs; for so our attempts would haue ben more difficile, and our retreats at last from those farthest ports less safe; considering the wants, infections, and other inconveniences that for the most parte doe accompanie the retraicts of our fleet and armies in long iourneies. But after we had ended at Cales, it was by all our seamen thought a capitall offence to name the goeing ouer the Barre at St. Lucars. Betwixt St Lucars and Lisbone there is no good porte. From Lisbone I was barred by name, if it had bene free for vs to haue gone. Yet our seamen are made of the same stuffe, Sr. Francis D: and his companie was, when theie lost the occasion of his taking Lisbone, for feare of passing by the castle of St. Iulian's. From Lisbone to the Groine there is no port to hold the Kings or anie other great shipping. To the Groin with cart-ropes I drew them: for both I vowed and protested against their refusall, and parted companie with them when they offered to hold another course. But when we came to the mouth of the harbor, and sent in some of our small vessells, we saw there was nothing there, nor yet at Furroll; for into that port also we made our discouveries to looke. After which discouverie we held our last counsell. And then I vrged our goeing to St. Audica, the passage St. Sebastian, and all other good ports all along the coast. But mine associat did altogether refuse to goe farther alonge the coaste, complaininge of wants, and obiecting our being embayed, and I know not what. In which opinion Sir Walter Rawlighe strengthened him; and theie were both desirous to take vpon them the honnor of breaking that dessigne. And of landing at the Groyne, or attempting the towne, theie would not heare by anie meanes. And presentlie euery man cried to set saile homewards. Since which time theie haue made such haste, as I, tarieing behind to bring along with me the St. Andrew taken at Cales and the flie boate that carries our artillarie haue lost them all, sauing Monsieur Oauerworme and his squadron, and some few small shipps. [These "Omissions" were not included in the early editions, but appeared in Woodfall's edition of 1812]. INDICES. Where the same Document a given in Latin and English, the reference is to the English Version. N.B. The large print indicates that the _whole_ section refers to the subject mentioned. INDEX TO VOL. VIII. ACHIM, (Sultan of Egypt). ACRE. AIGUES MORTES. AILWIN, founds Ramsey Abbey. ALBEMARLE (John, Earl of). ALCAYR. See _Cairo_. ALFRED, (King), sends Sighelmus to India. ALURED, (Bishop of Worcester). HIS VOYAGE TO JERUSALEM. AMAZONS. AMBASSADORS SENT TO CONSTANTINOPLE BY EDWARD THE CONFESSOR. ARABIA. ARUNDEL (Earl of), HIS VOYAGE. ASSUR. ATHELARD. HIS TRAUAILES. BABYLON. BALDWIN (Archbishop of Canterbury), HIS LIFE AND TRAUAILES. BALDWIN (of Bouillon). BALDWIN (King of Jerusalem), defeats Saracens. BALE, quoted, --HIS LIFE OF MANDEVILLE. BANGOR COLLEGE, Pelagius its head. BASSET (William). BATH (Abbey of). BAUGIE (F. de). BEAUCHAMP, family. BEDA, quoted. BETHLEHEM. BOHUN (Henry), his death. BRENSE (Peter de). BRUNO, murdered by Sweyn. CÆLIUS (Mount). CÆSARIA. CAIRO. CANUTE. CAYPHAS (city). CELESTINE. CHANTENAY (P. de). CHAPMAN, quoted. CHESTER. CHESTER (Earl of). HIS VOYAGE. CHRONICON HIEROSOLYMITANUM, quoted. CLERMONT. CONRAD, Emperor of Germany. CONSTANTINOPLE. CROYLAND (Abbey). CRUSADE, preached by Urban. CURSON, (Robert). HIS TRAUAILES. CYPRUS. DAMIETTA, (Siege of). DES ROCHES, (Pierre). HIS VOYAGE TO JERUSALEM. DEWIN, (P. de). DEWIN, (W. de). EARTH, its form. EDGAR (Prince). HIS VOYAGE TO JERUSALEM. EDMUND (Prince). EDWARD (The Confessor). SENDS AMBASSADORS TO CONSTANTINOPLE. EDWARD I. HIS VOYAGE INTO ASIA. EGYPT. EPHESUS (Seven Sleepers of). FONTENELLE (Abbey). FORTIS (W.). FURNIVALL (Gerard). FURNIVALL (Thomas). FURNIVALL (William). GENNADIUS, quoted. GIRALDUS CAMBRENSIS, quoted. GLOUCESTER Cathedral founded. GODERICUS; HIS ADVENTURES IN HOLY LAND. GODFREY (de Bouillon). GODWIN (Earl). GREEK ALPHABET. GUIMUNDE, Patriarch of Jerusalem. GUTUERE, HER VOYAGE TO JERUSALEM. HADERWERCK (of Westphalia). HARDINE. HIS ADVENTURES IN HOLY LAND. HAROLD (King). HEBREW ALPHABET. HENRY II. ASSIGNS MONEY TO THE CRUSADES. HERMANNUS, companion of Robertus Kettenensis. HOLINSHED, quoted. HOLY LAND, _passim_. HONORIUS, quoted, --pope. HOVEDEN (Roger), quoted. HUGH of Tabaria, Patriarch, --Killed. HUNGARY. ICONIUM, --Battle of. INGULPHUS'S Journey to Jerusalem, --quoted, --notice of. JAVA, Mandeville's account of. JERUSALEM. SWEYN'S JOURNEY to, --ALURED'S JOURNEY, --JOURNEY OF INGULPHUS, --JOURNEY OF ROBERT CURTHOSE, --VOYAGE OF GUTUERE, --VOYAGE OF PRINCE EDGAR, --VOYAGE OF JOHN LACY, --W. MANDEVILLE'S VOYAGE, --VOYAGE OF PIERRE DES ROCHES, --described by Mandeville. JOHN (King). HIS CONTRIBUTION TO THE HOLY LAND. JOPPA, --VISITED BY A FLEET OF ENGLISH, DANES, ETC. JULIAN (the Apostate). LACY (John). HIS VOYAGE TO JERUSALEM. LEDET (W.). LELAND, quoted. LIEGE. LOUIS (King of France). LUCY (Geoffrey de). LYNN. MAHOMET. MALLOW, (P. De). MANDEVILLE, (Sir J). HIS LIFE BY BALE, --HIS EPITAPH, --CONTENTS OF HIS BOOK, --HIS VOYAGES IN LATIN BEGIN, --IN ENGLISH, --Prologue, --From England to Constantinople, --Of the cross and crown of Jesu Christ, --Of the city of Constantinople and the faith of the Greeks, --From Constantinople to Jerusalem, --Of St John the Evangelist, --Legend of the daughter of Hippocrates, --Of the Soudans and the tower of Babiloyn, --Of the desert between the church of St Catherine and Jerusalem, --Of the dry tree, --How roses came first in the world, --Of the pilgrimages in Jerusalem and of the holy places thereabout, --Of the temple of our Lord, Of the crueltie of King Heroud, --Of Mount Syon, --Of Probatica Piscina, --Of Natatorium Siloe, --Of the Dead Sea, --Of Jordan, --Of the Head of St. John the Baptist, --Of the Samaritans, --Of Galilee, --Of Antichrist, --Of Nazareth, --Of the age of our Lady, --Of the day of Doom, --Of the Jacobites, --Of the Surryenes, --Of the Georgians, --Of Damascus, --Of three ways to Jerusalem, --Of the Saracens, --Of Mahomet, --Of Albany and Lybia, --Of the Wisshinges for Wacchinge of the Sperhauk, --Of Noah, --Of the land of Job, --Of the Chaldeans, --Of Amazons, --Of the true diamond, --Of Indian islands, --Of idols, --Of pepper, --Of a marvellous well, --Of St Thomas, --Of the citie Of Calamye, --Of the isle of Lamary, --Of the form of the Earth, --Of Java, --Of Oracles, --Some wonderful nations, --Of the Great Khan of Cathay. MANDEVILLE, (William), Earl of Essex. HIS VOYAGE TO JERUSALEM. MANICHES, Emperor of Constantinople. MANUEL, Emperor of Constantinople. His LETTER TO HENRY II. MARASIA. MARSEILLES. MATTHEW OF WESTMINSTER, quoted. MAXIMUS, King of Britain. MONTFORT, (Simon de). NAZARETH, --taken. NEVEL or NEVILLE (John). OCTOBONUS. OLYMPIC games. OLYMPUS. ORIEL COLLEGE,(_note_). OTHO (of Roges). PAMPELUNA, 30. PARIS (Matthew), quoted. PASHED, meaning of word. PELAGIAN HERESY, hatched. PELAGIUS, LIFE AND TRAUAILES OF. PESMES (Gerald). PETRUS DE RUPIBUS, _see Des Roches_. RAMA, Siege of. RAMSEY ABBEY, --Its foundation. RICHARD, (Canonicus), HIS TRAUAILES. RICHARD, (Earl of Cornwall). HIS VOYAGE TO SYRIA. ROBERT, (Curthose); HIS VOYAGE TO JERUSALEM. ROBERT (son of Godwin), accompanies Prince Edgar to Jerusalem. ROBERTUS KETENENSIS. HIS TRAUAILES. ST. ALBANS. ST. AUMOND (A. de). SALISBURY (William Longespee, Earl of), HIS VOYAGE TO SYRIA, --his death. SHERBORNE Abbey. SIGHELMUS (Bishop of Sherborne). A TESTIMONIE OF HIS MISSION TO INDIA, --A SECOND TESTIMONY. STANLAW Abbey, founded. SWANUS, HIS VOYAGE TO JERUSALEM. SYRIA. TABARIA (see TIBERIAS). TABOR (Mount). TEMPLARS (Knights). TIBERIAS. TILNEY, (Sir Frederick). A NOTE CONCERNING HIM. TILNEY, (Thomas). TRAPANI. TURNEHAM (R.), HIS TRAUAILL. TYRE. URBAN (Pope). VIRGIL (Polydore), quoted. VOISIE (J.). WAKE (Hugh). WALDEN'S epistle to Martin the fifth, quoted. WALTER (Hubert). HIS TRAUAILES. WHITEMAN, (Andrew). HIS TRAUAILES. WILLIAM OF MALMESBURY, quoted. WILLIAM OF NEWBURY, quoted. WILLIAM OF TYRE, quoted, --HIS LIFE AND TRAUAILES. WINCHESTER, (Earl of). HIS VOYAGE. WITRAZH, (Bernard). WOLSTAN, Abbot of Gloucester. VOL. IX. ADAM'S MOUNT. ALDERSEY, (Laurence). HIS VOYAGE TO JERUSALEM. ALDRIDGE, (M.). ALEXANDRIA. ASCENSION, (Ship). ASSASSINS, (nation). AUGUSTA, (island). AZARON. BABEL, (Tower of). BABYLON, --coins and measures. BARNACLES, growing on trees. BARNARD CASTLE. BARRETT (W). HIS ACCOUNT OF THE MONEY AND MEASURES OF THE EAST. BARTON, (E.). HIS VOYAGE TO SYRIA. BASAN. BASSORA, --coins and measures. BECK (Anthony). MADE PATRIARCH OF JERUSALEM. BETHLEHEM. BEZENEGAR. BIR. BODIN OR DADIN, (island). BOLINGBROKE, (Henry, Earl of). His quarrel with Thomas Mowbray. BROADBANK, (W.). BUSHELL, (E.). CADIZ. CÆSAR, (F.), quoted. CAIDO. CAIRO. CAKAM. CALVARY. CAMBAIA. CAMBALETH. CAMPA. CANDIA. CARMEL. (mount). CASSAN or CASSIBIN. CASTLER, (N.). CATZA. CEPHALONIA, (island). CEUSKALA. CEYLON. CHALDEANS. Their manners. CHARGES FROM ALEPPO TO GOA. CHATAGAN. CHAUL. CHILENSO. CHIO. CICERO. His tomb. CLEMENT V., Pope. CLOVES. COCHIN --Coins and measures. COINS --ancient. COMUM. CORFU. CORNARI FAMILY. CREMATION of dead. CROCODILES CUSTOMS, (strange). CYPRUS --ruins in. DAMAN. DIAMONDS. DIU. ELIZABETH (Queen), a present from the Sultan of Turkey's wife. ELTHAM. FAMAGUSTA. FEASTS of the Tartars. FILA CAVENNA (ship). FILLIE (D.). FISH, an abundance of --Caught by birds. FOSTER (R.), appointed Consul in Syria --Letter of directions to. FREDERICK (Cæsar), HIS VOYAGE TO THE EAST. FROISSART, quoted. FUCO. GANGES (river). GELBER, (A.), death of. GESTE. GINGER. GIRALDUS CAMBRENSIS, quoted. GOA --Besieged --Coins and measures. GREECE (Patriarch of). GRIDA. HAKLUYT'S NOTE TO MANDEVILLE'S VOYAGE. HAREBORNE, (W.). HENRY IV. HIS INTENDED VOYAGE TO THE HOLY LAND. HEWISH (R.). HICKOCKE (T.), HIS TRANSLATION OF FREDERICK'S VOYAGE. HOLLINSHED, quoted. HUNTINGTON (Earl of), HIS VOYAGE TO JERUSALEM. IANZU. IDOL (a strange). INDIA (Upper). INNS. JAVA. JENISE, (M.). JERUSALEM --JOHN LOCKE'S VOYAGE --L. Aldersey's voyage. JOPPA. KARAMORON river. KEELE (J.). LELAND, quoted. LEZINA (island). LINDSEY. LISSA (island). LOCKE, (J.), HIS VOYAGE TO JERUSALEM --Testimonial to him from the vicar of Mount Syon. MAHOMET, his dress. MALABAR. MALACCA --Coins and measures. MALIAPOR. MANCY (province). MANDEVILLE, HIS VOYAGE CONTINUED --Of the Tartars --Of the Emperor of Persia --Of various countries --Of Prester John --Of the Valley Perilous --Some curious nations --Of the Isle of Bragman --of King Alexander --Of the name of Prester John --Of Pissemyres --Of the rivers of Paradise --Of various islands --Conclusion --Hakluyt's note on Mandeville's voyage --Passage of Pliny illustrating above. MANNA. MARTAVAN. MATAPAN (cape). MATTHEW GONSON (ship). MECCA, A DESCRIPTION OF THE PILGRIMAGE TO --Described. MEDINA. MELEDA (island). MELISTORTE. MERCHANDISE, WHENCE VARIOUS KINDS ARE PROCURED. MONSOON. MOUMORAN (island). MURAD KHAN, Emperour of Turkey. NEGAPATAN. NESTORIANS. NORFOLK (Thomas Mowbray, duke of). HIS VOYAGE TO JERUSALEM. NUTMEGS. ODORICUS. HIS JOURNEY AMONG THE TARTARS. --His journey from Pera to Thana --To further India --His return --His death. OLD MAN of the Mountains --His death. OPIUM. ORISA. ORMUS --coins and measures. OSBORNE, (E.). PALM TREES. PEARL FISHERIES. PEGU. PELAGOSA (island). PELICANS. PEPPER, how grown. PERA. PIGMIES. PLINY, quoted. POLUMBRUM. QUINZAI. RAGUSA, tributary of Turkey. RAMUSIUS, quoted. RAYNOLDS (ship). ROSETTO. ROVIGNIO. RUBIES. RUBRICIS, (W de), quoted. SAILS made of reeds. ST. THOMAS --His tomb. SALARIES OF OFFICERS OF GRAND SIGNOR'S COURT. SATAGAN. SIAM. SOBISSACLAO. STAPER, (R.). SULTANIA. SUMACOTO. SUMATRA. SYLAN (island). See _Ceylon_. TATHALAMASIN (island). TAURIS. THALAY, a river. THANA. THIBET. TORTOISES. TREBIZONDE. TREES, (curious). TRIPOLIS. TURKS, number of soldiers sent against Emperor. TYPHOON. VENICE. VIRGILE, (P.) quoted. WALSINGHAM (T.) quoted. WILKINSON (T.). WINCHESTER (Bishop of). HIS VOYAGE TO JERUSALEM. WRAG (Richard). HIS LETTER TO ROWLAND HEWISH. ZAITON. ZANTE. INDEX TO VOL. X. ABILFADA ISMAEL, quoted. AGRA. ALDWORTH, (R). ALEPPO, ENTERED BY SOLIMAN, --Mentioned. AMURATH I. AMURATH II. ANDERSON, (H.). ANSELL, (E.). ANTOGIL (Bay of). ARCULFUS. ARTILLERY, of Mahomet II. ASHLEY, (R.). ASPLEY, (W.), Bookseller. BABEL (Tower of). BABYLON. BAJAZET I. BALSARA. BALY (island). BANNING, (A.). BANNING, (P.). BANTAM --described. BARNE, (George). BARNES, (P.). BARRETT, (W.). BATE, (R.). BEAUVAIS, (V. de). BELLAPORE. BELLERGAN. BIRRA. BISAPORE. BLUNT, (J.). BOND, (G.). BONDE, (M.). BORROUGH, (W.). BOSTOCK, (T.). BRAHMINS. BROOKE, (R.). BURSE. CAMBAIETTA. CAPE OF GOOD HOPE. CARPINI, (J. de P.). CAVIARE. CEYLON. CHAUL. CHINA (King of). CLARKE, (R.). CLAUDIAN, quoted. COMMENUS, family. COMORIN, (cape). CONSTANTINOPLE. CORDALL, (T.). COUCHE, (? Quichew). COWLTHIRST, (H.). COXE, (R.). CREMATION, of dead. CUSTOMS, (curious). DALKINS (T.). DANSEY (A.). DARSALL (R.). DIU. DOFFIE (C.). DORRINGTON (F.). DOWE (R.). DRAKE (Sir Francis). DUCANGE quoted. EBONY. ELDRED (John), --HIS VOYAGE TO TRIPOLIS ELEPHANTS. ELIZABETH (Queen), HER LETTER TO ZELABDIN ECHEBAR --TO THE KING OF CHINA --HER SECOND CHARTER TO THE LEVANT COMPANY. EMANTUEL (ship). EUPHRATES (river). FAITH (C.). FARRINGTON (T.). FATEPOR. FELUGIA. FITCH (Ralph), mentioned --A LETTER TO LEONARD POORE --HIS VOYAGE TO THE EAST --Imprisoned. FLORIDA. FONES (A.). FONSECA (V.), Archbishop of Goa. GALVANO (A.), quoted. GANGES. GARROWAY (T.). GARROWAY (W.). GERMAIN (J.), biographical notice. GIBBON, quoted. GOA. GOLCONDA or GULCONDA. GRIMES (P.). GUILLAME (P.). HAKLUYT (R.) HAREBORNE (W.) HARTE (J.) HAWKINS (Sir John) HETTON HEWET (H.) HOLMEDEN (E.) HUIGHEN (J.) --HIS ACCOUNT OF NEWBURY AND FITCH INDIES, A VOYAGE OF CERTAIN SHIPS OF HOLLAND JACKSON (A.) JANISSARIES JAPAN JAVA, currency of --THE VOYAGE TO JAVA OF A DUTCH FLEET JEAN SANS PEUR JENKINSON (A.), HIS ACCOUNT OF SOLIMAN'S ENTRY INTO ALEPPO --HIS SAFE CONDUCT FROM SOLIMAN JERUSALEM, VOYAGE OF LA BROCQUIERE JOHN PALÆOLOGUS (Emperor) JONES (P.) LA BROCQUIERE, (B. de). HIS VOYAGE TO JERUSALEM --Discours préliminaire --Seconde partie --Quitte la Bourgogne --Arrive à Turin --Bologne --Florence --Rome --Venise --Corfou --Modon --Jaffa --Jerusalem --Bethlehem --Vallée d'Hebron --Retourne à Gaza, --Visite Nazareth --Sur --Bayreuth --Damas --Retourne à Nazareth --Visite Balbec --Antioch --Adène --Therse --Larande --Cohonge --Burse --Pera --Constantinople --Arrive à Andrianople --Lessère --Belgrade --Son opinion des Turcs et de la manière de les attaquer --Arrive à Pest --rencontre Albert II, Duc d'Autriche --Arrive à Vienne --Constance --Bâle --Arrive à Dijon LAHORE LANGHENEZ (B.) his account of the Dutch voyage to India LAURENCE (S.) LAURENCE (P.) LEATE (N.) LEECH (W.). See _Leeds_ LEEDS (W) LEGRAND D'AUSSY, his translation of La Brocquière LETHLANDE, (E.) LEVANT COMPANY, their second charter LINCHOTEN (J. Huighen van). See _Huighen_. MAHOMET MALACCA MANDEVILLE (Sir J.) MARRIAGES (strange) MARTAVAN MARTIN V. (Pope) MARTIN (R.) MARTIN (R. jun.) MASSAM (W.) MASULIPATAN MAURITIUS MAY (R.) MEXICO MIDDLETON (T.) MOGUL, (the great) MOLUCCAS MOSLEY, (N.) NEWBURY (John). HIS LETTER TO RICHARD HAKLUYT --A LETTER TO LEONARD POORE --ANOTHER LETTER TO THE SAME --A LETTER TO JOHN ELDRED AND WILLIAM SHALS --A SECOND LETTER TO THE SAME --A THIRD LETTER TO LEONARD POORE --His imprisonment NEWTON (J.) NORDEN (T.) OFFLEY (R.), 69. ORMUS OSBORNE, (Sir E.) --First Governor of Levant Company PARVIS (H.) PATANAW or PATNA PEARDE (N.) PEGU PEPPER PERA PERU PHILLIP (W.) HIS TRANSLATION OF THE DUTCH VOYAGE TO INDIA PITCH issues from Earth POORE (Leonard) PORTER (E.) PORTER (G.) POWER (L.) See _Poore_. RATCLIFFE (A.) RAYNOLDS or REINOLDS (ship) RUBRUQUIS (W. de) RUTILIUS quoted SADLER (E.) SADLER (R.) ST. HELENA (island) ST. LAURENCE (island) SALTER (G.) SALTONSTALL (R.) SANDIE (R.) SCANDERBERG SCUDAMORE (Sir J.) Dedication to SERREPORE SERVIDORE SHALS (W.) SIAM SIGISMUND (Emperor) SIMONS (T.) SOFIA SOLIMAN. HIS ENTRY INTO ALEPPO --HIS SAFE CONDUCT TO ANTHONY JENKINSON SOME (S.) SPENCER (J.) STAPER (J.) STAPER, (R.) STEVENS, (T.) Biographical notice STILE, (N.) STILE, (O.) STILICHO STORY, (J.) STROPENE, (M.) SUMATRA TARTARS TRIPOLIS (Syria) TYGER (ship) VIRGINIA WARNER (W.) WATTES (J.) WILKES, (W.) WOLFE (J.), Printer ZELABDIN ECHEBAR INDEX TO VOL. XI. ADAMS (R.) AFRICA, DESCRIBED BY R. EDEN --nations of ALDAIE (J.) HIS ACCOUNT OF THE FIRST VOYAGE to MOROCCO ALDERSEY (L.) HIS SECOND VOYAGE TO EGYPT --mentioned ALDRIDGE (W.) ALEXANDRIA ALGIERS AMITY, (ship) ANGOLA ASHBIE (F.) ASHLEY (R.) ASSAN AGA, A LETTER TO AUSTINE (P.) AZORES BAKER (R.) BARBARY, SECOND VOYAGE TO --CHARTER TOR TRADE TO BARNE (Sir G.) BARTHOLOMEW (ship) BARTON (E.) BARTON (R.) BEARE (J.) BEAUFORT (John de) BENCE (E.) BENDS (W.). His account of the loss of the Edward Cotton BENIN, WELSH'S VOYAGE TO --NEWTON AND BIRD'S VOYAGE TO --THEIR SECOND VOYAGE BERRIN (J.) BIRD (J.) HIS VOYAGE TO BENIN --HIS SECOND VOYAGE BLANCO (cape) BLONKET (M.) BRISTOL BRITON (ship) BURGES (R.) BURROUGH (Sir J.) HIS SERVICES AT SEA BUTLER (Sir J.) BUTTOLFE (ship) CABOT (S.) CAIRO CALAIS VOYAGE, OMISSIONS OF CAMDEN CANARIES (islands) CANDIA CAPE OF GOOD HOPE CARNABY (R.) CARTER (W.) CARTHAGE CASTELIN (E.) CASTLE OF COMFORT (ship). CAVENDISH. CENTURION (ship). CEPHALONIA. CHALONER (Sir Th.), HIS VOYAGE TO ALGER. CHANCELLOR (R.). CHARLES V. CHEESMAN (W.). CHESTER (Sir W.). CHIAN. CHINA, ACCOUNT OF, FROM PORTUGUESE PRISONERS --described. CHRISTOPHER (ship). COCKE (W). CORDALL (T.). COREA (cape). CORRIENTES (cape). COTTON (E.). COWEL (W.). CRAWFORD (R.). CREMATION. CRETTON (W.). CROMPTON (W.). CYPRUS. DALLIMORE (O.). DARTMOUTH. DASSEL (T.), HIS VOYAGE TO GUINEA. DAVIES (N.). DAVIS (M.). DAVISON (R.). DAWED, meaning of. DEIMOND (R.). DEWLY (W.). DICKENSON (M.). DIER (A.), --hanged. DODDINGTON (J.). DOVER, 84. DOWNTON (N.), HIS ACCOUNT OF THE SINKING OF LAS CINQUE LLAGAS. DRAGONS. DRAKE (Sir F.). EDEN (R.) HIS DESCRIPTION OF AFRICA. EDWARD IV. EDWARD BONAVENTURE (ship). EDWARD COTTON (ship). EGYPT. ELEPHANTS. ELIZABETH (Queen), HER LETTERS FOR THE RELEASE OF THE JESUS --HER CHARTER FOR TRADE TO BARBARY --HER LETTER TO THE EMPEROR OF MOROCCO --HER PATENT TO EXETER MERCHANTS FOR A TRADE TO GUINEA --HER PATENT TO T. GREGORY --HER LETTER TO THE EMPEROR OF ÆTHIOPIA. ELIZABETH (ship). ELIZABETH STOKES (ship). ELVERS (A.). EPITAPH OF P. READ. ETHIOPIA, Emperor of. EVESHAM (J.), HIS VOYAGE INTO EGYPT. EXETER. FABIAN (W.). FALMOUTH. FENNER (G.), HIS VOYAGE TO GUINEA. FERRO, (island). FILLIE (D.). FORSTER (T.). FOSTER, (J.). FOX (J.), HIS ENTERPRISE IN DELIVERING 266 CHRISTIANS --HIS CERTIFICATE FROM THE PRIOR OF GALIPOLI --THE BISHOP OF ROME'S LETTERS IN HIS BEHALF --THE KING OF SPAIN'S LETTERS IN HIS FAVOR. FRANKE (J.). FREIGIUS (J.T.), HIS ACCOUNT OF STUKELEY'S VOYAGE TO BARBARY. FROBISHER (Sir M.). FROES (A.), Letter of. FROISSART, quoted. FUQUIEN. GAGO. GAINSH (R.). GALIPOLI (Candia). GARAMANTES have their women in common. GENOA, chronicles of, quoted. GEORGE (ship). GEORGE BONAVENTURE (ship). GERARD (Sir W.). GERBI (island). GIBBEN (R.). GIBRALTAR (straits of). GIFFORD (G.). GILMAN (J.). GOA. GOLDEN NOBLE, (ship). GOMERA (island). GONSON (B.). GRAND CANARY. GRAVESEND. GREEN DRAGON (ship). GREGORY (T.), HIS PATENT. GRENVILLE (Capt.). GRIFFITH (W.). GRIMES (Master). GROLOS (T.), Bishop of Astraphen. GROVE (Master). GUINEA. HAKLUYT (R.), HIS ACCOUNT OF A VOYAGE TO THE EAST INDIES. HAMOR (W.). HARCOURT (Sir J.). HAREBORNE (W.), --A LETTER TO THE SULTAN OF TRIPOLIS --HIS LETTER TO HARVIE MILLERS --A LETTER TO, FROM ALGIERS --A LETTER TO MUSTAPHA --A LETTER TO EDWARD BARTON --Obtains a commandment from the Grand Signor --A LETTER TO T. TYPTON --A LETTER TO ASSAN AGA. HARISON (A.). HART (ship). HARWICH. HASLEWOOD (R.) HASLEWOOD (S.). HASSAN BASSA. HAWKINS (Sir J.). HAWKWOOD, HIS VICTORIES IN ITALY. HELLIER (A.). HENRY IV. HIS VOYAGE TO TUNIS. HENRY VIII. HERCULES (ship). HERMAN (J.). HEXASI. HICKMAN (A.). HIND (ship). HOGAN (E.), HIS EMBASSY TO MOROCCO. HOLINSHED, quoted. HOOPER (J.). HOWARD (Lord T.). HOWEL (H.). HUDDIE (W.). ISHAM (H.). JAMES (Leonard). JANISSARIES. JAPAN, PORTUGUESE ACCOUNT OF. JESUS (ship). JONES (P.). JOHN II. OF PORTUGAL, --HIS EMBASSY TO EDWARD IV. JOHN BAPTIST (ship). JOHN EVANGELIST (ship). JUDDE (Sir A.). JUDITH (ship). KERRY (J.). KING (W.). KNEVET (Sir H.). KNOLLES (H.). LAMBERT (F.). LAMBERT (N.). LANCASTER (J.), HIS VOYAGE TO THE EAST INDIES. LANDMAN (D.). LAS BARBAS, (cape). LEICESTER (Earl of). LION (ship). LISNEY (T.). LISTER (C.). LOCK (G.), HIS VOYAGE TO GUINEA --ARTICLES DELIVERED TO. LOCK, (M.). LOCK (T.). LODGE (T.). LONG (N.). LUIZ (Don), HIS LETTER TO PINTEADO. MACAO. MADEIRA. MAFFEIUS (P.), quoted. MAKEWORTH (J.). MALACCA. MALTA. MALTA, Knights of. MAUNSELL (R.). MARCH (P.). MARCHANT ROYAL (ship). MARIA MARTIN (ship). MARTABAN. MARTIN (Alderman). MASSE (N.). MAYFLOWER (ship). MENSURADO (cape). MERLIN (ship). MILLERS (H.). MILO (island). MINION (ship). MOON (ship). MOONSHINE (ship). MOORE (R.). MOORE (W.). MORE (T.). MOROCCO, FIRST VOYAGE TO --Mentioned. MORRIS (R.). MOURA (N. de). MULY HAMET, HIS LETTER TO THE EARL OF LEICESTER. MURAD KHAN, Sultan of Turkey, --HIS LETTER TO THE SULTAN OF TRIPOLI FOR THE RESTITUTION OF THE JESUS. NAPER (G.). NELSON (J.). NEWHAVEN. NEWTON (J.), HIS VOYAGE TO BENIN, --HIS SECOND VOYAGE. NICHOLAS (ship). NIGRITIS. _See Senegal_. NORWICH. ODORICUS, quoted. OMISSIONS OF CALES VOYAGE. OSBORNE (Sir E.), --HIS LETTER TO THE KING OF ALGIERS. PACHIN. PALMAS (cape). PALMER (R.). PALMER (W.). PALMES (island). PARKER, (H.). PATRAS. PEGU, described. PENELOPE (ship). PET (P.). PETER (ship). PETERSON (J.). PETONEY (M.), HIS ACCOUNT OF AFRICAN TRADE. PHILIP II., King of Spain. PINTEADO (A.), --HIS DEATH --HIS PATENT FROM THE KING OF PORTUGAL --LETTER FROM DON LUIZ. PLYMOUTH. PORTO SANTO (island). PORTSMOUTH. PRESTER JOHN. PRIMROSE (ship). QUANCHAI. QUINTE (J.). QUINZI. RABNET (ship). RAGSTER (H.). RAINOLDS (R.), HIS VOYAGE TO GUINEA. RAINOLDS (W.). RALEIGH (Sir W.), HIS ACCOUNT OF BURROUGH'S VICTORIES AT SEA --mentioned. RALPH (J.). RAWLINGS (R.). RAYMOND (G.). READ (P), HIS EPITAPH. RESENDE (Garcia de), quoted. RIBBE (R.). RICHARD II. RICKMAN (R.). RIO DEL ORO. RIO DULCE. RIO GRANDE. ROBERTS (H.), HIS EMBASSY TO MOROCCO. ROBINSON (M.). ROSE (ship). ROSSETTA. ROWLIE (F.). RUSSELL (Sir J.). RUTTER (W.), HIS VOYAGE TO GUINEA. RYE. ST. LUCAR or LUCAS. ST. SEBASTIAN (island). ST. THOME (island). ST. VINCENT (river). SALOMON (ship). SANDERS (Thomas), HIS ACCOUNT OF THE VOYAGE OF THE JESUS. SARAGASSO or SARGASSO (weed). SCIO (island). SELMAN (E.). SENEGAL (river). SEVILLE. SHINGLETON (T), HIS PASSPORT FROM THE KING OF ALGIERS. SIBBLE HERNINGHAM. SKEGS (R.). SMITH (H.). SMITH (J.). SMITH (N.). SONNINGS (W.). SOTHERICK (J.). SOUSA (B. A. de), HIS ADVERTISEMENT TO PHILIP II. SPARTEL (cape). SPORADES (island). STAFFORD (Marquis of). STAPER (N.). STEVENS (T.). STREET (W.). STUKELEY (T.), HIS VOYAGE TO BARBARY. SUMATRA. SWALLOW (ship). TAVISTOCK. TENERIFFE. THIN (H.). THOMAS (J.) HIS ACCOUNT OF THE SECOND VOYAGE TO BARBARY. THOMAS (W.), quoted. THOMSON (T.). TIGER (ship). TINTAM (J.). TOBIE (ship), CAST AWAY. TODD (Rev. H. J.). TOMBUTO. TOWRSON (W.), HIS FIRST VOYAGE TO GUINEA --HIS SECOND VOYAGE TO GUINEA --HIS THIRD VOYAGE TO GUINEA. TRACIE (J.). TRINITY (ship). TRIPOLIS. TUNIS. TYPTON (Master). UNDERWOOD (J.). UNICORN. UNICORN (ship). UNTICARO (P.). VERDE (cape). VERDE (islands). VIRGIL (P.), quoted. VOIS (T.). WELSH (J.), HIS VOYAGE TO BENIN --SECOND VOYAGE. WHITE (M.). WHITE (W.). WHITE (T.), HIS CAPTURE OF TWO SPANISH SHIPS. WICKNEY (W.). WIGHT (isle of). WILKINS (W.). WILLES. HIS TRANSLATION OF THE PORTUGUESE ACCOUNTS OF CHINA --OF JAPAN. WILLIAMS (T.). WILSON (H.). WINDHAM (T,), --His death. WINTER (J.). WINTER (W.). WOODBRIDGE. WOODFALL, HIS EDITION OF HAKLUYT. WOODWARD (J.). WREN (W.), HIS ACCOUNT OF FENNER'S VOYAGE TO GUINEA. WROTH (Sir T.). YORKE (Sir J.). YOUNG (J.). ZANTE. ZANZIBAR. CONTENTS TO VOL. VIII. I. The Life and trauailes of Pelagius borne in Wales. II. A Testimonie of the sending of Sighelmus, Bishop of Shirburne, by King Alphred, vnto Saint Thomas of India in the yeare of our Lord 883, recorded by William of Malmesburie. III. A Second testimonie of the foresaid Sighelmus, etc. IV. The trauailes of Andrew Whiteman, alias Leucander V. The Voyages of Swanus, the son of Earl Godwin, to Jerusalem, recorded by William of Malmesburie. VI. A Voyage of three Ambassadours who in the time of Edward the Confessor, were sent vnto Constantinople, and from thence to Ephesus, recorded by William of Malmesburie. VII. The Voyage of Alured, bishop of Worcester, vnto Jerusalem. Recorded by Roger Hoveden. VIII. The Voyage of Ingulphus, Abbat of Croyland, vnto Jerusalem, described by the said Ingulphus. IX. Diuers of the hon. family of the Beauchamps, with Robert Curtoys sonne of William the Conqueror, made a Voyage to Jerusalem, 1096. (From Hol. pag. 22. vol. 2.) X. The Voyage of Gutuere toward Jerusalem, 1097. XI. The Voyage of Prince Edgar vnto Jerusalem, 1102. Recorded by William of Malmesburie. XII. Mention made of one Godericus, etc. XIII. Mention made of one Hardine, etc. XIV. A fleete of Englishmen, Danes, etc. arriued at Joppa. written in the Chronicles of Jerusalem. XV. The trauailes of one Athelard, recorded by Master Bale. XVI. The life and trauailes of one William of Tyre. XVII. The trauailes of Robertus Ketenensis. XVIII. A Voyage of certaine Englishmen vnder the conduct of Lewes King of France vnto the Holy Land. XIX. The Voyage of John Lacy to Jerusalem. XX. The Voyage of William Mandeuile to Jerusalem. XXI. A great supply of money to the Holy Land by Henry II. XXII. A letter from Manuel the Emperour of Constantinople vnto Henrie the second, King of England. Recorded by Roger Houeden. XXIII. The Life and Trauailes of Balwinus Deuonius, sometime Archbishop of Canterbury. XXIV. An annotation concerning the said Baldwine, taken out of Giraldus Cambrensis. XXV. A note touching Sir Frederike Tilney. XXVI. The trauailes of Richard Canonicus. XXVII. The large contribution to the succour of the Holy Land made by King John of England. 1201. XXVIII. The trauailes of Hubert Walter, bishop of Salisburie. XXIX. The trauailes of Robert Curson. XXX. The voyage of Ranulph Earle of Chester and others to the Holy Land. 1218. XXXI. The voyage of Henry Bohun and Saer Quincy to the Holy Land. XXXII. The trauailes of Ranulph Glanuile, Earle of Chester. XXXIII. The voyage of Petrus de Rupibus, Bishop of Winchester, to Jerusalem. 1231. XXXIV. The voyage of Richard Earle of Cornewall. into Syria. XXXV. The voyage of William Longespee into Asia. 1248. XXXVI. The voyage of Prince Edward into Asia. 1170. XXXVII. The Trauaile of Robert Turneham. XXXVIII. The Life of Sir John Mandeville, written by Master Bale. XXXIX. The Tomb and Epitaph of Sir John Mandeville from Ortelius. XL. Tabula Libri Joannis Mandevil. XLI. Liber Joannis Mandevil de Turcia, Armenia, Ægypto, Lybia, Syria, Arabia, Persia, Chaldæa, Tartaria, India, et infinitis insulis civitatibus et locis. The English version begins. CONTENTS TO VOL. IX. I. Mandeville's voyage continued. II. Richardi Hakluyti brevis admonitio ad lectorem. III. Verba C. Plinii secundi. IV. Plinius de Scythis. V. Anthony Beck Bishop of Durisme made Patriarch of Hierusalem from Leland. VI. Itinerarium fratris Odorici. _Sub-section_ 1 His journey from Pera to Thana. 2 Of the maners of the Chaldæans and of India. 3 How pepper is had and where it groweth. 4 Of a strange idol &c. 5 Of certaine trees yielding meale, hony, and poyson. 6 Of the abundance of fishes, &c. 7 Of the island of Sylan and of the mountain where Adam mourned for Abel. 8 Of Upper India, &c. 9 Of the city Fuco. 10 Of a monastery where many strange beastes doe live. 11 Of the city of Cambaleth. 12 Of the Glory of the great Can. 13 Of certain innes or hospitals, &c. 14 Of the four feasts which the Great Can solemnizeth. 15 Of divers provinces and cities. 16 Of a certaine rich man who is fed, &c. by fiftie virgins. 17 Of the death of Senex de Monte. 18 Of the honour and reverence done unto the great Can. 19 Of the death of Frier Odoricus. VII. The voyage of the Lord John of Holland, Earl of Huntington to Jerusalem. 1394. VIII. The voyage of Thomas Mowbray, duke of Norfolk to Jerusalem. 1399. IX. The voyage of the Bishop of Winchester to Jerusalem. 1417. X. A preparation of a voyage of King Henry IV. to the Holy Land, &c. XI. The voyage of M. John Locke to Jerusalem. XII. The first voyage made by M. Laurence Aldersey to Jerusalem, &c. 1581. XIII. The passport made by the great master of Malta to the Englishmen in the barque Reynolds, 1582. XIV. Commission given by M. William Harebourne, to Richard Foster, etc. XV. A letter of directions to Richard Foster. XVI. A commandement for Chio. XVII. A description of the yearly voyage unto Mecca. XVIII. The voyage of M. Cæsar Frederick into East India and beyond. XIX. The money and measures of Babylon, Balsara, and the Indies, written by W. Barret. XX. A note of charges from Aleppo to Goa. XXI. A declaration of the places from whence sundry goods come. XXII. The times or monsons wherein ships depart in the East Indies. XXIII. A briefe extract specifying the daily payments by the grand Signior to the officers of his court. XXIV. The Turkes chiefe officers. XXV. The number of souldiers attending upon the Beglerbegs, &c. XXVI. The Turkes yeerely revenue. XXVII. Ambassadors allowances. XXVIII. Letter from Richard Wrag to Richard Hewish. XXIX. A description of a voyage to Constantinople and Lyria, by Master Edward Barton, 1595. XXX. The number of Turkish souldiours which were appointed to goe into Hungary against the Christian Emperour, 1594. CONTENTS TO VOL. X. I. The manner of the entring of Soliman the great Turke into Aleppo, noted by Anthony Jenkinson. 1553. II. A note of the presents that were given to the grand Signior. III. The safe conduct given by Soliman to Anthony Jenkinson. IV. Letters concerning the voyage of John Newbury and Ralph Fitch to the East. 1583. _Sub-section_ 1 A letter from the Queen to Zelabdin Echebar 2 A letter from the Queen to the King of China 3 A letter of John Newbury to Richard Hakluyt 4 A letter from the said J. Newbury to Leonard Poore 5 Another letter from the same to the same 6 A letter from J. Newbury to John Eldred and William Shals 7 A second letter from the same to the same 8 A letter from the same to Leonard Poore 9 A letter from Ralph Fitch to Leonard Poore V. The voyage of Ralph Fitch to the East. 1583-91. VI. The report of John Huighen van Linchoten, concerning J. Newbury and R. Fitch's imprisonment. VII. The voyage of John Eldred to Tripolis in Syria. VIII. The second letters patents graunted by the Queenes Maiestie to the companie of the English marchants for the Levant. 1592. IX. Voyage d'Outremer et retour de Jérusalem en France par la voie de terre par Bertrandon de La Brocquière remis en Français moderne par Le grand d'Aussy. X. A voyage made by certaine ships of Holland into the East Indies. 1595-7. XI. A true report of the voyage to Java performed by a fleet from Holland. 1598. XII. A briefe description of a voiage before handled, in maner of a iournall. CONTENTS TO VOL. XI. I. The voyage of Henry, Earl of Derby, afterwards Henry IV., to Tunis, from P. Virgil. II. The same story from Froissart and Holinshead. III. The memorable victories of John Hawkwood, from Camden. IV. The Epitaph of Peter Read at Norwich. V. The voyage of Sir Thomas Chaloner to Alger. VI. The woorthy enterprise of John Foxe in delivering 266 Christians out of captivity at Alexandria, 1577. VII. The copie of the certificate for John Fox. VIII. The Bishop of Rome, his letters in the behalfe of Iohn Fox. IX. The king of Spaine his letters for the placing of John Fox in the office of gunner. X. The voyage made to Tripolis in Barbary in the Jesus, written by Thomas Sanders. 1583. XI. The Queene's letters to the Turke for the restitution of the Jesus. XII. The Turkes letter to the King of Tripolis commanding restitution of the Jesus. XIII. A letter of Master William Hareborne for the release of the Jesus. XIV. The voyage of John Evesham into Egypt. XV. The second voyage of Laurence Aldersey to Alexandria and Cairo. XVI. A letter of the English Ambassador to M. Harvie Millers. XVII. A letter to W. Hareborne from Alger. XVIII. A letter of W. Hareborne to Mustapha. XIX. The passport granted to Thomas Shingleton by the king of Algier. XX. A letter of Sir Edward Osborne to the king of Alger. XXI. Notes concerning the trade of Alger. XXII. Notes concerning the trade in Alexandria. XXIII. A letter of the English Ambassador to Edward Barton. XXIV. A commaundement obtained of the Grand Signor by W. Hareborne. XXV. A letter of William Hareborne to T Typton. XXVI. Registrum valoris navium, &c. per trirenes Argerienses ereptorum. XXVII. A letter to Assan Aga. XXVIII. The originall of the first voyage for traffique into Marocco. 1551. XXIX. The second voyage to Barbary. 1552. XXX. A voyage into Guinea and Benin. 1553. XXXI. A briefe description of Afrike by Richard Eden. XXXII. Anthonie Pinteado, his letters patents from the king of Portugal. XXXIII. The letter of Don Lewis to Anthonie Pinteado. XXXIV. The second voyage to Guinea. XXXV. The first voyage made by William Towrson to Guinea. XXXVI. The second voyage of W. Towrson to Guinea. XXXVII. The third voyage of W. Towrson to Guinea. XXXVIII. Certaine articles deliuered to Mr. John Lock. XXXIX. A letter of John Lock to the company of marchants adventurers for Guinea. XL. The relation of William Rutter to Anthony Hickman touching a voyage to Guinea. 1562. XLI. A meeting at Sir William Gerard's house. 1564. XLII. Relations extracted from Sir John Hawkin's voyage. XLIII. The voyage of George Fenner to Guinea written by Walter Wren. XLIV. The ambassage of Edmund Hogan to the Emperor of Morocco. 1577. XLV. The voyage of Thomas Stukeley into Barbary. XLVI. Certaine reports of the province of China learned from Portugalls taken prisoners. XLVII. Of the island Japan and other isles, by R. Willes. XLVIII. An excellent treatise of the kingdom of China printed at Macao. 1590. XLIX. A letter by Thomas Stevens to his father. L. A briefe relation of the kingdom of Pegu. LI. A voyage to the East Indies by the Cape of Buona Speranza, written by R Hakluyt. LII. Certaine remembrances of an intended iourney to Brassil. 1583. LIII. The letters patents granted by Her Majestie for a trade to Barbarie. 1583. LIV. The Ambassage of Henry Roberts to the Emperour of Marocco. 1585. LV. A letter from Muly Hamet to the Earl of Leicester. LVI. The Queenes letters to the Emperour of Marocco. LVII. A patent to certaine merchants of Exeter for a trade to the river of Senega and Gambra in Guinea, 1588. LVIII. A voyage to Benin, 1588. Written by James Welsh. LIX. The voiage of John Newton and John Bird to Benin. 1588. LX. The second voyage of John Newton and John Bird to Benin. 1590. LXI. An advertisement sent to Philip II. king of Spaine from Angola by Baltazar Almeida de Sousa. 1591. LXII: Confirmatio treugarum inter Eduardum quartum et Joannem secundum. 1482. LXIII. The ambassage which John II. king of Portugall, sent to Edward IV. LXIV. A relation sent by Melchior Peloney to Nigil de Moura. 1591. LXV. The Voyage of Richard Rainolds and Thomas Dassel to Guinea. LXVI. A briefe relation concerning the cities of Tombuto and Gago. LXVII. Another relation concerning the same. LXVIII. A briefe extract of a patent granted to Thomas Gregory, of Tanton. LXIX. The maner of the taking of two Spanish ships by Thomas White, 1592. LXX. A true report of the honourable service at sea perfourmed by Sir John Burrough, prepared by Sir Walter Raleigh. LXXI. The firing and sinking of the stout and warrelike Carack called Las Cinque Llagas, by Nicholas Downton. LXXII. The casting away of the Tobie, 1593. LXXIII. The letters of the Queene sent by Laurence Aldersey to the Emperour of Æthiopia, 1597 LXXIV. The Omissions of Cales voyage. LXXV. Indices, viz.-- Vol. VIII. Vol. IX. Vol. X. Vol. XI. LXXVI. Tables of Contents, viz:-- Vol. VIII. Vol. IX. Vol. X. Vol. XI. END OF VOL. XI
23107 ---- [Frontispiece: PTOLEMY'S MAP OF THE WORLD, ORIGINALLY DRAWN ABOUT A.D. 150. From the first printed edition of 1472 (the first book to have printed maps) and the famous Rome edition of 1508. It is only necessary to compare this map with the mythical geography represented in a mediaeval map such as the Hereford map of the world, made _eleven centuries_ later to recognise the extraordinary accuracy and scientific value of Ptolemy's geography.] A BOOK OF DISCOVERY THE HISTORY OF THE WORLD'S EXPLORATION, FROM THE EARLIEST TIMES TO THE FINDING OF THE SOUTH POLE By M. B. SYNGE, F.R.Hist.S. AUTHOR OF "THE STORY OF THE WORLD" "A SHORT HISTORY OF SOCIAL LIFE IN ENGLAND" ETC. _FULLY ILLUSTRATED FROM AUTHENTIC SOURCES AND WITH MAPS_ [Illustration: THE _GOLDEN HIND_ (_From the Chart of "Drake's Voyages"_)] LONDON: T. C. & E. C. JACK, LTD. 35 PATERNOSTER ROW, E.C., & EDINBURGH INTRODUCTION "Hope went before them, and the world was wide." Such was the spirit in which the exploration of the world was accomplished. It was the inspiration that carried men of old far beyond the sunrise into those magic and silent seas whereon no boat had ever sailed. It is the incentive of those to-day with the wander-thirst in their souls, who travel and suffer in the travelling, though there are fewer prizes left to win. But "The reward is in the doing, And the rapture of pursuing Is the prize." "To travel hopefully," says Stevenson, "is a better thing than to arrive." This would explain the fact that this Book of Discovery has become a record of splendid endurance, of hardships bravely borne, of silent toil, of courage and resolution unequalled in the annals of mankind, of self-sacrifice unrivalled and faithful lives laid ungrudgingly down. Of the many who went forth, the few only attained. It is of these few that this book tells. "All these," says the poet in Ecclesiastes--"all these were honoured in their generation, and were the glory of their times ... their name liveth for evermore." But while we read of those master-spirits who succeeded, let us never forget those who failed to achieve. "Anybody might have found it, but the Whisper came to Me." Enthusiasm too was the secret of their success. Among the best of crews there was always some one who would have turned back, but the world would never have been explored had it not been for those finer spirits who resolutely went on--even to the death. This is what carried Alexander the Great to the "earth's utmost verge," that drew Columbus across the trackless Atlantic, that nerved Vasco da Gama to double the Stormy Cape, that induced Magellan to face the dreaded straits now called by his name, that made it possible for men to face without flinching the ice-bound regions of the far North. "There is no land uninhabitable, nor sea unnavigable," asserted the men of the sixteenth century, when England set herself to take possession of her heritage in the North. Such an heroic temper could overcome all things. But the cost was great, the sufferings intense. "Having eaten our shoes and saddles boiled with a few wild herbs, we set out to reach the kingdom of gold," says Orellana in 1540. "We ate biscuit, but in truth it was biscuit no longer, but a powder full of worms,--so great was the want of food, that we were forced to eat the hides with which the mainyard was covered; but we had also to make use of sawdust for food, and rats became a great delicacy," related Magellan, as he led his little ship across the unknown Pacific. Again, there is Franklin returning from the Arctic coast, and stilling the pangs of hunger with "pieces of singed hide mixed with lichen," varied with "the horns and bones of a dead deer fried with some old shoes." The dangers of the way were manifold. For the early explorers had no land map or ocean chart to guide them, there were no lighthouses to warn the strange mariner of dangerous coast and angry surf, no books of travel to relate the weird doings of fierce and inhospitable savages, no tinned foods to prevent the terrible scourge of sailors, scurvy. In their little wooden sailing ships the men of old faced every conceivable danger, and surmounted obstacles unknown to modern civilisation. "Now strike your Sails ye jolly Mariners, For we be come into a quiet Rode." For the most part we are struck with the light-heartedness of the olden sailor, the shout of gladness with which men went forth on these hazardous undertakings, knowing not how they would arrive, or what might befall them by the way, went forth in the smallest of wooden ships, with the most incompetent of crews, to face the dangers of unknown seas and unsuspected lands, to chance the angry storm and the hidden rock, to discover inhospitable shores and savage foes. Founded on bitter experience is the old saying-- "A Passage Perilous makyth a Port Pleasant." For the early navigators knew little of the art of navigation. Pytheas, who discovered the British Isles, was "a great mathematician." Diego Cam, who sailed to the mouth of the Congo, was "a knight of the King's household." Sir Hugh Willoughby, "a most valiant gentleman." Richard Chancellor, "a man of great estimation for many good parts of wit in him." Anthony Jenkinson, a "resolute and intelligent gentleman." Sir Walter Raleigh, an Elizabethan courtier, and so forth. It has been obviously impossible to include all the famous names that belong to the history of exploration. Most of these explorers have been chosen for some definite new discovery, some addition to the world's geographical knowledge, or some great feat of endurance which may serve to brace us to fresh effort as a nation famous for our seamen. English navigators have been afforded the lion's share in the book, partly because they took the lion's share in exploring, partly because translations of foreign travel are difficult to transcribe. Most of these stories have been taken from original sources, and most of the explorers have been allowed to tell part of their own story in their own words. Perhaps the most graphic of all explorations is that written by a native of West Australia, who accompanied an exploring party searching for an English lad named Smith, who had been starved to death. "Away, away, away, away; we reach the water of Djunjup; we shoot game. Away, away, away through a forest away, through a forest away; we see no water. Through a forest away, along our tracks away; hills ascending, then pleasantly away, away, through a forest away. We see a water--along the river away--a short distance we go, then away, away, away through a forest away. Then along another river away, across the river away. Still we go onwards, along the sea away, through the bush away, then along the sea away. We sleep near the sea. I see Mr. Smith's footsteps ascending a sandhill; onwards I go regarding his footsteps. I see Mr. Smith dead. Two sleeps had he been dead; greatly did I weep, and much I grieved. In his blanket folding him, we scraped away the earth. The sun had inclined to the westward as we laid him in the ground." The book is illustrated with reproductions from old maps--old primitive maps, with a real Adam and Eve standing in the Garden of Eden, with Pillars of Hercules guarding the Straits of Gibraltar, with Paradise in the east, a realistic Jerusalem in the centre, the island of Thule in the north, and St. Brandon's Isles of the Blest in the west. Beautifully coloured were the maps of the Middle Ages, "joyous charts all glorious with gold and vermilion, compasses and crests and flying banners, with mountains of red and gold." The seas are full of ships--"brave beflagged vessels with swelling sails." The land is ablaze with kings and potentates on golden thrones under canopies of angels. While over all presides the Madonna in her golden chair. The Hereford Mappa Mundi, drawn in the thirteenth century on a fine sheet of vellum, circular in form, is among the most interesting of the mediaeval maps. It must once have been gorgeous, with its gold letters and scarlet towns, its green seas and its blue rivers. The Red Sea is still red, but the Mediterranean is chocolate brown, and all the green has disappeared. The mounted figure in the lower right-hand corner is probably the author, Richard de Haldingham. The map is surmounted by a representation of the Last Judgment, below which is Paradise as a circular island, with the four rivers and the figures of Adam and Eve. In the centre is Jerusalem. The world is divided into three--Asia, "Affrica," and Europe. Around this earth-island flows the ocean. America is, of course, absent; the East is placed at Paradise and the West at the Pillars of Hercules. North and South are left to the imagination. And what of the famous map of Juan de la Cosa, once pilot to Columbus, drawn in the fifteenth century, with St. Christopher carrying the infant Christ across the water, supposed to be a portrait of Christopher Columbus carrying the gospel to America? It is the first map in which a dim outline appears of the New World. The early maps of "Apphrica" are filled with camels and unicorns, lions and tigers, veiled figures and the turrets and spires of strange buildings-- "Geographers in Afric maps With savage pictures fill their gaps." "Surely," says a modern writer,--"surely the old cartographer was less concerned to fill his gaps than to express the poetry of geography." And to-day, there are still gaps in the most modern maps of Africa, where one-eleventh of the whole area remains unexplored. Further, in Asia the problem of the Brahmaputra Falls is yet unsolved; there are shores untrodden and rivers unsurveyed. "God hath given us some things, and not all things, that our successors also might have somewhat to do," wrote Barents in the sixteenth century. There may not be much left, but with the words of Kipling's _Explorer_ we may fitly conclude-- "Something hidden. Go and find it. Go and look behind the Ranges-- Something lost behind the Ranges. Lost and waiting for you. Go!" Thanks are due to Mr. S. G. Stubbs for valuable assistance in the selection and preparation of the illustrations, which, with few exceptions, have been executed under his directions. CONTENTS CHAP. PAGE I. A LITTLE OLD WORLD . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 II. EARLY MARINERS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10 III. IS THE WORLD FLAT? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19 IV. HERODOTUS--THE TRAVELLER . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26 V. ALEXANDER THE GREAT EXPLORES INDIA . . . . . . . . . . . 35 VI. PYTHEAS FINDS THE BRITISH ISLES . . . . . . . . . . . . 48 VII. JULIUS CAESAR AS EXPLORER . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 54 VIII. STRABO'S GEOGRAPHY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 61 IX. THE ROMAN EMPIRE AND PLINY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 68 X. PTOLEMY'S MAPS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 74 XI. PILGRIM TRAVELLERS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 77 XII. IRISH EXPLORERS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 83 XIII. AFTER MOHAMMED . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 88 XIV. THE VIKINGS SAIL THE NORTHERN SEAS . . . . . . . . . . . 93 XV. ARAB WAYFARERS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 98 XVI. TRAVELLERS TO THE EAST . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 107 XVII. MARCO POLO . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 115 XVIII. THE END OF MEDIAEVAL EXPLORATION . . . . . . . . . . . . 126 XIX. MEDIAEVAL MAPS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 133 XX. PRINCE HENRY OF PORTUGAL . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 138 XXI. BARTHOLOMEW DIAZ REACHES THE STORMY CAPE . . . . . . . . 150 XXII. CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 155 XXIII. A GREAT NEW WORLD . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 165 XXIV. VASCO DA GAMA REACHES INDIA . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 171 XXV. DISCOVERY OF THE SPICE ISLANDS . . . . . . . . . . . . . 180 XXVI. BALBOA SEES THE PACIFIC OCEAN . . . . . . . . . . . . . 190 XXVII. MAGELLAN SAILS ROUND THE WORLD . . . . . . . . . . . . . 195 XXVIII. CORTES EXPLORES AND CONQUERS MEXICO . . . . . . . . . . 205 XXIX. EXPLORERS IN SOUTH AMERICA . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 215 XXX. CABOT SAILS TO NEWFOUNDLAND . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 224 XXXI. JACQUES CARTIER EXPLORES CANADA . . . . . . . . . . . . 228 XXXII. SEARCH FOR A NORTH-EAST PASSAGE . . . . . . . . . . . . 235 XXXIII. MARTIN FROBISHER SEARCHES FOR A NORTH-WEST PASSAGE . . . 245 XXXIV. DRAKE'S FAMOUS VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD . . . . . . . . . 249 XXXV. DAVIS STRAIT . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 259 XXXVI. BARENTS SAILS TO SPITZBERGEN . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 265 XXXVII. HUDSON FINDS HIS BAY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 273 XXXVIII. BAFFIN FINDS HIS BAY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 280 XXXIX. SIR WALTER RALEIGH SEARCHES FOR EL DORADO . . . . . . . 285 XL. CHAMPLAIN DISCOVERS LAKE ONTARIO . . . . . . . . . . . . 290 XLI. EARLY DISCOVERERS OF AUSTRALIA . . . . . . . . . . . . . 296 XLII. TASMAN FINDS TASMANIA . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 302 XLIII. DAMPIER DISCOVERS HIS STRAIT . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 306 XLIV. BEHRING FINDS HIS STRAIT . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 312 XLV. COOK DISCOVERS NEW ZEALAND . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 319 XLVI. COOK'S THIRD VOYAGE AND DEATH . . . . . . . . . . . . . 330 XLVII. BRUCE'S TRAVELS IN ABYSSINIA . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 339 XLVIII. MUNGO PARK AND THE NIGER . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 348 XLIX. VANCOUVER DISCOVERS HIS ISLAND . . . . . . . . . . . . . 357 L. MACKENZIE AND HIS RIVER . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 362 LI. PARRY DISCOVERS LANCASTER SOUND . . . . . . . . . . . . 365 LII. THE FROZEN NORTH . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 372 LIII. FRANKLIN'S LAND JOURNEY TO THE NORTH . . . . . . . . . . 382 LIV. PARRY'S POLAR VOYAGE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 388 LV. THE SEARCH FOR TIMBUKTU . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 391 LVI. RICHARD AND JOHN LANDER DISCOVER THE MOUTH OF THE NIGER 399 LVII. ROSS DISCOVERS THE NORTH MAGNETIC POLE . . . . . . . . . 403 LVIII. FLINDERS NAMES AUSTRALIA . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 410 LIX. STURT'S DISCOVERIES IN AUSTRALIA . . . . . . . . . . . . 419 LX. ROSS MAKES DISCOVERIES IN THE ANTARCTIC SEAS . . . . . . 428 LXI. FRANKLIN DISCOVERS THE NORTH-WEST PASSAGE . . . . . . . 432 LXII. DAVID LIVINGSTONE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 440 LXIII. BURTON AND SPEKE IN CENTRAL AFRICA . . . . . . . . . . . 450 LXIV. LIVINGSTONE TRACES LAKE SHIRWA AND NYASSA . . . . . . . 456 LXV. EXPEDITION TO VICTORIA NYANZA . . . . . . . . . . . . . 460 LXVI. BAKER FINDS ALBERT NYANZA . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 467 LXVII. LIVINGSTONE'S LAST JOURNEY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 474 LXVIII. THROUGH THE DARK CONTINENT . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 486 LXIX. NORDENSKIOLD ACCOMPLISHES THE NORTH-EAST PASSAGE . . . . 501 LXX. THE EXPLORATION OF TIBET . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 511 LXXI. NANSEN REACHES FARTHEST NORTH . . . . . . . . . . . . . 521 LXXII. PEARY REACHES THE NORTH POLE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 530 LXXIII. THE QUEST FOR THE SOUTH POLE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 536 DATES OF CHIEF EVENTS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 545 INDEX . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 549 COLOURED ILLUSTRATIONS Ptolemy's Map of the World about A.D. 150 . . . . . . _Frontispiece_ Taken from the first printed edition of 1472 and the Rome edition of 1508. FACING PAGE The Polos leaving Venice for their Travels to the Far East . . . 118 From a Miniature at the head of a late 14th century MS. of the _Travels of Marco Polo_, in the Bodleian Library, Oxford. The Hereford Mappa Mundi of 1280 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 134 The original, made by RICHARD DE HALDINGHAM, Prebendary of Hereford, hangs in the Chapter House Library, Hereford Cathedral. Map of the World drawn in 1500, the first to show America . . . . 168 By JUAN DE LA COSA. The Dauphin Map of the World . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 234 Made by PIERRE DESCELLIERS 1546, by order of Francis I. for the Dauphin (Henri II.) of France. Barents's Ship among the Arctic Ice . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 270 From a coloured woodcut in Barents's _Three Voyages_ (De Veer), published in 1598. Ross's Winter Quarters in Felix Harbour . . . . . . . . . . . . . 404 The First Communication With Eskimos at Boothia Felix, 1830 . . . 404 From Drawings by ROSS in the _Narrative of his Expedition to the North Magnetic Pole, A Second Voyage in Search of a North-West Passage_, 1829-33. Shackleton's Ship, the _Nimrod_, among the Ice in McMurdo Sound . 538 From _The Heart of the Antarctic_ (published by Heinemann), by kind permission of Sir ERNEST SHACKLETON. BLACK & WHITE ILLUSTRATIONS FACING PAGE The Unrolling of the Clouds: the World as known at the time of Homer . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18 The Unrolling of the Clouds: the World as known at the time of Ptolemy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 74 The Unrolling of the Clouds: the World as known at the end of the 13th century . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 120 The Best Portrait of Columbus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 158 From the original Painting by an unknown artist in the Naval Museum, Madrid. The Unrolling of the Clouds: the World as known at the time of Columbus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 166 Amerigo Vespucci . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 170 From the Sculpture by GRAZZINI at the Uffizi Gallery, Florence. Ferdinand Magellan, the first Circumnavigator . . . . . . . . . . 198 From the Engraving by FERDINAND SELMA. Sir Francis Drake, the first Englishman to sail round the World . 252 After the Engraving attributed to HONDIUS. The Unrolling of the Clouds: the World as known at the time of Drake . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 258 Karakakova Bay, where Captain Cook was murdered . . . . . . . . . 334 From the Engraving in the Atlas to COOK'S _Voyages_. The Unrolling of the Clouds: the World as known at the time of Cook . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 336 Mungo Park . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 350 From the Engraving in PARK'S _Travels into the Interior of Africa_, 1799. Search for a North-West Passage: Parry's Ships cutting through the Ice into Winter Harbour, 1819 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 370 From a Drawing by WILLIAM WESTALL, A.R.A., of a Sketch by Lieut. BEECHEY, a member of the expedition. From PARRY'S _Journal of a Voyage for the Discovery of the North-West Passage_. Lhasa and the Potala . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 520 From a Photograph by a member of Younghusband's Expedition to Thibet. At the North Pole . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 534 From the Photograph in Admiral PEARY'S book _The North Pole_. Captain Roald Amundsen taking Sights at the South Pole . . . . . 544 From a Photograph. Acknowledgment is due to the courtesy of Mr. John Murray and the _Illustrated London News_ for the photograph taken at the South Pole, facing page 544; to Admiral Peary for that taken at the North Pole, facing page 534; and to Sir Ernest Shackleton and Mr. Heinemann for the colour-plate of the _Nimrod_. Permissions have also been granted by Mr. John Murray (for illustrations from Livingstone's books and Admiral McClintock's _Voyage of the Fox_); by Messrs. Macmillan (for the colour-plate of the Polos leaving Venice, from the Bodleian); and by Messrs. Sampson, Low, Marston, & Co. (for illustrations from Sir H. M. Stanley's books). LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS IN THE TEXT PAGE The Garden of Eden with its Four Rivers . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 From the Hereford Map of the World. Babylonian Map of the World on Clay . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 In the British Museum. The oldest known Ships: between 6000 and 5000 B.C. . . . . . . . 4 From a pre-Egyptian Vase-painting. Egyptian Ship of the Expedition to Punt, about 1600 B.C. . . . . 7 From a Rock-carving at Der el Bahari. The Ark on Ararat, and the Cities of Nineveh and Babylon . . . . 8 From LEONARDO DATI'S Map of 1422. A Phoenician Ship, about 700 B.C. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11 From a Bas-relief at Nineveh. Map of the Voyage of the Argonauts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14 The Pillars of Hercules, as shown in a Mediaeval Map . . . . . . 20 HIGDEN'S Map of the World. 1360 A.D. The Pillars of Hercules, as shown in the Anglo-Saxon Map of the World, 10th century . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22 A Greek Galley, about 500 B.C. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23 From a Vase-painting. Jerusalem, the Centre of the World . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24 From the Hereford Map of the World, 13th century. A Merchant-Ship of Athens, about 500 B.C. . . . . . . . . . . . . 28 From a Vase-painting. The Coast of Africa, after Ptolemy (Mercator's Edition), showing Hanno's Voyage . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31 A Sketch Map of Alexander's Chief Exploratory Marches from Athens to Hyderabad and Gaza . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 42 Alexandria in Pizzigani's Map, 14th century . . . . . . . . . . . 44 North Britain and the Island of Thule . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 52 From MERCATOR'S edition of Ptolemy's Map. A Portion of an old Roman Map of the World, showing the roads through the Empire . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 62 From the Peutinger Table. The World-Island according to Strabo, 18 A.D. . . . . . . . . . . 65 Hull of a Roman Merchant-Ship . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 71 From a Roman model at Greenwich. A Roman Galley, about 110 A.D. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 73 From Trajan's Column at Rome. The First Stages of a Mediaeval Pilgrimage, London to Dover . . . 78 From MATTHEW OF PARIS'S _Itinerary_, 13th century. Jerusalem and the East . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 81 From MATTHEW OF PARIS'S _Itinerary_, 13th century. Ireland and St. Brandon's Isle . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 85 From the Catalan Map, 1375. The Mysterious Isle of St. Brandon . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87 From MARTIN BEHAIM'S Map, 1492. The World-Map of Cosmas, 6th century . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 89 The oldest Christian Map. The Mountain of Cosmas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 91 A Viking Ship . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 95 From Professor MONTELIUS'S book on Scandinavian archaeology. A Khalif on his Throne . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 99 From the Ancona Map, 1497. A Chinese Emperor giving Audience, 9th century . . . . . . . . . 100 From an old Chinese MS. at Paris. The Scene of Sindbad's Voyages . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 103 From EDRISI'S Map, 1154. Sindbad's Giant Roc . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 105 From an Oriental Miniature Painting. Jerusalem and the Pilgrims' Ways to it, 12th century . . . . . . 109 From a Map of the 12th century at Brussels. Two Emperors of Tartary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 110 From the Catalan Map, 1375. A Tartar Camp . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 111 From the Borgian Map, 1453. Initial Letter from the MS. of Rubruquis at Cambridge . . . . . . 113 How the Brothers Polo set out from Constantinople with their nephew Marco for China . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 116 From a Miniature Painting in 14th century _Livre des Merveilles_. Marco Polo lands at Ormuz . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 117 From a Miniature in the _Livre des Merveilles_. Kublai Khan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 119 From an old Chinese Encyclopaedia at Paris. Marco Polo . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 123 From a Woodcut in the first printed edition of MARCO POLO'S _Travels_, 1477. A Japanese Fight against the Chinese at the time when Marco Polo first saw the Japanese . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 125 From an ancient Japanese Painting. Sir John Mandeville on his Travels . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 127 From a MS. in the British Museum. An Emperor of Tartary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 129 From the Map ascribed to SEBASTIAN CABOT, 1544. A Caravan in Cathay . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 131 From the Catalan Map, 1375. The Turin Map of the World, 8th century . . . . . . . . . . . . . 134 A T-map, 10th century . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 135 A T-map, 13th century . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 135 The Kaiser holding the World . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 136 From a 12th-century MS. The "Anglo-Saxon" Map of the World, drawn about 990 A.D. . . . . 137 From the Cotton MSS. in the British Museum. Africa--from Ceuta to Madeira . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 141 From FRA MAURO'S Map, 1457. The Voyage to Cape Blanco from Cape Bojador . . . . . . . . . . . 142 From FRA MAURO'S Map, 1457. A Portion of Africa illustrating Cadamosto's Voyage beyond Cape Blanco . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 146 From FRA MAURO'S Map, 1457. Sketch of Africa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 147 From FRA MAURO'S Map of the World, 1457. Negro Boys . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 151 From CABOT'S Map, 1544. The West Coast of Africa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 153 From MARTIN BEHAIM'S Map, 1492. The Parting of Columbus with Ferdinand and Isabella, 3rd August 1492 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 156 From DE BRY'S account of the _Voyages to India_, 1601. Columbus's Ship, the _Santa Maria_ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 158 From a Woodcut of 1493, supposed to be after a Drawing by COLUMBUS. Columbus landing on Hispaniola . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 160 From a Woodcut of 1494. The first Representation of the People of the New World . . . . . 163 From a Woodcut published at Augsburg between 1497 and 1504. The Town of Isabella and the Colony founded by Columbus . . . . . 166 From a Woodcut of 1494. Vasco da Gama . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 173 From a contemporary Portrait. Africa as it was known after da Gama's Expeditions . . . . . . . 175 From JUAN DE LA COSA'S Map of 1500. Calicut and the Southern Indian Coast . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 177 From JUAN DE LA COSA'S Map, 1500. The Malabar Coast . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 183 From FRA MAURO'S Map. A Ship of Albuquerque's Fleet . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 185 From a very fine Woodcut in the British Museum. A Ship of Java and the China Seas in the 16th century . . . . . . 187 From LINSCHOTEN'S _Navigatio ac Itinerarium_, 1598. One of the first Maps of the Pacific . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 193 From DIEGO RIBERO'S Map, 1529. Magellan's Fleet . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 197 From MERCATOR'S _Mappe Monde_, 1569. A Ship of the 16th century . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 199 From AMORETTI'S translation of _Magellan's Voyage round the World_. "Hondius his Map of the Magellan Streight" . . . . . . . . . . . 201 From a Map by JODOCUS HONDIUS, about 1590. The first Ship that sailed round the World . . . . . . . . . . . 203 Magellan's _Victoria_, from HULSIUS'S _Collection of Voyages_, 1602. Hernando Cortes, Conqueror of Mexico . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 207 After the original Portrait at Mexico. The Battles of the Spaniards in Mexico . . . . . . . . . . . . . 213 From an ancient Aztec Drawing. Pizarro . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 217 From the Portrait at Cuzco. Peru and South America . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 219 From the Map of the World, 1544, usually ascribed to SEBASTIAN CABOT. Peruvian Warriors of the Inca Period . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 223 From an ancient Peruvian Painting. Part of North America, showing Sebastian Cabot's Voyage to Newfoundland . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 225 From the Map of 1544, usually ascribed to CABOT. Jacques Cartier . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 229 From an old Pen-drawing at the Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris. Canada and the River St. Lawrence, showing Quebec . . . . . . . . 231 From LESCARBOT'S _Histoire de la Nouvelle France_, 1609. New France, showing Newfoundland, Labrador, and the St. Lawrence 233 From JOCOMO DI GASTALDI'S Map, about 1550. Ivan Vasiliwich, King of Muscovie . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 239 From an old Woodcut. Anthony Jenkinson's Map of Russia, Muscovy, and Tartary . . . . 242-3 Published in 1562. Greenlanders as seen by Martin Frobisher . . . . . . . . . . . . 247 From Captain BESTE'S Account of Frobisher's _Voyages_, 1578. Sir Francis Drake . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 249 From HOLLAND'S _Heroologia_, 1620. The Silver Map of the World . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 252 From Medallion in British Museum. The Silver Map of the World . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 253 From Medallion in British Museum. The _Golden Hind_ at New Albion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 255 From the Chart of Drake's _Voyages_. The _Golden Hind_ at Java . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 257 From the Chart of Drake's _Voyages_. An Eskimo . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 261 From a Water-colour Drawing by JOHN WHITE, about 1585. A Ship of the late 16th century . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 266 From Ortelius, 1598. Nova Zembla and the Arctic Regions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 267 From a Map in DE BRY'S _Grands Voyages_, 1598. Barents in the Arctic--"Hut wherein we wintered" . . . . . . . . 269 From DE VEER'S Account of the _Voyages of Barents_, 1598. Hudson's Map of his Voyages in the Arctic . . . . . . . . . . . . 275 From his Book published in 1612. A Ship of Hudson's Fleet . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 277 From his _Voyages_, 1612. Baffin's Map of his Voyages to the North . . . . . . . . . . . . 283 From original MS., drawn by BAFFIN, in the British Museum. Sir Walter Raleigh . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 287 Raleigh's Map of Guinea, El Dorado, and the Orinoco Coast . . . . 289 From the original Map, drawn by RALEIGH, in British Museum. The first Settlement at Quebec . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 291 From CHAMPLAIN'S _Voyages_, 1613. The Defeat of the Iroquois by Champlain . . . . . . . . . . . . . 293 From a Drawing in CHAMPLAIN'S _Voyages_, 1613. An early Map of "Terra Australis" called "Java la Grande" . . . . 297 From the "Dauphin" Map of 1546. The Wreck of Captain Pelsart's Ship, the _Batavia_, on the Coast of New Holland . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 301 From the Dutch account of PELSART'S _Voyages_, 1647. Van Diemen's Land and two of Tasman's Ships . . . . . . . . . . . 304 From the Map drawn by TASMAN in his "Journal." Dampier's Ship, the _Cygnet_ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 309 From a Drawing in the Dutch edition of his _Voyage Round the World_, 1698. Dampier's Strait and the Island of New Britain . . . . . . . . . 311 From a Map in DAMPIER'S _Voyages_, 1697. Chart of Behring's Voyage from Kamtchatka to North America . . . 317 From a Chart drawn in 1741 by Lieut. WAXELL. The Island of Otaheite, or St. George . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 321 From a Painting by WILLIAM HODGES. A Maori Fort on the Coast between Poverty Bay and Cape Turnagain 323 From an Engraving in the Atlas to COOK'S first _Voyage_. Captain Cook's Vessel beached at the Entrance of Endeavour River 327 From an Engraving in the Atlas to COOK'S first _Voyage_. Captain James Cook . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 333 From the Painting by DANCE in the Gallery of Greenwich Hospital. Port Jackson and Sydney Cove . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 337 From the Atlas to the _Voyage de l'Astrolabe_. A Nile Boat, or Canja . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 341 From BRUCE'S _Travels to Discover the Source of the Nile_. An Arab Sheikh . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 343 From BRUCE'S _Travels_. The Camp of Ali, the Mohammedan Chief, at Benown . . . . . . . . 353 From a Sketch by MUNGO PARK. Kamalia, a Native Village near the Southern Course of the Niger . 355 From a Sketch by MUNGO PARK. A Native Woman washing Gold in Senegal . . . . . . . . . . . . . 356 From a Sketch by MUNGO PARK, made on his last expedition. Vancouver's Ship, the _Discovery_, on the Rocks in Queen Charlotte's Sound . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 360 From a Drawing in VANCOUVER'S _Voyage_, 1798. Parry's Ships, the _Hecla_ and _Griper_, in Winter Harbour . . . 369 From a Drawing in PARRY'S _Voyage for the North-West Passage_, 1821. The North Shore of Lancaster Sound . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 371 From a Drawing in PARRY'S _Voyage for the North-West Passage_, 1821. A Winter View of Fort Enterprise . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 375 From a Drawing, by WILLIAM BACK, in Franklin's _Journey to the Polar Sea_, 1823. Franklin's Expedition to the Polar Sea on the Ice . . . . . . . . 377 From a Drawing, by WILLIAM BACK, in Franklin's _Journey to the Polar Sea_, 1823. An Eskimo watching a Seal Hole . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 379 From a Drawing in PARRY'S _Second Voyage for a North-West Passage_, 1824. Fort Franklin, on the Great Bear Lake, in the Winter . . . . . . 383 From a Drawing in FRANKLIN'S _Second Expedition to the Polar Sea_, 1828. Franklin's Expedition crossing Back's Inlet . . . . . . . . . . . 385 From a Drawing, by Lieut. BACK, in Franklin's _Second Expedition to the Polar Sea_, 1828. The Boats of Parry's Expedition hauled up on the Ice for the Night . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 389 From a Drawing in PARRY'S _Attempt to Reach the North Pole_, 1828. Major Denham and his Party received by the Sheikh of Bornu . . . 393 From a Drawing by Major DENHAM. The first European Picture of Timbuktu . . . . . . . . . . . . . 397 From a Drawing in CAILLE'S _Tomboctou_, 1829. Richard and John Lander paddling down the Niger . . . . . . . . . 401 From a Drawing in the account of LANDER'S _Travels_, 1835. The Rosses on their Journey to the North Magnetic Pole . . . . . 407 From a Drawing in ROSS'S _Second Voyage for a North-West Passage_, 1835. "Somerset House," Ross's Winter Quarters on Fury Beach . . . . . 409 From a Drawing in ROSS'S _Second Voyage for a North-West Passage_, 1835. Matthew Flinders . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 411 Cape Catastrophe . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 415 From FLINDERS' _Voyages_. The Huts of the Crew of the _Porpoise_ on the Sandbank, Wreck Reef . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 418 From FLINDERS' _Voyages_. Captain Sturt at the Junction of the Rivers Darling and Murray . 423 From the _Narrative of Sturt's Expedition_. The Burke and Wills Expedition leaving Melbourne, 1860 . . . . . 425 From a Drawing by WILLIAM STRUTT, an acquaintance of Burke. Burke and Wills at Cooper's Creek . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 426 From a Woodcut in a contemporary Australian account of the expedition. Part of the Great Southern Ice Barrier . . . . . . . . . . . . . 431 From ROSS'S _Voyage in the Antarctic Regions_. Eskimos at Cape York watching the approach of the _Fox_ . . . . . 434 From McCLINTOCK'S _Voyage in Search of Franklin_. The Three Graves on Beechey Island . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 435 From McCLINTOCK'S _Voyage in Search of Franklin_. Exploring Parties starting from the _Fox_ . . . . . . . . . . . . 437 From McCLINTOCK'S _Voyage in Search of Franklin_. Livingstone, with his Wife and Family, at the Discovery of Lake Ngami . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 441 From LIVINGSTONE'S _Missionary Travels_. The "Smoke" of the Zambesi (Victoria) Falls . . . . . . . . . . . 447 After a Drawing in LIVINGSTONE'S _Missionary Travels_. Burton in a Dug-out on Lake Tanganyika . . . . . . . . . . . . . 451 After a Drawing by BURTON. Burton and his Companions on the march to Victoria Nyanza . . . . 453 From a Humorous Sketch by BURTON. The _Ma-Robert_ on the Zambesi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 457 After a Drawing in LIVINGSTONE'S _Expedition to the Zambesi_. M'tesa, King of Uganda . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 462 From SPEKE'S _Journey to Discover the Source of the Nile_. The Ripon Falls on the Victoria Nyanza . . . . . . . . . . . . . 463 From SPEKE'S _Journey to Discover the Source of the Nile_. Captains Speke and Grant . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 465 Baker and his Wife crossing the Nubian Desert . . . . . . . . . . 469 From BAKER'S _Travels_. Baker's Boat in a Storm on Lake Albert Nyanza . . . . . . . . . . 471 From BAKER'S _Albert Nyanza_. The Discovery of Lake Bangweolo, 1868 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 479 From LIVINGSTONE'S _Last Journals_, by permission of Mr. John Murray. Livingstone at Work on his Journal . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 481 From a Sketch by H. M. STANLEY. Livingstone entering the Hut at Ilala on the Night that he Died . 483 From LIVINGSTONE'S _Last Journals_, by permission of Mr. John Murray. The last Entries in Livingstone's Diary . . . . . . . . . . . . . 484 Susi, Livingstone's Servant . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 485 From a Sketch by H. M. STANLEY. Stanley and his Men marching through Unyoro . . . . . . . . . . . 489 From a Sketch, by STANLEY, in _Through the Dark Continent_. "Towards the Unknown": Stanley's Canoes starting from Vinya Njara . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 495 From _Through the Dark Continent_. The Seventh Cataract--Stanley Falls . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 496 From _Through the Dark Continent_. The Fight below the Confluence of the Aruwimi and Livingstone Rivers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 497 From a Sketch, by STANLEY, in _Through the Dark Continent_. Nordenskiold's Ship, the _Vega_, saluting Cape Chelyuskin . . . . 505 From a Drawing in HOVGAARD'S _Nordenskiold's Voyage_. Menka, Chief of the Chukches . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 507 The _Vega_ frozen in for the Winter . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 509 From a Drawing in HOVGAARD'S _Nordenskiold's Voyage_. The Potala at Lhasa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 513 From KIRCHER'S _China Illustrata_. Dr. Nansen . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 525 After a Photograph. The Ship that went Farthest North: the _Fram_ . . . . . . . . . . 527 From a Photograph. A BOOK OF DISCOVERY CHAPTER I A LITTLE OLD WORLD No story is complete unless it begins at the very beginning. But where is the beginning? Where is the dawn of geography--the knowledge of our earth? What was it like before the first explorers made their way into distant lands? Every day that passes we are gaining fresh knowledge of the dim and silent past. Every day men are patiently digging in the old heaps that were once the sites of busy cities, and, as a result of their unwearying toil, they are revealing to us the life-stories of those who dwelt therein; they are disclosing secrets writ on weather-worn stones and tablets, bricks and cylinders, never before even guessed at. Thus we read the wondrous story of ancient days, and breathlessly wonder what marvellous discovery will thrill us next. For the earliest account of the old world--a world made up apparently of a little land and a little water--we turn to an old papyrus, the oldest in existence, which tells us in familiar words, unsurpassed for their exquisite poetry and wondrous simplicity, of that great dateless time so full of mystery and awe. "In the beginning God created the heaven and the earth. And the earth was waste and void; and darkness was upon the face of the deep: and the spirit of God moved upon the face of the waters.... And God said, Let there be a firmament in the midst of the waters, and let it divide the waters from the waters. And God ... divided the waters which were under the firmament from the waters which were above the firmament.... And God said, Let the waters under the heaven be gathered into one place, and let the dry land appear.... And God called the dry land Earth; and the gathering together of the waters called he Seas." Thus beautifully did the children of men express their earliest idea of the world's distribution of land and water. And where, on our modern maps, was this little earth, and what was it like? Did trees and flowers cover the land? Did rivers flow into the sea? Listen again to the old tradition that still rings down the ages-- "And the Lord God planted a garden eastward in Eden ... and a river went out of Eden to water the garden; and from thence it was parted, and became four heads. The name of the first is Pison ... and the name of the second river is Gihon; the name of the third river is Hiddekel (Tigris). And the fourth river is Euphrates." [Illustration: THE GARDEN OF EDEN WITH ITS FOUR RIVERS. From the Hereford Map of the World.] Now look at a modern map of Asia. Between Arabia and Persia there is a long valley watered by the Tigris and Euphrates, rivers which rise in Armenia and flow into the Persian Gulf. This region was the traditional "cradle of the human race." Around and beyond was a great world, a world with great surging seas, with lands of trees and flowers, a world with continents and lakes and bays and capes, with islands and mountains and rivers. There were vast deserts of sand rolling away to right and to left; there were mountains up which no man had climbed; there were stormy seas over which no ship had ever sailed. But these men of old had never explored far. They believed that their world was just a very little world with no other occupants than themselves. They believed it to be flat, with mountains at either end on which rested a solid metal dome known as the "firmament." In this shining circle were windows, in and out of which the sun would creep by day and the moon and stars by night. And the whole of this world was, they thought, balanced on the waters. There was water above, the "waters that be above the firmament," and water below, and water all round. [Illustration: BABYLONIAN MAP OF THE WORLD ON CLAY. Showing the ocean surrounding the world and the position of Babylon on the Euphrates. In the British Museum.] Long ages pass away. Let us look again at the green valley of the Euphrates and Tigris. It has been called the "nursery of nations"--names have been given to various regions round about, and cities have arisen on the banks of the rivers. Babylonia, Mesopotamia, Chaldea, Assyria--all these long names belonged to this region, and around each centres some of the most interesting history and legend in the world. Rafts on the river and caravans on the land carried merchandise far and wide--men made their way to the "Sea of the Rising Sun," as they called the Persian Gulf, and to the "Sea of the Setting Sun," as they called the Mediterranean. They settled on the shores of the Caspian Sea, on the shores of the Black Sea, on the shores of the Red Sea. They carried on magnificent trade--cedar, pine, and cypress were brought from Lebanon to Chaldea, limestone and marble from Syria, copper and lead from the shores of the Black Sea. And these dwellers about Babylonia built up a wonderful civilisation. They had temples and brick-built houses, libraries of tablets revealing knowledge of astronomy and astrology; they had a literature of their own. Suddenly from out the city of Ur (Kerbela), near the ancient mouth of the Euphrates, appears a traveller. There had doubtless been many before, but records are scanty and hard to piece together, and a detailed account of a traveller with a name is very interesting. "Abram went ... forth to go into the land of Canaan.... And Abram journeyed, going on still toward the South. And there was a famine in the land. And Abram went down into Egypt to sojourn there." He would have travelled by the chief caravan routes of Syria into Egypt. Here about the fertile mouth of the Nile he would have found an ancient civilisation as wonderful as that to which he was accustomed in Babylonia. It was a grain-growing country, and when there was famine in other lands, there was always "corn in Egypt"--thanks to the mighty life-giving Nile. But we must not linger over the old civilisation, over the wonderful Empire governed by the Pharaohs or kings, first from Memphis (Cairo) and then from the hundred-gated Thebes; must not linger over these old pyramid builders, the temple, sphinxes, and statues of ancient Egypt. Before even Abram came into their country we find the Egyptians famous for their shipping and navigation. Old pictures and tombs recently discovered tell us this. [Illustration: THE OLDEST KNOWN SHIPS: BETWEEN 6000 AND 5000 B.C. From a pre-Egyptian vase-painting.] On the coast of the Red Sea they built their long, narrow ships, which were rowed by some twenty paddlers on either side, and steered by three men standing in the stern. With one mast and a large sail they flew before the wind. They had to go far afield for their wood; we find an Egyptian being sent "to cut down four forests in the South in order to build three large vessels ... out of acacia wood." Petrie tells us of an Egyptian sailor who was sent to Punt or Somaliland "to fetch for Pharaoh sweet-smelling spices." He was shipwrecked on the way, and this is the account of his adventures-- "'I was going,' he relates, 'to the mines of Pharaoh and I went down on the sea on a ship with a hundred and fifty sailors of the best of Egypt, whose hearts were stronger than lions. They had said that the wind would be contrary, or that there would be none. But as we approached the land the wind rose and threw up high waves. As for me, I seized a piece of wood; but those who were in the vessel perished, without one remaining. A wave threw me on an island; after that I had been three days alone without a companion beside my own heart, I laid me in a thicket, and the shadow covered me. I found figs and grapes, all manner of good herbs, berries and grain, melons of all kinds, fishes and birds. I lighted a fire and I made a burnt-offering unto the gods. Suddenly I heard a noise as of thunder, which I thought to be that of a wave of the sea. The trees shook and the earth was moved. I uncovered my eyes and I saw that a serpent drew near; his body was as if overlaid with gold, and his colour as that of true lazuli.' "'What has brought thee here, little one, to this isle, which is in the sea and of which the shores are in the midst of the waves?' asked the serpent. "The sailor told his story kneeling on his knees, with his face bowed to the ground. "'Fear not, little one, and make not thy face sad,' continued the serpent, 'for it is God who has brought thee to this isle of the blest, where nothing is lacking and which is filled with all good things. Thou shalt be four months in this isle. Then a ship shall come from thy land with sailors, and thou shalt go to thy country. As for me, I am a prince of the land of Punt. I am here with my brethren and children around me; we are seventy-five serpents, children and kindred.' "Then the grateful sailor promised to bring all the treasures of Egypt back to Punt, and 'I shall tell of thy presence unto Pharaoh; I shall make him to know of thy greatness,' said the Egyptian stranger. "But the strange prince of Punt only smiled. "'Thou shalt never more see this isle,' he said; 'it shall be changed into waves.'" Everything came to pass as the serpent said. The ship came, gifts were lavished on the sailor from Egypt, perfumes of cassia, of sweet woods, of cypress, incense, ivory tusks, baboons, and apes, and thus laden he sailed home to his own people. [Illustration: EGYPTIAN SHIP OF THE EXPEDITION TO PUNT, ABOUT 1600 B.C. From a rock-carving at Der el Bahari.] Long centuries after this we get another glimpse at the land of Punt. This time it is in the reign of Queen Hatshepsu, who sent a great trading expedition into this famous country. Five ships started from Thebes, sailing down the river Nile and probably reaching the Red Sea by means of a canal. Navigation in the Red Sea was difficult; the coast was steep and inhospitable; no rivers ran into it. Only a few fishing villages lay along the coasts used by Egyptian merchants as markets for mother-of-pearl, emeralds, gold, and sweet-smelling perfumes. Thence the ships continued their way, the whole voyage taking about two months. Arrived at Punt, the Egyptian commander pitched his tents upon the shore, to the great astonishment of the inhabitants. "Why have ye come hither unto this land, which the people of Egypt know not?" asked the Chief of Punt. "Have ye come through the sky? Did ye sail upon the waters or upon the sea?" Presents from the Queen of Egypt were at once laid before the Chief of Punt, and soon the seashore was alive with people. The ships were drawn up, gang-planks were very heavily laden with "marvels of the country of Punt." There were heaps of myrrh, resin, of fresh myrrh trees, ebony and pure ivory, cinnamon wood, incense, baboons, monkeys, dogs, natives, and children. "Never was the like brought to any king of Egypt since the world stands." And the ships voyaged safely back to Thebes with all their booty and with pleasant recollections of the people of Somaliland. [Illustration: THE ARK ON ARARAT AND THE CITIES OF NINEVEH AND BABYLON. From Leonardo Dati's map of 1422.] In spite of these little expeditions the Egyptian world seemed still very small. The Egyptians thought of the earth with its land and sea as a long, oblong sort of box, the centre of which was Egypt. The sky stretched over it like an iron ceiling, the part toward the earth being sprinkled with lamps hung from strong cables lighted by night and extinguished by day. Four forked trunks of trees upheld the sky roof. But lest some storm should overthrow these tree trunks there were four lofty peaks connected by chains of mountains. The southern peak was known as the "Horn of the Earth," the eastern, the "Mountain of Birth," the western, the "Region of Life," the northern was invisible. And why? Because they thought the Great Sea, the "Very Green," the Mediterranean, lay between it and Egypt. Beyond these mountain peaks, supporting the world, rolled a great river, an ocean stream, and the sun was as a ball of fire placed on a boat and carried round the ramparts of the world by the all-encircling water. So we realise that the people living in Babylonia about the river Euphrates, and those living in Egypt about the river Nile, had very strange ideas about the little old world around them. CHAPTER II EARLY MARINERS The law of the universe is progress and expansion, and this little old world was soon discovered to be larger than men thought. Now in Syria--the highway between Babylonia and Egypt--dwelt a tribe of dusky people known as Phoenicians. Some have thought that they were related to our old friends in Somaliland, and that long years ago they had migrated north to the seacoast of that part of Syria known as Canaan. Living on the seashore, washed by the tideless Mediterranean, they soon became skilful sailors. They built ships and ventured forth on the deep; they made their way to the islands of Cyprus and Crete and thence to the islands of Greece, bringing back goods from other countries to barter with their less daring neighbours. They reached Greece itself and cruised along the northern coast of the Great Sea to Italy, along the coast of Spain to the Rock of Gibraltar, and out into the open Atlantic. How their little sailing boats lived through the storms of that great ocean none may know, for Phoenician records are lost, but we have every reason to believe that they reached the northern coast of France and brought back tin from the islands known to them as the Tin Islands. In their home markets were found all manner of strange things from foreign unknown lands, discovered by these master mariners--the admiration of the ancient world. [Illustration: A PHOENICIAN SHIP, ABOUT 700 B.C. From a bas-relief at Nineveh.] "The ships of Tarshish," said the old poet, "did sing of thee in thy market, and thou wast replenished and made very glorious in the midst of the seas; thy rowers have brought thee into great waters; the east wind hath broken thee in the midst of the seas." All the world knew of the Phoenician seaports, Tyre and Sidon. They were as famous as Memphis and Thebes on the Nile, as magnificent as Nineveh on the Tigris and Babylon on the Euphrates. Men spoke of the "renowned city of Tyre," whose merchants were as princes, whose "traffickers" were among the honourable of the earth. "O thou that art situate at the entry of the sea," cries the poet again, when the greatness of Tyre was passing away, "which art a merchant of the people from many isles.... Thy borders are in the midst of the seas; thy builders have perfected thy beauty. They have made all thy ship-boards of fir trees ... they have taken cedars of Lebanon to make masts for thee. Of the oaks of Basan have they made thy oars.... Fine linen with broidered work from Egypt was that which thou spreadest forth to be thy sail.... The inhabitants of Sidon ... were thy mariners; thy wise men were thy pilots." As time goes on, early groups round the Euphrates and the Nile continue, but new nations form and grow, new cities arise, new names appear. Centuries of men live and die, ignorant of the great world that lies about them--"Lords of the eastern world that knew no west." England was yet unknown, America undreamt of, Australia still a desolate island in an unknown sea. The burning eastern sun shone down on to vast stretches of desert-land uninhabited by man, great rivers flowed through dreary swamps unrealised, tempestuous waves beat against their shores, and melancholy winds swept over the face of endless ocean solitudes. And still, according to their untutored minds, the world is flat, the world is very small and it is surrounded by ever-flowing waters, beyond which all is dark and mysterious. Around the shores of the Mediterranean Sea, revealed by the boundless energy and daring skill of the Phoenicians, there were colonies along the coasts of Africa and Europe, though they were not yet called by their names. They have discovered and explored, but they have kept their information to themselves, and they have specially refused to divulge their voyages to the Greeks. A story is told at a later date than this of a Phoenician shipmaster who was bound for the Tin Islands, when he suddenly discovered that he was being followed by a strange ship evidently bent on finding out where these unknown islands lay. The Phoenician purposely ran his ship on to a shoal in order to keep the secret of the discovery. When he returned home his conduct was upheld by the State! But though the Phoenicians have left us no record of their travels and voyages, they had been the carriers of knowledge, and it was from them that the Greeks learnt of "the extreme regions of the world" and of the dim "far west." Indeed, it is highly probable that from the Phoenicians they got material for their famous legend of the Argonauts and their adventures in the Black Sea. Though the story is but legendary, and it has been added to with the growing knowledge of the world, yet it gives an idea of the perils that beset the sailors of those remote ages and of their limitations. And again we must remind ourselves that both the Phoenicians and early Greeks had, like the Egyptians and Babylonians, childish ideas as to the form of the earth. To them it was a circular plane, encircled by the ocean, which they believed to be a broad, deep-running river flowing round and round the world. Into this ocean stream ran all the rivers and seas known to them. Over the earth was raised a solid firmament of bronze in which the stars were set, and this was supported on tall pillars "which kept the heaven and the earth asunder." The whole delightful story of the Argonauts can be read in Kingsley's "Heroes." It is the story of brave men who sailed in the ship _Argo_, named after the great shipbuilder Argos, to bring back the Golden Fleece from Colchis in the Black Sea. Nowhere in all the history of exploration have we a more poetical account of the launching of a ship for distant lands: "Then they have stored her well with food and water, and pulled the ladder up on board, and settled themselves each man to his oar and kept time to Orpheus' harp; and away across the bay they rowed southward, while the people lined the cliffs; and the women wept while the men shouted at the starting of that gallant crew." They chose a captain, and the choice fell on Jason, "because he was the wisest of them all"; and they rowed on "over the long swell of the sea, past Olympus, past the wooded bays of Athos and the sacred isle; and they came past Lemnos to the Hellespont, and so on into the Propontis, which we call Marmora now." So they came to the Bosphorus, the "land then as now of bitter blasts, the land of cold and misery," and a great battle of the winds took place. [Illustration: A MAP OF THE VOYAGE OF THE ARGONAUTS. Drawn according to the principal classical traditions. The voyage through the ocean which, according to the ancient idea, surrounded the world will be especially noted.] Then the Argonauts came out into the open sea--the Black Sea. No Greek had ever crossed it, and even the heroes, for all their courage, feared "that dreadful sea and its rocks and shoals and fogs and bitter freezing storms," and they trembled as they saw it "stretching out before them without a shore, as far as the eye could see." Wearily they sailed on past the coast of Asia; they passed Sinope and the cities of the Amazons, the warlike women of the east, until at last they saw the "white snow peaks hanging glittering sharp and bright above the clouds. And they knew that they were come to Caucasus at the end of all the earth--Caucasus, the highest of all mountains, the father of the rivers of the East. And they rowed three days to the eastward, while the Caucasus rose higher hour by hour, till they saw the dark stream of Phasis rushing headlong to the sea and, shining above the treetops, the golden roofs of the Child of the Sun." How they reached home no man knows. Some say they sailed up the Danube River and so came to the Adriatic, dragging their ship over the snowclad Alps. Others say they sailed south to the Red Sea and dragged their ship over the burning desert of North Africa. More than once they gave themselves up for lost, "heartbroken with toil and hunger," until the brave helmsman cried to them, "Raise up the mast and set the sail and face what comes like men." After days and weeks on the "wide wild western sea" they sailed by the coast of Spain and came to Sicily, the "three-cornered island," and after numerous adventures they reached home once more. And they limped ashore weary and worn, with long, ragged beards and sunburnt cheeks and garments torn and weather-stained. No strength had they left to haul the ship up the beach. They just crawled out and sat down and wept, till they could weep no more. For the houses and trees were all altered, and all the faces which they saw were strange; and their joy was swallowed up in sorrow while they thought of their youth and all their labour, and the gallant comrades they had lost. And the people crowded round and asked them, "Who are you that sit weeping here?" "We are the sons of your princes, who sailed away many a year ago. We went to fetch the Golden Fleece and we have brought it back." Then there was shouting and laughing and weeping, and all the kings came to the shore, and they led the heroes away to their homes and bewailed the valiant dead. Old and charming as is the story of the Argonauts, it is made up of travellers' tales, probably told to the Greeks by the Phoenicians of their adventures on unknown seas. The wanderings of Ulysses by the old Greek poet Homer shows us that, though they seldom ventured beyond the Mediterranean Sea, yet the Greeks were dimly conscious of an outer world beyond the recognised limits. They still dreamt that the earth was flat, and that the ocean stream flowed for ever round and round it. There were no maps or charts to guide the intrepid mariners who embarked on unknown waters. The siege of Troy, famous in legend, was over, and the heroes were anxious to make their way home. Ulysses was one of the heroes, and he sailed forth from Asia Minor into the AEgean Sea. But contrary winds drove him as far south as Cape Malea. "Now the gatherer of the clouds," he says, in telling his story, "aroused the North Wind against our ships with a terrible tempest, and covered land and sea alike with clouds, and down sped night from heaven. Thus the ships were driven headlong, and their sails were torn to shreds by the might of the wind. So we lowered the sails into the hold in fear of death, and rowed the ships landward apace." Throughout all ages Cape Malea has been renowned for sudden and violent storms, dreaded by early mariners as well as those of later times. "Thence for nine whole days was I borne by ruinous winds over the teeming deep; but on the tenth day we set foot on the land of the lotus-eaters who eat a flowery food." Now ten days' sail to the south would have brought Ulysses to the coast of North Africa, and here we imagine the lotus-eaters dwelt. But their stay was short. For as soon as the mariners tasted the "honey-sweet fruit of the lotus" they forgot their homes, forgot their own land, and only wanted to stay with the "mild-eyed melancholy lotus-eaters." "They sat them down upon the yellow sand, Between the sun and moon upon the shore; And sweet it was to dream of Fatherland, Of child, and wife, and slave; but evermore Most weary seem'd the sea, weary the oar, Weary the wandering fields of barren foam. Then someone said: 'We will return no more'; And all at once they sang, 'Our island home Is far beyond the wave; we will no longer roam.'" "Therefore," said Ulysses, "I led them back to the ships, weeping and sore against their will, and dragged them beneath the benches. Soon they embarked and, sitting orderly, they smote the grey sea water with their oars. Thence we sailed onward, stricken at heart. And we came to the land of the Cyclops." No one knows exactly where the land of the Cyclops is. Some think it may be Sicily and the slopes of Mount Etna facing the sea. The famous rock of Scylla and whirlpool of Charybdis, known to the ancients as two sea-monsters, near the Straits of Messina, next claimed his attention. Let us see how Ulysses passed them. "We began to sail up the narrow strait," he says, lamenting. "For on the one side lay Scylla and on the other mighty Charybdis sucking down the salt sea water. Like a cauldron on a great fire she would seethe up through all her troubled deeps, and overhead the spray fell on the top of either cliff--the rock around roared horribly, and pale fear gat hold on my men. Toward her, then, we looked, fearing destruction; but Scylla meanwhile caught from out my hollow ships six of my company. They cried aloud in their agony, and there she devoured them shrieking at her gates, they stretching forth their hands to me in their death struggles. And the most pitiful thing was this, that mine eyes have seen of all my travail in searching out the paths of the sea." Some have thought that the terrifying stories of Scylla, Charybdis, and the Cyclops were stories invented by the Phoenicians to frighten travellers of other nations away from the sea that they wished to keep for themselves for purposes of trade. It would take too long to tell of the great storm that destroyed the ships and drowned the men, leaving Ulysses to make a raft on which he drifted about for nine days, blown back to Scylla and Charybdis and from thence to the island of Ogygia, "in the centre of the sea." Finally he reached his home in Ithaca so changed, so aged and weather-worn, that only his dog Argus recognised him. This, very briefly, is Homer's world-picture of a bygone age, when those who were seized with a thirst for travel sailed about the Mediterranean in their primitive ships, landing on unnamed coasts, cruising about unknown islands, meeting strange people, encountering strange adventures. It all reads like an old fairy tale to us to-day, for we have our maps and charts and know the whereabouts of every country and island about the tideless Mediterranean. [Illustration: "THE UNROLLING OF THE CLOUDS"--I. The world as known at the time of Homer.] CHAPTER III IS THE WORLD FLAT? Still, although the men of ancient time were learning fast about the land and sea, they were woefully ignorant. Hesiod, a Greek poet, who lived seven hundred and fifty years before the Christian era, declared that the world was flat, and the ocean stream or the "perfect river," as he called it, flowed round and round, encompassing all things. Still, there was something beyond the water--something dim, mysterious, unknowable. It might be the "Islands of the Blest"; it might be the "sacred isle." One thing he asserted firmly: "Atlas upholds the broad Heaven ... standing on earth's verge with head and unwearied hands," while the clear-voiced Hesperides guarded their beautiful golden apples "beyond the waters of Ocean." "Hesperus and his daughters three That sung about the golden tree." But who thinks now of the weary Titan doomed for ever to support the ancient world on his head and hands, when the atlas of to-day is brought forth for a lesson in geography? About this time comes a story--it may be fact or it may be fiction--that the Phoenicians had sailed right round Africa. The voyage was arranged by Neco, an enterprising Egyptian king, who built his ships in the Red Sea in the year 613 B.C. The story is told by Herodotus, the Greek traveller, many years afterwards. "Libya," he says, "is known to be washed on all sides by the sea, except where it is attached to Asia. This discovery was first made by Neco, the Egyptian king, who sent a number of ships manned by Phoenicians with orders to make for the Pillars of Hercules (now known as the Straits of Gibraltar), and return to Egypt through them and by the Mediterranean Sea. The Phoenicians took their departure from Egypt by way of the Erythraean Sea, and so sailed into the Southern Ocean. When autumn came (it is supposed they left the Red Sea in August) they went ashore, wherever that might happen to be, and, having sown a tract of land with corn, waited until the grain was fit to cut. Having reaped it, they set sail, and thus it came to pass that two whole years went by, and it was not till the third year that they doubled the Pillars of Hercules and made good their voyage home. On their return they declared (I, for my part, says Herodotus, do not believe them, but perhaps others may) that in sailing round Libya they had the sun upon their right hand. In this way was the extent of Libya first discovered." [Illustration: THE PILLARS OF HERCULES, AS SHOWN IN A MEDIAEVAL MAP. Higden's Map of the World, 1360 A.D.] To modern students, who have learnt more of Phoenician enterprise, the story does not seem so incredible as it did to Herodotus; and a modern poet, Edwin Arnold, has dreamed into verse a delightful account of what this voyage may have been like. Ithobal of Tyre, Chief Captain of the seas, standing before Neco, Pharaoh and King, Ruler of Nile and its lands, relates the story of his two years' voyage, of the strange things he saw, of the hardships he endured, of the triumphant end. He tells how, with the help of mechanics from Tarshish, Tyre, and Sidon, he built three goodly ships, "Ocean's children," in a "windless creek" on the Red Sea, how he loaded them with cloth and beads, "the wares wild people love," food-flour for the ship, cakes, honey, oil, pulse, meal, dried fish and rice, and salted goods. Then the start was made down the Red Sea, until at last "the great ocean opened" east and south to the unknown world and into the great nameless sea, by the coast of that "Large Land whence none hath come" they sailed. Ithobal had undertaken no light task; contrary winds, mutiny on board, want of fresh water, all the hardships that confront the mariner who pilots his crews in search of the unknown. Strange tribes met them on the coast and asked them whither they went. "We go as far as the sun goes As far as the sea rolls, as far as the stars Shine still in sky. To find for mighty Pharaoh what his world Holds hidden." South and ever south they sailed, "day after day and night succeeding night, close clinging to the shore." New stars appeared, lower and lower sank the sun, moons rose and waned, and still the coast stretched southwards till they reached a "Cape of Storms" and found the coast was turning north. And now occurred that strange phenomenon mentioned by Herodotus, that while sailing westwards the sun was on their right hand. "No man had seen that thing in Syria or in Egypt." A year and a half had now passed away since they left home, but onward to the north they now made their way, past the mouth of the golden waters (Orange River), past the Congo, past the Niger, past the island of Gorillas described by Hanno, who explored the west coast under Neco either before or after this time, until at last the little Phoenician ships sailed peacefully into the Mediterranean Sea. "Here is the Ocean-Gate. Here is the Strait Twice before seen, where goes the Middle Sea Unto the Setting Sun and the Unknown-- No more unknown, Ithobal's ships have sailed Around all Africa. Our task is done. These are the Pillars, this the Midland Sea. The road to Tyre is yonder. Every wave Is homely. Yonder, sure, Old Nilus pours Into this Sea, the Waters of the World, Whose secret is his own and thine and mine." It will ever remain one of the many disputed points in early geography whether or not Africa was circumnavigated at this early date. If the Phoenicians did accomplish such a feat they kept their experiences a secret as usual, and the early maps gave a very wrong idea of South Africa. On the other hand, we know they had good seaworthy ships in advance of their neighbours. [Illustration: THE PILLARS OF HERCULES, AS SHOWN IN THE ANGLO-SAXON MAP OF THE WORLD, TENTH CENTURY.] "I remember," says Xenophon, "I once went aboard a Phoenician ship, where I observed the best example of good order that I ever met with; and especially it was surprising to observe the vast numbers of implements which were necessary for the management of such a small vessel. What numbers of oars, stretchers, ship-hooks, and spikes were there for bringing the ship in and out of the harbour! What numbers of shrouds, cables, ropes, and other tackling for the ship! What a vast quantity of provisions were there for the sustenance and support of the sailors!" Captain and sailors knew where everything was stowed away on board, and "while the captain stood upon the deck, he was considering with himself what things might be wanting in his voyage, what things wanted repair, and what length of time his provisions would last; for, as he observed to me, it is no proper time, when the storm comes upon us, to have the necessary implements to seek, or to be out of repair, or to want them on board; for the gods are never favourable to those who are negligent or lazy; and it is their goodness that they do not destroy us when we are diligent." [Illustration: A GREEK GALLEY ABOUT 500 B.C. From a vase-painting.] There is an old story which says that one day the Greeks captured a Phoenician ship and copied it. However this may be, the Greeks soon became great colonisers themselves, and we have to thank a Greek philosopher living in Miletus, on the coast of Asia Minor, for making the first map of the ancient world. Of course, the Babylonians and Egyptians had made maps thousands of years before this, but this Greek--Anaximander introduced the idea of map-making to the astonished world about the year 580 B.C. What was the map like? It was "a bronze tablet, whereupon the whole circuit of the Earth was engraved with all its seas and rivers." This is all we know. But this map-making Greek was famous for another idea in advance of his time. He used to study the heavens and the earth, and after much study he made up his mind that the earth was round and not flat. He taught that the world hung free in the midst of the universe, or rather in the midst of the waters. The centre of the earth was at Delphi. In the world of legend there was a reason for this. Two eagles had been let loose, one from the eastern extremity of the world, the other from the west, and they met at Delphi--hence it was assumed that Delphi was at the centre of the world. And Delphi at this time was such a wonderful city. On the slopes of Mount Parnassus it stood high on a rock--on the heights stood the temple of Apollo with its immense riches, its golden statue of the great god, and its ever-smoking fire of wood. [Illustration: JERUSALEM, THE CENTRE OF THE WORLD. From the Hereford Map of the World, thirteenth century.] In the same way, in those days of imperfect geography, as we hear of Delphi being the centre of the Greek world, so we hear of Jerusalem being considered the central point of the world. "This is Jerusalem," says Ezekiel, "in the midst of the nations and countries that are round about her." In the Mappa Mundi (thirteenth century) in Hereford Cathedral, Jerusalem is still the centre of the earth. Following close on these ideas came another. It, too, came from Miletus, now famous for its school of thought and its searchers after truth. A _Tour of the World_ is the grand-sounding title of the work of Hecataeus, who wrote it about 500 years B.C. It contains an account of the coast and islands of the Mediterranean Sea and an outline of all the lands the Greeks thought they knew. In the fragments that have come down to us, the famous old geographer divides both his work and the world into two parts. One part he calls Europe, the other Asia, in which he includes Africa bounded by the river Nile. He held that these two parts were equal. They were divided from one another by the Mediterranean Sea, the Black Sea, and the Caspian Sea, while round the whole flat world still flowed the everlasting ocean stream. CHAPTER IV HERODOTUS--THE TRAVELLER The greatest traveller of olden times now comes upon the scene--Herodotus, the Greek, the "Father of History." He is a traveller as well as a writer. He has journeyed as one eager for knowledge, with a "hungry heart" and a keen, observant eye. He tells us what he has seen with his eyes, what he has heard with his ears. He insists that the world is flat, he acknowledges that it is divided into two parts--Europe and Asia; but he can afford to laugh at those who draw maps of the world "without any sense to guide them," in which they make the whole world round as if drawn with a pair of compasses, with the ocean stream running round it, making Europe and Asia of equal size. His first journey is to Egypt. "I speak at length about Egypt," he says, "because it contains more marvellous things than any other country--things too strange for words. Not only is the climate different from that of the rest of the world and the rivers unlike any other rivers, but the people also, in most of their manners and customs, reverse the common practice of mankind. The women are employed in trade and business, while the men stay at home to spin and weave. Other nations in weaving throw the woof up the warp, but an Egyptian throws it down. In other countries, sons are constrained to make provision for their parents; in Egypt it is not only the sons, but the daughters. In other countries the priests have long hair; in Egypt their heads are shaven. Other nations fasten their ropes and hooks to the outside of their sails, but the Egyptians to the inside. The Greeks write and read from left to right, but the Egyptians from right to left." After sailing for some seven hundred miles up the river Nile from the coast, past Heliopolis, the once famous city of Ancient Egypt, past Memphis, the old capital, past Thebes, with its hundred gates, to Elephantine, the "ivory island," opposite to what is now Assuan, he is more than ever puzzled about its course and the reason of its periodical floods. "Concerning the nature of the river, I was not able to gain any information from the priests. I was particularly anxious to learn from them why the Nile, at the commencement of the summer solstice, begins to rise and continues to increase for a hundred days--and why, as soon as that number is past, it forthwith retires and contracts its stream, continuing low during the whole of the winter until the summer solstice comes round again. On none of these points could I obtain any explanation from the inhabitants, though I made every inquiry." The sources of the Nile entirely baffled Herodotus as they baffled many another later explorer long years after he had passed away. "Of the sources of the Nile no one can give any account, since the country through which it passes is desert and without inhabitants," he explains, his thirst for knowledge unsatisfied. Some priest volunteers this explanation. On the frontiers of Egypt are two high mountain-peaks called Crophi and Mophi; in an unfathomable abyss between the two rose the Nile. But Herodotus does not believe in Crophi and Mophi; he inclines to the idea that the Nile rises away in the west and flows eastward right across Libya. He travelled a little about Libya himself, little realising the size of the great continent of Africa through which he passed. Many a strange tale of these unknown parts did he relate to his people at home. He had seen the tallest and handsomest race of men in the world, who lived to the age of one hundred and twenty years--gold was so abundant that it was used even for the prisoners' chains--he had seen folks who lived on meat and milk only, never having seen bread or wine. [Illustration: A MERCHANT-SHIP OF ATHENS, ABOUT 500 B.C. From a vase-painting.] Some thirty days' journey from the land of the lotus-eaters he had found tribes who hunted with four-horse chariots and whose oxen walked backwards as they grazed, because their horns curve outwards in front of their heads, and if they moved forwards these horns would stick in the ground. Right across the desolate sandy desert of the north, Herodotus seems to have made his way. The "region of the wild beasts" must have been truly perilous, "for this is the tract," he says, "in which huge serpents are found, and the lions, the elephants, the bears, and the horned asses." He also tells us of antelopes, gazelles, asses, foxes, wild sheep, jackals, and panthers. There is no end to the quaint sights he records. Here is a tribe whose wives drive the chariots to battle, here another who paint themselves red and eat honey and monkeys, another who grow their hair long on the right side of their heads and shave it close on the left. Back through Egypt to Syria went our observant traveller, visiting the famous seaport of Tyre on the way. "I visited the temple of Hercules at that place and found two pillars, one of pure gold, the other of emerald, shining with great brilliancy at night." That temple was already two thousand three hundred years old. Herodotus makes some astounding statements about various parts of the world. He asserts that a good walker could walk across Asia Minor, from north to south, in five days, a distance we know now to be three hundred miles! He tells us that the Danube rises in the Pyrenees Mountains and flows right through Europe till it empties its waters into the Black Sea, giving us a long and detailed account of a country he calls Scythia (Russia) with many rivers flowing into this same Black Sea. But here we must leave the old traveller and picture him reading aloud to his delighted hearers his account of his discoveries and explorations, discussing with the learned Greeks of the day the size and wonders of the world as they imagined it. News travelled slowly in these bygone days, and we know the Phoenicians were very fond of keeping their discoveries secret, but it seems strange to think that Herodotus never seems to have heard the story of Hanno the Carthaginian, who coasted along the west of North Africa, being the first explorer to reach the place we know as "Sierra Leone." Hanno's "Periplus," or the "Coasting Survey of Hanno," is one of the few Phoenician documents that has lived through the long ages. In it the commander of the expedition himself tells his own story. With an idea of colonising, he left Carthage--the most famous of the Phoenician colonies--with sixty ships containing an enormous number of men and women. "When we had set sail," says Hanno shortly, "and passed the pillars (of Hercules) after two days' voyage, we founded the first city. Below this city lay a great plain. Sailing thence westward we came to a promontory of Libya thickly covered with trees. Here we built a temple to the Sea-god and proceeded thence half a day's journey eastward, till we reached a lake lying not far from the sea and filled with abundance of great reeds. Here were feeding elephants and a great number of other wild animals. After we had gone a day's sail beyond the lakes we founded cities near to the sea." Making friends with the tribes along the coast, they reached the Senegal River. Here they fell in with "savage men clothed with the skins of beasts," who pelted them with stones so that they could not land. Past Cape Verde they reached the mouth of the Gambia, "great and broad and full of crocodiles and river-horses," and thence coasted twelve days to the south and again five days to the south, which brought them to Sierra Leone--the Lion Mountain as it was called long years after by the Portuguese. Here Hanno and his party landed, but as night approached they saw flames issuing from the island and heard the sound of flutes and cymbals and drums and the noise of confused shouts. "Great fear then came upon us; we sailed therefore quickly thence much terrified, and passing on for four days found at night a country full of fire. In the middle was a lofty fire, greater than all the rest, so that it seemed to touch the stars. When day came on we found that this was a great mountain which they called the chariot of the gods." They had a last adventure before they turned homewards at what they called the Isle of Gorillas. Here they found a "savage people" (Gorillas) whom they pursued, but were unable to catch. At last they managed to catch three. "But when these, biting and tearing those that led them, would not follow us, we slew them and, flaying off their skins, carried them to Carthage." Then abruptly this quaint account of the only Phoenician voyage on record stops. "Further," says the commander, "we did not sail, for our food failed us." [Illustration: THE COAST OF AFRICA, AFTER PTOLEMY (MERCATOR'S EDITION). This map shows the extent of Hanno's voyage from the Pillars of Hercules, past the Equator, to what is now called Sierra Leone.] Further knowledge of the world was now supplied by the Greeks, who were rapidly asserting themselves and settling round the coast of the Mediterranean as the Phoenicians had done before them. As in more ancient days Babylonians and Egyptians had dominated the little world, so now the power was shifting to the Greeks and Persians. The rise of Persia does not rightly belong to this story, which is not one of conquest and annexation, but of discovery, so we must content ourselves by stating the fact that Persia had become a very important country with no less than fifty-six subject States paying tribute to her, including the land of Egypt. Efforts to include Greece had failed. In the year 401 B.C. one Artaxerxes sat on the throne of Persia, the mighty Empire which extended eastwards beyond the knowledge of Greeks or Phoenicians, even to the unknown regions of the Indus. He had reigned for many years, when Cyrus, his brother, a dashing young prince, attempted to seize the throne. Collecting a huge army, including the famous Ten Thousand Greeks, he led them by way of Phrygia, Cilicia, and along the banks of the Euphrates to within fifty miles of the gates of Babylon. The journey took nearly five months, a distance of one thousand seven hundred miles through recognised tracks. Here a battle was fought and Cyrus was slain. It was midwinter when the Ten Thousand Greeks who had followed their leader so loyally through the plains of Asia Minor found themselves friendless and in great danger in the very heart of the enemy's country. How Xenophon--a mere Greek volunteer, who had accompanied the army from the shores of Asia Minor--rose up and offered to lead his countrymen back to Greece is a matter of history. It would take too long to tell in detail how they marched northward through the Assyrian plains, past the neighbourhood of Nineveh, till they reached the mountain regions which were known to be inhabited by fierce fighters, unconquered even by the powerful Persians. Up to this time their line of retreat had followed the "royal road" of merchants and caravans. Their only chance of safety lay in striking north into the mountains inhabited by this warlike tribe who had held out amid their wild and rugged country against the Persians themselves. They now opposed the Greeks with all their might, and it took seven days of continuous fighting to reach the valley which lay between them and the high tableland of Armenia. They crossed the Tigris near its source, and a little farther on they also crossed the Euphrates not far from its source, so they were informed by the Armenians. They now found themselves some five or six thousand feet above sea-level and in the midst of a bitter Armenian winter. Snow fell heavily, covering all tracks, and day after day a cold north-east wind, "whose bitter blast was torture," increased their sufferings as they ploughed their way on and on through such depths of snow as they had never seen before. Many died of cold and hunger, many fell grievously sick, and others suffered from snow-blindness and frostbite. But Xenophon led his army on, making his notes of the country through which they were toiling, measuring distances by the day's march, and at last one day when the soldiers were climbing a steep mountain, a cry, growing louder and more joyous every moment, rent the air-- "Thalassa! Thalassa! The sea! The sea!" True enough, on the distant horizon, glittering in the sunlight, was a narrow silver streak of sea--the Black Sea--the goal of all their hopes. The long struggle of five months was over; they could sail home now along the shores of the Black Sea. They had reached the coast near the spot Colchis, where the Argonauts landed to win the Golden Fleece long centuries before. In a work known as the _Anabasis_, Xenophon wrote the adventures of the Ten Thousand Greeks, and no geographical explorer ever recorded his travels through unknown countries more faithfully than did the Greek leader of twenty-three hundred years ago. CHAPTER V ALEXANDER THE GREAT EXPLORES INDIA Still greater light was shed on the size of the world by Alexander the Great on his famous expedition to India, by which he almost doubled the area of the world known to the people of his time. It was just sixty years after Xenophon had made his way right across Asia to the shores of the Black Sea when Alexander resolved to break, if possible, the power of the Persians. The great Persian Empire extended from the shores of the Mediterranean right away to the east, far beyond the knowledge of the Greeks. Indeed, their knowledge of the interior of Asia was very imperfect, and Alexander's expedition was rather that of an explorer than of a conqueror. How he overthrew the Persians and subdued an area as large as Europe in the space of twelve years reads like a romance rather than fact, and it is not for us to tell the story in detail. Rather let us take up the story, after Alexander has fought and conquered the Persians twice, besieged Tyre, taken the Phoenician fleet, occupied Egypt, marched across the desert and crossed the Euphrates, passed over the plain and followed the Tigris to near Nineveh, where he crossed that river too, fought another famous battle over the Persians, which decided the fate of King and Monarchy and opened to him the capitals of Babylon and Susa, wherein the immense treasures of the Persian Empire were stored. King of all Asia, he sat on the throne of the Persian kings under a golden canopy in the palace of Persepolis. So far the whole expedition was over country known, if imperfectly, to the Greeks. Now we have to follow the conquering hero more closely as he leads us into an unknown land away to the east, known as "the farthest region of the inhabited world towards the east, beyond which lies the endless sandy desert void of inhabitants." And all the while the great land of India lay beyond, and beyond again was China, and away far over the ocean sea lay America--and they knew it not. Alexander was a young man yet, only twenty-six. It was four years since he had left Europe, and in that short time he had done wonders. He had conquered the whole western half of the Persian Empire. Now he resolutely turned his face to the unknown east and started forth on an expedition of exploration. Following the main highway from Media, which to-day leads from Teheran, capital of modern Persia, into the land of the Turkomans and the borders of Russia, he found himself between the great salt desert and the mountains, which to-day mark the frontier of Persia. Suddenly, to his great surprise, the Caspian Sea came into sight. It seemed about the same size as the Black Sea, and he concluded it was connected with the Sea of Azof, though the men of his day were certain enough that it was the most northern of four great gulfs connected with the outer ocean which flowed round the world. Onwards towards the east he marched with his great army. To conciliate the tribes through which he passed, he adopted Persian dress. This annoyed his Greek countrymen, but, "as they admired his other virtues, they thought he might be suffered to please himself a little and enjoy his vanity." Arrived at the modern boundary between Persia, Afghanistan, and Russia, he and his men pushed on across Afghanistan, by the caravan route that had long existed from the shores of the Caspian, by modern Herat, Kandahar,[1] which still bears the conqueror's name, and Kabul to India. Their way lay through deep snow, deeper than they had ever seen before; and by the time they had reached the mountains of Kabul it was midwinter. [Footnote 1: Kandahar = Alexandria in a modern form.] Between Alexander and India still lay the lofty range of the Hindu Koosh or Indian Caucasus. But before going south toward India, he turned northwards to explore the unknown country which lay about the river Oxus. They found the Oxus, a mighty stream, swollen with melting snows. There were no boats and no wood to build them, so Alexander pioneered his men across in "life-preservers" made out of their leather tent coverings and stuffed with straw. This river impressed the Greeks even more than the Euphrates and Tigris, as it impressed many an explorer and poet since these early days. Let us recall Matthew Arnold's famous description of the Oxus, now seen for the first time by the Greeks. "But the majestic river floated on, Out of the mist and hum of that low land, Into the frosty starlight, and there moved * * * * * Brimming, and bright, and large; then sands begin To hem his watery march and dam his streams, And split his currents; that for many a league The shorn and parcell'd Oxus strains along Through beds of sand and matted rushy isles-- Oxus, forgetting the bright speed he had, In his high mountain-cradle in Pamere, A foil'd circuitous wanderer--till at last The long'd for dash of waves is heard, and wide His luminous home of waters opens, bright And tranquil, from whose floor the new-bathed stars Emerge, and shine upon the Aral Sea." Here in this valley the Greeks met more determined opposition than they had yet encountered since entering Asia, and over two years were occupied in reducing this single district (now Bokhara and Turkestan) to submission, though it was only some three hundred and fifty miles square, and in one single year Alexander had conquered a kingdom over one thousand miles in width. It was not till the spring of 327 B.C. that he was ready to cross the Hindu Koosh and begin the great expedition into India. The night before the start Alexander discovered that his troops were now so heavily laden with spoils that they were quite unfit for the long march. So in the early morning, when they were all ready to start, he suddenly set fire to his own baggage, and, giving orders that all his men were to do the same, the army started for the passes of the lofty mountain range. And-- "... as a troop of pedlars from Kabul Cross underneath the Indian Caucasus, That vast sky neighbouring mountain of milk snow; Crossing so high, that, as they mount, they pass Long flocks of travelling birds dead on the snow, Choked by the air, and scarce can they themselves Slake their parch'd throats with sugar'd mulberries-- In single file they move, and stop their breath, For fear they should dislodge the o'erhanging snows." The banks of the river of Kabul were reached at last. Sending part of the army by the now famous Kyber Pass toward the Indus, Alexander himself undertook to subdue the mountain tribes and get control of the Chitral passes. The shepherds of this region opposed him vigorously, but swiftly and pitilessly the King of Asia sacked their peaceful homes, and city after city fell to him as he advanced towards the boundaries of Kashmir. At last the valley of the Indus was reached. A bridge of boats was hastily thrown over, and Alexander and his army passed to the other side. Porus, the ruler of the country between the Indus and the river Hydaspes (Jehlam), sent presents of welcome to the invader, including three thousand animals for sacrifice, ten thousand sheep, thirty elephants, two hundred talents of silver, and seven hundred horsemen. The new king was also greeted with presents of ivory and precious stones. Even from far Kashmir came greetings to Alexander, whose fame was spreading rapidly. He now entered the Punjab, the "Land of the Five Rivers." But on the other side of the river Hydaspes a different reception awaited him. There the king (Porus) had assembled a sturdy, well-disciplined troop to dispute the passage of the river, which still separated the new King of Asia from his territory. But under cover of a mighty thunderstorm Alexander contrived to cross, though the river was rushing down yellow and fierce after the rains. Secretly the Greeks put together their thirty-oared galleys hidden in a wood, and utterly surprised Porus by landing on the other side. In their strange wanderings the Greeks had fought under varying conditions, but they had never faced elephants before. Nevertheless, they brilliantly repulsed an onslaught of these animals, who slowly retreated, "facing the foe, like ships backing water, and merely uttering a shrill, piping sound." Despite the elephants the old story was repeated, civilised arms triumphed over barbarians, and the army of Porus was annihilated, his chariots shattered, and thirty-three thousand men slain. The kingdom beyond the Hydaspes was now Alexander's. Ordering a great fleet of rafts and boats to be built for his proposed voyage to the mouth of the Indus, he pushed on to complete the conquest of the Five Stream Land, or the Punjab--the last province of the great Persian Empire. This was India--all that was known at this time. The India of the Ganges valley was beyond the knowledge of the Western world--the Ganges itself unknown to the Persians. And Alexander saw no reason to change his mind. "The great sea surrounds the whole earth," he stoutly maintained. But when he reached the eastern limit of the Punjab and heard that beyond lay a fertile land "where the inhabitants were skilled in agriculture, where there were elephants in yet greater abundance and men were superior in stature and courage," the world stretched out before him in an unexpected direction, and he longed to explore farther, to conquer new and utterly unknown worlds! But at last his men struck. They were weary, some were wounded, some were ill; seventy days of incessant rain had taken the heart out of them. "I am not ignorant, soldiers," said Alexander to the hesitating troops, "that during the last few days the natives of this country have been spreading all sorts of rumours to work upon your fears. The Persians in this way sought to terrify you with the gates of Cilicia, with the plains of Mesopotamia, with the Tigris and Euphrates, and yet this river you crossed by a ford and that by means of a bridge. By my troth, we had long ago fled from Asia could fables have been able to scare us. We are not standing on the threshold of our enterprise, but at the very close. We have already reached the sunrise and the ocean, and unless your sloth and cowardice prevent, we shall thence return in triumph to our native land, having conquered the earth to its remotest bounds. I beseech you that ye desert not your king just at the very moment when he is approaching the limits of the inhabited world." But the soldiers, "with their heads bent earthwards," stood in silence. It was not that they _would_ not follow him beyond the sunset; they _could_ not. Their tears began to flow, sobs reached the ears of Alexander, his anger turned to pity, and he wept with his men. "Oh, sir," at last cried one of his men, "we have done and suffered up to the full measure of the capacity of mortal nature. We have traversed seas and lands, and know them better than do the inhabitants themselves. We are standing now almost on the earth's utmost verge, and yet you are preparing to go in quest of an India unknown even to the Indians themselves. You would fain root out, from their hidden recesses and dens, a race of men that herd with snakes and wild beasts, so that you may traverse as a conqueror more regions than the sun surveys. But while your courage will be ever growing, our vigour is fast waning to its end. See how bloodless be our bodies, pierced with how many wounds and gashed with how many scars! Our weapons are blunt, our armour worn out! We have been driven to assume the Persian dress! Which of us has a horse? We have conquered all the world, but are ourselves destitute of all things." The conqueror was at last conquered. The order to turn back was reluctantly given by the disappointed king and leader. It was received with shouts of joy from the mixed multitudes of his followers, and the expedition faced for home. Back they marched through the new lands where no less than two thousand cities had owned his sway, till they came to the banks of the river where the ships were building. Two thousand boats were ready, including eighty thirty-oared galleys. It was now September 326 B.C. Nearchus from Crete was made Admiral of the new fleet, which at dawn one October morning pushed out upon the river Hydaspes and set sail downstream towards the unknown sea, Alexander standing proudly on the prow of the royal galley. The trumpets rang out, the oars moved, and the strange argosy, "such as had never been seen before in these parts," made its way down the unknown river to the unknown sea. Natives swarmed to the banks of the river to wonder at the strange sight, marvelling specially to see horses as passengers on board! The greater part of the army followed the ships on land, marching along the shores. At last the waters of the Hydaspes mingled with those of the Indus, and onwards down this great river floated the Persian fleet. Alexander had no pilots, no local knowledge of the country, but with his "unquenchable ambition to see the ocean and reach the boundaries of the world," he sailed on, "ignorant of everything on the way they had to pass." In vain they asked the natives assembled on the banks how far distant was the sea; they had never heard of the sea! At last they found a tide mixing its salt waters with the fresh. Soon a flood-tide burst upon them, forcing back the current of the river, and scattering the fleet. The sailors of the tideless Mediterranean knew nothing of the rise and fall of tides. They were in a state of panic and consternation. Some tried to push off their ships with long poles, others tried to row against the incoming tide; prows were dashed against poops, oars were broken, sterns were bumped, until at last the sea had flowed over all the level land near the river mouth. Suddenly a new danger appeared! The tide turned and the sea began to recede. Further misfortunes now befell the ships. Many were left high and dry; most of them were damaged in some way or another. Alexander sent horsemen to the seashore with instructions to watch for the return of the tide and to ride back in haste so that the fleet might be prepared. Thus they got safely out to sea on the next high tide. Alexander's explorations were now at an end. Leaving Nearchus to explore the seacoast at the mouth of the Indus, he left the spot near where the town of Hyderabad now stands, and turned his face toward the home he was never to reach. We must not linger over his terrible coast journey through the scorching desert of Beluchistan the billows of sand, the glare of the barren sea, the awful thirst, the long hungry marches of forty miles a day under the burning Eastern sun. [Illustration: A SKETCH-MAP OF ALEXANDER'S CHIEF EXPLORATORY MARCHES FROM ATHENS TO HYDERABAD AND GAZA. The dotted line shows the course of Nearchus' voyage down the river Indus, along the northern shores of the Indian Ocean, and up the Persian Gulf to Babylonia.] Our story is one of discovery, and we must turn to Nearchus, Admiral of the fleet, left behind at the mouth of the Indus to explore the coast to the Persian Gulf, where he was to meet Alexander if possible. Shortly after the fleet had emerged from the mouth of the Indus a violent south-west monsoon began to blow and Nearchus was obliged to seek shelter in a harbour, which he called the port of Alexander, but which to-day is known as Karachi, the most western seaport of India. The waters of the Indian Ocean were quite unknown to the Greeks, and they could only coast along in sight of land, anchoring at different points for the men to land and get water and food. Past the wild barren shores of Beluchistan they made their way; the natives subsisted on fish entirely even as they do to-day--even their huts being made of fish bones and their bread of pounded fish. They had but one adventure in their five months' cruise to the Persian Gulf, but we have a graphic account of how the terrified Greeks met a shoal of whales and how they frightened the whales away. Here is the story. One day towards daybreak they suddenly saw water spouting up from the sea, as if being violently carried upwards by whirlwinds. The sailors, feeling very frightened, asked their native guides what it meant. The natives replied that it was caused by whales blowing the water up into the air. At this explanation the Greek sailors were panic-stricken and dropped the oars from their hands. Nearchus saw that something must be done at once. So he bade the men draw up their ships in line as if for battle and row forward side by side towards the whales, shouting and splashing with their oars. At a given signal they duly advanced, and when they came near the sea-monsters they shouted with all their might and blew their trumpets and made all possible noise with their oars. On hearing which, says the old story, "the whales took fright and plunged into the depths, but not long after came to the surface again close to the sterns of the vessels and once more spouted great jets of water. Then the sailors shouted aloud at their happy and unlooked-for escape," and Nearchus was cheered as the saviour of the fleet. It is not uncommon to-day for steamers bound from Aden to Bombay to encounter what is called a "school of whales" similar to those which alarmed the fleet of Nearchus in the year 323 B.C. The expedition was completely successful and Nearchus pioneered his fleet to the mouth of the Euphrates. But the death of Alexander the Great and the confusion that followed set back the advance of geographical discovery in this direction for some time. [Illustration: ALEXANDRIA IN PIZZIGANI'S MAP, FOURTEENTH CENTURY. The river with the buildings on its bank is the Nile.] Alexandria--one of the many towns founded by Alexander--had become the world centre of the learned from Europe, Asia, and Africa. Its position was unrivalled. Situated at the mouth of the Nile, it commanded the Mediterranean Sea, while by means of the Red Sea it held easy communication with India and Arabia. When Egypt had come under the sway of Alexander, he had made one of his generals ruler over that country, and men of intellect collected there to study and to write. A library was started, and a Greek, Eratosthenes, held the post of librarian at Alexandria for forty years, namely, from 240-196 B.C. During this period he made a collection of all the travels and books of earth description--the first the world had ever known--and stored them in the Great Library of which he must have felt so justly proud. But Eratosthenes did more than this. He was the originator of Scientific Geography. He realised that no maps could be properly laid down till something was known of the size and shape of the earth. By this time all men of science had ceased to believe that the world was flat; they thought of it as a perfect round, but fixed at the centre in space. Many had guessed at the size of the earth. Some said it was forty thousand miles round, but Eratosthenes was not content with guessing. He studied the length of the shadow thrown by the sun at Alexandria and compared it with that thrown by the sun at Syene, near the first cataract of the Nile, some five hundred miles distant, and, as he thought, in the same longitude. The differences in the length of these two shadows he calculated would represent one-fiftieth of the circumference of the earth which would accordingly be twenty-five thousand miles. There was no one to tell him whether he had calculated right or wrong, but we know to-day that he was wonderfully right. But he must know more. He must find out how much of this earth was habitable. To the north and south of the known countries men declared it was too hot or too cold to live. So he decided that from north to south, that is, from the land of Thule to the land of Punt (Somaliland), the habitable earth stretched for some three thousand eight hundred miles, while from east to west--that is, from the Pillars of Hercules (Straits of Gibraltar) to India--would be some eight thousand miles. All the rest was ocean. Ignoring the division of the world into three continents, he divided it into two, north and south, divided by the Mediterranean and by a long range of mountains intersecting the whole of Asia. Then the famous librarian drew a map of the world for his library at Alexandria, but it has perished with all the rest of the valuable treasure collected in this once celebrated city. We know that he must have made a great many mistakes in drawing a map of his little island world which measured eight thousand miles by three thousand eight hundred miles. It must have been quaintly arranged. The Caspian Sea was connected with a Northern Ocean, the Danube sent a tributary to the Adriatic, there was no Bay of Biscay, the British Isles lay in the wrong direction, Africa was not half its right size, the Ganges flowed into the Eastern Ocean, Ceylon was a huge island stretching east and west, while across the whole of Asia a mountain chain stretched in one long unbroken line. And yet, with all his errors, he was nearer the truth than men three centuries later. CHAPTER VI PYTHEAS FINDS THE BRITISH ISLES For some centuries past men had been pushing eastward, and to west, vast lands lay unexplored, undreamt of, amongst them a little far-off island "set in a silver sea." Pytheas was the first explorer to bring the world news of the British Isles. About the time that Alexander was making his way eastward through Persia, Pytheas was leaving the Greek colony of Marseilles for the west and north. The Phoenicians, with their headquarters at Carthage, had complete command of the mineral trade of Spain--the Mexico of the ancient world. They knew where to find the gold and silver from the rivers--indeed, they said that the coast, from the Tagus to the Pyrenees, was "stuffed with mines of gold and silver and tin." The Greeks were now determined to see for themselves--the men of Carthage should no longer have it all their own way. Where were these tin islands, kept so secret by the master-mariners of the ancient world? A committee of merchants met at Marseilles and engaged the services of Pytheas, a great mathematician, and one who made a study of the effect of the moon on the tides. All sorts of vague rumours had reached the ears of Pytheas about the northern regions he was about to visit. He would discover the homes of the tin and amber merchants, he would find the people who lived "at the back of the north wind," he would reach a land of perpetual sunshine, where swans sang like nightingales and life was one unending banquet. So Pytheas, the mathematician of Marseilles started off on his northern trip. Unfortunately, his diary and book called _The Circuit of the Earth_ have perished, and our story of geographical discovery is the poorer. But these facts have survived. The ships first touched at Cadiz, the "Tyre of the West," a famous port in those days, where Phoenician merchants lived, "careless and secure" and rich. This was the limit of Greek geographical knowledge; here were the Pillars of Hercules, beyond which all was dim and mysterious and interesting. Five days' sail, that is to say, some three hundred miles along the coast of Spain, brought Pytheas to Cape St. Vincent. He thought he was navigating the swift ocean river flowing round the world. He was, therefore, surprised to find as he rounded the Cape that the current had ceased, or, in his own words, the "ebb came to an end." Three days more and they were at the mouth of the Tagus. Near this part of the coast lay the Tin Islands, according to Greek ideas, though even to-day their exact locality is uncertain. Pytheas must have heard the old tradition that the Cassiterides were ten in number and lay near each other in the ocean, that they were inhabited by people who wore black cloaks and long tunics reaching to the feet, that they walked with long staves and subsisted by their cattle. They led a wandering life; they bartered hides, tin, and lead with the merchants in exchange for pottery, salt, and implements of bronze. That these islands had already been visited by Himilco the Carthaginian seems fairly certain. He had started from Cadiz for the north when Hanno started for the south. From the Tin Islands his fleet had ventured forth into the open sea. Thick fogs had hidden the sun and the ships were driven south before a north wind till they reached, though they did not know it, the Sargasso Sea, famous for its vast plains of seaweed, through which it was difficult to push the ships. "Sea animals," he tells us, "crept upon the tangled weed." It has been thought that with a little good fortune Himilco might have discovered America two thousand years before the birth of Columbus. But Himilco returned home by the Azores or Fortunate Islands, as they were called. Leaving the Tin Islands, Pytheas voyaged on to Cape Finisterre, landing on the island of Ushant, where he found a temple served by women priests who kept up a perpetual fire in honour of their god. Thence Pytheas sailed prosperously on up the English Channel till he struck the coast of Kent. Britain, he announced, was several days' journey from Ushant, and about one hundred and seventy miles to the north. He sailed round part of the coast, making notes of distances, but these are curiously exaggerated. This was not unnatural, for the only method of determining distance was roughly based on the number of miles that a ship could go in an hour along the shore. Measuring in this primitive fashion, Pytheas assures us that Britain is a continent of enormous size, and that he has discovered a "new world." It is, he says, three cornered in shape, something like the head of a battleaxe. The south side, lying opposite the coast of France, is eight hundred and thirty-five miles in length, the eastern coast is sixteen hundred and sixty-five miles, the western two thousand two hundred and twenty-two--indeed, the whole country was thought to be over four thousand miles in circumference. These calculations must have been very upsetting to the old geographers of that age, because up to this time they had decided that the whole world was only three thousand four hundred miles long and six thousand eight hundred broad. He tells us that he made journeys into the interior of Britain, that the inhabitants drink mead, and that there is an abundance of wheat in the fields. "The natives," he says, "collect the sheaves in great barns and thrash out the corn there, because they have so little sunshine that an open thrashing-place would be of little use in that land of clouds and rain." He seems to have voyaged north as far as the Shetland Islands, but he never saw Ireland. Having returned from the north of the Thames, Pytheas crossed the North Sea to the mouth of the Rhine, a passage which took about two and a half days. He gives a pitiable account of the people living on the Dutch coast and their perpetual struggle with the sea. The natives had not learnt the art of making dykes and embankments. A high tide with a wind setting toward the shore would sweep over the low-lying country and swamp their homes. A mounted horseman could barely gallop from the rush and force of these strong North Sea tides. But the Greek geographers would not believe this; they only knew the tideless Mediterranean, and they thought Pytheas was lying when he told of the fierce northern sea. Pytheas sailed past the mouth of the Elbe, noting the amber cast upon the shore by the high spring tides. But all these interesting discoveries paled before the famous land of Thule, six days' voyage north of Britain, in the neighbourhood of the frozen ocean. Grand excitement reigned among geographers when they heard of Thule, and a very sea of romance rose up around the name. Had Pytheas indeed found the end of the world? Was it an island? Was it mainland? In the childhood of the world, when so little was known and so much imagined, men's minds caught at the name of Thule--Ultima Thule--far-away Thule, and weaved round it many and beautiful legends. But to-day we ask: Was it Iceland? Was it Lapland? Was it one of the Shetland Isles? [Illustration: NORTH BRITAIN AND THE ISLAND OF THULE. From Mercator's edition of Ptolemy's map.] "Pytheas said that the farthest parts of the world are those which lie about Thule, the northernmost of the Britannic Isles, but he never said whether Thule was an island or whether the world was habitable by man as far as that point. I should think myself"--the speaker is Strabo, a famous Greek traveller who wrote seventeen books of geography--"I should think myself that the northern limit of habitude lies much farther to the south, for the writers of our age say nothing of any place beyond Ireland, which is situate in front of the northern parts of Britain." Pytheas said that Thule was six days' sail north of Britain. "But who in his senses would believe this?" cries Strabo again. "For Pytheas, who described Thule, has been shown to be the falsest of men. A traveller, starting from the middle of Britain and going five hundred miles to the north, would come to a country somewhere about Ireland, where living would be barely possible." The first account of the Arctic regions likewise reads like pure romance to the ignorant and untravelled. "After one day's journey to the north of Thule," says Pytheas, "men come to a sluggish sea, where there is no separation of sea, land, and air, but a mixture of these elements like the substance of jelly-fish, through which one can neither walk nor sail." Here the nights were very short, sometimes only two hours, after which the sun rose again. This, in fact, was the "Sleeping Palace of the Sun." With all this wealth of discovery, Pytheas returned home by the Bay of Biscay to the mouth of the Gironde; thence he sailed up the Garonne, and from the modern town of Bordeaux he reached Marseilles by an overland journey. CHAPTER VII JULIUS CAESAR AS EXPLORER Our next explorer is Julius Caesar. As Alexander the Great had combined the conqueror with the explorer, so now history repeats itself, and we find the Roman Caesar not only conquering, but exploring. It was Caesar who first dispelled the mist that lay over the country about the French Seine, the German Rhine, the English Thames--Caesar who gives us the first graphic account of crossing the English Channel from France to England. Pytheas had hinted at the fog-bound lands of the north--Caesar brought them into the light of day. Since the days of Alexander the centre of Empire had shifted from Greece to Rome, and Rome was now conquering and annexing land, as Persia had done in the olden days. Hence it was that Julius Caesar was in the year 58 B.C. appointed Governor of a new province recently brought under Roman sway, stretching from the Alps to the Garonne and northward to the Lake of Geneva, which at this time marked the frontier of the Roman Empire. Caesar made no secret of his intentions to subdue the tribes to the north of his province and bring all Gaul under the dominion of Rome. His appointment carried with it the command of four legions, including some twenty thousand soldiers. His chance soon came, and we find Caesar, with all the ability of a great commander, pushing forward with his army into the very heart of France one hundred and fifty miles beyond the Roman frontier. On the banks of the river Saone he defeated a large body of Celtic people who were migrating from Switzerland to make their homes in the warmer and roomier plains at the foot of the Pyrenees. While the defeated Celts returned to their chilly homes among the mountains, victorious Caesar resolved to push on at the head of his army toward the Rhine, where some German tribes under a "ferocious headstrong savage" threatened to overrun the country. After marching through utterly unknown country for three days, he heard that fresh swarms of invaders had crossed the Rhine, intending to occupy the more fertile tracts on the French side. They were making for the town we now call Besancon--then, as now, strongly fortified, and nearly surrounded by the river Doubs. By forced marches night and day, Caesar hastened to the town and took it before the arrival of the invaders. Accounts of the German tribes even now approaching were brought in by native traders and Gaulish chiefs, until the Roman soldiers were seized with alarm. Yes, said the traders, these Germans were "men of huge stature, incredible valour, and practised skill in wars; many a time they had themselves come across them, and had not been able to look them in the face or meet the glare of their piercing eyes." The Romans felt they were in an unknown land, about to fight against an unknown foe. Violent panic seized them, "completely paralysing every one's judgment and nerve." Some could not restrain their tears; others shut themselves up in their tents and bemoaned their fate. "All over the camp men were making their wills," until Caesar spoke, and the panic ceased. Seven days' march brought them to the plain of Alsace, some fifty miles from the Rhine. A battle was fought with the German tribes, and "the enemy all turned tail and did not cease their flight until they reached the Rhine." Some swam across, some found boats, many were killed by the Romans in hot pursuit. For the first time Romans beheld the German Rhine--that great river that was to form a barrier for so long between them and the tribes beyond. But Caesar's exploration was not to end here. The following year found him advancing against the Belgae--tribes living between the Rhine and the Seine. In one brilliant campaign he subdued the whole of north-eastern Gaul from the Seine to the Rhine. Leaving Roman soldiers in the newly conquered country, he returned to his province, and was some eight hundred miles away when he heard that a general rebellion was breaking out in that part we now know as Brittany. He at once ordered ships to be built on the Loire, "which flows into the ocean," oarsmen to be trained, seamen and pilots assembled. The spring of 56 B.C. found Caesar at the seat of war. His ships were ready on the Loire. But the navy of the Veneti was strong. They were a sea-going folk, who knew their own low rocky coast, intersected by shallow inlets of the sea; they knew their tides and their winds. Their flat-bottomed boats were suitable to shallows and ebbing tides. Bows and stern stood high out of the water to resist heavy seas and severe gales; the hulls were built of oak. Leather was used for sails to withstand the violent ocean storms. The long Roman galleys were no match for these, and things would have gone badly had not Caesar devised a plan for cutting the enemy's rigging with hooks "sharpened at the end and fixed to long poles." With these, the Romans cut the rigging of the enemy's ships forming the fleet of Brittany; the sails fell and the ships were rendered useless. One after another they were easily captured, and at sunset the victory lay with the Romans. The whole of Gaul, from the Rhine to the Pyrenees, seemed now subdued. Caesar had conquered as he explored, and the skill of his well-disciplined army triumphed everywhere over the untrained courage of the barbarian tribes. Still, the German tribes were giving trouble about the country of the Rhine, and in the words of the famous _Commentaries_, "Caesar was determined to cross the Rhine, but he hardly thought it safe to cross in boats. Therefore, although the construction of a bridge presented great difficulties on account of the breadth, swiftness, and depth of the stream, he nevertheless thought it best to make the attempt or else not cross at all." Indeed, he wanted to impress the wild German people on the other side with a sense of the vast power of the Roman Empire. The barbarian tribes beyond must, indeed, have been impressed with the skill of the Roman soldier. For in ten days the bridge was completed: timber had been hewn from the forest, brought to the banks of the Rhine, worked into shape, piles driven into the bed of the river, beams laid across. And Caesar led his army in triumph to the other side. They stood for the first time in the land of the Germans, near the modern town of Coblenz, and after eighteen days on the farther side, they returned to Gaul, destroying the bridge behind them. Caesar had now a fresh adventure in view. He was going to make his way to Britain. The summer of 55 B.C. was passing, and "in these parts, the whole of Gaul having a northerly trend, winter sets in early," wrote Caesar afterwards. There would be no time to conquer, but he could visit the island, find out for himself what the people were like, learn about harbours and landing-places, "for of all this the Greeks knew practically nothing. No one, indeed, readily undertakes the voyage to Britain except traders, and even they know nothing of it except the coast." Caesar summoned all the traders he could collect and inquired the size of the island, what tribes dwelt there, their names, their customs, and the shortest sea passage. Then he sent for the ships which had vanquished the fleet of Brittany the previous year; he also assembled some eighty merchant ships on the northern coast of Gaul, probably not very far from Calais. It was near the end of August, when soon after midnight the wind served and he set sail. A vision of the great Roman--determined, resolute--rises before us as, standing on the deck of the galley, he looks out on to the dark waters of the unknown sea bound for the coast of England. After a slow passage the little fleet arrived under the steep white cliffs of the southern coast about nine o'clock next morning. Armed forces of barbarians stood on the heights above Dover, and, finding it impossible to land, Caesar gave orders to sail some seven miles farther along the coast, where they ran the ships aground not far from Deal. But the visit of the Romans to Britain on this occasion lasted but three days, for a violent storm scattered the ships with the horses on board. "The same night," says Caesar, "it happened to be full moon, which generally causes very high tides in the ocean, a fact of which our men were not aware." Indeed, we may well believe that a night of full moon and an unusually high tide would be a mystery to those children of the Mediterranean. Their ships had been beached and were lying high and dry when the rapidly rising tide overwhelmed them. Cables were broken, anchors lost, panic ensued. But Caesar's glory lay in overcoming obstacles, and it is well known how he got his troops and ships safely back across the Channel, and how preparations were hurried on in Gaul for a second invasion of Britain. This is not the place for the story of his campaign. He was the first to raise the curtain on the mysterious islands discovered by Pytheas. "Far to the west, in the ocean wide, Beyond the realm of Gaul, a land there lies, Sea-girt it lies, where giants dwelt of old." Caesar's remarks on this new-found land are interesting for us to-day. He tells us of "a river called the Thames, about eight miles from the sea." "The interior of Britain," he says, "is inhabited by a people who, according to tradition, are aboriginal. The population is immense; homesteads closely resembling those of the Gauls are met with at every turn, and cattle are very numerous. Gold coins are in use, or iron bars of fixed weight. Hares, fowls, and geese they think it wrong to taste; but they keep them for pastime or amusement. The climate is more equable than in Gaul, the cold being less severe. The island is triangular in shape, one side being opposite Gaul. One corner of this side, by Kent--the landing-place for almost all ships from Gaul--has an easterly, and the lower one a westerly, aspect. The extent of this side is about five hundred miles. The second trends off towards Spain. Off the coast here is Ireland, which is considered only half as large as Britain. Halfway across is an island called 'Man,' and several smaller islands also are believed to be situated opposite this coast, in which there is continuous night for thirty days. The length of this side is eight hundred miles. Thus the whole island is two thousand miles in circumference. The people of the interior do not, for the most part, cultivate grain, but live on milk and flesh-meat, and clothe themselves with skins. All Britons, without exception, stain themselves with woad, which produces a bluish tint. They wear their hair long." Caesar crossed the Thames. "The river can only be forded at one spot," he tells us, "and there with difficulty." Farther he did not go. And so this is all that was known of Britain for many a long year to come. CHAPTER VIII STRABO'S GEOGRAPHY Strabo wrote his famous geography near the beginning of the Christian era, but he knew nothing of the north of England, Scotland, or Wales. He insisted on placing Ireland to the north, and scoffed at Pytheas' account of Thule. And yet he boasted a wider range than any other writer on geography, "for that those who had penetrated farther towards the West had not gone so far to the East, and those on the contrary who had seen more of the East had seen less of the West." Like Herodotus, Strabo had travelled himself from Armenia and western Italy, from the Black Sea to Egypt and up the Nile to Philae. But his seventeen volumes--vastly important to his contemporaries--read like a romance to us to-day, and a glance at the map laid down according to his descriptions is like a vague and distorted caricature of the real thing. And yet, according to the men of his times, he "surpasses all the geographical writings of antiquity, both in grandeur of plan and in abundance and variety of its materials." Strabo has summed up for us the knowledge of the ancient world as it was in the days of the Emperor Caesar Augustus of the great Roman Empire, as it was when in far-off Syria the Christ was born and the greater part of the known earth was under the sway of Rome. A wall-map had already been designed by order of Augustus to hang in a public place in Rome--the heart of the Empire--so that the young Romans might realise the size of their inheritance, while a list of the chief places on the roads, which, radiating from Rome, formed a network over the Empire, was inscribed on the Golden Milestone in the Forum. [Illustration: A PORTION OF AN OLD ROMAN MAP OF THE WORLD, SHOWING THE ROADS THROUGH THE EMPIRE, RIVERS, MOUNTAINS, AND THE SURROUNDING SEAS. This is a portion--a few inches--taken from the famous Peutinger Table, a long strip map on parchment, of the fourth century, derived from Augustan maps according to the measurements of Caesar Augustus Agrippa. It will be noticed how the roads, beginning with the Twelve Ways, which start from Rome in the centre, go in straight lines over all obstacles to the towns of the Empire. Distances are marked in stadia (about 1/9 mile).] We may well imagine with what keen interest the schoolmen of Alexandria would watch the extension of the Roman Empire. Here Strabo had studied, here or at Rome he probably wrote his great work toward the close of a long life. He has read his Homer and inclines to take every word he says as true. Herodotus he will have none of. "Herodotus and other writers trifle very much," he asserts, "when they introduce into their histories the marvellous like an interlude of some melody." In like manner he disbelieves poor Pytheas and his accounts of the land of Ultima Thule and his marvellous walks through Britain, while he clings to the writings of Eratosthenes. But in common with them all Strabo believes the world to be one vast island, surrounded on all sides by ocean into which the rivers flow, and the Caspian Sea and Persian Gulf are but inlets. So is also the Mediterranean or "Our Sea," as he prefers to call it. This earth-island reaches north to south, from Ireland, "barely habitable on account of the cold," to the cinnamon country (Somaliland), "the most southerly point of the habitable earth." From west to east it stretches from the Pillars of Hercules right "through the middle of Our Sea" to the shores of Asia Minor, then across Asia by an imaginary chain of mountains to an imaginary spot where the Ganges, lately discovered, emptied its waters into the world-surrounding ocean stream. [Illustration: THE WORLD-ISLAND ACCORDING TO STRABO, 18 A.D. The blank space within the circle is one vast sea surrounding the world.] The breadth of the habitable earth is three thousand miles, the length about seven thousand--a little world, indeed, with the greater world lying all around it, still undreamt of by the old student of geography and the traveller after truth. He begins his book with a detailed account of southern Spain. He tells of her two hundred towns. "Those best known are situated on the rivers, estuaries, and seas; but the two which have acquired the greatest name and importance are Cordova and Cadiz. After these Seville is the most noted.... A vast number of people dwell along the Guadalquivir, and you may sail up it almost a hundred and twenty miles from the sea to Cordova and the places a little higher up. The banks and little inlets of this river are cultivated with the greatest diligence. The eye is also delighted with groves and gardens, which in this district are met with in the highest perfection. For fifty miles the river is navigable for ships of considerable size, but for the cities higher up smaller vessels are employed, and thence to Cordova river-boats. These are now constructed of planks joined together, but they were formerly made out of a single trunk. A chain of mountains, rich in metal, runs parallel to the Guadalquivir, approaching the river, sometimes more, sometimes less, toward the north." He grows enthusiastic over the richness of this part of southern Spain, famous from ancient days under the name of Tartessus for its wealth. "Large quantities of corn and wine are exported, besides much oil, which is of the first quality, also wax, honey, and pitch ... the country furnishes the timber for their shipbuilding. They have likewise mineral salt and not a few salt streams. A considerable quantity of salted fish is exported, not only from hence, but also from the remainder of the coast beyond the Pillars. Formerly they exported large quantities of garments, but they now send the unmanufactured wool remarkable for its beauty. The stuffs manufactured are of incomparable texture. There is a superabundance of cattle and a great variety of game, while on the other hand there are certain little hares which burrow in the ground (rabbits). These creatures destroy both seeds and trees by gnawing their roots. They are met with throughout almost the whole of Spain. It is said that formerly the inhabitants of Majorca and Minorca sent a deputation to the Romans requesting that a new land might be given them, as they were quite driven out of their country by these animals, being no longer able to stand against their vast multitudes." The seacoast on the Atlantic side abounds in fish, says Strabo. "The congers are quite monstrous, far surpassing in size those of Our Sea. Shoals of rich fat tunny fish are driven hither from the seacoast beyond. They feed on the fruit of stunted oak, which grows at the bottom of the sea and produces very large acorns. So great is the quantity of fruit, that at the season when they are ripe the whole coast on either side of the Pillars is covered with acorns thrown up by the tides. The tunny fish become gradually thinner, owing to the failure of their food as they approach the Pillars from the outer sea." He describes, too, the metals of this wondrous land--gold, silver, copper, and iron. It is astonishing to think that in the days of Strabo the silver mines employed forty thousand workmen, and produced something like 900 pounds a day in our modern money! But we cannot follow Strabo over the world in all his detail. He tells us of a people living north of the Tagus, who slept on the ground, fed on acorn-bread, and wore black cloaks by day and night. He does not think Britain is worth conquering--Ireland lies to the north, not west, of Britain; it is a barren land full of cannibals and wrapped in eternal snows--the Pyrenees run parallel to the Rhine--the Danube rises near the Alps--even Italy herself runs east and west instead of north and south. His remarks on India are interesting. "The reader," he says, "must receive the accounts of this country with indulgence. Few persons of our nation have seen it; the greater part of what they relate is from report. Very few of the merchants who now sail from Egypt by the Nile and the Arabian Gulf to India have proceeded as far as the Ganges." He is determined not to be led astray by the fables of the great size of India. Some had told him it was a third of the whole habitable world, some that it took four months to walk through the plain only. "Ceylon is said to be an island lying out at sea seven days' sail from the most southerly parts of India. Its length is about eight hundred miles. It produces elephants." Strabo died about the year 21 A.D., and half a century passed before Pliny wrote _An Account of Countries, Nations, Seas, Towns, Havens, Mountains, Rivers, Distances, and Peoples who now Exist or Formerly Existed_. Strange to say, he never refers in the most distant way to his famous predecessor Strabo. He has but little to add to the earth-knowledge of Strabo. But he gives us a fuller account of Great Britain, based on the fresh discoveries of Roman generals. CHAPTER IX THE ROMAN EMPIRE AND PLINY In the year 43 A.D. the Emperor Claudius resolved to send an expedition to the British coast, lying amid the mists and fog of the Northern Ocean. A gigantic army landed near the spot where Caesar had landed just a hundred years before. The discovery and conquest of Britain now began in real earnest. The Isle of Wight was overrun by Romans; the south coast was explored. Roman soldiers lost their lives in the bogs and swamps of Gloucestershire. The eastern counties, after fierce opposition, submitted at the last. The spirit of Caractacus and Boadicea spread from tribe to tribe and the Romans were constantly assailed. But gradually they swept the island. They reached the banks of the river Tyne; they crossed the Tweed and explored as far as the Firths of Clyde and Forth. From the coast of Galloway the Romans beheld for the first time the dim outline of the Irish coast. In the year 83 A.D. Agricola, a new Roman commander, made his way beyond the Firth of Forth. "Now is the time to penetrate into the heart of Caledonia and to discover the utmost limits of Britain," cried the Romans, as they began their advance to the Highlands of Scotland. While a Roman fleet surveyed the coasts and harbours, Agricola led his men up the valley of the Tay to the edge of the Highlands, but he could not follow the savage Caledonians into their rugged and inaccessible mountains. To the north of Scotland they never penetrated, and no part of Ireland ever came under Roman sway, in that air "the Roman eagle never fluttered." The Roman account of Britain at this time is interesting. "Britain," says Tacitus, "the largest of all the islands which have come within the knowledge of the Romans, stretches on the east towards Germany, on the west towards Spain, and on the south it is even within sight of France.... The Roman fleet, at this period first sailing round this remotest coast, gave certain proof that Britain was an island, and at the same time discovered and subdued the Orkney Islands, till then unknown. Thule was also distinctly seen, which winter and eternal snow had hitherto concealed.... The sky in this country is deformed by clouds and frequent rains; but the cold is never extremely rigorous. The earth yields gold and silver and other metals--the ocean produces pearls." The account of Ireland is only from hearsay. "This island," continues Tacitus, "is less than Britain, but larger than those of Our Sea. Situated between Britain and Spain and lying commodiously to the Bay of Biscay, it would have formed a very beneficial connection between the most powerful parts of the Empire. Its soil, climate, and the manners and dispositions of its inhabitants are little different from those of Britain. Its ports and harbours are better known from the concourse of merchants for the purposes of commerce." Not only the British Isles, but a good deal of the wild North Sea and the low-lying coast on the opposite side were explored by Roman ships and Roman soldiers. Caesar had crossed the Rhine; he had heard of a great forest which took a man four months to cross, and in 16 A.D. a Roman general, Drusus, penetrated into the interior of Germany. Drusus crossed the Rhine near the coast, made his way across the river Weser, and reached the banks of the Elbe. But the fame of Drusus rests mainly on his navigation of the German Ocean or North Sea in a Roman fleet. Near the mouth of the Rhine a thousand ships were quickly built by expert Romans. "Some were short, with narrow stern and prow and broad in the middle, the easier to endure the shock of the waves; some had flat bottoms that without damage they might run aground; many were fitted for carrying horses and provisions, convenient for sails and swift with oars." The Roman troops were in high spirits as they launched their splendid fleet on the Northern Ocean and sailed prosperously to the mouth of the Elbe, startling the Frisians into submission. But no friendliness greeted them on the farther side of the river. The Germans were ready to defend their land, and further advance was impossible. Returning along the northern coast, the Romans got a taste of the storms of this northern ocean, of which they were in such complete ignorance. "The sea, at first calm," says Tacitus, "resounded with the oars of a thousand ships; but presently a shower of hail poured down from a black mass of clouds, at the same time storms raging on all sides in every variety, the billows rolling now here, now there, obstructed the view and made it impossible to manage the ships. The whole expanse of air and sea was swept by a south-west wind, which, deriving strength from the mountainous regions of Germany, its deep rivers and boundless tract of clouded atmosphere, and rendered still harsher by the rigour of the neighbouring north, tore away the ships, scattered and drove them into the open ocean or upon islands dangerous from precipitous rocks or hidden sandbanks. Having got a little clear of these, but with great difficulty, the tide turning and flowing in the same direction as that in which the wind blew, they were unable to ride at anchor or bale out the water that broke in upon them; horses, beasts of burthen, baggage, even arms were thrown overboard to lighten the holds of the ships, which took in water at their sides, and from the waves, too, running over them. Around were either shores inhabited by enemies, or a sea so vast and unfathomable as to be supposed the limit of the world and unbounded by lands. Part of the fleet was swallowed up; many were driven upon remote islands, where the men perished through famine. The galley of Drusus or, as he was hereafter called, Germanicus, alone reached the mouth of the Weser. Both day and night, amid the rocks and prominences of the shore, he reproached himself as the author of such overwhelming destruction, and was hardly restrained by his friends from destroying himself in the same sea. At last, with the returning tide and a favouring gale, the shattered ships returned, almost all destitute or with garments spread for sails." [Illustration: HULL OF A ROMAN MERCHANT-SHIP. From a Roman model in marble at Greenwich.] The wreck of the Roman fleet in the North Sea made a deep impression on the Roman capital, and many a garbled story of the "extreme parts of the world" was circulated throughout the Empire. Here was new land outside the boundaries of the Empire--country great with possibilities. Pliny, writer of the _Natural History_, now arises and endeavours to clear the minds of his countrymen by some account of these northern regions. Strabo had been dead some fifty years, and the Empire had grown since his days. But Pliny has news of land beyond the Elbe. He can tell us of Scandinavia, "an island of unknown extent," of Norway, another island, "the inhabitants of which sailed as far as Thule," of the Seamen or Swedes who lived in the "northern half of the world." "It is madness to harass the mind with attempts to measure the world," he asserts, but he proceeds to tell us the size of the world as accepted by him. "Our part of the earth, floating as it were in the ocean, which surrounds it, stretching out to the greatest extent from India to the Pillars at Cadiz, is eight thousand five hundred and sixty-eight miles ... the breadth from south to north is commonly supposed to be half its length." But how little was known of the north of Europe at this time is shown by a startling statement that "certain Indians sailing from India for the purposes of commerce had been driven by tempests into Germany." "Thus it appears," concludes Pliny, "that the seas flow completely round the globe and divide it into two parts." How Balbus discovered and claimed for the Empire some of the African desert is related by Pliny. He tells us, too, how another Roman general left the west coast of Africa, marched for ten days, reached Mt. Atlas, and "in a desert of dark-coloured sand met a river which he supposed to be the Niger." The home of the Ethiopians in Africa likewise interested Pliny. "There can be no doubt that the Ethiopians are scorched by their vicinity to the sun's heat, and that they are born like persons who have been burned, with beard and hair frizzled, while in the opposite and frozen parts of the earth there are nations with white skins and long light hair." Pliny's geography was the basis of much mediaeval writing, and his knowledge of the course of the Niger remained unchallenged, till Mungo Park re-discovered it many centuries after. [Illustration: A ROMAN GALLEY, ABOUT 110 A.D. From Trajan's Column at Rome.] CHAPTER X PTOLEMY'S MAPS And so we reach the days of Ptolemy--the last geographer of the Pagan World. This famous Greek was born in Egypt, and the great Roman Empire was already showing signs of decay, while Ptolemy was searching the great Alexandrian library for materials for his book. Alexandria was now the first commercial city of the world, second only to Rome. She supplied the great population in the heart of the Empire with Egyptian corn. Ships sailed from Alexandria to every part of the known world. It was, therefore, a suitable place for Ptolemy to listen to the yarns of the merchants, to read the works of Homer, Herodotus, Eratosthenes, Strabo, Pliny, and others, to study and observe, and finally to write. He begins his great geography with the north-west extremities of the world--the British Isles, Iverna, and Albion as he calls Ireland and England. But he places Ireland much too far north, and the shape of Scotland has little resemblance to the original.[2] He realised that there were lands to the south of Africa, to the east of Africa, and to the north of Europe, all stretching far away beyond his ken. He agrees with Pliny about the four islands in the neighbourhood of Scandinavia, and draws the Volga correctly, He realises, too, that the Caspian is an inland sea, and unconnected with the surrounding ocean. [Footnote 2: If Ptolemy's longitudes are adjusted, he becomes extraordinarily correct.] [Illustration: "THE UNROLLING OF THE CLOUDS"--II. THE WORLD AS KNOWN TO PTOLEMY AND THE ROMANS.] Perhaps the most remarkable part of Ptolemy's geography is that which tells us of the lands beyond the Ganges. He knows something of the "Golden Chersonese" or Malay Peninsula, something of China, where "far away towards the north, and bordering on the eastern ocean, there is a land containing a great city from which silk is exported, both raw and spun and woven into textures." The wonder is that Ptolemy did not know more of China, for that land had one of the oldest civilisations in the world, as wondrous as those of Assyria and Egypt. But China had had little or no direct intercourse with the West till after the death of Ptolemy. Merchants had passed between China and India for long centuries, and "the Indians had made journeys in the golden deserts in troops of one or two thousand, and it is said that they do not return from these journeys till the third or fourth year." This was the Desert of Gobi, called golden because it opened the way to wealth. But perhaps the most interesting part of this great geography, which was to inform the world for centuries yet to come, was the construction of a series of twenty-six maps and a general map of the known world. This was one of the most important maps ever constructed, and forms our frontispiece from mediaeval copies of the original. The twelve heads blowing sundry winds on to the world's surface are characteristic of the age. The twenty-six maps are in sections. They are the first maps to be drawn with lines of latitude and longitude. The measurements are very vague. The lines are never ruled; they are drawn uncertainly in red; they are neither straight nor regular, though the spaces between the lines indicate degrees of fifty miles. The maps are crowded with towns, each carefully walled in by little red squares and drawn by hand. The water is all coloured a sombre, greeny blue, and the land is washed in a rich yellow brown. A copy can be seen at the British Museum. It is only by looking back that we can realise the progress made in earth-knowledge. Ptolemy wrote just a thousand years after Homer, when the little world round the Mediterranean had become a great Empire stretching from the British Isles to China. Already the barbaric hordes which haunted the frontiers of the Roman Empire were breaking across the ill-defended boundaries, desolating streams were bursting over the civilised world, until at last the storm broke, the unity of the Empire was ended, commerce broken up, and the darkness of ignorance spread over the earth. During this time little in the way of progress was made, and for the next few centuries our only interest lies in filling up some of the shadowy places of the earth, without extending its known bounds. CHAPTER XI PILGRIM TRAVELLERS Meanwhile a new inspiration had been given to the world, which affected travelling to no small extent. In far-off Roman province of Syria, the Christ had lived, the Christ had died. And His words were ringing through the land: "Go ye and make disciples of all the nations, preach the gospel to every creature." Here at once was a new incentive to travel, a definite reason for men to venture forth into the unknown, to brave dangers, to endure hardship. They must carry their Master's words "unto the ends of the world." The Roman Empire had brought men under one rule; they must now be brought to serve one God. So men passed out of Syria; they landed on the islands in the Mediterranean, they made their way to Asia Minor and across to Greece, until in the year 60 A.D. we get the graphic account of Paul the traveller, one of the first and most famous of the missionaries of the first century. Jerusalem now became, indeed, the world centre. A very stream of pilgrim travellers tramped to the Holy City from far-away lands to see for themselves the land where the Christ had lived and died. The pilgrim age begins with the journey of a woman--the beautiful and learned daughter of the King of Britain, Helena, mother of the Emperor Constantine. She was a student of divinity and a devoted Christian. In the year 326 she undertook the difficult journey to Jerusalem, where she is reported to have discovered the "true cross," which had been buried, with Pilate's inscription in "Hebrew and Greek and Latin." When the news of her discovery was noised abroad a very rush of pilgrims took place from every part of the world. Indeed, one pilgrim--his name is unknown--thought it worth while to write a guide-book for the benefit of his fellow-travellers. His _Itinerary from Bordeaux to Jerusalem_ is very interesting, being the first Christian guide-book and one of the earliest travel-documents ever written for the use of travellers. This ancient "Bradshaw" has been translated into English and throws light on fourth-century travelling. Enthusiastic indeed must these early pilgrims have been to undertake the long and toilsome journey. [Illustration: THE FIRST STAGES OF A MEDIAEVAL PILGRIMAGE: LONDON TO DOVER. From Matthew of Paris's _Itinerary_, thirteenth century.] The guide-book takes them, save for crossing the Bosphorus, entirely by land. It leads them from the "city of Bordeaux, where is the river Garonne in which the ocean ebbs and flows for one hundred leagues more or less," to Arles, with thirty changes and eleven halts in three hundred and seventy-two miles. There were milestones along the Roman roads to guide them, and houses at regular intervals where horses were kept for posting. From Arles the pilgrim goes north to Avignon, crosses the Alps, and halts at the Italian frontier. Skirting the north of Italy by Turin, Milan, and Padua, he reaches the Danube at Belgrade, passes through Servia and Bulgaria and so reaches Constantinople--the great new city of Constantine. "Grand total from Bordeaux to Constantinople, two thousand two hundred and twenty-one miles, with two hundred and thirty changes and one hundred and twelve halts." "From Constantinople," continues the guide-book, "you cross the strait and walk on through Asia Minor, passing the spot where lies King Hannibal, once King of the Africans." Thus onward through the long dreary miles to Tarsus, where "was born the Apostle Paul," till Syria is reached at last. Then the "Bradshaw" becomes a "Baedeker." Long and detailed accounts are given of the country through which the pilgrim has to pass. From Caesarea he is led to Jezreel by the spot "where David slew Goliath," by "Job's country house" to Sichem, "where Joseph is laid," and thence to Jerusalem. Full accounts follow of the Holy City and Mount Sion, "the little hill of Golgotha where the Lord was crucified," the Mount of Olives, Jericho, Jordan, Bethlehem, and Hebron. "Here is a monument of square form built of stone of wondrous beauty," in which lie Abraham, Isaac, Jacob, Sara, Rebecca, and Leah. "From Constantinople to Jerusalem is one thousand one hundred and fifty-nine miles, with sixty-nine changes and fifty-eight halts." Here the guide-book ends abruptly with a brief summary of distances. Thither then flocked the pilgrims, some by land and some by sea, men and women from all parts of the world. "Even the Briton, separated from our world, leaves the setting sun and seeks a place known to him only by fame and the narrative of the Scriptures." One of the earliest was Paula of Rome--a weak, fragile woman accustomed to a life of luxury and ease, but, fired with the enthusiasm of her religion, she resolved to brave the dangers and hardships of a journey to the East. Her travels were written by St. Jerome. "When the winter was spent and the sea was open," he writes, "she longed and prayed to sail.... She went down to the harbour, accompanied by her brother, her relatives, her connections and, more than these, by her children, who strove to surpass the affection of the kindest of mothers. Soon the sails were swelling in the breeze, and the ship, guided by the oars, gained the open sea. Little Lexotinus piteously stretched forth his hands from the shore. Rufina, a grown-up girl, by her tears silently besought her mother to stay until she was married. Yet she herself, without a tear, turned her eyes heavenward, overcoming her love for her children by her love for God.... Meanwhile the ship was ploughing the sea--the winds were sluggish and all speed slow." But the ship passed between Scylla and Charybdis and reached Antioch in safety. From this spot she followed the guide-book directions until she arrived at Jerusalem. How Paula and one of her young daughters walked over the rough ground, endured the hardships of desert-life, and finally lived twenty years at Bethlehem, would take too long to tell. And she was but one of many. [Illustration: JERUSALEM AND THE EAST. From Matthew of Paris's _Itinerary_, thirteenth century.] Sylvia of Aquitaine, travelling at the same time, wrote a strangely interesting account of her travels. The early part of her manuscript is lost, and we find her first in Arabia. All was new and strange. "Meanwhile as we walked we arrived at a certain place, where the mountains between which we were passing opened themselves out and formed a great valley, very flat and extremely beautiful; and beyond the valley appeared Sinai, the holy mount of God.... This is the same great and flat valley in which the children of Israel waited during the days when holy Moses went up into the Mount of God.... It was late on the Sabbath when we came to the mountain, and, arriving at a certain monastery, the kindly monks who lived there entertained us, showing us all kindliness." Sylvia had to ascend the mountain on foot "because the ascent could not be made in a chair," but the view over "Egypt and Palestine and the Red Sea and the Mediterranean which leads to Alexandria, also the boundless territory of the Saracens, we saw below us, hard though it is to believe, all of which things these holy men pointed out to us." But we must not follow her to Jerusalem, or to Mesopotamia, where she saw "the great river Euphrates, rushing down in a torrent like the Rhine, but greater." She reached Constantinople by the guide-book route, having spent four years in travel, and walked two thousand miles to the very "limit of the Roman Empire." Her boundless energy is not exhausted yet. "Ladies, my beloved ones," she writes, "whilst I prepare this account for your pious zeal, it is already my purpose to go to Asia." But we must turn away for a moment from the stream of pilgrim travellers wending their weary way from Britain, France, Spain, and the east to Jerusalem, to follow the travels of St. Patrick through the wilds of Ireland. CHAPTER XII IRISH EXPLORERS Patrick had been a pilgrim to Rome from the banks of the Clyde, where he lived, and, having seen the Pope, he had returned to Ireland by sea, landing on the Wicklow coast in the year 432. Hungry and tired after the long voyage, he tried to get some fish from the fishermen, but they replied by throwing stones at him, and he put out to sea again and headed north. Past Bray Head, past the Bay of Malahide he sailed, but he could get neither fish nor food till he reached a spot between the Liffey and the Boyne, where he built his first Christian church. Now in the fifth century, when light first breaks over Ireland, it breaks over a land torn by perpetual tribal strife, a land in the chaos of wild heathendom. It was reserved for St. Patrick to save her from increasing gloom. Patrick and his companions now sailed on past Louth, by the low-lying shore with long stretches of sandy flats, on under the shadow of great peaks frowning over the sea. He landed near Downpatrick, founded another church, and spent the winter in these parts, for the autumn was far advanced. Spring found him sailing back to the Boyne and attacking the fierce heathen king at Tara, the capital of Ireland. From Tara five great roads led to different parts of the island. St. Patrick now made his way through Meath to the very heart of the country, building churches as he went. Thence he crossed the Shannon, entered the great plain of Roscommon, passed by Mayo, and at length reached the western sea. He had now been eight years in Ireland, eight laborious years, climbing hills, wading through waters, camping out by night, building, organising, preaching. He loved the land on the western sea, little known as yet. "I would choose To remain here on a little land, After faring around churches and waters. Since I am weary, I wish not to go further." St. Patrick climbed the great peak, afterwards called Croaghpatrick, and on the summit, exposed to wind and rain, he spent the forty days of Lent. From here he could look down on to one of the most beautiful bays in Ireland, down on to the hundred little islands in the glancing waters below, while away to the north and south stretched the rugged coast-line. And he tells us how the great white birds came and sang to him there. It would take too long to tell how he returned to Tara and started again with a train of thirteen chariots by the great north-western road to the spot afterwards known as Downpatrick Head; he passed along the broken coast to the extreme north where the great ocean surf breaks on the rugged shore, returning again to the Irish capital. He travelled over a great part of Ireland, founded three hundred and fifty churches, converted heathen tribes to Christianity and civilisation, and finally died at Armagh in 493. His work was carried on by St. Columba, a native of Ireland, who, "deciding to go abroad for Christ," sailed away with twelve disciples to a low rocky island off the west coast of Scotland, where he founded the famous monastery of Iona, about 563. Thence he journeyed away to the Highlands, making his way through rugged and mountainous country that had stayed the warlike Romans long years before. He even sailed across the stormy northern sea to the Orkney Islands. Let us picture the Scotland of the sixth century in order to realise those long lonely tramps of St. Columba and his disciples across the rough mountains, through the dense forests, across bleak moors and wet bogs, till after dreary wanderings they reached the coast, and in frail ships boldly faced the wild seas that raged round the northern islands. "We can see Columba and his disciples journeying on foot, as poor and as barely provided as were Christ and His disciples, with neither silver nor gold nor brass in their purses, and over a wilder country and among a wilder people." [Illustration: IRELAND AND ST. BRANDON'S ISLE. From the Catalan map, 1375.] These pilgrims tramped to and fro clad in simple tunics over a monkish dress of undyed wool, bound round the waist by a strong cord, all their worldly goods on their backs and a staff in their hands. The hermit instinct was growing, and men were sailing away to lonely islands where God might be better served apart from the haunts of men. Perhaps it was this instinct that inspired St. Brandon to sail away across the trackless ocean in search of the Island of Saints reported in the western seas. His voyage suggests the old expedition of Ulysses. A good deal of it is mythical, some is added at a later date, but it is interesting as being an attempt to cross the wide Atlantic Ocean across which no man had yet sailed. For seven years St. Brandon sailed on the unknown sea, discovering unknown islands, until he reached the Island of Saints--the goal of his desires. And the fact remains that for ten centuries after this an island, known as Brandon's Isle, was marked on maps somewhere to the west of Ireland, though to the end it remained as mysterious as the island of Thule. Here is the old story. Brandon, abbot of a large Irish monastery containing one thousand monks, sailed off in an "osier boat covered with tanned hides and carefully greased," provisioned for seven years. After forty days at sea they reached an island with steep sides, where they took in fresh supplies. Thence the winds carried the ship to another island, where they found sheep--"every sheep was as great as an ox." "This is the island of sheep, and here it is ever summer," they were informed by an old islander. This may have been Madeira. They found other islands in the neighbourhood, one of which was full of singing-birds, and the passing years found them still tossing to and fro on the unknown sea, until at last the end came. "And St. Brandon sailed forty days south in full great tempest," and another forty days brought the ship right into a bank of fog. But when the fog lifted "they saw the fairest country eastward that any man might see, it was so clear and bright that it was a heavenly sight to behold; and all the trees were charged with ripe fruit." And they walked about the island for forty days and could not find the end. And there was no night there, and the climate was neither hot nor cold. "Be ye joyful now," said a voice, "for this is the land ye have sought, and our Lord wills that you laden your ship with the fruit of this land and hie you hence, for ye may no longer abide here, but thou shalt sail again into thine own country." [Illustration: THE MYSTERIOUS ISLE OF ST. BRANDON IN MARTIN BEHAIM'S MAP, 1492. As geographical knowledge increased, map-makers were compelled to put Brandon's Isle farther and farther away from Ireland, until here we find it off the coast of Africa and near the Equator.] So the monks took all the fruit they could carry, and, weeping that they might stay no longer in this happy land, they sailed back to Ireland. Hazy, indeed, was the geography of the Atlantic in the sixth century. Nor can we leave St. Brandon's story without quoting a modern poet, who believed that the voyage was to the Arctic regions and not in the Atlantic. "Saint Brandon sails the Northern Main, The brotherhood of saints are glad. He greets them once, he sails again: So late! Such storms! The saint is mad. He heard across the howling seas Chime convent bells on wintry nights; He saw, on spray-swept Hebrides, Twinkle the monastery lights: But north, still north, Saint Brandon steered, And now no bells, no convents more, The hurtling Polar lights are reached, The sea without a human shore." Some three hundred years were to pass away before further discoveries in these quarters revealed new lands, three hundred years before the great energy of the Vikings brought to light Iceland, Greenland, and even the coast of America. CHAPTER XIII AFTER MOHAMMED So once more we turn back to the East. Jerusalem is still the centre of the earth. But a change has passed over the world, which influenced not a little the progress of geography. Mohammed in the seventh century lived and died in Arabia. "There is but one God, and Mohammed is His prophet," proclaimed his followers, the Arabs or Saracens as they were called. And just as men had travelled abroad to preach Christianity to those who knew it not, so now the Mohammedans set forth to teach the faith of their Lord and Master. But whereas Christianity was taught by peaceful means, Mohammedanism was carried by the sword. The Roman provinces of Syria and Egypt had been conquered by the Arabs, and the famous cities of Jerusalem and Alexandria were filled with teachers of the new faith. The Mohammedans had conquered Spain and were pressing by Persia towards India. What deep root their preaching took in these parts is still evident. Still the weary fight between the two religions continues. The first traveller of note through this distracted Europe was a Frenchman named Arculf, a Christian bishop. When he had visited the Holy Land and Egypt his ship was caught in a violent storm and driven on to the west coast of Scotland. After many adventures Arculf found himself at the famous convent of Iona, made welcome by an Irish monk Adamnan, who was deeply interested in Arculf's account of his wanderings, and wrote them down at his dictation, first on waxed tablets, copied later on to parchment. How tenderly the two monks dwell on all the glories of Jerusalem. "But in that beautiful place where once the Temple had been, the Saracens now frequent a four-sided house of prayer, which they have built, rudely constructing it by raising boards and great beams on some remains of ruins, which house can hold three thousand men at once." And Arculf draws on the waxed tablet the picture of some church or tomb to make his narrative clearer to his friend Adamnan. Perhaps the most interesting part of all the travels is the account of the lofty column that Arculf describes in the midst of Jerusalem. "This column," he says, "as it stands in the centre of the heaven, shining straight down from above, proves that the city of Jerusalem is situated in the middle of the earth." Arculf's journey aroused great interest among the newly converted Christians of the north, and Willibald, a high-born Englishman, started off in 721 to explore farther. But the road through Europe was now full of danger. The followers of Mohammed were strong, and it required true courage to face the perils of the long journey. Willibald was undaunted, and with his father and two brothers he sailed from Southampton, crossed to France, sailed up the Seine to Rouen, and reached Italy. Here the old father died. Willibald and his brothers travelled on through "the vast lands of Italy, through the depths of the valleys, over the steep brows of the mountains, over the levels of the plains, climbing on foot the difficult passes of the Alps, over the icebound and snow-capped summits," till they arrived at Rome. Thence they made their way to Syria, where they were at once thrown into prison by Mohammedan conquerors. They were brought before the ruler of the Mohammedan world, or Khalif, whose seat was at Damascus. He asked whence they came. "These men come from the western shore, where the sun sets: and we know not of any land beyond them, but water only," was the answer. Such was Britain to the Mohammedans. They never got a footing in that country: their Empire lay to the east, and their capital was even now shifting to Bagdad. [Illustration: THE WORLD-MAP OF COSMAS, SIXTH CENTURY. This is the oldest Christian map. It shows the flat world surrounded by the ocean, with the four winds and the four sacred rivers running out of the terrestrial Paradise; beyond all is the "terra ultra oceanum," "the world beyond the ocean, where men dwelt before the flood."] But before turning to their geographical discoveries we must see how Cosmas, the Egyptian merchant-monk, set the clock back by his quaint theories of the world in the sixth century. Cosmas hailed from "Alexander's great city." His calling carried him into seas and countries remote from home. He knew the Mediterranean Sea, the Persian Gulf, and the Red Sea. He had narrowly escaped shipwreck in the Indian Ocean, which in those days was regarded with terror on account of its violent currents and dense fogs. As the ship carrying the merchant approached this dread region, a storm gathered overhead, and flocks of albatross, like birds of ill-omen, hovered about the masts. "We were all in alarm," relates Cosmas, "for all the men of experience on board, whether passengers or sailors, began to say that we were near the ocean and called out to the pilot: 'Steer the ship to port and make for the gulf, or we shall be swept along by the currents and carried into the ocean and lost.' For the ocean rushing into the gulf was swelling with billows of portentous size, while the currents from the gulf were driving the ship into the ocean, and the outlook was altogether so dismal that we were kept in a state of great alarm." That he eventually reached India is clear, for he relates strange things concerning Ceylon. "There is a large oceanic island lying in the Indian Sea," he tells us. "It has a length of nine hundred miles and it is of the like extent in breadth. There are two kings in the island, and they are at feud the one with the other. The island, being as it is in a central position, is much frequented by ships from all parts of India, and from Persia and Ethiopia, and from the remotest countries, it receives silk, aloes, cloves, and other products ... farther away is the clove country, then Tzinista (China), which produces silk. Beyond this there is no other country, for the ocean surrounds it on the east." Cosmas was the first to realise that China was bounded on the east by the ocean. He tells us a good story about the "Lord of India," who always went to war with two thousand elephants. "Once upon a time this king would lay siege to an island city of the Indians, which was on every side protected by water. A long while he sat down before it, until, what with his elephants, his horses, and his soldiers, all the water had been drunk up. He then crossed over to the city dryshod and took it." [Illustration: THE MOUNTAIN OF COSMAS, CAUSING NIGHT AND DAY AND THE SEASONS.] But, strange as are the travels and information of Cosmas, still stranger is his _Christian Topography_. His commercial travelling done he retired, became a devout Christian monk, and devoted his leisure time in trying to reconcile all the progress of geographical knowledge with old Biblical ideas. He assures us that the world is flat and not round, and that it is surrounded by an immense wall supporting the firmament. Indeed, if we compare the maps of Cosmas in the sixth century with those of the Babylonians thousands of years before, there is mighty little difference. With amazing courage he refutes all the old theories and draws the most astounding maps, which, nevertheless, are the oldest Christian maps which survive. CHAPTER XIV THE VIKINGS SAIL THE NORTHERN SEAS A more interesting force than the pilgrim travellers now claims our attention, and we turn to the frozen north, to the wild region at the back of the north wind, for new activity and discovery. Out of this land of fable and myth, legend and poetry, the fierce inhabitants of Scandinavia begin to take shape. Tacitus speaks of them as "mighty in fame," Ptolemy as "savage and clothed in the skins of wild beasts." From time to time we have glimpses of these folk sailing about in the Baltic Sea. They were known to the Finns of the north as "sea-rovers." "The sea is their school of war and the storm their friend; they are sea-wolves that live on the pillage of the world," sang an old Roman long years ago. The daring spirit of their race had already attracted the attention of Britons across the seas. The careless glee with which they seized either sword or oar and waged war with the stormy seas for a scanty livelihood, raiding all the neighbouring coasts, had earned them the name of Vikings or creek men. Their black-sailed ships stood high out of the water, prow and stern ending in the head and tail of some strange animal, while their long beards, their loose shirts, and battleaxe made them conspicuous. "From the fury of the Northmen save us, Lord," prayed those who had come in contact with these Vikings. In the ninth century they spring into fame as explorers by the discovery of Iceland. It was in this wise. The chief of a band of pirates, one Naddod, during a voyage to the Faroe Islands was driven by a storm upon the eastern coast of an unknown land. Not a soul was to be seen. He climbed a high mountain covered with snow and took a look round, but though he could see far and wide, not a human being could he detect. So he named it Snow-land and sailed home to relate his adventures. A few years later another Viking, Gardar, bound for the west coast of Scotland, was likewise blown by a storm on to the coast of Snow-land. He sailed right round and found it to be an island. Considering that it was unsafe to navigate the icy northern seas in winter, he built himself a hut on the island, lived there till the spring, and returned home. His account of the island fired the enthusiasm of an old Viking called Floki, who sailed away, meaning to take possession of the newly discovered country. At the Faroe Islands he let fly three ravens. The first returned, the second came back to the ship, the third guided the navigator to the island which he sought. He met a quantity of drift ice about the northern part of the island and called it Ice-land, the name it has borne ever since. But amid the Arctic ice he spent a desolate winter; the island seemed full of lofty mountains covered with eternal snow. His companions, however, were delighted with the climate and the soil. "Milk drops from every plant and butter from every twig," they said; "this was a land where men might live free from the tyranny of kings." Free, indeed, for the island was totally uninhabited. [Illustration: A VIKING SHIP. A reconstruction (from Prof. Montelius's book on Scandinavian archaeology) of an actual Viking ship found, almost complete, at Gokstad, Norway.] Iceland soon became a refuge for pirates and other lawless characters. Among these was a young Viking called Erik the Red. He was too lawless even for Iceland, and, being banished for three years, he sailed away in 985 in search of new lands. At the end of his three years he returned and reported that he had discovered land with rich meadows, fine woods, and good fishing, which he had named Green-land. So glowing was his description that soon a party of men and women, with household goods and cattle, started forth in twenty-five ships to colonise the new land. Still the passion for discovery continued, and Erik's son Lief fitted out a vessel to carry thirty-five men in quest of land already sighted to the west. It was in the year 1000 that they reached the coast of North America. It was a barren and rocky shore to which Lief gave the name of Rock-land. Sailing farther, they found a low coast wooded to its edge, to which they gave the simple name of Woody-land. Two days later an island appeared, and on the mainland they discovered a river up which they sailed. On low bushes by the banks of the river they found sweet berries or wild grapes from which a sort of wine was made, so Lief called the land Vin-land. It is now supposed that Vinland and Woodyland are really Newfoundland and Labrador on the shores of North America. After this, shipload followed shipload from Iceland to colonise Vinland. But without success. So the Viking discoveries in these cold and inhospitable regions were but transitory. The clouds lifted but for a moment to settle down again over America, till it was rediscovered some five hundred years later. Before leaving these northern explorers let us remind ourselves of the old saga so graphic in its description of their ocean lives-- "Down the fiord sweep wind and rain; Our sails and tackle sway and strain; Wet to the skin We're sound within. Our sea-steed through the foam goes prancing, While shields and spears and helms are glancing From fiord to sea, Our ships ride free, And down the wind with swelling sail We scud before the gathering gale." Now, while these fierce old Vikings were navigating unknown seas, Alfred the Great was reigning over England. Among his many and varied interests he was deeply thrilled in the geography of the world. He was always ready to listen to those who had been on voyages of discovery, and in his account of the geography of Europe he tells us of a famous old sea captain called Othere, who had navigated the unknown seas to the north of Europe. "Othere told his lord, King Alfred, that he dwelt northmost of all Northmen, on the land by the western sea. He said that the land is very long thence to the north; but it is all waste save that in a few places here and there Finns reside. He said that he wished to find out how far the land lay right north, or whether any man dwelt to the north of the waste. Then he went right north near the land, and he left all the way the waste land on the right and the wide sea on the left for three days. There was he as far north as the whale-hunters ever go. He then went yet right north, as far as he could sail in the next three days. After sailing for another nine days he came to a great river; they turned up into the river, but they durst not sail beyond it on account of hostility, for the land was all inhabited on the other side. He had not before met with any inhabited land since he came from his own home, for the land was uninhabited all the way on his right save by fishermen, hunters, and fowlers, and they were all Finns, and there was always a wide sea on his left." And as a trophy of distant lands and a proof of his having reached farthest north, Othere presented the King with a "snow-white walrus tooth." But King Alfred wanted his subjects to know more of the world around them, and even in the midst of his busy life he managed to write a book in Anglo-Saxon, which sums up for us the world's knowledge some nine hundred years after Ptolemy--nine hundred barren years as far as much geographical progress was concerned. Alfred does not even allude to Iceland, Greenland, or Vinland. The news of these discoveries had evidently not reached him. He repeats the old legend of Thule to the north-west of Ireland, "which is known to few, on account of its very great distance." So ends the brief but thrilling discoveries of the Northmen, who knew not fear, and we turn again to landsmen and the east. CHAPTER XV ARAB WAYFARERS And now we leave the fierce energy of the Northmen westwards and turn to another energy, which was leading men toward the east, to the lands beyond the Euphrates, to India, across central Asia, even into far Cathay. These early travellers to the east were for the most part Arabs. Mohammed had bidden his followers to spread his teaching far and wide; this teaching had always appealed more to the eastern than to the western mind. So farther and farther to the east travelled the Arabs, converting the uncivilised tribes that Christianity had not reached. What a contrast are these Arabs to the explorers of the vigorous north. They always travelled by land and not by that sea which was life to the Viking folk. To the Arabs the encircling ocean was a very "Sea of Darkness"; indeed, the unknown ocean beyond China was called the "Sea of Pitchy Darkness." Their creed taught that the ocean was boundless, so that ships dared not venture out of sight of land, for there was no inhabited country beyond, and mariners would assuredly be lost in mists and fogs. So, while the Vikings tossed fearlessly about the wild northern seas, the Arab wayfarers rode eastward by well-known caravan tracks, trading and teaching the ways of Mohammed. Arabic enterprise had pushed on far beyond Ptolemy's world. The Arab centre lay in the city of Bagdad, the headquarters of the ruler or Khalif of the Mohammedan world. They had already opened up a considerable trade with the rapidly rising Mongol Empire, which no European had yet reached. [Illustration: A KHALIF ON HIS THRONE. From the Ancona map, 1497.] But as this country was to play a large part in the travels of the near future, it will be interesting to hear the account given by two Mohammedan friends who journeyed thither in the year 831, just four hundred years before Marco Polo's famous account. The early part of their story is missing, and we raise the curtain when they have arrived in the land of China itself, then a very small empire compared with what it is now. "The Emperor of China reckons himself next after the King of the Arabs, who they all allow to be the first and beyond all dispute the most powerful of kings, because he is the head of a great religion. In this great kingdom of China they tell us there are over two hundred cities; each city has four gates, at each of which are five trumpets, which the Chinese sound at certain hours of the day and of the night. There are also within each city ten drums, which they beat at the same time as a public token of their obedience to the Emperor, as also to signify the hour of the day and of the night, to which end they also have dials and clocks with weights. "China is a pleasant and fruitful country; the air is much better than the Indian provinces: much rain falls in both these countries. In India are many desert tracts, but China is inhabited and peopled throughout its whole extent. The Chinese are handsomer than the Indians, and come nearer the Arabs, not only in countenance, but in dress, in their way of riding, in their manners, and in their ceremonies. They wear long garments and girdles in form of belts. The Chinese are dressed in silk both winter and summer, and this kind of dress is common to the prince and the peasant. Their food is rice, which they often eat with a broth which they pour upon the rice. They have several sorts of fruits, apples, lemons, quinces, figs, grapes, cucumbers, walnuts, almonds, plums, apricots, and cocoanuts." [Illustration: A CHINESE EMPEROR GIVING AUDIENCE, NINTH CENTURY. From an old Chinese MS. at Paris, showing an Emperor of the dynasty that was ruling when the two Mohammedans visited China in 831.] Here, too, we get the first mention of tea, which was not introduced into Europe for another seven hundred years, but which formed a Chinese drink in the ninth century. This Chinese drink "is a herb or shrub, more bushy than the pomegranate tree an of a more pleasant scent, but somewhat bitter to the taste. The Chinese boil water and pour it in scalding hot upon this leaf, and this infusion keeps them from all distempers." Here, too, we get the first mention of china ware. "They have an excellent kind of earth, wherewith they make a ware of equal fineness with glass and equally transparent." There is no time here to tell of all the curious manners and customs related by these two Mohammedans. One thing struck them as indeed it must strike us to-day. "The Chinese, poor and rich, great and small, learn to read and write. There are schools in every town for teaching the poor children, and the masters are maintained at public charge.... The Chinese have a stone ten cubits high erected in the public squares of their cities, and on this stone are engraved the names of all the medicines, with the exact price of each; and when the poor stand in need of physic they go to the treasury where they receive the price each medicine is rated at." It was out of such travels as these that the famous romance of "Sindbad the Sailor" took shape--a true story of Arab adventures of the ninth and tenth centuries in a romantic setting. As in the case of Ulysses, the adventures of many voyages are ascribed to one man and related in a collection of tales which bears the title of _The Arabian Nights_. Of course, Sindbad was a native of Bagdad, the Arab centre of everything at this time, and of course he journeyed eastwards as did most Mohammedans. "It occurred to my mind," says Sindbad, "to travel to the countries of other people; then I arose and collected what I had of effects and apparel and sold them, after which I sold my buildings and all that my hand possessed and amassed three thousand pieces of silver. So I embarked in a ship, and with a company of merchants we traversed the sea for many days and nights. We had passed by island after island and from sea to sea and land to land, and in every place we sold and bought and exchanged merchandise. We continued our voyage until we arrived at an island like one of the gardens of Paradise." Here they anchored and lit fires, when suddenly the master of the ship cried aloud in great distress: "Oh, ye passengers, come up quickly into the ship, leave your merchandise and flee for your lives, for this apparent island, upon which ye are, is not really an island, but it is a great fish that hath become stationary in the midst of the sea, and the sand hath accumulated upon it and trees have grown upon it, and when ye lighted a fire it felt the heat, and now it will descend with you into the sea and ye will all be drowned." As he spoke the island moved and "descended to the bottom of the sea with all that were upon it, and the roaring sea, agitated with waves, closed over it." Let Sindbad continue his own story: "I sank in the sea with the rest. But God delivered me and saved me from drowning and supplied me with a great wooden bowl, and I laid hold upon it and gat into it and beat the water with my feet as with oars, while the waves sported with me. I remained so a day and a night, until the bowl came to a stoppage under a high island whereupon were trees overhanging the sea. So I laid hold upon the branch of a lofty tree and clung to it until I landed on the island. Then I threw myself upon the island like one dead." After wandering about he found servants of the King of Borneo, and all sailed together to an island beyond the Malay Peninsula. And the King of Borneo sent for Sindbad and heaped him with honours. He gave him costly dress and made him superintendent of the seaport and adviser of affairs of state. And Sindbad saw many wonders in this far-distant sea. At last "one day I stood upon the shore of the sea, with a staff in my hand, as was my custom, and lo! a great vessel approached wherein were many merchants." They unloaded their wares, telling Sindbad that the owner of their goods, a man from Bagdad, had been drowned and they were selling his things. "What was the name of the owner of the goods?" asked Sindbad. "His name was Sindbad of the Sea." Then Sindbad cried: "Oh, master, know that I am the owner of the goods and I am Sindbad of the Sea." Then there was great rejoicing and Sindbad took leave of this King of Borneo and set sail for Bagdad--the Abode of Peace. [Illustration: THE SCENE OF SINDBAD'S VOYAGES AS SHOWN IN EDRISI'S MAP, 1154. The romance of "Sindbad the Sailor" is really a true story of Arab adventures at sea during the ninth and tenth centuries, put into a romantic setting and ascribed to one man. In the above map, which is a portion of the map of the world made by the famous Arab geographer, Edrisi, in 1154 A.D., many of the places to which Sindbad's story relates have been identified. Their modern names are as follows:-- Kotroba is (probably) Socotra. Rami, the "Island of Apes," Koulam Meli is Coulan, near Cape is Sumatra. Comorin. Maid Dzaba, the "island with the HIND is INDIA. volcano," is Banca. Serendib is Ceylon. Senf is Tsiampa, S. Cochin--China. Murphili (or Monsul), the "Valley Mudza (or Mehrage) is Borneo. of Diamonds," is Masulipatam. Kamrun is Java. Roibahat, the "Clove Islands," are Maid, the Camphor Island, is the Maldive Islands. Formosa. Edrisi's names are those which are used in the _Arabian Nights_.] But the spirit of unrest was upon him and soon he was off again. Indeed, he made seven voyages in all, but there is only room here to note a few of the most important points in each. This time he sailed to the coast of Zanzibar, East Africa, and, anchoring on the beautiful island of Madagascar, amid sweet-smelling flowers, pure rivers, and warbling birds, Sindbad fell asleep. He awoke to find the ship had sailed away, leaving him without food or drink, and not a human being was to be seen on the island. "Then I climbed up into a lofty tree and began to look from it to the right and left, but saw nothing save sky and water and trees and birds and islands and sands." At last he found an enormous bird. Unwinding his turban, he twisted it into a rope and, tying one end round his wrist, tied the other to one of the bird's great feet. Up flew the giant bird high into the sky and Sindbad with it, descending somewhere in India in the Valley of Diamonds. This bird was afterwards identified as an enormous eagle. "And I arose and walked in that valley," says Sindbad, "and I beheld its ground to be composed of diamonds, with which they perforate minerals and jewels, porcelain, and the onyx, and it is a stone so hard that neither iron nor rock have any effect upon it. All that valley was likewise occupied by serpents and venomous snakes." Here Sindbad found the camphor trees, "under each of which trees a hundred men might shade themselves." From these trees flowed liquid camphor. "In this island, too, is a kind of wild beast, called rhinoceros--it is a huge beast with a single horn, thick, in the middle of its head, and it lifteth the great elephant upon its horn." Thus, after collecting heaps of diamonds, Sindbad returned to Bagdad--a rich man. [Illustration: SINDBAD'S GIANT ROC. From an Oriental miniature painting.] Again his soul yearns for travel. This time he starts for China, but his ship is driven out of its course and cast on the Island of Apes, probably Sumatra. These apes, "the most hideous of beasts, covered with hair like black felt," surrounded the ship. They climbed up the cables and severed them with their teeth to Sindbad's great alarm. He escaped to the neighbouring islands known as the Clove Islands, and again reached Bagdad safely. Again and yet again he starts forth on fresh adventures. Now he is sailing on the seas beyond Ceylon, now his ship is being pursued by a giant roc whose young have been killed and eaten by Sindbad. Sindbad as usual escapes upon a plank, and sails to an island, where he meets the "Old Man of the Sea," probably a huge ape from Borneo. On he passed to the "Island of Apes," where, every night, the people who reside in it go forth from the doors of the city that open upon the sea in their fear of the apes lest they should come down upon them in the night from the mountains. After this we find Sindbad trading in pepper on the Coromandel coast of modern India and discovering a wealth of pearls by the seashore of Ceylon. But at last he grew tired of seafaring, which was never congenial to Arabs. "Hateful was the dark blue sky, Vaulted o'er the dark blue sea; Sore task to heart, worn out by many wars; And eyes grown dim with gazing on the pilot stars." So he leaves private adventuring alone and is appointed by the Khalif of Bagdad to convey a letter and present to the Indian prince of Ceylon--an expedition that lasts him twenty-seven years. The presents were magnificent. They included a horse worth ten thousand pieces of gold, with its saddle adorned with gold set with jewels, a book, a splendid dress, and some beautiful white Egyptian cloth, Greek carpets, and a crystal cup. Having duly delivered these gifts, he took his leave, meaning to return to his own country. But the usual adventures befell him. This time his ship was surrounded by a number of boats on board of which were men like little devils with swords and daggers. These attacked the ship, captured Sindbad, and sold him to a rich man as a slave. He set him to shoot elephants from a tree with bows and arrows. At last, after many other adventures and having made seven long voyages, poor Sindbad reached his home. CHAPTER XVI TRAVELLERS TO THE EAST But if the Sindbad saga is based on the stories of Mohammedan travellers and sum up Arab adventure by sea in the tenth century, we must turn to another Arab--Massoudy by name--for land travel of the same period. Massoudy left his home at Bagdad very young and seems to have penetrated into every Mohammedan country from Spain to farther India. In his famous _Meadows of Gold_, with its one hundred and thirty-two chapters, dedicated to "the most illustrious Kings," he describes the various lands through which he has travelled, giving us at the same time a good deal of incorrect information about lands he has never seen. "I have gone so far towards the setting sun That I have lost all remembrance of the east, And my course has taken me so far towards the rising sun That I have forgotten the very name of west." One cannot but look with admiration on the energetic Arab traveller, when one remembers the labour of travel even in the tenth century. There were the long, hot rides through central Asia, under a burning sun, the ascent of unknown mountains, the crossing of unbridged rivers. From his lengthy work we will only extract a few details. Though he had "gone so far toward the setting sun," his knowledge of the West was very limited, and while Vikings tossed on the Atlantic westwards, Massoudy tells us that it is "impossible to navigate beyond the Pillars of Hercules, for no vessel sails on that sea; it is without cultivation or inhabitant, and its end, like its depth, is unknown." Such was the "Green Sea of Darkness" as it was called by the Arabs. Massoudy is more at home when he journeys towards the rising sun to the East, but his descriptions of China, the "Flowery Land," the "Celestial Country," were to be excelled by others. We must pass over Edrisi, who in 1153 wrote on "The going abroad of a curious Man to explore all the Wonders of the World," which wonders he explored very imperfectly, though he has left us a map of the world, which may be seen to-day at the Bodleian Library at Oxford. But we cannot pass over Benjamin of Tudela in so few words. "Our Benjamin" he is called by Pinkerton, who in the eighteenth century made a wonderful collection of voyages and travels of all ages. "Our Benjamin" was a Jew hailing from Tudela in Spain, and he started forth on his travels with a view to ascertaining the condition and numbers of Jews living in the midst of the great Mohammedan Empire. Benjamin made his way in the year 1160 to the "exceeding great city" of Constantinople, which "hath none to compare with it except Bagdad--the mighty city of the Arabs." With the great temple of St. Sophia and its pillars of gold and silver, he was immensely struck. In wrapt admiration he gazed at the Emperor's palace with its walls of beaten gold, its hanging crown suspended over the Imperial throne, blazing with precious stones, so splendid that the hall needed no other light. No less striking were the crimson embroidered garments worn by the Greeks, who rode to and from the city like princes on horseback. Benjamin turns sadly to the Jewish quarter. No Jew might ride on horseback here. All were treated as objects of contempt; they were herded together, often beaten in the streets. [Illustration: JERUSALEM AND THE PILGRIMS' WAYS TO IT IN THE TWELFTH CENTURY. From a map of the twelfth century at Brussels.] From the wealth and luxury of Constantinople Benjamin makes his way to Syria. At Jerusalem he finds some two hundred Jews commanding the dyeing trade. And here we must remind ourselves that the second crusade was over and the third had not yet taken place, that Jerusalem, the City of Peace, had been in the hands of the Mohammedans or Saracens till 1099, when it fell into the hands of the Crusaders. From Jerusalem, by way of Damascus, Benjamin entered Persia, and he gives us an interesting account of Bagdad and its Khalifs. The Khalif was the head of the Mohammedans in the same way that the Pope was the head of the Christians. "He was," says "Our Benjamin," "a very dignified personage, friendly towards the Jews, a kind-hearted man, but never to be seen." Pilgrims from distant lands, passing through Bagdad on their way to Mecca, prayed to be allowed to see "the brightness of his face," but they were only allowed to kiss one end of his garment. Now, although Benjamin describes the journey from Bagdad to China, it is very doubtful if he ever got to China himself, so we will leave him delighting in the glories of Bagdad, with its palm trees, its gardens and orchards, rejoicing in the statistics of Jews, and turn to the adventures of one, Carpini, who really did reach Tartary. This Carpini, or Friar John, was a Franciscan who was chosen by the Pope to go to the Great Khan of the Mongol Empire, which was threatening to overrun Christendom. On 16th April 1245, Friar John left the cloister for the unknown tract of country by which he had to pass into China. By way of Bohemia he passed into Russia, and, having annexed Brother Benedict in Poland and Brother Stephen in Bohemia, together with a guide, Carpini made his way eastwards. It was mid-winter; the travellers had to ride on Tartar horses, "for they alone could find grass under the snow, or live, as animals must in Tartary, without hay or straw." Sometimes Friar John fell so ill that he had to be placed in a cart and carried through the deep snow. [Illustration: TWO EMPERORS OF TARTARY. From the Catalan map, 1375.] It was Easter 1246, just a year after their start, that Friar John and his companions began the last section of their journey beyond the Volga, and "most tearfully we set out," not knowing whether it was "for life or for death." So thin had they all become that not one of them could ride. Still they toiled on, till one July day they entered Mongolia and found the headquarters of the Great Khan about half a day's journey from Karakorum. They arrived in time to witness the enthronement of the new Khan in August. Here were crowds of ambassadors from Russia and Persia as well as from outlying parts of the growing Mongol Empire. These were laden with gifts--indeed, there were no less than five hundred crates full of silks, satins, brocades, fur, gold embroidery. Friar John and his companions had no gifts to offer save the letter from the Pope. Impressive, indeed, in the eyes of the once cloistered friar must have been this first sight of Eastern splendour. High on a neighbouring hill stood the Khan's tent, resting on pillars plated with gold, top and sides covered with silk brocades, while the great ceremony took place. But the men of the West were not welcomed by the new Emperor of the East. It was supposed that he intended shortly to unfurl his Standard against the whole of the Western world, and in November Friar John and his companions found themselves formally dismissed with a missive from the Great Khan to the Pope, signed and sealed by the Khan himself. [Illustration: A TARTAR CAMP. From the Borgian map, 1453.] The return journey was even more trying; winter was coming on, and for nearly seven months the Pope's faithful envoys struggled on across the endless open plains of Asia towards Russia, resting their eyes on vast expanses of snow. At last they reached home, and Friar John wrote his _Book of the Tartars_, in which he informs us that Mongolia is in the east part of the world and that Cathay is "a country in the east of Asia." To the south-west of Mongolia he heard of a vast desert, where lived certain wild men unable to speak and with no joints in their legs. These occupy themselves in making felt out of camel's hair for garments to protect them from the weather. Again Carpini tells us about that mythical character figuring in the travel books of this time--Prester John. "The Mongol army," he says, "marched against the Christians dwelling in the greater India, and the king of that country, known by the name of Prester John, came forth with his army to meet them. This Prester John caused a number of hollow copper figures to be made, resembling men, which were stuffed with combustibles and set upon horses, each having a man behind on the horse, with a pair of bellows to stir up the fire. At the first onset of the battle these mounted figures were sent forward to the charge; the men who rode behind them set fire to the combustibles and then strongly blew with the bellows; immediately the Mongol horses and men were burnt with wild-fire and the air was darkened with smoke." We shall hear of Prester John again. For within a few years of the return of Friar John, another Franciscan friar, William de Rubruquis, was sent forth, this time by the French king, Louis, to carry letters to the Great Khan begging him to embrace Christianity and acknowledge the supremacy of the Pope. William and his chosen companions had a painful and difficult journey of some months before they reached the camps on the Volga of one of the great Mongol lords. Indeed, "if it had not been for the grace of God and the biscuit which we brought with us, we had surely perished," remarks the pious friar in the history of his adventures. Never once did they enjoy the shelter of a house or tent, but passed the nights in the open air in a cart. At last they were ordered to appear at the Court of the great ruler with all their books and vestments. "We were commanded to array ourselves in our sacred vestments to appear before the prince. Putting on, therefore, our most precious ornaments, I took a cushion in my arms, together with the Bible I had from the King of France and the beautiful Psalter which the Queen bestowed upon me: my companion at the same time carried the missal and a crucifix; and the clerk, clothed in his surplice, bore a censer in his hand. In this order we presented ourselves ... singing the Salve Regina." It is a strange picture this--the European friars, in all the vestments of their religion, standing before the Eastern prince of this far-off country. They would fain have carried home news of his conversion, but they were told in angry tones that the prince was "not a Christian, but a Mongol." [Illustration: INITIAL LETTER FROM THE MS. OF RUBRUQUIS AT CAMBRIDGE. Probably representing the friars starting on their journey.] They were dismissed with orders to visit the Great Khan at Karakorum. Resuming their journey early in August, the messengers did not arrive at the Court of the Great Khan till the day after Christmas. They were miserably housed in a tiny hut with scarcely room for their beds and baggage. The cold was intense. The bare feet of the friars caused great astonishment to the crowds of onlookers, who stared at the strange figures as though they had been monsters. However, they could not keep their feet bare long, for very soon Rubruquis found that his toes were frozen. Chanting in Latin the hymn of the Nativity, the visitors were at last admitted to the Imperial tent, hung about with cloth of gold, where they found the Khan. He was seated on a couch--a "little man of moderate height, aged about forty-five, and dressed in a skin spotted and glossy like a seal." The Mongol Emperor asked numerous questions about the kingdom of France and the possibility of conquering it, to the righteous indignation of the friars. They stayed in the country till the end of May, when they were dismissed, having failed in their mission, but having gained a good deal of information about the great Mongol Empire and its somewhat mysterious ruler. But while the kingdoms in Europe trembled before the growing expansion of the Mongol Empire and the dangers of Tartar hordes, the merchants of Venice rejoiced in the new markets which were opening for them in the East. CHAPTER XVII MARCO POLO Now Venice at this time was full of enterprising merchants--merchants such as we hear of in Shakspere's _Merchant of Venice_. Among these were two Venetians, the brothers Polo. Rumours had reached them of the wealth of the mysterious land of Cathay, of the Great Khan, of Europeans making their way, as we have seen, through barren wildernesses, across burning deserts in the face of hardships indescribable, to open up a highway to the Far East. So off started Maffio and Niccolo Polo on a trading enterprise, and, having crossed the Mediterranean, came "with a fair wind and the blessing of God" to Constantinople, where they disposed of a large quantity of their merchandise. Having made some money, they directed their way to Bokhara, where they fell in with a Tartar nobleman, who persuaded them to accompany him to the Court of the Great Khan himself. Ready for adventure, they agreed, and he led them in a north-easterly direction; now they were delayed by heavy snows, now by the swelling of unbridged rivers, so that it was a year before they reached Pekin, which they considered was the extremity of the East. They were courteously received by the Great Khan, who questioned them closely about their own land, to which they replied in the Tartar language which they had learnt on the way. Now since the days of Friar John there was a new Khan named Kublai, who wished to send messengers to the Pope to beg him to send a hundred wise men to teach the Chinese Christianity. He chose the Polo brothers as his envoys to the Pope, and accordingly they started off to fulfil his behests. After an absence of fifteen years they again reached Venice. The very year they had left home Niccolo's wife had died, and his boy, afterwards to become the famous traveller, Marco Polo, had been born. The boy was now fifteen. [Illustration: HOW THE BROTHERS POLO SET OUT FROM CONSTANTINOPLE WITH THEIR NEPHEW MARCO FOR CHINA. From a miniature painting in the fourteenth century _Livre des Merveilles_.] The stories told by his father and uncle of the Far East and the Court of the greatest Emperor on earth filled the boy with enthusiasm, and when in 1271 the brothers Polo set out for their second journey to China, not only were they accompanied by the young Marco, but also by two preaching friars to teach the Christian faith to Kublai Khan. [Illustration: MARCO POLO LANDS AT ORMUZ. From a miniature in the _Livre des Merveilles_.] Their journey lay through Armenia, through the old city of Nineveh to Bagdad, where the last Khalif had been butchered by the Tartars. Entering Persia as traders, the Polo family passed on to Ormuz, hoping to take ship from here to China. But, for some unknown reason, this was impossible, and the travellers made their way north-eastwards to the country about the sources of the river Oxus. Here young Marco fell sick of a low fever, and for a whole year they could not proceed. Resuming their journey at last "in high spirits," they crossed the great highlands of the Pamirs, known as the "roof of the world," and, descending on Khotan, found themselves face to face with the great Gobi Desert. For thirty days they journeyed over the sandy wastes of the silent wilderness, till they came to a city in the province of Tangut, where they were met by messengers from the Khan, who had heard of their approach. But it was not till May 1275 that they actually reached the Court of Kublai Khan after their tremendous journey of "one thousand days." The preaching friars had long since turned homewards, alarmed at the dangers of the way, so only the three stout-hearted Polos were left to deliver the Pope's message to the ruler of the Mongol Empire. [Illustration: THE POLOS LEAVING VENICE FOR THEIR TRAVELS TO THE FAR EAST. From a miniature which stands at the head of a late 14th century MS. of the _Travels of Marco Polo_ (or the Book of the Grand Khan) in the Bodleian Library, Oxford. The drawing shows the Piazzetta at Venice, with the Polos embarking, and in the foreground indications of the strange lands they visited.] "The lord of all the earth," as he was called by his people, received them very warmly. He inquired at once who was the young man with them. "My lord," replied Niccolo, "he is my son and your servant." "Then," said the Khan, "he is welcome. I am much pleased with him." So the three Venetians abode at the Court of Kublai Khan. His summer palace was at Shang-tu, called Xanadu by the poet Coleridge-- "In Xanadu did Kublai Khan A stately pleasure dome decree, Where Alph, the sacred river, ran Through caverns measureless to man Down to a sacred sea. So twice five miles of fertile ground, With walls and towers were girdled round: And there were gardens bright with sinuous rills, Where blossom'd many an incense-bearing tree; And here were forests ancient as the hills, Enfolding sunny spots of greenery." So the three Venetians abode at the Court of the Chinese Emperor for no less than seventeen years. Young Marco displayed so great intelligence that he was sent on a mission for the Khan some six months' journey distant; and so well did he describe the things he had seen and the lands through which he had passed, that the Khan heaped on him honours and riches. Let us hear what Marco says of his lord and master. [Illustration: KUBLAI KHAN. From an old Chinese Encyclopaedia at Paris.] "The Great Khan, lord of lords, named Kublai, is of middle stature, neither too full nor too short: he has a beautiful fresh complexion, his colour is fair, his eyes dark." The capital of the Empire, Pekin, two days' journey from the sea, and the residence of the Court during the months of December, January, and February, called out the unbounded enthusiasm of the Polos. The city, two days' journey from the ocean, in the extreme north-east of Cathay, had been newly rebuilt in a regular square, six miles on each side, surrounded by walls of earth and having twelve gates. "The streets are so broad and so straight," says Marco, "that from one gate another is visible. It contains many beautiful houses and palaces, and a very large one in the midst, containing a steeple with a large bell which at night sounds three times, after which no man must leave the city. At each gate a thousand men keep guard, not from dread of any enemy, but in reverence of the monarch who dwells within it, and to prevent injury by robbers." This square form of Pekin, the great breadth of the straight streets, the closing of the gates by sound of a bell--the largest in the world--is noted by all travellers to this far-eastern city of Cathay. But greater even than Pekin was the city of Kin-sai (Hang-tcheou-fou), the City of Heaven, in the south of China. It had but lately fallen into the hands of Kublai Khan. "And now I will tell you all its nobleness," says Marco, "for without doubt it is the largest city in the world. The city is one hundred miles in circumference and has twelve thousand stone bridges, and beneath the greater part of these a large ship might pass. And you need not wonder there are so many bridges, because the city is wholly on the water and surrounded by it like Venice. The merchants are so numerous and so rich that their wealth can neither be told nor believed. They and their ladies do nothing with their own hands, but live as delicately as if they were kings. These females also are of most angelic beauty, and live in the most elegant manner. The people are idolaters, subject to the Great Khan, and use paper money. They eat the flesh of dogs and other beasts, such as no Christian would touch for the world. In this city, too, are four thousand baths, in which the citizens, both men and women, take great delight and frequently resort thither, because they keep their persons very cleanly. They are the largest and most beautiful baths in the world, insomuch that one hundred of either sex may bathe in them at once. Twenty-five miles from thence is the ocean, and there is a city (Ning-po) which has a very fine port, with large ships and much merchandise of immense value from India and other quarters." [Illustration: "THE UNROLLING OF THE CLOUDS"--III. The world as known at the end of the thirteenth century after the travels of Marco Polo and his contemporaries.] But though Marco revels in the description of wonderful cities, he is continually leading us back to the Great Khan himself. His festivals were splendid. The tables were arranged so that the Emperor sat higher than all the others, always with his face to the south. His sons and daughters were placed so that their heads were on a level with his feet. Some forty thousand people feast on these occasions, but the Khan himself is served only by his great barons, their mouths wrapped in rich towels embroidered in gold and silver, that their breath might not blow upon the plates. His presents were on a colossal scale; it was no rare occurrence for him to receive five thousand camels, one hundred thousand beautiful horses, and five thousand elephants covered with cloth of gold and silver. "And now I will relate a wonderful thing," says Marco. "A large lion is led into his presence, which, as soon as it sees him, drops down and makes a sign of deep humility, owning him its lord and moving about without any chain." His kingdom was ruled by twelve barons all living at Pekin. His provinces numbered thirty-four, hence their method of communication was very complete. "Messengers are sent to divers provinces," says Marco, "and on all the roads they find at every twenty-five miles a post, where the messengers are received. At each is a large edifice containing a bed covered with silk and everything useful and convenient for a traveller ... here, too, they find full four hundred horses, whom the prince has ordered to be always in waiting to convey them along the principal roads.... Thus they go through the provinces, finding everywhere inns and horses for their reception. Moreover, in the intervals between these stations, at every three miles are erected villages of about forty houses inhabited by foot-runners also employed on these dispatches. They wear large girdles set round with bells, which are heard at a great distance. Receiving a letter or packet, one runs full speed to the next village, when his approach being announced by bells, another is ready to start and proceed to the next, and so on. By these pedestrian messengers the Khan receives news in one day and night from places ten days' journey distant; in two days from those twenty off, and in ten from those a hundred days' journey distant. Thus he sends his messengers through all his kingdoms and provinces to know if any of his subjects have had their crops injured through bad weather; and, if any such injury has happened, he does not exact from them any tribute for that season--nay, he gives them corn out of his own stores to subsist on." This first European account of China is all so delightful that it is difficult to know where to stop. The mention of coal is interesting. "Throughout the whole province of Cathay," says Marco, "are a kind of black stones cut from the mountains in veins, which burn like logs. They maintain the fire better than wood. If you put them on in the evening they will preserve it the whole night, and it will be found burning in the morning. Throughout the whole of Cathay this fuel is used. They have also wood, but the stones are much less expensive." Neither can we pass over Marco's account of the wonderful stone bridge with its twenty-four arches of pure marble across the broad river, "the most magnificent object in the whole world," across which ten horsemen could ride abreast, or the Yellow River (Hoang-ho), "so large and broad that it cannot be crossed by a bridge, and flows on even to the ocean," or the wealth of mulberry trees throughout the land, on which lived the silkworms that have made China so famous for her silk. Then there are the people famous for their manufacture of fine porcelain ware. "Great quantities of porcelain earth were here collected into heaps and in this way exposed to the action of the atmosphere for some forty years, during which time it was never disturbed. By this process it became refined and fitted for manufacture." Such is Marco's only allusion to china ware. With regard to tea he is entirely silent. But he is the first European to tell us about the islands of Japan, fifteen hundred miles from the coast of China, now first discovered to the geographers of the West. "Zipangu," says Marco, "is an island situated at a distance from the mainland. The people are fair and civilised in their manners--they possess precious metals in extraordinary abundance. The people are white, of gentle manners, idolaters in religion under a king of their own. These folk were attacked by the fleet of Kublai Khan in 1264 for their gold, for the King's house, windows, and floors were covered with it, but the King allowed no exportation of it." [Illustration: MARCO POLO. From a woodcut in the first printed edition of Marco Polo's _Travels_, Nuremburg, 1477.] Thus Marco Polo records in dim outline the existence of land beyond that ever dreamed of by Europeans--indeed, denied by Ptolemy and other geographers of the West. In the course of his service under Kublai Khan he opened up the eight provinces of Tibet, the whole of south-east Asia from Canton to Bengal, and the archipelago of farther India. He tells us, too, of Tibet, that wide country "vanquished and wasted by the Khan for the space of twenty days' journey"--a great wilderness wanting people, but overrun by wild beasts. Here were great Tibetan dogs as large as asses. Still on duty for Kublai Khan, Marco reached Bengal, "which borders upon India." But he was glad enough to return to his adopted Chinese home, "the richest and most famous country of all the East." At last the Polo family wearied of Court honours, and they were anxious to return to their own people at Venice. However, the Khan was very unwilling to let them go. One day their chance came. The Persian ruler was anxious to marry a princess of the house of Kublai Khan, and it was decided to send the lady by sea under the protection of the trusted Polos, rather than to allow her to undergo the hardships of an overland journey from China to Persia. So in the year 1292 they bade farewell to the great Kublai Khan, and with the little princess of seventeen and her suite they set sail with an escort of fourteen ships for India. Passing many islands "with gold and much trade," after three months at sea they reached Java, at this time supposed to be the greatest island in the world, above three thousand miles round. At Sumatra they were detained five months by stress of weather, till at last they reached the Bay of Bengal. Sailing on a thousand miles westwards, they reached Ceylon--"the finest island in the world," remarks Marco. It was not till two years after their start and the loss of six hundred sailors that they arrived at their destination, only to find that the ruler of Persia was dead. However, they gave the little bride to his son and passed on by Constantinople to Venice, where they arrived in 1295. [Illustration: A JAPANESE FIGHT AGAINST THE CHINESE AT THE TIME WHEN MARCO POLO FIRST SAW JAPANESE. From an ancient Japanese painting.] And now follows a strange sequel to the story. After their long absence, and in their travel-stained garments, their friends and relations could not recognise them, and in vain did they declare that they were indeed the Polos--father, son, and uncle--who had left Venice twenty-four long years ago. It was no use; no one believed their story. So this is what they did. They arranged for a great banquet to be held, to which they invited all their relations and friends. This they attended in robes of crimson satin. Then suddenly Marco rose from the table and, going out of the room, returned with the three coarse, travel-stained garments. They ripped open seams, tore out the lining, and a quantity of precious stones, rubies, sapphires, diamonds, and emeralds poured forth. The company were filled with wonder, and when the story spread all the people of Venice came forth to do honour to their famous fellow-countrymen. Marco was surnamed Marco of the Millions, and never tired of telling the wonderful stories of Kublai Khan, the great Emperor who combined the "rude magnificence of the desert with the pomp and elegance of the most civilised empire in the Old World." CHAPTER XVIII THE END OF MEDIAEVAL EXPLORATION The two names of Ibn Batuta and Sir John Mandeville now conclude our mediaeval period of travel to the Eastward. Both the Arab and the Englishman date their travels between the years 1325 and 1355; but while Ibn Batuta, the traveller from Tangiers, adds very valuable information to our geographical knowledge, we have to lay the travel volumes of Sir John Mandeville aside and acknowledge sadly that his book is made up of borrowed experiences, that he has wantonly added fiction to fact, and distorted even the travel stories told by other travellers. And yet, strange to say, while the work of Ibn Batuta remains entirely disregarded, the delightful work of the Englishman is still read vigorously to-day and translated into nearly every European language. In it we read strange stories of Prester John, "the great Emperor of India, who is served by seven kings, seventy-two dukes, and three hundred and sixty earls"; he speaks of the "isle of Cathay": he repeats the legend of the island near Java on which Adam and Eve wept for one hundred years after they had been driven from Paradise; he speaks of giants thirty feet high, and of Pigmies who came dancing to see him. [Illustration: SIR JOHN MANDEVILLE ON HIS TRAVELS. From a MS. in the British Museum.] We turn to the Arab traveller for a solid document, which rings more true, and we cannot doubt his accounts of shipwreck and hardships encountered by the way. Ibn Batuta left Tangiers in the year 1324 at the early age of twenty-one on a pilgrimage to Mecca. He made his way across the north of Africa to Alexandria. Here history relates he met a learned and pious man named Imam. "I perceive," said Imam, "that you are fond of visiting distant countries?" "That is so," answered Ibn Batuta. "Then you must visit my brother in India, my brother in Persia, and my brother in China, and when you see them present my compliments to them." Ibn Batuta left Alexandria with a resolve to visit these three persons, and indeed, wonderful to say, he found them all three and presented to them their brother's compliments. He reached Mecca and remained there for three years, after which he voyaged down the Red Sea to Aden, a port of much trade. Coasting along the east coast of Africa, he reached Mombasa, from which port, so soon to fall into the hands of the Portuguese, he sailed to Ormuz, a "city on the seashore," at the entrance to the Persian Gulf. Here he tells us of the head of a fish "that might be compared to a hill: its eyes were like two doors, so that people could go in at one eye and out at the other." Crossing central Arabia and the Black Sea, he found himself for the first time in a Christian city, and was much dismayed at all the bells ringing. He was anxious to go north through Russia to the Land of Darkness, of which he had heard such wonderful tales. It was a land where there were neither trees, nor stones, nor houses, where dogs with nails in their feet drew little sledges across the ice. Instead he went to Constantinople, arriving at sunset when the bells were ringing so loud "that the very horizon shook with the noise." Ibn was presented to the Emperor as a remarkable traveller, and a letter of safe conduct was given to him. He then made his way through Bokhara and Herat, Kandahar and Kabul, over the Hindu Koosh and across the Indus to Delhi, "the greatest city in the world." But at this time it was a howling wilderness, as the inhabitants had fled from the cruelty of the Turkish Emperor. Into his presence our traveller was now called and graciously received. "The lord of the world appoints you to the office of judge in Delhi," said the Emperor; "he gives you a dress of honour with a saddled horse and a large yearly salary." Ibn held this office for eight years, till one day the Emperor called him and said: "I wish to send you as ambassador to the Emperor of China, for I know you are fond of travelling in foreign countries." The Emperor of China had sent presents of great value to the Emperor of India, who was now anxious to return the compliment. Quaint, indeed, were the gifts from India to China. There were one hundred high-bred horses, one hundred dancing girls, one hundred pieces of cotton stuff, also silk and wool, some black, some white, blue-green or blue. There were swords of state and golden candlesticks, silver basins, brocade dresses, and gloves embroidered with pearls. But so many adventures did Ibn Batuta have on his way to China that it is certain that none of these things ever reached that country, for eighty miles from Delhi the cavalcade was attacked and Ibn was robbed of all he had. For days he wandered alone in a forest, living on leaves, till he was rescued more dead than alive, and carried back to Delhi. The second start was also unfortunate. By a circuitous route he made his way to Calicut on the Malabar coast, where he made a stay of three months till the monsoons should permit him to take ship for China. The harbour of Calicut was full of great Chinese ships called junks. These junks struck him as unlike anything he had seen before. "The sails are made of cane reed woven together like a mat, which, when they put into port, they leave standing in the wind. In some of these vessels there will be a thousand men, sailors and soldiers. Built in the ports of China only, they are rowed with large oars, which may be compared to great masts. On board are wooden houses in which the higher officials reside with their wives." [Illustration: AN EMPEROR OF TARTARY. From the map ascribed to Sebastian Cabot, 1544.] The time of the voyage came; thirteen huge junks were taken, and the imperial presents were embarked. All was ready for a start on the morrow. Ibn stayed on shore praying in the mosque till starting-time. That night a violent hurricane arose and most of the ships in the harbour were destroyed. Treasure, crew, and officers all perished, and Ibn was left alone and almost penniless. He feared to return to Delhi, so he took ship, which landed him on one of a group of a thousand islands, which Ibn calls "one of the wonders of the world." The chief island was governed by a woman. Here he was made a judge, and soon became a great personage. But after a time he grew restless and set sail for Sumatra. Here at the court of the king, who was a zealous disciple of Mohammed, Ibn met with a kind reception, and after a fortnight, provided with provisions, the "restless Mohammedan" again voyaged northwards into the "Calm Sea," or the Pacific as we call it now. It was so still, "disturbed by neither wind nor waves," that the ship had to be towed by a smaller ship till they reached China. "This is a vast country," writes Ibn, "and it abounds in all sorts of good things--fruit, corn, gold, and silver. It is traversed by a great river--the Waters of Life--which runs through the heart of China for a distance of six months' journey. It is bordered with villages, cultivated plains, orchards, and markets, just like the Nile in Egypt." Ibn gives an amusing account of the Chinese poultry. "The cocks and hens are bigger than our geese. I one day bought a hen," he says, "which I wanted to boil, but one pot would not hold it and I was obliged to take two. As for the cocks in China, they are as big as ostriches." "'Pooh,' cried an owner of Chinese fowls, 'there are cocks in China much bigger than that,' and I found he had said no more than the truth." "Silk is very plentiful, for the worms which produce it require little attention. They have silk in such abundance that it is used for clothing even by poor monks and beggars. The people of China do not use gold and silver coin in their commercial dealings. Their buying and selling is carried on by means of pieces of paper about the size of the palm of the hand, carrying the seal of the Emperor." The Arab traveller has much to say about the superb painting of China. They study and paint every stranger that visits their country, and the portrait thus taken is exposed on the city wall. Thus, should a stranger do anything to make flight necessary, his portrait would be sent out into every province and he would soon be discovered. "China is the safest as well as the pleasantest of all the regions on the earth for a traveller. You may travel the whole nine months' journey to which the Empire extends without the slightest cause to fear, even if you have treasure in your charge. But it afforded me no pleasure. On the contrary, my spirit was sorely troubled within me to see how Paganism had the upper hand." [Illustration: A CARAVAN IN CATHAY. From the Catalan map, 1375.] Troubles now broke out among the Khan's family, which led to civil wars and the death of the Great Khan. He was buried with great pomp. A deep chamber was dug in the earth, into which a beautiful couch was placed, on which was laid the dead Khan with his arms and all his rich apparel, the earth over him being heaped to the height of a large hill. Batuta now hurried from the country, took a junk to Sumatra, thence to Calicut and by Ormuz home to Tangier, where he arrived in 1348. He had done what he set forth to do. He had visited the three brothers of Imam in Persia, India, and China. In addition he had travelled for twenty-four years and accomplished in all about seventy-five thousand miles. With him the history of mediaeval exploration would seem to end, for within eighty years of his death the modern epoch opens with the energies and enthusiasm of Prince Henry of Portugal. For the last few centuries we have found all travel undertaken more or less as a religious crusade. So far during the last centuries, travel had been for the most part by land. Few discoveries had been made by sea. Voyages were too difficult and dangerous. The Phoenicians had ventured far with intrepid courage. The Vikings had tossed fearlessly over their stormy northern seas to the yet unknown land of America, but this was long ago. Throughout the Middle Ages hardly a sail was to be seen on the vast Atlantic and Pacific Oceans, no ships ventured on what was held to be the Sea of Darkness, no man was emboldened to risk life and money on the unknown waters beyond his own safe home. CHAPTER XIX MEDIAEVAL MAPS We cannot pass from the subject of mediaeval exploration without a word on the really delightful, if ignorant, maps of the period, for they illustrate better than any description the state of geography at this time. The Ptolemy map, summing up all the Greek and Roman learning, with its longitudes and latitudes, with its shaped continents and its many towns and rivers, "indicates the high-water mark of a tide that was soon to ebb." With the decline of the Roman Empire and the coming of Christianity we get a new spirit inspiring our mediaeval maps, in which Jerusalem, hitherto totally obscure, dominates the whole situation. The _Christian Topography_ of Cosmas in the sixth century sets a new model. Figures blowing trumpets representing the winds still blow on to the world, as they did in the days of Ptolemy, but the earth is once more flat and it is again surrounded by the ocean stream. Round this ocean stream, according to Cosmas, is an outer earth, the seat of Paradise, "the earth beyond the ocean where men dwelt before the Flood." Although these maps of Cosmas were but the expression of one man's ideas, they served as a model for others. There is, at Turin, a delightful map of the eighth century with the four winds and the ocean stream as usual. The world is divided into three--Asia, Africa, and Europe. Adam and Eve stand at the top; to the right of Adam lies Armenia and the Caucasus; to the left of Eve are Mount Lebanon, the river Jordan, Sidon, and Mesopotamia. At their feet lie Mount Carmel, Jerusalem, and Babylon. [Illustration: THE TURIN MAP OF THE WORLD, EIGHTH CENTURY.] In Europe we find a few names such as Constantinople, Italy, France. Britannia and Scotland are islands in the encircling sea. Africa is suitably represented by the Nile. Of much the same date is another map known as the Albi, preserved in the library at Albi in Languedoc. The world is square, with rounded corners; Britain is an island off the coast of Spain, and a beautiful green sea flows round the whole. An example of tenth-century map-making, known as the Cottoniana or Anglo-Saxon map, is in the British Museum. Here is a mixture of Biblical and classical knowledge. Jerusalem and Bethlehem are in their place and the Pillars of Hercules stand at the entrance of the Mediterranean Sea. The British Isles are still distorted, and quantities of little unnamed islands lie about the north of Scotland. In the extreme east lies an enormous Ceylon; in the north-east corner of Asia is drawn a magnificent lion with mane and curling tail, with the words around him: "Here lions abound." Africa as usual is made up of the Nile, Alexandria at its mouth, and its source in a lake. [Illustration: A T-MAP, TENTH CENTURY.] [Illustration: A T-MAP, THIRTEENTH CENTURY.] There is another form of these early maps. They are quite small and round. They are known as T-maps, being divided into three parts--Europe, Asia, and Africa. Jerusalem is always in the centre, and the ocean stream flows round. [Illustration: THE HEREFORD MAPPA MUNDI OF 1280. Drawn by Richard de Haldingham and Lafford, who was Prebendary of Lincoln (hence his name Lafford) before 1283, and Prebendary of Hereford in 1305. The original map hangs in the Chapter House Library of Hereford Cathedral. In it the original green of the seas reproduced here as green has become a dark brown by age.] After the manner of these, only on a very large scale, is the famous _Mappa Mundi_, by Richard of Haldingham, on the walls of the Hereford Cathedral of the thirteenth century. Jerusalem is in the centre, and the Crucifixion is there depicted. At the top is the Last Judgment, with the good and bad folk divided on either side. Adam and Eve are there, so are the Pillars of Hercules, Scylla and Charybdis, the Red Sea coloured red, the Nile and the Mountains of the Moon, strange beasts and stranger men. With the Hereford map came in that pictorial geography that makes the maps of the later Middle Ages so delightful. [Illustration: THE KAISER HOLDING THE WORLD. From a twelfth-century MS.] "This is indeed the true way to make a map," says a modern writer. "If these old maps erred in the course of their rivers and the lines of their mountains and space, they are not so misleading as your modern atlas with its too accurate measurements. For even your most primitive map, with Paradise in the east--a gigantic Jerusalem in the centre--gives a less distorted impression than that which we obtain from the most scientific chart on Mercator's projection." [Illustration: THE "ANGLO-SAXON" MAP OF THE WORLD, DRAWN ABOUT 990 A.D. This map, which is found in one of the Cotton MSS. in the British Museum, is a geographical achievement remarkable in the age which produced it. It may perhaps be the work of an Irish scholar-monk. It shows real knowledge and scientific insight in one of the gloomiest of the "dark ages" of Europe.] CHAPTER XX PRINCE HENRY OF PORTUGAL But now a new era was about to begin--a new age was dawning--and we open a wonderful chapter in the history of discovery, perhaps the most wonderful in all the world. In Portugal a man had arisen who was to awaken the slumbering world of travel and direct it to the high seas. And the name of this man was Henry, a son of King John of Portugal. His mother was an Englishwoman, daughter of "John of Gaunt, time-honoured Lancaster." The Prince was, therefore, a nephew of Henry IV. and great-grandson of Edward III. of England. But if English blood flowed in his veins he, too, was the son of the "greatest King that ever sat on the throne of Portugal," and at the age of twenty he had already learned something of the sea that lay between his father's kingdom and the northern coast of Africa. Thus, when in the year 1415 King John planned a great expedition across the narrow seas to Ceuta, an important Moorish city in North Africa, it fell to Prince Henry himself to equip seven triremes, six biremes, twenty-six ships of burden, and a number of small craft. These he had ready at Lisbon when news reached him that the Queen, his mother, was stricken ill. The King and three sons were soon at her bedside. It was evident that she was dying. "What wind blows so strongly against the side of the house?" she asked suddenly. "The wind blows from the north," replied her sons. "It is the wind most favourable for your departure," replied Philippa. And with these words the English Queen died. This is not the place to tell how the expedition started at once as the dead Queen had wished, how Ceuta was triumphantly taken, and how Prince Henry distinguished himself till all Europe rang with his fame. Henry V. of England begged him to come over and take command of his forces. The Emperor of Germany sent the same request. But he had other schemes for his life. He would not fight the foes of England or of Germany, rather would he fight the great ocean whose waves dashed high against the coast of Portugal. He had learned something of inland Africa, of the distant coast of Guinea, and he was fired with the idea of exploring along this west coast of Africa and possibly reaching India by sea. Let us recall what was known of the Atlantic only six centuries ago. "It was," says an old writer, "a vast and boundless ocean, on which ships dared not venture out of sight of land. For even if the sailors knew the direction of the winds they would not know whither those winds would carry them, and, as there is no inhabited country beyond, they would run great risk of being lost in mist and vapour. The limit of the West is the Atlantic Ocean." The ocean was a new and formidable foe, hitherto unconquered and unexplored. At last one had arisen to attempt its conquest. As men had lifted the veil from the unknown land of China, so now the mists were to be cleared from the Sea of Darkness. On the inhospitable shores of southern Portugal, amid the "sadness of a waste of shifting sand, in a neighbourhood so barren that only a few stunted trees struggled for existence, on one of the coldest, dreariest spots of sunny Portugal," Prince Henry built his naval arsenal. In this secluded spot, far from the gaieties of Court life, with the vast Atlantic rolling measureless and mysterious before him, Prince Henry took up the study of astronomy and mathematics. Here he gathered round him men of science; he built ships and trained Portuguese sailors in the art of navigation, so far as it was known in those days. Then he urged them seawards. In 1418 two gentlemen of his household, Zarco and Vaz, volunteered to sail to Cape Bojador towards the south. They started off and as usual hugged the coast for some way, but a violent storm arose and soon they were driven out to sea. They had lost sight of land and given themselves up for lost when, at break of day, they saw an island not far off. Delighted at their escape, they named it Porto Santo and, overjoyed at their discovery, hastened back to Portugal to relate their adventures to Prince Henry. They described the fertile soil and delicious climate of the newly found island, the simplicity of its inhabitants, and they requested leave to return and make a Portuguese settlement there. To reward them, Prince Henry gave them three ships and everything to ensure success in their new enterprise. But unfortunately he added a rabbit and her family. These were turned out and multiplied with such astonishing rapidity that in two years' time they were numerous enough to destroy all the vegetation of the island. So Porto Santo was colonised by the Portuguese, and one Perestrello was made Governor of the island; and it is interesting to note that his daughter became the wife of Christopher Columbus. But the original founders, Zarco and Vaz, had observed from time to time a dark spot on the horizon which aroused their curiosity. Sailing towards it, they found an island of considerable size, uninhabited and very attractive, but so covered with woods that they named it Madeira, the Island of Woods. But although these two islands belong to Portugal to-day, and although Portugal claimed their discovery, it has been proved that already an Englishman and his wife had been there, and the names of the islands appear on an Italian map of 1351. [Illustration: AFRICA--FROM CEUTA TO MADEIRA, THE CANARIES, AND CAPE BOJADOR. From Fra Mauro's map, 1457.] The story of this first discovery is very romantic. In the reign of Edward III. a young man named Robert Machin sailed away from Bristol with a very wealthy lady. A north-east wind carried them out of their course, and after thirteen days' driving before a storm they were cast on to an island. It was uninhabited and well wooded and watered. But the sufferings and privations proved too much for the poor English lady, who died after three days, and Machin died a few days later of grief and exposure. The crew of the ship sailed away to the coast of Africa, there to be imprisoned by the Moors. Upon their escape in 1416 they made known their discovery. So Zarco and Vaz divided the island of Madeira, calling half of it Funchal (the Portuguese for fennel, which grew here in great quantities) and the other half Machico after the poor English discoverer Machin. The first two Portuguese children born in the island of Madeira were called Adam and Eve. Year after year Prince Henry launched his little ships on the yet unknown, uncharted seas, urging his captains to venture farther and ever farther. He longed for them to reach Cape Bojador, and bitter was his disappointment when one of his squires, dismayed by travellers' tales, turned back from the Canary Islands. "Go out again," urged the enthusiastic Prince, "and give no heed to their opinions, for, by the grace of God, you cannot fail to derive from your voyage both honour and profit." [Illustration: THE VOYAGE TO CAPE BLANCO FROM CAPE BOJADOR. From Fra Mauro's map, 1457.] And the squire went forth from the commanding presence of the Prince resolved to double the Cape, which he successfully accomplished in 1434. Seven years passed away, till in 1441 two men--Gonsalves, master of the wardrobe (a strange qualification for difficult navigation), and Nuno Tristam, a young knight--started forth on the Prince's service, with orders to pass Cape Bojador where a dangerous surf, breaking on the shore, had terrified other navigators. There was a story, too, that any man who passed Cape Bojador would be changed from white into black, that there were sea-monsters, sheets of burning flame, and boiling waters beyond. The young knight Tristam discovered the white headland beyond Cape Bojador, named it Cape Blanco, and took home some Moors of high rank to the Prince. A large sum was offered for their ransom, so Gonsalves conveyed them back to Cape Blanco and coasted along to the south, discovering the island of Arguin of the Cape Verde group and reaching the neighbourhood of Sierra Leone, reached by Hanno many centuries before this. Here he received some gold dust, and with this and some thirty negroes he returned to Lisbon, where the strange black negroes "caused the most lively astonishment among the people." The small quantity of gold dust created a sensation among the Portuguese explorers, and the spirit of adventure grew. No longer had the Prince to urge his navigators forth to new lands and new seas; they were ready and willing to go, for the reward was now obvious. The news was soon noised abroad, and Italians, then reckoned among the most skilful seamen of the time, flocked to Portugal, anxious to take service under the Prince. "Love of gain was the magic wand that drew them on and on, into unknown leagues of waters, into wild adventures and desperate affrays." The "Navigator" himself looked beyond these things. He would find a way to India; he would teach the heathen to be Christians. He was always ready to welcome those with superior knowledge of navigation; so in 1454 he sent an Italian, known to history as Cadamosto, to sail the African seas. The young Venetian was but twenty-one, and he tells his story simply. "Now I--Luigi Ca da Mosto--had sailed nearly all the Mediterranean coasts, but, being caught by a storm off Cape St. Vincent, had to take refuge in the Prince's town, and was there told of the glorious and boundless conquests of the Prince, the which did exceedingly stir my soul--eager it was for gain above all things else. My age, my vigour, my skill are equal to any toil; above all, my passionate desire to see the world and explore the unknown set me all on fire with eagerness." In 1455 Cadamosto sailed from Portugal for Madeira, now "thickly peopled with Portuguese." From Madeira to the Canaries, from the Canaries to Cape Blanco, "natives black as moles were dressed in white flowing robes with turbans wound round their heads." Here was a great market of Arab traders from the interior, here were camels laden with brass, silver, and gold, as well as slaves innumerable. But Cadamosto pushed on for some four hundred miles by the low, sandy shore to the Senegal River. The Portuguese had already sailed by this part of the coast, and the negroes had thought their ships to be great birds from afar cleaving the air with their white wings. When the crews furled their sails and drew into shore the natives changed their minds and thought they were fishes, and all stood on the shore gazing stupidly at this new wonder. Cadamosto landed and pushed some two hundred and fifty miles up the Senegal River, where he set up a market, exchanging cotton and cloth for gold, while "the negroes came stupidly crowding round me, wondering at our white colour, which they tried to wash off, our dress, our garments of black silk and robes of blue cloth." Joined by two other ships from Portugal, the Italian explorer now sailed on to Cape Verde, so called from its green grass. "The land here," he tells us, "is all low and full of fine, large trees, which are continually green. The trees never wither like those in Europe; they grow so near the shore that they seem to drink, as it were, the water of the sea. The coast is most beautiful. Many countries have I been in, to East and West, but never did I see a prettier sight." But the negroes here--big, comely men--were lawless and impossible to approach, shooting at the Portuguese explorers with poisoned arrows. They discovered that the capital of the country was called Gambra, where lived a king, but the negroes of the Gambra were unfriendly; there was little gold to be had; his crews fell sick and ill, and Cadamosto turned home again. But he had reached a point beyond all other explorers of the time, a point where "only once did we see the North Star, which was so low that it seemed almost to touch the sea." We know that he must have been to within eleven degrees of the Equator, and it is disappointing to find the promising young Italian disappearing from the pages of history. [Illustration: A PORTION OF AFRICA FROM FRA MAURO'S MAP ILLUSTRATING CADAMOSTO'S VOYAGE BEYOND CAPE BLANCO.] And now we come to the last voyage planned by Prince Henry, that of Diego Gomez, his own faithful servant. It followed close on Cadamosto's return. No long time after, the Prince equipped a ship called the _Wren_ and set over it Diego Gomez, with two other ships, of which he was commander-in-chief. Their orders were to go as far as they could. Gomez wrote his own travels, and his adventures are best told in his own words. We take up his story from the far side of Cape Blanco. "After passing a great river beyond Rio Grande we met such strong currents in the sea that no anchor could hold. The other captains and their men were much alarmed, thinking we were at the end of the ocean, and begged me to put back. In the mid-current the sea was very clear, and the natives came off from the shore and brought us their merchandise. As the current grew even stronger we put back and came to a land, where were groves of palms near the shore, with their branches broken. There we found a plain covered with hay and more than five thousand animals like stags, but larger, who showed no fear of us. Five elephants with two young ones came out of a small river that was fringed by trees. We went back to the ships, and next day made our way from Cape Verde and saw the broad mouth of a great river, which we entered and guessed to be the Gambia. We went up the river as far as Cantor (some five hundred miles). Farther than this the ships could not go, because of the thick growth of trees and underwood. When the news spread through the country that the Christians were in Cantor, they came from Timbuktu in the north, from Mount Gelu in the south. Here I was told there is gold in plenty, and caravans of camels cross over there with goods from Carthage, Tunis, Fez, Cairo, and all the land of the Saracens. I asked the natives of Cantor about the road to the gold country. They told me the King lived in Kukia and was lord of all the mines on the right side of the river of Cantor, and that he had before the door of this palace a mass of gold just as it was taken from the earth, so large that twenty men could hardly move it, and that the King always fastened his horse to it. While I was thus trafficking with these negroes, my men became worn out with the heat, and so we returned towards the ocean." [Illustration: SKETCH OF AFRICA FROM FRA MAURO'S GREAT MAP OF THE WORLD, 1457. In the African portions of Fra Mauro's map which have already been given they are shown exactly as Fra Mauro drew them, with the north at the _bottom_ and the south at the _top_, as is nearly always the case in mediaeval maps. In this outline of Africa, which is generally supposed to show the results of Prince Henry's labours, the map has been put the right way up. It was prepared between 1457 and 1459.] But Diego Gomez had succeeded in making friends with the hostile natives of this part. He left behind him a better idea of Christian men than some of the other explorers had done. His own account of the conversion of the Mohammedan King who lived near the mouth of the river Gambia, which was visited on the return voyage, is most interesting. "Now the houses here are made of seaweed, covered with straw, and while I stayed here (at the river mouth) three days, I learned all the mischief that had been done to the Christians by a certain King. So I took pains to make peace with him and sent him many presents by his own men in his own canoes. Now the King was in great fear of the Christians, lest they should take vengeance upon him. When the King heard that I always treated the natives kindly he came to the river-side with a great force, and, sitting down on the bank, sent for me. And so I went and paid him all respect. There was a Bishop there of his own faith, who asked me about the God of the Christians, and I answered him as God had given me to know. At last the King was so pleased with what I said that he sprang to his feet and ordered the Mohammedan Bishop to leave his country within three days." So when the Portuguese returned home, Prince Henry sent a priest and a young man of his own household to the black King at the mouth of the Gambia. This was in 1458. "In the year of our Lord 1460, Prince Henry fell ill in his town on Cape St. Vincent," says his faithful explorer and servant, Diego Gomez, "and of that sickness he died." Such was the end of the man who has been called the "originator of modern discovery." What had he done? He had inspired and financed the Portuguese navigators to sail for some two thousand miles down the West African coast. "From his wave-washed home he inspired the courage of his men and planned their voyages, and by the purity of his actions and the devotion of his life really lived up to his inspiring motto, 'Talent de bien faire.'" And more than this. For each successive discovery had been carefully noted at the famous Sagres settlement, and these had been worked up by an Italian monk named Fra Mauro into an enormous wall-map over six feet across, crammed with detail--the work of three years' incessant labour. CHAPTER XXI BARTHOLOMEW DIAZ REACHES THE STORMY CAPE But though Prince Henry was dead, the enthusiasm he had aroused among Portuguese navigators was not dead, and Portuguese ships still stole forth by twos and threes to search for treasure down the West African coast. In 1462 they reached Sierra Leone, the farthest point attained by Hanno of olden days. Each new headland was now taken in the name of Portugal: wooden crosses already marked each successive discovery, and many a tree near the coast bore the motto of Prince Henry carved roughly on its bark. Portugal had officially claimed this "Kingdom of the Seas" as it was called, and henceforth stone crosses some six feet high, inscribed with the arms of Portugal, the name of the navigator, and the date of discovery, marked each newly found spot. It was not until 1471 that the navigators unconsciously crossed the Equator, "into a new heaven and a new earth." They saw stars unknown in the Northern Hemisphere, and the Northern Pole star sank nearly out of sight. Another thirteen years and Diego Cam, a knight of the King's household, found the mouth of the Congo and erected a great Portuguese pillar on the famous spot. It was in the year 1484 that Diego Cam was ordered to go "as far to the south as he could." He crossed the Equator, which for past years had been the limit of knowledge, and, continuing southwards he reached the mouth of the mighty river Congo, now known as the second of all the African rivers for size. The explorer ascended the river, falling in with peacefully inclined natives. But they could not make themselves understood, so Cam took back four of them to Portugal, where they learned enough Portuguese to talk a little. They were much struck with Portugal and the kind treatment they received from the King, who sent them back to their country laden with presents for their black King at home. So with Diego Cam they all sailed back to the Congo River. They were received by the King in royal state. Seated on a throne of ivory raised on a lofty wooden platform, he could be seen from all sides, his "black and glittering skin" shining out above a piece of damask given to him to wear by the Portuguese explorer. From his shoulder hung a dressed horse's tail, a symbol of royalty; on his head was a cap of palm leaves. It was here in this Congo district that the first negro was baptized in the presence of some twenty-five thousand heathen comrades. The ceremony was performed by Portuguese priests, and the negro King ordered all idols to be destroyed throughout his dominions. Here, too, a little Christian church was built, and the King and Queen became such earnest Christians that they sent their children to Portugal to be taught. [Illustration: NEGRO BOYS, FROM CABOT'S MAP, 1544.] But even the discoveries of Diego Cam pale before the great achievement of Bartholomew Diaz, who was now to accomplish the great task which Prince Henry the Navigator had yearned to see fulfilled--the rounding of the Cape of Storms. The expedition set sail for the south in August 1486. Passing the spot where Diego Cam had erected his farthest pillar, Diaz reached a headland, now known as Diaz Point, where he, too, placed a Portuguese pillar that remained unbroken till about a hundred years ago. Still to the south he sailed, struggling with wind and weather, to Cape Voltas, close to the mouth of the Orange River. Then for another fortnight the little ships were driven before the wind, south and ever south, with half-reefed sails and no land in sight. Long days and longer nights passed to find them still drifting in an unknown sea, knowing not what an hour might bring forth. At last the great wind ceased to blow and it became icy cold. They had sailed to the south of South Africa. Steering north, Diaz now fell in with land--land with cattle near the shore and cowherds tending them, but the black cowherds were so alarmed at the sight of the Portuguese that they fled away inland. We know now, what neither Diaz nor his crew even suspected, that he had actually rounded, without seeing, the Cape of Good Hope. The coast now turned eastward till a small island was reached in a bay we now call Algoa Bay. Here Bartholomew Diaz set up another pillar with its cross and inscription, naming the rock Santa Cruz. This was the first land beyond the Cape ever trodden by European feet. Unfortunately the natives--Kafirs--threw stones at them, and it was impossible to make friends and to land. The crews, too, began to complain. They were worn out with continual work, weary for fresh food, terrified at the heavy seas that broke on these southern shores. With one voice they protested against proceeding any farther. But the explorer could not bear to turn back; he must sail onwards now, just three days more, and then if they found nothing he would turn back. They sailed on and came to the mouth of a large river--the Great Fish River. Again the keen explorer would sail on and add to his already momentous discoveries. But the crews again began their complaints and, deeply disappointed, Diaz had to turn. "When he reached the little island of Santa Cruz and bade farewell to the cross which he had there erected, it was with grief as intense as if he were leaving his child in the wilderness with no hope of ever seeing him again." To him it seemed as though he had endured all his hardships in vain. He knew not what he had really accomplished as yet. But his eyes were soon to be opened. Sailing westward, Diaz at last came in sight of "that remarkable Cape which had been hidden from the eyes of man for so many centuries." [Illustration: THE WEST COAST OF AFRICA. From Martin Behaim's map, 1492.] Remembering their perils past, he called it "the Stormy Cape" and hastened home to the King of Portugal with his great news. The King was overjoyed, but he refused to name it the Cape of Storms. Would not such a name deter the seamen of the future? Was not this the long-sought passage to India? Rather it should be called the Cape of Good Hope, the name which it has held throughout the centuries. In the course of one voyage, Diaz had accomplished the great task which for the past seventy years Prince Henry had set before his people. He had lifted for the first time in the history of the world the veil that had hung over the mysterious extremity of the great African continent. The Phoenicians may have discovered it some seventeen hundred years before Diaz, but the record of tradition alone exists. Now with the new art of printing, which was transforming the whole aspect of life, the brilliant achievement of Bartholomew Diaz was made known far and wide. It was shortly to be followed by a yet more brilliant feat by a yet more brilliant navigator, "the most illustrious that the world has seen." The very name of Christopher Columbus calls up the vision of a resolute man beating right out into the westward unknown seas and finding as his great reward a whole new continent--a New World of whose existence mankind had hardly dreamt. CHAPTER XXII CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS Every event in the eventful life of Christopher Columbus is of supreme interest. We linger over all that leads up to the momentous start westwards: we recall his birth and early life at Genoa towards the middle of the fifteenth century, his apprenticeship to his father as a weaver of cloth, his devotion to the sea, his love of the little sailing ships that passed in and out of the busy Genoese harbour from all parts of the known world. At the age of fourteen the little Christoforo went to sea--a red-haired, sunburnt boy with bright blue eyes. He learnt the art of navigation, he saw foreign countries, he learnt to chart the seas, to draw maps, and possibly worked with some of the noted Italian draughtsmen. At the age of twenty-eight, in 1474, he left Genoa for Portugal, famous throughout the world for her recent discoveries, though as yet the Stormy Cape lay veiled in mystery. Columbus wanted to learn all he could about these discoveries; he made voyages to Guinea, Madeira, and Porto Santo. He also went to England and "sailed a hundred leagues to the island of Thule in 1477." He was now a recognised seaman of distinction, with courteous manners and fine appearance. He set himself to study maps and charts at Lisbon, giving special attention to instruments for making observations at sea. For many long years he had been revolving a scheme for reaching India by sailing westward instead of the route by Africa. The more he studied these things the more convinced he became that he was right. "What if wise men had, as far back as Ptolemy, Judged that the earth like an orange was round. None of them ever said, 'Come along, follow me, Sail to the West and the East will be found.'" It was not till the year 1480 that Columbus proposed to the King of Portugal his idea of sailing westwards. He explained his reasons: how there were grounds for thinking there was an unknown land to the west, how artistically sculptured pieces of wood had been driven across the ocean by the west wind, suggesting islands not yet discovered, how once the corpses of two men with broad faces, unlike Europeans, had been washed ashore, how on the west coast of Ireland seeds of tropical plants had been discovered. The King listened and was inclined to believe Columbus. But his councillors persuaded him to get from the Genoese navigator his plans, and while they kept Columbus waiting for the King's answer they sent off some ships privately to investigate the whole matter. The ships started westward, encountered a great storm, and returned to Lisbon, scoffing at the scheme of the stranger. When this news reached his ears, Columbus was very angry. He would have nothing more to do with Portugal, but left that country at once for Spain to appeal to the King and Queen of that land. Ferdinand and Isabella were busy with affairs of state and could not give audience to the man who was to discover a New World. It was not till 1491 that he was summoned before the King and Queen. Once more his wild scheme was laughed at, and he was dismissed the Court. Not only was he again indignant, but his friends were indignant too. They believed in him, and would not rest till they had persuaded the Queen to take up his cause. He demanded a good deal. He must be made Admiral and Viceroy of all the new seas and lands he might discover, as well as receiving a large portion of his gains. The Queen was prevailed on to provide means for the expedition, and she became so enthusiastic over it that she declared she would sell her own jewels to provide the necessary supplies. Columbus was created Admiral of the Ocean in all the islands and continents he might discover; two little ships were made ready, and it seemed as though the dream of his life might be fulfilled. The explorer was now forty-six; his red hair had become grey with waiting and watching for the possibility of realising his great scheme. [Illustration: THE PARTING OF COLUMBUS WITH FERDINAND AND ISABELLA, 3RD AUGUST 1492. From De Bry's account of the _Voyages to India_, 1601.] At last the preparations were complete. The _Santa Maria_ was to lead the way with the Admiral on board; she was but one hundred tons' burden, with a high poop and a forecastle. It had been difficult enough to find a crew; men were shy about venturing with this stranger from Genoa on unknown seas, and it was a motley party that finally took service under Columbus. The second ship, the _Pinta_, was but half the size of the flagship; she had a crew of eighteen and was the fastest sailer of the little squadron, while the third, the _Nina_ of forty tons, also carried eighteen men. [Illustration: COLUMBUS'S SHIP, THE _SANTA MARIA_. From a woodcut of 1493 supposed to be after a drawing by Columbus himself.] On 3rd August 1492 the little fleet sailed forth from Spain on a quest more perilous perhaps than any yet on record. No longer could they sail along with a coast always in sight; day after day and night after night they must sail on an unknown sea in search of an unknown land. No one ever expected to see them again. It has well been said that, "looking back at all that has grown out of it in the four centuries that have elapsed, we now know that the sailing of those three little boats over the bar was, since the Fall of Rome, the most momentous event in the world's history." The ships steered for the Canary Islands, and it was not till 9th September that the last land faded from the eyes of that daring little company. [Illustration: THE BEST PORTRAIT OF COLUMBUS. From the original painting (by an unknown artist) in the Naval Museum at Madrid.] Something of a panic among the sailors ensued when they realised their helpless position; some even burst into tears, begging to be taken home. The days passed on. By the 16th they had come within the influence of the trade winds. "The weather was like April," says Columbus in his journal. Still westward they sailed, eagerly looking for signs of land. Now they see two pelicans, "an indication that land was near," now a large dark cloud to the north, another "sign that land is near." As the days pass on, their hopes die away and "the temper of the crews was getting uglier and uglier as the three little vessels forged westward through the blue weed-strewn waters." On 9th October hope revives; all night they hear birds passing through the still air. On the evening of the 11th a light was seen glimmering in the distance; from the high stern deck of the _Santa Maria_ it could be plainly seen, and when the sun rose on that memorable morning the low shores of land a few miles distant could be plainly seen. "Seabirds are wheeling overhead heedless of the intruders, but on the shore human beings are assembling to watch the strange birds which now spread their wings and sail towards the island. "The _Pinta_ leads and her crew are raising the 'Te Deum.' The crews of the _Santa Maria_ and the _Nina_ join in the solemn chant and many rough men brush away tears. Columbus, the two Pinzons, and some of the men step into the cutter and row to the shore." Columbus, fully armed under his scarlet cloak, sprang ashore, the unclothed natives fleeing away at sight of the first white man who had ever stepped on their shores. Then, unfurling the royal standard of Spain and setting up a large cross, the great navigator fell on his knees and gave thanks to God for this triumphant ending to his perilous voyage. He named the island San Salvador and formally took possession of it for Spain. It was one of the Bahama group, and is now known as Watling Island (British). "Thus was the mighty enterprise achieved, mighty in its conception, still more important in its results." But Columbus thought he had discovered the Indies, a new route to the east and the Cathay of Marco Polo. He had done more than this; he had discovered another continent. He had sailed over three thousand miles without seeing land, a feat unparalleled in the former history of discovery. He made friends with the natives, who resembled those of the Canary Islands. "I believe they would easily become Christians," wrote Columbus. "If it please our Lord at the time of my departure, I will take six from here that they may learn to speak." He also notes that they will make good slaves. [Illustration: COLUMBUS LANDING ON HISPANIOLA. From a woodcut of 1494.] From island to island he now made his way, guided by natives. He hoped to find gold; he hoped to find Cathay, for he had a letter from Ferdinand and Isabella to deliver to the Great Khan. The charm and beauty of these enchanted islands were a source of joy to the explorer: "The singing of the little birds is such that it appears a man would wish never to leave here, and the flocks of parrots obscure the sun." The island of Cuba "seemed like heaven itself," but Columbus could not forget that he was searching for gold, for Oriental spices, for the land of Marco Polo, as he hastened from point to point, from island to island. Already the _Pinta_ under Martin Pinzon had gone off independently in search of a vague land of gold, to the vexation of the Admiral. A worse disaster was now to befall him. On Christmas Day, off the island of Hayti, the _Santa Maria_ struck upon a reef and went over. Columbus and his crew escaped on board the little _Nina_. But she was too small to carry home the double crew, and Columbus made a little fortress on the island where the native King was friendly, and left there a little colony of Spaniards. He now prepared for the homeward voyage, and one January day in 1493 he left the newly discovered islands and set his face for home in company with the _Pinta_, which by this time had returned to him. For some weeks they got on fairly well. Then the wind rose. A violent storm came on; the sea was terrible, the waves breaking right over the little homeward-bound ships, which tossed about helplessly for long days and nights. Suddenly the _Pinta_ disappeared. The wind and sea increased. The little forty-ton _Nina_ was in extreme peril, and the crew gave themselves up for lost; their provisions were nearly finished. Columbus was agonised lest he should perish and the news of his great discovery should never reach Spain. Taking a piece of parchment, he noted down as best he could amid the tossing of the ship a brief account of his work, and, wrapping it in a waxed cloth, he put it into an empty cask and threw it overboard. Then, while the mountainous seas threatened momentary destruction, he waited and prayed. Slowly the storm abated, and on 18th February they reached the Azores. A few days for refreshment and on he sailed again, feverishly anxious to reach Spain and proclaim his great news. But on 3rd March the wind again rose to a hurricane and death stared the crew in the face. Still, "under bare poles and in a heavy cross-sea," they scudded on, until they reached the mouth of the Tagus. The news of his arrival soon spread, and excited crowds hurried to see the little ship that had crossed the fierce Atlantic. Bartholomew Diaz came aboard the _Nina_, and for a short time the two greatest explorers of their century were together. An enthusiastic welcome awaited him in Spain. Was he not the "Admiral of the Ocean Sea, Viceroy of the Western Indies," the only man who had crossed the unknown for the sake of a cherished dream? "Seven months had passed since Columbus had sailed from Spain in the dim light of that summer morning. Now he was back. Through tempestuous seas and raging winter gales he had guided his ship well, and Spain knew how to do him honour. His journey from the coast to the Court was like a royal progress. The roads were lined with excited people; the air was rent with shouts of joy." [Illustration: THE FIRST REPRESENTATION OF THE PEOPLE OF THE NEW WORLD. From a woodcut published at Augsburg between 1497 and 1504. The only copy known is in the British Museum. The inscription states that the Americans "eat each other," "become a hundred and fifty years of age, and have no government."] On Palm Sunday, 1493, he passed through the streets of Seville. A procession preceded him in which walked the six natives, or Indians as they were called, brought home by Columbus; parrots and other birds with strange and radiant colouring were also borne before the triumphant explorer, who himself rode on horseback among the mounted chivalry of Spain. From windows and roofs a dense throng watched Christopher Columbus as he rode through the streets of Seville. From here he passed on to Barcelona, to be received by the King and Queen. "The city decked herself To meet me, roar'd my name: the king, the queen, Bad me be seated, speak, and tell them all The story of my voyage, and while I spoke The crowd's roar fell as at the 'Peace be still.' And when I ceased to speak, the king, the queen, Sank from their thrones, and melted into tears, And knelt, and lifted hand and heart and voice In praise to God who led me thro' the waste. And then the great 'Laudamus' rose to heaven." It is curious to think what a strange mistake caused all their rejoicing. Not only Spain, but the whole civilised world firmly believed that Columbus had discovered some islands off the coast of Asia, not far from the land of the Great Khan, in the Indian seas. Hence the islands were called the West Indies, which name they have kept to this day. CHAPTER XXIII A GREAT NEW WORLD The departure of Columbus six months later on his second voyage was a great contrast to the uncertain start of a year ago. The new fleet was ready by September 1493. The three largest ships were some four hundred tons' burden, with fourteen smaller craft and crews of fifteen thousand men. There was no dearth of volunteers this time. High-born Spaniards, thirsting for the wealth of the Indies, offered their services, while Columbus took his brother James and a Benedictine monk chosen by the Pope. They took orange and lemon seeds for planting in the new islands, horses, pigs, bulls, cows, sheep, and goats, besides fruit and vegetables. So, full of hope and joyful expectation, they set sail; and so well had Columbus calculated his distance and direction with but imperfect instruments at his disposal, that he arrived at the islands again on 3rd November. It was another new island, which he named Domenica, as the day was Sunday. Making for the island of Hayti, where he had left his little Spanish colony, he passed many islands, naming Guadeloupe, San Martin, Santa Cruz, and others. Porto Rico was also found, but they arrived at Hayti to find no trace of Spaniards. Disaster had overtaken the colony, and the deserted men had been killed by the natives who had apparently been so friendly. Another spot was selected by Columbus, and a town was soon built to which he gave the name of Isabella. [Illustration: THE TOWN OF ISABELLA AND THE COLONY FOUNDED BY COLUMBUS. From a woodcut of 1494.] This is not the place to tell of the miserable disputes and squabbles that befell the little Spanish colony. We are here concerned with the fuller exploration of the West Indies by Columbus. Taking three ships provisioned for six months, with a crew of fifty-two, he set out for the coast of Cathay. Instead of this, he found the island of Jamaica, with its low, hazy, blue coast of extreme beauty. Still convinced that he was near the territory of the Great Khan, he explored the coast of Cuba, not realising that it was an island. He sailed about among the islands, till he became very ill, fever seized him, and at last his men carried him ashore at Isabella, thinking that he must die. He recovered to find a discontented colony, members of which had already sent back stories to Spain of the misdeeds of their founder. Columbus made up his mind to return to Spain to carry a true report of the difficulties of colonisation in the Indies. "It was June 1496 before he found himself again in the harbour of Cadiz. People had crowded down to greet the great discoverer, but instead of a joyous crew, flushed with new success and rich with the spoils of the golden Indies, a feeble train of wretched men crawled on shore--thin, miserable, and ill. Columbus himself was dressed as a monk, in a long gown girded with a cord. His beard was long and unshaven. The whole man was utterly broken down with all he had been through." But after a stay of two years in Spain, Columbus again started off on his third voyage. With six ships he now took a more southerly direction, hoping to find land to the south of the West Indies. And this he did, but he never lived to know that it was the great continent of South America. Through scorching heat, which melted the tar of their rigging, they sailed onwards till they were rewarded by the sight of land at last. Columbus had promised to dedicate the first land he saw to the Holy Trinity. What, then, was his surprise when land appeared from which arose three distinct peaks, which he at once named La Trinidad. The luxuriance of the island pleased the Spaniards, and as they made their way slowly along the shore their eyes rested for the first time, and unconsciously, on the mainland of South America. It appeared to the explorer as a large island which he called Isla Santa. Here oysters abounded and "very large fish, and parrots as large as hens." Between the island and the mainland lay a narrow channel through which flowed a mighty current. While the ships were anchoring here a great flood of fresh water came down with a great roar, nearly destroying the little Spanish ships and greatly alarming both Columbus and his men. It was one of the mouths of the river Orinoco, to which they gave the name of the Dragon's Mouth. The danger over, they sailed on, charmed with the beautiful shores, the sight of the distant mountains, and the sweetness of the air. [Illustration: "THE UNROLLING OF THE CLOUDS"--IV. The world as known at the end of the fifteenth century after the discoveries of Columbus and his age.] Columbus decided that this must be the centre of the earth's surface, and with its mighty rivers surely it was none other than the earthly Paradise with the rivers of the Garden of Eden, that "some of the Fathers had declared to be situated in the extreme east of the Old World, and in a region so high that the flood had not overwhelmed it." The world then, said Columbus, could not be a perfect round, but pear-shaped. With these conclusions he hastened across to Hayti where his brother was ruling over the little colony in his absence. But treachery and mutiny had been at work. Matters had gone ill with the colony, and Columbus did not improve the situation by his presence. He was a brilliant navigator, but no statesman. Complaints reached Spain, and a Spaniard was sent out to replace Columbus. This high-handed official at once put the poor navigator in chains and placed him on board a ship bound for Spain. Queen Isabella was overwhelmed with grief when the snowy-haired explorer once again stood before her, his face lined with suffering. He was restored to royal favour and provided with ships to sail forth on his fourth and last voyage. But his hardships and perils had told upon him, and he was not really fit to undertake the long voyage to the Indies. However, he arrived safely off the coast of Honduras and searched for the straits that he felt sure existed, but which were not to be found till some eighteen years later by Magellan. The natives brought him cocoanuts, which the Spaniards now tasted for the first time; they also brought merchandise from a far land denoting some high civilisation. Columbus believed that he had reached the golden east, whence the gold had been obtained for Solomon's temple. Had Columbus only sailed west he might have discovered Mexico with all its wealth, and "a succession of splendid discoveries would have shed fresh glory on his declining age, instead of his sinking amidst gloom, neglect, and disappointment." At the isthmus of Darien, Columbus gave up the search. He was weary of the bad weather. Incessant downpours of rain, storms of thunder and lightning with terrific seas--these discouraged him. Disaster followed disaster. The food was nearly finished; the biscuit "was so full of maggots that the people could only eat it in the dark, when they were not visible." Columbus himself seemed to be at the point of death. "Never," he wrote, "was the sea seen so high, so terrific, so covered with foam; the waters from heaven never ceased--it was like a repetition of the deluge." He reached Spain in 1504 to be carried ashore on a litter, and to learn that the Queen of Spain was dead. He was friendless, penniless, and sick unto death. "After twenty years of toil and peril," he says pitifully, "I do not own a roof in Spain." "I, lying here, bedridden and alone, Cast off, put by, scouted by count and king, The first discoverer starves." And so the brilliant navigator, Christopher Columbus, passed away, all unconscious of the great New World he had reached. Four centuries have passed away, but-- "When shall the world forget The glory and the debt, Indomitable soul, Immortal Genoese? Not while the shrewd salt gale Whines amid shroud and sail, Above the rhythmic roll And thunder of the seas." It has been well said, "injustice was not buried with Columbus," and soon after his death an attempt was made, and made successfully, to name the New World after another--a Florentine pilot, Amerigo Vespucci. [Illustration: MAP OF THE WORLD, DRAWN IN 1500, THE FIRST TO SHOW AMERICA. By Juan de la Cosa, who is supposed to have been the pilot of Columbus. At the top, between the two green masses representing America, La Cosa has drawn Columbus as St. Christopher carrying the infant Christ, according to the legend.] It was but natural that when the first discoveries by Columbus of land to westward had been made known, that others should follow in the track of the great navigator. Among these was a handsome young Spaniard--one Hojeda--who had accompanied Columbus on his second voyage. Soon after, he fitted out an expedition, 1499, reaching the mainland of the yet unknown continent near the Trinidad of Columbus. With him was Amerigo Vespucci. Here they found a native village with houses built on tree trunks and connected by bridges. It was so like a bit of old Venice that the explorers named it Little Venice or Venezuela, which name it bears to-day. Nothing was publicly known of this voyage till a year after the death of Columbus, when men had coasted farther to the south of Venezuela and discovered that this land was neither Asia nor Africa, that it was not the land of Marco Polo, but a new continent indeed. "It is proper to call it a New World," says Amerigo Vespucci. "Men of old said over and over again that there was no land south of the Equator. But this last voyage of mine has proved them wrong, since in southern regions I have found a country more thickly inhabited by people and animals than our Europe or Asia or Africa." [Illustration: AMERIGO VESPUCCI. From the sculpture by Grazzini in the Uffizi Gallery, Florence.] These words among others, and an account of his voyages published in Paris, 1507, created a deep impression. A letter from Columbus announcing his discoveries had been published in 1493, but he said nothing, because he knew nothing, of a New World. Men therefore said that Amerigo Vespucci had discovered a new continent, "wherefore the new continent ought to be called America from its discoverer Amerigo, a man of rare ability, inasmuch as Europe and Asia derived their names from women." CHAPTER XXIV VASCO DA GAMA REACHES INDIA Thus the name of America was gradually adopted for the New World, though the honour and glory of its first discovery must always belong to Christopher Columbus. But while all this wonderful development westwards was thrilling the minds of men, other great discoveries were being made to the East, whither the eyes of the Portuguese were still straining. Portugal had lost Columbus; she could lay no claim to the shores of America discovered by Spaniards, but the sea-route to India by the East was yet to be found by one of her explorers, Vasco da Gama. His achievement stands out brilliantly at this time; for, within a few years of the discovery of the New World, he had been able to tell the world that India and the East could be reached by the Cape of Good Hope! The dream of Prince Henry the Navigator was fulfilled! How Vasco da Gama was chosen for the great command has been graphically described by a Portuguese historian, whose words are received with caution by modern authorities. The King of Portugal--Dom Manuel--having set his kingdom in order, "being inspired by the Lord, took the resolution to inform himself about the affairs of India." He knew that the province of India was very far away, inhabited by dark people who had great riches and merchandise, and there was much risk in crossing the wide seas and land to reach it. But he felt it a sacred duty to try and reach it. He ordered ships to be built according to a design of Bartholomew Diaz, the Hero of the Cape, "low amidships, with high castles towering fore and aft; they rode the water like ducks." The ships ready, the King prayed the Lord "to show him the man whom it would please Him to send upon this voyage." Days passed. One day the King was sitting in his hall with his officers when he raised his eyes and saw a gentleman of his household crossing the hall. It suddenly occurred to the King that this was the man for his command, and, calling Vasco da Gama, he offered him the command at once. He was courageous, resolute, and firm of purpose. On his knees he accepted the great honour. A silken banner blazing with the Cross of the Order of Christ was bestowed upon him; he chose the _S. Gabriel_ for his flagship, appointed his brother to the _S. Raphael_, and prepared for his departure. Books and charts were supplied, Ptolemy's geography was on board, as well as the _Book of Marco Polo_. All being ready, Vasco da Gama and his captains spent the night in the little chapel by the sea at Belem, built for the mariners of Henry the Navigator. Next morning--it was July--they walked in solemn procession to the shore, lighted candles in their hands, priests chanting a solemn litany as they walked. The beach was crowded with people. Under the blazing summer sun they knelt once more before taking leave of the weeping multitudes. Listen to the Portuguese poet, Camoens, who makes Vasco da Gama the hero of his "Lusiad"-- "The neighbouring mountains murmur'd back the sound, As if to pity moved for human woe; Uncounted as the grains of golden sand, The tears of thousands fell on Belem's strand." So the Portuguese embarked, weighed anchor, and unfurled the sails that bore the red cross of the Order of Christ. The four little ships started on what was to be the longest and most momentous voyage on record, while crowds stood on the shore straining their eyes till the fleet, under full sail, vanished from their sight. [Illustration: VASCO DA GAMA. From a contemporary portrait.] After passing Cape Verde, in order to escape the currents of the Gulf of Guinea, Vasco da Gama steered south-west into an unknown part of the South Atlantic. He did not know that at one time he was within six hundred miles of the coast of South America. Day after day, week after week passed in dreary monotony as they sailed the wide ocean that surrounds St. Helena, "a lonely, dreary waste of seas and boundless sky." Everything ends at last, and, having spent ninety-six days out of sight of land and sailed some four thousand five hundred miles, they drifted on to the south-west coast of Africa. It was a record voyage, for even Columbus had only been two thousand six hundred miles without seeing land. November found them in a broad bay, "and," says the old log of the voyage, "we named it St. Helena," which name it still retains. After a skirmish with some tawny-coloured Hottentots the explorers sailed on, putting "their trust in the Lord to double the Cape." But the sea was all broken with storm, high rolled the waves, and so short were the days that darkness prevailed. The crews grew sick with fear and hardship, and all clamoured to put back to Portugal. With angry words Vasco da Gama bade them be silent, though "he well saw how much reason they had at every moment to despair of their lives"; the ships were now letting in much water, and cold rains soaked them all to the skin. "All cried out to God for mercy upon their souls, for now they no longer took heed of their lives." At last the storm ceased, the seas grew calm, and they knew that, without seeing it, they had doubled the dreaded Cape, "on which great joy fell upon them and they gave great praise to the Lord." But their troubles were not yet over. The sea was still very rough, "for the winter of that country was setting in," and even the pilot suggested turning back to take refuge for a time. When Vasco da Gama heard of turning backward he cried that they should not speak such words, because as he was going out of the bar of Lisbon he had promised God in his heart not to turn back a single span's breadth of the way, and he would throw into the sea whosoever spoke such things. None could withstand such an iron will, and they struggled on to Mossel Bay, already discovered by Diaz. Here they landed "and bought a fat ox for three bracelets. This ox we dined off on Sunday; we found him very fat, and his meat nearly as toothsome as the beef of Portugal"--a pleasant meal, indeed, after three months of salted food. Here, too, they found "penguins as large as ducks, which had no feathers on their wings and which bray like asses." But there was no time to linger here. They sailed onwards till they had passed and left behind the last pillar erected by Diaz, near the mouth of the Great Fish River. All was new now. No European had sailed these seas, no European had passed this part of the African coast. On Christmas Day they found land to which, in commemoration of Christ's Nativity, they gave the name of Natal. Passing Delagoa Bay and Sofala without sighting them, Vasco da Gama at last reached the mouth of a broad river, now known as Quilimane River, but called by the weary mariners the River of Mercy or Good Tokens. Here they spent a month cleaning and repairing, and here for the first time in the history of discovery the fell disease of scurvy broke out. The hands and feet of the men swelled, their gums grew over their teeth, which fell out so that they could not eat. This proved to be one of the scourges of early navigation--the result of too much salted food on the high seas, and no cure was found till the days of Captain Cook. Arrived at Mozambique--a low-lying coral island--they found no less than four ocean-going ships belonging to Arab traders laden with gold, silver, cloves, pepper, ginger, rubies, and pearls from the East. [Illustration: AFRICA AS IT WAS KNOWN AFTER DA GAMA'S EXPEDITIONS. From Juan de la Cosa's map of 1500.] There were rumours, too, of a land belonging to Prester John where precious stones and spices were so plentiful that they could be collected in baskets. His land could only be reached by camels. "This information rendered us so happy that we cried with joy, and prayed God to grant us health that we might behold what we so desired," relates the faithful journal. But difficulties and delays prevented their reaching the ever-mythical land of Prester John. Their next landing-place was Mombasa. Here they were nearly killed by some treacherous Mohammedans, who hated these "dogs of Christians" as they called them. And the Portuguese were glad to sail on to Melindi, where the tall, whitewashed houses standing round the bay, with their coco-palms, maize fields, and hop gardens, reminded them of one of their own cities on the Tagus. Here all was friendly. The King of Melindi sent three sheep and free leave for the strangers to enter the port. Vasco, in return, sent the King a cassock, two strings of coral, three washhand basins, a hat, and some bells. Whereupon the King, splendidly dressed in a damask robe with green satin and an embroidered turban, allowed himself to be rowed out to the flagship. He was protected from the sun by a crimson satin umbrella. Nine days were pleasantly passed in the port at Melindi, and then, with a Christian pilot provided by the King, the most thrilling part of the voyage began with a start across the Arabian Gulf to the west coast of India. For twenty-three days the ships sailed to the north-east, with no land visible. Suddenly the dim outline of land was sighted and the whole crew rushed on deck to catch the first glimpse of the unknown coast of India. They had just discerned the outline of lofty mountains, when a thunderstorm burst over the land and a downpour of heavy rain blotted out the view. [Illustration: CALICUT AND THE SOUTHERN INDIAN COAST. From Juan de la Cosa's map, 1500.] At last on 21st May--nearly eleven months after the start from Portugal--the little Portuguese ships anchored off Calicut. "What has brought you hither?" cried the natives, probably surprised at their foreign dress; "and what seek ye so far from home?" "We are in search of Christians and spice," was the ready answer. "A lucky venture. Plenty of emeralds. You owe great thanks to God for having brought you to a country holding such riches," was the Mohammedan answer. "The city of Calicut," runs the diary, "is inhabited by Christians. They are of a tawny complexion. Some of them have big beards and long hair, whilst others clip their hair short as a sign that they are Christians. They also wear moustaches." Within the town, merchants lived in wooden houses thatched with palm leaves. It must have been a quaint sight to see Vasco da Gama, accompanied by thirteen of his Portuguese, waving the flag of their country, carried shoulder high through the densely crowded streets of Calicut on his way to the chief temple and on to the palace of the King. Roofs and windows were thronged with eager spectators anxious to see these Europeans from so far a country. Many a scuffle took place outside the palace gates; knives were brandished, and men were injured before the successful explorer reached the King of Calicut. The royal audience took place just before sunset on 28th May 1498. The King lay on a couch covered with green velvet under a gilt canopy, while Vasco da Gama related an account of Portugal and his King, the "lord of many countries and the possessor of great wealth exceeding that of any King of these parts, adding that for sixty years the Portuguese had been trying to find the sea-route to India. The King gave leave for the foreigners to barter their goods, but the Indians scoffed at their offer of hats, scarlet hoods, coral, sugar, and oil. "That which I ask of you is gold, silver, corals, and scarlet cloth," said the King, "for my country is rich in cinnamon, cloves, ginger, pepper, and precious stones." Vasco da Gama left India with a scant supply of Christians and spices, but with his great news he now hurried back to Portugal. What if he had lost his brother Paul and over one hundred of his men after his two years' absence, he had discovered the ocean-route to India--a discovery more far-reaching than he had any idea of at this time. "And the King," relates the old historian, "overjoyed at his coming, sent a Nobleman and several Gentlemen to bring him to Court; where, being arrived through Crowds of Spectators, he was received with extraordinary honour. For this Glorious Price of Service, the Privilege of being called Don was annexed to his Family: To his Arms was added Part of the King's. He had a Pension of three thousand Ducats yearly, and he was afterwards presented to greater Honours for his Services in the Indies, where he will soon appear again." CHAPTER XXV DISCOVERY OF THE SPICE ISLANDS It was but natural that the Portuguese, flushed with victory, should at once dispatch another expedition to India. Was there some vexation in the heart of the "Admiral of India" when the command of the new fleet was given to Pedro Cabral? History is silent. Anyhow, in the March of 1500 we find this "Gentleman of Great Merit" starting off with thirteen powerfully armed ships and some fifteen hundred men, among them the veteran explorer Bartholomew Diaz, a party of eight Franciscan friars to convert the Mohammedans, eight chaplains, skilled gunners, and merchants to buy and sell in the King's name at Calicut. The King himself accompanied Cabral to the waterside. He had already adopted the magnificent title, "King, by the Grace of God, of Portugal, and of the Algarves, both on this side the sea and beyond it in Africa, Lord of Guinea and of the Conquest, Navigation, and Commerce of Ethiopia, Arabia, Persia, and India." Then Cabral, flying a banner with the royal arms of Portugal, started on a voyage which was to secure for Portugal "an empire destined to be richer and greater than all her dominions in Asia." Sailing far to the west, he fell in with the South American continent and was carried to a new land. The men went on shore and brought word that "it was a fruitful country, full of trees and well inhabited. The people were swarthy and used bows and arrows." That night a storm arose and they ran along the coast to seek a port. Here Mass was said and parrots exchanged for paper and cloth. Then Cabral erected a cross (which was still shown when Lindley visited Brazil three hundred years later) and named the country the "Land of the Holy Cross." This name was, however, discarded later when the new-found land was identified with Brazil already sighted by Pinzon in one of the ships of Christopher Columbus. Meanwhile, unconscious of the importance of this discovery, Cabral sailed on towards the Cape of Good Hope. There is no time to tell of the great comet that appeared, heralding a terrific storm that suddenly burst upon the little fleet. In the darkness and tempest four ships went down with all hands--amongst them old Bartholomew Diaz, the discoverer of the Cape of Good Hope, who thus perished in the waters he had been the first to navigate. September found Cabral at last at anchor off Calicut. He found the King yet more resplendent than Vasco da Gama the year before. The old historians revel in their descriptions of him. "On his Head was a Cap of Cloth of Gold, at his Ears hung Jewels, composed of Diamonds, Sapphires, and Pearls, two of which were larger than Walnuts. His Arms, from the Elbow to the Wrist and from the knees downwards, were loaded with bracelets set with infinite Precious Stones of great Value. His Fingers and Toes were covered with Rings. In that on his great Toe was a large Rubie of a surprising Lustre. Among the rest there was a Diamond bigger than a large Bean. But all this was nothing, in comparison to the Richness of his Girdle, made with precious stones set in Gold, which cast a Lustre that dazzled every Body's Eyes." He allowed Cabral to establish a depot at Calicut for European goods, so a house was selected by the waterside and a flag bearing the arms of Portugal erected on the top. For a time all went well, but the Mohammedans proved to be difficult customers, and disputes soon arose. A riot took place; the infuriated native traders stormed the depot and killed the Portuguese within. Cabral in revenge bombarded the city, and, leaving the wooden houses in flames, he sailed away to Cochin and Cananor on the coast of Malabar. Soon after this he returned home with only six out of the thirteen ships, and from this time he disappears from the pages of history. Just before his return, the King of Portugal, thinking trade was well established between India and his own country, dispatched a "valiant gentleman" in command of four ships to carry merchandise to the newly discovered country. But his voyage and adventures are only important inasmuch as he discovered the island of Ascension when outward bound and the island of St. Helena on the way home. So favourable was the account of this island that all Portugal admirals were ordered for the future to touch there for refreshments. The news of Cabral's adventures at Calicut inspired a yet larger expedition to the East, and Vasco da Gama, now Admiral of the Eastern seas, was given command of some fifteen ships which sailed from the Tagus in February 1502. The expedition, though avowedly Christian, was characterised by injustice and cruelty. Near the coast of Malabar the Portuguese fleet met with a large ship full of Mohammedan pilgrims from Mecca. The wealth on board was known to be enormous, and Don Vasco commanded the owners to yield up their riches to the King of Portugal. This they somewhat naturally refused to do. Whereupon the Portuguese fired, standing calmly to watch the blazing ships with their human freight of men, women, and children. True, one historian declares that all the children were removed to the Portuguese ship to be converted into good little Catholics. Another is more nearly concerned with the money. "We took a Mecca ship on board of which were three hundred and eighty men and many women and children, and we took from it fully twelve thousand ducats, with goods worth at least another ten thousand. And we burned the ship and all the people on board with gunpowder on the first day of October." [Illustration: THE MALABAR COAST. From Fra Mauro's map.] Their instructions to banish every Mohammedan in Calicut was faithfully obeyed. Don Vasco seized and hanged a number of helpless merchants quietly trading in the harbour. Cutting off their heads, hands, and feet, he had them flung into a boat, which was allowed to drift ashore, with a cruel suggestion that the severed limbs would make an Indian curry. Once more Calicut was bombarded and Don Vasco sailed on to other ports on the Malabar coast, where he loaded his ships with spices taken from poor folk who dared not refuse. He then sailed home again, reaching Portugal "safe and sound, _Deo gratias_," but leaving behind him hatred and terror and a very quaint idea of these Christians who felt it their duty to exterminate all followers of Mohammed. Conquest usually succeeds discovery, and the Portuguese, having discovered the entire coast of West, South, and a good deal of East Africa and western coast of India, now proceeded to conquer it for their own. It was a far cry from Portugal to India in these days, and the isolated depots on the coast of Malabar were obviously in danger, when the foreign ships laden with spoil left their shores. True, Vasco da Gama had left six little ships this time under Sodrez to cruise about the Indian seas, but Sodrez wanted treasure, so he cruised northwards and found the southern coasts of Arabia as well as the island of Socotra. He had been warned of the tempestuous seas that raged about these parts at certain seasons, but, heeding not the warning, he perished with all his knowledge and treasure. Expedition after expedition now left Portugal for the east coast of Africa and India. There were the two cousins Albuquerque, who built a strong fort of wood and mud at Cochin, leaving a garrison of one hundred and fifty trained soldiers under the command of one Pacheco, who saved the fort and kept things going under great difficulties. On the return of Albuquerque, the hero of Cochin, the King decided to appoint a Viceroy of India. He would fain have appointed Tristan d'Acunha,--the discoverer of the island that still bears his name,--but he was suddenly struck with blindness, and in his stead Dom Francisco Almeida, "a nobleman of courage and experience," sailed off with the title of Viceroy. Not only was he to conquer, but to command, not only to sustain the sea-power of Portugal, but to form a government. There is a story told of the ignorance of the men sent to man the ships under Almeida. So raw were they that they hardly knew their right hand from their left, still less the difference between starboard and larboard, till their captain hit on the happy notion of tying a bundle of garlic over one side of the ship and a handful of onions over the other, so the pilot gave orders to the helmsman thus: "Onion your helm!" or "Garlic your helm!" [Illustration: A SHIP OF ALBUQUERQUE'S FLEET. From a very fine woodcut, published about 1516, of Albuquerque's siege and capture of Aden. In the British Museum.] On the way out, Almeida built a strong fortress near Zanzibar, organised a regular Portuguese Indian pilot service, and established his seat of government at Cochin. Then he sent his son, a daring youth of eighteen, to bombard the city of Quilon, whose people were constantly intriguing against the Portuguese. Having carried out his orders, young Lorenzo, ordered to explore the Maldive Islands, was driven by a storm to an "island opposite Cape Comorin, called Ceylon, and separated from thence by a narrow sea," where he was warmly received by the native King, whose dress sparkled with diamonds. Lorenzo erected here a marble pillar with the arms of Portugal carved thereon and took possession of the island. He also sent back to Portugal the first elephant ever sent thither. Ceylon was now the farthest point which flew the flag of Portugal toward the east. Doubtless young Lorenzo would have carried it farther, but he was killed at the early age of twenty-one, his legs being shattered by a cannon-ball during a sea-fight. He sat by the mainmast and continued to direct the fighting till a second shot ended his short but brilliant career. The Viceroy, "whose whole being was centred in his devotion to his only son, received the tidings with outward stoicism." "Regrets," he merely remarked, "regrets are for women." Nevertheless he revenged the death of his son by winning a victory over the opposing fleet and bidding his captains rejoice over "the good vengeance our Lord has been pleased, of His mercy, to grant us." But the days of Almeida were numbered. He had subdued the Indian coast, he had extended Portuguese possessions in various directions, his term of office was over, and he was succeeded by the famous Albuquerque, who had already distinguished himself in the service of Portugal by his efforts to obtain Ormuz for the Portuguese. Now Viceroy of India, he found full scope for his boundless energy and vast ambition. He first attacked Calicut and reduced it to ashes. Then he turned his attention to Goa, which he conquered, and which became the commercial capital of the Portuguese in India for the next hundred years. Not only this, but it was soon the wealthiest city on the face of the earth and the seat of the government. Albuquerque's next exploit was yet more brilliant and yet more important. [Illustration: A SHIP OF JAVA AND THE CHINA SEAS IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. From Linschoten's _Navigatio ac Itinerarium_, 1598.] In 1509 he had sent a Portuguese explorer Sequira with a small squadron to make discoveries in the East. He was to cross the Bay of Bengal and explore the coast of Malacca. Sequira reached the coast and found it a centre for trade from east and west, "most rich and populous." But he had reason to suspect the demonstrations of friendship by the king of these parts, and refused to attend a festival prepared in his honour. This was fortunate, for some of his companions who landed for trade were killed. He sailed about the island of Sumatra, "the first land in which we knew of men's flesh being eaten by certain people in the mountains who gild their teeth. In their opinion the flesh of the blacks is sweeter than that of whites." Many were the strange tales brought back to Cochin by Sequira from the new lands--rivers of oil--hens with flesh as black as ink--people with tails like sheep. Anyhow, Albuquerque resolved that Malacca should belong to the Portuguese, and with nineteen ships and fourteen hundred fighting men he arrived off the coast of Sumatra, spreading terror and dismay among the multitudes that covered the shore. The work of destruction was short, though the King of Pahang and King Mahomet came out in person on huge elephants to help in the defence of their city. At last every inhabitant of the city was driven out or slain, and the Portuguese plundered the city to their hearts' content. The old historian waxes eloquent on the wealth of the city, and the laden ships started back, leaving a fort and a church under the care of Portuguese conquerors. The amount of booty mattered little, as a violent storm off the coast of Sumatra disposed of several ships and a good deal of treasure. The fall of Malacca was one of vast importance to the Portuguese. Was it not the key to the Eastern gate of the Indian Ocean--the gate through which the whole commerce of the Spice Islands, the Philippines, Japan, and far Cathay passed on its road to the Mediterranean? Was it not one of the largest trade markets in Asia, where rode the strange ships of many a distant shore? The fame of Albuquerque spread throughout the Eastern world. But he was not content with Malacca. The Spice Islands lay beyond--the Spice Islands with all their cloves and nutmegs and their countless riches must yet be won for Portugal. Up to this year, 1511, they had not been reached by the Portuguese. But now Francisco Serrano was sent off from Malacca to explore farther. Skirting the north of Java, he found island after island rich in cloves and nutmeg. So struck was he with his new discoveries that he wrote to his friend Magellan: "I have discovered yet another new world larger and richer than that found by Vasco da Gama." It is curious to remember how vastly important was this little group of islands--now part of the Malay Archipelago and belonging to the Dutch--to the explorers of the sixteenth century. Strange tales as usual reached Portugal about these newly found lands. Here lived men with "spurs on their ankles like cocks," hogs with horns, hens that laid their eggs nine feet under ground, rivers with living fish, yet so hot that they took the skin off any man that bathed in their waters, poisonous crabs, oysters with shells so large that they served as fonts for baptizing children. Truly these mysterious Spice Islands held more attractions for the Portuguese explorers than did the New World of Columbus and Vespucci. Their possession meant riches and wealth and--this was not the end. Was there not land beyond? Indeed, before the Spice Islands were conquered by Portugal, trade had already been opened up with China and, before the century was half over, three Portuguese seamen had visited Japan. CHAPTER XXVI BALBOA SEES THE PACIFIC OCEAN It is said that Ferdinand Magellan, the hero of all geographical discovery, with his circumnavigation of the whole round world, had cruised about the Spice Islands, but what he really knew of them from personal experience no one knows. He had served under Almeida, and with Albuquerque had helped in the conquest of Malacca. After seven years of a "vivid life of adventure by sea and land, a life of siege and shipwreck, of war and wandering," inaction became impossible. He busied himself with charts and the art of navigation. He dreamt of reaching the Spice Islands by sailing _west_, and after a time he laid his schemes before the King of Portugal. Whether he was laughed at as a dreamer or a fool we know not. His plans were received with cold refusal. History repeats itself. Like Christopher Columbus twenty years before, Magellan now said good-bye to Portugal and made his way to Spain. Since the first discovery of the New World by Spain, that country had been busy sending out explorer after explorer to discover and annex new portions of America. Bold navigators, Pinzon, Mendoza, Bastidas, Juan de la Cosa, and Solis--these and others had almost completed the discovery of the east coast, indeed, Solis might have been the first to see the great Pacific Ocean had he not been killed and eaten at the mouth of the river La Plata. This great discovery was left to Vasco Nunez de Balboa, who first saw beyond the strange New World from the Peak of Darien. Now his discovery threw a lurid light on to the limitation of land that made up the new country and illuminated the scheme of Magellan. Balboa was "a gentleman of good family, great parts, liberal education, of a fine person, and in the flower of his age." He had emigrated to the new Spanish colony of Hayti, where he had got into debt. No debtor was allowed to leave the island, but Balboa, the gentleman of good family, yearned for further exploration; he "yearned beyond the sky-line where the strange roads go down." And one day the yearning grew so great that he concealed himself in a bread cask on board a ship leaving the shores of Hayti. For some days he remained hidden. When the ship was well out to sea he made his appearance. Angry, indeed, was the captain--so angry that he threatened to land the stowaway on a desert island. He was, however, touched by the entreaties of the crew, and Balboa was allowed to sail on in the ship. It was a fortunate decision, for when, soon after, the ship ran heavily upon a rock, it was the Spanish stowaway Balboa who saved the party from destruction. He led the shipwrecked crew to a river of which he knew, named Darien by the Indians. He did _not_ know that they stood on the narrow neck of land--the isthmus of Panama--which connects North and South America. The account of the Spanish intrusion is typical: "After having performed their devotions, the Spaniards fell resolutely on the Indians, whom they soon routed, and then went to the town, which they found full of provisions to their wish. Next day they marched up the country among the neighbouring mountains, where they found houses replenished with a great deal of cotton, both spun and unspun, plates of gold in all to the value of ten thousand pieces of fine gold." A trade in gold was set up by Balboa, who became governor of the new colony formed by the Spaniards; but the greed of these foreigners quite disgusted the native prince of these parts. "What is this, Christians? Is it for such a little thing that you quarrel? If you have such a love of gold, I will show you a country where you may fulfil your desires. You will have to fight your way with great kings whose country is distant from our country six suns." So saying, he pointed away to the south, where he said lay a great sea. Balboa resolved to find this great sea. It might be the ocean sought by Columbus in vain, beyond which was the land of great riches where people drank out of golden cups. So he collected some two hundred men and started forth on an expedition full of doubt and danger. He had to lead his troops, worn with fatigue and disease, through deep marshes rendered impassable with heavy rains, over mountains covered with trackless forest, and through defiles from which the Indians showered down poisoned arrows. At last, led by native guides, Balboa and his men struggled up the side of a high mountain. When near the top he bade his men stop. He alone must be the first to see the great sight that no European had yet beheld. With "transports of delight" he gained the top and, "silent upon a peak in Darien," he looked down on the boundless ocean, bathed in tropical sunshine. Falling on his knees, he thanked God for his discovery of the Southern Sea. Then he called up his men. "You see here, gentlemen and children mine, the end of our labours." The notes of the "Te Deum" then rang out on the still summer air, and, having made a cross of stones, the little party hurried to the shore. Finding two canoes, they sprang in, crying aloud joyously that they were the first Europeans to sail on the new sea, whilst Balboa himself plunged in, sword in hand, and claimed possession of the Southern Ocean for the King of Spain. The natives told him that the land to the south was _without end_, and that it was possessed by powerful nations who had abundance of gold. And Balboa thought this referred to the Indies, knowing nothing as yet of the riches of Peru. [Illustration: ONE OF THE FIRST MAPS OF THE PACIFIC. From Diego Ribero's map, 1529.] It is melancholy to learn that the man who made this really great discovery was publicly hanged four years later in Darien. But his news had reached Magellan. There was then a great Southern Ocean beyond the New World. He was more certain than ever now that by this sea he could reach the Spice Islands. Moreover, he persuaded the young King of Spain that his country had a right to these valuable islands, and promised that he would conduct a fleet round the south of the great new continent westward to these islands. His proposal was accepted by Charles V., and the youthful Spanish monarch provided Spanish ships for the great enterprise. The voyage was not popular, the pay was low, the way unknown, and in the streets of Seville the public crier called for volunteers. Hence it was a motley crew of some two hundred and eighty men, composed of Spaniards, Portuguese, Genoese, French, Germans, Greeks, Malays, and one Englishman only. There were five ships. "They are very old and patched," says a letter addressed to the King of Portugal, "and I would be sorry to sail even for the Canaries in them, for their ribs are soft as butter." Magellan hoisted his flag on board the _Trinidad_ of one hundred and ten tons' burden. The largest ship, _S. Antonio_, was captained by a Spaniard--Cartagena; the _Conception_, ninety tons, by Gaspar Quesada; the _Victoria_ of eighty-five tons, who alone bore home the news of the circumnavigation of the world, was at first commanded by the traitor Mendoza; and the little _Santiago_, seventy-five tons, under the brother of Magellan's old friend Serrano. What if the commander himself left a young wife and a son of six months old? The fever of discovery was upon him, and, flying the Spanish flag for the first time in his life, Magellan, on board the _Trinidad_, led his little fleet away from the shores of Spain. He never saw wife or child again. Before three years had passed all three were dead. Carrying a torch or faggot of burning wood on the poop, so that the ships should never lose sight of it, the _Trinidad_ sailed onwards. "Follow the flagship and ask no questions." Such were his instructions to his not too loyal captains. CHAPTER XXVII MAGELLAN SAILS ROUND THE WORLD They had left Seville on 20th September 1519. A week later they were at the Canaries. Then past Cape Verde, and land faded from their sight as they made for the south-west. For some time they had a good run in fine weather. Then "the upper air burst into life" and a month of heavy gales followed. The Italian count, who accompanied the fleet, writes long accounts of the sufferings of the crew during these terrific Atlantic storms. "During these storms," he says, "the body of St. Anselm appeared to us several times; one night that it was very dark on account of the bad weather the saint appeared in the form of a fire lighted at the summit of the mainmast and remained there near two hours and a half, which comforted us greatly, for we were in tears only expecting the hour of perishing; and, when that holy light was going away from us, it gave out so great a brilliancy in the eyes of each, that we were like people blinded and calling out for mercy. For without any doubt nobody hoped to escape from that storm." Two months of incessant rain and diminished rations added to their miseries. The spirit of mutiny now began to show itself. Already the Spanish captains had murmured against the Portuguese commander. "Be they false men or true, I will fear them not; I will do my appointed work," said the commander firmly. It was not till November that they made the coast of Brazil in South America, already sighted by Cabral and explored by Pinzon. But the disloyal captains were not satisfied, and one day the captain of the _S. Antonio_ boarded the flagship and openly insulted Magellan. He must have been a little astonished when the Portuguese commander seized him by the collar, exclaiming: "You are my prisoner!" giving him into custody and appointing another in his place. Food was now procurable, and a quantity of sweet pine-apples must have had a soothing effect on the discontented crews. The natives traded on easy terms. For a knife they produced four or five fowls; for a comb, fish for ten men; for a little bell, a basket full of sweet potatoes. A long drought had preceded Magellan's visit to these parts, but rain now began with the advent of the strangers, and the natives made sure that they had brought it with them. Such an impression once made there was little difficulty in converting them to the Christian faith. The natives joined in prayer with the Spaniards, "remaining on their knees with their hands joined in great reverence so that it was a pleasure to see them," writes one of the party. The day after Christmas again found them sailing south by the coast, and early in the New Year they anchored at the mouth of the Rio de la Plata, where Solis had lost his life at the hands of the cannibals some five years before. He had succeeded Vespucci in the service of Spain, and was exploring the coast when a body of Indians, "with a terrible cry and most horrible aspect," suddenly rushed out upon them, killed, roasted, and devoured them. Through February and March, Magellan led his ships along the shores of bleak Patagonia seeking for an outlet for the Spice Islands. Winter was coming on and no straits had yet been found. Storm after storm now burst over the little ships, often accompanied by thunder and lightning; poops and forecastles were carried away, and all expected destruction, when "the holy body of St. Anselm appeared and immediately the storm ceased." [Illustration: AN ATLANTIC FLEET OF MAGELLAN'S TIME. From Mercator's _Mappe Monde_, 1569, where the drawing is spoken of as "Magellan's ships."] It was quite impossible to proceed farther to the unknown south, so, finding a safe and roomy harbour, Magellan decided to winter there. Port St. Julian he named it, and he knew full well that there they must remain some four or five months. He put the crew on diminished rations for fear the food should run short before they achieved their goal. This was the last straw. Mutiny had long been smouldering. The hardships of the voyage, the terrific Atlantic storms, the prospect of a long Antarctic winter of inaction on that wild Patagonian coast--these alone caused officers and men to grumble and to demand an immediate return to Spain. But the "stout heart of Magellan" was undaunted. On Easter Day the mutiny began. Two of the Spanish captains boarded the _S. Antonio_, seized the Portuguese captain thereof, and put him in chains. Then stores were broken open, bread and wine generously handed round, and a plot hatched to capture the flagship, kill Magellan, seize his faithful Serrano, and sail home to Spain. The news reached Magellan's ears. He at once sent a messenger with five men bearing hidden arms to summon the traitor captain on board the flagship. Of course he stoutly refused. As he did so, the messenger sprang upon him and stabbed him dead. As the rebellious captain fell dead on the deck of his ship, the dazed crew at once surrendered. Thus Magellan by his prompt measures quelled a mutiny that might have lost him the whole expedition. No man ever tried to mutiny again while he lived and commanded. The fleet had been two whole months in the Port S. Julian without seeing a single native. "However, one day, without any one expecting it, we saw a giant, who was on the shore of the sea, dancing and leaping and singing. He was so tall that the tallest of us only came up to his waist; he was well built; he had a large face, painted red all round, and his eyes also were painted yellow around them, and he had two hearts painted on his cheeks; he had but little hair on his head and it was painted white." The great Patagonian giant pointed to the sky to know whether these Spaniards had descended from above. He was soon joined by others evidently greatly surprised to see such large ships and such little men. Indeed, the heads of the Spaniards hardly reached the giants' waists, and they must have been greatly astonished when two of them ate a large basketful of biscuits and rats without skinning them and drank half a bucket of water at each sitting. With the return of spring weather in October 1520, Magellan led the little fleet upon its way. He was rewarded a few days later by finding the straits for which he and others had been so long searching. [Illustration: FERDINAND MAGELLAN, THE FIRST CIRCUMNAVIGATOR OF THE WORLD. After the engraving by Selma in Navarrete's _Coleccion de los Viages_.] "It was the straight," says the historian simply, "now cauled the straight of Magellans." A struggle was before them. For more than five weeks the Spanish mariners fought their way through the winding channels of the unknown straits. On one side rose high mountains covered with snow. The weather was bad, the way unknown. Do we wonder to read that "one of the ships stole away privily and returned into Spain," and the remaining men begged piteously to be taken home? Magellan spoke "in measured and quiet tones": "If I have to eat the leather of the ships' yards, yet will I go on and do my work." His words came truer than he knew. On the southern side of the strait constant fires were seen, which led Magellan to give the land the name it bears to-day--Tierra del Fuego. It was not visited again for a hundred years. [Illustration: A SHIP OF THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. From Amoretti's translation of _Magellan's Voyage round the World_.] At last the ships fought their way to the open sea--Balboa's Southern Ocean--and "when the Captain Magellan was past the strait and saw the way open to the other main sea he was so glad thereof that for joy the tears fell from his eyes." The expanse of calm waters seemed so pleasant after the heavy tiring storms that he called the still waters before him the Pacific Ocean. Before following him across the unknown waters, let us recall the quaint lines of Camoens-- "Along these regions, from the burning zone To deepest south, he dares the course unknown. A land of giants shall his eyes behold, Of camel strength, surpassing human mould; And, onward still, thy fame his proud heart's guide, Beneath the southern stars' cold gleam he braves And stems the whirls of land-surrounded waves, For ever sacred to the hero's fame, These foaming straits shall bear his deathless name. Through these dread jaws of rock he presses on Another ocean's breast, immense, unknown, Beneath the south's cold wings, unmeasur'd, wide, Received his vessels, through the dreary tide, In darkling shades, where never man before Heard the waves howl, he dares the nameless shore." Three little ships had now emerged, battered and worn, manned by crews gaunt and thin and shivering. Magellan took a northerly course to avoid the intense cold, before turning to cross the strange obscure ocean, which no European had yet realised. Just before Christmas the course was altered and the ships were turned to the north-west, in which direction they expected soon to find the Spice Islands. No one had any idea of the vastness of the Pacific Ocean. [Illustration: "HONDIUS HIS MAP OF THE MAGELLAN STREIGHT." From a map by Jodocus Hondius, about 1590. It gives a particularly clear picture of the ideas held by the age following Magellan's discovery of the land which, it was supposed, enveloped the southern point of South America.] "Well was it named the Pacific," remarks the historian, "for during three months and twenty days we met with no storm." Two months passed away, and still they sailed peacefully on, day after day, week after week, across a waste of desolate waters. "Alone, alone, all, all alone, Alone on a wide, wide sea." At last one January day they sighted a small wooded island, but it was uninhabited; they named it S. Paul's Island and passed on their way. They had expected to find the shores of Asia close by those of America. The size of the world was astounding. Another island was passed. Again no people, no consolation, only many sharks. There was bitter disappointment on board. They had little food left. "We ate biscuit, but in truth it was biscuit no longer, but a powder full of worms. So great was the want of food that we were forced to eat the hides with which the main yard was covered to prevent the chafing against the rigging. These hides we exposed to the sun first to soften them by putting them overboard for four or five days, after which we put them on the embers and ate them thus. We had also to make use of sawdust for food, and rats became a great delicacy." No wonder scurvy broke out in its worst form--nineteen died and thirteen lay too ill to work. For ninety-eight days they sailed across the unknown sea, "a sea so vast that the human mind can scarcely grasp it," till at last they came on a little group of islands peopled with savages of the lowest type--such expert thieves that Magellan called the new islands the Ladrones or isle of robbers. Still, there was fresh food here, and the crews were greatly refreshed before they sailed away. The food came just too late to save the one Englishman of the party--Master Andrew of Bristol--who died just as they moved away. Then they found the group afterwards known as the Philippines (after Philip II. of Spain). Here were merchants from China, who assured Magellan that the famous Spice Islands were not far off. Now Magellan had practically accomplished that he set out to do, but he was not destined to reap the fruits of his victory. With a good supply of fresh food the sailors grew better, and Magellan preferred cruising about the islands, making friends of the natives and converting them to Christianity, to pushing on for the Spice Islands. Here was gold, too, and he busied himself making the native rulers pay tribute to Spain. Easter was drawing near, and the Easter services were performed on one of the islands. A cross and a crown of thorns was set upon the top of the highest mountain that all might see it and worship. Thus April passed away and Magellan was still busy with Christians and gold. But his enthusiasm carried him too far. A quarrel arose with one of the native kings. Magellan landed with armed men, only to be met by thousands of defiant natives. A desperate fight ensued. Again and again the explorer was wounded, till "at last the Indians threw themselves upon him with iron-pointed bamboo spears and every weapon they had and ran him through--our mirror, our light, our comforter, our true guide--until they killed him." Such was the tragic fate of Ferdinand Magellan, "the greatest of ancient and modern navigators," tragic because, after dauntless resolution and unwearied courage, he died in a miserable skirmish at the last on the very eve of victory. [Illustration: THE FIRST SHIP THAT SAILED ROUND THE WORLD. Magellan's _Victoria_, from Hulsius's _Collection of Voyages_, 1602.] With grief and despair in their hearts, the remaining members of the crew, now only one hundred and fifteen, crowded on to the _Trinidad_ and _Victoria_ for the homeward voyage. It was September 1522 when they reached the Spice Islands--the goal of all their hopes. Here they took on board some precious cloves and birds of Paradise, spent some pleasant months, and, laden with spices, resumed their journey. But the _Trinidad_ was too overladen with cloves and too rotten to undertake so long a voyage till she had undergone repair, so the little _Victoria_ alone sailed for Spain with sixty men aboard to carry home their great and wonderful news. Who shall describe the terrors of that homeward voyage, the suffering, starvation, and misery of the weary crew? Man after man drooped and died, till by the time they reached the Cape Verde Islands there were but eighteen left. When the welcome shores of Spain at length appeared, eighteen gaunt, famine-stricken survivors, with their captain, staggered ashore to tell their proud story of the first circumnavigation of the world by their lost commander, Ferdinand Magellan. We miss the triumphal return of the conqueror, the audience with the King of Spain, the heaped honours, the crowded streets, the titles, and the riches. The proudest crest ever granted by a sovereign--the world, with the words: "Thou hast encompassed me"--fell to the lot of Del Cano, the captain who brought home the little _Victoria_. For Magellan's son was dead, and his wife Beatrix, "grievously sorrowing," had passed away on hearing the news of her husband's tragic end. CHAPTER XXVIII CORTES EXPLORES AND CONQUERS MEXICO One would have thought that the revelation of this immense sheet of water on the far side of America would have drawn other explorers to follow, but news was slowly assimilated in those days, and it was not till fifty-three years later that the Pacific was crossed a second time by Sir Francis Drake. In the maps of the day, Newfoundland and Florida were both placed in Asia, while Mexico was identified with the Quinsay of Marco Polo. For even while Magellan was fighting the gales of the Atlantic _en route_ for his long-sought strait, another strange and wonderful country was being unveiled and its unsurpassed wealth laid at the feet of Spain. The starting-place for further Spanish exploration had been, from the days of Columbus, the West Indies. From this centre, the coast of Florida had been discovered in 1513; from here, the same year, Balboa had discovered the Pacific Ocean; from here in 1517 a little fleet was fitted out under Francisco Hernando de Cordova, "a man very prudent and courageous and strongly disposed to kill and kidnap Indians." As pilot he had been with Columbus on his fourth voyage some fourteen years before. He suggested that his master had heard rumours of land to the West, and sure enough, after sailing past the peninsula of Yucatan, they found signs of the Eastern civilisation so long sought in vain. "Strange-looking towers or pyramids, ascended by stone steps, greeted their eyes, and the people who came out in canoes to watch the ships were clad in quilted cotton doublets and wore cloaks and brilliant plumes." They had heard of the Spaniards. Indeed, only one hundred miles of sea divided Yucatan from Cuba, and they were anything but pleased to see these strangers off their coast. "Couez cotoche" (Come to my house), they cried, for which reason Cordova called the place Cape Catoche, as it is marked in our maps to-day. Along the coast sailed the Spaniards to a place called by the Indians Quimpeche, now known as Campechy Bay. They were astonished to find how civilised were these natives, and how unlike any others they had met in these parts. But the inhabitants resented the landing of Cordova and his men, and with arrows and stones and darts they killed or wounded a great number of Spaniards, including the commander himself, who sent an account of his voyage to the Governor of Cuba and died a few days later. His information was interesting and inspiring, and soon young Juan Grijalva was on his way to the same land, accompanied by "two hundred and fifty stout soldiers" and the old pilot, Alvarado, who had led both Columbus and Cordova. Grijalva explored for the first time the coast of this great new country. "Mexico, Mexico," repeated the Indians with whom they conversed. Gold, too, was produced, gold ornaments, gold workmanship, until the young and handsome Grijalva was fitted out completely with a complete suit of gold armour. He returned enthusiastic over the new land where lived a powerful ruler over many cities. Surely this was none other than the Great Khan of Marco Polo fame, with the riches and magnificence of an Eastern potentate--a land worthy of further exploration. The conqueror of Mexico now comes upon the scene--young, bold, devout, unscrupulous, "a respectable gentleman of good birth"--Hernando Cortes. Great was the enthusiasm in Cuba to join the new expedition to the long-lost lands of the Great Khan; men sold their lands to buy horses and arms, pork was salted, armour was made, and at last Cortes, a plume of feathers and a gold medal in his cap, erected on board his ship a velvet flag with the royal arms embroidered in gold and the words: "Brothers, follow the cross in faith, for under its guidance we shall conquer." [Illustration: HERNANDO CORTES, CONQUEROR OF MEXICO. After the original portrait at Mexico.] His address to his men called forth their devotion: "I hold out to you a glorious prize, but it is to be won by incessant toil. Great things are achieved only by great exertions, and glory was never the reward of sloth. If I have laboured hard and staked my all on this undertaking, it is for the love of that renown, which is the noblest recompense of man. But if any among you covet riches more, be but true to me, as I will make you masters of such as our countrymen have never dreamed of. You are few in number, but strong in resolution; doubt not but that the Almighty, who has never deserted the Spaniard in his contest with the infidel, will shield you, for your cause is a just cause, and you are to fight under the banner of the Cross." In this spirit of enthusiasm the fleet sailed from the shores of Cuba on 18th February 1519, and was soon on its way to the land of Mexico. The pilot Alvarado was with this expedition also. Rounding Cape Catoche and coasting along the southern shores of Campechy Bay, with a pleasant breeze blowing off the shore, Cortes landed with all his force--some five hundred soldiers--on the very spot where now stands the city of Vera Cruz. "Little did the conqueror imagine that the desolate beach on which he first planted his foot was one day to be covered by a flourishing city, the great mart of European and Oriental trade--the commercial capital of New Spain." On a wide, level plain Cortes encamped, his soldiers driving in stakes and covering them with boughs to protect themselves from the scorching rays of the fierce, tropical sun. Natives came down to the shore, bringing their beautiful featherwork cloaks and golden ornaments. Cortes had brought presents for the great King--the Khan as he thought--and these he sent with a message that he had come from the King of Spain and greatly desired an audience with the Great Khan. The Indians were greatly surprised to hear that there was another King in the world as powerful as their Montezuma, who was more god than king, who ate from dishes of gold, on whose face none dared look, in whose presence none dared speak without leave. To impress the messengers of the King, Cortes ordered his soldiers to go through some of their military exercises on the wet sands. The bold and rapid movement of the troops, the glancing of the weapons, and the shrill cry of the trumpet filled the spectators with astonishment; but when they heard the thunder of the cannon and witnessed the volumes of smoke and flame issuing from these terrible engines, the rushing of the balls as they hissed through the trees of the neighbouring forest shivering their branches, they were filled with consternation. To the intense surprise of the Spaniards, these messengers sketched the whole scene on canvas with their pencils, not forgetting the Spanish ships or "water-houses" as they called them, with their dark hulls and snow-white sails reflected in the water as they swung lazily at anchor. Then they returned to the King and related the strange doings of the white strangers who had landed on their shores; they showed him their picture-writing, and Montezuma, king of the great Mexican empire which stretched from sea to sea, was "sore troubled." He refused to see the Spaniards--the distance of his capital was too great, since the journey was beset with difficulties. But the presents he sent were so gorgeous, so wonderful, that Cortes resolved to see for himself the city which produced such wealth, whatever its ruler might decree. Here was a plate of gold as large as a coach wheel representing the sun, one in silver even larger, representing the moon; there were numbers of golden toys representing dogs, lions, tigers, apes, ducks, and wonderful plumes of green feathers. The man who had sailed across two thousand leagues of ocean held lightly the idea of a short land journey, however difficult, and Cortes began his preparations for the march to Mexico. He built the little settlement at Vera Cruz, "The Rich Town of the True Cross," on the seashore as a basis for operations. Although the wealth allured them, there were many who viewed with dismay the idea of the long and dangerous march into the heart of a hostile land. After all they were but a handful of men pitted against a powerful nation. Murmurs arose which reached the ears of Cortes. He was equal to the occasion and resolutely burnt all the ships in the harbour save one. Then panic ensued. Mutiny threatened. "I have chosen my part!" cried Cortes. "I will remain here while there is one to bear me company. If there be any so craven as to shrink from sharing the dangers of our glorious enterprise, let them go home. There is still one vessel left. Let them take that and return to Cuba. They can tell there how they have deserted their commander and their comrades, and patiently wait till we return loaded with the spoils of Mexico." He touched the right chord. Visions of future wealth and glory rose again before them, confidence in their leader revived, and, shouting bravely, "To Mexico! to Mexico!" the party started off on their perilous march. It was 16th August 1519 when the little army, "buoyant with high hopes and lofty plans of conquest," set forth. The first part of the way lay through beautiful country rich in cochineal and vanilla, with groves of many-coloured birds and "insects whose enamelled wings glistened like diamonds in the blazing sun of the tropics." Then came the long and tedious ascent of the Cordilleras leading to the tableland of Mexico. Higher and higher grew the mountains. Heavy falls of sleet and hail, icy winds, and driving rain drenched the little Spanish party as they made their way bravely upwards, till at last they reached the level of seven thousand feet to find the great tableland rolling out along the crest of the Cordilleras. Hitherto they had met with no opposition among the natives they had met. Indeed, as the little army advanced, it was often found that the inhabitants of the country fled awestruck from before them. Now the reason was this. The Mexicans believed in a god called the Bird-Serpent, around whom many a legend had grown up. Temples had been built in his honour and horrible human sacrifices offered to appease him, for was he not the Ruler of the Winds, the Lord of the Lightning, the Gatherer of the Clouds? But the bright god had sailed away one day, saying he would return with fair-skinned men to possess the land in the fulness of time. Surely, then, the time had come and their god had come again. Here were the fair-skinned men in shining armour marching back to their own again, and Cortes at their head--was he not the god himself? The cross, too, was a Mexican symbol, so Cortes was allowed to put it up in the heathen temples without opposition. The inhabitants of Tlascala--fierce republicans who refused to own the sway of Montezuma--alone offered resistance, and how Cortes fought and defeated them with his handful of men is truly a marvel. It was three months before they reached the goal of all their hopes--even the golden city of Mexico. The hardships and horrors of the march had been unsurpassed, but as the beautiful valley of Mexico unfolded itself before them in the early light of a July morning, the Spaniards shouted with joy: "It is the promised land! Mexico! Mexico!" "Many of us were disposed to doubt the reality of the scene before us and to suspect we were in a dream," says one of the party. "I thought we had been transported by magic to the terrestrial paradise." Water, cultivated plains, shining cities with shadowy hills beyond lay like some gorgeous fairyland before and below them. At every step some new beauty appeared in sight, and the wonderful City of the Waters with its towers and shining palaces arose out of the surrounding mists. The city was approached by three solid causeways some five miles long. It was crowded with spectators "eager to behold such men and animals as had never been seen in that part of the world." At any moment the little army of four hundred and fifty Spaniards might have been destroyed, surrounded as they were by overwhelming numbers of hostile Indian foes. It was a great day in the history of European discovery, when the Spaniard first set foot in the capital of the Western world. Everywhere was evidence of a crowded and thriving population and a high civilisation. At the walls of the city they were met by Montezuma himself. Amid a crowd of Indian nobles, preceded by officers of state bearing golden wands, was the royal palanquin blazing with burnished gold. It was borne on the shoulders of the nobles, who, barefooted, walked slowly with eyes cast to the ground. Descending from his litter, Montezuma then advanced under a canopy of gaudy featherwork powdered with jewels and fringed with silver. His cloak and sandals were studded with pearls and precious stones among which emeralds were conspicuous. Cortes dismounted, greeted the King, and spoke of his mission to the heathen and of his master, the mighty ruler of Spain. Everywhere Cortes and his men were received with friendship and reverence, for was he not the long-lost Child of the Sun? The Spanish explorer begged Montezuma to give up his idols and to stop his terrible human sacrifices. The King somewhat naturally refused. Cortes grew angry. He was also very anxious. He felt the weakness of his position, the little handful of men in this great populous city, which he had sworn to win for Spain. The King must go. "Why do we waste time on this barbarian? Let us seize him and, if he resists, plunge our swords into his body!" cried the exasperated commander. This is no place for the pathetic story of Montezuma's downfall. Prescott's _Conquest of Mexico_ is within the reach of all. It tells of the Spanish treachery, of the refusal of the Mexican ruler to accept the new faith, of his final appeal to his subjects, of chains, degradation, and death. It tells of the three great heaps of gold, pearls, and precious stones taken by Cortes, of the final siege and conquest. [Illustration: THE BATTLES OF THE SPANIARDS IN MEXICO. From an ancient Aztec drawing, showing a leader of the Spaniards with his native allies defeating the Mexicans.] The news of this immense Mexican Empire, discovered and conquered for Spain, brought honours from the King, Charles V., to the triumphant conqueror. Nor did Cortes stop even after this achievement. As Governor and Captain-General of Mexico, he sent off ships to explore the neighbouring coasts. Hearing that Honduras possessed rich mines and that a strait into the Pacific Ocean might be found, Cortes led an expedition by land. Arrived at Tabasco, he was provided with an Indian map of cotton cloth, whereon were painted all the towns, rivers, mountains, as far as Nicaragua. With this map and the mariner's compass, he led his army through gloomy woods so thick that no sun ever penetrated, and after a march of one thousand miles reached the seacoast of Honduras, took over the country for Spain to be governed with Mexico by himself. This enormous tract of country was known to the world as "New Spain." CHAPTER XXIX EXPLORERS IN SOUTH AMERICA The success of Cortes and his brilliant conquest of Mexico gave a new impulse to discovery in the New World. The spirit of exploration dominated every adventurous young Spaniard, and among those living in the West Indies there were many ready to give up all for the golden countries in the West, rumours of which were always reaching their ears. No sooner had these rich lands been realised than the news of Magellan's great voyage revealed the breadth of the ocean between America and Asia, and destroyed for ever the idea that the Spice Islands were near. Spanish enterprise, therefore, lay in the same direction as heretofore, and we must relate the story of how Pizarro discovered Peru for the King of Spain. He had accompanied Balboa to Darien, and had with him gazed out on to the unknown waters of the Pacific Ocean below. With Balboa after crossing the isthmus of Darien he had reached Panama on the South Sea, where he heard of a great nation far to the south. Like Mexico, it was spoken of as highly civilised and rich in mines of gold and silver. Many an explorer would have started off straightway for this new country, but there was a vast tract of dark forest and tangled underwood between Panama and Peru, which had damped the ardour of even the most ardent of Spanish explorers. But Pizarro was a man of courage and dauntless resolution, and he was ready to do and dare the impossible. He made a bad start. A single ship with some hundred men aboard left Panama under the command of Pizarro in 1526. He was ignorant of southern navigation, the Indians along the shore were hostile, his men died one by one, the rich land of Peru was more distant than they had thought, and, having at length reached the island of Gallo near the Equator, they awaited reinforcements from Panama. Great, then, was the disappointment of Pizarro when only one ship arrived and no soldiers. News of hardships and privations had spread through Panama, and none would volunteer to explore Peru. By this time the handful of wretched men who had remained with Pizarro, living on crabs picked up on the shore, begged to be taken home--they could endure no longer. Then came one of those tremendous moments that lifts the born leader of men above his fellows. Drawing his sword, Pizarro traced a line on the sand from east to west. "Friends," he cried, turning to the south, "on that side are toil, hunger, nakedness, the drenching storm, desertion, and death, and on this side ease and pleasure. There lies Peru with its riches, here Panama and its poverty. For my part, I go south." So saying, he stepped across the line. Twelve stout-hearted men followed him. The rest turned wearily homewards. The reduced but resolute little party then sailed south, and a voyage of two days brought them within sight of the long-sought land of Peru. Communication with the natives assured them that here was wealth and fortune to be made, and they hurried back to Panama, whence Pizarro sailed for Spain, for permission to conquer the empire of Peru. It is interesting to find Cortes contributing some of his immense wealth from Mexico towards this new quest. In February 1531 three small ships with one hundred and eighty soldiers and thirty-six horses sailed south under Pizarro. It was not till the autumn of 1532 that he was ready to start on the great march to the interior. A city called Cuzco was the capital--the Holy City with its great Temple of the Sun, the most magnificent building in the New World, had never yet been seen by Europeans. But the residence of the King was at Caxamalea, and this was the goal of the Spaniards for the present. Already the news was spreading through the land that "white and bearded strangers were coming up from the sea, clad in shining panoply, riding upon unearthly monsters, and wielding deadly thunderbolts." [Illustration: PIZARRO. From the portrait at Cuzco.] Pizarro's march to the heart of Peru with a mere handful of men was not unlike that of Cortes' expedition to Mexico. Both coveted the rich empire of unknown monarchs and dared all--to possess. Between Pizarro and his goal lay the stupendous mountain range of the Andes or South American Cordilleras, rock piled upon rock, their crests of everlasting snow glittering high in the heavens. Across these and over narrow mountain passes the troops had now to pass. So steep were the sides that the horsemen had to dismount and scramble up, leading their horses as best they might. Frightful chasms yawned below them, terrific peaks rose above, and at any moment they might be utterly destroyed by bodies of Peruvians in overwhelming numbers. It was bitterly cold as they mounted higher and higher up the dreary heights, till at last they reached the crest. Then began the descent--precipitous and dangerous--until after seven days of this the valley of Caxamalea unrolled before their delighted eyes, and the little ancient city with its white houses lay glittering in the sun. But dismay filled the stoutest heart when, spread out below for the space of several miles, tents as thick as snowflakes covered the ground. It was the Peruvian army. And it was too late to turn back. "So, with as bold a countenance as we could, we prepared for our entrance into Caxamalea." The Peruvians must already have seen the cavalcade of Spaniards, as with banners streaming and armour glistening in the rays of the evening sun Pizarro led them towards the city. As they drew near, the King, Atahualpa, covered with plumes of feathers and ornaments of gold and silver blazing in the sun, was carried forth on a throne followed by thirty thousand men to meet the strangers. It seemed to the Spanish leader that only one course was open. He must seize the person of this great ruler at once. He waved his white scarf. Immediately the cavalry charged and a terrible fight took place around the person of the ruler of Peru until he was captured and taken prisoner. Atahualpa tried to regain his liberty by the offer of gold, for he had discovered--amid all their outward show of religious zeal--a greed for wealth among these strange white men from over the stormy seas. He suggested that he should fill with gold the room in which he was confined as high as he could reach. Standing on tiptoe, he marked the wall with his hand. Pizarro accepted the offer, and the Spaniards greedily watched the arrival of their treasure from the roofs of palace and temple. They gained a sum of something like three million sterling and then put the King to death. Pizarro was the conqueror of Peru, and he had no difficulty in controlling the awestruck Peruvians, who regarded the relentless Spaniards as supernatural--the Children of the Sun indeed. [Illustration: PERU AND SOUTH AMERICA. From the Map of the World of 1544, usually ascribed to Sebastian Cabot. At the top is shown the river Amazon, discovered by Orellana in 1541.] A year later these Children of the Sun entered the old town of Cuzco--the capital of this rich empire--where they found a city of treasure surpassing all expectation. Meanwhile Almagro, one of the most prominent among the Spanish explorers, had been granted a couple of hundred miles along the coast of Chili, which country he now penetrated; but the cold was so intense that men and horses were frozen to death, while the Chilians, clad in skins, were difficult to subdue. Almagro decided that Cuzco belonged to him, and miserable disputes followed between him and Pizarro, ending in the tragic end of the veteran explorer, Almagro. As the shiploads of gold reached the shores of Spain, more and more adventurers flocked over to the New World. They swarmed into "Golden Castile," about the city of Panama, and journeyed into the interior of the yet new and unknown world. There are terrible stories of their greed and cruelty to the native Indians. One story says that the Indians caught some of these Spaniards, tied their hands and feet together, threw them on the ground, and poured liquid gold into their mouths, crying, "Eat, eat gold, Christian!" Amongst other adventurers into South America at this time was Orellana, who crossed the continent from ocean to ocean. He had accompanied one of Pizarro's brothers into the land of the cinnamon forests, and with him had crossed the Andes in search of another golden kingdom beyond Quito. The expedition under Pizarro, consisting of some three hundred and fifty Spaniards, half of whom were horsemen, and four thousand Indians, set forward in the year 1540 to penetrate to the remote regions in the Hinterland, on the far side of the Andes. Their sufferings were intense. Violent thunderstorms and earthquakes terrified man and beast; the earth opened and swallowed up five hundred houses; rain fell in such torrents as to flood the land and cut off all communication between the explorers and cultivated regions; while crossing the lofty ridge of the Andes the cold was so intense that numbers of the party were literally frozen to death. At length they reached the land of the cinnamon trees, and, still pushing on, came to a river which must be crossed to reach the land of gold. They had finished their provisions, and had nothing to subsist on now save the wild fruit of the country. After following the course of the river for some way, Pizarro decided to build a little vessel to search for food along the river. All set to work, Pizarro and Orellana, one of his chief captains, working as hard as the men. They set up a forge for making nails, and burnt charcoal with endless trouble owing to the heavy rains which prevented the tinder from taking fire. They made nails from the shoes of the horses which had been killed to feed the sick. For tar they used the resin from the trees, for oakum they used blankets and old shirts. Then they launched the little home-made boat, thinking their troubles would be at an end. For some four hundred miles they followed the course of the river, but the supply of roots and berries grew scarcer and men perished daily from starvation. So Pizarro ordered Orellana to go quickly down the river with fifty men to some inhabited land of which they had heard, to fill the boat with provisions, and return. Off started Orellana down the river, but no villages or cultivated lands appeared; nothing was to be seen save flooded plains and gloomy, impenetrable forests. The river turned out to be a tributary of a much larger river. It was, indeed, the great river Amazon. Orellana now decided to go on down this great river and to desert Pizarro. True, his men were utterly weary, the current was too strong for them to row against, and they had no food to bring to their unhappy companions. There was likewise the possibility of reaching the kingdom of gold for which they were searching. There were some among his party who objected strongly to the course proposed by Orellana, to whom he responded by landing them on the edge of the dense forest and there leaving them to perish of hunger. It was the last day of 1540 that, having eaten their shoes and saddles boiled with a few wild herbs, they set out to reach the kingdom of gold. It was truly one of the greatest adventures of the age, and historic, for here we get the word El Dorado, used for the first time in the history of discovery--the legendary land of gold which was never found, but which attracted all the Elizabethan sailors to this romantic country. It would take too long to tell how they had to fight Indian tribes in their progress down the fast-flowing river, how they had to build a new boat, making bellows of their leather buskins and manufacturing two thousand nails in twenty days, how they found women on the banks of the river fighting as valiantly as men, and named the new country the Amazon land, and how at long last, after incredible hardship, they reached the sea in August 1541. They had navigated some two thousand miles. They now made their rigging and ropes of grass and sails of blankets, and so sailed out into the open sea, reaching one of the West India islands a few days later. And the deserted Pizarro? Tired of waiting for Orellana, he made his way sorrowfully home, arriving after two years' absence in Peru, with eighty men left out of four thousand three hundred and fifty, all the rest having perished in the disastrous expedition. And so we must leave the Spanish conquerors for the present, still exploring, still conquering, in these parts, ever adding glory and riches to Spain. Indeed, Spain and Portugal, as we have seen, entirely monopolise the horizon of geographical discovery till the middle of the sixteenth century, when other nations enter the arena. [Illustration: PERUVIAN WARRIORS OF THE INCA PERIOD. From an ancient Peruvian painting.] CHAPTER XXX CABOT SAILS TO NEWFOUNDLAND It was no longer possible for the Old World to keep secret the wealth of the New World. English eyes were already straining across the seas, English hands were ready to grasp the treasure that had been Spain's for the last fifty years. While Spain was sending Christopher Columbus to and fro across the Atlantic to the West Indies, while Portugal was rejoicing in the success of Vasco da Gama, John Cabot, in the service of England, was making his way from Bristol to the New World. News of the first voyage of Columbus had been received by the Cabots--John and his son Sebastian--with infinite admiration. They believed with the rest of the world that the coast of China had been reached by sailing westward. Bristol was at this time the chief seaport in England, and the centre of trade for the Iceland fisheries. The merchants of the city had already ventured far on to the Atlantic, and various little expeditions had been fitted out by the merchants for possible discovery westward, but one after another failed, including the "most scientific mariner in all England," who started forth to find the island of Brazil to the west of Ireland, but, after nine miserable weeks at sea, was driven back to Ireland again by foul weather. Now Columbus had crossed the Atlantic, Cabot got leave from the English King, Henry VII., "to sail to the east, west, or north, with five ships carrying the English flag, to seek and discover all the islands, countries, regions, or provinces of pagans in whatever part of the world." Further, the King was to have one-fifth of the profits, and at all risks any conflict with Spain must be avoided. Nothing daunted, Cabot started off to fulfil his lord's commands in a tiny ship with eighteen men. We have the barest outlines of his proceedings. Practically all is contained in this one paragraph. "In the year 1497 John Cabot, a Venetian, and his son Sebastian discovered on the 24th of June, about five in the morning, that land to which no person had before ventured to sail, which they named Prima Vista or first seen, because, as I believe, it was the first part seen by them from the sea. The inhabitants use the skins and furs of wild beasts for garments, which they hold in as high estimation as we do our finest clothes. The soil yields no useful production, but it abounds in white bears and deer much larger than ours. Its coasts produce vast quantities of large fish--great seals, salmons, soles above a yard in length, and prodigious quantities of cod." [Illustration: PART OF NORTH AMERICA, SHOWING SEBASTIAN CABOT'S VOYAGE TO NEWFOUNDLAND. From the Map of 1544, usually ascribed to Cabot. The names in brackets are inserted in order to make this extract and its reference to Cabot's discoveries clear.] So much for the contemporary account of this historic voyage. A letter from England to Italy describes the effect of the voyage on England. "The Venetian, our countryman, who went with a ship from Bristol in quest of new islands, is returned and says that seven hundred leagues hence he discovered land, the territory of the Great Khan. He coasted for three hundred leagues and landed; he saw no human beings, but he has brought hither to the King certain snares which had been set to catch game and a needle for making nets. He also found some felled trees. Wherefore he supposed there were inhabitants, and returned to his ships in alarm. He was there three months on the voyage, and on his return he saw two islands to starboard, but would not land, time being precious, as he was short of provisions. He says the tides are slack and do not flow as they do here. The King of England is much pleased with this intelligence. The King has promised that in the spring our countryman shall have ten ships to his order, and at his request has conceded to him all the prisoners to man his fleet. The King has also given him money wherewith to amuse himself till then, and he is now at Bristol with his wife and sons. His name is Cabot, and he is styled the great Admiral. Vast honour is paid to him; he dresses in silk, and the English run after him like mad people." Yet another letter of the time tells how "Master John Cabot has won a part of Asia without a stroke of the sword." This Master John, too, "has the description of the world in a chart and also in a solid globe which he has made, and he shows where he landed. And they say that it is a good and temperate country, and they think that Brazil wood and silks grow there, and they affirm that that sea is covered with fishes." But "Master John" had set his heart on something greater. Constantly hugging the shore of America, he expected to find the island of Cipango (Japan) in the equinoctial region, where he should find all the spices of the world and any amount of precious stones. But after all this great promise Master John disappears from the pages of history and his son Sebastian continues to sail across the Atlantic, not always in the service of England, though in 1502 we find him bringing to the King of England three men taken in the Newfoundland, clothed in beasts' skins and eating raw flesh, and speaking a language which no man could understand. They must have been kindly dealt with by the King, for two years later the poor savages are "clothed like Englishmen." Though England claimed the discovery of this Newfoundland, the Portuguese declared that one of their countrymen, Cortereal--a gentleman of the royal household--had already discovered the "land of the cod-fish" in 1463. But then had not the Vikings already discovered this country five hundred years before? CHAPTER XXXI JACQUES CARTIER EXPLORES CANADA All the nations of Europe were now straining westward for new lands to conquer. French sailors had fished in the seas washing the western coast of North America; Verazzano, a Florentine, in the service of France, had explored the coast of the United States, and a good deal was known when Jacques Cartier, a Frenchman, steps upon the scene and wins for his country a large tract of land about the river St. Lawrence. His object was to find a way across America to Cathay. With two little ships of sixty tons and sixty-one "chosen men," Cartier left St. Malo on 20th April 1534. With prosperous weather he tells us he made the coast of Newfoundland in three weeks, which would mean sailing over one hundred miles a day. He was a little too early in the season, for the easterly winds which had helped him on his way had blocked the east coast of the island with Arctic ice. Having named the point at which he first touched land Cape Bona Vista, he cruised about till, the ice having melted, he could sail down the straits of Belle Isle between the mainland of Labrador and Newfoundland, already discovered by Breton fishermen. Then he explored the now familiar Gulf of St. Lawrence--the first European to report on it. All through June the little French ships sailed about the Gulf, darting across from island to island and cape to cape. Prince Edward Island appealed to him strongly. "It is very pleasant to behold," he tells us. "We found sweet-smelling trees as cedars, yews, pines, ash, willow. Where the ground was bare of trees it seemed very fertile and was full of wild corn, red and white gooseberries, strawberries, and blackberries, as if it had been cultivated on purpose." It now grew hotter, and Cartier must have been glad of a little heat. He sighted Nova Scotia and sailed by the coast of New Brunswick, without naming or surveying them. He describes accurately the bay still called Chaleur Bay: "We named this the Warm Bay, for the country is warmer even than Spain and exceedingly pleasant." They sailed up as far as they could, filled with hope that this might be the long-sought passage to the Pacific Ocean. Hope Cape they named the southern point, but they were disappointed by finding only a deep bay, and to-day, by a strange coincidence, the point opposite the northern shore is known as Cape Despair--the Cap d'Espoir of the early French mariners. Sailing on to the north amid strong currents and a heavy sea, Cartier at last put into a shelter (Gaspe Bay). Here, "on the 24th of July, we made a great cross thirty feet high, on which we hung up a shield with three fleurs-de-lis, and inscribed the cross with this motto: 'Vive le roi de France.' When this was finished, in presence of all the natives, we all knelt down before the cross, holding up our hands to heaven and praising God." [Illustration: JACQUES CARTIER. From an old pen drawing at the Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris.] Storms and strong tides now decided Cartier to return to France. He knew nothing of the Cabot Strait between Newfoundland and the land afterwards called Nova Scotia, so he guided his little ships right through the Straits of Belle Isle, and after being "much tossed by a heavy tempest from the east, which we weathered by the blessing of God," he arrived safely home on 5th September, after his six months' adventure. He was soon commissioned to continue the navigation of these new lands, and in May 1535 he safely led three ships slightly larger than the last across the stormy Atlantic. Contrary winds, heavy gales, and thick fogs turned the voyage of three weeks into five--the ships losing one another not to meet again till the coast of Labrador was reached. Coasting along the southern coast, Cartier now entered a "very fine and large bay, full of islands, and with channels of entrance and exit in all winds." Cartier named it "Baye Saint Laurens," because he entered it on 10th August--the feast of St. Lawrence. Do any of the English men and women who steam up the Gulf of St. Lawrence in the great ocean steamers to-day, on their way to Canada, ever give a thought to the little pioneer French ships that four hundred years ago thought they were sailing toward Cathay? "Savages," as Cartier calls the Indians, told him that he was near the mouth of the great river Hochelaga (now the St. Lawrence), which became narrower "as we approach towards Canada, where the water is fresh." "On the first day of September," says Cartier, "we set sail from the said harbour for Canada." Canada was just a native word for a town or village. It seems strange to read of the "lord of Canada" coming down the river with twelve canoes and many people to greet the first white men he had ever seen; strange, too, to find Cartier arriving at "the place called Hochelaga--twenty-five leagues above Canada," where the river becomes very narrow, with a rapid current and very dangerous on account of rocks. For another week the French explorers sailed on up the unknown river. The country was pleasant, well-wooded, with "vines as full of grapes as they would hang." On 2nd October, Cartier arrived at the native town of Hochelaga. He was welcomed by hundreds of natives,--men, women, and children,--who gave the travellers as "friendly a welcome as if we had been of their own nation come home after a long and perilous absence." The women carried their children to him to touch them, for they evidently thought that some supernatural being had come up from the sea. All night they danced to the light of fires lit upon the shore. [Illustration: CANADA AND THE RIVER ST. LAWRENCE, SHOWING QUEBEC (KEBEC). From Lescarbot's _Histoire de la Nouvelle France_, 1609.] The next morning Cartier, "having dressed himself splendidly," went ashore with some of his men. All were well armed, though the natives seemed peacefully disposed. They marched along a well-beaten track to the Indian city, which stood in the midst of cultivated fields of Indian corn and maize. Again the inhabitants met them with signs of joy and gladness, and the King was carried shoulder high, seated on a large deer-skin with a red wreath round his head made of the skins of hedgehogs instead of a crown. A curious scene then took place. The King placed his crown on the head of the French explorer, before whom he humbled himself as before a god. Thus evidently did the people regard him, for they brought to him their blind, their lame, and their diseased folk that he might cure them. Touched with pity at the groundless confidence of these poor people, Cartier signed them with the sign of the cross. "He then opened a service book and read the passion of Christ in an audible voice, during which all the natives kept a profound silence, looking up to heaven and imitating all our gestures. He then caused our trumpets and other musical instruments to be sounded, which made the natives very merry." Cartier and his men then went to the top of the neighbouring mountain. The extensive view from the top created a deep impression on the French explorer; he grew enthusiastic over the beauty of the level valley below and called the place Mont Royal--a name communicated to the busy city of Montreal that lies below. Winter was now coming on, and Cartier decided against attempting the homeward voyage so late in the year; but to winter in the country he chose a spot between Montreal and Quebec, little thinking what the long winter months would bring forth. The little handful of Frenchmen had no idea of the severity of the Canadian climate; they little dreamt of the interminable months of ice and snow when no navigation was possible. Before Christmas had come round the men were down with scurvy; by the middle of February, "out of one hundred and ten persons composing the companies of our three ships, there were not ten in perfect health. Eight were dead already. The sickness increased to such a pitch that there were not above three sound men in the whole company; we were obliged to bury such as died under the snow, as the ground was frozen quite hard, and we were all reduced to extreme weakness, and we lost all hope of ever returning to France." From November to March four feet of snow lay upon the decks of their little ships. And yet, shut up as they were in the heart of a strange and unknown land, with their ships icebound and nought but savages around, there is no sound of murmur or complaint. "It must be allowed that the winter that year was uncommonly long" is all we hear. [Illustration: NEW FRANCE, SHOWING NEWFOUNDLAND, LABRADOR, AND THE ST. LAWRENCE. From Jocomo di Gastaldi's Map, about 1550. The "Isola de Demoni" is Labrador, and "Terra Nuova" and the islands south of it make up Newfoundland. The snaky-like line represents a sandbank, which was then thought, and agreed, to be the limit of fishing. Montreal (Port Real) will be noticed on the coast.] May found them free once more and making for home with the great news that, though they had not found the way to Cathay, they had discovered and taken a great new country for France. A new map of the world in 1536 marks Canada and Labrador, and gives the river St. Lawrence just beyond Montreal. A map of 1550 goes further, and calls the sea that washes the shores of Newfoundland and Labrador the "Sea of France," while to the south it is avowedly the "Sea of Spain." [Illustration: THE "DAUPHIN" MAP OF THE WORLD. MADE BY PIERRE DESCELIERS, 1546, TO THE ORDER OF FRANCIS I., FOR THE DAUPHIN (HENRI II. OF FRANCE). This map gives a remarkably clear and interesting view of geographical knowledge in the first half of the sixteenth century. (It is to be noted that all objects on one side of the Equinoctial are reversed.)] CHAPTER XXXII SEARCH FOR A NORTH-EAST PASSAGE England was now awaking from her sleep--too late to possess the Spice Islands--too late for India and the Cape of Good Hope--too late, it would seem, for the New World. The Portuguese held the eastern route, the Spaniards the western route to the Spice Islands. But what if there were a northern route? All ways apparently led to Cathay. Why should England not find a way to that glorious land by taking a northern course? "If the seas toward the north be navigable we may go to these Spice Islands by a shorter way than Spain and Portugal," said Master Thorne of Bristol--a friend of the Cabots. "But the northern seas are blocked with ice and the northern lands are too cold for man to dwell in," objected some. "_There is no land uninhabitable, nor sea unnavigable_," was the heroic reply. "It was in this belief, and in this heroic temper, that England set herself to take possession of her heritage, the north. But it was not till the reign of Edward VI. that a Company of Merchant Adventurers was formed for the discovery of Regions, Dominions, Islands, and places unknown," with old Sebastian Cabot as its first governor, and not till the year 1553 that three little ships under Sir Hugh Willoughby and Richard Chancellor were fitted out for a northern cruise. They carried letters of introduction from the boy-king of England to "all Kings, Princes, Rulers, Judges, and Governors of the Earth in all places under the universal heaven," including those "inhabiting the north-east parts of the world toward the mighty Empire of Cathay." Sir Hugh Willoughby, "a most valiant gentleman," hoisted the English flag on the _Bona Esperanza_, a good little ship of one hundred and twenty tons. The next in command was Richard Chancellor, "a man of great estimation for many good parts of wit in him," who sailed the _Edward Bonadventure_, which though not so fast as the flag-ship, was slightly larger. So certain were the promoters that the ships would reach the hot climates beyond Cathay that they had them sheathed with lead to protect them from worms which had proved so destructive in the tropics before. The account of the start of these first English Arctic explorers is too quaint to be passed in silence. "It was thought best that by the 20th of May the Captains and Mariners should take shipping and depart if it pleased God. They, having saluted their acquaintance, one his wife, another his children, another his kinsfolk, and another his friends dearer than his kinsfolk, were ready at the day appointed. The greater ships are towed down with boats and oars, and the mariners, being all apparelled in sky-coloured cloth, made way with diligence. And being come near to Greenwich (where the Court then lay), the Courtiers came running out and the common people flocked together, standing very thick upon the shore: the Privy Council, they looked out of the windows of the Court, and the rest ran up to the tops of the towers, and the mariners shouted in such sort that the sky rang again with the noise thereof. But, alas! the good King Edward--he only by reason of his sickness was absent from this show." The ships dropped down to Woolwich with the tide and coasted along the east coast of England till "at the last with a good wind they hoisted up sail and committed themselves to the sea, giving their last adieu to their native country--many of them could not refrain from tears." Richard Chancellor himself had left behind two little sons, and his poor mind was tormented with sorrow and care. By the middle of July the North Sea had been crossed, and the three small ships were off the shores of Norway, coasting among the islands and fiords that line that indented kingdom. Coasting still northward, Willoughby led his ships to the Lofoten Islands, "plentifully inhabited by very gentle people" under the King of Denmark. They sailed on-- "To the west of them was the ocean, To the right the desolate shore." till they had passed the North Cape, already discovered by Othere, the old sea-captain who dwelt in Helgoland. A terrible storm now arose, and "the sea was so outrageous that the ships could not keep their intended course, but some were driven one way and some another way to their great peril and hazard." Then Sir Hugh Willoughby shouted across the roaring seas to Richard Chancellor, begging him not to go far from him. But the little ships got separated and never met again. Willoughby was blown across the sea to Nova Zembla. "The sea was rough and stormy, The tempest howled and wailed, And the sea-fog like a ghost Haunted that dreary coast. But onward still I sailed." The weather grew more and more Arctic, and he made his way over to a haven in Lapland where he decided to winter. He sent men to explore the country, but no signs of mankind could be found; there were bears and foxes and all manner of strange beasts, but never a human being. It must have been desperately dreary as the winter advanced, with ice and snow and freezing winds from the north. What this little handful of Englishmen did, how they endured the bitter winter on the desolate shores of Lapland, no man knows. Willoughby was alive in January 1554--then all is silent. And what of Richard Chancellor on board the _Bonadventure_? "Pensive, heavy, and sorrowful," but resolute to carry out his orders, "Master Chancellor held on his course towards that unknown part of the world, and sailed so far that he came at last to the place where he found no night at all, but a continual light and brightness of the Sun, shining clearly upon the huge and mighty Sea." After a time he found and entered a large bay where he anchored, making friends with the fisher folk on the shores of the White Sea to the north of Russia. So frightened were the natives at the greatness of the English ships that at first they ran away, half-dead with fear. Soon, however, they regained confidence and, throwing themselves down, they began to kiss the explorer's feet, "but he (according to his great and singular courtesy) looked pleasantly upon them." By signs and gestures he comforted them until they brought food to the "new-come guests," and went to tell their king of the arrival of "a strange nation of singular gentleness and courtesy." Then the King of Russia or Muscovie--Ivan Vasiliwich--sent for Master Chancellor to go to Moscow. The journey had to be made in sledges over the ice and snow. A long and weary journey it must have been, for his guide lost the way, and they had travelled nearly one thousand five hundred miles before Master Chancellor came at last to Moscow, the chief city of the kingdom, "as great as the city of London with all its suburbs," remarks Chancellor. Arrived at the King's palace, Master Chancellor was received by one hundred Russian courtiers dressed in cloth of gold to the very ankles. The King sat aloft on a high throne, with a crown of gold on his head, holding in his hand a glittering sceptre studded with precious stones. The Englishman and his companions saluted the King, who received them graciously and read the letter from Edward VI. with interest. They did not know that the boy-king was dead, and that his sister Mary was on the throne of England. The King was much interested in the long beards grown by the Englishmen. That of one of the company was five foot two inches in length, "thick, broad, and yellow coloured." "This is God's gift," said the Russians. [Illustration: IVAN VASILIWICH, KING OF MUSCOVIE. From a sixteenth century woodcut.] To Edward VI. of England the King sent a letter by the hands of Richard Chancellor, giving leave readily for England to trade with Russia. Master Chancellor seems to have arrived home again safely with his account of Russia, which encouraged the Merchant Adventurers to send forth more ships to develop trade with this great new country of which they knew so little. To this end Anthony Jenkinson, "a resolute and intelligent gentleman," was selected, and "with four tall, well-appointed ships he sailed on 12th May 1557 toward the land of Russia." He reached Cape North on 2nd July, and a few days later he passed the spot where Sir Hugh Willoughby and all his company had perished. Anchoring in the Bay of St. Nicholas, he took a sledge for Moscow, where he delivered his letters safely to the King. So icebound was the country that it was April 1558 before he was able to leave Moscow for the south, to accomplish, if possible, the orders of the Merchant Adventurers to find an overland route to Cathay. With letters of introduction from the Russian King to the princes and kings through whose dominions he was to pass, Master Jenkinson made his way to the Volga, whence he continued his voyage with a Russian captain who was travelling south in great style to take up a command at Astrakan with five hundred boats laden with soldiers, stores, food, and merchandise. After three months' travelling, and having passed over some one thousand two hundred miles, the Englishman reached the south. The city of Astrakan offered no attractions and no hope of trade, so Jenkinson boldly took upon himself to navigate the mouth of the Volga and to reach the Caspian Sea. He was the first Englishman to cross Russia from the White Sea to the Caspian. Never before on the Caspian had the red cross of St. George been seen flying from the masthead of a ship sailed by Englishmen. After three weeks' buffeting by contrary winds, they found themselves on the eastern shores, and, getting together a caravan of one thousand camels, they went forward. No sooner had they landed than they found themselves in a land of thieves and robbers. Jenkinson hastened to the Sultan of these parts, a noted robber himself, to be kindly received by the Tartar Prince, who set before him the flesh of a wild horse and some mare's milk. Then the little English party travelled on for three weeks through desolate land with no rivers, no houses, no inhabitants, till they reached the banks of the Oxus. "Here we refreshed ourselves," says the explorer, "having been three days without water and drink, and tarried there all the next day making merry with our slain horses and camels." For a hundred miles they followed the course of this great river until they reached another desert, where they were again attacked by bands of thieves and robbers. It was Christmas Eve when they at last reached Bokhara, only to find that the merchants were so poor that there was no hope of any trade worth following, though the city was full of caravans from India and the Far East. And here they heard that the way to Cathay was barred by reason of grievous wars which were going on. Winter was coming on; so Jenkinson remained for a couple of months before starting on his long journey home. With a caravan of six hundred camels he made his way back to the Caspian, and on 2nd September he had reached Moscow safely with presents of "a white cow's tail of Cathay and a drum of Tartary" for the King, which seemed to give that monarch the greatest pleasure. He evidently stayed for a time in Russia, for it is not till the year 1560 that we find him writing to the Merchant Adventurers that "at the next shipping I embark myself for England." [Illustration: ANTHONY JENKINSON'S MAP OF RUSSIA, MUSCOVY, AND TARTARY, PUBLISHED IN 1562.] While Jenkinson was endeavouring to reach the Far East by land, a Portuguese named Pinto had succeeded in reaching it by sea. The discovery of Japan is claimed by three people. Antonio de Mota had been thrown by a storm on to the island of Nison, called by the Chinese Jepwen--Japan--in the year 1542. Pinto claims to have discovered it the same year. It seems that the Japanese were expecting the return of a god, and as the white men hove in sight they exclaimed: "These are certainly the Chinchi cogies spoken of in our records, who, flying over the waters, shall come to be lords of the lands where God has placed the greatest riches of the world. It will be fortunate for us if they come as friends." Now men of the time refused to believe in the travels of Mendex Pinto. "He should be called Mendax Pinto," said one, "whose book is one continued chain of monstrous fiction which deserves no credit," while a hundred and fifty years later Congreve wrote-- "Ferdinando Mendez Pinto was but a type of thee, Thou liar of the first magnitude." CHAPTER XXXIII MARTIN FROBISHER SEARCHES FOR A NORTH-WEST PASSAGE So far the expeditions of Willoughby, Chancellor, and Jenkinson had all failed to reach the Far East. The Spanish had a way thither by Magellan's Strait, the Portuguese by the Cape of Good Hope. England in the middle of the sixteenth century had no way. What about a North-West Passage leading round Labrador from the Atlantic to the Pacific? England was waking up to possibilities of future exploration. She was also ready and anxious to annoy Spain for having monopolised the riches and wealth of the New World. And so it was that Queen Elizabeth turned with interest to the suggestions of one of her subjects--Martin Frobisher--"a mariner of great experience and ability," when he enthusiastically consulted her on the navigation of the North-West Passage. For the last fifteen years he had been trying to collect ships and men for the enterprise. "It is the only thing in the world left undone whereby a notable mind might be made famous and fortunate," he affirmed. But it was not till the year 1576 that he got a chance of fitting out two small ships--two very small ships--the _Gabriel_ of twenty tons, the _Michael_ of twenty-five tons, to explore the icy regions of the north. A wave of the Queen's hand gladdened his heart as he sailed past the palace of Greenwich, where the Court resided, and he was soon sailing northward harassed and battered by many storms. His little ten-ton pinnace was lost, and the same storm that overtook the little fleet to the north of Scotland so terrified the captain of the _Michael_ that he deserted and turned home with the news that Frobisher had perished with all hands. Meanwhile Frobisher, resolute in his undertaking, was nearing the coast of Greenland--alone in the little _Gabriel_ with a mere handful of men all inexperienced in the art of navigating the Polar seas. "And now there came both mist and snow, And it grew wondrous cold" as Frobisher sailed his storm-beaten ship across the wintry seas. But "I will sacrifice my life to God rather than return home without discovering a north-west passage to Cathay," he told his eighteen men with sublime courage. Passing Cape Farewell, he sailed north-west with the Greenland current, which brought him to the icebound shores near Hudson's Bay. He did not see the straits afterwards discovered by Hudson, but, finding an inlet farther north, he sailed some hundred miles, in the firm belief that this was the passage for which he was searching, that America lay on his left and Asia on his right. Magellan had discovered straits in the extreme south; Frobisher made sure that he had found corresponding straits to the extreme north, and Frobisher's Straits they were accordingly named, and as such they appeared on the maps of the day till they had to be renamed Lumley's Inlet. The snow and ice made further navigation impossible for this year, and full of their great news they returned home accompanied by an Eskimo. These natives had been taken for porpoises by our English explorers, but later they were reported to be "strange infidels whose like was never seen, read, or heard of before." [Illustration: GREENLANDERS AS SEEN BY MARTIN FROBISHER. From Captain Beste's account of Frobisher's voyages, 1578.] Martin Frobisher was received with enthusiasm and "highly commended of all men for his great and notable attempt, but specially famous for the great hope he brought of the passage to Cathay." Besides the Eskimo the explorers carried home a black stone, which, when thrown on the fire by one of the sailor's wives, glittered like gold. The gold refiners of London were hastily called in, and they reported that it contained a quantity of gold. A new incentive was now given to Polar exploration. The Queen herself contributed a tall ship of some two hundred tons to the new expedition that was eagerly fitted out, and the High Admiral of all seas and waters, countries, lands, and isles, as Frobisher was now called, sailed away again for the icy north, more to search for gold than to discover the North-West Passage. He added nothing more to the knowledge of the world, and though he sailed through the strait afterwards known as Hudson's Strait, he never realised his discovery. His work was hampered by the quest for gold, for which England was eagerly clamouring, and he disappears from our history of discovery. The triumphant return of Francis Drake in 1580 laden with treasure from the Spice Islands put into the shade all schemes for a north-west passage for the moment. Nevertheless, this voyage of Martin Frobisher is important in the history of exploration. It was the first attempt of an Englishman to make search amid the ice of the Arctic regions--a search in which so many were yet to lay down their lives. CHAPTER XXXIV DRAKE'S FAMOUS VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD "Call him on the deep sea, call him up the sound, Call him when ye sail to meet the foe; Where the old trade's plyin' and the old flag flyin', They shall find him ware an' wakin', as they found him long ago!" HENRY NEWBOLT. Drake's famous voyage, as it is known to history (1577-1580), was indeed famous, for although Magellan's ship had sailed round the world fifty years before, Drake was the first Englishman to do so, and, further, he discovered for us land to the south of Magellan's Strait round which washed the waters of Atlantic and Pacific Oceans, showing that the mysterious land marked on contemporary maps as Terra Australis and joined to South America was a separate land altogether. He also explored the coast of America as far north as Vancouver Island, and disclosed to England the secret of the Spice Islands. The very name of Drake calls up a vision of thrilling adventure on the high seas. He had been at sea since he was a boy of fifteen, when he had been apprenticed to the master of a small ship trading between England and the Netherlands, and many a time he had sailed on the grey North Sea. "But the narrow seas were a prison for so large a spirit born for greater undertakings," and in 1567 we find Drake sailing forth on board the _Judith_ in an expedition over to the Spanish settlements in America under his kinsman, John Hawkins. Having crossed the Atlantic and filled his ships with Spanish treasure from "the Spanish Main," and having narrowly escaped death from the hands of the Spaniards, Drake had hurried home to tell of the riches of this new country still closed to all other nations. Two years later Drake was off again, this time in command himself of two ships with crews of seventy-three young men, their modest aim being nothing less than to seize one of the Spanish ports and empty into their holds the "Treasure House of the World." What if this act of reckless daring was unsuccessful? The undertaking was crowned with a higher success than that of riches, for Drake was the first Englishman to see the waters of the Pacific Ocean. His expedition was not unlike that of Balboa some sixty years before, as with eighteen chosen companions he climbed the forest-clad spurs of the ridge dividing the two great oceans. Arrived at the top, he climbed up a giant tree, and the Golden Sea of which he had so often heard--the Pacific Ocean of Magellan, the waters washing the golden shores of Mexico and Peru--all lay below him. Descending from the heights, he sank upon his knees and "humbly besought Almighty God of His goodness to give him life and leave to sail once in an English ship in that sea." [Illustration: SIR FRANCIS DRAKE. From Holland's _Heroologia_, 1620.] Jealously had the Spanish guarded this beautiful Southern Sea, now her secrets were laid bare, for an Englishman had gazed upon it and he was not likely to remain satisfied with this alone. In 1573 Drake came home with his wonderful news, and it was not long before he was eagerly talking over with the Queen a project for a raid into this very Golden Sea guarded by the Spaniards. Elizabeth promised help on condition that the object of the expedition should remain a secret. Ships were bought for "a voyage to Egypt"; there was the _Pelican_ of one hundred tons, the _Marygold_ of thirty tons, and a provision ship of fifty tons. A fine new ship of eighty tons, named the _Elizabeth_, mysteriously added itself to the little fleet, and the crews numbered in all some one hundred and fifty men. No expense was spared in the equipment of the ships. Musicians were engaged for the voyage, the arms and ammunition were of the latest pattern. The flagship was lavishly furnished: there were silver bowls and mugs and dishes richly gilt and engraved with the family arms, while the commander's cabin was full of sweet-smelling perfumes presented by the Queen herself. Thus, complete at last, Drake led his gay little squadron out of Plymouth harbour on 15th November 1577, bound for Alexandria--so the crews thought. Little did Drake know what was before him, as, dressed in his seaman's shirt, his scarlet cap with its gold band on his head, he waved farewell to England. Who could foresee the terrible beginning, with treachery and mutiny at work, or the glorious ending when the young Englishman sailed triumphantly home after his three years' voyage--the world encompassed? Having reached the Cape de Verde Islands in safety, the object of the expedition could no longer remain a secret, and Drake led his squadron boldly across the Atlantic Ocean. On 5th April the coast of Brazil appeared, but fogs and heavy weather scattered the ships and they had to run into the mouth of the La Plata for shelter. Then for six weary weeks the ships struggled southward, battered by gales and squalls during which nothing but the daring seamanship of the English navigators saved the little vessels from destruction. It was not till 20th June that they reached Port St. Julian of Magellan fame, on the desolate shores of Patagonia. As they entered the harbour, a grim sight met their eyes. On that windswept shore was the skeleton of the man hung by Magellan years before. [Illustration: THE SILVER MAP OF THE WORLD. From the medallion in the British Museum, probably struck in 1581, showing the line of Drake's voyage from England in 1577 westwards through the Magellan Strait to California and New Albion.] History was to repeat itself, and the same fate was now to befall an unhappy Englishman guilty of the same conduct. Drake had long had reason to suspect the second in command, Doughty, though he was his dear friend. He had been guilty of worse than disobedience, and the very success of the voyage was threatened. So Drake called a council together and Doughty was tried according to English law. After two days' trial he was found guilty and condemned to die. One of the most touching scenes in the history of exploration now took place. One sees the little English crews far away on that desolate shore, the ships lying at anchor in the harbour, the block prepared, the altar raised beside it, the two old friends, Drake and Doughty, kneeling side by side, then the flash of the sword and Drake holding up the head of his friend with the words, "Lo, this is the end of traitors." It was now midwinter, and for six weeks they remained in harbour till August came, and with three ships they emerged to continue their way to the Straits of Magellan. At last it was found and boldly they entered. From the towering mountains that guarded the entry, tempests of wind and snow swept down upon the "daring intruders." As they made their way through the rough and winding waters, they imagined with all the other geographers of their time that the unknown land to the south was one great continent leading beyond the boundaries of the world. Fires lit by the natives on this southern coast added terror to the wild scene. But at the end of sixteen days they found themselves once more in the open sea. They were at last on the Pacific Ocean. But it was anything but pacific. A terrible tempest arose, followed by other storms no less violent, and the ships were driven helplessly southward and westward far beyond Cape Horn. When they once more reached the coast they found in the place of the great southern continent an indented wind-swept shore washed by waves terrific in their height and strength. In the ceaseless gale the _Marygold_ foundered with all hands and was never heard of again. A week later the captain of the _Elizabeth_ turned home, leaving the _Pelican_, now called the _Golden Hind_, to struggle on alone. After nearly two months of storm, Drake anchored among the islands southward of anything yet known to the geographers, where Atlantic and Pacific rolled together in one boisterous flood. Walking alone to the farthest end of the island, Drake is said to have laid himself down and with his arms embraced the southernmost point of the known world. [Illustration: THE SILVER MAP OF THE WORLD. The reverse half, showing the route of Drake's voyage home from California in 1579-1580, through the Spice Islands and the Indian Ocean. The end of the homeward track, round the Azores, will be seen on the previous Silver Map illustration.] He showed that the Tierra del Fuego, instead of being part of a great continent--the Terra Australis--was a group of islands with open sea to east, south, and west. This discovery was first shown on a Dutch silver medallion struck in Holland about 1581, known as The Silver Map of the world, and may be seen to-day in the British Museum. [Illustration: SIR FRANCIS DRAKE, THE FIRST ENGLISHMAN TO SAIL ROUND THE WORLD. After the engraving attributed to Hondius.] Remarking that the ocean he was now entering would have been better called "Mare Furiosum" than "Mare Pacificum," Drake now directed his course along the western coast of South America. He found the coast of Chili, but not as the general maps had described it, "wherefore it appeareth that this part of Chili hath not been truly hitherto discovered," remarked one on board the _Golden Hind_. Bristling with guns, the little English ship sailed along the unknown coast, till they reached Valparaiso. Here they found a great Spanish ship laden with treasure from Peru. Quickly boarding her, the English sailors bound the Spaniards, stowed them under the hatches, and hastily transferred the cargo on to the _Golden Hind_. They sailed on northwards to Lima and Panama, chasing the ships of Spain, plundering as they went, till they were deeply laden with stolen Spanish treasure and knew that they had made it impossible to return home by that coast. So Drake resolved to go on northward and discover, if possible, a way home by the north. He had probably heard of Frobisher's Strait, and hoped to find a western entrance. As they approached the Arctic regions the weather grew bitterly cold, and "vile, thick, stinking fogs" determined them to sail southward. They had reached a point near what we now know as Vancouver Island when contrary winds drove them back and they put in at a harbour, now known as San Francisco, to repair the ship for the great voyage across the Pacific and home by the Cape of Good Hope. Drake had sailed past seven hundred miles of new coast-line in twelve days, and he now turned to explore the new country, to which he gave the name of New Albion. The Indians soon began to gather in large quantities on the shore, and the King himself, tall and comely, advanced in a friendly manner. Indeed, he took off his crown and set it on the head of Drake and, hanging chains about his neck, the Indians made him understand that the land was now his and that they were his vassals. [Illustration: THE _GOLDEN HIND_ AT NEW ALBION. From the Chart of Drake's Voyages. 1589.] Little did King Drake dream, as he named his country New Albion, that Californian gold was so near. His subjects were loving and peaceable, evidently regarding the English as gods and reverencing them as such. The chronicler is eloquent in his detailed description of all the royal doings. "Before we left," he says, "our General caused to be set up a monument of our being there, as also of Her Majesty's right and title to that kingdom, namely, a plate of brass, fast nailed to a great and firm post, whereon is engraved Her Grace's name and the day and year of our arrival here, and of the free giving up of the province, both by the people and king, into Her Majesty's hands, together with Her Highness' picture and arms in a piece of sixpence current money. The Spanish never so much as set foot in this country--the utmost of their discoveries reaching only to many degrees southward of this place. "And now, as the time of our departure was perceived by the people, so did the sorrows and miseries seem to increase upon them--not only did they lose on a sudden all mirth, joy, glad countenance, pleasant speeches, agility of body, but with signs and sorrowings, with heavy hearts and grieved minds, they poured out woeful complaints and moans, with bitter tears and wringing of their hands, tormenting themselves. And, as men refusing all comfort, they only accounted themselves as those whom the gods were about to forsake." Indeed, the poor Indians looked on these Englishmen as gods, and, when the day came for them to leave, they ran to the top of the hills to keep the little ship in sight as long as possible, after which they burnt fires and made sacrifices at their departure. Drake left New Albion on 23rd July 1579, to follow the lead of Magellan and to pass home by the southern seas and the Atlantic Ocean. After sixty-eight days of quick and straight sailing, with no sight of land, they fell in with the Philippine Islands, and on 3rd November with the famous Spice Islands. Here they were well received by the King--a magnificent person attired in cloth of gold, with bare legs and shoes of Cordova skins, rings of gold in his hair, and a chain "of perfect gold" about his neck. The Englishmen were glad enough to get fresh food after their long crossing, and fared sumptuously on rice, hens, "imperfect and liquid sugar," sugar-canes, and a fruit they call figo, with plenty of cloves. On a little island near Celebes the _Golden Hind_ was thoroughly repaired for her long voyage home. But the little treasure-laden ship was nearly wrecked before she got away from the dangerous shoals and currents of these islands. "Upon the 9th of January we ran suddenly upon a rock, where we stuck fast from eight of the clock at night till four of the clock in the afternoon the next day, being, indeed, out of all hope to escape the danger; but our General, as he had always hitherto showed himself courageous, so now he and we did our best endeavours to save ourselves, which it pleased God so to bless, that in the end we cleared ourselves most happily of the danger." [Illustration: THE _GOLDEN HIND_ AT JAVA. From the Chart of Drake's Voyages.] Then they ran across the Indian Ocean, rounded the Cape of Good Hope in calm weather, abusing the Portuguese for calling it the most dangerous Cape in the world for intolerable storms, for "This Cape," said the English, "is a most stately thing and the finest Cape we saw in the whole circumference of the earth." And so they came home. After nearly three years' absence Drake triumphantly sailed his little _Golden Hind_ into Plymouth harbour, where he had long ago been given up as lost. Shouts of applause rang through the land at the news that an Englishman had circumnavigated the world. The Queen sent for Drake to tell his wonderful story, to which she listened spellbound. A great banquet was held on board the little ship, at which Elizabeth was present and knighted Drake, while she ordered that the _Golden Hind_ should be preserved "as a worthy rival of Magellan's _Victoria_" and as "a monument to all posterity of that famous and worthy exploit of Sir Francis Drake." It was afterwards taken to pieces, and the best parts of wood were made into a chair at Oxford, commemorated by Cowley's lines-- "To this great ship, which round the world has run And matched in race the chariot of the sun; * * * * * Drake and his ship could ne'er have wished from fate A happier station or more blest estate; For lo, a seat of endless rest is given To her in Oxford and to him in Heaven." Sir Francis Drake died at sea in 1596. "The waves became his winding sheet, the waters were his tomb, But for his fame the ocean sea was not sufficient room." [Illustration: "THE UNROLLING OF THE CLOUDS"--V. The world as known after its circumnavigation by Sir Francis Drake in the years 1577-1580.] CHAPTER XXXV DAVIS STRAIT But even while Drake was sailing round the world, and Frobisher's search for a north-west passage had been diverted into a quest for gold, men's minds were still bent on the achievement of reaching Cathay by some northern route. A discourse by Sir Humphrey Gilbert to prove the existence of a passage by the north-west to Cathay and the East Indies, in ten chapters, was much discussed, and the Elizabethan seamen were still bent on its discovery. "When I gave myself to the study of geography," said Sir Humphrey, "and came to the fourth part of the world, commonly called America, which by all descriptions I found to be an island environed round by sea, having on the south side of it the Strait of Magellan, on the west side the Sea of the South, which sea runneth toward the north, separating it from the east parts of Asia, and on the north side the sea that severeth it from Greenland, through which Northern Seas the Passage lieth which I take now in hand to discover." The arguments of Sir Humphrey seemed conclusive, and in 1585 they chose John Davis, "a man well grounded in the principles of the art of navigation," to search for the North-West Passage to China. They gave him two little ships, the _Sunshine_ of fifty tons, with a crew of seventeen seamen, four musicians, and a boy, and the _Moonshine_ of thirty-five tons. It was a daring venture, but the expedition was ill-equipped to battle with the icebound seas of the frozen north. The ships left Dartmouth on 7th June, and by July they were well out on the Atlantic with porpoises and whales playing round them. Then came a time of fog and mist, "with a mighty great roaring of the sea." On 20th July they sailed out of the fog and beheld the snow-covered mountains of Greenland, beyond a wide stream of pack-ice--so gloomy, so "waste, and void of any creatures," so bleak and inhospitable that the Englishmen named it the Land of Desolation and passed on to the north. Rounding the point, afterwards named by Davis Cape Farewell, and sailing by the western coast of Greenland, they hoped to find the passage to Cathay. Landing amid the fiords and the "green and pleasant isles" about the coast, they anchored a while to refresh, and named their bay Gilbert Sound, after Sir Humphrey and Davis' own little boy, Gilbert, left at home. "The people of the country," says Davis, "having espied our ships, came down unto us in their canoes, holding up their right hand toward the sun. We doing the like, the people came aboard our ships, men of good stature, unbearded, small-eyed, and of tractable conditions. We bought the clothes from their backs, which were all made of seals' skins and birds' skins, their buskins, their hose, their gloves, all being commonly sewed and well dressed." [Illustration: AN ESKIMO. From a water-colour drawing by John White, about 1585, who may have seen Eskimo either in Frobisher's or Davis's voyages.] These simple Greenlanders who worshipped the sun gave Davis to understand that there was a great and open sea to the north-west, and full of hope he sailed on. But he soon abandoned the search, for the season was advancing, and, crossing the open sea, he entered the broad channel named after him Davis Strait, crossed the Arctic Circle, and anchored under a promontory, "the cliffs whereof were orient as gold," naming it Mount Raleigh. Here they found four white bears of "a monstrous bigness," which they took to be goats or wolves, till on nearer acquaintance they were discovered to be great Polar bears. There were no signs of human life, no wood, no grass, no earth, nothing but rock, so they coasted southwards, and to their joy they found an open strait to the west free from ice. Eagerly they sailed the little _Moonshine_ and _Sunshine_ up the opening, which they called Cumberland Sound, till thick fogs and adverse winds drove them back. Winter was now advancing, the six months' provisions were ended, and, satisfied with having found an open passage westward, Davis sailed home in triumph to fit out another expedition as soon as spring came round. His news was received with delight. "The North-West Passage is a matter nothing doubtful," he affirmed, "but at any time almost to be passed, the sea navigable, void of ice, the air tolerable, and the waters very deep." With this certainty of success the merchants readily fitted out another expedition, and Davis sailed early in May 1586 with four ships. The little _Moonshine_ and _Sunshine_ were included in the new fleet, but Davis himself commanded the _Mermaid_ of one hundred and twenty tons. The middle of June found him on the west coast of Greenland, battling his way with great blocks of ice to his old quarters at Gilbert Sound. What a warm welcome they received from their old Eskimo friends; "they rowed to the boat and took hold on the oars and hung about with such comfortable joy as would require a long discourse to be uttered." Followed by a wondering crowd of natives eager to help him up and down the rocks, Davis made his way inland to find an inviting country, "with earth and grass such as our moory and waste grounds of England are"; he found, too, mosses and wild flowers in the sheltered places. But his business lay in the icy waters, and he boldly pushed forward. But ice and snow and fog made further progress impossible; shrouds, ropes, and sails were turned into a frozen mass, and the crew was filled with despair. "Our men began to grow sick and feeble and hopeless of good success, and they advised me that in conscience I ought to regard the safety of mine own life with the preservation of theirs, and that I should not through my over-boldness leave their widows and fatherless children to give me bitter curses." So Davis rearranged his crews and provisions, and with the _Moonshine_ and a selection of his best men he determined to voyage on "as God should direct him," while the _Mermaid_ should carry the sick and feeble and fainthearted home. Davis then crossed over the strait called by his name and explored the coast about Cumberland Sound. Again he tried here to discover the long-sought passage, but the brief summer season was almost past and he had to content himself with exploring the shores of Labrador, unconsciously following the track made by John Cabot eighty-nine years before. But on his return home the merchants of London were disappointed. Davis had indeed explored an immense extent of coast-line, and he had brought back a cargo of cod-fish and five hundred seal skins, but Cathay seemed as far off as ever. One merchant prince, Sanderson by name, was still very keen, and he helped Davis to fit out yet another expedition. With three ships, the _Sunshine_, the _Elizabeth_, and the _Helen_, the undaunted Arctic explorer now found himself for the third summer in succession at his old halting-place, Gilbert's Sound, on the west coast of Greenland. Leaving his somewhat discontented crews to go fishing off the coast of Labrador, he took the little twenty-ton pinnace, with a small party of brave spirits like his own, and made his way northwards in a free and open sea. The weather was hot, land was visible on both sides, and the English mariners were under the impression that they were sailing up a gulf. But the passage grew wider and wider, till Davis found himself with the sea all open to west and north. He had crossed the Arctic Circle and reached the most northerly point ever yet reached by an explorer. Seeing on his right a lofty cliff, he named it "Sanderson his Hope," for it seemed to give hope of the long-sought passage to Cathay. It was a memorable day in the annals of discovery, 30th June 1587, when Davis reached this famous point on the coast of Greenland. "A bright blue sea extended to the horizon on the north and west, obstructed by no ice, but here and there a few majestic icebergs with peaks snowy shooting up into the sky." To the eastward were the granite mountains of Greenland, and beyond them the white line of the mightiest glacier in the world. Rising immediately above the tiny vessel was the beetling wall of Hope Sanderson, with its summit eight hundred and fifty feet above sea-level. At its base the sea was a sheet of foam and spray. It must have been a scene like fairyland, for, as Davis remarked, there was "no ice towards the north, but a great sea, free, large, very salt and blue, and of an unsearchable depth." But again disappointment awaited him. That night a wind from the north barred further advance as a mighty bank of ice some eight feet thick came drifting down toward the Atlantic. Again and again he attempted to get on, but it was impossible, and reluctantly enough he turned the little ship southwards. "This Davis hath been three times employed; why hath he not found the passage?" said the folk at home when he returned and reported his doings. How little they realised the difficulties of the way. The commander of the twenty-ton _Ellen_ had done more than any man had done before him in the way of Arctic exploration. He had discovered seven hundred and thirty-two miles of coast from Cape Farewell to Sanderson's Hope; he had examined the whole coast of Labrador; he had "converted the Arctic regions from a confused myth into a defined area." "He lighted Baffin into his bay. He lighted Hudson into his strait. He lighted Hans Egede to the scene of his Greenland labour." And more than this, says his enthusiastic biographer: "His true-hearted devotion to the cause of Arctic discovery, his patient scientific research, his loyalty to his employers, his dauntless gallantry and enthusiasm form an example which will be a beacon-light to maritime explorers for all time to come." "And Davis three times forth for the north-west made, Still striving by that course t'enrich the English trade; And as he well deserved, to his eternal fame, There, by a mighty sea, immortalised his name." CHAPTER XXXVI BARENTS SAILS TO SPITZBERGEN With the third failure of John Davis to find the North-West Passage the English search for Cathay came to an end for the present. But the merchants of Amsterdam took up the search, and in 1594 they fitted out an expedition under William Barents, a burgher of Amsterdam and a practical seaman of much experience. The three voyages of Barents form some of the most romantic reading in the history of geographical discovery, and the preface to the old book compiled for the Dutch after the death of Barents sums up in pathetic language the tragic story of the "three Voyages, so strange and wonderful that the like hath never been heard of before." They were "done and performed three years," says the old preface, "one after the other, by the ships of Holland, on the North sides of Norway, Muscovy, and Tartary, towards the kingdoms of Cathay and China, showing discoveries of the Country lying under 80 degrees: which is thought to be Greenland; where never any man had been before, with the cruel Bears and other Monsters of the sea and the unsupportable and extreme cold that is found to be in these places. And how that in the last Voyage the Ship was enclosed by the Ice, that it was left there, whereby the men were forced to build a house in the cold and desert country of Nova Zembla, wherein they continued ten months together and never saw nor heard of any man, in most great cold and extreme misery; and how after that, to save their lives, they were constrained to sail about one thousand miles in little open boats, along and over the main Seas in most great danger and with extreme labour, unspeakable troubles, and great hunger." Surely no more graphic summary of disaster has ever appeared than these words penned three hundred and fourteen years ago, which cry to us down the long, intervening ages of privation and suffering endured in the cause of science. [Illustration: A SHIP OF THE LATE SIXTEENTH CENTURY. From Ortelius, 1598.] In the year 1594, then, four ships were sent forth from Amsterdam with orders to the wise and skilful pilot, William Barents, that he was to sail into the North Seas and "discover the kingdoms of Cathay and China." In the month of July the Dutch pilot found himself off the south coast of Nova Zembla, whence he sailed as the wind pleased to take him, ever making for the north and hugging the coast as close as possible. On 9th July they found a creek very far north to which they gave the name of Bear Creek, because here they suddenly discovered their first Polar bear. It tried to get into their boat, so they shot it with a musket, "but the bear showed most wonderful strength, for, notwithstanding that she was shot into the body, yet she leapt up and swam in the water; the men that were in the boat, rowing after her, cast a rope about her neck and drew her at the stern of the boat, for, not having seen the like bear before, they thought to have carried her alive in the ship and to have showed her for a strange wonder in Holland; but she used such force that they were glad they were rid of her, and contented themselves with her skin only." This they brought back to Amsterdam in great triumph--their first white Polar bear. But they went farther north than this, until they came to a plain field of ice and encountered very misty weather. Still they kept sailing on, as best they might, round about the ice till they found the land of Nova Zembla was covered with snow. From "Ice Point" they made their way to islands which they named Orange Islands after the Dutch Prince. Here they found two hundred walrus or sea-horses lying on the shore and basking in the sun. [Illustration: NOVA ZEMBLA AND THE ARCTIC REGIONS. From a map in De Bry's _Grands Voyages_, 1598.] "The sea-horse is a wonderful strong monster of the sea," they brought back word, "much bigger than an ox, having a skin like a seal, with very short hair, mouthed like a lion; it hath four feet, but no ears." The little party of Dutchmen advanced boldly with hatchets and pikes to kill a few of these monsters to take home, but it was harder work than they thought. The wind suddenly rose, too, and rent the ice into great pieces, so they had to content themselves by getting a few of their ivory teeth, which they reported to be half an ell long. With these and other treasures Barents was now forced to return from these high latitudes, and he sailed safely into the Texel after three and a half months' absence. His reports of Nova Zembla encouraged the merchants of Amsterdam to persevere in their search for the kingdoms of Cathay and China by the north-east, and a second expedition was fitted out under Barents the following year; but it started too late to accomplish much, and we must turn to the third expedition for the discovery which has for ever made famous the name of William Barents. It was yet early in the May of 1596 when he sailed from Amsterdam with two ships for the third and last time, bound once more for the frozen northern seas. By 1st June he had reached a region where there was no night, and a few days later a strange sight startled the whole crew, "for on each side of the sun there was another sun and two rainbows more, the one compassing round about the suns and the other right through the great circle," and they found they were "under 71 degrees of the height of the Pole." Sighting the North Cape of Lapland, they held on a north-westerly course till on 9th June they came upon a little island which they named Bear Island. Here they nearly met their end, for, having ascended a steep snow mountain on the island to look around them, they found it too slippery to descend. "We thought we should all have broken our necks, it was so slippery, but we sat up on the snow and slid down, which was very dangerous for us, and break both our arms and legs for that at the foot of the hill there were many rocks." Barents himself seems to have sat in the boat and watched them with intense anxiety. They were once more amid ice and Polar bears. In hazy weather they made their way north till on the 19th they saw land, and the "land was very great." They thought it was Greenland, but it was really Spitzbergen, of which he was thus the discoverer. Many things astonished the navigators here. Although they were in such high latitudes, they saw grass and leafy trees and such animals as bucks and harts, while several degrees to the south "there groweth neither leaves nor grass nor any beasts that eat grass or leaves, but only such beasts as eat flesh, as bears and foxes." [Illustration: BARENTS IN THE ARCTIC: "HUT WHEREIN WE WINTERED." From De Veer's account of the voyages of Barents, 1598.] By 1st July he had explored the western shore and was sailing south to Bear Island. He never landed on the coast of Spitzbergen: so we have no further account of this Arctic discovery. Sailing across the wide northern sea now known as Barents Sea, he made land again in the north of Nova Zembla, and, hugging the western shore, came to Ice Point. Here they were sorely harassed by Polar bears and floating ice and bitter gales of wind. Still they coasted on till they had rounded the northern end of Nova Zembla and unexpectedly sailed into a good harbour where they could anchor. The wind now blew with redoubled vigour, the "ice came mightily driving in" until the little ship was nearly surrounded, "and withal the wind began more and more to rise and the ice still drave harder and harder, so that our boat was broken in pieces between the ship and the ice, and it seemed as if the ship would be crushed in pieces too." As the August days passed on, they tried to get out of their prison, but it was impossible, and there was nothing for it but to winter "in great cold, poverty, misery, and grief" in this bleak and barren spot. The successful pilot was to explore no more, but the rest of the tragic tale must be shortly told. With the ice heaping high, "as the salt hills that are in Spain," and the ship in danger of going to pieces, they collected trees and roots driven on to the desolate shores from Tartary, "wherewith as if God had purposely sent them unto us we were much comforted." Through the September days they drew wood across the ice and snow to build a house for the winter. Only sixteen men could work and they were none too strong and well. [Illustration: BARENTS'S SHIP AMONG THE ARCTIC ICE. From a coloured woodcut in the account of Barents's three voyages by Gerard de Veer, published in 1598.] Throughout October and November they were snowed up in their winter hut, with "foul stormie weather" outside, the wind blowing ceaselessly out of the north and snow lying deep around. They trapped a few foxes from day to day to eat, making warm caps out of their fur; they heated stones and took them into their cabin beds, but their sheets froze as they washed them and at last their clock froze too. "They looked pitifully upon one another, being in great fear that if the extremity of the cold grew to be more and more we should all die there with the cold." Christmas came and went and they comforted one another by remembering that the sun was as low as it could go, and that it must begin to come to them again; but "as the day lengthens, so the cold strengthens," and the snow now lay deeper until it covered the roof of their house. The New Year found them still imprisoned, "with great cold, danger, and disease." January, February, March, April passed and still the little ship was stuck fast in the ice. But as the sun began to gain power, hope revived, and they began to repair their boats, to make new sails, and repair tackle. They were too weak and ill to do much work, but by the middle of June the boats were fairly ready and they could cut a way through the ice to the open sea. This was their only hope of escape, to leave the ship behind and embark in two little open boats for the open sea. "Then William Barents wrote a letter, which he put into a musket's charge and hanged it up in the chimney, showing how we came out of Holland to sail to the kingdom of China, and how we had been forced in our extremity to make that house and had dwelt ten months therein, and how we were forced to put to sea in two small open boats, for that the ship lay fast in the ice." Barents himself was now too ill to walk, so they carried him to one of the little boats, and on 14th June 1597 the little party put off from their winter quarters and sailed round to Ice Point. But the pilot was dying. "Are we about Ice Point?" he asked feebly. "If we be, then I pray you lift me up, for I must view it once again." Then suddenly the wind began to rise, driving the ice so fast upon them "that it made our hair stand upright upon our heads, it was so fearful to behold, so that we thought verily that it was a foreshadowing of our last end." They drew the boats up on to the ice and lifted the sick commander out and laid him on the icy ground, where a few days later he died--"our chief guide and only pilot on whom we reposed ourselves next under God." The rest of the story is soon told. On 1st November 1597 some twelve gaunt and haggard men, still wearing caps of white fox and coats of bearskin, having guided their little open boats all the way from Nova Zembla, arrived at Amsterdam and told the story of their exploration to the astonished merchants, who had long since given them up as dead. It was not till 1871 that Barents' old winter quarters on Nova Zembla were discovered. "There stood the cooking-pans over the fireplace, the old clocks against the wall, the arms, the tools, the drinking vessels, the instruments and the books that had beguiled the weary hours of that long night, two hundred and seventy-eight years ago." Among the relics were a pair of small shoes and a flute which had belonged to a little cabin-boy who had died during the winter. CHAPTER XXXVII HUDSON FINDS HIS BAY Henry Hudson was another victim to perish in the hopeless search for a passage to China by the north. John Davis had been dead two years, but not till after he had piloted the first expedition undertaken by the newly formed East India Company for commerce with India and the East. It was now more important than ever to find a short way to these countries other than round by the Cape of Good Hope. So Henry Hudson was employed by the Muscovy Company "to discover a shorter route to Cathay _by sailing over the North Pole_." He knew the hardships of the way; he must have realised the fate of Willoughby, the failure of Frobisher, the sufferings of Barents and his men, the difficulties of Davis--indeed, it is more than probable that he had listened to Davis speaking on the subject of Arctic exploration to the merchants of London at his uncle's house at Mortlake. Never did man start on a bolder or more perilous enterprise than did this man, when he started for the North Pole in a little boat of eighty tons, with his little son Jack, two mates, and a crew of eight men. "Led by Hudson with the fire of a great faith in his eyes, the men solemnly marched to St. Ethelburga Church, off Bishopsgate Street, London, to partake of Holy Communion and ask God's aid. Back to the muddy water front, opposite the Tower, a hearty God-speed from the gentlemen of the Muscovy Company, pompous in self-importance and lace ruffles--and the little crew steps into a clumsy river-boat with brick-red sails." After a six weeks' tumble over a waste of waters, Hudson arrived off the coast of Greenland, the decks of the little _Hopewell_ coated with ice, her rigging and sails hard as boards, and a north-east gale of wind and snow against her. A barrier of ice forbade further advance; but, sailing along the edge of this barrier--the first navigator to do so--he made for the coast of Spitzbergen, already roughly charted by Barents. Tacking up the west coast to the north, Hudson now explored further the fiords, islands, and harbours, naming some of them--notably Whale Bay and Hakluyt Headland, which may be seen on our maps of to-day. By 13th July he had reached his Farthest North, farther than any explorer had been before him, farther than any to be reached again for over one hundred and fifty years. It was a land of walrus, seal, and Polar bear; but, as usual, ice shut off all further attempts to penetrate the mysteries of the Pole, thick fog hung around the little ship, and with a fair wind Hudson turned southward. "It pleased God to give us a gale and away we steered," says the old ship log. Hudson would fain have steered Greenland way and had another try for the north. But his men wanted to go home, and home they went, through "slabbie" weather. But the voice of the North was still calling Hudson, and he persuaded the Muscovy Company to let him go off again. This he did in the following year. Only three of his former crew volunteered for service, and one of these was his son. But this expedition was devoid of result. The icy seas about Nova Zembla gave no hope of a passage in this direction, and, "being void of hope, the wind stormy and against us, much ice driving, we weighed and set sail westward." [Illustration: HUDSON'S MAP OF HIS VOYAGES IN THE ARCTIC. From his book published in 1612.] Hudson's voyages for the Muscovy Company had already come under the notice of the Dutch, who were vying with the English for the discovery of this short route to the East. Hudson was now invited to undertake an expedition for the Dutch East India Company, and he sailed from Amsterdam in the early spring of 1609 in a Dutch ship called the _Half-Moon_, with a mixed crew of Dutch and English, including once more his own son. Summer found the enthusiastic explorer off the coast of Newfoundland, where some cod-fishing refreshed the crews before they sailed on south, partly seeking an opening to the west, partly looking for the colony of Virginia, under Hudson's friend, Captain John Smith. In hot, misty weather they cruised along the coast. They passed what is now Massachusetts, "an Indian country of great hills--a very sweet land." On 7th August, Hudson was near the modern town of New York, so long known as New Amsterdam, but mist hid the low-lying hills and the _Half-Moon_ drifted on to James River; then, driven back by a heat hurricane, he made for the inlet on the old charts, which might lead yet east. It was 2nd September when he came to the great mouth of the river that now bears his name. He had been beating about all day in gales and fogs, when "the sun arose and we saw the land all like broken islands. From the land which we had first sight of, we came to a large lake of water, like drowned land, which made it to rise like islands. The mouth hath many shores and the sea breaketh on them. This is a very good land to fall in with, and a pleasant land to see. At three of the clock in the afternoon we came to three great rivers. We found a very good harbour and went in with our ship. Then we took our nets to fish and caught ten great mullets of a foot and a half long each, and a ray as great as four men could haul into the ship. The people of the country came aboard of us, seeming very glad of our coming, and brought green tobacco--they go in deer skins, well-dressed, they desire clothes and are very civil--they have great store of maize, whereof they make good bread. The country is full of great and tall oaks." To this he adds that the women had red copper tobacco pipes, many of them being dressed in mantles of feathers or furs, but the natives proved treacherous. Sailing up the river, Hudson found it a mile broad, with high land on both sides. By the night of 19th September the little _Half-Moon_ had reached the spot where the river widens near the modern town of Albany. He had sailed for the first time the distance covered to-day by magnificent steamers which ply daily between Albany and New York city. Hudson now went ashore with an old chief of the country. "Two men were dispatched in quest of game," so records Hudson's manuscript, "who brought in a pair of pigeons. They likewise killed a fat dog and skinned it with great haste with shells. The land is the finest for cultivation that ever I in my life set foot upon." Hudson had not found a way to China, but he had found the great and important river that now bears his name. Yet he was to do greater things than these, and to lose his life in the doing. The following year, 1610, found him once more bound for the north, continuing the endless search for a north-west passage--this time for the English, and not for the Dutch. On board the little _Discovery_ of fifty-five tons, with his young son, Jack, still his faithful companion, with a treacherous old man as mate, who had accompanied him before, with a good-for-nothing young spendthrift taken at the last moment "because he wrote a good hand," and a mixed crew, Hudson crossed the wide Atlantic for the last time. He sailed by way of Iceland, where "fresh fish and dainty fowl, partridges, curlew, plover, teale, and goose" much refreshed the already discontented crews, and the hot baths of Iceland delighted them. The men wanted to return to the pleasant land discovered in the last expedition, but the mysteries of the frozen North still called the old explorer, and he steered for Greenland. He was soon battling with ice upon the southern end of "Desolation," whence he crossed to the snowy shores of Labrador, sailing into the great straits that bear his name to-day. For three months they sailed aimlessly about that "labyrinth without end" as it was called by Abacuk Prickett who wrote the account of this fourth and last voyage of Henry Hudson. But they could find no opening to the west, no way of escape. [Illustration: A SHIP OF HUDSON'S FLEET. From his _Voyages_, 1612.] Winter was coming on, "the nights were long and cold, and the earth was covered with snow." They were several hundred miles south of the straits, and no way had been found to the Pacific; they had followed the south shore "to the westernmost bay of all," James Bay, but lo! there was no South Sea. Hudson recognised the fact that he was land-bound and winter-bound in a desolate region, with a discontented crew, and that the discontent was amounting to mutiny. On 1st November they hauled up the ship and selected a wintering place. Ten days later they were frozen in, and snow was falling continuously every day. "We were victualled for six months, and of that which was good," runs the record. For the first three months they shot "partridges as white as milk," but these left with the advent of spring, and hunger seized on the handful of Englishmen wintering in this unknown land. "Then we went into the woods, hills, and valleys--and the moss and the frog were not spared." Not till the month of May did the ice begin to melt and the men could fish. The first day this was possible they caught "five hundred fish as big as good herrings and some trout," which revived their hopes and their health. Hudson made a last despairing effort to find a westward passage. But now the men rose in mutiny. "We would rather be hanged at home than starved abroad!" they cried miserably. So Hudson "fitted all things for his return, and first delivered all the bread out of the bread room (which came to a pound apiece for every man's share), and he wept when he gave it unto them." It was barely sufficient for fourteen days, and even with the fourscore small fish they had caught it was "a poor relief for so many hungry bellies." With a fair wind in the month of June, the little _Discovery_ was headed for home. A few days later she was stopped by ice. Mutiny now burst forth. The "master" and his men had lost confidence in each other. There were ruffians on board, rendered almost wild by hunger and privation. There is nothing more tragic in the history of exploration than the desertion of Henry Hudson and his boy in their newly discovered bay. Every detail of the conspiracy is given by Prickett. We know how the rumour spread, how the crew resolved to turn the "master" and the sick men adrift and to share the remaining provisions among themselves. And how in the early morning Hudson was seized and his arms bound behind him. "What does this mean?" he cried. "You will know soon enough when you are in the shallop," they replied. The boat was lowered and into it Hudson was put with his son, while the "poor, sick, and lame men were called upon to get them out of their cabins into the shallop." Then the mutineers lowered some powder and shot, some pikes, an iron pot, and some meal into her, and the little boat was soon adrift with her living freight of suffering, starving men--adrift in that icebound sea, far from home and friends and all human help. At the last moment the carpenter sprang into the drifting boat, resolved to die with the captain sooner than desert him. Then the _Discovery_ flew away with all sail up as from an enemy. And "the master" perished--how and when we know not. Fortunately the mutineers took home Hudson's journals and charts. Ships were sent out to search for the lost explorer, but the silence has never been broken since that summer's day three hundred years ago, when he was deserted in the waters of his own bay. CHAPTER XXXVIII BAFFIN FINDS HIS BAY Two years only after the tragedy of Henry Hudson, another Arctic explorer appears upon the scene. William Baffin was already an experienced seaman in the prime of life; he had made four voyages to the icy north, when he was called on by the new Company of Merchants of London--"discoverers of the North-West Passage"--formed in 1612, to prepare for another voyage of discovery. Distressed beyond measure at the desertion of Henry Hudson, the Muscovy Company had dispatched Sir Thomas Button with our old friend Abacuk Prickett to show him the way. Button had reached the western side of Hudson's Bay, and after wintering there returned fully convinced that a north-west passage existed in this direction. Baffin returned from an expedition to Greenland the same year. The fiords and islets of west Greenland, the ice-floes and glaciers of Spitzbergen, the tidal phenomena of Hudson's Strait, and the geographical secrets of the far-northern bay were all familiar to him. "He was, therefore, chosen as mate and associate" to Bylot, one of the men who had deserted Hudson, but who had sailed three times with him previously and knew well the western seas. So in "the good ship called the _Discovery_," of fifty-five tons, with a crew of fourteen men and two boys, William Baffin sailed for the northern seas. May found the expedition on the coast of Greenland, with a gale of wind and great islands of ice. However, Baffin crossed Davis Strait, and after a struggle with ice at the entrance to Hudson's Strait he sailed along the northern side till he reached a group of islands which he named Savage Islands. For here were Eskimos again--very shy and fearful of the white strangers. "Among their tents," relates Baffin, "all covered with seal skins, were running up and down about forty dogs, most of them muzzled, about the bigness of our mongrel mastiffs, being a brindled black colour, looking almost like wolves. These dogs they used instead of horses, or rather as the Lapps do their deer, to draw their sledges from place to place over the ice, their sledges being shod or lined with bones of great fishes to keep them from wearing out, and the dogs have furniture and collars very fitting." The explorers went on bravely till they were stopped by masses of ice. They thought they must be at the mouth of a large bay, and, seeing no prospect of a passage to the west, they turned back. When, two hundred years later, Parry sailed in Baffin's track he named this place Baffin Land "out of respect to the memory of that able and enterprising navigator." The _Discovery_ arrived in Plymouth Sound by September, _without the loss of one man_--a great achievement in these days of salt junk and scurvy. "And now it may be," adds Baffin, "that some expect I should give my opinion concerning the Passage. To these my answer must be that doubtless there _is_ a Passage. But within this Strait, which is called Hudson Strait, I am doubtful, supposing to the contrary." Baffin further suggested that if there was a Passage it must now be sought by Davis Strait. Accordingly another expedition was fitted out and Baffin had his instructions: "For your course, you must make all possible haste to Cape Desolation; and from hence you, William Baffin, as pilot, keep along the coast of Greenland and up Davis Strait, until you come toward the height of 80 degrees, if the land will give you leave. Then shape your course west and southerly, so far as you shall think it convenient, till you come to the latitude of 60 degrees, then direct your course to fall in with the land of _Yedzo_, leaving your further sailing southward to your own discretion: although our desires be if your voyage prove so prosperous that you may have the year before you that you go far south as that you may touch the north part of Japan from whence we would have you bring home one of the men of the country and so, God blessing you, with all expedition to make your return home again." The _Discovery_ had proved a good little ship for exploration, so she was again selected by Baffin for this new attempt in the far north. Upon 26th March 1616 she sailed from Gravesend, arriving off the coast of Greenland in the neighbourhood of Gilbert Sound about the middle of May. Working against terrible winds, they plied to the northward, the old ship making but slow progress, till at last they sighted "Sanderson his Hope," the farthest point of Master Davis. Once more English voices broke the silence of thirty years. The people who appeared on the shore were wretchedly poor. They lived on seals' flesh, which they ate raw, and clothed themselves in the skins. Still northwards they sailed, cruising along the western coast. Though the ice was beginning to disappear the weather kept bitterly cold, and on Midsummer Day the sails and ropes were frozen too hard to be handled. Stormy weather now forced them into a sound which they named Whale Sound from the number of whales they discovered here. It was declared by Baffin to be the "greatest and largest bay in these parts." But beyond this they could not go; so they sailed across the end of what we now know as Baffin's Bay and explored the opposite coast of America, naming one of the greater openings Lancaster Sound, after Sir James Lancaster of East India Company fame. "Here," says Baffin pitifully, "our hope of Passage began to grow less every day." It was the old story of ice, advancing season, and hasty conclusions. [Illustration: BAFFIN'S MAP OF HIS VOYAGES TO THE NORTH. From the original MS., drawn by Baffin, in the British Museum.] "There is no hope of Passage to the north of Davis' Straits," the explorer further asserts; but he asserts wrongly, for Lancaster Sound was to prove an open channel to the West. So he returned home. He had not found the Passage, but he had discovered the great northern sea that now bears his name. The size of it was for long plunged in obscurity, and the wildest ideas centred round the extent of this northern sea. A map of 1706 gives it an indefinite amount of space, adding vaguely: "Some will have Baffin's Bay to run as far as this faint Shadow," while a map of 1818 marks the bay, but adds that "it is not now believed." For the next two hundred years the icebound regions of the north were practically left free from invasion, silent, inhospitable, unapproachable. But while these Arctic explorers were busy battling with the northern seas to find a passage which should lead them to the wealth of the East, others were exploring the New World and endeavouring by land and river to attain the same end. CHAPTER XXXIX SIR WALTER RALEIGH SEARCHES FOR EL DORADO It is pleasant to turn from the icy regions of North America to the sunny South, and to follow the fortunes of that fine Elizabethan gentleman, Sir Walter Raleigh, to "the large, rich, and beautiful Empire of Guiana and the Great and Golden City of Manoa (which the Spaniards call El Dorado)." Ever since the conquest of Peru, sixty years before, there had floated about rumours of a great kingdom abounding in gold. The King of this Golden Land was sprinkled daily with gold dust, till he shone as the sun, while Manoa was full of golden houses and golden temples with golden furniture. The kingdom was wealthier than Peru; it was richer than Mexico. Expedition after expedition had left Spain in search of this El Dorado, but the region was still plunged in romantic mists. Raleigh had just failed to establish an English colony in Virginia. To gain a rich kingdom for his Queen, to extend her power and enrich her treasury was now his greatest object in life. What about El Dorado? "Oh, unwearied feet, travelling ye know not whither! Soon, soon, it seems to you, you must come forth on some conspicuous hilltop, and but a little way further, against the setting sun, descry the spires of El Dorado." February 1595 found him ready and leaving England with five ships and, after a good passage of forty-six days, landing on the island of Trinidad, and thence making his way to the mouth of the Orinoco. Here Raleigh soon found that it was impossible to enter the Orinoco with his English ships, but, nothing daunted, he took a hundred men and provisions for a month in three little open boats, and started forward to navigate this most difficult labyrinth of channels, out of which they were guided by an old Indian pilot named Ferdinando. They had much to observe. The natives, living along the river-banks, dwelt in houses all the summer, but in the winter months they constructed small huts to which they ascended by means of ladders. These folk were cannibals, but cannibals of a refined sort, who "beat the bones of their lords into powder" and mixed the powder with their drinks. The stream was very strong and rapid, and the men rowed against it in great discomfort, "the weather being extreme hot, the river bordered with very high trees that kept away the air, and the current against us every day stronger than the other," until they became, as Raleigh tells us, "wearied and scorched and doubtful." The heat increased as they advanced, and the crews grew weaker as the river "ran more violently against them." But Raleigh refused to return yet, lest "the world would laugh us to scorn." Fortunately delicious fruits hung over the banks of the Orinoco, and, having no bread and for water only the thick and troubled water of the river, they refreshed themselves gladly. So they rowed on up the great river, through province after province of the Indians, but no El Dorado appeared. Suddenly the scene changed as if by magic, the high banks giving way to low-lying plains; green grass grew close to the water's edge, and deer came down to feed. "I never saw a more beautiful country," says Raleigh, "nor more lively prospects, hills raised here and there over the valleys, the river winding into different branches, plains without bush or stubble, all fair green grass, deer crossing our path, the birds towards evening singing on every tree with a thousand several tunes, herons of white, crimson, and carnation perching on the riverside, the air fresh with a gentle wind, and every stone we stooped to pick up promised either gold or silver." His account of the great cataract at the junction of the tributary Caroni is very graphic. They had already heard the roar, so they ran to the tops of some neighbouring hills, discovering the wonderful "breach of waters" which ran down Caroli, and from that "mountain see the river how it ran in three parts, about twenty miles off, and there appeared some ten or twelve overfalls in sight, every one as high over the other as a church tower, which fell with that fury that the rebound of waters made it seem as if it had been all covered over with a great shower of rain; and in some places we took it at the first for a smoke that had risen over some great town." [Illustration: SIR WALTER RALEIGH.] The country was the province of Guiana, but it was not El Dorado, the object of their quest. And though it was very beautiful, it was inhabited by cannibals; moreover, winter was advancing, and they were already some four hundred miles from their ships in little open boats and in the heart of a strange country. Suddenly, too, the river began to rise, to "rage and overflow very fearfully," rain came down in torrents accompanied by great gusts of wind, and the crews with no change of clothes got wet through, sometimes ten times a day. "Whosoever had seen the fury of that river after it began to rise would perchance have turned his back somewhat sooner than we did if all the mountains had been gold or precious stones," remarked Raleigh, who indeed was no coward. So they turned the boats for home, and at a tremendous rate they spun down the stream, sometimes doing as much as one hundred miles a day, till after sundry adventures they safely reached their ships at anchor off Trinidad. Raleigh had not reached the golden city of Manoa, but he gave a very glowing account of this country to his Queen. "Guiana," he tells her, "is a country that hath yet her maidenhood. The face of the earth hath not been torn, the graves have not been opened for gold. It hath never been entered by any army of strength, and never conquered by any Christian prince. Men shall find here more rich and beautiful cities, more temples adorned with gold, than either Cortes found in Mexico or Pizarro in Peru, and the shining glory of this conquest will eclipse all those of the Spanish nation." But Raleigh had brought back no gold, and his schemes for a conquest of Guiana were received coldly by the Queen. She could not share his enthusiasm for the land-- "Where Orinoco, in his pride, Rolls to the main no tribute tide, But 'gainst broad Ocean wages far A rival sea of roaring war; While in ten thousand eddies driven The billows fling their foam to heaven; And the pale pilot seeks in vain Where rolls the river, where the main." But, besides the Orinoco in South America, there was the St. Lawrence in North America, still very imperfectly known. Since Jacques Cartier had penetrated the hitherto undisturbed regions lying about the "river of Canada," little had been explored farther west, till Samuel Champlain, one of the most remarkable men of his day, comes upon the scene, and was still discovering land to the west when Raleigh was making his second expedition to Guiana in the year 1617. [Illustration: RALEIGH'S MAP OF GUINEA, EL DORADO, AND THE ORINOCO COAST. From the original map, drawn by Raleigh, in the British Museum. This map, like so many of the older charts, is drawn upside down, the South being at the top and the East on the left, while the Panama Isthmus is at the bottom on the right. The river above the "Lake of Manoa" is the Amazon.] CHAPTER XL CHAMPLAIN DISCOVERS LAKE ONTARIO To discover a passage westward was still the main object of those who made their way up the Gulf of the St. Lawrence. This, too, was the object of Samuel Champlain, known as "the Father of New France," when he arrived with orders from France to establish an industrial colony "which should hold for that country the gateway of the Golden East." He had already ascended the river Saguenay, a tributary of the St. Lawrence, till stopped by rapids and rocks, and the natives had told him of a great salt sea to the north, which was Hudson's Bay, discovered some seven years later, in 1610. He now made his way to a spot called by the natives Quebec, a word meaning the strait or narrows, this being the narrowest place in the whole magnificent waterway. He had long been searching for a suitable site for a settlement, but "I could find none more convenient," he says, "or better situated than the point of Quebec, so called by the savages, which was covered with nut trees." Accordingly here, close to the present Champlain market, arose the nucleus of the city of Quebec--the great warehouse of New France. [Illustration: THE FIRST SETTLEMENT AT QUEBEC. From Champlain's _Voyages_, 1613. The bigger house in front is Champlain's own residence.] Having passed the winter of 1608 at Quebec, the passion of exploration still on him, in a little two-masted boat piloted by Indians, he went up the St. Lawrence, towards Cartier's Mont Royal. From out the thick forest land that lined its banks, Indians discovered the steel-clad strangers and gazed at them from the river-banks in speechless wonder. The river soon became alive with Indian canoes, but the Frenchmen made their way to the mouth of the Richelieu River, where they encamped for a couple of days' hunting and fishing. Then Champlain sailed on, his little two-masted boat outstripping the native canoes, till the unwelcome sound of rapids fell on the silent air, and through the dark foliage of the islet of St. John he could see "the gleam of snowy foam and the flash of hurrying waters." The Indians had assured him that his boat could pass unobstructed through the whole journey. "It afflicted me and troubled me exceedingly," he tells us, "to be obliged to return without having seen so great a lake, full of fair islands and bordered with the fine countries which they had described to me." He could not bear to give up the exploration into the heart of a land unvisited by white men. So, sending back his party, accompanied only by two Frenchmen as brave as himself, he stepped into an Indian canoe to be carried round the rapids and so continue his perilous journey--perilous, indeed, for bands of hostile natives lurked in the primeval forests that clothed the river-banks in dense masses. As they advanced the river widened out; the Indian canoes carried them safely over the broad stream shimmering in the summer sun till they came to a great silent lake over one hundred miles long, hitherto unexplored. The beauty of the new country is described with enthusiasm by the delighted explorer, but they were now in the Mohawk country and progress was fraught with danger. They travelled only by night and lay hidden by day in the depth of the forest, till they had reached the far end of the lake, named Lake Champlain after its discoverer. They were near the rocky promontory where Fort Ticonderoga was afterwards built, when they met a party of Iroquois; war-cries pealed across the waters of the lake, and by daybreak battle could no longer be averted. Champlain and his two companions, in doublet and hose, buckled on their breastplates, cuisses of steel and plumed helmets, and with sword and arquebus advanced. Their firearms won the day, but all hope of further advance was at an end, and Champlain returned to Quebec with his great story of new lands to the south. It was not till the spring of 1611 that he was again free to start on another exploring expedition into the heart of Canada. [Illustration: THE DEFEAT OF THE IROQUOIS BY CHAMPLAIN AND HIS PARTY ON LAKE CHAMPLAIN. From a drawing in Champlain's _Voyages_, 1613.] His journey to the rapids of the St. Louis has been well described: "Like specks on the broad bosom of the waters, two pigmy vessels held their course up the lonely St. Lawrence. They passed abandoned Tadoussac, the channel of Orleans, the tenantless rock of Quebec, the wide Lake of St. Peter with its crowded archipelago, and the forest plain of Montreal. All was solitude. Hochelaga had vanished, and of the savage population that Cartier had found sixty-eight years before, no trace remained." In a skiff with a few Indians, Champlain tried to pass the rapids of St. Louis; but oars, paddles, and poles alike proved vain against the foaming surges, and he was forced to return, but not till the Indians had drawn for him rude plans of the river above, with its chain of rapids and its lakes and its cataracts. They were quite impassable, said the natives, though, indeed, to these white strangers everything seemed possible. "These white men must have fallen from the clouds," they said. "How else could they have reached us through the woods and rapids which even we find it hard to pass?" Champlain wanted to get to the upper waters of the Ottawa River, to the land of the cannibal Nipissings, who dwelt on the lake that bears their name; but they were enemies, and the natives refused to advance into their country. Two years later he accomplished his desire, and found himself at last in the land of the Nipissings. He crossed their lake and steered his canoes down the French river. Days passed and no signs of human life appeared amid the rocky desolation, till suddenly three hundred savages, tattooed, painted, and armed, rushed out on them. Fortunately they were friendly, and it was from them that Champlain learned the good news that the great freshwater lake of the Hurons was close at hand. What if the Friar Le Caron, one of Champlain's party, had preceded him by a few days, Champlain was the first white man to give an account of it, if not the first to sail on its beautiful waters. For over one hundred miles he made his way along its eastern shores, until he reached a broad opening with fields of maize and bright patches of sunflower, from the seeds of which the Indians made their hair-oil. After staying a few days at a little Huron village where he was feasted by friendly natives, Champlain pushed on by Indian trails, passing village after village till he reached the narrow end of Lake Simcoe. A "shrill clamour of rejoicing and the screaming flight of terrified children" hailed his approach. The little fleet of canoes pursued their course along the lake and then down the chain of lakes leading to the river Trent. The inhabited country of the Hurons had now given place to a desolate region with no sign of human life, till from the mouth of the Trent, "like a flock of venturous wild fowl," they found themselves floating on the waters of Lake Ontario, across which they made their way safely. It was a great day in the life of Champlain when he found himself in the very heart of a hostile land, having discovered the chain of inland lakes of which he had heard so much. But they were now in the land of the Iroquois--deadly foes of the Hurons. There was nothing for it but to fight, and a great battle now took place between the rival tribes, every warrior yelling at the top of his voice. Champlain himself was wounded in the fray, and all further exploration had to be abandoned. He was packed up in a basket and carried away on the back of a Huron warrior. "Bundled in a heap," wrote the explorer, "doubled and strapped together after such a fashion that one could move no more than an infant in swaddling clothes, I never was in such torment in my life, for the pain of the wound was nothing to that of being bound and pinioned on the back of one of our savages. As soon as I could bear my weight, I got out of this prison." How Champlain wintered with the Hurons, who would not allow him to return to Quebec, how he got lost while hunting in one of the great forests in his eagerness to shoot a strange-looking bird, how the lakes and streams froze, and how his courage and endurance were sorely tried over the toilsome marches to Lake Simcoe, but how finally he reached Montreal by way of Nipissing and the Ottawa River, must be read elsewhere. Champlain's work as an explorer was done. Truly has he been called the Father of New France. He had founded Quebec and Montreal; he had explored Canada as no man has ever done before or since. Faithful to the passion of his life, he died in 1635 at Quebec--the city he had founded and loved. CHAPTER XLI EARLY DISCOVERERS OF AUSTRALIA While the French and English were feverishly seeking a way to the East, either by the North Pole or by way of America, the Dutch were busy discovering a new land in the Southern Seas. And as we have seen America emerging from the mist of ages in the sixteenth century, so now in the seventeenth we have the great Island Continent of Australia mysteriously appearing bit by bit out of the yet little-known Sea of the South. There is little doubt that both Portuguese and Spanish had touched on the western coast early in the sixteenth century, but gave no information about it beyond sketching certain rough and undefined patches of land and calling it Terra Australis in their early maps; no one seems to have thought this mysterious land of much importance. The maritime nations of that period carefully concealed their knowledge from one another. The proud Spaniard hated his Portuguese neighbour as a formidable rival in the race for wealth and fame, and the Dutchman, who now comes on the scene, was regarded by both as a natural enemy by land or sea. Magellan in 1520 discovered that the Terra Australis was not joined to South America, as the old maps had laid down; and we find Frobisher remarking in 1578 that "Terra Australis seemeth to be a great, firm land, lying under and about the South Pole, not thoroughly discovered. It is known at the south side of the Strait of Magellan and is called Terra del Fuego. It is thought this south land about the pole Antarctic is far bigger than the north land about the pole Arctic; but whether it be so or not, we have no certain knowledge, for we have no particular description thereof, as we have of the land about the North Pole." [Illustration: AN EARLY MAP OF "TERRA AUSTRALIS," CALLED "JAVA LA GRANDE" IN ITS SUPPOSED EASTERN PART. From the "Dauphin" map of 1546. There was then supposed to be a great mainland of Java, separated from the island of "Java Minor" by a narrow strait. See the copy of the whole of this map in colour, where it will be seen that the "Terra Australis" was supposed to stretch from east to west.] And even one hundred years later the mystery was not cleared up. "This land about the straits is not perfectly discovered whether it be continent or islands. Some take it for continent, esteeming that Terra Australis or the Southern Continent may for the largeness thereof take a first place in the division of the whole world." The Spaniards were still masters of the sea, when one Lieutenant Torres first sailed through the strait dividing Australia from New Guinea, already discovered in 1527. As second in command, he had sailed from America under a Spaniard, De Quiros, in 1605, and in the Pacific they had come across several island groups. Among others they sighted the island group now known as the New Hebrides. Quiros supposed that this was the continent for which he was searching, and gave it the name of "Terra Australis del Espirito Santo." And then a curious thing happened. "At one hour past midnight," relates Torres in his account of the voyage, "the _Capitana_ (Quiros' ship) departed without any notice given us and without making any signal." After waiting for many days, Torres at last set sail, and, having discovered that the supposed land was only an island, he made his way along the dangerous coast of New Guinea to Manila, thus passing through the straits that were afterwards named after him, and unconsciously passing almost within sight of the very continent for which he was searching. This was the end of Spanish enterprise for the present. The rivals for sea-power in the seventeenth century were England and Holland. Both had recently started East India Companies, both were keen to take a large part in East Indian trade and to command the sea. For a time the Dutch had it all their own way; they devoted themselves to founding settlements in the East Indies, ever hoping to discover new islands in the South Seas as possible trade centres. Scientific discovery held little interest for them. As early as 1606 a Dutch ship--the little _Sun_--had been dispatched from the Moluccas to discover more about the land called by the Spaniards New Guinea, because of its resemblance to the West African coast of Guinea. But the crews were greeted with a shower of arrows as they attempted a landing, and with nine of their party killed, they returned disheartened. A more ambitious expedition was fitted out in 1617 by private adventurers, and two ships--the _Unity_ and the _Horn_--sailed from the Texel under the command of a rich Amsterdam merchant named Isaac Le Maire and a clever navigator, Cornelius Schouten of Horn. Having been provided with an English gunner and carpenter, the ships were steered boldly across the Atlantic. Hitherto the object of the expedition had been kept a secret, but on crossing the line the crews were informed that they were bound for the Terra Australis del Espirito Santo of Quiros. The men had never heard of the country before, and we are told they wrote the name in their caps in order to remember it. By midwinter they had reached the eastern entrance of the Straits of Magellan, through which many a ship had passed since the days of Magellan, some hundred years before this. Unfortunately, while undergoing some necessary repairs here, the little _Horn_ caught fire and was burnt out, the crews all having to crowd on to the _Unity_. Instead of going through the strait they sailed south and discovered Staaten Land, which they thought might be a part of the southern continent for which they were seeking. We now know it to be an island, whose heights are covered with perpetual snow. It was named by Schouten after the Staaten or States-General of Holland. Passing through the strait which divided the newly discovered land from the Terra del Fuego (called later the Straits of Le Maire after its discoverer), the Dutchmen found a great sea full of whales and monsters innumerable. Sea-mews larger than swans, with wings stretching six feet across, fled screaming round the ship. The wind was against them, but after endless tacking they reached the southern extremity of land, which Schouten named after his native town and the little burnt ship--_Horn_--and as Cape Horn it is known to-day. But the explorers never reached the Terra Australis. Their little ship could do no more, and they sailed to Java to repair. Many a name on the Australian map to-day testifies to Dutch enterprise about this time. In 1616, Captain Dirck Hartog of Amsterdam discovered the island that bears his name off the coast of Western Australia. A few years later the captain of a Dutch ship called the _Lewin_ or _Lioness_ touched the south-west extremity of the continent, calling that point Cape Lewin. Again a few years and we find Captain Nuyts giving his name to a part of the southern coast, though the discovery seems to have been accidental. In 1628, Carpentaria received its name from Carpenter, a governor of the East India Company. Now, one day a ship from Carpenter's Land returned laden with gold and spice; and though certain men had their suspicions that these riches had been fished out of some large ship wrecked upon the inhospitable coast, yet a little fleet of eleven ships was at once dispatched to reconnoitre further. Captain Pelsart commanded the _Batavia_, which in a great storm was separated from the other ships and driven alone on to the shoals marked as the Abrolhos (a Portuguese word meaning "Open your eyes," implying a sharp lookout for dangerous reefs) on the west coast of Australia. It was night when the ship struck, and Captain Pelsart was sick in bed. He ran hastily on to the deck. The moon shone bright. The sails were up. The sea appeared to be covered with white foam. Captain Pelsart charged the master with the loss of the ship, and asked him "in what part of the world he thought they were." "God only knows that," replied the master, adding that the ship was fast on a bank hitherto undiscovered. Suddenly a dreadful storm of wind and rain arose, and, being surrounded with rocks and shoals, the ship was constantly striking. "The women, children, and sick people were out of their wits with fear," so they decided to land these on an island for "their cries and noise served only to disturb them." The landing was extremely difficult owing to the rocky coast, where the waves were dashing high. When the weather had moderated a bit, Captain Pelsart took the ship and went in search of water, thereby exploring a good deal of coast, which, he remarked, "resembled the country near Dover." But his exploration amounted to little, and the account of his adventures is mostly taken up with an account of the disasters that befell the miserable party left on the rock-bound islands of Abrolhos--conspiracies, mutinies, and plots. His was only one of many adventures on this unknown and inhospitable coast, which about this time, 1644, began to take the name of New Holland. [Illustration: THE WRECK OF CAPTAIN PELSART'S SHIP THE _BATAVIA_ ON THE COAST OF NEW HOLLAND, 1644. From the Dutch account of Pelsart's _Voyages_, 1647.] CHAPTER XLII TASMAN FINDS TASMANIA At this time Anthony Van Diemen was governor at Batavia, and one of his most trusted commanders was Abel Tasman. In 1642, Tasman was given command of two ships "for making discoveries of the Unknown South Land," and, hoisting his flag on board the _Sea-Hen_, he sailed south from Batavia without sighting the coast of Australia. Despite foggy weather, "hard gales, and a rolling sea," he made his way steadily south. It was three months before land was sighted, and high mountains were seen to the southeast. The ship stood in to shore. "As the land has not been known before to any European, we called it Anthony Van Diemen's Land in honour of our Governor-General, who sent us out to make discoveries. I anchored in a bay and heard the sound of people upon the shore, but I saw nobody. I perceived in the sand the marks of wild beasts' feet, resembling those of a tiger." Setting up a post with the Dutch East India Company's mark, and leaving the Dutch flag flying, Tasman left Van Diemen's Land, which was not to be visited again for over one hundred years, when it was called after its first discoverer. He had no idea that he was on an island. Tasman now sailed east, and after about a week at sea he discovered a high mountainous country, which he named "Staaten Land." "We found here abundance of inhabitants: they had very hoarse voices and were very large-made people; they were of colour between brown and yellow, their hair long and thick, combed up and fixed on the top of their heads with a quill in the very same manner that Japanese fastened their hair behind their heads." Tasman anchored on the north coast of the south island of New Zealand, but canoes of warlike Maoris surrounded the ships, a conflict took place in which several Dutch seamen were killed, the weather grew stormy, and Tasman sailed away from the bay he named Murderer's Bay--rediscovered by Captain Cook about a hundred years later. "This is the second country discovered by us," says 'Tasman. "We named it Staaten Land in honour of the States-General. It is possible that it may join the other Staaten Land (of Schouten and Le Maire to the south of Terra del Fuego), but it is uncertain; it is a very fine country, and we hope it is part of the unknown south continent." Is it necessary to add that this Staaten Land was really New Zealand, and the bay where the ships anchored is now known as Tasman Bay? When the news of Tasman's discoveries was noised abroad, all the geographers, explorers, and discoverers at once jumped to the conclusion that this was the same land on whose coast Pelsart had been wrecked. "It is most evident," they said, "that New Guinea, Carpentaria, New Holland, Van Diemen's Land make all one continent, from which New Zealand seems to be separated by a strait, and perhaps is part of another continent answering to Africa as this plainly does to America, making indeed a very large country." After a ten months' cruise Tasman returned to Batavia. He had found Van Diemen's Land and New Zealand, without sighting Australia. A second expedition was now fitted out. The instructions for the commodore, Captain Abel Jansen Tasman, make interesting reading. The orders are detailed and clear. He will start the end of January 1644, and "we shall expect you in July following attended with good success." "Of all the lands, countries, islands, capes, inlets, bays, rivers, shoals, reefs, sands, cliffs, and rocks which you pass in this discovery you are to make accurate maps--be particularly careful about longitude and latitude. But be circumspect and prudent in landing with small craft, because at several times New Guinea has been found to be inhabited by cruel, wild savages. When you converse with any of these savages behave well and friendly to them, and try by all means to engage their affection to you. You are to show the samples of the goods which you carry along with you, and inquire what materials and goods they possess. To prevent any other European nation from reaping the fruits of our labour in these discoveries, you are everywhere to take possession in the name of the Dutch East India Company, to put up some sign, erect a stone or post, and carve on them the arms of the Netherlands. The yachts are manned with one hundred and eleven persons, and for eight months plentifully victualled. Manage everything well and orderly, take notice you see the ordinary portion of two meat and two pork days, and a quarter of vinegar and a half-quarter of sweet oil per week." [Illustration: VAN DIEMAN'S LAND AND TWO OF TASMAN'S SHIPS. From the map drawn by Tasman in his "Journal."] He was to coast along New Guinea to the farthest-known spot, and to follow the coast _despite adverse winds_, in order that the Dutch might be sure "whether this land is not divided from the great known South Continent or not." What he accomplished on this voyage is best seen in "The complete map of the Southern Continent surveyed by Captain Abel Tasman," which was inlaid on the floor of the large hall in the Stadthouse at Amsterdam. The Great South Land was henceforth known as New Holland. CHAPTER XLIII DAMPIER DISCOVERS HIS STRAIT It was not long before the great stretch of coast-line carefully charted by Tasman became known to the English, and while the Dutch were yet busy exploring farther, Dampier--the first Englishman to visit the country--had already set foot on its shores. "We lie entirely at the mercy of the Dutch East India Company's geography for the outline of this part of the coast of New Holland: for it does not appear that the ships of any other nation have ever approached it," says an old history of the period. Some such information as this became known in South America, in which country the English had long been harassing the Spaniards. It reached the ears of one William Dampier, a Somersetshire man, who had lived a life of romance and adventure with the buccaneers, pillaging and plundering foreign ships in these remote regions of the earth. He had run across the Southern Pacific carrying his life in his hand. He had marched across the isthmus of Panama--one hundred and ten miles in twenty-three days--through deep and swiftly flowing rivers, dense growths of tropical vegetation full of snakes, his only food being the flesh of monkeys. Such was the man who now took part in a privateering cruise under Captain Swan, bound for the East Indies. On 1st March 1686, Swan and Dampier sailed away from the coast of Mexico on the voyage that led to Dampier's circumnavigation of the globe. For fifty days they sailed without sighting land, and when at last they found themselves off the island of Guam, they had only three days' food left, and the crews were busy plotting to kill Captain Swan and eat him, the other commanders sharing the same fate in turn. "Ah, Dampier," said Captain Swan, when he and all the men had refreshed themselves with food, "you would have made but a poor meal," for Dampier was as lean as the Captain was "fat and fleshy." Soon, however, fresh trouble arose among the men. Captain Swan lost his life, and Dampier on board the little _Cygnet_ sailed hurriedly for the Spice Islands. [Illustration: DAMPIER'S SHIP THE _CYGNET_. From a drawing in the Dutch edition of his _Voyage Round the World_, 1698.] He was now on the Australian parallels, "in the shadow of a world lying dark upon the face of the ocean." It was January 1688 when Dampier sighted the coast of New Holland and anchored in a bay, which they named Cygnet Bay after their ship, somewhere off the northern coast of eastern Australia. Here, while the ship was undergoing repairs, Dampier makes his observations. "New Holland," he tells us, "is a very large tract of land. It is not yet determined whether it is an island or a main continent, but I am certain that it joins neither to Africa, Asia, or America." "The inhabitants of this country," he tells us, "are the miserablest people in the world. They have no houses, but lie in the open air without any covering, the earth being their bed and the heaven their canopy. Their food is a small sort of fish, which they catch at low tide, while the old people that are not able to stir abroad by reason of their age and the tender infants wait their return, and what Providence has bestowed on them they presently broil on the coals and eat it in common. They are tall and thin, and of a very unpleasing aspect; their hair is black, short, and curled, like that of the negroes of Guinea." This Englishman's first description of the Australian natives cannot fail to be interesting. "After we had been here a little while, we clothed some of the men, designing to have some service from them for it; for we found some wells of water here, and intended to carry two or three barrels of it aboard. But it being somewhat troublesome to carry to the canoes, we thought to have made these men to have carry'd it for us, and therefore we gave them some clothes; to one an old pair of breeches, to another a ragged shirt, to a third a jacket that was scarce worth owning. We put them on, thinking that this finery would have brought them to work heartily for us; and our water being filled in small, long barrels, about six gallons in each, we brought these our new servants to the wells and put a barrel on each of their shoulders. But they stood like statues, without motion, but grinn'd like so many monkeys staring one upon another. So we were forced to carry the water ourselves." They had soon had enough of the new country, weighed anchor, and steered away to the north. Dampier returned to England even a poorer man than he had left it twelve years before. After countless adventures and hairbreadth escapes, after having sailed entirely round the world, he brought back with him nothing but one unhappy black man, "Prince Jeoly," whom he had bought for sixty dollars. He had hoped to recoup himself by showing the poor native with his rings and bracelets and painted skin, but he was in such need of money on landing that he gladly sold the poor black man on his arrival in the Thames. But Dampier had made himself a name as a successful traveller, and in 1699 he was appointed by the King, William III., to command the _Roebuck_, two hundred and ninety tons, with a crew of fifty men and provisions for twenty months. Leaving England in the middle of January 1699, he sighted the west coast of New Holland toward the end of July, and anchored in a bay they called Sharks Bay, not far from the rocks where the _Batavia_ was wrecked with Captain Pelsart in 1629. He gives us a graphic picture of this place, with its sweet-scented trees, its shrubs gay as the rainbow with blossoms and berries, its many-coloured vegetation, its fragrant air and delicious soil. The men caught sharks and devoured them with relish, which speaks of scarce provisions. Inside one of the sharks (eleven feet long) they found a hippopotamus. "The flesh of it was divided among my men," says the Captain, "and they took care that no waste should be made of it, but thought it, as things stood, good entertainment." As it had been with Pelsart, so now with Dampier, fresh water was the difficulty, and they sailed north-east in search of it. They fell in with a group of small rocky islands still known as Dampier's Archipelago, one island of which they named Rosemary Island, because "there grow here two or three sorts of shrubs, one just like rosemary." Once again he comes across natives--"very much the same blinking creatures, also abundance of the same kind of flesh-flies teasing them, with the same black skins and hair frizzled." Indeed, he writes as though the whole country of New Holland was a savage and worthless land inhabited by dreadful monsters. "If it were not," he writes, "for that sort of pleasure which results from the discovery even of the barrenest spot upon the globe, this coast of New Holland would not have charmed me much." His first sight of the kangaroo--now the emblem of Australia--is interesting. He describes it as "a sort of raccoon, different from that of the West Indies, chiefly as to the legs, for these have very short fore-legs, but go jumping upon them as the others do, and like them are very good meat." This must have been the small kangaroo, for the large kind was not found till later by Captain Cook in New South Wales. But Dampier and his mates could not find fresh water, and soon wearied of the coast of New Holland; an outbreak of scurvy, too, decided them to sail away in search of fresh foods. Dampier had spent five weeks cruising off the coast; he had sailed along some nine hundred miles of the Australian shore without making any startling discoveries. A few months later the _Roebuck_ stood off the coast of New Guinea, "a high and mountainous country, green and beautiful with tropical vegetation, and dark with forests and groves of tall and stately trees." Innumerable dusky-faced natives peeped at the ship from behind the rocks, but they were not friendly, and this they showed by climbing the cocoanut trees and throwing down cocoanuts at the English, with passionate signs to them to depart. But with plenty of fresh water, this was unlikely, and the crews rowed ashore, killed and salted a good load of wild hogs, while the savages still peeped at them from afar. Thus then they sailed on, thinking they were still coasting New Guinea. So doing, they arrived at the straits which still bear the name of the explorer, and discovered a little island which he called New Britain. He had now been over fifteen months at sea and the _Roebuck_ was only provisioned for twenty months, so Dampier, who never had the true spirit of the explorer in him, left his discoveries and turned homewards. The ship was rotten, and it took three months to repair her at Batavia before proceeding farther. With pumps going night and day, they made their way to the Cape of Good Hope; but off the island of Ascension the _Roebuck_ went down, carrying with her many of Dampier's books and papers. But though many of the papers were lost, the "Learned and Faithful Dampier" as he is called, the "Prince of Voyagers," has left us accounts of his adventures unequalled in those strenuous ocean-going days for their picturesque and graphic details. [Illustration: DAMPIER'S STRAITS AND THE ISLAND OF NEW BRITAIN. From a map in Dampier's _Voyages_, 1697.] CHAPTER XLIV BEHRING FINDS HIS STRAIT In the great work of Arctic exploration during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, it is to England and Russia that we owe our knowledge at the present day. It is well known how Peter the Great of Russia journeyed to Amsterdam to learn shipbuilding under the Dutch, and to England to learn the same art under the English, and how the Russian fleet grew in his reign. Among the Danish shipbuilders at Petersburg was one Vitus Behring, already a bold and able commander on the high seas. The life of the great Russian Czar was drawing to its close--he was already within a few weeks of the end--when he planned an expedition under this same Vitus Behring, for which he wrote the instructions with his own hands. "(1) At Kamtchatka two decked boats are to be built. (2) With these you are to sail northward along the coast and, as the end of the coast is not known, this land is undoubtedly America. (3) For this reason you are to inquire where the American coast begins, and go to some European colony and, when European ships are seen, you are to ask what the coast is called, note it down, make a landing, and after having charted the coast return." Were Asia and America joined together, or was there a strait between the two? The question was yet undecided in 1725. Indeed, the east coast of Asia was only known as far as the island of Yezo, while the Pacific coast of America had been explored no farther than New Albion. Peter the Great died on 28th January 1725. A week later Behring started for Kamtchatka. Right across snow-covered Russia to the boundary of Siberia he led his expedition. March found him at Tobolsk. With rafts and boats they then made their way by the Siberian rivers till they reached Yakutsk, where they spent their first winter. Not till the middle Of June 1726 did Behring reach the capital of East Siberia. The rest of the journey was through utterly unknown land. It was some six hundred and eighty-five miles eastwards to Okhotsk through a rough and mountainous country, cut up by deep and bridgeless streams; the path lay over dangerous swamps and through dense forest. The party now divided. Behring, with two hundred horses, travelled triumphantly, if painfully, to Okhotsk in forty-five days. The town consisted of eleven huts containing Russian families who lived by fishing. Snow lay deep on the frozen ground, and the horses died one by one for lack of food, but the undaunted explorer had soon got huts ready for the winter, which was to be spent in felling trees and pushing forward the building of his ship, the _Fortuna_, for the coming voyage of discovery. Behring himself had made a successful journey to the coast, but some of the party encountered terrible hardships, and it was midsummer 1727 before they arrived, while others were overtaken by winter in the very heart of Siberia and had to make their way for the last three hundred miles on foot through snow in places six feet deep. Their food was finished, famine became a companion to cold, and they were obliged to gnaw their shoes and straps and leathern bags. Indeed, they must have perished had they not stumbled on Behring's route, where they found his dead horses. But at last all was ready and the little ship _Fortuna_ was sailing bravely across the Sea of Okhotsk some six hundred and fifty miles to the coast of Kamtchatka. This she did in sixteen days. The country of Kamtchatka had now to be crossed, and with boats and sledges this took the whole winter. It was a laborious undertaking following the course of the Kamtchatka River; the expedition had to camp in the snow, and few natives were forthcoming for the transport of heavy goods. It was not till March 1728 that Behring reached his goal, Ostrog, a village near the sea, inhabited by a handful of Cossacks. From this point, on the bleak shores of the Arctic sea, the exploring party were ordered to start. It had taken over three years to reach this starting-point, and even now a seemingly hopeless task lay before them. After hard months of shipbuilding, the stout little _Gabriel_ was launched, her timber had been hauled to Ostrog by dogs, while the rigging, cable, and anchors had been dragged nearly two thousand miles through one of the most desolate regions of the earth. As to the food on which the explorers lived: "Fish oil was their butter and dried fish their beef and pork. Salt they were obliged to get from the sea." Thus supplied with a year's provisions, Behring started on his voyage of discovery along an unknown coast and over an unknown sea. On 13th July 1728 the sails of the _Gabriel_ were triumphantly hoisted, and Behring, with a crew of forty-four, started on the great voyage. His course lay close along the coast northwards. The sea was alive with whales, seals, sea-lions, and dolphins as the little party made their way north, past the mouth of the Anadir River. The little _Gabriel_ was now in the strait between Asia and America, though Behring knew it not. They had been at sea some three weeks, when eight men came rowing towards them in a leathern boat. They were the Chukches--a warlike race living on the north-east coast of Siberia, unsubdued and fierce. They pointed out a small island in the north, which Behring named the Isle of St. Lawrence in honour of the day. Then he turned back. He felt he had accomplished his task and obeyed his orders. Moreover, with adverse winds they might never return to Kamtchatka, and to winter among the Chukches was to court disaster. After a cruise of three months they reached their starting-point again. Had he only known that the coast of America was but thirty-nine miles off, the results of his voyage would have been greater. As it was, he ascertained that "there really does exist a north-east passage, and that from the Lena River it is possible, provided one is not prevented by Polar ice, to sail to Kamtchatka and thence to Japan, China, and the East Indies." The final discovery was left for Captain Cook. As he approached the straits which he called after Behring, the sun broke suddenly through the clouds, and the continents of Asia and America were visible at a glance. There was dissatisfaction in Russia with the result of Behring's voyage, and though five years of untold hardship in the "extremest corner of the world" had told on the Russian explorer, he was willing and anxious to start off again. He proposed to make Kamtchatka again his headquarters, to explore the western coast of America, and to chart the long Arctic coast of Siberia--a colossal task indeed. So the Great Northern Expedition was formed, with Behring in command, accompanied by two well-known explorers to help, Spangberg and Chirikoff, and with five hundred and seventy men under him. It would take too long to follow the various expeditions that now left Russia in five different directions to explore the unknown coasts of the Old World. "The world has never witnessed a more heroic geographical enterprise than these Arctic expeditions." Amid obstacles indescribable the north line of Siberia, hitherto charted as a straight line, was explored and surveyed. Never was greater courage and endurance displayed. If the ships got frozen in, they were hauled on shore, the men spent the long winter in miserable huts and started off again with the spring, until the northern coast assumed shape and form. One branch of the Great Northern Expedition under Behring was composed of professors to make a scientific investigation of Kamtchatka! These thirty learned Russians were luxuriously equipped. They carried a library with several hundred books, including _Robinson Crusoe_ and _Gulliver's Travels_, seventy reams of writing-paper, and artists' materials. They had nine wagonloads of instruments, carrying telescopes fifteen feet long. A surgeon, two landscape painters, one instrument maker, five surveyors accompanied them, and "the convoy grew like an avalanche as it worked its way into Siberia." Behring seems to have moved this "cumbersome machine" safely to Yakutsk, though it took the best part of two years. Having left Russia in 1733, it was 1741 when Behring himself was ready to start from the harbour of Okhotsk for the coast of America with two ships and provisions for some months. He was now nearly sixty, his health was undermined with vexation and worry, and the climate of Okhotsk had nearly killed him. On 18th July--just six weeks after the start--Behring discovered the continent of North America. The coast was jagged, the land covered with snow, mountains extended inland, and above all rose a peak towering into the clouds--a peak higher than anything they knew in Siberia or Kamtchatka, which Behring named Mount St. Elias, after the patron saint of the day. He made his way with difficulty through the string of islands that skirt the great peninsula of Alaska. Through the months of August and September they cruised about the coast in damp and foggy weather, which now gave way to violent storms, and Behring's ship was driven along at the mercy of the wind. He himself was ill, and the greater part of his crew were disabled by scurvy. At last one day, in a high-running sea, the ship struck upon a rock and they found themselves stranded on an unknown island off the coast of Kamtchatka. Only two men were fit to land; they found a dead whale on which they fed their sick. Later on sea-otters, blue and white foxes, and sea-cows provided food, but the island was desolate and solitary--not a human being was to be seen. [Illustration: THE CHART OF BEHRING'S VOYAGE FROM KAMTCHATKA TO NORTH AMERICA. From a chart drawn in 1741 by Lieut. Waxell, a member of Behring's expedition. It is also interesting for the drawing of the sea-cow, one of the very few authentic drawings of this curious animal, which has long been extinct, and is only known by these drawings.] Here, however, the little party was forced to winter. With difficulty they built five underground huts on the sandy shore of the island now known as Behring Island. And each day amid the raging snowstorms and piercing winds one man went forth to hunt for animal food. Man after man died, and by December, Behring's own condition had become hopeless. Hunger and grief had added to his misery, and in his sand-hut he died. He was almost buried alive, for the sand rolled down from the pit in which he lay and covered his feet. He would not have it removed, for it kept him warm. Thirty more of the little expedition died during that bitter winter on the island; the survivors, some forty-five persons, built a ship from the timbers of the wreck, and in August 1742 they returned to Kamtchatka to tell the story of Behring's discoveries and of Behring's death. CHAPTER XLV COOK DISCOVERS NEW ZEALAND But while the names of Torres, Carpenter, Tasman, and Dampier are still to be found on our modern maps of Australia, it is the name of Captain Cook that we must always connect most closely with the discovery of the great island continent--the Great South Land which only became known to Europe one hundred and fifty years ago. Dampier had returned to England in 1701 from his voyage to New Holland, but nearly seventy years passed before the English were prepared to send another expedition to investigate further the mysterious land in the south. James Cook had shown himself worthy of the great command that was given to him in 1768, although exploration was not the main object of the expedition. Spending his boyhood in the neighbourhood of Whitby, he was familiar with the North Sea fishermen, with the colliers, even with the smugglers that frequented this eastern coast. In 1755 he entered the Royal Navy, volunteering for service and entering H.M.S. _Eagle_ as master's mate. Four years later we find him taking his share on board H.M.S. _Pembroke_ in the attack on Quebec by Wolfe, and later transferred to H.M.S. _Northumberland_, selected to survey the river and Gulf of St. Lawrence. So satisfactory was his work that a few years later he was instructed to survey and chart the coasts of Newfoundland and Labrador. While engaged on this work, he observed an eclipse of the sun, which led to the appointment that necessitated a voyage to the Pacific Ocean. It had been calculated that a Transit of Venus would occur in June 1769. A petition to the King set forth: "That, the British nation being justly celebrated in the learned world for their knowledge of astronomy, in which they are inferior to no nation upon earth, ancient or modern, it would cast dishonour upon them should they neglect to have correct observations made of this important phenomenon." The King agreed, and the Royal Society selected James Cook as a fit man for the appointment. A stout, strongly built collier of three hundred and seventy tons was chosen at Whitby, manned with seventy men, and victualled for twelve months. With instructions to observe the Transit of Venus at the island of Georgeland (Otaheite), to make further discoveries in the South Pacific Ocean and to explore New Zealand if possible, Cook hoisted his flag on H.M.S. _Endeavour_ and started in May 1768. It was an interesting party on board, joined at the last moment by Mr. Joseph Banks, a very rich member of the Royal Society and a student of Natural History. He had requested leave to sail in "the ship that carries the English astronomers to the new-discovered country in the South Sea." "No people ever went to sea better fitted out for the purpose of Natural History, nor more elegantly," says a contemporary writer. "They have a fine library, they have all sorts of machines for catching and preserving insects, they have two painters and draughtsmen--in short, this expedition will cost Mr. Banks 10,000 pounds." Their astronomical instruments were of the best, including a portable observatory constructed for sixteen guineas. But most important of all was the careful assortment of provisions, to allay, if possible, that scourge of all navigators, the scurvy. A quantity of malt was shipped to be made into wort, mustard, vinegar, wheat, orange and lemon juice and portable soup was put on board, and Cook received special orders to keep his men with plenty of fresh food whenever this was possible. He carried out these orders strenuously, and at Madeira we find him punishing one of his own seamen with twelve lashes for refusing to eat fresh beef. Hence they left Rio de Janeiro "in as good a condition for prosecuting the voyage as on the day they left England." [Illustration: THE ISLAND OF OTAHEITE, OR ST. GEORGE. From a painting by William Hodges, who accompanied Captain Cook.] Christmas Day was passed near the mouth of the river Plate, and, early in the New Year of 1769, the _Endeavour_ sailed through the Strait of Le Maire. The wealthy Mr. Banks landed on Staaten Island and hastily added a hundred new plants to his collection. Then they sailed on to St. George's Island. It had been visited by Captain Wallis in the _Dolphin_ the previous year; indeed, some of Cook's sailors had served on board the _Dolphin_ and knew the native chiefs of the island. All was friendly, tents were soon pitched, a fort built with mounted guns at either side, the precious instruments landed, and on 3rd June, with a cloudless sky and in intolerable heat, they observed the whole passage of the planet Venus over the sun's disk. After a stay of three months they left the island, taking Tupia, a native, with them. Among other accomplishments this Tupia roasted dogs to perfection, and Cook declares that dogs' flesh is "next only to English lamb." They visited other islands in the group--now known as the Society Islands and belonging to France--and took possession of all in the name of His Britannic Majesty, George III. All through the month of September they sailed south, till on 7th October land was sighted. It proved to be the North Island of New Zealand, never before approached by Europeans from the east. It was one hundred and twenty-seven years since Tasman had discovered the west coast and called it Staaten Land, but no European had ever set foot on its soil. Indeed, it was still held to be part of the Terra Australis Incognita. The first to sight land was a boy named Nicholas Young, hence the point was called "Young Nick's Head," which may be seen on our maps to-day, covering Poverty Bay. The natives here were unfriendly, and Cook was obliged to use firearms to prevent an attack. The Maoris had never seen a great ship before, and at first thought it was a very large bird, being struck by the size and beauty of its wings (sails). When a small boat was let down from the ship's side they thought it must be a young unfledged bird, but when the white men in their bright-coloured clothes rowed off in the boat they concluded these were gods. Cook found the low sandy coast backed by well-wooded hills rising to mountains on which patches of snow were visible, while smoke could be seen through the trees, speaking of native dwellings. The natives were too treacherous to make it safe landing for the white men, so they sailed out of Poverty Bay and proceeded south. Angry Maoris shook their spears at the Englishmen as they coasted south along the east coast of the North Island. But the face of the country was unpromising, and Cook altered his course for the north at a point he named Cape Turnagain. Unfortunately he missed the only safe port on the east coast between Auckland and Wellington, but he found good anchorage in what is now known as Cook's Bay. Here they got plenty of good fish, wild fowl, and oysters, "as good as ever came out of Colchester." Taking possession of the land they passed in the name of King George, Cook continued his northerly course, passing many a river which seemed to resemble the Thames at home. A heavy December gale blew them off the northernmost point of land, which they named North Cape, and Christmas was celebrated off Tasman's islands, with goose-pie. [Illustration: AN IPAH, OR MAORI FORT, ON THE COAST BETWEEN POVERTY BAY AND CAPE TURNAGAIN. From an engraving in the Atlas to Cook's first _Voyage_.] The New Year of 1770 found Cook off Cape Maria van Diemen, sailing south along the western coast of the North Island, till the _Endeavour_ was anchored in Ship Cove, Queen Charlotte's Sound, only about seventy miles from the spot where Tasman first sighted land. Here the English explorer landed. The country was thickly wooded, but he climbed a hill, and away to the eastward he saw that the seas washing both east and west coasts of the northern island were united. He had solved one problem. Tasman's Staaten Land was not part of a great southern continent. He now resolved to push through his newly discovered straits between the two islands, and, having done this, he sailed north till he reached Cape Turnagain. And so he proved beyond a doubt that this was an island. The men thought they had done enough. But Cook, with the true instinct of an explorer, turned a deaf ear to the murmurings of his crew for roast beef and Old England, and directed his course again south. From the natives he had learned of the existence of two islands, and he must needs sail round the southern as he had sailed round the northern isle. Storms and gales harassed the navigators through the month of February as they made their way slowly southwards. Indeed, they had a very narrow escape from death towards the end of the month, when in a two days' gale, with heavy squalls of rain, their foresail was split to pieces and they lost sight of land for seven days, nearly running on to submerged rocks which Cook named The Traps. It was nearly dark on 14th March when they entered a bay which they suitably christened Dusky Bay, from which they sailed to Cascade Point, named from the four streams that fell over its face. "No country upon earth," remarks Cook, "can appear with a more rugged and barren aspect than this does from the sea, for, as far inland as the eye can reach, nothing is to be seen but the summit of these rocky mountains." At last on 24th March they rounded the north point of the South Island. Before them lay the familiar waters of Massacre Bay, Tasman Bay, and Queen Charlotte Sound. "As we have now circumnavigated the whole of this country, it is time for me to think of quitting it," Cook remarks simply enough. Running into Admiralty Bay, the _Endeavour_ was repaired for her coming voyage home. Her sails, "ill-provided from the first," says Banks, "were now worn and damaged by the rough work they had gone through, particularly on the coast of New Zealand, and they gave no little trouble to get into order again." While Banks searched for insects and plants, Cook sat writing up his _Journal_ of the circumnavigation. He loyally gives Tasman the honour of the first discovery, but clearly shows his error in supposing it to be part of the great southern land. The natives he describes as "a strong, raw-boned, well-made, active people rather above the common size, of a dark brown colour, with black hair, thin black beards, and white teeth. Both men and women paint their faces and bodies with red ochre mixed with fish oil. They wear ornaments of stone, bone, and shells at their ears and about their necks, and the men generally wear long white feathers stuck upright in their hair. They came off in canoes which will carry a hundred people; when within a stone's throw of the ship, the chief of the party would brandish a battleaxe, calling out: 'Come ashore with us and we will kill you.' They would certainly have eaten them too, for they were cannibals." The ship was now ready and, naming the last point of land Cape Farewell, they sailed away to the west, "till we fall in with the east coast of New Holland." They had spent six and a half months sailing about in New Zealand waters, and had coasted some two thousand four hundred miles. Nineteen days' sail brought them to the eagerly sought coast, and on 28th April, Cook anchored for the first time in the bay known afterwards to history as Botany Bay, so named from the quantity of plants found in the neighbourhood by Mr. Banks. Cutting an inscription on one of the trees, with the date and name of the ship, Cook sailed north early in May, surveying the coast as he passed and giving names to the various bays and capes. Thus Port Jackson, at the entrance of Sydney harbour, undiscovered by Cook, was so named after one of the Secretaries of the Admiralty--Smoky Cape from smoke arising from native dwellings--Point Danger by reason of a narrow escape on some shoals--while Moreton Bay, on which Brisbane, the capital of Queensland, now stands, was named after the President of the Royal Society. As they advanced, the coast became steep, rocky, and unpromising. "Hitherto," reports Cook, "we had safely navigated this dangerous coast, where the sea in all parts conceals shores that project suddenly from the shore and rocks that rise abruptly like a pyramid from the bottom more than one thousand three hundred miles. But here we became acquainted with misfortune, and we therefore called the point which we had just seen farthest to the northward, Cape Tribulation." It was the 10th of May. The gentlemen had left the deck "in great tranquillity" and gone to bed, when suddenly the ship struck and remained immovable except for the heaving of the surge that beat her against the crags of the rock upon which she lay. Every one rushed to the deck "with countenances which sufficiently expressed the horrors of our situation." Immediately they took in all sails, lowered the boats, and found they were on a reef of coral rocks. Two days of sickening anxiety followed, the ship sprang a leak, and they were threatened with total destruction. To their intense relief, however, the ship floated off into deep water with a high tide. Repairs were now more than ever necessary, and the poor battered collier was taken into the "Endeavour" river. Tupia and others were also showing signs of scurvy; so a hospital tent was erected on shore, and with a supply of fresh fish, pigeons, wild plantains, and turtles they began to improve. Here stands to-day the seaport of Cooktown, where a monument of Captain Cook looks out over the waters that he discovered. [Illustration: CAPTAIN COOK'S VESSEL BEACHED AT THE ENTRANCE OF ENDEAVOUR RIVER, WHERE THE SEAPORT OF COOKTOWN NOW STANDS. From an engraving in the Atlas to Cook's first _Voyage_.] The prospect of further exploration was not encouraging. "In whatever direction we looked, the sea was covered with shoals as far as the eye could see." As they sailed out of their little river, they could see the surf breaking on the "Great Barrier Reef." Navigation now became very difficult, and, more than once, even Cook himself almost gave up hope. Great, then, was their joy when they found themselves at the northern promontory of the land which "I have named York Cape in honour of His late Royal Highness the Duke of York. We were in great hopes that we had at last found out a passage into the Indian Seas." And he adds an important paragraph: "As I was now about to quit the eastern coast of New Holland, which I am confident no European had ever seen before, I once more hoisted the English colours, and I now took possession of the whole eastern coast in right of His Majesty King George III., by the name of New South Wales, with all the bays, harbours, rivers, and islands situated upon it." This part of the new land was called by the name of New South Wales. So the _Endeavour_ sailed through the straits that Torres had accidentally passed one hundred and sixty-four years before, and, just sighting New Guinea, Cook made his way to Java, for his crew were sickly and "pretty far gone with longing for home." The ship, too, was in bad condition; she had to be pumped night and day to keep her free from water, and her sails would hardly stand the least puff of wind. They reached Batavia in safety and were kindly received by the Dutch there. Since leaving Plymouth two years before, Cook had only lost seven men altogether--three by drowning, two frozen, one from consumption, one from poisoning--none from scurvy--a record without equal in the history of Navigation. But the climate of Batavia now wrought havoc among the men. One after another died, Tupia among others, and so many were weakened with fever that only twenty officers and men were left on duty at one time. Glad, indeed, they were to leave at Christmas time, and gladder still to anchor in the Downs and to reach London after their three years' absence. The news of his arrival and great discoveries seems to have been taken very quietly by those at home. "Lieutenant Cook of the Navy," says the _Annual Register_ for 1771, "who sailed round the globe, was introduced to His Majesty at St. James's, and presented to His Majesty his _Journal_ of his voyage, with some curious maps and charts of different places that he had drawn during the voyage; he was presented with a captain's commission." CHAPTER XLVI COOK'S THIRD VOYAGE AND DEATH Although the importance of his discoveries was not realised at this time, Cook was given command of two new ships, the _Resolution_ and _Adventure_, provisioned for a year for "a voyage to remote parts," a few months later. And the old _Endeavour_ went back to her collier work in the North Sea. Perhaps a letter written by Cook to a friend at Whitby on his return from the second voyage is sufficient to serve our purpose here; for, though the voyage was important enough, yet little new was discovered. And after spending many months in high latitudes, Cook decided that there was no great southern continent to the south of New Holland and New Zealand. "DEAR SIR,"--he writes from London in September 1775--"I now sit down to fulfil the promise I made you to give you some account of my last voyage. I left the Cape of Good Hope on 22nd November 1772 and proceeded to the south, till I met with a vast field of ice and much foggy weather and large islets or floating mountains of ice without number. After some trouble and not a little danger, I got to the south of the field of ice; and after beating about for some time for land, in a sea strewed with ice, I crossed the Antarctic circle and the same evening (17th January 1773) found it unsafe, or rather impossible, to stand farther to the south for ice. "Seeing no signs of meeting with land in these high latitudes, I stood away to the northward, and, without seeing any signs of land, I thought proper to steer for New Zealand, where I anchored in Dusky Bay on 26th March and then sailed for Queen Charlotte's Sound. Again I put to sea and stood to the south, where I met with nothing but ice and excessive cold, bad weather. Here I spent near four months beating about in high latitudes. Once I got as high as seventy-one degrees, and farther it was not possible to go for ice which lay as firm as land. Here we saw ice mountains, whose summits were lost in clouds. I was now fully satisfied that there was no Southern Continent. I nevertheless resolved to spend some time longer in these seas, and with this resolution I stood away to the north." In this second voyage Cook proved that there was no great land to the south of Terra Australis or South America, except the land of ice lying about the South Pole. But he did a greater piece of work than this. He fought, and fought successfully, the great curse of scurvy, which had hitherto carried off scores of sailors and prevented ships on voyages of discovery, or indeed ships of war, from staying long on the high seas without constantly landing for supplies of fresh food. It was no uncommon occurrence for a sea captain to return after even a few months' cruise with half his men suffering from scurvy. Captain Palliser on H.M.S. _Eagle_ in 1756 landed in Plymouth Sound with one hundred and thirty sick men out of four hundred, twenty-two having died in a month. Cook had resolved to fight this dreaded scourge, and we have already seen that during his three years' cruise of the _Endeavour_ he had only to report five cases of scurvy, so close a watch did he keep on his crews. In his second voyage he was even more particular, with the result that in the course of three years he did not lose a single man from scurvy. He enforced cold bathing, and encouraged it by example. The allowance of salt beef and pork was cut down, and the habit of mixing salt beef fat with the flour was strictly forbidden. Salt butter and cheese were stopped, and raisins were substituted for salt suet; wild celery was collected in Terra del Fuego and breakfast made from this with ground wheat and portable soup. The cleanliness of the men was insisted on. Cook never allowed any one to appear dirty before him. He inspected the men once a week at least, and saw with his own eyes that they changed their clothing; equal care was taken to keep the ship clean and dry between decks, and she was constantly "cured with fires" or "smoked with gunpowder mixed with vinegar." For a paper on this subject read before the Royal Society in 1776, James Cook was awarded a gold medal (now in the British Museum). But although the explorer was now forty-eight, he was as eager for active adventure as a youth of twenty. He had settled the question of a southern continent. Now when the question of the North-West Passage came up again, he offered his services to Lord Sandwich, first Lord of the Admiralty, and was at once accepted. It was more than two hundred years since Frobisher had attempted to solve the mystery, which even Cook--the first navigator of his day--with improved ships and better-fed men, did not succeed in solving. He now received his secret instructions, and, choosing the old _Resolution_ again, he set sail in company with Captain Clerke on board the _Discovery_ in the year 1776 for that voyage from which there was to be no return. He was to touch at New Albion (discovered by Drake) and explore any rivers or inlets that might lead to Hudson's or Baffin's Bay. After once more visiting Tasmania and New Zealand, he made a prolonged stay among the Pacific Islands, turning north in December 1777. Soon after they had crossed the line, and a few days before Christmas, a low island was seen on which Cook at once landed, hoping to get a fresh supply of turtle. In this he was not disappointed. Some three hundred, "all of the green kind and perhaps as good as any in the world," were obtained; the island was named Christmas Island, and the _Resolution_ and _Discovery_ sailed upon their way. A few days later they came upon a group of islands hitherto unknown. These they named after the Earl of Sandwich, the group forming the kingdom of Hawaii--the chief island. Natives came off in canoes bringing pigs and potatoes, and ready to exchange fish for nails. Some were tempted on board, "the wildness of their looks expressing their astonishment." Anchorage being found, Cook landed, and as he set foot on shore a large crowd of natives pressed forward and, throwing themselves on their faces, remained thus till Cook signed to them to rise. [Illustration: CAPIAIN JAMES COOK. From the painting by Dance in the gallery of Greenwich Hospital.] With a goodly supply of fresh provisions, Cook sailed away from the Sandwich Islands, and after some five weeks' sail to the north the "longed-for coast of New Albion was seen." The natives of the country were clad in fur, which they offered for sale. They exacted payment for everything, even for the wood and water that the strangers took from their shores. The weather was cold and stormy, and the progress of the little English ships was slow. By 22nd March they had passed Cape Flattery; a week later they named Hope Bay, "in which we hoped to find a good harbour, and the event proved we were not mistaken." All this part of the coast was called by Cook King George's Sound, but the native name of Nootka has since prevailed. We have an amusing account of these natives. At first they were supposed to be dark coloured, "till after much cleaning they were found to have skins like our people in England." Expert thieves they were. No piece of iron was safe from them. "Before we left the place," says Cook, "hardly a bit of brass was left in the ship. Whole suits of clothes were stripped of every button, copper kettles, tin canisters, candlesticks, all went to wreck, so that these people got a greater variety of things from us than any other people we had visited." It was not till 26th April that Cook at last managed to start forward again, but a two days' hard gale drove him from the coast and onwards to a wide inlet to which he gave the name of Prince William's Sound. Here the natives were just like the Eskimos in Hudson's Bay. The ships now sailed westward, doubling the promontory of Alaska, and on 9th August they reached the westernmost point of North America, which they named Cape Prince of Wales. They were now in the sea discovered by Behring, 1741, to which they gave his name. Hampered by fog and ice, the ships made their way slowly on to a point named Cape North. Cook decided that the eastern point of Asia was but thirteen leagues from the western point of America. They named the Sound on the American side Norton Sound after the Speaker of the House of Commons. Having passed the Arctic Circle and penetrated into the Northern Seas, which were never free from ice, they met Russian traders who professed to have known Behring. Then having discovered four thousand miles of new coast, and refreshed themselves with walrus or sea-horse, the expedition turned joyfully back to the Sandwich Islands. On the last day of November, Cook discovered the island of Owhyhee (Hawaii), which he carefully surveyed, till he came to anchor in Karakakooa Bay. The tragic death of Captain Cook at the hands of these natives is well known to every child. The reason for his murder is not entirely understood to-day, but the natives, who had hitherto proved friendly, suddenly attacked the English explorer and slew him, and "he fell into the water and spoke no more." [Illustration: CAPTAIN COOK, THE DISCOVERER OF THE SANDWICH ISLANDS, WITH HIS SHIPS IN KEALAKEKUA BAY, HAWAII, WHERE HE WAS MURDERED. From an engraving in the Atlas to _Cook's Voyages_, 1779.] Such was the melancholy end of England's first great navigator--James Cook--the foremost sailor of his time, the man who had circumnavigated New Zealand, who had explored the coast of New South Wales, named various unknown islands in the Pacific Ocean, and discovered the Sandwich Islands. He died on 14th February 1779. It was not till 11th January 1780 that the news of his death reached London, to be recorded in the quaint language of the day by the _London Gazette_. "It is with the utmost concern," runs the announcement, "that we inform the Public, that the celebrated Circumnavigator, Captain Cook, was killed by the inhabitants of a new-discover'd island in the South Seas. The Captain and crew were first treated as deities, but, upon their revisiting that Island, hostilities ensued and the above melancholy scene was the Consequence. This account is come from Kamtchatka by Letters from Captain Clerke and others. But the crews of the Ships were in a very good state of health, and all in the most desirable condition. His successful attempts to preserve the Healths of his Crews are well known, and his Discoveries will be an everlasting Honour to his Country." _Cook's First Voyages_ were published in 1773, and were widely read, but his account of the new country did not at once attract Europeans to its shores. We hear of "barren sandy shores and wild rocky coast inhabited by naked black people, malicious and cruel," on the one hand, "and low shores all white with sand fringed with foaming surf," with hostile natives on the other. [Illustration: "THE UNROLLING OF THE CLOUDS"--VI. The world as known after the voyages of Captain Cook (1768-1779).] It was not till eighteen years after Cook's death that Banks--his old friend--appealed to the British Government of the day to make some use of these discoveries. At last the loss of the American colonies in 1776 induced men to turn their eyes toward the new land in the South Pacific. Banks remembered well his visit to Botany Bay with Captain Cook in 1770, and he now urged the dispatch of convicts, hitherto transported to America, to this newly found bay in New South Wales. So in 1787 a fleet of eleven ships with one thousand people on board left the shores of England under the command of Captain Phillip. After a tedious voyage of thirty-six weeks, they reached Botany Bay in January 1788. Captain Phillip had been appointed Governor of all New South Wales, that is from Cape York to Van Diemen's Land, still supposed to be part of the mainland. But Phillip at once recognised that Botany Bay was not a suitable place for a settlement. No white man had described these shores since the days of Captain Cook. The green meadows of which Banks spoke were barren swamps and bleak sands, while the bay itself was exposed to the full sweep of violent winds, with a heavy sea breaking with tremendous surf against the shore. "Warra, warra!" (begone, begone), shouted the natives, brandishing spears at the water's edge as they had done eighteen years before. In an open boat--for it was midsummer in these parts--Phillip surveyed the coast; an opening marked Port Jackson on Cook's chart attracted his notice and, sailing between two rocky headlands, the explorer found himself crossing smooth, clear water with a beautiful harbour in front and soft green foliage reaching down to the water's edge. Struck with the loveliness of the scene, and finding both wood and water here, he chose the spot for his new colony, giving it the name of Sydney, alter Lord Sydney, who as Home Secretary had appointed him to his command. [Illustration: PORT JACKSON AND SYDNEY COVE A FEW YEARS AFTER COOK AND PHILLIP. From the Atlas to the _Voyage de l'Astrolabe_.] "We got into Port Jackson," he wrote to Lord Sydney, "early in the afternoon, and had the satisfaction of finding the finest harbour in the world, in which a thousand sail of the line may ride in perfect security." "To us," wrote one of his captains, "it was a great and important day, and I hope will mark the foundation of an empire." But, interesting as it is, we cannot follow the fortunes of this first little English colony in the South Pacific Ocean. The English had not arrived a day too soon. A few days later the French explorer, La Perouse, guided hither by Cook's chart, suddenly made his appearance on the shores of Botany Bay. The arrival of two French men-of-war caused the greatest excitement among the white strangers and the black natives. La Perouse had left France in 1785 in command of two ships with orders to search for the North-West Passage from the Pacific side--a feat attempted by Captain Cook only nine years before--to explore the China seas, the Solomon Islands, and the Terra Australis. He had reached the coast of Alaska in June 1786, but after six weeks of bad weather he had crossed to Asia in the early part of the following year. Thence he had made his way by the Philippine Islands to the coasts of Japan, Korea, and "Chinese Tartary." Touching at Quelpart, he reached a bay near our modern Vladivostock, and on 2nd August 1787 he discovered the strait that bears his name to-day, between Saghalien and the North Island of Japan. Fortunately, from Kamtchatka, where he had landed, he had sent home his journals, notes, plans, and maps by Lesseps--uncle of the famous Ferdinand de Lesseps of Suez Canal fame. On 26th January 1788 he landed at Botany Bay. From here he wrote his last letter to the French Government. After leaving this port he was never seen again. Many years later, in 1826, the wreck of his two ships was found on the reefs of an island near the New Hebrides. CHAPTER XLVII BRUCE'S TRAVELS IN ABYSSINIA Perhaps one of the strangest facts in the whole history of exploration is that Africa was almost an unknown land a hundred years ago, and stranger still, that there remains to-day nearly one-eleventh of the whole area still unexplored. And yet it is one of the three old continents that appear on every old chart of the world in ancient days, with its many-mouthed Nile rising in weird spots and flowing in sundry impossible directions. Sometimes it joins the mysterious Niger, and together they flow through country labelled "Unknown" or "Desert" or "Negroland," or an enterprising cartographer fills up vacant spaces with wild animals stalking through the land. The coast tells a different tale. The west shores are studded with trading forts belonging to English, Danes, Dutch, and Portuguese, where slaves from the interior awaited shipment to the various countries that required negro labour. The slave trade was the great, in fact the only, attraction to Africa at the beginning of the eighteenth century. In pursuit of this, men would penetrate quite a long way into the interior, but through the long centuries few explorers had travelled to the Dark Continent. Towards the end of the century we suddenly get one man--a young Scottish giant, named James Bruce, thirsting for exploration for its own sake. He cared not for slaves or gold or ivory. He just wanted to discover the source of the Nile, over which a great mystery had hung since the days of Herodotus. The Mountains of the Moon figure largely on the Old World maps, but Bruce decided to rediscover these for himself. Herodotus had said the Nile turned west and became the Niger, others said it turned east and somehow joined the Tigris and Euphrates. Indeed, such was the uncertainty regarding its source that to discover the source of the Nile seemed equivalent to performing the impossible. James Bruce, athletic, daring, standing six feet four, seemed at the age of twenty-four made for a life of travel and adventure. His business took him to Spain and Portugal. He studied Arabic and the ancient language of Abyssinia. He came under the notice of Pitt, and was made consul of Algiers. The idea of the undiscovered sources of the Nile took strong hold of Bruce's imagination. "It was at this moment," he says, "that I resolved that this great discovery should either be achieved by me or remain--as it has done for three thousand years--a defiance to all travellers." A violent dispute with the old bey of Algiers ended Bruce's consulate, and in 1765, the spirit of adventure strong upon him, he sailed along the North African coast, landed at Tunis, and made his way to Tripoli. On the frontier he found a tribe of Arabs set apart to destroy the lions which beset the neighbourhood. These people not only killed but ate the lions, and they prevailed on Bruce to share their repast. But one meal was enough for the young explorer. In burning heat across the desert sands he passed on. Once a great caravan arrived, journeying from Fez to Mecca, consisting of three thousand men with camels laden with merchandise. But this religious pilgrimage was plundered in the desert soon after. Arrived at Bengazi, Bruce found a terrible famine raging, so he embarked on a little Greek ship bound for Crete. It was crowded with Arabs; the captain was ignorant; a violent storm arose and, close to Bengazi, the ship struck upon a rock. Lowering a boat, Bruce and a number of Arabs sprang in and tried to row ashore. But wave after wave broke over them, and at last they had to swim for their lives. The surf was breaking on the shore, and Bruce was washed up breathless and exhausted. Arabs flocking down to plunder the wreck, found Bruce, and with blows and kicks stripped him of all his clothes and left him naked on the barren shore. At last an old Arab came along, threw a dirty rag over him, and led him to a tent, whence he reached Bengazi once more, and soon after crossed to Crete. [Illustration: A NILE BOAT, OR CANJA. From Bruce's _Travels to Discover the Source of the Nile_.] It was not till July 1768 that the explorer at last reached Cairo _en route_ for Abyssinia, and five months later embarked on board a Nile boat, or canja. His cabin had close latticed windows made not only to admit fresh air, but to be a defence against a set of robbers on the Nile, who were wont to swim under water in the dark or on goatskins to pilfer any passing boats. Then, unfurling her vast sails, the canja bore Bruce on the first stage of his great journey. The explorer spent some time in trying to find the lost site of old Memphis, but this was difficult. "A man's heart fails him in looking to the south," he says; "he is lost in the immense expanse of desert, which he sees full of pyramids before him. Struck with terror from the unusual scene of vastness opened all at once upon leaving the palm trees, he becomes dispirited from the effect of the sultry climate." For some days the canja, with a fair wind, stemmed the strong current of the Nile. "With great velocity" she raced past various villages through the narrow green valley of cultivation, till the scene changed and large plantations of sugar-canes and dates began. "The wind had now become so strong that the canja could scarcely carry her sails; the current was rapid and the velocity with which she dashed against the water was terrible." Still she flew on day after day, till early in January they reached the spot "where spreading Nile parts hundred-gated Thebes." Solitude and silence reigned over the magnificent old sepulchres; the hundred gates were gone, robbers swarmed, and the traveller hastened away. So on to Luxor and Karnac to a great encampment of Arabs, who held sway over the desert which Bruce had now to cross. The old sheikh, whose protection was necessary, known as the Tiger from his ferocious disposition, was very ill in his tent. Bruce gave him some lime water, which eased his pain, and, rising from the ground, the old Arab stood upright and cried: "Cursed be those of my people that ever shall lift up their hand against you in the desert." He strongly advised Bruce to return to Kenne and cross the desert from there instead of going on by the Nile. Reluctantly Bruce turned back, and on 16th February 1769 he joined a caravan setting out to cross the desert to the shores of the Red Sea. "Our road," he says, "was all the way in an open plain bounded by hillocks of sand and fine gravel--perfectly hard, but without trees, shrubs, or herbs. There are not even the traces of any living creature, neither serpent, lizard, antelope, nor ostrich--the usual inhabitants of the most dreary deserts. There is no sort of water--even the birds seem to avoid the place as pestilential--the sun was burning hot." In a few days the scene changed, and Bruce is noting that in four days he passes more granite, porphyry, marble, and jasper than would build Rome, Athens, Corinth, Memphis, Alexandria, and half a dozen more. At last after a week's travel they reached Cossier, the little mud-walled village on the shores of the Red Sea. Here Bruce embarked in a small boat, the planks of which were sewn together instead of nailed, with a "sort of straw mattress as a sail," for the emerald mines described by Pliny, but he was driven back by a tremendous storm. Determined to survey the Red Sea, he sailed to the north, and after landing at Tor at the foot of Mount Sinai, he sailed down the bleak coast of Arabia to Jidda, the port of Mecca. [Illustration: AN ARAB SHEIKH. From Bruce's _Travels_.] By this time he was shaking with ague and fever, scorched by the burning sun, and weather-beaten by wind and storm--moreover, he was still dressed as a Turkish soldier. He was glad enough to find kindly English at Jidda, and after two months' rest he sailed on to the Straits of Babelmandeb. Being now on English ground, he drank the King's health and sailed across to Masuah, the main port of Abyssinia. Although he had letters of introduction from Jidda he had some difficulty with the chief of Masuah, but at last, dressed in long white Moorish robes, he broke away, and in November 1769 started forth for Gondar, the capital of Abyssinia. It was nearly one hundred and fifty years since any European of note had visited the country, and it was hard to get any information. His way led across mountainous country--rugged and steep. "Far above the top of all towers that stupendous mass, the mountain of Taranta, probably one of the highest in the world, the point of which is buried in the clouds and very rarely seen but in the clearest weather; at other times abandoned to perpetual mist and darkness, the seat of lightning, thunder, and of storm." Violent storms added to the terrors of the way, trees were torn up by the roots, and swollen streams rushed along in torrents. Bruce had started with his quadrant carried by four men, but the task of getting his cumbersome instruments up the steep sides of Taranta was intense. However, they reached the top at last to find a huge plain, "perhaps one of the highest in the world," and herds of beautiful cattle feeding. "The cows were completely white, with large dewlaps hanging down to their knees, white horns, and long silky hair." After ninety-five days' journey, on 14th February Bruce reached Gondar, the capital, on the flat summit of a high hill. Here lived the King of Abyssinia, a supposed descendant of King Solomon; but at the present time the country was in a lawless and unsettled condition. Moreover, smallpox was raging at the palace, and the royal children were smitten with it. Bruce's knowledge of medicine now stood him again in good stead. He opened all the doors and windows of the palace, washed his little patients with vinegar and warm water, sent away those not already infected, and all recovered. Bruce had sprung into court favour. The ferocious chieftain, Ras Michael, who had killed one king, poisoned another, and was now ruling in the name of a third, sent for him. The old chief was dressed in a coarse, dirty garment wrapped round him like a blanket, his long white hair hung down over his shoulders, while behind him stood soldiers, their lances ornamented with shreds of scarlet cloth, one for every man slain in battle. Bruce was appointed "Master of the King's horse," a high office and richly paid. But "I told him this was no kindness," said the explorer. "My only wish was to see the country and find the sources of the Nile." But time passed on and they would not let him go, until, at last, he persuaded the authorities to make him ruler over the province where the Blue Nile was supposed to rise. Amid great opposition he at last left the palace of Gondar on 28th October 1770, and was soon on his way to the south "to see a river and a bog, no part of which he could take away"--an expedition wholly incomprehensible to the royal folk at Gondar. Two days' march brought him to the shores of the great Lake Tsana, into which, despite the fact that he was tremendously hot and that crocodiles abounded there, the hardy young explorer plunged for a swim. And thus refreshed he proceeded on his way. He had now to encounter a new chieftain named Fasil, who at first refused to give him leave to pass on his way. It was not until Bruce had shown himself an able horseman and exhibited feats of strength and prowess that leave was at last granted. Fasil tested him in this wise. Twelve horses were brought to Bruce, saddled and bridled, to know which he would like to ride. Selecting an apparently quiet beast, the young traveller mounted. "For the first two minutes," he says, "I do not know whether I was most in the earth or in the air; he kicked behind, reared before, leaped like a deer all four legs off the ground--he then attempted to gallop, taking the bridle in his teeth; he continued to gallop and ran away as hard as he could, flinging out behind every ten yards, till he had no longer breath or strength and I began to think he would scarce carry me to the camp." On his return Bruce mounted his own horse, and, taking his double-barrelled gun, he rode about, twisting and turning his horse in every direction, to the admiration of these wild Abyssinian folk. Not only did Fasil now let him go, but he dressed him in a fine, loose muslin garment which reached to his feet, gave him guides and a handsome grey horse. "Take this horse," he said, "as a present from me. Do not mount it yourself; drive it before you, saddled and bridled as it is; no man will touch you when he sees that horse." Bruce obeyed his orders, and the horse was driven in front of him. The horse was magic; the people gave it handfuls of barley and paid more respect to it than to Bruce himself, though in many cases the people seemed scared by the appearance of the horse and fled away. On 2nd November the Nile came into sight. It was only two hundred and sixty feet broad; but it was deeply revered by the people who lived on its banks. They refused to allow Bruce to ride across, but insisted on his taking off his shoes and walking through the shallow stream. It now became difficult to get food as they crossed the scorching hot plains. But Bruce was nearing his goal, and at last he stood at the top of the great Abyssinian tableland. "Immediately below us appeared the Nile itself, strangely diminished in size, now only a brook that had scarcely water to turn a mill." Throwing off his shoes, trampling down the flowers that grew on the mountain-side, falling twice in his excitement, Bruce ran down in breathless haste till he reached the "hillock of green sod" which has made his name so famous. "It is easier to guess than to describe the situation of my mind at that moment, standing in that spot which had baffled the genius, industry, and inquiry of both ancients and moderns for the course of near three thousand years. Kings had attempted this discovery at the heads of their armies--fame, riches, and honour had been held out for a series of ages without having produced one man capable of wiping off this stain upon the enterprise and abilities of mankind or adding this desideratum for the encouragement of geography. Though a mere private Briton, I triumphed here over kings and their armies. I was but a few minutes arrived at the source of the Nile, through numberless dangers and sufferings, the least of which would have overwhelmed me but for the continual goodness and protection of Providence. I was, however, but then half through my journey, and all those dangers which I had already passed awaited me again on my return. I found a despondency gaining ground fast upon me and blasting the crown of laurels I had too rashly woven for myself." Bruce then filled a large cocoa-nut shell, which he had brought from Arabia, full of the Nile water, and drank to the health of His Majesty King George III. CHAPTER XLVIII MUNGO PARK AND THE NIGER Bruce died in the spring of 1794. Just a year later another Scotsman, Mungo Park, from Selkirk, started off to explore the great river Niger--whose course was as mysterious as that of the Nile. Most of the early geographers knew something of a great river running through Negroland. Indeed, Herodotus tells of five young men, the Nasamones, who set out to explore the very heart of Africa. Arrived at the edge of the great sandy desert, they collected provisions and supplied themselves with water and plunged courageously into the unknown. For weary days they made their way across to the south, till they were rewarded by finding themselves in a fertile land well watered by lakes and marshes, with fruit trees and a little race of men and women whom they called pigmies. And a large river was flowing from west to east--probably the Niger. But the days of Herodotus are long since past. It was centuries later when the Arabs, fiery with the faith of Mohammed, swept over the unexplored lands. "With a fiery enthusiasm that nothing could withstand, and inspired by a hope of heaven which nothing could shake, they swept from district to district, from tribe to tribe," everywhere proclaiming to roving multitudes the faith of their master. In this spirit they had faced the terrors of the Sahara Desert, and in the tenth century reached the land of the negroes, found the Niger, and established schools and mosques westward of Timbuktu. Portugal had then begun to play her part, and the fifteenth century is full of the wonderful voyages inspired by Prince Henry of Portugal, which culminated in the triumph of Vasco da Gama's great voyage to India by the Cape of Good Hope. Then the slave trade drew the Elizabethan Englishmen to the shores of West Africa, and the coast was studded with forts and stations in connection with it. Yet in the eighteenth century the Niger and Timbuktu were still a mystery. In 1778 the African Association was founded, with our old friend Sir Joseph Banks as an active member inquiring for a suitable man to follow up the work of the explorer Houghton, who had just perished in the desert on his way to Timbuktu. The opportunity produced the man. Mungo Park, a young Scotsman, bitten with the fever of unrest, had just returned from a voyage to the East on board an East India Company's ship. He heard of this new venture, and applied for it. The African Association instantly accepted his services, and on 22nd May 1795, Mungo Park left England on board the _Endeavour_, and after a pleasant voyage of thirty days landed at the mouth of the river Gambia. The river is navigable for four hundred miles from its mouth, and Park sailed up to a native town, where the _Endeavour_ was anchored, while he set out on horseback for a little village, Pisania, where a few British subjects traded in slaves, ivory, and gold. Here he stayed a while, to learn the language of the country. Fever delayed him till the end of November, when the rains were over, the native crops had been reaped, and food was cheap and plentiful. On 3rd December he made a start, his sole attendants being a negro servant, Johnson, and a slave boy. Mungo Park was mounted on a strong, spirited little horse, his attendants on donkeys. He had provisions for two days, beads, amber, and tobacco for buying fresh food, an umbrella, a compass, a thermometer and pocket sextant, some pistols and firearms, and "thus attended, thus provided, thus armed, Mungo Park started for the heart of Africa." [Illustration: MUNGO PARK. From the engraving in Park's _Travels into the Interior of Africa_, 1799.] Three days' travelling brought him to Medina, where he found the old king sitting on a bullock's hide, warming himself before a large fire. He begged the English explorer to turn back and not to travel into the interior, for the people there had never seen a white man and would most certainly destroy him. Mungo Park was not so easily deterred, and taking farewell of the good old king, he took a guide and proceeded on his way. A day's journey brought him to a village where a curious custom prevailed. Hanging on a tree, he found a sort of masquerading dress made out of bark. He discovered that it belonged to a strange bugbear known to all the natives of the neighbourhood as Mumbo Jumbo. The natives or Kafirs of this part had many wives, with the result that family quarrels often took place. If a husband was offended by his wife he disappeared into the woods, disguised himself in the dress of Mumbo Jumbo, and, armed with the rod of authority, announced his advent by loud and dismal screams near the town. All hurried to the accepted meeting-place, for none dare disobey. The meeting opened with song and dance till midnight, when Mumbo Jumbo announced the offending wife. The unlucky victim was then seized, stripped, tied to a post, and beaten with Mumbo's rod amid the shouts of the assembled company. A few days before Christmas, Park entered Fatticonda--the place where Major Houghton had been robbed and badly used. He therefore took some amber, tobacco, and an umbrella as gifts to the king, taking care to put on his best blue coat, lest it should be stolen. The king was delighted with his gifts; he furled and unfurled his umbrella to the great admiration of his attendants. "The king then praised my blue coat," says Park, "of which the yellow buttons seemed particularly to catch his fancy, and entreated me to give it to him, assuring me that he would wear it on all public occasions. As it was against my interests to offend him by a refusal, I very quietly took off my coat--the only good one in my possession--and laid it at his feet." Then without his coat and umbrella, but in peace, Park travelled onward to the dangerous district which was so invested with robbers that the little party had to travel by night. The howling of wild beasts alone broke the awful silence as they crept forth by moonlight on their way. But the news that a white man was travelling through their land spread, and he was surrounded by a party of horsemen, who robbed him of nearly all his possessions. His attendant Johnson urged him to return, for certain death awaited him. But Park was not the man to turn back, and he was soon rewarded by finding the king's nephew, who conducted him in safety to the banks of the Senegal River. Then he travelled on to the next king, who rejoiced in the name of Daisy Korrabarri. Here Mungo learnt to his dismay that war was going on in the province that lay between him and the Niger, and the king could offer no protection. Still nothing deterred the resolute explorer, who took another route and continued his journey. Again he had to travel by night, for robbers haunted his path, which now lay among Mohammedans. He passed the very spot where Houghton had been left to die of starvation in the desert. As he advanced through these inhospitable regions, new difficulties met him. His attendants firmly refused to move farther. Mungo Park was now alone in the great desert Negroland, between the Senegal and the Niger, as with magnificent resolution he continued his way. Suddenly a clear halloo rang out on the night air. It was his black boy, who had followed him to share his fate. Onward they went together, hoping to get safely through the land where Mohammedans ruled over low-caste negroes. Suddenly a party of Moors surrounded him, bidding him come to Ali, the chief, who wished to see a white man and a Christian. Park now found himself the centre of an admiring crowd. Men, women, and children crowded round him, pulling at his clothes and examining his waistcoat buttons till he could hardly move. Arrived at Ali's tent, Mungo found an old man with a long white beard. "The surrounding attendants, and especially the ladies, were most inquisitive; they asked a thousand questions, inspected every part of my clothes, searched my pockets, and obliged me to unbutton my waistcoat and display the whiteness of my skin--they even counted my toes and fingers, as if they doubted whether I was in truth a human being." He was lodged in a hut made of corn stalks, and a wild hog was tied to a stake as a suitable companion for the hated Christian. He was brutally ill-treated, closely watched, and insulted by "the rudest savages on earth." The desert winds scorched him, the sand choked him, the heavens above were like brass, the earth beneath as the floor of an oven. Fear came on him, and he dreaded death with his work yet unfinished. At last he escaped from this awful captivity amid the wilds of Africa. Early one morning at sunrise, he stepped over the sleeping negroes, seized his bundle, jumped on to his horse, and rode away as hard as he could. Looking back, he saw three Moors in hot pursuit, whooping and brandishing their double-barrelled guns. But he was beyond reach, and he breathed again. Now starvation stared him in the face. To the pangs of hunger were added the agony of thirst. The sun beat down pitilessly, and at last Mungo fell on the sand. "Here," he thought--"here after a short but ineffectual struggle I must end all my hopes of being useful in my day and generation; here must the short span of my life come to an end." [Illustration: THE CAMP OF ALI, THE MOHAMMEDAN CHIEF, AT BENOWN. From a sketch by Mungo Park.] But happily a great storm came and Mungo spread out his clothes to collect the drops of rain, and quenched his thirst by wringing them out and sucking them. After this refreshment he led his tired horse, directing his way by the compass, lit up at intervals by vivid flashes of lightning. It was not till the third week of his flight that his reward came. "I was told I should see the Niger early next day," he wrote on 20th July 1796. "We were riding through some marshy ground, when some one called out 'See the water!' and, looking forwards, I saw with infinite pleasure the great object of my mission--the long-sought-for majestic Niger glittering to the morning sun, as broad as the Thames at Westminster, and flowing slowly _to the eastward_. I hastened to the brink and, having drunk of the water, lifted up my fervent thanks in prayer to the Great Ruler of all things, for having thus far crowned my endeavours with success. The circumstance of the Niger's flowing towards the east did not excite my surprise, for although I had left Europe in great hesitation on this subject, I had received from the negroes clear assurances that its general course was _towards the rising sun_." He was now near Sego--the capital of Bambarra--on the Niger, a city of some thirty thousand inhabitants. "The view of this extensive city, the numerous canoes upon the river, the crowded population, and the cultivated state of the surrounding country, formed altogether a prospect of civilisation and magnificence which I little expected to find in the bosom of Africa." The natives looked at the poor, thin, white stranger with astonishment and fear, and refused to allow him to cross the river. All day he sat without food under the shade of a tree, and was proposing to climb the tree and rest among its branches to find shelter from a coming storm, when a poor negro woman took pity on his deplorable condition. She took him to her hut, lit a lamp, spread a mat upon the floor, broiled him a fish, and allowed him to sleep. While he rested she spun cotton with other women and sang: "The winds roared and the rains fell. The poor white man, faint and weary, came and sat under our tree. He has no mother to bring him milk, no wife to grind his corn"; and all joined in the chorus: "Let us pity the white man, no mother has he." [Illustration: KAMALIA, A NATIVE VILLAGE NEAR THE SOUTHERN COURSE OF THE NIGER. From a sketch by Mungo Park.] Mungo Park left in the morning after presenting his landlady with two of his last four brass buttons. But though he made another gallant effort to reach Timbuktu and the Niger, which, he was told, "ran to the world's end," lions and mosquitoes made life impossible. His horse was too weak to carry him any farther, and on 29th July 1796 he sadly turned back. "Worn down by sickness, exhausted by hunger and fatigue, half-naked, and without any article of value by which I might get provisions, clothes, or lodging, I felt I should sacrifice my life to no purpose, for my discoveries would perish with me." Joining a caravan of slaves, he reached the coast after some nineteen hundred miles, and after an absence of two years and nine months he found a suit of English clothes, "disrobed his chin of venerable encumbrance," and sailed for home. He published an account of the journey in 1799, after which he married and settled in Scotland as a doctor. But his heart was in Africa, and a few years later he started off again to reach Timbuktu. He arrived at the Gambia early in April 1805. "If all goes well," he wrote gaily, "this day six weeks I expect to drink all your healths in the water of the Niger." He started this time with forty-four Europeans, each with donkeys to carry baggage and food, but it was a deplorable little party that reached the great river on 19th August. Thirty men had died on the march, the donkeys had been stolen, the baggage lost. And the joy experienced by the explorer in reaching the waters of the Niger, "rolling its immense stream along the plain," was marred by the reduction of his little party to seven. Leave to pass down the river to Timbuktu was obtained by the gift of two double-barrelled guns to the King, and in their old canoes patched together under the magnificent name of "His Majesty's schooner the _Joliba_" (great water), Mungo Park wrote his last letter home. [Illustration: A NATIVE WOMAN WASHING GOLD IN SENEGAL. From a sketch by Mungo Park made on his last expedition.] "I am far from desponding. I have changed a large canoe into a tolerably good schooner, on board of which I shall set sail to the east with a fixed resolution to discover the termination of the Niger or perish in the attempt; and though all the Europeans who are with me should die, and though I myself were half-dead, I would still persevere; and if I could not succeed in the object of my journey, I would at least die on the Niger." It was in this spirit that the commander of the _Joliba_ and a crew of nine set forth to glide down a great river toward the heart of savage Africa, into the darkness of the unexplored. The rest is silence. CHAPTER XLIX VANCOUVER DISCOVERS HIS ISLAND While Mungo Park was attempting to find the course of the Niger, the English were busy opening up the great fur-trading country in North America. Although Captain Cook had taken possession of Nootka Sound, thinking it was part of the coast of New Albion, men from other nations had been there to establish with the natives a trade in furs. The Spaniards were specially vigorous in opening up communications on this bleak bit of western coast. Great Britain became alarmed, and decided to send Captain Vancouver with an English ship to enforce her rights to this valuable port. Vancouver had already sailed with Cook on his second southern voyage; he had accompanied him on the _Discovery_ during his last voyage. He therefore knew something of the coast of North-West America. "On the 15th of December 1790, I had the honour of receiving my commission as commander of His Majesty's sloop the _Discovery_, then lying at Deptford, where I joined her," says Vancouver. "Lieutenant Broughton having been selected as a proper officer to command the _Chatham_, he was accordingly appointed. At day dawn on Friday the 1st of April we took a long farewell of our native shores. Having no particular route to the Pacific Ocean pointed out in my instructions, I did not hesitate to prefer the passage by way of the Cape of Good Hope." In boisterous weather Vancouver rounded the Cape, made some discoveries on the southern coast of New Holland, surveyed part of the New Zealand coast, discovered Chatham Island, and on 17th April 1792 he fell in with the coast of New Albion. It was blowing and raining hard when the coast, soon after to be part of the United States of America, was sighted by the captains and crews of the _Discovery_ and _Chatham_. Amid gales of wind and torrents of rain they coasted along the rocky and precipitous shores on which the surf broke with a dull roar. It was dangerous enough work coasting along this unsurveyed coast, full of sunken rocks on which the sea broke with great violence. Soon they were at Cape Blanco (discovered by Martin D'Aguilar), and a few days later at Cape Foulweather of Cook fame, close to the so-called straits discovered by the Greek pilot John da Fuca in 1592. Suddenly, relates Vancouver, "a sail was discovered to the westward. This was a very great novelty, not having seen any vessel during the last eight months. She soon hoisted American colours, and proved to be the ship _Columbia_, commanded by Captain Grey, belonging to Boston. He had penetrated about fifty miles into the disputed strait. He spoke of the mouth of a river that was inaccessible owing to breakers." (This was afterwards explored by Vancouver and named the Columbia River on which Washington now stands.) Having examined two hundred and fifteen miles of coast, Vancouver and his two ships now entered the inlet--Da Fuca Straits--now the boundary between the United States and British Columbia. All day they made their way up the strait, till night came, and Vancouver relates with pride that "we had now advanced farther up this inlet than Mr. Grey or any other person from the civilised world." "We are on the point of examining an entirely new region," he adds, "and in the most delightfully pleasant weather." Snowy ranges of hills, stately forest trees, vast spaces, and the tracks of deer reminded the explorers of "Old England." The crews were given holiday, and great joy prevailed. Natives soon brought them fish and venison for sale, and were keen to sell their children in exchange for knives, trinkets, and copper. As they advanced through the inlet, the fresh beauty of the country appealed to the English captain: "To describe the beauties of this region will be a very grateful task to the pen of a skilful panegyrist--the serenity of the climate, the pleasing landscapes, and the abundant fertility that unassisted nature puts forth, require only to be enriched by the industry of man with villages, mansions, and cottages to render it the most lovely country that can be imagined." A fortnight was spent among the islands of this inlet, which "I have distinguished by the name of Admiralty Inlet," and on 4th June 1792 they drank the health of the King, George III., in a double allowance of grog, and on his fifty-fourth birthday took formal possession of the country, naming the wider part of the strait the Gulf of Georgia and the mainland New Georgia. The two ships then made their way through the narrow and intricate channels separating the island of Vancouver from the mainland of British Columbia, till at last, early in August, they emerged into an open channel discovered by an Englishman four years before and named Queen Charlotte's Sound. Numerous rocky islets made navigation very difficult, and one day in foggy weather the _Discovery_ suddenly grounded on a bed of sunken rocks. The _Chatham_ was near at hand, and at the signal of distress lowered her boats for assistance. For some hours, says Vancouver, "immediate and inevitable destruction presented itself." She grounded at four in the p.m. Till two next morning all hands were working at throwing ballast overboard to lighten her, till, "to our inexpressible joy," the return of the tide floated her once more. Having now satisfied himself that this was an island lying close to the mainland, Vancouver made for Nootka Sound, where he arrived at the end of August. [Illustration: VANCOUVER'S SHIP, THE _DISCOVERY_, ON THE ROCKS IN QUEEN CHARLOTTE'S SOUND. From a drawing in Vancouver's _Voyage_, 1798.] At the entrance of the Sound he was visited by a Spanish officer with a pilot to lead them to a safe anchorage in Friendly Cove, where the Spanish ship, under one Quadra, was riding at anchor. Civilities were interchanged "with much harmony and festivity. As many officers as could be spared from the vessel, and myself dined with Senor Quadra, and were gratified with a repast we had lately been little accustomed to. A dinner of five courses, consisting of a superfluity of the best provisions, was served with great elegance; a royal salute was fired on drinking health to the sovereigns of England and Spain, and a salute of seventeen guns to the success of the service in which the _Discovery_ and _Chatham_ were engaged." But when the true nature of Vancouver's mission was disclosed, there was some little difficulty, for the Spaniards had fortified Nootka, built houses, laid out gardens, and evidently intended to stay. Vancouver sent Captain Broughton home to report the conduct of the Spaniards, and spent his time surveying the coast to the south. Finally all was arranged satisfactorily, and Vancouver sailed off to the Sandwich Islands. When he returned home in the autumn of 1794 he had completed the gigantic task of surveying nine thousand miles of unknown coast chiefly in open boats, with only the loss of two men in both crews--a feat that almost rivalled that of Captain Cook. It has been said that Vancouver "may proudly take his place with Drake, Cook, Baffin, Parry, and other British navigators to whom England looks with pride and geographers with gratitude." CHAPTER L MACKENZIE AND HIS RIVER Even while Vancouver was making discoveries on the western coast of North America, Alexander Mackenzie, an enthusiastic young Scotsman, was making discoveries on behalf of the North-Western Company, which was rivalling the old Hudson Bay Company in its work of expansion. His journey right across America from sea to sea is worthy of note, and it has well been said that "by opening intercourse between Atlantic and Pacific Oceans and forming regular establishments through the interior and at both extremes, as well as along the coasts and islands, the entire command of the fur trade of North America might be obtained. To this may be added the fishing in both seas and the markets of the four quarters of the globe." Mackenzie had already explored the great river flowing through North America to the Arctic seas in 1789. He had brought back news of its great size, its width, its volume of water, only to be mistrusted, till many years later it was found that every word was true, and tributes were paid not only to his general accuracy, but to his general intelligence as an explorer. In 1792 he started off again, and this time he discovered the immense country that lay hidden behind the Rocky Mountains, known to-day as British Columbia. He ascended the Peace River, which flows from the Rocky Mountains, and in the spring of 1793, having made his way with much difficulty across this rugged chain, he embarked on a river running to the south-west. Through wild mountainous country on either side he paddled on; the cold was still intense and the strong mountain currents nearly dashed the canoes to pieces. His Indian guides were obstinate, ignorant, and timid. Mackenzie relates some of his difficulties in graphic language: "Throughout the whole of this day the men had been in a state of extreme ill-humour, and as they did not choose to vent it openly upon me, they disputed and quarrelled among themselves. About sunset the canoe struck upon the stump of a tree, which broke a large hole in her bottom, a circumstance that gave them an opportunity to let loose their discontents without reserve. I left them as soon as we had landed and ascended an elevated bank. It now remained for us to fix on a proper place for building another canoe, as the old one was become a complete wreck. At a very early hour of the morning every man was employed in making preparations for building another canoe, and different parties went in search of wood and gum." While the boat was building, Mackenzie gave his crew a good lecture on their conduct. "I assured them it was my fixed unalterable determination to proceed in spite of every difficulty and danger." The result was highly satisfactory. "The conversation dropped and the work went on." In five days the canoe was ready and they were soon paddling happily onwards towards the sea, where the Indians told him he would find white men building houses. They reached the coast some three weeks later. The Salmon River, as it is called, flows through British Columbia and reaches the sea just north of Vancouver Island, which had been discovered by Vancouver the year before. Alexander Mackenzie had been successful. Let us hear the end of his tale: "I now mixed up some vermilion in melted grease, and inscribed in large characters, on the south-east face of the rock on which we had slept last night, this brief memorial--'Alexander Mackenzie, from Canada, by land, the twenty-second of July, one thousand seven hundred and ninety three.'" CHAPTER LI PARRY DISCOVERS LANCASTER SOUND The efforts of Arctic explorers of past years, Frobisher, Davis, Baffin, Behring, and Cook, had all been more or less frustrated by the impenetrable barrier of ice, which seemed to stretch across the Polar regions like a wall, putting an end to all further advance. Now, early in the nineteenth century, this impenetrable bar of ice had apparently moved and broken up into detached masses and icebergs. The news of a distinct change in the Polar ice was brought home by various traders in the Greenland waters, and soon gave rise to a revival of these voyages for the discovery of the North Pole and a passage round the northern coast of America to the Pacific Ocean. For this coast was totally unknown at this time. Information was collected from casual travellers, whale-fishers, and others, with the result that England equipped two ships for a voyage of discovery to the disputed regions. These were the _Isabella_ (385 tons) and the _Alexander_ (252 tons), Commander Ross being appointed to one and Lieutenant Parry to the other. Parry had served on the coast of North America, and had written a little treatise on the stars in the Northern Hemisphere. He was thinking of offering his services for African discovery when he caught sight of a paragraph in a paper about an expedition for the discovery of the North-West Passage. He wrote at once that "he was ready for hot or for cold--Africa or the Polar regions." And he was at once appointed to the latter. The object of the voyage was clearly set forth. The young explorers were to discover a passage from Davis Strait along the northern coast of America and through the Behring Strait into the Pacific Ocean. Besides this, charts and pictures were to be brought back, and a special artist was to accompany the expedition. Ross himself was an artist, and he has delightfully illustrated his own journals of the expedition. The ships were well supplied with books, and we find the journals of Mackenzie, Hearne, Vancouver, Cook, and other old travelling friends taken for reference--thirty Bibles and sixty Testaments were distributed among the crews. For making friends with the natives, we find a supply of twenty-four brass kettles, one hundred and fifty butchers' knives, three hundred and fifty yards of coloured flannel, one hundred pounds of snuff, one hundred and fifty pounds of soap, forty umbrellas, and much gin and brandy. The expedition left on 18th April 1818, and "I believe," says Ross, "there was not a man who did not indulge after the fashion of a sailor in feeling that its issue was placed in His hands whose power is most visible in the Great Deep." Before June had set in, the two ships were ploughing their way up the west coast of Greenland in heavy snowstorms. They sailed through Davis Strait, past the island of Disco into Baffin's undefined bay. Icebergs stood high out of the water on all sides, and navigation was very dangerous. Towards the end of July a bay to which Ross gave the name of Melville Bay, after the first Lord of the Admiralty, was passed. "Very high mountains of land and ice were seen to the north side of Melville's Bay, forming an impassable barrier, the precipices next the sea being from one thousand to two thousand feet high." The ships were sailing slowly past the desolate shores amid these high icebergs when suddenly several natives appeared on the ice. Now Ross had brought an Eskimo with him named Sacheuse. "Come on!" cried Sacheuse to the astonished natives. "No--no--go away!" they cried. "Go away; we can kill you!" "What great creatures are these?" they asked, pointing to the ships. "Do they come from the sun or the moon? Do they give us light by night or by day?" Pointing southwards, Sacheuse told them that the strangers had come from a distant country. "That cannot be; there is nothing but ice there," was the answer. Soon the Englishmen made friends with these people, whom they called Arctic Highlanders, giving the name of the Arctic Highlands to all the land in the north-east corner of Baffin's Bay. Passing Cape York, they followed the almost perpendicular coast, even as Baffin had done. They passed Wolstenholme Sound and Whale Sound; they saw Smith's Sound, and named the capes on either side Isabella and Alexander after their two ships. And then Ross gave up all further discovery for the time being in this direction. "Even if it be imagined that some narrow strait may exist through these mountains, it is evident that it must for ever be unnavigable," he says decidedly. "Being thus satisfied that there could be no further inducement to continue longer in this place, I shaped my course for the next opening which appeared in view to the westward." This was the Sound which was afterwards called "Jones Sound." "We ran nine miles among very heavy ice, until noon, when, a very thick fog coming on, we were obliged to take shelter under a large iceberg." Sailing south, but some way from land, a wide opening appeared which answered exactly to the Lancaster Sound of Baffin. Lieutenant Parry and many of his officers felt sure that this was a strait communicating with the open sea to westward, and were both astonished and dismayed when Ross, declaring that he was "perfectly satisfied that there was no passage in this direction," turned back. He brought his expedition back to England after a seven months' trip. But, though he was certain enough on the subject, his officers did not agree with him entirely, and the subject of the North-West Passage was still discussed in geographical circles. When young Lieutenant Parry, who had commanded the _Alexander_ in Ross' expedition, was consulted, he pressed for further exploration of the far north. And two expeditions were soon fitted out, one under Parry and one under Franklin, who had already served with Flinders in Australian exploration. Parry started off first with instructions to explore Lancaster's Sound; failing to find a passage, to explore Alderman Jones Sound, failing this again, Sir Thomas Smith's Sound. If he succeeded in getting through to the Behring Strait, he was to go to Kamtchatka and on to the Sandwich Islands. "You are to understand," ran the instructions, "that the finding of a passage from the Atlantic to the Pacific is the main object of this expedition." On board the _Hecla_, a ship of three hundred and seventy-five tons, with a hundred-and-eighty-ton brig, the _Griper_, accompanying, Parry sailed away early in May 1819. The first week in July found him crossing the Arctic Circle amid immense icebergs against which a heavy southerly swell was violently agitated, "dashing the loose ice with tremendous force, sometimes raising a white spray over them to the height of more than a hundred feet, accompanied with a loud noise exactly resembling the roar of distant thunder." The entrance to Lancaster Sound was reached on 31st July, and, says Parry: "It is more easy to imagine than to describe the almost breathless anxiety which was now visible in every countenance, while, as the breeze increased to a fresh gale, we ran quickly up the Sound." Officers and men crowded to the masthead as the ships ran on and on till they reached Barrow's Strait, so named by them after the Secretary of the Admiralty. "We now began to flatter ourselves that we had fairly entered the Polar Sea, and some of the most sanguine among us had even calculated the bearing and distance of Icy Cape as a matter of no very difficult accomplishment." Sailing westward, they found a large island, which they named Melville Island after the first Lord of the Admiralty, and a bay which still bears the name of Hecla and Griper Bay. "Here," says Parry, "the ensigns and pendants were hoisted, and it created in us no ordinary feelings of pleasure to see the British flag waving, for the first time, in those regions which had hitherto been considered beyond the limits of the habitable world." [Illustration: PARRY'S SHIPS, THE _HECLA_ AND _GRIPER_, IN WINTER HARBOUR, DECEMBER 1819. From a drawing in Parry's _Voyage for the North-West Passage_, 1821.] Winter was now quickly advancing, and it was with some difficulty that the ships were forced through the newly formed ice at the head of the Bay of the Hecla and Griper. Over two miles of ice, seven inches thick, had to be sawn through to make a canal for the ships. As soon as they were moored in "Winter Harbour" the men gave three loud and hearty cheers as a preparation for eight or nine months of long and dreary winter. By the end of September all was ready; plenty of grouse and deer remained as food through October, after which there were foxes and wolves. To amuse his men, Parry and his officers got up a play; _Miss in her Teens_ was performed on 5th November, the last day of sun for ninety-six days to come. He also started a paper, _The North Georgian Gazette and Winter Chronicle_, which was printed in England on their return. The New Year, 1819, found the winter growing gloomier. Scurvy had made its appearance, and Parry was using every device in his power to arrest it. Amongst other things he grew mustard and cress in boxes of earth near the stove pipe of his cabin to make fresh vegetable food for the afflicted men. Though the sun was beginning to appear again, February was the coldest part of the year, and no one could be long out in the open without being frostbitten. It was not till the middle of April that a slight thaw began, and the thermometer rose to freezing point. On 1st August the ships were able to sail out of Winter Harbour and to struggle westward again. But they could not get beyond Melville Island for the ice, and after the ships had been knocked about by it, Parry decided to return to Lancaster Sound once more. Hugging the western shores of Baffin's Bay, the two ships were turned homewards, arriving in the Thames early in November 1820. "And," says Parry, "I had the happiness of seeing every officer and man on board both ships--ninety-three persons--return to their native country in as robust health as when they left it, after an absence of nearly eighteen months." [Illustration: THE SEARCH FOR A NORTH-WEST PASSAGE: THE CREWS OF PARRY'S SHIPS, THE _HECLA_ AND _GRIPER_, CUTTING THROUGH THE ICE FOR A WINTER HARBOUR, 1819. Drawn by William Westall, A.R.A., after a sketch by Lieut. Beechey, a member of the expedition.] Parry had done more than this. He not only showed the possibility of wintering in these icy regions in good health and good spirits, but he had certainly discovered straits communicating with the Polar sea. [Illustration: THE NORTH SHORE OF LANCASTER SOUND. From a drawing in Parry's _Voyage for the North-West Passage_, 1821.] CHAPTER LII THE FROZEN NORTH Meanwhile Franklin and Parry started on another expedition in the same month and year. While Parry's orders were to proceed from east to west, Franklin was to go from west to east, with a chance--if remote--that they might meet. He was to go by Hudson's Bay to the mouth of the Copper Mine River and then make his way by sea eastward along the coast. Franklin had made himself a name by work done in the Spitzbergen waters; he was to succeed in the end where others had failed in finding the North-West Passage. The party selected for this work consisted of Captain Franklin, Dr. Richardson, a naval surgeon, two midshipmen, Back and Hood, one of whom was afterwards knighted, and an English sailor named John Hepburn. Just a fortnight after Parry's start these five English explorers sailed on board a ship belonging to the Hudson Bay Company, but it was the end of August before they arrived at the headquarters of the Company. They were cordially received by the Governor, and provided with a large boat well stored with food and arms. Amid a salute of many guns and much cheering the little party, with some Canadian rowers, started off for Cumberland House, one of the forts belonging to the Hudson Bay Company. Six weeks' hard travelling by rivers and lakes, now dragging the boats round rapids, now sleeping in "buffalo-robes" on the hard ground, brought the party to the first stage of their journey. Snow was now beginning to fall, and ice was thick on the rivers, when Franklin resolved to push on to Lake Athabasca that he might have more time to prepare for the coming voyage in the summer. Leaving Richardson and Hood at the fort, he started off with Back and the faithful Hepburn on 18th January 1820, in the very heart of the Arctic winter. Friends at the fort had provided him with Indian snowshoes turned up at the toes like the prow of a boat--with dog sledges, furs, leather trousers, drivers, and food for a fortnight. The snow was very deep, and the dogs found great difficulty in dragging their heavy burdens through the snow. But the record was good. A distance of eight hundred and fifty-seven miles was accomplished in sixty-eight days, with the thermometer at fifty degrees below zero. The hardships endured are very briefly recorded: "Provisions becoming scarce; dogs without food, except a little burnt leather; night miserably cold; tea froze in the tin pots before we could drink it." Lake Athabasca was reached on the 26th of March and preparations for the voyage were pushed forward. Four months later they were joined by Richardson and Hood. "This morning Mr. Back and I had the sincere gratification of welcoming our long-separated friends, Dr. Richardson and Mr. Hood, who arrived in perfect health with two canoes." This is the simple entry in Franklin's journal. Everything was now ready. Spring in these northern climates was enchanting. "The trees quickly put on their leaves after the long, hard winter months, and the whole vegetable world comes forth with a luxuriance no less astonishing than agreeable." At the same time clouds of mosquitoes and stinging sand-flies made the nights horrible. On 18th July the little party in high glee set forward in canoes rowed by Canadian boatmen, hoping to reach the Copper Mine River before winter set in. But the difficulties of the way were great, provisions were scarce, the boatmen grew discontented, ice appeared early, and Franklin had to satisfy himself with wintering at a point five hundred and fifty miles from Lake Athabasca, which he called Fort Enterprise. Here there was prospect of plenty, for large herds of reindeer were grazing along the shores of the lake, and from their flesh "pemmican" was made; but the winter was long and cheerless, and Franklin soon realised that there was not enough food to last through it. So he dispatched the midshipman Back to Lake Athabasca for help. Back's journey was truly splendid, and we cannot omit his simple summary: "On the 17th of March," he says, "at an early hour we arrived at Fort Enterprise, having travelled about eighteen miles a day. I had the pleasure of meeting my friends all in good health, after an absence of nearly five months, during which time I had travelled one thousand one hundred and four miles on snow-shoes and had no other covering at night than a blanket and deer skin, with the thermometer frequently at forty degrees below zero, and sometimes two or three days without tasting food." By his courage and endurance he saved the whole party at Fort Enterprise. By June the spring was sufficiently advanced to set out for the Copper Mine River, and on July they reached the mouth after a tedious journey of three hundred and thirty-four miles. [Illustration: A WINTER VIEW OF FORT ENTERPRISE. From a drawing, by Wm. Back, in Franklin's _Journey to the Polar Sea_, 1823.] The real work of exploration was now to begin, and the party embarked in two canoes to sail along the southern coast of the Polar sea, with the possibility always of meeting the Parry expedition. But the poor Canadian boatmen were terrified at the sight of the sea on which they had never yet sailed, and they were with difficulty persuaded to embark. Indeed, of the two crews, only the five Englishmen had ever been on the sea, and it has been well said that this voyage along the shores of the rock-bound coast of the Arctic sea must always take rank as one of the most daring and hazardous exploits that have ever been accomplished in the interest of geographical research. The two canoes hugged the icy coast as they made their way eastward, and Franklin named the bays, headlands, and islands for a distance of five hundred and fifty-five miles, where a point he called Cape Turnagain marks his farthest limit east. Here is George IV. Coronation Gulf studded with islands, Hood's River, Back's River, Bathurst's Inlet, named after the Secretary of State, and Parry Bay after "my friend, Captain Parry, now employed in the interesting research for a North-West Passage." [Illustration: FRANKLIN'S EXPEDITION TO THE POLAR SEA ON THE ICE. From a drawing, by Wm. Back, in Franklin's _Journey to the Polar Sea_, 1823.] The short season for exploration was now over; rough weather and want of food turned them home, only half satisfied with their work. The worst part of their journey was yet to come. Perhaps never, even in the tragic history of Arctic exploration, had greater hardships been endured than Franklin and his handful of men were to endure on their homeward way. On 22nd August the party left Point Turnagain, hoping by means of their newly discovered Hood River to reach Fort Enterprise. The ground was already covered with snow, and their food was reduced to one meal a day when they left the shores of the Arctic sea for their long inland tramp. Needless to say, the journey had to be performed on foot, and the way was stony and barren. For the first few days nothing was to be found save lichen to eat, and the temperature was far below freezing-point. An uncooked cow after six days of lichen "infused spirit into our starving party," relates Franklin. But things grew no better, and as they proceeded sadly on their way, starvation stared them in the face. One day we hear of the pangs of hunger being stilled by "pieces of singed hide mixed with lichen"; another time the horns and bones of a dead deer were fried with some old shoes and the "putrid carcase of a deer that had died the previous spring was demolished by the starving men." At last things grew so bad that Franklin and the most vigorous of his party pushed on to Fort Enterprise to get and send back food if possible to Richardson and Hood, who were now almost too weak and ill to get along at all. Bitter disappointment awaited them. "At length," says Franklin, "we reached Fort Enterprise, and to our infinite disappointment and grief found it a perfectly desolate habitation. There were no provisions--no Indians. It would be impossible for me to describe our sensations after entering this miserable abode and discovering how we had been neglected; the whole party shed tears, not so much for our own fate as for that of our friends in the rear, whose lives depended entirely on our sending immediate relief from this place." A few old bones and skins of reindeer were collected for supper and the worn-out explorers sat round a fire made by pulling up the flooring of the rooms. It is hardly a matter of surprise to find the following entry in Franklin's journal: "When I arose the following morning my body and limbs were so swollen that I was unable to walk more than a few yards." Before November arrived another tragedy happened. Hood was murdered by one of the party almost mad with hunger and misery. One after another now dropped down and died, and death seemed to be claiming Franklin, Richardson, Back, and Hepburn when three Indians made their appearance with some dried deer and a few tongues. It was not a moment too soon. The Indians soon got game and fish for the starving men, until they were sufficiently restored to leave Fort Enterprise and make their way to Moose Deer Island, where, with the Hudson Bay officers, they spent the winter recovering their health and strength and spirits. When they returned to England in the summer of 1822 they had accomplished five thousand five hundred and fifty miles. They had also endured hardships unsurpassed in the history of exploration. When Parry returned to England the following summer and heard of Franklin's sufferings he cried like a child. He must have realised better than any one else what those sufferings really were, though he himself had fared better. While Franklin had been making his way to the Copper Mine River, Parry on board the _Fury_, accompanied by the _Hecla_, started for Hudson's Strait, by which he was to penetrate to the Pacific, if possible. Owing to bad weather, the expedition did not arrive amid the icebergs till the middle of June. Towering two hundred feet high, the explorers counted fifty-four at one time before they arrived at Resolution Island at the mouth of Hudson Strait. There were already plenty of well-known landmarks in the region of Hudson's Bay, and Parry soon made his way to Southampton Island and Frozen Strait (over which an angry discussion had taken place some hundred years before). He was rewarded by discovering "a magnificent bay," to which he gave the name of the "Duke of York's Bay." The discovery, however, was one of little importance as there was no passage. The winter was fast advancing, the navigable season was nearly over, and the explorers seemed to be only at the beginning of their work. The voyage had been dangerous, harassing, unproductive. They had advanced towards the Behring Strait; they had discovered two hundred leagues of North American coast, and they now prepared to spend the winter in these icebound regions. As usual Parry arranged both for the health and amusement of his men during the long Arctic months--even producing a "joint of English roast beef" for Christmas dinner, preserved "by rubbing the outside with salt and hanging it on deck covered with canvas." There were also Eskimos in the neighbourhood, who proved a never-ceasing source of interest. [Illustration: AN ESKIMO WATCHING A SEAL HOLE. From a drawing in Parry's _Second Voyage for a North-West Passage_, 1824.] One day in April--snow had been falling all night, news spread that the Eskimos "had killed something on the ice." "If the women," says Parry, "were cheerful before, they were now absolutely frantic. A general shout of joy re-echoed through the village; they ran into each others' huts to communicate the welcome intelligence, and actually hugged one another in an ecstasy of delight. When the first burst of joy had at last subsided the women crept one by one into the apartment where the sea-horses had been conveyed. Here they obtained blubber enough to set all their lamps alight, besides a few scraps of meat for their children and themselves. Fresh cargoes were continually arriving, the principal part being brought in by the dogs and the rest by the men, who tied a thong round their waist and dragged in a portion. Every lamp was now swimming with oil, the huts exhibited a blaze of light, and never was there a scene of more joyous festivity than while the cutting up of the walruses continued." For three solid hours the Eskimos appeared to be eating walrus flesh. "Indeed, the quantity they continued to get rid of is almost beyond belief." It was not till early in July that the ship could be moved out of their winter's dock to renew their efforts towards a passage. They were not a little helped by Eskimo charts, but old ice blocked the way, and it was the middle of August before Parry discovered the Strait he called after his two ships, "the Strait of the Fury and Hecla," between Melville Peninsula and Cockburn Island. Confident that the narrow channel led to the Polar seas, Parry pushed on till "our progress was once more opposed by a barrier of the same impenetrable and hopeless ice as before." He organised land expeditions, and reports, "The opening of the Strait into the Polar sea was now so decided that I considered the principal object of my journey accomplished." September had come, and once more the ships were established in their winter quarters. A second month in among the ice must have been a severe trial to this little band of English explorers, but cheerfully enough they built a wall of snow twelve feet high round the _Fury_ to keep out snowdrifts. The season was long and severe, and it was August before they could get free of ice. The prospect of a third winter in the ice could not be safely faced, and Parry resolved to get home. October found them at the Shetlands, all the bells of Lerwick being set ringing and the town illuminated with joy at the arrival of men who had been away from all civilisation for twenty-seven months. On 14th November 1823 the expedition arrived home in England. Still the restless explorer was longing to be off again; he was still fascinated by the mysteries of the Arctic regions, but on his third voyage we need not follow him, for the results were of no great importance. The _Fury_ was wrecked amid the ice in Prince Regent's Inlet, and the whole party had to return on board the _Hecla_ in 1825. CHAPTER LIII FRANKLIN'S LAND JOURNEY TO THE NORTH The northern shores of North America were not yet explored, and Franklin proposed another expedition to the mouth of the Mackenzie River, where the party was to divide, half of them going to the east and half to the west. Nothing daunted by his recent sufferings, Franklin accepted the supreme command, and amid the foremost volunteers for service were his old friends, Back and Richardson. The officers of the expedition left England in February 1825, and, travelling by way of New York and Canada, they reached Fort Cumberland the following June; a month later they were at Fort Chipewyan on the shores of Lake Athabasca, and soon they had made their way to the banks of the Great Bear Lake River, which flows out of that lake into the Mackenzie River, down which they were to descend to the sea. They decided to winter on the shores of the Bear Lake; but Franklin could never bear inaction, so he resolved to push on to the mouth of the Great River with a small party in order to prospect for the coming expedition. So correct had been Mackenzie's survey of this Great River, as it was called, that Franklin, "in justice to his memory," named it the Mackenzie River after its "eminent discoverer," which name it has borne ever since. In a little English boat, with a fair wind and a swift current, Franklin accomplished three hundred and twelve miles in about sixty hours. The saltness of the water, the sight of a boundless horizon, and the appearance of porpoises and whales were encouraging signs. They had reached the Polar sea at last--the "sea in all its majesty, entirely free from ice and without any visible obstruction to its navigation." On reaching the coast a silken Union Jack worked by Franklin's dying wife was unfurled. She had died a few days after he left England, but she had insisted on her husband's departure in the service of his country, only begging him not to unfurl her flag till he arrived at the Polar shores. As it fluttered in the breeze of these desolate shores, the little band of Englishmen cheered and drank to the health of the King. "You can imagine," says Franklin, "with what heartfelt emotion I first saw it unfurled; but in a short time I derived great pleasure in looking at it." It was too late to attempt navigation for this year, although the weather in August was "inconveniently warm," so on 5th September, Franklin returned to winter quarters on the Great Bear Lake. During his absence a comfortable little settlement had grown up to accommodate some fifty persons, including Canadian and Indian hunters with their wives and children. In honour of the commander it had been called Fort Franklin, and here the party of explorers settled down for the long months of winter. [Illustration: FORT FRANKLIN, ON THE GREAT BEAR LAKE, IN THE WINTER. From a drawing in Franklin's _Second Expedition to the Polar Sea_, 1828.] "As the days shortened," says Franklin, "it was necessary to find employment during the long evenings for those resident at the house, and a school was established from seven to nine for their instruction in reading, writing, and arithmetic, attended by most of the British party. Sunday was a day of rest, and the whole party attended Divine Service morning and evening. If on other evenings the men felt the time tedious, the hall was at their service to play any game they might choose, at which they were joined by the officers. Thus the men became more attached to us, and the hearts and feelings of the whole party were united in one common desire to make the time pass as agreeably as possible to each other, until the return of spring should enable us to resume the great object of the expedition." April brought warmer weather, though the ground was still covered with snow, and much boat-building went on. In May swans had appeared on the lake, then came geese, then ducks, then gulls and singing birds. By June the boats were afloat, and on the 24th the whole party embarked for the Mackenzie River and were soon making their way to the mouth. Here the party divided. Franklin on board the _Lion_, with a crew of six, accompanied by Back on board the _Reliance_, started westwards, while Richardson's party was to go eastwards and survey the coast between the mouth of the Mackenzie River and the Copper Mine. On 7th July, Franklin reached the sea, and, with flags flying, the _Lion_ and the _Reliance_ sailed forth on the unknown seas, only to ground a mile from shore. Suddenly some three hundred canoes full of Eskimos crowded towards them. These people had never seen a white man before, but when it was explained to them that the English had come to find a channel for large ships to come and trade with them, they "raised the most deafening shout of applause." They still crowded round the little English boats, till at last, like others of their race, they began to steal things from the boats. When detected they grew furious and brandished knives, they tore the buttons off the men's coats, and for a time matters looked serious till the English showed their firearms, when the canoes paddled away and the Eskimos hid themselves. With a fair wind the boats now sailed along the coast westward, till stopped by ice, which drove them from the shore. Dense fogs, stormy winds, and heavy rain made this Polar navigation very dangerous; but the explorers pushed on till, on 27th July, they reached the mouth of a broad river which, "being the most westerly river in the British dominions on this coast and near the line of demarcation between Great Britain and Russia, I named it the Clarence," says Franklin, "in honour of His Royal Highness the Lord High Admiral." A box containing a royal medal was deposited here, and the Union Jack was hoisted amid hearty cheers. [Illustration: FRANKLIN'S EXPEDITION CROSSING BACK'S INLET. From a drawing, by Lieut. Back, in Franklin's _Second Expedition to the Polar Sea_, 1828.] Still fogs and storms continued; the farther west they advanced, the denser grew the fog, till by the middle of August, winter seemed to have set in. The men had suffered much from the hard work of pulling and dragging the heavy boats; they also endured torments from countless swarms of mosquitoes. They were now some three hundred and seventy-four miles from the mouth of the Mackenzie River and only half-way to Icy Cape; but Franklin, with all his courage and with all his enthusiasm, dared not risk the lives of his men farther. "Return Reef" marks his farthest point west, and it was not till long after that he learnt that Captain Beechey, who had been sent in the _Blossom_ by way of Behring Strait, had doubled Icy Cape and was waiting for Franklin one hundred and sixty miles away. On 21st September, Fort Franklin was reached after three months' absence. Dr. Richardson had already returned after a successful coast voyage of some eight hundred miles. When he had left Franklin he had, on board the _Dolphin_, accompanied by the _Union_, sailed along the unknown coast eastward. Like Franklin's party, his expedition had also suffered from fogs, gales, and mosquitoes, but they had made their way on, naming inlets, capes, and islands as they passed. Thus we find Russell Inlet, Point Bathurst, Franklin's Bay, Cape Parry, the Union and Dolphin Straits, named after the two little ships, where the _Dolphin_ was nearly wrecked between two masses of ice. They had reached Fort Franklin in safety just before Franklin's party, and, being too late to think of getting home this year, they were all doomed to another winter at the Fort. They reached England on 26th September 1827, after an absence of two years and a half. Franklin had failed to find the North-West Passage, but he and Richardson had discovered a thousand miles of North American coast, for which he was knighted and received the Paris Geographical Society's medal for "the most important acquisition to geographical knowledge" made during the year. It was a curious coincidence that the two Arctic explorers, Franklin and Parry, both arrived in England the same month from their various expeditions, and appeared at the Admiralty within ten minutes of one another. CHAPTER LIV PARRY'S POLAR VOYAGE Parry had left England the preceding April in an attempt to reach the North Pole by means of sledges over the ice. To this end he had sailed to Spitzbergen in his old ship the _Hecla_, many of his old shipmates sailing with him. They arrived off the coast of Spitzbergen about the middle of May 1827. Two boats had been specially built in England, covered with waterproof canvas and lined with felt. The _Enterprise_ and _Endeavour_ had bamboo masts and paddles, and were constructed to go on sledges, drawn by reindeer, over the ice. "Nothing," says Parry, "can be more beautiful than the training of the Lapland reindeer. With a simple collar of skin round his neck, a single trace of the same material attached to the sledge and passing between his legs, and one rein fastened like a halter round his neck, this intelligent and docile animal is perfectly under the command of an experienced driver, and performs astonishing journeys over the softest snow. Shaking the rein over his back is the only whip that is required." Leaving the _Hecla_ in safe harbour on the Spitzbergen coast, Parry and James Ross, a nephew of John Ross, the explorer, with food for two months, started off in their two boat-sledges for the north. They made a good start; the weather was calm and clear, the sea smooth as a mirror--walruses lay in herds on the ice, and, steering due north, they made good progress. Next day, however, they were stopped by ice. Instead of finding a smooth, level plain over which the reindeer could draw their sledges with ease, they found broken, rugged, uneven ice, which nothing but the keen enthusiasm of the explorer could have faced. The reindeer were useless, and they had to be relinquished; it is always supposed that they were eaten, but history is silent on this point. The little party had to drag their own boats over the rough ice. They travelled by night to save snow-blindness, also that they could enjoy greater warmth during the hours of sleep by day. [Illustration: THE BOATS OF PARRY'S EXPEDITION HAULED UP ON THE ICE FOR THE NIGHT. From a drawing in Parry's _Attempt to Reach the North Pole_, 1828.] Parry describes the laborious journey: "Being 'rigged' for travelling," he says, "we breakfasted upon warm cocoa and biscuit, and after stowing the things in the boats we set off on our day's journey, and usually travelled about five and a half hours, then stopped an hour to dine, and again travelled five or six hours. After this we halted for the night as we called it, though it was usually early in the morning, selecting the largest surface of ice we happened to be near for hauling the boats on. The boats were placed close alongside each other, and the sails supported by bamboo masts placed over them as awnings. Every man then put on dry socks and fur boots and went to supper. Most of the officers and men then smoked their pipes, which served to dry the awnings. We then concluded our day with prayers and, having put on our fur dresses, lay down to sleep," alone in the great ice desert. Progress was slow and very tedious. One day it took them four hours to cover half a mile. On 1st July they were still labouring forward; a foot of soft snow on the ground made travelling very exhausting. Some of the hummocks of ice were as much as twenty-five feet above sea-level; nothing was to be seen but ice and sky, both often hidden by dense fog. Still the explorers pushed on, Parry and Ross leading the way and the men dragging the boat-sledges after. July 12th was a brilliant day, with clear sky overhead--"an absolute luxury." For another fortnight they persevered, and on 23rd July they reached their farthest point north. It was a warm, pleasant day, with the thermometer at thirty-six in the shade; they were a hundred and seventy-two miles from Spitzbergen, where the _Hecla_ lay at anchor. "Our ensigns and pendants were displayed during the day, and severely as we regretted not having been able to hoist the British flag in the highest latitude to which we had aspired, we shall perhaps be excused in having felt some little pride in being the bearers of it to a parallel considerably beyond that mentioned in any other well-authenticated record." On 27th July they reluctantly turned to the south, and on 21st August they arrived on board the _Hecla_ after an absence of sixty-one days, every one of the party being in good health. Soon after they sailed for England, and by a strange coincidence arrived in London at the same time as Franklin. Many an attempt was yet to be made to reach the North Pole, till at last it was discovered by Peary, an American, in 1909. CHAPTER LV THE SEARCH FOR TIMBUKTU It is a relief to turn from the icy north to the tropical climate of Central Africa, where Mungo Park had disappeared in 1805. The mystery of Timbuktu and the Niger remained unsolved, though more than one expedition had left the coast of Africa for the "mystic city" lying "deep in that lion-haunted inland." Notwithstanding disaster, death, and defeat, a new expedition set forth from Tripoli to cross the great Sahara Desert. It was under Major Denham, Lieutenant Clapperton, and Dr. Oudney. They left Tripoli in March 1822. "We were the first English travellers," says Denham, "who had determined to travel in our real character as Britons and Christians, and to wear our English dress: the buttons on our waistcoats and our watches caused the greatest astonishment." It was the end of November before they were ready to leave the frontier on their great desert journey. The long enforced stay in this unhealthy border town had undermined their health; fever had reduced Denham, Dr. Oudney was suffering from cough and pains in his chest, Clapperton was shivering with ague--a state of health "ill-calculated for undertaking a long and tedious journey." A long escort of men and camels accompanied them into the merciless desert, with its burning heat and drifting sands--"the Sea of Sahara" as the old cartographer calls it. December found them still slowly advancing over the billowy sand, deeply impressed and horrified at the number of slave skeletons that lay about the wind-swept desert. The new year brought little relief. "No wood, no water," occurs constantly in Denham's journal. "Desert as yesterday; high sandhills." Still they persevered, until, on 4th February 1823, they were rewarded by seeing a sheet of water, "the great Lake Tchad, glowing with the golden rays of the sun in its strength." Was this, after all, the source of the Niger? Its low shores were surrounded with reedy marshes and clumps of white water-lilies, there were flocks of wild ducks and geese, birds with beautiful plumage were feeding on the margin of the lake, pelicans, cranes, immense white spoonbills, yellow-legged plover--all were dwelling undisturbed in this peaceful spot. And this most remarkable lake lay eight hundred feet above the Atlantic, between the watersheds of Nile, Niger, and Congo. But Lake Tchad was not their goal; they must push on over new country where no European had been before. A fortnight later they reached Kukawa, the capital of Bornu, once a great Mohammedan empire. "We were about to become acquainted with a people who had never seen or scarcely heard of a European," says Denham, "and to tread on ground, the knowledge and true situation of which had hitherto been wholly unknown. We advanced towards the town of Kuka in a most interesting state of uncertainty, whether we should find its chief at the head of thousands, or be received by him under a tree, surrounded by a few naked slaves." Their doubts were soon set at rest by the sight of several thousand cavalry, drawn up in line. They were received by an Arab general, "a negro of noble aspect, dressed in a figured silk robe and mounted on a beautiful horse." They had passed from the region of hidden huts to one of great walled cities, from the naked pagan to the cultivated follower of Mohammed, from superstition to mosques and schools, from ignorance to knowledge. The Sheikh, who received the travellers in a small room with armed negroes on either side, asked the reason of their long and painful journey across the desert. "To see the country," answered the Englishmen, "and to give an account of its inhabitants, produce, and appearance, as our sultan was desirous of knowing every part of the globe." [Illustration: MAJOR DENHAM AND HIS PARTY RECEIVED BY THE SHEIKH OF BORNU. From a drawing by Major Denham.] The Sheikh's hospitality was overwhelming; he had huts built for them, "which," says Denham, "were so crowded with visitors that we had not a moment's peace, and the heat was insufferable." He sent presents of bullocks, camel-loads of wheat and rice, leather skins of butter, jars, and honey. The market of Kuka was famous. It was attended by some fifteen thousand persons from all parts, and the produce sold there was astonishing. Here Clapperton and Dr. Oudney stayed all through the summer months, for both were ill, and Oudney was growing rapidly worse. Denham meanwhile went off on exploring expeditions in the neighbourhood. On 14th December, Clapperton and Oudney left the friendly Sheikh and made their way to Kano. But the rough travelling proved too much for Oudney; each day found him weaker, but he valiantly journeyed on. On 12th January he ordered the camels to be loaded as usual, and he was dressed by Clapperton, but he was too ill to be lifted on to his camel, and a few hours later he died. Clapperton was now alone "amid a strange people" in a land "hitherto never trodden by European foot," and very ill himself. But he reached Kano, the famous trading centre of the Haussas, containing some forty thousand inhabitants. Here again the market impressed him deeply, so full was it of cosmopolitan articles from far-distant lands. After a month's stay at Kano, now the capital of the northern province of Nigeria of that name, he set out for Sokoto, though very ill and weak at the time. He was assured of kind treatment by the Sultan. He arrived on 16th March, and "to impress them with my official importance I arrayed myself in my lieutenant's coat trimmed with gold lace, white trousers, and silk stockings, and, to complete my finery, I wore Turkish slippers and a turban." Crowds collected on his arrival, and he was conducted to the Sultan, who questioned him closely about Europe. "I laid before him a present in the name of His Majesty the King of England, consisting of two new blunderbusses, an embroidered jacket, some scarlet breeches, cloves and cinnamon, gunpowder, razors, looking-glasses, snuff-boxes, and compasses." "Everything is wonderful!" exclaimed the Sultan; "but you are the greatest curiosity of all! What can I give that is acceptable to the King of England?" "Co-operate with His Majesty in putting a stop to the slave trade," was Clapperton's answer. "What, have you no slaves in England?" The Englishman replied, "No!" to which the Sultan answered: "God is great; you are a beautiful people." But when Clapperton asked for leave in order to solve the mystery of the Niger, the Sultan refused, and he was obliged to return to Kuka, where he arrived on 8th July. A week later he was joined by Denham. "It was nearly eight months since we had separated," says Denham, "and I went immediately to the hut where he was lodged; but so satisfied was I that the sunburnt, sickly person that lay extended on the floor, rolled in a dark-blue shirt, was not my companion, that I was about to leave the place, when he convinced me of my error by calling me by my name. Our meeting was a melancholy one, for he had buried his companion. Notwithstanding the state of weakness in which I found Captain Clapperton, he yet spoke of returning to Sudan after the rains." But this was not to be, and a month later we find the two explorers turning homewards to Tripoli, where they arrived at the end of January. But, with all his long travelling in Africa, Clapperton had not seen the Niger, and, although the effects of his fever had not worn away, he spent but two months in England before he was off again. This time he sailed to the Gulf of Guinea, and from a place on the coast near the modern Lagos he started by a new and untried route to reach the interior of the great Dark Continent. It was September 1825 when he left the coast with his companions. Before the month was over, the other Europeans had died from the pestilential climate of Nigeria, and Clapperton, alone with his faithful servant, Richard Lander, pushed on. At last he saw the great Niger near the spot where Mungo Park and his companions had perished. At Bussa they made out the tragic story of his end. They had descended the river from Timbuktu to Bussa, when the boat struck upon some rocks. Natives from the banks shot at them with arrows; the white men then, seeing all was lost, jumped into the river and were drowned. The Niger claimed its explorer in the end, and the words of Mungo Park must have occurred to Clapperton as he stood and watched: "Though I myself were half-dead, I would still persevere; and if I could not succeed in the object of my journey, I would at least die on the Niger." From Bussa, Clapperton made his way to Kano and Sokoto; but on 13th April 1827, broken down by fever, he died in the arms of his faithful servant. With his master's papers and journal, Lander made his way home, thus establishing for the first time a direct connection between Benin and Tripoli, the west coast and the north. Still the mouth of the Niger had not been found. This discovery was reserved for this very Richard Lander and his brother John. Just a year after the death of Clapperton a young Frenchman, Rene Caille, tempted by the offer of ten thousand francs offered by the French Geographical Society for the first traveller who should reach that mysterious city, entered Timbuktu 20th April 1829, after a year's journey from Sierra Leone. And from his pen we get the first direct account of the once important city. "At length," he says, "we arrived safely at Timbuktu, just as the sun was touching the horizon. I now saw this capital of the Sudan, to reach which had so long been the object of my wishes. To God alone did I confide my joy. I looked around and found that the sight before me did not answer my expectations. I had formed a totally different idea of the grandeur and wealth of it. The city presented nothing but a mass of ill-looking houses, built of earth. Nothing was to be seen in all directions but immense plains of quicksand of a yellowish white colour. The sky was a pale red as far as the horizon, all nature wore a dreary aspect, and the most profound silence prevailed: not even the warbling of a bird was to be heard. The heat was oppressive; not a breath of air freshened the atmosphere. This mysterious city, which has been the object of curiosity for many ages, and of whose civilisation, population, and trade with the Sudan such exaggerated notions have prevailed, is situated in an immense plain of white sand, having no vegetation but stunted trees and shrubs, and has no other resources save its trade in salt." [Illustration: THE FIRST EUROPEAN PICTURE OF TIMBUKTU. From a drawing in Caille's _Tomboctou_, 1829.] It is curious to note what a burst of interest was aroused in England at this time with regard to Timbuktu. Thackeray wrote in 1829-- "In Africa (a quarter of the world) Men's skins are black, their hair is crisp and curl'd; And somewhere there, unknown to public view, A mighty city lies, called Timbuktu." while the same year Tennyson's poem on Timbuktu won for him the prize at Cambridge University for the best poem of the year. CHAPTER LVI RICHARD AND JOHN LANDER DISCOVER THE MOUTH OF THE NIGER Lander, the "faithful attendant of the late Captain Clapperton," as he is called in his instructions, was burning to be off again to explore further the mysterious Niger. No pecuniary reward was to be his; he was a poor man, and just for the love of exploring the unknown he started off. He had inspired his brother with a desire to solve the great mystery; so on 22nd February 1830 the two brothers arrived at Cape Coast Castle and made their way to Bussa, which place they entered on 18th June. Sitting on a rock overlooking the spot where Mungo Park had perished, the brothers resolved to "set at rest for ever the great question of the course and termination of the great Niger." It was 20th September before preparations were completed for the eventful voyage from Bussa to the mouth of the Niger. For provisions they took three large bags of corn and one of beans, a couple of fowls, and two sheep to last a month, while the king added rice, honey, onions, and one hundred pounds of vegetable butter. Then in two native canoes the Landers embarked on the great river, the "Dark Water" as it was more often called, while the crowds who came down to the riverside to bid them farewell knelt with uplifted hands, imploring for the explorers the protection of Allah and their prophet. It was indeed a perilous undertaking; sunken reefs were an ever-present danger, while the swift current ran them dangerously near many jagged rocks. For nearly a month they paddled onward with their native guides in anxiety and suspense, never knowing what an hour might bring forth. On 7th October a curious scene took place when the King of the Dark Water came forth in all his pomp and glory to see the white strangers who were paddling down the great river. Waiting under the shade of a tree, for the morning was very hot, the Landers observed a large canoe paddled by twenty young black men singing as they rowed. In the centre of the boat a mat awning was erected: in the bows sat four little boys "clad with neatness and propriety," while in the stern sat musicians with drums and trumpets. Presently the king stepped forth. He was coal black, dressed in an Arab cloak, Haussa trousers, and a cap of red cloth, while two pretty little boys about ten years of age, acting as pages, followed him, each bearing a cow's tail in his hand to brush away flies and other insects. Six wives, jet black girls in neat country caps edged with red silk, accompanied him. To make some impression on this pompous king, Lander hoisted the "Union flag." "When unfurled and waving in the wind, it looked extremely pretty, and it made our hearts glow with pride and enthusiasm as we looked at the solitary little banner. I put on an old naval uniform coat, and my brother dressed himself in as grotesque and gaudy a manner as our resources would afford; our eight attendants also put on new white Mohammedan robes." Other canoes joined the royal procession and the little flotilla moved down the river. "Never did the British flag lead so extraordinary a squadron," remarks Lander. As the King of the Dark Water stepped on shore the Englishmen fired a salute, which frightened him not a little till the honour was explained. Having now exchanged their two canoes for one of a larger size, they continued their journey down the river. [Illustration: RICHARD AND JOHN LANDER PADDLING DOWN THE NIGER. From a drawing in the account of Lander's _Travels_, 1835.] On 25th October they found the waters of the Niger were joined by another large river known to-day as the Benue, the Mother of Waters, flowing in from the east. After this the banks of the river seemed to grow hilly, and villages were few and far between. "Our canoe passed smoothly along the Niger, and everything was silent and solitary; no sound could be distinguished save our own voices and the plashing of the paddles with their echoes; the song of birds was not heard, nor could any animal whatever be seen; the banks seemed to be entirely deserted, and the magnificent Niger to be slumbering in its own grandeur." "One can imagine the feelings," says a modern writer, "in such circumstances of the brothers, drifting they knew not whither, in intolerable silence and loneliness on the bosom of a river which had caused the death of so many men who had endeavoured to wrest from it its secret." Two days later a large village appeared, and suddenly a cry rang through the air: "Holloa, you Englishmen! You come here!" It came from a "little squinting fellow" dressed in an English soldier's jacket, a messenger from the Chief of Bonney on the coast, buying slaves for his master. He had picked up a smattering of English from the Liverpool trading ships which came to Bonney for palm-oil from the river. There was no longer any doubt that the mouth of the Niger was not far off, and that the many-mouthed delta was well known to Europeans under the name of the "Oil Rivers" flowing into the Bight of Benin. Lander pushed on till he had paddled down the Brass River, as one of the many branches was called, when he heard "the welcome sound of the surf on the beach." The mystery of the Niger, after a lapse of two thousand five hundred years since its existence had been recorded by Herodotus, was solved at last. CHAPTER LVII ROSS DISCOVERS THE NORTH MAGNETIC POLE The first attempt to discover the North-West Passage by means of steam instead of sail was made by Captain Ross, who, since his expedition in 1819, had been burning to set off again for the Arctic regions. The reward of 20,000 pounds held out to the discoverer of a north-west passage had been repealed, but an old friend, Felix Booth, decided to finance Ross, the Government having refused. "After examining various steamships advertised for sale," says Ross, "I purchased the _Victory_, which had been once employed as a packet." With food and fuel for one thousand days, and accompanied by his nephew, James Ross, who had been with Parry on his recent Polar voyage, he left England the end of May 1829, not to return for many a long year. Disasters soon began. The _Victory_ began to leak, her engines were defective, and there was nothing for it but to heave up her paddles and trust to sail. Sailing to the northward, they found the sea smooth and the weather so warm that they could dine without a fire and with the skylights off. Entering Lancaster Sound, they sailed up Prince Regent's Inlet. They soon discovered the spot where the _Fury_ had been wrecked four years before and abandoned by Captain Parry with whom was James Ross, who now found the stores which had been safely hidden on that occasion. As they made their way up the inlet, strong currents and vast masses of ice hard and solid as granite more than once threatened them with destruction. "Imagine," says Captain Ross, "these mountains hurled through a narrow strait by a rapid tide, meeting with the noise of thunder, breaking from each other's precipices huge fragments, till, losing their former equilibrium, they fall over headlong, lifting the sea around in breakers and whirling it in eddies." Escaping these perils, Ross entered a fine harbour. Here he landed, hoisted the colours, and took possession of the new land he had found, and, drinking the King's health, called the land Boothia, after his patron. For the next two months, August and September, he carefully explored the coast of this newly discovered Boothia for some three hundred miles, naming points and capes and islands after friends at home and on board. Heavy squalls of snow and ever-thickening ice pointed out the necessity of winter quarters, and 1st October found the _Victory_ imprisoned by thick immovable ice. "The prison door was shut upon us for the first time," says Ross sadly. "Nothing was to be seen but one dazzling, monotonous extent of snow. It was indeed a dull prospect. Amid all its brilliancy, this land of ice and snow has ever been, and ever will be, a dull, dreary, heart-sinking, monotonous waste, under the influence of which the very mind is paralysed. Nothing moves and nothing changes, but all is for ever the same--cheerless, cold, and still." The explorers little thought that this was to be their home for the next three years. They spent a fairly cheerful Christmas with mince pies and "iced cherry brandy" taken from the stores of the _Fury_, and early in 1830 the monotony was broken by the appearance of Eskimos. These were tremendously dressed up in furs, a shapeless mass, and Ross describes one as resembling "the figure of a globe standing on two pins." They soon became friendly, taking the Englishmen to see their snow huts, drawing them charts of Boothia Gulf beyond Felix Harbour, while in exchange the explorers taught English to the little Eskimo children and ministered to their ailments, the ship's carpenter even making a wooden leg for one of the natives. [Illustration: ROSS'S WINTER QUARTERS IN FELIX HARBOUR.] [Illustration: THE FIRST COMMUNICATION WITH ESKIMOS AT BOOTHIA FELIX, JANUARY 1830. SIR JOHN ROSS'S EXPEDITION TO THE NORTH MAGNETIC POLE, 1829-1833. From drawings by Ross in his _Narrative of a Second Voyage in Search of a North-West Passage_.] So the long winter passed away. A few land journeys with sledges only ended in disappointment, but at last the vessel was free of ice and joyfully they hoisted her sails. But worse disappointment was in store. She had sailed for three miles when they met a ridge of ice, and a solid sea forbade any further advance. In vain did they try to saw through the ice. November found the poor _Victory_ hopelessly icebound and her crew doomed to another winter in the same region. It was not till May that a journey across the land of Boothia to the west coast was possible. Ross and his nephew had been calculating the position of the North Magnetic Pole all the long winter, and with signs of spring they set forth. "Our journey had a very new appearance. The mother of two Eskimos led the way with a staff in her hand, my sledge following with the dogs and one of the children, guided by one of the wives with a child on her back. After a native sledge came that of Commander Ross, followed by more Eskimos. Many halts were made, as our burdens were heavy, the snow deep, and the ice rough." After a fortnight's travelling past the chain of great lakes--the woman still guiding them--the Rosses, uncle and nephew, separated. James Ross now made for the spot where the Magnetic Pole was supposed to be. His own account shows with what enthusiasm he found it. "We were now within fourteen miles of the calculated position of the Magnetic Pole and now commenced a rapid march, and, persevering with all our might, we reached the calculated place at eight in the morning of the 1st of June. I must leave it to others to imagine the elation of mind with which we found ourselves now at length arrived at this great object of our ambition. It almost seemed as if we had accomplished everything that we had come so far to see and to do; as if our voyage and all its labours were at an end, and that nothing remained for us but to return home and be happy for the rest of our days. Amid mutual congratulation we fixed the British flag on the spot and took possession of the North Magnetic Pole and its adjoining territory in the name of Great Britain and King William IV. We had plenty of materials for building, and we therefore erected a cairn of some magnitude under which we buried a canister containing a record of the interesting fact." Another fortnight found the successful explorers staggering back to the _Victory_ with their great news, after an absence of twenty-eight days. Science has shown that the Magnetic Pole revolves, and that Ross's cairn will not again mark its exact position for many a long year to come. [Illustration: THE ROSSES ON THEIR JOURNEY TO THE NORTH MAGNETIC POLE. From a drawing in Ross's _Second Voyage for a North-West Passage_, 1835.] By the end of August the ice had broken and the _Victory_ was once more in full sail, but gales of wind drove her into harbour, which she never left again. Despite their colossal efforts, it soon became apparent that yet another winter would have to be passed in the frozen seas. The entries in Ross's journal become shorter and more despondent day by day. "The sight of ice to us is a plague, a vexation, a torment, an evil, a matter of despair. Could we have skated, it would not have been an amusement; we had exercise enough and, worst of all, the ice which surrounds us obstructed us, imprisoned us, annoyed us in every possible manner, had become odious to our sight." By October there was no open water to be seen; "the hopeful did not hope more, and the despondent continued to despair." This was their third winter in the ice--food was growing scarce, the meat was so hard frozen that it had to be cut with a saw or thawed in warm cocoa. Snow-blindness afflicted many of the men badly. At last came the summer of 1833, but the _Victory_ was still fast in her winter quarters, and all attempts to release her had failed. They now decided to abandon her and to drag their boats over the ice to the wreck of the _Fury_, replenishing their stores and trusting to some whaler to take them home. We get a pathetic picture. "The colours were hoisted," says Ross, "and nailed to the mast, we drank a parting glass to our poor old ship, and, having seen every man out, I took my own adieu of the _Victory_ in the evening. She had deserved a better fate. It was like parting with an old friend." On 23rd April the weary explorers began dragging their boats and the last month's provisions over the ice in the face of wind and snow. The journey was painful and distressing. They found Barrow's Strait full of impenetrable ice, and resolved to pass the winter on Fury beach, which seemed almost like home to the half-starved men. Erecting a house which they called "Somerset House," they prepared for a fourth winter. For severity it was unequalled, the crew developed scurvy, and all were suffering sorely when, in the following August, the unfortunate party was rescued by the whaler, "_Isabella_ of Hull, once commanded by Captain Ross." It was the ship in which Ross had made his first Arctic exploration. At first the mate refused to believe the story of these "bear-like" men. The explorers and Ross had been lost these two years. But, almost frantic with delight, the explorers climbed on board the _Isabella_ to be received with the heartiest of cheers when their identity was disclosed. "That we were a repulsive-looking people, none could doubt," says poor Ross, "unshaven since I know not when, dirty, dressed in rags of wild beasts, and starved to the very bones, our gaunt and grim looks, when contrasted with those of the well-dressed and well-fed men around us, made us all feel what we really were, as well as what we seemed to others." Then followed a wild scene of "washing, dressing, shaving, eating, all intermingled," while in the midst of all there were questions to be asked and the news from England to be heard. Long accustomed to a cold bed on the hard snow or the bare rock, few of them could sleep that night in the comfort of the new accommodation. They were soon safely back in England, large crowds collecting to get a glimpse of Captain Ross. His own words best end the account of his travels. "On my arrival in London," he says, "on the 20th of October 1883, it became my first duty to repair to the royal palace at Windsor, with an account of my voyage, and to lay at the feet of His Majesty the British flag which had been hoisted on the Magnetic Pole." [Illustration: "SOMERSET HOUSE," ROSS'S WINTER QUARTERS ON FURY BEACH. From a drawing in Ross's _Second Voyage for a North-West Passage_, 1835.] CHAPTER LVIII FLINDERS NAMES AUSTRALIA We must now return to Australia, as yet so imperfectly explored, and take up the story of the young colony at Sydney. For seven years it thrived under the careful management of Governor Phillips, who was then replaced by one Hunter. With the new governor from England arrived two young men destined to distinguish themselves in the exploration of New South Wales. They were midshipman Matthew Flinders and surgeon George Bass. The reading of _Robinson Crusoe_ had created in young Flinders a passion for sea-adventure, and no sooner had the _Reliance_ anchored in Sydney harbour than the two young friends resolved on an exploring expedition to the south. For there were rumours afloat that Van Diemen's Land did not join the main continent of New South Wales. Little enough help was forthcoming for the expedition, and the friends had to content themselves with a little boat eight feet long--the _Tom Thumb_--and only a boy to help them. But with all the eager enthusiasm of youth they sailed from Port Jackson on 25th March 1796. It is impossible to follow all their adventures as they attempted the survey of the coast. A storm on the 29th nearly swallowed up the little _Tom Thumb_ and her plucky sailors. "At ten o'clock," says Flinders, "the wind, which had been unsettled and driving electric clouds in all directions, burst out in a gale. In a few minutes the waves began to break, and the extreme danger to which this exposed our little bark was increased by the darkness of the night and the uncertainty of finding any place of shelter. Mr. Bass kept the sheet of the sail in his hand, drawing in a few inches occasionally, when he saw a particularly heavy sea following. I was steering with an oar. A single wrong movement or a moment's inattention would have sent us to the bottom. After running near an hour in this critical manner, some huge breakers were distinguished ahead; it was necessary to determine what was to be done at once, for our bark could not live ten minutes longer. On coming to what appeared to be the extremity of the breakers, the boat's head was brought to the wind, the mast and sail taken down, and the oars taken out. Pulling then towards the reef during the intervals of the heaviest seas, in three minutes we were in smooth water--a nearer approach showed us the beach of a well-sheltered cove in which we anchored for the rest of the night. We thought Providential Cove a well-adapted name for the place." [Illustration: MATTHEW FLINDERS.] Important local discoveries were made by the young explorers, and their skill and courage earned for them a better equipment for further exploration. A whale-boat provisioned for six weeks, and a crew of six, were placed at the disposal of Bass in order that he might discover whether Van Diemen's Land was joined to the mainland or whether there was a strait between. Cook had declared that there was no strait. Flinders now tells the story of his friend's triumphant success in finding the straits that now bear his name. He tells how Bass found the coast turning westward exposed to the billows of a great ocean, of the low sandy shore, of the spacious harbour which "from its relative position to the hitherto known parts of the coasts was called Port Western." His provisions were now at an end and, though he was keen to make a survey of his new discovery, he was obliged to return. This voyage of six hundred miles in an open boat on dangerous and unknown shores is one of the most remarkable on record. It added another three hundred miles of known coast-line, and showed that the shores of New Holland were divided from Van Diemen's Land. So highly did the colonists appreciate this voyage of discovery that the whale-boat in which Bass sailed was long preserved as a curiosity. A small boat of twenty-five tons, provisioned for twelve weeks, was now put at the disposal of the two friends, Flinders and Bass, to complete the survey of Van Diemen's Land, and in October 1798 they sailed for the south. With gales and strong winds blowing across the channel now known as Bass Strait, they made their way along the coast--the northern shores of Van Diemen's Land--till they found a wide inlet. Here they found a quantity of black swans, which they ate with joy, and also kangaroos, mussels, and oysters. This inlet they called Port Dalrymple, after the late hydrographer to the Admiralty in England. On 9th December, still coasting onward, they passed Three-Hummock Island and then a whole cluster of islands, to which, "in honour of His Excellency the Governor of New South Wales, I gave the title of Hunter's Isles." And now a long swell was noticed from the south-west. "It broke heavily upon a small reef and upon all the western shores, but, although it was likely to prove troublesome and perhaps dangerous, Mr. Bass and myself hailed it with joy and mutual congratulation, as announcing the completion of our long-wished-for discovery of a passage into the southern Indian Ocean." Calling the point where the island coast turned Cape Grime, they sailed along the western shores, their little boat exposed to the swell of the southern ocean. Sailing joyfully from point to point and naming them at will, the two explorers reached the extreme west, which they called South-West Cape. This had been already sighted by one of Cook's party in 1773. South Cape and Tasman's Head had been likewise charted as points at the extreme south of New South Wales. So the explorers sailed right round the island on which Tasman had landed one hundred and fifty-six years before, and after an absence of five months they reached Sydney with their important news. Bass now disappears from the annals of exploration, but his friend Flinders went off to England and found in our old friend Banks a powerful friend. He was given a stout north-country ship, H.M.S. _Investigator_ of three hundred and thirty-four tons, with orders to return to New Holland and make a complete survey of the coast, and was off again in July 1801 with young John Franklin, his nephew, aboard. The _Investigator_ arrived at Cape Leuwin in December and anchored in King George's Sound, discovered by Vancouver some ten years before. By the New Year he was ready to begin his great voyage round the Terra Australis, as the new country was still called. Indeed, it was Flinders who suggested the name of Australia for the tract of land hitherto called New Holland. His voyage can easily be traced on our maps to-day. Voyaging westward through the Recherches group of islands, Flinders passed the low, sandy shore to a cape he named Cape Pasley, after his late Admiral; high, bleak cliffs now rose to the height or some five hundred feet for a distance of four hundred and fifty miles--the great Australian Bight. Young Franklin's name was given to one island, Investigator to another, Cape Catastrophe commemorated a melancholy accident and the drowning of several of the crew. Kangaroo Island speaks for itself. Here they killed thirty-one dark-brown kangaroos. "The whole ship's company was employed this afternoon skinning and cleaning the kangaroos, and a delightful regale they afforded after four months' privation from almost any fresh provisions. Half a hundredweight of heads, forequarters, and tails were stewed down into soup for dinner, and as much steaks given to both officers and men as they could consume by day and night." [Illustration: CAPE CATASTROPHE. From Flinders' _Voyages_.] In April 1802 a strange encounter took place, when suddenly there appeared a "heavy-looking ship without any top-gallant masts up," showing a French ensign. Flinders cleared his decks for action in case of attack, but the strangers turned out to be the French ship _Le Geographe_, which, in company with _Le Naturaliste_, had left France, 1800, for exploration of the Australian coasts. Now it was well known that Napoleon had cast longing eyes upon the Terra Australis--indeed, it is said that he took with him to Egypt a copy of _Cook's Voyages_. Flinders, too, knew of this French expedition, but he was not specially pleased to find French explorers engaged on the same work as himself. The commanders met as friends, and Baudin, the French explorer, told how he had landed also near Cape Leuwin in May 1801, how he had given the names of his two ships to Cape Naturaliste and Geographe Bay, and was now making his way round the coast. Flinders little guessed at this time that the French were going to claim the south of New South Wales as French territory under the name of Terra Napoleon, though it was common knowledge that this discovery was made by Englishmen. "Ah, captain," said one of the French crew to Flinders, "if we had not been kept so long picking up shells and catching butterflies at Van Diemen's Land you would not have discovered this coast before us." When Baudin put in at Port Jackson a couple of months later, he inquired of the Governor the extent of British claims in the Pacific. "The whole of Tasmania and Australia are British territory," was the firm answer. After this encounter Flinders discovered and named Port Phillip, at the head of which stands the famous city of Melbourne to-day, and then made his way on to Port Jackson. He had managed his crews so well that the inhabitants of Port Jackson declared they were reminded of England by the fresh colour of the men amongst the _Investigator_ ship's company. The Frenchmen had not fared so well. One hundred and fifty out of one hundred and seventy were down with scurvy and had to be taken to the hospital at Sydney. Before the end of July, Flinders was off again, sailing northwards along the eastern coast of New South Wales. October found him passing the Great Barrier reefs, and on the 21st he had reached the northernmost point, Cape York. Three days of anxious steering took the _Investigator_ through Torres Strait, and Flinders was soon sailing into the great Gulf of Carpentaria. Still hugging the coast, he discovered a group of islands to the south of the gulf, which he named the Wellesley Islands, after General Wellesley, afterwards Duke of Wellington. Here he found a wealth of vegetation; cabbage palm was abundant, nutmegs plentiful, and a sort of sandal-wood was growing freely. He spent one hundred and five days exploring the gulf; then he continued his voyage round the west coast and back to Port Jackson by the south. He returned after a year's absence with a sickly crew and a rotten ship. Indeed, the _Investigator_ was incapable of further service, and Flinders decided to go back to England for another ship. As passenger on board the _Porpoise_, early in August 1802, he sailed from Sydney for the Torres Strait accompanied by two returning transports. All went well for the first four days, and they had reached a spot on the coast of Queensland, when a cry of "Breakers ahead!" fell on the evening air. In another moment the ship was carried amongst the breakers and struck upon a coral reef. So sudden was the disaster that there was no time to warn the other ships closely following. As the _Porpoise_ rolled over on her beam ends, huge seas swept over her and the white foam leapt high. Then the mast snapped, water rushed in, and soon the _Porpoise_ was a hopeless wreck. A few minutes later, one of the transports struck the coral reef: she fell on her side, her deck facing the sweeping rollers, and was completely wrecked. The other transport escaped, sailed right away from the scene of disaster, and was never seen again by the crew of the _Porpoise_. The dawn of day showed the shipwrecked crew a sandbank, to which some ninety-four men made their way and soon set sailcloth tents on the barren shore. They had saved enough food for three months. Flinders as usual was the moving spirit. A fortnight later in one of the ship's boats, with twelve rowers and food for three weeks, he left Wreck Reef amid ringing cheers to get help from Sydney for the eighty men left on the sandbank. "The reader," says the hero of this adventure, "has perhaps never gone two hundred and fifty leagues at sea in an open boat or along a strange coast inhabited by savages; but, if he recollect the eighty officers and men upon Wreck Reef, and how important was our arrival to their safety and to the saving of the charts, journals, and papers of the _Investigator's_ voyage, he may have some idea of the pleasure we felt, particularly myself, at entering our destined port." Half-starved, unshaven, deplorable indeed were the men when they staggered into Sydney, and "an involuntary tear started from the eye of friendship and compassion" when the Governor learnt how nearly Flinders and his friends had lost their lives. [Illustration: THE HUTS OF THE CREW OF THE _PORPOISE_ ON THE SANDBANK, WRECK REEF. From Flinders' _Voyages_.] A few days later Flinders left Sydney for the last time, in a little home-built ship of twenty-nine tons, the _Cumberland_. It was the first ship ever built in the colony, and the colonists were glad it should be of use to the man who had done so much for their country. With all his papers and his beloved journals, Flinders put to sea accompanied by a ship to rescue the men left on Wreck Reef. Three months later, owing to the leaky condition of the ship, he landed at Mauritius. Here he was taken prisoner and all his papers and journals were seized by the French. During his imprisonment a French_ Voyage of Discovery_ was issued, Napoleon himself paying a sum of money to hasten publication. All the places discovered by Flinders, or "Monsieur Flinedore" as the French called him, were called by French names. Fortunately before reaching Mauritius, Flinders had sent duplicate copies of his charts home, and the whole fraud was exposed. Flinders did not reach home till 1810. A last tragedy awaited him. For he died in 1814, on the very day that his great book, _The Voyage to Terra Australis_, was published. Flinders was a true explorer, and as he lay dying he cried, "I know that in future days of exploration my spirit will rise from the dead and follow the exploring ship!" CHAPTER LIX STURT'S DISCOVERIES IN AUSTRALIA Since the days of Flinders, much discovery had been done in the great new island-continent of Australia. The Blue Mountains had been crossed, and the river Macquarie discovered and named after the governor of that name. But Sturt's famous discovery of the river Darling and his descent of the Murray River rank among the most noteworthy of a bewildering number of lesser expeditions. Captain Sturt landed with his regiment, the 39th, at Sydney in the year 1827, "to guard the convicts." His first impressions of Sydney are interesting. "Cornfield and orchard," he says, "have supplanted wild grass and brush; on the ruins of the forest stands a flourishing town; and the stillness of that once desert shore is now broken by the bugle and by the busy hum of commerce. It is not unusual to see from thirty to forty vessels from every quarter of the globe riding at anchor at one time." Sir Ralph Darling, Governor of New South Wales, soon formed a high opinion of Sturt's ability, and when an expedition was proposed into the interior for further exploration, he appointed him leader. There was a universal opinion in the colony that in the middle of the unknown continent lay a large inland sea. Oxley had made his way to a shallow ocean of reeds where the river Macquarie disappeared; natives spoke of "large waters" containing "great fish." To open up the country and to ascertain the truth of these rumours were the objects of this new expedition which left Sydney in November 1828. It consisted of Hamilton Hume, the first Australian-born explorer, two soldiers, eight convicts, fifteen horses, ten bullocks, and a small boat on a wheeled carriage. Across the roadless Blue Mountains they started, followed the traces of Oxley, who had died just a week before they started, and about Christmas time they passed his last camp and began to break new ground. Through thickets of reeds and marshy swamps they pushed on; the river Macquarie had entirely disappeared, but on 2nd February they suddenly found a large river some eighty yards broad enclosing an unbroken sheet of deep water. "Our surprise and delight," says Sturt, "are better imagined than described. Our difficulties seemed at an end. The banks were too steep to allow of watering the cattle, but the men eagerly descended to quench a thirst increased by the powerful sun. Never shall I forget their cry of amazement, nor the terror and disappointment with which they called out that the water was too salt to drink!" Leaving his party, Sturt pushed on, but no fresh water was to be found, so he named the river the Darling, after the Governor, and returned, but not till he had discovered brine springs in the bed of the river, which accounted for its saltness. Sturt had found no inland sea, but in the Darling he had discovered a main channel of the western watershed. He now proposed to follow the line of the Murrumbidgee, "a river of considerable size and impetuous current," and to trace it if possible into the interior. Several of his old party again joined him, and once more he rode out of Sydney on this new quest. The journey to the banks of the Murrumbidgee lay through wild and romantic country, but as they journeyed farther, broad reed belts appeared by the river, which was soon lost in a vast expanse of reeds. For a moment or two Sturt was as one stunned; he could neither sleep nor rest till he had regained the river again. When at last he did so he found the water was deep, the current rapid, and the banks high. But he turned on all hands to build the whale-boat which he had designed at Sydney for the purpose. Early in January he writes home: "I was checked in my advance by high reeds spreading as far as the eye can reach. The Murrumbidgee is a magnificent stream. I do not yet know its fate, but I have taken to the boats. Where I shall wander to God only knows. I have little doubt, however, that I shall ultimately make the coast." By 6th January the boat was ready and Sturt started on his memorable voyage. After passing the junction of the Lachlan, the channel gradually narrowed; great trees had been swept down by the floods and navigation rendered very dangerous. Still narrower grew the stream, stronger the current. "On a sudden, the river took a general southern direction. We were carried at a fearful rate down its gloomy banks, and at such a moment of excitement had little time to pay attention to the country through which we were passing. At last we found we were approaching a junction, and within less than a minute we were hurried into a broad and noble river. It is impossible to describe the effect upon us of so instantaneous a change. We gazed in silent wonder on the large channel we had entered." The Murrumbidgee had joined the great Murray River as Sturt now called it, after Sir George Murray of the Colonial Department. To add to the unknown dangers of the way, numbers of natives now appeared in force on the banks of the river, threatening the white men with "dreadful yells and with the beating of spears and shields." Firearms alone saved the little crew, and the rage of the natives was turned to admiration as they watched the white men paddling on their great river while some seventy black men swam off to the boat like "a parcel of seals." The explorers now found a new and beautiful stream flowing into the Murray from the north, up which the boat was now turned, natives anxiously following along the grassy banks, till suddenly a net stretched across the stream checked their course. Sturt instinctively felt he was on the river Darling again. "I directed that the Union Jack should be hoisted, and we all stood up in the boat and gave three distinct cheers. The eye of every native was fixed upon that beautiful flag as it waved over us in the heart of a desert." While they were still watching, Sturt turned the head of the boat and pursued his way down the great Murray River. Stormy weather at the end of January set in; though they were yet one hundred and fifteen miles from the coast, the river increased in breadth, cliffs towered above them, and the water dashed like sea-waves at their base. On the 5th of February they were cheered by the appearance of sea-gulls and a heavy swell up the river, which they knew must be nearing the sea. On the twenty-third day of their voyage they entered a great lake. Crossing to the southern shore, they found to their bitter grief that shoals and sandbanks made it impossible for them to reach the sea. They found that the Murray flowed into Encounter Bay, but thither they could not pass. The thunder of the surf upon the shore brought no hope to the tired explorers. They had no alternative but to turn back and retrace their way. Terrible was the task that lay before them. On half-rations and with hostile natives to encounter they must fight their way against wind and stream. And they did it. They reached the camp on the Murrumbidgee just seventy-seven days after leaving it; but to their dismay it was deserted. The river, too, had risen in flood and "poured its turbid waters with great violence." [Illustration: CAPTAIN STURT AT THE JUNCTION OF THE RIVERS DARLING AND MURRAY. From the _Narrative of Sturt's Expedition_.] "For seventeen days," says Sturt, "we pulled against stream with determined perseverance, but in our short daily journeys we made but trifling way against it." The effects of severe toil were painfully evident. The men lost the muscular jerk with the oars. Their arms were nerveless, their faces haggard, their persons emaciated, their spirits wholly spent. From sheer weariness they fell asleep at the oar. No murmur, however, escaped them. "I must tell the captain to-morrow," said one, thinking that Sturt was asleep, "that I can pull no more." But when the morrow came he said no word, but pulled on with his remaining strength. One man went mad. The last ounce of flour was consumed when relief arrived, and the weary explorers at last reached Sydney with their great news. The result of this discovery was soon seen. In 1836 a shipload of English emigrants arrived off Kangaroo Island, and soon a flourishing colony was established at the mouth of the Murray River, the site of the new capital being called Adelaide, after the wife of William IV. After this Sturt tried to cross Australia from south to north; but though he opened up a good deal of new country, he failed to reach the coast. He was rewarded by the President of the Royal Geographical Society, who described him as "one of the most distinguished explorers and geographers of our age." The feat of crossing Australia from south to north, from shore to shore, was reserved for an Irishman called Burke in the year 1861. The story of his expedition, though it was successful, is one of the saddest in the history of discovery. The party left Melbourne in the highest spirits. No expense had been spared to give them a good outfit; camels had been imported from India, with native drivers, and food was provided for a year. The men of Melbourne turned out in their hundreds to see the start of Burke with his four companions, his camels, and his horses. Starting in August 1860, the expedition arrived at Cooper's Creek in November with half their journey done. But it was not till December that the party divided, and Burke with his companions, Wills, King, and Gray, six camels, and two horses, with food for three months, started off for the coast, leaving the rest at Cooper's Creek to await their return in about three months. After hard going they reached a channel with tidal waters flowing into the Gulf of Carpentaria on 28th March, but they could not get a view of the open ocean because of boggy ground. [Illustration: THE BURKE AND WILLS EXPEDITION LEAVING MELBOURNE, 1860. From a drawing by Wm. Strutt, an acquaintance of Burke.] They accomplished their task, but the return journey was disastrous. Short rations soon began to tell, for they had taken longer than they had calculated, and no food was to be found by the way. Gray was the first to fail and to die. Heavy rains made the ground impossibly heavy, and the camels sank to the ground exhausted. Finally they had to be killed and eaten. Then the horses went. At long last the three weary men and two utterly worn-out camels dragged themselves to Cooper's Creek, hoping to find their companions and the food they had left there four months ago. It was 21st April. Not a soul was to be seen! "King," cried Wills, in utter despair, "they are _gone_!" As the awful truth flashed on them Burke--their leader--threw himself on to the ground, realising their terrible situation. They looked round. On a tree they saw the word "Dig." In a bottle they found a letter: "We leave the camp to-day, 21st April 1861. We have left you some food. We take camels and horses." [Illustration: BURKE AND WILLS AT COOPER'S CREEK. From a woodcut in a contemporary Australian account of the expedition.] Only a few hours ago the party had left Cooper's Creek! And the explorers were too weak and tired to follow! They ate a welcome supper of oatmeal porridge and then, after resting a couple of days; they struggled on their way, three exhausted men and two tired camels. Their food was soon finished, and they had to subsist on a black seed like the natives called "nardoo." But they grew weaker and weaker, and the way was long. The camels died first. Then Wills grew too ill to walk, and there was nothing for it but to leave him and push on for help. The natives were kind to him, but he was too far gone, and he died before help could arrive. Burke and King sadly pushed on without him, but a few days later Burke died, and in the heart of Australia the one white man, King, was left alone. It was not till the following September that he was found "sitting in a hut that the blacks had made for him. He presented a melancholy appearance, wasted to a shadow and hardly to be distinguished as a civilised being except by the remnants of clothes on him." So out of that gay party of explorers who left Melbourne in the summer of 1860 only one man returned to tell the story of success and the sadder story of suffering and disaster. CHAPTER LX ROSS MAKES DISCOVERIES IN THE ANTARCTIC SEAS Now, while explorers were busy opening up Australian inland, Ross was leaving the Australian waters for his voyage to the south. Four years after the return of the Ross polar expedition, Sir John Franklin had been made Governor of Van Diemen's Land, where he was visited by the ships sent out from England on the first Antarctic expedition under the command of Sir James Ross, who had returned to find himself famous for his discovery of the North Magnetic Pole. An expedition had been fitted out, consisting of the _Erebus_ and the _Terror_--ships which later on made history, for did they not carry Sir John Franklin to his doom in the Arctic regions some years later? The ships sailed in the autumn of 1839 by way of the Cape of Good Hope, and excited great interest at Hobart Town, where the commanders, Ross and Crozier, were warmly received by the Governor. In a bay, afterwards called Ross Cove, the ships were repaired after the long voyage, while an observatory was built by the convicts under the personal supervision of Sir John Franklin. Interesting news awaited the explorers, too, at Hobart Town. Exploration had taken place in the southern regions by a French expedition under D'Urville and an American, Lieutenant Wilkes--both of which had made considerable discoveries. Ross was somewhat surprised at this, for, as he said, "England had ever _led_ the way of discovery in the southern as well as in the northern regions," but he decided to take a more easterly course, and, if possible, to reach the South Magnetic Pole. On 5th November 1840 the ships were off again, shaping their course for Auckland Island, nine hundred miles from Hobart Town. The island had been discovered in 1806 by Captain Bristow. He had left some pigs, whose rapid increase filled the explorers with surprise. Christmas Day found them still sailing south, with strong gales, snow, and rain. The first iceberg was seen a few days later, and land on 11th January. "It was a beautifully clear evening," says Ross, "and we had a most enchanting view of the two magnificent ranges of mountains whose lofty peaks, perfectly covered with eternal snow, rose to elevations of ten thousand feet above the level of the ocean." These icy shores were inhospitable enough, and the heavy surf breaking along its edge forbade any landing. Indeed, a strong tide carried the ships rapidly and dangerously along the coast among huge masses of ice. "The ceremony of taking possession of these newly discovered lands in the name of our Most Gracious Sovereign Queen Victoria was proceeded with, and on planting the flag of our country amid the hearty cheers of our party, we drank to the health, long life, and happiness of Her Majesty and His Royal Highness Prince Albert." The end of the month found them farther south than any explorer had sailed before. Everything was new, and they were suddenly startled to find two volcanoes, one of which was active; steam and smoke rising to a height of two thousand feet above the crater and descending as mist and snow. Mount Erebus and Mount Terror, Ross called them, in memory of his two ships. They sailed on, but soon were stopped by a huge barrier of solid ice like a great white wall, one thousand feet thick and one hundred and eighty feet above sea-level. They knew now they could get no farther this season--they had reached a point one hundred and sixty miles from the Pole. Could they but have wintered here "in sight of the brilliant burning mountain and at so short a distance from the Magnetic Pole," they might easily have reached it the following spring,--so they thought,--but reluctantly Ross had to turn. "Few can understand the deep feelings of regret with which I felt myself compelled to abandon the perhaps too ambitious hope I had so long cherished of being permitted to plant the flag of my country on both Magnetic Poles of our globe." The whole of the great southern land they had discovered received the name of Queen Victoria, which name it keeps to-day. They had been south of the Antarctic Circle for sixty-three days, when they recrossed it on 4th March. A few days later they narrowly escaped shipwreck. An easterly wind drove them among some hundreds of icebergs. "For eight hours," says Ross, "we had been gradually drifting towards what to human eyes appeared inevitable destruction; the high waves and deep rolling of our ships rendered towing with boats impossible, and our situation was the more painful from our inability to make any effort to avoid the dreadful calamity that seemed to await us. The roar of the surf, which extended each way as far as we could see, and the dashing of the ice fell upon the ear with painful distinctness as we contemplated the awful destruction that threatened in one short hour to close the world and all its hopes and joys and sorrows upon us for ever. In this deep distress we called upon the Lord ... and our cry came before Him. A gentler air of wind filled our sails; hope again revived, and before dark we found ourselves far removed from every danger." [Illustration: PART OF THE GREAT SOUTHERN ICE BARRIER, 450 MILES LONG, 180 FEET ABOVE SEA-LEVEL, AND 1000 FEET THICK. From Ross's _Voyage in Antarctic Regions_.] April found them back again in Van Diemen's land, and though Ross sailed again the following autumn into southern latitudes, he only reached a point some few miles farther than before--being again stopped by a great wall barrier of thick ice. After this he took his ship home by way of Cape Horn, and "the shores of Old England came into view on the 2nd of September 1843." After an absence of four years Ross was welcomed home, and honours were showered on him, including the award of the Gold Medal of the Royal Geographical Society of Paris. "Till then they had deemed that the Austral earth, With a long, unbroken shore, Ran on to the Pole Antarctic, For such was the old sea lore." CHAPTER LXI FRANKLIN DISCOVERS THE NORTH-WEST PASSAGE The whole coast-line of North America had now been charted, but the famous North-West Passage, for which so many lives had been laid down, had yet to be found. Sir John Barrow, "the father of modern Arctic discovery," Secretary to the Admiralty, now decided to dispatch another expedition to forge this last link and to connect, if possible, the chain of all former discoveries. Many were the volunteers who came forward to serve in the new Arctic expedition. But Sir John Franklin claimed the command as his special right. "No service," he declared, "is nearer to my heart." He was reminded that rumour put his age at sixty, and that after a long life of hard work he had earned some rest. "No, no!" cried the explorer; "I am only fifty-nine!" This decided the point, and Franklin was appointed to the _Erebus_ and _Terror_, recently returned from the Antarctic expedition of Sir James Ross. The ships were provisioned for three years, and with a crew of one hundred and twenty-nine men and several officers, Sir John Franklin left England for the last time on 19th May 1845. He was never seen again! All were in the highest spirits, determined to solve the mystery of the North-West Passage once and for all! So certain were they of success that one of the officers wrote to a friend: "Write to Panama and the Sandwich Islands every six months." On 4th July the ships anchored near the island of Disco on the west coast of Greenland. After which all is silence. The rest of the story, "one of the saddest ever told in connection with Arctic exploration," is dovetailed together from the various scraps of information that have been collected by those who sailed in search of the lost expedition year by year. In 1848, Sir James Ross had sailed off in search of his missing friend, and had reached a spot within three hundred miles of the _Erebus_ and _Terror_ four months after they had been abandoned, but he returned with no news of Franklin. Then Sir John Richardson started off, but found no trace! Others followed. The Government offered 20,000 pounds, to which Lady Franklin added 3000 pounds, to any one who should bring news of Franklin. By the autumn of 1850 there were fifteen ships engaged in the search. A few traces were found. It was discovered that Sir John Franklin had spent his first winter (1845-46) at Beechey Island. Captain McClure sailed along the north coast of America and made his way from the Pacific to the Atlantic Ocean--thus showing the existence of a north-west passage, for which he and his men were highly rewarded, for at this time no one knew that Franklin had already found a passage though he had not lived to tell the story of triumph and success. But it was not till after years of silence that the story of the missing expedition was cleared up. Lady Franklin purchased and fitted out a little steam yacht, the _Fox_, of one hundred and seventy-seven tons. The command was given to Captain McClintock, known to be an able and enthusiastic Arctic navigator. He was to rescue any "possible survivor of the _Erebus_ and _Terror_, and to try and recover any records of the lost expedition." [Illustration: ESKIMOS AT CAPE YORK WATCHING THE APPROACH OF THE _FOX_. From McClintock's _Voyage in Search of Franklin_.] The 12th August found the little _Fox_ in Melville Bay made fast to an iceberg, and a few days later she was frozen firmly into an ice-pack. For two hundred and forty-two days she was beset, drifting all through the long, bitter winter with the ice, till on 25th April 1858, after having been carried over a thousand miles, she was released. McClintock, undaunted by danger, turned northwards, and by May he had reached Melville Bay. Thence up Lancaster Sound, he reached Beechey Island in August and found there three lonely graves of three sailors from the _Erebus_ and _Terror_. Here the English commander erected a tablet sent out by Lady Franklin. [Illustration: THE THREE GRAVES ON BEECHEY ISLAND. From McClintock's _Voyage in Search of Franklin_.] On the morning of 16th August, McClintock sailed from Beechey Island, but the short summer was passing quickly and they had no fresh news of the Franklin expedition. Half-way through Bellot Strait the _Fox_ was again icebound, and another long winter had to be faced. By the middle of February 1859 there was light enough to start some sledging along the west coast of Boothia Felix. Days passed and McClintock struggled on to the south, but no Eskimos appeared and no traces of the lost explorers were to be found. Suddenly they discovered four men walking after them. A naval button on one of the Eskimos attracted their attention. "It came," said the Eskimo, "from some white people who were starved upon an island where there are salmon, but none of them had seen the white men." Here was news at last--McClintock travelled on some ten miles to Cape Victoria, where the Eskimos built him a "commodious snow-hut in half an hour." Next morning the entire village of Eskimos arrived--some forty-five people--bringing relics of the white men. There were silver spoons, part of a gold chain, buttons, knives made of the iron and wood of the wrecked ships. But none of these people had seen the white men--one man said he had seen their bones upon the island where they died, but some were buried. They said a ship "having three masts had been crushed by the ice out in the sea to the west of King William's Island." One old man made a rough sketch of the coast-line with his spear upon the snow; he said it was eight journeys to where the ship sank. McClintock hastened back to the ship with his news--he had by his sleigh-journey added one hundred and twenty miles to the old charts and "completed the discovery of the coast-line of Continental America." [Illustration: EXPLORING PARTIES STARTING FROM THE _FOX_. From McClintock's _Voyage of the_ "Fox" _in Search of Franklin_.] On 2nd April more sledge-parties started out to reach King William's Island--the cold was still intense, the glare of the sun painful to their eyes. The faces and lips of the men were blistered and cracked; their fingers were constantly frostbitten. After nearly three weeks' travelling they found snow-huts and Eskimos at Cape Victoria. Here they found more traces of Franklin's party--preserved meat tins, brass knives, a mahogany board. In answer to their inquiries, they heard that two ships had been seen by the natives of King William's Island; one had been seen to sink in deep water, the other was forced on shore and broken up. "It was in the fall of the year (August or September)," they said, when the ships were destroyed, that all the white people went away to the large river, taking a boat with them, and that in the following winter their bones were found there. McClintock now made his way to the opposite coast of King William's Island. Here he found Eskimos with pieces of silver-plate bearing the crest and initials of Sir John Franklin and some of his officers. They said it was five days' journey to the wreck, of which little now remained. There had been many books, said the Eskimos, but they had been destroyed by the weather. One woman volunteered a statement. "Many of the white men," she said, "dropped by the way as they went to the Great River. Some were buried and some were not. Their bodies were discovered during the winter following." Moving onwards, McClintock reached the Great Fish River on the morning of 12th May. A furious gale was raging and the air was heavy with snow, but they encamped there to search for relics. With pickaxes and shovels they searched in vain. No Eskimos were to be found, and at last in despair the little party of explorers faced homewards. McClintock was slowly walking near the beach, when he suddenly came upon a human skeleton, lying face downwards, half buried in the snow. It wore a blue jacket with slashed sleeves and braided edging and a greatcoat of pilot-cloth. The old woman was right. "They fell down and died as they walked along." And now the reward of the explorers was at hand. On the north-west coast of King William's Island was found a cairn and a blue ship's paper, weatherworn and ragged, relating in simple language, written by one of the ship's officers, the fate of the Franklin expedition. The first entry was cheerful enough. In 1846 all was well. His Majesty's ships, _Erebus_ and _Terror_, wintered in the ice--at Beechey Island, after having ascended Wellington Channel and returned to the west side of Cornwallis Island. Sir John Franklin was commanding the expedition. The results of their first year's labour was encouraging. In 1846 they had been within twelve miles of King William's Island, when winter stopped them. But a later entry, written in April 1848, states that the ships were deserted on 22nd April, having been beset in ice since September 1846--that Sir John Franklin had died on 11th June 1847, and that Captain Crozier was in command. Then came the last words, "And start to-morrow twenty-sixth for Back's Fish River." That was all. After a diligent search in the neighbourhood for journals or relics, McClintock led his party along the coast, till on 30th May they found another relic in the shape of a large boat, with a quantity of tattered clothing lying in her. She had been evidently equipped for the ascent of the Great Fish River. She had been built at Woolwich Dockyard; near her lay two human skeletons, a pair of worker slippers, some watches, guns, a _Vicar of Wakefield_, a small Bible, New Testament, and Prayer Book, seven or eight pairs of boots, some silk handkerchiefs, towels, soap, sponge, combs, twine, nails, shot, and cartridges, needle and thread cases, some tea and chocolate, and a little tobacco. Everything was carefully collected and brought back to the ship, which was reached on 19th June. Two months later the little _Fox_ was free from ice and McClintock reached London towards the end of September, to make known his great discovery. The rest of the story is well known. Most of us know the interesting collection of Franklin relics in the United Service Institution in London, and the monument in Waterloo Place to "the great navigator and his brave companions who sacrificed their lives in completing the discovery of the North-West Passage." It was acknowledged "that to Sir John Franklin is due the priority of discovery of the North-West Passage--that last link to forge which he sacrificed his life." And on the marble monument in Westminster Abbey, Tennyson, a nephew of Sir John Franklin, wrote his well-known lines-- "Not here, the white north hath thy bones, and thou, Heroic Sailor Soul, Art passing on thy happier voyage now Towards no earthly pole." CHAPTER LXII DAVID LIVINGSTONE "I shall open up a path to the interior or perish." Such were the words of one of the greatest explorers of Africa in the nineteenth century. Determination was the keynote of his character even as a young boy. At the age of ten he was at work in a cotton factory in Scotland: with his first week's wages he bought a Latin grammar. Fourteen hours of daily work left little time for reading, but he educated himself, till at nineteen he was resolved to be a medical missionary. "In the glow of love which Christianity inspires, I resolved to devote my life to the alleviation of human misery." He was accepted for service by the London Missionary Society, and in the year 1840 he sailed for South Africa. After a voyage of three months he arrived at Cape Town and made his way in a slow ox-waggon seven hundred miles to Kuruman, a small mission station in the heart of Bechuanaland where Dr. Moffat had laboured for twenty years. He did well, and two years later he was sent north to form another mission station at Mabotsa (Transvaal). Having married Moffat's daughter Mary, he worked in these parts till June 1849, when, with his wife and three children, he started with oxen and waggon for a journey northwards. Across the great Kalahari Desert moved the exploring family, till they came to the river called Zouga, which, said the natives, led to a large lake named Lake Ngami. In native canoes, Livingstone and his little family ascended this beautifully wooded river, "resembling the river Clyde above Glasgow," till on 1st August 1849, Lake Ngami appeared, "and for the first time," says Livingstone, "this fine sheet of water was beheld by Europeans." The lake was two thousand eight hundred feet above the sea, but the climate was terribly unhealthy. The children grew feverish, and mosquitoes made life a misery to them, while the tsetse fly made further exploration for the moment impossible. So the family journeyed back to headquarters for a time. But Livingstone was unsatisfied, and once more in 1851 we find him starting again with wife and children to seek the great river Zambesi, known to exist in central Africa, though the Portuguese maps represented it as rising far to the east of Livingstone's discovery. [Illustration: LIVINGSTONE, WITH HIS WIFE AND FAMILY, AT THE DISCOVERY OF LAKE NGAMI. From Livingstone's _Missionary Travels_.] "It was the end of June 1851," he tells us, "that we were rewarded by the discovery of the Zambesi in the centre of the continent. This was an important point, for that river was not previously known to exist there at all. As we were the very first white men the inhabitants had ever seen, we were visited by prodigious numbers of Makololo in garments of blue, green, and red baize." Livingstone wanted to know more of this unknown river, but he now decided that exploring with a wife and family was not only perilous, but difficult, so he returned to the coast, put them on a homeward-bound ship for England, and returned to central Africa to continue his work of exploration alone. It was 11th November 1853 when Livingstone left the town of Linyanti in the very heart of central Africa for his great journey to the west coast to trace the course of the Zambesi. "The Zambesi. Nobody knows Whence it comes and whither it goes." So ran an old canoe-song of the natives. With twenty-seven faithful black Makololos, with "only a few biscuits, a little tea and sugar, twenty pounds of coffee and three books," with a horse rug and sheepskin for bedding and a small gipsy tent and a tin canister, fifteen inches square, filled with a spare shirt, trousers, and shoes for civilised life, and a few scientific instruments, the English explorer started for a six months' journey. Soon his black guides had embarked in their canoes and were making their way up the Zambesi. "No rain has fallen here," he writes on 30th November, "so it is excessively hot. The atmosphere is oppressive both in cloud and sunshine." Livingstone suffered badly from fever during the entire journey. But the blacks took fatherly care of him. "As soon as we land," he says, "the men cut a little grass for my bed, while the poles of my little tent are planted. The bed is made and boxes ranged on each side of it, and then the tent pitched over all. Two Makololos occupy my right and left both in eating and sleeping as long as the journey lasts, but my head boatman makes his bed at the door of the tent as soon as I retire." As they advanced up the Barotse valley, rains had fallen and the woods had put on their gayest hue. Flowers of great beauty grew everywhere. "The ground begins to swarm with insect life, and in the cool, pleasant mornings the place rings with the singing of birds." On 6th January 1854 they left the river and rode oxen through the dense parts of the country through which they had now to pass. Through heavy rains and with very little food, they toiled on westward through miles and miles of swamp intersected by streams flowing southward to the Zambesi basin. One day Livingstone's ox, Sindbad, threw him, and he had to struggle wearily forward on foot. His strength was failing. His meagre fare varied by boiled zebra and dried elephant, frequent wettings and constant fever, were reducing him to a mere skeleton. At last on 26th March he arrived at the edge of the high land over which he had so long been travelling. "It is so steep," he tells us, "that I was obliged to dismount, and I was so weak that I had to be led by my companions to prevent my toppling over in walking down. Below us lay the valley of the Kwango in glorious sunlight." Another fortnight and they were in Portuguese territory. The sight of white men once more and a collection of traders' huts was a welcome sight to the weary traveller. The commandant at once took pity on Livingstone, but after a refreshing stay of ten days the English explorer started off westward to the coast. For another month he pursued his way. It was 31st May 1854. As the party neared the town of Loanda, the black Makololos began to grow nervous. "We have stood by each other hitherto and will do so to the last," Livingstone assured them, as they all staggered into the city by the seashore. Here they found one Englishman sent out for the suppression of the slave trade, who at once gave up his bed to the stricken and emaciated explorer. "Never shall I forget," he says, "the luxury I enjoyed in feeling myself again on a good English bed after six months' sleeping on the ground." Nor were the Makololos forgotten. They were entertained on board an English man-of-war lying off the coast. Livingstone was offered a passage home, but he tells us: "I declined the tempting offers of my friends, and resolved to take back my Makololo companions to their Chief, with a view of making a path from here to the east coast by means of the great river Zambesi." With this object in view, he turned his back on home and comfort, and on 20th September 1854 he left Loanda and "the white man's sea," as the black guides called the Atlantic Ocean that washes the shores of West Africa. Their way lay through the Angola country, rich in wild coffee and cotton plantations. The weather was as usual still and oppressive, but slowly Livingstone made his way eastward. He suffered badly from fever as he had done on the outward journey. It had taken him six months to reach Loanda from central Africa; it took a year to complete the return journey, and it was September 1855 before Linyanti was again reached. Waggons and goods left there eighteen months before were safe, together with many welcome letters from home. The return of the travellers after so long an absence was a cause of great rejoicing. All the wonderful things the Makololos had seen and heard were rehearsed many times before appreciative audiences. Livingstone was more than ever a hero in their eyes, and his kindness to his men was not forgotten. He had no difficulty in getting recruits for the journey down the Zambesi to the sea, for which he was now making preparations. On 3rd November he was ready to resume his long march across Africa. He was much better equipped on this occasion; he rode a horse instead of an ox, and his guide, Sekwebu, knew the river well. The first night out they were unfortunately caught in a terrific thunderstorm accompanied by sheet-lightning, which lit up the whole country and flooded it with torrents of tropical rain. A few days' travelling brought the party to the famous Zambesi Falls, called by the natives "where smoke sounds," but renamed by Livingstone after the Queen of England, Victoria. The first account of these now famous Falls is very vivid. "Five columns of vapour, appropriately named smoke, bending in the direction of the wind, appeared to mingle with the clouds. The whole scene was extremely beautiful. It had never been seen before by European eyes. When about half a mile from the Falls, I left the canoe and embarked in a lighter one with men well acquainted with the rapids, who brought me to an island in the middle of the river and on the edge of the lip over which the water rolls. Creeping with care to the verge, I peered down into a large rent which had been made from bank to bank of the broad Zambesi. In looking down into the fissure one sees nothing but a dense white cloud; from this cloud rushed up a great jet of vapour exactly like steam, and it mounted two or three hundred feet high." [Illustration: THE "SMOKE" OF THE ZAMBESI (VICTORIA) FALLS. After a drawing in Livingstone's _Missionary Travels_.] Livingstone now continued his perilous journey with his hundred men along the Zambesi, the country once densely populated, now desolate and still. The Bakota tribes, "the colour of coffee and milk," were friendly, and "great numbers came from all the surrounding villages and expressed great joy at the appearance of a white man and harbinger of peace." They brought in large supplies of food, and expressed great delight when Livingstone doctored their children, who were suffering from whooping-cough. As they neared the coast, they became aware of hostile forces. This was explained when they were met by a Portuguese half-caste "with jacket and hat on," who informed them that for the last two years they had been fighting the natives. Plunging thus unconsciously into the midst of a Kafir war rendered travelling unpleasant and dangerous. In addition, the party of explorers found their animals woefully bitten by the tsetse fly, rhinoceroses and elephants were too plentiful to be interesting, and the great white ant made itself tiresome. It was 3rd March before Livingstone reached Tete, two hundred and sixty miles from the coast. The last stages of the journey had been very beautiful. Many of the hills were of pure white marble, and pink marble formed the bed of more than one of the streams. Through this country the Zambesi rolled down toward the coast at the rate of four miles an hour, while flocks of water-fowl swarmed upon its banks or flew over its waters. Tete was the farthest outpost of the Portuguese. Livingstone was most kindly received by the governor, but fever again laid him low, and he had to remain here for three weeks before he was strong enough to start for the last stage of his journey to the coast. He left his Makololos here, promising to return some day to take them home again. They believed in him implicitly, and remained there three years, when he returned according to his word. Leaving Tete, he now embarked on the waters of the Zambesi, high with a fourth annual rise, which bore him to Sena in five days. So swift is the current at times that twenty-four hours is enough to take a boat from Tete to Sena, whereas the return journey may take twenty days. "I thought the state of Tete quite lamentable," says Livingstone, but that of Sena was ten times worse. "It is impossible to describe the miserable state of decay into which the Portuguese possessions here have sunk." Though suffering badly from fever, Livingstone pushed on; he passed the important tributary of the Zambesi, the Shire, which he afterwards explored, and finally reached Quilimane on the shores of the Indian Ocean. It was now 20th May 1856, just four years after he had left Cape Town on his great journey from west to east, since when he had travelled eleven thousand miles. After waiting six weeks on the "great mud bank, surrounded by extensive swamps and rice grounds," which form the site of Quilimane, Livingstone embarked on board a gunboat, the _Frolic_, for England. He had one Makololo with him--the faithful Sekwebu. The poor black man begged to be allowed to follow his master on the seas. "But," said Livingstone, "you will die if you go to such a cold country as mine." "Let me die at your feet," pleaded the black man. He had not been to Loanda, so he had never seen the sea before. Waves were breaking over the bar at Quilimane and dashing over the boat that carried Sekwebu out to the brig. He was terribly alarmed, but he lived to reach Mauritius, where he became insane, hurled himself into the sea, and was drowned! On 12th December 1856, Livingstone landed in England after an absence of sixteen years. He had left home as an obscure missionary; he returned to find himself famous. The Royal Geographical Society awarded him its gold medal; France and Scotland hastened to do him honour. Banquets and receptions were given for him, and finally this "plain, single-minded man, somewhat attenuated by years of toil, and with his face tinged by the sun of Africa," was received by the Queen at Windsor. The enthusiasm aroused by this longest expedition in the history of African travel was unrivalled, and the name of Livingstone was on every lip. But meanwhile others were at work in central Africa, and we must turn from the discoveries of Livingstone for the moment. CHAPTER LXIII BURTON AND SPEKE IN CENTRAL AFRICA Livingstone had just left Loanda and was making his way across Africa from west to east, when an English expedition set forth to find the Great Lakes still lying solitary and undiscovered, although they were known to exist. If we turn to the oldest maps of Africa, we find, rudely drawn and incorrectly placed, large inland waters, that may nevertheless be recognised as these lakes just about to be revealed to a wondering world. Ptolemy knew of them, the Arabs spoke of them, Portuguese traders had passed them, and a German missionary had caught sight of the Mountains of the Moon and brought back strange stories of a great inland lake. The work of rediscovering the lakes was entrusted to a remarkable man named Richard Burton, a man whose love of adventure was well known. He had already shown his metal by entering Mecca disguised as a Persian, and disguised as an Arab he had entered Harar, a den of slave traders, the "Timbuktu of Eastern Africa." On his return he was attacked by the Somalis; one of his companions was killed, another, Speke, escaped with terrible spear-wounds, and he himself was badly wounded. Such were the men who in 1856 were dispatched by the Royal Geographical Society for the exploration of the mysterious lakes in the heart of central Africa. Speke gives us an idea of the ignorance prevailing on this subject only fifty-six years ago: "On the walls of the Society's rooms there hung a large diagram constructed by two missionaries carrying on their duties at Zanzibar. In this section map, swallowing up about half of the whole area of the ground included in it, there figured a lake of such portentous size and such unseemly shape, representing a gigantic slug, that everybody who looked at it incredulously laughed and shook his head--a single sheet of sweet water, upwards of eight hundred miles long by three hundred broad, equal in size to the great salt Caspian." It was April 1857 before Burton and Speke had collected an escort and guides at Zanzibar, the great slave market of East Africa, and were ready to start for the interior. "We could obtain no useful information from the European merchants of Zanzibar, who are mostly ignorant of everything beyond the island," Burke wrote home on 22nd April. At last on 27th June, with thirty-six men and thirty donkeys, the party set out for the great malarious coast-belt which had to be crossed before Kaze, some five hundred miles distant, could be reached. After three months' arduous travelling--both Burton and Speke were badly stricken with fever--they reached Kaze. Speke now spread open the map of the missionaries and inquired of the natives where the enormous lake was to be found. To their intense surprise they found the missionaries had run three lakes into one, and the three lakes were Lake Nyassa, Tanganyika, and Victoria Nyanza. They stayed over a month at Kaze, till Burton seemed at the point of death, and Speke had him carried out of the unhealthy town. It was January before they made a start and continued their journey westward to Ugyi. "It is a wonderful thing," says Drummond, "to start from the civilisation of Europe, pass up these mighty rivers, and work your way alone and on foot, mile after mile, month after month, among strange birds and beasts and plants and insects, meeting tribes which have no name, speaking tongues which no man can interpret, till you have reached its sacred heart and stood where white man has never trod before." [Illustration: BURTON IN A DUG-OUT ON LAKE TANGANYIKA. After a drawing by Burton.] As the two men tramped on, the streams began to drain to the west and the land grew more fertile, till one hundred and fifty miles from Kaze they began to ascend the slope of mountains overhanging the northern half of Lake Tanganyika. "This mountain mass," says Speke, "I consider to be the True Mountains of the Moon." From the top of the mountains the lovely Tanganyika Lake could be seen in all its glory by Burton. But to Speke it was a mere mist. The glare of the sun and oft-repeated fever had begun to tell on him, and a kind of inflammation had produced almost total blindness. But they had reached the lake and they felt sure they had found the source of the Nile. It was a great day when Speke crossed the lake in a long canoe hollowed out of the trunk of a tree and manned by twenty native savages under the command of a captain in a "goatskin uniform." On the far side they encamped on the opposite shore, Speke being the first white man to cross the lake. Having retired to his hut for the night, Speke proceeded to light a candle and arrange his baggage, when to his horror he found the whole interior swarming with black beetles. Tired of trying to brush them away, he put out his light and, though they crawled up his sleeves and down his back, he fell asleep. Suddenly he woke to find one crawling into his ear, and in spite of his frantic efforts it crept in farther and farther till it reached the drum, which caused the tired explorer intense agony. Inflammation ensued, his face became drawn, he could with difficulty swallow a little broth, and he was quite deaf. He returned across the lake to find his companion, Burton, still very ill and unfit for further exploration. So Speke, although still suffering from his ear, started off again, leaving Burton behind, to find the great northern lake spoken of as the sea of Ukerewe, where the Arabs traded largely in ivory. There was a great empire beyond the lake, they told him, called Uganda. But it was July 1858 when the caravan was ready to start from Kaze. Speke himself carried Burton's large elephant gun. "I commenced the journey," he says, "at 6 p.m., as soon as the two donkeys I took with me to ride were caught and saddled. It was a dreary beginning. The escort who accompanied me were sullen in their manner and walked with heavy gait and downcast countenance. The nature of the track increased the general gloom. "For several weeks the caravan moved forward, till on 3rd August it began to wind up a long but gradually inclined hill, until it reached its summit, when the vast expanse of the pale blue waters of the Nyanza burst suddenly upon my eyes! It was early morning. The distant sea-line of the north horizon was defined in the calm atmosphere, but I could get no idea of the breadth of the lake, as an archipelago of islands, each consisting of a single hill rising to a height of two or three hundred feet above the water, intersected the line of vision to the left. A sheet of water extended far away to the eastward. The view was one which even in a well-known country would have arrested the traveller by its peaceful beauty. But the pleasure of the mere view vanished in the presence of those more intense emotions called up by the geographical importance of the scene before me. I no longer felt any doubt that the lake at my feet gave birth to that interesting river (Nile), the source of which has been the subject of so much speculation and the object of so many explorers. This is a far more extensive lake than Tanganyika; it is so broad that you could not see across it, and so long that nobody knew its length. This magnificent sheet of water I have ventured to name Victoria after our gracious sovereign." [Illustration: BURTON AND HIS COMPANIONS ON THE MARCH TO THE VICTORIA NYANZA. From a humorous sketch by Burton.] Speke returned to Kaze after his six weeks' eventful journey, having tramped no less than four hundred and fifty-two miles. He received a warm welcome from Burton, who had been very uneasy about his safety, for rumours of civil war had reached him. "I laughed over the matter," says Speke, "but expressed my regret that he did not accompany me, as I felt quite certain in my mind I had discovered the source of the Nile." Together the two explorers now made their way to the coast and crossed to Aden, where Burton, still weak and ill, decided to remain for a little, while Speke took passage in a passing ship for home. When he showed his map of Tanganyika and Victoria Nyanza to the President of the Royal Geographical Society in London, Sir Roderick Murchison was delighted. "Speke, we must send you there again," he said enthusiastically. And the expedition was regarded as "one of the most notable discoveries in the annals of African discovery." CHAPTER LXIV LIVINGSTONE TRACES LAKE SHIRWA AND NYASSA Burton and Speke had not yet returned from central Africa, when Livingstone left England on another expedition into the interior, with orders "to extend the knowledge already attained of the geography of eastern and central Africa and to encourage trade." Leaving England on 10th March 1858, he reached the east coast the following May as British Consul of Quilimane, the region which lies about the mouth of the Zambesi. Livingstone had brought out with him a small steam-launch called by the natives the _Ma-Robert_ after Mrs. Livingstone, the mother of Robert, their eldest child. In this little steam-launch he made his way up the Shire River, which flows into the Zambesi quite near its mouth. "The delight of threading out the meanderings of upwards of two hundred miles of a hitherto unexplored river must be felt to be appreciated," says Livingstone in his diary. At the end of this two hundred miles further progress became impossible because of rapids which no boat could pass. "These magnificent cataracts we called the Murchison Cataracts, after one whose name has already a world-wide fame," says Livingstone. Leaving their boat here, they started on foot for the Great Lake described by the natives. It took them a month of hard travelling to reach their goal. Their way lay over the native tracks which run as a network over this part of the world. "They are veritable footpaths, never over a foot in breadth, beaten as hard as adamant by centuries of native traffic. Like the roads of the old Romans, they run straight on over everything, ridge and mountain and valley." [Illustration: THE _MA-ROBERT_ ON THE ZAMBESI. After a drawing in Livingstone's _Expedition to the Zambesi_.] On 18th April, Lake Shirwa came into sight, "a considerable body of bitter water, containing leeches, fish, crocodiles, and hippopotami. The country around is very beautiful," adds Livingstone, "and clothed with rich vegetation, and the waves breaking and foaming over a rock, added to the beauty of the picture. Exceedingly lofty mountains stand near the eastern shore." No white man had gazed at the lake before. Though one of the smaller African lakes, Shirwa is probably larger than all the lakes of Great Britain put together. Returning to Tete, the explorer now prepared for his journey to the farther Lake Nyassa. This was to be no new discovery. The Portuguese knew the locality of Lake Shirwa, and at the beginning of the seventeenth century Nyassa was familiar to them under another name. Landing at the same spot on the Shire banks as before, Livingstone, with thirty-six Makololo porters and two native guides, ascended the beautiful Shire Highlands, some twelve hundred feet above sea-level, and crossed the range on which Zomba, the residence of the British Commissioner for Nyassaland, now stands. When within a day's march of their goal they were told that no lake had ever been heard of in the neighbourhood, but, said the natives, the river Shire stretched on, and it would take two months to reach the end, which came out of perpendicular rocks which towered almost to the skies. "Let us go back to the ship," said the followers; "it is no use trying to find the lake." But Livingstone persevered, and he was soon rewarded by finding a sheet of water, which was indeed the beginning of Lake Nyassa. It was 16th September 1859. "How far is it to the end of the lake?" he asked. "The other end of the lake? Who ever heard of such a thing? Why, if one started when a mere boy to walk to the other end of the lake, he would be an old grey-headed man before he got there," declared one of the natives. Livingstone knew that he had opened up a great waterway to the interior of Africa, but the slave trade in these parts was terrible, gangs being employed in carrying the ivory from countries to the north down to the east coast. The English explorer saw that if he could establish a steamer upon this Lake Nyassa and buy ivory from the natives with European goods he would at once strike a deadly blow at the slave trade. His letters home stirred several missionaries to come out and establish a settlement on the banks of the Shire River. Bishop Mackenzie and a little band of helpers arrived on the river Shire two years later, and in 1862 Mrs. Livingstone joined them, bringing out with her a little new steamer to launch on the Lake Nyassa. But the unhealthy season was at its height, and "the surrounding low land, rank with vegetation and reeking from the late rainy season, exhaled the malarious poison in enormous quantities." Mrs. Livingstone fell ill, and in a week she was dead. She was buried under a large baobab tree at Shapunga, where her grave is visited by many a traveller passing through this once solitary region first penetrated by her husband. The blow was a crushing one for Livingstone, and for a time he was quite bewildered. But when his old energy returned he superintended the launching of the little steamer, the _Lady Nyassa_. But disappointment and failure awaited him, and at last, just two years after the death of his wife, he took the _Lady Nyassa_ to Zanzibar by the Rovuma River and set forth to reach Bombay, where he hoped to sell her, for his funds were low. On the last day of April 1864 he started on his perilous journey. Though warned that the monsoon would shortly break, he would not be deterred. And after sailing two thousand five hundred miles in the little boat built only for river and lake, "a forest of masts one day loomed through the haze in Bombay harbour," and he was safe. After a brief stay here, Livingstone left his little launch and made his way to England on a mail-packet. But no one realised at this time the importance of his new discoveries. No one foresaw the value of "Nyassaland" now under British protectorate. Livingstone had brought to light a lake fifteen hundred and seventy feet above the sea, three hundred and fifty miles long and forty broad, up and down which British steamers make their way to-day, while the long range of mountains lining the eastern bank, known as the Livingstone range, testify to the fact that he had done much, even if he might have done more. CHAPTER LXV EXPEDITION TO VICTORIA NYANZA While Livingstone was discovering Lake Nyassa, Speke was busy preparing for a new expedition to find out more about the great sheet of water he had named Victoria Nyanza and to solve the vexed question: Was this the source of the Nile? In April 1860, accompanied by Captain Grant, an old friend and brother sportsman, he left England, and by way of the Cape reached Zanzibar some five months later. The two explorers started for their great inland journey early in October, with some hundred followers, bound for the great lake. But it was January 1861 before they had covered the five hundred miles between the coast and Kaze, the old halting-station of Burton and Speke. Through the agricultural plains known as Uzarana, the country of Rana, where many negro porters deserted, because they believed the white men were cannibals and intended to eat them when safe away from the haunts of men; through Usagara, the country of Gara, where Captain Grant was seized with fever; through Ugogo's great wilderness, where buffalo and rhinoceros abounded, where the country was flooded with tropical rains, on to the land of the Moon, three thousand feet above sea-level, till the slowly moving caravan reached Kaze. Here terrible accounts of famine and war reached them, and, instead of following Speke's route of 1858, they turned north-west and entered the Uzinza country, governed by two chieftains of Abyssinian descent. Here Speke was taken desperately ill. His cough gave him no rest day or night; his legs were "reduced to the appearance of pipe-sticks." But, emaciated as he was, he made his way onwards, till the explorers were rewarded by finding a "beautiful sheet of water lying snugly within the folds of the hills," which they named the Little Windermere, because they thought it was so like "our own English lake of that name. To do royal honours to the king of this charming land, I ordered my men," says Speke, "to put down their loads and fire a volley." The king, whom they next visited, was a fine-looking man, who, with his brother, sat cross-legged on the ground, with huge pipes of black clay by their sides, while behind them, "squatting quiet as mice," were the king's sons, six or seven lads, with little dream-charms under their chins! The king shook hands in true English fashion and was full of inquiries. Speke described the world, the proportions of land and water, and the large ships on the sea, and begged to be allowed to pass through his kingdom to Uganda. The explorers learnt much about the surrounding country, and spent Christmas Day with a good feast of roast beef. The start for Uganda was delayed by the serious illness of Grant, until at last Speke reluctantly decided to leave him with the friendly king, while he made his way alone to Uganda and the Lake Victoria Nyanza. It was the end of January 1861 when the English explorer entered the unknown kingdom of Uganda. Messengers from the king, M'tesa, came to him. "Now," they said, "you have really entered the kingdom of Uganda, for the future you must buy no more food. At every place that you stop for the day, the officer in charge will bring you plantains." [Illustration: M'TESA, KING OF UGANDA. From Speke's _Journey to Discover the Source of the Nile_.] The king's palace was ten days' march; the way lay along the western coast of the Lake Victoria Nyanza, the roads were "as broad as our coach roads cut through the long grass straight over the hills and down through the woods. The temperature was perfect. The whole land was a picture of quiescent beauty, with a boundless sea in the background." On 13th February, Speke found a large volume of water going to the north. "I took off my clothes," he says, "and jumped into the stream, which I found was twelve yards broad and deeper than my height. I was delighted beyond measure, for I had, to all appearance, found one of the branches of the Nile's exit from the Nyanza." But he had not reached the Nile yet. It was not till the end of July that he reached his goal. "Here at last," he says, "I stood on the brink of the Nile, most beautiful was the scene, nothing could surpass it--a magnificent stream from six hundred to seven hundred yards wide, dotted with islets and rocks, the former occupied by fishermen's huts, the latter by crocodiles basking in the sun. I told my men they ought to bathe in the holy river, the cradle of Moses." Marching onwards, they found the waterfall, which Speke named the Ripon Falls, "by far the most interesting sight I had seen in Africa." The arm of the water from which the Nile issued he named "Napoleon Channel," out of respect to the French Geographical Society for the honour they had done him just before leaving England in presenting their gold medal for the discovery of Victoria Nyanza. [Illustration: THE RIPON FALLS ON THE VICTORIA NYANZA. From Speke's _Journey to Discover the Source of the Nile_.] The English explorers had now spent six months in Uganda. The civilisation in this country of M'tesa's has passed into history. Every one was clothed, and even little boys held their skin-cloaks tightly round them lest their bare legs might by accident be seen! Everything was clean and orderly under the all-powerful ruler M'tesa. Grant, who arrived in the end of May, carried in a litter, found Speke had not yet obtained leave from the king to "open the country to the north, that an uninterrupted line of commerce might exist between England and Uganda by means of the Nile." But at last on 3rd July he writes with joy: "The moment of triumph has come at last and suddenly the road is granted." The explorers bid farewell to M'tesa. "We rose with an English bow, placing the hand on the heart, whilst saying adieu; and whatever we did M'tesa in an instant mimicked with the instinct of a monkey." In five boats of five planks each tied together and caulked with rags, Speke started with a small escort and crew to reach the palace of the neighbouring king, Kamrasi, "father of all the kings," in the province of Unyoro. After some fierce opposition they entered the palace of the king, a poor creature. Rumours had reached him that these two white men were cannibals and sorcerers. His palace was indeed a contrast to that of M'tesa. It was merely a dirty hut approached by a lane ankle-deep in mud and cow-manure. The king's sisters were not allowed to marry; their only occupation was to drink milk from morning to night, with the result that they grew so fat it took eight men to lift one of them, when walking became impossible. Superstition was rife, and the explorers were not sorry to leave Unyoro _en route_ for Cairo. Speke and Grant now believed that, except for a few cataracts, the waterway to England was unbroken. The Karuma Falls broke the monotony of the way, and here the party halted a while before plunging into the Kidi wilderness across which they intended to march to save a great bend of the river. Their path lay through swampy jungles and high grass, while great grassy plains, where buffaloes were seen and the roar of lions was heard, stretched away on every side. [Illustration: CAPTAINS SPEKE AND GRANT.] Suddenly they reached a huge rock covered with huts, in front of which groups of black men were perched like monkeys, evidently awaiting the arrival of the white men. They were painted in the most brilliant colours, though without clothes, for the civilisation of Uganda had been left far behind. Pushing on, they reached the Madi country, where again civilisation awaited them in the shape of Turks. It was on 3rd December that they saw to their great surprise three large red flags carried in front of a military procession which marched out of camp with drums and fifes playing. "A very black man named Mohammed, in full Egyptian regimentals, with a curved sword, ordered his regiment to halt, and threw himself into my arms endeavouring to kiss me," says Speke. "Having reached his huts, he gave us two beds to sit upon, and ordered his wives to advance on their knees and give us coffee." "I have directions to take you to Gondokoro as soon as you come," said Mohammed. Yet they were detained till 11th January, when in sheer desperation they started off, and in two days reached the Nile. Having no boats, they continued their march overland till 15th February, when the masts of Nile boats came in sight, and soon after the two explorers walked into Gondokoro. Then a strange thing happened. "We saw hurrying on towards us the form of an Englishman, and the next moment my old friend Baker, famed for his sports in Ceylon, seized me by the hand. What joy this was I can hardly tell. We could not talk fast enough, so overwhelmed were we both to meet again. Of course we were his guests, and soon learned everything that could be told. I now first heard of the death of H.R.H. the Prince Consort. Baker said he had come up with three vessels fully equipped with armed men, camels, horses, donkeys, and everything necessary for a long journey, expressly to look after us. Three Dutch ladies also, with a view to assist us (God bless them!), had come here in a steamer, but were driven back to Khartum by sickness. Nobody had dreamt for a moment it was possible we could come through." Leaving Baker to continue his way to central Africa, Speke and Grant made their way home to England, where they arrived in safety after an absence of three years and fifty-one days, with their great news of the discovery of Uganda and their further exploration of Victoria Nyanza. When Speke reached Alexandria he had telegraphed home: "The Nile is settled." But he was wrong. The Nile was not settled, and many an expedition was yet to make its way to the great lakes before the problem was to be solved. CHAPTER LXVI BAKER FINDS ALBERT NYANZA Baker had not been long at Gondokoro when the two English explorers arrived from the south. "In March 1861," he tells us, "I commenced an expedition to discover the sources of the Nile, with the hope of meeting the East African expedition of Captains Speke and Grant that had been sent by the English Government from the south _via_ Zanzibar for that object. From my youth I had been innured to hardship and endurance in tropical climates, and when I gazed upon the map of Africa I had a wild hope that I might by perseverance reach the heart of Africa." These are the opening lines of the published travels of Samuel Baker, famous as an elephant-hunter in Ceylon and engineer of the first railway laid down in Turkey. Like Livingstone, in his early explorations, Baker took his wife with him. "It was in vain that I implored her to remain, and that I painted the difficulties and perils still blacker than I supposed they really would be; she was resolved to share all dangers and to follow me through each rough footstep of the wild life before me." On 15th April 1861, Baker and his wife left Cairo to make their way southward to join the quest for the source of the Nile. They reached Korosko in twenty-six days, and crossed the Nubian desert on camels, a "very wilderness of scorching sand, the simoon in full force and the thermometer in the shade standing at 114 degrees Fahr." By Abu Hamed and Berber they reached Atbara. It now occurred to Baker that without some knowledge of Arabic he could do little in the way of exploration, so for a whole year he stayed in northern Abyssinia, the country explored by Bruce nearly ninety years before. [Illustration: BAKER AND HIS WIFE CROSSING THE NUBIAN DESERT. From Baker's _Travels_.] It was therefore 18th December 1862 before he and Mrs. Baker left Khartum for their journey up the Nile through the slave-driven Sudan. It was a fifty days' voyage to Gondokoro. In the hope of finding Speke and Grant, he took an extra load of corn as well as twenty-two donkeys, four camels, and four horses. Gondokoro was reached just a fortnight before the two explorers returned from the south. Baker's account of the historical meeting between the white men in the heart of Africa is very interesting: "Heard guns firing in the distance--report that two white men had come from the sea. Could they be Speke and Grant? Off I ran and soon met them; hurrah for Old England. They had come from the Victoria Nyanza from which the Nile springs. The mystery of ages solved! With a heart beating with joy I took off my cap and gave a welcome hurrah as I ran towards them! For the moment they did not recognise me; ten years' growth of beard and moustache had worked a change, and my sudden appearance in the centre of Africa appeared to them incredible. As a good ship arrives in harbour battered and torn by a long and stormy voyage, so both these gallant travellers arrived in Gondokoro. Speke appeared to me the more worn of the two. He was excessively lean; he had walked the whole way from Zanzibar, never having ridden once during that wearying march. Grant was in rags, his bare knees projecting through the remnants of trousers." Baker was now inclined to think that his work was done, the source of the Nile discovered, but after looking at the map of their route, he saw that an important part of the Nile still remained undiscovered, and though there were dangers ahead he determined to go on his way into central Africa. "We took neither guide nor interpreter," he continues. "We commenced our desperate journey in darkness about an hour after sunset. I led the way, Mrs. Baker riding by my side and the British flag following close behind us as a guide for the caravan of heavily laden camels and donkeys. And thus we started on our march in central Africa on the 26th of March 1863." It would take too long to tell of their manifold misfortunes and difficulties before they reached the lake they were in search of on 16th March 1864. How they passed through the uncivilised country so lately traversed by Speke and Grant, how in the Obbo country all their porters deserted just a few days before they reached the Karuma Falls, how Baker from this point tried to follow the Nile to the yet unknown lake, how fever seized both the explorer and his wife and they had to live on the common food of the natives and a little water, how suddenly Mrs. Baker fell down with a sunstroke and was carried for seven days quite unconscious through swamp and jungle, the rain descending in torrents all the time, till Baker, "weak as a reed," worn out with anxiety, lay on the ground as one dead. It seemed as if both must die, when better times dawned and they recovered to find that they were close to the lake. Baker's diary is eloquent: "The day broke beautifully clear, and, having crossed a deep valley between the hills, we toiled up the opposite slope. I hurried to the summit. The glory of our prize burst suddenly upon me! There, like a sea of quicksilver, lay far beneath us the grand expanse of water, a boundless sea-horizon on the south and south-west, glittering in the noonday sun, while at sixty miles' distance, blue mountains rose from the lake to a height of about seven thousand feet above its level. It is impossible to describe the triumph of that moment; here was the reward for all our labour! England had won the sources of the Nile! I looked from the steep granite cliff upon those welcome waters, upon that vast reservoir which nourished Egypt, upon that great source so long hidden from mankind, and I determined to honour it with a great name. As an imperishable memorial of one loved and mourned by our gracious Queen, I called this great lake 'the Albert Nyanza.' The Victoria and the Albert Lakes are the two sources of the Nile." Weak and spent with fever, the Bakers descended tottering to the water's edge. "The waves were rolling upon a white pebbly beach. I rushed into the lake and, thirsty with heat and fatigue, I drank deeply from the sources of the Nile. My wife, who had followed me so devotedly, stood by my side pale and exhausted--a wreck upon the shores of the great Albert Lake that we had long striven to reach. No European foot had ever trod upon its sand, nor had the eyes of a white man ever scanned its vast expanse of water." [Illustration: BAKER'S BOAT IN A STORM ON LAKE ALBERT NYANZA. From Baker's _Albert Nyanza_.] After some long delay, the Bakers procured canoes, "merely single trees neatly hollowed out," and paddled along the shores of the newly found lake. The water was calm, the views most lovely. Hippopotami sported in the water; crocodiles were numerous. Day after day they paddled north, sometimes using a large Scotch plaid as sail. It was dangerous work. Once a great storm nearly swamped them. The little canoe shipped heavy seas; terrific bursts of thunder and vivid lightning broke over the lake, hiding everything from view. Then down came the rain in torrents, swept along by a terrific wind. They reached the shore in safety, but the discomforts of the voyage were great, and poor Mrs. Baker suffered severely. On the thirteenth day they found themselves at the end of the lake voyage, and carefully examined the exit of the Nile from the lake. They now followed the river in their canoe for some eighteen miles, when they suddenly heard a roar of water, and, rounding a corner, "a magnificent sight suddenly burst upon us. On either side of the river were beautifully wooded cliffs rising abruptly to a height of three hundred feet and rushing through a gap that cleft the rock. The river pent up in a narrow gorge roared furiously through the rock-bound pass, till it plunged in one leap of about one hundred and twenty feet into a dark abyss below. This was the greatest waterfall of the Nile, and in honour of the distinguished President of the Royal Geographical Society I named it the Murchison Falls." Further navigation was impossible, and with oxen and porters they proceeded by land. Mrs. Baker was still carried in a litter, while Baker walked by her side. Both were soon attacked again with fever, and when night came they threw themselves down in a wretched hut. A violent thunderstorm broke over them, and they lay there utterly helpless, and worn out till sunrise. Worse was to come. The natives now deserted them, and they were alone and helpless, with a wilderness of rank grass hemming them in on every side. Their meals consisted of a mess of black porridge of bitter mouldy flour "that no English pig would notice" and a dish of spinach. For nearly two months they existed here, until they became perfect skeletons. "We had given up all hope of Gondokoro," says Baker, "and I had told my headman to deliver my map and papers to the English Consul at Khartum." But they were not to die here. The king, Kamrasi, having heard of their wretched condition, sent for them, treated them kindly, and enabled them to reach Gondokoro, which they did on 23rd March 1865, after an absence of two years. They had long since been given up as lost, and it was an immense joy to reach Cairo at last and to find that, in the words of Baker, "the Royal Geographical Society had awarded me the Victoria Gold Medal at a time when they were unaware whether I was alive or dead and when the success of my expedition was unknown." CHAPTER LXVII LIVINGSTONE'S LAST JOURNEY In the year 1865 "the greatest of all African travellers" started on his last journey to central Africa. "I hope," he said, "to ascend the Rovuma, and shall strive, by passing along the northern end of Lake Nyassa and round the southern end of Lake Tanganyika, to ascertain the watershed of that part of Africa." Arrived at Zanzibar in January 1866, he reached the mouth of the Rovuma River some two months later, and, passing through dense thickets of trees, he started on his march along the northern bank. The expedition consisted of thirteen sepoys from Bombay, nine negroes from one of the missions, two men from the Zambesi, Susi, Amoda, and others originally slaves freed by Livingstone. As beasts of burden, they had six camels, three Indian buffaloes, two mules, four donkeys, while a poodle took charge of the whole line of march, running to see the first man in the line and then back to the last, and barking to hasten him up. "Now that I am on the point of starting on another trip into Africa," wrote Livingstone from Rovuma Bay, "I feel quite exhilarated. The mere animal pleasure of travelling in a wild, unexplored country is very great. Brisk exercise imparts elasticity to the muscles, fresh and healthy blood circulates through the brain, the mind works well, the eye is clear, the step firm, and a day's exertion makes the evening's repose thoroughly enjoyable." But misfortunes soon began. As they marched along the banks of the Rovuma the buffaloes and camels were badly bitten by the tsetse fly, and one after another died. The cruelty of the followers to the animals was terrible. Indeed, they were thoroughly unsatisfactory. One day a party of them lagged behind, killed the last young buffalo, and ate it. They told Livingstone that it had died and tigers had come and devoured it. "Did you see the stripes of the tiger?" asked Livingstone. Yes; all declared that they had seen them distinctly--an obvious lie, as there are no striped tigers in Africa. On 11th August, Livingstone once more reached Lake Nyassa. "It was as if I had come back to an old home I never expected again to see, and pleasant it was to bathe in the delicious waters again. I feel quite exhilarated." Having sent word to the Arab chief of Kota-Kota on the opposite coast, and having received no reply to his request to be ferried across the lake, he started off and marched by land round the southern end, crossing the Shire River at its entrance. He continued his journey round the south-western gulf of Lake Nyassa, till rumours of Zulu raids frightened his men. They refused to go any farther, but just threw down their loads and walked away. He was now left with Susi and Chuma and a few boys with whom he crossed the end of a long range of mountains over four thousand feet in height, and, pursuing a zigzag track, reached the Loangwa River on 16th December 1866, while his unfaithful followers returned to the coast to spread the story that Livingstone had been killed by the Zulus! Meanwhile the explorer was plodding on towards Lake Tanganyika. The beauty of the way strikes the lonely explorer. The rainy season had come on in all its force, and the land was wonderful in its early green. "Many gay flowers peep out. Here and there the scarlet lily, red, yellow, and pure white orchids, and pale lobelias. As we ascended higher on the plateau, grasses which have pink and reddish brown seed-vessels were grateful to the eye." Two disasters clouded this month of travel. His poor poodle was drowned in a marsh and his medicine-chest was stolen. The land was famine-bound too; the people were living on mushrooms and leaves. "We get some elephants' meat, but it is very bitter, and the appetite in this country is always very keen and makes hunger worse to bear, the want of salt probably making the gnawing sensation worse." On 28th January, Livingstone crossed the Tshambezi, "which may almost be regarded as the upper waters of the Congo," says Johnstone, though the explorer of 1867 knew it not. "Northwards," says Livingstone, "through almost trackless forest and across oozing bogs"; and then he adds the significant words, "I am frightened at my own emaciation." March finds him worse. "I have been ill of fever; every step I take jars in my chest, and I am very weak; I can scarcely keep up the march." At last, on 1st April, "blue water loomed through the trees." It was Lake Tanganyika lying some two thousand feet below them. Its "surpassing loveliness" struck Livingstone. "It lies in a deep basin," he says, "whose sides are nearly perpendicular, but covered well with trees, at present all green; down some of these rocks come beautiful cascades, while buffaloes, elephants, and antelopes wander and graze on the more level spots, and lions roar by night. In the morning and evening huge crocodiles may be observed quietly making their way to their feeding-grounds, and hippopotami snort by night." Going westwards, Livingstone met a party of Arabs amongst whom he remained for over three months, till he could make his way on to Lake Meoro, reported to be only three days' journey. It took him sixteen days to reach it. "Lake Meoro seems of goodly size," he says, "and is flanked by ranges of mountains on the east and west. Its banks are of coarse sand and slope gradually down to the water. We slept in a fisherman's cottage on the north shore." After a stay of six weeks in the neighbourhood, Livingstone returned to the Arabs, until the spring of 1868, when he decided to explore the Lake Bangweolo. In spite of opposition and the desertion of more men, he started with five attendants and reached this--one of the largest of the central African lakes--in July. Modestly enough he asserts the fact. "On the 18th I saw the shores of the lake for the first time. The name Bangweolo is applied to the great mass of water, though I fear that our English folks will bogle at it or call it Bungyhollow. The water is of a deep sea-green colour. It was bitterly cold from the amount of moisture in the air." This moisture converted the surrounding country into one huge bog or sponge, twenty-nine of which Livingstone had to cross in thirty miles, each taking about half an hour to cross. [Illustration: THE DISCOVERY OF LAKE BANGWEOLO, 1868: LIVINGSTONE ON THE LAKE WITH HIS MEN. From Livingstone's _Last Journals_, by permission of Mr. John Murray.] The explorer was still greatly occupied on the problem of the Nile. "The discovery of the sources of the Nile," he says, "is somewhat akin in importance to the discovery of the North-West Passage." It seemed to him not impossible that the great river he found flowing through these two great lakes to the west of Tanganyika might prove to be the Upper Nile. It was December before he started for Tanganyika. The new year of 1868 opened badly. Half-way, he became very ill. He was constantly wet through; he persistently crossed brooks and rivers, wading through cold water up to his waist. "Very ill all over," he enters in his diary; "cannot walk. Pneumonia of right lung, and I cough all day and all night. I am carried several hours a day on a frame. The sun is vertical, blistering any part of the skin exposed, and I try to shelter my face and head as well as I can with a bunch of leaves." On 14th February 1869 he arrived on the western shores of the lake, and after the usual delay he was put into it canoe for Ujiji. Though better, he was still very ill, and we get the pathetic entry, "Hope to hold out to Ujiji." At last he reached the Arab settlement on the eastern shores, where he found the goods sent to him overland from Zanzibar, and though much had been stolen, yet warm clothes, tea, and coffee soon revived him. After a stay of three months he grew better, and turned westwards for the land of the Manyuema and the great rivers reported to be flowing there. He was guided by Arabs whose trade-route extended to the great Lualaba River in the very heart of Africa some thousand miles west of Zanzibar. It was an unknown land, unvisited by Europeans when Livingstone arrived with his Arab escort at Bambarra in September 1869. "Being now well rested," he enters in his diary, "I resolved to go west to Lualaba and buy a canoe for its exploration. The Manyuema country is all surpassingly beautiful. Palms crown the highest heights of the mountains, and the forests about five miles broad are indescribable. Climbers of cable size in great numbers are hung among the gigantic trees, many unknown wild fruits abound, some the size of a child's head, and strange birds and monkeys are everywhere." With the Arab caravan he travelled almost incessantly zigzagging through the wonderful Manyuema country until, after a year's wandering, he finally reached the banks of the Lualaba (Congo) on 31st March 1871. It was a red-letter day in his life. "I went down," he says, "to take a good look at the Lualaba here. It is a mighty river at least three thousand yards broad and always deep. The banks are steep; the current is about two miles an hour away to the north." Livingstone was gazing at the second-largest river in the world--the Congo. But he thought it was the Nile, and confidently relates how it overflows all its banks annually as the Nile does. At Nyangwe, a Manyuema village, Livingstone stayed for four months. The natives were dreadful cannibals. He saw one day a man with ten human jaw-bones hung by a string over his shoulder, the owners of which he had killed and eaten. Another day a terrible massacre took place, arising from a squabble over a fowl, in which some four hundred perished. The Arabs too disgusted him with their slave-raiding, and he decided that he could no longer travel under their protection. So on 20th July 1871 he started back for Ujiji, and after a journey of seven hundred miles, accomplished in three months, he arrived, reduced to a skeleton, only to find that the rascal who had charge of his stores had stolen the whole and made away. But when health and spirit were failing, help was at hand. The meeting of Stanley and Livingstone on the shores of the Lake Tanganyika is one of the most thrilling episodes in the annals of discovery. Let them tell their own story: "When my spirits were at their lowest ebb," says Livingstone, "one morning Susi came running at the top of his speed and gasped out, 'An Englishman! I see him!' and off he darted to meet him. The American flag at the head of a caravan told of the nationality of the stranger. Bales of goods, baths of tin, huge kettles, and cooking-pots made me think, 'This must be a luxurious traveller and not one at his wits' end, like me.'" It was Henry Morton Stanley, the travelling correspondent of the _New York Herald_, sent at an expense of more than 4000 pounds to obtain accurate information about Dr. Livingstone if living, and if dead to bring home his bones. [Illustration: LIVINGSTONE AT WORK ON HIS JOURNAL. From a sketch by H. M. Stanley.] And now Stanley takes up the story. He has entered Ujiji and heard from the faithful Susi that the explorer yet lives. Pushing back the crowds of natives, Stanley advanced down "a living avenue of people" till he came to where "the white man with the long grey beard was standing." "As I advanced slowly towards him," says Stanley, "I noticed he was pale, looked worried, wore a bluish cap with a faded gold band round it, had on a red-sleeved waistcoat and a pair of grey tweed trousers. I walked deliberately to him, took off my hat, and said, 'Dr. Livingstone, I presume?' "'Yes,' said he, with a kind smile, lifting his cap slightly. "Then we both grasp hands and I say aloud, 'I thank God, Doctor, I have been permitted to see you.' "'You have brought me new life--new life,' murmured the tired explorer," and for the next few days it was enough for the two Englishmen to sit on the mud verandah of Livingstone's house, talking. Livingstone soon grew better, and November found the two explorers surveying the river flowing from the north of Tanganyika and deciding that it was not the Nile. Stanley now did his best to persuade Livingstone to return home with him to recruit his shattered health before finishing his work of exploration. But the explorer, tired and out of health though he was, utterly refused. He must complete the exploration of the sources of the Nile before he sought that peace and comfort at home for which he must have yearned. So the two men parted--Stanley to carry Livingstone's news of the discovery of the Congo back to Europe, Livingstone to end his days on the lonely shores of Lake Bangweolo, leaving the long-sought mystery of the Nile sources yet unsolved. On 25th August 1872 he started on his last journey. He had a well-equipped expedition sent up by Stanley from the coast, including sixty men, donkeys, and cows. He embarked on his fresh journey with all his old eagerness and enthusiasm, but a few days' travel showed him how utterly unfit he was for any more hardships. He suffered from intense and growing weakness, which increased day by day. He managed somehow to ride his donkey, but in November his donkey died and he struggled along on foot. Descending into marshy regions north of Lake Bangweolo, the journey became really terrible. The rainy season was at its height, the land was an endless swamp, and starvation threatened the expedition. To add to the misery of the party, there were swarms of mosquitoes, poisonous spiders, and stinging ants by the way. Still, amid all the misery and suffering, the explorer made his way on through the dreary autumn months. Christmas came and went; the new year of 1873 dawned. He could not stop. April found him only just alive, carried by his faithful servants. Then comes the last entry in his diary, 27th April: "Knocked up quite. We are on the banks of R. Molilamo." [Illustration: LIVINGSTONE ENTERING THE HUT AT ILALA ON THE NIGHT THAT HE DIED. From Livingstone's _Last Journals_, by permission of Mr. John Murray.] [Illustration: THE LAST ENTRIES IN LIVINGSTONE'S DIARY.] They laid him at last in a native hut, and here one night he died alone. They found him in the early morning, just kneeling by the side of the rough bed, his body stretched forward, his head buried in his hands upon the pillow. The negroes buried his heart on the spot where he died in the village of Ilala on the shores of Lake Bangweolo under the shadow of a great tree in the still forest. Then they wrapped his body in a cylinder of bark wound round in a piece of old sailcloth, lashed it to a pole, and a little band of negroes, including Susi and Chuma, set out to carry their dead master to the coast. For hundreds of miles they tramped with their precious burden, till they reached the sea and could give it safely to his fellow-countrymen, who conveyed it to England to be laid with other great men in Westminster Abbey. "He needs no epitaph to guard a name Which men shall praise while worthy work is done. He lived and died for good, be that his fame. Let marble crumble: this is living-stone." [Illustration: SUSI, LIVINGSTONE'S SERVANT. From a sketch by H. M. Stanley.] CHAPTER LXVIII THROUGH THE DARK CONTINENT The death of Livingstone, the faithfulness of his native servants in carrying his body and journals across hundreds of miles of wild country to the coast, his discovery of the great river in the heart of Africa, and the great service in Westminster Abbey roused public interest in the Dark Continent and the unfinished work of the great explorer. "Never had such an outburst of missionary zeal been known, never did the cause of geographical exploration receive such an impetus." The dramatic meeting between Livingstone and Stanley on the shores of Lake Tanganyika in 1871 had impressed the public in England and America, and an expedition was now planned by the proprietors of two great newspapers, the _London Daily Telegraph_ and the _New York Herald_. Stanley was chosen to command it. And perhaps there is hardly a better-known book of modern travels than _Through the Dark Continent_, in which he has related all his adventures and discoveries with regard to the Congo. Leaving England in August 1874 with three Englishmen and a large boat in eight sections, the _Lady Alice_, for the navigation of lake and river, the little exploring party reached Zanzibar a few weeks later and started on their great inland journey. The way to Victoria Nyanza lay through what is now known as German East Africa. They reached Ugogo safely and turned to the north-west, entering an immense and silent bush-field, where no food was obtainable. On the eighth day five people died of starvation and the rest of the expedition was only saved by the purchase of some grain from a distant village. But four more died and twenty-eight miles under a hot sun prostrated one of the white men, who died a few days later. Thus they entered Ituru, "a land of naked people, whose hills drained into a marsh, whence issue the southernmost waters of the Nile." Here they were surrounded by angry savages on whom they had to fire, and from whose country they were glad to escape. On 27th February 1875, after tramping for one hundred and three days, they arrived at their destination. One of the white men who was striding forward suddenly waved his hat, and with a beaming face shouted out, "I have seen the lake, sir; it is grand." Here, indeed, was the Victoria Nyanza, "which a dazzling sun transformed into silver," discovered by Speke sixteen years before, and supposed to be the source of the Nile. The men struck up a song of triumph-- "Sing, O friends, sing; the journey is ended. Sing aloud, O friends; sing to the great Nyanza. Sing all, sing loud, O friends, sing to the great sea; Give your last look to the lands behind, and then turn to the sea. Lift up your heads, O men, and gaze around. Try if you can to see its end. See, it stretches moons away, This great, sweet, fresh-water sea." "I thought," says Stanley, "there could be no better way of settling, once and for ever, the vexed question, than by circumnavigating the lake." So the _Lady Alice_ was launched, and from the shores of Speke Gulf, as he named the southern end, the explorer set forth, leaving the two remaining Englishmen in charge of the camp. "The sky is gloomy," writes Stanley, "the rocks are bare and rugged, the land silent and lonely. The rowing of the people is that of men who think they are bound to certain death; their hearts are full of misgivings as slowly we move through the dull dead waters." The waters were not dead for long. A gale rose up and the lake became wild beyond description. "The waves hissed as we tore along, the crew collapsed and crouched into the bottom of the boat, expecting the end of the wild venture, but the _Lady Alice_ bounded forward like a wild courser and we floated into a bay, still as a pond." So they coasted along the shores of the lake. Their guide told them it would take years to sail round their sea, that on the shores dwelt people with long tails, who preferred to feed on human beings rather than cattle or goats. But, undaunted, the explorer sailed on, across the Napoleon Channel, through which flowed the superfluous waters of the lake rushing northward as the Victoria Nile. "On the western side of the Channel is Uganda, dominated by an Emperor who is supreme over about three millions of people. He soon heard of my presence on the lake and dispatched a flotilla to meet me. His mother had dreamed the night before that she had seen a boat sailing, sailing like a fish-eagle over the Nyanza. In the stern of the boat was a white man gazing wistfully towards Uganda." On reaching the port a crowd of soldiers, "arrayed in crimson and black and snowy white," were drawn up to receive him. "As we neared the beach, volleys of musketry burst out from the long lines. Numerous kettles and brass drums sounded a noisy welcome, flags and banners waved, and the people gave a great shout." [Illustration: STANLEY AND HIS MEN MARCHING THROUGH UNYORO. From a sketch, by Stanley, in _Through the Dark Continent_.] Such was Stanley's welcome to M'tesa's wonderful kingdom of Uganda, described by Speke sixteen years before. The twelve days spent at the court of this monarch impressed Stanley deeply. Specially was the king interested in Christianity, and the English explorer told the story of the Creation and the birth of the Messiah to this intelligent pagan and his courtiers. "Ten days after we left the genial court, I came upon the scene of a tragedy. We were coasting the eastern side of a large island, having been thirty-six hours without food, looking for a port where we could put in and purchase provisions. Natives followed our movements, poising their spears, stringing their bows, picking out the best rocks for their slings. We were thirteen souls, they between three and four hundred. Seeing the boat advance, they smiled, entered the water, and held out inviting hands. The crew shot the boat towards the natives; their hands closed on her firmly, they ran with her to the shore and dragged her high and dry about twenty yards from the lake. Then ensued a scene of rampant wildness and hideous ferocity of action beyond description. The boat was surrounded by a forest of spears and two hundred demons contended for the first blow. I sprang up to kill and be killed, a revolver in each hand, but as I rose to my feet the utter hopelessness of our situation was revealed to me." To make a long story short, the natives seized the oars, and, thinking the boat was now in their power, they retired to make their plans. Meanwhile Stanley commanded his crew to tear the bottom boards up for paddles, and, pushing the boat hastily into the water, they paddled away, their commander firing the while with his elephant rifle and explosive bullets. They were saved. On 6th May the circumnavigation was finished and the _Lady Alice_ was being dragged ashore in Speke Gulf with shouts of welcome and the waving of many flags. But sad news awaited him. He could see but one of his white companions. "Where is Barker?" he asked Frank Pocock. "He died twelve days ago," was the melancholy answer. Stanley now took his whole expedition to Uganda, and after spending some months with the King he passed on to Lake Tanganyika, crossing to Ujiji, where he arrived in May 1876. Here five years before he had found Livingstone. "We launched our boat on the lake and, circumnavigating it, discovered that there was only a periodical outlet to it. Thus, by the circumnavigation of the two lakes, two of the geographical problems I had undertaken to solve were settled. The Victoria Nyanza had no connection with the Tanganyika. There now remained the grandest task of all. Is the Lualaba, which Livingstone had traced along a course of nearly thirteen hundred miles, the Nile, the Niger, or the Congo? I crossed Lake Tanganyika with my expedition, lifted once more my gallant boat on our shoulders, and after a march of nearly two hundred and twenty miles arrived at the superb river. Where I first sighted it, the Lualaba was fourteen hundred yards wide, pale grey in colour, winding slowly from south and by east. We hailed its appearance with shouts of joy, and rested on the spot to enjoy the view. I likened it to the Mississippi as it appears before the impetuous, full-volumed Missouri pours its rusty brown water into it. A secret rapture filled my soul as I gazed upon the majestic stream. The great mystery that for all these centuries Nature had kept hidden away from the world of science was waiting to be solved. For two hundred and twenty miles I had followed the sources of the Livingstone River to the confluence, and now before me lay the superb river itself. My task was to follow it to the ocean." Pressing on along the river, they reached the Arab city of Nyangwe, having accomplished three hundred and thirty-eight miles in forty-three days. And now the famous Arab Tippu-Tib comes on the scene, a chief with whom Stanley was to be closely connected hereafter. He was a tall, black-bearded man with an intelligent face and gleaming white teeth. He wore clothes of spotless white, his fez was smart and new, his dagger resplendent with silver filigree. He had escorted Cameron across the river to the south, and he now confirmed Stanley in his idea that the greatest problem of African geography, "the discovery of the course of the Congo," was still untouched. "This was momentous and all-important news to the expedition. We had arrived at the critical point in our travels," remarks Stanley. "What kind of a country is it to the north along the river?" he asked. "Monstrous bad," was the reply. "There are large boa-constrictors in the forest suspended by their tails, waiting to gobble up travellers. You cannot travel without being covered by ants, and they sting like wasps. There are leopards in countless numbers. Gorillas haunt the woods. The people are man-eaters. A party of three hundred guns started for the forest and only sixty returned." Stanley and his last remaining white companion, Frank Pocock, discussed the somewhat alarming situation together. Should they go on and face the dwarfs who shot with poisoned arrows, the cannibals who regarded the stranger as so much meat, the cataracts and rocks--should they follow the "great river which flowed northward for ever and knew no end"? "This great river which Livingstone first saw, and which broke his heart to turn away from, is a noble field," argued Stanley. "After buying or building canoes and floating down the river day by day, either to the Nile or to some vast lake in the far north or to the Congo and the Atlantic Ocean." "Let us follow the river," replied the white man. So, accompanied by Tippu-Tib, with a hundred and forty guns and seventy spearmen, they started along the banks of the river which Stanley now named the Livingstone River. "On the 5th of November 1876," says Stanley, "a force of about seven hundred people, consisting of Tippu-Tib's slaves and my expedition departed from the town of Nyangwe and entered the dismal forest-land north. A straight line from this point to the Atlantic Ocean would measure one thousand and seventy miles; another to the Indian Ocean would measure only nine hundred and twenty miles; we had not reached the centre of the continent by seventy-five miles. "Outside the woods blazed a blinding sunshine; underneath that immense roof-foliage was a solemn twilight. The trees shed continual showers of tropic dew. As we struggled on through the mud, the perspiration exuded from every pore; our clothes were soon wet and heavy. Every man had to crawl and scramble as he best could. Sometimes prostrate forest-giants barred the road with a mountain of twigs and branches. For ten days we endured it; then the Arabs declared they could go no farther. I promised them five hundred pounds if they would escort us twenty marches only. On our way to the river we came to a village whose sole street was adorned with one hundred and eighty-six human skulls. Seventeen days from Nyangwe we saw again the great river and, viewing the stately breadth of the mighty stream, I resolved to launch my boat for the last time. Placing thirty-six of the people in the boat, we floated down the river close to the bank along which the land-party marched. Day after day passed on and we found the natives increasing in wild rancour and unreasoning hate of strangers. At every curve and bend they 'telephoned' along the river warning signals; their huge wooden drums sounded the muster for fierce resistance; reed arrows tipped with poison were shot at us from the jungle as we glided by. On the 18th of December our miseries culminated in a grand effort of the savages to annihilate us. The cannibals had manned the topmost branches of the trees above the village of Vinya Njara to shoot at us." A camp was hastily constructed by Stanley in defence, and for several days there was desperate fighting, at the end of which peace was made. But Tippu-Tib and his escort refused to go a step farther to what they felt was certain destruction. Stanley alone was determined to proceed. He bought thirty-three native canoes and, leading with the _Lady Alice_, he set his face towards the unknown country. His men were all sobbing. They leant forward, bowed with grief and heavy hearts at the prospect before them. Dense woods covered both banks and islands. Savages with gaily feathered heads and painted faces dashed out of the woods armed with shields and spears, shouting, "Meat! meat! Ha! ha! We shall have plenty of meat!" "Armies of parrots screamed overhead as they flew across the river; legions of monkeys and howling baboons alarmed the solitudes; crocodiles haunted the sandy points; hippopotami grunted at our approach; elephants stood by the margin of the river; there was unceasing vibration from millions of insects throughout the livelong day. The sun shone large and warm; the river was calm and broad and brown." [Illustration: "TOWARDS THE UNKNOWN": STANLEY'S CANOES STARTING FROM VINYA NJARA. From _Through the Dark Continent_.] By January 1877 the expedition reached the first cataract of what is now known as the Stanley Falls. From this point for some sixty miles the great volume of the Livingstone River rushed through narrow and lofty banks in a series of rapids. For twenty-two days he toiled along the banks, through jungle and forest, over cliffs and rocks exposed all the while to murderous attacks by cannibal savages, till the seventh cataract was passed and the boats were safely below the falls. "We hastened away down river in a hurry, to escape the noise of the cataracts which for many days and nights had almost stunned us with their deafening sound. We were once more afloat on a magnificent stream, nearly a mile wide, curving north-west. 'Ha! Is it the Niger or Congo?' I said." [Illustration: THE SEVENTH CATARACT, STANLEY FALLS. From _Through the Dark Continent_.] But day after day as they dropped down stream new enemies appeared, until at last, at the junction of the Aruwimi, a tributary as large as the main stream, a determined attack was made on them by some two thousand warriors in large canoes. A monster canoe led the way, with two rows of forty paddlers each, their bodies swaying to a barbarous chorus. In the bow were ten prime young warriors, their heads gay with the feathers of the parrot, crimson and grey: at the stern eight men with long paddles decorated with ivory balls guided the boat, while ten chiefs danced up and down from stem to stern. The crashing of large drums, a hundred blasts from ivory horns, and a song from two thousand voices did not tend to assure the little fleet under Stanley. The Englishman coolly anchored his boats in mid-stream and received the enemy with such well-directed volleys that the savages were utterly paralysed, and with great energy they retreated, pursued hotly by Stanley's party. [Illustration: THE FIGHT BELOW THE CONFLUENCE OF THE ARUWIMI AND THE LIVINGSTONE RIVERS. From a sketch, by Stanley, in _Through the Dark Continent_.] "Leaving them wondering and lamenting, I sought the mid-channel again and wandered on with the current. In the voiceless depths of the watery wilderness we encountered neither treachery nor guile, and we floated down, down, hundreds of miles. The river curved westward, then south-westward. Ah, straight for the mouth of the Congo. It widened daily. The channels became numerous." Through the country of the Bangala they now fought their way. These people were armed with guns brought up from the coast by native traders. It was indeed an anxious moment when, with war-drums beating, sixty-three "beautiful but cruel canoes" came skimming towards Stanley with some three hundred guns to his forty-four. For nearly five hours the two fleets fought until the victory rested with the American. "This," remarks Stanley, "was our thirty-first fight on the terrible river, and certainly the most determined conflict we had endured." They rowed on till the 11th of March; the river had grown narrower and steep, wooded hills rose on either side above them. Suddenly the river expanded, and the voyagers entered a wide basin or pool over thirty square yards. "Sandy islands rose in front of us like a seabeach, and on the right towered a long row of cliffs white and glistening, like the cliffs of Dover." "Why not call it Stanley Pool and those cliffs Dover Cliffs?" suggested Frank Pocock. And these names may be seen on our maps to-day. Passing out of the Pool, the roar of a great cataract burst upon their ears. It was the first of a long series of falls and rapids which continued for a distance of one hundred and fifty-five miles. To this great stretch of cataracts and rapids Stanley gave the name of the "Livingstone Falls." At the fifth cataract Stanley lost his favourite little native page-boy, Kalulu. The canoe in which he was rowing shot suddenly over the rapids, and in the furious whirl of rushing waters poor little Kalulu was drowned. He had been born a prince and given to Stanley on his first expedition into Africa. Stanley had taken him to Europe and America, and the boy had repaid his kindness by faithful and tender devotion till that fatal day, when he went to his death over the wild Livingstone Falls. Stanley named the rapid after him, Kalulu Falls. But a yet more heart-rending loss was in store for him. Progress was now very slow, for none of the cataracts or rapids could be navigated; canoes as well as stores had to be dragged over land from point to point. Frank Pocock had fallen lame and could not walk with the rest. Although accidents with the canoes were of daily occurrence, although he might have taken warning by the death of Kalulu, he insisted that his crew should try to shoot the great Massassa Falls instead of going round by land. Too late he realised his danger. The canoe was caught by the rushing tide, flung over the Falls, tossed from wave to wave, and finally dragged into the swirling whirlpool below. The "little master" as he was called was never seen again! Stanley's last white companion was gone! Gloom settled down on the now painfully reduced party. "We are all unnerved with the terrible accident of yesterday," says Stanley. "As I looked at the dejected woe-stricken servants, a choking sensation of unutterable grief filled me. This four months had we lived together, and true had been his service. The servant had long ago merged into the companion; the companion had become the friend." Still Stanley persevered in his desperate task, and in spite of danger from cataracts and danger from famine, on 31st July he reached the Isangila cataract. Thus far in 1816 two explorers had made their way from the ocean, and Stanley knew now for certain that he was on the mighty Congo. He saw no reason to follow it farther, or to toil through the last four cataracts. "I therefore announced to the gallant but wearied followers that we should abandon the river and strike overland for Boma, the nearest European settlement, some sixty miles across country." At sunset on 31st July they carried the _Lady Alice_ to the summit of some rocks above the Isangila Falls and abandoned her to her fate. "Farewell, brave boat!" cried Stanley; "seven thousand miles up and down broad Africa thou hast accompanied me. For over five thousand miles thou hast been my home. Lift her up tenderly, boys--so tenderly--and let her rest." Then, wayworn and feeble, half starved, diseased, and suffering, the little caravan of one hundred and fifteen men, women, and children started on their overland march to the coast. "Staggering, we arrived at Boma on 9th August 1877; a gathering of European merchants met me and, smiling a warm welcome, told me kindly that I had done right well. Three days later I gazed upon the Atlantic Ocean and saw the powerful river flowing into the bosom of that boundless, endless sea. But grateful as I felt to Him who had enabled me to pierce the Dark Continent from east to west, my heart was charged with grief and my eyes with tears at the thought of the many comrades and friends I had lost." The price paid had indeed been great; he had lost his three English companions and one hundred and seventy natives besides. But for years and years to come, in many a home at Zanzibar, whither Stanley now took his party by sea, the story of this great journey was told, and all the men were heroes and the refrain of the natives was chanted again and again-- "Then sing, O friends, sing: the journey is ended; Sing aloud, O friends, sing to this great sea." Stanley had solved the problem of the Congo River at last. CHAPTER LXIX NORDENSKIOLD ACCOMPLISHES THE NORTH-EAST PASSAGE The North-West Passage, for the accomplishment of which so many brave lives had been laid down, had been discovered. It now remained for some explorer to sail round the North-East Passage, which was known to exist, but which, up to this time, no man had done. Nordenskiold the Swede was to have this honour. Born in 1832 in Finland, he had taken part in an Arctic expedition in 1861, which attempted to reach the North Pole by means of dog-sledges from the north coast of Spitzbergen. Three years later he was appointed to lead an expedition to Spitzbergen, which succeeded in reaching the highest northern latitude which any ship had yet attained. In 1870 his famous journey to Greenland took place, and two years later he left Sweden on another Polar expedition; but misfortunes beset the expedition, and finally the ships were wrecked. The following year he commanded a reconnoitring expedition. He passed Nova Zembla and reached the mouth of the Yenisei. This was the first time that a ship had accomplished the voyage from the Atlantic Ocean. Thus Nordenskiold had gained considerable knowledge of the Northern Seas, and he was now in a position to lay a plan of his schemes before King Oscar, who had always interested himself in Arctic discovery. His suggestions to the King are of singular interest. "It is my intention," he says, "to leave Sweden in July 1878 in a steamer specially built for navigation among ice, which will be provisioned for two years at most. The course will be shaped for Nova Zembla, where a favourable opportunity will be awaited for the passage of the Kara Sea. The voyage will be continued to the mouth of the Yenisei, which I hope to reach in the first half of August. As soon as circumstances permit, the expedition will continue its voyage along the coast to Cape Chelyuskin, where the expedition will reach the only part of the proposed route which has not been traversed by some small vessel, and is rightly considered as that which it will be most difficult for a vessel to double during the whole North-East Passage; but our vessel, equipped with all modern appliances, ought not to find insuperable difficulties in doubling this point, and if that can be accomplished, we will probably have pretty open water towards Behring's Straits, which ought to be reached before the end of September. From Behring Strait the course will be shaped for some Asiatic port and then onwards round Asia to Suez." King Oscar and others offered to pay the expenses of the expedition, and preparations were urged forward. The _Vega_ of 300 tons, formerly used in walrus-hunting in northern waters, was purchased, and further strengthened to withstand ice. On 22nd June all was ready, and with the Swedish flag with a crowned O in the middle, the little _Vega_, which was to accomplish such great things, was "peacefully rocking on the swell of the Baltic as if impatient to begin her struggle against waves and ice." She carried food for thirty people for two years, which included over three thousand pounds of bacon, nine thousand pounds of coffee, nine thousand pounds of biscuits. There were pemmican from England, potatoes from the Mediterranean, cranberry juice from Finland. Fresh bread was made during the whole expedition. A few days later the _Vega_ reached Copenhagen and steamed north in the finest weather. "Where are you bound for?" signalled a passing ship. "To Behring Sea," was the return signal, and the Swedish crew waved their caps, shouting their joyful news. At Gothenburg they took on eight sledges, tents, and cooking utensils, also two Scotch sheep dogs and a little coal-black kitten, which lived in the captain's berth till it grew accustomed to the sea, when it slept in the forecastle by day and ran about stealing the food of the sleeping sailors by night. On 16th July they crossed the Polar Circle. "All on board feel they are entering upon a momentous period of their life," says the explorer. "Were we to be the fortunate ones to reach this goal, which navigators for centuries had striven to reach?" The south-west coast of Nova Zembla was reached on 28th July, but the weather being calm and the sea completely free of ice, Nordenskiold sailed onwards through the Kara Strait or Iron Gates, which during the winter was usually one sheet of ice, until they anchored outside the village of Khabarova. The "village" consisted of a few huts and tents of Russian and Samoyedes pasturing their reindeer on the Vaygets Island. On the bleak northern shores stood a little wooden church, which the explorers visited with much interest. It seemed strange to find here brass bas-reliefs representing the Christ, St. Nicholas, Elijah, St. George and the Dragon, and the Resurrection; in front of each hung a little oil lamp. The people were dressed entirely in reindeer skin from head to foot, and they had a great collection of walrus tusks and skins such as Othere had brought centuries before to King Alfred. Nordenskiold's account of a short drive in a reindeer sledge is amusing. "Four reindeer were put side by side to each sledge," he says. "Ivan, my driver, requested me to hold tight; he held the reins of all four reindeer in one hand, and away we went over the plain! His request to keep myself tight to the sledge was not unnecessary; at one moment the sledge jumped over a big tussock, the next it went down into a pit. It was anything but a comfortable drive, for the pace at which we went was very great." On 1st August the _Vega_ was off again, and soon she had entered the Kara Sea, known in the days of the Dutch explorers as the "ice-cellar." Then past White Island and the estuary of the great Obi River, past the mouth of the Yenisei to Dickson Island, lately discovered, she sailed. Here in this "best-known haven on the whole north coast of Asia they anchored and spent time in bear and reindeer hunting." "In consequence of the successful sport we lived very extravagantly during these days; our table groaned with joints of venison and bear-hams." They now sailed north close bound in fog, till on 20th August "we reached the great goal, which for centuries had been the object of unsuccessful struggles. For the first time a vessel lay at anchor off the northernmost cape of the Old World. With colours flying on every mast and saluting the venerable north point of the Old World with the Swedish salute of five guns, we came to an anchor!" [Illustration: NORDENSKIOLD'S SHIP, THE _VEGA_, SALUTING CAPE CHELYUSKIN, THE MOST NORTHERLY POINT OF THE OLD WORLD. From a drawing in Hovgaard's _Nordenskiold's Voyage_.] The fog lifting for a moment, they saw a white Polar bear standing "regarding the unexpected guests with surprise." When afterwards a member of the expedition was asked which moment was the proudest of the whole voyage, he answered, without hesitation: "Undoubtedly the moment when we anchored off Cape Chelyuskin." It had been named thus by the "Great Northern Expedition" in 1742 after Lieutenant Chelyuskin, one of the Russian explorers under Laptieff, who had reached this northern point by a land journey which had entailed terrible hardships and suffering. "Next morning," relates Nordenskiold, "we erected a cairn on the shore, and in the middle of it laid a tin box with the following document written in Swedish: 'The Swedish Arctic Expedition arrived here yesterday, the 19th of August, and proceeds in a few hours eastward. The sea has been tolerably free from ice. Sufficient supply of coals. All well on board. "'A. E. NORDENSKIOLD.' And below in English and Russian were the words, 'Please forward this document as soon as possible to His Majesty the King of Sweden.'" Nordenskiold now attempted to steam eastwards towards the New Siberian Islands, but the fog was thick, and they fell in with large ice-floes which soon gave place to ice-fields. Violent snowstorms soon set in and "aloft everything was covered with a crust of ice, and the position in the crow's nest was anything but pleasant." They reached Khatanga Bay, however, and on 27th August the _Vega_ was at the mouth of the Lena. "We were now in hopes that we should be in Japan in a couple of months; we had accomplished two-thirds of our way through the Polar sea, and the remaining third had been often navigated at different distances." So the _Vega_ sailed on eastwards with an ice-free sea to the New Siberian Islands, where lie embedded "enormous masses of the bones and tusks of the mammoth mixed with the horns and skulls of some kind of ox and with the horns of rhinoceros." All was still clear of snow, and the New Siberian Islands lying long and low in the Polar seas were safely passed. It was not till 1st September that the first snows fell; the decks of the _Vega_ were white with snow when the Bear Islands were reached. Fog now hindered the expedition once more, and ice was sighted. "Ice right ahead!" suddenly shouted the watch on the forecastle, and only by a hair's-breadth was the _Vega_ saved. On 3rd September a thick snowstorm came on, the Bear Islands were covered with newly fallen snow, and though the ice was growing more closely packed than any yet encountered they could still make their way along a narrow ice-free channel near the coast. Snowstorms, fog, and drifting ice compelled careful navigation, but a pleasant change occurred early in September by a visit from the natives. We have already heard of the Chukches from Behring--the Chukches whom no man had yet vanquished, for when Siberia was conquered by a Kossack chief in 1579, the Chukches in this outlying north-eastern corner of the Old World, savage, courageous, resolute, kept the conquerors at bay. For the last six weeks the explorers had not seen a human being on that wild and desolate stretch of coast, so they were glad enough to see the little Chukches with their coal-black hair and eyes, their large mouths and flat noses. "Although it was only five o'clock in the morning, we all jumped out of our berths and hurried on deck to see these people of whom so little was known. The boats were of skin, fully laden with laughing and chattering natives, men, women, and children, who indicated by cries and gesticulations that they wished to come on board. The engine was stopped, the boats lay to, and a large number of skin-clad, bare-headed beings climbed up over the gunwale and a lively talk began. Great gladness prevailed when tobacco and Dutch clay pipes were distributed among them. None of them could speak a word of Russian; they had come in closer contact with American whalers than with Russian traders." The Chukches were all very short and dressed in reindeer skins with tight-fitting trousers of seal-skin, shoes of reindeer-skin with seal-skin boots and walrus-skin soles. In very cold weather they wore hoods of wolf fur with the head of the wolf at the back. [Illustration: MENKA, CHIEF OF THE CHUKCHES.] But Nordenskiold could not wait long. Amid snow and ice and fog he pushed on, hoping against hope to get through to the Pacific before the sea was completely frozen over. But the ice was beginning to close. Large blocks were constantly hurled against the ship with great violence, and she had many a narrow escape of destruction. At last, it was 28th September, the little _Vega_ was finally and hopelessly frozen into the ice, and they made her fast to a large ice-block. Sadly we find the entry: "Only one hundred and twenty miles distant from our goal, which we had been approaching during the last two months, and after having accomplished two thousand four hundred miles. It took some time before we could accustom ourselves to the thought that we were so near and yet so far from our destination." Fortunately they were near the shore and the little settlement of Pitlekai, where in eight tents dwelt a party of Chukches. These little people helped them to pass the long monotonous winter, and many an expedition inland was made in Chukche sledges drawn by eight or ten wolf-like dogs. Snowstorms soon burst upon the little party of Swedish explorers who had made the _Vega_ their winter home. "During November we have scarcely had any daylight," writes Nordenskiold; "the storm was generally howling in our rigging, which was now enshrouded in a thick coat of snow, the deck was full of large snowdrifts, and snow penetrated into every corner of the ship where it was possible for the wind to find an opening. If we put our heads outside the door we were blinded by the drifting snow." Christmas came and was celebrated by a Christmas tree made of willows tied to a flagstaff, and the traditional rice porridge. By April large flocks of geese, eider-ducks, gulls, and little song-birds began to arrive, the latter perching on the rigging of the _Vega_, but May and June found her still icebound in her winter quarters. [Illustration: THE _VEGA_ FROZEN IN FOR THE WINTER. From a drawing in Hovgaard's _Nordenskiold's Voyage_.] It was not till 18th July 1879 that "the hour of deliverance came at last, and we cast loose from our faithful ice-block, which for two hundred and ninety-four days had protected us so well against the pressure of the ice and stood westwards in the open channel, now about a mile wide. On the shore stood our old friends, probably on the point of crying, which they had often told us they would do when the ship left them." For long the Chukches stood on the shore--men, women, and children--watching till the "fire-dog," as they called the _Vega_, was out of sight, carrying their white friends for ever away from their bleak, inhospitable shores. "Passing through closely packed ice, the _Vega_ now rounded the East Cape, of which we now and then caught a glimpse through the fog. As soon as we came out of the ice south of the East Cape, we noticed the heavy swell of the Pacific Ocean. The completion of the North-East Passage was celebrated the same day with a grand dinner, and the _Vega_ greeted the Old and New Worlds by a display of flags and the firing of a Swedish salute. Now for the first time after the lapse of three hundred and thirty-six years was the North-East Passage at last achieved." Sailing through the Behring Strait, they anchored near Behring Island on 14th August. As they came to anchor, a boat shot alongside and a voice cried out in Swedish, "Is it Nordenskiold?" A Finland carpenter soon stood in their midst, and they eagerly questioned him about the news from the civilised world! There is no time to tell how the _Vega_ sailed on to Japan, where Nordenskiold was presented to the Mikado, and an Imperial medal was struck commemorating the voyage of the _Vega_, how she sailed right round Asia, through the Suez Canal, and reached Sweden in safety. It was on 24th April 1880 that the little weather-beaten _Vega_, accompanied by flag-decked steamers literally laden with friends, sailed into the Stockholm harbour while the hiss of fireworks and the roar of cannon mingled with the shouts of thousands. The Royal Palace was ablaze with light when King Oscar received and honoured the successful explorer Nordenskiold. CHAPTER LXX THE EXPLORATION OF TIBET Perhaps no land in the world has in modern times exercised a greater influence over the imagination of men than the mysterious country of Tibet. From the days of Herodotus to those of Younghusband, travellers of all times and nations have tried to explore this unknown country, so jealously guarded from Europeans. Surrounded by a "great wilderness of stony and inhospitable altitudes" lay the capital, Lhasa, the seat of the gods, the home of the Grand Lama, founded in 639 A.D., mysterious, secluded, sacred. Kublai Khan, of Marco Polo fame, had annexed Tibet to his vast Empire, and in 1720 the mysterious land was finally conquered by the Chinese. The history of the exploration of Tibet and the adjoining country, and of the various attempts to penetrate to Lhasa, is one of the most thrilling in the annals of discovery. We remember that Benjamin of Tudela in the twelfth century, Carpini and William de Rubruquis in the thirteenth, all assert that they passed through Tibet, but we have no certain records till several Italian Capuchin friars succeeded in reaching Lhasa. There they lived and taught for some thirty-eight years, when they were withdrawn. And the little "Tibetan Mission," as it was called, came to an end. It was yet early in the eighteenth century. England was taking up her great position in India, and Warren Hastings was anxious to open up friendly relations with Tibet beyond the great Himalaya ranges. To this end he sent an Englishman, George Bogle, with these instructions: "I desire you will proceed to Lhasa. The design of your mission is to open a mutual and equal communication of trade between the inhabitants of Tibet and Bengal. You will take with you samples, for a trial of such articles of commerce as may be sent from this country. And you will diligently inform yourself of the manufactures, productions, and goods which are to be procured in Tibet. The following will also be proper subjects for your inquiry, the nature of the roads between the borders of Bengal and Lhasa and the neighbouring countries. I wish you to remain a sufficient time to obtain a complete knowledge of the country. The period of your stay must be left to your discretion." Bogle was young; he knew nothing of the country, but in May 1774 his little expedition set off from Calcutta to do the bidding of Warren Hastings. By way of Bhutan, planting potatoes at intervals according to his orders, Bogle proceeded across the eastern Himalayas toward the Tibetan frontier, reaching Phari, the first town in Tibet, at the end of October. Thence they reached Gyangtse, a great trade centre now open to foreigners, crossed the Brahmaputra, which they found was "about the size of the Thames at Putney," and reached the residence of the Tashi Lama, the second great potentate of Tibet. This great dignitary and the young Englishman made great friends. "On a carved and gilt throne amid cushions sat the Lama, cross-legged. He was dressed in a mitre-shaped cap of yellow broadcloth with long bars lined with red satin, a yellow cloth jacket without sleeves, and a satin mantle of the same colour thrown over his shoulders. On one side of him stood his physician with a bundle of perfumed sandal-wood rods burning in his hand; on the other stood his cup-bearer." Such was this remarkable man as first seen by the English, "venerated as God's vice-regent through all the eastern countries of Asia." He had heard much of the power of the "Firinghis," as he called the English. "As my business is to pray to God," he said to Bogle, "I was afraid to admit any Firinghis into the country. But I have since learned that they are a fair and just people." [Illustration: THE POTALA AT LHASA: A SEVENTEENTH-CENTURY VIEW. From Kircher's _China Illustrata_. The only good representation of the Potala until photographs were obtainable in the twentieth century.] Bogle would have proceeded to Lhasa, the home of the Grand Lama, but this permission was refused, and he had to return to India with the information he had collected. The next Englishman to enter Tibet was Thomas Manning, the first to reach the sacred city of Lhasa. He was a private adventurer, who had lived in China and learnt the language. Attended by a Chinese servant, and wearing a flowing beard of singular length, he left Calcutta, crossed into Bhutan, and arrived at the Tibetan border in October 1811. Then he crossed the Brahmaputra in a large ferry-boat, and arrived within seven miles of Lhasa. On 9th December the first European entered the sacred city since the expulsion of the Capuchin friars. The view of the famous Potala, the lofty towering palace, filled him with admiration, but the city of which Europe, knowing nothing, had exalted into a magnificent place, was very disappointing. "We passed under a large gateway," says Manning, "whose gilded ornaments were so ill-fixed that some leaned one way and some another. The road as it winds round the palace is royally broad; it swarmed with monks, and beggars were basking in the sun. There is nothing striking in its appearance; the habitations are begrimed with smut and dirt. The avenues are full of dogs--in short, everything seems mean and gloomy. Having provided himself with a proper hat, Manning went to the Potala to salute the Grand Lama, taking with him a pair of brass candlesticks with two wax candles, some 'genuine Smith's lavender water, and a good store of Nankin tea, which is a rare delicacy at Lhasa. Ushered into the presence of the Grand Lama, a child of seven, he touched his head three times on the floor, after the custom of the country, and, taking off his hat, knelt to be blessed by the little monarch.' He had the simple and unaffected manners of a well-educated princely child. His face was affectingly beautiful--his beautiful mouth was perpetually unbending into a graceful smile, which illuminated his whole countenance." Here Manning spent four months, at the end of which time he was recalled from Pekin, and reluctantly he was obliged to return the way he came. The next man to reach the forbidden city was a Jesuit missionary, the Abbe Huc, who reached Lhasa in 1846 from China. He had adopted the dress of the Tibetan Lama--the yellow cap and gown--and he piloted his little caravan across the wide steppes on horseback, while his fellow-missionary, Gabet, rode a camel and their one Tartar retainer rode a black mule. It took them a year and a half to reach the sacred city of Lhasa, for many and great were the difficulties of the way. Their first difficulty lay in crossing the Yellow River, which was in flood. "It is quite impossible to cross the Yellow River," they were told. "Eight days ago the river overflowed its banks and the plains are completely flooded." "The Tartars only told us the truth," remarked Huc sadly. "The Yellow River had become a vast sea, the limits of which were scarcely visible: houses and villages looked as though they were floating upon the waves. What were we to do? To turn back was out of the question. We had vowed that, God willing, we would go to Lhasa whatever obstacles impeded." And so they did. The camels were soon up to their knees in a thick slimy compost of mud and water, over which the poor animals slid on their painful way. Their courage was rewarded, native ferry-boats came to their rescue, and they reached the other side in safety. They were now on the main caravan route to the Tibetan frontier and the Koko-Nor. Immense caravans were met, with strings of camels extending for miles in length. Three times between the Yellow River and the Koko-Nor Lake did they pass the Great Wall built in 214 A.D. After over four months of travel Huc arrived at the monastery of Kunkum on the borderland of Tibet. This was the home of four thousand Lamas all clothed in red dresses and yellow mitres, and thither resorted the worshippers of Buddha from all parts of Tartary and Tibet. "The site is one of enchanting beauty," says Huc. "Imagine in a mountain-side a deep, broad ravine adorned with fine trees and alive with the cawing of rooks and yellow-beaked crows and the amusing chatter of magpies. On the two sides of the ravine and on the slopes of the mountain rise the white dwellings of the Lamas. Amid the dazzling whiteness of these modest habitations rise numerous Buddhist temples with gilt roofs, sparkling with a thousand brilliant colours. Here the travellers stayed for three months, after which they made their way on to the Koko-Nor Lake. "As we advanced," says Huc, "the country became more fertile, until we reached the vast and magnificent pasturage of Koko-Nor. Here vegetation is so vigorous that the grass rose up to the stomachs of our camels. Soon we discovered far before us what seemed a broad silver riband. Our leader informed us that this was the Blue Sea. We urged on our animals, and the sun had not set when we planted our tent within a hundred paces of the waters of the great Blue Lake. This immense reservoir of water seems to merit the title of sea rather than merely that of lake. To say nothing of its vast extent, its waters are bitter and salt, like those of the ocean." After a month spent on the shores of the Blue Lake, an opportunity offered for the advance. Towards the end of October they found that an embassy from Lhasa to Pekin was returning in great force. This would afford Huc and his companion safe travelling from the hordes of brigands that infested the route through Tibet. The caravan was immense. There were fifteen hundred oxen, twelve hundred horses, and as many camels, and about two thousand men. The ambassador was carried in a litter. Such was the multitude which now started for the thousand miles across Tibet to Lhasa. After crossing the great Burkhan Buddha range, the caravan came to the Shuga Pass, about seventeen thousand feet high, and here their troubles began. "When the huge caravan first set itself in motion," says Huc, "the sky was clear, and a brilliant moon lit up the great carpet of snow with which the whole country was covered. We were able to attain the summit by sunrise. Then the sky became thickly overcast with clouds and the wind began to blow with a violence which became more and more intense." Snow fell heavily and several animals perished. They marched in the teeth of an icy wind which almost choked them, whirlwinds of snow blinded them, and when they reached the foot of the mountain at last, M. Gabet found that his nose and ears were frostbitten. As they proceeded, the cold became more intense. "The demons of snow, wind, and cold were set loose on the caravan with a fury which seemed to increase from day to day." "One cannot imagine a more terrible country," says poor Huc. Not only were the animals dying from cold and exposure, but men were beginning to drop out and die. Forty of the party died before the plateau of Tangla had been crossed, a proceeding which lasted twelve days. The track, some sixteen thousand feet above the sea, was bordered by the skeletons of mules and camels, and monstrous eagles followed the caravan. The scenery was magnificent, line upon line of snow-white pinnacles stretched southward and westward under a bright sun. The descent was "long, brusque, and rapid, like the descent of a gigantic ladder." At the lower altitude snow and ice disappeared. It was the end of January 1846, when at last our two travellers found themselves approaching the longed-for city of Lhasa. "The sun was nearly setting," says Huc, "when we found ourselves in a vast plain and saw on our right Lhasa, the famous metropolis of the Buddhist world. After eighteen months' struggle with sufferings and obstacles of infinite number and variety, we were at length arrived at the termination of our journey, though not at the close of our miseries." Huc's account of the city agrees well with that of Manning: "The palace of the Dalai Lama," he says, "merits the celebrity which it enjoys throughout the world. Upon a rugged mountain, the mountain of Buddha, the adorers of the Lama have raised the magnificent palace wherein their Living Divinity resides in the flesh. This place is made up of various temples; that which occupies the centre is four storeys high; it terminates in a dome entirely covered with plates of gold. It is here the Dalai Lama has set up his abode. From the summit of his lofty sanctuary he can contemplate his innumerable adorers prostrate at the foot of the divine mountain. But in the town all was different--all are engaged in the grand business of buying and selling, all is noise, pushing, excitement, confusion." Here Huc and his companion resided for two and a half months, opening an oratory in their house and even making a few Christian converts. But soon they were ordered to leave, and reluctantly they travelled back to China, though by a somewhat different route. After this the Tibetans guarded their capital more zealously than before. Przhevalsky, "that grand explorer of Russian nationality," spent years in exploring Tibet, but when within a hundred and sixty miles of Lhasa he was stopped, and never reached the forbidden city. Others followed. Prince Henri of Orleans got to within one hundred miles of Lhasa, Littledale and his wife to within fifty miles. Sven Hedin, the "Prince of Swedish explorers," who had made so many famous journeys around and about Tibet, was making a dash for the capital disguised as a Mongolian pilgrim when he, too, was stopped. "A long black line of Tibetan horsemen rode towards us at full gallop," he relates. "It was not raining just at that moment, so there was nothing to prevent us from witnessing what was in truth a very magnificent spectacle. It was as though a living avalanche were sweeping down upon us. A moment more and we should be annihilated! We held our weapons ready. On came the Tibetans in one long line stretching across the plain. We counted close upon seventy in all. In the middle rode the chief on a big handsome mule, his staff of officers all dressed in their finest holiday attire. The wings consisted of soldiers armed to the teeth with gun, sword, and lance. The great man, Kamba Bombo, pulled up in front of our tent." After removing a red Spanish cloak and hood he "stood forth arrayed in a suit of yellow silk with wide arms and a little blue Chinese skull-cap. His feet were encased in Mongolian boots of green velvet. He was magnificent." "You will not go another step towards Lhasa," he said. "If you do you will lose your heads. It doesn't the least matter who you are or where you come from. You must go back to your headquarters." So an escort was provided and sorrowfully Sven Hedin turned his back on the jealously guarded town he had striven so hard to reach. The expedition, or rather mission, under Colonel Younghusband in 1904 brings to an end our history of the exploration of Tibet. He made his way to Lhasa from India; he stood in the sacred city, and "except for the Potala" he found it a "sorry affair." He succeeded in getting a trade Treaty signed, and he rode hastily back to India and travelled thence to England. The importance of the mission was accentuated by the fact that the flag, a Union Jack bearing the motto, "Heaven's Light our Guide," carried by the expedition and placed on the table when the Treaty was signed in Lhasa, hangs to-day in the Central Hall at Windsor over the statue of Queen Victoria. The veil so long drawn over the capital of Tibet had been at last torn aside, and the naked city had been revealed in all its "weird barbarity." Plans of the "scattered and ill-regulated" city are now familiar, the Potala has been photographed, the Grand Lama has been drawn, and if, with the departure of Younghusband, the gates of Lhasa were once more closed, voices from beyond the snowy Himalayas must be heard again ere long. [Illustration: THE WORLD'S MOST MYSTERIOUS CITY UNVEILED: LHASA AND THE POTALA. From a photograph by a member of Younghusband's expedition to Tibet and Lhasa, 1909(?).] CHAPTER LXXI NANSEN REACHES FARTHEST NORTH No names are better known in the history of Arctic exploration than those of Nansen and the _Fram_, and although others have done work just as fine, the name of Nansen cannot be omitted from our _Book of Discovery_. Sven Hedin had not long returned from his great travels through eastern Turkestan and Tibet when Nansen was preparing for his great journey northwards. He had already crossed Greenland from east to west, a brilliant achievement only excelled by Peary, who a few years later, crossed it at a higher latitude and proved it to be an island. Now the movement of ice drift in the Arctic seas was occupying the attention of explorers at this time. A ship, the _Jeannette_, had been wrecked in 1881 off the coast of Siberia, and three years later the debris from the wreck had been washed up on the south-west coast of Greenland. So it occurred to Nansen that a current must flow across the North Pole from Behring Sea on one side to the Atlantic Ocean on the other. His idea was therefore to build a ship as strong as possible to enable it to withstand the pressure of the ice, to allow it to become frozen in, and then to drift as the articles from the _Jeannette_ had drifted. He reckoned that it would take three years for the drift of ice to carry him to the North Pole. Foolhardy and impossible as the scheme seemed to some, King Oscar came forward with 1000 pounds toward expenses. The _Fram_ was then designed. The whole success of the expedition lay in her strength to withstand the pressure of the ice. At last she was ready, even fitted with electric light. A library, scientifically prepared food, and instruments of the most modern type were on board. The members of the expedition numbered thirteen, and on Midsummer Day, 1893, "in calm summer weather, while the setting sun shed his beams over the land, the _Fram_ stood out towards the blue sea to get its first roll in the long, heaving swell." Along the coast of Norway, past Bergen, past Trondhjem, past Tromso, they steamed, until in a north-westerly gale and driving snow they lost sight of land. It was 25th July when they sighted Nova Zembla plunged in a world of fog. They landed at Khabarova and visited the little old church seen fifteen years before by Nordenskiold, anxiously inquiring about the state of the ice in the Kara Sea. Here, amid the greatest noise and confusion, some thirty-four dogs were brought on board for the sledges. On 5th August the explorer successfully passed through the Yugor Strait into the Kara Sea, which was fairly free from ice, and five weeks later sailed past Cape Chelyuskin, the northernmost point of the Old World. "The land was low and desolate," says Nansen. "The sun had long since gone down behind the sea; only one star was to be seen. It stood straight above Cape Chelyuskin, shining clearly and sadly in the pale sky. Exactly at four o'clock our flags were hoisted and our last three cartridges sent out a thundering salute over the sea." The _Fram_ was then turned north to the west of the New Siberian Islands. "It was a strange thing to be sailing away north," says Nansen, "to unknown lands, over an open rolling sea where no ship had been before. On to the north, steadily north with a good wind, as fast as steam and sail can take us through unknown regions." They had almost reached 78 degrees north when they saw ice shining through the fog, and a few days later the _Fram_ was frozen in. "Autumn was well advanced, the long night of winter was approaching, there was nothing to be done except prepare ourselves for it, and we converted our ship as well as we could into comfortable winter quarters." By October the ice was pressing round the _Fram_ with a noise like thunder. "It is piling itself up into long walls and heaps high enough to reach a good way up the _Fram's_ rigging: in fact, it is trying its very utmost to grind the _Fram_ into powder." Christmas came and went. The New Year of 1894 dawned with the thermometer 36 degrees below zero. By February the _Fram_ had drifted to the 80th degree of latitude. "High festival in honour of the 80th degree," writes Nansen. "Hurrah! Well sailed! The wind is whistling among the hummocks, the snow flies rustling through the air, ice and sky are melted into one, but we are going north at full speed, and are in the wildest of gay spirits. If we go on at this rate we shall be at the Pole in fifty months." On 17th May the 81st degree of latitude was reached. Five months passed away. By 31st October they had drifted to the 82nd. "A grand banquet to-day," says Nansen, "to celebrate the 82nd degree of latitude. We are progressing merrily towards our goal; we are already half-way between the New Siberian Islands and Franz Josef Land, and there is not a soul on board who doubts that we shall accomplish what we came out to do; so long live merriment." Now Nansen planned the great sledge journey, which has been called "the most daring ever undertaken." The winter was passed in peaceful preparation for a start in the spring. When the New Year of 1895 dawned the _Fram_ had been firmly frozen in for fifteen months. A few days later, the ship was nearly crushed by a fresh ice pressure and all prepared to abandon her if necessary, but after an anxious day of ice roaring and crackling--"an ice pressure with a vengeance, as if Doomsday had come," remarked Nansen--it quieted down. They had now beaten all records, for they had reached 83 degrees latitude. And now preparations for the great sledge journey were complete. They had built kayaks or light boats to sail in open water, and these were placed on the sledges and drawn by dogs. Nansen decided only to take one companion, Johansen, and to leave the others with the _Fram_. "At last the great day has arrived. The chief aim of the expedition is to push through the unknown Polar sea from the region around the New Siberian Islands, north of Franz Josef Land and onward to the Atlantic Ocean near Spitzbergen or Greenland." Farewells were said, and then the two men bravely started off over the unknown desert sea with their sledges and twenty-eight dogs. For the first week they travelled well and soon reached 85 degrees latitude. "The only disagreeable thing to face now is the cold," says Nansen. "Our clothes are transformed more and more into complete suits of ice armour. The sleeve of my coat actually rubbed deep sores in my wrists, one of which got frostbitten; the wound grew deeper and deeper and nearly reached the bone. At night we packed ourselves into our sleeping-bags and lay with our teeth chattering for an hour before we became aware of a little warmth in our bodies." [Illustration: DR. NANSEN. After a photograph.] Steadily, with faces to the north, they pressed on over the blocks of rough ice, stretching as far as the horizon, till on 8th April further progress became impossible. Nansen strode on ahead and mounted one of the highest hummocks to look around. He saw "a veritable chaos of ice-blocks, ridge after ridge, and nothing but rubble to travel over." He therefore determined to turn and make for Franz Josef Land some four hundred and fifty miles distant. They had already reached 86 degrees of latitude, farther north than any expedition had reached before. As they travelled south, they rejoiced in the warmth of the sun, but their food was growing scarce, and they had to kill a dog every other day to feed the others, till by May they had only thirteen dogs left. June found them having experienced tremendous snowstorms with only seven dogs left. Although they were in the latitude of Franz Josef Land, no welcome shores appeared. It was now three months since they had left the _Fram_; the food for the dogs was quite finished and the poor creatures were beginning to eat their harness of sailcloth. Mercifully before the month ended they managed to shoot a seal which provided them with food for a month. "It is a pleasing change," says Nansen, "to be able to eat as much and as often as we like. Blubber is excellent, both raw and fried. For dinner I fried a highly successful steak, for supper I made blood-pancakes fried in blubber with sugar, unsurpassed in flavour. And here we lie up in the far north, two grim, black, soot-stained barbarians, stirring a mess of soup in a kettle, surrounded on all sides by ice--ice covered with impassable snow." A bear and two cubs were shot and the explorers stayed on at "Longing Camp" as they named this dreary spot, unable to go on, but amply fed. On 24th July we get the first cheerful entry for many a long day: "Land! land! after nearly two years we again see something rising above that never-ending white line on the horizon yonder--a new life is beginning for us!" Only two dogs were now left to drag the sledges, so the two explorers were obliged to help with the dragging. For thirteen days they proceeded in the direction of land, dragging and pushing their burdens over the ridges of ice with thawing snow. At last on 7th August they stood at the edge of the ice. Behind lay their troubles; before was the waterway home. Then they launched their little kayaks, which danced over the open waters, the little waves splashing against their sides. When the mist cleared they found themselves on the west coast of Franz Josef Land, discovered by an Austro-Hungarian expedition in 1874. They were full of hope, when a cruel disappointment damped their joy. They had landed and were camping on the shore, when a great storm arose and the wind blew the drift ice down till it lay packed along the coast. The little ships were frozen in, and there was no hope of reaching home that winter. Here they were doomed to stay. Fortunately there were bears and walrus, so they could not starve, and with magnificent pluck they set to work to prepare for the winter. For many a long day they toiled at the necessary task of skinning and cutting up walrus till they were saturated with blubber, oil, and blood, but soon they had two great heaps of blubber and meat on shore well covered over with walrus hides. [Illustration: THE SHIP THAT WENT FARTHEST NORTH: THE _FRAM_. From a photograph.] September was occupied in building a hut amid the frost and snow with walrus hides and tusks, warmed inside with train-oil lamps. Here under bear skins they slept and passed the long months of winter. In October the sun disappeared, the days grew darker. Life grew very monotonous, for it was the third Polar winter the explorers had been called on to spend. They celebrated Christmas Day, Nansen by washing himself in a "quarter of a cup of warm water," Johansen by turning his shirt. The weather outside was stormy and almost took their breath away with its icy coldness. They longed for a book, but they wiled away the hours by trying to calculate how far the _Fram_ could have drifted and when she was likely to reach home. They were distressed at the dirt of their clothes, and longed to be able to throw away the heavy oily rags that seemed glued to their bodies. They had no soap, and water had no effect on the horrible grease. It was May before the weather allowed them to leave the hut at last. Hopefully they dragged their kayaks over the snow, the sledge runners fastened on to their feet, and so made their way southwards down Franz Josef Land. Once Nansen was very nearly drowned. The explorers had reached the south of the Islands, and, having moored their little boats together, they ascended a hummock close by, when to their horror they saw the kayaks were adrift. Nansen rushed down, threw off some clothes, and sprang into the water after them. He was none too soon, for already the boats were drifting rapidly away. The water was icy cold, but it was a case of life or death. Without the boats they were lost men. "All we possessed was on board," says Nansen, "so I exerted myself to the utmost. I redoubled my exertions though I felt my limbs gradually stiffening; at last I was able to stretch out my hand to the edge of the kayak. I tried to pull myself up, but the whole of my body was stiff with cold. After a time I managed to swing one leg up on to the edge and to tumble up. Nor was it easy to paddle in the double vessel; the gusts of wind seemed to go right through me as I stood there in my wet woollen shirt. I shivered, my teeth chattered, and I was numb all over. At last I managed to reach the edge of the ice. I shook and trembled all over, while Johansen pulled off the wet things and packed me into the sleeping-bag. The critical situation was saved." And now came one of those rare historic days in the history of exploration. It was 17th June 1896. Nansen was surveying the lonely line of coast, when suddenly the barking of a dog fell on his ear, and soon in front he saw the fresh tracks of some animal. "It was with a strange mixture of feelings," he says, "that I made my way among the numerous hummocks towards land. Suddenly I thought I heard a human voice--the first for three years. How my heart beat and the blood rushed to my brain as I halloed with all the strength of my lungs. Soon I heard another shout and saw a dark form moving among the hummocks. It was a man. We approached one another quickly. I waved my hat; he did the same. As I drew nearer I thought I recognised Mr. Jackson, whom I remembered once to have seen. I raised my hat; we extended a hand to one another with a hearty 'How do you do?' Above us a roof of mist, beneath our feet the rugged packed drift ice." "Ar'n't you Nansen?" he said. "Yes, I am," was the answer. And, seizing the grimy hand of the Arctic explorer, he shook it warmly, congratulating him on his successful trip. Jackson and his companions had wintered at Cape Flora, the southern point of Franz Josef Land, and they were expecting a ship, the _Windward_, to take them home. On 26th July the _Windward_ steamed slowly in, and by 13th August she reached Norway, and the news of Nansen's safe arrival was made known to the whole world. A week later the little _Fram_, "strong and broad and weather-beaten," also returned in safety. And on 9th September 1896, Nansen and his brave companions on board the _Fram_ sailed up Christiania Fjiord in triumph. He had reached a point farthest North, and been nearer to the North Pole than had any explorer before. CHAPTER LXXII PEARY REACHES THE NORTH POLE The 6th April 1909 is a marked day in the annals of exploration, for on that day Peary succeeded in reaching the North Pole, which for centuries had defied the efforts of man; on that day he attained the goal for which the greatest nations of the world had struggled for over four hundred years. Indeed, he had spent twenty-three years of his own life labouring toward this end. He was mainly inspired by reading Nordenskiold's _Exploration of Greenland_, when a lieutenant in the United States Navy. In 1886 he got leave to join an expedition to Greenland, and returned with the Arctic fever in his veins and a scheme for crossing that continent as far north as possible. This after many hardships he accomplished, being the first explorer to discover that Greenland was an island. Peary was now stamped as a successful Arctic explorer. The idea of reaching the North Pole began to take shape, and in order to raise funds the enthusiastic explorer delivered no less than one hundred and sixty-eight lectures in ninety-six days. With the proceeds he chartered the _Falcon_ and left the shores of Philadelphia in June 1893 for Greenland. His wife, who accompanied him before, accompanied him again, and with sledges and dogs on board they made their way up the western coast of Greenland. Arrived at Melville Bay, Peary built a little hut; here a little daughter was born who was soon "bundled in soft warm Arctic furs and wrapped in the Stars and Stripes." No European child had ever been born so far north as this; the Eskimos travelled from long distances to satisfy themselves she was not made of snow, and for the first six months of her life the baby lived in continuous lamplight. But we cannot follow Peary through his many Polar expeditions; his toes had been frozen off in one, his leg broken in another, but he was enthusiastic enough when all preparations were complete for the last and greatest expedition of all. The _Roosevelt_, named after the President of the United States, had carried him safely to the north of Greenland in his last expedition, so she was again chosen, and in July 1908, Peary hoisted the Stars and Stripes and steamed from New York. "As the ship backed out into the river, a cheer went up from the thousands who had gathered on the piers to see us off. It was an interesting coincidence that the day on which we started for the coldest spot on earth was about the hottest which New York had known for years. As we steamed up the river, the din grew louder and louder; we passed President Roosevelt's naval yacht, the _Mayflower_, and her small gun roared out a parting salute--surely no ship ever started for the ends of the earth with more heart-stirring farewells." President Roosevelt had himself inspected the ship and shaken hands with each member of the expedition. "I believe in you, Peary," he had said, "and I believe in your success, if it is within the possibility of man." So the little _Roosevelt_ steamed away; on 26th July the Arctic Circle was crossed by Peary for the twentieth time, and on 1st August, Cape York, the most northerly home of human beings in the world, was reached. This was the dividing line between the civilised world on one hand and the Arctic world on the other. Picking up several Eskimo families and about two hundred and fifty dogs, they steamed on northwards. "Imagine," says Peary--"imagine about three hundred and fifty miles of almost solid ice, ice of all shapes and sizes, mountainous ice, flat ice, ragged and tortured ice; then imagine a little black ship, solid, sturdy, compact, strong, and resistant, and on this little ship are sixty-nine human beings, who have gone out into the crazy, ice-tortured channel between Baffin Bay and the Polar sea--gone out to prove the reality of a dream in the pursuit of which men have frozen and starved and died." The usual course was taken, across Smith's Sound and past the desolate wind-swept rocks of Cape Sabine, where, in 1884, Greely's ill-fated party slowly starved to death, only seven surviving out of twenty-four. Fog and ice now beset the ship, and on 5th September they were compelled to seek winter quarters, for which they chose Cape Sheridan, where Peary had wintered before in 1905. Here they unloaded the _Roosevelt_, and two hundred and forty-six Eskimo dogs were at once let loose to run about in the snow. A little village soon grew up, and the Eskimos, both men and women, went hunting as of yore. Peary had decided to start as before from Cape Columbia, some ninety miles away, the most northerly point of Grant Land, for his dash to the Pole. On 12th October the sun disappeared and they entered cheerfully into the "Great Dark." "Imagine us in our winter home," says Peary, "four hundred and fifty miles from the North Pole, the ship held tight in her icy berth one hundred and fifty yards from the shore, ship and the surrounding world covered with snow, the wind creaking in the rigging, whistling and shrieking around the corners of the deck houses, the temperature ranging from zero to sixty below, the icepack in the channel outside us groaning and complaining with the movement of the tides." Christmas passed with its usual festivities. There were races for the Eskimos, one for the children, one for the men, and one for the Eskimo mothers, who carried babies in their fur hoods. These last, looking like "animated walruses," took their race at a walking pace. At last, on 15th February 1909, the first sledge-party left the ship for Cape Columbia, and a week later Peary himself left the _Roosevelt_ with the last loads. The party assembled at Cape Columbia for the great journey north, which consisted of seven men of Peary's party, fifty-nine Eskimos, one hundred and forty dogs, and twenty-eight sledges. Each sledge was complete in itself; each had its cooking utensils, its four men, its dogs and provisions for fifty or sixty days. The weather was "clear, calm, and cold." On 1st March the cavalcade started off from Cape Columbia in a freezing east wind, and soon men and dogs became invisible amid drifting snow. Day by day they went forward, undaunted by the difficulties and hardships of the way, now sending back small parties to the depot at Cape Columbia, now dispatching to the home camp some reluctant explorer with a frostbitten heel or foot, now delayed by open water, but on, on, till they had broken all records, passed all tracks even of the Polar bear, passed the 87th parallel into the region of perpetual daylight for half the year. It was here, apparently within reach of his goal, that Peary had to turn back three years before for want of food. Thus they marched for a month; party after party had been sent back, till the last supporting party had gone and Peary was left with his black servant, Henson, and four Eskimos. He had five sledges, forty picked dogs, and supplies for forty days when he started off alone to dash the last hundred and thirty-three miles to the Pole itself. Every event in the next week is of thrilling interest. After a few hours of sleep the little party started off shortly after midnight on 2nd April 1909. Peary was leading. "I felt the keenest exhilaration as I climbed over the ridge and breasted the keen air sweeping over the mighty ice, pure and straight from the Pole itself." They might yet be stopped by open water from reaching the goal. On they went, twenty-five miles in ten hours, then a little sleep, and so on again, then a few hours' rest and another twenty miles till they had reached latitude 89 degrees. Still breathlessly they hurried forward, till on the 5th they were but thirty-five miles from the Pole. "The sky overhead was a colourless pall, gradually deepening to almost black at the horizon, and the ice was a ghastly and chalky white." On 6th April the Pole was reached. "The Pole at last!" writes Peary in his diary. "The prize of three centuries! My dream and goal for twenty years. Mine at last! I cannot bring myself to realise it. It all seems so simple and commonplace." Flags were at once hoisted on ice lances, and the successful explorer watched them proudly waving in the bright Arctic sunlight at the Pole. Through all his perilous expeditions to the Arctic regions, Peary had worn a silken flag, worked by his wife, wrapped round his body. He now flew it on this historic spot, "which knows no North, nor West, nor East." [Illustration: PEARY'S FLAG FLYING AT THE NORTH POLE, APRIL 1909. By the courteous permission of Admiral Peary, from his book _The North Pole_, published by Messrs. Hodder & Stoughton.] Not a vestige of land was to be seen; nothing but ice lay all around. They could not stay long, for provisions would run short, and the ice might melt before their return journey was accomplished. So after a brief rest they started off for Cape Columbia, which they reached after a wild rush of sixteen days. It had taken them thirty-seven days to cover the four hundred and seventy-five miles from Cape Columbia to the Pole, from which they had returned at the rate of thirty miles a day. The whole party then started for the _Roosevelt_, and on 18th July she was taken from her winter quarters and turned towards home. Then came the day when wireless telegraphy flashed the news through the whole of the civilised world: "Stars and Stripes nailed to the North Pole." The record of four hundred years of splendid self-sacrifice and heroism unrivalled in the history of exploration had been crowned at last. CHAPTER LXXIII THE QUEST FOR THE SOUTH POLE An American had placed the Stars and Stripes on the North Pole in 1909. It was a Norwegian who succeeded in reaching the South Pole in 1911. But the spade-work which contributed so largely to the final success had been done so enthusiastically by two Englishmen that the expeditions of Scott and Shackleton must find a place here before we conclude this _Book of Discovery_ with Amundsen's final and brilliant dash. The crossing of the Antarctic Circle by the famous _Challenger_ expedition in 1874 revived interest in the far South. The practical outcome of much discussion was the design of the _Discovery_, a ship built expressly for scientific exploration, and the appointment of Captain Scott to command an Antarctic expedition. In August 1901, Scott left the shores of England, and by way of New Zealand crossed the Antarctic Circle on 3rd January 1902. Three weeks later he reached the Great Ice Barrier which had stopped Ross in 1840. For a week Scott steamed along the Barrier. Mounts Erebus and Terror were plainly visible, and though he could nowhere discover Parry Mountains, yet he found distant land rising high above the sea, which he named King Edward VII.'s Land. Scott had brought with him a captive balloon in which he now rose to a height of eight hundred feet, from which he saw an unbroken glacier stream of vast extent stretching to the south. It was now time to seek for winter quarters, and Scott, returning to McMurdo Bay named by Ross, found that it was not a bay at all, but a strait leading southward. Here they landed their stores, set up their hut, and spent the winter, till on 2nd November 1902 all was ready for a sledge-journey to the south. For fifty-nine days Scott led his little land-party of three, with four sledges and nineteen dogs, south. But the heavy snow was too much for the dogs, and one by one died, until not one was left and the men had to drag and push the sledges themselves. Failing provisions at last compelled them to stop. Great mountain summits were seen beyond the farthest point reached. "We have decided at last we have found something which is fitting to bear the name of him whom we most delight to honour," says Scott, "and Mount Markham it shall be called in memory of the father of the expedition." It was 30th December when a tremendous blizzard stayed their last advance. "Chill and hungry," they lay all day in their sleeping-bags, miserable at the thought of turning back, too weak and ill to go on. With only provisions for a fortnight, they at last reluctantly turned home, staggering as far as their depot in thirteen days. Shackleton was smitten with scurvy; he was growing worse every day, and it was a relief when on 2nd February they all reached the ship alive, "as near spent as three persons can well be." But they had done well: they had made the first long land journey ever made in the Antarctic; they had reached a point which was farthest south; they had tested new methods of travel; they had covered nine hundred and sixty miles in ninety-three days. Shackleton was now invalided home, but it was not till 1904 that the _Discovery_ escaped from the frozen harbour to make her way home. Shackleton had returned to England in 1903, but the mysterious South Pole amid its wastes of ice and snow still called him back, and in command of the _Nimrod_ he started forth in August 1907 on the next British Antarctic expedition, carrying a Union Jack, presented by the Queen, to plant on the spot farthest south. He actually placed it within ninety-seven miles of the Pole itself! With a petrol motor-car on board, Eskimo dogs, and Manchurian ponies, he left New Zealand on 1st January 1908, watched and cheered by some thirty thousand of his fellow-countrymen. Three weeks later they were in sight of the Great Ice Barrier, and a few days later the huge mountains of Erebus and Terror came into sight. Shackleton had hoped to reach King Edward VII.'s Land for winter quarters, but a formidable ice-pack prevented this, and they selected a place some twenty miles north of the _Discovery's_ old winter quarters. Getting the wild little Manchurian ponies ashore was no light job; the poor little creatures were stiff after a month's constant buffeting, for the _Nimrod's_ passage had been stormy. One after another they were now led out of their stalls into a horse-box and slung over the ice. Once on _terra firma_ they seemed more at home, for they immediately began pawing the snow as they were wont to do in their far-away Manchurian home. [Illustration: SHACKLETON'S SHIP, THE _NIMROD_, AMONG THE ICE IN McMURDO SOUND, THE WINTER LAND QUARTERS OF THE BRITISH ANTARCTIC EXPEDITION. _By Sir Ernest Shackleton's permission from his book "The Heart of the Antarctic," published by Mr. Heinemann_.] The spacious hut, brought out by Shackleton, was soon erected. Never was such a luxurious house set up on the bleak shores of the Polar seas. There was a dark room for developing, acetylene gas for lighting, a good stove for warming, and comfortable cubicles decorated with pictures. The dark room was excellent, and never was a book of travels more beautifully illustrated than Shackleton's _Heart of the Antarctic_. True, during some of the winter storms and blizzards the hut shook and trembled so that every moment its occupants thought it would be carried bodily away, but it stood its ground all right. The long winter was spent as usual in preparing for the spring expedition to the south, but it was 29th October 1908 before the weather made it possible to make a start. The party consisted of Shackleton, Adams, Marshall, and Wild, each leading a pony which dragged a sledge with food for ninety-one days. "A glorious day for our start," wrote Shackleton in his diary, "brilliant sunshine and a cloudless sky. As we left the hut where we had spent so many months in comfort we had a feeling of real regret that never again would we all be together there. A clasp of the hands means more than many words, and as we turned to acknowledge the men's cheer, and saw them standing on the ice by the familiar cliffs, I felt we must try to do well for the sake of every one concerned in the expedition." New land in the shape of ice-clad mountains greeted the explorers on 22nd November. "It is a wonderful place we are in, all new to the world," says Shackleton; "there is an impression of limitless solitude about it that makes us feel so small as we trudge along, a few dark specks on the snowy plain." They now had to quit the Barrier in order to travel south. Fortunately they found a gap, called the Southern Gateway, which afforded a direct line to the Pole. But their ponies had suffered badly during the march; they had already been obliged to shoot three of them, and on 7th December the last pony fell down a crevasse and was killed. They had now reached a great plateau some seven thousand feet above the sea; it rose steadily toward the south, and Christmas Day found them "lying in a little tent, isolated high on the roof of the world, far from the ways trodden by man." With forty-eight degrees of frost, drifting snow, and a biting wind, they spent the next few days hauling their sledges up a steep incline. They had now only a month's food left. Pressing on with reduced rations, in the face of freezing winds, they reached a height of ten thousand and fifty feet. It was the 6th of January, and they were in latitude 88 degrees, when a "blinding, shrieking blizzard" made all further advance impossible. For sixty hours the four hungry explorers lay in their sleeping-bags, nearly perished with cold. "The most trying day we have yet spent," writes Shackleton, "our fingers and faces being continually frostbitten. To-morrow we will rush south with the flag. It is our last outward march." The gale breaking, they marched on till 9th January, when they stopped within ninety-seven miles of the Pole, where they hoisted the Union Jack, and took possession of the great plateau in the King's name. "We could see nothing but the dead-white snow plain. There was no break in the plateau as it extended towards the Pole. I am confident that the Pole lies on the great plateau we have discovered miles and miles from any outstanding land." And so the four men turned homewards. "Whatever our regret may be, we have done our best," said the leader somewhat sadly. Blinding blizzards followed them as they made their way slowly back. On 28th January they reached the Great Ice Barrier. Their food was well-nigh spent; their daily rations consisted of six biscuits and some horse-meat in the shape of the Manchurian ponies they had shot and left the November before. But it disagreed with most of them, and it was four very weak and ailing men who staggered back to the _Nimrod_ toward the end of February 1909. Shackleton reached England in the autumn of 1909 to find that another Antarctic expedition was to leave our shores in the following summer under the command of Scott, in the _Terra Nova_. It was one of the best-equipped expeditions that ever started; motor-sledges had been specially constructed to go over the deep snow, which was fatal to the motor-car carried by Shackleton. There were fifteen ponies and thirty dogs. Leaving England in July 1910, Scott was established in winter quarters in McMurdo Sound by 26th January 1911. It was November before he could start on the southern expedition. "We left Hut Point on the evening of 2nd November. For sixty miles we followed the track of the motors (sent on five days before). The ponies are going very steadily. We found the motor party awaiting us in latitude 80-1/2 degrees south. The motors had proved entirely satisfactory, and the machines dragged heavy loads over the worst part of the Barrier surface, crossing several crevasses. The sole cause of abandonment was the overheating of the air-cooled engines. We are building snow cairns at intervals of four miles to guide homeward parties and leaving a week's provisions at every degree of latitude. As we proceeded the weather grew worse, and snowstorms were frequent. The sky was continually overcast, and the land was rarely visible. The ponies, however, continued to pull splendidly." As they proceeded south they encountered terrific storms of wind and snow, out of which they had constantly to dig the ponies. Christmas passed and the New Year of 1912 dawned. On 3rd January when one hundred and fifty miles from the Pole, "I am going forward," says Scott, "with a party of five men with a month's provisions, and the prospect of success seems good, provided that the weather holds and no unforeseen obstacles arise." Scott and his companions successfully attained the object of their journey. They reached the South Pole on 17th January only to find that they had been forestalled by others! And it is remarkable to note that so correct were their observations, the two parties located the Pole within half a mile of one another. Scott's return journey ended disastrously. Blinding blizzards prevented rapid progress; food and fuel ran short; still the weakened men struggled bravely forward till, within a few miles of a depot of supplies, death overtook them. Scott's last message can never be forgotten. "I do not regret this journey which has shown that Englishmen can endure hardship, help one another, and meet death with as great fortitude as ever in the past.... Had we lived, I should have had a tale to tell of the hardihood, endurance, and courage of my companions which would have stirred the heart of every Englishman. These rough notes and our dead bodies must tell the tale; but surely, surely, a great, rich country like ours will see that those who are dependent upon us are properly provided for." It was on 14th December 1911 that Captain Amundsen had reached the Pole. A Norwegian, fired by the example of his fellow-countryman, Nansen, Amundsen had long been interested in both Arctic and Antarctic exploration. In a ship of only forty-eight tons, he had, with six others, made a survey of the North Magnetic Pole, sailed through the Behring Strait, and accomplished the North-West Passage, for which he was awarded the Royal Medal of the Royal Geographical Society. On his return he planned an expedition to the North Pole. He had made known his scheme, and, duly equipped for North Polar expedition in Nansen's little _Fram_, Amundsen started. Suddenly the world rang with the news that Peary had discovered the North Pole, and that Amundsen had turned his prow southwards and was determined to make a dash for the South Pole. Landing in Whales Bay some four hundred miles to the east of Scott's winter quarters, his first visitors were the Englishmen on board the _Terra Nova_, who were taking their ship to New Zealand for the winter. Making a hut on the shore, Amundsen had actually started on his journey to the Pole before Scott heard of his arrival. "I am fully alive to the complication in the situation arising out of Amundsen's presence in the Antarctic," wrote the English explorer, "but as any attempt at a race might have been fatal to our chance of getting to the Pole at all, I decided to do exactly as I should have done had not Amundsen been here. If he gets to the Pole he will be bound to do it rapidly with dogs, and one foresees that success will justify him." Although the Norwegian explorer left his winter quarters on 8th September for his dash to the Pole, he started too early; three of his party had their feet frostbitten, and the dogs suffered severely, so he turned back, and it was not till 20th October, just a week before Scott's start, that he began in real earnest his historic journey. He was well off for food, for whales were plentiful on the shores of the Bay, and seals, penguins, and gulls abounded. The expedition was well equipped, with eight explorers, four sledges, and thirteen dogs attached to each. "Amundsen is a splendid leader, supreme in organisation, and the essential in Antarctic travel is to think out the difficulties before they arise." So said those who worked with him on his most successful journey. Through dense fog and blinding blizzards the Norwegians now made their way south, their Norwegian skis and sledges proving a substantial help. The crevasses in the ice were very bad; one dog dropped in and had to be abandoned; another day the dogs got across, but the sledge fell in, and it was necessary to climb down the crevasse, unpack the sledge, and pull up piece by piece till it was possible to raise the empty sledge. So intense was the cold that the very brandy froze in the bottle and was served out in lumps. "It did not taste much like brandy then," said the men, "but it burnt our throats as we sucked it." The dogs travelled well. Each man was responsible for his own team; he fed them and made them fond of him. Thus all through November the Norwegians travelled south, till they reached the vast plateau described by Shackleton. One tremendous peak, fifteen thousand feet high, they named "Frithjof Nansen." On 14th December they reached their goal; the weather was beautiful, the ground perfect for sledging. "At 3 p.m. we made halt," says Amundsen. "According to our reckoning, we had reached our destination. All of us gathered round the colours--a beautiful silken flag; all hands took hold of it, and, planting it on the spot, we gave the vast plateau on which the Pole is situate the name of 'The King Haakon VII.' It was a vast plain, alike in all directions, mile after mile." Here in brilliant sunshine the little party camped, taking observations till 17th December, when, fastening to the ground a little tent with the Norwegian flag and the _Fram_ pennant, they gave it the name "Polheim" and started for home. [Illustration: CAPTAIN ROALD AMUNDSEN TAKING SIGHTS AT THE SOUTH POLE. From a photograph, by permission of Mr. John Murray and the _Illustrated London News_.] So the North and South Poles yielded up their well-hoarded secrets after centuries of waiting, within two and a half years of one another. They had claimed more lives than any exploration had done before, or is ever likely to do again. And so ends the last of these great earth-stories--stories which have made the world what it is to-day--and we may well say with one of the most successful explorers of our times, "The future may give us thrilling stories of the conquest of the air, but the spirit of man has mastered the earth." DATES OF CHIEF EVENTS PAGE DATE 4 The oldest known Ships . . . . . . . . . . . . . B.C. 6000-5000 7 Expedition to Punt . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . " 1600 11 Phoenician Expeditions . . . . . . . . . . . . . " 700 19 Neco's Fleet built . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . " 613 23 Anaximander, the Greek, invents Maps . . . . . . " 580 25 Hecataeus writes the First Geography . . . . . . " 500 27 Herodotus describes Egypt . . . . . . . . . . . . " 446 30 Hanno sails down West Coast of Africa . . . . . . " 450 32 Xenophon crosses Asia Minor . . . . . . . . . . . " 401 38 Alexander the Great finds India . . . . . . . . . " 327 41 Nearchus navigates the Indian Ocean . . . . . . . " 326 45 The Geography of Eratosthenes . . . . . . . . . . " 240-196 48 Pytheas discovers the British Isles and Thule . . " 333 55 Julius Caesar explores France, Britain, Germany . " 60-54 61 Strabo's Geography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . A.D. 18 68 Agricola discovers the Highlands . . . . . . . . " 83 71 Pliny's Geography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . " 170 74 Ptolemy's Geography and Maps . . . . . . . . . . " 159 78 The First Guide for Travellers . . . . . . . . . Fourth century 83 St. Patrick explores Ireland . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 432-93 85 St. Columba reaches the Orkney Isles . . . . . . . . . . . 563 85 St. Brandon crosses the Atlantic . . . . . . . . Sixth century 90 Willibald travels from Britain to Jerusalem . . . . . . . . 721 92 The Christian Topography of Cosmas . . . . . . . Sixth century 94 Naddod the Viking discovers Iceland . . . . . . . . . . . . 861 95 Erik the Red discovers Greenland . . . . . . . . . . . . . 985 95 Lief discovers Newfoundland and North American Coast . . . 1000 97 Othere navigates the Baltic Sea . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 890 99 Mohammedan Travellers to China . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 831 103 Edrisi's Geography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1154 108 Benjamin of Tudela visits India and China . . . . . . . . . 1160 110 Carpini visits the Great Khan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1246 112 William de Rubruquis also visits the Great Khan . . . . . . 1255 115 Maffio and Niccolo Polo reach China . . . . . . . . . . 1260-71 117 Marco Polo's Travels . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1271-95 126 Ibn Batuta's Travels through Asia . . . . . . . . . . . 1324-48 126 Sir John Mandeville's Travels published . . . . . . . . . . 1372 134 Hereford Mappa Mundi appeared . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1280 137 Anglo-Saxon Map of the World . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 990 138 Prince Henry of Portugal encourages Exploration . . . . . . 1418 140 Zarco and Vaz reach Porto Santo . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1419 140 Zarco discovers Madeira . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1420 142 Nuno Tristam discovers Cape Blanco . . . . . . . . . . . . 1441 143 Gonsalves discovers Cape Verde Islands . . . . . . . . . . 1442 144 Cadamosto reaches the Senegal River and Cape Verde . . . . 1455 145 Diego Gomez reaches the Gambia River . . . . . . . . . . . 1458 148 Death of Prince Henry . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1460 149 Fra Mauro's Map . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1457 150 Diego Cam discovers the Congo . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1484 152 Bartholomew Diaz rounds the Cape of Good Hope . . . . . . . 1486 153 Martin Behaim makes his Globe . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1492 160 Christopher Columbus discovers West Indies . . . . . . . . 1492 166 Columbus finds Jamaica and other Islands . . . . . . . . . 1493 167 Columbus finds Trinidad . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1498 169 Death of Columbus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1504 170 Amerigo Vespucci finds Trinidad and Venezuela . . . . . . . 1499 175 First Map of the New World by Juan de la Cosa . . . . . . . 1500 177 Vasco da Gama reaches India by the Cape . . . . . . . . . . 1497 181 Pedro Cabral discovers Brazil . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1500 188 Francisco Serrano reaches the Spice Islands . . . . . . . . 1511 192 Balboa sees the Pacific Ocean . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1513 203 The First Circumnavigation of the World . . . . . . . . 1519-22 206 Cordova discovers Yucatan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1517 206 Juan Grijalva discovers Mexico . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1518 209 Cortes conquers Mexico . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1519 217 Pizarro conquers Peru . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1531 221 Orellana discovers the Amazon . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1541 225 Cabot sails to Newfoundland . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1497 228 Jacques Cartier discovers the Gulf of St. Lawrence . . . . 1534 236 Sir Hugh Willoughby finds Nova Zembla . . . . . . . . . . . 1553 238 Richard Chancellor reaches Moscow _via_ Archangel . . . . . 1554 240 Anthony Jenkinson crosses Russia to Bokhara . . . . . . . . 1558 244 Pinto claims the discovery of Japan . . . . . . . . . . . . 1542 245 Martin Frobisher discovers his Bay . . . . . . . . . . . . 1576 249 Drake sails round the World . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1577-80 260 Davis finds his Strait . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1586 269 Barents discovers Spitzbergen . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1596 275 Hudson sails into his Bay . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1610 281 Baffin discovers his Bay . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1616 285 Sir Walter Raleigh explores Guiana . . . . . . . . . . . . 1595 290 Champlain discovers Lake Ontario . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1615 298 Torres sails through his Strait . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1605 299 Le Maire rounds Cape Horn . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1617 302 Tasman finds Tasmania . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1642 306 Dampier discovers his Strait . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1698 312 Behring finds his Strait . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1741 322 Cook discovers New Zealand . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1769 326 Cook anchors in Botany Bay, Australia . . . . . . . . . . . 1770 333 Cook discovers the Sandwich Islands . . . . . . . . . . . . 1777 338 La Perouse makes discoveries in China Seas . . . . . . . 1785-8 347 Bruce discovers the source of the Blue Nile . . . . . . . . 1770 353 Mungo Park reaches the Niger . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1796 359 Vancouver explores his Island . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1792 362 Mackenzie discovers his River and British Columbia . . 1789-93 366 Ross discovers Melville Bay . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1818 368 Parry discovers Lancaster Sound . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1819 372 Franklin reaches the Polar Sea by Land . . . . . . . . 1819-22 378 Parry's discoveries on North American Coast . . . . . . . . 1822 382 Franklin names the Mackenzie River . . . . . . . . . . . . 1825 386 Beechey doubles Icy Cape . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1826 388 Parry attempts the North Pole by Spitzbergen . . . . . . . 1827 392 Denham and Clapperton discover Lake Tchad . . . . . . . . . 1822 396 Clapperton reaches the Niger . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1826 397 Rene Caille enters Timbuktu . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1829 402 Richard and John Lander find the Mouth of the Niger . . . . 1830 404 Ross discovers Boothia Felix . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1829 405 James Ross finds the North Magnetic Pole . . . . . . . . . 1830 411 Bass discovers his Strait . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1797 413 Flinders and Bass sail round Tasmania . . . . . . . . . . . 1798 416 Flinders surveys South Coast of Australia . . . . . . . . 1801-4 421 Sturt traces the Darling and Murray Rivers . . . . . . 1828-31 424 Burke and Wills cross Australia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1861 429 Ross discovers Victoria Land in the Antarctic . . . . . . . 1840 432 Franklin discovers the North-West Passage . . . . . . . . . 1847 440 Livingstone crosses Africa from West to East . . . . . 1849-56 452 Burton and Speke discover Lake Tanganyika . . . . . . . . . 1857 454 Speke sees Victoria Nyanza . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1858 457 Livingstone finds Lakes Shirwa and Nyassa . . . . . . . 1858-64 461 Speke and Grant enter Uganda . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1861 468 Baker meets Speke and Grant at Gondokoro . . . . . . . . . 1861 470 Baker discovers Albert Nyanza . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1864 477 Livingstone finds Lakes Meoro and Bangweolo . . . . . . . . 1868 482 Stanley finds Livingstone . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1871 484 Livingstone dies at Ilala . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1873 499 Stanley finds the Mouth of the Congo . . . . . . . . . . . 1877 509 Nordenskiold solves the North-East Passage . . . . . . . . 1879 519 Younghusband enters Lhasa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1904 524 Nansen reaches Farthest North . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1895 534 Peary reaches the North Pole . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1909 544 Amundsen reaches the South Pole . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1911 INDEX Abram, 4. Abyssinia, 344-7. Afghanistan, 36. Africa, 20-2, 72, 103, 127, 339. " Central, 349-56, 391-402, 442-500. " South, 152, 173-6, 440. " West Coast, 22, 30, 139, 143-51, 349. Agricola, 68. Alaska, 317, 334, 338. Albert Nyanza, 470. Albuquerque, Alphonso d', 184-8. Alexander the Great, 35-43. Alexandria, 45, 74. Alfred the Great, 96. Almagro, Diego de, 220. Almeida, Francisco, 184-6. " Lorenzo, 185-6. Alvarado, Pedro de, 206, 208. Amazon, 221. America (Central), 168, 170, 191, 205. " (North), 95, 228, 255, 275, 316, 358. " (South), 167, 170, 180, 196, 215, 252. Amundsen, R., 542-4. _Anabasis_ (of Xenophon), 34. Anaximander, 23. Andes, 217, 220. Antarctic regions, 331, 428-31, 536-44. Arab explorers, 98-107, 126. _Arabian Nights, The_, 101. Arctic regions, 53, 238, 259-84, 312-8, 365-90, 403-9, 501-10, 521-35. Arculf, 88-90. Argonauts, 13-6. Auckland, 429. Australia, 296-301, 307-11, 326-38, 410-27. Babylonia, 3-4, 32. Back, Sir George, 372-4, 382. Baffin, William, 280-3. Baffin's Bay, 282-3. Bagdad, 109. Bahamas, 160. Baker, Sir Samuel, 465-73. Balboa, Vasco Nunez de, 190-3. Balbus, 72. Bangweolo, Lake, 477. Banks, Sir Joseph, 320, 336, 349, 413. Barents, William, 265-72. Bass, George, 410-3. Baudin, Nicholas, 414. Behring, Vitus, 312-8. Behring's Strait, 312-8, 334. Benjamin of Tudela, 108. Black Sea, 14. Bogle, George, 512. _Book of the Tartars_, 97. Boothia, 404. Borneo, 102. Botany Bay, 326, 336. Brandon's Isle, 86-7. Brazil, 181, 196. British Columbia, 358, 362. " Isles, 48, 50-2, 57-60, 66-9, 74. Bruce, James, 339-48. Burke, R. O'Hara, 424. Burton, Sir Richard, 450-5. Button, Sir Thomas, 280. Cabot, John and Sebastian, 224-7. Cabral, Pedro, 180-2. Cadamosto, Luigi, 143-5. Caille, Rene, 396. Calicut, 129, 177-8, 181-3, 186. California, 255. Cam, Diego, 150-1. Canada, 228-34. Cano, Juan del, 204. Carpentaria, 300, 416. Carpini, Johannes, 110. Cartier, Jacques, 228-34. Caspian Sea, 36, 240. Cassiterides, _see_ "Tin Islands." Cathay, _see_ China. Ceylon, 91, 105, 124, 185-6. Champlain, Samuel, 290-5. Chancellor, Richard, 235-9. Chatham Island, 358. Chelyuskin, Cape, 504, 522. Chili, 220, 254. China, 75, 92, 99-101, 110-24, 130-1. Chitral, 38. _Christian Topography_, 92, 133. Christmas Island, 333. Chukches, 315, 507. Circumnavigation of Africa, 19-22. " " the World, 196-204, 249-57, 308. Clapperton, Lieut. Hugh, 391-6. Cochin, 184-5. Columbus, Christopher, 155-70. Cook, James, 319-35. Congo River, 150-1, 480, 491-500. Cordova, Francisco Hernando de, 205. Cortes, Hernando, 207-14. Cosmas, 90-2, 132. Cuba, 161, 166. Dampier, William, 306-11. Darien, 168, 191-2. Davis, John, 259-64. Davis Strait, 260, 281. Delphi, 24. Denham, Major, 391-5. Diaz, Bartholomew, 151-4, 180-1. Drake, Sir Francis, 249-58. Drusus (Germanicus), 69-71. Edrisi, 108. Egypt, 4-8, 26. "El Dorado," 222, 285. Eratosthenes, 45-7. Erik, 94. Eskimos, 246, 262, 281, 367, 379, 385, 405, 435. Flinders, Matthew, 410-8. Floki, 94. Florida, 205. France, _see_ Gaul. Franklin, Sir John, 368, 372-8, 382-7, 482-9. Franz Joseph Land, 526-8. "Friar John," _see_ Carpini. Frobisher, Martin, 245-8, 296. Gama, Vasco da, 171-9, 182-3. Gambia River, 30, 145, 349, 355. Gardar, 94. Gaul, 53-8. Germany, 55-7, 69-71. Gilbert, Sir Humphrey, 259. Gobi Desert, 75, 118. Gomez, Diego, 145-8. Good Hope, Cape of, 21, 152-4, 174, 181, 257. Grant, Captain J. A., 460-6. Greenland, 95, 246, 260-3, 274, 282, 501, 521. Grijalva, Juan, 206. Guiana, 287-8. Hanno, 29-32. Hawaii, 333, 335. Hawkins, Sir John, 250. Hayti, 161, 168, 191. Hecataeus, 25. Hedin, Sven, 518. Helena, 77-8. Henry of Portugal, Prince, 138-49. Herodotus, 19-22, 26-9. Himilco, 49. Holland, 51. Homer, 16-8. Honduras, 213-4. Horn, Cape, 253, 300. Houghton, Major, 350-1. Huc, Abbe, 514-8. Hudson, Henry, 273-9. Hudson River, 276. " Strait, 248, 277, 281. Hudson's Bay, 246, 372. Huron Lake, 294. Ibn Batuta, 126-32. Iceland, 94, 277. India, 38-43, 66, 128, 177-86. Ireland, 59, 63, 66, 69, 83-6. Ithobal, 20-3. _Itinerary from Bordeaux to Jerusalem_, 78-9. Jamaica, 166. Japan, 123, 241, 282. Java, 124, 328. Jenkinson, Anthony, 240-1. Jerusalem, 24, 77-9, 89. Julius Caesar, 54-60. Kamtchatka, 313-8. Kara Sea, 504, 522. " Strait, 503. King Edward VII.'s Land, 536. Kin Sai, 120. Kublai Khan, 115-25. Kyber Pass, 38. Labrador, 96, 228, 262-4. Ladrones Islands, 202. Lander, John and Richard, 396, 399-402. La Perouse, Comte de, 338. Lapland, 238. Le Maire, Isaac, 299. Lhasa, 511-20. Libya, 20, 27-9. Lief, 95. Livingstone, David, 440-9, 456-9, 474-85. Machin, Robert, 141. McClintock, Sir Leopold, 433-9. McClure, Sir R. J. Le M., 433. Mackenzie, Alexander, 362-4, 382. Madagascar, 103. Madeira, 86, 140. Magellan, Ferdinand, 190, 193-202, 296. Magellan's Strait, 198-9, 253. Magnetic Poles, 405, 430. Malabar, 182-3. Malacca, 187-8. Malay Archipelago, 188-9. Mandeville, Sir John, 126. Manilla, 298. Manning, Thomas, 513. Maoris, 303, 322. Maps (ancient), 24, 46, 62, 75, 92, 108, 133-7, 149, 305. Massoudy, 107. _Meadows of Gold_, 107. Mesopotamia, 2-4. Mexico, 206-14. Mongolia, _see_ China. Montreal, 232, 292, 295. Mota, Antonio de, 241. Mozambique, 176. Mumbo Jumbo, 350. Murchison Falls, 472. Murray River, 421. Murrumbidgee River, 420-4. Naddod, 94. Nansen, Fridtjof, 521-9. Natal, 175. Nearchus, 41-5. Neco, 19-20. New Albion, 255, 333, 358. Newfoundland, 96, 225-7, 275. New Guinea, 298, 303-5, 310. New Holland, _see_ Australia. New South Wales, 328, 410, 415. New Zealand, 303, 322-6. Niger River, 72, 348, 353-6, 396, 399-402. Nigeria, 394-402. Nile, The, 4-9, 27, 339-42, 345-7, 454-62, 468, 470. Nordenskiold, Baron, 501-10. North-East Passage, 235-40, 315, 501-10. North-West Passage, 245-64, 290, 332, 366, 403, 433. North Pole, 531-5. Nova Scotia, 229. Nova Zembla, 237, 265-72, 503. Nyassaland (and lake), 458-9, 475. Ontario, 294. Orellana, Francisco de, 220-2. Orinoco, 167, 285-8. Otaheite, 320-2. Othere, 96. Oudney, Dr., 391-4. Oxus, 37, 117, 241. Pacific Ocean, 130, 192, 199-203, 250, 253. Panama, 191, 250, 306. Park, Mungo, 348-56, 396. Parry, Sir W. E., 365-71, 378-81, 388-90. Patagonia, 196-9, 252. Paula, 80. Peary, R. E., 530-5. Pekin, 115, 119. Pelsart, Captain, 300, 309. _Periplus_ (of Hanno), 29. Persia, 32-3, 117. Peru, 216-20. Philippine Islands, 202, 256. Phillip, Captain, 336. Phoenicians, 10-3, 19-23, 29-32. Pilgrims, 77-92. Pinto, Mendex, 241-2. Pizarro, Francisco, 215-23. Pliny, 66, 71-3. Polo, Niccolo, Maffio, and Marco 115-25. Prester John, 111, 126, 176. Prickett, Abacuk, 277, 280. Przhevalsky, N. M., 518. Ptolemy, 74-6. Punjab, 39. Punt, 5-8. Pytheas, 48-53. Quebec, 290. Quilimane River, 175. Quiros, Pedro Fernandez De, 298. Raleigh, Sir Walter, 285-9. Red Sea, 5-7, 20-1, 343. Richardson, Sir John, 372-87. Ripon Falls, 463. Ross, Sir James, 388, 403-9, 428-31, 433. Ross, Sir John, 365-8, 403-9. Rubruquis, William de, 112-4. Russia, 238-40, 313. Sahara, 391. St. Brandon, 85-7. St. Columba, 84-5. St. Lawrence River, 228, 230, 290. St. Louis River, 292. St. Patrick, 83-4. St. Paul's Island, 200. Sandwich Islands, 333, 335. San Francisco, 255. Sargasso Sea, 50. Scandinavia, 72, 93, 97. Schouten, Cornelius, 299. Scotland, 68, 84-5. Scott, Captain R. F., 536-42. Senegal River, 30, 144, 351. Sequira, Diogo Lopes de, 186. Serrano, Francisco, 188, 194. Shackleton, Sir E. H., 536-40. Shirwa, Lake, 457. Siberia, 313-8. Sierra Leone, 29-30, 143. "Sindbad the Sailor," 101-6. Society Islands, 322. Socotra, 184. Solis, Juan Diaz de, 196. Somaliland, _see_ Punt. South Pole, 536-44. Spain, 49, 64. Speke, J. H., 450-5, 460-6. Spice Islands, 188-90, 203, 256. Spitzbergen, 269, 274, 388, 501. Staaten Land, 299, 303, 324. Stanley, Sir H. M., 480-2, 486-500. Stanley Falls, 494. Strabo, 52, 61-7. Sturt, Captain, 418-24. Sudan, The, 468. Sumatra, 104, 124, 130, 187. Sydney, 337. Sylvia of Aquitaine, 80-2. Tacitus, 69-71. Tanganyika, 452, 476, 491. Tartary, 110. Tasman, Abel Jansen, 302-5. Tasmania, 302-5, 413. Tchad, Lake, 392. Thule, 51-3, 97. Tibet, 123, 511-20. Tierra del Fuego, 199, 254. Timbuktu, 391-8. "Tin Islands," The, 10, 12, 48-50. Tippu Tib, 492. Torres, Luiz Vaez de, 298. Torres Strait, 298. Trinidad, 167. Tsana, Lake, 345. Tyre, 29. Uganda, 461, 488. Ulysses, 16-8. Vancouver, 255, 357-61. Vancouver, Captain, 357-61. Van Diemen's Land, 302, 410-2. Vasco da Gama, _see_ Gama. Vera Cruz, 208-9. Vespucci, Amerigo, 169-70. Victoria Falls, 445. " Nyanza, 454, 462, 487. Vikings, 93-6. West Indies, 160-1, 164-8. White Sea, 238. Willibald, 90. Willoughby, Sir Hugh, 235-8. Wills, W. J., 424-6. Xenophon, 22-4, 33-4. Younghusband, Sir F. E., 519. Zambesi River, 442-8. PRINTED IN GREAT BRITAIN
4581 ---- THE THRALL OF LEIF THE LUCKY A Story of Viking Days By Ottilie A. Liljencrantz CONTENTS CHAPTER I Where Wolves Thrive Better than Lambs CHAPTER II The Maid in the Silver Helmet CHAPTER III A Gallant Outlaw CHAPTER IV In a Viking Lair CHAPTER V The Ire of a Shield-Maiden CHAPTER VI The Song of Smiting Steel CHAPTER VII The King's Guardsman CHAPTER VIII Leif the Cross-Bearer CHAPTER IX Before the Chieftain CHAPTER X The Royal Blood of Alfred CHAPTER XI The Passing of the Scar CHAPTER XII Through Bars of Ice CHAPTER XIII Eric the Red in His Domain CHAPTER XIV For the Sake of the Cross CHAPTER XV A Wolf-Pack in Leash CHAPTER XVI A Courtier of the King CHAPTER XVII The Wooing of Helga CHAPTER XVIII The Witch's Den CHAPTER XIX Tales of the Unknown West CHAPTER XX Alwin's Bane CHAPTER XXI The Heart of a Shield-Maiden CHAPTER XXII In the Shadow of the Sword CHAPTER XXIII A Familiar Blade in a Strange Sheath CHAPTER XXIV For Dear Love's Sake CHAPTER XXV "Where Never Man Stood Before" CHAPTER XXVI Vinland the Good CHAPTER XXVII Mightier than the Sword CHAPTER XXVIII "Things that are Fated" CHAPTER XXIX The Battle to the Strong CHAPTER XXX From Over the Sea CONCLUSION FOREWORD THE Anglo-Saxon race was in its boyhood in the days when the Vikings lived. Youth's fresh fires burned in men's blood; the unchastened turbulence of youth prompted their crimes, and their good deeds were inspired by the purity and whole-heartedness and divine simplicity of youth. For every heroic vice, the Vikings laid upon the opposite scale an heroic virtue. If they plundered and robbed, as most men did in the times when Might made Right, yet the heaven-sent instinct of hospitality was as the marrow of their bones. No beggar went from their doors without alms; no traveller asked in vain for shelter; no guest but was welcomed with holiday cheer and sped on his way with a gift. As cunningly false as they were to their foes, just so superbly true were they to their friends. The man who took his enemy's last blood-drop with relentless hate, gave his own blood with an equally unsparing hand if in so doing he might aid the cause of some sworn brother. Above all, they were a race of conquerors, whose knee bent only to its proved superior. Not to the man who was king-born merely, did their allegiance go, but to the man who showed himself their leader in courage and their master in skill. And so it was with their choice of a religion, when at last the death-day of Odin dawned. Not to the God who forgives, nor to the God who suffered, did they give their faith; but they made their vows to the God who makes men strong, the God who is the never-dying and all-powerful Lord of those who follow Him. The Thrall of Leif the Lucky CHAPTER I WHERE WOLVES THRIVE BETTER THAN LAMBS Vices and virtues The sons of mortals bear In their breasts mingled; No one is so good That no failing attends him, Nor so bad as to be good for nothing. Ha'vama'l (High Song of Odin). It was back in the tenth century, when the mighty fair-haired warriors of Norway and Sweden and Denmark, whom the people of Southern Europe called the Northmen, were becoming known and dreaded throughout the world. Iceland and Greenland had been colonized by their dauntless enterprise. Greece and Africa had not proved distant enough to escape their ravages. The descendants of the Viking Rollo ruled in France as Dukes of Normandy; and Saxon England, misguided by Ethelred the Unready and harassed by Danish pirates, was slipping swiftly and surely under Northern rule. It was the time when the priests of France added to their litany this petition: "From the fury of the Northmen, deliver us, good Lord." The old, old Norwegian city of Trondhjem, which lies on Trondhjem Fiord, girt by the river Nid, was then King Olaf Trygvasson's new city of Nidaros, and though hardly more than a trading station, a hamlet without streets, it was humming with prosperity and jubilant life. The shore was fringed with ships whose gilded dragon-heads and purple-and-yellow hulls and azure-and-scarlet sails were reflected in the waves until it seemed as if rainbows had been melted in them. Hillside and river-bank bloomed with the gay tents of chieftains who had come from all over the North to visit the powerful Norwegian king. Traders had scattered booths of tempting wares over the plain, so that it looked like fair-time. The broad roads between the estates that clustered around the royal residence were thronged with clanking horsemen, with richly dressed traders followed by covered carts of precious merchandise, with beautiful fair-haired women riding on gilded chair-like saddles, with monks and slaves, with white-bearded lawmen and pompous landowners. Along one of those roads that crossed the city from the west, a Danish warrior came riding, one keen May morning, with a young English captive tied to his saddle-bow. The Northman was a great, hulking, wild-maned, brute-faced fellow, capped by an iron helmet and wrapped in a mantle of coarse gray, from whose folds the handle of a battle-axe looked out suggestively; but the boy was of the handsomest Saxon type. Though barely seventeen, he was man-grown, and lithe and well-shaped; and he carried himself nobly, despite his clumsy garments of white wool. His gold-brown hair had been clipped close as a mark of slavery, and there were fetters on his limbs; but chains could not restrain the glance of his proud gray eyes, which flashed defiance with every look. Crossing the city northward, they came where a trading-booth stood on its outskirts--an odd looking place of neatly built log walls tented over with gay striped linen. Beyond, the plain rose in gentle hills, which were overlooked in their turn by pine-clad snow-capped mountains. On one side, the river hurried along in surging rapids; on the other, one could see the broad elbow of the fiord glittering in the sun. At the sight of the booth, the Saxon scowled darkly, while the Dane gave a grunt of relief. Drawing rein before the door, the warrior dismounted and pulled down his captive. It was a scene of barbaric splendor that the gay roof covered. The walls displayed exquisitely wrought weapons, and rare fabrics interwoven with gleaming gold and silver threads. Piles of rich furs were heaped in the corners, amid a medley of gilded drinking-horns and bronze vessels and graceful silver urns. Across the back of the booth stretched a benchful of sullen-looking creatures war-captives to be sold as slaves, native thralls, and two Northmen enslaved for debt. In the centre of the floor, seated upon one of his massive steel-bound chests, gorgeous in velvet and golden chains, the trader presided over his sales like a prince on his throne. The Dane saluted him with a surly nod, and he answered with such smooth words as the thrifty old Norse proverbs advise every man to practise. "Greeting, Gorm Arnorsson! Here is great industry, if already this Spring you have gone on a Viking voyage and gotten yourself so good a piece of property! How came you by him?" Gorm gave his "property" a rough push forward, and his harsh voice came out of his bull-thick neck like a bellow. "I got him in England last Summer. We ravaged his father's castle, I and twenty ship-mates, and slew all his kinsmen. He comes of good blood; I am told for certain that he is a jarl's son. And I swear he is sound in wind and limb. How much will you pay me for him, Karl Grimsson?" The owner of the booth stroked his long white beard and eyed the captive critically. It seemed to him that he had never seen a king's son with a haughtier air. The boy wore his fetters as though they had been bracelets from the hands of Ethelred. "Is it because you value him so highly that you keep him in chains?" he asked. "In that I will not deceive you," said the Dane, after a moment's hesitation. "Though he is sound in wind and limb, he is not sound in temper. Shortly after I got him, I sold him to Gilli the Wealthy for a herd-boy; but because it was not to his mind on the dairy-farm, he lost half his herd and let wolves prey on the rest, and when the headman would have flogged him for it, he slew him. He has the temper of a black elf." "He does not look to be a cooing dove," the trader assented. "But how came it that he was not slain for this? I have heard that Gilli is a fretful man." The Dane snorted. "More than anything else he is greedy for property, and his wife Bertha advised him not to lose the price he had paid. It is my belief that she has a liking for the cub; she was an English captive before the Wealthy One married her. He followed her advice, as was to be expected, and saddled me with the whelp when I passed through the district yesterday. I should have sent him to Thor myself," he added with a suggestive swing of his axe, "but that silver is useful to me also. I go to join my shipmates in Wisby. And I am in haste, Karl Grimsson. Take him, and let me have what you think fair." It seemed as if the trader would never finish the meditative caressing of his beard, but at last he arose and called for his scales. The Dane took the little heap of silver rings weighed out to him, and strode out of the tent. At the same time, he passed out of the English boy's life. What a pity that the result of their short acquaintance could not have disappeared with him! The trader surveyed his new possession, standing straight and slim before him. "What are you called?" he demanded. "And whence come you? And of what kin?" "I am called Alwin," answered the thrall; "and I come from Northumbria." He hesitated, and the blood mounted to his face. "But I will not tell you my father's name," he finished proudly, "that you may shame him in shaming me." The trader's patience was a little chafed. Peaceful merchants were also men of war between times in those days. Suddenly he unsheathed the sword that hung at his side, and laid its point against the thrall's breast. "I ask you again of what kin you come. If you do not answer now, it is unlikely that you will be alive to answer a third question." Perhaps young Alwin's bronzed cheeks lost a little of their color, but his lip curled scornfully. So they stood, minute after minute, the sharp point pricking through the cloth until the boy felt it against his skin. Gradually the trader's face relaxed into a grim smile. "You are a young wolf," he said at last, sheathing his weapon; "yet go and sit with the others. It may be that wolves thrive better than lambs in the North." CHAPTER II THE MAID IN THE SILVER HELMET In a maiden's words No one should place faith, Nor in what a woman says; For on a turning wheel Have their hearts been formed, And guile in their breasts been laid. Ha'vama'l Day after day, week after week, Alwin sat waiting to see where the next turn of misfortune's wheel would land him. Interesting people visited the booth continually. Now it was a party of royal guardsmen to buy weapons,--splendid mail-clad giants who ate at King Olaf's board, slept a his hall, and fought to the death at his side. Again it was a minstrel, with a harp at his back, who stopped to rest and exchange a song for a horn of mead. Once the Queen herself, riding in a shining gilded wagon, came in and bought some of the graceful spiral bracelets. She said that Alwin's eyes were as bright as a young serpent's; but she did not buy him. The doorway framed an ever changing picture,--budding birch trees along the river-bank; men ploughing in the valley; shepherds tending flocks that looked like dots of cotton wool on the green hillsides. Sometimes bands of gay folk from the King's house rode by to the hunt, spurs jingling, horns braying, falcons at their wrists. Sometimes brawny followers of the visiting chiefs swaggered past in groups, and the boy could hear their shouting and laughter as they held drinking-bouts in the hostelry near by. Occasionally their rough voices would grow rougher, and an arrow would fly past the door; or there would be a clash of weapons, followed by a groan. One day, as Alwin sat looking out, his chin resting in his hand, his elbow on his knee, his attention was caught by two riders winding swiftly down a hill-path on the right. At first, one was only a blur of gray and the other a flame of scarlet; they disappeared behind a grove of aspens, then reappeared nearer, and he could make out a white beard on the gray figure and a veil of golden hair above the scarlet kirtle. What hair for a boy, even the noblest born! It was the custom of all free men to wear their locks uncut; but this golden mantle! Yet could it be a girl? Did a girl ever wear a helmet like a silver bowl, and a kirtle that stopped at the knee? If it was a girl, she must be one of those shield-maidens of whom the minstrels sang. Alwin watched the pair curiously as they galloped down the last slope and turned into the lane beside the river. They must pass the booth, and then... His brain whirled, and he stood up in his intense interest. Something had startled the white steed that bore the scarlet kirtle; he swerved aside and rose on his haunches with a suddenness that nearly unseated his rider; then he took the bronze bit between his teeth and leaped forward. Whitebeard and his bay mare were left behind. The yellow hair streamed out like a banner; nearer, and Alwin could see that it was indeed a girl. She wound her hands in the reins and kept her seat like a centaur. But suddenly something gave way. Over she went, sidewise; and by the wrist, tangled in the reins, the horse dragged her over the stony road. Forgetting his manacled limbs, Alwin started forward; but it was all over in an instant. One of the trader's servants flew at the animal's head and stopped him, almost at the door of the booth. In another moment a crowd gathered around the fallen girl and shut her from his view. Alwin gazed at the shifting backs with a dreadful vision of golden hair torn and splashed with blood. She must be dead, for she had not once screamed. His head was still ringing with the shrieks of his mother's waiting-women, as the Danes bore them out of the burning castle. Whitebeard came galloping up, puffing and panting. He was a puny little German, with a face as small and withered as a winter apple, but a body swaddled in fur-trimmed tunics until it seemed as fat as a polar bear's. He rolled off his horse; the crowd parted before him. Then the English youth experienced another shock. Bruised and muddy, but neither dead nor fainting, the girl stood examining her wrist with the utmost calmness. Though her face was white and drawn with pain, she looked up at the old man with a little twisted smile. "It is nothing, Tyrker," she said quickly; "only the girth broke, and it appears that my wrist is out of joint. We will go in here, and you shall set it." Tyrker blinked at her for a moment with an expression of mingled affection and wonder; then he drew a deep breath. "Donnerwetter, but you are a true shield-maiden!" he said in a wavering treble. The trader received them with true Norse hospitality; and Alwin watched in speechless amazement while the old man ripped up the scarlet sleeve and wrenched the dislocated bones into position, without a murmur from the patient. Despite her strange dress and general dishevelment, he could see now that she was a beautiful girl, a year or two younger than himself. Her face was as delicately pink-and-pearly as a sea-shell, and corn-flowers among the wheat were no bluer than the eyes that looked out from under her rippling golden tresses. When the wrist was set and bandaged, the trader presented them with a silken scarf to make into a sling, and had them served with horns of sparkling mead. This gave a turn to the affair that proved of special interest to Alwin. There is an old Norse proverb which prescribes "Lie for lie, laughter for laughter, gift for gift;" so, while he accepted these favors, Tyrker began to look around for some way to repay them. His gaze wandered over fabrics and furs and weapons, till it finally fell upon the slaves' bench. "Donnerwetter!" he said, setting down his horn. "To my mind it has just come that Leif a cook-boy is desirous of, now that Hord is drowned." The girl saw his purpose, and nodded quickly. "It is unlikely that you can make a better bargain anywhere." She turned to examine the slaves, and her eyes immediately encountered Alwin's. She did not blush; she looked him up and down critically, as if he were a piece of armor, or a horse. It was he who flushed, with sudden shame and anger, as he realized that in the eyes of this beautiful Norse maiden he was merely an animal put up for sale. "Yonder is a handsome thrall," she said; "he looks as though his strength were such that he could stand something." "True it is that he cannot a lame wolf be who with the pack from Greenland is to run," Tyrker assented. "That it was, which to Hord was a hindrance. For sport only, Egil Olafson under the water took him down and held him there; and because to get away he was not strong enough, he was drowned. But to me it seems that this one would bite. How dear would this thrall be?" "You would have to pay for him three marks of silver," said the trader. "He is an English thrall, very strong and well-shaped." He came over to where Alwin sat, and stood him up and turned him round and bent his limbs, Alwin submitting as a caged tiger submits to the lash, and with much the same look about his mouth. Tyrker caught the look, and sat for a long while blinking doubtfully at him. But he was a shrewd old fellow, and at last he drew his money-bag from his girdle and handed it to the trader to be weighed. While this was being done, he bade one of the servants strike off the boy's fetters. The trader paused, scales in hand, to remonstrate. "It is my advice that you keep them on until you sail. I will not conceal it from you that he has an unruly disposition. You will be lacking both your man and your money." The old man smiled quietly. "Ach, my friend," he said, "can you not better read a face? Well is it to be able to read runes, but better yet it is to know what the Lord has written in men's eyes." He signed to the servant to go on, and in a moment the chains fell clattering on the ground. Alwin looked at him in amazement; then suddenly he realized what a kind old face it was, for all its shrewdness and puny ugliness. The scowl fell from him like another chain. "I give you thanks," he said. The wrinkled, tremulous old hand touched his shoulder with a kindly pressure. "Good is it that we understand each other. _Nun_! Come. First shall you go and Helga's horse lead, since it may be that with her one hand she cannot manage him. Why do you in your face so red grow?" Alwin grew still redder; but he could not tell the good old man that he would rather follow a herd of unbroken steers all day, than walk one mile before a beautiful young Amazon who looked at him as if he were a dog. He mumbled something indistinctly, and hastened out after the horses. Helga rose stiffly from the pile of furs; it was evident that every new motion revealed a new bruise to her, but she set her white teeth and held her chin high in the air. When she had taken leave of the trader, she walked out without a limp and vaulted into her saddle unaided. The sunlight, glancing from her silver helm, fell upon her floating hair and turned it into a golden glory that hid rents and stains, and redeemed even the kirtle, which stopped at the knee. As he helped the old man to mount, Alwin gazed at her with unwilling admiration. Perhaps some day he would show her that he was not so utterly contemptible as... She made him an imperious gesture; he stalked haughtily forward, he took his place at her bridle rein, and the three set forth. CHAPTER III A GALLANT OUTLAW Two are adversaries; The tongue is the bane of the head; Under every cloak I expect a hand. Ha'vama'l For a while the road of the little party ran beside the brawling Nid, whose shores were astir with activity and life. Here was a school of splashing swimmers; there, a fleet of fishing-smacks; a provision-ship loading for a cruise as consort to one of the great war vessels. They passed King Olaf's ship-sheds, where fine new boats were building, and one brilliantly-painted cruiser stood on the rollers all ready for the launching. Along the opposite bank lay the camps of visiting Vikings, with their long ships'-boats floating before them. The road bent to the right, and wound along between the high fences that shut in the old farm-like manors. Ail the houses had their gable-ends faced to the front, like soldiers at drill, and little more than their tarred roofs showed among the trees. Most of the commons between the estates were enlivened by groups of gaily-ornamented booths. Many of them were traders' stalls; but in one, over the heads of the laughing crowd, Alwin caught a glimpse of an acrobat and a clumsy dancing bear; while in another, a minstrel sang plaintive love ballads to a throng that listened as breathlessly as leaves for a wind. The wild sweet harp-music floated out and went with them far across the plain. The road swerved still farther to the right, entering a wood of spicy evergreens and silver-stemmed birches. In its green depths song-birds held high carnival, and an occasional rabbit went scudding from hillock to covert. From the south a road ran up and crossed theirs, on its way to the fiord. As they reached this cross-road, a horseman passed down it at a gallop. He only glanced toward them; and all Alwin had time to see was that he was young and richly dressed. But Helga started up with a cry. "Sigurd! Tyrker, it was Sigurd!" Slowly drawing rein, the old man blinked at her in bewilderment. "Sigurd? Where? What Sigurd?" "Our Sigurd--Leif's foster-son! Oh, ride after him! Shout!" She stretched her white throat in calling, but the wind was against her. "That is now impossible that Jarl Harald's son it should be," Tyrker said soothingly. "On a Viking voyage he is absent. Besides, out of breath it puts me fast to ride. Some one else have you mistaken. Three years it has been since you have seen--" "Then I will go myself!" She snatched the reins from Alwin, but Tyrker caught her arm. "Certain it is that you would be injured. If you insist, the thrall shall go. He looks as though he would run well." "But what message?" Alwin began. Helga tried to stamp in her stirrups. "Will you stand there and talk? Go!" They were fast runners in those days, by all accounts. It is said that there were men in Ireland and the North so swift-footed that no horse could overtake them. In ten minutes Alwin stood at the horseman's side, red, dripping, and furious. The stranger was a gallant young cavalier, with floating yellow locks and a fine high-bred face. His velvet cloak was lined with ermine, his silk tunic seamed with gold; he had gold embroidery on his gloves, silver spurs to his heels, and a golden chain around his neck. Alwin glared up at him, and hated him for his splendor, and hated him for his long silken hair. The rider looked down in surprise at the panting thrall with the shaven head. "What is your errand with me?" he asked. It was not easy to explain, but Alwin framed it curtly: "If you are Sigurd Haraldsson, a maiden named Helga is desirous that you should turn back." "I am Sigurd Haraldsson," the youth assented, "but I know no maiden in Norway named Helga." It occurred to Alwin that this Helga might belong to "the pack from Greenland," but he kept a surly silence. "What is the rest of her name?" "If there is more, I have not heard it." "Where does she live?" "The devil knows!" "Are you her father's thrall?" "It is my bad luck to be the captive of some Norse robber." The straight brows of the young noble slanted into a frown. Alwin met it with a black scowl. Suddenly, while they faced each other, glowering, an arrow sped out of the thicket a little way down the road, and whizzed between them. A second shaft just grazed Alwin's head; a third carried away a tress of Sigurd's fair hair. Instantly after, a man crashed out of the underbrush and came running toward them, throwing down a bow and drawing a sword as he ran. Forgetting that no weapon hung there now, Alwin's hand flew to his side. Young Haraldsson, catching only the gesture, stayed him peremptorily. "Stand back,--they were aimed at me! It is my quarrel." He threw himself from his saddle, and his blade flashed forth like a sunbeam. Evidently there was no need of explanations between the two. The instant they met, that instant their swords crossed; and from the first clash, the blades darted back and forth and up and down like governed lightnings. Alwin threw a quieting arm around the neck of the startled horse, and settled himself to watch. Before many minutes, he forgot that he had been on the point of quarrelling with Sigurd Haraldsson. Anything more deft or graceful than the swiftness and ease with which the young noble handled his weapon he had never imagined. Admiration crowded out every other feeling. "I hope that he will win!" he muttered presently. "By St. George, I hope that he will win!" and his soothing pats on the horse's neck became frantic slaps in his excitement. The archer was not a bad fighter, and just now he was a desperate fighter. Round and round went the two. A dozen times they shifted their ground; a dozen times they changed their modes of attack and defence. At last, Sigurd's weapon itself began to change from one hand to the other. Without abating a particle of his swiftness, in the hottest of the fray he made a feint with his left. Before the other could recover from parrying it, the weapon leaped back to his right, darted like a hissing snake at the opening, and pierced the archer's shoulder. He fell, snarling, and lay with Sigurd's point pricking his throat and Sigurd's foot pressing his breast. "I think you understand now that you will not stand over my scalp," young Haraldsson said sternly. "Now you have got what you deserved. You managed to get me banished, and you shot three arrows at me to kill me; and all because of what? Because in last fall's games I shot better than you! It was in my mind that if ever I caught you I would drive a knife through you." He kicked him contemptuously as he took his foot away. "Sneaking son of a wolf," he finished, "I despise myself that I cannot find it in my heart to do it, now that you are at my mercy; but I have not been wont to do such things, and you are not worth beginning on. Crawl on your miserable way." While the archer staggered off, clutching his shoulder, Sigurd came back to his horse, wiping his sword composedly. "It was obliging of you to stay and hold High-flyer," he said, as he mounted. "If he had been frightened away, I should have been greatly hindered, for I have many miles before me." That brought them suddenly back to their first topic; but now Alwin handled it with perfect courtesy. "Let me urge you again to turn back with me. It is not easy for me to answer your questions, for this morning is the first time I have seen the maiden; but she is awaiting you at the cross-roads with the old man she calls Tyrker, and--" "Tyrker!" cried Sigurd Haraldsson. "Leif's foster-father had that name. It is not possible that it is my little foster-sister from Greenland!" "I have heard them mention Greenland, and also the name of Leif," Alwin assured him. Sigurd smote his knee a resounding thwack. "Strangest of wonders is the time at which this news comes! Here have I just been asking for Leif in the guardroom of the King's house; and because they told me he was away on the King's business, I was minded to ride straight out of the city. Catch hold of the strap on my saddle-girth, and we will hurry." He wheeled Highflyer and spurred him forward. Alwin would not make use of the strap, but kept his place at the horse's shoulder without much difficulty. Only the pace did not leave him breath for questions, and he wished to ask a number. It was not long, however, before most of his questions were asked and answered for him. Rounding a curve, they came face to face with the riders, who had evidently tired of waiting at the cross-roads. Tyrker, peering anxiously ahead, uttered an exclamation of relief at the sight of Alwin, whom he had evidently given up as a runaway. Helga welcomed Sigurd in a delighted cry. The young Northman greeted her with frank affection, and saluted Tyrker almost as fondly. "This meeting gladdens me more than tongue can tell. I do not see how it was that I did not recognize you as I passed. And yet those garments, Helga! By St. Michael, you look well-fitted to be the Brynhild we used to hear about!" Helga's fair face flushed, and Alwin smiled inwardly. He was curious to know what the young Viking would do if the young Amazon boxed his ears, as he thought likely. But it seemed that Helga was only ungentle toward those whom she considered beneath her friendliness. While she motioned Alwin with an imperious gesture to hand her the rein she had dropped, she responded good-naturedly to Sigurd: "Nay, now, my comrade, you will not be mean enough to scold about my short kirtle, when it was you who taught me to do the things that make a short kirtle necessary! Have you forgotten how you used to steal me away from my embroidery to hunt with you?" "By no means," Sigurd laughed. "Nor how Thorhild scolded when we came back! I would give a ring to know what she would say if she were here now. It is my belief that you would get a slap, for all your warlike array." Helga's spur made her horse prance and rear defiantly. "Thorhild is not here, nor do I expect that she will ever rule over me again. She struck me once too often, and I ran away to Leif. For two years now I have lived almost like the shield-maidens we were wont to talk of. Oh, Sigurd, I have been so happy!" She threw back her head and lifted her beautiful face up to the sunlit sky and the fresh wind. "So free and so happy!" Alwin thrilled with sudden sympathy. He understood then that it was not boldness, nor mere waywardness, that made her what she was. It was the Norse blood crying out for adventure and open air and freedom. It did not seem strange to him, as he thought of it. It occurred to him, all at once, as a stranger thing that all maidens did not feel so,--that there were any who would be kept at spinning, like prisoners fettered in trailing gowns. Tyrker nodded in answer to Sigurd's look of amazement. "The truth it is which the child speaks. Over winters, stays she at the King's house with one of the Queen's women, who is a friend of Leif; and during the summer, voyages she makes with me. But to me it appears that of her we have spoken enough. Tell to us how it comes that you are in Norway, and--whoa! Steady!--Wh--o--a!" "And tell us also that you will ride on to the camp with us now," Helga put in, as Tyrker was obliged to transfer his attention to his restless horse. "Rolf Erlingsson and Egil Olafsson, whom you knew in Greenland, are there, and all the crew of the 'Sea-Deer'." "The 'Sea-Deer'!" ejaculated Sigurd. "Surely Leif has got rid of his ship, now that he is in King Olaf's guard." The backing and sidling and prancing of Tyrker's horse forced him to leave this also to Helga. "Certainly he has not got rid of his ship. When he does not follow King Olaf to battle with her, Tyrker takes her on trading voyages, and she lies over-winter in the King's ship-shed. There are forty of the crew, counting me,--there is no need for you to smile, I can take the helm and stand a watch as well as any. Can I not, Tyrker?" The old man relaxed his vigilance long enough to nod assent; whereupon his horse took instant advantage of the slackened rein to bolt off homeward, despite all the swaying and sawing of the rider. That set the whole party in motion once more. "You will come with me to camp, Sigurd my comrade?" Helga urged. "It is but a little way, on the bank across the river. Come, if only for a short time." Sigurd gathered up his rein with a smile and a sigh together. "I will give you a favorable answer to that. It seems that you have not heard of the mishap that has befallen me. The lawman has banished me from the district." It pleased Alwin to hear that he was likely to see more of the young Norseman. Helga was filled with amazement. On the verge of starting, she stopped her horse to stare at him. "It must be that you are jesting," she said at last. "You, who are the most amiable person in the world,--it is not possible that you can have broken the law!" Sigurd laughed ruefully. "In my district I am not spoken of as amiable, just now. Yet there is little need to take it heavily, my foster-sister. I have done nothing that is dishonorable,--should I dare to come before Leif's face if I had? It will blow over in time to come." Helga leaned from her saddle to press his hand in a friendly grasp. "You have come to the right place, for nowhere in the world could you be more welcome. Only wait and see how Rolf and Egil will receive you!" She gave the thrall a curt shake of her head, as he stepped to her bridle-rein; and they rode off. As Helga had said, the camp was not far away. Once across the river, they turned to the left and wound along the rolling woody banks toward the fiord. Entering a thicket of hazel-bushes on the crest of the gentle slope, they were met by faint sounds of shouting and laughter. Emerging into a green little valley, the camp lay before them. Half a dozen wooden booths tented over with gay striped linen and adorned with streaming flags, a leaping fire, a pile of slain deer, a string of grazing horses, and a throng of brawny men skinning the deer, chasing the horses, scouring armor, drinking, wrestling, and lounging,--these were Alwin's first confused impressions. "There it is!" cried Helga. "Saw you ever a prettier spot? There is Tyrker under that ash tree. And there,--do you remember that black mane? Yonder, bending over that shield? That is Egil Olafsson. Now it comes to my mind again! To-night we go to a feast at the King's house; that is why he is so busy. And yonder! Yonder is Rolf wrestling. He is the strongest man in Greenland; did you know that? Even Valbrand cannot stand against him. Whistle now as you were wont to for the hawks, and see if they will not remember." They swept down the slope, the high sweet notes rising clear above the clatter. One man glanced up in surprise, then another and another; then suddenly every man dropped what he was doing, and leaped up with shouts of greeting and welcome. Sigurd disappeared behind a hedge of yellow heads and waving hands. Alwin felt himself clutched eagerly. "Donnerwetter, but I have waited a long time for you!" said the old German, short-breathed and panting. "That beast was like the insides of me to have out-shaken. Bring to me a horn of ale; but first give me your shoulder to yonder booth." CHAPTER IV IN A VIKING LAIR Leaving in the field his arms, Let no man go A fool's length forward: For it is hard to know When, on his way, A man may need his weapon. Ha'vama'l The camp lay red in the sunset light, and the twilight hush had fallen upon it so that one could hear the sleepy bird-calls in the woods around, and the drowsy murmur of the river. Sigurd lay on his back under a tree, staring up into the rustling greenery. From the booth set apart for her, Helga came out dressed for the feast. She had replaced her scarlet kirtle and hose by garments of azure-blue silk, and changed her silver helmet for a golden diadem such as high-born maidens wore on state occasions; but that was her only ornament, and her skirt was no longer than before. Sigurd looked at her critically. "It does not appear to me that you are very well dressed for a feast," said he. "Where are the bracelets and gold laces suitable to your rank? It looks ill for Leif's generosity, if that is the finest kirtle you own." "That is unfairly spoken," Helga answered quickly. "He would dress me in gold if I wished it; it is I who will not have it so. Have you forgotten my hatred against clothes so fine that one must be careful of them? But this was to be expected," she added, flushing with displeasure; "since the Jarl's son has lived in Normandy, a maiden from a Greenland farm must needs look mean to him." She was turning away, but he leaped up and caught her by her shoulders and shook her good-naturedly. "Now are you as womanish as your bondmaid. You know that all the gold on all the women in Normandy is not so beautiful as one lock of this hair of yours." At least Helga was womanish enough to smile at this. "Now I understand why it is that men call you Sigurd Silver-Tongue," she laughed. Suddenly she was all earnestness again. "Nay, but, Sigurd, tell me this,--I do not care how you scold about my dress,--tell me that you do not despise me for it, or for being unlike other maidens." Sigurd's grasp slipped from her shoulders down to her hands, and shook them warmly. "Despise you, Helga my sister? Despise you for being the bravest comrade and the truest friend a man ever had?" She grew rosy red with pleasure. "If that is your feeling, I am well content." She took a step toward the place where her horse was tethered, and looked back regretfully. "It seems inhospitable to leave you like this. Will you not come with us, after all?" Sigurd threw himself down again with an emphatic gesture of refusal. "I like better to be left so than to be left in a mound with my head cut off, which is what would happen were an outlaw to visit the King uninvited." "I shall not deny that that would be disagreeable," Helga assented. "But do not let your mishap stand in the way of your joy. Leif has great favor with King Olaf; there is no doubt in my mind that he will be able to plead successfully for you." "I hope so, with all my heart," Sigurd murmured. "When all brave men are fighting abroad or serving the King at home, it is great shame for me to be idling here." And he sighed heavily as Helga passed out of hearing. As she went by the largest of the booths, which was the sleeping-house of the steersman Valbrand and more than half the crew, Alwin came out of the door and stood looking listlessly about. He had spent the afternoon scouring helmets amid a babble of directions and fault-finding, accented by blows. Helga did not see him; but he gazed after her, wondering idly what sort of a mistress she was to the young bond-girl who was running after her with the cloak she had forgotten,--wondering also what there was in the girl's brown braids that reminded him of his mother's little Saxon waiting-maid Editha. The sound of a deep-drawn breath made him turn, to find himself face to face with a young mail-clad Viking, in whose shaggy black locks he recognized the Egil Olafsson whom Helga had that morning 'pointed out. But it was not the surprise of the meeting that made Alwin leap suddenly backward into the shelter of the doorway; it was the look that he caught in the other's dark face,--a look so full of hate and menace that, instead of being strangers meeting for the first time, one would have supposed them lifelong enemies. Still eying him, Egil said slowly in a voice that trembled with passion: "So you are the English thrall,--and looking after her already! It seems that Skroppa spoke some truth--" He broke off abruptly, and stood glaring, his hand moving upward to his belt. For once Alwin was fairly dazed. "Either this fellow has gotten out of his wits," he muttered, crossing himself, "or else he has mistaken me for some--" He had not time to finish his sentence. Young Olafsson's fingers had closed upon the haft of his knife; he drew it with a fierce cry: "But I will make the rest of it a lie!" Throwing himself upon Alwin, he bore him over backwards across the threshold. It is likely that that moment would have seen the end of Alwin, if it had not happened that Valbrand the steersman was in the booth, arraying himself for the feast. He was a gigantic warrior, with a face seamed with scars and as hard as the battle-axe at his side. He caught Egil's uplifted arm and wrested the blade from his grasp. "It is not likely that I will allow Leif's property to be damaged, Egil the Black. Would you choke him? Loose him, or I will send you to the Troll, body and bones!" Egil rose reluctantly. Alwin leaped up like a spring released from a weight. "What has he done," demanded Valbrand, "that you should so far forget the law as to attack another man's thrall?" Instead of bursting into the tirade Alwin expected, Egil flushed and looked away. "It is enough that I am not pleased with his looks," he said sullenly. Valbrand tossed him his knife with a scornful grunt. "Go and get sense! Is he yours, that you may slay him because you dislike the tilt of his nose? Go dress yourself. And you," he added, with a nod over his shoulder at Alwin, "do you take yourself out of his sight somewhere. It is unwisdom to tempt a hungry dog with meat that one would keep." "If I had so much as a hunting-knife," Alwin cried furiously, "I swear by all the saints of England, I would not stir--" Valbrand wasted no time in argument. He seized Alwin and threw him out of the door, with energy enough to roll him far down the slope. The force with which he struck inclined Alwin to stay where he was for a while; and gradually the coolness and the quietness about him soothed him into a more reasonable temper. Egil Olafsson was mad; there could be no question of that. Undoubtedly it was best to follow Valbrand's advice and keep out of his way,--at least until he could secure a weapon with which to defend himself. He stretched himself comfortably in the soft, dewy grass and waited until the revellers, splendid in shining mail and gay-hued mantles, clanked out to their horses and rode away. When the last of them shouted his farewell to Sigurd and disappeared amid the shadows of the wood-path, Alwin arose and walked slowly back to the deserted camp. Even the sunset light had left it now; a soft grayness shut it in, away from the world. The air was full of night-noises; and high in the pines a breeze was whispering softly. Very softly and sweetly, from somewhere among the booths, the voice of the bond-girl arose in a plaintive English ballad. Alwin recognized the melody with a throb that was half of pleasure, half of pain. In the old days, Editha had sung that song. Poor little gentle-hearted Editha! The last time he had seen her, she had been borne past him, white and unconscious, in the arms of one of the marauding Danes. He shook himself fiercely to drive off the memory. Turning the corner of Helga's booth, he came suddenly upon the singer, a slender white-robed figure leaning in the shadow of the doorway. Sigurd still lounged under the trees, half dozing, half listening. As the thrall stepped out of the shadow into the moonlight, the singer sprang to her feet, and the song merged into a great cry. "My lord Alwin!" It was Editha herself. Running to meet him, she dropped on her knees before him and began to kiss his hands and cry over them. "Oh, my dear lord," she sobbed, "you are so changed! And your hair--your beautiful hair! Oh, it is well that Earl Edmund and your lady mother are dead,--it would break their hearts, as it does mine!" Forgetting her own plight, she wept bitterly over his, though he tried with every gentle word to soothe her. It was a sad meeting; it could not be otherwise. The memory of their last terrible parting, the bondage in which they found each other, the shameful, hopeless future that stretched before them,--it was all full of bitterness. When Editha went in at last, her poor little throat was bursting with sobs. Alwin sank down on the trunk of a fallen tree and buried his head in his hands, and the first groan that his troubles had wrung from him was forced now from his brave lips. He had forgotten Sigurd's presence. In their preoccupation, neither of them had noticed the young Viking watching them curiously. Now Alwin started like a colt when a hand fell lightly on his shoulder. "It appears to me," came in Sigurd's voice, "that a man should be merry when he has just found a friend." Alwin looked up at him with eyes full of savage despair. "Merry! Would you be merry, had you found Helga the drudge of an English camp?" He shook off the other's hand with a fierce motion. But Sigurd answering instantly, "No, I would look even blacker than you, if that were possible," the thrall was half appeased. The young Viking dropped down beside him, and for a while they sat in silence, staring away where the moonlit river showed between the trees. At last Sigurd said dreamily: "It came to my mind, while you two were talking, how unevenly the Fates deal things. It appears, from what the maiden said, that you are the son of an English jarl who has often fought the Northmen. Now I am the son of a Norwegian jarl who has not a few times met the English in battle. It would have been no more unlikely than what has happened had I been the captive and you the victor." "That is true," said Alwin slowly. He did not say more, but in some odd way the idea comforted and softened him. Neither of the young men turned his eyes from the river toward the other, yet in some way something friendly crept into their silence. After a while Sigurd said, still without looking around, "It seems to me that the right-minded thing for me in this matter is to do what I should desire you to do if you were in my place; therefore I offer you my friendship." Something blurred the bright river for an instant from Alwin's sight. "I give you thanks," he said huskily. "Save Editha, I have not a friend in the world." He hesitated a while; then slowly, bit by bit, he set forth the story that he had never expected to unfold to Northern ears. "The Danes set fire to my father's castle, and he was burned with many of my kinsmen. The robbers came in the night, and a Danish churl opened the gates to them,--though he had been my father's man for four seasons. It was from him that I learned to speak the Northern tongue. They took me while I slept, bound me, and carried me out to their boats. They carried out also the young maidens who attended my mother,--Editha among them,--and not a few of the youth of the household, all that they chose for captives. They took out all the valuables that they wanted. After that, they threw great bales of hay into the hall, and set fire to them, and--" "The bloody wolves!" Sigurd burst out. "Did they not offer your mother to go out in safety?" "Nay, they had the most hatred against her." The bearing of his head grew more haughty. "My mother was a princess of the blood of Alfred." It happened that Sigurd had heard of that great monarch. His face kindled with enthusiasm. "Alfred! He who got the victory over the Danes? Small wonder they did not love his kin after they had known his cunning! I know a fine song about him,--how he went alone into the Danish camp, though they were hunting him to kill him; and while they thought him a simple--minded minstrel, he learned all their secrets. By my troth, that is good blood to have in one's veins! Were I English, I would rather be his kinsman than Ethelred's." He stared at Alwin with glowing eyes; they were facing each other now. Suddenly he stretched out his hand. "It is naught but a piece of bad luck that you are Leif's thrall. It might just as easily have happened that I were in your place. Now I will make a bargain with you that hereafter I will remember this, and never hold your thraldom against you." Such a concession as that, few of the proud Viking race were generous enough to make. Alwin could not but be moved by it. He took the outstretched hand in a hard grip. "Will you do that?" he said; and it seemed for a time as though he could not find words to answer. At last he spoke: "If you will do that, I promise on my side that I will forgive your Northern blood and your lordship over me, and love you as my own brother." CHAPTER V THE IRE OF A SHIELD-MAIDEN With insult or derision Treat thou never A guest or wayfarer; They often little know, Who sit within, Of what race they are who come. Ha'vama'l Alwin was sitting on the ground in front of the provision-shed, grinding meal on a small stone hand-mill, when Editha came to seek him. "If it please you, my lord--" He broke into a bitter laugh. "By Saint George, that fits me well! 'If it please you,' and 'my lord,' to a short-haired, callous-handed hound of a slave!" Tears filled her eyes, but her gentle mouth was as obstinate as gentle mouths can often be. "Have they drawn Earl Edmund's blood out of you? Until they have done that, you will be my lord. Your lady mother in heaven would curse me for a traitor if I denied your nobility." Alwin ground out a resigned sigh with his last handful of meal. "Go on then, if you must. We spoke enough of the matter last night. Only see to it that no one hears you. I warn you that I shall kill the first who laughs,--and who could help laughing?" She was too wise to answer that. Instead, she motioned over her shoulder toward the group of late-risen revellers who were lounging under the trees, breaking their fast with an early meal. "Tyrker bids you come and serve the food." "If it please me?" "My dear lord, I pray you give over all bitterness. I pray you be prudent toward them. I have not been a shield-maiden's thrall for nearly a year without learning something." "Poor little dove in a hawk's nest! Certainly I think you have learned to weep!" "You need not pity me thus, Lord Alwin. It is likely that my mistress even loves me in her own way. She has given me more ornaments than she keeps for herself. She would slay anyone who spoke harshly to me. What is it if now and then she herself strikes me? I have had many a blow from your mother's nurse. I do not find that I am much worse than before. No, no; my trouble is all for you. My dearest lord, I implore you not to waken their anger. They have tempers so quick,--and hands even quicker." Remembering his encounter with Egil the evening before, Alwin's eyes flared up hotly. But he would make no promises, as he arose to answer the summons. The little maid carried an anxious heart to her task of mending Helga's torn kirtle. No one seemed to notice the young thrall when he came among them and began to refill the empty cups. The older men, sprawling on the sun-flecked grass and over the rude benches, were still drowsy from too deep soundings in too many mead horns. The four young people were talking together. They sat a little apart in the shade of some birch trees which served as rests for their backs,--Helga enthroned on a bit of rock, Rolf and Sigurd lounging on either side of her, the black-maned Egil stretched at her feet. Between them a pair of lean wolf-hounds wandered in and out, begging with glistening eyes and poking noses for each mouthful that was eaten,--except when a motion of Helga's hand toward a convenient riding-switch made them forget hunger for the moment. "I wonder to hear that Leif was not at the feast last night," Sigurd was saying, as he sipped his ale in the leisurely fashion which some of the old sea-rovers in the distance condemned as French and foolish. Swallowing enough of the smoked meat in her mouth to make speaking practicable, Helga answered: "He will be away two days yet; did I not tell you? He has gone south with a band of guardsmen to convert a chief to Christianity." "Then Leif himself has turned Christian?" Sigurd exclaimed in astonishment. "The son of the pagan Eric a Christian! Now I understand how it is that he has such favor with King Olaf, for all that he comes of outlawed blood. In Wisby, men thought it a great wonder, and spoke of him as 'Leif the Lucky,' because he had managed to get rid of the curse of his race." Rolf the Wrestler shook his head behind his uplifted goblet. He was an odd-looking youth, with chest and shoulders like the forepart of an ox, and a face as mild and gently serious as a lamb's. As he put down the curious gilded vessel, he said in the soft voice that matched his face so well and his body so ill: "If you have a boon to ask of your foster-father, comrade, it is my advice that you forget all such pagan errors as that story of the curse. Egil, here, came near being spitted on Leif's sword for merely mentioning Skroppa's name." Alwin recognized the name with a start. Egil scowled in answer to Sigurd's curious glance. "Odin's ravens are not more fond of telling news, than you," the Black One growled. "At meal-time I have other uses for my jaws than babbling. Thrall, bring me more fish." Alwin waited long enough to possess himself of a sharp bronze knife that lay among the dishes; then he advanced, alertly on his guard, and shovelled more herrings upon the flat piece of hard bread that served as a plate. Egil, however, noticed him no more than he did the flies buzzing around his food. Whatever the cause of their enmity, it was evidently a secret. The English youth was retiring in surprise, when Rolf took it into his head to accost him. The wrestler pointed to a couple of large flat stones that he had placed, one on top of the other, beside him. "This is very tough bread that you have given me, thrall," he said reproachfully. Their likeness to bread was not great, and the jest struck Alwin as silly. He retorted angrily: "Do you suppose that my wits were cut off with my hair, so that I cannot tell stones from bread?" Not a flicker stirred the seriousness of Rolf's blue eyes. "Stones?" he said. "I do not know what you mean. Can they be stones that I am able to treat like this?" His fist arose in the air, doubled itself into the likeness of a sledge-hammer, and fell in a mighty blow. The upper stone lay in fragments. Whereupon Alwin realized that it had all been a flourish to impress him. So, though unquestionably impressed, he refused to show it. A second time he was turning his back on them, when Helga stopped him. "You must bring something that I want, first. In the northeast corner of the provision shed, was it not, Sigurd?" Young Haraldsson was scrambling to his feet in futile grabs after one of the hounds that was making off with his herring, but he nodded back over his shoulder. Helga looked from one to the other of her companions with an ecstatic smack of her lips. "Honey," she informed them. "Sigurd ran across a jar of it last night. That pig of an Olver yonder hid it on the highest shelf. Very likely the goldsmith's daughter gave it to him and it was his intention to keep it all for himself. We will put a trick upon him. Bring it quickly, thrall. Yet have a care that he does not see it as you pass him. That is he with the bandaged head. If he looks sharply at you, hide the jar with your arm and it is likely he will think that you have been stealing some food for yourself, and be too sleepy to care." Lord Alwin of Northumbria lost sight of the lounging figures about him, lost sight of Sigurd chasing the circling hound, lost sight of everything save the imperious young person before him. He stared at her as though he could not believe his ears. She waved him away; but he did not move. "Let him think that _I_ am _stealing_!" he managed to gasp at last. The grass around Helga's foot stirred ominously. "I have told you that he is too sleepy to care. If he threatens to flog you, I promise that I will interfere. Coward, what are you afraid of?" She caught her breath at the blazing of his face. He said between his clenched teeth: "I will not let him think that I would steal so much as one dried herring,--were I starving!" The fire shot out of Helga's beautiful eyes. Egil and the Wrestler sprang up with angry exclamations; but words would not suffice Helga. Leaping to her feet, she caught up the riding-whip from the grass beside her and lashed it across the thrall's face with all her might. A bar of livid red was kindled like a flame along his cheek. "You are cracking the face of Leif's property," Rolf murmured in mild remonstrance. Egil laughed, a hateful gloating laugh, and settled himself against a tree to see the finish. As Helga's arm was flung up the second time, the thrall leaped upon her and tore the whip from her grasp and broke it in pieces. He would that he might have broken her as well; he thirsted to,--when he caught sight of the laughing Egil, and everything else was blotted out of his vision. Without a sound, but with the animal passion for killing upon his white face, he wheeled and leaped upon the Black One, crushing him, pinioning him against the tree, strangling him with the grip of his hands. CHAPTER VI THE SONG OF SMITING STEEL To his friend A man should be a friend,-- To him and to his friend; But no man Should be the friend Of his foe's friend. Ha'vama'l In the madness of his rush, Alwin blundered. Springing upon Egil from the left, he left his enemy's right arm free. Instantly this arm began forcing and jamming its way downward across Egil's body. Should it find what it sought--! Alwin saw what was coming. He set his teeth and struggled desperately; but he could not prevent it. Another moment, and the Black One's fingers had closed upon his sword-hilt; the blade hissed into the air. Only an instant wrenching away, and a lightning leap aside, saved the thrall from being run through. His short bronze knife was no match for a sword. He gave himself up for lost, and stiffened himself to die bravely,--as became Earl Edmund's son. He had yet to learn that there are crueler things than sword-thrusts. As Egil advanced with a jeering laugh, Helga caught his sleeve; and Rolf laid an iron hand upon his shoulder. "Think what you do!" the Wrestler admonished. "This will make the third of Leif's thralls that you have slain; and you have no blood-money to pay him." "Shame on you, Egil Olafsson!" cried Helga. "Would you stain your honorable sword with a thing so foul as thrall-blood?" Rolf's grip brought Egil to a standstill. The contempt in Helga's words was reflected in his face. He sheathed his sword with a scornful gesture. "You speak truth. I do not know how it was that I thought to do a thing so unworthy of me. I will leave Valbrand to draw the fellow's blood with a stirrup leather." He turned away, and the others followed. Those of the crew who had raised their muddled heads to see what the trouble was, laid them down again with grunts of disappointment. Alwin was left alone, untouched. Yet truly his anguish would not have been greater had they cut him in pieces. Without knowing what he did, he sprang after them, crying hoarsely: "Cowards! Churls! What know you of my blood? Give me a weapon and prove me. Or cast yours aside,--man to man." His voice broke with his passion and the violence of his heart-beats. But the mocking laughter that burst out died in a sudden hush. A moment before, Sigurd had concluded his pursuit of the thieving hound and rejoined the group,--in time to gather something of what had passed. The instant Alwin ceased, he stepped out and placed himself at the young thrall's side. He was no longer either the courteous Sigurd Silver-Tongue or Sigurd the merry comrade; his handsome head was thrown up with an air of authority which reminded all present that Sigurd, the son of the famous Jarl Harald, was the highest-born in the camp. He said sternly: "It seems to me that you act like fools in this matter. Can you not see that he is no more thrall-born than you are? Or do you think that ill luck can change a jarl's son into a dog? He shall have a chance to prove his skill. I myself will strive against him, to any length he chooses. And what I have thought it worth while to do, let no one else dare scorn!" He unbuckled his own gold-mounted weapon and forced it into Alwin's hands, then turned authoritatively to the Wrestler: "Rolf, if you count yourself my friend, lend me your sword." It was yielded him silently; and they stepped out face to face, the young noble and the young thrall. But before their steel had more than clashed, Egil came between and knocked up their blades with his own. "It is enough," he said gruffly. "What Sigurd Haraldsson will do, I will not disdain. I will meet you honorably, thrall. But you need not sue for mercy." A gleam of that strange groundless hatred played over his savage face. It did not daunt Alwin; it only helped to warm his blood. "This steel shall melt sooner than I ask for quarter!" he cried defiantly, springing at his enemy. _Whish-clash_! The song of smiting steel rang through the little valley. The spectators drew back out of the way. Again the half-drunken loungers rose upon their elbows. They were well matched, the two. If Alwin lacked any of the Black One's strength, he made it up in skill and quickness. The bright steel began to fly fast and faster, until its swish was like the venomous hiss of serpents. The color came and went in Helga's cheek; her mouth worked nervously. Sigurd's eyes were fixed upon the two like glowing lamps, as to and fro they went with vengeful fury. In all the valley there was no sound but the fierce clash and clatter of the swords. The very trees seemed to hold their breath to listen. Egil uttered a panting gasp of triumph; his, blade had bitten flesh. A widening circle of red stained the shoulder of Alwin's white tunic. The thrall's lips set in a harder line; his blows became more furious, as if pain and despair gave him an added strength. Heaving his sword high in the air, he brought it down with mighty force on Egil's blade. The next instant the Black One held a useless weapon, broken within a finger of the hilt. A murmur rose from the three watchers. Helga's hand moved toward her knife. Rolf shook his head gently. "Fair play," he reminded her; and she fell back. Tossing away his broken blade, Egil folded his arms across his breast and waited in scornful silence; but in a moment Alwin also was empty-handed. "I do no murder," he panted. "Man to man we will finish it." With lowered heads and watchful eyes, like beasts crouching for a spring, they moved slowly around the circle. Then, like angry bears, they grappled; each grasping the other below the shoulder, and striving by sheer strength of arm to throw his enemy. Only the blood that mounted to their faces, the veins that swelled out on their bare arms, told of the strain and struggle. So evenly were they matched, that from a little distance it looked as if they were braced motionless. Their heels ground deep into the soft sod. Their breath began to come in labored gasps. It could not last much longer; already the great drops stood on Alwin's forehead. Only a spurt of fury could save him. Suddenly, in changing his hold, Egil grasped the other's wounded shoulder. The grip was torture,--a spur to a fainting horse. The blood surged into Alwin's eyes; his muscles stiffened into iron. Egil swayed, staggered, and fell headlong, crashing. Mad with pain, Alwin knelt on his heaving breast. "If I had a sword," he gasped; "if I had a sword!" Shaken and stunned, Egil still laughed scornfully. "What prevents you from getting your sword? I shall not run away. Do you think it matters to me how soon my death-day comes?" Alwin was still crazy with pain. He snatched the bronze knife from his belt and laid it against Egil's throat. Sigurd's brow darkened, but no one spoke or moved,--least of all, Egil; his black eyes looked back unshrinkingly. It was their calmness that brought Alwin to himself. As he felt their clear gaze, it came back to him what it meant to take a human life,--to change a living breathing body like his own into a heap of still, dead clay. His hand wavered and fell away. The passion died out of his heart, and he arose. "Sigurd Haraldsson," he said, "for what you have done for me, I give you your friend's life." Sigurd's fine face cleared. "Only," Alwin added, "I think it right that he should explain the cause of his enmity toward me, and--" Egil leaped to his feet; his proud indifference flamed into sudden fury. "That I will never do, though you tear out my tongue-roots!" he shouted. Even his comrades regarded him in amazement. Alwin tried a sneer. "It is my belief that you fear to speak of Skroppa." "Skroppa?" a chorus of astonishment repeated. But only two scarlet spots on Egil's cheeks showed that he heard them. He gave Alwin a long, lowering look. "You should know by this time that I fear nothing." Helga made an unfortunate attempt. "I think it is no more than honorable, Egil, to tell him why you are his enemy." Unconsciously she spoke of the thrall now as of an equal. He noticed it; Egil also saw it. It seemed to enrage him beyond bearing. "If you speak in his favor," he thundered, seizing her wrist, "I will sheathe my knife in you!" But even before she had freed herself, and Rolf and Sigurd had turned upon him, he realized that he had gone too far. Leaving them abruptly, he went and stood a little way off with his back toward them, his head bowed, his hands clenched, struggling with himself. For a long time no one spoke. Sigurd questioned with his eyes, and Rolf answered by a shrug. Once, as Helga offered to approach the Black One, Sigurd made a warning gesture. They waited in dead silence. While the voices of the other men came to them faintly, and the insects chirped about their feet, and the birds called in the trees above them. At last Egil came slowly back, sullen-eyed and grim-mouthed. He held a branch in his hands and was bending and breaking it fiercely. "It is shame enough," he began after a while, "that any man should have had it in his power to spare me. I wonder that I do not die of the disgrace! But it would be a still fouler shame if, after he had spared my life, I let myself keep a wolf's mind toward him." His eyes suddenly blazed out at Alwin, but he controlled himself and went on. "The reason for my enmity I will not tell; wild steers should not tear it out of me. But,--" He stopped and drew a hard breath, and set his teeth afresh; "but I will forego that enmity. It is more than my life is worth. It is worth a dozen lives to him,--" his voice broke with rage,--"yet because it is honorable, I will do it. If you, Sigurd Haraldsson, and you, Rolf, will pledge your friendship to this man, I will swear him mine." It was well that he had reached the end, for he could not have spoken another syllable. Bewilderment tied Alwin's tongue. Sigurd was the first to speak. "That seems to me a fair offer; and half the condition is already fulfilled. I clasped his hand last night." Rolf answered with less promptness. "I say nothing against the Englishman's courage or his skill; yet--I will not conceal it--even in payment for a comrade's life, I do not like to give my friendship to one of thrall-birth." That loosened Alwin's tongue. "In my own country," he said haughtily, "you would be done honor by a look from me. Editha will tell you that my father was Earl of Northumbria, and my mother a princess of the royal blood of Alfred." Helga uttered an exclamation of surprise and interest; but he would not deign to look at her. For a while longer Rolf hesitated, looking long and strangely at Egil, and long and keenly at Sigurd. But at last he put forth his huge paw. "Alwin of England," he said slowly, "though you little know how much it means, I offer you my hand and my friendship." Alwin took it a little coldly. "I will not give you thanks for a forced gift; yet I pledge you my faith in return." Though his face still worked with passion, Egil's hand was next extended. "However much I hate you, I swear that I will always act as your friend." In his secret heart Alwin murmured, "The Fiend take me if ever I turn my back on your knife!" But aloud he merely repeated his former compact. When it was finished, Sigurd laid an affectionate hand upon his shoulder. "We cannot bind our friend-ship closer, but it is my advice that you do not leave Helga out of the bargain. Truer friend man never had." The bar across Alwin's cheek grew fiery with his redder flush. He stood before her, rigid and speechless. Helga too blushed deeply; but there was nothing of a girl's shyness about her. Her beautiful eyes looked frankly back into his. "I will not offer you my friendship," she said simply, "because I read in your face that you have not forgiven the foul wrong I put upon you,--not knowing that you were brave, high-born and accomplished. I can understand your anger. Were I a man, and a woman should do such a thing to me, it is likely that I should kill her on the spot. But it may be that, in time to come, the memory will fade out of your mind, even as the scar will fade from your face. Then, if you have seen that my friendship is worth having, do you come and ask me for it, and I will give it to you." Before Alwin had time to think of an answer that would say neither more nor less than he meant, she had walked away with Sigurd. He looked after her with a scowl,--because he saw Egil watching him. But it surprised him that, search as he would, he could nowhere find that great soul-stirring rage which he had first felt against her. CHAPTER VII THE KING'S GUARDSMAN Something great Is not always to be given. Praise is often for a trifle bought. Ha'vama'l It was the day after this brawl, when the guardsman Leif returned to Nidaros. Alwin was brought to the notice of his new master in a most unexpected fashion. For one reason or another, the camp had been deserted early. At day-break, Egil slung his bow across his back, provided himself with a store of arrows and a bag of food, and set out for the mountains,--to hunt, he told Tyrker, sullenly, as he passed. Two hours later, Valbrand called for horses and hawks, and he and young Haraldsson, with Helga and her Saxon waiting-maid, rode south for a day's sport in the pine woods. Helga was the best comrade in the camp, whether one wished to go hawking, or wanted a hand at fencing, or only asked for a quiet game of chess by the leaping firelight. Her ringing laugh, her frank glance, and her beautiful glowing face made all other maidens seem dull and lifeless. Alwin dimly felt that hating her was going to be no easy task, and he dared not raise his eyes as she rode past him. Instead he forced himself to stare at the reflection of his scarred face in the silver horn he was wiping; and he blew and blew upon the sparks of his anger. Noticing it, Helga frowned regretfully. "I cannot blame him if he will not speak to me," she said to Sigurd Haraldsson. "The nature of a high-born man is such that a blow is like poison in his blood. It must rankle and fester and break out before he can be healed. I do not think he could have been more lordlike in his father's castle than he was yesterday. Hereafter I shall treat him as honorably as I treat you, or any other jarl-born man." "In this you show yourself as high-minded as I have always thought you," answered Sigurd, turning toward her a face aglow with pleasure. By the middle of the forenoon, everyone had gone, this way or that, to hunt, or fish, or swim, or loiter about the city. There were left only a man with a broken leg and a man with a sprained shoulder, throwing dice on a bench in the sun; Alwin, whistling absently as he swept out the sleeping-house; and Rolf the Wrestler sitting cross-legged under a tree, sharpening his sword and humming snatches of his favorite song: "Hew'd we with the Hanger! Hard upon the time 't was When in Gothlandia going To give death to the serpent." Rolf had declined to go hunting, on the plea of his horse's lameness. Now, as he sat working and humming, he was presumably thinking up some other diversion,--and the frequent glances he sent toward the thrall seemed to indicate that the latter was to be concerned in it. Finally Rolf called to Alwin: "Ho there, Englishman! Come hither and tell me what you think of this for a weapon." It needed no urging to make Alwin exchange a broom for a sword. He came and lifted the great blade, and made passes in the air, and examined the hilt of brass-studded wood. "Saw I never a finer weapon," he admitted. "The hilt fits to one's hand better than those gold things on Sigurd Haraldsson's sword. What is it called?" For in those days a good blade bore a name as certainly as a horse or a ship. Rolf answered, in his soft voice: "It is called 'The Biter.' And it has bitten not a few,--but it is fitting that others should speak of that. Since the handle fits your grasp so well, will you not hold it a little longer, while I borrow Long Lodin's weapon here, and we try each other's skill?" He made a motion to rise, then checked himself and hesitated: "Or it may be," he added gently, "that you do not care to strive against one as strong as I?" "Now, by St. Dunstan, you need not spare me thus!" Alwin cried hotly. "Never have I turned my back on a challenge; and never will I, while the red blood runs in my veins. Get your weapon quickly." He shook the big blade in the air, and threw himself into a posture of defence. But the Wrestler made no move to imitate him. He remained sitting and slowly shaking his head. "Those are fine words, and I say nothing against your sincerity; but my appetite has changed. I will tell you what we will do instead. When your work is done, we will betake ourselves across the river to Thorgrim Svensson's camp and see the horse-fight he is going to have. He has a black stallion of Keingala's breed, named Flesh-tearer, that it is not necessary to prod with a stick. When he stands on his hind legs and bites, you would swear he had as many feet as Odin's gray Sleipnir. Do you not think that would be good entertainment?" For a moment Alwin did not know what to think. He did not believe that Rolf was afraid of him; and if the challenge was withdrawn, surely that ended the matter. A horse fight? He had enjoyed no such spectacle as that since the Michaelmas Day when his father had the great bear-baiting in the pit at his English castle. And a ramble through the sun and the wind, a taste of liberty--! "It seems to me that it would be very enjoyable," he agreed. He started eagerly to finish his work, when a thought caught him like a lariat and whirled him back. "I am forgetting the yoke upon my neck, for the first time in a twelvemonth! Is it allowed a dog of a slave to seek entertainment?" Mild displeasure stiffened Rolf's big frame. He said gravely: "It is plain your thoughts do not do me much honor, since you think I have so little authority. I tell you now that you will always be free to do whatever I ask of you. If there is anything wrong in the doing, it is I who must answer for it, not you. That is the law, while you are bound and I am free." A fresh sense of the shame of his thraldom broke over Alwin like a burning wave. It benumbed him for a second; then he laughed with jeering bitterness. "It is true that I have become a dog. I can follow any man's whistle, and it is the man who is responsible. I ask you to forget that for a moment I thought myself a man." In sudden frenzy, he whirled the great sword around his head and lunged at the pine tree behind Rolf, so that the blade was left quivering in the trunk. It was weather to gladden a man's heart,--a sunlit sky overhead, and a fresh breeze blowing that set every drop of blood a-leaping with the desire to walk, walk, walk, to the very rim of the world. The thrall started out beside the Wrestler in sullen silence; but before they had gone a mile, his black mood had blown into the fiord. River bank and lanes were sweet with flowers, and every green hedge they passed was a-flutter with nesting birds. The traders' booths were full of beautiful things; musicians, acrobats, and jugglers with little trick dogs, were everywhere,--one had only to stop and look. A dingy trading vessel lay in the river, loaded with great red apples, some Norman's winter store. One of the crew who knew Rolf threw some after him, by way of greeting; and the two munched luxuriously as they walked along. They passed many Viking camps, gay with streamers and striped linens, where groups of brawny fair-haired men wrestled and tried each other's skill, or sat at rough tables under the trees, drinking and singing. In one place they were practising with bow and arrow; and, being quite impartial in their choice of a target, one of the archers sent a shaft within an inch of Rolf's head, purely for the expected pleasure of seeing him start and dodge. Finding that neither he nor Alwin would go a step faster, they rained shafts about their ears as long as they were within bow-shot, and saw them out of range with a cheer. The road branched into one of the main thoroughfares, and they met pretty maidens who smiled at them, melancholy minstrels who frowned at them, and grim-mouthed warriors whose eyes were too intent on future battles even to see them. Occasionally Rolf quietly saluted some young guardsman; and, to the thrall's surprise, the warrior answered not only with friendliness but even with respect. It seemed strange that one of Rolf's mild aspect should be held in any particular esteem by such young fire-eaters. Once they encountered a half-tipsy seaman, who made a snatch at Rolf's apple, and succeeded in knocking it from his hand into the dust. The Wrestler only fixed his blue eyes upon him in a long look, but the man went down on his knees as though he had been hit. "I did not know it was you, Rolf Erlingsson," he hiccoughed over and over in maudlin terror. "I beg you not to be angry." "It is seldom that I have seen such a coward as that," Alwin said in disgust as they walked on. Rolf turned upon him his gentle smile. "It is your opinion, then, that a man must be a coward to fear me?" Alwin did not answer immediately: of a sudden it occurred to him to doubt the Wrestler's mild manner. While he was still hesitating, Rolf caught him lightly around the waist and swung him over a hedge into a field where a dozen red-and-yellow tented booths were clustered. "These are Thorgrim Svensson's tents," he explained, following as coolly as though that were the accepted mode of entrance. "Yonder he is,--that lean little man with the freckled face. He is a great seafaring man. I promise you that you will see many precious things from all over the world." Approaching the booths, Alwin had immediate proof of this statement, for bench and bush and ground were littered with garments and furs and weapons, and odds-and-ends of spoil, as if a ship had been overturned on the spot. The lean little man whom Rolf had pointed out stood in the midst of it all, examining and directing. He was dressed in coarse homespun of the dingy colors of trading vessels, gray and brown and rusty black, which contrasted oddly with the mantle of gorgeous purple velvet he was at that moment trying on. His little freckled face was wrinkled into a hundred shrewd puckers, and his eyes were two twinkling pin-points of sharpness. He seemed to thrust their glance into Alwin, as he advanced to meet his visitors; and the men who were helping him paused and looked at the thrall with expectant grins. Rolf said blandly, "Greeting, Thorgrim Svensson! We have come to see your horse-fight. This is Alwin, Edmund Jarl's son, of England. Bad luck has made him Leif's thrall, but his accomplishments have made me his friend." He spoke with the utmost mildness, merely glancing at the grinning crew; yet they sobered as though their mirth had been turned off by a faucet, and Thorgrim gave the thrall a civil welcome. "It is a great pity," he continued, addressing the Wrestler, "that you cannot see the Flesh-Tearer, since you came for that purpose; but it has happened that he has lamed himself, and will not be able to fight for a week. Do not go away on that account, however. My ship has brought me some cloaks even finer than the one you covet,"--here it seemed to Alwin as if the little man winked at Rolf,--"and if the Englishman is as good a swordsman as you have said--ahem!" He broke off with a cough, and endeavored to hide his abruptness by turning away and picking a fur mantle off a pile of costly things. Alwin's momentary surprise was forgotten at sight of the treasure thus disclosed. Beneath the cloak, thrown down like a thing of little value, lay an open book. It was written in Anglo-Saxon letters of gold and silver; its crumpled pages were of rarest rose-tinted vellum; its covers, sheets of polished wood gold-embossed and adorned with golden clasps. Even Alfred's royal kinswoman had never owned so splendid a volume. The English boy caught it up with an exclamation of delight, and turned the pages hungrily, trying whether his mother's lessons would come back to him. He was brought to himself by the touch of Rolf's hand on his shoulder. They were all looking at him, he found,--once more with expectant grins. Opposite him an ungainly young fellow in slave's garb--and with the air of belonging in it--stood as though waiting, a naked sword in his hand. "Now I have still more regard for you when I see that you have also the trick of reading English runes," the Wrestler said. "But I ask you to leave them a minute and listen to me. Thorgrim here has a thrall whom he holds to be most handy with a sword; but I have wagered my gold necklace against his velvet cloak that you are a better man than he." The meaning of the group dawned on Alwin then: he drew himself up with freezing haughtiness. "It is not likely that I will strive against a low-born serf, Rolf Erlingsson. You dare to put an insult upon me because luck has left your hair uncut." A sound like the expectant drawing-in of many breaths passed around the circle. Alwin braced himself to withstand Rolf's fist; but the Wrestler only drew back and looked at him reprovingly. "Is it an insult, Alwin of England, to take you at your word? It is not three hours since you vowed never to turn your back on a challenge while the red blood ran in your veins. Have witches sucked the blood out of you, that your mind is so different when you are put to the test?" At least enough blood was left to crimson Alwin's cheeks at this reminder. Those had been his very words, stung by Rolf's taunt. The smouldering doubt he had felt burst into flame and burned through every fibre. What if it were all a trap, a plot?--if Rolf had brought him there on purpose to fight, the horses being only a pretext? Thorgrim's wink, his allusion to Alwin's swordsmanship, it had all been arranged between them; the velvet cloak was the clew! Rolf had wished to possess it. He had persuaded Thorgrim to stake it on his thrall's skill,--then he had brought Alwin to win the wager for him. _Brought_ him, like a trained stallion or a trick dog! He turned to fling the deceit in the Wrestler's teeth. Rolf's fair face was as innocent as those of the pictured saints in the Saxon book. Alwin wavered. After all, what proof had he? Jeering whispers and half-suppressed laughter became audible around him. The group believed that his hesitation arose from timidity. Ignoring the smart of yesterday's wound, he snatched the sword Rolf held out to him, and started forward. His foot struck against the Saxon book which he had let fall. As he picked it up and laid it reverently aside, it suggested something to him. "Thorgrim Svensson," he said, pausing, "because I will not have it said that I am afraid to look a sword in the face, I will fight your serf,--on one condition: that this book, which can be of no use to you, you will give me if I get the better of him." The freckled face puckered itself into a shrewd squint. "And if you fail?" "If I fail," Alwin returned promptly, "Rolf Erlingsson will pay for me. He has told me that while he is free and I am bound, he is answerable for what I do." At this there was some laughter--when it was seen that the Wrestler was not offended. "A quick wit answered that, Alwin of England," Rolf said with a smile. "I will pay willingly, if you do not save us both, as I expect." Anxious to be done with it, Alwin fell upon the thrall with a fierceness that terrified the fellow. His blade played about him like lightning; one could scarce follow its motions. A flesh-wound in the hip; and the poor churl, who had little real skill and less natural spirit, began to blunder. A thrust in the arm that would have only redoubled Alwin's zeal, finished him completely. With a roar of pain, he threw his weapon from him, broke through the circle of angry men, and fled, cowering, among the booths. There were few words spoken as the cloak and the book were handed over. The set of Thorgrim's mouth suggested that if he said anything, it would be something which he realized might be better left unsaid. His men were like hounds in leash. Rolf spoke a few smooth phrases, and hurried his companion away. The sense that he had been tricked to the level of a performing bear came upon Alwin afresh. When they stood once more in the road, he looked at the Wrestler accusingly and searchingly. Rolf began to talk of the book. "Nothing have I seen which I think so fine. I must admit that you men of England are more skilful than we of the North in such matters. It is all well enough to scratch pictures on a rock or carve them on a door; but what will you do when you wish to move? Either you must leave them behind, or get a yoke of oxen. To have them painted on kid-skin, I like much better. You are in great luck to come into possession of such property." Alwin forgot his resentful suspicions in his pleasure. "Let us sit down somewhere and examine it," said he. "Yonder, where those trees stretch over the fence and make the grass shady,--that will be a good place." "Have it your own way," Rolf assented. To the shady spot they proceeded accordingly. Rolf stretched himself comfortably in the long grass and made a pillow of his arms. Alwin squatted down, his back planted against the fence, the book open on his knees. The reading-matter was attractive enough, with its glittering characters and rose-tinted pages, and every initial letter inches high and shrined in azure-blue traceries. But the splendor of the pictures!--no barbaric heart could resist them. What if the straight lines were crooked,--if the draperies were wooden,--the hands and the feet ungainly? They had been drawn with sparkles of gold and gleams of silver, in blue and scarlet and violet, until nothing less than a stained-glass window glowing in the sun could even suggest their radiance. Rolf warmed into unusual heartiness. "By the hilt of my sword, he was an accomplished man who was able to make such pictures! Look at that horse,--it does not keep you guessing a moment to tell what it is. And yonder man with the red flames leaping about him,--I wish I knew why he was bound to that post!" Alwin also was bitten with curiosity. "I tell you what I will do," he offered. "You must not suppose that reading is as easy as swimming, or handling a sword. My father did not have the accomplishment, and his hair was gray. Neither would my mother have learned it, had it not been that Alfred was her kinsman and she was proud of his scholarship. Nor should I have known how, if she had not taught me. And I have forgotten much. But this I will offer you: I will read the Saxon words to myself, and then tell you in the Northern tongue what they mean." He spread the book open on a spot of clean turf, stretched himself on his stomach, gripped one leg around the other, planted his chin on his clenched fists, and began. It was slow work. He had forgotten a good deal; and every other word was linked with distracting memories: his mother leaning from her embroidery frame to follow the line with her bodkin; his mother, erect and stern, bidding Brother Ambrose bear him away and flog him for his idleness; his mother hearing his lesson with one arm around him and the other hand holding the sweetmeat she would give him if he succeeded. He did not notice that Rolf's eyes were gradually closing, and his bated breath lengthening into long even sighs. He plodded on and on. All at once a thunder of approaching hoof-beats reached him from up the road. Nearer and nearer they came; and around the curve swept a party of the King's guardsmen,--yellow hair and scarlet cloaks flying in the wind, spurs jingling, weapons clattering, armor clashing. Alwin glanced up and saw their leader,--and his interest in pale pictured saints dropped dead. "It must be King Olaf himself!" he murmured, staring. A head taller than the other tall men, with shoulders a palm's-width broader, the leader sat on his mighty black horse like a second Thor. Light flashed from his steel tunic and gilded helmet. His bronzed face had an eagle's beak for a nose, and eyes of the blue of ice or steel, piercing as a two-edged sword. A white cross was painted on his shield of gold. As he swept past, he glanced toward the pair by the fence. Catching sight of the sleeping Rolf, he checked his horse sharply, made a motion bidding the others go on without him, and, wheeling, rode back, followed only by a mounted thrall who was evidently his personal attendant. Alwin leaped up and attempted to arouse his companion, but the guardsman saved him the trouble. Leaning out of his saddle, he struck the Wrestler a smart blow with the flat of his sword. "What now, Rolf Erlingsson!" he demanded, in tones of thunder. "Because I go on a five days' journey, must it happen that my men lie like drunken swine along the roadside? For this you shall feel--" Before his eyes were fairly open, Rolf was on his feet, tugging at his sword. Luckily, before he thrust, he got a glimpse of his assailant. "Leif, the son of Eric!" he cried, dropping his weapon. "Welcome! Hail to you!" The warrior's frown relaxed into a grim smile, as he yielded his hand to his young follower's hearty grip. "Is it possible that you are sober after all? What in the Fiend's name do you here, asleep by the road in company with a thrall and a purple cloak?" Rolf relaxed into his customary drawl. "That is unjustly spoken, chief. I have not been asleep. I have found a new and worthy enjoyment. I have been listening while this Englishman read aloud from a Saxon book of saints." "A Saxon book of saints!" exclaimed the guardsman. "I would see it." When its owner had handed it up, he looked it through hastily, yet turning the leaves with reverence, and crossing himself whenever he encountered a pictured cross. As he handed it back, he turned his eyes on Alwin, blue and piercing as steel. "It is likely that you are a high-born captive. That you can read is an unusual accomplishment. It is not impossible that you might be useful to me. Who is your master? Is it of any use to try to buy you from him?" Rolf laughed. "Certainly you are well named 'the Lucky,' since you only wish for what is already yours. This is the cook-boy whom Tyrker bought to fill the place of Hord." "So?" said Leif, in unconscious imitation of his old German foster-father. He sat staring down thoughtfully at the boy,--until his attendant took jealous alarm, and put his horse through a manoeuvre to arouse him. The guardsman came to himself with a start and a hasty gathering up of his rein. "That is a good thing. We will speak further of it. Now, Olaf Trygvasson is awaiting my report. Tell them I will be in camp to-morrow. If I find drunken heads or dulled weapons--!" He looked his threat. "I will heed your orders in this as in everything," Rolf answered, in the courtier-phrase of the day. His chief gave him a short nod, struck spurs to his horse, and galloped after his comrades. CHAPTER VIII LEIF THE CROSS-BEARER Inquire and impart Should every man of sense, Who will be accounted sage. Let one only know,-- A second may not; If three, all the world knows. Ha'vama'l It was early the next morning, so early that the world was only here and there awake. The town was silent; the fields were empty; the woods around the camp slept in darkness and silence. Only the little valley lay fresh and smiling in the new light, winking back at the sun from a million dewy eyes. Under the trees the long white-scoured tables stood ready with bowl and trencher, and Alwin carried food to and fro with leisurely steps. From Helga's booth her voice arose in a weird battle-chant; while from the river bank came the voices and laughter and loud splashing of many bathers. Gradually the shouts merged into a persistent roar. The roar swelled into a thunder of excitement. Alwin paused, in the act of ladling curds into the line of wooden bowls, and listened smiling. "Now they are swimming a race back to the bank. I wonder whom they will drive out of the water today." For that was the established penalty for being last in the race. The thunder of cheering reached its height; then suddenly it split into scattered jeers and hootings. There was a crackling of dead leaves, a rustling of bushes, and Sigurd appeared, dripping and breathless. Panting and spent, he threw himself on the ground, his shining white body making a cameo against the mossy green. "You! You beaten!" Alwin cried in surprise. Sigurd gave a breathless laugh. "Even I myself. Certainly it is a time of wonders!" He looked eagerly at the spread table, and held up his hand. "And I am starving besides! Toss me something, I beg of you." When Alwin had thrown him a chunk of crusty bread, he consented to go on and explain his defeat between mouthfuls. "It was because my shoulder is still heavy in its movements. I broke it wrestling last winter. I forgot about it when I entered the race." "That is a pity," said Alwin. But he spoke absently, for he was thinking that here might be an opening for something he wished to say. He filled several bowls in silence, Sigurd watching over his bread with twinkling eyes. After a while Alwin went on cautiously: "This mishap is a light one, however. I hope it is not likely that you will have to endure a heavier disappointment when Leif arrives today." Back went Sigurd's yellow head in a peal of laughter. "I would have wagered it!" he shouted. "I would have wagered my horse that you were aiming at that! So every speech ends, no matter where it begins. I talk with Helga of what we did as children and she answers: 'You remember much, foster-brother; do not forget the sternness of Leif's temper.' I enter into conversation with Rolf, and he returns, 'Yes, it is likely that Leif has got greater favor than ever with King Olaf. I cannot be altogether certain that he will shelter one who has broken Olaf's laws.' Tyrker advises me,--by Saint Michael, you are all as wise as Mimir!" He flung the crust from him with a gesture of good-humored impatience. "Do you all think I am a fool, that I do not know what I am doing? It appears that you forget that Leif Ericsson is my foster-father." Alwin deposited the last curd in the last bowl, and stood licking the horn-spoon, and looking doubtfully at the other. "Do you mean by that that you have a right to give him orders? I have heard that in the North a foster-son does not treat his foster-father as his superior, but as his servant. Yet Leif did not look to be--" Sigurd shouted with laughter. "He did not! I will wager my head he did not! Certainly the foster-son who would show disrespect to Leif the Lucky would be putting his life in a bear's paw. It makes no difference that it is customary for many silly old men of lower birth to allow themselves to be trampled upon by fiery young men of higher rank, like old wolves nipped by young ones. King Olaf's heir dare not do so to Leif Ericsson. No; what I would have you understand is that I know what I am doing because I know Leif's temper as you know your English runes. From the time I was five winters old to the time I was fifteen, I lived under his roof in Greenland, and he was as my father to me. I know his sternness, but I know also his justice and what he will dare for a friend, though Olaf and all his host oppose him." He let fly a Norman oath as, splod! a handful of wet clay struck between his bare shoulders. Turning, he saw among the bushes a mischievous hand raised for a second throw, and scrambled laughing to his feet. "The trolls! First to drive me from my bath and then to throw mud on me! Poison his bowl, if you love me, Alwin. Ah, what a throw! It is not likely that you could hit a door. What bondmaids' aiming! Shame!" Mocking, and dodging this way and that, he gained the welcome shelter of the sleeping-house. A rush of big white bodies, a gleam of dampened yellow hair, an outburst of boisterous merriment, and the camp was swarming with hungry uproarious giants, who threw shoes at each other and shoved and quarrelled around the polished shield, before which they parted their yellow locks, stamping, singing and whistling as they pulled on their tunics and buckled their belts. "Leif is coming!--the Lucky, the Loved One!" Helga sang from her booth; and the din was redoubled with cheering. "By Thor, it seems to me that he is coming now!" said Valbrand, suddenly. He had finished his toilet, and sat at the table, facing the thicket. Every one turned to look, and beheld Leif's thrall-attendant gallop out of the shadows toward them. No one followed, however, and a murmur of disappointment went round. "It is nobody but Kark!" Kark rose in his stirrups and waved his hand. He was of the commonest type of colorless blond, and coarse and ignorant of face; but his manners had the assurance of a privileged character. "It is more than Kark," he shouted. "It is news that is worth a hearing. Ho, for Greenland! Greenland in three days!" "Greenland?" echoed the chorus. "Greenland?" cried Helga, appearing in her doorway, with blanching cheeks. They rushed upon the messenger, and hauled him from his horse and surged about him. And what had seemed Babel before was but gentle murmuring compared with what now followed. "Greenland! What for?"--"You are jesting." "That pagan hole!"--"In three days? It is impossible!"--"Is the chief witch-ridden?"--"Has word come that Eric is dead?"--"Has Leif quarrelled with King Olaf, that the King has banished him?"--"Greenland, grave-mound for living men!"--"What for?"--"In the Troll's name, why?"--"You are lying; it is certain that you are."--"Speak, you raven!" "In a moment, in a moment,--give me breath and room, my masters," the thrall answered boldly. "It is the truth; I myself heard the talk. But first,--I have ridden far and fast, and my throat is parched with--" A dozen milk-bowls were snatched from the table and passed to him. He emptied two with cool deliberation, and wiped his mouth on his sleeve. "I give you thanks. I shall not keep you waiting. It happened last night when Leif came in to make his report to the King. Olaf was seated on the throne in his hall, feasting. Many famous chiefs sat along the walls. You should have heard the cheer they gave when it was known that Leif had the victory!" Here Kark's roving eyes discovered Alwin among the listeners; he paused, and treated him to a long insolent stare. Then he went on: "I was saying that they cheered. It is likely that the warriors up in Valhalla heard, and thought it a battle-cry. Olaf raised his drinking-horn and said, 'Hail to you, Leif Ericsson! Health and greeting! Victory always follows your sword.' Then he drank to him across the floor, and bade him come and sit beside him, that he might have serious speech with him." A second cheer, loud as a battle-cry, went up to Valhalla. But mingling with its echo there arose a chorus of resentment. "Yet after such honors why does he banish him?"--"Did they quarrel?"--"Is it possible that there is treachery?"--"Tell us why he is banished!"--"Yes, why?"--"Answer that!" The messenger laughed loudly. "Who said that he was banished? Rein in your tongues. As much honor as is possible is intended him. It happened after the feast--" "Then pass over the feast; come to your story!" was shouted so impatiently that even Kark saw the wisdom of complying. "It shall be as you like. I shall begin with the time when every warrior had gone to bed, except those lying drunk upon the benches. I sat on Leif's foot-stool, with his horn. It is likely that I also had been asleep, for what I first remember was that Leif and the King had ceased speaking together, and sat leaning back staring at the torches, which were burning low. It was so still that you could hear the men snore and the branches scraping on the roof. Then the King said, while he still looked at the torch, 'Do you purpose sailing to Greenland in the summer?' It is likely that Leif felt some surprise, for he did not answer straightway; but he is wont to have fine words ready in his throat, and at last he said, 'I should wish to do so, if it is your will.' Then the King said nothing for a long time, and they both sat looking at the pine torch that was burning low, until it went out. Then Olaf turned and looked into Leif's eyes and said, 'I think it may well be so. You shall go my errand, and preach Christianity in Greenland.'" From Kark's audience burst another volley of exclamations. "It is because he is always lucky!"--"It cannot be done. Remember Eric!"--"The Red One will slay him!"--"You forget Thorhild his mother!" "Hail to the King!"--"It is a great honor!" "Silence!" Valbrand commanded. Kark went on: "Leif said that he was willing to do whatever the King wished; yet it would not be easy. He spoke the name of Eric, and after that they lowered their voices so that I could not hear. Then at last Olaf leaned back in his high-seat and Leif stood up to go. Olaf stretched forth his hand and said, 'I know no man fitter for the work than you. You shall carry good luck with you.' Leif answered: 'That can only be if I carry yours with me.' Then he grasped the King's hand and they drank to each other, looking deep into each other's eyes." There was a pause, to make sure the messenger had finished. Then there broke out cheers and acclamations and exulting. "Hail to Leif! Hail to the Lucky One!"--"Leif and the Cross!"--"Down with the hammer sign!"--"Down with Thor!"--"Victory for Leif, Leif and the Cross!" Shields clashed and swords were waved. Kark was thrown bodily into the air and tossed from hand to hand. A wave of mad enthusiasm swept over the group. Only Helga stood like one stunned, her hands wound in her long tresses, her face set and despairing. The Black One was the first to notice her amid the confusion. He dropped the cloak he was waving and stared at her wonderingly for a moment; then he burst into a boisterous laugh. "Look at the shield-maiden, comrades,--look at the shield-maiden! It has come into her mind that she is going back to Thorhild!" For a moment Alwin wondered who Thorhild might be. Then vaguely he remembered hearing that it was to escape a strong-minded matron of that name that Helga had fled from Greenland. That now she must go back to be civilized, and made like other maidens, struck him also as an excellent joke; and he joined in the laugh. One after another caught it up with jests and mocking. "Back to Thorhild the Iron-Handed!"--"No more short kirtles!"--"She has speared her last boar!"--"After this she will embroider boar-hunts on tapestry!"--"Embroider? Is it likely that she knows which end of the needle to put the thread through?"--"It will be like yoking a wild steer!"--"Taming a shield-maiden!"--"There will be dagger-holes in Thorhild's back!"--They crowded around her, bandying the jest back and forth, and roaring with laughter. Always before, Helga had taken their chaff in good part; always before, she had joined them in making merry at her expense. But now she did not laugh. She rose slowly and stood looking at them, her breast heaving, her eyes like glowing coals. At last she said shrilly, "Oh, laugh! If you see a jest in it--laugh! Because I am going to lose my freedom--my rides over the green country,--never to stand in the bow and feel the deck bounding under me,--is it such sport to you, you stupid clods? Would you think it a jest if the Franks should carry me off, and shut me up in one of their towers, and load me with fetters, and force me to toil day and night for them? You would take that ill enough. How much better is it that I am to be shut in a smothering women's-house and wound around with cloth till I trip when I walk, and made to waste the daylight, baking to fill your swinish stomachs, and sewing tapestries that your dull eyes may have something to look at while you swallow your ale? Clods! I had rather the Franks took me. At least they would not call themselves my friends while they ill-used me. Heavy-witted churls, laugh if you want to! Laugh till you burst!" She whirled away from them into her booth, and the door-curtain fell behind her. All day long she sat there, neither eating nor speaking, Editha crouching in a corner, afraid to approach her. CHAPTER IX BEFORE THE CHIEFTAIN At home let a man be cheerful, And toward a guest liberal; Of wise conduct he should be, Of good memory and ready speech. Ha'vama'l In the river, on the city-side, the "Sea-Deer" lay at anchor, stripped to her hulk, as the custom was. Her oars and her rowing-benches, her scarlet-and-white sail, her gilded vanes and carven dragon-head, were all carefully stored in the booths at the camp. With the eagerness of lovers, her crew rushed down to summon her from her loneliness and once more hang her finery about her. All day long their brushes lapped her sides caressingly, and their hammers rang upon her decking. All day long the ship's boat plied to and fro, bringing her equipments across the river. All day long Alwin was hurried back and forth with messages, and tools, and coils of rope. The last trip he made, Sigurd Haraldsson walked with him across the bridge and along the city-bank of the river. The young Viking had spent the day riding around the country with Tyrker, getting prices on a ship-load of corn. Corn, it seemed, was worth its weight in gold in Greenland. "Leif shows a keen wit in taking Eric a present of corn," Sigurd explained, as they dodged the loaded thralls running up and down the gangways. "He will like it better than greater valuables. His pleasure will come near to converting him." Alwin shook his head doubtfully,--not at this last observation, but at the prospect in general. "The more I think of going to Greenland," he said, "the more excellent a place I find Norway." He looked appreciatively at the river beside them, and ahead at the great shining fiord. Scattered over its sunlit waters trim clipper-built craft rode at anchor; between them, long-oared skiffs darted back and forth like long-legged water-bugs. Along the shore a chain of ships stretched as far as eye could reach,--graceful war cruisers, heavily-laden provision ships, substantial trading vessels. On the flat beach and along the wooded banks rose great storehouses and lines of fine new ship-sheds. Rich merchandise was piled before them; rows of covered carts stood in waiting. Everywhere were busy throngs of traders and seamen and slaves. His eye kindled as it passed from point to point. "It seems that Northmen are something more than pirates," he said, thoughtfully. "It seems that your speech is something more than free," said Sigurd, in displeasure. Alwin realized that it had been, and explained: "I but spoke of you as southerners do who have not seen your country. I tell you truly that, after England, I believe Norway to be the finest country in the world." Sigurd swung along with recovered good-humor. "I will not quarrel with you over that exception. And yonder is Valbrand just come ashore,--at the fore-gangway. Go and do your errand with him, and then we will walk over to that pier and see what it is that the crowd is gathered about, to make them shout so." The attraction proved to be a chattering brown ape that some sailor had brought home from the East. Part of the spectators regarded it as a strange pagan god; part believed it to be an unfortunate being deformed by witchcraft; and the rest took it for a devil in his own proper person,--so there was great shrieking and scattering, whichever way it turned its ugly face. It happened that Sigurd was better informed, having seen a similar specimen kept as a pet at the court of the Norman Duke; so the terror of the others amused him and his companion mightily. They stayed until the creature put an end to the show by breaking away from its captor and taking refuge in the rigging. It was a fascinating place altogether,--that beach,--and difficult to get away from. Almost every ship brought back from its voyage some beast or bird or fish so outlandish that it was impossible to pass it by. Twilight had fallen before the pair turned in among the hills. Between the trees shone the red glow of the camp-fires. Through the dusk came the pleasant odors of frying fish and roasting pork, with now and then a whiff of savory garlic. Alwin turned on his companion in sudden excitement. "It is likely that Leif is already here!" Sigurd laughed. "Do you think it advisable for me to climb a tree?" They stepped out of the shadow into the light of the leaping flames. On the farther side of the long fire, men were busy with dripping bear-steaks and half-plucked fowls; while others bent over the steaming caldron or stirred the big mead-vat. On the near side, ringed around by stalwart forms, showing black against the fire-glow, the chief sat at his ease. The flickering light revealed his bronzed eagle face and the richness of his gold-embroidered cloak. At his elbow Helga the Fair waited with his drinking-horn. Tyrker hovered behind him, touching now his hair and now his broad shoulders with an old man's tremulous fondness. All were listening reverently to his quick, curt narrative. Sigurd's laughing carelessness fell from him. He walked forward with the gallant air that sat so well upon his handsome figure. "Health and greeting, foster-father!" he said in his clear voice. "I have come back to you, an outlaw seeking shelter." Helga spilled the ale in her consternation. The old German began a nervous plucking at his beard. The heads that had swung around toward Sigurd, turned back expectantly. More than one heart sank when it was seen that the chief neither held out his hand nor moved from his seat. Silver-Tongued and sunny-hearted, the Jarl's son was well-beloved. There was a long pause, in which there was no sound but the crackling of flames and the loud sputtering of fat. At last Leif said sternly, "You are my foster-son, and I love your father more than anyone else, kinsman or not; yet I cannot offer you hand or welcome until I know wherein you have broken the law." Through the breathless hush, Sigurd answered with perfect composure: "That was to be expected of Leif Ericsson. I would not have it otherwise. All shall be without deceit on my side." He folded his arms across his breast, and, standing easily before his judge, told his story. "In the games last fall it happened that I shot against Hjalmar Oddsson until he was obliged to acknowledge himself beaten; and for that he wished me ill luck. When the Assembly was held in my district this spring, he came there and three times tried to make me angry, so that I should forget that the Assembly Plain is sacred ground. The first time, he spoke lightly of my skill; but I thought that a jest, since it had proved too much for him. The second time, he spoke slightingly of my courage, saying that the reason I did not go in my father's Viking ship this spring was because I was wont to be afraid in battle. Now it had been seen by everybody that I wished to go. I had spent the winter in Normandy, yet I returned by the first ship, that I might make one of my father's crew. It was not my doing that my ship got lost in the fog and did not fetch me here until after the Jarl had sailed. It angered me that such slander should be spoken of me. Yet, remembering that men are peace-holy on the Assembly Plain, I did manage to turn it aside. A third time he threw himself in my way, and began speaking evil of a friend of mine, a man with whom I have sworn blood-brotherhood. I forgot where we stood, and what was the law, and I drew my sword and leaped upon him; and it is likely the daylight would have shone through him, but that he had friends hidden who ran out and seized me and dragged me before the law-man. Seeing me with drawn sword, he knew without question that I had broken the law; so, without caring what I urged, he passed sentence upon me, banishing me from my district for three seasons. My father and my kinsmen are away on Viking voyages; I cannot take service with King Olaf, and I will not serve under a lesser man. It was not easy to know where to go, until I thought of you, Leif Ericsson. It was you who taught me that 'He who is cold in defence of a friend, will be cold so long as Hel rules.' There is no fear in my mind that you will send me away." He finished as composedly as he had begun, and stood waiting. But not for long. Leif rose from his seat, sweeping the circle with a keen glance. "It is likely," he said grimly, "that someone has told you that an unfavorable answer might be expected, because I feared to lose King Olaf's favor. You have done well to trust my friendship, foster-son." He stretched out his hand, a rare gleam of pleasure lighting his deep-set eyes. "You have behaved well to your friend, Sigurd Haraldsson; there is the greatest excuse for you in this affair. I bid you welcome, and I offer you a share in everything I own. If it is your choice, you shall go back to Brattahlid with me; and my home shall be your home for whatever time you wish." Sigurd thanked him with warmth and dignity. Then a twinkle of mischief shone at the comers of his handsome mouth; after the fashion of the French court, he bent over the brawny outstretched hand and kissed it. A murmur of mingled amazement and amusement went up from the group. Leif himself gave a short laugh as he jerked his hand away. "This is the first time that ever my fist was mistaken for a maiden's lips. It is to be hoped that this is not the most useful accomplishment you have brought from France. Now go and try your fine manners on Helga,--if you do not fear for your ears. I wish to speak with this thrall." But Helga had not now spirit enough to avenge the salute. She drooped over the fire, staring absently into the embers; the heat toasting her delicate face rose-red, the light touching her hair into a wonderful golden web. She looked up at Sigurd with a faint frown; then dropped her chin back into her hands and forgot him. Alwin came and placed himself before the chief's seat, where the young Viking had stood. He was not so picturesque a figure, with his shorn head and his white slaves'-dress; but he stood straight and supple in his young strength, his head haughtily erect, his eyes bright and fearless as a young falcon's. Leif put his questions. "What are you called?" "I am called Alwin, Edmund Jarl's son." "Jarl-born? Then it is likely that you can handle a sword?" "Not a few of your own men can bear witness to that." Rolf spoke up with his quiet smile. "The boy speaks the truth. One would think that he had drunk nothing but dragon's blood since his birth." "So?" said Leif dryly. "It may be that I should be thankful my men are not torn to pieces. But these accomplishments count for naught; none here but have them. You must accomplish something that I think of more importance, or I shall sell you and buy a man-thrall who has been trained to work. It seems that you can read runes: can you also write them?" In a flash of memory, Alwin saw again Brother Ambrose's cell, and his rebellious self toiling at the desk; and he marvelled that in this far-off place and time that toil was to be of use to him. "To some small degree I can," he answered. "I learned in my boyhood; but last summer, on the dairy farm of Gilli of Trondhjem, I practised on sheep-skins--" "Gilli of Trondhjem?" Leif repeated. He sat suddenly erect, and shot a glance at the unconscious Helga; and the old German, peering from the shadows behind him, did the same. Alwin regarded them wonderingly. "Yes, Gilli the trader, whom men call the Wealthy. It was he who first had me in my captivity." For a long time the chief sat tugging thoughtfully at his yellow mustache. Tyrker bent over and whispered in his ear; and he nodded slowly, with another glance at Helga. "But for this I should never have thought of him,--yet, it is certainly one way out of the matter." Suddenly he made a motion with his hand, so that the circle fell back out of hearing. He turned and fixed his piercing eyes on the thrall as though he would probe his brain. "I ask you to tell me what manner of man this Gilli is?" It happened that Alwin asked nothing better than a chance to free his mind. He answered instantly: "Gilli of Trondhjem is a low-minded man who has gained great wealth, and is so greedy for property that he would give the nails off his hands and the tongue out of his head to get it. He is an overbearing churl." Leif's eyes challenged him, but he did not recant. "So!" said the chief abruptly; then he added: "I am told for certain that his wife is a well-disposed woman." "I say nothing against that," Alwin assented. "She is from England, where women are taught to bear themselves gently." His eulogy was cut short by an exclamation from the old German. "Donnerwetter! That is true! An English captive she was. Perhaps she their runes also understands?" Finding this a question addressed to him, Alwin answered that he knew her to understand them, having heard her read from a book of Saxon prayers. Tyrker rolled up his eyes devoutly. "Heaven itself it is that so has ordered it for the shield-maiden! You see, my son? This youth here can make runes,-she can read them; so can you speak with her without that the father shall know." "Bring torches into the sleeping-house," Leif called, rising hastily. "Valbrand, take your horse and lay saddle on it. You of England, get bark and an arrow-point, or whatever will serve for rune writing, and follow me." What took place behind the log walls, no one knew. When it was over, and Valbrand had ridden away in the darkness, Rolf sought out the scribe and gently gave him to understand that he was curious in the matter. But Alwin only cast a doubtful glance across the fire at Helga, and begged him to talk of something else. Late the next afternoon, Valbrand returned, his horse muddy and spent, and was closeted for a long time with Leif and the old German. But none heard what passed between them. CHAPTER X THE ROYAL BLOOD OF ALFRED Brand burns from brand, Until it is burnt out; Fire is from fire quickened. Man to man Becomes known by speech, But a fool by his bashful silence. Ha'vama'l Brave with fluttering pennant and embroidered linen and sparkling gilding, amid cheers and prayers and shouts of farewell, on the third day the "Sea-Deer" set sail for Greenland. Newly clad from head to foot in a scarlet suit of King Olaf's giving, Leif stood aft by the great steering oar. The wind blew out his long hair in a golden banner. The sun splintered its lances upon his gilded helm. Upon his breast shone the silver crucifix that had been Olaf's parting gift. His hand was still warm from the clasp of his King's; no chill at his heart warned him that those hands had met for the last time, no thought was in him that he had looked his last upon the noble face he loved. Gazing out over the tumbling blue waves, he thought exultantly of the time when he should come sailing back, with task fulfilled, to receive the thanks of his King. Bravely and merrily the little ship parted from the land and set forth upon her journey. Every man sat in his place upon the rowing-benches; every back bent stoutly to the oar. Dripping crystals and flashing in the sun, the polished blades rose and fell, as the "Sea-Deer" bounded forward. To those upon her decks, the mass of scarlet cloaks upon the pier merged into a patch of flame, and then became a fiery dot. The sunny plain of the city and the green slope of the camp dwindled and faded; towering cliffs closed about and hid them from the rowers' view. Leaving the broad elbow of the fiord, they soon entered the narrow arm that ran in from the sea, like a silver lane between giant walls. Passing out with the tide, they reached the ocean. The salt wind smote their faces; the snowy sail drew in a long glad breath and swelled out with a throb of exultation, and the world of waters closed around their little craft. It was a beautiful world, full of the shifting charms of color and of motion, of the joy of sun and wind; but Alwin found it a wearily busy world for him. Since he was not needed at the oars, they gave him the odds and ends of drudgery about the ship. He cleared the decks, and plied the bailing-scoop, and stood long tedious watches. He helped to tent over the vessel's decks at night, and to stow away the huge canvas in the morning. He ground grain for the hungry crew, and kept the great mead-vat filled that stood before the mast for the shipmates to drink from. He prepared the food and carried it around and cleared the remnants away again. He was at the beck and call of forty rough voices; he was the one shuttlecock among eighty brawny battledores. It was a peaceful world, stirred by no greater excitement than a glimpse of a distant sail or the mystery of a half-seen shore; yet things could happen in it, Alwin found. The second day out, the earl-born captive for the first time came in direct contact with the thrall-born Kark. Kark was not deferential, even toward his superiors; there was barely enough discretion in his roughness to save him from offending. Among those of his own station, he dispensed even with discretion. And he had looked upon Alwin with unfriendly eyes ever since Leif's first manifestation of interest in his English property. It often happens that the whole of earth's dry land proves too small to hold two uncongenial spirits peaceably. One can imagine, then, how it fared when two such opposites were limited to some hundred-odd feet of timber in mid-ocean. "Ho there, you cook-boy!" Kark's rough voice came down to the foreroom where Alwin was working. "Get you quickly forward and wipe up the beer Valbrand has spilled over his bench." For a moment, Alwin's eyes opened wide in amazement; then they drew together into two menacing slits, and his very clothing bristled with haughtiness. He deigned no answer whatsoever. A pause, and Kark followed his voice. "What now, you cub of a lazy mastiff! I told you, quickly; the beer will get on his clothes." With immovable calmness, Alwin went on with his grinding. Only after the fourth round he said coldly: "It would save time if you would do your work yourself." Kark gasped with amazement. This to him, the slave-born son of Eric's free steward, who held the whip-hand over all the thralls at Brattahlid! His china-blue eyes snapped spitefully. "It does not become the bowerman of Leif Ericsson to do the dirty work of a foreign whelp. If you have the ambition to be more than--" He was interrupted by the sound of approaching thunder. Valbrand descended upon them, his new tunic drenched, the scars on his battered old face showing livid red. "Is it likely that I will wait all day while two thralls quarrel over precedence?" he roared. "The Troll take me if I do not throw one of you to Ran before the journey is over! Go instantly--" "I am sharpening Leif's blade," Kark struck in; he had indeed drawn a knife and sharpening-stone from his girdle. "It is not becoming for me to leave the chief's work for another task." The argument was unassailable. To the unlucky man-of-all-work the steersman's anger naturally reverted. "Then you, idle dog that you are! What is it that keeps you? Would you have him attend on Leif and do your work as well? You may choose one of two conditions: go instantly or have your back cut into ribbons." If he had not added that, it is possible that Alwin would have obeyed; but to yield in the face of a threat, that was too low for his stiff-necked pride to stoop. The earl-born answered haughtily, "Have your will,--and I will have mine." If he had had any idea that they would not go so far, it was quickly dashed out of him. One moment of struggle and confusion, and he found himself stripped to the waist, his hands bound to the mast, a man standing over him with a knotted thong of walrus hide. All Sigurd's furious eloquence could not restrain the storm of sickening blows. On the other hand, if they had had the notion that their victim's obstinacy would run from him with his blood, they also were mistaken. The red drops came, but no sign of weakening. At last, with the subsiding of his anger, Valbrand ordered him to be set free. "The same shall overtake you if you are disobedient to me again," was all he said. Stripped and bloody, dizzy with pain and blind with rage, Alwin staggered forward, caught at Sigurd to save himself from falling, and looked unsteadily about him. When he found what he sought, his wits were cleared as a foggy night by lightning. With a hoarse cry, he caught up a fragment of broken oar and struck Kark over the head so that he fell stunned upon the deck, blood reddening his colorless face. "In the Troll's name!" Valbrand swore, after a moment of utter stupefaction. Alwin laughed between his teeth at Sigurd's despairing glance, and waited to feel the steersman's knife between his ribs. Instead, he was dragged aft to where the chief sat on the deck beside the steering-oar. Leif was deep in consultation with his shrewd old foster-father. Without pausing in his argument, he sent an impatient glance over his shoulder; when it fell upon the gory young madman, he turned sharply and faced the group. Alwin was in the mood to suffer torture with a smile. The more outrageous Valbrand depicted him, the better he was pleased. Leif made no comment whatever, but sat pulling at his long mustaches and eying them from under his bushy brows. When the steersman had finished, he asked, "Is Kark slain?" Glancing back, Valbrand saw the bowerman sitting up and feeling of his wounds. "Except a lump on his head, I do not think he is worse than before," he answered. "So," said Leif with an accent of relief. "Then it is not worth while to say much. If he had been killed, his father would have taken it ill; and that would have displeased Eric and hurt my mission. It would have become necessary for me to slay this boy to satisfy them. Now it is of little importance." He straightened abruptly and waved them away. "What more is there to do about it?" he added. "This fellow has been punished, and Kark has got one of the many knocks his insolence deserves. Let us end this talk,--only see to it that they do not kill each other. I do not wish to lose any more property." He motioned them off, and turned back to Tyrker. But there was more to it. Something,--Leif's curtness, or the touch of Valbrand's hand upon his naked shoulder,--roused Alwin's madness afresh. Shaking off the hand, fighting it off, he bearded the chief himself. "I will kill him if ever he utters his cur's yelp at me again. You are blind and simple to think to keep an earl-born man under the feet of a churl. You are a fool to keep an accomplished man at work that any simpleton might do. I will not bear with your folly. I will slay the hound the first chance I get." He ended breathless and trembling with passion. Valbrand stood aghast. Leif's brows drew down so low that nothing but two fiery sparks showed of his eyes. Through Alwin went the same thrill he had felt when the trader's sword-point pricked his breast. Yet the lightning did not strike. Alwin glanced up, amazed. While he stared, a subtle change crept over the chief. Slowly he ceased to be the grim curt Viking: slowly he became the nobleman whose stateliness minstrels celebrated in their songs, and the King spoke of with praise. A stillness seemed to gather round them. Alwin felt his anger cooling and sinking within him. After a time, Leif said with the calmness of perfect superiority: "It may be that I have not treated you as honorably as you deserve. Yet what am I to think of these words of yours? Is it after such fashion that a jarl-born man with accomplishments addresses his lord in your country?" To the blunt old steersman, to the ox-like Olver, to the half-dozen others who heard it, the change was incomprehensible. They stared at their master, then at each other, and finally gave it up as a whim past their understanding. It may be that Leif was curious to see whether it would be incomprehensible to Alwin as well. He sat watching him intently. Alwin's eyes fell before his master's. The stately quietness, the noble forbearance, were like voices out of his past. They called up memories of his princess-mother, of her training, of the dignity that had always surrounded her. Suddenly he saw, as for the first time, the roughness and coarseness of the life about him, and realized how it had roughened and coarsened him. A dull red mounted to his face. Slowly, like one groping for a half forgotten habit, he bent his knee before the offended chief. Unconsciously, for the first time in his thraldom, he gave to a Northman the title a Saxon uses to his superior. "Lord, you are right to think me unmannerly. I was mad with anger so that I did not weigh my words. I will say nothing against it if you treat me like a churl." To the others, this also was inexplicable. They scratched their heads, and rubbed their ears, and gaped at one another. Leif smiled grimly as he caught their looks. Picking a silver ring from his pouch, he tossed it to Valbrand. "Take this to Kark to pay him for his broken head, and advise him to make less noise with his mouth in the future." When they were gone he turned to Alwin and signed him to rise. "You understand a language that churls do not understand. I will try you further. Go dress yourself, then bring hither the runes you were reading to Rolf Erlingsson." Alwin obeyed in silence, a tumult of long-quiet emotions whirling through his brain,--relief and shame and gratification, and, underneath it all, a new-born loyalty. All the rest of the day, until the sun dropped like a red ball behind the waves, he sat at the chief's feet and read to him from the Saxon book. He read stumblingly, haltingly; but he was not blamed for his blunders. His listener caught at the meanings hungrily, and pieced out their deficiencies with his keen wit and dressed their nakedness in his vivid imagination. Now his great chest heaved with passion, and his strong hand gripped his sword-hilt; now he crossed himself and sighed, and again his eyes flashed like smitten steel. When at last the failing light compelled Alwin to lay down the book, the chief sat for a long time staring at him with keen but absent eyes. After a while he said, half as though he was speaking to himself: "It is my belief that Heaven itself has sent you to me, that I may be strengthened and inspired in my work." His face kindled with devout rapture. "It must have been by the guidance of Heaven that you were trained in so unusual an accomplishment. It was the hand of God that led you hither, to be an instrument in a great work." Awe fell upon Alwin, and a shiver of superstition that was almost terror. He bowed his head and crossed himself. But when he looked up, the thread had snapped; Leif was himself again. He was eying the boy critically, though with a new touch of something like respect. He said abruptly: "It is not altogether befitting that one who has the accomplishments of a holy priest should go garbed like a base-bred thrall. What is the color of the clothes that priests wear in England?" Alwin answered, wondering: "They wear black habits, lord. It is for that reason that they are called Black Monks." Rising, Leif beckoned to Valbrand. When the steersman stood before him, he said: "Take this boy down to my chests and clothe him from head to foot in black garments of good quality. And hereafter let it be understood that he is my honorable bowerman, and a person of breeding and accomplishments." The old henchman looked at the new favorite as dispassionately as he would have looked at a weapon or a dog that had taken his master's fancy. "I would not oppose your will in this, any more than in other things; yet I take it upon me to remind you of Kark. If you make this cook-boy your bowerman, to keep the scales balancing you must make him who was your bowerman into a cook-boy. It is in my mind that Kark's father will take that as ill as--" A sweep of Leif's arm swept Kark out of the path of his will. "Who is it that is to command me how I shall choose my servants? The Fates made Kark a cook-boy when he was born; let him go back where he belongs. I have endured his boorishness long enough. Am I to despise a tool that Heaven has sent me because a clod at my feet is jealous? What kind of luck could that bring?" Convinced or not, Valbrand was silenced. "It shall be as you wish," he muttered. Alwin fell on his knee, and, not daring to kiss the chief's hand, raised the hem of the scarlet cloak to his lips. "Lord," he said earnestly; then stopped because he could not find words in which to speak his gratitude. "Lord--" he began again, and again he was at a loss. At last he finished bluntly, "Lord, I will serve you as only a man can serve whose whole heart is in his work." CHAPTER XI THE PASSING OF THE SCAR A ship is made for sailing, A shield for sheltering, A sword for striking, A maiden for kisses. Ha'vama'l "When the sun rises tomorrow it is likely that we shall see Greenland ahead of us," growled Egil. With Sigurd and the Wrestler, he was lounging against the side, watching the witch-fires run along the waves through the darkness. The new bower-man stood next to Sigurd, but Egil could not properly be said to be with him, for the two only spoke under the direst necessity. Around them, under the awnings, in the light of flaring pine torches, the crew were sprawled over the rowing-benches killing time with drinking and riddles. "It seems to me that it will gladden my heart to see it," Sigurd responded. "As I think of the matter, I recall great fun in Greenland. There were excellent wrestling matches between the men of the East and the West settlements. And do you remember the fine feasts Eric was wont to make?" Rolf gently smacked his lips and laid his hands upon his stomach. "By all means. And remember also the seal hunting and the deer-shooting!" Sigurd's eyes glistened. "Many good things may be told of Greenland. There is no place in the world so fine to run over on skees. By Saint Michael, I shall be glad to get there!" He struck Egil a rousing blow upon the sullen hump of his shoulders. Unmoved, the Black One continued to stare out into the darkness, his chin upon his fists. "Ugh! Yes. Very likely," he grunted. "Very likely it will be clear sailing for you, but it is my belief that some of us will run into a squall when we have left Leif and gone to our own homes, and it becomes known to our kinsmen that we are no longer Odin-men. It is probable that my father will stick his knife into me." There was a pause while they digested the truth of this; until Rolf relieved the tension by saying quietly: "Speak for yourself, companion. My kinsman is no such fool. He has been on too many trading voyages among the Christians. Already he is baptized in both faiths; so that when Thor does not help him, he is wont to pray to the god of the Christians. Thus is he safe either way; and not a few Greenland chiefs are of his opinion." Sigurd's merry laugh rang out. "Now that is having a cloak to wear on both sides, according to the weather! If only Eric were so minded--" "Is Eric the ruler in Greenland?" Alwin interrupted. All this while he had been looking from one to the other, listening attentively. The two sons of Greenland chiefs answered "No!" in one breath. Sigurd raised quizzical eyebrows. "I admit that he is not the ruler in name, Greenland being a republic, but in fact--?" They let him go on without contradiction. "Thus it stands, Alwin. Eric the Red was the first to settle in Greenland, therefore he owns the most land. Besides Brattahlid, he owns many fishing stations; and he also has stations on several islands where men gather eggs for him and get what drift-wood there is. And not only is he the richest man, but he is also the highest-born, for his father's father was a jarl of Jaederan; and so--" It is to be feared that Alwin lost some of this. He broke in suddenly: "Now I know where it is that I have heard the name of Eric the Red! It has haunted me for days. In the trader's booth in Norway a minstrel sang a ballad of 'Eric the Red and his Dwarf-Cursed Sword.' Know you of it?" He was answered by the involuntary glances that the others cast toward the chief. Rolf said with a shrug: "It is bondmaids' gabble. There is little need to say that a dwarf cursed Eric's sword, to explain how it comes that he has been three times exiled for manslaughter, and driven from Norway to Iceland and from Iceland to Greenland. He quarrelled and slew wherever he settled, because he has a temper like that of the dragon Fafnir." A faint red tinged Egil's dark cheeks. "Nevertheless, Skroppa's prophecy has come true," he muttered, "that after the blade was once sheathed in the new soil of Greenland, it would bring no more ill-luck." "Skroppa!" cried Alwin. But he got no further, for Sigurd's hand was clapped over his mouth. "Lower your voice when you speak that name, comrade," the Silver-Tongued warned him. "Do not speak it at all," Egil interrupted brusquely. "The English girl is coming aft. It is likely she brings some message from Helga." They faced about eagerly. Editha's smooth brown head was indeed to be seen threading its way between the noisy groups. They agreed that it was time they heard from the shield-maiden. For her to take advantage of her womanhood, and turn the forecastle into a woman's-house, and forbid their approach, was something unheard-of and outrageous. "It would be treating her as she deserves if we should refuse to go now when she sends for us," Egil growled, though without any apparent intention of carrying out the threat. To the extreme amusement of his fellows, Sigurd began to settle his ornaments and rearrange his long locks. "It may be that she accepts my invitation to play chess. Leif spoke with her for a long time this afternoon; it is likely that he roused her from her black mood." "It is likely that he roused her," Alwin said slowly. There was something so peculiar in his voice that they all turned and looked at him. He had suddenly grown very red and uncomfortable. "It seems that anyone can be foreknowing at certain times," he said, trying to smile. "Now my mind tells me that the summons will be for me." "For you!" Egil's brows became two black thunder-clouds from under which his eyes flashed lightnings at the thrall. Alwin yielded to helpless laughter. "There is little need for you to get angry. Rather would I be drowned than go." It was Sigurd's turn to be offended. "I had thought better of you, Alwin of England, than to suppose that you would cherish hatred against a woman who has offered to be your friend." "Hatred?" For a moment Alwin did not understand him; then he added: "By Saint George, that is so! I had altogether forgotten that it was my intention to hate her! I swear to you, Sigurd, I have not thought of the matter these two weeks." "Which causes me to suspect that you have been thinking very hard of something else," Rolf suggested. But Alwin closed his lips and kept his eyes on Editha's approaching figure. The little bondmaid came up to them, dropped as graceful a curtsey as she could manage with the pitching of the vessel, and said timidly: "If it please you, my lord Alwin, my mistress desires to speak with you at once." "Hail to the prophet!" laughed Sigurd, pretending to rumple the locks that he had so carefully smoothed. "Now Heaven grant that I am a false prophet in the rest of my foretelling," Alwin murmured to himself, as he followed the girl forward. "If I am forced to tell her the truth, I think it likely she will scratch my eyes out." She did not look dangerous when he came up to her. She was sitting on a little stool, with her hands folded quietly in her lap, and on her beautiful face the dazed look of one who has heard startling news. But her first question was straight to the mark. "Leif has told me that Gilli and Bertha of Trondhjem are my father and mother. He says that you have seen them and know them. Tell me what they are like." It was an instant plunge into very deep water. Alwin gasped. "Lady, there are many things to be said on the subject. It may be that I am not a good judge." He was glad to stop and accept the stool Editha offered, and spend a little time settling himself upon it; but that could not last long. "Bertha of Trondhjem is a very beautiful woman," he began. "It is easy to believe that she is your mother. Also she is gentle and kind-hearted--" Helga's shoulders moved disdainfully. "She must be a coward. To get rid of her child because a man ordered it! Have you heard that? Because when I was born some lying hag pretended to read in the stars that I would one day become a misfortune to my father, he ordered me to be thrown out--for wolves to eat or beggars to take. And my mother had me carried to Eric, who is Gilli's kinsman, and bound him to keep it a secret. She is a coward." "It must be remembered that she had been a captive of Gilli," Alwin reminded the shield-maiden. "Even Norse wives are sometimes--" "She is a coward. Tell me of Gilli. At least he is not witless. What is he like?" Again the deep water. Alwin stirred in his seat and fingered at the silver lace on his cap. He was dressed splendidly now. Left's wardrobe had contained nothing black that was also plain, so the bowerman's long hose were of silk, his tunic was seamed with silver, his belt studded with steel bosses, his cloak lined with fine gray fur. "Lady," he stammered, "as I have said, it may be that I am not a fair judge. Gilli did not behave well to me. Yet I have heard that he is very kind to his wife. It is likely that he would give you costly things--" Helga's foot stamped upon the deck. "What do I care for that?" He knew how little she cared. He gave up any further attempts at diplomacy. But her next words granted him a respite. "What was the message that you wrote to my mother for Leif?" "I think I can remember the exact words," he answered readily, "it gave me so much trouble to spell them. It read this way, after the greeting: 'Do you remember the child you sent to Eric? She is here in Norway with me. She is well grown and handsome. I go back the second day after this. It will be a great grief to her if she is obliged to go also. If her father could see her, it is likely he would be willing to give her a home in Norway. It would even be worth while coming all the way to Greenland after her. It is certain that Gilli would think so, if you could manage that he should see her.' I think that was all, lady." "If Gilli is what I suspect him to be, that is more than enough," Helga said slowly. She raised her head and looked straight into his eyes. "Answer me this,--you know and must tell,--is he a high-minded warrior like Leif, or is he a money-loving trader?" "Lady," said Alwin desperately, "if you will have the truth, he is a mean-spirited churl who thinks that the only thing in the world is to have property." Helga drew a long breath, and her slender hands clenched in her lap. "Now I have found what I have suspected. Answer this truthfully also: If I go back to him, is it not likely that he will marry me to the first creature who offers to make a good bargain with him?" "Yes," said Alwin. For days he had been watching her with uneasy pity, whenever in his mind's eye he saw her in the power of the unscrupulous trader, It had made him uncomfortable to feel that he was the tool that had brought it about, even though he knew he was as innocent as the bark on which he had written. Drop by drop the blood sank out of Helga's face. Spark by spark, the light died out of her eyes. Like some poor trapped animal, she sat staring dully ahead of her. It was more than Alwin could bear in silence. He leaned forward and shook her arm. "Lady, do anything rather than despair. Get into a rage with me,--though Heaven knows I never intended your misfortune! Yet it is natural you should feel hard toward me. I--" She stared at him dully. "Why should I be angry with you? You could not help what you did; and Leif thought I would wish rather to go to my own mother than to Thorhild." It had never occurred to Alwin that she would be reasonable. His remorse became the more eager. He bethought himself of some slight comfort. "At least it cannot happen for a year, lady. And in--" She raised her head quickly. "Why can it not happen for a year?" "Because Gilli is away on a trading voyage, and will not be back until fall, when it will be too late to start for Greenland. Nor will he come early in spring and so lose the best of his trading season. It is sure to be more than a year." Youth can construct a lifeboat out of a straw. Hope crept back to Helga's eyes. "A year is a long time. Many things can happen in a year. Gilli may be slain,--for every man a mistletoe-shaft grows somewhere. Or I may marry someone in Greenland. Already two chiefs have asked my hand of Leif, so it is not likely that I shall lack chances." "That is true; and it may also happen that the Lady Bertha will never get my runes. She was absent on a visit when Valbrand left them at her farm. Or even if she gets them, she may lack courage to tell the news to Gilli. Or he may dislike the expense of a daughter. Surely, where there are so many holes, there are many good chances that the danger will fall through one of them." Helga flung up her head with a gallant air. "I will heed your advice in this matter. I will not trouble myself another moment; and I will love Brattahlid as a bird loves the cliff that hides it! And Thorhild? What if her nature is such that she is cross? She is no coward. She would defend those she loved, though she died for it. I should like to see Eric bid her to abandon a child. There would not be a red hair left in his beard. Better is it to be brave and true than to be gentle like your Lady Bertha. Is it because she is my mother that you give that title to me also?" Alwin hesitated and reddened. "Yes. And because I like to remember that there is English blood in you." Helga paused in the midst of her excitement, and her face softened. She looked at him, and her starry eyes were full of frank good-will. She said slowly, "Since there is English blood in me, it may be that you will some time ask for the friendship I have offered you." At that moment, it seemed to Alwin that such simplicity and frankness were worth more than all the gentle graces of his country-women. He put out his hand. "You need not wait long for me to ask that," he said. "I would have asked it a week ago, but I could not think it honorable to call myself your friend when I had injured you so." Helga's slim fingers gave his a firm clasp, but she laughed merrily. "That is where you are mistaken. If you had not injured me, you would never have forgotten that I had injured you. Now we are even, and we start afresh. That is a good thing." CHAPTER XII THROUGH BARS OF ICE A day should be praised at night; A sword when it is tried; Ice when it is crossed. Ha'vama'l A dim line of snowy islands, so far apart that it was hard to believe they were only the ice-tipped summits of Greenland's towering coast, stretched across the horizon. Standing at Helga's side in the bow, Alwin gazed at them earnestly. "To think," he marvelled, "that we have come to the very last land on this side of the world! Suppose we were to sail still further west? What is it likely that we would come to? Does the ocean end in a wall of ice, or would we fall off the earth and go tumbling heels over head through the darkness--? By St. George, it makes one dizzy!" Helga's ideas were not much clearer. It was nearly five hundred years before the time of Columbus. But she knew one thing that Alwin did not know. "Greenland is not the most western land," she corrected. "There is another still further west, though no one knows how big it is or who lives in it." She turned, laughing, to where young Haraldsson sat counting the wealth of his pouch and calculating how valuable could be the presents he could afford to bestow on his arrival. "Sigurd, do you remember that western land Biorn Herjulfsson saw? and how we were wont to plan to run away to it, when I grew tired of embroidering and Leif kept you overlong at your exercises?" "I have not thought of it since those days," laughed Sigurd. He swept the mass of gold and silver trinkets back into the velvet pouch at his belt, and came over and joined them. "What fine times we had planning those trips, over the fire in the evenings! By Saint Michael, I think we actually started once; have you forgotten?--in the long-boat off Thorwald's whaling vessel! And you wore a suit of my clothes, and fought me because I said anyone could tell that you were a girl." Helga's laughter rang out like a chime of bells. "Oh, Sigurd I had forgotten it! And we had nothing with us to eat but two cheeses! And Valbrand had to launch a boat and come after us!" They abandoned themselves to their mirth, and Alwin laughed with them; but his curiosity had been aroused on another subject. "I wish you would tell me something concerning this farther land," he said, as soon as he could get them to listen. "Does it in truth exist, or is it a tale to amuse children with?" They both assured him that it was quite true. "I myself have talked with one of the sailors who saw it," Sigurd explained. "He was Biorn's steersman. He saw it distinctly. He said that it looked like a fine country, with many trees." "If it was a real country and no witchcraft, it is strange that he contented himself with looking at it. Why did he not land and explore?" "Biorn Herjulfsson is a coward," Helga said contemptuously. "Every man who can move his tongue says so." Sigurd frowned at her. "You give judgment too glibly. I have heard many say that he is a brave man. But he was not out on an exploring voyage; he was sailing from Iceland to Greenland, to visit his father, and lost his way. And he is a man not apt to be eager in new enterprises. Besides, it may be that he thought the land was inhabited by dwarfs." "There, you have admitted that I am right!" Helga cried triumphantly. "He was afraid of the dwarfs; and a man who is afraid of anything is a coward." But Sigurd could fence with his tongue as well as with his sword. "What then is a shield-maiden who is afraid of her kinswoman?" he parried. And they fell to wrangling laughingly between themselves. Unheeding them, Alwin gazed away at the mysterious blue west. His eyes were big with great thoughts. If he had a ship and a crew,--if he could sail away exploring! Suppose kingdoms could be founded there! Suppose--his imaginings became as lofty as the drifting clouds, and as vague; so vague that he finally lost interest in them, and turned his attention to the approaching shore. They had come near enough now to see that the scattered islands had connected themselves into a peaked coast, a broken line of dazzling whiteness, except where dark chasms made blots upon its sides. But sighting Greenland and landing upon it were two very different matters, he found. A little further, and they encountered the border of drift-ice that, travelling down from the northeast in company with numerous icebergs, closes the fiord-mouths in summer like a magic bar. "I shall think it great luck if this breaks up so that we can get through it in a month," Valbrand observed phlegmatically. "A month?" Alwin gasped, overhearing him. The old sailor looked at him in contempt. "Does a month seem long to you? When Eric came here from Iceland, he was obliged to lie four months in the ice." Four months on shipboard, with nothing more cheerful to look at than barren cliffs and a gray sea paved with grinding ice-cakes! The consternation of Alwin's face was so great that Sigurd took pity on him even while he laughed. "It will not be so bad as that. And we will steer to a point north of the fiord and lie there in the shelter of an island." "Shelter!" muttered the English youth. "Twelve eiderdown beds would be insufficient to shelter one from this wind." Nor was the island of any more inviting appearance when finally they reached it. What of it was not barren boulders was covered with black lichens, the only hint of green being an occasional patch of moss nestling in some rocky fissure. To heighten the effect, icy gales blew continually, accompanied by heavy mists and chilling fogs. Amid these inhospitable surroundings they were penned for two weeks,--Norse weeks of but five days each, but seemingly endless to the captives from the south. Editha retired permanently into the big bear-skin sleeping-bag that enveloped the whole of her little person and was the only cure for the chattering of her teeth. Alwin wrapped himself in every garment he owned and as many of Sigurd's as could be spared, and strove to endure the situation with the stoicism of his companions; but now and then his disgust got the better of his philosophy. "How intelligent beings can find it in their hearts to return to this country after the good God has once allowed them to leave it, passes my understanding!" he stormed, on the tenth day of this sorry picnicking. "At first it was in my mind to fear lest such a small ship should sink in such a great sea; now I only dread that it will not, and that we will be brought alive to land and forced to live there." Rolf regarded him with his amiable smile. "If your eyes were as blue as your lips, and your cheeks were as red as your nose, you would be considered a handsome man," he said encouragingly. And again it was Sigurd who took pity on Alwin. "Bear it well; it will not last much longer," he said. "Already a passage is opening. And inside the fiord, much is different from what is expected." Alwin smiled with polite incredulity. The next day's sun showed a dark channel open to them, so that before noon they had entered upon the broad water-lane known as Eric's Fiord. The silence between the towering walls was so absolute, so death-like, as to be almost uncanny. Mile after mile they sailed, between bleak cliffs ice-crowned and garbed in black lichens; mile after mile further yet, without passing anything more cheerful than a cluster of rocky islands or a slope covered with brownish moss. The most luxuriant of the islands boasted only a patch of crowberry bushes or a few creeping junipers too much abashed to lift their heads a finger's length above the earth. Alwin looked about him with a sigh, and then at Sigurd with a grimace. "Do you still say that this is pleasanter than drowning?" he inquired. Sigurd met the fling with obstinate composure. "Are you blind to the greenness of yonder plain? And do you not feel the sun upon you?" All at once it occurred to Alwin that the icy wind of the headlands had ceased to blow; the fog had vanished, and there was a genial warmth in the air about him. And yonder,--certainly yonder meadow was as green as the camp in Norway. He threw off one of his cloaks and settled himself to watch. Gradually the green patches became more numerous, until the level was covered with nothing else. In one place, he almost thought he caught a gleam of golden buttercups. The verdure crept up the snow-clad slopes, hundreds and thousands of feet; and here and there, beside some foaming little cataract tumbling down from a glacier-fed stream, a rhododendron glowed like a rosy flame. They passed the last island, covered with a copse of willows as high as a tall man's head, and came into an open stretch of water bordered by rolling pasture lands, filled with daisies and mild-eyed cattle. Sigurd clutched the English boy's arm excitedly. "Yonder are Eric's ship-sheds! And there--over that hill, where the smoke is rising--there is Brattahlid!" "There?" exclaimed Alwin. "Now it was in my mind that you had told me that Eric's house was built on Eric's Fiord." "So it is,--or two miles from there, which is of little importance. Oh, yes, it stands on the very banks of Einar's Fiord; but since that is a route one takes only when he visits the other parts of the settlement, and seldom when he runs out to sea--Is that a man I see upon the landing?" "If they have not already seen us and come down to meet us, their eyes are less sharp than they were wont to be three years ago," Rolf began; when Sigurd answered his own question. "They are there; do you not see? Crowds of them--between the sheds. Someone is waving a cloak. By Saint Michael, the sight of Normandy did not gladden me like this!" "Let down sail! drop anchor, and make the boats ready to lower," came in Valbrand's heavy drone. CHAPTER XIII ERIC THE RED IN HIS DOMAIN Givers, hail! A guest is come in; Where shall he sit? Water to him is needful Who for refection comes, A towel and hospitable invitation, A good reception; If he can get it, Discourse and answer. Ha'vama'l Ten by ten, the ship's boat brought them to land, and into the crowd of armed retainers, house servants, field hands, and thralls. A roar of delight greeted the appearance of Helga; and Sigurd was nearly overturned by welcoming hands. It seemed that the crowd stood too much in awe of Leif to salute him with any familiarity, but they made way for him most respectfully; and a pack of shaggy dogs fell upon him and almost tore him to pieces in the frenzy of their joyful recognition. A fusillade of shoulder-slapping filled the air. Not a buxom maid but found some brawny neck to fling her arms about, receiving a hearty smack for her pains. Nor were the men more backward; it was only by clinging like a burr to her mistress's side that Editha escaped a dozen vigorous caresses. Alwin, with his short hair and his contradictorily rich dress, was stared at in outspoken curiosity. The men whispered that Leif had become so grand that he must have a page to carry his cloak, like the King himself. The women said that, in any event, the youth looked handsome, and black became his fair complexion. Kark scowled as he stepped ashore and heard their comments. "Where is my father, Thorhall?" he demanded, giving his hand with far more haughtiness than the chief. "He has gone hunting with Thorwald Ericsson," one of the house thralls informed him. "He will not be back until to-night." Whereupon Kark's colorless face became mottled with red temper-spots, and he pushed rudely through the throng and disappeared among the ship-sheds. "Is my brother Thorstein also in Greenland?" Leif asked the servant. But the man answered that Eric's youngest son was absent on a visit to his mother's kin in Iceland. When the boat had brought the last man to land, the "Sea-Deer" was left to float at rest until the time of her unloading; and they began to move up from the shore in a boisterous procession. Between rich pastures and miniature forests of willow and birch and alder, a broad lane ran east over green hill and dale. Amid a babel of talk and laughter, they passed along the lane, the rank and file performing many jovial capers, slipping bold arms around trim waists and scuffling over bundles of treasure. Over hill and dale they went for nearly two miles; then, some four hundred feet from the rocky banks of Einar's Fiord, the lane ended before the wide-thrown gates of a high fence. If the gates had been closed, one might have guessed what was inside; so unvarying was the plan of Norse manors. A huge quadrangular courtyard was surrounded by substantial buildings. To the right was the great hall, with the kitchens and storehouses. Across the inner side stood the women's house, with the herb-garden on one hand, and the guest-chambers on the other. To the left were the stables, the piggery, the sheep-houses, the cow-sheds, and the smithies. No sooner had they passed the gates than a second avalanche of greetings fell upon them. Gathered together in the grassy space were more armed retainers, more white-clad thralls, more barking dogs, more house servants in holiday attire, and, at the head of them, the far-famed Eric the Red and his strong-minded Thorhild. One glance at the Red One convinced Alwin that his reputation did not belie him. It was not alone his floating hair and his long beard that were fiery; his whole person looked capable of instantaneous combustion. His choleric blue eyes, now twinkling with good humor, a spark could kindle into a blaze. A breath could fan the ruddy spots on his cheeks into flames. As Alwin watched him, he said to himself, "It is not that he was three times exiled for manslaughter which surprises me,--it is that he was not exiled thirty times." Alwin looked curiously at the plump matron, with the stately head-dress of white linen and the bunch of jingling keys at her girdle, and had a surprise of a different kind. Certainly there were no soft curves in her resolute mouth, and her eyes were as keen as Leif's; yet it was neither a cruel face nor a shrewish one. It was full of truth and strength, and there was comeliness in her broad smooth brow and in the unfaded roses of her cheeks. Ah, and now that the keen eyes had fallen upon Leif, they were no longer sharp; they were soft and deep with mother-love, and radiant with pride. Her hands stirred as though they could not wait to touch him. There was a pause of some decorum, while the chief embraced his parents; then the tumult burst forth. No man could hear himself, much less his neighbor. Under cover of the confusion, Alwin approached Helga. Having no greetings of his own to occupy him, he made over his interest to others. The shield-maiden was standing on the very spot where Leif had left her, Editha clinging to her side. She was gazing at Thorhild and nervously clasping and unclasping her hands. Alwin said in her ear: "She will make you a better mother than Bertha of Trondhjem. It is my advice that you reconcile yourself to her at once." "It was in my mind," Helga said slowly, "it was in my mind that I could love her!" Shaking off Editha, she took a hesitating step forward. Thorhild had parted from Leif, and turned to welcome Sigurd. Helga took another step. Thorhild raised her head and looked at her. When she saw the picturesque figure, with its short kirtle and its shirt of steel, she drew herself up stiffly, and it was evident that she tried to frown; but Helga walked quickly up to her and put her arms about her neck and laid her head upon her breast and clung there. By and by the matron slipped an arm around the girl's waist, then one around her shoulders. Finally she bent her head and kissed her. Directly after, she pushed her off and held her at arm's length. "You have grown like a leek. I wonder that such a life has not ruined your complexion. Was cloth so costly in Norway that Leif could afford no more for a skirt? You shall put on one of mine the instant we get indoors. It is time you had a woman to look after you." But Helga was no longer repelled by her severity; she could appreciate now what lay beneath it. She said, "Yes, kinswoman," with proper submissiveness, and then looked over at Alwin with laughing eyes. Eric's voice now made itself heard above the din. "Bring them into the house, you simpletons! Bring them indoors! Will you keep them starving while you gabble? Bring them in, and spread the tables, and fill up the horns. Drink to the Lucky One in the best mead in Greenland. Come in, come in! In the Troll's name, come in, and be welcome!" Rolf smiled his guileless smile aside to Egil. "It is likely that he will say other things 'in the Troll's name' when he finds out why the Lucky One has come," he murmured. CHAPTER XIV FOR THE SAKE OF THE CROSS A wary guest Who to refection comes Keeps a cautious silence; With his ears listens, And with his eyes observes: So explores every prudent man. Ha'vama'l In accordance with the fashion of the day, Brattahlid was a hall not only in the sense of being a large room, but in being a building by itself,--and a building it was of entirely unique appearance. Instead of consisting of huge logs, as Norse houses almost invariably did, three sides of it had been built of immense blocks of red sandstone; and for the fourth side, a low, perpendicular, smooth rock had been used, so that one of the inner walls was formed by a natural cliff between ten and twelve feet high. Undoubtedly it was from this peculiarity that the name Brattahlid had been bestowed upon it, Brattahlid signifying 'steep side of a rock.' Its style was the extreme of simplicity, for a square opening in the roof took the place of a chimney, and it had few windows, and those were small and filled with a bladder-like membrane instead of glass; yet it was not without a certain impressiveness. The hall was so large that nearly two hundred men could find seats on the two benches that ran through it from end to end. Its walls were of a symmetry and massiveness to outlast the wear of centuries; and the interior had even a certain splendor. To-night, decked for a feast, it was magnificent to behold. Gay-hued tapestries covered the sides, along which rows of round shields overlapped each other like bright painted scales. Over the benches were laid embroidered cloths; while the floor was strewn with straw until it sparkled as with a carpet of spun gold. Before the benches, on either side of the long stone hearth that ran through the centre of the hall, stood tables spread with covers of flax bleached white as foam. The light of the crackling pine torches quivered and flashed from gilded vessels, and silver-covered trenchers, and goblets of rarely beautiful glass, ruby and amber and emerald green. "I have nowhere seen a finer hall," Alwin admitted to Sigurd, as they pushed their way in through the crowd. "If the high-seats were different, and the fire-place was against the wall, and there were reeds upon the floor instead of straw, it would not be unlike what my father's castle was." "If I were altogether different, would I look like a Saxon maiden also?" Helga's voice laughed in his ear. She had come in through the women's door, with Thorhild and a throng of high-born women. Already she was transformed. A trailing gown of blue made her seem to have grown a head taller. Bits of finery--a gold belt at her waist, a gold brooch on her breast, a string of amber beads around the white neck that showed coquettishly above the snowy kerchief--banished the last traces of the shield-maiden, For the first time, it occurred to Alwin that she was more than a good comrade,--she was a girl, a beautiful girl, the kind that some day a man would love and woo and win. He gazed at her with wonder and admiration, and something more; gazed so intently that he did not see Egil's eyes fastened upon him. Helga laughed at his surprise; then she frowned. "If you say that you like me better in these clothes, I shall be angry with you," she whispered sharply. Fortunately, Alwin was not obliged to commit himself. At that moment the headwoman or housekeeper, who was also mistress of ceremonies in the absence of the steward, came bustling through the crowd, and divided the men from the women, indicating to every one his place according to the strictest interpretation of the laws of precedence. If there had been more time for preparation there would have been a larger company to greet the returned guardsman. Yet the messengers Thorhild had hastily despatched had brought back nearly a score of chiefs and their families; and what with their additional attendants, and Leif's band of followers, and Eric's own household, there were few empty places along the walls. According to custom, Eric sat in his high-seat between two lofty carved pillars midway the northern length of the hall. Thorhild sat in the seat with him; the high-born men were placed upon his right; the high-born women were upon her left. Opposite them, as became the guest of honor and his father's eldest son, Leif was established in the other high-seat. Tyrker, weazened and blinking, and swaddled in furs, sat on one side of him; Jarl Harald's son was on the other, merry-eyed, fresh-faced, and dressed like a prince. On either hand, like beads on a necklace, the crew of the "Sea-Deer" were strung along. Kark came the very last of the line, in the lowest seat by the door. Alwin had fresh cause to be grateful to the fate that had changed their stations. His place was on the foot-stool before Leif's high-seat, guarding the chief's cup. It was an honorable place, and one from which he could see and hear, and even speak with Sigurd when anything happened that was too interesting to keep to himself. Among Leif's men there were many temptations to consult together. Not one but was waiting in tense expectancy for the move that should disclose the guardsman's mission. They had sternest commands from Leif to take no step without his order. They had equally positive word from Valbrand to defend their chief at all hazards. Between the two, they sat breathless and strained, even while they swallowed the delicacies before them. When the towels and hand-basins had gone quite around, and all the food had been put upon the table, and the feast was well under way, three musicians were brought in bearing fiddles and a harp. Their performance formed a cover under which the guests could relieve their minds. "Do you observe that he has let his crucifix slide around under his cloak where it is not likely to be noticed?" one whispered to another. "It is my belief that he wishes to put off the evil hour." "When the horse-flesh is passed to him he will be obliged to refuse, and that will betray him," the other answered. But Eric did not see when Leif shook his head at the bearer of the forbidden meat; and that danger passed. Rolf murmured approvingly in Sigurd's ear: "He is wise to lie low as long as possible. It is a great thing to get a good foothold before the whirlwind overtakes one." Sigurd shook his head in his goblet. "When you wish to disarm a serpent, it is best to provoke him into striking at once, and so draw the poison out of his fangs." Under the shelter of some twanging chords, Alwin whispered up to them: "If you could sit here and see Kark's face, you would think of a dog that is going to bite. And he keeps watching the door. What is it that he expects to come through it?" Neither could say. They also took to watching the entrance. Meanwhile the feasting went merrily on. The table was piled with what were considered the daintiest of dishes,--reindeer tongues, fish, broiled veal, horse-steaks, roast birds, shining white pork; wine by the jugful, besides vats of beer and casks of mead; curds, and loaves of rye bread, mounds of butter, and mountains of cheese. Toasts and compliments flew back and forth. Alwin was kept leaping to supply his master's goblet, so many wished the honor of drinking with him. His news of Norway was listened to with breathless attention; his opinion was received with deference. Often it seemed to Alwin that he had only to speak to have his mission instantly accomplished. The English youth noticed, however, that amid all Leif's flowing eloquence there was no reference to the new faith. The feast waxed merrier and noisier. One of the fiddlers began to shout a ballad, to the accompaniment of the harp. It happened to be the "Song of the Dwarf-Cursed Sword." Sigurd swallowed a curd the wrong way when the words struck his ear; even Valbrand looked sideways at his chief. But Leif's face was immovable; and only his followers noticed that he did not join in the applause that followed the song. Some of the crew let out sighs of impatience. They could fight,--it was their pleasure next after drinking,--but these waits of diplomacy were almost too much for them. It was fortunate that some trick-dogs were brought in at this point. Watching their antics, the spectators forgot impatience in boisterous delight. While they were cheering the dog that had jumped highest over his pole, and pounding on the table to express their approval, through chinks in the uproar there came from outside a sound of voices, and horses neighing. "It is Thorwald, home from hunting!" Sigurd said eagerly, looking toward the door. In a moment he was proved correct, for the door had opened and admitted the sportsman and his companion. Thorwald Ericsson was as unlike his brother Leif as the guardsman was different from some of the plain farmers around him. He was long and lean and wiry, and his thin lips were set in cruel lines. His dress was shabby, and out of all decent order. Patches of fur had been torn out of his cloak; he was muddy up to his knees, and there was blood on his tunic and on his hands. He stood staring at the gay company in surprise, blinking in the sudden light, until his gaze en-countered Leif, when he cried out joyously and hastened forward to seize his hand. Alwin drew away in disgust from the touch of his ill-smelling garments. As he did so, his eye fell upon Kark, who had laid hold of Thorwald's companion and was talking rapidly in his ear. The new-comer was not an amiable-looking man. Above his gigantic body was a lowering face that showed a capacity for slyness or viciousness, whichever better served his turn. As Kark talked to him, his brow grew blacker and he plucked savagely at his knife-hilt. It dawned upon Alwin then that he must be Kark's father, the steward Thorhall of whom Valbrand had spoken. "In which case it is likely that something is about to happen," he told himself, and tried to communicate the news to Sigurd. But Thorwald stood between them, still pressing Leif's hand. When the hunter had passed on down the line of the crew, Thorhall came forward and greeted Leif with great civility. Only as he was retiring his eye appeared to fall upon Alwin for the first time; he stopped in pained surprise. "What is this I see, chief? You have got another bowerman in place of my son, whom your father gave to you? It must be that Kark has done something which you dislike. Tell me what it is, and I will slay him with my own hand." Again Valbrand looked sideways at his master, as if to remind him that he had warned him of this. Tyrker began to fumble at his beard with shaking hands, and to blink across at Eric. This time they had attracted the Red One's attention. His palm was curved around his ear that he might not lose a word; his eyes were fastened upon Leif. The guardsman's face was as inscrutable as the side of his goblet. "If Kark had deserved to be slain, he would not be living now. He is less accomplished than this man, therefore I changed them." The steward bent his head in apparent submission. "Now, as always, you are right. Rather than a boorish Odin-man, better is it to have a man of accomplishments,--even though he be a hound of a Christian." He turned away, as one quite innocent of the barb in his words. An audible murmur passed down the line of Leif's men. No one doubted that this was Thorhall's trap to avenge the slights upon his son. Would the chief let this also pass by? Though their faces remained set to the front, their eyes slid around to watch him. Leif drew himself up haughtily and also very quietly. "It is unadvisable for you to speak such words to me," he said. "I also am a Christian." Flint had struck steel. Eric leaped to his feet in a blaze. "Say that again!" Thorwald and a dozen of the guests shook their heads frantically at him, but Leif repeated the declaration. Crash! Down went Eric's goblet, to shiver into a thousand pieces on the table edge. With a furious curse he flung himself back in his chair, and leaned there, panting and glaring. A hum of voices arose around the room. Men called out soothing words to the Red One and expostulations to Leif. Others felt furtively for their weapons. Some of the women turned pale and clung to each other. Helga arose, her beautiful face shining like a star, and left their ranks and came over and seated herself on Leif's foot-stool, though the voice of Thorhild rose high and shrill in scolding. Leif's men straightened themselves alertly, and fixed upon their master the eyes of expectant dogs. Thorwald hurried to his brother, and laid hands on his shoulders, and endeavored to argue with him. Leif put him aside, as he arose and faced his father. Through the tumult his voice sounded quiet and strong, the quiet of perfect self-command, the strength of a fearless heart and an iron will. "It is a great grief to me that you dislike what I have done; yet now I think it best to tell you the whole truth, that you cannot feel that I have acted underhanded in anything." Eric gave vent to a sound between a growl and a snarl, and flounced in his chair. Thorhild made her son a gesture of entreaty. But Leif, looking back into the frowning faces, calmly continued: "Olaf Trygvasson converted me to Christianity two winters ago, and I tell you truly that I was never so well helped as I have been since then. And not only am I a Christian, but every man who calls himself mine is also one, and will let blood-eagles be cut in his back rather than change his faith." No sound came from Eric; but his mouth was half open, as though his rage were choking him, and his face was purple and twitched with passion. He had picked up the ugly little bronze battle-axe that leaned against his chair, and was hefting it and fingering it and shifting it from hand to hand. Gradually the eyes of all the company centred upon the gleaming wedge, following it up and down and back and forth, expecting, dreading. "If he does not wish to go so far as to slay his own son, he has yet an easy mark in me," Alwin murmured, his eyes following the motions like snake-charmed birds. "If he raises it again like that, I think I shall dodge." Out of the corners of his eyes, he could see many movements of uneasiness among Leif's men. Only Leif went on quietly: "You have always known that your gods must die, so it should not surprise you to be told now that they are dead; and it should gladden your hearts to know that One has been found who is both ever-living and willing to help. Therefore King Olaf has sent me to lay before you, that if you will accept this faith as the men of Trondhjem have done--" Helga sprang aside with a shriek of warning. Eric's arm had shot up and back. With a bellow of rage, he leaped to his feet and hurled the axe at his son's head. Simultaneously came an oath from Valbrand and a roar from the crew; then a thundering blow, as the axe, missing the Lucky One by ever so small a space, buried itself deep in the wall behind him. Instantly every man of the crew was on his feet, and there was clashing of weapons and a tumult of angry voices. Eric's men were not behindhand, and many of the guests drew swords to protect themselves. They were on the verge of a bloody scene, when again Leif's voice sounded above the uproar. He had drawn no weapon, nor swerved nor moved from his first position. "Put up your swords!" he said to his men. Those who caught the under-note in his voice hastened to obey, even while they protested. He turned again to his father, and into his manner came that strange new gentleness that is known as courtesy, which set him above the raging Red One as a man is above a beast. "It seems strange to me that the one who taught me the laws of hospitality should be the one to break them with me. Nevertheless, now that I have been frank with you, I will not anger you by speaking further of my mission. And since you do not wish to lodge us, I and my men will go back to my ship and sleep there until my errand is accomplished. Valbrand, do you go first, that the others may follow you in order." The old warrior hesitated as he wheeled. "It is you who should go first, my chief. The heathens will murder you. We--" "You will do as I command," Leif interrupted him distinctly; and after one glance at his face, they obeyed. Nothing like this had ever been seen before. A hush of awe fell upon Eric's men and Eric's guests. One by one the crew filed out, with rumbling threats and scowling faces, but wordless and empty-handed. Alwin took advantage of his close attendance to be the last to go, but finally even he was forced to leave. Helga marched out beside him, her head held very high, her eyes dealing sharper stabs than her dagger, Leif's scarlet colors flying in her cheeks. Thorhild called to her, but she swept on, unheeding. At the door, Alwin paused to look back. He would not be denied that. Leif still stood before his high-seat, holding Eric with his keen calm eyes as a man holds a mad dog at bay. Never had he looked grander. Alwin silently swore his oath of fealty anew. That no one should accuse him of cowardice, the guardsman waited until the door had closed upon the last one of his men. Then, slowly, with the utmost composure, he walked out alone between the ranks of his enemies. An involuntary murmur applauded him as he passed. Thorhild, torn as she was between anger and pride, was quick to catch its meaning and to use it. Whatever Leif's faith, she was still his mother. Taking her life in her hand, she bent over and whispered in Eric's ear. The darkness of his face became midnight blackness,--then was suddenly rent apart as with lightning. He brought his fist down upon the table with a mighty crash. "Stop! When did I say anything against lodging you? Do you think to throw shame upon my hospitality before my guests? I will have none of your religion,--I spit upon it. You are no longer my son,--I disown you. But you shall sleep under my roof and eat at my board so long as you remain in Greenland, you and your following. No man shall breathe a word against the hospitality of Eric of Brattahlid. Thorhall, light them to sleeping rooms!" His breath, which had been growing shorter and shorter, failed him utterly. He finished with a savage gesture, and threw himself back in his chair. If Leif had consulted his pride, it is likely that that night Greenland would have seen the last of him. But foremost in his heart, before any consideration for himself, was the success of his mission. After a moment's hesitation, he accepted the offer courteously, and permitted Thorhall's obsequious attendance. One can imagine the amazement of his followers when he came out to them, not only unharmed, but waited upon by the steward and a dozen torch-bearers. "It is because he is the Lucky One," they whispered to each other. "His God helps him in everything. It is a faith to live and die for." They followed him across the grassy courtyard to the foot of the steps leading up to his sleeping-room, and would not leave him until he had consented that Valbrand and Olver should go in with him for a bodyguard. "And this boy also," he added, signing to Alwin. As Alwin approached, Kark had the impudence to shoulder himself forward also. "Chief, are you going to turn me out to lie with the swine in the kitchen?" he said boldly. "Remember that every time you have slept in this room before, I have lain across your threshold." Leif's glance pierced him through and through. "Is it sense for a man to trust his slumbers to a dog that has bitten him once? Go lie in the kennel. If it were not for provoking Eric, you would not wait long to feel my blade." He turned and walked up the steps, with his hand on Alwin's shoulder. CHAPTER XV A WOLF-PACK IN LEASH He utters too many Futile words Who is never silent; A garrulous tongue, If it be not checked, Sings often to its own harm. Ha'vama'l Out in the courtyard the four juniors of Leif's train were resting in the shade of the great hall, after a vigorous ball-game. It was four weeks since the crew of the "Sea-Deer" had come into shore-quarters; and though the warmth of August was in the sunshine, the chill of dying summer was already in the shadow. Sigurd drew his cloak around him with a shiver. "Br-r-r! The sweat drops are freezing on me. What a place this is!" Rolf, leaning against the door-post, whittling, finished his snatch of song, "'Hew'd we with the Hanger! It happed that when I young was East in Eyrya's channel Outpoured we blood for grim wolves,'"-- and looked down with his gentle smile. "If you mean that it is this doorstep that is not to your mind, you take too much trouble. We must leave it in a moment; do you not hear that?" He jerked his head toward the gateway, from which direction they suddenly caught the faint notes of hunters' horns. "It is Eric's men returning from their sport. In a little while they will be here, and we must try our luck elsewhere." He straightened himself lazily, flicking the chips from his dress; but the other three sat doggedly unmoved. Alwin said, testily: "I do not see why we must be kept jumping like frightened rabbits because Leif has ordered us to avoid quarrels. What trouble can we get into if we remain here without speaking, and give them plenty of room to pass by us into the hall?" Rolf smiled amiably at the three scowling faces. "Certainly you are good mates to Ann the Simpleton, if you cannot tell any better than that what would happen? They would go a rod out of their way to bump into one of us. If they have been successful, their blood will be up so that they will wish to fight for pleasure. If they have failed, they will be murderous with anger. It took less than that to start the brawl in which Olver was slain,--which I dare say you have not forgotten." Alwin winced, and Sigurd shivered with something besides the cold. It was not the bloody tumult of the fight that they remembered the most clearly; it was what came after it. True to his interpretation of hospitality, Eric had punished the murder of his guest's servant by lopping off, with his own sword, the right hand of the murderer; whereupon Leif had sworn to mete the same justice to any man of his who should slay a follower of Eric. Slowly, as the blaring horns and trampling hoofs drew nearer, the three rose to their feet. Only Alwin struck the ground a savage blow with the bat he still held. "By Saint George! it is unbearable that we should be forced to act in such a foolish way! Has Leif less spirit than a wood-goat? I do not see what he means by it." "Nor I," echoed Sigurd. "Nor I," growled Egil. "I believed he had some of Eric's temper in him." "I do not see why, myself," Rolf admitted; "but I see something that seems to me of greater importance, and that is how he looked when he gave the order." They followed him across the grassy enclosure, though they still grumbled. "Where shall we go?" "The stable also is full of Eric's men." "Before long we shall be shoved off the land altogether. We will have to swim over to Biorn's dwarf-country." "I propose that we go to the landing place," exclaimed Sigurd. "It may be that the ship which Valbrand sighted this morning is nearly here." "I say nothing against that," Rolf assented. They wheeled promptly toward a gate. But at that moment, Alwin caught sight of a blue-gowned figure watering linen in front of the women's-house. "Do you go on without me," he said, drawing back. "I will follow in a moment." Sigurd threw him a keen glance. "Is it your intention to do anything exciting, like quarrelling with Thorhall as you did last night? Let me stay and share it." There was a little embarrassment in Alwin's laugh. "No such intention have I. I wish to see the hunters ride in." The hunters were an imposing sight, as they swept into the court, and broke ranks with a cheer that brought heads to every door. White-robed thralls ran among the champing horses, unsaddling them; scarlet-cloaked sportsmen tumbled heaps of feathered slain out of their game-bags upon the grass; horns brayed, and hounds bayed and struggled in the leash. But Alwin forgot to notice it, he was hurrying so eagerly to where Helga, Gilli's daughter, walked between her strips of bleaching linen, sprinkling them with water from a bronze pan with a little broom of twigs. The outline of her face was sharper and the roses glowed more faintly in her cheeks, but she welcomed him with her beautiful frank smile. "I was hoping some of you would think it worth while to come over here. It is a great relief for me to speak to a man again. I am so tired of women and their endless gabble of brewing and spinning. Yesterday Freydis, Eric's daughter, drove over, and all the while she was here she talked of nothing but--" "Eric's daughter?" Alwin repeated in surprise. "Not until now have I heard that Leif had a sister. Why is she never spoken of? Where does she live?" Helga shrugged impatiently. "She lives at Gardar with a witless man named Thorvard, whom she married for his wealth. She is a despisable creature. And the reason no one speaks of her is that if he did he would feel Thorhild's hands in his hair. There is great hatred between them. Yesterday they quarrelled before Freydis had been here any time at all. And I was about to say that I was glad of it, since it brought about Freydis' departure: all the time she was here she spoke of nothing save her ornaments and costly things. Oh, I do not see why Odin had the wish to create women! It would have been pleasanter if they had remained elm-trees." Alwin regarded her with eyes of the warmest good-will. "It would become a heavy misfortune to me if you were an elm-tree,--though it is likely that I should speak with you then quite as often as I do now. Except at meals, I seldom see you. But I never pass your window that I do not remember that you are toiling within, and say to myself that I am sorry for your bad luck." "I give you thanks," answered Helga, with her friendly smile. "Where have the other men gone? I wished to speak with Sigurd." "They have gone to the landing-place, to watch for a ship that Valbrand sighted this morning from the rocks." She cried out joyfully: "A ship in Einar's Fiord? Then it belongs to some chief of the settlement, who is returning from a Viking voyage! There will be a fine feast made to welcome him." Alwin followed her doubtfully up the lane between the white patches. "Is it likely that that will do us any good? It is possible that Leif will not be invited." The heat of her scorn was like to have dried the drops she was scattering. "You are out of your senses. Do you think men who trade among the Christians are so little-minded as Eric? Leif is known to be a man of renown, and the friend of Olaf Trygvasson. They will be proud to sit at table with him." "It may be that he will refuse to feast with heathens." "That is possible," Helga admitted. She emptied her pan with a little flirt of impatience, and sighed. "How tiresome everything is! To sit at a table where one is afraid to move lest there be a fight! I speak the truth when I say that this is the merriest diversion I have,--standing out here, watering linen, and watching who comes and goes. And now that my pan is empty, I must betake myself indoors again. Yonder is Valbrand beckoning you." It is probable that Alwin would not have hurried to obey the summons, but with a nod and a smile Helga turned away, and there was nothing for him but to go forward to meet the steersman. The old warrior regarded the young favorite with his usual apathy. "It is the wish of Leif that you attend upon him directly." "Is he in his sleeping-room?" "Yes." It occurred to Alwin to wonder at this summons. His usual hour for reading came after Leif had retired for the night. If the chief had overheard the dispute with Thorhall! He lingered, meditating a question; but a second glance at Valbrand's battered face dissuaded him. He turned sharply on his heel, and strode across to the storehouse that had become Leif's headquarters. A loft that could be reached only by a ladder-like outer stairway, and was without fireplace or stove or means of heating, does not appear inviting. But one has a keener sense of appreciation when he considers that the other alternative was a bed in the great hall, where the air was as foul as it was warm, and the room was shared with drunken men and spilled beer and bones and scraps left from feasting. Alwin had no inclination to hold his nose high in regard to his master's new lodgings. England itself offered nothing more comfortable. When he had come up the long flight of steps and swung open the heavy door, he had even an impulse of admiration. This, the state guest-chamber, was not without softening details. It was large and high and weather-proof, and boasted three windows. The box-like straw-filled beds, that were built against the wall, were spread with snowy linen and covers of eiderdown. The long brass-bound chests that stood on either side the door were piled with furs until they offered the softest and warmest of resting-places. A score of Leif's rich dresses, hanging from a row of nails, covered the bare walls as with a gorgeous tapestry. The table was provided with graceful bronze water-pitchers and wash-basins of silver, and was littered over with silver scissors and gold-mounted combs and bright-hilted knives, and a medley of costly trinkets. Near the table stood a great carved arm-chair. At the sight of the man who leaned against its flaming red cushions of eiderdown, Alwin forgot his admiration. The chief's eyebrows made a bushy line across his nose. The young bowerman knew, without words, why he had been sent for. He stopped where he was, a pace within the door, angry and embarrassed. After a while, Leif said sternly: "You are very silent now, but it appears to me that I heard your voice loud enough in the hall last night." "It was only that I was accusing Thorhall of a trick that he tried to put upon me. He allowed me to go up to the loft above the provision house without telling me that the flooring had been taken up, so that they might pour the new mead into the vat in the room below. In one more step I should have fallen through the opening and been drowned. It is plain he did it to avenge Kark. I should have burst if I had not told him so." "I have commanded that my men shall not hold speech with the men of Eric except on friendly matters; that they shall avoid a quarrel as they would avoid death." His tone of quiet authority had begun to have its usual effect upon his young follower; Alwin's head had bent before him. But suddenly he looked up with a daring flash. "Then I have not been disobedient to you, lord; for I would not avoid death if it seemed to me that such shirking were cowardly." A moment the retort brought a grim smile to Leif's lips; then suddenly his face froze into a look of terrible anger. He half started from his chair. "Do you dare tell me to my face that, because I order you to keep the peace, I am a coward?" Alwin gave a great gasp. "Lord, there is no man in the world who would dare speak such words to you. I but meant that I cannot bear such treatment as Thorhall's in silence." Had another said this, the answer might have been swift and fierce; but Leif's manner toward this follower was always different from his way with others,--whether out of respect for his accomplishment, or a fancy for him, or because he discerned in him some refinement that was rare in that brutal age. The anger faded from his face and he said quietly: "Can you not bear so small a thing as that, for so great a cause as the spreading of your faith?" The boy started. "Without peace in which to gain their friendship so that they will hear us willingly, our cause is lost. It is not because I am a craven that I bear to be the guest of the man who sought my life, who turns his face from me when I sit at his board, who allows his servants to insult me. Sometimes I think it would be easier to bear the martyrdom of the blessed saints!" He made a sudden fierce movement in his chair, as though the fire in his veins had leaped out and burnt his flesh. Then, for the first time, Alwin understood. He bent before him, rebuked and humbled. "Lord, I see that I have done wrong. I ask you to pardon it. Say what you would have me do." "Put my commands ahead of your desires, as I put King Olaf's wish before my pride, and as he sets the will of God before his will." "I promise I will not fail you again, lord." "See that you do not," Leif answered, with a touch of sternness. CHAPTER XVI A COURTIER OF THE KING A better burden No man bears on the way Than much good sense; That is thought better than riches In a strange place: Such is the recourse of the indigent. Ha'vama'l The next afternoon when Helga came out to water the linen, she found Alwin waiting for her, on the pretext of hunting in the long grass for a lost arrow-head. He greeted her gayly: "I will offer you three chances to guess my news." She paused, with her twig broom raised and dripping, and scanned him eagerly. "Is it anything about the ship that came yesterday? I heard among the women that it is the war-vessel of Eric's kinsman, Thorkel Farserk, just come back from ravaging the Irish coast. Is his wife going to make a feast to welcome him?" "I will not deny that you have proved a good guesser. And, by Dunstan! he deserves to be received well. Never saw I such a sight as that landing! There were more slaves than there were men in the crew. Not a man but had a bloody bandage on his head or his body, and the arms and legs of some were lacking. Two of the crew were not there at all, and their sweethearts had come down to the shore to meet them; and when they found that they had been slain, they tore their hair and tried to kill themselves with knives." "That was foolish of them," said Helga, calmly. "Better was it that their lovers should die in good repute than live in the shame of cowardice. But tell me the news. Has it happened, as I supposed, that there is going to be a feast, and Leif is asked to it?" "Messengers came this morning from Farserk's wife. But you dare not guess the rest." "I dare throw this pan of water over you if you do not tell me instantly." "It would not matter much if you did. I am to have new clothes,--of black velvet with bands of ermine. But hearken now: Leif has accepted the invitation! Even Valbrand thinks this a great wonder. At this moment Sigurd is selecting the chief's richest dress, and Rolf is getting out the most costly of the gifts that were brought from Norway." Helga set down her pan for the express purpose of clapping her hands. "Now I am well content; for at last they will see him in all his glory, and know what manner of man they have treated with disrespect. I have hoped with all my heart for such a thing as this, but by no means did I think he cared enough to do it." Alwin shook his head hastily. "You must not get it into your mind that it is to improve his own honor that he does it now. I know that for certain. It is to give his mission a good appearance." Helga picked up her pan with a sigh. "When he begins to preach that to them, he will knock it all over again." Alwin considered it his duty to frown at this; but it must be confessed that something very similar was in his own thoughts as he followed his lord into Thorkel Farserk's feasting-hall that night. Whatever his religion, the guardsman's rank and his gallant appearance and fine manners compelled admiration and respect. It could not but seem a pity to his admirers that soon, with one word, he would be forced to undo it all. "It is harder than the martyrdom of the saints," Alwin murmured bitterly. Then his eye fell upon the silver crucifix, shining pure and bright on Leif's breast, and he realized the unworthiness of his thoughts, and resigned himself with a sigh. But he found that even yet Leif's purposes were beyond him. Never, by so much as a word, did the guardsman refer to the subject of the new religion,--though again and again his skilful tongue won for him the attention of all at the table. He spoke of battles and of feasts, and of the grandeur of the Northmen. With the old men he discussed Norwegian politics; with the young ones he talked of the famous champions of King Olaf's guard. To the women who wished to know concerning the King's house, and the Queen, he answered with the utmost patience. He described everything, from weddings to burials, with the skill of a minstrel and the weight of an authority, and always with the tact of a courtier. Gradually whispers of praise circled around the board, whispers that fell like sweetest music on the jealous ears of Leif's followers. Thorhild leaned back from her food and watched him with open pride,--and though Eric kept his face still turned away, he set his ear forward so that he should hear everything. Alwin was almost beside himself with nervousness. "If the crash does not come soon, I shall go out of my wits," he whispered to Rolf. The Wrestler turned upon him a face of such unusual excitement that he was amazed. "Do you not see?" he whispered. "There will not be any crash. I have just begun to understand. It was this he meant when he spoke to you of gaining their friend-ship that they might hear him willingly. Do you not see?" Alwin's relief was so great that at first he dared not believe it. When the truth of it dawned upon him, he was overcome with wonder and admiration. In those days, nine men out of every ten could draw their swords and rave and die for their principles; it was only the tenth man that was strong enough to keep his hand off his weapon, or control his tongue and live to serve his cause. "Luck obeys his will as the helm his hand. I shall never worry over him again," he said contentedly, as with the others he waited in the courtyard for Leif to come out of the feasting-hall. Sigurd laughed gayly. "Do you know what I just overheard in the crowd? Some of Thorkel's men were praising Leif, and one of Eric's churls thought it worth while to boast to them how he had known the Lucky One when he was a child. Certainly the tide is beginning to turn." "Leif Ericsson is an ingenious man," Rolf said, with unusual decision. "I take shame upon me that ever I doubted his wisdom." Egil uttered the kind of sullen grunt with which he always prefaced a disagreeable remark. "Ugh! I do not agree with you. I think his behavior was weak-kneed. Knowing their hatred against the word Christian, all the more would I have dinged it into their ears; that they might not think they had got the better of me. Now they believe he has become ashamed of his faith and deserted it." The three broke in upon him in an angry chorus. Alwin said sternly: "You speak in a thoughtless way, Egil Olafsson. You forget that he still wears the crucifix upon his breast. How can they believe that he has forgotten his faith or given it up, when they cannot look at him without seeing also the sign of his God?" Egil turned away, silenced. This feast of Thorkel Farserk was the first of a long line of such events. With the approach of autumn, ships became a common sight in the fiords-Those chieftains who had left Greenland in summer to spear whales in the northern ocean, or make trading voyages to eastern countries, or cruise over the high seas on pirates' missions, now came sailing home again with increased wealth and news-bags bursting. For every traveller, wife or kinsman made a feast of welcome--a bountiful entertainment that sometimes lasted three days, with tables always spread, and horns always filled, and games and horse-races, and gifts for everyone. At each of these celebrations, Leif appeared in all his splendor; and his tactful tongue held for him the place of honor. His popularity grew apace. The only thing that could keep step with it was the exultation of his followers. CHAPTER XVII THE WOOING OF HELGA At love should no one Ever wonder In another; A beauteous countenance Oft captivates the wise, Which captivates not the foolish. A man must not Blame another For what is many men's weakness; For mighty love Changes the sons of men From wise into fools. Ha'vama'l It happened, one day, that an accidental discovery caused Alwin to regard these festivities in a new light. It was a morning in November when he was in the hall, kneeling before master to lace his high boots. Leif stood before the fire, wrapping himself up for a ride across the Settlement. Some unknown cause had made the atmosphere of the breakfast-table so particularly ungenial,--Thorhild sitting with her back to her spouse, and Eric manifesting a growing desire to hurl goblets at the heads of all who looked at him,--that the courtier had judged it discreet to absent himself from the next meal. He now stood arraying himself from a pile of furs, and talking with Tyrker, who sat near him blinking in the fire-glow. Save a couple of house-thralls scrubbing at the lower end of the room, no one else was present, Eric having started on his morning round of the stables, the smithies, and the cow-houses. As he pulled on his fur gloves, Leif smiled satirically. "It is a good thing that I was present last summer when King Olaf converted Kjartan the Icelander. It was then I learned that those who cannot be dealt with by force may often be led by the nose without their knowing it. Olaf said to the fellow, 'The God I worship does not wish that any should be brought to Him by force. As you are averse to the doctrines of Christianity, you may depart in peace.' Whereupon Kjartan immediately replied: 'In this manner I may be induced to be a Christian.' So, because I have kept my promise to speak no more concerning Christianity, men have become curious about it, and yesterday two chiefs came of their own will and asked me questions concerning it." Tyrker poked his head out to say "So?" then snuggled back into his wraps again, to chuckle contentedly. He was so wound up in furs that he looked like a sharp little needle in a fuzzy haystack. Leif's smile gave way to a frown. "Another man came to me also, on a different errand,--Ragner Thorkelsson,--it may be that you saw him? He wished to make a bargain concerning Helga." Alwin gave a great start, so that the leather thong snapped in his hand; but his master went on unheeding. "You know it is my wish that she shall marry as soon as she can make a good match, since she is not happy while she sits at home with Thorhild, and it is not likely that she will like her father much better. It has been in my mind through every feast; but until now, none of the men who have asked for her has seemed to me a good match." Though his hands kept mechanically at their work, Alwin's brain seemed to have come to a standstill. It must be a dream, a foolish dream. It was not possible that such a thing could have been planned without his even suspecting it. He listened numbly. "The first man was too old. The second was not of good enough kin; and the other two had not enough property. Ragner Thorkelsson lacks none of these. He is young; his father's father was a lawman; and he owns eighteen farms and many ships." Though he did not in the least know why, Alwin felt a hot desire to seek out Ragner Thorkelsson and kill him. "So?" said Tyrker, peering forth inquiringly. "Yet never have I heard that he any accomplishments had, or that in battle enemies he had overcome." "No," Leif assented. He did not finish immediately, and there was a pause. From the courtyard came a clashing and jingling of bells, as servants brought the reindeer from the feeding-ground to harness them to the boat-like sledges that stood waiting. "It may be that I have acted unwisely," Leif said at last; "but because I did not believe it would be according to Helga's wish, I told him that I would not bargain with him." Alwin buried a gulping laugh in the fur cloak he had picked up. He had known that it would end in some such way. Of course; it had been idiotic to expect anything else. He listened smilingly for what else Leif had to say. The guardsman drew the last strap through the last buckle on his double fur jacket, and turned toward the door. "It may be that I was unwise, but it may also be that it will not matter much. The most desirable men come home latest; we have not seen them all. It is likely that the next feast will decide it." Long after the door had closed upon Leif, and he had entered the sledge and been whirled through the gate in a flurry of snow and a clamor of bells, Alwin stood there, motionless. Tyrker dozed in the comfort-able warmth, and woke to find him still staring down into the fire. "What hast thou, my son?" he questioned, kindly. Alwin came to himself with a start and a stare, and catching up his cloak, hurried out of the room without replying. "I will find Helga and tell her that she must put a stop to it," he was saying to himself as he went. "That is what I will do. I will tell her that she must stop it." Pulling his cap lower as the keen wind cut his face, he hurried across the courtyard toward the women's-house, trying to frame some excuse that should bring Helga to the door where he could speak to her. Half-way across, he bumped into Rolf. "Hail, comrade! Have you left your eyes behind you in your hurry?" the Wrestler greeted him, catching him by the shoulders and spinning him round and round as he attempted to pass. "You look as sour as last night's beer. What will you give to hear good tidings?" "Nothing. Let me go. I am in a hurry," Alwin fumed. "You have not outrun your curiosity, have you? I have just learned why it is that Thorhild no longer speaks to Eric, and why he is in a mood to smash things." "Why?" asked Alwin, impatiently; but he no longer struggled, for he knew it was useless in Rolf's grip. "Because last night Thorhild told Eric that she had become a Christian. Her bowerwoman told Helga, and when I met Helga--" "Met her? Where? Is she in the women's-house?" Rolf shook him by the shoulders he still held. "Is that all you have to say to news of such importance? Do you not see that now that Thorhild has been converted, Eric's men will no longer dare oppose us; lest in time to come, when she has brought Eric round--" "I say, where did you meet Helga?" roared Alwin. Rolf released him, and stood looking at him with an inscrutable smile. "If I were not your sworn friend, I should enjoy wringing your neck," he said. "I met Helga at the gate yonder. She was going over to Glum Starkadsson's to get something for Thorhild, and also because she wished a walk over the hard snow." "Is it far from here? And in what direction?" "For what purpose do you wish to know that?" "I ask you in what direction it lies." "The Troll take you!" Rolf gave it up with a laugh. "It lies to the north of the fiord,--beyond a bridge that crosses a river that runs through a valley. And it is not far. Have you not yet learned that in Greenland people do not take long strolls in the winter-time?" Alwin pulled a hood over his cap, strapped his cloak still tighter, drew a pair of down-lined mittens from under his girdle and put them on over his gloves, and, without another syllable, turned and made for the gate. It was glorious weather, dry and clear, and so still that very little of the cold penetrated his fur-lined garments. Snow covered everything, fine and firm and dazzling. The smooth white expanse suggested a wish that he had brought the skees he was learning to use; then the sight of the line of boulders he would have had to steer around made him rejoice that he had not. Far ahead of him rose the glittering wall of inland ice,--that mysterious frozen sea that covers all of Greenland except its very border, and never advances and never recedes. What made it stop there, he wondered? And what lay beyond it? And could those tales be true that the old women told, of terrible magical beings living on its silent frozen peaks? The sight of a dark speck moving over the white plain far ahead of him banished every other thought. It might be that it was Helga. He crunched on eagerly. Then he dipped into the valley and lost sight of the speck, found it on the bridge, dipped again, and again it was lost to view. It was not until the fence of Glum Starkadsson's farm was plainly in sight, that he caught another glimpse of it. But this time it was coming toward him, from the gateway. Certainly that long crimson cloak and full crimson hood belonged to Helga. In a moment, she waved her hand at him. Soon he could see her face under the white fur border. Her scarlet lips were curving in a smile. The snow-glare brought out the dazzling fairness of her pearly skin, and her eyes were like two radiant blue stars. It seemed to Alwin that he had never known before how beautiful she was. A strange shyness came over him, that weighted his feet and left him without a word to say when they met. But Helga greeted him cheerily. "Did you ever breathe finer air? I wish Thorhild would run out of gold thread every day in the week. Are you in a hurry?" "No," Alwin began hesitatingly, "I--" She did not wait for the end. "Then turn back with me a little way, and I will tell you something worth hearing." He turned obediently and walked beside her, trying to think how to put what he had come to say. "You remember hearing of Egil's father Olaf, who was so ill-tempered that Egil dared not go home and confess that he had become a Christian? Gunnlaug Starkadsson returned this morning from visiting his wife, and she says that last night the old man's horse threw him so that his head hit against a stone, and it caused his death." She made an impressive pause; but Alwin stalked along in silence, grinding his heels deep into the snow. "Do you not see what that means?" she asked, impatiently. "Egil will now come into his inheritance, and become one of the richest men in the Settlement." The trouble was that, in the first flash, Alwin had seen it all too plainly. He had seen that now Egil would become just such a man as Leif was wishing to bargain with. The thought burnt him like a hot iron, and he opened his lips to pour out his frenzy; but he could not find the words. After a moment he said, sullenly: "I should be thankful if he would leave Leif's service, so that I could sometimes speak to you without having him watch me like a dog at a rabbit-hole." Helga turned toward him with frank interest. "I wonder at that also. He does not act so when I speak to Sigurd or Rolf. But then, he has behaved very strangely to me ever since he talked with Skroppa in Iceland, two seasons ago." "He spoke to me of Skroppa the first time I saw him," Alwin said, absently. Then a flicker of curiosity awoke in him. "I wish that you would tell me what 'Skroppa' stands for. I do not know whether it is man or beast or demon." Even out there in the open, Helga glanced about for listeners before she answered. "Skroppa is a fore-knowing woman, who lives among the unsettled places north of here, in a cabin down in a hollow. Though Leif will not admit it, it was she who took the curse off Eric's sword." It seemed to Alwin that here at last was an opening. He said harshly: "I wonder if she would be wise enough to tell whom Leif will marry you to before the feasting is over?" Helga stood still and looked at him. "What are you talking about?" He stopped in front of her, with a fierce gesture, and in one angry burst told her all he had heard. He could not understand how she could listen so calmly, kicking the snow with the toe of her shoe. When he had finished, she said quietly: "Yes, I know he has that intention in his mind. It is for that reason that every time I go to a feast he gives me costly ornaments, and makes me wear them. I have had great kindness from his hands. But do not let us speak of it further." Alwin caught her roughly by her wrists, and shook her a little as he looked into her eyes. "You must not let him marry you to anyone. Do you hear? You _must_ not, _I_ love you." Helga's look of resentment changed to one of pleased surprise, and she shook his hands heartily. "Do you truly, comrade? I am glad, for I like you very much indeed,--as much as I like Sigurd." "Then swear by your knife that you will not let him marry you to anyone." She pulled her hands away, a little impatiently. "Why do you ask that which is useless?" "But you have just said that you liked me." "I do; but what does that matter, since I cannot marry you?" So light had the yoke of servitude grown on Alwin's shoulders that he had almost forgotten its existence. He opened his lips to ask, "Why?" Then it came back to him that he was a slave, a worthless, helpless dog of a slave. He closed his lips again and walked on without speaking, staring ahead of him with fierce, despairing eyes. CHAPTER XVIII THE WITCH'S DEN Moderately wise Should each one be, But never over-wise: His destiny let know No man beforehand; His mind will be freest from care. Ha'vama'l Because it was Yule Eve, the long deserted temple on the plain was filled with light and sound. Fires blazed upon the floor; the row of gilded idols came out of the shadow and shone in all their splendor. The altars were reddened with the blood of slaughtered cattle; the tapestried walls had been spattered with it. The temple priest dipped a bunch of twigs into the brimming copper bowl, and sprinkled the sacrificial blood over the people who sat along the walls ... They raised the consecrated horns and drank the sacred toasts. To Odin! For victory and power. To Njord! To Frey! For peace and a good year ... Eric of Brattahlid laid his hands upon the atonement boar and made a solemn vow to render justice unto all men, whatsoever their transgressions. The others followed him in this, as in everything. Because this was happening in the temple, Brattahlid, the source of light and good cheer, was dark and gloomy. In the great hall there was no illumination save the flickering firelight. Black shadows blotted out the corners and stretched across the ceiling. The long benches were emptied of all save Leif's followers and Thorhild's band of women. The men sat like a row of automatons, drinking steadily, in deep silence, with furtive glances toward their leader. Leif leaned back in his high-seat, neither speaking nor drinking, scowling down into the flames. "He is angry because Eric keeps up the heathen sacrifice," the women whispered in each other's ears. "He has all of Eric's temper when he is angered. It would be as much as one's life were worth to go near him now." Shivering with nervousness, they crouched on the bench beside their mistress's seat. Thorhild leaned on the arm of her chair, shading her brow with her hand that she might gaze at Leif unseen. Sometimes her eyes dwelt on his face, and sometimes they rested on the silver crucifix that shone on his breast; and so great was her tenderness for the one, that she embraced the other also in a look of yearning love. When the house-thralls had cleared away the tables, they crept into a corner and stayed there, fearing even to go forward and replenish the sinking fire, though gusts of bitter cold came through the broken window behind them. Little as they guessed it, something besides cold was coming through the hole in the window. Even while they shivered and nodded beneath it, a pair of gray Saxon eyes were sending keen glances through it, searching every corner. As the eyes turned back to the outer darkness, Alwin's voice whispered with a long breath of relief: "I am certain they have not noticed that we have gone out." From the darkness, Sigurd's voice interrupted softly: "Is Kark there?" "I think he is still in his comer. The light is bad, and the flames are leaping between, but it seems to me that I can make him out." They emerged from the shadow into the moonlight, and it became evident that Sigurd was shaking his head dubiously. "It seems to me also that I heard the door creak after us, and saw a shadow slip past as we turned this corner. He is always on the watch; it might easily be that our going out aroused his suspicions so that he is hiding somewhere to track us. More than anything else in the world, is he desirous to catch you in some disobedience." Alwin tramped on doggedly. To all appearances, the court was as deserted as a graveyard at midnight. Not even the whinny of a horse broke the stillness. They passed into the shadow of a storehouse, and Alwin dived into, the recess under the steps and began to fumble for something hidden there. When he drew out a pair of skees and proceeded to put them on, Sigurd burst forth with increased vehemence. "Alwin, I implore you to heed my advice. My mind tells me that nothing but evil can come of meddling with Skroppa. There will be no limit to Leif's anger if he--" "I tell you he will not find out," Alwin answered over his shoulder. "His mind is so full of Eric's ill-doings, that he will not notice my absence before I am back again. And to-night is the only night when I am not in danger of being spied upon by Eric's men. It is my only chance." "Yet Kark--" "Kark may go into the hands of the Trolls!" "It is not unlikely that you will accompany him. You are doing a great sin. Harald Fairhair burned his son alive for meddling with witchcraft." Although his toes were thrust into the straps of the runner-like skees, Alwin stamped with exasperation. "You need not tell me that again. I know as well as you that it is a sin. But will not penance make it right?" "You will dishonor Leif's holy mission." "I shall not cause any quarrel, nor offend anyone. What harm can I do?" Sigurd laid his hands on his friend's shoulders and tried to see his face in the dark. "Give it up, comrade; I beseech you to give it up. If you should be discovered, I tell you that though a priest might win you a pardon from Heaven, no power on earth could make your peace with Leif Ericsson." Alwin said slowly: "If he discovers what I have done, I will endure any punishment he chooses, because I owe him some obedience while I eat his bread and wear his clothes. But I am not his born thrall, so I will have my own way first. Urge me no more, brother; my mind is fixed." Sigurd released him instantly. "I will say nothing further,--except that it is my intention to try my luck with you." Stooping into the recess, he drew out an-other pair of skees and began to fasten them on. At the prospect of companionship, Alwin felt a rush of relief,--then a twinge of compunction. "Sigurd, you must not do this thing. There is no reason why you should run this risk." "There would be no reason why you should call me your friend if I did otherwise," Sigurd cut him short. "Do you think me a craven, to let you go alone where you might be tricked or murdered? Have you a weapon?" "Leif will not allow me so much as a dagger, so to-night I borrowed from his table the old brass-hilted knife that Eric gave him in his boyhood. It is unlikely that he will miss that. I have it here." Throwing back his cloak, he showed it thrust through his girdle. "Come, then," said Sigurd curtly. "And have a care for your skees. You are not over-skilful yet." He caught up the long staff that acts something like a balance-pole in skeeing, and darted away. Alwin followed, with an occasional prod of his staff into a shadow that seemed thicker than it should be. By a side-gate, they left the courtyard and struck out across the fields, where the snow was packed as hard as a road-bed. Noiseless as birds, and almost as swift, they skimmed along over the snow-clad plains and half-frozen marshes. As was to have been expected, the young Viking was an expert. To see him shoot down a hillside at lightning speed, his skees as firmly parallel as though they were of one piece, his graceful body bending, balancing, steering, was to see the next best thing to flying. Alwin's runners threw him more than once, lapping one over the other as he was zigzagging up a slope, so that he tripped and rolled until a snow-bank stopped him. As he regained his feet after one of these interruptions, he made some angry remark; but beyond this there was little said. It was a dreary night to be on an uncanny errand, with a chill in the air that seemed to freeze the heart. A fitful, spiteful wind drove the clouds like frightened sheep, and strove to blow out the pale patient moon. Sometimes it seemed almost to succeed; suddenly, when they most needed light to guide their six-foot runners between the great boulders, the light would go out like a torch in the water. The gusts lay in wait for them at the corners, to leap out and lash their faces with a shriek that chattered their teeth. The lulls between the gusts were even worse; it seemed as though the whole world were holding its breath in dread. They held theirs, darting uneasy glances at the glacier wall glittering far ahead of them. When a long, low wail smote their ears, their hearts leaped into their throats. They were travelling along the edge of a black ravine. Halting, they stood with suspended breath, staring down into the darkness. The cry came again, yet more piercing; then suddenly it split into a hissing sound like a kettle boiling over. Alwin broke into a nervous laugh. "Cats!" he said. But Sigurd stiffened as quickly as he had relaxed. "One of Skroppa's! She swarms with them. See! Is not that a light down there?" A sudden flicker there certainly was,--if it was not a ghost-fire. The last cloud scurried from before the face of the long-suffering moon; before the wind could bring up another fleecy flock, the pale light crept down into the hollow and revealed the dark outline of a cabin clinging among the rocks. Alwin slipped out of his skees and made sure of his knife. "That, then, is her house. We will leave the skees here." "Though you never were known to heed advice, I will offer you another piece," Sigurd answered. "We must go softly; and if we find the door unlocked, enter quickly and without knocking. Otherwise it is possible that we will stay outside and talk to the stones." It was a tedious descent, yet somehow the time seemed plenty short enough before they stood at the threshold. The stillness at the bottom of the hollow was death-like; only the flickering light on the window spoke of life. Silently the door yielded to Alwin's touch. Darkness and a dying fire were all that met their eyes. They thought the room empty, and took a step forward. Instantly the space was alive with the green eyes of countless cats. The air was split with yowlings and spittings and hissing. Soft furry bodies bounced against them and bit and clawed around their legs. From the farthest corner came the lisping voice of a toothless old woman. "Who dares interrupt my sleep when the visions of things I wish to know are passing before me? Better would it be for him to put his hand into the mouth of the Fenriswolf." Alwin said slowly, "It is the English thrall." After a pause, the voice answered crossly, "I know no English thrall." "How comes it, then, that more than a year ago you told something concerning him which made Egil Olafsson his mortal foe?" Out of the darkness came a sudden cackling laugh. "That is true. I told the Black One that the maiden he loved would love an English thrall instead. And he wished to stick his sword through me!" "Is that what you told him?" cried Alwin, in amazement. Sigurd echoed the cry. Yet as their minds ran back over Egil's strange actions, they could not doubt that this was the key that unlocked their mystery. From an invisible corner came a stir, a creak, and then the sound of feet lighting softly on the floor. A tiny figure appeared on the edge of the shadows beyond the dying fire. The light fell upon furry gray feet; and Alwin's first thought was that a monstrous cat had dropped down. Then the flames leaped higher, and showed a furry cloak and a furry hood, and from its fuzzy depths protruding, a sharp yellow beak for a nose, and a hairy yellow peak for a chin. Of eyes, one saw nothing at all. Out of the fuzzy depths came a lisping voice. "When a thrall of Leif Ericsson, who is also a Christian, thinks it worth while to risk his life and his soul to consult me, I forgive it that I am wakened at midnight. It is a compliment to my powers that I do not take ill. Say what you wish to learn from me." Alwin felt Sigurd touch him reproachfully, and shame burned in his cheeks; but he had gone too far to retreat. He said bluntly: "I wish to know whether Helga, Gilli's daughter, is to be given to Egil. Each time he speaks across the floor to her, I am as though I were pricked with sharp knives. I have endured it through three feasts; but I look upon her with such eyes of love, that I can bear it no longer." "I will dull those knives, even as Odin blunts the weapons of his enemies. Helga will not be given to Egil, because he is too haughty to ask for her since he knows that she loves you instead of him." It had seemed to Alwin that if he could only know this, he would be satisfied; yet now his questions piled upon each other. "Then do you promise that she will be given to me? How am I to save her? How am I to get my freedom? How long am I to wait?" The Sibyl sank her head upon her breast so that her nose and chin quite disappeared, and she stood before them like some furry headless beast. There was a long pause. Alwin nervously followed the pairs of eyes, noiselessly appearing and disappearing, from floor to ceiling, in every part of the room. Sigurd set his back against the door and carried on a silent struggle with the heavy lumps, hanging by teeth and claws upon his cloak. At last Skroppa raised her head and answered haltingly: "You ask too much, according to the time and the place. To know all that clearly, I should sit on a witches' platform and eat witches' broth, and have women stand about me and sing weird songs. Without music, spirits do not like to help. I can only see bits, vaguely as through a fog... I see your body lying on the ground I see a ship where never ship was seen before I see--I see Leif Ericsson standing upon earth where never man stood before. It seems to me that I read great luck in his face... And I see you standing beside him, though you do not look as you look now, for your hair is long and black. The light is so bright that I cannot... Yes, one thing more is open to my sight. I see that it is in this new land that it will be settled whether your luck is to be good or bad." She stopped. They waited for her to go on; but soon it became evident that the foretelling was finished. With all his prudence, Sigurd began to laugh; and Alwin burst out in a passion of impatience: "For which, you gabbler? For which? I can make nothing of such jargon. Tell me in plain words whether it will be for good or ill." Skroppa answered just one word: "Jargon!" Alwin stormed on unheeding, but Sigurd's laughter stopped: something in the tone of that one word chilled his blood and braced his muscles like a frost. He strained his eyes to pierce the shadow and make out what she was doing; and it seemed to him that he could no longer see her. She had disappeared,--where? In a sudden panic he groped behind him for the door; found it and flung it open. It was well that the moon was shining at that moment. "Alwin!" he shouted. The yellow face was close to the thrall's unconscious shoulder; one evil claw-like hand was almost at his cheek. What she would have done, she alone knew. While his cry was still in the air, Sigurd pulled his companion away and through the door. Up the steep they went like cats. Near the top, Alwin tripped, and his knife slipped from his belt and fell against a boulder. It lay there shining, but neither of them noticed it. Into their skees, and over the crusted plains they went,--reindeer could not have caught them. CHAPTER XIX TALES OF THE UNKNOWN WEST Fire is needful To him who is come in, And whose knees are frozen; Food and raiment A man requires Who o'er the fell has travelled. Ha'vama'l "I tell you I must go over the track once more. It may have slipped out of my girdle at some of the places where I tripped." Alwin's words rose in frosty cloud; for he was Leif's unheated sleeping-room, drawing on an extra pair of thick woollen stockings in preparation for his customary outing. "It is foolishness. Four times already have you been over the ground without finding it. A long brass-halted knife could not have been overlooked if it had been there. I tell you that you lost it among the rocks of the hollow, and that you would be wise to give it up." Sigurd's answer came in muffled though emphatic tones, for he was huddled almost out of sight among the furs on the chest, as he waited for his companion to complete his dressing. Now that genuine winter weather was upon them, the loft was necessarily abandoned as a sleeping apartment; but it still served as a dressing-room for such slight and speedy alterations as were attempted. As he pulled on the big heelless skeeing-shoes, Alwin sighed anxiously. "I must find it. Any day Leif may miss it and ask." "He is not likely to, since he has already gone a week without noticing its absence. And if he should, you have only to say that you borrowed it to protect yourself from wolves. That will not be much of a lie, Skroppa being nearer wolf than human. He will feel that he was wrong to have denied you a weapon, and he will only scold a little." "It is true that he is in a good temper again," Alwin admitted. "Yesterday I heard Tyrker tell Valbrand that many more chiefs had asked concerning Christianity; and last night, after Eric had gone to sleep in his seat, I heard Leif say to Thorhild that if now he could only do some great deed to prove the power of his God, it was his opinion that half of Greenland would be ready to believe." Sigurd crept out of the bearskins with a shiver. "I say nothing against that. But let us end this talk. My blood-drops are so frozen they rattle in my body." He thumped down the steps as though rigid with cold, and jumped and danced and beat his breast before he could bring himself to stand still long enough to fasten on his skees. "Where shall we go, then?" Alwin asked, as they glided out of the gate in the dim light of an Arctic winter day. "It may be that to go over that road again might become a misfortune. Once I saw Kark looking after us with a grin which I would have knocked off his face if I had not been in a hurry." Sigurd instantly faced toward the snow-crusted hills that lay between them and Eric's Fiord. "Then to-day it will be useful to go in another direction, so that any suspicions he has may go to sleep again. If Thorhall had been at home, he would have overtaken you before this. His green eyes are well fitted for spying." Perhaps it was this reference to green eyes that recalled to Alwin the scene of the foretelling. Perhaps it had never gone very far out of his mind. After they had swung along a while in silent enjoyment of the swift motion and the answering tingle in their blood, he said abruptly: "It may be that there was some truth at her tongue-roots, after all." Sigurd made a sly move with his staff, so that the other suddenly tripped and fell headlong; whereupon he said gravely: "Lo, I believe so too, for behold, already it has come true that 'I see your body lying on the ground.'" Alwin consented to laugh, as he picked himself up and untangled his runners; but he was too much in earnest to be turned aside. "I do not mean in regard to that," he said, when they were once more in motion. "I mean what she told concerning some new untrodden land." Sigurd became instantly attentive, as though the reference had been much in his own mind also. "It has occurred to me that perhaps she was speaking of that western land you told me of. It might be that this would be a way out of my difficulties. If I could escape to that land with Helga, so would I at once save her and gain my freedom." Sigurd's eyes brightened, then gloomed again. "Yes,--but that 'if' is like a mile-wide rift in the ice. You can never get over it." "It might be that I could get around it. I tell you I shall go out of my wits if I cannot see some trail to follow, no matter how faint it is. Tell me what else you know of this land." They were starting down a slope at the speed of the wind, but Sigurd suddenly leaped into the air with a cheer; and cheered again as he landed, right-side up and unstaggered, at the bottom of the hill. "By Michael, I will do better than that! I will take you to talk with one of Biorn's own men. One is visiting Aran Bow-Bender now, across the fiord. I heard Brand Knutsson say so last week." "By my troth, Sigurd," Alwin cried eagerly, "when things come to one's hand like that, I believe it is a sign that he should try his luck with them! Would we have time to go there to-day?" "Certainly; do you not see that the light is only just fading from the mountain tops? so it can be but a little past noon. The only difficulty is that the ice may not be in a condition for us to cross the fiord. A warm land-wind has been blowing for three days; and even in the North, where the seal-hunters go, the ice often breaks up under them. But now allow me to get my bearings. That is the smoke from Brattahlid, behind us; and yonder I see the roofs of Eric's ship-sheds. Here,--we will go in this direction until we come to a high point of the bank." Across the white plain that stretched in that direction, they skimmed accordingly. Once they came upon a herd of Eric's reindeer, rooting under the snow for moss; but aside from that, they saw no living thing. Low-hanging gray clouds seemed to have shut out the world. Now and then, from far out in the open water came the grinding and crunching of huge ice-cakes, see-sawing past each other. Once there sounded the reverberating thunder of two icebergs in a duel. "If there were any bears on that ice, they have found by this time that there can be even worse things than men with spears," Sigurd observed, as he listened. It is doubtful whether Alwin had heard the noise at all. He answered, absently: "Yes,--and if we do not wish to come to the subject at once, we can say that we are cold and dropped in to warm ourselves." "To say that we are cold will always be truthfully spoken," Sigurd assented, his teeth chattering like beads. "I do not believe that Stark-Otter was much chillier when he pulled off his clothes and sat in a snow-bank." It turned out to be even more truthful than they imagined. They had little more than left the shore and ventured out upon the ice, when the gentle east wind developed into a gale, that presently wrapped them in the blinding folds of a snow-storm. The ice became invisible a step ahead of their feet. They had retained their staffs when they left their skees upon the bank; but even feeling their way step by step was by no means secure. It was not long before Alwin went through, up to his neck; and if he had been uncomfortable before, he was in wretched plight now, drenched to the skin with ice-water. "If you also get in this condition, we shall both perish," he chattered, when he had managed to clamber out again by the fortunate accident of his staff's falling crosswise over the hole. "I will continue to go first; and do you hoard your strength to save us both when I get too stiff to move." It proved a wise precaution; for in a few minutes he broke through again, and it took all his companion's exertions to pull him out. Before they reached the opposite shore, he had been in four times, and was so benumbed with cold that Sigurd was obliged to drag him up the bank and into the hut of Aran Bow-Bender. One low room was all there was of it, and that was smoky and dirty, the air thick with the smells of stale cooking and musty fur garments. Dogs were lying about, and there was a goat-pen in the corner; but a fire roared in the centre, a ring of steaming hot drinks stood around it, and behind them sat a circle of jovial-hearted sportsmen, who seemed to ask no greater pleasure than to pull off a stranger's drenched garments, rub him to a tingle, and pour him full of hot spicy liquids. To return that night was out of the question. Alwin was too exhausted even to think of it,--beyond a sleepy wonder as to whether a scolding or a flogging would be the penalty of his involuntary truancy. He even forgot the existence of the man he had come to see, though the round, red-faced sailor dozed in a corner directly opposite him. Sigurd, however, was less muddled; and he had, besides, a strong objection to returning the next morning, to be laughed at for his weather-foolishness. "If we do not want to be made fun of, it would be advisable for us to take someone back with us to distract people's attention," he reasoned, and laid plans accordingly. The next day, as they began buckling up their various outer garments preparatory to departure, he suddenly struck into the conversation with a reference to the festivities at Brattahlid. In a moment the sailor-man's eyes opened, like two round windows, above his fat cheeks. The Silver-Tongue spoke on concerning the products of the Brattahlid kitchen, the fat beeves that were slaughtered each week, the gammons and flitches that were taken from the larder, and the barrels of ale that were tapped. As he settled his boots with a final stamp, and stretched out his hand toward the door, Grettir the sailor arose in his corner. "Hold on, Jarl's son," he said thickly. "If it is not against your wish, I will go with you." He made a propitiatory gesture to the group around the fire. "You will not take it ill, shipmates, if I leave you now, with many thanks for a good entertainment. The truth is that it has always been in my mind to visit this renowned Eric, if ever I should be in this part of Greenland; and now that some one is going that way to guide me, I think it would be unadvisable to lose the chance." "The matter shall be as you have fixed it, Grettir," Sigurd said politely, "if you are able to run on skees with us." Grettir laughed in a jovial roar, as he helped himself to a pair of runners that rested on antlers against the wall. "You have a sly wit, Sigurd Jarlsson. You think, because I am round, I am wont to roll like a barrel. I will show you." And it proved that, for all his bulk, he was as light on his feet as either of them. In those days, when every landlubber could handle a boat like a seaman, every sailor knew at least something about farming, and could ride a horse like a jockey. All the way back, he kept them going at a pace that took their breath. In the excitement of welcoming so renowned a character to Brattahlid, reprimands and curiosity were alike forgotten. By the time they had him anchored behind an ale-horn on the bench in the hall, he held the household's undivided attention. Good-natured with feasting, and roused by the babel around him, he began yarn-spinning at the first hint. "The western shore? No man living can tell you more of the wonders of that than I,--not Biorn Herjulfsson himself!" he declared. And forthwith he related the whole adventure, from Biorn's rash setting out into unknown seas, to his final arrival on the Greenland coast. To hear of these strange half-mythical shores from one who had seen them with his own eyes, was more than interesting. The jarls' sons listened breathlessly while he reeled out his tale between swallows. "And the fair winds ceased, and northern winds with fog blew continually, so that for many days we did not know even in what direction we were sailing. Then the sun came into sight, and we could distinguish the quarters of heaven. We hoisted sail, and sailed all day before we saw land, but when we came to it we knew no more what it was than this horn here. Biorn said he did not think it was Greenland, but he wished to go near it. It had no mountains but low hills, and was forest-clad. We kept the land on our left and sailed for two days before we came to other land. This time it was flat and covered with woods. Biorn said that he did not think this was Greenland, for very large glaciers were said to be there. We wished to go ashore, as we lacked both wood and water, and the fair wind had fallen. There were some cross words when Biorn would not, but gave orders to turn the prow seaward. This time we sailed three days with a southwest wind, and more land came in view, which rose high with mountains and a glacier. Biorn said this had an inhospitable look, and he would not allow that we should land here either. But we sailed along the shore, and saw that it was an island. After this we had no more chances, for the fourth land we saw was Greenland." A buzz of comment rose from all sides. "Is that all that you made of such a chance as that?"--"Certainly the gods waste their favors on such as Biorn Herjulfsson."--"Is he a coward, or what does he lack?" "He is as dull as a wooden sword." Now whether or no all this coincided with the private opinion of Grettir the Fat, has nothing to do with the matter. Biorn Herjulfsson had been his chief. The sailor rose suddenly to his feet, with his hand on his knife and an angry look on his red face. "Biorn Herjulfsson is no coward!" he shouted fiercely. "I will avenge it in blood on the head of him who says so." Eric was not there to keep order; a dozen mouths opened to take up the challenge. But before any sound could come out of them, Leif had risen to his feet. "Are you such mannerless churls that I must remind you of what is due to a guest?" he said, sternly. "Learn to be quicker with your hospitality, and slower with your judgment of every act you cannot under-stand. Grettir, I invite you to sit here by me and tell me more concerning your chief's voyage." When Grettir had gone proudly up to take his seat of honor, and the others had returned to their back-gammon and ale, Sigurd looked at Alwin with a comical grimace. "Now I wonder if my cleverness in bringing this fellow here has happened to overshoot the mark! Leif is eager to get renown; suppose he takes it into his head to make this voyage himself?" Alwin sank his voice to a whisper: "The idea came to me as soon as he called Grettir to him. But it was not your doing. Now the saying is proved true that 'things that are fated take place.' Do you remember the prophecy,--that when I stand on that ground I shall stand there by the side of Leif Ericsson?" CHAPTER XX ALWIN'S BANE Much goes worse than is expected. Ha'vama'l The light of the short day had faded, but the wind had not gone down with the sun. Powdery snow choked the air in a blinding storm. One could not distinguish a house, though it were within a foot of his eyes. "If I do not come to the gate before long," Alwin observed to the shaggy little Norwegian pony along whose neck he was bending, "I shall believe that the fences have been snowed under." He had been sent out to find another of Biorn's sailors who chanced to be visiting in the neighborhood, to invite him to come to Brattahlid and tell what else he might know concerning his chiefs voyage,--a subject in which Leif had become strangely interested. Alwin had accomplished his errand, and was returning half-frozen and with a ravenous appetite that made him doubly impatient over their slow progress. "If we do not get there before long," he repeated to the pony, with a dig into his flanks, "I shall get afraid that the drifts have covered the houses also, and that we are already riding over the roofs without knowing it." But as he said it, a tall gate-post rose on either side of him; and the pony turned to the left and began groping his way across the courtyard to his stable. The windows of the great hall glowed with light, and warmth and jovial voices and fragrant smells burst out upon the storm with every swing of the broad door. As soon as he had stabled his horse, Alwin hurried toward it eagerly, and, stamping and shaking off the snow, pushed his way in through the crowd of house-thralls, who were running to and from the pantry with bowls and trenchers and loads of food. He hoped that Leif was there, so that he should not have to go back across the snowy courtyard to the sleeping-loft to make his report. Stopping just inside the threshold, he looked about for him, blinking in the strong light and shaking back the wet fur of his collar. It seemed as though every member of the house-hold except Leif were lounging along the benches, waiting for the evening meal. Eric leaned against one arm of his high-seat, talking jovially with Thorhall the steward, who had returned that morning from seal-hunting. Thorhild bent over the other arm, and gesticulated vigorously with her keys, as she gave her housekeeper some last directions regarding the food. Further along, Sigurd and Helga sat at draughts. Near at hand, a big fur ball, which was the outward and visible sign of Tyrker, was rolled up close to a chess-board. Only Leif's cushioned seat was empty. With petulant force, Alwin jammed his bearskin cap down upon his head and turned to retrace his steps. Turning, his eye fell upon an object that Eric had just taken from the steward and held up to the light to examine. The flames caught at it eagerly, flashing and sparkling, so that even at that distance Alwin had no difficulty in recognizing the brass-hilted knife. Eric burst into a mighty roar of laughter. His voice, never greatly subdued, penetrated to every corner of the room. "I could stake my head that it is Leif's! I myself gave it to him for a name-fastening. And you found it in Skroppa's den? Oh, this is worth a hearing! Here is mirth! In Skroppa's den,--Leif the Christian! Ho, Flein, Asmund, Adils, comrades,--listen to this! No jester ever invented such a jest." He got on his feet and beckoned them with both arms, stamping with laughter. Catching sight of Alwin's white face at the door,--for it was ashen white,--he beckoned him also, with a fresh burst of malicious laughter. "And you, you little priest-robed puppet, come nearer, so you shall not lose a word. Oh, it will be great fun for you! And for you, my Thorhild,--and the haughty-headed Helga! And gray old Tyrker too! Listen now, Graybeard, and learn, even with one foot in the grave. Saw you never such a game as this foster-son of yours has played with unchanging face!" He choked with his laughter, so that his face grew purple; and the household waited, leaning from the benches, nudging and whispering; the servants gaping over the dishes in their hands; Alwin standing by the door, motionless as the dead; Sigurd sitting, still as the dead, in his place. Stamping and rocking himself back and forth, and banging on the arm of his seat, the Red One got his breath at last, and bellowed it out. "Leif the Christian in the den of Skroppa the Witch! His knife proves it; Thorhall found it among the rocks at her very door. Saw I never such slyness! Think of it, comrades; he is driven to ask help of Skroppa,--he who feigns to scowl at her very name!--he who would have us believe in a god that he does not trust in himself! Here is an unheard-of two-facedness! Never was such a fraud since Loki. Here is merriment for all!" He continued to shout it over and over, roaring with mocking laughter; his men nudging each other, sniggering and grinning and calling gibes across the fire. Leif's men sprang up, burning with rage and shame,--then stood speechless, daring neither to deny nor resent it. Alwin made a quick step forward to where the firelight revealed him to all in the room, and cried out hoarsely: "Here is falsehood! My hand, and no other, took Leif Ericsson's knife to the den of Skroppa the Witch." Motion and sound stopped for a moment,--as though the icy blast, that came just then through the opening door, had frozen all the life in the room. Then a voice called out that the thrall was lying to cover his master; and Eric's laughter burst out anew, and the jeering redoubled. But Alwin's voice rose high above it. "Fools! Is it worth while for me to give my life for a lie? Ask Sigurd Haraldsson, if you will not believe me. He knows that I went there on Yule Eve, to ask concerning my freedom. The knife slipped from my belt as I was climbing the rocks. Leif knew of it no more than you. Ask Sigurd Haraldsson, if you will not believe me." Sigurd rose and tried to speak, but his tongue had become like a withered leaf in his mouth, so that he could only bow his head. Yet from him, that was enough. Such an uproar of delight broke from Leif's men as drowned all the jeering that had gone before, and made the rafters ring with exulting. Alwin knew that, whatever else he would have to bear, at least that lie was not upon him, and he drew a deep breath of relief. All the light did not die out of his face, even when Leif stepped out of the shadow of the door and stood before him. She had not spoken falsely who had said that the fire of Eric burned in the veins of his son. In his white-hot anger, the guardsman's face was terrible. Death was in his stern-set mouth, and death blazed from his eyes. Rolf, Sigurd, Helga, even Valbrand, cried out for mercy; but Alwin read the look aright, and asked for nothing that was not there. While their cries were still in the air, Leif's blade leaped from its scabbard, quivered in the light, and flashed down, biting through fur and hair and flesh and bone. Without a sound, Alwin fell forward heavily, and lay upon his face at his master's feet. That all men might know whose hand had done the deed, Leif flung the dripping sword down beside its victim, and without speaking, strode out of the room. Then a strange thing happened. Helga ran over to where the lifeless heap lay in a widening pool of blood, and raised the wounded head in her arms, and rained down upon the still white face such tears as no one had ever thought to see her shed. When Thorhild came to take her away, she cried out, so that every one could hear: "Do you not understand?--I loved him. I did not find it out until now. I loved him with all my heart, and now he will never know! I--loved him." CHAPTER XXI THE HEART OF A SHIELD-MAIDEN Cattle die, Kindred die, We ourselves also die; But the fair fame Never dies Of him who has earned it. Ha'vama'l Out of doors the stir of spring was in the air; snow melting on the hills, grass sprouting on the plains. Editha's troubled face brightened a little, as she turned up the lane against the sun and felt its warmth upon her cheek. "It gives one the feeling that it will melt one's sorrows as it melts the snow," she told herself. Then she passed through the gate into the budding courtyard, where her eye fell upon Leif's sleeping-loft, with Kark running briskly up the steps; and the brightness faded. "But there is some ice the sun cannot melt," she sighed. On the threshold of the great hall, Thorhild stood waiting for her. Inside, all was confusion,--men placing tables and bringing in straw; maids spreading the embroidered cloths and hanging the holiday tapestries. The matron's head-dress was awry; her cheeks were like poppies, and her keys were kept in a perpetual jingle by her bustling motions. She cried out, as soon as Editha came within hearing distance: "How long you have been, you little good-for-nothing! I have looked out four times for you. Was Astrid away from home? Did you return by Eric's Fiord, and learn whose ship it is that is coming in?" The little Saxon maid dropped her respectful curtsey. If at the same time she dropped her eyes with a touch of embarrassment, the matron was too preoccupied to observe it. "I was hindered by necessity, lady. Astrid was not away from home, but she was uncertain whether her son would wish to sell any malt, so I was obliged to wait until he came in from the stables." "Humph," sniffed Thorhild; "Egil Olafsson has become of great importance since his father was mound-laid. This is the third time I have been kept waiting for his leave." She turned on the girl sharply. "By no means do I believe that to be the reason for your long absences. I believe you plead that as an excuse." Editha caught at the door-post, and her face went from red to white and back to red again. "Indeed, lady--" she began. Thorhild shook a menacing finger at her. "One never needs to tell me! She keeps you there to gossip about my household. Though she is my friend, she is as great a gossip as ever wagged a tongue." Even though the hand still threatened her ears, one would have said that Editha looked relieved. She said, with well-feigned reluctance: "It is true that we have sometimes spoken of Brattahlid while I waited. Astrid looks favorably upon my needlework. Once or twice she has said that she would like to buy me--" This time Thorhild snorted. "She takes too much trouble! Helga will never sell you to anyone. You need get no such ideas into your head. Why do you talk such foolishness, and hinder me from my work? Can you not tell me shortly whether or not you got the malt?" "I did, lady. Two thralls will bring it as soon as it can be weighed." "I shall need it, if guests arrive. And what of the ship? Did you learn whose it is? It takes till pyre-and-fire to get anything out of you." Editha's rosy face, usually as full of placid content as a kitten's, suddenly puckered with anxiety. "Lady, as I passed, it was still a long way down the fiord. I could only see that it was a large and fine trading-vessel. But one of the seamen on the shore told me it was his belief that it is the ship of Gilli of Trond-hjem." The house-wife's keys clashed and clattered with her motion of surprise. "Gilli of Trondhjem! Then he has come to take Helga!" Editha nervously clasped and unclasped her hands. "I got afraid it might be so." "Afraid, you simpleton?" The matron laughed excitedly, as she brushed all stray hairs out of her eyes and tightened her apron for action. "It will become a great boon to her. Since the Englishman's death, she has been no better than a crazy Brynhild. To take her out into the world and entertain her with new sights,--it will be the saving of her! Run quickly and tell her the tidings; and see to it that she puts on her most costly clothes. Tell her that if she will also put on the ornaments Leif has given her, I will give her leave to stop embroidering for the day." Editha observed to herself, as she tripped away, that undoubtedly her mistress had already done that without waiting for permission. And it proved very shortly that she was right. In the great work-room of the women's-house, among deserted looms and spindles and embroidery frames, Helga sat in dreamy idleness. The whirlwind of excitement that had swept her companions away at the news of approaching guests, had passed over her without so much as ruffling a hair. Her golden head rested heavily against the wall behind her; her hands lay listlessly upon her lap. Her face was as white as the unmelted snow in the valleys, and the spring sun-shine had brought no sparkle to relieve the shadow in her eyes. Without looking around, she said dreamily: "It was one year ago to-day that I came into the trader's booth in Norway and saw him sitting there among the thralls." Editha stole over to her and lifted one of her hands out of her lap and kissed it. "Lady, do not be all the time thinking of him. You will break your heart, and to no purpose. Besides, I have news of great importance for you. I have seen the ship that is coming up the fiord, and men say it is the vessel of your father, Gilli of Trondhjem." With something of her old fire, Helga snatched her hand away and started up. "Do you know this for certain? And do you believe that Thorhild will give me up to him?" "Worse than that, lady,--she is even anxious that he shall take you, thinking it will be to your advantage." For awhile Helga sat staring before her, with expressions of anger and despair flickering over her face. Then, gradually, they died down like flames into ashes. She sank back against the wall, and her eyes faded dull and absent again. "After all, what does it matter?" she said, listlessly. "I shall not find it any worse there than here. Nothing matters now." Editha made a little moan, like one in sudden pain; but it seemed as though she did not dare to interrupt the other's revery. She stood, softly wringing her hands. It was Helga who finally broke the silence. Suddenly she turned, an angry gleam replacing the dulness in her eyes. "Did the ship bring more tidings of the battle? Is it certain that King Olaf Trygvasson is slain?" Editha answered, in some surprise: "It had not come to land when I was there, lady. I am unable to tell you anything new. But the men who came last week, and first told us of the battle, say that Eric Jarl is now the King over Norway, and there is no doubt that Olaf Trygvasson is dead." Helga laughed, a hateful laugh that made her pretty mouth as cruel as a wolf's. "It gladdens me that he is dead. I am well content that Leif's heart should be black with mourning. He killed the man I loved, and now the King he loved is slain,--and he was not there to fight for him. It is a just punishment upon him. I am glad that he should suffer a little of all that he has made me suffer." Editha moaned again, and flung out her hands with a gesture of entreaty. "Dearest lady, if only you would not allow yourself to suffer so! If only you would bear it calmly, as I have begged of you! Even though you died, it would not help. It is wasting your grief--" She stopped, for her mistress was looking at her fixedly. "I do not understand you," Helga said, slowly. "Is it wasting grief to mourn the death of Alwin of England, than whom God never made a nobler or higher-minded man?" She rose out of her seat, and Editha shrank away from her. "I do not understand you,--you who pretend to have loved him since he was a child. Is it indeed your wish that I should act as though I cared nothing for him? Did you really care nothing for him yourself? Your face has grown no paler since his death-day; you are as fat as ever; you have seldom shed a tear. Was all your loyalty to him a lie? By the edge of my knife, if I thought so I would give you cause to weep! I would drive the blood from your deceitful face forever!" She caught the Saxon girl by the wrist and forced her upon her knees; her beautiful eyes were as awful as the eyes of a Valkyria in battle. The bondmaid screamed at the sight of them, and threw up an arm to shield herself. "No, no! Listen, and I will tell you the truth! Though they kill me, I will tell yon. Put down your head,--I dare not say it aloud. Listen!" Mechanically, Helga bent her head and received into her ear three whispered words. She loosed her hold upon the other's wrists and stood staring at her, at first in anger, and then with a sort of dawning pity. "Poor creature! grief has gotten you out of your wits," she said. "And I was harsh with you because I thought you did not care!" She put out a hand to raise her, but Editha caught it in both of hers, fondling it and clinging to it. "Sweetest lady, I am not out of my wits. It is the truth, the blessed truth. Mine own eyes have proved it. Four times has Thorhild sent me on errands to Egil's house, and each time have I seen--" "Yet said nothing to me! You have let me suffer!" "No, no, spare me your reproaches! How was it possible for me to do otherwise? If you had known, all would have suspected; 'A woman's eyes cannot hide it when she loves.' Sigurd Haraldsson bound me firmly. I was told only because it was necessary that I should carry their messages. It has torn my heart to let you grieve. Only love for him could have kept me to it. Believe it, and forgive me. Say that you forgive me!" Helga flung her arms open wide. "Forgive? I forgive everyone in the whole world--everything!" She threw herself, sobbing, upon Editha's breast, and they clung together like sisters. While they were still mingling their tears and rejoicings, the old housekeeper looked in with a message from Thorhild. "Sniffling, as I had expected! Have the wits left both of you? Even now Gilli of Trondhjem is coming up the lane. It is the command of Thorhild that you be dressed and ready to hand him his ale the moment he has taken off his outer garments. If you have any sense left, make haste." When the door had closed on the wrinkled old visage, Editha sent a doubtful glance at her mistress. But the shield-maiden leaped up with a laugh like a joyful chime of bells. "Gladly will I put on the finest clothes I own, and feast the whole night through! Nothing matters now. So long as he is alive, things must come out right some way. Nothing matters now!" CHAPTER XXII IN THE SHADOW OF THE SWORD It is better to live, Even to live miserably; .......... The halt can ride on horseback; The one-handed, drive cattle; The deaf, fight and be useful; To be blind is better Than to be burnt; No one gets good from a corpse. Ha'vama'l "Egil! Egil Olafsson!" It was Helga's voice, with a note of happiness thrilling through it like the trill in a canary's song. Egil turned from the field in which his men were and came slowly to where she stood leaning over the fence that separated the field from the lane. He guessed from her voice that they had told her the secret, and when he came near enough to see, he knew it from her face; it was like a rose-garden burst into bloom. His lowering brow scowled itself into a harder knot. With the death of his father, he had thrown aside the scarlet clothes of Leif's men, and wore the brown homespun of a farmer. From his neck downward, everything spoke of thrift and industry and peace. But his fierce dark face looked the harsher for the contrast. Helga stretched her hand across the fence. "I am going to see Alwin, for the first time after all these months. They told me two days ago, but this is the first chance I could find. But even before I saw him, I thought it right to see you and thank you for your wondrous goodness. Sigurd has told me how they carried Alwin to you in the night, and you received him and sheltered him, and--" Egil silenced her with a rough gesture. "I kept my oath of friendship; speak no further of it. Do you know where he is hidden?" "Sigurd told me he is in the cabin of your old foster-mother, Solveig. I do not remember whether that is to the left or the right of the lane. But it is a most ingenious hiding-place. No one ever goes there, and Solveig is the most accomplished of nurses." "Since you do not remember where it is, I will walk with you, if it is not against your wish." He shouted some final directions to the men in the field, then leaped over the fence and strode along beside her. He appeared to have nothing to say, after they were once started, and they went through lane and pasture and field in silence. But as soon as she broke out with fresh praise for his kindness, he found his tongue in all its curt vigor. "Enough has been said about that. I have been wishing to speak to you of something that happened at the feast the other night. Do you know that my kinswoman Astrid told Gilli of her wish to buy your bondwoman, and--" For a moment there was something wolfish about Helga's white teeth. She struck in quickly: "Yes, I know. Gilli agreed to sell Editha to her, the day we sail. It is exactly what I expected of him. If Astrid should offer a little more, he would be apt to sell me. He is the lowest-minded--Bah!" It seemed as though words failed her. She threw her hands apart in a gesture of utter detestation. The glow was gone out of her face. "What I wanted to say is, that if it is your wish, I will persuade my mother to withdraw her offer." After a while Helga shook her head. "No. He would only sell her to some one else. It would trouble me to think of her among strangers, and your mother would treat her kindly." She paused, at the top of the stile they were climbing over, to look down at him earnestly. "I should be thankful if you would promise me that, Egil. You are master now, and can have your will about everything. Promise me you will see that she is well treated." "I promise you." Helga threw a grateful look after him, as he went along before her. "Your word is like a rock, Egil. One could hold on to it though everything else should roll away." The cloud was passing from her face. By the time she gained his side, the rose-garden was once more radiant in sunlight. "After all, I do not feel that I have a right to let anything grieve me much, since God has given Alwin back from the dead. I set my mind to thinking of that, and then everything else seems small and easily remedied. Even Gilli's coming it is possible to turn to profit. I have a fine plan--" She broke off abruptly as, through a clump of white-birch trees, she caught sight of a tiny cabin nestled in their green shelter. "That is Solveig's house; now I remember it! How is it possible that it has held such a secret for four months, and still looks just as usual? Let us hurry!" She seized his arm to pull him along. Only when he wrenched away and came to a dead stop, did she slacken her pace to stare at him over her shoulder. "Do you wish to drive me crazy?" he shouted. She thought him already so, and drew back. He waited to take a fresh grip on his self-control. When he spoke at last, it was with labored slowness: "Every week for four months I have come to this door and asked the Englishman how he fared; and he has not wished for anything that I have not given it to him. The night they left him with me, I could have put my fingers around his throat and killed him; and no one would have known. But I held my hands behind me, and allowed him to live. So far, I have kept my oath of friendship. Do you wish me to go in with you and break it now?" Before she could gather her wits together to answer him, he was gone. Standing where he had left her, she stared after him, open-mouthed, until her eye fell upon the cabin among the bushes, when she forgot everything else in the world. She ran toward it and threw open the door. The low room was smoky and badly lighted. Before she could distinguish her lover in the dimness, he was upon her, calling her name over and over, crushing her hands in his. She cried out, and lifted her face, and his lips met hers, warm and living. It was the same as though nothing had happened since last she saw him. No, not quite the same; she saw that, the instant she drew back. Alwin was very thin, and in the half-light his face showed white and haggard. An ugly scar stretched half across his forehead. At the sight of it her eyes flashed, and she reached up and touched with her lips the fiery mark. "How I hate Leif for that!" Then she saw the greatest change of all in him, the quiet grimness that had come upon him out of his nights of pain and days of solitude. "That is unfairly spoken, sweetheart. I have but paid the price I agreed to pay if luck went against me. Leif has dealt with me only according to justice; that I will maintain, though I die under his sword at the last." She drew a quick, sharp breath. In the joy of recovery, she had let herself forget that he is only half alive who lives under the shadow of a death sentence. She set her teeth over her lip to stop its trembling, and stiffened herself to the iron composure of a shield-maiden. "It is true that you are yet in great danger. His anger has not yet departed from him, for not once has your name passed his lips. Sit down here and tell me what you think of your case." Alwin recalled the weeping and fainting of his mother's waiting-women, in that far-off time of trouble, and pressed her hand gratefully as he took his seat by her side upon the bench. "You are my brave comrade as well as my best friend. I can talk with you as I would with Sigurd." Just for a moment she laid her cheek against his shoulder. "It gladdens me that you are content with me as I am, instead of wishing me to be like Bertha of Trondhjem and other women," she whispered. Then the memory linked with that name caused her to straighten again and look at him doubtfully. "Has Solveig told you all the latest tidings?" "She has told me nothing for a week. She is up at the hall just now, helping with the spinning; but Editha was here two days ago. Is it of King Olaf that you are thinking? She told me of the battle; and I am full of sorrow for Leif. She told me that his room was draped in black, and that he stopped preparing for his exploring voyage and shut himself up for four days and four nights, without eating or speaking." "He has begun his preparations again. His sorrow is not worth considering. Or, rather, I shall grieve with him when he grieves for you. The tidings that I mean concern Gilli of Trondhjem. Do you know that he has come to take me away?" She wanted to see the despair in his face, that she might feel how much he cared; then she hastened to reassure him. "But do not trouble yourself over that. Even though I go with him, it will do no harm. If he tries to marry me to anyone, I will pretend that I think the marriage beneath me. I will work upon his greediness, and so trick him into waiting; and in a year you will come and rescue me." "If I am alive!" Alwin interrupted her sharply. He sprang up and began to pace the floor, clenching his fists and knocking them together. "If I am alive I will come. But it is by no means unlikely that Leif will carry out his intention. Then you will be left in Gilli's power forever." She laughed as she went to him and brought him back and pushed him down upon the bench. "See how love makes a coward of a man as well as of a woman! But do not trouble yourself over that, either. Have you never heard the love-tale of Hagberth and Signe? How, the same moment in which she saw him hanged upon the gallows, she set fire to her house and strangled herself with her ribbons, so that their two souls met on the threshold of Paradise and went in together? If you die, I will die too; and that will arrange everything." She clung to him for a moment, and he feared that she was about to dishonor her shield by a burst of tears. But in an instant she looked up at him with her brave smile. "We will end this talk about dying, however. Remember the old saying, 'If a man's time has not come, something is sure to aid him.' There is another fate in store for you than to lose your life in this matter, or you would have died when Leif struck you down. I love the cap that saved you! We will not talk about dying, but only of our hopes. I have planned how Gilli may be made useful, so that on his vessel you can escape to Norway." She put her hand over his mouth as he would have spoken. "No, listen to me before you say anything against it. Gilli will sail next week. At that time Leif will be absent on a visit to Biorn Herjulfsson, who has just returned to Greenland from Norway. With Leif, Kark will go, so that we shall not have his prying eyes to fear. What would prevent you from stealing down to the shore, the night before we sail, and swimming out to the ship and hiding yourself in one of the great chests in the foreroom? The steersman will not hinder you, for I have spoken so many fine words to him, with this deed in view, that he is ready to chop off his head at my bidding. Thus will you get far out at sea before they discover you. Gilli will not know that he has ever seen you before, you are so white and changed; and when he has taken away all the property you have on you, he will say nothing further about the matter. So will you be brought to Norway,--and thence it is not far to your England, though I do not know if that is of any importance. But if you say that this plan is otherwise than ingenious, I shall be angry with you." Alwin vented a short laugh. "It is most ingenious, comrade. The only trouble with it is that I have no ambition to go either to Norway or to England." This time it was he who sealed her lips, as her amazement was about to burst through them. "Give me a hearing and you will understand. I do not wish to go to England because I could do nothing there to improve my credit in any way. My kin have disappeared like withered grass, and the Danes are all-powerful. I do not wish to go to Norway because there I could never be more than a runaway slave; and though I strove to my uttermost, it is unlikely that I could ever acquire either wealth or influence,--and without both how would it ever be possible to win you? See how the North has conquered me! First it was only my body that was bound; and I was sure that, if ever I got my freedom, I should enter the service of some English lord and die fighting against the Danes. And now a Norse maiden has conquered my heart, so that I would not take my liberty if it were offered me! No, no, sweetheart; I have thought of it, night and day, until at last I see the truth. The only chance I have is with Leif." Helga wrung her hands violently. "You must be crazy if you think so! He would strike you down the instant his eyes--" "It is not my intention that he shall know me until he has had cause to soften toward me. Do you not remember Skroppa's prophecy? has not Sigurd told you of it?--that it is in this new untrodden country that my fate is to be decided? I will disguise myself in some way, and go on this exploring expedition among his following. I shall have many chances to be of service to him." "But suppose they should not come soon enough? Suppose your disguise should be too shallow? His eyes are like arrows that pierce everything they are aimed at. Suppose he should recognize you at once?" The new grimness again squared Alwin's mouth. "Then one of two things will happen. Either he will pardon me, for the sake of what I have already endured; or else he will keep to his first intention, and kill me. In neither case will we be worse off than we were four months ago." Such logic admitted of no reply, and Helga gave way to it. But so much anguish was betrayed in her face, that Alwin gave another short laugh and asked her: "Who is it now that love is making a coward of?" She shook her head gravely. "I am no coward. It gladdens me to have you face death in this way, and to know that you will not murmur even if luck goes against you. But I do not wish you to throw your life away; and you know no prudence. Let us speak of this disguise. What have you fixed upon?" "I acknowledge that I have accomplished very little. Solveig has told me of a bark whose juice is such that with it I can turn my skin brown like that of the Southerners. And I have decided to make believe that I am a Frankish man. I know not a little of their tongue, which will help to disguise my speech. But how I am to cover up my short hair, or account for my appearance in Greenland--" He shrugged his shoulders, and dropped his chin upon his fist. Helga clasped her hands around her knee and stared at him thoughtfully. "I have heard Sigurd tell of a strange wonder he saw in France,--I do not know what you call it,--like a hood made of people's hair. A girl who had lost her hair through sickness was wont to wear it; and Sigurd did not even suspect that it was rootless, until one day she caught the ends in her cloak, and pulled it off. If you could get one of those--" "If!" Alwin murmured. But Helga did not hear him. Suddenly, in the dim perspective of her mind, she had caught a glimpse of a plan. As she darted at it, it eluded her; but she chased it to and fro, seeing it more clearly at each turn. Finally she caught it. She leaped up and opened her mouth to shout it forth, when an impulse of Editha's caution touched her, and instead, she threw her arms around his neck and laughed it into his ear. He drew back and gazed at her with dawning appreciation. She nodded excitedly. "Is it not well fitted to succeed? You can escape to Norway as I planned, and after that you can easily reach Normandy. All that you lack is gold, and Leif and Gilli have covered me with that." His face kindled as he mused on it. "It sounds possible. Sigurd's friends would receive me well for his sake; and after I had got everything for my disguise, I would have yet many good chances to return to Nidaros and board the ship of Arnor Gunnarsson, who comes here each summer on a trading voyage. Coming that way, who could suspect me?--particularly when it is everyone's belief that I am dead." "No one!" Helga cried joyously. "No one! It is perfect!" In a sudden burst of gratitude, he caught her hands and kissed them. "All is due to you, then. It is an unheard-of cleverness! You must be a Valkyria! Only a great hero is worthy of a maid like you." Laughing with pleasure, she hid her face on his breast. And it must be that her plan possessed some of the advantages she claimed for it, for it came to pass that, on the same day that Gilli and his daughter set sail for Norway, a fair-skinned thrall with a shaven head disappeared from Greenland so completely that even Kark's keen eyes would have found it impossible to trace him. CHAPTER XXIII A FAMILIAR BLADE IN A STRANGE SHEATH "Now it is related that Bjarni Herjulfsson came from Greenland to Eirek Jarl, who received him well. Bjarni described his voyage and the lands that he had seen. People thought he had shown a lack of interest as he had nothing to tell about them, and he was somewhat blamed for it. He became the Jarl's hirdman and went to Greenland the following summer, Now there was much talk about land discoveries."--FLATEYJARBO'K. The week after Gilli's departure for Norway, Leif returned from his visit to Herjulf's Cape, and made public his intention to take Biorn's barren beginning and carry it out to a definite finish. He brought with him three of the men of Biorn's old crew, and also the same stanch little trading-vessel in which Herjulfsson had made his journey. The ship-sheds upon the shore became at once the scene of endless overhauling and repairing. Thorhild's women laid aside their embroidering for the task of sail-making. There began a ransacking of every hut on the commons and every fishing-station along the coast, for the latest improved hunting-gear and fishing-tackle; and day after day Tyrker rode among the farms, purchasing stores of grain and smoked meats. As the old saga says: "Now there was much talk about land discoveries." The Lucky One became the hero of the hour. With all its stubbornness, Eric's pride could not but be gratified. He began to show signs of relenting. Gradually he ceased to avert his face. One day, he even worked himself up to making a gruff inquiry into their plans. "If we return with great fame, it is likely his pleasure will reconcile him entirely," Leif's men chuckled to each other. The diplomatic guardsman was quick to understand the change, but as usual, he went a step beyond their expectations. The day after his father made this first advance, he invited him to inspect the exploring ship and advise them concerning her equipment. While they stood upon the shore, admiring the coat of scarlet paint that was being laid upon her hull, he suddenly offered the Red One the leadership of the expedition. Eric's eyes caught fire, and his wiry old frame straightened and swelled with eagerness. Then, though his eyes still sparkled, his chest sank like a pierced bladder. "It is not possible for me to go. I am too old, and less able to bear hardship than formerly." Rolf and the steersman, who had overheard the offer, exchanged glances of relief, and allowed themselves to breathe again. But to their consternation, Leif did not take advantage of this loop-hole. He argued and urged, until Eric drew in another long breath of excitement, until his aged muscles tingled and twitched with a spasm of youthful ardor, until at last, in a burst of almost hysterical enthusiasm, he accepted the offer. In the warmth of his pleasure, he grasped his son's hand and publicly received him back into his affections. But at the moment, this was cold comfort for Leif's followers. They turned from their painting and hammering and polishing, to stare at their lord in amazed disapproval. The instant the two chiefs had gone up from the shore, complaints broke out like explosions. "That old heathen at the steering-oar! All the bad luck in the world may be expected!"--"Nowhere lives a man more domineering than Eric the Red." "What is to become of Leif's renown, if the glory is to go to that old pagan?"--"Skroppa has turned a curse against the Lucky One. He has been deprived of his mind." "It is in my mind that part of that is true," Rolf said thoughtfully, leaning on the spear-shaft he was sharpening. "I believe the Saxon Saints' Book has bewitched his reason. From that, I have heard the Englishman read of men who gave up honor lest it might make them vain. I believe Leif Ericsson is humbling his pride, like some beaten monk." He was interrupted by a chorus of disgust. "Yah! If he has become such a woman as that!"--"A man who fears bad luck."--"A brave man bears the result of his action, whatever it is."--"The Saints' Book is befitting old men who have lost their teeth."--"Christianity is a religion for women." Sigurd struck in for the first time. Although he had been frowning with vexation, some touch of compunction had held him silent. "I will not allow you to say that, nor should you wish to speak so." He hesitated, rubbing his chin perplexedly. "I acknowledge that I experience the same disgust that you do; yet I am not altogether certain that we are right. I remember hearing my father say that what these saints did was more difficult than any achievement of Thor. And I have heard King Olaf Trygvasson read out of the Holy Book that a man who controls his own passions is more to be admired than a man who conquers a city." For perhaps two or three minutes there was a lull in the grumbling. But it was not to be expected, in that brutal age, that moral strength should find a keen appreciation. Indeed, Sigurd's words were far from ringing with his own conviction. Little by little, the discontent broke out again. At last it grew so near to mutiny, that the steersman felt called upon to exercise his authority. "All this is foolishly spoken, concerning something you know nothing of. Undoubtedly Leif has an excellent reason for what he does. It may be that he considers it of the greatest importance to secure Eric's friendship. Or it may be that he intends to lead him into some uninhabited place, that he may kill him and get rid of his ill-temper. It is certain that he has some good reason. Go back to your work, and make your minds easy that now, as always, some good will result from his actions." The men still growled as they obeyed him; but however right or wrong he was regarding Leif's motives, he was proved correct in his prophecy. Out of that moment on shore, came the good of a complete reconciliation with Eric. No more were there cold shoulders, and half-veiled gibes, and long evenings of gloomy restraint. No longer were Leif's followers obliged to sit with teeth on their tongues and hands on their swords. The warmth of gratification that had melted the ice of Eric's displeasure seemed to have set free torrents of generosity and good-will. His ruddy face beamed above the board like a harvest moon; if Leif would have accepted it, he would have presented him with the entire contents of Brattahlid. Following their chief's example, his retainers locked arms with their former enemies and swore them eternal brotherhood. Night after night they drank out of the same horns, and strengthened their bonds in lauding their chiefs. Never had the great hall seen a time of such radiant good cheer. By the last week of Leif's preparations, interest and enthusiasm had spread into every corner of inhabited Greenland. Strings of people began to make pilgrimages to stare at the exploring vessel that had once been within sight of the "wonder-shores" and now seemed destined actually to touch them. Men came from ail parts of the country in the hope of joining her crew, and were furious with disappointment when told that her equipment was limited to thirty-five, and that that number had already been made up from among Leif's own followers. Warriors thronged to visit the Lucky One, until the hall benches were filled, and the courtyard was so crowded with attendants that there was barely room for the servants to run between the horses with the ale horns. Outside the fence there was nearly always a mob of children and paupers and thralls lying in wait, like a wolf-pack, to tear information out of any member of the household who should venture beyond the gates. Usually it was only vague rumor and meagre report that fell to the share of these outsiders; but the day before Leif's departure it happened that they got a bit of excitement first-hand. Late that afternoon word went around that the trading-ship of Arnor Gunnarsson was coming up Eric's Fiord. The arrival of that merchant was one of the events of the year. Not only did it occasion great feasting among the rich, which meant additional alms among the poor, but besides a chance to feast one's stomach, it meant an opportunity to feast one's eyes on beautiful garments and wonderful weapons; and in addition to all else, it meant such a budget of news and gossip and thrilling yarns as should supply local conversation with a year's stock of topics,--a stock always run low and rather shopworn towards the end of the long winters. At the first hint of the "Eastman's" approach, a crowd of idlers was gathered out of nowhere as quickly as buzzards are drawn out of empty space. As the heavy dun-colored merchantman came slowly to its berth and the anchor fell with a rattle and a splash, the motley crowd cheered shrilly. When the ruddy gold-bearded trader appeared at the side, ready to clamber into the boat his men were lowering, they cheered again. And they regarded it as an appropriate tribute to the importance of the occasion when one of their number came running over the sand to announce breathlessly that Leif Ericsson himself was riding down to greet the arrivals, accompanied by no less a person than his high-born foster-son. "Although it is no great wonder that the Lucky One feels interest," they told each other. "The last time that Eric the Red came to meet traders, they returned his greeting with a sweep of their arms toward their ships, and an invitation to take whatever of its contents best pleased him." "The strange wonder to me," mumbled one old man, "is that it is always to those who have sufficient wealth to purchase them that presents are given. It may be that Odin knows why gifts are seldom given to the poor: certainly I think one needs to be all-wise to understand it." His companions clapped their hands over his mouth, and pointed at the approaching boat. "Look!"--"Look there!"--"It is a king's son!" they cried. And then it was that their hungry teeth closed upon their morsel of excitement. In the bow of the boat, shining like a jewel against the dark background of the trader's dun mantle, stood a most splendidly arrayed young warrior. The fading sunbeams that played on his gilded helm revealed shining armor and a golden cross embossed upon a gold-rimmed shield. Still nearer, and it could be seen that his cloak was of crimson velvet lined with sables, and that gold-embroideries and jewelled clasps flashed with every motion. Buzzing with curiosity, they crowded down to the water's edge to meet him. The keel bit the sand; he stepped ashore into their very midst, and even that close scrutiny did not lessen his attractions. His olive-tinted face was haughtily handsome; his fine black hair fell upon his shoulders in long silken curls; he was tall and straight and supple, and his bearing was bold and proud as an eagle's. "He is well fitted to be a king's son," they repeated one to another. And those in front respectfully gave way before him, while those behind fell over one another to get near in case he should speak,--and Leif himself paused in his greeting of Arnor Gunnarsson to look at the stranger curiously. The youth stood running his eyes over the faces of those around him, until his gaze fell upon Sigurd Haraldsson. He uttered a loud exclamation, and sprang forward with outstretched hand. Sigurd's cheeks, which had been looking rather pale, suddenly became very red; and he leaped from his horse and started forward. Then he wavered, stopped, and hesitated, staring. "_Mon ami_!" said the stranger, in some odd heathen tongue very different from good plain Norse. "_Mon ami_!" He took another step forward, and this time their palms met. The spectators who were watching Sigurd Haraldsson, whispered that the young warrior must be the last man on earth that he expected to see in Greenland, and also the man that he loved the best of all his sworn brothers. The fair-haired jarl's son and he of the raven locks stood grasping each other's hands and looking into each other's eyes as though they had forgotten there was anyone else in the world. "He looks to be a man to be bold in the presence of chiefs, does he not?" the trader observed to Leif Ericsson, regarding the pair benevolently as he stood twisting his long yellow mustache. "He said to me that the jarl's son was his friend; it is great luck that he should find him so soon. He is somewhat haughty-minded, as is the wont of Normans, but he is free with his gold." And the thrifty merchant patted his money-bag absently. The crowd circulated the news in excited whispers. "He is a friend of Sigurd Haraldsson."--"He is a Norman."--"That accounts for the swarthiness of his skin."--"Is it in the Norman tongue that they are speaking?"--"Normandy? Is that the land Rolf the Ganger laid under his sword?"--"Hush! Sigurd is leading him to the chief."--"Now we shall learn what his errand is." And the boldest of them pushed almost within whip-range of the pair. But there was no difficulty about hearing, for Sigurd spoke out in a loud clear voice: "Foster-father, I wish to make known to you my friend and comrade who has just now arrived on the Eastman's vessel. He is called Robert Sans-Peur, because his courage is such as is seldom found. I got great kindness from his kin when I was in Normandy." The Norman said nothing, but he did what the bystanders considered rather surprising in a knee-crooking Frenchman. Neither bending his body nor doffing his helmet, he folded his arms across his breast and looked straight into the Lucky One's eyes. "As though," one fellow muttered, "as though he would read in the chief's very face whether or not it was his intention to be friendly!" "Hush!" his neighbor interrupted him. "Leif is drawing off his glove. It may be that he is going to honor him for his boldness." And so indeed it proved. In another moment, the chief had extended his bare hand to the haughty Southerner. "I have an honorable greeting for all brave men, even though they be friendless," he said, with lofty courtesy. "How much warmer then is the state of my feelings toward one who is also a friend of Sigurd Haraldsson? Be welcome, Robert Sans-Peur. The best that Brattahlid has to offer shall not be thought too good for you." Whether or not he could speak it, it was evident that the Fearless One understood the Northern tongue. His haughtiness passed from him like a shadow. Uncovering his raven locks, he bowed low,--and would have set his lips to the extended hand if the chief, foreseeing his danger, had not saved himself by dexterously withdrawing it. Sigurd, still flushed and nervous, spoke again: "You have taken this so well, foster-father, that it is in my mind to ask of you a boon which I should be thankful if you would grant. As far off as Normandy, my friend has heard tidings of this exploring-journey of yours; and he has come all this way in the hope of being allowed to join your following. He has the matter much at heart. If my wishes are at all powerful with you, you will not deny him." A murmur of delight ran through the crowd. That this splendid personage should have come to do homage to their hero, was the final dramatic touch which their imaginations craved. It was with difficulty that they repressed a cheer. But the guardsman looked puzzled to the point of incredulity. "Heard the tidings as far as Normandy?" he repeated. "A matter of so little importance to anyone? How is that likely?" Straightening in his saddle, he looked at the Norman for a moment with eyes that were more keen than courteous. "He would be liable to disaster who should try to put a trick upon Leif Ericsson," the thrall-born whispered. Robert Sans-Peur was in no wise disconcerted. Meeting the keen eyes, he answered in plain if halting Norse: "The renowned chief has forgotten that early this season a trading-ship went from here to Trondhjem. Not a few of her shipmates went further than Nidaros. One of them, who was called Gudbrand-wi'-the-Scar, travelled even so far as Rouen, where it was my good fortune to encounter him." "It is true that I had forgotten that," the chief said, slowly. He lowered his gaze to his horse's ears and sat for a while lost in thought. Then once more he extended his hand to the Southerner. "It appears to me that you are a man of energy and resource," he said, with a return of his former cordiality. "Since wind and wave have not hindered you from your desire, it would be unheard-of churlishness for me to refuse you. Get now into my saddle and allow your friend to conduct you to the hall. It is necessary that I oversee the storing of these wares, but after the night-meal we will speak further of the matter." To forestall any further attempts at hand-kissing, he sprang from his horse and strode over to the trader. With an air of grave ceremony that was swallowed open-mouthed by the onlookers, Sigurd held his friend's stirrup; then, quickly remounting his own steed, the pair rode off. This time the mob would not be restrained, but burst into a roar of delight. "Here at last is a great happening that we have seen with our own eyes!" they told each other, as they settled down at a safe distance to watch Leif and the merchant turning over the bales of goods which the sailors were engaged in bringing to shore. "This will be something to relate in time to come,--a great event concerning which we understand everything." "'Concerning which we understand everything!'" Sigurd, overhearing them, repeated laughingly to his friend as they galloped up the lane. Robert the Fearless laughed too, with a vibration of uneasiness in the peal. "Few there are who are capable of making that boast," he answered. "Even you, comrade, are unequal to it. Here now is something that is worth a hearing." Leaning from his saddle, he poured into Sigurd's ear a stream of low-toned words that caused the Silver-Tongued to stop short and stare at him incredulously, and then look back at the anchored ship and pound his knee in a fury of exasperation. The cloud rested on Sigurd's sunny face for the rest of the evening. Thorhild, enchanted at the tribute to her idolized son, plied the stranger with every attention; and Kark himself, for all his foxy eyes, removed the gilded helm from the smooth black locks without a thought to try whether or no they were indigenous to the scalp from which they sprang,--but Sigurd's brow did not lighten. As they put a final polish upon their shields and hung them for the last time upon the wall behind their seats, Rolf said to him with a searching glance: "It is hidden from me why you look so black, comrade. If it were not for the drawback of old Eric at the steering-oar, certainly every circumstance would be as favorable as could be expected." Sigurd arose and pulled his cloak down from its peg with a vicious jerk. "There are other witless people besides Eric the Red who thrust themselves where they are not wanted," he retorted grimly. Then, turning abruptly, he strode out into the darkness; and none of the household saw him again until morning. The sun rose upon a perfect day, warm and bright, with the wind in the right quarter, steady and strong. And as if to make sure that not even one thing should mar so auspicious a beginning, Leif's luck swept away the only drawback that Rolf had been able to name. Down in the lane, midway between the foot where it opened upon the shore and the head where it ended at the fence, there lay a bit of a rock. A small stone or a big pebble was all it was, but in the hands of Leif's luck it took on the importance of a boulder. When the moment of departure arrived, and the cavalcade poured out of the courtyard gates, with a clanking of armor and a flapping of gorgeous new mantles, warmed by the horns of parting ale that had steamed down their throats, singing and boasting and laughing, and cheered by the rabble that ran alongside, their way down to the shore lay directly over the head of this insignificant pebble. Who would have thought of avoiding it? Yet, though a score of children's feet danced over it unharmed, and sixty pairs of horses' hoofs pranced over it unhindered, when Eric reached it his good bay mare stumbled against it and fell, so that her rider was thrown from his saddle and rolled in the dust. There were no bones broken; he was no more than shaken; he was up before they could reach him; but his face was gray with disappointment, and his frame had shrunk like a withered leaf. "It is a warning from the gods that I am on the wrong road," he said hoarsely. "It is a sign that it cannot be my fate to be the discoverer of any other land than the one on which we now live. My luck go with you, my son; but I cannot." Before they could remonstrate, he had wheeled his horse and left them, riding with the bent head and drooping shoulders of an old, old man. A stern sign from Valbrand restrained Leif's men from venting the cheers they were bursting with; but the looks they darted at their leader, and then at each other, said as plainly as words: "It is his never-failing luck. Why did we ever doubt him? We would follow him into the Sea of Worms and believe that it would end favorably." In this promising frame of mind they left their friendly haven and sailed away into an unknown world. CHAPTER XXIV FOR DEAR LOVE'S SAKE He alone knows, Who wanders wide And has much experienced, By what disposition Each man is ruled Who common sense possesses. Ha'vama'l The first night out was a moonless night, that shut down on the world of waters and blotted out even the clouds and the waves that been company for the solitary vessel. The little ship became a speck of light in a gulf of darkness, an atom of life floating in empty space. Under the tent roofs, by the light of flaring torches, the crew drank and sang and amused themselves with games; but beyond that circle, there was only blackness and emptiness and silence. Sigurd gazed out over the vessel's side, with a yawn and a shiver combined. "It feels as though the air were full of ghosts, and we were the only living beings in the whole world," he muttered. A tow-headed giant known as Long Lodin overheard him, and laughed noisily, jerking his thumb over his shoulder toward the deck where Leif's eagle face showed high above their heads. "_His_ luck could carry us safe through even the world of the dead," he reassured him. But Rolf paused in his chess game to throw his friend a keen glance. "The Silver-Tongue has been one not apt to speak womanish words," he said, gravely. "Something there is on your mind which disturbs you, comrade." Sigurd pulled himself together with an attempt at his usual careless laugh. "Is it your opinion that I am the only person who is thinking of ghosts to-night?" he parried. "Look yonder at Kark, how he fears to turn his back on the shadows, lest the Evil One overtake him! It is my belief that he would like it better to die than to venture into the dark of the foreroom." Following his glance, they beheld the bowerman, leaning against the mast with a face as pale as a toadstool. When a sailor threw a piece of dried fish at him, he jumped as though he had been struck by a stone. Rolf's gentle smile expanded into a broad grin, and he let himself be turned thus easily from his object. "Now that is true; I had not observed him before. He appears as if the goddess Ran already had hold of his feet to pull him down under the water. Let us have a little fun with him. I will send him to the foreroom on an errand." Robert of Normandy set down his drinking-horn with a sharp motion, and Sigurd leaned forward hastily; but the Wrestler's soft voice was already speeding his command. "Ho there, valiant Kark-with-the-white-cheeks! Get you into the foreroom and bring my bag of chess-men from the brass-bound box." Kark heard the order without a motion except an angry scowl, and Sigurd drew back with something like a breath of relief. But Rolf made a sudden move as though to rise to his feet, and the effect was magical. "I am going as soon as is necessary," the thrall growled. "You said nothing of being in haste." And he shuffled over to one of the torches to light a splinter in its flame, and pushed his way forward with dragging feet. Sigurd and the Norman both sprang after him. "I tell you, Rolf, I have something against this!" Sigurd stormed, as the Wrestler's iron hand closed upon his cloak. "My--my--my valuables are in the same chest. I will not have him pawing them over. Let me go, I say!" He managed to slide out of his cloak and dodge under Rolf's arm. A spark of something very like anger kindled the Wrestler's usually mild eyes; he caught the Norman around the waist, as the latter tried to pass him, and swung him bodily into the air. For an instant it seemed possible that he might hurl him over the ship's side into the ocean. But he finally threw him lightly upon a pile of skin sleeping-bags, and turned and hastened after the jarl's son. Guessing that some friendly squabble was in progress, the sailors made way for him good-humoredly, and he reached the forecastle only a moment behind Sigurd. Kark's taper was just disappearing among the shadows beneath the deck. Before the pursuers could speak, the bowerman leaped back upon them with a shriek that cut the air. "Ran is in there! I saw her hair hanging over a barrel. It was long and yellow. It is Ran herself! We shall drown--" Sigurd Haraldsson dealt him a cuff that felled him like a log. "The simpleton is not able to tell a piece of yellow fox-fur from a woman's hair," he said, contemptuously. "Since you are here, Rolf, hold the light for me, and I will get the chess-bag myself." He spoke loudly enough so that the men on the benches heard, laughed, and turned back to their amusements. Then he drew Rolf further into the room, laid a hand over his mouth, and pointed to the farthest comer, where barrels and piled-up bales made a screen half-way across the bow. Hair long and yellow there was, as the simpleton had said; but it was not the vengeful Ran who looked out from under it. Tumbled and dishevelled, paling and flushing, short-kirtled and desperate-eyed, Helga the Fair stood before them. "Behold how a prudent shield-maiden helps matters that are already in a snarl," the jarl's son said, dryly. The Wrestler started back in consternation. Helga dropped her eyes guiltily. "I cannot blame you for being angry," she murmured. "I have become a great hindrance to you." "It is an unheard-of misfortune!" gasped Rolf. "In flying from Gilli you have broken the Norwegian law; and by causing Leif to aid you in your flight you have made him an accomplice. A bad result is certain." Helga's head bent lower. Then suddenly she flung out her hands in passionate entreaty. "Yet I could not help it, comrades! As I live, I could not help it! How could I have the heart to remain in safety, without knowing whether Alwin lived or died? How could I spend my days decking myself in fine clothes, while my best friend fought for his life? Was it to be expected that I could help coming?" She spoke softly, half-crouching in her hiding-place, but her heart was in every word. Her judges could not stand against her. Rolf swore that she would have been unworthy the name of shield-maiden had she acted otherwise. And Sigurd pressed her hand with brotherly tenderness. "You should know that I am not blaming you in earnest, my foster-sister, because I grumble a little when I cannot see my way out of the tangle." He bent over Kark to make sure that he was really as unconscious as he seemed; then he lowered his voice nervously. "What makes it a great mishap is that your presence doubles Alwin's risk, and because one can never be altogether sure to what lengths Eric's son will go,--even with one whom he loves as well as he loves you. If I could find some good way in which to break the news to him before he sees you,--" Helga sprang out of her niche, and stood, straight and rigid, before them. "You shall not endanger yourself to shield me. You will feel it enough for what you have already done. The first burst of his anger I will bear myself, as is my right." Before they had even guessed her intention, she slipped past them, leaped lightly over Kark's motionless body, and delivered herself into the light of the torches. In another instant, a roar of amazement and delight had gone up from the benches; and the men were dropping their games and knocking over their goblets to crowd around her. "She has got out of her wits," Rolf said, wonderingly. "He will kill her," Sigurd answered, between his teeth. "For half as much cause, Olaf Trygvasson struck a queen in the face." They followed her aft, like men walking in a dream; but between the rings of broad shoulders they soon lost sight of her. All they could see was the Norman's dark face, as he stepped upon a bench and silently watched the approaching apparition. "The Troll take him! If he cannot keep that look out of his eyes, why does he not shut them?" Sigurd muttered, irritably. Perhaps it was that look which Helga encountered, as she made the last step that brought her face to face with the chief. At that moment, a great change came over her. When the guardsman pushed back to the extreme limits of his chair to regard her in a sort of incredulous horror, she did not fall at his feet as everyone expected her to, and as she herself had thought to do. Instead, she flung up her head with a spirit that sent the long locks flying. Even when anger began to distort his face,--anger headlong and terrible as Eric's,--her glance crossed his like a sword-blade. "You need not look at me like that, kinsman," she said, fiercely. "It is your own fault for giving me into the power of a mean-minded brute,--you who brought me up to be a free Norse shield-maiden!" If the planks of the deck had risen against them, the men could not have looked at each other more aghast. Her boldness seemed to paralyze even Leif. Or was it the grain of truth in the reproach that stayed him? He let moment after moment pass without replying. He sat plainly struggling to hold back his fury, gripping his chair-arms until the knuckles on his fists gleamed white. After peering at him curiously for awhile, as though trying to divine his wishes, his shrewd old foster-father put aside the chess-board on which they had been playing, and hobbled over and laid a soothing hand on the girl's arm. "Speak you of Gilli?" he inquired. "Tell to us how he has ill-treated you." It was only very slightly that the pause had cooled Helga's valor. "He has treated me like a horse that traders deck out in costly things, and parade up and down for men to see and offer money for," she answered hotly. Though they knew Gilli's conduct was entirely within the law, and there was not a man there who might not have done the same thing, they all grunted contemptuously. Tyrker stroked his beard, with an-other sidelong glance at his foster-son, as he said, cautiously: "So? _Aber_,--how have you managed it from him to escape?" "Little was there to manage. As I told you, he loaded me with precious things; after which he left me to sit at home with his weak-minded wife, while he went on a trading voyage, as was his wont. A horse brought me to Nidaros; gold bought me a passage with Arnor Gunnarsson, and his ship brought me into Eric's Fiord." Then, for the first time, Leif spoke. His words leaped out like wolves eager for a victim. "Do not stop there! Tell how you passed from his ship into mine. Tell whom you found in Eric's Fiord who became a traitor for your gold." She answered him bravely: "No one, kinsman. No one received so much as a ring from me. May the Giant take me if I lie! I swam the distance between the ships under the cover of darkness, and--" His voice crashed through hers like a thunder-peal: "Who kept the watch on board, last night?" Half a dozen men started in sudden consternation; but they were spared the peril of a reply, for Sigurd Haraldsson stepped out of the throng and stood at Helga's side. "I kept the watch last night, foster-father," he said, quietly. "Let none of your men suffer in life or limb. It was I who received her on board, while it was the others' turn to sleep; and I alone who hid her in the foreroom." Those who had hoped that Leif's love for his foster-son might outweigh his anger, gauged but poorly the force of the resentment he had been holding back. At this offer of a victim which it was free to accept, his anger could no more be restrained than an unchained torrent. It burst out in a stream of denunciation that bent Sigurd's handsome head and lashed the blood into his cheeks. Coward and traitor were the mildest of its reproaches; contempt and eternal displeasure were the least of its dooms. Though Helga besought with eyes and hands, the torrent thundered on with a fury that even the ire of Eric had never surpassed. Only a lack of breath brought it finally to an end. The chief dashed himself back into his chair, and leaned there, panting and darting fiery glances from under his scowling brows,--now at Rolf and the Norman, now at Helga, and again at the motionless figure of Sigurd Haraldsson, silently awaiting his pleasure. When he spoke again, it was with the suddenness of a blow. "Nor do I altogether believe that it was to escape from Gilli that she took this venture upon herself. By her own story, Gilli had gone away for the season and left her free. It is my opinion that it took something of more importance to steal the wits out of her." Helga blanched. If he was going to pry into her motives, what might not the next words bring out? Under the Norman's silken tunic, an English heart leaped, and then stood still. There was a pause in which no one seemed to breathe. But the next words were as unexpected as the last. Of a sudden, Leif started up with a gesture of impatience. "Have I nothing to think of besides your follies? Trouble me no longer with the sight of you. Tyrker, take the girl below and see to it that she is cared for." While the culprits stared at him, scarcely daring to credit their ears, he still further signified that the incident was closed, by turning his back upon them and inviting Robert Sans-Peur to take the German's place at the chess-board. In a daze of bewilderment, Sigurd let Rolf lead him away. "What can he mean by such an ending?" he marvelled, as soon as it was safe to voice his thoughts. "How comes it that he will stop before he has found out her real motive? It cannot be that he will drop it thus. Did you not see the black look he gave me as I left?" He raised his eyes to Rolf's face, and drew back resentfully. "What are you smiling at?" he demanded. "At your stupidity," Rolf laughed into his ear. "Do you not see that he believes he has found out her real motive?" As Sigurd continued to stare, the Wrestler shook him to arouse his slumbering faculties. "Simpleton! He thinks it was for love of you that Helga fled from Norway!" "_Nom du diable_!" breathed Sigurd. Yet the longer he thought of it, the more clearly he saw it. By and by, he drew a breath of relief that ended in a laugh. "And he thinks to make me envious by putting my Norman friend before me! Do you see? He in-tends it as a punishment. By Saint Michael, it seems almost too amusing to be true!" CHAPTER XXV "WHERE NEVER MAN STOOD BEFORE" Wit is needful To him who travels far: At home all is easy. Ha'vama'l Four days of threading fog-thickets and ploughing over watery wastes, and the stanch little vessel pushed her way into sight of the first of the unknown lands. It towered up ahead like a storm-cloud, bleak and barren-looking as Greenland itself. From its inhospitable heights and glaciers gleaming coldly in the sunshine, they knew it at once for the last-seen land of Biorn's narrative. "It looks to me like a good omen that we are to begin where Biorn left off," Rolf observed to one of the men engaged in lowering the ship's boat. The fellow was a stalwart Icelander who had every current superstition at his tongue's end, and was even accredited with the gift of second sight. He hunched his shoulders sceptically, as he bent over the ropes. "It is my opinion that good omens have little to do with this land," he returned. "It bears every resemblance to the Giant Country which Thor visited." "I believe it is Helheim itself," quavered Kark. The Wrestler glanced at the thrall's blanching cheeks and laughed a long soft laugh. Such a display was one of the few things that moved him to mirth. Suddenly he caught up the bowerman as one picks up a kitten, and, leaning out over the side, dropped him sprawling into the long-boat. "Here, then, is your chance to enter the world of the dead in good company," he laughed. He stood guard over the gunwale until Leif and the other ten men of the boat's crew were ready to go down; pounding the poor wretch's fingers when he attempted to climb back, while a row of grinning faces mocked him over the side. The unpromising aspect of the shore did not lessen as the explorers approached it. If they had not made an easy landing, on a gravelly strip between two rocky points, they would have felt that their labor had been wasted. From the sea to the ice-tipped mountains there stretched a plain of nothing but broad flat stones. They looked in vain for any signs of life. Not a tree nor a shrub, nor even so much as a grass-blade, relieved the dead emptiness. When they caught sight of a fox, whisking from one rocky den to another, it startled them into crossing themselves. "It is over such wastes as this that the dead like to call to each other," Valbrand muttered in his heard. And his neighbor mumbled uneasily, "I think it likely that this is one of the plains on which the Women who Ride at Night hold their meetings. If it were not for the Lucky One's luck, I would prefer swallowing hot irons to coming here." Then both became silent, for Leif had faced about and was awaiting their full attention before announcing the next move. "I dislike to see brave men disgrace their beards with bondmaids' gabble," he said sternly. "Fix in your minds the shame that was spoken of Biorn Herjulfsson because of his lack of enterprise. The same shall not be said of us. Rolf Erlingsson and Ottar the Red and three others shall follow me; and we will walk inland until the light has entirely faded from the highest mountain peak yonder, and the next point below is yellow as a golden fir-cone. The others of you shall follow Valbrand for the same length of time, but walk southward along the shore, since it may be that something of interest is hidden behind these points--" A howl from Kark interrupted him. "I will not go! By Thor, I will not go! Spirits are hidden behind those points. Who knows what would jump out at us? I will not stir away from the Lucky One. I will not! I will not!" Gibbering with terror, he clutched Leif's cloak and clung there like a cat. For a moment the chief hesitated, looking down at him with disgust unutterable. Then he quietly loosened the golden clasp on his shoulder, flung the mantle off with a sweep that sent the thrall staggering backward, and marched away at the head of his men. Valbrand had handled rebellious slaves before. Shaking the fellow until he no longer had any breath to howl with, the steersman said briefly, "It is very unlikely that we shall see any ghosts, but it is altogether certain that your hide will feel my belt if you do not end this fuss." Kark made his choice with admirable swiftness. He got what comfort he could, poor wretch, out of a carefully selected position. As between two shields, he crept between the mystic Icelander and the dauntless Norman warrior. Valbrand led the way, his flint face set to withstand the Devil and all his angels; and three strapping Swedes brought up the rear, with drawn swords and thumping hearts. If only the way could have lain straight and open before them, even though it bristled with beasts and foes! But for the whole distance it screwed itself into a succession of crescent-shaped beaches, each one lying between rocky spurs of the beetling crags. Each point they rounded disclosed nothing more alarming than lichened boulders and pebbly shore, with here a dead fish, and there a heap of shining snaky kelp, and yonder a flock of startled gulls,--but who could tell what the next projection might be hiding? They walked with their fists gripped hard around their weapons, their eyes shifting, their ears strained, while the waves hissed around their feet and the gulls screamed over their heads. Slowly the light faded from the mountain top and lay upon the next peak, a golden cone against the blue. At last, even Valbrand's sense of duty was satisfied. "We will turn back now," he announced, halting them. "But first I will climb up the cliff, here where it is lowest, and try to see a little way ahead, that we may have as much news as possible to report to the chief." As he spoke, he gave a great spring upward on to a shelving ledge, and pulled himself up to the next projection; a rattling shower of sand and pebbles continued to mark his ascent. Robert the Fearless walked on to look around the rock they had almost reached; but the rest remained where they were, following their leader's movements with anxious eyes. They were so intent that they jumped like startled horses at an exclamation from the Icelander. He was pointing to the strip of beach which lay between Kark and the Norman. "Look there!" he cried. "Look there!" Their alarm was in no way diminished when they had looked and seen that the space was empty. The cold drops came out on their bodies, and the hair rose on their heads. Robert of Normandy, who had caught the cry but not the words, came walking back, inquiring the cause of the excitement; and at that the Icelander cried out louder than before: "Have a care where you go! Do you not see it? You will get blood upon your fine cloak. It is at your feet." In blank amazement, the Norman stared first at the ground and then at the seer. "Have the wits been stolen out of you? There is not even so much as a devil-fish where you are pointing." The Icelander took off his cap, and commenced wiping the great beads from his forehead. "You begin to listen after the song is sung," he answered, peevishly. "The thing ran away as soon as you approached. It was a fox that was bloody all over." A yell of terror distended Kark's throat. "A fox!" he screeched. "My guardian spirit follows me in that shape; a foreknowing woman told me so. It is my death-omen! I am death-fated!" His knees gave way under him so that he sank to the ground and cowered there, wringing his hands. The Icelander shot a look of triumph at the sceptical stranger. "They have no call to hold their chins high who hear of strange wonders for the first time," he said, severely. "It is as certain that men have guardian spirits as that they have bodies. Yours, Robert of Normandy, goes doubtless in the shape of a wolf because of your warrior nature; and I advise you now, that when you see a bloody wolf before you it will be time for you to draw on your Hel-shoes. The animal ran nearest the thrall--" Kark's lamentations merged into a shriek of hope. "That is untrue! It lay at the Norman's feet; you told him so!" While the seer turned to look rather resentfully at him, he climbed up this slender life-line, like a man whom sharks are pursuing. "It was not a fox that you saw, at all; it was a wolf! So excited were you that your eyes were deceitful. It was a wolf, and it was nearest the Norman. A blind man could see what that means." The Icelander pulled off his cap again, but this time it was to scratch his head doubtfully. "It was when the stranger approached it, that it was nearest to him," he persisted. "While this may signify that he will seek death, I am unable to say that it proves that he will overtake it. Yet I will not swear that it was not a wolf. The sun was in my eyes--" Robert the Fearless burst into a scornful laugh. "Oh, call it a wolf, and let us end this talk!" he said, contemptuously. "I shall not die until my death-day comes, though you see a pack of them. Call it a wolf, craven serf, if that will stay your tongue." There was no chance for more, for at that moment Valbrand joined them. "There is naught to be seen which is different from what we have already experienced," he said shortly; and they began the return march. They reached the landing-place first; but it was not long before the heads of their companions appeared above a rocky ridge. This party, it was evident, had had better sport. Several men carried hats filled with sea-birds' eggs. Another explorer had under his arm a fat little bear cub that he had picked up somewhere. Rolf's deftness at stone-throwing had secured him a bushy yellow fox-tail for a trophy. The party had gone inland far enough to discover that creeping bushes grew on the hills, and rushes on the bogs; that it was an island, as Biorn had stated, and that forests equal in size to those of Greenland grew in sheltered places. But they had seen nothing to alter their unflattering first opinion. Vikings though they were, warriors who would have been flayed alive without flinching, relief was manifest on every face when the leader finally gave the word to embark. Probably it was because he understood the danger of pushing their fidelity too far, that the chief gave the order to return so soon. For his own part, he did not seem to be entirely satisfied. With one foot on the stern of the boat, and one still on the rocks, he lingered uncertainly. "Yet we have not acted with this land like Biorn, who did not come ashore," he muttered. Rolf displayed the fox-tall with a flourish. "We have accomplished more than Eric after he had been in Greenland an equally short time, chief. We have taken tribute from the inhabitants." Leif deigned to smile slightly. He stepped into his place, and from the stern he swept a long critical look over the barren coast,--from the fox-dens up to the high-peaked mountains, and back again to the sea. "We will give as well as take," he said at last. "I will give a name to the land, and call it Helluland, for it is indeed an icy plain." They were welcomed on board with a hubbub of curiosity. Almost every article of value upon the ship was offered in exchange for the cub and the fox-tail. The uncanny accounts of the place were swallowed with open-mouthed greediness; so greedily that it was little wonder that at each repetition the narratives grew longer and fuller. Told by torchlight, at a safe distance from Leif, each boulder took on the form of a squatting dwarf; and the faint squeaking of foxes became the shrieking of spirits. The tale of the death-omen swelled to such proportions that Kark would have been terrified out of his wits if he had not rested secure in the conviction that the vision had been a wolf. The explorers who had gotten little pleasure out of their adventure at the time of its occurrence, came to regard it as their most precious possession. The fire of exploration waxed hot in every vein. Every man constituted himself a special look-out to watch for any dawning speck upon the horizon. With Fortune's fondness for surprising mankind, the next of the "wonder-shores" crept upon them in the night. The sun, which had set upon an empty ocean, rose upon a low level coast lying less than twenty miles away. In the glowing light, bluffs of sand shone like cliffs of molten silver; and more trees were massed upon one point than the whole of Greenland had ever produced. Even Leif was moved to exclaim at the sight. "Certainly this is a land which names itself!" he declared. "You need not wait long for what I shall fix upon. It shall be called Markland, after its woods." Sigurd's enthusiasm mounted to rashness. "I will have a share in this landing, if I have to plead with Leif for the privilege," he vowed. And when, for the second time, Rolf was told off for a place in the boat, and for the second time his claims were slighted, he was as reckless as his word. "Has not my credit improved at ail, after all this time, foster-father?" he demanded, waylaying the chief on his descent from the forecastle. "I ask you to consider the shame it will bring upon me if I am obliged to return to Norway without having so much as set foot upon the new-found lands." For awhile Leif's gaze rested upon him absently, as though the press of other matters had entirely swept him out of mind. Presently, however, his brows began to knit themselves above his hawk nose. "Tell those who ask, that you were kept on board because a strong-minded and faithful watchman was needed there," he answered curtly, and turned his back upon him. Robert the Fearless was standing at the side, gazing eagerly toward the shore. As though suddenly reminded of his existence, the chief stopped behind him and touched him on the shoulder. "The Norman is as much too modest as his friend is too bold," he said, with a note of his occasional courtliness. "A man who has thought it worth while to travel so far is certainly entitled to a share in every experience. Let Robert Sans-Peur go down and take the place that is his right." As the boat bounded away with the Fearless One on the last bench, Sigurd's face was a study. Between mortification and amusement, it was so convulsed that Rolf, who shared the Norman's seat, could not restrain his soft laughter. "Whether or not the Silver-Tongued has given his luck to you, it is seen that he has none left for himself," he laughed into his companion's ear. The Norman bent to his oar with a petulant force that drove it deep into the water and far out of stroke. "Whether or not he has any left for himself, it is certain that he has given none of it to me," he muttered. "Here are we at our second landing, and no chance have I had yet to endanger my life for the chief. Nor do I see any reason for expecting favorable prospects in this tame-appearing land. Is it of any use to hope for wild beasts here?" The Wrestler regarded him over his shoulder with amused eyes. "Is it your opinion that Leif Ericsson needs your protection against wild beasts?" he inquired. Under the Norman's swarthy complexion, Alwin of England suddenly flushed. When a wish is rooted in one's very heart, it is difficult to get far enough away to see it in its true proportions. The cliffs of gleaming silver faded, on the boat's approach, into gullied bluffs of weather-beaten sand; but the white beach that met the water, and the green thickets that covered the heights, remained fair and inviting. No fear of dark omens along that shining sand; no danger of evil spirits in that sunlit wood. All was pure and bright and fresh from the hand of God. In place of a spur, the explorers needed a rein,--and a tight one. But for the chief's authority, they would have spread themselves over the place like birds'-nesting boys. "Ye know no more moderation than swine," Leif said sternly, checking their rush to obey the beckoning of the myriad of leafy hands. "And ye are as witless as children, besides. Have ye not learned yet that cold steel often lies hid under a fair tunic? We will divide into two bands, as we did at our first landing; and I forbid that any man shall separate himself from his party, for any reason whatsoever." Then he proceeded to single out those who were to follow him; and to the great joy of Robert of Normandy, he was included in that favored number. Valbrand's men crashed away through bush and bramble; and the chief's following threw themselves, like jubilant swimmers, into the sea of undergrowth. Now, waist-high in thorny bushes, they tore their way through by sheer force of strength. Now they stepped high over a network of low-lying vines, ankle-bonds tougher than walrus hide. Again, imitating the four-footed pioneer that had worn the faint approach to a trail, they crawled on their hands and knees. Every nest they chanced upon, and each berry bush, paid a heavy toll; but they gave the briers a liberal return in the way of cloth and hair and flesh. "I think it likely that I could retrace my steps by no other means than the hair that I have left on the thorns," Eyvind the Icelander observed ruefully, when at last they had paused to draw breath in one of the few open spaces. The Fearless One overheard him and laughed. "When I found that my locks were liable to be pulled off my head entirely, I disposed of them in this manner," he said. He was leaning forward from his seat on a fallen oak to shew how his black curls were tucked snugly inside his collar, when a shriek of pain from the thicket behind them brought every man to his feet. The chief ran his eye over the little group. "It is Lodin that is missing," he said. "Probably he lingered at those last berry bushes." Knife in hand, he plunged into the jungle. While a rustling green curtain still hid the tragedy, the rescuers learned the nature of their companion's peril; for suddenly, above the cries for help and the crash of trampled brush, there rose the roar of an infuriated bear. Alwin's heart leaped in his breast, and his nostrils widened with such a fierce joy as won him the undying respect of the sportsmen around him. Pushing past his comrades, he tore his way through the tangle of twining willowy arms and gained the side of the chief. Leif pushed aside the last overhanging bough, and the conflict was before them. Locked in the embrace of as big a bear as it had ever been their luck to see, stood Lodin the Berry-Eater. That the beast had come upon him from the rear was evident, for the chisel-like claws of one huge paw had torn mantle and tunic and flesh into ribbons; but in some way the Viking must have managed to turn and grapple with his foe, for now his distorted face was close to the dripping jaws. Two bloody mangled spots upon either arm showed where the brute's teeth had been; but if the bear's paws were gripping the man's shoulders, still the man's hands were locked about the bear's ears. That the pair had been down once, leaves and dirt in hair and fur were witness; and now they went down again, ploughing up the earth, screaming and panting, growling and roaring; one of the brute's hind legs drawing up and striking down in a motion of terrible meaning. It was too ghastly a thing to watch inactive. Already every man's knife was in his hand, and three men were crouching for a spring, when the chief swept them back with a stern gesture. "Attacking thus, you can reach no vital part," he reminded them. And he shouted to the struggling man, "Feign death! you can do nothing without your weapon. Feign death." It appeared to Alwin that to do this would require greater courage than to struggle; but while the words were still in the air, the man obeyed. His hands relaxed their hold; his head fell backward on the ground; and he lay under the shaggy body like a dead thing. The black muzzle poked curiously about his face, but he did not stir. After a suspicious sniff, the victor appeared to accept the truth of his conquest. Exactly as though he said, "Come! Here is one good job done; what next?" he got up with a grunt, and, rising to his hind feet, stood growling and rolling his fiery little eyes from one to another of the intruders in the brush. "If now one could only hurl a spear at his heart!" murmured the sailor at Alwin's shoulder. But the difficulties of path-finding through an unbroken thicket had kept the men from cumbering themselves with weapons so unwieldy. Leif spoke up quickly, "There is no way but to trust to our knives. Since I am superior to any in strength, I will grapple with him first. If I fail, which I do not expect, I will preserve my life as Lodin is doing; and the Fearless One here shall take his turn." Alwin was too wild with delight to remember any-thing else. "For that, I thank you as for a crown!" he gasped. Even as he stepped out to meet the foe, Leif smiled ironically. "Certainly you are better called the Fearless than the Courteous," he said. "It would have been no more than polite for you to have wished me luck." Anything further was drowned in the bear's roar, as he took a swift waddling step forward and threw out his terrible paws. Even Leif's huge frame could not withstand the shock of the meeting. His left hand caught the beast by the throat and, with sinews of iron, held off his foaming jaws; but the shock of the grappling lost him his footing. They fell, clenched, and rolled over and over on the ground; those terrible hind feet drawing up and striking down with surer and surer aim. Alwin could endure it no longer. "Let me have him now!" he implored. "It is time to leave him to me. The next stroke, he will tear you to pieces. I claim my turn." It is doubtful if anyone heard him: at that moment, swaying and staggering, the wrestlers got to their feet. In rising, Leif's hold on the bear's throat slipped and the shaggy head shot sideways and fastened its jaws on his naked arm, with a horrible snarling sound. But at the same moment, the man's right arm, knife in hand, shot toward the mark it had been seeking. Into the exposed body it drove the blade up to its hilt, then swerved to the left and went upward. The stroke which the chisel-shod paws had tried for in vain, the little strip of steel achieved. A roar that echoed and re-echoed between the low hills, a convulsive movement of the mighty limbs, and then the beast's muscles relaxed, stiffening while they straightened; and the huge body swayed backward, dead. From the chief came much the same kind of a grunt as had come from the bear at the fall of his foe. Glancing with only a kind of contemptuous curiosity at his wounded arm, he stepped quickly to the side of his prostrate follower and bent over him. "You have got what you deserve for breaking my orders," he said, grimly. "Yet turn over that I may attend to your wounds before you bleed to death." In the activity which followed, Robert of Normandy took no part. He leaned against a tree with his arms folded upon his breast, his eyes upon the slain bear which half of the party were hastily converting into steaks and hide. The men muttered to each other that the Southerner was in a rage because he had lost his chance, but that was only a part of the truth. His fixed eyes no longer saw the bear; his ears were deaf to the voices around him. He saw again a shadowy room, lit by leaping flames and shifting eyes; and once more a lisping voice hissed its "jargon" into his ear. "I see Leif Ericsson standing upon earth where never man stood before; and I see you standing by his side, though you do not look as you look now, for your hair is long and black... I see that it is in this new land that it will be settled whether your luck is to be good or bad..." He said slowly to himself, like a man talking in his sleep, "It has been settled, and it is to be bad." Then the room passed from his vision. He saw in its place Rolf's derisive smile, and heard again his mocking query: "Is it your opinion that Leif Ericsson needs your protection against wild beasts?" Of a sudden he flung back his head and burst into a loud laugh that jarred on the ear like grating steel. When at last Lodin's wounds were dressed so that he could be helped along between two of his comrades, the party began a slow return. By the time they came out on to the shining white beach again, they were a battered-looking lot. There was not a mantle among them but what hung in tatters, nor a scratched face that did not mingle blood with berry juice. But at their head, the huge bear skin was borne like a captured banner. At the sight of it, their waiting comrades burst into shouts of admiration and envy that reached as far as the anchored ship. "Never was such sport heard of!"--"A better land is nowhere to be found!" they clamored. "In one month we could secure enough skins to make us wealthy for the rest of our lives!" And then some muttered asides were added: "It is a great pity to leave such a place."--"It is folly to give up certain wealth for vague possibilities." And though the dissatisfaction rose no louder than a murmur, it spread on every hand like fire in brush. Now there was one man among the explorers who had been a member of Biorn Herjulfsson's crew, and was brimful of conceit and the ambition to be a leader among his fellows. When the command to embark swelled the murmurs almost to an outspoken grumbling, he thought he saw a chance to push into prominence, and swaggered boldly forward. "If it is not your intention to come back and profit by this discovery, chief, I must tell you that we will not willingly return to the ship. Certainly not until we have secured at least one bear apiece. We are free men, Leif Ericsson, and it is not to our minds to be led altogether by the--" Whether or not he had meant to say "nose," no one ever knew. At that moment the chief wheeled and looked at him, with a glance so different from Biorn Herjulfsson's mild gaze that the word stuck in the fellow's throat, and instinctively he leaped backward. Leif turned from him disdainfully, and addressed the men of his old crew. "Ye are free men," he said; "but I am the chief to whom, of your own free wills, you have sworn allegiance on the edge of your swords. Do you think it improves your honor that a stranger should dare to insult your chosen leader in your presence?" "No!" bellowed Valbrand, in a voice of thunder. And Lodin shook his wounded arm at the mutineer. "If my hand could close over a sword, I would split you open with it," he cried. The other men's slumbering pride awoke. Loyalty seldom took more than cat-naps in those days, in spite of all the hard work that was put upon her. "Duck him!"--"Souse him!"--"Dip him in the ocean!" they shouted. And so energetically that the ringleader, cursing the fickleness of rebels, found it all at once advisable to whip out his sword and fall into a posture of defence. But again Leif's hand was stretched forth. "Let him be," he said. "He is a stranger among us, and your own words are responsible for his mistake. Let him be, and show your loyalty to your leader by carrying out his orders with no more unseemly delay." They obeyed him silently, if reluctantly; and it was not long before those who had remained on ship-board were thrown into a second fever of envious excitement. They were not pleasant, however, the days that followed. In the flesh of those who had missed the sport, the bear-fight was as a rankling thorn. The watches, during which a northeast gale kept them scudding through empty seas with little to do and much time to gossip, were golden hours for the growth of the serpent of discontent. Though the creature did not dare to strike again, its hiss could be heard in the distance, and the gleam of its fangs showed in dark corners. If Leif had had Biorn's bad fortune, to begin at the wrong end of his journey, so that a barren Helluland was the climax that now lay before him, the hidden snake might have swelled, like Thora Borga Hiort's serpent-pet, into a devastating dragon. Was it not Leif's luck that the land which was revealed to them, on the third morning, should be as much fairer than their vaunted Markland as that spot was pleasanter than Greenland's wastes?--a land where, as the old books tell, vines grew wild upon the hills, and wheat upon the plains; where the rivers teemed with fish, and the thickets rustled with game, and the islands were covered with innumerable wild fowl; where even the dew upon the grass was honey-sweet! As they gazed upon the blooming banks and woods and low hills, warm and green with sunlight, cries of admiration burst from every throat. Valbrand made bold to warn his chief, "Though I do not dispute your will in this, any more than in anything else, I will say that difficulties are to be expected if men are to be parted from such a land without at least tasting of its good things." Even for those who had been longest with him, the Lucky One was full of surprises. "It has never been my intention to continue sailing after we had accomplished the three landings," he answered quietly. "Ungrateful to God would we be, were we to fail in showing honor to the good things He has led us to. I expect to stay over winter in this place." CHAPTER XXVI VINLAND THE GOOD "... They sailed toward this land, and came to an island lying north of it, and went ashore in fine weather and looked round. They found dew on the grass, and touched it with their hands, and put it to their mouths, and it seemed to them that they had never tasted anything so sweet as this dew. Then they went on hoard and sailed into the channel, which was between the island and the cape which ran north from the mainland. They passed the cape, sailing in a westerly direction. There the water was very shallow, and their ship went aground, and at ebb-tide the sea was far out from the ship. But they were so anxious to get ashore that they could not wait till the high-water reached their ship, and ran out on the beach where a river flowed from a lake. When the high-water set their ship afloat they took their boat and rowed to the ship and towed it up the river into the lake. There they cast anchor, and took their leather-bags ashore, and there built booths."--FLATEYJARBO'K. It was October, and it was the new camp, and it was Helga the Fair tripping across the green background with a skirtful of red and yellow thorn-berries and a wreath of fiery autumn leaves upon her sunny head. Where a tongue of land ran out between a lake-like bay and a river that hurried down to throw herself into its arms, there lay the new settlement. Facing seaward, the five newly-built huts stood on the edge of a grove that crowned the river bluffs. Behind them stretched some hundred yards of wooded highland, ending in a steep descent to the river, which served as a sort of back stairway to the stronghold. Before them, green plains and sandy flats sloped away to the white shore of the bay that rocked their anchored ship upon its bosom. Over their lowly roofs, stately oaks and elms and maples murmured ceaseless lullabies,--like women long-childless, granted after a weary waiting the listening ears to be soothed by their crooning. "I have a feeling that this land has always been watching for us; and that now that we are come, it is glad," Helga said, happily, as she paused where the jarl's son leaned in a doorway, watching Kark's cook-fires leap and wave their arms of blue smoke. "Is it not a wonderful thought, Sigurd, that it was in God's mind so long ago that we should some day want to come here?" "It is a fair land," Sigurd agreed, absently. And then for the first time Helga noticed the frown on his face, and some of the brightness faded from her own. "Alas, comrade, you are brooding over the disfavor I have brought upon you!" she said, laying an affectionate hand upon his arm. "I act in a thoughtless way when I forget it." Sigurd made a good-natured attempt to arouse himself. "Do not let that trouble you, _ma mie_," he said, lightly. "When ill luck has it in her mind to reach a man, she will come in through a window if the door be closed. It is a matter of little importance." He patted the hand on his arm and his smile became even mischievous. "Still, I will not say anything against it if you wish to pay some forfeit," he added. "See,--yonder Leif sits, playing with the bear cub while he waits for his breakfast. Now, as he turns his eyes upon us, do you reach up and give me such an affectionate kiss as shall convince him forever that it was for love of me that you fled from Norway." A vigorous box on the ear was his answer; yet even before her cheeks cooled, Helga relented and turned back. "Even your French foolishness I will overlook, for the sake of the misfortune I have been to you. Take now a handful of these berries, and make the excuse that you wish to give them to the bear. While you do so, speak to Leif strongly and tell him your wish. That he is playing with the cub is a sign that he is in a good humor." Sigurd's eyes wandered wistfully beyond the cook-fires and the storehouses to the last hut in the line, before which a dozen men were buckling on cloaks and arming themselves, in a bustle of joyful anticipation. He thrust out his palm with sudden resolve. "By Saint Michael, I will! I had sworn that I would never entreat his leave again, but this time there is no one near enough to witness my shame if he refuses me. There--that is sufficient! It is needful that I make haste: yonder come Eyvind and Odd with the fish; Kark will not be long in cooking it." Carefully careless, he strolled past the open shed in which the new-found wheat was being stored, past the sleeping-house and a group of fellows mending nets, and came to the great maple-tree under which a rough bench had been placed. There, like a Giant Thrym and his greyhounds, Leif sat stroking his mustache thoughtfully, while with his free hand he tousled the head of the camp pet. Scenting dainties, the bear deserted his friend and shambled forward to meet the newcomer. The chief raised his eyes and regarded his foster-son over his hand, seemingly with less sternness than usual. Yet he did not look to be so blinded by good-nature that he would be unable to see through manoeuvring. Sigurd decided to strike straight from the shoulder. The cub, finding that the treat was not to be had in one delicious gulp, rose upon his haunches and threw open his jaws invitingly. While he tossed the berries, one by one, between the white teeth, Sigurd spoke his mind. "It is two weeks now, foster-father, since the winter booths were finished and you began the practice of sending out exploring parties. In all those days you have but once permitted me to share the sport. I ask you to tell me how long I shall have to endure this?" It appeared that the hand which stroked the chief's mustache also hid a dry smile. "You grasp your weapon by the wrong end, foster-son," he retorted. "You forget that each time I have chosen an exploring party to go out, I have also chosen a party to remain at home and guard the goods. How is it possible that I could spare from their number a man who has shown himself so superior in good sense and firm-mindedness--" Sigurd's foot came down in an unmistakable stamp; and the remaining berries were crushed in his clenching fist. "Enough jests have been strung on that thread! I have submitted to you patiently because it appeared to me that your anger was not without cause, yet it is no more than just for you to remember that I was helpless in the matter. Since the girl was already so far, it would have been dastardly for me to have refused her aid. It is not as though I had enticed her from Norway--" A confusing recollection brought him suddenly to a halt, the blood tingling in his cheeks. He knew that the eyes above the brown hand had become piercing, but there were many reasons why he did not care to meet them. After a moment's hesitation, he frankly abandoned that tack and tried a new one. Dropping on one knee to wipe his berry-stained hand in the grass, he looked up with his gay smile. "There is yet another reason why you should allow me my way, foster-father. Upon the one occasion when I did accompany the party, the discovery was made of those fields of self-sown wheat which you prize so highly. Since then I have remained at home, and nothing of value has come to light. Who knows what you might not find this time, if you would but take my luck along with you?" Leif pushed the cub aside and rose to his feet, the strengthening savor of broiled salmon announcing the imminent approach of the morning meal. "Although I cannot say that I consider that an argument which would win you a case before a law-man," he observed, "yet I will not be so stark as to punish you further. Take your chance with the rovers if you will; though it is not likely that you will have time both to eat your food and to make yourself ready." Sigurd was already gone on a bound. "It will not take me long to choose between the two," he called back joyously, over his shoulder. While the rest feasted noisily at the long table before the provision sheds, the Silver-Tongued hurried between sleeping house and store-room, rummaging out his heaviest boots, his stoutest tunic, his oldest mantle. At the last moment, the edge on his knife was found to be unsatisfactory, and he went and sat down by one of the cook-fires and fell to work with a sharpening stone. On the other side of the fire Kark sat cross-legged upon the ground, skinning rabbits from a heap that had just been brought in by the trappers. He looked up with an impudent grin. "It is a good thing if your fortunes have mended at last, Sigurd Jarlsson. It did not appear that the Norman brought you much luck in return for your support." He glanced toward that part of the table where the black locks of Robert the Fearless shone, sleek as a blackbird's wing, in the morning sun. "The Southerner has an overbearing face," he added. "It reminds me of someone I hate, though I cannot think who." Sigurd's fiery impulse to cuff him was cooled by a sudden frost. He said as carelessly as possible: "You are a churlish fool; but it is likely you have seen Robert Sans-Peur in Nidaros. He was there shortly before we came away." The thrall assented with a nod, but his interest seemed to have taken another turn, for after a while he said absently: "You will call me fool again when I tell you who the Norman made me think of at first. No other than that pig-headed English thrall that Leif killed last winter,--if it were not that one is black and the other was white, and one is living and the other dead." He commenced to grin over his work, a veritable image of malice, quite unconscious that Sigurd's eyes were blazing down upon his head. By and by he broke into a discordant roar. "Too great fun is it to keep silent over! What can it matter, now that Hot-Head is dead? Ah, that was a fine revenge!" He squinted boldly up into Sigurd's face, though he did not raise his voice to be heard beyond. "Did you know that it was not Thorhall the steward who found the knife that betrayed the English-man? Did you dream of that, Jarl's son? Did you know that it was I who followed you out of the hall that night, and listened to you from the shadows, and followed your trail the next sunrise, until I came upon the knife at Skroppa's very door? You never suspected that, Jarl's son. I was too cunning to let you put your teeth into me. Thorhall you could do no harm--" "Wretched spy! Do you boast of your deed?" the young Viking interrupted hotly. "What is to hinder my biting now?" He had leaped the flames, and his hand was on the other's throat before he finished speaking. But the thrall fought him off with unusual boldness. "It is unadvisable for you to injure Leif's property, Sigurd Haraldsson," he panted. "My life is of value to him now. You are not yet out of disgrace. It would be unadvisable for you to offend him again." However contemptible its present mouthpiece, that was the truth. Sigurd paused, even while his fingers twitched with passion. While he hesitated, a shout of summons from Valbrand decided the matter. Loosening his hold, the young warrior vented his rage in one savage kick and hastened to join his comrades. Twelve brawny Vikings with twelve short swords at their sides and twelve long knives in their belts, they stood forth, headed by Valbrand of the Flint-Face and--by Tyrker! The little German had left off the longest of his fur tunics; a very long knife indeed garnished his waist, and he used a spear for a staff. Yet none of these preparations made him appear very formidable. Sigurd stared at him in amazement. "Tyrker! My eyes cannot believe that you have the intention to undertake such a march! Before a hundred steps, it will become such an exertion to you that you will lie down upon a rock in a swoon." The old man blinked at him with his little twinkling eyes. "So?" he said, chuckling. "Then will we a bargain together make; for me shall you be legs, while I be brains for you. Then shall we neither be left behind for wild beasts to eat, nor yet shall our wits like beer-foam off-blown be, if so it happens that a beautiful maiden crosses our path." Sigurd swore an unholy French oath, as the laughter arose. Would those jests never grow stale on their tongues? he wondered. He sent a half-resentful glance to where Robert Sans-Peur stood, calm and lofty, watching the departure. Whatever else threatened Alwin of England, he had none of this nonsense to endure. Over his shoulder, as he marched away, the Silver-Tongued made a sly face at his friend. The Norman caught the grimace, but no answering smile curved the bitter line of his lips. Smiles had been strangers to his gaunt dark face for many weeks now. The sailors said of him, "Since the Southerner lost his chance at the bear, he has had the appearance of a man who has lost his hope of Heaven." When the noise of the departing explorers sank into the distance, Robert Sans-Peur strolled away from the busy groups and stretched himself in the shade of a certain old elm-tree. The chief stripped off his mantle and upper tunic, and betook himself to the woods with an axe over his shoulder. The hammers of the carpenters made merry music as they built the bunks in the new sleeping-house. Out in the sunshine, fishers and trappers came and went; harvesters staggered in under golden sheaves; and a group of bathers shouted and splashed in the lake. But the Norman neither saw nor heard anything of the pleasant stir. Through the long golden hours he lay without sound or motion, staring absently at the green turf and the dying leaves that floated down to him with every breeze. A meal at midday was not a Brattahlid custom; but when the noon-hour came, there was a lull in the activity while Kark carried around bread and meat and ale. Combining prudence with a saving of labor, the thrall made no attempt to approach the brooding stranger; nor did the latter give any sign of noticing the slight. But the chief's keen eyes saw it, as they saw everything. From his seat under the maple-tree, he called out with the voice of authority: "Hardy bear-fighters are not made by abstaining from food; nor are wits sharpened by sulking. I invite the Norman to sit with me, while he drinks his ale and tells me what lies heavy on his mind." It was with more embarrassment than gratification that Robert Sans-Peur responded to this invitation. "It may well be that my head is drowsy because I have had too much ale," he made excuse, as he took his seat. Over the chunk of bread he was raising to his mouth, the chief regarded his guest critically. "There is an old saying," he observed, "that when it happens to a man that his head is sleepy in the day-time, it is because his mind is not in his body but wanders out in the world in another shape. In what land, and in what form, do the Norman's thoughts travel?" After a moment, Robert the Fearless rose to his feet and bowed low. "They have returned to rest contentedly in an unnamed land," he answered; "and they wear the shape of thanks to Leif Ericsson for his many favors. I drink to the Lucky One's health, and to his undying fame! Skoal!" As he set down his horn after the toast, the Norman's glance happened to encounter a glance from the shield-maiden, who was passing. Taking another horn from the thrall, he bowed again, with proverbial French gallantry; then quaffed off the second measure of ale to the honor of Helga the Fair. Leif turned in time to catch a rather unusual expression on the maiden's face, though her courtesy was a model of formality. He held out his hand peremptorily. "Come hither, kinswoman, and tell me how matters go with you," he commanded. "It is to be hoped that Tyrker has not lost you out of his mind, as I have done during these last weeks. How are you entertaining yourself this morning, while he is absent?" Helga sped a guilty thought to a certain green nook on the river bluff; and winged heavenward a prayer of thanks that she had put off until afternoon her daily pilgrimage to the beloved shrine. She answered readily, "I have entertained myself very poorly so far, kinsman, for I have been doing such woman's-work as Thorhild commends. I have been in your sleeping-house, sewing upon the skin curtains that are to make the fourth wall of my chamber." Leif glanced at the Norman with a dry smile. "Chamber!" he commented. "Learn from this, Robert of Normandy, how a Norse maiden regards a stall! Yet, whatever hostile thing attacks us, a Norman lady in her bower would be no safer. Tyrker's sleeping-place, and mine and Valbrand's, lie between the house-door and the chamber of Helga, Gilli's daughter." He freed the girl's hand, though he still held her with his eyes. "Whither do you betake yourself now?" he demanded. "Long rambles are unsafe in an unknown country." In her perfect composure, Helga even laughed; a silvery peal that sent a thrill of pleasure through the brooding old trees. "By my knife, kinsman, you take your responsibility heavily, now that you have remembered it at all!" she retorted. "I do not go far; only a little way up the river, where grow the rushes of which I wish to make baskets." The chief released her then; and soon she disappeared among the trees. One by one, the men finished their meal and drifted back to their various employments. The hammers began again their merry tattoo; and the wrangling voices of dice-throwers replaced the shouts of the bathers. Except for these, however, the place was still. The sun shone hotly, and the trees appeared to nap in the drowsy air. Perhaps because he preferred asking questions to answering them, Robert Sans-Peur began an earnest conversation, concerning the harvest, the traps, and the fishing. But as the hour grew, the gaps between his inquiries stretched wider. As the tree-heads ceased even their nodding and hung motionless, the chief's answers became briefer and slower. At last the moment arrived when no response at all was forthcoming. Glancing up, the Norman found his host tilted back against the maple trunk in placid slumber. The young man let something like a sigh of relief escape him. Still, watching the sleeping face warily, he tried the effect of another question. Oblivion. He rose to his feet with a daring flourish of yawns and stretching, and awaited the result of that test. The deep breathing never faltered. Then Alwin the Lover hesitated no longer. Quietly and directly, as one who treads a familiar path, he walked around the corner of the last hut and disappeared among the trees. Many feet had worn a distinct trail through the woods to the edge of the bluff, and down the steep to the water; but only two pair of feet had ever turned aside, midway the descent, and found the path to Eden. Like a rosy curtain, a tall sumach bush hid the trail's beginning; the overhanging bluffs concealed it from above; the tangle of shrubs and vines which covered the bank from the water's edge screened it from below. Hardly more than a rabbit track, a narrow shelf against the wall of the steep, it ran along for a dozen yards to stop where a ledge of moss-covered rock thrust itself from the soil. When Alwin pushed aside the leafy sprays, Helga stood awaiting him with outstretched hands. "You have been long in coming, comrade. I dare not hope that it is because Leif delayed you with some new friendliness?" Her lover shook his head, as he bent to kiss her hands. "Do not hope anything, sweetheart," he said, wearily. "That is the one way not to be disappointed." He threw himself down on the rock at her feet, unaware that her smooth brows had suddenly drawn themselves into a troubled frown. She said with grave slowness, "I do not like to hear you speak like that. You are foremost among men in courage, yet to hear you now, one would almost imagine you to be faint-hearted." Alwin's mouth bent into a bitter smile, as his eyes stared away at the river. "Courage?" he repeated, half to himself. "Yes, I have that. Once I thought it so precious a thing that I could stake honor and life upon it, and win on the turn of the wheel. But I know now what it is worth. Courage, the boldness of the devil himself, who of the North but has that? It is cheaper than the dirt of the road. If I have not been a coward, at least I have been a fool." All at once, Helga shook out her flying locks like so many golden war banners, and turned to face him resolutely. "You shall not speak, nor think like that," she said; "for I see now that it is not good sense. Before, though my heart told me you were wrong, I did not understand why; but now I have turned it over in my mind until I see clearly. The failure of your first attempt to win Leif's favor is a thing by itself; at least it does not prove that you have not yet many good chances. I will not deny that we may have expected too many opportunities for valiant deeds, yet are there no other ways in which to serve? Was it by a feat of arms that you won your first honor with the chief? It was nothing more heroic than the ability to read runes which, in five days, got you more favor than Rolf Erlingsson's strength had gained him in five years. Are your accomplishments so limited to your weapons that when you cannot use your sword you must lie idle? Many little services will count as much as one big one, when the time of reckoning comes. Shake the sleep-thorn out of your ear, my comrade, and be your brave strong-minded self again. Without courage, never would Robert Sans-Peur have come to Greenland, nor Helga, Gilli's daughter, have followed him to Norway. Despise it not, but mate it with your good sense, and the two shall yet draw us to victory." It was a long time before Alwin answered. The river splashed and murmured below; birds rustled in the bushes around them, or dived into the green depths with a soft whir of wings. A rabbit paused to look at them, and two squirrels quarrelled over a nut, within reach of their hands,--so still were they. But when at last Alwin raised his eyes to hers, their gaze reassured her. "The sleep-thorn is out, sweetheart," he said, slowly. "Now is the whole of my folly clear to me for the first time. Never again shall you have cause to shame my manhood with such words." "Shame! Shame you, who are the best and bravest in the world!" she cried, passionately, and threw herself on her knees by his side, entreating. But he silenced her lips with kisses, and put her gently back upon the rock. "Do not let us speak further of it, dear one. I have thought so much and done so little. After this you shall see how I will bear myself... But let us forget it now, and rest awhile. Let us forget everything in the world except that we are together. Lay your hand in mine and turn your face where I can look into it; and so shall we be sure of this happiness, whatever lies beyond." A vague fear laid its icy finger, for an instant, on Helga's brave heart; but she shook it off fiercely. Locking her hand fast in her comrade's, she let all the love of her soul well up and shine from her beautiful eyes. So they sat, hand in hand, while the hours slipped by and the shadows lengthened about them, and the light on the river grew red. With the sunset, came the sound of distant voices. Helga started up with a finger on her lips. "It is the exploring party, returning! It is possible that one of them might blunder in here. Do you think we can climb the bluff before they turn the bend and see us?" The voices were becoming very distinct now. Alwin shook his head. "I think it better to remain where we are. Sigurd knows that we are likely to be here. He will turn them aside, if need be. See; yonder is his blue cloak now, at the--" He broke off and slowly rose to his feet, a look upon his face that made Helga whirl instinctively and glance over her shoulder. She did not turn back again, but sat as though frozen in the act; for behind the sumach bush Leif stood, watching them. How long he had been there they had no idea, but his eyes were full upon them; and they realized that at last he knew truly for whom it was that Helga, Gilli's daughter, had fled from home. His lips were drawn into a straight line, and his brows into a black frown. The voices came nearer and nearer,--until Sigurd's blue cloak fluttered at the very foot of the trail. When he saw the chief's scarlet mantle mingling with the scarlet of the sumach leaves, the jarl's son gave a great leap forward. It was no longer than the drawing of a breath, however, before he recovered himself. His clear voice rose like a bugle call, "_Diable_! foster-father! I have just made a very different discovery from the one I promised you,--Tyrker has been left behind." The chief was down the bank in three long leaps, shooting a volley of fierce questions. Each member of the party instantly raised his voice to defend himself and blame his neighbor. The remainder of the camp, brought to the spot by the noise, rent the air with upbraiding and alarms. When the shield-maiden suddenly sprang from nowhere and stood in their midst, the men did not even notice her; nor did the appearance of the Norman attract more attention. As an accident, it was incredibly fortunate; as a diversion, it was a master-stroke. Yet it did not take the chief long to quell the up-roar, when at last he had made up his mind what course to pursue. Seizing a shield from a man at his side, he hammered upon it with his sword until every other sound was drowned in the clangor. "Silence!" he shouted. "Silence, fools! Would you save him by deafening each other? We must reach him before wild beasts do: he would be as a child in their clutches. Ten of you who are fresh-footed, get weapons and follow me. The least crazy of you who accompanied him, shall guide us back." Only as he was turning away and ran bodily into him, did he appear to remember the Norman's existence. His eyes gave out an ominous flash. "You also follow," he commanded. As the little column moved over the hills in the fading light, Helga looked after them, half dazed. "What is the meaning of that?" she murmured to the jarl's son at her side. "It is certain that Leif recognized him; yet he chooses him to accompany them. I do not understand it." Nothing could have been sturdier than Sigurd's manner; she did not think to look at his face. "That may easily be," he returned. "Since it angered the chief to find you two together, it would be no more than natural that he should wish to make sure of your separation." Helga did not appear to hear him. She stood transfixed with the horror of a sudden conviction. "It is to kill him!" she gasped. "That is why he has taken him away, that he may kill him quietly and without interference. I will go after them... By running, I can catch up--let me go, Sigurd!" The fact that his foreboding was quite as black as hers did not prevent Sigurd from tightening his grasp, almost to roughness. He said sternly, "Be still. You have done harm enough by such crazy actions. If by any chance he is not discovered, you would be certain to betray him. You can do nothing but harm in any case." As he felt her yield to his grasp, he added, less harshly, "More likely than not, nothing of any importance will happen; if Tyrker is found unharmed, Leif's joy will be too great to allow him to injure anyone, whatever his offence." She interrupted him with a low cry of anguish. "But if Tyrker is not found, Sigurd! If Tyrker is not found, Leif will vent his rage upon the nearest excuse. A Norseman in grief is like a bear with a wound: it matters not whom he bites." Burying her face in her hands, she sank upon the ground and rocked herself back and forth. Out from the bower of long hair that streamed over her, came pitiful moans. "He will slay him and leave him out there in the darkness... I shall not be by to raise his head and weep over him, as I did before .... Oh, thou God, if there is help in Thee--! I shall not be with him... Leif will slay him and leave him out in the darkness, alone..." Sigurd's face grew white as he watched her, and he clenched his hands so that the nails sank deep in the flesh. "There is nothing to do but to wait," he said, briefly. "If Tyrker is found, all will be well." He paced to and fro before her, his ear set toward the river. Over in front of the cook-house, Kark's fires began to twinkle out like altars of good cheer. Like votaries hurrying to worship at them, the hungry men went and threw themselves on the grass in a circle; with dice and stories and jests they whiled away the time pleasantly enough. For the pair in the shadow, the moments dragged on lead-shod feet. Time after time, Sigurd thought he heard the sounds he longed to hear, and started toward the river,--only to come slowly back, tricked. An owl began to call in the tree above them; and ever after, Helga connected that sound with death and despair, and shuddered at it. When at last the distant hum of voices crept upon them, they would not believe it; but sat with eyes glued to the ground, though their ears were strained. But when one of the approaching voices broke into a rollicking drinking-song, which was caught up by the group around the fire and tossed joyously back and forth, there could no longer be any doubt of the matter. Sigurd leaped up and pulled his companion to her feet, with a cheer. "They would not sing like that if they bore heavy tidings," he assured her. "Do not spoil matters now by a lack of caution. Stay here while I run forward to meet them." Then, for the first time since the failing of the blow, Helga recalled with a flush of shame that she was a dauntless shield-maiden; and she took hold of her composure with both hands. Singing and shouting, the rescuers came out of the woods at last and into the circle of firelight. On the shoulders of the two leaders sat Tyrker, his little eyes dancing with excitement, his thin voice squeaking comically in his attempts to pipe a German drinking-song, as he beat time with some little dark object which he was flourishing. The chief walked behind him with a face that was not only clear but almost radiant. Still further back came Robert Sans-Peur, quite un-harmed and vigorous. In the name of wonder, what had happened to them? "It is the strangest thing that ever occurred."--"It is a miracle of God!"--"Growing as thick as crow-berries."--"Such juice will make the finest wine in the world!"--"Biorn Herjulfsson will dash out his brains with envy."--"Was ever such luck as the Lucky One's?" were the disjointed phrases that passed between them. Waving the dark object over his head, Tyrker struggled down from his perch. "Wunderschoen! As in the Fatherland growing! And I went not much further than you,--only a step, and there--like snakes in the trees gecoiled! So solid the bunches, that them your fingers you cannot between pry. The beautiful grapes! Foster-son, for this day's work I ask you to name this country Vine-land. Such a miracle requires that. Ach, it makes of me a child again!" He tossed the fruit into their eager hands and began all at once to wipe his eyes industriously upon the skirt of his robe. Swiftly the bunch passed from hand to hand. Each time a juicy ball found its way down a thirsty throat a great murmur of wonder and delight arose. "There is more where this came from? Plenty, you say?" they inquired, anxiously. And on being assured that hillside after hillside was covered with bending wreaths of purple clusters, their rapture knew no bounds. Ale was all well enough; but wine--! Not only would they live like kings through the winter, but in the spring they would take back such a treasure as would make their home-people stare even more than at the timber and the wheat. "You need have no fear concerning Leif's temper," Sigurd whispered in Helga's ear. "This discovery makes his mission as sure of success as though it were already accomplished. No man's nose rises at timber, but two such miracles as wheat and grapes, planted without hands and growing without care,--these can be nothing less than tokens of divine favor! The Lucky One would spare his deadliest foe tonight." "That sounds possible," Helga admitted, studying the chief's face anxiously. As she looked, Leif's gaze suddenly met hers, and she had the discomfort of seeing a recollection of their last encounter waken in his eyes. Yet they did not darken to the blackness that had lowered from them at the cliff. They took on more of an expression of quiet sarcasm. Turning where the Norman stood, a silent witness of the scene, the chief beckoned to him. "A while ago, Robert Sans-Peur, I had it in my mind to run a sword through you," he said, dryly. "But I have since bethought myself that you are a guest on my hands; and also that it is right to take your French breeding into account. Yet, though it may easily be a Norman habit to look upon every fair woman with eyes of love, it is equally contrary to Norse custom to permit it. Give yourself no further trouble concerning my kinswoman, Robert of Normandy. Attach yourself to my person and reserve your eloquence for my ear,--and my ear only." CHAPTER XXVII MIGHTIER THAN THE SWORD Middling wise Should every man be, Never too wise; Happiest live Those men Who know many things well. Ha'vama'l They must have missed a great deal of enjoyment, to whom a new world meant only a new source of gold and slaves. To these men from the frozen north, the new world was an earthly paradise. A long clear day under a warm sun was alone a gift to be thankful for. To plunge unstinted hands into the hoarded wealth of ages, to be the first to hunt in a game-stocked forest and the first to cast hook in a fish-teeming river,--to have the first skimming of nature's cream-pans, as it were,--was a delight so keen that, saving war and love, they could imagine nothing to equal it. Like children upon honey, they fell upon the gift that had tumbled latest out of nature's horn of plenty, and swept through the vineyard in a devastating army. Snuffing the sweet scent of the sun-heated grapes, they ate and sang and jested as they gathered, in the most innocent carousal of their lives. Shouting and singing, they brought in their burdens at night,--litters of purple slain that bent even their stout backs. The roofs were covered with the drying fruit, which was to be doctored into raisins, and cask after cask of sour tangy wine was rolled into the provision shed beside the garnered grain. "The King of Norway does not live better than this," they congratulated each other. "We have found the way into the provision house of the world." Their delight knew no bounds when they found that the arrival of winter would not interfere with sport. Winter at Brattahlid meant icebergs and blizzards, weeks of unbroken twilight and days of idling within doors. Winter in this new land,--why, it was not winter at all! "It is nothing worse than a second autumn," Helga said, wonderingly. "They have patched on a second autumn to reach till spring." The woods continued to be full of game, and the grass on the plains remained almost unwithered. There was only enough frost in the air to make breathing it a tonic, a tingling delight. Not even a crust formed over the placid bay; and the waters of the river went leaping and dancing through the sunshine in airy defiance of the ice-king's fetters. On the last day of December, autumn employments were still in full swing. The last rays that the setting sun sent to the bay through the leafless branches, fell upon a group of fishermen returning with a load of shining fish hanging from their spears. From the grove came the ringing music of axes, the rending shriek of a doomed tree, the crackling, crashing thunder of its fall. Down at the foot of the bluff a boat was thrusting its snout into the soft bank, that an exploring party might land after a three days' journey along the winding highway of the river. In the bow stood the chief, and behind him were Sigurd Haraldsson and Rolf; and behind them, Robert the Norman. With a great racket of joyous hallooing for the benefit of their camp-mates, the crew leaped ashore. While some stayed to load themselves with the skins and game stowed under the seats, the rest began to climb the trail, laughing and talking noisily. Sigurd leaped along between Rolf and the Norman, a hand on the shoulder of each, shaking them when their sentiments were unsatisfactory. "How long am I to wait for you to have a free half-day?" he demanded of his friend from Normandy. "It was over a week before we left that I found those bear tracks, and still am I putting off the sport that you may have a share in it. Is it Leif's intention to keep you dangling at his heels forever, like a tassel on an apron? Certainly he cannot think that there is danger of your talking love to Helga while you are fighting bears." "Though once I would have said that wooing a shield-maiden was a very similar sport," Rolf added, pleasantly. Whereupon Sigurd shook them both, with an energy that sent all three sprawling on their faces, to the huge amusement of those who came after. They scrambled to their feet in front of a tall sumach bush that grew half-way up the slope. Alwin's eyes fell upon a narrow ledge-like path that showed plainly between the bare branches, and he nodded toward it with a smile. "Missing bear-fights is certainly undesirable," he said. "But it was not long ago--and on this same bank--that I anticipated a worse fate than that." "Nevertheless, I have never seen so much service exacted from a king's page," Sigurd growled, as he bent to brush the dirt from his knees. But Rolf shook his head with quiet decision. "One need never tell me that it is only to keep you from saying fine things to Helga that the chief demands your constant presence. It is because he has come to take comfort in your superior intelligence, and to value your attendance above ours. There, he is calling you now! I foretell that you will not fight bears to-morrow either." He gave the broad back a hearty slap that was at the same time a friendly shove forward. The chief's voice had even taken on an impatient accent by the time the young squire reached his side. "I should like much to know what is the cause of your deafness! Are you dead or moonstruck that I must shout twenty times before you answer? If your wits go sleep-walking, then may we as well give up, for I have depended upon them as upon crutches. I want you to keep it in mind for me that it is after the river's second bend to the right, but its fourth bend to the left, that the trees stand which I wish to mark. And the spring--the spring is--" "And the spring is beyond the third turning to the right," the young man finished readily. "The chief need give himself no uneasiness. It is written on my brain as on parchment." Leif turned from him with something like an angry sigh. "It needs to be more than written," he said. "It needs to be carved as with knives." On the crest of the bluff he paused suddenly to shake his fists in a passion of impotence. "A man who has no more than a trained body is of less account than a beast!" he cried. "My brain is near bursting with the details which I have sought to remember concerning these discoveries, and yet what assurance have I that I have got even half of them correct? That I have not remembered what was of least importance, and confused this place with that, and garbled it all so that the next man who comes after me shall call me a liar and laugh at my pretensions? And even though I relate every fact as truly as the Holy Book itself, what will there be left of it by the time it has passed through a hundred sottish brains in Greenland yonder? I tell you, this stained rag of a cloak I wear is nearer to what it was first, than that tale will be after swinish mouths have chewed upon it a day. It is the curse of the old gods upon the heathen. And I fling my curse back at them, for the chains they have hung upon my free hands and the beast-dumbness with which they have gagged my man's mouth." In an abandonment of fury, he shook both fists high over his head at the scattered star faces that were peering out of the pale sky. Not till he had turned and stamped away over the snapping twigs, did his men come out of their trance of bewilderment. As they resumed their climbing, Eyvind the Ice-lander observed sagely, "Never saw I any one whose speech reminded me so strongly of the hot springs we have at home. All of a sudden, without warning or cause, the words shoot up into the air, boiling hot; and it would be as much as one's life is worth to try to stop them. It is incomprehensible." Passing amused comments, they gained the crest and vanished over it, without noticing that the Norman still stood where the chief had left him, with every appearance of being equally bereft of his senses. With parted lips, and hands nervously opening and shutting by his side, he stood staring away into the dusk before him, until the voices of those who were coming after with the spoils fell on his ear and aroused him. Then he raised to the stars a face that was fairly convulsed with excitement, and took the rest of the climb in three wild leaps. "It is open to my sight at last!" he muttered over and over, as he hurried through the darkness toward the lighted booths. "Heaven be thanked, it is open to my sight at last!" As he reached the end of the largest hut and was turning the corner in eager haste, an arm reached quickly out of the shadow and touched his cloak. Instinctively his hand went to his knife; but it fell away the next instant in a very different gesture, as Helga's voice whispered in his ear: "Alwin,--it is I! I have waited for you since the first noise of the landing. I have a--hush, you must not do that! I have need of my lips to speak with No, no! Listen; I wish to warn you--" "And I must tell you what has just occurred." Alwin's excitement bore down her caution. "I have guessed the riddle of what my service is to be,--or, to tell it truthfully, luck has guessed it for me, owl that I am! Here has it--" But Helga's hand fell softly over his mouth. "Dumb as well as blind shall you be, till I have finished! Already I have stayed out long enough to excite suspicion. Listen to my warning; Kark suspects that your complexion is shallow. Yesterday I overheard him put the question to Tyrker, whether or not it were possible that a paint could color a man's skin dark so that it would not wear off." "Devil take the--" "Hush, that is not all! I have never thought it worth while to tell you, in the few words we have had together; but now I know that the creature has suspected us ever since the day when Leif came upon us on the bluff. The day after that, Kark dared to say to me, 'Is a shield-maiden as fickle as other women, for all her steel shirt? In Greenland, Helga, Gilli's daughter, loved an Englishman.' I beat him soundly for it, yet I could not uproot the thought from his mind; and now--" "And now I tell you that it is of no consequence what he thinks," Alwin interrupted her, eagerly. "I have to-night found out a means by which I am as certain to win favor as--" But he could not finish. Crackling steps in the grove behind them made Helga spring away from him like a startled bird. He had only time to whisper after her, "To-night,--watch me across the fire!" before she had vanished among the shadows, like one of them. After a moment the young man went his way around the corner of the cabin and came in through the open doorway, where his companions sat at supper. The hall, which was also the larger of the sleeping-houses, was not an unworthy off-shoot of the splendors of Brattahlid. Here, as there, the rough walls were lined with gleaming weapons and shields that shone like suns in the ruddy glow of the fire. And in lieu of tapestries, there was a noble medley of bears' claws, fish nets, glistening birds' wings, drying hides, branching antlers, and squirrels' tails. The bunk-like beds, built against the walls, displayed a fortune in the skin covers that were spread over them; fox skins covered the benches, and wolf skins lay under foot. The chief's seat no longer boasted carven pillars or embroidered pillows, but it missed none of these when the great bear skin had been flung over the cushions of fragrant pine-needles. And if the table-service was not so fine as the gilded vessels on Eric's board, yet the fish and flesh and fowl that piled the trenchers, and the purple juice that brimmed the horns, had never been equalled in Greenland. "Only to get such wine, the journey would be worth while," Rolf murmured to the shield-maiden, beside whom he sat, when at last the business of eating was over and the pleasure of drinking had begun. As he spoke he tilted his head back, with closed eyes and a beatific smile, and let the contents of his horn run slowly down his throat. Even a woman might have had the sense to leave him undisturbed at such a moment; yet Helga bent forward and jogged his arm without compunction. "Are you going to be forever swallowing?" she whispered, sharply. "Look across the fire and tell me what Alwin is doing with his hands. He has turned aside so that I cannot see." It was with a distinct bang that the Wrestler set down his empty cup, and in a distinct snarl that his answer came over his shoulder. "Not a few men have been slain for such rudeness as that. Why should I care what the Norman is doing? Is it a time to be riding horseback or catching fish? Since there is no babbling woman at his elbow, it is likely that he is drinking." But Helga's hand did not loosen its hold upon his arm. "Hush!" she entreated him. "Something really is going to happen; he warned me of it. Something of great importance. You will act with no more than good will if you look and tell me what you see." Excitement is infectious; even through his sulks Rolf caught it, and leaning forward, he peered curiously over the flames. The Norman sat in his usual place at the chief's left hand. It was evident that his thoughts were far away, for his drinking-horn stood forgotten at his elbow and he was humming absently as he worked. His fingers were busy with a long splinter and a tuft of fox-hairs, that he was pulling carefully from the rug on which he sat. Rolf's eyes widened into positive alarm as he watched. "He has the appearance of a crazy man!" he reported. "Or it may be that he is making a charm and that is the weird song which he is mumbling. See,--he has finally drawn Leif's attention upon him!" "He is not acting without a purpose," Helga persisted. "He told me to watch him. Look! What is he doing now?" Still humming, and with the leisurely air of one who works to please himself alone, the Norman completed his task and held the result up critically to the light. It was nothing more nor less than a clumsy little fox-hair brush. Leaning back on the bear skin the chief continued to gaze at it curiously. But the pair across the fire suddenly turned to each other with a gasp of comprehension. The Norman, still humming carelessly, drew his horn nearer with one hand, and with the other pushed a bowl out of his way. Then dipping his brush in the purple wine, he began to paint strange-looking runes on the fair new boards before him. "It has come to my mind to try whether I can remember the words of that French song which we heard together in Rouen," he said lightly to Sigurd Haraldsson who sat by him. "Was it not thus that the first line ran?" Almost with the weight of a blow, Leif's hand fell upon his shoulder. "Runes!" he cried, in a voice that brought every man to his feet, even those who had fallen asleep over their drinking. "Runes? Is it possible that you have the accomplishment of writing them?" His hold upon the shoulder tightened, of a sudden, to such a pressure that the young man was fain to drop his brush with a gasp of agony, and catch at the crushing hand. "You have had this power all these months that you have known of my great need? How comes it that you have never put forth a hand to help me?" he thundered. Across the fire, Helga, Gilli's daughter, held herself down upon the bench with both hands. But though his lips were twisted with pain, the rune-writer met Leif's gaze unflinchingly. "Help you, chief?" he repeated, wonderingly. "How was I to know that Norman writing would be of assistance to you? When did you ever tell me of your need?" Though his gaze continued to hold the Norman for awhile, Leif's grip on his shoulder slowly relaxed. Then, gradually, his eyes also loosened their hold. Finally he burst into a loud laugh and slapped him on the back. "By the edge of my sword, your wit is as nimble as a rabbit!" he swore. "I cannot blame you for this. At least you lost little time in coming to my support as soon as I had told my need. By the Mass, Robert Sans-Peur, you could not have brought your accomplishment to a better market! I tell you frankly that it is of more value to me than any warrior's skill in the world, and I am not too stingy to pay what it is worth." Unclasping the gold chain from his neck, he threw it over the Norman's head. "Take this to begin with, Robert of Normandy," he said, with grave courtesy. "And I promise you that, if your help proves to be as great as I expect, there will be little that you can ask that I shall not be glad to give." Decked in the shining gold of his triumph, the masquerading thrall stood with bent head, a look that was almost shame-stricken stealing over his face. But it is probable that the chief feared that he meditated another attempt at hand kissing, for that brusque commander began to speak quickly and curtly of purely unsentimental matters. "I have none of the kid-skin of which your Southern books are made. Yet will not a roll of fresh white vadmal offer a fair substitute? And certainly there is enough wine--" There certainly was enough, and more; yet at this suggestion an indignant murmur could not be suppressed. "Though I never dispute your wisdom in anything, that appears to me to be little better than desecration," Valbrand declared, frankly. With an effort the Norman roused himself. "It will not be necessary," he said, absently. "I know how to make a liquid out of barks that will have a dark color and suffer no damage from water." He did not notice the expression that flared up in Kark's eyes; nor did he hear Helga's gasp, nor feel Sigurd's foot. His gaze fell again to the floor in moody abstraction. The chief answered briefly to the murmurs: "It is unadvisable to oppose my whim for writing in wine; who knows but I might exchange it for a fancy to write in blood? Bring hither the vadmal, thrall, and we will lose no more precious moments." Was ever monkish work begun in more unchurch-like surroundings? Alwin wondered, a festal board for a desk and a wine-cup for an ink-horn! The brawling crew along the benches drank and sang and rattled dice in their nightly carousal; and, in a corner, Lodin wrestled with the well-grown bear-cub before a circle of cheering spectators. The firelight flickered over the trophy-laden walls, picking out now a severed paw and now a grinning skull, until the whole place seemed a ghastly shrine of savagery. The warrior-scribe wrote with painful slowness; and more than once, in trying to catch some of Helga's chatter across the fire, he wrote such twisted sentences that it was impossible to unravel them when he came to retranslate. Yet he did write. Ploddingly, haltingly, clumsily, he still caught the fleeting thoughts as they sped, and fastened them down, in purple and white, to last so long as one thread should lie beside another. No longer need anyone torture his brain to remember whether the tallest maple-trees stood beyond the river's second bend to the left or its fourth to the right, or between the third turning to the right and the fifth to the left. The little fox-hair brush sprang upon the fact and pinioned it, a prisoner for the remainder of time. The chief's pleasure was almost too great to be controlled. He went at the work as a starving man goes at food, and he hung over it as a drunkard hangs over his dram. Tyrker rose with considerable bustle to take his departure for the other house; and Vaibrand stamped about noisily as he renewed the torches on the walls; but the monotonous steadiness of the dictation never faltered. One by one, the men about Leif dropped off, snoring; and he heeded it no more than he did the soughing of the wind through the grove. By and by, even the fresh torches began to snore, in angry sputters; and the fire, which had long since begun to wink drowsily, shut its last red eye and lay in total oblivion. Leif sat up reluctantly, and stretched his arms over his head with a regretful sigh. "My mind comes out of it as stubbornly as Sigmund's sword came out of the tree trunk. We will return to it the first thing in the morning. You have done me a service which I shall never forget while my mind lives in me." Leaning back against the bear skin to stretch his arms again and yawn, he added thoughtfully, "Your accomplishments have remedied my misfortune that last winter I was obliged to kill a youth who was of great value to me." The scribe sat thrusting his legs out before him and working the fingers of his cramped hand, in a stupor of weariness. He awoke suddenly and, through the flickering light of the one remaining torch, shot a stealthy glance at the chief's face. After a while he said carelessly, "Obliged, chief? How came that? Could not his value outweigh his crime?" Smothering a yawn, Leif rose to his feet and stood looking down at his follower, while he buckled his cloak around him. "Yes," he said, slowly; "yes, his value might have outweighed his crime,--but not his deceit. It was not only because he broke my strictest orders that I slew him; it was because, while pretending to submit to me, he was in truth scheming to get the better of me. And because he and his hot-headed friend, Sigurd Haraldsson, had the ambition to penetrate the state of my feelings and handle me as you handle your writing-brush there. Is it to be expected that a man would take it well to be fooled by a pair of boys?" The Norman sat for a long time staring at a huge furry skin that hung on the wall in front of him. It shook sometimes in the draught; and when the light flickered over it, it looked like some quivering shapeless animal, crouching to spring upon him out of the shadow. After a while, he laughed harshly. "If he was simple enough to expect that he could play with you and then survive the discovery of his trick, he deserved to die, for nothing more than his folly," he said, bitterly. He straightened himself suddenly and drew a long breath as though to speak further. But at that moment the chief turned and left the booth. While the Southerner stood looking after him, a sound like a smothered laugh came from the corner where Kark slept. Alwin wheeled toward it; but before he could take a step, Rolf's arm stretched out from his bunk by the high seat and caught his friend's belt in a vise. "It is unnecessary to soil your hands with snake's blood, just now," he said, gently. "Besides serpent's fangs, the thrall has also serpent's cunning in his ugly head. He knows that Leif will not, for any reason tongue can name, injure the man who is writing down his history. Wait until the records are finished; then it will be time to act." He pulled his comrade down on the bunk beside him, and held him there until the sleep of utter weariness had taken him into its safe-keeping. CHAPTER XXVIII "THINGS THAT ARE FATED" The fir withers That stands on a fenced field; Neither bark nor foliage shelters it; Thus is a man Whom no one loves; Why should he live long? Ha'vama'l In a chain of lengthening golden days and softening silver nights, the spring came. The instinct which brings animals out of their dens to roam in the sunlight, awoke in the Norsemen's breasts and made them restless in the midst of plenty. The instinct which sets birds to nest-building amid the young green, turned the rovers' hearts toward their ice-bound home. With glad applause, they hailed Leif's proclamation from under the budding maple-tree: "Four weeks from to-day, if the season continues to be a forward one, it is likely that the pack-ice around the mouth of Eric's Fiord will be sufficiently broken to let us through. Four weeks from to-day, God willing, we will set sail for Greenland." The camp entered upon a period of bustling activity. Carpenters fell to work on the re-furnishing of the ship, until all the quiet bay echoed with their pounding. With infinite labor, the great logs were floated down the river and hauled on board. Porters toiled to and from the shore with loads of grain-sacks and wine-kegs. The packers in the store-houses buzzed over the wealth of fruit like so many bees. Even Kark the Indolent caught the infection, and clashed his pots and kettles with joyful energy. "A little time more, and the death-wolf shall claim his due," he sang over his work. "Only a little time more, and the death-wolf shall claim his due!" On the morning of the last day in Vinland, Robert the Norman wrote the last word in the grotesque exploring record and laid down the brush forever. "That ends the matter, chief," he said slowly. They sat in the larger of the sleeping-houses, as they had sat on that December night when the work was begun. But now a flood of yellow sunlight fell through the open door, and a flowering pink bush flattened its sweet face against the window. Leif regarded him with dull, absent eyes. "Yes, it is ended," he said, reluctantly; and was silent for so long that the young man looked up in surprise. An odd expression of something like regret was on the chief's face. As he met his companion's glance, he laughed a short harsh laugh that had in it less of mirth than of scorn. "It is ended," he repeated. "And though I know no better than yourself why it is that I am such a fool, yet I find myself full of sorrow because it is finished. I feel that I have lost out of my life something that was dear to me." He relapsed into another frowning silence; when he came out of it, it was only to motion toward the door. "No sense is in this," he said, savagely; "yet the mood has me, hand and foot. I am in no temper to talk of anything. To-night we will speak of your reward. Go now and spend the rest of the day as best pleases you." He did not look up as his follower obeyed: he sat brooding over the great white roll as though it were the dead body of some one whom he had loved. Out in the blithe spring sunshine, the men stood around in little groups, making hilarious plans for the day's sport. The preparations for the departure being completed, a day of untrammelled freedom lay before them; and what pastime is so dull that it is not given a zest and a relish by the thought that it is engaged in for the last time? In uproarious good spirits, they whetted their knives for a last hunt, and called friendly challenges across to each other. Inviting them to a wrestling bout, Rolf's voice rose loudest of all; but though much laughter and some gibing came in response, there were no acceptances. When the Norman came out of the booth, the Wrestler ceased his proclamations and strolled to meet his friend with a welcoming smile. "Now I think Leif has behaved well," he said, heartily, "to remember that the last day in such a place as Vinland the Good is far too precious to be wasted on monkish tasks. Sigurd will get angry with himself that he did not wait longer for your coming." A shade of disappointment fell over the Norman's face. "Where has Sigurd gone?" he asked. "He swam out to an island in the bay where he has a favorite fishing-place he cannot bear to leave without another visit." "And Helga? Where is she?" The Wrestler looked at him in surprise. "She has gone into the woods somewhere, with Tyrker; but surely you would not be so mad as to accost her, even were she before you." Alwin answered with an odd smile. "A man who is about to die will do many things that would be madness in a man who has life before him," he said. His eyes gazed into his friend's eyes with sombre meaning. "I finished the records this morning." "You finished the records this morning?" Rolf repeated incredulously. A note of impatience sharpened the other's voice. "I fail to understand what there is in that which surprises you. Certainly you must have heard Leif say, last night, that a hundred words more would end the work. And it was your own judgment that Kark would wait no longer than its completion--" Rolf struck the tree they leaned against, with sudden vehemence. "The snake!" he cried. "That, then, is why he showed his fangs at me this morning in such a jeering smile. Yet, how could I believe that a man of your wit would allow such a thing to come to pass? With a mouthful of words you could have persuaded Leif that there was a host of things which he had forgotten. You could have prolonged the task--" Alwin shook his head with stern though quiet decision. "No, I have had enough of lying," he said. "Not for my life, nor for Helga's love, will I carry this deceit further. Such a smothering fog has it become around me, that I can neither see nor breathe through its choking folds... But let us leave off this talk. Since it is likely that my limbs will have a long rest after to-night, let us spend to-day roving about in search of what sport we can find. If I may not pass my last day with the man and woman that I hold dearest, still you are next in my love; you will accompany me, will you not?" "Wherever you choose," Rolf assented. They set forth as silently as on that spring morning, two years before, when they had set out from the Norwegian camp to witness Thorgrim Svensson's horse-fight. Now, as then, the air was golden with spring sunshine, and the whole world seemed a-throb with the pure joy of living. There was gladness in the chirp of the birds, and content in the drone of the insects; and all the squirrels in the place seemed to be gadding on joyful errands, for one could not turn a corner that a group of them did not scatter from before his feet. So common a thing as a dewdrop caught in a cobweb became more beautiful than jewel-spangled lace. The rustling of the quail in the brush, even the glimpse of a coiled snake basking on a sunny spot of earth, was fraught with interest because it spoke of life, glad and fearless and free. They visited the nook on the bluff, screened once more in fragrant, rustling greenness; then descended to the river and walked along its bank, mile after mile. Here and there, they turned aside and threaded their way through the thicket to take a last look at the scene of some fondly recollected hunt, or to inspect some of the traps which they remembered to be there. But when in one snare they found a wretched little rabbit, still alive but frantic with terror, Alwin laid a detaining hand on Rolf's knife. "Let him go," he said, shortly. "You have no need of him, and his life is all he has. Let him keep it,--for my sake." He did not stay to watch the white dot of a tall go bobbing away over the ferns. He hurried on rather shamefaced; and when Rolf overtook him, they walked another mile without speaking. Along in the middle of the forenoon they reached a point on the river where the banks no longer rose in bluffs but lay in grassy slopes, fringed with drooping trees. The sun was hot overhead, and their clothes were heavy upon their backs. Rolf suggested that they stop long enough for a swim. "That will do as well as anything," Alwin assented. But when the delicious coolness of the water had closed about him, and he felt its velvet softness on his dusty skin, he decided that it was the best thing they could have done. The lounge upon the grassy bank, while they dried themselves in the sun, was dreamily pleasant. Even after he had gathered sufficient energy to get into his clothes again, Alwin lingered lazily, waiting for his companion to make the first move toward departure. "This is a restful spot," he said, gazing up at the sky through the network of interlacing branches. "It gives one the feeling that it is so far away that no human foot has ever trod it before, and that none will ever come again when we have left." From the ant-hill which he was idly spearing with grass-blades, Rolf looked up to smile. "Then your feelings are not to be trusted, comrade," he said; "for there are few spots on the river which our men have more frequented. Even that lazy hound of a thrall comes here almost daily to look at the quail-traps in yonder thicket, that being the one food which he likes well enough to make an exertion for. Would that he would visit them to-day!" Alwin did not seem to hear him. His eyes were still intent on the swaying tree-tops. "It is a fair land to be alive in," he said, dreamily; "yet, I cannot help wondering how it will be to be dead here. Does it not seem to you that if my spirit comes out of its grave at night and finds none but wolves and bears to call to, it will experience a loneliness far worse than the pangs of death? Think of it! In this whole land, not one human spirit! To wander through the grove and the camp, and find only emptiness and silence forever!" His body stiffened suddenly, and he flung his arms high above his head and clenched his hands in agony. "God!" he cried. "What have I done to make me deserving of such a doom? Why could I not have died when Leif cut me down? Why could I not have been buried where human feet would pass over me, and human voices fall on my ear at night?" He flung himself over on his face and lay there motionless. Rolf laid a hand on his comrade's shoulder, and for once his voice was honestly kind. "It is hard to know what to say to you, Alwin, my friend. You who have borne trials so manfully have a right to a better fate. There is only one thing which I can offer you: choose what man you will--so long as he be no one with whom I have sworn friendship--and I promise you that before we sail to-morrow, I will pick a quarrel with him and slay him; so that, if worst comes, your spirit shall have at least one ghost for company. I--" He did not finish his sentence. Suddenly his touch upon Alwin's arm became an iron grip, that dragged the Saxon to his feet. "Look!" the Wrestler gasped, as he pulled him behind the great oak in whose shelter they had been lying. "Look! Are those ghosts, or devils?" Half-dazed, Alwin could do no more than stare along the pointing finger. On the opposite bank, some hundred yards below their point of observation, stood two long-haired, skin-clad men. Another pair had already plunged into the river and were nearly half-way across. And as the white men gazed, four more beings crashed out of the underbrush and joined their companions. "Praise the Saint who hung leaves upon the trees as thick as curtains!" Rolf breathed in his comrade's ear. "Up with you, for your life! And make no rustling about it either." With the agility of cats they went up the great bole, and the kind leaves closed behind them. "Is it your opinion that they are ghosts, or devils?" Alwin asked, when each had stretched himself along a branching limb and begun a curious peering through chinks in the enveloping foliage. "It has always been in my mind that ghosts were white and devils black, while these creatures appear to be of the color of bronze." "We shall see more of them before the game is over," Rolf returned. "The first ones are even now coming to land." As he spoke, the two shaggy swimmers clambered out of the water, like dripping spaniels, on the very spot that the white men's bodies had pressed less than an hour before. "I am glad that we are not now lying there without our clothes," Alwin murmured. And Rolf ejaculated under his breath, "Now it is certain that I would rather be the only human being in the land than be in company with such as these, granting them to be human. For by Thor's hammer, they have more the appearance of dwarfs than of men!" They were not imposing, certainly, from all that could be seen of them through the leaves. Two of their lean arms would not have made one of the Wrestler's magnificent white limbs, and the tallest among them could not have reached above Alwin's shoulders. Skins were their only coverings; and the coarseness of their bristling black locks could have been equalled only in the mane of a wild horse. Though two of the eight were furnished with bows and arrows, the rest carried only rudely-shaped stone hatchets, stuck in their belts. When they began talking together, it was in a succession of grunts and growls and guttural sounds that bore more resemblance to animal noises than to human speech. Rolf sniffed with contempt. "Pah! Vermin! I think we could put the whole swarm to flight only by drawing our knives." But at that moment one of the number below raised his face so that Alwin caught a glimpse of the fierce beast-mouth and the small tricky eyes in the great sockets. The Saxon lifted his eyebrows dubiously. "I am far from certain how that attempt would end," he answered. "Though it is likely that it will have to be tried, if their intention is to settle here for the day, as it appears to be." The men of the stone hatchets had indeed settled themselves with every look of remaining. Though one of the bowmen continued to pace the bank like a sentinel, his fellows sprawled themselves upon the turf in comfortable attitudes, carrying on their uncouth conversation with deep earnestness. "We shall certainly have to stay here all day if we do not do something," Rolf bent from his branch to whisper to his companion. Alwin did not answer, for at that moment the harsh voices below ceased abruptly, and there ensued a hush of listening silence. Up in the tree, Saxon gray eyes and Norse blue ones asked each other an anxious question; then answered it with decided head-shakes. It was impossible that their whispers could have carried so far, or have penetrated the growl of those voices. It must have been some noise from beyond. They strained their ears, anxiously intent. There was no trouble in hearing it this time; it rose shrill and piercing on the drowsy noon air, a man's whistle, rapidly approaching from the direction of the Norse camp. While Alwin listened with dilated eyes, Rolf's lips shaped just one word: "Kark!" Almost without breathing they lay peering out between the leaves. At the first sound, the men below had leaped to their feet and grasped their weapons. Now, after a muttered word together, they drew apart noiselessly as shadows and vanished among the bushes, without so much as the snapping of a twig. Smiling innocently in the sunlight, the little nook lay as peaceful and empty as before. Nearer and nearer came the whistler; until the crunching of his feet could be heard upon the dead leaves. Rolf pushed the hair out of his eyes, and settled himself to watch with a sigh of almost child-like pleasure. "Here is sport! Here is a chess game where the pieces are not of ivory. I would not have missed this for a gold chain!" he told his companion. "Imagine Kark's face when they spring out upon him! So intent is his mind upon your death, that he could walk into a pit with open eyes. You can never be sufficiently thankful, Alwin of England, that the Fate which destroys your enemy, gives you also the privilege of sitting by and watching the fun." Uncertainty was on Alwin's face, as he gazed down through the branches and saw the thrall's white tunic suddenly appear among the green bushes. He said slowly, "I do not dispute that it looks like the hand of fate--and it is true that he is my enemy--that it is his life or mine--" A wild yell of alarm cut him short. One by one the lean brown men were gliding out of the bushes and forming in a silent circle around the thrall. They offered him no harm; they did not even touch him; yet the apparition of their shrivelled bodies in their animal-hides, with their beast-faces looking out from under their bristling black locks, was enough to try stouter nerves than Kark's. Shriek after shriek of maddest terror rent the air. Rolf smiled gently as he heard it. "About this time our friend below is beginning to distinguish between death-wolves and death-foxes," he observed. Glancing at his comrade for a response to his amusement, his expression changed. "What is it your intention to do?" he demanded sharply. Alwin had drawn himself into a sitting posture; and with one hand was tugging at the handle of his knife. He flushed shamefacedly at the question, nor did he look up as he answered it. "I am going down to help the beast," he said. "I cannot remedy it if I am a fool. I do not deny that Kark is a cur; yet he is white, as we are; and alone. I cannot watch his murder." He brought his knife out with a jerk; and putting it between his teeth, prepared to turn and descend. Before he could make the move, Rolf had swung down from the limb above and landed beside him. Under his weight the boughs creaked so loudly that, but for the cover of Kark's cries, the pair must surely have been discovered. The Wrestler spoke without drawling or gentleness: "Either you are a child or a silly fool. Do you understand that it is your enemy that they are ridding you of? What is it to you if he is chopped to pieces? You shall not stir one finger to aid him." Forgetful of the dagger between his teeth, Alwin opened his mouth angrily. The weapon slipped from his lips and fell, a shining streak along the tree-trunk, and buried itself noiselessly in the soft sod between the roots. The next instant, a scarf from Rolf's neck was wound around the Saxon's jaws; one of the Wrestler's iron arms reached about him and gathered him up against the broad chest; one of the Wrestler's great hands closed around his wrists like fetters of iron; and a muscular leg bent itself backward over his legs like a hoop of steel. As well fight against steel or iron! Again Rolf's voice became fairly caressing in its gentleness. "Willingly will I endure your struggles if it pleases you to employ your strength that way, comrade; yet I tell you that it would be wiser for you to spare yourself. I shall not let you go, whatever you do; whereas if you lie quietly, I will permit you to move where you can see what is going on. It looks as though it would become interesting." It did indeed. At that moment, wearying perhaps of the howls, the brown men began to make experiments with a view toward changing the tune. Closing in upon the thrall, they commenced to feel of his clothing and his shaven head, and to pinch him tentatively between their lean fingers. A redoubling of his outcries caused a spasm of frantic writhing in Alwin's fettered body, but Rolf's manner was as serene as before. "See now what you are missing by your head-strongness," he reproved his captive. "It is seldom that men have the opportunity to sit, as we sit, and learn from the experience of another what would have been their fate had their fortune been equally bad. Such great luck is it that I get almost afraid for your ingratitude. It will be a great mercy if some god does not punish you for your thanklessness... By Thor! In his terror the fool has attacked them... Ah!" From below came a sudden snarl, a sudden savage yell, the noise of struggling bodies, and then a shriek of another kind from Kark, no longer a cry of mere apprehension, but a sharp piercing scream of bodily agony. "Let me go!" Alwin panted through his muffled jaws. "It is a nithing deed for us--to permit the death of one of our number--so. Let me go, Rolf--he is a human being. Let me go!" A man of wood could not have been more relentless than Rolf; a man of stone could hardly have been less moved. He argued the matter amiably: "It is true that by some mistake or other Kark wears a man's shape," he admitted; "yet it is easily seen that in every other respect he is a dog. Indeed I think there are few dogs that have less of courage and loyalty. Take the matter sensibly, comrade. If you cannot rejoice in the death of your enemy, at least consider what interest it is thus to study the habits of dwarfs. The cur who was useless during his life, will be honored by serving a good purpose in his death. Leif will think it of great importance to learn how these creatures are disposed toward white men. They have the most unusual methods of amusing themselves. Now they are doing things to his ears--" Renewed shrieks for help and mercy drowned the remainder of his words, and called forth fresh exertions from Alwin. But when at last the Fearless One ceased, and lay spent and panting against the brawny chest, he became aware that the cries were growing fainter. "Though they have in no way hurried the matter, I believe that he is almost dead now," Rolf comforted his captive. Even as he spoke, the last faint cry ended in a gurgling choke,--and there was silence. Instantly the scarf was slipped from Alwin's mouth, and the living fetters unclasped themselves from his limbs. "Thanks to me--" Rolf was beginning. The brief interval of silence was shattered by a cry from the sentinel on the river bank, followed either by an echo or an answering whoop from the opposite shore. Rolf stretched himself along the branch, just in time to see the men below scatter in wildest confusion and plunge headlong into the thicket. "In the Troll's name!" he ejaculated. "When dwarfs run like that, giants must be coming!" Alwin had clambered to his feet, and stood with his head thrust up through the leafy roof. "It is more out of the same nest!" he gasped. "They are coming from the other bank, swarms of them ....There! Some of them have landed..." Rolf laughed his peculiar soft laugh of quiet enjoyment. "By Thor, was there ever such a game!" he exclaimed. "I can see them now; they are after the first lot like wolves after sheep--No, Kark was the sheep! These are the hunters after the wolves. Hear them howl!" "The last ones have climbed out of the water," Alwin bent to report. "Do they also follow?" "As dogs follow deer. Saw I never such sport! When we can no longer hear them, it will be time for us to run a race of our own." Alwin made no answer, and they waited in silence. Gradually distance drew soft folds over the sharp cries and muffled them, as women throw their cloaks over the sharp swords of brawlers in the hall. Once again the drone and the chirping became audible about them, and the smile of the sunshine became visible in the air. It occurred to Alwin that the peacefulness of nature was like the gentleness of the Wrestler; and there floated through his head the saying of a wrinkled old nurse of his childhood, "The English can die without flinching; the French can die with laughs on their lips; but only the Northmen can smile as they kill." When the last smothered shout was unmistakably dead, Rolf swung himself down from the bough; hung there for an instant, stretching himself comfortably and shaking the cramps out of his limbs, then let himself down to the ground; and Alwin followed. The soft sod lay trampled and gashed by the grinding heels; and the lengthening shadows pointed dark fingers at the middle of the nook, where a shapeless thing of white and red was lying. Rolf bent over it curiously. "It must be that these people love killing for its own sake, to go to so much trouble over it," he commented. "Evidently it is not the excitement of fighting which they enjoy, but the pleasure of torturing. I will not be sure but what they are trolls after all." "It was a devils' deed," Alwin said hoarsely. He looked down at the ghastly heap with a shudder of loathing. "And we are not without guilt who have permitted it. It is of no consequence what sort of a man he was; he was a human being and of our kind,--and they were fiends. You need not tell me that we could not help it," he added in fierce forestalling. "Had he been Sigurd, we would have helped it or we would both have lain like that." Rolf shrugged his shoulders resignedly as they turned away. "Have it as you choose," he assented. "At least you cannot deny that you were helpless; let that console you. May the gallows take my body if you are not the most thankless man ever I met! Here are you rid of your enemy, and at the moment when he was most a hindrance to you, and not only do you reap the reward of the deed, but you bear no dangerous responsibility--" He was checked by a glimpse of the face Alwin turned toward him. Pride and loathing, passion and sternness, were all mingled in its expression. The Saxon said slowly, "Heaven's mercy on the soul that reaps the reward of this deed! Easier would it be to suffer these tortures a hundredfold increased. Profit by such a deed, Rolf Erlingsson! Do you think that I would live a life that sprang from such a death? To cleanse my hand from the stain of such a murder, though the blood had but spattered on it, I would hew it off at the wrist." CHAPTER XXIX THE BATTLE TO THE STRONG He is happy Who gets for himself Praise and good-will. Ha'vama'l It was a picture of sylvan revelry that the sunset light reddened, as it bade farewell to the Norse camp on the river bluff. On the green before the huts, two of the fair-haired were striving against other in a rousing tug-of-war. Now the hide was stretched motionless between them; now it was drawn a foot to the right, amid a volley of jeers; and now it was jerked back a foot to the left, with an answering chorus of cheers. The chief sat under the spreading maple-tree, watching the sport critically, with an occasional gesture of applause. Over the head of the bear-cub she was fondling, Helga watched it also, with unseeing eyes. Those who had come in from hunting and fishing sprawled at their ease on the turf, and shouted jovial comments over their wine-cups. They welcomed Rolf and the Norman with a shout, when the pair appeared on the edge of the grove. "Hail, comrades!"--"It was in our minds to give you up for lost!" "Your coming we will take as an omen that Kark will also return some time."--"Yes, return and cook us some food."--"We are becoming hollow as bubbles." Rolf accepted their greetings with an easy flourish. "You will become also as thin as bubbles if you wait for Kark to cook your food," he answered, lightly. "I bring the chief the bad tidings that he has lost his thrall." Pushing his companion gently aside, he walked over to where the Lucky One sat. "It will sound like an old woman's tale to you, chief," he warned him; "yet this is nothing but the truth." While the skin-pullers abandoned their contest and dropped cross-legged upon the hide to listen, and the outlying circle picked up its drinking horns and crept closer, he related the whole experience, simply and quite truthfully, from beginning to end. From all sides, exclamations of amazement and horror broke out when he had finished. Only the chief sat regarding him in silence, a skeptical pucker lifting the corner of his mouth. Leif said finally, "Truth came from your mouth when you foretold that this would appear to me as strange as the tales old women tell. Until within the last month we have passed through that district almost daily; and never yet have we found aught betokening the presence of human beings. That they should thus appear to you--" "They came like the monsters in a dream, and vanished like them," Rolf declared. "Saving in the fact that dream monsters do not leave mangled bodies behind them," Leif reminded him; and his eyes narrowed with an unpleasant shrewdness. "Rolf Erlingsson," he advised, "confess that they are the dreams you liken them to. That Kark was no favorite with you or your friend"--he nodded toward the Norman--"was seen by everybody. Confess that it was by the sword of one of you that the thrall met his death." For once the Wrestler's face lost its gentleness. His huge frame stiffened haughtily, as he drew himself up. "Leif Ericsson," he returned, fiercely, "when--for love of good or fear of ill--have you ever known me to lie?" The chief looked at him incredulously. "You will swear to the truth of the tale?" "I will swear to its truth by my knife, by my soul, by the crucifix you wear on your breast." After a moment, Leif arose and extended his hand. "In that case, I would believe a statement that was twice as unlikely," he said, with honorable frankness. And a sound of applause went around as their hands clasped. From the spot where the Norman had halted when his companion pushed forward, there came the rustle of a slight disturbance. Sigurd had caught his friend by his cloak and was pleading with him in a passionate undertone, growing more and more desperate at each resolute shake of the black head. The instant Leif resumed his seat, the Fearless One wrenched himself free and strode forward. Rolf strove to bar his way, but Robert Sans-Peur evaded him also, and took up his stand before the bench under the maple-tree. "The Fates appear to be balancing their scales to-night, chief," he said, grimly. "For the dead man whom you believed to be alive, you see here a living man whom you thought to be dead. For the thrall that you have lost, I present to you another." Winding his hand in his long black locks, he tore them from his head and revealed the crisp waves of his own fair hair. From either hand there arose a buzz of amazement and incredulity mingled with grunts of approval and blunt compliments and half-muttered pleas for leniency. Only two persons neither exclaimed nor moved. Helga stood in the rigid tearless silence she had promised, her eyes pouring into her lover's eyes all the courage and loyalty and love of her brave soul. And the chief sat gazing at the rebel brought back to life, without so much as a wink of surprise, without any expression whatever upon his inscrutable face. After a moment Alwin went on steadily, "I hid myself under this disguise because I believed that luck might grant me the chance to render you some service which should outweigh my offence. Because I was a short-sighted fool, I did not see that the better the Norman succeeded, the worse became the Saxon's deceit. My mind changed when your own lips told me what would be the fate of the man who should deceive you." The chief's face was as impassive as stone, but he nodded slightly. "A man of my age does not take it well to be fooled by boys," he said. "It is a poor compliment to his intelligence, when they have the opinion that they can mould him between their fingers. Though he had rendered me the greatest service in the world, the man who should deceive me should die." Silence fell like a shroud upon the scattered groups. With a queer little smile upon her drawn lips, Helga softly unsheathed her dagger and ran her fingers along its edge. Alwln, earl's son, drew a long breath, and the muscles of his white face twitched a little; then he pulled himself together resolutely. With one hand he plucked the knife from his belt and cast it into the chief's lap; with the other, he tore his tunic open from neck to belt. "I have asked no mercy," he said, proudly. Leif made no motion to pick up the weapon. Instead, a glint of something like dry humor touched his keen eyes. "No," he said, quietly. "You have asked nothing of what you should have asked. You have even failed to ask whether or not you have deceived me." With her dagger half drawn, Helga paused to stare at him. "You--knew--?" she gasped. Leif smiled a dry fine smile. "I have known since the day on which Tyrker was lost," he said. "And I had suspected the truth since the night of the day upon which we sailed from Greenland." He made a gesture toward the shield-maiden that was half mocking and half stern. "You showed little honor to my judgment, kinswoman, when you took it for granted I should not know that love alone could cause a woman to behave as you have done. Or did you think I had not heard to whom your heart had been given? That my ears only had been dead to the love tale which every servant-maid in Brattahlid rolled like honey on her tongue? Or did you imagine that I knew you so little as to think you capable of loving one man in the winter and another in the spring? Even had the Norman borne no resemblance to the Englishman, still would I--" "But..." Helga stammered, "but--I thought that you thought--Rolf said that Sigurd--" For perhaps the first time in his life, Rolf's cheeks burned with mortification as a derisive snap of the chief's fingers fell upon his ear. "Sigurd! Your playmate! With whom you have quarrelled and made up since there were teeth in your head! By Peter, if it were not that the joke appears to lie wholly on my side, I could find it in my heart to punish the four of you without mercy, for no other crime than your opinion of my intelligence!" Alwin took a hesitating step forward. He had been standing where his first defiance had left him, a light of comprehension dawning in his face; and also a spark of resentment kindling in his eyes. Now he said slowly, "It is not your anger which appears strange to us, chief. It is the slowness of your justice. That knowing all this time of our deceit, you have yet remained quiet. That you have allowed us to live in dreams, and led us on to behave ourselves like fools! We have been no better than mice under the cat's paw." He glanced at Helga's thin cheeks and the pain-lines around her mouth, and the full force of his indignation rang out in his voice. "To us it meant life or death, heaven or hell,--was it worthy of a man like you to find amusement in our suffering?" Though it was as faint as the rustling of leaves, unmistakable applause swept around. Rolf dared to clap his hands softly. The chief replied by a direct question, as he leaned back against the maple and eyed his young rebel piercingly. "Befooling and bejuggling were the drinks you prepared for me; was it not just that you should learn from experience how sour a taste they leave in the mouth?" Though moment after moment dragged by, Alwin did not answer that. His eyes fell to the ground, and he stood with bent head and clenched hands. The chief went on. "You who could so easily fathom the workings of my mind, should have no need to ask my motives. It may be that I found entertainment in playing you like a fish on a line. Or it may be that I was not altogether sure of my ground, and waited to be certain before I stepped. Or perhaps I was curious to see what you would do next, and felt able to gratify my curiosity since I knew that, through all your antics, I held you securely in the hollow of my hand. Or perhaps--" Leif hesitated for an instant, and there crept into his voice a note so unusual that all stared at him,--"or perhaps, in becoming sure of my ground, I became uncertain of the honor of the man whom I wished to place highest in my friendship, and so deemed it wisest to remain under cover until he should reveal all the hidden parts of his nature. It may have been for any or all of these reasons. You, who have come nearer to me than any man alive, should have no difficulty in selecting the true one." Was it possible that reproach rang in those last words? It sounded so strangely like it, that Tyrker involuntarily curved his hand around his ear to amend some flaw in his hearing. Alwin's face underwent a great change. Suddenly he flung his arms apart in a gesture of utter surrender. "I will strive against you no longer!" he cried, passionately. "You are as much superior to me as the King to his link-boy. Do as you like with me. I submit to you in everything." He fell upon his knee and hid his face in his hands. Then the tone of Leif's voice became so frankly friendly that Helga's beautiful head was raised as a drooping flower's by the soft spring rain. "Already you have heard your sentence. The fair words I spoke to Robert the Norman I spoke also to Alwin of England. When I promised wealth and friendship and honor to Robert Sans-Peur, I promised them also to you. Take the freedom and dignity which befit a man of your accomplishments and--with one exception--ask of me anything else you choose." With one exception! Helga sprang forward and caught Leif's hand imploringly in hers. And Alwin, still upon his knee, reached out and grasped the chief's mantle. "Lord," he cried, "you have been better to me, a hundredfold better, than I deserve! Yet, would you be kinder still... Lord, grant me this one boon, and take back all else that you have promised." The chief's brawny hand touched Helga's face caressingly. "Do you still believe that I would rub salt on your wounds, if it were in my power to relieve you?" he reproached them. "But one man in the world has the right to say where Helga shall be given in marriage; he is her father, Gilli of Trondhjem. Already I have done him a wrong in permitting, by my carelessness, that one of thrall-estate should steal his daughter's love. In honor, I can do no less than guard the maiden safely until the time when he can dispose of her as pleases him. I do not say that I will not use with him what influence I possess; yet I advise you against expecting anything favorable from the result. I think you both know his mercy." CHAPTER XXX FROM OVER The SEA At night is joyful He who is sure of travelling entertainment; A ship's yards are short; Variable is an autumn night; Many are the weather's changes In five days, But more in a month. Ha'vama'l It developed, however, that the lovers' chances for happiness did not hang upon so frail a thread as the mercy of Gilli of Trondhjem. While the exploring vessel was still at sea, with the icy headlands of Greenland only just beginning to stand out clearly before her bow, unexpected tidings reached those on board. Watching the chief, who stood by the steering oar, erect as the mast, his eyes piercing the distance ahead, Sigurd put an idle question. "Can you tell anything yet concerning the drift-ice, foster-father? And why do you steer the ship so close to the wind?" Without turning his head, Leif answered shortly, "I am attending to my steering, foster-son." But as the jarl's son was turning away, with a shrug of his shoulders for the rebuff, the chief added in the quick, curt tone that with him betrayed unwonted interest, "And I am looking at something else. Where are your eyes that you cannot see anything remarkable? Is that a rock or a ship which I see straight ahead?" Sigurd's aimless curiosity promptly found an object; yet after all the craning of his neck and squinting under his hand, he was obliged to confess that he saw nothing more remarkable than a rock. Leif gave a short harsh laugh. "See what it is to have young eyes," he said. "Not only can I see that it is a rock, but I can make out that there are men moving around upon it." "Men!" cried Sigurd. Excitement spread like fire from stern to bow, until even Helga of the Broken Heart arose from her cushions on the fore-deck and stood listlessly watching the approach. Eyvind the Icelander muttered that any creatures in human shape that dwelt on those rocks, must be either another race of dwarfs, or such fiends as inhabit the ice wastes with which Greenland is cursed; but an old Greenland sailor silenced him contemptuously. "Landlubber! Has it never been given you to hear of shipwrecks? When Eric the Red came to Greenland with thirty-five ships following his lead, no less than four of them went to pieces on that rock. It is the influence of Leif's luck which has caused a shipwreck so that the chief can get still more honor in rescuing the distressed ones." The Icelander grunted. "Then is Leif's luck very much like the sword that becomes one man's bane in becoming another man's pride," he retorted. While he threw all his strength against the great oar, the chief signalled to Valbrand with his head. "Drop anchor and get the boat ready to lower," he commanded. "I want to keep close to the wind so that we may get to them. We must give them help if they need it. If they are not peaceful, they are in our power, but we are not in theirs." As the boat bounded away on its errand of mercy, every man and boy remaining crowded forward to watch its course. In some way it happened that Alwin of England was pushed even so far forward as the very bow of the boat, and the side of the shield-maiden. The sun rose in her glooming face when she turned and saw him beside her. "I have hoped all day that you would come," she whispered; "so I could tell you an expedient I have bethought myself of. Dear one, from the way you have sat all the day with your chin on your hand and your eyes on the sea, I have known that you needed comfort even more than I; and my heart has ached over you till once the tears came into my eyes." Her lover gazed at her hungrily. "Gladly would I give every gift that Leif has lavished on me, if I might take you in my arms and kiss away the smart of those drops." A fierce gleam narrowed Helga's starry eyes. "Before we part," she said between her teeth, "you shall kiss my eyes once for every tear they have shed; and you shall kiss my mouth three times for farewell,--though every man in Greenland should wish to prevent it." Suddenly she hid her face against his shoulder with a little cry of despair. "But you must never come near me after I am married!" she breathed. "The moment after my eyes had fallen upon your face, I should turn upon my husband and kill him." "If it had not happened that I had already slain him," Alwin murmured. Then he said, more steadily, "This is useless talk, sweetheart. Tell me the thought which comforted you. At least it will be a joy to me to cherish in my heart what you have treasured in your brain." Helga looked out over the tumbling water with eyes grown wide and thoughtful. "I will not be so hopeful as to call it a comfort yet," she said, "too vague is its shape for that. It is a faint plan which I have built on my knowledge of Gilli's nature. As well as I, you know that he cares for nothing but what is gainful for him. Now if I could manage to make myself so ugly that no chief would care to make offers for me... is it not likely that my father would cease to value me and be even glad to get rid of me, to you? I would disfigure myself in no such way that the ugliness would be lasting," she reassured him, hastily. "But if I should weep my eyes red and my cheeks pale, and cut off my hair... It would all come right in time; you would not mind the waiting?" Alwin looked at her with a touch of wonder. "And you would go ugly for me?" he asked. "Hide your beauty and become a jest where you have always been a queen, for no other reason than to sink so low that I might reach up and pluck you? Would you think it worth while to do that for me?" But his meaning was lost on Helga's simplicity. She gathered only that he thought the scheme possible, and hope bloomed like roses in her cheeks. "Oh, comrade, do you indeed think favorably of the plan?" she whispered, eagerly. "I had not the heart to hope much from it; everything has failed us so. If you think it in the least likely to succeed, I will cut off my hair this instant." In spite of his misery, Alwin laughed a little. "Do you then imagine that the gold of your hair and the red of your cheeks is all that makes you fair?" he asked. "No, dear one, I think it would be easier to make Gilli generous than you ugly. No man who had eyes to look into your eyes, and ears to hear your voice, could be otherwise than eager to lay down his life to possess you. Trust to no such rootless trees, comrade. And do not raise your face toward me like that either; for, in honor, I may not kiss you, and and you are not ugly yet, sweetheart." Shouts from those around them recalled the lovers to themselves. The returning boat was almost upon them; and from among her burly crew the wan faces of several strangers looked up, while a swooning woman was seen to lie in the bow. Her face, though pinched and pallid, was also fair and lovable, and Helga momentarily forgot disappointment in pity. "Bring her here and lay her upon my cushions," she said to the men who carried the woman on board. Wrapping the limp form in her own cloak, the shield-maiden pulled off such of the sodden garments as she could, poured wine down the stranger's throat, and strove energetically to chafe some returning warmth into the benumbed limbs. While the boat hastened back to bring off the rest of the unfortunates, those of the first load whom wine and hope had sufficiently revived, explained the disaster. The wrecked ship belonged to Thorir of Trondhjem; and that merchant and his wife Gudrid and fourteen sailors made up her company. On the voyage from Nidaros to Greenland with a cargo of timber, their vessel had gone to pieces on a submerged reef, and they had been just able to reach that most inhospitable of rocks and cling there like flies, frozen, wind-battered, and drenched. The waves, in a moment of repentance, had thrown a little of their timber back to them, and this had been their only shelter; and their only food some coarse lichens and a few sea-birds' eggs. It was little wonder that when Leif had brought the last load on board, and drowned their past woes in present comforts, the starved creatures were almost ready to embrace his knees with thankfulness. "It seems to me that we should be called 'the Lucky,' and you 'the Good,'" Thorir said, as the two chiefs stood on the forecastle, watching the anchor and the sail both rising with joyful alacrity. "Without your aid, we could not have lived a day longer." And Gudrid, opening her eyes to see Helga's fair face bending over her to put a wine cup to her lips, murmured faintly, "A Valkyria could not look more beautiful to me than you do. Tell me what you are called, that I may know what name to love you by." "I am called Helga, Gilli's daughter," the shield-maiden answered, with just an edge of bitterness on the last words. Gudrid's gentle eyes opened wide with wonder and alarm. "Not Helga the Fair of Trondhjem," she gasped, "who fled from Gilli to his kinsfolk in Greenland? Alas, my unfortunate child!" In the eagerness in which she clasped her hands, the wine-cup fell clanging from Helga's hold. "Is he dead?" she cried, imploringly. "Only tell me that, and I will serve you all the rest of my life! Is Gilli dead?" But Gudrid had sunk back in another faint. She lay with her eyes closed, moaning and murmuring to herself. Leif, biting sharply at his thick mustache, as he was wont to do when excited, turned sharply on Thorir. "What is the reason of this?" he demanded. "What are these tidings concerning my kinswoman, which your wife hesitates to speak? Is Gilli of Trondhjem dead?" Thorir answered with great haste and politeness, "No, no; naught so bad as that. Naught but what I expect can be easily remedied. But it appears that when Gilli attempted to follow his daughter to Greenland, last fall, he suffered a shipwreck and the loss of much valuable property, barely escaping with his life. From this he drew the rash conclusion that his daughter had become a misfortune to him, as some foreknowing woman had once said she would. And he declared that since the maiden preferred her poorer kinsfolk in Greenland, she might stay with them; and--" The words burst rapturously from Helga's lips: "And he disowned me?" Thorir stared at her in astonishment. "Yes," he said, pityingly. It was just as well that he had not attempted a longer answer, for he never would have finished it. Madness seemed suddenly to fall upon the ship. In the face of her disinheritance, the shield-maiden was radiant. Down in the waist of the ship, two youths who had caught the words threw up their hats with cheers. Leif Ericsson himself laughed loudly, and snapped his fingers in derision. "A mighty revenge!" he said. "My kinswoman could have received no greater kindness at the churl's hands. Could she have accomplished it by a dagger-thrust, I doubt not that she would have let his base blood run from her veins long ere this." He turned to where Helga stood watching him, her heart in her eyes, and pulled her toward him and kissed her. "You chose between honor and riches, kinswoman," he said, "but while there is a ring in my pouch you shall never lack property; you have behaved like a true Norse maiden, and I am free now to say that I honor you for it. Go the way your heart desires, without further hindrance." Helga stayed to press his hand to her cheek; then, before them all, without a thought of shame, she went the way that ended in her lover's arms. They stood side by side in the gilded prow, and he kissed her eyes twice for every tear they had shed; and he kissed her mouth thrice three times, and not a man in the whole world rose up to prevent him. Side by side, they stood in the flying bow, a divinely modelled figure-head, gilded by the light of love. CONCLUSION As the sun's last beams were fading from the mountain tops, the exploring vessel dropped anchor before Eric's ship-sheds and the eager groups that had gathered on the shore at the first signal. Not only idlers made up the throng, but the Red One himself was there, and Thorwald and every soul from Brattahlid; and with them half the high-born men of Greenland, who had lived for the last month as Eric's guests, that they might be on hand for this occasion. They shoved and jostled each other like schoolboys, as they crowded down to meet the first boat-load. The ten sailors who stepped ashore were a prosperous looking band. Their arms were full of queer pets; their pouches were stuffed with samples of wood and samples of wheat, and with nuts and with raisins. All were sleek and fat with a year's good living, and all jubilant with happiness and a sense of their own importance. Even while their arms were clasping their sweethearts' necks, they began to hint at their brave adventures and to boast of the grain and the timber and the wine. The home-keepers heard just enough to set their curiosity leaping and dancing with eagerness for more. And each succeeding boat-load of burly heroes worked their enthusiasm to a higher pitch. Then, gradually, the song ran into a minor key, as Thorir's pitiful crew landed upon the sand. Haggard and worn and almost too weak to walk, they clung to the brawny arms of their rescuers; and the horrors of their privations were written in pitiless letters on Gudrid's fair white face. The rejoicing and laughter sank into wondering questions and pitiful murmuring. While Thorir told the Red One briefly of their sufferings, the throng listened as to their favorite ballad, and shuddered and suffered with him. Then, in words that still rang with joy and gratitude, Thorir told of their rescue by Leif Ericsson. Strongly speeding arrows need only aim to make them reach their target. Flights of wildest enthusiasm had been going up on every side. Now Thorir gave these a mark and an aim. Curiosity and triumph, pity and rejoicing, all merged into one great impulse and rose in a passion of hero-worship. Toward the boat that was bringing the Lucky One to land, they turned, face and heart, and laid their homage at his feet. Never had Greenland glaciers heard such a tumult of acclaim as when the throng cheered and stamped and clashed their weapons. It was a supreme moment. Leif's bronzed face was white, as he stood waiting for the noise to subside that he might answer them. Yet never had his bearing been statelier than when at last he stepped forward and faced them. "I give you many thanks for your favor, friends," he said, courteously. "It is more than I could have expected, and I give you many thanks for it. But I think it right to remind you that I am not one of those men who trust in their own strength alone. What I have done I have been able to do by the help of my God whom you reject. To Him I give the thanks and the glory." In that humility which is higher than pride, he raised the silver crucifix from his breast and bent his head before it. Out of the hush that followed, a man's voice rang strongly,--the voice of one of Greenland's foremost chiefs. "Hail to the God of Leif Ericsson! The God that helped him must be all-powerful. Henceforth I will believe that He and no one else is the only God. Hail to the Cross!" Before he had finished, another voice had taken up the cry--and another--and another; until there were not ten men who were not shouting it over and over, in a delirium of excitement. Eric turned his face away and made over his breast the hammer sign of Thor, but there was only pride in his look when he turned back. Leif stood motionless amid the tumult; looking upward with that strange absent look, as though his eyes would pierce the clouds that veiled Valhalla's walls and search for one beloved face among the warriors upon the benches. Under his breath he said to his English squire, "I pray God that Olaf Trygvasson hears this now, and knows that I have been as faithful to him in his death as I was in his life." He did not feel it when Alwin bent and touched the scarlet cloak-hem with his lips, nor did he hear the fervent murmur, "So faithful will I be to you hereafter." THE END
49637 ---- [Illustration: _GENERAL MAP_ of the RUSSIAN EMPIRE.] ACCOUNT OF THE RUSSIAN DISCOVERIES BETWEEN ASIA AND AMERICA. TO WHICH ARE ADDED, THE CONQUEST OF SIBERIA, AND THE HISTORY OF THE TRANSACTIONS AND COMMERCE BETWEEN RUSSIA AND CHINA. By WILLIAM COXE, A. M. Fellow of King's College, Cambridge, and Chaplain to his Grace the Duke of MARLBOROUGH. LONDON, PRINTED BY J. NICHOLS, FOR T. CADELL, IN THE STRAND. MDCCLXXX. TO JACOB BRYANT, ESQ. AS A PUBLIC TESTIMONY OF THE HIGHEST RESPECT FOR HIS DISTINGUISHED LITERARY ABILITIES, THE TRUEST ESTEEM FOR HIS PRIVATE VIRTUES, AND THE MOST GRATEFUL SENSE OF MANY PERSONAL FAVOURS, THE FOLLOWING PAGES ARE INSCRIBED, BY HIS FAITHFUL AND AFFECTIONATE HUMBLE SERVANT, WILLIAM COXE. Cambridge, March 27, 1780. PREFACE. The late Russian Discoveries between Asia and America have, for some time, engaged the attention of the curious; more especially since Dr. Robertson's admirable History of America has been in the hands of the public. In that valuable performance the elegant and ingenious author has communicated to the world, with an accuracy and judgement which so eminently distinguish all his writings, the most exact information at that time to be obtained, concerning those important discoveries. During my stay at Petersburg, my inquiries were particularly directed to this interesting subject, in order to learn if any new light had been thrown on an article of knowledge of such consequence to the history of mankind. For this purpose I endeavoured to collect the respective journals of the several voyages subsequent to the expedition of Beering and Tschirikoff in 1741, with which the celebrated Muller concludes his account of the first Russian navigations. During the course of my researches I was informed, that a treatise in the German language, published at Hamburg and Leipsic in 1776, contained a full and exact narrative of the Russian voyages, from 1745 to 1770[1]. [Footnote 1: The title of the book is, Neue Nachrichten von denen Neuendeckten Insuln in der See zwischen Asia und Amerika aus mitgetheilten Urkunden und Auszuegen versasset von J. L. S.] As the author has not prefixed his name, I should have paid little attention to an anonymous publication, if I had not been assured, from very good authority, that the work in question was compiled from the original journals. Not resting however upon this intelligence, I took the liberty of applying to Mr. Muller himself, who, by order of the Empress, had arranged the same journals, from which the anonymous author is said to have drawn his materials. Previous to my application, Mr. Muller had compared the treatise with the original papers; and he favoured me with the following strong testimony to its exactness and authenticity: "Vous ferès bien de traduire pour l'usage de vos compatriotes le petit livre sur les isles situées entre le Kamtchatka et l'Amerique. II n'y a point de doute, que l'auteur n'ait eté pourvu de bons memoires, et qu'il ne s'en foit fervi fidelement. J'ai confronté le livre avec les originaux." Supported therefore by this very respectable authority, I considered this treatise as a performance of the highest credit, and well worthy of being more generally known and perused. I have accordingly, in the first part of the present publication, submitted a translation of it to the reader's candour; and added occasional notes to such passages as seemed to require an explanation. The original is divided into sections without any references. But as it seemed to be more convenient to divide it into chapters; and to accompany each chapter with a summary of the contents, and marginal references; I have moulded it into that form, without making however any alteration in the order of the journals. The additional intelligence which I procured at Petersburg, is thrown into an appendix: It consists of some new information, and of three journals[2], never before given to the public. Amongst these I must particularly mention that of Krenitzin and Levasheff, together with the chart of their voyage, which was communicated to Dr. Robertson, by order of the Empress of Russia; and which that justly admired historian has, in the politest and most obliging manner, permitted me to make use of in this collection. This voyage, which redounds greatly to the honour of the sovereign who planned it, confirms in general the authenticity of the treatise above-mentioned; and ascertains the reality of the discoveries made by the private merchants. [Footnote 2: The journals of Krenitzin and Levasheff, the short account of Synd's voyage, and the narrative of Shalauroff's expedition, N^o I. IX. XI.] As a farther illustration of this subject, I collected the best charts which could be procured at Petersburg, and of which a list will be given in the following advertisement. From all these circumstances, I may venture, perhaps, to hope that the curious and inquisitive reader will not only find in the following pages the most authentic and circumstantial account of the progress and extent of the Russian discoveries, which has hitherto appeared in any language; but be enabled hereafter to compare them with those more lately made by that great and much to be regretted navigator, Captain Cooke, when his journal shall be communicated to the public. As all the furs which are brought from the New Discovered Islands are sold to the Chinese, I was naturally led to make enquiries concerning the commerce between Russia and China; and finding this branch of traffic much more important than is commonly imagined, I thought that a general sketch of its present state, together with a succinct view of the transactions between the two nations, would not be unacceptable. The conquest of Siberia, as it first opened a communication with China, and paved the way to all the interesting discoveries related in the present attempt, will not appear unconnected, I trust, with its principal design. The materials of this second part, as also of the preliminary observations concerning Kamtchatka, and the commerce to the new-discovered islands, are drawn from books of established and undoubted reputation. Mr. Muller and Mr. Pallas, from whose interesting works these historical and commercial subjects are chiefly compiled, are too well known in the literary world to require any other vouchers for their judgement, exactness, and fidelity, than the bare mentioning of their names. I have only farther to apprize the reader, that, besides the intelligence extracted from these publications, he will find some additional circumstances relative to the Russian commerce with China, which I collected during my continuance in Russia. * * * * * I cannot close this address to the reader without embracing with peculiar satisfaction the just occasion, which the ensuing treatises upon the Russian discoveries and commerce afford me, of joining with every friend of science in the warmest admiration of that enlarged and liberal spirit, which so strikingly marks the character of the present Empress of Russia. Since her accession to the throne, the investigation and discovery of useful knowledge has been the constant object of her generous encouragement. The authentic records of the Russian History have, by her express orders, been properly arranged; and permission is readily granted of inspecting them. The most distant parts of her vast dominions have, at her expence, been explored and described by persons of great abilities and extensive learning; by which means new and important lights have been thrown upon the geography and natural history of those remote regions. In a word, this truly great princess has contributed more, in the compass of only a few years, towards civilizing and informing the minds of her subjects, than had been effected by all the sovereigns her predecessors since the glorious æra of Peter the Great. CATALOGUE OF BOOKS QUOTED IN THIS WORK In order to prevent the frequent mention of the full title of the books referred to in the course of this performance, the following catalogue is subjoined, with the abbreviations. Müller's Samlung Russischer Geschichte, IX volumes, 8vo. printed at St. Petersburg in 1732, and the following years; it is referred to in the following manner: S. R. G. with the volume and page annexed. From this excellent collection I have made use of the following treatises: vol. II. p. 293, &c. Geschichte der Gegenden an dem Flusse Amur. There is a French translation of this treatise, called Histoire du Fleuve Amur, 12mo, Amsterdam, 1766. vol. III. p. 1, &c. Nachrichten von See Reisen, &c. There is an English and a French translation of this work; the former is called "Voyages from Asia to America for completing the Discoveries of the North West Coast of America," &c. 4to, London, 1764. The title of the latter is Voyages et Decouvertes faites par les Russes, &c. 12mo, Amsterdam, 1766. p. 413. Nachrichten Von der Hanlung in Sibirien. Vol. VI. p. 109, Sibirische Geshichte. Vol. VIII. p. 504, Nachricht Von der Russischen Handlung nach China. Pallas Reise durch verschiedene Provinzen des Russischen Reichs, in Three Parts, 4to, St. Petersburg, 1771, 1773, and 1776, thus cited, Pallas Reise. Georgi Bemerkungen einer Reise im Russischen Reich in Jahre, 1772, III volumes, 4to, St. Petersburg, 1775, cited Georgi Reise. Fischer Sibirische Geschichte, 2 volumes, 8vo, St. Petersburg, cited Fis. Sib. Ges. Gmelin Reise durch Sibirien, Tome IV. 8vo. Gottingen, 1752, cited Gmelin Reise. There is a French translation of this work, called Voyage en Siberie, &c. par M. Gmelin. Paris, 1767. Neueste Nachrichten von Kamtchatka aufgesetst im Junius des 1773^{ten} Yahren von dem dasigen Befehls-haber Herrn Kapitain Smalew. Aus dem abhandlungen der freyen Russischen Gesellschaft Moskau. In the journal of St. Petersburg, April, 1776.--cited Journal of St. Pet. Explanation of some Russian words made use of in the following work. _Baidar_, a small boat. _Guba_, a bay. _Kamen_, a rock. _Kotche_, a vessel. _Krepost_, a regular fortress. _Noss_, a cape. _Ostrog_, a fortress surrounded with palisadoes. _Ostroff_, an island. _Ostrova_, islands. _Quass_, a sort of fermented liquor. _Reka_, a river. The Russians, in their proper names of persons, make use of patronymics; these patronymics are formed in some cases by adding _Vitch_ to the christian name of the father; in others _Off_ or _Eff_: the former termination is applied only to persons of condition; the latter to those of an inferior rank. As, for instance, Among persons of condition _Ivan Ivanovitch_, }Ivan the son of inferior rank, _Ivan Ivanoff_ } of Ivan. _Michael Alexievitch_, } Michael the _Michael Alexeeff_, }son of Alexèy. Sometimes a surname is added, _Ivan Ivanovitch Romanoff_. Table of Russian Weights, Measures of Length, and Value of Money. WEIGHT. A pood weighs 40 Russian pounds = 36 English. MEASURES OF LENGTH. 16 vershocks = an arsheen. An arsheen = 28 inches. Three arsheens, or seven feet = a fathom[3], or sazshen. [Footnote 3: The fathom for measuring the depth of water is the same as the English fathom = 6 feet.] 500 sazshens = a verst. A degree of longitude comprises 104-1/2 versts = 69-1/2 English miles. A mile is therefore 1,515 parts of a verst; two miles may then be estimated equal to three versts, omitting a small fraction. VALUE OF RUSSIAN MONEY. A rouble = 100 copecs. Its value varies according to the exchange from 3s. 8d. to 4s. 2d. Upon an average, however, the value of a rouble is reckoned at four shillings. ERRATA. P. 23, _Reference_, _for_ Appendix I. N^o I. _read_ N^o II. 24, _for_ Appendix I. N^o II. _read_ N^o III. 30, _for_ Rogii _read_ Kogii. 46, _for_ Riksa _read_ Kiska. 96, _for_ Korovin _read_ Korelin. 186, Note--_for_ Tobob _read_ Tobol. 154, Note--Line 2, _after_ handpauken _omitted_ von verschiedenen Klang. 119, _for_ Saktunk _read_ Saktunak. 134, Line 6, _for_ were _read_ was. 188, l. 16. _for_ pretection _read_ protection. 190, l. 5. _for_ nor _read_ not. 195, _for_ Sungur _read_ Sirgut. 225, l. 13. _read_ other has an. 226, _for_ harlbadeers _read_ halberdiers. 234, Note--line 3, _dele_ See hereafter, p. 242. 246, _for_ Marym _read_ Narym. 256, Note--_for_ called by Linnæus Lutra Marina _read_ Lutra Marina, called by Linnæus Mustela Lutris, &c. 257, Line 5, _for_ made of the bone, &c. _read_ made of bone, or the stalk, &c. 278, Note 2--line 2, _for_ Corbus _read_ Corvus. 324, Note--line 4, _dele_ was. 313, Note--line 3, _dele_ that. Ibid. Note--line 10, "I should not" &c. _is a separate note, and relates to the extract in the text beginning_ "In 1648," &c. Omitted in the ERRATA. P. 242. l. 9. _r._ 18, 215. l. 11. _r._ 1, 383, 621. 35. ADVERTISEMENT. As no astronomical observations have been taken in the voyages related in this collection, the longitude and latitude ascribed to the new-discovered islands in the journals and upon the charts cannot be absolutely depended upon. Indeed the reader will perceive, that the position[4] of the Fox Islands upon the general map of Russia is materially different from that assigned to them upon the chart of Krenitzin and Levasheff. Without endeavouring to clear up any difficulties which may arise from this uncertainty, I thought it would be most satisfactory to have the best charts engraved: the reader will then be able to compare them with each other, and with the several journals. Which representation of the new-discovered islands deserves the preferance, will probably be ascertained upon the return of captain Clerke from his present expedition. [Footnote 4: See p. 286.] List of the CHARTS, and Directions for placing them. CHART I. A reduced copy of the general map of Russia, published by the Academy of Sciences at St. Petersburg, 1776. to face the title-page. II. Chart of the voyage made by Krenitzin and Levasheff to the Fox Islands, communicated by Dr. Robertson, to face p. 251. III. Chart of Synd's Voyage towards Tschukotskoi-Noss, p. 300. IV. Chart of Shalauroff's Voyage to Shelatskoi-Noss, with a small chart of the Bear-Islands, p. 323. View of Maimatschin, p. 211. Communicated by a gentleman who has been upon the spot. CONTENTS. Dedication, p. iii. Preface, p. v. Catalogue of books quoted in this work, p. xi. Explanation of some Russian words made use of, p. xiii. Table of Russian Weights, Measures of Length, and Value of Money, p. xiv. Advertisement, p. xv. List of Charts, and Directions for placing them, p. xvi. PART I. Containing Preliminary Observations concerning KAMTCHATKA, and Account of the NEW DISCOVERIES made by the _Russians_, p. 3--16. Chap. I. Discovery and Conquest of _Kamtchatka_--Present state of that Peninsula--Population--Tribute--Productions, &c. p. 3. Chap. II. General idea of the commerce carried on to the New Discovered Islands--Equipment of the vessels--Risks of the trade, profits, &c. p. 8. Chap. III. Furs and skins procured from _Kamtchatka_ and the New Discovered Islands, p. 12. Account of the RUSSIAN DISCOVERIES, p. 19. Chap. I. Commencement and progress of the _Russian_ Discoveries in the sea of _Kamtchatka_--General division of the New Discovered Islands, ibid. Chap. II. Voyages in 1745--First discovery of the _Aleütian Isles_, by _Michael Nevodsikoff_, p. 29. Chap. III. Successive voyages, from 1747 to 1753, to _Beering's_ and _Copper Island_, and to the _Aleütian Isles_--Some account of the inhabitants, p. 37. Chap. IV. Voyages from 1753 to 1756. Some of the further _Aleütian_ or _Fox Islands_ touched at by _Serebranikoff's_ vessel--Some account of the natives, p. 48. Chap. V. Voyages from 1756 to 1758, p. 54. Chap. VI. Voyages in 1758, 1759, and 1760, to the _Fox Islands_, in the _St. Vladimir_, fitted out by _Trapesnikoff_--and in the _Gabriel_, by _Bethshevin_--The latter, under the command of _Pushkareff_, sails to _Alaksu_, or _Alachshak_, one of the remotest Eastern Islands hitherto visited--Some account of its inhabitants, and productions, which latter are different from those of the more Western islands, p. 61. Chap. VII. Voyage of _Andrean Tolstyk_, in the _St. Andrean_ and _Natalia_--Discovery of some New Islands, called _Andreanoffsky Ostrova_--Description of six of those islands, p. 71. Chap. VIII. Voyage of the _Zacharias_ and _Elizabeth_, fitted out by _Kulkoff_, and commanded by _Dausinin_--They sail to _Umnak_ and _Unalashka_, and winter upon the latter island--The vessel destroyed, and all the crew, except four, murdered by the islanders--The adventures of those four _Russians_, and their wonderful escape, p. 80. Chap. IX. Voyage of the vessel called the _Trinity_, under the command of _Korovin_--Sails to the _Fox Islands_--Winters at _Unalashka_--Puts to sea the spring following--The vessel is stranded in a bay of the island _Umnak_, and the crew attacked by the natives--Many of them killed--others carried off by sickness---They are reduced to great streights--Relieved by _Glottoff_, twelve of the whole company only remaining--Description of _Umnak_ and _Unalashka_, p. 89. Chap. X. Voyage of _Stephen Glottoff_--He reaches the _Fox Islands_--Sails beyond _Unalashika_ to _Kadyak_--Winters upon that island--Repeated attempts of the natives to destroy the crew--They are repulsed, reconciled, and prevailed upon to trade with the _Russians_--Account of _Kadyak_--Its inhabitants, animals, productions--_Glottoff_ sails back to _Umnak_--winters there--returns to _Kamtchatka_--Journal of his voyage, p. 106. Chap. XI. _Solovioff's_ voyage--He reaches _Unalashka_, and passes two winters upon that island--Relation of what passed there--fruitless attempts of the natives to destroy the crew--Return of _Solovioff_ to _Kamtchatka_--Journal of his voyage in returning--Description of the islands of _Umnak_ and _Unalashka_, productions, inhabitants, their manners, customs, &c. &c. p. 131. Chap. XII. Voyage of _Otcheredin_--He winters upon _Umnak_--Arrival of _Levasheff_ upon _Unalashka_--Return of _Otcheredin_ to _Ochotsk_, p. 156. Chap. XIII. _Conclusion_--General position and situation of the _Aleütian_ and _Fox Islands_--their distance from each other--Further description of the dress, manners, and custom of the inhabitants--their feasts and ceremonies, &c. p. 164. PART II. Containing the Conquest of SIBERIA, and the History of the Transactions and Commerce between RUSSIA and CHINA, p. 175. Chap. I. First irruption of the _Russians_ into _Siberia_--second inroad--_Yermac_ driven by the Tzar of _Muscovy_ from the _Volga_, retires to _Orel_, a _Russian_ settlement--Enters _Siberia_, with an army of _Cossacs_--his progress and exploits--Defeats _Kutchum Chan_--conquers his dominions--cedes them to the Tzar--receives a reinforcement of _Russian_ troops--is surprized by _Kutchum Chan_--his defeat and death--veneration paid to his memory--_Russian_ troops evacuate _Siberia_--re-enter and conquer the whole country--their progress stopped by the _Chinese_, p. 177. Chap. II. Commencement of hostilities between the _Russians_ and _Chinese_--disputes concerning the limits of the two empires--treaty of _Nershinsk_--embassies from the court of _Russia_ to _Pekin_--treaty of _Kiachta_--establishment of the commerce between the two nations. p. 197. Chap. III. Account of the _Russian_ and _Chinese_ settlements upon the confines of _Siberia_--description of the _Russian_ frontier town _Kiachta_--of the _Chinese_ frontier town _Maitmatschin_--its buildings, pagodas, &c. p. 211. Chap. IV. Commerce between the _Chinese_ and _Russians_--list of the principal exports and imports--duties--average amount of the _Russian_ trade. p. 231. Chap. V. Description of _Zuruchaitu_--and its trade--transport of the merchandize through _Siberia_. p. 244. PART III. APPENDIX I. and II. containing SUPPLEMENTARY ACCOUNTS OF THE RUSSIAN DISCOVERIES, &c. &c. Appendix I. Extract from the journal of a voyage made by _Captain Krenitzin_ and _Lieutenant Levasheff_ to the _Fox Islands_, in 1768, 1769, by order of the _Empress of Russia_--they sail from _Kamtchatka_--arrive at _Beering's_ and _Copper Islands_--reach the _Fox Islands_--_Krenitzin_ winters at _Alaxa_--_Levasheff_ upon _Unalashka_--productions of _Unalashka_--description of the inhabitants of the _Fox Islands_--their manners and customs, &c. p. 251. N^o II. Concerning the longitude of _Kamtchatka_, and of the Eastern extremity of _Asia_, as laid down by the _Russian_ geographers. p. 267. N^o III. Summary of the proofs tending to shew, that _Beering_ and _Tschirikoff_ either reached _America_ in 1741, or came very near it. p. 277. N^o IV. List of the principal charts representing the _Russian_Discoveries. p. 281. N^o V. Position of the _Andreanoffsky Isles_ ascertained--number of the _Aleutian Isles_. p. 288. N^o VI. Conjectures concerning the proximity of the _Fox Islands_ to the continent of _America_. p. 291. N^o VII. Of the _Tschutski_--reports of the vicinity of _America_ to their coast, first propagated by them, seem to be confirmed by late accounts from those parts. p. 293. N^o VIII. List of the New Discovered Islands, procured from an _Aleütian_ chief--catalogue of islands called by different names in the account of the _Russian_ discoveries. p. 297. N^o IX. Voyage of _Lieutenant Synd_ to the North East of _Siberia_--he discovers a cluster of islands, and a promontory, which he supposes to belong to the continent of _America_, lying near the coast of the _Tschutski_. p. 300. N^o X. Specimen of the _Aleütian_ language. p. 303. N^o XI. Attempts of the _Russians_ to discover a North East passage--voyages from _Archangel_ towards the _Lena_--from the _Lena_ towards _Kamtchatka_--extract from _Muller's_ account of _Deshneff's_ voyage round _Tschukotskoi Noss_--narrative of a voyage made by _Shalauroff_ from the _Lena_ to _Shelatskoi Noss_. p. 304. Appendix II. _Tartarian_ rhubarb brought to _Kiachta_ by the _Bucharian_ merchants--method of examining and purchasing the roots--different species of rheum which yield the finest rhubarb--price of rhubarb in _Russia_--exportation--superiority of the _Tartarian_ over the _Indian_ rhubarb. p. 332. Table of the longitude and latitude of the principal places mentioned in this work. p. 344. PART I. CONTAINING I. PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS CONCERNING KAMTCHATKA, AND II. ACCOUNT OF THE NEW DISCOVERIES MADE BY THE RUSSIANS. PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS CONCERNING KAMTCHATKA, &c. CHAP. I. Discovery and Conquest of _Kamtchatka_--Present state of that Peninsula--Population--Tribute--Productions, &c. [Sidenote: First Discovery of Kamtchatka.] The Peninsula of Kamtchatka was not discovered by the Russians before the latter end of the last century. The first expedition towards those parts was made in 1696, by sixteen Cossacs, under the command of Lucas Semænoff Morosko, who was sent against the Koriacks of the river Opooka by Volodimir Atlafsoff commander of Anadirsk. Morosko continued his march until he came within four days journey of the river Kamtchatka, and having rendered a Kamtchadal village tributary, he returned to Anadirsk[5]. [Footnote 5: S. R. G. V. III. p. 72.] The following year Atlafsoff himself at the head of a larger body of troops penetrated into the Peninsula, took possession of the river Kamtchatka by erecting a cross upon its banks; and built some huts upon the spot, where Upper Kamtchatkoi Ostrog now stands. [Sidenote: That Peninsula conquered and colonised by the Russians.] These expeditions were continued during the following years: Upper and Lower Kamtchatkoi Ostrogs and Bolcheretsk were built; the Southern district conquered and colonised; and in 1711 the whole Peninsula was finally reduced under the dominion of the Russians. During some years the possession of Kamtchatka brought very little advantage to the crown, excepting the small tribute of furs exacted from the inhabitants. The Russians indeed occasionally hunted in that Peninsula foxes, wolves, ermines, sables, and other animals, whose valuable skins form an extensive article of commerce among the Eastern nations. But the fur trade carried on from thence was inconsiderable; until the Russians discovered the islands situated between Asia and America, in a series of voyages, the journals of which will be exhibited in the subsequent translation. Since these discoveries, the variety of rich furs, which are procured from those Islands, has greatly encreased the trade of Kamtchatka, and rendered it a very important branch of the Russian commerce. The Peninsula of Kamtchatka lies between 51 and 62 degrees of North latitude, and 173 and 182 of longitude from the Isle of Fero. It is bounded on the East and South by the Sea of Kamtchatka, on the West by the Seas of Ochotsk and Penshinsk, and on the North by the country of the Koriacs. [Sidenote: Present State of Kamtchatka.] It is divided into four districts, Bolcheresk, Tigilskaia Krepost, Verchnei or Upper Kamtchatkoi Ostrog, and Nishnei or Lower Kamtchatkoi Ostrog. [Sidenote: Government] The government is vested in the chancery of Bolcheresk, which depends upon and is subject to the inspection of the chancery of Ochotsk. The whole Russian force stationed in the Peninsula consists of no more than three hundred men[6]. [Footnote 6: Journal of St. Petersburg for April 1777.] [Sidenote: Population.] The present population of Kamtchatka is very small, amounting to scarce four thousand souls. Formerly the inhabitants were more numerous, but in 1768, that country was greatly depopulated by the ravages of the small-pox, by which disorder five thousand three hundred and sixty-eight persons were carried off. There are now only seven hundred and six males in the whole Peninsula who are tributary, and an hundred and fourteen in the Kuril Isles, which are subject to Russia. [Sidenote: Tribute.] The fixed annual tribute consists in 279 sables, 464 red foxes, 50 sea-otters with a dam, and 38 cub sea-otters. All furs exported from Kamtchatka pay a duty of 10 per cent. to the crown; the tenth of the cargoes brought from the new discovered islands is also delivered into the customs. [Sidenote: Volcanos.] Many traces of Volcanos have been observed in this Peninsula; and there are some mountains, which are at present in a burning state. The most considerable of these Volcanos is situated near the Lower Ostrog. In 1762 a great noise was heard issuing from the inside of that mountain, and flames of fire were seen to burst from different parts. These flames were immediately succeeded by a large stream of melted snow water, which flowed into the neighbouring valley, and drowned two Kamtchadals, who were at that time upon an hunting party. The ashes, and other combustible matter, thrown from the mountain, spread to the circumference of three hundred versts. In 1767 there was another discharge, but less considerable. Every night flames of fire were observed streaming from the mountain; and the eruption which attended them, did no small damage to the inhabitants of the Lower Ostrog. Since that year no flames have been seen; but the mountain emits a constant smoke. The same phænomenon is also observed upon another mountain, called Tabaetshinskian. [Sidenote: Productions.] The face of the country throughout the Peninsula is chiefly mountainous. It produces in some parts birch, poplars, alders, willows, underwood, and berries of different sorts. Greens and other vegetables are raised with great facility; such as white cabbage, turneps, radishes, beetroot, carrots, and some cucumbers. Agriculture is in a very low state, which is chiefly owing to the nature of the soil and the severe hoar frosts; for though some trials have been made with respect to the cultivation of corn, and oats, barley and rye have been sown; yet no crop has ever been procured sufficient in quality or quality to answer the pains and expence of raising it. Hemp however has of late years been cultivated with great success[7]. [Footnote 7: Journal of St. Petersburg.] Every year a vessel, belonging to the crown, sails from Ochotsk to Kamtchatka laden with salt, provisions, corn, and Russian manufactures; and returns in June or July of the following year with skins and furs. CHAP. II. General idea of the commerce carried on to the New Discovered Islands.--Equipment of the vessels.--Risks of the trade, profits, &c. Since the conclusion of Beering's voyage, which was made at the expence of the crown, the prosecution of the New Discoveries began by him has been almost entirely carried on by individuals. These persons were principally merchants of Irkutsk, Yakutsk, and other natives of Siberia, who formed themselves into small trading companies, and fitted out vessels at their joint expence. [Sidenote: Equipment of the vessels.] Most of the vessels which are equipped for these expeditions are two masted: they are commonly built without iron, and in general so badly constructed, that it is wonderful how they can weather so stormy a sea. They are called in Russian Skitiki or sewed vessels, because the planks are sewed together with thongs of leather. Some few are built in the river of Kamtchatka; but they are for the most part constructed at the haven of Ochotsk. The largest of these vessels are manned with seventy men, and the smallest with forty. The crew generally consists of an equal number of Russians and Kamtchadals. The latter occasion a considerable saving, as their pay is small; they also resist, more easily than the former, the attacks of the scurvy. But Russian mariners are more enterprising and more to be depended upon in time of danger than the others; some therefore are unavoidably necessary. [Sidenote: Expences attending this trade.] The expences of building and fitting out the vessels are very considerable: for there is nothing at Ochotsk but timber for their construction. Accordingly cordage, sails, and some provisions, must be brought from Yakutsk upon horses. The dearness of corn and flour, which must be transported from the districts lying about the river Lena, renders it impossible to lay-in any large quantity for the subsistence of the crew during a voyage, which commonly lasts three or four years. For this reason no more is provided, than is necessary to supply the Russian mariners with quass and other fermented liquors. From the excessive scarcity of cattle both at Ochotsk and [8]Kamtchatka very little provision is laid in at either of those places: but the crew provide themselves with a large store of the flesh of sea animals, which are caught and cured upon Beering's Island, where the vessels for the most part winter. [Footnote 8: In 1772 there were only 570 head of cattle upon the whole Peninsula. A cow sold from 50 to 60 Roubles, an ox from 60 to 100. A pound of fresh beef sold upon an average for 12-1/2 copecs. The excessive dearness of this price will be easily conceived, when it is known, that at Moscow a pound of beef sells for about three copecs. Journ. St. Petersb.] After all expences are paid, the equipment of each vessel ordinarily costs from 15,000 to 20,000 Roubles. And sometimes the expences amount to 30,000. Every vessel is divided into a certain number of shares, generally from thirty to fifty; and each share is worth from 300 to 500 Roubles. The risk of the trade is very great, as shipwrecks are common in the sea of Kamtchatka, which is full of rocks and very tempestuous. Besides, the crews are frequently surprised and killed by the islanders, and the vessels destroyed. [Sidenote: Profits.] In return the profits arising from these voyages are very considerable, and compensate the inconveniencies and dangers attending them. For if a ship comes back after having made a profitable voyage, the gain at the most moderate computation amounts to cent. per cent. and frequently to as much more. Should the vessel be capable of performing a second expedition, the expences are of course considerably lessened, and the shares are at a lower price. Some notion of the general profits arising from this trade (when the voyage is successful), may be deduced from the sale of a rich cargo of furs, brought to Kamtchatka, on the 2d of June, 1772, from the new-discovered islands, in a vessel belonging to Ivan Popoff. The tenth part of the skins being delivered to the customs, the remainder was distributed in fifty-five shares. Each share consisted of twenty sea-otters, sixteen black and brown foxes, ten red foxes, three sea-otter tails; and such a portion was sold upon the spot from 800 to 1000 Roubles: so that according to this price the whole lading was worth about 50,000 Roubles[9]. [Footnote 9: Georgi Reise Tom. I. p. 23, & seq. Journal of St. Petersburg.] CHAP. III. Furs and skins procured from _Kamtchatka_ and the New Discovered Islands. [Sidenote: Furs and Skins brought from Kamtchatka and the New Discovered Islands.] The principal furs and skins procured from the Peninsula of Kamtchatka and the New Discovered Islands are sea-otters, foxes, sables, ermines, wolves, bears, &c.--These furs are transported to Ochotsk by sea, and from thence carried to [10]Kiachta upon the frontiers of Siberia; where the greatest part of them are sold to the Chinese at a very considerable profit. [Footnote 10: See Part II. Chap. III.] [Sidenote: Sea-Otters.] Of all these furs the skins of the sea-otters are the richest and most valuable. Those animals resort in great numbers to the Aleutian and Fox Islands: they are called by the Russians Bobry Morski or sea-beavers, and sometimes Kamtchadal beavers, on account of the resemblance of their fur to that of the common beaver. From these circumstances several authors have been led into a mistake, and have supposed that this animal is of the beaver species; whereas it is the true sea-otter[11]. [Footnote 11: S.R.G. III. p. 530.] The female are called Matka or dams; and the cubs till five months old Medviedki or little bears, because their coat resembles that of a bear; they lose that coat after five months, and then are called Koschloki. The fur of the finest sort is thick and long, of a dark colour, and a fine glossy hue. They are taken four ways; struck with darts as they are sleeping upon their backs in the sea, followed in boats and hunted down till they are tired, surprised in caverns, and taken in nets. Their skins fetch different prices according to their quality. At Kamtchatka[12] the best sell for per skin from 30 to 40 Roubles. Middle sort 20 to 30 Worst sort 15 to 25 At Kiachta[13] the old and middle-aged sea-otter skins are sold to the Chinese per skin from 80 to 100 The worst sort 30 to 40. [Footnote 12: Journal St. Petersburg.] [Footnote 13: Pallas Reise. Part III. p. 137.] As these furs fetch so great a price to the Chinese, they are seldom brought into Russia for sale: and several, which have been carried to Moscow as a tribute, were purchased for 30 Roubles per skin; and sent from thence to the Chinese frontiers, where they were disposed of at a very high interest. [Sidenote: Different species of Foxes.] There are several species of Foxes, whose skins are sent from Kamtchatka into Siberia and Russia. Of these the principal are the black foxes, the Petsi or Arctic foxes, the red and stone foxes. The finest black foxes are caught in different parts of Siberia, and more commonly in the Northern regions between the Rivers Lena, Indigirka, and Kovyma: the black foxes found upon the remotest Eastern islands discovered by the Russians, or the Lyssie Ostrova, are not so valuable. They are very black and large; but the coat for the most part is as coarse as that of a wolf. The great difference in the fineness of the fur, between these foxes and those of Siberia, arises probably from the following circumstances. In those islands the cold is not so severe as in Siberia; and as there is no wood, the foxes live in holes and caverns of the rocks; whereas in the abovementioned parts of Siberia, there are large tracts of forests in which they find shelter. Some black foxes however are occasionally caught in the remotest Eastern Islands, not wholly destitute of wood, and these are of great value. In general the Chinese, who pay the dearest for black furs, do not give more for the black foxes of the new-discovered islands than from 20 to 30 Roubles per skin. The arctic or ice foxes are very common upon some of the New-Discovered Islands. They are called Petsi by the Russians, and by the Germans blue foxes. [Sidenote: Pennant's Synopsis.] Their natural colour is of a bluish grey or ash colour; but they change their coat at different ages, and in differerent seasons of the year. In general they are born brown, are white in winter, and brown in summer; and in spring and autumn, as the hair gradually falls off, the coat is marked with different specks and crosses. At Kiachta[14] all the several varieties sell upon an average to the Chinese per skin from 50 copecs to 2-2/3 Roubles. Stone Foxes at Kamtchatka per skin from 1 to 2-1/2 Red Foxes from 80 copecs to 1 80 copecs. At Kiachta from 80 copecs to 9 Common wolves skins at per skin 2 Best sort per skin from 8 to 16 Sables per ditto 2-1/2 to 10 [Footnote 14: Pallas Reise.] A pood of the best sea-horse teeth[15] sells At Yakutsk for 10 Roubles. Of the middling 8 Inferior ditto from 5 to 7. [Footnote 15: S. R. G. V. III.] Four, five, or six teeth generally weigh a pood, and sometimes, but very rarely, three. They are sold to the Chinese, Monguls, and Calmucs. ACCOUNT OF THE NEW DISCOVERIES MADE BY THE RUSSIANS IN THE EASTERN OCEAN, BETWEEN KAMTCHATKA AND AMERICA. TRANSLATED FROM THE GERMAN. WITH NOTES BY THE TRANSLATOR. ACCOUNT OF THE RUSSIAN DISCOVERIES. CHAP. I. Commencement and progress of the _Russian_ Discoveries in the sea of _Kamtchatka_--General division of the New Discovered Islands. A Thirst after riches was the chief motive which excited the Spaniards to the discovery of America; and which turned the attention of other maritime nations to that quarter. The same passion for riches occasioned, about the middle of the sixteenth century, the discovery and conquest of Northern Asia, a country, before that time, as unknown to the Europeans, as Thule to the ancients. [Sidenote: Conquest of Siberia.] The first foundation of this conquest was laid by the celebrated Yermac[16], at the head of a band of adventurers, less civilized, but at the same time, not so inhuman as the conquerors of America. By the accession of this vast territory, now known by the name of Siberia, the Russians have acquired an extent of empire never before attained by any other nation. [Footnote 16: The reader will find an account of this conquest by Yermac in Part II. Chap. I.] [Sidenote: Commencement of the New Discoveries.] The first project[17] for making discoveries in that tempestuous sea, which lies between Kamtchatka and America, was conceived and planned by Peter I. the greatest sovereign who ever sat upon the Russian throne, until it was adorned by the present empress. The nature and completion of this project under his immediate successors are well known to the public from the relation of the celebrated Muller. [Sidenote: Their progress.] No sooner had [18]Beering and Tschirikoff, in the prosecution of this plan, opened their way to islands abounding in valuable furs, than private merchants immediately engaged with ardour in similar expeditions; and, within a period of ten years, more important discoveries were made by these individuals, at their own private cost, than had been hitherto effected by all the expensive efforts of the crown. [Footnote 17: There seems a want of connection in this place, which will be cleared up by considering, that, by the conquest of Siberia, the Russians advanced to the shores of the Eastern Ocean, the scene of the discoveries here alluded to.] [Footnote 18: Beering had already made several expeditions in the sea of Kamtchatka, by orders of the crown, before he undertook the voyage mentioned in the text. In 1728, he departed from the mouth of the Kamtchatka river, in company with Tschirikoff. The purport of this voyage was to ascertain, whether the two Continents of Asia and America were separated; and Peter I. a short time before his death, had drawn up instructions with his own hand for that purpose. Beering coasted the Eastern shore of Siberia as high as latitude 67° 18´; but made no discovery of the opposite Continent. In 1729, he set sail again for the prosecution of the same design; but this second attempt equally failed of success. In 1741, Beering and Tschirikoff went out upon the celebrated expedition (alluded to in the text, and which is so often mentioned in the course of this work) towards the coasts of America. This expedition led the way to all the important discoveries since made by the Russians. Beering's vessel was wrecked in December of the same year; and Tschirikoff landed at Kamtchatka on the 9th of October, 1742. S. R. G. III. Nachrichten von See Reisen, &c. and Robertson's History of America, Vol. I. p. 273, & seq.] Soon after the return of Beering's crew from the island where he was ship-wrecked and died, and which is called after his name, the inhabitants of Kamtchatka ventured over to that island, to which the sea-otters and other sea-animals were accustomed to resort in great numbers. Mednoi Ostroff, or Copper Island, which takes that appellation from large masses of native copper found upon the beach, and which lies full in sight of Beering's Isle, was an easy and speedy discovery. These two small uninhabited spots were for some time the only islands that were known; until a scarcity of land and sea-animals, whose numbers were greatly diminished by the Russian hunters, occasioned other expeditions. Several of the vessels which were sent out upon these voyages were driven by stormy weather to the South-east; and discovered by that means the Aleütian Isles, situated about the 195th[19] degree of longitude, and but moderately peopled. [Footnote 19: The author reckons, throughout this treatise, the longitude from the first meridian of the isle of Fero. The longitude and latitude, which he gives to the Fox Islands, corresponds exactly with those in which they are laid down upon the General Map of Russia. The longitude of Beering's, Copper Island, and of the Aleütian Isles, are somewhat different. See Advertisement relating to the Charts, and also Appendix I. N^o IV.] From the year 1745, when it seems these islands were first visited, until 1750, when the first tribute of furs was brought from thence to Ochotsk, the government appears not to have been fully informed of their discovery. In the last mentioned year, one Lebedeff was commander of Kamtchatka. From 1755 to 1760, Captain Tsheredoff and Lieutenant Kashkareff were his successors. In 1760, Feodor Ivanovitch Soimonoff, governor of Tobolsk, turned his attention to the abovementioned islands; and, the same year, Captain Rtistsheff, at Ochotsk, instructed Lieutenant Shmaleff, the same who was afterwards commander in Kamtchatka, to promote and favour all expeditions in those seas. Until this time, all the discoveries subsequent to Beering's voyage were made, without the interposition of the court, by private merchants in small vessels fitted out at their own expence. [Sidenote: The Empress promotes all attempts towards New Discoveries.] The present Empress (to whom every circumstance which contributes to aggrandize the Russian empire is an object of attention) has given new life to these discoveries. The merchants engaged in them have been animated by recompences. The importance and true position of the Russian islands have been ascertained by an expensive voyage[20], made by order of the crown; and much additional information will be derived from the journals and charts of the officers employed in that expedition, whenever they shall be published. [Footnote 20: The author here alludes to the secret expedition of Captain Krenitzin and Levaheff, whose journal and chart were sent, by order of the Empress of Russia, to Dr. Robertson. See Robertson's History of America, Vol. I. p. 276 and 460. See Appendix I. N^o I.] Meanwhile, we may rest assured, that several modern geographers have erred in advancing America too much to the West, and in questioning the extent of Siberia Eastwards, as laid down by the Russians. It appears, indeed, evident, that the accounts and even conjectures of the celebrated Muller, concerning the position of those distant regions, are more and more confirmed by facts; in the same manner as the justness of his supposition concerning the form of the coast of the sea of Ochotsk[21] has been lately established. With respect to the extent of Siberia, it appears almost beyond a doubt from the most recent observations, that its Eastern extremity is situated beyond[22] 200 degrees of longitude. In regard to the Western coasts of America, all the navigations to the New Discovered Islands evidently shew, that, between 50 and 60 degrees of latitude, that Continent advances no where nearer to Asia than the [23]coasts touched at by Beering and Tschirikoff, or about 236 degrees of longitude. [Footnote 21: Mr. Muller formerly conjectured, that the coast of the sea of Ochotsk stretched South-west towards the river Ud; and from thence to the mouth of the Amoor South-east: and the truth of this conjecture had been since confirmed by a coasting voyage made by Captain Synd.] [Footnote 22: Appendix I. N^o I.] [Footnote 23: Appendix I. N^o II.] As to the New Discovered Islands, no credit must be given to a chart published in the Geographical Calendar of St. Petersburg for 1774; in which they are inaccurately laid down. Nor is the antient chart of the New Discoveries, published by the Imperial Academy, and which seems to have been drawn up from mere reports, more deserving of attention[24]. [Footnote 24: Appendix I. N^o IV.] [Sidenote: Position of the New Discovered Islands.] The late navigators give a far different description of the Northern Archipelago. From their accounts we learn, that Beering's Island is situated due East from Kamtchatkoi Noss, in the 185th degree of longitude. Near it is Copper Island; and, at some distance from them, East-south-east, there are three small islands, named by their inhabitants, Attak, Semitshi, and Shemiya: these are properly the Aleütian Isles; they stretch from West-north-west towards East-south-east, in the same direction as Beering's and Copper Islands, in the longitude of 195, and latitude 54. To the North-east of these, at the distance of 600 or 800 versts, lies another group of six or more islands, known by the name of the Andreanoffskie Ostrova. South-east, or East-south, of these, at the distance of about 15 degrees, and North by East of the Aleütian, begins the chain of Lyssie Ostrova, or Fox Islands: this chain of rocks and isles stretches East-north-east between 56 and 61 degrees of North latitude, from 211 degrees of longitude most probably to the Continent of America; and in a line of direction, which crosses with that in which the Aleütian isles lie. The largest and most remarkable of these islands are Umnak, Aghunalashka, or, as it is commonly shortened, Unalashka, Kadyak, and Alagshak. Of these and the Aleütian Isles, the distance and position are tolerably well ascertained by ships reckonings, and latitudes taken by pilots. But the situation of the Andreanoffsky Isles[25] is still somewhat doubtful, though probably their direction is East and West; and some of them may unite with that part of the Fox Islands which are most contiguous to the opposite Continent. [Footnote 25: These are the same islands which are called, by Mr. Stæhlin, Anadirsky Islands, from their supposed vicinity to the river Anadyr. See Appendix I. N^o V.] The main land of America has not been touched at by any of the vessels in the late expeditions; though possibly the time is not far distant when some of the Russian adventurers will fall in with that coast[26]. More to the North perhaps, at least as high as 70 degrees latitude, the Continent of America may stretch out nearer to the coast of the Tschutski; and form a large promontory, accompanied with islands, which have no connection with any of the preceding ones. That such a promontory really exists, and advances to within a very small distance from Tschukotskoi Noss, can hardly be doubted; at least it seems to be confirmed by all the latest accounts which have been procured from those parts[27]. That prolongation, therefore, of America, which by Delisle is made to extend Westward, and is laid down just opposite to Kamtchatka, between 50 and 60 degrees latitude, must be entirely removed; for many of the voyages related in this collection lay through that part of the ocean, where this imaginary Continent was marked down. [Footnote 26: Appendix I. N^o VI.] [Footnote 27: Appendix I. N^o VII.] It is even more than probable, that the Aleütian, and some of the Fox Islands, now well known, are the very same which Beering fell-in with upon his return; though, from the unsteadiness of his course, their true position could not be exactly laid down in the chart of that expedition[28]. [Footnote 28: This error is however so small, and particularly with respect to the more Eastern coasts and islands, as laid down in Beering's chart, such as Cape Hermogenes, Toomanoi, Shumaghin's Island, and mountain of St. Dolmar, that if they were to be placed upon the general map of Russia, which is prefixed to this work, they would coincide with the very chain of the Fox Islands.] As the sea of Kamtchatka is now so much frequented, these conjectures cannot remain long undecided; and it is only to be wished, that some expeditions were to be made North-east, in order to discover the nearest coasts of America. For there is no reason to expect a successful voyage by taking any other direction; as all the vessels, which have steered a more southerly course, have sailed through an open sea, without meeting with any signs of land. A very full and judicious account of all the discoveries hitherto made in the Eastern ocean may be expected from the celebrated Mr. Muller[29]. Meanwhile, I hope the following account, extracted from the original papers, and procured from the best intelligence, will be the more acceptable to the public; as it may prove an inducement to the Russians to publish fuller and more circumstantial relations. Besides, the reader will find here a narrative more authentic and accurate, than what has been published in the abovementioned calendar[30]; and several mistakes in that memoir are here corrected. [Footnote 29: Mr. Muller has already arranged and put in order several of the journals, and sent them to the board of admiralty at St. Petersburg, where they are at present kept, together with the charts of the respective voyages.] [Footnote 30: A German copy of the treatise alluded to in the text, was sent, by its author, Mr. Stæhlin Counsellor of State to the Empress of Russia, to the late Dr. Maty; and it is mentioned, in the Philosophical Transactions for 1774, under the following title: "A New Map and Preliminary Description of the New Archipelago in the North, discovered a few Years ago by the Russians in the N. E. beyond Kamtchatka." A translation of this treatise was published the same year by Heydinger.] CHAP. II. Voyages in 1745.--First discovery of the _Aleütian Isles_ by _Michael Nevodtsikoff_. A voyage made in the year 1745 by Emilian Bassoff is scarce worth mentioning; as he only reached Beering's Island, and two smaller ones, which lie South of the former, and returned on the 31st of July, 1746. [Sidenote: Voyage of Nevodtsikoff in 1745.] The first voyage which is in any wise remarkable, was undertaken in the year 1745. The vessel was a Shitik named Eudokia, fitted out at the expence of Aphanassei Tsebaefskoi, Jacob Tsiuproff and others; she sailed from the Kamtchatka river Sept. 19, under the command of Michael Nevodtsikoff a native of Tobolsk. [Sidenote: Discovers the Aleütian Islands.] Having discovered three unknown islands, they wintered upon one of them, in order to kill sea-otters, of which there was a large quantity. These islands were undoubtedly the nearest[31] Aleütian Islands: the language of the inhabitants was not understood by an interpreter, whom they had brought with them from Kamtchatka. For the purpose therefore of learning this language, they carried back with them one of the Islanders; and presented him to the chancery of Bolcheretsk, with a false account of their proceedings. This islander was examined as soon as he had acquired a slight knowledge of the Russian language; and as it is said, gave the following report. He was called Temnac, and Att was the name of the island of which he was a native. At some distance from thence lies a great island called Sabya, of which the inhabitants are denominated Rogii: these inhabitants, as the Russians understood or thought they understood him, made crosses, had books and fire-arms, and navigated in baidars or leathern canoes. At no great distance from the island where they wintered, there were two well-inhabited islands: the first lying E. S. E. and S. E. by South, the second East and East by South. The above-mentioned Islander was baptised under the name of Paul, and sent to Ochotsk. [Footnote 31: The small group of islands lying S. E. of Beering's Island, are the real Aleütian isles: they are sometimes called the Nearest Aleütian Islands; and the Fox Islands the Furthest Aleütian Isles.] As the misconduct of the ship's crew towards the natives was suspected, partly from the loss of several men, and partly from the report of those Russians, who were not concerned in the disorderly conduct of their companions, a strict examination took place; by which the following circumstances relating to the voyage were brought to light. [Sidenote: Narrative of the Voyage.] According to the account of some of the crew, and particularly of the commander, after six days sailing they came in sight of the first island on the 24th of September, at mid-day. They sailed by, and towards evening they discovered the second island; where they lay at anchor until the next morning. The 25th several inhabitants appeared on the coast, and the pilot was making towards shore in the small boat, with an intention of landing; but observing their numbers increase to about an hundred, he was afraid of venturing among them, although they beckoned to him. He contented himself therefore with flinging some needles amongst them: the islanders in return threw into the boat some sea-fowl of the cormorant kind. He endeavoured to hold a conversation with them by means of the interpreters, but no one could understand their language. And now the crew endeavoured to row the vessel out to sea; but the wind being contrary, they were driven to the other side of the same island, where they cast anchor. The 26th, Tsiuproff having landed with some of the crew in order to look for water, met several inhabitants: he gave them some tobacco and small Chinese pipes; and received in return a present of a stick, upon which the head of a seal was carved. They endeavoured to wrest his hunting gun from him; but upon his refusing to part with it and retiring to the small boat, the islanders ran after him; and seized the rope by which the boat was made fast to shore. This violent attack obliged Tsiuproff to fire; and having wounded one person in the hand, they all let go their hold; and he rowed off to the ship. The Savages no sooner saw that their companion was hurt, than they threw off their cloaths, carried the wounded person naked into the sea, and washed him. In consequence of this encounter the ship's crew would not venture to winter at this place, but rowed back again to the other island, where they came to an anchor. The next morning Tsiuproff, and a certain Shaffyrin landed with a more considerable party: they observed several traces of inhabitants; but meeting no one they returned to the ship, and coasted along the island. The following day the Cossac Shekurdin went on shore, accompanied by five sailors: two of whom he sent back with a supply of water; and remained himself with the others in order to hunt sea-otters. At night they came to some dwellings inhabited by five families: upon their approach the natives abandoned their huts with precipitation, and hid themselves among the rocks. Shekurdin no sooner returned to the ship, than he was again sent on shore with a larger company, in order to look out for a proper place to lay up the vessel during winter: In their way they observed fifteen islanders upon an height; and threw them some fragments of dried fish in order to entice them to approach nearer. But as this overture did not succeed, Tsiuproff, who was one of the party, ordered some of the crew to mount the height, and to seize one of the inhabitants, for the purpose of learning their language: this order was accordingly executed, notwithstanding the resistance which the islanders made with their bone spears; the Russians immediately returned with their prisoner to the ship. They were soon afterwards driven to sea by a violent storm, and beat about from the 2d to the 9th of October, during which time they lost their anchor and boat; at length they came back to the same island, where they passed the winter. Soon after their landing they found in an adjacent hut the dead bodies of two of the inhabitants, who had probably been killed in the last encounter. In their way the Russians were met by an old woman, who had been taken prisoner, and set at liberty. She was accompanied with thirty-four islanders of both sexes, who all came dancing to the sound of a drum; and brought with them a present of coloured earth. Pieces of cloth, thimbles, and needles, were distributed among them in return; and they parted amicably. Before the end of October, the same persons, together with the old woman and several children, returned dancing as before, and brought birds, fish, and other provision. Having passed the night with the Russians, they took their leave. Soon after their departure, Tsiuproff, Shaffyrin, and Nevodsikoff, accompanied with seven of the crew, went after them, and found them among the rocks. In this interview the natives behaved in the most friendly manner, and exchanged a baidar and some skins for two shirts. They were observed to have hatchets of sharpened stone, and needles made of bone: they lived upon the flesh of sea-otters, seals, and sea-lions, which they killed with clubs and bone lances. So early as the 24th of October, Tsiuproff had sent ten persons, under the command of Larion Belayeff, upon a reconnoitring party. The latter treated the inhabitants in an hostile manner; upon which they defended themselves as well as they could with their bone lances. This resistance gave him a pretext for firing; and accordingly he shot the whole number, amounting to fifteen men, in order to get at their wives. Shekurdin, shocked at these cruel proceedings, retired unperceived to the ship, and brought an account of all that had passed. Tsiuproff, instead of punishing these cruelties as they deserved, was secretly pleased with them; for he himself was affronted at the islanders for having refused to give him an iron bolt, which he saw in their possession. He had, in consequence of their refusal, committed several acts of hostilities against them; and had even formed the horrid design of poisoning them with a mixture of corrosive sublimate. In order however to preserve appearances, he dispatched Shekurdin and Nevodsikoff to reproach Belayeff for his disorderly conduct; but sent him at the same time, by the above-mentioned persons, more powder and ball. The Russians continued upon this island, where they caught a large quantity of sea otters, until the 14th of September, 1746; when, no longer thinking themselves secure, they put to sea with an intention of looking out for some uninhabited islands. Being however overtaken by a violent storm, they were driven about until the 30th of October, when their vessel struck upon a rocky shore, and was shipwrecked, with the loss of almost all the tackle, and the greatest part of the furs. Worn out at length with cold and fatigue, they ventured, the first of November, to penetrate into the interior part of the country, which they found rocky and uneven. Upon their coming to some huts, they were informed, that they were cast away upon the island of Karaga, the inhabitants of which were tributary to Russia, and of the Koraki tribe. The islanders behaved to them with great kindness, until Belayeff had the imprudence to make proposals to the wife of the chief. The woman gave immediate intelligence to her husband; and the natives were incensed to such a degree, that they threatened the whole crew with immediate death: but means were found to pacify them, and they continued to live with the Russians upon the same good terms as before. The 30th of May, 1747, a party of Olotorians made a descent upon the island in three baidars, and attacked the natives; but, after some loss on both sides, they went away. They returned soon after with a larger force, and were again forced to retire. But as they threatened to come again in a short time, and to destroy all the inhabitants who paid tribute, the latter advised the Russians to retire from the island, and assisted them in building two baidars. With these they put to sea the 27th of June, and landed the 21st of July at Kamtchatka, with the rest of their cargo, consisting of 320 sea-otters, of which, they paid the tenth into the customs. During this expedition twelve men were lost. CHAP. III. Successive voyages, from_ 1747 to 1753, to _Beering's_ and _Copper Island,_ and to the _Aleütian Isles_.--Some account of the inhabitants. In the year 1747[32] two vessels sailed from the Kamtchatka river, according to a permission granted by the chancery of Bolckeretsk for hunting sea-otters. One was fitted out by Andrew Wsevidoff, and carried forty-six men, besides eight Cossacs: the other belonged to Feodor Cholodiloff, Andrew Tolstyk, and company; and had on board a crew, consisting of forty-one Russians and Kamtchadals, with six Cossacs. [Footnote 32: It may be necessary to inform the reader, that, in this and the two following chapters, some circumstances are occasionally omitted, which are to be found in the original. These omissions relate chiefly to the names of some of the partners engaged in the equipments, and to a detail of immaterial occurrences prior to the actual departure of the vessels.] The latter vessel sailed the 20th of October, and was forced, by stress of weather and other accidents, to winter at Beering's Island. From thence they departed May the 31st, 1748, and touched at another small island, in order to provide themselves with water and other necessaries. They then steered S. E. for a considerable way without discovering any new islands; and, being in great want of provisions, returned into Kamtchatka River, August 14, with a cargo of 250 old sea-otter-skins, above 100 young ones, 148 petsi or arctic fox-skins, which were all slain upon Beering's Island. We have no sufficient account of Wsevidoff's voyage. All that is known amounts only to this, that he returned the 25th of July, 1749, after having probably touched upon one of the nearest Aleütian Isles which was uninhabited: his cargo consisted of the skins of 1040 sea-otters, and 2000 arctic foxes. [Sidenote: Voyage of Emilian Yugoff.] Emilian Yugoff, a merchant of Yakutsk, obtained from the senate of St. Petersburg the permission of fitting out four vessels for himself and his associates. He procured, at the same time, the exclusive privilege of hunting sea-otters upon Beering's and Copper Island during these expeditions; and for this monopoly he agreed to deliver to the customs the tenth of the furs. October 6, 1750, he put to sea from Bolcheresk, in the sloop John, manned with twenty-five Russians and Kamtchadals, and two Cossacs: he was soon overtaken by a storm, and the vessel driven on shore between the mouths of the rivers Kronotsk and Tschasminsk. October 1751, he again set sail. He had been commanded to take on board some officers of the Russian navy; and, as he disobeyed this injunction, the chancery of Irkutsk issued an order to confiscate his ship and cargo upon his return. The ship returned on the 22d of July, 1754, to New Kamtchatkoi Ostrog, laden with the skins of 755 old sea-otters, of 35 cub sea-otters, of 447 cubs of sea-bears, and of 7044 arctic fox-skins: of the latter 2000 were white, and 1765 black. These furs were procured upon Beering's and Copper Island. Yugoff himself died upon the last-mentioned island. The cargo of the ship was, according to the above-mentioned order, sealed and properly secured. But as it appeared that certain persons had deposited money in Yugoff's hand, for the purpose of equipping a second vessel, the crown delivered up the confiscated cargo, after reserving the third part according to the original stipulation. This kind of charter-company, if it may be so called, being soon dissolved for misconduct and want of sufficient stock, other merchants were allowed the privilege of fitting out vessels, even before the return of Yugoff's ship; and these persons were more fortunate in making new discoveries than the above-mentioned monopolist. [Sidenote: Voyage of the Boris and Glebb.] Nikiphor Trapesnikoff, a merchant of Irkutsk, obtained the permission of sending out a ship, called the Boris and Glebb, upon the condition of paying, besides the tribute which might be exacted, the tenth of all the furs. The Cossac Sila Sheffyrin went on board this vessel for the purpose of collecting the tribute. They sailed in August, 1749, from the Kamtchatka river; and re-entered it the 16th of the same month, 1753, with a large cargo of furs. In the spring of the same year, they had touched upon an unknown island, probably one of the Aleütians, where several of the inhabitants were prevailed upon to pay a tribute of sea-otter skins. The names of the islanders who had been made tributary, were Igya, Oeknu, Ogogoektack, Shabukiauck, Alak, Tutun, Ononushan, Rotogèi, Tschinitu, Vatsch, Ashagat, Avyjanishaga, Unashayupu, Lak, Yanshugalik, Umgalikan, Shati, Kyipago, and Oloshkot[33]; another Aleütian had contributed three sea-otters. They brought with them 320 best sea-otter skins, 480 of the second, and 400 of the third sort, 500 female and middle aged, and 220 medwedki or young ones. [Footnote 33: The author here remarks in a note, that the proper names of the islanders mentioned in this place, and in other parts, bear a surprising resemblance, both in their sound and termination, to those of the Greenlanders.] [Sidenote: Voyage of Andrew Tolstyk to the Aleütian Isles, 1749.] Andrew Tolstyk, a merchant of Selenginsk, having obtained permission from the chancery of Bolsheretsk, refitted the same ship which had made a former voyage; he sailed from Kamtchatka August the 19th, 1749, and returned July the 3d, 1752. According to the commander's account, the ship lay at anchor from the 6th of September, 1749, to the 20th of May, 1750, before Beering's Island, where they caught only 47 sea-otters. From thence they made to those Aleütian Islands, which were[34] first discovered by Nevodsikoff, and slew there 1662 old and middle-aged sea-otters, and 119 cubs; besides which, their cargo consisted of the skins of 720 blue foxes, and of 840 young sea-bears. [Footnote 34: See Chap. II.] The inhabitants of these islands appeared to have never before paid tribute; and seemed to be a-kin to the Tschuktski tribe, their women being ornamented with different figures sewed into the skin in the manner of that people, and of the Tungusians of Siberia. They differed however from them, by having two small holes cut through the bottom of their under-lips, through each of which they pass a bit of the sea-horse tush, worked into the form of a tooth, with a small button at one end to keep it within the mouth when it is placed in the hole. They had killed, without being provoked, two of the Kamtchadals who belonged to the ship. Upon the third Island some inhabitants had payed tribute; their names were reported to be Anitin, Altakukor, and Aleshkut, with his son Atschelap. The weapons of the whole island consisted of no more than twelve spears pointed with flint, and one dart of bone pointed with the same; and the Russians observed in the possession of the natives two figures, carved out of wood, resembling sea-lions. [Sidenote: Voyage of Vorobieff, 1750.] August 3, 1750, the vessel Simeon and John, fitted out by the above-mentioned Wsevidoff, agent for the Russian merchant A. Rybenskoi, and manned with fourteen Russians (who were partly merchants and partly hunters) and thirty Kamtchadals, sailed out for the discovery of new islands, under the command of the Cossac Vorobieff. They were driven by a violent current and tempestuous weather to a small desert island, whose position is not determined; but which was probably one of those that lie near Beering's Island. The ship being so shattered by the storm, that it was no longer in a condition to keep the sea, Vorobieff built another small vessel with drift-wood, which he called Jeremiah; in which he arrived at Kamtchatka in Autumn, 1752. Upon the above-mentioned island were caught 700 old and 120 cub sea-otters, 1900 blue foxes, 5700 black sea-bears, and 1310 Kotiki, or cub sea-bears. A voyage made about this time from Anadyrsk deserves to be mentioned. [Sidenote: Voyage of Novikoff and Bacchoff from Anadyrsk.] August 24, 1749, Simeon Novikoff of Yakutsk, and Ivan Bacchoff of Ustyug, agents for Ivan Shilkin, sailed from Anadyrsk into the mouth of the Kamtchatka river. They assigned the insecurity of the roads as their reason for coming from Anadyrsk to Kamtchatka by sea; on this account, having determined to risk all the dangers of a sea voyage, they built a vessel one hundred and thirty versts above Anadyr, after having employed two years and five months in its construction. [Sidenote: Narrative of te Voyage.] The narrative of their expedition is as follows. In 1748, they sailed down the river Anadyr, and through two bays, called Kopeikina and Onemenskaya, where they found many sand banks, but passed round them without difficulty. From thence they steered into the exterior gulph, and waited for a favourable wind. Here they saw several Tschutski, who appeared upon the heights singly and not in bodies, as if to reconnoitre; which made them cautious. They had descended the river and its bays in nine days. In passing the large opening of the exterior bay, they steered between the beach, that lies to the left, and a rock near it; where, at about an hundred and twenty yards from the rock, the depth of water is from three to four fathoms. From the opening they steered E. S. E. about fifty versts, in about four fathom water; then doubled a sandy point, which runs out directly against the Tshuktshi coast, and thus reached the open sea. From the 10th of July to the 30th, they were driven about by tempestuous winds, at no great distance from the mouth of the Anadyr; and ran up the small river Katirka, upon whose banks dwell the Koriacs, a people tributary to Russia. The mouth of the river is from sixty to eighty yards broad, from three to four fathoms deep, and abounds in fish. From thence they put again to sea, and after having beat about for some time, they at length reached Beering's Island. [Sidenote: Shipwreck upon Beering's Island.] Here they lay at anchor from the 15th of September to the 30th of October, when a violent storm blowing right from the sea, drove the vessel upon the rocks, and dashed her to pieces. The crew however were saved: and now they looked out for the remains of Beering's wreck, in order to employ the materials for the constructing of a boat. They found indeed some remaining materials, but almost entirely rotten, and the iron-work corroded with rust. Having selected however the best cables, and what iron-work was immediately necessary, and collected drift-wood during the winter, they built with great difficulty a small boat, whose keel was only seventeen Russian ells and an half long, and which they named Capiton. In this they put to sea, and sailed in search of an unknown island, which they thought they saw lying North-east; but finding themselves mistaken, they tacked about, and stood far Copper Island: from thence they sailed to Kamtchatka, where they arrived at the time above-mentioned. The new constructed vessel was granted in property to Ivan Shilkin as some compensation for his losses, and with the privilege of employing it in a future expedition to the New Discovered Islands. Accordingly he sailed therein on the 7th of October, 1757, with a crew of twenty Russians, and the same number of Kamtchadals: he was accompanied by Studentzoff a Cossac, who was sent to collect the tribute for the crown. An account of this expedition will be given hereafter[35]. [Footnote 35: See Chap. V.] [Sidenote: Voyage of Durneff, in the St. Nicholas, 1754.] August, 1754, Nikiphor Trapesnikoff fitted out the Shitik St. Nicholas, which sailed from Kamtchatka under the command of the Cossac Kodion Durneff. He first touched at two of the Aleütian Isles, and afterwards upon a third, which had not been yet discovered. He returned to Kamtchatka in 1747. His cargo consisted of the skins of 1220 sea-otters, of 410 female, and 665 cubs; besides which, the crew had obtained in barter from the islanders the skins of 652 sea-otters, of 30 female ditto, and 50 cubs. [Sidenote: Narrative of the Voyage.] From an account delivered in the 3d of May, 1758, by Durneff and Sheffyrin, who was sent as collector of the tributes, it appears that they sailed in ten days as far as Ataku, one of the Aleütian Islands; that they remained there until the year 1757, and lived upon amicable terms with the natives. [Sidenote: Description of the Aleütian Isles.] The second island, which is nearest to Ataku, and which contains the greatest number of inhabitants, is called Agataku; and the third Shemya: they lie from forty to fifty versts asunder. [Sidenote: Account of inhabitants.] Upon all the three islands there are (exclusive of children) but sixty males, whom they made tributary. The inhabitants live upon roots which grow wild, and sea animals: they do not employ themselves in catching fish, although the rivers abound with all kinds of salmon, and the sea with turbot. Their cloaths are made of the skins of birds and of sea-otters. The Toigon or chief of the first island informed them by means of a boy, who understood the Russian language, that Eastward there are three large and well peopled islands, Ibiya, Ricksa, and Olas, whose inhabitants speak a different language. Sheffyrin and Durneff found upon the island three round copper plates, with some letters engraved upon them, and ornamented with foliage, which the waves had cast upon the shore: they brought them, together with other trifling curiosities, which they had procured from the natives, to New Kamtchatkoi Ostrog. Another ship built of larchwood by the same Trapesnikoff, which sailed in 1752 under the conduct of Alexei Drusinin a merchant of Kursk, had been wrecked at Beering's Island, where the crew constructed another vessel out of the wreck, which they named Abraham. In this vessel they bore away for the more distant islands; but being forced back by contrary winds to the same island, and meeting with the St. Nicholas upon the point of sailing for the Aleütian Isles, they embarked on that ship, after having left the new constructed vessel under the care of four of their own sailors. The crew had slain upon Beering's Island five sea-otters, 1222 arctic foxes, and 2500 sea-bears: their share of the furs, during their expedition in the St. Nicholas, amounted to the skins of 500 sea-otters, and of 300 cubs, exclusive of 200 sea-otter-skins, which they procured by barter. CHAP. IV. Voyages from 1753 to 1756. Some of the further _Aleütian_ or _Fox Islands_ touched at by _Serebranikoff's_ vessel.--Some account of the Natives. Three vessels were fitted out for the islands in 1753, one by Cholodiloff, a second by Serebranikoff agent for the merchant Rybenskoy, and the third by Ivan Krassilnikoff a merchant of Kamtchatka. [Sidenote: Cholodiloff's Ship sails from Kamchatka 1753.] Cholodiloff's ship sailed from Kamtchatka, the 19th of August, manned with thirty-four men; and anchored the 28th before Beering's Island, where they proposed to winter, in order to lay-in a flock of provisions: as they were attempting to land, the boat overset, and nine of the crew were drowned. June 30, 1754, they stood out to sea in quest of new discoveries: the weather however proving stormy and foggy, and the ship springing a leak, they were all in danger of perishing: in this situation they unexpectedly reached one of the Aleütian islands, were they lay from the 15th of September until the 9th of July, 1755. In the autumn of 1754 they were joined by a Kamtchadal, and a Koriac: these persons, together with four others, had deserted from Trapesnikoff's crew; and had remained upon the island in order to catch sea-otters for their own profit. Four of these deserters were killed by the islanders for having debauched their wives: but as the two persons above-mentioned were not guilty of the same disorderly conduct, the inhabitants supplied them with women, and lived with them upon the best terms. The crew slew upon this island above 1600 sea-otters, and came back safe to Kamtchatka in autumn 1755. [Sidenote: Departure of Serebranikoff's Vessel.] Serebranikoff's vessel sailed in July 1753, manned also with thirty-four Russians and Kamtchadals: they discovered several new islands, which were probably some of the more distant ones; but were not so fortunate in hunting sea-otters as Cholodiloff's crew. They steered S. E. and on the 17th of August anchored under an unknown island; whose inhabitants spoke a language they did not understand. Here they proposed looking out for a safe harbour; but were prevented by the coming on of a sudden storm, which carried away their anchor. The ship being tost about for several days towards the East, they discovered not far from the first island four others: still more to the East three other islands appeared in sight; but on neither of these were they able to land. [Sidenote: Shipwrecked upon one of the more distant Islands.] The vessel continued driving until the 2d of September, and was considerably shattered, when they fortunately came near an island and cast anchor before it; they were however again forced from this station, the vessel wrecked upon the coast, and the crew with difficulty reached the shore. This island seemed to be right opposite to Katyrskoi Noss in the peninsula of Kamtchatka, and near it they saw three others. Towards the end of September Demitri Trophin, accompanied with nine men, went out in the boat upon an hunting and reconnoitring party: they were attacked by a large body of inhabitants, who hurled darts from a small wooden engine, and wounded one of the company. The first fire however drove them back; and although they returned several times to the attack in numerous bodies, yet they were always repulsed without difficulty. [Sidenote: Account of the Inhabitants.] These savages mark and colour their faces like the Islanders above-mentioned; and also thrust pieces of bone through holes made in their under-lips. Soon afterwards the Russians were joined in a friendly manner by ten islanders, who brought the flesh of sea-animals and of sea-otters; this present was the more welcome, as they had lived for some time upon nothing but small shell-fish and roots; and had suffered greatly from hunger. Several toys were in return distributed among the savages. [Sidenote: The Crew construct another Vessel, and return to Kamtchatka.] The Russians remained until June, 1754, upon this island: at that time they departed in a small vessel, constructed from the remains of the wreck, and called the St. Peter and Paul: in this they landed at Katyrskoi Noss; where having collected 140 sea-horse teeth, they got safe to the mouth of the Kamtchatka river. During this voyage twelve Kamtchadals deserted; of whom six were slain, together with a female inhabitant, upon one of the most distant islands. The remainder, upon their return to Kamtchatka, were examined; and from them the following circumstances came to light. The island, where the ship was wrecked, is about 70 versts long, and 20 broad. Around it lie twelve other islands of different sizes, from five to ten versts distant from each other. Eight of them appear to be no more than five versts long. All these islands contain about a thousand souls. The dwellings of the inhabitants are provided with no other furniture than benches, and mats of platted grass[36]. Their dress consists of a kind of shirt made of bird-skins, and of an upper garment of intestines stitched together; they wear wooden caps, ornamented with a small piece of board projecting forwards, as it seemed, for a defence against the arrows. They are all provided with stone knives, and a few of them possess iron ones: their only weapons are arrows with points of bone or flint, which they shoot from a wooden instrument. There are no trees upon the island: it produces however the cow-parsnip[37], which grows at Kamtchatka. The climate is by no means severe, for the snow does not lie upon the ground above a month in the year. [Footnote 36: Matten aus einem gevissen Krautgeflochten.] [Footnote 37: Heracleum.] [Sidenote: Departure of Krassilnikoff's Vessel.] Krassilnikoff's vessel sailed in 1754, and anchored on the 18th of October before Beering's Island; where all the ships which make to the New Discovered Islands are accustomed to winter, in order to procure a stock of salted provisions from the sea-cows and other amphibious animals, that are found in great abundance. Here they refitted the vessel, which had been damaged by driving upon her anchor; and having laid in a sufficient store of all necessaries, weighed the 1st of August, 1754. The 10th they were in sight of an island, whose coast was lined with such a number of inhabitants, that they durst not venture ashore. Accordingly they stood out to sea, and being overtaken by a storm, they were reduced to great distress for want of water; at length they were driven upon Copper Island, where they landed; and having taken in wood and water, they again set sail. [Sidenote: Shipwrecked upon Copper Island.] They were beat back however by contrary winds, and dropped both their anchors near the shore; but the storm increasing at night, both the cables were broken, and the ship dashed to pieces upon the coast. All the crew were fortunately saved; and means were found to get ashore the ship's tackle, ammunition, guns, and the remains of the wreck; the provisions, however, were mostly spoiled. Here they were exposed to a variety of misfortunes; three of them were drowned on the 15th of October, as they were going to hunt; others almost perished with hunger, having no nourishment but small shell-fish and roots. On the 29th of December great part of the ship's tackle, and all the wood, which they had collected from the wreck, was washed away during an high sea. Notwithstanding their distresses, they continued their hunting parties, and caught 103 sea-otters, together with 1390 blue foxes. [Sidenote: The Crew reach Beering's Island in two Baidars.] In spring they put to sea for Beering's Island in two baidars, carrying with them all the ammunition, fire-arms, and remaining tackle. Having reached that island, they found the small vessel Abraham, under the care of the four sailors who had been left ashore by the crew of Trapesnikoff's ship: but as that vessel was not large enough to contain the whole number, together with their cargo of furs, they staid until Serebranikoff's and Tolstyk's vessels arrived. These took in eleven of the crew, with their part of the furs. Twelve remained at Beering's Island, where they killed great numbers of arctic foxes, and returned to Kamtchatka in the Abraham, excepting two, who joined Shilkin's crew. CHAP. V. Voyages from 1756 to 1758. [Sidenote: Voyage of Andrean Tolstyk in 1756 to the Aleütian Isles.] September 17, 1756, the vessel Andrean and Natalia, fitted out by Andrean Tolstyk, merchant of Selenginsk, and manned with thirty-eight Russians and Kamtchadals, sailed from the mouth of the Kamtchatka river. The autumnal storms coming on, and a scarcity of provisions ensuing, they made to Beering's Island, where they continued until the 14th of June 1757. As no sea-otters came on shore that winter, they killed nothing but seals, sea-lions, and sea-cows; whose flesh served them for provision, and their skins for the coverings of baidars. June 13, 1757, they weighed anchor, and after eleven days sailing came to Ataku, one of the Aleütian isles discovered by Nevodsikoff. Here they found the inhabitants, as well of that, as of the other two islands, assembled; these islanders had just taken leave of the crew of Trapesnikoff's vessel, which had sailed for Kamtchatka. The Russians seized this opportunity of persuading them to pay tribute; with this view they beckoned the Toigon, whose name was Tunulgasen: the latter recollected one of the crew, a Koriac, who had formerly been left upon these islands, and who knew something of their language. A copper kettle, a fur and cloth coat, a pair of breeches, stockings and boots, were bestowed upon this chief, who was prevailed upon by these presents to pay tribute. Upon his departure for his own island, he left behind him three women and a boy, in order to be taught the Russian language, which the latter very soon learned. The Russians wintered upon this island, and divided themselves, as usual, into different hunting parties: they were compelled, by stormy weather, to remain there until the 17th of June, 1758: before they went away, the above-mentioned chief returned with his family, and paid a year's tribute. This vessel brought to Kamtchatka the most circumstantial account of the Aleütian isles which had been yet received. [Sidenote: Account of those Islands.] The two largest contained at that time about fifty males, with whom the Russians had lived in great harmony. They heard of a fourth island, lying at some distance from the third, called by the natives Iviya, but which they did not reach on account of the tempestuous weather. The first island is about an hundred versts long and from five to twenty broad. They esteemed the distance from the first to the second, which lies East by South, to be about thirty versts, and about forty from the latter to the third, which stands South East. The original dress of the islanders was made of the skins of birds, sea-otters and seals, which were tanned; but the greatest part had procured from the Russians dog-skin coats, and under-garments of sheep-skin, which they were very fond of. They are represented as naturally talkative, quick of apprehension, and much attached to the Russians. Their dwellings are hollowed in the ground, and covered with wooden roofs resembling the huts in the peninsula of Kamtchatka. Their principal food is the flesh of sea animals, which they harpoon with their bone lances; they also feed upon several species of roots and berries: namely [38]cloud-berries, crake-berries, bilberries, and services. The rivulets abound with salmon, and other fish of the trout kind similar to those of Kamtchatka; and the sea with turbot, which are caught with bone hooks. [Footnote 38: Rubus Chamæmorus--Empetrum--Myrtillus--Sorbus.] These islands produce quantities of small osiers and underwood, but no large trees: the sea however drives ashore fir and larch, sufficient for the construction of their huts. There are a great number of arctic foxes upon the first island, as well as sea-otters; and the shores, during stormy weather, are covered with wild geese and ducks. The Russians, according to the order of the chancery of Bolcheretsk, endeavoured to persuade the Toigon of these islands to accompany them to Kamtchatka, but without success: upon their departure they distributed among the islanders some linen, and thirteen nets for the purpose of catching sea-otters, which were very thankfully received. This vessel brought to Kamtchatka the skins of 5030 old and young sea-otters, of 1040 old and young arctic foxes, and of 330 Medwedki or cubs of sea-otters. In the year 1757, Ivan Nikiphoroff, a merchant of Moscow, sent out a vessel: but we have no further account of this voyage, than that she sailed to the Fox Islands, at least as far as Umnak. [Sidenote: Voyage of Ivan Shilkin in the Capiton 1757.] The small vessel Capiton, the same that was built upon Beering's Island, and which was given to the merchant [39]Ivan Shilkin, put to sea September 26, 1757, carrying on board the Cossac Ignatius Studentsoff, who has given an account of the voyage. [Footnote 39: See chap. III.] They had not long sailed, before they were driven back to the shore of Kamtchatka by stress of weather, and the vessel stranded; by which accident they lost the rudder and one of the crew. This misfortune prevented them from putting to sea again until the following year, with thirty-nine of the original crew, several persons being left behind on account of sickness. They made directly to Beering's Island, where they took up two of Krasilnikoff's crew[40], who had been shipwrecked. They again set sail in August of the same year, and touched at the nearest Aleütian Isles, after suffering greatly from storms. They then continued their course to the remoter islands lying between East and South East; and having passed by the first, they anchored before the second. A boat being immediately sent out towards the shore, the crew was attacked by a numerous body of islanders in so sudden a manner, that they had scarcely time to secure themselves by returning to the vessel. They had no sooner got aboard, than a violent gale of wind blowing from the shore broke the cable, and drove them out to sea. [Sidenote: Shipwrecked upon one of the Fox Islands.] The weather became suddenly thick and foggy; and under these circumstances the vessel was forced upon a small island at no great distance from the other, and shipwrecked. The crew got to shore with difficulty, and were able to save nothing but the fire-arms and ammunition. [Footnote 40: See chap. IV.] They had scarcely got to land, before they were beset by a number of savages, rowing in baidars from the Western point of the island. This attack was the more to be dreaded, because several of the Russians were disabled by cold and wet; and there remained only fifteen capable of defending themselves. They advanced however without hesitation to the islanders; and one Nicholas Tsiuproff (who had a slight knowledge of their language) accosted and endeavoured to sooth them, but without success. For upon their approach the savages gave a sudden shout, and saluting them at the same time with a volley of darts, wounded one person in the hand. Upon this the Russians fired, killed two of the assailants, and forced the remainder to retire: and although a fresh body appeared in sight, as if they were coming to the assistance of their companions, yet no new attack was made. Soon afterwards the savages left the island, and rowed across the strait. From the 6th of September to the 23d of April, they underwent all the extremities of famine: during that period their best fare was shell-fish and roots; and they were even at times reduced to still the cravings of their appetite with the leather, which the waves washed ashore from the wreck. Seventeen died of hunger, and the rest would soon have followed their companions, if they had not fortunately discovered a dead whale, which the sea had cast ashore. [Sidenote: The Crew construct a small Vessel, and are again shipwrecked.] They remained upon this island another winter, where they slew 230 sea-otters: and having built a small vessel out of the remains of the wreck, they put to sea in the beginning of summer 1760. They had scarcely reached one of the Aleütian islands, where Serebranikoff's vessel lay at anchor, when they were again shipwrecked, and lost all the remaining tackle and furs. Only thirteen of the crew now remained, who returned on board the above-mentioned vessel to Kamtchatka July 1751. CHAP. VI. Voyages in 1758, 1759, and 1760--to the _Fox Islands_--in the _St. Vladimir_, fitted out by _Trapesnikoff_--and in the _Gabriel_, by _Betshevin_--The latter under the command of _Pushkareff_ sails to _Alaksu_ or _Alachskak_, one of the remotest Eastern Islands hitherto visited--Some account of its inhabitants, and productions, which latter are different from those of the more Western Islands. [Sidenote: Voyage of the St. Vladimir, commanded by Paikoff, 1758.] September 1758, the merchant Simeon Krasilnikoff and Nikiphor Trapesnikoff fitted out two vessels for the purpose of catching sea-otters. One of these vessels, called the St. Vladimir, sailed the 28th under the command of Demetri Paikoff, carrying on board the Cossac Sila Shaffyrin as collector of the tribute, and a crew of forty-five men. In twenty-four hours they reached Beering's Island, where they wintered. July 16, 1759, they steered towards the South in order to discover land, but being disappointed, they bore away to the North for the Aleütian isles: being prevented however by contrary winds from reaching them, they sailed streight towards the distant islands, which are known at present under the name of Lyssie Ostrova or the Fox Islands. [Sidenote: Arrival at the Fox Island.] September 1, they reached the first of these, called by the natives Atchu, and by the Russians Goreloi or the Burnt Island: but as the coasts were very steep and craggy, they made to Amlach, lying at a small distance, where they determined to pass the winter. They divided themselves accordingly into three parties; the first, at the head of which was Alexèy Drusinin, went over to a small island called in the journal Sitkin; the Cossac Shaffyrin led the second, consisting of ten persons, to the island Atach; and Simeon Polevoi remained aboard with the rest of the crew. All these islands were well peopled; the men had bones thrust through their ears, under lips, and gristle of their noses; and the faces of the women were marked with blackish streaks made with a needle and thread in the skin, in the same manner as a Cossac one of the crew had observed before upon some of the Tschutski. The inhabitants had no iron; the points of their darts and lances were tipped with bone and flint. They at first imagined, that Amlach was uninhabited; but in one of their hunting parties they found a boy of eight years old, whom they brought with them: they gave him the name of Hermolai, and taught him the Russian language, that he might serve as an interpreter. After penetrating further they discovered an hut, wherein were two women, four men, and as many boys, whom they treated kindly, and employed in hunting, fishing, and in digging of roots. This kind behaviour encouraged others to pay frequent visits, and to exchange fish and flesh for goat's hair, horses manes, and glass beads. They procured also four other islanders with their wives, who dug roots for them: and thus the winter passed away without any disturbance. In the spring the hunting parties returned; during these excursions one man alone was killed upon the island Atach, and his fire-arms taken away by the natives. June 1760, the same parties were sent again to the same islands. Shaffyrin, who headed one of the parties, was soon afterwards killed, with eleven men, by the inhabitants of Atach, but for what reason is not known.--Drusinin received the first information of this massacre from some inhabitants of Sitkin, where he then was; and immediately set out with the remaining hunters to join their companions, who were left on board. Although he succeeded in regaining the vessel, their number was by this time so considerably reduced that their situation appeared very dangerous: he was soon however relieved from his apprehensions by the arrival of the merchant Betshevin's vessel at the island of Atchu[41]. The two crews entered into partnership: the St. Vladimir received twenty-two men, and transferred eleven of her own to the other vessel. The former wintered at Amlach, and the latter continued at anchor before Atchu. [Footnote 41: Atach and Atchu are two names for the same island, called also by the Russians Goreloi or Burnt Island.] [Sidenote: Voyage of Pushkareff, 1760.] This vessel, fitted out at the expence of Betshevin, a merchant of Irkutsk, was called Gabriel; and put to sea from the mouth of the Bolshaia Reka July 31st, 1760. She was manned with forty Russians and twenty Kamtchadals, and carried on board Gabriel Pushkareff, of the garrison of Ochotsk, Andrew Shdanoff, Jacob Sharypoff, Prokopèi Lobashkoff, together with Nikiphor Golodoff, and Aphanassei Oskoloff, Betshevin's agents. Having sailed through the second strait of the Kuril Isles, they reached the Aleütian Isles on the 24th of August. They stood out from thence in order to make new discoveries among those more remote islands, which lie in one continued chain to the extent of 15 degrees of longitude. [Sidenote: Reaches Atchu, one of the Fox Islands.] September 25 they reached Atchu, or Burnt Island, and found the above-mentioned ship the St. Vladimir, lying twenty versts from that island, before Amlach, in danger of being attacked by the islanders. They immediately joined crews in order to enable the enfeebled company of the St. Vladimir to continue hunting; and as it is usual in such cases, entered into a contract for the division of the profit. During that winter the two crews killed partly upon Siguyam, about 800 sea otters of different sizes, about 100 medwedki or cubs, some river otters, above 400 red, greyish, and black foxes, and collected twelve pood of sea-horse teeth. [Sidenote: Departs from thence.] In June, of the following year, the two crews were distributed equally on board the two vessels: Krassilnikoff's remained at Amlach, with an intention of returning to Kamtchatka, and Belshevin's put to sea from Atchu in quest of other islands. They touched first at Umnak where they met Nikiphoroff's vessel. Here they took in wood and water, and repaired their sails: they then sailed to the most remote island Alaksu[42], or Alachshak, where, having laid up the ship in a bay, they built huts, and made preparations for wintering. [Sidenote: Winters upon Alaksu.] This island was very well inhabited, and the natives behaved at first in a very friendly manner, for they trafficked with the Russians, and even delivered up nine of their children as hostages; but such was the lawless and irregular behaviour of the crew, that the islanders were soon irritated and provoked to hostilities. [Footnote 42: This is probably the same island which is laid down in Krenitzin's chart under the name of Alaxa.] In January 1762, Golodoff and Pushkareff went with a party of twenty men along the shore; and, as they were attempting to violate some girls upon the island Unyumga, were surprised by a numerous body of the natives: Golodoff and another Russian were killed, and three were wounded. Not long afterwards the watch of the crew was suddenly attacked by the islanders; four men were slain upon the spot, as many wounded, and the huts reduced to ashes. May 3, Lobaschkoff and another Russian were killed, as they were going to bathe in the warm springs, which lie about five versts from the haven: upon which seven of the hostages were put to death. The same month the natives attempted to surprise the Russians in their huts; but being fortunately discovered in time were repulsed by means of the fire arms. At length the Russians, finding themselves in continual danger from these attempts, weighed anchor, and sailed for Umnak, where they took up two inhabitants with their wives and children, in order to shew them other islands. They were prevented however by tempestuous weather from reaching them; and were driven out to sea Westward with such violence, that all their sails were carried away: at length on the 23d of September they struck against land, which they took for the peninsula of Kamtchatka; and they found it to be the district of Stobolikoi Ostrog. Six men were immediately dispatched in the small boat and two baidars to land: they carried with them several girls (who had been brought from the new discovered islands) in order to gather berries. Mean while the crew endeavoured to ply the ship to the windward. When the boat returned, those on board were scarcely able, on account of the storm, to row to the ship, and to catch hold of a rope, which was flung out to them. Two men remained with the baidars, and were afterwards carried by some Kamtchadals to New Kamtchatkoi Ostrog. The ship without one sail remaining was driven along the coast of Kamtchatka towards Avatcha, and about seventy versts from that harbour ran into the bay of Kalatzoff on the 25th of September. Their cargo consisted of the skins of 900 old and young sea-otters, and of 350 foxes. Pushkareff and his crew had during this voyage behaved with such inhumanity towards the islanders, that they were brought to trial in the year 1764; and the above-mentioned account is taken from the concurring evidence of several witnesses. It appears also, that they brought away from Atchu and Amleg two Aleütian men and three boys, Ivan an Aleütian interpreter, and above twenty women and girls whom they debauched. Ivan, and one of the boys whom they called Moses, were the only persons who arrived at Kamtchatka. Upon their first approach to that coast, fourteen women were sent ashore to dig roots and to gather berries. Of these, two ran away, and a third was killed, as they were returning to the ship by one Gorelin: upon this the others in a fit of despair leaped into the sea and were drowned. All the remaing Aleütians, excepting the two persons above-mentioned, were immediately thrown overboard by Pushkareff's order. The account which follows, although it is found in the depositions, deserves not to be entirely credited in all particulars. [Sidenote: Account of the Inhabitants of Alacksu.] The natives of the above-mentioned islands are very tall and strongly made. They make their cloaths of the skins of birds; and thrust bones through their under-lips by way of ornament. They were said to strike their noses until they bled, in order to suck the blood; but we are informed from subsequent accounts, that the blood thus drawn from themselves was intended for other purposes[43]. They were accused even of murdering their own children in order to drink their blood; but this is undoubtedly an invention of the criminals, who represented the islanders in the most hideous colours, in order to excuse their own cruelties. Their dwellings under-ground are similar to those of the Kamtchadals; and have several openings on the sides, through which they make their escape when the principal entrance is beset by an enemy. Their weapons consist of arrows and lances pointed with bone, which they dart at a considerable distance. [Footnote 43: It appears in the last chapter of this translation, that the islanders are accustomed to glue on the point of their darts with blood; and that this was the real motive to the practice mentioned in the text.] [Sidenote: Animals.] The island Alaksu is said to contain rein-deer, bears, wild boars, wolves, otters, and a species of dogs with long ears, which are very fierce and wild. And as the greatest part of these animals are not found upon those Fox Islands which lie nearer to the west, this circumstance seems to prove that Alaksu is situated at no great distance from the Continent of America. As to red, black, and grey foxes, there is so large a quantity, that they are seen in herds of ten or twenty at a time. Wood is driven upon the coast in great abundance. The island produces no large trees, having only some underwood, and a great variety of bulbs, roots, and berries. The coasts are frequented by large flocks of sea-birds, the same which are observed upon the shore of the sea of Penshinsk. [Sidenote: Voyage of the Peter and Paul to the Aleütian Islands, 1759.] August 4, 1759, the Peter and Paul, fitted out at the expence of the merchant Rybenskoi by his agent Andrew Serebranikoff, and manned with thirty-three persons, set sail from the mouth of the Kamtchatka river. They steered southwards until the 20th of September without seeing any land, when they stood for the Aleütian Isles, one of which they reached the 27th of September. They remained there until the 24th of June, 1761; during which time they killed upon this and the two other islands 1900 old and young sea-otters, and obtained 450 more by bartering with the islanders. The Cossac Minyachin, who was on board as collector of the tribute, calls in his account the first island by the Russian name of Krugloi, or Round Island, which he supposes to be about sixty versts in circumference: the largest island lies thirty versts from thence, and is about an hundred and fifty round: the smallest is about thirty versts from the latter, and is forty in circumference. These three islands contain several high rocky mountains. The number of inhabitants were computed to be about forty-two men, without reckoning women and children. CHAP. VII. Voyage of _Andrean Tolstyk_ in the _St. Andrean_ and _Natalia_--Discovery of some New Islands called _Andreanoffskye Ostrova_--Description of six of those Islands. [Sidenote: Voyage of Andrean Tolstyk in the St. Andrean and Natalia, 1760.] The most remarkable voyage hitherto made is that of the St. Andrean and Natalia, of which the following extract is drawn from the Journals of the two Cossacs, Peter Wasyutinskoi and Maxim Lasaroff. This vessel, fitted out by the above-mentioned merchant Andrean Tolstyk, weighed from the mouth of the Kamtchatka river September 27, 1760; she stood out to sea right Eastwards, and on the 29th reached Beering's Island. There she lay at anchor in a bay, from whence the crew brought all the tackle and lading ashore. Soon afterwards they were driven upon the shore by a violent autumnal storm, without any other damage than the loss of an anchor. Here they passed the winter; and having refitted their vessel, put to sea June 24, 1761: they passed by Copper Island, which lies about an hundred and fifty versts from the former, and steered S. E. towards the Aleütian Isles, which they did not reach before the 6th of August. [Sidenote: Reaches Ayagh, one of the Andreanoffikye Islands.] They cast anchor in an open bay near Attak, in order to procure an interpreter from the Toigon Tunulgasen; but the latter being dead, they sent presents to the Toigon Bakutun. As there were already three ships lying at anchor before this Island, on the 19th they again stood out to sea in quest of the more distant islands, for the purpose of exacting a tribute. They carried on board a relation of the Toigon Bakutun, who had a slight knowledge of the Russian language. They steered N. E. and N. E. by E. and were driven, on the 28th, by a high gale of wind towards an island, before which they immediately cast anchor. The following morning the two Cossacs with a party of eight persons went ashore to reconnoitre the island; they saw no inhabitants. August 30, the vessel was brought into a safe bay. The next day some of the crew were sent ashore to procure wood, that the ship might be refitted; but there were no large trees to be met with upon the whole island. Lasaroff, who was one of the party, had been there before in Serebranikoff's vessel: he called the island Ayagh or Kayachu; and another, which lay about the distance of twenty versts, Kanaga. As they were returning to the ship, they saw two islanders rowing in small canoes towards Kanaga, one of whom had served as an interpreter, and was known to Lasaroff. The latter accordingly made them a present of some fresh provision, which the others gratefully accepted, and then continued their course across the strait to Kanaga. Soon afterwards Lasaroff and eight men rowed over to that island, and having invited the Toigon, who was a relation of the above-mentioned interpreter, to pay them a visit at Kayachu, they immediately returned to the ship. Near the place where they lay at anchor, a rivulet falls into the bay; it flows from a lake that is about two or three versts in circumference, and which is formed from a number of small springs. Its course is about eight versts long; and in summer several species of salmon and other fish, similar to those which are found at Kamtchatka, ascend the stream as far as the lake. Lasaroff was employed in fishing in this rivulet, when the Toigon of Kanaga, accompanied with a considerable number of the natives in fifteen baidars, arrived at the ship: he was hospitably entertained, and received several presents. The Russians seized this opportunity of persuading the islanders to acknowledge themselves subject to the Empress, and to pay a regular tribute; to which they made no great objection. By means of the interpreter, the following information was obtained from the Toigon. The natives chiefly subsist upon dried fish and other sea animals. They catch [44]turbot of a very large size, and take seals by means of harpoons, to which they fasten bladders. They fish for cod with bone hooks, and lines made of a long and tough species of sea-weed, which they dip in fresh water and draw out to the size of a fine packthread. [Footnote 44: The author adds, that these turbot [paltus] weigh occasionally seven or eight pood.] As soon as the vessel was laid up in a secure place, Tolstyk, Vassyutin and Lasaroff, with several others, went in four baidars to Kanaga. The first remained upon that island, but the two others rowed in two baidars to Tsetchina, which is separated from Kanaga by a strait about seven versts in breadth: the islanders received them amicably, and promised to pay tribute. The several parties returned all safe to Kayachu, without having procured any furs. Soon afterwards Tolstyk dispatched some hunters in four baidars to Tagalak, Atchu, and Amlach, which lay to the East of Kayachu: none of these party met with any opposition from the natives: they accordingly remained with great tranquillity upon these several islands until the year 1764. Their success in hunting was not however very great; for they caught no more than 1880 full grown sea-otters, 778 middle-aged, and 372 cubs. [Sidenote: Description of the Andreanoffskye Islands.] The following is Lasaroff's description of the above-mentioned six islands[45] which lie in a chain somewhat to the North West of the Fox Islands, and must not be blended with them. The first certain account was brought by this vessel, the St. Andrean and Natalia, from whence they are called the Andreanoffskie Ostrova or the Islands of St. Andrean. [Footnote 45: These are the six Islands described by Mr. Stæhlin in his description of the New Archipelago. See Appendix I. N^o. V.] [Sidenote: Ayagh.] Ayagh is about an hundred and fifty versts in circumference: it contains several high and rocky mountains, the intervals of which are bare heath and moor ground: not one forest tree is to be found upon the whole island. The vegetables seem for the most part like those which grow in Kamtchatka. Of berries there are found [46]crow or crake-berries and the larger sort of bilberries, but in small quantities. Of the roots of burnet and all kinds of snake weed, there is such abundance as to afford, in case of necessity, a plentiful provision for the inhabitants. The above-mentioned rivulet is the only one upon the island. The number of inhabitants cannot sufficiently be ascertained, because the natives pass continually from island to island in their baidars. [Footnote 46: Empetrum, Vaccin. Uliginosum, Sanguisorba, & Bistorta.] [Sidenote: Kanaga.] Kanaga stands West from Ayagh, and is two hundred versts in circumference. It contains an high volcano where the natives find sulphur in summer. At the foot of this mountain are hot springs, wherein they occasionally boil their provision. There is no rivulet upon this island; and the low grounds are similar to those of Ayagh. The inhabitants are reckoned about two hundred souls. [Sidenote: Tsetchina.] Tsetchina lies Eastward about forty versts from Kanaga, and is about eighty in circumference. It is full of rocky mountains, of which the Bielaia Sopka, or the White Peak, is the highest. In the valley there are also some warm springs, but no rivulet abounding in fish: the island contains only four families. [Sidenote: Tagalak.] Tagalak is forty versts in circumference, ten East from Tsetchina: it contains a few rocks, but neither rivulets with fish, nor any vegetable production fit for nourishment. The coasts are rocky, and dangerous to approach in baidars. This island is also inhabited by no more than four families. [Sidenote: Atchu.] Atchu lies in the same position forty versts distant from Tagalak, and is about three hundred in circumference: near it is an harbour, where ships may ride securely at anchor. It contains many rocky mountains; and several small rivulets that fall into the sea, and of which one running Eastwards abounds in fish. The roots which have just before been mentioned, and bulbs of white lilies, are found there in plenty. Its inhabitants amount to about sixty souls. [Sidenote: Amlach.] Amlach is a mountainous island standing to the East more than seven versts from Atchu, and is also three hundred in circumference. It contains the same number of inhabitants as Atchu, has a commodious haven, and produces roots in abundance. Of several small rivulets there is one only which flows towards the North, that contains any fish. Besides these a cluster of other islands were observed stretching farther to the East, which were not touched upon. [Sidenote: Account of the Inhabitants.] The inhabitants of these six islands are tributary to Russia. They live in holes dug in the earth, in which they make no fires even in winter. Their clothes are made like shirts, of the skins of the [47]guillinot and puffin, which they catch with springes. Over these in rainy weather they wear an upper garment, made of the bladders and other dried intestines of seals and sea-lions oiled and stitched together. They catch cod and turbot with bone hooks, and eat them raw. As they never lay in a store of provision, they suffer greatly from hunger in stormy weather, when they cannot go out to fish; at which time they are reduced to live upon small shell-fish and sea-wrack, which they pick up upon the beach and eat raw. In May and June they kill sea-otters in the following manner: When the weather is calm, they row out to sea in several baidars: having found the animal, they strike him with harpoons, and follow him so closely, that he cannot easily escape. They take sea dogs in the same manner. In the severest weather they make no addition to their usual cloathing. In order to warm themselves in winter, whenever it freezes very hard, they burn a heap of dry grass, over which they stand and catch the heat under their clothes. The clothes of the women and children are made of sea-otter skins, in the same form as those belonging to the men. Whenever they pass the night at a distance from home, they dig a hole in the earth, and lay themselves down in it, covered only with their clothes and mats of platted grass. Regardless of every thing but the present moment, destitute of religion, and without the least appearance of decency, they seem but few degrees removed from brutes. [Footnote 47: Colymbus Troile, Alca Arctica.] As soon as the several baidars sent out upon hunting parties were returned, and the vessel got ready for their departure, the Toigons of these islands (excepting Kanaga) came in baidars to Tolstyk, accompanied with a considerable number of the natives; their names were Tsarkulini, Tshunila, Kayugotsk and Mayatok. They brought with them a voluntary tribute, making presents of pieces of dried salmon, and unanimously expressing their satisfaction upon the good conduct of the Russians. Tolstyk gave them in return some toys and other trifles, and desired them to recommend to the inhabitants of the other islands the like friendly behaviour towards the Russian merchants who should come amongst them, if they had a mind to be treated in the same manner. June 14, 1764, they sailed for Kamtchatka, and anchored on the 19th before Shemiya, one of the Aleütian Islands. The 21st they were forced from their anchor by tempestuous winds, and driven upon a rocky shore. This accident obliged them to send the lading ashore, and to draw the ship upon land in order to repair the damage, which was done not without great difficulty. On the 18th of August they stood out to sea and made towards Atchu, which they reached on the 20th. Having sprung a leak they again refitted the vessel; and, after taking on board the crew of a ship which had been lately cast away, they sailed for Kamtchatka. [Sidenote: The Vessel wrecked upon the Coast of Kamtchatka.] On the 4th of September they came in sight of that peninsula near Tzaschminskoi Ostrog; and on the 18th, as they were endeavouring to run into the mouth of the Kamtchatka river, they were forced by a storm upon the coast. The vessel was destroyed, and the greatest part of the cargo lost. CHAP. VIII. Voyage of the _Zacharias_ and _Elizabeth_, fitted out by _Kulkoff_, and commanded by _Drusinin_--They sail to _Umnak_ and _Unalashka_, and winter upon the latter island--The vessel destroyed, and all the crew, except four, murdered by the islanders--The adventures of these four _Russians_, and their wonderful escape. I Shall here barely mention that a vessel was fitted out in August, 1760, at the expence of Terrenti Tsebaëfskoi: but I shall have occasion to be very circumstantial in my accounts concerning several others, which sailed during the following years: more copious information concerning the Fox Islands having been procured from these voyages, although for the most part unfortunate, than from all the preceding ones. In 1762 four vessels sailed for the Fox Islands: of these only one returned safe to Kamtchatka. [Sidenote: Voyage of Drusinin in the Zacharias and Elizabeth, 1762.] The first was the Zacharias and Elizabeth, fitted out by Kulkoff, a merchant of Vologda and Company, under the command of Drusinin, and manned by thirty-four Russians, and three Kamtchadals. September the 6th, they weighed anchor from Ochotsk, and arrived October the 11th in the haven of St. Peter and Paul, where they wintered. June the 24th, 1763, they again put to sea, and having reached, after eleven days sailing, the nearest Aleütian Islands, they anchored before Atach. They staid here about fourteen days, and took up seven Russians who had been shipwrecked on this coast. Among these was Korelin, who returned to Kamtchatka, and brought back the following account of the voyage. July the 17th, they sailed from Atach towards the more distant islands. In the same month they landed upon an island, where the crew of the Andrean and Natalia was engaged in hunting; and, having laid in a provision of water, continued their voyage. [Sidenote: Arrival at Umnak.] In the beginning of September they arrived at Umnak, one of the Fox Islands, and cast anchor about a verst from the shore. They found there Glottoff's vessel, whose voyage will be mentioned in a succeeding chapter[48]. Drusinin immediately dispatched his first mate Maesnisk and Korelin, with thirty-four of the crew, to land. They passed over to the Eastern extremity of the island, which was distant about seventy versts from the vessel; and returned safe on the 12th of September. During this expedition, they saw several remains of fox-traps which had been set by the Russians; and met with several natives who shewed some tribute-quittances. The same day letters were brought by the islanders from Medvedeff and Korovin[49], who were just arrived at Umnak and Unalashka in two vessels fitted out by the merchants Protassoff and Trapesnikoff. Answers were returned by the same messengers. [Footnote 48: Chap. X.] [Footnote 49: See the following Chapter.] [Sidenote: Winters at Unalashka.] On the 22d, Drusinin sailed to the Northern point of Unalashka, which lies about fifteen versts from Umnak: the crew, having laid up the vessel in a safe harbour, and brought the lading ashore, made preparation to construct an hut. Soon after their arrival, two Toigons of the nearest village brought hostages of their own accord; their example was immediately followed by several of the more distant villages. Here they received information of an hunting party sent from Trapesnikoff's ship. Upon which Maesnyk also dispatched three companies upon the same errand, one consisting of eleven men, among whom was Korelin, under the command of Peter Tsekaleff; a second of the same number, under Michael Kudyakoff; and a third of nine men, under Yephim Kaskitsyn. Of these three parties, Tsekaleff's was the only one of which we have received any circumstantial account: for not a single person of the other two parties, or of the crew remaining on board, ever returned to Kamtchatka. Kaskitsyn remained near the haven, and the two other companies were dispatched to the Northern point of the island. Kudyakoff stopped at a place called Kalaktak, which contained about forty inhabitants; Tsekaleff went on to Inalok, which lies about thirty versts from Kalaktak. He found there a dwelling with about seventy inhabitants, whom he behaved to with kindness: he built an hut for himself and his companions, and kept a constant watch. [Sidenote: All the Crew, except four Russians, destroyed by the Natives.] December the 4th, six of the party being dispatched to look after the pit-falls, there remained only five Russians: namely, Peter Tsekaleff, Stephen Korelin, Dmitri Bragin, Gregory Shaffyrin, and Ivan Kokovin: the islanders took this opportunity of giving the first proofs of their hostile intentions, which they had hitherto concealed. As Tsekaleff and Shaffyrin were upon a visit to the islanders, the latter suddenly, and without any provocation, struck Tsekaleff upon the head with a club, and afterwards stabbed him with knives. They next fell upon Shaffyrin, who defended himself with an hatchet, and, though desperately wounded, forced his way back to his companions. Bragin and Korelin, who remained in the hut, had immediate recourse to their fire-arms; but Kokovin, who was at a small distance, was surrounded by the savages, and thrown down. They continued stabbing him with knives and darts, until Korelin came to his assistance; the latter having wounded two islanders, and driven away the others, brought Kokovin half-dead to the hut. [Sidenote: The Adventures of the four Russians upon Unalaskka.] Soon afterwards the natives surrounded the hut, which the Russians had taken the precaution to provide with shooting-holes. The siege lasted four days without intermission. The islanders were prevented indeed by the fire-arms from storming the hut; but whenever the Russians made their appearance, darts were immediately shot at them from all sides; so that they could not venture to go out for water. At length when Shaffyrin and Kokovin were a little recovered, they all sallied out upon the islanders with their guns and lances; three persons were killed upon the spot, and several wounded; upon which the others fled away and dispersed. During the siege the savages were seen at a little distance bearing some arms and caps, and holding them up in triumph: these things belonged to the six Russians, who had been sent to the pit-falls, and had fallen a sacrifice to the resentment of the natives. The latter no sooner disappeared, than the Russians dragged the baidar into the sea, and rowed without molestation out of the bay, which is about ten versts broad. They next landed near a small habitation: finding it empty they drew the baidar ashore, and went with their fire-arms and lances across the mountains towards Kalaktak, where they had left Kudyakoff's party. As they approached that place towards evening, they fired from the heights; but no signal being returned, they concluded, as was really the case, that this company had likewise been massacred by the inhabitants. They themselves narrowly escaped the same fate; for, immediately upon the report of the fire-arms, numerous bodies of the islanders made their appearance, and closely pursued the Russians: darkness however coming on, the latter found means to escape over the sandy shore of a bay to a rock, where they were sheltered, and could defend themselves. They here made so good a use of their arms, that the islanders thought proper to retire: the fugitives, as soon as their pursuers were withdrawn, seized the opportunity of proceeding towards the haven, where their vessel lay at anchor: they ran without interruption during the whole night, and at break of day, when they were about three versts from the haven, they espied a locker of the vessel lying on the shore. Struck with astonishment at this alarming discovery, they retreated with precipitation to the mountains, from whence they descried several islanders rowing in canoes, but no appearance of their own vessel. During that day they kept themselves closely concealed, and durst not venture again towards the haven before the evening. Upon their arrival they found the vessel broken to pieces, and the dead bodies of their companions lying mangled along the beach. Having collected all the provision which had been untouched by the savages, they returned to the mountains. The following day they scooped out a cavity at the foot of a mountain situated about three versts from the haven, and covered it with a piece of a sail. In the evening they returned to the haven, and found there an image of a saint and a prayer book; all the tackle and lading were taken away, excepting the sacks for provision. These sacks were made of leather: the natives had ript them up probably to see if they contained any iron, and had left them, together with the provision, behind as useless. The Russians collected all that remained, and dragged as much as they were able to carry into the mountains to their retreat, where they lived in a very wretched state from the 9th of December to the 2d of February, 1764. Mean while they employed themselves in making a little baidar, which they covered with the leather of the sacks. Having drawn it at night from the mountains to the sea, they rowed without waiting for break of day along the Northern coast of Unalaschka, in order to reach Trapesnikoff's vessel, which, as they had reason to think, lay at anchor somewhere upon the coast. They rowed at some distance from the shore, and by that means passed three habitations unperceived. The following day they observed at some distance five islanders in a baidar, who upon seeing them made to Makushinsk, before which place the fugitives were obliged to pass. Darkness coming on, the Russians landed on a rock, and passed the night ashore. Early in the morning they discovered the islanders advancing towards them from the bay of Makushinsk. Upon this they placed themselves in an advantageous post, and prepared for defence. The savages rowed close to the beach: part landing, and part remaining in their baidars, they commenced the assault by a volley of darts; and notwithstanding the Russians did great execution with their fire arms, the skirmish continued the whole day. Towards evening the enemy retired, and the fugitives betook themselves with their canoe to an adjoining cavern. The attack was again renewed during the night; but the Russians were so advantageously posted, that they repulsed the assailants without much difficulty. In this encounter Bragen was slightly wounded. They remained in this place three days; but the sea rising at a spring-tide into the rock, forced them to sally out towards a neighbouring cavern, which they reached without loss, notwithstanding the opposition of the islanders. They were imprisoned in this cave five weeks, and kept watch by turns. During that time they seldom ventured twenty yards from the entrance; and were obliged to quench their thirst with snow-water, and with the moisture dripping from the rock. They suffered also greatly from hunger, having no sustenance but small shell-fish, which they occasionally found means to collect, upon the beach. Compelled at length by extreme want, they one night ventured to draw their baidar into the sea, and were fortunate enough to get off unperceived. [Sidenote: Their Escape from Unalaschka to Trapesnikoff's vessel.] They continued rowing at night, but in the day they hid themselves on the shore; by this means they escaped unobserved from the bay of Makushinsk, and reached Trapesnikoff's vessel the 30th of March, 1764. What happened to them afterwards in company with the crew of this vessel will be mentioned in the succeeding chapter, Shaffyrin alone of all the four died of sickness during the voyage; but Korelin, Kohovin, and Bragin[50] returned safe to Kamtchatka. The names of these brave men deserve our admiration, for the courage and perseverance with which they supported and overcame such imminent dangers. [Footnote 50: These Russians were well known to several persons of credit, who have confirmed the authenticity of this relation. Among the rest the celebrated naturalist Mr. Pallas, whose name is well known in the literary world, saw Bragin at Irkutsk: from him he had a narrative of their adventures and escape; which, as he assured me, perfectly tallied with the above account, which is drawn from the journal of Korelin.] CHAP. IX. Voyage of the vessel called the _Trinity_, under the command of _Korovin_--Sails to the _Fox Islands_--Winters at _Unalashka_--Puts to sea the spring following--The vessel is stranded in a bay of the island _Umnak_, and the crew attacked by the natives--Many of them killed--Others carried off by sickness--They are reduced to great streights--Relieved by _Glottoff_, twelve of the whole company only remaining--Description of _Umnak_ and _Unalashka_. [Sidenote: Voyage of Korovin, 1762.] The second vessel which sailed from Kamtchatka in the year 1762, was the Trinity, fitted out by the trading company of Nikiphor Trapesnikoff, merchant of Irkutsk, under the command of Ivan Korovin, and manned with thirty-eight Russians and six Kamtchadals. [Sidenote: Departs from Kamtchatka.] September 15, they sailed down the Kamtchatka river, and stood out to sea the 29th, when they were driven at large for ten days by contrary winds. At last upon the 8th of October they came in sight of Beering's and Copper Island, where they cast anchor before the South side of the former. Here they were resolved to winter on account of the late season of the year. Accordingly they laid up the vessel in a secure harbour, and brought all the lading ashore. [Sidenote: Winters upon Beering's Island.] They staid here until the first of August, 1763: during that time they kilted about 500 arctic foxes and 20 sea-otters; the latter animals resorted less frequently to this island, in consequence of the disturbance given them by the Russian hunters. Korovin, having collected a sufficient store of provision, several skins of sea-cows for the coverings of baidars, and some iron which remained from the wreck of Beering's ship, prepared for his departure. Upon his arrival at Beering's Island the preceding autumn, he found there a vessel fitted out by Jacob Protassoff, merchant of Tiumen, under the command of Dennis Medvedeff[51]. Korovin had entered into a formal contract with Medvedeff for the division of the furs. Here he took on board ten of Medvedeff's crew, and gave him seven in return. August 1, Korovin put to sea from Beering's Island with thirty-seven men, and Medvedeff with forty-nine. [Sidenote: Reaches Unalashka.] They sailed without coming in sight of the Aleütian Isles: on the 15th, Korovin made Unalashka, where Glottoff lay at anchor, and Medvedeff reached Umnak. Korovin received the news of the latter's safe arrival, first by some islanders, and afterwards by letters; both vessels lay at no greater distance from each other than about an hundred and fifty versts, taking a streight line from point to point across the firth. [Footnote 51: This is the fourth vessel which sailed in 1762. As the whole crew was massacred by the savages, we have no account of the voyage. Short mention of this massacre is occasionally made in this and the following chapters.] Korovin cast anchor in a convenient bay at the distance of sixty yards from the shore. On the 16th he landed with fourteen men, and having found nothing but an empty shed, he returned to the vessel. After having taken a reinforcement, he again went ashore in order to look for some inhabitants. About seven versts from the haven, he came to two habitations, and saw three hundred persons assembled together. Among them were three Toigons, who recollected and accosted in a friendly manner one Barnasheff, a native of Tobolsk, who had been there before with Glottoff; they shewed some tribute-quittances, which they had lately received from the Cossac Sabin Ponomareff. Two of these Toigons gave each a boy of twelve years of age as an hostage, whom they passed for their children; and the third delivered his son of about fifteen years of age, the same who had been Glottoff's hostage, and whom Korovin called Alexèy. [Sidenote: Lays up the Ship.] With these hostages he returned to the ship, which he laid up in the mouth of a river, after having brought all the provision and lading ashore. Soon afterwards the three Toigons came to see the hostages; and informed Korovin, that Medvedeff's vessel rode securely at anchor before Umnak. September 15, when every thing was prepared for wintering, Korovin and Barnasheff set out in two baidars, each with nine men and one of the hostages, who had a slight knowledge of the Russian language. They went along the Northern coast of the island, towards its Western extremity, in order to hunt, and to enquire after a certain interpreter called Kashmak, who had been employed by Glottoff on a former occasion. Having rowed about twenty versts, they passed by a village, and landed at another which lay about five versts further. But as the number of inhabitants seemed to amount to two hundred, they durst not venture to the dwellings, but stayed by the baidar. Upon this the Toigon of the place came to them, with his wife and son: he shewed a tribute-quittance, and delivered his son, a boy of thirteen years of age and whom Korovin called Stepanka, as an hostage, for which he received a present of corals. They rowed now further to a third village, about fifteen versts from the former, where they found the interpreter Kashmak; the latter accompanied them to the two Toigons, who gave them a friendly reception, and shewed their tribute-quittances. A few natives only made their appearance; the others, as the Toigons pretended, were gone out to fish. The next morning each Toigon gave a boy as an hostage; one of the boys Korovin called Gregory, and the other Alexèy. The Russians were detained there two days by a violent storm; during which time a letter from Medvedeff was brought by an Aleütian, and an answer was returned by the same person. The storm at length somewhat abating, they rowed back to the next village, where they continued two nights without any apprehensions from the savages. At length Korovin returned in safety with the hostages to the crew. [Sidenote: Builds an Hut, and makes Preparations for Wintering.] In the beginning of October they built a winter-hut, partly of wood and partly of seal-skins, and made all the necessary preparations for hunting. On the 14th, two companies, each consisting of eleven men, were sent out upon an hunting party to the Eastern point of the island; they returned in four days with hostages. About sixty versts from the haven, they had met a party of twenty-five Russians, commanded by Drusinin. About the same time some Toigons brought a present of sturgeon and whale's blubber, and received in return some beads and provision. Korovin and his company now thought themselves secure; for which reason twenty-three men, under the command of the above-mentioned Barnasheff, were dispatched in two baidars upon an hunting party towards the Western point of the island. Eight muskets were distributed to each boat, a pistol and a lance to each man, and also a sufficient store of ammunition and provision. The following day two accounts were sent from Barnasheff; and letters were also received from the crew of Protassoff's vessel. From the 2d of November to the 8th of December, the Russians, who remained with Korovin, killed forty-eight dark-coloured foxes, together with an hundred and seventeen of the common sort: during this expedition one man was lost. Some of the natives came occasionally in baidars, and exchanged sea-otters and fox skins for corals. On the 8th of December letters were again brought from Barnasheff and also from the crew of Protassoff's ship. Answers were returned by the same messengers. After the departure of these messengers, the mother of Alexèy came with a message from the Toigon her husband importing, that a large number of islanders were making towards the ship. Upon this Korovin ordered the men to arms, and soon after seventy natives approached and held up some sea-otter skins. The Russians cried out that no more than ten at a time should come over the brook towards their hut: upon which the islanders left their skins with Korovin, and returned without attempting any hostilities. Their apprehensions were now somewhat quieted, but they were again raised by the arrival of three Kamtchadals belonging to Kulkoff's ship, who flew for protection to Korovin: they brought the account that the crew had been killed by the savages, and the vessel destroyed. It was now certain that the seventy islanders above-mentioned had come with hostile intentions. This information spread such a sudden panic among the Russians, that it was even proposed to burn the vessel, and to endeavour to find their companions, who were gone upon hunting parties. [Sidenote: The Russians attacked by the Natives.] That day however passed without any attack: but towards the evening of the 10th of December, the savages assembled in large bodies, and invested the hut on all sides. Four days and nights they never ceased annoying the Russians with their darts; two of the latter were killed, and the survivors were nearly exhausted by continual fatigue. Upon the fifth day the islanders took post in a neighbouring cavern, where they continued watching the Russians so closely during a whole month, that none of the latter durst venture fifty paces from their dwelling. Korovin, finding himself thus annoyed by the natives, ordered the hut to be destroyed: he then retired to his vessel, which was brought for greater security out of the mouth of the rivulet to the distance of an hundred yards from the beach. There they lay at anchor from the 5th of March to the 26th of April, during which time they suffered greatly from want of provision, and still more from the scurvy. During this period they were attacked by a large body of the natives, who advanced in forty baidars with the hopes of surprising the vessel. Korovin had been warned of their approach by two of the inhabitants, one of whom was a relation of the interpreter Kashmak: accordingly he was prepared for their reception. As soon as the savages came near the vessel, they brandished their darts and got ready for the attack. Korovin however had no sooner fired and killed one person, than they were struck with a panic and rowed away. They were so incensed at this failure of success, that they immediately put to death the two good-natured natives, who had betrayed their design to the Russians. Soon afterwards the father of Alexèy came and demanded his son, who was restored to him: and on the 30th of March Korovin and his three companions arrived as it is mentioned in the preceding chapter. By this reinforcement the number of the crew amounted to eighteen persons. [Sidenote: Korovin puts to Sea. The Vessel stranded upon Umnak.] April 26 Korovin put to sea from Unalashka with the crew and eleven hostages. The vessel was driven until the 28th by contrary winds, and then stranded in a bay of the island Umnak. The ammunition and sails, together with the skins for the construction of baidars, were brought ashore with great difficulty. During the disembarkation one sick man was drowned, another died as soon as he came to land, and eight hostages ran away amidst the general confusion. There still remained the faithful interpreter Kashmak and three hostages. The whole number of the Russians amounted to only sixteen persons; and of these three were sick of the scurvy. Under these circumstances they secured themselves between their baidar and some empty barrels, which they covered with seal-skins, while the sails were spread over them in form of a tent. Two Russians kept watch; and there being no appearance of any islanders, the others retired to sleep. [Sidenote: The Russians in Danger of being destroyed by the Natives.] Before break of day, about an hundred savages advancing secretly from the sea-side, threw their darts at the distance of twenty yards with such force, that many of them pierced through the baidar and the skins; others fell from above through the sails. By this discharge, the two persons who kept watch, together with the three hostages, were killed upon the spot; and all the Russians were wounded. The latter indeed were so effectually surprised, as to be prevented from having recourse to their fire-arms. In this distress Korovin sallied out, in company with four Russians, and attacked the enemy with lances: two of the savages were killed, and the others driven to flight. [Sidenote: The latter repulsed.] Korovin and his party were so severely wounded, that they had scarcely strength sufficient to return to their tent. During the night the storm increased to such a degree, that the vessel was entirely dashed to pieces. The greatest part of the wreck, which was cast on shore by the sea, was carried away by the islanders. They also broke to pieces the barrels of fat, emptied the sacks of provision, and destroyed most of the furs: having thus satisfied their resentment, they went away; and did not again make their appearance until the 30th of April. Upon their retiring, the Russians collected the wretched remains which had been left untouched by the savages, or which the waves had cast on shore since their departure. April 30, a body of an hundred and fifty natives advanced from the Eastern point of the island towards the tent; and, at the distance of an hundred yards, shot at the Russians with fire arms, but luckily without execution. They also set on fire the high grass, and the wind blew the flames towards the tent; but the Russians firing forced the enemy to flight, and gained time to extinguish the flames. This was the last attack which was made upon Korovin; although sickness and misery detained him and his companions upon this spot until the 21st of July. They then put to sea in a baidar eight yards long, which they had constructed in order to make to Protassoff's vessel, with whose fate they were as yet unacquainted. Their number was now reduced to twelve persons, among whom were six Kamtchadals. [Sidenote: The Russians discover the dead Bodies of their Countrymen who had been murdered by the Natives.] After having rowed ten days they landed upon the beach of the same island Umnak; there they observed the remains of a vessel which had been burnt, and saw some clothes, sails, and ropes, torn to pieces. At a small distance was an empty Russian dwelling, and near it a bath-room, in which they found, to their inexpressible terror, twenty dead bodies in their clothes. Each of them had a thong of leather, or his own girdle, fastened about the neck, with which he had been dragged along. Korovin and his companions recollected them to have been some of those who had sailed in Protassoff's vessel; and could distinguish among the rest the commander Medvedeff. They discovered no further traces of the remaining crew; and as none ever appeared, we have no account of the circumstances with which this catastrophe was attended. [Sidenote: Relieved from their Distresses by the Arrival of Glottoff.] After having buried his dead countrymen, Korovin and his companions began to build an hut: they were prevented however from finishing it, by the unexpected arrival of Stephen Glottoff[52], who came to them with a small party by land. Korovin and his companions accordingly joined Glottoff, and rowed the next day to his vessel. [Footnote 52: See the following Chapter.] Soon afterwards Korovin was sent with a party of twenty men to coast the island of Umnak, in order to discover if any part of Medvedeff's crew had made their escape from the general massacre: but his enquiries were without success. In the course of this expedition, as he lay at anchor, in September, before a small island situated between Umnak and Unalashka, some savages rowed towards the Russians in two large baidars; and having shot at them with fire-arms, though without effect, instantly retired. The same evening Korovin entered a bay of the island Umnak, with an intention of passing the night on shore: but as he came near the coast, a large number of savages in an hundred baidars surrounded and saluted him with a volley of darts. Korovin fired and soon dispersed them; and immediately made to a large baidar, which he saw at some distance, in hopes of finding some Russians. He was however mistaken; the islanders who were aboard landed at his approach, and, after shooting at him from their fire-arms, retired to the mountains. Korovin found there an empty baidar, which he knew to be the same in which Barnasheff had sailed, when he was sent upon an hunting party. Within were nothing but two hatchets and some iron points for darts. Three women were seized at the same time; and two natives, who refused to surrender themselves, were put to death. They then made to the dwelling, from which all the inhabitants had run away, and found therein pieces of Russian leather, blades of small knives, shirts, and other things, which had belonged to the Russians. All the information which they could procure from the women whom they had taken prisoners, was, that the crew had been killed, and this booty taken away by the inhabitants, who had retired to the island Unalashka. Korovin gave these women their liberty, and, being apprehensive of fresh attacks, returned to the haven. Towards winter Korovin, with a party of twenty-two men, was sent upon an hunting expedition to the Western point of Unalashka: he was accompanied by an Aleütian interpreter, called Ivan Glottoff. Being informed by some islanders, that a Russian ship, under the command of Ivan Solovioff[53], was then lying before Unalashka, he immediately rowed towards the haven where she was at anchor. On the way he had a sharp encounter with the natives, who endeavoured to prevent him from landing: of these, ten were killed upon the spot; and the remainder fled away, leaving behind them some women and children. [Footnote 53: Chap. XI.] Korovin staid three days aboard Solovioff's vessel, and then returned to the place where he had been so lately attacked. The inhabitants however, for this time, made no opposition to his landing; on the contrary, they received him with kindness, and permitted him to hunt: they even delivered hostages; and entered into a friendly traffic, exchanging furs for beads. They were also prevailed upon to restore several muskets and other things, taken from the Russians who had been massacred. A short time before his departure, the inhabitants again shewed their hostile intentions; for three of them came up to the Russian centinel, and suddenly fell upon him with their knives. The centinel however disengaging himself, and retreating into the hut, they ran away. The Toigons of the village protested ignorance of this treachery; and the offenders were soon afterwards discovered and punished. Korovin, as he was returning to Glottoff, was forced to engage with the islanders upon Unalashka, and also upon Umnak, where they endeavoured to prevent him from landing. Before the end of the year a storm drove the baidar upon the beach of the latter island; and the tempestuous weather setting in, they were detained there until the 6th of April, 1765. During this time they were reduced, from a scarcity of provision, to live chiefly upon sea-wrack and small shell fish. On the 22d they returned to Glottoff; and as they had been unsuccessful in hunting, their cargo of furs was very inconsiderable. Three days after his arrival, Korovin quitted Glottoff, and went over with five other Russians to Solovieff, with whom he returned the following year to Kamtchatka. The six Kamtchadals of Korovin's party joined Glottoff. [Sidenote: Korovin's Description of Umnak and Unalashka.] According to Korovin's account, the islands Umnak and Unalashka are situated not much more Northwards than the mouth of the Kamtchatka river; and, according to the ship's reckoning, about the distance of 1700 versts Eastwards from the same place. The circumference of Umnak is about two hundred and fifty versts; Unalashka is much larger. Both these islands are wholly destitute of trees; drift-wood is brought ashore in large quantities. There were five lakes upon the Northern coast of Unalashka, and but one upon Umnak, of which none were more than ten versts in circumference. These lakes give rise to several small rivulets, which flow only a few versts before they empty themselves into the sea: the fish enter the rivulets in the middle of April, they ascend the lakes in July, and continue there until August. Sea-otters and other sea-animals resort but seldom to these islands; but there is great abundance of red and black foxes. North Eastwards from Unalashka two islands appeared in sight, at the distance of five or ten versts; but Korovin did not touch at them. [Sidenote: Account of the Inhabitants.] The inhabitants of these islands row in their small baidars from one island to the other. They are so numerous, and their manner of life so unsettled, that their number cannot exactly be determined. Their dwelling caves are made in the following manner. They first dig an hole in the earth proportioned to the size of their intended habitation, of twenty, thirty, or forty yards in length, and from six to ten broad. They then set up poles of larch, firs, and ash driven on the coast by the sea. Across the top of these poles they lay planks, which they cover with grass and earth. They enter through holes in the top by means of ladders. Fifty, an hundred, and even an hundred and fifty persons dwell together in such a cave. They light little or no fires within, for which reason these dwellings are much cleaner than those of the Kamtchadals. When they want to warm themselves in the winter, they make a fire of dry herbs, of which they have collected a large store in summer, and stand over it until they are sufficiently warmed. A few of these islanders wear fur-stockings in winter; but the greatest part go bare-footed, and all are without breeches. The skins of cormorants, puffins, and sea-divers, serve for the mens clothing; and the women wear the skins of sea-bears, seals, and sea-otters. They sleep upon thick mats, which they twist out of a soft kind of grass that grows upon the shore, and have no other covering but their usual clothes. Many of the men have five or six wives; and he that is the best hunter or fisher has the greatest number. The women make their needles of the bones of birds wings, and use sinews for thread. Their weapons are bows and arrows, lances and darts, which they throw like the Greenlanders to the distance of sixty yards by means of a little hand-board. Both the darts and arrows are feathered: the former are about an ell and an half long; the shaft, which is well made considering their want of instruments, is often composed of two pieces that join into each other: the point is of flint, sharpened by beating it between two stones. These darts as well as the lances were formerly tipped with bone, but at present the points are commonly made of the iron which they procure from the Russians, and out of which they ingeniously form little hatchets and two-edged knives. They shape the iron by rubbing it between two stones, and whetting it frequently with sea-water. With these instruments and stone hatchets they build their baidars. They have a strange custom of cutting holes in the under-lip and through the gristle of the nose. They place in the former two little bones, wrought in the form of teeth, which project some inches from the face. In the nose a piece of bone is placed crossways. The deceased are buried with their boat, weapons, and clothes[54]. [Footnote 54: The author repeats here several circumstances which have been mentioned before, and many of them will occur again: but my office as a translator would not suffer me to omit them.] CHAP. X. Voyage of _Stephen Glottoff_--He reaches the _Fox Islands_--Sails beyond _Unalashka_ to _Kadyak_--Winters upon that Island--Repeated attempts of the Natives to destroy the Crew--They are repulsed, reconciled, and prevailed upon to trade with the _Russians_--Account of _Kadyak_--Its inhabitants--animals--productions--_Glottoff_ sails back to _Umnak_--Winters there--Returns to _Kamtchatka_--Journal of his voyage. Here follows one of the most memorable voyages yet made, which extended farther, and terminated more fortunately, than the last mentioned expeditions. [Sidenote: Voyage of Glottoff in the Andrean and Natalia, 1762.] Terenty Tsebaeffskoi and company, merchants of Lalsk, fitted out the Andrean and Natalia under the command of Stephen Glottoff, an experienced and skilful seaman of Yarensk. This vessel sailed from the bay of the river Kamtchatka the 1st of October, 1762, manned with thirty-eight Russians and eight Kamtchadals. In eight days they reached Mednoi Ostroff, or Copper Island, where having sought out a convenient harbour, they unloaded and laid up the vessel for the winter. [Sidenote: Winters upon Copper Island.] Their first care was to supply themselves with provisions; and they killed afterwards a quantity of ice-foxes, and a considerable number of sea-otters. For the benefit of the crown and their own use in case of need, they resolved to take on board all the remaining tackle and iron work of Beering's ship, which had been left behind on Commander's Island, and was buried in the beach. For this purpose they dispatched, on the 27th of May, Jacob Malevinskoy (who died soon after) with thirteen men in a baidar to that island, which was seventy versts distant. They brought back with them twenty-two pood of iron, ten of old cordage fit for caulker's use, some lead and copper, and several thousand beads. Copper Island has its name from the native copper found on the coast, particularly at the Western point on its South side. Of this native copper Malevinskoy brought with him two large pieces weighing together twelve pounds, which were picked up between a rock and the sea on a strand of about twelve yards in breadth. Amongst other floating bodies which the sea drives upon the shores of this Island, the true right camphor wood, and another sort of wood very white, soft, and sweet-scented, are occasionally found. [Sidenote: Sails to the Fox Islands.] Every preparation for continuing the voyage being made, they sailed from Copper Island the 26th of July, 1763, and steered for the Islands Umnak and Agunalashka, where Glottoff had formerly observed great numbers of black foxes. On account of storms and contrary winds, they were thirty days before they fetched Umnak. [Sidenote: Arrive at Kadyak.] Here they arrived the 24th of August, and without dropping anchor or losing any time, they resolved to sail further for the discovery of new islands: they passed eight contiguous to each other and separated by straits, which were to the best of their estimation from twenty to an hundred versts broad. Glottoff however did not land till he reached the last and most Eastward of these islands, called by the inhabitants Kadyak, from which the natives said it was not far to the coast of a wide extended woody continent. No land however was to be seen from a little island called by the natives Aktunak, which is situated about thirty versts more to the East than Kadyak. September 8th, the vessel ran up a creek, lying South East of Aktunak, through which a rivulet empties itself into the sea; this rivulet comes from a lake six versts long, one broad, and about fifty fathoms deep. During the ebb of the tide the vessel was left aground; but the return of the water set her again afloat. Near the shore were four large huts, so crouded with people, that their number could scarcely be counted: however, soon after Glottoff's arrival, all these inhabitants quitted their dwellings, and retired with precipitation. The next day some islanders in baidars approached the vessel, and accosted the people on board: and as Ivan Glottoff, the Aleütian interpreter, did not well understand the language of these islanders, they soon afterwards returned with a boy whom they had formerly taken prisoner from Isanak, one of the islands which lie to the West of Kadyak. Him the Aleütian interpreter perfectly understood: and by his means every necessary explanation could be obtained from the islanders. In this manner they conversed with the savages, and endeavoured to persuade them to become tributary; they used also every argument in their power to prevail upon them to give up the boy for an interpreter; but all their entreaties were for the present without effect. The savages rowed back to the cliff called Aktalin, which lies about three versts to the South of Kadyak, where they seemed to have habitations. On the 6th of September Kaplin was sent with thirteen men to the cliff, to treat peaceably with the islanders. He found there ten huts, from which about an hundred of the natives came out. They behaved seemingly in a friendly manner, and answered the interpreter by the boy, that they had nobody proper for an hostage; but that they would deliver up the boy to the Russians agreeable to their desire. Kaplin received him very thankfully, and brought him on board, where he was properly taken care of: he afterwards accompanied Glottoff to Kamtchatka, and was baptized by the name of Alexander Popoff, being then about thirteen years of age. For some days after this conference the islanders came off in companies of five, ten, twenty, and thirty: they were admitted on board in small numbers, and kindly received, but with a proper degree of circumspection. On the 8th of September the vessel was brought further up the creek without unloading her cargo: and on the 9th Glottoff with ten men proceeded to a village on the shore about two hundred yards from the vessel, where the natives had begun to reside: it consisted of three summer-huts covered only with long grass: they were from eight to ten yards broad, twelve long, and about four high: they saw there about an hundred men, but neither women nor children. Finding it impossible to persuade the savages to give hostages, Glottoff resolved to let his people remain together, and to keep a strong guard. [Sidenote: The Natives attack the Russians, but are defeated.] The islanders visited them still in small bodies; it was however more and more visible that their intentions were bad. At last on the 1st of October, by day break, a great number having assembled together in the remote parts of the island, came unexpectedly across the country. They approached very near without being discovered by the watch, and seeing nobody on deck but those on duty, shot suddenly into the vessel with arrows. The watch found refuge behind the quarter boards, and gave the alarm without firing. Glottoff immediately ordered a volley to be fired over their heads with small arms; upon which they immediately returned with great expedition. As soon as it was day there was no enemy to be seen: but they discovered a number of ladders, several bundles of hay in which the savages had put sulphur, likewise a quantity of birch-tree bark, which had been left behind in their precipitate flight. They now found it very necessary to be on their guard against the attempts of these perfidious incendiaries. Their suspicions were still further increased by the subsequent conduct of the natives: for though the latter came to the vessel in small bodies, yet it was observed that they examined every thing, and more particularly the watch, with the strictest attention; and they always returned without paying any regard to the friendly propositions of the Russians. On the 4th of October about two hundred islanders made their appearance, carrying wooden shields before them, and preparing with bows and arrows for an attack. Glottoff endeavoured at first by persuasion to prevail upen them to desist; but observing that they still continued advancing, he resolved to venture a sally. This intrepidity disconcerted the islanders, and they immediately retreated without making the least resistance. The 26th of October they ventured a third attack, and advanced towards the vessel for this purpose by day-break: the watch however gave the alarm in due time, and the whole crew were immediately under arms. The approach of day-light discovered to their view different parties of the enemy advancing under the protection of wooden screens. Of these moving breast-works they counted seven; and behind each from thirty to forty men armed with bone lances. Besides these a croud of armed men advanced separately to the attack, some of them bearing whale jaw-bones, and others wooden shields. Dissuasion proving ineffectual, and the arrows beginning to fall even aboard the ship, Glottoff gave orders to fire. [Sidenote: The Natives are finally repulsed by the Russians.] The shot from the small arms however not being of force enough to pierce the screens, the islanders advanced under their protection with steadiness and intrepidity. Glottoff nevertheless determined to risk a sally of his whole crew armed with muskets and lances. The islanders instantly threw down their screens, and fled with precipitation until they gained their boats, into which they threw themselves and rowed off. They had about seventeen large baidars and a number of small canoes. The screens which they left behind were made of three rows of stakes placed perpendicularly, and bound together with sea-weed and osiers; they were twelve feet broad, and above half a yard thick. [Sidenote: The Russians winter at Kadyak.] The islanders now appearing to be sufficiently intimidated, the Russians began to build a winter hut of floated wood, and waited in a body the appearance of spring without further annoyance. Although they saw nobody before the 25th of December, yet Glottoff kept his people together; sending out occasionally small hunting and fishing parties to the lake, which lay about five versts from the creek. During the whole winter they caught in the lake several different species of trout and salmon, soles, and herrings of a span and a half long, and even turbot and cod-fish, which came up with the flood into the lake. At last, on the 25th of December, two islanders came to the ship, and conversed at a distance by means of interpreters. Although proposals of peace, and trade were held out to them in the most friendly manner, yet they went off without seeming to put much confidence in these offers: nor did any of them appear again before the 4th of April, 1764. Want of sufficient exercise in the mean time brought on a violent scurvy among the crew, by which disorder nine persons were carried off. On the 4th of April four islanders made their appearance, and seemed to pay more attention to the proposals: one of them at last advanced, and offered to barter two fox-skins for beads. They did not set the least value upon other goods of various kinds, such as shirts, linen, and nankeen, but demanded glass beads of different colours, for which they exchanged their skins with pleasure. [Sidenote: The Natives are reconciled to the Russians.] This friendly traffic, together with Glottoff's entreaties, operated so powerfully, that, after holding a consultation with their countrymen, they returned with a solemn declaration, that their brethren would in future commit no hostilities against the Russians. From that time until their departure a daily intercourse was carried on with the islanders, who brought all sorts of fox and sea-otter skins, and received in exchange a stipulated number of beads. Some of them were even persuaded to pay a tribute of skins, for which receipts were given. Amongst other wares the Russians procured two small carpets, worked or platted in a curious manner, and on one side set close with beaver-wool like velvet: they could not however learn whether these carpets were wrought by the islanders. The latter brought also for sale well-dressed sea-otter skins, the hair of which was shorn quite short with sharp stones, in such a manner, that the remainder, which was of a yellowish brown colour, glistened and appeared like velvet. Their caps had surprising and sometimes very ornamental decorations: some of them had on the forepart combs adorned with manes like an helmet; others, seemingly peculiar to the females, were made of intestines stitched together with rein-deer hair and sinews in a most elegant taste, and ornamented on the crown with long streamers of hair died of a beautiful red. Of all these curiosities Glottoff carried samples to Kamtchatka[55]. [Footnote 55: These and several other ornaments of a similar kind are preserved in the cabinet of curiosities at the Academy of Sciences of St. Petersburg: a cabinet which well merits the attention of the curious traveller; for it contains a large collection of the dresses of the Eastern nations. Amongst the rest one compartment is entirely filled with the dresses, arms, and implements, brought from the new discovered islands.] [Sidenote: Animals of Kadyak.] The natives differ considerably in dress and language from the inhabitants of the other Fox Islands: and several species of animals were observed upon Kadyak, which are not to be found upon the other islands, viz. ermines, martens, beavers, river otters, wolves, wild boars, and bears: the last-mentioned animal was not indeed actually seen by the Russians, but the prints of its feet were traced. Some of the inhabitants had clothes made of the skins of rein-deer and jevras; the latter of which is a sort of small marmoset. Both these skins were probably procured from the continent of America[56]. Black, brown, and red foxes were seen in great numbers; and the coast abounds with sea-dogs, sea-bears, sea-lions, and sea-otters. The birds are cranes, geese, ducks, gulls, ptarmigans, crows, and magpies; but no uncommon species was any where discovered. [Sidenote: Productions.] The vegetable productions are bilberries, cranberries, wortleberries, and wild lily-roots. Kadyak likewise yields willows and alders, which circumstance affords the strongest proof that it lies at no great distance from the continent of America. The extent of Kadyak cannot be exactly ascertained, as the Russians, through apprehension of the natives, did not venture to explore the country. [Footnote 56: Although this conjecture is probable, yet, when the reader recollects that the island Alaksu is said to contain rein-deer, he will perceive that the inhabitants of Kadyak might have been supplied with the skins of that animal from thence. See p. 68.] [Sidenote: Account of the Inhabitants.] The inhabitants, like those of the Aleütian and nearer islands, make holes in the under-lips and through the gristle of the nose, in which they insert the bones of birds and animals worked into the form of teeth. Their clothes are made of the skins of birds, foxes, sea-otters, young rein-deer, and marmosets; they sew them together with sinews. They wear also fur-stockings of rein-deer skins, but no breeches. Their arms are bows, arrows, and lances, whose points, as well as their small hatchets, are of sharp flint: some few make knives and lance points of rein-deer bones. Their wooden shields are called kuyaky, which amongst the Greenlanders signifies a small canoe. Their manners are altogether rude. They have not the least disposition to give a courteous reception to strangers: nor does there appear amongst themselves any kind of deference or submission from one to another. Their canoes are some of them so small as to contain only one or two persons; others are large baidars similar to the women's boats of the Greenlanders. Their food consists chiefly of raw and dried fish, partly caught at sea with bone hooks, and partly in rivulets, in bagnets made of sinews platted together. They call themselves Kanagist, a name that has no small resemblance to Karalit; by which appellation, the Greenlanders and Esquimaux on the coast of Labradore distinguish themselves: the difference between these two denominations is occasioned perhaps by a change of pronunciation, or by a mistake of the Russian sailors, who may have given it this variation. Their numbers seem very considerable on that part of the island, where they had their fixed habitations. The island Kadyak[57] makes, with Aghunalashka, Umnak, and the small islands lying between them, a continued Archipelago, extending N. E. and E. N. E. towards America: it lies by the ship's reckoning in 230 degrees of longitude; so that it cannot be far distant from that part of the American coast which Beering formerly touched at. [Footnote 57: Kadyak is not laid down upon any chart of the new discovered islands: for we have no chart of Glottoff's voyage; and no other Russian navigator touched at that island.] The large island Alaksu, lying Northward from Kadyak where Pushkaref[58] wintered, must be still nearer the continent: and the account propagated by its inhabitants of a great promontory, called Atachtak, stretching from the continent N. E. of Alaksu, is not at all improbable. [Footnote 58: See Chap. VI.] Although the conduct of the islanders appeared more friendly, yet on account of their numbers Glottoff resolved not to pass another winter upon Kadyak, and accordingly prepared for his departure. He wanted hoops for repairing his water-casks; and being told by the natives that there were trees on the island at no great distance from the bay, he dispatched on the 25th of April Lukas Ftoruskin with eleven men for the purpose of felling wood. Ftoruskin returned the same day with the following intelligence: that after rowing along the South coast of the island forty or fifty versts from the haven, he observed, about half a verst from the shore, a considerable number of alders, similar to those found in Kamtchatka, growing in vallies between the rocks. The largest trunks were from two to four vershocks in diameter. Of this wood he felled as much as he had occasion for; and returned without having met with either islander or habitation. [Sidenote: Departure from Kadyak, May, 1764.] They brought the vessel down the creek in May; and, after taking in all the peltry and stores, left Kadyak on the 24th. Contrary winds retarded their voyage, and drove them near the island Alaksu, which they passed; their water being nearly exhausted, they afterwards landed upon another island, called Saktunk, in order to procure a fresh stock. [Sidenote: Arrival at Umnak.] At last on the 3d of July, they arrived again at Umnak, and anchored in a bay which Glottoff had formerly visited. He immediately went ashore in a baidar, and soon found out his former hut, which was in ruins: near it he observed another Russian dwelling, that had been built in his absence, in which lay a murdered Russian, but whose face none of them knew. Glottoff, resolving to procure further information, went across the island the 5th of July, accompanied by sixteen of his crew. He discovered the remains of a burnt vessel, some prayer books, images, &c.; all the iron work and cordage were carried off. Near the spot he found likewise a bathing room filled with murdered Russians in their clothes. From some marks, he concluded that this was the vessel fitted out by Protassoff; nor was he mistaken in his conjectures. Alarmed at the fate of his countrymen, Glottoff returned to the ship, and held a consultation upon the measures necessary to be taken; and it was unanimously resolved that they should endeavour to procure more intelligence concerning the vessel. In the mean time seven islanders came rowing off in baidars, and pretended that they wanted to trade. They shewed sea-otter skins at a distance, but would not venture on board; and desired by the interpreter Glottoff and two of his people to come on shore and barter. Glottoff however, having sufficient cause to distrust the savages, refused to comply with their demands: upon this they immediately landed, and shot from the shore with fire-arms, but without doing any execution. They were even bold enough to get into their canoes a second time, and to row near the vessel. In order if possible to procure intelligence from them, every method of persuading them to peace was tried by means of the interpreters; and at last one of them approached the ship and demanded victuals, which being thrown to him, he came on board. He then related the fate of the above-mentioned vessel, of which the islanders had made themselves masters; and gave likewise some intelligence concerning the remaining small body of fugitives under the command of Korovin. He also confessed, that their design was to entice Glottoff on shore, and then to kill him; for which purpose more than thirty islanders were posted in ambush behind the nearest rocks. After cutting off the leader, they imagined it would be an easy matter to seize upon the ship. Upon this information Glottoff detained the islander on board, and landing with a strong party attacked the savages; the latter shot with arrows, as well as from the muskets which they had seized, but without effect, and were soon forced to retire to their canoes. July the 14th a violent storm arose, in which Glottoff's vessel parted her cable, and was forced on shore without any other loss than that of an anchor. The crew likewise, through want of fresh provisions, began to grow so sickly, that they were almost in a defenceless state. Glottoff however, with ten men, set out the 28th of July for that part of the island, where according to information they expected to find Korovin. They discovered only parts of the wreck, but none of the crew, so that they now gave them up for lost. But on the 2d of August, as Glottoff was on his way back, five islanders approached him in canoes, and asked why the baidar had been out; to which a false answer being given, they told him, that on the other side of the island he would find Korovin with his people, who were building an hut on the side of the rivulet. Upon receiving this intelligence, Glottoff and his companions went over land to the place pointed out by the islanders, and found every thing agreeable to their information: in this Korovin had not the least share, not having been made privy to the transaction. The circumstances of his joining, and afterwards separating from Glottoff, have already been mentioned[59]. [Footnote 59: See the preceding Chapter.] [Sidenote: Glottoff winters upon Umnak.] Glottoff now resolved to winter upon Umnak, and accordingly laid up his vessel for that purpose. On the 2d of September Korovin, as is before related, was at his own desire sent out with a hunting party in two baidars. On his return, in May 1765, they had the first intelligence of the arrival of Solovioff's vessel, which lay before Unalashka, and of which an account shall be given[60]. None of the islanders appeared near the harbour during the winter, and there were none probably at that time upon Umnak; for Glottoff made excursions on all sides, and went once round the island. He likewise looked into the habitations of the islanders, and found them empty: he examined the country and caused a strict search to be made after the remains of the plundered vessel. [Footnote 60: Chap. XI.] According to his account Umnak is about 300 versts in circumference. It contains several small rivulets, which take their rise from lakes, and fall into the sea after a very short course. No trees were observed upon the island, and the vegetables were the same as those of Kamtchatka. The following summer small parties of the inhabitants were seen; but they immediately fled upon the approach of the Russians. Some of them however were at last persuaded to a friendly intercourse and to pay a tribute: by these means they got back part of the arms, anchors, and iron work, of the plundered vessel. They continued to barter with the natives during the summer of 1765, exchanging beads for the skins of foxes and sea-otters. [Sidenote: Departure from Umnak.] The following winter hunting parties were sent out in Umnak as well as to Unalashka; and in July 1766 Glottoff, without meeting with any more difficulties began his voyage homewards. We shall here conclude with giving a copy of the journal kept on board Glottoff's vessel, the Andrean and Natalia; from which inferences with regard to the situation of the islands may be drawn. [Sidenote: Journal of the Voyage.] Journal of Glottoff, on board the Andrean and Natalia. 1762. Oct. 1. Sailed from Kamtchatka Bay. 2. Wind Southerly, steered between E. and S. E. three hours. 3. Wind S. E. worked at N. E. course, 16 hours. 4. From midnight sailed East with a fair wind, 18 hours. 5. At Six o'clock A. M. discovered Beering's Island distant about 18 versts. 6. At 1 o'clock came to anchor on the South East point of Copper Island. 7. At 8 A. M. sailed to the South side of the Island, anchored there at 10 o'clock. 1763. July 26. Sailed from Copper Island at 5 P. M. 27. Sailed with a fair S. S. W. wind, 17 hours. 28. Made little way. 29. Drove--wind E. N. E. 30. Ditto. 31. Ditto. Aug. 1. Ditto. 2. At 11 A. M. wind N. E. steered E. 3. Wind W. S. W. sailed 8 knots an hour, 250 versts. 4. Wind South--sailed 150 versts. 5. Wind ditto--sailed 126 versts. 6. Wind ditto, 3 knots, 45 versts. 7. Calm. 8. During the night gentle S. E. wind steered, N. E. at 2-1/2 knots. 9. Forenoon calm. At 2 o'clock P. M. gentle N. E. wind, steered between E. N. E. and S. E. at the rate of three knots. 10. Morning, wind E. N. E. afterwards S. S. W. with which steered N. E. 11. At 5 o'clock the wind S. S. E. steered E. N. E. at the rate of three knots. 12. Wind S. steered E. at 2-1/2 knots, sailed 50 versts. 13. Wind S. S. E. steered E. at 4-1/2 knots, sailed 90 versts. 14. Wind W. N. W. at 2 knots, sailed 30 versts. 15. The wind freshened, at 4 knots, sailed 60 versts. 16. Wind N. N. E. steered E. S. E. at 3 knots, sailed 30 versts. 17. Wind E. S. E. and S. E. light breezes and changeable. 18. Wind S. E. steered N. E. at 3-1/2 knots, sailed in 12 hours 22 versts. 19. Wind S. and light breezes, steered E. at 3 knots, sailed in 8 hours 11 versts. 20. Before day-break calm; three hours after sun-rise a breeze sprung up at S. E. steered E. N. E. at 3 knots, and sailed 20 versts. 22. Calm. 23. Wind S. S. E. during the night, the ship sailed at the rate of 2 knots; the wind afterwards came round to the S. S. W. and the ship sailed at 5 to 6 knots these 24 hours 150 versts. 24. Saw land at day-break, at 3 knots sailed 45 versts. 25. Wind W. S. W. sailed along the coast these 24 hours 50 versts. 26. Wind N. W. steered N. E. at 5-1/2 knots, 100 versts. 27. Wind E. N. E. the ship drove towards land, on which discovered a high mountain. 28. Wind N. E. and stormy, the ship drove. 29. Wind N. W. steered E. N. E. at the rate of 3 knots. 30. Wind S. S. E. at 6 knots, steering again towards land. 31. A violent storm, Wind west. Sept. 1. Wind West, steered N. E. at the rate of 3 knots towards land. 2. Wind S. W. steered N. E. towards land at 5 knots. 3. Wind S. W. drove N. N. E. along the coast. 4. Wind W. N. W. steered N. E. at 4 knots, sailed 100 versts. 5. Wind N. W. steered E. N. E. at 3 knots, and towards evening came to anchor off the Island Kadyak. 1764 May 24. Sailed from Kadyak. 25. Wind N. W. and made but little way W. S. W. 26. Wind W. ship drove towards S. E. 27. Wind W. S. W. ship drove E. S. E. The same day the wind came round to the S. when steered again towards Kadyak. 28. Wind E. S. E. fell in with the island Alaska or Alaksu. 29. Wind S. W. steered N. W. 30. Wind W. N. W. the ship drove under the foresail. 31. Wind W. drove to the Southward. June 1. Wind W. S. W. landed on the Island Saktunak, for a supply of water. 2. Wind S. E. steered S. W. along the island at 3 knots. 3. Wind N. E. steered W. S. W. at the rate of 3 to 4 knots, sailing in these 24 hours 100 versts. 4. Calm. 5. At 8 o'clock A. M. a small breeze S. E. 6. Wind E. afterwards calm. Towards evening the wind S.E. steered S. W. at 3 knots, and unexpectedly discovered land ahead, which kept clear of with difficulty. From the 7th to the 10th at anchor off a small cliff. 10. A hard gale at S. the ship drove foul of the anchor, stood out to sea steering E. 11. Anchored again at a small distance from land. 13. Wind S. S. W. stood out to sea and steered E. S. E. 14. Wind W. S. W. steered S. S. E. at the rate of 1 knot. 15. Calm. 16. Wind S. steered W. at 1 knot, the ship drove a little to the Northward. 17. Wind S. S. E. steered W. S. W. at 3 knots. 18. Calm. 19. Ditto. 20. Wind N. E. steered S. W. and sailed this day about 87 versts. 21. The Wind blowing right ahead, came to anchor off an unknown island, where continued till the 25. When stood out to sea early in the morning. 26. Wind W. N. W. afterwards W. steered S. E. 27. Calm, in the night a small but favourable breeze. 28. Wind N. W. continued the course, at the rate of 2 to 3 knots[61]. 29. Wind N. E. steered W. at 3 to 4 knots, and saw land. 30. Wind N. E. steered S. W. at the rate of 7 knots. July 1. With the same wind and course, at the rate of 5 knots, sailed 200 versts. 2. Fell in with the island Umnak, and came to an anchor under a small island until next day; when brought the ship into the harbour, and laid her up. 1766. June 13. Brought the ship into the harbour, and continued at anchor there until the 3d of July. July 3. Got under way. 4. Wind E. 5. A South West wind drove the ship about 50 versts N. E. 6. Wind S. sailed about 60 versts W. 7. Wind W. S. W. the ship drove to the Northward. 8. Wind N. W. steered S. at the rate of one knot. 9. Wind N. W. steered the whole day W. S. W. 10. Wind S. S. W. sailed about 40 versts W. N. W. 11. Wind S. W. continued the same course, sailing only 5 versts. 12. Continued the same course, and sailed 55 versts. 13. For the most part calm. 14. Wind W. N. W. and stormy, the ship drove under the foresail. 15. Wind S. sailed on the proper course 100 versts. 16. Wind E. S. E. sailed W. S. W. at the rate of 6 knots, 100 versts. 17. Wind N. N. W. sailed S. W. at the rate of 2 knots, 30 versts. 18. Wind S. steered W. at the rate of 5 knots, and sailed 130 versts. 19. Wind S. W. the ship drove under the foresail. 20. Wind E. N. E. steered W. N. W. at the rate of 3 knots. 21. Wind E. N. E. at the rate of 4 to 5 knots, sailed 200 versts. 22. Wind N. E. at 4-1/2 knots, 150 versts. 23. Wind E. N. E. steered W. at 3 knots, 100 versts. 24. Wind E. steered W. at the rate of 3 knots, 50 versts. 25. Wind N. E. steered W. at 5 knots 100 versts. 26. The wind continued N. E. and freshened, steered W. at the rate of 7 knots, 200 versts. 27. A small breeze N. N. W. with which however sailed 150 versts. 28. Wind being W. S. W. drove 24 hours under bare-poles. 29. Wind South, steered W. at the rate of 2 knots, 48 versts--this day saw land. 30. Wind S. S. E. sailed, at the rate of 4 knots, 96 versts, and approached the land, which found to be the island Karaga--From the 1st to the 13th of August, continued our voyage towards the mouth of Kamtchatka river, sometimes plying to windward, sometimes driving, and at last arrived happily with a rich cargo. [Footnote 61: Lief man bey nordwest wind auf den curs zu 2 bis 3 knoten.] CHAP. XI. _Solovioff's_ voyage--he reaches _Unalashka_, and passes two winters upon that island--relation of what passed there--fruitless attempts of the natives to destroy the crew--Return of _Solovioff_ to _Kamtchatka_--journal of his voyage in returning--description of the islands _Umnak_ and _Unalashka_--productions--inhabitants--their manners--customs, &c. &c. [Sidenote: Voyage of Solovioff in the St. Peter and Paul, 1764.] In the year 1764, Jacob Ulednikoff, merchant of Irkutsk and company, fitted out a ship called the Holy Apostles Peter and Paul, under the command of Ivan Solovioff: she sailed from the mouth of Kamtchatka river the 25th of August. The crew consisted of fifty-five men, amongst whom were some of the owners, and thirteen Kamtchadals. They steered at first S. E. with the wind at N. W. but on its coming southerly they afterwards shaped their course E. N. E. The 27th one of the Russian sailors died off Kamtchatka point; the 31st they made Beering's Island, which they passed leaving it on their left. The 1st and 2nd of September they were becalmed, and afterwards the wind springing up at W. S. W. they continued their former course; until the 5th they sailed on with the wind at south; but on the 5th and 6th, from changeable breezes and dead calms, made no progress; from the 7th to the 13th, they sailed E. S. E. with Southerly and Westerly winds; and from that time to the fifteenth East, with the wind at West. September 16, they made the island Umnak, where Solovioff had formerly been in Nikiphoroff's vessel. As they sailed along the Northern coast, three islanders came to them in baidars; but, the crew having no interpreter, they would not come on board. As they found no good bay on that shore, they proceeded through a strait of about a verst broad, which separates Umnak from Unalashka. [Sidenote: Arrival at Unalashka.] They lay-to during the night; and early on the 17th dropped anchor at the distance of about two hundred yards from the shore, in a bay on the North side of the last mentioned island. From thence the captain dispatched Gregory Korenoff at the head of twenty men in a baidar, with orders to land, reconnoitre the country, find out the nearest habitations, and report the disposition of the people. Korenoff returned the same day, with an account that he had discovered one of the dwelling-caves of the savages, but abandoned and demolished, in which he had found traces of Russians, viz. a written legend, and a broken musket-stock. In consequence of this intelligence, they brought the ship near the coast, and endeavoured to get into the mouth of a river called by the natives Tsikanok, and by the Russians Osernia, but were prevented by shallow water. They landed however their tackle and lading. No natives made their appearance until the 22d, when two of them came of their own accord, and welcomed the Russians on their arrival. They told their names, and were recognized by Solovioff; he had known them on a former expedition, when Agiak, one of the two, had served as an interpreter; the other, whose name was Kashmak, had voluntarily continued some time with the crew on the same occasion. These two persons recounted the particular circumstances which attended the loss of Kulkoff's, Protassoff's, and Trapesnikoff's vessels; from the last of which Kashmak had, with great hazard of his life, escaped by flight. Agiak had served as interpreter to Protassoff's company, and related that the islanders, after murdering the hunting detachments of the Russians, came to the harbour, and entered the ship under the most friendly appearances. Finding the crew in perfect security, they suddenly attacked and slew them, together with their commander. He added, that he had hid himself under a bench until the murderers were gone: that since that time, he, as well as Kashmak, had lived as fugitives; and in the course of their wanderings had learned the following intelligence from the girls who were gathering berries in the fields. The Toigons of Umnak, Akutan, and Toshko, with their relations of Unalashka, had formed a confederacy. They agreed not to disturb any Russians on their first landing, but to let them go out on different hunting excursions; being thus separated and weakened, the intention of the Toigons were to attack and cut them off at the same time, so that no one party should have assistance from any of the others. They acquainted him also with Glottoff's arrival at Umnak. These unfavourable reports filled Solovioff with anxiety; he accordingly doubled his watch, and used every precaution in his power against attacks from the savages. But wanting wood to repair his vessel, and wishing for more particular information concerning the situation of the island, he dispatched the 29th a party of thirty men, with the above-mentioned interpreter, to its western extremity. In three or four hours they rowed to Ankonom, a point of land, where they saw a village, consisting of two large caves, and over against it a little island at no great distance. The moment the inhabitants saw them approaching, they got into their baidars, and put out to sea, leaving their dwellings empty. The Russians found therein several skeletons, which, in the interpreter's opinion, were the remains of ten murdered sailors of Trapesnikoff's company. With much persuasion the interpreter prevailed on the islanders to return to the place which they had just quitted: they kept however at a wary distance, and were armed for whatever might occur. [Sidenote: Hostilities between Solovioff and the Natives.] Solovioff attempting to cut off their retreat, in order to secure if possible some hostages, they took the alarm, and began themselves the attack. Upon this the Russians fired upon and pursued them; four were killed, and seven taken prisoners, among whom was the Toigon of the little island Sedak. These prisoners, being bound and examined, confessed that a number of Korovin's crew had been murdered in this place; and the Toigon sent people to bring in a number of muskets, some kettles and tackle, which the natives had taken upon that occasion. They also brought intelligence that Korovin, with a party in two baidars, had taken shelter at a place called Inalga. Upon this information, letters were immediately sent to Korovin; upon the receipt of which he joined them the 2d of October. At the time of Korovin's arrival, the savages made another attack on Solovioff's watch with knives; which obliged the latter to fire, and six of the assailants were left dead on the spot. The captive Toigon excused this attempt of his people by ascribing it to their fears, lest Korovin out of revenge should put all the prisoners to death; on which account this effort was made to rescue them. Solovioff, for the greater security, sent the prisoners by land to the haven, while Korovin and his party went to the same place by sea. The Toigon however was treated kindly, and even permitted to return home on condition of leaving his son as an hostage. In consequence of this kind behaviour the inhabitants of three other villages, Agulak, Kutchlok, and Makuski presented hostages of their own accord. [Sidenote: Solovioff lays up the Vessel, and winters upon Unalashka.] From the remaining timber of the old dwelling the Russians built a new hut; and on the fourteenth they laid up the vessel. Koronoff was then sent upon a reconnoitring party to the Southern side of the island, which in that part was not more than five or six versts broad: he proceeded on with his companions, sometimes rowing in canoes, sometimes travelling by land and dragging them after. He returned the twentieth, and reported that he had found upon the coast on the further side of the island an empty habitation. That he rowed from thence Eastward along the shore, and behind the first point of land came to an island in the next bay; there he found about forty islanders of both sexes lodged under their baidars, who by his friendly behaviour had been induced to give him three hostages. These people afterwards settled in the above-mentioned empty hut, and came frequently to the harbour. On the 28th of October, Solovioff himself went also upon a reconnoitring party along the North coast, towards the North-East end of the island. He rowed from the first promontory across a bay; and found on the opposite point of land a dwelling place called Agulok, which lies about four hours row from the harbour. He found there thirteen men and about forty women and children, who delivered up several gun-barrels and ship-stores, and likewise informed him of two of Korovin's crew who had been murdered. November 5, they proceeded farther; and after five or six hours rowing, they saw on a point of land another dwelling called Ikutchlok, beyond which the interpreter shewed them the haven, where Korovin's ship had been at anchor. This was called Makushinshy Bay; and on an island within it they found two Toigons, called Itchadak and Kagumaga, with about an hundred and eighty people of both sexes employed in hunting sea-bears. These natives were not in the least hostile, and Solovioff endeavoured to establish and confirm a friendly intercourse between them and his people. He remained with them until the 10th, when the Toigons invited him to their winter quarters, which lay about five hours sail farther East: there he found two dwelling caves, each of forty yards square, near a rivulet abounding with fish which fell from a lake into a little bay. In the neighbourhood of this village is a hot spring below the sea mark, which is only to be seen at ebb tide. From hence he departed the 25th, but was forced back by storms, and detained there until the 6th of December. Kagumaga then accompanied him to another village called Totchikala; both the Toigon and the interpreter advised him to be on his guard against the natives, whom they represented as very savage, sworn enemies to the Russians, and the murderers of nine of Kulkoff's crew. Solovioff for these reasons passed the night on the open coast, and next morning sent the Toigon before to inspire the natives with more friendly sentiments. Some of them listened to his representations; but the greatest part fled upon Solovioff's approach, so that he found the place consisting of four large dwelling caves almost empty, in which he secured himself with suitable precaution. Here he found three hundred darts and ten bows with arrows, all which he destroyed, only reserving one bow and seventeen arrows as specimens of their arms. By the most friendly arguments he urged the few natives who remained to lay aside their enmity, and to persuade their leaders and relations to return to their habitations and live on terms of amity and friendship. On the 10th about an hundred men and a still greater number of women returned. [Sidenote: Renewal of Hostilities.] But the fairest speeches had no effect on these savages, who kept aloof and prepared for hostilities, which they began on the 17th by an open attack. Nineteen of them were killed, amongst whom was Inlogusak one of their leaders, and the most inveterate fomenter of hostilities against the Russians. The other leader Aguladock being alive confessed, that on receiving the first news of Solovioff's arrival they had resolved to attack the crew and burn the ship. Notwithstanding this confession, no injury was offered to him: in consequence of this kind usage he was prevailed upon to deliver up his son as an hostage, and to order his people to live on friendly terms with the Russians. During the month of January the natives delivered in three anchors, and a quantity of tackle which had been saved from a vessel formerly wrecked on that coast; and at the same time they brought three boys and two young girls as hostages and pledges of their future fidelity. January 25, Solovioff set out for the haven where his ship lay: before his departure the Toigons of Makushinsk paid of their own accord a double tribute. February 1, Kagumaga of Makushink, Agidalok of Totzikala, and Imaginak of Ugamitzi, Toigons of Unalashka, with a great number of their relations, came to Solovioff; they acquainted him with the arrival of a Russian ship at Unimak, the sixth island to the East of Agunalashka, adding that they knew none of the crew excepting a Kamtchadal named Kirilko, who had been there on a former occasion. They likewise informed him that the natives, after having cut off part of the crew who had been sent out in two baidars, had found means to overpower the remainder and to destroy the vessel. From the name of the Kamtchadal they concluded that this must have been another vessel fitted out by Nikiphor Trapesnikoff and company, of which no farther intelligence was ever received. Willing to procure farther intelligence, they endeavoured to persuade the Toigons to send a party of their people to the above-mentioned island; but the latter excused themselves, on account of the great distance and their dread of the islanders. February 16, Solovioff set out a second time for the West end of the island, where they had formerly taken prisoner, and afterwards set at liberty, the Toigon of Sedak. From thence he proceeded to Ikolga, which lies on the bay, and consists of only one hut. On the 26th he came to Takamitka, where there is likewise only one hut on a point of land by the side of a rivulet, which falls from the mountains into the sea. Here he met with Korovin, in whose company he cut the blubber of a whale, which the waves had cast on shore; after this Korovin went across the gulph to Umnak, and he proceeded to Ikaltshinsk, where on the 9th one of his party was carried off by sickness. March 15 he returned to the haven, having met with no opposition from the islanders during this excursion. On his return he found one of the crew dead, and a dreadful scurvy raging amongst the rest; of that distemper five Russians died in March, eight and a Kamtchadal in April, and six more in May. About this time the islanders were observed to pay frequent visits to the hostages; and upon enquiring privately into the reason, some of the latter discovered, that the inhabitants of Makushinsk had formed the design of cutting off the crew, and of making themselves masters of the vessel. Solovioff had now great reasons to be apprehensive, for the crew were afflicted with the scurvy to such a violent degree, that out of the whole number only twelve persons were capable of defending themselves. These circumstances did not escape the observation of the natives; and they were accordingly inspired with fresh courage to renew their hostilities. On the 27th of May the Russians perceived the Toigon of Itchadak, who had formerly paid a voluntary tribute, near the shore: he was accompanied by several islanders in three baidars. Solovioff calling to him by the interpreter he came on shore, but kept at a distance desiring a conference with some of his relations. Solovioff gave orders to seize him; and they were lucky enough to take him prisoner, together with two of his companions. He immediately confessed, that he had come with a view of enquiring of the hostages how many Russians were still remaining: having procured the necessary intelligence, his intention was to surprise the watch at a convenient season, and afterwards to set fire to the ship. As they saw several islanders row past the harbour at the same time, and the Toigon likewise informed them, that they were assembling to execute the abovementioned design; Solovioff resolved to be much upon his guard. They separated, however, without attempting any hostilities. June 5, Glottoff arrived at the harbour on a visit, and returned on the 8th to his ship. The captive Toigon was now set at liberty, after being seriously exhorted to desist from hostilities. In the course of this month two more of the crew died; so that the arrival of Korovin, who joined them about this time, with two of his own and two of Kulkoff's crew, was of course a very agreeable circumstance. The sick likewise began to recover by degrees. July 22, Solovioff, with a party of his people, in two baidars, made another excursion Northwards; he passed by the places formerly mentioned as far as Igonok, which lies ten versts beyond Totzikala. Igonok consists of one dwelling cave on the side of a rivulet, which falls from the mountains, and empties itself into the sea. The inhabitants amounted to about thirty men, who dwelt there with their wives and children. From thence Solovioff proceeded along the shore into a bay; five versts further he found another rivulet, which has its source among the hills and flows through a plain. Upon the shore of the same bay, opposite to the mouth of this rivulet, lay two villages, one of which only was inhabited; it was called Ukunadok, and consisted of six dwelling caves. About thirty-five of the inhabitants were at that time employed in catching salmon in the rivulet. Kulkoff's ship had lain at anchor about two miles from thence; but there were no remains of her to be found. After coming out of the bay he went forwards to the summer village Umgaina distant about seven or eight leagues, and situated on the side of a rivulet, which takes its rise in a lake abounding with salmon. Here he found the Toigon Amaganak, with about ten of the natives, employed in fishing. Fifteen versts farther along the shore they found another summer village called Kalaktak, where there was likewise another rivulet, which came from the hills. The inhabitants were sixty men and an hundred and seventy women and children: they gave Solovioff a very friendly reception; and delivered up two hostages, who were brought from the neighbouring island Akutan; with these he set out on his return, and on the 6th of August joined his crew. On the 11th he went over to the island Umnak, accompanied by Korovin, to bring off some ships stores left there by the latter; and returned to the haven on the 27th. On the 31st Shaffyrin died, the same person whose adventures have been already related. Sept. 19. Korenoff was sent northwards upon an hunting party; he returned the 30th of January, 1766. Although the Russians who remained at the haven met with no molestation from the natives during his absence; yet he and his companions were repeatedly attacked. Having distributed to the inhabitants of the several villages through which he passed nets for the purpose of catching sea-otters, he went to the East part of the island as far as Kalaktak, with an intention of hunting. Upon his arrival at that place, on the 31st of October, the inhabitants fled with precipitation; and as all his efforts to conciliate their affections were ineffectual, he found it requisite to be upon his guard. Nor was this precaution unnecessary; for on the following day they returned in a considerable body, armed with lances, made with the iron of the plundered vessels. Korenoff, however, and his companions, who were prepared to receive them, killed twenty-six, and took several prisoners; upon which the others became more tractable. Nov. 19. Korenoff, upon his return to the haven, came to Makushinsk, where he was kindly received by a Toigon named Kulumaga; but with regard to Itchadak, it was plain that his designs were still hostile. Instead of giving an account of the nets which had been left with him, he withdrew privately: and on the 19th of January, accompanied by a numerous body of islanders, made an attempt to surprise the Russians. Victory, however, again declared for Korenoff; and fifteen of the assailants, amongst whom was Itchadak himself, remained dead upon the spot. Kulumaga assured them, in the strongest manner, that the design had been carried on without his knowledge; and protested, that he had often prevented his friend from committing hostilities against the Russians. Korenoff returned to the haven on the 30th of January; and on the 4th of February he went upon another hunting expedition toward the Western point of the island. During this excursion he met with a party sent out by Glottoff, at a place called Takamitka; he then rowed over to Umnak, where he collected a small tribute, and returned on the 3d of March. During his absence Kyginik, Kulumaga's son, paid a visit to the Russians, and requested that he might be baptized, and be permitted to go aboard the vessel; his demand was immediately complied with. May 13th. Korovin went, with fourteen men, to Umnak, to bring off an anchor, which was buried in the sand. On his return preparations were made for their departure. Before the arrival of Korovin the hunters had killed 150 black and brown foxes; and the same number of old and young sea-otters; since his arrival they had caught 350 black foxes, the same number of common foxes, and 150 sea-otters of different sizes. This cargo being put on board, the interpreter Kashmak set at liberty, with a certificate of, and presents for his fidelity, and the hostages delivered up to the Toigons and their relations, who had assembled at the haven, Solovioff put to sea on the 1st of June, with an Easterly wind. Before his departure he received a letter from Glottoff, informing him that he was likewise preparing for his return. [Sidenote: Journal of the Voyage homewards.] June 2. The wind being contrary, they got but a small way from land. 5. Steered again towards the shore, came to an anchor, and sent a boat for a supply of water, which returned without having seen any body. 6. Weighed and steered W. with a S. E. wind. 7. Favourable wind at N. E. and in the afternoon at N. 8. Wind at N. W. and stormy, the ship drove under the foresail. 9 & 10. Sailed Northwards, with a Westerly wind. 11. Calm till noon; afterwards breeze sprung up at S. with which they steered W. till next day at noon; when the wind coming round to the West, they changed their course, and steered N. W. 12. Calm during the night. 13. A small breeze of Northerly wind, with which they steered W. in the afternoon it fell calm, and continued so till the 16. at noon, when a breeze springing up at East, they steered W. on which course they continued during the 18. with a S. S. E. wind. From the 19 to the 22. The wind was changeable from the S. W. to N. W. with which they still made a shift to get to the Westward. 23. The wind E. they steered betwixt N. & W. which course they continued the 24th, 25th, 26th, with a Northerly wind. 27. A. M. the wind changed to S. W. 28, 29, 30. Wind at West. July 1. The wind changed to E. with which they steered between W. and S. W. with little variations, till the 3d. 4. They reached Kamtchatkoi Noss, and on the 5th. Brought the ship, in good condition, into Kamtchatka river. [Sidenote: Solovioff's Description of the Fox Islands.] Solovioff's description of these islands and the inhabitants being more circumstantial, than the accounts given by former navigators, deserves to be inserted at full length. According to his estimation, the island Unalashka lies between 1500 and 2000 versts due East from the mouth of the Kamtchatka river: the other islands to the Eastward stretch towards N. E. He reckons the length of Akutan at eighty versts; Umnak at an hundred and fifty, and Unalashka at two hundred. No large trees were seen upon any of the islands which he touched at. They produce underwood, small shrubs, and plants, for the most part similar to the common species found in Kamtchatka. The winter is much milder than in the Eastern parts of Siberia, and continues only from November to the end of March. The snow seldom lies upon the ground for any time. Rein-deer, bears, wolves, ice-foxes, are not to be found on these islands; but they abound in black, grey, brown, and red foxes; for which reason they have got the name of Lyffie Ostrova, or Fox Islands. These foxes are stronger than those of Yakutsk, and their hair is much coarser. During the day they lie in caves and clifts of rocks; towards evening they come to the shore in search of food; they have long ago extirpated the brood of mice, and other small animals. They are not in the smallest degree afraid of the inhabitants, but distinguish the Russians by the scent; having experienced the effects of their fire-arms. The number of sea-animals, such as sea-lions, sea-bears, and sea-otters, which resort to these shores, are very considerable. Upon some of the islands warm springs and native sulphur are to be found. [Sidenote: Manners and Customs of the Inhabitants.] The Fox-islands are in general very populous; Unalashka, which is the largest island, is supposed to contain several thousand inhabitants. These savages live together in separate communities, composed of fifty, and sometimes of two or even three hundred persons; they dwell in large caves from forty to eighty yards long, from six to eight broad, and from four to five high. The roof of these caves is a kind of wooden grate, which is first spread over with a layer of grass, and then covered with earth. Several openings are made in the iop, through which the inhabitants go up and down by ladders: the smallest dwellings have two or three entrances of this sort, and the largest five or six. Each cave is divided into a certain number of partitions, which are appropriated to the several families; and these partitions are marked by means of stakes driven into the earth. The men and women sit on the ground; and the children lie down, having their legs bound together under them, in order to make them learn to sit upon their hams. Although no fire is ever made in these caves, they are generally so warm, that both sexes sit naked. These people obey the calls of nature openly, and without esteeming it indecent. They wash themselves first with their own urine, and afterwards with water. In winter they go always bare-footed; and when they want to warm themselves, especially before they go to sleep, they set fire to dry grass and walk over it. Their habitations being almost dark, they use particularly in winter a sort of large lamps, made by hollowing out a stone, into which they put a rush-wick and burn train oil. A stone so hollowed is called Tsaaduck. The natives[62] are whites with black hair; they have flat faces, and are of a good stature. The men shave with a sharp stone or knife, the circumference and top of the head, and let the hair which remains hang from the crown[63]. The women cut their hair in a streight line over the forehead; behind they let it grow to a considerable length, and tie it in a bunch. Some of the men wear their beards; others shave or pull them out by the roots. [Footnote 62: Von gesicht sind sie platt undweiss durchgaengig mit schwarzen haaren.] [Footnote 63: The original in this passage is somewhat obscure. Die maenner scheeren mit einem Scharfen Stein oder messer den Umkreiss des haarkopfs und die platte, und lassen die haare um die krone des kopfs rundum ueberhangen.] They mark various figures on their faces, the backs of their hands, and lower parts of their arms, by pricking them first with a needle, and then rubbing the parts with a sort of black clay. They make three incisions in the under-lip; they place in the middle one a flat bone, or a small coloured stone; and in each of the side-ones they fix a long pointed piece of bone, which bends and reaches almost to the ears. They likewise make a hole through the gristle of the nose, into which they put a small piece of bone in such a manner as to keep the nostrils extended. They also pierce holes in their ears, and wear in them what little ornaments they can procure. Their dress consists of a cap and a fur-coat, which reaches down to the knee. Some of them wear common caps of a party coloured bird-skin, upon which they leave part of the wings and tail. On the fore-part of their hunting and fishing caps they place a small board like a screen, adorned with the jaw-bones of sea-bears, and ornamented with glass beads, which they receive in barter from the Russians. At their festivals and dancing parties they use a much more showy sort of caps. Their fur-coats are made like shirts, being close behind and before, and are put on over the head. The mens dress is made of birds skins, but the womens of sea-otters and sea-bears. These skins are died with a sort of red earth, and neatly sewed with sinews, and ornamented with various stripes of sea-otter skins and leathern fringes. They have also upper garments made of the intestines of the largest sea-calves and sea-lions. Their vessels consist of two sorts: the larger are leathern boats or baidars, which have oars on both sides, and are capable of holding thirty or forty people. The smaller vessels are rowed with a double paddle, and resemble the canoes of the Greenlanders, containing only one or two persons: they never weigh above thirty pounds, being nothing but a thin skeleton of a boat covered with leather. In these however they pass from one island to another, and even venture out to sea to a considerable distance. In calm weather they go out in them to catch turbot and cod with bone-hooks and lines made of sinews or sea-weed. They strike fish in the rivulets with darts. Whales and other sea-animals thrown ashore by the waves are carefully looked after, and no part of them is lost. The quantity of provisions which they procure by hunting and fishing being far too small for their wants, the greatest part of their food consists of sea-wrack and shell-fish, which they find on the shore. No stranger is allowed to hunt or fish near a village, or to carry off any thing fit for food. When they are on a journey, and their provisions are exhausted, they beg from village to village, or call upon their friends and relations for assistance. They feed upon the flesh of all sorts of sea-animals, and generally eat it raw. But if at any time they choose to dress their victuals, they make use of an hollow stone; having placed the fish or flesh therein, they cover it with another, and close the interstices with lime or clay. They then lay it horizontally upon two stones, and light a fire under it. The provision which is intended for keeping is dried without salt in the open air. They gather berries of various sorts, and lily roots of the same species with those which grow wild at Kamtchatka. They are unacquainted with the manner of dressing the cow-parsnip, as practised in that Peninsula; and do not understand the art of distilling brandy or any other strong liquor from it. They are at present very fond of snuff, which the Russians have introduced among them. No traces were found of any worship, neither did they seem to have any sorcerers[64] among them. If a whale happens to be cast on shore, the inhabitants assemble with great marks of joy, and perform a number of extraordinary ceremonies. They dance and beat drums[65] of different sizes: they then cut up the fish, of which the greatest and best part is consumed on the spot. On such occasions they wear showy caps; and some of them dance naked in wooden masks, which reach down to their shoulders, and represent various sorts of sea-animals. Their dances consist of short steps forwards, accompanied with many strange gestures. [Footnote 64: In the last chapter it is said that there are sorcerers among them.] [Footnote 65: The expression in the original is "Schlagen auf grossen platten handpauken," which, being literally translated, signifies "They beat upon large flat hand-kettle drums of different sounds." By the accounts which I procured at Petersburg, concerning the form of these drums, they seem to resemble in shape those made use of by the sorcerers of Kamtchatka, and are of different sizes. I had an opportunity of seeing one of the latter at the Cabinet of Curiosities. It is of an oval form, about two feet long and one broad: it is covered only at one end like the tambour de basque, and is worn upon the arm like a shield.] Marriage ceremonies are unknown among them, and each man takes as many wives as he can maintain; but the number seldom exceeds four. These women are occasionally allowed to cohabit with other men; they and their children are also not unfrequently bartered in exchange for commodities. When an islander dies, the body is bound with thongs, and afterwards exposed to the air in a sort of wooden cradle hung upon a cross-bar, supported by forks. Upon these occasions they cry and make bitter lamentations. Their Toigons or Princes are those who have numerous families, and are skilful and successful in hunting and fishing. Their weapons consist of bows, arrows, and darts: they throw the latter very dexterously, and to a great distance from a hand-board. For defence they use wooden shields, called kuyakin. These islanders are, notwithstanding their savageness, very docile; and the boys, whom the Russians keep as hostages, soon acquire a knowledge of their language. CHAP. XII. Voyage of _Otcheredin_--He winters upon _Umnak_--Arrival of _Levasheff_ upon _Unalashka_--Return of _Otcheredin_ to _Ochotsk_. [Sidenote: Voyage of Otcheredin in the St. Paul, 1765.] In the year 1765 three merchants, namely, Orechoff of Yula, Lapin of Solikamsk, and Shiloff of Ustyug, fitted out a new vessel called the St. Paul, under the command of Aphanassei Otcheredin. She was built in the harbour of Ochotsk: his crew consisted of sixty-two Russians and Kamtchadals, and she carried on board two inhabitants of the Fox Islands named John and Timothy Surgeff, who had been brought to Kamtchatka and baptised. September 10, they sailed from Ochotsk, and arrived the 22d in the bay of Bolcheresk where they wintered. August 1, 1776, they continued their voyage, and having passed the second of the Kuril Isles, steered on the 6th into the open sea; on the 24th they reached the nearest of the Fox Islands, which the interpreters called [66]Atchak. A storm arising they cast anchor in a bay, but saw no inhabitants upon the shore. [Sidenote: Arrival at Umnak.] On the 26th they sailed again, discovered on the 27th Sagaugamak, along which they steered North East, and on the 31st came within seven miles of the island Umnak; where, on account of the lateness of the season and the want of provision and water, they determined to winter. Accordingly on the 1st of September, by the advice of the interpreters, they brought the vessel into a convenient bay near a point of land lying N. W. where they fastened it to the shore with cables. [Footnote 66: Called in a former journal Atchu, p. 63.] Upon their landing they discovered several pieces of a wreck; and two islanders, who dwelled on the banks of a rivulet which empties itself into the bay, informed them, that these were the remains of a Russian vessel, whose commander's name was Denys. From this intelligence they concluded that this was Protassoff's vessel, fitted out at Ochotsk. The inhabitants of Umnak, Unalashka, and of the Five Mountains, had assembled and murdered the crew, when separated into different hunting parties. The same islanders also mentioned the fate of Kulkoff's and Trapesnikoff's ships upon the island Unalashka. Although this information occasioned general apprehensions, yet they had no other resource than to draw the vessel ashore, and to take every possible precaution against a surprize. Accordingly they kept a constant watch, made presents to the Toigons and the principal inhabitants, and demanded some children as hostages. For some time the islanders behaved very peaceably, until the Russians endeavoured to persuade them to become tributary: upon which they gave such repeated signs of their hostile intentions, that the crew lived under continual alarms. In the beginning of September information was brought them of the arrival of a vessel, fitted out by Ivan Popoff merchant of Lalsk, at Unalashka. About the end of the said month the Toigon of the Five Mountains came to Otcheredin, and was so well satisfied with his reception, that he brought hostages, and not only assured them of his own friendship, but promised to use his influence with the other Toigons, and to persuade them to the same peaceable behaviour. But the other Toigons not only paid no regard to his persuasions, but even barbarously killed one of his children. From these and other circumstances the crew passed the winter under continual apprehensions, and durst not venture far from the harbour upon hunting parties. Hence ensued a scarcity of provisions; and hunger, joined to the violent attacks of the scurvy, made great havock amongst them, insomuch that six of them died, and several of the survivors were reduced to so weak a condition, that they were scarce able to move. The health of the crew being re-established in the spring, twenty-three men were sent on the 25th of June in two boats to the Five Mountains, in order to persuade the inhabitants to pay tribute. On the 26th they landed on the island Ulaga, where they were attacked with great spirit by a large body of the inhabitants; and though three of the Russians were wounded, yet the savages were repulsed with considerable loss: they were so terrified by their defeat, that they fled before the Russians during their continuance on that island. The latter were detained there by tempestuous weather until the 9th of July; during which time they found two rusty firelocks belonging to Protassoff's crew. On the 10th they returned to the harbour; and it was immediately resolved to dispatch some companies upon hunting expeditions. Accordingly on the 1st of August Matthew Poloskoff, a native of Ilinsk, was sent with twenty-eight men in two boats to Unalashka with the following orders; that if the weather and other circumstances were favourable, they were to make to Akutan and Akun, the two nearest islands to the East, but to proceed no further. In consequence of this, Poloskoff reached Akutan about the end of the month; and being kindly received by the inhabitants, he left six of his party to hunt; with the remainder he went to Akun, which lies about two versts from Akutan. From thence he dispatched five men to the neighbouring islands, where he was informed by the interpreters there were great quantities of foxes. Poloskoff and his companions continued the whole autumn upon Akun without being annoyed; but on the 12th of December the inhabitants of the different islands assembled in great numbers, and attacked them by land and sea. They informed Poloskoff, by means of the interpreters, that the Russians whom he had sent to the neighbouring islands were killed; that the two vessels at Umnak and Unalashka were plundered, and the crew put to death; and that they were now come to make him and his party share the same fate. The Russian fire-arms however kept them in due respect; and towards evening they dispersed. The same night the interpreter deserted, probably at the instigation of his countrymen, who nevertheless killed him, as it was said, that winter. January 16, the savages ventured to make a second attack. Having surprised the guard by night, they tore off the roof of the Russian dwelling, and shot down into the hut, making at the same time great outcries: by this unexpected assault four Russians were killed, and three wounded; but the survivors no sooner had recourse to their fire-arms, than the enemy was driven to flight. Meanwhile another body of the natives attempted to seize the two vessels, but without success; they however cut off the party of six men left by Poloskoff at Akutan, together with the five hunters dispatched to the contiguous islands, and two of Popoff's crew who were at the Westermost part of Unalashka. Poloskoff continued upon Akun in great danger until the 20th of February; when, the wounded being recovered, he sailed over with a fair wind to Popoff's vessel at Unalashka; and on the 10th of May returned to Otcheredin. In April Popoff's vessel being got ready for the voyage, all the hostages, whose number amounted to forty, were delivered to Otcheredin. July the 30th a vessel belonging to the same Popoff arrived from Beering's Island, and cast anchor in the same bay where Otcheredin's lay; and both crews entered into an agreement to share in common the profits of hunting. Strengthened by this alliance, Otcheredin prevailed upon a number of the inhabitants to pay tribute. August the 22d Otcheredin's mate was sent with six boats and fifty-eight men to hunt upon Unalashka and Akutan; and there remained thirty men with the vessels in the harbour, who kept constant watch. [Sidenote: Otcheredin receives an Account of Levasheff's Arrival at Unalashka.] Soon afterwards Otcheredin and the other commander received a letter from Levasheff Captain Lieutenant of the Imperial fleet, who accompanied Captain Krenitzin in the secret expedition to those islands. The letter was dated September 11, 1768: it informed them he was arrived at Unalashka in the St. Paul, and lay at anchor in the same bay in which Kulkoff's vessel had been lost. He likewise required a circumstantial account of their voyages. By another order of the 24th he sent for four of the principal hostages, and demanded the tribute of skins which had been exacted from the islanders. But as the weather was generally tempestuous at this season of the year, they deferred sending them till the spring. May the 31st Levasheff set sail for Kamtchatka; and in 1771 returned safely from his expedition at St. Petersburg. The two vessels remained at Umnak until the year 1770, during which time the crews met with no opposition from the islanders. They continued their hunting parties, in which they had such good fortune, that the share of Otcheredin's vessel (whose voyage is here chiefly related) consisted in 530 large sea-otter skins, 40 young ones and 30 cubs, the skins of 656 fine black foxes, 100 of an inferior sort, and about 1250 red fox skins. With this large cargo of furs Otcheredin set sail on the 22d of May, 1770, from Umnak, leaving Popoff's crew behind. A short time before their departure, the other interpreter Ivan Surgeff, at the instigation of his relations, deserted. [Sidenote: Return of Otcheredin to Ochotsk.] After having touched at the nearest of the Aleütian Islands, Otcheredin and his crew arrived on the 24th of July at Ochotsk. They brought two islanders with them, whom they baptized. The one was named Alexèy Solovieff; the other Boris Otcheredin. These islanders unfortunately died on their way to Petersburg; the first between Yakutsk and Irkutsk; and the latter at Irkutsk, where he arrived on the 1st of February, 1771. CHAP. XIII. Conclusion--General position and situation of the _Aleütian_ and _Fox Islands_--their distance from each other--Further description of the dress, manners, and customs of the inhabitants--their feasts and ceremonies, &c. [Sidenote: Position of Beering's and Copper Islands.] According to the latest informations brought by Otcheredin's and Popoff's vessels, the North West point of Commandorskoi Ostroff, or Beering's Island, lies due East from the mouth of the Kamtchatka river, at the distance of 250 versts. It is from 70 to 80 versts long, and stretches from North West to South East, in the same direction as Copper Island. The latter is situated about 60 or 70 versts from the South East point of Beering's Island, and is about 50 versts in length. [Sidenote: Of the Aleütian Isles.] About 300 versts East by South of Copper Island lie the Aleütian Isles, of which Attak is the nearest: it is rather larger than Beering's Island, of the same shape, and stretches from West to South East. From thence about 20 versts Eastwards is situated Semitshi, extending from West to East, and near its Eastern point another small island. To the South of the strait, which separates the two latter islands, and at the distance of 40 versts from both of them, lies Shemiya in a similar position, and not above 25 versts in length. All these islands stretch between 54 and 55 degrees of North latitude. [Sidenote: Of the Fox Islands.] The Fox Islands are situated E. N. E. from the Aleütians: the nearest of these, Atchak, is about 800 versts distant; it lies in about 56 degrees North latitude, and extends from W. S. W. towards E. N. E. It greatly resembles Copper Island, and is provided with a commodious harbour on the Notrh. From thence all the other islands of this chain stretch in a direction towards N. E. by East. The next to Atchak is Amlak, about 15 versts distant; it is nearly of the same size; and has an harbour on its South side. Next follows Sagaugamak, at about the same distance, but somewhat smaller; from that it is 50 versts to Amuchta, a small rocky island; and the same distance from the latter to Yunaksan, another small island. About 20 versts from Yunaksan there is a cluster of five small islands, or rather mountains, Kigalgist, Kagamila, Tsigulak, Ulaga, and Tana-Unok, and which are therefore called by the Russians Pät Sopki, or the Five Mountains. Of these Tana-Unok lies most to the N. E. towards which the Western point of Umnak advances within the distance of 20 versts. Umnak stretches from S. W. to N. E.; it is 150 versts in length, and has a very considerable bay on the West end of the Northern coast, in which there is a small island or rock, called Adugak; and on the South side is Shemalga, another rock. The Western point of Aghunalashka, or Unalashka, is separated from the East end of Umnak by a strait near 20 versts in breadth. The position of these two islands is similar; but Aghunalashka is much the largest, and is above 200 versts long. It is divided towards the N. E. into three promontories, one of which runs out in a Westerly direction, forming one side of a large bay on the North coast of the island: the second stretches out N. E. ends in three points, and is connected with the island by a small neck of land. The third or most Southerly one is separated from the last mentioned promontory by a deep bay. Near Unalashka towards the East lies another small island called Skirkin. About 20 versts from the North East promontory of Aghunalashka lie four islands: the first, Akutan, is about half as big as Umnak; a verst further is the small island Akun; a little beyond is Akunok; and lastly Kigalga, which is the smallest of these four, and stretches with Akun and Akunok almost from N. to S. Kigalga is situated about the 61st degree of latitude. About 100 versts from thence lies an island called Unimak[67], upon which Captain Krenitzin wintered; and beyond it the inhabitants said there was a large tract of country called Alashka, of which they did not know the boundaries. [Footnote 67: Krenitzin wintered at Alaxa, and not at Unimak. See Appendix I. N^o I.] The Fox Islands are in general very rocky, without containing any remarkable high mountains: they are destitute of wood, but abound in rivulets and lakes, which are mostly without fish. The winter is much milder than in Siberia; the snow seldom falls before the beginning of January, and continues on the ground till the end of March. There is a volcano in Amuchta; in Kagamila sulphur flows from a mountain; in Taga-Unok there are warm springs hot enough to boil provisions; and flames of sulphur are occasionally seen at night upon the mountains of Unalashka and Akutan. [Sidenote: Account of the Inhabitants of the Fox Islands.] The Fox Islands are tolerably populous in proportion to their size. The inhabitants are entirely free, and pay tribute to no one: they are of a middle stature; and live, both in summer and winter, in holes dug in the earth. No signs of religion were found amongst them. Several persons indeed pass for sorcerers, pretending to know things past and to come, and are accordingly held in high esteem, but without receiving any emolument. Filial duty and respect towards the aged are not held in estimation by these islanders. They are not however deficient in fidelity to each other; they are of lively and chearful tempers, though rather impetuous, and naturally prone to anger. In general they do not observe any rules of decency, but follow all the calls of nature publicly, and without the least reserve. They wash themselves with their own urine. [Sidenote: Their Food.] Their principal food consists in fish and other sea-animals, small shell-fish and sea-plants: their greatest delicacies are wild lilies and other roots, together with different kinds of berries. When they have laid in a store of provisions, they eat at any time of the day without distinction; but in case of necessity they are capable of fasting several days together. They seldom heat their dwellings; but when they are desirous of warming themselves, they light a bundle of hay, and stand over it; or else they set fire to train oil, which they pour into a hollow stone. They feed their children when very young with the coarsest flesh, and for the most part raw. If an infant cries, the mother immediately carries it to the sea-side, and be it summer or winter holds it naked in the water until it is quiet. This custom is so far from doing the children any harm, that it hardens them against the cold; and they accordingly go bare-footed through the winter without the least inconvenience. They are also trained to bathe frequently in the sea; and it is an opinion generallly received among the islanders, that by that means they are rendered bold, and become fortunate in fishing. [Sidenote: Dress.] The men wear shirts made of the skins of cormorants, sea-divers, and gulls; and, in order to keep out the rain, they have upper garments of the bladders and other intestines of sea-lions, sea-calves, and whales, blown up and dried. They cut their hair in a circular form close to their ears; and shave also a round place upon the top. The women, on the contrary, let the hair descend over the forehead as low as the eye-brows, and tie the remaining part in a knot upon the top of the head. They pierce the ears, and hang therein bits of coral which they get from the Russians. Both sexes make holes in the gristle of the nose, and in the under-lips, in which they thrust pieces of bone, and are very fond of such kind of ornaments. They mark also and colour their faces with different figures. They barter among one another sea-otters, sea-bears, clothes made of bird-skins and of dried intestines, skins of sea-lions and sea-calves for the coverings of baidars, wooden masks, darts, thread made of sinews and reindeer hair, which they get from the country of Alaska. Their houshold utensils are square pitchers and large troughs, which they make out of the wood driven ashore by the sea. [Sidenote: Arms.] Their weapons are bows and arrows pointed with flints, and javelins of two yards in length, which they throw from a small board. Instead of hatchets they use crooked knives of flint or bone. Some iron knives, hatchets, and lances, were observed amongst them, which they had probably got by plundering the Russians. According to the reports of the oldest inhabitants of Umnak and Unalashka, they have never been engaged in any war either amongst themselves or with their neighbours, except once with the people of Alashka, the occasion of which was as follows: The Toigon of Umnak's son had a maimed hand; and some inhabitants of Alashka, who came upon a visit to that island, fastened to his arm a drum, out of mockery, and invited him to dance. The parents and relations of the boy were offended at this insult: hence a quarrel ensued; and from that time the two people have lived in continual enmity, attacking and plundering each other by turns. According to the reports of the islanders, there are mountains upon Alashka, and woods of great extent at some distance from the coast. The natives wear clothes made of the skins of reindeer, wolves, and foxes, and are not tributary to any of their neighbours. The inhabitants of the Fox-islands seem to have no knowledge of any country beyond Alashka. [Sidenote: Feasts.] Feasts are very common among these islanders; and more particularly when the inhabitants of one island are visited by those of the others. The men of the village meet their guests beating drums, and preceded by the women, who sing and dance. At the conclusion of the dance the hosts invite them to partake of the feasts; after which ceremony the former return first to their dwellings, place mats in order, and serve up their best provision. The guests next enter, take their places, and after they are satisfied the diversions begin. First, the children dance and caper, at the same time making a noise with their small drums, while the owners of the hut of both sexes sing. Next, the men dance almost naked, tripping after one another, and beating drums of a larger size: when these are weary, they are relieved by the women, who dance in their clothes, the men continuing in the mean time to sing and beat their drums. At last the fire is put out, which had been kindled for the ceremony. The manner of obtaining fire is by rubbing two pieces of dry wood, or most commonly by striking two flints together, and letting the sparks fall upon some sea-otter's hair mixed with sulphur. If any sorcerer is present, it is then his turn to play his tricks in the dark; if not, the guests immediately retire to their huts, which are made on that occasion of their canoes and mats. The natives, who have several wives, do not withhold them from their guests; but where the owner of the hut has himself but one wife, he then makes the offer of a female servant. Their hunting season is principally from the end of October to the beginning of December, during which time they kill large quantities of young sea-bears for their clothing. They pass all December in feastings and diversions similar to that above mentioned: with this difference, however, that the men dance in wooden masks, representing various sea-animals, and painted red, green, or black, with coarse coloured earths found upon these islands. During these festivals they visit each other from village to village, and from island to island. The feasts concluded, masks and drums are broken to pieces, or deposited in caverns among the rocks, and never afterwards made use of. In spring they go out to kill old sea-bears, sea-lions, and whales. During summer, and even in winter when it is calm, they row out to sea, and catch cod and other fish. Their hooks are of bone; and for lines they make use of a string made of a long tenacious sea-weed, which is sometimes found in those seas near one hundred and sixty yards in length. Whenever they are wounded in any encounter, or bruised by any accident, they apply a sort of yellow root to the wound, and fast for some time. When their head achs, they open a vein in that part with a stone lancet. When they want to glue the points of their arrows to the shaft, they strike their nose till it bleeds, and use the blood as glue. Murder is not punished amongst them, for they have no judge. With respect to their ceremonies of burying the dead, they are as follow: The bodies of poor people are wrapped up in their own clothes, or in mats; then laid in a grave, and covered over with earth. The bodies of the rich are put, together with their clothes and arms, in a small boat made of the wood driven ashore by the sea: this boat is hung upon poles placed cross-ways; and the body is thus left to rot in the open air. The customs and manners of the inhabitants of the Aleütian Isles are nearly similar to those of the inhabitants of the Fox Islands. The former indeed are rendered tributary, and entirely subject to Russia; and most of them have a slight acquaintance with the Russian language, which they have learned from the crews of the different vessels who have landed there. PART II. CONTAINING THE CONQUEST OF SIBERIA, AND THE HISTORY OF THE TRANSACTIONS AND COMMERCE BETWEEN RUSSIA AND CHINA. CHAP. I. First irruption of the _Russians_ into _Siberia_--Second inroad--_Yermac_ driven by the Tzar of _Muscovy_ from the Volga, retires to _Orel_ a _Russian_ Settlement--Enters _Siberia_ with an army of _Cossacks_--His progress and exploits--Defeats _Kutchum Chan_--conquers his dominions--cedes them to the Tzar--receives a reinforcement of _Russian_ troops--is surprized by _Kutchum Chan_--his defeat and death--Veneration paid to his memory--_Russian_ troops evacuate _Siberia_--re-enter and conquer the whole country--their progress stopped by the _Chinese_. [Sidenote: First Irruption of the Russians into Siberia under the Reign of Ivan Vassilievitch I.] Siberia was scarcely known to the Russians before the middle of the sixteenth century[68]. For although an expedition was made, under the reign of Ivan Vassilievitch I. into the North Western Parts of that country, as far as the river Oby, by which several Tartar tribes were rendered tributary, and some of their chiefs brought prisoners to Moscow; yet this incursion bore a greater resemblance to the desultory inroads of barbarians, than to any permanent establishment of empire by a civilized nation. Indeed the effects of that expedition soon vanished; nor does any trace of the least communication with Siberia again appear in the Russian history before the reign of Ivan Vassilievitch II. At that period Siberia again became an object of attention, by means of one Anika Strogonoff, a Russian merchant, who had established some salt-works at Solvytshegodskaia, a town in the government of Archangel. [Footnote 68: S. R. G. VI. p. 199-211. Fis. Sib. Ges. Tom. I.] [Sidenote: Anika Strogonoff trades with the People of Siberia.] This person carried on a trade of barter with the inhabitants of the North-Western parts of Siberia, who brought every year to the abovementioned town large quantities of the choicest furs. Upon their return to their country Strogonoff was accustomed to send with them some Russian merchants, who crossed the mountains, and traded with the natives. By these means a considerable number of very valuable furs were procured at an easy rate, in exchange for toys and other commodities of trifling value. This traffic was continued for several years, without any interruption; during which Strogonoff rapidly amassed a very considerable fortune[69]. At length the Tzar Ivan Vassilievitch II. foreseeing the advantages which would accrue to his subjects, from establishing a more general and regular commerce with these people, determined to enlarge the communication already opened with Siberia. [Sidenote: Second Irruption of the Russians into Siberia in the Reign of Ivan Vassilievitch II.] Accordingly he sent a corps of troops into that country. They followed the same route which had been discovered by the Russians in the former expedition, and which was lately frequented by the merchants of Solvytshegodskaia. It lay along the banks of the Petschora, and from thence crossed the Yugorian mountains, which form the North Eastern boundary of Europe. These troops, however, do not seem to have passed the Irtish, or to have penetrated further than the Western branch of the river Oby. Some Tartar tribes were indeed laid under contribution; and a chief, whose name was Yediger, consented to pay an annual tribute of a thousand sables. But this expedition was not productive of any lasting effects; for soon afterwards Yediger was defeated, and taken prisoner by Kutchum Chan; the latter was a lineal descendant of the celebrated Zinghis Chan; and had newly established his empire in those parts. [Footnote 69: S. R. G. VI. p. 220-223. Fis. Sib. Ges. p. 182.] This second inroad was probably made about the middle of the sixteenth century; for the Tzar Ivan Vassilievitch assumed the title of Lord of all the Siberian lands so early as 1558, before the conquests made by Yermac in that kingdom[70]. But probably the name of Siberia was at that time only confined to the district then rendered tributary; and as the Russians extended their conquests, this appellation was afterwards applied to the whole tract of country which now bears that name. [Footnote 70: S. R. G. VI. p. 217.] For some time after the above-mentioned expedition, the Tzar does not appear to have made any attempts towards recovering his lost authority in those distant regions. But his attention was again turned to that quarter by a concurrence of incidents; which, though begun without his immediate interposition, terminated in a vast accession of territory. [Sidenote: Strogonoff forms Settlements upon the Kama and Tchussovaia.] Strogonoff, in recompence for having first opened a trade with the inhabitants of Siberia, obtained from the Tzar large grants of land; accordingly he founded colonies upon the banks of the rivers Kama and Tchussovaia; and these settlements gave rise to the entire subjection of Siberia by the refuge which they not long afterwards afforded to Yermac Timofeeff. This person was nothing more than a fugitive Cossac of the Don, and chief of a troop of banditti who infested the shores of the Caspian sea. But as he was the instrument by which such a vast extent of dominion was added to the Russian Empire, it will not be uninteresting to develop the principal circumstances, which brought this Cossac from the shores of the Caspian to the banks of the Kama; and to trace the progress which he afterwards made in the distant regions of Siberia. By the victories which the Tzar Ivan Vassilievitch had gained over the Tatars of Casan and Astracan, that monarch extended his dominions as far as the Caspian Sea; and thereby established a commerce with the Persians and Bucharians. [Sidenote: Yermac is driven from the Shores of the Caspian Sea. A. D. 1577.] But as the merchants who traded to those parts were continually pillaged by the Cossacs of the Don; and as the roads which lay by the side of that river, and of the Volga, were infested with those banditti; the Tzar sent a considerable force against them. Accordingly, they were attacked and routed; part were slain, part made prisoners, and the rest escaped by flight. Among the latter was a corps of six thousand Cossacs, under the command of the above-mentioned Yermac Timofeeff[71]. [Footnote 71: S. R. G. VI. p. 232. Fis. Sib. Ges. I. p. 185.] [Sidenote: He retires to Orel, one of the Russian Settlements.] That celebrated adventurer, being driven from his usual haunts, retired, with his followers, into the interior part of the province of Casan. From thence he directed his course along the banks of the Kama, until he came to Orel[72]. That place was one of the Russian settlements recently planted, and was governed by Maxim grandson of Anika Strogonoff. Yermac, instead of storming the place, and pillaging the inhabitants, acted with a degree of moderation unusual in a chief of banditti. Being hospitably received by Strogonoff, and supplied with every thing that was necessary for the subsistence of his troops, he fixed his winter quarters at that settlement. [Sidenote: Determines to invade Siberia.] His restless genius however did not suffer him to continue for any length of time in a state of inactivity; and from the intelligence he procured concerning the situation of the neighbouring Tartars of Siberia, he turned his arms toward that quarter. [Footnote 72: S. R. G. VI. p. 233.] [Sidenote: State of Siberia.] Siberia was at that time partly divided among a number of separate princes; and partly inhabited by the various tribes of independent Tartars. Of the former Kutchum Chan was the most powerful Sovereign. His dominions consisted of that tract of country which now forms the South Western part of the province of Tobolsk; and stretched from the banks of the Irtish and Oby to those of the Tobol and Tura. His principal residence was at Sibir[73], a small fortress upon the river Irish, not far from the present town of Tobolsk; and of which some ruins are still to be seen. Although his power was very considerable, yet there were some circumstances which seemed to ensure success to an enterprizing invader. He had newly acquired a large part of his territories by conquest; and had, in a great measure, alienated the affections of his idolatrous subjects by the intolerant zeal, with which he introduced and disseminated the Mahometan religion[74]. [Footnote 73: Several authors have supposed the name of Siberia to derive its origin from this fortress, soon after it was first taken by the Russians under Yermac. But this opinion is advanced without sufficient foundation; for the name of Sibir was unknown to the Tartars, that fort being by them called Isker. Besides, the Southern part of the province of Tobolsk, to which the name of Siberia was originally applied, was thus denominated by the Russians before the invasion of Yermac. This denomination probably first came from the Permians and Sirjanians, who brought the first accounts of Siberia to the Russians. S. R. G. VI. p. 180.] [Footnote 74: S. R. G. VI. p. 180.] Strogonoff did not fail of displaying to Yermac this inviting posture of affairs, as well with a view of removing him from his present station, as because he himself was personally exasperated against Kutchum Chan: for the latter had secretly instigated a large body of Tartars to invade the Russian settlements upon the river Tchussovaia; and had afterwards commenced open hostilities against them with a body of forces under the command of his cousin Mehemet Kul. And although both these attempts had failed of success, yet the troops engaged in them had left behind traces of havock and devastation too lasting to be easily effaced[75]. [Footnote 75: Fis. Sib. Ges. I. p. 187.] [Sidenote: Marches towards Siberia.] All these various considerations were not lost upon Yermac: having therefore employed the winter in preparations for his intended expedition, he began his march in the summer of the following year, 1578, along the banks of the Tchussovaia. The want of proper guides, and a neglect of other necessary precautions, greatly retarded his march, and he was overtaken by the winter before he had made any considerable progress. [Sidenote: Returns to Orel.] And at the appearance of spring he found his stock of provisions so nearly exhausted, that he was reduced to the necessity of returning to Orel. But this failure of success by no means extinguished his ardour for the prosecution of the enterprize; it only served to make him still more solicitous in guarding against the possibility of a future miscarriage. By threats he extorted from Strogonoff every assistance which the nature of the expedition seemed to require. Besides a sufficient quantity of provisions, all his followers, who were before unprovided with fire-arms, were supplied with muskets and ammunition; and, in order to give the appearance of a regular army to his troops, colours were distributed to each company, which were ornamented with the images of saints, after the manner of the Russians. Having thus made all previous arrangements, he thought himself in a condition to force his way into Siberia. [Sidenote: His second Expedition.] Accordingly, in the month of June, 1579, he set out upon this second expedition. His followers amounted to five thousand men; adventurers inured to hardships, and regardless of danger: they placed implicit confidence in their leader, and seemed to be all animated with one and the same spirit. [Sidenote: Arrives upon the Banks of the Tura.] He continued his route partly by land, and partly by water: the navigation however of the rivers was so tedious, and the roads so rugged and difficult, that eighteen months elapsed before he reached Tchingi, a small town upon the banks of the Tura[76]. [Footnote 76: S.R.G. VI. p. 243-248-262.] Here he mustered his troops, and found his army considerably reduced: part had been exhausted by fatigue, part carried off by sickness, and part cut off in skirmishes with the Tartars. The whole remaining number amounted to about fifteen hundred effective men; and yet with this handful of troops Yermac did not hesitate a moment in advancing against Kutchum Chan. That prince was already in a posture of defence; and resolved to guard his crown to the last extremity. Having collected his forces, he dispatched several flying parties against Yermac, himself remaining behind with the slower of his troops: but all these detachments were driven back with considerable loss; and worried in many successive skirmishes. Yermac continued his march without intermission, bearing down all resistance until he reached the center of his adversary's dominions. These successes however were dearly bought; for his army was now reduced to five hundred men. Kutchum Chan was encamped[77] at no great distance upon the banks of the Irtish, with a very superior force, and determined to give him battle. Yermac, who was not to be daunted by the inequality of numbers, prepared for the engagement with a confidence which never forsook him; his troops were equally impatient for action, and knew no medium between conquest and death. The event of the combat corresponded with this magnanimity. [Sidenote: Defeats Ketchum Chan. 1581.] After an obstinate and well fought battle, victory declared in favour of Yermac: the Tartars were entirely routed, and the carnage was so general, that Kutchum Chan himself escaped with difficulty. [Footnote 77: The place where the Tartar army lay encamped was called Tschuvatch: it is a neck of land washed by the Irtish, near the spot where the Tobob falls into that river. Fis. Sib. Ges. I. p. 203.] This defeat proved decisive: Kutchum Chan was deserted by his subjects; and Yermac, who knew how to improve as well as gain a victory, marched without delay to Sibir, the residence of the Tartar princes. He was well aware, that the only method to secure his conquest was to get possession of that important fortress. He expected therefore to have found in that place a considerable garrison, determined to sacrifice their lives in its defence. But the news of the late defeat had diffused universal consternation, and Sibir was entirely deserted. [Sidenote: Seats himself upon the Throne.] A body of troops whom he sent before him, to reduce the fortress, found it quite deserted: he himself soon after made his triumphant entry, and seated himself upon the throne without the least opposition. Here he fixed his residence, and received the allegiance of the neighbouring people, who poured in from all quarters upon the news of this unexpected revolution. The Tartars were so struck with his gallant intrepidity and brilliant exploits, that they submitted to his authority without hesitation, and acquiesced in the payment of the usual tribute. Thus this enterprising Cossac was suddenly exalted from the station of a chief of banditti to the rank of a sovereign prince. It does not appear from history whether it were at first his design to conquer Siberia, or solely to amass a considerable booty. The latter indeed seems the more probable conjecture. The rapid tide of success with which he was carried on, and the entire defeat of Kutchum Chan, afterwards expanded his views, and opened a larger scene to his ambition. But whatever were his original projects, he seems worthy, so far as intrepidity and prudence form a basis of merit, of the final success which flowed in upon him. For he was neither elated with unexpected prosperity, nor dazzled with the sudden glare of royalty: on the contrary, the dignity of his deportment was as consistent and unaffected, as if he had been born a sovereign. And now Yermac and his followers seemed to enjoy those rewards which they had dearly purchased by a course of unremitted fatigue, and by victories which almost exceeded belief. Not only the tribes in the neigbourhood of Sibir wore the appearance of the most unreserved submission; but even princes continued flocking in from distant parts, to acknowledge themselves tributary, and to claim his protection. [Sidenote: Precarious Situation of Yermac.] However, this calm was of short duration. Insurrections were concerted by Kutchum Chan; who, though driven from his dominions, yet still retained no small degree of influence over his former subjects. Yermac saw and felt the precariousness of his present grandeur; the inconsiderable number of his followers who had survived the conquest of Sibir, had been still further diminished by an ambuscade of the enemy; and as he could not depend on the affection of his new subjects, he found himself under the necessity either of calling in foreign assistance, or of relinquishing his dominion. Under these circumstances he had recourse to the Tzar of Muscovy; and made a tender of his new acquisitions to that monarch, upon condition of receiving immediate and effectual support. The judicious manner in which he conducted this measure, shews him no less able in the arts of negotiation than of war. One of his most confidential followers was dispatched to Moscow at the head of fifty Cossacs. [Sidenote: Cedes his Conquests to the Tzar of Muscovy.] He had orders to represent to the court the progress which the Russian troops, under the command of Yermac, had made in Siberia: he was artfully to add, that an extensive empire was conquered in the name of the Tzar; that the natives were reduced to swear allegiance to that monarch, and consented to pay an annual tribute. This representation was accompanied with a present of the choicest and most valuable furs[78]. [Sidenote: 1582.] The embassador was received at Moscow with the strongest marks of satisfaction: a public thanksgiving was celebrated in the cathedral; the Tzar acknowledged and extolled the good services of Yermac; he granted him a pardon for all former offences; and, as a testimony of his favour, distributed presents for him and his followers. Amongst those which were sent to Yermac was a fur robe, which the Tzar himself had worn, and which was the greatest mark of distinction that could be conferred upon a subject. To these was added a sum of money, and a promise of speedy and effectual assistance. [Footnote 78: S.R.G. VI. p. 304.] Meanwhile Yermac, notwithstanding the inferior number of his troops, did not remain inactive within the fortress of Sibir. He defeated all attempts of Kutchum Chan to recover his crown; and took his principal general prisoner. He made occasional inroads into the adjacent provinces, and extended his conquests up to the source of the river Taffda on one side, and on the other as far as the district which lies upon the river Oby above its junction with the Irtish. [Sidenote: Receives a Reinforcement of Russian troops.] At length the promised succours arrived at Sibir. They consisted of five hundred Russians, under the command of prince Bolkosky, who was appointed wayvode or governor of Siberia. Strengthened by this reinforcement, Yermac continued his excursions on all sides with his usual activity; and gained several bloody victories over different princes, who were imprudent enough to assert their independence. In one of these expeditions he laid siege to Kullara, a small fortress upon the banks of the Irtish, which still belonged to Kutchum Chan: but he found it so bravely defended by that monarch, that all his efforts to carry it by storm proved ineffectual. Upon his return to Sibir he was followed at some distance by that prince, who hung unperceived upon his rear; and was prepared to seize any fortunate moment of attack which might occur; nor was it long before a favourable opportunity presented itself. The Russians to the number of about three hundred lay negligently posted in a small island, formed by two branches of the Irtish. The night was obscure and rainy; and the troops, who were fatigued with a long march, reposed themselves without suspicion of danger. [Sidenote: Surprised by Kutchum Chan.] Kutchum Chan, apprised of their situation, silently advanced at midnight with a select body of troops; and having forded the river, came with such rapidity upon the Russians, as to preclude the use of their arms. In the darkness and confusion of the night, the latter were cut to pieces almost without opposition; and fell a resistless prey to those adversaries, whom they had been accustomed to conquer and despise. The massacre was so universal, that only one man is recorded to have escaped, and to have brought the news of this catastrophe to his countrymen at Sibir. [Sidenote: Death of Yermac.] Yermac himself perished in the rout, though he did not fall by the sword of the enemy. In all the hurry of surprise, he was not so much infected with the general panic, as to forget his usual intrepidity, which seemed to be encreased rather than abated by the danger of his present situation. After many desperate acts of heroism, he cut his way through the troops who surrounded him, and made to the banks of the Irtish[79]. Being closely pursued by a detachment of the enemy, he endeavoured to throw himself into a boat which lay near the shore; but stepping short, he fell into the water, and being incumbered with the weight of his armour, sunk instantly to the bottom[80]. [Footnote 79: Many difficulties have arisen concerning the branch of the Irtish in which Yermac was drowned; but it is now sufficiently ascertained that it was a canal, which some time before this catastrophe had been cut by order of that Cossac: Not far from the spot, where the Vagai falls into the Irtish, the latter river forms a bend of six versts; by cutting a canal in a streight line from the two extreme points of this sweep, he shortened the length of the navigation. S. R. G. p. 365-366.] [Footnote 80: Cyprian was appointed the first archbishop of Siberia, in 1621. Upon his arrival at Tobolsk, he enquired for several of the antient followers of Yermac who were still alive; and from them he made himself acquainted with the principal circumstances attending the expedition of that Cossac, and the conquest of Siberia. Those circumstances he transmitted to writing; and these papers are the archives of the Siberian history; from which the several historians of that country have drawn their relations. Sava Yefimoff, who was himself one of Yermac's followers, is one of the most accurate historians of those times. He carries down his history to the year 1636. Fis. Sib. Ges. I. p. 430.] His body was not long afterwards taken out of the Irtish, and exposed, by order of Kutchum Chan, to all the insults which revenge ever suggested to barbarians in the frenzy of success. But these first transports of resentment had no sooner subsided, than the Tartars testified the most pointed indignation at the ungenerous ferocity of their leader. The prowess of Yermac, his consummate valour and magnanimity, virtues which barbarians know how to prize, rose upon their recollection. They made a sudden transition from one extreme to the other: they reproached their leader for ordering, themselves for being the instruments of indignity to such venerable remains. At length their heated imaginations proceeded even to consecrate his memory: they interred his body with all the rites of Pagan superstition; and offered up sacrifices to his manes. [Sidenote: Veneration paid to his Memory.] Many miraculous stories were soon spread abroad, and met with implicit belief. The touch of his body was supposed to have been an instantaneous cure for all disorders; and even his clothes and arms were said to be endowed with the same efficacy. A flame of fire was represented as sometimes hovering about his tomb, and sometimes as stretching in one luminous body from the same spot towards the heavens. A presiding influence over the affairs of the chace and of war was attributed to his departed spirit; and numbers resorted to his tomb to invoke his tutelary aid in concerns so interesting to uncivilised nations. These idle fables, though they evince the superstitious credulity of the Tartars, convey at the same time the strongest testimony of their veneration for the memory of Yermac; and this veneration greatly contributed to the subsequent progress of the Russians in those regions[81]. [Footnote 81: Even so late as the middle of the next century, this veneration for the memory of Yermac had not subsided. Allai, a powerful prince of the Calmucs, is said to have been cured of a dangerous disorder, by mixing some earth taken from Yermac's tomb in water, and drinking the infusion. That prince is also reported to have carried with him a small portion of the same earth, whenever he engaged in any important enterprize. This earth he superstitiously considered as a kind of charm; and was persuaded that he always secured a prosperous issue to his affairs by this precaution. S.R.G. V. VI. p. 391.] With Yermac expired for a time the Russian empire in Siberia. [Sidenote: The Russians quit Siberia.] The news of his defeat and death no sooner reached the garrison of Sibir, than an hundred and fifty troops, the sad remains of that formidable army which had gained such a series of almost incredible victories, retired from the fortress, and evacuated Siberia. Notwithstanding this disaster, the court of Moscow did not abandon its design upon that country; which a variety of favourable circumstances still concurred to render a flattering object of Russian ambition. Yermac's sagacity had discovered new and commodious routes for the march of troops across those inhospitable regions. The rapidity with which he had overrun the territories of Kutchum Chan, taught the Russians to consider the Tartars as an easy prey. Many of the tribes who had been rendered tributary by Yermac, had testified a cheerful acquiescence under the sovereignty of the Tzar; and were inclined to renew their allegiance upon the first opportunity. Others looked upon all resistance as unavailing, and had learned, from dear-bought experience, to tremble at the very name of a Russian. The natural strength of the country, proved not to be irresistible when united, was considerably weakened by its intestine commotions. Upon the retreat of the garrison of Sibir, that fortress, together with the adjacent district, was seized by Seyidyak, son of the former sovereign, whom Kutchum Chan had dethroned and put to death. Other princes availed themselves of the general confusion to assert independency; and Kutchum Chan was able to regain only a small portion of those dominions, of which he had been stripped by Yermac. [Sidenote: The Russians re-enter Siberia.] Influenced by these motives, the court of Moscow sent a body of three hundred troops into Siberia, who penetrated to the banks of the Tura as far as Tschingi almost without opposition. There they built the fort of Tumen, and re-established their authority over the neighbouring district. Being soon afterwards reinforced by an additional number of troops, they were enabled to extend their operations, and to erect the fortresses of Tobolsk, Sungur, and Tara. [Sidenote: Re-conquer their antient Territories.] The erection of these and other fortresses was soon attended with a speedy recovery of the whole territory, which Yermac had reduced under the Russian yoke. This success was only the fore-runner of still greater acquisitions. [Sidenote: All Siberia conquered and colonized.] The Russians pushed their conquest far and wide: wherever they appeared, the Tartars were either reduced or exterminated. New towns were built and colonies were planted on all sides. Before a century had well elapsed, all that vast tract of country now called Siberia, which stretches from the confines of Europe to the Eastern Ocean, and from the Frozen Sea to the present frontiers of China, was annexed to the Russian dominions. [Sidenote: Progress of the Russians checked by the Chinese.] A still larger extent of territory had probably been won; and all the various tribes of independent Tartary which lie between the South-Eastern extremity of the Russian empire, and the Chinese Wall, would have followed the fate of the Siberian hordes, if the power of China had not suddenly interposed. CHAP. II. Commencement of hostilities between the _Russians_ and _Chinese_--Disputes concerning the limits of the two empires--Treaty of Nershinsk--Embassies from the court of _Russia_ to _Pekin_--Treaty of _Kiachta_--Establishment of the commerce between the two nations. Towards the middle of the seventeenth century, the Russians were rapidly extending themselves Eastward through that important territory, which lies, on each side of the river[82] Amoor. They soon reduced several independent Tungusian hordes; and built a chain of small fortresses along the banks of the above-mentioned river, of which the principal were Albasin, and Kamarskoi Ostrog. Not long afterwards, the Chinese under[83] Camhi conceived a similar design of subduing the same hordes. [Sidenote: Rise of animosities between the Russians and Chinese.] Accordingly the two great powers of Russia and China, thus pointing their views to the same object, unavoidably clashed; and, after several jealousies and intrigues, broke out into open hostilities about the year 1680. The Chinese laid siege to Kamarskoi Ostrog, and though repulsed in this attempt, found means to cut off several straggling parties of Russians. These animosities induced the Tzar Alexèy Michaelovitch to send an embassy to Pekin; but this measure did not produce the desired effect. [Sidenote: Albasin destroyed by the Chinese.] The Chinese attacked Albasin with a considerable force: having compelled the Russian garrison to capitulate, they demolished that and all the Russian forts upon the Amoor; and returned, with a large number of prisoners, to their own country. [Footnote 82: Amoor is the name given by the Russians to this river; it is called Sakalin-Ula by the Manshurs, and was formerly denominated Karamuran, or the Black River, by the Mongols. S.R.G. II. p. 293.] [Footnote 83: Camhi was the second emperor of the Manshur race, who made themselves masters of China in 1624. The Manshurs were originally an obscure tribe of the Tungusian Tartars, whose territories lay South of the Amoor, and bordered upon the kingdom of Corea, and the province of Leaotong. They began to emerge from obscurity at the beginning of the seventeenth century. About that time their chief Aischin-Giord reduced several neighbouring hordes; and, having incorporated them with his own tribe, under the general name of Manshur, he became formidable even to the Chinese. Shuntschi, grandson of this chief, by an extraordinary concurrence of circumstances, was raised while an infant to the throne of China, of which his successors still continue in possession. Shuntschi died in 1662, and was succeeded by Camhi, who is well known from the accounts of the jesuit missionaries. For an account of the revolution of China, see Duhalde, Descr. de la Chine, Bell's Journey to Pekin, and Fis. Sic. Ges. tom. I. p. 463.] [Sidenote: Albasin rebuilt by the Russians, is besieged by the Chinese.] Not long after their departure, a body of sixteen hundred Russians advanced along the Amoor; and constructed a new fort, under the old name of Albasin. The Chinese were no sooner apprised of their return, than they marched instantly towards that river, and sat down before Albasin with an army of seven thousand men, and a large train of artillery. They battered the new fortress for several weeks, without being able to make a breach, and without attempting to take it by storm. The besieged, though not much annoyed by the unskilful operations of the enemy, were exhausted with the complicated miseries of sickness and famine; and notwithstanding they continued to make a gallant resistance, they must soon have sunk under their distresses, if the Chinese had not voluntarily retired, in consequence of a treaty being set afoot between the two courts of Moscow and Pekin. For this purpose the Russian embassador Golowin had left Moscow so early as the year 1685, accompanied by a large body of troops, in order to secure his person, and enforce respect to his embassy. The difficulty of procuring subsistence for any considerable number of men in those desolate regions, joined to the ruggedness of the roads, and the length of the march, prevented his arrival at Selengisk until the year 1687. From thence messengers were immediately dispatched with overtures of peace to the Chinese government at Pekin. After several delays, occasioned partly by policy, and partly by the posture of affairs in the Tartar country through which the Chinese were to pass, embassadors left Pekin in the beginning of June 1689. Golovin had proposed receiving them at Albasin; but while he was proceeding to that fortress, the Chinese embassadors presented themselves at the gates of Nershinsk, escorted by such a numerous army, and such a formidable train of artillery, that Golovin was constrained, from motives of fear, to conclude the negotiation almost upon their own terms. The conferences were held under tents, in an open plain, near the town of Nershinsk; where the treaty was signed and sealed by the plenipotentaries of the two courts. When it was proposed to ratify it by oath, the Chinese embassadors offered to swear upon a crucifix; but Golovin preferred their taking an oath in the name of their own gods. [Sidenote: Treaty of Nershinsk.] This treaty first checked the progress of the Russian arms in those parts; and laid the foundations of an important and regular commerce between the two nations. By the first and second articles, the South-Eastern boundaries of the Russian empire were formed by a ridge of mountains, stretching North of the Amoor from the sea of Ochotsk to the source of the small river Gorbitza[84], then by that river to its influx into the Amoor, and lastly by the Argoon, from its junction with the Shilka up to its source. [Footnote 84: There are two Gorbitzas; the first falls into the Amoor, near the conflux of the Argoon and Shilka; the second falls into the Shilka. The former was meant by the Russians; but the Chinese fixed upon the latter for the boundary, and have carried their point. Accordingly the present limits are somewhat different from those mentioned in the text. They are carried from the point, where the Shilka and Argoon unite to form the Amoor, Westward along the Shilka, until they reach the mouth of tha Western Gorbitza; from thence they are continued to the source of the last-mentioned river, and along the chain of mountains as before. By this alteration the Russian limits are somewhat abridged.] By the fifth article reciprocal liberty of trade was granted to all the subjects of the two empires, who were provided with pass-ports from their respective courts[85]. [Footnote 85: S.R.G. II. p. 435.] This treaty was signed on the 27th of August, in the year 1689, under the reign of Ivan and Peter Alexiewitch, by which the Russians lost, exclusively of a large territory, the navigation of the river Amoor. The importance of this loss was not at that time understood; and has only been felt since the discovery of Kamtchatka, and of the islands between Asia and America. The products of these new-discovered countries might, by means of the Amoor, have been conveyed by water into the district of Nershinsk, from whence there is an easy transport by land to Kiachta: whereas the same merchandise, after being landed at Ochotsk, is now carried over a large tract of country, partly upon rivers of difficult navigation, and partly along rugged and almost impassable roads. [Sidenote: Rise of the Commerce with China.] In return, the Russians obtained what they long and repeatedly aimed at, a regular and permanent trade with the Chinese. The first intercourse between Russia and China commenced in the beginning of the seventeenth century[86]. At that period a small quantity of Chinese merchandise was procured, by the merchants of Tomsk and other adjacent towns, from the Calmucs. The rapid and profitable sale of these commodities encouraged certain Wayvodes of Siberia to attempt a direct and open communication with China. For this purpose several deputations were sent at different times to Pekin from Tobolsk, Tomsk, and other Russian settlements: these deputations, although they failed of obtaining the grant of a regular commerce, were nevertheless attended with some important consequences. The general good reception, which the agents met with, tempted the Russian merchants to send occasional traders to Pekin. By these means a faint connection with that metropolis was kept alive: the Chinese learned the advantages of the Russian trade, and were gradually prepared for its subsequent establishment. This commerce, carried on by intervals, was entirely suspended by the hostilities upon the river Amoor. But no sooner was the treaty of Nershinsk signed, than the Russians engaged with extraordinary alacrity in this favourite branch of traffic. The advantages of this trade were soon found to be so considerable, that Peter I. conceived an idea of still farther enlarging it. [Sidenote: Caravans allowed to trade to Pekin.] Accordingly, in 1692, he sent Isbrand Ives, a Dutchman in his service, to Pekin, who requested and obtained, that the liberty of trading to China, which by the late treaty was granted to individuals, should be extended to caravans. [Footnote 86: S.R.G. VIII. p. 504, & seq.] In consequence of this arrangement, successive caravans went from Russia to Pekin, where a caravansary was allotted for their reception; and all their expences during their continuance in that metropolis defrayed by the Emperor of China. The right of sending these caravans, and the profits resulting from them, belonged to the crown of Russia. In the mean time, private merchants continued as before to carry on a separate trade with the Chinese, not only at Pekin, but also at the head quarters of the Mongols. The camp of these roving Tartars was generally to be found near the conflux of the Orchon and Tola, between the Southern frontiers of Siberia and the Mongol desert. A kind of annual fair was held at this spot by the Russian and Chinese merchants; where they brought their respective goods for sale; and continued until they were disposed of. This rendezvous soon became a scene of riot and confusion; and repeated complaints were transmitted to the Chinese Emperor of the drunkenness and misconduct of the Russians. These complaints made a still greater impression from a coincidence of similar excesses, for which the Russians at Pekin had become notorious. Exasperated by the frequent representations of his subjects, Camhi threatened to expell the Russians from his dominions, and to prohibit them from carrying on any commerce, as well in China as in the country of the Mongols. [Sidenote: Embassy of Ismailoff to Pekin.] These untoward circumstances occasioned another embassy to Pekin, in the year 1719. Leff Vassilievitch Ismailoff, a captain of the Russian guards, who was sent embassador upon this occasion, succeeded in the negotiation, and adjusted every difficulty to the satisfaction of both parties. At his departure he was permitted to leave behind Laurence Lange, who had accompanied him to Pekin, in the character of agent for the caravans; for the purpose of superintending the conduct of the Russians. [Sidenote: Russians expelled from Pekin.] His residence however in that metropolis was but short; for he was soon afterwards compelled, by the Chinese, to return. His dismission was owing, partly, to a sudden caprice of that suspicious people, and partly to a misunderstanding, which had recently broke out between the two courts, in relation to some Mongol tribes who bordered upon Siberia. A small number of these Mongols had put themselves under the protection of Russia, and were immediately demanded by the Chinese; but the Russians refused compliance, under pretence that no article in the treaty of Nershinsk could, with any appearance of probability, be construed as extending to the Mongols. The Chinese were incensed at this refusal; and their resentment was still further inflamed by the disorderly conduct of the Russian traders, who, freed from all controul by the departure of their agent, had indulged, without restraint, their usual propensity to excess. This concurrence of unlucky incidents extorted, in 1722, an order from Camhi for the total expulsion of the Russians from the Chinese and Mongol territories. These orders were regorously executed; and all intercourse between the two nations immediately ceased. [Sidenote: Embassy of Ragusinski.] Affairs continued in this state until the year 1727, when the count Sava Vladislavitch Ragusinski, a Dalmatian in the service of Russia, was dispatched to Pekin. His orders were at all events to compose the differences between the two courts relating to the Mongol tribes; to settle the Southern frontiers of the Russian empire in that quarter; and to obtain the permission of renewing the trade with China. Accordingly that embassador presented a new plan for a treaty of limits and commerce to Yundschin, son and successor of Camhi; by which the frontiers of the two empires were finally traced as they exist at present, and the commerce established upon a permanent basis, calculated to prevent as far as possible all future sources of misunderstanding. This plan being approved by the emperor, Chinese commissioners were immediately appointed to negotiate with the Russian embassador upon the banks of the Bura, a small river which flows, South of the confines of Siberia, into the Orchon near its junction with the Selenga. [Sidenote: Treaty of Kiatchta.] At this conference, the old limits, which are mentioned in the treaty of Nershinsk, were continued from the source of the Argoon Westwards as far as the mountain Sabyntaban, which is situated at a small distance from the spot where the conflux of the two rivers Uleken and Kemtzak form the Yenisèi: this boundary separates the Russian dominions from the territory of the Mongols, who are under the protection of China. It was likewise stipulated, that for the future all negotiations should be transacted between the tribunal of foreign affairs at Pekin, and the board of foreign affairs at St. Petersburg; or in matters of inferior moment between the commanders of the frontiers[87]. [Footnote 87: This article was inserted, because the Chinese emperor, from a ridiculous idea of superiority, had contemptuously refused to hold any correspondence with the court of Russia.] The most important articles relating to commerce, were as follow: [Sidenote: Account of the Treaty relative to Commerce.] A caravan was allowed to go to Pekin every three years, on condition of its not consisting of more than two hundred persons; during their residence in that metropolis, their expences were no longer to be defrayed by the emperor of China. Notice was to be sent to the Chinese court immediately upon their arrival at the frontiers; where an officer was to meet and accompany them to Pekin. The privilege before enjoyed by individuals of carrying on a promiscuous traffic in the Chinese and Mongol territories was taken away, and no merchandize belonging to private persons was permitted to be brought for sale beyond the frontiers. For the purpose of preserving, consistently with this regulation, the privilege of commerce to individuals, two places of resort were appointed on the confines of Siberia: one called Kiatchta, from a rivulet of that name near which it stands; and the other Zuruchaitu: at these places a free trade was reciprocally indulged to the subjects of the two nations. A permission was at the same time obtained for building a Russian church within the precincts of their caravansary; and for the celebration of divine service, four priests were allowed to reside at Pekin[88]. The same favour was also extended to some Russian Scholars[89], for the purpose of learning the Chinese tongue; in order to qualify themselves for interpreters between the two nations. [Footnote 88: The first Russian church at Pekin was built for the accommodation of the Russians taken prisoners at Albasin. These persons were carried to Pekin, and the place appointed for their habitation in that city was called the Russian Street, a name it still retains. They were so well received by the Chinese, that, upon the conclusion of the treaty of Nershinsk, they refused to return to their native country. And as they intermarried with the Chinese women, their descendants are quite naturalized; and have for the most part adopted not only the language, but even the religion of the Chinese. Hence, the above-mentioned church, though it still exists, is no longer applied to the purpose of divine worship: its priest was transferred to the church, which was built within the walls of the caravansary.] [Footnote 89: The good effects of this institution have already been perceived. A Russian, whose name is Leontieff, after having resided ten years at Pekin, is returned to Petersburg. He has given several translations and extracts of some interesting Chinese publications, viz. Part of the History of China; the Code of the Chinese Laws; Account of the Towns and Revenues, &c. of the Chinese Empire, extracted from a Treatise of Geography, lately printed at Pekin. A short account of this Extract is given in the Journal of St. Petersburg for April, 1779.] This treaty, called the treaty of Kiachta, was, on the fourteenth of June, 1728, concluded and ratified by the count Ragusinski and three Chinese plenipotentaries upon the spot, where Kiachta was afterwards built: it is the basis of all transactions since carried on between Russia and China[90]. [Footnote 90: S.R.G. VIII. p. 513.] One innovation in the mode of carrying on the trade to China, which has been introduced since the accession of the present empress Catherine II. deserves to be mentioned in this place. [Sidenote: Caravans discontinued.] Since the year 1755 no caravans have been sent to Pekin. Their first discontinuance was owing to a misunderstanding between the two courts of Petersburg and Pekin in 1759. Their disuse after the reconciliation had taken place, arose from the following circumstances. The exportation and importation of many principal commodities, particularly the most valuable furs, were formerly prohibited to individuals, and solely appropriated to caravans belonging to the crown. By these restrictions the Russian trade to China was greatly shackled and circumscribed. [Sidenote: Monopoly of the Fur Trade abolished.] The present empress (who, amidst many excellent regulations which characterise her reign, has shewn herself invariably attentive to the improvement of the Russian commerce) abolished, in 1762, the monopoly of the fur trade, and renounced in favour of her subjects the exclusive privilege which the crown enjoyed of sending caravans to Pekin[91]. By these concessions the profits of the trade have been considerably encreased: the great expence, hazard, and delay, of transporting the merchandise occasionally from the frontiers of Siberia to Pekin, has been retrenched; and Kiachta is now rendered the center of the Russian and Chinese commerce. [Footnote 91: S.R.G. VIII. p. 520.] [Illustration: _VIEW of the Chinese Frontier Town_ MAIMATSCHIN _with the_ BROOK KIACHTA, _taken from the West_.] CHAP. III. Account of the _Russian_ and _Chinese_ settlements upon the confines of _Siberia_--description of the _Russian_ frontier town _Kiachta_--of the _Chinese_ frontier town _Maimatschin_--its buildings, pagodas, &c. By the last mentioned treaty it was stipulated, that the commerce between Russia and China should be transacted at the frontiers. [Sidenote: Russian and Chinese Settlement upon the Brook Kiachta.] Accordingly two spots were marked out for that purpose upon the confines of Siberia, where they border upon the Mongol desert; one near the brook Kiachta, and the other at Zuruchaitu. The description of the former of these places forms the subject of this chapter. This settlement consists of a Russian and Chinese town, both situated in a romantic valley, surrounded by high, rocky, and for the most part well-wooded, mountains. This valley is intersected by the brook Kiachta, which rises in Siberia, and, after washing both the Russian and Chinese town, falls into the Bura, at a small distance from the frontiers. [Sidenote: Situation of the Russian Frontier Town Kiachta.] The Russian settlement is called Kiachta from the abovementioned brook: it lies in 124 degrees 18 minutes longitude from the isle of Fero, and 35 degrees N. latitude, at the distance of 5514 versts from Moscow, and 1532 from Pekin. [Sidenote: The Fortress.] It consists of a fortress and a small suburb. The fortress, which is built upon a gentle rise, is a square enclosed with palisadoes, and strengthened with wooden bastions at the several angles. There are three gates, at which guards are constantly stationed: one of the gates faces the North, a second the South towards the Chinese frontiers, and a third the East close to the brook Kiachta. The principal public buildings in the fortress are a wooden church, the governor's house, the custom house, the magazine for provisions, and the guard-house. It contains also a range of shops and warehouses, barracks for the garrison, and several houses belonging to the crown; the latter are generally inhabited by the principal merchants. These buildings are mostly of wood. [Sidenote: Suburb.] The suburb, which is surrounded with a wooden wall covered at the top with chevaux de frize, contains no more than an hundred and twenty houses very irregularly built; it has the same number of gates as the fortress, which are also guarded. Without this suburb, upon the high road leading to Selenginsk, stand a few houses, and the magazine for rhubarb. This settlement is but indifferently provided with water both in quality and quantity; for although the brook Kiachta is dammed up as it flows by the fortress, yet it is so shallow in summer, that, unless after heavy rains, it is scarcely sufficient to supply the inhabitants. Its stream is troubled and unwholesome, and the springs which rise in the neighbourhood are either foul or brackish: from these circumstances, the principal inhabitants are obliged to send for water from a spring in the Chinese district. The soil of the adjacent country is mostly sand or rock, and extremely barren. If the frontiers of Russia were extended about nine versts more South to the rivulet of Bura; the inhabitants of Kiachta would then enjoy good water, a fruitful soil, and plenty of fish, all which advantages are at present confined to the Chinese. The garrison of Kiachta consists of a company of regular soldiers, and a certain number of Cossacs; the former are occasionally changed, but the latter are fixed inhabitants of the place. It is the province of the commander to inspect the frontiers, and, in conjunction with the president of the Chinese merchants, to settle all affairs of an inferior nature; but in matters of importance recourse must be had to the chancery of Selenginsk, and to the governor of Irkutsk. The Russian merchants, and the agents of the Russian trading company, are the principal inhabitants of Kiachta. The limits Westwards from this settlement to the river Selenga, and Eastwards as far as Tchikoi, are bounded with chevaux de frize, placed there to prevent a contraband trade in cattle, for the exportation of which a considerable duty is paid to the crown. All the outposts along the frontiers Westwards as far as the government of Tobolsk, and Eastwards to the mountains of snow, are under the command of the governor of Kiachta. The most elevated of the mountains that surround the valley of Kiachta, and which is called by the Mongols Burgultei, commands the Russian as well as the Chinese town; for this reason, the Chinese, at the conclusion of the last frontier treaty, demanded the cession of this mountain under the pretext, that some of their deified ancestors were buried upon its summit. The Russians gave way to their request, and suffered the boundary to be brought back to the North side of the mountain. [Sidenote: Maimatschin, the Chinese Frontier-Town.] The Chinese town is called, by the Chinese and Mongols, Maimatschin, which signifies fortress of commerce. The Russians term it the Chinese Village (Kitaiskaia Sloboda) and also Naimatschin, which is a corruption of Maimatschin. It is situated about an hundred and forty yards South of the fortress of Kiachta, and nearly parallel to it. Midway between this place and the Russian fortress, two posts about ten feet high are planted in order to mark the frontiers of the two empires: one is inscribed with Russian, the other with Manshur characters[92]. [Footnote 92: Upon the mountain to the West of Kiachta, the limit is again marked, on the Russian side by an heap of stones and earth, ornamented on the top with a cross; and on the Chinese by a pile of stones in the shape of a pyramid. Pallas Reise, P. III. p. 110.] Mainatschin has no other fortification than a wooden wall, and a small ditch of about three feet broad; the latter was dug in the year 1756, during the war between the Chinese and the Calmucs. The town is of an oblong form: its length is seven hundred yards, and its breadth four hundred. On each of the four sides a large gate faces the principal streets; over each of these gates there is a wooden guard-house for the Chinese garrison, which consists of Mongols in tattered clothes, and armed with clubs. Without the gate, which looks to the Russian frontiers, and about the distance of eight yards from the entrance, the Chinese have raised a wooden screen, so constructed as to intercept all view of the streets from without. This town contains two hundred houses and about twelve hundred inhabitants. It has two principal streets of about eight yards broad, crossing each other in the middle at right angles, with two by-streets running from North to South. They are not paved, but are laid with gravel, and kept remarkably clean. [Sidenote: Houses.] The houses are spacious, uniformly built of wood, of only one story, not more than fourteen feet high, plaistered and white-washed; they are constructed round a court yard of about seventy feet square, which is strewed with gravel, and has an appearance of neatness. Each house consists of a sitting room, some warehouses and a kitchen. In the houses of the wealthier sort the roof is made of plank; but in meaner habitations of lath covered over with turf. Towards the streets most of the houses have arcades of wood projecting forwards from the roof like a penthouse, and supported by strong pillars. The windows are large after the European manner, but on account of the dearness of glass and Russian talk are generally of paper, excepting a few panes of glass in the sitting room. The sitting room looks seldom towards the streets: it is a kind of shop, where the several patterns of merchandize are placed in recesses, fitted up with shelves, and secured with paper doors for the purpose of keeping out the dust. The windows are generally ornamented with little paintings, and the walls are hung with Chinese paper. Half the floor is of hard beaten clay; the other half is covered with boards, and rises about two feet in height. Here the family sit in the day-time and sleep at night. By the side of this raised part, and nearly upon the same level, there is a square brick stove, with a streight perpendicular cylindrical excavation, which is heated with small pieces of wood. From the bottom of this stove a tube descends, and is carried zigzag under the boarded floor above-mentioned, and from thence to a chimney which opens into the street. By this contrivance, although the stove is always open and the flame visible, yet the room is never troubled in the least degree with smoke. There is scarcely any furniture in the room, excepting one large dining table in the lower part, and two small lackered ones upon the raised floor: one of these tables is always provided with a chaffing dish, which serves to light their pipes when the stove is not heated. In this room there are several small niches covered with silken curtains, before which are placed lamps that are lighted upon festivals; these niches contain painted paper idols, a stone or metal vessel, wherein the ashes of incense are collected, several small ornaments and artificial flowers: the Chinese readily allow strangers to draw aside the curtains, and look at the idols. The Bucharian[93] merchants inhabit the South West quarter of Maimatschin. Their houses are not so large nor commodious as those of the Chinese, although the greatest part of them carry on a very considerable commerce. [Footnote 93: "The chief merchandizes which the Bucharians bring to Russia, are cotton, stuffs, and half-silks, spun and raw cotton, lamb-skins, precious stones, gold-dust, unprepared nitre, sal-ammoniac, &c." See Russia, or a complete Historical Account of all the nations that compose that empire. V. II. p. 141, a very curious and interesting work lately published.] [Sidenote: The Governor of Maimatschin.] The Surgutschèi, or governor of Maimatschin, has the care of the police, as well as the direction of all affairs relating to commerce: he is generally a person of rank, oftentimes a Mandarin, who has misbehaved himself in another station, and is sent here as a kind of punishment. He is distinguished from the rest by the crystal button of his cap, and by a peacock's[94] feather hanging behind. The Chinese give him the title of Amban, which signifies commander in chief; and no one appears before him without bending the knee, in which posture the person who brings a petition must remain until he receives the governor's answer. His salary is not large; but the presents which he receives from the merchants amount annually to a considerable sum. [Footnote 94: In China the princes of the blood wear three peacock's feathers, nobles of the highest distinction two, and the lower class of the nobility one. It is also a mark of high rank to drive a carriage with four wheels. The governor of Maimatschin rode in one with only two wheels. All the Chinese wear buttons of different colours in their caps, which also denote the rank. Pallas Reise, P. III. p. 126.] The most remarkable public buildings in Maimatschin, are the governor's house, the theatre, and two pagodas. [Sidenote: House of the Governor.] The governor's house is larger than the others, and better furnished; it is distinguished by a chamber where the court of justice is held, and by two high poles before the entrance ornamented with flags. [Sidenote: Theatre.] The theatre is situated close to the wall of the town near the great pagoda: it is a kind of small shed, neatly painted, open in front, and merely spacious enough to contain the stage; the audience stand in the street. Near it are two high poles, upon which large flags with Chinese inscriptions are hoisted on festivals. On such occasions the servants belonging to the merchants play short burlesque farces in honour of their idols. [Sidenote: The small Pagoda.] The smallest of the two Pagodas is a wooden building, standing upon pillars, in the centre of the town at the place where the two principal streets cross. It is a Chinese tower of two stories, adorned on the outside with small columns, paintings, and little iron bells, &c. The first story is square, the second octangular. [Sidenote: The Idol Tien.] In the lower story is a picture representing the God Tien, which signifies, according to the explanation of the most intelligent Chinese, the most high God, who rules over the thirty-two heavens. The Manshurs, it is said, call this idol Abcho; and the Mongols, Tingheru heaven, or the God of heaven. He is represented sitting with his head uncovered, and encircled with a ray[95] of glory similar to that which surrounds the head of our Saviour in the Roman catholic paintings; his hair is long and flowing; he holds in his right hand a drawn sword, and his left is extended as in the act of giving a benediction. On one side of this figure two youths, on the other a maiden and a grey-headed old man, are delineated. [Footnote 95: When Mr. Pallas obtained permission of the governor to see this temple, the latter assured him that the Jesuits of Pekin and their converts adored this idol. From whence he ingeniously conjectures, either that the resemblance between this idol, and the representations of our Saviour by the Roman Catholicks, was the occasion of this assertion; or that the Jesuits, in order to excite the devotion of the converts, have, out of policy, given to the picture of our Saviour a resemblance to the Tien of the Chinese. Pallas Reise, P. III. p. 119.] The upper story contains the picture of another idol in a black and white checquered cap, with the same figures of three young persons and a little old man. There are no altars in this temple, and no other ornaments excepting these pictures and their frames. It is opened only on festivals, and strangers cannot see it without permission. [Sidenote: The great Pagoda and its Idols.] The great Pagoda[96], situated before the governor's house, and near the principal gate looking to the south, is larger and more magnificent than the former. Strangers are allowed to see it at all times, without the least difficulty, provided they are accompanied by one of the priests, who are always to be found in the area of the temple. This area is surrounded with chevaux de frize: the entrance is from the south through two gates with a small building between them. In the inside of this building are two recesses with rails before them, behind which the images of two horses as big as life are coarsly moulded out of clay; they are saddled and bridled, and attended by two human figures dressed like grooms: the horse to the right is of a chesnut colour, the other is dun with a black mane and tail, the former is in the attitude of springing, the latter of walking. Near each horse a banner of yellow silk, painted with silver dragons, is displayed. [Footnote 96: The great Pagoda is omitted in the engraving of Maimatschin prefixed to this chapter; this omission was owing to the artist's being obliged to leave Kiachta before he had time to finish the drawing. In every other respect, the view, as I was informed by a gentleman who has been on the spot, is complete, and represented with the greatest exactness.] In the middle of this area are two wooden turrets surrounded with galleries; a large bell of cart iron which is struck occasionally with a large wooden mallet, hangs in the Eastern turret; the other contains two kettle drums of an enormous size, similar to those made use of in the religious ceremonies of the Calmucs. On each side of this area are ranges of buildings inhabited by the priest of the temple. This area communicates by means of an handsome gateway with the inner court, which is bordered on each side by small compartments open in front, with rails before them; in the inside of these compartments the legendary stories of the idols are exhibited in a series of historical paintings. At the farther extremity of this court stands a large building, constructed in the same style of architecture as the temple. The inside is sixty feet long and thirty broad: it is stored with antient weapons, and instruments of war of a prodigious size; such as spears, scythes, and long pikes, with broad blades, shields, coats of arms, and military ensigns representing hands[97], dragons heads, and other carved figures. All these warlike instruments are richly gilded, and ranged in order upon scaffolds along the wall. Opposite the entrance a large yellow standard, embroidered with foliage and silver dragons, is erected; under it, upon a kind of altar, there is a series of little oblong tables, bearing Chinese inscriptions. [Footnote 97: These hands resemble the manipulary standards of the Romans.] An open gallery, adorned on both sides with flower-pots, leads from the back door of the armoury to the colonade of the temple. In this colonade two slate tablets are placed, in wooden frames, about six feet high and two broad, with long inscriptions relating to the building of the temple. Before one of these plates a small idol of an hideous form stands upon the ground, enclosed in a wooden case. The temple itself is an elegant Chinese building, richly decorated on the outside with columns lackered, and gilded carved-work, small bells, and other ornaments peculiar to the Chinese architecture. Within there is a rich profusion of gilding, which corresponds with the gaudiness of the exterior. The walls are covered thick with paintings, exhibiting the most celebrated exploits of the principal idol. This temple contains five idols of a colossal stature, sitting cross-legged upon pedestals in three recesses, which fill the whole Northern side. [Sidenote: Ghessur Chan, the principal idol.] The principal idol is seated alone, in the middle recess, between two columns, entwined with gilded dragons. Large streamers of silk, hanging from the roof of the temple, veil in some measure the upper part of the image. His name is Ghedsur, or Ghessur Chan[98]; the Chinese call him Loo-ye, or the first and most antient; and the Manshurs, Guanlöe, or the superior god. He is of a gigantic size, surpassing more than fourfold the human stature, with a face glistening like burnished gold, black hair and beard. He wears a crown upon his head, and is richly dressed in the Chinese fashion: his garments are not moulded out of clay, as those of the other idols; but are made of the finest silk. He holds in his hands a kind of tablet, which he seems to read with deep attention. Two small female figures, resembling girls of about fourteen years of age, stand on each side of the idol, upon the same pedestal; one of which grasps a roll of paper. At the right-hand of the idol lie seven golden arrows, and at his left a bow. [Footnote 98: The Mongols and Calmucs call him by this name of Ghessur Chan; and although they do not reckon him among their divinities; yet they consider him as a great hero, the Bacchus and Hercules of Eastern Tartary, who was born at the source of the Choango, and who vanquished many monsters. They have in their language a very long history of his heroical deeds. His title, in the Mongol tongue, is as follows: Arban Zeeghi Essin Ghessur Bogdo Chan: the king of the ten points of the compass, or the monarch Ghessur Chan. I possess a copy of this manuscript, containing the History of Ghessur Chan; it is in the original Mongol language, and was a present from Mr. Pallas: I should be very happy to communicate it to any person versed in the Eastern languages.] Before the idol is a spacious enclosure, surrounded with rails, within which stands an altar with four colossal figures, intended probably to represent the principal mandarins of the deified Ghessur. Two of these figures are dressed like judges, and hold before them small tablets, similar to that in the hands of the principal idol. The two other figures are accoutred in complete armour: one wears a turban; and carries, upon the left shoulder, a large sword sheathed, with the hilt upwards. The other has an hideous copper-coloured face, a large belly, and grasps in his right hand a lance with a broad blade. Although all the remaining idols in the temple are of an enormous size, yet they are greatly surpassed in magnitude by Ghessur Chan. [Sidenote: Maooang.] The first idol in the recess to the right is called Maooang, or the Otschibanni of the Mongols. He has three ghastly copper-coloured faces, and six arms; two of his arms brandish two sabres cross ways over the head; a third bears a looking glass, and a fourth a kind of square, which resembles a piece of ivory. The two remaining arms are employed in drawing a bow, with an arrow laid upon it, ready to be discharged. This idol has a mirror upon his breast, and an eye in his navel: near it are placed two small figures; one holds an arrow, and the other a little animal. [Sidenote: Tsaudsing.] The next idol in the same recess is called by the Chinese Tsaudsing, or the gold and silver god; and by the Mongols Tsagan-Dsambala. He wears a black cap, and is dressed, after the Chinese fashion, in sumptuous robes of state; he bears in his hand a small jewel casket. Near him also stand two little figures, one of which holds a truncated branch. [Sidenote: Chusho.] In the recess to the left is the god Chusho, called by the Manshurs Chua-schan, and by the Mongols Galdi, or the Fire God. He is represented with a frightful fiery reddish face; clad in complete armour he wields a sword half drawn out of the scabbard, and seems on the point of starting up from his seat. He is attended by two little harlbadeers, one of whom is crying; and the other bears a fowl upon his hand, which resembles a sea-pheasant. [Sidenote: Niu-o.] The other idol in the same recess is the god of oxen, Niu-o. He appears to be sitting in a composed posture; he is habited like a Mandarin, and is distinguished by a crown upon his head. He has, in common with the other idols, a mirror upon his breast. The Chinese imagine him to be the same with the Yamandaga of the Mongols; and it is said his Manshurish name is Chain Killova; his Mongol name, which relates to the history of Ghessur, is Bars-Batir, the Hero of Tygers. Before these several idols there are tables, or altars, on which cakes, pastry, dried fruit, and flesh, are placed, on festivals and prayer days: on particular occasions even whole carcases of sheep are offered up. Tapers and lamps are kept burning day and night before the idols. Among the utensils of the temple, the most remarkable is a vessel shaped like a quiver, and filled with flat pieces of cleft reed, on which short Chinese devices are inscribed. These devices are taken out by the Chinese on new-years day, and are considered as oracles, which foretel the good or ill luck of the person, by whom they are drawn, during the following year. There lies also upon a table an hollow wooden black lackered helmet, which all persons of devotion strike with a wooden hammer, whenever they enter the temple. This helmet is regarded with such peculiar awe, that no strangers are permitted to handle it, although they are allowed to touch even the idols themselves. The first day of the new and full moon is appointed for the celebration of worship. Upon each of those days no Chinese ever fails to make his appearance once in the temple; he enters without taking off his cap[99], joins his hands before his face, bows five times to each idol, touches with his forehead the pedestal on which the idol sits, and then retires. Their principal festivals are held in the first month of their year, which answers to February. It is called by them, as well as by the Mongols, the white month; and is considered as a lucky time for the transaction of business; at that time they hoist flags before the temples; and place meat upon the tables of the idols, which the priests take away in the evening, and eat in the small apartments of the interior court. On these solemnities plays are performed in the theatre, in honour of the idols: the pieces are generally satyrical, and mostly written against unjust magistrates and judges. [Footnote 99: They do not take off their caps out of respect; for among the Chinese, as well as other Eastern nations, it is reckoned a mark of disrespect to uncover the head before a superior.] [Sidenote: Superstion of the Chinese.] But although the Chinese have such few ceremonies in their system of religious worship, yet they are remarkably infected with superstition. Mr. Pallas gives the following description of their behaviour at Maimatschin during an eclipse of the moon. At the close of the evening in which the eclipse appeared, all the inhabitants were indefatigable in raising an incessant uproar, some by hideous shrieks, others by knocking wood, and beating cauldrons; the din was heightened by striking the bell and beating the kettle drums of the great Pagoda. The Chinese suppose, that during an eclipse the wicked spirit of the air, called by the Mongols Arachulla, is attacking the moon; and that he is frightened away by these hideous shrieks and noises. Another instance of superstition fell under the observation, of Mr. Pallas, while he was at Maimatschin. A fire broke out in that town with such violence that several houses were in flames. None of the inhabitants, however, attempted to extinguish it; they stood indeed in idle consternation round the fire; and some of them sprinkled occasionally water among the flames, in order to sooth the fire god, who, as they imagined, had chosen their houses for a sacrifice. Indeed if the Russians had not exerted themselves in quenching the fire, the whole place would probably have been reduced to ashes[100]. [Footnote 100: This account of Kiachta and Maimatschin is taken from Mr. Pallas's description of Kiachta, in the journal of his travels through Siberia, p. iii. p. 109-126. Every circumstance relating to the religious worship of the Eastern nations is, in itself so interesting that I thought it would not be unacceptable to my readers to give a translation of the above passages respecting the Chinese Pagodas and Idols: although in a work treating of the new discoveries, and the commerce which is connected with them. In the abovementioned journal the ingenious author continues to describe from his own observations the manners, customs, dress, diet, and several other particulars relative to the Chinese; which, although exceedingly curious and interesting, are foreign to my present purpose, and would have been incompatible with the size of the present work. No writer has placed the religion and history of the Tartar-nations in a more explicit point of view than Mr. Pallas; every page in his interesting journal affords striking proofs of this assertion. He has lately thrown new lights upon this obscure subject, in a recent publication concerning the Tartars, who inhabit parts of Siberia, and the territory which lies between that country and the Chinese-wall. Of this excellent work the first volume appeared in 1776, and contains the genealogy, history, laws, manners, and customs, of this extraordinary people, as they are divided into Calmucs, Mongols, and Burats. The second volume is expected with impatience, and will ascertain, with minuteness and accuracy, the tenets and religious ceremonies which distinguish the votaries of Shamanism from the followers of Dalai-Lama, the two great sects into which these tribes are distinguished. Pallas Samlung historischer Nachrichten ueber die Mongolischen Volkerschafter.] CHAP. IV. Commerce between the _Chinese_ and _Russians_--list of the principal exports and imports--duties--average amount of the _Russian_ trade. [Sidenote: Merchants of Maimatschin.] The merchants of Maimatschin come from the Northern provinces of China, chiefly from Pekin, Nankin, Sandchue, and other principal towns. They are not settled at this place with their wives and families: for it is a remarkable circumstance, that there is not one woman in Maimatschin. This restriction arises from the policy of the Chinese government, which, totally prohibits the women from having the slightest intercourse with foreigners. No Chinese merchant engages in the trade to Siberia who has not a partner. These persons mutually relieve each other. One remains for a stated time, usually a year, at Kiachta; and when, his partner arrives with a fresh cargo of Chinese merchandize, he then returns home with the Russian commodities[101]. [Footnote 101: Pallas Reise, P. III. p. 125.] Most of the Chinese merchants understand the Mongol tongue, in which language commercial affairs are generally transacted. Some few indeed speak broken Russian, but their pronunciation is so soft and delicate, that it is difficult to comprehend them. They are not able to pronounce the R, but instead of it make use of an L; and when two consonants come together, which frequently occurs in the Russian tongue, they divide them by the interposition of a vowel[102]. This failure in articulating the Russian language seems peculiar to the Chinese, and is not observable in the Calmucs, Mongols, and other neighbouring nations[103]. [Footnote 102: Bayer, in his Museum Sinicum, gives several curious instances of the Chinese mode of articulating those sounds, which they have not in their own language. For instance they change B D R X Z into P T L S S. Thus for Maria they say Ma-li-ya; for crux, cu-lu-su; for baptizo, pa-pe-ti-so; for cardinalis, kia-ul-fi-na-li-su; for spiritus, su-pi-li-tu-su; for Adam, va-tam; for Eva, nge-va; for Christus, ki-li-su-tu-su; Hoc, est, corpus, meum--ho-ke, nge-su-tu, co-ul-pu-su, me-vum. Bayer, Mus. Sin. Tom. I. p. 15.] [Footnote 103: Pallas Reise, P. III. p. 134.] The commerce between the Russians and Chinese is entirely a trade of barter, that is, an exchange of one merchandize for another. The Russians are prohibited to export their own coin, nor indeed could the Chinese receive it, even should that prohibition be taken off; for no specie is current amongst them except bullion[104]. And the Russians find it more advantageous to take merchandize in exchange, than to receive bullion at the Chinese standard. The common method of transacting business is as follows. The Chinese merchant comes first to Kiachta, and examines the merchandize he has occasion for in the warehouse of the Russian trader; he then goes to the house of the latter, and adjusts the price over a dish of tea. Both parties next return to the magazine, and the goods in question are there carefully sealed in the presence of the Chinese merchant. When this ceremony is over, they both repair to Maimatschin; the Russian chooses the commodities he wants, not forgetting to guard against fraud by a strict inspection. He then takes the precaution to leave behind a person of confidence, who remains in the warehouse until the Russian goods are delivered, when he returns to Kiachta with the Chinese merchandize[105]. [Footnote 104: The Chinese have no gold or silver coin. These metals are always paid in bullion; and for the purpose of ascertaining the weight, every Chinese merchant is constantly provided with a pair of scales. As gold is very scarce in China, silver is the great vehicle of commerce. When several authors affirm that the Russians draw large quantities of silver from China, they mistake an accidental occurrence for a general and standing fact. During the war between the Chinese and Calmucs, the former had occasion to purchase at Kiachta provision, horses, and camels, for which they paid silver. This traffic brought such a profusion of that metal into Siberia, that its price was greatly reduced below its real value. A pound of silver was at that period occasionally sold at the frontiers for 8 or 9 roubles, which at present fetches 15 or 16. But since the conclusion of these wars by the total reduction of the Calmucs under the Chinese yoke, Russia receives a very small quantity of silver from the Chinese. S.R.G. III. p. 593 & seq. The silver imported to Kiachta is chiefly brought by the Bucharian merchants, who sell cattle to the Chinese in exchange for that metal, which they afterwards dispose of to the Russians for European manufactures. Gold-dust is also occasionally obtained from the same merchants; the quantity however of those metals procured at Kiachta is so inconsiderable, as scarcely to deserve mention. The whole sum imported to Kiachta, in 1777, amounted to only 18,215 roubles.] [Footnote 105: Pallas Reise, P. III. p. 135.] [Sidenote: Russian Exports.] The principal commodities which Russia exports to China are as follow: FURS and PELTRY. It would be uninteresting to enumerate all the furs and skins[106] brought for sale to Kiachta, which form the most important article of exportation on the side of the Russians. The most valuable of these furs are the skins of sea-otters, beavers, foxes, wolves, bears, Bucharian lambs, Astracan sheep, martens, sables, ermines, grey-squirrels. [Footnote 106: The list of all the furs and skins brought to Kiachta, with their several prices, is to be found in Pallas Reise, Part III. p. 136 to p. 142. See hereafter, p. 242.] The greatest part of these furs and skins are drawn from Siberia and the New Discovered Islands: this supply however is not alone fully adequate to the demand of the market at Kiachta. Foreign furs are therefore imported to St. Petersburg, and from thence sent to the frontiers. England alone furnishes a large quantity of beaver and other skins, which she draws from Hudson's Bay and Canada.[107] [Footnote 107: List of furs sent from England to Petersburg in the following years: Beaver-skins. Otter-skins. 1775, | 46460 | 7143 1776, | 27700 | 12086 1777, | 27316 | 10703 The finest Hudson's beavers have been sold upon an average at Petersburg from 70 to 90 roubles per 10 skins. Inferior ditto and best Canada beavers from 50 -- 75 Young or cub-beavers from 20 -- 35 Best otter-skins from 90 -- 100 Inferior ones from 60 -- 80 The qualities of these skins being very different occasion great variations in the prices. At Kiachta, the best Hudson's Bay beaver fetches from 7 to 20 roubles per skin. Otters' ditto 6 -- 35 Black foxes skins from Canada are also sometimes sent from England to Petersburg. At Kiachta they fetch from 1 to 100 roubles per skin.] CLOTH. Cloth forms the second article of exportation which Russia exports to China. The coarse sort is manufactured in Russia; the finer sort is foreign, chiefly English, Prussian, and French. An arshire of foreign cloth fetches, according to its fineness, from 2 to 4 roubles. Camlets. Calimancoes. Druggets. White flannels, both Russian and foreign. The remaining articles are, Rich stuffs. Velvets. Coarse linen, chiefly manufactured in Russia. Russia leather. Tanned hides. Glass ware and looking glasses. Hardware, namely, knives, scissars, locks, &c. Tin. Russian talk. Cattle, chiefly camels, horses, and horned cattle. The Chinese also pay very dear for hounds, greyhounds, barbets, and dogs for hunting wild boars. Provisions[108]. [Footnote 108: In the year 1772, the Chinese purchased meat at Kiachta, at the following prices: A pound of beef 3-2/3 copecs. lamb 2-1/2 Horse flesh for the Tartars 1/2. Pallas Reise, P. III. p.] Meal.--The Chinese no longer import such large quantities of meal as formerly, since they have employed the Mongols to cultivate the lands lying near the river Orchon[109], &c. &c. [Footnote 109: S. R. G. III. p. 495-571. Pallas Reise, P. III. p. 136-144.] [Sidenote: Imports.] List of the most valuable commodities procured from China. RAW AND MANUFACTURED SILK. The exportation of raw silk is prohibited in China under pain of death: large quantities however are smuggled every year into Kiachta, but not sufficient to answer the demands of the Russian merchants. A pood of the best sort is estimated at 150 roubles; of the worst sort at 75 The manufactured silks are of various sorts, fashions, and prices, viz. sattins, taffaties, damasks, and gauzes, scanes of silk died of all colours, ribbands, &c. &c. RAW AND MANUFACTURED COTTON. Raw cotton is imported in very large quantities; a great part of this commodity is employed in packing up the china ware, and by these means is conveyed into the inland part of Russia without any additional expence of carriage. A pood sells for--from 4 roubles, 80 cop. to 12. Of the manufactured cotton, that which the Russians call Kitaika, and the English Nankeen, has the most rapid sale. It is the most durable, and, in proportion to its goodness, the cheapest of all the Chinese stuffs; it is stained red, brown, green, and black. TEAS. The teas which are brought into Russia are much superior in flavour and quality to those which are sent to Europe from Canton. The original goodness of the teas is probably the same in both cases; but it is conjectured, that the transport by sea considerably impairs the aromatic flavour of the plant. This commodity, now become so favourite an object of European luxury, is esteemed by the Russian merchants the most profitable article of importation. At Kiachta a pound of the best tea[110] is estimated at 2 roubles. Common ditto at 1 Inferior at 40 copecs. [Footnote 110: At Petersburg a pound of the best green tea fetches 3 roubles.] PORCELAIN OF ALL SORTS. For some years past the Chinese have brought to Kiachta parcels of porcelain, painted with European figures, with copies of several favourite prints and images of the Grecian and Roman deities. Furniture, particularly Japan cabinets and cases, lackered and varnished tables and chairs, boxes inlaid with mother-of-pearl, &c. &c. Fans, toys, and other small wares. Artificial flowers. Tiger and Panther skins. Rubies[111], but neither in large quantities nor of great value. White lead, vermilion, and other colours. Canes. Tobacco. Rice. Sugar Candy. Preserved ginger, and other sweetmeats. Rhubarb[112]. Musk. [Footnote 111: Rubies are generally procured by smuggling; and by the same means pearls are occasionally disposed of to the Chinese, at a very dear rate. Pearls are much sought for by the Chinese; and might be made a very profitable article.] [Footnote 112: See Appendix II.] It is very difficult to procure the genuine Thibet musk, because the Chinese purchase a bad sort, which comes from Siberia, with which they adulterate that which is brought from Thibet[113]. [Footnote 113: S. R. G. III. p. 572-592. Pallas Reise, p. III. p. 144-153.] [Sidenote: Advantages of this Trade to Russia.] Russia draws great advantages from the Chinese trade. By this traffic, its natural productions, and particularly its furs and skins, are disposed of in a very profitable manner. Many of these furs procured from the most Easterly parts of Siberia, are of such little value that they would not answer the expence of carriage into Russia; while the richer furs, which are sold to the Chinese at a very high price, would, on account of their dearness, seldom meet with purchasers in the Russian dominions. In exchange for these commodities the Russians receive from China several valuable articles of commerce, which they would otherwise be obliged to buy at a much dearer rate from the European powers, to the great disadvantage of the balance of their trade. I have before observed, that formerly the exportation and importation of the most valuable goods were prohibited to individuals; at present only the following articles are prohibited. Among the exports, fire-arms and artillery; gunpowder and ball; gold and silver, coined and uncoined, stallions and mares; skins of deer, reindeer, elks, and horses; beaver's hair, potash, rosin, thread, and [114]tinsel-lace: among the imports, salt, brandy, poisons, copper-money, and rhubarb. [Footnote 114: Tinsel lace is smuggled to the Chinese, with considerable profit; for they pay nearly as much for it as if it was solid silver. S. R. G. III. p. 588.] The duties paid by the Russian-merchants are very considerable; great part of the merchandise is taxed at 25 per cent. Furs, cattle, and provisions, pay a duty of 23. Russian manufactures 18. One per cent. is also deducted from the price of all goods for the expence of deepening the river Selenga; and 7 per cent for the support of the custom-house. Some articles, both of export and import, pay no duty. The exported are, writing, royal, and post paper, Russia cloth of all sorts and colours, excepting peasants cloth. The imported are, satins, raw and stained cottons, porcelain, earthen-ware, glass corals, beads, fans, all musical instruments, furniture, lackered and enamelled ornaments, needles, white-lead, rice, preserved ginger, and other sweet-meats[115]. [Footnote 115: Pallas Reise, P. III. p. 154.] The importance of this trade will appear from the following table. [Sidenote: Table of exportation and importation.] Table of exportation and importation at Kiachta, in the year 1777. Rbles. Cop. Custom-house duties, 481,460. 59-1/2. Importation of Chinese goods, to the value of 1,466,497. 3-3/4. Of gold and silver 11,215. ----------------------- Total of Importation 1,484,712. 3-3/4. ----------------------- Exportation of Russian commodities 1,313,621. 35. From this table it appears, that the total sum of export and import amounts to 2,868,333. In this calculation however the contraband trade is not included, which is very large; and as the year 1777 was not so favourable to this traffic as the preceding ones[116], we may venture to estimate the gross amount of the average trade to China at near 4,000,000 Roubles. [Footnote 116: In the year 1770, 1771, 1772, the custom-house duties at Kiachta (according to Mr. Pallas, P. III. p. 154.) produced 550,000 roubles. By taking therefore the medium between that sum and 481,460, the amount of the duties in 1777, the average sum of the duties will be 515,730; and, as the duties in 1777 make nearly a sixth of the whole sum of exportation and importation, by multiplying 515,730 by 6, we have the gross amount of the average exports and imports at 3,094,380. But as several goods pay no duty, and as the contraband trade according to the lowest valuation is estimated at the fifth part of the exports and imports; the gross amount of the average trade to China may be fairly computed at near 4,000,000, the sum stated above.] CHAP. V. Description of Zuruchaitu--and its trade--Transport of the merchandise through Siberia. The general account of the Russian commerce to China has been given in the preceding chapter, because almost the whole traffic is confined to Kiachta. The description of Zuruchaitu, which was also fixed by the treaty of Kiachta for the purpose of carrying on the same trade, will be comprised of course in a narrow compass. [Sidenote: Description of Zuruchaitu.] Zuruchaitu is situated in 137° longitude, and 49°. 20´ N. latitude, upon the Western branch of the river Argoon, at a small distance from its source. It is provided with a small garrison, and a few wretched barracks surrounded with chevaux de frise. No merchants are settled at this place; they come every summer from Nershinsk, and other Russian towns in order to meet two parties of Mongol troops: these troops are sent from the Chinese towns Naun and Merghen, and arrive at the frontiers about July. They encamp near Zuruchaitu upon the other side of the river Argoon, and barter with the Siberian merchants a few Chinese commodities, which they bring with them. [Sidenote: Commerce.] Formerly the commerce carried on at Zuruchaitu was more considerable; but at present it is so trifling, that it hardly deserves to be mentioned. These Mongols furnish the district of Nershinsk with bad tea and tobacco, bad silks, and some tolerable cottons. They receive in return ordinary furs, cloth, cattle, and Russian leather. This trade lasts about a month or six weeks, and the annual duties of the customs amount upon an average to no more than 500 roubles. About the middle of August the Mongols retire; part proceed immediately to China, and the others descend the stream of the Amoor as far as its mouth, in order to observe if there has been no usurpation upon the limits. At the same time the Russian merchants return to Nershinsk, and, were it not for the small garrison, Zuruchaitu would remain uninhabited[117]. [Footnote 117: S. R. G. III. p. 465. Pallas Reise, P. III. p. 428.] [Sidenote: Transport of the Russian and Chinese Commodities through Siberia.] The Russian commodities are transported by land from Petersburg and Moscow to Tobolsk. From thence the merchants may embark upon the Irtish down to its junction with the Oby; then they either tow up their boats, or sail up the last mentioned river as far as Marym, where they enter the Ket, which they ascend to Makoffskoi Ostrog. At that place the merchandize is carried about ninety versts by land to the Yenisei. The merchants then ascend that river, the Tunguska, and Angara, to Irkutsk, cross the lake Baikal, and go up the river Selenga almost to Kiachta. It is a work of such difficulty to ascend the streams of so many rapid rivers, that this navigation Eastwards can hardly be finished in one summer[118]; for which reason the merchants commonly prefer the way by land. Their general rendezvous is the fair of Irbit near Tobolsk; from thence they go in sledges during winter to Kiachta where they arrive about February, the season in which the chief commerce is carried on with the Chinese. They buy in their route all the furs they find in the small towns, where they are brought from the adjacent countries. When the merchants return in spring with the Chinese goods, which are of greater bulk and weight than the Russian commodities, they proceed by water; they then descend the streams of most of the rivers, namely, the Selenga, Angara, Tunguska, Ket, and Oby to its junction with the Irtish; they ascend that river to Tobolsk, and continue by land to Moscow and Petersburg. [Footnote 118: Some of these rivers are only navigable in spring when the snow water is melting; in winter the rivers are in general frozen.] [Sidenote: Transport of the Furs from Kamtchatka to Kiachta.] Before the passage from Ochotsk to Bolcheresk was discovered in 1716, the only communication between Kamtchatka and Siberia was by land; the road lay by Anadirsk to Yakutsk. The furs[119] of Kamtchatka and of the Eastern isles are now conveyed from that peninsula by water to Ochotsk; from thence to Yakutsk by land on horse-back, or by rein-deer: the roads are so very bad, lying either through a rugged mountainous country, or through marshy forests, that the journey lasts at least six weeks. Yakutsk is situated upon the Lena, and is the principal town, where the choicest furs are brought in their way to Kiachta, as well from Kamtchatka as from the Northern parts of Siberia, which lay upon the rivers Lena, Yana, and Endigirka. At Yakutsk the goods are embarked upon the Lena, towed up the stream of that river as far as Vercholensk, or still farther to Katsheg; from thence they are transported over a short tract of land to the rivulet Buguldeika, down that stream to the lake Baikal, across that lake to the mouth of the Selenga, and up that river to the neighbourhood of Kiachta. [Footnote 119: The furs, which are generally landed upon the Eastern coast of Kamtchatka, are either sent by sea to Bolchoresk, or are transported across the Peninsula in sledges drawn by dogs. The latter conveyance is only used in winter: it is the usual mode of travelling in that country. In summer there is no conveyance, as the Peninsula contains neither oxen, horses, or rein-deer. S. R. G. III. p. 478.] In order to give the reader some notion of that vast tract of country, over which the merchandize is frequently transported by land carriage, a list of the distances is here subjoined. From Petersburg to Moscow 734 versts. Moscow to Tobolsk 2385 Tobolsk to Irkutsk 2918 Irkutsk to Kiachta 471 6508 From Irbit to Tobolsk 420 From Irkutsk to Nershinsk 1129 Nershinsk to Zuruchaitu 370 From Ochotsk to Yakutsk 927 Yakutsk to Irkutsk 2433 From Selenginsk to Zuruchaitu 850 Zuruchaitu to Pekin 1588 Kiachta to Pekin 1532 The Chinese transport their goods to Kiachta chiefly upon camels. It is four or five days journey from Pekin to the wall of China, and forty-six from thence across the Mongol desert to Kiachta[120]. [Footnote 120: Pallas Reise, P. III. p. 134.] PART III. APPENDIX I. & II. CONTAINING SUPPLEMENTARY ACCOUNTS OF THE RUSSIAN DISCOVERIES, &c. &c. [Illustration: KRENITZIN'S and LEVASHEFF'S _VOYAGE to the_ FOX ISLANDS _in 1768 and 1769_.] APPENDIX I. Extract from the journal of a voyage made by Captain _Krenitzin_ and Lieutenant _Levasheff_ to the _Fox Islands_, in 1768, 1769, by order of the Empress of _Russia_--they sail from _Kamtchatka_--arrive at _Beering's_ and _Copper Islands_--reach the _Fox Islands_--_Krenitzin_ winters at _Alaxa_--_Levasheff_ upon _Unalashka_--productions of _Unalashka_--description of the inhabitants of the _Fox Islands_--their manners and customs, &c. [Sidenote: Krenitzin and Levasheff sail from the Mouth of the Kamtchatka River, 1768.] On the 23d of July Captain Krenitzin sailed in the Galliot St. Catherine from the mouth of the Kamtchatka river towards America: he was accompanied by Lieutenant Levasheff, in the Hooker St. Paul. Their instructions were regulated by information derived from Beering's expedition in 1741. Shaping their course accordingly, they found themselves more to the North than they expected; and were told by the Russian traders and hunters, that a similar[121] mistake was committed in the chart of that expedition. These traders, who for some years past were accustomed to ramble to the distant islands in quest of furs, said that they were situated much more to the South, and farther East than was imagined. [Sidenote: They reach Beering's Island.] On the 27th they saw Commodore's or Beering's Island, which is low and rocky, especially to the S. W. On this side they observed a small harbour, distinguished by two hillocks like boats, and not far from it they found a fresh water lake. [Footnote 121: This passage is obscurely expressed. Its meaning may be ascertaining by comparing Krenitzin's chart with that of Beering's voyage prefixed to Muller's account of the Russian Discoveries. The route of Krenitzin's vessel was confidently to the North of the course held by Beering and Tschirikoff, and consequently he sailed through the middle of what they had supposed to be a continent, and which he found to be an open sea. See Robertson's History of America, p. 461, and p. 26, of this work. [Sidenote: and Copper Island.] To the S. E. lies another island, called by the Russians Mednoi Ostroff, or Copper Island, from a great quantity of copper found upon its N. E. coast, the only side which is known to the Russians. It is washed up by the sea, and covers the shore in such abundance, that many ships may load with it. Perhaps an India trader might make a profitable voyage from thence to China, where this metal is in high demand. This copper is mostly in a metallic or malleable state, and many pieces seem as if they had formerly been in fusion. The island is not high, but has many hillocks, each of which has the appearance of having formerly been the funnel of a volcano. We may here, once for all, observe, that all the islands represented in this chart[122] abound with such funnels, called in Russian Sopka, in so much that no island, however small, was found without one; and many of them consisted of nothing else. In short, the chain of islands here laid down may, without any violent stretch of imagination, be considered as thrown up by some late volcanos. The apparent novelty of every thing seems to justify this conjecture: nor can any objection be derived from the vegetable productions with which these islands abound; for the summer after the lower district of Zutphen in Holland was gained from the sea, it was covered over with wild mustard. All these lands are subject to violent and frequent earth-quakes, and abound in sulphur. The writer of the journal was not able to inform us whether any lava was found upon them; but he speaks of a party-coloured stone as heavy as iron. From this account it is by no means improbable, that the copper abovementioned has been melted in some eruption. [Footnote 122: Namely, the chart which is prefixed to this journal.] [Sidenote: Arrive at the Fox Islands.] After leaving Copper Island, no land was seen from either of the ships (which had parted company in a fog) till on the S. E. quarter of their tract, was discovered the chain of islands or head-lands laid down in the chart. These in general appeared low, the shore bad, without creeks, and the water between them very shallow. During their course outwards, as well as during their return, they had frequent fogs. It appears from the journal, as well as from the relation of the hunters, that it is very uncommon to have clear weather for five days together, even during summer. [Sidenote: Krenitzin winters at Alaxa.] The St. Catherine wintered in the straits of Alaxa, where they hauled her into shoal water. The instructions given to the captain set forth, that a private ship had in 1762 found there a commodious haven; but he looked for it in vain. The entrance of this strait from the N. E. was extremely difficult on account of flats, and strong currents both flood and ebb: the entrance however from the S. E. was afterwards found to be much easier with not less than 5-1/2 fathoms water. Upon surveying this strait, and the coast of Alaxa, many funnels were observed in the low grounds close to the shore, and the soil produced few plants. May not this allow one to suppose that the coast had suffered considerable changes since the year 1762? Few of the islands produce wood, and that only in the vallies by the rivulets. Unalga and Alaxa contain the most; they abound with fresh water streams, and even rivers; from which we may infer that they are extensive. The soil is in general boggy, and covered with moss; but Alaxa has more soil and produces much grass. [Sidenote: Levasheff winters upon Unalashka.] The St. Paul wintered in Unalashka. This wintering place was observed to lie in 53° 29´ North latitude, and its longitude from the mouth of Kamtchatka river, computed by the ship's journal, was 27° 05´ East[123]. Unalashka is about fifty miles long from N. E. to S. W. and has on the N. E. side three bays. One of them called Udagha stretches thirty miles E. N. E. and W. S. W. nearly through the middle of the island. Another called Igunck, lying N. N. E. and S. S. W. is a pretty good harbour, with three and a half fathom water at high tide, and sandy ground. It is well sheltered from the North swell at its entrance by rocks, some of which are under water. The tide flows here five feet at full and change, and the shore is in general bold and rocky, except in the bay, at the mouth of a small river. There are two burning mountains on this island, one called Ayaghish, and the other (by the Russians) the Roaring Mountain. Near the former is a very copious hot spring. The land is in general rocky, with loamy and clayey grounds; but the grass is extremely coarse, and unfit for pasture. Hardly any wood is to be found on it. [Sidenote: Productions of Unalashka.] Its plants are dwarf cherry ([124]Xylosteum of Tournefort), wortle berry, (Vaccinium Uliginosum of Linnæus), rasberry, farana and shikshu of Kamtchatka and kutage, larch, white poplar, pine and birch[125]. The land animals are foxes of different colours, mice, and weasels; there are also beavers[126], sea cats, and sea lions as at Kamtchatka. Among their fish we may reckon cod, perch, pilchards, smelts, roach, needle fish, terpugh, and tchavitcha. The birds are eagles, partridges, ducks, teals, urili, ari, and gadi. The animals for whose Russian names I can find no translations, are (excepting the Ari) described in Krashininikoff's History of Kamtchatka, or in Steller's relation contained in the second volume of the Memoirs of the Academy of Petersburgh. [Footnote 123: According to the general map of Russia, the mouth of the Kamtchatka river is in 178° 25´ from Fero. Unalashka therefore, according to this estimation, is 205° 30´ from Fero, or 187° 55´ 15´´ from Greenwich.] [Footnote 124: The Lonicera Pyrenaica of Linnæus. It is not a dwarf cherry, but a species of honeysuckle.] [Footnote 125: All the other journalists uniformly describe Unalashka as containing nothing but underwood; we must therefore suppose that the trees here mentioned were very low and small, and this agrees with what goes before, "hardly any wood is to be found on it."] [Footnote 126: By beavers the journalists certainly mean sea-otters, called by the Russians sea-beavers. See p. 12. For a description of the sea-otter, called by Linnæus Lutra Marina, see Nov. Com. Petr. vol. II. p. 367, et seq.] [Sidenote: Account of the Inhabitants of the Fox Islands.] The inhabitants of Alaxa, Umnak, Unalaksha, and the neighbouring islands, are of a middle stature, tawny brown colour, and black hair. In summer they wear coats (parki[127]) made of bird skins, over which, in bad weather, and in their boats, they throw cloaks, called kamli, made of thin whale guts. On their heads they wear wooden caps, ornamented with duck's feathers, and the ears of the sea-animal, called Scivutcha or sea-lion; they also adorn these caps with beads of different colours, and with little figures of bone or stone. In the partition of the nostrils they place a pin, about four inches long, made of the bone, or of the stalk of a certain black plant; from the ends of this pin or bodkin they hang, in fine weather and on festivals, rows of beads, one below the other. They thrust beads, and bits of pebble cut like teeth, into holes made in the under-lips. They also wear strings of beads in their ears, with bits of amber, which the inhabitants of the other islands procure from Alaxa, in exchange for arrows and kamli. [Footnote 127: Parki in Russian signifies a shirt, the coats of these islanders being made like shirts.] They cut their hair before just above the eyes, and some shave the top of their heads like monks. Behind the hair is loose. The dress of the women hardly differs from that of the men, excepting that it is made of fish-skins. They sew with bone needles, and thread made of fish guts, fastening their work to the ground before them with bodkins. They go with the head uncovered, and the hair cut like that of the men before, but tied up behind in a high knot. They paint their cheeks with strokes of blue and red, and wear nose-pins, beads, and ear-rings like the men; they hang beads round their neck, and checkered strings round their arms and legs. [Sidenote: Manners and Customs.] In their persons we should reckon them extremely nasty. They eat the vermin with which their bodies are covered, and swallow the mucus from the nose. Having washed themselves, according to custom, first with urine, and then with water, they suck their hands dry. When they are sick, they lie three or four days without food; and if bleeding is necessary, they open a vein with lancets made of flint, and suck the blood. Their principal nourishment is fish and whale fat, which they commonly eat raw. They also feed upon sea-wrack and roots, particularly the saran, a species of lily; they eat a herb, called kutage, on account of its bitterness, only with fish or fat. They sometimes kindle fire by catching a spark among dry leaves and powder of sulphur: but the most common method is by rubbing two pieces of wood together, in the manner practised at Kamtchatka[128], and which Vaksel, Beering's lieutenant, found to be in use in that part of North America which he saw in 1741. They are very fond of Russian oil and butter, but not of bread. They could not be prevailed upon to taste any sugar until the commander shewed the example; finding it sweet, they put it up to carry it home to their wives. [Footnote 128: The instrument made use of by the Kamtchadals, to procure fire, is a board with several holes in it, and a stick; the latter is put into the holes, and turned about swiftly, until the wood within the holes begins to burn, where there is tinder ready to catch the sparks. S. R. G. III. p. 205.] The houses of these islanders are huts built precisely in the manner of those in Kamtchatka, with the entry through a hole in the middle of the roof. In one of these huts live several families, to the amount of thirty or forty persons. They keep themselves warm by means of whale fat burnt in shells, which they place between their legs. The women set apart from the men. Six or seven of these huts or yourts make a village, of which there are sixteen in Unalashka. The islands seem in general to be well inhabited, as may be conjectured from the great number of boats which are seen continually plying along the shore. There are upwards of a thousand inhabitants on Unalashka, and they say that it was formerly much more populous. They have suffered greatly by their disputes with the Russians, and by a famine in the year 1762; but most of all from a change in their way of life. No longer contented with their original simplicity, they long for Russian luxuries: in order therefore to obtain a few delicacies, which are presently consumed, they dedicate the greatest part of their time to hunting, for the purpose of procuring furs for the Russians: by these means, they neglect to lay up a provision of fish and roots; and suffer their children frequently to die of hunger. Their principal food is fish, which they catch with bone hooks. Their boats, in which they row to a great distance from land, are made, like those of the Innuet or Esquimaux, of thin slips of wood and skins: these skins cover the top as well as the sides of the boat, and are drawn tight round the waist of the rower. The oar is a paddle, broad at both ends. Some of their boats hold two persons; one of whom rows, and the other fishes: but these kind of boats seem appropriated to their chiefs. They have also large boats capable of holding forty men. They kill birds and beasts with darts made of bone, or of wood tipped with sharpened stone: they use these kind of darts in war, which break with the blow given by them, and leave the point in the wound. The manners and character of these people are what we should expect from their necessitous situation, extremely rude and savage. The inhabitants however of Unalashka are somewhat less barbarous in their manners and behaviour to each other, and also more civil to strangers than the natives of the other islands; but even they are engaged in frequent and bloody quarrels, and commit murder without the least compunction. Their disposition engages them in continual wars, in which they always endeavour to gain their point by stratagem. The inhabitants of Unimak are formidable to all the rest; they frequently invade the other islands, and carry off women, the chief object of their wars. Alaxa is most subject to these incursions, probably because it is more populous and extensive. They all join in hating the Russians, whom they consider as general invaders, and therefore kill them wherever they can. The people of Unalashka however are more friendly; for Lieutenant Levasheff, being informed that there was a Russian vessel in the straits of Alaxa, prevailed on some Unalashkans to carry a letter, which they undertook, notwithstanding the danger they were exposed to from the inhabitants of the intervening islands. The journalist says, that these people have no kind of religion, nor any notion of a God. We observe however among them sufficient marks of such a religion as might be expected from people in their situation. For the journalist informs us, that they have fortune-tellers employed by them at their festivals. These persons pretend to foretel events by the information of the Kugans or Dæmons. In their divinations they put on wooden masks, made in the form in which they say the Kugan appeared to them; they then dance with violent motions, beating at the same time drums covered with fish skins. The inhabitants also wear little figures on their caps, and place others round their huts, to keep off the devils. These are sufficient marks of a savage religion. It is common for them to have two, three, or four wives, and some have also an object of unnatural affection, who is dressed like the women. The wives do not all live together, but, like the Kamtchadals, in different yourts. It is not unusual for the men to exchange their wives, and even sell them, in time of dearth, for a bladder of fat; the husband afterwards endeavours to get back his wife, if she is a favourite, and if unsuccessful he sometimes kills himself. When strangers arrive at a village, it is always customary for the women to go out to meet them, while the men remain at home: this is considered as a pledge of friendship and security. When a man dies in the hut belonging to his wife, she retires into a dark hole, where she remains forty days. The husband pays the same compliment to his favourite wife upon her death. When both parents die, the children are left to shift for themselves. The Russians found many in this situation, and some were brought for sale. In each village there is a sort of chief, called Tookoo, who is not distinguished by any particular rank or authority. He decides differences by arbitration, and the neighbours enforce the sentence. When he goes out to sea he is exempted from working, and has a servant, called Kalè, for the purpose of rowing the canoe; this is the only mark of his dignity: at all other times he labours like the rest. The office is not hereditary; but is generally conferred on him who is most remarkable for his personal qualities; or who possesses a great influence by the number of his friends. Hence it frequently happens, that the person who has the largest family is chosen. During their festivals, which are held after the fishing season ends in April, the men and women sing songs; the women dance, sometimes singly, and sometimes in pairs, waving in their hands blown bladders; they begin with gentle movements, which become at last extremely violent. The inhabitants of Unalashka are called Kogholaghi. Those of Akutan, and farther East to Unimak, are called Kighigusi; and those of Unimak and Alaxa are called Kataghayekiki. They cannot tell whence they have these names, and now begin to call themselves by the general name of Aleyut, given them by the Russians, and borrowed from some of the [129]Kuril islands. Upon being asked concerning their origin, they said that they had always inhabited these islands, and knew nothing of any other country beyond them. All that could be gathered from them was, that the greatest numbers came from Alaxa, and that they did not know whether that land had any bounds. The Russians surveyed this island very far to the N. E. in boats, being out about a fortnight, and set up a cross at the end of their survey. The boats of the islanders are like those of the Americans. It appears however from their customs and way of life, so far as these are not necessarily prescribed to them by their situation, that they are of Kamtchatdal original. Their huts, their manner of kindling fire, and their objects of unnatural affections, lead to this conjecture. Add to this, the almost continual Westerly winds, which must render the passage Westward extremely difficult. Beering and Tchirikoff could never obtain Easterly winds but by going to the Southward. [Footnote 129: I cannot find, that any of the Kuril Isles are called Aleyut in the catalogue of those islands given by Mr. Muller, S. R. G. III. p, 86-92. Neither are any of them laid down under that name in the Russian charts.] The Russians have for some years past been accustomed to go to these islands in quest of furs, of which they have imposed a tax on the inhabitants. The manner of carrying on this trade is as follows. The Russian traders go in Autumn to Beering's and Copper island, and there winter: they then employ themselves in catching the sea-cat, and afterwards the Scivutcha, or sea-lion. The flesh of the latter is prepared for food, and it is very delicate. They carry the skins of these sea-animals to the Eastern islands. Next summer they go Eastward, to the Fox-islands; and again lay their ships up for the winter. They then endeavour to procure, either by persuasion or force, the children of the inhabitants, particularly of the Tookoos, as hostages. This being accomplished, they deliver to the inhabitants fox-traps, and also skins for their boats, for which they oblige them to bring furs and provisions during the winter. After obtaining from them a certain quantity of furs, by way of tax, for which they give them quittances; the Russians pay for the rest in beads, false pearls, goat's wool, copper kettles, hatchets, &c. In the spring they get back their traps, and deliver up their hostages. They dare not hunt alone, nor in small numbers, on account of the hatred of the natives. These people could not, for some time, comprehend for what purpose the Russians imposed a tribute of skins, which were not to be their own property, but belonged to an absent person; for their Tookoos have no revenue. Nor could they be made to believe, that there were any more Russians than those who came among them; for in their own country all the men of an island go out together. At present they comprehend something of Kamtchatka, by means of the Kamtchadals and Koriacs who come along with the Russians; and on their arrival love to associate with people whose manner of life resembles their own. Krenitzin and Levasheff returned from this expedition into the mouth of the Kamtchatka river in autumn 1769. The chart which accompanies this journal was composed by the pilot Jacob Yakoff, under the inspection of the commanders[130] Krenitzin and Levasheff. The track of the St. Paul is marked both in going out and returning. The harbour of the St. Paul in the island Unalashka, and the straits of Alaxa, are laid down from observations made during the winter 1768; and the islands connected by bearings and distances taken during a cruise of the St. Paul twice repeated. [Footnote 130: Krenitzin was drowned soon after his return to Kamtchatka in a canoe belonging to the natives.] In this chart the variation is said to be In Lat. Long. Points 54° 40´. 204. 2 East. 52 20 201 1-1/2 52 50 198 1-1/2 53 20 192 30 1 53 40 188 1 54 50 182 30 0-3/4 55 00 180 30 0-3/4 N^o II. Concerning the longitude of _Kamtchatka_, and of the Eastern extremity of _Asia_, as laid down by the _Russian_ Geographers. [Sidenote: Longitude of the extreme Parts of Asia.] The important question concerning the longitude of the extreme parts of Asia has been so differently stated by the most celebrated geographers, that it may not be amiss to refer the curious reader to the principal treatises upon that subject. [Sidenote: by Mr. Muller and the Russian Geographers.] The proofs by which Mr. Muller and the Russian geographers place the longitude of the Eastern extremity of Asia beyond 200 degrees from the first meridian of Fero, or 180° 6´ 15´´ from Paris, are drawn from the observations of the satellites of Jupiter, made by Krassilnikoff at Kamtchatka, and in different parts of Siberia, and from the expeditions of the Russians by land and sea towards Tschukotskoi Noss. [Sidenote: by Mr. Engel.] Mr. Engel calls in question the exactness of these observations, and takes off twenty-nine degrees from the longitude of Kamtchatka, as laid down by the Russians. To this purpose he has given to the public, 1. Memoires et observations geographiques et critiques sur la situation des Pays Septentrionaux de l'Asie et de l'Amerique. A Lausanne, 1765. 2. Geographische und Critische Nachricht ueber die Lage der noerdlichen Gegenden von Asien und America. Mittau, 1772. [Sidenote: by Mr. Vaugondy.] It appears to Monsieur de Vaugondy, that there are not sufficient grounds for so extraordinary a diminution: accordingly he shortens the continent of Asia only eleven degrees of longitude; and upon this subject he has given the two following treatises: 1. Lettre au sujet d'une carte systematique des Pays Septentrionaux de l'Asie et de l'Amerique. Paris, 1768. 2. Nouveau systeme geographique, par lequel on concilie les anciennes connoissances sur les Pays au Nord Ouest de l'Amerique. Paris, 1774. [Sidenote: Mons. Buache supports the System of the Russians against Engel and Vaugondy.] In opposition to these authors, Monsieur Buache has published an excellent treatise, entitled Memoires sur les Pays de l'Asie et de l'Amerique. Paris, 1775. In this memoir he dissents from the opinions of Messrs Engel and Vaugondy; and defends the system of the Russian geographers in the following manner. Monsieur Maraldi, after comparing the observations of the satellites of Jupiter, taken at Kamtchatka by Krassilnikoff, with the tables, has determined the longitude of Ochotsk, Bolcheresk, and the port of St. Peter and Paul from the first meridian of Paris as follows: h ´ ´´ [131]Longitude of Ochotsk 9 23 30 of Bolcheresk 10 17 17 of the Port 10 25 5 Latitude of Ochotsk 59° 22´, of Bolcheresk 52° 55´, of the Port 53° 1´. [Footnote 131: Krassilnikoff compared his observations with corresponding ones taken at Petersburg, which gave results as follow: From comparing an observation of an eclipse of the first satellite, taken at Ochotsk the 17th of January, 1743, with an observation of an eclipse of the same satellite taken at Petersburg on the 15th of January in the same year, the difference of longitude between Petersburg and Ochotsk appeared to be 7^h. 31´ 29´´; from a comparison of two other similar observations the difference of longitude was 7^h. 31´ 3´´, a mean of which is 7^h. 31´ 34´´, being the true difference between the meridians of Petersburg and Ochotsk according to these observations. By adding the difference of the longitude between Petersburg and Paris, which is 1^h. 52´ 25´´, we have the longitude of Ochotsk from Paris 9^h. 23´ 59´´, which differs 29´´ only from the result of Mons. Maraldi. Nov. Comm. Pet. III. p. 470. In the same manner the longitude of Bolcheresk appears from the corresponding observations taken at that place and at Petersburg to be 10h. 20´ 22´´ differing from Mr. Maraldi about 2´ 5´´. Nov. Com. p. 469. But the longitude of the port of St. Peter and Paul, estimated in the same manner from corresponding observations, differs from the longitude as computed by Mons. Maraldi no more than 20 seconds, p. 469.] The comparison of the following results, deduced from corresponding observations[132] of the eclipses of Jupiter's satellites taken at Bolcheresk at the port of Peter and Paul by Krassilnikoff, and at Pekin by the Jesuit missionaries, will shew from their near agreement the care and attention which must have been given to the observations; and from hence there is reason to suppose, that the suspicions of inaccuracy imputed to Krassilnikoff are ill founded. [Footnote 132: Obs. Ast. Ecc. Sat. Jovis, &c. Nov. Com. Petr. vol. III. p. 452, &c. Obs. Ast. Pekini factæ. Ant. Hallerstein--Curante Max. Hell. Vindibonæ, 1768.] 1741, Old Stile. h ´ ´´ Jan. 27, Em. I Sat. 12 9 25 at the port of St. Peter and Paul. 9 20 35 at Pekin. ---------- Difference of the meridian at Pekin and the Port 2 48 50 ---------- h ´ ´´ Jan. 30, Imm. III Sat. 12 5 30 at the Port. 9 16 30 at Pekin. ---------- 2 49 0 ---------- h ´ ´´ Feb. 5, I Sat. 8 33 26 at the Port. 5 43 45 at Pekin. ---------- 2 49 41 ---------- h ´ ´´ Feb. 12, Em. I Sat. 10 28 49 7 39 29 ---------- 2 49 20 ----------- And the longitude from Paris to Pekin being 7 36 23 The difference of the meridians of Paris and the Port will be 10 25 36 Which differs only 31 seconds from the determination of Mr. Maraldi. 1741. Old Style. h ´ ´´ March 23, Em. II Sat. 10 55 2 at Bolcheresk. 8 14 0 at Pekin. ----------- 2 41 2 ----------- h ´ ´´ Dec. 31, Im. I Sat. 10 51 58 at Bolcheresk. 8 9 45 at Pekin. ----------- Difference of the meridians 2 42 13 of Pekin and Bolcheresk ----------- h ´ ´´ By taking the medium the difference of the longitude between Bolcheresk and Pekin will be found to be 2 41 37 Between Bolcheresk and Paris 10 18 0 Which differs only one minute and one second from the determination of Mr. Maraldi. In order to call in question the conclusions drawn from the observations of Krassilnikoff, Monsieur de Vaugondy pretends that the instruments and pendulums, which he made use of at Kamtchatka, were much damaged by the length of the journey; and that the person who was sent to repair them was an unskilful workman. But this opinion seems to have been advanced without sufficient foundation. Indeed Krassilnikoff[133] himself allows that his pendulum occasionally stopt, even when necessary to ascertain the true time of the observation. He admits therefore that the observations which he took under these disadvantages (when he could not correct them by preceding or subsequent observations of the sun or stars) are not to be depended upon, and has accordingly distinguished them by an asterisk; there are however a number of others, which were not liable to any exception of this kind; and the observations already mentioned in this number are comprised under this class. [Footnote 133: Nov. Com. Pet. III. p. 444.] * * * * * If the arguments which have been already produced should not appear sufficiently satisfactory, we have the further testimony of Mr. Muller, who was in those parts at the same time with Krassilnikoff, and who is the only competent judge of this matter now alive. For that respectable author has given me the most positive assurances, that the instruments were not damaged in such a manner as to effect the accuracy of the observations when in the hands of a skilful observer. [Sidenote: Accuracy of the Russian Geographers.] That the longitude of Kamtchatka is laid down with sufficient accuracy by the Russian geographers, will appear by comparing it with the longitude of Yakutsk; for as the latter has been clearly established by a variety of observations, taken at different times and by different persons, if there is any error in placing Kamtchatka so far to the East, it will be found in the longitude between Yakutsk and Bolcheresk. A short comparison therefore of some of the different observations made at Yakutsk will help to settle the longitude of Kamtchatka, and will still farther confirm the character of a skilful observer, which has been given to Krassilnikoff. Krassilnikoff in returning from Kamtchatka observed at Yakutsk several eclipses of the satellites of Jupiter, of which the following are mentioned by him as the most exact. 1744, Old Style. h ´ ´´ [134]Feb. 7. Imm. I. Sat. 11 18 35 somewhat doubtful. 22. Imm. II. Sat. 10 31 11} 29. Imm. II. Sat. 13 6 54} Mar. 1. Imm. I. Sat. 11 23 0} all exact. Apr. 9. Em. I. Sat. 12 23 50} [Footnote 134: Nov. Comm. Petr. T. III. p. 460.] The same eclipses, as calculated by the tables of Mr. Wargentin, for the meridian of Paris, are as follow: h ´ ´´ h ´ ´´ Feb. 7. Imm. I. 2 49 0 Difference of 8 29 35 27. Imm. I. 12 3 10 the meridians 8 21 1 29. Imm. II. 4 38 17 of Paris-- 8 28 37 Mar. 1. Imm. I. 3 3 37 and Yakutsk 8 29 23 Apr. 9. Em. I. 3 54 12 8 29 46 ---------- The mean of which is 8 29 5 ---------- The observations of Mr. Islenieff[135], made at Yakutsk in the year 1769, to which place he was sent to observe the transit of Venus, have received the sanction of the Imperial Academy. The longitude which he fixes for Yakutsk is 8^h 29´ 34´´. this corresponds, to a sufficient degree of exactness, with the longitude inferred from, the observations of Krassilnikoff. [Footnote 135: For Islenieff's observations at Yakutsk, see Nov. Com. Tom. XIV. Part III. p. 268 to 321.] Thus the longitude of Yakutsk from Paris being 8^h 29° 4´´. or in degrees 127 16 0. and of Bolcheresk 10 17 17, or in degrees 150° 19´ 15. the difference of the longitude of these two places, from astronomical observations, amounts to 1 48 8. or in degrees 27° 3´ 0. The latitude of Bolcheresk is 52° 55´ 0´´. and that of Yakutsk 62° 1´ 50´´. and the difference of their longitudes being from the preceding determination 27 3 0. the direct distance between the places measured on a great circle of the earth will appear by trigonometry to be 16° 57´. or about 1773 versts reckoning 104-1/2 versts to a degree. This distance consists partly of sea, and partly of land; and a constant intercourse is kept up between the two places, by means of Ochotsk, which lies between them. The distance by sea from Bolcheresk to Ochotsk is estimated by ships reckonings to be 1254 versts, and the distance by land from Ochotsk to Yakutsk is 927 versts, making altogether 2181. The direct distance deduced by trigonometry, (on a supposition that the difference of longitude between Bolcheresk and Yakutsk is 27° 3´.) is 1773, falling short of 2181 by 408. a difference naturally to be expected from considering, that neither roads by land, or the course of ships at sea, are ever performed precisely on a great circle of the earth, which is the shortest line that can be drawn on the earth's surface between two places. By this agreement between the distance thus estimated, and that deduced by computation, on supposing the difference of longitude between Yakutsk and Bolcheresk to be 27° 3´. it seems very improbable, that there should be an error of many degrees in the astronomical determination. Since then the longitude between Fero and Petersburgh is acknowledged to be 48°--that between Petersburgh and Yakutsk 99° 21´--and as the distance in longitude between Yakutsk and Bolcheresk cannot be materially less than 27° 3´. it follows that the longitude of Bolcheresk from Fero cannot be much less than 174° 24´. Where then shall we find place for so great an error as 27 degrees, which, according to Mr. Engel, or even of 11°. which, according to Mons. Vaugondy, is imputed to the Russian geographers, in fixing the longitude of Kamtchatka? From the isle of Fero Longitude of Yakutsk 147 0 0 of Ochotsk 160 7 0 of Bolcheresk 174 13 0 of the Port of St. Peter and Paul 176 10 0 [Sidenote: Longitude of the extreme parts of Asia determined by the Russians.] As no astronomical observations have been made further to the East than the Port of St. Peter and Paul, it is impossible to fix, with any degree of certainty, the longitude of the North-Eastern promontory of Asia. It appears however from Beering's and Synd's coasting voyages towards Tschukotskoi Noss, and from other expeditions to the parts by land and sea, that the coast of Asia in lat. 64. stretches at least 23° 2 30. from the Port, or to about 200° longitude from the Isle of Fero. N^o III. Summary of the proofs tending to shew, that _Beering_ and _Tschirikoff_ either reached _America_ in 1741, or came very near it. The coast which Beering reached, and called Cape St. Elias, lay, according to his estimation, in 58°. 28´. N. latitude, and in longitude 236°. from Fero: the coast touched at by Tschirikoff was situated in lat. 56°. long. 241°[136]. [Footnote 136: The reader will find the narrative of this voyage made by Beering and Tschirikoff in Muller's account of the Russian Discoveries, S. R. G. III. 193, &c.] [Sidenote: Arguments advanced by Steller to prove that Beering and Tschirikoff discovered America.] Steller, who accompanied Beering in his expedition towards America, endeavours to prove, that they discovered that continent by the following arguments[137]: The coasts were bold, presenting continued chains of high mountains, some of which were so elevated, that their tops were covered with snow, their sides were cloathed from the bottom to the top with large tracts of thick and fine wood[138]. [Footnote 137: See Krashininikoff's account of Kamtchatka, Chap. X. French Translation; Chap. IV. English translation.] [Footnote 138: The recent navigations in those seas strongly confirm this argument. For in general all the new discovered islands are quite destitute of trees; even the largest produce nothing but underwood, one of the most Easterly Kadyak alone excepted, upon which small willows and alders were observed growing in vallies at some distance from the coast. See p. 118.] Steller went ashore, where he remained only a few hours; during which time he observed several species of birds which are not known in Siberia: amongst these was the bird described by [139]Catesby, under the name of Blue Jay; and which has never yet been found in any country but North America. The soil was very different from that of the neighbouring islands, and at Kamtchatka: and he collected several plants, which are deemed by botanists peculiar to America. [Footnote 139: See Catesby's Natural History of Florida, Carolina, &c. This bird is called by Linnæus Corbus Cristatus. I have seen, in Mr. Pennant's MS account of the history of the animals, birds, &c. of N. America, and the Northern hemisphere, as high as lat. 60, an exact description of this bird. Whenever that ingenious author, to whom we are indebted for many elegant and interesting publications, gives this part of his labours to the world, the zoology of these countries will be fully and accurately considered.] The following list of these plants was communicated to me by Mr. Pallas: I insert them however without presuming to decide, whether they are the exclusive growth of North America: the determination of this point is the province of botany. Trillium Erectum. Fumaria Cucullaria. A species of Dracontium, with leaves like the Canna Indica. Uvularia Perfoliata. Heuchera Americana. Mimulus Luteus, a Peruvian plant. A species of Rubus, probably a variety of the Rubus Idæus, but with larger berries, and a large laciniated red calyx. None of these plants are found in Kamtchatka, or in any of the neighbouring islands[140]. [Footnote 140: According to Mr. Pallas, the plants of the new-discovered islands are mostly alpine, like those of Siberia; this he attributes to the shortness and coldness of the summer, occasioned by the frequency of the North winds. His words are: "Quoique les hivres de ces isles soient assez temperés par l'air de la mer, de façon que les neiges ne couvrent jamais la terre que par intervalles, la plupart des plantes y sont alpines, comme en Siberie, par la raison que l'eté y est tout aussi courte et froide, a cause des vents de nord qui y regnent." This passage is taken from a MS treatise in the French language, relative to the new-discovered islands communicated to me by my very learned and ingenious friend Mr. Pallas, professor of natural history at St. Petersburg; from which I have been enabled to collect a considerable degree of information. This treatise was sent to Mons. Buffon; and that celebrated naturalist has made great use of it in the fifth volume of his Supplement à l'Histoire Naturelle.] Though these circumstances should not be considered as affording decisive proofs, that Beering reached America; yet they will surely be admitted as strong presumptions, that he very nearly approached that continent[141]. [Footnote 141: The reader will recollect in this place, that the natives of the contiguous islands touched at by Beering and Tschirikoff "presented to the Russians the calumet, or pipe of peace, which is a symbol of friendship universal among the people of North America, and an usage of arbitrary institution peculiar to them." See Robertson's Hist. Am. vol. I. p. 276. S. R. G. III. p. 214.] N^o IV. List of the principal charts representing the Russian discoveries. The following is an authentic list of the principal charts of the Russian discoveries hitherto published. It is accompanied with a few explanatory remarks. [Sidenote: List of the Charts of the Russian Discoveries]. 1. Carte des nouvelles dècouvertes au nord de la mer du sud, tant à l'Est de la Siberie et du Kamtchatka, qu'à l'Ouest de la Nouvelle France dressé sur les memoires de Mr. de l'Isle, par Philippe Buache, 1750. A memoir relative to this chart was soon afterwards published, with the following title, Explication de la carte des nouvelles dècouvertes au Nord de la mer du sud par Mr. de l'Isle Paris, 1752, 4to. This map is alluded to, p. 26 of this work. 2. Carte des nouvelles dècouvertes entre la partie orientale de l'Asie et l'Occidentale de l'Amerique, avec des vues sur la grande terre réconnue, par les Russes, en 1741, par Phil. Buache, 1752. 3. Nouvelle carte des dècouvertes faites par des vaisseaux Russiens aux cotés inconnus de l'Amerique septentrionale avec les pais adjacens, dressés sur les memoires authentiques de ceux qui ont assisté à ces dècouvertes, et sur d'autres connoissances; dont on rend raison dans un memoire separé: à St. Petersburg, à l'Academie Imperiale des Sciences, 1754. 1758. This map was published under the inspection of Mr. Muller, and is still prefixed to his account of the Russian discoveries[142]. The part which exhibits the new discovered isles and the coast of America, was chiefly taken from the chart of Beering's expedition. Accordingly that continent is represented as advancing, between 50 and 60 degrees of latitude, to within a small distance of Kamtchatka. Nor could there be any reason to suspect, that such experienced sailors as Beering and Tschirikoff had mistaken a chain of islands for promontories belonging to America, until subsequent navigators had actually sailed through that very part, which was supposed to be a continent. [Footnote 142: This map was published by Jefferys under the following title: "A Map of the Discoveries made by the Russians on the North West coast of America, published by the Royal Academy of Sciences at Petersburg. Republished by Thomas Jefferys, Geographer to his Majesty, 1761."] 4. A second chart published by the Academy, but not under the inspection of Mr. Muller, bears the same title as the former. Nouvelle carte des dècouvertes faites par des vaisseaux Russiens aut côtés inconnus de l'Amerique, &c. 1773. It is for the most part a copy of a manuscript chart known in Russia by the name of the chart of the Promyshlenics, or merchant adventurers, and which was sketched from the mere reports of persons who had sailed to the New Discovered Islands. As to the size and position of the New Discovered Islands, this chart of the Academy is extremely erroneous: it is however free from the above-mentioned mistake, which runs through all the former charts, namely, the representing of the coast of America, between 50 and 60 degrees of latitude, as contiguous to Kamtchatka. It likewise removes that part of the same continent lying in latitude 66, from 210° longitude to 224°, and in its stead lays down a large island, which stretches between latitude 64° and 71° 30´, from 207° longitude to 218°, to within a small distance of both continents. But whether this latter alteration be equally justifiable or not, is a question, the decision of which must be left to future navigators[143]. [Footnote 143: Mr. Muller has long ago acknowledged, in the most candid and public manner, the incorrectness of the former chart, as far as it relates to the part which represents America, as contiguous to Kamtchatka: but he still maintains his opinion concerning the actual vicinity of the two continents in an higher latitude. The following quotation is taken from a letter written by Mr. Muller, in 1774, of which I have a copy in my possession. "Posterity must judge if the new chart of the Academy is to be preferred to the former one for removing the continent of America (which is represented as lying near the coast of Tschutski) to a greater distance. Synd, who is more to be trusted than the Promyschlenics, persists in the old system. He places America as near as before to Tschukotskoi Noss, but knows nothing of a large island called Alashka, which takes up the place of the continent, and which ought to be laid down much more to the South or South East."] 5. Carte du nouvel Archipel du Nord decouvert parles Russes dans la mer de Kamtchatka et d'Anadir. This chart is prefixed to Mr. Stæhlin's account of the New Northern Archipelago. In the English translation it is called, A Map of the New Northern Archipelago, discovered by the Russians in the seas of Kamtchatka and Anadyr. It differs from the last mentioned chart only in the size and position of a few of the islands, and in the addition of five or six new ones, and is equally incorrect. The New Discovered Islands are classed in this chart into three groups, which are called the Isles of Anadyr[144], the Olutorian[145] Isles, and the Aleütian Isles. The two last mentioned charts are alluded to, p. 26 of this work. [Footnote 144: Monsieur Buffon has adopted the apellation and erroneous representation of the isles of Anadyr, in his Carte de deux regions Polaires, lately published. See Supplement à l'Hist. Nat. vol. V. p. 615.] [Footnote 145: The Olotorian Isles are so named from the small river of Olotora, which flows into the sea at Kamtchatka, about latitude 61°. The following remarks upon this group of islands are taken from a letter of Mr. Muller mentioned in the last note. "This appellation of Olutorian Isles is not in use at Kamtchatka. These islands, called upon this chart Olutorians, lie according to the chart of the Promyschlenics, and the chart of the Academy, very remote from the river Olutora: and it seems as if they were advanced upon this chart nearer to Kamtchatka only in favour of the name. They cannot be situated so near that coast, because they were neither seen by Beering in 1728, nor by the Promyschlenics, Novikoff and Bacchoff, when they sailed in 1748 from the Anadyr to Beering's Island." See p. 42.] 6. An excellent map of the Empire of Russia, published by the geographical department of the Academy of Sciences at St. Petersburg in 1776, comprehends the greatest part of the New Discovered Islands. A reduced copy of this chart being prefixed to this work, I shall only mention the authorities from whence the compilers have laid down the New Discovered Islands. The Aleütian Isles are partly taken from Beering's chart, partly from [146]Otcheredin's, whose voyage is related in the eleventh chapter, and partly from other MS. charts of different navigators. The islands near the coast of the Tschutski are copied from Synd's chart. The Fox Islands are laid down from the chart of Otcheredin. The reader will perceive, that the position of the Fox Islands, upon this general map of Russia, is materially different from that assigned to them in the chart of Krenitzin's and Levasheff's voyage. In the former they are represented as stretching between 56° 61´ North latitude, and 210° and 230° longitude from the isle of Fero: in the latter they are situated between 51° 40´ and 55° 20´ latitude, and 199° 30´ and 207° 30´ longitude. According to the most recent accounts received from Petersburg, the position given to them upon this general map is considerably too much to the North and East; consequently that assigned to them upon Krenitzin's chart is probably the most to be depended upon. [Footnote 146: I have a MS. copy of Otcheredin's chart in my possession; but as the Fox Islands, in the general Map of Russia, are copied from thence, the reader will find them laid down upon the reduced map prefixed to this work. The anonymous author of the account of the Russian Discoveries, of whose work I have given a translation in Part I. seems to have followed, in most particulars, Otcheredin's chart and journal for the longitude, latitude, size, and position of the New Discovered Islands. For this reason, I should have had his chart engraved if the Fox Islands upon the general map had not been taken from thence: there seemed no occasion therefore for increasing the expence of this work, already too great from the number of charts, by the addition of another not absolutely necessary.] 7. Carte des dècouvertes Russes dans la mer orientale et en Amerique, pour servir à l'Essai[147] sur le commerce de Russie, 1778, Amsterdam. It is natural to expect, that a chart so recently published should be superior to all the preceding ones; whereas, on the contrary, it is by far the most incorrect representation of the New Discovered Islands which has yet appeared. [Footnote 147: The twelfth chapter of this Essay relates to the discoveries and commerce of the Russians in the Eastern Ocean. The account of the Russian discoveries is a translation of Mr. Stæhlin's Description of the New Northern Archipelago. In addition, he has subjoined an account of Kamtchatka, and a short sketch of the Russian commerce to the New Discovered Islands, and to America. If we may believe the author of this Essay, the Russians have not only discovered America, but they also every year form occasional settlements upon that continent, similar to those of the Europeans in Newfoundland. His words are: "Il est donc certain, que les Russes ont dècouvert le continent de l'Amérique; mais on peut assurer qu'ils n'y ont encore aucun port, aucun comptoir. Il en est des établissements de cette nation dans la grande terre, comme de ceux des nations Européennes dans l'isle de Terre Neve. Ses vaisseaux ou frégates arrivent en Amèrique; leurs equipages et les Cosaques chasseurs s'etablissent sur la côte; les uns se retranchent, et les autres y font la chasse et la pêche du chien marin et du narval. Ils reviennent ensuite au Kamtchatka, après avoir été relevès par d'autres frégates sur les mêmes parages, ou à des distances plus ou moins eloignés, &c. &c." See Essai sur le commerce de la Russie, p. 292-293. Thus the publick is imposed upon by fictitious and exaggerated accounts.] N^o V. Position of the _Andreanoffsky Isles_ ascertained--Number of the _Aleütian Isles_. [Sidenote: Position of the Andreanoffsky Isles.] When the anonymous author published his account of the Russian Discoveries in 1766, the position of the Andreanoffsky Isles was not ascertained. It was generally supposed, that they formed part of that cluster of islands, which Synd[148] fell in with in his voyage towards Tschukotskoi Noss; and Buffon[149] represents them to be the same with those laid down in Stæhlin's chart, under the name of Anadirsky Isles. The anonymous author in the passage here referred to, supposes them to be N. E. of the Aleütian Isles; "at the distance of 600 or 800 versts; that their direction is probably East and West, and that some of them may unite with that part of the Fox Islands which are most contiguous to the opposite continent." This conjecture was advanced upon a supposition that the Andreanoffsky Isles lay near the coast of the Tschutski; and that some of the Fox Islands were situated in latitude 61, as they are laid down upon the general map of Russia. But according to subsequent information, the Andreanoffsky Isles lie between the Aleütian and the Fox Islands, and complete the connection between Kamtchatka and America[150]. Their chain is supposed to begin in about latitude 53, near the most Easterly of the Aleütian Isles, and to extend in a scattered series towards the Fox Islands. The most North Easterly of these islands are said to be so near the most Southerly of the Fox Islands, that they seem occasionally to have been taken for them. An instance of this occurs in p. 61 and 62 of this work; where Atchu and Amlach are reckoned among the Fox Islands. It is however more probable, that they are part of the group called by the Aleütian chief Negho[151], and known to the Russians under the name of Andreanoffsky Islands, because they were supposed to have been first discovered by Andrean Tolstyk, whose voyage is related in the seventh chapter of the First Part. [Footnote 148: See N^o IX. of this Appendix.] [Footnote 149: Isles Anadyr ou Andrien. Supp. vol. V. p. 591.] [Footnote 150: P. 58. Some of the remoter islands are said to be E. S. E. of the Aleütian Isles; these must be either part of the Andreanoffsky Isles, or the most Southerly of the Fox Islands.] [Footnote 151: See N^o VIII. of this Appendix.] [Sidenote: Number of the Aleütian Isles.] I take this opportunity of adding, that the anonymous author, in describing the Aleütian Isles, both in the first and last chapter of the account of the Russian discoveries, mentions only three; namely, Attak, Semitshi, Shemiya. But the Aleütian Isles consist of a much larger number; and their chain includes all the islands comprehended by the islander in the two groups of Khao and Sasignan[152]. Many of them are laid down upon the general map of Russia; and some of them are occasionally alluded to in the journals of the Russian voyages[153]. [Footnote 152: See N^o VIII.] [Footnote 153: See p. 30, and particularly p. 46, where some of these islands are mentioned under the names of Ibiya, Kiska, and Olas.] N^o VI. Conjectures concerning the proximity of the _Fox Islands_ to the continent of _America_. The anonymous author, in the course of his account of the Russian discoveries, has advanced many proofs drawn from natural history, from which he supposes the Fox Islands to be at a small distance from the continent of America: hence he grounds his conjecture, that "the time is not far distant when some of the Russian navigators will fall in with that coast." [Sidenote: Proofs of the Vicinity of the Fox Islands to America.] The small willows and alders which, according to Glottoff, were found growing upon Kadyak, do not appear to have been sufficient either in size or quantity to ascertain, with any degree of certainty, the close vicinity of that island to America. River-otters, wolves, bears, and wild boars, which were observed upon the same island, will perhaps be thought to afford a stronger presumption in favour of a neighbouring continent; martens were also caught there, an animal which is not known in the Eastern ports of Siberia, nor found upon any of the other islands. All the above mentioned animals, martens alone excepted, were seen upon Alaksu, which is situated more to the North East than Kadyak, and also rein-deers and wild dogs. To these proofs drawn from natural history, we must add the reports of a mountainous country covered with forests, and of a great promontory called Atachtak, lying still more to the N. E. which were prevalent among the inhabitants of Alaksu and Kadyak. Although these circumstances have been already mentioned[154], yet I have thought proper to recapitulate them here, in order to lay before the reader in one point of view the several proofs advanced by the anonymous author, which seem to shew, that the Fox Islands are situated near America. Many of them afford, beyond a doubt, evident signs of a less open sea; and give certain marks of a nearer approach towards the opposite continent. But how far that distance may be supposed, must be left to the judgment of the reader; and remains to be ascertained by subsequent navigators. All that we know for certain, is, that as far as any Russian vessels have hitherto sailed, a chain of islands has been discovered lying E. or N. E. by E. from Kamtchatka, and stretching towards America. Part of this chain has only been touched at; the rest is unknown; and all beyond is uncertainty and conjecture. [Footnote 154: See p. 68 and 69-116-118-170.] N° VII. _Of the Tschutski--Reports of the vicinity of_ America _to their coast, first propagated by them, seem to be confirmed by late accounts from those parts._ [Sidenote: The Tschutski.] The Tschutski, it is well known, inhabit the North Eastern part of Siberia; their country is a small tract of land, bounded on the North by the Frozen Sea, on the East by the Eastern Ocean; on the South it borders upon river Anadyr, and on that of Kovyma to the West. The N. E. cape of this country is called Tschukotskoi-Noss, or the promontory of the Tschutski. Its inhabitants are the only people of Siberia who have not yet been subdued by the Russians. The anonymous author agrees with Mr. Muller in supposing, that America advances to within a small distance of the coast of the Tschutski; which he says "is confirmed by the latest accounts procured from these parts." The first intelligence concerning the supposed vicinity between Asia and America was derived from the reports of the Tschutski in their intercourse with the Russians. Vague and uncertain accounts, drawn from a barbarous people, cannot deserve implicit credit; but as they have been uniformly and invariably propagated by the inhabitants of those regions from the middle of the last century to the present time, they must merit at least the attention of every curious enquirer. [Sidenote: The Reports concerning the Proximity of America to their Coast.] These reports were first related in Muller's account of the Russian discoveries, and have been lately thought worthy of notice by Dr. Robertson[155], in his history of America. Their probability seems still further increased by the following circumstances. One Plenisner, a native of Courland, was appointed commander of Ochotsk, in the year 1760, with an express order from the court to proceed as far as [156] Anadirsk, and to procure all possible intelligence concerning the North Eastern part of Siberia, and the opposite continent. In consequence of this order Plenisner repaired to Anadirsk, and proceeded likewise to Kovimskoi Ostrog: the former of these Russian settlements is situated near the Southern; the latter near the Western limits of the Tschutski. Not content however with collecting all the information in his power from the neighbouring Koriacs, who have frequent intercourse with the Tschutski; he also sent one Daurkin into their country. This person was a native Tschutski, who had been taken prisoner, and bred up by the Russians: he continued two years with his countrymen, and made several expeditions with them to the neighbouring islands, which lie off the Eastern coast of Siberia. [Footnote 155: Hist. of America, vol. I. p. 274-277.] [Footnote 156: Anadirsk has been lately destroyed by the Russians themselves.] The sum of the intelligence brought back by this Daurkin was as follows: that Tschukotskoi-Noss is a very narrow peninsula; that the Tschutski carry on a trade of barter with the inhabitants of America; that they employ six days in passing the strait which separates the two continents: they direct their course from island to island, and the distance from the one to the other is so small, that they are able to pass every night ashore. More to the North he describes the two continents as approaching still nearer to each other, with only two islands lying between them. This intelligence remarkably coincided with the accounts collected by Plenisner himself among the Koriacs. Plenisner returned to Petersburg in 1776, and brought with him several [157]maps and charts of the North Eastern parts of Siberia, which were afterwards made use of in the compilation of the general map of Russia, published by the academy in 1776[158]. By these means the country of the Tschutski has been laid down with a greater degree of accuracy than heretofore. These are probably the late accounts from those parts which the anonymous author alludes to. [Footnote 157: The most important of these maps comprehends the country of the Tschutski, together with the nations which border immediately upon them. This map was chiefly taken during a second expedition made by major Pauloffsky against the Tschutski; and his march into that country is traced upon it. The first expedition of that Russian officer, in which he penetrated as far as Tschukotskoi-Noss, is related by Mr. Muller, S. R. G. III. p. 134--138. We have no account of this second expedition, during which he had several skirmishes with the Tschutski, and came off victorious; but upon his return was surprised and killed by them. This expedition was made about the year 1750.] [Footnote 158: This detail I procured during my continuance at Petersburg from several persons of credit, who had frequently conversed with Plenisner since his return to the capital, where he died in the latter end of the year 1778.] N^o VIII. List of the new-discovered Islands, procured from an _Aleütian_ chief--Catalogue of islands called by different names in the Account of the _Russian_ Discoveries. [Sidenote: Mr. Muller divides the new-discovered Islands into four Groups.] The subsequent list of the new-discovered islands was procured from an Aleütian chief brought to Petersburg in 1771, and examined at the desire of the Empress by Mr. Muller, who divides them into four principal groups. He regulates this division partly by a similarity of the language spoken by the inhabitants, and partly by vicinity of situation. [Sidenote: First Group, called Sasignan.] The first group[159], called by the islander Sasignan, comprehends, 1. Beering's Island. 2. Copper Island. 3. Otma. 4. Samya, or Shemiya. 5. Anakta. [Footnote 159: These two first groups probably belong to the Aleütian Isles.] [Sidenote: Khao, the second Group.] The second group is called Khao, and comprises eight islands: 1. Immak. 2. Kiska. 3. Tchetchina. 4. Ava. 5. Kavia. 6. Tschagulak. 7. Ulagama. 8. Amtschidga. [Sidenote: Negho, the third Group.] The third general name is Negho, and comprehends the islands known by the Russians under the name of Andreanoffskye Ostrova: Sixteen were mentioned by the islander, under the following names: 1. Amatkinak. 2. Ulak. 3. Unalga. 4. Navotsha. 5. Uliga. 6. Anagin. 7. Kagulak. 8. Illask, or Illak. 9. Takavanga, upon which is a volcano. 10. Kanaga, which has also a volcano. 11. Leg. 12. Shetshuna. 13. Tagaloon: near the coasts of the three last mentioned islands several small rocky isles are situated. 14. An island without a name, called by the Russians Goreloi[160]. 15. Atchu. 16. Amla. [Footnote 160: Goreloi is supposed by the Russian navigators to be the same island as Atchu, and is reckoned by them among the Fox Islands. See part I. p. 61. and N^o V. of this appendix.] [Sidenote: Kavalang, the fourth Group.] The fourth group is denominated Kavalang; and comprehends sixteen islands: these are called by the Russians Lyssie Ostrova, or the Fox Islands. 1. Amuchta. 2. Tschigama. 3. Tschegula. 4. Unistra. 5. Ulaga. 6. Tana-gulana. 7. Kagamin. 8. Kigalga. 9. Schelmaga. 10. Umnak. 11. Aghun-Alashka. 12. Unimga. At a small distance from Unimga, towards the North, stretches a promontory called by the islanders the Land of Black Foxes, with a small river called Alashka, which empties itself opposite to the last-mentioned island into a gulf proper for a haven. The extent of this land is not known. To the South East of this promontory lie four little islands. 13. Uligan. 14. Antun-dussume. 15. Semidit. 16. Senagak. [Sidenote: Islands called by different Names in the Russian Journals.] Many of these names are neither found in the journals or charts; while others are wanting in this list which are mentioned in both journals and charts. Nor is this to be wondered at; for the names of the islands have been certainly altered and corrupted by the Russian navigators. Sometimes the same name has been applied to different islands by the different journalists; at other times the same island has been called by different names. Several instances of these changes seem to occur in the account of the Russian discoveries: namely, Att, Attak, and Ataku. Shemiya and Sabiya. Atchu, Atchak, Atach, Goreloi or Burned Island. Amlach, Amlak, Amleg. Ayagh, Kayachu. Alaksu, Alagshak, Alachshak. Aghunalashka, Unalashka. N^o IX. Voyage of Lieutenant _Synd_ to the North East of _Siberia_--He discovers a cluster of islands, and a promontory, which he supposes to belong to the continent of _America_, lying near the coast of the _Tschutski_. In 1764 lieutenant Synd sailed from Ochotsk, upon a voyage of discovery towards the continent of America. He was ordered to take a different course from that held by the late Russian vessels, which lay due East from the coast of Kamtchatka. As he steered therefore his course more to the North East than any of the preceding navigators, and as it appears from all the voyages related in the first part of this work[161], that the vicinity of America is to be sought for in that quarter alone, any accurate account of this expedition would not fail of being highly interesting. It is therefore a great mortification to me, that, while I raise the reader's curiosity, I am not able fully to satisfy it. The following intelligence concerning this voyage is all which I was able to procure. It is accompanied with an authentic chart. [Footnote 161: See p. 27.] [Illustration: CHART of SYND's _VOYAGE toward Tschukotskoi Noss_.] In 1764 Synd put to sea from the port of Ochotsk, but did not pass (we know not by what accident) the southern Cape of Kamtchatka and Shushu, the first Kuril Isle, before 1766. He then steered his course North at no great distance from the coast of the Peninsula, but made very little progress that year, for he wintered South of the river Uka. The following year he sailed from Ukinski Point due East and North East, until he fell in with a cluster of islands[162] stretching between 61 and 62 degrees of latitude, and 195° and 202° longitude. These islands lie South East and East of the coast of the Tschutski; and several of them are situated very near the shore. Besides these small islands, he discovered also a mountainous coast lying within one degree of the coast of the Tschutski, between 64 and 66 North latitude; its most Western extremity was situated in longitude 38° 15´ from Ochotsk, or 199° 1´ from Fero. This island is laid down in his chart as part of the continent of America; but we cannot determine upon what proofs he grounds this representation, until a more circumstantial account of his voyage is communicated to the public. Synd seems to have made but a short stay ashore. Instead of endeavouring to survey its coasts, or of steering more to the East, he almost instantly shaped his course due West towards the course of the Tschutski, then turned directly South and South West, until he came opposite to Chatyrskoi Noss. From that point he continued to coast the peninsula of Kamtchatka, doubled the cape, and reached Ochotsk in 1768. [Footnote 162: These are certainly some of the islands which the Tschutski resort to in their way to what they call the continent of America.] N^o X. Specimen of the Aleütian language. Sun Agaiya Moon Tughilag Wind Katshik Water Tana Fire Kighenag Earth hut Oollae Chief Toigon Man Taiyaga Wood Yaga Shield Kuyak Sea otter Tscholota Name of the nation. Kanagist. One Tagatak Two Alag Three Kankoos Four Setschi Five Tshaw Six Atoo Seven Ooloo Eight Kapoé Nine Shiset Ten. Asok. It is very remarkable, that none of these words bear the least resemblance to those of the same signification, which are found in the different dialects spoken by the Koriaks, Kamtchadals, and the inhabitants of the Kuril Isles. N^o XI. Attempts of the _Russians_ to discover a North East passage--Voyages from _Archangel_ towards the _Lena_--From the _Lena_ towards _Kamtchatka_--Extract from _Muller's_ account of _Deschneff's_ voyage round _Tschukotskoi Noss_--Narrative of a voyage made by _Shalauroff_ from the _Lena_ to _Shelatskoi Noss_. The only communication hitherto known between the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans, or between Europe and the East Indies, is made either by sailing round the Cape of Good Hope, or by doubling Cape Horn. But as both these navigations are very long and dangerous, the great object of several late European voyages has been turned towards the discovery of a North East or a North West passage. As this work is entirely confined to the Russian navigations, any disquisition concerning the North West passage is totally foreign to the purpose; and for the same reason in what relates to the North East, these researches extend only to the attempts of the Russians for the discovery of that passage. The advocates for the North East passage have divided that navigation into three principal parts; and by endeavouring to shew that these three parts have been passed at different times, they conclude from thence, that the whole when taken collectively is practicable. These three parts are, 1. from Archangel to the Lena; 2. from the Lena to Kamtchatka; 3. from Kamtchatka to Japan. With respect to the latter, the connection between the seas of Kamtchatka and Japan first appeared from some Japanese vessels, which were wrecked upon the coast of Kamtchatka in the beginning of this century; and this communication has been unquestionably proved from several voyages made by the Russians from Kamtchatka to Japan[163]. [Footnote 163: S. R. G. III. p. 78, and p. 166, &c.] No one ever asserted that the first part from Archangel to the Lena was ever performed in one voyage; but several persons having advanced that this navigation has been made by the Russians at different times, it becomes necessary to examine the accounts of the Russian voyages in those seas. [Sidenote: Voyages from Archangel to the Yenisèi.] In 1734 lieutenant Morovieff sailed from Archangel toward the river Oby; and got no farther the first year than the mouth of the Petchora. The next summer he passed through the straits ef Weygatz into the sea of Kara; and coasted along the Eastern side of that sea, as high as latitude 72° 30´, but did not double the promontory which separates the sea of Kara from the Bay of Oby. In 1738, the lieutenants Malgyin and Skurakoff doubled that promontory with great difficulty, and entered the bay of Oby. During these expeditions the navigators met with great dangers and impediments from the ice. Several unsuccessful attempts were made to pass from the bay of Oby to the Yenisèi, which was at last effected, in 1738, by two vessels commanded by lieutenants Offzin and Koskeleff. [Sidenote: Unsuccessful Attempt to pass from the Yenisèi to the Lena.] The same year the pilot Feodor Menin sailed from the Yenisèi rowards the Lena: he steered North as high as lat. 73°. 15´. and when he came to the mouth of the Piasida he was stopped by the ice; and finding it impossible to force a passage, he returned to the Yenisèi[164]. [Footnote 164: P. 145 to 149.] [Sidenote: Voyage of Prontshistsheff from the Lena towards the Yenisèi.] July, 1735, lieutenant Prontshistsheff sailed from Yakutsk up the Lena to its mouth, in order to pass from thence by sea to the Yenisèi. The Western mouths of the Lena were so choaked up with ice, that he was obliged to pass through the most Easterly one; and was prevented by contrary winds from getting out until the 13th of August. Having steered North West along the islands which lie scattered before the mouths of the Lena, he found himself in lat. 70° 4´. He saw much ice to the North and North East; and observed ice-mountains from twenty-four to sixty feet in height. He steered betwixt the ice, which in no place left a free channel of greater breadth than an hundred or two hundred yards. The vessel being much damaged, on the 1st of September he ran up the mouth of the Olenek, which, according to his estimation, lies in 72° 30´, near which place he passed the winter[165]. [Footnote 165: Gmelin Reise, II. 425 to 427.] He got out of the Olenek the beginning of August in the following year; and arrived on the third at the mouth of the Anabara, which he found to lie in lat. 73° 1´. There he continued until the 10th, while some of the crew went up the country in search of some mines. On the 10th he proceeded on his voyage: before he reached the mouth of the Chatanga he was so entirely surrounded and hemmed in with ice, that it was not without great difficulty and danger he was able to get loose. He then observed a large field of ice stretching into the sea, on which account he was obliged to continue near the shore, and to run up the Chatanga. The mouth of this river was in lat 74° 9´. From thence he bent his course mostly Northward along the shore, until he reached the mouth of the Taimura on the 18th. He then proceeded further, and followed the coast towards the Piasida. Near the shore were several small islands, between which and the land the ice was immovably fixed. He then directed his course toward the sea, in order to pass round the chain of islands. At first he found the sea more free to the North of the islands, while he observed much ice lying between them. He came at length to the last island, situated in lat. 77° 25´. Between this island and the shore, as well as on the other side of the island which lay most to the North, the ice was firm and immovable. [Sidenote: Prevented by a Chain of Islands and the Ice from getting to the Yenisèi] He attempted however to steer still more to the North; and having advanced about six miles, he was prevented by a thick fog from proceeding: this fog being dispersed, he saw on each side, and before him, nothing but ice; that towards the sea was not fixed; but the accumulated masses were all so close, that the smallest vessel could not have worked its way through. Still attempting however to pass to the North; he was forced by the ice N. E. Apprehensive of being hemmed in, he returned to the Taimura; and from thence got, with much difficulty and danger, to the Olenek, on the 29th of August. This narrative of Prontshistsheff's expedition is extracted from the account of professor[166] Gmelin: according to Mr. Muller[167], who has given a cursory relation of the same voyage, Prontshistsheff did not quite reach the mouth of the Taimura; for he there found the chain of islands stretching from the continent far into the sea. The channels between the islands were so choaked up with ice, that it was impossible to force a passage: after steering as high as lat. 77° 25´, he found such a plain of fixed ice before him, that he had no prospect of getting any farther. Accordingly he returned to the Olenek. [Footnote 166: Gmelin Reise, vol. II. p. 427 to p. 434.] [Footnote 167: S. R. G. III. p. 149, 150.] Another attempt was made to pass from the Lena to the Yenisèi in 1739, by Chariton Laptieff, with equal bad success; and he relates, that between the rivers Piasida and Taimura, a promontory stretches into the sea which he could not double, the sea being entirely frozen up before he could pass round[168]. [Footnote 168: Gmelin Reise, p. 440. Mr. Muller says only, that Laptieff met with the same obstacles which forced Prontshistsheff to return. S. R. G. III. p. 150.] [Sidenote: Cape between the Rivers Chatanga and Piasida never yet doubled.] From all these circumstances we must collect, that the whole space between Archangel and the Lena has never yet been navigated; for in going East from the Yenisèi the Russians could get no farther than the mouth of the Piasida; and, in coming West from the Lena, they were stopped, according to Gmelin, North of the Piasida; and, according to Muller, East of the Taimura. The Russians, who sail almost annually from Archangel, and other towns, to Nova Zemla, for the purpose of catching sea-horses, seals, and white bears, make to the Western Coast; and no Russian vessel has ever passed round its North Eastern extremity[169]. [Footnote 169: Although this work is confined to the Russian Discoveries, yet as the N. E. passage is a subject of such interesting curiosity, it might seem an omission in not mentioning, that several English and Dutch vessels have passed through the Straits of Weygatz into the sea of Kara; they all met with great obstructions from the ice, and had much difficulty in getting through. See Histoire Gen. Des Voyages, tome XV. passim. In 1696 Heemskirk and Barentz, after having sailed along the Western coast of Nova Zemla, doubled the North Eastern cape lying in latitude 77° 20, and got no lower along the Eastern coast than 76°, where they wintered. See an account of this remarkable voyage in Girard Le Ver's Vraye Description De Trois Voyages De Mer, p. 13 to 45; and Hist. Gen. des Voy. tom. XV. p. 111 to 139. No vessel of any nation has ever passed round that Cape, which extends to the North of the Piasida, and is laid down in the Russian charts in about 78° latitude. We have already seen that no Russian vessel has ever got from the Piasida to the Chatanga, or from the Chatanga to the Piasida; and yet some authors have positively asserted, that this promontory has been sailed round. In order therefore to elude the Russian accounts, which clearly assert the contrary, it is pretended, that Gmelin and Muller have purposely concealed some parts of the Russian journals, and have imposed upon the world by a misrepresentation of facts. But without entering into any dispute on this head, I can venture to affirm, that no sufficient proof has been as yet advanced in support of this assertion; and therefore until some positive information shall be produced, we cannot deny plain facts, or give the preference to hearsay evidence over circumstantial and well attested accounts. Mr. Engel has a remarkable passage in his Essai sur une route par la Nord Est, which it may be proper to consider in this place, because he asserts in the most positive manner, that two Dutch vessels formerly passed three hundred leagues to the North East of Nova Zemla; from thence he infers that they must have doubled the above-mentioned Cape, which extends to the North of the Piasida, and have got at least as far East as the mouth of the Olenek. His words are L'Illustre Societé Royale, sous l'an 1675, rapporte ce voyage et dit, que peu d'années auparavant une Societé de merchands d'Amsterdam avoit fait une tentative pour chercher le passage du Nord Est, et équippa deux vaisseaux les quels etant passé au septante neuf ou huitantieme degrè de latitude, avoient poussè selon Wood, jusqu' à trois cent lieues à l'Est de la Nouvelle Zemble, &c. &c. Upon this fact he founds his proof that the navigation from Archangel to the Lena has been performed. Par consequent cette partie de la route a èté faite. He rests the truth of this account on the authority of the Philosophical Transactions, and of Captain Wood, who sailed upon a voyage for the discovery of the North East passage in 1676. The latter, in the relation of his voyage, enumerates several arguments which induced him to believe the practicability of the North East passage.--"The seventh argument," he says, "was another narration, printed in the Transactions, of two ships of late that had attempted the passage, sailed 300 leagues to the Eastward of Nova Zemla, and had after prosecuted the voyage, had there not a difference arose betwixt the undertakers and the East-India company." We here find that Captain Wood refers to the Philosophical Transactions for his authority. The narration printed in the Transactions, and which is alluded to by both Captain Wood and Mr. Engel, is to be found in Vol. IX. of the Philosophical Transactions, p. 209, for December, 1674. It consists of a very curious "Narrative of some observations made upon several voyages, undertaken to find a way for sailing about the North to the East-Indies; together with instructions given by the Dutch East-India Company for the discovery of the famous land of Jesso near Japan." These instructions were, in 1643, given to Martin Geritses Vries, captain of the ship Castricum, "who set out to discover the unknown Eastern coast of Tartary, the kingdom of Catay, and the West coast of America, together with the isles situate to the East of Japan, cried up for their riches of gold and silver." These instructions contain no relation of two Dutch vessels, who passed 300 leagues East of Nova Zemla. Mention is made of two Dutch vessels, "who were sent out in the year 1639, under the command of Captain Kwast, to discover the East coast of the Great Tartary, especially the famous gold and silver islands; though, by reason of several unfortunate accidents, they both returned re infectà." Short mention is afterwards made of Captain Kwast's journal, together with the writings of the merchants who were with him, as fallows: "That in the South Sea, at the 37-1/2 degrees Northern latitude, and about 400 Spanish, or 343 Dutch miles, that is, 28 degrees longitude East of Japan, there lay a very great and high island, inhabited by a white, handsome, kind and civilized people, exceedingly opulent in gold and silver, &c. &c." From these extracts it appears, that, in the short account of the journals of the two Dutch vessels, no longitude is mentioned to the East of Nova Zemla; but the discoveries of Kwast were made in the South sea, to which place he, as well as Captain Vries afterwards, must have sailed round the Cape of Good Hope. The author of the narrative concludes, indeed, that the N. E. passage is practicable, in the following words: "to promote this passage out of the East-Indies to the North into Europe, it were necessary to sail from the East-Indies to the Westward of Japan, all along Corea, to see how the sea-coasts trend to the North of the said Corea, and with what conveniency ships might sail as far as Nova Zemla, and to the North of the same. Where our author saith, that undoubtedly it would be found, that having passed the North corner of Nova Zemla, or, through Weygatz, the North end of Yelmer land, one might go on South-Eastward, and make a successful voyage." But mere conjectures cannot be admitted as evidence. As we can find no other information relative to the fact mentioned by Captain Wood and Mr. Engel, (namely, that two Dutch vessels have passed 300 leagues to the East of Nova Zemla) that we have no reason to credit mere assertions without proof: we may therefore advance as a fact, that hitherto we have no authentic account, that any vessel has ever passed the cape to the East of Nova Zemla, which lies North of the river Piasida. See Relation of Wood's Voyage, &c. in the Account of several late Voyages and Discoveries to the South and North, &c. London, 1694, p. 148. See also Engel, Mem. et Obs. Geog. p. 231 to 234. I should not have swelled my book with this extract, if the English translation of Mr. Muller's work was not extremely erroneous in some material passages. S. R. G. III. p. 8-20.] [Sidenote: Attempts of the Russians to pass from the Lena to Kamtchatka.] The navigation from the Lena to Kamtchatka now remains to be considered. If we may believe some authors, this navigation has been open for above a century and an half; and several vessels have at different times passed round the North Eastern extremity of Asia. But if we consult the Russian accounts, we shall find, that frequent expeditions have been unquestionably made from the Lena to the Kovyma; but that the voyage from the Kovyma round Tschukotskoi Noss, into the Eastern ocean, has been performed but once. According to Mr. Muller, this formidable cape was doubled in the year 1648. The material incidents of this remarkable voyage are as follow. [Sidenote: Narrative of Deshneff's voyage round Tschukotskoi-Noss.] "In 1648 seven kotches or vessels sailed from the mouth or the river Kovyma[170], in order to penetrate into the Eastern Ocean. Of these, four were never more heard of: the remaining three were commanded by Simon Deshneff, Gerasim Ankudinoff, two chiefs of the Cossacs, and Fedot Alexeeff, the head of the Promyshlenics. Deshneff and Ankudinoff quarrelled before their departure: this dispute was owing to the jealousy of Deshneff, who was unwilling that Ankudinoff should share with him the honour, as well as the profits, which might result from the expected discoveries. Each vessel was probably manned with about thirty persons; Ankudinoff's, we certainly know, carried that number. Deshneff promised before-hand a tribute of seven fables, to be exacted from the inhabitants on the banks of Anadyr; so sanguine were his hopes of reaching that river. This indeed he finally effected; but not so soon, nor with so little difficulty, as he had presumed. [Footnote 170: Mr. Muller calls it Kolyma.] On the 20th of June, 1648, the three vessels sailed upon this remarkable expedition from the river Kovyma. Considering the little knowledge we have of the extreme regions of Asia, it is much to be regretted, that all the incidents of this voyage are not circumstantially related. Deshneff[171], in an account of his expedition sent to Yakutsk, seems only as it were accidentally to mention his adventures by sea: he takes no notice of any occurrence until he reached the great promontory of the Tschutski; no obstructions from the ice are mentioned, and probably there were none; for he observes upon another occasion, that the sea is not every year so free from ice as it was at this time. He commences his narrative with a description of the great promontory: "It is," says he, "very different from that which is situated West of the Kovyma, near the river Tschukotskia. It lies between North and North East, and bends, in a circular direction, towards the Anadyr. It is distinguished on the Russian (namely, the Western) side, by a rivulet which falls into the sea, close to which the Tschutski have raised a pile, like a tower, with the bones of whales. Opposite the promontory, (it is not said on which side), are two islands, on which he observed people of the nation of the Tschutski, who had pieces of the sea-horse tooth thrust into holes made in their lips. With a good wind it is possible to sail from this promontory to the Anadyr in three days; and the journey by land may be performed in the same space of time, because the Anadyr falls into a bay." Ankudinoff's kotche was wrecked on this promontory, and the crew was distributed on board the two remaining vessels. On the 20th of September Deshneff and Fedot Alexeef went on shore, and had a skirmish with the Tschutski, in which Alexeef was wounded. The two vessels soon afterwards lost sight of each other, and never again rejoined. Deshneff was driven about by tempestuous winds until October, when he was shipwrecked (as it appears from circumstances), considerably to the South of the Anadyr, not far from the river Olutora. What became of Fedot Alexeff and his crew will be mentioned hereafter. Deshneff and his companions, who amounted to twenty-five persons, now sought for the Anadyr; but being entirely unacquainted with the country, ten weeks elapsed before they reached its banks at a small distance from its mouth: here he found neither wood nor inhabitants, &c. [Footnote 171: In order thoroughly to understand this narrative, it is necessary to inform the reader, that the voyage made by Deshneff was entirely forgotten, until the year 1736, when Mr. Muller found, in the archives of Yakutsk, the original accounts of the Russian navigations in the Frozen Ocean. These papers were extracted, under his inspection, at Yakutsk, and sent to Petersburg; where they are now preserved in the library belonging to the Imperial Academy of Sciences: they consist of several folio volumes. The circumstances relating to Deshneff are contained in the second volume. Soliverstoff and Stadukin, having laid claim to the discovery of the country on the mouth of the Anadyr, had asserted, in consequence of this claim, that they had arrived there by sea, after having doubled Tschukotskoi Noss. Deshneff, in answer, sent several memorials, petitions, and complaints, against Stadukin and Soliverstoff, to the commander of Yakutsk, in which he sets forth, that he had the sole right to that discovery, and refutes the arguments advanced by the others. From these memorials Mr. Muller has extracted his account of Deshneff's voyage. When I was at Petersburg I had an opportunity of seeing these papers: and as they are written in the Russian language, I prevailed upon my ingenious friend Mr. Pallas to inspect the part which relates to Deshneff. Accordingly Mr. Pallas, with his usual readiness to oblige, not only compared the memorials with Mr. Muller's account, but even took the trouble to make some extracts in the most material passages: these extracts are here subjoined; because they will not only serve to confirm the exactness of Mr. Muller; but also because they tend to throw some light on several obscure passages. In one of Deshneff's memorials he says, "To go from the river Kovyma to the Anadyr, a great promontory must be doubled, which stretches very far into the sea: it is not that promontory which lies next to the river Tschukotskia. Stadukin never arrived at this great promontory: near it are two islands, whose inhabitants make holes in their under-lips, and insert therein pieces of the sea-horse tush, worked into the form of teeth. This promontory stretches between North and North East: It is known on the Russian side by the little river Stanovie, which flows into the sea, near the spot where the Tschutski have erected a heap of whale-bones like a tower. The coast from the promontory turns round towards the Anadyr, and it is possible to sail with a good wind from the point to that river in three days and nights, and no more: and it will take up no more time to go by land to the same river, because it discharges itself into a bay." In another memorial Deshneff says, "that he was ordered to go by sea from the Indigirka to the Kovyma; and from thence with his crew to the Anadyr, which was then newly discovered. That the first time he sailed from the Kovyma, he was forced by the ice to return to that river; but that next year he again sailed from thence by sea, and after great danger, misfortunes, and with the loss of part of his shipping, arrived at last at the mouth of the Anadyr. Stadukin having in vain attempted to go by sea, afterwards ventured to pass over the chain of mountains then unknown; and reached by that means the Anadyr. Soliverstoff and his party, who quarrelled with Deshneff, went to the same place from the Kovyma by land; and the tribute was afterwards sent to the last mentioned river across the mountains, which were very dangerous to pass amidst the tribes of Koriacs and Yukagirs, who had been lately reduced by the Russians." In another memorial Deshneff complains bitterly of Soliverstoff; and asserts, "that one Severka Martemyanoff, who had been gained over by Soliverstoff, was sent to Yakutsk, with an account that he (Soliverstoff) had discovered the coasts to the North of the Anadyr, where large numbers of sea-horses are found." Deshneff hereupon says, that Soliverstoff and Stadukin never reached the rocky promontory, which is inhabited by numerous bodies of the Tichutski; over against which are islands whose inhabitants wear artificial teeth thrust through their under lips. This is not the first promontory from the river Kovyma, called Svatoi Noss; but another far more considerable, and very-well known to him (Deshneff), because the vessel of Ankunidoff was wrecked there; and because he had there taken prisoners some of the people, who were rowing in their boats; and seen the islanders with teeth in their lips. He also well knew, that it was still far from that promontory to the river Anadyr.] The following year he went further up the river, and built Anadirskoi Ostrog: here he was joined by some Russians on the 25th of April, 1650, who came by land from the river Kovyma. In 1652, Deshneff having constructed a vessel, sailed down the Anadyr as far as its mouth, and observed on the North side a sand bank, which stretched a considerable way into the sea. A sand bank of this kind is called, in Siberia, Korga. Great numbers of sea-horses were found to resort to the mouth of the Anadyr. Deshneff collected several of their teeth, and thought himself amply compensated by this acquisition for the trouble of his expedition. In the following year, Deshneff ordered wood to be felled for the purpose of constructing a vessel, in which he proposed sending the tribute which he had collected by sea to Yakutsk[172]. But this design was laid aside from the want of other materials. It was also reported, that the sea about Tschukotskoi Noss was not every year free from ice. [Footnote 172: That is, by sea, from the mouth of the Anadyr, round Tschukotskoi Noss to the river Lena, and then up that river to Yakutsk.] Another expedition was made in 1654 to the Korga, for the purpose of collecting sea-horse teeth. A Cossac, named Yusko Soliverstoff, was one of the party, the same who had not long before accompanied the Cossac Michael Stadukin, upon a voyage of discovery in the Frozen Sea. This person was sent from Yakutsk to collect sea-horse teeth, for the benefit of the crown. In his instructions mention is made of the river Yentshendon, which falls into the bay of Penshinsk, and of the Anadyr; and he was ordered to exact a tribute from the inhabitants dwelling near these rivers; for the adventures of Deshneff were not as yet known at Yakutsk. This was the occasion of new discontents. Soliverstoff claimed to himself the discovery of the Korga, as if he had sailed to that place in his voyage with Stadukin in 1649. Deshneff, however, proved that Soliverstoff had not even reached Tschukotskoi Noss, which he describes as nothing but bare rock, and it was but too well known to him, because the vessel of Ankudinoff was ship-wrecked there. "Tschukotskoi Noss," adds Deshneff, "is not the first promontory which presents itself under the name of Svatoi Noss[173]. It is known by the two islands situated opposite to it, whose inhabitants (as is before-mentioned) place pieces of the sea-horse tush into holes made in their lips. Deshneff alone had seen these people, which neither Stadukin nor Soliverstoff had pretended to have done: and the Korga, or sand-bank, at the mouth of the river Anadyr, was at some distance from these islands." [Footnote 173: We may collect from Deshneff's reasoning, that Soliverstoff, in endeavouring to prove that he had sailed round the Eastern extremity of Asia, had mistaken a promontory called Svatoi Noss for Tschukotskoi Noss: for otherwise, why should Deshneff, in his refutation of Soliverstoff, begin by asserting, that Svatoi Noss was not Tschukotskoi Noss? The only cape laid down in the Russian maps, under the name of Svatoi Noss, is situated 25 degrees to the West of the Kovyma: but we cannot possibly suppose this to be the promontory here alluded to; because, in sailing from the Kovyma towards the Anadyr, "the first promontory which presents itself" must necessarily be East of the Kovyma. Svatoi Noss, in the Russian language, signifies Sacred Promontory; and the Russians occasionally apply it to any cape which it is difficult to double. It therefore most probably here relates to the first cape, which Soliverstoff reached after he had sailed from Kovyma.] While Deschneff was surveying the sea-coast, he saw in an habitation belonging to some Koriacs a woman of Yakutsk, who, as he recollected, belonged to Fedot Alexieff. Upon his enquiry concerning the fate of her master, she replied, "that Fedot and Gerasim (Ankudinoff) had died of the scurvy; that part of the crew had been slain; that a few had escaped in small vessels, and have never since been heard off." Traces of the latter were afterwards found in the peninsula of Kamtchatka; to which place they probably arrived with a favourite wind, by following the coast, and running up the Kamtchatka river. When Volodimir Atlassoff, in 1697, first entered upon the reduction of Kamtchatka, he found that the inhabitants had already some knowledge of the Russians. A common tradition still prevails amongst them, that long before the expedition of Atlassoff, one[174] Fedotoff (who was probably the son of Fedot Alexeeff) and his companions had resided amongst them, and had intermarried with the natives. They still shew the spot where the Russian habitations stood; namely, at the mouth of the small river Nikul which falls into the Kamtchatka river, and is called by the Russians Fedotika. Upon Atlassoff's arrival none of the first Russians remained. They are said to have been held in great veneration, and almost deified by the inhabitants, who at first imagined that no human power could hurt them, until they quarrelled amongst themselves, and the blood was seen to flow from the wounds which they gave each other: and upon a separation taking place between the Russians, part of them had been killed by the Koriacs, as they were going to the sea of Penshinsk, and the remainder by the Kamtchadals. The river Fedotika falls into the Southern side of the Kamtchatka river about an hundred and eighty versts below Upper Kamtchatkoi Ostrog. At the time of the first expedition to Kamtchatka, in 1697, the remains of two villages still subsisted, which had probably been inhabited by Fedotoff and his companions: and no one knew which way they came into the peninsula, until it was discovered from the archives of Yakutsk in 1636. [Footnote 174: Fedotoff, in the Russian language, signifies the son of Fedot.] [175]No other navigator, subsequent to Deshneff, has ever pretended to have passed the North Eastern extremity of Asia, notwithstanding all the attempts which have been made to accomplish this passage, as well from[176] Kamtchatka as from the Frozen Ocean. [Footnote 175: Mr. Engel indeed pretends that lieutenant Laptieff, in 1739, doubled Tschukotskoi-Noss, because Gmelin says, that "he passed from the Kovyma to Anadirsk partly by water and partly by land." For Mr. Engel asserts the impossibility of getting from the Kovyma to Anadirsk, partly by land and partly by water, without going from the Kovyma to the mouth of the Anadyr by sea; and from thence to Anadirsk by land. But Mr. Muller (who has given a more particular account of the conclusion of this expedition) informs us, that Laptieff and his crew, after having wintered near the Indigirka, passed from its mouth in small boats to the Kovyma; and as it was dangerous, on account of the Tschutski, to follow the coast any farther, either by land or water, he went through the interior part of the country to Anadirsk, and from thence to the mouth of the Anadyr. Gmelin Reise, vol. II. p. 440. S. R. G. III. p. 157. Mention is also made by Gmelin of a man who passed in a small boat from the Kovyma round Tschukotskoi-Noss into the sea of Kamtchatka: and Mr. Engel has not omitted to bring this passage in support of his system, with this difference, that he refers to the authority of Muller, instead of Gmelin, for the truth of the fact. But as we have no account of this expedition, and as the manner in which it is mentioned by Gmelin implies that he had it merely from tradition, we cannot lay any stress upon such vague and uncertain reports. The passage is as follows: "Es find so gar Spuren vorhanden, dass ein Kerl mit einem Schifflein, das nicht viel groesser als ein Schifferkahn gevesen, von Kolyma bis Tschukotskoi-Noss vorbey, und bis nach Kamtschatka gekommen sey." Gmelin Reise, II. p. 437. Mem. et Obs. Geog. &c. p. 10.] [Footnote 176: Beering, in his voyage from Kamtchatka, in 1628, towards Tschukotskoi-Noss, sailed along the coast of the Tschutski as high as lat. 67° 18´. and observing the coast take a Westerly direction, he too hastily concluded, that he had passed the North Eastern extremity. Apprehensive, if he had attempted to proceed, of being locked in by the ice, he returned to Kamtchatka. If he had followed the shore, he would have found, that what he took for the Northern ocean was nothing more than a deep bay: and that the coast of the Tschutski, which he considered as turning uniformly to the West, took again a Northerly direction. S.R.G. III. p. 117.] [Illustration: _CHART of_ SHALAUROF's _Voyage_.] The following narrative of a late voyage performed by one Shalauroff, from the Lena towards Tschukotskoi-Noss, will shew the great impediments which obstruct a coasting navigation in the Frozen Sea, even at the most favourable season of the year. [Sidenote: Voyage of Shalauroff.] Shalauroff, having constructed a shitik at his own expence, went down the Lena in 1761. He was accompanied by an exiled midshipman, whom he had found at Yakutsk, and to whom we are indebted for the chart of this expedition. Shalauroff got out of the Southern mouth of the Lena in July, but was so much embarrassed by the ice, that he ran the vessel into the mouth of the Yana, where he was detained by the ice until the 29th of August, when he again set sail. Being prevented by the ice from keeping the open sea, he coasted the shore; and, having doubled Svatoi-Noss on the 6th of September, discovered at a small distance, out at sea, to the North, a mountainous land, which is probably some unknown island in the Frozen Sea. He was employed from the 7th to the 15th in getting through the strait between Diomed's island and the coast of Siberia; which he effected, not without great difficulty. From the 16th he had a free sea and a fair S. W. wind, which carried them in 24 hours beyond the mouth of the Indigirka. The favourable breeze continuing, he passed on the 18th the Alasca. Soon afterwards, the vessel approaching too near the shore was entangled amongst vast floating masses of ice, between some islands[177] and the main land. [Sidenote: Winters at the Mouth of the Kovyma.] And now the late season of the year obliged Shalauroff to look out for a wintering place; he accordingly ran the vessel into one of the mouths of the river Kovyma, where she was laid up. The crew immediately constructed an hut, which they secured with a rampart of frozen snow, and a battery of the small guns. The wild rein-deers resorted to this place in large herds, and were shot in great plenty from the enclosure. Before the setting in of winter, various species of salmon and trout came up the river in shoals: these fish afforded the crew a plentiful subsistence, and preserved them from the scurvy[178]. [Footnote 177: These islands are Medviedkie Ostrova, or the Bear Islands; they are also called Kreffstoffskie Ostrova, because they lie opposite the mouth of the small river Krestova. For a long time vague reports were propagated that the continent of America was stretched along the Frozen Ocean, very near the coasts of Siberia; and some persons pretended to have discovered its shore not far from the rivers Kovyma and Krestova. But the falsity of these reports was proved by an expedition made in 1764, by some Russian officers sent by Denys Ivanovitch Tschitcherin, governor of Tobolsk. These officers went in winter, when the sea was frozen, in sledges drawn by dogs, from the mouth of the Krestova. They found nothing but five small rocky islands, since called the Bear Islands, which were quite uninhabited; but some traces were found of former inhabitants, namely, the ruins of huts. They observed also on one of the islands a kind of wooden stage built of drift-wood, which seemed as if it had been intended for defence. As far as they durst venture out over the Frozen Sea, no land could be seen, but high mountains of ice obstructed their passage, and forced them to return. See the map of this expedition upon the chart of Shalauroff's voyage prefixed to this number.] [Footnote 178: Raw-fish are considered in those Northern countries as a preservative against the scurvy.] [Sidenote: Departure from thence in July.] The mouth of the Kovyma was not freed from ice before the 21st of July, 1762, when Shalauroff again put to sea, and steered until the 28th N. E. by N. E. 1/4 E. Here he observed the variation of the compass ashore, and found it to be 11° 15´´ East. The 28th a contrary wind, which was followed by a calm, obliged him to come to an anchor, and kept him stationary until the 10th of August, when a favourable breeze springing up he set sail; he then endeavoured to steer at some distance from shore, holding a more Easterly course, and N. E. by E. But the vessel was impeded by large bodies of floating ice, and a strong current, which seemed to bear Westward at the rate of a verst an hour. These circumstances very much retarded his course. On the 18th, the weather being thick and foggy, he found himself unexpectedly near the coast with a number of ice islands before him, which on the 19th entirely surrounded and hemmed in the vessel. He continued in that situation, and in a continual fog, until the 23d, when he got clear, and endeavoured by steering N. E. to regain the open sea, which was much less clogged with ice than near the shore. He was forced however, by contrary winds, S. E. and E. among large masses of floating ice. This drift of ice being passed, he again stood to the N. E. in order to double Shelatskoi Noss[179]; but before he could reach the islands lying near it, he was so retarded by contrary winds, that he was obliged, on account of the advanced season, to search for a wintering place. [Sidenote: Not being able to double Shelatskoi Noss returns towards the Kovyma.] He accordingly sailed South towards an open bay, which lies on the West side of Shelatskoi Noss, and which no navigator had explored before him. He steered into it on the 25th, and got upon a shoal between a small island, and a point of land which juts from the Eastern coast of this bay. Having got clear with much difficulty, he continued for a short time a S. E. course, then turned S. W. He then landed in order to discover a spot proper for their winter residence; and found two small rivulets, but neither trees nor drift wood. The vessel was towed along the Southerly side of the bay as far as the island Sabadèi. On the 5th of September, he saw some huts of the Tschutski close to the narrow channel between Sabadèi and the main land; but the inhabitants fled on his approach. [Footnote 179: He does not seem to have been deterred from proceeding by any supposed difficulty in passing Shelatskoi Noss, but to have veered about merely on account of the late season of the year. Shelatskoi Noss is so called from the Sshelagen, a tribe of the Tschutski, and has been supposed to be the same as Tschukotskoi Noss. S. R. G. III. p. 52.] Not having met with a proper situation, he stood out to sea, and got round the island Sabadèi on the 8th, when he fastened the vessel to a large body of ice, and was carried along by a current towards W. S. W. at the rate of five versts an hour. On the 10th, he saw far to the N. E. by N. a mountain, and steered the 11th and 12th towards his former wintering place in the river Kovyma. [Sidenote: Winters a second Time at the Kovyma, and returns to the Lena.] Shalauroff proposed to have made the following year another attempt to double Shelatskoi Noss; but want of provision, and the mutiny of the crew, forced him to return to the Lena in 1763. It is worth remarking, that during his whole voyage he found the currents setting in almost uniformly from the East. Two remarkable rocks were observed by Shalauroff near the point where the coast turns to the N. E. towards the channel which separates the island Sabadèi from the continent; these rocks may serve to direct future navigators: one is called Saetshie Kamen, or Hare's Rock, and rises like a crooked horn; the other Baranèi Kamen, or Sheep's Rock; it is in the shape of a pear, narrower at the bottom than at top, and rises twenty-nine yards above high-water mark. [Sidenote: Second Expedition of Shalauroff.] Shalauroff, who concluded from his own experience, that the attempt to double Tschukotskoi Noss, though difficult, was by no means impracticable, was not discouraged by his former want of success from engaging a second time in the same enterprize: he accordingly fitted out the same shitik, and in 1764 departed as before from the river Lena. We have no positive accounts of this second voyage; for neither Shalauroff or any of his crew have ever returned. The following circumstances lead us to conclude, that both he and his crew were killed near the Anadyr by the Tschutski, about the third year after their departure from the Lena. About that time the Koriacs of the Anadyr refused to take from the Russians the provision of flour, which they are accustomed to purchase every year. Enquiry being made by the governor of Anadirsk, he found that they had been amply supplied with that commodity by the Tschutski. The latter had procured it from the plunder of Shalauroff's vessel, the crew of which appeared to have perished near the Anadyr. [Sidenote: No Account of this Expedition, he and his Crew being killed by the Tschutski.] From these facts, which have been since confirmed by repeated intelligence from the Koriacs and Tschutski, it has been asserted, that Shalauroff had doubled the N. E. cape of Asia. But this assertion amounts only to conjecture; for the arrival of the crew at the mouth of the Anadyr affords no decisive proof that they had passed round the Eastern extremity of Asia; for they might have penetrated to that river by land, from the Western side of Tschukotskoi-Noss. In reviewing these several accounts of the Russian voyages in the Frozen Sea, as far as they relate to a North East passage, we may observe, that the cape which stretches to the North of the Piasida has never been doubled; and that the existence of a passage round Tschukotskoi Noss rests upon the single authority of Deshneff. Admitting however a practicable navigation round these two promontories, yet when we consider the difficulties and dangers which the Russians encountered in those parts of the Frozen Sea which they have unquestionably sailed through; how much time they employed in making an inconsiderable progress, and how often their attempts were unsuccessful: when we reflect at the same time, that these voyages can only be performed in the midst of a short summer, and even then only when particular winds drive the ice into the sea, and leave the shores less obstructed; we shall reasonably conclude, that a navigation, pursued along the coasts in the Frozen Ocean, would probably be useless for commercial purposes. A navigation therefore in the Frozen Ocean, calculated to answer any end of general utility, must (if possible) be made in an higher latitude, at some distance from the shores of Nova Zemla and Siberia. And should we even grant the possibility of sailing N. E. and East of Nova Zemla, without meeting with any insurmountable obstacles from land or ice; yet the final completion of a N. E. voyage must depend upon the existence of a free passage[180] between the coast of the Tschutski and the continent of America. But such disquisitions as these do not fall under the intention of this work, which is meant to state and examine facts, not to lay down an hypothesis, or to make theoretical enquiries[181]. [Footnote 180: I have said a _free passage_, because if we conclude from the narrative of Deshneff's voyage, that there really does exist such a passage; yet if that passage is only occasionally navigable (and the Russians do not pretend to have passed it more than once) it can never be of any general and commercial utility.] [Footnote 181: I beg leave to assure the reader, that throughout this whole work I have entirely confined myself to the Russian accounts; and have carefully avoided making use of any vague reports concerning the discoveries lately made by captains Cooke and Clerke in the same seas. Many of the geographical questions which have been occasionally treated in the course of this performance, will probably be cleared up, and the true position of the Western coasts of America ascertained, from the journals of those experienced navigators.] APPENDIX II. _Tartarian_ rhubarb brought to _Kiachta_ by the _Bucharian_ Merchants--Method of examining and purchasing the roots--Different species of rheum which yield the finest rhubarb--Price of rhubarb in _Russia_--Exportation--Superiority of the _Tartarian_ over the _Indian_ rhubarb. [Sidenote: Tartarian, or Turkey, Rhubarb.] Europe is supplied with rhubarb from Russia and the East Indies. The former is generally known by the name of Turkey rhubarb, because we used to import it from the Levant in our commerce with the Turks, who procured it through Persia from the Bucharians. And it still retains its original name, although instead of being carried, as before, to Constantinople, it is now brought to Kiachta by the Bucharian merchants, and there disposed of to the Russians. This appellation is indeed the most general; but it is mentioned occasionally by several authors, under the different denominations of Russian, Tartarian, Bucharian, and Thibet, Rhubarb. This sort is exported from Russia in large roundish pieces, freed from the bark, with an hole through the middle: they are externally of a yellow colour, and when cut appear variagated with lively reddish streaks. [Sidenote: Indian Rhubarb.] The other sort is called by the Druggists Indian Rhubarb; and is procured from Canton in longer, harder, heavier, more compact pieces, than the former; it is more astringent, and has somewhat less of an aromatic flavour; but, on account of its cheapness, is more generally used than the Tartarian or Turkey Rhubarb. [Sidenote: Tartarian Rhubarb procured at Kiachta.] The government of Russia has reserved to itself the exclusive privilege of purchasing rhubarb; it is brought to Kiachta by some Bucharian merchants, who have entered into a contract to supply the crown with that drug in exchange for furs. These merchants come from the town of Selin, which lies South Westward of the Koko-Nor, or Blue Lake toward Thibet. Selin, and all the towns of Little Bucharia; viz. Kashkar, Yerken, Atrar, &c. are subject to China. [Sidenote: The Rhubarb Plant grows upon the Mountains of Little Bucharia.] The best rhubarb purchased at Kiachta is produced upon a chain of rocks, which are very high, and for the most part destitute of wood: they lie North of Selin, and stretch as far as the Koko-Nor. The good roots are distinguished by large and thick stems. The Tanguts, who are employed in digging up the roots, enter upon that business in April or May. As fast as they take them out of the earth, they cleanse them from the soil, and hang them upon the neighbouring trees to dry, where they remain until a sufficient quantity is procured: after which they are delivered to the Bucharian merchants. The roots are wrapped up in woollen sacks, carefully preserved from the least humidity; and are in this manner transported to Kiachta upon camels. The exportation of the best rhubarb is prohibited by the Chinese, under the severest penalties. It is procured however in sufficient quantities, sometimes by clandestinely mixing it with inferior roots, and sometimes by means of a contraband trade. The College of Commerce at Petersburg is solely empowered to receive this drug, and appoints agents at Kiachta for that purpose. Much care is taken in the choice; for it is examined, in the presence of the Bucharian merchants, by an apothecary commissioned by government, and resident at Kiachta. [Sidenote: Care taken in examining the roots at Kiachta.] All the worm-eaten roots are rejected; the remainder are bored through, in order to ascertain their soundness; and all the parts which appear in the least damaged or decayed are cut away. By these means even the best roots are diminished a sixth part; and the refuse is burnt, in order to prevent its being brought another year[182]. [Footnote 182: Pallas Reise, part III. p. 155-157. When Mr. Pallas was at Kiachta, the Bucharian merchant, who supplies the crown with rhubarb, brought some pieces of white rhubarb (von milchveissen rhabarber) which had a sweet taste, and was equal in its effects to the best sort.] [Sidenote: Different Species of Rhubarb.] Linnæus has distinguished the different species of rhubarb by the names Rheum Palmatum, R. Rhaphonticum, [183]R. Rhabarbarum, R. Compactum, and R. Ribes. [Footnote 183: See Murray's edition of Linnæus Systema Vegetab. Gott. 1774. In the former editions of Linnæus Rheum Rhabarbarum is called R. Undulatum.] Botanists have long differed in their opinions, which of these several species is the true rhubarb; and that question does not appear to be as yet satisfactorily cleared up. [Sidenote: Rheum Palmatum.] However, according to the notion which is most generally received, it is supposed to be the Rheum[184] Palmatum; the seeds of which were originally procured from a Bucharian merchant, and distributed to the principal botanists of Europe. Hence this plant has been cultivated with great success; and is now very common in all our botanical gardens. The learned doctor [185]Hope, professor of medicine and botany in the university of Edinburgh, having made trials of the powder of this root, in the same doses in which the foreign rhubarb is given, found no difference in its effects; and from thence conclusions have been drawn with great appearance of probability, that this is the plant which produces the true rhubarb. But this inference does not appear to be absolutely conclusive; for the same trials have been repeated, and with similar success, upon the roots of the R. Rhaponticum and R. Rhabarbarum. [Footnote 184: Mr. Pallas (to whom I am chiefly indebted for this account of the Tartarian and Siberian Rhubarb) assured me, that he never found the R. Palmatum in any part of Siberia.] [Footnote 185: Phil. Trans. for 1765, p. 290.] [Sidenote: R. Rhaponticum.] The leaves of the R. Rhaponticum are round, and sometimes broader than they are long. This species is found abundantly in the loamy and dry deserts between the Volga and the Yaik[186], towards the Caspian Sea. It was probably from this sort that the name Rha, which is the Tartarian appellation of the river Volga, was first applied by the Arabian physicians to the several species of rheum. The roots however which grow in these warm plains are rather too astringent; and therefore ought not to be used in cases where opening medicines are required. The Calmucs call it Badshona, or a stomachic. The young shoots of this plant, which appear in March or April, are deemed a good antiscorbutic; and are used as such by the Russians. The R. Rhaponticum is not to be found to the West of the Volga. The seeds of this species produced at Petersburg plants of a much greater size than the wild ones: the leaves were large, and of a roundish cordated figure. [Footnote 186: The Yaik falls into the Caspian Sea, about four degrees to the East of the Volga.] [Sidenote: R. Rhabarbarum.] The R. Rhabarbarum grows in the crevices of bare rocky mountains, and also upon gravelly soils: it is more particularly found in the high vallies of the romantic country situated beyond Lake Baikal. Its buds do not shoot before the end of April; and it continues in flower during the whole month of May. The stalks of the leaves are eaten raw by the Tartars: they produce upon most persons, who are unaccustomed to them, a kind of sphasmodic contraction of the throat, which goes off in a few hours; it returns however at every meal, until they become habituated to this kind of diet. The Russians make use of the leaves in their hodge-podge: accordingly, soups of this sort affect strangers in the manner above mentioned. In Siberia the stalk is sometimes preserved as a sweet-meat; and a custom prevails among the Germans of introducing at their tables the buds of this plant, as well as of the Rheum Palmatum, instead of cauli-flower. [Sidenote: R. Rhaponticum.] The R. Rhaponticum which commonly grows near the torrents has, as well as the R. Rhabarbarum of Siberia, the upper part of its roots commonly rotten, from too much moisture: accordingly, a very small portion of the lower extremity is fit for use. The Russian College of Physicians order, for the use of their military hospitals, large quantities of these roots to be dug up in Siberia, which are prescribed under the name of rhapontic. But the persons employed in digging and preparing it are so ill instructed for that purpose, that its best juices are frequently lost. These roots ought to be drawn up in spring, soon after the melting of the snows, when the plant retains all its sap and strength; whereas they are not taken out of the ground before August, when they are wasted by the increase of the stem, and the expansion of the leaves. Add to this, that the roots are no sooner taken up, than they are immediately sliced in small pieces, and thus dried: by which means the medicinal qualities are sensibly impaired. [Sidenote: Method of drying the Roots of the R. Rhaponticum.] For the same roots, which in this instance were of such little efficacy, when dried with proper precaution, have been found to yield a very excellent rhubarb. The process observed for this purpose, by the ingenious Mr. Pallas, was as follows: The roots, immediately after being drawn out, were suspended over a stove, where being gradually dried, they were cleansed from the earth: by these means, although they were actually taken up in autumn, they so nearly resembled the best Tartarian rhubarb in colour, texture, and purgative qualities, that they answered, in every respect, the same medicinal purposes. A German apothecary, named Zuchert, made similar trials with the same success, both on the Rheum Rhabarbarum and R. Rhaponticum, which grow in great perfection on the mountains in the neighbourhood of Nershinsk. [Sidenote: Plantation of Rhubarb in Siberia.] He formed plantations of these herbs on the declivity of a rock[187], covered with one foot of good mould, mixed with an equal quantity of sand and gravel. If the summer proved dry, the plants were left in the ground; but if the season was rainy, after drawing out the roots he left them for some days in the shade to dry, and then replanted them. By this method of cultivation he produced in seven or eight years very large and sound roots, which the rock had prevented from penetrating too deep; and when they were properly dried, one scruple was as efficacious as half a drachm of Tartarian rhubarb. [Footnote 187: In order to succeed fully in the plantation of rhubarb, and to procure sound and dry roots, a dry, light soil with a rocky foundation, where the moisture easily filters off, is essentially necessary.] [Sidenote: The Roots of the R. Rhaponticum and R. Rhubarbarum, equal in their Effects to the Tartarian Rhubarb.] From the foregoing observations it follows, that there are other plants, besides the Rheum Palmatum, the roots whereof have been found to be similar both in their appearance and effects, to what is called the best rhubarb. And indeed, upon enquiries made at Kiachta concerning the form and leaves of the plant which produces that drug, it seems not to be the R. Palmatum, but a species with roundish scolloped leaves, and most probably the R. Rhaponticum: for Mr. Pallas, when he was at Kiachta, applied for information to a Bucharian merchant of Selin-Chotton, who now supplies the crown with rhubarb; and his description of that plant answered to the figure of the Rheum Rhaponticum. The truth of this description was still further confirmed by some Mongol travellers who had been in the neighbourhood of the Koko-Nor and Thibet; and had observed the rhubarb growing wild upon those mountains. [Sidenote: The true Rhubarb probably procured from different Species of Rheum.] The experiments also made by Zuchert and others, upon the roots of the R. Rhabarbarum and R. Rhaponticum, sufficiently prove, that this valuable drug was procured from those roots in great perfection. But as the seeds of the Rheum Palmatum were received from the father of the above-mentioned Bucharian merchant as taken from the plant which furnishes the true rhubarb, we have reason to conjecture, that these three species, viz. R. Palmatum, R. Rhaponticum, and R. Rhabarbarum, when found in a dryer and milder alpine climate, and in proper situations, are indiscriminately drawn up; whenever the size of the plant seems to promise a fine root. And perhaps the remarkable difference of the rhubarb, imported to Kiachta, is occasioned by this indiscriminate method of collecting them. Most certain it is, that these plants grow wild upon the mountains, without the least cultivation; and those are esteemed the best which are found near the Koko-Nor, and about the sources of the river Koango. Formerly the exportation of rhubarb was confined to the crown of Russia; and no persons but those employed by government were allowed the permission of sending it to foreign countries; this monopoly however has been taken off by the present empress, and the free exportation of it from St. Petersburg granted to all persons upon paying the duty. It is sold in the first instance by the College of Commerce for the profit of the Sovereign; and is preserved in their magazines at St. Petersburg. The current price is settled every year by the College of Commerce. [Sidenote: Price of Rhubarb in Russia.] It is received from the Bucharian merchants at Kiachta in exchange for furs; and the prime cost is rated at 16 roubles per pood. By adding the pay of the commissioners who purchase it, and of the apothecary who examines it, and allowing for other necessary expences, the value of a pood at Kiachta amounts to 25 roubles; add to this the carriage from the frontiers to St. Petersburg, and it is calculated that the price of a pood stands the crown at 30 roubles. The largest exportation of rhubarb ever known from Russia, was made in the year 1765, when 1350 pood were exported, at 65 roubles per pood. [Sidenote: Exportation of Rhubarb from St. Petersburg.] EXPORTATION of RHUBARB From St. PETERSBURG. { at 76-1/4 Dutch[188] dollars, In 1777, 29 poods 13 pounds { or 91 roubles, 30 copecs { per pood. In 1778, 23 poods 7 pounds, at 80 ditto, or 96 roubles. [Footnote 188: If we reckon a Dutch dollar, upon an average, to be worth 1 rouble 20 copecs.] In 1778, 1055 poods were brought by the Bucharian merchants to Kiachta; of which 680 poods 19 pounds were selected. The interior consumption of the whole empire of Russia for 1777 amounted to only 6 poods 5 pounds[189]. [Footnote 189: This calculation comprehends only the rhubarb purchased at the different magazines belonging to the College of Commerce; for what was procured by contraband is of course not included.] [Sidenote: Superiority of the Tartarian over the Indian Rhubarb.] The superiority of this Tartarian Rhubarb, over that procured from Canton, arises probably from the following circumstances. 1. The Southern parts of China are not so proper for the growth of this plant, as the mountains of Little Bucharia. 2. There is not so exact an examination made in receiving it from the Chinese at Canton, as from the Bucharians at Kiachta. For the merchants, who purchase this drug at Canton, are obliged to accept it in the gross, without separating the bad roots, and cutting away the decayed parts, as is done at Kiachta. 3. It is also probable, that the long transport of this drug by sea is detrimental to it, from the humidity which it must necessarily contract during so long a voyage. TABLE OF LONGITUDE AND LATITUDE. [Sidenote: Table of Longitude and Latitude.] For the convenience of the Reader, the following Table exhibits in one point of view the longitude and latitude of the principal places mentioned in this performance. Their longitudes are estimated from the first meridian of the Isle of Fero, and from that of the Royal Observatory at Greenwich. The longitude of Greenwich from Fero is computed at 17° 34´ 45´´. The longitude of the places marked * has been taken from astronomical observations. Latitude. Longitude. | | Fero. | Greenwich. | D. M. S. | D. M. S. | D. M. * Petersburg | 59 56 23 | 48 0 0 | 30 25[190] * Moscow | 55 45 45 | 55 6 30 | 37 31 * Archangel | 64 33 24 | 56 15 0 | 38 40 * Tobolsk | 58 12 22 | 85 40 0 | 68 26 * Tomsk | 56 30 0 | 102 50 0 | 85 15 * Irkutsk | 52 18 15 | 122 13 0 | 104 38 * Selenginsk | 51 6 0 | 124 18 30 | 106 44 Kiachta | 35 0 0 | 124 18 0 | 106 43 * Yakutsk | 62 1 50 | 147 0 0 | 129 25 * Ochotsk | 59 22 0 | 160 7 0 | 142 32 * Bolcheresk | 52 55 0 | 174 13 0 | 156 38 * Port of St. Peter and Paul | 53 1 0 | 176 10 0 | 158 36 Eastern Extremity of Siberia | 66 0 0 | 200 0 0 | 182 25 Unalashka (A) | 58 0 0 | 223 0 0 | 205 25 Unalashka (B) | 53 30 0 | 205 30 0 | 187 55 Key: (A) According to the general map of Russia (B) According to the chart of Krenitzin & Levasheff [Footnote 190: I have omitted the seconds in the longitude from Greenwich.] INDEX. A. _Agiak_, an interpreter, p. 133. _Aguladock_, a leader of the Unalashkans, taken prisoner by Solovioff, 139. _Agulok_, a dwelling-place on Unalashka, 137. _Aischin-Giord_, chief of the Manshurs at the beginning of the 17th century, 198. _Aktunak_, an island to the East of Kadyak, 108. _Akun_ (one of the Fox Islands), 159. _Akutan_ (one of the Fox Islands), 159. _Alaksu_, or _Alachshak_, one of the most remote Eastern islands, 65. Customs of the inhabitants, 68. Animals found on that island, _ib._ Conjectured to be not far from the continent of America, 69. _Alaxa_, one of the Fox Islands, 254. _Albasin_, and the other Russian forts on the Amoor, destroyed by the Chinese, 198. The Russians taken there refuse to return from Pekin, 208. _Aleütian Isles_ discovered, 21. 29. their situation and names, 24. Names of persons there, bear a surprising resemblance to those of the Greenlanders, 40. Inhabitants described, 41. 46. Account of those islands, 45. 55. The manners and customs of the inhabitants resemble those of the Fox Islands, 173. Are entirely subject to Russia, 174. Their number, 289. Specimen of the Aleütian language, 303. See _Fox Islands, Ibiya, Novodtsikoff, Tsiuproff_. _Alexeeff (Feodot)._ See _Deshneff_. _Aleyut._ See _Fox Islands_. _Allai_ (a prince of the Calmucs), his superstitious regard for the memory of Yermac, 194. _Amaganak_, a toigon of Unalashka, 143. _America_, most probable course for discovering the nearest coast of that continent, pointed out, 27. See _Islands, Delisle, Alaksu, Kadyak, Fox Islands, Steller_. _Amlach_, one of the Andreanoffskye Islands, 76. _Anadirsky Isles_, or _Isles of Anadyr_, so called by Mr. Stæhlin, and after him by Buffon, p. 25. 284-288. _Amoor_ river, called by the Manshurs Sakalin-Ula; and by the Mongols, Karamuran, or the Black River. _Andrianoffskie Islands_, their situation doubtful, 25. Description of, 74, 75. Must not be blended with the Fox Islands, 74. Account of the inhabitants, 77. Other islands beyond them to the East, _ibid._ Position of the Andreanoffskie-Islands, 289. _Arachulla_, supposed by the Chinese a wicked spirit of the air, 229. _Archangel_, voyages from thence to the Yenisèi, 305. _Artic_, or _Ice Foxes_, description of, 15. _Asia_, the first report of its vicinity to America, learned from the Tschutski, 293. _Atachtak_, a great promontory N. E. of Alaksu, 118. _Ataku_, one of the Aleütian Islands, 45. _Atchu_, one of the Andreanoffsky Islands, description of, 76. _Atchu, Atchak, Atach, Goreloi_, or _Burnt Island_, one of the Fox Islands, 61. _Atlassoff (Volodimir)_, takes possession of the river Kamtchatka, 4. _Atrar_, a town of Little Bucharia, 333. _Att_, one of the Aleütian Isles, 30. _Ayagh_, or _Kayachu_, one of the Andreanoffsky Islands, 72. Description of, 75. B. _Bacchoff._ See _Novikoff_. _Baranèi Kamen_, or _Sheep's Rock_, description of, 328. _Bear Islands._ See _Medvioedkie Ostrova_. _Beering_, his voyage made at the expence of the crown, 8. His voyage (with Tschirikoff) in search of a junction between Asia and America, in 1728 and 1729, unsuccessful, 20. Shipwrecked, _ibid._ and death on an island called after his name, 21. See _Discoveries, Steller_; see also p. 323. _Beering's Island_, the winter-station of all the ships sailing for the new-discovered islands, 52. _Belayeff (Larion)_, treats the inhabitants of the Aleütian Islands in an hostile manner; in which he is under-hand abetted by Tsiuproff, 34. _Bolcheretsk_, a district of Kamtchatka, 5. See _Kamtchatkoi Ostrogs_. _Bolkosky_ (prince), appointed waywode of Siberia, 190. See _Yermac_. _Boris and Glebb._ See _Trapesnikoff_. _Bucharia (Little)_, all subject to China, 333. _Buache_ (Mr.). See _Longitude_. _Burgoltei_, a mountain in the valley of Kiachta, 214. _Burnt Island._ See _Atchu_. _Buttons_ (of different colours), used as marks of distinction among the Chinese, 218. C. _Calumet of peace_, a symbol of friendship peculiar to America, 280. _Camhi_, the second Chinese emperor of the Manshur race, 197. Expels the Russians from his dominions, for their riots and drunkenness, 205. _Camphor wood_ (the true), drove by the sea on Copper Island, 107. _Caravans_ (Russian), allowed to trade to Pekin, 203. Discontinued, and why, 209. See _Russia_. _Chatanga_, the cape between that river and the Piasida never yet doubled, 309-313. _Chinese_, origin of the disputes between them and the Russians, 197. Hostilities commenced between them, 198. Treaty of Nershinsk concluded, 200. Beginning of the commerce between the two nations, 202. Their trade with the Russians, 208, &c. Reckon it a mark of disrepect to uncover the head to a superior, 228. Their superstition in regard to fires, 229. Manner of their pronouncing foreign expressions, 232. No specie but bullion current among them, 233. Advantage of the Chinese trade to Russia, 240. _Cholodiloff._ Voyage of a vessel fitted out by him, 48. _Chusho_, (or the Fire-god), a Chinese idol, 226. See _Chinese_. _Copper Island_, why so called, 21. 107. 252. Probable that all the hillocks in that country have formerly been vulcanoes, _ibid._ Subject to frequent earth-quakes, and abound in sulphur, 253. _Cyprian_ (first archbishop of Siberia), collects the archives of the Siberian history, 192. D. _Daurkin_ (a native Tschutski), employed by Plenisner to examine the islands to the East of Siberia, 295. The intelligence he brought back, _ibid._ _Delisle_, mistaken concerning the Western coast of America, 26. _Deshneff_, his voyage, 313. Extracts from his papers, 315, 316. His description of the great promontory of the Tschutski, 317. Ankudinoff's vessel wrecked on that promontory, _ibid._ Deshneff builds Anadirskoi-Ostrog on the river Anadyr, 318. Dispute between him and Soliverstoff, concerning the discovery of the Korga, 319, 320. No navigator since Deshneff pretends to have passed round the N. E. extremity of Asia, 322. _Discoveries._ The prosecution of those begun by Beering mostly carried on by individuals, 8. The vessels equipped for those discoveries described, _ibid._ Expences attending them, 9. Profits of the trade to the new discovered islands very considerable, 10. List of the principal charts of the Russian discoveries hitherto published, 281. _Dogs_, used for drawing carriages, 247. _Drusinin (Alexei)_, wrecked at Beering's Island, 46. His voyage to the Fox Islands, 80-88. Winters at Unalashka, 82. All the crew, except four Russians, viz. Stephen Korelin, Dmitri Bragin, Gregory Shaffyrin, and Ivan Kokovin, destroyed by the natives, 83. See _Unalashka_. _Durneff (Kodion)._ His voyage, 45. E. _Eclipse_, behaviour of the Chinese at one, 228. _Empress of Russia._ See _Russia_. _Engel_ (Mr.) Disputes the exactness of the longitudes laid down by Muller and the Russian geographers, 267. _Esquimaux Indians_, similarity between their boats and those of the Fox Islands, 260. 264. F. _Feathers_ (peacock's), used for a distinction of rank by the Chinese, 218. _Fedotika._ See _Nikul_. _Foxes_, different species of, described, 14. Value of their skins, 15. _Fox Islands_, sometimes called the farthest Aleütian Isles, 29. Their land and sea-animals, 148. Manners and customs of the inhabitants, 149. Warm springs and native sulphur to be found in some of them, 149. Their dress, 151. 169. Their vessels described, 152. Are very fond of snuff, 153. Their drums described, 154. Their weapons, 155. 170. Food of the inhabitants, 168. Their feasts, 171. Their funeral ceremonies, 173. Account of the inhabitants, 256-261. Their extreme nastiness, 258. Their boats made like those of the Esquimaux Indians in North America, 260. 264. Are said to have no notion of a God, 261; yet have fortune-tellers, who pretend to divination, by the information of spirits, _ibid._ The inhabitants called by the Russians by the general name of Aleyut, 263. Proofs of the vicinity of those islands to America, 291. G. _Geographers (Russian)_, their accuracy, 273. _Ghessur-Chan_, the principal idol at Maimatschin, 224. _Glotoff (Stephen)_, his voyage, 106-123. Winters upon Copper Island, 106. Arrives at Kadyak, the most Eastward of the Fox Islands, 108. Is attacked by the natives, whom he defeats, 110, and finally repulses, 112. Winters at Kadyak, 113. Is reconciled to the natives, 114. Curiosities procured by him at that island, _ibid._ No chart of his voyage, 117. Departs from Kadyak, and arrives at Umnak, 118. 119. Defeats a design formed against him by the natives, 120. Meets with Korovin, 121. Winters on Umnak, 122. Journal of his voyage, 124-130. See _Solovioff, Korovin_. ---- (_Ivan_), an Aleütian interpreter, 101. _Golodoff_, killed at Unyumga, 65. _Goreloi._ See _Atchu_. _Greenlanders_, their proper names nearly similar to those used in the Aleütian Isles, 40. H. _Hare's Rock._ See _Saetshie Kammen_. _Hot Springs_, found in Kanaga, 75. in Tsetchina, 76. I. _Ibiya, Ricksa_, and _Olas_, Three large populous islands to the East of the Aleütian Islands, 46. _Jesuits_, their compliance with the Chinese superstition, 220. _Igonok_, a village of Unalashka, 142. _Igunok_, a bay N. E. of Unalashka, 255. _Ikutchlok_, a dwelling place at Unalashka, 137. _Imperial Academy_, their chart of the New Discovered Islands, not to be depended on, 24. 27. _Indigirka_, a river of Siberia, 14. _Inlogusak_, a leader of the Unalashkans, killed, 139. _Isanak_, one of the islands to the West of Kadyak, 109. _Islands (New Discovered)_, first tribute brought from thence to Ochotsk, 22. List of those islands, according to Mr. Muller, 297. Their names altered and corrupted by the Russian navigators, 299. See _Aleütian Isles_ and _Fox Islands_. _Islenieff_ (Mr.), sent to Yakutsk to observe the transit of Venus, 274. _Itchadek_ and _Kagumaga_, two friendly Toigons, 137. _Ivan Shilkin_, his voyage, 57. 60. Shipwrecked on one of the Fox Islands, 58. Great distresses of his crew on that island, 59. Shipwrecked a second time, 60. _Ivan Vassilievitch_ I. makes the first irruption into Siberia, 177. _Ivan Vassilievitch_ II. took the title of _Lord of all the Siberian lands_ before the conquests of Yermac, 179. See _Russia_. _Ives (Isbrand)_, a Dutchman. Embassador from Peter I. to Pekin, 203. _Iviya_, one of the Aleütian Islands, 55. K. _Kadyak_, one of the Fox Islands, 35. The fondness of the natives for beads, 114. Animals and vegetables found there, 115. 116. Great reason to think it is at no great distance from the continent of America, 117. Account of the inhabitants, 118. See _Glottoff_. _Kagumaga._ See _Itchadek_. _Kalaktak_, a village of Unalashka, 143. _Kama_, a river, 180. _Kamtchatka_, discovered by the Russians, 3. The whole peninsula reduced by the Russians, 4. Of little advantage to the crown at first, but since the discovery of the islands between Asia and America its fur-trade is become a considerable branch of the Russian commerce, _ibid._ Its situation and boundaries, 5. Its districts, government, and population, _ibid_. Fixed and other tributes to the crown, 6. Its soil and climate not favourable to the culture of corn; but hemp has of late years been cultivated there with great success, 7. Supplied yearly with salt, provisions, corn, and manufactures, from Ochotsk, _ibid._ Rout for transporting furs from thence to Kiachta, 247. Manner of procuring fire there, and which Vaksel, Beering's lieutenant, found practised in that part of North America which he saw in 1741, 158. See _Morosko, Atlassoff, Koriacs, Ochotsk_ and _Penshinsk, Bolcheresk, Tigilskaia, Krepost, Verchnei, Nishnei, Kamtchatka Ostrogs, Volcanos, Furs and Skins_. _Kamtchatkoi Ostrogs_ (Upper and Lower) and Bolcheretsk built, 4. _Kanaga_, one of the Andreanoffsky Islands, 72. Description of, 75. _Karaga Island_, tributary to Russia, 35. See _Olotorians_. _Kashkar_, A town of Little Bucharia, 333. _Kashmak_, an interpreter employed by the Russians, 92. _Kataghayekiki_, name of the inhabitants of Unimak and Alaxa, 263. _Kayachu._ See _Ayagh_. _Kiachta_, a frontier town of Siberia, 12. Treaty concluded there between the Russians and Chinese, 206. 209. Is at present the centre of the Russian and Chinese commerce, 210. That place and Zuruchaitu agreed on for transacting the commerce between Russia and China, 211. Description of Kiachta, _ibid._ _Kighigusi_, inhabitants of Akutan so called, 263. _Kitaika_, a Chinese stuff, 238. _Kogholaghi_, inhabitants of Unalashka so called, 263. _Kopeikina_, a bay of the river Anadyr, 43. _Korenoff._ See _Solovioff_. _Korga_, A sand-bank at the mouth of the river Anadyr, 318. See _Soliverstoff_. _Koriacs_, their country the Northern boundary of Kamtchatka, 5. Tributary to Russia, 43. _Korovin (Ivan)_, his voyage 89-105. Arrives at Unalashka, his transactions there, 90-96. Builds an hut, and prepares for wintering, 93. Being attacked by the savages, destroys his hut, and retires to his vessel, 95. Attacked again, repulses the savages, and is stranded on the island of Umnak, 96. After different skirmishes with the natives, is relieved by Glottoff, 99. His description of Umnak and Unalashka, with their inhabitants, 103. See _Solovioff_. _Kovyma_, a river of Siberia, 14. _Krenitzin_ (Captain), commands a secret expedition, 23. _Krenitzin and Levasheff_, their journal and chart sent, by order of the Empress of Russia, to Dr. Robertson, 23. Extract from their journal, 251-255. They arrive at the Fox Islands, 253. Krenitzin winters at Alaxa, and Levasheff at Unalashka, 254. They return to the river of Kamtchatka, 266. Krenitzin drowned, _ibid._ See _Yakoff_. _Krassilnikoff_, Voyage of a vessel fitted out by him, 52. Shipwrecked on Copper Island, _ibid._ The crew return to Beering's Island, 53. _Krassilikoff_ (a Russian astronomer), his accuracy in taking the longitude of Kamtchatka, 273. _Krashininikoff_, his history of Kamtchatka, 256. _Krestova_, a river of Siberia, 324. _Krugloi_, or _Round Island_, one of the Aleütian Islands, 69. _Kulkoff_, his vessel destroyed, and his crew killed by the savages, 94. 157. _Kullara_, a fortress belonging to Kutchum Chan, 190. _Kuril Isles_, subject to Russia, 5. _Kutchum Chan_ (a descendant of Zinghis Chan), defeats Yediger, and takes him prisoner, 179. The most powerful sovereign in Siberia, 182. See _Yermac, Sibir_. L. _Laptieff (Chariton)_, his unsuccessful attempt to pass from the Lena to the Yenisèi, 309. See p. 322. _Latitude of Bolcheresk_, Appendix I. N^o II. See _Longitude_. _Lena_, a river of Siberia, 14. Attempts of the Russians to pass from thence to Kamtchatka, 311. See _Menin_. _Leontieff_ (a _Russian_), has translated several interesting Chinese publications, 208. _Levasheff._ See _Krenitzin_ and _Levasheff_. _Lobaschkoff (Prokopèi)_, killed at Alaksu, 66. _Longitude_, of the extreme parts of Asia, by Mr. Muller and the Russian geographers, 267. By Mr. Engel, _ibid._ By Mr. Vaugondy, 268. The Russian system supported by Mons. Buache, against Engel and Vaugondy, _ibid._ See _Krassilnikoff_. _Longitude of Ochotsk, Bolcheresk_, and _St. Peter_ and _St. Paul_, 269. _Longitude_ and _Latitude_ of the principal places mentioned in this work, 344. _Lyssie Ostrova_, or _Fox Islands_, 14. Their situation and names, 25. Description of the inhabitants, 62. M. _Maimatschin_ (the Chinese frontier town), described, 214. Houses there described, 216. An account of the governor, 218. Theatre described, 219. The small pagoda, 220. The great pagoda, 221. Idols worshiped, _ibid._-227. See _Sitting-Rooms_. _Manshurs_, their origin, 197. _Maooang_, a Chinese idol, 225. _Mednoi Ostroff_, or _Copper Island_, Discovered, 21. See _Copper Island_. _Medvedeff (Dennis)_, his crew massacred by the savages, 90. He and part of Protassoff's crew found murdered on the island of Umnak, 99. _Menin (Feodor)_, his unsuccessful attempt to pass from the Yenisèi to the Lena, 306. _Merghen_, a Chinese town, 244. _Medviodkie Ostrova, Kreffstoffskie Ostrova_, or _Bear Islands_, Discovery of, 324. _Minyachin_ (a Cossac), a collector of the tribute, 69. _Mongol_, the commerce between the Russians and Chinese, mostly carried on in that tongue, 231. _Morosko (Lucas Semænoff)_, commanded the first expedition towards Kamtchatka, 3. _Muller_, (Mr.) His conjecture relating to the coast of the sea of Ochotsk, confirmed by Captain Synd, 23. Part of a letter written by him in 1774, concerning the vicinity of Kamtchatka and America, 283. His list of the New Discovered Islands, 297. N. _Nankin_, 231. _Naun_, a Chinese town, 244. _Nershinsk._ See _Chinese_. _Nevodtsikoff (Michael)_, sails from Kamtchatka river, 29. Discovers the Aleutian Islands, _ibid._ Narrative of his voyage, 31-36. _New Moon_, ceremonies observed at, by the Chinese, 228. _Nikul_, or _Fedotika_, a river which falls into that of Kamtchatka, 321. _Nishnei_, or _Lower Kamtchatkoi Ostrog_, a district of Kamtchatka, 5. _Niu-o_, Chinese idol, 226. _North East Passage_, Russians attempt to discover, 304-331. _Novikoff_ and _Bacchoff_, their voyage from Anadyrsk, 42. 44. Are shipwrecked on Beering's Island, where they build a small boat, and return to Kamtchatka, 44. O. _Oby_ (bay of), 306. _Ochotsk_ and _Penshinsk_, Western boundaries of Kamtchatka, 5. See _Kamtchatka, Muller_. _Offzin_ and _Koskeleff_ (Lieutenants), first effected the passage from the bay of Oby to the Yenisèi, 306. _Olas._ See _Ibiya_. _Olotorian Isles_, whence so called, 284. _Olotorians_, invade the island of Karaga, and threaten to destroy all the inhabitants who pay tribute to Russia, 36. _Onemenskaya_, a bay in the river Anadyr, 43. _Oracles (Chinese)_, 227. _Orel_, a Russian settlement, 181. _Otcheredin, (Aphanassei)_, his voyage to the Fox Islands, 156-163. Winters at Umnak, 157. The toigon of the Five Mountains gives him hostages, for which the other toigons kill one of his children, 158. A party sent by him to Ulaga repulsed the inhabitants, who had attacked them, 159. Is joined by Popoff from Beering's Island, and prevails on the inhabitants to pay tribute, 161. Receives an account of Levasheff's arrival at Unalashka, _ibid._ Returns to Ochotsk, with a large cargo, leaving Popoff at Umnak, 162. Brings home two islanders, who were baptized by the names of Alexey Solovieff and Boris Otcheredin, 163. See _Poloskoff_. P. _Pagoda._ See _Maimatschin_. _Paikoff (Demetri)_, his voyage, 61-63. _Pallas_, receives from Bragin a narrative of his adventures and escape, p. 88. Account of Kiachta and Maimatschin, extracted from his journal, p. 229. His publication concerning the Mongol tribes, 230. List of plants found by Steller upon the coast discovered by Beering in 1741, communicated by Mr. Pallas--quotation from a treatise of his, relative to the plants of the new-discovered islands, 279. Extracts made by him relative to Deshneff's voyage, p. 314-316. _Pauloffsky_, his expedition, in which, after several successful skirmishes with the Tschutski, he is surprised and killed by them, 296. _Peacock._ See _Feathers_. _Pekin._ Russian scholars allowed to settle there, to learn the Chinese tongue, 209. See _Caravans_. _Penshinsk_, 5. _Peter_ I. first projected making discoveries in the seas between Kamtchatka and America, 20. _Petersburg_, length of the different routs between that city and Pekin, 248. _Piasida_, a river of Siberia, 309. _Plenisner_ (a Courlander), sent on discoveries to the N. E. of Siberia, 294. See _Daurkin_. _Poloskoff, (Matthew)_, Sent by Otcheredin to Unalashka, 159. Spends the autumn at Akun, and after twice repulsing the savages, returns to Otcheredin, 159-161. _Popoff (Ivan)_, a vessel fitted out by him arrives at Unalashka, 158. See _Otcheredin_. _Prontshistsheff_ (Lieutenant), his unsuccessful attempt to pass from the Lena towards the Yenisèi, 306-309. _Protassoff_, he and his crew destroyed by the savages, 133. 157. See _Medvedeff_. _Pushkareff (Gabriel)_, his voyage, 64-69. Winters upon Alaksu, 65. He, with Golodoff and twenty others, attempting to violate some girls, on the island Unyumga, are set upon by the natives, and at last obliged to retreat, 65. 66. He and his crew tried for their inhuman behaviour to the islanders during their voyage, 67. R. _Rheum._ See _Rhubarb_. _Rhubarb_, that from Russia generally called Turkey Rhubarb, and why, 332. Description of, _ibid._ Indian rhubarb inferior to the Tartarian or Turkey, 333. A milk-white sort described, 334. Different species, 335-341. Planted in Siberia by M. Zuchert, a German apothecary, 338. Exportation of, 342. Superiority of the Tartarian over the Indian Rhubarb, accounted for, 342. _Ricksa._ See _Ibiya_. _Roaring Mountain._ See _Unalashka_. _Robertson_ (Dr.) See _Krenitzin and Levasheff_. _Round Island._ See _Krugloi_. _Russia_ (present Empress of), a great promoter of new discoveries, 22. No communication between that country and Siberia till the reign of Ivan Vassilievitch II. 178. The empress abolishes the monopoly of the fur-trade, and relinquishes the exclusive privilege of sending caravans to Pekin, 210. _Russia_, a curious and interesting "Historical Account of the nations which compose that Empire" lately published, 218. _Russians_, quit Siberia after the death of Yermac, 194. Recover their antient territories in that country, 195. Their progress checked by the Chinese, 196. Are expelled from the Chinese dominions, 205. Are allowed to build a church (and to have four priests to officiate in it) within their caravansary at Pekin, 208. Commerce between them and the Chinese carried on only by barter, 232. Method of transacting business between them, 233. Russian exports, 234-237. Imports, 237-239. Articles of trade prohibited to individuals, 240. Duties paid by the Russian merchants, 241. The Russians' manner of trading to the Fox Islands, 264. Their attempts to discover a North East passage, 304-331. Held in great veneration by the Kamtchadals, till they quarrelled among themselves, 321. See _Siberia, Chinese, Albasin, Lena_. S _Sabya_, an island at a distance from Att, 30. See _Att_. _Sacred Helmet_, at Maimatschin, 227. _Saetshie Kamen_, or _Hare's Rock_, Description of, 328. _Sagaugamak_, one of the Fox Islands, 157. _St. Petersburg_, the geographical calendar of not to be depended on, 24. _Saktunak_, an island near Alaksu, 119. _Sandchue_, a northern province of China, 231. _Sea-horse teeth_, their value, 16. _Sea-lion_, or _Scivutcha_, its flesh delicate food, 265. _Sea-otters_, Many writers mistaken concerning them, 12. Description of, _ibid._ Value of their skins, 13. _Selin_, a town of Little Bucharia, 333. _Serebranikoff_, voyage of a vessel fitted out by him, 49-52. Shipwrecked on an island opposite Katyrskoi Noss, in the peninsula of Kamtchatka, 50. Description of the island, 51. _Shaffyrin (Sila)_, a Cossac, collector of the tribute, 40. 45. 61. killed, 63. _Shalauroff_, his first voyage from the Lena, 323-328. Winters at a mouth of the Kovyma, 325. Not being able to double Sheletskoi Noss, returns to the Kovyma, winters there a second time, and returns to the Lena, 327. No account of his second expedition, he and his crew being killed by the Tschutski, 328. _Sheep's Rock._ See _Baranèi Kamen_. _Shelatskoi Noss_, whence that name is derived, 326. _Shemiya_, one of the Aleütian Islands, 78. _Shilkin (Ivan)_, his voyage, 45. Wrecked on one of the Fox Islands, 58. where the Russians are attacked by the savages, whom they repulse, 59. After suffering the greatest distress, they build a small vessel, in which they are a second time wrecked, and return at last in Serebranikoff's vessel to Kamtchatka, 59. 60. _Shuntschi_, The first Chinese emperor of the Manshur race, 198. _Shushu_, the first of the Kuril Isles, 301. _Sibir_, the principal residence of Kutchum Chan, 182. _Siberia_, conquest of by Yermac, 19. Second irruption of the Russians into that country, 179. State of at the time of Yermac's invasion, 182. Conjecture concerning the derivation of that name, _ibid._ Totally reduced by the Russians, 196. Transport of the Russian and Chinese commodities through that country, 245. See _Ivan Vassilievitch I. Russia. Kutchum Chan._ _Sitkin_, one of the Fox Islands, 62. _Sitting-rooms, (Chinese)_, described, 216. _Soliverstoff (Yusko)_, his expedition to the Korga, to collect sea-horses teeth, 319. _Solovioff (Ivan)_, his voyage, 131-155. Arrives at Unalashka, 132. Learns the particulars of a confederacy formed by the Toigons of Unalashka, Umnak, Akutan, and Toshko, against the Russians, 134. Is joined by Korovin, 135. Hostilities between him and the natives, _ibid._ Winters at Unalashka, with other transactions at that island, 136. Makes peace with the natives, and receives hostages, 139. Meets with Korovin, 140. His crew being greatly afflicted with the scurvy, the inhabitants of Makushinsk conspire to seize his vessel, 141. But are happily prevented, 142. Is visited by Glottoff, _ibid._ Receives hostages from the inhabitants of Kalaktak, 143. Sends Korenoff in different hunting parties, 144. Journal of his voyage homewards, 144. His description of the Fox Islands, 148. _Solvytshegodskaia._ See _Strogonoff_. _Steller_, His arguments to prove that Beering and Tschirikiff discovered America, 277. _Strogonoff (Anika)_, a Russian merchant, establishes a trade with Solvytshegodskaia in Siberia, 178. Makes settlements upon the Kama and Tschussovaia, 183. See _Yermac_. _Studentzoff_, a Cossac, collector of the tribute, 45. 57. _Svatoi Noss_, that name explained, 320. _Sulphur_ found on the island of Kanaga, 75. See _Copper Islands_. _Synd_ (capt.) his voyage to the N. E. of Siberia, 300. Discovers a cluster of islands, and a promontory, which he supposes to belong to America, 301. T. _Tabaetshinskian_, a mountain of Kamtchatka, emitting a constant smoke, 6. _Tagalak_, one of the Andreanoffskye Islands, description of, 76. _Tartarian Rhubarb._ See _Rhubarb_. _Tchingi_, a town on the banks of the Tura, 185. See _Yermac_. _Tea_, finer in Russia than in Europe, and why, 238. _Temnac_, an Aleutian interpreter, 30. _Tien_, an idol worshiped in the small pagoda at Maimatschin, 220. _Tigilskaia Krepost_, a district of Kamtchatka, 5. _Tolstyk, (Andrean)_, his voyage to the Aleutian Isles, in 1748, 30. Ditto, in 1756, 54. Ditto in 1760, 71-79. Discovers the Andreanoskie Islands, 72. Shipwrecked near the mouth of the Kamtchatka river, 79. _Toshko._ See _Solovioff_. _Totchikala_, a village of Unalashka, 138. _Trapesnikoff (Nikiphor)_, Boris and Glebb, a vessel fitted out by him, her voyage and return, 39. 40. &c. Another vessel fitted out by him destroyed, and the crew cut off, by the natives of Unimak, 140. _Tsaaduck_, a kind of lamp, 150. _Tsaudsing_, a Chinese idol, 226. _Tschirikoff._ See _Beering_. _Tschussovaia_ (a river). See _Strogonoff_. _Tschutski_, a people on the river Anadyr, 43. Boundaries of their country, 293. See _Asia_. _Tschukotskoi Noss_, the N. E. cape of the country of the Tschutski, 293. Stadukin and Soliverstoff claim the discovery of the passage round that promontory, 314. See _Deshneff, Svatoi Noss, Shelatskoi Noss_; see also p. 322. _Tschuvatch._ See _Yermac_. _Tsetchina_, one of the Andreanoffsky Islands, description of, 76. _Tsikanok_, or _Osernia_, a river of Unalashka, 133. _Tsiuproff_, his adventures at the Aleutian Islands, 32. See _Belayeff_. _Turkey Rhubarb._ See _Rhubarb_. U. _Vaksel._ See _Kamtchatka_. _Vassilievitch._ See _Ivan Vassilievitch_. _Vaugondy._ See _Longitude_. _Udagha_, a bay on the N. E. of Unalashka, 255. _Verchnei_, or _Upper Kamtchatkoi Ostrog_, a district of Kamtchatka, 5. _Ukunadok_, a village of Unalashka, 143. _Ulaga_, one of the Fox Islands. See _Otcheredin_. _Umgaina_, a village of Unalashka, 143. _Umnak_, one of the Fox Islands, 81. See _Korovin, Solovioff_. _Unalashka_, or _Agunalashka_, one of the Fox Islands, 82. Adventures of four Russians belonging to Drusinin's crew there, 84-88. Description of, 254. Ayaghish and the Roaring Mountain, two volcanos, on that island, 255. Productions, _ibid._ The inhabitants less barbarous than those of the other Fox Islands, 260. _Unimak_, an island to the East of Agunalashka, 139. See _Trapesnikoff_. _Unyumga._ See _Pushkareff, Golodoff_. _Volcanos_, some burning ones in Kamtchatka, and traces of many former ones to be observed there, 6. One eruption near Lower Ostrog in 1762, and another in 1767, _ibid._ An high volcano on the island of Kanaga, 75. See _Copper Island, Unalashka_. _Vorobieff_, his voyage, 42. W. _Wheels_, a carriage with four wheels a mark, of high distinction among the Chinese, 218. _White month_, explained, 228. _Women_, none allowed to live at Maimatschin, and why, 231. _Wsevidoff (Andrew)_, his voyage to the new-discovered Islands, 38. Y. _Yakoff (Jacob)_, composed the chart of Krenitzin and Levasheff's voyage, 266. _Yediger_ (a Tartar chief), pays tribute to the Russians, 179. See _Kutchum Chan_. _Yenisèi_, a river of Siberia, 305, & seq. _Yerken_, a town of Little Bucharia, 333. _Yermac_, being driven from the Caspian Sea, retires to Orel, 181, where he winters, and determines to invade Siberia, 182. To which he is instigated by Strogonoff, 183. Marches towards Siberia, and returns to Orel, 184. Sets out on a second expedition, and arrives at Tchingi, 185. Defeats Kutchum Chan at Tschuvatch, 186. Marches to Sibir, and seats himself on the throne, 187. Cedes his conquest to the Tzar of Muscovy, 189. Who sends him a reinforcement, under the command of prince Bolkosky, 190. Is surprised by Kutchum Chan, 191. And drowned, 192. Veneration paid to his memory, 193. See _Allai, Russians, Siberia, Ivan Vassielivitch_ II. _Yefimoff (Sava)_, one of Yermac's followers, an accurate historian of those times, 192. _Yugoff (Emilian)_, his voyage, 38. Dies on Copper Island, 39. Z. _Zuchert._ See _Rhubarb_. _Zuruchaitu._ Description of, 244. Its trade very inconsiderable, 245. See _Kiachta_. FINIS. BOOKS printed for T. CADELL. The History of England, from the invasion of Julius Cæsar to the Revolution. A new Edition, printed on a fine paper, with many Corrections and Additions; and a complete Index, 8 vols. Royal Paper, 7l. 7s. * * * Another Edition on small Paper, 4l. 10s. Another Edition in 8 vols. 8vo. 2l. 8s. 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41200 ---- WORKS ISSUED BY The Hakluyt Society. THE VOYAGES OF PEDRO FERNANDEZ DE QUIROS, 1595 TO 1606. SECOND SERIES. No. XIV. THE VOYAGES OF PEDRO FERNANDEZ DE QUIROS, 1595 TO 1606. Translated and Edited BY SIR CLEMENTS MARKHAM, K.C.B., P.R.G.S.; PRESIDENT OF THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY. IN TWO VOLUMES.--VOL. I. LONDON: PRINTED FOR THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY. M.DCCCCIV. COUNCIL OF THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY. Sir Clements Markham, K.C.B., F.R.S., Pres. R.G.S., President. The Right Hon. the Lord Amherst of Hackney, Vice-President. Rear-admiral Sir William Wharton, K.C.B., F.R.S., Vice-President. Colonel George Earl Church. Sir William Martin Conway. George William Forrest, C.I.E. William Foster, B.A. F. H. H. Guillemard, M.A., M.D. The Right Hon. the Lord Hawkesbury. Edward Heawood, M.A. John Scott Keltie, LL.D. Frederic William Lucas. Admiral Sir Albert Hastings Markham, K.C.B. Mowbray Morris. Commr. John Franklin Parry, R.N. Edward John Payne, M.A. Ernest George Ravenstein. Admiral of the Fleet Sir F. W. Richards, G.C.B. Henry William Trinder. Richard Stephen Whiteway. Basil H. Soulsby, B.A., Honorary Secretary. CONTENTS. VOLUME I. Page Dedication ix Introduction xi Note on the Cartography of the Southern Continent. By B. H. Soulsby xxxvii I.--Narrative of the Second Voyage of the Adelantado Alvaro de Mendaña, by the Chief Pilot Pedro Fernandez de Quiros 3 II.--Narrative of the Voyage of the Adelantado Alvarez de Mendaña de Niera for the Discovery of the Islands of Solomon, written by the Chief Pilot Pedro Fernandez de Quiros for Don Antonio de Morga, Lieutenant-General of the Philippines 149 III.--Narrative of the Voyage of Pedro Fernandez de Quiros in 1606, for the Discovery of the Austrial Regions 161 VOLUME II. IV.--True Account of the Events of the Voyage that the Captain Pedro Fernandez de Quiros made to the unknown Southern lands, by Gaspar de Leza, Chief Pilot of the said Fleet 321 V.--Torquemada's Account of the Voyage of Quiros 407 VI.--Letter from Luis Vaez de Torres to the King of Spain 455 VII.--Legends on the Four Maps signed by Diego de Prado y Tobar 469 APPENDIX. I.--Eighth Memorial of Quiros 477 II.--Memorial of Quiros, 1607 487 III.--Memorial of Quiros, 1609 504 IV.--Memorial of Don Fernando de Castro, 1608 508 V.--Letters from Diego de Prado y Tobar, 1613 511 VI.--Note on the Memorials of Quiros by the Council of the Indies, 1610 514 VII.--Memorial touching Papers printed by Quiros, 1610 516 VIII.--Memorial by Juan Luis Arias 517 Index 537 MAPS. 1.--Planos de las Bahías descubiertas el año de 1606, In Pocket en las islas del Espíritu Santo y de Nueva Guinea at the end. y Dibujadas por D. Diego de Prado y Tovar en Igual Fecha (Soc. Geogr. de Madrid, 1878). 2.--New Hebrides, Banks and Duff Groups, showing In Pocket Discoveries of Quiros in 1606. G. Mackay del. at the end. 3.--Routes of Mendaña, 1595; Quiros, 1606, and Torres, In Pocket 1606. G. Mackay del. at the end. DEDICATION. TO COMMANDER ROBERT FALCON SCOTT, R.N., M.V.O., F.R.G.S.; LEADER OF THE NATIONAL ANTARCTIC EXPEDITION, 1901 TO 1904. My Dear Scott, I dedicate this translation of the Voyages of Pedro Fernandez de Quiros to you, because the efforts and aspirations of the first navigator who ever conceived the idea of discovering the Antarctic continent cannot fail to have an interest for you who have actually made such great discoveries in the Far South; as a tribute also of admiration for your great qualities as a leader, and of affectionate regard for yourself. Believe me to be ever, my dear Scott, Your attached friend and well-wisher, Clements R. Markham. INTRODUCTION. The Council of the Hakluyt Society has decided that the volumes containing the narratives of the discovery of the Solomon Islands by Mendaña shall be followed by a monograph on the two voyages of Quiros. In the first voyage he was Chief Pilot to Mendaña; the second and most famous voyage was under his own command. The best and most detailed narrative of both voyages is contained in a work which remained in manuscript until twenty-eight years ago, when it was edited and published at Madrid by Don Justo Zaragoza. It is entitled History of the Discovery of the Austrial Regions, made by the General Pedro Fernandez de Quiros. [1] Two copies were known to be in existence: one in the private library of the King of Spain, the other in that of the Ministry of Marine. Both have erroneous titles, written by careless librarians. The narratives were evidently dictated by Quiros, or written from his notes; but Señor Zaragoza gives reasons for the belief that the work, in its present form, was written by Luis de Belmonte Bermudez, a young man who was Secretary to Quiros during the voyage of 1606, and that it contains several passages for which the Secretary was alone responsible. Belmonte Bermudez remained faithful to Quiros in his adversity, and, after his master's death, he became a poet of some celebrity. Señor Zaragoza quotes several passages which show the hand of a poet. [2] There is also a quotation from the Araucana of Ercilla on unknown lands not yet revealed by God, to which is added another version by the young sailor-poet on those unknown lands now revealed by God. [3] The author is mentioned twice in the narrative: once as being nearly drowned in landing on the island of Anaa [4] ("Conversion de San Pablo"), and again in the list of officials for the municipality of the city of New Jerusalem projected by Quiros. [5] The question of authorship is really settled by the poet himself, in a line of his poem entitled La Hispalica, quoted by Zaragoza. Speaking of Quiros as his "Lusitanian master, the star of gallant Portuguese," he adds that, in recording the history of the voyage there was:-- "Want of a writer, which I supplied." The Historia, as published by Zaragoza, is continuous in eighty-one chapters. It has been found more convenient to divide the translation into two parts: the first containing the second voyage of Mendaña, and the second part being the story of the voyage of Quiros in 1606. The present volume commences with the first part of the History of the Discovery of the Austrial Regions. It describes the second voyage of Mendaña in much detail, including the discovery of the Marquesas Islands and of the island of Santa Cruz, the death of Mendaña, and the terrible passage from Santa Cruz to Manilla. It is certainly a most extraordinary story. In the work entitled Hechos del Marques de Cañete, a life of one of the Viceroys of Peru, by Cristoval Suarez de Figueroa, [6] Book VI contains an abbreviated version of the narrative in the Historia, generally copied word for word. Numerous details are omitted, particularly such as are derogatory to the Spanish character. There are also a few passages which are not in the Historia, but none having any bearing on the events of the voyage. Suarez de Figueroa tells us that he had the narrative of Quiros before him as he wrote. For these reasons I have considered it unnecessary to translate the version of Suarez de Figueroa, as it is merely a mutilated version of the narrative in the Historia. The account in the work of Suarez de Figueroa was the only version of the second voyage of Mendaña that was known to our historians of Pacific voyages, Dalrymple and Burney. There is a short report of the second voyage of Mendaña, to Antonio de Morga, the Governor of the Philippines, by Quiros himself. It was translated and printed by Lord Stanley of Alderley, in his edition of the work of Antonio de Morga (Hakluyt Society, 1868). I have caused it to be reprinted in this volume, in order to make the monograph of Quiros complete. For the voyage of Quiros in 1606, when he discovered the Duff and Banks groups of islands, and the New Hebrides, there are no less than four separate accounts. The first, and by far the most important, forms the second part of the Historia del descubrimiento de las regiones Austriales, by Belmonte Bermudez. It contains the full narrative, the speeches and reflections of Quiros, as recorded by his Secretary, and the remarks of the poet himself. The royal orders, the curious and interesting instructions of Quiros to his Captains, the act of possession and other strange proceedings at Espiritu Santo, the half-allegorical will of Quiros, and other documents, are included. The second narrative is by Gaspar Gonzalez de Leza, the Chief Pilot of the Capitana with Quiros. For the most part it is merely a log, with courses, distances run, winds, and latitudes for each day, with occasional calculations of the distance from Callao. But it also contains accounts of the visits to the newly-discovered islands, and some remarks of interest, which may be compared with the same events described by Quiros, and in the work of Torquemada. The manuscript is in the Royal Library at Madrid (J. 2); and Lord Stanley of Alderley quoted largely from it, in annotating the letter of Torres. But it was first printed by Zaragoza. The third narrative is contained in the Monarquia Indiana, a work on Mexico first published in 1614, by the Franciscan Friar, Juan de Torquemada, who was Provincial of the Order in Mexico in that year (vol. i, pp. 738 to 756 the second edition, 1723) (Lib. V, caps. lxiv to lxix). Torquemada was at Mexico when Quiros and his companions landed at Acapulco, and came up to the capital in the end of 1606. He must have known and conversed both with Quiros and with some of his crew. He thus obtained his information at first hand, and was able to write an authentic account of the voyage. Torquemada's style is more polished and flowing than those of the sailors, or even of the young poet, who relate the events of the same voyage. [7] The fourth narrative is contained in a letter from the second in command, Luis Vaez de Torres, to the King. This letter briefly describes the whole voyage; but it is specially interesting when it relates the events after parting company with Quiros. For Torres, on his voyage from Espiritu Santo to Ternate, was the discoverer of the strait which bears his name. Dalrymple obtained a copy of the letter of Torres, and translated it. This translation was, with the permission of Dalrymple, first published by Burney. Mr. Major reprinted it in his volume of Early Voyages to Australia (Hakluyt Soc., 1859). Lord Stanley of Alderley found another copy in the National Library at Madrid (J. 2), and translated it as Appendix VI of his edition of the work on the Philippines, by Antonio de Morga (p. 402, Hakluyt Soc., 1868). This is a copy of a document mentioned by Navarrete as existing at Simancas. Ever loyal to his chief, though disapproving of his conduct of the expedition, Torres wrote another letter to Quiros. The letter of Torres has such an important bearing on the voyage of Quiros, that I have considered it indispensable to include it in the present volumes. The Memorials of Quiros, and other documents in the Appendix, will be described further on. They complete the materials for a monograph of the famous navigator's work and life. I now propose to state all that I have been able to ascertain respecting his life; and to discuss his character, his attainments, his views and aspirations, and the position his voyages occupy in the history of maritime discovery. Pedro Fernandez de Quiros was born at Evora [8], in Portugal, in 1565, the year before Mendaña sailed on his first voyage. The ill-fated Don Sebastian was then King of Portugal. His uncle, the Cardinal Henry, became King in 1578; but in 1580 Philip II, the Cardinal's nephew, succeeded as King of Portugal, as well as of Spain. Quiros, though a Portuguese, then became a subject of the King of Spain, his age being fifteen. We are told, though an enemy is our informant, [9] that young Quiros was brought up in the "Rua nova," then a disreputable part of Lisbon, and that he was a clerk or supercargo in merchant ships. This may or may not be true. He certainly became a good sailor, and an accomplished pilot. In 1589, when he had reached his twenty-fourth year, he had probably been several years at sea. He then married Doña Ana Chacon, of Madrid, daughter of the licentiate Juan Quevedo de Miranda, by Ana Chacon de Miranda. She was a year his senior. A son, named Francisco, was born to them in 1590, and they must then have gone to Peru; for their daughter Jeronima was born some months after Quiros sailed from Peru with Mendaña in 1595. [10] Quiros was thirty years of age when he accepted the post of Chief Pilot in the ship of Alvaro de Mendaña, who had received a concession to colonise the Solomon Islands, which he had discovered thirty years before. Quiros joined this expedition with some misgivings, caused by the quarrelsome character of the Camp Master, the want of order and discipline, and the position assumed by the Commander's wife and her brothers. Mendaña was more than twenty years older than Quiros. The Pilot's position was one of some difficulty: for while on one side he had to exercise tact in his intercourse with the family clique, on the other he found it difficult to avoid friction with a most impracticable and quarrelsome old soldier who was Camp Master, and who had a feud with the brothers-in-law of Mendaña, which continued to increase in bitterness. The expedition culminated at the island of Santa Cruz, a new discovery, with the slaughter of the old Camp Master, the deaths of Mendaña and his brother-in-law Don Lorenzo, the succession of the widow, Doña Isabel, to the command of the expedition, and the disastrous voyage to Manilla. Through all this intrigue and violence the Chief Pilot steered his course with prudence and caution. He was a reliable seaman, and was constantly consulted. He appears, from his own account, to have been a peacemaker, to have avoided quarrels, and to have had some influence. He was, however, a great talker. The widow did not like him, but she was obliged to rely upon him entirely. Her brothers were useless. Quiros stood between the widow's selfish parsimony and a crew on the verge of mutiny from misery and starvation. He brought a sinking ship, with rotten spars and rigging, safely over an unknown sea from Santa Cruz to Manilla. It was during this voyage, and while gaining experience in the navigation of the Pacific Ocean and the treatment of natives, that Quiros conceived his grand project. He was a cartographer, and, in studying existing maps, he saw a great Southern continent extending across the ocean, from the Strait of Magellan to New Guinea. He thought that here was a discovery as famous as had been made by Columbus or Da Gama. He thought that here was not only a great continent extending to the South Pole to be added to the dominions of his sovereign, but millions of souls to be saved and brought within the fold of the Church. He devoted his life to the realisation of this glorious dream with unswerving devotion, never turning aside to the right hand or to the left; undaunted by difficulties or wearisome delays to his dying day; literally killed by Councils and Committees; but succumbing only with his last breath. He became a man with one idea. Alas! he was but a dreamer. It was a dream. The heroic days of Spain and Portugal were passed and gone. Quiros was the last of the long and glorious roll of great Spanish navigators. He spoke, if not to stone-deaf ears, to fast-deafening ears. The Viceroy Don Luis de Velasco, [11] at Lima, to whom Quiros first explained his project, would take no responsibility, and referred him to the Court of Spain and its Councils of State and of the Indies. It was a happy inspiration which led Quiros to go first to Rome, and interest the Pope in the conversion of millions of Antarctic souls; for nothing was more likely to induce the Spanish Government to move in the matter than a strong recommendation, which would be looked upon almost as a command, from the Supreme Pontiff. Quiros was himself a very religious man, deeply imbued with the superstitions of his time and nation. When Quiros arrived at Rome, the Duke of Sesa, a descendant of the Great Captain, was Spanish Ambassador. The Pope was a scion of the noble Roman family of Aldobrandini, and had succeeded, as Clement VIII, in 1592. The Duke of Sesa received Quiros well on his arrival at Rome, made him a member of his household, and was so much interested in his project that he assembled all the most eminent astronomers and geographers in the Eternal City to examine and report to him upon it. Among these experts there was a mathematician of the first rank. Christopher Clavio was born at Bamberg in 1537, and taught mathematics at Rome for twenty years. He corrected the calendar for Gregory XIII, and published his Calendarii Romani Gregoriani Explicatio in 1603. He had previously been the author of a work entitled Gnomonices, and of an edition of Euclid. The other advisers of the Duke were Dr. Mesa and Dr. Toribio Perez, who had been Professors of Geography at Salamanca, and a learned Jesuit named Villalpando. The authority of Clavio cannot be gainsaid. He found Quiros to be an accomplished Pilot and cartographer, and the inventor or improver of two nautical instruments. The Duke of Sesa was satisfied by Clavio and the other experts of the capacity of Quiros as a navigator, and of the importance of his project. He, therefore, introduced him to the Pope, and both Clement VIII and the Duke gave him letters of recommendation to the Spanish Government. Philip III had succeeded his father in 1598 as King of Spain and Portugal. He found the country utterly ruined, and commerce nearly dead. Yet he continued the same fatal policy. He confided the management of affairs to the Duke of Lerma, a man well known to readers of Gil Blas, and the extravagance of the Court helped to lead Spain downwards on the road to decadence and ruin. Quiros arrived at Madrid with his credentials in the spring of 1602, and had interviews with Philip III, and with his Minister, the Duke of Lerma. The Pope's influence secured his success. Within a year he had obtained a royal order, through the Council of State, addressed to the Viceroy of Peru, instructing that dignitary to fit out two ships at Callao, to enable Quiros to undertake an expedition for the discovery of the Antarctic continent. Quiros sailed for Peru in the summer of 1603. He seems to have left his family in Spain. He was shipwrecked near the Island of Curaçoa, in the West Indies, and had to pass some time at Caraccas. Here he found the orphan children of a brother, of whom he had not heard for many years, living with their maternal grandfather: two boys and a girl. He thought it right to take the two nephews with him, leaving the niece with her grandfather. One of the nephews is not heard of again. The other, Lucas de Quiros, was his uncle's companion in the voyage of 1606. He was Royal Ensign for the ceremonies at Espiritu Santo. He is afterwards heard of as a rising cartographer at Lima. [12] Quiros arrived at Lima quite destitute, owing to the refusal of the royal officials on the route to give him any pecuniary assistance, although they had positive orders to do so. He found shelter in the house of a potter; and it was some days before he could get an audience of the Count of Monterey, [13] who was then Viceroy of Peru. Eventually, the Viceroy recognised the necessity for carrying out the royal orders. Vessels were tardily bought and fitted out at Callao, for the expedition of Quiros, in the last months of 1605. There were two ships and a zabra or launch. The ship chosen for Quiros was called the Capitana, and named San Pedro y San Pablo. She was 150 tons. The other ship was called the Almiranta, and named the San Pedro, 120 tons. Her Captain was known as the Admiral, the title of a second in command in those days. Both ships were built on the west coast, probably at Guayaquil. They carried one hundred and thirty men and six friars. The launch was named Los Tres Reyes. Luis Vaez de Torres, the Admiral or second in command under Quiros, was a good sailor and pilot, an energetic and capable leader, and loyal to his chief. He commanded all the landing parties, and relieved Quiros of much anxiety and trouble. His Chief Pilot in the Almiranta, Juan Bernardo de Fuentidueña, and Pedro Bernal de Cermeño, in command of the launch, were loyal and capable men. The junior Pilot in the Capitana, Gaspar Gonzalez de Leza, afterwards Chief Pilot, was also a reliable officer. Quiros had a cousin with him, one Alonso Alvarez de Castro, as well as a nephew, Lucas de Quiros. But his most faithful and devoted friend was young Luis de Belmonte Bermudez. Born at Seville in about 1585, this youth had gone out to seek his fortune, first in Mexico and then at Lima. Fired by the stories told him of the Araucanian war in distant Chile, he composed a panegyric on the youthful deeds of the Marquis of Cañete, the first product of his muse. When Quiros was fitting out his expedition, Belmonte Bermudez accepted the post of Secretary, taking with him the "Araucana," that noble epic of the soldier-poet, Alonso de Ercilla. But Quiros also had in his ship men of a very different stamp. Among them was a Chief Pilot named Juan Ochoa de Bilboa, who had been forced upon him as a protégé of the Viceroy; [14] another officer named Diego de Prado y Tovar; and the accountant, Juan de Iturbe. They stirred up mutiny and disaffection on board. Quiros complained bitterly of the delay in fitting out the expedition, which obliged him to sail so late in the year. He considered that he should have sailed not later than St. Francis, or the 4th of October. He did not obtain his despatch until the 21st of December. Quiros was now free to attempt the realisation of his dream, the discovery of the Antarctic continent and the annexation of the South Pole. All was left to his discretion. There is no reason for the belief that the Viceroy of Peru gave any instructions beyond the letter of farewell which was read to the men. The plan of Quiros was to steer W.S.W. from Callao until he reached latitude 30° S., [15] where he fully expected that he would have reached the continental southern land shown on the maps of his time. He continued on this course from December 21st to January 26th, when he found himself in 26° S. Then Quiros came to the fatal decision to alter course to W.S.W. He says in his narrative that there was a heavy swell, and that he was obliged by the force of the wind and the sea to alter his course. He adds, in one of his memorials, that winter was approaching, that there was a mutinous spirit among his crew, and that he was ill in bed. Torres remonstrated. He wrote: "I gave a declaration under my hand that it was not a thing obvious that we ought to diminish our latitude till we got beyond 30° S." If Quiros had continued on his course, he would have discovered New Zealand, and his dream would have been partly realised. Having turned away from the goal, his plan was to make for the island of Santa Cruz, discovered when he served as Chief Pilot under Mendaña, and thence to make another attempt southward. But this was a lame conclusion. His chance was gone. Antarctic discovery was left to another nation and another century. The latitudes recorded by Quiros, Torres, and Leza, and the courses and distances run, enable us to identify the islands discovered by Quiros in crossing the Pacific. The first inhabited island, reached on February 1st, 1606, has been supposed by Burney and others to be Tahiti. It is in the latitude of Tahiti; but it is described as a low island with a large lagoon in the centre, and no fresh water. This could not by any possibility be Tahiti. Sir William Wharton has identified it as Anaa, or Chain Island, one of the Low Archipelago to the eastward of Tahiti. [16] Quiros named it "Conversion de San Pablo," not "Sagittaria," as Burney supposed. With Anaa as a point of departure, the other islands discovered by Quiros are easily identified. [17] In following the parallel of 10° 20' S. to reach Santa Cruz, Quiros fortunately came upon Taumaco, the principal island of what is now called the Duff group. Here he found a native Chief, from whom he received such detailed information respecting the existence of islands, and, as was understood, even continental lands to the southward, that the most sanguine hopes appeared to be approaching realisation. The project of going to Santa Cruz was abandoned, and Quiros steered S., fully anticipating the consummation of his dreams of discovery. Nor was he destined to be altogether disappointed. Island after island, all lofty and thickly inhabited, rose above the horizon; and at last he sighted such extensive coast lines that he believed the Southern Continent to be spread out before him. The islands of the New Hebrides group, such as Aurora, Leper, and Pentecost, overlapping each other to the S.E., seemed to him to be continuous coast lines, while to the S.W. was the land which he named Austrialia del Espiritu Santo. All appeared to his vivid imagination to be one continuous continental land. Such was the enthusiastic navigator's belief when his vessels anchored in the port of Vera Cruz, at the southern extreme of the great bay of St. Philip and St. James. He had found the largest island of what Captain Cook named the New Hebrides group, yet not a very large island. He showed his belief by his grandiose proceedings. To us they must now appear very pathetic. There was a ceremony of taking possession, in the names of the Church, of the Pope, and of the King. Quiros took possession of "all this region of the south as far as the Pole, which from this time shall be called Austrialia del Espiritu Santo, with all its dependencies for ever and so long as right exists," in the name of King Philip III. A great city was to be founded and named the New Jerusalem, and its river was to be the Jordan. All the municipal and royal officers were nominated, and a knightly order of "Espiritu Santo" was instituted, subject to confirmation by the King. There were processions, religious dances, high masses and fireworks. The great navigator had two serious drawbacks in his rejoicing. He was disabled by a serious illness; and the natives, owing to the misconduct of the Spaniards, were persistently hostile. After being at anchor in this port of Vera Cruz for thirty-five days (from the 3rd of May to the 8th of June, 1606), the little fleet sailed, with the object of completing the discovery of the Southern Continent. Then came the catastrophe. It came on to blow hard from the S.E., with a nasty sea; and it was resolved to return to the anchorage. Late at night Torres brought the Almiranta to anchor, and the launch was also safely brought to. Quiros was too ill to come on deck, the Pilots seem to have lost their heads, were confused between the lights of the other ships and these on shore, and eventually stood out, running before the wind. At dawn they were several leagues to leeward, outside the bay. From the 12th to the 18th they were trying to beat up to the bay, but with topmasts struck it was nearly all leeway. Ships built in Peru would not work to windward: Quiros was in despair. At last, he determined to make for Santa Cruz, which was a rendezvous in the Instructions. But when the latitude of Santa Cruz was reached, there was a consultation. It was resolved to cross the Line, and make for Acapulco: a four months' voyage. Quiros bewailed his position. He had enemies on board. He does not mention any actual mutiny, though his enemy, Prado y Tovar, who must have got his information from the men who remained at Mexico, and perhaps afterwards found their way to the Philippines, makes the assertion. Quiros consoled himself with the reflection that his return would at least enable him to make known his discoveries, and to urge upon the King and his Councils the importance of completing them. He also felt confidence in Torres, his second in command, who was left behind on board the Almiranta, and in his Pilot, Fuentidueña; and with good reason. They were resolute and capable seamen. Quiros hoped that they would continue his discoveries; and he rejoiced when, some years afterwards, he received the news of the successful voyage of Torres. After waiting for some days for the Capitana, Torres continued the voyage by rounding the northern end of Espiritu Santo, and steering a course to the S.W., until he reached a latitude of 21° S. [18] He then altered course to the N., and discovered the bay and islands at the east end of New Guinea. In 1613 Diego de Prado y Tovar sent home four maps from Goa, which throw considerable light on the course of Torres's ship. The first map is a very interesting one of the bay of St. Philip and St. James, in Espiritu Santo. The next is a map of a land named "Buenaventura," with many islands. Torres arrived at this land on July 18th, having sailed from the bay of St. Philip and St. James on the 26th of June. "Buenaventura" is Basilisk Island, so named by Captain Moresby, after his ship, in 1873. The bay of San Millan, accurately delineated by Torres, is Jenkins Bay of Moresby. The port of Santo Toribio of Torres is the China Strait of Moresby. The third map shows the great bay of San Lorenzo, and the port of Monterey, identified with "l'Orangerie" and "Ile Dufaure" of Bougainville (1768), on the S. coast of New Guinea. The names of Saints given to the bays, capes, and islands, throw light on the dates, for it was usual to give to a cape, bay, or island the name of the Saint on whose day it was discovered. The feast of San Lorenzo is on the 10th of August, the date when Torres arrived in the bay, where he appears to have remained for several days. The fourth map is of the bay of San Pedro de Arlanza, whose feast is on the 18th of October. This bay is identified with the Triton Bay of the Dutch. The four maps have been reproduced for this volume, and the legends on the original large-scale maps are given separately. [19] From Triton Bay, Torres proceeded to Ternate, where he left the launch, and thence continued his course to Manilla. His letters to Quiros and to the King from that place are dated June and July, 1607. From the fact that Diego de Prado y Tovar sent the four maps home in December, 1613, it is supposed that Torres had died in the interval. The letter of Torres was first printed in Burney's Voyages, from a copy obtained and translated by Dalrymple, who suggested the name of Torres Strait for the principal discovery of that navigator. The Spanish Government jealously concealed the knowledge acquired by their great explorers, and left their noble deeds in oblivion. It was left to Englishmen to immortalise the names of Quiros and Torres, whose achievements were so long forgotten by their own countrymen. The actual results of the voyages of Quiros and Torres were the discovery of thirteen coral islands in the Pacific, of the Duff and Banks groups, of the New Hebrides, of the eastern end and southern coast of New Guinea, and of Torres Strait, with its innumerable islands: not a barren record. Quiros came to Madrid to urge the Spanish Government to give him command of another expedition for the completion of his discoveries. He had before him a dreary seven years of memorialising Councils, of obstruction and delays. It wore him out; but he was led to believe that he had succeeded. A timely death saved him from the anguish of finding that he had been deceived. He was worried into his grave by Councils and Committees. But before he died he believed that he had at length overcome the obstruction, and his last hours were cheered by the hope of final success. We gather the character of Quiros from his narratives. He was a man of a humane and generous disposition, averse to violence and bloodshed. He was a zealous Catholic, striving to maintain religious feelings and to enforce morality among his people. Brave and resolute himself, full of zeal and enthusiasm, he failed in the management of men. He was often weak and vacillating, and had not the force of will necessary to control the turbulent and to cheer the half-hearted. The Chief Pilot, Juan Ochoa de Bilboa, during the voyage, caused a mutinous feeling on board the Capitana, persuading the crew to go straight to Manilla. Quiros merely sent this Chief Pilot on board the Almiranta under arrest. Torres strongly importuned his chief to punish such insubordination, but he would not. It was the same with another mutinous officer, Diego de Prado y Tobar. He was merely sent on board the Almiranta. To this weakness Torres attributes the slackness and want of zeal, if not something worse, when the Capitana parted company. Juan de Iturbe, the Accountant, in his letter now in the Biblioteca Nacional (J. 2), merely says that the Chief Pilot went over to the ship of Torres because he was disgusted with Quiros. We have the evidence of Torres himself that this was not the reason. Iturbe was another disaffected officer, and disloyal to his chief. There was not a single instance of capital punishment during the expedition, and not a single death, with the exception of the Father Commissary, who died of old age. Quiros was a thorough seaman, and the best Pilot of his time. He was not a self-seeker, but was devoted to a great idea, and persistently strove to realise it with unswerving resolution, until death ended his career. Quiros was very unlike his countryman Magellan. He rather reminds us of the great Genoese. Like Columbus, he was a visionary, full of dreams and religious aspirations. Like Columbus, he was devoted to one idea, which he followed with unchanging fidelity to the day of his death. Like Columbus, he was gentle in dealing with those who opposed him, and often weak. One dream of Quiros was that in his Southern Continent there should be justice to the converted natives, and that the evil deeds perpetrated in Mexico and Peru should not be repeated. [20] It only remains to record the story of the Quiros Memorials, when we shall see the navigator, prematurely old, striving for the means of renewing his efforts: struggling against Councils and Committees while life lasted. Quiros landed at Acapulco, was very coldly received by the officials at Mexico, and reached Madrid on the 9th of October, 1607. He was quite destitute. He only had two maravedis, which he gave to a beggar. But his faithful young Secretary remained true to him. During the first eleven days, he had not money to buy ink or paper. He wrote his first Memorial on the flyleaves of a pamphlet. He got the money for printing it by selling his clothes. To print the second, he sold his bedding; for the third, he pawned the royal banner under which he had taken possession of Espiritu Santo. After seventeen months of extreme penury, the King granted him 500 ducats. Quiros tells us that he sent in fifty memorials in fifty months. Of these, eight have been preserved and printed by Zaragoza. The first was written in 1607. [21] He describes the events of the voyage, and makes excuses for altering course when he had reached 26° S.; and for having parted company with Torres. He explains his view that the Antarctic continent runs from Espiritu Santo S.E. to Magellan Strait, a land of vast extent: "a new world." He says that he gave the name of "Austrialia del Espiritu Santo" from His Majesty's title of Austria. He says that the tonnage of his ships was 150 and 120, and that they carried one hundred and thirty men, besides six friars. The cost of the expedition was 184,000 ducats. He concludes by saying that he had no pay, and that he owes 2,500 dollars without one quarto to pay it. The second existing Memorial is the eighth that he sent in. It is given in Purchas, and was reproduced by Dalrymple. It forms the first document in the Appendix. [22] The eighth Memorial was printed at Seville in 1610. Purchas obtained a copy, which he reprinted in his Pilgrimes. Hessel Gerritsz printed a Dutch version, in 1612, in his Detectio Freti Hudsoni, reprinted by Müller at Amsterdam, in 1878, and two French translations appeared in 1617. The third existing Memorial is also given in Purchas and Dalrymple. It forms the second document in the Appendix. [23] The fourth is translated for the first time, and forms the third document in the Appendix. [24] The fifth existing Memorial was the sixteenth he had written. It contains proposals for colonising the new continent; and here Quiros compares himself to Columbus, Da Gama, and Magellan. [25] The sixth existing Memorial refers to a royal order received from the Secretary, Gabriel de Hoa, instructing the Viceroys to despatch Quiros on a new voyage. He submits detailed estimates. He proposes to take one hundred and fifty persons, and mentions the names of three Captains who are willing to accompany him. One of them is Lorenzo Ferrer Maldonado, a cosmographer and writer who is best known for his account of the imaginary Strait of Anian, published in 1588. Quiros also gives the names of eighteen Franciscan friars who are ready to go. He refers to his extreme poverty, and asks for his debts to be paid. [26] The seventh extant Memorial is, according to Quiros, the fiftieth that he wrote. It is much the longest, covering 108 pages. It begins by recapitulating the contents of his eighth and sixteenth Memorials. It contains an interesting report by Hernando de los Rios, the Procurator of the Philippines, of a voyage to New Guinea by a Portuguese named Miguel Roxo de Brito; also an extract from a letter received by Quiros from his second in command, Torres, dated June 15th, 1607; and a report by Ruy Gonzalez de Sequiera, the Governor of the Moluccas. Quiros repeats his proposals, and again dwells on the importance of the intended discoveries. The eighth and last extant Memorial is only a further recapitulation. He says he has been sending in memorials constantly for fifty months. The Memorials are tedious, and necessarily full of repetitions. I have only thought it advisable to give three of them in the Appendix, as specimens. The fourth document in the Appendix is a letter from Fernando de Castro, who had married the widow of Mendaña. He prayed that no concession might be made to Quiros, as he, Castro, had inherited the claims of Mendaña on the Solomon Islands. The two letters from Diego de Prado y Tovar, [27] the malignant enemy of Quiros, follow. This man had made the voyage with Torres, and wrote from Goa, on his way home. He forwarded four valuable and very interesting maps, the originals of which are now at Simancas. They are from the surveys of Torres, who had probably died previous to the date of Prado's letters. One is a plan of the Bay of St. Philip and St. James; the other three are plans of bays in New Guinea. They are coloured, with long descriptive titles. [28] Reduced copies, in colour, were published in the Boletin of the Madrid Geographical Society, in 1878, [29] with the long titles printed separately. I have had these maps reproduced for the present work. The abuse of Quiros by this insubordinate officer can be taken for what it is worth. Another detractor of his commander was the disloyal Accountant, Juan de Iturbe. He wrote a long letter from Mexico, dated March 25th, 1607, [30] which was referred to the Council of the Indies and retained for reference. He gives a fairly truthful account of the events connected with the return of the Capitana, while trying inferentially to throw blame on Quiros. He ridiculed the ceremonies at Espiritu Santo, and the creation of an order of knighthood by Quiros; and while representing the importance of the discoveries, he added that Quiros was not a fit man to command a new expedition. I have not thought it necessary to insert the letter of Iturbe, as it contains no new information. The next two documents in the Appendix speak for themselves. One is a Minute of the Council of the Indies on the demands of Quiros, and on the most politic way of treating him. The other is an order to check him in the printing and dissemination of his Memorials, which were to be considered confidential. We know that two at least had been published at Seville, and had fallen into the hands of Purchas and Hessel Gerritsz. The last document in the Appendix is the Memorial on the discovery of the Antarctic continent and the conversion of its inhabitants, by a Chilian lawyer named Juan Luis Arias. It is bound up in a volume in the British Museum, with other documents, chiefly memorials, relating to the Church of Spain. [31] The text was reprinted at Edinburgh in the last century, and translated by Dalrymple in 1773. Its chief interest lies in the statement that Juan Fernandez led an expedition from Chile which discovered the Southern Continent, landed on it, and had intercourse with the inhabitants. Dalrymple and Burney treat this fabrication seriously, and conjecture that the discovered land might have been New Zealand. I have discussed the career of Juan Fernandez in a footnote to the Memorial of Arias in the Appendix. [32] We get a glimpse of the view taken by leading Spanish statesmen under Philip III, of the Memorials and aspirations of Quiros, from the Minutes of a sitting of the Council of State in July, 1609. [33] The Cardinal-Archbishop of Toledo, [34] the Constable of Castille, [35] the Duke of Infantado, [36] the Count of Lemos, [37] and other grandees, were present. The letter from Juan de Iturbe, as well as the Memorials of Quiros, were before them. The Count of Lemos wrote a Minute strongly against the employment of Quiros. The feeling was that further expenditure on such voyages was undesirable, and that it would be wiser to spend money in completing the exploration of Peru and Mexico. They looked upon Quiros as a very discontented and dangerous man, who might sell his knowledge and services to the English. The best course would be, they thought, to keep him quiet in Madrid by promises. He might be employed to draw maps and charts. If he continued to insist upon going to Peru, a letter of recommendation might be given to him for the Viceroy. But it was further suggested that the letter of Iturbe should also be sent to the Viceroy, with a contra-despacho, leaving the matter to his discretion, with orders to entertain Quiros and his proposals, but not to despatch his business. This treachery was the final conclusion when Quiros started. Worn out by delays and obstruction, worried almost to death by Councils and Committees, he gladly accepted the promise to give him command of an expedition. Ignorant of the contra-despacho, he put his trust in the honour of the new Viceroy of Peru, a great man, Don Francisco de Borja, Prince of Esquilache, [38] with whom he proceeded on the voyage to Peru, accompanied by his wife and two children. He thought that at length, after years of wearisome solicitation, his grand ideas were to be realised. Fortunately for the brave enthusiast, he was saved from the anguish of being undeceived by a timely death at Panama on his way out. He died at the age of fifty, quite worn out and driven to his grave by Councils and Committees, with their futile talk, needless delays, and endless obstruction. His faithful Secretary, Belmonte Bermudez, who had edited the Memorials for him, stood by him to the last. [39] The ideas of Quiros respecting an Antarctic continent were, no doubt, fixed in his mind by seeing the coast-lines delineated by the map-makers of his time. It, therefore, becomes very interesting to trace this southern coast-line on the principal maps from the time of Ortelius down to the last map that showed it before Captain Cook's second voyage finally disproved its existence. Mr. Basil Soulsby has kindly prepared a note on this subject, which follows the Introduction. The voyage of Quiros was the first event in the story of Antarctic enterprise. Its object was the discovery of the Southern Continent and the annexation of the South Pole. It was the dream of an enthusiast. It was a failure, but not altogether a barren failure. Others of another nation were to follow up his idea. He fell, worried to death by Committees. But he opened the glorious record of Antarctic discovery. Captain Cook made known the Southern Continent imagined by Quiros, and actually seen by Torres. Captain Cook first crossed the Antarctic circle, and searched all round it for the supposed coast-lines of Quiros. Great communities were to arise in the Southern Continent, in Australia and New Zealand, but not of Spanish race. The achievements of the peoples of the Iberian peninsula were of vast importance to the world; but they came to an end with the voyage of Quiros. The mantle of discovery fell on other shoulders. James Ross followed Cook in realising the dream of Quiros; and now we recognise Robert Falcon Scott as the greatest and most successful of Antarctic discoverers. COMPARATIVE LIST OF MAPS OF THE NEW HEBRIDES, ETC., 1570-1904. With British Museum press-marks. 1.--1570. Antwerp. Typus Orbis Terrarum. In Abraham Ortelius's Atlas.--The Terra Australis, with Beach provincia aurifera, extends right across the world, and from the Tropic of Capricorn to the S. Pole. New Guinea appears as an island. The Molucca Islands are shown. [Maps. 46. c. 2.] 2.--1578. Antwerp. Universi Orbis seu Terreni Globi in plano effigies. In G. de Jode's "Speculum Orbis Terrarum," 1578.--New Guinea forms one end of the Terra Australis, in which Terra del Fuego appears in the centre, and which stretches across the whole Circulus Antarcticus. [Maps. 31. c. 5.] 3.--1587. Antwerp. Typus Orbis Terrarum. In Abraham Ortelius's Atlas. 1592 edition.--The Terra Australis. The Solomon Islands, discovered in 1568, appear with this name for the first time. [Maps. 46. d. 2.] 4.--1587. Duisburg. Orbis Terrae Compendiosa Descriptio. By Rumold Mercator. In G. Mercator's Atlas, 1589.--The Terra Australis, but without the Solomon Islands. Java Minor appears to the S.E. of Beach province. [Maps. 34. c. 2.] 5.--1589. Antwerp. Totius Orbis cogniti universalis Descriptio. In C. de Jode's "Speculum Orbis Terrarum." 1593.--New Guinea an island. Otherwise as in 2. [Maps. 24. c. 7.] 6.--1590. Amsterdam. Orbis Terrarum Typus De Integro multis in locis emendatus. Auctore Petro. Plancio.--Terra Australis Magellanica, with Beach provincia aurifera, extends across the Antarctic Circle. "Nova Guinea nuper inventa quez an sit insula an pars continentis australis incertum est." Insulae Salomonis alone of Quiros' islands are shown. [920. (266.)] 7.--1612. Antwerp. In A. Ortelius' Atlas, Latin edition. Same as No. 3. [Maps. 46. d. 12.] 8.--1628. London. A New & Accurate Mappe of the World. By R. Vaughan. (From "The World encompassed by Sir Francis Drake").--"This South part of the world contayning almost the third part of the globe is yet unknowne, certaine sea coasts excepted, which rather show there is a land then discry eyther land people or comodities," appears on "The Southerne Unknowne Land," across the Antarctic Circle. New Guinee is shown. [920. (46.)] 9.--1630. Amsterdam. Nova Totius Terrarum Orbis Geographica ac Hydrographica Tabula. By Henricus Hondius. In H. Hexham's English edition of G. Mercator's Atlas. 1636.--The Terra Australis, with the Beach province, is defined in very faint outline. The Ladrones appear, also Baixos de S. Barth, I. d. S. Petro, J. Vesinos, Barbudos, I. de Paxaros. The Solomon Islands are not given. [Maps. 34. d. 8.] 10.--1641. Amsterdam. Same as No. 9. In J. Jansson's Atlas. 1653. [Maps. 88. e. 1.] 11.--1662. Amsterdam. Nova et accuratissima totius Terrarum Orbis Tabula. Joannes Blaeu.--The large Terra Australis has disappeared. Hollandia Nova is outlined, but N. Guinea is only partially outlined. Zelandia Nova has a western coast-line only. Antonii Van Diemans Landt is partly outlined. The words Australia Incognita occur on the circle of the Southern Polar Region. [Maps. 64. e. 1.] 12.--1660. London. A New Map of the Terraqueous Globe according to the latest discoveries and most general divisions of it into continents and oceans. In Edw. Well's "A New Sett of Maps."--"New Zeland supposed to be part of ye Southern unknown Continent." 35° S. "New Holland esteemed to be part of ye Southern unknown continent," mixed up with New Guinea, touching the Equator, and all only partly outlined. The smaller islands are not named. [Maps. 87. d. 3.] 13.--1667. Paris. Mappe-Monde. In N. Sanson's (d'Abbéville) Atlas.--New Guinea appears as an island. The Beach Province is only partially outlined. Terre Magellanique Australe Incogneue is outlined right across the Southern Hemisphere, as in No. 1. Nearly all the islands in the New Hebrides mentioned by Quiros are shown. [Maps. 88. d. 3.] 14.--1668. Paris. Carte Universelle de tout le Monde. Par H. Jaillot.--Terra Australis, showing Beach provincia aurifera, extends right across the Antarctic Circle. Petan Island and Java Minor are to the E. of Beach. Nova Guinea jam recens detecta ab I. Lamero, is partly shown in outline. [920. (61.)] 15.--1674. Rome. Mappa Mondo. By Gio. Lhuilier. In G. G. de Rossi's Mercurio Geografico.--Terra di Quir, N. coast, is shown in outline, S. of Solomon Islands, 10° to 20° S. Nova Guinea appears as an island. Terra Magellanica embraces the Arctic Circle. Nova Olanda is shown, but without the E. coast. The smaller islands are not given. New Zealand appears in outline. [Maps. 64. d. 10.] 16.--1680.--Oxford. Orbis Terrarum nova et accuratissima Tabula. Auctore Joanne à Loon. In Moses Pitt's "The English Atlas," vol. i. 1680.--New Zealand, E. coast, shown in outline. The islands mainly as in No. 13. N. Guinea and Hollandia Nova are shown in outline on W. coast. Van Diemen's Land shown in detail. The Terra Australis does not extend across the Antarctic Circle. [Maps. 85. e. 3.] 17.--1690. Amsterdam. Nova Orbis Tabula in Lucem edita a F. de Wit. In F. de Wit's Atlas.--The small islands are as in No. 9. N. Guinea and Hollandia Nova join, and the western coast is outlined. Zelandia Nova is outlined also on the W. coast. Australia Incognita is printed round the circle of the S. Pole. [Maps. 86. d. 11.] 18.--1690. Amsterdam. Orbis Terrarum Nova et Accuratissima Tabula. Auctore Nicolao Visscher. In N. Visscher's Atlas Minor. Tom. 1.--Same as No. 17. [Maps. 89. e. 3.] 19.--1696. Paris. Mappe-Monde. By N. Sanson. In H. Jaillot's "Nouveau Atlas."--As in 15. Carpentaria, N.W. coast, appears below Nouvelle Guinée, between 10° and 20° S. [Maps. 84. e. 1.] 20.--1700. Paris. Mappe monde. Par Guillaume Delisle. In G. De L'Isle's Atlas. 1715.--Nouvelle Guinée and Nouvelle Hollande are joined, and are outlined on the W. coast, as in Nle. Zelande. Terre de Diemen is outlined on the S.E. coast. The following routes, in dotted lines, are shown:-- Ferdinand Magellan, 1520. Juan Gaetan, 1542. Mendaña and Gallego, 1568. Mendaña and Quiros, 1595. An English Pilot, reported by Robert Dudley, c. 1600. Olivier du Nord, 1600. Le Maire and Cornelius Schouten, 1616. Pelsart, 1629. Abel Tasman, 1642. William Dampier, 1686. "Isle découverte par Drak" occurs in lat. 66° S., long. 75°, above the S. Polar region. Terre que la flote de Mendaña crut être la Nle. Guinée occurs in lat. 6° S., long. 188°. [Maps. 86 d. 1.] 21.--1705. Paris. Mappe-Monde. In N. de Fer's "Atlas Curieux."--N. Guinée and Nouvelle Hollande are connected, and shown on W. coast. Nouv. Zeelande, W. coast, appears in outline. The smaller islands are not shown. [Maps. 1. c. 46.] 22.--1710. London. A New and Correct Map of the World. By C. Price.--New Guinea and New Holland are not connected, but the E. coast is not shown. Diemen's Land is given, due S. of N. Holland, between 39° and 45°. The smaller islands are as in No. 9. [Maps. 63. f. 2.] 23.--1720. Paris. Mappemonde. Par Guillaume De L'Isle.--In G. De L'Isle's Atlas, 1732.--Mainly as in No. 20. Mendaña's "New Guinea" appears as the Solomon Islands. "Les Marquises de Mendoce" are shown. [Maps. 91. e. 3.] 24.--1720. Amsterdam. Diversa Orbis Terræ ... in Planum Orthographica Projectio. By Peter Schenck. In J. B. Homann's Atlas. 1740.--Hollandia Nova nearly complete. To E. of Carpentaria comes Quiro Regio, between 10° and 20° S. Most of Quiros' smaller islands are shown. Zelandia Nova, and Antoni van Diemen's Land are partly shown. Baye S. Philippe and St. Jacques occur both in Quiro Regio and in Zelandia Nova. The continent of Terra Australis, across the S. Pole, now disappears. [Maps 87. e. 12.] 25.--1730. Augsburg. Diversi Globi Terr-Aquei ... in planum delineati Orthographici Prospectus. In M. Seutter's Atlas Novus.--Same as No. 15, with various route tracks added. Regio habitata detecta per Mendaña, occurs between 10° and 20° N. Terra quam vidit Mendaña occurs on the Equator, 260° Long. Baye de S. Philippe et S. Jaques occurs in Zeelandia Nova, 40° S. The smaller islands are shown. [Maps. 89. e. 4.] 26.--1740. Amsterdam. Hémisphère Meridional. Par G. Delisle.--Terres Australes, Nouvelle Hollande, W. coast shown in outline. Terre Australe du St. Esprit (R. Jordan, Port de la Vraie Croix, R. S. Sauveur, G. de S. Jaque et S. Philippe), shown in outline, E. of Carpentarie. Routes of Quiros and Gallego, Le Maire and Schouten, etc., shown. Cape de la Circoncision, Jan. 1, 1739, between 50° and 68° S. [960. (1.)] 27.--1752. London. A New and Accurate Map of all the Known World.--In Emman. Bowen's "Complete Atlas."--New Guinea, New Holland, and Van Diemen's Land are shown as one continent, New Zeeland, W. coast, in outline. "Land and Is. discovered by Quiros," between 10° and 20° S. but not named. [Maps. 89. d. 2.] 28.--1752. Paris. Mappemonde.--In Robert de Vaugondy's Atlas Universel. 1757.--Terres et isles vues par Quiros en 1605, shown without names. New Guinea continent as in No. 27. Terre découverte par les Vaisseaux de la Compagnie des Indes en Janvier 1739, shown between 50° and 60° S. 30° Long. [Maps. 69. e. 1.] 29.--1753. Paris. Nouvelle Mappe-Monde. Par Guill. De la Haye.--T. du St. Esprit, is shown, 160° Long. [920. (83).] 30.--1755. Paris. Mappemonde.--In J. Palairet's "Atlas Méthodique."--Same as No. 28. [Maps 68. e. 2.] 31.--1761. Paris. Hémisphère Occidental ou du Nouveau Monde. Hémisphère Oriental ou de l'Ancien Monde. Par le Sr. D'Anville.--Nouvelle Guinea and Nouvelle Hollande are one. The E. coast is not defined. Terre du St. Esprit, Terre de Quiros, appear due E. of Nouvelle Hollande, between 10° and 20° S. Nouvelle Zeelande and Terre de Diemen are partly outlined. [920. (272.)] 32.--1773. London. Map of the World, after D'Anville. By T. Kitchen.--Tierra del Spiritu Santo, Land of Quiros, is shown. New Zealand, with two islands, appears in detail; New Holland, with New South Wales, and Van Diemen's Land, also appears with a complete coast-line, for the first time. [Maps. 86. d. 5.] 33.--1776. London. Chart of Discoveries made in the South Pacific Ocean in H.M. ship Resolution, under ... Captain Cook. 1774. By W. Palmer.--Tierra del Espiritu Santo, and the rest of the New Hebrides, are shown in very complete detail. [981. (4.)] 34.--1786. Paris. Hémisphère Occidentale, etc. (see No. 31. 1761.) Revu par M. Barbié du Bocage.--Terre de Kerguelen appears 50° S. The map is an improvement on 1773, but Nouvelle Guinée is not shown complete, and Terre de Diemen is still part of Australia. [Maps. 86. d. 2.] 35.--1790. London. New World or Western Hemisphere.--Eastern Hemisphere or Old World. In W. Faden's General Atlas.--Shows Cook's Track, 1769-78. Furneaux's Track, 1774. Van Diemen's Land is part of Terra Australis. The smaller islands are clear and more correct. [Maps. 2. e. 1.] 36.--1798. London. Chart of the Pacific Ocean. By A. Arrowsmith.--New Holland (S. coast excepted) in outline. Van Diemen's Land shown as an island. New Guinea only partly shown, and in outline. [980. (10.)] 37.--1799. London. Map of the World, after d'Anville, by T. Kitchen.--Tierra del Spiritu Santo now appears as part of the New Hebrides. Otherwise as in No. 32. 1773. [Maps. 89. e. 6.] 38.--1799. London. Chart containing the greater part of the South Sea, etc. By Laurie and Whittle.--New Zeeland, in two islands. Tierra (Austral) del Spiritu Santo, in New Hebrides. Route of Mendaña in 1567 shown. Below the Society Islands, "Islands seen by Quiros." Between 25° and 30° S. "Santelmo the southernmost island of Quiros according to Ulloa." [981. (2.)] 39.--1799. London. Western (Eastern) Hemisphere. In "Cary's New Universal Atlas," 1808.--New Holland, with New South Wales, is shown complete, except Northernmost point. New Guinea is not complete, and in outline. The islands are as in Laurie and Whittle. [Maps. 92. f. 17.] 40.--1824. St. Pétersbourg. Carte Générale de l'Océan Pacifique. Hémisphère Austral. In Krusenstern's "Atlas de l'Océan Pacifique."--Australia appears so-called for the first time. The islands, Nlles. Hebrides, etc., are shown with the dates of discovery. [Maps. 7. e. 11.] 41.--1827. Bruxelles. Carte d'Assemblage de l'Océanie. In "Ph. Vandermaelen's Atlas Universel."--Nouvelle Hollande and N. Guinée are shown in complete outline. New Zealand in three islands. The smaller islands are now as before. [Maps. 68. e. 1.] 42.--1827. Gotha. Australien. No. 50 in Ad. Stieler's "Hand-Atlas."--Neu Holland and Neu Süd Wales appear as parts of "Austral-Land." Neue Hebriden and the other groups of islands are shown. [Maps. 85. d. 10.] 43.--1835. London. The World, on Mercator's Projection. In J. Arrowsmith's London Atlas.--"New Holland or Australia," without any inland towns. First use of the name of Australia for New Holland in a general Atlas. New South Wales still extends to the Gulf of Carpentaria. The Solomon Islands, New Hebrides, and the other islands are now completely shown. New Zealand, without inland towns, in three islands. Terra Australis or Australia occurs in the Atlas to Capt. Matthew Flinders's "Voyage to Terra Australis, 1801-1803." 2 vols. London, 1814 [455. c. 13, 14. and Tab. 437. a.] In vol. i. pp. vii-x, he mentions Torres's discovery of Australia. In J. Arrowsmith's Map of the Pacific Ocean, 1832, the dates of discovery are given to most of the islands. [Maps. 86. d. 7.] 44.--1866. London. New Caledonia, New Hebrides, and Loyalty Islands. Admiralty Chart.--This is the best modern map of Quiros's islands. The Atlases between 1836 and 1865 do not show much change or much detail. [Sec. xv. (1380.)] 45.--1886. New Hebrides Islands. Banks Group. Surveyed by H.M.S. Dart. Admiralty Chart.--Gaua (Santa Maria) and the other islands are shown on a large scale. [Sec. xv. (174.)] 46.--1892. London. New Hebrides Islands. Malo Island to Efate Island. Admiralty Chart.--This is on a much larger scale, and gives the islands in full detail, surveyed by H.M.S. Dart, 1890-91. [Sec. xv. (1570.)] 47.--1896. London. New Caledonia, New Hebrides, and Loyalty Islands. Admiralty Chart.--This is a new edition of No. 44. The islands are shown in much more exact detail, and with more information. 48.--1904. London. British New Guinea and the Solomon, Santa Cruz, and New Hebrides Islands. In Edward Stanford's London Atlas. 3rd edition. 1904.--This is a very excellent and clear map; scale, 1:4,089,064. 64.537 English miles to 1 inch. BIBLIOGRAPHY, With British Museum Press-marks. Antonio (Nicolas).--Bibliotheca Hispana Nova ... 1500 ad 1684. [Edited by T. A. Sanchez, J. A. Pellicer, and R. Casalbonus.) 2 tom. Apud Joachimum de Ibarra: Matriti, 1783-88. 4°. [2049, e.--126. h. 5, 6,--128. h. 4, 5,--G. 53.] ---- Bibliotheca Hispana Vetus. [Edited by E. Marti.] Roma, 1696. fol. [617. m. 14.--1788.--2049. e.--126. h. 3, 4.--128. h. 2, 3.--G. 52.] Arias (Juan Luis), Dr. [A Memorial addressed to Philip III., King of Spain, respecting the exploration, colonisation, and conversion of the Southern Land.] [Madrid, 1640.] fol. [4745. f. 11. (18.).--1324, k. 5. (72.)] ---- [Another edition.] [571. k. 11. (14.)] Edimbourga, 1773. 4°. ---- [Another edition.] In R. H. Major's "Early Voyages to Terra Australis." Hakluyt Society: London, 1859. 8°. [Ac. 6172-23.] Bougainville (Louis Antoine de) Count.--Voyage autour du Monde par la frégate du Roi La Boudeuse, et la flûte L'Etoile en 1766-69. pp. 417. Saillant & Nyon: Paris, 1771. 4°. The map at p. 19 has the track of Capt. Cook marked in pencil by himself. (C. 28. 1. 10.--454. a. 1.--215. c. 5.--G. 2831.] ---- A Voyage round the World ... 1766-69. Translated by Johann Reinhold Forster. Plates and maps. pp. xxviii. 476. J. Nourse: London, 1772. 4°. [983. d. 1.] Brosses (Charles de).--Histoire des Navigations aux Terres Australes. [An English translation, with additions, was issued by John Callander in 1766-68.] 2 tom. Durand: Paris, 1756. 4°. [454. a. 17, 18.--566. h. 5, 6.--215. a. 15.--G. 7382-3.] Burney (James), Admiral. A Chronological History of the Discoveries in the South Sea or Pacific Ocean. 5 vol. pp. 680. G. & W. Nicol: London, 1803-17. 4°. [455. b. 17-2.--G. 7231-2.] Callander (John).--Terra Australis Cognita: or, Voyages to the Terra Australis, or Southern Hemisphere, during the Sixteenth, Seventeenth, and Eighteenth Centuries. [A translation, with additions, of Ch. de Brosses' "Histoire des Navigations aux Terres Australes.] 3 vol. A. Donaldson: Edinburgh, 1766-68. 8°. [566. c. 1-3.--G. 16065-67.] Clavius (Christophorus).--Gnomonices libri octo. pp.654. Apud Franciscum Zanettum. Romæ, 1581. fol. [533. k.2.] ---- Romani Calendarii Gregorio XIII. P.M. restituti explicatio. pp. 680. Apud Aloysium Zannettum: Romæ, 1603. fol. [532. k. 10.] On the binding of this and the previous work are the arms of King James I of England. See also Euclid. Coleccion de Documentos.--Ineditos para la historia de España. 1842, etc. 8°. See Fernandez de Navarrete (Martin). ---- sacados del Real Archivo de Indias. 1864-83. See Pacheco (Joaquin Francisco). Collingridge (George).--The Discovery of Australia ... Illustrations, Charts, Maps, etc. pp. xv. 376. Hayes Bros.: Sydney, 1895. 4°. [9781. g. 13.] Comedias Escogidas. See Spain. Cook (James), Captain.--A Voyage towards the South Pole and round the World; performed in his Majesties ships, the Resolution and Adventure ... 1772-75, etc. 2 vols. W. Straham & T. Cadell: London, 1777. 4°. [454. h. 7-8.--213. d. 8, 9.--Maps. K. 12. Tab. 21.--G. 7416-17.--K. 12. Tab. 20.] Cordova (Diego de) Fray.--Cronica de la religiosissima provincia de la Orden de San Francisco. Salinas, 1651. [Not in the British Museum. A copy in the Library at Lima.] Daça (Antonio) Fray.--Quarte Parte de la Chronica General de San Francisco y su Apostolica orden, etc. [Being a continuation of M. da Silva's Chronicles of the Friars Minors.] Valladolid, 1611. fol. [4783. d. 5.] Dalrymple (Alexander).--An Account of the Discoveries made in the South Pacifick Ocean previous to 1764. Part 1. pp. xxxi. 103. 7 plates. London, 1767. 8°. [1045. e. 26.] ---- An Historical Collection of the several Voyages and Discoveries in the South Pacific Ocean. 2 vols. Printed for the author: London, 1770-71. 4°. [560. h. 9. (2.)--454. h. 5, 6. (1.)--212. d. 11.--C. 1781.] ---- 35 Charts, 1769-98. [460. g. 6.--435. k. 17, 18.--570. h. 1-4.] Daza (Antonio), Fray. See Daça. Duro (Cesario Fernandez). See Fernandez Duro (Cesario). Ercilla y Zuñiga (Alonso de).--La Araucana de Don A. de Erzilla y Çuñiga (Canto primero-quinzeno). Madrid, 1569. 8°. [C. 58. c. 25.] Euclid.--Euclidis Elementorum Lib. xv. ... illustrati ... auctore C. Clavio. 1589. 8°. [8533. aaa. 23.] Fernandez de Navarrete (Martin).--Coleccion de documentos inéditos para la historia de España. (Indice, 1891.) Madrid, 1849, etc. 8°. [9197. f.] Fernandez de Queiros (Pedro).-- See Quiros (Pedro Fernandez de). Fernandez Duro (Cesario).--Disquisiciones náuticas. (lib. 6: Arca de Noe.) 6 lib. Madrid, 1876-81. 8°. [8806. dd. 14.] Figueroa (Christoval Suarez de). See Suarez de Figueroa. Gerritszoon (Hessel). See Hudson (Henry), the navigator. Gil Blas. See Le Sage (Alain René). Hudson (Henry) the Navigator.--Descriptio ac Delineatio Geographica Detectionis Freti ... recens investigati ab. H. Hudsono ... Item Narratio ... Australia Incognitæ ... per P. Ferdinandez de Quir, etc. [Edited by H. Gerritszoon.] Ex officina H. Gerardi: Amsterodami, 1612. 4o. [1045. e. 15. (1.)--G. 7163.--1613. 1045. e. 15. (4.)--500. b. 25. (10.)--G. 7164.] ---- The Arctic North-East and West Passage. Detectio Freti Hudsoni, or H. Gerritsz's Collection of Tracts by himself, Massa, and de Quir, on the N.E. and W. Passage, Siberia and Australia. Reproduced with the maps, in photolithography, in Dutch and Latin after the editions of 1612 and 1613. Augmented with a new English translation by F. J. Millard ... and an Essay on the origin and design of this collection by S. Muller. Amsterdam, 1878. 4o. [10460. bb. 7. This entry does not occur under Hudson in the British Museum Catalogue.] Jiménez de la Espada (Marcos).--Relaciones geográficas de Indias. [Not in the British Museum Catalogue.] Juan y Santacilla (Jorge) and Ulloa (Antonio de) Admiral.--Noticias secretas de America ... escritas ... segun las instrucciones del ... Secretario de Estado y presentadas en informe secreto a S. M. C. ... Fernando VI., por J. Juan y a de Ulloa ... Sacadas a luz para el verdadero conocimiento del gobierno de los Españoles en la America meridional por de Barry. (Apendice. Informe del Intendente de Guamanga Don D. O'Higgins al Ministro de Indias.) 2 pt. John Murray: London, 1826. 4o. [795 m. 5.--G. 6270.] La Espada (Marcos Jiménez de).-- See Jiménez de La Espada (Marcos). Le Sage (Alain René).--Histoire de Gil Blas de Santillane. Troisième edition. 3 tom. Rouen, 1721-1724. 8o. [243. h. 25-27. Neither the First nor the Second Editions are in the British Museum.] ---- Avec des notes historiques et littéraires par M. le Comte François de Neufchateau. L. P. 3 tom. (Collection des Classiques François.) Lefèvre: Paris, 1825. 8o. [12512. g. 25.] Mac Kenna (Benjamin Vicuña). See Vicuña Mac Kenna (Benjamin). Major (Richard Henry), of the British Museum.--Early Voyages to Terra Australis, now called Australia. A collection of documents, and extracts from early MSS. Maps,... from the beginning of the sixteenth century to the time of Capt. Cook. Edited with an Introduction by R. H. Major. pp. cxix. 200. 13. 5 Maps. Index. (Ser. 1, 25). Hakluyt Society: London, 1859. 8o. [Ac. 6172/23.] Moresby (John), Admiral.--New Guinea & Polynesia. Discoveries & Surveys in New Guinea and the D'Entrecasteaux Islands: A cruise ... of H.M.S. Basilisk. pp. xviii. 327. John Murray: London, 1876. 8o. [2374. c. 8.] Morga (Antonio de).--Sucesos de las Islas Philipinas. ff. 172. Mexici ad Indos, 1609. 4o. [C. 32. f. 31.--G. 6939.] ---- The Philippine Islands, Moluccas, Siam, Cambodia, Japan and China, at the close of the sixteenth century.... Translated from the Spanish, with notes and a preface, and a Letter from Luis Vaez de Torres, describing his Voyage through the Torres Straits, by the Hon. Henry E. J. Stanley [Lord Stanley of Alderley]. pp. xxiv. 431. 2 Illus. Index. (Ser. 1. 39.) Hakluyt Society: London, 1868. 8o. [Ac. 6172/60.] Navarrete (Martin Fernandez de). See Fernandez de Navarrete (M.) Pacheco (Joaquin Francisco).--Coleccion de Documentos inéditos relativos al descubrimiento, conquista y colonizacion de las posesiones españolas en América y Occeania [sic], sacados, en su mayor parte, del Real Archivo de Indias, bajo la direccion de ... J. F. Pacheco, etc. (Segunda serie, publicada por la Real Academia de la Historia.) 40 tom. Madrid, 1864-83. 8o. [9551. g.] Petherick (Edward Augustus).--Bibliography of Australia. In "The Torch & Colonial Bookseller." vol. i. 89-97, 162-172; ii. 2-8, 127-140; iii. 136-138. Colonial Booksellers' Agency: London, 1887-92. 8o. Quiros (Pedro Fernandez de). See also Hudson (Henry), the Navigator. Quiros (Pedro Fernandez de).--Historia del descubrimiento de las regiones Austriales hecho por el General Pedro Fernandez de Quiros. Publicada por Don Justo Zaragoza. (Biblioteca Hispana-Ultramarina.) 3 vols. M. G. Hernandez: Madrid, 1876-82. 8o.) [9771. ee. 17.] ---- Begin. Señor. El Capitan Pedro Fernandez de Quiros, etc. [The original petition of P. F. de Quiros to Philip III of Spain concerning the discovery of Australia.] ff. 2. [Seville, 1610.] fol. [G. 7240.] ---- Relation Herrn. P. Fernandes de Quir.... Von dem new erfundnem vierten Theil der Welt, so bissher in Mappis der Land [t]afflen Terra Australis incognita genannt, und desselben Länder.... In Spanischer Sprach ... getruckt, jetzo aber ... ins Teutsch gebracht. pp. 9. C. Dabertzhofer: Augspurg, 1611. 4o. [1295. b. 18.] ---- Account of a Memorial presented to His Majesty [Philip III, King of Spain] by ... P. Fernandez de Quir, concerning the population and discovery of the fourth part of the world, Australia the unknown, its great riches and fertility ... printed ... anno 1610. From the Spanish ["Relacion de un Memorial."] With an introductory notice by W. A. Duncan. Spanish and English, pp. 38. Thomas Richards: Sydney, 1874. 8o. [10492. bbb. 1.] ---- The Copie of a Petition presented to the King of Spaine by Capt. P. F. de Quir, touching the discouerie of the fourth part of the world, called Terra Australis Incognita. [From the Spanish. Another Petition in Spanish, giving an account of his discoveries.] In "Purchas (Samuel), Purchas his Pilgrimes," pt. 4. 1625. fol. [679. h. 14.] ---- Voyage. Memorial presented to Philip II of Spain.--Relation of a Memorial presented ... to His Majesty about the settling ... of ... Australia Incognita. (In Dalrymple (Alexander).--"An Historical Collection," etc.) 1770, etc. 4o. [566. h. 9. (2.)] ---- Fernand de Quiros to Polynesia and Australasia. (In "Callander (John) Terra Australis cognita.") vol. 2. 1766, etc. 8o. [566 c. 2.] Quiros (Pedro Fernandez de).--Voyage de Quiros. (In "Charton (Edouard)), Voyageurs anciens et modernes. tom. 4. 1854, etc. 8o. [10027. g. 2.] ---- MS. in Private Library of the King of Spain. Another copy in Library of the Ministry of Marine, Madrid. ---- Informaciones presentados por el Capitan Pedro Fernandez de Quiros para paser a las Indias con su mujer y hijos, en la casa de contratacion de Sevilla, 24 Marzo, 1615. (Archivo de Indias.) ---- Narratio ... Regi Hispaniæ facta super tractu ... cui Australiæ incognitæ nomen est, recens detecto. (In Hudson (H.)) Descriptio ... geographica detectionis freti ... sive transitus ad Occasum. 1612. 4o. [1045. e. 15. (1.)] ---- [Another copy, with an additional title-page.] Exemplar Libelli supplicis, potentissimo Hispaniarum Regi exhibiti, a Capitaneo Petro Fernandez de Quir: super detectione quintæ Orbis terrarum partis, cui Autraliæ [sic] Incognitæ nomen est, etc. [G. 7165. (2.)] ---- [Another edition.] In Orbis.--Recentes Novi Orbis Historiæ. 1612. 8o. [1061. a. 4.] ---- [Another edition.] In Bry (J. T. de) and (J. I. de) [Indiæ Orientalis. Part. x.] Indiæ Orientalis pars. x. 1613. fol. [986. h. 20. (7.)] ---- [Another edition.] In Hudson (Henry).--Descriptio ac Delineatio Geographica detectionis Freti, etc. 1613. 4o. [1045. e. 15. (4.)] ---- [Another edition.] In Bry (J. T. de) and (J. I. de).--[India Orientalis. Part x. 2nd edition.] India Orientalis pars x. 1633. fol. [215. c. 13. (4.)] ---- De Terra Austriale Incognita. [Another edition.] In Bry (T. de.) (America, Part 13.) Decima tertia pars Historiæ Americanæ, etc. 1634. fol. [566. 1. 9. (2.)] ---- Terra Australis Incognita, or a new Southerne Discoverie, containing a fifth part of the World, lately found out by Ferdinand de Quir. pp. 27. John Hodgetts: London, 1617. 4o. [T. 809. (8.)--C. 32. g. 33.--C. 13 a. 11. (1.)] ---- [Another edition.] pp. 31. W. Bray: London, [1723.] 8o. [B. 513. (1.)--112. a. 67.--G. 15929.] ---- Verhael van seker Memorial ... aengaende de bevolckinghe ende ontdeckinghe van 't vierde deel des Werelts, ghenaemt Australia incognita, etc. [Amsterdam, 1612.] 4o. [1045. e. 15. (2.)] ---- [Another copy.] In "Samoyedes."--Beschryvinghe van der Samoyeden Landt. 1612. 4o. [10055. b. 34.] ---- [Another edition.] In L'Hermite (J.)--Journal van de Nassausche Vloot. J. P. Wachter: Amstelredam, 1643. 4o. [1061. g. 42.] ---- Copie de la Requeste presentee au Roy d'Espagne par le Capitaine Pierre Ferdinand de Quir, sur la descouverte de la cinquiesme partie du monde, appellee la terre Australle, incogneuë, et des grandes richesses et fertilité d'icelle. pp. 16. Paris, 1617. 8o. [10491. aa. 13.] ---- Relation einer wunderbarlichen Supplication, Ihr. Königl. Magest. in Spanien, von ... P. Fernandes de Quir ... belangendt die Entdeckung dess ffünfften Thiels der Welt, Terra Australis incognita genandt.... In Hulsius (L.) [Collection of Voyages & Travels.] Thl. 12. [1598, etc.] 4o. [10028. d. 37.] ---- ---- [Another edition.] See Bry (J. T. de) & (J. I. de). [Indiæ Orientalis. Pt. 10. German.] Zehenden Theil der Orientalischen Indien, etc.) 1613. fol. [10003. e. 13.] ---- ---- [Another edition.] See Bry (T. de). [America. Pt. 13. German.] Dreyzehenden Theil Americæ, etc. 1628. fol. [10003. e. 33. (2.)] Spain.--Primera (--quarenta y ocho) parte de Comedias escogidas de los mejores de España. (Catalogo de Comedias, 1681.) 48 pt. [MS. notes by L. Tieck.] Madrid, 1652-1704. 4o. 11725, b. c. d.--11726. h. MS. notes by J. R. Chorley.] Suarez de Figueroa (Christoval).--Hechos de Don G. Hurtado de Mendoza, quarto Marques de Cañete. [With a prefatory notice by G. Caravajal de Ulloa.] pp. xiv. 324. Emprenta Real: Madrid, 1613. 4o. [1199. h. 18.--278. f. 29.] ---- [Another edition.] Introduction by D. Barros Arana. pp. viii. 126. 1864. In "Coleccion de Historiadores de Chile." Tom. 5. Imprenta del Ferrocarril: Santiago, 1861, etc. 4o. [9772. e. 19.] Torquemada (Fray Juan de) Franciscan.--Ia(--IIIa.) Parte de los veynte y un libros rituales y Monarchia Indiana con el origen y guerras de los Indios Occidentales de sus poblaçones descubrimento, conquista, conversion y otras cosas maravillosas de la mesma tierra. 3 pt. Matthias Claviso: Sevilla, 1615. fol. [601. k. 16.] ---- [Another edition. Edited by A. Gonzales-Barcia.] 3 pt. Nicolas Rodriguez: Madrid, 1723. fol. [146 e. 11-13.--G. 6452-54.] Ulloa (Antonio de) Admiral.--Noticias secretas. See Juan y Santacilla (Jorge) and Ulloa (A. de), Admiral. Ulloa (Antonio de), Admiral.--Relacion historica [by A. de Ulloa] del viage a la América meridional, etc. (Appendix to Tom. iv. Resumen histórico ... de los Incas y demas Soberanos del Peru.) [With plates and maps.] 5 tom. Antonio Marin: Madrid, 1748. 4o. [687. k. 10-14.--983. g. 19, 20.--215. a. 6-9, and 144. e. 14.] ---- [French translation by E. Mauvillon.] Illd. 2 tom. Arkstee & Merkus: Amsterdam, 1752. 4o. [211. c. 7, 8.] Vicuña MacKenna (Benjamin).--History of Juan Fernandez. Santiago, 1883. [Not in the British Museum Catalogue.] NARRATIVE OF THE Second Voyage OF THE Adelantado Alvaro de Mendaña, BY THE CHIEF PILOT, PEDRO FERNANDEZ DE QUIROS. [40] SECOND VOYAGE OF ALVARO DE MENDAÑA. CHAPTER I. How the second voyage to the Isles of Solomon was commenced by the Adelantado Alvaro de Mendaña, in whose company Pedro Fernandez de Quiros went as Pilot and Captain. Recounts the departure from Callao. Many years having passed in silence since the first voyage of Alvaro Mendaña, God was served that in the city of Kings, residence of Viceroys of Peru, the enterprise should be proclaimed which His Majesty had ordered the Adelantado [41] Alvaro Mendaña to undertake to the Isles of Solomon. He hoisted his flag, his Captain being his brother-in-law, Lorenzo Barreto; and he sent another Captain, named Lope de Vega, to the valleys of Truxillo and Saña, with orders to recruit men and collect provisions. The Adelantado met with some difficulties and obstacles in fitting out the expedition, which Dom Garcia Hurtado de Mendoza, Marquis of Cañete, and then Viceroy of Peru, helped him to overcome. [42] Thus four vessels were got ready with as much despatch as possible, and the Adelantado went from Lima to Callao, with his wife Doña Isabel Barreto, and all the people he had to take from thence. With the diligence he exercised, he persuaded and induced Pedro Fernandez de Quiros to come with him as Captain and Chief Pilot. The Pilot de Quiros had raised several points with the Adelantado in the conversations they had together respecting the conduct of the voyage, both in going and returning; but all were settled, and he ended by resolving to join the expedition. The disorders which took place in this expedition were numerous; and in order that this history may be clear, it is necessary to say something of them, as it seems to me that they were the cause of the unfortunate ending of the enterprise. The stars of the eighth heaven are unequal in dimensions, for some appear to our vision great, and others so small that they are scarcely visible. There are those who say that if one of these should be wanting in heaven there would be equivalent loss on earth. I mean that the most minute circumstance that has ceased to do harm may have its effect on the course of events. The Master of the Camp [43] embarked, and the first thing he did was to interfere with the Boatswain in matters pertaining to his office, using words to him which oblige little and offend much. The Boatswain excused himself and the Master of the Camp, wishing to be avenged, certain persons in the accounts department prevented him. At the same time the Chief Pilot was talking to Doña Isabel, who said: "The Master of the Camp is severe. If that is the way in which he asserts his position, he may have a prosperous end, though I am very far from thinking so." The Master of the Camp returning, she said that it seemed to her that the Adelantado would not be pleased to have his people treated with the contumely he showed to them, and still more when the occasion was so slight. The Master of the Camp replied with great impertinence: "Oh look! what have we here?" The Chief Pilot, with good reason, showed much indignation. The Master of the Camp then said, in a loud voice: "Know me! Understand that I am the Master of the Camp, and if we sail together in one ship, and I ordered the ship to be run on some rock, what would you do?" The Chief Pilot answered: "When that time comes I shall do what seems to me to be best; and, in this fleet, I do not recognise any other head but the Adelantado, who has delivered the charge of this ship to me, whose Captain I am; and when he comes he will state what my duties are to be. Believe me that if you want to be lord of all that is about to be discovered, rather than be under the orders of one who takes so much upon himself, and shows so little discretion, I would give up the voyage." Two soldiers, who were present at this colloquy, came to the Chief Pilot and said that their persons were at his service, having so much need for him during the voyage. The Pilot valued their good will, but answered that he did not come to form parties. I leave the rest that passed on this occasion. The Adelantado came on board, and, as he said that he would apply a suitable remedy to what had occurred, the Chief Pilot remained. On Friday, the 9th of April, of the year of our Saviour Jesus Christ 1595, orders were given to weigh the anchors and make sail from the port of Callao of the city of the Kings of Peru, which has a latitude of 12° 20', [44] shaping a course for the valleys of Santa Truxillo, and Saña, on the coast of the same province. CHAPTER II. Of what happened to the fleet until it reached the port of Payta, and what ports it touched at. Having made sail, there was so little wind that the ship could not get out of the port. A boat was sent on shore, but presently returned with a report that the beach was full of armed men, who prevented any landing. The night passed, and when the day came the galeot went on, and our other vessel made for Callao. She had been at the ports of the coast, visiting the ships she met, and taking what was wanted out of them. After those on board had behaved like corsairs, they arrived at the port of Santa, where they found a ship on her way from Panama to Lima, laden with merchandize and negroes. They took the vessel, placing a guard to prevent them from going until the Adelantado should arrive, to whom they gave the advice to take her as she was, for his better despatch, sending her value to the owners when God should provide it. The Adelantado would not do this, nor consent that it should be done. The Vicar, zealous for the service of God, reprehended the Captain with sharp speeches, and told him that he was excommunicated, charging him to pay for what he had taken. Having done this he was absolved, and the business was closed. Here a soldier was punished, the reason being kept secret. Making sail, they anchored in the port of Cherrepe, which is that for the town of Santiago de Miraflores, where the Captain, Lope de Vega, had enlisted a good company of married people. Here the Adelantado married this Captain to his sister-in-law, Mariana de Castro, giving him the title of Admiral. There was at anchor in this port a new and strong ship with a cargo of flour, sugar, and other things, bound to Panama. The officers of the Almiranta having made friends with those on board the other ship, they were persuaded, by means of efficacious reasoning, to let the General take her, and receive their vessel instead, which, owing to age and bad construction, they might well do, because thus the King would be better served. But the Adelantado showed great annoyance at these intrigues, and replied that his ship was very good for the service on which it was to be employed. Those who intended evil felt the good intention, and, in order to gain their end, they secretly made seven gimlet-holes in the ship, in order to oblige--as they did oblige--the soldiers to say that they would not go in a ship so unseaworthy if they could not take the other. In consequence of this, the Pilot and Master presented a petition to the Adelantado, setting forth that his ship was making a great deal of water, and was unsuited for so long and risky a voyage as she was intended to make; and begging him to take the remedy that was at hand. The Adelantado, seeing the determination of all, and compelled by necessity, referred the matter to the Master of the Camp, before whom information was taken which proved what was wanted, and if more was wanted, more could be proved. So the General ordered the Master of the Camp to take the ship; and that the carpenters should make an estimate of the excess of value over that of the vessels to be exchanged for it. They reported that the difference amounted to 6600 dols. Presently, the Master of the Camp sent a guard on board the ship, and began to unload her. There was a priest on board, who owned half the cargo. He protested vigorously against the injustice and robbery, when he saw the loss that he would sustain. He made strong protests and claims on the ship, in his own name and in those of other interested parties. He sought the ship, stating that his remedy was there. He came and went to the Capitana with his complaints, but got no redress. It was said that a soldier gave him a push, and threatened to throw him overboard. The priest felt all this very deeply, and loudly declared that when he had to pray to our Lord, in his sacrifices, he would ask that the ship might never reach safety if she was unloaded. The good priest caused great sorrow to the compassionate, both on account of the force with which he was treated and the loss of his property; and the grief was doubled at the enterprise being one that was undertaken by their own masters, to whom he earnestly, but vainly, complained of his loss. At last the ship was unloaded, when the Adelantado satisfied the priest respecting his share, which somewhat quieted him. The Adelantado also undertook to pay the difference before he came from the Solomon Islands to Peru, mortgaging to the creditors all his ships. The Adelantado felt and complained much of this proceeding, which had been forced upon him, and he threatened those who he believed to be the cause of it. As the effects are seen in all things, and even in the justice of God are never wanting, it was understood that usually in that port there was much merchandize, collected in certain warehouses, from all those valleys, to be embarked for Lima, Panama, and other places. They embarked some of these goods, with the owner, his wife and children. Many things were left, and nothing was said about them, for the shadows of things are sufficient to see them by; and expeditions without a royal purse cannot, it would seem, be set forth without some mischief being done. The Master of the Camp, because it was his ordinary and first thought not to keep the peace, had a certain slight difference with the Admiral, which, although trifling, appears to have been the beginning of disorders. For if such exist, however small they be, when the Devil stirs them they revive. The Adelantado was very desirous of entering respectable men only; and so, for reasons that moved him, he put certain men and women on shore. I well believed that he might have turned them all out, and proceeded alone on his voyage. Here, for a slight cause, he turned out a sergeant. Who was the instigator the reader will pardon me for leaving it to be understood, for I am not a friend of telling, though it should be a bad affair. These things being settled, the Adelantado ordered the Chief Pilot to make five charts for the navigation, one for himself and four for each of the Pilots. He was not to show more land on them than the coast of Peru from Arica to Payta, and two points north and south, on one side or the other, the one in 7° and the other in 12°, and 1,500 leagues to the west of Lima, which, he said, was the extreme distance in longitude of the islands of which he was going in search, whose longitude was 1,450 leagues. The other 50° was to be added so as the better to arrive with some margin, and no more land was to be delineated lest some ship should steer to or desert to it. The Admiral embarked on board the new ship, and the provisions were distributed, but they were not in such quantity nor so good as was necessary. The defects were made up by what the soldiers and other people bought, and by other means. It only remained to arrange for the water supply, but the supply was scanty and the port was bad. The Corregidor of the district, Dom Bartolomé de Villavicencio, arrived, and the goodwill he showed is admitted by the Admiral in his report. But as he saw, when he came, the overwork that was being exacted, he went to his house, taking with him all the Indians and horses that were helping us, so as to oblige us to depart. This was the reason that induced the Adelantado to make sail, and pursue his course with only the water that the Chief Pilot had on board. Recognising such a serious defect, the Pilot represented that it was a terrible thing to start with half the jars empty, knowing that we had to enter the largest of the gulfs, and that it must be well considered, lest we should have to leave the land without taking the full supply of water needed for so long and doubtful a voyage. The Adelantado answered that the soldiers asked for it to be obtained in the ports where it was found to be very expensive, and that if a ration of half a gallon ought to be given, a pint might be served out. To this the Chief Pilot replied that it was his duty to see to everything, and not to allow himself to be conquered by the importunities of people who did not know what they were asking. The Adelantado answered to this that he was convinced, and that he would settle the matter with them; which he did with some good and some bad reasons. This done, they made sail, arriving at the port of Payta to take in water. CHAPTER III. Of what passed in the port of Payta, and how the fleet set sail and commenced the voyage. In each port there was disorder, and as this is one of the best ports on the coast of Peru, the best quarrel was reserved for it. The anger of the Master of the Camp, who excused no one, fell upon the Vicar respecting certain proceedings in his department. There were words between them; and there would have been acts as well if the Adelantado had not been present to prevent them. But they remained angry and unfriendly. Bickerings also commenced between the Master of the Camp and the Captain Don Lorenzo, respecting luggage which some of the soldiers had with them. The Master of the Camp gave a blow with a stick to a person of consideration. He said that he did not know about that, but that the party would know very well how much a stick weighed. There was some disturbance; the Master of the Camp drew his sword (at which he was always ready) and struck another soldier, who was annoyed at the blow given to his companion. He fled, but was taken, and incontinently was to be punished. Doña Isabel came out to plead for him. The Master of the Camp showed himself to be so compliant that he threw down the stick and went on board; but this was not that he might not give the Adelantado a faculty against the prisoner. The Chief Pilot would have interceded, but the Adelantado did not wish to hear him, saying that the man had put his hand in his beard, which was a sort of mutiny. The Chief Pilot prayed that nevertheless the Adelantado would hear the case, and dismiss it; or, if he did not wish to do that, that he would judge the matter officially; for that the man had been brought by force, and that it did not seem just to take away his honour. At last, yielding to these prayers, the Adelantado set the prisoner free. The Master of the Camp had gone on shore, and presently he sent for his clothes. But as the Adelantado showed a wish that he should stay, the Admiral and Captain Don Lorenzo persuaded him to return to the ship. It appeared to the Chief Pilot that it was very uncertain what would be the end, when the beginning was so disordered. He, therefore, requested the Adelantado that he might be left behind; and for this course he gave many reasons which did not appear to be bad. The Adelantado threw his arms round the Pilot's neck, declaring that only an angel could conduct things as he said, but that all should be put in good order, and that a remedy should be found. The Chief Pilot still insisted upon his dismissal, saying that where the General's person was, who so well understood the art of navigating, he might well be excused. The Adelantado was much grieved on hearing this, and with his sagacity, he showed himself so kind and friendly, and used such honeyed words, that they induced the Pilot to remain. He went on board and, as he passed the ship, the sailors said: "Ah! Sir Chief Pilot, what goings and comings are these? We are informed of what you think of doing, for no one wants to remain in this ship though it cost all their lives." Jumping on shore, the Admiral, the Lieutenant of Payta, and other persons of the fleet, came to the Pilot, and he gave his reasons to all. At this time the Master of the Camp came up and said, in a loud voice: "Well, Sir! the Devil walks loose among us, to see if he can injure this good work. Let us go whence we came, and let him show himself for what he is. For, though he works with diligence, we will advance forward such a Christian undertaking, and in this voyage we will truly serve God and the King." The Chief Pilot gave him this answer: "Sir Master of the Camp! in all things there should be moderation and fair dealing, but your Honour was very hasty in raising the stick, drawing your sword, and abusing the seamen whose services are so necessary. As I know the mischief that is done by such conduct, I wish to see the remedy, so as to comply with all my obligations." The Master of the Camp, more gentle when he was on shore, answered that a Camp Master could not be so moderate. The Chief Pilot said that he must be both careful and moderate; that as yet they were in Peru, and that the seamen had to bring them to the islands, and to guard the ship when they had arrived; and that if they were aggrieved, as men, there would be serious trouble; that they had to bring the news and return with succour, and speak well of the land, or evil though it was good, for revenge. The Camp Master was not quieted with this argument, but was wedded to his own idea, and answered that men did not do what they were told at sea; that he had to make them stir quickly; and that all he had done was necessary that the fleet might not be disorganised, and that each man to his own office seemed good, and was in order. With this, and many other things that were said at the time, the incident was closed. The two embarked, not very friendly, and the Adelantado engaged a man here, who gave him 2,000 dols. for the place of Sergeant Major; and with this he left off recruiting. He embarked 1,800 jars of water, and gave instructions for the order that was to be maintained, and for the navigation that was to be carried out. They carried in the fleet 378 persons by the list, of whom 280 were capable of bearing arms; 200 arquebuses and other weapons, offensive and defensive, respecting which testimony was given before the Lieutenant of Payta to send to the King our Lord, as was done. The Capitana was named San Jeronimo, and there went in her the Adelantado, his wife, his sister-in-law and her brothers, the chief Officers, and two priests. The Almiranta was named Santa Isabel, under the Admiral Lope de Vega, with two Captains, and a priest. The galeot was named San Felipe, under Captain Felipe Corzo, with his officers and men. The frigate was named Santa Catalina, under Captain Alonso de Leyva. CHAPTER IV. The Island of Magdalena. Having made sail, the fleet shaped a S.W. course, displaying the royal standard and the flags, playing clarions, and feasting on such an auspicious day as this was considered to be. The winds were from the S. and S.S.E., which are the winds of Peru, until we reached a latitude of 9° 30', and from that point the course was W.S.W. as far as 14°. From thence the course was W.N.W. to 21°. The sun was taken at noon, and having made the computation, the result was 10° 50'. At 5 in the afternoon, an island was sighted 10 leagues distant, being N.W. by N. [45] The Adelantado gave it the name of Magdalena, as it was the eve of that day. He thought it was the land that he sought, for which reason he was very joyful in every one's sight, in that he had come in a short time with a fair wind, the victuals good, and the people amicable, healthy, and cheerful. During the voyage there had been fifteen marriages, scarcely a day passing without some one wanting to be married next day. It seemed as if all would run in couples with the good fortune, with high hopes, many stories, and none for the good of the natives. The Adelantado said to the Vicar and Chaplain that they were to chant the "Te Deum laudamus" with all the people on their knees, and that they should give thanks to God for the mercy of sighting land. This was done with great devotion. On the following day, with doubt whether that island was inhabited, the ships were steered to the south of it, and very near the coast. From a point under a peaked hill towards the eastern end, there came out seventy small canoes, not all the same size, made of one piece of wood, with outriggers of cane on each side, after the manner of the gunwales of galleys, which reach to the water on which they press to prevent the canoe from capsizing, and all their paddles rowing. The least number they had in a canoe was three, the greatest ten, some swimming, and others hanging on--altogether, four hundred natives, almost white, and of very graceful shape, well-formed, robust, good legs and feet, hands with long fingers; good eyes, mouth, and teeth, and the same with the other features. Their skin was clear, showing them to be a strong and healthy race, and indeed robust. They all came naked, without any part covered; their faces and bodies in patterns of a blue colour, painted with fish and other patterns. Their hair was like that of women, very long and loose, some had it twisted, and they themselves gave it turns. Many of them were ruddy. They had beautiful youths who, for a people barbarous and naked, it was certainly pleasant to see; and they had much cause to praise their Creator. Among them there was a boy, who appeared to be about ten years of age. [46] He came rowing in a canoe with two others. His eyes were fixed on the ship, and his countenance was like that of an angel, with an aspect and spirit that promised much, of a good colour, not fair but white; his locks like that of a lady who valued them much. He was all that has been said, so that I never in my life felt such pain as when I thought that so fair a creature should be left to go to perdition. [47] The natives came with much speed and fury, rowing their canoes, pointing with their fingers to their port and land, speaking loudly, and often using the words atalut and analut. They came to our ships, and when they arrived they gave us cocoa-nuts, a kind of food rolled up in leaves, good plantains, and large canes [48] full of water. They looked at the ships, the people, and the women who had come out on the galley to see them, at whom they looked, and laughed at the sight. They got one to put his hand on the ship, and, with coaxing, they got him to come on board. The Adelantado dressed him in a shirt and put a hat upon his head, which, when the others saw, they laughed and looked, crying out to the rest. On this about forty came on board, beside whom the Spaniards seemed of small stature. Among them there was one taller than the rest by a head and shoulders, and taller than our best men, though we had one very tall. They began to walk about the ship with great boldness, taking hold of whatever was near them, and many of them tried the arms of the soldiers, touched them in several parts with their fingers, looked at their beards and faces, with other monkey tricks. As they saw that our men were dressed in various colours, they were confused; so the soldiers bared their breasts, let down their stockings, and tucked up their sleeves to satisfy them. When they were shown this, they quieted down, and were much pleased. The Adelantado and some of the soldiers gave them shirts, hats, and other trifling things, which they presently put round their necks, dancing and singing in their fashion, and loudly called to the others to look at what they had been given. Their conduct annoyed the Adelantado, who made signs to them to go; but they not only would not leave the ship, but became more free in taking things they saw. Some cut slices from our bacon and meat with knives made of cane, and wanted to take other things. At last the Adelantado ordered a gun to be fired, and when they felt and heard it, with great terror, they all jumped into the water and swam to their canoes, only one remaining in the ship. He was clinging on to the main channels, and they could not make him let go, until some one wounded him on the hand with a sword, which was shown to the others, and they took him into a canoe. At this time they fastened a rope to the ship's bowsprit, and, by rowing, tried to tow her on shore, thinking they could thus take her. When the native was wounded, they all became warlike, and were marshalled by one who carried a parasol of palm leaves. Among them was one old man with a long and well-ordered beard, who cast fierce looks from his eyes, put both hands into his beard, raised his moustaches, stood up, and cried out, looking in many directions. They played on shells, and striking with their paddles in the canoes they showed their hostility: some taking up the lances which they brought, tied down; others with stones in slings, not having other arms. With good will, they began to hurl stones, and wounded a soldier; but first they had come near the ship, and those with lances threatened to throw them. The soldiers pointed their arquebuses, but, as it had been raining, the powder would not ignite. It was a sight to behold, how the natives came on with noise and shouts; and how some, when they saw weapons pointed at them, jumped from the canoes into the water, or got behind the others. At last, the old man who made the menaces was shot in the forehead, and fell dead, with seven or eight others, while some were wounded. They fled from our ships, and presently three natives came in a canoe, calling out. One held up a green branch, and something white in his hand, which appeared to be a sign of peace. They seemed to be asking us to come to their port; but this was not done, and they departed, leaving some cocoa-nuts. This island has a circumference of about 10 leagues, so far as we could see. It is clear and open towards the sea, lofty and wooded in the ravines, which is where the natives live. The port is on the south side. It is in latitude 10° S., and a thousand leagues from Lima. It is thickly inhabited; for, besides those who came in the canoes, the beaches and rocks were covered with people. The Adelantado did not know the place, and, being undeceived, he said it was not one of the islands he came in search of, but a new discovery. CHAPTER V. How three other islands were sighted, their names, and how they came to a port in that of Santa Cristina. At a short distance from this island three other islands were sighted, for which a course was shaped. The first, to which the Adelantado gave the name of San Pedro, was 10 leagues W.N.W. from Magdalena. It was not ascertained whether it was inhabited, because it was not visited. It is about 4 leagues in circumference, with much forest, but apparently not very high. At the east end there is a rock at a short distance from the coast. There is another island called Dominica, with a circumference of some 15 leagues, bearing N.W. from San Pedro, distant 5 leagues. The island is beautiful to look upon, and runs N.E. to S.W. It has fine plains and mountains, is thickly inhabited, with many groves of trees. To the south of Dominica there is another island to which the name of Santa Cristina was given. It seemed to be about 11 leagues in circumference, and is a little over a league from Dominica, with a clear and deep channel between them. The Adelantado named all four islands together "Las Marquesas de Mendoza," in memory of the Marquis of Cañete; because by this, and in making sail with his ships from any port, he wished to show how grateful he was for the assistance given by that Viceroy in the despatch of the expedition. While tacking off and on, and seeking a port in the island of Dominica, many canoes full of natives came out, who seemed to be of a browner colour, and crying out, showed the same good will as the others. In one canoe there came an old man, carrying a green branch and something white. At this moment the ship was put about, and, thinking that she was going away, the old man began to renew his shouts, make signs with his hair, and pointing downwards with his hair and fingers. The Adelantado wanted to return, but he could not do so because the wind freshened, and no sheltered port for anchoring could be seen: though the frigate, which stood close into the shore, reported having seen many more people than were visible from the ship, and that a native had come on board, who with great ease had lifted a calf by one ear. On the following day the General sent the Camp Master in the boat with twenty soldiers, to seek for a port or a watering place on the island of Santa Cristina. Many natives came out in canoes, and surrounded them. Our people, wishing to make themselves safe, killed some of them. One, to save himself, jumped into the sea with a child in his arms. Clasped together, they were sent to the bottom by a shot from an arquebus that one of the soldiers fired off. He said afterwards, with great sorrow, that the Devil had to take those who were ordained to be taken. The Chief Pilot said to him that he regretted that he had not fired in the air, but the soldier said that he acted as he did lest he should lose his reputation as a good marksman. The Chief Pilot asked him what it would serve him to enter into hell with the fame of being a good shot? The Camp Master returned without having found either a port or a watering place. At the same time four very daring natives had gone on board the ship, and while no one was looking, one of them took a small dog, which was the gift of the Camp Master. Then, with a shout they all jumped overboard with great courage, and swam to their canoes. The next day, which was St. James's day, the General again sent the Camp Master, with twenty soldiers, to the island of Santa Cristina to find a watering place and a port. He effected a landing with the men in good order, and surrounded a village while the inhabitants stood looking on. The Camp Master called to them, and about three hundred came. Our people then drew a line, telling the natives by signs that they were not to go beyond it. On asking for water they brought some in cocoa nuts, and the women brought other kinds of fruit. The soldiers said that many of these women were very pretty, and that they were ready to come near in friendly intercourse, and to give their presents with their hands. The Camp Master sent the natives for water with the jars, but they made signs that our people should carry them; running off with four jars, for which reason we opened fire on them. The General, having seen the port into which the Camp Master had gone, ordered the ship to be taken into it and anchored. But the wind died away under the land, and the ship was taken by a wave to within a lance's length of a rock, with 50 fathoms close to it. There was great consternation at the obvious danger. Sail was made, and God was served that a breeze should spring up, and the ship stood off. Then there came another report that the port was bad, full of sunken rocks, and that it was impossible to get out again if a ship had once entered. The Adelantado was much annoyed to hear the complaints of the hard work, and was moved to continue the voyage, saying that the water they had on board would be sufficient for the voyage to his islands. The Chief Pilot reminded him of the uncertainties of the sea, to which he answered: "If we cannot find a port, what are we to do?" The Chief Pilot replied that we must return to Magdalena, which we had already seen, and where the frigate had anchored, and that for a little more work it was needful to secure more necessaries. Meanwhile, the Camp Master had been coasting along the island; and very near the port that had been entered he found another, which he reported, and there the fleet anchored. CHAPTER VI. How the Adelantado landed on the island of Santa Cristina, and what took place with the natives. On the day after the arrival, which was the 28th of July, the Adelantado went on shore, with his wife and the greater part of the crew, to hear the first mass said by the Vicar. The natives knelt down in silence and attention, imitating all they saw the Christians do. A very beautiful native sat near Doña Isabel, with such red hair that Doña Isabel wished to cut off a few locks; but seeing that the native did not like it she desisted, not wishing to make her angry. The General, in the name of His Majesty, took possession of all the four islands, walked through the village, sowed maize in presence of the natives; and, having had such intercourse as was possible with them, he went on board. The Camp Master remained on shore with all the soldiers, who in a short time began to quarrel among themselves. Then the natives threw many stones and lances, wounding one soldier in the foot, without doing any other harm. They then fled to the mountains with their women and children, our people following them, until they were all in the woods. Being fired at, the natives reached the summits of three high hills, where they entrenched themselves. In the mornings and afternoons they all, with one accord, made a resounding noise, which echoed through the ravines, and was replied to by shouts. They wished to do us harm, hurling stones and lances, but their efforts were in vain. The Camp Master placed guards in three positions to secure the village and the beach, where the women were resting and the sailors getting wood and water for the ships. What I have to say is, that some of these natives, being strong and courageous, used arrows, while there were not wanting others who seemed more cautious. They were very diligent to attack; but seeing how little harm they did, and how much hurt they received from the arquebuses, they tried to establish peace and friendship. For when the soldiers went to their work, they came out to them lovingly, offering them bunches of plantains and other fruits. It seemed that they felt the want of their houses, for they asked, by signs, when the Spaniards would go. Some came to the guards with food, which they gave to the soldiers. One native especially, of good presence, was taught to make the sign of the cross, and to say "Jesus Maria," and the rest. They were in conversation with their comrades, for each one had a comrade, whom they sought out and sat with, when they came; and by signs they asked each other the names of the sky, the earth, the sea, the sun, the moon and stars, and everything else within their vision. All were well content with what they said, calling each other friends and comrades. As this friendship was not without payment, there was a certain man who joyfully said to the General, that he had his dog well fed by the natives, by a forage he had made in the preceding night, when his company had the guard. On another day eleven natives came in two canoes, and two of them stood up with some strings of cocoa nuts in their hands, and shouted while they showed them. Orders were given not to answer, and for the soldiers to be ready with their arquebuses. When the natives found that they were not answered, they came close to the ship, when a volley was fired. Two were killed. The soldiers shot three more, and throwing down what they had, the rest rowed away and fled. They were chased in a boat, but the natives got on shore and fled. Jumping on shore, only three were seen to run to the top of some high hills. Those in the boat took the canoes, with three dead bodies in them, for the rest had fallen into the sea. The cruelty of the Spaniards was such that there were not wanting those who said that the bullet wounds, so fierce and ugly, would frighten the other natives, and that the swords, making wide wounds, would have the same effect. In order that the natives might see, it was ordered that the bodies should be taken on shore, that the Camp Master might hang them up where they would be seen by the natives. It was said that this was done in order that the natives, if they came with false intent in their canoes, might know what the Spaniards could do. But it seemed to me that four armed ships had little to fear from unarmed natives in canoes. The Camp Master hung up the three natives in a place best adapted for the intended object. A certain person came to see them, who gave one of the bodies a lance-thrust, and praised what had been done. At night the natives took the bodies away. An evil example gives rise to licence, and reason conquers him who knows it. A certain person had an arquebus in his hut, and a friend of his loaded it, and pointed it to fire at the natives. The other took it out of his hands, and asked him what he was going to do with so much diligence. He replied, that his diligence was to kill, because he liked to kill. "It is not right," replied his friend, "that you should show such readiness to cause the death of men. What harm have these natives done to you that you should treat them with such cruelty? It is not valorous to show yourself a lion amongst lambs, nor to kill when it takes your fancy. If you do not know what a foul and sinful thing it is to murder a body which contains a soul, it is high time that you learned, and though it has weight it is not profitable." The native who was friendly to the Chaplain came to the guard, and being seen by the General they embarked very joyfully, the native crying out, "Friend! Friend!" The Adelantado received him very cordially, offering him conserves and wine, but he would neither eat nor drink. He began to look at the sheep, and seemed to give them a name; he gazed at the ship and the rigging, counted the masts and sails, went below and noted everything with care, more so than is usual with a native. They told him to say "Jesus Maria," and to make the sign of the cross, which he did with great amusement, showed good will in all things, and presently he asked for persons to take him back to the shore. Such was the intelligence of this native that when he understood that the ships would depart, he showed regret, and wanted to go with us. The Adelantado wanted to colonise these four islands, to make his business with them, and to leave thirty men, some of them married. But the soldiers complained of this, and seeing their ill-will he gave up the idea. It may be held as certain that two hundred natives were killed in these islands, for the impious and inconsiderate soldiers dropped one or two or three. Their evil deeds are not things to do, nor to praise, nor to allow, nor to maintain, nor to refrain from punishing if the occasion permits. CHAPTER VII. In which an account is given of the port, island, and inhabitants; of their customs, and other things. This island of Santa Cristina is very populous, and lofty in the centre. It has its ravines and valleys, where the natives live. The port was named "Madre de Dios." Praise to her! It is in the western part, in latitude 9° 30', sheltered from all winds, only excepting the west, which never was found to blow. Its shape is that of a horse-shoe, with a narrow mouth, and at the entrance it has a clear bottom of sand, with a depth of 30 fathoms, in the middle 24, and 12 near the beach. The marks by which it is known are a hill to the south, rising from the sea, having a peak terminating in three others on its summit; to the north a concave rock; within the port five wooded ravines, all coming down to the sea, and a hill which divides the little beaches of sand, having a stream of excellent water falling from a height of a man's stature and a half, the thickness of a fist, where the barrels can be filled. Near it there is a stream of equally good water, flowing near a village which the natives have there. So that waterfall, stream, and village are all on the shore, which is on the north side of the hill. On the south side of it there are houses scattered among the trees. To the east there are high rocky hills, with some ravines whence the stream descends. Some of the natives of these islands did not appear to be as white as those of Magdalena. They have the same form of speech, the same arms and canoes, with which they communicate. Their village is built on two sides of a square, one north and south, the other east to west, with the surroundings well paved. The rest is a space with very tall and thick trees. The houses appear to be for the community, after the manner of slave quarters, and open to wind and water, the floor being raised above that of the street. It appeared that many people were lodged in each house, for there were many bed-places, and these low. Some houses had low doors, and others had all the front open. They are of wood, interwoven with very large canes having joints of more than 5 palmos [49] in length, and of the thickness of a man's arm. The roof is of the leaves from the trees in the open space. The Chief Pilot did not see anything of the women, because he did not land at the time that they came; but all who saw them reported that they had beautiful legs and hands, fine eyes, fair countenances, small waists, and graceful forms, and some of them prettier than the ladies of Lima, who are famed for their beauty. Respecting their complexion, if it cannot be called white, it is nearly white. They go with a certain covering from the breasts downwards. Apart from the village there was an oracle surrounded by palisades, with the entrance on the west side. Within there was a house, almost in the middle, in which there were some wooden figures badly carved; and here were offerings of food and a pig, which the soldiers took. Wanting to take other things, the natives interfered, saying they must not take anything, showing that they respected that house and the figures. Outside the village they had some very long and well-made canoes of a single tree, with the form of a keel, bow, and stern, and with boards well fastened with ropes made from cocoa fibre. In each one there is room for thirty or forty natives as rowers; and they gave us to understand, when they were asked, that they went in these large canoes to other lands. They work with adzes, which they make of thick fish-bones and shells. They sharpen them with large pebbles, which they have for the purpose. The temperature, health, vigour, and corpulence of these people tell what the climate must be under which they live. One suffers cold at night, but the sun does not cause much molestation by day. There were some showers, not heavy; dew was never felt, but very great dryness, so much so that wet things, when left out all night on the ground, were found quite dry in the morning. But we could not tell whether this was so all the year round. They saw pigs, and fowls of Castille, and the fishery is certain wherever there is sea. The trees which have been mentioned as being in the open space before the village yield a fruit which reaches to the size of a boy's head. Its colour, when it is ripe, is a clear green, and when unripe it is very green. The rind has crossed scales like a pineapple, its shape not quite round, being rather more narrow at the end than near the stem. From the stem grows a leaf-stalk reaching to the middle of the fruit, with a covering sheath. It has no core nor pips, nor anything uneatable except the skin, and that is thin. All the rest is a mass of pulp when ripe, not so much when green. They feed much upon it in all sorts of ways, and it is so wholesome that they call it white food. It is a good fruit and of much substance. The leaves of the tree are large, and much serrated, like those of the papay. [50] They found many caves full of a kind of sour dough, which the Chief Pilot tasted. There is another fruit covered on the outside with prickles like a chestnut, but each as big as six of Castille, with nearly the same taste. Its shape is like a heart, flattened. They eat many, roast and boiled, and leave them on the trees to ripen. There are nuts the size of those of Castille, and appear to be almost the same in taste. The outside is very hard and without joint, and its kernel is not attached to the rind, so that it comes out easily and entire when opened. It is an oily fruit. They ate and took away many of them. They saw calabashes of Castille sown on the beach, and some red flowers pleasant to look on, but without smell. As our people did not go inland, and all the natives retreated into the woods, as has been said, this is all that can be related. The soldiers said that all the trees appeared to bear fruit. Our men were very well received by the natives, but it was not understood why they gave us a welcome, or what was their intention. For we did not understand them; and to this may be attributed the evil things that happened, which might have been avoided if there had been some one to make us understand each other. CHAPTER VII. How the Adelantado departed from this island, and how the murmuring began among the soldiers by reason of faults and of not finding the land. While the Adelantado was at this island he ordered the galeot to be repaired, for one day, before anchoring, she was in great danger from having fouled the bowsprit of the Capitana. He also ordered wood and water to be got on board, the people to be embarked, and the ships to be got ready. On the 5th of August he raised three crosses, each one in its place, and another was cut on a tree, with the day and year. He then weighed, and made sail in search of the islands of his first discovery. A course was shaped W.S.W., with the wind E. varying to S.E. In this way, sometimes altering course to N.W. and due west, they sailed for about 400 leagues. After three or four days, the Adelantado said that on that day they would see the land of which they were in search, news which greatly rejoiced the people. But, looking in all directions, they neither saw land on that day nor on many days afterwards; and for this reason the soldiers began to say things, and to conspire because the voyage was so prolonged. There was scarcity of food and water, for at the news of the proximity of land the people had indulged themselves freely. Now they began to show slackness and suspicion. It is no cause for surprise that in such enterprises those who have to bear the blame and the responsibility should be the chief workers as well as the chief sufferers. On Sunday, the 20th of August, having covered the said 400 leagues, the dawn found us close to four small and low islands, with sandy beaches, and many palm and other trees. Together they appeared to be 8 leagues in circumference, more or less. They are in a square, very close to each other. From S.W. to N.E., and towards E. there are banks of sand, where there are no means of entrance, and a point was found in the reef which goes more to S.W. The General gave the name of "San Bernardo" to these islands, as it was that saint's day. He wanted to find a port among these islands, but desisted at the request of the Vicar. It was not known whether they were inhabited, although the people in the galeot said they had seen canoes, but this was believed to be a mistake. The islands are in 10° 20' S., and in longitude 400 leagues from Lima. Passing these four islands the wind came from S.E., which always blows, sometimes with light showers, and thick dense cloud-masses were not wanting. These masses were of various colours, and, strangely enough, they formed themselves into various figures, and in contemplating them they remained for a long space of time. Sometimes they were so fixed that they were not dissipated during the whole day. As they were in an unknown direction, it was thought that they were indications of land. We continued to steer a westerly course, sometimes N.W. and S.W., always in latitudes in accordance with the will and instructions of the General, which were not to go higher than 12° or lower than 8°. Generally we were in 10° to 11°. On Tuesday, the 29th of August, we sighted a low round island covered with trees, and surrounded by a reef which rose above the water. It was about a league in circumference, and in latitude 10° 40' S., distant from Lima 1,535 leagues. As it was by itself, it was named "Solitaria." The Adelantado ordered the two small vessels to go in shore and seek for a port, so as to get wood, of which the Almiranta was much in need, and to see if water could be procured, of which there was also much scarcity. They anchored in 10 fathoms, and with loud cries told the General to stand off, as the bottom was full of great rocks. They were going and coming with the sounding line sometimes finding 10 fathoms, at others 100 fathoms. There was no bottom in places, and to see the vessel among such rocks aroused alarm. There was no want of haste to get her away into the open sea. All round this island there are a great number of rocks, and the channel between these rocks is to the south. At this time the soldiers, being influenced by their privations, and wearied from the disappointment of their hopes, formed both public and private assemblies to murmur and talk, which was a dissolution of discipline, and an indication of what would happen afterwards. The Camp Master (as has been said) was somewhat violent, and he had quarrels with many people in the ship. In fine, experience and time taught me what should be said, and I saw what should be done with regard to his evil behaviour and menaces. In general we said as follows: "We do not come here to lose but to gain. The Camp Master orders things for the King's service, as the King desires he should order them, and we all have to obey. Do your duty, and leave the things that do not belong to it. Avoid insults and threats to the stick, for we will not suffer it. With so small a company so many heads may be dispensed with. Our General is enough, for we are not going where the usages of Flanders or of Italy are needed; nor are we naked Indians, and for us death-dealing soldiers are not necessary; but we are courageous and well-intentioned persons. Above all, we must watch the General and the Camp Master, that each one may do his part, and carefully and in detail give an account of what he may succeed in hearing; while they conceal things in such a manner that, when asked about them, they know nothing." For unjust eyes have been turned upon those who are far from any fault, and these, when they wish to defend themselves, it would be necessary to have angels for their sureties, for there is no place for a fair hearing. There was little reason, and so life was passed, many saying that there was an end of it, for that we should never find the land; that there was no necessity for so much rule, death being certain. Others said that the Isles of Solomon had fled away, or that the Adelantado had forgotten the place where they were to be found, or that the sea had risen and covered them. Others said that, to call himself a Marquis and advance his own relations, he had taken them, with 400 pounds of biscuit, to perish in that great gulf, to go to the bottom and fish for those wonderful pearls he had talked about. They put forward their arguments and said one thing and another: that we had navigated for so many days in 10°, and the islands we seek are said to be in the same latitude, and yet they are not to be found. Either we have passed them, or they do not exist, for by this road we shall go round the world, or at least we shall come at last to Great Tartary. Neither the Chief Pilot, nor the other Pilots, nor the Adelantado, know where they are taking us to, nor where we are at present. They could easily give or take away rewards to whom they chose, and follow their own likings. The Pilots of the other ships said that they took their vessels on rocks and over the land, because the place where they were painted had been rubbed off for many days, owing to the great and little height they had navigated; and they said other things which were for the soldiers. Also, there were those who said that in hard times and long voyages the soldiers know their true friends. The Chief Pilot, against whom there were suspicions that he would never find the sought-for land, knowing that they had passed far beyond the longitude given by the Adelantado, and yet that he was the authority to whom they all turned, spoke to the General with a view to consoling the soldiers, who were so afflicted. He answered, that they had also said to him that all would be lost. The Chief Pilot, for satisfaction on his part, said many things in a loud voice, and concluded by saying: "Hear me, and do not answer to what is said. Hold yourselves in the belief that my words merit, for consider that I did not come to navigate in order that I myself might perish." The Captain, Don Lorenzo, then came forward with some remarks very far from the mark, to whom the Chief Pilot answered: "Those who do not understand the affair, why should they speak to others?" After these discourses there were those who complained, saying among themselves: "This business is very different from what it was supposed to be. Here there is neither honour nor life, as we are all companions who live in this house without doors, and without tokens of friendship." But there did not want those who said: "What hospitals have been founded or served by those that desire to please God and obtain their desires? Take what is given us with joyful faces, for this is the best way; and this being so, what is wanting will be that which need not concern us." CHAPTER VIII. How an island was discovered, that of the volcano was examined, and the loss of the Almiranta. These complaints caused much suffering to the Adelantado, making him avoid both public and private sins, which he did as much as was in his power, and giving an example in order to obtain peace for all. With the beads in his hand, and without loss of a day, he ordered the "Salve" to be raised before the image of Our Lady of Solitude, which the Chief Pilot had brought for his own devotions. He also caused the vespers of Holy Days to be solemnly observed, banners to be displayed, and streamers to be hoisted, while warlike instruments were played. To practice the soldiers this was done every afternoon, others assisting as much as they could, although it should entail additional work. In this state was the Capitana when the Almiranta asked the Adelantado for a boat-load of wood, saying that, for want of fuel, they had burnt boxes, and were using the upper works of the ship. This was granted, and on another day the Admiral came on board the Capitana to greet the Adelantado, as was customary. He then told the General of his necessities, and begged that they would not part company, and with this promise they were rejoiced. He sought for succour as regards water, saying that he only had nine jars left. The Admiral showed much despondency, saying that the defects of his ship were numerous, but that he was determined to die with his people, because for that he had come. The Adelantado did what he could to cheer him, and ordered him to make sail, saying that the islands could not be far off. The Master represented that, owing to there being little ballast, the ship was very crank, and for this reason she would not bear much sail; that there were one hundred and eighty persons on board, and that he hoped he would at least give them twenty jars of water. The Adelantado, although at that time he had more than four hundred jars full, would not give one, for the report seemed to him false. With these and other misfortunes they sailed on until the 7th of September, when, with a rather fresh S.E. breeze, the ship only had a foresail on her without a bonnet, [51] steering west. There was seen ahead a mass of dark smoke, for which reason the Chief Pilot ordered the galeot and frigate to go on, keeping in sight of each other, and see what land or reefs there were, and to report by burning two lights, and two others in reply or in warning. But they were to return before nightfall. With this anxious doubt they continued to navigate with the care that such a night made necessary. At 9 the Almiranta was seen, and at 11, on the port side, there was a great and thick mass of cloud, which covered the horizon in that direction. The sailors, and all who turned their eyes upon it, were doubtful whether it was land. The fog raised its curtain, which was in the form of a dense shower, and land was clearly seen, less than a league distant. It was announced in the customary way, in a loud voice, and all hands came out to see. The galeot made many signals to the other ships, and, though the night was dark, they could be seen at a great distance. The two ships answered, but no signal was seen from the other. The night was passed praying to God to send the day. When it came, a point was seen rather dark and rounded, being covered with trees, looking very beautiful; but, looking round for the Almiranta, she was nowhere to be seen; on which every one was sad and anxious, showing the feeling that it was natural they should have. It was Mariana de Castro, the Admiral's wife, who felt it most, for she blamed herself, and wept continually. The General, though he wished to do so, could not dissimulate, for all saw that his thoughts were bitter. What may be said is, that he was always apprehensive of the loss of this ship, for many reasons which might be given, some of which were spoken at Saña, now at a distance of 1,085 leagues. Next day, at dawn, they were repeated by a native woman, who mourned for the loss of a soldier, a friend of hers, who was in the ship. When the daylight appeared, they beheld a single pointed mountain rising out of the sea like a sugar-loaf, all cut out, and to the S.E. another small hill. It seemed to be distant about three leagues, being eight from the island, and it has no port, nor any place where one could jump on to the slope. It is quite bare, there being no trees nor anything green. There are some crevices, two especially on the west side, and out of them as well as from the summit of the mountain, a great quantity of sparks and fire came out with much noise. It may be said with truth that ten volcanoes together do not send forth such flames as this one does by itself. When it was first sighted it was not seen to send out flames. It had a very well-formed peak; but, a few days after we anchored at the island, it threw off its crown with a great trembling, insomuch that, being 10 leagues distant from it where we were anchored, we heard it, and it moved the ship. From that time forward, every now and then, there were mighty thunderings within the mountain at the time that the flames burst forth; and when they finished, there was so much and such dense smoke, that it seemed to cover the whole concave of the first heaven. [52] The Adelantado gave orders to the frigate to sail round the volcano, which was to the west, to see if perchance the Almiranta was on the other side of it, and was becalmed under the land, and then to proceed in the direction of the island. He also ordered the soldiers to be confessed, and, to set an example, he himself confessed in public. The Vicar also persuaded them, for they were about to visit an unknown land, where enemies and dangers would not be wanting. CHAPTER IX. How a great number of canoes came out to the ships from the land; gives an account of them and of the natives, and of the rest that took place until they went into port. Being near this island, there came out from it a large canoe with a sail, and behind it a fleet of fifty smaller canoes, the people in them calling to the ships with shouts and waving of hands, our men, though doubtfully, calling in return. They arrived. The natives in them were of a black colour; some of them tawny, with frizzled hair; many of them having it white, red, and of other colours. It certainly must have been dyed, and half of it removed from the head in some, and there were other differences. They were all naked. Their teeth were dyed red. Part of their bodies was covered with woven stuff, and all were painted with lines blacker than their own colour, and they had lines on their faces and bodies. They had many turns of a black reed round their arms, and many strings of very small beads of bone and fish's teeth round their necks, and many plates of mother-of-pearl, small and great, hanging from various parts. The canoes were small, and some came fastened together, two and two, with frames rather high, as counterpoises, like those of the former islands. Their arms were bows, with arrows having very sharp points of toasted wood, and others with bone harpoon-shaped points. Some were feathered, with the point anointed, and carried in quivers. The ointment appeared to be from a herb. Although they do little harm, they carry stones, clubs of heavy wood, which are their swords, and darts of stout wood, with three rows of harpoons, in length more than a palmo [53] to the points. They carried from a shoulder-belt a kind of bag, well worked, and full of biscuits, made from a certain root, which they were all eating as they came along, and readily gave away some of it. When the Adelantado saw their colour, he took them for the people he was in search of, and said: "This is such and such an island or land." He spoke to them in the language he had learnt during his first voyage, but they never understood him, nor did he understand them. They went on to look at the ships, and all went chattering round them; but they would not come on board, though we tried to persuade them. On the contrary, after consulting, they took their arms quickly, apparently incited by a tall and lean old native who was in the front, and without more ado they drew their bows ready to shoot. The old man addressed them, the word was passed from one to the other, and for some time there was indecision; but, finally, their resolution was formed, and, giving a shout, they shot off all their bows, and sent many arrows into the sails and on other parts of the ship, without doing any other harm. Seeing this, orders were given to the soldiers, who were ready, to fire their arquebuses. Some were killed, many others were wounded, and they all fled in great terror. They were followed in the boat by four arquebusiers, and overtaken. Two jumped into the water to save their lives, who were spared, and the rest, jumping out on the beach, hid themselves among the trees. We stood off and on, seeking for a port, which all so much desired, with the patience taught by the severe work they had gone through, understanding that a landing would bring us certain refreshment. The frigate came back without having seen the Almiranta, which aroused our grief and fear afresh, and all three vessels anchored at the mouth of a bay, under the shelter of some rocks. The bottom was dangerous, and with the rising tide the galeot got adrift at about 10 in the evening. Seeing the danger of driving on the rocks, the General came out to give courage to the men, and raise the anchors. The noise and hurry was great, the danger being imminent, and the night time made it appear greater than it was. The negligence of the soldiers was reprehensible, and there were not wanting those who cried out: "The services which merit approval from the King are neither these cares nor want of care. Let the brave Peruvians go below, and let those who get the credit do the work. This ship must be looked after among them, for it is for their credit, and to save their own lives." They did not want to work, and had no shame; but, without their help, God was served by our getting up the anchors. Having made sail, the ship got out into the open sea, though not without some difficulty, for the waves came on board and made her heel over. At dawn the Adelantado went on board the galeot to seek for a port; and the Chief Pilot found one, though small. The volcano bore N.W. The port was sheltered to the S.E., and had 12 fathoms of depth, a village, a river, fuel and timber, and fresh air. The Adelantado came back without having found a port, and the ships entered the bay. As it was late they anchored under a point. The Sergeant landed with twelve arquebusiers to secure a position. The natives of the village came out, and shot off arrows with such force, that our men were obliged to take refuge in a hut. Two volleys were fired from the ship, which put the natives to flight, and the boat was sent for the men. All that night the ships were at sea, and the next day the Adelantado found a harbour sheltered from all winds, where he anchored in 15 fathoms, and near the shore, where there were villages and a river. All night the noise of music and dancing was heard, striking drums and tambourines of hollow wood, at which the natives passed their time. CHAPTER X. How the natives came to see the ships; how they found another better port; of the guazabra that the natives gave; and what happened until the settlement was formed. Having anchored in the place already mentioned, many natives came to see the ships and our people. Most of them had red flowers in their hair and in their nostrils, and some of them were persuaded by our people to come on board the ships, leaving their arms in the canoes. Among them there came a man of fine presence and tawny-coloured skin, with plumes on his head of blue, yellow, and red, and in his hand a bow, with arrows pointed with carved bone. On either side of him were two natives, with more authority than the rest. We understood this man to be a personage, both because he appeared to be greater than the others, and because of the respect with which he was treated. Presently he came forward, and asked by signs who was our chief. The Adelantado received him with much love, and, taking him by the hand, let him know who he was. He said that his name was Malope, and the Adelantado said that his was Mendaña. Malope understood, and said that henceforward his name should be Mendaña, and that Mendaña's name should be Malope. When this exchange of names had been effected, he showed that he put great value on it, and when anyone called him Malope he said no, that his name was Mendaña; and pointing with his finger to the Adelantado, he said that was Malope. He also said that he was called Jauriqui: that name appearing to mean chief or captain. The Adelantado dressed him in a shirt, and gave him a few trifles of little value. To other natives the soldiers gave feathers, little bells, glass beads, bits of cloth and cotton, and even playing-cards, all which they put round their necks. They taught the natives to say "friends," and to make a cross with two fingers, embracing them in token of peace, all which they did learn and constantly practised. They showed them looking-glasses, and with razors they shaved their heads and chins, and with scissors they cut their finger and toe-nails, at all which they rejoiced and were astonished; but they begged hard for the razors and scissors. They also found out what was under the men's clothes, and, being undeceived, they played monkey tricks, such as those used by the natives of the first islands. This continued for four days, and they came and went, and brought what food they had. One day Malope came, for he was the one whose visits were most frequent, and who showed most friendship, the ships being anchored near his village. The natives assembled with fifty canoes, in which they had their arms concealed, all waiting for Malope, who was on board the Capitana. They all fled because they saw a soldier take up an arquebus, and made for the shore, our people following them. On the beach there was another crowd of people, who received them with joy, and they had a great consultation. The soldiers were disappointed at such signs of peace, and would have preferred that they should have given occasion to break the peace and make war. On that same afternoon the natives took all they possessed in the nearest houses, and retreated to the village of Malope. On the following night there were great fires on the other side of the bay, lasting nearly until morning, which seemed to be a signal for war; and this was confirmed when canoes were seen going in great haste from one village to another, as if they were warning or giving notice of something. Next morning a boat was sent from the galeot to take in water at an adjacent stream. While they were thus employed, some concealed natives shouted and fired off arrows, which wounded three of our men. They followed down to the boat, where they were repulsed by the arquebusiers. The wounded were attended to, and the Adelantado at once ordered the Camp Master to land with thirty men, and to do all the harm they could with fire and sword. The natives stood their ground, when five were killed, and the rest fled. Our people retreated, and, embarking, came back to the ships, having cut down palm trees and burnt some huts and canoes. They brought away three pigs, which they killed. On the same day the Adelantado sent the Captain, Don Lorenzo, in the frigate, with twenty soldiers and seamen, to seek for the Almiranta, with instructions to examine all the coast that was in sight, and to return to the place where they anchored on the first night of seeing the land. Thence he was to steer W. and N.W., which was the direction the Almiranta might have taken, beyond the route taken by the Capitana, and he was to see whether anything could be found in that direction. He also ordered the Camp Master to rise early, and go quickly with forty soldiers to some huts which were near a hill, to punish the natives for having hit our men with arrows, in order that, by means of the chastisement inflicted on them, it might have the effect of preventing greater evils. He arrived without alarming the natives, occupied the paths, surrounded the houses, and set them on fire. Seven natives who were inside, seeing the fire and the people, defended themselves like brave men, and attacked our soldiers without regard for their own lives. Six were killed, and the other escaped by running, but was badly wounded. The Camp Master came back to the ship with seven wounded men and five dead pigs. In the afternoon Malope came to the beach, for the houses and canoes that had been burnt belonged to him. In a loud voice, he cried to the Adelantado by the name of Malope, saying: "Malope! Malope!" and beating on his own breast, saying: "Mendaña, Mendaña!" In this way he made his complaint, showing the harm they had done him by pointing with his finger. He also made signs that his people had not shot arrows at our men, but that the aggressors came from the other side of the bay. He strung his bow, intending that we should all go against them, and that his people would help us in taking vengeance. The Adelantado called him with the intention of explaining matters; but he did not come. He went away, returning on another day, and friendship was restored. On the day of St. Matthew, Apostle and Evangelist, they made sail from this port, steering for another which was better and more convenient, at a distance of half a league, and in the same bay. While altering our berth, the Captain, Don Lorenzo, came back with the news that in sailing round the island he had found another bay not less good than the one in which we were, and with more people and canoes; also, that further on he saw two fair-sized islands, near the large island, which were thickly peopled. To the S.E., at a distance of 8 leagues, he saw another island; 9 or 10 leagues to E.N.E. from where we hove to for the night when we first sighted land, he came on three islands, one 7 leagues round and the two others very small. They were all inhabited by brown people of a clear colour, covered with palm trees; and many reefs ran out to W.N.W., with openings and channels, of which no end was seen. [54] No sign whatever was seen of the ship of which they were in search. We anchored in the second port, and the natives passed the whole night in shouting, as if they were bull-fighting or having games, and very clearly we heard the word "amigo," and presently shouts. In this and making fires the night was passed. When morning dawned, a troop of about five hundred natives came to the beach, all with their weapons in their hands, menacing and hurling arrows, darts, and stones at the ships in hostile fashion. Seeing that their missiles did not reach, some of them advanced into the water up to their breasts, while others began to swim; in short, all were equal in willingness, diligence, and noise. They came so near that, grappling with the buoys of the ships, they went on shore with them. Seeing their audacity, the Adelantado ordered Captain Lorenzo, his brother-in-law, to take fifteen soldiers in the boat, and to skirmish with them. Those with shields protected the arquebusiers and rowers, so that only two were hit, but there would have been more if it had not been for the shields, which were passed from place to place. The natives fought in very scattered formation and by rushes, but showed themselves to be valorous, so that it was understood that we had met with a people who knew well how to defend their homes. But this only lasted during the time that our arms did not do the harm that they did and saw. As soon as they were undeceived by the death of two or three, and several wounded, they retreated from the beach, and, abandoning their aggressive attitude, took the road to their homes, carrying the dead and wounded, creeping with the speed that we gave them into the woods. They carried the wounded in their arms, and helped others to walk, leaving the trail of their own blood where they went. The Captain, Don Lorenzo, although he had no orders to land, followed the natives with his men, and the Camp Master, who was watching everything from the ship, shouted that the men were being placed in risk, and that if he was in another place he would punish one who assumed a licence that had not been given to him. Doña Isabel felt this very much, and wished it to be understood that, being her brother, for him there was no limit of licence in things military. The Camp Master landed with thirty soldiers, and went in pursuit of the natives, but as he would not wait, he had nothing to report. It may be looked upon as certain that the Camp Master had said to the Captain, Don Lorenzo, that if he would not obey he was not fit to be a Captain; that he must pull up and know his duty, and that there were not wanting those who would teach him. When this came to the knowledge of Doña Isabel, she said things which were very deeply felt by the Camp Master; who did not come back, but went alone to pass the night at one of the villages of the natives which was near, and all that night silence was well kept. CHAPTER XI. How they began to treat of a settlement, and what passed in forming it, and the complaints of the soldiers. The following day, the Camp Master being on shore, he proposed to the soldiers to clear a place which was close to a large stream, and to found a settlement. The soldiers were not pleased with the place, which appeared to be unhealthy, and for this reason some of the married men went on board to inform the Adelantado of the determination of the Camp Master, and to ask leave to go on shore and settle in one of the native villages, where the houses were ready built and the place already used. Others represented that there was no better place than the one selected, and that if the natives had not settled there, it was a token of their bad disposition. If not, they could do what seemed best. The Adelantado agreed to this, and went on shore. As the unmarried men were of the same opinion as the Camp Master, they at once got out axes, wood knives, and spades, and began to cut down trees with smooth trunks, lofty and tufted, but with very diverse leaves. The Adelantado was not at all pleased at the decision, for it was his intention to form the settlement on a bare point near the entrance of the bay, where he went with the Camp Master and the soldiers. All came with the opinion that the land was like Andalusia, that the natives had many farms, and for a settlement that the place was as good as it was agreeable. The soldiers cut down the trees with good will, brought poles with which they built huts, and branches of palms to roof them. Their former work and troubles, and the gift they had left behind, were forgotten, as well as the small store they then had. They did not remember their country, nor that they had left the province of Peru, so rich and extensive, where there is no man who is poor in hopes. They would overcome all the difficulties of which they were told, and which were before their eyes, for their God and their King. The spirit and valour of Spaniards could do all, for neither labour nor ill fortune could daunt them, nor could dangers, however terrible and fearful they might be. So they built their houses and set up their tents, each one doing the best he could, as a beginning of what they would have to perform in parts where they would live and end with honour and fame. The Devil was able to work so well with some of them, that they kept in mind the delights of Lima; and this sufficed to rob the rest of their lofty thoughts, and thus to abate that constancy which it is necessary to preserve and maintain in such affairs. The Adelantado did not disembark, but gave his orders for the good government of his people from the ship. But the soldiers, to whom a limit to what they are permitted to do seldom or ever seems good, began to complain of an order which the Adelantado had given. It had reference to the good treatment of the natives, their houses and property. Those were not wanting who said that they did not want to have a division but a moderate profit, that it was sufficient that they had been brought to that coast, and that all belonged to them. In other ways they noted and reminded themselves of what they had spent and left behind, and of what they had suffered, and of their hopes. Hence complaints arose, and too surely they began to lose their love and loyalty point by point. CHAPTER XII. In which a particular account is given of this bay, the natives, the port, the villages and food, with what else was seen. This bay, to which the Adelantado gave the name of "Graciosa," for so it is, has a circuit of 40 1/2 leagues. It runs N.N.E. and S.S.W., and is at the western end of the island, on its north side, and south of the volcano. Its mouth is half a league wide, and there is a reef on the east side, but the entrance is very open. The bay is formed by an island to the westward, which is very fertile and well peopled, both on the shore and inland. We called it our garden, "Huerta." [55] It is separated from the large island by a short space, full of rocks and reefs, with some small channels, so that only boats and canoes can pass. The port is at the bottom of the bay, where there is a very copious stream of clear and excellent water, which, at the distance of a musket shot, runs under some rocks and so enters the sea. The settlement was formed on the banks of this stream and of the sea. To the east of the stream, at the distance of an arquebus shot, there is a moderate-sized river. The port is in 10° 20' S., and 1,850 leagues from Lima. There are breezes from the S.E., which do little harm. The bottom is mud, with 40, 30, and 20 fathoms, and anchorage close to the shore. In all this bay there is no place for a ship to anchor except in the port, and in the first, which we left because it was small. Over all the rest there is foul ground owing to rocks. There is another spring on a beach of clean sand, of excellent water, and a river and stream, which flow near the houses of Malope, and there enter the sea. In this country there are many pigs, which they roast whole over stones. There are fowls like those of Castille, many of them white. They fly up into the trees and breed there; also partridges, like those of Castille, or of another kind very like them. There are large wild pigeons, grey, with white necks, small doves, herons, black and white, ducks, swallows, and other birds which I do not know. Of reptiles I only saw some black lizards, and ants, but no mosquitos: a new thing in such a low latitude. There are many kinds of fish. The natives fish with three-pronged poles which they have, large, and many of them. The line appears to be of fibre, with floats of light wood, and sinkers of stone. They have many plantains, of seven or eight kinds. Some are reddish, and as broad as the width of a hand; others of the same colour, but very small and tender, even when ripe. Some have the rind green, and the pulp not so green. There are others very large, twisted with one turn, which are of a delicious taste and smell. Each bunch has many plantains. There are great numbers of cocoa-nut trees and very large sweet canes. There are also almonds with three sides, and the pulp of each one contains as much as four almonds of Castille, the taste being delicious. There are some very beautiful pines of the size of a man's head, with the kernels the size of a Spanish almond. The trees on which they grow have few leaves, and those they have are large. There is another kind of very good nuts, which grow in very large and long bunches on small trees with round leaves, and each one, with its rind, will be of the size and shape of a date. There is also the large fruit which we praised much at the first islands, and the nuts and chestnuts like the others. There is another fruit which they called a pippin. It grows on a tall and large tree, and another kind which is not so good, the way of growing being like that of pears. As we did not go all over the land, nor were there all the year round, it is not known what other fruits there may be. There are three or four kinds of roots, all in abundance, which form their bread, and they eat them roast or boiled. One of them has a sweet taste, the other two prick a little when eaten. A soldier ate one raw, from which a great nausea resulted, but he was none the worse. Of these roots the natives make a great quantity of biscuits, dried either in the sun or by fire. They keep them in baskets of palm leaves. This food is sustaining. It has the drawback of being rather heating, but much is eaten of it, and of the roots roasted and boiled, and in pots. There is plenty of fibre, which throughout the east is used as cord. There are large and red amaranths, greens, and a sort of calabash, plenty of sweet basil with a very strong smell, and several kinds of red flowers beautiful to look at, which the natives are very fond of. They have no smell. They train them on small trees, and have them in small pots near their houses. There is plenty of ginger, which grows without being sown. There is also a great quantity of a tall branching shrub called indigo, from which the indigo dye is made. There are aloe trees, much demajagua, [56] from which they make their cords and nets, as well as from the cocoa-nuts, though not so much. There are shells like the curious ones that are brought from China, and pearl oyster-shells, some large and others small. In our settlement, on the banks of the stream, there was a tree which the natives wound in the trunk, and there comes out a liquor of a sweet smell, which is very like turpentine, and with this, or another mixed with it, they fill their calabashes. The natives make bags and purses of palm very well worked, and large sheets or mats which serve as sails for their canoes. They weave a fabric--I do not know from what it is woven--on some small looms they make, which serve for mantles, with which the women are clothed. I have already said that the natives are black and tawny, and they are like the people we have among ourselves of those colours. They make great use of a root which is also used in the East Indies, called betel, and in the Philippines buhio. It is a cordate-shaped leaf of the size of a hand, more or less, its smell, taste, and colour like a clove. They put lime with it, apparently got from shells, and fruit the size of acorns, which grows on wild palms. They spit out the first chewing, and keep the pulp that is left. It is well spoken of as wholesome, and strengthening to the stomach, as well as good for the teeth. Their villages consist of twenty houses, more or less, and they build them round, of boards one over the other, on a single frame of stout wood. They have two lofts, to which they ascend by ladders, with roofs of interlaced palms, like hen lofts in Castille. They are all open, half the height of a man, and surrounded by a wall of loose stones, with an opening instead of a door. The eaves do not reach to the boards of the roof, and serve as a shelter. In each village there is a long house, used as an oracle, with human figures in half relief, badly carved, and another long house, which appeared to be for the community. In the centre of them there were barbacoas of cane. There are ten or twelve of these villages on the sea shore, and in each one or two wells, curiously lined with stones, with steps such as are in use among us, by which they go down, and the opening has its covering of boards. On the shore there are some yards encircled by stones where, when the sea rises, they fish with a certain contrivance, having a pole worked like a pump-handle. They have some large and beautiful canoes, with which they navigate to a distance, for the small ones only serve to go for short distances from their homes. They are flat-bottomed, made of a single tree from stem to stern. They have their hatchway in the middle, out of which they take the water which comes in by the mast. They fix a frame of crossed sticks, very securely fastened with cords, from which comes an outrigger with a cross plank, which steadies the canoe, and prevents it from capsizing. In this way one such vessel will serve for thirty or more men with their things. The sail is large, and made of matting, wide above and narrow below. The canoes are good sailers and weatherly. Our frigate succeeded in getting one, and hoisted her up, under the bowsprit. They have their cultivated patches, and fruit gardens well ordered. The soil is black, spongy, and loose. The parts that are sown are first well cleared. The temperature is the same as that of other lands in the same latitude. There was some thunder and lightning, and many showers, but not much wind. The Adelantado gave the name of Santa Cruz to the island. It appeared to have a circumference of 100 leagues. All the part which I saw runs almost east and west. It is well covered with trees. The land is not very high, though there are hills, ravines, and some beds of reeds. It is clear of rocks, and those that do exist are close to the land. It is well peopled all along the sea shore; but I cannot give an account of the interior, as I never explored it. CHAPTER XIII. How the trouble among the soldiers began with a paper and signatures; what the Adelantado said on the subject to certain soldiers; of some complaints that were made, and some disgraceful things that occurred. As has been said, the Adelantado did not land because no house had been built for him. So that he was in the ship, while the Camp Master was on shore and had charge of the ordering of things there. Our people began to seek for food, and whenever a leader with twelve or fifteen soldiers went to the villages of the natives (which were numerous and near our settlement), or to their cultivated patches, they always came back with from six to twelve pigs, many cocoa nuts and plantains, and everything else that the island supplies. They found the natives submissive and inclined to peace; for though it is true that at first they took to flight, afterwards they remained quietly in their houses, with their wives and children. They themselves brought supplies to near the camp. They were not allowed to enter, lest they should see how small were our numbers. The same was done by them as regards the ship, and their solicitude seemed to show that they were friends. Malope also conducted himself in the same way, and from the goodwill that was shown by all, it seemed to us that the friendship with them was firmly established. It arrived at such a pitch that the Captain Don Lorenzo was able to make an agreement with the natives that they would come to help us to build the houses, praying that their own might be left to them, and showing much feeling when they were pulled down. One day, when they came the Vicar went out to them, and many with him. He made a cross with two poles, ordering all present to show reverence to it. Presently the natives did the same, and went with it to their village in procession. Things being in this condition, there began to arise among the soldiers opinions very different from those of the Adelantado. They said that the land was wretched and very poor, that there was nothing in all the country, and that the position of the settlement was bad. They were dissatisfied with everything. What yesterday appeared very good to them now seemed very bad; guided by their fancies, and forgetful of the obligations of those who follow the banner of their King. At last a document was prepared with several signatures, in which the Adelantado was asked to take them away from that place and find a better one for them, or to take them to the islands he had talked about. The Adelantado had notice of the paper and signatures, through the gossip and the post which the Devil always has ready to carry tales. He fell ill at the trouble of seeing such a bad beginning to what he had hoped would have a good end. Seeing, however, into what disorder things were falling, he went on shore. Meeting one of those who had signed the paper, he said: "Is your worship a ringleader of the party? Do you not know that it is little less than mutiny to sign that paper?" The man replied, with the paper in his hand: "Here is what we want, and if anything else has been said it is a lie." A soldier put forth another argument, and the Adelantado said: "Silence, for you have cause to hold your tongues." He then went on board again, and ordered the Pilot of the galeot to go on shore, where he was received by certain of the soldiers. It is reported that he said to them that they should leave that land, and that in less than thirty days he would take them to a better one. In the midst of these troubles our church was built, for which there was a charitable promise in the future of 10,000 ducats; and each day the priest said mass in it. They had to seek for food, and they cut much fibre to make ropes, collecting all they could get from the natives. Meanwhile the signing of the paper proceeded, and it was considered certain that there would be eighty signatures. Those who asked men to sign did not forget to make the most of the island, and to remind them of their hardships and hard work. Some of the men answered that there was the need to work everywhere, and that the work in that land was of a kind which was quite suitable to them. The deaths of the natives took place in the following way. One of them, being in friendship with us, a soldier shot him in the neck, of which wound he presently died. The other, being in conversation, four soldiers called him apart, and killed him with stabs. These things were done with the object of inducing the natives to make war upon us, and thus produce a scarcity of provisions, so as to make it the desire of all to leave the island. Also it was thought that the natives attacking, the camp would have to be strengthened, the Adelantado would be applied to for the artillery, and he being disarmed they would remain strong. It was said that they wanted to kill some of us, I know not who, but certain persons were followed, with the object of taking their offices and giving them to friends of the disaffected. It was also said that it was intended to give a false alarm at night, and, when those who were loyal to the Adelantado came out of their houses, to set upon them. It was made public that, one night, a troop of armed malcontents came to enter a house where some loyal men were watching, and after they had pointed arquebuses at their breasts, they turned back and went into a tent. There they tried the beds, and, not finding the owners in them, who from fear had fled into the woods, they only terrified their wives. At another place they tried the place in a bed by driving a sword into it, and not feeling anything they went away. This was related by the people themselves. But as the stories wanted evidence, nothing was done. I say myself that a soldier said to me that others had asked him whether he wished to return to Peru; that he had answered in the affirmative, and seeing what his wishes were, they asked him to sign the paper they showed him, to be presented to the Adelantado. As soon as he had signed they said to him: "Now that you have signed you must have your weapons ready, and if you see the Adelantado and the Camp Master opposed, take the side of the Camp Master, and act like a good soldier. Point with your arquebus and fire. You are not told to kill unless," etc. The same thing was said on another occasion: "It is a pity, for at night I am disturbed lest they should not kill as many men as they want to kill." Among the various proposals of the malcontents there was one that they should make gimlet holes in the ships, because it was not desirable that news should be taken to Peru, for the islands would not be found, even if search was made for them they would not be discovered, and thus either all would go or none. To this a well-intentioned person answered that the coming had been for the good of the people of those parts, and that if the King was not informed, so that succour might be sent, the service could not be performed. This honourable answer so enraged the other that he raised his arm in anger, and said that "they would not be converted, a flock of sheep, and as they have been until now, so they will continue to be henceforward; but we are not going to die here when we can be saved." The other, continuing the conversation, said: "I should be fortunate if the Lord granted that I should be the means of one soul being saved; how much more when there are so many here to be saved." This plan of returning to Peru was so fixed in their minds, that they did not even like the Chief Pilot to go out to sea on the important business of his calling; saying, that if he went with the sailors he would not come back again. This had such an effect on the mind of the Adelantado, that he had all the sails unbent, and put them under guard. This was not the only false testimony that was borne; for another lie was told of another person. It was a small thing to take life, so long as they could gain their ends. But it was seen by experience that attempts against truth and innocence profit little, because the author of them is soon discredited. I can well say that the harm they intended me has been pardoned. A friend said to one of them: "Is your worship one of those who wish to leave this land?" The reply was: "What can we do here?" The other answered: "What we came to do! and if all others went away, I should remain to do my duty; and the friend who should deny this ought to be answered, without further ado, with a dagger in his blood." This confused time was good for each one to declare his good will if he had it. Discontented and vacillating soldiers, when they saw no firmness, felt that the door was open for them to try the minds of others, and find out who was resolved and who was not. One said in public: "the Camp Master is my cock; all are afraid of him. What he orders is obeyed. Now things are ripening. Before long we shall see something, and before long we shall have liberty." It was also said that the clothes of Doña Isabel were intended to last two years. Another said that he might think himself fortunate who could take his wife by the hand. Another said: "Such and such could stay, but we intend to go, let it give pain to whom it might pain, for in my kingdom I may rule." Such like nonsense would lead to death. It was also said: "We carry such a one as pilot, who is not known to the world. He will take us to the deserts of Chile, and with that we shall be contented, and we will go to Potosi." In short, each word that was said was mutinous and insubordinate. Well was this tower of confusion built up over the ashes of vindictiveness, vanity, and disordered ambition and avarice, the pests of such an enterprise. This it is to want understanding and prudence. Will it not bring ruin? Further on we shall see. CHAPTER XIV. How the Adelantado went on shore, and what happened, and what he said to the Camp Master; and the transaction between the Vicar and the Chief Pilot. Seeing that there was so much disorder, the Adelantado determined to go on shore, where he met several soldiers with swords in their hands. He asked them why they carried them so, and one replied that it was because there was war. The Camp Master came to the Adelantado, and said: "It is well that your Lordship has come. It seems to me that these bellicose men go and come with complaints, and refer me to your Lordship; and if your Lordship does not apply a remedy, all those will be found some morning hanging from a tree"; and he pointed with his finger. To this the Adelantado answered with great patience, and showing much sorrow. The Camp Master replied: "They are rascals who would not dare to take a crumb from a cat. Apart from your Lordship, whom I hold to be above my head (this with his hat in his hand), I do not care for any of them, from the smallest to the biggest, and I look upon them as the dirt under my feet, and none of them merits notice except myself, for I am a gentleman. All who are here, except your Lordship, want to go away and leave this land, but I must obey and serve your Lordship; God knows that if it had not been for me the honour of your Lordship would have been in the dust; and last night they would have killed all those who were in two of the houses if I had not prevented them. One is the house of such an one, and as to the other I will keep silence." They told me that he said more. I am not any longer informed about it. They can do what they like. On this day a soldier took the liberty to address the General. The Camp Master was present, and he quarrelled with the man. The Adelantado, seeing this, and considering the liberties that had been taken on other days, said: "Now they lose respect for me." The man was respectable, and was on the side and held the views of his chief, and would have stood by him, and for the honour of the King. But the Adelantado took him by the arm, and said: "This is not the time!" The General paid several visits to the camp, to see if his presence would smooth matters. One day he met the Camp Master, and said to him: "For all that is happening the fault is your worship's, for you give the soldiers wings, and they suffer misrepresentation." The Camp Master answered: "The false statements are on board the ship, and I show no favour to the soldiers, but I make them respect your Lordship and obey you as governor." On another occasion the Camp Master took the hand of the Adelantado, and complained of what Doña Isabel had said of him. The Adelantado was more annoyed this time than on others. The Camp Master went away, and the Adelantado went to the corps du garde. He laid down on a chest, and showed much feeling. They had to help him to raise his feet on to it. Presently, the Chief Pilot and some others came, saying that he should not be troubled, and that all were his servants and would follow him. Having rested a little, he went on board, and repeated what he had said to the Camp Master. With arms in his hand the General came for me, and told me, that the Camp Master had said also what a thing it was not to have come provided, as was reasonable, and they had deceived him in not having brought two hundred axes and three hundred wood knives; for they had come to a land where neither God nor the King would be served by their arrival, and if this people were taken to another part it would be a great advantage. These things about the Camp Master I relate partly from the reports of others, for I do not myself remember them all very well. The next time the Adelantado went on shore was to arrange and mark out with the Camp Master a site for a stockade to be used as a fort. Touching this, and the ground for sowing, and other matters relating to the administration of the settlement, he had to give his attention and to hear much folly. There were questions of entails, titles, relationships, and ownerships; such demands, replies and settlements; such wasting of time and breaking of heads. In fine, they did not trust each other. On this day two arquebusiers left the camp, and the ball of one of them went whizzing over the Chief Pilot, who was on board the Capitana. The other ball passed over the frigate, and I know not at what birds they were aiming. On the following night the Chief Pilot was keeping watch, and at dawn Don Diego Barreto came in a canoe to speak to his brother-in-law. Having spoken to him, he said to me that things had come to such a pass in the camp that it did not promise less than his death, and the deaths of his brothers and brother-in-law, with all those who remained true to their duty. At this time the Camp Master was saying on shore, "Arm! Arm!" The Chief Pilot ordered that the Constable should fire off a piece that was pointed at the village, sending the ball in the air, to terrify the natives, or at least to let them understand that we did not sleep without a dog. The noise of all ceased, and that of one voice sounded, saying that the General should send them powder and cord. We were deaf for the time, but at dawn we sent them what they asked for; asking at the same time the cause of the disturbance. The answer was that the branches of trees rubbed against the posts in one part of the camp, and, thinking it was the natives, they had sounded to arms. On the same day the Vicar went on shore to say Mass, according to his custom; for he also still lived on board, there being no house for him in the camp. When he returned in the afternoon, he said to the Chief Pilot: "Those people will go without fail." The Chief Pilot asked where they would go. The Vicar replied, "I only know what I say;" and the Pilot said: "What sailors have they to take them? Will they kill us, or use force?" The Vicar said Yes; that all were determined to do so. He asked the Chief Pilot to procure that the soldiers should be appeased, for if they should go the natives will be the losers. He shrugged his shoulders, saying that with very good will he would spend four years there, teaching the natives. The Pilot answered: "A month has not even passed since we arrived. How can there be so little firmness in honourable men?" CHAPTER XV. How the Chief Pilot asked leave to go, in the name of the General, to speak to the soldiers on shore, and what passed between them. The next day, being a Friday, the Chief Pilot, seeing the determination of the men in the camp, from what the Vicar had said, and the illness and low spirits of the Adelantado, asked permission to go on shore and speak to the soldiers in his name. The Adelantado answered: "I know not whether those people will listen to anything in my favour and that of the land, being so determined, and having declared that they would have their own way." The Pilot went to him a second time, and at last he consented. So the Chief Pilot went on shore, and the first person he met, with a scornful gesture, and his head turned derisively, said: "Are you ordered to go with a report to Peru? Now is the time to take my letters." Then a soldier, who was a friend to the Adelantado, came to the Pilot, and said: "Things look very bad; I know not what will happen." Another said: "Though I wish to see you proceeding with the enterprise, I am very sorry to see you here, because of the menaces with which you will be received." On going further into the camp, many soldiers came to him. Some were saying: "Where have you brought us to? What place is this whence no man goes, and to which no man will return? Even if notice was sent, people would only come to take gold, silver, pearls, or other things of value, and these are not here. The Adelantado is not to send notice, nor will all of us, or any of us, consent to it." Others said: "We did not come to sow: for that purpose there is plenty of land in Peru; that is not the way to follow the service of God or of the King. We have obligations to our own people, not to these savages. These are not the islands the Adelantado told us of, nor will we remain here. Embark us and take us to seek those other islands, or take us to Peru or some part where there are Christians." Resolute words of people without a master! Of these and other like things one and the other talked, in the direction whither their desires guided them, or rather drove them, without attending to whether the things they wanted were profitable or harmful. For mutineers have their wills so unrestrained that they have no bridle to check them, though the words spoken to them may be words of truth. The Chief Pilot enquired for the reasons which made them think that the land was bad, to which they answered that it yielded next to nothing. On this he asked them what they had left in Peru, and what they had brought from there? and what they sought for to pass this life, unless it was money to buy a house and sustenance: a thing which few succeed in doing until late, most men passing their lives in hopes; that the present is good for working, without knowing what may come after, or what may be discovered. They said that when that time came twenty years would have passed away, and they would be old. The Pilot said to them that according to that, they ought to know how to find cities, vineyards, and gardens; to enter a house ready furnished, with the tables spread, and to make the owners give up their property and go into servitude; or they should know how to find mountains, valleys, and plains of emeralds, rubies, and diamonds, ready to be loaded and taken away. It should be remembered that all the provinces in the world had their beginnings; that Seville, Rome, and Venice, and the other cities of the world, were once forests or bare plains; and that it had cost the inhabitants what great things cost to create them, that their successors might enjoy the fruits of their labours, as they do now enjoy them. "What I understand is that you want others to have worked that you may rest, without remembering that all have to work, though the first workers may have made the beginnings." But they looked upon the Chief Pilot with suspicion, and they gave for a reason that it was he who was to go with the news, and he therefore favoured the settlement of this land that he might remain in the other. He asked them what riches they had seen him take that they thought this of him; that he it was who risked most, having to go for their good to discover routes over unknown seas; besides the labour he had to go through, to look out for a rock at night, and to complete calculations. He further addressed them as follows:--"Gentlemen, who is it that deceives you and makes you discontented? What is the bad conception which makes you think that you can all leave this place with the ease that you promise yourselves? Tell me who they are, for I will explain to you the impossibilities there are in going from here to Peru, or any other part whatsoever." One of them answered: "Let that be how it may, for I would rather die at sea than where I am, and between the two we are in irons." The Pilot said to this man: "Know you not that we follow our General, who is in the place of the King, and that we are bound to desire what he desires for the King's service; and to want any other thing is to want to go contrary to the royal service." They all answered: "Here we are not going against the royal service." To this the Pilot replied: "What is it to go against the will of your General; to refuse to improve the land which he has settled in the royal name; and what is it to disobey, incite, and menace those who do not agree with you?" They answered: "We only desire that notice be not sent to Peru, and that, as we are a small body of men, we may be taken from here and taken to the islands of which we are in search, or to some better place." The Pilot replied: "The Adelantado is the person whose duty it is to see that all goes well. It should be left to him, who now wishes a second time to search for the Admiral at the island of San Cristobal, which he was instructed to search for. If it should be found all will be well, and if not, a Christian view of things should be taken. The Adelantado's person and that of his wife were in the same place where they all were, and all would share the dangers together. If the Almiranta was found, all must approve. Moreover, it was not the Chief Pilot who had to go, but the Adelantado, who was well prepared." The Pilot added that their leader was ill, and that it was not reasonable to expect that his person should be exposed to new risks. But when he should wish to go, there should be none to contradict, being such honourable men whose faith could be trusted in this and more. At this time others had come to give their opinions, but as the music was loud and so much out of tune, it did not sound well. Continuing the discussion, the Chief Pilot, whose services in having navigated the fleet and discovered four islands whence they could take a new departure with a fair wind and short voyage, were nearly forgotten, now said: "You should all remember that if God had not given us the island on which we now are, we should all have perished; and as He gave it, we ought to be willing to remain here for a time. Now it may be seen that the same wind which brought us detains us here; the wind that was fair is now contrary, and a return to Peru is impossible without seeking a very high latitude. The ships have many defects, and we cannot careen them, we have no cables, and the rigging is rotten. As for provisions, we have nothing left but a little flour, and the jars for water are diminished in number, as many of them have been broken; while the barrels are out of order, there being no one who can repair them. The route is long and unknown, and we do not know what would be the duration of such a voyage. These things are certain, and cannot be avoided, without the risk of your own lives and those of your comrades." He said further: "I desire that the wind would change, but we must go west, being the only course with a fair wind. We may be certain that we shall not be a longer time on the voyage than we were in coming here, where we can have as much, in the way of supplies, as we started with. Why should we have gone through so much labor, wasting our property and running such great risks, undertaking such an honorable enterprise, if we do not go through with it? "Remember well that the King has had and still has other vassals, who have defended frontiers and maintained provinces against warlike people of great power, and sometimes eating dogs and cats rather than suffer dishonour; and all without expecting any reward such as may be hoped for here. At present neither will supplies be wanting in so fertile a soil, nor will an enemy cause serious danger; nor are there other drawbacks which we are obliged to forget, but which others will not forget. For we have an honourable opportunity which many others would like to have without ever having it offered to them, which we can perpetuate at the cost of much careful management. Why should we avoid such a chance? We should show resolution, for there is time for all things, and it is as well to reach the place we want in May as in September. In short, where is it desired that we should be, if we are to say that we only come to seek our own welfare; and even to procure that we want the spirit, for very soon, and without more cause than our own cowardice, we should be undone. We should be looked upon as the enemies of God and the King, and of the honor of our General and our own, if we abandon such an enterprise and such a land. "Enemies to God, because we abandon so easily, and without sufficient cause, the work we came to do for the honour of God and the salvation of souls. It is the great interest on which we have to turn both our eyes, to rescue from the captivity of the Devil those whom he looks upon as so secure; to turn the worship of the natives from him, and turn it to God, to whom they owe it, and whose it is. "Enemies of the King, for impeding his service, which may be promoted in this place, without making other discoveries, incurring fresh expenses, or risking other fleets. It may be that what was intended will be achieved, for when the new world was discovered it was not known at first how important it was, there being only a few small islands of little or no value; yet, through the constancy of the discoverers, there were afterwards found the great and rich provinces of New Spain and Peru; while the return to Spain, for a long time laborious and difficult, is now made easy through the mercy of God. "Enemies to the honour of our General, because he has expended his resources on the enterprise, leaving what he has left in Peru. Do you wish, solely for your whim, to destroy such Christian aspirations, which have endured so long? "Enemies of our own honour, because, from this position where we now are, there is no place to which we can go that will not be in the dominions of our King, and whose Ministers will exact a very strict account of whence we came, where we have left the General, and what reason we had for abandoning a land which had been settled in the name of the King: more especially such a land as this which is fertile, with friendly and numerous inhabitants. In one way or another we cannot escape from offending our consciences, risking our lives, our honour, and our liberty. For all to go it is not possible, although we may wish it. To leave women and children, and helpless persons, would not be just. Would you go to New Spain? The Adelantado has already taken that route when he was in these parts before, but many died, and all went through terrible hardships during a long voyage; moreover, it is not always the season for such navigation. To go to the Philippines also has its difficulties." Thinking it all over, and doing his best to combat their inconsiderate desire, the Chief Pilot concluded by saying: "Why do you litigate without any grounds, saying that you will embark presently? I will show, with the Adelantado, that what you want to do this day is impossible." Some of them, opening their eyes, appeared to be convinced by these arguments; but others were still obdurate. They preferred to trust to the ship rather than to what the land offered, and the water could be taken in 10,000 cocoa nuts, in joints of the canes, or even in the canoes of the natives, covering and caulking them; and they proposed other equally feasible contrivances. But the Chief Pilot said: "This is only a waste of time. Is it not for the Adelantado to decide what shall be done?" They said that "if the land will yield much food, how is it that we get nothing to eat from it?" "What certainty have you," said the Pilot, "that the provisions obtained here will not get bad." They answered that they were ready to risk that. As to water, they said that they would fall in with other islands on the route whence they could take in water; and that they would listen to reason, for they were reasonable beings. Finally, they went back to their old song that they wanted to go to Manilla, which was a land of Christians. The Pilot said to them that Manilla was also a land of heathens, and that there being Christians was due to the discoverers who settled there; and that in our expedition a similar duty was required of us. In Manilla there are only some soldiers stationed by the King to guard the estates of the settlers; and it is better to remain here where we might become such as they are in fame and honour, than go marching there with shouldered arquebus. To this one of them answered that honour was where the Pope and the King were, and not among Indians. The Pilot then said that it was better to ask for what they wanted from their General, who was not a man to close his ears to a just petition; and that they should consider that their position was very offensive to the General, who desired to do what the King had ordered. What word soever sounded ill there would also follow as many more and as free. To this, one of the soldiers said: "Leave off! leave off! and leave it for he who wants to stay, for we intend to go, dislike it who may." I was without a sword, and he with seven or eight others, went for theirs, and presently came back with heightened colour. Asking for the Camp Master, they all bowed their heads, with their swords in their hands, looking very fierce, not wanting much whispering, and secrets among some who spoke within hearing. They said publicly that they came to kill the Chief Pilot; and there was one who swore that they came saying: "Come, let us kill him, for he is the cause of our being in this land;" and others swore, and went so far with their menaces as to say: "What shall they drink in his skull." Things did not look well. God knows what they intended. He who had declared that they would go, spoke and said: "There is no one who does not wish to go from this land; one who keeps most apart was he who showed most willingness, but it does not signify." He said most on that side, and was most resolved, both then and at other times; but as there were many people, there were as many arguments, and with loud voices. The Chief Pilot concluded what he had to say by declaring that all he had put before them was in the service of God and the King, and that he would sustain it to the death, as he had proved. CHAPTER XVI. How the Camp Master came on board the ship; what passed with the Adelantado, and between the Camp Master and the soldiers on shore, where the Chief Pilot talked to the Camp Master. This was the state of affairs when the Camp Master came on board the ship to speak with the Adelantado, who, had he been alone, would have strangled him and hung him on one of the masts. So Doña Isabel, his wife, urged him (according to her own account), saying to her husband: "Kill him or have him killed. What more do you want? He has fallen into your hands, and if not I will kill him with this knife." The Adelantado was prudent, and did not do so. He understood that the desire of the Camp Master was not to go so far in offences of his own as it was said that he intended. The Camp Master returned to the shore, and said to the soldiers: "Gentlemen! I come from speaking to the General respecting his affairs and this settlement; and he said that it had come to his knowledge that all of you were afflicted and troubled, saying that this is not a good land, and that you wanted to be taken to a better one. He says that you ask for a paper, and that he will answer, which is reasonable, as he is our General." Presently he said: "This is not mutiny, but it is when, without saying anything to their superiors, the soldiers suddenly break out, killing and crying, 'Down with the rascals!' Your worships have a right to ask, and to go and seek the Almiranta; for those on board were our comrades, and it is not just to leave them without making any search. "But if I were not the Master of the Camp, I would do and say more, for it is not understood that in my position I can give consent, when the Adelantado has said that his friends were those who have most declared themselves: a reason for giving all to understand that one enjoys his friendship. "No soldier, whatever his condition may be, can to-day speak a word without its coming to the ear of my General; for I have to be subordinate, though I may be his best friend. My General has given to me his honour and the service of the King, and they are in that place I have to serve. Each one watches another. I am watched because I favour your party. I have not to lose my honour, nor is it ever to be supposed that such evil and unjust things can ever enter the thoughts of a person with my obligations, position, and experience. Nor is it reasonable to think that such honourable soldiers as are in this camp would wish to do by force what is suggested. Each one performs the duty assigned to him, for we only came here to obey and serve the King, and he who serves him not will be punished." The soldiers began to talk among themselves, saying they need not be alarmed nor bear it in mind; and one of them said, referring to a search for the Almiranta, that he would offer to go in search in the name of the rest; that if he volunteered the thing would be safe, as he was more confident than the others, not being altogether ignorant of the art of navigation. Another said that the Adelantado is expert, and could not be deceived; and said that it should be the Camp Master. Another objected that he was not a sailor. He laughed, and said: "Gentlemen, I do not understand those affairs, and can easily be taken in." He added: "Some one has to go, and some one has to be trusted in the business." This ended what was said in public. A witness swore that, the Chief Pilot being there talking, one soldier said to another: "Let us choose this traitor; we will kill him." The Chief Pilot took the Camp Master aside, and asked him to listen for a moment; then looked round carefully, and in a short time discussed many things that have already been referred to. Respecting the navigation, the Pilot said that, when the time came, he would do the work well in accordance with instructions of the Adelantado. The Camp Master said that now he did not value his life, and that he would say nothing unless he was asked to speak. The Chief Pilot then took his leave, and went on board to report what had happened to the General, adding that, in his opinion, it would be well if the General would go on shore and speak to his people; that he thought it would be easy to reduce them to obedience by his presence, his will, and by putting before them the just reasons which actuated him. On the following day the General went on shore. As he jumped out, a servant of his said, while he seized his arms: "There are going to be black puddings." Some soldiers coming towards the Adelantado said to one another: "Our General comes with the martingale. He also comes armed. What think you of the words his servant spoke to him?" That day the Adelantado had arranged with Don Lorenzo and three other soldiers that the Camp Master should be put to death. This was very different from what I had understood that he intended to do, but such things ought to be stated as, in my opinion, will explain the change. A certain person told me that a bad third person had said to the Adelantado that if he would have the Camp Master stabbed (he did not say that he should be killed), but that if he should be killed--Let those of better understanding judge, for I do not hold it to be right to sit in judgment on the living and the dead. CHAPTER XVII. How the Chief Pilot went to seek for provisions, and how Malope came to make peace, and the friendship that was established. On the following day the Chief Pilot asked permission from the Adelantado to go in search of food. Having received it, he went in the boat, with twenty men, to a village where he only saw one man with a little boy. The rest had fled into the woods. On entering and searching the houses, nothing to eat was found. The Pilot followed a path which seemed to lead to the cultivated patches of the natives, and some pigs were seen, which ran into the woods. The Chief Pilot then heard the report of an arquebus, and presently another. On this he went back to the beach, where he had left the boat in charge of four arquebusiers. Arriving on the beach, he found Malope, who had come with two canoes, and said: "Friends; let us all come and eat." These words, and some others, we had learnt. He then told us by signs that we should embark, and come with him to a place where he had many pigs and other food. He sent the other canoe in advance. The Chief Pilot embarked, and told Malope to call the natives of that village. They came back, and arranged, on their return, to have food collected. Malope rowed his canoe, our boat followed, and, arriving at two other villages, a similar arrangement was made. We then entered the village of the warlike natives. They gave us a pig, and a few cocoa-nuts and plantains. As this seemed little, the Chief Pilot asked for more. But the natives took up arms, and retired behind their houses and the trunks of trees with their bows and arrows, shouting and apparently calling to Malope. He seemed to be undecided, looking at one party and then at the other. The Chief Pilot, who always kept Malope by his side, drew his dagger and threatened Malope if he should attempt to go, or should not tell the natives not to shoot off their arrows. If they did, they would all be killed with the arquebuses. With an ignited cord he got ready to fire them off. Malope went to the village, and induced them to offer that, when the sun showed it to be three o'clock, they would come with what they could get ready. Malope called them, and they presently came, giving us many plantains and cocoa-nuts to eat. They also invited us to come and shoot natives on the other side of the bay, and to kill pigs. Having embarked, the boat followed the canoe, but the Chief Pilot marched along the shore with sixteen men and three native guides. Seeing some birds, the natives made signs that we should shoot them with the arquebus. The Chief Pilot would not consent, though some of the men urged it. His reason was that to shoot a ball at a small object would have a doubtful result; and he did not wish the natives to think that the result was uncertain; that they might not lose their fear of the arquebus. Malope landed, the boat and canoe remaining side by side. All being on shore, they found the spring which has been mentioned. Malope sat down by it, and made signs that we should drink. From there we went to a village where the natives had ready for us a great heap of many plantains, sweet canes, cocoa-nuts, almonds, roots, biscuits, mats, and two pigs. Thus we went from village to village, and they gave fourteen pigs and of other things as much as we could take. The natives were always quiet, with the large canoes ready with their paddles, and themselves sitting under the shadow of them. There were some who gave us plantains and roasted roots, open cocoa-nuts, and water taken from the wells, doing all with as much good will as if they had been well paid. Malope showed himself to be contented, and said that we might come further, and he would get more food for us. He took us to a higher part, and all the natives round heard and respected him as Lord or great friend. The Chief Pilot, by signs, told him to make the natives carry that food, and at a word from him they had it all on their shoulders. It was worth seeing when more than a hundred natives went along the shore in a line. Having reached the boat, they put all they carried into it. Malope told the Chief Pilot to embrace the General for him, and took his leave. The Chief Pilot embarked, and went to the villages already mentioned, receiving from the natives what they came out in their canoes to give us. The provisions that we brought were good, but to some it seemed too small a supply. They said to the Chief Pilot that he should let them go on shore; that they would take, burn, and kill; that the natives were dogs, and that they did not come from Peru to be satisfied with nothing. The Chief Pilot replied: "Does a boat laden with what has cost no money, and given with good will by our friend Malope, seem to you to be nothing?" They answered according to their knowledge, and the Chief Pilot proceeded as appeared to be necessary. I have related this in such detail, because it is much to the purpose in this narrative, as will be seen further on. Having arrived at the ship, Doña Isabel told the Chief Pilot that the other day the soldiers went from the camp to kill Malope. The Adelantado sent to tell them of the friendship Malope had shown, and desiring that notice should be given in the camp not to do him any harm, as he had done so much good to us. The Adelantado appreciated what this native had done, praising his good conduct. He rose from his bed to see what had been brought on board, which was very fairly distributed, and he said to the Chief Pilot that he only wanted the same share as a companion. CHAPTER XVIII. How the Adelantado went on shore with the Chief Pilot, and ordered a squadron of soldiers who were going in search of food not to kill Malope. It relates the death of the Camp Master, and other cruelties. When the night came, the Adelantado sent for the Chief Pilot, and made him sit by his bedside, where he was lying ill. With very great caution, he told him that he intended to go on shore the next morning with four men in whom he had most confidence, all armed, and that he would be accompanied by the royal standard, and would proclaim the will of the King at the proper time; for that he had to go and to do justice on the Camp Master, for reasons which moved him so to act. That night the Chief Pilot caused the usual careful watch to be kept, and at dawn they asked for the boat from the camp, with loud voices. On hearing them, Doña Isabel came from her bed, saying: "Alas! alas! they have killed my brothers, and they ask for the boat to come and kill us." The Adelantado would not listen, and as soon as it was day a squadron of thirty soldiers came out of the camp. The Adelantado ordered them to be told not to go on before he had spoken to them. Embarking with his people, he asked who was their leader, who had sent them, and where they were going. The Lieutenant answered that he was the leader, and that they were ordered by the Camp Master to go to the village of Malope and seek for food. The Adelantado warned them not to kill Malope, nor to do him any harm, nor take any of his property, as he was our friend, and that they should take him with them. He knew quite well that they came for food, and, turning to the Chief Pilot, the Adelantado told him to relate to the soldiers all that had passed with Malope the day before. They heard it laughing. The Adelantado had with him the Captain of the galeot, who carried a great wood-knife. [57] On the shore the Captain, Don Lorenzo, his brothers, and a few sailors, were waiting. Having landed, the Adelantado joined those who were on the shore, and went to the fort which the Camp Master was constructing in great haste. Before arriving, there were not wanting those who asked what was it they were wanted to do there, and one was cleaning his arquebus. The General arrived at the camp when the Camp Master was having his breakfast. He came out just as he was, without coat or hat, to receive the General, and when he found himself among so many who were not his friends, he called for staff, dagger and sword. Those who had to do the deed were arriving. The Adelantado raised his eyes to heaven, and, giving a sigh, put his hand to his sword, saying: "Long live the King! Death to traitors!" Upon this, without any delay, one Juan Antonio de la Roca took the Camp Master by the collar, and gave him two stabs, one in the mouth and the other on the breast. Then a Sergeant, with a Bohemian knife, gave him another in the side. The Camp Master cried: "Oh, gentlemen!" He turned to get his sword, but the Captain, with his wood-knife, nearly cut off his right arm. He fell, saying: "Oh, leave me time to confess." One answered that "there was no time. You can well feel contrition." The wretched man was palpitating, stretched on the ground, and crying, "Jesus Maria!" A good woman came up, and helped him to die in peace. One with a kind heart did no more than draw out the sword, and the woman gave it up. So the body was left, and the Adelantado approved the slaughter. This being done, it was presently ordered to be proclaimed that the Camp Master was dead, and that all the rest were pardoned in the name of his Majesty. The Camp Master having expired, the drummer, coveting his clothes, left him naked. The Camp Master was very zealous, a hard worker and good soldier, and in all enterprises he was the first. He appeared to be about sixty years of age, for his hair was quite white, and, though old, he was vigorous, but very impetuous. He knew how to think much, but he could not be silent, and I believe that for no other thing he was killed. At this time Don Luis and the Chief Pilot were talking near the tent of two friends of the Camp Master, and Don Luis seized one of them and stabbed him. The soldier cried out: "For me? For me? What have I done?" Don Luis left the dagger, and drew his sword; but the Chief Pilot defended the man, saying: "What is this, that without more ado men are to be killed thus?" A soldier came out of another tent with his sword drawn, and said: "What is this? Like the Camp Master?" Don Luis attacked him, and many others coming up, the soldier retreated inside, saying: "What have I done? What have I done?" Then the Captain, Don Lorenzo, came, and they killed the soldier by some houses where he had fallen. The drummer stripped them, and soldiers were stationed to guard the goods of both. Don Lorenzo and his brother came with a party of soldiers, but they found the Chief Pilot at the door, who opposed their advance, saying he would report them. Don Lorenzo told him to leave the door, crying "Death to these traitors!" The Chief Pilot said that they were friends. "Kill them! kill them!" they replied, "they deserve it more than the others." The Chief Pilot urged that they should mind what they were doing. Don Lorenzo answered that only St. Peter, if he was there, could induce them to spare the lives of such people. At the cries and noise of arms, the women came out, alarmed and agitated. Some prayed for their husbands; others wrung their hands and lamented. The men were like lunatics, going about with their eyes seeking those they would kill, shouting, with drawn swords: "Long live the King! Death to traitors!" It seemed that this was a day for avenging injuries; but to me it seemed a day of licence to lads who might go any length. After the disturbances the Sergeant-Major came out of his tent, and that he might be able to say that he had also fleshed his sword, he gave a page of the Camp Master a cut on the head, and another to one of his servants. He also tried to wound a black man who had served the Camp Master, but he saved himself by his feet. The two who were wounded went to seek protection from the General, who ordered the Sergeant-Major to leave the boys alone. One came out who was suspected; another, who cried for the King, would have killed him if the Chief Pilot had not protected him. The cry was that traitors came out with their arms; this one should have a rope; dead and alive all need to have honour. They came out, they said, to accompany the royal standard which Don Diego Barreto hoisted, and cried out for the King, to which all answered, "Death to traitors!" The Captain of the wood-knife took the two heads which the General had ordered to be put into nets, and each one was set on a pole near the corps de garde. [58] At this time the boat came from the ship in a great hurry, with the Vicar holding a lance in his hand, and the sailors under arms, crying out, "Long live the King! Death to traitors!" Coming to where they found the Adelantado, they said: "We have all come to serve his Majesty and to die with your Lordship," and they rallied round the royal standard. One of them asked the General whether it was done, and when he replied in the affirmative, the man said it was well done. On seeing the two heads he exclaimed: "A wall has henceforward fallen from before me." At this time Doña Isabel and her sister came from the ship, for the Captain with the wood-knife had been on board to announce the victory to them, and to boast of having given a good stab to the Camp Master, and of having cut off the two heads. He said: "Now you are mistress and marchioness, and I am Captain, for the Camp Master is dead. I say that it is terrible to fear wicked men with licence." When Doña Isabel landed, she went to the corps de garde. At this juncture a soldier came out of the camp, with plumes in his hat, dissimulating, and asking carelessly what was the matter, pretending that he did not know. This was the man who raised all the questions, and to whom all turned their eyes. He was allowed to be free, because the persons were few with whom he had treated. Many were frightened, and they had themselves given the occasion for the insecurity. Some commended themselves to their friends who had really been true, and they freed them. The Adelantado ordered that all should go to the church to hear Mass, which the Vicar said. When he had finished he turned his face to the people, and told them not to be scandalised at the deaths, for it was ordained. He recommended them to be quiet and obedient to the General, reminding them that by that way there was safety. They returned from the Mass in the same way they had come, with the standard, to the corps de garde. The baggage of the dead men was opened, and their enemies made a division of it. The Adelantado ordered the bodies to be buried, with which this first tragedy ended. All were dismissed to assemble again in the afternoon, with the consequence that will be described in the next chapter. CHAPTER XIX. How the soldiers killed Malope; of the arrests that were made in consequence of the murder, with the deaths of an Ensign and of a murderer of Malope. In the afternoon all assembled at the corps de garde, and the Adelantado ordered the heads to be taken down and the standard to be concealed; when one arrived who had gone with the soldiers in the morning, and reported to the Adelantado. He said that when the soldiers came to the house of Malope, he had regaled them and given them what he had. The innocent man felt secure, when a soldier raised his arquebus, pointed it at him, and fired. He fell to the ground palpitating, when a certain person, to put him out of his pain, came to him with a hatchet and cleft his skull, saying we had never done a better thing. In this way they most unjustly killed Malope, returning so much evil for so much good. It was the work rather of a devil than of a man. He had kept the country at peace, and had given us food. He was the means of inducing others to give, and his kindness had been very great. They excused themselves by saying that Malope had intended to commit treason. This seems to have been an invention to give colour to the outrage they had committed. They gave up the murderer, and he said, ordering his arms: "He is well dead. Is there any one who wants to seek my death?" The Adelantado felt it much, and so did every one, not only the deed itself, but the trouble it would lead to. The murderer was brought in a canoe, with his hands tied behind him, and the Adelantado ordered both feet to be put in the stocks. Most of the soldiers came marching along the shore. The Adelantado ordered those who were with him to conceal themselves in the corps de garde, and as they entered, coming four and four, to seize them. The Lieutenant of the Sergeant-Major entered, and four with him, who were seized and put in irons. They looked about in all directions, and, seeing the page of the Camp Master, they asked him with their eyes about his master. The boy took hold of his throat with one hand, meaning that his master was dead. The prisoners showed their sorrow. A nephew of the Camp Master then came in, whom the General honoured much, saying he knew what a good servant of the King he was; and the same with Don Toribio de Bedeterra. Presently the Ensign came with the rest of the soldiers, and Don Lorenzo disarmed him, and delivered him to four arquebusiers with irons, to be taken to a corps de garde at some distance. The wife of the prisoner went crying among the houses and branches, well aware of the danger of her husband, for she was weeping before he came. Don Lorenzo went to call the Chaplain, and the good father, as one seeing a turbulent river, did not dare to pass it. He said: "Sir Captain, what is it that you want with me? Remember that I am a priest. Oh, for the sake of the one God, do not kill me!" "Come with me," said Don Lorenzo, "just for a little." "Here! here!" said the priest; "I cannot go any further." It was explained to him that it was to confess the Ensign, and he was reassured. He presently was taken behind a tree, where the prisoner was. He began to persuade him to confess, as they were going to kill him. The prisoner said: "I to die? wherefore?" The priest undeceived him. Those who were present relate that the Ensign then said: "Let it be then as God wills;" and he knelt down at the feet of the confessor, whose duty it was and who performed his office. A black servant of the General had orders, and, with a knife, gave him a blow and then another, by which his head was cut off, and put with the other two. The body was covered with some branches, and soon afterwards thrown into the sea, at which his wife wept bitterly. The Ensign being finished with, the Captain, Don Lorenzo, in the hearing of the General, asked who should be taken out of the stocks next. He ordered that it should be the Lieutenant of the Sergeant-Major, but all entreated the Adelantado to spare his life, which he did, taking him in his hands and receiving the oath. He then retired, that he might not be asked by the next one who was ordered to be taken out of the stocks, for the Sergeant-Major had him by one arm, the Chief Pilot taking the other; but the prisoner, shaking them off, exclaimed: "Here I am. If I deserve it, cut off my head." Doña Isabel and all the others entreated the Adelantado to spare his life. He made him take the same oath as the other, and pardoned him. Rising up, the prisoner cast his eyes on the head of the Camp Master. With his hands over his face and weeping, he said, in a voice so that we could all hear: "Ah, thou honoured old man! and have you come to this at the end of so many years of service to the King? This is the reward they have given you! a vile death, and your head and grey hairs stuck on a pole." There was a soldier by his side, who said: "I cannot but mourn for the sad fate of the Camp Master, whom we looked upon as a father." The Adelantado heard them, and ordered them to be silent. They said that he should give thanks for having been delivered from the dangers in which he was, and that he should be grateful to his sponsors for the good intercession they made. He gave thanks to all, and embraced his companion with many tears. While this was passing, the murderer of Malope called to the Chief Pilot, and told him of his condition. In the name of God, he entreated the Pilot to be a good intercessor for him in his need, and for a second time he asked him to pray to the Adelantado to pardon his crime. He might be sure how well he would serve hereafter, and he wanted to marry Pancha, the Adelantado's servant (this was a native girl of Peru, of bad character, carachanta, [59] and the rest), whom the Adelantado had in his service. The Chief Pilot reassured him, saying that he might be certain that, without doing what he had pointed out, he would be a good mediator, as he would presently see. The Adelantado came to take him out of the stocks with his own hands, that he might be judged. The Chief Pilot prayed that his life might be spared, but the Adelantado said, almost in a rage: "How am I to pay for the death of my friend Malope but with the death of this man?" The Chief Pilot replied that he might show the heads of the two who were executed to the natives, and make them think that they were punished for the death of Malope; adding, that he must remember we are few, and that the position of affairs made pardon advisable. The Adelantado answered that he would consider that, and would keep him a prisoner. The Chief Pilot gave thanks for the mercy, and the prisoner was taken out of the stocks and sent on board the ship in charge of four men. This man did not care to eat, and drank salt water, turning his head to the wall with shame because some said to him: "Why did you kill that good native without cause?" Others told him he deserved to be quartered for having committed such a crime. At last it seemed to him that it would be better to die than to live. He left off caring for himself, and died very suddenly after a few days, having first received the holy sacrament, a privilege not enjoyed by the others. With this ended the tragedy of the islands where Solomon was wanting. CHAPTER XX. Of the great mourning for Malope among the natives. The great sickness that prevailed in the camp; with the deaths of the Adelantado and the Chaplain, and the victories gained by the natives. Next morning, great cries of sorrow were heard in the village and house of Malope, raised by a large assembly of people. The Adelantado ordered that a party should presently go with the head of the Ensign, and give it to the natives, telling them that, as the best thing that could be done, this other life had been taken for the death of Malope. But when the natives saw the boat coming to their village, leaving their mournings, they all fled into the woods. Those in the boat called to them to come back, holding up the head; but it was no use, they all hid themselves. Seeing this, the head was left at the door of the house, and the boat returned. At the petition of the Vicar, the Adelantado ordered the other two heads to be taken down from the poles, that they might be buried. The burial was neglected; and, as they were left that night on the beach, they were found next morning with all the flesh and skin gone, for the dogs had eaten them. All this time the Adelantado became each day more unwell. He ordered a house to be built for him in great haste, in which, having landed with his family, he established himself. Now the punishment came down from Heaven which we deserved for our treacheries, disorders, and cruelties, in the shape of sickness without the means of curing it. The Captain, Don Lorenzo, in whose charge all things were now placed by land and sea, early one morning sent twenty soldiers and an officer in the boat to seize some boys, with the object of teaching them our language, as we could not understand theirs. The natives, who carefully concealed themselves, defended the landing with such vigour that before our men could get back the officer and seven men were wounded with arrows. Enjoying the occasion, they followed up the repulse with many shots of arrows and stones, and with great shouts. They came so near the camp that Don Lorenzo had to issue forth with the banner displayed, and all the rest of the men who were not sick, to defend the gate. As the natives retired, they fired a volley of arrows which went home, wounding six men and Don Lorenzo himself, who were brought in and attended to. Upon this, Don Lorenzo sent a soldier in charge of a party, to burn canoes and houses, and to do as much damage as possible, the result being eight wounded soldiers. With these three victories, all gained on the same day, the natives became so audacious that they shot arrows into the camp at night, and threw stones with such effect that they wounded two men, one of them dying. Owing to the sickness of the Adelantado, and the number of wounded soldiers, we could only defend and secure the camp, the attempts of our soldiers being confined to getting "bledos," which sometimes cost them dear. On the Vigil of St. Luke the Evangelist, the first of our companions died, the Chaplain, Antonio de Serpa, for whose decease the Vicar mourned deeply, and raised sad lamentation, turning up his eyes to heaven, and saying: "Oh, my God! how great is the punishment that You send for my sins. You leave me, O Lord, without a priest to whom to confess. O, Father Antonio de Serpa! Happy are you to have died after having received the sacrament. Who would not change places with you, and not remain in mine, in which I am so abandoned, for I can confess all who are here, but have no one to confess me." He went about with his face hidden, and would not be consoled He went to the church, and wept at the altar. The good Vicar said that, in mourning for the dead, he opened the tomb where he was buried. On the following night, which was the 17th of October, there was a total eclipse of the moon; when it rose in the east it was completely eclipsed. The Adelantado was so weak that he gave orders about his will, which he could scarcely sign. He left Doña Isabel Barreto, his wife, as general heir, and nominated her as Governess, for his Majesty had issued a special decree giving him power to name any person he chose for his successor. He nominated his brother-in-law, Don Lorenzo, to be Captain-General; and, ordering the Vicar to be called, he complied with all the obligations required for his soul. In this way the night passed, and the day arrived, which was that of St. Luke. Seeing the end so near, the Vicar said that a person of good life knew how much it imported to die well, so that there might be time to make his peace with God. He said other things alike holy and pious, which the Adelantado heard, showing not only attention but great contrition, and making it to be well understood how submissive he was to the will of God who created him. The Vicar had a crucifix brought, in whose presence the Adelantado seemed to bend the knees in his heart. Helping to say the Miserere mei and the Creed, at one o'clock after noon our Adelantado passed from this life, with which there ended his enterprise, so much and for so long a time desired. He was a person zealous for the honour of God and the service of the King, to whom the things ill done did not appear good, nor did those well done appear evil. He was very plain-spoken, not diffuse in giving his reasons, and he himself said that he did not want arguments but deeds. It seemed that he saw clearly those matters which touched his conscience. It seemed to me that he might say with reason that he knew more than he performed, yet he saw nothing that passed by stealth. The Governess felt his death, as did others, though some rejoiced at it. In the afternoon, with as much pomp as the circumstances would admit, we prepared for his sepulture. The body was placed in a coffin covered with black cloth, and carried on the shoulders of eight persons of the highest rank. The soldiers stood with their arquebuses reversed, in accordance with usage at the funerals of Generals. The procession went with two banners displayed, and from two drums covered with mourning cloth came slow and muffled sounds, while the fife expressed the like sentiments. Arrived at the church, the Vicar performed the service, and we then returned to the Governess to condole with her on her misfortune. CHAPTER XXI. How the Vicar delivered some admonitions to the soldiers, and the examples he gave. After the two deaths already described, the Vicar reflected how serious the sickness was, and that one, two, or three died every day, and began to perambulate the camp, crying with a loud voice: "Is there one who wants to confess? Put yourselves well with God, and attend to the welfare of your souls, for a punishment has come upon us, from which none can escape, how numerous soever we may be. The natives will triumph over us, and will remain, enjoying our clothes and arms and all we possess in this place, where God holds us prisoners, to chastise us according to our deserts. Think that if God punishes a whole kingdom for one sin, how will He punish here where they are so many. There are men here who have not confessed for three, five, seven, nine, fourteen and thirty years, and one who has only confessed once in his life. There are men here who have caused the deaths of two and three other men; there is a man who does not know whether he is a Moor or a Christian; others have committed sins so foul and so serious that, being such, I will not name them. Remember how God conferred with David, and told him out of three punishments to choose one. We have among us sickness, war, famine and discord, and we are far from any remedy. Reflect that we have God incensed against us, and that the naked and bloody sword of His justice, with which He goes forth to kill, is ready to put an end to us. Fully justified is His judgment. The punishment is not so great nor so rigorous as we deserve. Confess yourselves! clean your souls, and with the repentance, appease the anger of God, Who wishes not the death of a sinner, but rather that he should turn from his wickedness and live. Open your eyes, and see what a terrible chastisement is this." The good priest went about day after day performing his office, giving the sacrament to the sick, burying the dead, and seeking the means of inducing those who did not wish to confess to yield. At other times, with the same anxious spirit, he said that the mercy of Christ was much greater than our sins, how ugly and heinous soever they might be; and that one single drop of the blood which was shed in the Passion was sufficient for the sins of infinite worlds. None of those who were there, be their sins what they may, should lose hope; rather, with the faith and constancy of Christians, they should put their trust in God, Who knows how to pardon sinners. In order further to console and encourage them all by examples, he told the two following anecdotes:-- In a town in Peru there was a Franciscan friar in his convent, of pure life, at whose feet a soldier, who was his neighbour and known to him, knelt down to confess; and as he knelt, he put his eyes on a crucifix, and said in his heart: "O Lord, have mercy on this soul!" On the instant, the image came down from the cross, came half the distance, and said: "Doubt not! confess and be absolved. It was for thee, and other sinners like thee, that I came to the world." The other story was that, in the Indies, there was a man rich in goods, but poor in virtue, who sinned, and had old and well-grown roots in many vices. He was a man who sometimes came to the camp with dagger and lance, closed teeth, and eyes raised to heaven, saying: "O God! come down here, to this place, and come with me to see who is the bravest;" and he said other things, showing as little fear or reverence for God as this. This man, being out one night, and passing a room of his, praying with some beads, heard a voice which said: "Oh! such an one, wherefore do you not recite with devotion on that rosary?" Astonished and full of fear, he struck a light, and looked into the room, but saw no one. Continuing to search, he found an image of Our Lady, painted on paper. Raising it from the ground, he put it on the wall, and, kneeling down, he held it with one hand, while he recited on his rosary. While thus employed, two negroes came to him, put out the light, stripped him naked, and flogged him until he was nearly dead. At this juncture he saw the room brilliantly lighted, and a voice said: "Go! go! and leave this soul which is not thine, for My Son has granted it to Me through His mercy and My prayers." In a moment, the negroes left him, and the light disappeared. The patient went away as well as he could, and laid down on his bed. He sent for a friar, who asked what had happened that he should send for him in the middle of the night. He related what had happened, showed him the wounds and bruises, and begged urgently to be confessed, saying that it was thirty-eight years since he had confessed. The confessor heard and consoled him, saying that much worse sins were pardoned by God with a free hand. His confession lasted for seventeen days, and he was absolved with a small penance. A fever came upon him, and wasted him so, that on the day when he finished his confession he died like a saint. With these stories, and in many other ways, as Christian as these, the Vicar secured the salvation of the souls which could be brought into the right way; and the better to fulfil the duties of his office, he came on shore to live in the house of one of the men who had died. CHAPTER XXII. In which is related what more passed with the natives. Knowing the time, the natives came in pursuit of their vengeance, and sought out our people every day, carrying shields, thinking to defend themselves against the arquebus, as the shields protected us from their arrows. They were very careful to take warning, and so, with this animosity, they shot arrows from among the trees and branches, aiming at the face and legs, which were, they saw, unprotected. It was the soldiers' fault, because they took up the arrows and drove their points against the shields and other protected parts, to show the natives that they did no harm. But it only showed the natives that they must aim at the eyes or legs; so they understood the secret, and always shot at those two places. The General, Don Lorenzo, seeing that they came to seek us in camp, ordered a soldier, with twelve others under him, to go to the village of Malope and do harm there, assuming that it was his people who made the attacks. They burnt the village and returned, the inhabitants having fled into the woods. While this was going on, the natives nearest to the camp were shouting and saying: "See what they are doing to the village of Malope, and the disposition that these people are showing." We called to them from the camp with a flag of peace (they also use the same). After a time some of them came, and the General came out to speak with them, taking the Chief Pilot with him, and six arquebusiers in attendance to be ready for anything that might occur. But the natives, when they saw the arquebusiers, began to go back, at the same time making signs that they were not to come. The General ordered them to stop, and using endearing terms, he said that we were friends, asking why they did not bring in food as they used to do. They complained, saying by signs that if we were friends, why did we kill them, there being peace? They said "Malope! Malope! why friends pu" (the name they gave to an arquebus); meaning that if we were friends of Malope, why had we killed him with an arquebus, and were now burning his village, pointing with a finger. The General replied that those who had done the harm were now dead, and a head had been sent to the village as a punishment for what had been done. They asked for the Jauriqui, [60] their name for the Adelantado, and were told that he was in the camp. Don Lorenzo asked them to bring food; and they did so, coming on the following and subsequent days. These natives appeared to me to be well ordered and easy to be brought into habits of peace; and they kept faith entirely. In my opinion we waged war upon them, while they gave their property to us. All the time that peace was broken with them, we were in great need for want of their helps, and the soldiers could not go out to seek for food. This want was supplied by the flour that had been brought from Peru, which was the life of the expedition. CHAPTER XXIII. In which it is related what happened until the death of the General, Don Lorenzo Barreto. Don Lorenzo, with his infirmity, did what he could for the sustenance and welfare of the camp, and for a third time sent the frigate, with the Captain of artillery, to search for the Almiranta, giving him instructions as to the course he was to pursue. The Captain went, and worked diligently, but did not find her. He shaped a course to one of the three islets already mentioned, surrounded by reefs. Here he captured eight youths, four grown up, and all of tawny colour, well made, with fine eyes, and good presence. He also collected some pearl shells, which he found in a village, and with them he returned to the ship. The General sent Don Diego de Vera, as leader, with some soldiers who were most healthy, to seek for natives, to be held as hostages, so as to induce the rest not to try to do us harm. They brought in three women and six children, and their husbands often came to see them, with many others. They came to pray for their liberation, with many caresses, and to content them we gave them up. There was a movement to seek permission from the Governess to leave that land; and those who worked it ordered the soldiers to sign a document which the Vicar gave them, so that it should be submitted in the name of all. One answered that they should not be ordered to sign, for that the Adelantado had killed the Camp Master and two soldiers for signing a paper. He was assured that if he signed there would now be no penalty, as the time was different. The Vicar drew up a petition in which he gave the reasons, which he said were sufficient, for abandoning the settlement. The Governess and the General ordered that information should be taken, of which, when the magistrate asked for a copy (as he said) they ordered him to pass on: as all the people on shore had signed the paper, they took all the seamen as witnesses. As the Chief Pilot had shown how much the desire to form a settlement would cost, I say that one day a friend of his came to him on board, and, I know not whether it was out of charity or envy, told him to hold his tongue, for if not he would be killed or left alone on that island. His persistence reached such a point that he offered to sow, and maintain the seamen; but the suspicion and hatred they conceived of such a proceeding was such that they never wished to let him go on the excursions they made by sea. Thus they attacked the intention of coming there, after leaving the chances of being able to do much in Peru, to employ themselves on discoveries of such importance. This seems to me to free the land from much that our sailors say about it, that it was the worst that was known: giving as a reason the numerous deaths and the sickness. It is quite clear that to change of temperature, diet, and customs, to work and go about in the sun, to get wet without changing, to settle in woods in winter, to sleep on the ground with damp and other things inimical to health, with men who are not made of stone, will bring on sickness; while the want of medical men who understand what is wrong, and of remedies that should be applied, nor the presence of any one to give them, are the open doors of death. Besides, there are positions more healthy than others in populous cities and towns; so that I understand that only a small part is exposed to the above evils. Even here those who remained on the sea never fell ill. If the land was as unhealthy as was represented, the sick, with so much against them, would not have survived so long. Many lived for weeks and months, and none died suddenly, as happens at Nombre de Dios, Puerto Bello, Panama, Cabo Verde, San Tomé, and other unhealthy places, where, with all needful remedies, the sick succumb in a short time, even in a few hours. The sick continued to die, and it was a sad thing to see them in the clutches of disease, stretched out, some delirious, others nearly so; some wanting to go on board, hoping to find health there, others wanting to go from the ship to the camp, hoping to find it on shore. The General supplied their wants so far as was possible, and the Governess did what she could, other persons helping out of charity; but all that could be done was little, seeing that the needs were great. At this time the Vicar fell ill, and as the land did not seem a good place to him, he returned to the ship. The General who, as has already been mentioned, was wounded in the leg, found it necessary to take to his bed, where he got worse every minute. The camp was now in such a condition that it did not contain fifteen healthy soldiers, and these were all lads who could endure fevers better, though in fifteen days the fever does not run its course. The Chief Pilot went to visit Don Lorenzo, to inquire after his health, but he replied in much affliction: "Ah! Chief Pilot! I shall die without confession;" and presently he said: "Ah, death! in what a condition you take me." With his eyes fixed on the crucifix, he exclaimed: "I am a sinner. O, Lord! pardon me." The Chief Pilot, knowing his great need, consoled him by saying that he would go and ask the Vicar to come as he was. He went on board and entreated the Vicar, for the love of God, to come and confess Don Lorenzo, because he was dying fast. The Vicar replied that he was dying too; that if he would bring Don Lorenzo on board he would confess him. The Chief Pilot answered that Don Lorenzo was passing away; that even to turn him in his bed it was necessary to have a line hung from the roof, and that only with this, and the help of two men, could he be turned. He was young, and the Vicar knew that he ought not to allow him, nor any other person who sought confession, to die without it. "Your worship wishes to kill me," replied the Vicar; "can you not see that I am unable to stand on my feet? So little do you care for my health. Let them carry me where they please, though I may die." So he was put in the boat, trembling and wrapped in a blanket. He was carried to the side of Don Lorenzo in his bed, whom he confessed, as well as all others who wished to confess. A soldier, seeing how ill the Vicar was, said very sorrowfully: "Ah, Sir! what is this that I see? What have we come to?" They returned to the ship. That night Don Lorenzo was much worse, and at break of day, the 2nd of November, he died. May God pardon him! He was mourned for, and buried in the same way as his brother-in-law, the Adelantado. Among the rest a soldier died, who received death with such a cheerful countenance that in the words he spoke, and what he did, he seemed to be a pilgrim on the road to heaven. CHAPTER XXIV. In which the unhappy condition of our people is related, the death of the Vicar, and the embarkation of all hands. Our condition, as above related, had reached such a point that, if only ten determined natives had come, they could have killed us all, and destroyed the settlement. At last the sick, pressed by the evils they suffered, which were great, went on board the ship, and the Governess with them, leaving the flag on shore with the few soldiers who still retained some health, to provide wood and water. On Monday, the 7th of November, the flag and the rest of the people were embarked, and so an end was given to this promising enterprise. I never expected anything else, and it must be left in the claws of him who held it before, [61] until God permits others to come forward who are more desirous of the welfare of those lost ones, that with a finger they may show the way to that salvation for which they were created. The settlement remained a spectacle for sentiment and reflection on the disastrous and brief course of events which took place in it. It was a noteworthy thing to see the dogs running along the beach and barking, as if they were asking why the people went away and left them behind. The smallest dog rushed into the sea, and came swimming to the ship, and for such fidelity was taken on board; and of him it may be said that fortune favours the brave. The Vicar made his will, and three soldiers kept watch with him during the following night. He asked one of them to read to him the "Symbol of the Faith," by Fray Luis de Granada. When day came, the Chief Pilot, seeing the little hope there was for his life, and that he appeared to be dying, said to him that the time was short, and that he should look to what concerned his soul. He answered that it was well, and that he did not grieve for anything. The Chief Pilot said that his was the office of a friend, to tell him that he must not deceive himself, for that he was near his end. "Why did you not tell me so sooner," said the Vicar, and the Chief Pilot answered that he never thought that the illness would bring him to his present condition. The Vicar asked for a crucifix, and with it in his hands he said: "Oh eternal Father who sent me; that which I should do I understand not, and presently power of speech will be gone." Thus his death-agony came, and he gave his soul to the Saviour and Creator. This loss was what we deserved for our sins. Punishment and castigation came that we might not deceive ourselves, but know that God was enraged against us, for after so many bodily afflictions He now took from us our spiritual gift. His death was much felt, though not by all, for all do not know how to feel such losses. The Vicar, Juan Rodriguez de Espinosa, was a very honourable priest, for whom, by reason of his virtue and good parts, much love was due. The Chief Pilot caused him to be buried in the sea; not being willing that it should be on shore, lest the natives should disinter and insult his remains. CHAPTER XXV. How we made two more incursions, which were the last, and what passed until we made sail. Next day the wind was from the north, and, although moderate, three cables parted, by which the ship was secured, leaving only one slight cable which appeared to be too weak to hold a ship. Yet it was so strong that it saved the ship from going on shore, which was very near. Later, Luis Andrada was sent in charge of thirty men to seek for provisions for the voyage. He went to the small island which we called the garden, "Huerta," and found five large canoes in a bay, laden with the biscuit of that country, which the natives had there concealed, and without any difficulty he collected them all and sent them to the ship. He said that he killed one hundred and twenty pigs, of which he brought some. He found the natives peaceful at first; but afterwards they were hostile, because the ill-disposed soldiers illtreated them. They made holes in the narrow paths, covered with branches and earth, and in them they planted upright stakes, on which a soldier hurt his foot. With what was obtained by this incursion, order was taken for the sick, and the ship was supplied with the whole. The leader came back, and soon afterwards the Chief Pilot went, with twenty men, to the same island, following many canoes of the natives. Leaving six men in the boat, he jumped on shore with the rest, and the natives, threatening war, received them with arrows in their hands, making the perneta, shouting and dancing round. The Pilot held up a white flag as a sign of peace, but they danced and shouted all the more. It was a narrow path, with trees on each side, and they began to send arrows and stones from all directions. Two arquebus shots were fired, and the village was entered; but nothing more was found but biscuits in the houses, and roots tasting like oranges, and of the same colour. The natives were followed to a hill, and, reaching the top, we found ourselves on a fine plain, with great abundance of fruit cultivation. The soldiers cut many large bunches of plantains, got a quantity of cocoa nuts, and found a great supply of biscuit in a house. Laden with these provisions, and keeping close to each other, they all got into the boat without any further mishap; and though there was an encounter with the natives, none were either killed or wounded. For the Chief Pilot gave orders to the soldiers not to fire to hit but to frighten. Having done this, he ordered the boat to follow along the shore to a place where he went to cut small palms. But when he arrived, the boat was not to be seen, however much they tried to find her. All agreed that the best plan would be to go back to the place where they first landed. They marched until sunset, when they came to a place where some rocks made a good shelter. For this reason, and having found a canoe there, the Chief Pilot decided on passing the night, and sending a man in the canoe to report their position to the ship, that those on board might send to look for them. The Chief Pilot said that he was anxious about the boat, and much more when he considered the insecure position in which the best sailors were placed, without whom the rest could not take the ship to any place where they would be saved; and thus there would be no notice of the discovery that had been made, nor of the rest that was surmised. He asked what powder the soldiers had. They replied that they had ten rounds. He said that was little, and that it would be better to go on and look for some of the canoes. When taken, if the natives required them, after all the powder was expended, they would defend themselves with swords and shields. If anything had happened to the boat, the natives would have seen, and would have hidden their canoes so that we might not get away. This was agreed to. A soldier was given command of the vanguard, and he, with some others, marched along the beach where the trees grew very thick, no one having touched them since their creation, with some great rocks. It was almost impossible to make a way through this in the day-time; how much less on a dark night. Sometimes the water was up to their knees, and at others to their middles. They went climbing and descending from trunks and rocks, making their way either in the sea or through the woods. Altogether, there were ten of them, two being ill and asking the others to go and leave them, for that they could hold out no longer. The Chief Pilot, who heard this, said that they must not be left behind, but must be brought along, even if it became necessary to carry them. They pushed on a little further, but it was past midnight when they heard two arquebus shots, and presently two more. The companions in front pressed onwards to ascertain the cause, and found that the boat had just arrived. They had been detained by contrary winds, and had made the round of the island. The party got into the boat and returned to the ship, arriving at break of day, and finding all on board anxious, owing to their long absence. On this day the Governess proposed to the Pilots that they should depart from that island in search of San Cristobal, to see if the Almiranta was there, and to do what would be best for the service of God and His Majesty; and that if she was not found, her determination was to go to the city of Manilla in the Philippines, to engage priests and people, and return to complete that discovery. On this subject she asked, persuaded, and ordered each person present to give his views in the form that appeared most convenient. The view and opinion of all was that a W.S.W. course should be shaped so long as was necessary to reach a latitude of 11°, and if neither the island nor the Almiranta were found, then to proceed to the Philippines. They all signed their names, and the Chief Pilot undertook to return in company with the Governess, if she returned as she proposed. The Chief Pilot said to the Governess that the ship being so injured, both in hull and rigging, the sailors few, the men sick, and it being necessary to give thirty of the most healthy to navigate the frigate and the galeot, it would be best to abandon those two small vessels. For if this was done, the voyage of the Capitana would be much more secure; for the two small vessels were in bad order, their pilots were not satisfactory, and their rigging, sails and people would all be serviceable on board the Capitana. To this the Captain of the galeot said that it was because the ships had not cost him any money that he wanted to abandon them. The Chief Pilot replied that he had no other motive than consideration for the good of all; that in Manilla, whither they intended to go, they would find other and better vessels for less than 200 dols., and for such a small sum it was not worth while to risk so much. The Captain of the galeot had on his side certain ill-conditioned enemies of truth and reason, and these the Governess had for her council of state of war and marine. Each one said a little, and so things remained, nothing being done. Presently they wanted to get rid of the trouble and charge of the sick. It was ordered that they should be sent to the frigate. The Chief Pilot protested, saying that it was unjust to send them where the conveniences were much less, or to deprive them of the comfort they had where they were in the ship, especially as all could be accommodated in the large ship, safe from the sun, night air, and damp. They replied that a sail could be set up to form a tent, underneath which they could lie at their pleasure. The Chief Pilot answered that the navigation would not always admit of tents being set up, and that the sick always needed care. It was publicly ordered that they should remain, but nevertheless a sergeant began to get them into the boat. One cried out, and the Chief Pilot came and delivered them from men with so little pity and so much folly. Finally, the Governess ordered that they should stay, and so they remained. In the afternoon the Chief Pilot went to visit the frigate and the galeot, leaving with them the necessary supplies of flour and water. He gave them instructions respecting the navigation they would have to work, and a chart to the Pilot of the frigate, who neither had one nor knew how to use it. At night the Captain, Don Diego de Vera, with some persons of his company, went on shore to disinter the body of the Adelantado, to be taken on board the frigate to Manilla; for on board the Capitana they would not consent to receive it, owing to objections which are never wanting. CHAPTER XXVI. How the ship and the other two vessels departed from the bay of Graciosa; the labours during the voyage; the loss of the galeot; and gives an account of a hermit. The distance from the bay of Graciosa to Manilla is 900 leagues. On the following day, the 18th of November of the same year, the three vessels sailed in quest of the island of San Cristobal; and the gear was in such a state that the falls carried away three times in getting the boat in. In one month forty-seven persons died. Nearly all the rest were ill but joyful, as it seemed to them that their troubles were over. They turned their eyes to the huts of the settlement, saying: "Ah! there you remain, thou corner of Hell, that has cost us so much! mourning for husbands, brothers, and friends," they said; and went on, overcome by their own feelings. On this day and the next they steered W.S.W. Having taken the sun, and made the calculations, the result was 11°. We looked to see if land could be seen in any direction, but none was seen. On this same day the Boatswain and four other seamen fell ill. The five or six who remained well said to the Chief Pilot that the ship was unfit for sea, full of sick, in want of water and food; and that they could not continue to plough the sea in her. The soldiers joined with them, and there was no want of voices; nor was there wind, and the mainstay was carried away. There was appearance of evil, which lasted for a bit, owing to the opinions being different. Things being put right, the Chief Pilot said to the Governess that they were in the latitude of 11°, and that, in accordance with the agreement, she must order what should be done. She replied, that as the island of San Cristobal was not in sight, and the Almiranta could not be found, she would shape a course for Manilla. The Chief Pilot made his course N.W. with the wind S.E. to avoid New Guinea, which was very near, and not to get among the islands. If it had not been for the wretched condition of the ship, I should have given orders to coast along that land, and find out what it was. On this course we continued to sail until the 27th of the month, when we were in 5°. On that day we saw a great trunk, a great mass of reeds, with three almonds like those we had left, much straw and snakes. The wind was S.W., with squalls and showers from that direction. By these signs we understood that New Guinea was close on board. We began to experience great waves coming from N.W. and N.N.W., which knocked the ship about, and it was worse when there were calms or light winds: a sign that these winds come from the other side of the line. This continued nearly as far as the Ladrone Islands. There were also variables up to 5° N., where breezes sprang up from N.E. which lasted all the voyage. If the sun should be near the zenith when it was in Capricorn, I know not how it would be on crossing the equinoctial line. We sailed on until the 10th of December, when I found the latitude half a degree from the line, a position in which the sky was clear, the air quiet, the sea smooth, but no land in sight; but so cold at night that it was necessary to use blankets. Yet in the day the sun was so hot, that even when it was near the horizon the heat could hardly be borne. The galeot had not been seen for several days, for she had parted company; so, wishing to comply with her obligations to the Capitana, the Governess ordered that her Captain should be notified that, on pain of being declared a traitor, he should keep his position, and not be more than half a league off. For it seemed that the Capitana, from her general unseaworthiness, and having her mainmast sprung, could never reach safety. Yet on that night the galeot stood on another tack, and disappeared, without being any more seen. The ration that was served out consisted of half a pound of flour, of which they made mashed-up paste with salt water, baked in the hot ashes; half a quartillo [62] of water full of powdered cockroaches, which made it very nauseous and stinking. There was not much good fellowship, owing to the great sickness and little conformity of feeling. What were most evident were the ulcers coming out on feet and legs, the sadness, groans, hunger, infirmities, and deaths, with mourning for those whom it concerned. Scarcely a day passed without throwing one or two overboard, and on some days there were three and four. It came to this: that there was no little difficulty in carrying the dead up from the between decks. The sick became rabid from the effluvia of mud and filth that was in the ship. Nothing was hidden. All the prayers were for water; some begged for a single drop, showing their tongues, pointing with their fingers, like the rich man and Lazarus. The women, with children at their breasts, prayed for water, while all complained of a thousand things. Here could well be seen the good friend, he who was a father or a son, the charity and patience that was shown. Here, too, might be seen one who could accommodate himself to the times, and who could be resigned. Many deaths without confession took place, and other evils which to think of together were to feel above measure. The Salve was recited in the afternoon, before the image of Our Lady of Solitude, which was all the consolation in this pilgrimage. There had come on this expedition a venerable old man and good Christian, who in Lima was barchilon, [63] and served in the hospital of the natives. His name was Juan Leal, which he was through all the events he was concerned with. This servant of God and worthy man, in poor health, for he was convalescent, without rest, which in good sooth it had been well if he had found, but he only sought time to occupy himself night and day without ceasing--was he who, in camp and on board, and in the present voyage, devoted himself to the service of the sick with cheerful faith. He showed that his bowels were full of charity, for all that was done for the sick passed through his hands. He bled them, cupped them, made their beds, helped them to a good death, prepared and accompanied their bodies to sepulture, or got them out of danger; a man, in short, who did well in word and deed, though deeply feeling the numerous miserable sights he beheld. But there were ears to which his voices reached, and not finding doors, they returned to their master, who afresh converted them into more love and care to help, as he did help with his accustomed piety. CHAPTER XXVII. Of the state in which the ship was as she continued her voyage, and of the death of the hermit. A list was made of the surviving sick, and each one was given, besides his ordinary ration, a plate of fritters helped out with honey and treacle, and in the afternoon a mug of water with a little sugar to help as sustenance. Those who were a little stronger had double rations to enable them to work at the pumps four times a day, at which they suffered fearfully, for some hid themselves, others sat down, and others stopped, saying they could not work. Night passed without being able to give rest from the evil that was so near, for its clamours and forced necessities were two things which it was not possible to remedy. The rigging and sails were so rotten that repairs were incessant, and splicing and sewing was constantly needed. These were evils that could not be amended. The main mast was sprung from the step, and the step of the bowsprit, from not being morticed, hung on one side, taking the bowsprit with it, which caused us great anxiety. The sprit sail with all its gear fell into the sea, and none of it could be recovered. The main stay carried away a second time, and it was necessary to make another stay with part of the hemp cable, and the backstays of the mainmast, which were unrove for the purpose. There was not a yard that was not bent downwards owing to parted lifts, the topsail ties were gone, and perhaps for three days at a time the sail was flapping in the waist, because no one cared to hoist it with a rope that had been spliced thirty-three times. We took down the topsails and mizen in order to mend the courses, which at last were the only sails we used. Of the hull of the ship it may be said with truth that only the beams kept the people above water, for they were of that excellent wood of Guayaquil called guatchapeli, [64] which never seems to grow old. The ship was so open in the dead wood that the water ran in and out of the ship when we sailed on a bowline. The sailors, from the hard work and their weakness, and from seeing the ship in such a state, set no store by their lives; and one of them said to the Chief Pilot that he was tired of being always tired, that he would rather die once than many times, and that they might as well shut their eyes and let the ship go to the bottom. They did not want to work, saying that neither God nor the King required them to do what was impossible. The men said they were without strength, and if one took another in his arms he was unable to hold him up. If they should die, who was there that could revive them? The Chief Pilot answered one of them that if he should jump overboard, the Devil would have him body and soul. Many others said that as he knew how to command, he should give them nourishment from the jars of wine, oil, and vinegar which the Governess had, or that it should be sold to them in exchange for their work; that they would give receipts and pay at Manilla, or make a return in kind. They said this was necessary for them in order to recover strength to work the ship, and that if they all died she would die also. When there was the greatest necessity for them, then they would show her needs and remember what had passed. The Chief Pilot submitted their prayer to the Governess several times during the voyage, saying it was much worse to die than not to expend stores. She said that there was more obligation to her than to the sailors who talked of her favour, and if two were hanged the rest would hold their tongues. The Chief Pilot answered that he only referred to the matter in order to apply a remedy to pressing needs, that the sailors were good men, that if he advocated their cause it was not for any obligation he owed to them, but that the ship might be taken where she herself wished, and that the obligation to please her did not relieve him from the duty of his office, the pay being equal to the debt. At last she served out two jars of oil; but they were soon used up, when the complaints were renewed and continued throughout the voyage. The soldiers seeing so long a time before them (for no time is short to those who suffer) also said a good deal: that they would gladly exchange this life for a sentence of death in a prison, or for a place on a bench in a Turkish galley, where they might die confessed, or live in the hope of a victory or a ransom. Hope in God, whose power is greater than all our necessities, said one, for that will prove an armed voyage, and above poverty. This death, which I hold to be a happy termination to a life of good works when received with meekness, was doing service to the Lord in calling, in good time, our dear Juan Leal, who went to his reward in heaven for the merits of what he had done on earth. He died alone and forsaken, like the rest. He was exemplary in his life and customs, he valued the world and its affairs for what they were worth, he went about dressed in sackcloth next to his skin, and reaching half down his legs, with bare feet, and long hair and beard. He had passed many years in this severe course of life, serving hospitals, after having previously served for many years as a soldier in Chile. On the same night a sick man fell overboard, it was not known how, crying out for help; but he was left and was no more seen. CHAPTER XXVIII. How there was a proposal to elect a General; the reply of the Chief Pilot to it; the advice given by a man to the Governess, and the loss of the frigate. The Chief Pilot took great care of the water, as there was little left, and, by secret means, there were great wasters of it. He was therefore present when it was served out. The Governess used it very largely, requiring it to wash her clothes, for which purpose she sent a jar to be filled. The Chief Pilot said that the position should be considered, and that it did not seem just to use so much water, when there was so little. At this she took great offence, and felt it so much that she said very angrily: "Cannot I do what I please with my own property?" The Chief Pilot answered: "It belongs to all, and it will go to all. The cup is good for him that cannot wash, and it is your duty to curtail your own allowance, that the soldiers may not say that you wash your clothes with their life's blood. You should put a high value on the patience of those who are suffering, for they might take by force what there is in the ship. Starving people sometimes know how to help themselves." Upon this the Governess took the keys of the store room away from the steward, who was an honest man, to whom the Chief Pilot had entrusted them, and gave them to one of her own servants. There were not wanting those who said to the Chief Pilot that he ought not to allow himself to be ruled by a woman, and that if it was put to the vote, the majority would be for a man. But the Chief Pilot answered that they should leave her to enjoy her just title for the brief space that remained. When the time came that he was forced to act, it would then appear more reasonable to say what is now said without considering her. One honest man [65] was anxious to see less bickering in the ship, and more order and peace than prevailed there. Knowing that some of the hungry and suffering people had determined to force their way into the store room when it was opened, and knowing what must happen from this project, whether fights or other mischief, so that the little food that remained would be got by blows--he said many things to the Governess touching her rule. There were not wanting those who told her not to trust him, and knowing this, he spoke thus to her: "Consider, Lady, that those who speak to you are not saints, and well they show it in what they say, for they seek their own benefit and the evil of others. Trust in the men in whom your husband trusted, for have you not seen that in his necessities and your own they have loyally done their duty, seeing your risk. Be assured that here there is no one who desires to rise, nor who would consent to it, nor any who do not owe to you a sole obedience in all that is just." She replied: "Here they come to me with complaints that I do not wish to hear." He answered: "Do not listen to them nor believe them, and treat the men well. See with what heavy loads they are laden. They might throw them off, and refuse to carry them, or make some evil agreement, so as to agree afterwards. Be sure that each one thinks that, although miseries overflow, compensations are not wanting. To these your brethren be considerate. Do not look upon them as a petty government of many heads without feet, or of many feet without a head. Reflect well on what are new affairs. These people wish for little, and here they suffer much. They owe nothing, yet they owe much; and for what they owe to you they dissimulate. If they had not come here, no one would owe anything, nor would what is wanted now be wanted; and to you all is more than owing." At last this man asked her, "What ought he to do who was warned that some wanted to kill others on board the ship?" She answered that he should look out. He then said: "I know that it was you yourself and your brother who plotted to kill me, and you sharpened the knives; but I did not believe it easily, though I was told by a friend. Nor did I fail in caution, though now I may. You see here how it has been made sure, and if you should wish it, you can have assurance, though you may not believe who it was that deceived you. I am not afraid of what I have told you and excused, for there are very few women with such heads as Dido, Zenobia, and Semiramis." With these troubles we went on steering the same course, N.N.W., until Tuesday, the 17th of December, when we were in 3° 30' N. The men in the frigate were worn out by work at the pump, and it was necessary to give them three more to help them at their labour. Sailors were sent to check the water, which was coming in at many places. No diligence availed, and she could not keep up with the Capitana. The people were very sad, yet desirous to save the vessel because the body of the Adelantado was on board. Knowing the danger, the Chief Pilot said to the Governess several times, that it seemed right to abandon the frigate, taking off the people, who would be safe, while the ship would be better manned. As he could not prevail, he said to Don Diego de Vera, Captain of the frigate: "You know how to complain; how is it you do not know how to make things safe? Do you not see that it will be the death of yourself and your companions? Come on board this ship, for here you will be welcomed like brothers." At last the frigate was lost sight of at night, for which cause the Chief Pilot eased off the sheets, and waited until the next day in the afternoon. The soldiers began to make an outcry, saying it was no time to delay the navigation, for that the frigate would not appear, that she may have gone ahead, and that if not it was God for us all and each for himself. The Chief Pilot answered that it would be an ill deed to abandon that vessel full of friends on the high sea, without such a pilot as could take her to safety. If she parted company, she could not be secure of reaching port. She was never more seen. CHAPTER XXIX. How they came in sight of an island bearing north, and of the great danger in which the ship was placed. With the wind from the E. and N.E. the ship continued her N.N.W. course, and on the following Saturday she came in sight of an island, for which they steered cheerfully in hopes of a port and provisions. But as it did not appear well to the Chief Pilot to go too near an unknown land during the night, he ordered the ship to be tacked. The sailors, accustomed to work, said they were not tired, and that they were quite ready to go on. The Chief Pilot eased off the foresheet, put the helm down, and the ship went round. This seemed to be the inspiration of an angel, for if she had not been put about she would certainly have been lost, as will be seen further on. Up to where the ship was the sea was clear and unbroken, but further on it was not known what the ship would strike against. At dawn the ship stood in to where she was before night. A sailor was sent to the mast-head, as was the custom morning and evening, and he reported that to the N.E. there were some great reefs, the termination of which he could not see. The ship had no after sails to enable her to work to windward; and the water was breaking over the rocks. The ship was so near them that there appeared to be no escape, and death seemed ready to swallow us up. A certain person made a prayer and a promise, in his heart, to St. Anthony of Padua; and it served the Lord that on this day, which was that of His holy birth, the ship came out of the danger in which she was placed. At three in the afternoon she doubled the reef, it may be said by a miracle. Natives came in their canoes from the island under sail, others paddling. As they were unable to cross the reef, they jumped on it, and made signs with their hands. In the afternoon one single native in a small canoe came round the end of the reef. He was at a distance to windward, so that we could not see whether he had a beard, the position being near the island of the "Barbados." He seemed to be a good-sized man and naked, with long, loose hair. He pointed in the direction whence he had come, and breaking something white with his hands he ate it, and had cocoa nuts for drink. He was called to, but did not want to come. It was evening, and, for that reason, a sailor went aloft to look out. He reported two small islands and many rocks, by which the ship was surrounded as in a yard. There was reason for despondency, as whatever course was taken (to those who did not understand) seemed to threaten danger. The ship was put on a course steering N.N.W. This islet is in latitude 6°. It is nearly round, and about 30 leagues in circumference. It is not very high. It has many trees, and at their sides there were flowers and cultivated patches. At 3 leagues to the west there are four low islands, and many others near them, all surrounded by reefs. The sea appeared to be more clear to the southward. CHAPTER XXX. How they came in sight of the Ladrone Islands, and what happened there. Continuing on a N.N.W. course, they were in 14° N. latitude on Monday, the 1st of January. The wind was west, and the ship was going free. On Wednesday, the 3rd of the same month, we came in sight of two of the Ladrone islands, for which we were making. One was called Guan, and the other Serpana. We passed between the two, which lie N.E. and S.W., by a channel 10 leagues wide, keeping on the side of Guan. A man who was handing the foresail fell overboard; and in the whole ship there was only one line. It was thrown over where the man had fallen alongside, who got hold of it and came up, thanks be to God! Many canoes came out from Guan under sail, with a number of Ladrone natives in them, who are stout men of a reasonable colour. They were crying out "charume," which means friends, and "heoreque," signifying "Give us iron," which is what they seek, being very fond of it. As so many came there was a great press, and some canoes fouled each other and were overturned, whose masters swimming, turned them over again with great ease. They are built with two prows, so that they can turn the sail without having to turn the canoe. They brought many cocoa nuts, plantains, rice, water, and some large fish, giving all in exchange for old iron. Those of the ship were delighted with these people and their refreshing provisions. The exchange being completed, the natives went away, all but two who were killed by an arquebus, owing to a matter of a piece of cask hoop. [66] The soldiers insisted much with the Chief Pilot that he should go into port at this island and procure provisions. He was very willing; but he gave it up because there was no gear for getting the boat into the water. He said this to all; but they still insisted, saying they could do it with their hands. The Chief Pilot replied: "And how will you get it on board again?" They answered: "Why cannot it be left here?" Then the Chief Pilot said: "It is not well to lose the boat, having to navigate among so many islands of which we go in search." They were very persistent; but he turned a deaf ear, and continued to shape a westerly course until Friday, the 12th, when, on taking the sun, he found the latitude to be 13° N. CHAPTER XXXI. How, when they came in sight of the Philippine Islands, the ship was in many dangers, and how she anchored in a good harbour. The Chief Pilot navigated only by information, and without a chart, seeking for the cape of Espiritu Santo, the first land of the Philippines. At daybreak land was sighted, being the peak of a high mountain; and nothing else was then seen owing to a shower of rain that came on. The land was welcomed with as much content as if we had really reached a safe haven. Some said: "Soon we shall hear Mass and seek God. There is no longer danger of death without confession, for that is a land where Christians dwell." Amidst these anticipations and great rejoicing, there were others so weak that they could not stand on their feet, and who were like skeletons ready to die; and their refrain was that they no longer wished to bring to light their propped-up bones. Presently they all applied for a double ration of water, for the want of it caused the greatest sufferings. But the Chief Pilot said that he could not give more than the cup, for there was very little left, and we should still be at sea some time before we anchored. Having come near the land, a bay was seen on the shore running north and south. The people said that this was a port, and that we should make for it, for God had shown us such signal mercy that He had guided us there. This was also the view of the Chief Pilot; for there was a soldier on board, who, some time before, had made this voyage and knew the coast. We continued to coast along, looking out for signs that would be satisfactory. The wind was strong from the N.E., and there was mist over land, while the sun was obscured. It did not seem advisable to the Chief Pilot to proceed further, nor to enter such a dangerous place, in which, if once embayed, it would not be possible to get out, the wind being contrary, there being few hands, and the whole furniture of the ship being bad. For these reasons he ordered the ship to be put about, intending to see if he could get the latitude by a star observation, or the sun next day, so as to be sure where he was. They began to persuade him to go in, and he told them that it would be better to endure one day more of suffering than to lose their lives. He then examined the soldier in great detail for his reasons for being satisfied that that was the opening that we sought. His replies were as far from the truth as he was near to a mistaken notion. After all this, he and others gave their opinions to the Governess. They made their complaints, and said that the Chief Pilot did not understand how to take advantage of such a good chance. To all this he answered that no one desired the salvation of the ship more than he did, whose duty it was to seek a port on pain of loss of credit in case of failure; while as regards their lives they were all equal. "God has been pleased to bring them there, and He would also take them to Manilla;" adding that if others had the responsibility they would not feel so certain about what they said. The Governess also said that it appeared to be the opening, for that everyone said so. The Chief Pilot answered that she should leave it to him, for that he understood his duty; if not, she could appoint some one else. He knew that for anyone to enter that opening and get the ship into danger, he would not be without blame whoever he might be, and there would be no escape. "And how," he added, "could the sick, and all the women and children they had on board, be saved? Even if they were saved, how could they be fed and taken on their way? And what certainty was there that there was peace in that land? Even if there was, how much better was it to take such measures as would make safety certain, than to make the voyage to Manilla doubtful, it being still 300 leagues distant. Moreover, the night was coming on, which made it necessary to stand away from the land." At last the ship was put about, and kept on that tack with the care that was necessary during a night without moon. At dawn we returned to seek the land, though it was not visible owing to mist, in consequence of which great murmurs were raised against the Chief Pilot. They said that they could only be drowned once, and it would have been better to have taken the ship in when they spoke before than to risk nothing. At last the land came in sight, in the form of a cape a little to windward. They set the bonnet, and ran in for the land, with the intention of coasting along it, the sounding line in the arm, and the deep-sea lead in the hand, ready to anchor, or decide upon what it was most desirable to do. The yard was hoisted up, and the tie was carried away. The sail fell, and the people, who were tired, did not care to apply a remedy. At last, persuaded by good reasons, and by the proximity of dangerous reefs, the yard was got up again, and secured to the mast by stoppers. But these stoppers would not hold; the yard fell again, and to hoist it once more required both hands and tongue. The night before there had been a great swell, and now it was the same, and as the ship, head to wind, laboured much, the rigging almost all carried away, especially the running rigging belonging to the foremast, and there was only one shroud left on each side. The mast appeared so badly supported that the least thing would make it go by the board; but it was a good spar, and held on. Firmness is needful in all cases, for without it all else is worth little or nothing. As for the reefs in sight, they were said to be the Catanduanes, where a ship is in great danger of foundering with all on board; while if anyone escaped by swimming, the natives shoot arrows into him like San Sebastian, which they know how to do very well. Others said we were between those reefs and the island of Manilla, in a part where it was impossible to get out. Others, that the channel was astern, and that the fault was with the Chief Pilot. Others declared that the ship would sink, that he should die who would die; and other disconcerting opinions like these, sufficient to upset the most collected. The Governess, in her retreat, appeared to be making arrangements with death. A book of devotions in her hand, her eyes turned to heaven, making ejaculations, and as afflicted and tearful as the rest. The Chief Pilot regretted that he could not do what he intended. Some clamoured, others appeared sad, and all turned their eyes to the Chief Pilot, with whom was the whole solution. They asked him what land that was, and where they were, as if it was enough merely to see it in order to know it without further ado. At last, at the end of all this and much more, the blame was put on the soldier who professed to know that coast: for it was thought that some devil had possessed him that day, to bring all to their deaths, if the intervention of God did not save them. The Chief Pilot said: "What is it that you want me to say to you? I never saw the land in my life until now, nor am I a sorcerer. I came in search of the Cape of Espiritu Santo. It ought to be here, within two leagues, more or less. Can you not see that the land is covered with clouds, and so is the sky, so that I am prevented from making use of my instruments. Now we will coast along the land, and when we find a port or anchoring ground, we will bring to; for by all means we must keep the ship from grounding." He then told two sailors to set up two backstays to support the foremast, and another strong lad to have the anchor ready to let go as soon as there was bottom. But they turned their backs without answering, and made use of bad language. The ship and crew was in this state when it pleased the Lord to look down with the eyes of clemency, and to be served by turning the bows of the ship right into a bay. A breeze sprang up, and we ran in, with a reef on either side. At this juncture three natives came to reconnoitre us in a canoe, and placed themselves to windward of the ship without saying anything. The only man on board who knew the language spoke to them, and when they saw that we were Christians, they came on board, and showed us the anchorage which we were then seeking. We anchored in the middle of the bay, in 14 fathoms. One of these natives was an interpreter. The other was the man that the English navigator, Thomas Cavendish, took with him to point out to him the channels among these islands. I asked them what land that was. They answered that it was the Cape of Espiritu Santo, and that the bay and port were called "Cobos;" also that the opening was near, and that the ship was on her right course. I asked who was then governing Manilla. They replied that Don Luis Perez de las Mariñas was Governor for the Spaniards. I asked this, because it was reported in Peru that Japan was preparing an attack with a great fleet. This news was given to people who seemed an hour before to be sentenced to death, and now were to live. They could not conceal their joy, and showed it by tears and thanks to God, Who knows how to show these mercies when He pleases to the man who serves Him. CHAPTER XXXII. Of what happened during the time that the ship was in the bay. The natives went to their village, from which others came, one with a wand of justice; and, on seeing it, and a cross on the land, the crew believed the natives to be peaceful and Christian. They brought fowls and pigs, at two or three reals a piece, together with palm wine, by drinking which some of us talked various languages; also many cocoa nuts, plantains, sweet canes, papays, roots, water in bamboo joints, and fuel. They took in exchange reals, knives and glass beads, which they value more than silver. During three days and nights the galley fire was never put out, nor was there any cessation of kneading and cooking, or of eating the boiled of one and the roast of another, so that they were eating day and night. With mouths sweetened and stomachs satisfied, they all remained as contented as it is possible to imagine. The Chief Pilot said that this was the present work, to enable them to arrive at the port they so much desired. Some wanted to embrace him; others said that he had made them happy; and he said to all that they should give thanks to God. He said to the two sailors who would not hear his orders: "Does it seem to you that if you had had your own way you would have given a good account of yourselves? Tell me whether you are better off here, or where you importuned me to take you?" The natives here are of a brown colour, not very tall, and their bodies tattooed. They have no beards, nor any sign of them. Their hair is black and long. Their loins are covered with cloth, and in the villages they wore a tunic of the same material, with no colour, and reaching down to their calves. They have large gold earrings, ivory armlets, and similar ornaments on their legs, of gilded bronze, which deceived some of our people. These natives are so selfish that without silver or something they want in exchange, they will give nothing. The sick, being so little accustomed to abundance of food, and eating without moderation, did themselves serious harm; three or four even died of it. The natives came morning and evening, bringing and bartering their produce, so that in fourteen days provisions were collected for the rest of the voyage. The bay is open to the N.W., and when it blew hard from that quarter there was a heavy sea. The ship rode by a small cable that looked like a thread, so that it was a new mercy of God that strength was given to it to hold the ship during two days and a night, while it strained against its slender cable, with rocks and mangrove swamps to leeward. The Chief Pilot, seeing the danger in which the ship was placed, proposed to the Governess that the royal artillery and munitions should be got out and stored in one of the villages, with her property, and that of the women and children, or at least what was of most value; while, as regards the ship, he would always be on board, with the sailors, ready for anything that might happen. She replied that, for the eight days they were going to stay, what danger could there be? He then said that he would not feel secure of the ship's safety for a single hour; and seeing the want of care of the Governess, he repeated what he had said. As she would not consent, he said he would make a protest for his own security, for she made certain of her own freedom from blame by reason of the care he took. So he drew up a brief protest, saying in it what, in his opinion, ought to be done. When she had read it, a council was called and an act was prepared, ordering that sail should presently be made for Manilla, and that they should not remain in that port. The Chief Pilot said that he gave his protest as a reply, for that the ship was not then fit to go to sea, as first she must be refitted and victualled so far as was necessary; also that the wind was then blowing into the mouth of the bay, being the direction by which they must go; also that he must protest afresh against his request not being complied with, for the ship was not safe for a moment. They drew up another order, that within an hour he should take the ship out and shape a course to Manilla, and that his conduct was disrespectful and mutinous. All these and other similar things happened there, and the Chief Pilot spoke to the soldiers to this effect: "See you not that these concerted replies of mine are to provide for your necessities? I know not what steps to take in order to bring this lady to reason. It ought to be understood that my obligation is to serve her and to endure her. But see you not that this ship is only held by a cable that can be clasped with two fingers?" On this occasion the sailors signed a paper and gave it to the Chief Pilot, asking him, who they looked upon as their commander, that he would give them food, or an instalment of their pay; otherwise, that he would dismiss them soon, that they might go to seek for other service; for here they had sold what they had, and if they applied for rations, or advances, or pay, they had nothing but excuses and evil answers. The Chief Pilot showed the paper to the Governess, and said that their plan was for all to go or to seize the ship. The sailors said that it was tyranny; that the King, being over all, paid, fed, and gave liberty. The Governess to this replied by saying to the Sergeant-Major: "Go to Manilla, and bring me a judge, with soldiers and a frigate, so that they may come to me and punish these people." She spoke as she understood, and would work in this way if she could, having shown her disposition. All complained and all suffered. The Chief Pilot said: "I do not wish to say during this expedition anything more, but rather to suffer a woman as Governess, and her two brothers; and all this from my desire not to offend the name of the King's presence, for now I am in the hands of Doña Isabel Barreto." The Chief Pilot, not neglecting his duties, had soundings taken in a certain port round a cape, whither he presently took the ship and anchored her. With reason, it may be said that to avoid one danger he ran into another which was more certain, the one being quite as much by chance as the other; for both ends of the lee foresheets carried away outside the thimble; the wind was fresh, and the rocks quite close. But at such moments temerity often brings safety, as on this occasion. Sending a hawser on shore, the ship was brought into a safe port. Here he ordered the natives to make a strong cable of fibres, and other ropes, with which he both rigged the foremast and secured the ship. In reply to the sailors, the Governess had ordered a proclamation to be made that no one was to go on shore without leave on pain of death. It happened that a married soldier went on shore without leave to get some food, or with leave according to his own account, and for this he was ordered to be arrested. A council was assembled, and presently an order was given that the prisoner should be flogged. The Sergeant-Major, who had to carry out the order, was not handy in rigging what was required, and at last told the Boatswain to reeve a tackle and hoist up the yard. While this part of the comedy was proceeding, an ensign came up the hatchway, followed by some halberdiers as long and thin as himself. They came by authority of the sentence, with the drum which was nearly passed its work, and the most wonderful costumes, for there is no play without an interlude. The Boatswain was one Marcos Marin, an Aragonese, a large man, now old and very respectable. As he knew better how to understand things, and complain of them, than to pronounce the Castilian language, it was a wonderful thing to hear his honest liberties and well-founded complaints, which he took even to the Adelantado himself. But he was very careful, and highly intelligent in his office. As the Sergeant-Major hurried him very much, and he had very little inclination, he said: "Report, Sir Sergeant-Major, that we are all chastised with so much hunger, sickness, and so many deaths during the time we have been at sea, that it will be better to reflect on all this rather than flog another." The Sergeant-Major replied that he must obey at once, for that the Governess had given the order. The Boatswain answered: "The Lady will do equally well in giving us to eat from the store she keeps for herself; and the jars of wine and oil, given to those who need them, would be better than these floggings. I have an order, but who orders me to do what is right?" The Sergeant-Major was enraged, and the Boatswain, without any hesitation, said: "We have good security--flog here, hang there, many orders, and to die of hunger!" On this there arose cries and complaints, and the wife of the prisoner was praying for justice from God for the injury that they were going to inflict on her husband. The Chief Pilot went to represent to the Governess that it seemed to be an unjust thing that in return for so many hardships that the man had suffered, having lost four children and expended his property, he should be left without anything, and to die without honour. The Governess answered that he had disobeyed her orders, and that it was proper he should suffer for it. The Chief Pilot replied, saying that "they also broke the orders of God with punishment in the life hereafter, and those of Holy Mother Church with punishment of excommunication, and those of the King with the punishment of a traitor, which is loss of life, honour, and property, who hastily make the sword run with blood." The Governess said she had given the order to frighten the sailors. The Chief Pilot begged that she would not do so at such cost, and that he would look after them. With this the prisoner was set at liberty, and the solicitude of the Sergeant-Major ceased. CHAPTER XXXIII. How the ship sailed from this bay, and of what happened until she arrived at the entrance of that of Manilla. The ship left this bay of Cobos, which is in 12° 10' N. latitude, on Tuesday, the 29th of January, and in going out we committed two bodies to the deep. By five in the afternoon we were well clear of the entrance, and left the island of San Bernardino, which is in the middle of the mouth, far astern. At night, near an island called Capul, we encountered a strong cross sea, caused by currents which are here very powerful, so that the ship was turned right round, and there was cause for thankfulness that she was not driven on shore. Next day several natives came out in barangais from a port on the island of Luzon called Nivalon. They brought quantities of fowls, pigs, wine and fruit; but the soldiers now had scarcely anything to barter with, and were able to buy little. We kept the island in sight all day, and in the night we were among many others, passing through places of which experienced pilots said afterwards that they could not understand how it was that we had not been lost among the numerous reefs which we never saw. The Lord was served in protecting us. On Thursday, the first of February, the Governess, at a place called Galvan, sent her two brothers, with seven other men, in the boat, to seek for food. This business came to such a point that the Captain, Don Diego, ordered an arquebus to be fired at one of the sailors who went up the mizen mast. The Chief Pilot said to the Governess that to no one was it more important than to her that the expedition should end in peace. This was a foolish affair, and so it was left. The boat did not come back, although we waited for her all day. They went to Manilla, which was 15 leagues distant, by a certain strait in the island, to report our approach. On the next night, before dawn, the ship was so embayed among islands that no way out was visible, without a boat and without food, for the provisions taken in at the last port were consumed. We saw many natives in canoes; but they all fled from us, although we made signs to them. The reason was that, as this was not the time when ships arrive from New Spain, they thought the ship was English. For they remembered the ship of Thomas Cavendish, and the warning of the Governor to act thus. There was no want of anxiety about our condition, and much more that we could not see how to extricate the ship. We proceeded as well as we could, for it was nearly calm, and at last we saw a channel, so narrow that a stone might almost be thrown across it. The wind freshened and we made for it, coming out between the islands of Luzon and Caza, near a point which is called Azufre, in the wide sea of a great bay called Bombon. Where there is hunger there is discontent. The soldiers stood menacingly round the hatchway, because the Governess would not give the order for their rations to be served out. The Chief Pilot, seeing this, asked the accountant to request the Governess to be so kind as to order food to be served out to the people. If she did not like to give it, the Chief Pilot would sign an obligation to pay her at Manilla what the cost of the provisions would be from that time; or, if that would not do, to give it her in specie. If she refused, it might be that the store-room would be broken into. For it was not just that, there being provision on board the ship, the crew should die for want of it. The Governess sent for him and said: "Sir Captain, have you spent 40,000 dols. as I have on this expedition, or have these people undertaken it at their own charge? The Adelantado is ill paid for the great things he expected." The Chief Pilot replied to this: "My Lady, I spent my property, and each one spent what they had; many gave up their lives, and all expended all they knew. As for the Adelantado, I was a better servant to him than he was friend to me; but these passed memories do not oblige me to look favourably on present faults which give much trouble, as may well be known. These men have the same necessity to eat on one day as they have on another, and as we all have; and until we bring them to Manilla we are bound to give them to eat and drink. That which belonged to the Adelantado, and that which belongs to your Ladyship, must be used for the necessities of the voyage; and upon me falls the duty of guarding it, disposing of it faithfully, measuring the quantity, according to the time that this ship may spend with reference to the small amount of sail she is able to carry." The Governess having been convinced, said that a calf might be killed that she had on board. While this business was being arranged, two boats came in sight, each rowed by forty natives, twenty on each side. A signal was made to the one which came in front. She turned, but did not care to wait. They ran into each other, and made fast to a line which was thrown to them. They were asked whence they came and whither they went. They replied that they were from Manilla, which was 20 leagues distant, speaking in the Castilian language, and that they were on their way to Zebu, the first settlement that was formed by the Spaniards in those parts, an island 100 leagues from Manilla. I asked for a native as a guide, because the ship had to pass some reefs called "Tuley" during the night. They gave one a wage of 3 dols. for his trouble. The Chief Pilot bought from them two large baskets of rice for two pair of shoes, which was divided among the people. The Governess wanted to buy two more, but she could not agree about the price; so, having given us the guide, they let go the line and proceeded on their way. A careful watch was kept during the night, and next morning we came in sight of the opening to the bay, which we kept nearing by coasting along the land of the island of Fortun. The wind was contrary for entering on the west side, for there was a breeze from the north-east. CHAPTER XXXIV. Of what took place with the sailors on the arrival; how four Spaniards came on board; and other things that happened until the ship was anchored at Cavite. There is an island called Marivelez, at the entrance of the bay of Manilla, where there is usually a Spanish look-out man, with native rowers and light boats, to go out and reconnoitre any ships that are coming in, so as to give early intelligence to the Governor. There is also a small rock called El Frayle, bearing north from Marivelez. These two islands form three channels, and to enter the one between Marivelez and El Frayle I began to alter course. As the only sails we had were the two courses, and the crew weary and disinclined to work, while not unwilling to injure the ship so as to revenge themselves, we made little or no way, and indeed began to lose ground. We went on like this for three days, all tired and annoyed to find that we did not sight the island, and were thus deprived of the pleasure of reaching and resting at Manilla. All was sorrow, and waiting for one tide after another, counting the hours for its flood, that we might get inside; but as no order was kept, that hour did not come. The sailors said to the Chief Pilot that he should run that ship on shore, for that they had worked enough, and done more than they were bound to do. The thing that ought to be was to see the land on both sides, and the smoke of Manilla. When they gave any help, they did so very slowly, as if it was done as a favour. There was now neither food to eat nor water to drink. There was only a foul wind, and the affliction expressed in consequence. The Governess said that she had only got two sacks of flour and a little wine, and that she wanted it all to say masses for the soul of the Adelantado. The Chief Pilot showed much feeling against the sailors who wanted to run the ship on shore, and told them to look and see that all that coast was steep to, and with a heavy sea. "See you not," he said, "that we have no boat, and that the ship is full of sick without food. If you would give notice at Manilla, there is nothing to take you over the sea, and by land it would take several days. It is not possible to sustain the people for one more day. Let it not be said that you only want those to be saved who have health and know how to swim. Reflect that we have brought the ship from such remote parts, by a route never before navigated. The little that remains cannot appear much to those who have suffered so much with such great courage. And how would you suffer where they look out for us, at losing the reward your labours deserve? Reflect well that if the ship arrived well furnished, full of healthy men, well fed and paid, in that case there would be small thanks." They answered that "they were only sailors, and that when the ship was anchored they would get no credit, but only the Chief Pilot who commanded them." To this he replied that the greatest reward for which he hoped was to anchor the ship in a safe harbour, where all could enjoy the good things they so much desired. There were many very painful scenes such as this, when that merciful Lord, who is always looking down upon us and brings succour and relief in times of greatest necessity, like a father to his children though prodigal, was served that we should come in sight of a boat, which rapidly approached the ship with sail and oars. When it came near four Spaniards could be seen in it, who seemed like 4,000 angels, and eight natives were rowing them. This was the look-out man, who, as has been said, is always stationed at Marivelez, named Alonzo de Albarran, with the chief butler of the Governor and two soldiers. They came by the Governor's order, to condole with the Governess on her misfortunes, and to bring a letter, which she presently showed to the Chief Pilot, and which contained many and most honourable greetings. The coming of the ship had become known from the brothers of the Governess, who had come by land. The satisfaction of all on board was such, and so warmly shown, at the sight of the four Spaniards, that it cannot be described. The sailors gave their hands, and helped them into the ship, where they were received only with embraces, for there was nothing else to give them. And they, looking carefully from one to another, and seeing them so sick, covered with boils, poverty-stricken, with tattered clothes, and surrounded by so much misery, could only exclaim: "Thanks be to God! Thanks be to God!" The look-out man went down between decks to see the hospital and the sick women, who, when they beheld him, cried out: "What do you bring us to eat? Oh, give us food, for we are mad with hunger and thirst." With the hope of refreshment some were consoled, and the look-out man came on deck again, much horrified at what he had seen. Then, seeing two pigs on board the ship, he said: "Why do they not kill those pigs?" They told him that they belonged to the Governess, and he prayed hard to her to allow them to be killed, having said: "What the Devil! Is this a time for courtesy with pigs?" The Governess then ordered them to be killed, and a soldier, who took careful note of such things, exclaimed: "O, cruel avarice! which even with a gentle and pious woman turns her heart into a stone, even in a business so necessary, cheap, and clear!" God was served that all the good wine appeared too. The ship came to Marivelez on the next tack, whence the Governess sent a soldier with the reply to the letter she received from the Governor, which was sent by the returning boat. Soon afterwards another boat was seen, in which was the Chief Magistrate of that part of the coast, with the brothers of Doña Isabel. They brought much fresh bread, wine and fruit, presented by the Governor. When it was being distributed there was seen, in respectable persons, some things which were far from well ordered. For in such necessitous times as were those, ordinary obligations are disregarded. All got a share, some more than others, which they consumed during that afternoon. One boy died from exhaustion, due to previous privations. The long night passed with hope of day, when a large barge arrived laden with fowls, calves, pigs, bread, wine, and vegetables brought by Diego Diaz Marmolego, the land-owner of that part, by order of the Governor. They were also sent on board, and plentifully distributed among all, with much liberality. The ship was nearing the port, though obliged to make several tacks. Presently, Pinao, Assistant Master of a royal ship, came in a skiff full of sailors, all dressed in coloured silks, to help the few weak men in the ship. The Captain of the port was on the beach, with the banner flying, and all the soldiers drawn up with their arms. At the point of letting go the anchor, all the artillery saluted, as well as the arquebusiers round the standard. The ship replied as well as she could, riding by one anchor secured to the slight cable, so celebrated during the voyage. This was on the 11th of February, 1596, in the long desired and long sought for port of Cavite, two leagues S.W. of the city of Manilla, capital of the Philippines, in latitude 14° 30' N. Fifty persons had died since the ship left Santa Cruz. As soon as the ship was anchored, some men came on board, moved by charity, with bread and meat, which now became plentiful. Presently the sailors and other persons from the city came to see the ship, as a sight both on account of her great need as that she came from Peru, as it was said, to fetch the Queen of Sheba from the Isles of Solomon. All came on board, and, having seen how little there was, they wondered that she should ever have arrived in safety, and they praised God that she should have been spared, to Whom be the honour and the glory, and to Whom the success should be attributed and the thanks given, for His are the great mercies shown during the voyage. It is to be noted that if the people who died had not died, those who survived would not have arrived with more than twenty jars of water and two sacks of flour. Thus concluded, as they say, this unhappy voyage with safety. CHAPTER XXXV. What happened until the people went to Manilla. This joyful day passed, and the night came, in which there were not wanting some new, but not unusual, annoyances with the Magistrate of the coast, to whom Doña Isabel had made complaints in private. He showed himself to be a judge who sided with the first comer without hearing the other side; for if he would have heard, he would have known how much that lady owed to him who brought her where she was, and how little, from any point of view, he owed her. But it is very unusual for poor men to work without pay or thanks, and for others to do evil to him to whom good is due. He took one sailor, and to another he gave sharp words and threatened, saying that it was an old custom for the people of Peru to be mettlesome, and that if they came in that spirit they must not think that they were there in their island, where they could do as they pleased; that those who failed to pay would be punished, or would have to pay double, or with their lives. He made other remarks, and was answered that all who came had been and were good vassals of the King; and as for the rest, they were as good as others. These altercations ended at last, but the long desired night was passed with less content than had been anticipated. For the satisfactions of this life come tardily, and endure little longer than a sigh. Next morning the Master of the Camp came to the ship by order of the Governor, with an alderman sent by the Municipality, and a clergyman by the officials of the Church, all to receive the Governess, and to arrange for the sick to go to Manilla. The Governess was taken to the royal residence at the port, and again there was a salute when she disembarked. Having partaken of refreshments, she was received in a boat, and conducted to the city. She entered at night, was received with an illumination, and well lodged. The sick were carried out of the ship in men's arms, and taken to the hospital. The widows were received in the houses of the principal residents, and afterwards they were all married to their satisfaction. The convalescents and the rest of the soldiers were lodged by rich inhabitants. The married were put in houses where they were received, lodged, and tended, with much love and pleasure, by respected citizens of Manilla. In a few days ten died, and four entered monastic orders. The frigate was never more seen. There was a report that she had been found with all her sails set, and the crew dead and decomposed, run upon a certain part of the coast. The galeot reached port at an island called Mindanao, in 10°, having been lost among all those islands. The people on board were reduced to such necessity that they landed on a small islet called Camaniguin, to kill and eat a dog they had seen on shore. Some natives, who met them by chance, guided them to a port where there were some fathers of the Company of Jesus. The fathers took them to a Governor in that district, who sent five of them prisoners to Manilla, because their Captain quarrelled with them, saying they wanted to mutiny. They were sent with a letter to Dr Antonio de Morga, Lieutenant-General of that Government, which he showed to the Chief Pilot. It was as follows:-- "Here came into port a galeot with a Captain who was as impertinent as the things he said. He was asked whence he came, and he replied that he belonged to the expedition of the Adelantado Alvaro de Mendaña, which was undertaken to make a voyage from Peru to the Solomon Islands, consisting of four vessels. This galeot put in here, and, as she carried a royal flag, I received her as was proper. If the others were here, this would be better known. Against the soldiers there is no process. They said that, because the Captain wished it, he parted company from the ship with his galeot." CHAPTER XXXVI. Which contains a discourse by the Chief Pilot, explaining why they did not find the Solomon Islands. [67] The reason why the Solomon Islands, of which the Chief Pilot, Hernan Gallego, who discovered them, makes mention in his narrative, and of which the Adelantado, Alvaro de Mendaña, went in search, are not the Islands of the Marquesas de Mendoza, nor those of Santa Cruz which we discovered in this voyage: and why we pressed so far in advance of the position where he said they were in conformity with his instructions, may, as it seems to me, be conveniently explained here, to satisfy the doubts which may be raised respecting the cause of our not reaching them. I find three reasons which might form impediments to our reaching the Solomon Islands in the positions where we were. The first is the belief that they had less longitude than was really the case, for they would not seem so far to the people who had to go for their settlement. The second is some motive of private interest, leading to a concealment of the true latitude, giving to it somewhat less or more. The third is ignorance, or the want of the instruments to calculate certain distances, or an error in judgment while navigating: what appears to be one thing being another; or a mistake in writing. As for the first, if it was so that we were not given the true longitude of the Solomon Islands, I say that we really did not reach them, and that they are further to the west than the islands we discovered. The reason is that, if what the Adelantado told me was true, by whose order I prepared the navigating charts, and if what appears in his instructions and in the narrative of Hernan Gallego is true, the Solomon Islands are in latitude 7° to 12° S., 1,450 leagues from Lima. There cannot be an error, as we always continued to navigate without reaching the position, and could not have passed them when they were 400 leagues further to the west. It must, therefore, be believed that they were not behind but in front of us. As to the second reason, if it was interest, as many people said, that induced Hernan Gallego, when the Adelantado asked him for the route to these islands, not to give him the true position as regards latitude, this may explain it. For when he was at Court to report to his Majesty he had not negotiated for himself; and as the Adelantado, when he undertook the discovery, did not understand the art of navigation, he could be deceived. On the other hand, his observations could not be kept so secret when they were taken by four pilots, who must have known as well as the people who were with them; nor did Hernan Gallego then know that he would have a disagreement with the Adelantado. Nor do I believe that a man of such high character would do such a thing. Moreover, if in this there was deceit, I say that if the islands were in 7° at the least, or in 12° at the most, and we seek them between 7° and 12°, they might well remain behind us, on one of the two sides. As for the third reason, if it was ignorance there is nothing more to be said. It is very certain that navigating so much as they navigated from east to west, they were on a course on which altitude is not altered, nor is longitude fixed except by such estimation as each one may make. In this there may be very great error, as well in him who makes the estimate as in the ship which, in such a case, may have been understood to have gone over less ground than she is supposed to have made good. In proof of the greater distance between Peru and the Solomon Islands, I may mention that Hernan Gallego says in his narrative--and the Adelantado also told me the same--that being among the Isles of St. Bartholome, [68] in 8° 40' N., in the position of the Barbudos, they saw a vessel flying from them under a head sail. They sent the boat on shore; all the natives fled to one of their villages, which our people entered, and brought thence to the ships a chisel made of a nail, from which they understood that Spaniards had been or were there. What they suspected, respecting this circumstance, was that when the Adelantado, Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, discovered the Philippine Islands, a pilot named Lope Martin, returned to New Spain without orders, to bring the news to the Viceroy, Luis de Velasco, who had sent that expedition of discovery, by whom he was very well received and dispatched with succour. He, or one of the people who went with him, also took a letter which a certain friend of the Adelantado Legazpi wrote from Mexico, in which it was said that as soon as it was received Lope Martin should be hanged for having taken the leave which was not given to him. This letter, I know not by what order, got into the hands of Lope Martin. Besides this, between him and the others there were encounters and some deaths, including that of the Captain. Arrived at the Barbudos, Lope Martin went on shore with some of his friends. Meanwhile the Boatswain, with the men of his party, conspired and made sail, leaving them on the island. As the Adelantado, Alvaro de Mendaña, arrived at the islands a little time after this event, it was suspected that those who had been left there thought that Mendaña came in search with the object of punishing them; and for that reason they fled in that vessel which they had probably built, and went to New Guinea. I say that if this is true, as the islands of the Barbudos are in 8°, 9°, or 10°, more or less, and 2,000 leagues or more from Peru, and as Hernan Gallego, coming from the Solomon Islands, which he says are 1,450 leagues from Lima, to seek the coast of New Spain, navigating from N.E. to N., for so bear the islands from that coast, he could not fall in with the Barbudos, being from the Solomon Islands at least N.E., having come from a much greater longitude than they really thought, or did not wish to say. Moreover, inhabited islands are no small indication that New Guinea is near. Hernan Gallego says, in these formal words, that "in 2° or 3° to the S.W. we found very clear signs of land, but never saw any land whatever. Finally, we concluded that we had land to the west of us, and that it was New Guinea; not in a higher latitude than 4° S., for it was discovered by Iñigo Ortiz de Retes, and by no one else. Bernardo de la Torre neither discovered nor saw it, nor is there such a place as the Cape of the Cross." [69] I say, touching such signs as the palms seen in the sea, which Hernan Gallego mentions, that I also saw many, which might make me believe that New Guinea was near, being in the same latitude, and for other reasons that I will give further on. Also, in a northerly direction, I came upon the Barbudos in 6°, an island peopled by good natives. Moreover, I came from the island of Santa Cruz, 1,850 leagues from Lima, and afterwards navigated another 40 leagues more to the west, making 440 further than Hernan Gallego, according to his own account. And as I navigated to the Philippines, which is more to the west, I was more in the way of seeing the signs of the island I found than was Hernan Gallego. For he confesses that he went 1,450 leagues from Lima, and took his way to New Spain, which is N. to N.E. This proves that he could not have seen those signs, nor the islands he sighted, without having gone over much more longitude than he stated. Hernan Gallego says further, in his report to the Licentiate Castro, who was at that time President of the Audience in the city of the Kings, who despatched the expedition:--"Being in 7° S., 30 leagues from the island of Jesus, [70] which was the first we discovered as we saw the archipelago of islands, it was never intended to prosecute discoveries further, but that we should return to Peru, as is public and notorious. If we had gone on another cock would have crowed, for we should have discovered another land, different from this, and very near where we were. The goodness of the land I do not wish to dilate upon, because your Lordship will hear that from others." I quote this to show that Hernan Gallego was certain that he was near New Guinea as he says. He could not have come to this conclusion if he had not known that it was 2,000 and more leagues from Lima; for in his position he could not have been deceived, because it was discovered at a very short distance, as the Maluco Isles are from it. Miguel Rojo de Brito, a native of Lisbon, went from Maluco to New Guinea, and said that they were close to each other, as may be seen in a chapter of his narrative which will be attached to this discourse. Although I do not know the original intention of that expedition, I suspect that they went in search of New Guinea, because it is explained that Iñigo Ortiz de Retes was its discoverer, and not Bernardo de la Torres. So that it may be looked upon as certain that it was from a report of one of these, or both, that they were deriving the information respecting the object they sought. For Gallego says that the Cape of the Cross has no existence, and that New Guinea is in not more than 4° S., implying that one said it was in 4°, which seemed most likely to be correct, and the other in more. He went in search, but did not find it; coming by chance on the island of Jesus in 6° 45', and presently came to the reefs of Candelaria, and the Island of Santa Isabel, and always discovering by a higher latitude and decreasing longitude. The reason for not sighting New Guinea was the same as prevented us from reaching the Solomon Islands, namely, the island of Santa Cruz. My conclusion is that New Guinea, the Solomon Islands, and the Islands of Santa Cruz are all near each other, for a reason I shall give presently. Hernan Gallego says, further, that the Adelantado asked his opinion respecting the return from those islands to Peru, across 1,700 leagues of sea; that the port on this island of Cristobal was three leagues by land from the most eastern point; that with a fresh breeze from S.E. they navigated 20 leagues N.E. 1/4 E., and 15 leagues N.E. 1/4 N., and N.E. 25, and 18 N.N.E., and when there the latitude was 7°, and 30 leagues from the island of Jesus to E. He says that this island of Jesus was the first they discovered in 6° 45' S., and that its distance from the city of Lima was 450 leagues. If this is as he says, that from this island of Jesus to the port whence he had come the course runs N.-S., it follows that the same number of leagues intervening between the island of Jesus and Lima, also intervene between San Cristobal and Lima, both being almost on the same meridian. It is clearly to be seen that there is carelessness here, or that there was an error in his calculation, and there no doubt was one throughout in trying to determine the true longitude. For in so short a distance as there is from one point to the other, there cannot have been a mistake of 250 leagues. Whence I infer that, in such a long route as that from Lima to the Solomon Islands, the error would be much greater, the course being east and west. If his narrative is considered, other obscure and contradictory points will be found. In one place he says that the natives told him that those islands to the S.E. were extensive, and that he saw them. Presently he says that a sailor climbed up a palm tree, and could not see them. He says that at the Island of Guadalcanal he could not see the end, and that the coast ran westward. Further on, he says that it would take six months to go round it; and that the land he did not see was reported to be very good, but that he certainly did not see it. He reports that it was better to take a northern route in returning to Peru, because it was difficult to find favourable winds further south. Few pilots would give this reason, because the usual winds outside the tropics, in the same latitude, are much the same on the north as on the south side. And how much easier was it, being (as he says) certain that there was no land to the S.E., to go to 11° S., where he would have found the route to 30° or 40° on that side, than to run down 11° and go up 30° or more on the other side, and yet be further from Peru. It may seem strange that the Adelantado did not meet with the islands that we have now discovered on his first voyage. I reply that, when he began the voyage from Peru, he made a large curve W.S.W. to 18°, and another to W.N.W. to 6°, more or less, and followed that parallel, as I have been told by one who was on board. This was the reason that he did not come upon the islands in question, which are in a higher latitude, leaving them to the south and passing to the north of them. There is further proof that the islands of Santa Cruz are near the Solomon Islands. The natives are the same colour, they dye their hair in the same way, called their chief "Jauriqui," have the same arms, pigs and fowls, and many other things in common. It may really be concluded that all the people of Santa Cruz and the Solomon Islands came from the archipelago of the Philippines. The Santa Cruz people dye their teeth red and black, and use the buyo, as in the Philippines. In the Island of Luzon there are black men, who are said to be the aborigines of the land. They are called Pogotes, and are retired on the island of Maragondon and other islands. For the Moors and other Indians occupy their lands, drive them away, and force those that remain into corners of the land where they now are. It may well be that, by reason of the invaders, the persecuted people have gone away to seek other settlements, until they came to New Guinea as the nearest place, and thence to the Solomon Islands and Santa Cruz. The half-breeds, and differences of colour among them, proceed from intercourse between them. In conclusion, I may say that the Adelantado told me, as well as certain pilots of that time, that Hernan Gallego, navigating on the coast of Mexico, made the land one day, and that afterwards he sailed over 700 leagues to reach the same place again. These, added to the 1,450 leagues which, he says, intervene between the Solomon Islands and Lima, make more than the 2,000 leagues which I say intervene between Lima and New Guinea, from which point the distance really ought to be drawn. This being so, my suspicion is confirmed; and there may be seen, as he says, the signs of the land of New Guinea, when he met with the Barbudos, and he did not see the land when he said he did. For if he had gone over the 1,450 leagues, as he said, it would take much more than four months of navigation. There are a little over 700 leagues from there to the coast of New Spain, navigating by the best-known route, which is that by the north. So that there cannot have been so great a mistake, if it was not from having intended to go by that point, and have taken the said 700 leagues more to the west. This appears to explain what has been said until the contrary is shown. CHAPTER XXXVII. Of various things that happened to the Chief Pilot, Pedro Fernandez de Quiros. We were some time in the city of Manilla, which is the capital of the government of the Philippine Islands. It is built on a clear point running out into the sea, and by the mouth of a river. It has a good fortress, and other houses well worthy of special note, on which a long chapter might be written. But I must be excused, referring the reader to a special book on the city, the Philippine Islands, and the history of their conquest, which was written by Dr Antonio de Morga. [71] While I was in the city there arrived the new Governor, Don Francisco Tello, who had been Treasurer of the Board of Trade at Seville. There were great festivals for his reception, got up both by the Spaniards and natives. It was a special sight to behold three elephants which were brought into the square, of which the largest, named Don Fernando, had been sent as a present from the King of Cambodia to the late Governor when he asked for help. On each one there was an Indian driver, dexterous in the method of governing the elephant, both by words and by the use of an iron hooked instrument. Placed in front with his goad, the driver made him run, march, go down on his knees, raise himself, and other things well worth seeing. This hook serves the same use as a bridle for a horse. They were performing in front of the Governor, who was sitting at a window, to whom they put their knees on the ground three times, the feet stretched out behind, as they are unable to double up. The performances of the elephants were numerous, and, as a conclusion, they took Don Fernando apart, and his Indians placed him facing the beams on which had been fastened the castle of fire on the night before. Saying a word, and touching his forehead with the goad, the elephant gave a blow, and took the beam on his two tusks with great ease; and so he upset the whole: a thing worth seeing. A few days afterwards (according to what was said), when this elephant was drinking at the river, there came to him a great and well-fed crocodile, which had taken many natives in that river. He seized the elephant by the trunk, and when the elephant felt it, he raised up the crocodile just as easily as a fishing rod raises a light fish, and let him fall on the ground without more ado. A crocodile, such as this one, weighs as much as a fat bullock. They say also that this elephant had a boil on his gum, of which the native driver cured him, but the pain made him throw about his trunk so as to hurt his driver. When the elephant was to be healed, the driver said to him: "I am very angry, Don Fernando, for in return for the good I did you, you tried to kill me. What do you think the King, my Lord and yours, who sent you here, and gave me for your companion to look after you, if he knew of it, would say. See how you can no longer eat, and are getting thin, and you will soon die without any fault of mine. Open your mouth, if you please, and presently I will cure you like a friend, forgetting the harm you did me." The elephant, having taken two turns with his trunk round a shelf that was there, opened his mouth, and was operated upon without moving, his groans showing what pain he endured. And so he was cured. Of another elephant they told me that, to avenge himself on a native who had charge of him, he crushed him when he passed through a doorway, and killed him. The man's wife said to the elephant: "Don Pedro, you have killed my husband. Who is now going to maintain me?" On which the elephant went to the market place, and took a basket of rice which it gave to her, and when it saw that she had eaten it all, it fetched another, and then another. Things are said of these animals which seem incredible, and the wonderful thing is that they understand everything, in whatever language it is spoken, as I have myself seen. An elephant was surrounded by Spanish soldiers, and one told him, without making any sign, to take a plantain out of his pocket and eat it. The elephant promptly put his trunk into the pocket, and when he found that no plantain was there, he took up a little earth in his trunk, and threw it in the face of the soldier who had deceived him. When the festivities were over, our Governess married a young cavalier named Don Fernando de Castro, a cousin of the Governor Marinas, who, as was just, took possession of the property of his wife as his own, and he was able to secure much in the city. With this help the ship was victualled and furnished with all that was necessary. On the day of St. Lawrence, we made sail to undertake the voyage to New Spain. But, having started so late, we had to go through incredible hardships and troubles. At last we arrived in the port of Acapulco on the 11th of December of the year 1597, where the ship was visited, and all received free leave to land. There I, Captain Pedro Fernandez de Quiros, took leave of the Governess, and of my other companions, and embarked on board a passenger ship for Peru. NARRATIVE OF THE VOYAGE OF THE ADELANTADO ALVARO DE MENDAÑA DE NEIRA FOR THE Discovery of the Islands of Solomon. [72] WRITTEN BY THE CHIEF PILOT, PEDRO FERNANDEZ DE QUIROS, FOR DR. ANTONIO DE MORGA, LIEUTENANT-GENERAL OF THE PHILIPPINES. SECOND VOYAGE OF THE ADELANTADO ALVARO DE MENDAÑA, BY HIS CHIEF PILOT, PEDRO FERNANDEZ DE QUIROS. On Friday, the 9th of April, of the year 1595, the Commander-in-Chief, Alvaro de Mendaña, set sail with his fleet to go and subject and people the western islands of the South Sea, from the port of the Callao of Lima, which is in 12 1/2° S. latitude; passing by the valleys of Santa, Truxillo and Saña, and collecting men and provisions, he went to Paita, where he took in water, and made a list of four hundred persons, more or less, with his four vessels, two large and two small. He left this port (which is 5° higher than the said port), steering W.S.W., making for the islands of his discovery: he took as Master of the Camp Pedro Merino Manrique, and as Admiral his brother-in-law, Lope de la Vega, and as Chief Pilot, Pedro Fernandez de Quiros; and he sailed on this course to the altitude of 9 1/2°, from which point he sailed W. and to the point S.W. to 14°, where he changed his course to W. and the point N.W.; and having reached, by this course, fully 10° of latitude, on Friday, 21st of July, we sighted an island, to which the General gave the name of Magdalena, and from a port in it there came forth about seventy canoes, in each of which came three men, in some more in others less. Others came swimming, and others on logs: they were more than four hundred natives, white, and of very agreeable appearance, tall and strong, large limbed, and so well made that they had greatly the advantage over us; with handsome teeth, eyes and mouth, hands and feet, and most beautiful flowing hair, and many of them very fair. Amongst them were most beautiful youths; they were entirely naked, without covering on any part, and all had their bodies, legs, and arms, and hands, and some of them their faces, marked after the manner of the Bisayas here: and indeed, for savage people, naked and of so little reason, at sight of them there was much cause to praise God who created them. Let this not be taken for exaggeration, for so it is. These people called us to go to their port, and we called to them from our flag-ship, and they went on board of her, a matter of forty of them; and we appeared to be men of less than the usual stature by the side of them; and amongst them there came one who was understood to be a palm taller than the tallest man of our fleet, although we had in the fleet men of more than regulation height. The General gave there to some of them shirts and other things, which they received with much pleasure, and danced after their fashion, and called to the others. The General was put out of temper at the liberties they took, because they were great thieves; and he ordered a cannon to be fired to frighten them; when they heard it they took to swimming, and all seized their arms, and sounding a conch, they threw a few stones, and threatened with their lances, for they had no other arms. From the ship they fired at them with arquebuses, and killed five or six, and they remained there. As our fleet sailed on we discovered three other islands. This island may be 6 leagues round; we passed by it on the S. side; this is high, precipitous towards the sea, with rocky ravines, in which the natives dwell. There seemed to be many inhabitants in it, for we saw them on the rocks and beach; so we went on making for the other three islands. The first, to which was given the name of San Pedro, will be 10 leagues from Magdalena, and runs with it northward and to the point N.W.: it will have 3 leagues circuit. It is an island beautiful to look at, with much wood and fair fields: we did not know whether it was inhabited, for we did not come close to it. To the S.E. of it, about 5 leagues off, is another, which the General named Dominica; it is very fair to look at, and seemed thickly inhabited: it may have about 15 leagues circumference; and to the S. of this, and a matter of little more than a league off, is another island, which may be 8 leagues round, which received the name of Santa Christina; and our fleet passed through the channel between this and the other island. For all that we saw of these islands is clear sailing; and on the W. side of Sta. Christina a good port was found, in which the fleet anchored. These natives did not come before me like the others, but some very beautiful women were seen. I did not see them, but persons who had an opinion in the matter affirmed to me that there were as beautiful women as in Lima, but white, and not so tall; and in Lima there are some very pretty. What was seen in the way of victuals in that port was pigs and hens, sweet canes, very good plantains, cocos, a fruit which grows on high trees; each is as large as a large fir cone; it is very good to eat; much of it was eaten--green, roasted and boiled, and when ripened it is indeed so sweet and good a fruit to my way of thinking, that I know no other which has the advantage of it; there is hardly anything in it to throw away, unless a little husk. There was another fruit, like chestnuts in savour, but much larger than six chestnuts together: a good deal of that was eaten, roast and boiled; and some nuts with a very hard shell, which were very oily, and many of them were eaten; some suspect that they brought on looseness. We also saw pumpkins of Castille sown in the ground. There is a pretty waterfall close to the beach of very good water; it comes out of a rock, at the height of two men; its volume may be of the thickness of four or five fingers; and then, close to it, a stream of water, and the vessels supplied themselves from it. The natives went off to the mountains and rocks, in which they fortified themselves, and tried to do mischief by rolling stones and hurling them; but they never wounded any one, for the Master of the Camp stopped their advance by placing outposts. The natives of this island, on seeing a negro of ours, made signs towards the S., to say that in that direction there were men like him, and that they went there to fight, and that the others had arrows, and that these went in large canoes, which they possess. As there was no interpreter, nor much curiosity to learn more, the matter remained thus; but in my opinion, this is not possible for natives so isolated, unless there is a chain (of islands), because their boats and customs in other matters do not show that these people had come there from any great distance. This port is in 9 1/2° S. latitude. The Commander-in-Chief ordered three crosses to be set up in it, and on Saturday, 5th of August, to weigh anchor and set sail, making for the W., to the S.W., or N.W., a matter of 400 leagues. Sunday, the 20th of August, we saw four low islands, with sandy beaches, full of very many palms and woods, and on the S.E. side, towards the N., a great sand-bank. All four may have a circuit of 12 leagues. We did not know whether they were inhabited, because we did not go close to them. This year all seemed timid: I say this with rage. They are in 10 3/4° latitude, and were named after St. Bernard, having been discovered on his day. Henceforward we began to meet with S.E. winds, which appear to predominate here. With these we continued sailing to the above-mentioned points, never rising above 11 or going below 10 leagues, until Tuesday, 29th of August, when we discovered a round islet, which might be a league round, all surrounded by reefs. We tried to land on it, and could not find where to do so, in order to get wood and water for the Admiral's ship, of which it had run very short; it was given the name of Solitary Island; it is in 10 2/3°, and will be 1,535 leagues from Lima. From this place we went on navigating, with the above-mentioned orders, and a variety of opinions were given: some saying that we did not know where we were going, and other things which did not fail to cause grief. It was God's pleasure, that on the eve of Our Lady in September, at midnight, we saw an island, which might have a circuit of from 90 to 100 leagues, and it lies about E.S.E. and W.N.W., and will be 1,800 leagues from Lima. The whole of it was very full of woods, reaching to the highest ridges, and where it was not cleared for the natives to sow, in all the rest not a span of earth was to be seen. The ships came to anchor in the northern part of the island in 10° latitude. To the N. of this port, about 7 leagues off, is a volcano, with a very well-shaped hill, from the top of which and from other parts issued much fire. The volcano is lofty, and may have a circumference of 3 leagues; it is precipitous on the side of the sea, and all bare, and without any part where a landing can be effected; it rumbles within frequently and loudly like thunder. To the N.E. of this volcano there are some small islets, which are inhabited, and a great quantity of shoals; there is a distance of 7 or 8 leagues to these islets, and the shoals run to the N.W.; and the person who went to see said that they were numerous. Around the great island there were some small islands: all of them, and the great one (when it was circumnavigated), were found to be inhabited; and within sight of this great island, to the S.E. of it, there was seen another island of no great size: this must be the link with others. After putting into port in the great island of Santa Cruz, for this was the name given it, the Commander-in-Chief ordered Captain Don Lorenzo, brother of his wife, to go with the frigate to seek the Admiral's ship, which disappeared on the night in which we saw the island, respecting which I make no favourable conjecture; it was sought for this and two other times, and was not found, but only the shoals which I have mentioned. What was seen in the way of victuals in this port consisted of pigs, hens, plaintains, sweet canes, one, two, or three kinds of roots like sweet potatoes, which they eat roast and boiled, and make biscuit with it, buyos, two kinds of good almonds, and two kinds of pine nuts, wood-pigeons, doves, ducks, grey and white herons, swallows, pot-herbs, pumpkins of Castille, the fruit which I mentioned in the first islands, and chestnuts and nuts. There is a very strongly-scented sweet basil, and red flowers, which at this port they keep in the gardens, and two other species of another sort, also red. There is another fruit on high trees, like pippins for their good smell and savour. There is a great quantity of ginger, which grows there without its being cultivated, and much yerba chiquilite, with which they make indigo. There are agave trees, and a great deal of sagia, and many cocoa nuts. Marble was seen, and pearl shells, and large snail shells, like those which are brought here from China. There is a very copious spring, and five or six other rivers, though not very large. The settlement was established close to this spring. The natives attempted to defend themselves; and as the arquebus tells at a distance, seeing the evil effects, they did not defend themselves much, but, on the contrary, gave some of what they possessed. In this matter of going for provisions there were a few things happened, which were not very good treatment of the natives, for they killed the native who was our best friend, and the lord of that island; his name was Malope; and two or three others, who were also friendly. Of the whole island no more was seen than a matter of 3 leagues around the camp. The people of this island are black: they have small canoes made of one tree, in which they go about their villages, and other very large canoes with which they go out to sea. On Sunday, the 8th of October, the Commander-in-Chief ordered the Master of the Camp to be killed by stabbing, and they killed Tomas de Ampuero in the same manner, and they cut off the head of the Ensign, Juan de Buitrago, and he wished to put to death two other friends of the Master of the Camp; but he left them alone, because we entreated him to do so. The cause of this was public, because they wished to go away from the country, and abandon it, and there must have been other reasons, but I am unacquainted with them. What I saw was much dissoluteness and shamelessness, and more than enough improper conduct. On the 18th of October the Commander-in-Chief died: on the 17th there had been a total eclipse of the moon. On the 2nd of November his brother-in-law, Don Lorenzo, who had succeeded as Captain-General, died; and, seven or eight days before, the priest, Antonio de Serpa; and on the 8th November the Vicar, Juan de Espinosa. There was great sickness amongst our people, and as there was little care for want of an apothecary and doctor, many of them died; and they begged the lady Governor, Doña Ysabel Barreto, to take them out of the country. One and all agreed to embark; and, trusting ourselves to the mercy of God, we left this port on Saturday the 18th of the said month, in a westerly direction to the S.W. point, making for the island of St. Christopher; or, more exactly, in search of it, to see if it or the Admiral's ship could be fallen in with, for so the lady Governor commanded. We sailed two days and saw nothing; and at the request of all the people, who cried out that we were taking them to destruction, she ordered me to shape the course from this town to Manilla, from a port in 10 1/2°, from which I came steering to N.W. to avoid meeting islands on the way, for we were ill-prepared to go amongst them: with the crews so sick that there died whilst we were sailing some fifty persons, and there in the island forty persons, a little more or less. We made our course, short of provisions, navigating 5° S. and as many in N. latitude. We met many impediments and calms, and in fully 6° N. latitude saw an island, which seemed to have a circumference of 25 leagues, thickly wooded, and inhabited by very many people, like those of the Ladrones, for we saw them in canoes which came out to us. From the S.E. to the N. and then to S.W. it is surrounded by large reefs. On its western side, about 4 leagues off, there are some low islets; we found no place to anchor, though we tried, for the galeot and frigate which sailed with our ship had disappeared some days back. From this place we came by the said course to latitude 13 3/4°, and in two days that we sailed W. in this latitude we sighted Serpana and Guan in the Ladrones, and we passed between the two and did not anchor, from not having ropes to lower and recover the boat. This day was the 3rd of January of 1596, and on the 14th of the said month we saw the cape of Espiritu Santo, and on the 15th anchored in the bay of Cobos. We arrived there in such a state that only the goodness of God could bring us thither, for human strength and resources were not enough to reach to a tenth of the way. There we arrived so dismantled, and the men so thin and worn out, that it was the most pitiable sight that could be seen, with only nine or ten pitchers of water. In this bay of Cobos the ship and crew were set to rights as much as was possible, and on Tuesday, the 2nd of February, we left that port and bay, and on the 10th of the same month we anchored in this port of Cabite. Besides the desire which I have to serve your Honour, that which moves me to leave this brief narrative with your Honour is, that an account may remain (if perchance God should dispose of my life, or anything else should arise, or I or she that I take with me should be missing), and that it may give light, which may be a business of great service to God and to the King our sovereign. May your Honour be pleased to accept the goodwill to serve you which I retain; and if God make me return to this port there will be an opportunity to set it forth better; and at the same time will your Honour forgive my being so short, for time is in fault for being so with me. I beg you to keep it secret, for man does not know what time brings; for looking at it rightly, it is fit that the first islands should remain concealed until His Majesty be informed, and order whatever may be most for his service: for as they are placed, taking a middle position between Peru, New Spain, and this country, the English, on knowing it, might settle in them, and do much mischief in this sea. And consider me as the faithful servant of your Honour, whom may God preserve many years, with much satisfaction and increase of dignity, etc. Your servant, Pedro Fernandez de Quiros. To the Dr. Antonio de Morga, Lieutenant-General of His Majesty in the Philippines. NARRATIVE OF THE VOYAGE OF Pedro Fernandez de Quiros IN 1606, FOR THE Discovery of the Austrial Regions. VOYAGE OF PEDRO FERNANDEZ DE QUIROS. CHAPTER I. Of various things that happened to the Chief Pilot, Pedro Fernandez de Quiros; until he arrived at the court of the King of Spain. Having sailed along the whole coast of New Spain, I arrived at the port of Payta on the 3rd of May, 1598. Thence I wrote a letter to the Viceroy, Don Luis de Velasco, and travelled by land to Lima, where I arrived on the 5th of June, and was very well received by the said Viceroy. He desired to be specially informed respecting all the particulars of our voyage and discoveries, and I gave him the best account in my power. I also offered that, if he would give me a vessel of 70 tons and 40 sailors, I would return to discover those lands and many others which I suspect to exist, and even felt certain that I should find in those seas. But in the end he came to the conclusion that he could not give me the necessary means without first consulting and receiving orders from His Majesty. He thought it would be the best plan that I should proceed in person to the court of Spain, as the business was so serious and important, and as no one could undertake it so well as myself, who possessed such complete information. On his part, the Viceroy would help me by giving me letters of introduction to the King and to his councillors. Having received them, I embarked on board the Capitana at the port of Callao, on the 17th of April, 1598, under General Don Beltran de Castro y de la Cueva, arriving at Panama after a voyage of twenty-two days. Thence I went by land to Puerto Bello, where I embarked in a frigate, and in seven days arrived at Cartagena. I found this place in great confusion, because a fleet of twenty large ships had appeared before it, under the command of the English Earl of Morlant (Cumberland), who had previously taken the city of Puerto Rico. But most of this fear disappeared on the arrival of Don Luis Fajardo, knight of the order of Calatrava, and General of the fleet for guarding the Indies and the route to them. From Cartagena I wrote to the Viceroy of Peru, in case I should die on the voyage, giving him a more detailed account of the enterprise I wished to undertake, and of what would be necessary when it should be taken in hand. Don Luis de Fajardo, having returned from Puerto Bello with the silver, I embarked on board his galleon, and we left Cartagena on the 1st of November, 1598. After twenty-seven days we anchored at Havanna, whence we sailed on the 16th of January in the following year, convoying thirty ships. Having made a good start, we encountered such a gale in 29° N. that we were in great danger of being lost. Many ships disappeared, and others, including ourselves, were obliged to return to Cartagena on Tuesday the 3rd of March. Thence I wrote to His Majesty and to the Viceroy of Peru; but we had to winter at that port all that year until, having sent the news to His Majesty and two galleons having come for the silver, the two Generals embarked fifteen millions on board twenty vessels. They made sail on the 4th of January and, after encountering several tempests, they sighted Cape St. Vincent, where they captured two English ships. On the 25th of February, 1600, with salutes of artillery, and amidst the music of instruments, we anchored at San Lucar. There I embarked for Seville, where I entered the city so well fitted for giving an account of myself, as may be understood from the labours I had passed through, and the hardships I had suffered. Finding myself free from them, and considering that the year was the holy one, during which the great jubilee is celebrated at Rome, I determined to go to Rome, and pass the summer in a visit to the holy city. With this object I sold the little I possessed, bought the dress of a pilgrim, and only with the help of a pilgrim's staff I went on foot to Cartagena of the east, encountering several adventures. When the galleys of Italy arrived, I embarked in one of them, which coasted along by Valencia and Barcelona. On the 5th of August we crossed the bay of Narbonne; and soon afterwards landed at the port of Baya, which is in the territory of Genoa. Thence, dressed as a pilgrim, and accompanied by two others and a friar, we passed through all the finest cities of Italy, where there was much to see and to notice. Finally, having reached the great city of Rome, I had the good fortune to be well received and listened to by the Lord Duke of Sesa, [73] who at that time held the office of Ambassador from Spain at that court. To him I gave an account of the lands that had been discovered, and of my desire to return to them; and submitted that it would be right for His Holiness to favour the enterprise. I addressed myself chiefly to the importance of saving an infinity of souls, such as exist in that new world. It seemed good to His Excellency, and he called together a meeting in his house of the best pilots and mathematicians to be found in Rome. Having made a detailed examination of my papers and charts in his presence, they came to the conclusion that all I had said was probable, and worthy to be put into execution. The Lord Duke then arranged for me an interview with His Holiness Clement VIII, which took place on the 28th of August, I having first dined at the table of the poor. His Holiness heard me very attentively, saw all the papers I showed him, and approved of my zeal and veracity. He encouraged me to persevere in my laudable intentions, and conceded many graces and indulgences for the time when I should begin the voyage. He gave me letters to the Majesty of the King our Lord, to whom also the Lord Duke of Sesa wrote letters of recommendation; and he also gave me letters to other princes and councillors of the court of Spain, with the means of proceeding thither. Having gained the holy jubilee, and beheld many things which were worthy of note, including the canonization of the glorious St. Raymond, I was still detained in Rome much longer than I expected, for the completion of the letters and indulgences already mentioned, and that His Holiness might show me favour by giving me some rosaries that had been blessed, and a piece of the wood of the Cross. About this there was great difficulty. At length, these and others having been overcome, the day arrived for my departure from Rome, which was the afternoon of Holy Wednesday of the year 1602. Having visited the holy dwelling of Our Lady of Loreto and passed through the cities of Arimino, [74] Forli, Ferrara, and Lodi, in which I found much to see and take note of, and where I met with various and notable adventures, I entered the city of Milan, which contains so many grand and admirable buildings, that to treat of them briefly would be to do them injustice. I passed by Pavia and Tortona, and went thence to sleep at the town of San Estevan, the first place in the territory of Genoa. Then I entered Genoa at so fortunate a time that on the second day I was able to embark on board one of the six galleys of Prince Doria, who was sent with his nephew to congratulate His Majesty on the birth of a princess. We arrived at Barcelona, where I went to Montserrat, and, passing through other cities of Spain, I entered Madrid on the octave of Corpus Christi of the same year, 1602. The court not being there, having moved to Valladolid, I went to the famous convent of the Escurial, where I had notice that His Majesty then was, with whom I might speak, and kiss his royal hands, and give him my memorial respecting my pretensions, on Monday, the 17th of June of the said year. CHAPTER II. Of what happened to the Captain Pedro Fernandez de Quiros at the court of Spain; negotiating for leave from His Majesty to discover and settle the southern parts; how, and in what form, the business was negotiated; and his voyage to Peru. Having spoken to His Majesty, and placed my first memorial in his hands, in which I declared my plan and its importance, he heard me with his accustomed clemency and benignity, and replied that he would order the matter to be seen to. Presently I went to speak with Don Juan Idiaquez, with the Father Confessor, with Don Pedro Franqueza, and with other Members of the Council of State, and important persons about the court, who might be able to help in despatching my business. To these I gave the letters I brought from the Viceroy of Peru and the Ambassador at Rome; and I showed to them the letters of His Holiness, and the other papers and charts relating to my discovery. Some received me well, holding the affair to be serious and worthy of support. Others thought little of it or of me, thinking that I promised more than I could perform, and that for the performance of so great a deed, a person of more parts and valour was needed. Some answered me that sufficient lands had been discovered for His Majesty, and that what signified was to people and settle them, rather than go in search of those I said were new, which were so distant that they would be difficult and costly to maintain, after they had been conquered and settled. There were not wanting those who threw doubts on the utility of such conquests. So that I was forced to be more importunate to His Majesty, submitting new memorials every day, representing the arguments in favour of the enterprise, and endeavouring to satisfy those who opposed me. During this time I had much trouble at court, and I made a long discourse on the life passed by those who had business to prosecute there. I had different replies, some sharp, and others gentle, like those from Don Pedro Franqueza and others of the Council of State. At last, on the last day of Easter, in the year 1603, I was sent for by Don Pedro Franqueza, who told me that my business was despatched; and he took me to the Chief Secretary, named Matienzo, and said that, as he valued his regard, he was not to delay me on any point. So on Saturday, the 5th of April, they delivered to me some orders of His Majesty which contained my despatch, and which had been passed by the Council of State. Their tenor is as follows:-- Copy of the Order of His Majesty touching the Principal Despatch. To Don Luis de Velasco or the Count of Monterey, my relation, my Viceroy and Captain General in my kingdoms and provinces of Peru, or such other person as may be governing in my name, at the time of the delivery of this order. There has come here from Rome the Captain Pedro Fernandez de Quiros, a Portuguese; and the Duke of Sesa and of Baena, of my Council of State and my Ambassador at that Court, wrote to me that in the holy year he had news from Friar Diego de Soria, Prior at Manilla of the Order of San Domingo, that there would be found at that court the said Captain Quiros, who was a great pilot with much experience of the South Sea and of the great gulf between the coasts of New Spain and Peru and Japan and the Philippine Islands, having been Chief Pilot of the second discovery made by the Adelantado Alvaro de Mendaña. The said Father represented that it would be much for the service of God and for mine to introduce him, that he might again return to discover these unknown parts and islands. So the Duke sent for him to his house to ask him concerning curious things relating to his art; and entertained him there for near seventeen months, during which time he opened his mind, and showed many papers he possessed, and drew up others which he communicated to Father Clavio and other mathematicians and distinguished geographers. All were persuaded, by the proofs and reasonings he submitted to them, that there could not fail to be either a continental land or a number of islands from the Strait of Magellan to New Guinea and Java and the other islands of that great archipelago. And they concluded that, enjoying the best part of the torrid and temperate zones, where it has been seen, as well in the ancient provinces of the world as in the new discoveries, that much and very good and rich land exists which has a temperate and therefore a habitable climate. They are, therefore, of opinion that it is very desirable to lose no time in discovering that southern region, unknown until now, which will be a great service to God. Besides the interest and advantages that this discovery promises, it will be easier to explore the southern region than it was to find the Western Indies. When the said Captain returned from that long navigation, including detentions in various parts, lasting for two years, he offered to Don Luis de Velasco, my Viceroy of Peru and your predecessor, to return in the same ship in which he had come, to that discovery, if it should prove necessary, as far as New Guinea and the Moluccas, and to return to Peru by way of the Philippines, with a full account of all he had discovered. But though it seemed well to the Viceroy he did not act, but gave the Captain letters to me and to His Holiness, who has heard and spoken with him. His Holiness was pleased with his proposals, insomuch that he has conceded many spiritual gifts for those parts (if I order the voyage to be undertaken), for the reasonings of the said Captain satisfied him. The Duke has given me a good account of his parts, good judgment, experience in his profession; and has assured me that he is a worker, quiet, disinterested, of decent life, zealous for the service of God and for my service. As regards the theory (according to what the mathematicians at Rome affirm) they say that there are few pilots who know as much as he does; that he is expert in making globes, and charts for navigating; that he well understands the use of instruments necessary for navigation, and that he showed them two of his own invention, one by which to know, in navigating, the difference made by the needle between the N.E. and N.W. points, and the other for taking an altitude with more ease and accuracy. Both were commended by the Fathers Clavio and Villalpando of the Company of Jesus, and by the Doctors Toribio Perez and Masa, who have lectured publicly in mathematics at Salamanca, as well as by distinguished geographers. Captain Quiros had made an offer to the Duke that, I being served by it, he would go from Spain by the Strait of Magellan and return by the Eastern Indies, having gone round the world, using, by sea and land, the instruments he had made, and that he would make quite clear the true differences made by the needle in variation: a matter which up to the present time is very obscure, and respecting which there are many different opinions. The discovery of the truth will be of great advantage to navigation, in giving a knowledge of the true latitude and longitude of places, ports, and capes discovered, or which may be discovered in various voyages. In conformity with what has been reported, the said Captain Quiros has related to me all that he has told to others respecting the navigations and discoveries; proving his statements by writings and maps of the islands he discovered, when he served as Chief Pilot under the said Adelantado, Alvaro de Mendaña, describing the diversity of people shown by their different colours, yet appearing to be docile, and the fertility of the islands which promised wealth. He prayed that, taking into consideration his zeal, and that his ends and objects being the service of God and my service, and the conversion of these people to our holy faith, and the good that might accrue from the discoveries (without reference to his interests), and besides all this the way in which the navigation of these wide seas would be facilitated through the great practice and experience he has of them, I would be served by ordering that a ship, not very large, should be provided with crew, provisions, munitions, and other things necessary for the said navigation and enterprise; and that matters should be arranged in a manner that would enable him to accomplish what he wishes to undertake. Having considered his proposal, with the attention that so serious a matter requires, for the increase of the faith and the benefit of the souls of those remote people, and placing the service of God before all things, as is reasonable, after consulting my Council of State, I have resolved:-- That the said Captain Quiros shall presently depart to make this discovery, in the first fleet for Peru; and I ordain and command that on his arrival you are to give him two very good ships with which he will be satisfied, to fit them out and provide them with the number of people necessary, well victualled, and supplied with munitions and arms requisite for so long a voyage. The ships are also to be supplied with things for bartering with natives, if they should reach places where this can be done, in conformity with the general orders which you and your predecessors have for similar discoveries, and with all that seems most conducive to my service. The cost of the preparations, of the people who will be embarked, of the provisions, munitions, clothing, and other things necessary for the voyage, is to be defrayed from my royal revenues, and from those which are most readily available. You are to give orders that some bare-foot friars, of the Order of St. Francis, exemplary and of good life, are taken; and you are to see that the people who are embarked in the said ships are good and useful, ordering them to obey and respect the said Captain during the voyage out and home, as their leader and superior, whom I name for that position from this time, obeying him in all things. Take notice that it is my will that the said Captain Quiros is presently to make this voyage and discovery without delay; and so I charge and order you very positively to comply promptly with my orders, without interposing doubts or difficulties, notwithstanding that this order does not come through my Council of the Indies. The business being peculiar, I have arranged and I shall be served by its coming through the Council of State, and in this I must receive precise service from you. By the first ship you are to report the arrival of the said Captain Quiros in those my kingdoms, and how you have furnished him with the said two ships, and provided him with all that is necessary. For I shall look out, with much anxiety, for the news of compliance with my orders. And to such of my officials or accountants as have the duty of keeping the accounts respecting what is contained in my royal letter, I order and command that they receive and pass the expenditure which you sanction out of my royal revenues, with your orders or letters of payment without seeking any other authority; for I approve it, from this time as well and properly spent and paid, and this shall be their authority. In Valladolid, 31st of March, 1603. Copies of two other Royal Orders. To Don Luis de Velasco, or the Count of Monterey, my cousin, my Viceroy and Captain-General in my kingdoms and provinces of Peru, or whomsoever shall be governing the said kingdoms in my name at the time that this Order is presented. Although in another separate letter I have caused to be written to you very specially the reasons which have moved me to resolve to send the Captain Pedro Fernandez de Quiros, a Portuguese by nation, who will deliver this, to proceed with two ships well supplied with men, victuals, munitions, and artillery, to discover the southern islands and lands as far as New Guinea and Java Major, in this I desire to repeat those orders, as I do very particularly, that, without hindrance by difficulties or other causes, you are to further my service by sending the said Captain Quiros, with as much despatch as possible, with the said two ships, so that my orders may be complied with quickly; and I trust to you that you will do your part in providing the two ships, in obedience to my commands. For besides that it is furthering my service, I take a particular inclination and pleasure in the discovery that is to be undertaken, for the increase, which is to be hoped from it, of our holy faith among those remote people, for the glory of God and the public benefit, which is the object I have before me. You are to advise me, by the first opportunity, of what steps you have taken, for I shall await the news with the desire for it that you should understand. From Valladolid, the 31st of March, 1603. The King. To whomsoever my Viceroys, Governors, Lieutenant-Governors, Captains-General, Adelantados, and Admirals of my armies and fleets by land and sea in the eastern and western Indies, the Philippine and other islands, and coast of Africa, and to all my Ministers of Justice and War, of whatsoever title, quality, nation or condition they may be, to whom this my royal order may be presented. Forasmuch as I have ordered the Captain Pedro Fernandez de Quiros, a Portuguese by nation, to proceed to the city of Lima in Peru, and with two ships, well supplied with men, victuals, and munitions of war, to proceed thence to discover New Guinea, Java Major, and other southern lands and islands, returning by that part of the world to these my kingdoms of Spain, to deliver and account to me of what he had seen and discovered, and of the observations he will have made by land and sea during his navigation, in conformity with the orders he has received. I hereby order and command you, that in whatever part of the said my kingdoms and states the said Captain, or the officers and sailors who go with him, may arrive with the said two ships or any one of them, or with any other vessel, you shall receive, protect, and succour the said Captain and his people in my ports and lands, and provide them with whatever is necessary to complete the said voyage without delay; and you are to assist them to obtain whatever they may require, and he may ask for, as he is my servant and Captain, going expressly to carry out my orders; and you are not to interpose any impediments or difficulties, but rather you are to extend to him favour and help, if you desire or seek my approval. For this proceeds from my will, and is very conformable to my royal service. At Valladolid, March 31st, 1603. These orders were accompanied by many letters, which were given to me at court by some great lords, for the Viceroy of Peru. Having communicated the letters of His Holiness to the Royal Council of the Indies, the Count of Lemos, who was President of that Council, and the other members of it, desired that I should explain to them my objects and intentions, and they ordered that I should bring them a map. I went to give this account in a garden of the court, where the other members assembled to hear me. Having listened to what I told them, they were satisfied, and rather envious that my despatch should have been arranged by the Council of State. But I was not yet contented, on seeing that, in the orders that had been prepared, a special clause had not been inserted that, in the event of my failure or death, I might nominate another person to carry on and complete the discovery. So I represented that an order should be given to me, with this provision; and, after some trouble, I succeeded. The additional order is as follows:-- The King. To Don Luis de Velasco or the Count of Monterey, my cousin, my Viceroy and Captain-General in my kingdoms and provinces of Peru, or whomsoever may be governing in my name at the time that this order is presented. The Captain Pedro Fernandez de Quiros who, by my order, proceeds to make discoveries in the unknown parts of the south and others (as is contained in more detail in the despatches which I have ordered to be sent to you), has besought me, in order to make more sure of the success of the enterprise that, if he should fail through sickness, accident, or death, that as great a success as is expected from the said discovery for the service of God and of our Holy Faith may not be lost, I shall be served by ordering that, in the said event, you shall nominate a person equally able and sufficient for the duty, in order that with the said despatches and papers and writings that he may have left, concerning what he had seen and what he hoped to discover, such a person may continue the said discovery. And as what he asks is a testimony of his zeal in the service of God, in my service, and in that of Christianity, I order and specially charge you that if our Lord should be served by the failure of the said Captain Quiros, or if he should not be able to go on the said voyage, with the papers and memorial that he will leave to explain and throw light on his intentions, you shall nominate the most suitable person you can find to take his place and carry out this great undertaking. And to him who may be selected you are to give all the assistance and help he needs, in the form indicated in the previous orders; and this is my will, and is conformable to my service. At Aranjuez, May 9th, 1603. With this I set out on the road to Seville, and found the fleet for New Spain ready to sail. I at once applied to the House of Commerce for my despatch; and, though there were some difficulties to overcome, in the night of the eve of St. John I went on board a brigantine, and proceeded down the river of Seville. But when I reached the bay of Cadiz I found that the fleet had already sailed, consisting of thirty ships, and in the fleet was the Marquis of Montes Claros, going out as Viceroy of New Spain. I had to do what I could, and in great haste. So I took a passage in a frigate, commanded by Captain Diego Ramirez, going to Tierra-firme under convoy of the fleet. After a good voyage we sighted the island of Marigalanta on the 1st of August; and on the next day, which was that of a Franciscan festival called "Porciuncula," we came into the port of Guadaloupe, when the Viceroy and Vice-queen landed to hear Mass. At dinner-time the persons of most consequence went on board again; but a great many remained on shore, wandering about or washing clothes. They were suddenly attacked by the natives of that island, who fell upon them with great shouting and flights of arrows. It seemed certain that they would be captured, killed, or wounded, and, in consequence, upwards of sixty persons were drowned, seven of whom were Dominican friars. This caused great sorrow and perturbation throughout the fleet, and was a prognostication of what was afterwards to happen. For that night there rose a wind from the S.S.W., which was nearly abeam; and as the ships were near the shore and close to each other, they were all in great danger, especially the Capitana, for another ship, named the Pandorga, came into collision with her, and both were in danger of being lost. It was necessary for the Viceroy and the Vice-queen, almost naked, to pass to another ship. They left behind much property that was coming with them; and the ships were ordered to be burnt, that they might not fall into the hands of enemies. The other ships put to sea as well as they were able, and proceeded on their voyage, and our frigate on hers, making for the island called Curaçoa. The frigate's voyage was so unlucky that, on the vespers of St. Lawrence, she struck and went to pieces on some rocks, which we afterwards learned were those off the island called "Aves." We found ourselves in great trouble, but by the mercy of God most of the people were saved, being taken in the boat to those rocks. With the same boat what was possible of the ship's gear was got on land, with which we set to work, until the diligent Captain ordered the boat to be sawn in two, and a small vessel to be built of the materials, which was launched in the end of August. He said that he was determined to send her with all the passengers, and me as their leader, to the port of Guayra, of the city of Caraccas, to bring back provisions for those who remained, with some vessel in which the whole party could escape from that dangerous prison into which God had put them. I do not know whether it was worse for those who remained behind, or for those who went in the vessel. But by the favour of God, having passed through great hardships, I arrived at Caraccas, and gave an account of what had happened to the Governor, who supplied me with what was necessary, and I returned with the refreshments to my unhappy companions who, with penitence and prayers, besought God for my return. They had been on an allowance of only two ounces of bread for ten days. Having brought the relief and almost made another frigate, I said to the Captain that it was only fair that I should continue my voyage. So I took my leave, and embarked, with certain persons returning to Caraccas, where I remained for eight months, waiting for a passage. I noted and wrote in much detail the things I observed concerning that island. [75] By great good luck I found there three children of a brother of mine, of whom I had not heard for many years. It appeared that he had married there and died, leaving a widow and these three children. It seemed to me right that I should take them out of such a bad country, and bring them with me. I got leave from the grandfather, for the widow was also dead, and I took the two boys, [76] leaving the little girl with her grandfather. At last the time for my long desired departure arrived, and I embarked for Cartagena in a frigate. There I presented to the Governor the order of His Majesty, in which all his officers are instructed to help me; but he made little account either of the order or of assisting me. As soon as I could I again embarked for Puerto Bello, and arrived at Panama so poor that for the space of eight days I had not one rial. I arrived, owing for the hire of the mules and many other things. So I determined to apply to the Audience of that city to present me with 200 dols. from the treasury, or I should have to seek it at a loss from merchants, to be repaid at Lima. But the judges made as little of me as of the royal orders which I presented, saying that that was no place for advances from the public funds. So I had to retire to my poor lodging, where I was sued by the muleteer and other creditors. In the middle of these troubles, on Monday, the 30th of August, the most Holy Sacrament went forth from its house to the hospital, which was built of old wood. Ascending to the upper story, as the weight of the people was great, a large part of the building gave way, and we fell, sixty of us, with the beds and patients, a height of more than twenty feet. There were many accidents. A priest was killed on the spot, and there were broken limbs. I escaped with what I got, which was a severe blow on the left side, a wound on the right ankle, and a hand cut open by a nail. My cure cost me four bleedings and two months and a-half in bed, without possessing a single maravedi during the whole time, and in a very expensive place. Only by a miracle I found anyone to take pity on me in my necessity. When barely convalescent, I was able to embark in a ship bound for Peru, without a bit of bread or a jar of water. God favoured me with such a good voyage that in twenty days we anchored at Payta, and I sent a letter by the chasqui to the Count of Monterey, who had arrived as Viceroy of that kingdom from New Spain. Embarking again, God was served that in eighteen days I should arrive at the port of Callao, where I disembarked on the 6th of March, 1605, with debts for the passage and food, and with no money. I hired horses from one I had known before, and entered Lima by night. I went round without being able to find any hostelry, until God led me to a potter who, for that night and for three other nights, hospitably received me with goodwill among his pots; so that I am able to say with good reason that I arrived at Lima weighted down with so many old labours to make a beginning with new ones, in the way that will be seen by what follows. CHAPTER III. Of what more happened in the city of the Kings and in its port of Callao, to the Captain Pedro Fernandez de Quiros, until his despatch took effect, and he embarked for the new discovery. After I had arrived at the city of the Kings, three days passed without being able to obtain admission to or audience with the Viceroy, to explain to him my plans, and inform him respecting the orders of His Majesty. I spoke with him for the first time on Friday, the 11th of March, and, having seen the royal order, he appointed an audience on the 25th of the same month, which he gave me. He had ordered to be present two judges, two religious persons of the Company of Jesus, the General of Callao, Don Lope de Ulloa, the Captain of the Guard, and a secretary. The Viceroy ordered me to read certain papers referring to the business, and to explain everything. He had a general chart spread out on a buffet, with which he satisfied himself when I answered the questions they asked me. Although, in the course of the discussion, the Viceroy said that it appeared more convenient to him to make the voyage from Manilla, where the expedition could be fitted out at less cost than would be incurred in the purchase of two ships at Lima, I answered that the royal order expressly commanded that the expedition should start from Lima and not from the Philippines, and that the contrary winds would be against all successful navigation. I added that there was a want of sailors and soldiers at Manilla. There were those at the audience to whom my remarks seemed to be just. Don Juan de Villela, one of the judges, was strongly in favour of the expedition; also the Father Francisco Coello, who had been "Alcalde" of the Court of Justice and Assessor to the late Viceroy, Don Luis de Velasco. They were present when I gave an account of my navigation and my plans on the first occasion; so that they were witnesses brought by God to prove the truths of which I treated. The Viceroy showed himself to be satisfied with my arguments, and of the importance and grandeur of the proposed discovery. Yet, owing to his bad health and many occupations, and to the difficulties which always arise in business of this kind that has to pass through many hands, the despatch could not be proceeded with as quickly as was necessary, and as I desired. If the day of St. Francis should pass, the best time of the year would be lost for making sail and shaping a S.W. course. So that I was forced to continue my memorials to the Viceroy, and to set forth all the details I deemed necessary to arm, equip, and provision the ships for so long a voyage. I found more opposers than helpers. Don Fernando de Castro, husband of my former Governess, Doña Isabel Barreto, who, with all her household, had come to live in Peru, opposed my undertaking as trenching on the Solomon Islands, which he inherited through his wife, who was the widow of their discoverer, the Adelantado Alvaro de Mendaña. But the good cavalier was convinced by my pious reasoning, and he said that, as he understood it, he would condemn the soul who pretended to disturb me. The Doctor Arias Ugarte, a Judge of the Royal Audience, learning in what poverty and discomfort I lived, invited me to his house and table: an offer such as a brother might make, or one friend to another. Seeing that my wish differed from his, he wanted to make me accept a great dish full of dollars, almost by force. I gave him thanks, and said that it did not seem right for one serving His Majesty in a great undertaking to be sustained by alms. At length, after many memorials and much worry, I induced the Viceroy to nominate commissaries whose duty it was to see that the most necessary things were provided for my despatch. Those matters relating to the sea were under the superintendence of the Admiral, Juan Colmanero de Andrada, who was not well disposed towards me. This was the reason that I had to return to the Viceroy with complaints and importunities, in which he honoured and favoured me. One day he said to me that, by virtue of the royal order I had shown him, he wished to name a person to go in my company, who was to take my place and office in the event of my death. I answered that I did not wish to take with me any one who would know that he was to succeed me, for that was an arrangement fraught with obvious danger. In the order His Majesty allowed that I myself made the proposal, with the object that if I should die before I reached Lima, or before I left the port, the enterprise should continue in being. But at present I was strong and well; so I begged him to suspend this business until it was seen what God ordained; and that he would leave it in my charge; so that when it appeared necessary I could select such a person as time had shown to merit the charge of so serious an enterprise. In this position the matter rested, and my despatch proceeded, though with slow steps. As the time for starting approached, it was represented that the pay should be in advance, and the persons who raised the question claimed that it should be given on board the ships, or with good securities. I succeeded in satisfying them, saying that, as His Majesty had entrusted to me and to them a business of such importance, it was not just to proceed in all things with such limitation. Having settled this, I took steps for my people to receive the jubilee which had been conceded by His Holiness, and that a special festival should be held for them in the convent of St. Francis of the port of Callao, where were the six friars who were to go in our ships. The standards and banners were to be blessed, and we were to come forth with all our people in procession, in the clothes of sackcloth which almost all had made for the occasion. But the envy which is so powerful put a stop to this laudable intention, and there were not wanting those who opposed the blessing and raising of the standard, as if the undertaking was not for the service of His Majesty. However, all the people confessed and took the sacrament. The standards and banners were embarked, rolled up on their staves; and I, with other persons of the fleet, went to seek for the six friars. These, accompanied by many others of their Order, and by their guardian and commissary, came forth from their convent, and were lovingly embraced by many people, for always at such partings many tears are shed. We all went on board together, with the Admiral and other royal officers. When the inspection was made, there was not a single man missing who had received pay, and not counting those, there were twenty-two. One day before, I had been to Lima to take leave of the Viceroy, having with me the two captains of the other two ships. I asked him to pardon me for having been so pressing, for it had been necessary to make a finish of my despatch. The Viceroy answered that, on the contrary, he was much pleased, and he embraced me, and afterwards the other two captains: saying that, owing to his serious indisposition, he was unable to go to the port to see us start, as he desired, but that he would write a letter to all the people of the expedition, which was to be read publicly before making sail, as was done. Its tenor was as follows:-- Letter of the Viceroy, Count of Monterey. Illness will not allow me to honour and favour with my presence your departure from the port, and the commencement of your navigation. As I am unable to say to you what is desirable in words, I have decided to do so by a letter. I feel very sure that, in general, you have understood the lofty aims for the service of God our Lord which has moved his royal Majesty to undertake this discovery with great cost to his treasury; and what mighty interests may result from the enterprise to the church of God, by the saving of many souls, and to the crown of Spain by the increase of its dominions. So I trust that you will keep the one and the other object present to your minds, being the principal reasons which also moved us to the undertaking. I desire to charge you to maintain peace and obedience from subordinates to their officers, and from all to the Captain Pedro Fernandez de Quiros, who has been ordered by His Majesty to make this voyage. And I charge you to keep in memory that he represents in his person the Viceroy himself, as if I myself was on board, and as if I gave the orders that he will give; showing that, in the discipline and obedience that you must exercise on all occasions, you signally display your loyalty as good vassals to His Majesty. He who falls away from this shall be severely judged by the councillors of His Majesty, or the royal ministers where the matter is reported, and especially by me in cases that come before me. May God guide you and send you forth to do His will. Given on December 20th, 1605. As soon as the letter was read, the ships being ready, the various banners were displayed from the mastheads and tops, and the royal standard was hoisted, the yards were raised, and the anchors got up in the name of the most holy Trinity. The sails were set, and the men on their knees prayed for a good voyage to our Lady of Loreto, saying that this fleet is dedicated to her name, and sails trusting in her favour and protection. All the artillery, muskets, and arquebuses were fired off. The ships passed near the other royal ships, which were saluting with their pieces, with many people on their decks and galleries, and many more in the town, on balconies and roofs, and on the beach, watching attentively as we left the port. It was the day of St. Thomas the Apostle, Wednesday, at three in the afternoon, the 21st of December, 1605, the sun being in the last degree of Sagittarius. In this manner the three ships departed. The Capitana was named San Pedro y San Pablo. She was bought from Sebastian de Goite y Figueroa, and was well adapted for such service. The other vessel, as Almiranta, was rather small, and was also purchased for His Majesty in the port of Callao. The third was a launch, or zabra, of small size, which had lately arrived from the Galapagos Islands, to rescue the people who had been wrecked there. She was very strong and a good sailer. In all three were embarked nearly three hundred men, sailors and soldiers, with some small pieces of artillery, arquebuses and muskets, provisions of all kinds for one year, iron implements, fruits and animals of Peru for those who should form a settlement, and the said six friars of the Order of St. Francis, also four brothers of Juan de Dios to cure the sick. As Chief Pilot there came one against my will, whom they made me receive, as he had taken the Count of Monterey from New Spain. He did me much injury. [77] The second Pilot was called the Captain Pedro Bernal Cermeño, to whom I delivered the charge and command of the launch. CHAPTER IV. How the Captain, Pedro Fernandez de Quiros, having left the port of Callao with his fleet, navigated from the coast of Peru, and his instructions to the pilots, sailors and soldiers that they might know how to govern themselves. Commencing to leave the port of Callao, the prows of the three ships were pointed in the direction of their destination. The sun went down. The Almiranta asked for her name. She was given the name of San Pedro, patron of the same ship, and of the cause. They sailed with the wind S.S.E., so prevalent on that coast, thence to E.S.E., and as we went on the wind passed from point to point until it was due east, where it remained for many days, blowing gently. It seems that the lofty cordillera of Peru, running north and south, impedes the wind from blowing east until a good offing is gained, when it is the ordinary wind. The Captain, during the three first days, made entries in his journal, but presently his health failed him. For he took such a headache from Lima that he could suffer neither sun nor shade, and could expose it neither bare nor covered. On this malady there came a spasm which caused him much suffering, and, as was afterwards supposed, he was cured by this reversed attack, though none of these changes sufficed to finish him. For whom God wishes will live. The three eves and days of Christmas, Circumcision, and Epiphany, were celebrated with great festivity; and at the Conversion of St. Paul, the Captain, not having been able to do so before, issued the following instructions to the people of his ship, and to those of the other two ships of his fleet, judging them to be very necessary. Instructions. Pedro Fernandez de Quiros, Captain and Chief of the three vessels of the fleet, of which he has command, to discover the unknown southern regions for His Majesty. As it is agreeable to the service of God our Lord, and to that of the King of Spain, Philip, third of that name, whose is this fleet, and whose vassal I am, and in whose name I go on this service; and as it is conducive to good government that the Captains should have rules to keep respecting the voyage that has to be made, and other work that has to be done, if by chance, owing to a tempest or other legitimate cause, they should part company from me, they should be given instructions and notices that they may follow and carry out the orders with regard to the charge with which they are entrusted. I, therefore, give to Luis Vaez de Torres, Admiral of the ship called San Pedro, the orders as follows:-- I specially charge the said Admiral that he is to maintain Christian, political, and military discipline among the men of his ship. Further, I charge him to see that they do not curse nor blaspheme, nor say or do other things evil against God our Lord, nor against the most holy Mother, nor against angels, saints, or things divine or sacred; and if perchance (which may God not permit) there are some so wicked as to dare to utter such blasphemies, he is to punish them severely and rigorously as their crimes deserve. Further, I charge him not to consent to any playings with dice or cards, either for small or great stakes; and if by chance there should be any playing cards found in his ship, or dice (except for playing at backgammon), he is to throw them overboard as a thing very prejudicial to the objects of the voyage; and if the games at tables cause disputes and trouble, they are also to be thrown overboard, so as to avoid all occasion for mischief. He is to take great care that every day, in the afternoon, all the people go on their knees before an altar where there are images of Christ and of the Virgin Mary, and that the Litany of Our Lady of Loreto is recited, praying for her favour and for her intercession, that God our Lord may guide us and show us the lands and people we seek, and help us in all that undertaking on which we are employed, and grant us that success which will be to His honour and glory and for the good of so many of His creatures. Further, I charge him that he forbids and by all means prevents any one from taking God's name in vain, the person so offending forfeiting his ration for that day, and if he has already had it, for the next day; and the same punishment is to be inflicted on such persons as may give him to eat, even if they are his own mess-mates. If the blasphemer repents his fault, he may be pardoned the first time, but for the second, third, or other times he may be put in irons, or fined for the benefit of souls in purgatory; and this may not be remitted. And that this may be known to all, a copy of this chapter is to be nailed to the ship's main mast. Further, he is to be very vigilant in preventing free or disrespectful words being spoken of the royal person or his service: and those who so offend are to be punished promptly and with rigour, always justifying what is inflicted for this or other offences. Further, he is to take care and use much diligence in treating kindly and lovingly all the people under his charge, and to honour and maintain each one of his officers in the posts they occupy, and to cause them to be respected and to respect each other. In short, he is to acquire those methods and habits which are necessary to keep his people contented and firm in their love, truthfulness, fidelity, and loyalty, remembering how worthy of esteem that Captain is who, without the use of knife or other rigour, governs his people in peace. Further, he is to look after the Master of the Ship with vigilance, who is to see that the provisions do not turn bad and are not wasted; and that those respecting which there is a suspicion that they may turn bad are used first. The ration to be served out each day to each person on board, whether receiving wages or not, is 1 1/2 lbs. of biscuit, 1 lb. of meat, 2 oz. of bacon, 1 oz. of pulses, half a gallon of water for drinking, and sufficient for cooking. On fish days the ration is to be one fish or (if it is large) part of one, 6 oz. of pulses, a measure of oil, another of vinegar; biscuit and water as on meat days. If there is no fish, 4 oz. of cheese is to be substituted. As regards extras, what appears most convenient is to be done, always seeing that there is no pretext for complaints, and considering that there is much time and a long voyage before us. He is to be very diligent, both by day and night, in following the Capitana ship, which will shape a W.S.W. course until the latitude of 30° is reached; and when that is reached and no land has been seen, the course will be altered to N.W. until the latitude of 10° 15'; and if no land has yet been found, a course will be followed on that parallel to the west, in search of the island of Santa Cruz. There a port will be sought in the bay of Graciosa, in 10° of latitude, and 1,850 leagues from the city of the Kings, to the south of a great and lofty volcano, standing alone in the sea, about 8 leagues from the said bay. The Captain who arrives first in this port, which is at the head of the bay, between a spring of water and a moderate-sized river, with bottom from 40 to 35 fathoms, is to anchor there, and wait there three months for the other two ships. When together, a resolution will be taken as to what further shall be done, in compliance with His Majesty's orders. If by chance the other ships do not arrive, the Captain, before he departs, is to raise a cross, and at the foot of it, or of the nearest tree, he is to make a sign on the trunk, to be understood by him who next arrives, and to bury a jar with the mouth closed with tar, and containing a narrative of all that has happened and of his intentions. Then he will steer S.W. as far as 20°, thence N.W. to 4°, and on that parallel he is to steer west in search of New Guinea. After coasting all along that land, he is to proceed to the city of Manilla, in the island of Luzon of the Philippines, in 14° N., thence by the eastern Indies to Spain, to give an account to His Majesty of all that has been discovered. Further, he is to be diligent in taking the sun daily, and at night the star Crucero, or at least whenever the weather admits of it, that he may know his latitude and plot it on his chart, making allowances for lee-way, caused by winds or currents, and for the variation of the needle; and for greater accuracy, he shall take care to correct it by the sun, or by a known star when on the meridian. He is also to be careful to note the number of leagues made by the ship each day, the winds and the changes, the showers, currents, flights of birds, shoals of fishes, and signs of land, with its appearance when sighted. Also, he is to note the islands, whether inhabited or uninhabited, and place them on the chart in their latitude, longitude, and form. If it is continental land, he is to do the same as regards ports, capes, anchorages, and all other features; writing descriptions of the positions of each feature, of the rivers and places where wood and water can be obtained, as well as the rocks and reefs that are met with. If the bottom is sand, it is to be denoted by dots of ink, if of rocks by small crosses. Besides these details, the colour, shape, features, and dress of the inhabitants are to be noted, their food, arms, boats, behaviour, and government and religion; so that a full and detailed account can be given to the King our Lord in his Council of State, from whence the orders for the voyage were issued. Every day he will come up to this Capitana, as is the custom, to give his respects and wish for a good voyage; and to ask for the word, which will be answered and given in the customary way. He is to take care that, at sunrise and sunset, and oftener if it seems desirable, two men go to the masthead to look out over all parts of the horizon; and at night the sentries are to be doubled, one being on the bowsprit. The rounds and over-rounds are to be gone by him in person, and when he is not able, he is to delegate the duty to others in whom he has confidence. In this he is to be punctual, and rigorous in punishing those he finds not keeping a good look-out, or sleeping. In taking in sail, when the weather is threatening, there must be no negligence. When the Capitana puts out a flag from the main topmast, it is a signal to the pilots for the ships to close. The ships shall then come near the Capitana to receive orders. If the Capitana should alter course during the night, a gun will be fired, if it is desired to give notice that land is sighted, or that there are rocks, two guns will be fired. The other two ships will do the same, and all three will repeat, to show that the signal is understood. If by day it is necessary to communicate, a flag is to be shown on the main rigging, so that it may be seen by the other two ships, and presently they will close, to learn what is wanted. If it is night, two lights are to be shown, besides the stern lantern, as a signal that help is needed, which presently will be given. Great precautions are to be taken against fire. There is to be no lighted candle nor other fire between decks, except within a lantern in charge of a man to watch it. And this duty is not to be given to any person unless he can be trusted. Much care is to be taken that there is no waste in cord, powder, or balls; and attention is to be given to all the royal stores that there may be no fraud whatever in their expenditure. If there is both wind and sea, and both suddenly cease, being night time, heave to and sound, and keep a good look-out, as the cause may be the interposition of land close to. If there are puffs and flaws of wind besides the wind that fills the sails, or the ship raises her head and stern as if she was being pushed, it being night time, take soundings, for she may be very near the land or rocks, where the sea breaks and sends back the surf. If, the sky being clear, the sun, moon, and stars come out and are higher than the horizon, it is a certain sign of land; at night heave to and sound, at daytime look out for it. If on the route there should be thick mists ahead which do not move away, or a fixed line, or a damp fog, heave to and sound, keeping a good look-out, for there is probably land near. If certain flashes with little lights are seen ahead, accompanied by thunder, or there are puffs of wind, it being night time, heave to and sound, as they may be signs of small rocks or islets. If the lightning is forked and the thunder loud, also heave to and sound, keeping a good look-out. If in spite of the wind that is blowing there come dry gusts from another quarter, or with rain or hail, it is a sign of land being near; it being night time, heave to, waiting for daylight to seek for it. If the sea appears greasy, with leaves of trees, grass, herbs, wood, branches, palm nuts, and other things which the waves carry from the shores, and rivers send down when in flood, it is a sign of land being near in the direction of the present course of the wind, or the currents have brought them. In that case the circumstances will indicate what it is best to do, but land will be left behind towards the quarter whence the wind comes. If there are currents it is better when they are strong, or there are shoals of small fishes which seem to swarm over the sea, or patches of camarones, sea snakes, seals, turtles, much bad water, or some land birds, take care, for the ship will be very near the land. If flocks of many sea birds are met with, such as boobies and petrels, note should be taken of the direction in which they fly, and whence they come in the morning; noticing whether they assemble early and return late, for then they are far from the land; but if they assemble late and return early, the land is near. If they are not seen to assemble, and are heard to make a noise at night, and are still to be seen at dawn, then either land is very near or the birds have slept on the sea. It is to be noted that these birds almost always frequent islets or rocks, because they are nearer their fishing grounds. For this reason there should be vigilance to avoid shoals. If the birds that may be met with are piqueros, ducks, widgeons, gulls, estopegados, terns, sparrowhawks, flamingos or siloricos, it is a sign that the land is very near; but if there are only boobies so much care is not necessary, because these birds are found far from land, and the same may be said of boatswain birds, which fly where they please. Moreover, if all the birds, or part of them, fly together, it is a sign of proximity to land; and it should be noted whether some of these birds fly as if wounded, seeking land on one or the other side. If patches of brown water are seen on the sea, it is a sign that there are rocks near the surface; if the patches are white, it is a sign of a sandy bottom, with little depth; a black patch is a sign of ooze and mud; and a green patch points to a bottom covered with weeds. In short, if the sea is of any other colour than the ordinary one of the ocean where there is great depth, namely, dark blue, it is necessary to exercise care, and much more if at night the sea should be heard to make sounds greater than is usual. All the above signs cause an obligation to be very careful and to get soundings; but there are two things which require more especial vigilance, and which have the most importance for the security of the voyage. It is then the principal thing to bear in mind that while all these signs point to land or to rocks; that while the birds have wings and can sleep when they like on the sea; while the fish are in their element; while the winds, the thunder and lightning, and the clouds fly through the air, it is only in God that we must put our confidence, for it is He alone who knows, and who can guide and save the people and the ship. After anchoring in any port, a careful look-out should be kept both by day and night, for the natives are great swimmers and divers, and might wedge up the rudder, cut the hawsers, or set fire to the ship. For this reason it is well, in places where there is cause for suspicion, to have a guard in the boat at night over the buoys, or at least to visit them many times. Take care not to allow so many natives on board the ship as would be able to overpower the crew; and even when they are few, great evil may come to them as well as to us, from ignorance of our arms; whence may arise a commencement of war, and a faithful peace may never then be made. In effecting a landing, it should always be by day, and never at night. The landing-place should be level and clear of woods, or at least as well situated in these respects as possible: sending dogs in front to discover ambushes, with arms ready, marching together and in order, and entering passes with caution. It should be kept in mind that the natives usually get behind rocks or trees, or stretch themselves flat on the ground even in level places, concealed only by the grass. Take notice that, if it is possible, chiefs or other natives who appear to be of consequence, should be kept in the ship as hostages, but well treated and given presents of things that they seem to like most. The same course should be followed on shore, when the natives seek intercourse and conversation with us. The barter should be conducted by one of us, who should always give the natives to understand that the things are of great value, as they really are for them; and this because they do not value their own things much, and ours but little. Learn from the natives whether there are other islands or extensive lands near, if they are inhabited, of what colour are the natives, whether they eat human flesh, if they are friendly or carry on war. Enquire whether they have gold in dust, or in small lumps, or in ornaments; silver worked or to be worked; metals, all kinds of pearls, spices and salt, and if they eat those commodities. If they have names for them, write the names down. Ask in what parts these things are to be found, and what those lands are called. Show pleasure at what they give, and manage to let them know by signs what they ask. Do not think little of the natives, for they are pilferers and runners, and when they come for that, they know well how to do it; at least, they try, whence follow evils from one side to another, which is what ought to be avoided. Do not follow the guidance of the natives except with great caution. Never trust or believe in them on any occasion whether they show much or little sign of friendship, because their custom is to watch on the roads and to make pits covered with earth and grass. They are capable of leading those they pretend to guide direct to their traps or ambushes, or with evil intent to get them away from their boats or the beach, and to lead them inland into the woods, and there do what evil they can to them. They always carry their canes open at both ends, containing a lighted cord, that it may not be extinguished when it rains. Never allow our people to mix with the natives, nor leave them to join company, owing to the danger that, on a given signal, three or four may fall upon and carry off one of ours to meet the fate which they may want to inflict on him. On occasions when it is desirable to have an interview with the natives, it should always be in a cleared space, with a good distance between the two parties, and the Chief, or one named by him, standing in the space, so as to concert with him what they desire or ask for. It is always necessary to see that the back is safe without ceasing to watch or even turning the face, but always the whole body. And, when obliged, let it be back to back, with the shields in front, so as to make all more strong and secure. If it should be necessary to embark in retreat, either in presence or absence of the enemy, half the arquebusiers and shield-bearers should face the natives, that the other half may embark safely; and those embarked are quickly to turn, making the same guard as the one made by those on shore until all are embarked. For, if all embark in a troop, there is danger from arrows, stones, darts, and lances, which are the arms of the natives. The natives never give up anything they have about them, or anything in their houses, though it be gold, silver, pearls, or any other thing of value, nor do they understand our covetousness. But before we gave them our things we were very liberal, sowing with them and teaching them to sow maize, beans, onions, cotton, and all the most profitable seeds and vegetables. Whenever there is an opportunity, such seeds should be sown even on desert islands. If the place is suitable, rabbits, goats, and swine should be landed, for it is an advantage to enrich those desert lands, remembering the possible needs of future navigators. Take care not to feed on the things which the natives present to be eaten, because they know how to play tricks. For which reason do not fill your hands, nor quit your arms, nor take your eyes off the natives. Under all circumstances these precautions should be well attended to. One or two of our people should always be on the watch, especially in the direction where there is most cause for suspicion. Care should be taken to look out for poison put into the water or food. Vegetables and fruits should not be eaten unless known before, or unless they have been seen to be used as food by birds and monkeys. In ports where natives come to give assistance, never ill-use them nor detain them, unless it is to let them return with clothes or presents, nor break the peace or the word that has been given to them, nor cut down their fruit trees, nor injure their crops, nor destroy their houses or canoes; for all such acts cost them very dear, owing to the difficulty of repairing damages from want of proper tools. For this cause they seek for vengeance, and withdraw food supplies. In short, all is lost that was intended to be obtained from them. If it seems necessary, they can be made to understand the harm we can do them with our arquebuses, swords, and other arms, but not to do it, refraining at the last. For two reasons the natives may give false information respecting the land, people, and products, the latter being what we enquire for most and come to seek. The first that we may go, the second that we may be deceived, in revenge for some wrong that has been done them. When it is decided to follow up any of their notices by sea or land, the same natives that have given the information should be made to accompany the party, to secure this point. The shouts and noises of the natives in their assemblies, and the blowing and beating of their war instruments, need cause no alarm to us, nor should the natives be despised. In forced attacks, arquebus fire should be in the air, with or without ball; and by taking other steps suited to the occasion, they will be made to fly or desist. A very important notice is that, when seeking for wood, water, or provisions, a boat should be sent with well-armed men to over-awe the natives, even in places where it does not seem likely that there will be a rupture with them. If they begin to offer opposition, and the necessity is not very great, it will be as well to return to the ship, and await a better opportunity. If the necessity is great, send a large number of guards to protect the foraging party. Finally, avoid the danger of offending the natives, or being offended by them. The position should be as fathers to children, but they must be watched as if they were known enemies. Our part is always to be in the right, with open and honest intentions; then God will help us, as He helps all those whose objects are good. It is well known to all those persons who are engaged on this discovery how His Holiness Clement VIII, at my humble petition, has conceded that if our Lord should be served by removing us from this world to another, at the hour of death, if unable to confess or to take the sacrament, being contrite, we name the most holy name of Jesus, either with our mouths or in our hearts, he gives us plenary indulgence and remission of all our sins. I hold the brief for this grace in my possession. If any person should fall sick, he should presently confess and make his will. If he should die, it is ordered that the master, with a clerk, should make an inventory of his goods, and take charge of them, in order to carry out the wishes of the deceased. If he dies intestate, the same care is to be taken in making an inventory, and in taking care of the goods. All these things are to be complied with, without exceeding them, unless time is very pressing. In that case, if it appears necessary, counsel should be taken with the Master and Pilot, officers, and other important persons, and with the opinions of all of them, signed with their names, what is agreed upon may be done, all being for the service of God and of His Majesty. Given on board the ship San Pedro y San Pablo, by the leader of the said discovery, in this Gulf of Loreto, navigating on a W.S.W. course, in the latitude of 19°, on January 8th, 1606. CHAPTER V. Recounts the navigation that was made, and the signs that were noted, until the first uninhabited island came in sight. The fleet continued to steer W.S.W. in accordance with the instructions, from the time that the ships made sail from Callao until they reached the latitude of 16°, where they met with a heavy and confused swell from the S.W. On the 10th of January the first birds were seen, and on the 11th the first showers of rain, with the wind E. and E.S.E. On the 12th the wind was south. On the 13th a number of gulls were seen. On the 15th the wind was N. and N.W. On the 16th we saw great flocks of birds. On the 17th we were in latitude 24°, with the wind S.W. and W., blowing with some force and with a high sea. At this change the Captain presently showed a flag from the maintop mast to take opinions, the weather not allowing of any other way. The pilots of the ships said, by shouting, that, being outside the tropics, all winds might be met with, and by reaching higher latitudes, the north wind would be met with, blowing with greater force. On the 18th the wind went all round the compass, but was generally in the north. On the 21st we had the wind from S. and S.W. On the 22nd we were in latitude 26°, with a squall and showers from the S.E., and with a great swell from the south. This brought out the timidity of some, saying: "Whither are they taking us, in this great gulf, in the winter season?" Some said they should get the boat into the sea. We were obliged, by the force of winds and sea, to stand on a W.N.W. course until we reached 25°. On the 24th, at night, we saw the first lightning, which was not very bright. On the 25th we saw the first weeds; and on the 26th we saw birds of several kinds flying together. On this day, at 11 o'clock, we discovered the first island in latitude 25°, and reckoned it to be 800 leagues from Lima. It has a circumference of 5 leagues, many trees, and a beach of sand. Near the land the depth was 80 fathoms. I gave it the name of "Luna-puesta." [78] It was now late, so I determined to stand off and on during the night, waiting for the next day to go to the island; but at dawn we were too leeward, and for this cause and others we left it. CHAPTER VI. Relates how the Almiranta disappeared and joined company again, and how they sighted the second uninhabited island. We were steering to the west in some doubt, when we saw some whales and many gulls. At dawn of this day the Almiranta was not in sight. The Captain ordered the mast-head men to look carefully round the horizon, and at 9 the ship was seen coming to us under all sail. This caused us great pleasure, as her absence had given anxiety, for to part company! now one sees what that means. Having arrived, the Captain received a letter in which the Admiral said that, during the previous night, the stern light of the Capitana went out; and that, as he was unwell, he had not seen what happened, and had not been able to carry out the orders exactly. Still steering on the same course, on the 29th of January, at dawn, we sighted another island near, and presently stood towards it. The launch to the S.W. found a port in a small bay, where she anchored in 27 fathoms, and almost on shore. The ships did the same. The people in the launch told them by shouting that she was dragging her anchor; so the ships stood out, and the launch got up her anchor and made sail. Three men were sent from the Almiranta in a dingey to land. Fearing to remain they came back quickly, bringing certain fruits known to some on board, which were too unripe to eat. They said that the landing was very bad for a dingey, and would be much worse for larger boats. This island was supposed to be 870 leagues from Lima. It is 10 leagues round. It is massive, moderately high, open, having groves and plains. It is steep, too, and its beaches are rocky. It is only inhabited by birds. Its latitude is 24° 45'. It was named "San Juan Bautista;" [79] and as it had no port where we could get wood and water, we continued our voyage to the W.N.W. This day the Admiral came on board to see the Captain about certain matters; who, to put an end to discord, made the Admiral embrace the Chief Pilot and make friends, for there was very little friendship between them before. On the following day, which was the penultimate of January, a great number of birds were seen, and on the last day of that month there were such squalls that it was necessary to strike the topmasts. CHAPTER VII. Recounts how they came in sight of the third island that was discovered, and a great storm. Following the W.N.W. course, on the 3rd of February, the Captain put out a flag on the topmast for the ships to close and the pilots to report in what latitude they were, how many leagues from Lima, the observations the ships had taken respecting lee-way, winds, and the variation of the needle, also the bearing of the islands of Las Marquesas de Mendoza. The ships closed, and the pilots said that, owing to the clouds, they had not been able to take the sun for three days; that they thought Las Marquesas de Mendoza bore N.N.E.; and that after they had got the sun's meridian altitude they could make a more formal report. While this was going on land was sighted to the west, which, being concealed by clouds, was near; and as it was late, all sails were set. Night came on, and, having gone a short distance, a dark and thick cloud rose in the north-east in three parts, which soon became one, and made its way towards the ships with such speed and fury that all began to seek for remedies against the evils that menaced them. The ships, trembling, received the force of the storm, and went over on their sides. The sea rose, and all were horrified. The lightning in the air seemed to rend the heavens and blind the sight. Three thunderbolts were heard to fall; the thunder was awful, the pouring rain terrible, and the squalls of wind so violent that it seemed as if the least damage would be the fall of the masts. The launch being close to, her Pilot shouted in a hoarse voice: "The Capitana ahoy! Alter course--ahoy! Luff up!" All was confusion, hurry, and noise. The night was fearful, decision doubtful, and great the anxiety to know whether the position of the ships was safe. Our Father Commissary, with a cross in his hands, passed the whole night conjuring the sea and winds. St. Elmo appeared, as the sailors say, which they saluted with great devotion three times. In short, it was a dark, confused, ugly, and long night which we passed, confiding, after God, in the soundness of our ships and the stoutness of our sailors. When the long-wished-for daylight came, we saw that our land was an island surrounded by a reef. Neither port nor bottom could be found, though sought for with care, as we were in want of water, and for fuel we only had brushwood. Seeing that the island was so useless, we left it for what it was; and, considering the night it had given us, it would have been dear even if it had been a very good land instead of a very bad one. This island was calculated to be 1,030 leagues from Lima, 36 leagues round, in latitude 20° 30'. It was named St. Elmo. CHAPTER VIII. Four other desert islands are sighted, and what else happened. Steering W.N.W., on the following day, we sighted an island about 6 leagues off, and presently another, and then two more, and at none of the four was there bottom or port. There are reefs and shoals almost continuous. The distance from one to the other was four or five leagues, and from the City of the Kings 1,050. Their latitude is 20°, and they were named Las cuarto coronadas. [80] The Captain, considering that on all these seven newly-discovered islands neither a port nor water could be found, and finding that there were fewer water-jars than he ordered to be embarked, he made some discourses with respect to the time and the present state of affairs, and deemed it necessary to reduce, as he did reduce, the allowance of water. Twelve or fifteen jars of water that were consumed each day he reduced to three or four jars. He was present when it was served out, saw the hatchway closed, and kept the keys. Presently he ordered a brick oven to be built over one of the hearths, in order to make sweet water from sea water, with a copper instrument he had with him, by means of distillation. They got two or three jars full every day, very good and wholesome. On the least productive day there was a jar and a-half, and altogether fifty jars. This invention, with certain improvements, promises, with little expenditure of fuel, to turn out in fifteen hours eight, nine, and ten jars of fresh water, and more if it is necessary. [81] This was Ash Wednesday. Our Father Commissary gave ashes to every person on board the ship. The course was W.N.W., and at a distance of 75 leagues from the four isles astern we sighted another small island to the N.E., but could not approach owing to being to windward. We judged its latitude to be 18° 30'. It received the name of San Miguel. Owing to threatening weather and darkness, we were hove to this night with all the ships. CHAPTER IX. The first inhabited island is sighted; what happened there with the natives. Next day, which was the 10th of February, having a look-out man at each mast-head, constantly watching all parts of the horizon, the Almiranta fired a piece, and land ahead was reported in all three ships. As all the other islands were desert, it was expected that this one would be the same, so the report was received with very moderate rejoicing. We presently steered towards it, and soon a high and thick smoke was seen to rise between two palms. Those in the launch presently shouted: "People, people on the beach!" The news was as joyful as incredible to many, from having been so long desired, fearing lest it should prove a mistake, until, coming nearer, we clearly saw men, and the sight was hailed as if they had been angels. [82] Of this glory the Captain got a large share, for until now he had been saying: "God shows us in this sea millions and millions of natives." The people were restless from sheer satisfaction, so that they had not attended to the sails. The launch anchored near the slope of the beach, and the two ships presently stood out to sea, as there was no port for them. They got the boats out to search, but could not find one, sounding until they came opposite to the place where the natives stood in a row, with clubs and lances in their hands. Our people who saw them thought it was war, but looked at them and spoke by signs. They said our men should land, also by signs. The place was dangerous, and little satisfaction could be got from the natives; so our people in the boats determined to return to the ships to avoid any collision. The waves did their office, and the natives, when they saw the high ones, told the boats to keep away, owing to the danger they ran. As it appeared to our people that these demonstrations were all made out of kindness, two undressed and jumped into the water. As soon as they landed the natives, putting down their lances, all together at one time bowed their heads and arms, and saluted three times. Apparently, the welcome and smiles were to receive our men, and when one was knocked over by a wave, they picked him up, embraced him, and kissed him on his cheeks, which is a way of showing friendship used also in France. When the people in the boats saw the loyalty with which the natives received complete strangers, not knowing their intentions, two others went on shore. One of them was very white, and the natives, when they saw him, came and felt his back, breast, and arms, showing much astonishment, and they did the same with the other three. All four gave them what they had, which the natives received with signs of love. The one who appeared to be chief over the others gave to one of our people a palm branch as a sign of friendship, and also did more. He crossed his arms, making very friendly signs to our people that they should come to the village, to which they pointed with their fingers, to give them to eat. With this they took their leave, and our men embarked, to the sorrow of the natives. Eight of them followed the boats, and to see them the men laid on their oars and invited them to get in, but they were afraid. The launch and the boats returned to where the ships were at sunset. Presently, the Chief Pilot asked the Captain what was to be done, who replied that they would beat to windward that night, and on the following day return to the same point, or to another, and search again for a port or anchorage, or for water, which was much needed. The Chief Pilot went aloft, and said from the mast-head that he saw a bay to leeward, much better than the bay of Cadiz. All night we stood off and on, rather joyful at the thought of finding this port, and at dawn we found ourselves 3 leagues to leeward of the place where the natives had been seen; and looking out a first and a second time, there was no sign of that bay, but only a narrow and long reef almost covered by the water. There was one place where there were some palm trees, for which reason the Captain sent both the boats, well manned and armed with jars, to seek for water. They found the beach very difficult, most of it rocks, on which the waves broke with great fury. But undaunted by this, our people jumped into the water up to their waists, loaded with arquebuses, spades, and crowbars, and the last, whose name was Belmonte, [83] had such difficulty that, if Ensign Rozo [84] had not helped him with his spear, which enabled him to get out, there would have been an end of his career. Marching in good order, they entered a palm grove, where they found, at the foot of a tree, a number of brown stones, and one in the form of an altar, covered with branches. It was supposed that this was a burial-place, or a place where the Devil spoke to and deceived these miserable natives, without there being any one to obstruct him. Our people, to sanctify the place, set up a cross, [85] and gave God thanks on their knees for being the first to hoist His royal standard in an unknown place inhabited by heathens. In sorrow for their evil condition, they spoke thus: "How long, O pious Lord, is the darkness in which they live to last for these people?" They said this with all due reverence; and, leaving the cross, they began to dig for water, which they did not find, but were able to quench their actual thirst with cocoa-nuts. When they went down to embark they saw a shape, which appeared to be that of a man, coming towards them at a short distance. They went to see what it was, and found that it was an old woman, who appeared to be a hundred years of age: a tall and large woman, with fine and long black hairs and only four or five grey ones, her colour brown, face and body wrinkled, teeth few and decayed, and with other faults caused by a long life. She came along, waving with soft palm leaves. She carried some cuttle-fish dried in the sun, in a basket, and a knife made from a mother-of-pearl shell, also a skein of thread. A little speckled dog accompanied her, which ran away. With this good capture the boat returned to the Captain, to show her to him, who was highly delighted at seeing a human creature. He seated her on a box, and gave her meat and soup from a pot, which she ate without scruple; but she could not manage the hard biscuit. She showed that she knew well how to drink wine. A mirror was put into her hand, and she looked at the back, then at the front, and when she saw her face she was much pleased. All noticed her good manners, and concluded that, when young, she was not bad-looking. She looked at all the men with attention, but she displayed the greatest pleasure in looking at the boys. She looked at the goats as if she had seen them before. There was a gold ring with an emerald on one of her fingers. She was asked for it, but replied by signs that she could not give it without cutting off her finger, and she seemed sorry for this. She was offered one of brass, which she did not care for. Having given her things to dress herself with and take away, we saw four canoes coming from the village under sail, out of a lake which the island has in its centre, and they anchored near the palm grove. The Captain presently ordered the old woman to be landed, in order to reassure the natives. They no sooner recognised her than they came to see her, and looked at her as if she had been long absent. They came to our people with the confidence of friends. There were seventy-two natives, and by signs they said that they were going, as they presently did go, to see the cross. As well as they could our people tried to make them understand its value, and that they should place themselves before it on their knees. Finally, they did all that they were told. When it was asked which of them was the chief, they pointed out a robust, tall, and well-proportioned native, with a good well-complexioned face, who appeared to be fifty years of age. He wore on his head a tuft of black feathers, and towards the front some skeins of golden hairs whose ends reached half way down his back. According to their custom, it should be the hair of his wife. He also wore round his neck a large plate of mother-of-pearl. He had a serious manner, and all the others paid him great respect. He was asked whether he would like to go on board the ship, and, having given us to understand that he would, he was taken to the boats with some followers. One of the boats having been swamped, they helped to raise her. The chief got into one boat, and several natives into another, but when they had gone a short distance they jumped overboard, apparently from fear, and began to swim. The chief wanting to do the same, we detained him. He tried to do so by main strength, which was great, and to take a knife from a soldier, but failed. He made other attempts, but nothing availed him. The boat arrived alongside, and four men took hold of him and tried to make him go up; but it was labour in vain, for he would not stir. The chief was stretched out at his whole length, fencing with his nervous arms, and in this way he strove to get clear and escape by swimming. Seeing he could not do this, he put one foot against the ship's side and sent the boat some distance. When we saw how much trouble he was giving, he was fastened to a whip, to hoist him into the ship; and when he found himself secured he got into such a fury that it shocked our eyes. The Captain went down into the boat, and the first thing he did was to take in his hand the palm branch the other had given him, and to remove the cord which had caused the chief such anger. He showed that he felt this release very much, both by his face and his hands; but not for this did he consider himself in safety. With melancholy looks he gazed at those who were in the boat, then at the ships, the sails and masts, and at the land, pointing with his finger that he wanted to return there. The Captain was sorry to find him so discontented. He dressed him in a pair of breeches and shirt of yellow silk, put a hat upon his head, a tin medal round his neck, gave him a case of knives, embraced him, and ordered the boat to go on shore. This quieted him. A sergeant and some men had remained on shore, collecting cocoa-nuts. Three, who were together, saw the natives collected in order with their lances, and appearing to be determined to force them into their canoes, as their chief had been forced to go to the ship. Eight of our people got together, and pointed out to the natives that they had remained as sureties, and that their chief was now coming on shore in the boat. With this, and owing to two of us showing off by fencing with their swords, the natives remained peaceable until their chief landed, when they were astonished at his being clothed. He gave them to understand what had happened, and they ran to receive him. One of these was a well-made youth, and very handsome. He was supposed to be the chief's son, for he was the only one he embraced, and the two together showed an expression of sentiment at which the others helped. These and other strange doings having been finished, in the order of drilled soldiers, all carrying the chief in their midst, they marched slowly to their canoes, and some of our men, who were looking on and noting all this, went with them. The natives, who were now contented, gave them water to drink, and some fish they had brought to eat. The chief, who had left his garland of plumes and tresses on shore, gave it into the hands of the sergeant, to be given to the Captain who had released and clothed him. This was the final act of a man who knew and was grateful, though himself unknown, causing confusion to some of the company who received much greater benefits, and gave a bad return. The natives then departed, and our people, to give them joy, fired their arquebuses into the air, and returned on board. To this island the name of the "Conversion of St. Paul" was given. It is in latitude 18°, distant from Lima 1,180 leagues. [86] Its circumference is 40 leagues, and in the centre there is a large shallow lake. The people are corpulent, and of very good shape and colour. Their hair is fine and loose, and they have their parts covered. Their arms are thick and heavy lances of palm-wood, about 30 palmos long, and clubs of the same wood. The anchorage, where the launch found bottom, is on the east side near the palm grove above referred to, near which is the village on the shores of the lake. As soon as the people had come on board, it seemed desirable to the Captain that the ships should lie-to that night, in order to go next day to where the natives were. The Chief Pilot said that as it was well to windward, and not to waste the water, it would be better to stand on, as we did, with the wind E. to N.E. Next day another island was sighted to the N.E., and named "Decena." [87] We could not go either to it or to other islands that were sighted later. The first was named "Sagitaria," [88] the second "Fugitiva." [89] Afterwards, in latitude 14°, the pilots were asked for their positions, who gave them, some much more, others much less. CHAPTER X. Relates how the Captain received reports that there was a plot to seize the ship, and of the discourses he made and precautions he took in consequence. The Captain already had seen that the Chief Pilot altered the course, and it was intimated he wanted to mutiny with the crew, and that if there was two days' delay there would be no remedy. One man there was who said that, with this object, it was determined to stab the Captain and throw the body overboard. This and other things were told to the Captain, which he did not believe, except some things that came to him through base rumours, and that which he himself saw, that appeared bad. He considered that a mutiny can only begin between two or three, and that to corrupt the rest there must be sounding of people, friendships, and much intercourse, and that such things must be seen. It was observed that the Chief Pilot showed little zeal in seeking for what was needed; that he wasted the water and provisions among his particular friends, and others whose friendship he obtained in that way, and who might well be innocent; that he showed favour to all. The noise they made together in the ship, the quarrels with the officers, the consultations continually held by day and night, were suspicious. One day the Captain said to the whole crew that the Royal Majesty despatched those ships at great expense, to see whether there was in this unknown part of the earth the land which was supposed to exist. With this object all might be quite sure that they would have to search for it, ploughing all the ocean with long turns until it was found, even if it cost all their lives. To the Chief Pilot he said that he should know his duties, saying much respecting them. But this did not lead him into better courses, and he sent to say that he wanted leave to go on board the Almiranta with the Father Commissary. To this the Captain answered that he might go presently; but he did not go, nor did he refer to the matter again. There was not wanting one who said that these invitations were misunderstood by the Captain, and added that discoveries always cost the finders dear, and that the Captain could not put down the discontents nor satisfy the others. For all this, patience and vigilance were two very necessary things. The Captain, seeing the low latitude they had reached without having found the mother of those islands we had left behind, hearing the Chief Pilot shout to the Captain of the launch that winter was near, and other things that it was not well for the men to hear; that others said that if the course had been S.S.W. the coast of the land of which we were in search followed the same course; that now we should never reach it, but should be engulfed by contrary winds, where it would be impossible to live, and that in the end all would perish; that these sayings were witnesses of the little love some had for the service, and of the great love they had for themselves; and that they were far from having the valorous minds which ought to animate the searchers for unknown lands, to uphold the original motives and perform heroic deeds, or at least make them merit a good name--owing to these shortcomings and many others, he said in public that they should know how to value and enjoy having been chosen to the lot of searching for and discovering the fourth part of the globe which is yet unknown, and not show themselves ready to turn back and be tired without occasion. And mark! what services are there without requiring that men should be ready to suffer all the blows that may come? I ordered that the course should be N.W. as far as latitude 10° 40', so as to reach the east of the Island of San Bernardo, which in the other voyage I helped to discover, although we did not then arrive at it. CHAPTER XI. Relates how we came in sight of the Island of San Bernardo, and what happened there. We continued to navigate on the same course until the 19th of February. On that day we altered course to west, and on the 21st the Pilot of the Almiranta, Juan Bernardo de Fuentidueña, said that on that very day we should see--as we did see--the island we sought. We lay to under little sail for the night. Next day we proceeded towards the island, the launch next ahead, and anchored close to the land, and thence the crew shouted to the other ships, which were coming up to anchor, that there was no port for them. The Captain then lowered the two boats, and sent an officer with the boat's crews to search for water, for the scarcity of it forced them to be on an allowance of a cuartillo a day. They went on shore, searched for water, but could find none, and returned on board. This island of San Bernardo is uninhabited, divided into four or five hummocks, and all the rest submerged. Its circumference appeared to be 10 leagues. It is in latitude 10° 40'. The anchorage is on the north side, and only available for small vessels. Its distance from the city of the Kings was calculated to be 1,400 leagues. An old canoe, lying on her side, was found on the island. There was a great number of fish inshore, and, owing to the water being very shallow, they were killed with swords and poles. There were great numbers of lobster and craw-fish, and other kinds of marine animals. They found a great quantity of cocoa-nuts in a heap at the foot of the palm trees, many large, and of different sizes. There were a great quantity of sea birds of several kinds, and so importunate that they seemed to want to attack the men. We took plenty of all these things. It seemed to the Captain that on an island where there are so many trees there could not fail to be water. He wished to wait during that night, so that on the following day they might return and make a more thorough search for water, and at least they could get more fish. The Chief Pilot said that the people were tired, and made other excuses and said things, making them all legitimate daughters of our necessities. The Captain, finding himself very ill and overwhelmed by cares of many kinds, and that there were some who, like moths, were eating against the enterprise, and causing much discontent, and that they kept in memory the great abundance of the court, the cold snows, the fresh fruit, and other memories which cooled their wills and changed them in other ways, and that up to the present time we had not found an island with a port, nor water, and that it was not right to risk the little we had in a business that was so important, the weather being doubtful and the point in the direction of which we should find land uncertain: for these and other reasons, which I leave out, it was decided that the best course would be to seek the island of Santa Cruz, which was known to possess a port and water, and other things necessary for the provisioning of a ship, intending to begin to make discoveries from there, as if we were starting from Lima. In prosecution of this decision we steered west. That night there was a great disturbance on board the Capitana. At the noise the Captain came out, and found some tackling each other, others going to arm themselves, and the Chief Pilot with a drawn sword, with which he had wounded a man. It was taken out of his hands, without understanding who was the culprit or who was the author of the disturbance. That which the Captain felt he kept to himself, confessing that he was so weak that he was unable to say in a loud voice a third word. CHAPTER XII. How they sighted the second inhabited island, and what happened there. With the wind in the east, they continued on a western course until the 1st of March. That night, the launch being ahead, she fired off a small piece, and a man shouted, "Land ahead!" Presently we saw it, and a fire burning, at the sight of which there was great content. When it became broad daylight we saw an island, and steered towards it. When we came near, two canoes came out to reconnoitre, but the people in them, though we called, would not wait. The launch anchored very near the land, and presently a fleet of ten small canoes, rowing fast and as if racing, came out towards the Capitana. Having arrived, we saw on board them some tall men, well made and handsome, and of a good colour. They all came singing to the sound of their paddles, one of them leading, to whom the rest replied; and by signs they told us to call to the Almiranta, that by rounding a certain point he would follow the way outside; showing that it gave them sorrow to see that, and that they remained joyful now that they saw her return. They also gave us to understand, pointing with their fingers, that we should go to their port. What their object was they knew. Many stood upright, and with arms and hands, legs and feet, and with their paddles, they made sounds with great dexterity, dances, and gestures. Their chief theme was music, and to show themselves joyful and merry before our ships. But in spite of our importunities, they never would come on board, nor eat of anything we gave them, which they received on the points of their lances and showed to all the others; and what fell into the sea they dexterously recovered, by diving for it. Five natives came in a canoe, the middle one vigorously bailing the water out of the vessel. His red hair came down to the waist. He was white as regards colour, beautifully shaped, the face aquiline and handsome, rather freckled and rosy, the eyes black and gracious, the forehead and eyebrows good, the nose, mouth, and lips well proportioned, with the teeth well ordered and white. In fine, he was sweet in his laughter and smiles, and his whole appearance was cheerful. Being rich in so many parts and graces, he would be judged to be very beautiful for a girl; but he was actually a youth of about thirteen years. This was he who at first sight stole away the hearts of all on board the ship; he was most looked at and called to, and he to whom all offered their gifts, and to whom the Captain, with great persuasion, desired to present a dress of silk, which he accepted, and put on with much grace. It was pain to the Captain that the youth could not be kept, to take as a proof of the greatness of God in those parts. Many natives came to the launch, and, having fastened a cord to the bowsprit, they tried to drag her on to the beach. Others, diving into the water, fastened ropes to the cable and dragged for the anchor. Others took up positions to conceal their tricks. The Captain of the launch, seeing their diligence and how quickly they went to work, fired off arquebuses to frighten them. But they, ignorant of the effects, showed no fear at all, even seizing hold of naked swords with their hands, until some were hurt, when there was a disturbance and talk among themselves, and they rowed away in their canoes at a great rate. At this time a very audacious old man came in one of their canoes to the Capitana, with a very long and thick lance of palm wood, well balanced; and he had on a sort of cloak or hood made of a leaf dyed crimson, and a hat they had given him from the launch. He was a tall, robust man, and very supple, and showed himself to be arrogant. Wounded in feet and legs, they trembled violently. He made fierce faces with his eyes and mouth. In a very loud voice he seemed to order us to surrender. With his lance, brandishing it menacingly, he made as many thrusts as he could. With the intention of making him quiet, two muskets were fired off. The others cried out and threw up their arms, but he made light of it. With great pride he showed more signs of his anger; and, finding he could do nothing, he quickly passed both ships and went to where the launch was, following all the other canoes. At this time both the ships anchored, there being a land breeze, and all the natives went on shore, and showed themselves ready for war. In a short time the wind was abeam, and though light, it swung the ships so as to bring them too near the shore, and they were in great danger. The Captain ordered the cables to be slipped and sail to be made in great haste, sending the boats to recover the anchors and cables. The natives, it seemed, either for love or sorrow, on seeing how quickly we departed without carrying out our good or evil intentions, not understanding the reasons any more than we understood theirs, many of them came swimming and taking hold of the oars of one of the boats, trying with all their force to take them from those who were rowing. Such was the courage and audacity of the old man with the cloak that, only with a stick, he attacked an Ensign standing on the forecastle, who received the blow on his shield. He did not like to return it, because it was the Captain's order that no harm was to be done to the natives either in person or property. But I suspect, according to what happened afterwards, that there was less care about this order than appeared. The launch and boats collected where the ships had been. The Captain sent for the Admiral, and told him that he had determined to send an armed party on shore next day with the boats, and the launch as an escort. The party, by good management, was to bring on board at least four boys, one of them being the youth who has already been described, and the others to be like him. It is to be noted that, the ships and crews being placed in such manifest danger in so small an island, this method or some other is necessary to get the wood and water of which we are in want, and which should be sought for to the S. and S.W. These instructions were repeated several times, and a strong desire was expressed that the Admiral himself should be the leader of the party. We stood off and on during the night, very desirous that it should come to an end, and when the day dawned the Admiral started with the landing party. At the first place the landing was opposed by the natives, and he was obliged to go further on. Here all the men jumped into the sea, the waves dashing against them and rolling them over, and they reached the shore after much buffeting and in great danger. One boat was capsized, leaving the four rowers underneath. Another wave righted her again, and the men were saved. They were not sailors, so that the loss caused by them was serious, in jars and other things for getting water and fuel, and in a certain number of arquebuses. On the beach there were a great number of natives, ranged in order and armed; and all with one voice gave a pabori, which I understand to be a kind of intoned shout or war cry, and they closed with a noise very brief but terrible. They came against us, and it was necessary to attack them with vigour owing to their being so close; and the arquebuses, which are a terror to those who do not know them but see their effects, terrified them, and they fled, carrying, as they had brought, the king or chief in a litter on their shoulders, holding palm leaves to shade him. Two or three were left behind, and set fire to the dry grass at intervals. We understood that this was either a signal of peace, or an imitation of the fire from our muskets. The fugitives all fled to a village under a grove of palm trees, near a lake which the island has in the middle. Most of them went in canoes to the other side. The Admiral formed his corps de garde, and a boy came to them, as they said, so beautiful and with such golden hair, that to see him was the same as to see a painted angel. With crossed hands he offered them his person, either as a prisoner or to do what they liked with him. The Admiral, seeing him so humble and so handsome, embraced him and dressed him in breeches and shirt of silk, which the Captain had given out of the store for barter, supplied with this object by His Majesty. The boy, to show his pleasure, climbed up some very tall palm trees with agility, and threw down cocoa-nuts for us, asking if we wanted more. Many other natives, seeing that he was well treated, came down and arrived where our people were. The Admiral, without moving, called that, the better to secure them, the capture would be much easier when they were close together. But Satan, who does not sleep at such important junctures, contrived that an ill-conditioned recruit should enter one of their houses. The owner opposed his entrance. Another of our men came up; but the native used his club so well that he would have killed one if others had not come, for he was lying senseless on the ground, while his companion ran away. The native faced our people, and an ensign named Gallardo, who came up first, fired a shot at him. When he felt that he was wounded and saw the blood, he rushed upon Gallardo with great courage, who, to stop him, ran him through with his sword. He fell dead on the ground who, as a valiant defender of his house, did not deserve such a fate. Owing to this death, and to others which followed, the Admiral lost the opportunity he had desired and planned. And now, to follow the plan and what depended upon it, he set forward to wrestle with fortune. When the natives saw what had happened, they fled like the rest, and so our people remained with all their trouble in vain; for so great a misfortune suffices and exceeds what is wanted. One of our men said of the dead that it was of little importance that we should have sent them to the Devil to-day, as they would have to go to-morrow--a sentiment very far from all reason, and especially when they had the Faith of Christ at the doors of their souls. The soldiers, divided into squadrons, marched into the interior. On the path taken by Gallardo and some friends a noise was heard, and the branches were seen to move. They all got ready their arms, and Gallardo cocked his piece and pointed it, moving to see what it was. Coming near, there rose up some children in haste and fear--two boys and three girls, all pretty creatures, the oldest about ten years--and with them a lady, graceful and sprightly, with neck, bosom, and waist well formed, hair very red, long and loose. She was extremely beautiful and pleasant to look upon, in colour very white; and, being so pretty, it was a great surprise to our people, more than to her; for, with quick steps and smiling face, she came forward to receive Gallardo, who gave her his new cloak, which he carried doubled under his left arm; and presently, with great love, both arms extended, she embraced him, and gave, according to their custom, the kiss of peace on the cheek. The finding of this nest did not fail to be useful to our people, as they told me afterwards, for the lady did not prove to be prudish in going with them; so that--and I say this--they left behind them a rich capture, which I shall always feel to be the great loss of six souls. Passing onwards, they saw behind some bushes an old man concealed, who could scarcely open his eyes. Gallardo, seeing that he was so afflicted, gave him a hand, and was surprised that he could grasp with such strength, and that there should be such vigour in one who seemed so weak. Having seen what he could of the island, the Admiral went back to the boats with his party, where he found the surf as furious as when he landed. To such an extreme did they come on the sight of it, that many wanted to remain on the island, where the sea urchins on the beach hurt their feet. They embarked with difficulty and danger, and returned to the ships. The Admiral excused himself from having an interview with the Captain, whose regret need not be mentioned, owing to his annoyance at the mismanagement. In the houses of the natives a great quantity of soft and very fine mats were found, and others larger and coarser; also tresses of very golden hair, and delicate and finely woven bands, some black, others red and grey; fine cords, strong and soft, which seemed of better flax than ours, and many mother-o'-pearl shells, one as large as an ordinary plate. Of these and other smaller shells they make, as was seen and collected here, knives, saws, chisels, punches, gouges, gimlets, and fish-hooks. Needles to sew their clothes and sails are made of the bones of some animal, also the adzes with which they dress timber. They found many dried oysters strung together, and in some for eating there were small pearls. Certain white hairs were seen, which appeared to be those of an animal. This island is very flat, and about 6 leagues long. In one part, which is nearly submerged, is the water which the natives drink, which seems to me to be only rain-water detained in the sand on its passage to the sea. In this same part there are some collections of huts. The land is divided among many owners, and is planted with certain roots, which must form their bread. All the rest is a large and thick palm grove, which is the chief sustenance of the natives. Of the wood and leaves they build and roof their houses, which are of four vertientes, [90] curiously and cleanly worked, each with a roof, open behind, and all the floors covered and lined with mats, also made of palms; and of the more tender shoots they weave fine cloths, with which the men cover their loins, and the women their whole bodies. Of these palms the natives also make their canoes, and some very large vessels, twenty yards in length and two wide, more or less, in which they navigate for great distances. They hold about fifty persons. Their build is strange, there being two concave boats about a fathom apart, with many battens and cords firmly securing them together. Of these palms they make masts, and all their rigging, sails, rudders, oars, paddles, utensils for baling, their lances and clubs. On these palms grow the cocoa-nuts, which serve them for food and drink, grease for their wounds, and cups to hold their water. It may almost be said that these trees sustain the good people who are here, and will remain in the wilderness until God takes pity on them. This island was calculated to be 1,600 leagues from Lima, in latitude 10° 20'. The port where the vessels were anchored is on the north side, very near the land, and in front of the village. It appeared well to the Captain that it should receive the name of "Peregrina." [91] CHAPTER XIII. What happened after leaving this island. In latitude 10° 20' we continued our course to the westward, making for the Island of Santa Cruz, having met with fine weather, some mists, and some changes of wind from W. to N.W. until the 21st of March. This day being the equinox, the needles were observed at sunrise and sunset, and it was found that the variation was N. by E. 1/2 E. In the night of the following day, being Holy Thursday, processions were made in all three vessels, with much burning of wax and discipline. All night the altars were standing, and men on their knees put up continual prayer. On the same night there was a great and total eclipse of the sun. It seemed to begin at eight o'clock at night, and lasted two hours and a-half. Now that so many days had passed without reaching the Island of Santa Cruz, where there was the hope of anchoring in the Bay of Graciosa, and of quenching the terrible thirst they felt in the water-springs, and because the execution of this desire was so long delayed, the Captain, it was said, should make amends. Some of them said that he merited exemplary punishment for having, solely for his own profit and advantage, taken them all to die in these great gulfs of the ocean; that the supposed land was a dream; and that he had deceived the Pope and the King with his stories. According to what afterwards became known, worse things were said of him than if he had been a Turk. The Captain replied to all this that it was not a new thing to him, for in other voyages he had sailed with men who were easily wearied. What such men wanted was good health, plenty to eat and drink, little work, many complaints, much grumbling together, and as little love as possible for the voyage, with much fear of the weather. It was not to be desired that vile mothers should bring forth such harmful and ugly monsters. Often it is found that officers do what they like rather than what they are ordered to do. Some sell the stores in their charge, others give them away to secure silence or to make friends, in fear of enemies; and for many other objects all deceive more or less. As the interested persons are witnesses of these truths, they keep the secret well. So many are culpable in these or other ways, that they force him who governs to make a faithful man of a thief, for in any other way there would be internecine war. CHAPTER XIV. The assembly of Pilots; what happened at it, and the arrest of the Chief Pilot. On the 25th of March, being Easter eve, the Chief Pilot said in public that he found the distance from Callao to be 2,220 leagues, and that he said so for what might happen in consequence. For this reason, and because there was uneasiness and difference of opinion respecting the voyage among some, the Captain ordered a flag to be hoisted on the maintopmast, the signal for counsel; in order that the people, who were little satisfied with what they heard the Chief Pilot say, might be appeased and quieted. The two other vessels closed, and the Admiral, Luis Vaez Torres, Juan Bernardo de Fuentidueña, and from the launch the Captain of her, Pedro Bernal Cermeño, all three being pilots, came in their boats to the Capitana. Being together, with the Chief Pilot and his assistant, Gaspar Gonzalez, the former, without any apparent cause, went up into the deck-house in a great state of agitation, a thing which appeared to everyone very strange and very bad. The Captain called him down, and, when he had come, the meeting was thus addressed:-- "This meeting is convoked in order that each one may state in public the number of leagues he believes we are from the port of Callao, also the reason why we have not yet come to the island of Santa Cruz, having navigated in order to reach it, and on the same parallel. Take notice that it is large and not low, and that near it there is a volcano so high that it may be seen at a distance of 40 leagues; also that the distance of Santa Cruz from Lima is 1,850 leagues." When the Captain had said this, the Pilots showed their charts and notes. As they were only by dead reckoning, there were great differences, especially in the reckoning of the Chief Pilot, which was 2,300 more or less, and in that of Captain Bernal. The Admiral said that he made it 2,000 leagues, and that there may be currents which detained the ships, or that he may have over-rated his distances, or that Santa Cruz may be further from Lima than is shown in the charts; and other explanations which at present they could not make out. If we sailed on the same parallel to the year's end without seeing the sought-for island, it would be understood that we had not passed by it. The Pilot, Juan Bernardo de Fuentidueña, was of the same opinion; his position and that of his assistant not being so far in advance as the others. The Chief Pilot wishing, for reasons he gave, to make it believed that his position was the right one, asked the Captain to look to the north, where he would see very large and swollen waves, a certain sign that we were much further to the east than was supposed. The Chief Pilot also said that we had been sailing for ninety-four days. The Captain replied that in the former voyage the island of Santa Cruz was sighted after sixty-nine days, and though it was true that we had now been sailing for a long time, there were many nights when the swell was against the ship's progress, and that on many others they had been under very small sail; that there had been detentions of days at the various islands in seeking for ports, and that during nearly all the month of May, in which we were, there had been calms or light winds, while there had not been wanting in other periods of the voyage calm weather or changes of wind, or other causes for waste of time, which reduced the real number of days' runs to sixty-four, and that for sixty-nine there wanted five still, to equalise the two voyages. He himself had taken the sun in the island of Santa Cruz, and he was certain that the latitude was 10° 20', and that we neither were behind nor in advance. Presently the Chief Pilot showed on his chart the track he had drawn upon it from Callao to 26°, which the ships reached, the course being nearly W.S.W. It seemed that this was his chief mistake, for he multiplied degrees on the W.S.W. course, which is the direction in which he had to navigate, and he laid down the route by the course, which is the same as by it and by the latitude; when it should have been, for more accuracy, by the estimated leagues and the known latitude. He did not calculate for errors in determining distances in a route from east to west, and their two quarters, caused by the variation of the needle, more or less leeway, winds and sails and other things to be considered, and necessary calculations so as to be able to mark on the chart the position nearest the truth. This was not the navigation that the Chief Pilot had been accustomed to make. His experience was from Acapulco or Panama to Callao, along the coast, and when out of sight of land, it is a short distance off, and even if it is great, the land is extensive and well known that he had to seek, which, if not seen on one day, will be on the next; and if he does not make a landfall where he intended, he can do so where the coast is known, and find the port he seeks. Having made a calculation of all that has been said, and laid down what was afterwards found when we came to the port of Acapulco, it was established that there was an error of 600 leagues, as can be proved when necessary. The Captain gave these and other reasons to all, and some to the Chief Pilot, who became agitated, and again went up into his deck-house. Thence he declared that he came to serve the King, and not for pay, and that he had worked hard in fitting out the ships and at other duties. To all this the Captain replied that all present were aware that, without knowing him, nor owing him anything, nor wanting him, but only to do him good he had been taken, but the Captain had seen that, by his inefficiency, it became impossible that he could be any use. Finally, the Chief Pilot showed himself to be ungrateful. The Captain said to him that it was enough to know that it was incredible how much he had said, and that it was not to be hoped from his mind that his work would be well to the point. In fine, in the ship it was said that there was one who did not wish that lands should be discovered, nor that anything should be found; and the Captain, seeing the state of affairs, and the obligation to all, said to the Admiral that he was to take away the Chief Pilot as a prisoner. Presently it was reported to the Captain that the ship was in a state of mutiny, owing to what he had said in public. "Is there one that objects, it being for the royal service, that I turn the Chief Pilot out of the ship?" One who spoke in his favour was ordered to hold his tongue, being told that the day before he had said just the contrary. With the departure of the Chief Pilot all his friends were much distressed; but the ship was without those licences and disturbances which had been going on until now. The Captain said to Pedro Bernal Cermeño that he wished him to remain and assume the office of Chief Pilot, and he went to fetch his clothes from the launch. But his people showed themselves so discontented at his going that, his exhortations not sufficing, he was forced to threaten them. Thus he apparently quieted them, and there remained as Chief Pilot Gaspar Gonzalez de Leza, an honest man and good pilot. The Captain caused a block to be placed at the yard-arm, and from that time forward he lived with a caution necessary among such villains. He said: "For what evil deeds that I have done do I go sold in this ship, where are some to whom I have done such good deeds, and desire to do more? The great mistake was not to have thought of bringing irons, fetters, and chains from Lima, intending to oblige by faithful treatment and to bring out the good." While the Captain was still in Madrid, he went to see a Friar, Andrés de San Vincente, a Dominican; and he said that, navigating with the Chief Pilot of Ternate to Malacca, the ship he was in was lost; on account of which, and the fault that the passenger caused, and the exigency in which they placed him, he said: "Oh, Captain Quiros, this is your fault, because you did not chastise me for the occasion I gave you, your piety not allowing you." There were not wanting in the ship those who were tired of her, and they asked the Captain to let them play a little, and that the winnings should be given for the souls in purgatory. But the Captain said to them many times that they would not risk to go on with such new and good work if there was playing and swearing. As for the alms offered from the results of betting, he would not want to take a soul out of purgatory, and set it on the road to Heaven, if it left his and the souls of others in hell; and it would be much better to give, without playing, that which would be given by playing. For passing the time there are very good books, and one who would teach to read, write, and count to those who do not know how; also a master-at-arms, black swords, [92] practised soldiers to teach recruits, and one who would teach them the art of fortification and artillery, the spheres and navigation; and that these pursuits were better than to play for money. CHAPTER XV. Relates how they came in sight of the third inhabited island, and what happened there. Still with a westerly course we proceeded, with much anxiety arising from the confusion in determining the distance of our ships from the port of Lima, and still more owing to the allowance being so short that neither our thirst was quenched nor our hunger satisfied. At last God sent us a good shower of rain, and plenty of water was collected. The people derived much consolation from this provision of Heaven, and at seeing soon after many snakes, fish found in shallow water, turtles, wild fruit, cocoa-nuts, trunks of trees, land birds, currants, and other signs of the approach of land. We therefore navigated at night under small sail, keeping a good look-out, the lanterns lighted, with the launch ahead, having orders to signal with lights if there were rocks or land. So we continued until the 7th of April. On that day, at three in the afternoon, a man at the mast-head of the Capitana cried out: "I see land to the N.W., high and black." The voice sounded well to all; the sails were trimmed, and the bows turned to the land. We lay-to that night, and in the morning we found ourselves on a bank, where the least depth was 12 fathoms. There was a great excitement over this, which lasted during the two hours that it took to cross over the shoal, always sounding, and with the anchors ready and look-out men at the mast-heads to report what they saw. We arrived near the island, and saw some smoke rising on the north side, which doubled our delight and gave us hopes of getting water, which chiefly engaged our thoughts. Night closed in, and next day the Captain ordered the Admiral, with the launch and a boat, to go and reconnoitre the island, while the ships, at the position where they were, found a port, where they anchored with incredible joy. The Admiral returned in the afternoon, very well satisfied with the appearance of the land, and it was settled that the next day we should seek a better port, fuel, and water. It was scarcely dawn when the Admiral left the ships with an armed party in the launch and boats, and at a distance of 2 leagues found a village on a small reef. The natives, in great haste, took their women and children inland, and all that they could carry away, while 150 of them took their arms. One came forward shouting--it was not understood for what purpose,--a musket was fired off merely to astonish them, and when they heard it they all dived into the water except the first native. This man came near us, and by signs told us not to fire, and that he would make his people put down their bows and arrows; so this was done on both sides. He came to the boats, and gave his hand to the Admiral in token of friendship, giving him to understand, by pointing to his head, that he was the lord of the land, and that he was called Tumai, and by another name--Jalique. Presently another native came and looked at us with astonishment, and we looked at him with no less care: owing to his colour being so white, and so brown as regards beard and hair, that our people called him "the Fleming." His name was Olan. The Admiral asked Tumai to order the natives not to shoot their arrows, and to go away from there, that his men might land. At one word from Tumai they all went away to the island, and he alone remained. Then our people landed peacefully, before anything else forming a corps de garde in one of the houses, placing sentinels in appropriate places, and the rest lodged in the village. By signs Tumai showed the Admiral his houses, and asked him not to set them or the others on fire. He further said that he would assist and give what his island contained. The Admiral showed him great friendship; and, the better to impress him with it, he dressed him in shot silk, [93] which he seemed to value highly. Presently a boat was sent to report to the Captain all that had taken place, and that there was a very good watering-place near the village. The ships should shift their berths to a port much nearer, and the launch anchored still nearer the village, between the land and a rock. When the ships were anchored, all the friars landed and went to the village; and at the request of the Captain they performed the First Mass of Our Lady of Loreto, with a commemoration of St. Peter. The natives, while they were saying Mass, were present, very attentive on their knees, beating their breasts, and doing everything they saw the Christians do. It is certainly a great pity, when one comes to think of it, with what facility all the people of those parts would receive the Faith if there was any one to teach them; and yet what a great perdition there is of such a vast number of souls as are condemned here! God will be best served if the time is made to come very quickly that will bring the blessing of blessings, of which these people are so ignorant, of others so desired. Next day, at the request of Tumai, the Admiral sent him to the ship with a soldier, that he might tell the Captain that the Chief had come to see him, and who he was. The Captain received him with a cheerful countenance, and embraced him, and Tumai gave him the kiss of peace on his cheek. They were seated in the gallery, and the table was got ready that he might eat. But he declined to eat anything, though he was pressed to do so. The Commissary was present; and that Tumai might understand that he was a person to be respected, the Captain kissed his hand, and told Tumai that he should do the same, which he did. The Captain asked Tumai whether he had seen ships or people like us. He gave it to be understood that he had not, but that he had received reports about them. He was asked about the volcano that had been seen in the former voyage, and he said, by signs with fire, that it was five days' voyage to the west, and that in his language it was called "Mami," and that there the Island of Santa Cruz was near and in sight, the native name of which was "Indeni." The Captain also told him of the death inflicted upon the Chief Malope during the other voyage, and of the head which the Adelantado Mendaña sent as payment, as may be read in the account of the voyage. [94] It was understood that this was the reason why he and all his people showed themselves to be so alarmed when they saw arquebuses, and explained their knowledge of ships and people like us. The Captain further asked Tumai whether he knew of other lands far or near, inhabited or uninhabited. For this he pointed to his island, then to the sea, then to various points of the horizon; and having explained by these signs, he began counting on his fingers as many as sixty islands, and a very large land, which he called "Manicolo." The Captain wrote down the names, having the compass before him, for noting the bearing of each island from the one where they were, called "Taumaco," to S.W., S.S.W., and N.W. To explain which were small islands, Tumai made small circles, and for larger ones larger circles; while for the large land he opened both his arms and hands without making them meet. To explain which were the distant islands, and which were nearer, he pointed to the sun, then rested his head on his hand, shut his eyes, and with his fingers counted the number of nights one had to sleep on the voyage. In a similar way he explained which people were white, black, or mulattos; which were mixed, which friendly, which hostile. He gave it to be understood that in one island they ate human flesh, by biting his arm, and indicated that he did not like such people. In this way and in others it appeared that what he said was understood. He repeated it many times until he was tired, and, pointing towards the S.W., W., and other parts, he gave it to be well understood how many more lands there were. He then showed a desire to return to his house, and the Captain, the more to please him, gave him things brought for barter, and he departed after embraces and other tokens of love. Next day the Captain went to the village where our people were, and in order to corroborate what Tumai had said, he assembled the natives on the beach. Holding a paper in his hand, with the compass before him, he began asking them all once and many times respecting the lands to which Tumai had given names, and all agreed. They gave tidings of other inhabited islands, and also of that great land. Other persons, on that day and at other times, put the same questions to the natives, and always with the same result, so that it appeared that these people were truthful. They were much astonished at seeing one reading a paper, and, taking it in their hands, they looked at it in front and behind. One day the natives were seen eating certain pieces of meat, and they were asked cautiously what it was. That they might be understood, they showed a piece of raw hide with the hair on, and one put his hands on his head, intending it to be understood, with other very intelligible signs, that in those great lands there were cows and buffalo; and when they were shown pearls on the button of a rosary, they said they had them. They liked much to see us place our guard. They showed themselves well contented at the way they were treated. All they gave was eaten without scruple, and all they were given was taken with good will. They established great friendship with each of our people that they took a fancy to, exchanging names, calling them comrades, and treating them as if their acquaintance had been of long standing. It came to such a point that some of our people went alone to their villages without causing any offence, or any of our things being missed, such as our clothes left in the streams where they were being washed, or pots and copper kettles. An agreement was made with Tumai about wood and water for the ships, all which he sent with great good will--as much as we needed--by natives in canoes. Some concealed themselves, others went on board and asked for bells, which they esteemed very much, and other things that were given them, with which they returned contented. Tumai was lord of this and other islands. His age was fifty; a man with a good body and face, handsome eyes, well-formed nose, colour rather brown, beard and hair turning grey. He was grave and sedate, prudent and wise in what he did, and what he promised he performed. Once he wanted to go to a village, to see two women he had there. He asked leave, and left one of his sons as a hostage. CHAPTER XVI. Gives an account of this island, of the people, their food and canoes, and of our departure from it. The native name for this island is Taumaco. It received the name of Nuestra Señora del Socorro in memory of the succour found there. [95] It is in latitude 10° 20'. Its circumference is 10 leagues, more or less. It is moderately high and well wooded. For this reason, and its shape, the view of it is pleasant. It runs east and west. Along its beaches there are many palm groves, villages with few houses, and a quantity of canoes. It is distant from Lima 1,650 [96] leagues. On the east side there are three pointed rocks, which are only bare when the wind is E. or N.E., and between them and the island is the port where we anchored first. It has 25 fathoms of depth. The second anchorage is on the south side of the island, west of a rock which is under water, depth 18 fathoms, with bottom of rough coral, which chafes cables, so that ours were buoyed. It is without shelter; and for this reason, and the high seas that rise, we lay at single anchor, and in some anxiety and danger. The village of Tumai is on the south side, a little apart from the island, and surrounded by water, so we called it Venice. They cannot embark in or land from their canoes, except when it is high water. It has in front, at a distance of an arquebus-shot, a small valley with fruit trees, crops, and a small stream of very clear and wholesome water, whence was got that which was taken on board. The houses are large and clean, framed with wood, the roof of sweet canes covered with palm leaves, with two or three low doors, and the floors covered with reeds. The beds are of matting, with stools somewhat curved to put the heads on. There are larger houses, and in them certain canoes with large and well-carved trunks, with decks of plank, and very strongly fastened with beams and poles. These go down on one side until they reach the water, [97] acting as a counterpoise to prop up, enabling them to carry more sail. The joinings of the vessel are cemented together with a certain gum which is found here, that burns like a candle when set on fire, and oils well. The inside has a small cabin or retreat, in which all the provisions are kept when at sea. The bows were ornamented with pearl shells, and close by were the paddles, rigging, ropes, and large mat sails. Each canoe will hold thirty or forty persons. There was also an open space with certain poles, some of them dyed red, for which the natives have great respect, cloths, matting, and cocoa-nuts being collected there. It was understood to be a burying-place of some of their chief people, or a place where the Devil speaks to them. The island yields roots and fruits, such as yams, cocoa-nuts, plantains, sweet canes, and some very large almonds, whose pips are formed of leaves. They are sweet and very pleasant to eat. The nutmegs are only used by the natives as a paste to dye their arrows. Other fruits were seen and eaten, and a small pig. They do not eat the hens. They killed ten or a dozen cocks, but they hid the hens. A small dog was seen. We found a ball of artimonia, and it was ascertained that they make them to fight with, fastened to the ends of sticks, serving as maces. The natives are tall as a rule, straight, vigorous, well-favoured, of a clear mulatto colour more or less, others very close upon being black. There may be some who have come from other islands by way of contract, or as prisoners. Some of them work. They cover their parts with cloths they weave at small looms. They use the buyo, food also used in the Philippines, which is said to preserve the teeth and strengthen the stomach. Their arms are bows and arrows. They seem to be a people fond of fighting with natives of other islands; two of them were wounded and bruised from this. They told our people that they would go to help and to avenge the others who had been hit with arrows. One gave us to understand that he was a surgeon. Two leagues to the west there is another island, inhabited, and apparently about the same size as Taumaco. It is called Temelflua. To the N.E. of it, at a short distance, are two small islands, rather rocky. The ships being ready, the Admiral received orders to embark, taking some natives with the objects already stated. The Admiral sent Tumai in advance, the Captain having sent for him to take leave. Tumai and two others were in a canoe talking with the Captain, who gave them a sash and other things, when the boats arrived with our people and four natives, who had been seized, so that Tumai might not see them. But they saw Tumai, and cried out to him to help them. Tumai, seeing that there was no remedy, was deaf to their cries, and for his own safety he shoved off from the ship. The Captain fired a piece as a signal for the launch to weigh. The two companions of Tumai then jumped into the water, and swam on shore. Tumai remained without showing any fear. This man was valorous, and his kindness was worthy to be celebrated and to eternize his name, and his sorrow mourned for. Our people embarked with two natives in each ship, the anchors were weighed, and sail was made at sunset on Tuesday, the 18th of April, running great danger of striking on a rock. CHAPTER XVII. Another inhabited island is sighted, and it is related how three natives escaped from the ships, and other things that happened. The ships were pursuing their course, when a certain person from the Almiranta shouted to the Captain that they should go in search of the Island of Santa Cruz. The Captain answered that the ships had to put their heads, as they were now put, to the S.E., with the intention of following that and other courses, for they now had sufficient wood and water to enable them to find what they were seeking. God had given us a N.W. wind, one as well suited for that intention as it sounds. We stood on under little sail, for it was night, and the sea unknown, when towards dawn one of the natives sprang into the sea. He was a youth, but tall and vigorous, of good countenance and gentle bearing, whom the Captain prized highly for the ship. The sailors called as if he could understand them: "Come back to the ship; do not drown yourself. See how the Devil deceives him! Why should you lose so much good as surrounds you here?" But as his intention was different, not caring for words so little understood, he went on swimming to the island, which appeared to be about 3 leagues off. We went on our way, and in the afternoon of the third day we saw an island [98] at a distance. We hove to for the night, and made sail towards it at daybreak. When we were near the land, the other native, also quite young and not less gay and well disposed, before he could be prevented, jumped overboard, and there remained, as if he was a buoy. At the place where he was, not caring for cries and menaces, with great effrontery, as if he was standing in the water, he took off a shirt he had on, and with incredible speed began swimming to the island, which he would soon reach, being near and to leeward. The Admiral was advised of the flight of the natives, that he might keep a closer watch over the two he had on board. Only with the object of finding out whether the island was inhabited, we coasted along it. Presently, on an extensive beach, we saw natives running to join others who were looking at us. The Admiral got into the dingey to see what sort of people they were. The natives made signs, with great demonstrations of love, for us to come on shore. Seeing we would not for all their pressing, they gave a mantle of fine palm leaves and notice of other lands, and bade farewell with great signs of regret. We left them in that solitude, gazing at our ships, until we lost sight of them. Our people were much pleased at the sight of the island, and still more to see such fine-looking people: but suddenly one of the two natives on board the Almiranta, a tall, robust, and strong man, jumped into the sea, and soon was a long way off. They lowered the dingey, but the Captain fired a piece off as a signal that they were not to go after the fugitive, the boat being small and easily capsized. The resolute swimmer went on towards the island with vigorous strokes, being 2 leagues off and to windward. CHAPTER XVIII. Relates how, by reason of a strong wind from the N.W., the sea ran across the track of the ships, and how they sighted a high island. With great regret at the loss of the three best natives, though the one that remained was more free (being the same the Captain pointed out with his finger when they were seized), we proceeded on a S.E. course, with a fresh N.W. breeze, until the following day. The wind increased in force with thick weather, with flights of birds, and the night approaching, so we struck the topmasts and hove to until the 24th of April. On that day the sun was taken, and it was found that we were in 14°, the ship having drifted 20 leagues. In the afternoon, the weather having cleared up, the Captain ordered sail to be made, and when he was asked what the course was to be, he answered: "Put the ships' heads where they like, for God will guide them as may be right;" and as it was S.W., he said it might continue so. So on that course, with little sail, we steered during the night. Before sunrise on the following day, a sailor of the Capitana named Francisco Rodriguez went to the mast-head, and cried in a cheerful voice: "Very high land ahead!" We all wanted to see it, and all looked at it together with great contentment. Much greater was their satisfaction when they came close, and saw smoke, and natives calling to the launch to come nearer. This island was calculated to be 1,700 leagues from Lima. It is 7 or 8 leagues in circumference, forms a round hill, abrupt near the sea, the highest and best-formed I have seen. Its shape is that of a sugar-loaf with the crown cut off. It is cut like a saddle, whence a good stream of water falls into the sea. We saw crops growing, plantains, palms, and other trees. The inhabitants appeared to be of a good colour, and well made. The people were on the N.W. side, where, at a short distance from the shore, there is a bare rock. The latitude of this land is 14°, and it was named San Marcos, [99] because it was discovered on that Saint's day. CHAPTER XIX. Tells how a great land was sighted, and other islands. From this Island of San Marcos we went on a S.W. course, with men at the mast-head; and at 10 in the forenoon, at a distance of 12 leagues to the S.E., a land of many mountains and plains was sighted, the end of which could not be seen throughout the day. The Captain gave it the name of "Margaritana." About 20 leagues to the west, an island was seen that looked so beautiful that it was determined to go to it. About a third of the way we saw another island, 3 leagues off. It is flat, with a hill that looks like a rock in the distance. Two canoes under sail came from it, from which we knew that it was inhabited. On account of its thick woods and pleasant appearance, the name of "Verjel" was given to it. There was little wind, and, on account of the necessary caution in navigating among unknown islands, we hove to during the night. The other day, being the 27th, we saw to the N. of where we were a large island running N.E. and S.W., and the peaks of its numerous mountains gave the Captain a strong desire to go and see it; but he gave it up, owing to other things that occurred. Its latitude is 13°, and it was named "Las Lagrimas da San Pedro." To the N.W. another island was seen, with a circumference of 60 leagues. It has two high and sloping hills, one at each end. The rest is flat and of very pleasant appearance, alike from its shape and its numerous trees. Its latitude is less than 14°. It was named "Portales de Belen." CHAPTER XX. Gives an account of what passed with some natives at an island. Next day we arrived near the island which I said was to the westward of that of San Marcos, and in all directions we saw columns of smoke rising, and at night many fires. In the centre it is rather high, and thence its slopes extend in all directions towards the sea, so that its form is a massive round, with only the part towards the south a little broken with ravines. It is a land of many palm trees, plantains, verdure, abundant water, and thickly inhabited. The circumference is about 50 leagues, though some gave it 100 leagues, and must support about 200,000 inhabitants. Its latitude is 14° 30'. Owing to its great beauty, it was given the name of "Virgen Maria." [100] Four canoes with unarmed natives came to the Almiranta, and made signs to offer to take him into port. Seeing that our people did not wish it, they made presents of cocoa-nuts and other fruits. Having received a good return, they went back to their island. As the disposition of the natives seemed to be good, the Captain sent a party in the launch and one boat, to examine the coast and find a port. The party was under the command of Pedro Lopez de Sojo. They found to the S. and S.E. clean bottom at 20 fathoms or less, where the ships might well anchor if the weather to be expected was known. They saw a great number of people on the island, who came out to see and call to us. They followed the boat without passing certain boundaries, and by this we supposed that there were partitions of property between people not on good terms. Among them there were two colours. While they were looking at each other and talking by signs, a man rushed down from some rocks behind. He was well made, of a clear mulatto colour, the hairs of his beard and head brown and crisp, and rather long. He was robust and vigorous. With a jump he got into the boat, and, according to the signs he made, he appeared to ask: "Where do you come from? What do you want? What do you seek?" Assuming that these were the questions, one of our people said "We come from the east, we are Christians, we seek you, and we want you to be ours." He showed himself to be so bold, that our people understood that he wanted to make us believe that to him we were a small affair. He presently was undeceived, for he was seized and brought to the ship, where he came on board so fearlessly that we had to confess he was no coward. The Captain embraced him, and asked about other land by signs, of which he appeared to give extensive information. He pointed to several places on the horizon, counted on his fingers several times, and ended by saying, "Martin Cortal." [101] It was very pleasant to hear him, to see how lively he was, how vigorous, how agreeable among our people; having a bright look for all, including those who importuned him with a desire for information. The night having come on, the launch arrived, and the Pilot of her told the Captain that they were bringing a native prisoner, secured by a hatchway chain. But he broke it; and, taking part of it and the padlock with him on one foot, he jumped overboard. The Captain heard this with great regret, fearing that the man had been drowned. To make sure of the other, he ordered him to be given his supper and to be put in the stocks, but on a bed where he could sleep. He also ordered that the ships should go in search of the one that had escaped. Going in search at ten at night, the look-out man heard a voice from the water, and made out the place where the native, being tired out, was struggling with death. To the cries of the swimmer came answer from the prisoner, in such doleful tones that it caused grief to all to see the one and hear the other. The swimmer was got on board, to the joy of himself and us, and to our surprise that he could have sustained such a weight on his foot for four hours. The padlock and chain were at once taken off, and he was given his supper, with wine to drink, and then put in the stocks, that he might not try it on again. There both remained all night, talking sadly and in confusion. At dawn, the Captain, pretending that he quarreled with all for putting them in the stocks, let them out. He then ordered the barber to shave off their beards and hair, except one tuft on the side of their heads. He also ordered their finger-nails and toe-nails to be cut with scissors, the uses of which they admired. He caused them to be dressed in silk of divers colours, gave them hats with plumes, tinsel, and other ornaments, knives, and a mirror, into which they looked with caution. This done, the Captain had them put into the boat, and told Sojo to take them on shore, coasting along to the end of the island, to see what there was beyond. The natives came, and, the fear being passed, they sang their happy and unhoped-for fate. Arrived at the beach, they were told to jump out, which they could hardly believe. Finally, they jumped overboard, where there were many natives; among them a woman with a child in her arms, who received the two with great joy. It appeared that she was the wife of the first native, and that he was a chief, for all respected and obeyed his orders. They seemed to be contented, and gave each other many embraces, with gentle murmurings. The Chief, pointing with his finger, seemed to be saying we were a good people. Many came to where the boat was, and they showed such confidence that, when one of our men asked the mother for her baby, she gave it. Seeing that it was passed from one to another, to be seen and embraced, the natives were well pleased. In fine, a good understanding was established. The swimmer ran away, and presently came back with a pig on his shoulders, which he offered to us. The Chief gave us another, and a bunch of curious plantains, their shape being like that of moderate-sized egg-plants [102] without points, the pulp orange colour, sweet and tender. The other natives emulously presented cocoa-nuts, sweet canes, and other fruits, and water in joints of cane four palmos long and one thick. Pointing to the ships, they seemed to say that they should anchor here, that they might give them all they had in the island. Our people took their leave and went on to the point, where they saw the coast of the island trending north, and the other island of Belen at a distance of 4 leagues to the N.W. Satisfied with their view, they returned to the ship. The boatswain's mate of the Almiranta was wounded in one cheek by an arrow: certain natives, being envious of the friendship of the others, or being enraged because, when they called to our people they did not care to stop and speak with them, shot off arrows, and had an answer from muskets. This wound healed quickly, by which we knew that the arrows were not poisoned. More mischief would have been done if the swimmer had not come running, shouting, and making signs for the boat to keep away--a great proof of gratitude. CHAPTER XXI. Relates how they came in sight of two great and lofty lands; how they went in search of one of them, and discovered a bay, and a port in it. This day one Melchor de los Reyes was looking out at the mast-head, when, at three in the afternoon, he saw at a distance of 12 leagues to the S.W. and S., more or less, an extensive land. For this, and because the eye could not turn to a point that was not all land, the day was the most joyful and the most celebrated day of the whole voyage. We went on towards the land, and next day found ourselves near a coast running to the west. The name of Cardona [103] was given to this land in memory of the Duke of Sesa, who had taken so deep an interest in the voyage, as well at Rome as at the Court of Spain, and because the Captain felt very grateful. When we set out for the said land there was seen, far away to the S.E., a massive and very lofty chain of mountains, covered with thick masses of white clouds in the middle and on the heights, while the bases were clear. It seemed from aloft that the coasts of these two lands approached to form one. The Captain gave the name of "La Clementina" to this range of mountains. It seemed to be in about 17°. [104] Having come to the land, an opening was seen in it, and, as it appeared to be a port, the Captain sent an officer in a boat, with soldiers and rowers, to examine it. In the afternoon he returned, reporting that the opening formed a narrow island 6 leagues long, running N. and S., rather high, inhabited, and well wooded; and where it is sheltered to the E. and N.E., there was bottom at 30 fathoms, and a strong current. The Captain gave it the name of "San Raimundo." Coasting along this island to the W., there came out on the beach many tawny men, very tall, with bows in their hands, calling loudly to our people. As we would not approach, they threw a great bundle of capons' feathers into the sea, intending with this, and by sending out boys, to induce us to come within shot. Then they shot off their arrows, which we returned with muskets. Further on they saw many natives of fine make and good colour, and away to S. and S.E. three and four ranges of very high mountains, which seemed to join on to the other ranges that had been seen to the S.E. With such good news that the land was inhabited, we sailed onwards on a westward course; and at a distance of 6 leagues, on the 1st of May, we entered a great bay, where we passed the night. Next day, the Captain sent the Admiral away in a boat to look for a port. Two canoes came out to the ships, with men in them, having their bows ready. They stopped for an interval and rowed for another. They spoke loudly, and looked at us and at the shore, showing themselves to be troubled. Those in the launch fired off a piece to astonish them, which it did, for they took to flight, rowing as hard as they could. The Admiral returned in the afternoon very well satisfied, and those who accompanied him were equally pleased, and could not hold back the joyful news that they had found a good port; for this is what we had hitherto failed to find, though we had sought for one with anxious wishes to succeed. Without a port, the discovery would be of little importance. Next day, being the 3rd of May, the three vessels anchored in the port with great joy, giving many thanks to God. CHAPTER XXII. Relates the first sight of the natives of this bay, and an encounter there was with them. Next day natives were seen passing along the beach. The Captain, with the boats, went to look at them, with the desire to take some of them and send them back clothed and kindly treated, so that in this and other ways friendship might be established. He did all he could to induce them to get into the boats. They did the same to get us to land. As we would not, they flung certain fruits into the water, which were collected by us, and we went back to the ships. The day after, the Captain ordered the Admiral to go on shore with a party of soldiers, and try by all possible means to catch some natives, so as to establish peace and friendship, based on the good work we intended to do for them. The party ran the boat high up on the beach, and quickly formed in a squadron, for the natives were coming, and it was not known with what object. Being near, they made signs and spoke, but were not understood. Our people called to them in return. Then the natives drew a line on the ground, and seemed to say that we were not to pass beyond it. I understand that there was no one who could make himself intelligible; and it is a great evil, on such occasions, when there is a want of zeal or of management. Natives were seen in the woods, and to frighten them some muskets were fired into the air. A soldier who had lost patience, or who had forgotten his orders, fired low and killed a native. The others, with loud cries, fled. A Moor who was the drummer, cut off the head and one foot of the dead, and hung the body on the branch of a tree, without being seen to do it by those on the beach. It then happened that three native chiefs came to where our people were, who, instead of showing them kindness and bringing them on board, showed them their comrade without a head and running blood, pretending that this cruelty was a means of making peace. The chiefs, showing great sorrow, went back to where their people were, and shortly afterwards sounded their instruments with great force and noise, which was heard among the trees. Then from many directions they began shooting arrows and darts, and throwing stones, while our people fired on them, turning on one side or the other. The Captain saw all this from the ship where he was, with great regret to find peace turned into war. It appeared to him best to land more men in the direction taken by a number of natives, who were trying to surround our people. The supporting party got into such conflict with the enemy that the Captain was obliged to fire two pieces. The balls, tearing branches off the trees, passed over the natives; but with this, and the resistance made by our soldiers, the enemy retired. At the same time, the natives who were on the beach moved forward, brandishing their clubs, and with arrows fitted to their bows and darts poised to throw, menacing with loud shouts. Then a tall old native advanced, making a sound on a shell with great force. He seemed to be the same chief who had spoken to our soldiers, and I believe he said that they would defend their country against those who came to it, killing their inhabitants. Eight of our musketeers were in ambush, and one of them unfortunately, as he afterwards stated, killed this chief; and presently the rest desisted. Three or four raised their dead on their shoulders with great celerity, and went inland, leaving the neighbouring villages deserted. Such was the end of the peace that the Captain hoped for and sought for, as the means of discovering the grandeur of the land, and all that was contained in it; and such was the intention that the Captain had, but which was but a sound. CHAPTER XXIII. Relates the causes which led the Captain to create a ministry of war, and the names of the officers. The Lord having been served that the Captain should find anchorage for his ships in so long sought-for, so good, and so necessary a port, seeing the excellence of the land which surrounded it, the necessity there was to take possession in the name of His Majesty, feeling the contest in his mind that his desires should be fulfilled, that there should be full security for celebrating the divine offices, and that for this and the rest that had been done here there was manifest risk, for the natives with their arms, from the woods and the beaches, continually attacked, so that we could not seek for wood, water, or provisions, or fell timber for the ship's use to make certain bulk-heads for storing and arranging the cargo; seeing, also, how much it imported that the roads should be guarded by escorts, and that there should be ambuscades to alarm the enemy and secure our safety; knowing further that for the royal authority, the better establishment of the work, the discipline of the people, the union of all their wills, and for other hidden reasons, and for them altogether, it was very necessary and obligatory to create a ministry of war and marine, so that by land and sea there might be established such order that what was desired might be the better secured; and that it may not be a cost of His Majesty, and be the means of giving satisfaction, and of making a foundation, and they themselves having petitioned for it, he named-- To act as Admiral Pedro Bernal Cermeño. Master of the Camp Luis Vaez de Torres. Royal Ensign Lucas de Quiros. Captain and Sergeant-Major Pedro Lopez de Sojo. His Ensign Pedro de Castro. His Sergeant Francisco Martin Toscano. His Aide-de-Camp Francisco Davila. Captain of the crew of the "Almiranta" Alonso Alvarez de Castro. His Ensign Manuel Rodriguez Africano. His Sergeant Domingo Andres. Captain of the Launch Pedro Garcia da Lumbreras. His Ensign Francisco Gallardo. His Sergeant Antonio Gonzalez. Captain of the Artillery Andres Perez Coronado. Constables of the three Vessels Francisco Ponce. Lazaro de Olivera. Antonio Balalan. Chief Pilot Gaspar Gonzalez de Leza. Assistant Pilot Francisco Fernandez. These elections having been made, presently the Camp Master asked the Captain to leave him to sleep on shore with the people. The Captain never wished to consent, because they should not sleep on the ground, and because he did not wish for further licence with the natives, and to avoid danger, and for other reasons which they could understand. The Master of the Camp, with the Sergeant-Major, officers, and sailors, who were serving as soldiers, made such good progress on shore that by Friday, the eve of Pentecost, they finished all that had been arranged, without injury to any of our people. On the same afternoon the Captain assembled the people of all the vessels, and addressed them in the following manner:-- "His Majesty, the King, our Lord, was served by sending me, at the cost of his royal treasury, without giving me instructions or orders, nor other memoir whatever, of what I was to do in these parts, nor did he restrict my will as to what I was not to do; therefore, in the name of the royal grandeur, I undertake what is best for His Majesty's better service, and greater honour. In fine, all is left to my charge; and this mercy was so great, that it has made me his perpetual vassal and slave, and put upon me new obligations and cares to find how I can better serve and please His Majesty so long as my life lasts. For this I am of a mind, and determined to make a beginning of my honourable thought, some time planned and desired to be put into execution; for the good work that it promises for God and for the King, for the strengthening of your resolves, for giving firmness and hope, which are the qualities needed to achieve great and famous deeds, the more when the honour and the reward are to be seen and palpable: which are two things so sought after and loved in this present life, and the want of which causes what happens to be evil. "The present subject to be announced to you, gentlemen, is that of an Order, the title of which is to be the 'Knights of the Holy Ghost,' with the constitutions and precepts to be kept and professed, guided by such lofty and Christian ends as will be seen in them when the Lord is served, as I shall be able to show. All is done in confidence that His Holiness and His Majesty, each of those two Lords as regards what concerns them, will be served in payment of my continual labours and good desires, by confirming this Order, with advantageous privileges, as long as the world endures: as well for the good that it secures as for the merits of vassals so honourable and so loyal, as is shown by the numerous services they perform, and will continue to perform, in these parts. "For all I have said and can say on this subject, I seek from all the consent of their free wills, in the names of the Most Holy Trinity, in the name of the Roman Pontiff, in the name of His Catholic Majesty the King, Don Philip, third of that name, King of Spain, and my Lord; and I, the Captain Don Pedro Fernandez de Quiros, give to each one of your mercies this cross, of a blue colour, which presently you are to place on your breasts, being the insignia by which the Knights of the Order of the Holy Ghost are to be known; and for the persons in whose charge, if I should fail, is to be placed the discovery, pacification, and possession of all these parts that we are discovering and may discover in the time to come. "I pray heartily that the Knights may know and esteem the value of this cross, gained with a determination to win much higher honours; and they must bear in mind that, though it has not cost much money, labour, sickness, nor time, that which it remains in their power to pay in this very high enterprise is very great, for it is now known that the enterprise holds a world for its heaven and its earth. "Pray to God, gentlemen, that it may serve Him to show me greater lands and other things; for greater are my desires that the King our Lord may deign to grant to all still greater favours. Here I, in his royal name, offer to raise you to higher offices and dignities. I charge you all to be, as it were, members of one body; and I announce to you that from this day forward your obligations will be greater, and the rewards or punishments greater which are merited for good or for bad deeds." All this was listened to with much pleasure and accepted with satisfaction. The Captain asked them all to confess on Saturday, that on Sunday, the day of Pentecost, they might earn the Holy Jubilee which His Holiness had conceded to this expedition, and five other days in each year. Presently the Father Commissary persuaded all, and with his three priests he offered to confess, and all confessed. CHAPTER XXIV. Describes the celebration of the feast of the eve and the day of Pentecost, and the taking possession in the names of the Catholic Church, and of His Majesty. On that night all three vessels displayed many lights, and they sent off many rockets and fire-wheels. All the artillery was fired off; and when the natives heard the noise and the echoes resounding over hills and valleys, they raised great shouts. We sounded drums, rang the bells, had music and dancing, and had other forms of rejoicing, in which the men showed great pleasure. The Captain said to all: "Gentlemen, this is the eve of my long-desired day, for which there should be no empty hand nor person for whom the appointed good things are not welcome, and as much more as the part he takes may deserve." It was not quite dawn when the Camp Master and ministers, taking with them an armed party in the two boats, went on shore. They landed near the launch with four small pieces to be used in a fort. Presently, with joyous diligence a booth made of branches was set up on the beach, surrounded by stakes, to serve as a fort in case of necessity. Within, the monks arranged a clean and well-ordered altar under a canopy. This was the first church, and was named by the Captain "Our Lady of Loreto." Everything having been arranged as well as the time would allow, it was reported to the Captain, and presently he left the ship with the rest of the people. All the three companies were drawn up in good order on the beach. The officers and soldiers looked so active and honourable, with the crosses on their breasts, that I believe, if His Majesty could see them, with such sharpened resolves to finish what they had commenced, and to begin much greater things, that he would estimate their value at what it was worth, and increase his bounties. The Royal Ensign came forth with the standard in his hands. The banners, which were fluttering and brightening the whole scene, received their tribute from discharges of muskets and arquebuses. Presently the Captain came out and went down on his knees, saying: "To God alone be the honour and the glory." Then, putting his hand on the ground, he kissed it, and said: "O Land! sought for so long, intended to be found by many, and so desired by me!" Then the Admiral came out with a cross made of the orange wood of the country, which the Captain had caused to be made. Our Father Commissary, with his five monks, all bare-footed, kneeling on the beach, received it in their arms, saying with great tenderness: "I adore thee, O Holy Cross, for the Author of our life, made flesh, died on thee for me, so great a sinner, and for the whole human race." Raising it and singing the "Lignum," with the people in procession, we arrived at the door of the church; and there, on a pedestal which had been placed for the purpose, the Captain planted our cross, and ordered that the people should come round, and that the secretary should read, as in a loud voice he did read, the following documents:-- Raising of the Cross. Be witnesses the heavens and the earth, and the sea with all its inhabitants, and those who are present, that I, the Captain Pedro Fernandez de Quiros, in these parts which up to the present time have been unknown, raise and plant in the name of Jesus Christ, Son of the eternal Father, and of the Holy Virgin Mary, true God and man, this sign of the Holy Cross, on which His most holy body was crucified, and where He gave His life as a ransom for the whole human race. In the same place, and at the same time, the six following possessions were read, which our people heard with joy and gladness, the eyes of many filling with tears. Possession in the name of the most Holy Trinity. In these parts of the South, until now unknown, where I am, and have come with authority from the Supreme Roman Pontiff, Clement VIII., and by order of the King, Don Philip III., King of Spain, despatched by his Council of State, I, Captain Pedro Fernandez de Quiros, in the name of the most Holy Trinity, take possession of all the islands and lands that I have newly discovered, and desire to discover, as far as the South Pole. Possession in the name of the Catholic Church. I take possession of all these, the said lands, in the name of Jesus Christ, saviour of all men, how unknown soever they may be, and in the name of His mother the most Holy Virgin Mother of Loreto, and in the name of St. Peter and St. Paul, and of all the holy apostles and disciples, and in the name of the universal Vicar of Christ, the Roman Pontiff, and in the name of the whole Catholic Church, and of all those pious, just, and holy things that have a right in such possession; which I do with joy and to the end that to all the natives, in all the said lands, the holy and sacred evangel may be preached zealously and openly. Possession in the name of St. Francis and his Order. I take possession of all the said lands in the name of my father, St. Francis, and of all his religion and professors of it, and being present, in the name of the Father Commissary, Friar Martin de Monilla, Friar Mateo de Vascones, Friar Antonio Quintero, and Friar Juan de Marlo, all four priests; and in the names of Fray Juan de Santa Maria and Fray Francisco Lopez, both lay brethren, come here, all six, at my request by order of His Holiness and of His Majesty, and of their Commissary General and Provincial of the province of the Twelve Apostles of Peru; from whose order I desire that all the workers sent to tend this vineyard may come, and the labourers who have to show His holy word and doctrine, and to gather in the fruits. Possession in the name of John of God and his Order. I take possession of all the said lands in the name of John of God, and of all the professed brothers of his Order, and, being present, in the name of Lazaro de Santa Maria, who came here in compliance with a brief of His Holiness, given to me for that end, that the same Brotherhood might found, administer, and maintain by their professed charity all the hospitals there may be in those parts, so necessary that the natives may learn all our methods, and hold us in the love and veneration which the sight of our curing the native sick, and giving them other benefits, deserve. Possession in the name of the Order of the Holy Ghost. I take possession of all these lands, by the right that His Holiness and His Majesty granted, to make just divisions of the lands and of the people on them; for all the Knights that are in these parts of the Order of the Holy Ghost as discoverers, settlers, defenders, and preservers, and no other, obliged without pay to serve in all the royal and public employments, with every human and divine office as regards the natives as their defenders, and with profession of all the rest that is in their constitution. Possession in the name of His Majesty. Finally, I take possession of this bay, named the Bay of St. Philip and St. James, and of its port named Santa Cruz, and of the site on which is to be founded the city of New Jerusalem, in latitude 15° 10', and of all the lands which I sighted and am going to sight, and of all this region of the south as far as the Pole, which from this time shall be called Australia del Espiritu Santo, with all its dependencies and belongings; and this for ever, and so long as right exists, in the name of the King, Don Philip, third of that name King of Spain, and of the eastern and western Indies, my King and natural Lord, whose is the cost and expense of this fleet, and from whose will and power came its mission, with the government, spiritual and temporal, of these lands and people, in whose royal name are displayed there his three banners, and I hereby hoist his royal standard. The reading being finished, all cried with loud voices: "Long live the King of Spain, Don Philip III., our Lord!" Then we entered the church to give due thanks to God. They said three Masses, and the fourth, which was sung, was by our Father Commissary. All the people took the sacrament very fervently. This done, the three Ensigns, who now held the banners in their hands, inclined them to the ground in front of the altar, the Royal Ensign holding the royal standard. The Commissary blessed them with great solemnity; and, at a certain signal that was given to the ships, whose mast-head banners displayed the royal arms, and at the sides the two columns and the plus ultra, with the streamers fluttering, fired off all their guns with full charges; the soldiers discharged muskets and arquebuses, and the gunners sent off rockets and fire-wheels. In the middle of all this noise, all shouted with almost infinite joy, and many times: "Long live the Faith of Christ!" And with this the celebration of the festival came to an end. CHAPTER XXV. What passed between the Captain and the late Chief Pilot, and certain persons who spoke for and against; and how freedom was given to two slaves. Presently the former Chief Pilot prayed the Captain, with exaggerated supplication, to pardon him. The Captain enquired of him for what he asked pardon: for if he referred to things that affected him, he might be certain that, without having to ask for pardon, he would be pardoned; but if the pardon was asked for things connected with the royal service, he must tell him what was well known, that his treatment was reasonable and just. The Chief Pilot replied to this by swearing, with great demonstrations of innocence, that he had neither offended the King nor the Captain in anything, nor had desired to give offence. According to him, I am the person who ought to ask for pardon. Then a certain monk took the Captain aside, and said that the Chief Pilot was very obliged and grateful, and that from this time forward he would work marvels in all things; and that he was already doing so, as the monk could witness. The Captain answered that he left that to God, who knew the most secret intentions and could not be deceived; and that for himself, he looked to have treated the Chief Pilot in quite a different manner, having entrusted to him business which included good things and likewise his honour; and that although it was very early, his recent acts having shown that neither his word nor his offers were to be trusted, the fact of his having done so much good to anyone made it unprofitable that he should remain under punishment. Other persons had given evidence to the Captain against the Chief Pilot, and to all he answered that before God he could justify his acts in giving information, pardoning, or giving hope. When such means were of no avail, he held the rod in his hands, giving such blows as the culprit deserved; and that he had kept the Chief Pilot a prisoner, considering that to be a punishment which would be sufficient. Freedom given to two slaves. The Captain asked an officer named Alonso Alvarez de Castro, and Juan Bernardo de Fuentidueña, Pilot of the Almiranta, that they would give--as they did give with very good will, by reason of pious motives and of the honour of the festival of that day--freedom to a slave which each of them possessed, for which purpose they drew up letters. This being done, we went to dine under the shade of great tufted trees near a clear running stream, the corps de garde being alert and the sentries posted. CHAPTER XXVI. The election of a municipality and of magistrates, names of the persons elected, and what else happened until the crews embarked. Having had his siesta, the Captain assembled the Master of the Camp, Admiral, Royal Ensign, Sergeant-Major, and Captains, and said to them that, possession having been taken of that land, and the city having received the name of the New Jerusalem, with their concurrence, he would elect a municipality and such officers as is usual in a city that was the capital of a province. As they expressed their concurrence, it was agreed among all that the elections should be made in the manner following:-- Magistrates Don Diego Barrantes y Maldonado. Luis de Belmonte Bermudez. The Licentiate Alonzo Sanchez de Aranda. The Captain Manuel Noble. Francisco de Medina. Francisco de Mendoza y Sarmiento. Francisco de Zandategui. Antonio Francisco Camiña. Juan Ortiz. Alonso Perez de Medina. Juan Gallardo de Los Reyes. Pedro Carrasco. Gil Gonzalez. Secretary to the Municipality Santiago de Iriarte. Justices of the Peace Don Alonzo de Sotomayor. Captain Rodrigo Mejia de la Chica. Chief Constable Captain Gaspar de Gaza. Royal Officers: Accountant Don Juan de Iturbe. Treasurer Don Juan de la Peña. Factor Juan Bernardo de Fuentidueña. Registrar of Mines Don Antonio de Chaves. Store-keeper General Don Diego de Prado y Tovar. [105] Overseer Don Juan de Espinosa y Zayas. [105] As soon as the elections were completed, all the officials took the oath, placing the right hand on a breviary, which the Father Commissary held; swearing that they would be loyal to His Majesty, in whose name the different offices had been given to them; and with this the proceedings terminated. Afterwards, the municipal officers formed in order, and accompanied by the rest of the people, went to the church. Within was the Father Commissary, who, pointing to the upraised cross, said, "Here, gentlemen, you have the Holy Cross, the semblance of that which, by the mercy of God, secured all our remedy and all our good;" but such were the tears he shed that he could not proceed. The Captain embarked, taking with him the same cross, the standard and banners; and, on arriving on board, he ordered that block on the yard-arm to be taken down, where it had been placed to punish crimes. For the Captain could not believe that persons with such an honourable destiny would do things the punishment of which would be the rope. The Captain ordered the Master of the Camp to take an armed party, and penetrate further into the interior than he had done before. They saw more and better farms and villages than before, and at one village they found the natives much occupied with their dances. When they saw us they began a flight to the mountains, leaving strewn about as they fled, bows, arrows, and darts. Our people found two roast pigs, and all their other food, which they ate at their ease. They carried off twelve live pigs, eight hens and chickens, and they saw a tree which astonished them, for its trunk could not have been encircled by fifteen or twenty men; so they returned to the ships. CHAPTER XXVII. Relates how they sowed some land; the entry into a valley; capture of three boys, and what happened with the natives. The Captain, on the last day of Easter, taking with him such an escort as seemed necessary, went to an adjacent farm of the natives and sowed a quantity of maize, cotton, onions, melons, pumpkins, beans, pulse, and other seeds of our country; and returned to the ships laden with many roots and fish caught on the beach. Next day the Captain sent the Master of the Camp, with thirty soldiers, to reconnoitre a certain height, where they found a large and pleasant valley, with villages. When the inhabitants saw us coming, many assembled together in arms. We caught there three boys, the oldest being about seven years of age, and twenty pigs. With these we began a retreat, and the natives, with vigour and bravery, attacked our vanguard, centre, and rearguard, shooting many arrows. The chiefs came out to the encounter, and by their charges forced us to lose the ground we were gaining. Arrived at a certain pass, our people found the rocks occupied by many natives, who were animated by the desire to do as much harm as possible. Here was the hardest fight, their arrows and stones hurled down from the heights, causing great danger to our men. When the Captain heard the noise of the muskets and the shouting, he ordered three guns to be fired off, to frighten the natives and encourage our people; and the better to effect this at the port, those in the ships and on the beach were sent to support the retreating party in great haste. The forces having united, they came to the ships, saving the spoils, and all well. There was a certain person, who said in a loud voice: "Thirty pigs would be better eating than three boys." The Captain heard this, and said, with much feeling, that he would rather have one of those children than the whole world besides. He made a speech on the subject, concluding with the following words: "I give the blame to my sins, and to those alone. And how much better would it be for the person who spoke such nonsense if he had given praises to God, who, in a way so strange and unthought-of, saved these three souls--a thing which we must believe to have been predestined?" For this speech there was some ill-feeling on the part of the man who had spoken, and more from his friends. The natives, on the following day, having other ambuscades, came to attack our watering party, who armed themselves in great haste. The natives shot off their arrows, and our people fired their muskets. The natives then fled, shouting as they went, leaving marks of the harm done them by the balls. It seems that the natives, in their rage that they could not revenge themselves on us, came to destroy the church. The Captain hurriedly sent off an armed party in the two boats to prevent them. When the natives saw this, they slowly retreated. Their object appeared to have been to draw our men away, to lead them to where many other natives were concealed; for we afterwards saw them go away, crossing the river of Salvador. CHAPTER XXVIII. How the launch went to examine the mouth of the great river, and what else happened with reference to excursions inland. The Master of the Camp was sent to examine the mouth of the river, which is in the middle of the bay, with the launch, a boat, and a party of men. He tried the depth of the river mouth, and found that there was no bottom, with the length of an oar and his own arm. He went further up in the boat, and the view of the river gave much pleasure to those who were with him, as well for its size and the clearness of the water, as for its gentle current and the beauty of the trees on its banks. The launch passed further up, and our people landed on the bank and went inland. They found a small village of four streets, and an open space at the most elevated part. All round there were many farms, surrounded by palings. Two spies were posted, who warned the natives, and they all fled. Our people found in their houses several kinds of fish, roasted and wrapped in plantain leaves, and a quantity of raw mussel-shells in baskets, as well as fruits and flowers hung on poles. Near there was a burial-place. They also found a flute, and certain small things worked out of pieces of marble and jasper. As they heard drums and shells, and a great murmuring noise, understanding that it came from a large number of people, they retreated, followed by the natives, who did not dare to attack them. Finally, they got to the launch in peace, and returned to the ships. On many other occasions our people went to fish and to seek for things very necessary for the requirements of the ships, returning well content with the excellence of the land. Encounters with the natives were not wanting, and I believe they killed some natives, although they denied it to me. CHAPTER XXIX. Describes the festival of Corpus Christi, and the procession they made. All the carpentering work was finished by the 20th of May. On that day the Captain gave orders to the Master of the Camp to go on shore with a hundred soldiers, and to collect things to adorn our church of Loreto, and to make streets round it, so that on the next day, which was that of Corpus Christi, we might there celebrate its festival with all the force we could muster. In the night, the eve of the festival was celebrated on board. Before daybreak our people went on shore, and formed an escort for our six monks, who got everything ready that was required. When all was ready, the Captain was informed, who presently got into the boat, leaving two men on board each ship, and taking all the rest with him. On reaching the shore, they all jumped out and went to the church. Its door was to the north, bravely decorated with things of the country, the roof and part of the body of the church being covered with green branches; and there was a very curious altar under a canopy, with a service of silver. For an altar-piece there was a painted Christ crucified, on a great cloth, with four candles at the sides, and incense-sticks burning. Having said his prayers, the Captain went out to see the place. At the commencement there were three high triumphal arches, enlaced with palms, shoots, and flowers, while the ground was also strewn with flowers. The streets were formed with many trees, those within forming a cloister; and here were planted divers branches and herbs to look like a garden. At two angles, under two other arches, were placed two altars with their canopies, and the images of St. Peter and St. Paul; while its author, the Brother of the Order of John of God, on his knees at one side, was saying his prayers. The day was clear and serene, and as the sun rose over the crowns of the trees, its rays entering through the branches, the difference in the fruits of each plant was shown in great profusion. Here, too, could be heard the persistence with which the birds sang and chaunted; the leaves and branches were seen to move gently, and the whole place was agreeable, fresh, shady, with a gentle air moving, and the sea smooth. Presently returning to the church, two Masses were said. A third was said by the Father Commissary, and the procession was then ordered in the following manner:--A soldier went first, carrying in his hands the heavy cross of orange wood. Next came a lay brother, with another gilt cross from the sacristy, with the bag raised on a lance, and on each side two acolytes, with candlesticks and red cassocks, and all those in surplices. Then followed the three companies in order, each one bearing its banner in the centre, with its drums sounding a march. There was a very picturesque sword-dance by eleven sailor lads, dressed in red and green silk, with bells on their feet. They danced with much dexterity and grace to the sound of a guitar, which was played by a respected old sailor. This was followed by another dance by eight boys, all dressed like Indians in shirts and breeches of silk, coloured brown, blue, and grey, with garlands on their heads, and white palms in their hands. Bands of bells were round their ankles, and they danced with very quiet countenances, at the same time singing their canticles to the sound of tambourines and flutes played by two musicians. Then followed the royal standard, accompanied by the Master of the Camp, the Sergeant-Major, and the Captains. Then six Magistrates, each with a lighted torch in his hand. Then came the Father Commissary, whose pall of yellow silk, six yards long, was borne by three royal officers and three Magistrates. He carried in his hand a coffer of crimson velvet, with gilded nails, which contained the most blessed sacrament. Another lay brother incensed it. All the four priests marched joyfully, singing the hymn "Pangelingua." The Captain carried the royal standard as far as the door, where he delivered it to the Ensign, whose place was behind the pall, with the two Justices of the Peace and the Chief Constable. When the Lord now came forth from the door, all the bells rang, and the people, who were looking on attentively, fell on their knees; the Ensigns lowered the banners three times, the drummers beat the drums for battle; the soldiers, who had the cords ready, fired off the muskets and arquebuses; the constables fired off the guns which were on shore for defending the port; and in the ships the artillery-men fired off the bombards and pieces, and those placed in the launch and boats for the occasion. Once more, and once again, they were discharged. When the smoke cleared away, there were seen amongst the green branches so many plumes of feathers and sashes, so many pikes, halberds, javelins, bright sword-blades, spears, lances, and on the breasts so many crosses, and so much gold, and so many colours and silken dresses, that many eyes could not contain what sprung from the heart, and they shed tears of joy. With this the procession returned, the church being guarded by four corps de garde. The dancers kept dancing to keep up the festival, and remained within; and the Captain at the door said to them: "All the dresses you wear you can keep as your own, for they are from the royal treasury. I would that they were of the best and richest brocade." As a finish a fourth Mass was said, that it might be heard by the sentries who were posted to keep a look-out for any approach of the natives, though they were far off on the beach and on the hills. This done, the Captain ordered the bells to be rung in honour of those, in Lima, who had said that they would come to that land when they could have a passage. The native who was taken from Taumaco, and was afterwards named Pedro, went about dressed in silk with a cross on his breast, and bow and arrows, so astonished and pleased at all he saw, and at his cross, that he looked about and showed it, putting his hand on it, and named it many times. It is a thing worthy of note that the cross elevated the mind, even of a barbarian who did not know its significance. Having given the souls such sweet and delicious food, friends and comrades divided themselves off to the places dedicated to hearths and pots, where, with tables spread under the shade of tall and spreading trees, they gave themselves up to feeding their bodies. During the subsequent siesta there were dances, music, and pleasant conversation; and he who said this was fortunate that day, as well as those who saw it all, for it was the first festival celebrated in honour of the most high Lord in these strange and unknown lands. As our force was small, and the natives numerous, it was considered by some to be an act of great audacity. I say that it was a great hit, and that it was done in full faith. There was one who said that this octave of Don Alonso de Ercilla seemed to foretell it, which one sincerely devoted to the expedition, by slight alterations, adapted to the present occasion as follows:-- Araucana. [106] Behold where are hidden the lands, Scarce discerned by mortal ken, Those are regions still unknown, Never pressed by Christian men. This will ever be their fate, Want of knowledge keeps them there, Wrapt within a fleecy cloud, Until God shall lay them bare. Version of the friend of Quiros. [107] Behold how we have found these lands, Now clearly seen by mortal ken, Those are regions now made known, Pressed by feet of Christian men. Unknown no longer is their fate, Now full knowledge points them there, No longer hid in fleecy clouds, God His secrets now lays bare. The Captain sent some of the people on board again, and marched inland with the rest to the sound of drums. He saw what he had sown already sprouting, the farms, houses, fruit orchards; and having walked for a league, he returned as it was getting late. When he came on board, he said that as these natives were at war with us, and there was not a chance on our side, we would leave the port next day to visit the lands to windward. The Admiral asked, in his name and those of the crew, that another day might be allowed for the people to catch fish. It happened that they fished in a certain place whence they brought to the ship a quantity of pargos, which are considered poisonous, like those in Havana and other ports. As many as ate them were attacked by nausea, vomiting, and feverish symptoms. [108] This unexpected and sudden evil caused much grief to all, and there were not wanting opinions, nor the conclusion of one who said, that to get much it will cost something, and that the sweet is mixed with the bitter. CHAPTER XXX. Gives some account of this bay, and of all that is contained in it, and in its port. This bay, to which the Captain gave the name of St. Philip and St. James, because it was discovered on their day, is 1,700 leagues from Lima, from Acapulco 1,300, from Manilla in the Philippines 1,100 leagues. Its entrance is to the N.W. in 15° S., and the port is in 15° 10' S. The bay has a circuit of 20 leagues, at the entrance 4 leagues across. The variation of the compass is 7° N.E. The land which forms the bay runs directly N. on the E. side, with sloping heights and peopled valleys well covered with trees. This side ends at the mouth of the bay with a height rising to a peak, and the coast runs E. and then S.E., but we could not see how it ends. The other land to the W. runs nearly N.W., and to the point is 11 leagues in length, consisting of a range of hills of moderate height, which the sun bathes when it rises, and where there are patches without trees, covered with dried-up grass. Here are ravines and streams, some falling from the heights to the skirts of the hills, where many palm groves and villages were seen. From the point on this side the coast turns to the W. The front of the bay, which is to the S., is 3 leagues long, and forms a beach. In the middle there is a river which was judged to be the size of the Guadalquivir at Seville. At its mouth the depth is 2 and more fathoms; so that boats and even frigates could enter. It received the name of the "Jordan." On its right is seen the Southern Cross in the heavens, which makes the spot noteworthy. To the eastward, at the corner of this bay, there is another moderate-sized river called "Salvador," into which the boats entered at their pleasure to get water. The waters of both rivers are sweet, pleasant, and fresh. The one is distant from the other a league and a half, consisting of a beach of black gravel, with small heavy stones, excellent for ballast for a ship. Between the said two rivers is the port. The bottom is clean, consisting of black sand, and here a great number of ships would have room up to 40 1/2 brazas. It is not known whether there are worms. As the beach is not bare nor driven up, and the herbs are green near the water, it was assumed that it was not beaten by the seas; and as the trees are straight and their branches unbroken, it was judged that there are no great storms. The port was named "Vera Cruz," because we anchored there on that day. In the whole bay we did not see a bank, rock, or reef; but it is so deep that there is no anchorage except at the above port. It is better to approach near the river Salvador, and there is another moderate port which is distant 2 leagues from this on the N. to S. coast. All the said beach is bordered by a dense mass of great trees, with paths leading from them to the shore. It seemed to serve as a wall, the better to carry on defensive or offensive operations against other natives coming to make war. All the rest is a level plain, with hills on either side. These on the W. side run southward, becoming more elevated and more massive as their distance increases. As for the plain, we have not seen where it ends. The earth is black, rich, and in large particles. It is cleared of wild trees to make room for fruit trees, crops, and gardens surrounded by railings. There are many houses scattered about; and wherever a view could be obtained, many fires and columns of smoke were discerned, witnesses of a large population. The natives generally seen here are corpulent, not quite black nor mulatto. Their hair is frizzled. They have good eyes. They cover their parts with certain cloths they weave. They are clean, fond of festivities and dancing to the sound of flute and drums made of a hollow piece of wood. They use shells also for musical instruments, and in their dances make great shouting at the advances, balances, and retreats. They were not known to use the herb. [109] Their arms are heavy wooden clubs, and bows of the same, arrows of reed with wooden points, hardened in the fire, darts with pieces of bone enclosed. Their interments are covered. We saw some enclosed with their oratories and figures, to which they make offerings. It is, to all appearance, a people courageous and sociable, but without care for the ills of their neighbours; for they saw some fighting with us without coming to help them. The houses are of wood, covered with palm leaves, with two sloping sides to the roof, and with a certain kind of outhouse, where they keep their food. All their things are kept very clean. They also have flower-pots with small trees of an unknown kind. The leaves are very soft, and of a yellow-reddish colour. The bread they use is mainly of roots, whose young shoots climb on poles, which are put near them for that purpose. The rind is grey, the pulp murrey colour, yellow, or reddish; some much larger than others. There are some a yard and a-half in thickness, also two kinds: one almost round, and the size of two fists, more or less. Their taste resembles the potatoes of Peru. The inside of the other root is white, its form and size that of a cob of maize when stripped. All three kinds have a pulp without fibres, loose, soft, and pleasant to the taste. These roots are bread made without trouble, there being nothing to do but to take them out of the earth, and eat them, roast or boiled. They are very good cooked in pots. Our people ate a great deal; and, being of a pleasant taste and satisfying, they left off the ship's biscuit for them. These roots last so long without getting bad, that on reaching Acapulco those that were left were quite good. Their meat consists of a great quantity of tame pigs, some reddish, others black, white, or speckled. We saw tusks 1 1/4 palmos in length, and a porker was killed weighing 200 lbs. The natives roast them on hearths, wrapped up in plantain leaves. It is a clean way, which gives the meat a good colour, and none of the substance is lost. There are many fowls like those of Europe. They use capons. There are many wild pigeons, doves, ducks, and birds like partridges, with very fine plumage. One was found in a lasso, with which the natives catch them. There are many swallows; we saw a macaw and flocks of paroquets; and we heard, when on board at early dawn, a sweet harmony from thousands of different birds, apparently buntings, blackbirds, nightingales, and others. The mornings and afternoons were enjoyable from the pleasant odours emitted from trees and many kinds of flowers, together with the sweet basil. A bee was also seen, and harvest flies were heard buzzing. The fish are skate, sole, pollack, red mullet, shad, eels, pargos, sardines, and others; for which natives fish with a three-pronged dart, with thread of a fibrous plant, with nets in a bow shape, and at night with a light. Our people fished with hooks and with nets, for the most part. In swampy parts of the beach shrimps and mussels were seen. Their fruits are large, and they have many cocoa-nuts, so that they were not understood to put much store by them. But from these palms they make wine, vinegar, honey, and whey to give to the sick. They eat the small palms raw and cooked. The cocoa-nuts, when green, serve as cardos [110] and for cream. Ripe, they are nourishment as food and drink by land and sea. When old, they yield oil for lighting, and a curative balsam. The shells are good for cups and bottles. The fibres furnish tow for caulking a ship; and to make cables, ropes, and ordinary string, the best for an arquebus. Of the leaves they make sails for their canoes, and fine mats, with which they cover their houses, built with trunks of the trees, which are straight and high. From the wood they get planks, also lances and other weapons, and many things for ordinary use, all very durable. From the grease they get the galagala, used instead of tar. In fine, it is a tree without necessity for cultivation, and bearing all the year round. There are three kinds of plantains: one, the best I have seen, pleasant to smell, tender and sweet. There are many "obos," which is a fruit nearly the size and taste of a peach, on whose leaves may be reared silk-worms, as is done in other parts. There is a great abundance of a fruit which grows on tall trees, with large serrated leaves. They are the size of ordinary melons, their shape nearly round, the skin delicate, the surface crossed into four parts, the pulp between yellow and white, with seven or eight pips. When ripe it is very sweet; when green, it is eaten boiled or roasted. It is much eaten, and is found wholesome. The natives use it as ordinary food. There are two kinds of almonds: one with as much kernel as four nuts lengthways, the other in the shape of a triangle. Its kernel is larger than three large ones of ours and of an excellent taste. There is a kind of nut, hard outside, and the inside in one piece without division, almost like a chestnut: the taste nearly the same as the nuts of Europe. Oranges grow without being planted. With some the rind is very thick, with others delicate. The natives do not eat them. Some of our people said there were lemons. There are many, and very large, sweet canes: red and green, very long, with jointed parts. Sugar might be made from them. Many and large trees, bearing a kind of nut, grew on the forest-covered slopes near the port. They brought these nuts on board as green as they were on the branches. Their leaves are not all green on one side, and on the other they turn to yellowish grey. Their length is a jeme, [111] more or less, and in the widest part three fingers. The nut contains two skins, between which grows what they call mace like a small net. Its colour is orange. The nut is rather large, and there are those who say that this is the best kind. The natives make no use of it, and our people used to eat it green, and put it into the pots, and used the mace for saffron. On the beach a fruit was found like a pineapple. Pedro was asked if it was eaten, and he replied that only the bark was eaten of the tree which yielded that fruit. There were other fruits, like figs, filberts, and albaricoques, which were eaten. Others were seen, but it was not known what fruits they were, nor what others grew in that land. To give a complete account of them and of other things, it is necessary to be a year in the country, and to travel over much ground. As regards vegetables, I only knew of amaranth, purslane, and calabashes. The natives make from a black clay some very well-worked pots, large and small, as well as pans and porringers in the shape of small boats. It was supposed that they made some beverage, because in the pots and in cavities were found certain sour fruits. It appeared to us that we saw there quarries of good marble; [112] I say good, because several things were seen that were made of it and of jasper. There were also seen ebony and large mother-o'-pearl shells; also some moderate-sized looms. In one house a heap of heavy black stones was seen, which afterwards proved to be metal from whence silver could be extracted, as will be seen further on. Two of our people said they had seen the footprints of a large animal. The climate appeared to be very healthy, both from the vigour and size of the natives, as because none of our men became ill all the time we were there, nor felt any discomfort, nor tired from work. They had not to keep from drinking while fasting, nor at unusual times, nor when sweating, nor from being wet with salt water or fresh, nor from eating whatever grew in the country, nor from being out in the evening under the moon, nor the sun, which was not very burning at noon, and at midnight we were glad of a blanket. The land is shown to be healthy, from the natives living in houses on terraces, and having so much wood, and because so many old people were seen. We heard few claps of thunder, and had little rain. As the rivers flowed with clear water, it was understood that the rains were over. It is to be noted that we had not seen cactus nor sandy wastes, nor were the trees thorny, while many of the wild trees yielded good fruit. It is also to be noted that we did not see snow on the mountains, nor were there any mosquitos or ants in the land, which are very harmful, both in houses and fields. There were no poisonous lizards either in the woods or the cultivated ground, nor alligators in the rivers. Fish and flesh keep good for salting during two or more days. The land is so pleasant, so covered with trees; there are so many kinds of birds, that, owing to this and other good signs, the climate may be considered to be clement, and that it preserves its natural order. Of what happens in the mountains we cannot speak until we have been there. As no very large canoes were seen, with so large a population, and such fine trees, but only some small ones, and the mountain ranges being so high to W. and E., and to the S., and the river Jordan being so large, with great trees torn up and brought down at its mouth, we came to the conclusion that the land must be extensive, and yielding abundantly; and that consequently the people were indolent, and have no need to seek other lands. I am able to say, with good reason, that a land more delightful, healthy and fertile; a site better supplied with quarries, timber, clay for tiles, bricks for founding a great city on the sea, with a port and a good river on a plain, with level lands near the hills, ridges, and ravines; nor better adapted to raise plants and all that Europe and the Indies produce, could not be found. No port could be found more agreeable, nor better supplied with all necessaries, without any drawbacks; nor with such advantages for dockyards in which to build ships, nor forests more abundant in suitable timber good for futtock timbers, houses, compass timbers, beams, planks, masts and yards. Nor is there any other land that could sustain so many strangers so pleasantly, if what has been written is well considered. Nor does any other land have what this land has close by, at hand, and in sight of its port; for quite near there are seven islands, with coasts extending for 200 leagues, apparently with the same advantages, and which have so many, and such good signs, that they may be sought for and found without shoals or other obstacles; while nearly half-way there are other known islands, with inhabitants and ports where anchorages may be found. I have never seen, anywhere where I have been, nor have heard of such advantages. I take the port of Acapulco as an example, being well known as such a principal city of Mexico. I say that if it is good as an anchorage, it is very bad owing to the frequency of fogs, and the want of a river and of ballast; also, from being unhealthy most of the year, and intolerable from the heat and the mosquitos, and other molesting insects for the rest; also for its inconvenient site near stony and dry hills, and because provisions have to come from a distance, and soon turn bad; and finally, because it is dear, and ships have a bad time from the S.E. If we look from the Strait of Magellan along its two coasts, on one side to Cape Mendocino, on the other to Newfoundland, being 7,000 or 8,000 leagues of coast, it will be found that, out of the ports that I have visited, that of San Juan de Ulloa does not merit the name of a port, nor its town to be inhabited by people; that Panama and Puerto Bello have little and bad accommodation; and that Payta, Callao, Havanna, Carthagena (the two latter being famous), La Guayra and Santa Martha, and many others, including those of Chile and Brazil, according to what I have been told, are wanting in many necessary things. Not one will be found which has all the advantages possessed by the port and land of which I treat. Being in 15°, more good things may be expected than from places in 20°, 30°, and 40°, if things turn out as they promise. I also say that if there is nothing better than what I have seen, it is sufficient for a principal place that may be settled. If we look round the coast of Spain, so good a port will not be found; while its soil only produces thorns, ilexes, and broom, or at best arbutus and myrtles, and other poor fruits; and he who grows them for profit has nothing for his pains. April and May failing, the fruits fail. [113] CHAPTER XXXI. Gives an account of the departure from this port, and of the return to it; also of what happened, at that time, with the natives by reason of the three boys. As it was arranged that the ships should leave the port, understanding that the sickness was not very bad, they made sail on the following day, the 28th of May. In the afternoon the sick were so helpless that the Captain ordered the Pilots to keep the ships within the mouth of the bay until the condition of the people was seen next day. They were all in such a state that the Captain gave orders for the ships to return to port, where, the wind being fair, they were easily anchored. Then steps were taken to confess and take care of the sick, and they all got well in a short time. On the day after we anchored a number of natives were seen on the beach, playing on their shells. To find out what it was about, the Captain ordered the Master of the Camp to go with a party of men in the two boats to learn what they wanted. When our people were near them, they vainly shot off their arrows to the sound of their instruments. From the boats four musket-shots were fired in the air, and they returned to the ships. Soon afterwards the Captain ordered them to return to the shore, taking the three boys, that the natives might see them, and be assured that no harm had been done to them, the fear of which was supposed to be the cause of all this disturbance. When they arrived, the boys called to their fathers, who, though they heard them, did not know their sons by the voices or by sight, because they were dressed in silk. The boats came nearer, that they might get a better view; and, when the boys were known, two natives waded into the water up to their breasts, showing by this, and by their joy during all the time the sweet discourse lasted, that they were the fathers of the boys. The natives were given to understand that the muskets were fired because they fired the arrows. To this they answered that it was not them, but others of a different tribe; and that, as they were friends, they should be given the three boys. They said they would bring fowls, pigs, and fruit, and present them. They were told, by pointing to the sun, that they were to return at noon. They went away, and the boats went back to the ships. At the time arranged the natives sounded two shells, and the boats went back with the three boys, whose fathers, when they saw and spoke to them, did not show less joy than at the first interview. They gave us a pig, and asked for the boys. They said they would bring many on the next day, which accordingly they did, sounding the shells. The boats again went to the shore, taking a he- and a she-goat, to leave there to breed; also taking the boys as a decoy to induce the natives to come, so as to take them to the ships, and let them return. They found two pigs on the beach; and, when they were delivered up, our people gave the goats in exchange, which the natives looked at cautiously, with much talking among themselves. The fathers begged for their sons; and, because we would not comply, they said they would bring more pigs, and that we were to come back for them when they gave the signal. In the afternoon the same signal was made, and the boats returned to the shore. But they only saw the goats tied up, and two natives near them, who said that they would go to seek for others, as they did not want the goats. Thinking that this looked bad, a careful observation was made, and many natives were seen among the trees with bows and arrows. Understanding that this was a plan for seizing some of our men, or for some other bad object, the muskets were fired off, and the natives hastily fled with loud shouts. Our men recovered the goats, and returned to the ships. Then the biggest boy, who was afterwards named Pablo, said to the Captain, not only once, but many times, with signs of great affliction, "Teatali"; which was supposed to mean that he wanted to go on shore. The Captain replied: "Silence, child! you know not what you ask. Greater good awaits you than the sight and the communion with heathen parents and friends." It is to be noted that a cross, which had been left on the banks of the river Salvador, was found raised in its place, and that the natives had put branches and flowers round it. There was not wanting one who said to the Captain that, as he had before him a land with so many rivers and ravines, he should make tests to ascertain whether they contained the metal called gold, so acceptable in the eyes of men. The Captain replied to this that he had only come to discover lands and people; and that, as God had been pleased to show him what he sought, it would be neither just nor reasonable to risk the whole for a part; that, if it could be done, understanding that this might have the colour of an excuse, he would have done it without the interference of another; and that it will be for the settlers who may come to these lands to undertake, with proper security, these and other cares. The man replied to this that the time was now full for such work; that if it was not known that there was gold and silver, there would not be the incentive to come and settle. To put an end to the argument, the Captain answered that the cause was that of God; and when the hour chosen by the Divine Majesty arrived, there would be given for this his estate, overseers, and workers, not only for gold, but for the saving of souls. CHAPTER XXXII. The causes which led the Captain to leave this port a second time; and how, in returning to it, the Capitana parted company with the other vessels; how a better view was obtained of the plains that were seen before entering the bay, and of that great and high range of mountains far away to the S.E., and how an island was discovered. The Captain, seeing that the natives of that bay continued to be hostile, owing to the bad treatment they had received, resolved to proceed to get a near view of that great and high chain of mountains, desiring by the sight of them to reanimate all his companions; because, if he should die, they would remain with the ardour to continue the work until it was finished. He considered that, failing his person, discord and danger would not be wanting, owing to the pretensions of those who wished to be chief; also that, of necessity, there should be agreement respecting the route that should be followed. There did not fail to be diverse opinions whether it should be to windward, leaving as a possibility what it was so much desired that we should see. It also seemed to many who had a look-out from the mast-head, that all those lands were joined one to the other. To the Captain it seemed that what was desired to be seen was of great importance, and that it would be well to keep that port to leeward. To give effect to this desire, he left the bay with the three vessels on Thursday, the 8th of June, in the afternoon, three days after the conjunction of the moon, there being a light wind from the E., which was the point from which the wind had blown most of the time we had been there. Outside it veered to S.E., and blew with some force. So that we were all that day working against it without being able to make any progress. For this cause the Pilots cried from one ship to another: "Where are we going?" The Captain had these and other reasons submitted to them, and resolved to return to the port, with the intention of wintering there, building a strong house, sowing the land, getting a better knowledge of the season, and building a brigantine to send, with the launch, to discover what was so much desired, it being clear to all that this was very necessary; because the place which seemed so important to the sight had as yet yielded but a bad account. All night we were beating on different tacks at the mouth of the bay. At dawn the Almiranta was 3 leagues to windward, and at three in the afternoon she and the launch were near the port. The Captain asked the reason why these vessels, which were not so good on a bowline as the Capitana, were so far ahead. He was told that they had met with more favourable winds. Presently it was said that there had been very little sail on the Capitana, and that she had made very short tacks, and that this was the reason, and it seems a good one, that she was so much behind. The force of the wind was increasing, and the night was near, owing to which the Pilot ordered that if they could not reach the port, they were to anchor wherever it was possible. The night came on very dark. The Almiranta and the launch appeared to have anchored. They saw the lanterns lighted, to give the Capitana leading marks, as she was also going to anchor. Soundings were taken, and they found 30 fathoms, not being an arquebus shot from the port. The wind came down in a gust over the land. Sails were taken in, and the ship was only under a fore course, falling off a little. The Chief Pilot, exaggerating very much the importance of being unable to find bottom, together with the darkness of the night, the strong wind, the numerous lights he saw without being able to judge with certainty which were those of the two ships, said to the Captain that he was unable to reach the port. The Captain commended his zeal and vigilance. There was one who said, and made it clearly to be understood, that more diligence might easily have been shown to anchor or to remain without leaving the bay; and that, with only the spritsail braced up, she might have run for shelter under the cape to windward. It was also said that they went to sleep. In the morning the Captain asked the Pilot what was the position of the ship. He replied that she was to leeward of the cape, and the Captain told him to make sail that she might not make leeway. The Pilot answered that the sea was too high and against them, and that the bows driving into the water would cause her timbers to open, though he would do his best. I say that this was a great misfortune, owing to the Captain being disabled by illness on this and other occasions when the Pilots wasted time, obliging him to believe what they said, to take what they gave, measured out as they pleased. Finally, during this and the two following days, attempts were made to enter the bay. The other vessels did not come out; the wind did not go down; while, owing to the force of the wind the ship, having little sail on, and her head E.N.E., lost ground to such an extent that we found ourselves 20 leagues to leeward of the port, all looking at those high mountains with sorrow at not being able to get near them. The island of "Virgen Maria" was so hidden by mist that we could never get a sight of it. We saw the other island of "Belen," [114] and passed near another, 7 leagues long. It consists of a very high hill, almost like the first. It received the name of "Pilar de Zaragoza." [115] Many growing crops, palms, and other trees, and columns of smoke were seen on it. It was about 30 leagues to the N.W. of the bay; but no soundings and no port. We diligently sought its shelter, but were obliged to give it up owing to the wind and current; and on the next day we found ourselves at sea, out of sight of land. CHAPTER XXXIII. Gives the sorrowful discourses made by the Captain and others, to mitigate the grief they felt at having lost the port, and to settle what must be done with the consent of all. Here it was represented to the Captain that if in Lima they had given him his despatch on the day of St. Francis, so ordered that he should go on with his plan, which was to steer for the thirtieth degree towards the south, for this forty days or less seemed sufficient. If by that route the sought-for land was found, it would be the best time of the year for exploring its coasts and islands. If land was not found on that parallel, there was still a month and a-half before the sun took its turn, for them to navigate towards the W., or with tacks to S.W. and N.W., to cross those seas until it was made clear that the supposed lands do not exist; and he might make many other researches, according to the position in which he found himself. In short, I say that from the day of St. Francis to the end of May there are eight months less those four days, and that to go from Lima by the usual route to Manilla two months and a-half, or at most three months, are sufficient. The other five months give plenty of time to discover and see very extensive lands and many ports, or to go in May to Manilla, which is before the S.W. winds begin, and in October or November, which is the beginning of the N. winds; and by these breezes to leave that city and go outside the two Javas to the S.S.W. in search of lands, passing the Cape of Good Hope in January, February, or March, the best months in the year for that, so as to reach Spain in July, August, or September, which is the summer. To make such a grand voyage as this twenty months are enough, or at the outside two years, and this truth will be confessed by all who know how to navigate; and also how great will be the regrets of him who knows that this time he is unable to get from such labours those fruits for others which he so truthfully expected. With his great loads of sorrow the Captain said in public that all of us should be witnesses, because if he should die, it should remain in the memory of the people that these two months and a-half of summer that he was delayed at Callao had robbed him of the power of following up so great an enterprise as was the present, while only half an hour of time took it from his hands. He considered the strong contrary winds, the very threatening weather, the fact that their present position was unknown, that the ship must need repairs, the necessity for going to a place where she could be either got into harbour or careened on a coast, and that all was ended there. He had very prominently in his mind that at the first difficulty or danger there would be a want of resolution or of management, or of the desire to apply a remedy; for which reason it might with truth be said that he was without pilots on whom he could rely, and that from some other persons there was little to be expected or hoped. Then there were his own infirmities; so that altogether the case was one of evident danger. Putting on one side the ordinances of God, His high and secret decrees, and how limited was his understanding to enable him to decide whether what happened was or was not in conformity with them, the sorrowful Captain said discretion was of little use to arrange things, nor the mind to undertake business, though it be easy, if there be any one who has the will and power to take away all his just value or great part of it. Sovereigns, he said, when they undertake great enterprises, ought to distinguish, make clear, and strengthen their orders in such a way that the persons to whom their execution is entrusted can have no room for doubt, nor to contend, nor any one who can make excuses; and not pledge men so that they find themselves in positions so confused and difficult as had the Captain. For he could not tell what advice was mature nor what was inexperienced, nor the choice he should make, nor the resolution he should take which, if followed, might lead at least to part of the remedy for the evils which were menaced in so important a matter. He arranged to go, as we were then steering to N.E. and N. as far as 10° 30' S., the latitude of the island of Santa Cruz, which being settled, the Captain made the following discourses. In the first place the S.E. wind had the same force, and if with such threatening weather he steered to the W. in search of the island of Santa Cruz, it might remain at the E., and, without the danger in which he would have to put the vessel, he would place himself still more distant from help if he did not make the landfall. Secondly, he knew, for he had already made the voyage to the Philippines, there was the beginning of those furious westerlies which last at least until the first days of October, for which cause it was impossible to go there at that season. Thirdly, to undertake the voyage to Acapulco; the distance was very long, and it would be necessary to cross the equator without knowing which time would be the best; while there was very little water left and no meat: for the Chief Pilot had buried the casks among the ballast where the bilge-water sucked in, and for that reason it had all turned bad. He felt that he had many sick, and no medical man, nor the necessary comforts to nourish them. He knew that in the ship he had some few friends and all the rest enemies; and those he had to help him and take part of his duties were those who were soonest tired, and were least able to manage things, or to treat of more than the security of their own persons, while they disliked work. He did not certainly know what had happened to the other two vessels; so that he reflected that only the ship in which he was, was available to bring the news of the discoveries and how much they imported, and that the same news should be given by those who remained. He made other very sorrowful discourses, and the following, which were more consolatory. The first was that many exploring ships and fleets, full of men and riches, have been lost in known seas, without, in many cases, having secured their objects, either in whole or part. The second, that he had completed the discovery of such good peoples and lands without knowing where they ended, with such a large bay and good port within it, and had taken possession in the name of His Majesty, without the loss of a single man; and that all this was a beginning, with very great foundations, for the settling and completing the discovery of all that those lands contain; and that so arduous an undertaking could not be finished in one voyage, nor in three, even with very efficient help, and with men who would work with the same love for the cause as the Captain felt. The third, that as God had been served to guide them to those parts, and to give them time for all that had been done, it was very just that he should be consoled and in conformity with the will of the Lord of times and seasons. He could understand that if another voyage should be desired, that also it could be made, although it should be more in the winter, and though men should contradict or favour, and other thousands of opponents should bar the way. It would be well to agree to what had happened, for causes which, at present, are not comprehended. The fourth is that, in the other two vessels, there remained the instructions that had been given, and it was understood that, if they were safe, they would do all in their power to discover more lands, and bring from them such news as might be hoped from God, and the Admiral, and his Pilot, Juan Bernardo de Fuentidueña, a person from whom great things might be hoped; and also from the Captain of the ship, Gaspar de Gaya, and from three very respectable monks; in fine, from all the people connected with that ship, as likely to be useful. Finally, he said that the present time ought to be cared for to ensure the time to come, and that he who rules must entrust to some man all or part of the business, present or absent, great or small; and if those who are so trusted deceive those who put confidence in them, where can there be a remedy except in heaven. The Captain saw that it was indispensable to decide at once what ought to be done; and, therefore, he called a meeting of all the officers and other persons in the ship, telling them that they must carefully consider all the reasons he would put before them, the present state of affairs, and what should be done. There were some who, through the mouth of one as ignorant as themselves, said that they should go to the Philippines. To this, others replied that as they had money they wanted to go and get employment in the porcelain and silks of China, where the work should pay them, or at least the Royal Treasury. In the end all were of opinion that they should make for the port of Acapulco, and they signed their names to this resolution on the 18th of June. The Captain at once ordered the Pilots to shape a course N.E. by N., if the weather would allow it, and if in the southern part where we were any islands should be found, we were to anchor there to build a launch and come to a new resolution, in order that God and His Majesty might be better served. In case no such island could be found, we were to continue on the same course until the ship was in 13° 30' N. latitude, the parallel of the island of Guan in the Ladrones, on the route of ships going from Acapulco to the Philippines. There, with reference to the feelings of the crew, the weather, the condition of the ship, and the provisions, another final agreement was to be made, and a resolution taken with reference to the route to be adopted for reaching a friendly port. CHAPTER XXXIV. Relates how a quantity of water was collected from two great showers of rain; how the ship crossed the equator; how an island was discovered; how the last agreement was made at a meeting; and of the courses and latitudes as far as a certain point. With the wind S.E., which had now broken its fury, they continued to navigate until the eve of St. John the Baptist. On that day God was served by giving us a great shower of rain. With twenty-eight sheets stretched all over the ship, we collected, from this and another rainfall, three hundred jars of water: a relief for our necessities, and a great consolation for all the people. With a few changes of wind and some calms, heading to the N., we reached the line on the 2nd of July. That night the needle was marked, and it was found that the variation was to the N.E. by E., a notable thing, for in the bay it was 7° almost on the same meridian, and the distance so short. With the wind S. and S.W. we continued to navigate until the 8th of July. On that day we saw an island, about 6 leagues in circumference. As until now we had not met with any island or rock whatever to impede our road, we gave it the name of "Buen Viaje." Its latitude is 3° 30' N. It was decided not to approach it nearer, as it was not convenient, and for fear of rocks. In this part, in a higher latitude, we had some rain, especially one shower, which filled all the jars that were empty, and it was drunk without doing the least harm, nor did it ever get bad. In short, after God, the rain showers saved our lives. On the 23rd of July the Captain ordered the Pilots to state the latitude they were in, and the distance in leagues from the Philippines and from the coast of New Spain, according to their calculations; also, they were to declare definitely in which direction the ship's head was to be turned. They gave 3° 10' N. as the latitude, 780 leagues east of Manilla, and 780 leagues S.W. of the coast of New Spain, adding that the ship could not go to Manilla owing to contrary winds [116] at that time; and it was, therefore, their opinion that the course should be steered for the coast of New Spain and the port of Acapulco. It appeared to the Captain that the best service he could do to His Majesty at present was to save the ship, save time, save the expenses caused if they went to Manilla, and the cost of the ship with all hands during a whole year; and being so far to windward of the meridian of Japan, there was no wind that could impede their reaching a higher latitude or to reach the coast. He also considered that the ship was well supplied with water and biscuit, and all the crew healthy, and that there were two natives of those parts on board to give information; that if he should die at sea there would be others to navigate the ship, so that His Majesty would be informed of all that had been discovered and promised, and that he was bound to choose the least of two evils; he ordered the Pilots to shape a course for New Spain and the port of Acapulco, and to give an account of the route they followed, and the latitude each day. He said to them that he who suffered most and should be most useful, would be most worthy of reward. Considering the state of affairs owing to the delayed despatch at the Court of Spain and in Callao, I say that, for its grandeur and importance, and the facility with which the Captain is able to demonstrate all his thoughts and wishes by his works, so many times made known, it has been the greatest of the injuries done to a man who has bought it by such continual labour and misery, and other very high costs, wandering and finding in so long a journey very great difficulties. For all these, and a thousand other reasons, the Captain did not know whether to throw the blame on ignorance or malice, and ended by attributing it to his many great sins. He, therefore, confessed that he was not worthy to see the end of a work in which those who lived righteously would be well employed, having all the qualifications that so sacred an enterprise requires. CHAPTER XXXV. Relates how a great shoal of albacore fish accompanied the ship for many days; the fishing of them; and the rest that happened until they sighted the land of New Spain. With the winds between E. and N.N.E. we navigated until the 26th of July, when we were in 18° N. On this day we had the sun at the zenith, and crossed the tropic of Cancer on the 1st of August. Up to this position we had seen gulls and other birds almost every day. On the 5th we had the wind aft and ran before it, with an E. course, for nearly three days, then more northerly as far as 25° N. This day, which was that of St. Lawrence, they collected from a shower of rain fifty jars full of water. Certain albacore and bonito, in a large shoal, had hitherto followed the ship, and every day the men fished with nets, fizgigs, and harpoons, catching ten, twenty, thirty, even fifty, some of them weighing 3, 4, and 5 arrobas. We ate them fresh, and salted them down, filling many jars. About 2,500 arrobas [117] of fish supplied the place of meat, and lasted until we reached the port of Acapulco, with some over. The voyage was prolonged owing to scarcity of wind and calms, and it was necessary to go as far N. as 38°; and we kept working to the E. with wind S.S.E., not always steady. On the 1st of September, at three o'clock in the afternoon, there was a great trembling of the sea and of the ship--a notable thing, and new to me. Then, with wind S. and S.W., we navigated until the 26th of September. On that day, at three o'clock in the morning, there was a great eclipse of the moon, which lasted three hours. The variation of the needle was here very slight. The pilots were making for land, and all the people were tired of the long voyage, with the allowance of water reduced to a quartilla, and other hardships, caused by so many months at sea. They were most anxious to see land, or signs of it, when a great weed was seen on the sea, called "porra." In that season the wind is S.E., and the course E.N.E. The wind changed to N.E., and it has been necessary to go further N.; but the Captain, knowing by that weed, and many others of the same kind, that the land was near, ordered an E.S.E. course to be steered. So they proceeded, meeting with signs that consoled them: such as the sight of seals, leaves of trees, and birds of the sea-shore sitting on a tree-trunk. Much care was exercised with regard to the look-outs. At night there were two men on the bowsprit, and in the daytime one at each masthead. At last, on September 23rd, early in the morning, one Silvestre Marselles reported with great joy: "I see land ahead. It is high, bare, and dry." Many went aloft to see, and confirmed the news. The Pilots took the sun at noon, and found the latitude 34° N. Presently, the Captain told four men to look out carefully, to see if it was islands. All said it was mainland, but they were wrong: for on the first night, with a very clear sky, we found ourselves between two islands, the sight of which disgusted everybody, and caused the Captain much sorrow. For, during that day and night much care was required, and even more from not knowing who to trust, each day bringing its trials. As a remedy, he stationed an overseer on the poop, but very soon he went with all the rest, who had their own methods. In fine, it was God's pleasure that the channel should be clear. We sailed out of it; and, coasting along the main-land, we passed the island of "Cerros," with the loss of some days from calms and light winds. Will of the Captain. "I desire much that in these regions which it has been the will of God to show me, and in all those still hidden but, no doubt, as well peopled as those I saw, there be designed and fabricated some nests without brambles, nor other kinds of thorns, refuges and pleasant abiding-places of pelicans, who first tear their flesh, open their bosoms, and clearly show entrails and heart; and, not content with that, they should give to these people dishes cooked in many ways in the braziers of enlightened charity being the pots and pans of piety and pity, and the table-service of all equity; and that for drink there should be the sweat of their brows, if they prefer not giving the blood of their veins; all this with pure and clear love, always without ever a step backwards. "I should not wish, in no way whatever, that among these new and tender people there should come to settle and to live, or to enter into grand palaces for their nests, any falcons, or sakers, or other birds of prey, which, circling and dissimulating, spring suddenly on their prey and grasp them with their cruel talons, and with their fierce and sharp beaks tear them into two thousand pieces, without ever being gorged, or picking the bones when there is no flesh left on them. To give a relish to dishes of such impious wickedness, there is offered certain salts; and they give for fruit certain honeyed excuses void of all the law of reason and unworthy of all good memory, but very worthy of due punishment. An example of this is in the Indies with their islands. Ask all the natives respecting all that affects life, liberty, honour, and estate (I leave the spiritual out of account), what there is to say as compared with their state in those former times, and they will say how things go now: and how they hope they will go, though not by a post which goes in haste. "But I answer for them, and say in this wise, that the force, injuries, injustices, and great evils that have been done, and are done, are incredible, the methods infernal, the number not to be counted: and that never have I seen their masters, nor others who enjoy great part of the toil of the people, to lament the evil things they have done and do, that they alone may take their ease in all comfort. If perchance I have heard one grumble, cry, or quarrel, it is for me a pretence, and nothing more. For they have not pardoned, nor pardon, nor intend to pardon, for the least thing they want, much less excuse any payment of money. It is money, I say, that they want, and more money, though it be torn from men's entrails. This I have seen, and how much the loss comes in, so much the more money they want; and they do not return that which they have taken by force, but rather seek anew and with increased eagerness, dyed in unknown, dark, and strange colours. I say they require from them always more, and never less, though it should be in the deprivation of the glory and eternity of their hell and that of their victims. "They see this with eyes of the body and soul, those gentlemen who have to be the judges in so pious a cause as is represented here; for with theirs I discharge my conscience, announcing in all I have written and shown with much facility that, if it is desired to mitigate such diabolical avarice, it will be shown that there is plenty for all; and that in this and other gentle and reasonable means there will not be so many fishermen, huntsmen, owners, with such correspondence as I have seen and well noted. They will do works so honourable and beautiful as will make all others of the same kind look ugly. And more also: for God and His Majesty will be served in all those regions, and the natives will be made to prosper, as is just and right, under heavy penalties, to be attempted and seen to in the great and the small affairs; and this will be my reward." The reasons the Captain gave for Punishing Certain Men, and those he gave for not doing so. There were in the ship some persons who always desired all the good things of the voyage, which they obtained at the cost of much care and vigilance, but who were annoyed to have been seen, and to be seen by others, to have little will for the work, and to make a bad return for the affectionate treatment and the benefits they had received from the Captain. Others spoke to him many times, wishing to incite him to punish them, or to give them permission to stab such people. To this the Captain replied that he had duties to all, and that it was for him, for just causes, to dissimulate and to suffer. And he did suffer; and those who were his friends suffered with him, and they would bear witness that during the expedition he was determined never to take life or reputation; and if he had done so, he would have been discontented and unquiet for all the rest of his life. For the rest, who could seek to have dead men present with him, or dishonoured men? They said that these men did not recognise good works, nor do they merit untiring courtesies; nor could it be suffered that these men should go about with the full intention, as soon as they put their feet on shore, to speak evil of his person and services, and to ruin the cause he loved so well, without regard for what is true or reasonable and just, and merely with the object of avenging themselves. The Captain said to this that it would be great cowardice to fear for the truth on account of lies; and that, if he should take account of ten or twelve worthless men, it would be here that it should be shown. He well knew, he said, the bad recompense of men, and that he never hoped for good report, so that he was not deceived; nor did he wish to waste a single moment on such nonsense, having need for time for more important matters. They said that God punishes those who deserve it. The Captain answered that God pardons, has long suffering and waits, and that when He determines to punish, He cannot deceive nor be deceived. He himself had understood the naturally evil dispositions of some, and the unstable and changeable characters of others. He feared from many the vengeance desired by their passions, which being blind, can deceive as much as he can be deceived by his enemies. To pardon ingrates and enemies without having cause to do so--to do them good by force, if they wish to know--was a very great vengeance; and greater courage was shown by having power and not using it, and still greater to defend them, being enemies, and to overcome them when he addressed his discourses to them. He had come out of this first attempt without blood having been on his knife, although he had bought this result very dear, and it would cost him more hereafter. He considered himself well employed in securing that this expedition should have fame equal to that of other passed expeditions; and that over the bones of so many martyrs there should rise such a good work, with good repute in the world, which was that for which he took most heed. They said that piety was very good, and also that it was reasonable to punish the bad. The Captain replied to this that the Emperor Theodosius said, on a certain occasion, that he would like to have the power to give life to all who are dead. Charles V suffered, and pardoned very many; deemed it right to give punishment measured out by his will; and the same was done by George Castriot and many valorous and prudent Captains--mirrors in which he was looking night and day, with the desire to imitate them. Piety is worthy of praise, and is the more celebrated when it is most observed. If to pardon the faults of men, as he was, hoping for their amendment, was not caused by natural piety, it would have been less so to treat, so much at his cost, a work altogether pious. For his part, piety was so applauded and practised in the greater; but this did not appear a reason to deny it in lesser, nor that suffering should come to an end for all. Being about to die, and at a time when he was seeking a port in which to bring the voyage to an end, all the ill-will that had appeared and the concealed spite might also end; and the more to humiliate them, though they might be rebels, he would protect them; saying that he had experienced this time, for the undeceiving of others, that there were men with hearts so hard that kindness would not soften them, and that they would give evil for good. When it should be so, he would say what he wished and do what he could; that his voice had been as little heard as the little justice done him, and the low opinion of him. It is certain that the vulgar will have to judge this business with very different feelings from what he intended; and that when he should give sentence it was more desirable that it should be pious than cruel--rather reputable than severe. He said, finally, that justice was an excellent virtue, and very necessary in the world; but yet let it be exercised by others who have the habit, rather than by him among those who use little reason, the witnesses being enemies, to investigate the truth without more or less help. A Notable Event. There was a sailor in our company, of Aragonese nationality: a well-disposed and soldierly youth, so well endowed with parts and graces, that for them his person deserved and was highly esteemed by all on board. Being in 24° N., and two leagues from the shore, this lad was called and searched for in all parts of the ship and in the parts aloft, without an answer and without being found, being wanted to take the helm in the morning watch. It was reported to the Captain, who ordered the ship to be put about and further search to be made. All parts of the sea were examined, his name was cried out, signals were made with fire, all the rest of the night and part of the following day being devoted to the search, without getting a sight of him, nor any mark to guide us. In this confusion and in great sorrow we continued on our course. The Captain was anxious to clear up the mystery, and made enquiries. He found that, on certain days, the lad had filled two pitchers with seeds, beads, bells, twine, nets, knives, and a hatchet; that he had closed their mouths with wax of Nicaragua, that he had put wine and a small box of conserves into a moderate-sized jar, and had taken his sword. On that same morning he had been very attentive, listening to the life of St. Anthony the hermit being read to him, and praising it much. He turned down the page and kept the book. All the afternoon he was at the masthead looking out, and taking bearings of the land with a compass he possessed. On the night that he disappeared it was noticed that he was very watchful. It was conjectured that with a board, and some battens and cord he had in his berth, he had made a raft, and that he went away on it, taking with him all the things that have been mentioned, for none of them were to be found. It was also said that he had a strong wish to remain with the natives of the discovered land, and that he had asked one man to stay with him; but as our departure had been sudden, he had no opportunity of carrying out his intention. He had, therefore, determined to leave us here, to teach the heathens or to live in solitude. His chest was opened, and there was found his clothes, his money, and a memorandum of all that did not belong to him and had been given to him to take care of, desiring that it should be returned to the owners. This was the act of a man whom we held to be rational and a good Christian, and when I think of his strange resolution it causes me sorrow, much more that he should have launched himself on such a raft, with great risk that he would never put his feet on land. Even if he did, he might not find the requisites to sustain him. If he tried to go inland, or to the banks of some river, or along the shore, who was to carry the two pitchers for him, with the things he had with him, and the other necessaries to maintain life? If eventually he met with natives, they might be those who would receive him and treat him well, or they might be those who eat human flesh. Then, to think of the solitude, of his nakedness, and of the inclemency of the weather. If he finds that the land does not suit him, from not offering the means of carrying out his intention, or from having repented of what he had done, how far he will be from any remedy, and how near to danger and evil! There are other things well worthy of consideration; above all, his being cut off from the divine offices and the sacraments. As I know not his motives, I will not venture to be his judge in this matter; only desiring that the Lord may have been served by guiding his destiny in such a way that he may have been saved, and many others with him. A Great Storm. We continued on our course, the men ready with their arms, and look-out men at the mast-heads, because we were approaching a cape called San Lucas, where the Englishman, Thomas Cavendish, robbed the ship Santa Ana. We soon passed it and in peace, and on Wednesday the 11th of October, the sky was serene, the sea smooth, without conjunction or opposition of the moon. But, in the mouth of the Gulf of California, towards dawn, a wind sprung up from the N.E., with very thick weather. At nine o'clock the wind shifted to N., and increased so that we were obliged to batten down the hatchways, and run before it only under the foresail, which was soon blown to ribbons, and the ship broached to, breaking the rudder pintels. The rudder being thus left free, gave such violent blows on either side that the least harm to be feared was that it would be smashed into splinters and leave the ship ungovernable. Presently the sailors, understanding what that signified, helped each other and rigged tackles, with which the rudder came under control. In bending another foresail the man who was at the yard-arm was twice covered with water, and was under water for long spaces of time. Presently we tried to make sail and run before it; but the wind increased to such an extent that the violent seas threw up spray which seemed like showers of rain, and the drops made the eyes smart. The waves filled the boat with water, and it was quickly washed into the sea. It was scarcely gone when three seas broke over the ship, with such force that they left her with the waist half full of water. With this weight and the violence of the wind the ship could not rise to it. Seeing this, the Moorish drummer said: "Here we have nothing more to hope for." Presently he tossed himself into the sea, and such was his luck that another wave brought him on board again. That he might not commit such an act of folly again, he was taken into custody. The scuppers, where the water flows out of a ship, were small and few. With water up to their waists, the men succeeded with bars and levers in tearing away some of the planks, so as to allow the water to escape. Here was seen those who helped without intelligence, and others who ought to have helped but did not. Some were to be seen at the pumps, others trying to lighten the ship, and many hoarse with crying: "Cut away the main mast; it is that which is taking us to the bottom." Some said Yes, others said No; but, in an instant, with knives and hatchets, they were cutting away the weather rigging. The Captain called to the Pilots to look out. They remained deaf. He sent to tell them all to wait another hour. Many, seeing that the remedy was delayed and the knife was only threatened, the diligence they used was for what was important for their souls. Some confessed, others sought pardon and pardoned, embraced and took leave of each other. Some groaned and others wept, and many went into corners awaiting death. The Captain, in great haste, ordered the two natives to be brought to the bed where he was lying, and the Franciscan Father to ask them whether they wished to be Christians. Both replied in the affirmative very fervently, and, when they had recited the creed, he baptized them, calling them Pedro and Pablo. The Captain was their godfather, and embraced them with his eyes full of tears. Seeing that they were frightened, he consoled them, saying: "To God be the thanks that I owe and ought to give, oh eternal Father! for such signal mercies. For you have been served that I should go through such labours, without meriting this small fruit: small as compared with my desires, but really great, for they are two souls newly baptized and brought into the bosom of our Catholic Church." Pedro and Pablo were very devout and constant in prayers, with their hands joined, and when the ship appeared to be sinking they cried: "Jesus! Mary!" making the sign of the cross towards the sea. It was enough to see and hear them, to melt the hardest hearts. The ship ran on, and hope arose. There was one who said: "Fear nothing; for such a work is done that God will add what is needed to save the ship and crew." It was three in the afternoon. The wind and sea did not work nor seem to fight with our poor ship, which was so much over on one side, when a great sea arose, followed by two frightful claps of thunder, and by such a fierce gust of wind that there seemed to be nothing left for the ship but to turn over on her keel. Then the semblances of the dead were seen, the most courageous ordering they knew not what, and the Pilots dumb. Sighs, vows, promises, and colloquies with God could be heard, and one who said: "O Lord! for what have I served in all that has been done and seen if this ship is to go the bottom?" and he passed on with great demonstrations of faith. In short, all were crying out, seeking help from God, who was served that the fury of the wind passed from N.E. to W., and it began to go down. The ship, raising her neck and shaking her sides, quickly righted, and before night we made sail and shaped an E.S.E. course, making for Cape Corrientes. Death of the Father Commissary. Now we proceeded under all sail with the wind astern and the people happy, recounting the events of the recent battle with the elements that it was well to note; some to arouse laughter, others with amazement at having been witnesses of such a violent storm, the rigour of which would have been greater and the damage worse if it had continued through the night. Some praised the ship, its handiness and strength; others the courage and nerve, and the prompt diligence, and all the most high Lord for His mercies. Others there were who said that the tempest and its furies were necessary to humiliate the proud, to make the ungrateful grateful, and that might come to an end all the enmities caused from want of love. For with such love can be suffered, with manly fortitude, what had passed and a little more. Such events more quickly give than offer; how much more where there was not one who had a bad taste except this, which it was more difficult to suffer, one to another for so long a time, in one ship always seeing the same faces. I say no wonder, if fathers tire of their sons, brothers and friends quarrel, and a husband sometimes comes to abhor his dear wife. Our Father Commissary, who had been ill for some time (I think from want of proper nourishment, and owing to his great age), was attacked with paroxysms and agonies in the middle of the following night, and God was served in taking his life. Having worn his habit for forty years, and being nearly eighty years old; also having died in a just cause, having gained the jubilee conceded to the expedition, we may well hope that he enjoys the presence of God. For the rest of the night his body was lighted with four wax candles. When the day came, the Father, his companion, with the crew of the ship, prayed to God for his soul, and with much feeling he was buried in the sea in sight of the islands called "Las Tres Marias." [118] The native named Pablo was very attentive, looking on at what was taking place. As he saw that the body, owing to the weight attached to its feet, went down, while, at the time of his baptism, they told him that when Christians die they go to heaven, he asked how it was that the Father, being a Christian, went to the bottom of the sea. As best we could, he was given to understand that only the soul went to heaven. As he knew little about that, he remained doubtful; and all were full of admiration at seeing a boy of eight years old ask such a question, who, only the other day, was a brutish gentile. CHAPTER XXXVI. What else happened until the ship anchored in the port of Navidad. We were in sight of land, and sailed along the coast, making the short hours long, for the longing we felt to see the ship anchored in the port of Zalagua for which we were making. Being almost there, it fell calm. We struggled against it, but could never enter. It was very unlucky, for the want of one hour's wind robbed us of the great satisfaction of reaching port after all the want of rest during our past labours. There was much discourse touching the necessity in which we were placed, and meanwhile there was such a strong current that, in a short time it nearly made us lose the 4 leagues there are between the port of Zalagua and that of Navidad. Although it was a bad coast, it was agreed to send two men on shore to seek for people and help. But, as one of the barrels, on which they were, was carried away by the current, the Captain ordered the men to come on board again lest they should be drowned. If the ship passed the port of Navidad, for which both wind and current were favourable, there was no other known port near where we could be refreshed. Seeing the disgust and disquiet of the crew that the ship rolled, and that there were only forty jars of water left on board, for all this, and so as to run no further risks, it was resolved to make for the port of Navidad. The Captain explained to the Chief Pilot the causes which moved him to do so, the chief of which was the desire to send the news to Mexico, that the Viceroy might send it to His Majesty, touching all that happened, being that for which he had most care, finding himself so near to death. The Pilot showed himself to be lukewarm about it; in consequence of which the Captain issued an order to go at once to that port, on pain of grave penalties, because so it was ordered. So the night closed in. The most expert of the sailors was stationed on the bowsprit to give notice of the steering when she entered. Helped much by the light wind, and much more by the current, we proceeded, though slowly, and entered near a great rock, with a reef to leeward. The night being dark, there was temerity in entering. Some anxiety was caused at seeing the ship near the rocks, and some men stripped ready to swim. There were these alarms, but good government in the ship, which went further in. Then it fell a dead calm, and we anchored in an insecure place, so as not to be carried out by the tide. Soon a fresh S.E. breeze sprang up. The anchor was raised in a great hurry, sail was made, and we were able to anchor further in. At last, having passed the night in these brief voyages, the day came, and we entered the port, anchoring in 12 fathoms in front of a beach exposed to several winds. The ship was, therefore, secured with four cables on the 21st of October, 1606. CHAPTER XXXVII. Relates what happened in this port of Navidad until we left it. The ship was anchored; but, as we had no boat, we made a raft of two barrels and a yard. The Captain ordered four men, with the necessary provision of biscuits and arquebuses, to go on shore and look for some settlements, of which he had notice. The raft was taken on shore by the force of the waves. Three sailors who were on it found a new boat in a certain place, and two jars in a straw hut. They also found a river, from which they filled the jars. From this supply, and the twenty-seven jars that remained full on board, the crew were allowed to drink freely and quench their great thirst. They then waited hopefully for a good report from their four companions. A day and night passed, and on the next morning the four sailors came back, who had been wandering all night among dense and thick trees, along rivers and swamps, without having found a sign of any settlement. The crew were very sad at this news; but presently two courageous sailors came forward--one from Ayamonte, the other from Galicia--and said to the Captain that, if he would give them leave, they would go on shore and search for villages or people where God might guide them. That day they finished building a small boat on board. Some tents and booths were set up on shore. The Captain landed with the standard and banner, and with half the men armed; and he ordered that three pieces should be fired from the ship at sunrise, and sunset, and at noon: for by chance the report might be heard by cowherds or other people. Soon they began to try to catch birds, rabbits, and to fish; thinking that, when provisions failed, they could in this way supply present necessities. Things being in this state, one afternoon two mounted men were seen to ride on to the beach in great haste, and dismount. Our people received them with incredible joy, and gave them many cordial embraces. One was an Indian farmer, a sharp fellow; the other one, Jeronimo Jurado de San Lucar de Barrameda, who said that when he heard the report of the guns he concluded that there must be a ship in need, for which cause he had come; and there he was to do what he could that they might be relieved. The Captain, seeing his good will, embraced him a second time, and contented both by giving them things from the ship. He asked Don Jeronimo to return with the Sergeant-Major, who would go to Mexico with the letter for the Viceroy, and with two other persons, who would take money to buy provisions. Next day they sent fowls, eggs, chickens, a calf and an ox, which sufficed, and more. The two good sailors arrived the same day, with natives, horses, and succour of all kinds. It seemed to the crew that, coming second, their work was not so much esteemed. But the Captain embraced them, and said how much he valued their honourable resolves, and how pleased he was, as all ought to be, with the trouble they had taken. The news of our being in the port, and of the good treatment we extended to all who came to it, soon spread. Many natives, who were concealed in the woods, by reason of those aggregations of one village with others, came to bring us fruits, maize, and other things, for which double their value was paid. In order that they might continue to help, the Captain gave them biscuits, salt, wine, and other things, and dressed three or four in silk. The Chief Admiral of Colima, Don Juan de Ribera, at the request of the Captain, and on payment, sent a quantity of biscuits and fowls. So, in the twenty-seven days that we were there, we were gaining new strength, and recovering from a certain disease in the gums, which on these coasts usually attacks those who come from Manilla. Satan did not neglect to sow bad and mischievous seeds in this port, such as he had sown up to this time; and, what was worse, he found soil disposed to receive, to blossom, and to yield fruit, which was all he wanted. As soon as our Father saw natives, he wanted that they should find him horses, to go to Mexico. The Captain knew this, and asked him many times to consider the little space of time that was needed for reaching Acapulco, and that nothing would be more noteworthy than to complete the voyage. To this the priest replied, that he knew what suited him best; that he did not want in that short space to die and be thrown into the sea, like the Father Commissary, but to go direct to his cell, and there live and die surrounded by his brethren. The Captain answered that it would certainly look very bad to leave the ship without a priest to attend to such spiritual needs as might arise. After the loss of the other priest, his companion, he was our curate; that he should not leave us without any one, but use charity, for which God would give him as much life as He gave health. To this he replied: "Let what may appear, appear: for I owe more to myself, and charity must begin at home." Other replies there were, which need not be repeated; and, with regard to what has been told, and what silence has been kept about it, the Captain said: "My Father, at the end of so long a voyage, let us be blind to our passions--we who have another voyage to make." On this, the Father threw himself at the feet of the Captain; and, without the Captain being able to stop him, owing to his weakness, he kissed both his groins. The Captain stretched himself out, as the Father had done, and kissed the soles of both his feet, saying: "I do not intend to be behind in this." There were certain people who, for themselves and others, wished to be left on shore. The Captain said to this, that for the service they had done until now they might as well be on shore. Another there was who asked the Captain to certify that he had not received royal pay, he himself having given it. He also wanted the title of Admiral while another did the duty. Many others each wanted to be the person to take the letters to the Viceroy, each alleging his own great merits. Owing to this, and for many other reasons which need not be specified, there were many disputes and complaints; from which it may be judged, as well as from all that has gone before, how much the discoveries cost, made by the wills of men who thought little of discovering new lands. There had come on the voyage, serving the Fathers, an Indian youth aged about twenty years, named Francisco, a native of Peru. He wore the habit of a lay brother, his life being one of self-denial. He was a humble, frugal, and grateful man, very peaceful, and so zealous for the good of the souls in the new discoveries that he wished to be left behind with them. He had a great love and respect for God, and in everything, however hard it might be, he conformed to His will. To all he showed a good disposition and pleasant countenance, did good for evil, never complained, or sought recompence nor treated of it. His example aroused envy in the mind of a soldier who was annoyed at hearing his virtues praised. So I say that there is no escape from the tongues of men, and whether high or low he has to receive their blows. The feast of All Saints was approaching, which was one of the jubilee days of the voyage. For this all our people confessed, and an altar was prepared under a tent, having obtained hosts from a village called Utlan, and invited all the people in the farms to come. They came, Spaniards, Indians, and others, to hear the Mass said by our Father. Pedro and Pablo were on their knees, each one with a lighted torch, throwing light all the time that the sacrifice and the communion lasted. A few days afterwards this monk departed by land, while we got ready to go by sea. Being very desirous of flying from this beach, and from the annoyance of such a quantity of mosquitos, sand-flies, and jiggers, which swarm in this port day and night, without the possibility of any defence from them, we made sail on the 16th of November. CHAPTER XXXVIII. The remainder of the voyage, and how the ship anchored in the port of Acapulco. We navigated with little wind to the purpose, and with land and sea breezes. For some time there was a current against us, and we were obliged to go in shore until we grounded on the beach of Citala. We touched bottom twice; but at last we came near the port, and a boat under sail and oars came out to know what ship we were. The Captain sent a messenger in the dingey, and ordered the boat to keep off until we anchored in the port of Acapulco, on the 23rd of November, 1606. We had only one death--that of the Father Commissary--and all were in good health. Thanks be to God for these and all His other mercies shown to us during the voyage! It is to be noted that when from the bay the S.E. wind rushed upon us, it was not settled to come to New Spain, for which reason we did not come, as we might have done, to E.N.E. To cross the line 400 leagues further east than we crossed it, would have made a shorter passage. If the N.W. wind we had when we went from Taumaco to the bay is constant, it would be much shorter. The following day was the Feast of St. Catherine the Martyr. The Captain left the ship with all his crew, following the royal standard, accompanied by many of the townspeople, and proceeded from the beach to the church. They brought Pedro and Pablo, both dressed in new clothes, to the font. Having said Mass, the Vicar gave them the oil and chrism, what they had not received before, because the ship was rolling so much when they were baptized. They returned to the ship in the same order. A few days after our arrival, a ship came from the Philippines with the news that Don Pedro de Acuña, the Governor of them, had taken the island of Ternate with little loss. This was very joyful news, and was celebrated here by ringing of bells and rejoicing of the people. In Mexico they made high festival, worthy of so desirable a victory. I say this, and hope there will be greater festivities for the discovery of so many islands it pleased God to show me. All is under one master, and it will be very just that they should be known to the world for the greater glory of God and honour of our Spain. Another ship also arrived, on board of which sixty-nine persons died at sea, of a great sickness that broke out during the voyage. I was told that, during the voyage, a fowl was bought for 2,400 reals and another for 3,200, yet the owners did not wish to sell. Account of the solemnity with which the cross of orange wood was landed and received, that had been raised in the bay of St. Philip and St. James. Fray Juan de Mendoza, Guardian of the Convent of Barefoot Franciscans in this port, with much endearment, asked the Captain for the cross of orange wood, being envious of the veneration with which it had been received by the two monks of his order on the day that it was set up in the bay of St. Philip and St. James. He said he wanted to receive it on the beach, and carry it in procession to his convent. Over this there was a very honourable and holy discussion, for the Vicar of the town wanted to receive it with the same reverence, to put it into the parish church. The question was argued by both sides; and, finally, owing to certain prayers, the Vicar gave up his claim, and the Captain gave it to the Guardian, to remain in his power. On the day of the Conception of the Mother of God, the Captain, with the greatest solemnity possible, took the cross from the ship to the sea shore, and delivered it to the said Father Guardians, with six other monks. They received it on their knees with much devotion, then forming in procession. On each side of the cross were Pedro and Pablo, with lighted torches. Behind were all the people of the town, carrying banner and box. So we marched to the convent. At the door of the church there was a Father in vestments. The Captain, who arrived first, was acting as mace-bearer until he came to where the Guardian was, who on his knees delivered the cross to him. The Captain gave it to the Father, who took it into the church and fastened it to the high altar, with ringing of bells at both churches, sound of trumpets, and discharge of guns and of arquebuses and muskets by the soldiers. All the people showed their joy; and not less did the Captain, although he had desired to go to Rome and put this cross in the hands of the Pontiff, and tell him that it was the first that had been raised in those new lands in the name of the Catholic Church. He wished to bring the natives as first-fruits, and to ask for all those and other great favours and concessions. It happened that events robbed him of this triumph: but he gave many thanks to God, through whose goodness he hopes to return the cross to the place whence it came. CHAPTER XXXIX. What happened to the Captain in Mexico, and in his voyage, until he arrived at the Court of Spain. No sooner had the crew disembarked, than there were persons who, to gratify their evil passions, wrote to the Marquis of Montes Claros, Viceroy of Mexico, and sowed many letters all over the land, trying to misrepresent and discredit the expedition. I did my best to satisfy people through others, proclaiming my truthfulness and zeal. I sent one letter to the Viceroy, asking for orders respecting the disposal of the ship. They were that I was to deliver her to the royal officers at Acapulco, as she belonged to His Majesty. I did this, and left Acapulco on the first day of the year 1607, entering the city of Mexico on St. Anthony's Day. On that of St. Sebastian the Viceroy received me kindly, and by his order I made a report and narrative of all that had happened. Hearing that Don Luis de Velasco, who had been Viceroy of Peru at the time when I first proposed this voyage, was living near Mexico, I went to see him, and gave him an account of all that had happened. He gave me encouragement and showed me much kindness. Pedro, who was in Mexico, was now very conversant in our language. He made certain very important statements in answer to questions asked of him, respecting his country and the surrounding regions; making known its extent, its food resources and riches, and how there were silver, gold, and pearls in abundance; and describing the idols they worship, their rites and ceremonies, and how they ordinarily converse with the Devil. Showing him some of our things, he gave the names for them in his language. But in a short time he died, and so did the other native, Pablo, who was a boy with a very beautiful countenance and disposition. I again spoke with the Viceroy respecting my departure and my necessities. He gave me no remedy for them, but treated me with kindness, and said that he was about to go to Peru, where he had been appointed Viceroy, and that if I should return during his time he would issue good orders which all would obey, and that he felt an interest in my enterprise, which he understood to be a great affair. With this he took leave of me, and the day of my departure arrived without my possessing a single dollar to set me on the road. But God helped me through the kindness of one Captain Gaspar Mendez de Vera and one Leonardo de Oria, in San Juan de Ulloa, who received me on board his ship. We arrived safely at Cadiz, where I landed. I sold my bed to reach San Lucar, where I pawned something else, which enabled me to go on to Seville. There I sold all I had left to sustain me, and with 500 reals given to me by Don Francisco Duarte, and other help from my companion, named Rodrigo Mejia, I arrived at Madrid on the 9th of October, 1607. CHAPTER XL. What happened to the Captain during this his last visit to the Court, until he negotiated the issue of an order for his despatch. During the first eleven days after my arrival at the Court, I could not obtain the convenience for writing my memorials, nor succeed in getting an interview with the Count of Lemos, who was President of the Council of the Indies. At last he saw me, read much of this narrative, and said: "What right have we to these regions?" I replied: "The same right as we had to possess ourselves of the others." I had several other interviews with him, and he ordered me to kiss the hand of His Majesty, and that I should see the Duke of Lerma, which I did. I presented many and very difficult memorials, giving my reasons, and declaring my enterprise and its advantages, and soliciting and urging my despatch. I had these memorials printed when I had the means; and when I had not, they were copied, presented and distributed among the members of the Councils of State, of War, and of the Indies, and the Ministers. Most of them received the memorials well, and seemed to value them; but not for this did my despatch progress any faster. On the contrary, on the 6th of March, 1608, His Majesty, through the Duke of Lerma, sent a long memorial to the Council of the Indies, by which my affairs were treated carelessly and harshly, because on the first occasion they had been managed by the Council of State. In effect, they told me that I should receive their reply from Don Francisco de Tejada, who was a member of the said Council of the Indies. He told me that I should return to Peru, to the city of the Kings; and that there the Viceroy would give orders as to what was to be done. I answered that it would not be well to send me on so long a voyage, on so serious a business, without knowing what would be done. So I went on sending my memorials, and I had hopes for better success: because, at that time, the Council received a letter, which Juan de Esquirel, Master of the Camp at Ternate, wrote to the Audience of the city of Manilla, in which he said that there had arrived in that port a vessel, whose Captain was one Luis Velez de Torres, said to be one of the three under the command of the Captain Pedro Fernandez de Quiros, with which he left Peru to discover the unknown parts to the south. "He says he parted company 1,500 leagues from here, and had coasted along for 800 leagues of a land. He arrived in want, and I supplied him with what I could. He goes to Manilla, and will send a more particular account to your Highness." Afterwards, I saw the narrative of the voyage of Luis Vaez, in possession of the Constable of Castille, which gave me great pleasure, and incited me to send in more memorials, praying for my despatch, and for the things that must be conceded with a view to it. But my ill-luck was so great, that I could never get anything settled. All appeared to point to my detention, and at times I was depreciated by the Ministers, and especially by those of the Council of the Indies; for I always found more recognition from those of the Council of State. Seeing this, I procured another audience of His Majesty, and obtained what I wanted, on Epiphany, in the year 1609, after dinner, being favoured in this, as in other things, by the Marquis of Velada. I showed my papers, maps and sea-charts: explained which were the lands I proposed to seek, and their grandeur; and related the events of the voyages I had already made. Having seen all my demonstrations with interest, he rose; and, asking for my despatch, the Marquis answered that all would be well. So, on the 7th of February, a decree was issued really treating of this business, and granting me some money in aid. After several consultations, and an order for me to frame an estimate of the expenses of the expedition, another decree came out, passing the business on to the Council of the Indies; where I had to begin all over again, and at the end of many months an order was given to me, according to the following tenor: Royal Order. The King.--To the Marquis of Montes Claros, my cousin, my Viceroy, Governor, and Captain-General of the provinces of Peru; or to the person or persons in whose charge the government may be. The Captain Pedro Fernandez de Quiros, who, as you have been informed, is the person who has undertaken the discovery of the unknown land in the south, has represented to me how that, I having ordered the necessary despatch through my Council of State, for him to make the said discoveries, and that the Viceroys, your predecessors, were to supply him with all that was necessary for the voyage, he sailed with this object from the port of Callao on the 21st of December, of the year 1605, with two ships and a launch, having on board crews and the rest that was needed, and steered W.S.W. until he reached the latitude of 26° S., by which course, and by others, he discovered twenty islands--twelve inhabited by various tribes--and three-parts of a land which he conceived to be all one, and suspected to be continental, and a great bay with a good port within it; whence he sailed with the three vessels, with the object of exploring a great and high chain of mountains to the S.W.; and in returning to the said port the Almiranta and the launch anchored. But the Capitana, in which he was, could not, and was driven out; for which cause, and for many others which obliged him, he arrived at the Port of Acupulco, whence he came to Spain to give me an account of the success of the voyage, in the year 1607. He stated that the land he had discovered was pleasant, temperate, and yielding many different kinds of fruits; the people domestic and disposed to receive our Holy Faith; and that what was left to be seen and discovered is much more beyond comparison. With great perseverance he has prayed and supplicated me to consider the importance of this discovery and settlement, and the great service it will be to our Lord that this land should be settled and the Faith planted in it, bringing to the bosom of the Church and to a knowledge of the truth such an infinite number of souls as there are in that new world, where he has taken possession in a good port, and celebrated Mass; as well as the usefulness and aggrandizement that will result to my crown, and to all my kingdoms. His object and intention is no more than to perform this service to our Lord, and to follow that cause which he had served for so many years, suffering shipwrecks and hardships; it is now ordered that he be provided with all things necessary again to make that voyage and form a settlement; for which it is necessary that he should have a thousand men of this kingdom, of which twelve to be monks of the Order of St. Francis, or Capuchins, who must be learned, with the necessary powers, and provided with requisites and ornaments; also six Brothers of St. John of God, medical man, surgeon, barbers, and medicines; and that in these provinces he be given ships, artillery, muskets, arquebuses, and other weapons and stores that may be necessary; also a quantity of things for bartering with natives, a good store of iron in sheets, and tools to cultivate the land and work mines. [119] By reason of my great desire that the said discovery and settlement should take effect, for the good of the souls of those natives, I have ordered the said Captain Pedro Fernandez de Quiros to return to Peru by the first opportunity; and I charge and order you that as soon as he arrives you are to make arrangements for his despatch, and provide all he requires for the voyage, by account of my royal treasury, so that it may be done with all speed, not offering any obstacle, but giving all the supplies necessary, and orders that he may be obeyed by all who go with him and under his command; and let all else be done that is convenient and usual in making other similar voyages, discoveries, and settlements. I order the officers of my royal revenues to comply in conformity with this decree; and for this compliance this is my command. [120] I again charge you to despatch the Captain Quiros well and speedily; and you advise me that you have done so, for I shall be pleased to know it, honouring, favouring, and treating him well: for in this you will serve me. I, the King. By command of the King our Lord.--Gabriel de Hoa. Witnessed by those of the Council. Copy of a letter which the Secretary, Gabriel de Hoa, sent to the Viceroy with the Royal Order. Captain Quiros returns to the kingdom with the enclosed despatch, in pursuance of his discovery:--"I have assisted here in this cause with much trouble and inconvenience, and with great zeal, for the service of our Lord and of His Majesty. Your Excellency animates, enforces, and helps this enterprise in furtherance of the orders of His Majesty, whose will is that Captain Quiros shall have quick despatch and good treatment, which your Excellency will know how to extend to one whose labours and voyages merit recognition, and who again offers himself for other greater labours. May our Lord guard your Excellency as I desire.--Madrid, December 19th, 1609." CHAPTER XLI. Of what the Captain did after he had received this Order, and how he was given another. I was not satisfied with this Order, because it was confused, and did not give me the power that was necessary to order myself what was necessary for my despatch; and because in effect it left it open for the Viceroy to order from what port in Peru I should sail as he might choose. Remembering how badly the orders and decrees of His Majesty are complied with in distant provinces, even when they are very imperative, I began again to send in more memorials representing these inconveniences, and declaring that 500,000 ducats were required for my undertaking, and for what I had to spend and distribute; and I sent in a detailed account of how I had spent what was given me for the last expedition. Don Francisco de Tejada told me that there were not wanting those who considered that the despatch they had given me was well enough. I replied that it must have been measured out according to my small merits, not according to the grandeur and necessities of the work. So I went on sending in more and more memorials to His Majesty, his Councils and Councillors, until in the month of May I was sent for by the Secretary, Antonio de Aroztegui, who told me that things had been arranged as I wished, as regards the terms of the Order and the expenses. I answered that the expenses of a cabin boy were enough for me personally if the despatch was good; that I did not put a price on my services. With this object I began new memorials to the Council of State, and when I thought that I was about to secure my desires, the business was again turned over to the Council of the Indies. In this Council, as the feeling was cold towards me and my cause, they turned and twisted much that His Majesty had ordered. On the 1st of November, 1610, they gave me an Order of the following tenor:-- Revised Royal Order. The King. To the Marquis of Montes Claros, my cousin, my Viceroy and Captain General of the provinces of Peru, or to the person or persons in whose charge their government may be. [121] Dated at San Lorenzo, the 1st of November, 1610. I the King. By order of the King our Lord, Pedro de Ledesma. CHAPTER XLII. Of what the Captain did after having received the above Order. Seeing the weakness of the new Royal Order, and that there was wanting in it many things for which I had stipulated and which I held to be important for my enterprise, I again renewed my representations to the Council of State that they might be conceded to me, and sent in several memorials with this object, and others to represent the harm done to the enterprise by the delay; that now the English and Dutch would hear of it, and that if we did not occupy first, they might get those lands and seas into their power. The result was that I was detained longer, with an Order that a certain quantity of money was to be allowed to me each month for my sustenance, and 300 ducats to pay my debts, which was insufficient. Other help was given me by the good secretary, Antonio de Aroztegui. I also submitted a memorial in which I proposed the way that, in my opinion, the discovery, settlement, and government of those nations should be conducted; avoiding the evils which, by adopting other ways, had accompanied former discoveries. All this was heard and received well, but unluckily my despatch was delayed, and at the end of many years [122] the Secretary, Juan de Eiriza, read to me and gave me a letter to this effect: "Resolved by His Majesty in the business of Captain Quiros, that in an affair of such magnitude it is necessary to proceed circumspectly, and to be sure of the consequences of each step. His Majesty will rejoice that half should be given for the discovery desired by Quiros. For this he is to return to Peru, and follow the instructions given to him by the Viceroy, with the assurance that they will be such as if he alone had the conduct of the discovery." To this decree I answered what appeared convenient, referring to my honour and that of the cause; and declaring that I could not go except with sufficient papers and securities very clearly and positively drawn up. But the more time slipped away the more my claims went back, owing to those who were against me, and the little confidence they had in myself and in my promises. As the Council of State would not decide anything without first referring it to the Council of the Indies, my prospects became worse. Don Luis de Velasco, who had come as President of that Council, instead of helping me, owing to having been the person who first received my project in Peru, and to having received such full notice of it, was the least favourable. Finally, Don Francisco de Borja, Prince of Esquilache, having been appointed Viceroy of Peru, both Councils concurred in giving me an order to go out with him, assuring me that he had an urgent order from His Majesty to despatch me as soon as I should arrive at Callao, and to arrange for everything that was necessary for my voyage. On this subject there was a meeting in the house of the President of the Council of the Indies, at which the new Viceroy was present. He assured me that what I wanted would certainly be done: that he was able to promise; and that if there was any wrong in the business of my despatch, it was not to be charged to him for the value of the whole world, because he was jealous of his reputation. With this, and seeing that in so many years I could not negotiate anything else, and that my life and patience were worn out, I determined to put into his hands my life and work. He said: "Trust me, and see what I shall do." Afterwards I spoke with him several times, and made him thoroughly acquainted with my affairs, and with what was necessary for them. I had been anxious to send to Rome to ask for certain grants from His Holiness. I petitioned, and the Prince gave me the following certificate: Don Francisco de Borja, Prince of Esquilache, Count of Mayalda, Gentleman of the Chamber of the King our Lord, and his Viceroy and Captain-General of his kingdoms of Peru: I certify that His Majesty has ordered me to take in my company the Captain Pedro Fernandez de Quiros, that I may despatch him from the Port of Callao to the settlement of the southern region; and that this will be when I may judge it to be convenient, and the state of affairs in Peru makes it proper to carry it out.--Given in Madrid on the 21st of October, 1614. NOTES [1] Historia del descubrimiento de las regiones Austriales hecho por el General Pedro Fernandez de Quiros, publicada por Don Justo Zaragoza (3 vols. Madrid, 1876.) [2] One in the early part of the second voyage of Mendaña, where he compares the importance and influence of small things to stars of unequal sizes (see p. 5); and other passages, though written in prose are really in verse, in the Spanish. Such is the passage describing the reappearance of the Almiranta after being out of sight (p. 192); the description of a visit made by natives to the Spanish ships (p. 210); and, again, when the Almiranta stood out to sea (p. 212). The description of Quiros on a bed of sickness at the mercy of his Pilots is really in verse in the Spanish (p. 280); and the reasons given by Quiros for not punishing mutineers may be those of the leader of the expedition, but the words are certainly those of his poetical Secretary. [3] See p. 262. [4] See pp. 200 and 418. [5] See pp. 254 and 383. [6] I have given an account of Suarez de Figueroa and of his works in a footnote to my translation of the Spanish account of the capture of Sir Richard Hawkins, also taken from the Hechos del Marques de Cañete. [7] Quiros was devoted to the Franciscans, and had several in his fleet. Torquemada was Provincial of the Order in Mexico. At a later date, two historians of the Order of St. Francis in Peru gave accounts of the voyage, quoting from Torquemada, and without any other original sources of information. One was Fray Antonio Daza, who wrote Cronica General de la Orden de San Francisco. The other is a folio with double columns: Cronica de la religiosissima provincia de la Orden de San Francisco de la regular observancia compuesta por el R.P. Fray Diego de Cordova, Salinas (1651). This work is very rare. There is no copy in the British Museum. There was one in the Library at Lima. Cordova gives a brief account of the voyage of Quiros, copying from Torquemada. Neither of these Franciscan historians, writing in Peru many years afterwards, are of any authority on the voyage of Quiros beyond what they derive from Torquemada. Daza, however, gives the Act of Possession at Espiritu Santo, which is not quoted in full by Torquemada (see p. 444). Antonio de Ulloa, in his Resumen, quotes from Cordova respecting an island discovered in 28° S. by Quiros, but the quotation is not correct. It is referred to by Mr. Major in his Early Voyages to Australia, p. lxxii. Mr. Major had never seen the work of Cordova. [8] See Antonio (Nic.), Bibliotheca Hispana vetus et nova, sive Hispanicorum scriptorum. [9] Diego de Prado y Tobar (see p. 513). [10] These particulars are gathered from the information given and recorded, when Quiros and his family sailed for Peru in 1615. "Informaciones presentados por el Capitan Pedro Fernandez de Quiros para paser a las Indias con su mujer y hijos, en la casa de contratacion de Sevilla, 24 Marzo, 1615" (Archivo de Indias), referred to by Zaragoza, vol. iii, p. 79 (n). Marriage and ages of wife and children are given. [11] Don Luis de Velasco, Viceroy of Peru from 1596 to 1604, was the son of a distinguished father of the same names, of the family of the Constables of Castille. The father was the second Viceroy of Mexico. He sent an expedition to Florida, and another to the Philippines under Miguel Lopez de Legaspé. The elder Don Luis died at Mexico, where his son was born in 1555. The younger Don Luis de Velasco was Governor of Cempoala, and proceeding to Spain, was appointed by Philip II Ambassador at Florence. In 1590 he became Viceroy of Mexico, and in 1595 Viceroy of Peru. In January, 1604, he returned to Mexico, and lived there privately for three years. He was appointed Viceroy of Mexico a second time in 1607, and was created Marquis of Salinas. In 1611 he became President of the Council of the Indies, serving in that post until his death in 1616. [12] Arca de Noe, por El Capitan de navio Cesario Fernandez Duro (Madrid, 1881), p. 560. Lucas de Quiros drew a map of the western side of South America, from Cartagena to Magellan's Strait, under the auspices of the Prince of Esquilache, Viceroy of Peru. Lucas is called on it "Cosmógrafo del Peru." The map is drawn on parchment. See also J. de la Espada, Relacion Geografica, p. cxl. [13] Don Gaspar de Zuñiga y Azevedo, Count of Monterey, had been Viceroy of Mexico from 1595 to 1603, and was transferred to Peru to succeed Don Luis de Velasco. He arrived at Lima in very bad health. [14] He had been Pilot of the ship which brought the Count of Monterey from Acapulco to Callao. [15] Juan de Iturbe says 40°, for which there is no other authority. But Arias, in his Memorial (see p. 528), says that Quiros was advised by Torres and his other companions to go as far as 40° S. Quiros and Torres give 30° as the limit. It was the proposal of Quiros himself, not in any instructions given to him. There were no such instructions. [16] Royal Geographical Society's Journal, Aug. 1902, vol. xx, p. 207. [17] La Encarnacion, p. 487 (Luna-puesta, p. 192; Anegada, p. 329), is one of the coral islands of the Dangerous or Low Archipelago, probably Ducie Island. San Juan Bautista, pp. 193, 487 (Sin Puerto, p. 330; San Valerio, p. 456), is Henderson Island. Santelmo, pp. 195, 487, Marutea, or Lord Hood Island. Las Cuatro Coronadas, pp. 195, 487 (Las Virgenes, p. 456), Actæon group. San Miguel, pp. 196,487, Aburaa Island. La Conversion de San Pablo, pp. 204, 487, Anaa or Chain Island. La Decena, pp. 204, 487 (Santa Polonia, p. 456), is Niau or Greig Island. La Sagittaria, pp. 204, 487, Mahatea or Aurora Island. La Fugitiva, pp. 205, 487, Matahiva or Lazareff Island. San Bernardo, pp. 207, 425, 457 (Island of Fish, p. 342). Peregrino, pp. 217, 487 (Gente Hermosa, p. 431; Matanza, p. 459), "Genta hermosa" on modern charts. [18] This latitude is only given in the Memorial of Arias. See p. 525. [19] See p. 469. There was also a general map of the discoveries of Torres, which is lost. [20] See his extraordinary Will at p. 291. [21] Zaragoza, vol. ii, p. 191 (23 pages). [22] See p. 477. [23] See p. 487. [24] See p. 504. [25] Zaragoza, vol. ii, p. 242. [26] Ibid., vol. iii, p. 268. [27] These letters were published by Zaragoza (vol. ii, p. 187), and also in the Boletin de la Sociedad Geografica de Madrid for 1878 (tom. iv, p. 62). Lord Stanley of Alderley gave a translation of one of them in his Philippine Islands, p. 412 (Hakluyt Soc., 1868). [28] See p. 469. [29] Tom. iv, Jan. 1878. The maps were reproduced, without colour, in Collingridge's Discovery of Australia (1895). [30] In the Biblioteca Nacional at Madrid (J. 2). [31] Papeles tocantes à la Iglesia Española (British Museum, 4745, f. 11). [32] See pp. 526 to 528 and footnotes. [33] Zaragoza, vol. ii, p. 259. [34] Dr. Don Bernardo de Sandoval y Roxas, a grandson of the second Count of Lerma, was then Archbishop of Toledo, Cardinal and Inquisitor-General. He died in 1618. [35] Don Juan Fernandez de Velasco, Duke of Frias, Marquis of Berlangas, and Count of Haro, was hereditary Constable of Castille. He died at Madrid in 1613. [36] Don Juan Hurtado de Mendoza, Duke of Infantado and Marquis of Santillana. He died in 1624. [37] Don Pedro Fernandez de Castro, seventh Count of Lemos, was Ambassador at Rome in 1600, President of the Council of the Indies, and afterwards Viceroy of Naples. He married his cousin, a daughter of the Duke of Lerma. He was the patron of Cervantes. His son was Viceroy of Peru 1667-72. [38] He was a grandson of Francisco de Borja, Duke of Gandia, and the third General of the Jesuits who was canonized. He was Prince of Esquilache by right of his wife, and his age was thirty-two when he went out as Viceroy of Peru in 1615. He reached Lima in December. [39] Luis de Belmonte Bermudez then went to Mexico, and he appears to have returned to Seville in 1616. There he wrote El Cisma de Jordan. In 1618 he settled at Madrid. Then appeared his Aurora de Cristo and Hispalica. In the Comedias Escojidas (4to, Madrid, 1682-1704) there are eleven plays of Belmonte, including the Renegade of Valladolid, and God the Best Guardian. Ticknor mentions them as a singular mixture of what is sacred and what is profane (Ticknor's Spanish Literature, vol. ii, p. 300). [40] Historia del descubrimiento de las Regiones Austriales. [41] An office corresponding to the President or Governor of a province. Præfectus. "Adelante," in front; more advanced than others. [42] Here Suarez de Figueroa inserts the following speech, made by the Marquis of Cañete to Mendaña. On one of the many occasions when Alvaro de Mendaña (then fitting out) had interviews with the Viceroy to communicate some particulars and to kiss his hand for the many kindnesses and favours he had received from him, his Excellency said: "My Lord the Adelantado, I may well wish you God speed on commencing this business with as vigorous a set of men as can be found in the world. Prodigious are the deeds of the Spaniards at various times and in various places, and especially when led by valorous generals who know how to overcome difficulties; who have met dangers with prudence; who under adverse circumstances have maintained a cheerful countenance and kept up the spirits of their followers with encouraging words and promises; who rewarded them; who cherished them; who succoured them; and who, ruling by kindness, took advantage of every opportunity with wisdom. There are so many glorious leaders of our nation who have acted thus, that might be named, that I undoubtedly should tire my tongue in enumerating them and my memory in bringing them to mind. On the other side their valiant followers have always been, on these occasions, loyal and obedient, and full of courtesy and virtue both in word and deed. If in the present age these generalities suffer from some exceptions, it is not the fault of the men. Various times bring forth misfortunes. A few years soon pass in the harvest of valour, and few good things are known of the leaders. This is especially the case in maritime expeditions where the inconveniences and difficulties are innumerable, while the remedies that can be applied to them are few and of little efficacy. Certain ancient mariners make a notable clamour, in whose eyes our ancestors were so excellent that they hold them in great veneration. But they all made furrows in the eastern sea; very little was done by them on the western side, which scarcely puts limits to the imagination. On that side some navigators have been eminent. In the first rank is Columbus, who, being despised by various sovereigns, made his discovery finally for the Catholic ones, Isabella and Ferdinand, and showed America, the foundation on which has been built so many and such important edifices, alike spiritual as temporal. He was succeeded by the wonderful Cortes, with his extensions of empire and his marvellous deeds. In the part where we are now was the famous Francisco Pizarro, conqueror of so many provinces. Then came Magellan, who nearly went round the world, and came to an end which was less fortunate than his spirit deserved. Next Gama sought remote regions, and opened to the nation the commerce of the east. Valiant (it need not be denied) were the audacious enterprises of Drake, Cavendish, and Hawkins, emulous of the fame of Magellan. Traversing the strait which bears Magellan's name, they came to disturb the seas which for many previous years had been secure and peaceful. But this notwithstanding, it appears to me that I now behold in you a discoverer not less distinguished and famous than those. It has been so in all countries, in times past, that important affairs have been entrusted to him who, either by reason of his genius, or the dignity of his person, or the purity of his life, or his grace and authority, had acquired the universal fame of a true umpire of peace and war, justly committing to his prudence the preservation and prosperity of the state. It is certain that all these qualifications are combined in your person. Your actions prove it, and confirm the choice made by His Majesty for so great a service to God and to him. I hold that there can be no doubt that your established government will be glorious and triumphant, and that the people in your company will remain under it; so that, almost from this time thanks may be given to you for your great industry and valour." [43] Equivalent to Colonel. He was an old soldier named Pedro Merino Manrique. The name is given by Suarez de Figueroa. [44] 12° 3' 45'' S. Callao Castle; 12° 2' 34'' S. Lima. [45] Magdalena is in 10° 25' S. and 138° 28' W. [46] Suarez de Figueroa says it was a girl. [47] Suarez de Figueroa quotes all this word for word, and here says that he is quoting from the papers of the Chief Pilot. [48] Joints of bamboos in which they carry water. [49] A palmo is 8 inches, being a quarter of a vara, which is 32.9 inches. [50] The earliest description of the bread fruit. [51] Piece of canvas laced to the foot of the mainsail and foresail. [52] This is the island of Tinakula, an active volcano rising 3,000 feet above the sea in a most perfectly shaped cone, to the north of the island of Santa Cruz. The volcano is still in full activity. It is in lat. 10° 24´ S., long. 165° 45´ W. [53] 8.346 inches. [54] Nupani, Nukapu, and several other small reef islands north of Santa Cruz. [55] In lat. 10° 40' S., long. 165° 45' 30'' W. [56] Not a Spanish word. [57] Felipe Corzo. He was an enemy of Quiros. [58] Outpost guard, whence sentries were selected. A picket. Usually consisting of twenty or thirty men. [59] Caracha is a cutaneous disease in Peruvian parlance; caaranta, a person who has no eyebrows, also a Peruvianism. [60] Tauriqui of Mendaña's first voyage. [61] Namely, the Devil. [62] A quarter of an azumbre, which is about half a gallon. [63] No such word in Spanish, nor is it a Peruvianism. [64] The brothers Ulloa, in their Noticias Secretas, spoke very highly of the "guatchapeli" wood of Guayaquil (p. 58) for ship-building, especially extolling its durability. [65] The "honest man" is evidently the Chief Pilot himself. [66] Here Suarez de Figueroa introduces a fuller account of the Ladrone Islanders, especially of their customs connected with the burial of the dead, with an anecdote about an adventure between a Spanish soldier and a native of Guan. [67] The object of the voyage had been to reach the Solomon Islands, which Alvaro de Mendaña had discovered in his first voyage. The arguments of Quiros consist of a criticism of the report of Gallego, the Chief Pilot of Mendaña's first voyage. [68] Solomon Islands, vol. i, pp. 67, 68 (Hakluyt Society, 1901). [69] Solomon Islands, vol. i, p. 66. [70] Identified by Mr. Woodford as Nukufetan in the Ellice Group, in 7° 50' S.--Solomon Islands, vol. i, p. 14 (n.), 1901. [71] Edited for the Hakluyt Society by Lord Stanley of Alderley in 1868. [72] Contained in the Sucesos de las Islas Philipinas of Antonio de Morga (1609); translated by Lord Stanley of Alderley for the Hakluyt Society, 1868. [73] Don Antonio de Cardona y Cordova, sixth Duke of Sesa, was descended from the Great Captain. He was son of Don Fernando de Cordova y Requesens, second Duke of Soma, by Doña Beatriz de Figueroa. He became Duke of Sesa by renunciation of his aunt, Francesca de Cordova, and succeeded an elder brother as Duke of Soma. He was also Duke of Baena. The Duke of Sesa died at Valladolid on January 6th, 1606. [74] Rimini. [75] He forgets that Caraccas is on the main land. [76] One of these nephews was no doubt the Lucas de Quiros who was appointed Royal Ensign by his uncle on May 13th, 1606, at the bay of St. Philip and St. James. Zaragoza mentions that, in 1616, Lucas de Quiros was acquiring a certain reputation at Lima as a cosmographer (IV, Apuntes Biograficas, p. 139). He constructed a map of the western side of South America, from Carthagena to Magellan's Strait, by order of the Viceroy, Prince of Esquilache, on parchment (see Duro Arca de Noc, p. 560). [77] His name was Juan Ochoa de Bilboa. [78] Leza calls it "Anegada." In the Memorial of 1609 the name "La Encarnaçion" was given to the first island. [79] Leza calls it "San Puerto." Torres gives the name of "San Valerio." The two islands are 75 leagues apart. [80] Torres calls them "Las Virgenes." [81] This is a very early notice of the use of a method of obtaining fresh water by condensing. [82] This island is Anaa, or Chain Island, about 200 miles east of Tahiti, in the same latitude. It was named "Conversion de San Pablo" by Quiros. No name is given by Torres or in Torquemada. Burney confused "Sagittaria" a small atoll seen after leaving "Conversion de San Pablo" with that island. Whenever he mentions "Sagittaria" it should be "Conversion de San Pablo." Burney says that the "Sagittaria" of Quiros is generally believed to be Tahiti (vol. ii, p. 277 n.). It was Captain Wallis, the discoverer of Tahiti in 1767, who first thought that he had identified that beautiful island with the "Sagittaria" of Quiros: because the latitude is about the same, and because a low isthmus is described. But Tahiti has several good anchorages; the island of Quiros has none. Tahiti is very lofty; the island of Quiros is flat. Tahiti has abundant supplies of water; the island described by Quiros has none. Moreover, Quiros says that his first inhabited island has a large shallow lake in its centre. The Pilot Leza describes it as a ring of land encircling part of the sea. Sir William Wharton, who identifies the island with Anaa, or Chain Island, has pointed out that the passages describing the landing, especially the one in Torquemada, are excellent accounts of the difficulty of landing on the foreshore of a low reef island; but Tahiti, though there is a barrier reef round it, has a smooth lagoon within, with easy landing, and there are numerous openings in the reef. The description of the march across what has been supposed to be an isthmus, answers to the low land of an atoll, the water on the other side being the lagoon. The only low island near Tahiti is Tetaroa, which is 20 miles from it. But another low island was not seen by Quiros, after leaving "Conversion de San Pablo," until the second day. Starting from Tahiti, there is no such island; but, sailing from Anaa and steering W.N.W. before the trade wind, there are such low islands as are mentioned. These considerations make it quite certain that Quiros never sighted Tahiti, as Burney supposes. [83] Luis de Belmonte Bermudez, the Secretary to Quiros and probable author of the narrative. [84] It should be Sojo. [85] Dr. Bolton G. Corney found at Seville the journal of the frigate Aquila, which was sent by the Viceroy of Peru on a voyage to Tahiti, under the command of Don Tomas Gayangos in 1774. In reconnoitring the island of Anaa, on November 2nd, 1774, a well-proportioned cross was seen, set up on a sandy beach, on the skirts of a wood. The Spaniards of 1774 named the island "Todos Santos." [86] The S.E. end, 18° 30' S. (Torres); N.W. point, 17° 40' S. (Torquemada). Burney calculates the longitude 147° 7' W. [87] Niau, or Greig Island, of the chart. Torres calls it "Santa Polonia." [88] Makatea, or Aurora Island, of the chart. [89] Matahiva, or Lazareff Island, of the chart. The present editor may be excused for referring to Lazareff as the first coral island he ever saw. He was a naval cadet on board H.M.S. Collingwood when, at seven bells in the forenoon of Friday, August 8th, 1845, she sighted the island. There was a border of white sand between the blue sea and the dense cocoa-nut grove. He went to the main-topmast head for a view of the interior lagoon over the cocoa-nut trees. At that very time he was reading Burney's account of the voyage of Quiros. [90] The sloping sides of a roof. [91] Torres called it "Matanza." In Torquemada the name "Gente Hermoso" is given. The Memorial (1609) gives "Peregrino." [92] Probably wooden swords for teaching the drill. [93] "Tafetan tornasol." [94] See pp. 81 and 85. [95] Torres and Torquemada give the native name. Leza calls the island "Nuestra Señora de Loreto." In the Memorial the name is "Monterey," after the Viceroy of Peru. [96] Torres gives 1940 leagues (169° 45' E.). Latitude, 10° 10' S. [97] Outriggers. [98] Torres calls it "Chucupia." The Memorial has "Tucopia." Quiros gives the latitude 12° 15' S.; Torres, 12° 30' S. Undoubtedly, the Tucopia of modern charts, in 12° 15' S. and 169° 50' E. [99] Torres calls it a very high volcano. Torquemada gives the name of "Nuestra Señora de la Luz." The Memorial has "San Marcos." It is the Pic de l'Etoile of Bougainville. The volcano is now extinct. Latitude, 14° 25' S. "Merlav," or "Star Peak," on modern charts. [100] Torres has "Santa Maria." It is the "Gaua" of modern chart in the Banks Group. [101] Martin Lope Cortal was Pilot of Lopez de Legazpi's ship on the voyage from Mexico to the Philippines, and he afterwards made a voyage to Mexico without licence. He and some companions landed at islands called Barbudos, and the ship left them there. That this native should have used these words is extraordinary. [102] Egg-plant nightshade, Solanum melongena, L. [103] The name of the Duke of Sesa was Don Antonio de Cardona y Cordova. See pp. 163 and 168. [104] Cardona and La Clementina, looking like a range of mountains and main land, were the islands of Pentecost, Aurora, and Leper, overlapping each other. [105] Not in Leza's list. [106] "Araucana," por Don Alonso de Ercilla. Canto XXVII, octava 52. [107] The "friend" is, of course, Belmonte Bermudez, the Secretary of Quiros. [108] Captain Cook relates that his people caught two reddish fish with hook and line in Port Sandwich, Malicolo Island (one of the New Hebrides), on July 24th, 1774. The fish were about the size of a large bream. Most of the officers, and some of the petty officers, dined on them the next day. The following night, every one who had eaten of them was seized with violent pains in the head and bones, attended with a scorching heat all over the skin, and numbness in the joints. The pigs and dogs who had partaken of the fish were also taken ill, and two died. It was a week or ten days before all the officers recovered. In mentioning this, Cook refers to the similar experience of Quiros and his crew, as described by Dalrymple, vol. i, p. 140.--Cook's Second Voyage, vol. ii, p. 39. [109] He means betel. See p. 51. [110] Thistles; teazel. [111] The space between the end of the thumb and the end of the forefinger, both stretched out. [112] Coral cliffs. [113] Captain Cook visited the Island of Espiritu Santo in August, 1774, and on the 25th entered the bay of San Felipe y Santiago, discovered by Quiros. The wind being S., Cook was obliged to beat to windward. Next morning he was 7 or 8 miles from the head of the bay, which is terminated by a low beach, and behind that an extensive flat covered with trees, and bounded on each side by a ridge of mountains. The latitude was 15° 5' S. Steering to within 2 miles of the head of the bay, he sent Mr. Cooper and Mr. Gilbert to sound and reconnoitre the coast. Mr. Cooper reported that he had landed on the beach near a fine river. They found 3 fathoms close to the beach, and 55 two cables' lengths off. At the ship there was no bottom with 170 fathoms. When the boat returned, Captain Cook steered down the bay; and during the night there were many fires on the W. side. In the morning of the 27th the ship was off the N.W. point of the bay, in latitude 14° 39' 30''. The bay has 20 leagues of sea-coast--6 on the E. side, 2 at the head, and 12 on the W. side. The two points which form the entrance bear S. 53° E., and N. 53° W., from each other distant 10 leagues. An uncommonly luxuriant vegetation was everywhere to be seen. Captain Cook named the E. point of the bay "Cape Quiros," which is in 14° 56' S., and longitude 167° 13' E. He named the N.W. point "Cape Cumberland." It is in 14° 38' 45'' S., and 166° 49' 30'' E.--Cook's Second Voyage, vol. ii, p. 89. The Editor has to thank Dr. Bolton G. Corney for the following very interesting account of his visit to the bay of San Felipe y Santiago in 1876:-- "While on a voyage through the New Hebrides in the barque Prospector, of 260 tons, in August, 1876, I visited the bay of San Felipe y Santiago, now commonly known to shipmasters and other habitués of the Western Pacific as the 'Big Bay.' "The island itself is, for short, spoken of as 'Santo,' not only by local white men, but also by many of the natives of it and the neighbouring ones, many of whom have been in Fiji or Queensland, and have picked up a little Fijian or English, as the case may be. "The Prospector was chartered by the Government of Fiji to return 476 of these people to their homes, in completion of contracts made with them a few years before, after performing a term of labour on the cotton and maize or cocoa-nut plantations of that group of islands, which, in 1874, became a British Crown colony. I was in charge of these returning emigrants, both medically and as representing the Government. "We passed from Malikolo to 'Santo', and worked up under the lee of its western side to Pusei and Tasimate, landing and recruiting emigrants as we went, and bartering for yams, and taro, and pigs by way of provisions. We rounded Cape Cumberland (the extreme N.W. point of the island), and worked into the bay of San Felipe y Santiago, making one long board to the E.N.E or N.E. by E. first, and then a long leg to the S.S.W., or thereabouts, which brought us close in with the land on the W. side of the bay. The land there was high and steep, and we had deep water until quite close into the beach. We then went about and made short tacks towards the fundus of the bay, where we had to lay the barque quite close in to the shore before getting anchorage. The water was blue and clear, and I do not recollect seeing any reefs or patches. The anchorage we made for was known to our recruiting agents, who called it the 'river Jordan.' I have a recollection of hearing that we got 9 fathoms with the lead just before letting go. The water was quite smooth, protected by the land at the head of the bay from the prevailing trade-wind; and the barque lay at a few boats' lengths from the beach--about 300 yards W. from the embouchure of the river. "Our objects in calling there were (i) to land certain natives of the place whom we had on board, with their earnings; (ii) to recruit others if any suitable ones offered; and (iii) to obtain wood and fill water. "The beach, if my memory does not mislead me, was of black sand, which is not an uncommon thing in islands of volcanic origin, such as the New Hebrides: the distance from low water-mark to the edge of the timber and undergrowth which fringed it just above high-water mark, was only a few yards--perhaps 18 or 25--except near the mouth of the river, where it was more shelving, and extended out into a sandy foreshore or bank corresponding to the bar, the dry land being flat and of alluvial formation. "The river was about as large as the Thames at Isleworth, and flowed into the bay through a wide and far-reaching valley from S. to N. Its banks were low, and overgrown with reeds and scrub, and more than usually free from the customary mangrove trees and bushes. We did not explore it for far, because the friendly attitude of the natives could not be depended on to last, if they should get us into a 'corner;' but I pulled into the river in one of the recruiting boats for a short distance, and selected a place at which we filled our beakers and water-casks with water of good and fresh quality. This was perhaps less than half a mile from the mouth: the water was clear, and we could see the bottom in mid-stream; but the tide was at the last of the ebb, as we had chosen that time for the sake of getting the freshest water. "The natives brought us some dead logs to the beach, and others on bamboos to the vessel's side, much of which the sailors and officers bartered for in the belief that it was sandal wood. It was in reality, I believe, the wood known in Fijian as Sevna or Cevna, a kind of Pittosporum, which grows near the sea and has a strong sandal-wood odour. We also obtained the natives' consent to our cutting some firewood, which was mostly wild dawa (Nephilium pinnatum), and mulomulo (Hiliuscus populnea), a littoral tree often used in Fiji to cut boats' knees from. "We recruited four men to go with us to Fiji for three years. They were all adults of about 20 to 24 years, tall, black, and athletic young men, much above the average stature of New Hebrideans anywhere north of Eromango; and the other people of the locality appeared to me equally well-built, and some 5 ft. 10 in. or 5 ft. 11 in. in height. I cannot say whether they were the true inhabitants of the place, as we saw no village nor huts: they may have been mountaineers from the interior on an excursion to the coast, the mountaineers in these islands being as a rule blacker, and I think taller (with exceptions), than the coast people. "They had no canoes--at least I saw none--except two small catamarans; and the timber they took alongside the ship was floated off by means of bamboos. "It is doubtful whether mountaineers would have possession of catamarans on the coast, or trust themselves to bamboo rafts. "The west shore of this bay rises steeply from the water throughout most of its extent: but there are narrow strips of low-lying flat land between the beach and the mountain side at intervals, continuous with the small valleys, where creeks or torrents, of which there are several, have deposited silt and boulders, and rocky débris from the higher slopes. But, in so far as I remember, they are all insignificant in extent, as the mountain ridge which forms this large promontory and ends abruptly in Cape Cumberland, rises, as already mentioned, steeply from the sea, which is deep all along and around it, with only here and there even a fringing shore reef. There is no barrier reef whatever, and consequently no lagoon. "As to size of the 'Big Bay,' I should say that the distance from Cape Cumberland to the 'Jordan' is something like 30 miles. The head of the bay runs from the river mouth in an easterly direction for 3 or perhaps 4 miles, being mostly flat, low-lying alluvium, and then sweeps round towards the N.E. and N., being more elevated and undulating, and ends in Cape Quiros. This land, forming the eastern horn of the bay, does not project so far seaward as the western promontory, and is neither so high nor so steep, nor so heavily timbered as the latter, which is in fact a continuation of the backbone of the island, as far out as Cape Cumberland. The eastern horn extends northward perhaps 10 or 12 miles only. "The depth or extent of the bay itself, from its chord formed by an imaginary E. and W. line drawn through Cape Quiros, seemed to me about a dozen miles, and it is of similar width. It may, therefore, contain nearly 150 square miles in area. "The anchorage is well protected from the prevailing trade-wind, which blows from E.S.E., and is sheltered from that point round by S. to N.W. It is not exposed either from E.N.E. to E.S.E., but from N.W. to N. and N.E. it is unsafe." [114] Probably Vanua Lava. [115] Ureparopara, or islands to N.W. [116] Vendavales. [117] An arroba=25 lbs. [118] Wooded islands, off the port of San Blas, on the west coast of Mexico. [119] 6,000 quintals in the second Order. [120] In the second Order:--"In this kingdom I have ordered 6,000 ducats in aid of expenses on the way out, and 3,000 quintals of iron to be bought at Seville, and sent out." [121] Same as the former Order, except that 6,000 ducats are granted for expenses on the way out; and the quantity of sheet iron is specified and ordered to be bought at Seville. [122] Months (?).
26658 ---- images generously made available by The Internet Archive/Canadian Libraries.) CELEBRATED TRAVELS AND TRAVELLERS. THE GREAT EXPLORERS OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY. LONDON: GILBERT AND RIVINGTON, PRINTERS, ST. JOHN'S SQUARE. [Frontispiece: Map of the work which had to be done in the 19th Century. _Gravé par E. Morieu 23, r. de Bréa Paris._] CELEBRATED TRAVELS AND TRAVELLERS. THE GREAT EXPLORERS OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY. BY JULES VERNE. TRANSLATED BY N. D'ANVERS, AUTHOR OF "HEROES OF NORTH AFRICAN DISCOVERY," "HEROES OF SOUTH AFRICAN DISCOVERY," ETC. WITH 51 ORIGINAL DRAWINGS BY LÉON BENETT, AND 57 FAC-SIMILES FROM EARLY MSS. AND MAPS BY MATTHIS AND MORIEU. [Illustration: Ship sailing near icebergs.] London: SAMPSON LOW, MARSTON, SEARLE, & RIVINGTON, CROWN BUILDINGS, 188, FLEET STREET. 1881. [_All rights reserved_.] TO DR. G. G. GARDINER, _I Dedicate this Translation_ WITH SINCERE AND GRATEFUL ESTEEM. N. D'ANVERS. HENDON, _Christmas, 1880_. TRANSLATOR'S NOTE. In offering the present volume to the English public, the Translator wishes to thank the Rev. Andrew Carter for the very great assistance given by him in tracing all quotations from English, German, and other authors to the original sources, and for his untiring aid in the verification of disputed spellings, &c. THE GREAT EXPLORERS OF THE 19TH CENTURY. LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS AND MAPS REPRODUCED IN FAC-SIMILE FROM THE ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS, GIVING THE SOURCES WHENCE THEY ARE DERIVED. PART THE FIRST. PAGE Map of the work which had to be done in the 19th Century _Frontispiece_ Jerusalem . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10 Map of Egypt, Nubia, and part of Arabia _To face woodcut of Jerusalem_ Portrait of Burckhardt . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14 "Here is thy grave" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15 Merchant of Jeddah . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22 Shores and boats of the Red Sea . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23 Map of English India and part of Persia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31 Bridge of rope . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31 "They were seated according to age" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36 Beluchistan warriors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37 "A troop of bayadères came in" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 46 Afghan costumes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 48 Persian costumes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 52 "Two soldiers held me" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 52 "Fifteen Ossetes accompanied me" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 59 "He beheld the Missouri" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 64 Warrior of Java . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 65 A kafila of slaves . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 70 Member of the body-guard of the Sheikh of Bornou . . . . . . . . . 73 Reception of the Mission . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 74 Lancer of the army of the Sultan of Begharmi . . . . . . . . . . . 75 Map of Denham and Clapperton's journey . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 78 Portrait of Clapperton . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 79 "The caravan met a messenger" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 86 "Travelling at a slow pace" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 93 View on the banks of the Congo . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 97 Ashantee warrior . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 97 Réné Caillié . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 104 "He decamped with all his followers" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 105 Caillié crossing the Tankisso . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 108 View of part of Timbuctoo . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 113 Map of Réné Caillié's journey . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 114 "Laing saw Mount Loma" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 122 Lower Course of the Niger (after Lander) . . . . . . . . . . . . . 126 Mount Kesa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 131 "They were all but upset" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 133 Square stool belonging to the King of Bornou . . . . . . . . . . . 133 Map of the Lower Course of the Djoliba, Kouara, Quoora, or Niger (after Lander) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 140 "It was hollowed out of a single tree-trunk" . . . . . . . . . . . 141 View of a Merawe temple . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 146 The Second Cataract of the Nile . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 147 Temple of Jupiter Ammon . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 147 "Villages picturesquely perched" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 156 Map of the Missouri . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 160 Circassians . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 160 "Excelling in lassoing the wild mustangs" . . . . . . . . . . . . . 164 Map of the Sources of the Mississippi, 1834 . . . . . . . . . . . . 166 View of the Pyramid of Xochicalco . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 168 PART THE SECOND. New Zealanders . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 178 Coast of Japan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 181 Typical Ainos . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 183 "In the twinkling of an eye the canoes were empty" . . . . . . . . 188 Interior of a house at Radak . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 193 View of Otaheite . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 195 One of the guard of the King of the Sandwich Islands . . . . . . . 198 "The village consisted of clean, well-built huts" . . . . . . . . . 204 A Morai at Kayakakoua . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 206 Native of Ualan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 213 Sedentary Tchouktchis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 217 Warriors of Ombay and Guebeh . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 226 Rawak hut on piles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 229 The luxuriant vegetation of the Papuan Islands . . . . . . . . . . 230 Map of Australia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 232 A performer of the dances of Montezuma . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 233 Ruins of ancient pillars at Tinian . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 236 An Australian farm near the Blue Mountains . . . . . . . . . . . . 244 Native Australians . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 246 Berkeley Sound, in the Falkland Islands . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 249 The _Mercury_ at anchor in Berkeley Sound . . . . . . . . . . . . . 251 The waterfall of Port Praslin . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 255 The wreck of the _Uranie_ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 258 Natives of New Guinea . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 266 Meeting with the Chief of Ualan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 270 Natives of Pondicherry . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 276 Ancient idols near Pondicherry . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 277 Near the Bay of Manilla . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 280 Women of Touron Bay . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 283 Entrance to Sydney Bay . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 290 "Apsley's Waterfall" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 292 Eucalyptus forest of Jervis Bay . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 298 New Guinea hut on piles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 298 New Zealanders . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 301 Attack from the natives of Tonga Tabou . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 306 Lofty mountains clothed with dense and gloomy forests . . . . . . . 309 Natives of Vanikoro . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 310 "I merely had the armoury opened" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 316 Reefs off Vanikoro . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 317 Hunting sea-elephants . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 322 Map of the Antarctic Regions, showing the routes taken by the navigators of the 19th Century . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 324 "Here congregate flocks of penguins" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 325 Dumont d'Urville . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 330 "Only by getting wet up to their waists" . . . . . . . . . . . . . 333 Anchorage off Port Famine . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 337 "The rudder had to be protected" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 345 View of Adélie Land . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 349 Reduced Map of D'Urville's discoveries in the Antarctic Regions . . 349 "Their straight walls rose far above our masts" . . . . . . . . . . 350 Captain John Ross . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 352 Map of Victoria, discovered by James Ross . . . . . . . . . . . . . 355 "Two small sledges were selected" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 359 Esquimaux family . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 361 Map of the Arctic Regions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 364 Rain as a novel phenomenon . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 365 Discovery of Victoria Land . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 376 TABLE OF CONTENTS. FIRST PART. CHAPTER I. THE DAWN OF A CENTURY OF DISCOVERY. PAGE Slackness of discovery during the struggles of the Republic and Empire--Seetzen's voyages in Syria and Palestine--Hauran and the circumnavigation of the Dead Sea--Decapolis--Journey in Arabia-- Burckhardt in Syria--Expeditions in Nubia upon the two branches of the Nile--Pilgrimage to Mecca and Medina--The English in India--Webb at the Source of the Ganges--Narrative of a journey in the Punjab-- Christie and Pottinger in Scinde--The same explorers cross Beluchistan into Persia--Elphinstone in Afghanistan--Persia according to Gardane, A. Dupré, Morier, Macdonald-Kinneir, Price, and Ouseley--Guldenstædt and Klaproth in the Caucasus--Lewis and Clarke in the Rocky Mountains--Raffles in Sumatra and Java . . . . 3 CHAPTER II. THE EXPLORATION AND COLONIZATION OF AFRICA. I. Peddie and Campbell in the Soudan--Ritchie and Lyon in Fezzan-- Denham, Oudney, and Clapperton in Fezzan, and in the Tibboo country--Lake Tchad and its tributaries--Kouka and the chief villages of Bornou--Mandara--A razzia, or raid, in the Fellatah country--Defeat of the Arabs and death of Boo-Khaloum--Loggan-- Death of Toole--En route for Kano--Death of Oudney--Kano-- Sackatoo--Sultan Bello--Return to Europe . . . . . . . . . . . . . 66 II. Clapperton's second journey--Arrival at Badagry--Yariba and its capital Katunga--Boussa--Attempts to get at the truth about Mungo Park's fate--"Nyffé," Yaourie, and Zegzeg--Arrival at Kano-- Disappointments--Death of Clapperton--Return of Lander to the coast--Tuckey on the Congo--Bowditch in Ashantee--Mollien at the sources of the Senegal and Gambia--Major Grey--Caillié at Timbuctoo--Laing at the sources of the Niger--Richard and John Lander at the mouth of the Niger--Cailliaud and Letorzec in Egypt, Nubia, and the oasis of Siwâh . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 85 CHAPTER III. THE ORIENTAL SCIENTIFIC MOVEMENT AND AMERICAN DISCOVERIES. The decipherment of cuneiform inscriptions, and the study of Assyrian remains up to 1840--Ancient Iran and the Avesta--The survey of India and the study of Hindustani--The exploration and measurement of the Himalaya mountains--The Arabian Peninsula-- Syria and Palestine--Central Asia and Alexander von Humboldt--Pike at the sources of the Mississippi, Arkansas, and Red River--Major Long's two expeditions--General Cass--Schoolcraft at the sources of the Mississippi--The exploration of New Mexico--Archæological expeditions in Central America--Scientific expeditions in Brazil-- Spix and Martin--Prince Maximilian of Wied-Neuwied--D'Orbigny and American Man . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 149 SECOND PART. CHAPTER I. VOYAGES ROUND THE WORLD, AND POLAR EXPEDITIONS. The Russian fur trade--Kruzenstern appointed to the command of an expedition--Noukha-Hiva--Nangasaki--Reconnaisance of the coast of Japan--Yezo--The Ainos--Saghalien--Return to Europe--Otto von Kotzebue--Stay at Easter Island--Penrhyn--The Radak Archipelago-- Return to Russia--Changes at Otaheite and the Sandwich Islands-- Beechey's Voyage--Easter Island--Pitcairn and the mutineers of the _Bounty_--The Paumoto Islands--Otaheite and the Sandwich Islands-- The Bonin Islands--Lütke--The Quebradas of Valparaiso--Holy week in Chili--New Archangel--The Kaloches--Ounalashka--The Caroline Archipelago--The canoes of the Caroline Islanders--Guam, a desert island--Beauty and happy situation of the Bonin Islands--The Tchouktchees: their manners and their conjurors--Return to Russia . 173 CHAPTER II. FRENCH CIRCUMNAVIGATORS. The journey of Freycinet--Rio de Janeiro and its gipsy inhabitants--The Cape and its wines--The Bay of Sharks--Stay at Timor--Ombay Island and its cannibal inhabitants--The Papuan Islands--The pile dwellings of the Alfoers--A dinner with the Governor of Guam--Description of the Marianne Islands and their inhabitants--Particulars concerning the Sandwich Islands--Port Jackson and New South Wales--Shipwreck in Berkeley Sound--The Falkland Islands--Return to France--The voyage of the _Coquille_ under the command of Duperrey--Martin-Vaz and Trinidad--The Island of St. Catherine--The independence of Brazil--Berkeley Sound and the remains of the _Uranie_--Stay at Conception--The civil war in Chili--The Araucanians--Discoveries in the Dangerous Archipelago-- Stay at Otaheite and New Ireland--The Papuans--Stay at Ualan--The Caroline Islands and their inhabitants--Scientific results of the expeditions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 220 II. Expedition of Baron de Bougainville--Stay at Pondicherry--The "White Town" and the "Black Town"--"Right-hand" and "Left-hand"-- Malacca--Singapore and its prosperity--Stay at Manilla--Touron Bay--The monkeys and the people--The marble rocks of Faifoh-- Cochin-Chinese diplomacy--The Anambas--The Sultan of Madura--The straits of Madura and Allas--Cloates and the Triad Islands-- Tasmania--Botany Bay and New South Wales--Santiago and Valparaiso--Return _viâ_ Cape Horn--Expedition of Dumont d'Urville in the _Astrolabe_--The Peak of Teneriffe--Australia--Stay at New Zealand--Tonga-Tabu--Skirmishes--New Britain and New Guinea--First news of the fate of La Pérouse--Vanikoro and its inhabitants--Stay at Guam--Amboyna and Menado--Results of the expedition . . . . . . 274 CHAPTER III. POLAR EXPEDITIONS. Bellinghausen, yet another Russian Explorer--Discovery of the islands of Traversay, Peter I., and Alexander I.--The Whaler, Weddell--The Southern Orkneys--New Shetland--The people of Tierra del Fuego--John Biscoe and the districts of Enderby and Graham-- Charles Wilkes and the Antarctic Continent--Captain Balleny-- Dumont d'Urville's expedition in the _Astrolabe_ and the _Zelée_-- Coupvent Desbois and the Peak of Teneriffe--The Straits of Magellan--A new post-office shut in by ice--Louis Philippe's Land--Across Oceania--Adélie and Clarie Lands--New Guinea and Torres Strait--Return to France--James Clark Rosset--Victoria . . . 321 II. THE NORTH POLE. Anjou and Wrangell--The "polynia"--John Ross's first expedition-- Baffin's Bay closed--Edward Parry's discoveries on his first voyage--The survey of Hudson's Bay, and the discovery of Fury and Hecla Straits--Parry's third voyage--Fourth voyage--On the ice in sledges in the open sea--Franklin's first trip--Incredible sufferings of the explorers--Second expedition--John Ross--Four winters amongst the ice--Dease and Simpson's expedition . . . . . . 358 THE GREAT EXPLORERS OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY. [Illustration: PART I.] CHAPTER I. THE DAWN OF A CENTURY OF DISCOVERY. Slackness of discovery during the struggles of the Republic and Empire--Seetzen's voyages in Syria and Palestine--Hauran and the circumnavigation of the Dead Sea--Decapolis--Journey in Arabia-- Burckhardt in Syria--Expeditions in Nubia upon the two branches of the Nile--Pilgrimage to Mecca and Medina--The English in India--Webb at the Source of the Ganges--Narrative of a journey in the Punjab--Christie and Pottinger in Scinde--The same explorers cross Beluchistan into Persia--Elphinstone in Afghanistan--Persia according to Gardane, A. Dupré, Morier, Macdonald-Kinneir, Price, and Ouseley--Guldenstædt and Klaproth in the Caucasus--Lewis and Clarke in the Rocky Mountains-- Raffles in Sumatra and Java. A sensible diminution in geographical discovery marks the close of the eighteenth and the beginning of the nineteenth centuries. We have already noticed the organization of the Expedition sent in search of La Pérouse by the French Republic, and also Captain Baudin's important cruise along the Australian coasts. These are the only instances in which the unrestrained passions and fratricidal struggles of the French nation allowed the government to exhibit interest in geography, a science which is especially favoured by the French. At a later period, Bonaparte consulted several savants and distinguished artists, and the materials for that grand undertaking which first gave an idea (incomplete though it was) of the ancient civilization of the land of the Pharaohs, were collected together. But when Bonaparte had completely given place to Napoleon, the egotistical monarch, sacrificing